Indian Antiquary Vol 50

Author(s): Richard Carnac Temple, Devadatta Ramkrishna Bhandarkar
Publisher: Swati Publications
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/032542/1

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH IN ARCHEOLOGY, EPIGRAPHY, ETHNOLOGY, GEOGRAPHY, HISTORY, FOLKLORE, LANGUAGES, LITERATURE, NUMISMATICS, PHILOSOPHY, RELIGION, &c. &o., EDITED BY SIR RICHARD CARNAC TEMPLE, BART., C.B., C.I.E., F.S.A. HON. FELLOW, TRIN. HALL, CAMBRIDGE, ORMERLY LIEUT.-COLONEL, INDIAN ARMY, AND PROF. DEVADATTA RAMKRISHNA BHANDARKAR, M.A. VOL L.-1921. Swati Publications Delhi 1985

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Published by Swati Publications, 34, Central Market, Ashok Vihar, Delhi-110052 Ph. 7113395 and Printed by S.K. Mehra at Mehra Offset Press, Delhi.

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CONTENTS PAGE. PAGE. ANAND KOUL, PANDIT The Linganusasana of Vamana, with LITE SKEDOK OF LALESHWARI-A GREAT author's own commentary, edited with HERMINESS OY, KASPAR .. .. 302, 309 Introduction and Indexes, by Chimanlal AUREL STEIN, SIR, K.C.I.E. D. Dalal, M.A. .. .. .. .. 139 THE DESERT CROSSING OF HSUAN-TSANG; SURENDRANATH SEN, M.A. - 630 A.D. .. : .. .. .. 15 ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OF SIVAJI, 51, 126, BUXTON, P. A., M.A., AND DOWSON, V. H. W. 148, 199, 221, 269, 297 THE MARSH ARABS OF LOWER MESOPOTAMIA, 289 TEMPLE, SIB R. C., Br.CRESWELL, CAPT. K. A. C., R.A.F. TOPAZ TOPASS .. .. .. .. .. 106 SOME NEWLY DISCOVERED TULUNIDE ORNAMENT.. 48 Epigraphia Birmanica, vol. I, pt. I, by Taw FOSTER, WILLIAM, CIE_ Sein Ko and Chas. Duroiselle .. .. 59 Sivaji's RAID UPON SURAT .. .. .. 312 Epigraphia Birmanica, vol. I, pt. II .. GUPTE, RAO BAHADUR, B.A., F.Z.S. A Brief Chronology of the Muhammadan TATU MARES IN BURMA .. .. .. 92 Monuments of Egypt to A.D. 1517, by HAIG, LT.-COL. T. W., C.8:I., C.M.G., C.B.E.-- Capt. K. A. C. Creswell, R.A.F... .. 61 THE HISTORY OF THE NIZAM SHAHI KINGS History of Aurangzib, By Jadunath Sarkar, OF AHMADNAGAR .. 1, 25, 73, 101, M.A. .. .. .. 141, 193, 205, 229, 261, 277, 321 A Guide to the old Observatories at Delhi, HEM CHANDRA DAS GUPTA, M.A., F.G.S. by G. R. Kaye .. .. .. .. A SHORT NOT ON POLYANDEY IN JUBBAL Literary History of Sanskrit Buddhism, by STATE (SIMLA) .. .. .. .. 146 G. K. Nariman .. .. ... .. 96 KAYE, G. R., F.R.A.S. -. Ancient History of the Deccan, by G. JouTHE NAKSHATRAS AND PRECESSION .. Veau-Dubreuil ... . . . . KRISHNAKANTA HANDIQUI, M.A. The Luzumiyat of Abu'l-'ala, selections in THE WOMEN-POETS OF THE RIG VEDA-A English verse, by Ameen Rihani .. .. 137 STUDY . . * .. .. 113 Early History of Vaishnavaism in South LAKSHMANA SARUP India, by Prof. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, 138 Notes on the Nirikta ... . . Dupleix and Clive, the Beginning of Empire, LAKSHMAN RAO, K. V., M.A. by Henry Dodwell .. .. .. .. 177 DID PANINI KNOW BUDDHIST Nuns .. 82 Iranian Influence on Moslem Literature, Part MAN, E. H., C.L.E.- .. I, by G. K. Nariman i .. 178 DICTIONARY OF THE SOUTH ANDAMAN LAN. Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan, by QUAGE .. .. .. . Sup. 137, 145, 157 Lt.-Col. James "Tod NARAYANA CHANDRA BANERJEE. The Lakshmidevi Temple at Dodda Gad. Rashtrandha Vama Mahakayya of Rudra davalli, by R. Narasimhachar, M.A. 288 Kavi, by Embar Krishnamacharya .. 179 Gaurthi-Ghyretty, Ghireti: A corrected NILAKANTA SASTRI, K. A., M.A. identification .. .. .. .. 90 JATINI AND BADARAYANA 167 Bocamortis-Bacamarte .. THE MIMAMSA DOCTRINE OF Worxs, 211, Notes from Old Factory Records 64, 140, NUNDOLAL DEY, M.A., B.L. 248, 288, 308 THE EARLY COURSE OF THE GANGES, 8, 33, 65 Lalam as understood in Malay Statos .. 140 GEOGRAPHICAL DICTIONARY OF ANCIENT AND Jan, Badshah-Jimmy Bradshaw .. .140 MEDIEVAL INDIA .. .. Bup. 58, 63, 71 Shahbandar-Port Officer ROSE, PROF. H. J. Slavery for Debt . . ABYAN MOTHER-RIGET .. .. .. 31 Tin Currency in the Malay States .. SACHINDA CHANDRA MAJUMDAR TURNER, R. LKrishnaraja of the Balsana Temple SPECIMENS OF NEPALI .. Inscription . . . . . . . * La Formation de la Langue Marathe : par SEN, D. N., M.A. Jules Bloch .. . . .. 98 TRANS-HIMALAYA REXISCORS IN PALE USBORNE, G. C. LITERATURE . .. 167, 1811 THE STORY OF UR AND RANJHA ..1, 9, 17, 25 SURENDRANATH MAJUMDAR SASTRI, VIDHUSHEKARA BHATTACHARYAM.A Sakaparthiva . . . . . . . . 288 AVUT PRAXRIT OF THE KARPORAMANJARI.: 80 WHITEHEAD, THE Rev. G. Sokhtvotozha ot Vtorkh ati FOLK TALES OF THE CAR NOORROR, 234, ANCIENT GROORAPSY OF LTDA .. .. 117 244, 223 H6 240 .

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CONTENTS MISCELLANEA. .. .. .. 58 Krishnaraja of the Balsana Temple Inscription, by Sachinda Chandra Majumdar lajumdar Gaurthi-Ghyretty, Ghireti : A corrected identification,' by Sir R. C. Temple Notes on the Nirukta, by Lakshmana Sarup .. .. Bocamortis Bacamarte, by Sir R. C. Temple .. .. .. .. Sakaparthiva, by Vidhushekara Bhattacharya .. .. .. 175 .. .. 228 64, 140, 248, 288, NOTES AND QUERIES. Notes from Old Factory Records Islam as understood in Malay States, by Sir R. C. Temple .. Jan Badshah-Jimmy Bradshaw, by Sir R. C. Temple Shahbander-Port Officer, by Sir R. C. Temple .. Slavery for Debt, by Sir R. C. Temple .. .. Tin Currency in the Malay States, by Sir R. C. Temple . * .. 140 .. 140 BOOK-NOTICES. Epigraphia Birmanica, vol. I, pt. I, by Taw Sein Ko and Chas. Duroiselle, by Sir R. C. Temple.. 59 Epigraphia Birmanica, vol. I, pt. II, by Sir R. C. Temple . .. .. A Brief Chronology of the Muhammadan Monuments of Egypt to A.D. 1517, by Capt. K. A. C. Cres well, R.A.F., by Sir R. C. Temple .. .. History of Aurangzib, by Jadunath Sarkar, M.A., by Sir R. C. Temple . . .. .. . . . . . . . 62 A Guide to the Old Observatories at Delhi, by G. R. Kaye, by Sir R. C. Temple .. .. .. Literary History of Sanskrit Buddhism, by G. K. Nariman, by Sir R. C. Temple .. .. .. Ancient History of the Deccan, by G. Jouveau-Dubreuil, by Sir R. C. Temple .. .. La Formation de la Langue Marathe : par Jules Bloch, by R. L. Turner .. The Luzumiyat of Abu'l-'ala, Selections in English verse, by Ameen Rihani, by Sir R. C. Temple .. Early History of Vaishnavaism in South India, by Prof. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, by Sir R. C. Temple, 138 The Linganusasana of Vamana with the Author's own commentary, edited with Introduction and Indexes, by Chimanlal D. Dalal, M.A., by Surendranath Majumdar Sastri .. .. .. .. 139 Dupleix and Clive, the Beginning of Empire, by Henry Dodwell, by Sir R. C. Temple .. .. .. 177 Iranian Influence on Moslem Literature, Part I, by G. K. Nariman, by R. C. Temple .. .. Rashtrandha Vamsa Mahakavya of Rudra Kavi, by Embar Krishnamacharye, by Narayana Chandra Banerjee .. .. .. .. .. .. Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan, by Lt. Col. James Tod, by Sir R. C. Temple .. .. .. 246 The Lakshmidevi Temple at Dodda Gaddavalli, by R. Narasimhachar, M.A., by Sir R. C. Temple .. 288 178 .. .. .. 179 SUPPLEMENTS. Dictionary of the South Andaman Language, by Edward Horace Man, C.I.E. .. .. 137, 145, 157 Ceor aphical Dictionary of Ancient and Medieval India, by Nundolal Dey, M.A., B.L. .. .. 56, 63, 71 The Story of Hir and Ranjha, by Waris Shah, 1776 A.D., translated by G. C. Usborne, 1, 9, 17, 25 he Scattergoods and the East India Company, a collection of MSS. by Bernard P. Scattergood, M.A. F.S.A., edited by Sir R. C. Temple .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 1,9 FLAG, MAPS AND PLATES. Map showing the route of Hsuan Triang Tulunido Ornament, I, II, III . .. .. .. .. .. Paper flag showing Tatu Marks in Burma .. .. Plates II, III, IV, VI, VII, in South Andaman Dictionary .. PlateThe Marsh Arabs .. .. .. . . i to face p. 24 .. .. .. facing p. 50 .. attached to p. 95 facing pp. 146, 150, 154, 160, 164 . .. .. to face p. 289

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH VOLUME L-1921 THE HISTORY OF THE NIZAM SHAHI KINGS OF AHMADNAGAR. BY LIEUT..COLONEL T. W, HAIG, C.S.I., C.M.G., C.B.E (Continued from Vol. XLIX, p. 224.) XLIV-AN ACCOUNT OF THE REASONS FOR THE OVERTHROW OF 'ALI BARID SHIK'S POWER, AND OF THE CAPTURE FROM HIM OF KANDHAR. Quem Deus vult perdere prius demental ; and thus it came about that 'Ali Barid Shah committed foolish and base acts. First there was the facetiousness of Khan Jahan at the expense of Shah Tahir, 111 then 'Ali Barid Shah's alliance with Ibrahim 'Adil Shah, next his attempt to conquer Telingana, which things led in the end to the loss of most of his kingdom. Yet did not the king at once seek his overthrow, but remembered the services of his father. In A.H. 949 (A.D. 1542-43). As some say, the king again bethought himself of recapturing Sholapur, which had been taken from his troops, and the desire for recovering which had been a continual source of strife. He therefore assembled his army with the object of attacking Ibrahim - Adil Shah, and marched to the bank of the Gang (Godaveri), where he encamped. As soon as Darya 'Imad Shah heard of the approach of the royal army, he assembled his troops and joined the king, having the honour of being admitted to an audience. Burhan Nizam Shah now decided to give 'Ali Barid Shah one more chance of strengthening himself, by entering into an alliance with him and by submitting himself to his court, and therefore sent Shah Tahir on an embassy to Bidar. Before Shah Tahir's arrival, the envoy of Ibrahiin 'Adil Shah had come to summon 'Ali Barid Shah, and 'Ali Barid Shah had agreed to wait on Ibrahim Adil Shah ; but after Shah Tahir's arrival, Ali Barid Shah withdrew from this engagement and dismissed the envoy of Btjapar, who returned without accomplishing his object. Shah Tahir then, succeeded in persuading 'Ali Barid Shah to enter into a treaty, and 'Ali Barfd accompanied Shah Tahir on his return to the royal camp, and, all his anxiety having been removed, appeared before the king and made his obeisance. 111 See ante, XLIX, 220 Khan Jahan's jest was coarse and foolish. He said to Shah Tahir, "L the dungl of Bakhard olean (tahir) or unoloan ?" Shah Tahir replied that he had not his books with him and so could not refer to them for the answer, but that he would look the question up when he retumed to Abmadnagar and let Khan Jahan know. The threat was well understood. Both the date and Burhan's objeotive as given in this section are wrong, for the section refers to the campaign which ended in the treaty by which Burhan was to be permitted to capture Kandhar and this campaign occurred in 1844. Burhan, at the instigation of Sadashivaraya, marched to Gulbargu and besieged it. Ibrahim Adil Shah marched to the relief of the place, but was delayed for two months on the banks of the Bhima, which was swollen with the rains and the line of which was held by Burhan's troops. In October he succeeded in forcing a passage and utterly defeated Burhan. About this time Sholapar also appears to have been recovered by Ibrahim.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ JAN., 1921 When Ibrahim Adil Shah heard that the army of Ahmadnagar had been assembled with the object of recapturing Sholkpar, he assembled his army and marched from Bijapar to take the field. Now, although 'Ali Barid Shah was professedly the faithful servant of Burhan Nizam Shah, he secretly inclined towards Ibrahim 'Adil Shah, with whom he maintained correspondence, and as will be seen, behaved with disgraceful treachery, which in the end brought about his downfall. When Ibrahim Adil Shah with his army Approached Burhan Nigam Shah's army. Ali Barid Shah attempted to separate himself from Burhan Nizam Shah, and thus weaken his army; but he struck with his axe only his own leg. He sent his brother, Khan Jahan, to Burhan Nizam Shah to say that the army of Bidar was weak, exhausted, and scattered, and to implore Burhan Nizam Shah to consider his own army and to make peace and to give him permission to return to Bidar in order that he might devote himself to the reorganization of his army and thus be ready to join the king whenever he should again set forth to war. Bhopal Rai, who was one of the Brahmans of 'Ali Barid Shah, and had accompanied Khan Jahan on his mission was, by the guidance of his own good fortune, a well-wisher of Burhan Nizam Shah and used his influence to guide the negotiations into channels favouralle to Burhan Nizam Shah. He openly put to Khan Jahan this question, "When yon are content and at ease, are your enemies content and at ease or not ?" This apposite question attracted the king's attention to him, and the king, by means of judicious favours, induced the Brahman to forsake 'Ali Barid Shah's service and enter his own, in which he was distinguished by the royal favour ; but at last he displayed the treachery and ingratitude which are inseparal.ly connected with infidels, and surrendered the fortress of Kaliyani, of which he was kulwal, to the 'Adil Shahi troops, as will be related in the history of the reign of Husain Nizam Shah. Burhan Nizam Shah was well aware, from what Khan Jahan said, that 'Ali Barid Shah meditated treachery, and was very angry within himself, but; owing to the treaty which he had made, he refrained from openly taking vengeance on Khan Jahan, and gave him leave to depart. He then took counsel with Shah Tahir in the matter of 'Ali Barid Shah. Shah Tahir said that as 'Alt Barid Shah was ever at variance with Ahmadnagar and constantly opposed the king and allied himself with his enemies, the wisest course was to put him out of the way now, while opportunity offered, as, if he escaped, he would not again be casily seized, but would gain power day by day and would become prouder than ever, for the only object which he had in view was independent sovereignty, to gain which he ever stirred up strife and caused much suffering to the land and its inhabitants. While this discussion was in progress news was brought to the king that 'Ali Barid Shah had now thrown off all disguise and had caused the er voy of Dary& 'Imad Shah to be trampled to death by an elephant, and that Darya 'Imad Shah had drawn up his troops and was about to attack 'Ali Barid Shah. Burhan Ninhm Shah sent for Darya 'Imad Shah, and did his best to compose the strife, saying that 'Ali Barid Shah had been induced to join the army on the strength of his treaty with Ahmadnagar, which was & safe conduct to him, and that if the treaty were broken by the imprisonment of 'Ali Barid Shah, no one would henecforth place any trust in treaties entered into by Ahmadnagar. The king said that it was advisable to leave the faithless treaty-breaker, 'Alt Barid Shah, alone for the present, and then, having made peace with Ibrahim 'Adil Shah, to devote their whole attention to punishing 'All Barid Shah. Both Darya 'Imad Shah and Shah Tabir expressed admiration for the wisdom of the king's advice, and loyally accepted it.

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3 JAN., 1921] HISTORY OF THE NIZAM SHAHI KINGS OF AHMADNAGAR 'Ali Barid Shah, having received leave to depart, retired with all speed to Bidar, and Shah Tahir and Darya 'Imad Shah sent envoys to Ibrabim 'Adil Shah with proposals for peace. They said that it was a pity that the fortress of Sholapur bad so long been a source of strife between Ibrahim 'Adil Shah and Burhan Nizam Shah and that 'Ali Barid Shah had thus had an opportunity, of which he had never failed to take advantage, of stirring up strife to serve his own ends. They suggested that Ibrahim 'Adil Shah should raise no objection to the capture of Kandhar by Burhan Nigam Shah from 'Ali Barid Shah, as compensation for the loss of Sholapur, and said that Burhan on his part would raise no objection to the conquest by Ibrahim 'Adil Shan of as much of the dominions of Vijayanagar as he could take from the infidels. These terms were most acceptable to Ibrahim Adil Shah Indeed, it was on this principle that he had always wished to settle the quarrel. He therefore gladly accepted them and sent an envoy to Burhan Nigam Shah bearing valuable gifts and a letter confirming his acceptance of the terms of peace. Burhan Nizam Shah received the envoy and formally accepted the terms of peace. He there dismissed the envoy. and marched, with Darya 'Imad Shah, towards Kandhar, while Ibrahim 'Adil Shah marched with his army against Vijayanagar. As soon as Burhan Nizam Shah reached Kandhar, he laid siege to it. 112 The garrison at first defended it bravely but, in spite of the great strength of the fortress, were not long able to withstand the army of Ahmadnagar, and as the besiegers had so surrounded the fortress that there was no way of escape, the garrison besought Darya 'Imad Shah to intercede with Burhan Nizam Shah for them, that their lives and goods might be spared. Darya Imad Shah undertook the task, and when the garrison were assured that his intercession had prevailed, they came forth and surrendered the fortress. Burhan Nizam Shah, as in the case of the other forts which he had captured, placed one of his trusted officers in command of the fort and in charge of the administration of the district dependent on it, and returned to Ahmadnagar. On his way to the capital he gave Darya 'Imad Shah permission to depart to Berar. XLV. THE DEATH OF SHAH TAHIR. In A.H. 953 (A.D. 1546-47) Shah Tahir was sent as an ambassador by Burhan Nizam Shah to Darya 'Imad Shah of Berar, and while absent on his mission, died. 113 The king was much grieved on hearing of his death, but found no remedy for his grief but resignation. Some of the learned men of the age composed a gasidah on his death, one couplet of which contained four chronograms. The couplet was as follows: `rf srrh m khshf srr mlkh . . wqf athr dyn mn` shrrmkh By the king's command Shah Tahir's coffin was taken to Mashhad, and was there buried near the shrine of the 'Imam Husain, the son of 'Ali. XLVI. AN ACCOUNT OF THE CAPTURE OF THE FORTRESSES OF AUSA AND UDGIR. A year or more after the capture of Kandhar, 114 Burhan Nizam Shah formed the resolve of conquering the fortresses of Ausa and Udgir, and ordered his army to assemble 113 Firishta (ii. 229) places the siege of Kandhar after the sieges of Ausa and Udgir. 113 Firishta (ii. 230) places the death of Shah Tahir in A.H. 956 (A.D. 1549), but he appears to be wrong, for each of the four ingenious chronograms here given gives the date 953. The Mashhad here Kentioned is not the city of that name in Khurasan but the mashhad (place of martyrdom) of Husain at arbata. Shah Tahir left four sons, (1) Shah Haidar, born in Iraq, and (2) Shah Rafi-ud-din Husain (3) Shah Abul Hasan, and (4) Shah Abu Talib, born in the Dakan. 114 The campaign against the Bidar Kingdom was undertaken, according to Firishta (ii. 56 229 in A.H. 955 (A. D. 1548) for the purpose of avenging the insult offered to Shah Tahit by Khan Jahan. Bur. han besieged Ausa and Ali Barid Shah purchased the help of Ibrahim Adil Shah by ceding to him

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JAN., 1921 DaryA Imad Shah, in accordance with the terms of his treaty of alliance with Burhan Nizam Shah, brought his army to the king's assistance as soon as he heard of his intention of attacking these two fortresses. When the army was assembled, the king marched first on Ausa and, having encamped before that fortress, laid siege to it. Some historians say that when Jamshid Qutb Shah heard of the intention of Burhan Nizam Shah to march against Ausa and Odgir, he assembled his army and marched to oppose him, but that on reaching a hill whence a full view of the army of Ahmadnagar could be obtained, he was so alarmed at its strength that he fled with all haste to Telingana. But God knows whether this be true or not. In accordance with the king's commend the army surrounded Ausa and not only made constant attacks on the fort, but also carried mincs beneath the bastions and curtains, while the artillery maintained a constant fire on the walls. The garrison, confident in the strength of the fortress, resisted all attacks with great firmness and valour. Among those of Burhan Nizam Shah's army who especially distinguished themselves by bravery and activity, was Gharib Khan the Foreigner, who was known as Redbeard. At length the heavy artillery fire demolished one face of the wall, and the troops were drawn up and marched towards the breach with the object of taking the place by storm. The garrison now followed the example that had been set them by the garrison of Kandhar and cried for quarter, making Darya 'Imad Shah of Berar their intercessor with the king, who, at Darya's instance, pardoned the garrison for the offence of opposing him. The commandant of the fort, one of the amirs of 'Ali Barid Shah, then came and made his submission to the king, and was taken into his service. Burhan Niyam Shah then appointed one of his trusted officers to the command of the fort and the government of the district dependent on it, and marched towards Udgir. When the army had halted and encamped at Odgir, the fortress was carried by one determined assault and Burhan Nizam Shah, in accordance with the terms of a treaty which he had made, handed it over to Darya 'Imad Shah and returned to Ahmadnagar, Darya 'Imad Shah, however, had pity on 'Ali Barid Shah and restored Udgir to him. Thus the fortress remained in the possession of the Barid Shahi dynasty until the reign of Murtaza Nizam Shah I, when it came into the possession of the Nizam Shahi dynasty, as will be related hereafter. XLVII. -DEATH OF JAMSHID QUTB Shih. At this time Jamshid Quth Shah died, 115 and Saif 'Ain-ul-Mulk, who was related to the Qutb Shahi family and was distinguished among all the amirs of the Dakan for his valour and power, raised to the throne one of Jamshid's sons and ruled the kingdom as an absolute monarch in his name. The Sayyid Mustafa Khan and the other amirs and officers of state could not endure the domination of Saif Ain-ul-Mulk, and therefore sent a message to Ibrahim Qutb Shah, who was then with Ram Raj Raya of Vijayanagar, inviting him to take possession of the Kliyini. Ibrahim and 'Alt Barid attacked Burhan near Ausa but were defeated, and Ausa fell. Burhan than advanced to Odgor (18deg 24' N. and 77deg 7' E.) which he captured, and then to Kandhar, 33 miles N. of Odgir. Here he was again attacked by Ibrahim and 'All Barid but defeated them, captured Kandhar, and returned to Ahmadnagar. Firishta in one passage places this campaign in A.H. 982 (A.D., 1846-46). 116 Jamshid Qutb Shah died in A. D. 1550 and Muptafa Khan raised to the throne his infant son Subhan Quli Qutb Shah. As the kingdom was ruled in fact by Mustafa, there was much digoontent, and Ibrahim, Jamshid's brother, who had taken refuge in Vijayanagar, returned to Golconda (where A strong party supported his olsim) and seized the throne.

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JAN., 1921) HISTORY OF THE NIZAM SHAH KINGS OF AHMADNAGAR throne. Ibrahim Qutb Shah marched to Goloonda, which is the capital of the kingdom of Telingana, and Murtaza Khan and the amfra hearing of his approach, wped forth to waiton him and to welcome him. Sail Ain-ul-Mulk, finding himself unable to resist Ibrahim and the amirs who had espousod his cause, fled and took refuge with Burhan Nizam ShAh, while IbrAhim Qutb Shah Ascended the throne in Goleunda. XLVIII.-AN ACCOUNT OF BUREN NIZAM SHAH'S EXPEDITION AGAINST SHOLIPUR, OT HIS BATTLE WITH IBRIHIM 'ADIL SHH BEPORE KALIYANI, OF THE DEFEAT OF THE ENEMY AND THE CAPTURE OF KALIYINI. It has already been mentioned that Burhan Nig&m Shah, ever since Sholapar had passed out of his possession into that of Ibrahim 'Adil Shah, had been revolving schemes for its recapture, and for taking vengeance on his enemies and that he had been making attempts to recapture it whenever he was unoccupied with other enemies, In A... 954 (A.D. 1547),116 when he found himself unoccupied with any other campaign, he marched with his army to Sholapur with the object of recapturing it. On reaching Sholapur he sat down before it and laid siege to the fortress. Ibrahim Adil ShAh, trusting to the strength of the fortress and to the extent to which it was garrisoned and provisioned, did not march against Burhan Nizam Shah, but remained in his capital, and Burhan very soon realized that Ibrahim's confidence in the strength of the fortress was not misplaced, and that its capture would be extremely difficult. He therefore thought that it would be better to attack first the fortrees of Kaliyani, which could be captured with greater ease, and having called a council of his amits and officers of state, acquainted them with his design, which was unanimously approved. The army then abandoned the siege of Sholapur and marched on to Kaliyani, and laid sioge to that fortress. When Ibrahim 'Adil Shah heard that Burhan Nigam Shah was besieging Kaliyani in the strength of which place he had no confidence, he marched with a large army to itsrelief, encamped over against the army of Ahmadnagar, and entrenched himself, besides forming a laager. According to some historians, Ibrahim 'Adil Shah reached Kaliyani before the arrival of Burhan Nigam Shah and marched on towards Shol&par, halting before he reached that place and entrenching himself as already described, in order to guard against night attacks by Burhan Nigam Shah ; but God knows whether this be true or not; but however this may be, the two armies lay opposite to each other for a long time until grain and other food rose to a very high price in the camp of Burhan Nigam Shah, and the amire and officers of the army, tired of lying inactive before the enemy, had no stomach for fighting, but wished to return to Ahmadnagar. When Burhan Nigam Shah heard of this, he summoned Malik Ain-ul-Mulk, who had now entered his service, and the other amire, to a council of war. The king asked 'Ain-ul-Mulk, who was distinguished for wisdom and resourcefulness, as well as for bravery and valour, his opinion on the question of fighting or retiring, and he replied that it would be disgraceful for Burhan Nizam Shah's army to retire before Ibrahim 'Adil Shah, and that they should attack the enemy and fight bravely. These words removed 116 The date of this campaign is most uncertain. Here it is given M A.D. 1547, but is placed after the death of Jamahid Qutb Shah, which occurred in A.D. 1650. Firishta (ii. 89) places it after the death of Anad Khan Larl, which occurred on Jan. 30, 1549.and, in another p ago, nitat donth of Shah Tabir, which he places in ... 966 (A.D. 1649). It seems most probable that the campaign courrod In 1861.

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6 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JAN., 1921 all fear from the hearts of amirs and vazirs and they asked that they might be led against the enemy. The king then abandoned the idea of retiring. XLIX. THE BATTLE, AND THE CAPTURE OF KALIYANI. Or the following day, which was the 'Id-ul-Fitr,117 'Ain-ul-Mulk and the whole army having assembled, as was the custom in the kingdom of Ahmadnagar, on the occasion of Ids, appeared before the king to offer him their congratulations. Spies now brought information that the whole of Ibrahtm 'Adil Shah's army was asleep and that there were no guards over Ibrahim's tents, or even over the laager of waggons which was usually guarded. with great care both by night and day, but that all had gone to their quarters to take their ease. Even Ibrahim himself, neglecting all precautions, was taking his rest. On receipt of this news, the king ordered an instant attack on the enemy, and the army penetrated to the midst of the camp and laager of the Bijapuris and took them completely by surprise. No way of escape had been left, and the slaughter was great. Ibrahim 'Adil Shah was bathing when he heard of the attack and was so overcome with fear and trepidation, that he made no attempt to resist it, and had not even time to dress himself, but, naked as he was, mounted a horse and fled precipitately, leaving his umbrella, aftabgir, and all his insignia of royalty, his crown, throne, tents, sleeping apartments, camp equipage, treasure, furniture, elephants and horses in the hands of the victors. When the army of Bijapur saw that their king was fled and that their officers were slain, they made their escape as best they could, pursued by the troops of Ahmadnagar, who slew large numbers of them and took many others captive. Among the prisoners was that chief of renegades, Rai Chaitpal, who had formerly been in the service of Burhan Nigam Shah, but had fled and entered the service of Ibrahim 'Adil Shah. He was executed as an example to other traitors. The army of Ahmadnagar collected all that Ibrahim 'Adil Shah and his army had left and presented all before Burhan Nigam Shah. The king alighted from his horse to render thanks to God for this great victory, and his amire and officers and his whole army tendered him their congratulations on his victory. Honours were then bestowed on those who had distinguished themselves in the battle, but especially on 'Ain-ul-Mulk, to whom the victory was, in fact, due. The spoils taken from the enemy were abandoned by the king to the army. The kotwal of Kaliyani was much alarmed by the complete and crushing defeat inflicted on Ibrahim 'Adil Shah, and sent a petition to the royal camp begging that his life and goods might be spared on condition of his surrendering the fortress. Burhan Nizam Shah granted these terms and the fort was surrendered. The kotwal and the officers of the garrison came before the king with swords and shrouds suspended round their necks and were honourably received. A robe of honour was granted to the kotwal and he was enrolled among the servants of Burhan Nigam Shah. The news of the king's victory over Ibrahim 'Adil Shah and of his capture of Kaliyani was noised abroad. Burhan Nizam Shah then appointed one of his trusted officers to the command of Kaliyani and the government of the country dependent on it, and returned in triumph 117 If the date given in note 116 for this campaign be correct, this was Shawwal 1. A. x. 958 (Oct, 2, 1551). The mention of Ain-ul-Mulk as one of Burhan's principal amers, seems to settle the question, for 'Ain-ul-Mulk did not enter Burhan's service until 1550. The army of Ahmadnagar was reduced to great straits owing to its supplies being cut off by the Maratha troops of Bijapur.

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JAN., 1921) HISTORY OF THE NIZAM SHAH KINGS OF AHMADNAGAR to his capital, where he passed his time in enjoying himself, in administering justice, and in distributing largesse. 118 L.-AN ACOOUNT OF THE TREATY BETWEEN RAM RAJ (SADASHIVARAYA) RULER OF VIJAYANAGAR AND BURHIN NIM SHJH WITH REGARD TO THE CAPTURE OF THE FORTRESSES OF RAICHUR AND SHOLAPOR. A. D. 1552. It has already been mentioned that Burhan Nizam Shah was ever meditating the recapture of Sholapur. He now, by the advice of some of his officers of state, entered into a treaty with Ram Raj (Sadashivaraya) of Vijayanagar, by the terms of which he was to assist Sadasbivaraya in taking the fortress of Raichar from Ibrahim Adil Shah and Sadashivaraya was, in return for this aid, to assist him in recovering Sholapur from Ibrahim Adil Shah. 119 As soon as this treaty had been concluded, Sadashivaraya assembled a large army and invaded the kingdom of Bijapar, and when Burhan Nigam Shah heard that he had marched into Ibrahim 'Adil Shah's dominions, he assembled his army at the capital and marched to Humayunpar, where he halted for some days to complete his arrangements. When the king was halting at Humayunpur, he heard that the Sayyid, Shah Haidar, whom he had sent on an embassy to Shah Tahmasb, son of Shah Ismail, Shah of Persia, had returned, and had landed at the port of Murtaza-abad Chaul. The king sent Maulana Alt Kal Astarabadi, one of his most intimate courtiers, to receive Shah Haidar, and to bring him to court. The army had not marched from Humayunpur when Shah Haidar arrived and, after having been received with the greatest honour, presented to the king the gifts which he had brought for him from the court of Persia, and a letter written to him by Shah Tahmasb. After this, Burhan Nigam Shah gave Shah Haidar leave to return to Ahmadnagar in order that he might rest there after the fatigues of his journey, and the army marched from Humayunpur towards Rdichur. On the arrival of the army at Raichur, it was found that SadAshivaraya had already reached that place from Vijayanagar. Sadashivaraya had the honour of meeting Burhan Nizam Shah, and the army of Vijayanagar besieged Riachar on the east, while the army of Abmadnagar besieged it on the west. But the fortress of RAichar is famous throughout the Dakan for its strength, and, although the two armies closely besieged it for a long time, there appeared to be but little prospect of success. Burhan Nizam Shah, therefore, came to the conclusion that as the fortress could not be taken for a long time, in the course of which the rainy season would begin, the energies of two armies were being wasted in the attempt to reduce it; and he decided that it would be better to leave Sadashivaraya to continue the siege of Raichar, while he, with the army, marched to 119 Ibrahim Adil Shah I after his defeat at Kaliyani, invaded the Abmadnagar kingdom by another route, laid waste Bir and some other districte and, on his hormoward journey, appeared ruddenly before Parenda, found the gates open, oocupied the fort and drove out Khvija Jahan's garrison. He then placed one of his own Dekant offloers in command of the fortress and retired to Bijapur. Tho Dakant commandant was & coward and lived in perpetual terror of being attacked by Burban Nigam Shah. Ono night howac awakened by the buzzing of a mosquito and imagined that he had heard the enemy's trumpote. He leapt out of bed, caused the gates to be opened, and fled in terror, followed by the garrison. Burhan, on his arrival, found the fort empty and occupied. Ibrahim caused the Dakan commandant to be beheaded for his cowardice. 119 Sayyid 'Alt's aboount of this campaign, which occurred in A. H. 959 (A.D. 1652) is substantially the same as that given by Firishta, who, however, adds that 'Saddahivardys captured both Raichap and Mudgal.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [Jan., 1991 Sholapur and laid siege to that fortress, for, he crgueil, there was the probability of one, If not both, of the fortresses being captured, and the fall of either would weaken Btjapar, and, to the same extent, strengthen Bijapur's enemies. This design, which was, in fact, the best for both parties, was discussed between Burhan Nizam Shah and Sadashivaraya, and was agreed upon, and the army of Ahmadnagar marched from Raichor to Sholapur. Burhan Ni Am Shah, having reached Sholapur, laid siege to it, and the garrison, relying on the strength of the fortress, defended it with resolution and bravery. The king then ordered Rami Khan Sahib, superintendent of the artillery, to bring up the big guns and lay them against the fort. The guns, however made no impression on the walls, and the king in his wrath sent for Rumi Khan, who was haled before him. He was so enraged that he drew his sword and made for Rumi Khan as though to slay him with his own hands, but Shabzada Miran Abdul Qadir and the other princes and amira restrained him, representing that it was not becoming that he should slay Rami Khan with his own hand. They said that if his death had been decided on, orders should be issued for his execution to proper persons; but if the king would pardon him they would engage that he should do better in future and Atone for past faults. The king pardoned Rami Khan on condition that he breached the wall of the fortress in twelve days' time. Rami Khan then left the presence and set about his business, and so well were the gun's served that within the stipulated period of twelve days one face of the fort wall was levelled with the ground. The army was then ordered to attack the place, and though the garrison made a most determined stand in the breacties, the fort was carried by storm and the royal army entered the town. There was much slaughter in the streets and the corpses were piled up in heaps. At length the king in his meroy commanded the troops to stay their hands from slaying, and the survivors, both of the garrison, and of the inhabitants, had the honour of submitting to the king. Burhan Nigam Shah, before leaving Sholapur, repaired its defences, and when he was satisfied that it was as strong as before, he marched to Parenda. Saif Ain-ul-Mulk now, without any cause whatever, began to apprehend that the king had designs upon him, and he therefore fled and entered the service of Ibrahim 'Adil Shah. Some historians give a later date for his flight from the king's service, but God know the truth of the matter. (To be continued.) THE EARLY COURSE OF THE GANGES. BY NUNDOLAL DEY, M.A., B.L.; CALCUTTA. The Ganges is the largest and holiest of all rivers in India. According to the legend mentioned in the Ramayana, Mahabharata, and the Puranas, the Lagond about the goddess Gauge (the Ganges), the daughter of the Himalaya, resided Ganges. in heaven. Sagara, king of Ayodhya (Oudh), performed a horse sacrifice and let loose the sacrificial horse which was stolen by Indra. Sagara ordered his sixty-thousand sons to search for it. They looked for it everywhere on this earth, but unable to find it, resolved to seek for it in Rasktala (Patala), the lower regions. They dug and delved and pierced the earth on all sides, and at last entered Rashtala through a chasm made in the north-eastern quarter. They found the horse browsing by the side of an ascetic named Kapila Muni. Believing him to be the stealer of the horse, they tried to attack him. But the sage burnt them to ashes by a glance of his eyes. On account of their

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JAN., 1921) THE EARLY COURSE OF THE GANGES. long absence, Sagara sent his grandson Anbuman to find them out. He entered Rasktala by the path they had made, found them reduced to ashes and recovered the horse ; but he was told by Garuda that without the purification of their ashes by the water of the holy river Ganges, there could be no salvation for their manes. He brought back the horse and completed the sacrifice. After Sagara's death, Atsuman asoended the throne of Ayodhya, and, leaving the reins of Government in the hands of his son Dilipa, went to the Himalaya to perform asceticism. Dilipa was likewise unable to devise any means for bringing down the Ganges, and was succeeded after his decease by his son Bhagiratha, who also practised austerities for the purpose for many years at Gokarna. He was advised by Brahma to propitiate Mahadeva with a view to hold Ganga on his head, and thus break the force of her fall from heaven and so save the earth from destruction. Bhagiratha followed his advice. Mahadeva was pleased by his austerities, and instructed Bhagiratha to request Gaiga to fall upon his (Mahadeva's) head. The goddess had her own vanity to satisfy : she conceived the idea of entering Rasktala by drawing him along with her current. But the omniscient god read her thought and caught her in the tangle of his matted hair. She was thus unable to find an outlet ; but on Bhagiratha's interession, Mahadeva allowed her to fall into the Bindu-sarovara. At this place Ganga branched into seven streams, three of which went to the west, three to the east, and the last followed Bhagiratha who, seated on his chariot, led her on. During the journey, she flooded Jahnu's hermitage and was drunk off at one draught. Bhagiratha, however propitiated the ascetio by his entreaties, and thus she became the daughter of Jahnu, and since then she has been called Jahnavi, as she is called Bhagirathi or the daughter of Bhagiratha, being brought down from heaven by he latter. Ganga followed Bhagiratha in her course and joined with Sagara or the ocean, and entered that part of Rasatala where the sixty-thousand sons of Sagara had been reduced to ashes by the curse of Kapila ; she flooded their remains with the sacred water, and obtained for them salvation. At this time Brahma declared that she would be known by the name of " Tripathaga," on account of her having passed through the three paths of Swarga (heaven), Martta (earth) and Rasatala (the nether region). I have related the story of the descent of Ganga or the river Ganges, as given in the Ramayana, at some length, in view of its bearing upon facts connect ancient works. of ed with her course. I should here observe that the main feature of the story is the same in the Mahabharata, the Puranas and the Upa Puranas, the differences being confined to minor details and names of places here and there. All the aforesaid works, however, agree in three points, viz., the souroe of the Ganges, he Junction with the Yamuna (Jumna), and her fall into the ocean at Sagara-saogama or Kapila-asrama (the hermitage of Kapila Muni). Before proceeding further, I should make some remarks regarding the place where Bhagiratha performed asceticism with the object of bringing down Bhagiratha's place of place of Ganga from heaven. The Ramayana states that he performed a us a boom heaven. T asoeticism. terities at Gokarna. The Mahabharata simply says that Bhagiratha's place of asceticism was in the Himalaya, while some of the Puranas mention that 1 Ramdyana, I, che. 38-44. 1 Ramayana, I, ch. 42: Mantrish vadh ya.tadrajyam Gangavatarane ratah Tapo dirghan sa matishthad Gokarne Raghunandanah. 12. 3 Mahabhdrata, Vana Parva, ch. 108.

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10 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JAN., 1921 B he performed asceticism at Bindu-sarovara in the Himalaya. It will be observed that the Ramayana mentions only Gokarna, without definitely assigning its situation. A celebrated place known as Gokarna is situated in North Kanara between Karwar and Kumta in the Bombay Presidency. The Mahabharata and the Purdnas refer to it as a most sacred place of Siva worship, containing the temple of Mahabalesvara. But this Gokarna could not have been the Gokarna of tho Ramayana, which, from all accounts, was situated in the Himalaya. The Brihat-Naradiya Purana in its confused attempt to reconcile the two statements contained in the Ramayana and the Mahabharata caused Bhagiratha to deviate from his direct path from Ayodhya to the Himalaya while going there to perform asceticism, and brought him to the banks of the Godavari. It should be stated that Gokarana was the hermitage of Gautama, after whom the Godavart is called the Gautami." According to this Purana, Bhagiratha went from the Godavari to Nadisvara in the Himalaya and performed austerities there. Bindu-sarovara is situated two miles to the south of Gangotri, and close to Gangotri is Gomukhi. Hence Bindu-sarovara and Gomukhi are very close to each other. Go-karna (or cow's ear) of the Ramayana, therefore, has evidently been. transformed into the modern Go-mukht (or cow's mouth) where Bhagiratha performed asceticism. In fact, Fraser states in his Himala Mountains that the present temple of the goddess Ganga or Bhagirathi near Gaurikunda, "a gunshot below Gungotree," is situated precisely on the sacred stone on which Bhagiratha used to worship Mahadeva. Nadisvara is evidently the same as Bindu-sara or Bindu-sarovara. As already pointed out, all the ancient works agree on three points regarding the course of the Ganges. They state that she is the daughter of the Himalava, 10 which indicates that her source is in the Himalaya. The Ramayana, 11 which is the earliest of all the works which contain the legend about the Ganges, states that the river got the name of Bhagirathi in consequence of her having been brought to the earth by Bhagiratha. The Bhagirathi, therefore, which rises at Gangotri in the mountains of Garwal, is the primary and the holiest source of the Ganges. But the Mahabharata12 places the source at Badarikaerama, and by some of the Purdnas13 the main Source of the Ganges. Matsya P., ch. 120, v. 27; Brahmanda P., ch. 51. Brihat-Naradiya Purdna, Pt. I, ch. 16: Bhagiratho maharajo jatachiradharo mune Gachchhan himadrim tapase prapto Godavari-tatam. 2. * Kurma Purana, I, ch. 20. 7 Biva Purana, I, ch. 54. 8 Major Thorn's Memoir of the War in India, p. 504: "Two miles lower down (the stream the Bhag rathi at its source) is a large rock or stone, called by the Hindus Gau Mukhi, or the cow's mouth for its supposed resemblance to the head and body of that animal." ch. XXVIII, pp. 466-468. 10 Iyam Haimavati jyeshtha Ganga Himavatah suta. (This Ganga is the eldest daughter of Hima laya.) Ramayana, Adi, ch. 42, v. 23; see also Mbh., Anusasana, ch. 26. 11 Iyancha duhita jyeshtha tava Ganga bhavishyati Tvatkritene cha namnatha loke sthashya ti viruta. 5. Ganga tripathaga nama divya Bhagirathi cha. Trin patho bhavayantiti tasmat tripathaga Smrita 6. (This Ganga shall be your [ Bhagiratha's] eldest daughter, and she shall be celebrated in the world by the name conferred by you. This heavenly Bhagirathi shall also be known by the name of " Tripa. thaga"; because she goes by the three paths, therefore she would be celebrated as "Tripathaga"> Ramayana Adi, ch. 44. 13 Badariprabhava rajan devaryaganasevita. 4. [Oh king I she (Ganga) whose source is at Badari is worshipped by the Devas and Rishis]. Mbh., Vana, ch. 142. 13 Markardeya P., ch. 56; Karma P., I. ch. 46: Vardha P., ch. 82.

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JAN., 1921) THE EARLY COURSE OF THE GANGES 11 stream of the river is considered to be the Alakanand& which rises at Badarikas rama near the temple of Badrinatha. 14 According to the Brahmavaivartta Purdna, 15 however, the Man. dAkini which rises at Kedaranatha near the temple of Kedaranat ha, is the main headwater of the Ganges. The Mandakint has also been described as Svarga-Ganga or the Ganges of heaven in the Amarakosha 16 In the Mahabharata, 17 it is called Akasa-Ganga or the Ganges of the sky. Its other name is KAB-Ganga. In fact, one stream does not form the Ganges : several streams combine to form the river, and though their sources are different, yet they are all situated in the mountains of Garwal. But the principal sources at Gangotri is described by Mr. Fraser in his Journal of a Tour through the Himald Mountains 18 as being not more than five miles horizontal distance from the temple, and in a direction 85 nearly, and is situated in the loftiest and greatest mountain of the snowy range in this quarter known by the name of Rudra Himalaya which" is held to be the throne or residence of Mahadeo himself." It is also called Pancha Parvata, from its five peaks called Rudra Himalaya, Brahmapuri, Bishnupuri, Udagari-kantha and Svargamohini. "These form a sort of semi-circular hollow of very considerable extent, filled with eternal snow from the gradual dissolution of the lower parts of which, the principal part of the stream is generated : probably there may be smaller hollows beyond the point to the right above Gungotree, which also supply a portion." The Bhagirathi after issuing from Gangotri is joined at Bhairavaghati by the Jahnavi which also rises in the Garwal mountains. 18 The Ramdyana10 relates that shortly after her descent, she flooded the hermitage of Jahnu Muni who in a rage swallowed her up, but let her out again, and thus she acquired the name of JAhnavi.20 Subsequently, she was joined by the AlakinandA at Deva-Prayaga, which is as famous for its sanctity as Gangotri. From Deye-Prayaga, the united stream, in its onward course towards the south, takes the name of Ganga or the Ganges, which pierces the Himalaya mountain and enters the plain at Gauc dvara, 21 now generally known as Haridvara. The Alakananda, which is considered by some as the main stream of the Ganges, has been traced by Captain Raper to its souro at Varshadhari, which is a waterfall situated a little beyond Badrinath. It is itself formed by the union of five rivers Mandakini, Vishungaiga (Dhauli), Sarasvatia and others, and their junctions are considered as sacred spots, collectively called Paficha-Prayagas, viz. Rudra-Prayaga, Nanda-Prayaga, Vishnu-Prayaga, Deva-Prayaga and Karga-Prayaga. All these rivers, which go to swell the volume of waters of the Ganges, have their sources in the Garwal mountain. The wild and majestic grandeur Names of the Garwal of this region has fired the imagination of the pious Hindu to crowd Mountain. it with events and deeds of the gods and goddesses. At Gouri Kunda, which is one day's journey from Kedaranatha,23 Gouri performed asceticism to obtain Mahadeva for her husband;24 at Agnisatyapada, os called also Krisanu, 26 she was married ; at Reta 1 Asiatic Researches, vol. XI ; Captain Raper's Survey of the Ganges. 15 Brahmavaivartta P., Krishna Janma kh., ch. 34 Pradhanadhari ya svargo Bd Mandakini smrita (The principal stream which is in heaven is called MandAkini.) See Fraser's Himdiu Mountains, p. 381. 16 Amarakosha, Svarga Varga, v. 44. 17 Mahabharata, Vana Parva, ch. 127. 18 Fraser's Himdla Mountains, pp. 470, 471. 19 Ramdyana, Adi, ch. 43. 80 Fraser's Hinda Mountains, p. 476. 31 Mahdbhdrata, Vana, ch. 91. * Agni P., ch. 109, v. 17; Gouri Prasad Misra's Keddrandtha Badari-Biedla Yatrid, p. 7. 33 Fraser's Himdia Mountains, p. 381. * Gouri Prasad Mitra's Kediranitha Badari-Bidila Yatre, p. 6. 25 Variha P., ch. 141. 30 Kedaranatha, Badari-Bibila Yatra p. o.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JAN., 1921 Kuida, Kartikeya was born ; at Karma-vana (corrupted into Kumaon which is a part of the region), Narayana became incarnate as the tortoise (Karm-avatara) to hold the Mandara mountain on his back during the churning of the ocean; at Kumaravana in Kumaon, the Nymph Urvasi was transformed into a creeper :97 at Manal near the source of the AlakanandA was the hermitage of Vyasa where he is said to have divided the Vedas into four parts, and composed the Mahabharata ; and at Svargarohini, which is the westernmost of the five peaks of the Pafcha-Parvata, four of the Pandavas and their wife Draupadi died. The Garwal mountain is called Gandhamadana, 28 and its eastern portion forms a part of the Mandara range.99 It is also called Sumeru 30 and Kailasa, 31 Mr. Fraser says " This mountain (in which the Ganges has its source], which is considered to be the loftiest and greatest of the snowy range in this quarter, and probably yields to none in the whole Himalaya, obtains the name of Roodroo Himala, and is held to be the throne or residence of Mahadeo himself. It is also indiscriminately called Pauch (Parich) Purbut, from its five peaks ; and Soomeroo Purbut, which is not to be confounded with the mountain so called near Bunder pouch ; and sometimes the general appellation of Kylas is given, which literally signifies any snowy hill, but is applied to this mountain by way of pre-eminence."39 According to the Mahabharata,83 the three principal sources of the Ganges and Bindusarovara are situated in Badarika Asrama. In the Ramayana, it is related that on the intercession of Bhagiratha, Mahadeva released Ganga from his matted hair, where she had been confined The three streams for her arroganoe, into the Bindu-sarovara, and from Bindu-sarovara, of the Ganges. she went out in seven 34 streams, three to the east, three to the west and one to the south. "Seven" is & sacred number.36 In the Mahabharata 36, however it is said that she fell in three streams from Mahadeva's forehead on her way to the ocean but it will be observed that the seven streams of the Ramdyana issued out in three sets. These three streams are evidently the three headwaters of the Ganges, namely the Mandakini, the Alakknanda, and the Bhagirati, and from them Ganga acquired the name of "Tripethaga.".37 The first is the Mandakini, which is called the river of heaven;38 the second is the Alakananda, the river of the earth, and the third the Bhagirathi, which following Bhagiratha, entered Patala when she is called Bhogavati. 41 The Garwal mountain forms a part of the Rudra-Himalaya, and the Pascha Parvata, as stated before, contains the source of the Ganges. The five Patlaba Parvata. peaks of the Pafioha Parvata, or Sumeru as it is called, with their heads capped with eternal snow, and their sides corrugated by the perpetual 1 Vikramorvat Napaka, Aot IV. >> Mh., Vana, chs. 141, 148, 162; Vikramornari, Aot IV, Markandeya P., oh., 66. * Ibid., Vana, oh. 163: Harisaqola, oh. 219. 20 Deuf Bhagavata, VIII, oh, 7; Marlar deya P., oh. 56; Linga P., I, ch. 5231 Matsya P., ch. 120, v. 4; Brahmanda P., ch.43, v. 14; Mbh., Vana, ch. 145. 3 Himau Mountains, p. 470. # Mbl., Vana, cha. 142, 146. si Perhaps the word " novon " is used, as it is & sacred number (sbe Max Moller'. Rig Veda Samhill p. 240). 3 Max Mallor's Rig Veda Samhita, p. 240. 36 Vana, ch. 109. '37 Ram yana, I, oh, 44, Brihat Dharmma P., Parva kh., ch, B. * Brahmavaivartta P., Krishia Janma kh., ch. 24. * Ibid., oh- 84; Varsha P., ch. 82. 40 Matsya P., sh. 120. 41 Deut-Bhagavata, IX, ch. 12; Brahmanaipartta P., Krishna Janma kh., oh. 34.

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JAX., 1921) THE EARLY COURSE OF THE GANGES 13 drippinga of water congealed at places into icicles and stalactites, rise high up in the skies, and form, as it were, a stepping-stone to heaven. The poetic imagination of the religious Hindu sees in these five peaks the five heads of Mahadeva, called also Panchanana on account of his five faces. With the hanging icicles on their corrugated sides looking like his matted hair, they tower high to receive, as it were, the heavenly Ganges. The two epics and the Puranas agree that the Ganges 'joins the Jumna at Prayaga or Allahabad, which is considered one of the most holy places in India. Prayaga. At the time of the Ramdyana+ Prayaga Tirtha" had already acquired celebrity for sanctity, especially as it contained the hermitage of Rishi Bharadvaja. At the time of the Mahabharata+3 it was considered holy. But neither in these two epics nor in the Rig Veda is there any mention whatsoever that the Sarasvati ever joined the Ganges and the Jamuna at Prayaga or any where else. Even the earlier Puranas such as the Matsya, the Vishnu, etc. do not say that the Sarasvati joined these two rivers at Prayaga. It was evidently with the object of attracting larger numbers of pilgrims by conferring further sanctity upon the place, that the latter Purd nas, conceived the idea of joining the Sarasvati, the lost river," with the other two rivers through a subterranean passage, and hence the Sarasvati at Prayaga is called "Gupta (hidden) Sarasvati " in the Brihad Dharmma Purana.45 This conception was further utilized for the creation of a new place of sanctity in Bengal, and that place is Triveni, about two miles to the north of Hugli. Advantage was taken of the divarication of the Ganges at some later period, by throwing out two arms, one to the west and the other to the east of Triveni, to call them Sarasvati and Yamuna respectively, and to proclaim that the three rivers Gavga, Yamuna and Sarasvati, which joined at Allahabad, separated at Triveni in the district of Hugli and thus a place as sacred as Prayaga was secured for Bengal. Hence the junction of the three rivers at Allahabad is called Yukta-Veni or "junction of the rivers," and the separation of the three rivers at Triveni is called Mukta-Veni or "disjunction of the rivers." The Mahabharata does not mention the name of Triveni in Bengal, though Yudhish thira visited Ganga-Sagara, the place where the Ganges entered the ocean. 46 But the mouth of the Ganges at that time was evidently much higher up than it is at present. The Maha-Puranas also do not mention the name of Triveni near Hugli. It appears for the first time in the Brihad-Dharmma Purana 17 which is an Upa-Purana. The names of Yukta-Veni and Mukta-Vesi also do not appear in any of the Puranas, nor even in the Padma Purana, 48 which only calls the confluence at Allahabad by the name of Triveni. Pandit Raghunandana of Nadia in his Prayaschitta-Tattvam, in commenting upon the word "Daksh pa-Prayaga" occurring according to him in a passage of the Mahabharata, says it is also called "Mukta-Veni," which is another name for Triveni near Hugli.49 There can be no doubt therefore that the Ganges flowed by the . 41 Ayodhya K., ch. 54. 13 Mh., Vana, ch. 85; Anusasana, ch. 25. 44 Padma P., Kriyayogaskra, ch. 3, v. 5; Uttara, ch. 14; Brihad-Dharmma P., I, ch, 6. 46 Brihad-Dharmma P., II, ch. 22, v. 13. 46 Vana, ch. 144. 47 Brihad-Dharmma P., T, ch. 22, v. 33:-Triveri nama tirthaficha prithagbhute cha yatra vai, Sarasvati cha Yamuna Prayaga phaladayakam (where the Ganges separated from the Sarasvati and Yamuna at the Tirtha Named Triveni, it is as efficacious as Prayaga). 18 Padma P., Uttara, ch. 14. 4Prayaschittatattvam, Ganga-Mahatmya, p. 100:-Pradyumnna-nagarat ydmyo Sarasvatyastethottaro, Dakhaina-PrayAgastu unmuktavepf saptagram Akhya dakshina de Triverftikhyata ["On the south of Pradyumna-nagars and on the north of Sarasvati is Dakshiva-Pray ga (southern Prayage)

Page #18
14 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [Jan., 1921 side of Triveni on the north of Hugli, which is said to be the counterpart of the Triveni at Prayaga or Allahabad. The place where the Ganges joins the Ocean is called Ganga-Sagara or SagaraAre Sangama. As, according to the logend, it was the point where Gange entered Patala to give salvation to the sixty-thousand sons of Sagara (who were cursed by Kapila Muni and reduced to ashes) by washing them with her holy water, it is always associated with the hermitage of Kapila. Hence, the point where the river enters the ocean is also called Kapilasrama. This is one of the most sacred spots in India, like its source in the Garwal mountains, and was considered as a place of pilgrimage even at the time of the Mahabharata, 50. But the place where the Ganges debouches into the ocean is not always fixed. The Ganga-Sagara 'of the Mahdbharata was not the Ganga-Sagara of the time of Ptolemy in the second century A. D., which again is not the Ganga-Sagara of the present day. This spot has always shifted with the gradual extension of the deltaic formation from the north to the south. But at whatever point the main channel of the Ganges may have entered the sea, it is always designated by the names of KapilAsrama and Ganga-Sagara, and it is considered to be the most holy. At present, Kapilasrama is situated where the Hugli river, which is the main channel of the Ganges, joins the ocean near the Sagar island. But there was a time when the Ganges entered the ocean at Shibganj near Gaur, and Hamilton has recorded this tradition in his East Indian Gazetteer 51 He says, "At a most early period of antiquity, this place (Gaur) is said to have been the residence of a saint named Jahnu, who one day swallowed the Ganges, as Bhagiratha was bringing it down from the mountains to water Bengal; since then, there has always existed here a' path to the infernal region, the mouth of which may be seen at Sheebguuga." The " infernal region" men. tioned means Patala, where Sagar's sixty-thousand sons were reduced to ashes by the curse of Kapila Muni. Of course, it is very difficult to say now where the Ganges joined the ocean when it was visited by Yudhish thirs, who after visiting Kausiki or the river Kosi went to Ganga-Sagara, and from the latter place, to Kaling, no intermediate place being mentioned to locate the spot. 52 At the time of Ptolemy, i. e. in the second century, Ganga-Sagara must have been much higher up than it is at present. According to him, there were five mouths of the Ganges indicated as follows 53 : "The Kainbyson mouth, the most western. Poloura, a town. The second mouth called Mega. The third called Kamberikhon. Tilagrammon, a town. The fourth mouth, Pseudostomon. The fifth mouth, Antibole." I should observe here that in his map 54 also he has placed the town of "Poloura" near the "Kam byson mouth" and "Tilagrammon" near the "Kamberikhen mouth." (To be continued.) where the Yamun A has issued out of the Ganges." "Dakshina-Prayaga" is Mukta-veni, which is known as Trivent in the southern country named Saptagrama). See my Notes on the History of the District of Hughli or the Anojent Rada in JASB, 1910, pp. 611, 613. 50 Mbh., Vana, ch. 114. 61 Sv. Gour. Moh., Vana, oh. 144. 59 McCrin dlo's Ancient India as described by Ptolemy, pp. 72, 73. * Ibid., facing p. 8.:

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JAN., 1921) THE DESERT CROSSING OF HSUAN-TSANG THE DESERT CROSSING OF HSUAN-TSANG, 630 A.D. BY SIR AUREL STEIN, K.C.I.E. [Reprinted from the Geographical Journal, Nov. 1919.) It was on my second Central Asian expedition, in the autumn of 1907, that I travelled across the stony "Gobi" of the Pei-shan by the desert track which leads from the oasis of Ad-hsi to Hami and serves as the Chinese high-road connecting westernmost Kan-su with the province of Hsin-chiang, the "New Dominion," or Chinese Turkestan. I knew at the time that I was following that ancient "Northern Route," which, ever since the Chinese had first acquired a firm foothold at Hami in 73 A.D., had been used by them as & main line of access to their Central-Asian dominions whenever they were able to assert political or military control over those distant territories. This knowledge then helped to reconcie me to the fact of having been obliged by practical considerations to choose a route which since the days of Prjevalsky has been followed by more than one European traveller, and which in its great wastes of crumbling rock and gravel offers but little chance for ne.. observations of interest. But it was not until I came to deal with this ground in 'Serindia,' the detailed report on the scientific results of my second Central-Asian journey, completed in 1918 and, I hope soon to be published by the Oxford University Press, that I paid adequate attention to the circumstances which give this desolate desert truck a claim upon the special and quasipersonal interest of the student of the historical geography of Central Asia. It crises from a celebrated episode in the life of the great Chinese pilgrim Hsuen-teeng, our Buddhist Pausanias end Merco Polo combined, to whose travels from China across Central Asis to India and back in the second quarter of the seventh century A.D. we owe such ample and so important records on the geography, history, antiquities, etc., of the vest regions he traversed. I mean the adventurous desert journey by which the pious traveller about the beginning of 630 A.D. made his escape from the jealously guarded north-west border of the Chinese Empire, as it then stood, into those "Western Regions" he was about to explore in his eager search for the sacred Law of Buddhism. The story of this great adventure, which nearly caused Hsuen-teang to perish of thirst in the desert, has not hitherto been examined in the light of exact topographical knowledge. It is not to be found in Hsuan-tsang's own Hsi-yu-chi,' or 'Records of the Western Countries' (these do not take up the relation until his start westwards from Turfan), but only in Hsuan-tsang's 'Life,' a work originally compiled by his disciple Hui-li end edited later under conditions which were bound to impair the critical value of its text. Hence doubts as to the accuracy of the details contained in this narrative might well have erisen, particularly in view of the supernatural tinge which the story 88 related by the devout biographer im perts to certain incidents connected with the great pilgrim's quasi-mireculous rescue when lost in the waterless desert and faced by imminent death through thirst and exhaustion. All the more interesting is the close agreement which a careful examination reveals between all precise details of the story and the topographical facts ascertained in the course of our survey from the tract of An-hsi to Hami. This exact agreement effords striking evidence of the faithfulness with which Hsuan-tsang himself must have remembered and related this famous initial episode of his wanderings. It helps to confirm efresh the 1 Cf. Stanialas Julion, Histoire de la vis de Hiquen-thoang,' preface, pp. lxxvi. 99. regarding the conditions under which the text of the biography, originally compiled by the monk Hui-li, was recovered and edited.

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16 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JAN., 1921 subjective trustworthiness of his records, and as we have to use these so often when dealing with questions of ancient geography in Central Asia or India, the following notes on Hsuan-tsang's desert itinerary may find an appropriate place here. Before, however, we attempt to trace the pious traveller's steps, it will bo well to indicate briefly certain main topographical facts concerning his starting point, the oasis of An-hsi, and as regards the ground which the present high-road thence to Hami traverses, In chapters xv. and xxvii. of my Serindia ' I have had occasion fully to discuss the broad geographical features which have obliged the Chinese from the earliest expansion of their power westwards, in the last quarter of the second century B.C., down to the present day, to follow the north foot of the snowy Nan-shan as their main line of progress towards Central Asia. There alone can be found a succession of relatively well-watered fertile tracts, stretching from Liang-chou past Kan-chou to Su-chou, such as could serve as a secure base for trade and military movements across the great deserts intervening between Kan-su and Chinese Turkestan. Beyond Su-chou, wbere the mediaval Great Wall of the Empire ends, this line thins out westwards into a series of small oases, comprising the present Yu-menhsien, An-hsi, and Tun-huang. These are situated in the wide but for the most part utterly barren valley in which the lower course of the Su-lo Ho descends to its terminal basin in the desert east of the ancient Lop Sea bed. Map I. attached to my Ruins of Desert Cathay,' and first published in the Geographical Journal for March 1911 to illustrate the explorations of my second journey, will help to make clear these essential features. As long as Chinese trade and military enterprise towards the Tarim Besin could continue the move westwards in a straight line along that earliest route which led through the clay and salt wilderness of the dried-up Lop Sea to the ruined Lou-lan settlements, and which I succeeded in tracking right through by my Lop Desert explorations of 1914-15, Tunhuang, the last oasis within the ancient Chinese border of Han times, remained the startingpoint and eastern bridgehead as it were for the great desert crossing. But when after the third century A.D. Lou-lan was abandoned to the desert, and this difficult but most direct route became impossible for traffic through total want of water, such intercourse with Central Asia as survived the downfall of Chinese political control over the "Western Regions" was bound to be diverted almost wholly to the routes crossing the Pei-shan "Gobi" to Hami. Of these routes the one starting from the An-hsi oesis and leading in a nearly straight line north-westwards to the cultivable area of Hami at the southern foot of the Karlik-tagh must certainly have been at all times relatively the easiest and the most frequented. It follows the line on which the distance over absolute desert ground to be covered by travellers from or to China proper is the shortest. It crosses the stony desert of the Pei-shan in eleven marches which our survey showed to aggregate to a total marching distance of about 218 miles. Hami, owing to the irrigation facilities assured by its vicinity to the snow's of the Kerlik-tagh, has all through historical times been a place noted for its agricultural produce and a natural emporium for whatever traffic passed across the desert south-eastwards. An-hsi has not yet recovered from all the destruction caused by the great Tungan rebellion of the sixties of the last century. But even thus, scanty as its resources now are, they suffice to allow trade caravans and other travel parties to revictual locally. In earlier 2 Cf. for the line of this ancient Lou-Jan route" A third journey of exploration in Central Asia, 191316. in Geographical Journal, 1916, 48, pp. 124-129; also 'Serindia,' ebap. xiv., for a review of the Chinese historical notices bearing upon it.

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JAN., 1921] THE DESERT CROSSING OF HSUAN-TSANG times they are sure, as plenty of historical evidence shows, to have been considerably greater What other routes there are, leading from Hami and the eastern extremity of the T'ien-shan towards the border tracts of Kan-su and China proper, all cross the barren wastes of the Pei-shan " Gobi" for considerably greater distances. As my journey of September 1914 from Mao-mei to the Karlik-tagh showed (see "A third journey of exploration in Central Asia," Geographical Journal, 48, p. 200) they offer the same, if not greater, difficulties about water and grazing. In view of these plain geographical facts it appears to me clear that the importance of the route leading from An-hsi to Hami cannot have undergone any material change during the periods while it was open for Chinese intercourse with Central Asia, and further that its track is not likely to have ever diverged far from the present one. The letter conclusion is all the more justified because, as can be seen from the map attached to 'Desert Cathay! and in fuller detail from sheets reproducing our surveys on the scale of 4 miles to 1 inch, the actual road, except for a small detour between the springs of Ta-ch'uan and Shsch'uan-tzu, due to necessities of water supply, leads in what practically is & straight line from An-hsi to the nearest outlying settlement of the Hami oasis. An-bai, the ancient Kua-chou, where that episode of Hsuan-tsang's travels starts with which we are concerned here, need not detain us long. In my Desert Cathay 'I have already recorded what observations of its extant conditions I was able to gather during my stays in 1907 (cf. 'Desert Cathay,' 2, pp. 235 899.). The present An-hsi-chou, situated not far from the left bank of the Su-lo Ho, is, in spite of its grand name, "the City of the West-protecting [garrison)," scarcely more than a straggling street within a big enclosure of crumbling walls. It owes its importance, such as it is, solely to being the last haltingplace with local supplies on the road to Hami. To the south of the "town" there stretches between the river-course and the foot of the outermost barren hills of the Nan-shan a wide scrub-covered plain, where strips of poor cultivation are broken up by extensive stretches of Waste lands. Ruins of walled villages and towns abound in this desolate tract, attesting its former prosperity. Among them the largest and most central still bears the name of Kuachou-ch'eng, "the welled city of Kua-chou," and is known to local tradition as the site of the ancient chief place of the district. 5 Antiquerian reasons, which I have discussed in Serindia,' make it appear highly probable that this tradition is correct, and that we have 3 Such routes leading across the Pei-shan east of the Hami-An-hsiline are indicated in sheets XXI., *XXIII. of the Russian Asiatic Transfrontier Map, 40 vorsta to 1 inch, partly from the surveys of Russian explorers like Grum Grishmailo and Obrucheff, partly from "native information." A routc-line distinct from the above and leading from Hami to the great bend of the Su-lo Ho was followed in 1898 by Prof Futtorer, who has very carefully described it in " Geographische skizze der Wuste Gobi," Erganzungsheft No. 139, Pelermanns Mitteilungen, 1902. This memoir provides a very instructive account of the geology and physiography of the eastern Pei-shan ranges in general, of the several route-lines shown by the above Russian map as crossing the Pei-shan west of the An-hai-Hami road only one can be considered as practicable and actually proved to exist. It is the one surveyed by Captain Roborovsky's expedition in 1893, which branches off from the Chinese high-road at K'u-shui, four marches from Hami, and leada due south to Tur-huang. Owing to difficulties about water, etc., it is but rarely followed nowadaye, Chinese travellers from the last-named oasis preferring to join the high-road at Hung-liu-y Ban the second station after leaving An-hsi. The existence of the other routes in view of information collected by Captain Roborovsky and Prof. Pelliot, appears very problematical, Bee Sheets Nos. 73, 76, 77, 80, 81 of the Atlas prepared by the Survey of India for my 'Serindia. Advanco copies of this Atlaw were presented ourly in 1914 under the orders of Burveyor-General of India to the principal geographical institutions of Europe and America. 6 800 for the exact position of this ruined site and the topography of the Ar-hoi traot the ingot map on 1/M scale, in Map 1 of Desert Cathay.'

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18 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JAN., 1921 to locate here the district headquarters of Kua-chou, where the 'Life' makes Hsuan-tsang arrive towards the close of 629 A.D.6 The learned Buddhist monk had set out from Ch'ang-an, the Chinese capital, with the avowed object of "travelling to the west to search for the Law in the kingdom of the Brahmans," i.e. India. But though the great Tang Emperor T'ai Teung (627-650 A.D.) W&s already engaged on that policy of expansion westwards which was destined before long to reassert Chinese power and authority in the Tarim Basin and even beyond after the lapse of long centuries, the traditional methods of Chinese seclusion against the barbarian West were still rigorously enforced on the Kan-su border. "At that time the administration of the country was still new, and the frontiers of the Empire did not extend far. The people were subjected to severe restrictions, and nobody was permitted to leave in order to visit foreign countries" (cf. Julien, Vie de H.,' p. 16). So Hsuan-tsang had been obliged to leave Liang-chou secretly and to travel to Kuachou by night marches. After his arrival there "the Master of the Law, on inquiring about the western routes, was told : 'At 50 li from here, marching to the north, one comes to the River Hu-lu, of which the lower course is wide and the upper one very contracted. Its waters are constantly whirling and flow with such impetuosity that they cennot be passed in a boat. It is near to the widest part that the Yu-man Barrier has been established, by which one is obliged to pess, and which is the key of the western frontiers. To the north west, beyond this barrier, there are five signal-towers wbere the guards entrusted with keeping the look-out reside. They are a hundred li apart one from the other. In the space which separates them there is neither water nor berbage. Beyond these five towers there lie the desert of Mo-ho-yen and the frontiers of I-wu (Hami)." The Life 'gives a touching account of how the eager pilgrim came to brave the official prohibition and to venture into the dread desert beyond (see Julien, Vie de H.,' pp. 17-21). On receiving that information be had first become downcast, and having also suffered the loss of his horse, passed a month in distress. Then the local governor, who happened to be a map of piety, learned from spies of Hsuan-tsang's intentions, showed him secretly their report, but in the end, moved by his sincere fervour, decided to close an eye-more Sinicoe Still the saintly traveller's troubles increased through the defection of two young monks who were to have accompanied him, and through the difficulty of securing a guide. But auspicious dreams and omens gave him fresh courage, and a devout young native helped him to meet in secret an aged "barbarian" who had done the journey to l-wu fifteen times to and fro. The old man gave him the greve warning: "The western routes are bad and dangerous. At times streams of drift sand obstruct, at others demons and burning winds. If they are encountered no one can escape. Often big caravans lose themselves and perish." But Hsuan-tsang remained firm and declared that if he did not reach the country of the Brahmans in the end he would never turn eastward again to China. "If I were to die on the way I should not regret it." Thereupon said the greybeard: "Master, since you are decided to start, you must mount my horse. More than fifteen times already, going and coming, he has done the way to I-wu (Hami). He is strong and knows the routes. Your horse, on the contrary, is weak and will never reach there." We eball see further on how Cf. Stan. Julien, Histoire de la vie de Hionen-thoang' (Paris, 1863), p. 17; sloo Beal, The Life of Hiuen-tsiang,' p. 13. In subsequent quotations from the Life the version of the great French Sinologue will be followed, from which the latter'work is in the main retranslated.

Page #23
JAN., 1921] THE DESERT CROSSING OF HSUAN-TSANG 19 important a part this hardy mount, "lean and of russet colour," for which he exchanged his own, was destined to play in the pilgrim's final escape from death in the desert.7 Thus mounted and accompanied by the young native who was to act as guide, Hsuantsang started at night from Kua-chou. "In the third watch they came to the river and sighted the Yu-men Barrier from a distance. At 10 li from the point where the barrier stood 8 the upper river-course had its banks not more than a chang (10 feet) apart." Here a crossing was effected by a rough foot-bridge which the "young barbarian" improvised with cut-down branches of trees, etc. Then, after resting by the river-bank, they set out with the first rays of the sun. But after going a short distance Hsuan-tsang's companion, frightened by the dangers ahead, refused to venture beyond, and left the brave pilgrim to pursue his adventure alone. 66 Before we proceed to follow Hsuan-tsang further, it will be convenient to sum up the indications derived from this brief account and from the local information previously reproduced and to compare them with the actual topography of An-hsi. Starting from the town of Kua-chou, the route to I-wu or Hami first led north for 50 li to the river Hu-lu, where the watch-station of Yu-men-kuan, or the Jade Gate Barrier," was then placed. From this point the route towards Hami turned to the north-west and passed towards the five signal-posts maintained in the desert for look-out purposes. Hsuan-trang, having to avoid the "Jade Gate Barrier" where his unauthorized move beyond the border would have been stopped, set out from Kua-chou at night and reached the river at a point some 10 li above the watch-station. Having effected a crossing, unperceived, in the third watch, he thence picked up the track leading to the nearest of the watch-towers, and, as we shall presently see, arrived there after covering 80 li. It is easy to demonstrate the full accord of these indications with the topographical facts as our survey shows them. By the river Hu-lu no other but the Sulo Ho can be meant. From the ruined town of Kua-chou-ch'eng, which in view of its central position and surviving local tradition may safely be assumed to mark the approximate site of the Kua-chou of T'ang times, it is 8 miles almost exactly due north in a straight line to the point where the present road to Hami crosses the Su-lo Ho. If we assume that the river-course in Hsuan-tsang's days lay about 2 miles further to the north where our survey marks an old river-bed, the agreement in distance with the 50 li of the 'Life' becomes still closer ; for the equation of 5 li to the mile is the one which my extensive experience of Hsuen-tsang's distance-reckonings along Central-Asian routes has proved to be the generally correct The mention of this experienced equine wayfarer seems to me to give a distinct touch of reality to the story as recorded in the 'Life. Together with other points to be indicated below it creates a presumption in favour of the substantial veracity of the account as received and handed down by Hsuan-tsang's biographers. At the same time the way in which the 'Life' connects the acquisition of this auspicious mount with a prognostic Hsuan-tsang had received from a diviner before his start from Ch'ang-an, shows the same quaint intermingling of sense of reality and naive credulity which characterizes the personality of my Chinese "patron saint "-like that of so many of his compatriots, ancient and modern--throughout his own Records; cf., e.g., Desert Cathay, 2, 169 sq., 180. I follow here Beal's interpretation; see Life of Hiuen-taiang, ' p. 10. Julien's version would imply that the point of crossing was at the barrier itself. But this obviously cannot be the sense intended since the passage had to b effected secretly. Besides, we have been told before that the Yu-men Barrie stood where the river was widest, and consequently may be supposed to have been fordable. This identification with the Su-lo Ho, the Bulungir of the Mongols, was first correctly made by V. de Saint-Martin (cf. Julien, Memoires de Hiouen-thrang,' 2, p. 202).

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20 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ JAN., 1921 average. That the road to Hami after leaving the river leads steadily in a north-westerly direction is shown by a look at the map. Finally, the 80 li which Hsuan-tsang is said to have covered from the river-crossing to the first watch-tower agree in a striking fashion with the 16 miles or so which the map shows between the above-mentioned old bed and the first halting-place, Pei-tan-tzu, with its spring, on the present caravan road. As to the exact position of the Yu-men Barrier, as located at the time of Hsuan-tsang's departure, I am unable to state anything definite ; nor does it affect his itinerary with which we are concerned here. The discoveries made in the course of my explorations of 1907 along the ancient Chinese Limes have solved the question as to the original position and remains of this famous frontier station of the "Jade Gate," once far away to the west of Tun-huang, 10 and there is strong antiquarian reason to believe that even in Hsuan-tsang's times its transfer to the north of Kua-chou could not have been of old date. 11 To the strict watch over ail trans-border traffic which was kept in ancient times at this western main gate through the original Great Wall, and which had its close analogy in the procedure observed down to recent times at the Chia-yu-kuan Gate west of Su-chou, I have had repeated occasions to refer elsewhere (see Desert Cathay,' 2, pp. 148, 154, 282; 'Serindia,' chap. xxvii., secs. i, ii). It will help us better to appreciate the conditions under which Hsuan-tsang's desertcrossing was effected, if we cast & rapid glance at the general aspects of the route as it exists now and at the topographical features distinguishing certain of its stages. To the Chinese, with their strongly fixed notions of civilized existence, this desert route must have at all times been distinctly deterrent, whether they had to face it as soldiers, traders or casual travellers. It was easy to realize this as we moved along from one wretched little roadside station to another, each established with its refuse-filled mud hovels and tiny post of soldiers at a point where some shallow depression offers a scanty supply of water in spring or well. Only here and there do they offer patches of equally scanty grazing on scrub or reeds. The conditions of traffic I was able to observe while moving across the utterly barren wastes of gravel, crumbling rock or drift-sand which extend between these miserable haltingplaces could certainly have changed but little since ancient times. The difficulties about securing a sufficiency of reed straw and water for animals, together with the equally great dearth of fuel, must have at all periods seriously hampered the use of the route whether for trade or troop movements. The very trying climatic conditions of the central Pei-shan, with its dreaded north-east blizzards frequent in the winter and spring and with its parching heat and dust-storms in the summer, were always bound to imply grave risks for individual travellers. There is danger for them now too, if unguided, of straying from the track along certain portions, and obviously this risk must have been far greater still during periods when the political seclusion of China prevented all regular traffic. Uniformly barren and dreary as the ground crossed by the route is, it yet divides itself into oertain distinct sections ; in the detailed map-sheets accompanying 'Serindia' we can easily make them out, and even the map of 'Desert Cathay 'suffices to mark their limita. 10 How long th. "Jade Gate Barrier" remained near Kua-chou, and when and how the present Yuman-haien, between Su-chou and An-hsi came by its designation derived from the ancient frontier station of Han times, is another question which must be left for future investigation (of, Desert Cathay,' 2, pp 115 899.; 'Serindia,' chapter xix., secs. i-iii). 11 A passage of the T'ang Annals referring to the despatch in 610 A.D. of the famous Chinese Commissioner Pei Cho to Yu-men-kuan, distinctly places this frontier" Barrier " at the town of Chin-ch'ane (cf. Chavannen, ' Doouments sur les Turcs oocidentaux, p. 18). Chinese antiquarians and local tradi. tions of An-hsi seem to agree in considering Chin-chang as a sub-prefecture dependent on Kua-chou and situated to the east of the present An-hai. But its exact position still remains to be determined

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JAN., 1921] THE DESERT CROSSING OF HSUAN-TSANG 21 The first five marches from An-hsi lead across a succession of narrow hill ranges, all striking approximately east to west and rising but little above the wide plateau-like valleys between them. Water is found in springs at the first three stages (Pei-tan-tzu, Hung-liuyuan, Ta-ch'uan), and subsoil drainage is reached by wells, not more than 6 to 8 feet deep at Ma-lien-ching-tzu and Hsing-hsing-hsia. It is probably not without reason that the boundary between the provinces of Kan-su and Hsin-chiang or Chinese Turkestan is fixed now close to Hsing-hsing-hsia; for beyond, the character of the ground changes and dis. tinctly for the worse. Much of bare rocky ledges and of detritus is passed on the next two marches to Sha-ch'uan-tzu and K'u-shui, there being a steady descent of some 2,000 feet from the average level of the preceding stages. Vegetation even of the humblest sort becomes increasingly rare and the water decidedly brackish, as the name of K'u-shui "Bitter Water," rightly indicates. But it is the next march to the station of Yen-tun which is most dreaded of all by Chinese wayfarers. For a distance of some 35 miles it leads down over absolutely bare gravel slopes into a great depression or trough lying at its bottom some 1,500 feet below the level of K'u-shui. Totally devoid of water or shelter of any sort, this long march is attended with risks both on account of the great summer heat here experienced and the icy north-east gales to which it is exposed in the winter and spring. Carcases of transport animals mark the route all the way from K'u-shui; nor are losses in human lives unknown here. From Yen-tun another march, over similar gravel wastes but much shorter, brings the traveller to the springs of Chang-liu shui (Chang-liu-shin in the 1: 3,000,000 map is a misreading), at the southern edge of a wide belt of loess ground receiving subsoil water from the snows of the Karlik-tagh and covered with abundant scrub and reed-beds. At Chang-liu-shui the first tiny patch of Hami cultivation is met, and after two more marches the town of Hami or Kumul is reached in the central oasis, With these topographical features of the route the essential points in the story of Hsuan tsang's desert journey can be proved to be in close accord. This agreement is all the more remarkable in view of the avowedly imperfect text of Hui-li's Life and the impossibility of checking its statements from Hsuan-tsang's own travel records. A variety of details and personal touches strongly support the impression that Hui-li gathered his graphic account of the desert adventures from the Master's own lips and has reproduced it with faithfulness. We know too much of Hsuan-tsang's pious ardour and naive credulity to mistrust the few references to supernatural incidents; they obviously reflect genuine subjective illusions such as conditions of intense strain and real peril were most likely to produce in a mind so devout and fervid... From Hui-li's narrative of the journey we gather the following main facts (cf. Julien, Vie de H.,' pp. 23 sqq.; Beal, Life of H.,' pp. 18 sqq.). Forsaken a short distance beyond the Su-lo Ho, by the " young barbarian" who was to have acted as his guide, the pilgrim moved ahead alone, guiding himself by the bones of dead animals and the droppings of horses along the track. Visions of armed hosts moving in the distance caused him alarm. But seeing them disappear on closer approach, he recognized that they were vain images created by the demons. Obviously mirages are meant such as I frequently observed on my first few marches beyond An-hsi. After covering 80 li Hsuan-tsang arrived at the first signal-tower. In order to pass it unobserved he hid himself until nightfall. When he tried then to replenish his water-bottle from the water near the tower he was shot at with arrows by the men on guard. On declaring himself a monk come from the capital they took him before the commandant of the post.

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22 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (Jan., 1921 This, a native of Tun-huang, Wang-hsiang by name, closely examined him. Having verified his identity with the would be pilgrim in search of the Law, about whom a report had reached him from Liang-chou, he felt pity and gave him a kindly reception. Having failed to persuade him to return, he directed him in the morning to proceed to the fourth tower commanded by a relative of his. On arriving there the same night Hsuan-tsang passed through a similar experience. He was stopped by an arrow shot by the guard and then taken before the commandant. On receiving the message of Wang-hsiang the officer gave him hospitable welcome, but warned him not to approach the fifth and last watchtower, as it was held by men of violent disposition. Instead he was advised to go to a spring, a hundred li off, called Yeh-ma-ch'uan, 18" The Spring of the Wild Horses, "and to replenish his water supply there. "A short distance from there he entered the desert called Mo-ho-yen, which has a length of 800 li and which in ancient times was called Sha-ho, or the 'River of Sand.' One sees there neither birds nor quadrupeds, nor water nor pasture." In this desert the pious traveller was troubled again by demonic visions, i.e. mirages, from which he protected himself by reading his favourite sacred text, the Prajna-paramita Sutra. After having covered a hundred li, he lost his way and failed to find the "Spring of the Wild Horses." To add to his distress he dropped the big water-skin he had been given at the fourth tower and lost its precious contents." Besides, as the route made long detours, he no longer knew which direction to follow. He then meant to turn back to the east, towards the fourth signaltower." But after having thus proceeded for 10 li he thought of his oath not to take his way again eastwards until he had reached India. "Thereupon fervently praying to Kuanyin (Avalo-kitesvara) he directed himself to the north-west. Looking all round he saw only limitless plains without discovering & trace of men or horses." At night he was troubled by lights lit by wicked spirits, and in daytime by terrible sandstorms. "In the midst of these severe trials his heart remained a stranger to fear." But he suffered cruel torments from thirst. After having thus travelled for four nights and five days without water he lay down exhausted. In the middle of the fifth night after fervent prayers to Avalokitesvara he left refreshed by a cool breeze, and then found rest in short sleep. A divine vision seen in a dream roused him to a fresh effort. After about 10 li his horse, which also had found strength to get on its legs again, suddenly turned into another direction, and after a few more li carried him to a patch of green pasture. When he had allowed his horse to graze and was about to move on, he discovered a pool of clear water and realized that he was saved. Having halted a day at this spot, he continued his journey with a fresh supply of water and fodder, and after two more days emerged from the desert and arrived at l-wu or Hami. If we compare this summarized account of Hsuan-tsang's desert crossing with the actual topography of the route from An-hsi to Hami, we cannot fail to recognize their close accord in essential points as well as an obvious lacuna in the text of the 'Life.' This makes the pilgrim proceed in a single march from the first signal-tower to the fourth. But this is clearly in contradiction with the previously quoted passage of the 'Life,' which records the information given to Heuan-tsang at Kua-chou: "To the north-west beyond this Barrier there are five signal-towers. ... They are 100 li apart, one from the other." We are thus obliged to assume that Hsuan-tsang in reality had to cover four marches from the river before reaching the fourth tower, and that in the narrative presented by the extant text two of these marches have been left unrecorded. 19 Yeh-ma-ch'uan is still a frequent designation for desert localities beyond the Kansu border,

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JAN., 1921) THE DESERT CROSSING OF HSUAN-TSANG 23 Once allowing for this lacuna, which unfortunately has its only too frequent counterparts in the Life' and is easily accounted for by the extent condition of its text, we can easily trace the stages and incidents of the desert journey. That the position indicated for the first signal-tower clearly points to the present Pei-tan-tzu, the first stage from An. hsi, has been shown above. The 480 li reckoned from the Su-lo Ho to the fifth signal-tower are in remarkably exact egreement with 96 miles marching distance recorded by cyclometer on our journey from the river to Hsing-hsing-hsia, the fifth halting-place on the present road. The statement about the dreaded Mo-ho-yen desert extending beyond the fifth signal-tower is in perfect accord with the marked change for the worse which the character of the ground exhibits after we leave Hsing-hsing-hsia. Nor is it difficult to prove that all the matter-of-fact indications which the narrative of Heuan-tsang's experiences in this desert furnishes, are fully consistent with what the map shows us. We read there that the traveller, having been advised to evoid the fifth signal-tower, e. Hsing-hsing-hsia, turned off from the main route at the fourth tower in order to reach the "Spring of the Wild Horses," at a distance of 100 li. When he failed to find this and thought of regaining the fourth tower, he is said to have turned back to the east for a short while. This makes it quite clear that the Yeh-ma-ch'uan spring to which he had been directed must have lain in a westerly direction. Now a look at the Russian Trans-frontier map shows that the route from Tun-huang to Hami, &s surveyed by Captain Roborovsky's expedition, passes at a distance of about 30 miles west of Ma-lien-ching-tz, before joining the An-hsi--Hemi road at K'u-shui, and that one of its halting-places with 'water is to be found at about that distance to the west-north-west of Ma-lien-ching-tzu. Thus the existence, in the past or present, of a spring approximately in the position indicated for the Yeh-ma-ch'uan which Hsuan-tsang vainly sought for, becomes very probable. That the pilgrim unguided failed to find it is an experience with which I became only too often and painfully familiar myself when we made our way in September 1914 across unexplored portions of the Eastern Pei-shan (cf. Geographical Journal, 48, p. 200). In any case it is certain that if at the present day a wayfarer from An-hsi had reason to avoid observation at Hsing-hsing-hsia he could do no better than leeve the main route at Ma-lien-ching-tzu and strike to the west-north-west. He would have to cross there a con. tinuation of what appears to be the highest of the decayed hill ranges of the Pei-shan, the one which the main road passes in tortuous gorges just above Hsing-hsing-hsia. On such ground it would obviously be difficult to follow a straight line, and this circumstance may weil account for the passage in the narrative telling us that "as the route made long detours he no longer knew which direction to follow." After vainly searching for the "Spring of the Wild Horses," and a brief attempt to regain the fourth tower, we are told that Hsuantsang turned resolutely to the north-west and continued his journey undaunted by thirst and the perils of the desert. It was a resolve needing all the religious fervour and courage of the great pilgrim, but it was also the wisest course to follow-for one who knew how to keep up that bearing. And that Heuan-tsang fully possessed that instinct of the compass, so prevalent among Chinese of whatever condition, is abundantly proved by the topographical records he has left us in his Hsi-yu-chi.' As the map shows, this course to the north-west was bound to carry the traveller across! the utterly barren gravel glacis about K'u-shui down to the Yen-tun depression, and beyond this to the south-eastern edge of the loess belt, where subsoil drainage from the Karlik-taglu

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24 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ JAN., 1921 supports vegetation. We are told that on his progress across the Mo-ho-yen desert he went without water for four nights and five days, until after the refreshing rest of the fifth night his hardy mount carried him a few miles beyond to pasture and water in a pool. Here we find once again the approximate distance reckoning, as indicated by the record of the 'Life, as closely concordant with the actual topography as we could reasonably expect; fot we have seen that on the present caravan road five marches are needed to bring the traveller from Ma-lien-ching-tzu, i.e., the fourth signal-tower, to Chang-liu-shui, the first place with spring water and verdure on the Hami side, the total marching distance amounting to 106 niles. There are likely to have been wells then as now on the regular route leading from the fifth watch-station to Hami, in positions corresponding, or near, to Sha-ch'uan-tza, K'ushui, Yen-tun. But how difficult, if not impossible, it would have been for Hsuan-tsang, once off the caravan track, to find them I know only too well from my own personal experience on similar desert ground. The line he followed obviously lay more or less parallel to the route. Yet this might easily have remained hidden from him even if approached within a few miles. That it was the scent or local sense of his horse which enabled Hsian-tsang in the end to reach the saving spring before succumbing to thirst and exhaustion, distinctly strengthen my belief in the authenticity of the record as presented by Hui-li. We have been told in it before how Hsuan-tsang, when preparing for his adventure at Kua-chou, had wisely, by exchange for his own, secured this horse from an "old barbarian " who had ridden it more than fifteen times to Hami and back (see above, p. 18). The remarkable way in which horses and camels in the desert can scent water and grazing for considerable distances, or correctly locate such places remembered from previous visits is too well known to need niy personal testiniony. But I may well record this as regards the fact that a horse trained to desert travel may in the cold of a Central Asian winter well go on for five days without water. On my crossing of the Taklamakan to the Keriya River end our few ponies could not be watered for fully four days (see Desert Cathay,' 2, pp. 391 sqq.); yet, judging from their condition when we at last struck the river, they might probably have held out for a couple of days longer. (It is true, they were never ridden on this desert crossing.) It must also be noted that the going on the uniform gravel slopes and plateaus of the Pei-shan is far less tiring to horses and to men, too, than the crossing of dune-covered areas in Taklamakan. The accuracy of the narrative preserved in the 'Life' asserts itself to the end; for the two more days which it makes Heuan-tsang spend en route before reaching Hami corres. pond exactly to the two marches now reckoned from Chang-liu-shui to Hami town, a distance of some 35 miles. Thus we close the story as handed down in the 'Life' with the gratifying assurance that even this initial chapter of the pilgrim's travels, which in view of the grave perils and quasi-miraculous escape it records might most readily have lent itself to exaggeration and fiction, has retained in Hui-li's narration the form in which the Master of tho Lsw himself is likely to have told it.

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Indian Antiquary 8 90 92 94 96 98 100 102 104 chuin Sheenan Ming-Shui 13 Nor ASog Nor Kungur-che Single yo H TACH - Sheehan to being using haian Kara-koto Manching the 2 SHA are Wung-tiu-yuan Toghramonlari shihenh-tur Auins; In ruang/ Chinese Mao-mei li m2 10630 RECHOU Hung-shuei Shin-ting 38 102 , 9294 96 ge ido Hsuan Tsang's Route - Ruins i Great Wall w ? 100- 200 300 Miles MAP SHOWING THE ROUTE OF HSUANTSANG FROM J.R.G.S. C. WHITTINGHAM & GRIGOS, COLL.

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FEB., 1921 ] HISTORY OF THE NIZAM SHAHI KINGS OF AHMADNAGAR 26 THE HISTORY OF THE NIZAM SHAHI KINGS OF AHMADNAGAR. BY LIEUT.-COLONEL T. W. HAIG, C.S.T., C.M.G., C.B.E. (Continued from p. 8.) LI.-AN ACCOUNT OF MAKHDUM KE YAJA JAHIN'S ATTENDANCE ON THE KING, AND OF THE MARRIAGE OF HIS DAUGHTER TO ONE OF THE PRINCES. It has already been mentioned that Ratan Khan, the brother of Makhdam Khyaja Jahan, had complained to the king of his brother's oppression and had taken refuge at court, and that Makhdam Khyaja Jahan, when the king went to punish him, had fled and taken refuge with 'Adil Shah, and had then fled to Gujarat. Makhdum Khyaja Jahan, having now obtained a passport and safe conduct by the influence of some of the courtiers, joined the court and made his submission to Burhan Niyam Shah. The king decided to restore to Makhdum Khyaja Jahan, Parenda, which was his fief, and by way of attaching him to himself, to obtain one of his daughters in marriage for Miran Shah Haidar. Having laid the matter before his amirs, he ordered a pavilion fit for the mairiage feast to be constructed in that neighbourhood. When this had been completed, the king occupied it and ordered the astrologers to fix ad auspicious day for the wedding, and when this had been done, Miran Shah Haidar and the daughter of Makhdum Khyaja Jahan were married according to the rites of Islam and a great feast was held. A robe of honour was bestowed on Makhdum Khvaja Jahan, and the fortress of Parenda was restored to him by an order under the royal seal. The king passed the rainy season of that year in peace and festivity at Parenda and when the rains were over, re-assembled his army and, having informed Sadashivaraya of Vijayanagar of his intention, marched against Bijapur.. Sadashivaraya, who had been continuing his unsuccessful siege of Raichur, when be heard of Burhan Nizam Shah's intention, marched on Bijapar with his army and joined Burhan Nigam Shah before Bijapar. 130 Ibrahim 'Adil Shah, from fear of the army of Abmadnagar, sbut himself up in the citadel of Bijapor and was besieged there by the armies of Ahmadnagar and Vijayanagar. The heavy artillery of Ahmadnagar was brought against the citadel and maintained an incessant fire against its walls. Ibrahim "Adil Shah was in no wine slothful in his defence of the fortress, but displayed great valour and energy, and thus the siege continued. Every morning the fire of the siege guns began afresh and was silenced only at night. LII.-AN ACCOUNT OF THE SICKNESS WHICH CAME UPON BURHAN NizAM SHAH AND CAUSED HIS RETURN FROM BIJA POR. While the siege was in progresa, Burhan Nigam Shah fell sick and had to take to his bed. The learned Persian physician Qasim Beg, who enjoyed great confidence after the king's death, advised him that it was unwise to remain in the field or to continue the siege, and proposed that peace should be made and that the king should return to Ahmaddagar. As this proposition was supported by the amire and the officers of the army, the king accepted it, and agreed to return to Ahmadnagar and to remain there until God restored his health sufficiently to allow of his attacking Bijapur again. He therefore sent a message to Sadashivaraya informing him of his intention to abandon the siege, and Sadashivaray marched from Btjapur for Vijayanagar. 19 This invasion of the Bijapur kingdom, in 1664, is deporibed by Firishta a Burhan Ni Am Shah'e It campaign against Bijapur, but sooording to him Ibrahim Adil ShAh did not stand a siego in the oitadel of Bipar, but fled to the fortress of PanhAlo.

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26 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (FEB., 1921 Burhan Nizam Shah then returned to Ahmadnagar, where he was received with much joy by his subjects, who came to pay their respects to him, but although he took his seat on his throne, his weakness increased day by day and he was attacked by a variety of diseases against which the skill of the physicians was of no avail. LIII.-AN ACCOUNT OF THE QUARRELS BETWEEN THE PRINCES BEFORE THE DEATH OF BURHAN NIXM SHAH, AND OF THE END OF THAT AFFAIR. Historians of the Sultans of the Dakan relate that Burhan Nizam Shah had six sons, 121 tach of whom was worthy of a crown and a throne. (1) Miran Shah Husain was the eldest son and was superior to his brothers in wisdom, generosity, and bravery. Most of the amirs and officers of state, but especially Qasim Beg and the rest of the foreigners, were in favour of his elevation to the throne. Next came (2) 'Abdul Qadir, on whom Burhan Nizam Shah, for the love which he bore to him, hac bestowed an aftabgfr and an umbrella, and who had married a daughter of Darya 'Imad Shah. The honour which the king haul bestowed on him induced the people to think that he was destined for the throne, and his marriage had strengthened his position. Next came (3) Miran Shah 'Ali, who was, through his mother, the grandson of Isma'il Adil Shah. Next came (4) Miran Shah Haidar, whose marriage to the daughter of Makhdam Khya ja Jahan has been mentioned. Then came (5) Miran Muhammad Baqir, who fled and took refuge with Ibrahim 'Adil Shah and is yet (A.H. 1,000-A.D. 1591) living. Then came (6) Miran Khudabanda. Of all these sons the two most worthy of the throne were Miran Shah Husain and Miran 'Abdul Qadir, of whom the latter was at first the favourite of the king, who for the love that be bore him, bestowed on him an umbrella and an aftabgir and thus distinguished him above his brother. Later, however, when Burhan Nizam Shah was guided into the way of truth and became couvert to the religion of the twelve Imams, Miran Shah Husein, who was predestined to happiness in both worlds, and to the kingdom, followed his example, while Miran Abdul Qadir, led astray by the unworthy Maulana Pir Muhammad, strenuously refused to accept the faith and became disaffected towards his father, and was awaiting an opportunity of rising in rebellion and throwing the kingdom into confusion. The king naturally withdrew his favour from Miren 'Abdul Qadir and now inclined wholly to Miran Shah Husain, whom he treated with more honour both in public and in private, though as a matter of precaution, he still gave Miran 'Abdul Qadir a place beside himself in darbar and Miran Shah Husain & place behind himself. He determined, at the same time, that Miran Shah Husain should succeed him on the throne. For this reason the two princes were extremely jealous of each other and there was perpetual enmity between them. The king gave the fort of Danlatabad to Miran 'Abdul Qadir, Jurnar to Miran Shah Husain, and Pali to Miran Shah 'Ali, and established a rule that whenever the royal army assembled for an expedition, the princes should be excused from 131 Firishta (ii, 235) gives the following list and description of the song of Burhan Niram Shah I. (1) Husain, and (2) Abdul Qadir, by the courteban Amina ; (3) Shah All, by Bibt Mariyam, daughter of Yuf. Adil Shah ; (4) ShAh Haidar, who married the daughter of Madam Khyaja Jahan the Dakan; (6) Miran Muhammad Baqir, who died in Bijapur ; and (6) Prince Sultan Muhammad KhudAbanda, who died in Bengal. Sayyid Ali's account of the strife between the brothers does not differ materially from Firishta's (ii, 236). Firishta says that 'Abdul Qadir was supported by his other brothers and that the Foreigners and Africans supported Husnin, and the Dekanis and Hindde, 'Abdul Qadir. The Dakan ia and the Africans wually followed the same policy. 'Abdul Qadir took refuge with Darya 'Imad Shah in Berar, where he died.

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Feb., 1921] HISTORY OF THE NIZAM SHAHI KINGS OF AHMADNAGAR 27 attending and should go to their forts, in order that they might have no opportunity of quarrelling and fighting. Now that the king's health was failing and that he was weak, Qasim Beg nnd the rest of the officers of state thought it advisable that the princes should go to their forts, as their presence in the capital was likely to lead to disturbances and strife, for, they said, should the king recover, all would be well, but should he die, they would be able, at their leisure, to elect to the throne that prince most fitted for the position and most acceptable to the army and the people. They therefore approached the king and represented that it would be well if the princes were sent to their forts, in order that there might be no fear of open strife between them, until the king should summon them again to the capital. The king accepted their advice and issued orders accordingly. Miran Shah 'Ali at once obeyed the order and retired to his fort of Pali ; but Miran 'Abdul Qadir was suspicious of the motives of the amire and delayed his departure, hoping that he would be able to remain in the capital until Miran Shah Husain had left for Junnar, and would thus be in a position to make good his claims. Miran Shah Husain divined his intention and said that he would not leave the capital until Miran 'Abdul Qadir had, in accordance with custom, first departed for Daulatabad. Qasim Beg and others of the amire now secretly advised Miran Shah Husain not to leave the capital until Miran 'Abdul Qadir had departed, but to collect his troops and depart as soon as 'Abdul Qadir had left, as though he were marching to Junnar, and then to halt without the city and to await events. When Miran Abdul Qadir saw that he could no longer delay his departure, he collected a small body of horse and took the road to Daulatabad, but halted in the village of Chamar Tekri, which was afterwards known as Son Tekri. Then Miran Shah Husain left the fort and assembled his army, and ordered the daroghas of the elephant stables to draw up the elephants with their standards and banners. He then marched out of the city in royal state and drew up his army in the plain of Kala Chabatra, which is near the fort. Then the whole army of the Dakan with its officers and Foreigners, drawn up in order, marched out and joined the prince and made obeisance to him. Although most of the Dakanis had sworn to support Miran 'Abdul Qadir, all now joined Miran Shah Husain, and not a man shev ed any inclination to join the enemy, so that Husain had possession of all the elephants and artillery. Although Miran 'Abdul Qadir found that the armed strength necessary to enable him to gain the kingdom had passed out of his control, he endeavoured to supply the deficiency by valour, and ordered his troops to advance to the attack. Miran Shah Husain's army advanced against them and defeated them, and Miran 'Abdul Qadir was forced to seek refuge in flight. When the sun set, his followers deserted him and took their separate ways, and his elephants, horses, umbrella, and aftabgtr, fell into the hands of Mran Shah Husain. Miran Abdul Qadir then, with one elephant and a few attendants, made his way with great difficulty, to Berar. When the enemy was defeated, Miran Shah Husain ordered his troops to refrain from pursuing the fugitives, and by way of precaution, kept his army under arms all that night and did not himself dismount till sunset. In the morning he went to pay his respects to his father, who still lived, but was near death. Qasim Bog told the king that the long-standing enmity between Miran Shah Husain and Miran 'Abdul Qadir had at length culminated in battle and bloodshed, that Miran 'Abdul Qadir had been defeated and had fled to Berar,

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY ( FEB., 1921 and that Miran Shah Husain had come to pay his respects. The king, whose. breathing was lahoured, no longer had the power of speech, but he looked on the face of his eldest son and shed tears. LIV. THE DEATH OF BURHAN Nizam SAH. After Miran Shah Husain had paid his respects to his father, Burhan Nizam Shah's spirit took flight for its abode in Paradise, and the amirs, the officers of state, and the ladies of the haram were plunged into grief. The amirs, having arranged for the washing of the late king's body and for the funeral ceremony, buried him in the Rauzah garden, which is the burial place of the Nigam Shahi family. The body was afterwards exhumed by order of Husain Nizam Shah and was sent to Karbala where it was buried near the shrine of the Imam Husain. The death of Burhan Nizam Shah I occurred, according to the best known accounts, on Muharram 24, A.H. 961, (Dec. 30, 1563). In that year. died three great kings who had not their equals in Hindustan, nay, in the whole world, and a learned man wrot the following verses as a chronogram for their death: "At one time came the decline of three kings from whose justice Hind was the abode of peace. The first was Mahmud, king of Gujarat, who, like his kingdom, was in the pride of youth. The second was Islim Shah the king of Dihlt, who in Hindustan was a lord of the fortunate conjunction; The third was Nizam, that Bahri king, who was seated as king in the Dakan. If you ask me the date of the death of these three kings, I answer, "The decline of the kings." 128 Burhan Nizam Shah thus reigned over the Dakan for fifty years, and his age at the time of his death was 58 years, for he ascended the throne when he was eight years of age, in A... 918 (A.D. 1512-13).193 But God knows the truth. Burhan had, according to all accounts, six sons, as has been already mentioned. When Miran 'Abdul Qadir fled from Miran Shah Husain, he went to Berar in the hope of obtaining assistance from Darye 'Imad Shah, who, in obedience to an order from Husain Nizam Shah, requested him to leave his country, which he did, and went to Bijapur, where he remoined until his death under the protection of 'Adil Shah. Miran Shah 'Ali, who was the grandson of Ismail 'Adil Shah, was in the fortress of Pali at the time of Husain Nizam Shah's accession, and let himself down from the wall and fled to Bijapar. Here he assumed the umbrella and aftabgtr of royalty and marched to Sholapur, but was defeated by Husain's army and returned to Bijapur, as will be described hereafter. Miran Shah 'All, like Miran 'Abdul Qadir, spent the rest of his life in Bijapur and died there. Miran Muhammad Baqir was imprisoned in the fortress of Chandar in the early part. of the reign of Husain Nizam Shah and remained there until the reign of Murtaza Nizam 12 This chronogram is very well-known and is quoted with variations, by several historians. It W&s composed by Maulana Ghulam 'All Haidar Shah, father of the historian Firishta. A better reading of the first homistich of the fourth couplet is, "The third was Nigam-ul-Mulk Bahrt." The chronogram is u Jl the decline of the Kings ") giving the date 961. Sayyid 'All very carelessly gives it here as ulogue the death of the Kings") which gives the impossible date 1403. The two kinga besides Burhan ware Mahmud III of Gujarat and Islam Shah, son of Shfr Shah, of Dih. The name of the latter is umally corrupted, by imdlah, into Lslim, and sometimes Salim. Muharram 24, 961, seems to be too early a date for Barhan's death, for according to Firishta 1984) 10 WM not until A. H. 961 that he set out for Bijapur ; but perhaps Firishta's dato is wrong. 199 & page 38, wboro Sayyid 'All places Ahmad's death and Burhan's accession in A.x. 911 (A.D. 1506-06).

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FEB., 1921 ] HISTORY OF THE NIZAM SHAH KINGS OF AHMADNAGAR 29 Shah I, when he was released by the command of that king and went to Bijapur where he still (A.H. 1000=A.D. 1591-92) lives. Miran Shah Haidar, having been disappointed of assistance from Nazir-ul-Mulk and Makhdum Khyaja Jahan, joined his brothers in Bijapur, and there died. LV.-THE CHARACTER OF BURHAN NigAM SHAH. Sayyid 'Ali, after praising Burhan Nizam Shah for his generosity, his valour, his conversion to the Shi'ah faith, his invariable success in war, and other qualities, enumerates the forts which he captured. 194. He explains that in the Dakan, qal'ah means & fort built on a hill, and hisdr, & fort built on a plain. The enumeration is as follows (1) the hill fort of Rola Chola, (2) the hill fort of Kachtan, (3) the hill fort of Katra, (4) the hill fort of Anki, (5) the hill fort of Kondhana, (6) the hill fort of Purandhar, (7) the hill fort of Rohera, (8) the hill fort of Kherdrug, (9) the hill fort of Alang-Karang, (10) the hill fort of Ramsej, (11) the hill fort of Aundhyatya, (12) the hill fort of Markonda, (13) the hill fort of Kohei, (14) the hill fort of Bola, (15) the hill fort of Haholi, (16) the hill fort of Trimbak, (17) the hill fort of Anjtr, (18) the hill fort of Bhorap, (19) the hill fort of Karkara, (20) the hill fort of Haris, (21) the hill fort of Jadhan, (22) the hill fort of Antar, (23) the hill fort of Galna, (24) the hill fort of Chandher, (25) the hill fort of Rajdher, (26) the hill fort of Pali, (27) the hill fort of Ratangarh, (28) the hill fort of DhorapWanki, (29) the hill fort of Vanjarki, (30) the fort of Anhawant, (31) the fort of Salapur. (32) the fort of Parenda, (33) the fort of Qandahar, (34) the fort of Ausa, (35) the fort of Kaliyani, (36) the fort of Manikpunj, (37) the fort of Kodeval, (38) the fort of Ketra, (39) the fort of Bodhera, (40) the fort of Erka, (41) the fort of Sitonda, (42) the fort of Taltam, (43) the fort of Tanker, (44) the fort of Lohogarh, (45) the fort of Moranjan, (46) the fort of Kawant, (47) the fort of Berwari, (48) the fort of Karnala, . (49) the fort of Satkasa, (50) the fort of Morkel, (51) the fort of Anwag, (52) the fort of Hatka. (53) the fort of Tabakaba, (54) the fort of Taltam Batykla, (55) Koldeosher, (56) Rajdeoher, (57) Bhisa Anker, (58) Trimbak Banesa. Of these forts Antur and Galna, by reason of the rebellion of Baharji and Danya, their commandants, passed out of the possession of Burhan Nigam Shah at the time when he marched to assist Sadashivaraya in the siege of Raichur, but were recaptured in the reign of Husain Nizam Shah, as will be related hereafter. Burhan Nizam Shah built many buildings and laid out many gardens, among them the buildings and gardens of the fort of Ahmadnagar, which were named Baghdad and were the royal residenoe. These buildings and gardens were very fine. There was also the beautiful garden of the old lodriz which was completed by Malik Ahmad Tabrizi. The king also built the almshouse of the twelve Imams, and other mosques and colleges. 115 13 I have not translated Sayyid Alf'. onoomium of Buria Niram Shah I, which is long and falsomo, Dor have I attempted to identify all the forta hore enumerated. It is probable that the text is corrupt in some places. Some of the forts have been noticed before, No. 4, ankt, is probably Ankat situated in 20deg9 N. and 76028 E. No. 9 should be Alang-Kulang, twin forte situated in 19deg361 N. and 73deg40' E. No. 16, Trimbak, is situated in 19deg 56' N. and No. 86, Manikpunj, in 20deg13' N. and 74deg44' E. No. 48, Karnala, i perhaps Gimnare, situated in 20deg4' N. and 73deg39' E. 13 The Baghdad palace was built on the site of the building in which Burhan had soon the vision of Muhammad and the Imams. The garden of the old ledirts, or underground watoroourse, was afterwards known as the Bagh+Hasht Bihisht, or "garden of the eight heavens." The alushouse of the twelr. Imama was plundered by a zealous Sunnt officer of the imporial army during the siege of Ahmadnagu by Sultan Murid and the Shalehanda.

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30 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (FEB., 1921 Burhan Nizam Shah was in the habit of taking counsel with his amirs, ministers and officers of state before entering on any enterprise and in all matters of administration. His most intimate counsellors were Shah. Tahir, Kamil Khan, Miyan Raja, Partab Rai, and some others. If any one of these happened to be absent when any matter was discussed, the arguments were, by the king's command, repeated to him by the other counsellors and he was called upon for his opinion. After Shah Tahir's death I'tibar Khan was admitted to the king's privy council. Burhan Nizam Shah was very merciful, and in punishing wrong-doers, never acted hastily or without careful consideration. His forbearance was great, for many times 'Abdul Qilir, instigated by ill-disposed persons who hated the religion of the twelve Imams, plotted against his life and sometimes even came to court with the intention of making an attempt on his father's life, but though all this was discovered to the king, he never made any attempt to seize and imprison the conspirators, but ignored them. He used, however, to tell Miran Shah Husain, in whom he had the greatest confidence, of this matter; and when he went to his private apartments to take his ease, Miran Shah Husain always mounted guard there, and whenever Abdul Qadir made any attempt to enter, he was frustrated by his elder brother. Another of Burhan Nizam Shah's characteristics was his exact and methodical apportionment of his time, both for business and amusements. When he had finished his morning prayers, the jesters would appear, and the king would amuse himself for a while with them. Then he would dress, and the mahalldars 126 would come, and he would continue to amuse himself with jesting until the councillors arrived. After sitting with his council. lors, he would mount his horse and ride forth and inspect the elephant stables, the stables, and the workshops, and would approve what was being done well and point out what was being done ill. He would then return and have his morning meal and would amuse himself the while with jesting. After the meal he would transact business of state, and decide cases. inquiring personally into all arlministrative and revenue matters, and also into all questions of holy law, with the help of the learned men who were present. Religious discussions often took place at court and the king often discussed ably on religious questions, so that the guests at this feast of reason and flow of soul found ample food provided. Learned men and disputants, officers in charge of departments, all assembled. The officers got the orders, which they had ready, past the signet and made their representations regarding them; the learned men held disputations, and musicians and singers of Hindustan and Khurasan enlivened both the ear and the wit by their music and songs. The king used to speak on all subjects in such wise that all who heard him were delighted, and he would put aside all ceremony. He would then retire for a short time to rest, and when he awoke, the musicians and singers would again be summoned and he would sit and listen to them and talk with them, and make interpolations in their songs, and jest with them. In the afternoon he would go to his prayers again, and when the lamps were lit, the courtiers, councillors, and officers of state again assembled, and until the fourth hour of the night were engaged in discussing and deciding affairs of state and in relating anecdotes and uttering witticisms. After these had been dismissed, the mimes were sometimes brought in, and the king would engage in discourse with them till ten o'clock. Sometimes again the camp boys would be brought in and set to wrestle with one another and to abuse one another, when they would use expressions which both delighted and astonished the king. At one, or two o'clock, the king would retiro to rest, and again, when the sun rose, the same round of duties and pleasures would follow, 13 Maraudars wore either officers in charge of quarters of the city or Govemors of rural districte, probably, in this case, the former.

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FB., 1921 ] ARYAN MOTHER RIGHT 31 The king never departed from this routine, and even in the field, when the officers of the guard had to attend for orders, and when writing had to be done at night in the matter of issuing orders for the drawing up of troops, neither these duties, nor the daily round already mentioned were neglected. The king would ride out and inspect in person the defences, the gun-carriages and waggons and the positions of all the troops in camp, lest intervals should be left unguarded, and would issue orders to remedy defects. Nothing escaped his eye and nobody could venture to be out of his place by a hair's breadth, or to display any lack of vigilance. At all great feasts, on birth-days, and especially on the birthday of the prophet, great banquets were held, at which food and drink of various kinds were served to the whole army. The Sayyids, from the love which the king had to the house of the prophet, were specially honoured, for he poured water over their hands himself. This laudable custom established by Burhan Nizam Shah is still (A.H. 1000= A.D. 1591-92) observed by his successors. Every petition presented during the days on which these feasts were held received the king's special attention, and it rarely failed of receiving a favourable reply, no matter from whom it came, and gifts and robes of honour were freely distributed. These customs are still observed by the Nizam Shahi dynasty. (To be continued.) ARYAN MOTHER-RIGHT? BY PROFESSOR H. J. ROSE. Introductory Note by the Editor. I have much pleasure in bringing the following remarks and the request accompanying them to the readers of the Indian Antiquary in the hope that some of them may be able to help him in what he wishes to achieve. Mr. Rose desires to have evidence--ancient and modern-sent him from India to prove or disprove the existence there now, or at any time, of Mother-rigbt among the population usually classed as Aryan (as distinguished from Dravidian, Aboriginal and non-Aryan), i.e., among that part of the population which is allied to the Indo-Germanic races. Mr. Rose, on the present evidence available, does not favour the proposition that it ever existed among this race. The point now is to prove the allegation one way or the other if possible.-R.C.T. 1 Since the days of Morgan, McLennan, and Bachofen, much has been written, a good deal of it very loosely, about the system formerly known as matriarchy, but now, by the help of a loan-word from German, better labelled mother-right or mother-kin. This system I need not describe to anyone who knows even the rudiments of Indian sociology. It is that of the Khasis and of the Nairs, to give no other examples. Under it, relationship is traced through the mother as in father-right it is traced through the father. The father is legally no kin to his own children, and therefore in strict forms of this system may be found marrying his own daughter; and the head of the family is usually the mother's brother, or in default of such a one, her nearest male relation on the distaff side. Modifications and corruptions of such an arrangement are common enough, e.g., among the Veddahs of Ceylon, who practise eross-cousin marriage, an easy way of providing the husband with a legal relationship towards his children, if any are born. I do not propose in this article to attempt a survey of Indian mother-right, which I am quite incompetent to do, but to appeal to those who know India, past and present, to contribute from their knowledge towards the accomplishment of a work of common interest.

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32 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ FEB., 1921 - Some years ago I was led to examine the statements of one or two writers to the effect that such a system had existed in ancient Greece, not very long before the classical epoch, and in that connection to consider also the claim, which was at that time (1911) generally made, that mother-right was the earlier system which had everywhere preceded father-right. My investigations led me wholly to deny the cogency of the supposed evidence for Greece; and recently I have come to a similar result in the case of ancient Italy, outside Etrurie, which is known to have been matrilinear. My results have appeared in Folk-Lore (On the Alleged Evidence for Mother-Right in Early Greece, XXII, 277; Mother-Right in Ancient Italy, XXXI, 92). But the interest of the subject has been made all the clearer by these partial investigations, and I now hope to collect materials and collaborators for & book on the question of Indo-Germanic mother-right in general, I would not be understood here to beg the question whether there ever was such a thing as an Indo-Germanic people. I freely confess that I do not kpow, and I am doubtful if any one else does. What we do know however is, that there was an Indo-Germanic language, whoever may have spoken it. Now a language is a very important culturecomplex, and is almost sure to attract other complexes to itself. Teach a Gold Coast negro to speak English, and he certainly does not become an Englishman; but it is more than likely that he will, if he has the opportunity, wear some parody of English dress, try to imitate English custome, perhaps become, or pretend to become, a Christian, and look down upon such "dam' niggers" as have not these marks of civilisation. So with the Indo-Germans; whether they were one race or twenty, they had a language in common, whose dialects we most of us speak to this day, and therefore it is very likely that they had in common other culture-complexes. Thus for the study of any IndoGermanic sociological phenomena, whether the people immediately under discussion live in Travancore or Iceland, it is useful to have as full knowledge as possible of the customs and history of their co-linguists, however remote. Hence in particular, if we would determine whether or not Italian, Teuton, Slav, or Greek were ever matrilinear, & knowledge of the full evidence for India is of much use. But such a book as I hope to see published must needs be the work of specialists. To cover one region adequately is no easy task for one man; to cover them all, in any but the most superficial way, is out of the question. Therefore I have for some time been looking for collaborators, and have thus far met with considerable success. But in the case of India, the mere collection of material is proving to be a vast affair, and it is for help in this respect that I now appeal. The material required is of three kinda, as follows: (1) Evidence from the ancient Aryan texts, from the earliest to the latest, tending to show (a) Prominence in the family or clan of the maternal uncle, or an especially close tie between him and his sister's children (such as that between Arthur and Kilhwch, in the Mabinogion, which gives colour to the theory that the Kelts were once matrilinear). (6) Stories of marriage, or irregular connections, between persons related closely by father-right, but not by mother-right. In all such cases it should be noted how the story is told, s.c., whether great abhorrence is expressed at the incestuous 'union, or whether there is any tendonoy to treat it as nothing out of the common. cl -

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Fus., 1921) THE EARLY COURSE OF THE GANGES (c) Traces of inheritance through women, or of women holding property, in early times, in their own right. (d) Surnames formed from the name of the mother. (e) Stories in which father and son are strangers or enemies. Here it should be noted whether or not the son is legitimate, also if the estrangement or enmity is viewed with horror or not. ) Relationship-names of any kind indicating, on analysis, a system other than the patrilinear. (2) Evidence from later times, and especially customs existing at the present day, or noted in the earlier books of travel and exploration, tending to show survival of any such phenomena in an Aryan community anywhere in the peninsula. (3) Evidence tending to show that any such community has at any time been influenced in the direction of mother-right by any of non-Aryan, matrilinear peoples of India. I would point out in this connection that such phenomena as the unions between hypergamous Brahmang and Nair girls prove nothing at all. The men in this case do not want to marry, or to have anything to do with the children of the-to them-irregular union. The women, according to their own ideas, are married and their clan assumes, according to its regular custom, the custody of their children. It may be that there is no such evidence. If so, that fact is in itself evidence, and welcome as such. It may be that Maine's picture of the undivided Indian family is perfectly correct for the earliest times in which a family existed among the Aryans at all, as in my opinion it is true, mutatis mutandis, for Rome, as soon as the gens ceased to be. what I think it originally was, an exogamous group with classificatory relationship. In any event, I am only too willing to receive and arrange any evidence that may be Hent me, only asking that in the case of bulky or rare works quoted, there be furnished, not references only, but extracts. When the material is gathered, I propose to submit 1t to the judgment of the Editor of this magazine, to be shaped into an article and finally, I hope, incorporated with the rest into the book I am planning. THE EARLY COURSE OF THE GANGES. BY NUNDOLAL DEY, M.A., B.L.; CALCUTTA. (Continued from p. 14.) But before we proceed to identify the mouths of the Ganges, as stated by Ptolemy, we must try to form somo idea of the Delts or rather tho Tbo Delte in the configuration of the head of the Bay of Bengal, as it existed, second century. in the second century of the Christian era. In the fifth century BO. TAmralipta (modern Tamluk) was & maritime port: it was then callod the port of Surama or Suhma, the modern Radha.55 The two merchants Tapuess and Bhallika who gave honey and other articles of food to Buddha just after he attained Buddbahood, landed at this port. Fa Hian, who visited Tamralipta in the fifth oentury A.D., says that it was situated on the nea; Hiuen Tsiang, who visited it two centuries later, also says that it bordered on the sea.66 It appears from Ravensbaw's Memorandum # 8oo my Notes on the history of the District of Hughli or the Ancient Rada in JASB., 1910, p. 601. w Boul's Becords of Western Countries, intra, p. cxx, vol. II, p. 200.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ FEB., 1991 on the Ancient Bed of the River Soane and Site of Palibothra that "during the boring in Fort William with the view of making an Artesian well, a fossil bone was brought up from a depth of 350 feet below Calcutta, which evidently proves that part of the Delta was (geologically speaking) & comparatively modern accumulation of alluvial deposits, and it is not impossible that Calcutta itself may at that period (460 B. c.) have been not far distant from the mouth or one of the mouths of the Ganges." 57 It also appears from the Mahavamsa 58 that the Ganges near Pandua, anciently called Pradyumna-nagara 59 and Morapura which is evidently a corruption of Marapura, 60 was very close to the ocean in the fourth century B.O. when Pandu Sakya, who was Buddha's cousin, founded a settlement at this place. Perhaps this old bed of the Ganges became afterwards the bed of the Sarasvati (not the same au its namesake of the north-west) when the Ganges receded to the east. According to the commentator Nilakantha, Suhma of the Mahabharata is the Raha of modern days, and in that work It has been mentioned as being very close to the sea, and Radha comprises a mong others the district of Hughli.61 Megasthenes writing in the fourth century B.C., also states that the ocean was very close to the eastern boundary of the Gangaridai, which means the people of the country of Radha situated on the Ganges. He says, "Now this river (the Ganges) which in its source is 30 stadia broad, flows from north to south, and empties its waters into the ocean forming the eastern boundary of the Gangaridai, a nation which possesses # Vast force of the large-sized elephants." 61 Agonagara of Ptolemy, which has been identified with the modern Agradvipa situated to the south of Katwa (Katadvipa of Arrian). had already come into existence in the second century A.D.,63 which shows that this portion of Bengal, in the district of Nadia, was in the course of formation, as the name of Agradvipa (foremost island) indicates. I should here state that Tilagrammon of Ptolemy 64 has been correctly identitied by Yule with Jessore, not the headquarters of the present district of that name, but with Pratapaditya's Jessore in the present district of Khulna which has but its name to the former town. By "Tilagrammon " is not meant the "sesamum-village," 65 as it has been rendered by McCrindle. The word is evidently a corruption of Tiragrama, rand / being interchangeable. It means a " village situated on the sea-shore," which clearly proves that it bordered on the ocean in the second century A.D. Hence it will be observed that Tamluk and Radha on the west, and Jessore on the east were very close to the sea in the second century. In the fifth century B.C., the present site of Calcutta, and Pandua were very close to the sea. Calcutta is now about 80 miles from the sea-board, which shows that the sen has receded only 80 miles in the course of twentyfive centuries. Tamluk, which is about 35 miles to the south-west of Calcutta, was a maritime port in the seventh century A.D. It is now 60 miles from the ocean, which shows that in the course of thirteen centuries, the sea has receded only 60 miles. Though, of course, the process of delta-building is not uniform everywhere, yet there cannot be the slightest doubt that the process is a very slow one. Hence, in the second century A.D., the sea could not have been far distant from either 17 JASB., vol. XIV (1845), p. 162. 69 Turnour's Mahduam sa, ch. viu. - Prdyaschitta-Tattvam, p. 100. 80 Upham'. Mahdvansia ; JASB., 1910, p. 611--my Notes on the District of Hughli. a nilkantha's commentary on v. 26, ch. 30, Sabha Parva of the Mahdbhdrata; my Notes on the District of Hughli in JASB., 1910, pp. 601, 602. MoCrindle's Ancient India as described by Megasthenes and Arrian, p. 33. 68 Morindle's Ptolemy, pp. 212, 216. Ibid., p. 72. os Idid., p. 75.

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Fas., 1921) THE EARLY COURSE OF THE GANGES 35 the present site of Calcutta, or Pand. In the north, we find the name of Agonagara mentioned by Ptolemy. Had there been any other town of importance in the district of Nadia, he would not have certainly failed to mention it, as he has done with regard to Ganga, the chief town of Gangaridai. In the absence of any mention of any other town, we are led to infer that in the second century A.D., the delta had extended only to a certain portion to the south of Agonagara in the district of Nadia, and the remaining -portion of the district together with the present sea-board had not then come into existence. Hence, we find that Tamralipta (Tamluk) the present site of Calcutta, Marapura (Pandua) and Radha on the west, "Tilagrammon" (Jessore) on the east, and a certain portion of the district of Nadia on the north, were very close to the ocean in the second century of the Christian era. It is very difficult at this distance of time to lay down precisely the nature of the configuration of the head of the Bay of Bengal which wedged in, as it were, in MidBengal, between old formations on the east and west, but the above facts will give some idea, however vague it may be, of the shape of the Bay of Bengal at the time of Ptolemy, into which the Ganges debouched itself in the second century. This portion of the Bay of Bengal has since been filled by salts and sands brought down by the current of the river. From the physical features of Bengal in the second century, as described above, it will be clear that to identify the places and mouths of the Ganges as metRestoration of "Kambyson." tioned by Ptolemy with the present positions would certainly be erroneous. We must therefore look for some of the mouths of the Ganges (mentioned by Ptolemy) much higher up, and most probably in the area now occupied by portions of the districts of Nadia, Hughli, 24-Parganas, Jessore, and Khulna, up to which the Bay of Bengal extended at that period. There can be no doubt that the mouth called " Kambyson," which was the western-most mouth of the Ganges, is a transcription of " Kapildsrama." Though attempts have been made to explain the word "Kambyson " and identify it with "Nungabuson " near Tamluk, with the Suvarnarekha, and also with the Jelasor river, called in Sanskrit Suktimati, synonymous with Kambu or Kambuj, on the "river of Shells,"66 yet the arguments do not appear to be convincing. McCrindle says, "It is difficult, however, to identify the mouths, he (Ptolemy) has named, with those now existing, as the Ganges, like the Indus, has shifted some of its channel and otherwise altered the hydrography of the delta."67 There cannot be the slightest doubt that the whole feature of the delta has changed considerably since the time of the Mahabharata ; but whatever change there was, and at whatever points the Ganges might have entered the ocean, its principal outlet has always retained the ancient name of Kapilasrama, on account of the sacred character of the spot where the Ganges gave salvation to the sixty-thousand sons of Sagara,--the principal object for which she was brought down from heaven, and which is visited from time immemorial as a place of pilgrimage, ciroumstance which has served to keep alive the name and memory of Kapila Muni's hermitage. Moreover, it would be observed that according to phonetio rules, the word "Asrama" is sometimes changed into " Ason" or "son", as Garga- A drama is the modern Gagdson, Bhrigri- Aframa is the modern Bagrdson. 68 Now the question is where was this Kapilasrama or Kambyson mouth situated at the 80 MoOrindle's Ptolemy, pp. 74, 101 ; Asiatic Research, vol. XIV, p. 464. of MoOrindlo's Ptolomy, p. 74 08 See my Geographical Dictionary of Ancient and Medical India, (2nd ed.) 8.V., Bhrigu.Abrams and Garga-Asrarna.

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36 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY FEB., 1921 time of Ptolemy in the second century A.D.! It is very fortunate that a town by the name of "Polura " has been mentioned as being situated near the Kambyson mouth. The identification of this place would clear up much of the obscurity that is involved in the question. As stated before, we must seek for Poloura, not near the present mouths of the Ganges, but much higher up, as the whole feature of the delta has changed Poloura, since the second century A.D., and in order to do this, we must rely upon local traditions as recorded by writers of the 16th century. In the district of Nadia in Bengal, there is a town called Pahadpur, the ancient name of which was Koladvipa-Parvatapura as recorded by a Vaishoava poet Narahari Chakravartti in his Navadvipa-Parikramd. It was briefly called Koladvipa or Kolapura 69 or Pahalpur.70 Kolapura is close to Samudragadi," the ancient name of which was Samudragati ("Entrance into the Ocean").72 Kavikankana also states in his Chandi that Srimanta and his father Dhanapati Sadagar in their voyage to Ceylon arrived at Samudragadi after leaving Pa pur (Pabadpur).73 The Navadvipa-Parikrama records a It should be observed that in the Navadvipa-Parikramd the word " Duipa " is synonymous with a town (Pura or Nagara) as Antardvipe is now Atopura (p. 15), Ritud vipa Ratupura (p. 48), Jahnudvipa Jannagara (p. 61), Agradvipa Agonagara (Ptolemy), Rudradvips Rudrapura (p. 72). Hence, Koladvipa is Kulis or Kolapurs. 70 Navadvipa-Parikrama, p. 37 - Srinivasa prati kahe Srimadhura bhisha Kuliyl-pahadapur dekha Srinivasa. 23. Parvve koladvipa parbbatakhya e prachara E nama haila jaichhe kahi se prakara. 24. Parvvata api mana kola vipre dekha dila Ei hetu koladvipa-parbbatakhya hoila. 49. (Then in sweet voice (Isana) said to Srinivasa " Oh Srinivasa ! See Kulia Pahadpur ! its former name was Koladvipa-Parvata, and I will relate to you how it got that nampe,...." The God Kola appeared before the Brahman like a Parvata (mourstain), hence its name became Koladvipa-Parvata). 71 Ibid, p. 40 Aichhe kala kahi chale Koladvipa haite Prabhur vildsasthana dekhite dekhite. 1. Samudragadi gramer nikate giya kays Dekha Srinivasa e Samudrs-gadi haya. 2. (Thus saying they proceeded from Koladvipa, looking at the scenes of the early life of the Lord (Gauranga). Coming near the village of Samudragadi, he said " See Srinivass; this is Samudragadi.) 73 Ibid, p. 44: Gangsaha gatite Samudragati nama Eve loke kahaye Samudragadi grama. (The union (of Samudra) with the Ganges has given it the name of Samudragati, which people now call Samudragadi village.) 73 Kavikankana-Chandt, p. 234, (Srepati's journey to Triven) - Rajani prabhate sadhu meli ata ndya Navadvips Padapur edaiye yaya Samudragadi Mirjapur vahe tvaru tvara Nahi mane sadAgar basanter khara. (The merchant taking his seven boats early in the morning passed Navadvips and Padpur (PALAdpur, and quiokly plied his boats from Samudragadi to Mirzapur, without heeding the currents of the spring season). Again, Ibid. p. 200 (Dhanapati's journey by boat): Pahadapur Samudragadi vahil melan Mirjapur gh&te dinga karil chapan. (The boat after passing Pahadpur and Samudragadi arrived at the ghat'at Mirzapur).

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FEB., 1921) THE EARLY COURSE OF THE GANGES 37 tradition 74 to the effect that one day long before the birth of Chaitanya, Samudra (the Ocean) said to Ganga (the Ganges) that she was very fortunate, in as much as she would see the "full-god Gaurachandra " appear at Nadia on her banks, where he would pass the best part of his life, sporting in her waters, as he had done before in the Yamuna; whereupon Ganga replied, "I am very unfortunate that Gaurachandra after affording me so much happiness would plunge me into the deepest sorrow by turning a Sannyasi (ascetic) and going to live on your coast (meaning Puri in Orissa on the sea-shore) and you would be the happiest of beings." Samudra (Ocean) replied that what she said was true, but it would burst his heart to see him turn a Sannyasi, and therefore he would take her protection. She would show him Gaurachandra and his companions in the heyday of their sportive career on her banks in Nadia. Since then Samudra and Ganga awaited together with impatience the advent of Gaurachandra at "Samudragati."75 The story, stripped of its poetical garb and allegory, clearly points out that the Ganges once disembogued itself into the ocean at Samudragadi in the district of Nadia near Koladvipa-Parvata or Kolapura. The name also of Samudragati strongly corroborates the fact, of which we have no historical evidence except the tradition above referred to, that at some former period, the Ganges joined the Ocean at this place, and the mouth by which the former joined the latter must have been its principal or the Kambyson mouth of Ptolemy, on account of its proximity to " Poloura, " which is a corruption of Kolapura in the district of Nadia, and the configuration of the head of the Bay of Bengal in the second century A.D. makes the identification highly probable. Ptolemy's "Kambyson " therefore appears to have been Kapilarsrama and his " Poloura " Kolapura. The former is now represented by the Hughli mouth at Kapilasrama near the Sagar Island. This tradition, as well as the names which we have tried to restore, receives some con firmation from the fact that at Jahannagar (Brahmanitala), which Jahnu-Asrama at is four miles to the west of Nadia, there is a tradition of the hermitage Jahannagar. of Jahnu Muni being situated there.76 In fact, J&hannagar, which is mentioned also as Jannagara, is a corruption of Jahnu-Dvipa, as stated in the Navadui pa. Parikrama. It should be borne in mind that Jahnu Muni is said to have gwallowed up the Ganges and then let her out through his thigh on the intercession of Bhagiratha. This is merely an allegory for indicating a change in the course of the river. The very fact of a Jahnu existing at Nadia shows that a change in the course of the Ganges must have taken 7 Navadvipa-Parikrama, p. 40 - Nija gane grisamudragati nama kaya Etha Gang-samudra-prasanga sukhamays Gangasraya kariya Samudragati eths Loke ye prasiddha suns, kahi ye, so katha. (Our people call it (Samudragadi) Samudragati : there was a happy union here of the Gangos and the Ocean ; I shall relate to you the tradition so well known to the people regarding the union of the Gangor at Samudragati here.) * Ibid. p. 41 Ohe Bri-nivasa Ganga-sindhu sikhane Sadai adhairya Gaurachandrer dhiyane. (Oh Srinivlom; here (at Samudragadi) Gang (the Ganges) and Samudra (the Ocean) always remained impatient in the meditation of Gaurachandra.) 70 Oaloutta Review, VI (1846), p. 494 ; Chunder's Travels of a Hindoo, vol. L 77 Napadvipa-Parikrama, p. 53, 97.

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38 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [F&B., 1921 place, which had the effect of giving it a term in its present direction with the extension of the Delta to the south at some period subsequent to the second century of the Christian era. Tilagrammon is stated by Ptolemy to have been situated near the third mouth of the Ganges called Kamberikhon,78 and in his Map also, he has placed the Tilegrammon. town near the mouth. Yule places it in his map on the site of Jessore, and MoCrindle says, " The name seems to be compounded of the tws Sanskrit words " tila," "sesamum " and "grama," "a village or township."19 Yule's identification appears to be correct, for, by Jessore, as stated before, is meant not the head. quarters of the district of that name, but the Jessore of Raja Pratapaditya, situated in the district of Khulna (which formerly appertained to that of Jessore), where some remains of his palace still exist. Ram Camal Sen in the Preface to his Dictionary in English and Bengalee 80 states," when Sarvananda Mazumdar, the uncle of Raj& Prata paditya, who was the founder of the city of Jessore, fixed his residence there about three hundred years ago (i.e., in the 16th century A.D.), it was a forest on the borders of the sea." Hence it will be observed that "Tilagrama" does not mean "Sesamum-village" as interpreted by McCrindle, but is a corruption of Tiragrama, which was evidently overgrown by a wilderness "the last scene in the life of an Indian river." 81 Wilford identifies the mouth Kamberikhon with the "Jamna," called in Bengal "Jabuna "; he further says, "though the Jamuna falls into the Restoration of "Kamberakhon." Kambarekhon mouth, it does, by no means, form it, for it obviously derives its name from Kambadara or Kambaraka river, as I observed before.82 But "Kambarikhon " appears to be a transcription of "Kumbhirakhatam" which means the "Crocodile-Channel." Like " Kambyson " or Kapilasrama, the name of "Kamberikhon " or Kumbhirakhatam has also shifted with the extension of the Delta to the south since the second century A.D., and it now attaches itself to the estuary of the Kobadak under the name of Bangara which is a corruption of Mangara or Crocodile, in the southern part of the district of Khulna, intersected by rivers and interlaced by cross-channels, swamps and marshes, the original channel of the Ganges having shifted or rather having been lost in the tangled network of swamps and rivers. The name of Kumaria village on the river Kobadak, the river Kumer in the district of Jessore, and several places with the name of Kumbhira or its corruptions, situated on the present branches of the Ganges in the neighbourhood, lead us to believe that Kamberikhon must be a corruption of Kumbhirakhatam, now represented by the Bangara estuary. It is now very difficult to identify the other three mouths of the Ganges mentioned by Ptolemy, as no places have been mentioned near them, as has been Restoration of done in connection with the Kambyson and Kamberikhon mouths. " Mega." But with regard to the second mouth called Mega, it may be suggested that it is a corruption of Magri, & channel 80 graphically described by 70 Morindle's Polomy, p. 78. #1 Imperial Gazetteer of India, vol. VI, p. 24. Ibid, p. 76. 80 Published in 1838, p. 8. Asiatic Reacarohae, vol. XIV., PP. 464-6.

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FEB., 1921] THE EARLY COURSE OF THE GANGES 39 Kavikaokana in his Chandi, 83 as Mega cannot be identified with the Meghna estuary, because in the second century, the Ganges had no connection with the Brahmaputra. At some remote period there was perhaps a mouth of the Ganges near Magra in the district of Hughli, and perhaps with the gradual extension of the Delta towards the south, the name has also gone down along with the shifting course of the channel, and it is at present situated in the district of 24-Parganas, now known by the name of Magra-hat near the Rasulpur river which joins the Ocean through the Jamira estuary. Moreover, the difficulty of identification arises particularly from the fact that the hydrography of the delta has been considerably altered by the shifting of the Channel of the Ganges. The Kavikaikana Chandi, which was written by Mukundarama Chakravartti in Saka 1499, corresponding to 1577 A.D., describes the route of Dhanapati Sadagar and Srimanta Sadagar to Ceylon along the river Hughli from its junction with the river Ajaya. It shows that they did not pass through the Adiganga or the "Original Ganges," a part of which is called Tolly's Nala, which joined the sea near the Sagar Island. Rennell says that the river called the "Old Ganges " received that name whilst the circumstance of the change was fresh in the memory of the people. The silting up of the Adi-Ganga took place in the 16th century, as it appears from the route described in the aforesaid Chandi. Instead of proceeding through the Adi-Ganga, the two merchants struck to the south-west, and keeping Hijli to the left 86 arrived at the Magra Channel where they met with a severe storm. Sir William Hunter also says that the silting of the Adi-Gaiga took place about four hundred years ago.85 John Surman excavated it originally in 1717 ; it bore his name for some years, but it was deepened by Colonel William Tolly at his own expense in 1773, 1775 or 1777, and it has since been named after him. 86 According to Ptolemy, Tamalites or Tamluk was situated on the Ganges. 87 Ptolemy. however, does not mention on which mouth of the Ganges it was situated. It is now situated on the river Rupnarayana. It is therefore clear that the mouth of the Ganges on which Tamluk stood has since been thrown back to the east when the southern portion of the Delta was formed, and it is probable that the old bed of the Ganges near Tamluk has now been occupied by the Rupnarayana which in the old maps of Gostaldi (1561) and Blaeu (1650) was called "Ganga" and "Guenga" respectively.88 Hence we may reasonably suppose, from the present situation of Tamluk and the Magra estuary, that the town stood in the second century near the mouth called Mega by Ptolemy, now represented by the Jamira estuary. Nothing can be said definitely about the mouth called Antibole. Is it a transcrip tion of Antah-puyla, now called Atopur, a village near the town of Antibole." Navadvipa in the district of Nadia, the ancient name of which was Antardvipa ? 89/' I have already stated that dvi pa in many instances was changed into pura, when the island joined the continent and became fit for habitation 83 Kavikarkana Chandt, p. 202 Dure euni Magrer jaler nihavan. Yona kehadher nava megher garijan. (From a distance was heard the sound of waters of the Magra, like the rumbling noise of the new cloud in the month of Ishadha.) * Soo Calcutta Review, 1891, p. 394. 86 Imperial Gazetteer of India, s. v. Twenty-four Parganas. 80 H. E. A. Cotton's Caloutta, Old and Now, under "Tolly's Nala." 87 MoCrindle's Ptolemy, p. 119. Mr. O'Malley's Midnaporo, p. & 89 Navadutpa-Parilramd, p. 15 Ohe Sri-nivisa si Atopur sthan bahu kalAbadhi lupta haila ei grama. 1. parve Antard vip nama Achhila tahlr. 24

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY I have also shown that in the second century A.D., the head of the Bay of Bengal was most probably situated in the district of Nadia. Perhaps Atopur or Atpur is now represented by the Matla estuary by the gradual extension of the delta to the south. 40 [ FEB., 1921 To sum up, therefore, the Kambyson mouth in the second century A.D., was at or near Samudraga di in the district of Nadia. It is now represented by the Hughli mouth at Kapilasrama near the Sagar Island. The Kamberikhon (Kumbhirakhatam) mouth of Ptolemy was near Jessore in the district of Jessore. It is now represented by the Bangara estuary in the district of Khulna. The Mega mouth of Ptolemy was probably at Magra now Magrahat, in the district of 24-Parganas, represented at present by the Jamira estuary, 90 which receives the Rasulpur river near which Magra is situated. The name is evidently derived from Magra in the district of Hughli, where perhaps the mouth was once situated. The Antibole mouth in the second century was probably pear Atopur in the district of Nadia: Atopura or Atpura is now perhaps represented by the Matla estuary.91 One peculiarity, it should be noted, is that nearly all the names of the mouths of the Ganges mentioned by Ptolemy have their counterparts in the south, the names having shifted along with the gradual extension of the delta. Though there is no historical record or tradition of subsidence in Mid-Bengal, yet the arguments adduced by Major Hirst 93 to prove this fact are worthy of Subsidence in Mid-Bengal. every consideration. Based as they are upon geological evidence, they should be further investigated with a view to account for the changes in the course of the rivers in Bengal. It is very unlikely that there would be stiff old red clay elevations on both sides of Bengal with a gap in the middle, while we know that the ground was a level one so far as this part of Bengal was concerned, affording facility for a uniform and homogeneous formation of the delta from east to west. Hence Major Hirst's theory appears to be very probable, that some natural agency was at work to cause a subsidence which had its effect upon the courses of the rivers, as explained by him. 93 There is, however, no gainsaying the fact that a part of the delta comprising portions of the districts of Murshidabad, Nadia, Burdwan, Hughli and 24 Parganas in Mid-Bengal were formed subsequent to the main body of the delta on the eastern and western sides, and the configuration of the area which remained unformed was of a triangular shape which has been gradually filled up, the apex, so far as tradition goes, being at Gour, as I have stated before. Within this area, the very names of places by which they are still designated, indicate emergence from the sea, as Kataha-dvipa or Cauldron-island, modern Katwa; Agradvipa or Foremost island; Nava-dvipa or New-island, modern Nadia; Chakradaha or the Circling-whirlpool, modern Chakda; Sushkasagara or the Dried-up sea, modern Suksagar; 10 J4mira seems to be a metathesis and corruption of Magrd. The transposition of letters is not uncommon in the geographical names of India, as Ranod for Narod, Ransi for Narsi (Narasimha), Nakhlor for Lakhnor (Cunningham's Ancient Geography of India, p. 193): and perhaps g of Magra has been softened into j. 91 Madd very likely appears to be an altered form of Atopura or Atpura. The syllable Mat of Matla is an emphatic form of At, as Mulaka is another form of Alaka, and the vestige of pura may be traced to 14, as i represents pura in several words, as Ambala is Amba-pura, being a town founded by an Amba Rajput, "from whom it derives its name" (Imperial Gazetteer of India, s.v. Ambala City); Karnal, Karpapura (Ibid., s.v. Karnal); Verawal, Etapura (Cunningham's Ancient Geography of India, p. 319). Major Hirst's Report on the Nadia Rivers, 1915, Cha. IV-VI. ss Ibid, Cha. IV, V.

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FEB., 1921] THE EARLY COURSE OF THE GANGES Damburadaha or the whirlpool of the shape of Dumbura." Besides these, several dvi pas or islands in the district of Nadia are mentioned in the Navadvipa-parikramd, as Antardvipa or Atopura ; Madhya-dvips or Majita-grama, etc. It should be observed that Arrian mentions the name of " Katadupa " or Katws on the river Amystis or Ajaya, which indicates that Katahadvipa was in existence in the second century of the Christian era.95 Ptolemy also mentions Agradvipa as Aganagara.96 Hence, it appears that some of the islands which afterwards joined with the mainland, had already formed before the second oentury A.D., though it appears that the delta did not extend to the south much beyond Samudragadi and Tilagrama or Jessore. I should also observe that a portion of Bengal, at least Mid-Bengal, was so insalubrious that it was considered by the Muhammadan Emperors of Delhi as a "Dojakh " or hell. Ram Comul Sen says that the Musalman invaders of the west of Hindustan, who afterwards established themselves at Delhi, considered the country (Bengal) to be Dojakh or an infernal region, and whenever any of the Amirs or courtiers were found guilty of capital crimes, but their rank did not permit the supreme punishment, they were banished to Bengal. Of those individuals banished to Bengal, one, named Malik Kasim, had his residence immediately west (sic for south) of Hughli, where there is a hay or market, still held, which goes by his name. Ahmad Beg was another person of that description ; his estate is still in existence opposite to Bansberiah, and there are a Haut, ganja or mart. and a khal or creek, still called after his name.97, I should bere observe that the aforesaid Hat of Malik Kasim is in Chinsura, and this shows that Chinsura was once situated in a Muhammadan "Dojakh." It should be further observed that when Jayapica, king of Kasmir, bereft of kingdom, travelled alone and incognito, and visited Pundravarddhana (modern Pandua, called also Firuzabad, six miles north of Malda), the capital of the country of the same name in the eighth century A.D., he killed at the place a lion which had been destroying men and cattle for several days past. 98 This clearly shows that in the neighbourhood of Pundravarddhana, there were jungles, and the town was thinly populated. If that was the condition of the ancient capital of Bengal in the eighth century, the condition of the other parts of the country at some previous period may be easily conceived. This indicates that the lands were still low, humid, swampy and insalubrious, covered perhaps with sands which rendered them unfit for cultivation, and in places overgrown with jungles,--the result of emer. gence from the sea. In contrast with this," the people of Manipore, Tripura and Jeyantipore, and other eastern countries called their regions Svarga or heaven, especially the people of Tripura, who still style their king svargad va or king of heaven, or the celestial regions."99 The eastern part of Bengal, therefore, appears to have been much higher than the middle portion. In further corroboration of the fact that the delta of Bengal has been formed by gradual elevation out of the sea, I should mention that Suhma was Parthalis and Gange. placed very close to the sea.100 From the Mahabharata also, it appears that Suhma or Radha was close to the sea. 101 Radha, 28 stated before, comprises among others the districts of Burdwan and Hughli. Radha is * Ram Comul Sen's Dictionary in English and Bengales : Proface. * McCrindle's Ancient India as described by Megasthenes and Arrian, p. 187. * McCrindle's Ptolemy, p. 202. MR. C. Son's Dictionary (1834): Preface, p. 9. 9 Kalhana's Rdjatarangin (Dr. Stein's Trans.), vol. I, p. 162. # R. C. Sen'. Dictionary: Prefaco, p. 0. 100 Raghuvamia, IV, v. 34, 35; Morindle's Megasthenes, p. 136 kod Ptolomy, p. 172. 101 SabbA-Parva, ch. 29.

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42 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ FEB., 1921 the country of the Gangrides of Megasthenes and Ptolemy, and Gangarides is evidently a corruption of Ganga-Radi. According to Megasthenes, who was an ambassador in the court of Chandragupta in the fourth century B.C., the river Ganges formed the eastern boundary of the Gangaridai, and their capital was Parthalis, 103 which is evidently Purvasthali, a very old and large village situated on the Ganges in the district of Burdwan. According to Ptolemy, the capital of the Gangarides was Gange. 103 Mr. Schoff in his translation of the Periplus of the Erythraean Sea says that by Gange is meant the port of the Ganges as well as the country, 104 Mr. Schoff appears to have been correct in his statement that the name applied both to the country and to its principal town on the Ganges. But the "country" of Gange was not Bengal as stated by him, but Radha (which now indeed forms a part of Bengal under the British rule); for it appears from the Karhad Plate Inscription 105 of Krishua III and also from the Harihar and Belur Inscriptions 106 that Ganga was the name of a country, and in the first mentioned inscription, Gaiga has been placed between Kalinga and Magadha. 107 Perhaps Ganga was the country of Ganga or Gaigya of the Kaushitaki Upanishad, the king of which was Chitra, who was also called Gangyayani or Gangayani. 108 The Ganga dynasty ruled over the south of Mysore and Coorg, etc., from the second to the ninth century A.D., and a branch of the family ruling over Orissa in the 12th century conquered Radha.109 As regards the town of Gange, its proper identification depends upon three circumstances: it must be in the country of Radha; it must be on the Ganges; and it must have been an emporium of commerce as described in Ptolemy's Geography and in the Periplus of the Erythraean Sea. Mr. Schoff suggests Tamluk (ancient Tamralipta) as the "town of Ganges."110 Tamluk, however, was a maritime port and not a port of the Ganges in the second century A.D. Gange has been variously identified with Sonargaon, Chittagong, Jessore, etc. 111 Mr. Irving says, "The town of Ganges situated at no great distance from Calcutta was a grand emporium for Bengal," but he does not specify any place. 11 Saptagrama, now called Satgaon, situated at a distance of two miles to the north of the town of Hughli, conforms to the three conditions above stated. It was situated on the Ganges at the point from which the Sarasvati and the Yamuna branched off towards the south and the east; so that its position was eminently suited for being a trade distributary, and an emporium of commerce. It was in a flourishing condition from the beginning of the Christian era to the 16th century. 113 Triveni was the eastern quarter of Saptagrama. 114 Pliny, who flourished in the first century A.D., mentions it as a great commercial centre. 115 Frederike, who visited Satgaon in 1570, says, " In the port of Satgaon every year, they lade 30 or 35 ships, great and small, with rice, cloth of bombast of divers sort, lacca, great abundance of sugar, pepper, oil, zerzeline and other sorts of merchandise." Kavikaikana, the author of the Chands, spoke of it in glowing terms that merchants 102 McCrindle's Megasthenes and Arrian, pp. 32, 135. 103 McCrindle's Ptolemy, p. 172. 104 Schoff's Periplus, pp. 47, 255; McCrindle's Commerce and Navigation of the Erythraean Sea, p. 146. 106 Epigraphia Indica, vol. IV, p. 278. 106 Rice's Mysore Inscriptions, pp. 70, 223. 107 Epigraphia Indica, vol. IV, pp. 278-290, v. 10: Dvarasthanga vanga-kalinga-garga-magadhai-varchchitattaechiram, etc. 108 Kaushitaki Upanishad, I, 1. 110' Schoff's Periplus of the Erythraean Sea, p. 255. 113 Irving's Commerce of India, p. 84. 113 JASB., 1910, pp. 613-615.-My Notes on the History of the District of Hughli or the Ancient Rada. 114 Kavikankana-Chandi, pp. 228, 229 116 Pliny's Natural History, Bk. VI, ch, 19, translated by Philemon Holland (1801). 109 JASB., 1895, p. 139 note; 1896, p. 241. 111 McCrindle's Ptolemy, pp. 174, 175.

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FEB., 1921] THE EARLY COURSE OF THE GANGES 43 from all parts of India and Ceylon used to come there with their merchandise. It was a royal city where the kings of the country resided. 116 Gange of Ptolemy and Pliny was evidently Saptagrama, the capital of Radha, situated on the Ganges and an emporium of commerce. Saptagrama was known to the Romans by the name Gange Regia. 118 Its ancient name appears to have been Ganga, and the country was perhaps called Ganga from the name of the capital, 88 from Champa, the country of Anga was called Champa (Chenpo), and from Mathura, 119 Gange has been described in the Periplus as a seat of commerce. It says," on its bank (i.e. the bank of the Ganges) is a market-town which has the same name as the river Ganges. Through this place are brought Malabathrum and Gangetio spikenard and pearls, and muslins of the finest sorts, which are called Gangetic."120 The word Ganga of the Kaushitaki Upanishad is also derived from Ganga (the Ganges) from its situation on that river. According to Ptolemy, Gange wag "the Royal residence," and it was not far from the mouth of the Ganges.111 There can be no reasonable doubt therefore that Saptagrama or modern Satgaon near Hughli was the Gange of Ptolemy, and it was the capital of the Gangaridae or Gang-Radhi. GangaRadhi may mean either that Radha was situated, as it now is, on the western side of Ganga or the Ganges, or that it is a combination of names of both the capital called Gariga (Gange of Ptolemy) and the country called Radha. At any rate, we come to know that in the second century of the Christian era, Saptagrama was known by the name of Ganga. During the Pauranio period, it was known only by the name of Triveni which was and still is a quarter of Saptagrama situated on the Ganges.122 Perhaps the name of Saptagrama (the Seven Villages) was too secular for the religious Hindus, and Triveni (the three plaits or rivers) was associated with the three most sacred rivers of India : Ganga, Yamuna and Sarasvati. It is therefore clear that Parthalis of the fourth century B.C., was not the capital of Radha in the second century A.D. In the course of five or six centuries, there was evidently an extension of the delta of the south, and Saptagrama rose into importance from its vicinity to the sea and the convenience it afforded to commerce by allowing easy access to it as a port through the channel of the Sarasvati. The capital was consequently removed from Parthalis to Saptagrama. It should only be observed that at this distance of time, it is difficult to determine precisely the points from which the channels branched off the Ganges, and it would be erroneous to form a conception of the mouths of the Ganges of the second century A.D. from the present distribution of the channels in the delta, as it has been done by many writers who have attempted to identify them on the assumption that the deltaic channels and estuaries of the Ganges in the 19th or 20th century were identical with those of the second century. From the aforesaid falcts, it would appear that Mid-Bengal was gradually elevated, but whether or not the subsidence took place after the complete formation of the delta is entirely a geographical question. (To be continued.) - 116 JASB., 1910, p. 615; Asiatio Researches, vol. V ; Caloutta Review, vol. XXI, p. 278. 118 Asiatic Researches, vol. V, p. 278. 119 Beal's Records of Western Countries, vol. I, pp. 37, 72; vol. II, pp. 74, 191. 130 Sohoff's Periphus of the Erythroan Sea, p. 47; see also McCrindle's Commerce and Navigation of the Erythrcan Soa, p. 146. in MoCrindle's Ptolomy, p. 172. 13 Brihad-dharma Purana, Ioh. 6; II, ch. 22; Kavilan kana Chand, pp. 228, 229; 500 also Brinde vana Dama's Chaitanya-Bhagavata, anta-Ihanda (Nityanando's stay at Saptagrdma).

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ FEB., 1921 THE NAKSHATRAS AND PRECESSION.* BY G. R. KAYE, F.R.A.B.: SIMLA. 1. Mr. S. B. DIKSHIT was not the first to formulate a connexion between the nakshatras and precession, but he did so in a very interesting and forcible manner. He used as his text the following passage from the Satapatha Brahmana: "The other nakshatras (consist of) one, two, three or four, so that the Ktittikas are the most numerous ..... And again, they do not move away from the eastern quarter, while the other nakshatras do move from the eastern quarter."1 Dikshit's argument was as follows: The nakshatra Krittika he equated with the Pleiades, and he calculated that the Pleiades were on the equator at about 3000 B.O., and concluded that the age of the Brahmana, or rather that portion of it in which the passage occurs, was about 3000 B.o. His calculation may be accepted, but the point in his argument to which I wish to draw attention is the identification of Krittike with the Pleiades (a) for the period of the text, and also (b) for the particular purpose of the text. 2. From the astronomical point of view the problem is one of precession. We term the plane in which the apparent motion of the sun takes place the plane of the ecliptic; and the apparent daily path of any 'star is in a plane parallel to the plene of the equator. At two moments in the apparent path of the sun it is also in the plane of the equator and these moments are termed the equinoxes. The positions of the line of equinoxes is not fixed, but changes with reference to the stors at the rate of about one degree in 70 years, or one nakshatra in somewhat less than a thousand years (about 933 years), or one sign id about 2200 years. At about 2300 B.C. the vernal equinox was roughly marked by the Pleiades; at A.D. 560 by 3 Piscium, the yogatara of Revati; and now it may be said roughly to be marked by Pegasi which is identified with the yogatara of Uttara Bhadrapada. The motion in precession is 80 blow that it requires fairly accurate observations covering a considerable length of time to notice it. Dikshit did not, however, claim for the authors of the Satapatha Brahmara the discovery of precession, but simply that they had recorded a fairly accurate observation, namely that Ksittike was then on the equator. 3. The question What were the nakshatras originally ? has never been satisfactorily answered. Indeed it may be said that no satisfactory attempt to answer the question has vet been made. The issue has been masked by the lengthy and learned discussions as to the relationship between the Arabic manazil, the Chinese Sieu, and the Hindu nakshatras. With this discussion we have no concern at present. It has led to no satisfactory conclusion and entailed a good deal of controversy, rather unnecessarily flavoured with acrimony. The generally accepted theory is that the nakshatras were 27 or 28 constellations that roughly mapped out the ecliptic. The two ideas here embodied are almost irreconcilable, for the constellations selected often cannot be connected with the ecliptic without a great strain on the imaginetion. Also the identifications that have been accepted are based upon comparatively modern texts and ideas. They are sometimes vague and hardly explainable. . Read before the First Oriental Conference held at Poona. i Satapatha Brahmana, II, 1, 32 The Bodhayana Srauta Sutra also records that the Krittikas do not move from the cast.' 3 Indian Antiquary. xxiv, 1895, p. 245. 9 SIR W. JONES Works, IV, 71 1.: H. T. COLBROOKE arayi, il, 321 : A. WEB Ind. Stud, X, 213, do.: W. D. WHITNEY Oriental Studios, il, 341, &o.; Bior Sur l'ancienne autonomie chinoise; &e.

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FEB., 1921] THE NAKSHATRAS AND PRECESSION 45 There is nothing definite in Vedic literature regarding the positions of the nakshatras, and the accepted identifications cannot be traced back earlier than about the fifth century A.D. Indeed the earliest known complete list of positions is possibly much later than this. To utilise an identification of about A.D. 450 for a period over 3000 years earlier requires justification, and so far that justification is not forthcoming. The connexion between the nakshatras and the ecliptic has generally been looked upon as a sort of corollary of the constellation idea. A diagram, showing the relative positions of the selected constellations and the ecliptic, demonstrates, one might say, as much disconnexion as connexion. 4. It is often the case that two independent notions, in the course of time become amalgamated, and here it is quite conceivable that (i) the nakshatras as connected with certain constellations and (ii) the nakshatras as connected with the ecliptic have independent origins. In early Hindu works the former notion is extremely vague, but there is little doubt that the term nakshatra often indicates a star or constellation. In the Jyotisha Vedanga, however, a nakshatra simply indicates one twenty-seventh part of the ecliptic and has no connexion with any constellation. This is the orthodox astronomical teaching, from which we are led to believe that the normal astronomical use of the list of nakshatras was that of a scale of the ecliptic like the western astronomical use of the signs of the zodiac. The first point of Krittika would thus always denote the vernal equinox and would in no way be affected by precession. 5. Such considerations lead us to a conception of the nakshatras as an ecliptic scale; but there is also other evidence of a special nature. (1) We have already quoted the Satapatha Brahmana and the Bodhayana Srauta Sutra to the effect that the nakshatra Krittika does not move from the east, and this completely agrees with the notion of the nakshatras as an ecliptic scale. (2) There is an equally significant statement in the Suryaprajnapti where we are told explicitly that the stars move faster than the nakshatras. This Thibaut dismissed as incomprehensible, but it is a sufficiently reasonable statement of the phenomenon of precession, and can only mean that the nakshatra scale, which marked the equinoxes, gradually shifted with reference to the fixed stars. (3) One of the best-known astronomical statements in Hindu literature occurs in many of the Purapas and tells us that the constellation of the Seven Rishis ( Ursa Major) revolves through the nakshatras. This statement was rather ridiculed by Whitney but there is little doubt that it is connected with precession; and, at least, it definitely indicates that the nakshatras and constellations were considered as very different matters; and it is explainable only on the hypothesis that the nakshatras formed a scale that gradually shifted with reference to the constellation of the Seven Rishis. (4) We have already pointed out that the Vedanga conception of the nakshatras was a scale divided into 27 equal parts, and this conception with slight modifications has persisted until the present time; but (5) from about A.D. 450 this nakshatra scale was largely replaced by the scale of signs of the zodiac; aad these signs of the zodiac were not used in India for ecliptic scale divisions only, but for the divisions of any circle-thus further divorcing the signs and the constellations. Vedic Index, i, 415. 7 The Suryaprajnapti division into It gives 13deg 11' to each of 15 nakshatras, 6deg to Abhijit it gives the remainder or 4deg 13'. JASB., 1880, p. 185. JAOS., 1858, p. 364. 28 parts is based upon the sidereal month of 27 dayss 35' to each of six, 19deg 46' to each of six others, while

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46 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY 6. For details regarding the names and positions of the nakshatras as established in comparatively modern times I must refer you to Colebrooke's and Whitney's works and to the Vedic Index. We may, however, briefly mention one or two points in connexion with these investigations. (a) Most of the names of the nakshatras not only cannot be connected with stars but in some cases are distinctly discordant with the equated constellations. Six of them, however, are fairly appropriate and these six are Rohini, Aslesha, Hasta, Chitra, Asvini, Krittika. Of these Rohini means 'reddish' and is particularly applicable to Aldebaran; but it is disconcerting to find that in some lists it is applied to Jyeshtha (? Antares) also. Aslesha means embracer and appears appropriate when applied to e, 8, 6, n, p, Hydrae. Hasta, 'hand,' is applied to five stars in Corvus; but on a Hindu astrolabe of the end of the seventeenth century I find Hasta applied to a star in Orion. Chitra 'bright' might be appropriately applied to any of the first magnitude stars, and is generally suitable for Spica, to which it is usually equated. The Asvins have been often connected with the Dioscuri, and with the morning and evening star, by several writers of note; but as a nakshatra Asvini is equated with 8 and 7 Arietis, which strains the imagination. almost to the limit. The identification of Krittika with the Pleiades is extremely curious. According to the editors of the Vedic Index it seems to depend on a passage in the Yajur Veda which mentions abhrayanti forming clouds,' meghayant 'making cloudy', varshayanti 'causing rain,' as constituents of the nakshatra.8 The rain-forming Pleiades naturally come into view, but in the Brihat Samhita" we are told that Garga and others do not support this idea. (b) Many of the lists of the nakshatres, it will be noticed, contain only twenty-four different names; there being three pairs of double nakshatras, viz., Phalguni, Ashadha, and Bhadrapada. The number 24 is very suggestive, but at present we need not pursue the suggestion. (c) Twelve of the names are also utilised as the names of the months. The traditional explanation of this nomenclature is as follows: The full moon which occurred when the moon was in conjunction with Chitra was termed Chaitri, and the lunar month which contained the Chaitri full moon was named Chaitra. But, since full moon is likely to occur at all points of the ecliptic, this explanation is not satisfactory, unless it indicates either an original division of the ecliptic into twelve divisions, or an attempt to equate the nakshatras and the signs of the zodiac. 7. The Rig Veda gives no list of the nakshatras, but it mentions three probable asterismsTishya, 10 Aghas and Arjuni, 11 and it has been suggested that there is a reference to the 27 nakshatras in book I.12 Complete lists are given in the Atharva Veda, 13 Taittiriya Samhita,14 Kathaka Samhita,15 Maitrayant Samhita, 16 Sath patha Brahmana,11 etc. The lists agree generally, but the number of nakshatras is variously given as 27 and 28. The Atharva Veda and Maitrayani Samhita lists have 28 while the Taittirtya Samhita and Satapatha Brahmana give 27; and of the more modern texts the Jyotisha Vedanga and the Sarya Siddhanta imply 27, while the Suryaprajnapti, the Brahmasphuta Siddhanta, and the Surya Suddhanta (in another place) give or imply 28. Abhijit is the extra nakshatra and there is a legend that it dropped out, although the Taittiriya Brahmana18 marks it as a new-comer. The [FEB., 1921 8. Vedic Indes, i, 415; but the curious point is that the identification is made to depend upon the elements of a Greek myth: the fact that Hindu works provide no independent identification is thus emphasized. Note that I do not question the identification of Krittika with the Pleiades so much as the somewhat loose argumentation employed. 10 V, 54 13; X, 648. 13 A.V., xix, 7. 14 M.S. ii, 13 30. 11 X, 853. 14 T.S. IV, 4, 101-3 17 S.B., x, 5, 4. xxi, 5. 12 I, 16218. 16 K.S. xxxix 13. 18 T.S., i, 5, 33.

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FEB., 1921 ] THE NAKSHATRAS AND PRECESSION numbers 27 and 28 suggest a connexion with the sidereal month, but in the early texts the only month referred to is one of 30 days. The term nakshatra has often been translated by the term lunar mansion and the Taittiriya Sanhita, 19 Kathaka Samhita 30 and the Mahabharata 31 state that the nakshatras were wedded to Soma, but the term itself does not suggest the connexion. No satisfactory explanation of the different numbers has been achieved : Weber thought 27 was the older number, but the authors of the Vedic Index suggest that Abhijit was omitted, and that 27= 3 X3 X3 appealed more strongly as being of a more mystical nature. Finally we must note that the earlier lists are astrological or religious in character rather than astronomical. 8. The early lists all begin with Ksittike, but the Mahabharata puts Sravana first, the Jyotisha Vedanga begins with Sravishtha, the Suryaprajnapti with Abhijit, the Surya Siddhanta with Asvini. But here Asvini is definitely equated with the vernal equinox, while Abhijit, Sravana and Sravishtha, which are contiguous, are equated with the winter solstice ; and the interval between Asvint and any one of the other three is 90 degrees, if we measure according to the equal division scale of the Jyotisha Vedanga' or the unequal Suryaprajnapti scale as we please. The change of importance is therefore from Ksittika to Asvini, an interval of from about 13} to a possible 40 degrees. Was this change due to precession? The question has been discussed ad nauseam and I shall only briefly give the latest conclusions. According to Tilek," it was stated by Garga that Ksittika was first for purposes of ritual, while for the purpose of the calendar Sravishtha was put first, and Fleet, in one of his latest articles, wrote: 43 I hope to revert to this matter in a paper in which I shall show that the Krittikadi list has no basis in the fact that the sun once came to the vernal equinox in Krittika, but belongs entirely to ritual and astrology." 9. I have put the difficulties of the case before you by way of caution. One would like to come to some simple and definite conclusion like Dikshitis, but that seems hardly possible. My conclusions, except on one point, are rather disappointingly vague and are consequently not quite easy to formulate. Let me recapitulate the prenuises : (a) In very early works we have orderly lists of the nakshatras that are of a ritual istic nature rather than astronomical. These lists all begin with Ktittika. (6) In these early works the nakshatras are rather vaguely connected with the heavens. (c) In the Sata patha Brahamana and the Bodhayana Srauta Sutra we have Krittika definitely connected with the equator. (d) In the Jyotisha Vedanga the nakshatras form a scale of the ecliptic and have no particular connexion with any constellations. le) There are e few early star myths, e.g. regarding the Seven Rishis, Rohini, Krittika; but the identifications are somewhat vague. In comparatively modern times the nakshatras were definitely equated with certain constellations. (9) The Puranas and the Suryaprajnapti speak of the constellations revolving with reference to the nakshatras. () Certain later lists of nakshatras begin with Asvinf. * K.S., n, 3 19 T.S., i, 3, 5. # Orion, p. 30 u Moh. ix, 3546. JRAS, 1916, p. 870.

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48 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ FEB., 1921 In these rather inconsistent premises I see indications of a somewhat mixed genealogy of the nakshatras. Perhaps I am slightly biassed by the consideration of the fact that researches intc early origins generally teach us that a pure genealogy for any notion or set of potions that have prevailed in some form or other for centuries is an almost unknown rarity. It is indisputable that the nakshatras have had connexiors with ritual, with constellations, and with the ecliptio--more or less independently; but we must be very cautious how we utilise any combinations of these connexions when we aim at establishing definite conclusions. The one point that is definite has been ignored in the lengthy controversies that have taken place regarding the nakshatras. It relates to the evidence thet showe unmistakably that it was known that the constellations revolve with referenoe to the nakshatras. This I take to indicate a know ledge of precession, a knowledge that has sometimes been denied, so far as the early Hindu teachers are concerned ; and suggest for your consideration that if the nakshatra scheme were conceived as an ecliptic scale, analogous to the zodiac scale as used by western astronomers, a number of the controversial passages would be cleared up. This is a suggestion only, to which I am by no means wedded, but it is a hypothesis that ought to be considered when dealing with the vexed questions that have arisen in connexion with the nakshatras and Vedic chronology. SOME NEWLY DISCOVERED TULUNIDE ORNAMENT. BY CAPTAIN K A. C. CRESWELL, R.A.7.1 The well-known mosque of Abmad Ibn Talun, one of the most beautiful in Cairo. possesses the additional advantage of being the oldest Muhammadan monument of certain date in Egypt. I exclude the mosque of 'Amr, as it has been repeatedly rebuilt, and only attained its present size in 212 H. (827). I also exclude the aqueduct of Ibn Talan, as it is not exactly dated. It therefore follows that the ornament of this mosque possesses a pre-eminent importance in the history of Muhammadan art. Its beautiful ornament, executed in the hardest stucco, is well known to students, and illustrations of the capitals of the engaged columns at the angles of the piers, and of the bands of ornament wbich decorate the arches and windows, are to be found in many books. The Aqueduct of Basatin, the only other existing Tulunide monument, does not bear any surface decoration, so the sum total of Palanide ortament is to be found in this mosque, with the exception of a few small fragments which are occasionally brought to light in the rubbish mounds of Fustats and there was little reason for believing that any substantial addition would ever be made to it. I will now describe how and where the discovery was made. The Mosque of Ibn Talan consists of an oper. courtyard (sahn) surrounded by arcades (riudg) five rows deep on the side of the sanctuary and two rows deep on the three other sides (F10. 1). The whole forms an almost exact square, which is itself bounded on three sides by a zidda or extension. These three ziadas are themselves enclosed by the outer 1 Reprinted from the Burlington Magazine, November, 1919. . a See P. Costo, L'Architecture arabe, ou Monuments du Caire, Plates IV and VI; Prisse d'Avesnes, L'Art arabe, tome I, Plates I-III ; Ebers (C)., Egypt; Corbet (E. K.), The Life and Works of Ahmad Ibn palan in the JRA8., 1891; Franz Pasha, Kairo, pp. 13 and 18 ; Gayet, Le Caire, pp. 43-45 ; etc. 3 Boe Hors Bey, Catalogue raisonnd du musee du Caire : Mrs. R. L. Devonshire, Rambles in Oairo, p. 80.

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FEB., 1921 1 SOME NEWLY DISCOVERED TULUNIDE ORNAMENT boundary wall of the mosque. The best and fullest description of this mosque is that given by Corbet, so I will refer readers desirous of further information to his memoir already cited. This mosque in the past has only received moderate attention from the Comite de Conservation des Monuments de l'Art arabe. Recently, however, its great importance has been realised; S. E. Ziwar Pasha, the Minister of Waqfs (Endowments), during his short poriod of office, showed the keenest possible interest in Muhammadan architecture, and ave practical effect to it by allotting a sum of no less than PSE4,000 for the complete overhaul, paving and cleaning of this building. 49 One of the first steps taken was to remove the layers of inferior plaster with which the piers and the soffits of the arches had been covered at various periods. I say various periods, because in some places there were three, four, and even five layers of coarse plaster, each as much as three-eighths of an inch thick. These layers had already buckled and fallen away in patches in many places. They were easily removed by striking them sharply with a small hammer. It was in applying this process last May to the soffits of the arches next the sahn that the wonderful ornament shown in the accompanying plates was revealed. This ornament is executed in stucco of great hardness, quite different from the shoddy plaster by which it had been hidden with almost incredible vandalism. The sahn is bounded by thirteen arches on each side, as shown in the plan [FIG. 1], but the whole outer row on the east side has fallen. A part of the outer row on the west side has also perished owing to the vandalism of Clot Bey, who, about 1846, turned part of this mosque into a poorhouse. The ornament shown in the plates occurs on the soffits of the arches of the south side of the sahn. Ten arches still preserve their ornament, while three-Nos. 1, 2 and 13-are completely bare. No trace whatever of ornament is to be found on the soffits of any of the interior arches except those which continue the eastern arcade of the boundary wall, viz., at 14 [see FIG. I and PLATE] and 15. 1 therefore assume that this was the case with the arches of the west side 50 O 100 150 200 280 ft. FIG. 1. also, although they are bare at present. A trace or two here and there is to be found on the arches of the north side, but these traces are too small to show the pattern.

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50 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (FEB., 1921 I am aware that a study of the plates of Coste and Prisse d'Avesnes would lead one to suppose that the soffits of every arch in the mosque were covered with similar ornament. Coste, whose work was published in 1837-9, shows the soffit of every arch as so decorated, but each with the same pattern, which we can even now see was not the case. In Plate VI he is guilty of e grave inaccuracy, viz., he makes the south outer arcade run through the sanctuary to the qibla wall, although it is the outer srcade of the sanctuary which runs through to the south wall of the mosque (see my Fig. 1). It is therefore obvious that his Plate VI has been produced afterwards from potes end sketches, instead of being drawn on the spot, and consequently cannot be taken as safe historical evidence. I must own that I feel equally sceptical towards Prisse d'Avesnes' plates, and do not take his Plate I (by Girault de Prangey), which shows ornament on the soffit of an arch of the inner arcade of the sanctuary, next the mihrab, as weighty evidence either, as I have a strong suspicion that he has transposed it in the same way from a page in his sketch book. The first recorded restoration of this mosque took place in 696 7. (1296--1297) by Alam ad-Din Sangar, under the orders of Lagin, but the stucco ornament of the end of the 13th century, of which many examples have come down to us,* is utterly different from anything we have here. The same remark applies to Fatimide ornamert (967-1171 A.D.) and this, together with the fact that although there is a feeling for strict geometrical ornament, the familiar interlacing star pattern has not yet been evolved, leads me to ascribe it without hesitation to the original foundation. We will now turn to the bistory of the mosque and its founder, with a view to finding a possit le clue to the source of this ornament. Ahmad Ibn Talon was a Turk, whose home was Samarra, at that time capital of the Khalifate. He was sent to Egypt in 254 1. (868) as Deputy, by the Emir Bakbak, who had been appointed Governor of Egypt by the Khalif al-Mu'tazz. This being so, one would almost expect to find Mesopotamian influence in his mosque, more especially as Maqrizi (11, p. 266) quotes al-Qod&'i (d. 454 1. = 1062 A.D.) to the effect that Ibn Talon built his mosque "on the plan of the mosque at Samarra, and likewise the mineret." Ibn Duqmaq, who died 1406 A.D., says the same thing about the mosque, but without an express reference to the minaret (IV, p. 123). The minaret at Samarra referred to is, of course, that built by Mutawakkil (847-861 A.D.), wbich still exista and is known as the Malw lys Tower. Although the minaret of Ibn Talap is now of circular section above and of square section below, it would appear certain that it once resembled the miparet of Samarra more closely than it does at present, since Maqrizi (II, p. 267), Ibn Duqmag (IV, p. 124) and Abd'l Mahalin (II, pp. 8 and 9) repeat , little fable to the effect that Ibn Talan, tuying one day with a piece of paper and rolling it round his finger, produced a spiral, and then ordered his architect to take it as a model for his minaret. At Samarr& the same fable is told of the Malwiya Tower, but, whereas it provides an exact description of that minaret, it does not accurately fit the minaret of Ibn Talun in its E.g., Muristan, Madrassa, and Mausoleum of Qalaan, Zawiyat al Abbar, Madrassa and Mauso. loum of Sultan al-Malik al-Ashraf Khalil, Mausoleum of Hosam ad-Din Tarantay al-Mangary, Mausoleum of Ahmad Ibn Suleyman ar-Rifa'i: Madrassa of al-Malik an-Nasir Muhammad, Madrassa and Mausoleum of Zeyn ad-Din Yasuf, and the Madrasss of the Emirs Salar and Bangar al-G&wly Seo my Brief Chronology of the Muhammadan Monuments of Egypt to 1517 A.D., in the Bulletin de l'Institus francais d'archtologic orientales ou Caire, 1919, pp: 81-85. "The earliest known example occurs on the window of the north minaret of the Mosque of al-Hakim (600--1012 A.D.). Soo Flury (S), Dor Ornamente der Ashar und Hakim-Moschee.

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Plate I. TULUNIDE ORNAMENT. Indian Antiquary 4-No: 3 (1 and 2 blank) B-No. 4 C-No. 5 D-No. 6 Mosque of Ibn Tolun. Stucco ornament on the soffits of the arches on the south side of the sahn. BURLINGTON MAGAZINE C. WHITTINGHAM GRIGOS. LTD

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Plate II. TULUNIDE ORNAMENT. Indian Antiquary E-No. 7 F-X0.8 G-No 9 Mosque of Ibn Talun BURLINGTON MAGAZINE H-No. 10 Stucco ornament on the soffits of the arches on the south side of the sahn. C. WHITTINGHAM & GRIGGS.LTO

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Plate III. TULUNIDE ORNAMENT Indian Antiquary 1-No. 1 J-No. 12 (13 blank) K-North east, north half L-South-east, north side * Mosque of Ibn Tolun. Stucco ornament on the soffits of the arches on the south side of the sahn BURLINGTON MAGAZINE C. WHITTINGHAM BRIGGS, LTD.

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FEB., 1921] ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OF SHIVAJI 51 present state. As I have gone into the question of the alteration more fully elsewhere, I will not discuss it further here. I will, however, point out other features of Mesopotamian origin. Firstly, the brick piers with their engaged columns, counterfeited in brick at the angles, are similar to those found in the mosque at Raqqah?. Mosques on piers had been previously unknown in Egypt, and this feature was such a povelty that a fable about a Christian architect was invented to explain it. Secondly, the position of the minaret in the centre of the west zidda corresponds exactly with the position of the two similar spiral minarets in the mosques of Samarra and of Abd Dulaf close by. Thirdly, the decorative band, consisting of a recessed square with a circular hole in the centre, which runs round the mosque below the perapet but just above the level of the roof. It is tberefore to be expected that the ornament of this mosque was chiefly influenced by slightly earlier ordement at Samarra. It is well known that Professors Sarre and Herzfeld were carrying out very exhaustive excavations at this spot when the war broke out, and had even published two reports. The great work on the site, however, has not yet appeared, but I understand that no less than sixty cases of stucco ornament, eto.. packed ready for despatob to Berlin, fell into the hands of the British Army when Samarra was occupied. Until they see the light of day any remarks on the ornament shown on the attached plates would be premature, and I publish them without further comment so that they may be at hand when the time comes for a comparative study. ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OF SHIVAJI. BY SURENDRA NATA SEN, M.A.; CALCUTTA. INTRODUCTION. OUR SOURCES OF INFORMATION. The History of the Maratha Administrative system can be conveniently divided into two periods. The first period opens with the rise of Shivaji, and Two periods. * ends with the accession of Shahu. The second period opens with the rise of the Peshwas, and ends in 1818, when the second Baji Rao retired to Brahmavarla to spend his last days in performing solution and offering oblations to his gods and ancestors. I have already dealt with the latter period elsewhere. Here I shall try to give an account of the administrative system of Shivaji, which practically continued unchanged till the death of Rajaram, except in some minor details. In fact the administrative system of any country is naturally of gradual growth, and develops but slow ly as ages pass, but has always its root in the deep substratum of legendary or prehistoric past. Dynasties rise and fall, conqueror after conqueror comes and goes, native Government yields to foreign yoke; but it is always the interest of every ruler not to disturb the administrative system in its essential characteristics. The Muhammadans largely adopted the old indigenous system that they found prevalent in the Deocan at the time of their conquest. Shivaji borrowed a good deal from the former Muhammadap rulers, and the Peshwas, when they 6 Svo my Brief Ohronology, loc. cit., pp. 47-48. 7 See Bell (G. L.), Amurath to Amurath, fig. 39. 8 Ibid., figs. 137 and 164. Bell (G. L.), Palace and Mosque of Ukhaidir, p. 156 and Plate 91 (1).

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52 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (FEB., 1921 became the real heads of the Maratha empire, and established their head-quarters of the Government at Poona, while the weak descendants of Shivaji were left to languish in the prison of Satara, the sentimental capital of Maharashtra, had still to leave Shivaji's system unaltered and unaffected in many respects, and a few changes were effected in the central Government only. Otherwise the administrative system of Shivaji was for all essential purposes identical with that of the Peshwas. It will, therefore, be my duty to indicate here the few differences that existed in the theory and practice of Government of these two periods. While dealing with the Peshwa period, we are confronted with such an amazing abun dance of materials that we can hardly expect to do justice to them. Scarcity of State-papers have been carefully preserved. Revenue regulations, Materials. instruction to revenue collectors and higher officials, deeds of sale and other documents, judgments in both civil and criminal suits, have come down to us in their hundreds and thousands. They give us a vivid picture of the Government as it actually was in the Peshwa period. But when we approach the Shivaji period we are confronted with such a scarcity of materials as is most discouraging. Of State-papers we have but very few, and they are not very important either. Mr. Rajwade complains (Itihas Ant Aitihasik) that during his twenty years of labour and research he has hardly come across twenty-five important Shivaji-papers. Most of these papers again are political and diploma. tic correspondence and do not enlighten us about the administrative system. Fortunately, however, some old documents that cannot properly be styled State-papers, have after ages seen light, thanks to the wonderful tact and lat our of Mr. V. K. Rajwade. Family papers of These give us useful information about some of the early adherents old Sardars. of Shivaji, the history of their Watans, sometimes an account of their deeds and exploits, and often a long and exhaustive list of the taxes, cesses, and abwabs of those days. From these family papers of the old Sardars and Jagirdars we can frame a fairly accurate sketch of the administrative system of Shivaji, but these papers have to be used with extreme care and caution. Many of them are of doubtful origin, and some of them were undoubtedly forged to deceive the Government of the day. Bakhara. Next in importanoe, are the Bakhars' or Marathi prose chronicles. Supremely indifferent, like their Muhammadan teachers, to every thing that affected the ordinary people, the Maratha chroniclers pay very little attention to the administrative system of their times and the economic condition of their country. They give lengthy accounts of battles, gossiping stories of the superhuman deeds of their heroes and confine themselves mainly to the narration of political events. ConseSabhasad. quently we learn very little from them. Sabhasad, who wrote in 694. is perhaps the most sensible as he is the earliest of Shivaji's biographers. Condensed and concise in style, he devotes a few pages to Shivaji's regulations, both civil and military. Chitragupts who elaborated Sabhasad's work added a few stories and verses of his own composition. The only additional information that we obtain from Chitragupta is a Chitracta short page where he enumerates the duties of the Secretariat Officers 1 The papers have been published by Mr. Rajwade in the 8th, 13th, 18th, 17th, 18th and the 20th volumes of his Marathyancha Itihasanchi Sadhanen. * Most of theso Balhars have boon published by Rao Bahadur Sane in the Karyetli has Sangraha.

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Fen.. 1921) ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OF SHIVAJI 53 His Mes additional", his bakhar Malhar Ram Rao Chitnis, who wrote his bakhar long after Sabhasad, does not give us any additional information about the administrative system. Chitnis His Rajniti is a treatise on polity, in which he compiles the theories of public administration from old Sanskrit works. It could not therefore, have any bearing on the actual government of Maharashtra as it then existed, although the duties of the eight Pradhans might probably have been compiled from some old papers. Shivadigvijaya. the most voluminous work of its kind. Shivadigvijaya. is full of legends and impossible stories, but has not a word to say about the working constitution of Maharashtra in Shivaji's days. The only thing we should note here is that Messrs. Dandekar and Nandurbarkar, the joint editors of Shivadigvijaya, have failed to prove their contention, that it is the work of Khando Ballal son of Balaji Avaji. It is in all probability a very recent work, and consequently its evidence has but little weight with the modern student who aspires to study history as a science. The same editors have published another bakhar, Shri Shivaji Shri Shivaji Pratap. Pratap, which is nothing but a compilation of myths and legends. The anonymous author had not only no historical training, but he seemed to lack historical knowledge altogether. This bakhar is therefore absolutely useless both for a reconstruction of the political history of Maharashtra and for the compilation of an Account of Shivaji's administrative system. Very recently a sixth bakhar has been published by Mr. Bhave in his Marathi Daftar. It is only an elaboration of Sabhasad. The anonymous author has copied freely from an old manuscript of Sabhasad's bakhar, and his own additions are not at all trustworthy. About Shivaji's Civil and Military regulations he has nothing more than a long extract from Sabhasad to give. Even there he has omitted some old and obsolete words which he evidently did not understand. A seventh bakhar, viz., the Shahanavkalmi bakhar was discovered and published in the columns of the now defunct periodical-the Prabhat-by Mr. Chandorwh hanav Kalmi kar. This Bakhar is alleged to have been found hy the old copyist Bakhar. in the Daftar of Annaji Datto, a Brahman officer who played an important part in Shivaji's service. It is however devoted mainly to political history, and even there it is not quite trustworthy., An English translation of a Bakhar foand at Rairi has been published by Prof. Sir G. Forrest. Scott-Wating, who wrote in 1811, spoke very highly of the original. This however has unfortunately been lost. The accuracy of the English translation has been challenged by the late Justice Telang. Rao Bahadur D. B. Prarasnis claims to have rediscovered a manuscript of Rairi Bakhar, but it has to our misfortune again disappeared. On the whole it may be safely asserted that this bakhar is not worth much. The Kayastha Prabhunche Bakhar is very modern and of no use to us. Lastly remains a bakhar of peculiar interest, discovered and published by Mr. V. K. Rajwade in the abovementioned magazine, the Prabhat. This Bakhar The Tanjore inscribed is of very little historical value, but it is a wonderful specimen of human industry. The published Bakhar covers more than one 3 I have discussed this point more fully in a note in my extracts and documents relating to the Maratha History, Vol. I. See Ranade's Rise of the Maratha Power, p. 259 f. . Bakhar.

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54 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (FEB., 1921 hundred pages honestly printed, and the whole of it was found inscribed on the stone walls of a temple at Tanjore. Mention should also be made here of Jedhe Yanche Shakavali published by Mr. B. G. Tilak. But its main importance is chronological. A few Marathi papers have also been published by the Bharat Ilihas Sanshodhak Mandal of Poona. Some more papers have been published by Rao Bahadur Sane in his Patre Yadi Bagaire and by Messrs. P. V. Mawji and D. B. Parasnis in their Sanads and letters. Sardesai's Marathi Riasat is not of much importance in this respect. And this fairly exhausts the materials we have in Marathi. Sanskrit Sources. In Sanskrit, I have come across only two works, viz., Shiva Raj Prashasti of Gaga Bhatta and Shiva Kavya of Purushottam Kavi. Both of them were Maharashtra Brahmans, and he former a contemporary of Shivaji, but their works are useless for our purpose. Hindi Sources. In Hindi, there is only one contemporary work the poems of Shivaji's Court poet Bhusan. His Shiva Raja Bhusan and other poems may be of considerable literary merit but they are of very little interest to a historian. Moreover they do not make the slightest reference to Shivaji's administrative system. Tamil Sources. Very recently a Tamil Chronicle, Shiva Bharat by name, has been discovered by a Madras Scholar. Part of the work has been translated into English and read before the Bharat Itihas Sanshodak Mandal. Until the whole work is translated into English or Marathi, we shall not be in a position to judge its historical value. At presont we do not know whether it gives any account of the Civil or the Military branch of Shivaji's Government. Persian Sources. Both Hindu and Muhammadan writrrs must have written a good deal about the wonderful career of Shivaji in Persian. There are moreover very important letters, so far as political history is concerned, written by Jai Singh and other officers of Aurangzib from the Deccan. Whether these make any incidental reference to Shivaji's administrative system, is yet to be investigated. This source however promises to be fruitful in more than one way. For the present, I have to be satisfied with such an imperfect English translation as we get in Scott's Ferishta, Vol. II, and with the still more inaccurate and fragmentary translation that has been given by Elliott and Dowson, in their History of India as told by its own historians. Of the authors selected there, the most important is Khafi Khan, but there is very little in Khafi Khan. his work to help us in our study of the administrative system of Marathas. French Sources. Hitherto I have not seen more than one contemporary French work. Dr. Dellon, a French physician, visited the western coast of India towards the close of Shivaji's career. He published a short account of his travels on his return home, and the small volume was so interesting that it was translated into English shortly after its publication. He praises Shivaji as a tolerant and liberal prince, but his information was derived mainly from hearsay. 6 Another Hindi work-Chhatra Prakash is mentioned by Prof. Jadu Nath Sarkar but unfortu. nately I have not yet been able to procuro & copy. Dellon.

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FEB., 1921] ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OF SHIVAJI Portuguese Sources. Prof. J. N. Sarkar obtained from Lisbon a Portuguese biography of Shivaji, written by a citizen of Goa and published in 1730 A. D. It is, however, Vido de Shivaji. absolutely unreliable. The author hints that Shivaji, though popularly known as the youngest of Shahji's eleven (?) sons, was really the bastard of a Portuguese noble, Menedes by name. The assertion is so palpably false that it hardly requires any refutation. Curiously enough, this uncanny suggestion was very recently repeated by Dr. Da Cunha in the Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society. The whole question, however, was so thoroughly examined by Mr. V. K. Rajwade in the Sarswati Mandir of Satara that there remains not the slightest ground for giving credence to the unchivalrous fabrication of the Portuguese writer. It is not from writers of Gaurda's mental attitude that we should expect Portuguese State papers of Goa. to any historical truth. The masses of Portuguese State-papers lying in the state archives of Goa may, indeed, yield really valuable information. Since Captain Grant Duff's time, no English or Indian Scholar, however, has cared to make any use of them. The Portuguese had for so many centuries dealings with the Marathas, both as friends and foes, that many contemporery events of Mera tha politics must have found place in their letters and reports and Danvers' Report. " despatches. It does not appear, however, from the Report of Mc. Danverge that the Portuguese papers have any important information to give except about the Angriay. This seems improbable on the face of it. Mr. Danvers, however, did not study the Gos records. There is no reason why these records should not contain as valuable historical materials as the Surat and the Bombay Factory Records. Dr. Gracious. A Portuguese scholar of Goa, used to take great interest in these old pepers, but the results of his researcher are not available in English. Dr. Gracious died only a few months ago, and it is urgently necessary that some other scholar should now carry on the self-imposed task of the late Doctor. English Sources. i In English there fs a number of works about Shivaji and the Marathas. The Surat and Bombay Factory Records are invaluable historical documents, Factory Records. * and their importazice cannot be over estimated. They are, however, more important to the writer of a political history, but some information about Shivaji's navy and his commercial policy car be gleaned from them. In addition to these old factory records, English travellers have left us the accounts of their travels in the Maratha country, and English historians have left us the result of their researches. The earliest English traveller to write any Fryer. account of the Maratha country and Shivaji's court was Fryer. A physician by profession, he had seen some parts of Shivaji's dominions, and he had doubtless seen the Reports of the Oxenden Embassy. His stay in the Maratha country was, however, very short, and his information was by no means accurate. His account of " Several Brachmins whose flesh they tear with pincers heated red hot, drub them on the Roport to the Secretary of Stato for India in Council on the Portuguese Records relating to the East Indies contained in the Archivo Da Foore Do Tombo and the Public Libraries at Liabon and Evora by F. C. Danvor, Registrar and Superintendent of Rocorda, India Omoe, London, 1892.

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56 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (FEB., 1921 shoulders to extreme anguish," betrays a good deal of humour but is evidently untrustworthy. Even Khafi Khan who delighted in abusing Shivaji, gave him credit for the respect he had usually shown to holy places and holy men of both the Hindus and the Muhammadans. Mannucci's Storia Do Mogor, another contemporary work, has been translated into English by a great scholar, the late Mr. Irvine. The gossiping Mannucci. adventurer, however, had little regard for truth, and loved to give anecdotes in which he himself figured. He claims to have met Shivaji in Jai Singh's camp, but unlike most Eurcpean writers, refrains from giving any account of his dominions, his people and government. Robert Orme wrote his fragments long after Shivaji's death. But all that he learnt of the great Maratha ruler was nothing but popular legends. These Orme's Fragments were reproduced by John Bruce, Esq., M.P. and F.R.S., keeper of His Majesty's State-papers and historiographer to the Hon'ble East India Company, in his Annals of the Hon'ble East India Company. Both Orme and Bruce failed to give any account of the administrative system of Shivaji, What their version of political history is worth will be evident from the following account of the night attack on Shaista Khan: "In the next campaign Aurungzebe reinforced Chaest-Chan's army by sending the forces of the Maha-Rajah of Joudpore to join him. These generals were at variance with each other the Maha-Rajah, to gratify Sevagee, undertook to assassinate Chaest ;-the murderers broke in on Chaest, who escaped with a severe wound; but his son was slain."-BRUCE, Vol. II, p. 39. The most important English work from our point of view is Major Jervis' Geographi. cal and Statistical memoir of the Konkun. A junior contemporary of Jorvis'. Konkan. OLAN. Elphinstore, the work of surveyirg Konkan was entrusted to him. While so er gaged, he gathered valuable information about Land Revenue settlement, in all probability, mainly, from popular traditions. He tells us many things about Malik Ambar's and Shivaji's Land Revenue Settlement, Annoji Datto's Survey and Assessment, but never quotes any authority. It is therefore extremely difficult, or rather impossible, to verifv his assertions. Hitherto I have come across only one Marathi Document (Rajwade, M.1.8., vol. xv), a circular of Annaji Datto, that supports Jervis' account of the Bighaoni survey. But this does not improve our situation much. We can without much hesitation accept Elphinstone's account of the Administrative System of the Peshwas or Sir John Malcolm's account of the Administrative System of the Central Indian ohjefs. For both of them had personal acquaintance with men who had served under the Peshwas and the Maratha and Rajput Chiefs of Central India, who could give them first hand information. But the case of Jervis is altogether different. He lived and wrote about two centuries after Shivaji. Most of the old documents were yet unknown in his time, and he had to rely mainly upon popular traditions transmitted from generation to generation. Consequently it is extremely difficult either to acoept or to reject the views of Jervis. The writer anottoor of the Bombay Gazetteer, however, has accepted Jervis, as the sole authority on the subject.

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Feb., 1921 ] ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OF SHIVAJI 57 From these old authors we turn to Ranade with a sense of relief. Born in Maharashtra educated in the western method, for several years record keeper of the Ranade's Rise of the Bombay Government, Ranade combined in himself the three qualities Maratha Power, Vol. I. bombay So indispensable for a historian of the Marathas. He knew the language and traditions of his country, was well conversant with the historical method of the west and had ready access to all the papers then available. With true historical instinct, he made a deliberate departure from the beaten track and selected a course of his own. His fame to-day does not rest on the discovery of a new document or an unknown event, but on the surer basis of the right interpretation of the history of his people. He did not confine himself to dry details of battles and sieges but tried to discover the real causes -remote and immediate-of the rise, progress, and downfall of the Marathas. This made him study the civil institutions of Shivaji, very carefully, for they were, according to him, not only the outcome of Shivaji's genius but also an expression of Maratha aspirations. It is beyond doubt that Ranade was the first scholar to guide us properly to the real sources of Maratha history, as he was the first to perceive the real importance of the administrative system of Shivaji. It is a matter of regret that the many sided activities of the great savant did not permit him to devote his leisure solely to the study of his country's past. Modern researches have made some of his conclusions untenable to-day, but the credit of pointing out a new angle of vision belongs entirely to him. He might have erred in minor details, but while dealing with broad principles, his judgment never failed him. It is true that we do not get in his work as much information as we wish for, but that is because many papers, now published, had not seen the light when Ranade lived and wrote. Scott Waring was the first Englishman to attempt a comprehensive history of the Marathas. His work was published in 1811. But we get little more Scott-Waring, Grant Duff, Rawlinson, and than a narrative of political events in Scott-Waring's History. Kincaid. In the third decade of the 19th century, another scholar, destined to become famous as the historian of the Marathas, undertook to write & more satisfactory history. Captain Grant Duff was more fortunate than his predecessor in the attempt, in more than one way. As political agent, he had ready access to all the papers in the Satara Archives. The descendant of Shivaji was ever ready to assist him in all possible ways. Perhaps many of the later spurious Bakhars owed their origin to the zeal of Chhatrapati Pratap Singh to gratify the Agent Saheb. Above all, Grant Duff had the great advantage of working under the guidance of Elphinstone. But Grant Duff had not sufficient materials for sketching a graphic account of the administrative system of Shivaji. Prof. H. G. Rawlinson's Shivaji the Maratha is a very recent publication, but it does not aim at dealing in detail with the civil institutions of Shivaji. Only a few months ago was published the first volume of the History of the Maratha People by Mr. Kincaid and Parasnis. From the great mass of published materials and the still greater mass of unpublished documents in the possession of Rao Bahadur D. B. Parasnis, it was expected that the long-felt want would at last be removed. But we have again been disappointed. Far from giving us a comprehensive account of Shivaji's administrative system, the joint authors have not even made any serious attempt to supplement our knowledge in that direction. ? Seo Elphinstone's letters quoted in Colebrooke's Life of Elphinstone

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58 THE INDIAN ANTIQARY [ FEB., 192 Sydney Owen of Oxford has drawn a brilliant sketch of Shivaji, in his India on the Owen's India on the ever eve of the British conquest, but it is only a study of Shivaji's political eve of the British career. Pringle Kennedy has also given us a charming picture of conquest. Kennedy Historvof Shivaji and Maharashtra in his History of the Great Moghuls. the Great Moghuls. But neither of these scholars studied the original documents. They relied mainly on such secondary authorities as Khafi Khan, Orme and Grant Duff, and their aim has been to write a readable and sensible summary for the general run of readers. From them, therefore, we should not expect anything that we do not get elsewhere-Maratha history had for them only a relative interest. Prof. J. N. Sarkar's articles in the Modern Review are important and interesting in their own way. He has utilised many source of Maratha history Prof. J. N. Sarkar. hitherto unexplored. His articles on Shivaji's navy are of special interest to us.8 A few articles were published in the Journal of the Bombay J. B. Br., R. A. S. Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society. The following are the most useful for our purpose : (1) Ranade-The currency system of the Marathas. (2) J. E. Abbott-A preliminary study of the Shivarai or Chhatrapati copper coins. (3) P. V. Mawji- Shivaji's Swarajya. (4) Codrington-Seals of the Satara kingdom. So far as my information goes, no attempt has yet been made to sift and examine these scattered materials on scientific lines and to present the results in a handy and intelligible form to the ordinary student. No one will, however, contend that such an endeavour is not worth making. In the following pages it has been my aim to present a fairly accurate sketch of Shivaji's Government, its principle and working. It does not, however, claim to be complete and is by no means the last word on the subject. (To be continued.) MISCELLANEA. KRISHXARAJA OF THE BALSANA graphia Indica, vol. I, p. 341 respectively. In these TEMPLE INSCRIPTION. two 'inscriptions Krishnara ja of the Nikumbha Mr. R.D. Banerji in his Progress Report of the family is mentioned. From a list of the names of Archeological Survey of India, Western Circle, 1919, the family, we know that there were two Krishnapp. 45.46, mentions a Balsana Temple Inscription, rajas in that line. Inasmuch as all these three wherein is rocorded the repair of a royal matha on Inscriptions were found in the same district, and i the banks of a river in the Saka year 1106,' by the as the dates are not far removed, it seems illustrious Somehara who held Krishnaraja in the reasonable to identify Krishnaraja of the Balsana palm of his hands, by his personal and famous good inscription with the second of the kings of the qualities. He starts a rather long discussion same name of the Chalisgaon inscriptions. regarding the identification of this Krishna, In the Chalisgaon Inscription of Govana III (above whom he says he does not know from any vol. VII1, p. 39) where the construction of a temple other records. Mr. Banerji apparently loses sight of Siva is mentioned, the order for building the of two other inscriptions, found at Chalisgaon temple was given by Indraraja, father of Govana in the Khondesb district, where the Baleana III, in the Saka year 1075. Wo, therefore, know that Teinple inscription was discovered. The former Indraraja was in that year on the throne. We also two inscriptions are referred to in Kielhorn's know from the Chalisgaon Inscriptions that Krieh. Southern List, Nos. 333 and 337; and they were pub.naraja II was the father of Indraraja. The period of Jished in this Journal, vol. VIII, p. 39, and in Epi. Krishnaraja's rule may have, therefore, extended 8 He has since then published them in book form and they will now be found in his Shivaji and his times,

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FEB., 1921) BOOK-NOTICE 59 up to the Saka year 1070. According to the Bal. possible to hold that Somesvara was a contemporary sana Temple inscriptions, the matha was repaired of Krishnaraja II, and survived him till 1106 S.E., or in 1106 S.E. by Somesvara who held Krishnaraja for a few years later. It is not impossible for a man in the palm of his hands. Some vara, therefore, to live a few decades more after the death of his oon. was alive in 1106 S.E., when Krishnaraja II of the temporary. There is no incongruity then in identi. Nikumbha family was dead. Mr. Banerji does not say that the Balsa A Inscrip fying Krishnarja of the Balsana inscription with tion leads us to conclude that the matha was I kishparaja ll of the Chalisgaon inscriptions. repaired during the reign of Krishnaraja. It is SACHINDA CHANDRA MAJUMDAR. BOOK NOTICE. EPIGRAPHIA BIRMANIOA, vol. I, Pt. I, edited by Firstly, because they contain the same document TAW SEIN Ko and CHAS. DUROTSELLE. Rangoon, in four languages: Pali, Burmese, Talaing and Government Press, 1919. Issued by the ARCHAEO Press, 1919. Issued by the ARCHAEO- Pyu, the last of which has long been dead and LOGICAL SURVEY OF BURMA. Large quarto, pp. v practically lost. Secondly, because the document is and 168. presented to us in quadruplicate. Thirdly, because I cannot but welcome this new Journal of it fixes with certainty the dates of three most Archaeological and Epigraphical researches, edited graphical researches edited important kings of medieval Burmese historyhy the very competent Superintendent of the Andrata, Kyanzittha and Alaungsitha, post-dating Archeological Survey of the Burma Circle and them by 28 years in reference to the generally his accomplished Assistant. Thirty years ago or accepted chronology of the Mahdy trawin. The thereabouts, when I temporarily filled the post contemporary evidence adduced by the editors of Archaeological Officer of that country, efforts seems to be conclusive that the inscription is a were made to draw attention to the enormous correct record, and it seems to me that the famous number of inscriptions extent there, and some chronicle has gone wrong in giving the commence. RUCCOns was achieved, with the active co-operation ment of the reign of the great Aloungeith the date of the Government of the day, in getting together 447 B... (1085 A.D.), which properly belonged the numerous inscriptions on stone, gathered long to his predecessor Kyanzittha, the usurper with before by Bodawphaya from all parts of Burma and the romantic story, who reigned 28 years. So lying about the Arakan Pagoda at Amarapura, that we must now date the Conqueror Andrata and in setting them up under cover. Transcrip- 1044-1077, his son Sawlu, 1077-1084, the Ugurper tions of these into modern Burmese characters Kyanzittha, 1084.1112, his grandson Alsungaith, were made (though of no particular scientific value) 1112-1187. This re-dating cuts the reign of and printed. The idea was to preserve them for Andrata down to 33 years from the accepted 42, future investigation in some form rather than let and lengthens Sawla's to 7 years from the accept them run the risk of perishing altogether. A 5-and it throws the whole chronology out after fow inscriptions of well-known value were about Alaungaith by 28 years. The date for the comthe same time reproduced and edited by my friend, mencement of Kyanzittha's reign is given in the Mr. Taw Sein Ko, then the most promising of the Myazodi Inscription as Anno Buddhse 1628 (1084 young scholars, in the pages of this Journay (see A.D.), representing 447 B.E., which is the Mahdydzowin's date for the commencement of ante, vols. XXII, XXIII, XXIV). Since those Alaungeithu's reign. But Kyanzittha days great strides have been made in philological reigned 28 years by all accounts and this would make his and archaeologioal knowledge about matters Bur. commencement 1600 A.B. mese, and the Burma Research Society has been This fact would seem formed. It is quite time therefore to commence to account for the origin of the mistake in the Mahdydzowin; thus :& systematic examination of the vast epigraphic remains still available in the country, and hence Kyanaittha, commenced 1800 A.B., reigned 2F years. the peculiar pleasure to myself in seeing that this has been done and that it is placed in such Alsungsithu, commenced 1628 A.B., reigned 75 years. Whereas the dates should have been stated competent hands. thus : No better example could have been chosen to Kyanzittha, commenced 1628 A.B., reigned 28 commence the Epigraphia Birmanica than the years. quadrilingual inscription on the two stone pillars Alsungasthu, commenced 1656 A.B., reigned 75 near the Myazedi pagoda at Myinkaba near Pagan. years. However thi, may be, the correct dates

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60 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ FEB., 1921 of such monarchs as Anorata and Alsungeitha and their combinations used in the text seem to be must always be of great importance, and this fact the expression." They have clearly puzzled the alone makes the Myazedi Inscription of the first Press and indeed must have formed a genuine value. difficulty in setting up and proof-correcting. The actual object of this quadrilingual Inscrip. The transliteration of Burmese and Talaing tion is to perpetuate the memory of Rajakumar, adopted and first expounded in the Journal of the the epigraphical name or rather title-one suspects Burmese Research Society, 1916, has, I gather from that the real everyday name was something very the work under review, come to stay in scientific different-of the donor of a shrine and image of circles. It consists of "reproducing in Roman the Buddha. This RajakumAr was a son of Kyan characters, as faithfully as possible the exact form zittha and, probably for some political reason, did of the language as it has been fixed in writing." not succeed his father. But the fact that the But is this method scientific ? And is it necessary ? Inscription does not lend itself in any way to Burmese and Talaing, like all languages, as English venealogical and dynastie statement makes it and modern French for instance, which have adoptchronological references all the more trustworthy, lod a sofipt originally framed to meet the wants of As they are made incidentally and not ad hoc. la totally different language, Latin in the French Apart from all this, the importance of the fact and English case, have forced a set of symbols on of the document being quadrilingual can hardly paper to requirements for which they were never be overestimated from the philological point of originally intended. The result is that the lanview, as it has given the great exponent of Indo. guages are spelt one way and pronounced another. Chinese philology, Mr. C. Otto Blagden," the In other words, the words as put on paper are all key to the reading of old Talaing and enabled him ideograms, which have to be learnt by sight,to decipher what we know of Pyu-the extinct easier to master for this purpose than Chinese language of a people dwelling in Burma," and speak. ideograms--but ideograms nevertheless. Spelling ing a tongue now known to belong to the Tibeto. books have become necessary. When a foreigner Burman family. As regards the Talaing version is learning such a language, he has to learn the of the clocument, Mr. Blagden is able to say that ideograms and how to pronounce them. When very few problems hitherto a puzzle as to its read-1. he wishes to transfer the words to his own script, ing now remain unsolved, for which we may well he must, if he desires to be understood generally, be thankful. I would only draw attention here transcribe them as well as he can, so that the words to a reading ticar now taken as a contraction of tirla dedr, the lord teacher." Both titles are can be recognised by those who can read his but appropriate to ecclesiastics and medieval Mon not the native script. As an old student, when I [Talsing), offering somewhat of a parallel in the See & word in the Burmese script I recognise it, title tipuin, which presumably stands for tila but when I see it transliterated into Roman script puin (the origin of the former European word I don't. I have to learn the words by sight all talapoin, for a Far Eastern monk, with talapoiness over again before I can recognise them. So it for a nun). This explanation has now been con comes to this, that nothing is gained practically tirmed by Professor Duroiselle on the authority I by transliteration, for it is not more difficult to of a learned Mon monk. The title is appropriate learn the native script than to learn the translito a high ecclesiastical dignitary and in my trans.trration. Honestly, I can follow neither the Burmese lation I have rendered it by the Venerable," nor Talaing texts as printed in Roman characters Mr. Blagden's transliteration and translation here. They are too puzzling and I had much rather have them in their native form, All this logical point of view the most important part may be the croek of an old scholar, but there the of the work, and it is a piece of good fortune that I fact is. Another point is that the method involthe first to be deciphered and most extensive ves two sets of forms for Burmese names and words Pyu inscription as yet unearthed should have in Roman characters, which will have to be used fallen into such hands as his. The transcription in all scientifio books, as they are in that under is not very sightly in appearance, because of the consideration-the transliterated and the transsmall circles of two sizes attached to the words cribed. To show where such transliteration can above and below the line, and beside the words lead us, I will quote the following in translitera. themselves, sometimes three in a vertical row. tion as given on p. 14. Certain Burmese forms These circles are in the text and Mr. Blagden thus are so common that they are, like certain English explains them :-" It would appear that Pyu had forms, habitually written and even printed by & wide range of tones, of which the various dots means of abbreviations. These are according to (represented in the transcuipt by small circles) the scientific" system written out as follows:

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FEB., 1921] BOOK-NOTICE 61 nhuik, kon", kron', lan3 kon, man, safi, to, lulan, I hope to return to the subject of the transcrip swes sok, kywannup, namnak, rwel. The figures tion of Burmese and allied languages some day, 1, 2, 3 represented the accents or tones. I ask and in the meanwhile I content myself now with anyone familiar with Burmese if he can readily suggesting that it would greatly tend to the prac. make out what words are moant by the above tical value of the new Epigraphia if a translitera. forms. I can hardly see myself grasping a peti tion of the old inscriptions was given in modern tion from a reformed scholar desirous of helping Burmese and Talaing characters as well as in me by writing in Roman character, commencing Roman. In making the above remarks I do not with kywannup, which somehow ought to be wish in any way to detract from the value of this familiar. first issue of the Epigraphia Birmanica or to exThe great object of the scientific" method is press aught but the highest Appreciation of the to aid comparison with the like or related tongues skill, care and knowledge with which it has hoen and tho investigation of the history of changing prepared. form. Sometimes it does, e.g. (p. 17) Canal, river. R. C. TEMPLI:. B. khyors (pron. chaons) lolo, yi'cho (=B.ye chaons) Old B. khlon. Tibetan kluit and doubtfully chu. A BRIEF CHRONOLOGY OF THE MUHAMMADAN I am quoting the book, but it will be perceivel MONUMENTS OF EGYPT TO A.D. 1517, by Capthat even here there is only a partial success, as tain K. A. C. Creswell, R.A.F., Cniro. 1 Imprichu and cho are nearer the transcribed form chaos merie de l'Institut Francais d'Archeologie than the transliterated form khyon. Success is Orientale. 1919. Large quarto. PP. 153 Alphabetic and numerical Indices, plates 12. better in the next instance (p. 18) Broadcloth. B. salkalat. Tibetan, sag-lad. Malayalam, sha Captain Creswell, whose studies of Muhammadan lakalathu. The native script transcribed woull architecture have already produced original congive B. thekkalat. But here we have the English tributions of perinanent value to the subject in scarlet, which in the days of the early European this Journal, has taken advantage of being attached travellers meent simply broadcloth' and not to the Royal Air Force in Egypt during the war the colour ; that came later. The term would to compile a work of such importance to students that I desire to draw their special attention to it. seem to be Persian, saqalat, saqlat, a rich cloth of In doing so, I am glad to be able to note the appoint. any colour, but most often of a bright red : whence Italian scarlatto, old French escarlate, English acar. ment of Captain Creswell to an important posi tion in Egypt, which will enable hina to pursue let, German scharlach. It would be interesting his valuable researches and publish them on a larg to trace the Burmese sakkalat, directly to the scale to the great benefit of those who desire to Persian saqalat, and not through any European form. Failure apparently comes next (p. 19); learn all that is possible about a great school of Oriental Architecture. The number 8. Old B. het; B. rhac (pron. shit). Although the book is in the form of a chronoloMaru, she ; Lashi, shet; Garo, shet; Chinbok, shit : 1 gical catalogue of the Islamic Monuments of Lolo (Kopu), hi-lo; Kachin, ma-sat; Tamlu (Naga), act. It makes one shudder to find the familia Egypt, it is much more than a mere catalogue native form usually transcribed as shit written raisonne, as the compiler has himself minutely down rhac. It is difficult to see how the last fpem studied every one of the 239 monuments in tho sories, and has touched in his description thereof helps us in etymology by comparison. To give on many matters hitherto controversial, coming the devil his due, the method is no doubt useful to definite conclusions concerning them, thanks at times, .9., pp. 26-27, where a valuable note on Phaya' is given. "Purha, now. written to the fresh light which recunt excavation and his own researches have enabled him to bring to bear bhurhd, but pronounced phaya and sometimes still on them. His work is therefore no mero list of phr:1;" term applied to exalted personages and monumente arranged in chronological order, but to temples, pagodas and statues of the Buddha. a catalogue with an account of the evidence on In a long note it is shown that it represents the which the date is arrived at in each case, wheru Sanskrit and Pali sara, excellent, noble, exalted; there is no inscription setting the date without an Indian term, which the spread of Buddhism further argument. As 48 per cent. of the monuhas caused to run the gauntlet of most Asiatic ments described are undated, the amount of res and Far Eastern languages, and to take on such search, both literary and architectural, involved forms as polai, phola, poula, phrd, prah, vara) in fixing the earlist and latest examples of the and 'vrah. architectural features, by which the limits of tho

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62 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY FEB., 1921 period of construction are settled, can be easily complicated by the action of Salah ad-Din (8alsappreciated. And further, the value of the work din) in making two of the walls into one for defencan be well understood thereby. To my mind sive purposes in 672 A... Mr. Creswell's argu. it is epoch making, and I recommend it to all who ment on this is that there were four walls origin. would seek a thorough knowledge of the genesis ally, built at different periods, of which the first of Muhammalan architecture in India. has admittedly long disappeared, and that there The Islamic architecture of Cairo is especially are three styles of work visible in the remains of valuable for the purpose of fixing the periods of the existing wall, of which the part he is describ. the evolution of that important art, because of the ing is the oldest and the second in point of date remarkable series of monumento available for (viz., that of 480 A.H.). This is what he says in study-a series close and unbroken for seven im- support of his statement : "My own archaelo. portant centuries-the ninth to the fifteenth of gical examination, during which I have traversed the Christian Era. Damascus starts with the great the whole length of the Wall of Cairo, and walked, Umayyad Mosque, but cannot approach Cairo crawled or climbed into practically every tower, in the number of its monuments, and its nearest sometimes entering houses to do so, has revealed rival, Delhi, only starts with the Quwatu'l Islam to me three distinct styles of work, and I maintain Mosque of 1197 A.D. that portions of the work of Badr al GamAly (480 Nearly half the monuments mentioned in this A.X.) and of the earlier and later work of Baladin (566 and 672 A.H.) still exist." The part he is work-bay 110-are dated by Captain Creswell on the evidence he has collected without the aid describing is Badr al Gamaly's wall. Here too of inscriptions, and the value of his statements he gives a bibliography and shows no timidity in in support to students of architecture can be seen controversy.. from this consideration alone. His method is In pp. 68-69 are described at length and with to fix the high and low limits of the structure, and the same minuto personal knowledge the Wal; As the result of the evidence he has collected and of Fusat, the Bourg af-rafar, and parts of the of his own personal examination of the buildings, North Wall of Cairo. As they must have been the he has felt justified in bringing each specimen into late work of Saladin, they are dated 572-589 A.H. close limits as to date. (1176-1193 A.D.). Captain Creswell is not afraid to tackle matters Although the book is printed in English, the reader must beware of the fact that it is the of controversy and I will adduce two examples of his method. The great Aqueduct (pp. 88-92) product of a French press and that the transli teration is in the French form of Egyptian Arabic. has been a source of much dispute na to date, and Captain Creswell fixes it & A.H. 711 (1311 A.D.) R. C. TEMPLE. by the following method, quoting him verbatim :"A number of statements relative to aqueducta | HISTORY OY AURANGZIB by JADUNATH SARKAR, M.A. are found in Maqrizi, and the following are those vol IV. Bouthern India, 1646-1689. Calcutta. which bear on the one under consideration. To- 1919, pp. 412. gether with the recent archeological discoveries This fourth volume of Mr. Sarkar's account they should enable us to settle the much disputed carries the story into Southern Indis up to 1689, question of its date." Maqrizt says: "In 711 when, as Mr. Barkar says, Aurangzib made him W-Malik an-Nasir Muhammad ibn Quan cops. self "unrivalled lord paramount of Northern tructed four adqiyas on the Nile, from which water India and the Deccan alike," and then he proceeds was transportod as far as the Wall and from the to quote (p. 407) his own Studies in Mughal India Well to the Citadel." Captain Creswell then ar. in words that are worth reproducing: "All gues out the question in the light of lato discoveries, seemed to have been gained by Aurangzib now: and shows why Maqrizi is right in his date and but in reality all was lost. It was the beginning how the confusion as to dates arose in the minds of his end. The saddest and most hopeless chap. of various writers, of whose worka he gives biblio. ! ter of his life now opened. The Mughal Empire graphy at the end of the article. had become too largo to be ruled by one man or The second example that take in two parts is from one centre... His enemies rose on all the Walls of Cairo. At pp. 64-66 is a description sides : he could defeat but not crush them for ever. of "part of the North Wall of Cairo," which Cap. Lawlessness reigned in many parts of Northern tain Creswell dates in 480 A.H. (1087 A.D.). Maq. and Central India. The administration grow nizi says that Cairo was thrice endowed with walls slack and corrupt. The endless war in the Deccan in 369, 480 (and 666 AR. This statement is exhausted his tremury. Napoleon I. used to say.

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FEB., 1921) BOOK-NOTICE 63 It was the Spanish ulcer which ruined me.' The of military service, hitherto invariably successful Decoan uleor ruined Aurangzib." But the paral. Superseded by his wrathful master, the now old 1el is closer than thin, as I read history. The man "bent his way to Northern India in humi. gigantic nature of the success in both instances ligtion and disappointment. His brilliant career hardened characteristics, and both Conquerors which had been passed under two Emperors, and found it more and more impossible to maintain in which he had won laurels from Qandahar to the grandeur of their conquests. Both were on Mungir and Balkh to Maharashtra, was clouded the defensive from the day of the acme of their by a single failure at its close. Not a pice of the success. Napoleon's decline in reality dates from krore of Rupees of his own money that he had the hour of his being crowned as Emperor, just spent in the Bijapur war would be repaid by his as Aurangzib's decline must be reckoned from master. Broken-hearted with disgrace and dis. the day he finally defeated the Marathas. And appointment, and labouring under disease and old this though both lived to achieve many more age, Jai Singh sank in death on reaching Burhan. "* victories." pur, on 2nd July 1667. Like Walsingham of EliMr. Sarkar pommences this volume with two zabeth's Court, he died a bankrupt after serving illuminating chapters on the Keynote of Deccan too faithfully an exacting but thankless master." History in the Soventeeth Century and the Rise Another instance out of very many in many lands of the Maratha Power, and I must say that he has of the soldier sacrificed to the politician. The put the situation which arose out of the break up soldier suffers for his mistakes : not so his political master for his. "Put not your trust in princes." of the Bahmani Kingdom into the five Muham Mr. Sarkar tells the story very well, a indood he madan powers of the Deccan, and also the posi poor does all that he has to tell. tion of the petty Maratha chiefs that preceded Shivaji in a clear and convincing manner, which R. C. TEMPLE. must always make this volume worth consulting by those who would grasp the very complicatede A GUIDE TO THE OLD OBSERVAPORIES AT DMLHI, stories of both Muhammadan and Hindu of that JAIPUR, UJJAIN, BENARES. Pp. 103. BY G. E. period. KAYE. Calcutta, Government of India Press, Mr. Sarkar notou that 152 pages of the voluinn) 1920. are taken from his Shivaji and his Times, on which This is by way of being a Guide Book to four (I have already remarked at length in this Journal of the a | of the observatories constructed by Raja Sawai ante, pp. 162-156), and this makes me repeat here Jai Singh of Jaipur, who lived from 1686 to 1743, that Shivaji's slaying of Afzal Khan being regarded just after Newton. The fifth observatory was at As the result of Afzal's own treachery wants Muttra. This book is condensed from a large much more verification than it has yet received work in vol. XL of the Imperial series of the even at his competent and careful hands. I say Archeological Survey of India. Besides the this because his book is so good that it is likely text there is a Bibliography, a short glossary of to be long received as an authority on all points, astronomical terms including Arabic, Sanskrit There are many-very many-pathotic stories and vernacular, and an Index. in Indian History at all poriods, but there are few more pathetic instances of the vicissitudes of life Mr. Kaye observes that Jai Singh's work, won. in the case of exalted personages than that of derful as it was, is now only a tradition. It has Aurangzib's general Mirza Jai Singh. His mixed I fear, alas ! become worse than a tradition and Muhammadan and Hindu titles proclaimed him nothing more than a mere legend in the minds of for what he was, as expressed in Mr. Sarkar's own the people. Witness the stories I gathered in my words: "A man of infinite tact and patience, Legends of the Panjab a generation ago. an adopt in the ceremonious courtesy of the Mus. The main legend is that Jai Singh kopt a private limy, a master of Turki and Persian, beside moon of his own and the hero of one of the Panjab Urdu and the Rajput dialect, an ideal leader of stories made himself Jai Singh's equal by setting the composito army of Afghans and Turks, Rajpute up an opposition moon. The story as related to and Hindustanis that followed the crescent ban. me was partly in ordinary Hindustani and partly ner of the sovereign of Delhi." Pitted against in archaio verse, and is such puro folklore and Shivaji and then Bijapur, with inadequate moans so deliciously put that I can't help repeating a and badly served by his own subordinates and his portion of the prose here. representatives at the distant Imperial Court, ho "Now Raja Jai Singh had a moon of his own, failed for the first time in his long career of 60 years which he hung up in the sky to give light to his

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64 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY people, and, of course, when Raja Jagdeo was in the city it was lighted up as usual, and this made him ask about it, and he learnt that it was an artificial moon made by Raja Jai Singh. As soon as he learnt this, he determined to play a practical joke, and found out where the moon-makers lived, and sent his servant to fetch them in order to make him a moon like Raja Jai Singh's. The moon. makers had heard of what happened to the oilman for refusing oil [Raja Jagdeo had stabbed him], so they were afraid to refuse also, and accompanied the servant to Raja Jagdeo's house. When they arrived he asked them how much they wanted for a moon. They replied, whatever he wished to pay, so he gave them 500 golden pieces, and ordered a moon like Jai Singh's. Calling them quickly, spoke Raja Jagdeo to the moon-makers, and had a moon put up in the heavens (that burnt) without oil; all the city cried out at it, and Jai Singh said to his minister, The sun hath risen!" As soon as the moon-makers had raised up a second moon, Raja Jai Singh heard of it and asked who had done such a thing. His officials told him that it was by order of the man who had killed the oilman." The whole is an instructive instance of the rapi. dity with which a story can arise that is entirely legendary. In real life Jai Singh was an Indian prince, in many ways typical of his time and mixed up in most of the troubles thereof, distinguished espe cially as an astute statesman with something more than a turn for science and astronomy. Being a prince of high position and great authority and wealth, he was able to pursue his hobby on a very large scale, and India greatly benefited by the lav. ish manner in which he carried out his schemes. He commanded the best literary authorities avail NOTES FROM OLD FACTORY RECORDS. 18. Mogta Silk. 17 April 1882. Letter from Mathias Vincent and Council at Higit to William Gyfford, Governor of Fort St. George, etc. .... We have a Sort called Moga [mogta] Silk which wee cannot so well describe but it is known to some of you very well ard possibly you may obtain some Musters [ samples] it having been a comodity formerly in your parts. It is made in the Osham [Assam] [ FEB., 1921 able in his day and made the best use of them. The translations he had prepared from European works into the Indian languages were of unsurpassed value to the people he sought to enlighten. He spared no expense at all in the construction of instruments in metal, and in bricks and mortar on a large scale. He procured the active assistance of skilled astronomers, Oriental and European. In fact, he left nothing undone to attain his end-the rectification of the calendar, the calculation of eclipses and the like. Not arresting work, perhaps, but none the less valuable for its practical purpose. It may also be said that nothing seems to have been left unexplored by Mr. Kaye in his careful and illuminating account of the tables, instruments of metal and masonry-the huge size of the latter being due to a desire for accuracy of observationand the observatories themselves. The remarks on Ujjain, the Greenwich of India,' are specially interesting (p. 55). The book is continued with a short and telling review of the history of Hindu Astronomy, a subject on which Mr. Kaye is an authority. This will repay reading by all interested in such things. Still briefer accounts are next given of Muslim and European Astronomy, and a remark is made in the course of Mr. Kaye's comments which is worth reproducing : "The Hindus, Arabs and Europeans all derived the fundamentals of their astronomical sciences from the Greeks. It was the Hindus who first profited by Greek experience, then the Arabs and lastly the Europeans (through the Arabs)." NOTES AND QUERIES. Mr. Kaye's book is much more than a guide book; it is a valuable vade mecum to all who would know something of the great Indian observatories of the early 18th Century and of their remarkable builder. R. C. TEMPLE. countrey and very good worke is made of it. If you please wee shall send some home thereof; it hath been sold generally from 4 to 8 and sometimes Rups: 12 the Seer tho lately some having had quantities on their hands it hath been bought cheaper here to our knowledge then the prime costs, but if demanded, if will come out as before noted or from 4 to 6 rups. (Records of Fort St. George, Letters to Fort St. George, 1882, vol. II, p. 62.) R C. T.

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Marce, 1921) THE EARLY COURSE OF THE GANGES 65 THE EARLY COURSE OF THE GANGES. BY NUNDOLAL DEY, M.A., B.L.; CALCUTTA. (Continued from p. 43.) As I have stated before, delta-building in Bengal is a slow process, which has been explained by several writers such as Sir William Hunter, 123 and Major Forination of the Hirst, 124 Director of Surveys, Bengal and Assam, whose statements delta. are confined by the observations of Bernier who visited India in the 17th century. He says, "The great number of isles, which are found in the Gulf of Bengala at the mouth of the river Ganges, and which by lapse of time are joined to one another, and at length with the continent, put me in mind of the mouth of the Nile, where I have observed almost the same thing; so that as it is said, after Aristotle, that Egypt is the workmanship of the Nile, so it may be said, that Bengala is the work of the Ganges, only with this difference, that as the Ganges is incomparably bigger than the Nile, so he carrieth with him towards the sea a far greater quantity of earth; and so forms greater and more islands than the Nile."125 Kalidasa, who lived in the fourth or fifth century A.D., 126 also speaks of the islands within the delta of the Ganges, in which Raghu planted his columns of victory. 127 With regard to this, Mr. Pargiter remarks, "It is difficult to say at what rate, land has been forming in the delta ; yet it is clear from this description that, apart from its extent sea-ward, the delta must have been different greatly from its present condition 1200 or 1500 years ago". 128 India, it appears from its river systems in Bengal and in the Panjab, had, at a primitive period, the shape of a tortoise, as described in the Markandeya Purana 139 and the Brihatsanhita, 130 high in the middle and with declivities shelving down towards the east and west ; and yet in the declivity towards the east, there were large areas of level ground, as in Bengal, which had the effect of impeding and decreasing the force of the current and spreading the water over a wide expanse. It is characteristic with the Ganges to leave its large burden of silt and mud brought along with the stream from the north-western provinces at its mouth, when it mixes with the ocean-currents, which, impeded by the concussion, deposit their burden of sand which they sweep along the coast.131 Thus, large quantities of silt and sand combine to raise the bed at the mouth and impede the free outlet of the river, resulting in extensive swamps and vast sheets of stagnant waters,-the fruitful sources of malaria and pestilence. Of course, this presupposes a sluggish stream which lacks strength to force its way through the ocean-currents. But the effect is the gradual building and extension of the delta. The Padda (Padma) is now considerbd to be the main channel of the Ganges. Major Ronnell even goes so far as to designate Padma by the name of the Padma, the Ganges. He says, " The proper name of this river (the Ganges) in main channel the language of Hindoostan (or Indostan) is Pudda or Padda. It is also called Barra-Gang or the Great River, and Gauga, the river, by way of eminence."139 The Padma was never the main channel of the Ganges before the 16th century of the Christian era. No doubt the channel of the Padma existed before the 16th century, but it was 133 Sir William Hunter's Indian Empire, pp. 56 f. 13 Major Hirst's Report on the Nadia Rivers, 1915, Ch. III. 126 Bernier's Travels in Hindustan, p. 422. 136 Mr. Vincent A. Smith's Early History of India, p. 179 note. 19 Raghuvara. IV. v. 36 :-Nichakban jayastambhan gangasrotontaroshu sab. . 19 JASB., 1908, p. 85. 19 Markandeya P., oh. 68. . 180 Brihat-Sakr mitd, oh 14. 131 Sir William Hunter's Indian Empire, p. 67. 133 Memoir of a Map of Hindoostan (1788), p. 256, noto.

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66 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY ( MARCH, 1921 always a spill channel, through which the superfluous waters of the Ganges were taken off at the time of some high flood or inundation. There cannot be the slightest doubt that the main stream of the Ganges originally passed through the Bhagirathi channel. I should here observe that the Ganges takes a turn to the south under the name of Bhagirathi which after its junction with the Jellinghi and Matabhauga takes the name of the Hugli till it falls into the seu at Gaiga-sagara. The name of Padmavati or Padma, the moderr. Padda, is not even mentioned in the Ramayana, Mahabharata, or the eighteen . Maha-Puranas excepting the Brahmavaivartta Purana which is admitted by eminent writers to be of recent date. Pauranic account of Padma. perhaps composed in the 15th century. One Upa-Purana, namely the Devi Bhagavata mentions the name of Padmavati, and both these Purunas give some account of the quarrel which took place among the three consorts of Nardyana, namely Ganga, Sarasvati and Padmavari (Lakshmi). The Devi Bhagavata could not have been composed earlier than the 15th century. Sarasvati, the goddess of speech. was once in a very great huff on finding Narayana more tenderly inclined towards Gaiga than to her : the storm burst in the form of a severe scolding upon the devoted head of her husband, who quietly fled from the chamber. Gaiga rebuked Sarasvati for her conduct. but the latter, unable to bear the words of a co-wife, was about to catch her by the hair. when Lakshmi (Padmavati) interfered. Sarasvati cursed Lakshmi and said that a portion of her would be the basil plant and the remaining portion would be a river. Thus Lakshmi became a river, Gaiga and Sarasvati cursed each other to be transformed into a river. The Brihad-Dharma Purana (an Upa-Purana) gives a detailed account of the course of the Ganges from the Himalaya to the ocean. 133 It is there related Brihad-DharmaPurana. that after leaving Kabi (Banares), Ganga (the river Ganges) flowed towards the east and came to Jahnu's hermitage 134 which she flooded with her water; the Muni swallowed her up but let her out again through an incision in his thigh (Janu), and hence she became the daughter of Jahnu. After going some distance, Bhagiratha, who was leading the way with the sound of his conch-shell, gave some rest to his horses. In the meantime, Jahnu's daughter, Padmavati (Padda), wishing to see her sister Jahnavi (the Ganges), sounded the conch : on hearing the sound, Ganga went some distance towards the south-east (Agni-Kona). Seeing her going astray, Bhagiratha loudly sounded his conch. Gai ga on hearing the sound roae up from the water : she saw the king and became enraged with Padmavati, and on account of her anger, Padmavati' was turned into a river, which flowing to the east joined the Ocean. Ganga also narrowed her dimensions, turned towards the south, and disuniting herself from Yamuna (near Triveni in the district of Hugli), went to the sea near Kapila's hermitage.135 It will be remarkedthat according to the Purdnas also, the Ganges never flowed through the bannel of the Padda, but took & southernly course. Krittivasa in his Ramayana 136 which was written in the 15th century A.D., gives the same story with some additions and alterations. He states that after giving salvation to Kandara Muni, Ganga came near Gauda (Gaur). An ascetic named Padma was 193 Bihad-Dharmma Purana, Purva kh., ch. 6; Madhya kh., ch. 22. 18 This is the fourth Jahnu at Sultanganj in the district of Bhagalpur. 118 Brihad-Dharmma Purda, Madhya kh., ch. 22, vs. 37, 38 Padmavati devi vistirna-salla punah Parva-mukham yayan parvam Samudramapi sangata Gangatu velam samkshipya gantum samoupachakrame Babhuva dakahipa-srotah buddh Adhva-nika tadiva. 38. 136 Adi Kanda.

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MAROH, 1921) THE EARLY COURSE OF THE GANGES 67 going to the east. Ganga mistaking him for Bhagiratha followed him, but Bhagtratha told her that east was not the way. She therefore followed him, and Padma Muni took awny with him Padmavati. The Ganges cursed Padma so that no one would get salvation froin her water. From the above accounts regarding the course of the Ganges, it should be observed that in the 15th century the Padma (Padda) existed as a spill channel, through which the superfluous waters of the Ganges found a passage at the time of great floods and high inundations ; but the main course of the Ganges flowed southwards through the channel of the Bhagiratha from its present off-take near Shibganj, situated a little to the south of Gaur, flowing past Triveni near Hugli where she parts from Yamuna. 137 With a view to guard against th water of the Padda being considered as holy as the water of the Ganges, on account of it connection with the latter river, and to preserve the memory of the original main course ou the Ganges, it is said that the river Padma was cursed by the Ganges. When in course of time, the area about the mouth of the Ganges became elevated, all the waters during the periodical floods were unable to find a passage through the channel of the Hugli (as the Bhagirathi is called from its junction with the Jellinghi and Matabhaiga down to the Ocean), though according to Hodges, the Bhagirathi from Murshidabad to Suti is also a part of the river Hugli, 138 The channel of the Hugli itself began to silt up. Then the eastern inundation channel, that is the channel of the Padda, became the principal drain for the discharge of the waters of the Ganges. The Padda emerges from the Bhagirathi at Suti, or Mohana Suti as it is otherwise called, Suti or Sota meaning a stream.139 This must have taken place in the 16th century of the Christian era. It is significant that in the Ain-i-Akbart, written in the 16th century, the Padma is mentioned as Padmavati, the name not being shortened or corrupted into Padda.110 There cannot then be the slightest doubt that the main stream of the Ganges originally passed through the Bhagirathi channel as far as Calcutta, from which it took a south-easterly course through the Adi-Ganga and joined the ocean near Sagar island. Fredriike, who travelled in Bengal in 1570, visited Satgaon and Buttor,--the Betada of the Kavikaukana-Chandi, which is three miles south of Howrah. He Deterioration of the Hugli. says that it is "good tide's rowing before you come to Satgaw; from hence upwards the ships do not go, because that upwards the river is shallow and has little water. The small ships go to Satgaw and there they lade." I should here quote from Dr. Buchanan who states/" I think it not unlikely that on the junction of the Kaal with the Ganges, the united mass of water opened the passage now called Padma. and the old channel of the Bhagirathi fpom Songti (Suti) to Nudiya was then left comparatively dry." 141 The diversion of the main stream of the Ganges from the Bhagirathi to the oast through the channel of the Padma has no doubt led to the deterioration of the Hugli, whatever may be the cause of that diversion. The Damodar originally joined the Bhagirathi (Hugli) at two places, one near Kalna and the other near Nayasardi, 39 miles north of Calcutta. The first branch, which joined the Ganges near Kalna, was in existence in the 16th century A.D., when the Manasdr-Bhasan was composed, as the route taken by Bebule shows : after journeying through the Damodar, she reached the Ganges near Baidyapur. That branch of the DAmodar no longer existe: a small rill now passes through the old channel 107 Bihad-Dharmma Purdna, Purva bh, ch. 6. 189 Fodge's Travele in India (1794), p. 43. 139 Mr. Boveridge's "Old Places in Murshidabad " in the Caloutta Review, 1893, p. 273. 140 Gladwin's Ain-s-Akbart, pt. 1, p. 301, 141 Martin's Eastern India, Vol. -Puraniya.

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88 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY ( MABCH, 1921 and is called the Behuld-Nadi,142 Evidently the flood (Manvantara) of 1276 B.s., corresponding to 1770 A.D, changed the course from this channel. At the same time, the Damodar changed also its course from Nayasardi to its present mouth opposite to Falta, 35 miles south of Calcutta, and caused the Hugli above Calcutta to deteriorato; and shoals and sand banks were formed which rendered the trading settlements inaccessible to gea-going vessels. In 1794, the mouth of the Bhagirathi was filled up with sand extending five miles, which greatly affected its course.143 There can be no doubt that the Hugli has gradually been silting up since the latter end of the 16th century, so that genuine fear has been entertained that in course of time Calcutta may be land-locked and its existence as a port may come to an end. Government has been obliged for this reason to appoint committees from time to time for enquiry into the nature of the deterioration. The Matsya Purdna, after mentioning the names of the tribes through whose countries the Ganges flowed just after its rise in the Himalaya, goes on to say Pauranic account that it passed through the countries of "Kurus, Bharatas, Pafchalas, of the Course of the Ganges. Kausikas, Matsyas, Magadhas, Aigas, Suhma-Uttaras, Vangas and Tamraliptas,"and then falls into the southern ocean(Bay of Bengal).144 This statement is corroborated by the names of the following principal towns which the ancient Hindu works mention as being situated on the Ganges :Towns situated on Gaigadvara (called also Haridvara) where the Ganges bursts through the Ganges, the Sewalek Hills and debouches into the plains nearly two hundred miles from its source (Mbh. Vana, (P. Roy's ed.), ch. 90). Hastinapura (Mbh., Adi, chy. 98, 128 : Vishnu P., pt. IV, ch. 21). Varanavata, now called Varnawa, 19 miles north-west of Mirat (Mbh., Adi, chs. 143, 151). Sakara-Kshetra now called Soron (Agni P., ch. 137), 27 miles north-east of Itah, United Provinces, where Hiranyaksha was slain by Vishnu in his incarnation as Varaha pr Boar (Vardha P., ch. 137) Kampilya, modern Kampil, the ancient capital of Southern Panchala, 28 miles north-east of Fathgar (Ramdyana, Adi, ch. 33: Mbh., Adi, ch. 138). Kanyakubja or Kanauj, which was the capital of Kusanabha and his descendants the Kausikas (Ramayana, Adi, chs. 32, 34; Mbh., Vana, ch. 115). Sringaverapura modern Singraur, 22 miles north-west of Allahabad (Ramayana, Ayodhya kh., ch.50). Prayaga or Allahabad. The Ramdyana, the Mahabharata and the earlier Puranas do not mention that the river Sarasvati joins the Ganges and the Yamuna at this place through a subterranean passage ; nor do they mention the name of Triveni. It is only in the later Puraas, as the Padma Purana (Uttara kh., chs. 14, 15) and the Brihat-Dharmma Purana (Parva kh., ch. 6; Madhya kh., ch. 22) that we find the name of Triveni and the junction of three rivers Ganga, Yamuna, and Sarasvati at Allahabad. Varanasi or Benares is mentioned in the Ramayana (Uttara kh., ch. 48) as the capital of Kasi, but it does not appear whether it was then situated at the confluence of the Ganges and Gomati (Gumti) as stated in the Mahabha. rata (Anusdsana P., ch. 30), or between the Varana and Asi as stated in the Agni-Purana, or between the three rivers Ganges, Varana and Asi as statedi n the Kurma Purara (Parva, ch. 31). It is not mentioned as a place of pilgrimage either in the Ramayana or the Mahabharata, though Gaya and Prayaga are referred to ;(Vana P., ch. 87). It was visited by Yudhishthira when he visited the sacred places of India, as mentioned in the Vana Parva of the Mahabharata. It is however mentioned as a place of pilgrimage in the Vana Parva, but that seems to be an interpolation. Visvamitra-Asrama and Kam&srama : Vivamitra-Asrama or modern 141 Ramagati Nykyaratna's Discourse of the Bengali Language and Literature (3rd ed.), p. 119. 14. Report on the Nadia Rivera. 246 Matsya Purdna, ch. 120, ve. 49-51.

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MARCH. 1921 ] THE EARLY COURSE OF THE GANGES 69 Buxar in the district of Shahabad in Behar, situated on the southern bank of the Ganges (Ra mayana, Adi, chs. 24, 26) and Kamasrama (Ramayana, Adi, ch. 23), the Madana-Tapovana of the Raghuvamsa (canto XI, v. 13) or the modern Karon, 8 miles to the north of Karamtedi in the district of Balia, United Provinces, situated at the time of the Ramayana at the confluence of the Sarayu and the Ganges, just opposite to Buxar (see my Georgraphical Dictionary of Ancient and Mediaeval India, s. v. Kama/rama). Pataliputra or Patna (Mudrakrashasa, Act III, Milinda-Panho, IV, I. 47). In the 4th century B. C., Pataliputra was situated at the confluence of the Ganges and Erannoboa (Hiranyabahu) or Son (McCrindle's Megasthenes, p. 68). Vaisali or Besach in Tirhut, 18 milesnorth of Hajipur (Ramayana, Adi, ch. 45). The southern portion of Tirhut, including Vaisali, was the eastern Matsya of the Mahabharata (Sabha, ch. 30) conquered by Bhima. Vaisali is described by Hiuen Tsang as the country of the Monster fish (Beal's Records of the Western Countries, Vol. II, p. 78; JASB., 1900, p. 83). Hence the Matsya Purana (ch. 120) states that the Ganges flows through the country of Matsya, which does not mean the western Matsya or the territory of Jaipur. Jahnu-Asrama (now called Jahnghira in Sultanpur) on the west of Bhagalpur (Brihad-Dharmma P., Madhya Kh., ch. 22). Champa in the district of Bhagalpur, once the capital of Auga (Mbh., Vana, Chs. 84, 112, 306). Gauda (Gaur) in the district of Malda, once the capital of Bengal. It is called Vijayapura in the Pavanaduta, the capital of Lakshmana Sena, the son Vallala Sena, and from Lakshmana Sena, it was called Lakshmanavati or Lakhnauti (Hamilton's East India Gazetteer, 8.v. Gour). Vijayapura has been identified by some with Navadvipa, but this identification is incorrect, and not even plausible, as Navadvipa was the capital of Lakshmaniya, called also Aoka Sena, the great-grandson of Vallala Sena, and not of Lakshmana Sena, the son of Vallala Sena, who has been referred to in the Pavanaduta by the author Dhoyi, who lived in the court of that king. Padmavati-sangama, the confluence of the Ganges and Padma at Suti (Brihad-Dharmma P., Purva, ch. 6) it is situated in Suhma-Uttara (or Uttara Radha) of the Matsya Purana. Saptagrama, modern Satgaon, in the district of Hugli, the Gange of Ptolemy and the Periplus, and Triveni of the Brihad-Dharmma Purana (Parva, ch. 6). Tamralipta or Tamluk was, as stated before, once situated on the Ganges. Sagara-saugama, or the union of the Ganges with the ocean. It varied at different periods, but it always bore the name of Kapilasrama: the name did not change, though the places did. It was much higher up before, but at present it is near the Sagara Island. These places, as recorded in ancient Hindu works, show the course of the Ganges from the Himalaya to the ocean. Some of the towns exist merely in name, but there are others in flourishing condition. The asramas or hermitages of Jahnu Muni as recorded in ancient Hindu works or by foreign writers serve as several mile-stones in the course of the The eight Jahnus. Ganges on her way to the Ocean. So far as I am aware, there are. eight places where Jahnu is said to have swallowed up the Ganges and let her out again. Jahnu, it appears, is an allegorical representation of a great change in the course of the Ganges. They are (1) At Bhairavaghati below Gangotri in Garwal at the junction of the Bhagirathi and the Jahnavi.145 (2) At or near Kridvara, 146 145 Ramayana, Adi, ch. 43: Fraser's Himalaya mountains, p. 476. 146 Brihat-Naradiya P., pt. II, ch. 66, v. 26.

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70 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY ( MARCH, 1921 (3) At Kanyakubja or Kanauj.147 It was situated on the Ganges in the fifth and seventh centuries,' as recorded by Fa Hian and Hiuen Tsiang respectively. 118 The Ganges has since changed its course, and Kanauj now stands on the Kali-Nadi.149 (4) At Jahnghira in Sultanganj on the west of Bhagalpur 150 (5) At Gauca near Malda.151 (6) At Tartipur (Turtypur of Rennell) near Gaur.162 (7) At Shibganj above Rampur Boalia (according to local tradition). (8) At Jahnnagar (Brahmanitala). Four miles to the west of Nadia.153 It will be remarked that the number of Jahnus in Bengalare at shorter distances from one another than in the United Provinces. These changes in Bengal took place perhaps on account of the gradual elevation and emergence of land in Mid-Bengal, which had ultimately the effect of diverting large volumes of the water of the Hugli to the former inundation channel of the Padma. At any rate, Jahnus serve to show the main course of the Ganges down to the ocean. The Ganges in its upper course has had the name of Bhagirathi applied to one of the The Bhagirathi. head-waters from its source at Gangotri in Garwal to its junction with the Alakananda at Devaprayaga. In its lower course also the Ganges is likewise called Bhagirathi from Suti in the district of Murshidabad in Bengal to its mouth near Sagar Island. I should also observe that the lower Bhagirathi, from its junction with the Jellinghi in the dist. ict of Nadia to the ocean, is now called the Hugli, evidently when Saptagrama or Satgaou declined as an emporium of commerce by the silting up of the Sarasvati in the 17th century A.D., and when the town of Hugli rose into importance after it was declared a royal port in 1632 A.D.154 This is comparatively of recent date, and cannot at all affect the true significance of the name of the Bhagirathi, by which the Hugli was called before. From Deva prayga to Suti, a distance of more than one thousand miles, the river is known by th name of the Ganges.156 The name of Bhagirathi, which means the daughter of Bhagiratha who brought down the Ganges from heaven, has been applied to the river both at its upper and lower courses, evidently with & view to preserve the continuity of its course, and its sacredness from its principal source at Gangotri to its principal mouth near the Sagar Island, so that there might arise no confusion between the Ganges and its numerous ramifications. The Ramayana156, the Mahabharata 157 and some of the Puranas 158. have a chapter de. voted to extolling the sanctity of the Ganges, which is called the The sanctity Ganga. Mahatmya. Ganga issued from the foot of Vishnu, was held then of the Ganges. in Brahma's Kamandalu or water-pot, and first descended upon the head of Mahadeva in her course from heaven upon this earth. Hence all sects combine 147 Vish -Dharmmottara Purna, Pt. I, ch., 20: Brihad-Dharma P., Purva Khanda, ch. 6, places Jahnu's hermitage above Allahabad and Benares. 148 Beal's Buddhist Records of the Western Countries, Intro., p. XLIII, : vol. I, p. 206. 149 Cunningham's Ancient Geography of India, p. 379. 180 Brihad-Dharmma Purdna, Madhya kh., ch. 22; Cunningham's Arch. S. Report, vol. xv, p. 20 JASB., XXXIII, p. 360. 161 Hamilton's East Indian Gazetteer, a.v. Gour. 162 Martin's Eastern India, vol. III, p. 18. 163 Navadvipa-Parikrama, p: 61; Chunder's Travels of a Hindoo, vol. I. 154 JASB., 1910, p. 600 : my Notes on the History of the District of Hughli or the Ancient Radha. 166 Imperial Gazetteer of India, a.v. Bhagirathi. 186 Ramdyana, Adi, ch. 43. 167. Mahabhdrata, Anussana P., ch, 26. 108 Padma P., Srishti Kh., ch. 54; Kurma P., ch. 37; Agni P., ch. 110: Brihad-Naradiya P.. pt. II, ch. 38

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MARCH, 1921) THE EARLY COURSE OF THE GANGES 71 to offer her the homage due to her sacred character, especially as she is connected with the Hindu Triad. She is considered to be the holiest of the holies. The benefits, which she confers upon agriculture by bringing fertility and moisture to the soil, upon the products of which the bulk of the people depend for their livelihood, and the facility she affords to distribute the products of the land and industries along her banks to different marts of the country as a trade route of upper India, in fact, the only means of communication during the pre-railway days, entitle her to the highest veneration. But it is very difficult to understand why she has been represented in the ancient works of the Hindus as having been brought down from heaven by BhagiLegend of the ratha, a descendant of Sagara of the Solar Dynasty, though perGanges : an alle ory. haps, long before Bhagiratha was born, we find her existing as a river. She is mentioned in the Rig Veda159 in what is called the Nadi-Stuti. Bhagiratha's name does not appear in the Rig Veda though indeed the name of " Bhagiratha Aikshvaka (descendant of Iskhvaku ')" is mentioned in the Jaiminiya Upanishad Brahmana (IV, 6, 1, 2), 160 yet it does not appear that he was in any way associated with the Ganges : he is mentioned there as an ally of the Kuru-Panchalas. Vaivasvata Manu, the founder of the town of Ayodhya was a remote ancestor of Bhagiratha and was said to have brought down the Ganges from heaven, 161 and yet we find that Gaiga (the Ganges) was existing as a river at the time. of Vaivasvata Manu who placed the monster fish, an incarnation of Vishnu, in that river. 162 We may therefore conclude that the legend of the Ganges as related in the Ramayana is an allegory, based upon an historical fact regarding the condition of the Ganges at the time of Sagara, king of Ayodhya. The river probably commenced to silt up during his reign, especially at the mouth, as is indicated by the story of his employing his sixty thousand sons, who, I think, represent the labourers employed at the time to remove the silt which had raised the bed there with a view to find out the stolen sacrificial horse which is an allegorical representation of the absorbed river. Kapilasrama indicated, as it does now, the position of the mouth of the Ganges, or rather of its principal outlet. We may conceive that at the time of Sagara, the mouth of the river had been blocked up with silts and sands, and that its body had shrunk, interfering with its navigability, and causing swamps and stagnant pools of water, in karious parts of the channel. We have, at this distance of time, no means of ascertaming the cause which led to the deterioration of the river. Perhaps it had been brought about by the diversion of large volumes of water through irrigation channels in various parts of the country through which the river flowed, or perhaps some other natural causes had been at work. Whatever may have been the cause, it took five generations of the royal house of Ayodhya, from Sagara to Bhagiratha, to reclaim the silted-up river, remove the block of drainage and restore its navigation; and it was reserved for Bhagiratha to achieve full success in the end--& circumstance which bestowed upon him the proud title of being the second father to Ganga Devi who was thenceforth called Bhagirathi.163 169 Rig Veda, X, 76, 6. 100 Vedic Index of Names and Subjects, vol. 2, p. 93. 161 Ramdyana, Adi, chs. 6-6. 103 Mahdbhdrata, Vans P., ch. 187, vs. 19, 2). 165 Ramdyana, Adi, ch. 44,

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72 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY ( MABOH, 1921 The episode in the Ramayana regarding the descent of the Ganges seems to be an interpolation : it has no connection with the main story. But it should be observed that the description it contains is the offspring of a profoundly pious and fervid imagination, investing with a religious garb the real scenery at her source, the places through which she flows and the useful work she has done. The story has been amplifiep in the Puranas and perpetuated by being constantly kept up before the people by subsequent writers, who also strongly believed in the sanctity of the Ganges and its heavenly birth. Libations were offered to the inanes of deceased ancestors and near relations with the water of the Ganges even at the time of the Mahabharat 164 In the fourth century B.C., Megasthenes stated that the Ganges was worshipped by the Brahmang.165 The Ganges is everywhere holy: it is more po at its confluences with other rivers. The Deva-Prayaga and Prayaga, situated at the confluence of the Confluences. Alakananda and Yamuna respectively, have already been mentioned. Benares, as stated before, was once situated at the junction of the Ganges and Gomati (Gumti), but on the recession of the latter to the east, the junction of the two rivers was known as Markandeya Tirtha. 166 The hermitage of Siva, known by the name of Kama-asrama, was situated at the confluence of the Sarayu and the Ganges, but the Sarayu has now receded to the east joining the Ganges at Singhi near Chapra. At the junction of the Gandaki and the Ganges was situated Vikala-Chhatra, including Hajipur and Sonpur, and the latter is celebrated for its annual fair. Sonpur is reputed to be the ancient Gajendra-moksha Tirtha, where Vishnu is said to have released the elephant from the clutches of the alligator. The confluence of the Kausiki (Kusi) and the Ganges called Kausiki-sangama, on the opposite side of Batesvaranatha near Colgong in the district of Bhagalpur. The prediction that the sanctity of the Ganges would disappear after the lapse of five thousand years of the Kali Yuga 167 will never come to pass, provided Prediction regarding she continues to fertilize the soil, pour in her nectarine water through the Ganges. irrigation channels to parched-up lands in places remote from her banks and save the crops from drought, keep her channel open to navigation throughout the year, distribute the products of industries and agriculture to different markets of the country, and remain one of the principal trade routes of northern India, and provided also the Hindus continue to feel that sense of gratefulness which they now eyince even for trivial benefits done to them by objects, animate and inanimate. This reverence for the Ganges, call it by any name you like superstition, idolatry, fetishism or ignorance,-displays m a strong light a peculiar trait of character of the Hindus, which is not inconsistent with the innate nobleness of their heart, and the "Goddess Ganga " shall, at least for five thousand years of the Kali Yuga, remain a symbol of Hindu gratitude. 10 Mh., Stri Parva, ch. 27. 106 Monior Williams' Indian Wisdom, p. 281, note (Strabo quoted). 166 Padma Purdna, Svarga Kh., ch. 16; M ., Vana Parva, ch., 84; but soe Anubhaana Parva, oh. 80. 107 Deut-Bhagavata, LX, oh. 8; Brahmavaivartta Purana, Krishnajanma kch., ch. 34.

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MARCH, 1021 ) HISTORY OF THE NIZAM SHAH KINGS OF AHMADNAGAR THE HISTORY OF THE NIZAM SHAH KINGS OF AHMADNAGAR. BY LIEUT.-COLONEL T. W. HAIG, C.S.I., C.M.G.. C.B.E. (Continued from p. 31.) LVI.-AN ACCOUNT OF THE ACCESSION OF AL MUAYYAD MIN'AND-ILLAH HUSAIN NIZAM SHAH. When Miran Shah Husain's mind had been completely freed from anxiety regarding Miran Abdul Qadir (who would not be satisfied with anything less than the throne of Abmadnagar) and the other rebels, and when Burhan Nizam Shah had died, the amirs and officers of state, and all the army and the people were unanimous in swearing allegiance to Husain Nigam Shah; and the astrologers exercised great care in selecting an auspicious hour for his ascent of the throne. When the hour had been selected, he ascended the throre and assumed the crown. He distributed largesse to all, small and great, high and low. The amirs, vazirs and officers of state and all the army and people appeared before him, made their obeisance to him, and acclaimed him as king. Hakim Qasim Beg was appointed chief minister. It was now reported to the king that Miran 'Abdul Qadir had taken refuge with Darya 'Imad Shah, relying on his assistance owing to the connection by marriage that existed between them and that Miran Shah Haidar also, relying on his father-in-law, Makhdum Khvaja Jahan, for help, was on the point of rising in rebellion. Nasir-ul-Mulk also, who had been confined, by Burhan Nizam Shah's command, in the fortress of Kondana, contrived to escape from prison, and proposed to join Miran Shah Haidar in his rebellion. Husain Nigam Shah resolved to attack and disperse these rebels before they could receive support from Makhdam Khyaja Jahan. He therefore placed his tutor, Maulana Shah Muhammad who had become one of his intimate courtiers, in command of a body of troops. Khurasants and others, and sent him against the rebels with instructions to devote his attention chiefly to Nasir-ul-Mulk. Maulana Shah Muhammad marched by night from Ahmadnagar and travelled with such speed that by the morning he had arrived at Nasir-ul-Mulk's camp. As soon as Nasir-ul-Mulk heard of the approach of the royal troops, he realized that he could not withstand them and Hed precipitately. Maulana Shah Muhammad at once pursued him. He came up with him, and one of the royal officers slew Nasir-ul-Mulk with a spear and severed his head from his body. Thus the land of the Dakan was freed from the defilement of his existence. Maulana Shah Muhammad then returned to court and presented the head of the rebel to the king. Husain Nizam Shah then caused a letter to be written to Darya 'Imad Shah, with whom Miran 'Abdul Qadir had taken refuge, setting forth that friendship had always existed between the Nizam Shahi and 'Imad Shahi dynasties, and that it would be a pity if it were broken. The letter went on to say that Husain Nizam Shah had heard that Miran 'Abdul Qadir who, although his brother, was & rebel, had taken refuge in Berar and was expecting help from Darya 'Imad Shah, and requested that he might be expelled from that country. On receipt of the letter, Darya 'Imad Shah asked Miran 'Abdul Qadir to leave Berar. LVII.-AN ACCOUNT OF THE CAUSES OF MAKHDOM KHYRJA JAHAN'S REBELLION AGAINST UUBAIN Nigan SKH, OF THE CONQUEST OF PARENDA, AND OF THE DOWNFALL OF KEVAJA JAWIN'S FAMILY, Makhdam Kbyaja Jahan was, as has been said, the father-in-law of Miran Shah Haidar and held the fortress of Parenda and all its dependencies. After the death of

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74 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY MARCH, 192 Burhan Nizam Shah, he believed that an opportunity of making himself independent of Ahmadnagar had come to him, and with this object in view, he determined to place his son-in-law on the throne of Ahmadnagar. When Husain Nizam Shah had disposed of his misguided brothers, all the people and the army, and the provincial governors and commandants of forts, had submitted themselves to him, and had sent him the keys of the treasuries and of the forts, and there no longer remained any cause for anxiety in any part of the kingdom. The king was thus able to devote his whole attention to crushing Makhdum Khyaja Jahan, and summoned his counsellors in order that they might advise him in the matter. They agreed that as Makhdum Khvaja Jahan had not made his submission and had offered neither his condolences on the death of Burhan Nizam Shah nor his congratulations on the accession of Husain Nizam Shah, he had undoubtedly been guilty of acts of rebellion. They advised that an envoy should be sent to summon him to court in order that he might answer for his misdeeds, and that in the event of his failing to appear, he should be proceeded against as a rebel. The king therefore ordered that a letter of warning should be written to Makhdum Khyaa Jahan. A letter was written in the following terms 'God Most High has mercy on that slave who realizes his position. Now, by the grace of God, all the countries of Hindustan, and indeed of the inhabited world, are in the posession of the slaves of Husain Nizam Shah, and the whole earth and all the sons of Adam, its inhabitants, are subservient to his will. If Makhdum Khyaja Jahan is a faithful subject, how is it that he still remains without the pale of faithful subjects and has hitherto performed no act of obedience or submission ? If he now makes his submission as a faithful servant and asks pardon for his past faults, making reparation therefor, he will save himself from the vengeance which will otherwise be taken on him; but should he fail to do these things, he will be guilty of self-destruction. Let him therefore beware of transgressing the bounds which have been set for him, and of continuing to stretch his hand beyond the skirt of submission and obedience, lest the guilt of much innocent blood be upon his head.' When this letter had been written, it was carried quickly by some of the king's wise and trusted servants to Parenda. When the envoy reached Parenda and delivered his missive, Makhdum Khyaja Jahan was much perplexed as to the course of action to be followed. He was still indisposed to admit the supremacy of Husain Nizam Shah and yet dared not openly defy him, while he was resolved not to travel to court to do homage. He therefore sent a reply full of prevarication, saying that as long as he was suspected of rebellion, fear and apprehension prevented him from presenting himself at court, but that he was still, as ever, the king's faithful slave, and if the king would, for the present, excuse his personal attendance and would continue to bestow his favours upon him, he would certainly at a later date attend at court and make obeisance. When Makhdum Khyaja Jahan's reply was received at court, the king addressed his amirs on the subject, and said that the rebel's ill intentions were now manifest to all, not by way of suspicion, but by direct evidence, and that policy demanded that he should be instantly suppressed, as any dallying with sedition or rebellion only allowed it time to come to a head and to disorder the whole state. The amirs and officers applauded the king's decision and promised to do their utmost in carrying it out. Orders for the assembling of the army were issued, and the whole army, both Foreigners and Dakanis, mustered in strength at the capital, and the king set forth to take Parenda. He sent on an advanced

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MAROH, 1921) HISTORY OF THE NIZAM SHAHI KINGS OF AHMADNAGAR 75 guard under one of the most experienced amars, and the whole army followed this advanced guard by forced marches. When Makhdum Khvaja Jahan heard of the approach of the royal army, he came forth from his fortress with his army, and, having taken up & defensible position, sent his spies into the royal camp in order that he might be informed of the king's movements; but, on hearing at midnight, that the royal army was near him, he fled with the speed of lightning into the fort of Parenda, and then, after having taken an affecting farewell of his family and having appointed one of his relations to the command of the fort, continued his flight and took refuge with Ibrahim 'Adil Shah. The advanced guard of the royal army arrived at Parenda just after Makhdam Khvaja Jahan had left it, and at once proceeded to besiege the fortress. At sunrise the main body of the royal army arrived and encamped before the fortress. The king then ordered that the balistae should be mounted and that the trenches and breastworks should be constructed; and the fort was attacked with great determination. The garrison, relying on the great strength of the fortress, defended it bravely, and the fighting throughout the day was very fierce. The next day the royal troops again attacked the fortress, while the garrison lined the walls to defend it. This continued for some days and there was still no sign of the resolution of the defenders giving way. The king then ordered the heavy guns to be brought up to the edge of the ditch, in order that they might pound the walls from there. The walls were thus soon breached and the royal army poured in through the breaches and slew many of the garrison. The remainder then surrendered and the king granted them their lives and the lives of their wives and families, and ordered that their property should not be plundered. The king, having captured the fortress, appointed one of his officers commandant, and ordered that its breaches should be repaired. Thus in a short time Parenda became stronger than ever it had been before. The king then returned to Ahmadnagar and, reaching the capital, bestowed large gifts on the holy men and Sayyids of the city. LVIII.-AN ACCOUNT OF THE DISPATCH OF SOME OF THE AMIRS TO BERAR IN ORDER TO PUT DOWN THE TRAITOR TUFAL KHAN. 127 Tufal Khan was a base fellow of the kingdom of Berar who had, by some strange freak of fortune, acquired the confidence of (Darya) 'Imad Shah and had attained to the position of Amir-ul-Umara, nay vakil and pishva, and thus held all power in the state. When he found that the whole kingdom, the army, and the people were subservient to him, he was filled with pride and meditated rebellion and treachery, desiring to obtain the kingdom of his master and benefactor for himself. He went so far as openly to oppose and defy Darya 'Imad Shah, who, finding himself unable to cope with the rebel, sought help from Husain Nizam Shah, and Husain, who was ever ready to suppress rebellion and was specially inclined to crush this particular rebel, sent an army under somo of the amits, Farhad Khan, Ranghar Khan, Miyan Salar, Daulat Khan, and others, to Berar, for this purpose. When Tufal Khan heard of the approach of this army, he was overcome with terror and fled before it. The amfro pursued him and allowed him no rest in any place in Berar until at length he fled in fear to Burhanpar. When Darya 'Imad Shah was thus 197 Firishta doos not mention this expedition.

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76 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ MARCH, 1921 freed of his enemy, he gave the amfrs leave to depart, and they returned with the army to Ahmadnagar where they were honoured for their services by Husain Nigam Shah. LIX.-AN ACCOUNT OF THE CAUSES OF THE STRIFE BETWEEN IBRAHIM 'ADIL SHAH I. AND HUSAIN NIZAM I., AND OF THE VICTORY OF THE LATTER OVER THE FORMER BEFORE SHOLAPUR. Most of Husain Nizam Shah's brothers, who had deemed themselves the heirs of the kingdom and worthy of the crown, had, through fear of the king's all-subduing sword, fled and taker refuge with Ibrahim 'Adil Shah, and in his dominions were continually plotting against the peace of the kingdom of Ahmadnagar. Some also of the most trusted amirs of Burhan Nigam Shah, such as Farhad Khan, Shuja'at Khan, and Khurshid Khan, who secretly supported Miran 'Abdul Qadir's claims, had only submitted to Husain Nizam Shah and owned him as their king as a matter of policy. These amirs now entered into an engagement with Ibrahim 'Adil Shah I., promising that if he would lead an army into the kingdom of Ahmadnagar with the object of deposing Husain Nigam Shah and placing one of his brothers on the throne, they would desert Husain NizamShah and join his standard. Ibrahim 'Adil Shah, instigated by these amirs broke the peace that had existed between Ahmadnagar and Bijapur, and, regardless of the horrors of war into which his own subjects and those of Ahmadnagar would be plunged, took Miran Shah 'Alf, who was his sister's son and the brother of Husain Nigam Shah, and invaded the kingdom of Ahmadnagar with the object of conquering it. When Ibrahim Adil Shah thus broke the bonds of friendship at the instigation of the disloyal amirs of Ahmadnagar and with the help of Saif 'Ain-ul-Mulk who was distinguished for his bravery among the amirs of all the kingdoms of the Dakan and had been one of the amirs of Ahmadnagar in the reign of Burhan Nizam Shah, and had, as has been mentioned, been instrumental in capturing the fortress of Kaliyani, he marched to Sholapur with a very large army and besieged that fortress. When news of the invasion of the country by Ibrahim 'Adil Shah was brought to Ahmadnagar, Husain Nizam Shah assembled a secret council of his officers. In this council Qasim Beg, the physician, who was now vakil and pishvd, said that the matter of most urgent importance was that of the enemies of the state who wore the guise of friendship, the treacherous amirs, and that the king should first deal with them and afterwards consider what could be done against the invaders. The king approved of this advice and issued orders that the traitors should be immediately seized and blinded. In accordance with these orders, Farhad Khan, Shuja'at Khan and Khurshid Khan were thrown into prison and blinded with sharp irons, for they were the leaders of the conspiracy. Faithful servants of the king were then promoted to the positions lately held by the traitors and received their titles, lands and troops,128 The king then sent Shah Rafi-ud-din Husain, who was the eldest son of the late Shah Tahir, as an ambassador to Darya 'Imad Shah, in order that the treaty between the two kingdoms might be renewed and that Darya 'Imad Shah might, as formerly, join the royal standard with his troops. Unfortunately, Shah Rafi-'ud-din Husain was a slave to his lusts, and instead of carrying out the mission with which he was entrusted, fell violently in love with a courtesan in Berar who had been appropriated by Darya 'Imad Shah as his mistress, and associated with her. Darya 'Imad Shah was much offended by his conduct 138 According to Firishta, the attempts of Ibrahim 'Adil Shah to seduce the amirs of Ahmadnagar from their allegiance to Husain were unsuccessful. These amirs probably belonged to the Sunni party, which favoured the pretensions of 'Abdul Qadir. Matters were probably simplified for Husain by the number of pretenders. These were 'Abdul Qadir, supported by the Sunni party, Shah Haidar, supported by his father-in-law, Khvaja Jahan of Sholapar, and Shah 'Alf, supported by his maternal uncle, Ibrahim Adil Shah I.

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MARCH, 1921] HISTORY OF THE NIZAM SHAHI KINGS OF AHMADNAGAR 77 and dismissed him without giving him an audience on the business on which he had come. When Husain Nizam Shah heard of this, he was much vexed and dispatched Yasuras Rai, one of the Brahmaps of the court, to get matters right. Yasurag Rai, who was an able anci tactful man, fortunately suoceeded in his mission, and Darya 'Imad Shah marched to Ahmadnagar with his army and set out with Husain Nizam Shah and the army of Ahmadnagar for Sholapar. 199 Unfortunately, usain Nisam Shah, much to the grief of his officers and of the whole army, took seriously ill on the way to Sholapur, and Ibrahim Adil Shah, on hearing of this, thought that he saw victory already within his grasp and advanced one stage to meet the armies of Ahmadnagar and Berar. Fortunately, and to the great joy of the army, Go! completely and immediately restored the king's health and he marched at once to meet Ibrahim 'Adil Shah and encamped over against the army of Bijapur; and for the rest of that day and the night, the armies prepared for battle. At sunrise on the morrow the two armies were drawn up in battle array. Ibrahim 'Adil Shah placed the advance! centre of his army under the command of Saif 'Ain-ul-Mulk 130 and his right and left wings under the command of other warlike amirs, while he himself remained with the main body of the army in the centre, A. D. 1555. The battle then began, and as both sides displayed the utmost determination. the slaughter was great. The field of battle was a sea owing to the blood of the slain, and in the midst of it the elephants appeared as ships and the standards which they bore, as sails. and the horsemen as sea-monsters devouring men. The battle long continued thus, and such a fight had never been fought before. At length the courage of Ibrahim 'Adil Shah's army. the number of which was twice as great as that of the troops under Husain Nigam Shah. began to fail, and usain perceived that the victory was his when the banner of Bijapur. which had been proudly waving in the breeze throughout the day, was overthrown. One of the marvellous events of the day, which can only be described as a special favour from heaven, was a report which reached Ibrahim 'Adil Shah that Saif 'Ain-ul-Mulk, who was the mainstay of the fortunes of Bijapur in battle, had been defeated. On hearing this, Ibrahim Adil Shah's courage left him and he fled precipitately, leaving his umbrella, his standard, and his kettledrums. When 'Ain-ul-Mulk, who was in the thick of the fight. heard of the flight of Ibrahim Adil Shah, he had no choice but to leave the field, and the rout of the 'Adil Shahi troops necessarily followed. 131 Husain's army pursued the defeated Bijapuris and slew large numbers of them. All the elephants and horses, and the insignia of royalty of Ibrahim 'Adil Shah, fell into the hands 129 From Firishta's account it does not appear that Darya 'Imad Shah accompanied Husain Nizam Shah in person, but he sent 7,000 cavalry to assist him. 130 Saif 'Ain-ul-Mulk had, for some reason, become apprehensive of Husain I, and had fled, after his accession, to Borar and thence to Bijepar. Ibrahim I had welcomed him, bestowed extensive estates on him, promoted him to high office, and conferred high-sounding titles on him, partly, perhaps, to distin. guinh him from 'Ain-ul-Mulk Kan'&rd, who was already in his service. 181 It was the custom of Saif 'Ain-ul-Mulk, when the fortune of the day soomed doubtful, to di mount from his horse and fight on foot, in order to convince his followers that he had no thought of flight. He was now fighting on foot and it appeared as though he would, with his own contingent, defeat the whole of the army of Ahmadnagar: but & coward who fled from the fight reported to Ibrahim that be bad soen Saif Ain-ul-Mulk dismount in order to offer his allegiance once more to his old master, the king of Ahmednagar. Ibrahim, without waiting to verify this report, bogan to retreat on Bijapur. Sair * Ain-ul. Mulk, donorted by his master, had no choice but to follow him, and Ibrahim learning that he was following, concluded that he was pursuing him, and the retreat became a flight,

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78 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MAROH, 1921 of the victors, who also captured all the tents and camp equipage of the defeated army and a large quantity of arms and armour. All the spoils were produced before the king. It is said that 500 elephants were taken, and the amount of the other spoils can thus be estimated ex ungue leonem. Husain Nizam Shah retained the elephants but allowed the troops to retain all the rest of the plunder, and the slaves. After Ibrahim Adil Shah had fled from the field, leaving 'Ain-ul-Mulk in the lurch, 'Ain-ul-Mulk became suspicious of him, and instead of returning to Bijapur went straight to Miraj,139 which was his jagir, and there employed himself in collecting and organizing an army strong enough to resist any that might be brought against him by Ibrahim 'Adil Shah. Other amirs of Bijapur, following the example of 'Ain-ul-Mulk, openly defied their master, and Ibrahim 'Adil Shah, finding himself too weak to oppose 'Ain-ul-Mulk, appealed to Sadashivaraya of Vijayanagar, who sent an army to his assistance. Saif Ain-ul-Mulk, who was unable to withstand both Ibrahim Adil Shah and Sadashivaraya, appealed to Husain Nizam Shah for a safe conduct. His coming to Ahmadnagar and his death will be related hereafter. After thus defeating his enemies, Husain Nizam Shah returned in triumph to Ahmad nagar with his spoils. LX.--AN ACCOUNT OF THE ROYAL HUNTING EXCURSION AND OF THE CAPTURE OF THE TORTS OF GALNA AND ANTOR FROM THE INFIDELS. A.D. 1555. When the king's mind was at ease regarding Ibrahim 'Adil Shah, who had received a lesson, he rested for a while, and then set forth with his army on a sporting excursion, to hunt the beasts of the forest and the birds of the air. Game was plentiful and sport was good, and the king marched through the country enjoying the sport, until he reached the neighbourhood of the fort of Antir. In the latter days of the reign of Burhan Nizam Shah, at the time when that king marched to assist Sadashivaraya in besieging Raichur Danya Rui Rai, the commandant of Antur had rebelled against him and had refused to recognise him as his king, and Baharjiu, following his example, had captured Galna, one of the forts of the kingdom, from the garrison placed there by Burhan Nizam Shah, and had since held it on his own account. Various circumstances had caused delay in the punishment of these two rebels. Now that the royal army approached Antur, Danya Rui Rai became alarmed, and leaving some of his relations and dependants in the fort with instructions to hold it as long as possible, fled. Husain Nizam Shah now desired to capture this fortress, and ordered the army to attack it. The troops surrounded the hill on which was built the fort to which the infidels trusted as a safe place of refuge, and sought everywhere for a path by which it might be ascended, but without success. At length a steep and narrow glen was discovered, which was the only path to the fortress, and was so situated that it was, in truth, little more than a narrow passage for stones which could be rolled down from the walls above it. As this, 133 When Ibrahim reached Bijapur, he shut himself up in the citadel and refused to see Saif Ain ul-Mulk. His messenger was ill-treated and Saif 'Ain-ul-Mulk was told that he was an unprofitable, if not a disloyal servant. Saif Ain-ul-Mulk then marched to the Man river and began plundering the autumn orops. His nephew, SalAbat Khan defeated a force of 5,000 horso sent against him and Seif * Ain-ul-Mulk himself defeated a second force, of 10,000, under Dildvar Khan, the African, and then Ibrahim himself, who was forced to flee back to Bijapur followed by Saif 'Ain-ul-Mulk. Sail 'Ain-alMulk made a night attack on the Hindu army, commanded by Venkatadri, brother of SedBahivarkys but wm defeated by the Hindus, who wore on the alert.

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MARCH, 1921) HISTORY OF THE NIZAM SHAH KINGS OF AHMADNAGAR 79 however, was the only way to the fortress, the troops rushed up the narrow cleft, only to be met with showers of rooks and stones which were heaved over the wall of the fort. Many were killed by these stones and by the arrows shot by the infidels from the fortress. Husain Nizam Shah bethought himself of his artillery, which he considered, might be of some use against this fortress, as the defences above the cleft might be breached and destroyed by guns. He therefore sent for his artillery and caused the guns to be laid on the bastions above the cleft, which was the one vulnerable spot in the defences. The guns played on the bastion until it was breached and destroyed, and the defenders, when they saw that the bastion on which all their hopes depended, was destroyed and that a way into the fort was now open, saw that submission to the king was the only thing left for them. They were granted their lives, liberty, and property. The king then made one of his officers commandant of the fort and marched thence to take vengeance on the infidels of Galna. Having enoamped before Galpa, which is an exceedingly strong fortress built of dressed stones, he laid siege to it. The garrison of Galna, who had seen how Antur had fallen after the guns had been brought against it, were alarmed when the fort was surrounded by the royal army, and sent a messenger to Baharjiya, who was the governor of that fort and of the mountainous district around it, to say that the royal army had arrived before the fort and was besieging it, and that as they despaired of being able to hold the fort, they were of opinion that their best course was to make their submission to the king. As Baharji saw nothing for it but to meke his submission, he sent an envoy tothe king with valuable gifts of merchandise, rich stuffs, jewels, and horses, and completely humbled himself. When the envoy arrived and, by means of the amers, was admitted to an audience, he presented the tribute sent by Baharjt, and immediately afterwards the garrison of Galna came forth, made their submission and presented the keys of the fortress to the king. Both the envoy and the garrison were favourably received and honourably entreated, and the king the appointed one of his officers coinmandant of the fort, with orders to see to the necessary repairs, to hold the fort securely, and to treat the inhabitants of the district well. The king then returned to his capital. In the third year of usain Nizam Shah's reign (A.H. 963-A.D. 1555-56) the royal army did not leave the capital and the year was spent by the king in ease and enjoyment. By the royal command founders broke up the guns named Shah Qal'ah Kusha, and Qal'ah Shikan 133 and made from them the gun named Husain Shahr. At this time the misguided Saif 'Ain-ul-Mulk, who had deserted Abmadpagar for Btjapar and had ever since dode his utmost to stir up strife between the kingdoms, sent a messenger to court to signify his desire of making his obeisance and submitting once moroto the Sultan of A madnagar and to ask for & safe conduct in order that he might travel without anxiety to Ahmadnagar to do homage, for by this time the friendship between him and 'Ibrahim 'Adil Shah had been changed to enmity and he could find no resting place in the kingdom of Bijapur, as has already been mentioned. Husain Nizam Shah sent some of his trusted officers with a safe conduct to summon Saif 'Ain-ul-Mulk to court, for he conceived this to be the polioy best suited to the time. Husain Nizam Shah now heard that the people of Gujarat had sent letters to Saif 'Ain-ulMalk, offering him the throne of that kingdom, as Sultan Mahmad,134 who had been king of Gujarat, had died and had left no undoubted heir to succeed him on the throne. Since 19 "The royal fort, opener," and "the fort breaker." 18 I have not been able to discover elnowhere any mention of an offer of the throne of Gujarat to sait 'Ain-ul-Mulk, and it is improbable that it was made.

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80 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY 'Ain-ul-Mulk, besides being a fomenter of strife, was also valiant and unscrupulous, his elevation to the throne of Gujarat would have been disastrous to the peace of Ahmadnagar, and Husain Nizam Shah therefore resolved to compass his death, for it is certain that he who has been strong enough to draw the sword in his own cause will never be the willing and faithful servant of another. The king therefore sent Hakim Qasim Beg to assure Saif Ain-ul-Mulk that he would be well received in Ahmadnagar, and so well did Qasim Beg perform his task that 'Ain-ul-Mulk was thoroughly reassured and induced to hasten to his death. [ MARCH, 1921 When Saif 'Ain-ul-Mulk with his troops drew near to the capital, the king went forth with his army as though to receive him with honour, and the army was drawn up in two ranks, facing one another so as to form an avenue., 'Ain-ul-Mulk with a few attendants approached the king between the ranks of the army, and when he drew near to him, prostrated himself in the dust. When the king saw his enemy thus in his power, something whispered to him that the opportunity should not be lost. By the king's command he was instantly slain, and orders were issued that his army should be attacked and plundered. Salabat Khan 35 and a large number of the officers and bravest men of 'Ain-ul-Mulk's army were slain; and Qabul Khan, one of his amirs, with some others who escaped the avenging swords of the royal army, made his way to the haram of 'Ain-ul-Mulk, and for the sake of gaining a name for themselves, conveyed the ladies, in spite of much opposition and with much fighting, to Telingana. Those of Saif 'Ain-ul-Mulk's army who threw away their arms and surrendered, were kindly treated, and were enrolled in the royal army, but those who persisted in following the path of disobedience became food for ravening beasts and their arms and horses became the spoil of the royal army. (To be continued.) AVANTI PRAKRIT OF THE KARPURAMANJARI. BY SURENDRANATH MAJUMDAR SASTRI, M.A.; PATNA. 2 THE Karpuramanjart is the only drama composed entirely in Prakrit, and as such, it is read by all students of Prakrit philology. It has been critically edited with a learned introduction by Dr. Sten Konow in the Harvard Oriental Series. Commenting on its Prakrits, Dr. Konow notes 1 that Rajasekhara, who calls himself sarva-bhasha-vichakshana, has used two dialects only-the Sauraseni (in the prose portions) and the Maharashtri (in the metri cal portions), that the most striking feature of Rajasekhara's Prakrit is his abundant use of rare and provincial words, of which a list has been given by Dr. Konow; that Narayana Dikshita and Apte have pointed out that for the majority of these provincial or vernacular words, our poet seems to be largely indebted to Marathi; and that the poet confused his two dialects-Sauraseni and Maharashtri. Dr. Konow illustrates this confusion with various examples and concludes that the linguistic skill of Rajasekhara was not so remarkable as he would have us believe. From the fact that Rajasekhara "who knew all languages" did not correctly distinguish the different Prakrits, Dr. Konow infers that the living knowledge of those dialects was, at that time, considerably diminished; possibly there was. an obsolence of the said dialects at that period. 136 This salabat Khan was sister's son to Saif 'Ain-ul-Mulk. He had been severely wounded at the battle of Sholapur. 1 Karpuramanjari (Harvard Oriental Series), Part III, p. 199. 2 Ibid., p. 201. 3 lbid., pp. 201-2. 4 lbid., pp. 202-3.

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MARCH, 1921) AVANTI PRAKLIT OF THE KARPORAMASJARI It thus follows that Rajasekhara was, in Dr. Konow's opinion, a braggart who boasted of his knowledge of all languages without knowing the peculiarities of any Prakrit dialeot. Rajasekhara was, indeed, much given to boasting, as is evident from his describing himself as an incarnation of Valmiki, Bharttr-Mentha and Bhavabhuti. But though he had no scruples as to how paradosham iva hi svakain gunain khyapaye katham adhrshtatajadah, is it not too much to state that he had not even a rudimentary knowledge of the special features of the Prakrits in which he composed elegant dramas and that yet he styled himself as sarva-bhashd-vichakshana? In his recently published work, Kavyamimarisd, Rajasekhara Cliscusses the question of the use of various dialects as the vehicle of poetry and has solved it thus -Sabdarthau te (= kavyapurushasya) sarirai, Sanskrtan mukhan, Prakritan bahuh, jaghanam Apabhramal, Paibachai padau, uro Misram. Here he mentions Sanskrit, Prakrit. Apabhrana, Paibacha, and Mibra, as different dialects or languages. His Prakrit is thus identical with the Bhasha and Vibhashd of Markandeya. But what is this Mirra ? It is evidently & mixed language like the Gath of the Northern Buddhists or Senart's Mixed Sanskrit of inscriptions which is nowhere referred to in Sanskrit literature. Shall we treat him, who has thus preserved an information unknown to later Prakrit authorities, as one innocent of Prakrit dialects? Probably his Praksit is an unknown dialect and as such it causes so much perplexity. So before charging him of using incorrect Prakrit. let us turn to the various Prakritic dialects and try to find out whether his Prakrit may be e different dialect. Vararuchi (circa A. D. 500 ?) treats of the Maharash!ri, Paisachi, Magadhi and Sauraseni. The first is characterized by the loss or change into h of all intervocal explosives (except the linguals) which are preserved and hardened in Paisachi. The Magadhi-Sauraseni group mainly differs from it in preserving (the softened) intervocal dental explosives Hence Rajasekhara has confused his dialects by his loss of the dental intervocals in udra, maurd, pda, mai, raana, etc. in the prose portion which should be written in the Sauraseni Prakrit. The later grammarions and authorities on Dramaturgy refer to a larger number of dialects-fourteen, sixteen or eighteen. Thus Markandeya classifies the Prakrit dialects thus : -I. Bhasha-Mahardshiri, Sauraseni, Prachyd, Avanti, Magadhi and Ardhamagadhi. II. VibhashaSakari, Chandali, Savari, Abhiri, Takki (? the dialect of Takka or the Punjab), Odri, Dravidi. III. Apabhramba. IV. Paisachi." In the above list we find the mention of the Avanti dialect. According to Pithvidhara, Avanti is the dialect in which speak Viraka and Chandanaka of the Michchhakurika. He notes tatha Sauraseny-Avantija, Prachya. etdsu dantyasa karata. tatr - Avanttja repha-vali lokokti-bahula cha. [Dental 8 occurs in Sauraseni, Avanti and Prachyd ; Avanti retains (=l ip Magadhi) and it is full of colloquial (provincial) words ]. Markandeya remarks Avanti sydt Maharashtyi-Saurasenyos tu saukarat. [Avanti is a mixture of Mahardsht, i and Sauraseni.] $ As Avanti (Malwa) is situated midway between Maharashtra and Surasena (Muttra), it is naturalthat its language should be a mixture of Maharasht, i ard Sauraseni, and that has been / babhUva valmIbhava RSiHpurA tataH prapada bhAva manRnaSThanom | sthitastAvo bhavamRtirekhavA sa vartate samprati raajshekhrH|| bAlayamAvaNa prastAvanAvAm | 6 Kdvyamantha (Gaekwad Banskrit Series), p. 6. 7 Pischel's Prikrit Grammar, $ 3. Ibid., 26.

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82 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY ( MARCH, 1921 clearly stated by Markandeya. Pythvichara has pointed out that it contains a large num. ber of provincial words. Now this is exactly the case, as Dr. Konow has pointed out, with Rajasekhara's Praksit. We thus see that Rajasekhara was not ignorant of the characteristics of the Prakrit dialects, but that he wrote his prose portions in the Avanti dialect. The reason why he preferred the Avanti dialect is not far to seek. The Karpuramanjar was played at the instance of Arantisundari, the wife of our poet. 9 Rajasekhara's love and admiration for Avantisundari is exhibited by his quoting her opinion as an authoritative statement in his Kavyami mast. It is thus his amour for la belle d' Avanti that (lictated him to write in the langue d'Avanti in spite of the dictum cf Dramaturgy that the prose portions should be in Sauraseni in the speech of the heroine, etc., etc. DID PANINI KNOW BUDDHIST NUNS? By K. V. LAKSHMAN RAO, M.A.; MADRAS. While writing an article on Ashtadhydyi for the Telugu Encyclopaedia, a Sutra in Panini arrested my attention. In the second Ashtaka there is a Satra K f t: [II. 1. 701. All the commentators agree in interpreting this aphorism to mean that the word 'Kumara enters into a Talpurusha compound with the words in the Gramana-group. The Sramanddigana consists of the words 444, Tarta, er, at arcet, al, , 2196, YAK96, afora, 92, T T , 99.1 We find all these words enumerated in Ganaratnamaho dadhi of Vardhamana of the twelfth century and in the Kasikd of the seventh century. Saladya Vyakarana which may belong to the ninth century and Jainendra Vyakanana which cannot be later than the fifth century A. D. have a Sutra similar to that of Panini. Unfortunately the Vritti and the Mahabhashya have not thought it necessary to comment upon this futra and hence we are not in a position to know Katydyand's or Patanjali's interpretation of this aphorism. The illustrations generally given under this aphorism are kumArI zramamA kumArazramaNA (Kasika), artri * * , $49afar (Ganaratnamaho-dadhi). Though we know that almost all the words we now find in the Sramanddigana'are given in the Ganaratnamaho-dadhi and Kasikd, it niay be said that we cannot be sure that all the fifteen words were included in the group by Panini when he wrote the Satra. Any how it cannot be doubted that the first three or four words formed part of the group then. Thus 9 Chahuanakulamolimdlia Raasehara-Kainda-gehiri Bhattuns Kiim Avantisundari Sa punjalum eum ichchhai.-Karpura masjari, p. 6 1 of the fifteen words now found in the Sramand-digana the first seven are in the feminine gender and the rest are in the masculine. Kdsikd says that the word Kumara enters into compound as a word of feminino gender with those words which have feminine form and as a word of both masculine and feminine gender with those which have a masculine form. atrast: 92 H a rare : saha strIlija eva kumAravAdaH samasyate, venu puMlijA adhyApako bhirUpakaH paNDitahati, terubhavathA, prAtipadika e fer afgerang para." This means that the compounds THT:, FATA , SATante: cannot be allowed, though both the compounds fog, reforzar: aparte: HITZ T . are admissible. Abhdyanandi commenting upon an analogous satra (III. 65) in the Jainendravyakaraia (Pandit edition) explains in the same way: aftas 9 8: ating laparganffFAYT irat. The purpose of the Satra is clearly to show that the word comes always as the first member of the compound in all these enses. Padamanjari says kumAra kumArasammasva pUrvanipAsaniyamArthaM vacanaM.

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MARCH, 1921) DID PASINI KNOW BUDDHIST NUNS 83 the words Sramand and Pravrajita cannot but be taken as having been included in the gana when Panini wrote the Satra. The word Kumari means in Sanskrit either an unmarried girl or a very young girl. Hence the compound Kremdra-Sramand or Kumara-pravrajita may either mean & sanyasini who has joined the order as a brahmacharini without getting married or a Sanyasini who has joined the order when very young. Hindu gi: Is rarely remained unmarried, and no where was samnyasa ordained for them. There was therefore no chance for a young Hindu girl to take orders under the Hindu Sastras. In the l'panishads we hear of certain brahmacharinis, who remained unmarried for a long period, but we do not hear of women who have undergonu the ceremony of pravrajana. Now, who were these Kremdra-Srananas and Kumara-pravrajitas--the virgin ascetics, the young nuns, the child-sanyasinis, the girls who were admitted into the si-terhood of pravrajitas (Pali - Pahbajitas) when they were very young? Who could they be except the Buddhist nuns? Hinduism does not recognise Samnyime to women and Sudras. It is Bulha who first founded the system of Samnyasa for women and consequently references to bikkhunis, samanis, pabbajilds and nunneries are found in Buddhistic literature from the Tripitakas down to the writings of the modern times. We also find these terms applied to nuns in the inscriptions of Nasik, Karle and Amaravati. We find in Buddhistic writings that even boys and girls of seven years, with the consent of their parents, were taken 98 Sramanerds; and Sramanerier, i.e., as young novices to be trained up as a Sramana and Sramani (Manual of Buddhism by H. Kern, p. 77). It is no wonder then that these young female ascetics were called Kumana-Srananas which necessitated a separate rule in Panini. Here I may take into consideration some possible objections to my statement that Hinduism does not recognise female sramands and pravrajitas. The word sramana oven in its masculine form has been monopolized by Buddhists and it now practically means a Buddhist monk. But I am aware of its use, though very rarely, in the general sense of a Samnyasi in the Hindu religious literature, perhaps prior to Buddha. Sathapathd Brahmana (XIV, 6, 122) has gor, 47: 374T, arge: warga; Brihadaranyaka has a similar sentence (IV, 3, 22). Taittari yaranyaka also mentions arcar T ET: T URA Prurat. Even as to the meaning of the word Sramana (in its masculine form) in the above passages, there may be some who may suggest that it refers to the Buddhist Sramands before the word was degraded in its significance in the eyes of the Hindus. I may here remind the readers that the late Prof. Goldstucker was of opinion that the Aranyakas were unknown to Panini and came into existence during the period intervening between Panini and Katydyana. But the word Sramand or Sramani (i.e., in its feminine form) is unknown to the Hindu literature of the pre-Buddhistic period. We know of a passage in Ramayana where a certain eramani is mentioned (Aranya Kanda, Sarga 73). There she is called fhear, art, arcat, ferer, feughar. She is represented to have come from the low caste of Sabaras. Her caste clearly indicates that the word Bramani is not used here in the technical sense of a high caste woman entering into an order of Samnyasinis. Even those who may argue that in ancient times Hinduism allowed women to become Samnydsinis or pravrajitds cannot go to the oxtent of asserting that women who were outside the pale of Hinduism could become samnydsinis, oramands, pravrajilds, taprasis in the technical sense, when even men belonging to the Sadra caste were denied that privilege. I think I need not quota any authorities for this statement; the story of Samboka from the Ramayana itself will illustrate my point. Hence if a woman of a wild tribe is honoured as eramani and tapasi, it must be through the influence of Buddhism.

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84 Besides we are not sure about the date of Ramayana. The original text may be very old, certainly pre-Buddhistic. But there are many interpolations in it, which we know are certainly post-Buddhistic. The very name of Buddha-the Tathagata and the Nastika-is mentioned in it (Ayodhya, 109, 34). There are similar interpolations in the Mahabharata also. We find the word pravrajita (female ascetic) in Manu (VIII, 363), Vatsyayand's Kamasutra (V. p 69, XXI, p. 234, XXVII, p .290), Arthasastra of Kautilya (I, 10; I, 12). But in all these places it is clear, from the contemptuous way in which the female ascetics are referred to, that they are the much hated Buddhist pravrajitas. These are generally mentioned along with women of bad character for purposes of espionage and as go-betweens. It is certain that the Hindus began to hate these Buddhist Nuns, as the institution was unknown to them, and as these nuns, at least some of them, must have led a life of doubtful morality. It is natural that they should have hence fallen very low in the estimation of the Hindus. Gradually the word Sramana connoted the sense of a beggar. woman, an unchaste woman, a beautiful woman without character. These are some of the meanings given to the word Sramand in various Sanskrit lexicons. I therefore consider the sramand and pravrajita mentioned in the Sitra and Ganapatha of Panini as referring to the Buddhist Samanis and Pabbajitas. SPECIMENS OF NEPALI. By R. L. TURNER. The following examples of Nepali are taken from a collection of stories which were written down at the time of hearing in phonetic script. The narrators were men of the 2/3rd Q.A.O. Gurkha Rifles, and their stories describe the campaigns in France and Palestine in which that battalion shared. I have chosen extracts only from stories told by men whose native tongue was Nepali (Khaskura) and not Mongolian language. a THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY In preparing them for publication and annotation I have (with considerable reluctance) changed the phonetic scrip of the Societe phonetique internationale to the Roman script for Indian languages adopted by the Royal Asiatic Society. In order however to preserve the more important differences of sound, I have had to use a few additional symbols. The chief points to notice are: A denotes the a in Hindi makkhan. 33 73 [ MARCH, 1921 27 37 a shortened a and must be distinguished from A. the neutral vowel a heard in H. karta citra. the short e in English set. the short close vowel corresponding to the long o. the short open vowel of the English hot. 5 the long open vowel of the English awe. @i a diphthong like that of English boy. 33 ai au are diphthongs: ai au two separate vowels. 6 is a sound between English 8 and sh. c ch j jh represent ts tsh dz dzh with a very slight palatalisation of the s element. The aspirates are pronounced with much feebler aspiration than in Hindi. It will be noticed that Middle Indian intervocalic -- has practically disappeared. Manu does not consider the offence of a man who secretly converses with a parivrajikd to be very serious. He puts it along with the offence of conversing with a female slave. These offences are to be punished with a small fine. [VIII. 363.] In commenting upon the word pravarjita all the comentators explain it to mean a Buddhist nun. Vdleydyana proposes the use of pravrajitde to seduce chaste women. Though Vatsyayana points them in this ugly light, we know from the Malat Madhavam of Bhavabhiti the noble and self-less part which these Bhikhunts played in bringing together true, noble and virtuous lovers. Kautilya makes use of these Pravajitas as spies for political purposes.

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MARCH, 1921) SPECIMENS OF NEPALI 88 Intervocalic breathed stops tend to be slightly voiced, while final voiced stops lose their voice. There is considerably less difference between dentals and cerebrals than in Hindi. For the dentals the tongue strikes slightly further back, and for the cerebrals the tip appears not to be turned over backwards so far. The accent, which is a moderately strong stress, is on the first syllable of the word, except where otherwise shown by the sign'. 1. THE RETREATING TURKS DESTROY THE WELLS. TOLD BY A THAKUR OF THE MALLA OLAN. Hami heru Gaza bati agari beryu. Us bela hamiheru sabi bhanna pachi rizerb ma rakheka thiu. Agari berda b@rda Turki ka dhere gola re goli halne bakas tise latha liige phalere bhagero gae' chan. Tyo din bhari hinde hinde thakera hairan bhai rako : pani pani khane ne paune mukb r@ ghati patpati sukera nerne khojeka thiu. Size ko pas baje ma yota bagica ma basyu. Tez yota Turki ko pani ko kua reche. Tea hamra sipasheru. pani bherne jada pani jhikne kil tutaiera gaeko reche. Pani khaula bhani taohar re machar gari jada to testo tuteko kal dekhine. To man ma isto krod ubjo kasto bhane ek ta pani ne khane paeko tyo mathi Turki le kal bhacera gako. Tyo Turki lai paya hunde, tese lai katera tes ko khun pani jhai khaiere tirkha bujhaude thiu. Sabe ka man ma iste jhog uthya-ko thiu. Pheri thora deri ma hamra S@rkar badur ka bandobast le tyo kua ko pani jhikna lai enjinir lai bolar pathaio ro tyo kal lai bancio. Badaiere man ma tyo kal bani sakda dekhero sare ramaiu : Abo pani khane paula bhvni. Pheri enjinir le pani nikalere barda ta yota yota tamlet pani diene. Tirkha pani testo lagya che: pani pani yota tamlet : ui pani hukum bhoio rati hinna ko lagi tyo pani lai bina hukum khane chaine bhanere : jab@ para ma pugula w Aa pani khane hukum milla. Translation. We advanced from Gaza. At that time we had been placed behind everyone in reserve. As we advanced, the Turks having thrown away anyhow all higgledy-piggledy many boxes containing shells and rifle ammunition have fled. Marching all that day we became tired and exhausted ; and getting no water to drink, our mouths and throats becoming as dry &g dry leaves, we were ready to die. In the evening at five o'clock we halted in a garden. There there is actually a Turkish well of water. There when our soldiers go to draw water, the machinery for getting out the water has been quite broken. As they went in a crowd saying 'We will drink', they had never seen machinery so broken. Then such anger arose in their minds because not only had they got no water to drink, but in addition the Turk had gone after breaking the machinery. If we had caught that Turk, we should have killed him and drunk his blood like water and 80 assuaged our thirst. Such rage rose in everyone's heart. Again, in a little while through the arrangement of our noble Government, an engineer was sent for to get out the water from the well, and he ropaired the machinery. When he had repaired it, seeing that the machinery had been quite repaired, we rejoiced exceedingly in our hearts, saying: Now we will get water to drink.' But the engineer, having got the water out and distributing it, still did not give each man one water-bottle full. So great was our thirst and there was only one water bottle of water, and in addition the order came, saying: On account of marching to-night you must not drink even that water without orders. When we reach the end of the march, then an order to drink will be received.' :

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY MARCH, 1921 Notes. hamiheru : the plural affix haru usually becomes heru. bati < batai emphatic of bara 'from-ai > -ei-e-i according to sprachtempo. agari < agari: -r- regularly becomes - baryu < barhyu. bhanna < bhanda 'in comparison with '-nd- often > nn-: cf. hunno < hundo below, janna s jandaina. rakheka thiu = had been placed, the active rakhyo and passive rakhiyo have generally fallen together. hulne : verhal adjective = holding. -nes-nya. Is this an extension of the verbal nous representing a type mraksanika. > rakhne? -el<-ya) is used very frequently for the formation of adjectives from nouns. tise < tisai tesai 'thus, anyhow.' phulera : past conjunctive participle, formed from the past tense in -yo plur. -e-plus ta *and' gae chan: perfect without ko. There seems to be now no difference in meaning between perfects with or without -ko -ka. Both forms are used with transitive as well as intransitive verbs. Possibly gae chan is the phonetic development of gaeka chan in rapid speech and not an originally ko-less form. On the other hand the original division may have been into ko-forms with transitive and ko-less forms with intransitive verks. There are not yet sufficient data collected to make a decision. hinde < hirdai. rakos rahyako. -aya in perfect participles before -ko often becomes -a. of. bhako guko < bhayako gayako. Forms retaining -ae, e.g., blaeko gaeko, are probably later formations after types like gare phale kute, etc. < garya phalya katya etc. The perfect participle is frequently, as here, used in narrative as a main verb without an auxiliary. khana : the infinitive has the following forms : (1)-nu, which appears whenever the infinitive is used (a) as a subject : e.g., with parcha it is necessary': maile garnu parcha lit. = the doing by me is necessary; dinu na dinu aphnu khusi cha : (b) as an imperative; (c) with the auxiliary ho to express necessity : negative chaina. (2) -na (> .na in these texts), which is used generally as an object (a) with verbs like lagnu begin paunu be allowed to 'khojnu 'try'dinu ' allow' saknu "be able ;' (b) when dependent on adjectives: e.g. testo sunna pani ayogya kura. (c) To express purpose : e.g., ke bhanna ayau? = To say what have you come ? ; (d) Rarely with postpositions : e.g., jy khana ma bhuine manis = a man who goes wrong in drinking spirits; (e) With ta as an obseverative: e.g., becna ta becne ho: mol ta sugha aphai garcha = " As for selling, it is for sa le : but...........' It appears then to be an oblique case. Does it represent a phonetic development of -na? (3) -na (>-na in these texts) which is regularly used with postpositions. It is possible then that in this position before enclitics (if No. 2 na is derived from -na) the length of the bylleble was maintained. (4) -ne -nya used with ho to express necessity: 0.g., mai lee jane ho = I must go. This appears the same in form as the verbal adjective in - ne (see above). Possibly the startingpoint of the construction is a sentence like tyo garne ho lit. = 'be is a doer,' whence tes le garne ho (after tes le garcha); then mai le garne ho (instead of ma garne hat) after the analogy tes le garnu cha : tes le garne ho = mai le garnu cha : mai le garne ho.

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MARCH, 1921) SPECIMENS OF NEPALI. One form tends to become generalised for all uses at the expense of the others. This is most usually-nu, occasionally-na. pagpi sukera : lit. = becoming so dry as to make the sound ' patpati'. marne perhaps < marnai emphatic of marna. pas < p&c. Yoga < yeu!a yewata < eka- + vytti-. -ota is then generalised for all numerals: e.g. carola pacoa etc. beside carwata pdcwata etc. tea < tyahd 'there.' tutaiera < tutaera. recha s rahecha, perfect of rahanu, in the sense of an emphatic cha 'is.' dekhino : either singular for plural dekhinan with sipaiheru as subject or passive with kal as subject : < dekhiyena had not been seen.' ubjo < upjyo, past of upjanu be produced.' uthya < uthya : the existence of forms with -ya beside more regular -e(<-ya) is perhaps due to new formations after the dominative in -yo which remains unchanged : e. g. choro : chora or upjo : upja ( s upjyo : upjya) produces uthyo : uthya (in place of uthe < older uthya). badur < bahadur. bhoio < bhayo, but bhae Page #98
88 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY I MARCH, 1921 were seen. Going a little further forward a flock of Turkish sheep was met with. Then our Doctor Sahib saying: 'Hullo, we must eat those sheep', went and cut off half of the flock and brought it back. In it there would be seventy or eighty sheep. Going a little forward from there, on the right of the road there was a small hollow. The hollow we saw was full of dead Turks. They stank so that it was just as if our noses were going quite to burst. All over the road the Turks had shot and killed and thrown and scattered their horses and mules and buffaloes and cows. And all over the road they stank. so that our heads and all ached with the stink. Going a little forward, a Turk on the slope of a small hill to the right of the road still remains alive. When we go to see, he is able to raise half his body, but half he cannot move, Our Major Sahib taking pity on him in his heart carried him back on a stretcher. Notes. tyo: direct for oblique, as generally when the pronoun is used adjectivally. Contrast the oblique in tes ma below. tet there,' emphatic of tea (< tyaha): < tyahai or tyahi. biana < bihana oblique case. sakdena < sakdai na. The negative of the present is formed from the emphatic of the pres. part. in -dai plus na. bhanne lit : =' an order which says:........ tad 'there' beside ted (< tyaha) is probably due to the influence of wad (< waha); similarly another form tia is due to yid (< yaha). hinda='while going does not necessarily refer to the subject of the sentence. In origin it is probably an absolute case, taking the place of the locative. It has become practi. cally a verbal noun as shown by the extension : garda md in doing, while doing,' gardakheri lit. =' at the time of doing.' parsas parcha : cf. kholza < kholca. sab < sahab. leyo < liayo. saator s sahattar. Double consonants in loanwords become single normally: cf. A81 Sassi below. Double consonants exist however in emphatics : e.g. alli katti sabbai beside ali kati sabai ; and in paradigms: e.g. milla: milnu, khannu 'dig.' hunno hos hundo. Singular for plural ganaieros ganhaera. III. THE STORMING OF MACHINE GUN HILL. TOLD BY A KHAS OF THE BEST CLAN. Baro tarik bihan@ e ra bi kampani top ko raksa gerne gae. E kampani gau liero agari ka nala ma gaiere basyo; bi kampani gau ka pichari ka nala ma basyo. Din bher top ke Rola masingan ka goli di du bhai reyo. Tea bata car baje saza samo hameru tet bagyu. Tyo bela hamra debre tiro bato gora Iskat pau gareko paltan Agari tire baryo, re hami le saro ramrogari bore thiu. Uniheru ko mathi Turki le dhere gola goli bersaio. Top ka dhui le ek chin Kahero jhai bhai gyo. Tea bato uneru dor no mani tyo dara ma puge re hamra topkhana le uneru lai dhere goar diyo. Tar@ uneruko riipphes ne pugna le uneru sabbe manche mari gae. Pheri u d&ra Turki le khosyo. Pheri saze ma sikin terd gorkha lai ui d&ra khobu persa bhanne hukum ayo. Us bela ma kam&dii apser sap le sunaie bi kampani ra

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MAROH, 1921) SPECIMENS OF NEPALI. 89 di kimpani phairiu lain, e kampani te si kampani sapot. Adha bato j&da jada koi gola goli phair bhaiene. Un ko mark ko thau te pugya pachi gola bini masingan ka goli bini ekkai chuttei asina jasto bersaie. Hamiheru lai dbere kathin bhoio agari berna lai. Yota platun le kabrii phair garyo, yota plagun dugere goio. Yeseri b@rda b@rda (dusman ko data pira yota kholsa thiu) hameru tyo kholsa ma pugdakheri aphna manche ko ganti garyu. Tyo kholsa ma pugi sa kya pachi bi kampani sap paile ghaile bhae bhanikapa khabar payu; Ali cbin pachi mare bhanne tha payu. Waa dekhin hameru le luisgan hanne manche lai bhanyu : dusman ko & masingan ko thau che u thau ma ramreri cinere baklo goli hana bhanera. Waa bati pheri hameru Agari beryu. Hinde hinde goli hande hande gaiu. Luisgan hanne manche le iphna mancheheru ka kadha ma luisgan lai rakhero dusman ka thai ma goli hande Agari boryo. Ra dusman ko basne balio thau khosyu. Dara ma kisto ho bhane. Dusman dhere mareka thie hamra top ka gola le. Koi koi thau ma dusmad ka an ma ago lage ko thiu. Dhere pani ghaile manche chorere gae. Hamra goraheru pani dhere wal mareka thie. Mai le ek gara sarjant sare naramrogari mareko dekhe: gala ma nidhar ma thau thau ma sot le ghoceko aru khutta golighata lai nimuthere nikali rakh yo. Us bela ma Adhero peryo. Sabbe thau ma ghaileheru le karaude thie. Hamiheru lai balio ar khannu perse : dusman le pheri dara khosne bhani aune cha bhanne hukum ayo. Translation Early in the morning on the twelfth, A and B companies went to give protection to the guns. A company, having taken the village, went and halted in a wadi in front; B company halted in a wadi behind the village. All day long the shells and machine-gun bullets kept banging away. From that time till four in the afternoon we stayed there. At that time from our left a British regiment called the Scots (4th Royal Soots) made an advance; and we saw beautifully. On them the Turks rained shells and bullets. From the smoke of the guns in a moment it became as thougb dark. From there, not heeding fear, they reached the hill, and our guns gave them much help. But because their reinforcements did not reach them, all the men were killed. Again the Turk took the hill. Then in the evening came an order saying: The 2/3 Gurkhas must take that hill.' Then the Commanding Officer Sahib announced that B and D companies would be firing line, A and C companies support. For half the way no shells or bullets were fired. But after reaching the place they had marked, in a twinkling they rained down both shells and machine-gun bullets like hail. It was very difficult for us to adyance. One platoon gave covering fire, while one platoon ran forward. Advancing in this way (there was a wadi near the enemy's hill as soon as we reached that wadi, we took count of our men. After having reached tho wadi we got news first that B company Sahib was wounded; a little later that he was killed. After that we said to the Lewis gunders: 'Wherever there is a position for an enemy's machine gun, at that placo take good aim and shoot fast and thick. From there again we advanced. We went shooting as we moved. The Lewis gunners resting their Lewis guns on the shoulders of their comrades fired at the enemy's position as they advanced. And we took the enemy's strong position. What was it like on the hill ? Many enemy had been killed by our shells. In some places their bodies had caught fire) Mapy wounded men also they had left. Of our British soldiers also very many had been killed. I saw one British serjeant very horribly killed. In his cheek, in his forehead, in many places he had been pierced by bayonets, and his foot and ankle bones had been broken

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90 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MARCH, 1921 and were sticking out. At that time darkness fell. In every place the wounded were crying out. But to us came the order saying: It is necessary to dig trenches quickly : the enemy will come again to take the hill.' ja jaha. ramrari < ramrogari. 88 from English sword. Notes. tarik tarikh. Final aspirates lose their aspiration. baje: loan from H. baje. pugya particularly when followed by a postposition the oblique of the past participle retains the older -ya instead of changing to -e. bini: unemphatic form of pani. For the voicing of the breathed stop ef. garnu (karoti). dugera dugrera: dugranu. IV. THE BATTLE OF MESMIYEH. TOLD BY A THAKUR OF THE MALLA CLAN. Tyo thau bate tere mail ma Turki ko rel hinne bato thiu aru thulo rel Arine jankSAn thia. Hamiheru tyo rel hinne bato lina lai pas baje biane ca pani biskut khaiere hityu. Tea bati ek mail no pugde Turki le top le hanne lagyo. Tyo din diusa ma larai bhako thiu. Tyo din ma hamro paro dibis An Agari beryako thiu. Jago kasto thiu bhane dekhin bilkule samme thiu. Sabe paltanheru ka hite ko cal anek rit ko kaida gareko. Tese mathi Turki le Asina jasto top ka gola bersaieko, Isto ramailo maninthiu larai gari jasto kasele masingan ka goli pani. mandene thiu. Marne manche merde thie; ghaile ghaile hunde thie. Jo lai kei hundena thiu us le khel tamasa jasto ramailo gari apas ma baccit gari hinde thie. Kapal kapal ma Turki ka gola phutne aunthie: uttekheri sabe mancheheru jas ka tha ma gola phutne ayo wahi suti janthiu. Ali chin ma pheri hasera uthyo. Pheri ui mancheheru jama bhalkane hasi thatta gerde Turki ka gola ko that gerde dhannei mare ka thie: Turki ka gola le alli katti birayo bhanere Turki ka gola ko hasi thatta gorde Agari bery u. Translation. Thirteen miles from that place there was the Turkish railway and a big junction where the railway stopped. Then at five o'clock in the morning, having eaten our tea and biscuits, we set out to take the railway. Before we had gone a mile from there the Turk began to shoot with his guns. That day the fighting was in the daytime. On that day our whole division advanced. What was the place like? It was quite flat. All the battalions made their own way of advancing in different fashion. On them the Turk rained shells from his guns just like hail, and machine-gun bullets too. It seemed so very beautiful that none thought it was like fighting. Those to be killed were killed; those to be wounded were wounded; those to whom nothing happened advanced talking among themselves as happily as though at an entertainment. The Turkish shells came bursting over their heads; and as one came, all the men in the place where the shell came to burst lay down. Then in a little they got up laughing. Again the men collecting together were laughing and making jokes. They jeered at the Turkish shells, crying out: Well done!' We laughed and jeered at the shells, saying: 'That shell missed by ever so little!': and so we advanced.

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MARCH, 1921) SPECIMENS OF NEPILI Notes. baccit < batcit. hinde < hipne. ugrekheri Page #102
92 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (MABCH, 1921 we were skinning them; an order came from our battalion :'Do you , the working party to kill the sheep, come quickly to your battalion ; the battalion has been ordered to advance.' Such an order was heard, and making haste we tore off the skins from the sheep. Each man putting one sheep on his shoulders and running, we reached the place where our battalion had been halted, but the battalion had gone. Only the headquarters section are waiting for us there. Arriving there, I handed over the sheep very correctly to the Jemadar Adjutant. He loaded them on a camel and took them away to where the battalion was. Then the Jemadar Adjutant Sahib called Dalbir who had killed the sheep and brought them back. And they counted them. Twenty-six sheep they found all right: but not seeing the lumps of fat on the hind quarters of the sheep he asks the Jemadar Adjutant: These lumps of fat, where have they gone and who has eaten them ?' The other gives answer: Till I loaded them on the camel, it was all right; but coming here, it was a little dark. I unlonded them from the camel and piled them in one place. Having piled them up, while going to seek for you, in the time before I came back, who indeed has cut them off and taken them away, I have no information.' Saying Never mind !', we two separated the portions for all the companies and the officers and distributed the sheep. On that day it seemed to our minds as though our great festival in the Rains is coming. So it seemed. On other days we had not got even water to drink : on this day we got both water in plenty and we got meat. So cooking and eating all this, each man also drank two waterbottles-full of tea. Indeed it seemed like Dasehra. All night it was very beautiful. Then in the early morning came the order : 'An attack will be made.' On that the men say: Yesterday night as we were eating meat and tea, all night long it seemed like Dasehra. That strength must be driven out.' So on the twelfth day we attacked the Turks. - Notes. tyo bakhara : tyo singular for plural ti. phitin < Engl. fatigue. sodchan < sodhchan. juwap < H. jawab. TATU MARKS IN BURMA. BY RAI BAHADUR B. A. GUPTE, F.Z.S.; CALCUTTA. WHILE travelling in Burma on duty in 1902, I collected some notes on the tatu marks of the people of that country. One curious feature of the practice I noted was that in Burma tatuing is confined to the male sex, while in India females alone bear these marks. Another most conspicuous feature consists in the fact that in Barma the thickest lines and the boldest designs are selected. Even when they are linear, each line is sometmes as thick as the little finger, and each of the figures drawn occupies a space as much as would cover the palm. So copious and so thickly set are these bold designs that they completely cover nearly the whole of the body between the umbelicus and the knees below. Above the umbelious the chest and even the upper limbs are also subjected to the operation. The difference lies only in the pigment selected, red being used for the upper, and blue for the lower part of the body. So painful was the operation, that in olden days, instances of death were not rare. The British Government stopped this torture. Nowadays, enlightened people do not tatu their sons.

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MARCH, 1921) TATU MARKS IN BURMA 93 Compared with tatu marks in the different provinces of India, the thick and heavy designs in use in Burma suggest a gradation. They can thus be classified in the following manner: Those in the Indo-Aryan tract of Kashmir, Punjab and Rajputana are drawn in thin delicate dotted lines. Similar delicate delineation is in vogue in Gujarat and Kathiawar. In Bombay, and along the Western coast of India, the lines used for producing tatus are either dotted or linear and are as thick as a pin. In the Deccan these lines increase in thickness to that of a sparrow's quill. The Deccan, it may be noted, belongs to Risley's Scytho-Dravidian tract. Further south, and south-east, that is in Risley's Dravidian tract, the thickness of the lines used for producing tatu marks ranges from that of a sparrow's quill to that of a crow's. In Bengal tatuing is not practised in the cities. Instances are met with in the interior, particularly in the south-east. These facts lead me to believe that the delicacy of the lineament of the tatu marks has some relation to the civilization and culture of the different races using them. The design drawn by the lower classes or castes are very clumsy and often extremely primitive. Ethnologically, the tatu marks of Burma furnish a link of the ancient connection of the people with China. Some of the designs are copies of the astronomical figures of the Chinese zodiac, I believe I accidentally discovered this connection when I visited the Sagaing pagoda. I found there some paper flags exposed for sale (plate 1, flag A). I bought a number of them and took them to & Burmese astrologer. I asked him to explain what they signified, because many of them resembled the figures of the tatu marks I have collected. The following is the explanation of the flag : The figure at the top, is a pagoda or the abode of the gods. The next figure is a Garudthe half-bird-half-man celestial charger of Vishnu of the Hindus. In Burma it is called Kalon. The Kalon represents Sunday in the Burmese calendar. The second animal next to Kalon, is a tiger called hso in Burma. It represents Monday. The third is a lion (bar. yanghu). It stands for Tuesday. The fourth is an elephant with or without tusks. The former represents the first half and the latter the second half (noon to midnight) of Wednesday. It is curious that this elephant is called Rahu, the name of one of the grahas of India--the ascending node. The fifth figure is a rat, Burmese nu, representing Thursday. The sixth is an ox, Burmese wo which stands for Friday, and the seventh is a sea dragon, Burmese topdi. It represents Saturday. The introduction of Rahu, the headless monster of the Hindu mythology, is noteworthy. In addition to these similitudes, I found that these animals represent the eight cardinal points of the compass. Then there is a curious folklore about them as regards their being well 'matched'. The selection of a wife, a husband, a friend, or a partner in business, has to be regulated with the help of these symbolic animals. The animal represented by the birthday of a man or woman has to be matched with the Animal representing the day on which the other party was born. Thus Sunday. Thursday, and Friday make one well-matched group ; Monday and Wednesday make up another group; Tuesday agrees with Saturday; and Thursday has to meet Rahu-the first or second half of Wednesday. First, when the elephant has tusks, and second when it has none. The inauspicious matches of the days of the week are (a) Sunday and Friday, (6). Tuesday and Thursday, (c) Monday and Saturday, and (d) Tuesday and Rahu. Finally. the ill-matched days are (1) Sunday and Tuesday, (2) Monday and Thursday, (3) Friday

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94 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ MARCH, 1921 and Saturday, and (4) Wednesday and Rahu. It was clear to me from this astrological information that these very symbols influence the selection of tatu marks in Burma. I felt so interested in my astrologer that I told him I was born on a Tuesday. He said that in addition to the lion-the symbol of that day-I should tatu a garud and an elephant with tusks on my body. That, he said, would surely bring me good luck. This advice clearly disclosed the motives of the selection of these marks. I asked if he had any more advice to give me, and he added that I must not allow a tiger, a rat, a hare, or an elephant without tusks to be drawn on my body. They are unlucky for me. Outside the flag, I may select a cobra, if I undertake to drink milk every day! I could get no explanation of the celestial duck tatued in Burma, either at the top of the eternal notch or at a point below the navel where the designs on the thighs meet. To these are added certain cabalistic geometrical designs (plate 1, flag B) with curious legends to account for each. The tatuer in Burma is credited with the knowledge of certain potent drugs which he puts in the punctures to ensure invulnerability from bullets, swords, or scythes! Belief in sympathetic magic can be traced in the selection of scorpions or snakes, as tatu marks. I am assured by an Anglo-Burmese traveller holding an important position under Government, a Christian by birth, that he can vouch for the protection afforded by the concoction of certain poisons inserted into these tatu punctures! He proudly showed me his own tatu marks, adding that when he was stung by a scorpion, he felt no pain beyond that produced by a mosquito bite. He attempted a "scientific "explanation on the inocculation theory! The distribution of the designs thus selected, is also regulated in a certain manner. The tiger and the cat are always tatued on the thighs and arms because, I am told, they infuse into man the prominent powers of these animals in jumping. Like the birthday animals of the flag, there are birthday trees in Burma. Sunday for instance is represented by gangau, Monday by nega, Tuesday by muya, Wednesday by thambye, Thursday by thi, Friday by dhan, and Saturday by ongnun. Each of these treesymbols proves lucky to those whose birthday it represents. I said above that women do not get themselves tatued in Burma, but I found an exception among the Chins. Curved lines, radiating from the nose and the centre of the forehead, are drawn close to, and parallel to, each other in so delicate a manner as to represent a mask. It is said that the practice originated from the fact of the Chin women being more beautiful than the Burmese and that the rulers of the latter tribe forcibly carried away girls from among them. I found that married women alone are disfigured and maidens whose youth should naturally have formed the strongest temptation, are left blooming. This shows that the practice possibly owes its origin to sexual jealousy. Tatuing is a sign of marriage among many Dravidian tribes in India and it may mean the same thing among the Chins. The conclusion is that (1) sympathetic magic, (2) necromancy, (3) astrology, and (4) marriage custom govern the selection of the designs. The acquisition of the agility of the tiger and cat, the animistic belief in the power of cabalistic diagrams and legends, (5) the influence of the planets on the birthday of individuals, and (6) the indelible sign of ownership by marriage involving disfigurement out of jealous motives, form the basis. One incident deserves mention here. I met a Burman carrying a full-grown cat in a bamboo

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MARCH, 1921 ] MISCELLANEA basket and asked him what he wanted to do with it. "For my house," "for my house, was the only reply; but I told him that no grown-up cat will ever remain in a new house. It is sure to return to its original haunts. My interpreter, a convert of the half patriotic half anti-Heathenism type, would not open his lips. He thought it derogatory to talk of idolatrous faiths, but luckily for me I met a communicative Burman who spoke Hindi, and who to my great astonishment explained that the flesh of the cat is much prized because it produces cat-like agility in the limbs! Here we are from actual flesh-eating to symbolical representations producing "like from like." It is interesting to compare the figures on the paper-flag with the signs in the Chinese zodiac. The following list is taken from Kemfer as quoted by W. Brennand in his Hindu Astronomy at page 15: (1) Mouse, (2) Ox or Cow, (3) Tiger, (4) Hare, (5) Dragon, (6) Serpent, (7) Horse, (8) Sheep, (9) Archer, (10) Cock, (11) Dog, (12) Boar. MISCELLANEA. AURTHI GHYRETTY, GHIRETI: A CORRECTED IDENTIFICATION. In my article, Side-Lights on Omichund (ante, vol. XLVII, pp. 265 ff.). I surmised for reasons therein given (p. 273) that Gaurthi, the Armenian form of the name of the place from which Omichund wrote his important letter to Khwaja Petros, was a corruption of chauthri and indicated a pavilion near Plassey in the camp of Rai Durlabh. Mr. S. Charles Hill has since pointed out that there is strong evidence for identifying Gaurthi with Ghyretty (Ghireti) where the French Gar dens near Chandernagore (Chandarnagar) were situated. After a careful re-examination of the dates of the occurrences connected with Omichund's letter, I am of opinion that I was in error and that Mr. Hill is right in his conclusions. The mistake arose from the assumption that Clive was at Calcutta when he wrote to Watts on the 5th June (p. 269), whereas he was really at the French Gardens! (Ghireti) from the 18th May until the 12th June 1757. 95 As Clive's letter, written on the 5th June (pp. 269-270) reached Watts in time for him to reply on the 8th, the journey between Murshidabad and Ghireti must have been covered by runner (sid) in about 2 days. Therefore, assuming Omichund's letter to be dated from the French Gardens, it would have been written about the 3rd or 4th June (not during the night of the 30th31st May as stated in the former article, p. 273) and would have reached Petros on the 6th or 7th. Mr. Hill has also drawn my attention to a sentence in the second paragraph of Omichund's letter." He says that they have written to Wach from here that so long as we do not write no one is to come," obviously referring to Clive's letter to Watts, dated French Gardens, 2nd June 1757,3 which contains also the following instructions:"Having settled a plan of operations and the articles being sent to me by Mirza Omar Bey (Mirza "Umar Beg), you will please to await my appointing the time for you to secure yourself and the gentlemen of Cossim buzar." The same letter adds-" Mr. Scrafton is just arrived." Therefore, if Omichund remained in Scrafton's company after rejoining him on the 31st May, it is clear that he reached the French Gardens on the 2nd June. Details of Clive's letter to Watts were undoubtedly communicated to Omichund on his arrival by his agents, some of whom were probably among Clive's clerks. Admitting the error, I now take it that the sequence of events was as follows. Omichund's suspicions of the false treaty were roused during his interview with Rai Durlabh at Plassey on the night of the 30th-31st May. He rejoined Scrafton in the early hours of the 31st and proceeded with him to the French Gardens, and not to Calcutta as stated on p. 269. Here, in the neighbourhood of the former French Settlement he found many opponents of the English, and these no doubt furnished him with further confirmation of the fact that he was no longer trusted by Clive. 1 Bengal Select Committee Consultations, 1757. Mr. Hill has further pointed out to me that the fact that Watts did not mention the letter to Petros until the 8th June (p. 270) seems to show that he had only just received it. Had it come to his hands earlier, he would assuredly have forwarded it at once to Clive as evidence of the 2 Hill, Bengal in 1756-57, II. 396.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MARCH, 1921 correctness of his opinion and conclusive proof of Omichund's infidelity. The above conclusions put an entirely different oomplexion on Omichund's interview with RA Durlabh on the night of the 30th-31st May from that given in the former article (p. 273) and make It appear that Rai Durlabh had nothing to do with the concocting of Omichund's letter to Watte. They would also Adeume that Grigor Aratoon (Gorgin Khan) who was aware of the letter (pp. 268, 273), was with Clive at Ghiroi when it was written, which is likely enough, as he was the general of Clive's protege Mir Kasim (afterwards the second Nawab Nazim of Bengal). But it is not clear why Grigor should not have informed Clive of the fact as soon as he knew of it. R. C. TEMPLE BOOK-NOTICES. LITERARY HISTORY OF SANSKRIT BUDDHISM BY his conclusions and appreciations. Some of C. K. NARIMAN, pp. xiii and 382. Bombay, these are worth detailing here. Ho thus oxplains 1920. that the Mahavastu purporty to be a Hinaya na This honest and valuable book is compiled on work," although it has assimilated some of the the now familiar lines of Mr. Nariman's work. Mahayana features, and he then points out that There are 160 pp. of Text, 133 pp. of Appendices in the Lalitavistdra, one of the most sacred of the and 60 pp. of Notes, besides 41 pp. of Index. The Mahiyana texts, "we have preserved both the plan is an historical account, with many quotations very old tradition, and accounts younger by cen. from, and appreciations of, authorities inter turies, of the legend of the Buddha," wherein spersed, followed by translations of the ipsissima Buddha gradually "developes the features of a verba of such authorities as Sylvain Levi, Winter. god above all the gods." Here we see the inevi. table effect on Buddhism of the surrounding Hindui nita, Luders, Huber, Jolly and Bernouf, together with original researches by the author of the text philosophy and thought in the centuries about the Christian Era. Mr. Nariman next discusses himself, while the Notes contain contributions to the subject from a great number of well-known the Avadanas or stories of achievements on the writers of all nationalities. There is no doubt borderland between Hinayang and Mahayana that Mr. Nariman has thoroughly searched his Buddhism, with their allusion to the Bodhisattvas. These Mr. Nariman describes as having" one authorities. One very interesting featuro of the foot in the Hinayana and the other in the Mahabook is the reference to the discovery of Buddhist yang Literature." Ho then passes to the MSS. in Jain Libraries and other unlikely places. Mahdydna stras themselves," which stand deciMr. Nariman explains that Buddhism, as con. dedly on the Mahayana soil .... The Buddha tained in Pali Literature, has been extensively is, properly speaking, now higher than a god, studied because it is to be found in a compact form, above all the divinities, an immeasureably exalted whereas the Buddhism contained in Sanskrit Being, who has lived since countless xeons and who Literature has suffered from being procurable will live for all eternity." Do we not see here the only in scattered forms difficult to bring together ideas that led to the latter-day Paramesvara, nto one view. He then goes on to say :-" How the Supreme of the Hindus 1 Indeed, there is very ever extraordinarily rich and extensive the Pali much of Hinduism in the Adibuddha who is the Literature of India, Ceylon and Burma may be, Svayambhu or Self-being, in Avalokitesvars the still it represents only the literature of one sect Redeemer, in Manjusri the Helper, and the Bodhi. of the Buddhists." And herein lies the object, sattyas generally, who are now fully developed. and I may say the value, of this work, which aims In fact, the rise of the Yogachara School (how at collocting as many of the scattered fragments Hindu the term sounds!) explores" the tenets as the author can get hold of. It is, of course, of the Sankhyas, Vaigesikas, Pasupatas and other in this way only that the views of the sects, (and philosophical schools and religious denominations they are of great importance) represented in the of Brahmanio origin." Then we come to the Sanskrit Literature can be studied in the compre. exponents of the views of the sects, Nagarjuna hensive manner they deserve. Roughly, the Pali and the Middle Doctrine, Asanga and the Yoga ehera (Doctrine of Discipline), and the like. Of writings relate to the Hinayana Schools and the some of these Mr. Nariman pertinently remarks: Sanskrit to the Mahayana Schools. This fact " It seems to be the ourse of Indian mentality Alone places the latter on a level with the former that whenever it soars too high it lands itself in in the matter of interest and importance. absurdity." At the end of most of his chapters, and elsewhere. The decadence of Mahayana Buddhism is now throughout the book, Mr. Nariman has notes on reached hy the influence of the Hindu doctrine of

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MARCH, 1921] BOOK-NOTICES Sakti or Female Energy, and Tara, the Saviour, becomes the female counterpart of Avalokites. vara, giving rise to the stotras or hymns "in no way differentiated from those which are devoted to the veneration of Vishnu or Siva" to the dharanis "intended to present in a nut-shell', various doctrines, but descending to mere unin. telligible holy formule, that is, mantras: to the tantras, books of rites "worth consideration as a testimony of the complete mental decadence in Buddhism." All this is Sectarian Hinduism, and Mr. Nariman throws out the useful hint that the tantras were used as the best means of amal. gamating [Mahayana] Buddhism with the analo. gous creed of wizards," to which may be added that in India they were equally useful in creating a liaison between philosophic Hinduism and the prevalent phallic worship and Animism of the public. Following on his discussion of Buddhism in decadence, Mr. Nariman has a useful chapter, on the mutual borrowings of Buddhism and Christianity, after a review of his authorities. This is well worth the perusal of those who wish to study the development of the religious ideas of the general" Aryan" variety of mankind. Then he gives us an equally interesting chapter on Indian Literature in general and its influence on the thought of the world, especially on the European thought. In this matter may not a suggestion I would throw out be worth following up? Namely, that after all said and done, the European and the "Aryan" Persian and Indian are them selves the result of the physical as well as the mental development of one and the same fundamental variety of mankind. And does not this fact account for much that Mr. Nariman has observed ? After some remarks on the study of Indian Literature in recent years, Mr. Nariman winds up his useful volume with a discussion of its chrono. logy. He does not appear to think that we have gone far towards settling this contentious matter, I am not sure that I altogether agree with him here. Every day the study is advancing, as the pages of this Journal, for one among many, afford evidence. I have thus briefly gone through this valuable book, but I think I have said enough to show how valuable it is, and I can do no better than express a hope that it will receive the attention it deser. ves from the Indian Universities. R. C. TEMPLE. 97 BY G. ANCIENT HISTORY OF THE DECCAN JOUVEAU-DUBREUIL translated by V. S. SWAMINADHA DIKSHITAR. pp. 114. Pondicherry, 1920.. This is a translation into English of a well known work of Professor Jouveau-Dubreuil by his colleague, Professor Swaminadha Dikshitar, who is himself favourably known for his works on Architecture and Iconography. There is no index, unfortunately, but from the Contents list one sees that the book takes us from Asoka, Kharavela and the Satavahana Kings, through Sakas and Pallavas, to the Dynasties of the Central, Western and Eastern Deccan, and those of the Kanarese districts. So it is comprehensive enough and embraces many controversial points. The period covered is between Asoka and Pulikeein II, i.e. from 261 B. c. to A.D. 610, and I am glad to see that Ancient India is looked upon as ending with the seventh century A.D., because I have my. self, in a work dealing with the outlines of his. tory in India as a whole, looked on the middle of the eighth century as the limit of ancient history, making the Mediaeval period to extend from that time to the commencement of the sixteenth century. I note this, because I observe that even well known writers are inclined to call the fourteenth century" Ancient History" in India. The position of the Deccan between the North and South right across the Peninsula makes the study of its annals always important. Adverting to the fact that Asoka's only expedition into the Deccan was that to Kalinga, the very pertinent question is asked: how did Asoka then come to be in possession of the whole Deccan ? This is answered by two suppositions. Either it was already in the possession of the Mauryas, or it submitted quietly on hearing of the doings in Kalinga, which in his recollection were so hor. rible that the memory of them affected Asoke all his life. With regard to the important king Kharavela of Kalinga, the date 170 B. o. is fixed for the commencement of his reign on grounds that carry much weight. The early Satavahana Kings are taken to have existed from the time of Kharavela to about 60 B. C. These dates are important and throw light on the difficult chronology of this ancient period. Of the Sakas there are some most interesting remarks on Nahapana, or rather "the Nahapanas," and the coinage bearing that name. The remark that coinage bore that name long after Nahapana or the Nahapanas had ceased to exist is in consonance with much that has happened in

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98 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MARCH, 1921 tory down to 605-650. At p. 110 is an important synchronization of the Dynasties of the Deecan from 425-550. The volume winds up with & chronology of the Western Chalukhyas until Pulikesin II became master of the whole Deccan in 810, to fall himself in the end in battle in 642. Professor Dubreuil has produced an arresting book and one that all studenta of East Indian his tory should study, even if they be experts. R. O. TEMPLE India to modern times. Witness the name of Shah Alam on the coinage of the East India Company. There is a long section on Chashtana the Mahak shatrapa," founder of the gAka Era," which is well worth close study. Professor Dubreuil is quite sure that he was the founder, and on that presumption dates his accession in A.D. 79-8 most important consideration as regards general Indian history. This leads him to a tentative chronology of the late Satavahanas from Gautamiputra to Jivadaman and Vijaya Satakarni as between A.D. 68 and A.D. 180, rather earlier than usual. Professor Dubreuil then boldly tackles the queetion of the Pallava Mystery," frequently referring to his former book, The Pallavas. He dismisses the theory that they were Pahlavas (Par. thians) who strayed into the Eastern Deccan in the third century, and is of opinion that they were really a local family that rose to eminence in 225 A.D. on the break up of the power of the Satava.. hones. This is argued at considerable length, and there is much to say for such a theory, no doubt. After homo original observations on the raid of Samudra Gupta into the Deccan, which he places in A.D., 335-340 the Professor goes on to the story of those arch disturbers of the peace of the South, the Pallavas, from 340 to 610, which brings him to his limit of his general history. Turning to the Central Deccan, one finds the VAKAtakas classed as a Deccan Dynasty for the whole of the fifth century, when it is claimed that "In the history of the Deccan the fifth century is the century of the Vikatakas." All this is practically new. In the Western Deccan the first to come under discussion are the Abhiras of the third century, and then the Traikutas of the fifth century, who are differentiated from the well known Kalachuris of Chedi of the sixth century, who in turn had dis. appeared by 610 before Mangaleea, the Chalukhya. In the Eastern Deccan are taken in succession the Ikshvakus of the third century; the Brihat. phal yanas of Kudara, which leads the Professor to some interesting identifications of Ptolemaic goography : the AlankAyanas of Vengi in the fourth and fifth centuries; the Vishnukundins who suc- ceeded them; and the Kings of Kalinga from A.D. 340 until they were wiped out in 609 by Puli. kegin II, the Chalukhya. of the important Kanarese Dynasties, there is a genealogy of the Kadambas from 340 to 565 onwards. There is also a discussion of that of the Ganges and as to who they were, with a chro. nology from 480 to 788 and onwards; and a his- LA FORMATION DE LA LANGUE MARATHE: PAR JULES BLocs, directeur d'etudes & l'ecole des hautes etudes. Bibliotheque de l'ecole des hautes etudes. Champion, Paris, 1920. pp. XVI, 432.25 fr. The publication of this book marks an epoch in the historical study of the modern Indian languages. It is the first full account of the evolution of an Indo-aryan language to be written by a professed student of linguistics. Dr. Bloch has the authority of belonging to the Paris School of linguistic science, which owes so much to the genius of M. Meillet. In England, though we may perhaps claim it as the original home of the science, linguistics has been so neglected at all our universities that few of the works on modern Indian languages written in English display a thorough knowledge of linguis. tio principles. The same holds good of India and Indian universities : it is true however, that at Calcutta a determined attempt is being made to found a school of linguistic science, from which much may be hoped in the future for the study of Indian languages. In this fact lies the great value of Dr. Bloch's introduction, which proposes generally the chief problems of Indian linguistic history. It is the book to which for the present all students must turn for instruction, the more readily because the development of all the Indo-aryan languages has run on the same general lines. As Dr. Bloch himself says: 'Faire l'histoire de l'une quel conque d'entre elles, le marathe, par exemplo, revient donc essentiellement a montrer comment les alterations subies au cours de l'histoire par le systeme linguistique du sanskrit ont abouti A la constitution des divers dialectes du moyen indien d'abord, et ensuite de cette langue modemo elle-meme. The introduction is followed by a detailed exposition of the development of the Middle Indian (Prakrit) sounds from the Primitive Indian (Sanskrit), and of the Marathi from the Middle Indian (pp. 43-176). Pages 177-262 deal with the history of the forms, and pagos 263-274 with the

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MARCH, 1921) BOOK NOTICES 99 construction of the sentence. In these depart. or penultimate, and refers all difference in treatmonte more than in any other further immediate ment of vowels to their position in the word repearch is required. The general outlines of independent of any question of accent. But Indian phonology are now known, and can be Dr. Bloch himself presses most urgently the need clearly grasped from Dr. Bloch's book; but the for more and more research into the individual history of many of the forms still remains dark. languages and dialects before an accurate picture Only from study of the early medieval literature of of the evolution of the whole can be given. I venture India can we hope to gain more certain knowledge here a few observations, which chiefly a small of the many new forms, e.g., the postpositions, knowledge of Nepali enables me to make. tho use of which has so profoundly modified the P. 19 1. 2 ab infra. Nepali may be added to appearance of the Indian languages. In this Bengali and Oriya as a language in which the connection a great loss has been sustained through sibilant is not a. the untimely death of Dr. Tessitori: for his P. 27 1. 6 ab infra. The e o resulting from Middle researches into the early literature of Rajputana Indian ai au, in Gujarati at least, are open sounds were just woh as Dr. Bloch himself shows to be clearly distinguishable from the corresponding close so necessary vowels resulting from Sanskrite ai, au. The same Lastly comes the index (pp. 285-430). This open simple vowel in place of the diphthong is is indeed a first etymological dictionary of Marathi heard in the Hindostani of the Delhi District : e. 9., and of the other modern Indo-aryan languages, ha betha from hai baitha. See Sir Ashutosh Mukerji, despite Dr. Bloch's modest disclaimer that it has | Memorial Volumes Orientalia. Turner, and . only the appearance of being such. It may be vowels in Gajarati and the literature there quoted. true that a real etymological dictionary would P. 33 1. 20 ab infra. Nepali shows the same require much more minute and careful philological tendency to pronounce initial .0.88 ye. and wo. research ': but this is a fine beginning, to which or wa-: e. g., yek or okone' yofa:one Page #110
100 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (MARCH, 192 position seems to be u. upanah-M. vahdn; upari explains the regular form of the past participle in M. var; upasthang- M. vathas: upaskata- which ko is added to the original participlo : e. 8., Guj. vakhro 'furniture'; wpayana- Guj. vaynti garekoshaving done or having been dono, lit. marriage feast'. For M. vakhar Guj. vakhar belonging to or having (ko) something done u pasara Beems to be better derivation (gare in so, is invariably pronounced with nasalisation (mo) the languages. Armenian Gipsy is the only lan. It is derived either as an unaccented word from mai guage which preserves in this word. Does this rep ( mayana) or was formed a fresh on the analogy of resent upavidati or vasati? In Nepali baonu (vasali) the emphatics like bihanai : bihana = mat: md. Or, has completely ousted the derivatives of upavisati lastly, it may represent directly Skt. mam. Simi - in the sense 'to sit' : cf. also the contamination in larly ta 'thou 'beside emphatio tal. M. basni beside baisni and vast. A similar P.217 1. 1. The reduction of Mid. Indian -- explanation must be given of M. Guj. bi (api) beside to -j- or zero seems to have been most common in H. bi Gipsy vi. Ardhamagadhi (Pischel & 87); and it must be noticed P. 184 1. 8. Dr. Bloch is wrong in saying that Nepali differentiates the sing. oblique from the that it is in Oriya we find traces of the develop. direct case: 0.g. hat: hat le. In the plural however ment now: 0.8, pa 'son': H. put (putra.). It would there is differentiation when the plural affix haru is appear to be the same process which has not used : e.g., dui hat 'two hands': dui hata le. reduced Mid. Indian fha to Pali-th- Pkt.-dh-, as P. 188 1. 9. The history of the nominative seen in a few modern Indian words like kodh masculine in-o in Nepali suggests the possibility, korh "leprosy < Pkt. kodha-Pali bo; ha-(kau, ha-). though perhaps not the probability, of another explanation of M. -a, which Dr. Bloch considers as P. 235. 1. 5. The Nepali ending of the 3rd contraction of-au < -20. In Nepali this ao ou plur. pres. .an can be explained regularly as -anti Fegularly becomes -0. But the nominative >-and-an (without compensatory lengthening as is in fact in process of being displaced by , taken the syllable is unaccented ). Cf. can beside cad over from the oblique -a (<-akaya) or from the very frequent use of the honorific plural -a (candra-). am beside ap (amra-) dis beside ag (<-akal ). In the very common adjectival (anga.). The 3rd plur. imperative -un is probably ending-o <-ya this substitution has regularly from-on (o regularly becomes u before a nasal) with taken place, -yo -iao never being now found o instead of a after the 3rd sing. -08 where seems except in the one of the past participle serving to be from ou >-atu (the final is obecure). As a finite verb. P. 200 1. 15 ab infra. The N. that 'to, at' used P. 238 1. 15 ab infra. N.-un is only used in with persons should be added to the M. the. the imperative. P. 202. 1. 12 ab infra. Add N. lagi e. ko 'for, on P. 241 1. 17. It should be noted that the 80account of 'beside lai to, for'. called future in la of Nepali is not used as a simple P. 205. 1. 12. If it is supposed that the past future, but almost alwayar as implying necessity participle nita-was used as a substantive and not as or will. The simple future is the tense formed an adjective, the fact that its Marathi descendant appears as a postposition in different cases makes by the infinitive in ne plus chu or its contracted no diffioulty since then nita-would be the equi. form. E.g. garne cha or parchahe will do ; parla valent of nayar. In Nepali the past participle =he shall do. R. L. TURNER appears to have become vubetantive. This

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APRIL, 1921) HISTORY OF THE NIZAM SHAHI KINGS OF AHMALXAGAR 101 THE HISTORY OF THE NIZAM SHAHI KINGS OF AHMADNAGAR. BY LIEUT,COLONEL T. W. HAIG, O.S.I., C.M.G., C.B.E. (Continued from p. 72.) LXI.-AN ACCOUNT OF THE TREATY BETWEEN I BRAHIM QUTB SHIH AND HUSAIN NIZM SHH REGARDING THE CAPTURE OF GULBARGA AND BIDAR. A.D. 1558. When the fame of Husain Nizam Shah's conquests and the account of his mighty army were spread abroad, Ibrahim Qutb Shah conceived the desire of entering into an alliance with him and sent Mustafa Khan, one of his chief amirs, who had no equal in the Dakan as a diplomat and politician, to Abmadnagar, to conclude a treaty. Mustafa Khan arrived at Ahmadnagar and was received by the king, and in a short time succeeded in concluding a treaty, by the terms of which Ibrahim Qutb Shah was to meet Husain Nizam Shah and the two kings were then to capture both Gulbarga and Bidar. Gulbarga was to be attacked first, and the fortress and all the districte dependent on it were to be handed over to Husain Nizam Shah, and the two kings were next to attack Bidar which, with its dependencies, was to be handed over to Ibrahim Qutb Shah. After the conclusion of this treaty, Qasim Beg was sent with Mustafa Khan to Ibrahim Qutb Shah, and it was agreed that the two kings should march from their capitals and should meet before Gulbarga. Husain Nizam Shah then assembled his army and marched on Gulbarga Ibrahim Qutb Shah also marched with his army from his capital and met kusain Nigam Shah aud the army of Ahmadnagar before Gulbarga, which fortress the two armies then surrounded and besieged. The fort of Gulbarga, although built on the plain, is yet very strong, and is surrounded by a deep and broad ditch full of water. It is so constructed that the walls cannot be damaged by artillery, for the ground at the top of the counterscarp of the ditch rises so high that all shot fly above the walls, while the depth of the ditch and the fact that it is always full of water prevent running. Husain Nizam Shah, having encamped before the fortress, directed his attention to the best means of capturing it. He ordered Rumi Khan and Madho Ram, who were in charge of the artillery, to push the heavy siege guns forward to the edge of the ditch and batter the walls, in order that a practicable breach might be made for the attacking force. Rami Khan and Madho Ram carried out these orders and the rest of the army pushed forward the trenches to the edge of the ditch. The garrison, who had great confidence in the strength of the fortress, were in no way daunted, and showed a most determined front to the besiegers, fighting most obstinately. While these events were taking place, the king ordered the Sayyid Shah Hasan Inja, who was one of the most famous amurs of the army, Ghazanfar Khan, Daulat Khan, Nizam Khan. Miyan Makhdum and others to attack the fortress, and, after capturing it, to hand it over to the officers of Ibrahim Qutb Shah. These amirs, with the whole army which they led. besieged Gulbarga for a month, during which period the defence was most steadfastly maintained and the siege most vigorously pressed. The walls were, however, at length breached, and the troops advanoed to storm the place. They were met by the defenders, and a most determined and bloody.ftght took place, in which Farang Khan, Ashraf Khan, and Khurshid Khan were slain. The fighting before the fortress and in the breaches continued not only throughout the day, but for a whole month more. At length the garrison were reduced to great straits and, having no more strength to fight, sent a messenger to 'Adil Shah setting forth their desperate circumstances. Ibrahim Adil ShAh was himself unable to contend with Husain Nizam Shah and sent to Ram Raj, ruler of

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102 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [APRIL, 1921 Vijayanagar, explaining that he was hard pressed by Husain Nizam Shah and Ibrahim Qub Shah, who were besieging Gulbarga, and asking for help. Sadashivaraya, relying on the claim which his early protection of Ibrahim Qutb Shah had given him on Ibrahiin's gratitude. wrote a letter to him enjoining him to desert his alliance with Husain Nizam Shah, and to desist from harassing Ibrahim 'Adil Shah, and then set out from his capital, with his army, for Gulbarga. The letter and the news of Sadashivaraya's approach reached Ibrahim Qutb Shah at the same time, and he at once violated the solemn treaty with Husain Nizam Shah and left Gulbarga for Telingana in the middle of the night. The news of his flight was brought to Husain Nizam Shah in the morning, and Husain in his wrath, chose to believe that Qasim Beg, who had been the agent who had brought about the treaty, was also concerned in Ibrahim Qutb Shah's violation of it. After closely questioning Qasim Beg, he openly blamed him for Ibrahim's defection and ordered that he was to be imprisoned in Parenda. Maulana Inavatullah Nayati, a learned and accomplished man, who had been introduced at court by Qasim Beg, took fright at his patron's imprisonment and fled to the court of Ibrahim Qutb Shah. Maulana 'Ali Mazandarani, who was distinguished in all branches of learning, but particularly in rhetoric, was appointed vakil, and Bhopal Rai, who had formerly been in the service of Malik Barid and had entered the service of Ahmadnagar at the suggestion of his late majesty, as already described, was appointed vazir.36 When Ibrahim Qutb Shah had left Gulbarga for his capital, Husain Nizam Shah perceived that it would be unwise to tarry any longer and marched to Ahmadnagar. On his arrival there, he summoned Qasim Beg before him and compelled him to retire to his own lands, but after a short while he again bestowed his favour upon him and reappointed him to the post of vakil and pishvd. At the same time Maulana 'Inayatullah, relying on a safe conduct sent him by the king, returned from Telingana to Ahmadnagar and was again admitted to the royal service. LXII.-AN ACCOUNT OF THE MARRIAGE BETWEEN DAULAT SHH BEGUM, DAUGHTER OF DARYA "IMAD SHAH, AND HUSAIN NIZAM SHAH. A.D. 1559. When Husain Nizam Shah, for the reasons already given, had abandoned his project of capturing Gulbarga and was again seated on his throne at Ahmadnagar, it occurred to him that it would be sound policy to cement and renew the alliance which had 186 This account of the sioge of Gulbarga does not differ materially from those given by Firishta and the author of the Tarikh : Muhammad Qutb Shahi, except that Sayyid Ali represents Ibrahim Adil Shah I as still reigning in Bijapur, whereas he had died before the siego oponed, and it is probable that it was his death that encouraged the allies to attack Bijapur, for the accession of his elder son, Ali, who was a Shi'ah, led to disturbances. 'Ali appealed for aid to Sadashivaraya of Vijayanagar and, according to the T.M.Q.S., went to Vijayanagar himself to seek it. Sadashivarays responded to his appeal and actually marched from his capital to relieve Gulbarga, sending a message to Ibrahim Qutb Shah to the effect that he would do well tu abandon his alliance with Husain Nizam Shah and retire to his capital. Ibrahtm Qutb ShAh had two good reasons for giving ear to the advice of Sad shivarAya ; first, he was under an obligation to him for the protection afforded to him before he ascended the throne, and secondly, his southern frontier marched with the dominions of Vijayanagar and was open to attack throughout its length. According to the T.M.Q.S., he had heard that Tirumala, younger brother of Sadashivaraya, had Already invaded his kingdom and was laying waste the Pangul district. The T.M.Q.S. differs from all other authorities in stating that Ibrahim Qutb Shah did not suddenly degert his ally, but at his request met Sadashivariya and 'Ali 'Adil Shah I in the bed of the Krishna and arranged the terms of peace, but this account is belied by Husain Nizam Shah's subsequent treatment of Quim Beg and by the apprehensions which led Inayatullah Naynti to flee to Goloonda.

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APRIL, 1021 ) HISTORY OF THE NIZAM SHAHI KINGS OF AHMADNAGAR 103 existed between himself and Darya 'Imad Shah by a marriage. He therefore summoned his advisers and took counsel with them in this matter. They applauded the proposal, and Maulana Ali Mazandarant was sent as an ambassador, with numerous and costly gifts, to Darya 'Imad Shah. He succeeded in arranging an alliance between usain Nizam Shah and Daulat Shah Begum, daughter of Darya 'Imad Shah, and it was agreed that the parties should meet at the town of Sonpet,*7 which was afterwards called 'Ishratabad. A.D. 1559. Darya 'Imad Shah and Husain Nizam Shah marched to the appointed place of meeting ; they encamped on the two banks of the river of victory and river Biyur, and the marriage festivities began. There was much drinking, feasting and merriment, and at length, in an auspicious hour, the marriage was celebrated according to the rites of the holy law, and the amirs scattered largesse and offered congratulations. After the consummation of the marriage, the two kings met once more and then each returned with great pomp to his capital. LXIII.-ATTEMPT OF THE PORTUGUESA TO BUILD A PORT ABOVE CHAUL, OK REVDANDA.38 A.D. 1558. In the fifth year of the king's reign, an absurd and impossible idea entered the hearts of the Farangis of Revdanda and they purposed to build a fort on the summit of the hill of Karlah, on which the lord of the fortunate conjunction, Burhan Nizam Shah II has now built a fort, which he has named Burhan Drug, as will be related. They also purposed to build another fortress in the plain below that hill. When this was reported to Husain Nizam Shah, he was wroth and purposed to undertake a holy war against the polytheists and idolaters, in accordance with the Quranic command; and it is evident that if kings warred not thus against idolaters and polytheists, the faith of the prophet would soon be destroyed, and would entirely disappear. Husain Nizam Shah, with a view to rooting out and entirely annihilating the Farangis, sent Rumi Khan and Maulana Shah Muhammad Ustad, with a well-appointed and zealous army and several heavy guns, towards Revdanda. When the Portuguese heard of the approach of this army and of the artillery, they repented them of their design and, excusing themselves, sought forgiveness. They sent an envoy to the king to express, through the agency of the amirs, their repentance and contrition, and to promise that they would never again be guilty of such presumption, but would be faithful servants of the king. When Husain Nizam Shah was thus apprized of the repentance and submission of the Farangis, he took pity on them and ordered his army to return to Ahmadnagar. In the same year Ibrahim 'Adil Shah I. departed this life3' and, in 197 Sonpet is on the Wan, in 19deg 2' N. and 70deg 29' E. The closer alliance with Berar was a reply to the alliance between Bijapur and Vijayanagar. 188 This heading is not in the original MS. The account here given is in mubatantial agreement with that of Firishta (ii, 243) but differs considerably from the Portuguese version. "The governor, desiring to secure the promontory of Chaul, asked leave of king Nizamoza (Nisam Shih) to build fort there. The King not only refused to grant his request but seized the governor's messenger, and sent 30,000 men to the spot to eroot an impregnable fortroes at that place. The govemor, Tranciso Barreto, rent Alvaro Peres de Soutamayor with some shipe to bloolade the port till he arrived, which was soon after. On the arrival of the governor, with an army of 4,000 Portuguese soldion, besides a number of natives, tho enemy thought better of it and sued for peace, which was concluded on oondition that the work of the fort should not proceed."-Danders, i, 510. 130 : This event is mindated. Ibrahim Adil Shah I had diod' lato in 1567 or early in 1868 before the siege of Gulbarga. His aon 'All did not sucobed him without opposition, for Ibrahim had been . Sunnf and bad Alled the army with Sunnta, expelling the Shtabe and most of the foreigners. The army was. therefore, generally opposed to his loovaion, Soo noto 36.

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104 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY APRIL, 1921 accordance with his will and with the concurrence of the army, 'All 'Adil Shah ascended the throne. Immediately after this, according to some accounts, Darya 'Imad Shah obeyed the summons of God, and Tufal40 Khan, one of his amirs, who was more powerful than all the rest owing to the strength of his army and his high position, became all powerful in the kingdom of Berar, as will be related hereafter. LXIV.-AN ACCOUNT OF THE QUARREL BETWEEN HUSAIN NI SHH AND SADISHIVARAYA.41 A.D. 1560. There had long been quarrels between Ibrahim Adil Shah I and Sadashivaraya, and Ibrahim's territories had suffered from the inroads both of Ahmadnagar and of Vijayanagar, many of the forts of Bijapur being destroyed by the army of Ahnadnagar. Now that 'Ali `Adil Shah had ascended the throne of Bijapur, he began to court the friendship of Sadashivaraya and sent him valuable gifts as tribute, so that Sadashivaraya began to ignore and violate the treaties into which he had entered with the Nizam Shahi 140 This unusual name is written Tafa"ul (augury' or 'divination') throughout the MS. Tufal as it is usually written, means spittle. The form in the MS. is probably correct, but I have adopted the more usual form, partly for typographical reasons. Dary& 'Imad Shah died in A.D. 1560. 11! In this account of the invasion of the Ahmadnagar kingdom by Sadashivaraya, 'Al 'Adil Shah i, and Ibrahim Qutb Shah, Sayyid Alf conceals much that is to the discredit of Husain Nizam Shah I, especially his bitter humiliation before the "infidel" SadAshivaraya. It was to avenge the capture of Sholapur and Kaliyani by Burhan I that 'Ali Adil Shah entered into an alliance with SadAshivarays. Ibrahim Qutb Shah was compelled to join it for the reasons already given in note 36. Husain's advisers strongly urged him to attempt to purchase peace by the retrocession of Kaliyani, but he obetinately refused to listen to the suggestion. The statement that "the accursed Bhopal RA!" had surrendered aliyani is not true. The retrocession of Kaliyeni was the least humiliating of the three conditions which Husain was eventually forced to accept. Darya 'Imad Shah wae not yet dead and Husain believed that he would be able to persuade him, Mubarak II of Khandesh, and Ali Barid ShAh of Bidar to come to his assistance. Khinjahan, brother of 'All Barld, was now in the service of Darya in Berar. He was under the influence of All'Adil Shah, and not only dissuaded Darya from assisting Husain but invaded the latter's dominions with 5,000 horse and foot from Berar. Being utterly defeated by Mulla Muhammad of NishAbar, he was afraid to return to Darya 'Imad Shah and entered the service of AR 'Adil ShAh, Darya now made Jahangir Khan, the Dakani, his minister, and sent him with an army to the assistance of Husain. He marched to the borders of Bijapur and did good service in cutting off the supplies of the powerful allies, Meanwhile, Ibrahim Qutb Shah began to repent of having joined the confederacy, for he feared that if Bijapur swallowed Ahmadnagar he would be the next victim, and the conduct of the Hindue in destroying and defiling mosques and ravishing Muhammadan women was scandalizing all Muslims. He opened communi. cations with the garrison of Ahmadnager and assisted them greatly by allowing supplies to pass through his lines to the fort. At length he served his new allies as he had served Husain before Gulbarga, and retired in the night to his own kingdom, leaving his camp standing. The besiegers were now short of supplies, owing to the activity of Jahangir Khan, and retired to Ashti, sending an army to reduce Parenda; but Husain was in great distress and was forced to sue for peace, which Sadashivardya, who was, in fact, the leader of the confederacy against him, granted on three conditions, the restoration of Kaliyani to 'Al Adil, the execution of the valiant Jahangir Khan, and Husain's personal submission before him. Huisair accepted these terms, and basely put to death a valiant ally, the servant of a friendly sovereign, to save himself and his kingdom. Sadashivareya was seated on his throne when usain appeared before him and gave Husain his hand to kiss. Husain humiliated himself, but foolishly inmulted the Hindu by calling for water and ostentatiously washing his hands. Sadashivarkys said, in Canarese, 'If he were not my guest, the largest part of him that would be left whole would be the tipe of his fingurs. Peace was, however, made between them, and Hussin delivered the keys of Kaliyani to Sadashivardys who gave them to 'Ali Adil Shah. See F. ii, 67, 335, B.8. : 84; and T.M.O.S.

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APRIL, 1921 ] HISTORY OF THE NIZAM SHAHI KINGS OF AHMADNAGAR 105 dynasty and to show hostility to Ahmadnagar, which line of conduct tended of necessity to the ruin of his kingdom. All Adil Shah in person entered the territory of Vijayanagar and led Sadashivaraya astray by means of costly gifts, and he and Sadashivaraya then entered the kingdom of Abmadnagar with an army more numerous than the raindrops, and sent a message to Ibrahim Qutb Shah, urging him to join them. He was already beholden to Sadashivaraya for the protection afforded to him by the latter in the reign of Jamshid Qutb Shah, and therefore considered that he was not at liberty to oppose him. He marched to Telingana with his army and joined 'Alt Adil Shah and Sadashivaraya. The three armies then marched through the kingdom of Ahmadnagar and the army of Vijayanagar plundered and devastated the whole country through which it passed. When the news of the approach of these armies was brought to Husain Nizam Shah by the fugitives from the districts through which they had passed, the king summoned his advisers and took counsel with them regard. ing the plan to be adopted. They advised the king, as the army of the enemy largely outnumbered that of Ahmadnagar and was too strong to be successfully withstood, to abandon the capital with his army and to remain in the country where he was not likely to be overtaken, owing to the slow ness of the enemy's movements, and where he could amuse himself with hunting. They said that this policy should be continued until the rainy season, when, owing to the rain and the mud, and to the impossibility of obtaining supplies, the enemy would not be able to remain in the country and would either flee or sue for peace. The king, following this advice, placed a garrison of picked men, well provided with artillery and other munitions of war, in the fort of Abmadnagar, and then, with the rest of his army, crossed the Godavart and made Paithan his headquarters. Immediately after his departure, Sadashivaraya arrived at Ahmadnagar with the army of Vijayanagar and encamped before the fortress, and the Hindus began to plunder the country, to overthrow the dwellings of the people, and to persecute the poor among the Muslims. Sadashivaraya, 'Ali `Adil Shah, and Ibrahim Qutb Shah remained thus for some time at Ahmadnagar, laying waste all the country round about ; and then the rains broke with great violence. The mud and mire were so deep that the troops could not move and the elephants began to die for want of fodder. Meanwhile, the army of Ahmadnagar began to harass the enemy by attacking the outskirts of the camp and slaying all whom they found, until none dare venture forth. Sadashivaraya then ordered Sadashiva Naik, one of the chief officers of the army of Vijayanagar, to take his troops and harry the country as far as the Godavari, slaying all whom he met ; but spies brought information of this design to the king. The king sent an army of 'Iraqi and Khurasani horsemen under Mavali Khan, Sanjar Khan, Daulat Khan, Dastur Khan, Vazir Khan and Satya to intercept the Hindus, and free the earth from their foul existence. This force came upon the Hindus near the town of Jamgaon and, alter a determined battle, defeated them. The infidels had much difficulty in saving their lives by flight, and many horses, arms and standards fell into the hands of tbe army of Islam, who encamped on the battlefield. At this time Mir Husain, brother of Yughrish Khan, arrived and brought news that the accursed Bhopal Rai, who had been appointed by the king to the command of the fortress of Kaliyani, had surrendered that fortress to the enemy. When this news was brought to the king, he decided, in accordance with the advice of his counsellors, to make peace with Sadashivaraya, and sent Maulana 'Ali Mazandarant to Kaliyani in order that he might secure the property of all the king's servants and surrender the fort. He also returned to Sadashivaraya the horses and arms

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106 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [APRIL, 191 which had been captured at Jamgaon and recalled the troops from Jamgaon to the royal camp. Kaliyani was surrendered to the officers of 'All Adil Shah and Sadashivarkya then retired from the neighbourhood of Ahmadnagar and usain Nigam Shah returned thither, and repaired the damage which had been done by the infidels. And at this time the king devoted special attention to the strengthening of the fortress of Ahmadnagar, which was known as Bagh-i-Nizam, and had been built of brick in mud, and he rebuilt the fortress of hard stone, and strengthened it so that it was superior to any fort on earth. (To be continued.) TOPAZ-TOPASS. BY SIR R. C. TEMPLE, A DISCUSSION on this interesting term took place in the pages of the Ceylon Antiquary in 1916, and the subject has been revived in the April number (vol. v, pt. iv) of that journal last year (1920). Several suggestions have from time to time been put forth as to the origin of the word, but only two of these have found acceptance with scholars, among whom there is still a difference of opinion regarding its derivation. With the object of settling this vexed question, I have collected, in chronological order, as many references to, and definitions of, the term Topaz as appear in such authorities as Yule's Hobson-Jobson and the Oxford English Dictionary, together with additional quotations cited in the Ceylon Antiquary and my own notes from original records and old travellers. The whole makes an informing series and, to my mind, solves the difficulty of the origin of the term. There can be little doubt that the word is an early Portuguese corruption, through a form topashi in Malayalam (the first Indian language the Portuguese learnt) of the Indian dubhashi (Skr. dvibhdshi), one with two languages, i.e., a half-breed servant of Europeans; thence a soldier, especially a gunner, and among sailors, a ship's servant, a lavatory or bathroom attendant, and incidentally, on occasion, an interpreter. In the form topaz, topass, the term became differentiated from dubhashi (in the mouths of Europeans, dubash), a superior native interpreter, and meant always a low-class half-breed. It has no relation to top a gun, or to topi, a hat. 1549. Father Anriquez, writing from Punicail on the 21st November, says that he was engaged for some time in making correct translations previously made by the Topazes. These Topazes had, moreover, a bad reputation and were excluded from the Jesuit College of Goa. Derivation of Tuppahi by S. G. P (who quotes the original Portuguese) in Ceylon Antiquary, vol. II. pt. i, p. 62. 1602. The 12th ditto we saw to seaward another Champaigne (Sampan) wherein were 20 men, Mesticos and Toupas. Van Spilbergen's Voyage, p. 34 (pub. 1648). (Quoted in Hobson-Jobson, 8. v. Topaz.) 1672. Madraspatam otherwise Chinnepatan, where the English have the Fort of St. George, garrison'd with Toptazes and Mestioes. Baldaeus, Beschryvinge van Malabar en Choromandel, quoted by Love, Vestiges of Old Madras, I, 278. 1673. To the Fort then belonged 300 English, and 400 Topazes, or Portugal Firemen. Fryer, ed. 1698, p. 66. In his glossarial Index Fryer has Topazes, Musketeers. (In Hobson-Jobson.)

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APRIL, 1921 ] TOPAZ-TOPASS 107 1680. It is resolved and ordered to entertain about 100 Topasses, or Black Portuguese, into pay. Wheeler, Madras in the Olden Time, I, 121. (In Hobson-Jobson.) 1681. The Dutch at Policat taking in all the Topasses and Peons they can get to serve them. Pringle, Diary and Consultation Book of Fort St. George, p. 11. 1686. It is resolved as soon as English soldiers can be provided sufficient for the garrison, that all Topasses be disbanded, and no more entertained, since there is little dependance on them. Wheeler, op. cit., p. 159. (In Hobson Jobson.) 1695. Ordered that ... six soldiers Europeans, and six Topasses and twenty Peons go for a guard with the present to the Nawab's camp). Consultation at Fort St. George (Madras Records). 1697. You doe very well in lookeing after the concernes] of Manuell de Monte deceased or any other Topasses. Letters from Fort St. George (Madras Records). 1698. Pags: 44: 12: 2 expended att Fort St. David ... for charges on 30 Topaz souldiers and 8 slaves, which the ship (took] in there. Letters from Fort St. George (Madras Records). c. 1699. The garrison [at Fort St. George) consists of no more than three Companies of fourscore or a hundred men each, and one-third of these Topazes or Portuguese Indians, Salmon's description of Madras, quoted by Love, Vestiges of Old Madras, II, 75. 1705. Topases, qui sont des gens du pays qu'on eleve et qu'on habille a la Francoise, lesquels ont este instruits dans la Religion Catholique par quelques uns de nos Missionaires. Luillier, Voyage aux Grandes Indes, pp. 45-46. (In Hobson Jobson.) 1711. The Garrison consists of about 250 Soldiers, at 91 Fanhams, or 11. 28. 9d. per month, and 200 Topasses, or black Mungrel Portuguese, at 50, or 52 Fanhams per month. Lockyer, Trade in India, p. 14. (In Hobson-Jobson.) 1717. Midford and his. English Serjeant, Hill, were desperately wounded and made prisoners, together with five Europeans and forty-seven Topasses ... The unfortunate Topasses who had their noses cut off were (afterwards, 22nd January 1718] formed into a company of marines, and had their pay augmented to Rs. 5 a month. In this odd way the Bombay Marine Battalion appears to have had its origin. Biddulph, Pirates of Malabar, pp. 93, 99. Expedition against Gheriah... Many of the casualties were caused by the bursting of a gun on board the Phram. The explosion fired the gun on the opposite side of the deck, which was loaded with grape, and pointing over a boat full of Topasses. Biddulph, op. cit., p. 147. 1727. Some Portuguese [are) called Topasses.. i will be served by none but Portuguese Prieste because they indulge them more in their villany. A Hamilton, A new Account of the East Indies, ed. 1748, I. 326. 1740. Number of men thought necessary for the Gunroom Crew- 1 Gunner, 4 Gunner's Mates, 10 Quarter Gunners, 35 Europeans, 100 Topassos, 1 Syrang, 2 Tindalls, and 35 Lascars. Consultation at Fort St. George, 30th May. Love, Vestiges of Old Madras, II, 295. 1720.

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108 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY APRIL, 1921 1743. There are a certain Christian people to be found in this country of Malabar, and throughout the extensive coasts of India, called Topasses, who cannot be reckoned as belonging exactly either to the Europeans or the natives, but from (sic) a third class. They are a mixed race : some are sprung from Portuguese settlers and slaves, whose children have inter-married with the blacks : but the greater part are the offspring of enfranchised Portuguese slaves. With these we must also reckon freed slaves of all races; including Christian slaves who are chiefly of the Romish persuasion... The name Topas is curious. It is supposed to be derived from two Portuguese words ("thou boy ") because the Portuguese in early times, having taught their language to the slaves born in their house made use of them as interpreters in dealing with the natives, and were in the habit of saying Tu Pai falla aquel or you boy, say so and so.' There seems to be a glimpse of truth in this account, for they still call the oldest and most respected slaves Pai'. Others refer this word [to) koepaj [? in English, kupai), which in the Malabar language signifies a coat; for they wear coat, shirt, and breaches (sic), like the Europeans, as likewise a hat, in sign of their freedom, and the more wealthy among them wear shoes and stockings, though more generally they go barefoot ... But in my opinion the origin of this name must not be ascribed to koepaj ("coat ") but rather to Toepay ("interpreter"); because the race served as interpreters between the people of Malabar and Christians; and to this day the same office is exercised by many of them and is esteemed a very honourable profession. J. C. Visscher, Letters from Malabar, translated by Major Heber Drury, quoted in Ceylon Antiquary, vol. V, pt. iv, p. 204. 1745. Les Portugais et les autres Catholiques qu'on nomme Mestices et Topasses, egalement comme les naturels du Pays y viennent sans distinction pour assister aux Divine mysteres. Norbert, Memoires Historiques, II, 31. (In Hobson-Jobson.) 1747. The Officers.report their people... could not do more... against the force the enemy had, being... one thousand Europeans, besides Topassos, Coffrees, and Seapoys. Consultation at Fort St. David, 1st March (India Office Records). 748. William Barwell to Admiral Boscawen. I have already taken into pay all the Topasses and other People I could possibly procure. C. R. Wilson, Old Fort William, I, 213. 1749. 800 effective Europeans would not have cost more than that Crowd of useless Topasses and Peons of which the Major Part of our Military has of late been composed . . . The Topasses... a black, degenerate, wretched Race of the antient Portuguese, as proud and bigotted as their Ancestors, lazy, idle, and vitious withal, and for the most part as weak and feeble in Body as base in mind, not one in ten possessed of any of the necessary Requisites for a Soldier. A Letter to a Proprietor of the E. 1. Company, pp. 57, 103. (In Hobson-J obron.)

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APRIL, 1921] TOPAZ-TOPASS 109 1750. When our people arrived, they found English Topasses and peons holding Villupuram fort, on behalf of 'Abd-ul-jalil... Sergeant Saint-Marc, ten Europeans with twenty Topasses and fifty sepoys. . . returned. Nasir Jang Nizam is encamped ... with 200 English soldiers, 100 mestices, 200 Topasses, 400 sepoys and 600 Carnatic peons. Diary of Ananda Ranga Pillai, vol. VI., ed. Dodwell, pp. 387, 417, 431. 1756. List of the smothered in the Black Hole Prison, exclusive of sixty-nine (consisting of Dutch and English sergeants, corporals, soldiers, topazes, militia, whites, and Portuguese)... Holwell's Narrative, quoted by C. R. Wilson, Old Fort William, II, 216n. 1756. In this plight... I sustained the weight of a... Topaz bearing on my right. Holwell, Narrative of the Black Hole. (In Hobson-Jobson.) 1758. There is a distinction said to be made by you... which, in our opinion, does no way square with rules of justice and equity, and that is the exclusion of Portuguese topasses, and other Christian natives, from any share of the money granted by the Nawab. Court's Letter, quoted in Long's Selections, p. 133. (In Hobson-Jobson.) 1758. A Topaz. [Note.] A black Christian soldier; usually termed subjects of Portugal. Annual Register, 283/2. (In O. E. D.) 1766. Topasses, a tawny race of foot soldiers distinct from Portuguese marine natives, and called Topasses because they wear hats. J. H. Grose, Voyage to the East Indies, (2d. ed.) I, xiv. (Glossary). (In O. E. D.) 1785. Topasses, black foot soldiers, descended from the Portuguese marrying natives, called Topasses, because they wear hats. Carraccioli, Life of Lord Clive, IV, 564. (In Hobson-Jobson.) 1787. I have also recommended the corps of Topasses or descendants of Europeans, who retain the characteristic qualities of their progenitors. Fullarton, View of English Interests in India, p. 222. (In Hobson-Jobson.) 1789. Topasses are the sons of Europeans and black women, or low Portuguese who are trained to arms. Munro, Narrative of Military Operations against the French, p. 321. (In Hobson-Jobson.) 1793. Topazes seu Dvibashi, in ora Coromandelica Dobachi, ex etymologia ui nominis interpretes seu duo idiotmata calentes, unum Indicum, aliud Europaeum. Musei Borgiani Velitris Codices Manuscripti, auctore P. Paulino a S. Bartholomaeo, Romae, p. 251. [Topazes or Dvibashi, on the Coromandel Coast, Dohachi, according to the etymology of their name, interpreters, or versed in two languages, the one Indian, the other European. ] Cola essi chiamansi Mundocarer, gente di veste bianca, per distinguerli dalli Tupasi, che parlano Malabar e Portoghese, e portano cappello e calzoni senza calzette e senza scarpe. Fra Paolino, Viaggio alle Indie Orientali, p. 144. [In that place (Cochin) they (Christians) are called Mundocarer, men of the white robe, to distinguish them from the Tupasis, who speak Malabar (Tamil) and Portuguese, and wear a hat and trousers without stockings and without shoes ]

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY APRIL, 92 In a footnote Tra Paulino explains the origin of the term Tupal. The following is a translation of his remarks: The name Tupasi comes from the Sanscrit Duibhashi, dui=two, and bhashi = one who speaks two languages, interpreter, which all Tupasis are, for they speak their native vernacular and a European language, English, French, Dutch or Portuguese. In Cochin they are called 'gente de chapeau,' that is hat men, for they wear a topi or hat, whilst the other Indians, who are not descendants of the Europeans, wear the Romali, that is to say, a white turban or muslin of the finest cotton. Note on Tuppahi by S. G. P. in Ceylon Antiquary, vol. II, pt. iv, p. 282, where the extract from Fra Paolino given above, also occurs. 1809. Topaz: A word used by the Portuguese in India to designate a Christian who has father and mother of different countries. A Vieyra, A Dict. of the Portuguese and English Languages (quoted by A. Mendis Gunasekara Mudaliar in Ceylon Antiquary, vol. II, pt. I, p. 63. 1817. Topasses, or persons whom we may denominate Indo-Portuguese, cither the mixed products of Portuguese and Indian parents, or converts to the Portuguese from the Indian faith. J. Mill, Hist. of British India. (In Hobson-Jobson.) 1821. Tuppahiya : interpreter, burgher (in contempt). The Rev. B. Clough, A Dict. of the English and Singhalese Languages, (Quoted by S. G. P. in Ceylon Antiquary, vol. II, pt. i, p. 62). 1855. Topas (Port Topaz, perhaps from the H. topi, a hat). A native Christian sprung from a Portuguese father and Indian mother in the south of India : in the early history of the Company these people were extensively enlisted as soldiers; hence the term came to be applied to the Company's native soldiery generally in the Peninsula: it is now obsolete. H. H. Wilson Glossary of Judicial and Revenue Terms. 1862. Tuppahi, tuppahiya, from Hindi, dobhashiya, an interpreter; or from Skt. dvibhashi, a dubash, servant. The Rev. M. Winslow, A Comprehensive Tamil and English Dict. (Quoted by S. G. P. in Ceylon Antiquary, vol. II. pt. i, p. 62). 1862. The East Indian community which is here (Visscher's Letters from Malabar, 1743. supra) alluded to has undoubtedly undergone a great change since the days of our author ... The term Topass has fallen into disuse, but it is singular enough that, to the present day, the Europeans in India invariably call 'Boy' whenever they require a servant, East Indian or native. Footnote by Major Heber Drury to his translation of Visscher's Letters from Malabar, quoted in Ceylon Antiquary, vol. V, pt. iv, p. 204. 1865. Thirty .topasses on board the deserted ship launched a boat and got to Port Canning. Daily Telegraph, 24 October. In 0. E, D., 8. v. Topaz. 1871. Topas (in India), a Christian that has father and mother of different countries. D. J. de Lacerda, Portuguese-English Dictionary. 1885. Topas: a native Christian sprung from a Portuguese father and an Indian mother in the South of India. G. C. Whitworth, An Anglo-Indian Drict.

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APRIL, 1921) TOPAZ-TOPASS 1885. Topass, from topi, Hindi., a hat, a person wearing a hat; a Christian of mixed descent, chiefly of Portuguese origin, employed on shipboard as a sweeper. Dr. E. Balfour, Cyclopadia of India. 1886. Topaz, Topass, etc. A name used in the 17th and 18th centuries for dark-skinned or half-caste claimants of Portuguese descent, and Christian profession. Its application is generally, though not universally, to soldiers of this class, and it is possible that it was originally a corruption of the Pers. (from Turkish) top-chi, a gunner. Various other etymologies have however been given. That from topi, a 'hat'has a good deal of plausibility, and even if the former etymology be the true origin, it is probable that this one was often in the minds of those using the term as its true connotation. It may have some corroboration not only in the fact that Europeans are to this day often spoken of by ihe natives (with a shade of disparagement) as Topi-dids or 'Hat-men,' but also in the pride commonly taken by all persons claiming European blood in wearing a hat; indeed Fra Paolino tells us that this class called themselves yente dechapeo. Possibly, however, this was merely a misrendering of topaz from the assumed etymology. The same Fra Paolino, with his usual fertility in error, propounds in another passage that topas is a corruption of do-bhdshiya, "two-tongued' (in fact is another form of dubash), viz., using Portuguese and a debased vernaculari The Topas on board ship is the sweeper, who is at sea frequently of this class. Yule, Hobson-Jobson, 8. v. Topa. 1886. Topaz. A bath-room attendant. Probably from the Portuguese. H. A. Giles, A Glossary of Reference on subjects connected with the Far East. 2nd ed. (He is still the bath-room and lavatory attendant on board ships carry ing passengers to and from the East.-R. C. T.] 1891. Tuppahi, naturalised (Singhalese) word derived from the Tamil tupdsi, interpreter. A. Mendis Gunasokhara Mudaliyar, A Comprehensive Grammar of the Sinhalese Language, p. 362 (Quoted by S. G. P. in Ceylon Antiquary, vol. II, pt. i, p. 62.) 1892. Topass (tapdshi, Mal.). Corruption of the hindostany doobash. A native Christian sprung from a Portuguese father and Indian mother, in the early history of the Company extensively enlisted as soldiers ; now used on ships. Madras Manual of Administration, vol. IH, 8. v. Topass. 1899. Topass, topaz. Anglo-Indian name of any dark-skinned half-caste of Portuguese descent; the sweeper (who is often such a half-breed) on board ship. C. A. M. Fennell, The Stanford, Dict. of anglicised words and phrases. 1893. Topass. Applied to half-castes of Portuguese origin. The word now only survives on board steamers of the merchant service. A. T. Pringle, Diary and Consultation Book of the Agent and Governor of Fort St. George (Noto on p. 11 of 1881). 1913. Topa. Derived from Hind. top, gun, or Hind. topf, hat. H. D. Love, Vestiges of Old Madras, I, 278 footnote. 1913. Topass. E. Indies. Also topax. Adapted from Portuguese topaz, A man of two languages, interpreter, in which capacity these men of mixed desoont were employed. A fancied derivation from Hindi topl, hat, making

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112 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ APRIL, 1921 the term topi-wala, hat-man, European, has been current since the middle of the 18th century. A dark-skinned half-breed of Portuguese descent; often applied to a soldier, or a ship's scavenger or bath-attendant who is of this class. Oxford English Dict., 8. v. Topass. 1916. Topasses was the name given by the Portuguese to Eurasians, and occurs frequently in the letters of old time missionaries. Both [the Sinhalese] Tuppahi and [Tamil] Tupasi evidently come from this Topass, which is probably the Hindi word referred to by Winslow [supra, 1862]. It has the two significations given by Clough [supra, 1821]. The word Topass is said to be derived from Hind. topi. It would be a curious piece of "learned lumber" to know whether Tuppahi came into use in Sinhalese from the Tamil Tupdsi, or from Topass so frequently used by the Portuguese. The authority of the learned scholar, Mudaliyar Gunasekhara, is for its introduction from the Tamil The Carmelite friar Paolino a S. Bartolomao was the first to propound the derivation of Topaz and Dubash from Dvibhashi But Yule very thoughtlessly ridicules the derivation Topas is not pure Portuguese, but a word Lusitanised from Hindi Is the Hindi word top or dobashi (dubhashia, Skt. dvibhashi). The Turkish etymology suggested by Yule may well be neglected ..That Eurasians came to be called "hat-men "is not strange .. I think the use of Tuppahi in Sinhalese literature of the 16th and 17th centuries will bear out the statement that it was first used to discriminate Eurasians. [The writer is unable to verify this statement, which is suggested by the occurrence of the word in this sense in the translations of the Parangi Hatana]... Its use in the sense of "interpreter " is of much later date, and probably came in because Eurasians often served this purpose. It would be interesting to know the date of the earliest use of the word in the sense of "interpreter." (Father Anriquez uses Topaz in this sense in 1549, which is the earliest in India.) There seems to have been a different word for "interpreter" in Ceylon, i.e., Banaca... Notes on the Derivation of Tuppahi by S. G. P. in Ceylon Antiquary, vol. II, pt. i, pp. 62, 124-126, 282. 1916. The Tamil tupdsi (of which tuppasi is a modification) is evidently derived from the Hindi dvibhashi, which literally means 'one who speaks two languages.' It is not genuine Portuguese. The Portuguese topas is either a corruption of dvibhashi, or of its Tamil equivalent tupdsi. The latter is more probable, owing to the words "South India "in Whitworth [supra 1885]... The word cannot be connected with the Hindi tops, hat, for the reason that a (ch) in tupasi or z in topaz is unaccountable, and because it is inconceivable that only a small and insignificant section of the people who wore hats came to be called tupasi to the exclusion of the genuine Europeans who always wore hats. The Sinhalese tappahi (a modification. of tuppasi) may be from the Tamil or from the Portuguese, which, as shown above, adopted the word from the Tamil. Note by A. Mendis Gunasekara Mudaliyar, in Ceylon Antiquary, vol. II, pt. i, p. 63.

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THE WOMEN POETS OF THE BIG-VEDA-A STUDY 33 The 1916. The word tuppahi is used by the Sinhalese to signify "interpreter. Sanskrit word duibhasi signifying one who speaks two languages, has taken the form tupasi in Tamil, and the Tamil Tupasi' has become "Tuppahi' in Sinhalese.. The word is also used by the Sinhalese to indicate a Portuguese descendant. Note by Simon de Silva, Gate Mudaliyar on the Derivation of Tuppahi, in Ceylon Antiquary, vol. II, pt. i, p. 63. 1916. In the early intercourse of the Europeans with India, a man who was able to interpret between the European and the native, was called dvibhashi, a a man of two languages. In Portuguese this dvibhashi became dubash, which is the word applied now to a ship-chandler, while in court it kept its form purer and passed into Tamil as tupashi, and into Sinhalese as tuppahi. In the latter language it means, in addition to interpreter, also a Portuguese descendant of the mechanic class. This class is of mixed Portuguese and Sinhalese descent, and speaks two languages. Hence the designation. Note by W. F. Gunawardhana Mudaliyar on the Derivation of Tuppahi, in Ceylon Antiquary, vol. II, pt. i, p. 631 1916. In land-tombos toepas (tuppahi) means a person belonging to that class, but when followed by the word moedianse means interpreter (tuppahi moedianse = interpreter mudaliyar). So that a tuppahi moedianse is not necessarily a toepas. A person of mixed European and native descent (mestico) was necessarily bi-lingual (toepas), and hence employed in Portuguese times as an interpreter. In process of time, the word which had reference to interpreter was used to designate a class, i.e., the lower order of mestico and native Christians. The Dutch called the interpreter-Mudaliyar "tolk modliaar." The topi-wallah or hat-man theory is, I think, rather far fetched. If such had been the case, one would have expected topikarayah, not toepas Note by Historicus, in Ceylon Antiquary, vol. II, pt. i, pp. 191-2. 1918. In a note on a passage in the Diary of Ananda Ranga Pillai (supra, 1750), with reference to "100 mestices, 200 Topasses," Mr. H. Dodwell remarks (p. 431n.), "Mestice merely means half caste. I cannot suggest why these people should apparently be differentiated from Topasses." APRIL, 1921] 113 THE WOMEN POETS OF THE RIG-VEDA-A STUDY. BY KRISHNAKANTA HANDIQUI, M.A.; JORHAT. THE first noteworthy poetess whom we meet with in the Rig-Veda in Vicwavara Atreyi (R.-V. 5. 28) who has composed a hymn to Agni in five verses couched in four different metres. Vicwavara's hymn is one of the easiest and simplest that we find in the Rig-Veda. Here is a translation of the fourth verse: "Thy splendour, O Agni, kindled and brilliant as thou art, I do adore. Showerer (of gifts) and possessed of wealth, thou art kindled in sacrifices." From the first verse of the hymn we gather that there were women "worshipping the gods with oblations," as there were men. In the third verse Vigwavara prays: " (Agni!) Do thou make the conjugal relation well-regulated mutually." The last two verses of Vicwavara's hymn were included in the Samidhent verses, recited in kindling the sacred fire, in the New and Full Moon sacrifices (Darga-paurnamasa). Then comes Apala Atreyi (R.-V. 8. 91). The hymn is based on a story in which Apala herself is the chief figure. She seems to have been abandoned by her husband owing to her disease, but subsequently healed by the grace of Indra, for whom the forlorn lady could not

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114 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (APRIL, 1921 afford to press out the Soma juice with the gravans or stones of the regular Soma ritual, but only with her teeth. She prays to Indra : "Thou who goest shining, a hero, to every bouse, drink this (Soma) pressed with (my) teeth, mixed with grains and curds, with caker and songs" (8.80.2). She tbus expresses the hope of women, wronged by their husbande, like herself--" May he (Indra) acquire strength enough, achieve enough, enrich us enough; may we, wronged by (our) husbands, unite ourselves with Indra well enough" (8.80.4). Apala's verses are simple and direct like those of Vicwavara. The repitition of the word afga, "much" or "enough," adds force to the fourth verse of the hymn, which we have just translated. There is no fixed sacrificial application of this hymn. We should now turn to Ghosha Kakshivati (R.-V. 10. 39 and 40), who has two hymne of fourteen verses each. She is the most important of the lady poets of the Rig Veda. Ghosh belongs to a family that has produced a generation of Vedic poets. Her genealogy is Uchathya (R.-V. 9.50 etc.). Dirghatamas (R.-V. 1. 140 etc.). Kakshivan (R.-V.1. 116 etc.). Ghosha (R.-V. 10, 39 and 40). Sauhastya (R.-V. 10. 41. Mentioned also as Ghosha in 1. 120. 5 according to Sayana). Uchathya has only a few hymns in the ninth Mandala, but his descendant, Dirgbatamas who calls himself Auchathya ("son of Uchathya") and Kakshivan, rank high among the seers of the Rig Veda. Ghosha has only two hymns and her son Sauhastys only one. Both Ghosh a and her son offer their prayers to the Acvins. In direct contrast with the hymns of Viewavara and Apala, Ghosha's verses, besides being allusive, are grave and difficult ; and in fact, Prof. Grassmann styles as obscure the last five verses of one of the hymns of Ghosha (10. 40). Ghosha has drawn almost all her allusions from the hymde to the Agvins composed by her father Kakshiven in the first Mandala (1. 116, 117, 118 particularly) as well as to a slight extent from Hymn 1. 112, also addressed to the Apvids by the sage Kutsa, to whom she refers in 10. 40. 6, and bas, in some cases, reproduced in new connections the very words of Kakshivan and Kutsa. For example, Gnovni -- KAKSHIYAN fra 478: wart cu A tena vAtaM manasaHjavIbasA stha 1. 117. 2. etc., 10. 39. 12. TUT RA:SSH, 1. 117. 15. ( T art, 1. 118. 1. w rattu: , 10. 39. 1. = ar tus, 1. 118. 3. buvaM cvavAnaM sanayaM bayA rathaM punaHbuvAnaM = y 1 : Far awy: , 10. 39. 4. *:, 1. 117. 13. H , 10. 39. 10 = T T 2. 118. 9. Hygie, 10. 39. 9. = Hart 1. 11 6. 3. ..... ...TT: waff. 10. 40. 14. = ... ...T aft, l. 120. 6. KUTSAbhavinA vRkasva cit vartikAm bhaMtaH bhAsthAna evaM af uffa:......... : o f fearg , 10. 39. 13. = fi sfere w a , 1. 112. 8. Bar Fu, 10. 39. 8. Varu, 1. 112. 8. WHETSEG, 10. 39. 9. = WATSOE , 1 112 7

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APRIL, 1921] THE WOMEN POETS OF THE RIG VEDA-A STUDY 115 - These striking resemblances between hymns of Mandalas 1 and 10, added and supplemented, have to be taken into consideration in fixing the relative age of the Rig. Veda Mandalas. Then, the allusions found in Ghosha's hymns, e.g., the rejuvenating by the Acvins of the sage Chyavana and of Kali, the rescue of Taugrys from & watery grave, Vandana from & well, Rebha from & cave, Atri from fire, and the references to Saptavadhri, Pedu, Bhujyu and several others are far more fully treated, especially in the two long hymns of twenty-five verses each, hy her father Kakshivan (1. 116, 117) in the earlier Mandala. But while her indebtedness to Kakshivan is clear, Ghosha's originality, apart from her independent verses, is manifest in her condensing the selected allusions and giving them a new background to a considerable extent. The following is a tre nelation of one of her verses : " Where, among what people are the Acvins, destroyers of foes, lords of beauty, delighted to-day? Who has detained them? To what sages or what sacrificer's abode are they gone?" (10.40. 14). A few personal facts about Ghosha are available. We find in Kakshivan's hymn. 1.117.7, also indicated in verses of Ghoshe herself, that she remained unmarried to ar advanced age in her father's house till she was favoured with a husband by the Acvins, and from 1. 122. 5 we gather that he was Arjuna. We need not take Arjuna as & common poup to mean, after Sayara, a white skin, for the word Arjuneya in 1.112. 23 and 4. 26. 1 is used as a proper noun to mean "a descendant of Arjuna." In one of her hymns (10. 40. 5) Ghosha calls herself a princess, so that Kakshivan may have been a royal sage. In 10.40.3 she refers to the twin gods Apvins as like" two song of a king." Ghosha's reference to a widow becoming the wife of her late husband's brother is important (10.40.2) : so also the word Kapa, "the panegyric of a king by his bard." Ghosha's hymns are recited in the Prataranuvaka of the Soma sacrifice and in the Agvina-Castra of the Atiratra form of the same. Couched in the Jagati metre, like Ghosha's hymns, are ten sweet and well-balanced verses in the ninth Mandala (9. 86. 11-20), composed jointly by two other female poets, SikatA and Nivavari. The verses form part of a hymn addressed to Soma, by various authors. Here is a translation of one of their vernes :-"Clad in an armour (of lustre) that touches the heaver, worthy of sacred rites and filling up the sky, fixed ir the worlds; and knowing the heaven, he (Soma) comes on with rains and worship heaven's ancient ford." (9. 86. 14.) Then we have to mention a hymn to Indra in the tenth Mandala (10. 134), of which six verses are by the soge Mandhatri, but the seventh and last verse is by & lady named Godha. This is the only verse of Godha that we come across in the Rig Veda. It runs thus :-"Never do we offend, Ye Gods, dever do we neglect; we act as revealed by the Mantras and celebrate here (the sacred rites) with might and main.", The six preceding verses of the hymn by Mandhatsi are distinguished from Godha's verse by a refrain repeated in each of them. There are other similar hymns in the Rig Veda where the refrain is repeated in all but the last verse, e.g., the hymns 1.105. 106 by the sage Kutsa. 1 RE #" "for gaining Arjuna " as the husband. The word is to be taken in this senino, me Suyana himself has explained elsewhere. (Sayana on 1. 122. 12.) 1 The exact literary version of the corresponding Vedic phrase would be with the sider and the region below the arm-pita."

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116 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (APRIL, 1921 There is similarly a verse by another lady, the sister of the sage Agastya, in the first half of a heterogenous hymn of twelve verses in the tenth Mandala (10, 60). The first half is & panegyric of a king named Asamati and the last verse of it (sixth in the whole hymn) is by Agastya's sister, the mother of Bandhu and others, who are the seers of this hymn along with their mother. She prays to the king thus:-"Thou dost yoke two ruddy steeds for (the defence of) Agastya's scions. Thou, O King, didst rout the niggardly Panis -- all of them." The verse points to women taking part in celebrating glories of kings. The Anukramani ascribes another verse in a hymn of various authors (8.1. 34) to a lady pamed Cacvati, but it seems to be rather composed by others about her. Similarly, the Anukramani ascribes hymn 10. 109 to a lady named Juh u or the sage Urdha nabha, but in reality it appears to be a story composed by the latter about Juhu and her husband Brahaspati. So, putting aside the ladies Juhu and Cacvati, as not being actual verse. writers, we should like to refer to two characteristic verses on love by Lopamudra (1. 179. 1-2) addressed to her husband Agastya, who replies in two other verses, after which a disciple of the latter brings the hymn to a close with two more verses. It is not therefore a hymn addressed to any particular deity. Lopamudra speaks to her ascetic husband :-"Those of old, who were defenders of the eternal Law and declared laws with the gods, abided by them, (but) did not attain the end : (80) will (now) wives be united with their husbands?" With this verse and another Lopamudra tries to turn her ascetic lord into a loving husband. Agastya's reply is in the same spirit. There is a similar but indelicate conversation between king Bhavayavya and his wife Romaca, being two verses added, without any apparent connection, to hymn 1. 126, composed by the sage Kakshivan about the generosity of the king. They are in a different metre from the preceding verses and might very well be a fragment of a popular song, as Griffith has suggested. So much for hymns by women. In the tenth Mandala there are two simple incantations (10. 145, 159), supposed to be by Indrani and Cachi respectively, the subject being the overpowering of rival co-wives. Both Indrani and Sachi are mythical names, but Cachi means "action" according to the Nirukta and it had probably a historical background. Here is a verse by Cachi: "My sons are destroyers of enemies, and my daughter supreme and I too victorious. Mine is the highest esteem with my husband" (10. 159. 3). Rivalry of co-wives is a matter of every day experience and it is not surprising to have a poem on the subject by the victorious party like that of Cachi. Cachi's tone is exultant indeed-" There rises the Sun, there my Fortune is up" (10. 159. 1). Then we must note of some doubtful names. In the hymns concerned the seer is mentioned as the deity as well, in the Anukramani Of the poem on Craddha "faith" (10.151), Craddha is the traditional composer. In the Anukramani, the invocation of Ratri "Night" (10. 127) is however ascribed to Ratri or the sage Kucika, and the poem on Dakshina, "Sacrificial gift" (10. 107) to Dakshina or the sage Divya. The latter names are the real authors in these cases. Sarparajni is another doubtful name with which hymn 10. 189 is associated. The deity of the hymn is said to be Sarparajni herself or the Sun In the Aitareya Brahmana (5 2 4. 4) the word Sar parajni is explained as "sarpato rajni,': "the queen of all that moves," or the earth. This bespeaks the legendary character of the name. Surya (10.85), Indramatarah, "Mothers of Indra," and Yami (10. 153. 154) are three other such names.

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APRIL, 1921] THE ANCIENT GEOGRAPHY OF INDIA 117 The philosophical hymn addressed to Vach (10. 125) presents similar doubts. Vach is treated as speech personified in a foregoing hymn (10. 71) and it is in fact the usual word for speech in the Veda. Another consideration is that the hymn runs in the first person and the two other hymns of this nature (10. 119, 48)-all the three being placed in the same category in the Nirukta (Daivata kanda)-are ascribed to a god (Indra), not to human being, showing probably that the present hymn also is really ascribed to a goddess -Vagdevi. At any rate the authorship is doubtful and if we suppose that by ascribing the authorship of hymn 10. 119 to Indra assuming the form of the sage Lava, it is really ascribed to the latter, the hymn ascribed to Vach can similarly be concluded to be by the sage Ambhrna, whose daughter Vach is said to be in the Anukramani. Thus, even after putting aside the legendary and doubtful names we have not less than eight historical figures as the first women poets of India. Though women, their hymns were admitted freely into the Vedic sacrificial system and it was in a later age that they were debarred from sacred precincts of the Veda. CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE STUDY OF THE ANCIENT GEOGRAPHY OF INDIA. BY SURENDRANATH MAJUMDAR SASTRI, M. A.; PATNA. (Continued from Vol. XLVIII, 1919, p. 23.) (3) A critical estimate of indigenous sources. I.-LITERARY. Though the ancient Indians did not pay much attention to history, there are ample geographical materials. Expansion of geographical knowledge is due to (1) military expedition and colonizing spirit, (2) commercial relations, (3) religious activity, (and, in the modern age, (4) scientific exploration). Alexander's Historians' and Alberuni's knowledge of India was due to the first cause. Pliny and the author of the Periplus utilized materials accumulated by commercial enterprisers. The Chinese pilgrims' visit to India was actuated by religion. Similar also is the case with the ancient Indians. Their foreign conquest and colonization are made known to us by a series of Sanskrit Inscriptions discovered in Further India and the Indian Archipelago. A fourth century A.D. Pillar Inscription of the Buddhist sea-captain Mahanavika Buddhagupta of Raktamrittika (mod. Rangamati in Murshidabad district, Bengal) has been discovered in the Wellesley district of the Malay Peninsula. A series of inscriptions proves clearly that there ruled, in Further India, from the second century A.D. up to the seventh century at least, a line of Saiva Hindu kings, (Dharma-meharajas) claiming descent from Asvatthama son of Drona. Four Yupa inscriptions of king Mulavarman, in the fourth or fifth century A.D., in Pallava characters, discovered in 1879-8 at Koetei in East Borneo, show the existence of a powerful Hindu royal dynasty at that place. As for the Brahman colony in Fahien's Ye-po-ti (Java, or perhaps, Sumatra) and the extensive Buddhist ruins in Java, they are too well-known to call for any remark. Kern's Verspreide Geschriften, III, (1915), p. 255. Bergaigne's Insc. Sansk. du Campi el Cambodge (1893); Bul. Ecole F.E.O., II, p. 185. III, 206-11; IV, p. 918; XI, p. 264; XII, No. 8, pp. 15-16; XV, No. 2, pp. 3-5; Barth's Insc. Sk. du Cambodge. Dr.. Vogel in Overdruk int de Bijdragen tot de Taal-en Volkenkunde van Nederlandech-India Doel 74. Aflevering 1-2, 1918.

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118 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY Recent discoveries in Central Asia exhibit political and diplomatic relations of India with Central Asian states (so often referred to in Indian literature). As for commercial intercourse, Von Ihering (in his Prehistoric Indo-Europeans) and J. Kennedy (in JRAS., 1898, pp. 241-88) have shown the activity of the early Indians in trading with the Persian Gulf tribes. A couple of Kanarese sentences found embodied in the Greek farce in the Papyrus of Oxyrhynchus of the first or second century A.D. indicates commercial relations of an intimate nature between Egypt and the Kanarese-speaking Dravidians of Southern India. Cornelius Nepos (who died in the reign of Emperor Augustus, 14 8.0.-A.D. 14) had mentioned Indian commercial activity even in Germany. There are clear statements in Tamil literature supporting Fahien's mention of early Indians' voyage to Java, Sumatra and China." [APRIL, 1921 As for religious activity in this direction, Asoka's sending Buddhist Missionaries to Syria, Egypt and Macedonia is known to all students of History. The recent discoveries in India's Central Asia exhibit the great influence of Buddhist Missionaries in that region. connection with Tibet, China and Manchuria does not require any comment. Even such a distant place as Lord North's Island in Micronesia was indebted to Buddhist Missionaries for its religious instruction. We thus see that the political, commercial, and religious activities of early Indians made them acquainted with the greater part of the then known countries of the world. And this acquaintance certainly broadened their knowledge of the geography of foreign lands. And though, owing to their so-called want of historical faculty or to their want of vanity, they left no autobiographies or private memoirs, peripli or itineraries like those of Fahien or Yuanchwang to perpetuate their names, yet, the stock of knowledge thus accumulated was not completely lost. It has been preserved in a corrupted form in the epic and Puranic conception of the world as containing seven concentric islands Jambu, Saka. Kusa, Salmala, Krauncha, Gomeda (Gomanda or Plaksha), and Pushkara encircled by seven samudras. 10 Though this conception is childish, we ought not to compare it with that of the twentieth century and stigmatize it as ridiculous. If we compare this fourth or third century B.C. conception of the earth with even the tenth or eleventh century Christian conception as depicted in the maps reproduced in Keane's Evolution of Geography (Edward Stanford, London, 1899), it would not certainly appear to be more ridiculous. The true conception of the earth is a thing of modern times-it was formed after the first circumnavigation. Ancient nations had strange notions. The conception of the different parts of * M'Crindle's Anc. Ind., p. 110. JRAS., 1904, pp. 399-105. 7 Aiyangar's Beginnings of South Indian Hist., pp. 113-4. 8 Journal of the American Oriental Society, vol. V, 194. The order varies in different sources. 10 The Buddhist system counts eight dvipas and has different names for some of the Samudras. (See Pulle's Studi Italiani di Filologia Indo-Iranica, vol. IV, pp. 15-16; see also JRAS., 1902, p. 142; 1907, p. 42.) In Jaina tradition we have new names. A chapter entitled Diva-samudda inserted incidentally in Jivabhigama-sutra names the following dipas:-1. Jambu, 2. Dhdyai-Khanda, 3. Pukkharavara, 4. Varunavara, 5. Khiravara, 6. Ghatavara, 7. Khodavara, 8. Nandisaravara, 9. Arunavara, 10. Arusovara. edea, 11. Kundalo, 12. Kundalavara, 13 Kundalavaravasa, 14. Ruyaga, 15. Ruyagavara, 16. Ruyagavaracasa, 17. Hera, 18. Haravara, 19. Huravaravisa. The names of the first two oceans are Lavana-samudda and Kloya (Sk. Kaloda); the other names are made by adding uda (water) to the names of the dvipas. Bhagavati-Sutra (II, 8, 1-9) states ayam Jambuddiva savva-diva-samuddinam savvabbhantare and that the first three only of the above dvipas are inhabited by men-the Trikhanda (II, 9, 1-2). (See Pulle's Studi, IV, pp. 19-20; JBRRAS., II, p. 411.)

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AFRI, 1921 ] THE ANCIENT GEOGRAPHY OF INDIA 119 the earth es so many islands was maintained also by the Greeks, and is referred to by Teopompo in Eliano, by Erastothenes, and by Strabo.11 As for the Indian theory of concentric islands, its origin may be explained thus (1) the change of meanings of the words dripa and samudra ; dulpa (derived by Panini as dvi +ap; and thus etymologically connected with doab), meant, primarily, land having water (and not sea) on two and not all) of its sides. The original meaning of samudra is a collection of water. 15 These words lost their original meanings and came to mean island and sea respectively. (2) Now when the Epic and Puranic writers (who had not the slightest personal knowledge of foreign lands) attempted the difficult task of arranging the traditional accounts of the different parts of the then known world handed down from those who actually visited them, they harmonized (?) the different accounts by reducing them to this system. But though their system is wrong and though there is plenty of the fabulous in Hindu Geography, their accounts of the different parts of the world were based on facts. Mr. Wilford collected an account of the River Nile and of its source and reconstructed & map out of the Puranas. 13 H. H. Wilson called him an injudicious writor."14 Cunningham remarked that his essay is a "wild speculation."16 St. Martin stated him to be the first victim of the "imposture" geographical literature of the Hindus. 16 But Lieut. J. H. Speke, (in his Discovery of the Source of the Nile, chaps. I, V, X) unhesitatingly states that when planning his discovery of the source of the Nile, he secured his best information from Wilford's map and testifies to the substantial correctness of the Puranic account.17 Is is not enough to repay the labours of the Purana-writers that it is they (and not Ptolemy, the great geographer of Greek Egypt) who helped the nineteenth century explorer with their accurate knowledge of that part of the country ? As the subject of our study is the ancient geography of India and not the geographical theories of ancient Indians, we dismiss the theory of seven dripas with these remarks and return to the sources describing India only. The indigenous geography of India is, like every other Indian Science, chiefly dependent on religion. India is a land of tirihas every crag, every spring, every river, and every hoary tree is sacred. As it is a duty of every pious Indian-Hindu, Jaina, or Buddhist to make pilgrimages, pilgrims travelled far and wide to pay their respects to the objects of their veneration. This expanded their knowledge which has been embalmed in the sacred literature-Orthodox (Hindu) or Heterodox (Jaina and Buddhist). Thus though disregard to the historical order of things, owing to their peculiar religious idea that worldly existence is a misery, has caused the want of historical accounts, yet it is that same peculiar religion which did much to preserve the materials of geography. And though there is plenty of the fabulous in Indian geography of outlandish regions, the allusions to purely Indian topography are generally sober. The main features of the country were adequately known in very early times. Let us now examine the different branches of Indian literature as geographical sources. The Vodas are our only source of the geography of Vedic India. Vivien de St. Martin 11 Pallo's Studi, vol. IV, p. 20, quoting Berger's "Geschichte der wise. Geographie der Griechen," p. 12. 19 St. Martin's Geographie du Voda, p. 62. 18 Ariatick Researches, vol. III. 14 Hindu Theatre, vol. I, p. 9. 16 A. 8. R., vol. I, p. i. 16 St. Martin's Etat actuel des etudes sur l'Inde ancienne, p. siil. 11 Schoff's Periplus, pp. 87 and 230.

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120 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (APRIL, 1921 first handled the subject. It was also taken up by Zimmer in his All-Indische Leben. Hillebrandt, Pischel, Roth and other Vedic scholars also have touched on the subject, Brunhofer has attempted, in his Iran und Turan, to locate various Vedic rivers in regions outside India. The Rigveda Sanhita generally mentions tribes and rivers only. Names of countries Qocur soldom. In the mention of the following rivers, there is, as Sir A. Stein18 has pointed out, a strict geographical order :-Ganga, Yamuna, (and the following tributaries of the Indus) Sarasvati, Sutudri (Satadru, Satlej), Parushyi (Ravi), Asikni (Akesines, Chenab), Marudvsiddh&19 Vitasta (Jhelum), Rrjikiya and Sushoma (Sohan). As we find in this list (Rigveda, X, 75, 5) a strict geographical order in the mention of the eastern tributaries of the Indus, we ought to take the same order to guide us in identifying the western tributaries mentioned in the next verse-Tristama, Susartu, Sveti, Gomati (Gomal), Krumu (Kurram), Kubha (Kabul) and Mehantu. In the next two verses (X. 75, 7-8) are named some rivers. As Rigveda X, 64.8 mentions trisapta sasrd nadyah, thrice sevenjsister rivers, we ought to find the names of seven rivers in X, 75. 7-8. Sayana was ignorant of the geography of the North-Western Frontier, and therefore explained these words as adjectives. But these words are to be taken as proper names-Urn&vati, Silamavati, Rijiti, Eni, Chitra, Hiranmayi and Rusati-seven tributaries of the Indus to be located to the north-west. The last five (and Anjasi, Amsumati, Asmanmati, Kulisi and Virapatni) have not been mentioned in Macdonell and Keith's Vedic Index of Names and Subjects. But those five are to be taken as proper names, and geographical order will be a guide in the attempt to locate them. The Indus and its tributaries are seldom mentioned in the Yajurveda, for the Aryang then lived in the territory of Kuru-Panchala (Thaneswar and Rohilkhand), the old capital of which, Kampila, is mentioned. The Satapatha Brahmana (1,4, 1, 10-18) records the Aryan migration to Videha (Tirhut); while the Atharvaveda-Samhita shows that the Aryans were then acquainted with Auga and Magadha (which might have been known in Rigvedic age as Kikata, a country of the non-Aryans, whose leader was Pra-maganda whose name may have some connection with Magadha). The Aitareya Brahmana mentions the Aryan Vaidarbhas and the non-Aryan Andhras, Pundras, Sabaras, Pulindas and Mutibas. The Vangas seem to be mentioned in the Aitareya Aranyaka (u. 1, 1) as a non-Aryan tribe. This gradual expansion of the Aryans can also be gathered from the Dharmasutras and Dharmafdstras. The Satras (Vasistha, 1, 8; Baudhayana, 1. 1, 2, 9. etc.) state that the country of the Aryans-Aryavarta lies to east of the region where the (Sarasvati) disppaears, to the west of Black forest (Kalakavana 20), to the north of Paripatra and to the south of the Himalayas. It is strange to note that this definition of Aryavarta excludes the greater portion of the land of the Rigvedio Aryans. [A famous episode (Karsa-Salya-sam rada) in the Kamnaparvan of the Mah. bharata also clearly states the impurity of the Punjab tribes during the Epic age.] 19 Bhandarkar Commemoration Volume. 10 Stein has identified it with the Maruwardwan which flows from north to south through the Mara valley of the Kashmir Jammu state and joins the Chenab at Kistawar. 20 I propose to identify KAlakavana, the eastern boundary of Aryavarta of the Stras, with Prayag the matern boundary of Manu'a Madhyadesa, which is identical with the Aryavarta of the Sutra As the other three boundaries are the same (Paripatra being a portion of the Vindhyas), the eastern limite also ought to be identical. In the later ago there flourished a city (Prayaga) and a country there, where the earlier literature locates a forest. Ayodhyakanda (LIV and LV) of the Ramayaya statoe that Prayaga was then a clearing in a forest.

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APRIL, 1921) THE ANCIENT GEOGRAPHY OF INDIA 121 Various explanations may be suggested. (1) Dr. Buhler's 91 theory was that the reading of Vasistha presupposes a reading Adarsa, 19 which was corrupted into Adarsana (=disappearance) and was then paraphrased as "Vinasana" [of the Sarasvatil Ingenious as this theory is, it is not a good solution. Though some of the Satras and Patanjali's Mahabh Ashya (II, 4, 10) aotually give the Western boundary to be Adarsa, we gain little by this reading. Adarla cannot be located in the N.-W. Frontier so as to include the whole of the Panjab in this Aryavarta of the Satras. (2) Recent study of the modern Indian Aryap dialects indicates, in the opinion of Sir George Grierson, at least two waves of Aryan migration into India. There arose & conflict between the Brahmanica) later immigrants (now represented by the speakers of Panjabi, Rajasthant, Gujarati and Western Hindi) and the anti-Brahmanical earlier immigrants (now represented by the gpeakers of Kashmiri, Marathi, Bengali and Oriya). This coniflct between the two waves of Aryan migrators might have caused the inhabitants of the Middle land to stigmatize the later immigrants as not truly Aryan and their country as outside the pale of Aryan oulture. (3) The country to the West of the Sarasvati was occupied in the later epio age by non-Aryan (Turanian) immigrants-the Takkas. They are now to be found in Jammu, Kistawar and other places. They claim their descent from Takshaka Naga 21 The biting of King Parikshit by Takshaka Naga probably symbo. lizes the destruotion of the Aryan power owing to the inroad of the Takkas. Their name seems to have some connection with Takshasile ; for in connection with the serpent sacrifice performed by king Janamejaya to chastise the Nagas, mention is made of his invasion and conquest of Takshasila (Mbh, Adi P., III, 683-3; 832-4 ; XLXLIV ; XLIX, 1954; L. 1991). As the Panjab was thus occupied by a non-Aryan race or races, it was outside the boundary of Aryavarta. . The Dharmasastra of Manu, however, calls the AryAvarta of the Satras to be tho Madhyadeta or Middle country (Himavad-Vindhyayor-madhya yat prak vinasandd-api: pratyag-eva Praydgachcha Madhyadekah...) and greatly extends the boundaries of its Arvavartta by defining it as & Samudrat tu vai Parudd & Samudrachcha Paschimdt. tayor-evd'ntarana giryor-Aryavarttam vidur-budhah. The Middle country of the Buddhist Ilterature expanded to the East. Its boundaries as mentioned in Mahavagga, V, 13, 12 [and Divyavadana) are SE., Kajangala 25 (or Punda. vardhana aco. to Div.); S.-E., River Salalavati (Sar&vati];S., the town of Sataka avika (v. l. set...J: W., the Brahman district (or village) of Thuna 26 [Sthana]: N.. Usiradhaja 11 21 S.B.E., vol. XIV, p. 2. Adarks, the western boundary of the Aryavarta, has not been located by any scholar. As Traaf XIV, 25, mentions Adaria with the sources of the Yamuna, Trigarta oto., it is to be placed not far from the ancient kingdom of Srughna and Trigarta (Kangra). Varahamihira's mention makes it clear that it cannot be located in the N.-W. Frontier. 13 A.S.R., vol. II, pp. 6-7. * Tod's Rajasthan, I, p. 9. >> It is the Ka-chu-wen-ki-lo of Y. oh, who locate it at a distance of above 400 li E. from Champa Bhagalpore). It was thus somewhere in Rajmahal distriot. It is the Kayangala mentioned in the com. on Rama [pdla] Charita (II, 6). The ya for ja is to be explained as due to Prakrit influence intervocal explosive olided and y inserted to avoid hiatus--the ya-fruti. of Jaina Prakrit. 30 Thuna has not been identified by any scholar. As Y. oh's account makes Thaneswar the western. most country of the Buddhist Middle country, I propose to identify Thuna (or Sthapa of Divyduadana) with Sthlavtavara. Sthans and Sthapu soom to be different forms of the same word; such metathesis of vowels being found in Pali and Prakrit. Ibara, the second part of BthAnvtkvara (Mod. Thaneswar) is redundant, it being identical in meaning with Sthanu (=8iva). 97 Uslradhaja is probably Ukira-giri, a mountain to the North of Kankhal (Hardwar)-Hiltsich in IM, A., 1905, P. 179.

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122 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [APRIL, 1921 [usira]. "The middle country is in length 300 yojanas, in breadth 250 yojanas, in circuit 900 yojanas. 28 The sixteen great countries mentioned in the Pali literature are:(1) Anga (C. Champa), (2) Magadha, (3) Kasi (subject to Kosala), (4) Kosala (C. Savatthi), (5) Wajjis, (6) Malla of Kusinara end Pawa, (7) Chedi, (8) Vatsa (C. Kausambi), (9) Kuru, (10) Panchale, (11) Matsya, (12) Surasena (C. Mathura), (13) Assaka on the Godavari, (14) Avanti (capital Ujjeni; Mahissati was the capital of the southern division of Avanti or Avanti-dakshinapatha). 29 (15) Gandhare (C. Takkhasila), (16) Komboja in the extreme North-West (C. Dvaraka ?) 30. The Pali literature gives important trade-routes also.31 But it plainly indicates that Southern Indie, was not then Aryanized. The next stage of the expansion of the Aryans is to be inferred from Panini and his commentators. [Sir R. G. Bhandarker's Early H. Dek. pp. 5-6.] Panini (700 B.C.), an inhabitant of the extreme N.-W. of India, has mentioned many place-names of N. India and specially of the Panjab and Afghanistan. But of S. Indie, he has mentioned only Kachchha (IV. 2. 133), Avanti (IV. 1. 176), Kosala (IV. 1. 171), Karusa and Kalinga (IV. 1.178)32. Thus it appears that S. India was probably unknown in his time. Katyayana (400 B.C.), however, knows even Chola, Mahishmat and Nasikya. In Patanjali's time (150 B.C.) the whole of India was known. [Prof. D. R. Bhandarkar's Carmichael Lecture I. deals with the subject fully.] The Epics. Both the Ramayana and the Mahabharata have (i) chapters (the importance of which has been somewhat impaired by the corruptness of the texts) directly dealing with the geography of India. Kishkindhya Kanda, (XL-XLIV) describes the various countries of the four quarters (of India) where the "Vanara" chiefs were sent in quest of Sita. In the ninth chapter of the Bhishma Parvan of the Mahabharata, Sanjaya gives a general description of India-long lists of countries, nations, mountains and rivers. Again there are (ii) descriptions of certain routes which are invaluable; for though the distance is hardly ever mentioned, the direction and the mention of known places enable one to locate approximately the unknown. The Ramayana describes three routes :-(1) Rama's journey, in company of Viswamitra, from Ayodhya to Mithila; (2) Bharata's return from Kekaya to Ayodhya; (3) Rama's exile. [N. Dass, Geography of Asia based on the Ramayana. Pargiter's Geography of Rama's exile in JRAS., 1894, p. 231.]. The Mahabharata mentions (1) [Adiparvan] the twelve years' sojourn of Arjuna; (2) [Sabhaparvan] the conquest of the four quarters by the four brothers of Yudhishthira; (3) [Vanaparvan ] an account of the "Tirthas" and the Pandavas' pilgrimage; (perhaps a later interpolation-but the geographical knowledge is certainly based on actual travels of Pilgrims). (4) Karna's digvijaya; (5) [Asvamedhaparvan] Arjuna's expedition through various countries. The Udyogaparvan and the parvans describing the war mention almost all the Indian nations siding with the one party or the other. [Pergiter, On the Nations at the time of the Great War in JRAS., 1908.] There are also (iii) numerous incidental references, [Sorensen's Index of the Mahabharata]. Another important section is the chapters of the Babhapervan dealing with the presents made by different kings to Yudhishthira, and as such describing the natural and commercial products of the different districts of India. 18 Commentary on Jataka and Sumangala. (Rhys Davids in JRAS., 1904, p. 86.) Prof. D. R. Bhandarkar in his Carmichael Lectures, 1918, pp. 43, 45. 30 Rhys Davids in Buddhist India, p. 23. 31 Ibid, pp. 103-4. 32 Aemaka has been mentioned by Papini. But as there was another Asmaka in the N.-W., we are not sure which Asmaka (N.-W. or 8.) has been mentioned by Papini.

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APRIL, 1921) THE ANCIENT GEOGRAPHY OF INDIA 123 The Puranas reserve () a section on Geography-Bhuvana kosa-giving lists of rivers, mountains, countries and tribes. They also deal with (ii) Topographia sacra and contain (40) many incidental references. [Bhuvanakosa of Markaendya Purana with notes in Pargiter's translation of the Purana published by the Asiatic Society of Bengal Geographical names in the Bhagavata Purapa in 1. A. XXVIII. p. 1.) The Mahatmyas (of various Arthas) also deal with Topographia pacra. These works (claiming to be sections or portions extracted from Puranas or Samhitas) set forth the legendary origin of Arthas, the rites to be performed there, etc. Their importance may be illustrated thus - A long and laborious but fruitless search was made for the site of Vatapi, the capital of the early Chaluky&s. Now the Mahatmya of Mahakata, a tirtha close to Badami (15deg 55' N: Let. and 75deg 41' E. Long.) in Bija pore district localised there the story of the brothers Vatapi and Ilvala vanquished by the sage Agastya. This localisation of the story of Vatapi showed that Badami, close to the tirtha, is the oity of Vatapi. (1. A., VIII, p. 238.) Dr Buhler, in his Kaimir Report, pointed out the great geographical importance of the Mahatmyas and Dr. Stein has discovered many long forgotten sites with their aid. [Stein's Topography of Kashmir in his Chronicles of Kasmir, Vol. II.] The Mahatmya literature is very vast. There are also a few works professing to deal with geography. Mr. Wilford has long ago pointed out (Asiatick Researches, XIV, pp. 374-380), the existence of the following (1) Munjapratidesa-vyavastha, (2) Bhoja-pratidesa-vyavastha (a revised edition of 1), (3) Bhuvana-Sagara, (4) A Geography written at the command of Bukkaraya, (5) A commen. tary on the Geography of the Mahabharata written by order of the Raja of Paulastya (? Paurastya ?) by Pandit in the time of Hussein Shah (1489)-a voluminous work. A MS. acquired by Mr. Wilford once formed a part of the Library of Fort William College ; it is now in the Government Sanskrit College Library, Calcutta. A detailed description,34 of this MS. has been given by M. M. H. P. Sastri in the Journal of the Bihar' and Orissa Research Society (1919). Prof. Pulle has mentioned (in pp. 13-15 of his Studi Italiani di Filologia IndoIranica, vol. IV) the existence of the following geographical works in the Library of the Nazionale centrale di Firenze (Italy) (5) Lokaprakdia of Kshemendra (the celebrated Kasmirian writer); the MS. consists of 782 pages and it is profusely illustrated. Prof. Pulle has reproduced two of its figures in his Studi. (6) Three MSS. of Kshetra Samdaa, a Jaina work-with two different commentaries. (7) A MS. of Kshetra Samasa Pralcarana. (8) Four MSS. of Sanghayans of Chandrasuri with two commentaries ; one of the MSS. is illustrated. (9) A Laghu-Samghayanf. He has also pointed out the mention of Kshetra Samdea of Jina Bhadra (1457-517) in Kielhorn's Report (1880-1), of (10) Laghu Kshetra Samdea of RatnaRekhara in Weber's Cat. (No. 1942), of (11) Trailokya dipikd and (12) Trailokya Darpana quoted by Wilford. Besides the above, (13) a Jaina Tittha Kappu, and (14) T,isthal selv dealing with the topography of Prayaga are also known. St. Martin34 characterized the works mentioned by Wilford to be imposture literature" without sufficiently examining them. Be they "imposture" or not, they have not yet been sufficiently examined. Certain works on Poetios, e.g, Rajasekhara's Kavyami marisd (Gaekwad Oriental Series) V&gbhata's and Hemchandra's works (printed in the Kavyamala Series), contain a section on geography, in order to acquaint a poet with the flora and fauna etc., of the various 33 Gazetteer literature in Sansluit. * Klat actuel des etudes our l'Indke ancienne, p. xiii,

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124 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (APRIL, 1921 districte, so that his description of them may be faithful. The Nagyasastra of Bharata (Kavyamala Series) also gives details as to the colours with which to paint actors personifying the various tribes of India and its borders. It thns gives geographical and ethnological data. (JA8B, 1909, pp., 359-60.] The Vatsyayana Kama Sutra and its commentary by Yasodhara (ed. by the late M. M. Durgaprasada) are also valuable. The Sutra refers to various countries and the commen. tary indicates their location. The Rajataraigtus and the historical poems-the Charita Kavyas---Harshacharita, Gattia vaho, Navasahasaikacharita, Vikramajkadeva-sharita, Dvyasrayakavya, Kumarapala - charita, Rama(pals)-charita, Prithviraja-vijaya, Kirtikaumudi, Vasantavilasa, Vallalecharita. Hammira-mardana, VenabhQpala-charita, Achyutarayabhyudaya, eto. Though these works have many shortcomings as a source to history, they are "invaluable" (as Sir A. Stein says of the R. T.) for the study of historical geography." Even the ordinary literary works sometimes incidentally introduce geography. The plots of some of the plays, the classical poems, and the collection of imaginative stories and fables (e.g., Jatakas, Pafchatantra, Kathasaritsagara) were woven round geographical nomes. And such allusions can, to a certair extent, be put to a practical use. Thus the statement of the Dasakumaracharita that Tame lipti (Mod. Tamluk was in the Suhma oountry settled the location Suhma (which was formerly identified by H. H. Wilson with Arakan and Tipperah). Similar incidental references are to be met with in every department of literature. The Arthasastra of Kautilya and various Ratnaeastras and medical works referring to the natural products of the various countries also throw some light n this subject. Astronomical works. Astronomers discarded the theory of a circular earth (Parimandala) with Mt. Meru in the middle, and proved that the earth is an immovable globe guspended in space. They knew the dimensions and indicated the poles and the equator.35 They calculated debdntara (longitude) and prepared globes. The Karmavibhaga of the Teeelfar (chap. XIV) of triafer is very important for geographical study. Here Karma means the earth, because it resembles & tortoise, being round, surrounded by the water, and having a globular convexity on its surface (Alberuni.) Its special object is to provide an arrangement from which it may be determined what countries and peoples would suffer calamity when particular nakshatras are vexed by planets. The 27 nakshatras are divided into nine groups and so is the earth (i.e. India). Dr. Fleet first examined the list (Ind. Ant, XXII, p. 169 ff.). Prof. Mario Longhena 36 did the same, giving references to passages of the epics which mention the same nations, etc. The com, of Utpala on the T eilear (Vizianagram Sanskrit Series, Benares) gives quotations from the Pardeara tantra on the same subject which has also been treated in chap. LVIII of the Markandeya Purana. Comparing these three lists, we find a number of various readings and the original reading can be reconstructed in some cases. The third chapter of Bhaskaracharya's work and the 12th chapter of Suryasiddhanta are also important. The introductions and colophons of MSS. sometimes incidentally give historical and geographical notices. The place of composition or copying is mentioned in some MSS. with details. * Thibaut in his Astronomie (Grundriss), pp. 21, 30, 37. 36 Pulle's Studi Italiani, vol. IV.

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APRIL, 1921 ] THE ANCIENT GEOGRAPHY OF INDIA 125 II.-TRADITIONAL. Local traditions, when properly sifted and corroborated by other sources, give some geographical information. Thus Dr. Fleet's identification of Sakala with Sialkot is due to the local tradition recorded in Cunningham's ASR., XIV, pp. 44-46, that it was founded by Salya and that it was originally called Sakala. But tradition sometimes turns out to be wrong. Thus Gaibandha (Rangpur district claims to be the country of the Matsyas ; Badnagar (Patna district) to be Kundinapura (the capital of Vidarbha) ; but the Epics show otherwise. Hence uncorroborated tradition has little value. The literary sources also sometimes mention names which cannot be located. Again tribes die out and disappear ; towns decay and are deserted; seaside emporia sometimes shift ; "the names of countries" (cities, etc.) "change" [Bhattotpala's Commentary on the BI hatsanhita] though the places themselves survive. All these facts make indentifications of sites mentioned in foreign and indigenous literary sources difficult. Hence we have to turn to III.-ARCHAEOLOGY with its three branches (i) Monumental, (ii) Numismatic, and (ii) Epigraphical. (0) The monumental remains of a place enables one to compare its present ruins with those described in a foreign or indigenous source. Thus Mahaban was long taken as the site of Aornos; but Dr. Stein's survey has proved beyond all question that the natural features of that mountain are totally dissimilar from those of Aornos as described by the historians of Alexander. (Ann. Rep. of 4. 8. I., 1904-5, p. 42.] The existence of a double-chambered oavo answering to the description of Sudatta's proves the identification of Po-lu-sha with Shahbazgarhl. (Cunningham's ASR., V., 9-15.) (ii) The discovery of coins sometimes enables one to locate a particular nation or tribe. Thus at Nagari, a small town 11 miles north of Chitor, have been found seven copper coins (found nowhere else) with the legend "Majhamikaya s(l)bijanapadasa" showing that the Madhyamikas should he located there. (Cun. ASR., VI, pp. 196 205.) But coins pase from one country to another and so identifications based on their places oi discovery may be wrong. Monuments themselves cannot enable us to indicate the real site, unless (a) an ancient description of the monument is found or (b) it speaks through an inscription. Hence for ancient geography, as for everything else connected with the past of India, we are really dependent on the (ii) Epigraphio records which regulate everything that we can learn from tradition, literature, coins, architecture or any other source. Thus when find a we pillar in situ bearing the inscription that" here was born the Sakya sage" we make an identification of which there can be no doubt. Dr. Fleet classified the epigraphic records according to their topics thus - A. Records making a plain statement of events : the Hathigumpha inscription, the Allahabad Pillar inscription of Samudragupta and a few other are due to an historical instinct. B. Records due to Religious motives: the Piprawa relic vase; the Rock and Pillar edicts of Asoka, etc. To these are to be added a new group : C Records of Religious endowment : Barabar cave inscription of Asoka, Bhitari Pillar, etc. D. Records of Secular donation. To these are to be added a new group: E. Literary inscriptions (to preserve Kavyas and Natakas).]

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126 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ April, 1921 The DONATIVE RECORDS (C. D.) are by far the most numerous of all. These are title-deeds of real property and of certificates of the right to duties, taxes, fees, and other privileges. The essential part of all these records was the specification of the details of the donor, donee and donation. As donation consisted in most cases of lands, these deeds specified the village, the trerritory wherein it was located, its boundaries, etc. Hence these records are valuable as a source of geography. Thus, not with the express object of preserving the history (and geography), but in order to intensify the importance of everything connected with religion and to secure grantees in the possession of properties conveyed to them, there was gradually accumulated almost the whole of the great mass of epigraphic records on which the Indian Archaeologists chiefly depend.' ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OF SHIVAJI. BY SURENDRANATH SEN, M. A. CALCUTTA. (Continued from p. 58.) CHAPTER II. CENTRAL GOVERNMENT-ASHTA PRADHAN COUNCIL, "Shivaji Raja was famous for his forts," says Lolahitavadi. He had captared and built no less than two hundred and fifty forts and strongholds.8 Shivaji a great Civil Vil He prized them highly and large sums were usually granted for administrator. their upkeep and repairs. The importance of these forts in a defensive war had been amply demonstrated in his lifelong struggle amongst the Moghuls: yet no one will concede for a moment that the fortification of inaccessible hills and submerged rocks formed Shivaji's best claim to the reverence of posterity. His greatness as a military leader has never been contested but his greatness as a Civil Administrator is perhaps still more undonbted. The Maratha has been well-known for his military prowess from time immemorial. The old " Rastrika," his ancestor, was a soldier of no mean reputation They fought under the banner of the Chalukya Prince Pulakeshin and they beat back the victorious army of the great Harhavardhan. Ferishta tells us how difficult the Bahamani Kings found it to tackle the mountain chiefs of Maharastra. They again won fresh laurels under the celebrated Malik Amber, when the Moghul forces of the great Akbar had to beat an ignominous retreat before them. Shivaji therefore found the materials for an efficient army ready made. The rocks and hills, the mountain passes of his native land. offered suitable sites for impregnable forts. But neither the nature of the country, nor the character of the inhabitants was favourable to the establishment of an orderly government. Shivaji had to evolve order out of chaos. The Nizam Shahi dynasty had been over thrown by the Moghul arms while Shivaji was still a little child. The Bijapur gove was not strong enough to maintain peace and order. The country was devastated by war and even the neighbourhood of Poona was depopulated. Dadaji Konddey was forced to offer rewards for killing wolves that infested the uncultivated fields and deserted homestead. and the people who lived in the Mawal valleys were in many respects worse than the beaste of their native wilds. Blood feud was the order of the day, and plunder and rapine formed the normal state of things. Almost every Watan had two or more claimants and thev * Lokahstavadi, Aitihasik Goshti P. * Sabhasad, page 98-101. * Rajwade, M. I. S., vol. VIII, pp. 17-19. 14 See Bombay Gazelleer.

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APRIL, 1921] ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OF SHIVAJI 127 Masur. fought to the bitter end. In his blind fury and rage the Maratha Watandar felt no pity for the widow and the orphans of his rivals. But even the apparent destruction of the family would not bring the feud to an end. The loyalty of the old adherents would often conceal a pregnant lady or an infant heir in some village or mountain fortress far away from their native hamlet. The child would never be allowed to forget the wrongs of his family. When arrived to manhood, he was sure to return to his village and to avenge his dead relations, and plundered houses. 11 The anarchy of the time has left its bloody marks on the family papers of the old Desh mukhs, and nowhere do we get a more faithful account of these Jagdale of feuds in all their horrors and bloodshed than in the papers of the Jag dales of Masur and the Jedhis of Rohid Khore. The Jagdales could not even count on the fidelity of their own servants. Their family history runs as follows: The Desai of Karhad was Jagderau Rajgardal Deshmukh. He had two wives. They had four sons. Babasi Rau was the son of the first wife. The sons of the second were threethe eldest Ramaji Rau, the second Vithoji Rau and the youngest Dayaji Rau. Such were the four (sons). Then the father became old, and they began to quarrel. The father said: "You should not quarrel. I shall divide among you what is yours." So he said. Then he gave to the eldest Babaji Rau the Patilship and the Deshmukhi of Masur and the villages under its jurisdiction. To Ramaji Rau (and others) he gave four villages, Karhad, Aud, and two other villages under the jurisdiction of Karhad. Then Ramaji Rau stationed two barbers of Aud as his agents at Karhad and two clerks, Raghunath Pant and another, for the work of management..... At that time the barber, the clerk and the Mokasi had united. Then these three decided to murder the three brothers Ramaji Rau, Vithoji Rau and Dayaji Rau. They shut the two brothers Ramaji and Dayaji Rau in a room and murdered (them). Then the remaining brother Vithoji Rau fled and came to Masur..At that time the Patilship of Targay also was ours. Then & Brahman was stationed as Agent there. The Brahman engaged two servants, Kali gade and Khochre, and he and his son proceeded to Benares. On the way they were murdered by Koligada and Khochre. Then these two began to quarrel about the Patilship. .. And Babaji Rau became very old. He had two sons, the elder Vithoji and the younger Kumaji. A mali (gardener) was in his service. Every day five maunds of flowers were strewn on his, bedstead, for Babaji Rau's enjoyment. Then he became very old and the Mujavar (sweepers of the mosque) waxed strong in the village. The sons of his old age (being very young) were 4 and 11 years of age. So he engaged the Mali for the management of his household, and for the management of the fields was engaged a Dhangar, who tended (his) sheep. Mangi Dhangrin was his mother. The Mujavar, the Mali and the Dhangarin made common cause and decided to murder Babaji Rau and his children..... And then the murderers came. (They) wrapped the younger son in a rug and threw him below the cot, and murdered Babaji Rau in his bed. Then the eldest son said: "I have recognised you. You are sweepers of the village 11 He would ofton sook the assistance of a powerful neighbour. (groterar generally at the price of a portion of the disputed Waton, and this man would take up the quarrel as if it was his won. See Rajwade M.I.S., vol. XV, PP 17-118

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128 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (mosque) and you have murdered my father." Thus he spoke, and they murdered him Babaji's wife had concealed herself in a corner. She fled to Chitly with the younger son Kumaji.12 The Mujavars however did not escape unpunished. Young Kumaji wreaked a bloody vengeance and decapitated three of them.13 These are by no means the only murders in the bloody annals of the Jagdale family. Shahaji, father of Shivaji took the Patilship of Masur with the life of its owner, an uncle of Mahadji Jagdale Deshmukh.14 The revenge of those irreconcilable spirits knew no awe or respect for power, and the Jagdales sought a strong enough ally, to assert their claim against Shahaji's son Shivaji. But their connection with the Moghul brought fresh disasters on them, and at length these turbulent Deshmukhs were compelled to lower their pride and seek Shivaji's protection and patronage. Jedhes of Rohidkhore. If the Jagdale annal is a bloody one, no less is that of the Jedhes. One-of the two Jedhe brothers while returning from the Adilshashi capital with a farman of their Watan, was waylaid and murdered by one Khopre a rival claimant. The surviving brother Baji fled to the sea-coast, assembled a few adherents, purchased the assistance of twelve good swordsmen at the cost of a portion of his ancestral property, and calmly waited for a suitable opportunity. Such an opportunity came when Khopre was off his guard while celebrating his marriage. Hardly were the nuptials over, when Baji Jedhe with his followers fell upon Khopre and murdered him with sixty of his attendants. Kanhoji, a descendant of Baji, became so [ APRIL, 1921 12 karAhADa ce desAI jagaderAU rAjagardala dezamukha. tyAMcA bAyakA doghIjaNa. vaDIla bAikecA leka bAbAjIrAU. dhAgaDhIce tighejaNa; vaDIla rAmojIrAU, madhalA viThojIrAU, dhAgaTA hayAjIrAU, aise caughe jaNa hote tI / bApa mAhavArA jAhAlA ANi te jhagaDUM lAgale. bApa jhaNaUna lAgalA kIM tumhIM jhagaDUM nakA. tumace tumhAMsa vATaNI karUna deto. anauna bolile. maga vaDIla bAbAjIrAU vAsI masurIcI pATalagI va dezamukhI va gAMva tyAkhAle dilhe. maga rAmojIrAU yAsI karADa va bhAuda va ANakhI dona gAMva karADAkhAle aise pyAra gAMva tyAsa dilhe. merA rAmojIrAU yAMnI kArabhAra karAvayAsI doghe nAhAvI AuMhace mutAlIka kArahaDAmadhe ThevileM va kArakuna doghe raghunAthapaMta va ANakhI eka aise Thevile .. se veLesa nAhavI va kArakuna va mokAsI aise tighe jaNa eka jAhale hote. maga he tighe jaNa miLona rAmojIrAka va viThojIrAU va dayAjIrAU yA tighAM bhAvAMsa mArAveM aiseM keleM. maga doghe bhAU rAmojI va svAjIrAU yAMsi gharAmadheM kauDUna mArileM. maga eka bhAU viThojIrAU masurAsa paLona AlA maga tevhAM tAragAMvIcI paTelakI te hI AmacIca Ahe. maga tethe mutAlIka brAhmaNa Thevile. maga tyA brAhmaNAMnI cAkara ThIvale; koLIgaDe ANi khocaDe he doghe jaNa Thevile. ANi te bApaleka kAzIsa doghe cAlile, maga he vATesa koLIgaDA va khocare yAMnIM mArile * . ANi bAbAjIrAU bahuta mAhAtarA jAhAlA tyAcI poTI leka doghe janma; vaDIla viThojI, dhAkaTA kumAjI aise doghe hote tyAce cAkaLIsa mALI hote. roja pAMca maNa phula bAbAjIrAU yAcyA palaMgAvarI bhogavaTapAsa paDe. maga tyAce bahutaca mAhAtarapaNace leka eka covarasAcA ANi eka hiDAvarasAcA jhaNauna gharacyA kArabhArAsa mALI Thevile ANi dhanagara meDhareM rAkhata hotA to setAcA kArabhArAMta ThevilA. ANi tyAcI AI maMgI dhanagarINa aisI hotI. maga mujAvara va mALI va dhanagarINa aise eka hoUna suta kele kI bAbAjIrAU mArAvA ANi mule hi mArAvI . ANi maga mAgekarI Ale. to dhAkaTA leka pAsoDImadhe guMDALUna palaMga khAlIM TAkalA. ANi bAbAjIrAU palaMgAvarIca mArilA. maga thoralA leka bolilA kIM myA tumhAsa oLakhale... maga tyAMnI tyAsI mArileM maga tyAMcI bAIla aike konIM lapAlI hotI tI maga dhAkaTA kumAjIrAva gheUna citaLIMsa paLona gelI - Rajwade, M.I.S., vol. XV, pp. 4-9. 13 Rajwade, M.I.S., vol. XV, P. 9. 14 zAhAjI bhosaliyAneM mAjhA culatA jiveM mArUna || masUracI dezamukhI ghetalI. - Rajwade, M.1.8., vol. XV, p. 1.

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APRL, 1921] ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OF SHIVAJI 129. powerful that he defied the authority of the Adilshahi king. He left soven sons, the youngest of whom, Naikji, however, was won over by the Sultan; two of his elder brothers killed him in their anger and were in their turn murdered by Naikji's men. The watan passed to Ansaba, Naikji's widow, who afterwards gave birth to & posthumous son. Her infuriated brother-in-law, however, had no mercy either for the widow or her baby. Ansaba was soon after murdered, but the devotion of a nurse saved the child, who took shelter with Baji Pasalka. Hardly was the family quarrel settled, when Kanbhoji, son of Naikji entered into a contest with the Bandal Deshmukh and a bloody battlo was fought. Their difference was, however, settled when Kanhoji entered the service of Shivaji.16 The Khopres, although humbled, had not been rendered altogether harmless. They joined Afzal Khan against their rivals' master, Shivaji.16 Such were the men with whom Shivaji had to deal and the times in which he had to work. He was further handicapped in his work of re-organising the civil administration of hid country by lack of willing co-operation from some of his officers. Lack of willing The art of fighting as a source of honour and emolument co-operation. appealed to them more than the art of peace. If they had been allowed to follow their individual inclination, they would gladly have renounced, the work of consolidation for a campaign of conquest. No less a man than Nilopaut Majmudar had earnestly prayed to be relieved of his civil duties so that he might "render military ser. vice like other men and capture forts when necessary." Nor was he reconciled to his duties until Shivaji'had assured him that his services in his civil capacity were as important as that of a commanding officer, and would be appreciated in the same manner as the military exploits of the Peshwa.11 15Sardesai, pp. 173-174. 16 Rajwade M.I.S., vol. XV,p.394. 17 Rajwade M.I.S., vol. VIII, pp. 8.9. The document is so important that it will bear quotation in extenso; an English translation is not necessary as the sense has been given above. rAjazrI niLopaMta majamuhAra yAsa vasanIcA kArabhAra karAvabAsa Thevile. mAholI pAsUna bhImagaDApAvetoM va . iMdapura, puNe, cAkaNa, kadIma vasanIcA kArabhAra karAvavAsI paMkti mAilene sAhebAsI arja kelA kI:-AjI kAmAce divasa Aheta. sanIcA kArabhAra ANIka koNhAsa sAMgAvA bhApaNa barAbarI bekana sAhA loka kAmeM karitIla taisI karUna dekhana gaDa gheNe pADale tarI Sekana dekhana. aisA bharja kelA tyAsa sAhI uttara didhale kI vatanI rAhANe hehI kAma thora bhAhe. vatanI rAhANe yethe tujhAMsabakacIsa imAratIsa paike pAvatIla tvAsa barasade homa 2 donIpramANe pAvatIla. aise sAheba bolalibAbari paMDita mA.ile bolile kIH-arI vasanIcehi kAma yora bhAhe tarI bahuta bare. ekAne siddha saMrakSaNa karAveM, ekAne sAdhya karAveM, donhI kAmeM sAheba barAbarIne mAnitAtI tarI-bhApaNa vasanIM rAhona paraMtu imAratIce paike pAvana bakazIsa gheNAra nAhI moropaMta bika va zivanera betheM pApile bhAheta. te gaDa ghetIla va muluka ghetIla kAme karitIla. sAheba thora kAmAsa jAtAtI hai kRpene hoUna beIla. svAMsa rAjazrI moropaMtAsa meherabAnIne paMcavIsa phule didhalI tarI bhAmAMsahi vIsa phule yAcIM aisA sAhebI nizcaya kelA pAhije. tvAvarI sAhevIM aisAca taha ricalA kIH-vasanI rAhona kArabhAra karAvA. imAratIce paike pAvana bakazIsa na bAveM. rAjazrI-moropaMta kAma karitIla, gara ghetIla paike mi (ka) vitIla. saragirIcA prayatna karUna ghetIla. svAsa meherabAna hokana peza Aheta bAkaritAM paMcavIsa phule didhalI tarI tujhAMsahI majamumbA kAIdibAne patanIMce grAma te kAmabarAbarI aiseM samazIna svAsa yAvarSI teca vasA tujhAMsahi 20vIsa phUle pAbbArvI vA hisevA (ne) se svAsa pAvela se huzAMta rekana esA sAhebI nizcaya karUna paMDita mAilesa vasanIcA kArabhAra karAvabAsa Thevile. bhase paMDita mAlinehi saharA pramANe mAnya keleM aseM motabahara. (moriva) (pirAbate)

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130 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY APRIL, 1921 But Shivaji never tried to achieve the impossible. A practical statesman, he wisel y rejected all unworkable ideals. In fact no Maratha statesman before Shivaji a practical or after him has yearned for theoretical perfection. He knew that statesman. the difficulties in his way were great, but he also knew that without an orderly government his kingdom would not be worth a moment's purchase, and that so long as private war and blood feuds continued, he would not be able to introduce into his infant army that strict discipline which was essentially necesary for its very existence. Peace and order were therefore absolutely necessary. But unless he could unito under his banner the numerous chiefs who exercised petty sovereignty in Maharastha, a strong orderly government would be an idle dream. Once his aim was defined, he refused to be hampered by ordinary scruples. Policy required that he should try conciliation fors it and he did so. He was frequently successful, but whenever conciliation failed, he did not hesi. tate to employ treachery. And, one by one, the Deshmukhs of Mawal did submit to his authority and a considerable portion of the Bijapur territory was conquered. It was now that Shivaji had to frame a working scheme of Government. Here, however, he was confronted with a very difficult problem. He had to decide how far the old system should be continued and to what extent reformed. Wholesale conservation and wholesale reform were equally out of question. The first would grant a fresh lease of life to feudalism with its concomitant evils of private war, blood feud, anarchy and oppression. A keen observer, he did not fail to notice the evil effects of the feudal system in the tottering kingdoms of Bijapur and Golkonda. But the total abolition of feudalism would alienate most of his countrymen, some of whom had submitted to him but reluctantly. He knew that the great defect of the Maratha character was its selfish individualism. The Maratha watandar thought of his watan first and of his country afterwards. Shivaji had wherefore to strike & mean between the two extremes that would at the same time reconcile the watandars and ensure comparative order and peace. The village communities in Southern India flourished from the dawn of history. When these democratic institutions first originated no one knows.18 But in General structure of Government village the absence of a highly developed central Government, such as we now system unaffected have, they served the needs of the time admirably. Shivaji decided to leave them undisturbed in their internal organisation. In fact, the village republics exercised almost the same powers, enjoyed the same privileges and underwent the same responsibilities from the time of their origin down to the establishment of the British Government of India, when many of their immunities and privileges were found incompatible with a modern Government. Over a group of these self-contained units had formerly been placed the Deshmukhs and the Deshpandes. Originally appointed for revenue collection, they had gradually made their office hereditary and had assumed and exercised almost sovereign authority. The circumstances of the time helped this feudal evolution. But Shivaji could not allow this state of things to go on uninterrupted. Feudalism' was incompatible with a strong monarchy. Shivaji therefore appointed his own Revenue officers but the Deshmukhs and the Deshpades were left in the enjoyment of their old rights and perquisites. They were, how - over, on no account to exercise their tyranny. Rayats were given to understand that henceforth they would have nothing to do with the Desais and Deshmukhs. To render them 10 The Maratha Village system has been fully described in my Administrative System of the Peshwas. There was only one difference. Shivaji did not allow the Patil to act as a Revenue Collector.

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APRIL, 1921] ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OF SHIVAJI 131 altogether harmless, Shivaji further prohibited them from building any walled or bastioned castle; and, like Henry II of England, he demolished some of the strongholds of these local tyrants.19 "In the provinces, Sabhasad says, the Rayats were not to be subjected to the jurisdiction and regulations of the zemindars, the Deshmukh or the Desai. If they offer to Plunder the rayats, by assuming authority over them, it does not lie in their power. The Adilshahi, the Nizamshahi and the Mughlai Desh was conquered by (Shivaji); in the Desh all the rayats used to be under the Patil and the Kulkarni of those places, and the Deshkukhs. They used to make the collection and to pay an unspecified sum (as tribute). For a village where the Mirasdars took one to two thousand (Hons or Rupees ?), (they) used to render two hundred to three hundred as quit-rent. Therefore the Mirasdar grew wealthy and strengthened (himself) by building bastions, castles and strongholds in the village and enligting footmen and musketeers. They did not care to wait on the revenue-officers. If the revenueofficers said that they could pay more revenue, (the Mirasdar) stood up to quarrel with them. In this way (they grew) unruly and forcibly misappropriated the (lands in the) Desh. On this account did the Raja demolish the bastions, the castles and the strongholds. After conquering the Desh, where there were important forts, he placed his garrison. And nothing was left in the hands of Mirasdars. This done, (he) prohibited all that the Miras. dars used to take at their sweet will, by Inam (right) or revenue farming, and fixed the rates of the dues in cash and grains for Zamindars, as well as the rights and the perquisites of the Deshmukh, the Deskulkarni, and the Patil, and the Kulkarni, according to the yield of the village. The Zamindars were forbidden to build bastioned castles. (They were to) build houses (and) live (therein). Such were the regulations framed for the provinces." In this manner the danger of feudal anarchy was to some extent averted. Like the Kamavisdars and the Subadars of the Peshwa period, the Karkung, Taraf dars, Havaldars and Subadars of Shivaji had to look after all The Ashta Pradhar: branches of Civil administration. At the head of the Government Council. was the king himself, assisted by a council of state or the Rajmandal. It is also known as the Ashta Pradhan council, as eight ministers had seats in it. These were: (1) The Peshwa or the Mukhya Pradhan. (2) The Mazumdar or the Amatya. .. (3) The Waknis or the Mantri. (4) The Dabir or the Sumanta. (5) The Surnis or the Sachiva. (6) The Pandit Rav or the Royal priest. (7) The Senapati or the Commander-in-chief and (8) The Nyayadhish or the Chief Justice. 19 Sabhasad, pp. 32-33. mulakhAMta jamIdAra, dezamukha va desAI yAMce japtIkhAlI kaideta ravata nAhI. idalazAhI nijAmazAhI mogalAI deza kabaja kelA, tyAdezAMta mulukAMce pATIla kuLakarNI yAMce hAtI (va) dezamukhAMce hAtI kula rayata yAMnI kamAvisI karAvI ANi moghama TakkA yAvA hajAra dona hajAra meM gAMvI mirAsadArAMnI ghyAve te gAMvIM donazeM tInaze divANAMta khaMDa maktA yAvA tyAmuLe mirAsadAra paike karI hoUna gAMvAsare vADe koTa bAMdhUna pyAde baMdukhI Thevana vaLAvale. divANAsa bheTaNe nAhI divapAne guMjAIsa adhika sAMgitalyAne bhAMDAvayAsa ubhe rAhatAta ye jAtIne puMDa hokana deza baLAvile svAsa deza kAbIja karUna revADe koTa pADile. nAmAMkita koTa jahAlA tethe ThAu~ Thevile ANi mirAsadArAMce hAvI nAhIseM ThevileM ase karUna mirAsadAra inAma ijAratIne manAsa mAnesArakhe ApaNa gheta hote te sarva amAnata karUna jamIdArAsa galA va masta gAMva pAhUna dezamukhAsa va deza kuLakarNI yAMsa va gaTIla kuLakarNI yAMsI haka bAMdhUna dilA. jamIvArAMnI vADA rajAMcAbAMdhu naba ghara bAMdhUna rAhAveM aisA mulakacA baMda kelA.

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132 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY When was the Council organised? [APRIL, 1921 When this council was first organised, we do not precisely know. At the time of the 4 Coronation, the eight Pradhans' (ministers) had stood on either side of the throne to pour holy water from gold and silver jars and basins, over the king's head.20 Malhar Ram Rao Chitnis tells. us that it was at this time that the Council came into being.21 These offices, however, were by no means new. Though the Mukhya Pradhan, the Amatya, the Mantri, the Sumanta, the Sachiva and the Senapati were unknown, people were quite familiar with the Peshwa, the Muzumdar, the Waknis, the Dabir, the Surnis, and the Sarnohat. What Shivaji did was to retain the old posts with new Sanskrit designations. But whether these new desig. nations meant any new power or new responsibilities is not certain. It is, however, significant that an official paper (Kanu Jabta) was drawn up in the first year of the Abhisheka era, to enumerate the duties of the eight cabinet ministers (Pradhans) and other heads of departments. 12 But it is quite possible that the paper was drawn up simply to enforce a stricter method in the existing organisation. Sabhasad tells us that the following officers had enjoyed the privilege of taking part in the coronation ceremony as cabinet ministers : (1) Moro Pant, son of Trimbak Pant as Mukhya Pradhan. (2) Naro Nilkhantha and Ram Chandra Nilkantha as joint Amatya. (3) The son of Raghunath Rav as Pandit Rav. (4) Hambir Rao Mohite as Senapati. (5) Dattaji Trimbak as Mantri. (6) Ram Chandra Pant, son of Trimbakji Sondev Dabir as Sumant. (7) Annaji Pant (Datto) as Sachiv. (8) Niraji Ravji as Nyayadhish.23 These men had already held these offices for some time. Sabhasad, while describing the coronation, refers simply to their new Sanskrit designation but does not say that these posts were newly created. (art ega ai fat). It is quite possible that Chitnis had also in his mind the introduction of Sanskrit designations when he wrote of the Raja's decision of appointing a council of eight Both Sabhasad and Chitnis Past incumbents of make frequent mention of past incumbents of these offices. these offices. Sabhasad, for example, says that one Shanirav Nilkanth was Moro Trimbak Pingle's predecessor in the Peshwaship.24 Shivaji's first Sarnobat was one Tukoji Chor Maratha, 25 He was succeeded by Mankoji Dahatonde.26 We do not know why 20 Sabhasad, p. 82; Chitnis, p. 162. 11 Chitnis, p. 161 trayodazIcA divasa prApta jhAlA asatAM aSTapradhAna karaNyAcI yojanA karUna ATha siddha kalA. But all these offices existed long before the coronation. By the word Ashta. Pradhan here, Chitnis therefore does not mean the mere offices or the officers, but the Council. In the next sentence he mentions the appointment of two secretaries. These were also by no means new appointments. It is quite possible that the old officers were formally re-appointed, according to the rites prescribed by the Shastras for the coronation ceremony. 13 Sane, Parreyadi Bagaine, p. 357. The date of the document is given as follows:jAvatA rAjyAbhiSeka ke 2 AnaMda nAma saMvatsare jyeSTha vadya 13 trayodazI bhaumavAsare, and there is no reason to doubt its authenticity. Also see Sanada and Letters edited by P. V. Mawji and D. B. Paramis. 23 Sabhasad, p: 83. Ibid., pp. 7, 8 and 11; Peshwas' Diaries, vol. I, p. 41. 26 Ibid., p. 8. Ibid., p. 9.

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APRIL, 1921) ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OF SHIVAJI 183 Tukoji or Mankoji lost their master's confidence, but after the conquest of Jawli, the chief command of the army was conferred on Netaji Palkar, 27 destined to be famous as the second Shivaji. Netaji was dismissed for his failure to succour Panhala28 and an enterprising cavalry officer, Kadtaji Gujar, obtained the Sarnobatship with the title of Pratap Rav. Finally, after Pratap Rav's heroic death in a hard fought-battle, his Lieutenant Hasaji Mahite, was promoted to the command in Chief.29 It was this Hasaji or Hambir Rav, the fifth, or according to another account the sixth, Sarnobhat, 30 who stood with a silver jar, filled with milk, at the time of the ceremonial bath, during Shivaji's coronation.31 Similarly, Nilo Sondev and Gangaji Mangaji had served as Surnis and Waknis respectively, before Annaji Datto and Dattaji Trimbak. It is also certain, that both before and after his coronation, Shivaji frequently held council with these and other officers. To cite only one instance, when Afzal Khan invaded his infant kingdom, Shivaji called a council of his principal ministers, among whom figured not only Moro Pant, Nilo Pant, Annaji Pant, Sonaji Pant, Gangaji, Mangaji, Netaji Palkar and Raghunath Ballal, 32 (most of them afterwards held seats in the Ashta Pradan Council) but also men like Gomaji Naik, Krishnaji Naik and Subhanji Naik.33 It does not appear therefore that the council was first organised at the time of the coronation. Nor can it be maintained that the Ashta Pradhan Council owed its origin to the creative te genius of Shivaji. The Persian designation of such officers as the new conception of Dabir, the Surnis, the Waknis, and the Mazumdar clearly shows Shivaji. that analogous offices did exist under the Muhammadan Government of the South. Mention has also been made of such Councils in old Hindu works on polity. In Sukraniti, for example, we find that the chief priest and the Chief Justice should have seats in the cabinet, and this was a special feature of Shivaji's Rajmandal. When the Peshwas rose to power, most of these offices had become hereditary, but in Shivaji's time Offices not heredi. endi the Pradhans, or cabinet ministers, were not appointed for life. They o franang, or cabinet tary and no Jagir were liable to be dismissed at the king's pleasure and could not attached to them. transmit their office to their sons or brothers. transmit their office to In the Peshwa period great officers generally became founders of new families. This was impossible in Shivaji's time. First, because he took good care to keep all offices, both high and low, free from a hereditary character. We have seen how six commanders-in-chief had been in succession appointed by Shivaji, but not in a single case had he selected for the post a near relative of the last incumbent. Suryaji Malsure was no doubt appointed Subadar of the Mawli forces, after the death of his brother Tanaji, but in this case the officer in question had rendered such distinguished service as fully deserved public recognition ; 33 secondly, because Shivaji made it a rule not to assign any Jagir to any officer, civil or military. It was strict. ly laid down that no soldier or military officer should have anything to do with the revenue collection of the country, and there was, in those days of anarchy and war, hardly any officer who was not required to take up arms sometime or other. In Sabhasad's account we find that the balance of their dues (was paid by) 'varats' (orders) either on the Huzur (Central Government) or on the District (establishments). In this manner were their annual accounts punctually settled. Mokashe Mahals or villages with absolute rights should 37 Sabhasad, p. 11. 29 Ibid, p. 59. 20 Ibid, p. 79. 30 J. N. Sarkar saye (Modern Review) that according to Narain Shenvi Anand Rav succeeded Pratap Rav Gujar. 31 Chitnis, p. 162. >> Sabhasad, p. 11. 93 Ibid, p. 14 34 A more detailed discussion is reserved for a subuoquent thesis. * Sabhagad, p. 56.

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134 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY APRIL, 1921 on no account be granted to the men in the) army, the militia and the fort establishment. Every payment should be made by varats' or with cash from the treasury. None but the Karkuns had any authority over the lands. All payments to the army, the militia, and the fort establishment, were to be made by the Karkuns. These wise regulations had their desired effect and arrested for the time being the growth of Feudalism in Maharastra. In the words of Ranade, "None of the great men, who distinguished themselves in Shivaji's time, were able to hand over to their descendants large landed estates. Neither Moropant Pingle, nor Abaji Sondev, nor Ragho Ballal, nor Datto Annaji or Niraji Raoji, among the Brahmans, nor the Malusares or Kanks, or Pratapro Gujar, Netaji Palkar, Hambirrao Mohite or the Maratha Sardars, were able to found ancient families such as Shahu's ministers in the early part of the eighteenth century succeeded in doing." 7 Though we do not know precisely when the Ashta Pradhan Council came into being. ile yet we have fairly accurate knowledge of what was expected from bureaucratic Organi- the Pradhans. In a paper, 38 already referred to, their duties have sation ? been clearly defined. From this and other state papers, it does not appear that Shivaji aimed at a bureaucratic form of Government. A great Maharashtra Scholar, the late Justice Ranade, however throws out clear hints that the Ashta Pradhan Council, in its essential characteristics, bore & striking resemblance to the Viceroy's Council. Says the great Savant, " The Peshwa was Prime Minister, next to the king, and was at the head of both the civil and the military administration and sat first on the right hand below the throne. The Sena pati was in charge of the military administration, and sat first on the left side Amatya and Sachiv sat next to the Peshwa, while the Mantris at next below the Sachiv and was in charge of the king's private affairs. The Sumant was foreign secretary and sat below the Senapati on the left. Next came Pandit Rao, who had charge of the ecclesiasti. cal department and below him on the left side sat the Chief Justice. It will be seen from these details that the Ashta Pradhan System has its counterpart in the present constitution of the Government of India. The Governor-General and Viceroy occupies the place of the Peshwa. Next comes the Commander-in-chief of the army. The Finance and Foreign Ministers come next. In the Government of India, the Executive Council makes no room for the head of the ecclesiastical department or for the Chief Justice on one side and the Private Secretary on the other, and in their place sit the member in charge of the Home Department, the Legal Member and the Public Works Minister. These variations are due to the difference of circumstances, but the conception which lies at the bottom of both the systems is the same, that of having a Council of the highest officers of the State-sitting together to assist the king the proper discharge of his duties." 39 Although there seems to be some apparent resemblance between the Ashtopradhan Council of Shivaji and the Executive Council of the Viceroy and Ranade's views Governor-General of India, the principle underlying the two are by examined. no means identical. The Government of India is widely known to be a bureaucracy. The subordinate officers are responsible to the heads of their depart 30 Sabhamad, p. 30. ataoft T araft trataro Mert a ra laSkarAMta va nAmAMsa va gaDAsa mokAze mahAla gAMva parIvasta deNe nAhI deNe te varatine yA agara potAhana rokha evaja yAvA. mulakhAMta sAhebI kArakunA kherIja koNAcI mAhIM laSkArAsa va dazamAsa va gaDAsa deNe kArakunAMnI pAve. 37 Ranade, R.M.P., pp. 129-130. * Sane, Patre Yadi Bagaire, p. 357 39 Ranado, R.M.P., pp. 126-127

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APRIL, 1921) ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OF SHIVAJI 135 ments, and these departmental heads are mainly responsible for initiating the policy in their particular branch of administration. Although they can and do deliberate upon grave questions affecting departments other than their own, there is a clear cut division of duties. The Law Member is never called upon to lead a military expedition, nor is the Commander-inChief required to hear a Title Suit. But six out of the eight members of Shivaji's Council had to perform military duties whenever necessary, and all the eight had, as occasion arose, to attend a Hazir Majalasi to hear appeals in both civil suits and criminal cases. The first Pandit Rav 40 had to render diplomatic service when he was sent on an embassy to Jai Singh. But no one to-day would ever think of sending the Lord Bishop of Calcutta or the Bishop of Labore on an embassy to the Amir of Afghanistan. This is, however, not the only difference. The Viceroy, though he can in theory override the decisions of his Executive Council, is in practice expected to be guided by them. But neither his subjects nor his officers over expected that Shivaji should always be guided by the wisdom of the Rajmandal. He was not bound to call them unless he left inclined to do so. The ministers were frequently absent on distant expeditions, and some of them were further encumbered with the heavy work of a provincial government. Shivaji's ministers cannot therefore be regarded as Heads of Departments and his Government was by no means a Bureaucracy. It was, if any thing, an Autocracy. But the Autocrat, fortunately for his people, was a good statesman and acted as a "Benevolent Despot." His ministers were his assistants in the widest sense of the word, and his government had more resemblance to those of his Hindu and Muhammadan predecessors than to the British Indian Government to-day. Of European institutions, Napoleon's great council perhaps came nearest to it. The detailed statement of the duties of the eight Pradhans will further confirm the above conclusion. And nothing will serve our purpose better than the The Duties of the Kanu Jabta (Memorandum) drawn up in the first year of the CoroPradhans. nation (Abhisheka) Era and published by Rao Bahadur Kashinath Narayan Sane. All that is required here is to reproduce the paper in full with a fairly intelligible translation: The Kanu Jabta of the year 1 of the Coronation Era, the Sambatsar being Ananda by name, Tuesday the thirteenth day of Jaisthya. The Mukhya Pradhan should perform all works of the administration. He should put his seal on official letters and documents. He should make expeditions and wage war with the army and make necessary arrangements for the preservation of the Districts that may come into (our) possession and act according to the orders (of the king). All military should go with him and he should proceed with them all in this manner (should be work). (Seal) (item 1). The Senapati should maintain the army and make war and expeditions. He should preserve the territories (newly) acquired, render an account of (the spoils) and act according to the orders (of the king). He should make known (to the king) what the men, viz., the army, have to say. All military officers should go with him. (Seal) (item 1). The Amatya should look after the account of income and expenditure of the whole Kingdom. The Daftardar and the Fadnis should be under him. He should carefully estimate the writing work (to be done ?) He should put his sign manual (or seal) on the letters from the Fadnis' and the Chitnis' office. He should render military service in (times of) war. He should look after the Districts and be guided by (our) orders. (Soal) (item 1). 40 Sabbasad, p. 41.

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136 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ APRIL, 1921 The Sachiv should carefully look into the royal letters and make (necessary) correction of the contents, whenever there is a letter in excess or whenever a letter is omitted. He should serve in war, preserve the (newly) acquired Districts, and behav according to (our) orders. On royal letters and official documents) he should put his seal as a sign of his approval. (Seal) (item 1). The Pandit Rav should have jurisdiction over all religious questions. He should punish all offences) after judging what is right and what is wrong. He should put his sign of approval on all papers relating to custom, ( ar) conduct, (TR) and penanoo (yrarga). He should receive Scholars of reputation. He should perform, when occasion arises, charity (OTA) and Shanti (performances to appease offended deities ) and celebrate other religious performance. (Seal) (item 1).11 The Nyayadhish should have jurisdiction over all suits in the kingdom and try them righteously. After finding out what is right and what is wrong, on the judgment paper, he should put his sign of approval. (Seal) (item 1). (To be continued.) MISCELLANEA. THE DATE OF SARVAJNATMA AND is in North Travancore near Kaladi the birthSANKARACHARYA. place of Sankarachdrya. The occurrence of the In Vol. XLIII of this Journal there is a note on name Manukuladityan as the personal name of Sarvaj lidtma by Mr. Venkatesvaran, wherein a ruler of the district wheroin the great AchArva he indentifies the Manukuldditya mentioned by was born and the fact that the principal Matha the former in his work Samkahepaidririka with prika with of his sect is in Sringeri in the west, make one Aditya I, the Chola king, after refuting Mr. D. R. doubt the correctness of splitting up the name and Bhandarkar's identification of the same with the interpreting it as Aditya of the Manu family, and Chalukya Vimaldditya. Herein, he makes Aditya thus ldentifying him with a king of the East the personal name of the king and not the compo- Coast. As regards the objection that the verse nent part of a compound name. But we meet with of Sarvajnama depicte Manukulddityan as a powerthe name Manukulddityan in a Travancore inscrip ful sovereign, as commanding the world, it tion. There is a Vatteshuttu inscription from may be suggested that a petty king might loom Tirumulikkulam dated the year opposite to the large in the eyes of his subjects, and also that such 48th year of king Bhdakararavi Varman, a king of adulatory epitheta are not uncommon in Indian Kerala, which is published in the Travancore poetical works. Archeological Series, Vol. II, pt. 1, pp. 45-46. Now, as to the date of Sarvajalaman and Manu. In it there is mentioned a grant of some Cherikal kulddityan, the following facts may offer some lands (lands on the slopes of hills) by a king solution. From the astronomical data furnished named Manukulidityan, and the inscription by a copper plate of one Bhaskararavi varma, dated deals with the resolution of the townsmen of 2nd+6th+35th year of the reign, Dewan BahaTirumulikkulam regarding their management. dur Swamikannu Pillai has fixed his accession at From the terms of the inscription it would appear 978 A.D. But there are others with the same name that the grant had been made some time before but with single dates (Vide Travancore Archaeothe date of the inscription. Now Tirumulikkulam logical Series, vol. II, pt. II), and Mr Pillai suggests 41 The late justice Telang summarised the duties of the Pandit-Rav in the following manner :"It states that the Pandit-Rav's duties are to exercise all the ecclesiastical powers of the State, and to order punishment to be inflicted after investigating into what is and is not in accordance with religious law. Ho is to receive learned persons on behalf of the state and countersign all documents that may be issued from the sovereign relating to Achara, Vyavahara, and Prayaschitta, that is to say rules of conduct, civil and criminal law, and penances, the three branches of Dharmashastra. He is also to look after the formance Chantis and other ceremonials, and the distribution of royal bounty." (R.M.P.), p. 261.

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APRIL, 1921] BOOK-NOTICE the saine that there may be two different kings having the Grantha Swa. And since the Bhaskararavi name Bhaskararavi, viz., one whose with the double or treble dates lived towards years are dated opposite to the second year and the close of the tenth century, we might place another without it. Now the Tirumulikkulam the Bhaskararavi with the single date in the inscription belongs to the latter class, while the early part of the same century approximately. famous Cochin plates of Bhaskararavi belong to Hence Manukuladitya and Sarvajnatma must the former. Though a superficial comparison of have flourished about 900 A.D. And since Sankara. the two inscriptions just mentioned does not dis- charya was the Guru's Guru of Sarvajnatma, close any difference in their palaeographical cha- the former must have lived about the middle of racteristics, yet a closer examination shows that the ninth century A.D. the single dated inscriptions belong to a king slightly earlier in date. For instance, compare BOOK-NOTICES. THE LUZUMIYAT OF ABU'L-ALA.. Selections in English verse by Ameen Rihani. 2nd ed. New York. James T. White & Co., 1920, The blind poet, philosopher and Arabie scholar, whose fame has come down to the present generation by his title of Abu'l-'ala, was a Syrian, and lived from 974 to 1055 A.D. He was a great teacher of the philosophic doctrines and professed creed of his day, as current among the learned and thoughtful, and also a great poet. In consequence, he was a real power in the realm of Islamic thought. His home was an obscure village-Ma'arra-in Syria, south of Aleppo, but despite his misfortune, the result of smallpox in his early childhood, he travelled as far as Baghdad in one direction and as far as Tripoli in another, and came in touch with the learned world of his time. After his illness he could never see well; he gradually be. came totally blind in his mature age, and lived to be 82. He was never a sycophant or time server; on the contrary he was always boldly outspoken, and that in his day involved a life of poverty. So he lived and died a poor man. The illness that so injured his sight destroyed also his personal appearance, and he never married or mixed himself up with the other sex. All these things affected his verse and the philosophic views contained therein, and it will be seen also that he was essentially a product of his time and surroundings. 137 Abu'l-'Ala just preceded the astronomer-poet of Persia, whom the English poet Fitzgerald has taught the European and Christian world to call Omar Khayyam on paper with a whole-world variety of pronunciation. Omar Khayyam was imbued, as was Abu'l-'ala, with the philosophy of his time as coloured by the Islam they both professed. But otherwise their lives and surround. A. BALAKRISHNA PILLAI. ings were as poles apart. In him we find a great mathematician (though Abu'l-'ala was that also) with a high official position and influential connections-a man of the world who had done great practical things and had taken to expressing his philosophy in his retirement in the style of verse current in his day and country, chiefly apparently for his own private satisfaction-no conscious 'general teacher of his kind and no great poet in the estimation of his contemporaries and countrymen. Fitzgerald has made him that by his rendering of the philosophy he expressed in Persian quatrains for an English speaking and reading public to whom, in its unacquaintance therewith, it was a revelation. The object of the work under review is, I take it, mainly to bring home the Islamic philosophy of the 10th and 11th centuries A.D. to the English rearling public, and incidentally to show how much Omar Khayyam is indebted to Abu'l-'ala. In all probability he was indebted to a certain degree. A man so placed, and with such opportunities of access to the great literature of his time and faith as Omar Khayyam, could hardly ave been unacquainted with the works of Abu'l-'ala. But as to whether he was indebted for his actual expressions to such a degree as Mr. Ameen Rihani hints, is open to considerable doubt. The fact appears to be that both authors were in the first place brought up under Islam, were both well acquainted with the Greek and Sufi philosophies as developed by their time, were well read men and knew therefore something-perhaps a great deal of medieval Christianity and Hinduism, at any rate from the philosophic standpoint. In their day, the educated professors of Islam had developed those esoteric heterodox opinions which have invariably risen in every known form of religion that the world has ever adopted, and of which in their surroundings

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138 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [APRIL, 1921 the Sufis were the chief exponents. Abu'l-AIA, from the social and physical condition which governed his life, expounded the ideas generally afloat in the philosophic air about him in a way that was his own, and detached himself from the usual method favoured by the Sufis of presenting his philosophy in esoteric terms adopted from erotic poetry, where it expresses human and carnal love. Omar Khayyam, living in very different conditions, followed the fashion of the writers about him. It may be objected, however, that Abu'l-ala was not a Sufi :-probably not, but he knew the doctrine and the method. He did not quite escapo it. Witness Mr. Amoen Rihani's first two quatrains ;--why I say Mr. Rihani's quatrains will presently appear :-- The sable wings of night pursuing day Across the opalescent hills, display The wondrous star-gems which the fiery suns Are scattering upon their fiery way. O my companion, Night is passing fair, Fairer than aught the dawn and sundown wear; And fairer too than all the gilded days of blond illusion and its golden snare. On the whole, it will, I think, be safest to say that there is no proof that Omar Khayyam consciously followed Abu'l-'ala, but that both, each in his individual way, were influenced by the learning of the centuries in which they existed in the res. pective lands of their birth. I have spoken above of Mr. Ameen Rihani's quatrains. His selections from Abu'l-'ala are given in a form which is a direct challenge to Fitzgerald's version of Omar Khayyam's Rubd'ydt. As Fitzgerald infused himself into Omar Khayyam, so has Mr. Rihani infused himself into Abu'l-'AlA. Neither work is a translation, but both are adap. tations, intending, and no doubt honestly, to give the real sense of the original in the verse of a foreign tongue. As Fitzgerald has boen successful with Omar Khayyam, so in my personal judgment has Mr. Rihani been with Abu'l-'Ala. His quatrains are all extraordinarily smooth, and they read like the production of an Oriental mind and convey the Near Eastern manner of composing captivating verse. Mr. Rihani is no mean poet, as is shown by his lines to Abu'l-'Ald with which his book opens, and he has the advantage of a training, for all his fine command of English, which is apparently Near Eastern. He is also honest with his author, for Abu'l-'AIA lashed out at all whom he thought were humbugs-Christian, Muhammadan, Sec. tarian-great and small, and Mr. Rihani does not hide his invective at all Muhammad or Messiah ! Hear thou me, The truth entire nor here nor there can be ; How should our God, who made the sun and moon, Give all his light to one, I cannot see. Abu'l-'AlA was accused of infidelity and of loan. ings towards Hinduism. He was a vegetarian and a great opponent of wine-drinking, and ex. hibited extraordinary tenderness towards animals. All this is brought out, and some of it echoes Indian philosophic ideas : The life with guiltless life-blood do not stain--- Hunt not the children of the wood, in vain Thou'lt try one day to wash thy bloody hand : Nor hunter here nor hunted long remain. HiA verse was also full of the doubt that was then so much the fashion The way of vice is open as the sky, The way of virtue's like the needle's eye; But whether here or there the eager Soul Has only two companions-Whence and Why. His infirmities and his poetry affected all his life and are reflected in his verse, and the last quatrains given by Mr. Rihani are specially pathetic, as they show that behind his despair of the world and his cynicism he held on to the hopes inculcated by the faith in which he was brought up But I, the thrice imprisoned, try to troll Strains of the song of night, which fill with dole My blindness, my confinement and my flesh The sordid habitation of my soul. How beit, my inner vision heir shall be To the increasing flames of mystery, Which may illumine yet my prison's cell, And crown the ever living hope of me. Mr. Rihani has produced a great book which deserves to be well and widely read by those who would understand something of the perennial Oriental mind. R. C. TEMPLE, EARLY HISTORY OF VAISHNAVISM IN SOUTH INDIA by Professor S. KRISHNASWAMI AIYANGAR. Madras University Special Lectures. Oxford University Press : Madras. pp. x and 112. This little book is the outcome of a suggestion from Sir George Grierson that Vaishnava Literature should be made better known to the European public, and in effect is a critical exami. nation of Sir R. G. Bhandarkar's Vaishnaviem, Saivism and Minor Religions, conducted in the

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APRIL, 1921] BOOK NOTICE 139 spirit, not of mere controversy, but of assistance | 5th, which would put him before Kulasekhara, towards the knowledge of the truth of the facts. probably in the 8th century A.D. or even earlier. There is a good index. To this view the Professor inclines. The first lecture deals with the definition and The last lecture deals with Poygai, Bhutattar general explanation of Vaishnavism, and I may and Pey, the earliest of the Alwars in general say at once that, all the lectures being given by estimation, the fourth being Tirumalisai. The # Hindu to a Hindu audience, a general knowledge first three are placed in the 2nd century A.D., and of Hinduism is presupposed. The author sums the traditional order is adopted as probable. up the "fundamental idea of Vaishnavism" This question of the dates of the Vaishnava thus:-"It is contained in one verse of Tiruma Alwars has a far greater importance to history lisai Alwar which may be freely rendered : 'Let than would at first appear, for on it depends the thy grace be for me toclay ; let it come tomorrow : wider question of the respective dates for the rise let it wait still longer and come sometime after; and development of the two great varieties of Thy grace I am sure is mine. I am certain, philosophic Hinduism--the Saiva and the VaishO Narayana, I am not without Theo, nor art Thou nave. Professor Krishnaswami Aiyangar's book without me.'" Here speaks true philosophic sophicis & valuable contribution towards the solution Hinduism. of this important matter of history. The Professor holds Vaishnavism to be the R. C. TEMPLE. direct offspring of the doctrine of Bhakti or Devotional Faith and agreeg with Professor Bhandarkar THE LINGANULASANA OF VAMANA. WITH TH that it is traceable to "the age of Buddhism and AUTHOR'S OWN COMMENTARY. Edited with Intro Jainism," i.e. to the earliest historical times. He duotion and Indexee by Chimanlal D. Dalal, M.A. holds also that the doctrine originated in the North, (Central Library, Baroda). Price Six annas. was elaborated in the South and "sent back in This is the sixth volume of the "Caekwad': Oria more realistic reflex wave which swept over the ental Series, for the publication of which lovers of whole land of India." The Vaishnava teachers Sanskrit literature are indebted to His Highness the were firstly the Alwars, the popular poet-saints Maharaja of Baroda. The present work is a small (as distinguished from the Nayanmars of the book of 30 dryds on the genders of Sanskrit nouns. Saivas), and secondly the Acharyas or professional An incorrect edition of it was published by Prof. propagandists. The former are placed between Peterson in his third report in search of Sanskrit the 5th and 12th centuries A.D. MSS. The present volume gives a critical edition As the history of Vaishnavism in the South is of the text. As for the commentary, now pub. necessarily the story of the Twelve Alwers, the Jished for the first time, there are inany lacuna. remaining lectures are naturally devoted to a Discussing the date of the author, the learned critical examination of them. The crucial names editor has come to the following conclusions (1) for historical purposes among the Alwars are those That Vamana, the author of the present work, That VAMANA. + of the Alwar Kulasekhara and Nam Alwar, and which quotes Magha and Bapabhatta, is most pro. the second and third lectures are respectivelybably identical with the author of the Kasika and devoted to these two names. The usual date with the author of Kdvydlankarastravrtti which for Kulasekhara is the 12th or even 13th century quotes verses from the works of Magha, Bhavabhati, A.D., but Professor Krishnaswami Aiyangar argues and Bhattanaravana and which was quoted that the true period is more likely to be the 10th by Anandavardhana (about 857-84 A.D.). (2) That century. Some space is given to his identifica- this Jaina or Buddhist Kashmirian scholar was tion, a matter obviously bearing on his date, and identical with the Vamana who, according to Kal. finally he is placed 7th in the chronological order hana, was one of the learned ministers of king Jaya. of the Alwars. pida of Kashmir (776-807 A. D.). (3) That he left More legend has grown around the name of Nam Kashmir, most probably on account of the oppres. Alwar (really & nickname arising out of his popu. sion of the king (as described in the Rajataranging larity and the reverence felt for him, and meaning IV. 634-7) and went to the court of Jagattunga Our Alwar') than round that of any other, and (the Rashtrakata king Govinda III. 794-818 A. D.). for serveral reasons of belief he is popularly placed for he gives Jagattunga-aabhd as an example in the last of all. This position the book strongly 9th Karika of the present work and mentione controverts, taking up the arguments in support the name of a village Bribhavana, which occurs of it one by one and critically examining them. also in the Vani Dindori and Radhanpur plates The old authority. Vedanta Defika, placue him of the same king.

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140 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ APRIL, 1921 As to Mr. Dalal's identification of our author offshoot, viz., Mr. Dalal's theory that the three with the author of the Kavyalankarasdira, though Vamanas are identical, cannot be accepted so long there is no direct proof, there is no difficulty and as Iteing's reference to Kidila cannot be explained the date proposed suits well. But his identification away (as has been done with Magha's reference of the present Yamana with Vamana the to Nyisd in the verse anutsatrapadanyard). author of the Kasikd is not convincing. He has The editor has also pointed out '9 important overlooked the fact that Itsing (690 A. D.) is said to geographical names mentioned in it, w.g., Varendra, have referred to the Kadika (Sir A. Stein, Notes Tirabhakti &c. But he has omitted to remark on Pijataranyini IV. 497.) Hence, in spite of Dr. that our author names (p. 18) Khalatikaparvata, Bohtling's Assent to the current Kashmirian tradition that Vamana, the minister of Jayapida, mentioned in the inscriptions of Asoka. is the author of Kabika, thia theory and its SURENDRANATH MAJUMDAR SASTRY. YOTES AND QUERIES. NOTES FROM OLD FACTORY RECORDS. ISLAM AS UNDERSTOOD IN THE MALAY 19. Toddy Horse. STATES. 11 July 1682. Translate of a letter from our The following extract from p. 17 of the Annual Bramine Chendra Sheceriah (Brahman agent, Report of the British Agent, Trengganu for 1918, is Chandra Sivdchariya) and Madana from Codaloore are illuminating and interesting we vouching for the [Kadalur), to the Right Worshipfull William Gyfford existence of a Muhammadan guru, perhaps from a misunderstanding of the term guru. Eagr., Governor of Fort St. George. I am going to "Death of Ungku Said. Porto Novo, the Toddy coloured, i..., brown] horse 457. Ungku Said of Paloh, head of the Trengganu is troubled with a paine in his breast and the Arab community and theological schools, died on Staggers, and the black horse is hipt (lame), for September 6th, a few hours after the arrival of which reason no body would ride upon him, and the Commission from Singapore. He age was they are both in a bad condition, concerning which reputed to be 100; his descendants (who include it may please your Worship to order as you shall great-great-grandchildren) certainly exceed that thinck fitt. (Records of Fort St. George, Letters to number. Fort St. George, 1682, vol. II, p. 56.) "For the last forty years Ungku Said possessed, R. C. T. throughout the length of the East Coast, the re putation of Saint' with semi-miraculous powers 20. The Company's premises at Ouddalore. (particularly in the healing of disease); his home 11 August 1682. Letter from Robert Freeman was an object of pilgrimage for Muhammadans and Council at Ooralore [Cuddalore, Kddalar) to from Patani to Pahang; and his family acquired William Gyfford at Fort St George... We great wealth from the offerings of the pious. He Shall now give you & short account of the was religious teacher (Guru) to the late Sultan." Commodiousness of our house, which is the best in R. C. T. Towne next Seir Cawnes [Sher Khan) but nowise fitt for our businesse, built by [ ? for ] an Idoly. JAN BADSHAH-JIMMY BRADSHAW. troue Jentue [ Hindu ] house and fitt only to The accompanying cutting from the Times; June 2nd, 1919, discloses an excellent "Hobson. worship the Devil in. It has been for many years Jobson " and reminds one of the Theobald and Tenented by batts, and pitty they should have Sophia of the Third Burmese War (1885-1889) boon disturbed, for they have left such a amelling which was the soldiers' rendering of Thibaw and savour behind them enough to (kill) Christians. Suphayalat the names of the last king and queen The roomes are small and darke, and the doores of Burmah. low and narrow to(o) little to get a bale in, soe "PESHAWAR, May 20 (delayed).- The storm. that we must be forced to house the Companys petrel, Mullah Mir Sahib Jan Badshah, whom goods in the Bankesall Godownes (warehouses at the troops call Jimmy Bradshaw, has appeared the wharf), which will be noe small Charge, besides at Bajaur, but was forced to leave. In 1915 the inconveniency; if we continue here, shall alter he induced a combined force of Mohmands and it the best way we can to make it of some use, Sawis to try and throw over the Government whiob will be chargable, though done with fruga with disastrous results. He recer ly visited the Mohmande, but the latter, who were busy dividing lity. .. .: (Records of Fort St. George, curyo the loot obtained at Dakka, dismissed him.Letter to Fort St. George, 1682, vol. II, pp. 69-70). Reuter. R. O.T. R. C. TEMPLE.

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Max, 1921. HISTORY OF THE NIZAN SHAHI KINGS OF AHMADNAGAR 141 THE HISTORY OF THE NIZAM SHAHI KINGS OF AHMADNAGAR. BY LIEUT.-COLONEL T. W. HAIG, C.S.I., C.M.G., C.B.E. (Continued from p. 106.) LXV.-AN ACCOUNT OF THE SECOND TREATY ENTERED INTO BY IBRAHIM QUTB SHIH WITH HUSAIN Nizim SHAH, AND OF THE STRENGTHENING OF THE BONDS OF FRIENDSHIP BETWEEN THEM BY A MATRIMONIAL ALLIANCE. A.D. 1561. It has already been mentioned that 'Ali 'Adil Shah had succeeded, with the assistance of Sadashivaraya, in recovering possession of the fortress of Kaliyani from the officers of Husain Nizam Shah, and Husain Nizam Shah was constantly revolving plans for the capture of the fortress. Qasim Beg and Maulana 'Inayat-ullah 112 now considered that it would be wise to renew the alliance with Ibrahim Qutb Shah and to cement it by bestowing one of Husain's daughters on him in marriage ; and they tendered this advice to the king. Husain Nizam Shah, having regard to the exigencies of the situation, agreed to the proposal, and an ambassador was sent to open negotiations with Ibrahim Qatb Shah. It was agreed that both parties should meet before the fortress of Kaliyani and should first celebrate the marriage and then lay siege to the fortress, and capture it. After the settlement of the terms of the treaty, the two kings met at Kaliyani, where the marriage Was celebrated, and then laid siege to the fortress (A.D. 1562). When 'Ali `Adil Shah heard that Husain Nizam Shah and Ibrahim Qutb Shah were besieging Kaliyani, he was much perturbed ond could devise no remedy but a second appeal to Sadashivaraya. He therefore had recourse to him, and that accursed infidel marched with a mighty army towards Kaliyani. When 'Ali Barid Shah heard that Sadashivaraya was marching on Kaliyani, he also collected his forces and marched from Bidar and joined him, and when Ibrahim Qutb Shah heard of the approach of the army of Vijayanagar, he disregarded the bond which bound him to Husain Nizam Shah and, following his former prectice, broke faith and left Husain Nizam Shah and joined the army of Vijayanagar. Husain Nizam Shah was now much perturbed, and perceiving that he could not possibly, with his small army, withstand the great hosts of the enemy, retreated to Al madnager. When the news of his retreat reached Sadashivaraya he, with 'Ali `Adil Shah, Ibrahim Qutb Shah and 'Ali Barid Shah marched or Abmednagar. Husain Nizam Shah despaired of being able to offer a successful resistance in Ahmadnagar and, after leaving a picked garrison ir: the fort; retired to Junnar. The allies then encamped before Abmednagar and again did 143 Mauland 'Inayatullah had returned to the service of Husain Nigam Shah while the allies were besieging Ahmadnagar, and had been the principal channel of communication between Ibrahim Qutb Shah and the garrison. It was he that inspired this foolishly provocative policy. It was in the beginning of A.H. 970 (September or October, 1562) that Husa in and Ibrahim met at Kaliyani, and Jamal Bibi, daughter of the former, was married to the latter. Sayyid 'Ali fails to mention Husain's misfortunes before his retreat on Ahmadnagar and Junnar and slanders Ibrahim Qutb Shah. When Husain heard of the approach of 'All Adil Shah, who had been joined by Burhan 'Imad ShAh or rather TufAl Khan (who resented the murder of Jahangir Khan), and 'Ali Barid Shah and Sadashivaraya, he and Ibrahim Qutb Shah marche:1 to attack them. Husain found himself opposed to the Hindus while Ibrahim was opposed to the Muhammadan allies, and apparently retreated before them. Husain lost most of his artillery, on which he chiefly relied, in the deep mire, and it was captured by the Hindus. Ibrahim Qut) Shah's camp was attacked, but was saved by the exertions of his minister, Mustafa Khan Ardistani. Husain and Ibra. him then retreated towards Ahmadnagar. At Ausa Ibrahim left Husain and returned to Goleonda, while Huse in continued his march to Ahmednagar and thence to Junnar.-F. ii. 245.

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142 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (MAY, 1921 the infidels and accursed polytheists stretch forth their hands to vex the unfortunate MusI ims and plundered all that they could find in and around the city. When the Muslims had endured the oppression of the infidels for a time and were reduced to the utmost straits, Malika-yi-Jahan, Malik-i-Humayun Bibi Amana, the king's mother, who was then in the fortress of Ahmadnagar, sent a message to Ibrahim Qutb Shah, 113 to say that the whole of the land of Islam was groaning under the oppression of the idolators and that it ill became Muhammadan sovereigns to instigate idolators to persecute Muslims. This message took effect on Ibrahim Qutb Shah and stimulated his religious zeal and his jealousy for the faith, so that he resolved to retreat and to be no longer a party to the oppression of Muslims. He therefore went to Sadashivaraya and complained of the disorganization of his army and of the great delay in the siege of Almadnagar, saying that it was impossible to foresee what the end of the campaign would be, or when it would come, seeing that Husain Nizam Shah would not meet them in the field, but that he feared that the army might become disorganized and suffer a defeat. He then recommended that one of three courses should be followed (1) that the expedition should be abandoned for that year and that each of the allies should withdraw to his own country, returning in the following year to attain the object which they had in view, (2) that he himself should be allowed to withdraw to his own kingdom in order that he might reorganize his army and rejoin the allies when he had completed this task, or (3) if it was desired to press the siege that 'Adil Shah, on whose behalf the expedition had been undertaken, should make loans to the allies to enable them to reorganize their armies. Sadashivaraya and his brother Eltamraj approved of these proposals, and what Ibrahim Qutb Shah had said was communicated to Ali Adil Shah. Ali 'Acil Shah was strongly in favour of the continuance of the siege, but his avarice prevented him from accepting the third proposal and he therefore returned no definite answer. A.D. 1563. At sunrise on the following day, Ibrahim Qutb Shah marched with his army on his return to Golconda, and when Sadashivaraya, who also was weary of the interminable siege, heard of his departure, he too retired with the army of Vijayanagar to his own dominions, and 'Ali 'Adil Shah was compelled to retire without having attained his object. 144 143 Sayyid Ali seems to have confounded the two different invasions of the Ahmadnagar kingdom by the Hindus. Ibrahim Qutb Shah was now with neither army, having retired to Goloonda. After fruitlessly besioging Ahmadnagar for a short time, the allies followed Hussin towards Junnar, but were 80 harassed by Husain's light troops and so apprehensive of being overtaken by the rainy season (May, 1563) that they retired to Ahmadnagar. Here Sadashivaraya's army encamped in the bed of the Sina. The rains broke and the river came down in flood, carrying down with it 300 of Sadashivaraya's elephante and 12,000 of his cavalry. After this disaster he and 'Ali Adil Shah retired to their own kingdom.-F. ii, 88, 335 : B.S. 86; T.M.Q.S. 146 Burhan Nizam Shah 1. had first set the example of calling upon Vijayanagar to intervene in the quarrels of the Muhammadan Kings of the Dakan, when, in 1862, he formed an alliance with the Hindu state against Ibrahim Adil Shah I., and he could not, therefore, justly complain of 'All Adil Shah for following the same disastrous polioy, but the behaviour of the Hindus during the two invasions of Ahmadnagar scandalized all Muslims. They lodged, worshipped their idols, and played their music in the mosques, and ravished Muhammadan women. Sadashivareya behaved as though he were the overlord of all the Muhammadan kings, and the Hindu soldiers openly scoffed at them as his vassals. On his way back to Vijayanagar, he compelled 'All Adil Shah to cede the districts of Hippargi and Akalkot, and Ibrahim Qutb Shah to surrender the forts and districts of Kovila konda, Pangul, and Ghanpare. Ever since his first alliance with 'Ali Adil Shah he had treated the envoys of the Sultans as the agents of vassals, refusing them seats at court and making them run beside his horse.-F. ii. 69.

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MAY, 1921 ] HISTORY OF THE NIZAM SHAHI KINGS OF AHMADNAGAR 143 Thus the country was relieved of the oppression of the infidels by means of the wisdom and wise policy of the Malika-yi-Jahan, and the Muslims again breathed freely after their intolerable sufferings at the hands of the idolators. When Husain Nigam Shah was relieved of his anxiety with regard to the infidels, he returned to his capital and devoted all his attention to making reparation for the suffering which they had caused and to devising plans which would prevent their repeating their insolence. LXVI. AN ACCOUNT OF THE CAUSES OF THE UPROOTING AND OVERTHROW OF SAD SHIVARAYA, THE CHIEF OF THE INFIDELS, BY GOD'S PREDESTINATION, AND BY MEANS OF HUSAIN NIZAM SHAH. A.D. 1564. When Husain Nizam Shah had rest from settling the affairs of his kingdom and restoring peace and plenty to all his subjects, he bethought himself that both merit and profit were to be gained by the inauguration of a holy war against the infidels of Vijayanagar, and he devoted all his attention to preparations for the conflict. Sadashivaraya was distinguished above all the kings of Vijayanagar for the strength of his army and for his power and was puffed up with pride owing to the extent of his dominions. He possessed the whole of the kingdom of Vijayanagar with its sixty sea-ports. Its length was near 600 leagues and its revenue 120,000,000 huns and that accursed infidel had reigned over this kingdom for a long time. From the time of the prophet, no Muhammadan king had attempted to subdue this kingdom, but all had sought the friendship of its kings and had treated them with courtesy,145 But Sadashivaraya, in the pride of his power, had broken the treaties which he and his predecessors had made with the sovereigns of Islam, and had invaded the territories of Islam and deluged them in blood, and had destroyed the dwellings of Muslims and slain large numbers of them. Now, therefore, Husain Nizam Shah determined to be revenged on him and took counsel with his advisers as to the best means of overcoming the enemies of religion and of the faich. His counsellors, chief among whom were Qasim Beg and Maulana 'Inayatullah, applauded the king's intention, but said that it was impossible to attack Sadashivaraya with any hope of success so long as an alliance existed between him and 'All 'Adil Shah, and advised the king to open negotiations with 'All Adil Shah. The king then, by the advice of the counsellors, first approached Ibrahim Qutb Shah on the subject of an alliance of the Muhammadan sovereigns, and Ibrahim Qutb Shah, who was delighted with the idea, sent Sayyid Mustafa Khan, one of his chief amirs, to Ahmadnagar to carry on negotiations. Sayyid Mustafa Khan went on from Ahmadnagar to Bijapur and there set himself to induce 'All 'Adil Shah to join the league. He said that it was common knowledge that the Dakan, even when it was subject to the rule of one powerful king, always suffered from the inroads of the idolators, and that now that the 166 This misstatement is so palpable as to be ridiculous. The author has himself chronicled the numerous wars between the Bahmani kingdom and the Hindu kingdom of Vijayanagar. No Bahmani King had been able to subdue Vijayanagar, and fortune was not constant, but the balance of success was largely in favour of the Muhammadan Kingdom. 4 Historians naturally disagree in the assignment of the honour of being the prime mover in the confederacy against the infidels. Firishta, the historian of Bijapur, assigns it to 'All 'Adil Shah, but the author of the T.M.Q.8. agrees with Sayyid Ali in assigning it to Husain Nigam Shah. Sayyid All naturally omite to mention that it was 'Alf 'Adil Shah who threw down the gauntlet to Sadashivaraya by sending an envoy to Vijayanagar to demand the retrocession of the Raichur Duab and the districts of Hippargi and Akalkot. The envoy was received with gross discourtesy and expelled from the city, whereupon Alt Adil Shah declared war on Vijayanagar.

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144 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MAY, 1921 country was divided between three kings it was evident that the lives and property of Muslims, would be always at the meroy of infidels a state of affairs which was neither pleasing to God, nor acceptable to His people. He said further that rulers should earnestly consider how they would answer to God for neglect of their duty in protecting His people, and that it now behov.d the princes of Islam to sheathe the sword of intestine strife and to form an alliance among themselves and cement it by intermarriage, in order that they might act as one against the infidels. These arguments took effect on 'Ali `Adil Shah, and his anxiety regarding Husain Nizam Shah was removed. It was agreed that the alliance between Bijapur and Ahmadnagar should be cemented by intermarriage, and that Chand Bibi (daughter of Husain Nizam Shah) should be given in marriage to 'Ali 'Adil Shah, and Falah Dibi Hadya Sultan, sister of 'Ali Adil Shah, to Shahzada Murtaza, afterwards Murtaza Nizam Shah I. These marriages were celebrated amidst general rejoicings, the people regarding them as an earnest of future peace and prosperity. When the festivities had come to an end, Husain Nizam Shah bestowed the fortress of Sholapar on Chand Bibi as dowry, 146 and delivered the keys of the fortress to 'Ali `Adil Shah. It was then agreed that the three kings spould meet with their armies at Sholapur in the following year and should march against the infidels. They then separated and employed the interval in collecting and strengthening their forces. In the following year,147 'Ali Adil Shah and Ibrahim Qutb Shah, having collected very large armies, met at Sholapur, and Husain Nizam Shah, as soon as he heard of their meeting at Shol&par, set forth from Ahmadnagar at the head of a numerous army to join them. On his arrival at Sholapur, on Jamadi-ul-awwal 8, he gave audiences to 'Ali 'Adil Shah and Ibrahim Qutb Shah, and on the 20th of the same month, the three kings marched from Sholapur towards the kingdom of Vijayanagar. They marched to the village of Talikota, situated near the Krishna river, and, when they arrived there, found that the passage of the river, which was wider than two arrow-flights and was very deep, would be most difficult. When the Reya of Vijayanagar heard of the meeting of the Sultans and of their march towards his kingdom, he resolved to march to meet them. He sent his youngest brother, Venkatadri, with 20,000 horse, 1,000 elephants, and 100,000 foot as an advanced guard, to the Krishna, to hold the fords and prevent the passage of the Muslims, and he sent his other brother, Eltamraj, following him, with 12,000 horse, 1,000 elephants, and 200,000 foot. and he himself followed Eltamraj with a great host;148 and the three Hindu armies met on 146 This sensible arrangement might have been expected to terminate the perennial dispute regard. ing this fortress, but it only put it to rest for a time. Chand Bibf bore no sons to 'Ali Adil ShAh, who was gucceeded by his nephew, Ibrahim II.; and when she ultimately returned to Abmadnagar, the return of her dowry, that is to say the restoration of Sholapur, was demanded. The demand was justified by the Islamic law, but not by sound policy. 167. The years, 972. Jamddi-ul awwal 8 and 20 of this year corresponded to Deo. 12 and 24, AP. 1664. Firishta does not mention the meeting at Shol&pur on the earlier date, but says that the allies met near Bijapur on the later. The T.M.Q.S. agrees with him. 168 The strength and distribution of the Hindu army at Talikota are thus given by Firishta (ii. 250) (1) Right, under Tirumala, here called Eltamraj, and by Firishta Timraj, consisting of 20,000 horse, 200,000 foot, and 500 elephants : (2) centro, under Sadashivardya himself, consisting of 37.000.horse, 500.000 foot, and 1,000 (elsewhere 2,000) elephants : (3) left, under Venkatadri, consisting of 25,000 horse, 300,000 foot, and 100 elephants ; in all 82.000 horse, 900,000 foot, and 2,000 (or 3,000) elephants. Sayyid Al isyu that Venkatadri commanded the Hindu right, and on this point the T.M.Q.S. agree with him.

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MAY, 1921] HISTORY OF THE NIZAM SHAHI KINGS OF AHMADNAGAR 145 the banks of the Krishna, and encamped by a village opposite to the ford apt for the passage of the Muslims. They occupied posts opposite to all the fords and thus prevented the passage of the Muslims. When the Sultans of the Dakan learnt that all the fords were guarded, they sent reconnaissance patrol of sharpwitted and experienced men to discover another ford; but this patrol, after a careful reconnaissance, reported that there were but three fords, and that the best and shallowont of these was that which lay immediately bofore the allied armies, but that all three were carefully and strongly guarded by the infidels, who had thrown up entrenchments and batteries over against them. Husain Nizamn Shah then desired his advisers to devis: a plan for the passage of the river, but they were unable to do 80, and counselled a retreat. Husain Nigam Shah himself then said that it was best that the allied armies should march along the bank of the river to search for another ford. Accordingly, on the next day the armies marched a day's march along the bank and on the following day marched again along the bank. The infidels, fearing lost the allies should thus discover another ford, marchod abreast of them along the other bank, and desorted the main ford. LXVII.--AN ACCOUNT OF THE PASSAGE OF THE RIVER BY THE ALLIRS AND OF THE BATTLE WITH THE INFIDELS. As it had been decreed by God that the armies of Islam should be victorious over the infidels, it followed that when the Muslims, by the direction of Husain Nizam Shah, marched along the river bank, the infidels deserted the best and most practicable ford over the river, the only ford by which the Muslims could hope to cross in safety. A body of troops from the allied army was sent back to the deserted ford, and traversed the distance with such speed that they did three days' march in one day. With them was Husain Nigam Shah, who, on his arrival at the deserted ford, immediately crossed the river with the force accompany. ing him and was followed by the whole army of Islam.149 When Sadashivaraya heard of the passage of the river by the Muslims, which seemed to be a presage of their success, he was much perturbed and alarmed; but it occurred to him that as the three kings had marched with such speed, a large part of their armies and of their baggage must have been left behind, and that if he marched immediately against those who had crossed the river, he would have a good chance of success. When usain Nizam Shah heard of the approach of the infidels, he was overjoyed At the prospect of encountering them and drew up the allied armies in battle array. Ali Adil Shah commanded the right and Ibrahim Qutb Shah the left, while Husain Nizam Shah in person commanded the centre. 150 When Sadashivaraya and the Hindu army became aware of the readiness and zeal of the warlike armies of Islam, they were terrified and decided not to fight on that day but to make the most of their last day of dominion and power. They therefore withdrew from the 140 According to Firishta and the other authorities (T.M.Q.., B.S., and 1.4.), the allies marched along the river bank for three days, and then, suddenly turning baok, returned by one day's forced march to their starting point. Thoir adyanoed guard crossed the river, unopposed in, the evening, and the rest of the army during the night. Before the morning they had advanced towards Sadashivariya's camp, about ten miles from the river. 180 All authorities agrooss to the positiopa occupied by the three kings, and from Husain Nizam Shah's commanding the centre, the post of honour, it is evident that he was regarded as the leader of tho allies. Sayyid Al hus omitted to mention that 'AR Barid Shah was with Ibrahim Qutb Shah on the left. According to the B.8., Burhan 'Imad Shah had been invited to join the confederaoy but refused. owing to his recentment of the murder of Johangtr Khan by Husin Nike ShAh, It was, of course, Tufal Khan, and not Burhka himself, who refused.

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146 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ MAY, 1921 field, and Husain Nizam Shah and the other two Sultans took advantage of their unwillingness to fight to allow the armies of Islam time for repose, and rested that night in anticipation of the morrow's battle. On the following day, which was Friday, Jamadi-23-8ani 2,151 Husain Nizam Shah again drew up the allied armies, at sunrise, in battle array. The right, as before, was commanded by 'Ali `Adil Shah, the left by Ibrahim Qutb Shah, and the centre by Husain Nizam Shah himself. Ikhlag Khan, one of the chief amirs of Abmadnagar, was posted, with a force of mounted Khurasani archers, in advance of the centre. The elephants with their banners were drawn up at intervals in the main line of battle, their tusks being armed with sharp sword blades. The allied armies, full of spirit, then began to move against the hosts of the enemy. Sadashivaraya had placed the wings of his army under the command of his two brothers and commanded the centre in person. He now summoned his brothers and his chief officers and encouraged them to make a resolute stand against the Muslims, saying that he had attained the age of eighty years without having disgraced himself and that he did not wish to be disgraced by cowardice at the end of his life. He said that anybody who was overcome by fear was free to depart while there was yet time, and to save his life. The R&ya's brothers and their 30,000 horsemen swore that they would fight to the death.163 The armies met at midday. Ikhlas Khan first charged the enemy with his Khurasani horse and slew large numbers of the infidels. (To be continued.) A SHORT NOTE ON POLYANDRY IN THE JUBBAL STATE (SIMLA). BY HEM CHANDRA DAS-GUPTA, M.A., F.G.8. From a study of the Hindu epio Mahabharata, it is quite clear that the polyandrous form of marriage was allowable even in the higher strata of the ancient Indian Society. This custom, though completely absent among the cultured peoples of modern India, has not altogether disappeared from the country, and in some parts of the Himalayas and of Southern India, it is the prevailing form of marriage even now. In his work dealing with the history of human marriages, Westermarck has given an account of the system of polyandry found in different parts of India. 1 161 Jan. 7, 1566. Firishta does not give the exact date of the battle, but according to the T.M.Q.8. and the H.A. it was fought on Jamddt t-sdn 20 (Jan. 23, 1566). 183 This account of Sadashivargya's attitude differs widely from that given by Firishta (ii., 74), who says that he was carried into the field in a litter and replied to his advisers, who suggested that it would be more seemly to mount a horse, that he saw no occasion to mount a horse for such child's play, as the enemy would certainly floe at once. Ho alao issued orders (F., ii, 250) that 'All 'Adil Shah and IbrAhim Qutb Shah should be taken alive, that he might imprison them for life, but that he required the head of Husain Nizam Shah. After the battle had begun he descended from his litter and took his seat on a splendid throne which had been set up for him, and caused piles of gold and silver money and jewels to be spread before him, announcing that the successful valour of his troops should be rewarded on the spot. 1 Westermarck : The history of human marriage, pp. 452-487. Westermarok's statement, in some C8908, requires modification. He has noted the existence of polyandry among the Khasis (op. oit. p. 452) According to Fischer, on whom Westermarok depended for this information, polyandry is very rarely practised among the Khasis (Jour. As. Soo., Bengal, Vol. IX, pt. ii, p. 834), but the evidence of Fischer is not reliable, for according to Colonel Gurdon," There is no evideno to show that polyandry ever existed among the Khasis" (The Khasis, D. 77). According to Man, the authority quoted by Westermarok for polyandry among the Sonthals (op. cit., p. 453) 'When the elder brother dies, the next younger inherita the widow, children, and all the property.-(Sonthalia and the Sonthale : p. 100.)

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MAY, 1921) A SHORT NOTE ON POLYANDRY 147 while Mr. Iyer has also published short notes regarding this form of marriage in parts of Southern Indis. It has been stated by Westermarek that polyandry is apparently unknown in the hills of the Simola Superintendency, but later investigations have shown that the above statement is not correct. Thus we fird it mentioned that, so far as the Punjab is concerned. the system of polyandry is in vogue in the Kulu Sub-Division, the Bashar, Nahan, Mandi and Suket states, though the custom has completely died out amongst the Jats. The existence of polyandry among the Jats is to be traced to the writing of Kirkpatrick, but it appears from a careful study of his paper that the custom referred to by Kirkpatrick is not a marriage but a sort of licensed cohabitation with the husband's brothers. In the Punjab hill-states, a polyandrous form of marriage does not seem to be confined to the lower castes only, but such marriages are also found among the Brahmaps. A study of the census report of 1911 shows that the information that has been recorded regarding the polyandrous form of marriage as it prevails in the Simla hill-states is of a very general nature without any reference to the peculiar customs which may be found in the different areas. During the summer of 1919, in the course of a trip that I took from Simla to the Chorpeak, I had an opportunity of coming across polyandrous people, and the detailed information, gathered from some of them regarding the type of polyandry in vogue in the Jubbul State, is published below. It will appear from the sequel that the polyandry practised there is of the usual fraternal type. There is now a growing tendency in different parts of India, both in the North and in the South, against this forni of marriage. My chief aim in publishing this short note is to draw the attention of the public to the prevalence of polyandry in certain parts of India. so that during the census of 1921, the census officers may do their level best to gather all information regarding the different types of polyandrous marriage, as it prevails in different parts of India. In the Jubbul State polyandry is the prevailing form of marriage among the Kanets. The marriage is not attended with any religious ceremony. After the selection of the bride, a dowry is paid to the father or, in case the father is not living, to the guardian of the girl, who becomes the joint-wife of all the brothers who may be living at the time of the marriage, and a brother who may not be born at the time of the marriage of his elder brothers has no claim to be the husband of a wife already weddod by his elder brothers. The wife is usually escorted to her new houso by the eldest or the elder brother, as the case may be, and she is usually accompanied by a few relatives including a brother, if possible. At the house of the husbands some ceremony takes place, including a feast in which the friends and relatives of the husbands are entertained. It is necessary that at this time all the brothers who are going to be the husbands of a common The Cochin tribes and scales : Vol I, pp. 161 (Mannans), 173 (Panans), 182 (Vilkurpus). 209 (Kaniyans and Panikkans), 301 (Thandans) aud 346 (Kammalans). 8 Op. cit., p. 456. This is quoted on the authority of Dunlop's Hunting in the Himalayas, p. 181. A similar expression also ocours in Balfour's Cyclopaedia of India, Eastern and Southern Asia. 2nd ed., Vol. IV, p. 620. Census of India, Vol. XIV; Punjab, pt. 1; Report, 1911, pp. 287-289. * Ind. Ant., Vol. VII, p. 86. 6 The Census figures of 1901 record the oocurrence of 103 poiyandrous marriages among the Brahmans of the Bashar State, though the largest number is to be found among the Kaneto (Punjab District Gazet., Vol. VIII. Simla Hill States, 1911; Bashar State, p. 15).

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148 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ MAY, 1931 wife must be present at the house, otherwise the marriage cannot take place. It is also necessary that the bride should be selected by all the brothers end if there is a difference of opinion ragarding the selection, it may lead to an eventuai division among the brothers. The wife usually goes to her husbands in turn, e.g., with the eldest brother for the first night, with the second brother for the second night and so on. The children are assigned to their fathers according to seniority. Thus, if there are four husbands and four children are born, the fathership of the first will be assigned to the eldest husband, that of the second to the second husband, and so on. If the number of children exceeds four, then the assignment will again begin in the order in which it started, namely the fifth child will be assigned to the first husband, the sixth to the second and so on, and this assignment takes place irrespective of whether the child is a boy or a girl. It may be noted that among the polyandrous people of Sirmur? a similar custom prevails, while among the Kulus the custom regarding the fatherhood of the child is also similar, though there is some difference regarding the period of the partnership of the bed between the husband and the wife. There is sometimes jealousy among brothers or groups of brothers regarding the love of their joint-wife and this often leads to a separation among the brothers. When the brothers live in the joint possession of a common wife, they live in a joint family and all the earnings come to the eldest brother who manages the whole family. A brother cannot claim to be the joint owner of a wife with other brothers and at the same time have a second wife all to himself. He must either share the second wife with all other brothers or must live separate from his other brothers and in possession of - the second wife. THE ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OF SHIVAJI. BY SURENDRANATH SEN, M.A., CALCUTTA. (Continued from p. 136.) The Mantri should carefully conduct the political and diplomatic affairs of the kingdom. The invitation (AYT) and the intelligence departments are under him. He should look after the Districts and serve in war. He should put his sign of approval on official documents. (Seal) (item 1). The Sumant should have charge of foreign affairs. He should receive and entertain ambassadors from other kingdoms when they coine. He should serve in war and put his sign of approval on state documents and letters. (Seal) (item 1). 7 Balfour's Cyclopaedia of India, Eastern and Southern Asia (2nd Edition, Vol. IV, p. 628. 8 In the course of a discussion which followed the reading of the paper of De Ujfaloy, Un Voyage dans Himalaya occidental (le Koulon, le Cachmire et le petit Thibet), the author made the following remarks regarding the polyandry among the Kulus : Les parents, par example, vendent leur fille a six freres. Le premier mois, elle appartient au frere aine, lo second, au frere cadet, etc. Le premier enfant est repute avoir pour pere le premier mari, lo frere aind. (Bull. Soc. d'Anthrop, 3rd Ser., V., p. 227, 1882.) In some parts of India a different custom prevails. Thus, among the Vilkurpus, the children born of a polyandrous union call all the brothors fathers without any distinction (Iyer : op. cit., Vol. I, p. 182). kAna jAbatA rAjyAbhiSeka zake 2bhAnaMda nAma saMvatsare jyeSTha vaya 15 payodazI bhaumavAsare, mukhya pradhAna yAMnI sarva rAjakAya karAve. rAjapatrAvara zikkA karAvA. senA gheUna yuprasaMga va svArI karAvI va tAlukA tAnInAMta svAdhIza hoIla tyAcA rabhUna baMzebasta karUna bhArjeta vAveM. sarva sarakAra [bAMNI ] bAMjabarobara jAve tyAMnI sarva sameta cAlAveM vejeMpramANe mortaba kalama 2

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MAY, 1921] ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OF SHIVAJI 149 Besides the duties enumerated above, some of the eight Pradhans.were in charge of extensive provinces. When they were away from the metropolis, They were in charge their agents resided at the court. Sabhasad says that this appaof provinces also. rently clumsy arrangement was made in response to the demand for good government. "The kingdom was extended on four sides. How to carry on the governance of the kingdom? Then in Moropant Peshwa's charge was placed the country from Kalyan and Bhiynadi, including Kolawan up to Saleri, the country above the ghats and Konkan. Lohagod and Junnar with the twelve Mawals from the pass of Haralya (was placed) under the Peshwa. Konkan from Chaul to Kopal, including Dabhol, Rajapur, Kudal, Bande, and Fond, was placed under Annaji Datto. The Warghat (country above the ghats) from Wai to Kopal on the Tungabhadra (was) the province placed under Dattaji Pant Waknis. Dattaji Pant was stationed at Panhala. In this manner was the kingdom placed under three Sarkarkuns. Besides these, a few (five to seven) Bramhan Subadars were stationed in the Moghul provinces. They were kept under the order of the Peshwa. The Sarkarkuns were to enquire into the needs and welfare of the forts and strongholds. But if Killedar and Karkuns were to be appointed, the Raje himself should appoint, after personal scrutiny. If the Sarkarkuns found any serviceable soldier they should enlist him in excess of the fixed number of the quota (tainat). The agents of the Sarkarkuns should remain with the Raje. The Sarkarkuns should come to see the Raje (once ?) every year with the accommts and the revenue of their province."'43 amAtyAMnI sarva rAjyAMtIla jamAkharca caukazI karUna vakharavAra, pharapIsa [1] yAMce svAdhIna asAve. lihiNe caukazI bhAkArA phaDaNisI, ciTaNisI panAMvara nizANa karAve. bamasaMga karAve tAlukA vatana karUna bhAjhaMta cAlAve. mortaba kalama 2 saciva yAMnI rAjapatraM zodha karUna adhika u bhakSara majakura buddha karAvA, buddhaprasaMga karUna tAlukA svAdhIna hoIla to rasuna bhAsavartA rAjapatrAMvara saMmata cinha karAve mortaba kalama 2. maMtrI yAMnI sarva maMca vicAra rAjyakArale bAMtIla sAvadhatene vicAra karA bhAmaMcaNa vAkanisI svAMcA svAdhIna tAlukA jatana karUna buddhAdi prasaMga karAve mortaba kalama 2. senApatI bAMI sarva sainya saMrakSaNa karUna prasaMga svArI karAvI. tAlukA svAdhIna hoIla to rasUna hizeSa rujU karUna AjJene vartAva. phaujecyA lokAMce bola, bolA sarva phaujece saradAra yAMnI svAjabarobara cAlAve. mortaba kalama 2. paMDitarAvAMnI sarva dharmAdhikAra, dharma adharma pAhUna zikSA karAvI. ziSTAMce satkAra karAve. bhAcAra, vyavahAra, prAyazcitta, parSe hotIla tyAMjavara saMmata cinha karAve, nAna, prasaMga, zAMti, anuSThAna, tAtkALa karAve. mortaba kalama 2. nyAyAdhIza bAMNI sarva rAjyAMtIla nyAva karAve. nyAbAcI nivAu parne vAMjavara saMmata cinha karAve. mortaba kalama 2. sumaMta yAMnI pararAjyAMtIla vicAra karAvA. tyAMce vakIla yetIla tyAMce satkAra karAve. buddhAdi prasama karAve rAjapanAMvara saMmata cinha karAve. mortaba kalama 2. -Babhaand, pp. 77-78. mulukha cotarphA suTalA. malakAMta ATopa kaisA hoya? tevhAM moropaMta pecabAMcA havAlA kalyANa bhivaDIpAsUna dekhIla koLavaNa sAlerI pava varaghATa va kaoNkaNa tvAMce svAdhIna deza kelA. lohagara va zugara dekhIla bArA mAvaLe hAraLyAMce pAyapAsUna pezabAcA pAlA kelA. bhaMjAbI pattIce svAdhIna cakalApAsUna samoLa, rAjApura, harALa, bAMda, phaoNrakopalaparyaMta kAkaNabhaMgAjIpaMta saraNIsa bAMce svAdhIna kele varaghATa bAIpAsUna kopala tuMgabhadrA pAveto deza nemUna dattAjIpaMta pAkanIsa bAMce svAdhIna kelA. sattAjIpaMtAsa panhALAM cile. asA deza tIna sarakArakunAMccA havAlA kelA bAkherIja mogalAI deva barSe sanezara brAsapa pAMca bAta haivile tehi pesambAce Ata rile garakoTa-ki ye sarakArakunAMnI parAmarSa karAvA paraMtu kidAra loka ThevaNe te gadhivAMnI bhApale nagara gujara karUna

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150 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ May, 1921 When Shivaji made this division of his territories and placed them under three of his principal agents, we do not know, for Sabhasad does not give any date. But that the Pradhans had still some districts under their charge and had to leave their agents or Multaliks at court during their absence in their respective provinces or on a distant expedition, even after the coronation, when the council had a better status than before, can be proved by the following entry in the memorandum already quoted-"The Darakhdara for going on an expedition (and the management of) Districts and market cities under the eight Pradhans, should all work in the name of the Huzur and carry on their corresponderce in the same manner (as the Pradhans). When they would go on an expedition, the Mutaliks appointed for them should continue all their work. They should atay at the court. (Seal) (item 1). It should be noted here, before we take leave of the eight Pradhans, that they could not Darakdars and select their own subordinates. These were invariably appointed, Mutaliks appointed as in the Peshwa period, by the supreme head of the state. Even by the king. the Mutaliks who were apparently expected to act on behalf and in the interests of an absent minister, were not appointed by him, but by the king. We do not know whether on such occasions, the approval of the officer affected was sought or not. This practice however was evidently borrowed from the Muhammadans. The Muhammadan rulers of Delhi required the provincial governors and generals on active service to leave their agents or Wakils at the imperial court during their absence on duty. These agents acted in the same manner, as the Mutaliks of Shivaji's Pradhans, but they generally considered it their first duty to safeguard the inerests of their immediate masters. We may be permitted to state here that the number of cabinet ministers was by no means fixed. From Sabhasad's list, already quoted, it appears that there were nine of them at the time of the coronation; as the Amatya's office was jointly held by two brothers, Naro and Ramchandra. Sambhaji dismissed, decapitated and imprisoned many of his father's old servants. The vacancies caused by death and dismissal were not in all cases filled up. The number of cabinet ministers was therefore considerably reduced. To speak more accurately Sambhaji had no council at all. He ruled as he liked, and did not care to consult any one except his notorious favourite Kavi Kalush or Kavji, a Kanojis Brahman. He has been styled Chhandogyamatya in the papers of those times. The Pandit Rav in Shivaji's time was entitled to the additional designation of Chhandogyamatya. It has been however suggested that Kavik@lush was not Sambhaji's Pandit Rav.16 Kalush enjoyed so much influence and had so much power that he was for all practical purposes the prime minister of Sambhaji. When however the Rajmandal was revived under Rajaram, a new member was added, who superseded all others, both in status and pay. Pralhad ThevAve. kAmAcA mANUsa pAhUna tainAta jAjatI dhamAsa karaNe te sarakArakunAMnI karAvI ye jAtIne taha kelA sarakArakunAce mutAlIka rAjivAjavaLa asAve vaposa hiseba mulakAcA va rasada gheUna sarakArakanAMnI T a ar. Wo find similar accounts in Chitnis and Chitragupta. 46 Sane, P.Y.B., p. 369. aSTa pradhAna yAMjakara peTheva tAluke va svArIsa jANe svAsa rakhAra sarva taracyA nAMveM svAMcar dAkhalyAMnI patravyavahAra karAvA. svArIsa jAveM svAMsa musAlIka karUna dile tyAMnI sarva vyavahAra cAlavAvA. ert. Bharat Itihas Sanahodhak Mandal-Varshik Inoritta (1837), p 111. Mr. G. 8. Sardesai however does not sooopt this view.

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MAY, 1921) ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OF SHIVAJI 151 Niraji was appointed Pratinidhi or the king's vicegerent, at Jinji, during the struggle for national existence. Henceforth the Pratinidhi always held the first seat in the cabinet, until the rise of the Peshwas revolutionised the constitution of the Maratha empire. Outside the cabinet but in no way inferior to the eight cabinet ministers, was the Chitnis or Secretary. Just below the Pradhans had stood Bal Chitnis. Prabhu Chitnis and Nil Prabhu Parasnis, 16 at the time of Shivaji's coronation. The private secretary of an autocratic king naturally enjoys great influence and is a power behind the throne. Balaji Avji, Shivaji's Chitnis, was a man of exceptional ability. Not only did he perform the ordinary duties of his office, but he had been further entrusted with the exceedingly delicate task of taking down the behests of the great goddess Bhavani, communicated through Shivaji's mouth. It is said that Shivaji had actually offered him a seat in the Rajmandal, but the modesty of the great Prabhu statesman stood in his way.18 The duties of his office are thus enumerated by Malhar Ramrav Chitnis -"The Chitnis Patralekhak will write all royal letters and diplomatic correspondence. Divining what is in the king's heart, he should at once cleverly put it into writing, discussing the various aspects of the case. He should write in such a manner that what is generally accomplished by war and great exertions should be achieved by means of letters only. We should write answer to the letters that may come."'40 In the memorandum published by Rao Bahadur Sane, we come across the following entry under Chitnis." He should write all official letters and papers of the state. He should write answers to diplomatic letters. Sanads, grants, deeds and other orders, to be issued to the officers in the) Districts should be written according to the separate regulations framed for the Fadnisi papers. On handnotes and papers of special importance there should be a seal or (the king's own?) signature only and no seal of the other officers. The Chitnis alone should put his sign.". (Seal) (item 1).50 Such were the duties that the Chitnis had to perform. Although in the above regulations the Chitnis is required to writo all correspondence and draw up all state documents, in practice he was to a considerable The work of correspondence shared by extent relieved by others. Chitragupta tells us that the Fadnis other officers. alone and no other official could issue deeds of Royal grant. All letters to the Provincial and District officers were written by the Chitnis, while answers to the letters from commanders of forts had to be written by an officer called Gadnis. 10 Sabhasad, p. 84. Chitnis, p. 162. 47 Sabhasad Chitnis, Chitragupta and all old chronicles tell us that whenever Shivaji had to face any exceptional difficulty, the goddess Bhavani used to take possession of his body and tell him what he should do. As the king lay unconscious all the time, the behest of the deity was takon down by Balaji Avji. See also, History of the Maratha people by Kincaid and Parasnis, Rajwadyachi Gagabhatti, published by K. T. Gupto and Thakre's Kodandcha Tanatkar. 2. Chitnis, p. 170. 7 bALAjI AvajI vAMsa tumacI sevA bahuta niSThene jAhalI va rAjyAce paddhIsa upayoga pAta bhAle bAstava aSTapradhAnAMtIla bojanA karaNAra; banUna abhiSekApUrvI sAMgitale te samavIM mI kArakuna lihiNAra barakhAra majalA pradhAnAMtIla pada na lage sarvakALa caraNAMce sAnidhya va akSabI kRpA sevA ghaDaNe . . . . . . . cipisI akSaya karUna cAvI. 4 Chitnis, p. 168. Pozofre the coffee tw* teft q* Furaft. rAjAce hAta jANUna tatkAla nAmAprakArace kalpa karUna caturapaNe lekhana karAyeM buddha karUna AbAse kAna kArya hote patrAce bhAva pAhUnaca kArya hota asAvaM. aise lekhana karA.pabetIla tyAMcI relvAhAvI. 50 Sane p. y. B. p. 368. fecofte gift af rites . T T et Perf. sanarA bAnapa vagaire mahAlI kunI bAMcA sAvatA phaDaNisI bhAlAhirA-bApamANe lihA.hAtarIke nAjukaparne bAnavara mortaba athavA khAsa iskatamAcabarakarAMcA sakhalA cinha nAhI pipisAnIMcakarA.

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152 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ MAY, 1921 Letters to Foreign courts were sent from the Dabir's office, while the Parasnis had to write the letters to be addressed to the Emperor of Delhi, his Wajir and Muhammadan Potentates.51 Chitragupta however was not a contemporary of Shivaji. Mr. V. K. Rajwade has A Karm Jabta of described his work merely as an elaboration of Sabhasad's Bakhar. Chitnis' duties. Nor do we get a complete list of the Chitnis's official duties in Chitragupta. This want however has fortunately been removed by a Jabta of the first year of the coronation era. Here the Chitnis's and the Fadnis's duties have been enumerated side by side. The document runs as follows: A memorandum (enumerating) the writing work of the Chitnis, of "Kshatriva Kulavtans Shri Raja Shivachhatrapati, dated the first of Jaishtha, of the year I, of the coronation era, the Sambatsar being Ananda by name, of the letters and grant deeds to be issued when a new Inam is granted to any one Letters to the Talukdars. Do. to the Subhas and Mamla officers present and future. Should be written by Do. to the Deshmukh, Deshpande and the Chitnis. Zemidars. Of the letters to be issued when a village in Moksha or lands as a stipend are granted to any one. Letters to the Mokdams. Do. to the Talukdars. Should be written by the Fadnis. Do. to the Kamavisdars.) Do. to the Zemindars. Should be written by the Chitnis. Excepting the above all letters of grants to any one should be written by the Chitnis. All answers, orders or diplomatic letters should be written by the Chitnis. The Chitnis should also write reminders or notes about 1. Saramjams. 2. Sanads relating to lands. 3. Professional Rights. 4. Inams. 5. Assignments (Varats). The rules about the Chitnis's work and a memorandum about them all, including these relating to customs duties : All kowls to be issued a bout lands to villages and provinces should be written by the Chitnis. The Fadnis should write the kowls or agreements about the 61 Chitragupta's Bakher in the Kavyetihas Sangraha), pp. 104-106. Fefraft 7 Petit kAyadA tathA anvaye patraM lihAvI-yeNepramANe koNA ekAsa gAMva va jamIna inAma dilhI nAhI kiMvA vidhaliyA mahArAjAMcA mAthe zikA yAcI sanada tyAMce nAMveM phaDaNisAMnI lihAvI. dusare patra lihUM maye. dezAdhikArI va jilhAvArAsa va gAMgusa paNe ciTaNisAMnI lihAvIM varakaDa svarAjyAMtIla jAbasAla gANisAMnI lihAvI. saranasara parakI rAjyAMtIla paravIra yAMnI lihAvI. pArasanavisAMnI pAvazAsa va vajirAsa va bAje musalamAna nabAba va saMsthAnI asatIla tyAMsa lihAvI. taduttara bAmaNAMsa patraM paMDitarAva yAMNI lihAvI. inasApha manasuphI hilA harakatImuLe je nivaDela tvAcA mAhajara mAtra nyAyAdhIza yAMnI lihAve. sAkIdapatraM na lihAvI hA ciTaNisAMkaDIla kAbaza gaDakarI yAMce nAMcI uttare mAtra gaDamisAMnI lihAvI havAladAra va kArakhAnIsa va sabanIsa je divANa misavatIce mAmaledAra Aheta tyAMsa pa ciTaNisAkarIla.

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MAY, 1921] ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OF SHIVAJI 153 contribution fixed (by the proper authorities) to be levied (in a foreign country). Of the Sanads of new officers, Kama vis, eto. Those addressed to the officer should be written by the Fadnis. Those addressed to the Zemindars and others should be written by the Chitnis. All notes to be issued about Ghasdana, with notes about Fadfarmas, should be written by the Chitnis. Letters about revenue and fruit of the richest flavour for marriage ceremonies (in the Raja's house) should be written by the Chitnis. Of these, if the Chitnis has written letters about sanads for recovery of revenue from the Mahals, the Fadnis should mention in his letters that the said sanad has been recorded. If the balance of revenue considered unrecoverable has been realised, letters referred thereto should be addressed by the Chitnis and the remittance transfer of the shortage should be granted by the Fadnis. All notes of remission (with regard to the following) should be written by the Chitnis : 1. Of Land (revenue). 2. When a remission of the dues (balance) is granted: 3. When revenue is conditionally) remitted for failure of crops, the revenue will be realised after inspection. All letters of (warning) or about the rights of possession of old Inams, Vatans, and Varshasans, that may be in force in Svarajya and foreign territories should be writien by the Chitnis, enumerating the village and the name of the parties interested). When Vatan is confirmed after due inquiries about the proprietorship of) an old Vatan; all lettere about it, whether addressed to the Vatandar or Jilbedars and Subadars should be written by the Chitnis. (He) should (however) write after leaving space for any Harki or Sherni, that may have been promised. These gaps should be filled up by the Fadnis with his own hand, stating the amount; If a new Vatan or Inam is granted to anyone, the letter addressed to the name of the grantee should be written by the Fadnis, stating the sum of Rupees) taken. All other letters (in this connection) should be written by the Chitnis. When a Prayshchitta is prescribed, or a man is to be (re) admitted into his caste, orders to the Joshis and letters to the Upadhyayas and Brahmans or Shudras, or to any body else, should be written by the Chitnis. Harki and Shela should be taken by the government for the Prayshchitta. The Fadnis should make an entry that so much has been realised (specifying the sum). All letters, if the transaction is to be made without any stipulation about 'money, should be the Chitnis's business; the Fadnis will have nothing to do with them. If parties after quarrelling with each other, come for decision to the court, all letters according to the decision (of the court) about the Harki to be paid by the winning and Gunhegari to be paid by the losing party should be written by the Chitnis. The total of Harki and Gunhegari alone should be stated by the Fadnis. Letters about contribution, fines, Harkis and incomes (arising from) adultery cases should be written by the Chitnis. If an assignment or Varat is made in any one's favour, and there is any delay in making it good, the Chitnis should write reminders, (requesting the officers concerned) to realise the money in accordance with the terms of the assignment. If an assignment is made of one hundred rupees and there is shortage of money in the Mahal (concerned), and a fresh assignment of fifty rupees, out of the entire sum, has to be made, it will be done by the Fadnis. And if an assignment of one hundred rupees is once made, and it is returned, and a fresh

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154 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ MAY, 1921 grant has to be made, the document is to be drawn up by the Chitnis. If however any correction is to be made about the sum (literally if the sum is either more or less), the letter will be written by the Fadnis. All passports for travelling and permission for establishing warehouses should be written by the Chitnis. Summons should be written by the Chitnis. Memoranda enumerating regulations for Watani Mahals Ports, and Forts, etc., should be written by the Chitnis. Letters about ammunition and clothes to be sent each year to the forts, strongholds or military outposts, or to be brought to the head-quarters from those places, should be written by the Chitnis. If any objection is to be raised about these works, it is to be raised by the Fadnis. The Chitnis is to open the envelopes and read (to the king ?) the letters that may come, and to enclose and despatch letters. The memorandum of rules for regulating the price of things should be drawn by the Chitnis. If officers are sent from the head-quarters to villages, or stores, or Parganas, all letters to the District officer should be written by the Chitnis. All orders of confiscation of any one's property, or restoration of property to its owner, should be written by the Chitnis. Letters for conferring (the command of) forts and strongholds, etc., for settling a boundary, for imprisoning or releasing any one, should be written by the Chitnis. Letters of diplomatic intelligence should be written by the Chitnis. All letters in which the royal signature is to be inserted, handnotes and documents with seals, should be written by the Chitnis. All letters about the appointment to the command of forts and strongholds, grants of Saranjam Inam or Vatans, or communication about any assignment, accompanied by the customary clothes of honour, should be written by the Chit. nis, as well as letters specifying contribution, fine, Harki or subscription, and Nazar (to be paid by the addressee). He should also frame a list of these and send it to the Daftar. The officers there will accordingly make their accounts of income and expenditure. Closed letters and handnotes should be written by the Chitnis; no one except the Chitnis should put his sign in the handnotes. Kowls for settling (new inhabitants in any place) or authorising (any one to do a specified act) should be drawn up by the Chitnis. Letters for attaching or conferring a house, or homestead, fuel, or rice lands, should be written by the Chitnis.52 Besides the duties enumerated above, the Chitnis was in charge of the Abdar Khana and Saraf Khana also.5 In the document quoted above, the Fadnis is also mentioned with the Chitnis in their official relations. A subordinate Secretariat officer of no great importance in Sivaji's time, the Fadnis rose to great power and authority during the Peshwa regime. The Potnis was responsible for the account of income and expenditure of the metropolitan treasury, while the Potdar was only an assay officer. Fadnis, Potnis and Potdar. 52 Sanads and letters edited by Mawjee and Parasnis, pp. 127 to 130. 53 Ibid, p. 125.

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MAY, 1921] ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OF SHIVAJI 155 The eight Pradhans had under them, besides their staff, the officers in charge of the The officers in eighteen Karkhanas and the twelve Mahals. What precisely their Karkhanas and twelve en duties were we do not know. The eighteen Karkhanas and the wo wo Mahals. twelve Mahals were as follows: The eighteen Karlchanas. 1. Khajina. Cash. 2. Jawahirkhana. Jewellery. 3. Ambarkhana. Elephant trappings. 4. Sharbatkhana Medicines. 5. Topkhana. Artillery-stores. 6. Daftarkhana. Record Department. 7. Jamdarkhana. Public treasury containing all sorts of coins, etc. 8. Jiratkhana. Agriculture. 9. Mutbakkhana. Kitchen. 10. Vashtarkhana. Camels and their trappings. 11. Naquarkhana. Band. 12. Talimkhana. Gymnasium. 13. Pilkhana. Elephant shed, etc. 14. Faraskhana. Carpets and accessories, 15. Abdarkhana. Drink. 16. Shikarkhana. Game, aviary, chase, and allied materials. 17. Darukhana. Magazine. 18. Shahatkhana. Conservancy Department. The twelve Mahals. 1. Pote. The treasury, 2. Saudagir. Merchandise. 3. Palkhi. Palanquins. 4. Kothi. Warehouse. Imarat. Building. 6. Bahili. Chariots. Paga. Stables. Seri. Comforts. 9. Daruni. The Zenana. 10. Thatti. Cow-gheds. 11. Tanksal, Mints, 12. Sabina. Guards.34 It is clear from the name of their departments that most of these officers wero more concerned with the king's household than with any duties of imperial or publie interest. A few of them, on the other hand, like those in charge of the artillery, the mint, and the public treasury, fall under a diferent category. Shivaji's division of his government and household affairs into eightoon Karthanas and twelve Mahals was therefore by no means scientific. But we cannot expect from e man surrounded on all sides by onomies, * Babhread, pp. 94 to 94.

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156 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (MAY, 1921 and ever engaged in a war of defence as well as of conquest, a scientific division of departments on modern lines. He had evidently copied from the existing system and found little leisure in his eventful career to improve upon it. In their departmental duties each of eight Pradhans was The staff of the Pradhang. assisted by a staff of eight clerks. They were : 1. The Dewan. 2. The Mazamdar or Auditor and Accountant. The Fadnis or Deputy Auditor. 4. The Sabnis or the Daftardar. 5. The Karkhanis or Commissary. 6. The Chitnis or Correspondence clerk. 7. The Jamdar or Treasurer. 8. The Potnis or Cashkeeper.55 The king formed the great pivot on which rested this stupendous structure. His was the hand that worked this gigantic, but by no means easy machine. The king the soul of Not only the officers in charge of the eighteen Karkhanas and the the system. twelve Mahals, not only such secretariat officers as the Fadnis, Sabnis and Potnis, but also their official superiors, the eight Pradhans and the Chitnis, formed a vast array of clerks and military commanders, to carry out the orders of the king and to execute his great designs. They were but so many machines, not inanimate it is true, not uncon scious of the great part they were playing, but at the same time hardly having any independent existence. Even the Pandit Rav, the officer in charge of the ecclesiastical branch of the administration, whose Brahman birth and learning might have given him some advan tage over his non-Brahman master, could hardly take any step without the cognisance and sanction of the king. Even Kalush, the all powerful minister of Sambhaji, deemed it necessary to consult the king's pleasure before he could authorise the re-admission of a repentant renegade into his former caste after the necessary penance.56 Everything therefore depended on the personal ability and qualities of the sovereign. There was nothing to check him except his own good sense, and of course the constant fear of a formidable Muhammadan invasion. It was for this reason alone that Sambhaji found it so easy to subvert his father's system, the day after his accession to the throne. It is this very reason again that impelled Rajaram, while sorely pressed by the victorious Imperial army, to revive the old institutions his father had found so useful. The system required a strong and good ruler. After Shahu, there were none among Shivaji's descendants who possessed the requisite qualities; and that is why the Peshwas found it so easy to do away with the Central Government. The Ashta Pradhans still continued, but the hereditary incumbents found themselves in an anomalous situation. They enjoyed great fiefs but were never in practice called upon to perform their civil duties. The Peshwe, in theory their equal, became in reality their superior. The king their master was a state prisoner. The Peshwa's Fadnis, originally an officer of no importance, gradually rose to very great power; and the central governmont, no longer its former self, was transferred from Satara to Poona. But through all these 55 Grant Duff, Vol. 1, p. 191. 58 The Rajwade, M.I.S., Vol. III.

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MAY, 1921] TRANS-HIMALAYAN REMINISCENCES IN PALI LITERATURE 157 changes and revolutions, both bloody and bloodless, the village communities survived unaffected, and the Peshwa also found it convenient to continue the Provincial governments as they existed in Shivaji's time.. It may not be out of place to notice here, that during the short century that intervened between the rise of Shivaji and the death of Shahu, the Maratha Frequent changes of empire had seen no less than four capitals. Shivaji, the hardy capital. mountain rat, was enthroned in the impregnable hill fort of Raigar. His worthless son found the pleasure house near modern Mahabaleshwar more suited to his tastes. Rajaram driven from his paternal hills, had to take shelter in the southern stronghold of Jinji; his descendants continued their feeble rule at Kolhapur, even after the fall of the Peshwas. Sahu reigned at Satara, and a small principality was subsequently carried out for his lineal successor Pratap Singh, when the British government pensioned off Baji Rao II. Satara was the last capital of the Bhonslas, but a new act in the great drama opened with the transfer of the central government to Poona, destined to be the capital of a vast Hindu Empire for no less than four generations. (To be continued.) TRANS-HIMALAYAN REMINISCENCES IN PALI LITERATURE. BY D. N. SEN, M. A. WHILE studying the sutta literature. I was much struck by two words which I came across. One of them is far and the other 1 dIgharantaM means long time, ' dIdha= dIrgha = long, and rataM -rAtram = night = time. The word rakta or ta is used here as a synonym for 'time.' Why are 'night' and 'time' held as synonymous ? Similarly, the word rag is compounded of and , the two together meaning a man of experience.' Literally, means a 'knower of time.' Here also it is significant that night' and time' have been used in the same sense. There is perhaps a long history behind the transformation of the word a period when' night' could stand for In Pali as well as in Vedic Sanskrit, the compounds made of them, e.g., rattindivaM the people using the Pali language came from a country of long twilights and that this memory is preserved in words like nISarata rattambhu and ratindivaM ? The Vedic Aryans speak of a (hundred winters), using the word as a synonym for years. This takes us back to a period of their history when they lived in colder climes. In the same way way and would take us back to a period of the history of the Pali-speaking people when they lived in regions where nights were more prominent than days. into a synonym fore 'time.' Does it carry us back to time, 'the nights being more prominent than the days? word 'night often precedes the word 'day' in the in Pali, nakkandivam in Sanskrit Could it mean that It would, however, be rash to draw such a large conclusion on grounds which appear at first to be rather slight. We shall, therefore, scrutinise such geographical evidence as can be found in Pali literature to see if the conclusion is supported by it. In looking for the geographical data, I came across some names which refer undoubtedly to a region beyond the Himalayas. I will examine these names one by one: (a) uttarakuru - The references to uttarakuru are copious in the sullas. It is often mentioned in terms which would make it a legendary land, but it is also sometimes spoken of in a way which leaves no shadow of a doubt that s was a real country. 1 Cf. fe Jatakas, VI, p. 92. rantindivaM vivinA mevanti - dhammarAbAdamuttaM, majjhimanikAya, Vol. I. p. 13, P. T. 8.

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158. THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ MAY, 1921 In mahAvagga of the vinaya piTaka, the following passage occurs : " atha kho uhavela kassapassa jaTilassa etad bhahosi:-etaraha kho me mahAjamI pazupahito kevalakappA ca aMgamAgadhA pahUtaM khAdaniyaM bhojanibaM bhAvAba abhikamissantiH sace.mahAsamaNI mahAjanakAye iddhi pATihAriyaM karissati mahAsamaNNassa lAbhasakArI bhabhivaDissati, mama lAbhasakArI parihAvissati / atha nana mahAsamaNI svAtanAya nAgacchebbati / atha kho bhagavA uruvela kassapassa jaTilassa cetasA to parivitakaM anAva uttarakuru gantvA tato piNDapAtaMbhAharitvA bhanotatavahe paribhUzvitvA tatya eva vivAvihAraM akAsi / " * [Uruvela-Kassapa, (who was celebrating a great vedic sacrifice), the man with matted hair, thought like this: 'My great sacrifice is going to be performed, and all the people froin Anga and Magadha are coming with large quantities of food of various kinds. If the great samaNa (Buddha) shows them miracles, he will rise in their esteem and great also will be his gain, and, correspondingly, I shall lose their esteem and fail to receive offerings from them. So the great T should not certainly come here tomorrow. In the meanwhile, the Lord came to know the working of the mind of Uruvela-Kassapa through his own mind and repaired to Uttara-Kuru where he received alms-offerings, took his food by the side of Anotata-daha and passed the day there.] Buddha's passage to Uttara-Kuru in the course of a night was, of course, a miracle, and so was his return to Uruvela. Such miraculous translation to Uttara-kuru is mentioned about Buddha's disciples as well :- bhikhAcAravelAyAM keci uttarataraM gacchanti. [Some of them would go to ar during the time of alms-begging.) In the milindapanahas the royal city of sAgala is described as comparable to uttarakurU (uttarakuru saMkAsaM saMpannamassa) in its fertile fields. In the vidhura paNDitajAtaka, we find the following passage : purato vivehe passa govAniyeca pacchato kuruyo jambudIpaJca mANamhi passa nimmitaM / The note which follows explains, "videhe ti puzvavidehaM; govAniye si aparagoyAnidIpaM kuruya ti uttarakurUca dakSiNato jamdIpana." . From the way in which the relative positions of uttarakuru and jambudIpa are mentioned, it is clear that the latter was supposed to be situated to the south of the former. It should also be noted that the word en is used here in the plural and so is also the word t. It was usual to call the countries after the people who lived in them uttarakaru means the land of the Uttara-Kurus, and karuyo, the land of the Kurus. In a passage which I am quoting below, the inhabitants of 9 are mentioned as manussA or men : tIhi bhikakhave ThAnehi uttarakurukA manussA deve ca sAvartise adhigahanti jambuvIpake ca manusse / kasamehi sIhi? bhamamA ca apariggahA nibatAekA bisesbhunii| [ There are three things in which the men of Uttara-Kuru and the gods of arfe excel the men of Jambudipa. What are the three ? They are free from attachment, take no gifts, live eternally and feed on special food.] We can safely conclude from the passages quoted above that a , though rapidly growing legendary, was yet known as a Janapada or country, lying to the north of jayuddhIpa, and inhabited by men far superior to the people of jamaDIpa, morally as well as physically. . 3 Vin., Mahavag., I, 19. Oldenberg. *milindapamaha, Burm., p. 2. jAtaka, (Rausboll), V, 316. * Ang. Nik, IV, 306 (P.T.S.).

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MAY, 1921] TRANS-HIMALAYAN REMINISCENCES IN PALI LITERATURE 159 utsarakuru in the aitareya brAhmaNa-The following passage occurs in the aitareya brAhmaNa "ayainamudIdhyAM dizi vizvedevAH SaDbhizcaiva pacavizerahobhirabhyapicatena ca tRcenatena ca yajuSaitAnizca vyAhatibhirAjyAya, tasmAdetasthAmudIcyA viziye ke ca pareNa himavansaM janapadA uttarakurava uttaramadrA iti vairAjyAcaiva te'bhiSicyante virADityenAnabhiSiktAnAcakSate / " Then the more performed his inauguration ceremony in the north for six-and-twentyfive days with these three rik verses, with Yajus and with Vyahritis, for kingless rule. For this reason, in this northern region, countries on the other side of the Himalayas, such 88 Uttaru-Kurus and Uttara-Madras, are without kings and are called kingless.] Closely following the passage quoted above the same war mentions the names of kuru and Panchala in a compound, and as situated in the middle region, this being the securest part of the country. Messrs. Keith and Macdonald support this view: The Uttarakurus, who play a mythical part in the epic and later literature, are still a historical people in the aitareya brAhmaNa, where they are located beyond the Himalaya (pareNa himavantama). In another passage, however, the country of the Uttara-kurus is stated by Vasishjha Satyahavya to be a land of the gorls (devameva), but jAnantopi atyArAti was anxious to conquer it so that it is still not wholly mythical.' 8 The territory of the kuru-pAJcAla is declared in the aitareya prAmaNa to be the Middle country mayadezA). A group of the Kuru people still remained further north-the Uttara Kurus berond the Himalaya. I appears from a passage of the Te A t that the speech of the Northerners-that is, presumably, the Northern Kurus-andof the qarUpAtAla was similar, and regarded as specially pure. There seems little doubt that the Brahmanical culture was developed in the country of the kuru-pAJcAla and that it spread thence east, south and west.19 UTTARA-KURU IN THE MAHABHARATA : The Mahabharata tells us, in connection with the invasion of the northern countries by Arjuna, that the Pandava hero conquered and exacted tributes from the Kimpurushas, the Hatakas, the people of the country round the Mansarwar, and entered the country of Harivarsha where the Uttara-Kurus used to live : sa zvetaparvataM vIraH samatikramya vIryavAn / dezaM kimpuruSAvAsaM dUmaputreNa rakSitam / / mahatA sannipAtena kSaviyAltakaraNa hA ajabat pANDavazreSThaH kare cainaM nyavezayam / / taM jisvA hATakaM nAma dezaM gudhakaracitaM / pAkazAsanIvavyagraH sahasaindhaH samAsAt // tAMstu zAntena nimitya mAnasaM sara uttamam / RSikulyAstathA sarvA dadarza kurunandana // saroM mAnasamAsAtha hArakAnabhitaH prbhuH| . gandharvarakSitaM dezamajayat paannddvsttH|| tatra tittirikilmiSAn maNDUkAkhvAn hayottamAna / lebhe sa karamatyantaM gndhrvngraattaa|| satsara harivarSantu sa samAsAtha paannddvH| iveSa jetuM saM dezaM paakshaasnnndnH|| sata enaM mahAvIryo mahAkAvA mhaablaaH| dvArapAlAH samAsAtha haTA vacanamvan / / pArtha ne svavA pAyaM puraM ahaM kthyn| upAvartasva kalyANa parvAvamidamacyuta // * Ait. Brahm., chap. 40, vers. 14: * Ved. Ind., p. 84. * bid., pp. 185-100

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160 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ MAY, 1921 idaM puraM yaHpraSiobhravaM na sa bhvenr| prIbAmahe svayA vIra parvAtI vijabastava // nacAva kimisambamAnAva pradRzyate / utarIH kuravo ghete nAna buddhaM pravartate // praviSTo'pi hi kaunteva neha drazyasi kimvana / nAhi mAnuSahena zakthamavAbhivIkSitum // bhayeha puruSavyAghra kitivanyacikIrSasi / tat prabhUhi kariSyAmo vacanAsava bhArata | tasastAnabravIvAjamArjunaH prhsciv| pArthivatvaM cikIpAmi dhammerAjasva dhiimtH|| na pravekSyAmi vo decaM viruddhaM badi maanusseH| yudhiSThirAya yakizcit karapaNvaM pradIyatAm / / tato divyAni vastrANi divaanyaabhrnnaanic| 10 kSaumAjinAni digbAni tasva-te prabaduH karam / / UTTARA-KURU IN THE PURANAS: In the Vayupurana we have the following verses describing the countries included in Jambudvipe : "idaM hamavataM varSe bhArataM nAma vizratam / hemakUTa para tasmAnAmA kiMpuruSa smRtam / / naiSadhaM hemakUTAnu hariva tducyte| harivarSAparaM caiva meroca tadilAitam / / ilAitAt paraM nIlaM rambakaM mAma vizrutam / rambakAca paraM yetaM vizvataM taddhiraNamavam / / hiraNmavAt paraM cApi rAjavAMstu kuru smRtam" / [This Himalayan country is well-known as Bharata. Hemakuta is next to it and the land is known as Kimpurusha, Naishadha follows next and the land is called Harivarsba. After Harivarsha and Meru follows the country known as Ila vrita, After Ilavpita is Nila and the country is known as Ramyaka. After Ramyuka comes Sveta, and this country is known as Hirapmaya, Spiugavan follows Hiranmaya, and the country is to be remembered as Kuru.] T ag is here described as consisting of seven countries separated by six mountain ranges. These were believed to have stretched west to east, from sea to sea. The first country mentioned is Bharata-varsha, and it isdescribed as "Hainmavata" or Himalayan, thus indicating that consisted of the Himalaya mountains and the cis-Himalayan regions. The next Varsha lay between Haimavata and Hemakuta and was called the country of the Kimpurushas. The third Varsha is described as Harivarsha and it lay between Hemakuta and Nishadha mountains. The fourth was Ilaveita, and it lay to the north of Nishadha and south of the Nila ranges, and surrounded the Meru or Sumeru. North of the Nila and south of the Sveta lay the land known as Ramyaka. Between Sveta and Sringavan was Hiranmaya, and to the north of Stiigavan lay the home of the Kurus. So the northernmost country included in Jambu-dvipa was Kuru. The following verse in the Brahmandapurang places the land of the Kurus to the south of the North Sea and adjacent to its shores : utsarasva samudrasva samudrAntaM ca dkssinne| kuravastava saha puNyaM siniSevitam // 10 Mahabharat, Sabhaparva.

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MAY, 1921) TRANS-HIMALAYAN REMINISCENCES IN PALI LITERATURE 161 [ On the shores of the North Sea and to the south of it, There live the Kurus in their holy land, the home of the perfect ones. ] It is clear, therefore, that the accounts preserved in the Vayu and the BrahmandaPuranas take us back to a period when Jambudvipa included alinost the whole of the inhabi. ted portion of Central Asia froin the south of the Himalaya to the shores of the North Sea. There is, however, evidence in the Puranas that the Kurus had moved from their old home. The following verses occur in the Padma-purana : "uttareNAva ghRjastha samudrAnta vijottmaaH| varSanairAvataM nAma tasmAcchujavataH param // T a staran HATT: TAT A fra Fars :" !! ( To the north of the Stingavan mountain and where the sea ends, oh best of the twice born, Is the country named Airavata (country of the Mammoths) next to Sringavan. The sun does not go there and men never become old, And also the moon, with the stars which are luminous, is, as it were, covered. ] The northernmost country is no longer the country of the Kurus, but is known as the Mammoth country, a land where the sun and the moon cannot reach. Both the acepunt, in the Brahmanda-pura na and the Padma-purana place the northernmost country close to the shores of the North Sea, and possibly within the arctic circle, far away from the limits of the sun's and moon's movements. The Padma-purana locates the Uttara-Kurus south of the Nila range and north of the Meru and in the close vicinity of the latter : ikSiNena tu nIlasya mero: pArthe tthottre| uttarA : kuravo vimA puNyA fermercar: 1) [South of the Nila and by the side of the Meru and to the north of it, Are the Uttara-Kurus, inhabited by the wise and the saintly.) The land of the Kurus, it will be noted, is designated in the Padma-purana as UttaraKuru, which undoubtedly points to the fact that a branch of this race had already separated from the main stock and migrated southwards. In the Mahabharata the city of the UttaraKurus is placed in Harivarsha which, according to Pauranic geography, lay to the south of Nishadha and far to the south of the Meru. 11 In the Aitareya Brahmana 12 the Uttara-Kurus are a trans-Himalayan people in the north, and Kuru-Panchalas, on this side of the Himalayas and forming the middle country. I take this to mean that the former lay on the other side of the Himalayas and directly north of the Kuru-Panchala country. And as we have eslewhere a mention of Uttara-Panchala 13 also, we may take it as certain that the allied Kurus were a branch of the Uttara-Kurus and had emigrated to India along the valleys of some of the Himalayan rivers. (b) anotasa mahAsara-The Pali suttas are full of references to anotala mahAsara. They speak of the seven great inland seas from which the Mahanadis rise, viz.,14 wa f 997. CUR, FT, OP. A rt. The Mahanadis all issue out of the Himalayas 19 H a na, Vol. IV. p. 101 (P. T. s.). 11 See supra. 19 See mpra. 14 , (Fausboll), Vol. III, p. 461.

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182 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY MAY, 1921 and debouch into the plains below taking a south or south-eastern course. These Mahanadis are the following TT, TAAT, 59a, , and he is perhaps the same as acy, and he is now an unimportant stream in North Bihar which mee the Gandak near its confluence with the Ganges. fr is the same as the modern Rapti. It is the great peculiarity with most of the Himalayan rivers that they have their sources on the other side of the range and cut their way through the mountain wall until they reach the plains.src was presumably one of the lakes to the north of the fea , and, possibly, it is the same as is now known as ATHATAT. There is no other lake in the Trans-Himalaya which is more sacred to the Indians than the Aranetrar, and even now, notwithstanding the severe climatic conditions, and the risks and hardships of the journey, pilgrimage to this15 famous lake is kept up. Any one visiting the lake during the rains will see groups of devout pilgrims going round it and bathing in its limpid waters. The araeredar16 is claimed as sacred even by the Buddhists, and pilgrims froin China and Tibet come to it annually for acquiring religious merit. In the Jatakas, the following lines occur : Vol. V, 392 (21), Fausboll. sadA sakkassa AsA, saddhA, siri, hirIsi catassI dhitArI honti, tA bahuvizvagandhamAlamAdAya udakakilanatthAya anItattavaham gansvA tattha kilitvA manosilAtale nisidisu / [At that time, par (Hope), TN (Reverence), fert (Beauty) and feft (Modesty) were the four daughters of Sakka (Indra). They adorned themselves profusely with fragrant celestial flowers and went to tlre w a 4 for sporting in its waters and, after finishing their pastime, sat on the areal (red-arsenic rock).] bara literally means staan = not-heated or pleasantly cool. This lake, in accordance with the tradition in the sullas, was in Uttara-Kuru, as we find it frequently mentioned that Buddha and Bodhisattvas used to beg alms in Uttara-Kuru, bring them to the shores of the wara , take their meals there and pass the day on the rocky uplands of red-arsenic. In the Aitareya Brahmana, the Uttara-Kurus and Uttara-Madras are mentioned as living on the other side of the Himalaya (379-164HR), to the north of the Kuru-Pafchalas, the Madhyadega of those days. I think it would be safe to hold that at the time of the Aitareva Brahmana, the Uttara-kurus had migrated further down from Hari-Varsha18 and were occupying Kimpurushavarsha, or the country immediately to the north of the Himalayas. Mansarowar is situated immediately to the north of the Himalaya mountains. This region appears to be the same as the Kimpurusha Varsha of the Puranas, and the Uttara-Kuru of Buddhist tradition. The famous Anotatta-daha must, therefore, be identified with the Mansarowar lake. 16 FIT (Fausboll), Vol. III, p. 461. 16 Sven Hedin thus reflects on the subject:How can Manasarowar and Kailas be the objects of divine honours from two religions so different as Hinduism and Lamaiem, unless it is that their overpowering beauty has appealed to and deeply impressed the human mind, and that they seemed to belong rather to heaven than to earth? Even the first view from the hills on the shore caused us to burst into tears of joy at the wonderful magnificent land and its surpassing beauty. The oval lake somewhat narrower in the south than the north, and with a diameter of about 154 miles, lies like an enormous turquoise embedded between two of the finest and the most famous mountain giants of the world, the Kailas in the north and Gurla Mandatta in the south, and between huge ranges, above which the two mountains uplift their crowns of bright white eternal snow'- Trans-Himalaya, Vol. II, p. 111. 17 Sven Hedin speaks of a cinnabar-red 'hill lying, on the north side of a slightly indented bay of the western shore.-Trans-Himalaya, Vol. II, p. 123. 19 Mah 1bharata, Sabhaparva.

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MAY, 19211 TRANS-HIMALAYAN REMINISCENCES IN PALI LITERATCRE 163 (c) kailAsakaTa-In the chAntajAtaka, there are some references to kelAsakUTa (i) atha taruNanAgA sANDehi usirakalApe gahetvA kelAsakUTa majjantA viva nhaayesuN| (i) tadA nesado mahAsattassa rajatavAmasadisam soNDam mahanto abhiruhitvA kailAsakUTe viya kuNDe Thatva mukhakoTimAMsam jAnunA pahariyA anto patipitvA kambhatI sarUmUha kakacam antImukhe pvesesi| . (i) [At that time two young elephants got hold, with their trunks, of roots of Ultra plant and, as if they were rubbing the Kailasa peak, went on bathing.] (ii) [At that time the hunter trampling upon his silver-white trunk, mounted his hoad as one would climb the peak of Kailasa, struck with his thighs the flesh of the fore-part of the mouth and thrust it inside, then getting down from the head inserted a saw into his mouth.] There is also a reference to Kailasa in Jataka, Vol. VI, p. 267: "setam kelAsasadisam". ' [White like Kolasa.] KAILASA ' IN THE PURANAS : 10 sabche himavataH pA. kailAso nAma prctH| sasminvasati zrImAnakuberaH saha raaksssaiH|| To the left-hand side of the Himavan is the mountain named Kailasa. In it lives the wealthy Kubera with the Rakshagas. ] For finding precisely the position of the mountain, the following verses from the same Purana a few lines below will be of great help: 20 kailAsAikSiNamAcyAM zivasasvauSadhi girim / manaHsilAmavaM divyaM pizaparvataM prati // lohito hemajastu giriH sUryaprabho mahAn / tasva pAde mahahivyaM lohitaM nAma ttsrH|| tasmAt puNyaM prabhavati lohityaH sa nadI mahAn / / [To the south-east of Kail&sa towards the mountain with beneficent and heavenly animals and herbs, Which is full of red-arsenic and is known as Pisanga mountain, Stands the great Lohita mountain with a golden peak and bright as the sun. At its foot there is a great heavenly lake named Lohita; From this rires the great and holy river of the name of Lohitya.] The Lohitya is the name of the Brahmaputra during its course along the northern slopes of the Himalaya, and Lohita is the lake which is the reputed source of the great river. Kailasa. according to this account, is to the north-west of the source of the Brahmaputra.. kailAsAikSiNe pArasasvApaSi girim / ibakAbAkilotpanamazanaM vikakaM pati / / sarvadhAtumavastava sumahAnaguto giriH| tasva pAde saraHpuNvaM mAnasaM sirasevitam // . (On the right side (south) of Kailasa, towards a mountain full of malignant herbs and animals sprung from the body of Vtitra, named Anjana, and with three peaks, There is a very large mountain full of all kinds of metals and with electric properties : At the foot of this mountain is situatod the Manasa lake which is resorted to by saints. ] 11 Vayu Puraga, Chap. 47. * Ibid.

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164 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY Mount Kailasa, as shown in modern maps, lies to the N. W. of the sources of the Brahmaputra or Lohitya, as it is called in this part of its course, and directly north of the Manasa lake which lies at the foot of the Gurla Mandhata, the highest peak of which is about 25,000 feet above sea level. [ MAY, 1921 Here is a beautiful description of this region from the pen of Sven Hedin: "Only an inspired pencil and magic colours could depict the scene that met my eyes when the whole country lay in shadow, and only the highest peaks of Gurla Mandhata caught the first gleam of the rising sun. In the growing light of dawn, the mountain, with its snow-fields and glaciers, had shone silvery white and cold; but now! In a moment the extreme points of the summit began to glow with purple like liquid gold. And the brilliant illumination crept slowly like a mantle down the flanks of the mountain, and the thin white morning clouds, which hovered over the lower slopes and formed a girdle round a well-defined zone, floating freely like Saturn's ring, and like it throwing a shadow on the fields of eternal snow, these two assumed a tinge of gold and purple, such as no mortal can describe. The colours, at first as light and fleeting as those of a young maiden in her ball dress, became more pronounced; light concentrated itself on the eastern mountains, and over their sharp outlines a sheaf of bright rays fell from the upper limb of the sun upon the lake. And now day has won the victory, and I try dreamily to decide which spectacle has made the greater impression on me, the quiet moon light, or the sun-rise with its warm, 10sy gleam on the eternal snow." 21 "Phenomena like these are fleeting guests on the earth; they come and go in the early morning hours; they are only seen once in a life time; they are like a greeting from a better world, a flush from the island of the phoenix. Thousands and thousands of pilgrims have wandered round the lake in the course of centuries, and have seen the dawn and sunset, but have never witnessed the display which we gazed upon from the middle of the holy lake on this memorable night. But soon the magical effects of light and colour, which have quickly followed one another and held me entranced, fade away. The country assumes its usual aspect, and is over-shadowed by dense clouds. Kailasa and Gurla Mandhata vanish entirely, and only a snowy crest, far away to the north-west, is still dyed a deep carmine, only yonder a sheaf of sunbeams penetrates through an opening in the clouds. In that direction the mirror of the lake is tinged blue, but to the south, green. The wild-geese have waked up and they are heard cackling on their joyous flights, and, now and then, a gull or tern screams. Bundles of sea-weed float about. The sky is threatening but the air is calm, and only gentle swells, smooth as polished metals, disturb the water, which looks like the clearest curacao." SUMERU-fer is often mentioned as q, or king of mountains, and the dwelling place of the tAvasiMsa gods (tattha mApitaM tAvatisaM bhavanaM). We hear in the jAtaka also about sands of precious stone at the foot of sineha (sinehapAdatIratanavAlika AhAratvA), of seven hills 24surrounding the mountain (fertis aftanfter fe ft); of the city15 of the gods, 1000 leagues long, crowning the summit of Sineru (sinerumatthake pati dvaitassadasasahassayojanikassa devanagarassa dvAra); of 26serpents living at the foot of s; of the sun and the moon in their rounds about the Sineru (palsa candansa saribansa obhAsatecatuhisA sineha ampariyantI manimahi passa nimmita); of 28 picking up sands of gold from the foot of the mountain (Sinerupadato suvannavalukam 11 Trans. Himalaya, Vol. II, p.p. 116-118. 23 Ibid., V, p. 314. Ibid., VI, p. 165. 2, Fausboll, Vol. V, p. 168. 2 Tbid., VI, p. 125. 27 Jataka, VI, p. 278. Ibid., VI, p. 126. 2 lbid., VI, p. 362.

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MAY, 1921) TRANS-HIMALAYAN REMINISCENCES IN PALI LITERATURE 166 - - uddharanto viya). In the accounts preserved in Buddhist literature, and specially the Jatakas, ferate or Sumeru is a mountain round which there is a thick and luxuriant growth of myth and legend. But still it is a mountain to the north of the 19 , the abode of the gods of the rafter heaven and an object of devout aspirations. sumeru is mentioned as mahAmeru mountain in the tetirIba mAraNyaka"kazyapo'hamaH / sa mahAnekana bahAti" "nahi zakumo mahAne gantuM / " "gacchata mhaameruuN|" [" Kasyapa is the eighth (sun). He does not not leave the MahAmeru". "We cannot go to the Mahamera." "Go to the Mahameru." ] 'mahAmara' is explained as 'merupamvata by sAbaNa-'sa kazyapI meruparvataM na kazacipi parivati, merusthAnameva sarvadA prakAzaM karoti / mahAneru is the Pali equivalent of mahAmeru, as in the word 'Mahaneru-nidassanam' in Palasajataka. SUMERO IN THE PURANAS : The Brahmanda-purana tells us : "pavarIlo'tha kailAso himvaaNdhaaclottmH| bahate parivArakUTAH prvtiitmaaH|| vivabhAge viSa pokA meriirmrvrsssH| [pAla (five hills), kailAsa, and himavAn, the best of the mountains, Those are heavenly in nature, undoubtedly the foremost and the best of the mountains ; Thoy are said to lie in the south of the Meru which shines with an eternal light. ] meha in then to the north of kalA and himavAn. Let us see if we can gloan any further information about it or art from tho Purdnas. We have quoted above, from 16gcrt, the verses giving the relative positions of the seven countries included in bIpa. They are as follows : North hiramaba. - . / bhAratavarSa South 2 Brahmanda-purdna, chap. 39.

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166 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MAY, 1081 With the mountain-ranges the arrangement will be like this, kuruvarSa javAn hiraNamavavarSa rambakavarSa nIla . ilAvRtavarSa ilAisavarSa naiSadha kimpuruSavarSa bhAratavarSa Moru is the third range to the north of formers, and the country round A is called We have seen above that Meru is situated to the north of Kailasa and the Himalayas. The first of the Varshas to the north of himavAn was kimpuruSa. Next to Kimpurushavarsha was Harivarsha. To the north of this valley we should look for y , which was situated between the Naishadha and the Meru on the south and the Nila and the Meru on the north (To be continued.)

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MAY, 1921) JAIMINI AND BADARAYANA 167 JAIMINI AND BADARAYANA. BY K. A. NILAKANTA SASTRY, M. A. ; CHIDAMBARAM. ONE of the earliest things that struck me when I began my study of the Mimans system, after having acquired some knowledge of the Vedanta, was that the Jaiminiyadarsana must be an earlier production than the Satras of Badara yana, seeing that it represents an andoubtedly earlier phase of the religious and philosophical development of India. The chief difficulties in the way of accepting such a conclusion have so far been : (1) the presence of a traditional belief in India that makes Jaimini and Badarayana contemporaries and one that has been recorded in some late productions; and (2) the occurrence of the names of both Badar Ayana and Jaimini in both the Mimosa and Vedanta Darsanas, a fact that prima facie can be explained only by following the traditional belief of India. Having bestowed somo time and thought on this question, I think it is just possible that the tradition itself had its origin in a superficial attempt to explain the relation between the two systems of philosophy, in the light of the fact that the authors are apparently quoting each other. At any rate, whatever the origin of the tradition may be, it is the object of this paper to show that the assumption that the two authors lived in the same period is not the only or perhaps even the correct explanation of the facts of the case, and that the date arrived at for Jaimini on this assumed basis, namely 200 to 450 A.D., by H. Jacobi, will accordingly have to be revised. For the present I shall have to leave the task of fixing the absolute date of Jaimini to more competent hands than mine, while I confine myself to proving that Jaimini was not the contemporary of Badarayana, so far as the matter is susceptible of proof just now. A few words may be said on the traditional belief of Indian writers before entering on the more vital part of the discussion. In the Bhagavata, in the course of an account of Vyasa's labours on the Vedas and the steps he took to ensure their subsequent study, we read 1 : parAzarAsasvavasvAM bhaMzAMzakalabA vibhuH / bhavatI! mahAbhAga vaidapaka catarvidham / / tAsAM sa caturaH ziSyAnupADUba mahAmatiH / ekaikAM saMhitAM amane kekasmai base vibhuH // sAbAM jaiminave prAha tathA chandogasaMhitAma / This account is undoubtedly based on much oldor Puranic accounts as given in the Vayu, Vishnu and other Puranas. But before Bri-Vedanta Desika's time, the tradition has been carried much further than in the Puranas, and we find that he uses it as a canon of criticism in determining the relations between the Mimarosa and Vedanta, and says in his MimAzhoe paduka : ziSyAcA viruna tamatamadhunA sAdhavantI prasiddhI / And from this statement he arrives at the conclusion that the two systems could never be bold to conflict with each other. He says this with special reference to the atheistio tondency in the Mimams, and his Sesvara-Mimask is an attempt to make good his statement quoted above. Further, Vallabhacharya in his Anubhashya often montions that Badariyana was the teacher of Jaimini. It appears, however, from the foregoing that the 1 See Bhag., XII, Chap 6, verpes 49-56. 1'8o. Jaimini in Wilso's Vishnu Pura Index, HAIP. Edn. Verge . 11.g., ia III, 41 W att To Inc.

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168 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ MAY, 1921 %3 particular phase of the tradition in question--namely that which makes the author of the Mimarsa Sutras the pupil of the author of the Vedanta Satras- with which we are most concerned is comparntively late in origin, and also that it presumes the author of the Vedanta Satras to have been the game as the famous " Arranger" of the Vedas whose pupil Jaimini is said to be in the Puranas. It is also to be noticed that there is a further presumption in it that the Jaimini that received the Sama Veda from Vyasa is the same as the author of the Mimamsa Satras. Here we may observe that although there is a Jaiminiya recension of the Sama Veda, there is no evidence in the Mimariisa Satras of any special connection between their author and the Sama Veda in particular. If all this is borne in mind, it will be readily granted that there is no difficulty in setting aside this tradition as untrustworthy if it can be proved from well-established facts that it does not fit in with the probabilities of the caso. Personal references to thinkers and authors are more numerous in the Vodanta Batras than in the Mimamsa Saetras. The former are less than a fifth of the latter in bulk, judged by the number of Sutras in each; butihey contain 32 such references as against 26 in the Mimarsa Satras. Again, the bulk of the references in the former are to Jaimini, who is referred to no less than 11 times, and to Badarayana, who is referred to 9 times; while the Minnamsa satras refer only 5 times each to Jaimini and to Badarayaya. There are thus 30 references in all to be discussed before arriving at any thing like a final conclusion. These may now be noted in order, and the Satras concerned written out and numbered serially, for facility of quotation in the course of the discussion. (Group A): References to Badarayana in the Vedanta Sutray : 1, 3, 28 saduparSapi bAdarAyaNaH sambhavAt / 3, 33 bhAvaM tu bAdarAyaNo'sti hi| , 2, 41 pUrva tu bAdarAyaNI hai tuvyapadezAt / 4, / puruSAryo'tAndAriti AdarAvaNaH / 4, 8 adhikopadezAnu pArAyaNasvaivaM sdrshnaas| 4, 19 anuSTheyaMdAdarA bassAmbabhUtiH / IV,3, 15 apratIkAlambanAnayanItibAdAbaNa ubhavathA doSAntaskratuzca / 4, 7 evamapyupanyAsArapUrvabhAvAdavirodhaM vAvarAvaNaH / 4. 12 bAdazAhabadubhayavidhaM baadraabnniitH| (Group B): References to Jaimini in the Vedanta Sutras : I, 2, 26 sAkSApyavirIdhaM jminiH| (10) 2,31 saMpattariti jaiministathA hi darzayati / (11) 3, 31 madhvAdiSvasaMbhavAdanadhikAraM jaiminiH / (12) 4, 18 anyAya tu jaminiH pramavyAratryAnAbhyAmapi cevake / (13) III, 2, 40 dharma jaiminirata eva / (14) 4, 2 zeSatvAtpuruSArthavAdI yayAnvaidhiti jminiH| (15) 4, 18 parAmarza jaiminiracodanA cApavati hi / (16) 4, 40 tatasya tu nAtAvaH jaiminerapi niyamA(na)napAbhAvabhyaH / (17) IV, 3, 12 paraM jaiminimukhyatvAt / (18) 4, 8 zrAhmaNa jaiminirupanyAsAdibhya / 4, 11 bhAva jaiminirvikalpAmananAt | (20) (19)

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MAY, 1921) JAIMINI AND BADARAYANA 169 (23) (24) (Group C): Referenees to Badarayana in the Mimarsa Satras : I, 1, 5 caftr o rear TETEU Fratarsza kazcArthe 'nupalabdhetarapramANaM bAdarAyaNasthAnapekSatvAt / V, 2, 19 years N ETT! (22) VI, 1, 8 fagaratterisferi r tota SICURATERTE X, 8, 44 for Tat: XI, 1, 63 PATTERN eri 14:1 (Group D): References to Jaimini in the Mimansa Satras III, 1, 4 foar frarat: aree (26) VI, 3, 4 ** * : erg sarveSAmupadezasvAmiti / (27) VIII, 3, 7 rugsaftigteWFE! (28) IX, 2, 39 T ferro #rafa: RitTTTTE ! (29) XII, 1, 8 a: 19:14 : g e ra! (30) Of these four groups, the first, concerning references to Badara yana in the Vedanta Satras calls, for the least comment. They are all cases in which the author is undoubtedly referring to himself in the third person and have been set out principally for the sake of completeness of the argument. But all the other groups require careful discussion, for, as will be Been presently, thoy cause a number of difficulties, without a correct appreciation of which it is not possible to settle the question of the relation between the authors of the two sets of Satras ander discussion. Each case will be treated separately, the results of the discussion summed up when each group has been traversed, and the general conclusion on the question stated at the end of this pretty tedious but necessary examination of all the individual cases to be discussed. (10) and (11) Both these Satras, in which Jaimini is referred to, form part of a rather lengthy discussion of a text from the Chhandogya Upanishad. The discussion is whether the word Vaisvanara in the context denotes the Vedantic Absolute or not. And Jaimini is quoted as agreeing with Badarayana. There is, and in fact can be, no such discussion in the Mimams& Darsana. (2) Here Jaimini is said to rule out the prerogative of the gods in Madhu Vidyd and other Upasanas. It is however doubtful if the discussion here is purely on Upanishad texts or not. Sankara makes it a discussion of a general Mimosa position, especially in his comment on the next Satra atafa YT which is interpreted differently from him by both Srikanta and Ramanuja. It would appear that the latter is the more natural interpretation of the Satra of Badarayana, especially as an earlier Satra for : * -etc. in the same section may be taken to have disposed of the general Mimase position on the whole matter. However that may he, we have only to notice that if Srikanta and Ramanuja are correct, the discussion is purely Upanishadio and has nothing corresponding to it in the Mimachna Darsana. If, on the other hand, we follow Sankara's lead, even then, the Mimamsist position that is stated by him is only inferred from the system as a whole and does not correspond to any particular section or Satra of the Mimamsa Darsana. And in either case Jaimini is holding a position against Badarayara. (13) Jaimini is in this place in agreement with Baclarayana on a discussion of a Vedantia character having no place in the Mima med system.

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170 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY MAY, 1021 (14) and (15) go respectively with (3) and (4), and in either case Jaimini is the opponent against whom Badarayana argues. It must be noticed that these are the vital points of difference between Vedanta and Mimansa, the former accepting the existence of a Deity who grades rewards and punishments according to merit and the attainments of bliss by knowledge (moksha) as the highest end of human endeavour, the latter denying both. No. (14) finds a parallel in Jaimini X, 1, 6 ff. while No. (15) is a natural inference from the general position of Jaimini as I have shown in my paper on "THE MIMAMSA DOCTRINE OF WORKS" (about to be published in the I. A.). (16) This again seems to be a natural inference from the general position of the MimamBist, in whose eyes Vidhis are more important than Arthavadas. The text regarding the fourth Asrama must be considered an Arthavada by the Mimamsist, as it directly contradicts the Vidhi regarding Agnihotra which is ar h ift i.e., enjoined by the Veda for all life-time. See Jaimini, II, 4, I ff. (17) This is an instance to which rather great interest attaches on account of the api in the Satra. In No. (16) Jaimini is shown to be of a different view regarding the fourth Asrama, i.e., Jaimini holds that it is not enjoined as part of duty while Badarayana holds that it is. Now the question is whether one who has chosen the fourth Asrama may revert to an earlier one for any reason. Badara yana holds that this could not be done and takes care to add that, even according to Jaimini, this is so. That is to say, Jaimini does not, as it is, recognise the fourth Asrama, but if he did, he would not permit a reversion to an earlier one. And Sajkara's comment makes it clear that what we have here is an inference from the general Mimamsa position regarding Dharma. (18) and (19) are instances of Jaimini being of an opposite view to that of Badarayana on points of Vedantic interest and consequently have no parallels direct or remote in the Mim&se Darsana. (20) is another such Vedantic point on which Badarayana allows that Jaimini as well w another writer may both be accepted as correct. To sum up, (10), (11), (13), (18), (19) and (20) are cases in which Jaimini and Badaraya a agree or differ on points of undoubtedly Vedantic character. No. (12) is doubtful, as the commentators on the Sutra differ. (14), (15). (16) and (17) are undoubtedly points of opposition between the Mimamsist and Vedantist positions-(14) and (15) on questions of Theism and Moksha, (16) on Vedic exegesis, and great interest attaches to (17), as Jaimini is referred to there in a manner that shows clearly that Badarayana had great respect for Jaimini and cared a good deal for any support his views might derive from the Mimamsist. It is thus clear that the author of the Mimamsa Darsana--and no other-is referred to in our instances (14), (15), (16) and (17). It may also be pointed out that Vedanta Sutra forint fra etc. (1, 3, 27) furnishes another instance where Badarayana takes special care to show that his positions do not militate against the general position of the Mimanga system. This and No. (17) above go, at least so it seems to me, to show that the founder of the Mimamsa system commands such respect in the eyes of the author of the Vedanta Satras as only an old teacher whose system had become an accepted creed for a long time could do, and that the former could not have been the contemporary, much less the pupil, of the latter. It will be shown in the sequel that the Badarayana referred to in the Mimimaa Satras could not possibly be the author of the Vedanta Satras. It may be stated here that nowhere in the Satras of the Mimansa system do we see any anxiety on the part of its author to make * compromise with the Vedanta ; it has been shown that, on the other hand, the Vedants Satrakara is anxious not to contradict the general Mimamsiat position, except so far as is

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MAY, 1921) JAIMINI AND BADARAYANA 171 absolutely necessary in order to maintain the Vedantic positions regarding Isvara and Moksha. As regards (10), (11), (13), (18), (19) and (20), it is clear that the Jaimini referred to here was a Vedantist. At any rate, there is nothing in the Mimarsa Satras that even remotely bears on the views here ascribed to Jaimini. There are two alternatives. The simpler is to assume that the Jaimini referred to here is another writer, different from the great Mimamsist. In fact, there would be no other alternative except for the reason that there are other writers referred to alike in the Mimamsa and Vedanta Satras, Badari being the most famous of them, judging from the number of times he is mentioned, and Karshoi. jini and Attreya furnishing other instances. If in all these instances the same name is to be taken to represent the same individual, we have to conclude that each of these writers was both a Mimamsist and a Vedantist. We have instances of such authors in later times. But it is more than doubtful if the same may be postulated of the periods when these systems were in the making. It will be shown later on that there was a lesser celebrity also of the name of Jaimini, referred to by the author of the Mimanse Darsana. It seems to me that these names Jaimini, Badari, Badareyara, eto., are to be understood as Gotra names and that the same name must be taken to refer, if necessary, to different individuals. If this is correct, Jaimini the Vedantist is different from Jaimini the great Mimamsist, and the Jaimini referred to in No. (12) above is either the Vedantist or the Mimamsist, according as we follow Srikanta and Ramanuja on the one hand, or Saukara on the other in interpreting the Satra refer We may now take up GROUP C tor discussion. There are five references to a Badariyapa in the Mimarosa Satras. These are Nos. (21) to (26) given above. Of these, No. (22) is part of a discussion of the order of Homas in Nakshatra Ishti; No. 23 is part of a discussion as to whether men alone or women also may sacrifice; No. (24) is a discussion as to whether a particular statement in the Darsaparmamasa-prakarana is a Vidhi or not; and No. (25) is a discussion regarding a single performance of a religious act for securing two different ends. In all, except No. (24), Badareyana agrees with Jaimini. It is clear that there is nothing corresponding to these discussions or even remotely bearing on them in the Vedanta Sutras. No. (21) is a case that requires a little more consideration ; for here Jaimini claims that BAdardyana and himself are at one on the question of the Eternity and Infallibility of the WORD. It might therefore appear at first sight that at least the Badarayana referred to here must be the same as the author of the Vedanta Satras, who also maintains the Eternity and Infallibility of the Veda. But closer sorutiny shows that here again we are dealing with one of the most vital points of difference between Mimansa and Vedanta. In the view of the former, the Veda's Eternity is innate and absolute, and not dependent on any god or deity, personal or otherwise ; tbe Vedantist view is that the Eternity of Veda is only a relative quality and dependent upon Isvara. Hence we find that the reason signed by the Mimamsist for his position is S T while the reasons assigned by Badar yans in Vedanta Satra I, 3, 28, are sa: A T TITU, and it is to be particularly noticed that Sankara repeats parts of the Satra of Jaimini, No. (21) above, f i etc., in the Parvapakaba. In his comment on the Vodenta Satra just referred to, Sankara must surely have noticed that a Badar yana is referred to as taking Jaimini' sview in the Satra, and if he believed for a moment that it was his own Satrakara that was so mentioned, it is not in the least likely that he would have treated the very Satra of Jaimini as the Parvapakahs view to be refuted by him. On 5 Soo Tabular Appendix at the end.

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172 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ MAY, 1921 the contrary, we should find Sankara attempting somehow # reconciliation between the contrary of Badara yana, the one mentioned by Jaimini and the other stated in the Vedanta Saetra. To my mind, this fact, taken along with the other, that in the remaining four instances where Badarayana is referred to by Jaimini there is nothing to suggest an identity with the author of the Vedanta Satras, is conclusive proof that the Badarayana referred to by Jaimini is anterior to him, and is a Mimamsist different from the author of the Vedanta Satras. Passing on to GROUP Dr (26) to (30) consisting of references to Jaimini in the Mimamsa Satras, we have only to notice that all of them, except No. (27), undoubtedly refer to the author of the Mimars& Satras, while No. (27) must be taken to be a less known predecessor of the same name as the Satrakara, because he happens to hold the Purvapaksha view against which the Siddhanta is propounded. It is clear that Sabarasvami understood the matter like this. This lesser Jaimini is named only once in the Satra, while Sabara names him twice in his commentary, on VI, 3, 1 and on VI, 3, 4, and on both occasions he refers to him simply as Jaimini, omitting the honorific Acharya which he generally uses when he mentions by name either the Satrakara or his predecessors like Badari. The discreet omission of the title Acharya could only mean that Sabara distinguished the two Jaiminis, reserving the 'Acharya' title only for his Satrakara. The conclusions emerging from the foregoing discussion may now be stated to be the following: (1) Badarayana refers to Jaimini, the author of the Mimams& Darsana, in a manner that leads us to infer that the latter was an old Acharya of established repute and that he was not a pupil of Badarayana, as Indian tradition of a late origin would have us believe; (2) Badarayana also refers to a Jaimini who seems to be have been a Vedantist different from the Mimamsist Jaimini; (3) Jaimini refers to a Badarayana, but he is not the author of the Vedanta Satras; (4) Jaimini refers to another Jaimini, besides himself, who appears to have been a Mimamsist; and lastly, (5) There were probably at least two Badarayanas and three Jaiminis. It must be observed that the last conclusion does not contain such a hopeless case as might at first sight appear. We know that there were at least more than one Vasishtha 6 and more than one Vysa-if Vyasa himself is not altogether fabulous. It has been suggested above that in all these cases we are perhaps dealing with Gotra-names that were berne by men of different generations in the same gens. The explanation of the late Indian tradition now becomes an easy affair. It is simply the result of a chaos due to this recurrence of the same names in different connections. It may be noted here that the Kurmapurana, probably a later production than the Bhagavatam, mentions (Ch. 52) no less than 25 incarpations of VyAsa in the current Manvantars and repeats the story of Jaimini receiving the Sama Veda from the last of these Vyasas. Again, there has always been some confusion between Badariyana the author of the Vedanta Satras, and Vyasa, arranger of the Vedas and Soo Pargitor on Vifodmitra, Varishtha, eto, in the JRAS., January, 1917. Vide Note 2. A Jaimini was also a Ritvik at Janamejaya's Snake Sacrifice. Again, a Jaimini is a Yogin, Raghuvamaa, XVIII-33, cf. Vinh, P., 4. 4. and Wilson thereon, also Bhag. IX, 18. & Barely we are dealing with more Jaiminie than one in the Jaimipi cycle of legends.

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MAY, 1921] JAIMINI AND BADARAYANA 173 author of the Mahabharata and the Puranas, according to tradition; and Srikantha actually refers to the Vedanta Sutrakara as Vyasa, while Anandatirtha in the opening of his commentary identifies Veda Vyasa with his author and quotes the Skandapurana in support. Sankara however observes a distinction between Badarayana and Veda Vyasa, as he calls the author of the Mahabharata. Undoubtedly the oldest evidence that I have been able to lay my hands on reverses the order of the Vidyavamsa, and while it agrees with and perhaps furnishes the basis of the Bhagavate text quoted in the beginning of this paper, and similar, though earlier, Puranic accounts making Jaimini the pupil of Vyasa, the son of Parasara and Satyavati, it makes a Badarayana the pupil of Jaimini in the third generation. This evidence is in the text of the Sama Vidhana Brahmana at its close. It runs thus: "so'yaM prAjApatyo vidhistamimaM prajApatirbrahaspataye provAca bRhaspatirnArAya] nArI vizvanAtha i vyAsAya pArAzaryAya vyAsaH pArAzaryo jaininaye affar difequsura aurasiaona araracipit anger" etc. Burnell was inclined to fix the date of this Brahmana with the greatest latitude some where between the 5th century B. C. and the 7th century A. D. But for various reasons it is probable that the real date of the work is nearer the first than the second of these dates, At any rate, this is the oldest text on the question, and it is clear that while it makes Jaimini the pupil of Vyase, the son of Parasara, it makes him (Vyasa) different from Badarayana and places Badarayana in the third generation from Jaimini. And the matter must rest there for the present. In conclusion, I must point out that I have argued the whole question on the assump tion that the Mimamsa and. Vedanta Sutras are the productions of single authors and not reductions of the teachings of the schools concerned, and I have attemped to show that on this assumption there is nothing to prove that Jaimini and Badarayana were contemporaries but that the evidence goes to show that Jaimini must have preceded Bidarayana, though it is not possible for me to say by what length of time. If the evidence of the Sama Vidhana Brahmana means anything, it must be about a century, not more. In any case, the absolute date of Jaimini requires much further investigation. It may however be noticed that there is a Jaimini of well-known fame in the late Vedic period, in whose name we have a Jaiminiya recension of the Saina Veda and a Jaiminiya Brahmana, while the earliest reference to Badarayana seems to, be that in the Sama Vidhana Brahmana text quoted above". It is just a possibility-for it cannot be stated as anything more at presentthat this famous Jaimini was the Sutrakara of the Mimamsa system and the pupil of Vyasa, and the tradition of his being the disciple of the Vedanta Satrakara which gained currency in the middle ages was surely due to a confusion between the latter and the great Vedavyks 10, 8. Bee for example his commentary on I 3, 29 - vedavyAsazca evameva smarati / See Macdonnel's Vedic Index under "Jaimini "and "Badarayana." 10 Wilson in one place (see his Vishnu Purana Index, "Badariyapa") identifies Badarayara and Vyasa, the son of Parasara, but mentions no authority.

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174 1. Jaimini TABULAR APPENDIX OF PROPER NAMES MENTIONED IN THE VEDANTA AND MIMAMSA SUTRAS : 2. Badarayana. 3. Badari 4. Asmarathya 5. Attreya 6. Karshnajini 7. Audulomi Name. 8. K&sakritsna 9. Aitieayana : : 10. Lavukayana.. 11. Kamukayana THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY : * Vedanta Sutra. I, 2, 28 2, 31 3, 31 4, 18 III, 2, 40 4, 2 4, 18 4, 40 IV, 3, 12 4, 5 4, H I, 3, 26 3, 33 III, 2, 41 4, 1 4, 8 4, 19 IV, 3, 15 4, 7 4, 12 I, 2, 30 III, 1, 11 IV, 3, 7 4, 10 I, 2, 29 4, 20 III, 4, 44 III, 1, 9 I, 4, 21 III, 4, 45 IV, 4, 6 I, 4, 22 ::::::::::: [ MAY, 1921 ::::::::::::: Mimamsa Sutra. III, 1, 4 VI, 3, 4 VIII, 3, 7 IX, 2, 39 XII, 1, 8 I, 1, 5 V, 2, 19 VI, 1, 8 X, 8, 44 XI, 1, 63 III, 1, 3 VI, 1, 27 VIII, 3, 6 IX, 2, 33 VI, 5, 16 IV, 3, 18 V, 2, 18 VI, 1, 26 IV, 3, 17 VI, 7, 35 III, 2, 43 4, 24 VI, 1, 6 VI, 7, 37 XI, 1, 56 1, 61

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MAY, 1921] MISCELLANEA 175 MISCELLANEA. NOTES ON THE NIRUKTA. that Yaska proceeds methodically in his division In the original text, the sontence for free of the text into sections, which division is breed on a general principle. This may be called the .... : N. I. 1. forms a part of the first stanza-prifciple. By the time of Yiska very section, and is immediately followed by the second. great weight was attached to the Vedas, especially It introduces a controversy, i.e. whether words by that scholar himself as is evident from Chapter are permanent or impermanent,-a controversy, I, particularly from his rejoinder to the adverse which in its character, differs altogether from the criticism of Kautsa. To him, a Vedio stanza was subject matter of the first section. To bogin the of the utmost importance, and accordingly formed second section with this sentence would have been a very suitable beginning for a new section. therefore a more logical division of the sections, There are 400 sections altogether in the first 12 and more in harmony with the modern conception chapters of the Nirukta, distributed among those of what constitutes a paragraph. That a section chapters as follows: of Nirukta more or less corresponds to a para Chap. Sec. Chap. Sec. Chap. Sec. graph is indicated by the evidence of older M88. 1. 20. V. 28. IX. 43. which place the full stop, i.e. danda, at the end of, II. 28. VI. 36. x 47. and neyer within the section itself, excepting the III. 22. VII. 31. XI. 50. commencement and the conclusion of a quotation. IV. 27. VIII. 22. XII. 46. This is further supported by the fact, that in most 329 sections out of the total 400 begin with Cases, one section is devoted to the explanation Vedio stanza. The sections which do not so begin, of one Vedic stanza only. Hence it is argued that and which in many cases could not so bogin, the division of the text of the Ninukta into sections, as for instance those in the introduotory remarks as constituted at present, is illogical and arbitrary, and clincussions of the lat, and the 7th chapters, It is therefore proposedi to discard, in this respoct, are shown in the following list : the authority of the M88., which has been hitherto Chapter I. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5*, 12, 13, 14, 15, strictly followed, and to make sections according 16, 17. to the most natural division.'s Faithfulness' says Gune, is indeed a merit, but it should not be II. 1, 2, 3, 4, 8, 10, 13, 14, 18, overdone, at least not where reason says other 18, 23. wise.' The suggestion is rather a bold one and, III. 1, 7, 13, 18, 19, 20, 21. I think, contrary to the canone of the modern IV. 1. 17, 22. editorship. The suggested improvements can V. 4, 6, 13, 20. very well be shown in footnotes; but the wisdom VI. 5, 17, 23. of re-arranging the text itself in opposition to the VII. 1, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, evidence of the M88. is doubtful. Besides, there 19, 21. are practical difficulties in accepting this sugges VIII. 1, 4, 18. tion. Ro-division of sections would involve the . IX. 1, 11, 22, 36. transference of a considerable number of passages , X. 1, 14, 25, 38. to now sections, and would thereby reduce the . XI. 1, 13, 22, 35. utility of various books of reference, as far as those ,, XII. 1, 12, 20, 35. Pasanges are concerned. Further, if the sections The total number of these sections is 71, of of the Ninukta do not harmonise with the modern which might only, marked with an asterisk, can conception of what constitutes a paragraph, does be regarded as arbitrarily divided, when judged it necessarily follow that they are illogical 1 I. by the modern conception. One explanation this, by itself, a conclusive proof of their arbitrary of this arbitrary division is the following. In character ? To my mind, the answer is in the beginning & section with Vedio stanza or verse, Degative, for the Ancients may have had a differ it became necessary to place its short introducent conception of the constitution of a paragraph. tory noto at the end of the previous section, As far as our Mathor is concerned, A careful exami. 6.9. Athapi Prathama bahwacane. It appears .nation of all the sections of the Nirukta indicates that this method of putting short septence 1 of. Gune, ante, Vol. XLV, p. 167. loc. cit. N. 1. 16. The reference in I.A. 1oo. cit. of this passage to p. 43 in Roth's edition wrong: 18 being misprint in Roth for *.

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176 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ MAY, 1921 of a section at the end of a previous section- | the word dagegen. Durga offers two interpretawhich was a necessity in the case of sections tions. Firstly, he places a full stop after tuni and beginning with Vedic stanzas-has been mechani- takes the words yatha yauradva etc. As a co-ordinate cally extended to the eight sections mentioned clause, supplying however the words na puna; above. From what has gone before, it will be the translation of the sentence according to this clear that the sections in the Nirukta, except interpretation would be the following: "The the eight marked with an asterisk, are not illogi. words whose accent and grammatical formation cally nor arbitrarily divided, but are based on are regular and which are accompanied with an a general principle adopted by Yiska. Gune's explanatory radical element are unanimously suggestion to re-arrange the sections and to recognised to have been derived from the roots : discard the authority of the MSS. is therefore but not words like "cow', 'horse','man', unacceptable. elephant' etc." Secondly, he places a full stop after rystam and The sentence 99 ..... Toreira takes sam-viAdidni tani etc. as an independent N. I. 12. which is somewhat difficult, is differently sentence. According to this division, the first interpreted by various writers. The crux lies sentence would consist of one single relative olduse, in the word sam-vijnatani. Durga paraphrases without any principal clause. To meet this diffi. this word as follows: samam vijfdtani aika-mat culty he remarks: tadakhyata-jam gunak rtamiti yena vijfdtani discriminated unanimously, i.e. pratima iti vakya-dena. "We think that the discriminated with absolute agreement.' Max words, that is derived from verb' must Mullers translates it by 'intelligible,' Roth by be supplied as a supplementary clause." The * arbitrarily named.'s Roth's translation seems to translation according to this interpretation is the be based on Durga's second explanation of the following: "Those uorde, whose accent and same term, which is as follows: sam-vijfdna grammatical formation are regular and which are padam-ittha sustre ridhi-tabdasyeyam sanjna. accompanied with an explanatory radical element, "In this branch of) knowledge, the term sam. are derived from-roote. Words like 'cow', 'horse, vijana is a technical expression used for a con 'man', 'elephant' are conventional terms." ventional word." Durga resorts to the Compara- Gune does not seem to be aware of this second tive Method and quotes : lanyapyeke samdmananti interpretation of Durga and independently arrives .... sam-vijnana-bhatam ayat,7 in support of at a conclusion, 10 identical with that of Durga, his explanation. He is further corroborated by a and suggests the adoption of the supplementary comparison of all the passages of the Nirukta, in words: saruam tat-prddedikam11. These words which the word sam-vijfidna, or (with the omission cccur in Y Aska's rejoinder in Section 14. His arguof the prep. vi) sam-jfiana occurs. We may ment is that, in his rejoinder, Yaska always ffrat therefore take the word to signify a conven repeats the words of his opponent and then tional term.' answers the objection. According to Gune, the The next problem in the sentence is the punc- sontence placed within the words yatho etat and its tuation. Max Muller takes sam-vijfidtani tani exactly represents the original statement of the etc. as the principal clause to complete the rela- critic. The sentence placed within these words in tive clause tadyatra ... syatim and translates Yaska's rejoinder in Section 14 contains the supas follows: "For first, if the accent and forma. plementary clause sarvam tat-pradedikam, which, tion were regular in all nouns and agreed entirely being thus assigned to the critic by Yaaks himself, with the appellative power (of the root), nouns must have formed a part of the sentence under such as go (cow), afva (horse), purusa (man) would discussion. He remarks, "And we are also sure, be in themselves intelligible." He succeeds in comparing the initial passage (iein the Perua. thus construing the sentence by translating yatra paksa) with its counterpart in Yaska's reply at by 'if', leaving out tani, and hy attributing to R. 36. 10, that Tarrat must havo sam-vijaidni a meaning not borne out by the been there. Its omission is strange and unaccount. comparison of passages. Roth divides the sen. able. Perhaps it is the Scribe's mistake ... "13 tence by placing a semicolon after sydtdm and In other words, Gune thinks that the passage in takes sam-vijfiatani etc. as a co-ordinate clause; YAska's rejoinder could be used as M8. (archetypo), but in order to connect the two clauses, he supplies furnishing evidence which cannot be challenged, * History of Ancient Skt. Lit., p. 105. 6 Erlauterungen, p. 9' willkurlich benannt. 7 N. 7. 13. * Oj. Gune's riote, ante, Vol. XLV, p. 173. * Op. cit., p. 165. 10 I.A. loc. cit. 11 N. 1. 14. 1 1.A., Vol. XLV, pp. 173-174.

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MAY, 1921) BOOK-NOTICES 177 for the critical edition of the original passage of The difticulty will disappear, if a full stop be placed the critic in Seo. 12. A closer examination how after ayatam and the passage : na sarvaniti.... ever does not support this theory, for a compari. sydtam be construed as one sentence. I would son of the statements of the critic with those, as then translate : Not all the words ', say Careya signed to him by Yaska, in his rejoinder, shows and some other grammarians, but only those, that Yaska repeats, and puts within yatho etat the accent and grammatical form of which is and iti, only so many words of his opponent as regular and which are accompanied by an explaare necessary for the controversy. He does not natory radical element. Those such as cow, repeat them in toto. It is evident, if one compare horse,' 'man', 'elephant' etc. are conventional Sec. 13 and Sec. 1 1. terms." Paruapaksa. Yasku's rejoinder. Durga has the following theory about nouns 1-13. ayer 1-14. a ** There is a threefold order of nouns ; i.e. (1) 1971 : - those whose roots are apparent ; (2) those whose roots can be inferred; (3) and those whose roots skAro vayAcApi pratItArthA-cApi pratItAryAni svustathai are non-existent. With reference to this, the A Ferrari . Terrara ... nouns whose roots are apparent are such as doer Surfcasis - 'bringer' etc. Nouns whose roots can be inferred dezika vikAre padebhya: pada yatho etatpademyaH are such as 'cow', horse', etc. Nouns whose pade ANITET - roots are non-existent are such as dittha, davittha T: aravinda and vervinda etc." anteriga. ... In both these cases, Yaska repeats only a part It is quite evident that YAska, a follower of the his opponent's statements. Gune's AggArtion school of etymologists, whose fundamental doc. is therefore unfounded; hence his suggestion as trine is that all nouns are derived from roots... regards the adoption of a supplementary clause could not have recognised the third category of cannot be accepted. his commentator, who thus appears to be a The sentenco can however be explained without follower of the School of Clirgyu. having recourse to an assumed interpolation. LAKSEMANA SABUP. BOOK-NOTICES. DUPLEX AND CLIVE, THE BEGINNING OF EMPIRE! The book is a well of detailed information, and BY HENRY DOD WELL. Pp. xix and 277, with oontains many arresting comments on men and bibliography and index. London, 1920. events, based on the evidence collected, and puts The period of these two great pioneers of straight many erroneous ideas hitherto accepted modern Imperial Government in India must always as true. Perhaps one of the most remarkable have a fascination for the student of history, is the judgment on Dupleix's career (p. 83) : and there must be always be also a thirst for any The facts thus indicate that Dupleix was not details that will show the tremendous issues of the the victim of neglect, that Godeheu was not the the time in their true bearings and tell us what betrayer of French interests in India, but rather manner of men they really were that faced them. that both Companies were exhausted by the strug. The time is not even yet perhaps when a true judg. gle in which they had been engaged, and both ment can be formed and in the process of pro. curing and sifting the evidence available, many urgently felt the need of a breathing-space in obiter dicta are bound to occur that may prove which to recover themselves. It is noteworthy to be ill founded and many a reasoned judgment that when the war in the Carnatic was renowed, even may in the end have to be reversed. Any it was renewed with all the advantage of the books therefore, such as this, that unearths ori English of the superior sea-power which in the ginal sources of information is weloomo, and any period we have been considering had boon ipopeviter like Mr. Dodwell, who wes his opportunities rative, and then was conducted mainly by Royal of getting at the true facte-in his case, M Curator troops and Royal officers--in part boonuse the of the Madras Record Othon, able to wore the Companies were unable to continuo muok a struggle co-operation of those in charge of the Records at unsidad, in part because its objecta had become Caloutta and at the India Otools to be encour evidently of national importance." Notablo nged, however imperfeet his judgments may words these, if one taken into considerstion eventually prove to be I what lo, one may call, the accepted viow.

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178 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY Not less remarkable is the statement (p. 84) as to Bussy's career-a man whom I have always looked on (erroneously perhaps who knows?) as a greater forerunner of modern administration than Dupleix:-" It has been a commonplace of historians that in conquering India the English: but adopted the methods of the French, applying them in more fortunate circumstances. There is much truth in this so much that Bussy's career in the Deccan offers numerous parallels with Clive's career in Bengal. Alike in the advantage which these two men enjoyed, in the difficulties which they had to encounter, and in the policy which they adopted, we find a marked similarity, which arose naturally enough out of situations at bottom identical, and characters with much in common in spite of superficial differences." On p. 113 is another judgment on Dupleix worth extracting "It appears then that a consider able proportion of the French Company's funds were absorbed by Dupleix; and that he succeeded no better than did the English then or later in making war in the Carnatic pay for itself. Like the Deccan, it was too poor. Dupleix's schemes and policy demanded a wealthier province than either the Carnatic or the Deccan for their realisation." Clive's political policy calls forth the following very pertinent remark:-" In few great revolu tions have circumstances more completely overruled and directed the wills of the actors. Neither Clive nor a single man who sailed with him from Madras in 1756 dreamed of the destiny to which fortune was impelling them." Of such are often the greatest names in history: "time and chance happeneth to them all." Mr. Dodwell's political criticism does not however blind him to Clive's overwhelming merits as an administrator (p. 272):-"His second gov. ernment may indeed be claimed as a miracle of insight, vigour, prudence and honesty. Who else of his generation could have done as much in some thing over eighteen months? How many of those who at Westminster daily prostituted public interests would have thought his salutary reforms possible or desirable at the certain cost of opprobrious clamour? If in his earlier career Clive often enough acted like the majority of his contemporaries, in his second government he rose far above the political and moral standards of his age. Of those who have encountered similar extremes of praise and blame, few have better merited the first and less deserved the second, few have rendered more enduring and meritorious service to their country. [ MAY, 1921 One could go on quoting from this remarkable book with increasing light on the greatest period of the earlier history of the British in India, but I have I think given enough of it to show that none who would know the story of British endea vours in the latter half of the eighteenth century can afford to leave it out of their purview. R. C. TEMPLE. IRANIAN INFLUENCE ON MOSLEM LITERATURE, Part I. Translated from the Russian of M. Inostranzev with supplementary Appendices from Arabic sources. By G. K. Nariman Bombay: 1918. This remarkable book is noteworthy from two points of view. Firstly, it is a translation from the Russian and it contains the results of original research by a Parsi scholar. Secondly, the value of the whole to Parsis can be gauged by the opening statement of the translator's preface : "The facile notion is still prevalent, even among Musalmans of learning, that the past of Iran is beyond recall, that the period of its history preceding the extinction of the House of Sasan cannot be adequately investigated, and that the still anterior dynasties which ruled vaster areas have left no traces in stone or parchment in sufficient quantity for a tolerable record reflecting the story of Iran from the Iranian's standpoint. This fallacy is particularly hugged by the Parsis, to whom it was originally lent by fanaticism to indolent ignorance. It has been credited with uncritical alacrity, congenial to self-complacency, that the Arabs so utterly and ruthlessly annihilated the civilization of Iran in its mental and material aspects that no source whatever is left from which to wring reliable information about Zoroastrian Iran. The following limited pages are devoted to a disproof of this age-long error." One has only to consider how complete is the information about the ancient Persians and their religion and how much the Parsis of India are the living representatives of both race and creed, to wonder at the existence of such an attitude as that described by one of themselves. The legendary and dated history of Persia goes back as far as that of India, and indeed further, and we have there a picture set before us of the Assyrian suzerainty of the Medes of North-West Persia from the 9th to the 7th Century B.C. and then of the short-lived Median Empire, eventually overthrown by the all-important imperial rule of pure Persians themselves under the Achaemenian Cyrus and his great successors in the 6th Century. This in turn gave way to the Greek domination of Alexander

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MAY, 1921) BOOK NOTICES and his Macedonians in the 4th century, continued 111 (147-191 A.D.), continued by the tirst Nisanid by the Creek Seleucids till the lst century B.C., Ardashir (212-241) and completed by Shapur when it gave way to the Arsacid Empire of the II (310-379), in order to combat the serious danger Parthians--Persiores ipsos Persos. The Parthians as they held it, caused by the inroads of Syrian fell in the 1st century A.D. before the second Christianity. great Imperial sway of the Persians themselves Such & Literature, so carefully preserved, and under the Sasanians, to fall at last under spread so far and wide by conquests, political and Muhammadan rule in the 7th century. The mere religious--the tenets of Zoroaster, in the form or enumeration of these all-powerful Dynasties of the Mazdaism, were within an ace of becoming the ancient world, practically all of whom followed creed of the Roman Empire in the early centuries the teachings of Zoroaster in some form or other A.D., and who knows, thus of Europe itself i-must Ind spread them far over civilised Europe and have powerfully affected the Muslim Conquerors of Asia, is enough to show how great is the the 7th century and those that wrote for them or historical inheritance of the Parsis and how proud under their rule. Indeed, the earlier examples they should be of it. Mr. Nariman has done well of what is now known as "Pareian Li to bring it 80 forcibly before his own people is full of it in all categories --Firusi, Nizami, and co-religionists. Omar Khayyam, Shekh Aba Sa'd, Nasir Khusru The record of this mighty ruling race of ancients Shekh 'Abdu'llah Ansari, Jalglu'ddin Rumi, is no myth. It has come down to us through Faridu'ddin Attar, Shekh Sa'di and many Greek and Roman writers with a detail and an jesser names. It is quite time that Mr. Nariman nccuracy that have no counterpart in India. And should bring to the notice of his compatriots ng to literature, neither the reforms which sprang the Russian Professor's work, which explains with up within Zoroastrianism itself, nor Islam, were so much wealth of illne so much wealth of illustration the debt that the able to suppress the immense amount of sacred early Arab authors themselves owed to the Pahlavi and profane story that was even then in existence. literature that preceded them. Indeed, the skilful blend of ancient Persian and Among Mr. Nariman's translations is the Islamic story in Firdusi's Shahnama (10th century Appendixon Noldeke's remarks on Barzui's A.D.) preserved rather than destroyed. In the Introduction to the Book of Kalila roa Dimna. The realm of religious thought Persian influence was | Autobiography which is contained in it, while enormous. The ancient pantheism of the Persians thoroughly Oriental, is so entirely human that it was positive, "affirming the world and lite, taking reads in places as quite modern and it is therefore joy in them, and seeking its ideal in common with intensely interesting. Indeed, the modernity' a creative God," in contradistinction to the ancient of much of ancient and mediaeval Oriental story Indian pantheism, which was negative, "denying is often at first sight surprising. world and life and descrying its ideal in the ce988. With this remark I close these notes on Mr. Nari. tion of existence." This fundamental difference runs through all Persian history, producing in R. C. TEMPLE. the end, under the influence of the Muhammadan supremacy, the wonderful theosophy of the Persian R&SH RANDHA VAMASA MHAKAVYA OF RUDRAKAVI, Sufis (from 847 A.D.), a blend of the joyous ancient edited by EMBAR KRISHNAMACHARYA, With an pantheism with the fatalist monotheism of the Introduction by C. D. Dalal, M.A. (Gaekwad's mystics of Islam. Oriental Series, No. V). The ancient Persians, too, were far from neglec: RAshtrandhavaosa Mahakavya is an historical ting their literature and their records. Witness the epic by Rudrakavi, a Southern poet under the great tri-lingual inscription of Darius at Behistun, patronage of Narayan Shah, a ruler of the small who once described himself in words that every principality of Mayurgiri-or as it was known Parsi should remember-surely the proudest ever to later historiaus, Baglan. The poem was comused by any monarch as "a Persian, the son of a posed in the Sake year 1518 or 1596 A.D. Persian, an Aryan of Aryan stock." Witness also the dictum of that believer in the destiny of his The author of the poem, Rudrakavi, son of race, to which the great God Ahuramazda, had Ananta, was one of those mon of genius and literary given dominion "over this earth afar, over many merit, that were occasionally patronised by Hindu peoples and tongues." Take the very origin of princes, who, following the noble examples the Pahlavi writing of the Parthians out of the of the great kings of the past, thought it their unsuitability of the cuneiform script adopted from duty to extend thoir liberality to the votaries the Medes, in which the Achaemenid decrees were of the muse. In an age of national subjectior, issued, for any material but stone or clay. Take when every ruler had to wage a bitter struggle for ant of the collection in the Pahlavi | the very existence of his patrimony and the safety the significant fact of the collection in the Pahlavi Avesta of the old orthodox doctrines and text, of his family honour, few Hindu princes could commenced by the Arsacid (Parthian) Vologeses think of directing their energies towarde

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180 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ MAY, 1921 the patronage of learning. Still there were ex inflicted a defeat on Humayun Shah the secon: ceptions to this rule, and Narayan Shah, the Mogul Emperor--events which have hardly any poet's patron, was one of them. historical foundation at all. Maha. Maha The poem, which can be classed as On the contrary, we know from the Mussalman historians that the Baglan chiefs of that time kavya, has been divided into twenty cantor. In were petty feudatories under the Mussalinan the first, the poet describes the origin of Rash sultans of that quarter. Thus, according to them, trandha, the founder of the family. He Arose' Bhairab Shah, father of Nareyan Shah, was a we are told, as a beautiful boy of eleven, out of a feudatory of Baharlur Shah, Sultan of Gujarat, dice which struck the crescent of the moon in the to whom he gave his sister in marriage. crest of Siva while he was playing with his consort. Narayan Shah was the poet's patron, and from This boy was afterwards adopted by the childless the ninth canto of the book onwards, the events King of Konaui as his son, and after the latter's of his reign are described. His successes over death became the ruler of that city. After him petty chiefs are described in pompous language Caine six princes whose names are not worth and the poet, following the example of the ancients, mentioning. Then came two brothers, Kala. I devotes three whole cantos in rescribing the sports and luxuries of the king. gena and Gopachandra, the elder of whom, by We come next to examine the composition propitiating the goddess, became invincible and And style of the work. Though it contains conquered Ujjain, where he became king. The some anachronisms and historical inaccuracies, other brother, Gopachandra, who had sacrificed the poem is a work of considerable merit. It himself to the goddess, regained life through her contains beautiful descriptions, e.., of the day and merey and was known as Bagula. the night and of the seasons (Canto XV). The Seventeenth in descent from him was Yabas descriptions of the battle and the chase arouse van, whose son along with his brother migrated to the reader's interest, while the numerous similes the South. Yasasvana inarried the daughter enhance the beauty enhance the beauty of the of the whole composition, of Ramadeva of Devagiri and remained there. The style is elegant and the language is chaste His son, Gajamalladeva, conquered the Gurjara, and easy throughout, though in some places it and MAlaves and succeeded in taking the kingdoin abounds in samasas after the Gaudt style (e.g., in of Allauddin, the lord of the Yadavas. Who Canto IX). Constant alliterations make it more and this Allauddin was we have no means of ascer more melodious, 1 In sorce places the poet seems aining. His son Malugi defeated twelve kings to imitate Kalidasa, author of the Raghuvams. 2 including Ramadeva, the powerful Yadava ad erful Yadavn ad-Some of the verses deserve special praise, on versary of Allauddin Khilji of Delhi. This appears account of their noble sentiment or exqui. to be highly improbable, when we consider some site poetic beauty3 of the facts mentioned by the poet before and after The poet, however, excels in religious sentiment. The verses in honour of Rama, Siva 6 and Ganges this event, and the whole story seems to be a are beautiful compositions. To sum up, the poet mere invention of the poet-to enhance the succeeded well in the task he undertook. Un. giory of his past ancestors. Malugi's grandson fortunate though he is on account of the obecurity Nandeva also performed acts of valour, but of his hero, his poem does credit to him and has WAS defeated by Allauddin Khilji, who after preserved the name of his patron from oblivion. conquering Lata. Kalinga, Vanga, etc., was Much credit is due to the editor for the learned killed in battle. Ramraja of Devagiri- introduction eppended to this work. The the adversary of his grandfather, according to valuable and critical notes inserted in it show O poet. In addition to a historical inaccuracy. his labour and learning. And though there may for we know it for certain that Ramadeve was be some small inaccuracies in it, it should be not killed by Allauddin a hopeless Anachronism a great help to scholars. We think however that something ought to is also noticeable in this statement. After many have been said on the composition and style of the work. vicissitudes of 'fortune the dignity of the family In conclusion, our thanks are due to his was restored by Nanadeva. His great-grandson Highnses the Maharaja Gaekwad Mahadeva resorted to Mayaragiri where he estab of Baroda. who is financing this Oriental Series and has thus lished temples. Mahadeva's son, Bhairab Shah perserved the noble tradition of the ancient kings is credited with having conquered the Mussalman of India in respect of patronage to learning. rulers of Mandu and Devagiri, and having NARAYAN CHANDRA BANERJEE. 1. See e.g., Ses. II, p. 49, and IX, 20. a Compare X. 24 of the poem with Raghu., VI, 22; XII, 62 of the poem with Raghu.. X, 32; and VI. 2 with Raghu., XVII, 52. 3 See V, 21; XII, 22; V, 15. * See XII, 39 to 50. II, 49-to 52 ; also V, 16-24.

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JUNE 19211 TRANS-HIMALAYAN REMINISCENCES IN PALI LITERATURE 181 TRANS-HIMALAYAN REMINISCENCES IN PALI LITERATURE. Br D. N. SEN, M. A. . (Continued from p. 166.) Other references to the Trans-Himalaya in Pali Literature: The following passage occurs in' saMgAmAvacara jAtaka atha ne gahesvA sahavIjanika manosilAtalaM anItattabahAdayI sattamahAsare paJcamahAnadiyo suvaNNapadhvasa rajasapabbata maNipambasapatimaNDitaM amekasasa rAmaneyyaka himavamsapabbataca vassasvA sAvasiMsabhavanaM te nanda vipucca ti puchitvA na vipugcha bhanne ti bule ehi manda tAvartisabhavanaM se dasmessAmi sastha nesvA paNDukambalasilAsanenisidi| sakA devarAjA hI calokasu devasaMghena saddhi AgantA vanditvA ekamantaMnisidi | aDva siyakoTisaMkhyA tasma paricArikA payasatAca kakurApArA deSaccharApi AgantA vanditvA ekamansaM nisirdisu / [Then he took hinu up and showed him red-tinted (lit. red-arsenic) rocky soil extending over sixty yojanas, 30 Anotattadaha and the other six great lakes, the five great rivers, and the Himavanta pabbata adorned with the gold, the silver and the precious stone mountains. He asked Nanda, 'Have you seen the abode of the Tavatimsa gods ?' Nanda replied, 'No, I have not seen it, Sir.' He said, 'Come Nanda, I will show you the abode of the Tavatimsa gods.' He then took him there and sat on a rock of the colour of a white blanket. Sakka, the king of the gods, came with a company of devas from two devalokas, saluted him and sat down on one side. Two and a half kotis of female attendants, also five hundred nymphs with feet like those of doves came and saluted him and sat down on one side.] Though mixed up with much that is legendary, this account preserves a tradition of some importance about the Himalaya and the Trans-Himalaya. The following passage occurs in merujAsaka atIte bArANasiyaM mamadate rajja kArante bodhisattI suvaNNahaMsayonibaM nimnatti, kanibhAtApi rasa asthi, ne cittakUTapambate vasansvA himavantapadese sabaM jAsasAli khAnti, se ekadivasaM tastha caritvA cittakUTa bhAga chantA antarA magge eka ne nAma kAJcanapabbataM disva sassa mastha nisimsui | saMpana pabataM nissAba vasantA sakunA catuSpAtA ca gocarabhAmithaM nAnAvaNA honsi. pambataM pavihakAlako pahAya tasmIbhAsana akSaNapavaNNA vA honti / [In the past, when Brahmadatta was reigning at Baranasi, Bodhisatta was born a golden goose. He also had a younger brother. They used to live in the Cittakuta Mountain, situated in the Himavanta region, and lived on wild rice. One day, while they were returning to Cittakuta, after having fed themselves in that region, on the way they saw a golden mountain of the name of Neru, and alighted on its peak. The birds and four-footed animals living on this mountain seemed to be of different colours in their feeding grounds, but as soon as they entered the mountain, they would take on the gold colour on account of the light einitted by it.) himavansappadeza or the cold region was evidently not identical with himavantapabbata but included the latter. The quotation given above agrees with the Pauranic tradition that Neru, Sanskrit Meru,' was a golden mountain like a smokeless column of fire. * Tho nimijAtaka speaks of the seven mountains surrounding sineru (Sans. sumerU) mudassanIkaraviko isadharI yugandharI nemindharI vinatako aramakaNNI girigrahA ese sIvantare nAgA anUpukha samuggalA mahArAjAnaM AvAsA bAni svarAja passasIti / [Sudassano, Karaviko, Isndharo, Yugandharo, Nemindharo, Vinatako, Assakanno, great niountains. These mountains separated by the Sita and rising one above another, Are the abodes of the Maharajas about which, Oh ! Rajan, you ask.) The same jAtaka mentions the cittakUTadvArakoDaka (the Citrakuta gate) of sAvartisabhanaM 'or the heaven of the thirty-three.' 30 Yojana=8 or 9 miles.

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182 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JUNE, 1921 In the same , we are told that the heavenly charioteer had to drive his chariot antil he reached fofuras which lay towards the east. In various places f or is described as lying in the f air region. In many of the Harnsajatakas the mountain figures as the home of the golden geese which hunt for their food in the Himarrinta lakes and, now and then, come to go as far as the wife country in senrch of food. It has been mentioned above that King Nimi entered the assembly hall of the T'avatinsa deras through the gate, which would locate this mountain to the south or south-east of the Meru, as arars had to drive the celestial chariot towards the eastern regions when he was coming tomithilA. The candakumArajAtaka mentions the gandhamAdanapabbata in the following lines, yakakhagaNasevite gandhamAdane osadhehi saJchanne tagya taM apassantI kiMpurisa kathaM ahaM kAsaM, kiMpurisasevite gandhamAdane bhoSadhehi saJchane tatthataM apassansI kiMpurisa kathaM bhahaM kAsaMti / In the Gandhamadana mountain where the Yakshas live and which is overgrown with plants, There, in thy absence, Oh! Kimpurisa, what shall I do? In the Gandhamadana where the Kimpurisas live and which is overgrown with plants, There, in thy absence, Oh ! Kimpurisa, what shall I do?] GEOGRAPHY OF THE NORTHERN REGIONS AS GIVEN IN THE RIM YASA31: Sugriva sent a strong contingent of the monkey force to the north to search for Sita. The countries to which they were asked to go were thus enumerated : The country of the Mlechchhas, the Pulindas, the Surasenas, the Prasthalans, the Bharatas, the Kurus, the Bhadrakas, the Kambojas, the Yavanas, the Sakas, the Arattaka. the Bahiskas, the Rishikas, the Pauravas, the Tankanas, the Chinas, the Paramachinas, the Niharas, the Daradas and the Himavanta country. Other places mentioned in this connection are the following: - The great Black Mountain, the Hemagarbha Mountain, the Sudassana Mountain, the Devasakha Mountain, a hundred yojana of dreadful wilderness where there are no mountainss rivers, trees, or living things, the white mountain known by the name of Kaildsa, the Krauncha Mountain, the Mainaka Hill, Vaikhanasa lake where elephants with their calves roam freely, the country on the other side of the lake, wbere the sun and the moon are lost and the sky is starless and cloudless, and things are seen under a light like the rays of the sun and to the north of which lies the ocean. Sugriva also directed them not to go further north than the country of the Kurus (Uttarakuru), a region which was without the sun and beyond his knowledge. This account tells us of countries which are in the north and north-west of India and beyond the confines of it to the north-west, and also of others which take us over the lakes and mountains of Central Asia across a vast desert to the shores of a great lake which is the country of the Northern Kurus. Beyond this, lies, in the north, a great ocean. The narra. tive practically tallies with the Pauranic description of this part of Asia and strongly supports the suggestion made above that the Indo-Aryans came from the far north, possibly the aratio regions on the shores of the North Sea. The account given in the Ramayana is vitiated by a very serious mistake, viz., the Svela parvata has been confused with Kailasa! which bears a perpetual ice cap and is reputed to be white. 31 Rdmdyana, Kish. kanda, Chap. XXXIV.

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JONE, 1921) TRANS-HIMALAYAN REMINISCENCES IN PALI LITERATURE 183 Other Collateral Evidence (1) THE RIGVEDA. There is unmistakable evidence in the Rigveda to the effect that the land of the five rivers was not the original home of the Indo-Aryans : (a) 3EET fruita atat Ura Toft bhahanahimanvapastataH prAvakSaNA abhinat pavatAnAm // [ I shall presently speak about the first and foremost deeds done by Indra, the wielder of thunder (71). He killed Ahi (cloud); brought down the rain ; and clove the mountains for making paths for the flowing waters.) This preserves the memory of what the Rishis actually saw on the mountains where they once lived. (6) 330 Waga Terawat TTT seara: yAcitro mahinA paya'tiSThan trAsAmahiH patsutaH kIbabhUva (Just as a river overflows its fallen banks, the delightful waters are flowing over the prostrate vritra (cloud); Vitra (cloud), who kept the waters in confinement by his prowess when he was alive, is now lying under their feet.] This is a faithful picture of what takes place after a thunder-storm in the mountains. The display of lightning and heavy roll of thunder as dark masses of cloud are driven upon the hill tops, the copious shower following upon it and then the scattered flakes clinging to the mountain side and the rushing torrents running down to the valleys below. It is only in a mountain country that this beautiful cloud-myth could have originated. (c) dAsapabIrahigopA atiSThantrirudA bhApaH papineva gAvaH / apAM vilamapihitaM yadAsIdravaM jaghanvA bhapa sahavAra // Like the kine which were concealed by Pani, the waters were confined by Vitra (cloud) who is their husband and master. Indra killed Vitra (cloud), and cleared the path along which the waters flowed, and which was obstructed by Vitra (cloud).] The hill streams, which are ordinarily dry, become flooded and rush down in torrents after a heavy shower. This is a common sight in the mountains after a thunder-storm. It is impossible to explain this verse and the one preceding it unless on the supposition that these scenes were witnessed in mountain regions and not on the plains watered by the five rivers. (d) 342arat argare tamtio artha cetati yUthena vRSNirejati // When the sacrificer climbed from hill to hill (for collecting the soma plant etc.), a large quantity was collected (of soma etc.). Indra knows why this was being done and is shaking with excitement in his eagerness to come to the sacrificial ground) with his whole host.] The first part of the verse brings to`us the memory of a time when the sacrificer used to go from hill to hill collecting soma and other things required for a sacrifice. (e) are quarrafa t il pro bhArata maruto durmadA iva devAsaH sarvayA vidyA / [Shaking the mountains, driving apart great trees (lit. lords of the forest). Oh MarutDevas, you go freely with all your followers like those who are drunk.] This again is a vivid picture of a storm in the mountains. 0 amI barakSA nihitAsa ucA moha cipiveyuH| bhadabdhAni varuNastha bratAni vicAkAcandramA nakkameti // [Those Rikshas (the seven Rishis or the Great Bear) placed high up in the sky, are seen at night, where do they go during the day! The deeds of King Varuna no one can ainsay. It is by his command that the moon moved in splendour at night.] Rigveda, 1. 32. 1. 33 Ibid., I. 32. 8. # Ibid., I. 10. 2.

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184 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ JUNE, 1931 %3 This is a significant passage to which attention was first drawn by Tilak. It is in the far northern latitudes that the seven Rishis appear high up in the heavens and form the most prominent constellation visible to the dwellers of the far north. 7) saM pUSanabhanastira byahI vimuco napAt / sakSA deva prnnmpurH| vo naH pUSanavI vRko duHzeva bhAdidezati / apa sma patho jahi // apa syaM paripaMthinaM muSoga hurazcitaM / dUramadhi buraja // svaM tasya ivAvino'ghasastha kasvacit / pAbhi tiSTha tpussi|| bhAsave dama maMtumaH padhUnavo vRNImahe / / yena pitRncodyH|| adhA no vizvasaubhaga hiraNyavAdhImattama | dhanAni supaNA kRdhi / ati naH sazcato naya sugA naH sapathaH kRnnu| pRSaniha kratuM vidaH // bhabhi sUbavasaM naya na navagvAro adhyane / pUSaniha kratuM vidaH // Oh ! Pashan, take us safely (lit. completely) to our destination, destroy the enemies on the way, thou who art the offspring of the clouds. Lead us on our way. Oh! Pashan, remove from our path our enemies who hurt us, steal our wealth and delight in evil deeds and order us to go along a particular way. Oh ! Pashan, send these crooked thieves who endanger our journey far away from our path. Oh ! Pashan, place thy foot on the body of the thief who steals our things openly as well as secretly and who desires to do us ill. Oh! Pashan, who art wise and handsome, we pray for such pirotection from thee as thou hast vouchsafed to our fathers. Oh! Pashan, who art extremely wealthy and possesses golden arms, after this our prayer give us plenty of riches. Oh ! Pashan, take away from our path the enemies that stand in our way. Take us along paths which are easy and delightful. Thou knowest how to protect us on this road. Oh ! Pashan, lead us to lands full of delightful grass and let there be no new trouble on the way.] These prayers are full of reminiscences of a time when the Indo-Aryans had to move from place to place in search of fresh pastures through countries beset with dangers, long before they commenced a life of settled cultivation in a fertile valley. The following passage brings back to us the memory of a time when the Vedic Aryans were living in the upper valley of the Indus where it has a northerly course : (a) 35"sodacaM siMdhumariNAnmAhatyA vajApAna pasaH sNpissss| A ajavaso apinIbhirviAcanRsomasya tAmada dhikaar"| 36 Rigveda, Mandala, II, sakta 15, Rik. 6.

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TRANS-HIMALAYAN REMINISCENCES IN PALI LITERATURE [Indra has, by his own greatness, made the Indus flow northwards, and has pulverised the chariot of Usha, after having penetrated weak forces with the help of his swift moving army. Indra performs these deeds when he is exhilarated with soma.] JUNE, 1921] This passage demands more than a passing notice, as it clearly points to the fact that a considerable body of Indo-Aryans entered the country along the Indus valley, and possibly across the Karakorum range, and perhaps even from Western Tibet. This would suggest a number of roads, viz., for example, the northern and the north-western ways leading to Kashmir across the Hindu Kush and the Pamirs, as well as the N. E. route along the Indus and the Sutlej valleys from Western Tibet. These paths, however, are so difficult that it is not likely that they came in large numbers, but the movement must have gone on for centuries until the Indian branches of the Aryan people gradually came down to the sunny, well-watered basin of the Sapta-Sindhu or 'seven rivers' (2) THE ZEND-AVESTA. (i) The Gods of the Zend-Avesta.-The Zend-Avesta introduces us to that stage of the history of the Aryan people when the Indian and the Iranian branches had separated from one another but still retained much of their common tradition. The Vedic literature is composed of Mantras, Brahmanas and Sutras. The first two are universally acknowledged to be revealed. Now, of these two parts, the Brahmanas are never mentioned in the ZendAvesta, though Mantram appears in it in the form of Manthran. Zoroaster is called a manthran, i. e., one who utters a mantra, and the holy scriptures of the Parsis are called Manthra spenta, which means 'holy prayer'. In fact, some of these prayers are actually addressed to deities who are among the oldest and are recognised by both the branches of the Aryan race, e. g., Mitra, Varuna, Aryaman. The most noticeable thing in the Zend-Avesta is the movement which was inaugurated by Zoroaster against the Devas and Deva-worshippers. In the earliest Riks, there is no distinction between Devas and Asuras, thus bearing testimony to a period when there was no disruption of the friendly relations between the Deva party and the Asura party. But, later on, a considerable number of the Vedic hymns are invocations of the favourite deities against the Asura party. In the Zend-Avesta, however, the Deva party seems to be in discredit from the very beginning, the Zoroastrian movement itself being hostile to the Devas and Deva-worshippers, and, by and by, the name Deva' becomes a synonym for evil spirit, just as Asura' in the Vedas becomes a synonym for the tribes at war with the Aryas. If, therefore, the ancient Iranian geography gives us indications of the country where the parting took place, it will furnish us with important materials for tracing out some steps of the great racial movements of the Aryan stock. (ii) The Geography of the Zend-Avesta.-In Fargard, I, of the Vendidad, there is an enumeration of sixteen perfect lands created by Ahura Mazda. Of these the following nine have been definitely identified Zend Name. Sughda Mouru Bakhdhi Haroyu Vehrkana Harahvaiti Haetumant Ragha Hapta hindu Modern Name. Sagdh (Samarkand). Mary. Balkh. Hare (rud). 185 Gurgan. Ar-rokhaj or Arghand-(ab). Helmend. Rai. Hind (Panjab).

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186 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY The first land created by Ahura Mazda 36 was Airyana Vaejo, situated on the Vanguhi Datiya. It was cursed by the Devas with a severe winter which lasted for ten months, there being only two summer months. Airyanem Vaejo,' if rendered into Sanskrit, will closely approximate refar (in Pali star), which means the 'pasture lands of JUNE, 1921 the Aryans'. According to some authorities, this land was situated north of the Oxus, since Vanguhi Datiya (as Veh) was the name of this river in Sassanian times. The names of the countries which immediately follow all belong to N. E. Iran, and this lends additional force to the view mentioned above, viz., that the first Zoroastrian land was situated to the north of the Oxus. The second country created by Ahura Mazda was the plain of the Sugha as or Sogdiana. The third of the good lands was Mouru or Marv. The fourth was Bakhdhi or Balkh. The fifth was Nisaya and lay between Mouru and Bakhdhi. The sixth was Haroyu or Herat. And so on. This enumeration strongly suggests that the Iranian race-movement commenced from a country to the north of the Oxus, not far from the Celestial Mountains, where the gods of the Indo-Aryans were said to be have had their Valhalla. Indra, the most popular of the Vedic deities, is a powerful demon with the Zoroastrians, and he had his stronghold in these mountains. It was Indra who, in Vedic story, demolished the fortresses of the Asuras and protected the Vedic people in battles against them. If we follow the enumeration of the good lands from Sogdiana to Marv, Herat and Kabul, we can faithfully trace the frontiers of the lands under the influence of the two races. The Zend-Avesta bears clear testimony to the dominant influence of the Indo-Aryans in close proximity to the eastern frontiers of the people of Iran. In speaking of the strong and holy Mouru or Marv, the Vendidad says 37 that it was cursed with plunder and sin, which undoubtedly suggests the reminiscences of frontier warfare. Similarly, Nisaya, which lay between Marv and Balkh, was the land in which sin and unbelief prospered; Haroyu or Herat was afflicted with tears and wailing, and in Vaekereta or Kabul, idolatry flourished and Keresaspa allowed himself to be seduced to 'Daeva-worship." If we take the country beyond the Oxus as the place where the two most closely allied branches of the Aryan race, viz., Indians and Iranians, parted company, it will follow that the earlier race-movements took place at a point far north of it, and therefore, also north of the Thienshan mountains. The only thing in the Avesta which has caused a difference among scholars as to the original home of the Irano-Aryan people is that 'Aryanem Baejo' is by some placed south of the Caspian Sea. It is quite possible that those of the Iranian tribes, which migrated westwards and settled in the well-watered fertile country which forms the southern littoral of the Caspian Sea, thrived and flourished; and the land they lived in became the stronghold of Zoroastrian orthodoxy, as the land of the five rivers became the Brahmarshi Desa of the Indians. This region may have been one of the early settlements, as the way from Trans-Oxyiana to the Caspian was straight and without any obstacle in the form of a mountain barrier. 36 Vendidad, Fargard I. 37 Ibid., Fargard I.

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JUNE, 1921) TRANS-HIMALAYAN REMINISCENCES IN PALI LITERATURE 187 In Fargard II. of the Vendidad, there is an account of a period before the time of Zarathustra, which is highly suggestive. It is said that Ahura Mazda proposed to Yima, son of Vivanghat, that he should be the preacher of his religion, but Yima expressed his unfitness for it. Ahura Mazda then asked Yima to take care of his people so that they might thrive and flourish. So Yima was made king of the people by Ahura Mazda. They throve under his care and multiplied, so that there was overcrowding. Then Yima stepped forward in light, southwards, on the way of the sun' and 'made the earth grow larger.' This process had to be repealed over and over again, the people still proceeding southwards and flourishing more and more. At last came a terrible winter and special preparations had to be made for saving the race and their cattle. Now this carries us back to a period when the Iranians had not separated from the Indians, as Yima or Yama is common to both the Iranian and Indian traditions. The description strongly suggests the migration of these races who were driven southwards by the increasing severity of the winters and the descent of the snow-line carrying devastation before it. (3) CENTRAL ASIA IN THE EARLY YEARS OF THE CHRISTIAN ERA. (a) Fahian's route to India-After crossing a desert 38 to the west of the Chinese frontier, Fahian came to the country of Shen Shen39 and thence passed on through Wu-i10 and other countries to Khotan. From Khotan he went to Tze-hop11 and Yuhway's, and after visiting Kie-Sha made for India across the Ts'ungling mountains. Now in all these places he found strongholds of the Buddhist faith. At Shen Shen, he found 4000 priests of the Hinayana School, the prevailing religion of India, and all the Buddhists, laymen as well as priests, using Indian books and the Indian [language, presumably Sanskrit or Pali: at Wu-i there were about 400 priests of the Little Vehicle and the people professed the Buddhist religion: at Khotan, the Buddhist priests belonged chiefly to the Great Vehicle ; Buddhism was the state religion ; there were many Sangharamas and temples, and among the public cerenionials, the well-known car-festival was witnessed by the Chinese traveller. (b) Hiuen Tsiang's route to India-The first country described by Hiuen Tsiang after he had crossed the Chinese frontier and the desert (Gobi) is 0-Ki-Ni or Agni, which is the Sanskrit for fire.' The modern name of the place is Karshar.43 The written character which the inhabitants of this valley used was Indian with very little difference. The Chinese traveller found, in this far eastern out-post of Buddhism, Sangharamas, with two thousand priests belonging to the Little Vehicle. The second country nientioned by him is K'iuchi or Kucha, where the Indian style of writing prevailed; there were one hundred Sangha, dmas belonging to the Little Vehicle; the scriptures were in the Indian language, and the place had Buddha statues and Deva temples. From Kucha, Hiuen Tsiang passed on to Pohluh-Kia (Baluka) 44 which he found to be in soil, climate, customs and language very unuch the same as Kucha. There were ten Sanghardmas with about one thousand priests following the tenets of the Little Vehicle. From Aksu he passed over a stony desert lying in the N. W., and crossed the Lingahan mountain and reached the shores of the Tsing or Issyk-kul lake and passed on to ita N. W., and thence along the road leading to the valleys of the Jaxartes and the Oxus, till he reached 38 The desert of Gobi. 39 South of Lake Lob Nor. 40 Between Kharaschar and Kutecha. Trav. of Fahian, by Legge, p. 14, n. 6. . 41 Tashkurgan in Sirikul, according to Watters; see Legge, p. 21, n. 3. 43 It may be Aktasch; nee Legge, p. 21, n. 5. 43 Beal's R. W. W., Vol. I., page 17, n. 52.4 Aksu, ibid., Vol. I, p. 24.

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188 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JUNE, 1921 Balkh. This country was called the little Rajagriha15 on account of the numerous Buddhist sites in its neighbourhood. He found here about 100 convents and 3000 monks, all belonging to the Little Vehicle, and a temple of Vaisravana or Kuvera. Then he directed his steps towards India and, in the course of his journey over the Snowy Mountains, came to Bamiyan and found there Buddhism of the Little Vehicle in a flourishing condition. The next point in his travels was Kapisa, where he found a king of the Kshatriya race and Buddhism of the Great Vehicle the prevailing religion, though there were also Deva temples and heretics. A journey of 600 li eastward brought him to the frontiers of India. The most noticeable feature in the accounts of the countries through which the Chinese pilgrims had to pass on their way to India is the fact that, even in the early years of the Christian era, Buddhism had penetrated almost to the frontiers of China, and Indian civilisation had made a deep impression upon the language and customs of these people. It is also remarkable that it was the school of Little Vehicle which seemed to be the dominant religion in the towns farthest from India, thus indicating that, long before the reign of Kanishka who professed the religion of the Great Vehicle and under whose influence this school gained great popularity, Buddhism of the older school had been carried far into the heart of Central Asia. It is no wonder, therefore, that Sir Aurel Stein has found, buried under the sands of old Khotan, documents in Sanskrit as well as in Prakrit. It strikes me also as very curious and exceedingly suggestive that the names of many of the cities in this region are either Sanskrit or Prakrit. All this bears indubitable evidence of a very early intercourse of India with Eastern Turkestan. (4) PHYSIOGRAPHICAL AND ETHNOLOGICAL EVIDENCE. The culture stratum at which we find the earliest settlements of the Indo-Aryan people in the Punjab was preceded by many other strata of which we practically know nothing. In the fertile basin of the five rivers, we find they had advanced remarkably in civilisation. They were no longer wandering bands of nomads; they had learnt the arts of settled life, such as agriculture, house building, the manufacture of armour and weapons of war, the construction of river-going and sea-going vessels, the use of gold and iron, the art of the weaver, the building of forts, and the laying out of towns and villages; they had tamod most of the domestic animals, such as we possess now; they lived under kings, and their society had undergone a considerable development with the institution of marriage and division of labour among various classes which, however, had not yet fussilised into castes; they had made notable progress in finishing their language and in the use of rhyme and metre; and the beautiful hymns addressed to various manifestations of naturo show a fine susceptibility to everything true and charming in form and sentiment. We catch them up indeed now and then in the midst of their migrations from pasture to pasture, but it only shows that they had a wandering life before they took to agriculture. But the centuries, during which this race was gradually emerging from the earliest stages of the existence of man, are entirely hidden from our knowledge. I think it will be a task entirely disproportionate to the objects of this paper to look for the habitation of the Aryans when they were in a savage or barbarous condition, se., before they had entered into the pastoral stage of life. We have sufficient evidence in the Rig Veda as well as the Avesta to enable us to conclude that they led the life of nomadic shepherds before they became cultivators. Where could they have tended their cattle in the prehistoric ages? As for the ancestors of the Indo-Iranic people, it is pretty certain that the nomadic stage of their history was passed largely in the 45 Beal's B. R. W. W., Vol. I, p. 44.

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JUNE, 1921) TRANS-HIMALAYAN REMINISCENCES IN PALI LITERATURE 189 pasture lands of Central Asia, perhaps with occasional settlements in some well-watered and sheltered valleys. A look at the map of Asia showing the vegetation zones makes it clear that even after making allowance for the great changes which have taken place in the climatic conditions of Central and Northern Asia since the times of which we are talking, it is safe to assert that these pasture lands must have been situated in the central mountain area and the de pressions around them, with sufficient water to form rich grass lands. North Siberia is a frozen waste. South of it, there are temperate forests bordered by small patches of cultivation, and further down, vast expanses of very poor soil, perhaps fit only for growing grass, and barren wastes in the form of deserts, though not unrelieved now.and then by oases formed by rivers with an inland flow. In Southern and Eastern Asia, bordering the sea, there are rich cultivable lands which have formed the cradles of Asiatic civilisation. In geological times a good deal of the waste land of Central Asia was covered by seas, which made the climate mild enough for sustaining vegetable and animal life of a higher order. West of the central mountain mass, a great sea connected the isolated inland waters with the Mediterranean on the one hand and the Arctic Sea on the other, and has left indelible traces of its existence in the configuration of the land as well as in the fossil remains which it has left em bedded in the soil. In the same way, to the east of the central meridional mountains, in the Tarin basin and the depression represented by the desert of Gobi, it is believed that a great sea covered the land, though there are geologists who hold that the desert has been formed entirely by aerial denudation, i.e., by the wind-blown rock-debris from the marginal mountain chains. It has been asserted by competent authorities that during the glacial and the post-glacial periods the vegetation of Turkestan and of Central Asia was quite different from what it is now and was similar to the conditions which at present prevail in Siberia or North Europe. The extremely rapid desiccation of Central Asia has brought about great changes in the fauna and flora of the Thienshan and other central Asiatic regions. All these considerations point to the fact that in the nomadic stage, the Aryans, at least the Indo-Iranic branch of the Aryans, moved about the pasture lands of Central Asia with occasional settlements in the sparsely-scattered sheltered valleys or in the oases formed by the rivers, which carried the drainage of the central mountain mass into inland seas or lost themselves in the sands of the deserts into which they flowed. The theory of a more northern habitation for the earlier Aryans does not in any way do violence to geological evidence. In the interglacial period, the northern parts of the hemisphere we live in are supposed to have been more equable and milder than at present, the mean temperature being higher and there being a greater precipitation of moisture. As a consequence of this, vegetation flourished far north where it can now hardly exist. Sir Archibald Geikie sayg46 that "the frozen tundras of Siberia appear then (in the interglacial period) to have supported forests which have long since been extirpated, the present northern limit of trees lying far to the southward." Among the fauna of this period are to be found the huge pachyderms, such as the Mammoth and the Rhinoceros, which roamed in the forests and over the grassy plains of the old world. When the glacial deluge came again, they seem to have survived the extreme cold and to have gone back to their old haunts after the climate had become less severe, if it is a significant fact of Palaeontology that signs of the existence of man in the shape of the rude stone implements which he used at a remote age are found along with the skeletonal remains of these animals. 46 Text Book of Geology, Vol. II, p. 1316.

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190 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ JUNE, 1921 The ethnological evidence, which is now at our disposal, points to the fact that from a very early period in the history of the world, Eastern Turkestan was peopled by an Aryan race and that they attained to a stage of civilisation not inferior to that of Bactria.47 Recent investigations 48 of other explorers have further strengthened this view. The Aryan Tajik a who were the ancient inhabitants of the fertile parts of Turkestan, were partly compelled by hostile invasions to take shelter in the mountains. They are now known as Galchas. It is believed that the races who inhabit Eastern Turkestan are chiefly derived from this stoek, though not unmixed with Mongolian and Tartan elements. The fact that even in the centuries before the Christjan era Indian culture spread rapidly into these parts of Asia lends additional force to the theory that the inhabitants of the Tarim Basin were a people closely allied to the Indo-Aryans, and were therefore especially susceptible to influences from India. CONCLUSION. In Pali literature there are definite references to the region immediately to the north of the Himalaya mountains and a more or less legendary account of countries further to the north. It preserves the reminiscences of the red-tinted up-lands which lay beyond the Himalaya mountains; the lakes from which the rivers of the Gangetic plain took their rise; the famous Kailasa peak and, far to the north of it, the "Lord of Mountains," the Meru; the land of the Uttarakurus with its rich fields, god-like men and bounteous crops; the mighty Vessavana, the city of Alakmanda (Sans. Alaknanda), and the mineral wealth of these northern lands; the four great Deipas or countries known as Kuru, Aparagoyaniya, Parvavideha and Jambudvipa. These memories have a significance which can only be realised when compared with such reminiscences as are preserved in the Puranas, the Epic literature, the Vedas and the ZendAvesta of the Persians. Viewed in the light of modern researches, they reveal facts of great value which throw a considera ble light upon the early race-movements of the Aryan stock. The oldest Iranian records speak of Yima, son of Vivanghat (Sanskrit, Yama, son of Vivasvat) having been placed at the head of this branch of the Aryans and of their proceeding gradually southwards as they and their flocks multiplied in number and as necessity arose for further expansion, until a time came when the winters became very severe and the descending snow-line devastated everything lying in its way. The enumeration of good lands given in the Vendidad begins with Airyana Vaego, which, according to some authorities, lay to the north of the Oxus. Yima seems to have been the first leader of the Irano-Aryans and Zarathustra, or Zoroaster, their first and greatest Prophet. The differences between this branch of the Aryan race and the Indian branch became acute somewhere north of the Oxus, as it is in this region that we find a clear and definite anti-Daevic propaganda; and there is ample evidence to show that the hostilities between the two races continued as far south as Afghanistan in the course of their southward emigration. Turning now to the Vedic evidence, it is abundantly clear that the Indo-Aryans had migrated from a mountainous country with valleys affording good pastures for the large flocks which they possessed and which constituted their wealth. It is also clear that they came from the Pamir region along the valleys of the rivers which bring the drainage of the western Himalayas into the plains of N. W. India. 47 Encyclopaedia Britannica, Eleventh Edition, Turkestan. 48 Sir Aurel Stein, Ancient Khotan.

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JUNE, 1921) TRANS-HIMALAYAN REMINISCENCES IN PALI LITERATURE 191 It is a curious fact that both the Taittiriya Brahmana." and the Vendidad so speak of an old home-land where neither the sun nor the moon shone, which was illuminated by a spontaneous light, and where days and nights were of six months' duration. The Puranag51 also describe an early habitation of the Aryans which was to the south of the North Sea, where neither the sun nor the moon went on their daily rounds and the sky was illuminated by spontaneons light-streamers. The Pauranic evidence is copious and circumstantial, but seems to be composed of more than one tradition marking, perhaps, the different stages of the history of Aryan emigration. According to one and the most widely accepted tradition, Jambudvipa extended from India or Haimavatavarsha to the shores of the North Sea. embracing in its sweep six great mountain ranges and nine countries bounded by them. Another tradition records the existence of four Mahadvipas or great lands, viz., Bhadrayva. Bharata (also called Jambudvipa), Ketumala and Uttarakuru. Bhadrasva can be safely identified with the basin of the Tarim (Sita) river ; Ketumala, with the valley of the Oxus (Chakshu): Bharata, with India, through which the river Alaknanda or Ganges flows; and Uttarakuru, with a northern land watered by a river which flowed into the North Sea. There are various traditions also about the locations of the different varsha or countries. Thus the land of the Kurus is, according to one tradition, the northernmost rarsha; according to another, it is to the north of the central valley, Ilavrita; according to another, it is identified with a valley lying to the south of Ila vsita; and according to another it is to be placed north of the Himavanta. As these countries were named after the people who lived in them, they would change their names as the inhabitants migrated southwards to other lands, booking greener pastures and more congenial climes. The Mahabharata, as I have said above, distinctly mentions the occupation of Harivarsha by the Uttarakurus. The valley of Ilavrita, as described in the Puranas, was situated round the base of Meru and was the most central of all the varshas or lands, which, according to an older tradition, extended from the south of the Himalaya to the shores of the North Son; whilo another tradition, which is undoubtedly a more recent one, allocates it north of the Kailass and the Himalaya and states that it forms the centre of the four dvipas enumerated above, viz.. Uttarakuru, Ketumala, Bharata and Bhadraeve. The Rigveda mentions & region known as Taspada, but the far-famed Meru is unknown to the Rishis whose utterances are preserved in that ancient record. This makes it very doubtful if the Ilavpita of the later Puranic tradition can be the same as the laspada of the Rigveda. I am inclined to think that the name Ilavrita or Haspada migrated southwards in the same way as the name Kuru did, and that the Vedic or earlier Puranic Da-land had a more northern situation, having been the centre of the Jambud vipa of the older tradition, while the Navrita of the later account, which was the centre of the four dofpas or great countries, can be definitely identified with the Pamir region, from which the Indo-Aryans descended to the plains of Haimavata-varsha or India, among the valleys of the various rivers which connect the plains of northern India with the Trans-Himalayan countries, viz., the valleys of the Indus, the Swat, the Kabul, the Sutlej, the Saraju and the Ganges (Alakananda). We have also to take into account the most ancient of the Puranic traditions which seems to tocate Havrita somowhere near the Arctic circle or within it, and which perhaps is an echo of what we find in the Vendidad and the Rigveda. The line of studies followed in this paper suggests the following comelusions : (1) Pali literatuu is full of definite references to the Himalaya and the Trans-Himalaya and preserves a more or less dim and legendary memory of Uttarakuru and of the Sumeru, Meru or Mah meru mountain, the home of the Tavatios Deities. 19 Taikirtya Brahmanas, III, 9. 28,1. so Vendidad, Fargard II, para, 40. 61 Padmapurdy, Adihada

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192 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JUNE, 1921 (2) The Puan9s preserve in them the ceminiscences of (a) & very ancient tradition of the old Aryan homeland which was situated oither within the Arctic circle or very near to it; (6) a later tradition according to which Jambudvipa extended from India in the south to Kuru or Uttarakuru which lay to the south of the North Sea; (c) the most recent of these traditions which practically identifies Jambudvipa with India, and according to which India is considered as one of the four great dvipas or lands, viz. Bhadrasva (Tarim valley), Ketumala (basin of the Oxus), Bharata or Jambudvipa (India), through which the Ganges flows, and Uttarakuru a land to the north of Meru. The Meru region is compared to the central part of a lotus ; Bhadrasva, Bharata, Ketumala and Uttarakuru to its petals. This description would place the Meru mount in the centre of the Pamir region from which the great Asiatic ranges start.52 "The axis, or backbone of Pamir formation is,' we are told, the great meridional mountain chain of Sarikol--the ancient Taurus of tradition and history--on which stands the highest peak north of the Himalaya, the Muztagh Ata (25,000 ft). This chain divides off the high-level sources of the Oxus on the west from the streams which sweep downwards into the Turkestan depression of Kashgar on the east. Can this peak be Meru ? This view is supported by the following considerations - (i) Bhadrasva with its river Sita can be definitely identified with the Tarim Valley and he river which drains it. (ii) Ketumala with its river Chakshu or Aksu is the same as the country through which the Oxus flows. (ii) Bharatavarsha or Jambudvipa is India which receives the flow of the Alakmanda or Alakananda, which, after its junction with the Bhagirathi, forms the Ganges. The reason why, of all the rivers, the Ganges is mentioned as the river of India, is that during the later Vedic and the Buddhistic ages, the centre of Aryan civilisation in India had shifted far to the east of the Punjab in the valley of the Ganges. (iv) The Gulchas, who are supposed to have descended from a pure Aryan stock, live not very far from this region and they have marked race-affinities with the people of Khotan, and probably, the Kashmiris. (v) The Pamir valleys have been scooped out by glacial movements which took place during the Ice-ages, and the Ice-fields not very far from this region are the most stupendous in the world. In the Vendidad there are passages preserving the memory of severe winters when the ice sheet descended down to the lowest valleys and which must have ultimately determined the race-dispersal from this central region. (3) The deflection of the Aryan stream of emigration to the cast and south-east from the central homeland in the Pamirs must have been determined by the hostilities of the Indian and Iranian branches of the race, the former being worsted in the struggle. There is clear evidence of this in the Brahmana and Puranic literature. (4) The lines of emigration were various and not merely from the N. W. of India, as is generally believed. Even in the Vedas, as we have seen above, there is a reference to a northerly course of the Indus, and the fact that the Kashmiris are Indo-Aryans and have race affinity with the Galchas and Khotanese is additional evidence of movements direct into Kashmir from the N. and N. E. of the country. The intimate knowledge which people seem to have possessed of Alaka nanda, Bhagirathi and Anotatta Daha or Mansarwar, and of which the memory has been kept fresh and keen by the piety of Hindu pilgrims, is a proof of emigrations along the routes which follow the courses of the head waters of the Ganges. The story of Bhagiratha leading this river into India is but a reminiscence of his having been himself led into India by the Bhagirathi. 62 Encyclopaedia Britannica, Eleventh Edition, xx, 666.

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JUNE, 1921 ) HISTORY OF THE NIZAM SHAH KINGS OF AHMADNAGAR 193 THE HISTORY OF THE NIZAM SHAH KINGS OF AHMADNAGAR. BY LIEUT.-COLONEL T. W. HAIG, C.S.T., C.M.G., C.B.E. (Continued from p. 146.) LXVIII.-VICTORY OF THE MUSLIMS OVER THE IDOLATERS. When the accursed Sadashivaraya observed the determination of the Muslims, his spirit was roused, and he sent forth 30,000 horse from the centre of his army against the Muslims, while his younger brother, Venkatadri, who commanded the right of the infidels, attacked the left of the allies under Ibrahim Qutb Shah, which was beaten back, while 'Ali Adil Shah, in consequence of his former alliance with Sadashivaraya, left the position allotted to him. The centre, however, under the command of Husain Nigam Shah, stood fast and manfully withstood the idolaters. Ikhlas Khin again charged the enemy with his 'Iraqi and Khurasani horse and did great execution among them. Iu fact, Ikhla Khan and Rumi Khan were the heroes of the day. Rami Khan, who commanded the artillery of Ahmadnagar, brought up all the heavy and light guns on their carriages, and the rockets, and drew them up by order of Husain Nizam Shah, before the army, and kept up a heavy fire on the enemy.153 At this phase of the fight Husain Nizam Shah ordered the camp followers to set up his pavilion in front of the enemy. This pavilion was the king's great tent of state, and it was the custom of the Sultans of the Dakan, whenever they ordered this pavilion to be set up on the field of battle, to stand their ground without quitting the saddle until victory declared for them. The erection of this pavilion at this stage was not without danger to the king's honour, but when Sadashivaraya saw that the pavilion was being set up, he lost heart and gave all up for lost. Nevertheless the Hindus charged repeatedly, and the defeat of the Muslims appeared inevitable when, in the heat of the conflict, one of the elephants charged Sadashivaraya and slew his horse with its tusks.154 The Raya was thus dismounted and at that time Rumi Khan and some of his men rode up and were about to kill him. Just then, Dalpat Rai, one of Sadashivaraya's vazirs cried out, 'Do not kill him, but carry him alive before Divan Barid, for he is Sadashivariya.' They therefore straitly bound the 163 Other authorities agree that the wings, under 'All Adil Shah and Ibrahim Qutb Shah were beaten back, and that it was Husain's steadfastness that saved the day. Some of the troops from the wings, seeing his standard still aloft, retumed and rallied round him. His artillery was well served by Chalabi Ram Khan and the most determined attack made by the Hindu centre was broken by a terrible discharge from Husain's guns, which had all been loaded to the muszle with copper coin. usein followed up his advantage by a furious charge (F. ii. 76, 261). 154 This account differs from that given by Firishta (ii. 76, 962), according to wbich Sadashivaraya did not mount a horse but, when he saw the day going against him, left his throne and re-entered his litter One of Husain's war elephants, named Ginulam 'All, overthrow the litter, and its bearers fled, leaving Sadashivaraya lying alone on the ground. The driver again directed the elephant towards the jowelled litter, with a view to securing it e 8 prize, when one of the Hindu King's Brahmans came forward and said. * This is Sadashivaraya. Find a horse for him and he will make you one of the greatest lords in his kingdom." The driver, on leaming who the captive was, caused his olophant to pick him up and carried him to Chalabt Rumi Khan, who sent him on to Husain Nigam Shh, by whose ordere he was instantly beheaded. His head was raised aloft on a spear on the elephant which had brought him in, and the Hindu army, horrified at the sight, broke and fled. Husain Nigam Shah afterwards had the houd stufted with straw and sent to Tufal Khan of Berar 48 & warning. The statement that 'All Adil Shah wished to preserve the common enemy appears to be a slander. There is no other authority for it and there is no reason to believe that 'AH, whose dominions marched with those of Vijayanagar, was not anxious for the destruction of the Hindu kingdom w Hussin could be.

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194 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JUNE, 1921 chief of hell and carried him before Husain Nizam Shah. As soon as 'Ali 'Adil Shah heard of the capture of Sad&shivaraya, he hastened to the spot with the design of releasing the a coursed infidel, but Husain Nizam Shah, being aware that 'Ali 'Adil Shah would press for the Raya's release, which it would be folly to grant, and that a refusal to grant it would only lead to strife between the allies, and to the rupture of the alliance, issued orders for the execution of Sadashivaraya before 'Ali 'Adil Shah could arrive. His mischievous head was then severed from his foul body and was cast beneath the hoofs of the king's horse. It was then by the king's order placed on a spear and exhibited to the Hindu army, and the Muslims then charged the enemy who scattered and fled in all directions. Husain Nizam Shah pursued the fugitives and so many were put to the sword that the plain was strewn with their accursed bodies. According to the most moderate accounts, the number of the slain was nine thousand, 155 but according to some accounts it much exceeded this number, and the remainder escaped with much difficulty, and fled in all directions, hiding like foxes in holes of the earth. The victors captured jewels, ornaments, furniture, camels, tents, camp equipage, drums, standards, maidservants, menservants, and arms and armour of all sorts in such quantities that the whole army was enriched. Husain Nizam Shah prostrated himself in gratitude to God, and allowed the army to retain all the spoil except the elephants. The amirs and vazira tendered their humble congratulations on this glorious victory and all were rewarded with advancement. The secretaries then composed letters announcing the victory, which were sent to all parts of the world. * This glorious victory was gained on Friday, Jamadi-ul-Akhir 2, A.L. 972 (Jan. 4, 1565). 136 ykhy z wl jmdy lkhr and one of the learned men of the court composed the chronogram that is to say the date would be found by subtracting one from the total of the numerical value of the letters composing the sentence. When 'Ali Adil Shah and Ibrahim Qutb Shah became aware of the death of Sadashivaraya, who was, in truth, their support and stay, they bitterly repented of having entered into the alliance with Husain Nizam Shah, but since an arrow once let loose cannot be recalled, their repentance availed them nothing. After this glorious victory, Husain Nizam Shah and the two noble Sultans who accompanied him, halted for ten days on the battlefield,157 collecting their booty and disposing of and slaying such of the infidels as fell into their hands (during this period), and then marched on to Vijayanagar and spent four months in that country, destroying the temples and dwellings of the idolaters and utterly laying waste all the buildings of the country. The three kings then set out on their return journey to their own kingdoms. A.D. 1565. In the course of the return journey, Ibrahim Qutb Shah, who was vexed with Mustafa Khan for the share which he had had in the execution of Sadashivaraya, his dissatisfaction with which has already been mentioned, said to Mustafa Khan in the course of conversation. 'You have ever expressed a desire to make a pilgrimage to Makkah and the other 165 This is a strangely modest computation. Firishta says that popular rumour placed the number of the slain at 300,000, but that it was in truth about 100,000. This, considering the dense mases of the Hindus, the deadly artillery fire, and the execution done by the Muhammadan cavalry among the half clad Hindu infantry, as well in the battle as during the long pursuit, may well be believud. 156 The words of the chronogram seem to indicate that Sayyid 'All's date, Jamddx-us-sdn 2, not 20, is correct, but the chronogram itself is wrong by two years. The numerical values of the letters give the total 975, substracting one from which we get 974, whereas the date of the battle was 972 157 The T.M. Q.8. agrees in this statement, hut according to Firishta the pursuit was at once continued as far as Anagondi, fifteen miles from Vijayanagar.

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JUNE, 1921 ] HISTORY OF THE NIZAM SHAHI KINGS OF AHMADNAGAR 195 holy places, now that you have attained your object here, you have an opportunity of departing. Mustafa Khan, who had long been apprehensive of evil from Ibrahim's hasty and violent disposition, gladly seized this opportunity to assemble his horses, elephants and everything in this category, and joined the camp of Husain Nizam Shah, in whose service he remained until the day of his death.188 Husain Nizam Shah then pursued his leisurely way to his capital, eating, drinking, and making merry by the way.' On his approaching the capital, the Sayyids, saints, great men, and the general public, came forth to greet him and to pray for his long life and prosperity, each man offering what he could. They were welcomed by the king and he then entere: the fort of Ahmadnagar. LXIX.-AN ACCOUNT OF THE DEATH OF HUSAIN NIZAM SHH. When Abu-'l-Muzaffar Husain Nizam Shah, after overthrowing the infidels, returned to his capital, he engaged himself in administering the affairs of his kingdom and also in gladdening his heart with the wine-cup and the society of lovely cup-bearers and fair damsels. His glory and bodily powers being now at their zenith, began to decline, and the wine which he took to gladden his heart injured his health, and he died. After the king's death, the learned men at court buried him with great mourning, in the Bigh-i-Nizam, the burial place of his forefathers, and his remains were afterwards removed to Karbala by his son, Murtaza Nizam Shah I, and there buried near the tomb of Imam 'Abdullah al-Husain. This calamity occurred on Wednesday, Zil-Qa'dah 7, A.H. 972 (June 6, 1565), the 159.giving the date aftb d khn bshd pnhn chronogram Husain Nizam Shah was a man of praiseworthy disposition and made a laudable end. Islam rested under the shadow of his justice ; learned men were happy and content under his protection, and all his subjects were at ease and in peace. He left two sons like the two great lights of heaven, each of whom came to the thronz in his turn, as will be related hereafter. May God prolong the reign of his present majesty, the Sahib Qiran, the shadow of God, until the Resurrection. He left four daughters like the four elements, all of whom were married, viz., Chand Bibi, Bibi Jamal, and Bibi Khadijah (the name of the fourth, Aqa Bibi is not given). 160 LXX.-AN ACCOUNT OF THE REIGN OF ABU'L Guizi MURTA A Nizim SHAH I. When the amirs and the chief officers of state had leisure from the mourning for, and the funeral ceremonies of, Husain Nizam Shah, they raised Murtaza Nizam Shah, as his eldest son, to the throne, and swore allegiance to him as their king. His formal enthronement was postponed, by the advice of the astrologers, to an auspicious time, but the amirs and vazirs, in order to set the minds of the army at rest, raised the umbrella and aftabgir over his head and admitted the people to his presence in order that they might make their obeisance to him. 168 Muptafa Khan entered the service of 'Ali 'Adil Shah, not that of Husain Nizam Shah. He was mardered at Bankapur, early in the reign of Ibrahim Adil Shah II. at the instigation of Kish var Khan. 180 Firishta gives this chronogram (ii. 203) which gives the date 972, but does not give the day of Husain Nizam Shah's death. The T.M.Q.8. gives the date given here. 160 H 18ain Nizam ShAh I left four sons and four daughters. By Bibi Khunza (Khanzada) Humayun he had Murtaza, who succeeded him, and Burhan, afterwards Burhan Nizam ShAh II, Chand Bibi, married to All Adil Shah I, and Bibi Khadijah, married to Jamal-ud-din Husain Inja. By Surya ho had two MOD, Shah Qasim and Shah Mansur, and two daughtes, AqA Bibi, married to Mir 'Abdul WahhAb, son of Sayyid Abdul Azim, and Bibi Jamal, married to Ibrahim Qutb Shah.

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196 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JUNE, 19 1 Murtaza Nizam Shah in his youth avoided all business of state and gave himself up wholly to sensual pleasures, so that the business of the state fell upon the shoulders of his mother Khanzadah Humayun, who was the mother both of Murtaza Nizam Shah and of his present majesty, Burhan Nizam Shah Sahib Qiran, and the nobles and officers of state obeyed her in all things as though she had been king. She managed all affairs, whether of war or of peace, with wisdom and prudence. At first she confirmed and continued Qasim Beg Hakim in the office of vakil and pishva, which he had held in the reign of the late king, who had left Maulana 'Inayatullah in the territories of Vijayanagar with an army in order that he might capture the fortresses of Raichur and Mudgal, but afterwards when Maulana 'Inayatullah returned from Vijayanagar, Qasim Beg, who was growing feeble with age, resigned his office and went into retirement in his house, while 'Inayatullah was appointed vakil and pished in his place. Then Farhad Khan the African, who had formerly been one of Qasim Beg's slaves, and, having been patronized by the king, had become a vazir and an officer in the army, and had then, owing to a quarrel between himself and Chata Khan the eunuch, become apprehensive, and had fled with some other vazirs to Gujarat, took Qasim Beg, who had been sent to allay the fears of Farhad and his companions, to Gujarat. Qasim Beg died at the port of Surat. After a while Farhad Khan, having received a safe conduct, returned to Ahmadnagar and re-entered the royal service, and Maulana 'Inayatullah, after holding the great offices of vakil and pishvd for some time, resigned them, and returned to the fortress of Lohogarh. Then Sayyid Shah Rafi'-ud-din Husain, eldest son of the late Shah Tahir, was eppointed vakil and pishva, but was soon dismissed, and was succeeded by Taj Khan and 'Ain-ul-Mulk, brothers of Khunzah Humayun, who jointly held the offices of vakil and pishvd and usurped their sister's power and position in the state. Seven months after the death of Husain Nizam Shah, on Sunday, Rajab 5, 973 (Jan. 26, 1566), which was the date selected by the astrologers, Murtaza was formally and ceremoniously enthroned and crowned, and the amirs and great officers of state saluted him and scattered largesse. LXXI. AN ACCOUNT OF 'ALI ADIL SHAH'S EXPEDITION AGAINST ARMADNAGAR AND OF ITS RESULTS. When 'Ali 'Adil Shah heard of the death of Husain Nizam Shah and of Murtaza Nizam Shah's neglect of public business and devotion to sensual delights, he seized the opportu. nity of violating his treaty and of disregarding his connection by marriage with Murtaza Nizam Shah and, at the instigation of Kishvar Khan, who was then pished of the kingdom of Bijapur, invaded the kingdom of Ahmadnagar with an army of horse and foot.161 When news of the irruption was brought by spies to Khunzah Humayun, she considered that it would be wise to enter into treaties with the neighbouring rulers, and thus form a confederacy too strong for 'Ali 'Adil Shah. She therefore sent an envoy to Tufal Khan, who was then de facto ruler of Berar and had imprisoned the 'Imad Shahi family, the offspring 161 The treaty referred to was that made after the battle of Talikota, but Sayyid 'Ali gives an entirely false idea of the conduct of 'Ali Adil Shah, who was not the aggressor. After the battle of Talikota he took under his protection Timmala, son of Sadashivaraya, established him as ruler of Anagondi, and supported him against his uncle Venkatadri, who retired to Nalgonda. When 'Ali led an army to Anagondi to support Timmala, Venkatadri appealed for help to Ahmadnagar and Khunzah Humayun and her son invaded 'Ali's dominions and prepared to besiege Bijapur. Ali hastened lack from Anagondi and after a few indecisive combats the army of Ahmadnagar retired. These events. happened in A.. 973 (A.D. 1565-66)-F. ii. 77, 78, 254. Firishta says nothing of Tufal Khan or Ibrahim Qutb Shah having joined Murtaza Nizam Shah, and it is most improbable that they did so.

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JUNE, 1921) HISTORY OF THE NIZAM SHAHI KINGS OF AHMAD NAGAR 197 of his benefactors, and was considering the advisability of entering the service of Ahmad. nagar, to propose an offensive and defensive alliance and to appoint a place where he might meet the forces of Ahmadnagar for the purpose of acting in concert with them. At the same time the army of Ahmadnagar marched towards the frontier of Berar for the purpose of concluding a treaty of friendship. Tufal Khan at first turned a deaf ear to the proposals of the envoy, but when he heard of the approach of Khunzah Humayun with the army of Ahmad. nagar he set forth with a large army to join Murtaza Nizam Shah and marched with him towards Telingana, while an envoy was sent in advance to Ibrahim Qutb Shah to invito him to join the confederacy. Ibrahim Qutb Shah responded at once, joined the army of Ahmadnagar with his army, and renewed his treaty with Ahmadnagar. The three allied armies then marched against 'Ali Adil Shah. When 'Ali 'Adil Shah heard that Tufal Khan and Ibrahim Qatb Shah had joined Murtaza Nizam Shah, he abandoned all idea of sustaining a conflict and of acquiring military fame, and began a retreat. The allied armies then invaded Bijapur and plundered the country, destroying or carrying off the crops and devastating habitations. 'Ali 'Adil Shah retreated from place to place in order to escape the invaders, and was perpetually on the march. When the allies reached Bijapur, several of the amirs of Ahmad. nagar, such as 'Inayatullah, who was then wakil and pishva, Farhad Khan, Ghalib Khan, Kamil Khan, Miyan Manjhu, and Ranghar Khan, carried fire and sword even to the glacis of the fort, slaying many of the Bijapuri army. The garrison which 'Ali `Adil Shah had left to defend the town and fortress defended the place to the best of their ability, and there was great slaughter on both sides. When the king (or Khunzah Humayun) realized that 'Ali Adil Shah would not meet the allies in the field, and 'Ali' Adil Shah had, in fact, by means of agents in the allied armies, sued for peace, and had expressed his repentance for what he had done, Khanzah Humayun consented to the conclusion of peace; and after the terms had been arranged, the army returned to Ahmadnagar, Ibrahim Qutb Shah and Tufal Khan departing for their own territories in the course of the homeward march. LXXII.-AN ACCOUNT OF THE ALLIANCE OF 'ALI ADIL SHH WITH MURTAZA Nizim SHIH AGAINST TUFAL KHAN, AND THE TERMINATION OF THE ALLIANCE IN STRIFE AND ENMITY. After the return of the army to Abmadnagar, it occurred to 'Ali `Adil Shah that it would be well to make an insincere peace with Murtaza Nizam Shah and to utilize him for wreaking his vengeance on Tufal Khan.162 He therefore sent an envoy to Ahmadnagar to express his desire for mutual friendship and for meeting Murtaza Nizam Shah in order that the old treaties between Abmadnagar and Bijapur might be renewed and that the two kingdoms might make common cause against their common enemies. The amirs and officers of Ahmadnagar, who regarded peace with Bijapur as the best policy at that time, ensured a favourable recep. tion for the envoy and sent him away with all his requests granted. The two kings then set out to meet one another and met at the fortress of Ausa. Here the two kings renewed and revived the treaties of peace and friendship which had aforetime existed between the king. doms of Ahmadnagar and Bijapor, and agreed to make war upon Tufal Khan of Berar, who had rebelled against his master and had possessed himself of the kingdom of Berar, and to set the 'Imad Shahi family free from his domination. Farhad Khan, with a corps from the army 162 Here again Sayyid Ali's account is most misleading. He makes it appear that 'Ali Adil Shah wished to take vengeance on Tufal Khan for having joined MurtapA Nigam Shah against him, whereas it was Khunzah Humayun who proposed the expedition, the object of which was to punish Tufai Khan for having failed, from enmity to Ahmadnagar, to join the Muhammadan alliance that had crushed Vijayanagar. The expedition was undertaken in A.H. 974 (A.D. 1566-87)-F. ii. 78.

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198 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JUNE, 1921 of Ahmadnagar and Dilavar Khan with a corps from the army of Bijapur were sent forward into Berar as an advanced guard, and took possession of some of the districts and villages of that country after many conflicts with Tufal Khan's troops, while the armies of Ahmadnagar and Bijapur under Murtaza Nizam Shah and 'Ali Adil Shah, followed them. When Tufal Khan became aware that the army of Ahmadnagar (and the army of Bijapur) had invaded his territories, he realized that he could not meet them in the field and, with the remnant of his own wretched followers, took refuge in the fort of Gawil, which was one of the strongest fortresses in Berar. The armies of Ahmadnagar surrounded the fortress and laid siege to it, but 'Ali 'Adil Shah, ignoring his treaty with Murtaza Nizam Shah, and breaking his pact with him, thereby disgracing himself, entered into secret negotiations with Tufal Khan, from whom he received 100,000 huns and 50 elephants as the price of a breach with Murtaza Nizam Shah. 'Ali 'Adil Shah, having been thus bribed, proposed that the suppression of Tufal Khan should be postponed, and that the allies should first attack Ibrahim Qutb Shah and should afterwards devote their attention to Tufal Khan. The amirs of Ahmadnagar were not aware of 'Ali 'Adil Shah's duplicity and, as his proposal appeared to them to be sound policy, they abandoned the siege of Gawil and, with 'Ali 'Adil Shah, retreated one day's march; and of the amire of Ahmadnagar, Ikhlas Khan, 'Aziz-ul-Mulk, and 'Ain-ul-Mulk were appointed to command the troops to be dispatched against the kingdom of Ibrahim Qutb Shah. It so happened, however, that some of the Bargis and other officers of the army of Bijapur attacked the baggage of the army of Ahmadnagar, and fighting ensued between them and the troops of Mansur Khan, one of the chief amirs of Ahmadnagar who was on baggage guard that day. Mansur Khan was slain in the fight and there was much slaughter on both sides. When Khunzah Humayun learnt of the aggression of the Bijapuris and of Mansur Khan's death, her wrath knew no bounds and she determined to attack the enemy who had appeared in the garb of a friend. Miyan Manjhu and other officers of Ahmadnagar set themselves to allay the strife, which could not but result in the wasting of the kingdom of Ahmadnagar, and it was at last Bettled that 'Ali 'Adil Shah should first retreat and march for his own country and that the royal army should then return to Ahmadnagar. Thus strife between the armies was allayed, the further outpouring of the blood of Muslims was prevented, and the two armies returned, each to its own country,163 After these occurrences, the treaties of peace and alliance between Murtaza Nizam Shah and Tufal Khan were renewed and confirmed, and the two rulers marched against 'Ali 'Adil Shah; but he, not venturing to encounter the two armies, retreated before them, and the army of Ahmadnagar again marched to Bijapur. One day, as Maulana 'Inayatullah, who was now vakil and pishvd, Farhad Khan, Kamil Khan, Ghalib Khan and other officers of the army were going about the fortress of Bijapur to view it, the garrison left by 'Ali 'Adil Shah to defend the fortress suddenly attacked them, and a desperate battle ensued, in which very many of the army of Ahmadnagar were slain, many elephants were captured and the army of Ahmadnagar was defeated and dispersed. When the remnant of the defeated army reached its camp, Khunzah Humayun retreated to Ahmadnagar. 164 (To be continued.) 163 Firishta says nothing about any active hostilities between the armies of Bijapur and Ahmadnagar, though relations must have been strained. Tufal Khan was the enemy of Ahmadnagar rather than of Bijapur, and Firishta admits that he bribed 'Ali Adil Shah with large presents to make peace, but adds that the two armies retired from Berar together and apparently without any open rupture. The approach of the rainy season, when campaigning on the heavy black soil of the Dakan was almost impossible, was usually regarded as a sufficient excuse for the cessation of hostilities.-F. ii. 78, 254. 104 Firishta does not mention this expedition to Bijapur, but says that is A.H. 975 (A.D. 1567-68) Muhammad Kishvar Than of Bijapur captured some of the frontier districts and fortresses of the Ahmadnagar kingdom.-F. ii. 78, 254. It is extremely improbable that Tufal Khan should have allied himself with Ahmadnagar against Bijapur.

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JUNE, 1921] ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OF SHIVAJI Shivaji adopted Malik Ambar's sys tem. ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OF SHIVAJI. BY SURENDRANATH SEN, M.A.: (Continued from page 157.) CHAPTER III. REVENUE AND FINANCE. Ranade was not the only scholar to point out that " Like the first Napoleon, Shivaji in his time was a great organiser, and a builder of civil institutions"57 Shivaji's liberal Rev. Scott Waring writing in the first decade of the 19th century observes enue System. "While Sevajee carried on his predatory warfare he was not inattentive to the growing interest of the state. The lands in the Konkan were secured and defended."58 That was not all. The lands were secured and defended and suitable measures were taken for the extension of cultivation and improvement of agriculture. Jervis tells us that according to the popular traditions, Shivaji's subjects enjoyed plenty though not peace. "In the midst of all this confusion, warfare, and general disloyalty, the state of the revenue and population is said to have prospered."59 The reason is not hard to find out, Shivaji's introduced aflexible system, that long survived his dynasty's overthrow, and as Mr. Pringle Kennedy says "The peasant knew what he had to pay and he seems to have been able to pay this without any great oppression."60 It is certainly very creditable of the great Maratha soldier that his subjects should enjoy plenty while the country was harried and plundered by the ruthless Moghul soldiery, and should multiply though a remorseless war was scattering death on all sides. But all that Shivaji had to do was to follow in the footsteps of another great man. It is true that Shivaji cannot claim originality.61 But originality is not an indispensable factor in statesmanship. All that is expected from a statesman is that he should discern the needs of his time and adopt suitable measures to meet them. Whether these measures are his own (or not) does not matter. Sir Robert Peel simply accepted the ideas of his political opponents when he abolished the Corn Laws, but that does not in the least affect his reputation as a statesman. Akbar, one of the greatest of Indian rulers, frequently revived the long forgotten measures of some of his less known predecessors, and with what effect is known to us all. Shivaji also had the keen discernment of a statesman and he could appreciate the good points, as he was fully aware of the defects, of the existing government. He found that Malik Ambar's revenue system, with a few slight modifications, would suit his country best, and he revived the system without any hesitation.62 Malik Ambar's system. 199 What Todar Mul did for the north, Malik Ambar did for the south. The great foreigner who had served his adopted country so well had to work almost under the same circumstances as Shivaji. While defending his master's tottering kingdom against the Moghul onslaughts, the great Abyssynian had to reorganise its exhausted resources. He worked with an open mind and adopted the revenue system of his enemies. On the eve of its fall the 67 Ranade's R.M.P., P. 115. 59 Jervis, p. 93. 61 Shivaji made no secret of it. See 62 Bombay Gazetteer, Poons Volume. 58 Scott Waring's Hist. of the Mahrattas, pp. 96-97. 60 Kennedy's History of the Great Moghuls, p. 125. Rajwade M.1.8., Vol. XVIII, p. 33.

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200 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY JUNE, 1921 Nizamshahi kingdom saw a set of excellent regulations, but there was no one after Malik Ambar to work them out. Like Todar Mal he divided the arable lands into four separate classes, according to fertility, ascertained their produce, roughly, it is true, and fixed the assessment, once for all. Ho, however, did not want the peasants to pay in kind. Whilo a fixed permanent assessment was made, a commutation or money price was also fixed for ever. Malik Ambar can therefore be justly called the Cornwallis of Southern India. After fixing & money rent, Malik turned his attention to the collecting agency. With one stroke of his pen he did away with the intermediate revenue agency which had been gradually assuming the charactor of a farming system. He then made the Patils and other revenue officers hereditary, but at the same time made them responsible for the full realisation of the Government dues. Such, in short, was Malik Ambar's revenue system, and as some of Shahaji's Jagirs had previously formed part of tho Nizamshahi dominions, the people there were not unfamiliar with it. Nor was there any lack of officials who had seen it in its actual working. Dadaji Konddov, when he reclaimed the waste lands of his master's jagir, did nothing but revive the wise regulations of the great Abyssinian.64 . But Shivaji was no blind imitator. He was, if any thing, a lover of strict method. And Malik Ambar's system, in certain respects, lacked it. While Shivaji did not blind therefore accepting its principles, Shivaji did not commit himself ly imitate. to all its details. Malik Ambar had not carefully surveyed the lands, and the survey work was fraught with many difficulties more or less serious. There were different standards and units of measurement, and Shivaji had first to find out a standard unit before he could order a systematic survey.65 Then again, accurate measurement was impossible with a rope. The length of a rope was liable to slight variations in different seasons. So the measuring rope had to be rejected. Some Muhammadan rulers had substituted the "tenab" or measuring chain for the rope. But Shivaji replaced it by a kathi or measuring rod.66 The ka'hi was to be five cubits and five fists (muthis) in length. The length of the regulation rod was fixed in tansus also. Twenty rods square made a bigha and one hundred and twenty bighas a chavar. The unit of measurement being thus fixed, Shivaji ordered a survey settlement, and the work of surveying Konkan was entrusted to no less an officer than the celebrated Annaji Datto, afterwards Shivaji's Sachiv. It can be safely asserted that the survey work was done with the utmost care. Annaji Datto, for example, refused to rely on irresponsible government Anniji Datto's officials, whose lack of local knowledge and necessary energy survey. disqualified them for the work. He therefore issued circular letters to village officers urging them to undertake this important work with the co-operation of some of their co-villagers, whose interests were directly involved. A copy of this old circular 08 Soo Bombay Gazetteer, Poona volume and Jervis, pp. 66-68. 04 Bombay Gazetteer, Poona volume. 65 Jervis enumerates the following-The gochurms or oxhide of land, the turub or plough land, secondly the khundee of land, the mouza, the mun, the kharika and so forth, that is lands requiring khundee, mouza, mun, kharika and so forth of seed to sow them, by which rule the produce was estimated and the Government share fixed-Jervis, pp. 36-37. 68 See Sabhasad, p. 32.

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JUNE, 1921) ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OF SHIVAJT 201 letter has come down to us, and has been deciphered and published by Mr. V. K. Rajwade. As this is the only documentary evidence of the manner in which the Bigbloni survey of Konkan was conducted by Anniji, I think it will not be out of place to quote the document here in full. A kaulnama from Rajshri Annaji Datto to the Deshmukh, and Deshkulkarni and Mokdam, Patil and Rayas of Tarf Rohidkhore in the Subha of Maval, dated Surusan Tisa Sabain Alaf (1678). You came to the presence at camp Lakhevadi and (represented) that in the Vatani districts of His Majesty, the Rayats should be encouraged by the confirmation of their Kaul and fixing the rent of the lands. Having confidence * * * and taking into consideration the remissions made we grant to the following terms for the land. From the year San Saman (it is the practice to realise) half the produce from the last year the lands were remeasured according to the Bighioni system and the rent was revised and it was settled that of the lands * the inspection (Pahani) of what places had one year been made, and the revision completed, and a plot originally a first class land had (now) deteriorated, then * * * such a settlement was not made after an understanding with the Rayats. Therefore you petitioned that a settlement should be made about the rent). Thereupon the following agreement is made that in the present year * * * * was almost over, and the last one month only remained * * * The agreement about the rent of San Saboina * * * * the (produce) should be estimated, such was the agreement made. If some Brahman or Praabhu Karkuns are appointed this work, then what will those lethargatic people do ? Into how many blocks are village lands divided, what are the crops grown in the village, what rent should be realised, what (do those) poor men (know about that)* * * Therefore, as you are the responsible officers of your district (this work has been) * * * thrown upon you. Therefore you should from to-day * * * perform the survey work of your district. For this work, the Deshmukh and the Deshkulkarni and the Mokdam and officers * * accompanied by a few Rayats, should with one accord go from village to village and ascertain that the produce of such a village is so much, the land in it) * * *is so much of the (arable) land the first, second and third class (plots) * * *aro so many. After carefully ascertaining (these things) and making an estimate of the crop grown, you should after a proper enquiry find out what may be the probable produce if (more) labour is applied, and put that amount (under) that class of lands. * * * you should make your estimate after examining (proper) evidence, in the following manner that at a certain place Malik Ambar's (estimated) produce was so much, and that the autumn or the first harvest of the first, second, third and the fourth class lands is so much, and the second or the vernal crop is so much. After determining the (produce of) the two harvests, you should state that in so many Bighas is such and such crop (cultivated). After making these entries (under the heading) of each particular village, if there are a few peasants * * * then according to the above order, you should make an estimate of produce of the whole Taper whether inland revenue or village dues and to do this work, time of a year from to-day, has been given to you. You must in the meantime, inspect the whole Tape, village by village, field to field and carefully ascertain their yield and write to me. I shall (thereafter come and inspect three villages of three different) sorta in your Tape one * * hilly, one marshy and one with black soil * * * and the villages near their boundary having been inspected according to the practice of the Karkuns. *** having corrected (and) (oomparing that 1) * * * your total and what may be the produce of one village * * . and making it ready according to that * * * if the total under each item becomes 14.17 or double as much then in that way * * * 11, 17 and double * * * having been proved correct and you are to (realise accordingly) * * * * should do if * . . do so then it will be all right if it tallies * * settlement

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202 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JUN, 1021 . . settlement to be made . *.* agree . (agreement) to this effect has been made * we are agreeable * * the cultivation of the District Give such an assurance * * * from the Huzur.67 It is a pity that time has not left this document intact, and the rotten and torn, borders of the paper, with the indistinct letters, have made it impossible Annaji's personal for Mr. Rajwade to decipher all the words. Many gaps have yet supervision. to be filled up mainly by conjecture. But it appears from what has been read, that the estimate of these village officers was not accepted without a proper examination. Annaji Datto himself revised their work. In every district, he visited at least one village of each description, estimated its yield and then compared his own figure with the figure submitted by the village worthies. It was the interest of these villagers not to overestimate the possible revenue, consequently the king alone was the only losing party if any error in these estimates, remained undetected It is to be noted that this circular letter was issued in 1878, only two years before Shivaji's This settlement death. It is therefore clear that this survey settlement could not au made late in Shivaji's have been finished in his life time and hod in all probability comreign. menced late in his reign. Before discussing the principles of the assessment made on this occasion, we should try to find out what taxes, cesses and extra duties (or abwabs) an ordinary peasant was expected to pay in the earlier days of Shivaji and before his time. We have, however, no ready-made list of these taxes and conges like the one enumerating the cesses and duties of the Peshwa period that Elphinstone gives Taxoe enumerated. us. We can, however, frame a fairly complete list, for the Pre-peshwa period also, from the Sanad or grant deeds published in Mr. V. K. Rajwade's Marathyancha Itiha sanchi Sadhanen, Mawji and Parasnis's Sanads and Letters and the transactions of the Bharat Itihas Sanshodhak Mandal. No less than fifty taxes and abuab, and cesses have been mentioned in these papers. They were 1. Beth Begari--(Forced labour). 2. Farmaysi-A tax first levied by the Moghul officers. It was generally levied for purchasing local products ordered by the Emperor. 3. Belekati- perhaps an abwab levied on the stone workers. 4. Paypobi-cannot be positively identified probably a tax paid in kind by the shoe makers. The shoe makers claimed the special right of paying their dues in kind.68 5. Mejbani-literally dinner tax. 6. Mohimpati-Expedition cess--a similar tax is mentioned by Kautilya. 7. Kharchpati. 8. Telpati-Oil cons--perhaps levied for illumination on festive occasions. 9. Tup-A tax in kind levied perhaps from manufacturers of ghee. 10. Faski-A toll levied on green vegetable sellers. 11. Sadilvar. 12. Tutpati. 13. ID Subrat Jervis thinks this was a tax in kind paid by oilmen for illumination on the occasion of Id. 14. Ranbheri. 16. U-A cose levied on transport camels. 16. Ambe-A tax levied on the produce of mango trees. 17. Karujati. 67 V. K. Rajwado: M.1.8., Vol. XV, PP. 368-370. 68 Ibid., Vol. XX, p. 12.

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JUNE 1921 1 ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OF SHIVAJI 203 18. Hejib-literally means an envoy. It is however not clear whether this extra cess was levied for entertaining foreign envoys or for meeting the expense of sending an embassy to a foreign court. 19. Pathevari-Is it Patwari-tax levied for village officers ? 20. Ashvajakati-Tax on transport horses ? or Duty on sale of horse ? 21. Setsara--Tax on arable land. 22. Barhad Taka-? 23. Sel Bail - A duty on transport cattle. 24. Jangampati- A jangam is a Lingayet. It is a tax levied on the jangams. 25. Peskasi--same as the peshkash of the Moghul period. 26. Pati Sike Humayun-Sike is & seal. This tax must be analogous to Bat chha pai of the Peshwa period. 27. Kar-i-Humayuni-Tax levied for celebrating the royal birth day. 28. Thanebhet. 29. Dasrupati. 30. Huzur Bhet. 31. Helpati. 32. Ahisthan. 33. Virahisthan. 34. Mohtarfa-A tax on shop-keepers. Many cesses, however, fall under this general heading. 35. Thaljakati-Customs Duties levied on things while intransit across country. 36. Palbhara-may be a tax on green vegetables, 37. Ulphapati-a religious cess. 38." Bakrid. 39. Sardeshmukhpe ti--same as Sardeshmukhi. 40. Mushahiri-same as Rasad of the Moghul rulers. Ganvkhandi. Dini- tex on grain. 43. PuBodi-A piece of blanket exacted from every Dhangar who manufactured it, Teji Bheti. Jhadjhidoda-A cess in kind levied on the fruits of village trees. Generally collected at the rate of one per hundred mangoes or tamarinds. Bargujar. Inampati -an occasional tax imposed in times of exigency on Inamdars. 48. Akhduldivani. 49. Kur Imarati-A tax to meet building expenses. 30. Vihir huda-an extra tax on lands watered from weels. Mention is made of another abwab Sinhisanpati or coronation tax levied at the time of Shivaji's coronation.69 Most of these taxes do not appear on Elphinstone's list and had been abolished by Shivaji. Anniji Detto at first fixed the rent at 33 p.c. of the gross produce.TO But Shivaji after. wards demanded a consolidated rent of 40 p.o. when all the taxes Rent. and extra cesses had been abolished. Neither Tagai nor the Istaba principle were unknown in his time. The latter system can be traced even to the days of Kulluka Bhattall and the former was very common under the Moghul government. "Cattle should be given to the new Rayats that may come, Grain and money for (buying) seeds should be given. Grain and money should be given for their Rajwade, M.I.s., Vol. XVI. p. 12. ' 70 Jervis, p. 94. Ibid., p. 23.

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204 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY JUNE, 1921 maintenance, and the sum should be realised in two or four years according to the means of the debtor)"79. In this way, says Sabhasad, new settlers were encouraged to come and settle in Shivaji's dominions. We have seen how easy terms were offered by the Peshwas inviting imigrants, specially for encouraging new industries and for founding a new market town. Rent free land was granted for the latter purpose by Shivaji's minister Moro Pingle 73 It is also certain that though extra cesses had been abolished the customs duties were retained. No one could travel without a passport from a competent authority, and Fryer mentions A customs officer stationed at Kalyan.14 We know, from many published documents, how much the peasant had to pay for each bigha he cultivated, during the Peshwa period. No such document The actual rent. T. of Shivaji's time has, however, come down to us. of Shivali's time has, howev Major Jervis has quoted exact figures, in his book on Konkan, but from what sources we do not know. It will not, however, be improper to quote these figures here, and the reader may accept them for what they are worth. Says Jervis,-"15 is commonly believed indeed that he (Shivaj) measured and classified all the lands, and then ascertained the amount of their produce from one or two villages from each Muhal of the Puchitgurh, Rajpooree, Rygurh, Soowardroog, Unjunvel, Ratnagiri, and Veejydroog Districts, for three successive years, from which data he established the rates, half in kind, half at a fixed commutation rate differing in each Talooka, to be paid by the Beegah of each sort of land. The classification of the rice lends, mule, or hemp, under 12 heads : the four first still retaining their former well known distinctions. Uwul, first and the best sort ; Doom or Dooyom second sort ; Seem, third sort ; Charoom or Charseem, fourth sort. The first was assessed at 12 muns; the second at 10, the third at 8, the fourth at 61 muns. * * * * * * The remaining eight descriptions of land went by the fuilowing names, discriminating their respective qualities, and were 888essed at the annexed rates. 1st Raupal, on which small stunted brush wood grows; and Khurwat, lands in the neighbourhood of the sea or rivers, sometimes called salt bhatty lands; 3rd Bawul, rocky soil ; 4th Khuree stony soil; 5th Kuriyat or Toorwat, lands cultivated with pulse, hemp etc.; 6th Manut, lands with roots of large trees still uncleared, as near Indapur and Goregaon. Raupal 8 maunds per Beegah. Kharwut Bawul 61 Khuree Kureyat 1st sort 67 >> >> >> Rutoo Toorwut or Kathanee Manut Subsequently the wretched cultivators have planted small spots on the most rocky eminences, wherever a little water lodged, and the least portion of soil favoured the growth of rice, this is frequent about Unjunvel and Ratnagiri Talookas and have been classed under two heads both called Sirwat the former assessed at 37 maunds, the latter the half of that: the produce of the first kind would be about 16 bushels per beegah,"95 (To be continued.) 67 73 Sabhasad, p. 32. 73 Rajwado, M.I.S., Vol. XX, p. 98. 16 *Till on the right, within a mile or more of Gullean they yield possession to the neighbouring Sevagi, at which city (the key this way into that rebel's country), Wind and tide favouring us, we landed at about nine in the morning, and were civilly treated by the customer in his choultry, till the Havaldar could be soquainted of my arrival."-Fryer, p. 123. 75 For the figures, see Jervis, pp. 94-97.

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JULY, 1921) HISTORY OF THE NIZAM SHAHI KINGS OF AHMADNAGAR 205 THE HISTORY OF THE NIZAM SHAH KINGS OF AHMADNAGAR. BY LIEUT.-COLONEL T. W. HAIG, C.8.I., C.M.G., C.B.E. (Continued from p. 186. ) LXXIJI-AN ACCOUNT OF THE ALLIANCE BETWEEN IBRIHIM QUTB SHAH AND MURTASI NIZAM SHAH AND OF ITS BUPTURE OWING TO THE MACHINATIONS OF MISLED FOMENTERS OF STRIFE. When Ibrahim Qutb Shah heard of the rupture which had occurred between Murtaza Nigam Shah and 'Ali `Adil Shah in the course of their expedition against Tufal Khan, he sent an envoy to Ahmadnagar for the purpose of settling the terms of an alliance between Abmadnagar and Golconda. The envoy disclosed some of the duplicity of 'Ali `Adil Shah and conveyed expressions, which were supported by the strongest oaths and assurances, of Ibrahim Qutb Shah's friendship. The letter which he brought urged Murtaza Nizam Shah to march from his capital against 'Ali Adil Shah, saying that the fortress of Bijapur was in a ruinous state and that 'Ali `Adil Shah was devoting all his time and attention to rebuilding it. Ibrahim Qutb Shah promised that if Murtaza Nizam Shah would march against Bijapur, he, the son of Eltamraj, ruler of Vijayanagar, and Tufal Khan of Berar would join him and would unite with him in besieging Bijapor. Khanzah Humayen, being disgusted with the duplicity and bad faith of 'Ali 'Adil Shah, agreed to the proposals of Ibrahim Qutb Shah and at once marched from Ahmadnagar, without halting by the way, to the banks of the Krishna, which was the meeting place agreed upon. Here both Ibrahim Qutb Shah and the son of Eltamraj joined the army of Ahmadnagar, and were honoured by being permitted to pay their duty to Murta & Nizam Shah.165 When 'Ali `Adil Shah became aware of the great strength of the army of Ahmadnagar and of its having been joined by Ibrahim Qutb Shah and the son of Eltamraj, he realized that he could not withstand it in the field and therefore set himself by fraud and artifice to cause dissension between the allies. By means of his guile he succeeded in detaching Ibrahim Qutb Shah from Ahmadnagar and in attaching him to himself, thus inducing him to break his treaty with Murtaza Nizam Shah. Ibrahim Qutb Shah, being thus beguiled by Ali 'Adil Shah, deserted the camp of the allies at midnight and marched on Goloonda, and on the following morning, at daybreak, the news was brought to Murtaza Nizam Shah ; and Khunzah Humayun, having taken counsel of the officers of state, resolved to retreat to Ahmadnagar. News was now received that Ibrahim Qutb Shah had aggravated his perfidy by attacking and plundering a convoy whicb was on its way to the royal army. This news confirmed Khanzah Humayun in her resolution of retreating, and the army of Ahmadnagar retreated from its encampment to the dir. tance of one day's march on its homeward journey, and halted. That night the enemy's infantry attacked the camp in great numbers and there was great bloodshed until the breaking of the day. When the day broke, the king ordered that fortifications should be thrown up around the camp and should be garrisoned by infantry, artillery, and archers, in order that strangers might have no access to the camp, nor egress therefrom. These orders wers carried out and the enemy who attacked the camp were seized and put to death. In the same 165 The alliance between Ahmadnagar and Golconds and the expedition to Bijapur, here des. cribed, are not recorded in their proper place. It was in A.977 (A.D. 1569-70), after Murtaza had imprisoned his mother, Khanzah Humayun, and when he was marching against Kishvar Khan of Bijapur, who had occupied Kach, near Bir, and had built the fort of Darur, that Murta; A sought aid of Ibrahim Qutb ShAh. It is impossible to fit in Bayyid 'Ali's account with the events which bappened at this time. -F. ii. 78, 79, 258, 336.

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206 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1921 manner the enemy, being upon the flanks and rear of the royal army during its march, attacked them, putting to death many of the sick men of the army and of the baggage guard. It was then ordered that some of the amirs with their troops and with the royal guard should use the greatest vigilance in protecting the sick and the baggage guard and should repulse the enemy whenever they appeared. These orders were carried out and the marauders were slain whenever they appeared. Suddenly, in the course of the march, news was received that the army of Ibrahim Qutb Shah had appeared in force on the left, which was under the command of Dastur Khan and Khudavand Khan Jata Khani, and had attacked it, and that heavy fighting was going on be. tween them and Dastur Khan and Khudavand Khan. By the royal command, Miyan Manjhu Khan Begi with his troops hastened to the aid of Dastur Khan and Khudavand Khan and fought so bravely that the army of Ibrahim Qutb Shah was defeated. Meanwhile, however, news was received that Muqarrab Khan and Salabat Khan, with a force from Qutb Shah's army, had attacked the right wing of the royal army, under the command of Kamil Khan and other amirs, and that the battle was now raging in that quarter. Mu'tamad Khan, Sar-i-Naubat, who was then in attendance on the king, was sent to the assistance of Kamil Khan, and it was also ordered that Miyan Manjhu, as soon as he had beaten off the enemy on the left wing, should march to the right wing and assist Kamil Khan in repulsing the enemy there. Mu'tamad Khan and Miyan Manjhu with their troops joined Kamil Khan, and the three commanders with their combined forces attacked the Qutb Shahi troops with great valour, defeated them, and repulsed them with great slaughter. Mu'tamad Khan Sar-iNaubat was slain in the fight and Kamil Khan was wounded, but victory remained, nevertheless, with the troops of the king, and on the death of Muqarrab Khan Qutb Shahi, who was slain, the hearts of his troops failed them, and they fled and were dispersed. After thus dispersing and punishing his enemies, the king proceeded in peace on his way to Ahmadnagar. LXXIV. AN ACCOUNT OF THE QUARRELS, INSTIGATED AND FOMENTED BY ENVIOUS TRAITORS, WHICH AROSE BETWEEN KHONZAH HUMAYON AND THE KING MURTAZA NIZAM SHAH. It has already been mentioned that at the beginning of the reign of Murtaza Nizam Shah the whole of the business of state was carried on by the queen-mother Khanzah Humayun, owing to the king's devotion to sensual pleasures, in which he spent all his time. Khanzah Humayun devoted the whole of her time, except what was spent in religious duties, to public business, and conducted the administration with great wisdom and ability. The queen-mother, at the beginning of the reign, wisely appointed a learned man, remarkable for his virtue, veracity, and good birth as tutor to the young king, in order that he might be instructed in religion, in holy law, in the Qur'an and the traditions, and in wise precepts, and might be weaned from his fleshly lusts. Her choice fell on the learned Maulana Husain Tabrizi, who afterwards received the title of Khankhanan. He, in a short time, gained great influence over the king and was distinguished above all the servants of the court by becoming the repository of his secrets, being never absent from his presence, night or day, or in public or in private. When he had thus gained entire influence over the king, ambition and the desire of place and power entered his heart, and forgetting what was for his soul's good, he listened to the temptations of the devil and schemed to obtain the appointment of vakil and pishva, regardless of the dangers which lay ahead, until at length he suffered what he suffered.

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JULY, 1921) HISTORY OF THE NIZAM SHAHI KINGS OF AHMADNAGAR 207 This faithless and treacherous servant told the king in secret that kingship resembled divinity, in that it admitted of no participant, and that in spite of the great power and influence of Khunzah Humayun in the state, which were so evident and notorious as to stand in need of no proof, the affairs of state were not progressing as they should. He added that it was well known that the queen-mother was much attached to the prince and that the king would act wisely in depriving her of all power as soon as possible. The traitor so worked on the king's feelings that he believed that this advice tended to his interest and accepted it. Maulana Husain Tabrizi then, forgetting all that he owed to the queen-mother, employed a band of ruffians to seize and imprison both Khanzah Humayun and the prince. Informers gave news of the conspiracy to Khunzah Humayun and she issued orders that the conspirators should be seized. Some even say that the king, in the extreme simplicity of his heart, disclosed the whole affair to her. Be this as it may; the secret was discovered and the conspirators flod and concealed themselves. Among them were Khyaja Mirak, the Dabir, who afterwards received the title of Changiz Khan and rose to be the king's vakil, and Sayyid Murtaza, who eventually became Amir-ul-Umard of Berar, as will be related. These men, in fear of their iive3, fled and took refuge with 'Ali 'Adil Shah.166 After a while they returned, were readmitted to the royal service, and were distinguished by unmistakable marks of the royal favour. After these events the king again, at the instigation of turbulent men, laid plans for seizing Malika-i-Jahan (Khunzah Humayun). In A.H. 970 167 (A.D. 1562) Kishvar Khan, the "Adil Shahi, marched towards the Ahmadnagar dominions with a large army and laid the foundations of a fortress at the village of Darur. Khunzah Humayun, with the king, the amirs, and officers of state, and the whole army, marched from the capital with the object of meeting the enemy, and encamped in the village of Dhanora, near the capital. Taj Khan and 'Ain-ul-Mulk, who were the brothers of Khunzah Humayun, and were two of the most important men in the state, were encamped in the village of Jaichand, which was no more than three or four leagues distant from the royal camp, and although repeated messages were sent to them enjoining them to join the royal camp, they omitted to obey them. The conspirators then gained over Farhad Khan and some other officers of state, and on Rabi'ul-awwal 19, A.H. 970 (Nov. 16, A.D. 1562), by the royal command, appointed Habash Khan, one of the amirs of the court, to arrest Khunzah Humayun. That bold and fearless man hesitated not to commit this act of treason and ingratitude, and entered the queen-mother's pavilion without ceremony and caused her to be violently thrust into a litter. She was then handed over to I'tibar Khan and others, 166 This account of Murtaza Nizam Shah's first and abortive attempt to free himself from the subjection in which he was kept by his mother, whose influence in the state was most mischievous, does not differ materially from that given by Firishta (ii, 255), except that according to his account the leaders of the conspiracy were Shah Jamal-ud-din Husain Inju, Qasim Beg Hakim, Shah Ahmad, and Murtaza Khan, nephew of Jamal-ud-din Husain Inju. Khunzah Humayun had bestowed about half the lands in the kingdom on her brothers 'Ain-ul-Mulk and Taj Khan, and other relatives, who failed to maintain their contingonte. Consequently there were no troops to oppose to Kish var Khan of Bijapur when he invaded the country and established himself at Darur. The 'ruffians' to whom was entrusted the task of arresting Khunzan Humayun were the African amirs, Farhad Khan and Ikhlap Khan. The plot was discovered owing to the pusillanimity of the young king who, when his mother sent for him to speak to him on busi. ness, concluded that she had discovered the plot and was about to depose him, and confessed everything. 167 This date is wrong by seven years, perhape owing to a scribe's error. Husain Nizam Shah I did not die until ZI-l-Qa'dah 7, A.H. 972 (June 6, 1565), it was not until A.H. 975 (A.D. 1567-68) that Kishvar Khan of Bijapur established himself in Darur; and it was in A.x. 977 that Murtaza Nizam Shah succeeded in shaking off his mother's yoke. If the day of the month given below is correct, it was on Sep. 1, 1569. that Khunzah Humayun was arrested

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208 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY JULY, 1921 and removed to Daulatabad. The prince who was at that time barely ten, or, according to another account, twelve years of age, was also imprisoned, and was sent to Shivner. 'Ainul-Mulk and TAj Khan, who had always been intimately associated with the administration of the state and of the army, were not then present at court, and the king, therefore, appointed Khyaja Mirak, the Dabir, who has already been mentioned, to a command, and, having bestowed on him the honourable title of Changiz Khan, dispatched him with a force against 'Ain-ul-Mulk and Taj Khan. Changiz Khan obeyed the order with alacrity and marched against them. The two amirs perceiving that they were not strong enough to withstand the royal -army, fled and separated from one another. 'Ain-ul-Mulk took refuge with Ibrahim Qutb Shah and Taj Khan with Baharji 168. After a while they both returned to Ahmadnagar and lived in retirement on their own lands. 169 After Khanzah Humayun had been detained for a time in Daulatabad, she was removed thence to Shivner, and the prince was removed thence to Lohogarh, where he remained in retirement until he was released by the king Husain Nizam Shah II, as will be related hereafter in vol. II. Now that Khunzah Humayen was imprisoned, Murtzaa Nizam Shah exercised all the power of the crown without restraint, and with none to oppose or hinder him. The administration was entrusted to Maulana Nusain who was honoured with the title of Khankhanan. When news of the queen-mother's fall and imprisonment reached Maulana 'Inayatul. lah, who was imprisoned in Lohagash, he was exceedingly rejoiced, and without waiting for orders, broke his bonds. He then attempted to leave the fortress and go to court, without waiting for a summons, but the officers of the fortress prevented this and represented the whole matter in writing. As the Khankhanan was pishva and was all-powerful at court, their report came first into his hands. As soon as he had mastered its contents, he feared lest 'Inayatullah should come to court, regain his old ascendency and displace him from the post of vakil and pishvd. He therefore sent a messenger with orders that Maulana 'Inayatullah was to be treated with great harshness and severity and then put to death, and when he received news of his death he reported to the king that the Maulana had died a natural death. The king was much grieved and affected by the news of the Maulana's death. In a short time however, the treachery, baseness, and ingratitude (of the Khankhanan) came to light and he received the reward of his vile actions. Nothing is blacker or more disgraceful than ingratitude, and the envious man is ever a prey to disappointment. 70 168 This was the raja of Baglana. 1x According to Firishta (ii. 267), 'Ain-ul-Mulk and Taj Khan were with the royal army. when Kh Anzah Humayun's arrest was effected. His account of the affair is as follows -Murtaza Nisam Shah, urged thereto by Mulla Husain Tabrizi, Shah Ahmad, and Murtaza Khan, asked Khunzah Humayun for permission to go hunting, which was accorded. The next morning he set out with all the amirs except the queen-mother's own immediate followers, and she, suspecting mischief from the number of his follow. ing, also took the field, but for some reason returned to the camp before he did. The king sent Habashi Khan,a harsh old man,' to arrest her, and ordered Farhad Khan and Ikhlas Khan to support him. Khanzah Humayun, on becoming aware of Habashi Khan's intention, armed and veiled herself, mounted her horse, and came forth to meet him. He attempted to pull her off her horse, but she drew her dagger. whereupon, groeping her hand, he compelled her to drop the dagger, and, seizing her, put her into a litter and sent her to the king, who sent her to prison. Her brothers 'Ain-ul-Mulk and Taj Khan were present when she was arrested, but fled without attempting & rescue, the former towards Gujarat and the latter towards Goloonda. 'Ain-ul-Mulk was arrested on the Gujarat frontier, but his brother made good his coope. 170 Infyatullah had been imprisoned by Khanzah Humayan, who suspected him of complicity with Kishwar Khan of Bti&pur. Acoording to Firishta, the Khan Anin so succeeded in poisoning the king's mind against him that he signed the order for his execution.-F. ii, 266, 260, 261.

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JULY, 1921] HISTORY OF THE NIZAM SHAH KINGS OF AHMADNAGAR 200 LXXV.-AN ACCOUNT OF THE EXPEDITION OF THE ROYAL ARMY AGAINST THE FORTRESS OF DHARUR AND OF THE DEATH OF KISHVAR KHIN. A. D. 1569-70. After Murtaza Nizam Shah had imprisoned Khunzah Humayun and sent her to Shivner and had removed from their places some of those amirs who owed their elevation to her, such as Taj, Khan and 'Ain-ul-Mulk, news was brought to him that Kishvar Khan had built an exceedingly strong fortress in Dharur and had ravaged and laid waste all the surrounding country, and had also captured from the royal officers the fortress of Kondhana 171 and was about to maroh still further into the Ahmadnagar dominions, of which Dharur was the frontier post. Now that the king was freed from all anxiety in the matter of Khunzah Humayan, he resolved to march with a strong army against Dharur. When Kishvar Khan heard of the intention of the king, he insolently wrote a letter to him saying that he had intentionally left Daulatabed to him, and that he had better retire thither and busy himself with the administration of the country dependent on that fortress, for that if he did not follow this advice he would only have himself to thank for what might follow 173 When the king became aware of the contents of this impudent letter, his wrath and jealoney of kingship were inflamed, and, although his army bad not yet joined him and the troops with him numbered no more than 6,000 horse, he regardless of the strength of the 'Adil Shahi army, which numbered more than 30,000 horse, mounted his horse after the evening prayers and pressed on with his small force in advance of his army. His officers, who were with him, endeavoured by various devices to detain him and to prevent him from pushing on; but he would not heed them, and pressed on with great speed by a little known road. In the morning he reached Dharur and besieged Kishvar Khan. Just then Shamshirul-Mulk, son of Tufal Khan, the ruler of Berar, joined the king with a thousand horse, 173 and as the amirs of Ahmadnagar had not yet come up, the accession of this force.greatly encouraged the troops and officers with the king. Murtaza Nizam Shah, without paying any heed to the artillery and musketry fire from the fortress, at once attacked it. Kishvar Khan was altogether unprepared for the arrival of Murtaza Nigam Shah, and for his attack on the fortress, and many of the defending force were slain. Hindiya, one of the 'Adil Shahi officers, urged Kishvar Khan to mount his horse and escape from the fortress. But since the evil star of Kishvar Khan Lari prompted him to oppose the king, he declined to listen to Hindi ya's advice and took the field. In tha first charge the troops of Ahmadnagar made a breach in the defences of Dharar and utterly defeated Kishvar Khan's army, slaying many of thom. When Kishvar Khan saw that his men were defeat. ed and that the troops of Ahmadnagar were pressing on, he took refuge in a bastion stronger and less accessible than the rest, and kept those who were attacking him at hay with his bow and arrow. Changiz Khaa, however, shot Kishvar Khan through the navel with an arrow, and for ever put an end to his boasting. The royal troops then resched him and brought him before Murtaza Nizam Shah, and he was just breathing his last when he was thus brought : 171 Kondhana, properly Khondhana, was too distant from Dharur to have been captured by Kiskavar Khan. According to Firishta (ii, 264), it was captured by another force from Bijapur. Dharur is about twenty-seven miles south-east of Bir. 173 Firishta (ii, 268) mentions this insolent letter, but does not give its contents. 173 Firishta does not mention the assistance received trom Berar, and it is highly improbable that any was sent. Relations between Ahmadnagar and Berar oontinued to be most strained, from the time of the murder of Jahangir Khan (see note 141) and Tufal Khan's subsequent refusal to join the Muhammadan alliance against Vijayanagar, until the expedition of 1672-1674 in which Berar was quinoxed to Ahmadnagar. Sayyid 'Ali's objeot seems to be to suggest that Tufal Khan was one of Murtaza Nigim Shah's amira.

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210 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1921 before the king. So many of the 'Adil Shahi army were slain that the undulations of the ground were filled with their bodies and the broken country became a level plain. A very few managed to escape. All their property, camp equipage, horses, elephants, gold jewels, arms, and munitions of war fell into the hands of the royal troops; and all that was consi. dered suitable for the king's acceptance was collected by his officers, while the rest was left to the troops. The king then caused the head of Kishvar Khan to be paraded throughout his dominions on a spear, and the fame of this went abroad throughout all lands. It is said that when Murtaza Nizam Shah reached the gate of the fortress he there saw a nosebag full of nails hung up. He asked what the reason of this was and was told that 'Ali' Adil Shah had written to Kishvar Khan saying that since he had built the fortress of Dharur and had ravaged the country about it, he might return to Bijapur, but Kishvar Khan had replied that he would neither return nor turn back until he had captured Ahmad. nagar, whereupon 'Ali 'Adil Shah had sent him these nails with a message that the nails would be in the bag of him who returned without taking Ahmadnagar. When 'Ali `Adil Shah heard that Murtaza Nizam Shah was not in his capital, he set forth with Nur Khan, 'Ain-ul-Mulk and Zarif-ul-Mulk for Ahmadnagar with the intention of laying waste the country and levelling all the buildings and dwellings with the dust to avenge the death of Kishvar Khan. 1 74 When the king heard of this he sent Farhad Khan and Changiz Khan with other officers and a large army to oppose the invaders, sending with them most of the royal army from Dharur, while he himself remained for a short time in Dharur to restore the fortress, which he renamed Fathabad. He then appointed one of his officers to the command of the fortress and set out on his return journey. Farhad Khan and Changiz Khan, with the rest of the amirs and the army, pressed on with all speed and came up with the enemy, and a fierce battle was fought, in which Changiz Khan displayed the greatest valour, and although he received several wounds he continued to fight until he had completely defeated the 'Adil Shahi troops. Nur Khan Adil Shahi was taken prisoner by the troops of Firuz Jang, and 'Ain-ul-Mulk and Zarif-ul-Mulk were killed. The 'Adil Shahi troops fought with great determination, but their efforts were of no avail, and when they saw that their officers were no longer at their head they fled from the field 175. After this signal victory the royal army, taking Nur Khan and the head of 'Ain-ul. Mulk with them, rejoined the king and made their obeisance to him, and the amirs - who had taken part in the battle were honoured with robes of honour and other distinctions. These two signal victories, obtainod in the same expedition, greatly strengthened the king and his administration of the state. After thus defeating his enemies the king returned in triumph to his capital. (To be continued.) 1% Firishta (ii, 259) does not say that 'Ali Adil Shah himself accompanied the force under Ain-ul-Mulk, which consisted of ten or twelve thousand horse, and it is improbable that he did so. It was this force which captured Khondhana (see note 171). 176. Ain-ul-Mulk, Ankas Kian, and Nur Khan had been ordered to relieve Dharur, but they feared to meet Murtaza Nigam Shah in the field and sent Kiehvar Khan a message to the effect that they would create a diversion in the direction of Ahmadnagar, but the manouvre failed to draw Murtapa from before Dharur, and after the fall of that place he dealt with the relieving force in the manner here described. Changiz Khan had with him the contingents of Farhad Khan and Ikhla, Khan, numbering five or six thousand horse. He ordered these two amire to attack the enemy, and while the conflict was at its height appeared on the soene with forty elephante, 400 of the household troops, and green banners borne aloft. The Bija. puris, believing that Murtace was coming against them in person, broko and fled.

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JULY, 1921 ] THE MIMANSA DOCTRINE OF WORKS THE MIMANSA DOCTRINE OF WORKS. By K. A. NILAKANTA SASTRY, M. A. Of the so-called six systems of Indian Philosophy, Vedanta has been the most popular among modern scholars. The MIMAMS.A system has attracted comparatively little attention. The latter has always been viewed with suspicion as a store-house of soul killing ritualism, and the question has often seen asked as to why it ever came to be looked on as philosophy. Undoubtedly, it gives great trouble to the modern student to understand the technique of Antique Ritualism, at least to such an extent as to enable him to follow the endless speculations on the minute details of rituals ; but anybody, who takes the that trouble, can see that the Mimamsa Darsana embodies much of philosophy, and what is perhaps of greater importance, more of common sense. It has next to no answer to the great problems of metaphysics. It simply does not concern itself with them. It is part of a religion of Works. It has for its main object the determination of doubtful points in the elaborate rituals enjoined by the Vedas by discussion and interpretation. It raises and answers incidentally some questions of great interest. One of these is the question of the existence or non-existence of a personal god or gods. The object of this paper is to present in translation some of the chief texts, especially those from the great commentary of Sabara Svamin on Jaimini's Satras, and to indicate the place of the Mimamsist answer to this question in the development of Indian religious thought. It is necessary to state briefly the Mimamsist position regarding the Vedas at the outset. They are accepted as Eternal and Infallible. This belief the Mimamse system shares with all the other orthodox systems. But it looks upon them also as exclusively Karmic or ritualistic in character, and it undertakes to interpret the whole scripture on this basis. This attitude towards scripture, strange as it may seem at first sight, is not altogether without a parallel. The Romanist position regarding the Bible is very similar to this. The Bible was looked upon as "a store-house ... of doctrinal truths and rules for moral conduct--and nothing more".1 The position in either case is not without difficulty. The Vedas, as well as the Bible, contain much more than the Mimamsist and Romanist positions allege. How the Romanists got over their difficulty need not be pursued here. The Mimansa holds that the whole Veda falls under two main heads, Mantra and Brahmana, the first comprising chiefly verses to be chanted in rituals in the manner laid down in the Brahmanas and priestly manuals, and the latter made up of Ritualistic Injunctions (Vidhi) and Arthavadas, a term which according to the Mimamsist, applies to all portions of the Veda that are neither Mantra nor Vidhi. The Arthavadas may contain and very often do contain separate ideas of their own. And the modern historian has to rely for most of his information on these portions of the Veda. But the Mimamsist's position regarding them is that all these texts of the Veda are somehow or other connected with Vidhis, intended to extol them in various ways and therefore subordinate to them in importance, and should be understood as parts or adjuncts of the Vidhis themselves. It is not possible here to discuss whether and how far this is a correct position. The matter will come up again in connection with the relative standpoints of Mimarsa and Vedanta. But some emphasis must be laid on the fact that the Mimamsist understands by the Veda the whole 1 Lindsay, History of the Reformation, vol. I, p. 455. 3 Seo Jaimini II, 1, 32-33. Also A pasthamba Sraula Sutra, XXIV, 1, 30-4 (Bibl. Ind.) for a chear and brief summary of the whole position. Haug-Introd. to Aitareya Br., Part I, towards the end, is also instructive. 8 See Jamini 1, 2, 1-18, and Sabara thereon.

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212 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ JULY, 1921 body of revealed scripture that is understood to constitute the Veda by all the other orthodox systems of Indian philosophy. A distinguished Orientalist has said : "In reality the teachers of the Mimamsa associate the word Veda legs with these ancient hymns (viz., Rig Veda) than with the ritualistic texts of the second period of Vedic literature, in which the individuality of the authors is not so prominent." It will be equally true to say that in reality the teachers of the Vedanta associate the word Veda less with the ancient hymns of the Rig Veda and the ritualistic texts of the Yajus and Brahmanas than with the metaphy. sical and mystical texts (Upanishads) of the third period of Vedic literature, so to say. The reality, at least to an Indian student, seems to lie elsewhere. All the orthodox schools agree in accepting the whole body of the Veda as revealed and eternal. The difference in the emphasis laid on the different parts of the scripture by the different schools arises from totally distinct views of life and religion. Any Indian Mimamsist of the present day would be shocked to hear that his views on scripture deny the quality of scriptureness to any portion of the Veda. But it is beyond question that there is a decided difference in the adjustment of stress on various parts of the Veda among the rival schools. Perhaps the most important general question that the Mimamsist has to answer is as to the meaning and significance of a sacrificial act. According to him, he has to perform it because it is enjoined on him as part of his duty by the Eternal Word; but this does not preclude him from geeking to understand the logic of his act. Is the sacrifice an act of worship of a personal Deity or what? With this is bound up the more general question-are we to recognise the existence of a god (or gods) or not? The answer to these questions is by no means easy for the Mimamsist. He is faced with two difficulties. First, he is often enjoined by the Word to sacrifice to all sorts of curious things as well as to the well-known gods of the Vedic pantheon. Secondly, these better known gods themselves are embedded in the Vedas in all stages of their making. The nature of these difficulties may be explained by instances, before proceeding to give the texts containing the Mimamsist solution of them. The instances quoted will also go toshow that the difficulties had begun to be felt, perhaps long before the Mimarsa school began to apply itself to the task of systematising the ritualism of the Vedio religion. The Taittiriya Brahmana in discussing the rituals of the famous Aswamedha sacrifice comments on the Mantras in the corresponding portion of the Samhita. In that sacrifice there occurs a curious homa to the actions, etc., of the horse, in which the Mantras are "svaha to imkara, svdha to the Imkrits, etc. On this the Brah mana raises a doubt, which is settled in the true dogmatic style of the Brahmanas. It says8: "So they say. The actions of the horse are verily unworthy of being sacrificed to; therefore these are not to be sacrificed to. But then (finally) they say this. They should be sacrificed to. For even here (i. e., at the very beginning of the Aevamedha) one who knows like this and sacrifices to the actions of the horse completes the Asvamedha." Here then is definitely enjoined a sacrifice to the actions of the Asvamedha horse, which could not by any means be said to be gods, and even the Brahmana finds a difficulty in the way. Again, the gods of the Veda are sometimes concrete beings with human form and at others they are unmistakably R. Garbe on Mimamsa in Hastings' Cycl. of Religion and Ethics, Vol. VIII. Contra Jaimini 11. 1, 35.7. 5 The difference in the view of the eternity of Veda taken by Mimams and Vedanta does not affect the argument here. Bloomfield, Religion of the Veda brings this out very clearly. 7 Sayanacharya naively explains that ingkara is the sound made by the horse when it goes its fodder : while Ingkrita means that for which the sound ing was made, viz. the fodder itself. Taitt. Br., III, 8.

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JULY, 1921) THE MIMANSA DOCTRINE OF WORKS 213 inanimate things treated as persons. Yaska in his Nirukta devotes a section to a brief and suggestive discussion on this point.9 This portion of Yaska's great work may be said to constitute the point of departure for the Mimamsist view regarding gods. Yaska starts with the sentence : " Then (comes) the consideration of the form of gods." He then states one view saying that gods are like men, and quotes instances from the Veda in which gods are described as (1) having hands, feet, etc., like men, (2) possessing a house, wife, property, etc., like men, and (3) eating, drinking, and doing all other things like men. He then states the opposite view that gods are not like men and quotes instances where inanimate things like wind, earth, sun, etc., are described in exactly the same manner as that just noticed in the case of the other gods. He concludes by suggesting that they may both be considered wise, or that the inanimate things may be considered to have their animate duplicates (karmatmanah), and points out that the last constitutes the belief of the Akhyanas (folklore, or the Mahabharata, according to the comment of Dargacharya). The texts of the Veda quoted by Yaska furnish the standard instances of the Mimansa discussions on the matter. Having thus indicated the nature of the question taken up for discussion by the Mimamsa school, the discussion itself may now be reproduced. It takes the form of an enquiry as to whether the sacrifice is performed for the sake of pleasing a deity whose favour is solicited by the act or not. As happens generally in such discussions, the position to be refuted comes out in a lengthy purvapaksha, and then follows the answer. The main stages in the argument will be indicated by prefixing capital letters to each stage in the purvapaksha and repeating the same letters to indicate the corresponding answurs in the siddhanta. The translation aims at being more literal than literary. Where the text has not been closely followed, this will be pointed out in foot-notes and the reasons stated for the course adopted. There are many extracts from the Rig Veda in the Bhashya; these I have mostly traced out with the aid of the Vedic Concordance of Professor Bloomfield, and I have used Griffith's version of the Pig Veda and modified it slightly in some places in the light of the great commentaries of Saya acharya on the Veda and Durgacharya on the Nirukta. The texts are marked off separately from my own elucidations and incidental comments. TEXTS : No. I. (Jaimini IX, 1, 6-10, and Sabarasvami thereon.) (SU:) Or, the deity shall cause the deed to be done (prayojayet) as the guest; the meal (sacrifice) is for the deity's sake (IX, 1, 6). (COM.) It is not true that Agni and others are not the inducing agents (of the deed). 10 (On the other hand) all deities deserve to be considered) the instigators of all sacred deeds. Why? Because the meal is for their sake. (E) For this, which is known as a sacrifice, is (no other than) the meal for the deity. Edible material is offered to the deity, saying, the deity shall eat. (A) The name of the deity is mentioned in this sacrifice in the Dative case 11, and the Dative case is employed when a thing is more directly aimed at than in the Accusative case. Therefore the deity is not secondary, (rather) the material (dravya) and the deed (sacrifice) are secondary, with reference to the deity. * VII, 6-7, pp. 754 and 761 of tho Bombay Government Ednl. Serio.. . 10 This sentenos of Sabara takes up the discussion from a conclusion arrived at in the preceding action. 11 Here the commantator employs the technical expressione of grammar. An attempt to translate them literally will make the translation oumbrous without helping to clear up t' meaning. This remark applies to all places where the discussion hinges on case terminations.

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214 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [July, 1921 (B) And moreover sacrifice is worship of the deity 18. As we see it in the world the worship is secondary to the object worshipped. (C) And it must be noted that here it is as in the case of a guest. Just as any little entertainment given to the guest is all for his sake (that is, to please him), so this sacrifice also is performed to please the deity). Now, the objection 13 arises that by saying this the deity comes to be accepted as having a form and as eating (the offering). We reply, just so, the deity does have a form and does eat. Whence (is this seen)? From TRADITION, POPULAR BELIEF, AND CIRCUMSTANTIAL EVIDENCE.14 (D) For Tradition has it thus, the deity has form. And tradition is for us valid evidence. Again, people believe that the deity has a form They paint Yama with a rod in his hand; and they say likewise. Similarly, Varuna with a noose in his hand, and Indra with a thunderbolt, And (thus) tradition is in our eyes strengthened by popular belief. So also there is CIRCUMSTANTIAL EVIDENCE in favour of this view: for example, "Oh, Indra, thy right arm we caught." There is a right hand and left hand only in a human figure. Thus again--"These two, heaven and earth, that are far apart, thou graspest, Oh, Maghavan; thy fist is great"15. Kasi means fistThat also fits in only with the human form. Again - Indra, transported with the juice (of Soma), vast in his belly, strong in his neck, and stout arms, smites the Vritras down"16. The neck, belly, arms indicate the human form here also. Therefore the deity does possess form and eats also. (E) How is it known (that it eats also)? From Tradition, Popular Belief, and Circumstantial Evidence. Says Tradition: the deity eats. And so also they believe the deity eats; thus they bring to it various kinds of offerings. Circumstantial Evidence also leads us to infer that the deity eats. For example: "Eat Indra and drink of that which stirs to meet thee'17. So also, "All kinds of food within his maw he gathers."18 Then (Indra) "at a single draught drank the contents of thirty pails" 19. It may be said the deity does not eat, for if it did, the offering (havis) offered to it would diminish in quantity. In reply, we say that the deity is seen to absorb the essence of the food like the bee (taking honey from the flower). How? The food becomes tasteless after being offered to the deity : from this it is inferred the deity eats up the essence of the food. (SU.) And because of the Lordship of material goods (the deity shall cause the deed to be done), (IX, 1, 7). (COM.) If the deity is the Lord of any material good and if it bestows a favour on being entertained, then this worship of the deity may be undertaken in order to propitiate it. But it may be said) both these things do not exist, (are not true). Hence (to meet this objection) it is said in the Sutra), (F) the deity is the Lord of material good. How is this known? From Tradition, Popular Belief and Circumstantial Evidence. Tradition clearly says that the deity is the master of all the good things of life. Thus again (the language of) 13 Deva pujd is a meaning assigned to the root yaj in the Dhatupatha. 13 Here the commentator hints at the genuine Mimamsist answer to the question under discus. sion in order to strengthen the case against it. 1. The terms in the text are respectively-smriti, upachara, and anyarthadardana. The transla. tion of upachdra by popular belief may appear bold, at first sight. But none of the meanings given in the dictionaries suits the context, and the whole trend of the commentary seems to support the translation given above. The capital letters must be a sufficient warning that the expression is. half-technicnl in character. [Urachara can perhaps be better translated by practice and anyarthadur. bana by extra evidence'-D.R.B.) 16 RV. (Rig. Veda), III, 30, 5 and N. (Nirukta) 6, 1. 18 RV., VIII, 17, 8. 17 RV., X, 116, 7. N. 7., 6. 19 RV., I, 95, 10. 19 RV., VIII, 66, 4. N. 5, 11.

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JULY, 1921) THE MIMAMSA DOCTRINE OF WORKS 215 Popular Belief-"the deity's village," "the deity's field"-strengthens the saine Tradition. Likewise Circumstantial Evidence shows the lordship of the deity, e.g., "Indra is sovereign lord of heaven and earth. Indra is lord of waters and of clouds ; Indra is lord of prosperers and sages ; Indra must be invoked in rest and effort." 30 Also, "looker-on of every thing, lord of this moving world, lord, Indra, of what moveth not." 21 Thus also we see from Tradition and Popular Belief (G) that the deity bestows favours. Tradition says this distinctly, and there are likewise expressions of Popular Belief, e.g., Pasupati is pleased with him ; hence a son is born to him ; Vaisravana is pleased with him ; hence he has obtained wealth. Likewise there is Circumstantial Evidence. "It is as if one pleases the gods who are offering-eaters by means of fire-offerings and the gods in their pleasure give one food and sap of food." 22 (SU.) And thence (i.e., from the deity) (arises) the connection with it (the fruit of the deed). (IX, 1, 8.) (COM.) (H) From that deity comes the connection between the worshipper and the fruit (of the worship). Whoever attends on the deity with an offering, him the deity connects with the fruit (of his deed). How is this known ? From Tradition and Popular Belief. Tradition says that the deity rewards him who sacrifices. And the same tradition is strengthened by Popular Belief as, for example, Pasupati was worshipped by this man and he obtained a son. Again, Circumstantial Evidence shows this same thing. "He with his folk, his house, his family, his sons, gains booty for himself, and with the heroes, wealth : who, with oblation and a true believing heart serves Brahmanaspati the father of the Gods" 23. Again, "only when satisfied himself, does Indra satisfy this person (sacrificer) with offspring and cattle." Thus by offering of food and sayings of praise the deity is worshipped and the deity being pleased (thereby) gives the fruit. That particular fruit, which Agni, worshipped by a particular deed, is master of, and which he gives to the doer, this could not be given (say) by Surya. And we learn from Verbal Testimony (Vedas), who gives what. Thus something is said of Agni but not of Surya24 (SU) Rather 25, on account of Verbal Testimony, the sacrificial act should be held primary and the mention of the deity secondary. (IX, 1, 9.) (COM.) By the expression rather the contention (of the preceding Sutras) is set aside The statement that the deity is the inducing agent is not tenable. The act of the sacrifice is the prime thing. From the sacrifice comes Apurva 36 Why? Because of VERBAL TESTIMONY. The knowledge, that anything which gives fruit, i.e., any inducing agent gives a particular fruit, arises from VERBAL TESTIMONY and not from DIRECT PERCEPTION or other sources of knowledge.27 (H) And VERBAL TESTIMONY derives the fruit from the sacrifice (literally, that which is indicated by the root Yaj) and not from the deity. How is this known ? Darsa and Purnam asa sacrifices are referred to in the Instrumental case, as in-"He who desires heaven should sacrifice by the Darsa and Pornamea". Thus again "He who desires heaven should sacrifice by the Jyotishtoma." 20 RV., X, 89, 10. N. 7, 2. 21 RV., VII, 32, 22. The text is Ishamirjam, which Eggaling in his Sat. Br. renders "sap and pith." 3 RV., 11, 26, 3. * 1.c., what is said of Agni does not apply to surya. 5 Text, Api Va. Here begins the reply, or Siddhanta. 26 This word literally means " not existing before." It is here & technical term vi Mima mus& by which is designated the resultant of any action (karma) in an invisible stage winch at 6 upposed to anume : before producing visible results. See Jaimini, II, 1, 5 and Sabara thereon. 29 It needs no mention that for the Mimamsist. Sabda (VERBAL TESTIMONY of the Veda) is more valid evidence than Pratyaksha (DIRECT PERCEPTION) and other Pramana

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216 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ JCLY, 1921 It is the sacrifice and not the deity that is mentioned simultaneously with the desire for heaven. But then, is not the sacrifice an operation with sacrificing material (dravya) and the deity (devata)? True it is. But the mention of the deity is secondary. The dravya and devata are there already ; it is the sacrifice which must be brought into existence. When something that exists is mentioned along with some other that has to be brought into existence, the existent is mentioned for the sake of the non-existent. Therefore the deity is not the inducing agent. (A) As for the statement-"(the deity) is more directly aimed at (by the Dative) than when the Accusative (termination) is used", -(we say) we do not gainsay the fact of its being aimed at. It is clear from the SENTENCE 28 that the meaning of the term devata, connected as it is with a taddhita form or a Dative ending, is being directly aimed at But from the very same source (it is seen) that it is the sacrifice that is connected with the fruit ; for by EXPRESS REFERENCE we learn the instrumentality of that and not of the deity (in producing the fruit). Again, though we may infer that the sacrifice is for the deity, still this need not stand in the way of its being performed for the sake of its fruit. It is the fruit that is the purushartha (the thing desired by man). And the endeavour for the sake of the purushartha is ours, not the deity's. Therefore we do not do anything on account of any inducement from the deity. And the mention of the deity's name with the Dative ending quite fits in if it (deity) is a means to the (performance of the) fruitful sacrifice. (B) And as for the statement)"sacrifice is worship to the deity and the object of worship is the primary thing in worship as we see it in the world "-(we reply), here it should not be as in the world. Here the worship of the worshipped is important. That which is fruitful is the inducing agent. Therefore the act of sacrifice is the inducing agent. Again by this view (that is being refuted now) we have to assume that the deity has a form and that it eats, as there can be no gift or meal for a formless and uneating deity. (D) 29 As for the statement--"from TRADITION, POPULAR BELIEF, and CIRCUMSTANTIAL EVIDENCE (we see that) the deity has form and eats "-(we reply) it is not (true); TRADITION is based on Mantras and Arthavadas. It is a matter of DIRECT PERCEPTION that (all) the knowledge on which TRADITION rests is based on them. And we shall show (elsewhere) 30 that those Mantras and Arthavadas do not support this view. Says the objector: "If that is so, (i.e., if the Mantras and Arthavadas do not say that deities have form), then (I say) the knowledge on which TRADITION rests does not come from Mantra and Arthavada". We reply that for those who take a superficial view of Mantra and Arthavada, for them it (the knowledge thus gained by a superficial view) is the basis of TRADITION. (That is) even if it is invalidated for those who take a deeper view, still for some one or other it becomes the basis of TRADITION. Therefore TRADITION has only this source and POPULAR BELIEF is only based on TRADITION. (D-cont.) As for CIRCUMSTANTLAL EVIDENCE like " Oh, Indra, thy right arm we caught", it does not mean that Indra has an arm. It only means-that which is his right arm, that we caught; therefore, we do not learn from the SENTENCE the existence of Indra's 2 Here it must be explained that there are grades of validity even in VERBAL TESTIMONY. For the present purpose it is enough to note that Sruti (EXPRESS REFERENCE) has greater force than odkya (SENTENCE). See Jaimini, III, 3, 14. > Attention may be drawn to the unique interest this paragraph possesses for the modern student of Comparative Religion. 99 See the next Extract, No. II.

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JULY, 1921) THE MEMASA DOCTRINE OF WORKS 217 arm. 31 Objection: If it does not exist, then it is not credible that we caught hold of the arm; hence we have to infer the existence of the arm thus--there is this hand, that which we held. (Reply): This cannot be; for though there may be the arm, it is matter of DIRECT PEROEPTION that we did not hold it. So even thus (accepting your inference), there is still an incongruity. We have thus either to admit an absurdity or say this is mere praise (stuti, i.e., Arthavada). But it may be said that this is the statement of a man who caught hold of Indra's arm. We reply, this should not be suggested as it would subject the Veda to the imperfection of having a commencement (in time)32 Again, we are not told that there was a man who caught (the arm), for there is no evidence and it cannot be said that from this very statement, we infer the existence of him who caught the arm, for there occur in the Vedas) also statements which are meaningless like "ten pomegranates, six cakes". Again, taking him who holds this view that Indra has a form, even according to him, the summoning by the term 'Indra' is for invoking the deity, and the invocation is a remembrancer.33 In that case remembrancing is proper only if we have known that he is relevant (related to the sacrifice). But it is not known by any means that he is. That being so, the invocation is futile. And it cannot be held that we infer that he is invoked from the evidence of the WORD ; for we have said 34 that when we assume an Adrishta (literally unseen, is. equal to, Apurva), there cannot be any assumption of the hand, etc. Further, it is by no means sure that he has been invoked; for there is no proof (to that effect). Therefore the Vocative word is not for the sake of an invocation, but only for a designation. Even in the case of the deity having no form, it might likewise be used for designation. The vocativeending-word is for praise. Thus, this, which is called deity, is only) the most important means to the sacrifice), which is called by the Vocative word and entertained as if it were sentient in the belief that it procures some good. Likewise, the deity is indicated by the Vocative word and told " we have caught hold of thy hand," that is to say, we are dependents on you. This is only a reminder to us that we have to perform a deed connected with Indra (Indrakarma). (D-cont.) Likewise, "these two, heaven and earth, are very far apart, and these you hold, Oh, Maghavan, thy fist is great"-in this the fist is praised as if it exists. But there is no proof that it exists. For this is not to say thy fist is great. But what? That which is thy fist, that is great. These are different ideas, namely, "thy fist exists", and "thy fist is great". And it should not be said that a thing could be praised only if it exists; for even if a thing is not necessarily connected with (i.e., does not possess) human attributes, even that thing is (sometimes) praised as if it had human attributes, e.g., "They speak out like a hundred, like a thousand men ; they cry aloud to us with their green-tinted mouth; while, pious stones, they ply their task with piety and even before the Hotar, taste the offered food"36. Again, "Sindhu hath yoked her car, light rolling, drawn by steeds" 36. 11 This line of reasoning may appear quoer at first sight. Still, not only is it perfectly logical, but is often found useful in modern discussions. Thus, there are two versions of the martyrdom of St. Thomas in India, but no proof that he was martyred at all, of. V. A. Smith, Orford History, page 126. 32 The Mimarse system starts by "proving" the eternity of the WORD. In the proof incidents like this are explained away. Muir, O.S.T., Vol. III, is still useful for the general reader. 93 The text is anuvachana, i.e., saying again what has been settled before. 34 I have not been able to trace this reference so far. 36 RV., X, 94, 2. It may here be noticed that Durgacharya in his commentary on N. 7, 7, quotes this passage and comments on it in the exact manner of a Mimamaist. He says in effect : Seeing that stones are referred to like this, it can be no proof of Indrs being animate and human that he is referred to likewise. 86 RV., X, 75, 9. N. 7, 7. Here Sayana has Sindhurdevata.

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218 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JULY, 192: Therefore there can be no Presumption 37 from Vedic texts regarding the human likeness of the deity. Likewise, the expression "broad-necked Indra" does not say that Indra possesses a neck. What then? That which is the neck of Indra, that is broad. There is no proof of the existence of the neck. Nor can the praise of the neck necessitate any Presump tion 37 (re: human form); for (such) praise is seen even in the absence of a human form. (D.--cont.) Further, the word 'Indra' connected with the words "Indra smites his foes" could not come into any connection with the words) "strong-necked, etc." For, in that case, a double pronunciation of the word will be necessitated. We shall have to understand that Indra has a broad neck and (also) that Indra smites his foes. Thus, there will be a break (into two sentences); but as we have it, the sentence is (a) single (whole). 38 It is appropriate, if we take it that broad-necked, etc.,' are not laid down here as facts, but only mentioned for the sake of praise, i.e., as much as to say, that he (Indra) being so and so in the transport (born) of the Soma juice, smites his foes. The form of the sentence is clearly calculated to tell us about the slaughter of Vritras (foes). And the sentences : "Thy two arms, Oh Indra, are hairy", "Thy two eyes, Oh Indra, are tawny"-tell us only of the hairiness of the arms and tawny colour of the eyes, and not of the existence of the arms or eyes. And even where we can infer the mention of the existence of eyes, as in "To thee I say it who hast eyes and hearest "39 even there it is not the connection with the eyes (that is intended), but the connection with speech; thus, "I speak to you that has eyes"; and the sight is mentioned for the sake of praise, as if it exists. Whence is this known? From the Dative ending (of Chakshusmate). If we import the meaning of the substantive (Chakshus) then the sentence will break, as it will connote both the ideas : "You have eyes " and "I tell you who has eyes". Therefore there is absolutely no CIRCUMSTANTIAL EVIDENCE that indicates that the deity has human likeness. (E) And this (sacrifice) is not a meal. The deity does not eat. Hence the reason alleged). "Because the meal is for the deity's sake " is erroneous. (E-cont.) As for the statement)" From TRADITION, POPULAR BELIEF and CIRCUMSTANTIAL EVIDENCE (we learn that) the deity eats ", this has been rebutted by proving that the deity has no form. Further, the meal offered to an eating deity will dimi. nish., And there is no proof that the deities eat the essence of the food in the manner of the bee. There is DIRECT PERCEPTION in the case of the bees; it is not so in case of the deity. Therefore the deity does not eat. The statement that the meal offered to the deity becomes tasteless creates no difficulty ; the food becomes tasteless and cold on account of exposure to the air. (F) Nor is the deity lord of any material good, and being powerless, how can it give (any. thing)? And it does not hold good that from TRADITION, POPULAR BELIEF. and CIRCUMSTANTIAL EVIDENCE, we can infer the lordship of the deity. We have already 37 Here the term in the text is Arthapatti, the fifth of the six Pramanas generally accepted by Mimamsakas. 89 Here we come to one of the most fundamental ruler of interpretation adopted by Mimamsakas. Vakya-bheda (lit. breach of sentence) is a fault that must be avoided. Says Sabara: "As many words so serve a single purpose, so many constitute one sentence" (on II, 2, 27) and one sentence cannot serve more than one purpose at a time. And Sabara's comment on II, 2, 25, makes it clearer still. "We do not say that one thiny cannot effect two purposes at a time, but we say that one sentence cannot serve to indicate both these purposes"-4.6., omitting the details of the discussion there, a word or a group of words pronounced only once can indicate only one purpose. If the correct position of Mimamsists here is not grasped, most of their discussions would appear pointless. 39 RV., X, 18, 1.

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JULY, 1921] THE MIMANSA DOCTRINE OF WORKS 219 said that TRADITION, is based on Mantra and Arthavada ; and POPULAR BELIEF as in "the deity's village" and "the deity's field" is merely a belief. That which one can dispose of &t his will, that (alone) is his property. And the deity does not dispose of either the village' or the 'field' at his own pleasure. Therefore (the deity) does not give anything). And those who worship the deity get their prosperity from that which they have given up with the deity in their minds. And for the st. cement that CIRCUMSTANTIAL EVIDENCE shows the lordship of the deity as in "Indra is the lord of heaven, etc."-knowing by DIRECT PERCEPTION that the deity has no lordship, we infer that these words are figurative. Here says (the opponent)-"We learn from VERBAL TESTIMONY the lordship of the deity, e.g., 'the gods distribute all good things,' and we infer that this is only because the gods will it." (We reply) it is not so. For we see by DIRECT PERCEPTION that this is only the will of those that worship the deity. And that (will) could not be superseded. Even those who describe the deity as omnipotent do not disguise (the part of the) will of the worshippers. They say further that the deity so does as is the will of the worshipper. And he is no lord who follows the will of another and who cannot distribute (favours) at his own will Further, there is no such VERBAL TESTIMONY (as is alleged). On account of its presenttense form and its being opposed to DIRECT PERCEPTION, it (the sentence quoted) is seen to be mere praise.. When such expressions could be easily) explained as intended foz praise, they cannot be used as VERBAL TESTIMONY to the lordship (of the deity). And the deity does not connect a man with the fruit for which it may be worshipped. (G) And for the statement" From TRADITION, POPULAR BELIEF and CIRCUMSTANTIAL EVIDENCE (we see that the deity) gives and bestows favours" - TRADITION and POPULAR BELIEF have already been disposed of. And there is no CIROUMSTANTIAL EVIDENCE in the statement, "Being pleased, the deity gives him food and gap of food", for there is another Vidhi enjoined, viz., "He says-'collect together to the right hand side.'" 10 Likewise in the following) :-"Only when satisfied himself does Indra satisfy this person (sacrificer) with off-spring and cattle." Here it is an Aindra (related to Indra) offering (Havis) that is enjoined. Therefore the deity is not the inducing agent. (SU.) In the case of a guest he is primary, as his satisfaction is (the) primary (aim); it is not so in Karma.--IX, 1, 10. (COM.) (C) The analogy of the guest is yet to be refuted. Hospitality must be guided by the guest ; for there his satisfaction is enjoined. The guest is to be served, i.e., action must be so guided as to please him. A gift or a meal must be given (literally, made). Whatever is desired by the guest should be done. What does not please him should not be forced on him. But here in Karma there is no injunction of the deity's pleasure). Therefore the analogy of the guest is false (lit. uneven, not on a par). No. II. (Sabaraswamin on Jaimini X, 4, 23--Extract.) Now what is this that we call deity (Devata)? One view (is as follows): Those, Agni and others, who are, in the Itihasas and Puranas said to reside in heaven, they are the deities. Here (against this) we remark that among these deities are not included day, etc., (Aharadi) and tiger, etc. (Sardaladi). But TRADITION includes words indicating time among deities, e.g., " This for the Kalas (times), the month is deity, the year is deity." Another view is, that we use the word Devata of those with reference to whom the word Devata is heard in the Mantras and Brahmanas, as in, "Fire is Devata, wind is Devata, sun is Devata, moon is Devata," and similar statements. Here again, days, etc., are not included. Further, the common term Devata will cease to have any (definite) meaning as it will cease to be employed in every day language. 40 This is for the priests to gather together and take their fee after the sacrifice-the fue in this onso being food prepared in one of the sacrificial fires.

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220 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JULY, 1921 Hence, (we say) those that get Hymns (Sakta) and offering (Havis) are deities. Who are those that get hymns ? "For Jata vedas worthy of cur praise will we frame with our mind this eulogy as't were a car; for good, in his assembly, is this care of ours. Let us not in thy friendship, Agni, suffer harm."41 Those who got Havis, as in-"He shall prepare (the Purodasa offering) pertaining to Agni on eight potsherds", "That pertaining to Agni-Soma on eleven potsherds". Objection: If all those that get Havis are deities, then the potsherds become eligible to deityhood as they also get the Havis. Then (we say) that which gets the Havis and about which it can be said the Havis is intended for it, (that) is the deity. Likewisc in the case of hymns. The word Devata is in TRADITION used thu 3:-"The hymn having Agni for its deity, the Havis having Agni for its deity." Likewise, "having the guest for deity, having Mancs for deity". Thus deityhood co:nes to be (an attribute) of all embodied and abstract, animate and inanimate (objects) to which in accordance with VERBAL TESTIMONY, something or other comes to be devoted as being particularly intended for them. And the common word (Devata) also becomes appropriate (gains a definite meaning). What hence? If that is so, then for a particular act, that is the deity, the word indicating which is intended or remembered, when the resolution is made, "I give up (this) Havis". But in that case, any word for Agni may be used to indicate (that deity in the Darsa and Purnamasa sacrifices). Here we say that it might be so, if the word Agni is pronounced for conveying its meaning and if the meaning is conveyed for indicating its connection with the Havis. But here the word 'Agni' is not so pronounced for the sake of its meaning. Where an operation takes place on the thing connoted, there the word is for conveying its meaning, as there is use for the meaning. But where the operation is on the word itself, there only the word must be conveyed which is intended to be connected with the operation. And the deity does not become a means to the sacrifice by its form, (Rupa). By what then? By the connected word. Just as the Adhvaryu aids by both his hands, so the deity aids by the word. "He cleanses the Hota's hand by twice rubbing (i.e., by two coatings of ghee)"- just as here though there is (direct) connection with the hand, still it is only the Hotar that aids, likewise the deity that helps by the connected word is understood to aid (the sacrifice). Though the deity is enjoined as an aiding agent, still it is only the sound (word) that is connected with the sacrifice. Therefore the word is not pronounced for conveying its meaning ; for else, the meaning (conveyed) will once more convey the word and give rise to (the fault of) far-fetchedness.13 Is it then (like this)--that only the word is connected with the Havis, and by its connection with the word the object connoted is also deity; so that it is the deity whose name is so connected with the Havis that the latter is intended) for the former? (No.) It is only when there can be no operation on the word that it comes to be on the meaning. But here the operation is only on the word. Therefore the word is not for conveying its meaning (the object connoted by it). Hence it has been said by the Vrittikara-"The word comes first, the understanding of its meaning afterwards; from the word arises the meaning". Thus the Havis is connected only with the word 'Agni,' and other words like Suchi, etc., have no place in the sacrifice). And hence, it is only the word in the Vidhi that must be used as Mantra. It may be said that in such a case the word by itself becomes the deity. Our reply is that it is not our concern to refute this; for it by no means, invalidates our contention that the words "Suchi, etc. " have absolutely no place in the Mantra). 14 (To be continued.) 41 RV., I, 94. The point of the following disonasion is whether in a sacrifice the meaning of the word for the deity is intended, or simply the word. If the former, two consequences follow: (1) Any other word conveying the same meaning may be substituted in the place of that mentioned in the Vidhi. (2) The concrete existence of the deity is also accepted. 13 Text has "Lakshitalakshand." * This last reply is very interesting and must be carefully noted.

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JULY, 1921) ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OF SHIVAJI 221 ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OF SHIVAJI. BY SURENDRANATH SEN, M.A.; (Continued from p. 204.) Vajat Jamin or uncultivable waste lands were generally excluded when a village was assessed. 76 But as cultivation spread with the progress of agricul. Special rates for ture, and there was a greater demand for arable lends, hilly tracts special cultivation. and waste lands of all description were generally brought under the plough. At first they were exempt from assessment, but ultimately these were also taxed at a moderate scale. Jervis says that these Wurkus or Dongur lands were assessed by the "Hul, Nangur or plough, and not by the Bigha." In some instances, however six or seven Bighas of such lands were counted as one for revenue purposes. The rent of such lands varied not only with their fertility but also with the nature of the crops raised. Major Jervis gives us the following scale - "Nachnee was assessed at 31 maunds per Nungar in superior soil and 3 maunds in inferior soil. Wuree at 3 maunds and 2maunds, Hureek at 3 maunds. Other kind of inferior produce at 17 maunds." Besides their principal harvest, the peasants often raised a second crop on the first-class lands. These second crops were also assessed at & special rate according to their nature and deteriorating effect on the land. Jervis gives the following scale - Turmeric-Five maunds per Bigha, each Bigha being actual measurement. Hemp Five maunds per Bigha, each Bigha being # actuel measurement. Sugar cane cultivation assessed from 67 meunds to 31 of raw sugar per Bigha. 11 We have seen elsewhere how special consideration was given by the Peshwe government for such costly plantations as those of sugar cane, cocoanut and betelnut. The planter had to wait long for any profit and so did the government. This was however & common practice in the Deccan,, and we may expect that a similar principle existed in Shivaji's time also. The provinces under Shivaji's rule were styled Swarajya, in contradistinction to Raven Divisione Mughlai or provinces under other (generally Muhammadan) rulers. The Swarajya was for revenue purpose divided into a number of Prants consisting of two or more districts. There were in all 16 Prants, according to Ranade.78 These were : (1) Prent Meval.. (2) Wei. (3) Satara. (4) Karad. (5) Panhela. (6) South Konken. (7) Thene. (8) Trimbuk. (9) Beglen. 76 Rajwade, M.1.8., XX, p. 94. 77 Jervis, pp. 94-97. 7 Ranade, R.M.P., PP. 117-118

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222 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1921 (10) Wanagad. (11) Bednore. (12) Kolhar. (13) Shrirangapatan. (14) Karnatick. (16) Vellore. (16) Tanjore. But we get a bigger number in a jabita?' drawn in the earlier years of Chhatrapati Shahu. The document, written partly in Persian and partly in Marathi, is supposed to be in the handwriting of Shankraji Malhar. (1) Subha Ramnagar including Ghanderi. . (2) Subhs Jawher Prant. (3) Subha Prant Bhivandi (12 Talukas). . (4) Subha Kalyan (20 Talukas). (5) Cheul Subha (6 Talukas). (6) Subha Rajpuri (12 Talukas). (7) Subha Jayli (18 Talukas). (8) Subha Dabhol (11 Talukas). (9) Subha Rajapoor (18 Talukas). (10) Subba Kudal (15 Talukas). (11) Subha Prant Bhimgad (5 Talukas). (12) Subha Prant Akole (5 Talukas). (13) Subha Poona (6 Talukas). (14) Subha Baramati. (15) Indapur. (16) Subha Prant Mawal (13 Talukas). (17) Subha Prant Wai (4 Talukas). (18) Subha Prant Satara (6 Talukas). (19) Subha Prant Karhad (9 Talukas). (20) Subha Prant Khatao including Kasba Khatao (11 Talukas) (21) Subha Prant Man (4 Talukas). (22) Subha Prant Phaltan Mahal. (23) Subha Prant Belgaum. (24) Subba Sampgaon. (25) Subha Gadag. (26) Subha Loasmespwar. (27) Subha Nawalghund. (28) Subha Kopal. (29) Subhs Halyal. (30) Subha Betgiri, (31) Subha Malkapur (4 Talukas). (32) Subha Prant Panhala (10 Telukas). (33) Subha Tarle (5 Talukas). (34) Subha Ajera (51 Parganas). (35) Subha Prant Junnar (24 Talukas). 70 Mawji, Jabita Swarajya, J.B.Br. R. da, Vol. XXII, p. 30.

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JULY, 1921) ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OF SHIVAJI 223 Some of these may be later additions, but this list, we think, fairly represents the divisions of Shivaji's kingdom. Sambhaji had no mind to improve the administration and Rajaram had no leisure. It is not therefore probable that many changes had been made in the revenue administration of the kingdom before the accession of Chhatrapati Shahu. It has already been noted that Shivaji had done away with the agency of such old here. ditary officers as the Patil and the Kulkarni in the village and the Rovenue officers. Deshmukh and the Deshpande in the district. They were left in enjoyment of their old dues, but the work of revenue collection was entrusted to new officers directly appointed by the king. The country had been divided by the Muhammadan government for Revenue purposes into Maujas, Parganas, Sarkars, and Subhas; Shivaji abolished, or to be more aceurate, modified these old divisions. In his time the country was divided into Maujas, Tarfs and Prants. The officer in charge of a Tarf was styled Havaldar, Karkun, or in some rare instances, Paripatyagar. It is interesting to note that in old Hindu inscriptions we often come across an officer styled Danda Nayak or Danda Nath 80, who was perhaps, as his designation implies, the predecessor of the Maratha Paripatyagar. The officer-in charge of a Prant was variously designated Subhadar, Karkun or Mukya Deshadhikari. Over several Prants was sometimes placed an officer called Sarsubhadar, to supervise the work of the Subhadars. These officers, like the Kamavisdars and the Mamlatdars of the Peshwa period, had to look after all branches of the administration. The Subhadar's staff consisted of the usual complement of eight officers, viz: (1) The Dewan. (2) The Mazumdar. (3) The Fadnis. (4) The Sabnis. (5) The Karkhanis. (6) The Chitnis. (7) The Jamdar. (8) The Potnis. The Subhadar usually had an annual salary of 400 hons a year, with a palanquin allowance of another four hundred, while his Mazumdar's pay varied Remuneration. from one hundred to one hundred and twenty five hons a year. The Mazumdar also enjoyed the proud privilege of carrying a sunshade81 on public occasions, and a small allowance was sanctioned by the government for its upkeep. A Havaldar in charge of a small village had often to be contented with a paltry allowance of three to five hons & year. 89 The Kama visdar and the Mamlatdar under the Peshwa regime, though appointed District and for a short term, were generally allowed to retain their office for life, Provincial officers and frequently to transmit it to their heirs. No public office was often transferred. hereditary under Shivaji's administration, and like the Magistrates and Commissioners of British India, his Karkung, Havalders and Subhadars were as a rule 80 E.P. Ind.. Vol. III, p. 37. 81 Abdagtr.. & Sabhasad, p. 31. Ja a na TE HET TE TE fa fra TTC cAra pAMca hogasakI tainAta majamudArAsa tIna cAra pAMca pacAsa pAuna hogapramANe karA.rona mahAla miLona lAkha sambA lAkha paNa lAla hona pAhUna eka savAra eka kArakUna karAvA vAsa para bhAsAmIsa cAra manAta kapaSI majamuvAra sabhAcA karAvA tvAsa bhara sapAna karAve samezArAsa pAlakhI cAroM hogAMvakarArakaravAcI. manamutArAsa bhavAgirI pApI sanAta marakAracI cAvI.

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224 transferred from District to District and Province to Province. This can be clearly proved by a list of officers carefully compiled by Mr. Bhaskar Vaman Bhat83 from the official letters and documents published in the 15th, 16th, 17th, 18th, and 20th volumes of Mr. Rajwade's Marathyancha Itihasanchi Sadhanen. In Mr. Bhat's list, we find that the following officers were in charge of the several Districts for the years marked against their names: Havaldars Himbe (Pargana)-Yesaji Ram, Haveli Koregam Tarf Satara Wai Prant A.D. 1676. A.D. 1676. A.D. 1676. -Anaji Kanho, -Bhimaji Malhar, -Kukaji Bayaji, Mahadaji Anant, Tukaji Prabhu, A D. 1675. A.D. 1676. A.D. 1677. It is a pity that we are not in possession of a complete list of Havaldars. We do not know whether in other Districts also, officers were changed so often as in Satara. Our information about the Subhadars and the Sarsubhadars is however more satisfactory, and the working of the principle of short term appointment and constant transfer can be very conveniently proved by the following instances from Mr. Bhat's list. Subhadars Yesaji Malhar, THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY Do. Do. Do. Do. Jawli A.D. 1696. Annaji Janardan, A.D. 1697. Viroram, Viththal Datto, A.D. 1676. A.D. 1679. A.D. 1687. A.D. 1690. Prant Puna [ JULY, 1921 A.D. 1664. A.D. 1671. A.D. 1672. Do. Ambaji Mordev, A.D. 1676. Gopal Rayaji, A.D. 1677. Kashi Rangnath, A.D. 1780. Prant Kol Ganesh Jogdeu, A.D. 1672. Venkaji Rudra, A.D. 1677. Tryambak Gopal, A.D. 1679. Vinayak Umaji, A.D. 1681. 83 Bharat Itihas Sanshodhak Mandal, Tritiya Sammelan Vritta, pp. 128-131.

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JULY, 1921). ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OF SHIVAJI 225 It is also certain that this principle survived Shivaji and continued down to the Peshwa The principle period. In support of this view Mr. Bhat has produced the following survived Shivaji. list of Mudradh list of Mudradharis or officers in charge of the Sajjangad fort : Jijoji Katkar -A.D. 1676. Do. -A.D. 1682. Makaji Katkar ---A.D. 1689. Barhanji Mohite -A.D. 1692. Do. -A.D. 1699. Girjoji Bhonsle -A.D. 1708. Do. --A.D. 1709. From the 11th Falgum yesaji Jadhava-A.D. 1709. Satbaji Dabal -A.D. 1712. Mr. Bhat further points out that Ambaji Mordeu, who was subhadar of Jawli in 1676. occupied the office of the Subhadar of Satara from 1683-1685. Mahadji Shamraj, Subhadar of Jawli from 1706-1708, was formerly in charge of Prants Satara and Mawal. From the multiplicity of their duties, these officers were liable to corruption. Public opinion in those days was not offended if & Havaldar went out of his A Havaldar way to take a small present from a traveller for granting his passat work. port or from an aggrieved petitioner for redressing his grievance. Dr. Fryer, who visited the Maratha dominions towards the close of Shivaji's career, has loft a quaint account of such an occasion.-"When I came before the governor," says the Doctor B6, I found him in state, though under an hovel, where were many Brachmins with accompt books, writing at some distance, nearer his Privy council, with whom he seemed to advise. I was placed on his left hand, and desired my interpreter to acquaint him my errand, withal intreating his favour for my secure passing the Hill, He made it a piece of difficulty and told me I must return to Bimly for orders, to whose Havaldar he was accountable; not to him of Gulleon, which was within half a days journey from whence I set forth. Hearing this I bore myself 88 sedetely as I could, having been informed of the advantage they take of a disturbed countenance; and sweetened him with his own authority being sufficient, telling him of his master's kindness to the English, and their friendship towards him, which worked him to a yielding temper; yet he scrupled my canister, or trunk, might be lined with pearl, my horse sold to the enemy, hoping to suck somewhat out of me; I replying what I had brought were at his liberty to search, and that I went only on an amioable account to cure a sick person, and should be as ready to serve him if required, his fury was quite pawled; but perceiving an hungry look to hang or them all, and suspecting lest they should serve me some dog-trick, I made a small present, and signing the pass, dismissed me with a bundle of pawn, the usual ceremony at parting. This hungry look and the weakness for presents are perhaps pardonable, but another charge that the English Doctor brought against Shivaji's revenue officer's is too serious to be overlooked. 95 Fryer, p. 127.

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226 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ JULY, 1921 Public officers in the 17th century, whether Asiatic or European, were not overscru pulous. But good kings as a rule kept a strict vigilance over them. Corruption and Shivaji in particular was served by a very efficient intelligence Tyrannys. department. It is an old practice in India to employ spies to watch over the conduot of government servants.86 The work of the District and Provincial officers was supervised by Pant Amatya and Pant Sachiv. Ranade tells us that "The District accounts had to be sent to these officers, and were there collated together, and irregularities detected and punished. These officers had power to depute men on their establishments to supervise the working of the District officers,"87 Shivaji, moreover, was very keen about the success of his government and wanted his administration to compare favourably with those of his Muhammadan neighbours. 88 But all his care and sound regulations were fruitless indeed if his, revenue officers really acted as arbitrarily as Fryer says they did. "They are neither for publick good, or common honesty, but their own private interest only. They refuse no base offices for their own commodity, inviting merchants to come and trade among them, and then rob them or else turmoil them on account of customs; always in a corner getting more for themselves than their master, yet openly must seem mighty zealous for their Master's dues: 80 that trade is unlikely to settle where he hath anything to do; notwithstanding his country lies all along on the sea-shore, and no goods can be transported without his permission; unless they go a great way about, as we are foroed to do." This is by no means the worst that the English traveller has to say against the Maraths officers. He continues--" It is a general calamity, Fryer's charges. Sed and much to be deplored to hear the eomplaints of the poor people that remain, of are rather compelled to endure the slavery of Seva Gi. The Desies have land imposed upon them at double the former rates, and if they refuse to accept it on these hard conditions (if monied men) they are carried to prison, there they are famished almost to death; racked and tortured most inhumanly till they confess where it is. They have now in Limbo several Brachmins, whose flesh they tear with pincers heated red-hot, drub them on the shoulders to extreme anguish (though according to their law it is forbidden to strike & Brachmin). This is the accustomed sawce all India over, the Princes doing the same by the Governors, when removed from their offices, to squeeze their ill-got estates out of them; which when they have done, it may be they may be employed again. And after this fashion the Desies deal with the Combies ; so that the great fish prey on the little, as well by land as by sea, bringing not only them but their families into Eternal Bondage.''89 Fryer was of opinion that even Bijapur rule was milder than that of Shivaji. (To be continued.) bu See Kantilya's Arthashastra, translated by R. Shama Shastry. 87 Ranade, R.M.P., p. 126. 88 Rajwado, M.1.., Vol. 8, pp. 23-26. 89 Fryer, pp. 146-147.

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JULY, 1921) MISCELLANEA 227 MISCELLANEA. BOCAMORTIS-BACAMARTE. Lacerda, Portuguese Dictionary, gives Baoan art This term occurs (ante, vol. XLIX, 10) with as a variant of an obsolete word Braca marto, meaning a cutlass, banger, a whinyard, the braca Episodes of Piracy in the Eastern Seas (Episode XVI). Thus --" They kept at a small distance therein being possibly connected with the Portu guese words braca etc., for arm. That the bacamarto. firing their muskets and bocomortasses and fling. was a hand weapon is clear from the above ex ing granadoes." Bocomortass clearly means a trauts, but it is doubtful if Lacerda is right in de blunderbus or musketoon, which was frequently fining it as a cutlass. In his English-Portuguese in the East a gun with a bell mouth or open volume of his Dictionary he gives bac amarte as mouthed face, not infrequently-that of a tiger, an equivalent for both hand-gun and musketoon, sculptured at the muzzle. Lat. bucca, It. bocca, but not for either cutlass or hanger. Port. boca : hence, buccamortis, death-dealing face. Cf. Boca Tigris, mouth of the Tiger, for the From the instances of the use of the word by narrows in the Canton River and in the Tigris. Robeiro and in the E.I. Co's. Records, it is obvious. that the woapon intended was a hand gun or mus. In Part II of An Illustrated Handbook of Indian ketoon. The confusion between Portuguese bacaArms, by The Hon. Wilbraham Egerton, entitled marts and Latin bucca mortis probably arose both Catalogue of the Arms in the Indian Museum, from the appearance of these guns and from the is, No. 585,"Matchlock; very long barrel. Taken execution caused by them. at the siege of Seringepatam," and a note thereon from the Codrington Collection, where it is called I referred the matter to Mr. M. Longworth a "Bukmar; musyuetoon with bell mouth; tiger Dames, and he wrote as follows:pattern. Taken at Sering apatam. Used by the "I have been unable to find any other instances officers of the camel corps." in Portuguese of the use of the words bacamarte' and 'bracamarte.' In the original text of Rebeiro's It is therefore possible that bukmdr, bugmdr, is a work, Fatalidude Historica de Ilha de Ceilao, first western Indian term arising out of the Portuguese printed in 1836, I find "bacamarte' used, as term boca mortis. correctly given in the translation you have quoted. Since the above note was written, Mr. S. Vieyra's Dict., ed. 1813, gives bacamarte as Charles Hill has drawn my attention to further meaning A blunderbuss,' and bracamarte as a instances of the use of the word in its Portuguese short and brond gword' formerly used. The two form frorn Rebeiro's Hist. of Ceilao. worvis seem quito distinct. Dalgado does not give either in his Glossario Indo-Asiatico, no doubt In describing " How the Hollanders besieged and considering them original Portuguese words, not assaulted the City of Colombo" in 1656, kebeiro of Oriental origin. I do not think bracamarte' writes (2d ed. tr. P. E. Picris, pp. 368, 369, 370): can have any connection with the word for 'arm.'. "One afternoon we (the Portuguese) encountered An arm' in Portuguese is braco, with a soft c', them and had a fierce fight, and as the passage and not braca. For bracamarte I can suggest ich they had made through the earth was two nothing better than boca mortis, but marte' might bracas (fathoms) in breadth, many hastened to its conceivably stand for Marte, Mars, and thus mean defence and a large number of them were killed; mouth of Mars' instead of mouth of death.' while the hole which we had made being small But it is impossible to be certain, for it does not and dark, they could do us no harm. The only seem very probable that a common word in uni. arms which could be used in this position were versal use like boca should be turned into baca, basamartes and pistols ... Inside the fort at the unless by a misprint or mistake in writing. I am mouth of the countermine they set up a wicket sorry I cannot help more on this curious point." through which & man could hardly creep, and when The expressions bacamurte and bracamarte are the two whose turn it was to go on guard reached therefore obviously an old puzzle to lexicographers there, they were disarmed of all their weapons And scholars, and these notes are put forward in before entering ... and therefore each of them the hope of some one finding a clear elucidation. took with them only a bacamarte ... Their orders With regard to braca and braca, the cedilla was so were that if an advance were made from that often omitted in MSS. that they may yet prove side on the bastion, they were to fire their bacs after all to be indentical. marties in such a way as to set the touch-hole of the powder-cask alight." R. C. TEMPLE.

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228 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. SAKAPARTHIVA. In the following note I intend to make some observations on Mr. Jayaswal's very interesting discussion on the above word; they will, however, be chiefly confined to the first member of the compound word, i.e. to zAka of zAkapArthiva. There are three interpretations of the word zAkapArthivaH, viz. (i) zAkabhaujI pArthivaH, as given by Patanjali; (ii) ::, as the authors of the Kdiiled say and (iii) zAkamiva pArthiva:, as explained by Bhattoji Dikeita and others. : " Now as regards the first interpretation, i.e. i, Mr. Jayaswal observes that the authors of the Kasika have rejected it and have given their own: :. But in reality, the authors of the Katika have not rejected the interpretation of Patanjali, but, on the contrary, have supported, or followed him by explaining it very clearly. It appears that in their opinion it means zAkapradhAnaH. That the word bhaujI in such cases may mean, chief or head,' is evident from the following two words which now occur to my mind: (1) First, Pkt. (Mricchakatika, Bombay Sanskrit Series, IX. ol and 56.1), Skt. adhikaraNabhojikaM or adhikaraNa 33 , as the commentator translates, explaining it as follows : "adhikaraNaM nyAyavivAhasthalaM prasiddhaM ... bhahAlata iti yaducyate...tasya bhI ja kAH prabhavaH Thus the word means a judge' who is the or of a court. (2) The second word is Pali gAmabhojaka, Skt. grAmabhojaka (Jataka, No. 31; Fausboll, Vol. I., p. 199, 1. 27; The Commentary on the Dhammapada, PTS., Vol. I., p. 69, 1. 5), and it similarly means the head-man of a village or The following extracts from the Annual Report of the British Adviser to the State of Trengganu for 1919 show that in the modern Malay States under British Rule, the Shahbandar is the PortOfficer as distinguished from the Customhouse Officer : or villages.' The root from which bhojaka is derived primarily means here pAlana, 'to protect,' and secondarily to rule,' as is evident in the words mahIbhuja, kSitibhuj etc., meaning 'a king'; and in such cases it does not mean abhyavahAra 'to eat.' So there is no straining whatever, as Mr. Jayaswal thinks, in his own explanation of the term zAkabhojI, as 'the edka-ruling." 1. "No proper trade returns are kept. The following values, supplied by the Shahbandar, are for the port of Kuala Treng ganu only: It is to be noted here that as the two terms have been explained above, the word in traff can never mean here vegetables,' for then the whole compound word would imply "the r or, ie, chief' or, 'head' of 'vegetables," which is absurd. NOTES AND QUERIES. SHAHBANDER PORT OFFICER. [JULY, 1921 The authors of the third explanation, i.e., - seem not to have clearly understood the import of Patanjali's and have paid no heed to TT in Kdekd, or else could not understand it. Evidently they have taken in ar to mean primarily one who eats,' and secondarily fond of." It also appears that by the they have meant here vegetables." word Here it deserves to be mentioned that according to Haradatta, the author of Padamanjart, a com. mentary on the Kasikd, the real reading of the compound word under discussion is zAkapArthiva, though he has also given the reading accepted generally, i.. zAkapArthiva. pArthava means, ashocha explained, "qua", a 'descendant of Prithu.' It is needless to say that the present note strengthens the views held by Mr. Jayaswal. VIDHUSHEKHARA BHATTACHARYA. A.H. 1336. [A.D. 1918] $ 1,780,784 1,380,150 were $47,876 2. "The Superintendent of the Chandu [Intoxicating Drugs] Department (Che Da Omar) is also in charge of the Customs and Shahbandar Offices at Kuala Trengganu." Imports Exports Duties collected $ 63,540 in 1337," A.H. 1337. [A.D. 1919] $ 2,417,645 1,718,428 in 1336, R. C. TEMPLE. 1 For this method for citation, see Uttararamacarita, Harvard Oriental Series, pp. xvi, seq. 2 Bee Sir M. Monier-William's Sanskrit-English Dictionary.

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August, 1921] HISTORY OF THE NIZAM SHAHI KINGS OF AHMADNAGAR 229 THE HISTORY OF THE NIZAM SHAH KINGS OF AHMADNAGAR. BY LIEUT.-COLONEL T. W. HAIC, C.S.I., C.M.G., C.B.E. (Continued from p. 210.) LXXVI.--AN ACCOUNT OF MURTAZA Nizim SHAH'S EXPEDITION, WITH IBRAHIM QUTB SHAH, AGAINST 'ALI ADIL SHAH, AND OF THE CONCLUSION OF PEACE WITH MURTAZA NIZAM SHAY BY 'ALI ADIL SHAH AND OF HIS REVENGE ON IBRAHIM QUTB SHAH. As 'Ali Adil Shah had repeatedly violated his treaties and broken the peace with Murta a Nizam Shah, Murtaza was constantly devising plans of revenge against him with a view to putting a stop to the strife caused by him. At this time Ibrahim Qutb Shah sent an envoy to Ahmadnagar to ask pardon for his former acts of enmity against Murtaza Nizam Shah and to conclude a treaty of peace. It was also now reported to the king by the Khankhanan, who was pishva, that the fortress of Bijapur was falling into ruins, and that 'Ali Adil Shah was so careless and negligent that he was paying no heed to the business of repairing it. It was also said that the spirit of the army of Bijapur had been broken by the death of Kishvar Khan and other amirs, and the capture of Nur Khan, all these amirs having been among the leading officers of the Bijapur kingdom. The Khankhanan's advice was that this opportunity should not be missed, but that Murtaza Nizam Shah should march with Ibrahim Qutb Shah against Bijapar, should break the power of 'Ali `Adil Shah and thus free himself from anxiety, and should regain possession of Sholapar and of the townships which had formerly belonged to Ahmadnagar. The king granted the request of Ibrahim Qutb Shah and accepted the advice of his nobles. He then issued orders for the assembling of his army, and when the whole army was assem. bled at Ahmadnagar, he set out to wreak his vengeance on his enemies. Ibrahim Qutb Shah also, agreeably to the treaty which had been made, marched at the same time from his capital with a large army, and the two kings with their armies met and encamped near Wakdari. When 'Ali `Adil Shah heard of the offensive alliance between Murtaza Nizam Shah and Ibrahim Qutb Shah, he was much perturbed and alarmed, and attributed the alliance to the advice of Sayyid Shah Abu-l-Hasan, son of the late Sayyid Shah Tahir, who was at that time zakil of that kingdom (Bijapur). Ali 'Adil Shah used very violent language regarding Shah Abal-l-Hasan. Shah Abu-l-Hasan was very much alarmed by what 'Ali `Adil Shah said and devoted all his attention to making peace. Sayyid Murtaza,176 who had formerly been in the service of Ahmadnagar and had fled and taken refuge with 'Ali `Adil Shah, owing to the fear of Khunzah Humayun, was on most friendly and intimate terms with Shah Abd-1. Hasan, and, relying on the clemency and generosity of Murtaza Nizam Shah, volunteered to go to the Ahmadnagar camp and do what he could to promote peace and compose the strife. Accordingly he set out from Bijapur at dead of night and rode at such speed to the camp of Murtaza Nizam Shah that he covered the distance, which was three days' journey, before the morning. He then stabled his horse and, covering his head in a blanket, made his way towards the royal court. As he could not obtain admission on his own authority, he went 170 This was Sayyid Murtaza Sabzavari who afterwards re-entered the service of Ahmadnagar, took a prominent part in the conquest of Berar, was appointed governor of that province and afterwards, being de eated in his attempt to overthrow the regent Salabat Khan, fled from the Dakan and entered the service of Akbar, and was employed by him in the campain against Ahmadnagar.

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230 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ AUGUST, 1921 to the Khankhanan's tent. The Khankhanan asked him why he lud come, but he replied that he would give no account of his mission until the Khan khanan took him into the royal presence. The Khankhanan thus found himself obliged to report Sayyid Murtaza's arrival and his refusal to declare its object except in the king's presence. A chamberlain then came and escorted him to the royal presence, and when he arrived before the king he made a low obeisance and remained for a long time with his head on the ground. The courtiers told him to raise his head, but he paid no heed to them and remained as he was until the king deigned to ask him why he had come. He then raised his head and began by uttering an encomium on the king and praying for his long life and prosperity. He then proceeded to state the object of his mission and said that Shah Tahir's long and faithful service to Ahmadnagar was known to all and that his eldest son and successor had also rendered faithful service to the kingdom of Ahmadnagar and was now like to suffer death on account of his loyal devotion to Ahmadnagar. He then explained that 'All 'Adil Shah attributed the invasion of Bijapur by Murtaza Nizam Shah and Ibrahim Qutb Shah to the advice of Shah Abu-l-Hasan, and that if Murtaza Nizam Shah persisted in the expedition and marched on to Bijapur, it could hardly be doubted that Shah Abu-l-Hasan would be put to death. He also said that if the king would give Shah Abd-l-Hasan a safe conduct he would visit him. The king replied that if Shah Abd-l-Hasan would visit him be would be guided by his advice. When Sayyid Murtaza obtained this answer, which was entirely in accordance with his hopes, and was thus encouraged to hope for better things, he at once took his leave and has tened back with all speed to Bijapur to tell Abu-l-Hasan how he had fared. Shah Abd-lWasan was much relieved. He sent a rich pishkash consisting of money, goods, horses, and jewels to Murtaza Nizam Shah, who hononred him by accepting it. The nobles who had taken the field with the king, and especially the Khan Khanan, also sent rich presents to the king, and Shah Abd-l-Hasan made great efforts to induce the Khankhanan to join him in advising the king to stop the war. These efforts were effectual, and the Khankhanan and the other nobles reminded the king that Ibrahim Qutb Shah had beon a determined stirrer up of strife and breaker of treaties 177 and that his past treacherous conduct, especially in the Affair of Sangamner, was well known. They represented that now that Ibrahim Qutb Shah was in the king's power, having himself walked into the snare, the king had an excellent opportunity of avenging himself on him for his past misconduct and of taking from him, without difficulty, the large number of horses and elephants which was one of the chief gources of his pride and power. Such an opportunity they said, might ne ver occur again and was not to be neglected, as the king, after humbling Ibrahim Qutb Shah, could easily reduce the fortresses of Kaulas and Udgir, which were among the largest and strongest fortresses in those regions, and thus inflict on Ibrahim Qutb Shah one punishment after Another and display to the whole world the results of bad faith and breach of treaties. Thus the king, by the advice of the Khankhanan, granted Shah Abo-l-Hasan's requests and set himself to take revenge on Ibrahim Qutb Shah. Accordingly he commanded that his army should surround the camp of Ibrahim Qutb Shah and plunder and slay. The next nrorning, when the sun rose, the army of Ahmadnagar attacked Ibrahim Qutb Shah's camp from every side, pouring showers of arrows into it and attacking their late allies with the sword. 177 According to Firishta (ii, 260) 'Ali 'Adil Shah had received from Ibrahim Qutb Shah a sympathetio lottor, which Shah Abd-l-Hasan showed to Murtar Ni. Am Shah.

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AUGUST, 1921] HISTORY OF THE NIZAM SHAHI KINGS OF AHMADNAGAR 231 Ibrahim Qutb Shah was still in his tent when he was awakened from his sleep by the shouts of the mail-clad warriors. He awoke from his sleep to perplexity, and finding that he could not withstand the foe, abandoned all idea of earning fame by valour in the fight, and leaving his insignia of royalty, all his horses and elephants, his tents, pavilions, and baggage, fled with a few courtiers, while his army, seeing that their king was not at their head, abandoned the fight, dispersed and fled. The army of Ahmadnagar, enriched with the gold and jewels and other spoils of the army of Golconda, came to the royal court. Besides these, large numbers of handsome slave boys and beautiful slave girls, of horses, and of elephant fell into their hands. After the royal share of the spoils had been set apart, the rest was remitted to the army. When Ibrahim Qutb Shah was fleeing in terror before the army of Ahmadnagar, his eldest, son, who was a young man of good understanding and great valour, offered to collect such of the troops as he could and to save as much as could be saved of the baggage, camp equipage, elephants and other establishments, and to bring what he could thus save to the royal camp. Ibrahim Qutb Shah returned no answer to his son, but the young man's valour and boldness aroused in him such suspicion that when he arrived at his halting place he caused poison to be given to him and thus slew him178. Wise men attributed the ill-fortune that led him to murder his son to his constant bad faith with Murtaza Nizam Shah. The writer heard from Sayyid Khaibar Shah, Mir Tabataba, who was one of the most famous learned men of his time, and was at that time in close attendance on Ibrahim Qutb Shah, that when Ibrahim Qutb Shah fled before the victorious army, he alone of all his attendants was with him. Ibrahim Qutb Shah turned to him and said, 'These people, who have broken their treaty with me and turned our friendship into strife, will surely suffer in their faithlessness, will they not?' Sayyid Khaibar Shah made bold to say, 'It is that for this world for which we are suffering now, and we should now lose no time in escaping from this whirlpool of destruction, lest we be overtaken by punishment for what is past.' After the rout of Ibrahim Qutb Shah's army, the victorious army of Ahmadnagar marched against the fortress of Udgir, besieged it, and took it by storm. Murtaza Nizam Shah then placed one of his own officers in the fortress, with instructions to repair it. The king then returned in triumph to the capital with his army. LXXVII.-AN ACCOUNT OF THE KING'S MARCH WITH HIS ARMY TO THE TOWN OF JUNNAR, AND OF HIS VISIT TO SHIVNER, AND OF THE EVENTS WHICH HAPPENED AT THIS TIME. After the conclusion of peace between 'Ali 'Adil Shah and Murtaza Nizam Shah and the flight of Ibrahim Qutb Shah, Shah Haidar and Shah Jamal-ud-din Husain Inju, who were honoured by close attendance on and association with the king, were, by the royal command, associated with the administration of the state, and by their means the base actions of the Khankhanan were by degrees brought to the knowledge of the king, until he became estranged from and enraged with his servant, and the Khan khanan suffered the punishment which was his due for his ingratitude to Khanzah Humayun, and was, by the king's order, imprisoned in the fortress of Jond, the air of which is fouler than that of any other fort119. 178 The eldest son of Ibrahim Qutb Shah was 'Abdul Qadir. Ibrahim on his return to Golconda, caused him to be imprisoned in a fortress, and ultimately had him poisoned. F. ii. 260, 336. 179 Firishta says (ii. 261) that the two causes of the downfall of Multa Husain Tabrizi, Khan khananr were his having compassed the death of 'Inayatullah and his having counselled the plundering of Ibrahim Qutb Shah's camp. Sayyid 'All seems to have been, for some reason, a partisan of Khunzah Humayun, but the Khan khanan's share in the destruction of the queen-mother's power can hardly have been imputed to him as an offence, for the measure had been not only a service to the State but a service to Murtaza Nizam Shah personally.

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232 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ AUGUST, 1921 After the diegrace of the Kh Ankhanan the office of vakil and pishva was bestowed upon Shah Haidar, son of Shah Tahir, and Shah Jamal-ud-din Husain Inju was associated with him in this high office, and these two Sayyids undertook the administration of the state. At this time the king marched with his army on a tour to Junnar for the purpose of inspecting the fort of Shivner and enjoying its air. On the way thither Shah Haidar remained in one of the villages on the road to rest, and the royal army arrived at Junnar. At this time the wife of Shah Haidar, who was the daughter of Shah Qivam-ud-din Nar Bakhsh, one of the greatest of the Sayyids of Khurasan and 'Iraq, arrived in the kingdom of Ahmadnagar from 'Iraq, and sent & message to the king requesting him to honour with a visit her lodging, which was on his way. The king acceded to her request and honoured her with a visit. The lady entertained him with choice dishes, beverages and fruits, and presented him with costly gifts, among which was a' beautifully written and richly bound book. The king was much surprised with the lady's knowledge and by the royal entertainment which she had provided for him, and after expressing his thanks returned to his camp. On the following day Shah Haidar rejoined the royal camp, and when he heard of the banquet which his wife had given to the king he was much perturbed and annoyed, and in his disgust ceased to have any concern with affairs of state, remaining a part from the royal camp, until it returned to the capital. When the royal camp reached the fort of Jond, the king, angered by the thought of the murder of Maulana 'Inayatullah and of the other evil acts of the Khankhanin, ordered Bisat an to go up into the fort and to subject the Khankhanan to disgraceful treatment. Bisat Khan obeyed this order and the royal camp then moved towards the capital. Farhad Khan requested the king to honour his jagir village of Nandgaon, which was near the line of march, with a visit, in order that he might pay his respects to the king there, and the king granted this request and turned aside towards Nandgaon. On the way that army came to a deep river in flood, the passage of which was very difficult. The king, with some of his immediate attendants entered a small boat and proceeded to cross. When the boat reached midstream it was swamped and overturned, and all who were in it fell into the water. The king swam first to one and then another of his attendants, caught hold of them and drew them to the bank one by one until he had saved them all. When the kinz reached his camp, he, in accordance with the advice of some of his loyal counsellors, honoured Shah Haidar by paying him a visit, although Shah Haidar had neglected affairs of state, the administration of which was now entrusted entirely to Shah Jamal-ud-din Husain. The king now, having regard to Shah Haidar's excellent service, summoned his wife from Junnar, guve her a suitable dwelling house and a gift of a lakh of tangas for her daily expenditure, and again honoured her with a visit. This lady reinained for a long time in India and then, owing to her quarrel with her husband, returned to 'Iraq. LXXVIII.-ON ACCOUNT OF THE KING'S EXPEDITION AGAINST THE TURBULENT FRANKS AND OF ITS CONCLUSION. The king's ambition was ever to uphold the honour and glory of Islam and of the holy law, and as at this time the Franks extended their dominions over the land of Islam and oppressed and persecuted its inhabitants, the king formed the intention of undertaking a holy war against that people, regarding the abolition of the tyranny of that heilish tribe as the most important affair then before him. He therefore assembled his army and

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AUGUST, 1921] HISTORY OF THE NIZAM SHAHI KINGS OF AHMADNAGAR marched to Chaul, a port on the Arabian Sea, where he encamped. The army then laid siege to the fortress of Revdanda, 180 which was the headquarters of the Franks, and opened the campaign. The Franks resisted manfully and fought like men. The siege artillery was brought up by the king's order and opened fire on the fortress, destroying the houses and buildings of the polytheists therein and casting down their standard. The Franks replied with a fire like hail from their guns, muskets, and catapults, and the fight raged fiercely, while the din of the battle rose with a deafening roar to the sky, and the plain was watered with the blood of the brave. Meanwhile an incessant fire was kept up by both sides. 233 The siege continued for nine months during which time the royal army was night and day under arms, and displayed the greatest valour. The most valiant of all were the Foreigners, the Turks, the men of Dailam, the Arabs, and the Persians. The artillery did great execution among the Franks and against the defences of the fortress, and destroyed most of the buildings, dwellings, churches and places of worship of the polytheists and idolators. Victory was on the point of declaring for the true believers, but since Shah Jamalud-din Husain, in whose hands the entire management of affairs then lay, wearied of the long siege and gave himself up to the gratification of his animal passions and spent all his time in listening to sweet music and lewd songs, he had no time to spare for the conduct of military operations, and so neglected his duties in this respect that he found it necessary to appoint Changiz Khan as his lieutenant. This excellent and able man not only showed great personal valour in the fight, but also formulated wise schemes and plans, so that in a short time his administrative ability and practical wisdom became apparent to the king. The Franks, however, who were now reduced to great straits by the close and protracted siege, sent sums of money as bribes to the chief amirs and vazirs and encouraged them to hope for more, so that the principal officers such as Farhad Khan, Ikhlas Khan and other amirs and vazirs began to show apathy in attacking the polytheists, and to refrain, on various excuses, from marching against them. Thus all that had been done was rendered of no avail by the treachery and lethargy of the officers of the army and the apathy and neglect of Shah Jamal-ud-din Husain, who had been reduced by his indulgence of his lusts to a state of complete imbecility, and Changiz Khan, who now had access to the king, advised him that nothing was to be gained by halting longer before Revdanda or by prolonging the siege. It would be wiser, he said, to patch up a temporary peace, like that 180 Revdanda, or lower Charel, was on the same estuary as Chaul, but on the opposite bank. Firishta says (ii. 261) that the attack on the Portuguese was due to their insolent treatment of Muslims. According to the Portuguese, this expedition against Chaul was part of a great scheme, the partners to which were Murtaza Nizam Shah, 'All Adil Shah, and the Zamorin, for expelling the Portuguese from their possessions on the west coast of India, which were to be divided among the partners. The siege of Chaul was opened by Farhad Khan on Nov. 30, 1569. The commandant, Luiz Ferreira de Andrade, had in Chaul but 50 horse and a small number of foot soldiers and neither provisions nor munitions to enable him to sustain a siege until Dom Francisco de Mascarenhas came to his assistance with 600 men in four galley and five small vessels, besides some barques laden with provisions. In January 1570, Murtaza Nizam Shah appeared before the place with the main body of his army, so that the besiegers numbered 34,000 horse, 100,000 foot, 16,000 sappers, and 4,000 artificers, with a great train of artillery and elephants. Further reinforcements reached the garrison, but its numbers probably never succeeded 3,000, The siege was raised in Sep. 1570. Its failure was due to treachery. All the amirs of Ahmadnagar, except one, were in the pay of the Portuguese and supplies and provisions were freely conveyed into the fortress by night. For more than nine months an army of over 150,000 men, under the immediate eye of its King, besieged a garrison of 3,000 who slew of their assailants considerably more than their own numbers, and the besiegers were at length compelled to retire discomfited.-See Danvers, i. 560.

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234 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ August, 1921 between wolf and dog, with the crafty enemy, for most of the bravest men of the army had been slain, and it was commonly believed that the loss of the army amounted to nearly 14,000 men, while a number of the amirs and principal officers were in secret league with the enemy and had put all idea of fighting out of their minds. He advised also that the interests of the faith and the state would be best served by a retreat to the capital in order that the king might reorganize his army, and in due time avenge himself on the polytheists. The king accepted this advice and retreated towards the capital. On the way he promoted Changiz Khan from his post as deputy to the office of vakil, entrusting the whole administration to him, while Shah Jamal-ud-din Husain, who had gradually withdrawn himself from all affairs of state, departed, by the king's order, with all his family and dependants from Ahmadnagar to enter the service of the emperor Akbar, and he enjoys great honour in the rank of amir in that. great emperor's service until now, viz.-A. H. 1001 (A.D. 1592-93)181. Mulla Husain, entitled Khankhapan, who was imprisoned in the fort of Jond, was, by the advice of Changiz Khan, released, and entered the service of Raja 'Ali Khan in Burhanpur, where he remained until shortly before the accession of Burhan Nizam Shah. He was then accused of sedition and was again imprisoned and what then became of him is not known. When the king arrived at his capital he devoted all bis attention to setting matters right and repairing what was past, to which end he reassembled his army, and for the rest of this year he spent his time at the capital with his army in pleasure and enjoyment. At this time Sayyid Murtaza, some account of whom has already been given, took refuge at the royal court as an envoy from 'Ali 'Adil Shah and was highly honoured by Murtaza Nizam Shah. As the king had great regard for the Sayyid, owing to his former services, he would not give him leave to depart, but received him again into service and appointed him Sarsilahdar, & rank which is not inferior to the vizarat or the sardari. At this time news was received that 'Ali Adil Shah had imprisoned Shah Abu-l-Hasan. (To be continued.) FOLK-TALES OF THE CAR NICOBARESE. COLLECTED BY THE REY. G. WHITEHEAD. Prefatory Note by Sir R. C. Temple. The following twenty folk-tales communicated by Car Nicobarese children are of special value to the folklore student. In several cases they follow a track widely different from the usual legends, and where they deal with well-worn stories they present them in an hitherto unknown' and varied garb. The tales, so Mr. Whitehead informs me, are all familiar to the Car Nicobarese and most of the matter has been taken from school children's essays. Where necessary, footnotes have been added by Mr. Whitehead or myself to elucidate the text.R..T. 1 181 Jamal-ud-din Husain Inja resigned his office of all and pished before the raising of the siege of Chaul, and returned to Ahmadnagar. Murtaza Nizam Shah, on his return thither, banished him to Burhanpor and he entered the service of Akbar, in which he rose to the rank of Commander of 3,000. Under Jahangir he attained the rank of Commander of 5,000 and received the title of 'Azud-ud-Daulah. Murtacd, aftor his return to Ahmadnagar imprisoned Farhad Khan and his Khan and appointed Kavaja Mirak with the title of Changiz Khan, robil and pishoa. Khudavand Khan, whose father was from Mashhad and his mother an African, Jamshid Khan Shfraai, and others were made amers at the same time.- 7. ii, 262.

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AUGUST, 1921) FOLK TALES OF THE CAR NICOBARESE 235 I.-THE DELUGE. There was once a great flood in this land, and all the surface of the earth was covered with water. Now there was one man who was fortunate enough to swim to a great tree which was not entirely immersed in the water. He climbed the tree and lived up in the branches of it until the waters were assuaged. When he saw any cocoanuts floating about in the water, or any dead pigs and fowls with distended stomachs, he would swim out to them and bring them in ; and there up among the branches of the tree, he would eat his food. At last the rain stopped ; and then, little by little, the water decreased, and little by little he got more room, and at last was able to get down to the solid earth. Then, when the waters had gone down, he spied a bitch perched up on the branches of a tree, its ear being spiked by the great thorn of the lun-hiont (priokly-palm). So he went and released it, and took it, and made it his wife, and they lived together, the bitch and the man; and they had offspring which was human. So the people of these parts copy the dog in wearing the ki-sdt, 1 for it has tails hanging down like & dog's tail; their turban too has ears standing up like the dog's ears. The people also say of themselves that they are the offspring of that bitch. II.-THE METAMORPHOSES OF THE SUN AND MOON. Long long ago when the world was new and the skies were still low down and near to the earth, the moon was changed into the sun. The sun too was changed into the moon, and the heat was terrific, so that boards cracked and the ground was cleft asunder. So one day the ancients who dwelt in these lands of ours met together to take counsel A to what was to be done. As a result of their deliberations, they directed the filetchers to make some long-bows, and they prepared arrows of ta-choi& and of cha-luok. Then they shot at the sky until the sky removed a long way off. Some of the arrows they shot up at the sky never came down again, but remained stuck up in the sky. Those made of the strands of the cocoanut-leaf burst into flame and became stars. Those made of ta-choi sticks did not burst into flame. IIL-ABOUT TREES IN DAYS OF YORE. Long long ago, when this world of ours was young, trees would be obedient to men, and go wherever they were told. People could drive them far away from their original place. So in the days when the trees were obedient to the commands of men, we did not get Wearied when we travelled, for we would fasten our loads on the branch of a tree, letting the load hang down, duly balanced ; and then we would drive the trees along. 1 The roanty Nicobarese loin-cloth. [In my Oens Report, 1901, 1 remark, pp. 213-216, "The Nicobaron man at home wears only an infinitesimal loin-cloth, or rather string, fastened behind with waggling tag. This must have been his garment from all time, because of the persistent reports that these people were naked and tailed from the days of Ptolemy onwards to the middle of the 17th century."-R.C.T.) JA band round the head made of the spathe of the betel nut. (This band may, however, have a pommon origin with the now white cotton cincture round the head worn by royalty, courtiers and elders in Burma and Siam.-R.C.T.) 3 [For s variant form of this story of origin, non Census Report, 1901, p. 211.-R.C.T.) * Or, "changed itself." Literally, " for." The bark of the ta-choi (ta-e-ku) is used for tying thatch, and the small twigu, which are very white, light and brittle, are tied by the witeb-doctors to spurgo the devils. * The stands of the coconut-loal, much used in making brooms.

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236 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (AUGUST, 1921 So too when we wanted to bring in our things from the gardens in the jungle, all we had to do was to put the load in balanced quantities on the branches of a tree; and the tree would of itself take them off to the village. In those days, too, people who could not walk could get up into a tree, and they would be borne safely to their home or where they wished to go, whilst quietly sitting on the branches of the tree. Now there was once quite a large number of people going out into the jungle at the same time, and also coming back to el-panam. Their loads were heavy and the distance great, so that their strength was somewhat overtaxed. So they packed their loads on the branches of the trees and drove the trees along. But as the trees were going along, the people who were behind went into fits of laughter at the comical sight of seeing the trees carrying their loads and lumping up one against the other. So the trees turned stubborn and would not move any more, for they were angry at being laughed at. So nowadays we have often to overtax our strength in carrying our own loads when we travel, because trees have now become fixtures. IV.-THE PIXIES. Once upon a time the people of Malacca used to go down to the underworld through & narrow passage. It was dark in the passage, so they needed cocoanut-leaf torches. Down there, lying on the soft grass, they found lots of eggs belonging to the little folks" who lived down there. Every time they went down, the people of Malacca would steal these eggs. On one occasion they came across the "little folks" and said to them, "Where are your parents ?" "We are the old folks," was the answer. Then the people of the upper world (from Malacca) challenged the "little folks" to a dancing competition, and the pixies did not come off second best. But the people of the upper world were never able after that cccasion to go down there again and to steal the eggs; for the pixies blocked the way with the spathe of betel-nut, which turned into stone. They never come back again now-a-days, 10 for there is no road. V.-THE ORIGIN OF THE LITTLE ONE11 Long ago there used to be a small island off the headland at Kakanal, and a sa-ka13 thought it would steal the island and have it for its own place. So in the night, when there was no one to see it, the little bird picked up the island and made off with it. The bird was not able to go quickly, for the island was a heavy load; and whilst she was still on her way, the day began to dawn; and as the bird did not wish people to see her in the act of thieving, she dropped the island anywhere and anyhow; and through her haste it fell wrong side up. However, she left it as it was and did not trouble to put things straight, at in any case it was not worth very much. # Thus annexe of the village by the sboru, where the public buildings are. * A village on the south-east coast of Car Nicobar. 10 1 cannot make out the reference here. It can hardly refer to death, for the Nicobarese Hades is not in the underworld, but in the lowest air, especially in certain parts of the jungle, el ki-tel-ko-re. 11 The Little One" is the rocky inlet, Batti Malv, equidistant from Car Nicobar and the next inhabited island, Chowra, being about twenty miles from each. Its orea is about three-quarters of a square mile. 13 A small village on the south coast of Car Nicobar. 13 A small bird that lives on insects.

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AUGUST, 1921) FOLK-TALES OF THE CAR NICOBARESE 237 So that island-it is called the "Little One"-remains there, and serves as a guide-post to us when we go in our canoes to Chowra. VI.-ON THE ORIGIN OF BATS. Long long ago, when there were still no bats in this land, a ship came here from some foreign country or other. It sailed straight for Arong 14 and there it was wrecked, on account of the stormy seas and high winds. The ship was cast up on the sands, and broken in pieces by the waves. All the poor foreigners suffered greatly, and only a few of them were able to swim to the shore of our land. These went inland and struck the "forbidden" land16 in their search for food. They were Coringhees, 16 and their clothing was all tattered and torn. They were amusing themselves by gwinging on the boughs of trees and hanging down from the branches by their arms, when they were all turned into bats. Big people were turned into the big variety of bat (the flying-fox); people not so big as they into the medium sized bat; and small children into the small variety of bat; and they still hang down by their arms from the branches of the trees. There were no bats here before that. VII.-ON THE ORIGIN OF SHARKS. Once upon a time, in the olden days, there were some very wicked people who used to live between Tamalu and Pooko, 17 at a place which does not exist now, but was then called Tardlo. Those people were barbarous savages and used to bewitch folk. So the other people rose up against them, and slew a number of them; and the remnant fled to our side of the island to a place then named Chackvok, which is not far from Tittop:18 and there they built houses for themselves. These savages thought nothing of killing a person ; they would often kill a stranger on sight. Now it happened that two children were going to el-pannam, 19 and the elder was carrying his young brother on his shoulders. They did not notice that there was a man coming up behind them with a sharp spear in his hand: That man hurried up stealthily and stabbed the little fellow in the rump; whereupon he cried out, "Oh! I am hurt." So the elder brother said to the stranger," Please do not tease the little man and make him wriggle about, for he will be falling down." He did not know that his brother had been stabbed behind. He thought the man was merely tickling the child ; but he had stabbed him. Again the man stabbed the child, this time under the armpit ; and the blood gushed out, and the child fell down dead. Then, at last, the elder brother realised that the child had been stabbed; and he ran off as fast as he could, leaving the dead child, for he was afraid of those people, and he told his parents what had happened. 14 A village on the west coast of Car Nicobar. 15 The land of spirits and devils. 16 [Karingas, i.o., Kalingas, Klings, from the northern part of the Madras coast. See ante, vol. XXX, p. 350.-R.C.T.]. 17 Two small villages on the east coast of Car Nicobar. 18 A hamlet on the north coast of the island. 10 The annexe to the villago where the public kuildings and cemetery are.

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238 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (AUGUST, 1921 So the people held a council, and decided to slaughter all those savages. They attacked them, and most of them were killed ; but some swam out into the deep sea and were turned into a very voracious kind of shark. So these sharks will always eat human beings, if they can get at them, in the sea. VIII.-THE CRUEL MOTHER. Once upon a time there was a man and his wife who had three children. One day the man wanted to go to spear fish; and he spoke to his wife and said, "Tell the children to be on the lookout for my coming back and to gather cocoanut shells for firing to roast the fish that I hope to catch." So she bade the children do what her husband had said ; and they collected the cocoanut shells, carrying them in their arms. The woman then took a razor and rubbed it and made it sharp. After that she told the children to make a fire ; and when they had made the fire, she called her eldest son to come to her, saying, "Come, and I will shave your head." He did not know that his mother wanted to cut off his head; so he came and she began to shave his head, when, gash ! and she had out his head off. She next called the second son and did the same to him : and then she threw their heads into the fire and burnt them. After that, she called her youngest child, but he answered, "No ! No! I am not coming, for you will do to me as you have done to my two brothers." 20 Then said the mother, "No, I would not like you to fare like them, for you are the one that bites up and partially chews the betel-nut for me. You are my favourite child." But she was only enticing the child to come to her, and then she cut off his head too. When the father came back, he said to his wife, "Where are the children?" "I don't know," she said, "Perhaps they are playing among the ta-choi bushes." The father called the children, but there was no answer. Again he said to his wife, "Where are the children ?" She replied, "Perhaps they have gone to fetch water; I do not know. Perhaps they are hiding behind the boxes." The man did not find his children. Now her husband was hungry; so the woman told him to get his food out of the basket that was hung up (as usual) near the fireplace. So he had his breakfast. When he had finished eating, his wife said to him, "Well! it is the palms of your children's hands that you have been eating ;" and she uttered the cry of the sea-eagle,, "Auk! Auk ! Auk!" and flew away as an eagle. The man leaned back against the walls of his house and wept, and beat his head against the wall. He was turned into an owl, and never veases to bewail his sorrows. His wife was turned into a sea-eagle, and she never ceases catching fish. IX.-WHEN THE WORLD WAS YOUNG. THE STORY OF TOT-TA-BONG. Long ago, in the days of yore, there was a man, Tot-ta-rong by name, who was violently in love with a beautiful damsel, and anxious by all means to get her for his wife. Time after time he would come to her to speak with her and to urge his request; but the girl simply did not care in the least for Tot-ta-rong. 20 Literally, "companions."

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AUGUST, 1921) FOLK-TALES OF THE CAR NICOBARESE 239 Tot-ta-rong did not know what to do, for the girl always gave him a persistent and most enphatic "No!" So he was utterly miserable, and felt inclined to commit suicide on account of his grief. Now it happened to be the time of the great ossuary feast 21 in his village, and great crowds of people had come in from the other villages for the occasion. It had got on towards midnight in the bright moonlight ; and the people were coming in from their gardens in the jungle, and were carrying round the pigs, which were to be killed for food at the feast. Tot-ta-rong went round too, and saw the people carrying the pige-a merry crowd and a pleasant sight, sufficient (one would have thought) to banish sorrow from any heart. But Tot-ta-rong found no pleasure in what he saw. On the contrary, he hated it all on account of his grief, and he could not endure it. There was none among his friends either to comfort him ; for they were one and all busy, seeing to the comforts of their numerous guests. He felt that he must do something to assuage his sorrow on account of that woman; he would kill himself and thereby perhaps work out her death too. "However," he thought to himself, "I will go to that woman once more and try to win her. I will speak my final words to her." So he went and spoke to her once more, but she never deigned to answer him a word. After he had considered his course of action, he went home and took a long dah (or sword), and forthwith went out into the jungle. His intention was to cleave asunder the island, in the north-west portion of it, the part where the lady dwelt and where all that crowd of feasters were. So he went on until he came to "Cleft Hill."22 He got up on to a rock in the midst of where the dancers were ; for, owing to the great numbers of guests, there was dancing going on in all the somewhat scattered groups of houses round about. Then Tot-ta-rong drew his sword and tried to cleave the earth with it. But the earth did not part asunder when he marked it with the point of the sword. So he took a piece of ta-choi wood23; this he fashioned like a dah (a sword or chopper); and then, when he had marked the ground with the point of it immediately the earth rent asunder at his feet-from "Cleft Hill " even to "Deep."24 When the ground was being thus cleft asunder, Tot-ta-rong was in two minds as to where he would like to be on the part which was moving off elsewhere. Ultimately, he decided to go away with the part of the island that was being rent off. But already there was a chasm formed, and when Tot-ta-rong tried to jump it, he slipped and fell. Meanwhile, the portion of land that was moving away thought better of it, and decided to come back again, and join on to the main part of the island as before, and so Tot-ta-rong got crushed between the rocks. 21 [This is the most important of the festivals of the Car Nicobarose. It is known as kana-hauneat pig, and used to mean " when the remains of the dead are disinterred." The festival is observed every third or fourth year and consists of a course of ceremonies lasting from one new moon to another, in the middle of which, at full moon, the pigs are slaughtered and eaton. For detailed account of the ceremonies, see Census of India, 1001, Andamans and Nicobars, pp. 228-220.-R.C.T.1 > Rung T8-kachi, which lies a little to this side of the hamlet of Pasa, on Sawi Bay. The hill takes its name from Tot-ta-rong and his adventures. 33 See ante, p. 235, note 6. * T8-a-ru, somo rocks on the shore, quite close to the mission at Mas.

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240 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (AUGUST, 1921 When the severed portion of the land saw the blood of Tot-ta-rong, it felt hysterically sick at the sight, and in disgust again moved off and became Little Andaman Island ; at least, 80 say some travelled Nicobarese. 16 The body of poor Tot-ta-rong was turned into a rock, and strewed on the beach lies his hair, which the uninitiated think to be the decaying fallen leaves of the casuarina pine. Meanwhile, the cleaving of the ground was going on, right up to the place whence the sound of the revelling came, and then and there, friends and lovers, husbands and wives, parents and children, were being parted asunder for ever; for some were on the land which remained here, and some on that which moved away. Those left here had no relics of their friends, nothing to remind them of the dear ones who had been carried off. So they picked up the empty nuts which their friends had drunk, and put them in boxes and stowed them carefully away; and every now and then they would open the boxes and take out the empty nuts, and kiss them, and then put them back again, in sorrowful remembrance of the dear ones departed. (To be continued.) THE MIMANSA DOCTRINE OF WORKS. BY K. A. NILAKANTA SASTRY, M.A. (Continued from p. 220.) No. III. (Sabarasvdmin on Jaimini VIII, 1, 34- Extract.) Now all this trouble is for propitiating the deity. The deity when pleased gives a man the fruit. Sruti says this-"Indra only when pleased himself pleases him with offspring and cattle". And that which has been known to be the method of pleasing Indra, the same has to be repeated whenever Indra has to be pleased . . . . We say here in reply)--this may be so, provided the fruit comes from the deity. But the fruit is from the sacrifice and Sruti says "He should sacrifice who desires heaven." As for "Indra only when pleased, etc.," we remark that the deity is mentioned in a secondary sense. The deity is part of (secondary to the sacrifice and it is said figuratively (lit. for praise) to be the giver, as for instanoe in (the statements) " The minister gave me the village", "The general gave me the village". Neither "minister" nor "general" but only the king is lord of the village. While the others are secondary, the talk about their giving is merely for praise (figurative) No. IV. (Sabarasvdmin on Jaimini, III, 3, 44-Extract.) He (Pashan) has no share (in the Havis). Objection : That which is given to a deity must be the share of the deity. Reply: This is simply renounced with an indication of the deity (with the deity in the mind). Mere renunciation does not constitute the proprietorship of the deity, for the property-proprietor-relation can arise only from (the) acceptance of the thing renounced). And there is not the slightest evidence that the deity has accepted (it). For that which is got by one may be said to be his share. And the deity does not receive the Havis. Therefore, there is no Pushan's share. 15 * Little Andaman is many times larger than Car Nicobar, and some 50 miles distant from it. << The printed text here gives no sense. I have corrected it with the aid of a manuscript belong. ing to Pandit A. Chinnaswami Batri of the College of Oriental Learning-B.H.U.

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AUGUNT, 1921 THE MEMAMSA DOCTRINE OF WORKS We are now in a position to estimate the correct Mimamsa view of the nature and existence of gods. The texts translated above show the remarkable amount of dialectical skill displayed by the commentator-the only limits recognieed by him being the Eternity and Infallibility of the Veda and the Duty to Action that follows from it. He spends great force in combating the idea of the personal nature of the deity ; be argues by the dry light of reason and logic applied to the Veda, and his final position is an attitude of scepticiem rather than of dogmatic atheism. His suggestion that TRADITION and POPULAR BELIEF are based on misunderstandings of the true meaning and purpose of the Veda might furnish the text for a treatise on the growth of Popular Mythology, although one feels that these popular developments were perhaps more natural than the Mimamsist's inferences and explanations. Is the sound "Indra ", then, all that is left of the great Vedic hero and god ? It may be so. Mimamse is not concerned with that, in effect it does not know. Does not then the Mimamsist believe his own Veda when it talks about these gods? The answer is, how can anybody take such texts at all seriously when their neighbours make gods of stocks and stones ? Either everything, down to the grass and the neighing of the steed, becomes a ged or we have to go without having a god. The latter position seems far better to the Mimamsist 0. This has not always been correctly understood in modern times. It has been said, "The Mimams does not recognise the existence of god. Nevertheless, this fact interferes as little here as in the Sankhya and the other systems with belief in the supernatural beings of the popular Indian faith."'47 This is hard to maintain in the face of the texts translated above. The Sankhya and other systems do not concern us now. The discussion of tabarasv&min is almost entirely an attempt to contradict and set aside what may with great propriety be called "popular Indian faith". Therefore to say that the Mimamsist has belief in supernatural beings" after all the trouble he has taken over the question is to make a statement that derives no support from the Mimamsau system as such. It is true that the position of Jaimini and Sabarasvmin fell in the course of centuries more and more out of touch with the realities of " popular Indian faith". But here, we seek to understand the Mimamse system as it was and its place in speculation. It is clear that no professed Mimamsist of any great standing has ever swerved from the position of Jaimini. It is difficult to be dogmatic about the views of the Prabhakara school in the present state of knowledge; but there is perhaps no vital difference between Prabhakara and his more famous rival Kumarila Bhatta on this matter. Again, on the strength of one of Kumarila's verses in the introductory portion of the Slokavartikas it has sometimes been hastily assumed that Kumarila makes out the Mimams to be theistic. The assumption, however, is proved to be wrong by (1) Kumarila's own Tuptika on Texts I and II, translated above ; (2) Parthasarathi Misra's comment on the verse of Kumarila in the introductory portion of the Slokavartika which gives apparently the true explanation of Kumarila's words, and (3) the position of the same writer in his Sastra-Dipika in which he follows Kumarila rather closely.49 But it seems clear that Kumarila is somewhat reluctant to drive the agnostic conclusion hard. There is note of hesitancy in his remarks on the question. Personally he seems to have been a theist. 46 Roforence may be made here to the trenchant remarks of Partheskratki Witra in hin detradipike towards the clone of his comments on Juimini IX, 1, 6-10. 17 R. Garbo, Loc. cit., note 4 above. Reference may here to made to the article on "Atheiana" in the Encyck. Brit., XI Edn., which distinguishes three type of " Atheism," arrong whirl Mimamad may be said to be of the last or critioal type. 18 Verne No. 10 and Muir, O.S.T., Vol. III, page 95. 4 Vide note 46. See Dr. Jha's Prabhakara Wim , p. 85 8.

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242 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (AUGUST, 1921 And his first verse in the Slokavertika which is, for instance, clearly & salutation to a personal deity is explained on the pure Mimamsist basis by the annotator only by twisting the text in a rather merciless fashion. A later Mimamsist was so saturated with the "popular Indian faith "that he stood aghast at what he had just written, following the lead of Jaimini and other great Mimainsists after him, and exclaimed penitently 50"-T rafanafan: HET TOES Troff yogatra CERTTTTTTE" !It is also not without significance that Vedanta-Desika named one of his many productions Sesvara-Mimarsa, which is sufficient indication that Mimansi has generally little to do with Tyvara. But this Sesvara version of Mimarnsa is that of a divine who was a Vedantist first and Mimamsist only by the way. It may also be stated that Vasudeva Dikshita, an eloquent South Indian annotator of very recent times, seeks to quarrel with Sa barasvamin for his interpretation of Jaimini's views and undertakes to show that Jaimini never meant what Sabarasvamin holds and that Kumarila admitted the personal nature of the deity.51 It is thus abundantly clear that the genuine Mimarsa position on the question appealed less and less to the Indian mind, especially after the great days of Sankars. It is also clear that there is a strong and almost continuous Mimamsist tradition against the acknowledgment of a personal deity or deities. But the voice of the Mimamsist becomes fainter, and even professed Mimamsists like Khanda Deva maintain their position only in theory, and in practice join the herd against whose beliefs Jaimini and Sabara had preached, in their day. The attitude of Vasudeva Dikshita is, like that of Vedanta Desika, strongly coloured by his Vedantic prepossessions. In fact, he quotes the conclusions of the Vedanta Sutras freely in support of his position in Mimansa. We can infer from the facts adduced so far and several others of a like nature can be easily pro. duced--that the true Mimansa position came to be looked upon as something close to the borderland of heterodoxy, if not entirely on the other side of the frontier. At least two large developments may be traced in the later religious history of India, each of them in its own way hostile to the genuine Mimansa view. First came the great impetus given to the Vedanta by the life and teaching of Sankara, probably the finest intellect of India. The Advaita system as developed by Sankara furnished a common platform on which popular religion and metaphysical speculation might meet together and live in peace. At the same time, it set up an influential opposition to the Mimam san view on many important questions of religion by adopting a rival standpoint. The rivalry was to a large extent inherent in the two systems, but it was emphasised and developed by the life-work of Sankara. The other great factor in the situation was the growth of a great longing for a personal god, communion with whom would be the highest form of bliss-a longing that accounts for the development and spread of various Bhakti cults in later-day India. In such an atmosphere the old Mimamsan view was a perilous one to keep, and even the specialists in the system became afraid of themselveg53. But the Mimansa system was at no time much fitted to be a popular one. Its great interest lies in its being an important phase of speculation, and it is easy to underrate the influence exerted by the Mimanga system on later speculation in our country. But the allegation of Vasudeva Dikshita that Jaimini did not mean what his Bhasyahkara holds is hardly one that can be accepted in the face of the unanimous verdict of other and greater writers on the position of Jaimini. The illustrious Saukara had never any doubt on 60 Khanda Deva's Bhaffa Dipika (Mysore Edn.), Vol. III, page 53. 61 See his remarks in the Kuluhala. Vritti, Vol. I, page 47 (Srirangam Edn.). I have not access at present to the portions of his extensive work not yet printed. 59 of. Barth, Religions of India, pages 94-5, for some very suggestive remarks on Neo-Hinduem.

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AUGUST, 1921) THE MIMAMSA DOCTRINE OF WORKS 243 the correct Mimamsa position, which he sums up with great force and characteristic terseness in his discussion on Vedanta Sutra, 1, 3, 32. Again, Sayanacharya in one place records side by side the opposite views taken by the Vedanta and Mimaise, where he mentions Jaimini by name.63 But the best authority on Jaimini's position is Jaimini himself, and his Sutras do not leave us in the slightest doubt as to the intentions of the Satrakara. He says that the deity is secondary (guna).54 And again, he directly comes to the conclusion that the havis is more important than the deity in the elements that make up a sacrifice.55 Further in discussing whether the prerogative (adhikara) of sacrificing is confined to men or extends to others outside the human sphere, his Satras 66 are very significant and form a striking contrast to the corresponding portion of the Vedanta Satras.57 In one Satra, Jaimini states that whoever desires the fruit can perform the sacrifice enjoined; in the next he says only they have the prerogative of doing it who can do it exactly as enjoined by the Veda. And this is supposed to be possible only by men. But in some texts of the Satras, two other Satras are ascribed to Jaimini in this place, one excluding gods and another excluding Rishis from the prerogative of performing sacrifices. It is to say the least very doubtful if these are genuine Satras of Jaimini. For one thing, we find the sentences in the text of Sabara's Bhashya on VI, 1, 5, and they do not have the look of Satras, 58 though they are quite good enough to be the sentences of the great commentator. And it would be somewhat strange on Jaimini's part if, after having discussed the question of Sarvadhikara (the prerogative of all) and restricted it to men, he added two more Satras regarding Devatas and Rishis. On the other hand, it is perfectly reasonable to suppose that in discussing the question of Saruddhi kdra in the light of the two Satrae laid down by Jaimini the expoun. der of his system adopted a division into men, and non-men59 and sub-divided the latter group into three sections-Devatas, Rishis, and animals and trees, for facility of discussion in the light of the Vedic texts quoted by him in the commentary on the parva-paksha Satra. It may also be pointed out that the manner in which Sankara quotego the two sentences under discussion, gives no indication as to whether he understood them to be the words of Jaimini or Sa barasvamin. Personally I have no doubt that these two sentences do not form part of the Jaiminiyadarsana. As a matter of fact, Jaimini adopts that course which may most naturally be expected of a ritualist. To ignore a personal deity may appear rank heresy in an orthodox Hindu of, gay, the seventh or eighth oentury A.D., but not of an earlier time. From the beginning there had been a vein of scepticism in the Vedas and Brahmanas, and the ritualist most naturally developed it further as his primary concern was with a religion of self-contained ritualism * well-nigh independent of the gods whom it served" 61. The old scholiast, Yaska, bad summed up the results of previous speculation on the form (akara) of the Devatas and indicated several lines of advance for his successors. It would appear that, even before Jaimini's day, this ritualism had run riot sand had led to somewhat strange results. A certain Badari is somewhat frequently referred to by Jaimini in his Satras, who may be described as an extremist in ritualism. According to this Acharya, there is no relation even between the sacrifice and . 68 See his Com. on Taitt. Brdh. III, 8, 8 Text cited above (Note 8). 54 Ibid., IX, 1, 10. 65. Ibid., VIII, 1, 32-4. 56 Ibid., VI, I, 4-5. . 57. Vedanta Satra, I, 3, 26-33. 58 They are nu are her e I .69 The term amanushya is actually used by SabarasvAmin here. 0 In his Bhashya on Vedanta Sa., I, 3, 26. Anandagiri in his comment on sankars treats them as Sabras. 61 Barth, op. cit., page 84.

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244 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (Avaust, 1921 its reward.63 Jaimini's position is that the sacrifice is performed for the sake of heaven, whatever that may be ; and that, in the language of Mimarsa, Karma is sesha (secondary) with reference to the fruit of the game. B&dari holds that the Karma is its own end, and, when it has been done, there is nothing else to do. This gives an idea of the fervid faith in ritualism that underlies the Mimarsa. And Badari's positions help us to understand how little gods had to do with the Mimansa ideal of the attainment of bliss by WORKS. When the WORKS are their own end there is no question as to who or what gives the fruits of the deed and all talk about god and supernatural beings is cut at the root. Jaimini's position is that the deed gives its own reward, and as for the gods, we have no proof that they exist. The discussion of the place of Jaimini and Sabara in the history of Indian thought is considerably hampered by the absence of any reliable results regarding the dates of these writers and by the unsettled nature of the literary chronology of ancient India. It has been usually assumed that Jaimini and the author of the Vedanta Sutras must have been contem. poraries, and the suggestion has been made that the two sets of Sutras must have been com posed somewhere between 200 and 450 A.D.63 The assumption that Jaimini and Badare. yasa were contemporaries rests on the occurrence of Jaimini's name in the Vedanta Satras and of BAdarayana's in the Mimamek Satras and perhaps also on an ancient tradition current among the learned divines of India that Jaimini was a pupil of Badarayai a. But this seems to be very doubtful. It is not however possible to undertake to settle the point here. But still more doubtful is the view that the Mimansa system has "close connection with the VedAnta doctrine" 63. Far more correct is the opinion expressed by Barth that the early " antagonism between the men of the ritual and the men of speculation" developed in later times into an antagonism between their successors of the Vedanta and Mimamsa schools.65 As the same writer very aptly suggests, the only thing in common between the two lines of development is that both of them, each in its own way, agreed to put the Vedic gods somewhere on the back shelf. In all other respects, the two systems are diametrically opposed. This in truth is the rationale of Saokara's refusal to consider the so-called Purva and Uttara Mimemsas as one Sastram.66 A few points of opposition may be touched on here in order to bring out more fully the ultimate bearings of the Mimarbs DOCTRINE OF WORKS. Some idea has been given above as to how the Mimamsist interprets the Veda. On this question there is a vital difference between the Mimarsa and the Vedanta. To the former the ritualistio portions of the eda are the most important ones, and the others are to be explained or explained away as the case may be, in the light of those texts that enjoin the duty of Karma on every man. To the Vedantist, the portions literally at the end of the Veda, Constitute the end of Veda, its highest aim, all the other portions being subsidiary to this highest knowledge that comes at the end. The Vedantist has not to take so much trouble to explain away the other texts that appear to go against him by their ritualism and other features. He is an idealist, and his is the unique privilege of letting the wolf and the lamb lie together in the same fold. To the Mimamsist the thing is more vital. Hence to him what constitutes the highest end of the Veda for the Vedantist is only a means to WORKS. 03 Jaimini, III, 1, 3 and Sabarastramin thereon. See R. Garbe on Mimarned in Hast. Cycl., Vol VIII, where H. Jacobi is referred to on the question of dates. See my paper on Jaimini and Badardyana, I. A., 1921, pp. 167-74. # Barth, op. cit., 84, 5. 66 Sne Sankara on the word ATHA in Ved. Sat. I, 1, 1.

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August, 1921) THE MIMAMSA DOCTRINE OF WORKS 245 The metaphysical texts are secondary, calculated only to tell a man that there is a soul apart from the body and another existence after death, in order that he might look about himself and prepare for it by WORKS while there is yet time. In fact, the Mimamsa, in so far as it can be said to be a philosophy, is a philosophy of ACTION. This is distinctly recognised by Sankara, who spends as much powder and shot in fighting out the notion that the Vedas tell a man to be up and doing87 As Sabara does to combat the view that the deities have form. Jaimini is an unflinching exponent of Amndyasya kriyarthattva (the actional end of Vedas, so to say)-a notion which Sankara starts by refuting at the very outset. Again, Jaimini simply does not recognise the highest end of Vedantic endeavour, viz., Mokeha. It does not exist for him. In truth, it is very doubtful what he would have said if the whole of the Vedantic position as Sankara expounds it-and Jaimini comes in for a good deal of adverse criticism at Saukara's hands-were placed before him. As it is, he has nothing to say on it directly. But we may certainly infer with Badarayana 68 that he would decline to consider that the knowledge of self led to any separate fruit, as the whole of it was for him only a means to an end, that end being the attainment of Svarga by WORKS. The result of Jaimini's position is that the highest thought of the Upanishads has to be treated as a handmaid of ritualism-a position intrinsically very hard to maintain. On the other hand, the Vedantist has simply to ignore the bulk of the Vedas that consists of chants and rituals, or somehow attempt a weak reconciliation between the two portions of the Veda, as for instance, by saying that the performance of WORKS produces a Right frame of Mind (chittasuddhi), and thus indirectly contributes to induce a desire for the knowledge of Brahma. In one place, Vachaspati Misra has attempted to prove & more direct connection between Ritualism and Soul-Knowledge89, and the performance cannot be held convincing. The point is that both the systems have agreed to accept the entire Veda as Revealed Scripture. But historically the Veda embodies different strata of religious thought and practice coming down from different ages. As is generally held at present, the Ritualistic portions of the Veda are anterior to the metaphysical Upanishads in their date of composi. tion. The result is the Ritualist has been forced to subordinate the later religion of knowledge, while the Vedantist has to subordinate the earlier religion of Ritualism. The Mimamsigt has been described as tradition-incarnate. He does really embody in his system a more ancient phase of India's religion than the Vedanta. The splendid, elaborate and costly Ritualism of the more antique period was tertainly developed at a time when the inaterial conditions of human existence were such that religion could be made costly. This is the element of truth that underlies the brilliant suggestion of Mr. A. K. Coomaragwamy that the pessimistio vein in the philosophical thought of India is the result neither of climate nor of disgust with life born of a morbid mentality, but the result of drinking life to the leesto. If there is any truth in what has been said so far, the Mimasa system may be said to em body the philosophy of a fairly Prosperous and somewhat material. istic age. But the spirit with which these people went to do their religious duties-gods or no gods-8 a spirit that is remarkable in many ways. And the Ritualist, down to our own days in India, has held a place worthy of honour and of respect. ! Says Barthi_"No sectarian movement has on the whole produced anything of such solidity as the old Smritis, anything so independent and so purely intellectual as certain philosophical Satras. The 07 Soa his elaborate and close discussion on J, 1, 4 of the Vedanta Sutra. 68 Ibid., III, 6, 2. 60 Bhaimati on III, 2, 40. 70 80e his Buddha and the Gospel of Buddhism. 71 Religions of India, pa 99.

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246 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY ( AUGUST, 1921 Vaidika, who knows by heart and teaches to his disciples one or several Vedas, which he still understands at least in part, is superior to the sectarian Guru, with his unintelligible Mantras, his amulets, and his diagrams; the Yajnika, who possesses the complex science of ancient sacrifice, must be ranked above the illiterate attendant of a temple and an idol; and the Agnihotrin, who, while diligent in his own business, keeps up his sacred fires, and with his wife and children, conforms to the prescriptions of his hereditary ritual, is a more serviceable and moral being than the Fakir and even the Buddhist monk." BOOK-NOTICES. EPIGRAPHIA BIRMANICA, vol. I, Pt. Il. Monat proving that he belongerl to the recognised Inscriptions, Rangoon, 1920. dynasty. It is the familiar story of Alleged illegi. The second issue of Epigraphia Birmanica is timate clesoont attaching to a recognised acion As valuable as the first, which dealt with A quadri. of a royal line. Mr. Blagden gives the outline of lingual inscription, including version in the the logend As retailed to him by Professor Duroi. selie, and says, "It would be worth publishing in Pyu Language. What that issue did for Pyu, full in another place." this one does for Mon, or Talaing as it is more I cordially agree, for the renson that in the versions theroof in the accounts familiarly known. given to me of the legends of the Thirty Seven The author is obviously Mr. C. Otto Blagden, Nats (ante, vol. XXIX, pp. 117 ft.), the story is and how much he has advanced the knowledge told of other kings of the period connected with of these tongues can perhaps be only appreciated! the cycle of legends that have gathered round the by those who, like myself, have seen the rise of revered name of Anawrahta (or Anawrahtazaw, it, As it were from the beginning, nearly half a cen. 88 he is quite as often called). tury ago. Of Pyu thers was no knowledge in those days, and Haswell's Peguan Vocabulary was "just If the Epigraphia Birmanica continues as well out" in 1874, when I endeavoured, in a now for as it has begun, it will be as important A Jourgotten pamphlet, to assintilate it to the Jonesian nal of Oriental Research as any of its con(afterwards familiar as the Hunterian) system of transliteration. Twenty years later, in 1893, when R. C. TEMPLE. concocting an article on the Antiquities in Rampinadosa (ante, vol. XXII, pp. 327 ff.) I well ANNALS AND ANTIQUITIES OF RAJASTHAN, by recollect the difficulty of getting any European or Lt. Col. JAMES TOD. Edited with an IntroducTalaing in Rangoon or Pegu to read and translate tion and Notes, by William Crocke, C. I. E, Mon Inscription. Nowadays, thanks to Mr. Oxford University Press, 1920.1 Blagden's efforts, students have no longer to face This is a reprint of Tod's famous Rajasthan, the old difficulties. now nearly 100 years old, brought up to date Mr. Blagden sticks to his system of translitera through an Introduction and Notes by a thoroughly tion, letter for letter, though of course he is well competent student of Things Indian." Aware that Mon orthography, like Burmese and Tod had opportunities of studying his proteges, English, constitutes, to use his own expression, the Rajputs, denied for many reasons to his suc"an elaborate tangle of conventions." The tangle cessors in office, of which he had a natural aptiis greater than in Burmere or English, and is not tude for taking full advantage ; and though his improved by transference from the native to Roman official career was not a success, his bent of mind, lottere. his wide reading and devotion to the study of the Historically, the Inscriptions now published are people he so loved in their every aspect, enabled of great value in fixing the date of the accession him to produce, to use bis editor's words, "the of the important king Kyansittha in 1084-1085 most comprehensive monograph ever compiled A.D. His reign of 28 years has been usually taken by British officer describing one of the leading as ending in that year. The significance of the peoples of India." rectification to general Burmese history will thus at once be seen. Like the other outstanding rulers Tod wrote his great quarto a century ago and of that time, Anarwatha and Alaungaithu, kyan- put into it all the oriental learning of his day, eittha is the hero of much legend, chiefly aimed perforoo consisting largely of speculation, which 1 Reprinted from Man, 1921

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AUGUST, 1921) BOOK-NOTICES 247 100 years of investigation, ever increasing in accu- racy and method, has shown to be mostly ertone. ous. It had its value, however, in setting genera - tions of patient scholars and searchers after truth on to lines of study, which have produced much knowledge that must be for ever sound. Ana although one knows now that a great deal of what Tod thought and read is wholly inadmissible us the truth, one cannot help being struok by the extent of the learning of his time. The serious writers and thinkers that were his contemporaries were much more often on the right track then is perhaps nowadays acknowledged, and though they could but grope where we can now 800-as we in our turn may be in the eyes of our successors really groping where we think we see-their method was at bottom truly anthropological i.e. they tried to find the springs of action of the Indian people in their history and ethnology as well as in the society they observed about them. When, how. ever, as in the case of Tod, they presented the narrative of their observations, and the speculations based thereon, in an attractive literary form, they produced a danger to succeeding students. Tod evidently know so much at first hand; he road everything bearing on his subject that he could come across, and he wrote it all down with such honesty of purpose and in so entertaining a style that he produced a classic : and classios are apt to be dangerous things, if accepted as gospel and not read with the discre- tion that subsequent study should induce in the rander. For this reason it is high time that such A guide to the truth, as we now understand it, should be produced by one so competent to provide it as Mr. Crooke. While thus discounting Tod's trustworthiness in many respects, one cannot but be struck by the perspioncity that induced him to advocate the alien" Scythic " origin of many Rajput tribes, though the evidence in his day was so scanty that his advocacy could not be shown to be more than speculative. To take another instance of true historical insight. He is describing the influence of women on Rajput Society, and in a series of historioal and traditional instances of its effect on the history of Hindu India he asks: "What subjected the Hindu to the dominion of the Islamite ?" And Answers "The rape of the prin cess of Kanauj." When composing a rebu me of Indian History only a few years ago, the present writer, with the fruits of infinitely more research At hand then was available to Tod, made this very event a turning point in Indian History, remarking that "in 1175 Jayachandra (Jai Chand) Gabarwar of Kanaujheld a swayamvara (the public choice of & husband) for his daughter at Kanauj. and Prithviraj Chauhan (Rai Pithora) of Delhi and Ajmer, his cousin, took the opportunity to carry her off. The feud thus generated between the two great Rajput Rulers of the (then) Hindu frontiers enabled Muhammad Ghori, who had overthrown the Muhammadan dynasty established by Mahmud of Ghazni in the Punjab, to found in 1193 the Sultanate of Delhi and Northern India, which led eventually to the Mughal Empire." One more instance in addition to the above must suffice to make clear the point now raised. In Vol. II p. 693 of the reprint. Tod has a philologica note, in itself wrong, but containing a prescient remark, which induces one to wonder if he had an inkling, in spite of the general belief of his time, that Sanskrit was not an original language, but merely one of a group arising out of some older common tongue. His statement concerning a certain etymology, untraced to its source in his day, is that it " may be from the same primeval language that formed the Sanskrit." On the whole, the attitnde which it is safe to adopt towards Tod and his work cannot be better expressed than in his Editor's own words. "Even in those points which are most opon to criticism, the Annals possesses importance because it repre. sents a phase in the study of Indian religions ethnology, and sociology. No one can examine it without increasing pleasure and admiration for & writer who, immersed in arduous official work, was able to indulge his taste for research. His was the first real attempt to investigate the beliefs of the peasantry as contrasted with the official Brahmanism, a study which in recent years has revolut onized the current conceptions of Hinduism. Even if his versions of the inscriptiong which he collected fail to satisfy the requirements of more recent scholars, he deserves credit for rescuing from neglect and almost certain destruction epigraphical material for the use of his successors. The same may be said of the drawings of build ings, some of which have fallen into decay or have been mutilated by their careless guardians. When he deals with facts which came under his personal observation, his accounts of beliefs, folklore, social life, customs, and manners possess per. manent value." It remains to say that Mr. Crooke has carried out his plan of editing admirably : that is, he has given the text as it stands, errors and all; only adapting the spelling of place and personal names and of vernacular words to that generally adopted by scholars of the day dealing with India- a great saving of labour in reading

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248 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (AUGUST, 1921 the book--and adding the briefest of notes to set easy to detect a mistake in a text. It is always straight the many serious errors in Tod's lucubra- difficult to be quite sure that one has put it tions as revealed by research subsequent to his straight, correctly, sufficiently, and intelligently in time. The present writer is in a position to a footnote, and Mr. Crooke is to be congratulated, appreciate the enormous labour and research on the results of his efforts in this direction. required to compile suoh notes. It is only too R. C. TEMPLE. NOTES AND QUERIES. SLAVERY FOR DEBT. . 3. [The following table gives the current value The following paragraph foreshadows the immi- in 1919 of well known weights and measures in nent death, under British rule, of A very widely. Trengganu] spread and ancient custom in Indo-China. It 1 dollar = 28. 4d is culled froin the Annual Report (1919) of the 1 pikul = 133} lbs. (17 pikulszapprox. British Adviser to the State of Trengganu, the imately, 1 ton). latest acy uisition in the Malay Peninsula. 1 tahil = 1} oz., Av. "The registration of debt-slaves was completed i kati = 14 lbs. during the year, and the institution--except for 1 gantang = 6 katis. the registered slaves, whose debts are being steadily chupak = 1 gantang. leasened by monthly reductions--is now abolished 9 leng = I chupak." by law." R. C. TEMPLE. R. C. TEMPLE. TIN CURRENCY IN THE MALAY STATES. NOTES FROM OLD FACTORY RECORDS. The following extracts from the Annual Report 21. The Company's premises at Peddapalle. of the British Adviser for the State of Trengganu, 3 September 1682. Leller from Samuel Wales Malay Peninsula, for 1919 will be of interest to those and Council at Petlipolles [ Peddapalle ) to William who have followed my article on this subject, Gyfford and Council at Fort St. George. . . . ante, Vol. XLII, pp. 85 ff. They show that under Upon Tuesday the 29th past at night wee arrived given circumstances, a tin or lead-tin currency is bere and went Immediately to view the honble. natural to some of the Malay States even under Companys Factory, which wee found in soe British Rulc. miserable a Condition that there is noe thoughts 1. "The condition of Trengganu weights and or possibility of repairing it, the upper Chamber measures has for several years been a serious scan being fallen into the Godowne and the walls of the dal; it is doubtful if a single true steel-yard (daching), two Roomes below mouldred away, and the Rooffe or gallon, quart, or pint measure (gantang, chupak, fallen off and all the timbers Consumed and rotten Lany), could have been found in the whole State. And the floore broken upp. Soe there being noe The matter was dealt with soon after the amenit- habitation for us, we were forced to accept of a ment of the Treaty; it was found that the quart Choultry [rest-house) with a hovell at each end and pint standards corresponded to the Singa- provided by the Governour for us and the honble. pore scale, but that the gallon was smaller hy ! | Companys goods which is neither Con Companys goods which is neither Convenient for kati (5) kaetis as compared with 6 katis in the the one nor the other in respect the floore is Mudd, Straits Settlements). Extreame damp and swarms with Ground (White! "After some discussion it was decided to adopt Ants Soe as there is noe preservation for the the Singapore Standards and to purchase a supply Europe Cloth nor Callicoes (when brought in) nor is of new niet al measures from Singapore. Tho there any Convenient place for Sorting or any thing Chief Police Officer, Singapore, very kindly arrang Elce, Wee our Selves being forc't to lye in the Open ed for and superintended their manufacture. Aire in Pallan keenral ever since wee Came hither. They have now been brought into use, and the Wee have Sent into the Towne to Enquire for use of buckets, cocoanut shells, and cigarette tins, Godownes (warehouses and find there is none of that formerly served the purpose of measures, Fit dementions for our purpose; and for a small is now prohibited." Mudd hole which they Call a Godowne of 10 foote 2. "Great distress was caused during the year square they aske & pagoda and a halfe [about by the shortage of subsidiary coin. Some $ 10,000 Rs.53] per month rent. Wherfore wee entreat your worth of copper coin supplied by the Treasurer, Worship &ca. to take it into your Consideration Straits Settlements, disappeared immediately from to find out some expedient for a remedy of these circulation, in spite of penalties for hoarding. inconveniences; otherwise wee shall not be able to Even the local tin coins (pritis) began to disappear. Berve the honble. Company as our Inclinations At the time of writing [May 1920) Government lead us for our healths will be impared and their is preparing to mint further supplies; they are goods damnified. . (Records of Fort St. made of a mixed lead-tin alloy (60 per cent. : 40 George, Letters to Fort St. George, 1682, vol. II, per cent.)." P. 84). R. C. TEMPLE

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SEPTEMBER, 1921] FOLK-TALES OF THE CAR NICOBARESE FOLK-TALES OF THE CAR NICOBARESE. COLLECTED BY THE REV. G. WHITEHEAD. (Continued from p. 240.) X.-A VOYAGE TO THE MOON. 249 There was once a widow who had four children. Three of them were grown up to be quite big girls, but the youngest was a baby; its name was To-mi-rook. The names of the others were To-kon ("Industrious"), the eldest; To-pet-ngen ("One who minds one's own business"), the second; and Va-mi-ro ("Story-teller"), the third-all girls. Now they had a small garden at some distance from the house; and one day the children were sent by their mother to go and weed it. She herself could not go with them, as there was no one else to mind the baby. Early in the morning "Industrious" and her two sisters set out for the garden, and when they got there, at once set about to begin the weeding. But soon the sun got up and it began to get hot, and "Story-teller" got tired and went into the shade to rest. Then she began to sing and to climb up on the boughs of trees (someof which had been chopped down and were lying full length on the ground). There she played and amused herself by swinging and did no more work for the rest of the day... This was the mother's favourite. The two elder girls kept hard at their work out in the sun, and got very much sun-burnt. "Va-me-ro, please do come and help us, so that we may get the weeding finished," said To-ken to her. But the request was in vain, for Va-me-ro simply would not do any work. Then said To-pet-ngen ("One who minded her own business"): "We will tell mother about you when we get home, so that you will get a whipping." But Va-mi-ro would not budge and did not say anything in reply. When it got well on in the afternoon, Va-mi-ro began to sprinkle rubbish on her head, and then went home before the others, and said to her mother, "I have been the only one to do any work to-day; those other two did nothing but play the whole time. I left them now in the garden, still in the midst of their games." The mother got extremely angered against the others when she heard "Story-teller's" account of them, and she said, "Wait till they come and I will teach them a lesson. You have your dinner now, for you are tired. You will find it on the shelf." Then, after a while, the two elder girls came home, and they felt disappointed that there was not a word of welcome for them on their arrival. They merely had some food given to them, which they ate. Then, after they had finished their dinner, their mother asked them if the food they had had, had been nice, and they replied that it had been good. "I gave you food to eat which I had befouled (cum excremento infantis, fratris vestri); for you two have been lazy to-day; indeed, your never mind anything but play and amusement." They did not say anything in reply, for they knew that she was repeating one of Va-miro's fabrications, which she believed. Then the two elder girls talked over matters together, and determined to run away from home. They got their few things together and put their little box on their shoulders; and off they went. They were anxious to go up to the moon, for they felt that their mother would find them out if they remained anywhere on the island.

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250 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ SEPTEMBER, 1921 Now there was hanging down a creeper called to-a-nqu-o, 26 and they tried to ascend to the skies by it ; but it began to break. Come, let us try to ascend by the cobweb." said " Industrious." "Shall we not fare still worse, if as soon as we tread on it, it should snap," said opet-ngen. "In any case let us try," the other one replied. So To-ken ("Industrious ") went up first, and then her sister followed her : and thecobweb did not break. When they had already got a good distance up, they suddenly remembered that they had forgotten their little basket (made of ra-foh, the spathe of the betel nut); and To-ken sent her younger sister to fetch it. However, she ran across her mother in the house, and was at once stopped. The mother then told Va-mi-ro to keep watch over To-pet-ngen, whilst she herself went in search of Token. She found her on the cobweb, not far from the ground, for she was waiting for To-pet ngen, and had come down some distance to meet her. The mother caught hold of To-ken by the foot, and tugged at it, but she held on fast to the cobweb, and by dint of vigorous kicking, she managed to get free from her mother's grip. To-ken's ankle was twisted out of its socket by reason of her mother tugging so at it; and she only accomplished the ascent to the moon by dint of painful perseverance. But she thought no more of the pain, for she had got up to the face of the moon and was now far away from her insulting and unjust mother. There she lay down on the surface of the moon and slept, having her box for her pillow. Her ankle remained out of joint, and To-pet-ngen much missed her, for she was still in the clutches of their insulting mother. XI.- CURSES LIKE HENS, COME HOME TO ROOST." (More literally, "The Arrow ricochets and strikes the Archer.") Once upon a time, long long ago, the people of Chowra came to this island with a canoe for sale, which was purchased by the people of Nok-tol-tui.27 In exchange for the boat, the people of Chowra got a great quantity of goods-spoons, silver-wire, axes, and dahe (choppers).28 But they cheated the people of Chowra by shaping pieces of wood to look like dahs, and then daubing them over with soot. The Chowra people did not in the least perceive how they were being deceived ; and they took their things and went home. There, at last, they discovered how they had been befooled; perhaps it was through accidentally finding out how very light the dahs were. Now the people of Chowra are wondrous magicians. So they made a ball of pandanus (or bread-fruit) paste, and a small canoe to contain it. Then they sent off this toy canoe with the pandanus paste a board it, and it went straight to the village of those people who had deceived them; and it was cast up on the beach there. 20 T8-8-ngu-o, s.e., "bitter," from its taste. A former village on the south coast of Car Nicobar. 23 [See my Beginning of Currency, ante, vol. XXIX, pp. 32-33, for the value of a racing canoe in nute and other articles at Car Nicobar in 1896. The interest in the Nicobarese practice of exchange between islande lies in the fact that a racing camoe is first valued in a large number of COCOAnuts, but the payment is actually made in a number of articles each separately valued in cocoanuts, the sum of which amounts to the value of the canoe in coconuts. In modern European international trade the same idea is exactly represented by the difference in exchange between two countries.-R.C.T.)

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SEPTEMBER, 1921) FOLK-TALES OF THE CAR NICOBARESE 251 A person found it and took it away with him, and all the people of the village, every one, ate some of the paste. There was just one little child that did not eat any ; perhaps he was asleep when all the others were eating the pandanus. The child was quite small and not old enough to understand things. Now early next morning a man was going out from an adjoining village to spear fish, and he saw that child playing all alone on the beach. He thought to himself, "That child is the only one to get up early here this morning," and did not trouble himself any more about the matter. When he was returning from spearing fish, on his way home, he again saw the child, still playing alone.So he went up into a house, and lit his cigarette; and on looking round saw every one stretched out stiff and still. The little child came up the ladder too, and began to suck at his mother's breast, not knowing that she was dead; but the man who had been fishing realised that all the people were dead. So he picked up the child and went off with him to his own village, "Ot-ra-hoon" (or Kemnyus), and hunted around for some people to come and help him to bury those who had thus died all together. It was as when the bolt that has been shot strikes against a tree, and ricochets, and hits the archer who shot it. We are sure to have falling on our own heads the consequences of our actions ; if they do not come at once, they will find us out in the future. XII.-THE TWO WOMEN WHO WERE MAKING TRIPE, Long long ago two women were once making tripe on some rocks which jutted out a good way into the sea, and were bare at low water, whilst below them lay the deep sea. One of the women accidentally let their knife drop into the water, and it was immediately swallowed by a fish. That fish, which was called a ka-ha-ko, had an enormous mouth; it is never seen in these days. Quick! jump down, and dive after our knife," said the other woman to her companion. So she dived down after it ; and she too went straight down into the belly of that big fish, just as their pocket-knife had done. The other woman waited for her companion for a long time, idly playing with a pebble in her hand ; and then she said to herself, "Why is she all this time ?" Splash I she too had dived down into the water for the knife; and she too went straight into the belly of that big fish. . The big fish then swam away and went right out into the middle of the ocean. Now, some considerable time after they had gone down into the belly of the fish, one of the women said, "We are getting hungry." "Why not cut off some meat for yourselves from my liver ?" said the fish to them. They took the fish at his word and helped themselves to a considerable quantity of his liver. "Oh! Oh!" said the fish, "Are not you two going beyond all bounds in doing this ?" But the women replied, "Oh ! no ! no !" When they had gone a long distance further and it was now another day again, they began to get hungry; and again the fish said to them: "Help yourselves again to some more of my liver;" and they did so. "Oh ! is not this going too far ?" said the fish again ; and again the women cried, "No! no!"

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252 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ SEPTEMBER, 1921 They only helped themselves twice to the liver of the fish, for the fish vomited them up and spat them out on a great rock in the midst of the ocean. The fish then swam away. After a considerable time, the two women spied a shark coming towards the rock; and they were afraid when they saw him come. "Don't you be afraid, you two," said the shark, "for I have been backwards and forwards looking for you in the midst of the ocean for many a long day. "Come! get up on my back, and I will carry you away." The women got up on the back of the shark, but they could not keep a firm geat and were continually gliding off; for the fish's back was slippery. So the shark told them to rub his back So they rubbed his back, and after that they got up on his back again, and found they had a steady seat. They were carried away by the shark and landed at the very place where they had been making tripe. They went home, and the fish returned to its own place. XIII.-THE MAN WHO BECAME A PYTHON. Long long ago, there were once some people who had gone away to their gardens in the jungle, to get the requisite fruit and vegetables for the annual kunset-ro festival.29 The men were on their way back from the jungle "hinterland," when they stopped to cut some nuts for themselves to drink, 30 for they were thirsty. As usual, one man climbed a palm-tree to cut the nuts for the party; and they soon all had as many as they wanted. His friends drank the nuts, and then got tired of waiting for him, for he remained a very long time up in the tree. So they called out to him: "Come down at once, we want to be going." But the man who had cut down the nuts for them replied, "You go home now; but I am not going to the village until the day after tomorrow." Then the man cut open the spathe of a cocoanut flower and ate the flower, for he wanted to have plenty of fat around his intestines. 31 Somehow or other, by swallowing the cocoanut flower, he managed to increase the fat round his intestines, and so became a python. On the next day but one he came to the village, just when the women were in the midst getting out the fibrous matter from the pandanus (or bread-fruit) paste, and he sported indelicately with the women with his tail. The women were all terrified, thinking it was a "devil" (or evil-spirit), and jumped down from the house where they were and went straight down the throat of the python. >> About the beginning of the rains the whole village joins in this quasi-Harvest Festival, or Feast of Pomona, as an acknowledgment of favours received from the unseen powers. The following day they must rost, and above all things, not go far from their houses. % The water in Car Nicobar is too brackish for drinking purposes and the drink of the island is cocoanut milk which is always available. The people are all therefore experts from childhood in climbing . Coconut tree without undue fatigue.-R.C.T.) 1 The saliva with which the python covers its victim, is supposed to bo fat from around its intestine.

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SEPTEMBER, 1921] ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OF SHIVAJI 253 Now, some of the women had big kitchen knives in their hands; and with these they cut for themselves a way out of the belly of the python, and thus escaped. A number of bystanders, too, cried out and made a loud noise, for the people were still there, not having finished the grating of the food for the kun deu-ro festival. The python then went off into the jungle. The only occupation of that python now-a-days is to swallow the sun and moon occasionally, which is the cause of the eclipses ; for having proved himself able to swallow human beings, he sometimes goes in for attempting to swallow the sun and the moon. (To be continued.) ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OF SHIVAJI. BY SURENDRANATH SEN, M.A. (Continued from p. 226. ) If Fryer's account is borne out by facts, the state of the country was terrible indeed. But Fryer had made only a short trip through Shivaji's dominions Fryer examined. and his stay there was by no means long. It does not appear probable that his account was based on personal experience of first band knowledge of any other kind. Shivaji is still adored as an ideal king, and people referred to his institutions with admiration in days of anarchy and misrule. Traditions may be exaggerated but they are never baseless. Traditions attribute all sorts of good institutions to such good rulers as Alfred and Elizabeth, but legends have not hitherto paid any tribute to the memory of such bad kings as John or James II. It is a very important point that the memory of Shivaji is still cherished by the people of Maharashtra as that of a great and good king. If he had really tortured his Brahmin officers with red hot pincers and they in their turn had dealt out similar treatment to the Desais, Shivaji would not have been revered as an incarnation of Shri Shambhu Mahadev. We have already seen how the great Maratha had striven to liberate the poor peasant from the tyranny of the Deshmukhs and the Deshpandes; it therefore seems improbable that he should have allowed his officers to force lands on the Desais at an exorbitant rate, Far from molesting Brahmans, Shivaji never offered any insult to holy men and holy place of his Muhammadan enemies. Although many temples and idols were defiled and desecrated by the Muhammadan bigote, Shivaji never failed to send any copy of the Koran, he might come in possession of, to some of his Muhammadan officers. Even Khafi Khan, an inveterate enemy of the Maratha hero, paid him an unwilling compliment on that account. 90 Dellon. & French Doctor, who visited the western coast about the same time as Fryer, remarks that, "His (Shivaji's) subjects are pagans, like himself. But he tolerates all religions and is looked upon as one of the most politic princes in those parts."91 Shivaji styled himself as Go Brahman Pratipalak, the protector of Brahmins and cows, and could hardly with any consistency to his professed ambition have overlooked the conduct of his officers, if they really tortured the Brahmans. Fryer's story therefore seems to be baseless. Corruption certainly existed and instances of tyranny and misrule doubtless oocurred. Shivaji in the midst of those wars of conquest and defence could hardly get any time for improving # Elliot and Dowson, Vol. VII, p. 260. 1 Dellon, pp. 56-57.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY SEPTEMBER, 1921 his government. But Fryer seems to have dipped his brush in the black colour too frequently while painting a picture of Shivaji's country. Grant Duff 91 says-The Muhammadan writers, and one contemporary English traveller, describe his country in the worst possible state; and the former only mention him as a depredator and destroyer; but those districts taken by him from Bejapoor which had been under the management of farmers and direct agents of government, probably experienced great benefit by the change. 254 Besides land-revenue and customs-duties, a small income was derived from mints. The Peshwas did not permit free coining but the goldsmiths usually obtained license for mints under certain restrictions. This must have been the practice in the pre-Peshwa period also. Shivaji never tried to control the currency and plainly told the English Ambassador, that he "forbids not the passing of any manner of coins, nor on the other side can he force his subjects to be losers; but if their coin be as fine an alloy and as weighty as the Moghul's and other princes he will not prohibit."93 The result was that all sorts of foreign coins were current in Shivaji's kingdom and even in his own treasury could be found few or no coins of the Raiagad Mint. Sabhasad says, that Shivaji had no less than 400,000 of Shivarai Hons at the time of his death, but these Shivarai Hons were in all probability of Bijayanagar origin, for only 2 or 3 Shivaji Hons have yet been discovered. Sabhasad enumerates no less than 32 different kinds of gold coins and 6 different kinds of silver coins while giving an account of Shivaji's treasures. These were : GOLD COIN Licensed Mints. 1. Gambar. 2. Mohar. 3. Putli. 4. Padshahi Hon. 5. Satlamis or Satramis. 6. Ibhrami. 7. Shivarai Hon. 8. Kaveripak. 9. Sangari Hon. 10. Achyutrai Hon. 11. Devrai Hon. 12. Ramchandrarai Hon. 13. Guti Hon. Dharwari Hon. 14. 15. Falam (Fanem). 16. Pralkhati Hon. 1. Rupees. 2. Asrafis. 3. Abashis. 83 Fryer. 17. Pav Naiki Hon. 18. Advani Hon. 19. Jadmal Hon. 20. Tadpatri Hon. 21. Afraji Hon. 22. Tribaluri Hon. 23. Trisuli Hon. 24. Chandavari (Tanjori) Hon. 25. Bildhari Hon. 26. Ulaphkari Hon. 27. 28. 20. Mahamad Shai Hon. Veluri Hon. Katerai Hon. Devajvali Hon. 30. 31. Ramnathpuri Hon. 32. Kungoti Hon. SILVER COINS 4. Dabholi Kabri. 5. Chonli Kabri. 6. Bassora Kabri. 92 Grant Duff, Vol. I, p. 188. Sabhasad, p. 96.

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SEPTEMBER, 1921] ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OF SHIVAJI 256 Some of these coins were of non-Indian origin. Ibhrami, for instance, came from distance Irak.95 Shivaji had his mint at Raiagad. But bis first coins were not probably issued before 1774. A large number of copper coins were issued, and no less than Shivaji's Mint. 25,000 of these were collected and examined by the Rev. Mr. Abbott.96 But very few gold and silver coins of Shivaji are known to-day, probably because they were never struck in any large number. Shivaji had no good mechanic for working the mint. The irregular shape of the coins and the mis-shapen alphabets of the legends show the crude method in Crude Method. which they were manufactured. The writer of the Bombay Gazetteer (Nasik volume)o gives the following account of the working of the Chandor mint, closed in 1830--"A certain quantity of silver of the required test was handed over to each man who divided it into small pieces, rounded and weighed them, greater care being taken that the weights should be accurate than that size should be uniform for this purpose. Scales and weights were given to each of the 400 workmen, and the manager examined them every week. When the workmen were satisfied with the weight of the piece, they were forwarded to the manager who sent them to be stamped. In stamping the rupee an instrument like anvil was used. It had a hole in the middle with letters inscribed on it by a workman called batekari, and a third man gave a blow with a six pound hammer. Three men were able to strike 2,000 pieces an hour, or 20,000 in a working day of ten hours. As the seal was a little larger than the piece, all letters were seldom inscribed." The Chandor mint was opened long after Shivaji's demise. But that the description holds good with respect to Shivaji's mint also, can be proved by a simple inspection of Shivrai coins. The small Shivrai Hon in the museum of the Bharat Itihas Sanshodhak Mandal, for example, acks the compound letter "Tra" ( ) in the word Chhtrapati, evidently because the little circular piece had originally been hammered on a seal of much larger size. The goldsmiths in charge of the mint could evidently boast of very little learning. In the copper coins only we find no less than eight different spellings Variation in spelling of the word Shri Raja Shiva Chhtrapati. of Shivaji's name. The Rev. Mr. Abbott gives the following eight variations in the spelling of this word on Shivarai pice :1. ob. zrI rAjAziva R. Sa zrI rAjAdhiva , aSapatI zrI rAjAcIva 57970 4. ob. zrI rAjAcIva R. 579at zrI rAmAsiva chatrapati 6. , zrI rAjAsiva , svet zrI rAjAsIya , TOP zrI rAmAsIva , patI 96 Fryer p. 210. * Bombay Maseltsr, Nasik Vol. p. 429. J. B. Br. 4. 8., XX, p. 109. - ai wie ons

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256 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [ SEPTEMBER, 1921 The small Shivarai Hon of the Bharat Itihas Sanshodhak Mandal's museum has on the obverse the figures of Shiva and Bhavani seated side by side, and on the reverse the name of Shivaji inscribed in the following manner : sIva (Modi) 15 () Chouth and Through the kindness of Mr. D. V. Potdar, the joint secretary of the Bharat Itihas Sanshodak Mandal, I obtained an opportunity of examining this really rare coin, which has already been described by Mr. Bhave in the fifth Sammelan Vritta of the Mandal." But neither the land revenue nor the custom duties and the income from the mints added so much to the treasury of Shivaji as the Chauth and the Sardeshmukhi. Sardeshmukhi and the spoils of war. Even in normal times he depended more on his army than on his civil officers for the necessary finances. It was on this account that he has been branded as a robber chief both by his contemporaries and by posterity. But the great Maratha king had no other alterna tive. He had to brave the enmity of the Mughals and the Sultan of Bijapur, not to count the pinpricks that he had to often bear from such minor powers as the Habsis of Janjira, the Portuguese of Goa, and the petty semi-independent chiefs, like the Koli Raja. He had to organise an army and defend his newly conquered territories; he had to build innumerable orts, fortify submerged rocks and difficult passes, he had to fit out a fleet, to stop the piracy and the depredations of the Siddi's navy; he had to buy arms and ammunition and he need ed money for these works. Nature was by no means so munificent to the Maratha. The valleys yielded but scanty return to the strenuous labour of the Mavali peasant. It would have been impossible for Shivaji to finance his army and navy from the limited resources of his native land alone, even if he had taxed all his ingenuity to enhance them. Consequently he had to make "war furnish the means of war." But the Chauth and the Sardeshmukhi were yuite different from spoils of war. They were more or less permanent demands. Sbivaji's claim to Sardesh - The nature of the Chouth and mukhi was based on a legal fiction. He claimed to be the hereditary Sardeshmukhi. ah. Sardeshmukh of his country and had put forth his claim early in his career. If his claim had been acknowledged, or if he had succeeded in obtaining a Farman in its support, there would have been no legal flaw whatever in his demand. This Imperial sanction however could not be obtained before Shahu's accession to his grandfether's throne, and in Shivaji's time at least the Sardeshmukhi was not recognised as his Watan. The Chauth was nothing but a tribute, exacted from the weak by the strong. The Raja of Bednur and the Chief of Sunda agreed to pay the Chauth in 1676, because they had no option in the matter. Shivaji had invaded their principalities with a strong army and any refusal would have been sternly punished. The Marathas obtained a legal right to levy Chouth, when the diplomacy of Balaji Vishvanath secured for Shahu an imperial recognition of that off-repeated claim. This legal sanction would have been of little avail, + Pancham Sammelan Vritta, p. 121.

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SEPTEMBER, 1921 ] ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OF SHIVAJI 257 if it had not been backed by the lance of the Maratha horseman. Nothing short of an expedition would make any chief or king, either Hindu or Muhammaden, admit Shivaji's claim to a quarter of his revenue, and nothing but a strong army could enforce its punctual payment. It was therefore nothing but a military contribution levied by a power without being in formal occupation of the country, and without observing the legal forms specified by modern International Law. That great Maratha scholar, the late Justice Ranade, however, does not admit that the Chauth was a military contribution only, without any moral or legal obligation on the part of the Maratha government to protect the country from the invasion of any other power or to restore peace and order in the country. He was of opinion, that the policy underlying the exaction of the Chauth was the same as that impelled Lord Wellesley to enforce a subsidiary alliance on his weaker neighbours. "The demand for chauth was subsequently added with the consent of the powers whose protection was undertaken against foreign aggression, on payment of fixed sums for the support of the troops, maintained for such service. This was the original idea as worked out by Shivaji, and it was this same idea which, in the Marquis of Wellesley's hands, bore such fruit a hundred and twenty five years later." This is Ranade's interpretation of the chauth policy." It is true that Shahu had, in return of the grant of the Chauth, bound himself to main tain & body of 15,000 horse in the Emperor's service, to be placed at the disposal of the Subaders, Faujders and officers in the different districts and to maintain peace and order. But neither Shahu nor the Peshwas ever cared to assist the Subadar of the Deccan, unless it served their own interest. Shivaji also, had often offered to serve the Delhi government but he had exacted the chauth at the point of his sword; the Emperor did not expect that Shivaji would ever look after the interests of the Delhi power and Shivaji also knew that no treaty would serve him better than his own strong arm. It cannot therefore be denied that the Maratha kings exacted chauth without undertaking the least responsibility for the country's welfare, and it should also be remembered that they never expected the Chauth, paying governments to give up their diplomatic liberty. Here lies the fundamental difference between the subsidiary system and the exaction of Chauth. The English company always held themselves responsible for the defence of their ally's realm, while they expected him to renounce all diplomatic relations with other powers. Moreover, the Marathas never maintained any extra regiment or battalion when they received the chauth from a prince, nor had the amount of tribute any relation to the possible expense that might be incurred in the defence of the Chauth-paying territories. I do not however hold that the Maratha statesmen had no idea of a subsidiary arrangement-such an arrangement was made with the Raja of Bundi by the Peshwas; but that was long after the demise of Shivaji. The Chauth was therefore nothing but a contribution exacted by a military leader. Are such exactione But are such exactions sanctioned by International Law ? The sanctioned by Inter ancient Romans, while extending their empire, had set no limit to their national Law 1 rapacity. Bellum alit bellum-war must pay for war-was their favourite maxim. But pillage has not ceased to be an inevitable characteristic of war with the disruption of the Roman Empire. Even in the 19th century, so late as 1865, General Sherman's campaign was characterised by the systematic pillage of the territories he marched through.100 Requisition, which is only a variation of contribution, is also sanctioned by the most modern laws of war and was practised, though unwillingly, hy no less & man than George Washington, 100 Shivaji also could plead as urgent a necessity as Washington. Both 9 Ranade, R. N. P., p. 225. 100 Bentwitch., p. 28.

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258 THE INDIAN AXTIQUARY SEPTEMBER, 1921 of them had been fighting for their country's liberation and both of them were surely in need of money. Washington requisitioned the property of his unwilling fellow-citizens and Shivaji levied contributions on the enemy's subjects. It served two ends at once. It not only weakened the enemy he was fighting, but at the same time added to his own resources. Shivaji's kingdom was a military state, if we are allowed to style it so. It was in a state of chronic warfare. Even for its finances, Shivaji lepended Conclusion. more on war than on the processes of peace. The wealth amassed in the ports of his enemies by their commercial enterprise flowed into Shivaji's treasury, as a reward of his military prowess. The result of this policy was the inevitable ruin of trade and commerce. Surat, the premier port of Western India, lost its trade for ever. But while plundering his enemies' lands, Shivaji took good care to protect his own country from a similar calamity. It was absolutely impossible that his attempts in this direction would be crowned with complete success. But he did all that was practicable. His statesmanship converted the hardy soldiers of Maharashtra into excellent civil administrators. Shivaji did not aspire to be a legislator ; indeed he had no leisure for such work. But he revived some of the best regulations of his predecessors, ard made slight improvements upon them. It does not seem possible that he was able to achieve much reform. We also do not know how far the spirit of these regulations was observed in their actual working by Shivaji's officers. The public opinion of that time did not condem'n bribery and corruption, and we are afraid, Shivaji's officers were not much better if not actually worse, than their successors of the Peshwa period. His country saw no peace till the overthrow of the Moghul power. Shivaji never had more than a couple of peaceful years at a time and even that not more than once in his life. It is futile to expect that commerce and agriculture could have prospered under these circumstances. But Shivaji's regulations were well suited to the needs of the country. The assessment was flexible and varied from year to year. Whatever might have been the annual yield, a considerable share was left to the peasants. In the years of scarcity they could expect relief from the State. Consequently they had good reasons to devote their attention to agricultural pursuits but it is quite probable that the prospects and honour of a military career had stronger charms for the hardy peasant of the Ghat ranges. CHAPTER IV. ARMY AND Navy. In his military organisation Shivaji aimed at efficiency. Vastly inferior to his enemies Efficiency aimed at. in numerical strength, he tried to compensate by quality, the lack base of quantity. He therefore tried to enforce strict discipline in his army and appealed not only to their military honour but also to the patriotism of his soldiers. His earliest adherents were the Mawlis, & race of hardy hill men, who came into prominence under Shivaji's leadership and have since then declined to their original obscurity. Shivaji depended mainly on these hill men and the hills. The hills constituted an excellent defence, while the hill men accompanied him in all his bold excursions and perilous raids. The ill clad and ill fed hill men of Mawal were trained into an excellent infantry by the great Maratha Captain, and he fortified the bare rocks and mountain passes to bar the enemy's progress through his country. At the time of his death, Shivaji possessed no less than two hundred and forty forts and strongholds, as in the Jabita Sw&rajya of Shah 101 we find that not a single Taluka or Pargana was left without a protecting fort. Scott Waring says that-"Before his death, he (Shivaji) had established his authority over an extent of country four hundred miles in length, and one hundred and 101 J. B. Br. A. S. P., XXII, pp. 36-42.

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SEPTEMBER, 1921) ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OF SHIVAJI 259 twenty in breadth. His forts extended over the vast range of mountains which skirt the western shore of India. Regular fortification barred the open approaches : every pass was commanded by forts; every steep and overhanging rock was occupied as a station to roll down great masses of stone, which made their way to the bottom, and impeded the labouring march of cavalry, elephants and carriages."102 Chitnis pointedly remarked that forts were the very life of the kingdom 103 and Lokhitvadi tells us that Shivaji was famous mainly for building forts. Shivaji's hill forts, impregnable by nature, did not require a strong garrison. Five hundred was the normal strength, but in some exceptional cases & Officers in charge of forts. stronger force was allowed. No single officer was ever placed in entire charge of the fort and its garrison. "In every fort," says Sabhasad, there should be a Havaldar, & Sabnis (and) a Sarnobat; (and) these three officers should be of the same status. These three should conjointly carry on the administration. There should be kept a store of grain and war material in the fort. An officer called Karkhananis should be appointed for this work. Under his supervision should be written all accounts of income and expenditure. Where the fort is an important one and where forts are of extensive circuit, there should be kept five to seven Tat Sarnobats. The charge of the ramparts should be divided among them. They should be careful about keeping vigilant watch. Of every ten men of the garrison to be stationed in the fort one should be made a Naik-nine privates and the tenth a Naik. Men of good families should in this manner be recruited. Of the forces, the musketeers, the spearsmen, the archers and the light-armed men should be appointed, after the Raja himself had carefully inspected each man individually, and selected the brave and shrewd. The garrison in the fort, the Havaldar and the Sarnobat should be Marathas of good family. They should be appointed after some one of the royal personal staff has agreed to stand surety (for them). A Brahman known to the king's personal staff should be appointed Sabnis and a Prabhu Karkhananis. In this manner each officer retained should be dissimilar (in caste) to the others. The fort is not to be left in the hands of the Havaldar alone. No single officer can surrender the fort to any rebel or miscreant. In this manner was the administration of the forts carefully carried out. A new system was introduced."104 The system was however by no means new in Southern India. The regulations of Muhammad Adil Shaha of Bijapur lay down clearly that the officers The system not new. *. in charge of a fort should be three in number, neither lees nor more. The Muhammadan ruler also says that these officers should be frequently transferred from one fort to another.106 We have seen in the preceding chapter that Shivaji also used to transfer the Mudra Dharis, or officers in charge of forts and strong-holds. very often. Shivaji had no prejudice against his Muhammadan predecessors and freely borrowed their ideas. He was moreover strongly influenced by the circumstances of the time, while framing these regulations. It would have been sheer imprudence to leave a fort entirely in charge of a single officer in those days of disloyalty and treachery, when gold succeeded where policy or prowess failed. Shivaji himself had frequently used the golden 103 Scott Waring, pp. 96-97. 103 Chitnis, p. 80, Far u n 479. 104 Sabhasad, pp. 27-28. 100 kiLAMva va koThAMta mukhya kAmagAra tIna asAve 2kizAra 2mAkaDIla kAmagAra va gupavAbanI. lihiNArA yA viSAhana bhAdhika kAmagAra ne nave kAhI divasAnaMtaramA kAmagArAMcA badalyA karItAmbA. -Itiha Sangraha Aitihanit Spheda Lekh, p. 27.

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260 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ SEPTEMBER, 1921 bait with success and it was but natural that he should take proper precaution against its repetition at his cost: It was also necessary that he should conciliate three principal castes by distributing the responsible posts under his Government equally among them. The Prabhus and the Brahmans, were jealous of one another, perhaps for social reasons, but the state of their feeling could not be overlooked even in administrative affairs. Shivaji himself had reason to fear Brabman opposition when he assumed the sacred thread prior to his coronation. The Marathas of his time also eminently deserved high commands in the army. The different sections of the great Brahman caste were not in amity 106 and Chitnis tells us that the Sabnises were recruited from all classes of Brahmans, viz. the Deshasthas, the Karhadas, the Kokanasthas and the Madh yandins. It may be incidentally mentioned here that the Kokanastha had not yet come to the forefront in Maratha politics, and most of Shivaji's principal Brahman officials belonged to the Deshastha section. The keen intelligence of the Shenvis had already espied a bright prospect in another quarter and they had in large numbers entered the Portuguese service. With their characteristic literary aptitude, they mastered European tongues before long, and acted as interpreters for European merchants of all nationalities. It is not clear whether persecution of them had begun 80 early. In any case, prudence demanded that Shivaji should recruit his officers from all the principal castes, and conciliate them all. The chief of the three officers was the Havaldar. He was to keep the keys with him. He The Havaldar. was to shut the fort gates and lock them up with his own hands every . evening. He was to draw the bolt and see whether the gates were properly secured. He was not to admit any one, whether friend or foe during the night. Early in the morning he was to come ard with his own hands open the principal gates. 107 Although he was to carry on other duties conjointly with his colleagues, the Havaldar was never allowed to relegate these to any one else. In fact, Shivaji tested the efficiency of his Havaldars mainly by their proper observance of the regulations regarding the gates. Chitnis gives an anecdote that will bear quotation here. 108 One night Shivaji went to Panhala and knocked at the gates of fort. His attendants shouted out to the Havaldar, that the Maharaj himself was seeking admission, hotly pursued by the enemy. The gates must be opened and the king taken in. The officer came and stood on the rampart with his colleagues. With due humility the Havaldar pointed out that the king's regulation did not permit the gates to be opened at that hour. He however offered to check the enemy till morning with the help of the guards of the outstation, while the Maharaja should wait near the gates. Then the king replied-the regulations are mine, and the order involving their violation is also mine. It is I who order you to open the gates. But the officer again submitted that he could not open the gates. Night was almost over. Till dawn the enemy would be kept off. Then Shivaji tried threats. "It is not proper," said he, "that a servant like you should not oboy my orders. I will make an example of you." But still the gates were not unlocked. Early in the morning the Havaldar unlocked and unbolted the gates and with clasped hands approached the king. "I have done wrong, your majesty should punish me according to my deserte" said the officer. But the king applauded his sense of duty and promoted him on the spot. The Chronicler of Shivadigvijaya informs us that those who failed this test wore degraded or dismissed. (To be continued.) 106 For the question of caste rivalry, see J. N. Sarkar, Shivaji. Thakre Gramanyache Itihas. Do. -Kodandacha Tantkar. Gupte -Rajwadachi Gagabhatli 107 Chitnis, p. 79. 108 Chitnis, p. 108.

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SEPTEMBER, 1021) HISTORY OF THE NIZAM SHAHI KINGS OF AHMADNAGAR 261 THE HISTORY OF THE NIZAM SHAHI KINGS OF AHMADNAGAR. BY LIEUT.-COLONEL T. W. HAIG, C.S.I., C.M.G., C.B.E. (Continued from p. 234.) LXXIX.-AN ACCOUNT OF THE CAUSES WHICH LED TO THE INVASION OF BERAR BY MURTAZA NIZAM SHAH, AND OF THE CAPTURE OF THE WRETCH, TUFIL KHAN, IN CONSEQUENCE OF HIS BREACH OF FAITH AND TREACHERY TO HIS MASTER. A.D. 1572. 'Ali Adil Shah was ever watching for an opportunity to break his engagements, and now that he heard that the army of Ahmadnagar was demoralized, he entered into an offensive alliance with Tufal Khan against Ahmadnagar and thus violated his treaty of peace with Murtaza Nizam Shah.189 When informers brought the news of the treaty between Ali Adil Shah and Tufal Khan to Changiz Khan, Changiz Khan, whose ability in negotiations was unrivalled, advised the king that an envoy should be sent to Tufal Khan to deter him from displaying hostility to Ahmadnagar, to advise him to submit to Murtaza Nizam Shah and to refrain from meeting 'Ali `Adil Shah or from entering into an alliance with him. In accordance with this advice, the king sent Maulana Sadr as an envoy to Tufal Khan to offer him the advice suggested, but as Tufal Khan had concluded a treaty with 'Ali `Adu Shah before the envoy's arrival, he would not see Maulana sadr, nor hear of friendship with Ahmad. nagar. It had been decreed by God that the country of Berar was to fall into the hands of the Sultan of Ahmadnagar, and that Malik 'Tufal Khan, who had been guilty of rebellion against his lord, should fall, and, his evil disposition having in these days been diverted from its usual course, he discontinued the friendly letter which had for years passed between the 'Imad Shahi kings and the Sultans of Ahmadnagar and opened a friendly correspondence with 'Ali Adil Shah of Bijapar and raised the standard of rebellion. The natural result of his conduct was his ruin and the ruin of his family and the loss of Berar and all its fortresses, which had formerly fallen into his hands. When Tufal Khan in his pride refused even to receive the envoy, Murtaza Nizam Shah consulted with Ohangiz Khan and his other officers of state as to the best means of dealing with the enemy. Both the king and his advisers agreed that the best course was to meet and crush 'Ali Adil Shah before he could join Tufal Khan; and the king marched with a large army towards Bijapur. The army marched with great celerity towards Bijapur and laid the whole of the enemy's country waste. Having so devastated the country that no sign of habitation remained, the army then turned towards Ausa and encamped at the village of Rui. 199 Firishta (ii. 263) gives a different account of the events which preceded the conquest of Berar by Murtard Nizam Shah. 'Al 'Adil Shah had apparently had an understanding with former ministers of the Ahmadnagar State, and especially with Shah Haidar, brother of ShAh Abd-l-Hasan and Jamal-ud-din Husain Inju, who had at one time been in the service of Bijapur. With Changiz Khan, the newly appointed prahvi, who had given ovidence, at the siege of Chaul, of his incorruptibility, he seems to have had no under. standing, and he feared his energy and honesty of purpose. He therefore opened negotiations with Ibra. him Qutb Shah with a view to arranging a meeting and entering into an alliance with him. Changiz Khan, in order to prevent this alliance, persuaded Murtaza Nisam ShAh to march towards Bijapur. 'Ali 'Adil ShAh marched to meet him but Changiz Khan averted hostilities and arranged a friendly meeting between the two kings, at which they entered into a treaty. Murtaza Nigam ShAh was to be free to annex both Berar and Bidar, while 'Alt 'Adil ShAh was to annex an equivalent from the remnants of the Vijayanagar kingdom. The two kinga then separated and Murtas& Nigam Shah set out, in 1672, to annex Berar.

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262 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ SEPTEMBER, 1:21 When Ali Adil Sh Ah heard of the approach of the army of Ahmadnagar and of the laying waste of the town of Alan and the surrounding country, he was much perturbed, for he knew that he was not strong enough to withstand the invaders and was disappointed of the help which he had hoped to receive from Tufal Khan, for the army of Ahmadnagar, which Tufal Khan was too weak to attack, lay like an impenetrable barrier between his and his ally. Ali 'Adil Shah now repented him of having begun hostilities against Ahmadnagar, and wished for peace. He marched with his army from Bijapur towards the invaders, but on the way he sued for peace, and was very careful not to attack Murtaza Nizam Shah. While 'Ali Adil Shah was still on his way, he sent Sayyid Ali Mu'tabar Khan, who was then wakil and pishvd of the Bijapur kingdom, with rich gifts to Murtaza Nizam Shah, to sue for peace and express his contrition for the action he had taken. The Sayyid fully represented to the king what was in his master's mind, and by means of excuses, apologies, and expressions of regret, succeeded in restoring confidence and in putting the case on such a footing that negotiations were possible. Murtaza Nizam Shah's chief object was to crush Tufal Khan, whom he regarded as the author of the strife, and it was impossible to do this without the concurrence of 'Ali 'Adil Shah. He therefore appointed Changiz Khan to carry through the negotiations in this matter. Changiz Khan, in accordance with the royal commands, set out for 'Ali `Adil Shah's camp and paid his respects to 'Ali `Adil Shah before the fortress of Naldrug, and it was there agreed that the two kings should meet and discuss what arrangements should be made. The two kings then marched to meet one another, and met at the village of Kala Chatra, which had been fixed for their meeting. The treaty which the two kings made between them was to the following effect : First, that they should unite in capturing the city of Bidar, which should be harmed over to Murtaza Nizam Shah, and that 'Ali Adil Shah should then march against the infidels of Vijayanagar, while Murtaza Nizam Shah conquered Telingana and Berar. On the following day the two armies marched towards Bidar with the object of capturing it. When the two armies arrived at Bidar, Ali 'Adil Shah encamped on the bank of the Kamtuna tank and Murtaza Nizam Shah on the bank of a tank close to the city, and both armies laid waste the country on all side of the city. After the armies had been halted at Bidar for some days, Changiz Khan came to the conclusion that the conquest of Telingana and Berar and the punishment of Tufal Khan were more important than this campaign in Bidar. He therefore sent a messenger to .Ali 'Adil Shah to say that it seemed to him to be a mere waste of time and power that the two armies should sit down before Bidar in order to capture it, although it was clear that one of the armies could not perform the task alone. It was advisable, he said, that 'Ali Adil Shah should invade Vijayanagar and annex that country, while Murtaza Nizam Shah occupied him. self in uprooting and overthrowing the turbulent malefactors (of Telingana and Berar). All Adil Shah accepted this advice and the two armies marched from Bidar. They marched together for two marches, and when they reached the river of Husain&pur, which is three or four leagues from Golconda, 183 'Ali Adil Shah left Dilavar Khan, the African, and some other officers with some seven or eight thousand horse to assist Murtaza Nizam Shah, and set out for Bankapur. Khvaja Ziya-ud-din Muhammad Samnani, entitled Amin Khan, was appointed envoy from the court of Abmadnagar with 'Ali Adil Shah, and left with him, and Khyaja Ghiyas-ud-din Muhammad, brother of Ziya-ud-din Muhammad was appointed envoy from Bijapar, at the court of Murtaza Nizam Shah, and remained with the royal camp. 188 That is to say, from the frontier of the Golconda kingdom.

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SEPTEMBER, 1921) HISTORY OF THE NIZAM SHAHI KINGS OF AHMADNAGAR 263 After the departure of 'Ali Adil Shah, Murtaza Nizam Shah appointed Amin-ul-Mulk and his brother Nizam Khan, with a picked force from the army, to lay waste the country around Golconda, while he himself with the main body of the army marched along the bank of the river, and when he arrived at Kaulas, the force which had been sent in advance to devastate the environs of Golconda returned and rejoined the main body of the army, having laid waste and plundered that country. As the rainy season had now begun and movement was very difficult, the king remained in standing camp with his army at Kaulas, and when the rainy season was over, marched thence and invaded Berar by way of Pathri. Some of the chief officers, such as Khudavand Khan, Rustam Khan, and others were sent on ahead with the advanced guard.184 When the royal army reached Pathri all the inhabitants of that town and the district surrounding it, from fear of the troops, left their dwellings and fled and took refuge in the distant hills (of the Balaghat). Since, however, the king's object was the annexation and not the devastation of Berar, Changiz Khan reassured the inhabitants of Pathri, holding out to them hopes of the royal favour and clemency, and issued to them a written guarantee which so reassured them that all hastened to make their submission and pay their respects at the royal court, where they received marks of the royal favour and were thus enabled to return to their fields and their dwellings and to follow their usual avocations. The civil officers, in accordance with the royal commands, apportioned the whole of the Pathri district in jager to the officers of the army. News was now brought to the king that Tufal Khan and his army had set out with a view to undertaking an expedition into the Kandhar country, and the royal army therefore march. ed rapidly in that direction, lest the king's subjects in that district should suffer at the hands of the invaders. When Tufal Khan heard of the retirement of the royal army, he abandoned his intention of invading Kandhar and marched towards Bidar. 185 The royal army followed him up march by march, until the two armies met in the neighbourhood of the hunting ground of Bidar at about sunset. The circumstances of the case were as follows - When the royal army halted, spies brought news that Tufal Khan with a very large army was encamped in the neighbourhood of the army. Changiz Khan in accordance with the royal command, at once set out with a picked force to attack the enemy. On his approach Tufal Khan came forth from his encampment and drew up his army in line facing the attacking force. Changiz Khan then sent on in advance a picked body of foreign horse with Shah Vardi Khan, Sultan Quli Beg Rumla, Ahmad Beg Aishar, Shir Khan Yaraqi, Yonas Beg, Muzaffar Anji, and others, numbering some two hundred, and Tufal Khan Bent 5,000 horse under Shamshir-ul-Mulk to meet and repulse this force. Some twenty of the foreigners of Ahmadnagar, sword in hand, then hurled themselves on the centre of the enemy's 5,000 horse and slew many. It chanced, however, that an arrow pierced Sultan 104 According to Firishta (ii, 263, 264) Murtaza Nizam Shah, before invading Berar, sent Mulla Haidar Kashi on a mission to Tufal Khan, bearing a letter purporting to recall him to a sense of his duty to his master. Murtaza said that Tufal Khan's regency had been reasonable and natural during the minority of Burhan 'Imad ShAh, but now that the young king had come to years of discretion, it was the duty of Tufal Khan to release him from ostraint, to surrender all authority to him, and to place himself entirely at his disposal. Tufal Khan showed the letter to his son, Shamshir-ul-Mulk, and sought his counsel. Shamahir-ul-Mulk said that the letter was a mere pretext for aggression and that Murtaza Nizam Shah was evidently bent on invading and annexing Berar. By his advice Mulla Haidar was sent back without an aniwer, and he rejoined Murtad Nizam Shah's camp at Pathri. 186 Firishta gives no indication of the scene of the fighting between the armies of Ahmadnagar and Boras, but saye (ii, 264) that Murtara Nizam Shah, after the return of his envoy, marched towards Eliehpur.

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261 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY SEPTEMBER, 1921 Quli's breast and projected from his back, and his friends lifted him up and bore him from the field. The sun now set and each army retired to its camp. The army of Ahmadnagar passed the night in expectation of the battle on the morrow. At sunrise the royal army formed up in order of battle and was advancing to meet the enemy when spies brought news that Tufal Khan, overcome with terror, had fled in the night at such a pace that no trace of his army could now be found. The king remained encamped where he was for a few days and sent scouts in all directions to obtain news of the movements of Tufal Khan. Sultan Quli Beg, who had been wounded in battle, died, and the king conferred on Ahmad Beg Afshar, who had distinguished himself by his valour, the title of Qizilbash Khan. The scouts now reported to the king that Tufal Khan had marched out of the kingdom to Mahur. The king then appointed Haidar Sultan Quli, who then held the appointment of Sar-:- Khail, with Mirza Yadgar, Chandha Khan, Kamil Khan, and other officers under him, to the command of a force which was to remain in the neighbourhood of Kandhar in order to protect that country from invasion by Ibrahim Qutb Shah, while he himself with the main body of the army set out for Mahur in pursuit of Tufal Khan. The royal army marched rapidly, and when it reached the town of Mapta pur the civil officials of Pathri reported that Tufal Khan was encamped near this village. Changiz Khan, in accordance with the royal commands, marched with a force from the royal army against Tufal Khan. When Tufal Khan heard of his approach he marched from his camp to meet him. Changiz Khan sent on Ahmad Beg Qizilbash Khan, with some other valiant warriors, in advance, in order that they might open the battle. Qizilbash Khan and his companions spurred their horses towards the enemy and a body of warriors came forth to meet them. These two forces engaged, and the fight waxed furious and continued until two watches of the night were passed. The two armies then withdrew to their camps, and the wily Tufal Khan, again dreading a battle with the army of Ahmadnagar, at once marched off and marched all through the night until he had placed a distance of nearly twenty leagues between himself and the royal army. As soon as Tufal Khan's flight became known, the king dispatched Qizilbash Khan with a picked force to pursue him, but, follow as they might, this force could neither come up with Tufal Khan nor discover any trace of him, and they therefore desisted from the pursuit and rejoined the main body of the army. The king then appointed Bahri Khan, Jamal Khan and Qadam Khan to the command of a force to besiege Mahur and left them at Pathri while he, with the main body of the army, marched in pursuit of Tufal Khan, annexing the fortresses and districts of Berar as he marched, and apportioning them among his army. The people of the country were not molested, but were kindly treated and reassured, so that they lived peaceably in their houses and went about their usual a vocations. Among the evidences of the king's victory and prestige, which daily strengthened his position and displayed the might of his army, was the following occurrence. The emperor Jalal-ud-din Muhammad Akbar was at that time marching to Gujarat with a large army in order to wrest the country from Muhammad Husain Mirza, son of Baiqara, and his brothers, who had gained possession of it and had proclaimed their independence. Muhammad Husain Mirza, the eldest and the bravest of the brothers, had died, so that the other brothers and their army were scattered, and their bravest warriors came and entered the service of Murtaza Nizam Shah, and thus every day a fresh band of them eame and paid their respects at court and were received into the royal service. Thus the royal army grew in strength from day to day, while the enemy daily lost men and grew

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SEPT RMBER, 1921] HISTORY OF THE NIZAM SHAHI KINGS OF AHMADNAGAR 265 weaker and more disbeartened. Among those then who had the honour of entering the royal service were Asad Khan, whose subsequent exploits and promotion to the highest rank will be mentioned hereafter, Adil Khan Mangi, Bai Khan, and other officers and brave men, a list of whose names would be tedious. The royal army continued the pursuit of Tufal Khan; and Khuda vand Khan, Rustam Khan and the other officers with the advanced guard remained still a day's march ahead of the main body of the army and a day's march behind Tufal Khan. LXXX.--AN ACCOUNT OF THE DISASTER WHICH BEFELL THE ROYAL ARMY. After Tufal Khan had twice disgraced himself by fleeing before the royal army, the amire of the royal army, and especially Khudavand Khan and Rustam Khan, who commanded the advanced guard, began, in their pride and their contempt of the enemy, to neglect the most ordinary precautions of an army in the field and to spend their time in idleness, making no attempt to ascertain the disposition or whereabouts of the enemy, while the enemy, on the other hand, lost no opportunity of acquainting themselves with the condition of the roya army. Shamshir-ul-Mulk, the son of Tufal Khan, having satisfied himself of the negligence and carelessness of the amire of Ahmadnagar, attacked Khudavand Khan with a large army at the time when the amits were engaged in drinking. The attack was so sudden that the amirs were completely surprised. They had no opportunity of even girding on their arms or of going forth to the fight, and were forced to flee. Rustam Khan and a few valiant companions preferred death on the field of battle to a shameful existence, and faced the foe manfully. Khudavand Khan, aroused from the sleep of negligence and the drankenness of pride, bethought himself of his good name and of the disgrace which he was incurring and, regardless of the flight of most of his men and of the numbers and bravery of the enemy, turned back from his flight with a few companions and threw himself on the enemy's centre and fought most valiantly, slaying many of the enemy, both man and horse, with his sword, and clove & way for himself through the host. At this moment his eye fell on his own standard which was being carried off by a body of the enemy. He at once rode towards them, but found his way barred by a fierce elephant. He struck the beast such a blow with his sword that he cleft its trunk as if it had been a cucumber, and the enemy seeing Buch determined valour left his standard and fled. Khudavand Khan, having thus overcome the enemy, contrived to separate several elephants from their army and he raised his standard against them. Although these valiant efforts of Khudavand Khan saved the honour of the army, Rustam Khan and most of his men were slain, and all the baggage, camp equipage, transport and elephants of the army, with the royal standards and ensigna, fell into the hands of Shamshir Khan. After the defeat of the royal army, Shamshir Khan retired from the field to rejoin his father, and when the news of his retreat spread through the royal camp, the king issued an order to Khudavand khan, forbidding him to advance until he was joined by the main body of the army. The main body then advanced by a forced march and reached the scene of the battle, where the royal pavilion was pitched. The officers of the advanced guard were then reproached and rebuked for their neglect and lack of caution and everybody who had displayed bravery in the action was promoted. It was then ordered that nobody should thenceforth separate himself from the main body of the army, nor act independently of it in any way, and that all should be extremely watchful and wary lest the enemy should make a night attack on the army. The army then set forth again in pursuit of Tufal Khan, and the distance between him and the royal army was steadily maintained at a day's march,

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266 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ SEPTEMBER, 1921 never more and never less. Tufal Khan was not strong enough to turn and oppose the royal army and the latter could not march fast enough to overtake Tufal Khan. As the king had issued orders that nobody in the army should vex or harass the inhabitants of Berar in any way, all the people readily submitted to and obeyed the royal commands, and paid their land revenue to the king, while the land was apportioned in jager to the amirs and officers of the army. At this time Chaghatai Khan, one of the amirs of Tufal Khan, having asked for a safe conduct, came in and submitted to the king and was received in the royal service and highly honoured. Tufal Khan, who had long been harassed and hard pressed, was now reduced to great straits, and the army of the Dakan was also weary. Tufal Khan fled to Burhanpur and took refuge with Miran Mubammad Shah.186 Murtaga Nizam Shah therefore sent a message to Miran Muhammad Shah, saying that Tufal Khan had been guilty of ingratitude and treason to his own master, and had then, in defiance of treaties, declared war against the king. dom of Ahmadnagar and when the army of Ahmadnagar marched against him, had in terror taken refuge in Burhanpur. The message went on to say that it was hoped that Miran Muhammad Shah would remember, observe, and be willing to renew the treaties which had long existed between the Nizam Shahi and Faruqi dynasties and would refrain from stirring up strife or harbouring offenders against peace and would use his endeavours to promote peace and goodwill between the two kingdoms. Miran Muhammad Shah feared to oppose the wishes of Murtaza Nizam Shah, and at once expelled the wretched Tufal Khan from his country. He received the envoy with great humility and treated him well, and then dismissed him with honour. He then set out in person to meet Murtaza Nizam Shah. The meeting took place on the bank of a river named Parandi. Murtaza Nizam Shah crossed the river with a few of his courtiers and Miran Muhammad Shah paid his respects to him. At the end of the interview a Qur'an in the handwriting of Ali, the Leader of the Faithful, was produced from Murtazi Nizam Shah's library for the purpose of the oaths to be taken for the confirmation of the treaties and engagements entered into. Miran Mubammad Shah pointed out that this was the Qur'an which had been used for the treaty entered into with Ibrahim Qutb Shah. Nevertheless it was afterwards Miran Muhammad Shah who broke the treaty Now that Tufal Khan could find no place of refuge or rest in any country, he resolved to shut himself up in one of his forts. He therefore separated from himself, like his own good fortune, Shamshir-ul-Mulk, who was in truth the right arm of his kingdom, and dispatched him to Gawil, while he, with infinite difficulty, threw himself into the fortress of Narnala.187 When spies brought news of Tufal Khan's taking refuge in the fortress to the royal camp, the army of Ahmadnagar set forth on his track and on reaching Narnala, surrounded the fort and laid siege to it, encamping around the lofty hill on which it is built. 196 This was Muhammad Shah II, the tenth of the Faruqi dynasty of Khandesh, who reigned from Doc. 19, 1586 to 1577.78. 191 Narala, in 21deg 15' N. and 77deg 4' E., on the southernmost range of the Satpora hills, is one of the three hill fortroence of Berar, the other two being Gawil, the old fortress ospital, in 21deg 32' N. and 77deg 23' E. Join the Satpure hills, and MAh Or, in 19deg 50 N. and 77deg 59 E., to the south of the Penganga.

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SEPTEMBER, 1921] HISTORY OF THE NIZAM SHAH KINGS OF AHMADNAGAR 267 The fort of Narnala is famed for its great strength throughout India, nay, throughout the whole inhabited world. It is built on a high and inaccessible hill surrounded by deep and well nigh impassable valleys. The sides of the hill are covered with dense forest which made passage all the more difficult, threaded by but one narrow winding path from the base of the summit of the hill, dark from the overhanging trees and full of rolling stones. Until Murtaga Nigam Shah appeared before Narnala, the fortress had never been captured and no fortress had been seen like it in the world, except the fort of Gawil, which in strength and loftiness is superior to the generality of forts, and is the counterpart of Narnala. When Tufal Khan found no place of rest or refuge on the face of the earth, he sent his son, with a number of his tribesmen and relatives, to Gawil, while he himself, with his treasures and all his movable property, took refuge in the mountains and, in great grief and vexation, made Narnila his place of shelter and rest, and raised his standard against the invader. Murtaza Nizam Shah sent a force under some of his chief amits, such as the Khanzaman, Rustam Khan, Mali Khan, Bahram Khan and Bahadur Khan, to besiege G&wil, and impressed on the officers the necessity for caution and patience. Then the Khanzaman was detached from this army and ordered to rejoin the king at headquarters, Bahram Khan being appointed commander of the force for Gawil, while the king in person proceeded to besiege Narna la and set all in order for the siege. The amirs and the troops were posted in the stations allotted to them around the fort and began to push forward the trenches. They also set themselves to cut down the forest and to make smooth the stony portions of the hill. The wige vazir, Asad Khan, 188 who had at this time entered the royal service, and was a valiant and experienced soldier, specially skilled in siege works and artillery, devoted all his attention to the capture of this fortress and toiled much to carry the siege guns near to the defence; and Sayyid Murtaza, who was in command of all the silahdars made such efforts to ensure the success of the siege as caused him to be the recipient of renewed favours from the king, so that he was advanced to the position of Sar-j-Naubat and subsequently to that of Amir-ul-Umara. Since there was little love between Changiz Khan and Sayyid Murtaza, the latter's good services bore little fruit in the former's life-time, and the king, in deference to his minister's prejudices, showed Sayyid Murtata but little outward favour, but the day that Changiz Khan died, Sayyid Murtaza was made Sar-j-Naubat, as will shortly be related. At this time, while the siege was in progress, news was received by the king that Ibrahim Qutb Shah's army had attacked the troops of Ahmadnagar on the borders of the Kandhar district, and that the royal troops, unable to withstand the invaders, had suffered a defeat. The king was much annoyed by this news and ordered that the force which had been left to besiege Mahir should hasten to the support of the defeated army, and, acting in concert with it, should resist the advance of Ibrahim Qutb Shah's troops. At the same time Haidar Sultan who had been in command of the army of Kandhar, was recalled to headquarters and Mirza Yadgar, the Sayyid, was appointed to the command of that army. The amirs set out from Mahur and joined the defeated army in Kandhar. At this time the army of Ibrahim Qutb Shah was encamped at the village of Tamrl and the distance between the armies was no more than two gad.189 When the army of Golconda heard that the army of Kandhar had been reinforced, they marched from Tamri and did not halt until they reached Kaulas. 188 Asad Khan, a Georgian, had formerly been in the service of Gujarat. He and Bikander Ram Kh An, son of abashf Rami Khan, commanded the artillery at the siogo of NarnAla.-F. ii, 267 196 The gou is an ancient measure of distance, the lengths attributed to which vary greatly. Sayyid All pooms to use it for a distance of about four milos.

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268 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY ( SEPTEMBER, 1921 At this time orders reached them from Ibrahim Qutb Shah, directing them to leave Kaulas and join him for some other expedition, leaving a small force in Kaulas. The army of Kandhar, seizing this opportunity, marched on Kauls and reached it on Muharram 9.100 There they defeated the Qutb Shahi troops and plundered and wasted Kaulas and all the surrounding country and then returned to Kandhar. The king and his army remained in camp before Narnala for nearly a year, 191 fighting daily and clearing the jungle and improving the approaches to the fortress. They levelled knolls and filled up the hollows and dragged the siege guns by means of elephants and bullocks close to the walls of the fortress. They so battered the walls with artillery that they breached them in many places, and ever and again a body of the defenders would sally forth and fight valiantly with the besiegers. While all this fighting was in progress, Changiz Khan, mindful of the saying "War is fraud ", bethought him of a device and caused Khyaja Mubammad Lari to write a letter to Tufal Khan representing himself to be a merchant with horses and merchandise for sale, and asking for admission to the fort. The wretched Tufal Khan gave him the required pass and thus admitted the enemy into his house. Changiz Khan gave Khvaja Muhammad Lari a quantity of goods and supplied him with written assurances, sealed with the royal seal, for the nuikwdris of the fort, promising them places, rewards and other marks of the royal favour if they would forsake Tufal Khan and transfer their allegiance to Murtaza Nizam Shah.102 The minister's wise device succeeded where force of arms had failed, and the Khyaja, in the guise of a merchant, entered the fort. Outwardly he was a merchant and behaved as such, but secretly he was engaged in seducing the ndiks from their allegiance and by means of money, gifts, and promises of the royal favour succeeded in corrupting most of them and was enabled to inform Changiz Khan that he had won the ndiks over. Spies, however, informed Tufal Khan of the pretended mer. chant's actual employment, and Tufal Kban imprisoned the Khwaja and arrested several of the ndikwants whom he distrusted. Some of the ndikwaris made their escape over the wall and joined the royal army, and these events caused the greatest confusion among the Beraris, and Tufal Khin's army was thoroughly disheartened. At the same time Asad Khan destroyed most of the bastions and the enceinte of the fort with his guns, and this added to the despair and perplexity of the garrison. They filled the breaches with straw, rubbish, skins and packsaddles, and resisted the besiegers feebly and confusedly, but fate laughed at their efforts. (To be continued.) 180 May 11, 1573. 101 Muta Niram Shah grew very weary of the siege of NarnAla and, on hearing of the birth in Ahmadnagar, in A.H. 981 (A.D. 1573-74) of his son usein, was on the point of raising the siege and returning to Ahmadnagar. Hio vile favourite, the boy Husain, afterwards entitled sahib Khan, with whom he had recently become acquainted, urged him in the same direotion. Chengiz Khan's stratagem came just in time to save the situation. 103 Firishta says that " merchant named Afghan," that is to say, probably, an Afgban merchant, arrived in Murtaza Nizam ShAh's camp at this time with horses and other merchandise from LAhor. He represented that he had brought these in fulfilment of an order from Tural Khan and begged that he might be allowed to take them into the fortress. Changis Khan granted him the required permission on the condition that after disposing of his marchandise he gave up trade and entered the service of Murta & Nisam BhAh. The condition was sooopted and the merchant entered the fort. With him Changiz Ko An sent an agent, diaguised as a merchant and well supplied with money wherewith to bribe Tufal Khan's offioms. Thje agent was probably Kvaja Muhammad Lari.-F. ii, 267.

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OCTOBER, 1921) ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OF SHIVAJI 269 ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OF SHIVAJI. BY SURENDRANATH SEN, M.A. (Continued from p. 260.) The Sabnis was in charge of the accounts in general and the muster-roll in particular. The Karkhananis was mainly responsible for commissariat work. The Sabnis and the The Kanujabta, of the year 1 of the coronation Karkhananis. ere, thus enumerates the official duties of these officers. The Sabnis should be in charge of the cash and treasury as well as the accounts. Below the seal on each order, the Karkhananis should put his sign of approval. The daily account of these two departments should be drawn up under the supervision of both; the cash should be indicated on the account by the Sabnis, and below the Havaldar's seal the Karkhananis should put his sign of approval. If any order is to be issued from the fort to the District (under its jurisdiction) it should be issued by the Sabnis. The Havaldar should put his seal on it), and below the seal the Karkhananis should put his sign of approval. The Muster-Roll of the men should be taken by the Sabnis. It should be verified by a clerk of the Karkhananis. In this manner was the work of the cash and the treasury departments allotted. If any order is made upon the district for either cash or clothes, it should be issued under the seal of the Sabnis, with the Karkhananis' sign of approval. Besides this, all orders and requisitions should be made by the Karkhananis. Any tax (when necessary to meet the needs of the fort) should be levied by the Sabnis, and the Karkhananis should under the seal put his sign of approval. All accounts whether of his own or of the Karkhana nis' department should be explained by the Sabnis, whether to the Havaldar or to the District officer or to the central government. The Karkhananis should sit near the Sabnis but all interrogations about their accounts should be made to the Sabnis. All correspondence with the government or the District officers, or the sardars, or the Subhedars or other Killedars should be written by the Sabnis. The Sabnis should put his sign on them. After the Subhedars have sealed it, the Karkhananis should enter it into the daily lodger. He should not put his sign. But the letter should not be despatched without being recorded in the daily ledger. All inspection and estimate of revenue of the province (under the jurisdiction of the fort) should be made by the Sabnis. It (the estimate) should be entered into the accounts by the Karkhananis. The Kowl and order about the revenue should be issued by the Sabnis. After the Havaldar has put his seal on the papers the Karkhananis should put his sign of approval. All accounts of income and expenditure, either in weight or in approximate value in the stores (of commodities), should be daily made by the Karkhananis. They should be explained by the Karkhananis. After the Havaldar has put his seal (on the accounts) the Sabnis should put his sign of approval. The Karkhananis should write all orders of expenditure upon the granary. After the Havaldar has sealed (them) the Sabnis should put his sign of approval. The distribution of stores, whether according to weight or according to approximate value, should be made by the Karkhananis. The Sabnis' Karkun should be present on the occasion for verification.

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270 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY OCTOBER, 1921 The daily account of the expenditure in kind should be written by the Karkhananis and after he has specified the total and the Havaldar has put his seal, the Sabnis should put his sign of approval. . All orders for goods or commodities upon the province (under the jurisdiction of the fort) should be issued by the Karkhananis. The Sabnis should levy contribution (when necessary). He should put his sign of approval after the Havaldar has sealed the paper. The Karkhananis should take charge of female slaves, boy-servants, horses or cattle that may come. The Sabnis should put his sign of approval below the seal. If any loss occurs, the Karkhananis should write about it. The Sabnis should put his sign below the seal. The Karkhananis should supervise the work when a building is constructed. The Sabnis should inspect the work. Cash and clothes should be distributed among the Karkhananis' men when occasion arises. It should have the approval of the Karkhananis. The distribution of grain should be made by the Karkhananis with the approval of the Sabnis. All accounts of the naval stores should be written by the Karkhananis' Karkuns. The work should be exacted by him under the supervision of the Sabnis.109 Thus did the three officers co-operate and act as a check upon one another. Not a single fort of Shivaji could therefore be betrayed to his enemies. Treason still attempt. But all these precautions could not put an absolute check on treason ed. and corruption. When Shivaji was absent in the camp of Jayasingh the entire charge of the fort of Rajgad had for the time being fallen on Keso Narayan Sabnis, as there was no Havaldar. Keso Narayan Sabnis, on that occasion, misappropriated a large sum from public funds.110 In 1663 Shivaji had to postpone an expedition to Konkan as disquieting information of a rebellion came from Sinhagad. In a letter dated the 2nd of April 1663, Shivaji writes to Moro Trimal Peshwa and Abaji Sonder that he was thinking of marching against Namdar Khan in Konkan. But news arrived from Siphagad that some revolt had lately taken place in the fort. He had therefore to give up his project of marching into Konkan at that time. The two officers, however, were requested to march at once to Sinhagad with their troops and militia and take charge of the fort. They were further required to find out the rebels and report their names to the king.111 Shivaji generally stored grain and provisions in large quantities in his forts, for con sumption during a siege. Towards the close of his career in the ve year 1671-72) he decided to have a reserve fund to meet the extrafunds for forts. ordinary needs of the forts while undergoing sieges. A paper under his seal drawn in the year Sanisanne, says that the Rajshri Saheb has decided to raise money from each Mahal in his province and Watan. This money should form a (reserve) fund, and should be spent only when war with the Mughals should commence, and the Mughals should lay siege to forts, and money should be urgently required but should not be available from any other source. Otherwise this money should not be spent for any other government work. So has the Saheb decided and it has been settled that a sum of one lakh and twenty five thousand Hons should constitute the reserve fund (and should be raised from the following Mahale and personages at the following rate) - Kudal .. .. " Rajapur 20,000 Kolen.. 20,000 . 20,000 106 Mawji and Parasnis-Sanads & Letters, pp. 130-132. 110 Rajwade, M. I. S., VOL. VIII, p. 7. 111 Ibid. p. 4

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OCTOBER, 1921) ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OF SHIVAJI 271 . Dhabhel Rada Nagogi Govind Jawli.. Kalyan Bhivandi Indapur Supa .. Krishnaji Bhaskar .. :::::::: 15,000 16,000 10,000 5,000 5,000 5,000 5,000 2,000 5.000 . . . 1,25,000 It has been decided that the sum of one lakh and twenty-five thousand Hons (thus raised) should be set aside as a reserve fund. 111 In the same year Shivaji granted a further sum of one lakh and seventy-five thousand i Hons for repairing his principal forts. He observes that the works Grant for repairs. *** men grew discontented as they did not get their wages in time. A considerable sum was on that account set aside for building and repair works alone The sum of a hundred and seventy-five thousand was thus ellotted 113: - Sinhagad .. .. 10,000 Sindhudurg .. 10,000 Vijayadurg .. 10,000 Suvarnadurg.. 10,000 Pratapgad .. 10,000 Purendhar .. 10,000 Rajgad 10,000 Prachandgad 5,000 Prasiddhagad 5,000 Vishalgad .. 5,000 Mehipatgad .. 5,000 Sudhagad 5,000 Lohagad 5,000 Sabalgad 6,000 Shrivardhanged and Manranj 5,000 Korigad Sarasgad 2,000 Mahidhargad .. . .. 2,000 Manohargad .. 1,000 Miscellaneous 7,000 1,75,000 3,000 What arms of defence were supplied to these forts, we do not know. Shivaji had an artillery department, and Ormells tells us that "He had previously Arms of defence. purchased eighty pieces of cannons, and lead, sufficient for all his match-locks from the French Director at Surat." We find mention of match-lock men and archers in Sabhasad's pages; we have there an account of at least one 113 Rajwado, M.I.S., Vol. VIII, pp. 16-17. 113 Ibid., pp. 18-19. 114 Orme, p. 38. !

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272 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [OCTOBER, 1921 servants dashing sally by Murar Baji Prabhu, when Diler Khan laid siege to Purandhar, but we never find the Marathas opening an artillery fire on the besieging enemy. Scott Waring gays that (Shivaji's) artillery was very contemptible and he seems seldom to have tised it but against the island of Gin gerah."116 But Shivaji's soldiers, in common with the Muham. madans of the Deccan, hurled a curious, but none the less effective, missile against their enemy while labouring up the steep sides of their ina cessible strongholds. Fryer says: "on the tops of the mountains, several fortresses of Seva Gi's, only defensible by nature, needing no other Artillery but stones, which they tumble down upon their foes, carrying as certain destruction as bullets where they alight 116 Huge pieces of stones were for this purpose heaped at convenient stations, and the Maratha soldiers rolled them down upon, their enemy below. This, however, could hardly check the progress of a determined foe and when this preliminary defence failed, the Marathas sallied out, and sword in hand rushed upon the besiegers. The Marathas, however, did not always depend upon their valour, and gold was often used with very good results, when steel failed. The Havaldar of a fort usually enjoyed a remuneration of 25 Hons a year. Nagojs Bhonsle was appointed Mudradhari of Fort Utlur in 1680 on a salary Remuneration of of 150 Hong per year, out of which he had to pay 25 Hong to two the officers. servants attached to his office. Krishnaji Surevanshi was appointed, in the same year, Sarnobat of the abovementioned fort on an annual salary of 100 Hons. The Havaldar in charge of the buildings in the Fort, got the same pay as the Mudradhari and his Mazmudar was paid at the rate of 36 Hons per year. Four Tat Sarnobats were sent by Shivaji to take charge of the ramparts of Kot Utlur and they were engaged on 4 Hons and 8 Kaveripak Hons (12 in all) a year. Along with them had been despatched seven Bargirs on a yearly pay of 9 Hons (3 ordinary Hons and 6 Kaveri Pak) per head. In a document, dated the 26th July 1677, we find that Timaji Narayan, a clerk, was appointed as an extra hand for the office work in Fort Balgudanur on a monthly allowance of three Hong, 111 Besides the usual remuneration, each officer received, according to his rank and the importance of his charge, an additional allowance for palanquin, torch bearers personal attendants, sunshades and pages. 118. The Ramoshies and the Parwaris who kept watch, perhaps lived outside the ramparts and got very small remuneration. The Peshwa army consisted mainly of cavalry. The infantry was recruited mainly from Hindustan and made but a poor impression on an English sol. antry and dier, Tone. Shivaji's military genius, however, had early perceived cavalry. the necessity of light infantry and light cavalry in a guerilla war and hill campaign. His Mawles and Hetkarishare become famous in the military annals of India. Selected after personal examination by Shivaji himself, each man was trained into an excellent soldier, not by drilling on the parade ground, but by the surer method of service in an actual war. "Shivaji had no idea of allowing his soldiers' swords to rust." 119 The result was that not only their weapons but the men who wielded them, also gained in efficiency. 116 Scott Waring, p. 102. 110 Fryer, p. 123. 117 For original documente, son Rajwade, M.I.S., Vol. VIII, pp. 28-31. 118 Chitnie, p. 80. 119 Manucci

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OCTOBER, 1921) ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OF SHIVAJI 273 Shivaji's infantry was carefully divided into regiments, divisions and brigades. The smallest unit consisted of 9 men and the officer commanding it was Infantry officers. *** called the Naik. The Havaldar of the infantry had five such units under him. Over two or three Havaldars was placed a Jumladar. The officer commanding ten Jumlas was styled a Hazari, and the Sarnobat of the infantry had seven Hazaris under him. The Jumladar had an annual salary of one hundred Hong and his Sabnis got forty. The Hazari got five hundred Hons per year and his Sabnis, salary varied from one hundred to one hundred and twenty-five Fons.120 Chitnis informg us that at the time of a marriage or any other ceremony of similar importance in his family, the officer could expect a requisite grant. The cavalry was divided into two classes, viz., the Bargirs and the Shiledars. The Bargirs were equipped with horse and arms by the state, while the Shiledar Fy brought his own horse and sometimes came with a body of troopers officers. armed and equipped at his own expense. The Bargir belonged to the Paga proper while the Shiledar held a comparatively inferior position. "The strength of the Paga," says Sa bhasad," was rendered superior (to that of the Shiledar). The Sbile. dars were placed under the jurisdiction of the Paga. To none was left independence enough for rebelling. To every horse in the Paga was appointed a trooper (Bargir); over twentyfive such Bargir was appointed an expert Maratha Havaldar. Five Havals formed a Jumla. The Jumladar had a salary of five hundred Hons and a palanquin; and his Mazumdar had a salary of one hundred to one hundred and twenty-five Hons. For every twenty-five horses were appointed a water-carrier and a farrier. A Hazari was a commander of ten such Jumlas. To this office was attached a salary of one thousand Hons, a Mazumdar, a Maratha Karbhari and a Prabhu Kayastha Jamenis; for them was allotted & sum of five hundred Hons. Salary and palanquin were given to each officer according to this scale. Accounts of income and expenditure were made up in the presence of all the four. Five such Hazaris were placed under a Panch Hazari. To him was given a salary of two thousand Hong. A Mazumdar, a Karbhari, and a Jamenis were likewise attached to his office. These Panch Hazaris were under the command of the Sarnobat. The administration of the Paga was of the same kind. Similarly, the different brigadiers of the Shiledars also were placed under the command of the Sarnobat. 121 It may be noticed here that Shivaji enlisted in his army not only Hindus but Muhamma dans also. A body of Eeven hundred Pathans offered their service Muhammadan to the Maratha King and en to the Maratha King, and Shivaji enlisted them, it is said, in oppoRegiment. sition to the majority of his officers. Shivaji pointed out that a king was a king first and a Hindu or a Muhammadan afterwards, and was supported in his wise resolution by an old officer Gomaji Naik Pansambal.112 : Shivaji know quite well that an army, however efficient, could not be expected to operate with success in an enemy country, unless served by an efficient ence Depart. Intelligence Department. Shivaji organised a body of excellent ment. spies, the chief of whom was Bahirji Naik Jadhava. Shivaji was so well served by these intelligence officers that he owed many of his most brilliant successes mainly to the information collected by them. On one occasion, Shivaji's army was saved from atter destruction by Bahirji's knowledge of unfrequented hill tracks.123 180 Sabhasad, p. 30. 181 Ibid., pp. 28-29. 193 Ibid, p. 93. 13 Grant Duff, pp. 181-182.

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274 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY OCTOBER, 1921 Shivaji could never expect to reach the numerical strength of his enmeies. But he had detected the defects of the heavily armed Muhammadan soldiery Arms and equip and relied on speed for success against them. He, therefore, never ment. allowed his soldiers to be encumbered with heavy arms or costly camp equipage. Dressed in tight fitting breeches, cotton jackets and turbans, 184 armed mainly with swords both long and short, spears and lances, bows and arrows and breechloeding guns and match-locks, depending mainly on the spoils of war for their subsistence, Shivaji's soldiers were ready to merch at a moment's notice. They were so quick both in mobilising and demobilising, that the enemies of Shivaji could hardly expect to get any information of his projects before their actual execution. Though the ordinary soldier was poorly dressed, Shivaji indulged in great expenditure in arming and equipping his body-guards. This regiment was Shivaji's body divided into units of 20, 30, 40, 60 and 100 men. They were equip. guards. ped at state expense and were given richly embroidered turbans and jackets of broad cloth, gold and silver earrings and wristlets. Their sword-sheaths, guns and spears had silver rings, and we can guess what & brilliant sight they offered when marching by the king's palenquin, 125 Besides the regular forces. Shivaji could, in times of emergency, call up the feudal forces of the Maratha watenders. In a Kowlnama published in the Tritiya Feudal levies. Sammelan Vritta of the Bharat Itihas Sansodhak Mandal, two watendars, Mal Patil and Bagi Patil of Birvedi, offered to serve Shivaji when need arose, like the Mawle Deshmukhs, with ten of their attendents. For their subsistence the watandars expected six Rukas or half an anna per head per diem and they offered to serve in the army as long as the occasion demanded.126 Unlike the later Peshwas, Shivaji never depended much upon these feudal levies, nor did he prefer the mercenary Shileders, who in certain respects resembled the condottieri of medieval Europe, to the Bergirs of Paga.' It is quite possible that when his power was established, Shivaji no longer summoned those feudal foroes. Shivaji paid his soldiers either in cash or by Verat on the District Governments. He was entirely opposed to payment by Jagir. But when any of his soldiers happened to be a cultivator as well, the rent payable by him pension. was deducted from his salary. But their pay was never allowed to fall in arrears as in the Peshwa days. As Shivaji was strictly punctual in his payments, it was not necessary for him to offer very high weges. "For the lower officers and men the pay varied from Rs. 9 to 3 for the infentry, and Rs. 20 to 6 in the cavalry, according to the higher or lower rank of the soldier or trooper.":127 Officers and privates of Shivaji's army were liberally rewarded for distinguished service in war. Wounded soldiers got & special allowance according to the nature of their wounds. Widows and orphans of soldiers who fell in active service were liberally pensioned by the state, and the latter, if major, were erlisted in the royal army. In any case they could expect to enter Shivaji's ermy whenever they attained majority; in the meantime they were sure of & suitable maintenance.198 Sabha sed describes how Shivaji assembled all his soldiers, after the destruction of Afzal's army and rewarded them in the usual manner. "The sons of the combatants who had fallen 13 Grant Duff, pp. 181-182. 196 Sabhasad, p. 68. 10 (2) 2. vaktI sAhebAMsa masalatIce kAma paDela te vastI jaise mAvale desamukha Apale loka gheunu masalatIsa sAhebApAsIM yetahitI te cahara nisavatIna je vastI masalatIce kAma sAhebAsa paDela te vastI ApaNa pAhA loka barAbarI gheunu sAhebAMce sevesI beunU dararoja rojamurA bahala bharaserI ruke sAdara naphare beunu salatA jo barI asela tovarI sAheba kAma karuna. 197 Ranade, R.M.P., p. 123. 19 Sabhasad, p. 25.

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OCTOBER, 1921) ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OF SHIVAJI 275 in the action were taken into his service. He directed that the widows of those who had no son should be maintained by a pension of) half their (husbands) pay. The wounded were given rewards of two hundred, one hundred, twenty-five or fifty Hons per man, according to the nature of their wounds. Warriors of renown and commanders of brigades were given horses and elephants in reward. Some were sumptuously rewarded with (ornaments like) bracelets, necklaces, crests, medallions, earrings and crests of pearls. Such were the presents conferred on men. Some were rewarded with grants of Mokasa in villages. "129 This practice of rewarding soldiers for meritorious service, and maintaining their widows and orphans by adequate pensions was continued throughout the Peshw& period. The Maratha Camp during the Peshwa period presented a disreputable spectacle. The Maratha Camp "Camp," says Elphinstone, "presents to a European the idea of during the Peshwa long lines of white tento in shwa long lines of white tents in the trimmest order. To a Maratha it preregulations. sents an assemblage of every sort of covering of every shape and colour, spreading for miles in all directions, over hill and dale, mixed up with tents, flags, trees and buildings. In Jonge's "History" march means one or more columns of troops and ordnance moving along roads, perhaps between two hedges ; in the Maratha history, horse. foot and dragoons inundating the face of the earth for many miles on every side, here and there a few horse with a flag and a drum, mixed with a loose and straggling mass of camels, elephants, bullocks, nautch girls, fakeers, and buffoons ; troops and followers, lancemen and match-lockmen, bunyans and mootsuddies."'130 Broughton gives a no less gruesome picture of Sindhia's camp. Wine was publicly sold and public women accompanied the army to the prejudice of discipline and order. 131 This was unthinkable in Shivaji's time. No one was allowed to keep in the camp a female slave or a dancing girl, and violation of this rule was punished with death. Shivaji, a lover of discipline, and method had drawn up for his army a set of wise regulations. These have been summed up by Sabhasad in the following manner : The army should cong to cartoment in the home dominions during the rainy season. There should be kept stored grains, folder, medicines, houses for men, and stables for horses, thatched with grass. As soon as the Dasara is over, the army should march out of their quarters. At the time of their departure, an inventory should be made, of the belongings of all the men, great or small, in the army, and they should start on the expedition. For eight months the forces should subsist on their spoils) in the foreign territories. They should levy contributions. There should be no women, female slaves, or dancing girls in the army. He who keeps them should be beheaded. In enemy territories, women and children should not be captured. Males, if found, should be captured. Cows should not be taken. Bullocks should be requisitioned for transport purpose only. Brahmans should not be molested. Where contributions have been laid, a Brahman should not be taken as a surety. No one should commit adultery. (Top ) Foreight months, they hould be on expedition on foreign countries. On the way back to the barracks in the month of Vaisakh, the whole army should be searched at the frontier of the home dominions. The former inventory of their belongings should be produced. Whatever may be in excess, should be valued and deducted from the soldiers' salary: Things of very great 139 bhAMDate loka je paDale hote tyAMcA lokAMsa cAlavile. putra nAhIM tyAcyA bAyakAMsa mime vetana karUna cAlavAve ase kele jakhamI jAhale tyAMsa donaze hona va ghaMbhara hona pannAsa hona hara bhAsAmIsa jakhama pADUna vidhale. moThamoThI loka dhArakarI bamale hote svAMsa bakSIsa hattI ghoDe vidhale hastakaMhI kaMThamAlA ture parake caukare motyAMce ture kityekAMsa bakSIsa phAra vidhale aise deNe lokAMsa didhale. 180 Elphinstone to Grant Duft quoted in Colebrook's Lifo / Elphinstone, Vol. II, p. 137. 10 Broughton's Letters wristen in a Mahralla Camp.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY value, if any, should be sent to the royal treasury. If any one secretly kept anything, and the Sardar came to know (of it), the Sardar should punish him. After the return of the army to their camp, an account should be made, and all the Sarders should come to see the Raja, with gold, silver, jewels, clothes, and other commodities. There all the accounts should be explained and the things should be delivered to His Majesty. If any surplus should be found due to the contingents, it should be asked for in cash from His Majesty. Then they should return to the barracks. Saranjam should be given to the men who had worked hard in the late campaign. If any one had been guilty of violating the rules or of cowardice, an enquiry should be made and the truth ascertained with the consent of many, and (the offender) should be punished with dismissal. Investigation should be quickly made. For four months they should remain in the barracks, and on the Dasara day, they should wait on the Raja. (Then) they should march out to the country, selected for the expedition, by the order of the Raja. Such were the rules of the army.132 276 [OCTOBER, 1921 These regulations were not designed merely to figure in the statute book but were strictly enforced. While passing through the kingdom of Golconda, on his way to Tanjore, Shivaji ordered his soldiers not to harass the people in any way; whatever they wanted was obtained by peaceful purchase, and any breach of law was severely punished. Sabhasad tells us that Shivaji on this occasion made examples of a few offenders to intimidate others, and his severity had the desired effect. But the spirit of the times was not favourable to strict discipline, and although Shivaji's spies seldom failed to bring to his notice all cases of violence and fraud,133 yet it was impossible for him to put a stop to military excesses. Bhate Sajjangad va Samartha Ramdas- rala hujasta rAjamAnya rAjezrI dattAjIpaMta vAnivIsa prati rAjazrI zivAjI rAje daMDavata upari kasabai cAphala yetheM rAmadAsa gosAvI Aheta zrIce devAlaya kele Ahe yAtrA bharate va sarvadA hi mohayAve cAlatA tarI tethe kaTakIMce sipAhI loka va bAje loka rAhatAtI va devAcI maryAdA cAlavIta nAhIMta yAtrAsa loka yetAsa byAsa tasavIsa detAtI-yAtrA karU lokAMsI divANa bale kalAgatI karitAta mhaNona, kalo Ale. These regulations strictly enforced. In a letter dated the 8th September 1671 we read how a Maratha soldier had attacked the Sabnis of his regiment with a naked sword. 134 On the 23rd July of the next year Shivaji wrote to Dattaji Pant Waknvais that the soldiers gave trouble to the pilgrims of the Chaphal fair. At Chaphal lived Ramdas, Shivaji's spiritual guide. He was revered throughout Maharashtra as a great saint and an incarnation of the monkey-god Maruti. If soldiers did not behave properly in the precincts of Ramdas temple, we may easily imagine to what extremes their insolence carried them at safer places. Shivaji however could not achieve the impossible. His countrymen had before them the example of the Bijapur army where discipline was conspicuous by its absence. Shivaji placed before them a high ideal, but an ideal cannot always be forced on an unwilling people at the point of the sword. None the less the great Maratha leader never failed to harangue his soldiers about their duties and responsibilities. In the year 1676 he came to learn that the regiment encamped at Chiplun hed given great trouble to the people of the neighbourhood. The troops were short of provision, and took by force what they wanted. Shivaji therefore issued a circular to the Jumladars, Havaldars and Karkuns of the army, reminding them that it was their duty to store 13 Sabhasad, pp. 133 He had numberless informers about his troops; so that if they kept back any money or goods from account, he forced them to give them up-Scott, Hist. of the Deccan, Vol. 11, p. 55. 134 Rajwade, M.I.S., Vol. VIII, p. 20.

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OCTOBER, 1921 ) HISTORY OF THE NIZAM SHAH KINGS OF AHMADNAGAR 277 sufficient provision in time. "If grain, bread, grass and vegetables are forcibly taken away from the peasant, they will desert the locality. Some of them will die of starvation and your presence will be more unwelcome than that of the Mughals." "Do not give the Rayat the least trouble," continues Shivaji," you have no need to stray out of your camping places. Money has been given to you from the Government treasury. Whatever any soldier may want, either grain, or vegetables or fodder for the animals, should be purchased from the market. Violence should not be offered to any one on any account." This remarkable document illustrates Shivaji's enxiety for the welfare of his people and the good name of his soldiers. The last portion of the letter shows how the minutest details of army administration did not escape his notice. He admonishes his officers to tak special precaution against fire. Soldiers were not to smoke or cook near haystackse and lamps were to be put out before the men went to bed, lest mice should drag away the burning wicks and set fire to the stacks." If the haystacks are burnt, the necessary hay cannot be procured even if the Kunbies are decapitated and the Karkuns harassed. The horses will die of hunger and the cavalry will be ruined."136 Shivaji knew everything about his army, its needs and requirements. He was anxious to secure the welfare of his people and he tried his best to protect them from the violence of his soldiers. We should judge him by what he attempted and not by what he achieved, although his achievements were by no means small. (To be continued.) THE HISTORY OF THE NIZAM SHAHI KINGS OF AHMADNAGAR. BY LIEUT.-COLONEL T. W. HAIG, C.S.I., C.M.G., C.B.E. (Continued from p. 268.) LXXXI.-AN ACCOUNT OF THE FALL OF NARNALA, AFTER ONE YEAR'S SIEGE AND OF THE CAPTURE OF TUTAL KHAN, AFTER HE HAD FLED IN YEAR OF HIS LIFE. When the king was informed, on the 29th of Zi-l-Hijjah, A. H. 981 (April 22, A.D. 1574) that the very foundation of the fortress of Narnala had been destroyed by the artillery under the direction of Asad Khan, he ordered that the army should, early in the month of Muharram, A. 1. 982 (April, A. D. 1574), storm the fort simultaneously on all sides. The army obeyed this order with the greatest alacrity and attacked the fort with great valour and determination. The garrison, seeing themselves thus attacked on all sides, utterly lost heart and gave up the fight, but Tufal Khan rallied them with the hope of rich rewards in the event of success and once more led them to the defences, fighting himself in the ranks. They fol. lowed him and poured a hot fire of musketry and showers of stones on the attacking force. The Nisam Shahi troops, however, pressed on and drove the enemy from the first or outer gate of the fort and occupied the gate. Thence they attacked the second gate, which they took, and in this manner they pressed on antil they had captured three or four gates one within the other, and thus arrived at the inmost gate, in the wall of the fort itself. They attacked this vigorously, while Tufal Kban in person defended it. Suddenly the shouts of a body of the victorious army who had entered the fort by one of the breaches, were heard within the fort. Tufal Klan now gave up all for lost and, leaving all his goods and woulth, fled, and left the fort by another gate, on the Burhanpur road. The victors now entered the fort and slew large numbers of the defenders. Those who were not at once slain 136 Rajwade, M.I.S., Vol. VIII, pp. 23-25.

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278 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (OCTOBER, 1921 threw down their arms and begged for mercy. The king graciously spared the lives of this remnant, but all their goods and their cattle became the spoil of the victorious army. The king then turned his attention to the dwellers in that fort and encouraged them to hope for his favour. The revenue officers then made search for Tufal Khan's treasures. The cash, the jewels, the rich stuffs, the merchandise, the horses and the elephants which had belonged to Tufal Khan as Governor of Berar became the property of Murtaza Nizam Shah, and all that hadbelonged to his army and to the inhabitants of the forts was distributed among the victorious army. The king then ordered a force of picked men, under Sayyid Husain Jarjani, the Sar-i-Naubat of Changiz Khan, to pursue the wretched Tufal Khan lest he should effect his escape. After great exertions they found the wretch in one of the villages of Berar and seized him, and brought him in a litter to the king Sayyid Husain was received with much honour and the title of Tufal Khan was bestowed upon him. The same day orders were issued that the amirs and troops in Kandhar should march to the assistance of 'Ali 'Adil Shah. These orders were carried out and this army advanced as far as Udgir. But now Khyaja Ziya-ud-din Muhammad, entitled Amin Khan, envoy to Bijapur, who had, by command of Murtaza Nizam Shah come to the royal court and was now returning to Bijapur, met this army at Udgir and conveyed to them the royal command that they should await the return of the army from Berar. The amirs and the troops therefore halted at Udgir and awaited the return of the king with his army. When Shamshir-ul-Mulk, the son of Tufal Khan, and the garrison of Gawil heard of the fall of Narnala and the imprisonment of Tufal Khan, they were overcome with dread and sent a messenger to the king to ask that their lives might be spared. The royal army then took possession of Gawil, and Changiz Khan, by the royal command seized Shamshir-ul-Mulk and his officers, while the civil officers made out schedules of all the "Imad Shahi and the Tufal Kbani treasure in Gawil, a schedule of which the schedule of Qarun's treasure might well have been a rough draft, and submitted it to the king. The governors of provinces and the commandants of other forts and posts in the kingdom of Berar having heard of the capture and the disgrace of Tufal Khan, came to the court of the king of the Dakan with swords and shrouds hung round their necks and gave up the keys of their forts and of their treasure chests. They then submitted themselves entirely to the Nizam Shahf kingdom. Ali Adil Shah was by no means pleased with the conquest of Berar, the capture of its fortresses and the imprisonment of Tufal Khan and his sons by Murtaza Nizam Shah and heard the news with much perturbation and dissatisfaction, and Khyaja Ziya-ud-din Muhammad Amir Khan, the Ahmadnagar envoy at the court of Bija pur, was at the instigation of Mustafa Khan, and of the friends of his own brother, I'tibar Khan, who was the envoy from Bijapur to the court of Ahmadnagar, put to death. The circumstances of this affair are as follows: Although Ali.Adil Shah, urged thereto by the necessities of the time, had consented to the conquest of Berar by Ahmadnagar and had even detached two or three officers of rank with a force of several thousand horse, in order that they might, as has been mentioned, assist in the operations to be undertaken, he was yet most unwilling to allow the kingdom of Ahmadnagar to grow more powerful, and had told I'tibar Khan, who was his envoy at the court of Ahmadnagar, that whenever it appeared that Tufal Khan was reduced to extremities and that the army of Ahmadnagar was about to conquer Berar, he was to report the state of affairs to Bijapur at once. I'tibar Khan not only failed to carry out this order, but sent to his master dispatches in accordance with the interest of Abmadnagar and thus played him false until the conquest of Berar was a fait accompli. Although Amin Khan had

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Ojr03 EB, 1921) HISTORY OF THE NIZAM SHAH KINGS OF AHMADNAGAR 279 made great efforts to secure the freedom of Mustafa Khan and had succeeded so well that he had not only obtained his release from the fort of Panala, but had caused him to be promoted to the office of vakil and pi shva. Mustafa Khan, forgetting the maxim that for favour nothing should be returned but favour,' persuaded 'Ali 'Adil Shah that I'tibar Khan's negligence and disobedience were due to the instigation of his brother, Amin Khan, and so enraged him that he ordered the execution of Amin Khan. Mustafa Khan at length received the punishment due to his misdeeds, and was slain, in his eightieth year, by a man named Amin Khan.193 After the conquest of Berar, Murtaza Nizam Shah apportioned its towne and parganas in jdgir to the great amirs who had signalised themselves by bravery in the campaign, such as Jamshid Khan, Khudavand Khan, Rustam Khan, Chandha Khan, Bahi Khan, Mirsa Quli Khan, Shir Khan Barraqi, Maqsud Aqa and others, appointing Khattat Khan Kashi commander in chief over them. Bahram Khan Gilani, was appointed commandant of Gawil and Sayyid Ali Zahir-ul-Mulk, commandant of Narnala. The king with his army then set forth to conquer the kingdom of Bidar. When Ibrahim Qutb Shih heard of the conquest of Berar and of the advance of the army of Ahmadnagar towards Bidar, he was much alarmed and considered within himself that after the complete subjugation of the kingdom of Borar with its twenty thousand fine cavalry and its numerous and strong forts both in the plains and in the hills, the capture of the fortress of Bidar, in spite of its reputation for strength, would seem to be a small matter to the army of Ahmadnagar, and that the army might, after its capture, march on Telingana (which God, he prayed, forbid !) when it would be extremely difficult for him to withstand them. He therefore openly courted the friendship of Murtaza Nizam Shah, and sent the Sayyid, Mir Zainal, to the royal camp to conclude a treaty of peace. He secretly, however, sent a message to Miran Muhammad Shah, Sultan of Khandesh, Baying that although Murtaza Nizam Shah had, after putting forth great efforts, possessed himself of Berar, yet the hearts of the subjects and zamindars of that country could not already be thoroughly reconciled to the dominion of Ahmadnagar, and that Murtaza Nizam Shah had now marched towards Bidar and had left the vast kingdom of Berar without # responsible ruler. He proposed therefore, that Miran Muhammad Shah should invade Berar and with his help, conquer it without difficulty, when he would gladly hand over the country to him. Mir Zainal arrived at the royal camp, and Changiz Khan, in order not to offend 'Ali 'Adil Shah, had him lodged privately in Jamshid Klzan's quarters, and introduced him secretly to the king. His requests were granted and he received permission to depart after having successfully carried out his mission. When the royal army reached Mahur the king heard that disturbances had broken out in Berar, and that Mirza Quli Khan had risen in rebelkion and had, at the head of a band of ruffians, slain Khattat Khan. It seems that Mirza Quli Khan and his gang had gone to the quarters of Khattat Khan at midday, the time when everybody takes a siesta, had slain the 199 Shah Abu-l-Hasan had been dismissed in 1573 from the post of vakil and pishud of the Bijapur state, having been held responsible for the bursting of a big gun at the siege of Torkul, and the Sayyid, Muutafa Khan Ardistani had been appointed in his place. Mustafa Khan was eventually strangled by one Muhammad Amin acting under the orders of Kishvar Khan, his offence being that many of the officers of thorwmy wished to replace him in the position of vakil and pishvd at a crisis in the affairs of BjapuaF. ii. 80, 96.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ Ostovki, 1921 doorkeeper who opposed their entrance and had then entered and slain Khattat Khan himself. Mirza Quli Khan then made off towards Burhanpur and before the rest of the amirs had heard what had happened, or could start in pursuit, Banu Khan, with a force of valiant men had started in pursuit of him and had overtaken him and attacked him. The fight was long and fierce, but at last, by God's blessing, the rebels were defeated, and many were slain. Mirza Quli Khan and a few of his companion fled and with much difficulty, and after suffer. ing many hardships, succeeded in making their escape. 280 The king, with a view to quieting these disturbances, appointed Khurshid Khan, the Sar-i-naubat, commander-in-chief of Berar, and proceeded on his way without a halt until he reached Udgir. Here the amirs who were encamped at this place and were awaiting the arrival of the royal army, were admitted to the presence and received marks of the royal favour. Here also Changiz Khan, the vakil and pishva, fell seriously ill, and, as the rainy season was now approaching, the royal army encamped at Udgir for some time. While the army was encamped at Udgir, Ibrahim Qutb Shah sent Sayyid Shah Mir Tabatiba,1 ,194 one of the most learned and eloquent men of the age, to the royal court in order that he might obtain the confirmation of the treaties of peace and alliance existing between the two kingdoms, and obtain fresh treaties to the advantage of both parties. When the king heard of the arrival of Shah Mir he ordered that the envoy should be accommodated just without the camp, and await orders. After, this the king went out hunting with Changiz Khan and others of the chief amirs, such as the Khanzaman, Jamshid Khan, Khudavand Khan and Bahri Khan seated on the chita carts, and as he came forth from the camp, Mir Shah Mir appeared before him, paid his respects, and delivered the message with which he was charged. The Mir, having received a favourable answer, then returned to his master. It was now that the king heard that Mirza Quli one of the bravest officers of the army, having rebelled, and having at midday, which is the time when all take rest, attacked Khattat Khan's quarters with a gang of ruffians, slaying the doorkeeper who opposed his entrance, and afterwards slaying Khattat Khan himself, had come forth and opposed Banu Khan, who, with a body of valiant men, had come to attack him. A sharp fight took place in the streets and bazars and the rebels were driven forth into the open plain and were at length defeated, some being slain, and the rest taking flight. Miran Muhammad Shah, who had been led astray by Ibrahim Qutb Shah, and had also received help from 'Ali 'Adil Shah, was now blinded to his true interests by his desire to possess Berar and was minded, in accordance with the dictates of his own evil fortune, to violate his treaties with Murtaza Nizam Shah, to his own ruin and destruction, as will afterwards appear. 195 Miran Muhammad Shah having thus cast covetous eyes on Berar, sent Zain-ud-din, his commander-in-chief, with a large army, into that country with orders to expel the Nizim Shahi army and annex the country to Khandesh. Zain-ud-din, with an army of nearly 20,000 horse, invaded Berar and stretched forth his hands to vex the Nizam Shahi officers there. The amirs of Berar, when they heard of the approach of the large army of Burhanpur, all left their outlying parganas and assembled at Elichpur in order that they might, after taking counsel with Khurshid Khan, the commander-in-chief, offer a united resistance to invaders. The only exception was Chaghatai Khan who, standing fast in his own country, as soon as there was any cause for anxiety, sacrificed his own jagir. 191 Firishta styles this envoy Shah Mirza Isfahani, ii. 269, 270, 337. 193 According to Firishta (ii. 268), Muhammad Shah Faruqi II did not openly announce his ntention of annexing Berar, but invaded it ostensibly in support of a foster-brother of Burhan 'Imad Shah, whom he represented to be his real brother-F. ii. 268.

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OCTOBER, 19211 HISTORY OF THE NIZAM SHAH KINGS OF AHMADNAGAR 281 After the amirs had assembled in Elichpar, Khurshid Khan, finding himself unable to withstand the numerous army of Burhanpur, withdrew to Gawil and was besieged in that fortress. The amirs and chief officers perforce withdrew from the neighbourhood of Gawil and marched against a corps of the army of Burhanpur which was besieging Narnala. The two armies met before Narnala and a fierce battle engued in which the amirs of Berar, who were under no responsible commander-in-chief, were defeated and lost all their baggage. They then retreated with a view to joining the royal army, but were pursued by the army of Miran Muhammad Shah, which came up with them on the banks of the Parandi river and again attacked them with great determination. The army of Ahmadnagar, though it fought with great bravery and several times repulsed the enemy, was unable, without a responsible head as it was, to withstand successfully a force which so largely outnumbered it, and the army of Miran Muhammad Shab was at length victorious. Maqsud Aqa, the Sar-i-naubat, and most of the usually victorious army, were so overcome with panic and confusion, that they were drowned in the river, and the few who escaped and with great difficulty, reached the opposite bank, made their way to the royal camp in Udgir. The king, on hearing of Miran Muhammad Shah's action, regarded the reconquest and pacification of Berar as more important than any other business which was before him and at once marched towards Berar. He placed all the Foreign troops, with several of the amirs, in the advanced guard under the command of Sayyid Murtava and followed this force towards Berar with the main body of the army, marching with great speed until he entered Berar. Sayyid Murtaza, with the force under his command, reached the town of Balapur one morning and encamped there. When Sayyid Zain-ud-din heard of the arrival of the royal army in Berar, he became alarmed and, realizing that it would be folly on his part to remain in Borar, he set out for Khandesh. 196 On the following day at sunrise the main body of the royal army arrived at Balapur, and Sayyid Murtaza, with the advanced guard, set out in pursuit of the enemy who, in their terror, fled in all haste to Burhanpar, halting nowhere by the way. When the king heard of the flight of the enemy, he thought it well that there should be no delay in the matter of taking vengeance on the forsworn Miran Mubammad Shah, and marched, without halting, to the banks of the Tapti. When Miran Muhammad Shah heard of the approach of Murtaza Nizam Shah he would tarry no longer at Burhanpur but, setting, his country and his goods, his crown and his throne, against his life, he fled with a few of his most intimate courtiers and took refuge in the fortress of Asir. The royal army then crossed the river and entered Burhanpur, which was a very paradise with its houris and its mansions, and sacked and burned the city. The king remained for daya in the city, enjoying himself, while his army plundered rich and poor, and took possession of the crown and throne of Miran Muhammad Shah, and of the goods of his army, and also of all hoards and treasures, whether open or concealed. All collected taxes were given to the army. The army received so much gold, jewels, precious stuffs, valuable merchandise, so many horses and elephants, and all manner of goods, that they could not gather and transport them. Among the plunder was a vast pit full of grain from which the whole of the royal elephants and horses were fed, while such large quantities were given to the amars for the use of their horses and troops that they were enabled, after satisfying all wants, to sell much of it; and the supply was not even then exhausted. The rest of the plunder was on the same scale. 198 According to Firishta, the army of Ahmadnagar marched by way of Rohankhed. Muhammad Shah Faruqi II had not himself invaded Berar, but was halting on the frontier, awaiting events. On the approach of the army of Ahmednagar he fled to Asirgash-F. ii. 269.

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282 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (OCTOBER, 1921 1 After the sacking of the city of Burhanpur the royal army marched from the city to be siege Asirgash,191 Changiz Khan being in command of the advanced guard. When Miran Muhammad Shah heard of the approach of the army of Ahmadnagar, he sent Sayyid Zain-ud. din, who was vakil of the kingdom of Khandesh, with a large army and several elephants, to oppose its advance, and the army of Miran Muhammad Shah and the advanced guard of the army of Ahmadnagar met between Burhanpur and Asir. A fierce battle ensued in which the advantage lay at first with the army of Burhanpur, and the advanced guard of the royal army was on the point of suffering a defeat. As soon as the king heard of the insolent persistence of the enemy, his wrath burst into flame, and calling for his horse he mounted it and dashed off towards the field without taking time even to arm himself properly. The amirs, who were in attendance on him, tried to dissuade him from going personally into the fight, saying that that was the business of themselves and of the troops under them. With some difficulty they prevailed on him to stay where he was and send a force to the aid of the advanced guard: At that moment news was received that Changiz Khan had attacked the enemy with great dash and determination, and had defeated and dispersed them, slaying many and taking many prisoners, and capturing also several elephants. The king was much rejoiced by this news and pressed on with the main body of the army towards Asir. The army of Miran Muhammad Shah, which was encamped around the fortress, was smitten with terror and fled, leaving the whole of their camp equippage, baggage, goods, and chattels in the hands of the victors. The royal army pursued them to the borders of the dominions of the emperor Akbar, slaying all whom they overtook. Much spoil fell into their hands and they laid waste the whole country about Asir and Burhanpar. When the royal pavilion was set up over against the fortress of Asir, commands were issued that the siege should be begun, and the army surrounded the fortress. The fortress of Asir is situated on a very lofty hill and is so strong that it has baffled the attempts of many to take it. The rock on which the fort is built is so high and smooth, and has been so scarped that the ascent of it is impossible, and the fort can be approached only by a very rough and difficult road cut in the rock, while its walls and bastions are beyond the reach of artillery. From the day of its foundation to this time it had never been captured and had never been surrendered. The royal army, having now surrounded the fortress, closed all roads of ingress and egress to the besieged. Miran Muhammad Shah, who had been induced by Ibrahim Qutb Shab to break his faith, now saw that his conduct would have no other result than the ruin of his country and the dispersal of his subjects, and therefore set himself to beseech the king for pardon and forgiveness. He sent the Khan khanan, who had formerly been a servant of the court of Ahmadnagar and whose great power as vakil of that kingdom has already been mentioned, as an envoy to the court of Murtaza Nizam Shah tu pray for pardon for his faults and transgressions and to promise payment of nine lakhs of Muzaffari rupees as na'l-baha 198 to be paid whenever the royal army should retire from before Asir and arrive at Burhanpur. Changiz Khan and the rest of the amirs and 197 Firishta's version of this event is as follows :-Changiz Khan, who had heard much of the fortress of Asirgaph, was desirous of inspecting it and, with the permission of Murta ,A Nizam Shah, set out to do so with an escort of 2,000 horse. Muhammad Shah Faruqi sent against him a force of seven or eight thousand hors, and ordered the amirs who accompanied it to surround Changiz Khan's force and put him to death -F. ii. 269. 118 Na'l-band is money paid to an invading army to induce it to abstain from plunder and dovas. tation. Firishta says that the indemnity amonnted to 1,000,000 Muzaffaris, vix 200,000 to Murtas NiPSm Shah himself and 400,000 to Changiz Khan -F. ii. 269.

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OCTOBER, 1921) FOLK-TALES OF THE CAR NICOBARESE 283 great officers of state then appeared before the king and interceded for Miran Muhammad Shah and the king graciously accepted their advice and pardoned him, and the army moved from before Asir and set out on its return journey. When the army bad crossed the river of Burhanpur (the Tapti)and enoamped on the southern bank of the river, Miran Muhammad Shah kept his promise and sent the stipulated sum to the royal treasury. The promise had been to pay eight lakhs of Muzaffari rupees to the royal treasury and one lakh to Changiz Khan. When the money came Changiz Khan refused to accept his share, but at length, in accordance with the royal command, he accepted it and distributed it among the troops. Then the royal army marched from the bank of the river and encamped at the town of Balapar. Here Sayyid Shah Mir199 arrived as an envoy from Ibrahim Qutb Shah with royal and costly gifts and having been admitted to an audience by means of Changiz Khan and other amirs, he undertook in his master's name that whenever the army should march against All Adil Shah, 20.000 hins should be paid to them at each stage by the Sultan of Golconda. The chief men of Vijayanagar also promised that they would contribute seven lakhs of hans to the royal army as na'l-bahd. (To be continued.) FOLK-TALES OF THE CAR NICOBARESE. COLLECTED BY THE REV. G. WHITEHEAD. ( Continued from p. 253.) XIV.--THE STORY OF OT-NYA-HUM-KU. Once upon a time there was a man called Ot-nya-hum-ku. He was a wonderful magician (to-mi-luo-no). He knew all the thoughts of other people, and when he went out in the rain he did not get wet. Once he was sent by his wife to cut down and bring home some pandanus (or bread-fruit), whilst she got the necessary firewood and water ready for cooking the same. The man went off into the jungle to cut down the pandanus fruit. He climbed the tree, and chopped, and chopped, and chopped. But he could not manage it ; for though he chopped the branch right through, the fruit did not fall, but the branch was joined on again as before. He kept at it all day, but had to go home in the afternoon empty-banded, without his load of pandanus fruit. His wife was very angry with him when he got home, because she felt she had been made ridiculous by gathering and chopping firewood and drawing water, when there was nothing to cook. She was also tired with having had to wait for him so long. So, after some altercation, his wife herself went along with him that very evening; and both of them started out for the garden to cut down and bring home the pandanus fruit. The man went up into the tree this time to show his wife how things stood. He severed the branch of the pandanw at one blow of his dah (or chopper); but it became glued on again When his wife saw what happened, she said: "Certainly this man is indeed a magician !" So the woman herself then went up into the tree, and chopped down their load of pandamus. They then went back, put the pot on the fire, and cooked the chopped-up pandanus in it. This appears to have been his second mission to the court of Ahmad. 100 Shah Mirze Isfahant. nagar-F. ii. 269, 270, 337.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ OCTOBER, 1921 Another time there was a wild-pig hunt, and many were following the baying of their hounds. Now Ot-nya-bum-ku happened to be the only man who had a dah with him (the others having taken spears or bows and arrows). So it fell to him to clear the way where the jungle was dense and difficult. But no sooner had he chopped through a bough and passed on, than the lopped-off bough joined itself on again to the tree. So the others could not get along; there was no way for them to go; whilst he got on a long way ahead. After a bit, the others gave it up and went home; and he was left alone to get all the profits of their chase. After a while, he got ill and died; and his body was hung up in a tree ; but after some days he came to life again.32 Again, in his old age, he died; but before his death he said to those around him, "When I am dead this time, bury me; but I shall only remain dead three days. So look out for the hole down through the ground to where I lie, and dig me up. If you do so, I shall live on ; but if you do not hearken to what I say, I shall die outright and return no more." But the people were unwilling to dig him up, for they were overpowered by the stench; 80 the magician at last died outright. XV THE WICKED SABBATH-BREAKER. (Literally, "The man who was disobedient on the day of rest".) There was once a man who paid no attention to the restrictions of the "rest-days ;" but went into the jungle on "a rest-day." The whole night long people had been making "devil-scarers." 33 They had also been singing the ma-a-fai songs and dancing the ma-a-fai dances, and spearing "devila." Then, in the morning of the following day, the evil spirits which had been caught by the witob-doctors (to-mi-luo-no) were sent away over the waters on a raft; and the people "rested" the whole day. Now this man had some plantains in his garden in the jungle. and one bunch was getting ripe, and he was anxious to see how it was going on. So he stole pff privately to look at them; for he wished to cut them down. When he reached the place, he got over the fence into the garden, and chopped down the plantains; but no sooner had he done this, than he was metamorphosed into a road, at the very place where he had out down the plantains. Now he was one of those who had been putting up the "de vil-scarers" and dancing the ma-a-far4 dances during the night; so his face had been daubed (as usual with such worshippers) with red paint; and in consequence of his face having daubs of red paint on it, the road into which he was turned had also streaks or patches of red in it. His comrades sought for him for many a day, but could not find him, for he was now no longer a man but a road, because he could not resist the temptation to eat plantains whenever he found any red and ripe ones. And that road too is red, because when he was still a man, he had had his face daubed with red paint. 32 Tree burial is no longer practised in Car Nicobar, though the customs of the inhabitants of the islands of Chowra and Teressa are much the same as tree-burials, the bodies being loft in the jungle in the half of a canoo which has been sewn in two. * These in Car Nicobar are merely bamboos decked with bunches of leaves, and then erected, though in Nankauri carved figures of crocodiles, etc., are made for this purpose. * The ma-a-fai are the novices for the witch doctorate, and the songs and dances, in which they must partake every night for the year of their novitiate, do not differ widely from the secular songs and dances.

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OCTOBER, 1921] FOLK-TALES OF THE CAR NICOBARESE 285 Now those roads do nothing else to-day than wait until the plantains get ripe and red; and then at once they begin to eat them up. This was the disobedient man, who went into the jungle on a "rest-day." XVI.-WILD PIGS. Formerly wild pigs were very numerous in the island ; and once it happened that when & man was travelling alone in the jungle, and without a spear, he unfortunately came across a herd of them. The pigs rushed at him, and ripped him up; and so he died. As soon as the man's elder brother heard the news, he determined to avenge the man's death by a wholesale slaughter of the wild pigs. So he spent one whole day and night in sharpening his blade (dah). Then he tied it on some boughs; and it went right through them at one blow. Still he was not satisfied, and went on sharpening his dah. Then as he sat, he turned the blade upwards, and was examining it, when a fly happened to settle down upon it, and was at once cut in two. "Ah ! yes !" says he, "now it will do." Then he went into the jungle, and made out of a bamboo a long handle for his blade, which he fixed securely cross-wise (as a scythe-blade is fixed). Then he got up into a big tree and began to call the beasts, crying out rhythmically, "Fierce wild pigs! Fierce wild pigs !" A drove of them soon came hurrying along, and got up on the top of one another's backs in their eagerness to get at the man; and they could just manage to touch him. Meanwhile he kept giving stabs with his dah into the paunches of the beasts. Flop ! flop ! flop ! and. one after another the wild pigs dropped down dead. Then he repeated the performance, again calling the wild pigs and stabbing them when they came; and so a second herd perished. A third time he was slaughtering the wild pigs, when the "devil " (or spirit) who owned the pigs, said to him: "Stop ! that's enough! I cannot stand this." "Oh ! no," said the man, "We will have another go." Then, after he had slaughtered the third herd, the man came down from the tree and carried the pigs home to his house There he made a fire and began to singe the carcases; for this is often the only cooking the meat gets. But when he turned any carcase over to do the other side, the bristles sprang up again on the side which he had just singed, though he had done it so thoroughly as to have sufficiently cooked the meat. As this was repeatedly the case, the man gave up the job, and was about to go up into his house, when the "devil" (or spirit) who was determined to take vengeance for the slaughter of his pigs, said to the man, "How would you like a snake ?" "Oh!" said the man, "I would swim out into the deep sea." "Then, how would you like a shark ?" asked the" devil." "In that case I should be done for," said the man. Whilst he was still at the bottom of the stairs, a snake bit him; he went up the ladder, and instantaneously dropped over dead, as he stepped across the threshold. XVII.-THE DISCOVERY OF CHOWRA. Long long ago, the ancients who lived here did not know that there was any other country in the world besides this island; for it is situated in the middle of the ocean. Now it happened that some people once made a toy canoe from the spathe of the 00008nut. They finished it off very carefully, and fixed sails for it. And after they had done this, they put into it a cargo of small yams; and then they floated off the canoe in the direction of Chowra.

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286 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ OCTOBER, 1921 The Canoe was some months on its journey; but at last it reached Chowra. Some one found it and carried it off. * As soon as the foreigners who live at Chowra saw it, they said : " Perhaps there is some small country over yonder, and this small canoe has been made by those people and laden with yams. Come, let us in our turn) lade it with a tiny cooking-pot and some kui-loi. 35 So the tiny canoe was sent off again, this time in the direction of our country; and it duly arrived with its cargo of a small cooking-pot and some kui-loi; and the people of these parts found it and carried off the cargo. "What can we make of this? Perhaps it would do to boil water in, to cook our food," said they, as they examined the cooking-pot. So they put some water into it and it did not leak. They then put it on the fire and heated the water; the pot did not crack or leak. Then they put some food into it and cooked it. Then they remarked one to another: "Perhaps there will be some big ones too, where this little cooking-pot came from ; so let us go in our canoes and find out ; for we are badly in want of something to cook our food in." So, after some months, the people here again sent off the toy canoe, and took their own Canoes and followed it ; and in due course came to Chowra. But they were just missing the way and going on to Luro6,36 when the people of Chowra saw them, and beckoned to them to come ashore there. So they went ashore there, and purchased big cooking-pots as their cargo for the return journey. From that time onwards, the peoples of Car Nicobar and Chowra have been great friends, or especially associated together; and we regularly take goods there, wherewith to buy our cooking pots. The above was the very first trip ever made to Chowra. XVIII.-THE STORY OF THE MAN KILFEUT. There was once a man who went out, as others had done, in his canoe to a ship, to barter nuts for bread, etc. He arrived at the wrong time, just as the ship was making prepara. tions to depart; and before he was aware of it, he had got left behind on the ship, and had to remain there ; for all his comrades had gone, and had taken all the cances with them. His friends afterwards sought for him in vain ; but his parents for long still expected him to turn up; but as months and years passed by, they began to feel, " He is surely dead." Meanwhile, Kilfeat was being carried away to the land of strange foreigners, where he remained a long time, supporting himself by fishing from a boat. He was successful as a fisherman and got comfortably off, and had plenty of money to spend. He also stayed long enough there in the foreigners' land to get married, and to have two children, a boy and a girl, who indeed were now grown fairly big. One day, however, he got very anxious to get back here to his native land, and he saw & boat which he dragged down into the water. He got together food for himself when he should be out in the open sea, and fresh water for drinking, and some clothing too ; and then he was off, leaving his wife and children behind. He rowed out for some distance and then hoisted up the sails, and made for this island. It was difficult work, as he was the only one to row or to mind the sails; but after many days he was successful in getting here. 8. Agoncootion of yama, plantain and cocoanut, made and sold to-day by the people of Chowra. * Probably the old name of Ta-ra-sa, the next island southwards.

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OCTOBER, 1921) FOLK-TALES OF THE CAR NICOBAREBE 287 It was about midnight when he arrived and beached his boat, and went up into his house. He found that his parents were keeping the ossuary feast on his behalf,37 for the people all concluded that he was dead. He went up to the place and watched the dancing. Then he went to the pens where the pigs were, and he felt their ears, and he said to himself: "These pigs are marked with any own mark." Then, as he was beginning to get thirsty, he went to cut down some nuts from his own cocoanut trees. Some people who were passing by the foot of the tree where he was cutting, said: "Ho ! there who are you that outs down nuts that are tabu for the dead?" "What dead man?" asked he. And the people replied, "Kilfeut." "Why, am I not myself Kil. feut," said he. And as soon as the people heard this, they rejoiced ; and all were glad that he had come back home again. XIX.--THE PANIC-STRICKEN MAN There was once a man of Lapati38 who got into a terrible fright. His name was Chit-tat-rot. The people of Lapati had gone, as they do every year in the hot weather, tc Chowra, in their canoes; and Chit-tot-rot had gone along with his neighbours. It was only after they reached Chowra that this man became beside himself for fear; for then he heard that the people of Chowra would sometimes kill their guests (or companions and friends). In his panic, he got up in the middle of the night and dragged out a little Canoe into the sea ; and himself alone in it, he began to paddle his way for the "Little One." 39 Fortunately, the weather was very calm or he would have perisherl. When he got there, he left the canoe and went up into the island, and managed to get some food for himself by killing birds with stones. These birds he cut open and gutted, and then put them on the stones out in the sun to dry; and when they were thoroughly dried, he ate them; for he was not able to make a fire. After a few days, his friends came that way on their return journey hoine. Fortunately, they came quite close to the island in their course. The man beckoned to them, and they Came in ; and he got into the boat with his friends, and so came back safely to this land. XX. STORY OF THE MEN WHO WENT TO A DISTANT LAND. Long long ago, some men of Car Nicobar went to the other Nicobar Islands to cut and gather nuts.40 They were for a few months in Camorta ; ti and when they wanted to come back here, they were not able to do so on account of the strong winds and rain. They attempted it, however, and were drifted to a small island. 42 * They were there for a considerable time and had a great deal of sickness. As some got better, others sickened and died; and eventually there were only three survivors. When they got back here to their own country, they told the friends of their dead comrades, their parents and their children, that the others had died. So all the people of the place made offerings as propitiations, and their children, parents and wives were very sad. The people too, chopped up their racing canoes; and the whole village killed pigs, by spearing them, as a propitiation to the dead. They invited the people of other villages also ; and they all ate of the offerings of the dead. 37 Literally, "were eating his pigs." See ante, note 21, on p. 239. 39 A large village on the east coast of Car Nicobar, regarded as the first settlement in the island. 30 Batti-Malv, see ante, note 11, on p. 236. 40 This story is probably historic. The men were most likely induced to leave Car Nicobar by Burme or Indian tradors; if so, the incident must have happened within the last fifty years. It is, howover, established in the minds of the people a story of old time. 11 The fairly large island lying to the north of Nankauri harbour. 43 Probably Tillanchong.

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288 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (OOTOBER, 1921 BOOK-NOTICE. THE LAKSHMIDEVI TEMPLE AT DODDA The name of the founder of the temple interests GADDAVALLI. Mysore Archeological Series. me personally. It is Kullahana Rahuta, and the Architecture and Sculpture in Mysore. No. III. name perhaps explains that of a very different By R. Narasimhachar, M.A., Bangalore, Mysore worthy of the 17th century, known to the early Government Press, 1919. Quarto, pp. viii, 8. English merchants as Babaraut. He was a genial P ates, xiv. uffi an, dwelling at various places along the West This is the third of Mr. Narasimhachar's valuable memoirs on individual temples in Mysore Territory. Coast and carrying on a lucrative trade as archIt describes a typical temple in the Hoysala stylu, pirate and trader on a large scale, and he was quite as found in Mysore, and luckily it is an early as ready to enter into a friendly deal, profitable to example. As Mr. Narasimhachar says, his first himself, as to gain wealth by barefaced sea piracy. monograph described a temple of three cells, the I observe that Kulla hana Rahuta, or Kullan-rahut second one of one cell, and the third mono ag the alternative form would be, was mahagraph describes one of four cells rare form, of which this is the only instance in Mysore. Pages vaddavyavahari, a great merchant, according to his v to viii contain a very valuable list of Hoysala inscription. In my edition of Peter Mundy's Travels buildings ranging from c. 1047 A.D. to c. 1292,1 (1608-1667, Vol. II, p. 316). I have written BabaAnd of Dravidian buildings from c. 800 to c. 1733. raut's name a Baba Rawat. Perhaps I should Altogether we have a valuable brochure in every have written in Baba Rahut. sense. R. C. TEMPLE. NOTES AND QUERIES. NOTES FROM OLD FACTORY RECORDS. bould to implo]rtune your Charity and beg the 22. The Company's premises at Conimere. loan of the Fort Tent for the Present... 7 November 1682. Letter from John Willcox and (Rsoorie of Fort St. George, Letters to Fort St. George, Council at Conimere [Kanyimedu] to William Gulford 1682, Vol. II, p. 115.) and Council at Fort St. George...... Wee R.C.T. humbly request that the boat must be sent to us as soon as possible and that you would be pleased to send us some Palmiros (palmyra timber), 23. A new method of decorticating flax. [t]here being none here ready cut to build us a 7 April 1685. Letter from John Willcox and house, for wee have been miserably put to our shifts Council at Conimere (Kanyimedu] to Wm. Gyfford for a being. Our Tent stood us in some stead til and Council at Fort St. George. Wee have been the wind and the rain grew to[o] strong for us, and upon all manner of tryalls for the well curing and then wee were faint (fain) to leave that and retrive dressing of Flax, and hope we have hitt upon the (retire) ourselves to a small Mosquit [mosque), but right att la , for tying it up in Small bundles we that proved noe unsavory a Sanctuary that wae (lay itt in) running water; we have some that has were not able to stay above one night in it for the thus layen for above this ten days, and find itt noisome damps and Smells that came from the still keeps its strength, is more plyant and becomes dead bodies that were buried there had almost much softor, which is the way that must prepare choskod u. From thence in the wind and raine, and make it fitt for dressing, for we find by wee were forced to seek for new quarters as at last experienoe, without the Flax is well cured and wee faint for (were fain) to drive into an old Jentue softened, the cloth that is made of it will never turn [Hindu) house which proved too leaky to afford us white. Our Merchants have promised to provide two a good Sheltor; and this has been our manner of bales of it. We now send you the fine piece that was riveing since we came hither. Our Tent, within a upon the loom.-(Records of Fort St. George: Letters day or two, according to our promise, we must to Fort St. George, 1684-85, III, 70.) return to the Fort, which makes us a little the more R.C.T.

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Fig. 1. MARSH ARABS OF LOWER MESOPOTAMIA. From photos. taken between Amara and Hawaiza, July 1918. Marsh Arab with a pole in his hand standing erect in the bow of a danak or cargo canoe. Fig. 3. Party of Marsh Arabs in a mash-haf. In foreground a riverain Arab sitting in the large boat in which the authors travelled. PHOTO. BY P. A. BUXTON Fig. 4. Marsh Arab country-open water and beds of tall reeds. Indian Antiquary Fig. 2. Marsh Arab with a pole in his hand standing erect in the bow of a danak or cargo canoe. Fig. 5. Marsh Arab country-open water and beds of tall reeds. C. WHITTINGHAM & GRIGGS, LTD., COLL.

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NOVEMBER, 1921) THE MARSH ARABS OF LOWER MESOPOTAMIA. 289 THE MARSH ARABS OF LOWER MESOPOTAMIA. BY P. A. BUXTON, M.A., FELLOW OF TRINITY COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE; AND V. H. W. DOWSON, DIRECTORATE OF AGRICULTURE, MESOPOTAMIA. Introductory Note. [The following Notes are published because very little is known about Marsh Arabs. The authors have confined themselves to known facts and also to those that have come within their cognizance. The notes are fragmentary, but may be found to possess value as a foundation for further study- 'ED.] The Marsh Arab Country. The area in which the Marsh Arabs live is on either bank of the river Tigris between 'Amara and Basra. The area of Marsh is perhaps about five thousand square miles, and it is probable that the Tigris divides this area more or less into two equal portions. The marsh on the left bank of the river is roughly triangular in shape, and its eastern part, in the neighbourhood of Hawaiza, lies in Persian territory. It was in this region that Hubbard saw the Marsh Arabs, to whom he makes a passing reference. Ou the right bank of the river, the marshes extend south of a line joining 'Amara to Nasariyeh and combine with the Hamar Lake, a triangular area of reed beds and open water in the delta of the Euphrates, lying between Sooq Ash Shoyookh, Qarna, and Basra. Thus the northern limit of the home of the Marsh Arab of this region is in the neighbourhood of 31deg 75' N. Lat., the southern, 30deg 50' N. Lat., the western 46deg 25' E. Long., the eastern 48deg 0' E. Long. The whole of this country is utterly flat, save for occasional mounds, which are presumably the sites of ancient towns: these mounds, though low, are conspicuous, and are sometimes occupied by Marsh Arab villages. The district is covered for the most part by great expanses of reeds, or rushes, or open water. Between a point near 'Amara and a point near Hawaiza, there stretches a continuous bed of reed and rush for eighty miles, and in many places there are expanses of open water from the centre of which no land can be geen. 'Amara is about twenty-four feet above sea level, Nasiriyeh nine, Qarna nine, and Basra seven. The depth of much of the marshes is about four or five feet, so that it is possible te punt the black Arab canoe (Ar. mash-huf, pl. mash-a- ). In places, the water is much deeper, and at one place where we tested it, namely at Tel Dhahab, thirty miles south-west of Amara, the depth was nearly twenty feet. Owing to the huge expanse of marsh, the depth of water in it does not vary greatly, although the rivers discharge enormous quantities of water into it during the spring foods, and comparatively little in autumn when the river is low ; but, because the country is so Alat, the area under water varies considerably, a drop of a few inches in the surface level of the water being sufficient to leave dry a considera ble area of land around the edge of the marsh. It is possible that the area of permanent marsh is not much more than threequarters of that of the flood-time marsh. This marsh-border land which is subject to the so periodic inundations is that which grows most of the rice and great millet of the country. and that of it which is not put under crops generally bears an inferior growth of bulrushes, 1 The authors are indebted to the courtesy of Major R. K. Marrs, C.I.E., who has been Politi. cal Officer, 'Ansira Division and elsewhere in 'Iraq since 1915, for reading their manuscript and for making valuable suggestions,

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290 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY NOVEMBER, 1921 more particularly Typha latifoliu (Ar. bardi). This land dries up by July. The other comiacn marsh plant is the reed, Phragmites karka Trin. (Ar. qasab, pronounced gasab), which cannot withstand desiccation 60 well as the bulrushes, and is consequently confined to the area of permanent marsh. The surface of the water in many places is covered with a dense growth or scum of floating water plants. There is no timber of any kind throughout the marsh country, and wood is used for hardly any other purpose than for the construction of the canoe and its paddle. Thero is no clay, and water-pots are bought in the towns. Birds. Birds are rare in the marshes in summer. Of those which are eaten by the Marsh Arabs are the Gallinule or Purple Coot (Porphyrio poliocephala, Ar. Barhan); the Purple Heron (Ardea purpurea, Ar. Erkheawwi), the Goliath Heron (Ardea goliath, Ar. Ahmirar), and the Pigmy Cormorant (Phalacrocorax pygmaeus, Ar. Elechi). The Darter (Plotus rufus, Ar. Warda or Warida) is resident, but we do not know that it is eaten. In winter the marshes are visited by myriads of duck (Ar. Bash) and geese (Ar. Bat), and more than ad ozen species of duck are common. Harra is the general name for teal, widgeon and other small duck. A Marsh Arab was met who appeared to distinguish at any rate most of these, and to be able to pick out from a number of fowl which had been shot an appropriate duck for each drake. There are few European sportsmen who could pass such a test. The Marsh Arab catches duck in two ways, in a net, and with a gun. The net has a mouth from ten to fifteen feet in diameter and tapers to its tail about fifty feet away. The mouth is held open above the water by means of reeds, and the ducks are attracted by paddy scattered on the surface of the water just inside the mouth. The paddy is renewed daily for a few days until the birds have gained confidence, and then, when there are many of them inside, the mouth is caused to fall into the water by a man (concealed some distance, away in the reed beds), who pulls a string attached to a prop. When the gun is used, a man swims slowly and silently, concealing himself behind a bundle of reeds, which he pushes along the surface of the water in front of him, until he approaches close to a flock of birds feeding on the mud. He then discharges at it his ancient muzzle-loader, which has been filled with a charge of black powder and bits of iron, brick, wire, lead, or old copper pots : if lucky, he will kill perhaps twenty or more birds with the one shot. . Ducks find a ready sale at Amara and Basra, but in the markets at these places most of those we have seen for sale have been alive, either domesticated or wild, caught by the net, and we remember only once eating duck when living, with the rich, rice-cultivating Arabs of the edges of the marshes. It seems probable, therefore, that most of the birds killed in this way are eaten by the Marsh Arabs themselves. We also know that they eat the eggs of the Gallinule, and presumably of other water fowl also. Mammals. The only mammal which is hunted is the otter (Ar. Chalab al mai, i.e., "Water-dog," pl. Chalab al mai). It is comparatively common, and is speared at night, by the light of the moon, by men who lie up for them. The skins are in consequence much gashed, but find a ready sale to Turkish and British officers. In 1918, at 'Amara, a pound was asked for a skin, but we bought five skins for seven shillings and six pence. Major Marrs reports that the otter is sometimes domesticated by the Marsh Arabs, and will faithfully follow its master whereever he goes. 3 In correct Arabic duck are called Bat and wild geese Was al bara.

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NOVEMBER, 1921) THE MARSH ARABS OF LOWER MESOPOTAMIA 291 Wild pigs (Ar. Khanzar, pl. Khanazir) sleep on the dry mounds, wallow in the shallow marshes, feed on the succulent reeds, and swim rapidly and readily away into deep water when disturbed. They are numerous, attain fairly large size, but do not seem to be hunted. The only domestic animal possessed by the Marsh Arab in the Water Buffalo (Bos bubalus, Linn., Ar. Jamus, pl. Dowdb), and in it his wealth chiefly consists. These animals are black, with the tip of the tail white, and occasionally a little white on the head, especially in the calf or Tuffal: the eye is blue, or brown, or black, and the horns straight, not curled like those of the Delhi Water Buffalo. The female gives a larger quantity of milk than a cow, and of greater richness (a verage fats 7 per cent.). This milk is used to make the clarified butter (the ghi of India) known to the Arabs as dihin : this is used by all the in. habitants of the 'Iraq, except the Jews, for cooking, and for pouring over the evening meal of boiled rice. The demand for this article is therefore considerable and constant. Buffalo are milked once only in the twenty-four hours, after sun-down. The only food of these beasts is the herbage of the marshes and marsh edges, and consists, during most of the year, almost exclusively of reeds and bulrushes, though during the coldest part of the year this is supplemented by coarse grazing over and between the rice fields round the edges of the marsh. Liver flukes were found in some buffalo slaughtered at 'Amara in 1918, but it is not known if this parasite be common. Military cows, fed on the edge of the marshes at 'Ambari near Qarmat 'Ali in the autumn of 1919, became infected. Reptiles and Amphlblans. The reptilian and amphibian fauna of the marshes is not unimportant. A species of Clemmys (Ar. Raqqa, pl. Raquq) appears to be widely distributed. Trionyx (Ar. Rafash, pl. Rafush) occurs on the Euphrates and in the Hamar Lake. It is celebrated for its ferocity and for the fact that it occasionally emasculates swimmers. A British soldier at Nasiriyeh fell a victim to this unfortunate predilection. Its presence in the water acts as some deterrent to those wishing to swim, though Marsh Arabs will swim in any water on occasion. The Frogs, Ranz ant Hyla (Ar. Aqruqa, pl. Agruq, pronounced A gruga, Agrug, an excellent example of onomatopoea), both occur in the marshes. It is interesting that, though all meat except that of birds and fishes is too expensive for Marsh Arabs to eat, yet there is no evidence that they eat the flesh of any of these reptiles and amphibians. The Qoran nowhere condemns such flesh, but Arabs appear horrified at the idea of eating a tortoise. Pood which is abhorrent but not forbidden (Mamnu'a) is called Makruh. Having captured a tortoise one day and safely brought it home, our hopes of mook-turtle soup were shattered by our cook refusing to soil his hands with the " foul" beast. But it is not impossible that Marsh Arabs do eat this flesh and do not advertise the fact. In this connection it may be mentioned that once, when we had killed and skinned a wild cat, the meat was collected carefully by an Arab and handed over to his wife in his hut. Afterwards, during & discussion with the shaikh of the district, this same old cultivator, who happened to be present, was 88 loud as anyone in condemning the disgusting practice of eating cat's meat. Fish. We know little of the food fishes of the Marsh Arabs: Cyprinid (Carp family) fish are common and are eaten in large numbers. One of the commonest is known as Batut. Siluridae (Mudfish) are common, but we do not know if they be eaten by Marsh Arabs. They are unclean for Shia Muhammadans, but, though the dwellers in the marshes are nominally Shia, yet they are extremely lax in religious matters.

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292 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. ( NOVEMBER, 1931 The method of catching fish is by means of & spear, often of three prongs, though equally often of five. No more than the latter number of prongs are found employed Each prong has a head barbed on each side, and this head, manufactured in the bigger towns on the edge of the marsh country, is fastened with twine to a long, bamboo shaft. The bamboo is imported from India, and, since it is expensive (five rupees, about seven shillings and six pence), it is often replaced by the inferior, because weaker and less springy, dried reed. If the spearer of fish be standing on the land at the edge of the water, he usually attaches to the basal end of the fish-spear a thin rope in order to regain possession of the instrument after casting, but when fishing takes place from & boat, no such attachment is necessary. The favourite time for fishing is at night While the canoe glides noiselessly and without ripples, one of the occupants stands at the prow with spear ready poised, and just behind him stands another holding aloft a bunch of burning reeds to attract the fish. The spear is thrown at a point just in front of the ripple made by the moving fish. A successful thrust pins the fish at the back of the gills. Fish which weighed thirty pounds have been seen speared, and we have also seen & Marsh Arab, who was wading through a shallow marsh, throw his spear at a coot as it flapped over the surface of the water, and decapitate it.. Reeds and Rushes. The two plants of outstanding importance in the marshes are the reeds and the bul. rushes. Reeds are found widely distributed over the marshes, and are, perhape, found in greater quantities on the left than on the right bank of the Tigris. On the Hammar Lake, their place is taken by the bulrushes. Reeds grow under favourable conditions to a height of twenty feet above the surface of the water, and so thickly that a canoe cannot be forced through them. They are in flower in midsummer, and from that time onwards are cut, dried, split, and woven into mats, generally about six feet by twelve, though the measurements vary. These mats are stored until a great pile of them has accumulated, and then rafts of them are constructed. The foundation of the rafts consists of bundles of unsplit reeds tied together with green bulrushes, and on top of this framework, which may be as much as a hundred feet long and twenty feet broad, are piled the mats to & height of about fifteen feet. These rafts are pulled up the effluents of the Tigris to Amara or floated down the river to Qalat Salih, Qarna, Nasiriyeh, Sooq Ash Shoyookh, and Basra to be sold. Each mat cost in 1919 about two rupees (i.e., about three shillings and ten pence) when bought retail in the market. The mats are chiefly used in the construction of the reed hut (Ar. Sarifa, pl. Sardi-ef. In correct Arabic, Fagdra, pl. Safagir), used by all the rice Arabs, and by most of the poorest townsmen and many of the poorest wheat and barley Arabs. The mats are supported on arches made of bundles of unsplit reeds tied together and stuck in the ground. Six mats are sufficient for the small house of the ordinary cultivator, but a very large number is required for the biggest reception huts of the richrice shaikhs. The madhai-tf (from the sing. madhi) may be eighty feet long twenty feet wide and twelve feet high. Mats take the place of carpets in the poorer houses and supplement them in the richer, The Marsh Arabs themselves live in the simplest of huts. They may have only a few bundles of unsplit reeds, bound together with green rushes, propped up against each other, to form a sort of shelter from the sun and the cold, or they may have a slightly better dwelling composed of a single piece of reed matting propped up on one side with a reed. The side which touches the ground along its whole length faces the sun in summer and the wind in winter. It is indeed & wretched hovel, but very portable. Small parties of the poorest people sometimes break down a number of reeds in & reed-bed and camp on these for few days, like birds in a nest,

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NOVEMBER, 1921 ] THE MARSH ARABS OF LOWER MESOPOTAMIA. 293 All the encampments of Marsh Arabs which we have seen have been well supplied with canoes; these are long, narrow, shallow, light, wooden, bitumen-covered, boats. Such a boat is known as a mash-huf. Occasionally amongst them, but drawn up on to the bank to dry, could be seen outside a particularly small and squalid hut, the chalalia (pl. chalabiat). This is a cylindrical raft of reeds, eight to ten feet long, and tied tightly at the ends, so that it assumes a cigar-shape. It is widely used amongst Marsh Arabs, but, after a comparatively short time in the water, it needs drying on the river bank, because the reeds, when thoroughly wet, lose their buoyancy. A bundle of reeds, less cunningly made than the true Chalabta, is often used by others than the true Marsh Arab simply for crossing the Tigris. Bulrushes are of use to the Marsh Arab chiefly as fodder for his buffalo, but are also useful for binding together bundles of reeds, for fuel, and for keeping out the wind from the huts. They are floated down to the brick-kilns of Basra, where they form almost the only fuel for brick-making in the district. They are used also for the same purpose in all the towns on the edge of the marshes. The March Arabs Themselves. The name of the Marsh Arabs in Arabic is Ma'dan. It is not uncommon for the real, desert Arabs of eastern Arabia to call the Arab of Mesopotamia disparagingly Ma'dani, and for the Mesopotamian Arab, who has but recently come to live in the land of the two rivers, to use that name in describing one of his fellow countrymen whose ancestors immigrated at an earlier period; but the word as generally used has come to mean a dwell. er in the marshes. As these people are the least civilised of the people of 'Iraq, the word is often used in the sense of "boor" or "rustic," in the same way as in India the word "jangli" is employed. It should be understood clearly that it is only the inhabitants of the actual marshes and not the rice-cultivating Arabs of the marsh edges who are referred to in these notes as "Marsh Arabs". The rice cultivators in the district which we are considering chiefly belong to the great Albu Muhammad, Azairij, Soow'ad, Bani Asad, and 'Amaira tribes, and are quite distinct from the real Marsh Arabs. This distinction, however, is considered by Major Marrs to be occupational rather than ethnological, and he regards the buffaloowners as offshoots of the five tribes of rice cultivators just mentioned. The buffaloowners, whom we designate as "Marsh Arabs," are in turn divided into sub-tribes. The best known is the Fartus; others are the Shaghamba, Albu Nawafil, Albu Ghannam, Bait Nasralla, and the Bait Fatla. The Marsh Arabs are by no means self-supporting. Not only the few luxuries which they enjoy, but even the very necessities of life must be obtained from the surrounding country-side. Their rice (Ar. shilib-paddy; timan-rice) and their great millet (Sorghum vulgare, Pers., Ar. idhra) are obtained as payment for working in the fields of these crops at harvest, and the little barley which they consume is sometimes obtained in a similar manner, though more often it is bought in the markets of the small towns on the edges of the marshes. Their black canoes (Ar. mashahif) and their rifles (Ar. tufka, pl. tufuk) and their ammunition (Ar. fishka-a cartridge, pl. fishak) are purchased from the Sabaeans (Ar. Sabi, pl. Sabi'on), a few of whom are to be found in most of the small towns surrounding the mar shes (e.g., Halfia, Nazil Muhammad, Nazil 'Araibi, 'Azair, Majar), and who are to be found in larger numbers in 'Amara, Sooq Ash Shoyookh, Qalat Salih, and Qarna. The March Arabs also buy in these small towns their clothes (Ar. hadum), for they possess no goats, sheep, nor camels, nor do they cultivate any textile crop, nor, indeed, any crop at all, and they

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294 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [NOVEMBER, 1921 have not learnt how to make clothing out of the hides of their buffalo. Their copper cooking pots (Ar. qidar, pl. qodur, pronounced jidar, jodur), their curved daggers (Ar. khanjar, pl. Khanajtr), and their tobacco (Ar. toton) also have to be obtained in these small markets. Thus it will be understood that all the Marsh Arabs acknowledge the over-lordship of the rich, rice-cultivating shaikhs who live upon the borders of the marshes. In the neighbour. hood of Hawaiza, Shaikh Khaz'al of Mohammara exacts tribute from the Marsh Arabs there, and, on the left bank of the Tigris, the Albu Muhammad Shaikhs, Muhammad all 'Araibi, and Ozman al Yasir collect tribute from the Marsh Arabs nearest to them. On the right bank, the Marsh Arabs are forced to acknowledge the supremacy of the two 'Azairij Shaikhs, Salman and Shawai, and of the Albu Muhammad Shaikh, Falih as Saihud. The amount of the tribute exacted would appear to depend not only on the number of buffalo that are possessed by the marsh dwellers, but also very largely on the strength and influence of the shaikh demanding it. For the purpose of arranging blood-money (Ar. fasal), Marsh Arabs are regarded as belonging to the Albu Muhammad tribe. The wealth of the Marsh Arabs lies in their reeds and their buffalo and to a lesser extent in the wild fowl and fish which they catch; if they desire it, they can always get work in harvesting the summer grains in the land of the surrounding cultivating Arabs. Their standard of living, however, is very low indeed, and a "wealthy" Marsh Arab by ordinary western standards lives in a wretchedly poor fashion. The language of the Marsh Arabs is a dialect of Arabic, very little different from that spoken all over the more settled country districts of the 'Iraq. Flowery Arabic and elaborate compliment is not heard. Kaf" is always pronounced "Chaf," except in the masculine possessive particle-termination. Thus "dog" is not "Kalab", but "Chalab", but "your dog", if the person addressed be a male, is "Chalabak". Jim", "Ghain", and "Ain" are properly pronounced, but "Qaf" tends to be pronounced like "Jim" or like "Gaf." Thus "Qala", "a castle", is called "Jala", and "Aqruqa", "a frog" is called "Ar. Agruga." Reading and writing are unknown. The features of the Marsh Arabs are quite unlike those of the typical A.ab. Their faces are rather round, also their eyes; their noses are big and wide, but not markedly hooked; their mouths are big; their foreheads are high; their hair is black, and neither lank nor curly, but generally tousled; their teeth even and white; and their skin the colour of very milky coffee. There is no difference between the colour of their faces and that of the rest of their bodies, because the latter are hardly more protected from the sun than the former, owing to the scantiness of the clothing won. Their bodies are strong and shapely. The women are somewhat, though not much, fairer-skinned than the men, and are not unhandsome. Both sexes age rapidly. These people are not particularly tall. Fat individuals are not met with, though the small children are often pot-bellied. The Marsh Arabs are known widely for their cunning and thievish habits. In this connection, the most notorious tribe is the Fartus, and any robbery or misdemeanour within twenty miles of their country is generally attributed to them. It should be observed, however, that there is much confusion in the minds of the townspeople between the real Marsh Arabs and the Rice-cultivating Arabs, and that the latter are not slow to cast the blame for their own malpractices upon other communities. For the same reason it may be doubted if all the stories of the dangerous temper and ferocity of the Marsh Arabs are really to be attributed to them. However, Major Marrs has tried cases in which the ferocity and fearlessness of the Marsh Arabs could not be denied. He has seen cases in which women's

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NOVEMBER, 1921] hands have been cut off at the wrist. Though expert thieves, Marsh Arabs are simple people, and are very frequently swindled by the more astute townspeople when they visit the markets to buy clothes and other necessities. We remember, too, having seen a certain Jew milk contractor, who sold his milk to the Amara Military Dairy by the imperial pound, purchasing the milk from a tribe of Marsh Arabs. The Jew bought the milk by the pound, but the pound measure in this case was of four pounds capacity. Like the Beduin, Marsh Arabs are lazy, or at least, prefer the contemplative occupation of watching their buffalo graze to more arduous manual labour. They seem quite happy lounging on the edge of the water with their animals, and swimming from feeding ground to feeding ground with the same readiness as the water buffalo themselves. The stroke employed in swimming is a rather splashy double-overarm. We have not observed any other stroke used. It is seldom that the Marsh Arabs are seen by those whose work does not lead them to their neighbourhood, for they prefer their impregnable marshes to the towns and villages, and only come to the latter when forced to do so by the necessity of purchasing their stores, or in order to dispose of their reeds or clarified butter. Occasionally, the traveller down the Tigris may see them at those places where the great marshes come in close to the river, or they may be observed piloting their great, unwieldly rafts down to Basra, but they are generally hidden from sight in the depths of the reeds. Whatever the faults of the Marsh Arabs may be, they are not unpleasant people to have dealings with. They are cheerful, enjoy a joke, even a very simple one, and are as hospitable as their poverty allows them. Even were the Marsh Arabs not prevented by poverty from wearing elaborate clothing. their semi-aquatic habit would render this inconvenient. The men wear a woollen cloak (Ar. Bishta, pl. Bishit) of a caramel colour, this being the colour of the wool of the commonest sheep of the surrounding dry land, and each cloak of the roughest kind costs from five to ten rupees. A string surrounds the abdomen, and under this is tucked one corner of the cloak, which is worn chiefly supported on the shoulders. The small boys wear only the string, which, though scarcely fulfilling the function of clothes, yet serves a useful purpose in preventing them from eating too much, because it tends to cut an unduly distended abdomen. Only one substantial meal a day is eaten, and since this is consumed with extreme celerity, because each individual eats from a common dish, such a device is an excellent precaution. against excessive engorgement. An elder of the tribe may wear a coloured or a white handkerchief (Ar. Ishma'gh) on his head, tied on by a corner of itself or by any piece of rag, but others wear no head covering, and if they find the sun too hot, they pull up over their heads a corner of their cloaks. The dress of the women differs little in kind from, though it is inferior in quality to, that of the rice-cultivating Arabs. It consists of a cotton shirt or night-gown (Ar. Thob, pl. Thidb) reaching to the ankles and made out of Manchester piece-goods, and a woollen cloak similar to that of the 'men. On their heads they wear a black cotton head-handkerchief (Ar. Shal, pl. Shailan), kept in place by a wisp of black cotton stuff. The Shal is so worn that it covers not only the head but also the neck and throat. The face is exposed. The very small girls wear no clothes, but at about the age of five they begin to wear the Thob, or, at least, have it handy to be assumed when required. The Thob of the little girls is generally a rich magenta in colour, but that of the women is most frequently black, dark blue or cinnamon, sometimes with an incon spicuous pattern. Though the climate is extremely hot in the 'Iraq during the long summer, the short winter is nearly as cold as that of England; yet the clothing of the Marsh Arabs THE MARSH ARABS OF LOWER MESOPOTAMIA. 295

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296 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [ NOVEMBER, 1921 undergoes no change throughout the year. Even when the thermometer stands at 40deg F., small Marsh Arabs can be seen without clothes, and older ones are still protected only by the same clothes which they wear in summer. One is forced to conclude that weak children die carly, and only the most robust survive. Masculine adornment confines itself to tattooing (Ar. Washm) with indigo (Ar. Nili) and to plaiting of the hair. The amount and the design of the tattooing appears to depend upon individual preference and not upon tribal custom: it usually consists of a few spots or a short line or two in front of the ears and a rather more complicated pattern on the upper surfine of the wrists and on the outside of the leg above the ankles. Occasionally. also there may be a spot, about a quarter of an inch in diameter, of indigo on the chin or forehead. The hair is plaited into two plaits (Ar. Jadaila, pl. Jadail) which hang in front on either side of the head. Their ends are kept fastened with a piece of rag or twine, or left unfastened. Henna is not used. The women generally are tattooed rather more than the men, and it is the rule to see handsome features marred with two or three spots of indigo. The women usually divide their hair into a number of small plaits, and attach to the end of each coloured wooden beads, coins, or charms. These wooden beads exactly resemble those usually employed on an abacus Pythagoricus (counting machine), and are most frequently coloured red or yellow. It is most usual to see about half a dozen hanging on either side of the head. When coins are worn, they are attached to the ends of the rows of wooden beads. The favourite coins employed are the rup ee, the rial (the Maria Theresa dollar) and the two-kran piece. The first is the standard of currency in 'Iraq, and is worth a the present time (January 1921) about one shilling and six pence; the second is Arabian currency and is worth about three shillings; and the last is Persian currency and is worth about one shilling. Glass jewellery of Austrian manufacture, especially talisraans on which are inscribed Qoranic texts, often replace or supplement the coins. The whole of this adornt ment which is worn about the ear is known as Shaiyala, pl. Shaiyalat. Rarely is seen a nose-ring, made of brass, silver, or copper wire, generally supporting a cheap tur. quoise. The ring is passed through the right or left ala nasi, never through the septum ; we have seen both alae so adorned. The nose-ring is much more common amongst the ricc-cultivating Arabs than amongst the marsh dwellers. The women occasionally wear cheap finger-rings (Ar. Mahbas, pl. Mahabis). The food of Marsh Ara be is very simple. The chief meal of the day is eaten at sun. down and consists of boiled rice over which is poured hot clarified butter. There may be added fish or fowl. The early morning and the midday mcals consist of unleavened bread (Ar. Khoba:) made of great millet. It is baked in thick, flat loaves on an iron plate over a fire of reeds or buffalo dung. They cook fish by splitting it open and propping it on a reed: they heat it with burning reeds held in the hand. Barley bread is seldom eaten and wheaten bread not at all. Water is the only drink of most Marsh Arabs: there are but few of the more wealthy individuals who can ever afford the luxury of tea or coffee. We have heard of certain of the marsh plants being eaten as a sort of salad, but were not able to identify them. The central and subaquaeous part of the stem of the young reed is sweet and succulent and sonetimes is caten. The only definite case of disease amongst Marsh Arabs which has come under our notice is that of one old man who was suffering from haemorrhoids, but other diseases amongst them are to be expected. Major S. R. Christophers, C.I.E., I.M.S., has examined the spleens of children at 'Azair (Ezra's Tomb), Qarna, and at various villages on the

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NOVEMBER, 1921] ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OF SHIVAJI 297 Houthern bank of the Hammar Lake and has found Malaria present, and Anopheles ste phensi is known to occur on the Tigris south of 'Azair and on the Euphrates east of Nasi riyeh, so that a well-known malaria carrier is present in a part, at any rate, of the Mars! Arabs' country. Anopheles pulcherrimus has been found in the heart of the marshes, but is not known to be a malaria carrier in the 'Iraq. At some places in the midst of the reeds mosquitoes are so numerous that heaps of damp reeds are lighted in order that the smoke may keep them away to some extent. Schistosomum haematobium is known to occur in the neighbourhood of Basra and Qarna, and Captain H. E. Shortt, L.M.S., has demonstrated the presence of bilharziasis (Schistosomiasis) in boatmen living in the former place, so that it is likely that the Marsh Arabs are also infected. During the summer the very small children living in the Marsh Arab villages may be seen to have their eyes infested with flies, but we are not able to state definitely that ophthalmia occurs The Marsh Arab sare Shia Muhammadans, but they are by no means scrupulous in religious observance. Few can recite the Fatiba or the Ikhlas, nor are there cleared spaces for worship. Ceremonial ablution appears to be practised but seldom, so that beyond being circumcised and being able to pronounce the testification they are Muhammadans in little but name. ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OF SHIVAJI. BY SURENDRANATH SEN, M.A. ( Continued from p. 277.) In spite of his defects, the Maratha soldier was a fine fellow. Of short stature and light build, though he was, men for man, inferior to the tall and Maratha and Bijapur armies compared. stout Mughal and Deccani Mussalman. But his courage, hardi. 3 hood, wonderful energy, presence of mind and agility, more than compensated for that slight inferiority. Demoralised by the harassing tactics of their illusive adversary, the .Bijapuris and the Mughals at last failed to meet him even in the open field on equal terms. Fryer's comparison of the two armies well illustrates the merits and demerits of the contending forces as they struck an intelligent foreign observer. Soys the Doctor, "Sevs Gi's men thereby being fitter for any Martial Exploit having been accustomed to Fore Hard, Journy Fast, and take little Pleasure. But the other will miss of & Booty rather than a Dinner; must mount in state and have their Arms corried before them, and their Women not for behind them, with the Masters of Mirth and Jollity; will rather expect than pursue a Foe; but then they stand it out better; for Seva Gi's Men care not much for a pitched Field, though they are good at Surprizing and Ronsocking; yet agree in this, that they are both of stirring Spirits."136 It is remarkable that the same love of luxury and comfort characterised the Moretha officers at Panipat. While Shivaji did not allow "Whores and dancing wenches in his army," the Maratha army at Panipat was encumbered with a large number of women. Broughton anys of Daulat Rao Sindhia's soldiers that " such as think that life is bestowed for superior enjoyments, and have a taste for more 186 Fryer, p. 175.

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298 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ NOVEMBER, 1921 spirited modes of whiling it away, retire, at the approach of evening, to the arrack shop, or the tent of the prostitute ; and revel through the night in a state of low debauchery, which could hardly be envied by the keenest votary of Comus and his beastly crew."'137 Shivaji's successors had for reasons best known to them suffered these salutary regulations to disappear and their result was disestrous for their army and themselves. The Maratha soldiers declined in morals, and in the discipline and alertness that made them so formidable under Sbivaji's leadership. Soon after his conquest of Konkan, Shivaji found it necessary to organise a navy, strong enough to check the raids of the Siddi's fleet on his coasts. His Shivaji's navy. fleet consisted mainly of Gallivats and Ghurabs as well as many river crafts of various descriptions. Sabhasad 138 tells us that no less than four hundred Ghurabs, Tarandis, Tarves, Gallivats, Shibads and Pagars wore built, and organised into two squadrons of 100 vessels. Each squadron was placed under the supreme command of an Admiral, Dariya Sarang, a Muhammadan officer, and May Naik, a Bhandari. Dariya Sarang was by no means the only Muhammadan officer in Shivaji's fleet. Another prominent Muhammadan Admiral, Daulat Khan by name, entered Shivaji's service a few years later. The fleet was in all probability manned mainly by the Kolis and other seafaring tribes of the Malabar coast. What was their uniform, or whether they had any we do not know. At Malwan, the principal nayal fort of Shivaji, there is a statue of the Maratha hero with the peculiar Koli hat on his head. 139 It will not therefore be unlikely to suppose that the sailors of Shivaji's fleet generally wore a similar headgear. Sabhasad tells us that Shivaji's fleet not only harassed the indigenous sea powers of Strength of the fleet. the south, but also plundered the ships and possessions of such Eu u ropean powers as the Portuguese, the Dutch and the English. That Shivaji's navy was a menace to these traders is quite true, but he was not so fortunate in his naval es in his military organisation. He could hardly hold his own against the Siddi's in the sea and the numerical strength of his fleet has in all probability been highly exaggerated by his gon's court historian. Robert Orme informs us that " The fleet of Shivaji had by this time [1676) been increased to fifty seven sails of which fifteen were grabe, the rest gallivats all crowded with men."140 Fryer saw on his way to "Serapatan to the South of Dan de Rajapore, a Strong Castle of Seva Gi's defended a deep bay, where rode hig Navy, consisting of 30 small Ships and Vessels, the Admiral wearing a White Flag aloft."111 Professor Jadunath Sarkar 148 points out "that the English reports never put their number above 160, and usually as 60 only." In all probability, Shivaji's men-of-war did not exceed 200 in number, but he had a very large mercantile navy. On land Shivaji depended more on the quality than on the number of his men; on the sea, however, his fleet was decidedly inferior to that of the English in efficiency though not in size. The President of the Surat factory was of opinion that one good English ship would destroy a hundred of them without running herself into great danger."143 This weakness was mainly due to the lack of good artillery as well as the want of a naval tradition. 181 Broughton, p. 21, 188 Sabhasad, p. 68. 131 Seo Itihas Sangraha 160 Orme, p. 63. 141 Fryer, p. 145. 143 Sarkar, Shivaji, p. 336. 145 (F. R. Surat, 86, 28 No.) quoted in Sarlar'. Shivji, p. 339.

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NOVEMBER, 1921) ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OF SHIVAJI 299 The main strength of the Maratha fleet consisted in the Gallivats and the Ghurabs, vessels peculiar to the Malabar coast. The Ghurabs and the GalliGallivata and Ghuraba described. vats of the Angrias' fleet have been thus described by Robert Orme 14. "The grabs have rarely more than two masts, although some have three; those of three are about 300 tons of burthen ; but the others are not more than 150 : they are built to draw very little water, being very broad in proportion to their length, narrowing however from the middle to the end, where instead of bows they have a prow, projecting like that of a Mediterranean galley, and covered with a strong deck level with the main deck of the vessel, from which, however, it is separated by a bulkhead which terminates the forecastle: as this construction subjects the grab to pitch violently when seiling against & head sea, the deck of the prow is not enclosed with sides as the rest of the vessel is, but remains bare, that the water which dashes upon it may pass off without interruption. On the main deck under the forecastle are mounted two pieces of cannon of nine or twelve pounders, which point forwards through the port holds cut in the bulk head, and fire over the prow; the cannon of the broadside are from six to nine pounders. The gallivats are large row-boats built like the grab, but of smaller dimensions, the largest rarely exceeding 70 tons: they have two masts, of which the mizen is very slight, the main mest bears only one sail, which is triangular and very large, the peak of it when hoisted being much higher than the mast itself. In general the gallivets are covered with a spar deck, made for lightness of bamboes split, and these only carry petteraroes fixed on swivels in the gunnel of the vessel ; but those of the largest size have a fixed deck on which they mount six or eight pieces of cannon, from two to four pounders: they have forty or fifty stout Oars and may be rowed four miles an hour." It is not difficult to understand why such clumsy vessels, manned by inexperienced sailors, should not be able to contend with the English on their peculiar element on equal terms. But we should note that Shivaji's sailors had on more than one occasion attacked Portuguese men of war with guccess. Of the other vessels mentioned by Sabhasad, the Tarande was & sailing vossel of large dmensions, the Shiver was a flat-bottomed two mosted craft without Other vessels. any deck, and the Pagar was only well smoothed canoe. Most probably some of these crafts belonged to the mercentile nevy. It may not be out of place to note here that Shivaji had a strong mercantile nevy thet plied between his ports and the coast towns of Arabia. Unlike many of his contemporaries, the great Maratha had realised that & strong naval power without a strong mercantile navy was an impossibility. Besides doing police work, against the Siddi's pirete fleet, Shivaji's nevy was also em ployed in taking possession of foreign vessels wrecked on his coast and * Collection of export collecting duties from trading ships. In Shivaji's time it was conand import. sidered the duty of the state to regulate prices of articles. 146 This was done mainly by regulating export and import duties. We have seen how, in the Peshwa period, every ship sailing through the territorial waters had to take a pass from the Admiral of the fleet. Whether such a custom preveiled in Shivaji's time' also we do not know. 144 War in Indostan, I, 401-402. 146 Rajwado, M.I.S., Vol. VII, pp. 21-23.

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300 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [NOVEMBER, 1921 Conclusion. The naval spirit roused by Shivaji, however, did not die with him. The Angrias maintained the naval reputation of Maharashtra, till the destruction of their fleet by the combined efforts of the Peshwas and the English. The Peshwas also had a fairly strong fleet for defending the western coast. The mercantile spirit of the Maratha traders also found a greater scope with the extension of the Maratha Empire and the Maratha influence. In Shivaji's time merchantmen plied between Arabia and the Malabar coast, during the Peshwa period the Maratha traders actually settled in Arabian coast towns like Muscat 146. Their trading vessels visited China in the East and England in the West. The naval policy of Shivaji therefore bore ample fruit, though long after the Maratha Alfred had passed away. CHAPTER V. MISCELLANEOUS. Shivaji's judicial system need not detain us long. This particular branch of administration was not affected by the rise of the Peshwas, except that in Judicial System. Shivaji's time the Majalasis were perhaps more frequently assembled than in the Peshwa period. The village panchayet tried all cases; the Balutas were summoned to give evidence; trial by ordeal was more frequent than we can now imagine and an appeal always lay to the chief Nyayadhish at the metropolis. I have dealt with this system at some length elsewhere and it will be my duty to take note here only of some additional information. In Mahajars of Shivaji's period, we read of two functionaries, Sabha Naik who presided over the Majalasis and the Mahaprasnik who interrogated the parties 17. It is not however clear whether these officers were duly elected. It is quite possible that a well-respected old citizen would be informally acknowledged as the President of the Majalasi merely as a matter of courtesy, and perhaps a young and energetic member of the court would voluntarily undertake to interrogate the parties, to relieve his older colleagues of that trouble. On the judgment paper the judges not only put their signature, but also such signs as that of Nangar, Tagri, Ghana and Katyar, according to their profession or station of life. As peculiar ordeal. It may not be out of place here to take note of a peculiar ordeal described in the Shri Shivaji Pratap. In a case of alleged adultery, the judges put a big cauldron full of oil on a big fire. When the oil began to boil, they took two drops of blood one each from the veins of the man and the woman, and dropped them into the boiling liquid. But lo! the two drops would not mingle and the woman was honourably acquitted. We do not find any mention of such an ordeal anywhere else, and for all we know this peculiar test might have had its origin in the fertile brain of the gossiping author of Shri Shivaji Pratap. Moreover, the alleged trial is said to have taken place before Shivaji's time. Education. Unlike the present rulers of Mahrastra, Shivaji had no organised Education Department. He granted suitable pensions to deserving scholars, and the duty of testing their merit was entrusted to the Pandit Rav. This system of Dakshana grant has survived Shivaji and the Peshwas. The Bombay Government have allotted a specified sum for Dakshna fellowships in several colleges of that presidency. 146 Sen, The Administrative System of the Peshwas (unpublished). 167 Rajwade, M.I.S., Vol. XX, pp. 62, 180, 216, 317, 330.

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NOVEMBER, 1921 ] ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OF SHIVAJI. 301 In his religious policy Shivaji was above all tolerant. While his European contemporaries were burning heretics, Shivaji had extorted from Khafikhan an unwilling compliment for his toleration of Muhammadanism. Sabhasad tells us that Shivaji made adequate grants not only for Hindu temples and holy places, but also for tombs of Muhammadan saints and for mosques. Dr. Dellon, the French traveller who visited the Malabar coast towards the close of Shivaji's reign, also testified to the liberal religious policy of the great Maratha ruler. Shivaji's religious policy suited the needs of his people and was to a certain extent the product of his age. Shivaji's indebtedness to others. We have seen that the civil and the military regulations of Shivaji were framed mainly to meet the needs of his times, and in this respect they were eminently successful. Engaged in a life-long war against his Muhammadan neighbours, Shivaji could not give his people that peace and tranquillity so necessary for the growth of commerce and industry. But he reformed the revenue system of his kingdom, organised a careful survey of his lands, and substituted a fairly enlightened and efficient government for the tyranny of semi-independent Revenue officers. He organised an army that shattered the foundation of the Mughal Empire in the South. He was the father of the Maratha navy, and the mercantile policy inaugurated by him had a very bright future. Born in 1627 he died at the age of 53 only, and during his short reign of 30 years he not only founded a kingdom but created a nation. Yet we cannot admit that Shivaji was the most original of Indian rulers. For his Revenue policy he was indebted to Malik Ambar. Some of his military regulations were copied from the Adilshahi code, and the system of branding horses in the cavalry was known in Hindustan even in Allauddin Khilji's time. Shivaji however enforced strict method where formerly there was a lack of it. The slightest irregularity did not escape his keen eyes, and in personal attention to the minute details of government, he was, perhaps, not inferior to his great Mughal rival. We find him framing regulations about the proper style of official letters; we find him deliberating about the necessity of punctual payment of masons. He urges his cavalry officers to beware of the careless use of fire in the camp. They are warned to be more careful about storing hay and fodder for their animals. To the governor of a fort he issues instructions for regulating the price of salt and nuts; and we can. not but wonder when we find the same man starting a literary movement, destined after. wards to change the nature of his mother-tongue. He employed a number of scholars to find out Sanskrit synonyms for current Persian words-and the Raj Vyavahar Kosh was compiled in consequence. It has often been asked why so many of Shivaji's institutions failed to survive him, Professor Jadu Nath Sarkar attributes his failure to build up an enduring state mainly to caste rivalry. The caste system is not new to India and whatever may be its effect on the Maratha state it cannot be seid that the fate of Shivaji's civil and military institutions was much affected by it. The great bane of the country had been feudalism or the. Jagir system and this flourished in spite of caste rivalry. Shivaji tried his best to abolish. feudalism, but the great defect of his government was that it was an autocracy. Its success depended on the man at the helm. Sambhaji was an incompetent ruler and it did not take him long to undo his father's work. Rajaram had the wisdom to appreciate his father's institutions, but circumstances were against him. Driven from his paternal home and besieged in the fort of Jinji, he had to conciliate his allies in all possible ways.

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302 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [ NOVEMBER, 1921 His officers offered to conquer principalities in enemy possession on the sole condition that they should be allowed to hold their conquest in Jagir. Thus Rajaram helped to revive feudalism, and once it was revived Shivaji's institutions were doomed to extinction. In the turmoil of war overy law was held in abeyance, and when new order dawned, after the struggle for existence was over, Shivaji's institutions had become a niemory LIFE SKETCH OF LALESHWARI-A GREAT HERMITESS OF KASHMIR.1 BY PANDIT ANAND KOUL. KASHMIR by its geographical position, indicates in the best sense of the term, the head, nay, the brain, of India. It has been prolific not only in producing great kings, whose sway extended throughout the length and breadth of India and Central Asia, and great philosophers, grammarians, historians, astronomers and poets, who shone like luminaries in the firmament, but also in producing women of extraordinary talents and rare gifts. Yesovati, Sugaudah, Didha and Kuta adorned the throne of the country and held it secure with great wisdom, playing their game most successfully against powerful enemies. Laleshwari, Rupabhavani and Jaman Ded were ascetion of the most sublime and cxalted order with a halo of divineness about them. Laleshwari, more popularly called by the homely and simple name of Lal Ded (Mother Lal), was one of those master spirits, who come at periodic intervals into this world ard deliver a message of truth and peace, exhorting the humanity to follow higher ideals of life and sun the frivolities of mortal carthly existence. She was an apostle of sweetness and light and a follower of the Shaiva philosophy. She is remembered with divine adoration by both Hindus and Muhammadans in Kashmir, and many stories of miracles, said to have been worked by her, are current among them. The ascetic Rupabhavani acknowledged her as her grand preceptress-Lal nama Lal parma guram. She was born about the middle of the 14th century of Christian era in the time of Sultan Ala-ud-din, the third Muhammadan king of Kashmir, who succeeded to the throne in 1347 A. D. Her parents lived at Pandrenthan (the ancient Puranadhishthuna, the old capital) four miles to the south-east of Srinagar. There is a curious legend about her birth. It is said that prior to her birth as Laleshwari she was born somewhere in Kashmir and was married to a man living at Pandrenthan. There she gave birth to a son. The priest of this family was one Sidh Sri Kanth. This man, by the way, desconded in the direct line of pupils from Vasa Gupta, who flourished in the first half of the ninth century of Christian era in the time of king Avantivarma, and laid the foundation of Shaivism as a system of religion in Kashmir. Sidh Sri Kanth's living descendant in the line of pupils at present is P. Mokund Razdan, a learned Sanskrit schular residing near the Raghu Nath temple at Srinagar. On the clei enth day of her confinement Sidh Sri Kanth came to perform the kahanether or cleansing ceremony. She enquired of him "What relationship has the new born baby with mo?" Sidb said "What a strange question! Why, he is your son." She said "No." "What then is ho?" he asked. She replied: "I am just now to die and 1 (Many or the "Sayings" attributed to Laleah wari in this article may be usefully compared, both as to text and translation, with Grierson and Barnett's Lalla Vakhyani, Asiatic Society Monographs, Vol. XVII, 1920.-ED.)

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LIFE SKETCH OF LALESHWARI. 303 NOVEMBER, 1921] shall be reborn as a filly at the Marhama village with such and such marks. If you care to have the answer to your query, you may come to me at Marhama after one year from now and I shall give you the answer." The woman died just after uttering these words. Sidh, in order to satisfy this curiosity, went after one year to Marhama and searched for the filly. He found her and put the old question to her. She told him "Well, I would give you the answer, but I am to die just now, and am to be reborn as a pup with such and such marks at Bijbehara, and if you care to get the answer you may come to me at Bijbehara after six months from now and I shall give you the answer." After she had finished this talk a tiger jumped out of a bush and devoured the filly. Sidh's curiosity increased at this occurrence and after six months he went to Bijbehara. There he searched for the puppy and did find it. He put the same question to it, and it told him as before that it was to die just then and was to be reborn as such and such at such and such place, and he might come there to receive the answer. No sooner had it said this than a man riding on his pony passed by and the puppy came under the pony's hoofs and was killed. In this way'Sidh was dismissed by her without having the answer he required until she took six rebirths in different places, and being thus baffled he gave up the idea of making further attempts to satisfy his curiosity. He then went to Wastarvan (a hill near Avantipura 15 miles from Srinagar) to perform penances. In the same family at Pandrenthan in which Laleshwari had died on the eleventh day of her confinement, she took her seventh rebirth. When she was twelve years of age her marriage was arranged by the son of Sidh in a Pandit family surnamed Nicha Bat, living at the Drangabal Mohalla at Pampur (the ancient Padmapura founded in 812-849 A.D. by Padma, Minister of King Ajatapida). It may be stated here, by the way, that at Pampur there is now no one of the Nicha Bat pedigree living, but at Srinagar (Chundapur Mohalla) there is one man named Shiva Bat, at present employed as an Assistant in the Sericulture Department, who is of this lineage. His ancestors lived at Pampur. His golra is Swamina Shandle. The boy with whom Lal Ded was engaged had his father living, but had lost his mother, and his father had married a second wife. The date for the wedding was fixed. Just one day previous to that on which the wedding was to come off, Sidh returned from Wastarvan and he, being the priest of the girl's father, presided over the ceremony. While the ceremony was being performed, the bride whispered to Sidh: "That baby who was born to me and you were pursuing me in my several rebirths, anxious to know what relationship he bore to me, is this very boy who is the bridegroom here." Sidh recollected the matter and was much astonished. However the marriage ceremony was finished. The bride was named Padinavati by her father-in-law. But the boy and Padmavati never lived together as husband and wife. The step-mother-in-law used to treat Padmavati very badly. The latter is held up as a model for patience, virtue and submissiveness by womankind. She bore the illtreatment without grumbling. When giving her the daily meal, the mother-in-law used to put a stone in her plate over which a little food was spread, so that it might appear to those who chanced to see it that a brimful plate of food was given to the daughter-in-law. Padmavati never complained of it, nor made it known to anybody for twelve years, giving back the stone secretly to her mother-in-law, after doing with her scanty meal. After twelve years it got about in this way. A sheep had been slaughtered to perform the ceremony of grahashanti in her father-in-law's house. One of the female neighbours met her while she was going to the river to fetch water, who told her in a jocular sort of way that she was to get a good feast that evening. Thereupon it escaped from her mouth "Hund maritan kinah kath noshi nalvat tealih nah zah"-meaning that whether they killed

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [NOVEMBER, 1921 a big sheep or a small one it was all the same, the daughter-in-law always had the stone in her plate. Her father-in-law, who happened to be on the other side of the wall where she was standing with her neighbour friend, overheard this, and he wanted to find out if what the daughter-in-law said was right. When that evening his wife gave Padmavati her plate of food he suddenly went over and snatched it away from her hand and actually found the stone urderneath a thin layer of rice. He got very angry with his wife for her cruel treatment towards the daughter-in-law. His wife thought that Padmavati must have informed him of this, as there could be no other person who knew about it. Oh, such audacity and such contumatiousness on the part of a daughter-in-law designed to bring on trouble to her mother-in-law! So she fretted and harboured more hatred than ever towards Padmavati and constantly spoke ill of her to her son in order to prejudice his mind against his wife. She span thread as fine as the fibres of the lotus stalk, yet her step mother-in-law would scold her for having spun it coarsely. At last she brought this chapter of her life to a close by quitting her home. Fired as she was with divine love, she tore away her clothes and began to roam about naked. Just prior to her tearing away her clothes her lal or abdomen increased in size, so that her pubic region became pendulous answering the purpose of the loin cloth. Thenceforward she was called Lal, because of her pendulous pubes. 501 Lal Ded became the disciple of Sidh and learnt Yoga from him, but in course of time she far excelled him in practising it. Sidh's house was at the Nambalbal Mohalla at Pampur. There was a cave there in which he used to perform the worship of God. This cave does not exist now. The ghat at which he used to bathe is called Sidh-Yar, and since then a sanctity is attached to it. It is among others a tirtha at which the pil.. grims to Amar Nath bathe. Lal Ded propounded the Yoga philosophy and also high moral truths in Kashmiri verse. These are called Lal Wakhi or Savings of Lal and are, apart from being the utterances of a holy woman, expressive of gra nd lofty thoughts, and spiritual lawsshort, apt, sweet, thrilling, life-giving and pregnant with the greatest moral principlesaye, simply pearls and diamonds and "gems of the purest ray serene" of the Kashmiri literature. They are current coins of quotation, a volume being packed in a single saying. They touch the Kashmiri's ear as well as the chord of his heart and are freely quoted by him as maxims on appropriate occasions in conversation, having moulded the national mind and set up a national ideal. As the Kashmiri language has undergone much change since she composed them and as they treat of abstruse knowledge of Yoga, they are difficult to be understood by the common people. One or two instances will suffice to show how deep and sublime is the philosophy contained in them. Over one hundred years ago there lived a saint named Mirza Kak at Hangalgund, twelve miles towards the south-east of Achibal. He once went to visit the shrine of Jwala Mukhi at Khrew and on his return, when nearing Pampur his disciples asked him to explain the meaning of the following saying of Lal Ded:-- Woth rainya artsun sakhar Athi al pal wakhur heth Yudwani zanak parma-pad akhiur He shikhar khe shikhar heth. Arise, O Lady, make preparations for worship, Keeping liquor, meat and bread with thee; If thou knowest the highest Eternal Syllable (Brahm), Take and eat them in company with Ta 1tric worshippers.

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NOVEMBER, 1921) LIFE SKETCH OF LALESHWARI. 305 He explained it at great length for several hours. His disciples wondered at the superb and ennobling thought contained in this saying and still wondered in their minds how Lal Ded would have explained it had she been living. Mirza Kak knew by inspiration the desire of his disciples. He then, together with his disciples, went and squatted at the Lal Trag, halting there that night. At midnight a woman suddenly appeared before them. Mirza Kak bowed before her and made her sit after paying due reverence to her. She, of her own accord, began to explain the meaning of the above saying. What she expounded was by far deeper than that explained by Mirza Kak. After she finished she went away and disappeared. Mirza Kak's disciples were amazed to see and hear all this He told them that she was Lal Ded herself and had come to explain the meaning of the saying that he had explained during the day time, which they had desired in their minds to hear from Lal Ded herself. About 60 years ago a learned Pandit, named Prakash Kukilu, wrote a commentary on the following four sayings in Sanskrit proses Sahazas sham tah dam no gatshe Yatshih prawak mukhi dwar Salilag lawun zan milit tih gatshe Totih chhui durlab Sahazah vetaar. Akui um kar yus nabi dare Kumbai brahmandas sum gare Akui mantar yus tretas kare Tas sas mantar kyah kare. Abiyasi sa vikasi laiwatu Gagnas sagan miyul samuterata Shani gultah anamai matu Yuhui upadesh chhui bhatta. Wak manas kul akul na ale Tshupi mudrih ati na pravesh Rozan Shiv Shakht na ate Mutsiya kunh tah sui upadesh. God does not want meditations and austerities : Through love alone canst thou get the abode of Bliss. Thou mayst be lost like salt in water. Still it is difficult for thee to know God, One who keeps in mind one single umkar. Considers self as much as the universe: One who remembers one single mantra. What can thousand mantras do to him? When by repeated practice (of Yoga) the visible objects go to absorption. When the qualified universe gets merged within the ether. Then remains none but the Supreme Being. This is, O Brahman, the true doctrine. Tell thy mind that there is no highness or lowness there; There is no entry there by either silence or mystic attitude ; Neither Shiva nor Shakhti remain there. If any one remains that is the true doctrine.

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306 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [NOVEMBER, 1921 There were countless sayings of Lal Ded, but, as time went on, they were gradually one by one forgotten and lost. About 200 years ago, P. Basker Razdan, grandfather of P. Manas Razdan, a celebrated hermit of Kashmir, colleeted Sixty Sayings, which he translated into Sanskrit verse. They have recently been published by the Research Department of the State. Another collection of 109 sayings (including the 60 collected by P. Basker Razdan) was made by P. Lakshman Kak, another saint, who lived about 50 years ago. He wrote a commentary on Vedantic lines on them in Sanskrit prcse. A copy of this collection was obtained by Sir George Grierson and Dr. Lionel D. Barnett which they have translated into English. This has recently been published by the Royal Asiatic Society, London. Their publication will, no doubt, prove of much importance to philologists, scholars of ancient learning and others. I have been fortunate to secure a collection of over 200 sayings of Lal Ded and am going to publish them shortly. As is usual with spiritual geniuses, Lal Ded used to lead people from observation to reflection, making easy remonstrances at hypocrisy and mere show of religious ceremonies and formalities. Some instances are given below: (1) One day Sidh, her spiritual Guru, was bathing in the river. At the same place, a little above him up-stream, Lal Ded began to scrub the outer sides of an earthen pot full of dirt. Sidh told her in a scorn at her flagrant simplicity that the pot could never be purified by cleaning only from outside. "How then could your body become pure by bathing," was the ready retort, "so long as the inside of the body was not at the same time purified?" A Persian poet expresses this truth in the following couplet : Jama chi kuni kabud u nili va siyah Did saf kuno qaba hamin posh u kulah. Why dost thou dye thy garment blue and black? Purify thy heart, wearing thy usual garment and cap. While going about, Lal Ded was followed by a number of children, who used to shout mockingly at her, as is usual with youngsters when they see a strange person. But her spirit was ever unperturbed. One day she was passing by a shop of a cloth merchant followed by a crowd of noisy children. The cloth merchant was angry with them for teasing the hermitess and dispersed them. Lal Ded went up to his shop and asked him to give her a piece of longcloth. He at once brought out a piece and presented it to her. She told him to cut it exactly into two halves, so that they might be of equal weight. He did so, balancing the two pieces in a scale. She then put one piece on one shoulder and the other on the other shoulder, and went away. Now a person passing by would salute her and she made a knot in the piece of cloth on her left shoulder. Another person would shout disrespectfully to her and she would make a knot in the piece on her right shoulder. In this way during her peregrinations, many people met her, who either saluted or spoke disrespectfully to her, and she made knots respectively in the two pieces of cloth. In the evening she came back to the same cloth merchant and returned the cloth to him asking him to reweigh the two halves to see if either of them had lost or gained weight by the knots made. They were put in a scale and, of course, they balanced equally. Lal Ded then smilingly told him, "Why were you angry with the boys who were calling names to me. Respect or disrespect cannot make any difference to me, as the knotss of either kind have made no difference to the cloth." Gal garinum bol parinam Dipnam tih yas yuth rotse Sahazah kusamau puz karinam Buh amalani kas kyah motse.

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NOVEMBER, 1921) LIFE SKETCH OF LALESHWARI. 307 Hasabol parinam sasa Meh mani wasa khid na hiye Yudwani Shanker bakhts asd Makuri sasa mal kyah piye. Yus ho malih hedem gelem maskharih arem Suh ho malih manas kharem nah zah Shiv panun yelih anugreh karem Luka hund hedun meh karem kyah. Let them jeer or cheer me: Let anybody say what he likes : Let good persons worship me with flowers : What can any one of them) gain, I being pure ? Let them jeer me a thousand times, My mind shall never be pained. If I am a lover of God, How can ashes make a mirror dirty (on the contrary it will make it cleaner). Anybody mocking or scoffing at me Shall not be disliked by my heart. When my Shiva favours me, What can the ridicule of the people do to me? This has been rendered into Persian verse as below: Mara gar alami buhtan bikhwanad Dil ander kinahe o dar namanad Agar man Haq paraste rast basham Bar ayinah chi khakister nishanad. If the world talks ill of me, My heart shall harbour no ill-will. If I am a true worshipper of God, Can ashes leave a stain on a mirror? (2) Lal Ded once entered a temple in which her spiritual guru, Sidh, was worshipping the idols. She wanted to show to him that God was present everywhere and was not limited to the temple. Sidh asked her what she had come for and she told him that she wanted to answer the call of nature, and being naked she came into the temple for privacy. He hastily led her out telling her that it was a place where idols were worshipped and it would be sacrilegious to do in it what she intended to. She asked him to show her a place where there were no idols. He led her to a place and there Lal Ded removed some earth under which idols were found. Then he led her to another place and there too she removed the earth and idols were found. Then Lal Ded addressed to him Diva wata diver wata Heri bun chhuh ikawat Puz kas karak huta bhatta Kar manas pavanas sangat. 2 Bawa Nanak when at Mecca was once found lying down with his feet towards the Shrine. The people reproved him for thus showing disrespect towards the house of God. He told them he was tired and could not move and they might therefore turn his feet to the direction away from the house of God. They then turned his feet but Mecca also moved towards the same direction.

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308 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [ NOVEMBER, 1921 Soi shela chhai patas tah pithas Soi shela chhai utam desh Soi shela chhai pheravanis gratas Shiv chhui kruth tai tsen upadesh. Idol is of stone, temple is of stone; Above (temple) and below (idol) are one; Which of them wilt thou worship. O foolish Pandit ? Cause thou the union of mind with soul. The same stone is in the road and in the pedestal : The same stone is the sacred place : The same stone is the turning mill; . Shiva is difficult to be attained, take a hint for guidance (from thy guru). (To be continued.) NOTES AND QUERIES. NOTES FROM OLD FACTORY RECORDS. not Above fiveteen that is capable of working. OL them are dead about forty ani dayly die, for hee 24. Glasse = Hour. that falls, it is hard for him to rise. All our serSloop James, 10th of May 1885. vants are sick and doad, sad att this minuto not Honoured Sir, This to acquaint your Honour of A Cook to gett victualls ready for those that eitt on Sad misfortune, for standing off to sea we att the Companys Table, and guch have been our Chanoold) to meett with fresh galls [gales) and straites, that woo many times have fasted; the sick great Sea and making Saile for to keep Company ye neglected, some cry for Remedies, but none to be with the Rest of the fleet we aprung such a Leakehad; those that could Eat have none to cook them that we are forced to keep pumping glasses and Vietuslis, 800 that I may say, the one Dies for glasse (from hour to hour) which hath been the Hunger, and the other for Remedies, so that now Cause of our putting Back again and fetched as far we have not living Enough to bury the Dead, and as Annor [Onore, Hondvar) where we Ri[dd att) if one is sick the other will not watch, for hoe sayes an Anchor. I would desire to know your Honours better that one than two dies, soe that people dies further orders what we shall doe with the Vossell and noe notice Taken thereof. (Recorde of Port St. for what with & Carring (carrying) of sail and George, Letters to Fort St. George, 1884-85, III, 216, Ridding att an Anchor she will not bear up much 216.) R.C.T. onger without further Remedy. I rent your 26. A Recommendation, Honours very Humble and Obedient Servant to Command, William Dixon. (Records of Fort St. 20 November 1685. Letter from Thomas L George: Letters to Fort St. George, 1884-85, III, 85.) Council of Hugly to William Guffori and Council at R.C.T. Port St. George. Mr. Higginson wee can very ill sparo, he being one of the most fittest men in India 25. A Wail from Bensoolen. for the offio ho was in (and indeed any thing else). 28 September 1685. Letter from Benjamin Bloom He has discharged his place with faithfullness and and Council at York Port (Bencoolen, Sumatra) to with all diligence in A curious (ingenious) method William Gyfford and Council af Fort St. George. As your Honor &ca, will see by his workes : wee Wee shall now give your Honour &ca. An Account cannot say enough to his praise, but seeing it is your of our Woofullstate and Condition which God grant order, and his daire, Bongall not agreeing with his better. We are by sickness all become Uncapable constitution, he takes his passage towards you on of helping one Another, and of the great number of the Shrewsbury. Woe have promis'd him to signifio people that came over not abovo thirty men well all his care and pains to our Right Honblo. of them that Mr Ord left here, being Blacks and Masters and hope they will take into consideration whites about 200, he taking about twenty souldiers and give him Encouragement According to his and severall Black servants along with him. Of the deserts for what he has done here. (Records of English souldiers are dead here eleven; and of the Port St. George : Letters to Fort St. George, 1684-5 Portoqueeze not above four, of the Black workmen 'III, 234-236.) R.C.T.

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DECEMBER, 1921) LIFE SKETCH OF LALESHWARI. 309 LIFE SKETCH OF LALESHWARI-A GREAT HERMITESS OF KASHMIR. BY PANDIT ANAND KOUL. (Continued from p. 308.) (3) Shekh Nur Din alias Nund Rishi (called by Hindus Sahazanand), a great Muham. madan saint, was a contemporary of Lal Ded. It is said that when he was born (1377 A.D.) he would not suck milk of his mother. Lal Ded went and cried to him "Yina mandachhok nah tah chanah chhu kha mandachhan?" (Thou wert not ashamed of coming, why then art thou ashamed of sucking ?) Thereupon he began to suck. She asked his mother what her name was. "Sudar" was the reply. Lal Ded remarked- Sudrasai chhih mukhta neran" (verily pearls come out of the Sudar i.e., Ocean). When Shekh Nur Din was grown up he, together with his disciple Baba Nasar-ud-din, often held. discourses with Lal Ded in Kashmiri verse which are clothed in mysticism. Her verses, however, show how superior she rose over both of them in religious wisdom. These are contained in the old Persian books called Nur Nama and Rish Nama. One discourse is quoted below by way of an example : Baba Nasir-ud-din Siryas hyuh nah prakash kune Gangih hyuh nah tirth kanh Bayis hyuh nah bandav kune Ranih hyuh nah sukh kanh. Shekh Nur Din Achhin hyuh nah prakash kune Kuthen hyuh nah tirth kanh Chandas hyuh nah bandav kune Khanih hyuh nah sukh kanh. Laleshwars-- Mayas hyuh nah prakash kune Payas hyuh nah tirth karh Dayas hyuh nah bandav kune Bayas hyuh nah sukh kanh. There is no light like that of the sun; There is no pilgrimage like Ganga; There is no relation like a brother; There is no ease like that of a wife. There is no light like that of the eyes : There is no pilgrimage like that of the knees; There is no relation like one's pocket; There is no ease like that of the cloak. There is no light like that of the knowledge of God; There is no pilgrimage like that of the search of God; There is no relation compared to the Deity; There is no ease like that got from the fear of God. "

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310 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY DECEMBER, 1921 Many stories are current among the Kashmiris illustrative of the superhuman power of this hermitess. Some of them are narrated below: (1) Lal Ded used to go out early in the morning, crossing the river without her feet dipping into the water and sat at the ghat of Zinpura village at the place where there is the shrine of Natta Keshva Bhairava, at present marked by a mulberry tree. There, after her ablution, she remained in communion with God. Her husband being suspicious of her, once went quietly atter her to see where she had gone. He saw her going to, and sitting alone at, the above place. He never knew, nor he could read, her purpose. Leay. ing the house before the dawn and sitting alone on the river bank was, he thought, nothing short of madness. He got angry at this. When after meditation for some time, she returned with an earthen pot full of water on her head, he, in his rage, struck it with a stick. The pot broke into pieces, but the water was not spilt and remained perfectly still on her head. She then came into the house, filled all the empty pots with this water and yet it was not exhausted. Then she threw down the remainder of the water outside the house and a pond was formed of it. This pond exists even now and is called Lal Trag. (2) Lal Ded used to peregrinate in a nude condition and was constantly saying, He only is a man who fears God, and there are very few such men about." One day Shah Hamadan alias Mir Sayyid Ali, after whom the famous mosque in Srinagar is called and who came in Kashmir in 1379 and stayed here up to 1384 A. D., met her at Khampur, 10 miles to the south-west of Srinagar on the Shopian road, and she at once ran away. This was a strange thing for Lal Ded to do, but it was soon explained. "I have seen a man," she said to the astonished baniya, into whose shop she had fled for refuge. The baniya, however, turned her out. Then Lal Ded rushed to a baker's shop and jumped into the oven, which at that time was fully heated for baking the bread. Hence the saying-" A yeyih wanis gayih kandaras." (She came to a baniya but went to a bakor). When the baker saw this he fell down in & swoon thinking that, for certain, the king would hear of this and punish him. However, there was no need of fear, as Lal Ded presently appeared from the mouth of the oven, clad in clothes of gold, and hastened after Shah Hamadan. Lal Ded threw herself in the baker's oven purposely in order to show to Shah Hamadan that passing through the ordeal set up by Timur, the famous king of Central Asia (1378 A.D.), was all easy job for persons advanced in occult powers. This king was in the habit of going frequently through his capital city to ascertain the condition of his subjects. One night, while he was wandering in the city in the disguise of a beggar, the shrieks of a lad from a house attracted him and he entered it, when he came to know tbat the child and his parents had tasted no food for two days on account of abject poverty, and the shrieks of the child were due to the pangs of hunger The disguised beggar felt so deeply for the starving family that he left the house with a promise to return soon with any eatable thing he might get by begging, and he fulfilled his promise by returning soon with a little breact which he handed over to the boy who was crying. The beggar secretly left a purse of gold coins in the compound of the house, and before leaving raised his hands towards the sky, praying loudly that the Great Allah might change the poor family into a rich one. At day. break the mistress of the house got startled to find the purse and was immensely happy. One of the coins she brought with a joyful heart before a neighbouring Sayyid to get it

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DECEMBER, 1921) LIFE SKETCH OF LALESHWARI. 311 changed. The wicked Sayyid onquired and came to know of her possessing a purse of gold coins. He not only deprived her of her purse, but charged her of having stolen it from him. The case came up before Timur who well knew the source from which the old woman had got the contested gold. The Sayyid and his numerous witnesses who were also Sayyids took solemn oaths before Timur that the woman had stolen the bung. He, of course, dismissed the case and restored the purse to the poor woman. Indignant at the brazen-fs.cedness of the Sayyids, he announced that all Sayyids residing in his kingdom must prove their purity by passing through the order of riding a hot iron-horse. This dreadful test alarmed the Sayyids and they strove to escape it by flight. Only Mir Sayyid Ali, who was a saint of high order, is said to have gone successfully through the ordeol. He then came from Hamedan (Persia) to Kashmir in 1379 A.D. On seeing Lal Ded coming out of a furnace of fire attired in clothes of gold his pride of riding a fire-horse was humbled, and he became a constant companion of hers. (3) Once there was a performance of actor: at Pampur, to witness which a large crowd of people had gathered. Lal Dad also, in her usual nude condition, went to see it. Her father-in-law called her back to her house and scolded her for her want of modesty and decenoy. She excused herself by saying that there was no human being there, to avoid whose look it might have been necessary to cover herself. He laughed cynically at this. But she asked him to look out from the window if what she said was true or not. He looked out and lo! he saw no human being, but only a number of fowls, sheep and goats collected there. (4) Once Sidh was performing the austere penances of chandrayun; that is to say, he had kept a fast which was to continue for 40 days. Lal Ded came to his house and enquired from his wife what he was doing. She replied--" Suh chhu karan zaf" (he is doing moditation). Lal Ded cried out : "Nah, Nanda Margih diuthas guris taf" (no, his pony got a kick at Nanda Marg). Sidh overheard this and was ashamed, as his mind had really gone astray in the midst of meditation, thinking at that moment of his pony which he had sent for grazing to Nanda Marg.3 Lal Ded then invited him to see how she was practising the penance. On the full-moon day she entered a well-cleaned room and standing up motionless, put an earthen pot underr.eath her feet and another on her head As the moon waned her body diminished, until on the fifteenth day of the dark fortnight the two pots joined each other. Sidh was daily observing this. When the two pots closed he raised the upper pot, and found something like quick-silver in it trembling and then put down the lid again. As the moon waned, her body also began to increase, and on the full-moon day she was again what she was before. Sidh was astonished at this, and told her that he had lifted up the upper pot when they had met and had seen something like mercury trembling in the lower pot. He asked her in wonderment what it was and why it was trembling. She answered, hinting at the insignificance of his own vaunted penances." It was I that was trembling lest even this austere perance might be unacceptable 3 A similar story is told of Bawa Nanak. He attended a prayer meeting at the request of a Muhammadan Sirdar. The congregation bent, knelt, and bowed while P&wa Nanak stood still. At the end he was asked why he did not join in the prayer and he reinarked that the priest at whose bending, kneeling and bowing the congregation moved was all the while thinking of his own mare and therefore he was waiting till his mind turned towards God. The priest's mind had actually gone astray as stated by B&wa Nanak.

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312 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1921 to God, for without His grace human acts have no merit."-nisi Dominus, frustra. Sidh then remarked.- Gau tsatha guras khasthi Sui war ditam Diva. The disciple has gone up higher than her spiritual preceptor. O God grant, that I may become like her. (5) One day Lal Ded played blind man's buff with Shekh Nur Din and Shah Hamadan. She told them that if they failed to search her out, they should call her thrice by her name and she would reappear. They hid themselves one by one, and Lal Ded found out each one of them. Afterwards Lal Ded hid herself and though they tried their best to seek her out they failed. Then they called her thrice by her name and she suddenly reappeared before them. They enquired from her where she had hidden herself and she told them she had merged herself with the five tutvas (elements), and it was impossible for them to seek her out. (6) One day Shah Hamadan, Shekh Nur Din, Sidh and Lal Ded were sitting together discoursing on religious matters, when a cloud accompanied by a storm of wind gathered. Shah Hamadan remarked that rein was coming. Shekh Nur Din said, "No, a hail storm will occur." Sidh said, "No, snow will fall." Lal Ded rebuked them for making predictions, "Fugr ai tah makr kyah" (If asceticism, why then makr or hypocrisy). Makr in Kashmiri also means little round poppy-seed-like frosted snow. No sooner had she uttered these words than makr began to fall. (7) Once Shah Hamadan showed his occult powers to Lal Ded by placing a pot full of rice and water on his head, which at once got heated and the rice in it got boiled. Lal Ded, in order to humble his pride, showed him this power developed in herself to an immense degree. She took him to the river side, and dipping her hand in its water the whole river got heated and began to bubble. Lal Ded died at an advanced age at Bijbehara, 28 miles to the south-east of Srinagar, just outside the Jama Masjid there, near its south-eastern corner. When she gave up her soul, it buoyed up like a flame of light in the air and then disappeared. SIVAJI'S RAID UPON SURAT IN 1664. BY WILLIAM FOSTER, C.I.E. Prefatory Note. THE sack of Surat by the Marathas in January, 1664, was an event of such importance that no apology need be offered for printing two first-hand unofficial accounts of it,1 especially as the one is not easily accessible, in a reliable form, to Indian historical students, while the other has not appeared in English before. These two documents are therefore printed below, merely premising that the English official account, contained in a letter from the President and Council at Surat to the East India Company, dated 28th January 1664, will be found in Sir George Forrest's Selections from the Bombay Records, Home Series, vol. i (p. 24).. 1. The fullest and most graphic narrative, from the English side, is contained in a letter from the lately arrived chaplain, the Rev. John L'Escaliot, dated 26th January 1664. The letter, which was evidently addressed to some relative at Norwich, was communicated 1 [The first of these was reprinted in this Journal as long ago as 1879 (ante, Vol. VIII, pp. 256 ff.), the copy then being taken from Wilkin's edition of Sir Thomas Browne's works. I am glad to have the opportunity, through Mr. Foster's help, of printing a more correct version of L'Escaliot's account.-EP.]

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SIVAJI'S RAID UPON SURAT IN 1664. to L'Escaliot's friend, the celebrated Dr. (afterwards Sir Thomas) Browne, who caused it to be copied into one of his note-books, now in the British Museum (Sloane MSS. No. 1861). This transcript was published in 1836 by Simon Wilkin in his edition of Browne's works2; and the portion relating to Sivaji's raid is here extracted, following, however, the Sloane MS., as Wilkin's version contains several inaccuracies. It must be borne in mind that the MS. itself is only a copy, and occasional errors are to be expected. DECEMBER, 1921] 313 Thus farr, deare Bro[ther], I had wrote on Tuesday, the 5 of January, about ten in the morning, when on a suddan a strong alarme was brought to our house from the towne, with news that Seva-Gee, Raya or principall governour (for such assume not the name of kings to themselves, but yet endeavour to bee as absolute, each in his province, as his sword can make him), was coming downe with an army of an uncertaine number upon Surat to pillage the citty; wich newes strooke no small consternation into the mindes of a weake and efcmi. nate people, in soe much that on all hands there was nothing to bee seene but people flying for their lives and lamenting the loss of their estates. The richer sort, whose stocke of mony was large enough to purchase that favour at the hands of the Governour of the Castle, made that their sanctuary and abandoned their dwellings to a merciless foe; wich thay might well enough have defended, with the rest of the towne, had thay had the heartes of men. The same day a post coms in and tells them that the army was come within tenne course or English miles and made all hast forward; wich put the cowardly and unfaithfull Governour of the towne to send a servant to Sevagee to treat of some conditions of ransome. But Seva-Gee retaines the mesenger and marches forewards with all speed, and that night loged his camp about 5 miles English from the citty; and the Governour perceiveing well that his mesenger returned not again and that Seva-Gee did not intend to treat at that distance, he craves admission into the Castle and obtaineth it, and soe deserted his towne. The citty of Surat is the only port on this side India wich belongs to the Mogol, and stands upon a river commodious enough to admitt vessells of 1000 tun 7 milles up; at wich distance from the sea there stands a reasonable strong castle, well manned and haveing great store of good guns mounted for the securing of the river. At a convenient distance on the north, east, and south sides of this castle is the citty of Surrat, built of a large extent and very popelus, rich in marchandise, as being the mart for the great empire of the Mogol, but ill contrived into narrow lanes and without any forme; and for buildings consists partly of wood; the maine partly of brik (see the houses of the richer sort), Wilkin concluded that the letter was actually addressed to Browne, and his statement to that effect has been accepted by subsequent writers. This is wrong. L'Escaliot addresses his correspondent as 'deare bro.' and 'bro.' Wilkin boldly printed the first as 'deare Browne', though he did not venture to extend the second reference in the same manner. Clearly, however, 'brother' was intended, and we know that L'Escaliot was not related in this manner to any of the Browne family. Sir Thomas refers to him merely as my worthy loving freind'. After the chaplain's death, the Company made over his effect to a George L'Escaliot, and this may well have been the correspondent in question.

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314 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ DECEMBER, 1921 posts of wich sort only are timber, the rest is built of bambooes (as they call them) or caines, such as those youe make your angles [i.e., fishing rods] (of) at Norwich, but very large, and these being tyed togather with the cords made of coconutt rinde, and being dawbed over with dirt, are the walls of the whole house and floors of the upper story of their houses. Now the nomber of the poore exceedingly surmounting the nomber of those of some quality, there bamboo houses are increassed unmeasurably; soe that in the greatter part of the towne scarc tow or three brick houses are to bee seen in a street, and in some part of the towne not one for many streets togather. Those houses wich are built of bricke are usually built strong, their walls of 2 or 2 feete thicke and the roofes of them flat and covered with a plaster like plaster of Paris, wich makes most comodous places to take the evening aire in the hotter seasons. The whole towne is unfortefied, either by art or nature. Its situation is upon a large plaine of many miles extent and their care hath beene soe little to secure it by art that thay have only made against the cheefe avenues of the towne some weake and ill built gates, and for the rest in some parts a dry ditch easiely pasable by a footman, wanting a wall or other defence on the innerside; the rest is left soe open that scarce any signe of a dich is perceiveable. The people of the towne are either the marchants and those of all nations almost, as Einglish, Dutch, Portugalls, Turkes, Arabs, Armenians, Persians, Jewes, Indians of severall sorts, but principally Banians), or els Moores, the conquerers of the country, Hindues or the ancient inhabetants, or Persees, whoe are people fled out of Persia ages agoe and heere, and some miles up the country, settled in great numbers. The Banian is one whoe thinks it the greatest wickedness to kill any creature whatsoever that hath life, least posibly they night bee the death of their father or relation; and the Persee doth supperstitiously adore the fire as his god, and thinks it an unpardonable sin to throw watter upon it ; soe that if a house bee fired, or their clothes upon their backs burning, thay will, if thay can, hinder any man from quenching it. The Moores ar troubled with none of these superstitions, but yet through the unworthy covetuousness of the Governour of the towne thay had noe body to head them nor none unto whome to joyne themselves, and soe fled away for company; whereas, if there had beene 500 men trayned and in a readyness, as by order from the King there ever should (whose pay the Governour puts into his owne poket), the number to defend the citty would have amounted to some thousands. This was the condittion of the citty at the tyme of its invasion, The invader Seva Gee is (as I have said) by extraction a Rayar or a Governour. of a small counttry on the coast southwards of Basine, and was formerly a tributary to the King of Vijapore, but being of an asspiring and ambitious minde, subtile, and withall a soldier, hee rebells against the King, and partly by fraude, partly by force, partly by corruption of the Kings governours of the Kings castles, Beageth many of them into his hands, and withall parte of a country for wich the King of Vijapore paid tribute to the Mogol. His insolencys were boe many, and his success soe great, that the King of Vijapore thought it high tyme to indevoer his supression, or els all would be lost. Hee raises his armies, but is worated Boe every where by the rebell that hee is

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DECEMBER, 1921) SIVAJI'S RAID UPON SURAT IN 1664. 315 forced to condittions, to release homage to Sevegee of those landes wich hee held of him, and for the rest Sevagee was to make good his possession against the Mogol as well as hee could. After some tyme of forbearance the Mogol demands his tribute from him of Vija pore, whoe returns answer that hee had not posession of the tributary lands, but that thay were detayned from him by his rebbell, whoe was growne too stroong for him. Upon this the Mogol makes warr both upon the King of Vija pore and Sevagee, but as yet without any considerable success. Many attempts hath been made, but still frusterated, either by the cuning or vallour or mony of Sevagee; but now of late Kuttup Chawne, an Umbraw who posessed (passed ?] by Surrat since I arrived, with 5000 men and 14 ellephants, and had 9000 men more wich marched another way towa[r]ds their randevouz, as wee hear hath taken from him a strong castle and (made ?] some impression into his country; to devert wich ware, it is probable he tooke this resolletion for invation of this country of Guzurat. His person is discribed by them whoe have seen him to bee of meane stature, lower some what then I am, erect, and of an excellent proportion; active in excersise, and when ever hee speaks seemes to smile; a quicke and peercing eye, and whitter then any of his people. Hee is disstrustfull, seacret, subtile, cruell, perfidious, insulting over whomsoever he getts into his power, absolute in his commands and in his punishments more then severe, death or dismembering being the punishment of every offence; if nesessity require, venterous and desperate in execution of his resolves, as may appeare by this following instance. The King (of) Vijaporet sends downe his unckell, a most accompleshed soldier, with 14,000 men into Sevagees country. The knowne vallour and experience of the man made Sevagee conclude that his best way was to assasinate him in his owne armye by a suddan surprise. This conduct of this attempt, how dangerous soever, would have been undertaken by many of his men, of whose conduct hee might have asured himselfe, but it seemes he would have the action wholly his owne. Hee therefore, with 400 as desperate as himselfe, enters the army, undiscovered comes to the Genaralls tent, falls in upon them, kills the guard, the Genaralls sonn, wounds the father (whoe hardly escaped), seiseth on his daughter and carries her away prisoner, and forceth his way backe through the whole army and returnes safe without any considerable loss. And afterward in dispight of all the King of Vijla]pore could doe, bee tooke Rajapore, a great port, plundered it, and seised our English marchants, Mr. Revington, Mr. Taylor, and digged up the English house for treasure, and kept the marchants in prison about eight months. 3 Possibly Kut buddin Khan, who took part in the subsequent campaign under Jai Singh. 4 An error for 'tho Mogul Emperor.' The writer is also wrong in making the attack on Shaista Khan precede the capture of Rajapur.

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316 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. Wedensday the 6 January, about 11 in the morning, Sevagee arrived neere a great garden without the towne about of a mile, and whilst hee was busied in pitching his tents sent his horsmen into the outward streets of the towne to fire the houses; soe that in less then halfe an houer wee might behold from the tops of our house two great pilliers of smoke, the certaine signs of a great disolation, and soe thay continued burning that day and night. Thursday, Friday and Satturday still new fires raised, and every day neerer and neerer approching our quarter of the towne. [ DECEMBER, 1921 That the terror was great I know youe will eassly beleeve. And upon his first begining of his firing the remainder of the people fled as thicke as posible; so that on Thursday the streets were almost empty, wich at other tymes are exceeding thicke with people; and we the English in our house, the Duch in theirs, and some few marchants of Turky and Armenia, neighbours to our English house, possesed of a seraw or place of reception for straingers, were left by the Governour and his people to make what shift wee could to secure ourselves from the enemy. This might the English and Duch have done, leaveing the towne and goeing over the river to Swalley to our shipps, which were then riding in Swalley Hole; but it was thought more like English men to make ourselves ready to defend our lives and goods to the uttermost than by a flight to leave mony, goods, house to merceless people, and were confirmd in a resolution that the Duch alsoe dete[r]mined the same; though there was noe possibility of releiveing one another, the Duch house beeing on the other side of [the] towne, almost an English mile asunder. In order therfore to our better defence, the President, Sir George Oxinden, a most worthy, discreet, couragious person, sent advice to our ships at Swalley of our condition, with his disires to the captains to spare him out of their ships what men thay could; and wee in the meane tyme endeavored to fitt our house soe well as wee could, sending out for what quantety of provision of victualls, watter, and powder wee could gitt, of wich wee gott a competent store. Tow brass guns we procured that day from a marchant in towne of about 300 [weight] a peice, and with old ship carriages mountted them and made ports in our great gate for them to play out of to scoure a shorte pasage to our house. That afternoone wee sent aboard a ship in the river for guns, and had tow of about 600 [weight] per peice sent up in next morning with shott convenient. Some are set to melt lead and make bullets, others with chezels to cutt lead into slugs; no hand idle, but all imployed to strengthen every place, as tyme would give leave, to the best advantage. On Weddensday men arrive to the nomber of 40 odd and bring with them 2 brass guns more. Our 4 smaller guns are then carried up to the tope of the house and 3 of them planted to scoure 2 great streets; the 4[th] was bent upon a rich churles house (Hogee Said Beeg [Haji Zahid Beg], of whom more by and by), because it was equally of hight, and being posesed by the enemy might have beene dangerous to our house. Coptaines are appointed, and every man quarterd and order taken for reliveeing one another upon necessity. A fresh recrute of men coming of about 20 more, wee than began to consider what houses neere us might bee most prejuditiall, and on one side wee tooke possesion

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DECEMBER, 1921) SIVAJI'S RAID UPON SURAT IN 1664. 317 of [8] pagod or Banian idol temple, which was just under our house (wich haveing taken, wee were much more secured on that quarter), on the other a Moorish Meseete [i.e., mosque), where severall people were harboured and had windowes into our outward yard, was thought good to bee cleared and shutt up; wich was accordingly done by a party, [and] all the people sent to seeke some other place to harbour in. Things being thuss rearonably well prepared, newes is brought us that Mr. Anthony Smith, & servant of the Companyes, one whoe hath beene Cheife in severall factoryes, was taken prisoner by Sevagee[s] soulderiers as he came ashore neere the Duch house and was comeing to the English ; an unfortunate accedent wich made us all much concerned, knowing Sevagee[8] cruelty, and indeed gave him over as quite lost. Hee obtianes leave some few houers after to send a note to the President, wherin hee aquants him with his condittion, that hee being brought before Sevagee hee was asked what hee vas and such like questions, and att last by Seyagee told that hee was not come to doe any personall hurte to the English or other marchants, but only to revenge himselfe of Orom Zeb (the Great Mogol) because hee had invaded his counttry [and] had killd some of his relations, and that he would only have the English and Duch give him some treasure and hee would not medle with there houses, ells hee would doe them all mischeefe possible. Mr. Smith disired him to sent a guard with him to the English house, least hee should finde any mollestation from his men, but hee answers as yet hee must not goe away, but comands him to bee carried to the rest of the marchants, where when hee came hee found the embassadour 5 from the great King of Ethiopia unto Orum Zeb prisoner and pinioned, with a great number of Banians and others in the same condition. Haveing set there some tyme, about halfe an hower, hee is seised upon by a cupple of black rogues and pinioned, in that extremety that hee hath brought away thee marks in his armes with him. This [is] what hee writt and part of what hee related when wee gott him aga ne The President by the messenger (one of Sevagee[6] men, as wee imagined) returned answer that hee wounderd at him that, professing peace, hee should detaine an English man prisoner, and that if hee would send him home, and not to suffer his people to come soe neere his house as to give cause of suspition, hee would hurt none of his men ; otherwayes hee was upon his owne defence. Upon these tearmes wee were all Wedensday and untill Thursday about 2 at afternoon, when perceiveing tops of lances on the other side of a neighbour house and haveing called to the men to depart and not come soe neere us, but they not stirring and intending (as wee concluded) to sett fier to the house on the quarter, whereby our house would have been in most emenient danger of being fiered alsoe, the President commanded 20 men, under the command of Mr. Gerrurd Aungier, brother to my Lord Aungier, to sally forth upon them, and another party of about soe many more to make good their retreate. They did soe, and when thay facd them judgd them to bee about 25 horsmen 6 For this embassy, see Sarkar's History of Aurangzib (vol. III, p. 137), Manucci ( vol. II, p. 109). Bernier (p. 134 ), and Valentyn ( book IV, part II, p. 268 ).

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318 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. DECEMBER, 1921 well mounted. They discharged at them and wounded one man and one horze, and the rest faced about and fled, but made a shift to carry of their wounded man, but the horss fell, haveing gone a litle way. What became of the wounded man wee cannot tell; but Mr. Smith saw him brought into the armey. upon mens shoulders and shewed there to Sevagee. Tow of our men were hurt, one shott slightly into the legg with an arrow; the other, rashly parting from the rest and runing on before, was cutt deep over the shoulder, but (thainks to God) in a faire way of recovery. On Wedensday afternoone a party of the enemy came downe to Hogee Said Begs house (hee then in the Castle : one of a prodigous estate) and brake open the undefended doores and ther continued all that night long and til next day that wee sallyed out upon theire men on the other quarter of our house. Thay appeared by tow or 3 at a tyme upon the tope of his house to spye what preperations wee made, but as yet (we) had noe order to fier upon them. Wee heard them all night long beating and breaking open chests and doores with great maules, but were not much concernd for him; for had the wretch had Boe much heart as to have stood upon his gaurd, the 20 part of what thay tooke from him would have hiered soe many men as would have secured all the rest. When thay heard that wee wear abroad in the streets, thay imediatly in hast deserted the house and that (as it afterwards appeared) in such hast as to leave tow baggs of mony dropt downe behind them ; yet with intention, as they told the people they mett (such poore wretches as had nothing to loose and knew not whether to flye) to returne next day and fier the house ; but that was prevented. On Friday morning the President sent unto the Castle to Hogee Said Beg to know whither hee would permitt him to take possesion of and secure a great company of warehouses of his adjoyneing to our house and wich would bee of great consequence to preserve both his goods and our house. Hee testified his will. ingness, and immediately from the tope of our house, by help of a ladder, wee entred it and haveing found that ] the enemie, haveing beene all Wedensday afternoon and night till past Thursday noone plundering the great house, had likewise entred and begun to plunder his first warehouse but were scard, soe that little hurt was done. They had tyme to carry nothing that is as yet knowne of, and only broken open certaine vessells of quickesilver which there Jay spilt atout the warehouse in great quantetye. Wee locked it up and put a gaurd in the roome next the street, wich through help of a belcoone secured by thicke plank tyed to the belcoone pillers, soe close on to another as noe more space was left but for a muskett to play out, was soe secured as no approoch could bee made againe to the doore of his great house or any passage to the warehouss but what must come under dainger of our shott. In the afternoone on Friday Sevagee sends Mr. Smith as his messenger to our house with propositions and threats, haveing first made him oblige himselfe to returne, and withall obliging himselfe when hee did returne that hee would doe him noe hurt, whatsoever mesage hee should bring. His mesage was to send him 3 lacks of rupees (every lack is 100,000 and every rupee is worth 28. 3d.), or eles let his men freely to doe their pleasure to Hogee Said Bege house; if

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SIVAJI'S RAID UPON SURAT IN 1664. 319 not, threatening to come and force us, and vowed to kill every person in the house and to dig up the houses foundation. To this it was answerd by the messenger that came along with Mr. Smith that, as for his 2 propositions, he disired tyme to mak answer to them till the morrow, they being of soe great moment; and as for Mr. Smith, that hee would and did keep him by force and hee should not returne till than, when, if hee could consent to either proposition, hee would send him. DECEMBER, 1921] Mr. Smith being thuss returned to us, youe may bee sure each man was inquise. tive to know news; whoe told us for their number they do give themselves out to bee 10,000 and thay were now at least a very considerable armey since the comming of tow Rayors with their men, whosse names hee knew not that their horss were very good (and soe indeed those wich wee saw were): that when hee came away hee could not [but] guess, by the mony heaped up in tow great heapes before Sevagee his tent, than that hee had plundered 20 or 25 lack of rupees that the day when hee came away in the morning there was brought in neere upon 300 porters, laden each with 2 baggs of rupees, and some hee guessed to be gold; that thay brought in 28 sere of large pearle, with many other jewells, great diamonds, rubies, and emeralds (40 sere make 37 pound weight), and these, with an increedable quantety of mony, they found at the house of the reputed richest marchant in the wourld (his name is Verge Vora, his estate haveing beene esteemed to bee 80 lack of rupees): that they were still, every hower while hee was there, bringing in loods of mony from his house His disire of mony is soe great that he spares noe barbour[ou]s cruelty to extort confessions from his prisoners; whips them most cruely, threatens death, and often executeth it [if] thay doe not produce soe much as hee thinks they may or disires they should; at least cutts off one hand, sometymes both. A very great many there were who, hearing of his comeing, went forth to him, thinking to fare the better, but found there fault to there cost; as one whoe came to our house for cure. Hee went forth to meete him and told him hee was come from about Agra with cloth and had brought 40 oxen loaded with it, and that hee came to present him with it all or elss what part hee should please to comand. Sevagee asked him if hee had noe mony. Hee answered that hee had not as yet sold any cloth since hee came to towne, and that hee had noe mony. The villaine made his right hand to bee cutt off imediatly and than bid him begone: hee had noe need of his cloth. The poore old man returns, findes his cloth burnt, and himselfe destetute of other harbor comes to the English house, where hee is dresed and fed. But to proceed: Mr. Smith farther tells us that on Thursday their came a young fellow with some conditions from the Governour, wich pleased Sevagee not at all; soe that hee asked the fellow whether his maister, being now by him cooped up in his chamber, thought him a woman to accept such conditions. The fellow imediatly returns "and wee are not women: I have somewhat more to say to youe," drawes his dagger, and runs full at Sevagee[s] breast. A fel. low that stood by with a sword redy drawne striks betweene him and Sevagee

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320 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. DECEMBER, 1921 and strikes his hand almost of, soe that [it] hung but by a pece of flesh. The fellow, haveing made his thurst at Sevagee with all his might, did not stoop but run his bloody stumpp against Sevagee[s] breast and with such] force, [that] both Sevagee and hee fell togather. The blood being seen upon Sevagee, the noise run through the camp that hee was killed and the cryo went " kill the prisoners"; whereupon some were miserably hacked. But Sevagee lave. ing quitted himselfe, and hee that stood by haveing cloven the follows scull, comand was givein to stay the execution and to bring the prisoners before him; wich was imediatly done, and Sevagee, according as it come in his minde, caused them to cutt of this mans head, that mans right hand, both the hands of a 3[rd]. It comes to Mr. Smith[s] turne, and his right hand being comar.ded to be cutt of, hee cryed out in Indostan to Sevagee rather to cutt of his head ; unto wich end his hatt was taken of, but Sevagee stopt execution, and soe (praised bee God) hee escaped. There were than about 4 heads and 24 hands cutt of. After that Mr. Smith was come away and retayned by the President and they heard the answer, hee sends the embassador of Ethiopia, whome hee had sett free upon dillivery of 12 horses and some other things sent by his king to Oron Zeb, to tell the English that hee did intend to vissitt us and to raise the house and kill every man of us. The President resolutly answers that wee were redy for him and resolved not to stire: let him come when hee pleased, and since hee had (as hee saide) resolved to come, hee bid him come one pore (pahar] (that is about the tyme of a watch) sooner then hee intended. With this ans. wer the ambassadour went his way, and wee heard no farther from him any more but in the terrible noise of the fier and the hideous smoke wich wee saw, but by Gods mercy came not soe neere us as to take hold of us (ever blesed be His name). Thursday and Friday nights were the most tirrible nights for fier. On Friday, after hee had ransaked and dug up Verge Voros house, hee fiered it and a great vast number more towards the Dutch house ; a fier soe great as turnd the night into day, as before the smoke in the day tyme had almost turnd day into night, rissing soe thicke as it darkned the sun like a great cloud. On Sunday morning about 10 a clocke (as thay tell us) hee went his way, and that night Jay 6 course of, and next day at noono was passed ovor Brooch river. 6 There is a creedable information that hee hath shipt his treasure to carry into his owne country, and Sir George Oxenden hath sent a fregate to see if hee can light of them; wich 'God grant. Wee kept our wach still till Tuesday. I had forgote to writt you the manner of their cutting of mens hands, wich was thuss. The person to suffer is pinioned as strreight as possibly thay can, and then, when the nod is given, a soldier comes with a whitle or blunt knife and throws the poore patient downe upon his face; than draws his hand backward 8 Broach River'is of course the Narbada; but it seems hardly credible that Sivaji returned by uch a rounda bout route.

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DECEMBER, 1921] HISTORY OF THE NIZAM SHAHE KINGS OF AHMADNAGAR. 321 and setts his knee upon the prisoners backe and begins to hack and cutt on on side and other about the wrest. In the meane tyme the poore man roaret exceedingly, kicking and bitting the ground for very anguish. When the villiane perceves the bone to bee laid bare on all sides, hee setteth the wrest to his knee and gives it a snap, and proceeds till hee hath hacked the hand quite of; which done, thay force him to rise and make him run soe long till through paine and loss of blood hee falls downe. They then unpinion him and the blood stops." ( To be continued. ) THE HISTORY OF THE NIZAM SHAH KINGS OF AHMADXAGAR. BY LIEUT.COLONEL T. W. HAIG, C.S.I., C.M.G., C.B.E. (Continued from p. 283.) At this time one usain Khan,200 who had risen from the dregs of the people to rank and honour and was enrolled among the king's servants, and of whose affairs an account will be given hereafter, conspired with other of the courtiers to compass the downfall of Changiz Khan and by means of money bribes, and fair promises, gained over to his side a party who, with-him, made it their business to slander Changiz Khan, and daily perverted and misrepresented to the king all his acts until they estranged the king from him. Among other tMings they said that the whole army regarded themselves as the servants of Changiz Khan and would never parade at court until Changiz Khan appeared. In order to prove this charge, they raised one of the curtains of the royal pavilion on the side to which the king faced, 200 Husain Khan was the vile favourite of Murtaza Nizam Shah, and is better known by his later title of Sahib Khan. He fist attracted the king's attention at the siege of Numala. According to Firishta, ShAh Mirz& IsfahAnf, the envoy of Ibrahim Qutb Shah, was the prime mover in the plot Against Changiz Khan. He had offered Changiz Khan a bribe of 200,000 hans to dissuade his master from invading Bidar. Changiz Khan refused the bribe saying that his master supplied all his wants and that his intention was to overthrow the king of Bidar, who was a Sunni, in order that there might be but three kings in the Dakan, all Shi'ahs, who would live in amity and unite to oppose any aggression from Delhi. Shah Mirza, being thus foiled, turned his attention to the favourite, and told Husain Khan that Chengiz Khan intended to seize Berar for himself and to establish himself as independent ruler of the country. Husain Khan lent a ready ear to these suggestions, for the king had ordered Changiz Khan to punish him for some insolence of which he had been guilty and Changiz Khan had seen that the punishment was sufficiently severe. Husa in Khan now repeated to the king Shah Mirza's accusation against Changiz Khan, but the king rebuked him and told him that he knew that he had a grudge against Changiz Khan, whereupon Husain Khan referrod hiva to Shah Mirza himself. The king sent socretly for Shah Mirze and questioned him. The envoy repeated his accusution und Murtaxd, still loth to Loliuvo it, resolvod to test Changiz Khun. Ho foigned to bu wuary of his sojouru in Burar aud to be anxious tu ruturn to Ahadnagar. Changiz Khin urged him to stay for six months more, in urder that the newly conquered country might become accustomed to his rule, and then to return to his capital, leaving him in charge of the adininistration for a time. The king regarded this proposal as confirmation of ShAh Mirza's charge and from that day we manner to Changiz Kh n changed. Changiz Khan, observing the change, abstained from attending court, on the plea of sickness. This only increased the suspicion against him and his master sent to him Hakim Mulanimad Migri, osten. sibly to treat him, but really as the bearer of a poisoned draught. Changiz Khan took the draught and, as the poison was working, wrote a lotter to his ungrateful master, protesting his fidelity and recommending to him some of the Foreign amers and his own contingent of Foreignere. After his death some letters from Shah Mirza, which proved his innocence, were found among his papers, and the king, on reading theia, W AB overcome with grief and shame, and caused Shah Mirza to be expelled from his camp-F. ii. 267-278

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322 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [ DECEMBER, 1921 and enabled him to see the truth of the fact which they had stated. The king was at this time already becoming suspicious of his wise minister and this charge had a great effect on his mind. One of the matters which made the king suspicious of his minister, was the following. The king always took great care to inquire into the affairs of the soldiers of his army and frequently sent trusted messengers among them with this object, and, without the knowledge of Changiz Khan, would send them bags of gold with strict injunctions that these gifts were to be kept secret. As a consequence, every individual soldier who was in any need freely brought his wants to the notice of the king and profited by his profuse liberalivy. All this could not long be concealed, and Changiz Khan, who also inquired into the affairs of the soldiers, soon discovered it. He, having in view the necessity of protecting the royal treasury from un. necessary and extravagant expeaditure, turned back many who came to court with a view to receiving gifts, and this appeared to the king to be an act of great harshness, for he regard. ed it as abominable that the needy should be turned away from his court. Thus the king's distrust of his minister, fomented by the conspirators, grew day by day, until matters reached such a pitch that Changiz Khan became apprehensive for his life, and, giving up all hope, threw himself on a bed of sickness and put far from him all ambition and all zeal in the royal service. All soon became aware of the change in the king's disposition towards his minister and each formed his opinion on it, all believing that it was the king's unprompted will that Changiz Khan should be disgraced. Changiz Khan's sickness now increased and his limbs swelled and suppurated. The skilful physical Hakim Muhammad Misri, who was famous for his knowedge of his art and was a trusted and intimate servant of the king, treated the patient and bled him, although his friends in their sympathy would have prevented it. But all was of no avail. The king now, hearing of the condition of Changiz Khan, set out to visit um in the sickness which he himself had caused, but the messenger of death was on the wing and made no delay in his journey, and before the king could reach his minister, Changiz Khan died 301 and his soul hastened to its home. Changiz Khan was distinguished for wisdom and resourcefulness above all the vazirs of his age. He was brave and highminded and in the short time during which he held the office of vaktl and pishud he raised the power of the Ahmadnagar kingdom to its zenith, added a large kingdom like Berar, with all its forts and fortified posts, to the kingdom, treated with Ibrahim Qutb Shah and 'Al 'Adil Shah as inferiors, and had ever before him as an object, the conquest of the kingdom of Bidar; but in the end death disappointed him of the completion of his design. At the same time that Changiz Khan died, Tufal Khan died in the fort of Lohogaph and it was an extraordinary coincidence that the coffins of these two met on the banks of the Parandi as Tufal Khan was being carried for sepulture to Elichpur and Changiz Khan's body was being borne to Ahmadnagar. After the death of Changiz Khan the office of vakil and pishui was bestowed on the phy. sician as skilful as Plato (Hakim Mubammad Misri) and Sayyid Murtaza was appointed Sar-s-naubat. The royal army then returned to the capital, marching with such speed that they covered a distance of eighteen gau, that is to say thirty-six leagues, in one stage. The king, on his return to Ahmadnagar bestowed favours on the Sayyids, the Maulavis, the learn. ed men, and the people and inhabitants generally, and now that he had leisure for his designs of conquest, he also paid attention to the wants of the army and to the learned. Maulana Sadr-ud-din Talaqani was at this time admitted to the intimacy of the king and so progres. dol In the original MS. << blank is left here for the date. Firight ways (it. 271) that Changiz than died in 4.x. 982 (A.D. 1674-76) but does not mention the day or the month.

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DECEMBER, 1921) HISTORY OF THE NIZAM SHAHI KINGS OF AHMADNAGAR. 323 sed in the royal favour that in a short time there was none in the court more trusted or more intimate than he. The general opinion is that it was owing to his influence that Murtaza Nizam Shah conceived a distaste for public business and for the society of the officers of state, as will be hereafter set forth. Another who came into prominence at this time was the learned and accomplished Qazi Beg Tihrani, who was appointed to the high post of Vakil. Sayyid Murtave was promoted from the ear-i-naubati of the left wing to the sar-s-naubate of the right wing, and Salabat Khan, an account of whom will be given hereafter, was appointed to the ear-snaubati of the left wing. In a short time Sayyid Murtaga was raised to the degree of amir, or rather to that of amir-ul-umard, and Sala bat Khan was appointed to the sar-i-naubali of the right wing. At this time the king withdrew himself from public business, and carried his avoidance of it so far that he entirely shunned the company of men. Another person who obtained promotion about this time was H ain Khan, who at length became well known under the title of Sahib Khan. He was at first a seller of fowls, and was employed in this capacity about the royal kitchen when the king's kiud'y glance fell upon him, and Murtaza Nizam Shah pitying his wretched state, raised him from the dust of disgrace to the height of honour, and his power and influence became so great that, like all mean and lowly born people so raised, he became tyrannical and oppressive and stretched forth his hands to the shedding of the blood and the unveiling of the honour of bond and free, and had even a design of sharing the kingdom, thus raising strife and disturbances which led to the ruin of the kingdom and the dispersal of its subjects, and in the course of which he perished. In his early days of office &8 valal, Sayyid Qazi Beg managed the affairs of the kingdom with unlimited power, under commission from Murter Nizam Shah giving him absolute authority to act in all matters in his name and purporting to transfer to him the king's responsibility to God for his dealings with his people.202 The king also commanded that a chain of justice should be hung in the plain of the Kala Chabutra and that a court of justice coraposed of several of the leading officers of state should sit daily in that building to hear such cases as should be brought before them. Say. yid Qazi Beg saw that this court of requests sat, as commanded by the king, and devoted his time to serving the interests of the king's subjects, whether small or great. At this time Ghiyas-ud-cin Muhammad, entitled I'tibar Khan, who was the envoy at the court of Murtaza Nizam Shah from 'Ali `Adil Shah, displayed a forged order, purporting to be under the hand of Murtaza Nigam Shah, to the effect that the king had bestowed upon I'tibar Khan the jewelled waist belt which had been received in the royal treasury from the kingdom of Vijayanagar, and that it should be given to him without delay. Qazi Beg and the rest of the great officers of state, regarding such a gift.as in keeping with the king's generosity, yet agreed that some consideration was necessary before the belt was given to 203 Firishta says that Murtaza Nizam Shah, on his return to Ahmadnagar from Berar, assembled the principal Foreign amirs and told them that he was not fit to rule, as he was incapable of discriminating between justice and injustice. He feared the judgment of God, and therefore proposed to retire from the world and attempt to atone by penance for the murder of Changiz Khan. He transferred the administri tion of his kingdom, with all the responsibility attached to it, to Sayyid Qazi Beg Yazdi; he took them all to witness that he was no longer responsible for the administration, and he cited them to bear witness for him to this effect at the last day. He authorized QA, Beg, if he could not perform his duties alone, to Resocjate to himself Amin-ul-Mulk, Mirza Muhammad Taqi, and Qasim Bog. He then retired to the Baghdad palace, where Sahib khan was the only person admitted to his presence-F. ii. 271, 272.

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324 [DECEMBER, 1921 I'tibar Khan, but Mu'tabar Khan, who then held the office of Divan, submitted a petition to the king to the effect that I'tibar Khan had produced what purported to be a royal order regarding this belt, but that as its value was so high that it was not considered that anybody save the king himself could worthily receive it, further orders were awaited. In reply to this the king wrote saying that he had no knowledge of any such order as that produced by I'tibar Khan, but that as I'tibar Khan had founded his hopes on the royal generosity, the belt should be delivered to him without delay and that he should not be accused of forgery. Mu'tabaz Khan did not obey the royal command that this matter should be kept secret, but published all the circumstances, so that I'tibar Khan's forgery became known to all. THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY When the king heard of Murtaza Khan's disobedience he degraded him from the post of divan and imprisoned him, at the same time sending the belt to I'tibar Khan. It would, in short, be impossible to recount all Murtaza Nizam Shah's acts of generosity and munificence. Another officer who, after the return from Berar, attained the rank of amir was Asad Khan, who had performed eminent services in the capture of the various fortresses of Berar, especially Narnala, and had served the artillery extremely well. After attaining to the rank of amir, he daily advanced in the royal favour until he ultimately became vakil and pishvi. At this time news was received by the king that a person in Berar named Firuz Shah giving himself out to be of the 'Imad Shahi family, had risen in rebellion, collected the scattered remnants of Tufal Khan's army and defeated the officers who held Berar on behalf of the king, so that most of the zamindars had forsworn their allegiance to Ahmadnagar. The king appointed Sayyid Murtaza, who had then attained the rank of amir and was governor and jagirdar of Bir, to the governorship of Berar, with the rank of amir-ul-umard investing him with a special robe of honour. Sayyid Murtaza marched towards Berar, and when he reached Jalnapur, Jamshid Khan, with troops under his command, joined him, and the amirs of Berar, as he approached that country, joined him. Sayyid Murtaza, with his large army, advanced into Berar and halted not until he reached the town of Balapur. When Firuz Shah heard of the advance of the army he, realizing that he could not withstand it, fled before it, pursued daily by Sayyid Murtaza and his troops, who were only one day's march behind him. At last, weary of ceaseless wandering, he threw himself into the fort of Amner Charbi.203 While Firuz Shah was thus throwing Berar into confusion, bands of misguided Gond rose in rebellion and laid waste several of the border villages. Sayyid Murtaza therefore sent Mirza Yadgar, Chandha Khan, and some other officers to besiege Amner Charbi, while he, with rest of the army, marched against the rebellious Gonds with the object of laying waste Gondwara. He destroyed several of the villages and parganas of Gondwara and carried fire and sword through that country, while the amirs who had been left to besiege the fort, succeeded in capturing it and slew Firuz Shah. Sayyid Murtaza, having completed the devastation of Gondwara and utterly subdued the rebels, returned to Ahmadnagar and had the honour of being received by the king. 4 203 This is Amner on the Tapti, in 21deg 32' N. and 76deg 51' E, known as Amner-Jalpi from a neigh bouring pargana town, the two parganas being always mentioned together. The Gonds' here mentioned are the Korkus of the Melghat, in northern Berar, and Gondware' is their country, the Melghat. They are always called Gonds by Muhammadan writers, an error made by the British officials appointed to administer Berar on its assignment in 1853, and for some years afterwards. They differ from the Gonds both in race and language.

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DECEMBER, 1021 ) HISTORY OF THE NIZAM SHAHI KINGS OF AHMADNAGAR. 325 Shortly after this it was reported to the king that the emperor Akbar, with an innu. mera ble army, had entered Malwa and was there engaged in fishing in the Narbada 20 The king, as a precautionary measure, Becretly made over Muzaffar Husain Mirza Baiqara, 205 who was then at Ahmadnagar, to Asad Khan and sent with him to the borders of Berar, & large number of officers, with their troops in order that they might be prepared to resist any invasion of his dominions. Orders were also issued to Sayyid Murta za, directing him to march with the army of Berar to the frontier and to co-operate with Asad Khan in resisting any invader. Asad Khan with Muzaffar Husain Mirza and the rest of the officers set out for the borders of Berar, and Sayyid Murtaza, in obedience to the orders which he had received, assembled the army of Berar and marched towards the frontier in order to be ready to oppose the em - peror Akbar. The two armies met on the bank of the Purandi208 which is the boundary between Burhanpur and Berar, and encamped there. The amirs now decided that the presence of Muzaffar Husain Mirza in their camp was undesirable, and they therefore made him over to Babri Khan and sent him to the town of Daryapur in Berar. When Miran Muhammad Shah 207, Sultan of Burhanpur, heard of the approach of the army of Ahmadnagar, he sent most of his amirs, with their troops, to its support, and the .armies met on the banks of the Purandi, the army of Burhanpur remaining enca mped on the north bank while Sayyid Murtaza and Asad Khan remained on the south bank. The main body of the royal'army now moved from the capital and marched to Daulatabad 208 where the royal pavilion was pitched on the bank of the Qutluqiyyah tank. Sayyid Murtaza and Asad Khan kent daily watch on the frontier at the Purandi river, but engaged daily in hunting, while prepared at all times for battle. Akbar's spies continually reported to him these movements and he, surprised and perturbed at this preparedness, took counsel with his amirs and the officers of his army, saying that the Nizam Shahi army had taken the field before him and was now ostensibly engaged in hunting without displaying any fear or alarm, and inquiring whether any of his counsellors were in favour of war. Allagreed that it would not be wise to fight, for if they should defeat the army of Ahmadnagar they would have performed no great feat, while if, on the other hand, they should be defeated they would have to endure the shame of it for ever. This advice commen. ded itself to Akbar, and he retreated. Murtaza Nizam Shah, acting on the principle that peace was good thing, sent Vafa Khan to the court of Akbar with rich and costly gifts and thus opened peaceful negotiations. Asad Khan and Sayyid Murtaza then retired from the frontier and joined the royal camp at Daulatabad where they had an audience of the king, and the royal army then returned to Ahmadnagar. Sayyid Murtaza and his officers were dismissed with much honour to Berar. 204 This report was not quite correct. On Sep. 16, 1576, Akbar get out from Agra on his annual pilgrimage to Ajmer, arriving there on Sep. 27. He marched in person as far as Dipalpur (22deg 51' N. and 70deg 33' E.) in the sarkar of Ujjain, and on Feb. 27, 1577. dispatched a force under Qutb-ud-din Khan to handoah, where Raja Ali Khan, who had just succeeded Muhammad Shah II, had withheld tribute, relying on help from Ahmadnagar, Raja Ali Khan made his submission and the force returned. Akbar having satisfied himself that all was quiet in the Dakan, returned to Fathpur Sikri, arriving there on May, 9, 1577. 205 Muraffar Husain, one of the rebellious 'Mirzas,' Aibar's distant cousins, had been taken by his mother to the Dakan after Akbar had defeated the Mirzes in Gujarat. 206 There is no river of this name, and the Tapti, not the Parna Nadi, is the boundary between Berar and Khandesh, 207 This should be Raja' Ali Khan, who had now succeeded his brother Muhammad. 204 According to Firishta (ii. 272) Murtaza Nizam Shah marched to Daulatabad with a force 90 inadequate that his advisers protested, and begged him to await reinforcements. The Qutluqiyyah tank was a tank construoted by Qutlugh Khin, governor of Daulat Abad for several years under Muhammad Tughluq (A.D. 1325-1351).

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326 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARI [ DECEMBER, 1921 LXXXII.-AN ACCOUNT OF THE REBELLION OF MUZAFFAR HUSAIN MIRZ IN BERAR, AND OF ITS SUPPRESSION. After Muzaffar Husain Mirza had been sent, as seemed good to the amirs, to the town of Daryapur, ambitious designs began to shape themselves in his heart and, with a party whom he had attracted to himself, he fled one dark night to the borders of Gujarat. Here he was joined by large numbers of men who had served in the armies of his father and his uncle, which were now scattered over the face of the land, but assembled around him on hearing that he was once more free. He thus, in a very short time, had command of five or six thousand good horse, Mughals and others, and marched with great pomp towards Berar. On the way thither he turned aside to the country of Mirza Yadgar and captured several elephants and horses from his jagir. This exploit greatly increased his reputation and prestige and his approach caused great alarm among the amirs of Berar, who assembled round Sayyid Murtaza and busied themselves in making preparations for war. He, with his large army, marched to meet him. Muzaffar maintained a correspondence in which the latter professed himself the friend, and even the servant of the former, but this was a mere blind and Sayyid Murtaza never relaxed for one moment his preparations for battle, and was ever watching his opportunity. The armies met near the village of Anjangaon.209 Some of the troops of Muzaffar Husain Mirza, who had been seduced from their allegiance by Sayyid Murtaza, had undertaken to desert and oppose their master in the fight, and as soon as the armies were drawn up, these troops, without attempting to strike a blow for him, marched across the field and joined Sayyid Murtaza. This occurrence completely cowed the rest of the Mirza's troops, and they broke and fled, pursued by the army of Berar, who slew large numbers of them and captured many more. Muzaffar Husain Mirza escaped from the field with much difficulty and fled to Burhanpur, where he took refuge, but Miran Muhammad Shah. the ruler of Burhanpur, as soon as he heard of his arrival, seized him and imprisoned him and shortly afterwards sent him to Jalal-ud-din Muhammad Akbar, his old enemy, by whom he was imprisoned for life in one of the fortresses of Hindustan.210 The army of Berar returned from this expedition with niuch spoil, taking their prisoners with them. On their return the expedition was reported to the king and with the report went the prisoners and the heads of the slain. The amirs then dispersed to their jagirs. The king was much elated by the joyful news of the result of this affair and bestowed robes of honour and other favours and honours on Sayyid Murtaza and all the amirs who had participated in the victory. LXXXIII.-AN ACCOUNT OF THE GENERAL MASSACRE ORDERED BY MURTAZA NIZAM SHAH. A.D. 1577. In this year Murta a Nizam Shah issued orders for a general massacre in his capital.211 It is a matter for great surprise that such an order should have been issued by a king so merciful and so forgiving, and therefore accounts of the reasons which led to its issue display many discrepancies. Some of these accounts will, however, be related here. In this year an order for a general massacre in the capital was issued by the king to Qazi Beg and the other officers of state. All the wise men of the time were astonished at this order, and each, as it liked him, endeavoured to find a reason to which he could attribute its issue, for such open and flagrant tyranny and injustice by a king who had hitherto been noted for his regard for human life, his good nature, and his clemency, appeared to be most strange and incomprehensible. Many reasons and grounds were assigned to the order by popular report and rumour, and I shall now mention a few of the less unreasonable. 209 In 21deg 10' N. and 77deg 22' E. 210 This is not quite correct. It was Raja Ali Khan of Khandesh who captured Muzaffar Husain Mirza and handed him over to Akbar. The Mirze did not pass the rest of his life in prison, though he was constantly in trouble. 211 Firishta does not mention this massacre.

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DECEMBER, 1921) HISTORY OF THE NIZAM SHAHI KINGS OF AHMADNAGAR. 327 Some believed that at that time the king was wont to go nightly in disguise through the streets and bazars of the city while he declined to see the officers in state by day, and that a rumour became the common talk of the city, and it is supposed by some that the king heard some of the lower classes discussing this matter between themselves one night, and, being annoyed by the rumour, issued an order for a general massacre of the lower classes : but a wise man will readily perceive the insufficiency of this reason, for it is inconceivable that a religious king who, as will have been seen from the account already given and as will be evident from what shall be related hereafter, was most scrupulous in executing justice and in observing the commands of the sacred law, should, regardless of the accounts to be rendered by him on the day of the judgment, order a general massacre of the people merely because he had heard a few persons discussing a false and groundless rumour, while the guilt or participation of the great majority of the inhabitants had never been proved. Some say that at the time when the general massacre was ordered, some of the royal servants whose duties kept them in close atten lance on the king, noticed that close to the sleeping chamber of the king a shed was erected and the likeness of a man's head, made in copper, studded with many iron nails, was set up in the midst of this shed or pavilion, and the issue of the order for the massacre was in some way connected with these arrangements; but this seems to be scarcely sufficient to account for the issue of the order. Some again say that the king was one night strolling around his palace, when he met, near his own private pavilion, & man. The matter was inquired into and the man proved to be a khawdo: disguised as a groom, who had obtained access to the neighbourhood of the king's private apartments under the pretence of attending to the royal horses. The king was much enraged and issued an order for a massacre of three classes of the people, (1) the lampmen, who are called in the speech of the Dakan, Deott, and who are entrusted with the duty of keeping watch at night, (2) the grooms, who are called Dangs, in the disguise of one of whom the man had obtained access to the neighbourhocd of the king's private apartments, and (3) the khavdss, i.e., the royal servants. It is evident that this reason for the massacre is more satisfactory than the others that have been given. In any case by reason of some offence known only to the Knower of Secrets, about a thousand people were sent to the next world. LXXXIV.-AN ACCOUNT OF THE DISPATCH OF SOME OF THE AMERS WITH THE ROYAL ARME TO THE COUNTRY OF 'Ali ADIL SHAH FOR THE PLUNDER AND DEVASTATION OF THAT COUNTRY, AND THAT KING'S RETREAT.212 When 'Ali `Adil Shah heard that Murtaza Nizam Shah had withdrawn from all participation in public business and that Changiz Khan was no longer alive, he set himself once again to stir up strife and sent an army into the Abmadnagar kingdom to plunder and lay waste the country and slay its inhabitants. Information of the approach of the army was brought to Sayyid Qazi Beg and he, having contrived to gain access to the king, laid the matter before him. In accordance with the royal commands, several of the amirs, such as BAmi Khan, Muhammad Husain Mirza, one of the bravest and most experienced soldiers of his time, some account of whom already been given, 'Adil Khan Begi, Shahvardi Khan the Kurd, and Malik Muhammad Khan Hira vi, each of whom was a very tiger in war, were sent with an army to meet and attack the invaders. This army marched with great rapidity into the 'Adil Shahi dominions, laying waste the country and slaying all whom they met. 'Ali 'Adil Shah and his army feared to meet this enemy and, retreating hastily, took refuge in Bijapur and remained shut up there, declining to come forth to fight, even though the invaders laid waste the country up to the walls and arrived at the Shah pur gate. As 312 Firishta' makes no mention of this campaign which has perhaps been in rented by Sayyid 'Ali for the glory of the kingdom of Ahmadnagar. It is; however, highly probable that some frontier skirmiehee took place about this time.

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328 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ DECEMBER, 1921 the defenders would neither come forth nor open the gate, tho Nizam Shahi amirs returned to Ahmadnagar with large quantities of spoil and were received at court with much honour. At this time Ni'mat Khan Samnani, who had been the ruler of that country and had been raised from the corner of humility to the summit of honour, being appointed to the post of chishnigir wth the title of Ni'mat Khan, and whose power and influence with the king increas. ed daily, was ordered to lay out a garden and dig a water-course. In a very short time he had laid out a splendid garden and built in it a fine garden house, but those at court who envied him represented to the king that the design of the garden-house consisted of a series of triangles. The king at once ordered it to be destroyed, and entrusted the construction of a new garden-house to Sala bat Khan, as will appear hereafter. At this time also the king began to show such great favour to Husain Khan that he became an object of envy to all the amirs, vazirs, and courtiers, and the king's favour and Tegard towards him continued to increase so that his power and influence became firmly estab. lished, and although the king had contracted a great distaste for seeing the officers of state and his soldiers, so that months, nay years, passed without their obtaining permission to pay their respects, he was never happy but in the company of that base and accursed fellow. At this time a quarrel arose between Husain Khan the Dakani, and Husain Khan Tuni, who was one of the bravest men of the age, regarding the title which they both bore, and Husain Khan the Dakani marched against Husain Khan Tuni with a large army and several elephants. Husain Khan Tani, though he had only a small force, displayed no fear of the overwhelming numbers of his enemies, but withstood them manfully and shot an arrow up to the notch into the forehead of a fierce elephant which came upon him, thereby turning it back. On seeing this, the whole of the army of Husain Khan Dakani fled, and Husain Khan Tani pursued them and slew many. When the king heard of this fight, he summoned Husain Khan Dakani and gave him the title of Sahib Khan, giving to Husain Khan Tani the title of Shir Khan.318 The wretch, sahib Khan, having neither nobility of disposition, nor descent, was unworthy of the honour to which he was exalted, and the favour shown to him led to nothing but to the vexation of the noble, the suffering of the good, and the advancement of the wicked, as will shortly be set forth. When Sayyid Qazi Beg had exercised the full powers of vakil and pishvd for three, or, according to some, for four years, the hand of fate brought about his downfall. A quar. rel between him and Sayyid Murtaza, 314 of such a nature as was bound to end in the ruin of the noble, began, and each devoted all his efforts to the overthrowing of the power and influence of the other, and made injurious reports to the king regarding the other. At length Sayyid Murtaza had recourse to Sahib Khan and gave him a large bribe to induce him to bring about the downfall of Qayi Beg. Sahib Khan could influence the king as he would, andhe first caused Amir-ul-Mulk to be dismissed from the office of vaztr and then induced the king to dismiss Qazi Beg from the office of vakil and pishwa, to imprison him in a fortress, and ultimately to banish him across the sea to Jahrum. Qazi Beg at last died in the country of Lar. (To be continued. 218 See Firishta, ii. 274. Sayyid Murtand Sabzavari had come with the army of Berar. in which Husain Khan Tani, whom Firishta calls Husain Khan Tarshizi, both Tun and Tarahiz being in towns in Khurasan, held a command, to Ahmadnagar, and the army was encamped near the Bagh-e-Hasht Bihishe, in which the king was. Husain khan Dakani sent to Husain Khan Tarshizi en insolent message, bidding him change his title, and, on his refusing to do so, attacked him with five or six thousand horse, Firishta's account of the fight corresponds with that given here. 214 Firishta does not attribute the downfall of Qazi Beg to an intrigue between Sayyid Murtaza and Sahib Khan. Ho saye that Qaxi Beg was imprisoned on a charge of having misappropriated 200.000 hune and jewels to the value of 100,000 hins from the royal treasury. Murtaza Nizam Shah refused to recover the money from him, released him from prison, and sent him back to his own country. Jahrum, mentioned below, is a town in Fang-F. ii, 276.

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INDEX S.A.L. stands for the Supple.nent, Dictionary of the South Andaman Language, pp. 137-164. G.D. stands for the Supplement, Dictionary of Ancient and Mediaeval Geography of India, pp, 55-78. H.R. stands for the Supplement, the Story of Hir and Ranjha, pp. 1-32. Sc. stands for the Supplement, The Scattergoods and The East India Company, pp. 1-16. 'Abdu'llah Shah of Samin, Balochi Saint, H.R., Abdul Qadir, son of Burhan Nziam Shah I, 26, 27; death of, 28; teaching of 'Abu'l-ala, blind poet, philosopher and Arabic scholar, author of The Luzumiyat.. 137 'Abu'l Ghazi. See Murtaza Nizam Shah I. 202, 203 139 Sc., 3, 5, n.. 39, 67 131 abwabs, meaning of Acharyas, as Vaishnava teachers Achin, F. Scattergood at Adi-ganga, riv. Adilshahi, dyn., conquered by Shivaji Aditya I, Chola k., suggested identification of 136 .. 300 242 .. 1 adultery, trial by ordeal for Advaita system of Sankara Afzal Khan, of Bijapur, murdered by Shivaji, 63, 129, 133, 274 41 Aganagara, tri., Ptolemy's Smention of.. Agni. See O-ki-Ni. Agnihotrin, the.. 30 .. Agnisatyapada, sanctity of Agonagara, identification of Agra, Chintzes from 246 11 34, 35 Sc., 10 Agradvipa, identification of 34, 40, 41 A Guide to the Old Observatories at Delhi, Jaipur, Ujjain, Benares, pp. 103, by G. R. Kaye, (Book-notice) Ahmadabad, E. I. Co.'s factories at Sc., 8; chintzes from .. Sc. Ahmadnagar, History of the Nizam Shahi Kings of. See History of the Nizam Shahi Kings of Ahmadnagar. Ahmad Ibn Talan mosque, Cairo, oldest noted Muhammad monument in Egypt, description of, 48, 49; restoration of, 50; history of, 50; founder of, 50; Mesopotamian features in Ahura Mazda, lands created by, 185, 186; and Yima, legend of .. 63 10 51 187 'Ain-ul-Mulk. See Saif 'Ain-ul-Mulk. Airavata, land, mammoths in .. 161 Airyana Vaego, land, created by Ahura Mazda, 186 Aitareya Brahmana, the, on the early Aryan home land Ajaya. See Amystis. Akasa-Ganga, a name of the Mandakini 161 11 Aksu, riv. 191, 302, Alakananda, reputed main source of the Ganges, 11 'river of the earth, 12, 70, sanctity of 72, 191, 192 190 Alaknanda, northern c. Ala-ud-din, Muhammadan k. of Kashmir, date of Alaungsithu, medieval Burmese k., in the Myazedi inscription .. 59, 60, 246 Ali Adil Shah, of Bijapur, son of Ibrahim 'Adil Shah I, accession of, 102, n.; policy of, towards Ahmadnagar, in the reign of Husain Nizam Shah I, 103 n., 104 n. 141146, 193 n. 195; in the reign of Murtaza Nizam Shah I, 196-198, 205, 207, 210, 229, 230, n., 233 n., 234, 261-263, 278-280, 337; attitude towards the Portuguese, 'Ali Barid Shah, of Bidar, policy towards Ahmadnagar, in the reign of Husain Nizam Shah, I. 1-4, 104, 141, 145 n. 'Ali ibn 'Aziz Allah Tabatabai, of Samnan, author of the Burhan-i-Ma'asir. See Say yid Ali. 6 Allahabad, sanctity of.. 13, 14, 68 Al Mu'ayyad Min' and Illah. See Husain Nizam Shah I. Alwars, as Vaishnava teachers Amarakosha, the, source of the Ganges Amaravati inscription, mention of Buddhist nuns in Ambhrna, sage, traditional Vedic poet Amir-ul-Umara, of Berar. Sayyid. 233 n. .. See Murtaza 139 11 83 117 48 'Amr, mosque Amsuman, son of Sagara, in the Ganges legend Amystis, riv. Medieval Burmese king, 9 41 ..246 Ancient Geography of India, contributions to the study of the. See Geography, ancient, of India. Ancient History of the Deccan, by Jouveau Dubreuil, translated by V. 8. Swaminadha Dikshitar, (Book-notice) Andaman Island, Little, origin of, in Nicobar folk-tales 240 97

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330 INDEX Andaman Language. See South Andaman Ashta Pradhan, the Council of Shivaji, 126, 131, Language. 133-133; under the Peshwas .. Andrade, Luis Ferreira de .. 156 defender of Asia, Central, Hsuan Tsang in, 15-24; and Chaul .. .. .. .. .. 233 n. India, early relations between, 118, 182 ; angles, fishing rods .. .. .. .. 314 condition of, in early years of the Christian Angria's fleet, 299; destroyed .. .. . 300 era, .. .. . . . . 187-190 An-hsi, oasis, 15, 16; the ancient name of Asmaka, two places of the name . 122 n. 17; Hsuang Tsangat .. .. 18, 19, 21, 23 Aboka, in the Deccan .. .. .. .. 97 Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan, by Lt.. Assam, Mogt& silk from .. .. 64 Col. James Tod. Edited with an Introduce Astrology, and tatuing, connection of .. .. 94 tion and Notes, by Wm. Crooke, C.I.E., Astronomical works, and the study of the (Book-notice). .. .. .. .. ancient geography of India .. .. 240 .. .. 124 Annor. See Onore. Atapura, Ancient name of .. .. .. 36 Anorata, mecliaeval Burmese k., dato of, 59; Atopur, in Nadia district, possible connection in the Myaz-edi inscription .. .. .. 60 with Antibole, 39; and with the Matta. Anotata-daha, 168 ; identification of, 102, 181, 102 estuary .. .. .. .. .. 40, n. Antah-pura. See Atopur. Aungier, Mr. G., defends Surat.. .. .. 317 Antardvipa. Soe Atopur. Aurangzib, 62, 63: attitude of Shivaji to, 217, Antibole, a mouth of the Ganges ... 14, 39, 40 219, 220 Antur, fort, lost by Burhan Nigam Shah I., Ausa, fort taken by Burhan Nizam Shah I, 29; recaptured by Husain Nizam Shah I., 78, 79 3, 4, 29; besieged .. .. .. 197, 261 anuvachana, signification of .. .. 217 n. Avalokitesvara, goddess .. .. 22, 96, 97 anyarthadarsana, signification of .. 214 n: Avanti, Malwa .. .. .. .. .. 81 Avantisundari, wife of Rajasekhara .. . Aornos and Mahaban, mistaken identification 82 Ayodhya, in the Ganges legend .. .. 8. 10, 71 of Apala Atroyt poetess, in the Rig Veda .. 113 Aparagoyaniya, one of the four great Northern Apurva, meaning of .. .. .. 215, 217 Aquaducta, of Ibn Tulun, 48; the great, Baba Nasar-ud-din, disciple of Laleswari, 309 Babaraut. See Baba Rawat. date of .. .. .. .. .. ..62 Arabia, trade between Shivaji and .. 290, 300 BABA Rawat, 17th century pirate and trader .. 288 Arabr, 64 ; in Iran .. bacamarti, a variant of bracamarte .. .. 178, 179 .. .. 227 Bademi, cap. of Vatapi .. 123 Arabs. See Marsh Arabs. Baclarayana and Jaimini, 167-174; BadaAratoon, Grigor, loyal Armenian merchant, 96 rayapa, of the Mimar A Sutras, 170; as conarcheology, an aid to the study of Ancient temporary with Jaimini, 167, 244; discussion geography of India .. .. .. .. 125 on, 168-173 ; suggested possibility of at architecture, Islamic, of Cairo . . .. 62 least two of the name, 171, 172 ; confused Arctic circle, the suggested early home of the with Vyasa, 172, 174; on sacrifice, 243, 244 Aryans within .. 189, 191, 192 BadarikAsrama, reputed source of the Gangos Arjuna, invasion of Northern lands by .. 159 at Arong, vil., on the W. coast of Nicobar bafta, a cloth, note on .. .. Sc., 6, 7, 9 Island .. .. .. .. .. .. 237 Bagh-4-Nizam, early name of the fort of Ar-rokhaj, Arghand-(ab), ancient name of .. 185 .. Ahmadnagar, 106 : rebuilt 218 n. .. Arthapatti, the fifth Pramanat .. .. 195 bahara, the varying weight of .. . Arthavddas, 211; as basis of tradition, 216, 217, 219 Sc., 4 Bahirji Naikjadhava, Shivaji's chief spy .. 373 Aryanem Baejo. See Airyana Vaejo. Baidyapur, tn., near the Ganges .. .. 67 Aryans, expansion of the, 120-122; various Baji Rao II, date of ... .. .. 51, 157 branches of the, 186 ; early home of the, 160, Bakhara, Marathi prose chronicles, list of, 52-54 161, 188, 189, 191, 192 ; race movements of Balkh., co., identification of .. 185, 186, 188 the, 185, 190 ; of India, does the system of Mother-Right exist among? .. 31 Balsana temple inscription, identification of Aryavarta, identification of .. .. 120, 121 Krishnaraja of the .... .. .. .. 58 sad Khan, Gujarati, of Georgian origin, in the Bamiyan, visited by Hiuen Tsiang .. .. 188 service of Murtazi Nizam Shah I... 265, 277 Bandar 'Abbas . . .. .. .. .. Se 1 lands . . .. 10, n., 11, 12

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INDEX 331 Bangara estuary, 38; the ancient name of .. 40 Banians, of Surat, 314 ; captured by Shivaji .. 317 bankesall godownes . .. .. .. 140 Barra-Gang, the Ganges.. .. . .. ... 65 Barreto, Francisco, Portuguese Governor, at Chaul .. .. .. .. .. 103 n. barbers, as intermediaries in marriage cere mony .. .. .. .. H.R., 24-26 Bathurst, Alderman, with R. Scattergood, Sc., 13, 16 bats, origin of, in Nicobarese folk-tales. . .. 237 Batti Malv, Nicobarese islet, origin of, 236; Little One .. .. .. .. .. 287 Bay of Bengal, configuration of, 33, 35, 37, 40, 68 beatithe, veiling .. .. .. .. So., 10 Behistan, inscription of Darius at .. .. 179 Belur inscriptions Benares, 66: cap. of Kasi, 68 ; sanctity of .. 72 Bencoolen, Sumatra, sickness of the Co's. servants at .. .. .. .. .. 208 Bengal, formation of land in, 34; ancient places in, 42, 65; Mid-Bengal, subsidence of, 40, 43; insalubrity of, 41 ; elevation of, 41, 43, 70. See Bay of. Borar, policy of Ahmadnagar towards, in the reign of Husain Nizam Shah I, 76, 77 n., 103; in the reign of Murtaza Nizam Shah I, 196 -198, 205, 209 n., 229 n., 261n-264, 266, 278, 279, 280, 281 Bernier, on the Ganges .. . 65 Betada, ancient name of .. .. . 67 betel nut, spathe of the, in Nicobarose folk -ales .. .. .. 235 n., 236, 250 Bhadrakva, co., identification of .. 191, 192 Bhagfratha, in the Ganges legend, 9, 10, 12, 14, 37, 66, 67, 71, 192 Bhagirathi, a name of the Ganges, 9, 10 n., 11, 66, 67, 68, 70, 192 Bhakti, as the source of Vaishnaviem, 139; culte, later . .. .. .. .. .. 242 Bballika, merchant, landing of .. .33 Bharadvaja, Rishi, hermitage of .. .. 13 Bharata, other names of .. 160, 191, 192 Bharoch. See Broach. Bhaskararavi Varma, k. of Kerala, 130; un other of the namo .. .. .. .. 137 Bhavani, goddess, guide of Shivaji .. .. 161 Bhutattar, Alwar .. .. .. .. 139 Bibi Khunza Khanzada Humayun, w. of Hu. sain Nizam Shah I., and m. of Murtza Nizam Shah I, 196 n. gent, 196, 205--210, 229, 231 n. Bidar, connection of Ahmadnagar with, in the reign of Husain Nizam Shah I., 101, 104 n., 141 ; in the reign of Murtaza Nigam Shah I, 261, 263, 279 Bijapur, connection with Ahmadnagar, in the reign of Burhan Nizam Shah, I, 1, 2, 25, 28, 68; in the reign of Husain Nizam Shah I., 76--79, 102, 104, 105, 143, 144; in the reign of Murtard Nixam Shah I, 196-198, 205 and 207, 209, 229, 230, 261, n., 262, 278, 279, 827; a portion of, conquered by Shivaji, 126, 130, 256 ; the soldiers of .. .. . .. .. .. 297 Bijbehara, village in Kashmir, rebirth, and death of Laleshwari at . . 303, 312 Bindusarovara, in the Ganges legend, 9, 10, 12 birthdays. See days. Bishnapuri, a peak in Garwal .. .. .. 11 Bishop, Sir Cecil, dealings of R. Scattergood with .. .. .. .. .. . 1, 5 Bissell, Thos., witness to the will of F. Scatter good .. .. .. .. 'So., 5 bitch, the, as the ancestor of the Nicobarese, .. 235 blood feuds, in Shivaji's day .. .. 126--130 bocamortis, a note on the term.. .. .. 227 Boco Tigris, the Narrows of the Canton river and of the Tigris .. .. .. .. 227 Boone, Mr., report on R. Scattergood by, Sc., 16 Bowman, Max., E. I. Co's. servant, at Achin, Sc., 3 bracamarte, obsolete term, suggested connec. tion of bocamortis with .. ... .. 227 Brahma, g. in Ganges legend .. .. .. 9 Brahmana, section of the Veda.. 185, 211, 219 Brahmandapurdna, the, on the early home of the Aryans .. .. .. 160, 161, 165 Brahmans, early worship of the Ganges by, 72; Colony of, in Ye-po-ti, 117 ; under Shivaji, 149, 259, 260 ; alleged ill-treatment of, 226, 253, 275; of the Hill States, polyandry among Brahmapuri, a peak in Garwal .. .. 11 Brahmaputra, the, in the 2nd century, 39; source of the ... .. .. .. 163, 164 Brahmavaivartta Purana the, on the Ganges, 11 ; on the Padma .. .. .. .. 06 Brihad-Dharmma Purdna, mention of Tri. voni in'.. .. .. .. .. "13 11., 66 Bsihat-Naradiyuv"Purunu, on the position of Gokara .. .. .. .. .. 10 Brihatsamhita, the, on the skupe of India .. 65 Broach, manufacture of bafia at .. Sc., 6, 8 Browne, Dr. (Sir) Thos., Shivaji's raid on Surat, by .. .. .. 312, n. Bruce, reproduction of Orme's Fragmente, by Buddha, gifts to, 33 ; legend of, 96 ; references to . .. .. .. .. .. 158, 162

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332 INDEX .. 284 .. 67 .. .. 116 Buddhism, women ascetics in, 83; Sanskrit, Children, assignment of, among polyandrous 96 ; in Central Asia .. .. .. .. 187 tribes .. .. .. .. 148 Buddhist, nuns, did Panini know them 1 82; China, and Burma, the peoples of, 93 ; pilgrims ruins in Java, 117; literature, geography from, visit India, 187, 188; Peshwa ships sail .. .. 121, n., 122 to, 300 ; T. Scattergood Jnr. in, Sc. 1; taffatas bulmdr, a blunder buss. See booomortis. from .. .. .. .. .. Sc., 11 Bulungir, river, identification of .. 19 n. Choultry, a, as Co's. premises at Peddapalle .. 248 Burhan Drug, fort .. .. .. .. 103 Chowra, Nicobari isl., 236 n., 237, 250, 287; Burhan Nizam Shah I., forts captured by, burial customs in, 284 n; discovery of .. 285 1-8, 29,78 ; illness of, 25, 27; convert to Christian era, condition of C. Asis in the early the Shi'ah faith, 26; death of, 28, 73, 74; years of the .. .. .. .. .. 187 character of, 29, 30; daily routine of .. 30 Christianity, and Buddhism, mutual borrowings Burhan Nizam Shah II., 103, 195 n., 207, 208, 234 of, 57; Syrian, in ancient Persia .. .. 179 Burhanpur, connection of Ahmadnagar and, Chronology, (A Brief) of the Muhammadan Monu. 280, 282 numeris of Egypt to A.D. 1517, by Captain burial, tree burial, in Nicobar Islands K. A. C. Creswell, (Book-notice) .. .. 61 Burma, tatu marks in .. 92-95 chronology literary, of ancient India, un Buttor, identification of settled .. .. .. .. .. 244 byram pante, cotton cloth, note on .. Sc., 7 Chachak, a Syal of Rangpur, f. of Hir, H. R., 1, 3, 8, 9, 11, 13--17, 20--27, 29, 31 Chuovok, in Nicobar Islands, reputed cannibals in .. .. .. .. .. .. 237 chupak, Malay measure .. .. .. .. 248 Cachi, poetess in the Rig Veda Circling-whirlpool, the .. .. .. .. 40 Cairo, value of the Islamic architecture of .. 62 Clive, and Omichund, 95 ; and Dupleix. See Calcutta, position of, 34, 35, 42; possibility Dupleix and Clive. of its becoming land-locked.. .. Cochin copper-plate grant of Baskararavi .. 137 Callicoes .. .. Sc., 7, 13 cocoanut, a medium of exchange in the Nico. Camorta, Isl., N. of Nankauri harbour .. 287 bars, 250 n. ; leaf, 236; milk, 252 n.; tabu, 287 canoe, racing canoe, of Nicobarese, note on, Codalore, other variants. See Cuddalore. 250 ; 88 an offering .. .. .. .. 287 coinage, of the Nahapinas, 97; of Alam Shah, car-festival .. .. .. .. .. 187 98; under Shivaji .. .. .. .. 254 Car-Nicobarese, folk tales of the, 234-240, coins, the value of, in the study of Geography, 249263, 283-287 126 ; copper and tin, disappearance of, in catches, calico, or garments made of it, Sc., 7 Trengganu, 248 ; in Shivaji's treasury, 254, 255 Cauldron-island. See Katahadvipa. Conimere. See Kanyimedu. Chadhars, infanticide among .. .. H.R., 2 oonstellations. See Nakshatras. Chakda, ancient name of ... 40 Coringhees. See Kalingas. Chaksu, riv. .. .. .. .. 191, 192 Cork, Wm., E. I. Co's. servant.. .. Sc., 4 Chalisgdon inscriptions, identification of kings cotton wool, trade in .. .. .. Sc., 12 in the . . .. .. .. countries, the sixteen great, in Pali literature, charluok, cocoanut leaf strands .. .. 235 122, 124; of Jambudvipa, list of, 160, 166, Chand Bibi, d. of Husain Nigam Shah L, 144, 198 n. 188 ; perfect, 185, 186, 190; identification of, Chandor, Maratha mint .. .. .. .. 255 191, 192 Chandrdyan, penances .. .. .. .. 311 Courteen, Sir Wm., of the Courteen Venture, 80., 4 Ch'ang-an, cap. of China in 7th century .. 18 Craddha, traditional Vedio composer .. .. 116 Changiz Khan, vakil of Ahmadnagar, 207--210, Ouddalore, the Company's premises at .. 140 n., 233, 234, n., 261, n.-264, 267, 268, n., currency, tin, in the Malay states, & note on, 278280, 282, 283, 321, n., 322 248 ; under Shivaji .. .. .. . 254 Charita Kavyas, geographical value of the .. 124 Customhouse officer ; the, in modern Malay Chastana, "founder of the baka era" .. .. 08 States, distinguished from the Port Officer, 228 Chaul, Portuguese attempt to build a fort at, daching, a Malay measure .. ... .. 246 103 ; siege of . .. 233, A., 234 n., 261 n. Dakan. See Deccan. Chevall, M., agent for R. Scattergood.. So., 13. Dakshina, poem on .. .. .. .. 116

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INDEX 333 Dakshina-Prayage, called Mukta-Vepi, 13, n. Dufpas, the four great .. .. .. 190, 192 Damburadaha, in the Ganges delta . .. 41 Damodar, riv., two branches of, 67 ; flooded .. 68 Darius, inscrip. of, at Behistan.. .. .. 179 Early History of Vaishnaviam in South India, Darur. See Dharur. by Professor S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Daryl 'Imad Shah, of Berar, ally of Burhan (Book-notice) .. .. .. .. .. 138 Nigam Shah I, 1-4, 26; of Husain Nizam earth, early conception of the .. 118, 119, 124 Shah I., 102, 103 ; death of .. .. 104, n. East India Company, premises of, at Cuddalore, Daulatabad, given to Miran Abdul Qadir, 26, 140; at Peddapalle, 248 ; at Conimere .. 288 27; imprisonment of Khunzah Humayun East India Company and the Scattergoods. in, 208, 209 : renamed .. .. 210 See Scattergoods and the East India Com. Daulat Shah Begum, w. of. Husain Nigam pany .. .. .. .. 80., 1-16 Shah I. .. .. .. .. .. 102 Eckbarroes, cotton material, note on, 80., 8 Dawes, Mr., E. I. Co's. servant at Achin, So., 3 ecliptic, the .. .. Day, Mr. G., security for R. Scattergood, So., 16 Edwin, Mr., referred to with R. Scattergood, days, of the week, in Burmese tatu marks, 93, 94 Sc., 15 dead, propitiation of, in the Nicobars . . 287 Egypt, A Brief Chronology of the Muhammadan debt slavery for, in Indo-China.. .. .. 248 monuments of . . . . . 61 Deccan, Ancient History of the. See Ancient el ki-tel-ko-ri, meaning of .. . 236 n. History of the Deccan. England, visited by Peshwa's ships .. .. 300 Deccan, the, Muhammadan rulers of, 61, 63, English, the, plundered by Shivaji, 298; 98, 193; of Aboka's day, 97; war between destroy Angria's fleet .. .. .. 300 Hindus and Muhammadans in, 143-146, 193 Epics, the, as aids to the study of the Ancient Delhi, old observatories at .. .. .. 63 Geography of India .. .. .. 122 Dellon, Dr., on Shivaji .. .. .. 54, 253 Epigraphia Birmanica, vol. I, pt. I, edited Delta, of the Gangos, in the 2nd century, by Taw Sein Ko and Chas. Duroiselle (Book. 33-38, 65 notioe), 59-61; Pt. II. Mon Inscriptions, Deluge, the Nicobarese version of .. .. 235 (Book-notice) .. .. .. .. .. 246 Derguzzeos, cotton cloths, noto on .. So. 7 Epigraphic records, as aids to the study of Deva-Prayaga, sanctity of .. .. 11, 70, 72 Ancient Geography of India, list of .. .. 125 Dovas, in the Zond Avesta, 185, 186, templos equinoxes .. of, in C. Asia .. .. .. .. 187, 188 Etruria, mother-right in Devf-Bhagavata, mention of the Padmavati river, in the .. .. .. .. . 66 "devil-scarers," description of . .. 284 Dharmakatra of Manu, on the ancient geogra. Fa Hian, on Tamralipta, 33; on Kanauj, 70; phy of India .. .. .. .. .. 121 journey of, to India .. .. .. 187 Dharmasutras, the, on Aryan expansion .. 120 fairs, in the Punjab .. .. .. H.R., 25 Dhirur, fort, 205 n., 207 n., 209; renamed .. 219 Farhad Khan, the African, in the service of Dictionary, Geographical, of Ancient and Ahmadnagar, 196--198, 207, n., 208 n., 210, n., Modiaval India. See Geographical Diction 232-234 ary. Fathebad, early name of .. . ..210 Dictionary of the South Andaman language. fatherhood, in polyandrous tribes .. .. 148 See South Andaman Language. Fire, the great .. .. .. .. So., 14 Didha, q. of Kashmir . .. .. .. 302 Firishta, historian, references to Burhan NizDilipa, in the Ganges legend .. .. Am Shah I., 3 n., 4 n., 5 n., 25 n., 26 n., 28 n.,' Dimity, cotton fabric, note on .. .. 102 n., 103 n.; to Husain Nizam Shah I., 76n., Divya, bage . . . . . . . . . . . 116 77 n., 143 n., 144 n., 145 n., 148 n., 193 n., Dojakh, meaning of .. .. .. . 41 194 n., 195 n., 196 n., 198 n.; to the reign of Dried-up Sea, the . .. .. .. Murtal Nizam Shah I., 207 n., 208 n., 230 n., dubashi, a half-breed servant. Seo Topaz. Dupleix and Clive. The Beginning of Empire, 231n., 233n., 261n., 263n., 280n., 281n., 2820 by Henry Dodwell, (Book-notice) .. .. 177 Fitoh, Thos., E. I. Co's. servant at Achin, Bo, 3 Dutob, the, plundered by Shivaji . . 298 flag, Burmoso, showing tatu marks used in dope, becomes pura .. 89--41, 118 n., 1191 Burpps .. ..

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334 INDEX flax, a new method of decorticating Flint, L., in F. Scattergood's will flying fox. See bats. Folk-tales of the Car Nicobarese. See Car Nico barese. Forrest, Sir G., account of Shivaji's raid on Surat by Sc., .. 288 5 312 9 34 Fort St. George, callicoes from Sc., Fort William, find of a fossil bone at Forts, captured by Burhan Nizam Shah I., list of, 39; built and held by Shivaji, 126, 258, 259, 270-272 Franks. See Portuguese. Frederike, reference to Satgaon, by, 42; to the Ganges Fryer, Dr., reference to Shivaji by, 55, 225, 226; note on accusations made by, 253, 297, 298 117 Further India, Saiva Hindu kings in Gajendra-moksha Tirtha, identification of Galchas, modern representative of the Aryan 190, 192 Tajika gallivats, vessels peculiar to the Malabar coast, 298, 299 Galna, fort, lost by Ahmadnagar, 29; regained by 67 ..72 78, 79 12, 182 42 43 Gandhamadana, mt., in Garwal Ganga dyn., dates of Ganga, co., identification of Ganga, tn., identification of, 42; emporium .. 42, 43 of Bengal commerce Ganga-Mahatmya. See Ganges. Gangaridai, the country of the 42, 43 Ganga-Sagara, where the Ganges enters the ocean, 13; not a fixed spot Gangyayani, a name of Chitra 14, .4 Gange Regia. See Saptagrama. Ganges, the Early Course of the, 8-14, 3343, 65-72; the legend of the, 8, 14, 71; general agreement of Ancient Works on the, 9, 13, 68; Bhagiratha's place of asceticism, 9; sources of the, in the Garwal mountains, 10-12; three streams of the, 12; sacred towns on the, 13; entrance into the ocean of the, 14; Ptolemy's list of the mouths of the, 14; restoration of the mouths of the, 35-39; Delta of, in the 2nd century, 33, 34; formation of the Delta, 40-43; Padma, the main channel of the, 65, 66; the Hugli, 67, pauranic account of the, 68; towns on the, 66 2 68; the eight Jahnus on the, 69; sanctity of the, 70; confluences of the, 72; prediction regarding the.. .. 72 Gangotri, in the Garwal mts., source of the Bhagiratha at, 10, 11; or of the Ganges, 69, 70 gantang, meaning of 248 Garwal mts., sources of the Bhagiratha in the, 10, 11; names of the, 12; sources of the Ganges in the 69, 70 Gauda, or Gaur, 66; Jahnu Asrama at .. 70 Gau Mukhi. See Gomukhi. Gaur, sacred to Jahnu, 14; entrance of the Ganges into the ocean, 14, 66, 67; once 169 cap. of Bengal. Gaurachandra, g. 37, n. Gaurthi-Ghyretty, Ghireti: a corrected identification .. ** .. Gawil, fort, sieges of, by Burhan Nizam Shah I., 198, 266 n., 267; by Murtaza Nizam Shah I., 278, 279; by Mahmud Shah Faruqi II Gaya, early reference to Gazi, coarse cotton cloth 95 281 68 Sc., 6 Geographical Dictionary of Ancient and Medieval India, ancient names in, G.D., 55-78 Geography, Ancient, of India, (from vol. XLVIII, p. 23).. Geography, of the Northern Regions in the Ramayana, 182; of the Zend Avesta, 185; other references to 117-124 157 Ghireti, French gardens near Chandernagore. See Gaurthi. Ghosha Kakshivati, chief poetess of the Rig Veda, genealogy of, 114; history of.. .. 115 ghurabs, vessels peculiar to the Malabar Coast 298, 299 Ghyretty. See Gaurthi. glasse, meaning hour Globe, the ship Gobi, desert, 15, 17; suggestion of the forma tion of Godaveri, riv., 1; called the Gautam!.. godownes, warehouses 187, 189 10 .. 248 Gods, of the Zend Avesta 191 Gokarna, scene of Bhagiratha's asceticism, 9, 10; hermitage of Gautama.. Golconda, affairs in, during the reign of, Burhan Nizam Shah I., 5, 102 n., 141, 142 n.; of Murtaza Nizam Shah I., 205, n., 229-231, 262 n., 267, 283; sallowes from Sc., 10 Goldsmiths' licensed coiners under the Peshwas 254, 255 Gomukhi, position of,10; meaning of, 10, n.; ancient name of, 10 .. G.D., 71 ... .. 308 Sc., 9 10

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Gorgin Khan. See Aratoon Grigor. Gour, in the Ganges delta Gourt, places sacred to Govinda III., of the Chalisgaon Inscription Govinda III., Rashtrakuta k., patron of Vamana, inscription of Grant Duff, on Maratha history Great Bear, the. See Rishis' Seven. .. Greeks, spread of astronomical sciences by.. Guenga, an old name of the Rupnarayana Guide to the Old Observatories at Delhi, Jaipur, Ujjain, Benares, by G. R. Kaye, (Booknotice) INDEX Guinea-stuffs, cotton goods, note on Gujarat, affairs in, during the reign of Husain Nizam Shah I., 79, 80; attacked by Akbar, 264; Bafta from, Sc., 6; other cloths from Helmund, ancient name of Hemakuta, mt. .. 40 11 58 139 57 63 Sc., 8 Sc., 9 Gulbarga, fort, sieges of, 1 n., 101, 102, n., 104 n. Gupta Sarasvati. See Sarasvati. Gurgan, co., ancient name of .. Gurla Mandhata, mt., position of, 162, n.: description of... Guru, the term applied to a Muhammadan teacher Guzzees, cotton cloth, note on 64 39 Herat. See Haroyu. Higginson, Mr., E. I. Co's. servant, a recom. mendation of 185 Hades, the Nicobarese .. Haetumant, co., identification of Haima vata, co. 236 n. 185 160, 191 Hamar, 1., in Mesopotamia 289, 297 Hami, date of Chinese power in, 15; importance of, 16; ancient name of, 18, 21; Hsuan Tsang at 22, 24 185 185 Hapta Hindu, co., identification of Hare (rud) ancient name of Haridvara, where the Ganges enters the plains, 11; Jahnu Asrama at.. Harihar inscription Harivarsha, home of the Uttara-Kurus, 159; 160-162, 166 185 290 position of Haroyu, co., identification of harra, meaning of Harrington, Ed., debtor to the E. I. Co., Sc., 16 Harrison, Wm., witness to F. Scattergood's will 164 .. 140 Sc., 7 69 42 Sc., 5 185 160 308 335 Himalaya mountains, the, in the Ganges legend, 8, 9, 10, n., 11, 66; G.D., 75; poly. andry in, 46; see Pali Literature, TransHimalayan References in. Himavanta, 181, 182; G.D., 75 185 Hind, ancient name of Hindu, Triad, connection of the Ganges with, 71; Saiva, kings of Further India, 117; in Borneo, 117; Pilgrims, as geographers, 119; princes, patrons of learning Hindus, of Vijayanagar, illtreat Muslins, 104, n., 105, 14ln.-144, 193, 194; subjection of, to the Islamite, 24; called Jentues 'hipt,' meaning of Hir and Ranjha, the story of. See the story of Hir and Ranjha. Hiranwaya, co. 179 .. 288 140 160 History of Aurangzib, by Jadunath Sarkar, M.A., (Book-notice) History of the Nizam Shahi kings of Ahmadnagar, (contd. from vol. XLIX, p. 224), 1-8, 25-31, 73-80, 101-106, 141-146, 193-198, 205-210, 229-234; 261-268, 277-283,,321-328; the reign of Burhan Nizam Shah contd., 1-8, 25-31; Husain Nizam Shah I., 28, 73-81, 101-106, 141146, 193-195; Murtaza Nizam Shah I., 195198, 205-210; 229-234, 261-268, 277283, 321-328 Hsuan-Tsang, the Desert Crossing of, in 630 A.D., 15-24; Accuracy of details, by, 15, 21, 22; difficulties encountered by, 18, 22-24; identification of places named by, 19, 20; arrest of, 21, 22; or Hiuen Tsang, on Tamralipta, 33: on Kanauj 70 Hugli riv., 13, 14, 34, 41; mouth, the ancient Kambyson, 37; streams forming the, 66, 67; deterioration of 68, 70 Hui-li, Buddhist monk, compiler of the Life of Hsuan Tsang 15, 21, 24 19 268 Hu-lu, riv., 18; identification of 62 Husain, s. of Murtaza Nizam Shah I. Husain Khan. See Sahib Khan. Husain Nizam Shah I., accession of, 73; rebellion against, 73; conquests of, 73-80; murder of Saif 'Ain-ul-Mulk by, 80; connection of, with Golcondah, 101, 102, 141; marriage of, 102; encounter with the Portuguese, 103; affairs in Vijayanagar during the reign of, 104, 141, 143-146, n., 193, 194; death of 195, 207 n. 208 Husain Nizam Shah II. Husain Tabrizi, Maulana, tutor to Murtaza Nizam Shah I., ambition of, 206; treachery of, 207, 208 n.: downfall of, 229-232, 234

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336 INDEX Ibn Talan, aqueduct .. .. .. .. 48 Ibrahim, "Adil Shah I., of Bijapur, conneo tion with Burhan Nizam Shah I., 1-7, 25, 26; with Husain Nizam Shah I., 75--79, 101, 142 n., death of, 102-104; II., 195 n. IbrAhim Qutb Shah I, of Golcondah, and Husain Nizam Shah I., connection of, 101, 102, 104, 105, 141-146; and Murtaza Nizam Shah I., 229--231, 261, 264, 267, 268, 279, 280, 282, 283, 321 n. Ikhlas Khan, African, Amir of Ahmadnagar, 146, 193, 207 n., 208 n.; 210, n. ; corrupted by the Portuguese, 233 ; imprisoned. . 234 n. IlAspada, early Aryan tradition of .. .. 191 TlAvrita, 160 : identification of .. .. .. 191 'Imad Shahf family, of Berar, prisoners, 196, 261 Inayatullah Nayati, Maulana, scholar at the court of Husain Nizam Shah, 102, n., 141, 143; vakil and pishud, 196--198 : murder of, 208, n., 231 n., 232 India, kingdom of the Brahmans, 18; the ques. tion of Mother-right among the Aryans of, 31-33; the Ganges as the trade route of, 8, 71, 72; use of tatu marks in, 92-94; the spread of Vaishnavism in, 139; emigration of the Kurus to, 161 : Fahian's route to, 187, 188 ; Hiuen Toiang's route to, 187, 188; civilisation of, in E. Turkestan, 190, 192; or Bharata, 191; the beginnings of empire in, 177, 178 : ancient kings of, as patrons of learning, 180 ; religious and philosophical development of, 167-171, 241, 242, 245 ; the Parsis of, 178, 179; Ancient Geography of, 117-126 ; female infanticide in, H.R., 2, 17; connection of the Scattergoods with, Sc., 1-16; piece-goods from, Sc., 6-8; primitive, the shape of, 65; ancient and modern, polyandry in, 146; N. and C., under Aurangzeb, 62; S., the village com. munities of, 130; Malik Ambar's system in, 199, 200; military system of, 259: W., Shivaji's forts in, the Portuguese in, attacked by the Amirs of the Deccan, 233 n. Indo-Aryans, early Northern home of the 182-192 Indo-China, slavery for debt in .. .. .. 248 Indra, 8., in the Ganges legend, 8; See Lava Indrani, mythical poetess in the Rig Veda .. 116 Indus, Upper Valley of the, suggested home of the Vedic Aryans, 184, 185, 191, 192 infanticide, female, in India .. H.R, 2, 17 Inscriptionsthe Belur the Harihar . .. ... .. .. 42 tho Karbad plates of Krishna I .. .. of the Balsana Temple, identification of Krishnaraja of the .. .. .. .. 88 two, found at Chalisgaon .. .. .. 58 quadrilingual, near the Myandli pagoda, Myinkaba, philological importance of, 59--01 Amaravati, Karle, Nasik, mentioning Bud dhist nuns .. .. .. .. .. 83 of MahAndvika Buddhagupta of Raktam. pittika, in Wellesley, Malay Peninsula .. 117 in Further India, relating to Indian foreign conquests .. .. .. .. .. 117 of two kings named Bhaskarara vivarman, 136, 137 the Vani Dindori, and Radhanpur, of Govinda III. . .. .. .. 139 of Darius, at Behistan the Mon, or Talaing .. .. .. Irak, coin from , 255; See Iraq. Iranian Influence on Moslem Literature. Part I, by G. K. Nariman, (Book-notice) .. .. 178 Iranian, Geography, 185 ; records, references to Yima in, 187, 190 ; Aryans, 186--192 Iraq, climate of, 295, currency of .. 296, 297 Islam, as understood in the Malay States, 140; and Hinduism, in the Deccan, 143-146; 232, 247 ; contribution of, to Sufi theosophy, 179 Italy, anoient reference to Mother-right in .. 32 I-wi. See Hami. Jade Gato' Barrier, the, near Kua-chou, 19, 20, n. Jagattunga. See Govinda III. Jahannagar, or Brahmanitale .. . 37, 70 JAhnavi; a name of the Ganges, 9, 11, 14, 66, 69 JAhnghira, Jahnu Asrama at .. .. .. 70 Jahnu, Ascetic, in the Ganges legend, e, 11, 14 ; Maramas of .. . . 66, 69 Jai-Chand of Kanauj, Swayamvara held by .. 247 Jaimini and Badarayana, 187-174; as con temporaries, 167; references to each in the Vedanta Satras, 168 ; in the Mimaths 80tras, 169; discussion on references, 169-171; conclusions regarding, 172, 173; tabular appendix of proper names in the Vedanta and Mimms Sutras .. .. .. .. 174 Jaimini. See Mimamsa Doctrine of Works. jamdh, (Arabic), meaning of .. .. 8c. Jamal Bibi, .dr. of Husain Nizam Shah I., 141 n. Jaman Ded, Kashmiri ascetic .. .. .. 302 Jambudvipa, co., 158-161, suggested identi floation of .. * . .. 101,199

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James, the sloop... . 308 Jamira estuary, site of the ancient Mega of Ftolemy Jamna, the ancient Kamberikhon Janapada, meaning of Jan Badshah, the Mullah Mir Sahib Jats, a form of polyandry among Java, Brahman colony, and Buddhist ruins 118 139 in, 117; intercourse of, with India Jayapida, k. of Kashmir, 41; dates of Jellinghi, riv., part of the Hughli stream, 66, 67, 70 jemaul ring. See jamal. Jervis, Major, on Shivaji's Land Revenue settlement .. .. .. 55, 56 Jessore, the district, 34, 37, 40; tn. in Khulna, ancient name of, 34, 35, 37, 40-or Tilagrama .. 41 Jhang Sial, home of Hir, H.R., 13, 15, 18, 19, 24, 25, 28-31 Jimmy Bradshaw, a Hobson Jobson for Jan Badshah, the Mullah Mir Sahib 140 Jingi, Maratha cap., 157; imprisonment "of Rajaram in ..301, 302 Jubbal State, Sinila, polyandry in, 146-148 Jumna, and Ganges, junction of, 9, 13, n. Junnar, fort, 26, 27, 141, 142 n., 231, 232. Jwala Mukhi, shrine of, at Khrew 304 .. INDEX 39, 40 n. 38 158 ..140 147 ** Kabul, ancient name of.. Ka-chu-wen-ki-lo. See Kajangala. Kailasa, the Garwad mt., other names of, 12; or Kailas, sanctity of, 162 n.,; in the Puranas, 164, 182 a wrong identification of, 188, 190 Kajangala, identification of Kak, Mirza, a saint, meeting of Laleshwari with, 121 304, 305 Kak, P. Lakshman, a saint, commentator, on the sayings of Laleshwari.. 306 Kakabivan, Vedic poet. 114, 115 120 65 Kalakavana, suggested identification of Kalidasa, on the isles of the Ganges delta Kali-Gaiga, a name of the Mandakini Kaling. Yudhishthira's visit to, 14; Asoka's expedition into.. 11 .. 186 97 Kalingas, natives of, N. Madras coast 137 n. Kaliyani, fort, sieges of, etc., 2, 4 n., 5, 6, 29, 76, 104 n., 141 KAIA, junction of the Damodar and the Bhagirathi at Kama-rama, a hermitage of Siva 67 72 337 88 Kambadara, Kambaraka, river... Kamberikhon, a mouth of the Ganges, 14; res toration of 38, 39 Kambyson, a mouth of the Ganges, 14; resto. ration of, 35; identification of. kana haun, chief Nicobarese feast Kanauj, cap. of the Kausikas, 68; Jahnu Asrama at, 70; home of Rashtrandha Vamsa Mahakavya, 180; rape of the princess of 247 66 Kandara Muni, in the Ganges legend Kandhar, N. of Bidar, capture of, 1, 3, n., 4; threatened by Tufal Khan, 263, 267, 268, 278 Kanets, polyandry among the 147, n. Kantana, vil., on the S. coast of Car Nicobar.. 236 Kanyakubja. See Kanauj. Kanyimedu, (Conimere) E. I. Co.'s premises at, 288 Kapila Muni, aseotic, in the Ganges legend, 8, 9, 14, 35, 66 188 Kapildirama, (and Kambyson) former and present positions of, 35-38, 69, 71; see Sagara-Sangama. Kapisa, visited by Hiuen Tsiang Karbala, Husain Nizam Shah I., buried at, 195, H.R., 14 Karle inscript., mention of Buddhist nuns in the Karhad plate inscrip. of Krishna III Kama-Prayage, sanctity of Karparamanjart, the Avanti Prakrit of, 80-82; drama in Prakrit, 80-82; two dialects used in Karahar, ancient name of Kashmir, birthplace of Vamana, Laleshwari Kaai, and Ganges, junction of the Kasyapa, eighth sun Katadupa. See Katwa. Katadvipa, position of, 34, 40; ancient name of, 41 Katwa, ancient name of, 40; early mention of 41 Kaulas, fort, sieges of 230, 263, 268 Kausiki, visit of Yudhishthira to 14, 72 Kavikankana, Chandi, on the positions of, Samudragadi, 36; of Magra, 39; of Satgaon, 42, 67 Kayastha Prabhunche Bakhar, the 53 Kedaranatha temple, source of the Mandakini 37-39 239 .. 83 49 11 80 187 139; of 302, 309, 318 67, 68 .. 166 near Kemnyus, Nicobar vil. 11 n. 251 Sc., 13 Kerebands, fabrics manufactured at Khairabad Kendall, E. I. Co's. servant Ketumals, identification of Khafi Khan, Persian writer, on Shivaji, 54 56, 253, 301 So., 8 198

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338 INDEX Kuta, q. of Kashmir .. .. .. .. 302 Kuvera. See Vaigravana. Kyanzittha, medieval Burmese k., date of in the Myazadi pagoda inscrip., 59, or Kyan sittha .. .. .. .. .. .. 246 Kyls, a name of the Rudra Himalaya .. 12 Khair&bad, Sitapur dist., manufacture of fabrics at .. .. Se., Khankhanan. Sce Husain Tabrizi. Khasals, the, infanticide among .. H.R, 2 Kharavela of Kalinga, date of .. .. .. 97 Khasis, the, Mother-right among, 31; marriage among .. .. .. .. 146 n. Khotan, Fahian's visit to, 187; finds by Sir Aurel Stein in, 188; the Gulchas of.. 190, 192 Khulna .. .. .. .. 38 Khunzah Humayun Khanzada. See Bibi Khunzah. Khvaja Mirak. See Changiz Khan. Khwaja Khizr, prophet of the waters, H.R, 8, 11, 12, 29 Kimpurushas, the, conquest of, 159, 160 ; identification of, 166 ; land of .162. 188 king, the Maratha, household departments of, 155 ; place of, in the system . .. 156 ki-adt, Nicobarese loin cloth, note on .. 235 n. Kishvar Khan of Bijapur, dealings of, with Ahmadnagar, 195 n., 196; builds Dharur, expedition of Murtaza Nizam Shah I. against, 205, n., 207 n.-210, 229, 279 n. Klings. See Kalingas. Koetei, S. Borneo, Yupa inscrip. in .. .. 117 Koladvipa-Parvatapura, identification of, 36, n., 37 Kolhapur, Maratha cap. .. .. 157 Konkan, the, under Shivaji . 199-201, 298 Koran, woman in the .. .. .. H.R., 13 Kosi. See Kausika. Krishna III, the Karhad plate inscription of .. 42 Krishnaraja, in the Balsana temple inscrip., suggested identification of . .. .. 59 Krishparaja II., of the Nikumbha family, suggested identification of, with Krish. naraja of the Balsana temple inscription .. 58 Ksittivasa, on the Ganges legend ... .. 66 Kua-chou. See An-hsi. Kuanyin. See Avalokitesvara. Kucika, sage, traditional Vedic poet .. .. 116 Kudalur. See Cuddalore. Kulasekhara Alwar, date of .. .. .. 139 Kullahana Rahuta, merchant, founded the Lakshmidevi temple at Dodda Gaddavalli.. 288 Kulus, the, fatherhood custom of .. 148 Kumaon. See Kurma-vana. Kumara, signification of, 82, n.; compounds of the term .. .. .. .. .. 83 kun-sea-ro, Nicobar feast .. .. 252 n. Kurma-vana, incarnation of Narayana at . 12 Karmavibhaga, the, geographical value of .. 124 Kuru, Kuru-PanchAla, co., position of, 158-169 La Formation De La Langue Marathe, par Jules Block, (Book-notice) .. .. 98--100 Lahore indigo .. .. .. .. So., 12 Lakshmi, in the Ganges legend . .. 66 Lakshmidevi temple at Dodda Gaddavalli, Mysore, by R. Narasimhachar, M.A., (Book. notice) .. .. .. .. .. 288 lal, abdomen .. .. . 304 Lal Ded. See Laleswari. Laleswari, poetess of Kashmir, life sketch of, 302-308, 309-312: legend of birth of, 302 : rebirths of, 303; marriage of, 309, wise sayings of, 304-308, 309: stories of, 310: death of .. .. .. .. .. 312 Lal Trag, miraculous pool, in Kashmir, 306, 310 Lal Wakhi, the sayings of Laleshwari .. .. 304 lands, the sixteen perfect, 185; the four great, in Pali literature .. . 190, 192 Lapati, vil., on the E. coast of Car Nicobar .. 287 Lava, sage, traditional Vedic poet .. .. 117 leng, meaning of .. .. .. .. .. 248 L'escaliot, Revd. J., account of Shivaji's raid on Surat by .. ..... .. .. 312 Liang-chou, Hsuang Tsang's escape from, 16, 22 Literary History of Sanskrit Buddhism, by G. K. Nariman, (Book-notice) .. .. .. 96 literature, Indian, as an aid to the study of Geography .. .. .. .. 117-124 Literature, Moslem, Iranian influence on .. 178 Literature, Pali, Trans-Himalayan Remini. scences in .. .. 157-166, 181-192 Little One, the. See Batti Malv. Lohitya, river . . .. 163, 164 Lohogarh, fort ... .. .. .. 196, 208 London, the, F. Scattergood Steward's mate of, Sc., 3 longcloth, note on .. .. .. Sc., 8 Lopamundra, poetess in the Rig Veda - 116 Lord North Island, Micronesia, Buddhist mis. sionaries in .. .. .. .. .. 118 lungi, loin-cloth, suggested connection with longcloth .. .. .. . .. . Se., 'S Luroo. See Ta-ra-se.

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INDEX 339 Macassar, red taffaties from .. .. Sc., 11 Manthram, name applied to Zoroaster .. 186 mace, the value of the .. .. Sc., 4, 5 mantras .. .. 97, 185, 211, 216, 219 Ma'dan, a name of the Marsh Arabs .. .. 293 Manukuladityan, k., suggested identification of, 136 Madapollam, in the Madras Presidency, mate. Manvantara, meaning of .. .. .. 68 rial of the name . Sc., 8 Maqbara-i-Hir, Hir's monument .. H.R., 1 madhif, meaning of .. .. .. 292 Marapura, position of .. .. .. 34, 35 Madhyaclesa, early home of the Uttara. Maratha, officers, Fryer's charges against, 225, 226, 253 ; mints .. . .. 254, 255 Madhyamikas, the, location of .. .. .. 125 Marathas, sack of Surat by. Soe Shivaji's Madras, J. Scattergood in . .. Sc., 16 Raid on Surat. magic, and tatuing .. .. .. .. 94 Marathe. See La Formation de la Langue Magra, channel .. .. .. .. 38-40 n. Marathe. Mahabaleshwar, cap. under Sambhaji .. 157 Marathi, Prose Chronicles, list of . 52-54 Mahaban, and Aornas, wrongly identified .. 125 Marhama, first re birth of Laleshwari at .. 303 Mahabharata, legend of the Ganges in the, Markandiya Tirtha, the junction of the Ganges 8-10, 12-14, 70; mention of Sumha in the and Gomati .. .. . .. .. 72 41 ; the Uttarakurus in the, 159, 161; the Marriage of Hir and Ranjha . .. H.R., 1 author of the, 173; the geography of India, Marriage, cross cousin, among the Veddahs of in the .. .. .. .. .. .. 122 Ceylon, 31 ; and tatuing, in Burma, 94; Mahadeve, or Panchanana, in the Ganges legend, polyandrous, in India, 146; absence of re. 9-13 ligious ceremony at, among the Kanets .. 147 Mahameru. See Meru. Marsh Arabs, the, of Lower Mesopotamia, Mahanadis, the source of the .. .. 161, 162 289--297; the country of the, 289--290: Mahanavika Buddhagupta of Raktampittika, animals hunted by, 290; domesticated by, 291; sea-Captain, inscription of .. .. .. 117 food used by, 290, 291, 296: use of roeda and Mahatmyas, geographical value of the.. .. 123 bulrushes by, 292; the Marsh Arabs them. Mandvamaa, the, reference to the Ganges in .. 34 selves .. .. .. .. .. 293297 Mahkota 'Alam, of Achin .. . Sc., 5 n. Marudvriddha, river, identification of 120 mahmsdis, coins .. .. .. .. So., 3 Marv, ancient name of .. .. .. 185, 186 Makldam Khvaja Jahan, commander of Parenda, Mascarenhas, Dom Francisco de, relief of 7 n., 25, 26, 29; downfall of, 73, 74, 76, 101 Chaul by .. .. . * 233 . makruk, signification of .. .. .. .. 291 Mashhad, burial place of Shah Tahir, two places malabathrum, exported from Gavge .. .. 43 of the name .. .. .. .. .. 3 Malacca, vil., on the south-east coast of Car mash-Auf, meaning of, 289; description of .. 293 Nicobar .. .. .. .. .. 236 Master, Robert, co-security with R. Scat. Malay States, Islam as understood in the, 140 tergood .. .. .. .. .. So., 16 Shahbandar, the Port-officer in the, 288; tin Masulipatam, callicoes from, bedspreads currency in the .. .. .. 248 from .. .. .. .. .. Sc., 9-11 Malik Amber, 126; or Ambar, revenue system MatAbhanga, part of the Hugli .. 66, 67 of, adopted by Shivaji .. 199, 201, 301 Matta estuary, identification of Malika-yi-Jahan, Malik-i-Humayun Bibi Matriachy. See Mother-Right. Amana, mother of Husain Nizam Shah I., 112, 113 Mazdaism, in the Roman Empire .. .. 179 Malik Kasim, banished to Bengal .. Measures and weights in Trengganu .. .. 248 Malwe, or Avanti .. .. .. Mega, a mouth of the Ganges, 14: restoration mammals, of Lower Mesopotamia i of .. .. .. .. .. 38-40 mammoths in Airarata, 161; in Siberia .. 189 Megasthenes, on the Gangaridai, etc., 34, 42, 72 mamnu'a, signification of . Mercoolnes, probably calicoes, note on. Sc., 8 Manal, hermitage of Vyasa at .. .. .. 12 Meru, mount . 124, 161, 165, 166, 191, 192 Mandakini, the, source of the Ganges, 11, 12] Meehmiyeh, battle, in the Great War ... 90 Mangara, signification of .. Mesopotamia, Lower, the Marsh Arab coun Manju, Chaudhri of Takht Hazara, father of try,289-279; description of, 289; birds Ranjha, H.R., 1; death of, H.R., 4. 10, 11, 13, 22 a nd mammals of, 290; reptiles, amphibians Mansarowar, lake, 169; Sven Hedin's reference and fish of, 291, 292; plants of .. .. 292 .. 162, n., 163 Metehlipatam. See Masulipatam,

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340 INDEX .. .. .. 139 "Middle Country,' the, of Buddhist literature, 205--210, 220, 231 n.; affairs in Goloondul 121, 159, 161 and Bijapur in the reign of, 190-198, 205, Milki, mother of Hir. .. H.R., 14-17, 20, 21 1 206, 229-230; expedition against the Mimamia Doctrine of Works, the, 211-220, Franks, 232-234 ; Berar campaign of, 261240-246; the Vedas in, 211, 212, 246 : sacri. 268, 277-283; Husain Khan, favourite of, fice in, 212 ; personal deity in, 212; discussion general massacre ordered by .. .. 326, 327 on sacrifice, and on deity, 213; Tradition Murtaza Sayyid, Amir-ul-Umari, of Berar, con in, 214, 216, 218-220, 241 ; Popular Belief nection with Ahmadnagar, 207, 229, 234, 281 in, 214, 216, 218, 219, 241; Circumstantial Muscat, Maratha settlers in .. .. .. 300 Evidence in, 214, 215, 218, 219; Verbal Muztagh Ata, peak, suggested identification of, 192 Testimony in, 215, 219, 220; Direct Peroep. MyAxedf pagoda, at Myinkaba quadrilingual tion in, 215-219; the Sentence in, 216, n.; Inscription in, importance of .. 69-61 Herpress Reference in, 216; the Word in, Myinkaba. See Myezedi Pagode. 217: Doctrine of Works, 244, 245; a philoso phy of Action .. Mints, Maratha .. .. .. .. 254, 255 Mirka 'Abdul Qadir, s. of Burhan Nizam Shah 1. .. .. .. .. .. 73, 76 Nadia district, formation of, 34-37; possibly Mirta KbudAbanda, 8. of Burhan Nizam the Kambyson mouth of the Ganges, 40, 41 Shah L.. .. .. .. .. .. 26 N&disvara, identification of .. .. .. 10 Mirdin Muhammad Baqir, s. of Burhan Nizam | Nairs, Mother-right among the . .. 31 Shah I. .. .. .. .. 26, 27, 28, 76 n. Nakshatras, the, and Precession ... 44-48 Mirila Shah Haidar, s. of Burhan Nizam Shah nakshatras, number and divisions of .. .. 124 .. .. .. .. 25, 26, 29, 73, 76 Nam Alwar, date of Mir Sayed Al. See Shih Hamadan. Nanda Prayaga, sanctity of .. .. Mirza and Sahiban, in Legends of the Panjab, Vankauri, devil-scarers of H.R., 1, 2, 19 Narayana, at Karmavana, 12; legend of .. 66 Hogte silk, from Assam .. .. 64 Narayan Shah, of Mayurgiri, patron of Ru. Mo-heyen, dewert, crossed by Hstan-Tsang, drakavi .. . .. ... .. 179, 180 18, 22-24 NarAla, fort of Berar, 266, 268, 277, 279, 281 Mokoha, in the Vedanta system .. 170, 245 Nagik inscription, mention of Buidhist nuns in, 83 Mon Inscription, importance of the . .. 246 Nougaon, Hardoit district, mercoolaes from, Sc., % monuments, Muhammadan. See Muhammadan Navadvipa monuments. Nava-dvipa-Parikrama, the, ancient place Moon, the, in Nicobarese folktales, 249 ; and names in .. .. 36, n., 37, n. 41 the San .. .. .. .. 235, 253 Nazasarai, junction of the Damodar and the Moore, Moors-cloths, note on .. So., 9, 10 Bhagirathi .. .. .. .. 67, 08 Mooree of Surat .. .. .. .. 314 Nellore, cotton cloths made in .. .. So., O Mosos, Mr., E.L.Co.'s Attorney, connection Nepali, Specimens of, in tales of the Great War, with R. Scattergood.. .. ..Sc., 14-16 Mother-Right, Aryan .. .. . 31-33, Nepali language, notes on the .. 99, 100 Mountain ranges, of Jam budvipa ..160, 166, 181 Nicha Bat Family, marriage of Laleswari into 218, 191 the .. .. .. .. .. .. 303 Mughal Empire, decay of the, 62: origin of the, 247 Nicobar Islands, visited by Car Nico barese .. 287 Muhammadan Monuments of Egypt to A.D. night and time, synonyms, in Pali literature, 157 1517, A Brief Chronology of, by Captain Nile, Puranic accuracy on the subject of the, 119 K. A. C. Creswell, R.A.F. (Book notioe) .. 61 Nilopant . .. .. .. 129 Muhammadans and Hindus. Soo Hindus. Nirukta, the, Notes on .. .. .. 175--177 Mukta-Veni, signification of .. ... .. 13 Nirukia, the, on the Gods of the Veda . 213 Mulawarman, k. of Koetei, the Yupa Inscrip. Nisaya, co., position of .. .. .. .. 192 tion of .. .. .. .. .. 17 Nivavari, poetess of the Big Veda .. .116 Metasi Nizam Shah I., 4, 28; marriage of, Nizam Shahf kings of Ahmednagar. Seo 144 ; accession of, 195, 190 : rogency of Bibf History of the Nizam Shahi kinge of Humza NAOZACA Humayin, 195 n., 196, Ahmadnagar. 84-92 AD.

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INDEX Nizam Shahi dynasty, overthrown . 136 131 Pandu 8Akya, settlement at Moraptra founded Nok-toi-tui, village on south coast of Car by .. .. .. .. .. . 34 Nicobar .. .. 250 Panini, were Buddhist Nuns known to ! 82-84 North Sea, the, early Aryan settlement near, Panini, on the expansion of the Arya's .. 122 182, 188, 191, 192 Panjab, early name of the .. 187, 188, 191 nouns, three-fold order of pantheism, ancient Persian and Indian .. 179 Nuns, Buddhist, did Patini know them! 82-84 Parenda, fort .. .. .. 7 n., 25, 73, 104-n. Nor Ndma, or the Discussions of Laleshwari, Parsis, of India, representatives of the ancient Shekh Nur Din and BAHA Xarir-wc-din .. 300 Persians, 178, 179; of Surat .. .. 314 Parthalis, 41; suggested cap. of the Gangaridwi, 42, 43 Paxranic. Soe Puranas. Peddalalle, village, cotton-cloth made at No., 9 Peddapalle, the Company's premises at .. 248 Obwervatories at Delhi, A Guide to the .. 63 Peddapallo, cotton-cloth made at .. c., 9 O-KI-N4, identification of .. .. .. 187 Peroolinos, cotton cloths, note on .. 80., 9 Old Kiyal, near Tuticorin, bafta from Periplue, the, on the Ganges .. Omar Khayyam .. .. . . '137, 138, 179 Persia, completeness of the history of, 178; Omnichund, Side Lights on, a corrected iden list of writers of .. .. .. .. 179 tifloation in .. . Peshwas, rise of the, 51, 151 ; position of the, Onoro, Hongver, port .. .. 308 131, 132, 134 : official changes under the, ordeal, by hot oil, trial for multory', 300 ; by 150, 154, 186, 187 ; taxes etc., under the, fire, for Sayede .. . .. 310, 81 202, 204, 221; the army of the, 223, 225, Oringall. See Warangal. 268, 272, 274, 275; shipping taader the, 270, 800 Osham. See Assam. Pettipolee. See Peddapalle. otter, the, found in Lower Mesopotamin Pdy Alwer .. .. .. .. .. 189 Oudh. See Ayodhya. Philosophy of India. See Mim the Doctrinn Owl, the, in Nicobarese folk-talex of Works. Ominden, Sir Geo., in history of Shivaji, 55, Piece-goods, truled in by E. I. Co., list of, 316, 320 notes on .. .. .. .. So., 6-12 Oxus, river, in Iranian history .. 186, 187, 101, 192 Pilgrims, contributions of, to the study of Geography, 117, 119, 122, 162, 187, 188; See Hsuang Teang. Pintado quilts, note on .. ..Sc., 9-11 pitis, coins Padina, formwr spill channel of the Ganges, Pliny, on the Ganga .. 65-67, 70 Pohluh-kia, identification of ... .. .. 187 Padmavati, marriage name of Laleshwari, 203, 304 Poloura, tn., near the Kamby son mouth of Paduka Srl, ruler of Achin (1647) . So, 5 n. the Ganges .. 14, 36, 37 pagar, a ship, description of .. .. .. 299 Po-lu-sha, identification of .. .. .. 125 Pahadpur, Nadia district, ancient name of 4. 36 Polyandry in the Jubbal State . 146-48 Palanpur, in Gujerat, trade centre .. Sc., 10 P65ko, village, on the east coast the Car Nicobar, 237 Palemporon, quilts from Masulipatam, note, Poona, later Maratha capital .. .. 156, 157 on .. .. .. .. . Se., 9, 10 Portuguese, the, attempt, to build a fort at Pali Literature, Trans-Himalayan Remi. Chaul, 10:3, 233, ni or Franks, besieged in nisoences in .. .. .. 157-166, 181, 192 Revdanin, 232, 233, n.; and the term tape, Pali Literature, Geographical value of .. .. 122 Pamir region, suggested early home, Aryan of Poygai Alwar .. .. .. .. .. 199 the .. .. .. .. .. 790-193 Prakrit, dialecta, varieties of, 8); sounds, Pampur, in Kashmir, home of Luleshwari in .. 303 development of, 98-100; document, found Padha Parvata, source of the Ganges in. II, 12 in Khotan. .. .. .. .. .. 18 jindnun, breadfruit, in Nicobarcae folk-tales, Pratap Singh, lineal successor to Shahn .. "187 200-202, 283 Prayaga, junction of Ganges and Jumus '**, Pandronthan, births of Laleshwari at .. 302, 303 13, n., 14, 68 / sanctity of, 72. position of, Pandu, ancient name of . 34, 35, 41 120, 11. in Jaina works .. 193

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342 INDEX Proud, J., master of the London . Sc., 3 Pseudostomon, mouth of the Ganges .. 14 Ptolemy, list of the Ganges mouth by, 14, 33 ; identification of places mentioned by, 34, 35, 37-43, 235 n. Puyidravarddhana, identification of .. .. 41 l'unjab, polyandry in the .. .. .. 147 Puranas, the story of the Ganges in, 8-10, 13, 65, 66, 66, 72; conception of the world in, 118; as sources of Geography of Ancient India, 123 ; Uttara-Kuru in, 160 ; Kailasa in, 163 ; Sumeru in, 164, 165 ; early, home of the Aryans in, 181, 182, 191, 192; the Brahma.. vaivartta Purana, on the PadmAvati, 66; the Brihad-Dharma Purdsa, on the course of the Canges, 66, 68, 69; the Markandeya Purdya, on the shape of India, 65; the Matsya Purdna, on the Ganges, 68, 69; the Padma Purdina on the North home lands of the Aryans, 101 ; Upa-Puranas, Ganges legend in the 9, 12; Vayupurdna, the, Jambudvipe in; 160, the Vedas in .. .. .. .. 167 .. Puri, sanctity of .. .. .. .. .. purushdrtha, signification of ..... .. Purvasthali, identification of .. .. .. 42 Pushan, invocation of .. .. .. python, the, in Nicobarese folk tales .. 262, 263 184 Rajaram, revived the Rajmandal, 150, 156: change of capital by, 157, ? cause of the failure of .. .. .. .. .. 301 Rajasekhara, author of the, Karpuramanjari, 80, 89 Rajasthan. See Annals and Antiquities of. Rajmandal, council of State, 131; revived, 150, 151 Rajputs, the, Tod's monograph on .. .. 246 Ramdyana, earliest epic containing the Ganges legend, 8, 9, 10, 12 66, 70, 72 ; geography of Ancient India in the, 122 ; Geography of the Northern regions in the .. .. 182 Ranade, Rise of the Maratha Power by, 57: references to Shivaji's administrative system by .. .. .. .. .. 134, 199, 257 Rangpur, birthplace of Hir. H.R., 1, 3, 25, 28, 29, 31 Ranjha. See The Story of Hir and Ranjha. Rapti, river, identification of .. .. .. 162 Rasktala, in the Ganges legend, 8, 9, 12, 14 Rdshrandhavamsa Mahdkdvya of Rudrakavi, edited by Embar Ktishnamacharya (Book notice) .. .. .. .. .. .. 179 R&tri. See Kucika. raw, unshrunk .. .. .. .. Sc., 11 Razdan, P. Basker, hermit, translator of La leshwari's Sayings, 306; a descendant of, 302 reeds, in Lower Mesopotamia, 290; use of, 292, 294, 296 reptiles, of Lower Mesopotamia .. .. 291 rest days, in Nicobarese folk-tales .. .. 284 Revdanda, attempt by the Portuguese to build a fort at, 103, n.; siege of, 283, n. See Chaul. Revington, Mr., taken prisoner by Shivaji .. 316 Reynardson, Thos., E. I. Co.'s servant, at Achin .. .. .. .Sc., 4, o Rig Veda, the women poets of the, 113-117 Rig Veda, the, on the Ganges, 13, 71 ; as evi donce on the home lands of the Aryans, 183, 191 Rigveda Samhita, the, tribes and rivers in 120 Rishis, the Seven .. .. .. 183, 184 Rish Nama, the discourses of Laleshwari .. 309 rivers, in the Rig-veda Samhita, 120 ; land of the five, 181, 183, 188, 191; land of the seven, 185 riwdq, meaning of Romaca, w. of Bhavayavya, poetess in the Rig Veda .. .. .. .. .. 116 Rose, J., E. I. Co.'s servant at Achin, Se. 4; or Bose (1), died .... .. Sc. Rubatyat, the, of Omar Khayyam .. .. 138 Rudra Himalaya, source of the Ganges in, 11, 12, 14 Rudrakavi, composer of the Rashtrandha . . . . 179 Rudra-Prayaga, sanctity of .. .. .. 11 Rudrapura, ancient name of .. . 36 n. Qasim Beg, Hakiin to Burhan Nizam Shah I., 25-27; minister under Husain Nizam Shah I., 73, 76, 77, 80.; ambassador, 101 ; imprisoned, 102, n.; councillor, 141-143 : retires, 196; death of, 196 207 n.: downfall of, 328 Quran, the. See Koran. Quwata'l Islam, mosque, Delhi, date of .. 62 Radhe, ancient name of, 33, 34; position of, 35, 41, 43 home of the Gangrides ... 41, 42 Radhanpur inscription of Govinda III. .. 139 ra-foh, spathe of betelnut .. .. 280 n Raghu, co., identification of .. .. .. 191 Rai, anolont name of .. .. .. .. 101 Raichur, sieges of, etc., 25, 29, 78, 143 Rai Prithors, of Delhi, rape of the princess Kenanby .. . Rairi Bulhar, the .. Rajakumar, son of Kyanvittha .. .. 60 * n., 184

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INDEX 343 Rupabhavani, ascetic, in Kashmir. Sanganer, near Jaipar, sta mped chintzes Rupnarayana river .. .. .. .. 39 from .. .. .. .. .. Se., Sankarachary'H (and Sarvajnatma), clatoof, 136 ; on Juimini, 171. 245 ; on VAdarayana and Vyasa. 172. 173: influence, of, on the Sabara, reference to the lesser Jaimnini by, Mimau sa doctrine .. .. .. 242, 243; 172. See Mimamsa Doctrine of Works. Sanskrit, Buddhisin, litorary history of, 96 ; Sabbath-breaker, the, in Nicobarese folk tales, 284 Sabda, signification of .. .. .. 215 sounds, and Prakrit, 98, 99 ; in ancient docSabha sad, on Shivaji, 52, 131-134, 204, 254, trines in Khotan, 188: Tod's reinarks on .. 247 271, 2741 Saptagrama, identification of. +2, 43, 69, 70 Sadashivaraya, of Vijayanagar, policy of, to- Sarasvati, the, 13, n.: 'lost river in Bengal, wards Ahmadnagar, in the reign of Burhan two of the name, 31. 12. 4.3. 70; junction Nizam Shah I., 1 n., 4, 7. 25, 29, 78; of of, with the Ganges, etc. .. .. .. 88 Husain Nizam Shah I., 101, 104, 105, 141 Sarasvati godless, legend of .. . .. 60 143; defeat and execution of, 181, 182, Sarikol, mt., the traditional Taurus, suggested Sagar Island, 14, 37, 39; and the Kambyson identitication with Meru . .. .. 192 mouth of the Ganges .. . 40, 67, 69, 70 Sarparajni, sun goddess, traditional Vedic Sagara, k., in the Ganges legend, 7-9, 14, 71 composer .. .. .. .. .. 116 Sagara-Sarigama, where the Ganges enters the sata patha Brahmana, the, on the Krittikas, . . .. .. 44, 45, 47; on the nakshatras, list of .. 46, 47 .. 9, 14, 69 n. Sagdh, ancient name of .. .. .. .. 185 Satara, Maratha cap., 156 ; Bhonsla cap... 157 Sahib Khan, favourite of Murtaza Nizam "Satavahapas, early, 97; later .. .. .. 98 Shah I. history of . .. 321 n., 323, 328 Satgaon, ancient name of, 42; position of, 43, Sahn, meaning of .. .. : . .. 48, 49 69; description of, 67; decline of . .. 70 Saida, husband of Hir, H.R. .. 26, 28, 29-31 Sauhastya, Vedic poet .. .. .. .. Saif 'Ain-ul-Mulk, regent of Golcondah, policy Sawai Jai Singh, Raja of Jaipur, observatories towards Ahmadnagar, in the reign of built by, legend of .. .. .. 63, 64 Husain Nizam Shah I., 4, 5, 76-78, n., Sawlu, mediaeval Burmese king, date of . 59 murdered .. .. .. 80, 208-210 Sayeds, 310; ordeal by fire for .. .. .. 311 St. George, fort, callicoes from .. .. Se. 9 Sayyid Ali, comments on his statements, "SAkaparthiva, three interpretations of the regarding Burhan Nizam Shah I., 26 n., term .. .. .. .. .. .. 228 28 n., 29 R.; Husain Nizam Shah I., 102 n.. salabat Khan, nephew of 'Ain-ul-Mulk, 78, n. 104 n., 141 n.; Ali 'Adil Shah, 196 n., 197 n. : death of .. .. .. .. 80, 229 n. on Murtaza Nizam Shah I., 205 n., 209 n.; Sallbat Khan, Cicassian slave, favourite of on Bibi Humayun .. .. 231 n., 267 n. Murtaza Nizam Shah I., 206 ; promotion of, 323 Salambarigudda, weaver's town, note on the Scattergoods, the, and the East India Com. derivation of .. pany, 1619-1723, Sc., 1-16; Introductory .. .. .. Sc.. 10 Salempores, Sallampores, cotton cloths, Sc., 9, 10 note, Se., 1 ; list of members of the Family, sallas, grey cotton goods, modern term, Sc., 10 Sc., 1; A. Scattergood, Sc., 1, 2; F. ScatterSallowes, Turkey red cotton cloth, noteon, Sc., 10, 15 good, Sc. 1, 2-6; R. Scattergood .. Sc., 6-16 Salpicadoes, flowered cloth, note on Scattergood, Anthony, connection of, with .. Sc., 11 Samarkand, ancient name of .. the E. I. Co. at home, 1619, Sc. 1; early .. .. 185 history of .. .. .. Sambhaji, son of Shivaji, unconstitutional rule .. .. So., 2 of So., 16 . . .. Scattergood, Cath., w. of R. Scattergood, .. 150, 156, 157, 223, 301 Samudra, the ocean Scattergood, Eliz., w. of F. Scattergood, Sc., 5, 6 .. .. 37, 118, 119 Scattergood, F., of Ellaston, Co's. Staffs, ser. Samudragadki, ancient name of, 36, n., 37, n.; near the ancient Kambyson mouth of the vices with the E.I. Co., 1640--1647, Sc. 1; history of, Sc., 2-5; will of .. Sc., 6 Ganges .. .. .. .. .. 40, 41 **(c)-vijfdtani, discussion on the signification of Scattergood, J., merchant and servant of the the term .. .. .. .. .. 176 E. I. Co., career of, in Madras and Bengal, Sc., 1 Sandys, Lord Wm., R. Scattergood's dealings | Scattergood, John, junior, free merchant, with . .. .. . . So.. 15 life of, in India, Persia and China, etc., Su.. 1. 16

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344 Scattergood, R., of Ellaston and London, merchant tailor, commercial dealings with the E. I. Co., 1659-1680, Sc., 1: history of, Sc. 6, 12-16; piece goods dealt in, Sc. 6-12 Scott Waring, author of a history of the Marathas, 55, 57; on Shivaji acruti, signification of .. 199 216 n. 238 INDEX sea-eagle, in Nicobarese folk-tales Seahorse, the, E. I. Co.'s ship seven, sacred number, 12, n. See Rishis, Rivers, Varshas. Sewalik hills Shahaji, f. of Shivaji Shah Abu-l-Hasan, Sayyid, son of Shah Tahir, 3 n., 229, 230 n., 234 3 n. 76 n. Shah Abu Talib, son of Shah Tahir Shah, Ali, son of Burhan Nizam Shah Shah Haidar, son of Shah Tahir, 3 n., 7 n., 231; joint vakil and peahod of Ahmadnagar Shah Hamadan, saint, meets Laleshwari, 310, 312; endures ordeal by fire.. 311 Shah Mansur, son of Husain Nizam Shah I., 195 n. Shah Rafi-ud-din Hussin, son of Shah Tahir, .. Sc., 4. Shen Shen, co. Shibganj, near Gaur Shiva Bharat, Tamil Chronicle Shivadigvijaya, Marathi prose chronicle Shivaji, the Administrative System of, 51-58, 126-136, 148-157, 199-204, 221-226, 253-260, 269-277, 297-302; Introducduction, sources of information on, 51-58; Central Government, Ashta Pradhan Council of, 126, 131, 132-134; Pradhans, duties of, 135, 136, 149, 155, 156; anarchy in the kingdom of, 127, 128; diffi. culties of re-organising, 129; as a practical statesman, 130; village council under, 130; subordinate officers, duties of, 150-154; Karkhanas and mahals, lists of, 155, 156; 68 128 3 n., 76, 196 Shah Tahir, Muhammadan saint, ambassador, 1, 2; death of 3, 5 n., 30 Shah Qasim, son of Husain Nizam Shah I., 195 n. Shahanav Kalni Bakkar, the 53 Shahbazgarhi, identification of 125 Shahbandar, Port officer, as distinguished from Custom House officer, in Malay States .. 228 Shahu, accession of .. 51, 157, 256 296 shaiyala, meaning of Shanshir-ul-Mulk, of Berar, ally of Murtaza Nizam Shah I., 209, 263, n., 265, 266, 278 sharks, in Nicobarese folk-tales 237, 252 Shekh Nur Din, Muhammadan saint, contemporary of Laleshwari .. 232 309, 312 187 14, 70 54 53 position of the king, 156; Revenue system, (that of Malik Ambar) 199-204, 221-226; list of taxes, 202; rent, 203, 204; Revenue divisions, 221-222: officers, 223-225: Fryer's charges against, 226, 253 licensed mints, 254; coins, 255; variation in spelling of Shivaji's name, 255; Chouth and Sardesh. mukhi as sources of revenue, 256; the Army, 258, 260; oflicers, 250, 200, 269, 272; forts, 259: lists of, 270, 271; intelligence department, 273; camps regulations, 275-277, 297; the Navy. 298, 299: Judicial system, edu. cation 300-301 312-321 299 208, 209, 231, 232 5, 7, 8, 76, 77, 104 n., 229 53 Shivaji's Raid on Surat Shivar, type of vessel Shivner, fort, used as a prison, Sholapur, fort, history of, 1-3, Shri Shivaji Pratap Bakhar, the, Sials. See Syals. Sidh Sri Kanth, priest guru to Laleshwari, 302-304, 306, 307 .. 178 Sc., 6 148, n. 181, 191, 192 .. 248 Sc., 4 317, 320 186 58 146 Sikata poetess, in the Rig-Veda Sindh, bafta from Sirmur, assignment of children in Sita, river Slavery for debt Smart, Capt. J., E. I. Co.s' servant Smith, Mr. A., captured by Shivaji Sogdiana Somesvara, of the Balsana inscription Sonthals, polyandry among the South Andaman Language, a Dictionary of the, S.A.L., 137-154: Addendum, S.A.L., 155; Appendices I-IV, S.A.L., .. 156-164 Soutsmayor, Alvero Peres de, blockade of Chaul by 103 n. 83, 84 'Sramands' suggested signification of Stars, in Nicobarese folk-tales .. 235 Stileman, E. I. Co.s' servant Sc., 5 strangulation, method of infanticide Sc., 2 Sufis, style of the, 138; theosophy of the 179 Sugandah, q. of Kashmir .. 302 185 Sughda, identification of Suhina, identification of 33, 34, 41 40 Suksagar, ancient name of Sulo Ho, river 19, 21, 23 Sumeru, the Garwal mountain, 12: in the Puranas 164, 165, 191 Sun, the, in Nicobarese folk-tales 235, 253 Supply, the, F. Scattergood serves in, Bc., 3 Surat, Sivaji's Raid upon, (in 1664). 312-321 Surat, cloth manufactured at, Sc., 9, 10, 12 ::::. .. ..

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Surya, w. of Husain Nizam Shah I. suttle variant of subtle, obsolete cial perm Svarga, eastern Bengal .. Svarga-Ganga, the Mandakini river Svetaparvata, and Kailasa, mistaken iden tification of Syals, Rajput tribe commer .. INDEX 195 n. .. So., 12 41 11 Ta fatias, glossy Chinese silk, note on ... tafisila, a rich silk stuff.. tafta, glossy twist Tajika, ancient inhabitants of Turkestan, the modern Galchas .. 190, 192 Takkas, modern representatives of the 121 Takht Hazara, in Gujranwala, home of Ranjha, H.R., 1-4, 6, 9, 11, 20, 22, 28, 29, 31 Talikota, battle at 144, 145, 196 n. 39 .. Tamalites, the site of Tamalu, village on east coast of Car Nicobar 237 Tamluk, ancient name of, 33: position of, 34, 35, 39, 42, 69 Tamralipta, port, identification of, 33, 35, 42, 69 tappiseela, South Indian cotton goods, Sc., 11, 12 Tapseilles, plain and striped cotton cloths, .. 182 H.R., 1, 2 Sc., 11, 14 Sc., 11 Sc., 11 note on .. Sc., 11-13 tapuin, (Talaing) meaning of 60 taranda, type of ship, described .. 299 Ta-ra-sa, island near Chowra 286 tare, meaning of the term Sc., 12 Tarim river 189, 191, 192 Tartipur, hear Gaur, Jahnu aerama at tattooing, among the Marsh Arabs Tatu marks in Burma ::. .. 70 296 92-95 .. 192 315 284 n. .. Taurus, mt., identification of Taylor, Mr., taken prisoner by Sivaji Teressa, in Car Nicobar, burial custom, The Bracelet Maker of Jhang, in the Legends of the Panjab... H. R., 1, 2 The Ling&nusdeana of Vamana, with the Author's own commentary, edited with Introduction and Indexes by Chimanlal D.. Dalal, M. A., (Book-notice).. The Luzumiyat of Abu'l-ala. Selections in English verse by Ameen Rihani, (Booknotice) 139 137 The Marriage of Hir and Ranjhd, in Legends of the Panjab.. .. H. R., 1, 2 H. R., 1-32 reference to The Story of Hir and Ranjha Thirty Seven Nats, legend of, Burmese kings in the.. 246 Thornburgh, Giles, and R. Scattergood, intercourse between.. 345 Sc., 13. 121 Thuna, suggested identification of ticar. See tirla acar. Tilagrammon, near the Kamberikhon mouth of the Ganges 34, 35, 37, 41 287 Tillanchong, small Nicobar island tin currency, in the Malay States tirla acar, meaning of .. .. 248 60 139 Tirumalisai Alwar, and Vaishnavism.. Tirumulikkulam, in N. Travancore, Vateshut- 97 tu inseription from .. .. 136, 137 Tittop, hamlet on the north of Car Nicobar island 237 to-ini-la o no, magician in Nicobarese folk tale, 284 Topaz, history of the term 106-113 tree-burial, old Nicobarese custom 284 n. trees, for birthdays, in Nicobarese folk tales 235, 236 Trengganu, 140; the Port Officer as distinguished from the Custom House Cfficer, in 228; slavery for debt in, 248; the cur. rency of 248 tret, meaning of.. Sc. 12 trial by ordeal, for adultery, 300; for Sayeds. 310, 311 41 Tripura Triveni sanctity of, 13, 14, 42, 43, 66, 67, 69 Tufal Khan, amir of Berar, 104; policy towards Ahmadnagar, 141 n., 145 n., 196-198, ::::: 205, 209, 261--266, 268, n., 277, 322, 324 Tulunide ornament, some newly diecovered, 48-51 I. Udgir, fort, history of, in the reign of, Burhan Nizam Shah I, 3, 4; of Murtaza Nizam Shah 230, 231, 278, 280, 281 Uttara-kuru, Buddha's visit to, 158, 162, in the Mahabharata, 159: in the Puranas, 160; identification of.. 161, 162, 191, 192. Vaekereta, modern name of vakya signification of Vamana, date of, 139; suggested identification of .. 186 216 n. Vanguhi Datiya. See Oxus. Vani Dindori plates of the Rashtrakuta Govinda III Varanasi. See Benares. Varshadhara, source of the Alakananda 140 139 11

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346 INDEX Weights and measures in, Trengganu . 348 Westby, Cath., w. of Roger Scattergood, 80., 8 Wilford, Mr., on the Nile as in the Puranas, 119: geographical works by .. .. 123 Women poets of the Big Veda, list of, 113-117 Womon, tatued, in India, 92, 94; and sacri. fico, 171; in the Koran, H.R., 13, 19, 31 Works. See the Mimamsa Doctrine of. . Wylde, Phil., E. I. Co's. servant at Achin, Sc. 4 ; or Wilde .. .. .. So., 5 Varshas, the seven ... .. .. 160 Vasagupta founded Vaishnavaism in Kashmir, 302 VAtapi early Chalukya capital .. .. .. 123 V dtrydyana Kama Sutra, the, geographical value of the .. .. .. .. ..124 Vatteshuttu, inscription, from Tirumulikkulam, 136 Vedas, Geography of India in the, 119; in the Mimamsa system, 171, 211, 212, 215, 244, 245; reference to northern home of the Aryans in the .. .. .. .. .. 190 Vedanta and Mimamse systems. See MimAhsa Doctrine of Works. Veddahs of Ceyton, cross cousin-marriage among, the. . . .. . 31 Verasheroone, oallicoes from .. .. Sc., 9 Vigwaverk Atreyi, first poetess in the Rig Veda .. .. .. .. .. 113, 114 Vijayanagar, policy of, towards, Burhan Nizam Shah 1, 3, 5, 7; Husain Nizam Shah I., 141, 143, 196, 197; Murtaza Nizam Shah .. .. .. 205, 209, 261, 262 Vilkurpus, fatherhood among, the .. .. 148 village system, the, in 8. India, 130 n.; per. sistence of .. .. .. .. .. 136 Vishnuganga river .. .. .. .. 11 Vyasa .. .. .. .. 12, 168, 172, 173 Yama, legend of .. . . 187, 190 Yamuna river, 37; and the Sarasvati, 42, 43, 66, 67, 72 Yesovati, q. of Kashmir .. .. .. 302 Yima. See Yama. York Fort, Sumatra. See Bencoolen. Yudhishthira, visit of, to Gange-Sagara, 13, 14; to Kausika .. .. .. .. .. 14 Yukta-Vepi, signification of .. .. .. 13 Yupa inscription in E. Borneo .. .. .. Warangal, beatitha from .. Sc., 10 Waris Shah, composer of the poem Hir and Raujha .. .. .. .. H. R., 2 Zamorin, the Portuguese attacked in, 233 n. Zarathustra. See Zoroaster. Zend Avesta, the gods of the..... 185, 186 Zodiac, the signs of the, 48; Chinese, as tatu marks . .. .. .. 93, 95 Zoroaster .. .. .. .. .. 187. 190

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THREAD 137 TILL thread, (s.) .. .mol-a (da). See smoke thine .... ng'ekan; ngoyun. Thyself and mark distinction. .... ngayun-botam ; ngoyun-teinar. threaten, (v.t.) menace ....ij-ana (ke) tiek, (s.) the insect.... chang-t&ta (da). td-rita (ke). tickle, (v.t.) .... ab-koto (ke). throat, (s.) . . . . aka-orma (da). (v.i.) tide, (8.) 1. . . . . kala (da). 2. highclear one's throat . . . . chirana (ke); diart.... kala-chanag (da); er-l'&r-to-tep are (ke). 8. low-t ... kala-ba (da). 4. high-t. throb, (v.i.) pulsate . . . . not (ke). (at the springs), (a) st full moon .... throttle, (v.t.) .... Aka-petemi (ke). Ogar-kala (da); (b) at new moon .... (8.) . . . . ake-orma-ba (da). yechar-kala (da). 5. low-t. (at the springs), through, (postp.) 1. in ref. to jungle. (a) at full moon . . . . @gar-padi (da) ; growth, plantation, eto.... porowa. He (b) at new moon .... yechar-padi (da). is now going through the dense undergrowth 6. flood-t. (at the springs), (a) before noon over there : ol achitik rukemo tobo porowa . . . . gumul-kala (da); (b) after noon ...: Kirke. 2. t. a shield, screen, wall, etc. . . . . tar-borong-kala (da) 7. ebb-t. (at the springs), tabuli. 3. t. water..... lekenga (a) before noon . . . . gumul-padi (da); 4. throughout, all through .... dilu-reatek. (b) after noon . . . . tar-borong-padi (da). He worked throughout the night: ol gurug 8. Neap-t..... noro (da); (by fishermen) dilu-reatek Onyomre. 5. because of .. .. .. .. kala-jabag (da). (i.e., tide-bad). ong-jig. See Ex. at owing to. 9, flood-t. (generic) ..... ela-bunga (da); throw, (v.t.) 1. any missile . . . . dapi kala-banga (da). See. flow. 10. Ebb-t. (ke); depi (ke). 2. t. a burning brand .... (generic) .... ela-ernga (da); kala-ernga paguri (ke). This is a common practice in (da). See dry, become. 11. Low-t. at serious quarrels. See shoot with a gun. day-break (on the third or fourth day after 8. t. aside or away... kor (ke); ar-waichari the new and full moon) .... toya (da). (ke). Throw away the Arca shell : kdrada (This is the favourite tide for collecting shellI'aka-la korke. 4. t. down, (a) as in wrestling fish.) 12. t-rip .... charat (da). .... ele-paidli (ke). (b) any object ....1 tie, (v.t.) See bind, fasten. 2. t. a knot diyo-pa-ke). 5. t. upwards in competition.... Oko-bat (ke). 8. t. together .... (a game).... tatemo (ke). See game. paipda (ke). 4. tie up .... roni (ke). 6. t. Cyrena shells horizontally a game). . . 6. t. tightly .... nflip (ke). 6. t. loosely aka-kechi (ke). 7. t. overboard .... 0t.... kologa (ke). jura (ke). tight, (adj.) 1. not loose or slack .... thumb, (s.) ..... Ong-koro-doga (da); nflip (da). 2. (a) t. of a line or rope .... on-doga (da). f-gora (da); (b) of a bow-string ....igthump, (v.t.) .... tai (ke); taia (ke). yaragap-ba (da). 3.t.(a) of a stopper ... thunder, (8.). ... paluga-la-gorawanga wega-ba (da). (b) of a knot .... Oto-wega(da). (v.i.) .... gorawa (ke). See growl ba (da). and snore. til, (v. t.) See cultivate. thus, (adv.). .... kian-ari (da); kichi- till, (postp.) .... lat. ; leb; He slept till kan-wai (da). noon : 8 bodo-chdu lat mamire (conj.) .... thy, (po88. pron.) .... ngla (da); ngar; toba-tek. Wait here till I return from ngig; ngab ; etc. See App. u. Thy canoe :hunting: toba-tek del ut tek kadlike ngo kdrin nia roko (da). Thy knee: ngab 18 (da). tami (ke). Till now, (adv.) as yet, hitherto Thy husband : ang skydte (da). Thy own, .... figaka See Ex. at ascend. o, indolent: 0, pole : 6, pot : e, awful; di, boil.

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TIMBER 138 TOGETHER timber, (s). . . . . putu (da). timid, adj. See shy. time, (8.) 1, moment, period, season. ... tin, (s.) See metal. ig-yat araba (da). It is now time to start tinder, (s.) .... chapa-l'ig-Opya (da). achitik tot-makaringa l'ig-yutaraba (da). 2, a tinkle, (v.i.) .... tanga (ke). (onomacertain past period, era .... -dal (da). topoetic.) . In Bira's time we used to eat a lot of pork : 1 tip, (8.) point, end .... naichama (da). bira l'-Idal len (or ya) med' oko-jaranga reg See beak and end. (a) t. of the nose .... dama doga makat-wetre. See antediluvian ig-choronga-naichama (da). (b) t. of a and Ex. at day. (adv.) 1. a long time ... finger.... Ong-koro-naichoma (da). (c) arla-Ababa (da); Arla-l'&rd dru (da). It will t. of the tongue .... Aka-otel-naichama be a long time before I come here again : (da). (d)t. of the tail .... ar-pichamdo karin ot-pagi onnga bedig arla-dbaba. 2. naichama (da). some time ago .... mataiyaba. 8. a long tip-toes, stand on (v.i.) .... ara-laija time ago.... mataiyabaya. 4. a very l(ke). long time ago.... artem ya. 5. a short tipsy, (adj.) .... ig-leleka-tagnga (da). time (lit. a few days) .... &rla-l'ik. See drunk and sort. por (da); arla-yaba (da). 6. a short time tiro, (v.i.) become fatigued... dama ago .... katin-wai (da). 7. from time l'Aka-cham (ke). to time, (a) in the past .... &chinya ; (b) tit-bit, (s.) .... Aka-rarnga (da). (v.i.) in the future .... ngatek-ngatek. 8. in partake of .... Aki-rar (ke). See Ex. the meantime .... toba-tek. 9. at any at search. time, ever.... eda. See Ex. at ever. titter, (v.1.) .... tag-weje (ke). 10. the first time..... idlia-goiya to, (postp.) len; lat. I gave the bow to [lit, at-any-time-of-new : ed-l'ia-goi (ya).) Punga : wai do punga len kdrama manre Yesterday for the first time we saw & Ster- He has gone to the jungle : 61 erem lat Urre. culia tree in the jungle, we can there ore toad, (s.) Bufo melanostictus . .. ropan now make torches here: meda dilea erem (da). 2. toad-stool (s.) ... paluga-l'arlen mait l'akatang idlia-goiya mitigbadigre, alang (da). kiancha achitik kodrin toug pdinga-chak-beringa tobacco, (8.) dried leaf .. .. ohaka (da) (ke). 11. at some time or other in the adopted since 1858 from Hindustani sukha). future, next time, later on.... figa-teki today, (8.) .... ka-wai (da). (adv.) ka12. at such time ag, at whatsoever time, wei (-len); ka-wai-bodo-len. whensoever (rel.) .... kian-erubalik. At toe, (8.) .... Ong-pag (ds.) 1. great tue the same time (correl.) .... kichikar..... Ong-tachab (da); an-doga (da). See Ex. at some and App. i. (exclam.) 1. 2. little t. . . . . Ong-flam (da). 8. middle-t. time's up !, as for one's return home after ...ong-rokoma (da). 4. t.-nail .... Ong hunt, etc..... Arla-l'aryabaire ! ; ar. 12 talpire ! See due. 2. there's lots of time! (-pag)-bodoh (da). .... Arla-Obata ! There's lots of time I l together, (adv). 1. (a) of animate objects why hurry : aria-Obata / elebe (or michalen .... lk (pl. itik). See accompany and with ng'ar-yere 1). See Ex. at hurry. 8. time! We walked together : meda mitik ndure Alies ! .... el-adjawike ! Why are you so (b) of inanimate objects, side by side .... slow ! time ffies ! : michalen ngo dodo (ke)?, paipdanga (da). I found the two bowe eladjavike / (v.1.) time, mark-(as when taking together: wai do kdrama l'ekpor paipdanga. breath during a dance) .... Ar-tir (ke). orolore. 2. at the same moment of time a, idea, cut : a, cur: 2, CARD : &, father 14, fathom : mi, bite ; au, houer : ku, rotese.

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TOKEN 139 TOUGH simultaneously.... er-ubalik. Shout (molar)...aka-tuchab (da). See toe together!... er-ubalik erewd (ke)! Sing (big). 4. eye-t..... ake-naichama (da). together! : er-ubalik ramit-toyuke! 5. c. ache .... tag-cham (da). B. t. less token, (8.) keepsake . . . . gatnga-yomnga ....ig-liga (da); Oko-deria (da). 7. t. pick (da). .... okan-kerepanga (da). 8. point of tomorrow, (s.) .:.. wainga (da); (adv.) tooth . . . . aka-tug-l'ar-naichama (da). ... wainga-len; waingaya. 2. t. morn- (adj.) toothsome .... -raja-maich (da). ng .. .. lilti (da). (adv.) .... liltiya ; top, (.) highest part, upper side ... lilti-len. Where are you going tomorrow tot-era (da). 2. t. of a hut....bad-l'otmorning ? : tekaricha ngo lilti-len (or liltike) ? era (da). 3. t. or crown, of the head (also 3. t. evening.... wainga dila (da). (alv.) scalp).... Ot-kaka (da). 4. t. of a tree wainga-dila-len (or ya). 4. the day after ....aka-tang-l'ot-dala (da). 5. t. of a hill tomorrow .... tar-wainga (da). (adv.) 1. ... (boroin-1) Ot-lutebo (da). See sum.... tar-wainga-len (or ya). mit. (adj). top-heavy ... gidatnga tongs, bamboo- (s.) .... kai (da). See (da). (postp.) on the t. of .... tot-eraApp. xiii. len. See above, over. tongue, (s.) .... aka-etel (da). topsy-turvy (adv.).... Akd-roginga (da). tonight, (s.) .... ka-gurug-len (lit. torch, (s.) .... toug-patnga (da). See "this-night-to (or in)." App. xiii. 2. Gurjon-wood t..... lapi tonsil, (s.) .... Aka-korotim (da). (da). (v. t.) make a t..... toug-pat (ke). 2. lightat. ... toug-joi (ke); lapi (ke). 3. t. too, (adv.) likewise .... (01-)bedig. light .... toug-l'Archal (da); er-chdinga See also. You too struck him : ngo bedig en (da). 4. t. light, fish by.... toug-l'ar(or ad ab-)parekre. (b) in excessive degree chal-tek-yat-taij (ke). .... o-tag ; o-t4g ; doga -boteba. See torment, (v. t.). See torture. much and Ex. at become. 1. too long tortoise, (s.) .... erem-tau (da). (found ... Otag-lapanga (da). This fish-arrow in the Nicobar, but not in the Andaman is too long for his bow : ia karama l'eb ucha tirled olag-lapanga (da). 2. too short .... jungles). 2. hawk's-bill turtle (known as tortoise)-shell . . . . tau-l'ot-ej (da). otag-jodama (da). 3. too much, in quanti torture, (v. t.).... tar-tok (ke). ty or bulk . . . . Otag-doga) (da). 4. too total (S. and adj.) See Whole. little, in quantity or number, too few ... totally, (adv.) See altogether, entirely, otaq-yaba (da). 5. too many .... Otage: quite. ababa (da). 6. too large, too big...) touch, (v.t.) .... tig-eni (ke). Why Otag-bodia (da). 7. too smell (in size. did you touch the infant's foot ? : michalen ...: Otag-ketis. (da). 8. too fat ..., ngoi abdereka long-pag len tig-emire ? 2, t. Otag-pata (da). 9. too thin . . . . Otag. another with honey or other sticky substance kinab (da) ; otag-maina (da); Otag-redeba .... tina (ke). (da). See thin. It is getting too thin : touchwood, (s.) .... chapa-l'ig-apya wai otag-redeba l'edake. 10. too late .:.. (da). (lit. fire-wood-sponge). Otag-goli (da). 11. too early, too soon touchy, (adj.) irascible . . . . iji-rol-tala k... Otag-jalwa-lingi. ginga (da). tooth, (8.) ....ig-tag (da). My tooth tough. (adj.) of meat, cord, wood, eto. is aching : dig tug chamke. 2. front t. .... cheba (da). latawa (da). 2. (of (incisor) . . . . akd-tog (da). 3 back t. I meat only) .... netemoba (da). o, indolent: 0, polo : d, 10: o, awful: di, boil.

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TOW 140 TRIGONOSTEMON tow, (v. t.) See drag, haul. travail, (v. i.) suffer pains of childbirth towards, (postp.) to, in the direction of .... ik-ig-nu (ke); ad-gin (ke). .... aka-tar-chag; eb. The boar is coming travel, (v. i.) (a) by land . . . . &-tingatowards us : ot-yeregnga makat-tar-chag-onke. lumu (ke). (b) by water .... oto-juruThe centipede is crawling towards you: not tegi (ke). See go (by water). towards us : karapta ng'eb iji-chak-tegike, tray, (s.) wooden, for food .... pukutamebet yaba (da). yat-muknga (da). See App. xiii. The pinna toy (8.) . . . . ig-lirnga (da). shell (chidi) is used for the same purpose as trace, (v. t.) follow by tracks (a) of human well as for pigments, when so required. footprints .... un-pag-ik (ke): choloma tread, (v. t.) step on, walk on .... (ke). See Ex, at follow. (b) of animals .... ruduli (ke). I accidentally trod on your aka-kdij (ke). (8.) 1. mark, sign, vestige foot : tai do tamjia ngong (pag len) redulire. . . . . ig-lamya (da). I discovered no trace See App. ii. Ex. of " Omissions." of their presence on that island : kat" lot-boka treat, (v. t.) (a) hospitably, with humanity len etat arlog l'ig-ldmya dot-bamre yaba (da). ... Aka-kat-beringa (ke); (b) churlishly 2. (a) of human footprints .... un-pag .... akd-kat-jabagi (ke). (da). (b) of animals . . . . Aka-koij (da). tree, (s.) .... Aka-tang (da). 2. fruit-t track, (v. t.) See trace. ... aka-tala (da). See Ex. at barren. tract, (s.) See area, region. 3. t.-lizard. See lizard. 4. t. platform for tradition, (s.) . . . . oko-tartaknga (da). burials. See platform, See Ex, at forefathers. tremble, (v. i.) from fright or horror traffic (v. t.).... i-gal (ke). ... yaa (ke); (excessively) uyuka (ke). trail, (v. t. & s.) See trace, track. 2. quake, of the earth.... iji-lele (ka). train, (v. t.) (as a dog for hunting) .... trepang, (8.) Holothuria edulis .... Aka-ti-dai (ke). See know. Trained (p.p.) porud (da). .... Aki-ti-daire. trespass, (v. i.) on tribal territory .... trample, (v. t.) tread under foot .... el-aka-tar-je (ke). ot-rudla (ke). I trampled on the centipede. tribe, (s.) .... laga-duru (da). All the wai da karapta l'ot-ridlare. surviving members of Woi's tribe are assem. transfer, (v. t.) remove from one place to bled here to-day : ka-wai woi lia laga-duru. Another . . . . ab-to-jfal (ke). As that out- l'itig atenga ting-ubai ka-waikan (or to-taire) rigger canoe has little accommodation for The Chiefs of those tribes are old men: your wife and family transfer them to my Kat'laga-duru l'ong-kalak la maiaga wai large canoe : ka charigma ngai-fkydte blbedigal-choroga (da). 2. one of the same tribe, bang-uba lat er-chopava l'edare dia baja hodia ellow tribesman .... ab-ngiji (da). Those len ngat-to-jialke. 2. t. one's home or two grey-headed women are of the same quarters . . . . See migrate. tribe: kat'at-tol-pail ikpor atngiji (da). transfix, (v.t.) (a) with an arrow .... trickle, (v. i.) as from a leaky bucket, del-goroba (ke); i-tot-jat-(ke). (latter with eto..... latu (ke). ref, to two or more.) (b) with harpoon .... tridacna crocea (s.) .... chowai (da). jerali (ke). See pierce. 2. T. squamosa . . . . konop (da). . transparent, (adj.) .... ig-clauwia (da); trigonostemon longifolius, (s.) ...... ig-nalama (da). See clear. gugma (da). Its leaves are crushed and transport, (v. t.) See convey. applied to the bodies of those suffering from trash, (s.) See refuse, rubbish. fever, by rubbing the skin. A. idea, cut : A, cur: a ca, sa : &, father ii, fathom: a,bite : au, house : du, rouge.

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TRIM trouble, (v. t.) give trouble, be troublesome ... ab-welap (ke); aka-welap (ke). 2. take trouble.... gora (ke). 3. (8.) difficulty, fatigue ... ong-welab (da). See Ex. at climb. turbinella pyrum (s.) See App. xii. trim, (v. t.) a canoe, bow, etc., with an adze.... luchumdi (ke). en turbo marmoratus, etc. See App. xii. trip, (v. t.) cause to stumble turn, (v. t.) . . . . ig-geali (ke). 2. tachurpi (ke); ar-charaga-eni (ke). (v. i.) t. a canoe, as when steering.... arstumble.... tuchurpi (ke). tag-dapi (ke). See expire. 3. t. over (a) place upside down. . . . aka-rogi (ke). Let us turn that canoe over, in order to caulk it: ka roko natnga l'eb mocho makat-rogike. (b) a pig on its back for slaughter, or for packing in leaves preparatory to conveyance. . . ot-rogi (ke). 4. t. round and round (ig). kadli (ke). (v. i.) turn. . . . iji-geali (ke). 2. t. round and round. . . . iji-kadli (ke); ad-geri (ke). 3. t. as the tide (a) after flood.... akan-topati (ke); (b) after ebb ..iji-uluma (ke). (8.) t. in rotation. See first, next and Ex. at pole and steer. troublesome, (adj.) of animate objects ... ab-taklanga (da). See Ex. at infaney (exclam.) How troublesome you are! .... badi durumaba! How troublesome you are! let me speak: badi-durumaha! do yapke. See lot. true, (adj.).... aba (da); aba-wai (da). What I say is true, I am not joking: do tarchi-yate uba-wai (da), d'akan-yengal-ba (da). See of course and yes. truly, (adv.) indeed. ... aba; aba-ya. trust, (v. t.) rely upon. . . . oko-loma (ke). trustworthy, (adj.) reliable ... oko. lomanga (da). truth, speak the (v. i.). . . . aba-yap (ke) try, (v.t.) test, prove. See test. (v. i.) attempt, endeavour. ... tar-tang (ke). He is trying to stitch: ol jatnga (len) tartangke. (exclam). Try it on! (defiantly) ar-ta-log-ba! tuft, (s.) curl of hair. . . .ot-kitnga (da). tug, (v. t.) See pull, draw, drag. t. in opposite directions. . . . i-joj (ke). When we were tugging (the rope) in opposite directions they unexpectedly let go, where upon we all fell down meda'ijojnga bedig eda lilpi m'eptotmanire, kancha maralduru la-pare. tumble, (v. i.) fall. ... pa (ke). 2. t. owing to a push or jolt. ... ara-godai (ke). 141 tumour, (8.) See swelling.... buta (da). with prefix ab, ig, ong, etc., according to part referred to. TURTLE turtle, (s.) (a) green or edible, Chellonia virgata... yadi (da); (b) Hawk's bill,. (Caretta imbricata) . . . . tau (da). The former are preferred for food and are the more plentiful. 2. the larger of two or more large ones (a). . . . yadi-bukura (da); (b) tau-bukura (da). 3. the smaller of two or more small ones (a) yedi-liker (da); (b) . . . . tau-liker (da). 4. a small green one, larger than a "liker " .... yadi-chau-l'areringa (da). There is no equivalent term for a hawk's bill turtle: 5. a large male turtle (a). ... yadi-bulal'okotma (da);(b).. .. tau-bula-l'okotma (da). 6. a large female turtle (a) . . . . yadi-pero (da); (b) . . . . tau-pero (da). 7. a full-grown young green turtle (m. or f.) yadi-arbod-loyo-tolngs (dn). 8, t. that has laid eggs (a).... yadi-l'ijnga (da); (b).... tau-l.'ijnga (da). 9. fat description, said to be impotent (a) . . . . yadi-poko (da); (b).... tau-peko (da). This description is preferred for food, the females of this class are called yadi (or tau) l'artom (da) respectively. 10. t. (known as "tortoise ")-shell (of commerce) ... tau (l'ot)-ej (da). 11. t. harpoon . . . . kowai| l'oko-dutnga (da). See App. xiii. 12. t. o indolent: 0, pole: d, pot: o, awful; oi, boil.

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TUSK net... yoto-tepinga (da). See App. xiii. (v. t.) t., hunt-(a) by poling along the shore.. yadi-lobi (ke); (b) in deep water... yadi-tag (ke); juru-tag (ke). (v.4.) obtain t. eggs when buried in the sand .... yadi-molo-karaij (ke). See Scoop. tusk, (8.) of boar... ig-pflicha (da). 2. of dugong.... aka-tung (da). tut I. ... cho! twice (adv.). fkpor. twig, (8.) for burning. . . . tongta (da). twilight, (s.) (a) at dawn.... (ela) wanga (da). (b) at sunset. el-akadauya (da); er-l'aka-dawia (da). See App. x. . twine, (v. t.) See twist. (s.) string. ... mol-a (da). See smoke and note distinction. twinkle, (v. i.) (a) of a star. ... bela (ke); (b) wink or blink as the eye-lids... ji-be-bingik (ke). twins, (8.).... ab-didinga (da). The woman gave birth to twins yesterday: dilea. chana ab-didinga l'ab-etire. twist, fibres 1. as in making fine lines .. kit (ke). 2. as in making a bowstring or harpoon-line. . . . ig-maia (ke). two, (adj.).... ikpor (da). Why did not you two go there together?: michalen nged ikpor kato ngitikre yaba (da)? See low. U. ig-mogu-jabag ugly, (adj). (da); f-ta (or dala)-jabag (da). ulcer, (s.) sore.... ... chum (da); with prefix, ot, ab, ong, etc., according to part referred to. See wound. unable, (adj.).... chak-jabag (da), with prefix ab, ar, ong, etc. according to part of the person referred to. See cannot. unaccustomed, (adj.) .... i-chaglinga (da). unacquainted with, (adj.) ignorant of (a) As of a language. . . . kalenga (da); (b) as of some art. . . . lunga-ba (da). We are unacquainted with (the art of) tattooing: 142 UNDER meda yftinga len langaba (da). See ignorant unarmed, (adj.). .. .. chachnga-ba (da). unashamed, (adj.). . . .tek-iknga-ba (da). unaware, (adj.). . . . ti-dainga-ba (da). unawares, (adv.). ... lilpi (da). unbaked, (adj.) of a newly-moulded pot ... galpa (da). unbroken, (adj). sound.... ot-gorojim (da). unbind, (v.t.).... ot-welaiji (ke). uncertain, (adj.) having doubt tar-ikinga (da); ara-ral-fjinga (da). el-ottaknga-ba (da). uncle, (s.).... maia. See App. viii. unelean, (adj.). See dirty. uncleansed, (adj.) . . . . ot-chatnga-ha (da). unclench, (v.t.). ... wirilti (ke). unelose (v.t.), unfasten (e.g. a parcel) .... ot-welaiji (ke). See open. unelothe, (v.t.). . . . Jupuji (ke). unclothed, (p.p.) See naked. unclouded, (adj.) ... moro-l'ar-talimare. 2. said either of day or moon-light night, when no clouds are seen. . . . erl'ar-lingrire. uncomfortable, (adj.). ... galatnga (da). uncommon, (adj.) 1. rare ... ar-tangba (da). 2. unusual Ar-yotiyanga (da); kianwai-yaba (da). unconseious, (adj.)... (ong.) letaringan | (da) ; (ong-) letainga (da). See Ex. at during. uncooked, (adj.). ... rocha-ba (da). See raw. uncover, (v.t.) a bundle. . . . Ot-falpi (ke). uncovered, (p.p.) of a bundle. . . . falpire. 2. bare, naked.... kalaka (da). with prefix, ot, ab, etc., according to part of the person referred to. under, (postp.) underneath. 1..... tar-mugum-len. My hand-net is under your sleeping-mat: ngia parepa tarmugum-len dia kad (da). See below. 2. under the shade of. See beneath.... eb-er-tegi-len. (s.) underside of mat.... ar-ete (da). See outside idea, cut: a, cur: a, casa: &, father: a, fathom: ai, bite: au, house: au, rouse,

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UNDERGROWTH undergrowth, (s.) . . . . rukemo (da) erem-ba (da). understand, (v.i.) dai (ke). I don't understand what he is saying: ig-yabnga tarchi yate do daike yaba (da). undo, (v.t.). See unfasten, unravel. undress, (v.t.). See take off, unclothe. uneasy, (adj.). See anxious. uneatable, (adj.) ...maknga-loyu-ha (da). uneven, (adj.) 1. not level, of land er-l'ot-kotak-yo (da). 2. rough, as the bark of a tree.... ot-reni (da). 3. not planed, pornga-ba (da). unexpectedly, (adv.). See suddenly. unfasten, (v.t.). . . . ot welaiji (ke). unfathomable, (adj.). juru-doga (da); of a bow or bucket. ar-wodlinga (da). unfavourable, (adj.) of wind or tide... aka-tannga (da); ar-dudupingaba (da); ar-luadinga-ba (ca). unfinished, (adj.). . . . ar-langa-ba (da). unfit, (adj.) unsuitable. . . . yoma-ba (da) noma-ba (da); unfit for food... maknga-loyu-ba (da). 143 .... lorai (ke). unforgiving, (adj.). ep-tig-lainga-ba (da). unfortunate, (adj.) (da). unfrequented, (adj.). . . . el-ot-chatimaba (da). unfriendly, (adj.). . . . oko-dubunga-ba (da); ig-metlinga-ba (da). unfruitful, (adj.) of a tree... batnga-ba (da). unfurl, (v.t.). See unfold. ungenerous, (adj.) 1. in regard to food . . . on-yat-jabag (da). 2. in regard to presents... un-ran-ba (da). See illiberal. unkind, (adj.). See unfriendly. unknot, (v.t.). See unfasten and unravel. unknown, (adj.). . . . ti-dainga-ba (da). unless, (conj.) if not. . . . moda . . . . yaba (da). See Ex. at hold. Unless you fetch him (then) he will not come: moda ngo ad abomoke yabanga ol onke yaba (da). unlike, (adj.)... . . ig-la (da). unload, (v.t.) of a canoe.... (er-)oi (ke). unloose, (v.t.) unfasten; ot-welaiji (ke). unlucky, (adj.). . . . ot-yabnga-ba (da). unluckily, (adv.) .. ot-yab-yaba-len. unmarried man, (adj.) (a) bachelor.... ab-wara (da). (b) not married ad-eninga-ba unfold, (v.t.) a mat .... wirla (ke); (da); ong-tag-ha (da). See App. vii. unmarried woman, (adj.) (a) spinster ab-jadi-jog (da). (b) not married .. ab-iknga-ba (da). unoccupied, (adj.) of a hut. ... ar-lua (da). See empty. unornamented, (adj.) plain. . . . ab-lupa ot-yabnga-ba ..ar unhappy, (adj.). See depressed, sad. unhook, (v.t.). .. eb-tot-mani (ke). unhurt, (adj.) telema (da). UNRIPE uninhabitable, (adj.). .. budunga-loyuba (da). uninhabited, (adj.). ... bud-l'ar- lua (da); bid-l'ot-kalaka (da). unison, in (adv.) concord of sound. . . . er-uba-lik.. See Ex. at together. unite, (v.t.), cause to adhere. . . . oyumali (ke.) See adhere and stick. (da). unpack, (v.t.) a bundle. See unloose unknot. unpalatable, (adj.). See insipid. unpleasant, (adj.). See disagreeable. unpopular, (adj.) of a person generally disliked.... ot-re-ba (da). unpunctual, (adj.) dilatory. ... ar-golinga (da). unravel, (v.t.). ... ot-ware (ke). unripe, (adj.) of fruit. . . . chim'iti (da), also applied to raw meat; putung-ej (da) (lit. black skin); tiripa (da.) (lit. sour). o, indolent 6, pole: o. pot: o, awful: di boil.

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UNROLL 144 URINE unroll, (v.t.) of a mat .... (ot-)wirla u ntwine, (v.i.) untwist . . . . Ot-wirla (ke). (ke). unsafe, See dangerous. unusual, (alj.) 1. not customary .... unsavoury, See tasteless, insipid, nasty. ad-erangn-ba (ln): kianwai-yaba (da). unserviceable, (adj.) 1. of bamboo, cane, See uncommon. 2. as to character, kind. wood, leaves or weapons, through unsound size, etc. .... ar-tanga-ba (cla). ness . . . . ruka (da). See bow. 2. of a unwashed, (adj.) ...Ot-chatnga-ba canoe or log through age . . .. bucarn (da): (a). medel-ba (da). See worn out. 3. of any kind unwell, (alj.).... ad-jabag-tagngu (da). of jungle material through unsuitability for See sick and sort. purpose required.... kota (da). 4. of unwholesome, (adj.). See uneatable. iron or other metal owing to some defect unwilling (adj.) reluctant . . . . Ot-kuk.... mai (da). ta-oroknga (da); ot-kuk-l'ar jabag (da). 2. unskilful (adj.) .... un-jabag (da): | unwilling to go . . . . 1-jechenga (da). ong-gom-ba (da). up, (postp.) higher in place, upwards unstring, (v.t.) (a) bow .... A-tori ..... tot-er-&-len. ebal-len, See spring. (ke): (b) shells, etc., of personal ornaments (adv.) up aloft, up there .... tang-len; .... lupnji (ke). moro-len. See above, bridge, overhead unsuccessful, (adj). 1. in searching for any and sky. Up hill: kangalnga (da). Up to the object animate or inanimate on land or sen present (adv.)... ngaka. (exclam.) .... a-lamainga (da); ig-naimanga (da). Get up!: oyu-boi ! 2. in the pursuit of some object which has upon, (postp.) See on been sighted . . . . &-lamyanga (da). 8. in upper, (adj.) uppermost . .. tot-er-&searching for something which has been lost l'igla (da). 2. Upper side of mat, etc.. . . . . Ar-elot-nuyunga (da). koktar. (da). See Inside, as when rolled it is unsuitable, (adj.) .... yoma-ba (da). inside. (8.) upper-arm ....ig-kurupi (da). See Ex. at bow of canoe and unfit. upright (adj.). See erect. untattooed, (adj.) .... ab-luta (da). uproar, (s.). See quarrel. untested, (adj.) of a bow, etc. ..... uproot, (v.t.) .... ar-loti (ke). See root up, extract yogonga-ba (da). untie, (v.t.). See unfasten and unloose. upset, (v.t.) overturn, of a bucket, etc., .... ar-godai (ke); ot-wedai (ke). (v.i.) until, (conj.) .... toba-tek. Until we .... ara-godai (ke); Oto-wedai (ke). See shot that pig we had no food : toba-tek meda capsize and spin. ka rogo lat taijre motot paichalen ydtyaba (da). upside down, (adv.) .... Ot--welaiya. (postp.) .... leblat. We stayed there (v.t.) turn upside down. . . . Akd-rogi (ke). until noon : bodo-ckau lat med 'itan tdmire. 0t-wedai (ke). See Ex. at turn. (v.i.).... See till Oto-wedai (ke). until now, (adv.) . . . . ngaka. upwards. See up. untrained, (adj.) .... untig-jabag (da); urethra, (s.) .... alu-l'ar-log (da). See aka-ti-dainga-ba (da). urine and channel. untrue, (adj.) . . . . &-tedinga (da); urge, (v.t.) .... ab-nge (ke). aba-yaba (da). See of course. urgent (adj.) pressing ... Ar-tiguntrustworthy, (adj.)....oko-lomanga - gajunga (da). ba (da). urinate, (v.i.) . . . . ar-alu (ke). untruth, (s.). See lie, falsehood. urine, (s.) .... ar-olu (da). idea, ont: 4, our : 4, ma : A, father: , fathom: ni, bite : au, house ku, rouse. 7.

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US 146 VERI us, (pron.) .... moloichik-len, (in con- valley, (s.).... parag (da). struc. met); mad.; mat. Us all (a) of three valuable, (adj.) . . . . @r-inga' (da). or more ... met-arduru-len. (b) of a valueless, (adj.).... ar-inga-ba (da) community .... marat-duru-len (6) of a vanish, (v...)... idal-oko-ti-kaj (ke). large number. . ,, matahaba-len. See disappear. usage, (s.). See custom. vanquish, (v.t.) .... otola-omo (ke). use-up, (v.t.) consume .... Autinga (ke). Vapour, (8.) (a) jungle mist .... palia I have nised-up the whole of my bees-wax ini (da). (b) steam.... boag (da). making this quantity of sealing-wax: kian 1 various, (adj.) (a) diverse. See different, kangatabuj -teginga bedig wai do dia aja-pfi distinct.. (b) several. See several. ting-ubai autingare. vary, (v.t.) .... golai (ke). vaunt, (v.i.) . . . ara-gali (ke). use of, for the (postp.) . . . . ia-loyu. I am making this bow for Woi's use: wai dol vein, (s.) in anatomy . . . . yilnga (da). ucha karama woi l'ia loyu kopke. What's Prefix Ong, ar, ctc., according to part of the use of it ? (lit. what kind of) advan person referred to. tage!): michiba polok tagke ? vengeance, (s.) .... on-ti-len (da). useful, (adj.) . . . . loinga venom, (8.) .... tag-la-choto (da). (la): Ong ventral fin, (8.) .... akd-wad (da). yomnga-loyu. venture, (v.t.) . . . . i-tar-mil (ke). I am useless, (adj.) . . . . Ong-te (da); loinga- going to venture there to-morrow : liltinga ba (da). See unserviceable. dokalo ilijila d'Itarmflke. usually, (alv.) habitually, in the habit of venturesome, (adj.).... i-tar-mil (da); .... oko-jaranga (da). The ancestors of Oyun-tepe-goringa (da). those Balawas usually lived in that neigh- venus meroe, (s.) . . . . mared (da). v. (?) van bourhood : ka halawa l'Ongkalak I'otot-maiagaan aga (Another description) .... malto (da). kat'ong palen oko-jaranga budure. From the 'These shell-fish are cooked and eaten. kitchen-middens we know that our ancestors vermilion, (s.) .... cherama (da). usually ate (were in the habit of eating) oysters: bid-l'artam tek med'idal idai ke ana vertebra, (s.) 1. ab-gorob-ta (da). See spine notot maiaga toina oko-jaranga lere. 1 and bone. 2. ar-ete-ta (da). See loin and behind, also App. ii. 3. cervical . . . . 6utensil, cooking- (s.) .... buj (da). 2. | lapta (da). 11., eating ... pakuta-yat-maknga (da). vertigo, (s.) .... elam-janga-yoma (da) See App. xiii. uterus, (s.) .... t-arain (ca). . ig-leleka (da). uvaria micrantha, (s.) . . . . Orta-tat (de). ! vory, (adv.) 1. in a high degree .... The fruit is eaten and the stem is used for t&pa (ya); botaba; deloba. e.g., very heavy the frame and handle of the hand-net. See .... inma deloba. very strong .... i-gora App. xiii. botaba. very good shot (marksman).... uvula, (s.) .... aka-tedimo (da). An-taijnga tapaya. He climbs very well. uxorious, (adj.)... 61 gatuke botaba. 2. actually, really ...: Oko-poichotinga Aba (ya). e.g. the (this) very same .... (da). acha Aba (ya). The very same man who came here yesterday died suddenly this morning : Vacant, (adj.) unoccupied, of a hut. See dilea karin bala on-ydte ucha-uba dilmaya empty. lilpi okolire. that very same ..... kat'aba vain, (adj.) conceited .... abala (da). (ya). very well! all right!. .. wai! ono! o, indolent : 0, pole : &, pot : o, awful: di, boil.

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VESSEL 146 WALK Vossel, steam- (s.) . . . . birma-chelewa visitor, (s.) .... f-kakanga (da). (da). (b) sailing-v. . . . . dadi-chelewa (da); voice, (s.) .... aka-tegi (da). Akd-dadi (da); chelewa-l'aka-dadi (da). The volley, (s.) of arrow's or bullets . . . . ar. first two usually refer to small and the last korgi (da). to large sailing vessels. voluntarily, (adv.) .... oko-kag-tek. Vestige, (8.). See trace. volunteer, (v.i.) ab-yar (ke). vex, (v.t.). See annoy, irritate. vomit, (v.t.) .... aka-tedya (ke). (v.i.) vibrate, (v.i.) as a bow-string .... ar&- ad-we (ke). (s.) aka-we (da). kiti (ke). voracious, (adj.) ....ig-ralnga (da); igvioo, (s.) depravity.... -jabag-yoma roponga (da). (da). See quality voyage, make a (v.i.) .... Oto-idru-tegi vleinity, (s.) See neighbourhood. (ke). See Ex. at should. vicious, (adj.) depraved ....ot-jabag(da). vlotuals, (8.) . . . . yad (da). (in constr. y&t); maknga-ta (da). waddle, (v.i.) .... Oto-gigia (ke). view, (6.) .... el-t-walnga (da). From wade, (v.i.) : ... ad-leke (ke). here there is a clear view : kare-tek elot wag, (v.i.) sway to and fro . . . . iji-yiriwa wodinga 6i-talimare. Ike).. The dog's tail is wagging: bibi l'ar vigilant, (adj.) . . . . idal-l'oko-noma (da) picham iji-yiriwa (ke). see eye and eat greedily. waist, (s.) .... oto-kinab (da). Waistvillage, (s.) temporary (a) . . . . chang belts in general . . . . ar-etainga (da). For (da). (b) permanent .... haraij (da). also the different varieties worn by one or both arge communal hut. sexes see belt and App. xiii, one not wearing virgin, (s.).... 0t--lekinga (da). See any w-belt .... ah-lupa (la). See unpoor. ornamented. w-belt charm, worn rouni virtue, (8.) .... 0t-beringa-yoma (da). the waist .... oto-chonga (da). (v.1.) wSee quality. belt, take off .... lap (ke); lupuji (ke) virtuous, (adj.) moral, worthy, honourable wait, (v.t.). See await (v.i.) rest in expecta.... Ot-beringa (da). tion .... tobatek-poli (ke). 2. remain, visible, (adj.) . . . . &r-walak (da); iji stay . . . . tami (ke). wait a little ! tolaba! walak-teginga (da). See Ex. at cloud. See already. Wait a little, ! there's a little remaining to do it's nearly finished): visit, (v.t.) another under ordinary circum wai lolaba ! kanya! Ktances .. f-kaka (ke). See Ex. at once ; ar-18i (ke). wako, (v. t. and v. i.). See awake, awaken. SeeEx. at something. 2. v. another for the sake of food or presents wale, (s.) mark of a stripe . . . . tfatanga ... yat-16i (ke). 8. v. an encampment (da). See stripe. n order to dance and sing.... jeg ik walk, (v.i.) .... nau (ke). If one were to (ke). 4. v. a place under ordinary circum-start for the coast at day-break one might stances . . . . (@r) tal (ke). 5. v. a woman perhaps, by walking all day, reach it in the secretly at night .... lamu-kini (ke). We evening: moda ela-wdngaya bid tek tot-gora visited that place yesterday for & dance : len naunga-bedig tilik dila-len dalag (ke). 2. meda area kato jeg-ikre. He left yesterday w. on tip toes . . . . ara-laijai (ke); arain order to visit a place which he had not loa (ke). 3. w. round, make a circuit. See go seen for a long time : a dillu adlomtare er mat round. 4. take a walk or go for a walk .... aiyabaya l'igbadignga-yaba-len talnga l'edare. yauga (ke); a-al (ke); Alnga-mag (ke). a, idea, cut : &, eur: d, casa : &, father : &, fathom: ai, bite : au, house: au, ruso,

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Plate ii. INDIAN ANTIQUARY. Barren Island Volcano. (See Map). 1

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WALL 147 WAX - - - - wall, (s.) (temporary) leaf (a) .. .. abwara bedig gora l'edare. 2. verb. suffix.i.. bigadinga (da). This is erected on the ka. See p. 6. footnote 15. weather side of a hut as protection from rain wash, (v.t.) .... chat (ke). 2. by merely or keen wind; (b) komla (da). This is a pouring water over another .... ab-ela similar erection but extends all round the (ke). (v.i.) . . . . ad-chat (ke). 2. by pour. hut when further protection is needed; it is ing water over one's self .... ad-ela (ke). also applied to walls in civilized buildings. See bathe. wallow, (v.i.) of a pig . . . . ad-lada (ke); wasp, (s.)... tol-yakar (da). 2. ad-yatara (ke). See dirt, mud. mason's wasp .... batma (da). walnut-tree, (s.) (Indian) Albizzia Lebbek waste, (v.t.) squander . . . . en-te (ke). . . . . chato (da). (v.i.) lose bulk .... maina (ke). wander, (v.i.) roam, stray.... er-lama (ke). watch, (v.t.) look after an encampment wane, (v.i.) of the moon .... (@gar-l') during the absence of others . . . . iglalai ar-Odowa (ke). (ke); el-aka (or er-l'ig)-badi (ke). (v.i.) keep waning moon, (s).... Ogar-l'ar-do- w.... to (or iji)-lalai (ke). See look out. wanga (da). watehful, (adj.) on the watch.... ig. want, (v.t.) desire, feel need of . ... 1&lainga (da); er-gelep (or gelib)nga (da). en-a (ke). reflex. (this must not be confound - See also vigilant. ed with "en-a (ke)." cause to give" which is | water, (s.) fresh (in contradistinction to unreflexive.) Do you want my bow ?:an ngo sea)-water, ... ina (da). 2. springdia karama ng'endke. As we are going to w.... bea (da). 3. salt-w..... pata (da). visit that small island we want your canoe : 4. brackish-w..... rogodi (da). 5. rainkat' tot-kaicha lat er-talnga l'edare med' ngia w....morowin-l'ina (da). See sky; yum roko m'et-ake. See erave, desire and just. (da). 6. boiling-w..... ina-I'ar-joinga (da). (v.i.) be needy, be lacking .... pitai (ke). low-w. See tide. w-fall.... ina-l'ar-char wanting, (p.a.) lacking, missing .... (da.) See spring. w.-fowl . . . . telyu (da).. 10. pitainga (da). As many more have just w.-hen .... bara (da). 11. w. holder. See Arrived pork will be wanting (lacking): bucket and App. xiii. (adj.) w.-tight .... tun-jsbaba at-goi akat-ti-doinga l'edare reg- ar-kola (da). (adv.) by water (a) if by sea dama pitainga (da). .... jaru-len; (b) if by creek . . . . jigwarm, (adj.) .... uya (da). len. (v.t.) .... akd-yirip (ke). (v.i.) of the warm, (v.t.) anything .... 0t-aya (ke). eyes .... t'i-la-wejeri (ke). See tear and (e.g. cooked food). (v.1.) warm one's self issue. 2. of the mouth .... akan-raij (ke). .... ad-uya (ke). See saliva. 8. draw w.at pool or stream .... warn, (v.t.) give notice of danger .:.. ik-odli (ke). ab-ch@ali (ke); ekan-tig-oyu (ke). 2. caution wave, (s.) of the sea .... patara (da). .... yabnga-l'itai (ke). 8. w. off, beckon wave, (v.t.) brandish. ...ig-wil (ke). away . . . . ab (or 1-)k&na (ke). wax, (s.) bees-(a) white . . . . Aja-pij warp, (v.t.) .... en-teka (ke). (v.i.) (da). (b) black .... tobul-pij (da); lere .... teka (ke). |(da). See App. xiii. and Ex. at caulk. 2. wart, (.) .... ola (da). with prefix ab, sealing-wax .... kanga-td-baj (da). See ong, etc., according to, part of the body comb and Ex. at use-up. 8. ear-w..... referred to. aka-ya-maru-win (da). (v.t.) make wax was, (v.i.) .... edare, the perf. form 1. ... i-tegi (ke). See Ex. at uso up. of the obsolete verb edake (to be) Punga | wax, (v.i.) of the moon . . . . Ogar-lawhen a young man was strong : wai punga walago (ke). See App. x. o, indolent : 0, pole (.d, pot :, awful :di, boil.

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WAY 148 * way, (s.) road, path. . . . tinga (da) Which way (by which path) are you going? tencha linga tek ngo lirke? On the w. (a) by land . . . . tinga-len. (b) by creek .... jig-len; (c) by sea... .. juru-len. On the way there we saw several turtles and porpoises, but did not harpoon any: katik jurulen meda yadi olbedig choag jibaba itig. badigre, dona dutre yaba (da) (adv.) All the way... tinga-duru (da). See Ex. at each. In this way kian-ari (da). Do it in this way: kian-ari diyo (ke). In that way: kian-uba (da). See App. I. (v.i) make way. ad-ochai (ke). 2. make a w. (a path) tinga-lot-wal (ke). 3. clear the w.. tinga-buj (ke). 4. show the w.. tinga-chi (ke). 5. describe (tell) the w. tinga-l'itai (ke). 6. lead the way tinga-l'oko (or l'ot)-la (ke). waylay, (v.t.). . . . ar-jiriba (ke). we, (pron.).... moloichik (in constr. mol'); meda; med'; m'. We all (of three or more) . . . . mol'arduru (da); med' arduru (da); m'arduru (da). We all (of a community or tribe) . . . . m'ar-ardurn (da). We all (of a large number of persons) m'at-ubaba (da). None of us have (lit." we all have not ") ever ascended Barren Island volcano: med arduru taili-chapa-len eda kagalre yaba (da). weak, (adj.) of animate objects. . . . ahmalai (da); ab-toroki (da). 2. of inanimate objects malai (da); toroki (da). wealthy, (adj.). ... ar-bejir (da). wean an infant, (v.t.) . . . . kam-raij. l'ig-kana (ke). (lit. milk-forbid.) head wear, (v.t.) any ornaments or clothing ab-yom (ke); ab-loti (ke). 2. on the ... iji-go (ke); ig-yom (ke); 3. round the waist. . . . ar-etai (ke); arvom (ke). 4. round the neck. . . . akan-etai (ke); aka-yom (ke). 5. round the arms .. i-cho (ke). 6. round the legs. . . . ar-cho (ke). weary. See fatigued. weather, (s.) lit. sky... moro (da). See calm, clear, cold, fine, hot, stormy. What kind of weather had you while staying at Meopong ? ngo meopong polinga bedig kichika moro (da)? To day the weather' is favourable for turtle hunting ka-wai yadi tobinga l'eb moro beringa (da). weather-proof, (adj.). . . . ar-kola (da). 2. A weather-proof hut .. chang-kila (da). WELL weave, (v.t.).... tepi (ke). web, (s.) spider's . . . . ngonga-kud (da). web-footed, (adj.). . . . peketo (da). wed, (v.t. and v.i.). See marry. . . ad-eri (da). wedding, (8.) wedge, (s.) weed, (s.). See sea-weed. i-tanings (da) pirpa (da). 2. Sea-weed, weep, (v.i.)... t'e-kik (ke). See cry, tear. 2. weep bitterly.... t'i-la-(ig-) rita (ke), with special ref. to their custom of expressing their joy at re-union with relatives or friends after a long separation by sitting with their arms round, one another's necks and sobbing for even an hour or more. When he heard (lit. on hearing the news,) that his wife was dead he wept bitterly: ol ekan pail okolinga tartit idainga bedig t'ila. igritare. weigh, (v.t.) ascertain heaviness of.... (i-) tar-tal (ke). See measure. inma-yoma weight, (s.) heaviness. . . . (da), see quality; dula (da). well, (s.) fresh-water hole....ina-l'igbang (da). well, (adj.) in health.... ad-heringa (da); ab-yed-yaba (da). Are you quite well now?: an ka-wai ng'adberinga ubaya ? 2. well-behaved.... oko-dubunga (da). 3. w-made (a) of a human-being. . .. ahchau-beringa (da); ab-dala-beringa (da)(b) of a weapon, utensil, etc ...igberinga (da). 4. w-polished. . . . chuluberinga (da); geligma-beringa (da). See abscond and polish. (adv. and conj.) as well as (a) not less than ar-ta-log. a idea, cut: a, cur: a, casa : a, father: a, fathom: ai, bite: au, house: au, rouse .

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WEST 149 WHEREUPON lik. See Ex. at " as well as." (b) together Give me whatever is fit to eat, I'm hungry, with.... 31-bedig. Well done !.... min maknga-loyu-yate d'en a, wai d'akakaka-tek!; tat ! garinga (da). (b) all that (lit. what is bad West, (8.) .... tar-mugu (da). See also?).... michima jabag-bedig. Bring south for S. W. wind and S. W. monsoon. me whatever you can from that place : wet, (adj.) (a) from rain . . . . Oto-pulure. | kato-tek michi ma-jabag-bedig den toyuke. (b) from other causes ....oto-inare. (c) whatever time, at (rel.) at such time as drenched in water-logged canoe . . . . oto-.... kian-er-ubalik. See Ex. at same dunure. (v.i.) get wet, (a) from exposure to and time. rain.... Oto-pulu (ke). (b) from water in wheedle, (v.t.) coax, cajole.... ngete a canoe . . . . Oto-dunu (ke). (c) from other ge o to-donu (ke). (c) from other (ke). He wheedled you all yesterday : ol causes . ... Oto-ina (ke). (s.) Wet mon mon. dilea nget drduru ngetere. soon. See monsoon. wheeze, (v. i.) breathe huskily.... un'yu (ke). whale, (s.) Physeter macrocephalus .... when, (adv.) (a) at what time (interrog.) biriga-ta (da). This morning, while we were .... tain (da). When are you going all bringing in the turtles which we had home?: tain ngo wijke ?. (exclam.) (Pray) netted during the night, a whale suddenly when did I do it ? (as when accused of some rising to the surface near us caused the canoe offence).... tain wano ! at such time as to capsize, whereupon all the turtles escaped: (rel.) .... kian-er-ubalik. See Ex. at dilmaya mar'duru yadi-long-kalak gurug-ya time. (c) whenever, at the very time that, yoto-tepinga-len pane-yate akat-wernga-bedig biriga-id til pi lagya ebalnga ro ko l'en-oto whenever (rel.) . . . . Ona. When he is rogire, kianchd yadi l'ardiru la adwetire. angry (then) I am afraid : ona o tigrelke nga d'adladke. (contin. part.) at the time that, what, (rel.) .... ate (da); yate (da). while....nga-bedig. He fell when Is it true what you say?: an ngo tarchi-yate climbing : ol gutunga-bedig pare. See while. (an-)aba (da) ?. What ( interrog. ).... | whence, (adv.) from what place interrog.) michima (da), [Is also used in an indefinite .... michima (-er) -tek; tekaricha-tek. negative sense, see Ex. at get and whatever]; Whence have you come ? ngo michima-ermichiba (da); ba (da). What did you say ? : tek onre? (rel.) .... mintek. Whence ngo michima yabre? . What do I see? : Woi came thence am I come: min-tek woi ba d'igbadike? What do you mean (what are onre ol-bedig-tek dol. you up to ?): ba ngo minke? (or michima whenever, (adv.) See when (c), time (12), ngoke ?) What a pity ! widi !. What a nuisance and Ex. at same. you are !: badi kaya ! (or badi-durumaba!). where, (adv.) (a) at what place (interrog.) What is your name ?: michima ng' ol-ling? .... tan (da). Where is it?: bu tan? (or ting-l'ar-eni!) What is the matter with Where is he living ? o tan buduke? (b) to you?: michima ng'ore? What length ? what place, whither .... tekaricha (da). What size? What distance? What age See Where are you (going)?: tekaricha ngo ? (0) How long ? how big ? how far ? how old ? In wherever (rel.) .... minya. Where you what style ? : kichika (da)? What else ? : tun go there also will Bira go: minya ngo Kirke inichima (da)?; tan-tun-michima (da)?. What's 6l-bedig bir'ya. See also Ex. at there and happened? (what's the matter?).... App. i. michibare? See Ex. at boar. About (con- | whereabout, (adv.) .... michima-erya. cerping) what ?: micha-l'eb? See Ex. at talk whoroupon, (adv.) in consequence of which whatever, (adj. and pron.) (a) anything .... kiancha (da). See Ex. at tug and that .... min.... ate (or yate] (da). whale. o, indolent: 8, pole : d, pot : 7, awful: di, boil.

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WHET 150 WICKEDNESS whet, (v. t.) sharpen (a) in ref. to a blade, olowia (da); (b) w. of an egg. ... molotool, etc. ...ig-jit (ke), see sharpen; l'ot-elepaij (da). 2. white ant (termite) (b) in ref. to the tusks of a boar . . . . ig..... bedera (da). 3. w. hair . . . . ig (or rir (ke). ot)-tol (da). 4. w. haired person .... whot-stone, (s.) .... talag (da). See ab-tol (da). (v. t.) make white ....ig App xiii. (or ot)-olowia (ke). (v. i.) ....iji (or oto) | Phothor, (pron.) (+) which .... tencha! olowia (ke). (da). Whether is the larger the sun or the whither, (adv.) (a) to what place (interrog.) moon ? tencha bodia an hodo an ogar (da)? .... tekaricha (da). Whither are you (b) (conj.) if, in case . . . . an. Whether going ? : tekaricha ngoke? See Ex. 1 at go. he is angry or not, never mind : an 6l tigrel (b) (rel.) Whithersoever.... min-len. See an yuba, uchin dake. Ex. at thither. and App. i. which (a) (interrog. pron.) .... tencha who, (pron.) (a) (interrog.) . . . . mija (da). Which stone hurt your foot ? tencha (da); mija (da); (honorific) mijola ; mijola. taili la ng'ongre?. See App. ii. Omissions, Who gave you these fish-arrows ?: mija also hurt and Ex. at how and that (clem. cha rua-long-kalak nge mane ?. mija is pron.) (b) (rel. pron.) .... ate (da); also used in an indefinite negative sense. yate (da). The canoe which you see is - See Ex. at none. Who knows !. (goodness mine : roko ng'ig-badig-ate wai dia (da). knows!. . . . uchin !) (When is he coming? while. (contin. part.) denoting during or ol tain inke?) Who knows! Ochin! (b) at the time that, when .... nga-bedig. (rel.) ... ate (da); yate (da). See It is not customary to hunt pigs while it is which, that and Ex. at shoot and App. i. raining : yim la panga-bedig delenga kianwai whole, (s.) all, total quantity or number yaba (da). See when. (s.) a long while .... ....ar (a) duru (ca); uma (da); ting arla-ababa (da); arla-l'arduru (da). (adv). ubai (da). See Ex. at use-up. (adj.) (a) a long while ago : mataiyabaya. See time, sound ... Ot-gorojim (da); (b) entire, meanwhile (meantime, in the) .... toba all .... doga (da). The whole day: tek. whirl, (v. t.) spin, rotate . . . . ig-keti bodo-doga (da). (ke). (v. i.).... iji-keti (ke). whose (pron.) .... mijia (da); mijia whirlpool. See eddy. (da). Whose skull (is this)?: miji'ot-cheta whirlwind, (s.) . . . . &ra-lelanga (da). (da). ? For its employment in an indefinite whisker. (8.).. . ig-ab-pii (da). (cheek, negative sense, See Ex. at none. hair). why, (adv.) (a) wherefore .... michawhisper, (v. t.) (a) face to face ....ig-len; michalen. Why are you hoarse ? : val-pa (ke). (b) into another's ear.... michalen ng'iglerwinga (da) ?. (b) for what aka-yal-pa (ke). (v. i.) speak in & whisper cause or purpose .... bad'ig; micha-leb. . . . . iji-yal-pa (ke) iji-terema (ke). Why are you going there ? : bad'ig ngo whistlo, (v. t.) with the lips .... kokok katik (ke) ?. Why do you give me the (ke). (s.) kokok (da). I heard a whistle just paddle ? : micha-leb ngo den waligma manke?. now : wai do dala kokok l'Aka-tegi-l'Idaire, (exclam.) Why do you worry me? (what a while, (adj.) (a) of inanimate objects .... nuisance you are !): bad'ig derumaba ! (ig-) olowia (da). (b) of animals and birds wicked, (adj.) sinful . . . . yubdanga (da). .... Ot-olowia (da). (6) of European It is wicked to murder and steal: ab-parecomplexion ....iteremya (da). (s.) 1. katinga 616&dig tapnga wai yabdanga (da). (a) w. of the eye ....1 (or ig)-dal-l'ot- wlokedness, (2.) sin.... yabda (da). , idea, out: i, cur : a, casa : 4, father : &, fathom: ai, bite; ku, house : au, rouse.

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Plate iii. Shooting fish while poling along a creek near Port Blair. INDIAN ANTIQUARY. adopted from the Racilit

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WICKER WORK 181 WITH wiekorwork (8.) .... tepi (da). w. frame w..... Akd-tannga (da). w. on the beam for cooking-pot.... ramata (da). See .... parit A-ulnga (da). App. xiii. wine, (s.) also any spirituous liquor .... wide, (adj.) .... pan (da); peketo (da). Fog oldalrog (da). possibly adopted from the English That sounding-board is very wide : kato word "grog." pikuta-yem nga peketo doga (da). wing (8.) of bird or bat....ig-acha-ta (da); ig-wat (da). See quill. widow, (s.) .... ar-leba-pail (da): chan- wink, (v. t.) ....ig-nemel (ke). (v. i.) arleba (da). Widower, (s.) .... ar-leha- iji-nemel (ke). hala (da); mai-ar-leba (da). winter, (s.) cool season . . . . papar (-wab) width, (*) . . . . pan-yoma (da) peketo- (da). yoma (da). See quality. wipe, (v. t.) (a) what is wet....rar wife. (8.) (a) newly-married (during tirst (ke). (b) w. what is dirty.... guj-rar few months only). ...ik-yate (pail) (da).(ke). Wipe the eyes of the infant that he p. pron. dai, ngai, ai, etc. See App. ii.be been crying : ab-dereka t'ekik-ate l'ig-rar (ke). and viii. My newly married wife is away wire, (s.) .... leriwit (da). word adoptcollecting shell-tish: dai ik-ydte aka-la l'ot-1 i tk-dle Akata rated since discovery of wire in wrecks. jeg nga l'edare ab-yaba (da). (b) (after that wise, (aaj.) .... mugu-tig (or ti)-dai period) .... ab-pail (da). Your wife and (da). See forehead and know. infant son are sound asleep : ngab-pail olbe.. wish, (v. t.) want, have desire for, feel dig ngta ola (wai) arla-l'itig-ritake. Our wives need of .... en-a (ke) reflex. See want. were absent yesterday : mat-pail (16ng-kalak) | (v. t.) (v. i.) feel desire, have a wish .... dilea at-yaba (da). Note distinction between lat (ke). I too wish to accompany you : wife ("ab-pail") and woman (" A-pail") dol bedig ng'ik lat (ke). Do you all wish to go hunting ?: an ngarat-duru delengn wild. (adj.) not domeeticated. See savage. I lat (ke)? See long (v. i.). will. (v. aux.) See shall. with, (postp.) 1 together with, in the willing, (adj.) .... kak-ta-oroknya (da). company of .... ik (pl. itik). With me: He is willing to accompany us there: wai dik; with thee: ngik; with him (or her) : 6 katik m'itik kak-ta-orokenga (da). lit. heik; with us: mitik; with you (pl.) : ngitik : thither with us willing (is). . with them : itik. See Ex. at willing. 2. in the care, or possession of, among .... win, (v. t.) in fight . . . . otola-onio ot (pl. otot) paicha-len. See Ex. at among (ke). See beat. (v. i.) w. in a race ... and bundle. He sat down with us : 6l otola (l'eda) (ke). See first and be.' motot-paichalen aka-doire. 8. by the use. wince. (v. i.) .... Ser'adla (ke). or exercise of .... tek. He struck the wind, (v.'t.) coil .... 0t-kodo (ke); ot- snake's head with great force : 6l jobo t'ot kot (ke): (H.) .... anga (da); walnga (da) cheta gora loga tek parekre. He hit me on [in .compound words ta (da). Ex. N. E. the leg with a stick : 6l pitu tek d'ar-parekre. wind . . . . paluga-t& (da); p&par-ta (da): See App. ii. * Omissions," chag (leg) being S. W. w..... gomul-ta (da); deria-ta understood. 4. by means of .... tan. (da): S. E. w..... chila-ta (da) ] N. W. tek. He scooped the canoe with an adze : v.... chal-jotama (da). wind-fall, (a) 61 wolo tam-tek roko kopre. 5. against, of fruit. ... toru-tanga (da). (b) (figur) in opposition to ...,.eb. My father is .... ad-mag-welejnga (da). favorable still angry with me: dab chabil ngaka deh (following)-w. . . . . ar-ulnga (da). head iji-telke. ", indolent: 0. pole: o, pot : o, orful: oi, toil.

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WITHER 152 WORSE wither, (v. i.) of tree or flower .... womb, (s.) . . . . Ot-arain (da). ruka (ke). . See rot. w., of a flower or vege- wonder, (v. t. and v. i.). ...ig-ngekli table ... main (ke). withered, (p. a.) i (ke). (adj.) wonderful ....ig-ngeklinga (a) of a limb .... ar-dama-ba (da). (lit. (da). (interj.) How wonderful! .... badi! flesh-none.) (b) of boughs, leaves, etc., when woo, (v. t.) court. ...ig-durpa (ke). fit for burning .... rucha (da). (c) of See make love to and love. fallen leaves suitable for bedding .... wood, (s.) the hard substance of the tree, rainnga (da). etc .... putu (da). within, (postp.) inside .... koktar-len. wood-pocker, (8.) Mulleripicus Hodgei .. See Ex. at inside and without koi (da). without, (prep.) not having, in absence word, (s.) . . . . yabnga (da). That's a of ...ba. without orders: ba-kanik. See difficult word: ka yanga wai 6t-kutunga (da). Ex. at order. 2. (postp.) (a) lacking, desti- work, (v. i.) (a) of a sedentary nature, tute of .... pitainga (ya). (See want), yaba-leg, making canoes, implements, weapons, len (lit. not-to). The escaped prisoner with etc. . . . . On-yom (ke). (b) e.g., fetching out taking any) food put out to sea on a supplies of food, water, jungle material, Lamboo raft: ot-chatre ad-weti-yote yat etc., .... tep (ke). Golat's father said pitainga : po-chonga len oto-jamure. Without (thus) to him as you have worked well. a harpoon how can we spear a turtle ?: kouni to-day I excuse you the rest of the work) a la pitaingaya kichikacha med'yadi la jera but your younger brother must finish it like? All my fellow-countrymen are beardless to-morrow": golat l'abmaiola en kichikan-wai (lveard-without): mitig-budua l'Arduru wai tarch (re) "ngo kauai beringa ongomua adal-pj la pitaingaya. He came without l'edare Ong-kichal artidabuke, dona wainga* bow : 61 karama yabalen onre. (b) with the len ng'aka-kam aba-waik Ongkadlike."(p.a.) exception of ... ijiya. See Ex. at engaged in work, working.... Onyom nga except. (0) outside .... walak-len. My pot ] (da); tepnge (da). (s.) on-xom (da); tep (). is quite clean within and without inside world, (s.) . . . . erema (da). This refers and ont.): dia buj koktar-len 61-bedig wdlak- only to their own islands which they formlen chatnga ubaya. 8. (conj.) unless. See erly believed to comprise the whole earth. unless. 4 (adv.) without cause .... Ot-Now other countries are spoken of as "otkalya. You abused him without cause : m without cause : baia-erema (da)." or "erema-l'ot-baia (da)". ngol 61-kalya ad ab-togore. without doubt See foreign. (Note the association with the (question, or fail) .... et-lamu-tek; wai- word for jungle, their islands being originkan; aba-yaba-ba. See Ex. at certainly, ally entirely forest-clad.) of course, yes. Worm, earth (s.) .... wili-dim (da). witness, (s.) one competent to give evi- worm-eaton, (p.a.). ... -l'ar-rumre, the dence (a) as being a spectator .... er-l'ig- name of the insect being o (da). See perforate badigiga-yate (da). (lit. place-see-woh); (b) worn out, (p. a.) (a) decrepit (adj.). . . ar. from acquaintance with the facts ....te (da); ar-ta (da). (b) physically exhausted min-ti-dainga-yate (da). (lit. something (p. p.) : ... dama-l'dka-chamre ; (c) of know-who). inanimate objects from use or age:... woo is me! (interj.) .... wada-08-18 1 artamre. See old and unservlowable. (cry of distracted mother or wife at time of worry, (v. t.) See annoy, team (v. i.)... bereavement). ara-tariki (ke). Woman, (8.) . . . . &-pail (da). See App. worso, (adj.) had in greater degree .... viii.. tek-(ab-) jabag (da). My canoe ik 'worse *, idea, cut : 1, "cur : &, casa: &, father : K, fathom : ai, bito: au, house : du rotse.

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WORSHIPFUL 153 YAM than yours: dia roko ngia roko tek jabag wreck, ship-(s.) (a) due to stranding .... (da). chelewa-l'ad-yoboli-yate (da); (b) due to worshipful, (term of respect).... mam ; foundering .... chelewa-l'ad-tob-ate (da): mam. See sir. (e) due to collision or being otherwise dam. worst, (adj.) bad in the highest degree agec... chelew aged . . . . chelewa-l'oto-kujuri (or tobuli) :.. (ab-) jabag-l'igla (da): Arduru-tek-1-yate (da). (d) due to fire .... chelewa(ab-) jabag (da). Your bow is the worst of l'akan-joi-yate (da). (v. i.) suffer ship-wreck all: ngia karama jabag-l'igla (da). . . . . &-ad kujra (ke). worth, (adj.) equal in value (to) ...: 'Wrestle, (v. i.) . . . . ad-le (ke). Our ig-podinga (da). Your bow is worth only fathers both fell while wrestling : mat-maiaga two pig-arrows : ngia kdrama ogun ela adlenga-bedig ikpor pare. l'ekpor igpodinga (da). wriggle, (v. i.) of worm or snake.... worthless (adj.) of no value . . . . &r fara (ke). The worm is not dead, it is inga-ba (da). still wriggling: uflidim oko-linga-ba nigdka " wound, (v. t.).... ch am (ke); cham- | tegi (ke). (N.B. distinct from cham (ke). wring, (v. t.) See twist and make bowSee hurt, ache, pain. (a) if mortally .... string and twine. paraijti (ke). (b) if slightly .... chegai wrinkle, (s.) on brow .... 0t-barnga (ke). He wounded me slightly in the foot-|(da). (v. t.) contract into furrows owing (or hand): 6 dong-chegaire. See also pene-to glare of sun. ...ig-nared (ke). trate. (c) w. in order to catch alive....doda- wrist, (s.) . . . . Ong-togo (da). pi (ke). p.p. wounded . . . . cham (-tegi) wristlet, (s.) .... Ong-togo-chonga (da)s re. In all cases in order to indicate part of See App. xiil. the body referred to the requisite prefix write, (v. t.)... yiti (ke); chiti-yiti ab, ot, ong, ar, etc., is expressed; (s) one who (ke) (lit. tattoo-letter (from hindustani wounds another .. .. chum tegings (or chithi). The Officer in charge (of us) is tegi-yate (da). (s.) w. (a) (any).... chum (da). always writing : mamjola arlalen chiti-yti See Ex. at pain. (b) (punctured only)....(ke). See sir. &-tobuli (da). One who wounds another writhe, (v. i.) with pain . . . . ad-kor .... chum-tegings (or tegi-yate) (da). (ke); nara (ke). wrap, (v. t.) enwrap. 1. food in leaves wrong, (adj.) (a) not according to rule as for a journey ..... Ot-ram (ke). See or right .... tolata-ba (da); (b) incorrect, cover. The leaf used for the purpose is inaccurate . . . . aba-yaba (da). that of the Laculla peltata. See App. xi, note h. 2. w. food in leaves preparatory to yam, (s.) wild-(generic term).... yad cooking it. . . . oko-bag (ke). 8. w. round (da). (in constr. yat); (specific) yat-bang (da). one's waist . .. Oto-cho (ke). 4. w. honey-(lit. "dug-up food " in contradistinction comb in leaves ....ot-malapa (ke). (s). Ito the specifio words for fruit and fish : six wrapper, leaf .... kapa (da). See Screen species are recognized, viz. (a) gono (da); and App. xi, note h. (b) chati (da), both abundant and much wrath, (s.) See rage, wrathful (adj.) .... relished ; (6) kad (da), plentiful and relished, but requires long. soaking before being j-ananga (da). cooked : (d) boto (da), scarce and grows wreath, funereal (s.) as suspended round a long and thin; (e) malag (da), scarce ; (1) burial place .... ara (da). tagi (da), found only on stony land. o, indolent : 0, pole : o, pot; o, awful: di, boil.

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YARN 164 ZIGZAG yarn, (s.) extravagant story . . . . ar yonder, (adj.) .... kato-walak (da). chinga (da). Yonder hut is mine : kato-walak bud wai yawn, (v. i.) . . . . apa (ke). (s.) apa (da). dia (da). (adv.) .... kato-walak-len. year, (s.) a cycle of the seasons... you, (pron.) (nom. pl.) .... ngoldichik talik (da). See again. (in constr. ngol'); ngeda; nged'; yearly, (adv.) .... talik-talik. ng'. See App. ii. (obj. pl.) .... yearn, (v. i.) desire earnestly.... ngoloichik-len (in constr. nget); ngat; ngad. You all, of three or more .... gari (ke); See long. ngol'ar-duru (da); nged'arduru yell, (v. i.). ... ara-patek (ke); ara (da); ng'arduru (da). See steer, 3. You all, of a petek (ke). See scream. community or tribe.... rg'ar-arduru (da). yellow, (adj.) .... terawa (da). You'all, of a large number of persons .... yes, (adv.) 1. answering question affir ng'at-ubaba (da). matively .... ono (da); 6. Are you well to-day ?: an ngo kawai ud-beringa (da)! all young, (s.) off-spring of animals... young Yes : ono. with emphasis .... uba-yaba- bs-vaba. ba (da). (adj.)..... ab-goi (da). See new. ba (da). (lit. "True not-not.") Have you Younger .... tek-ab-goi (da). Woi is ever speared turtles off Kyd Island ? : an nga younger than Bia; bia tek woi ab-goi (da). dira-tang-ya eda yadi jeralire ? Yes, cer- Youngest .... ab-goi-l'igla (da). Of all tainly (I have): uba-yaba-ba (da). 3. deno- these children my little son is the youngest : ting assent to a proposition .... aba ka ligala drduru tek dla ota ab-goi-l'igla (da). (da). That man is a good shot : ka bula un | your, (poss. pron.), (sing). See thy. 2. yab (da). Yes (he is): uba (da). 4. denoting assent to a request (also in place of (plur.) .... eta (da); etat; ngat ; ang : ono in affirming a proposition) . . . . waingai; ng'; etc. See App. ii. 3. of a com(da). See agree. Run and tell him : ngomunity.... ngarat-cluru (da). kainga bedig en tarchi. Yes (all right): 1 yours, (pron. adj.) your own .... ngewai. Shall I give him your bow : an dol kan; ngoyut. en ngia karama manngabo? Yes: wai. yourselves, (pron.) ngoyut-batam; ng@yut yesterday, (s.) .... dilea. (adv.) (a) temar. among yourselves . . . . ng'oyutyesterday morning. ... dilea-wangalen; bud-bedig. Why are you whispering among dilea-dilma-len; dilea-lili-len. See App. ix yourselves ? michalen ng'oyut-bud-bedig yal(b) yesterday evening . . . . dilea-dilalen. pake? See also App. ii. He himself took your bucket away yesterday | evening : wai 61 dilda-dilalen ngia dakar youth, (s.) young person. See App. vii, iji-ikre. (8.) day before yesterday .... 2. early life . . . . ab-wara-yoma (da); tar-dilea. (adv.) .... tar-dilea-len. ab-wara-l'idal (da), signifying respectively yet, 1. (adv.) hitherto, as yet.... the state and period of adolescence. I ngaka. See Ex. at fatten. He has not encountered the Jarawas in my youth ; do yet returned : 61 figaka wijre yaba (da). d'ab-wara-l'idal-len jarawa jetire. 2. (conj.) nevertheless ... arek; abaarek. Although he is sick yet he is hunting : edaia ol abyedke, drek 6l deleke. zeal, (8.) . . . . i-rat (da) zealous, (adj.) .... i-ratnga (da). yolk of egg, (s.) .... mol'o-l'ot-cherama (da). zigzag, (s. & adj.) .... takya (da). a, idea, cut : a, cur : 4, casa : &, father : fathom : si, bite : au, house : au, rouse.

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Plate iv. INDIAN ANTIQUARY. Visitors from Port Blair to Communal Hut in Andaman Strait. (See p. 74.)

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INTERRUPT 185 ISLET ADDENDUM. interrupt, (v. t.).... tar-chiura (ke). , us something ner, we usually invent a name Ses blnder, question. (for it): changela goi in to -vate med? oko-jaranga ekan-lig-oyuke. Intertwine, See twine. invisible, (adj.) 1, concealed, as an ant Interview, (s.) .... ig-atoga (ca). After entering & hole .... ar-lotire. 2. inter weave, (v. t.). See weave. owing to some intervening object, as a hill Intestine, (s.) 1. the large . . . . ar-mal. or tree . . . . . iji-marere. wit (da). 2. intestines. See entralls. invite, (v. t.) .... ar-nger (ke). into, (postp.) .... koktar-len. iron, (s.) .... ela-ta (da); ele-ta (da); Intoxicated, (adj.). See drunk. tolbod-t& (da). See brass, metal. Intoxicating, (p. a.) heady.... tetanga irritable, (adj.) easily provoked .... iji-rel-talaginga (da). (da). irritato, (v. t.).... welap (ke). See Introduce, (v. t.). ...ik-iji-yap (ke). annoy. He introduced me to, his (own) parents: ol ekan maiol-chanol len d'ik-iji-ydbre. isidoe, (8.) bewa (da). See note at Gor gonidae. inundate, (v. t.) . . . . opla--totpi (ke). island, (s.) .... tot-boka (da). invent a name, (v. t.).... ekan-tigOyu (ke). When the natives of India bring islet, (s.) .... tot-kaicha (da). 1 The following items were unfortunately omitted in setting up the text at p. 76.

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Deno ting. Time. Place. APPENDIX I. PHILOLOGICAL HARP.(a) N.B.-All words which in their hull form have the suffix "da" are indicated in this and the following Appendices by a hyphen being substituted for the "da", 6.g., uoha-(this) for ucha (da). Near. * This ucha-; (intens.) ucha-wai Now (1) (2) (3) Here ka-wai. Hither kaich. Hence goi, goi la; dala. dc gan Hereabout karin-; kamin-; kam-; kare; kaartang - kach; uchik ; Thence karik; kurin-tek. Thither ka- That....ol (la) (intens.) koto-61. achitik; Then (4) (5) (6) Manner. Thus, in this way. kian-ari-; kichikanwai-. Remote. Number. This (or so) many kian- chaia-. There achumek. In that way. kato-Who. Which What achibaiya. When achinbaiya. Likeness. Like this ucha-Like that naikan; kichikan. kato)-naikan. Quantity. This (or so) much That much. Man-; kan-wai-. That many niga-. figa-tek. kato--ttan-. Where Thereabout... achum-; Whereabout uchumen-. Interrogative. ..mija-;mijola (8). Who. katik-. Whither kato-tek; Whenee.. ol (or kat-. How much. tencha-. michima-; michiba-. tain-. ka-chaia-. How many. michimaerya. ekara-How, by what means.... in As Kian-aba- what manner ... kichikaoha-; ba-k; ba-kichika-. Like what. .kich 'ika-. Which What Whatever tekaricha-. Whither Stekaricha-tek; michima-dr-tek. Whence -ate-; yate-(9) minate (or yate-) When, at the time that Then.... ngd .ona-. Whenever, at whatsoever At the same time, then time kian-er-abalik. kichikan. Wherever min-ya. There ol-bedig ya. Relative. tan tien. As much kichikan-tun-; As many kichik-. . Like which.... ka-aba-. ig-nurum-. min-len. Thither min-tek. Thence Correlative. ka-tan-, ka-tan.. That same So... Like the same So much ..ol-bedig. cha-. So many ach'aba-; kichikannaikan. uchu ol-bedigtek. tan Achtcha tan-. For examples of use see Dictionary. (a) This scheme is taken from Forbes's well-known Hindustani Grammar (p. 68). Notes.-(1) The present time. (2) the immediate past. (8) the immediate future. (4) specific time in the pait. (5). indefinite past. (6) specific time in the future. (7) indefinite future. (8) the latter honorific, (9) the latter preferably after a vowel, 156

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I DECEMBER, 1921] DICTIONARY OF THE SOUTH ANDAMAN LANGUAGE. APPENDIX II. VARIOUS FORMS OF THE PERSONAL AND POSSESSIVE PRONOUNS IN RELATION TO GENERAL AND SPECIFIC OBJECTS. Personal Pronouns with Examples of Use. In construction. | da1; da1 nga1: nyal al; al dolla ngolla Thou He, she, olla it. We You They moloichik ngoloichik oloichik dol nyol 612 mol' ngol' ol' Me Thee Him, her, it Us.. You Them 1 do dol(la)-len ngol(la)-len olla)-len moloichik-len ngoloichik-len oloichik-len njo dona njona ona meda3 or med' ngeda nged' eda ed' Ex.: Who is calling me?: mija d'arngere-ke? I dolla. He is coming: ol on-ke. We shot the pig meda reg taij-re. You struck me: nga dad abparek-re. He gave (it) to me: wai ona den are. We are all hungry: mol'arduru makat-garinga-. When are you (pl.) returning home?: tain nged wij ke? You are the only marksman in that village: ka baraij-len ng'unyib ijila-. den en Imperative:--do ; ngo ; o; mocho; ngocho; cho. Ex:--Let me sleep: do mamike; Sleep (thou): (ngo) mami-ke; Let him sleep: o mami-ke; Let us sleep: mecho mami-ke; Sleep (yo): ngocho mami-ke; Let them sleep: ocho mami-ke. ngen met et nget in construction d ny' al dad ngal ad mad ngad ad I am leaving you (sing.) behind; wai do ngai iji-ke. You abused us for nothing: ng'olkalya mad abtogo-re. m' ng' ed' 1 These are used in the past tense only, and even then only by purists. 3 Honorifically "maia" is substituted. See p. 69. a Is sometimes used for the 1st pers. sing. See Ex. at "I" (p. 74). 157 dai ngai ai mat ngat at Ex.:-To whom shall I give this pot?: do mija-len ucha buj man-ke? To me: dol(la)-len. He brought me a bow: o den karama toyu-re.

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158 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ DECEMBER, 1921 APPENDIX II.--contd. (6) temar Myself doyun dekan diji doto bata my ngekan ngiji ngoto Thyself Him (her or itself Ourselves e kan oto gayenbu iptbyutngo vutiyut mekan mijit moto Yourselves ngekan ngijit ngoto Themselves e kan ijit oto (a) Punga himself made this bucket : puing'oyun-temar scha dekar tane-re. That lad himself harpooned all these turtles: kai aka kadaka l'oyun-balam uch'arduru yadi dat-re. (b) See hurt (v.i.) and Ex. at self. (c) Never mind I they will take it away themselves to night: dchin-ddke ! wai ed'ijil gurug-ya ik-ke. (d) See Ex. at barter. Possessive Pronouns. Of these there are three classes, viz;--those employed in relation to (1) non-human and inanimate objects, (2) human objects and recognized terms of relationship (see App. VIII), and (3) certain organs or parts of the human or animal body, as well as what is incorporeal, viz : soul, spirit, ghost and the seat of the affections and passions. (b) (c) (d) dai al dab quai an ngao ai la ai (0) (0) (0) dardaki dij ngar ngaa ngu ar aki i (h) () () dong dol dito ngon ngot ngoto ong loo Thy (a) My dir- dia-; d' nga- mgia-; no His, her, ia- ia its ......'s (jia- (liaOur meta- metal ; m' Your ta letal; ng' Their Onta- ontat ......s' (1) onta- (1)ontat ai ()4 (1)a) kar (l)(ki (0);g khong (0)ot loto 'marat makal mitig moiot motot motot ingai ang njat ngarat ngakat ngitig ngoiot Ingolot ngotot ai la at arat akatitig oiot otot otot (tai |(a (1)at (1)arat (1)akal kritig (1)oiot (1)otot (1)otot * These are employed respectively with words indicating: - (d) body, back, spine, thigh, calf (of jeg), elbow, knee, rib, stoinach, bowels, liver, spleen, lap. (e) leg, hip, loin, bladder, abdomen, belly. () mouth, chin, lip, throat, palate, tongue, gullet, jaw-bone, saliva, breath. (9) shoulder, arm, breast, face, temple, cheek, nose, ear, eye, tear, gum, tooth. (h) hand, finger, thumb, wrist, knuokle, palm, sole, nail, foot, toe, heel, ankle, kidney. ) head, brain, occiput, soalp, neok, nape, chest, lung, bosom, soul, spirit, ghost, heart (a) the organ, and (b) the seat of the affections, oto. 6) waist only.

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DECEMBER, 1921) DICTIONARY OF THE SOUTH ANDAMAN LANGUAGE 159 APPENDIX II-contd. Examples of use: Class 1. My bow: dia kdrama-. Your hut: ngia bud-. Golat's canoe : golat l'ia roko-. Wologa's fish-arrow : wolog'ta tolbod-. Our turtie : meta yadi- Their sow: onta rogo- The pig's food : reg l'ia yat-. * Class 2. (a) My man: dia abdla-. My husband : d'ab-bula-. Our women : metat (a pail-. Your wife : ng'ab-pail-. Your father: ng'ab-maiola. Your grandfather: ngia maiola. My mother : d'ab-chanola. My grand-mother: dia chanola. Your uncle : ngia maia. My nephew: d'ar.ba- Your children (addressing mother): ng'at-wejila (see children). My infant son (either parent speaking): dia ota-. My son (over three years) (a) (father speaking): d'arodire. (b) (mother speaking) : d'ab-etire. Your younger brothers : ng'alatkam. Your step-sons : ngebet-adenire. My adopted son: d'ot-chalnga-. Golat's brother-in-law: golat l'ia mama. Wologa's daughter-in-law: wolog'ia otin. Their daughters (over 3 years of age): ontat bi (6) Your wife (one lately married) ngai (k-yate-. (c) Our husbands (married with in, say, three months): am ik-yote-. See App. VIII. Class 3. (d) My body: dab chau-. Your krees: ngat lo-. (e) His leg: ar chag-. Our hips : marat chorog-..(1) Thy mouth: ngaka bang.. Their jawbones : akat ekib (g) Thy face: ngig mugu-. Woi's teeth: woi l'itig tag-. (h) Wologa's foot; tologomo pag -. Our hands : moiot koro-. (6) Thy forehead: ngot mdgu- Their heads : Otof cheta- My father's spirit : d'ab-maiola l'ot chaugala. Your soul : ngol yolo-. Your heart (bosom, seat of the affections, etc.) : ngo! kdg-. Our hearts (the organ): molot kek-ta-bana-. 6) Thy waist : ngola kinab- Our women's waists : metat (-) pail l'olot kinab From the determinate use of possessive pronouns in Class 3 arises the custom of omitting the name of the part of the body referred to after a possessive pronoun, where it is more or less clear what it must be. This is especially the case when the word could refer to many parts of the human body, sufficiently distinguished by the form of the possessive pronoun, as pid-; pij-(hair), ed.; ej-(skin), td-bone), ti-(blood), gumar- (sweat), yflnya-(vein, muscle), notnga- (pulse), mon- (brain, marrow, pus). When any doubt is felt or precision is essential the full phrase is used. Examples of omissions :-(1) motot cheta pij. (the hair of our heads). This is contracted into motot rij. On reference to Class 3 (1) it is obvious that reference is made only to the head. (2) ngakat pai ej- (the skin of your lips) might be contracted into ngakat ej- unless it may happen to be necessary to avoid risk of chin being referred to. (3) dig gud td. (the bone of my arm). With the arm outstretched this might be contracted to dig ta- without risk of ambiguity. (4) ngar chag li- (the blood of thy leg) might be expressed by ngar ti-, and no doubt would arise if the limb had either been previously mentioned, pointed to or was bleeding at the time.

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100 My own; mine Thy own; thine His (her or its) own ......'s own APPENDIX II-contd. In the construction of certain compound words further examples are furnished of the same nature, e. g., kdrama-l'ot-chama-, upper nock of bow [lit. bow-its (head i. e.) upper-nack]; kdrama-l'ar-chama-, lower nock of bow [lit. bow-its (leg . e.) lower-nock]; wolo-l'ig-yod-, edge of adze [lit. adze-its (tooth)-edge]; yat-l'ig-jag-, fish's-gill [lit. fish-its (cheek)-slit, i. e. gill]. Our own; ours Your own, yours Their own, theirs ......s' own my thy his, her ......'s our your their ......8 On...... On...own account. account. d'ik ng'ik ik l'ik m'itik ng'itik itik l'itik dekan ngekan kan l'ekan mekan ngekan ekan l'ekan d'a ng'a a l'a m'a ng'a a THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY l'a doyun ngon n oyun l'oyun moyut ngoyut oyut l'oyut For......sake. d'al; d'en ngu; ngen ul; en l'ul; l'en ulat; et Ex.-My own bow: dekan karama-. With your (pl.) own hands: ngoyut koro-tek. This Jarawa's own hut: acha jarawa l'ekan chang-. The pigs' own feet: reg l'oyut pag-. l'ulat; l'et For.. needs. d'at ng'at at l'at m'atat atat Owing to action or intervention. l'atat dong song ngong ng [ DECEMBER, 1921 ong jig Tong-jg On...... In.....stead behalf. or place. d'ong-ka ngong ngong-teka ong 10 ha m'ulat; m'et m'oiot-jig mo m'oiot-teka ng'ulat; ng'et ng'atat ng'oiot-jig ng'oyu ng'oiot-tika diot-jig oyu l'oiv!-jig degu oyu l'oyu Tong-teka l'oyu diot-teka l'oiot-teka For examples of use, see (in Dictionary) make (compel), hunt, dance, give, gather, barter, owing to, instead and for.

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Plate Vi. INDIAN ANTIQUARY. Natives of Little Andaman with Canoe. (Note the distinctive tassel-like "apron" worn by the women of this tribe).

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DECEMBER, 1921 ) DICTIONARY OF THE SOUTH ANDAMAN LANGUAGE. 161 . APPENDIX III. LIST OF TERMS INDICATING ORDINAL NUMBERS. of two of three of four 1 of five of six o bi of any greater number in & 1st, as gase and 3rd oto-14. oto-1d- Too 16- oto-laoo-14 oto-la oto-laidt-blo-1 migu..challar-lo-3 ar-lo ar-olo- dr-tonautar-blo Imigu chalmagu-chdl-mugu-chalwwchallmiguchal loto-dla jdingatar-610 mugu-chal- oto-lir or tar-klo oto.yolo. tar-lo. oto-tirtar-lo- dokenga tar-blo- oto-air-tar-lo 4th - 5th 6th tar-blo Last but one Last Notes.-1. lit. "the last." 2. lit. "between." 3. lit. "the next." In referring to a row or line of animate or inanimate objects :The first......... Oko-Idp, second .....toko-yolo, next.........lar-jana>> middle one...mugu-chal,, last one......dr-to-kaparinga In respect to terms denoting Cardinal numbers the only specific ones are (ab-) uba-tulor (ab.) aba-doga- ("ab" is expressed for human objects only), one, and tk-por-, two. The latter word is also used to indicato a few." In order to express a greater number the terms employed are usually (a) for human objects :-dr-duru, several is also used to denote "many" and "all"); jeg-chau- (lit. "collected-body"), many (also "several " or "an desemblage "); jibaba-, 'very many and al-ubaba-, innumerable ; (b) for animals - dr-duru-, several, many and ol-ababa., innumerable; and (c) for inanimate objects:ar-duru-, Beveral, many ; jibaba., very many; and ubaba-, innumerable. In order to express a certain small number with exactness, as, say, nine, a man--and only the more intelligent are capable of this will proceed as follows :-tapping his nose with the tip of the little finger of either hand he will say " uba-tul-," then, with the next finger," ikpor.," after which, continuing to tap with each successive finger, he will utter " anka" ("and this ") until the forefinger of the second hand is employed, when both hands, with the second thumb clenched, are held up and the necessary number of digits oxposed to view, whereupon the word "dr-duru." (all) is pronounced.

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162 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. APPENDIX IV. LIST OF INTERJECTIONS, EXCLAMATIONS AND PHRASES. Ah!.... ai! Alas!.... wada!; kualeh! All right! (aye-aye! very well!).... o! (abbr. for ono); wai! At last!.... talik-l'edte (lit. year-last, implying a year's gone by ); a-we! Avaunt! (implying disgust)....jeng! Be off!.... uchik-wai-on! Be off at once! . . . . uchik (or katik)-wai reo! (see App. I). Beware! (take care!, look out!).... a, ucha! Bravo! (well done!).... kaka-tek!; tat! Bring it at once! . . . . kach-tk-reo' Come here!...... min-kaich! (Now) confess!.... jeg-o! Don't be in such a hurry!.... e-lebe! Don't dawdle! time flies! . . . ting-gujuba! el-adjawike! . Don't do so! (let it alone!).... arek-tohatek-dake! Don't fidget!.... ng'iji-ojolike-dake! Don't mention its name!.... aka-tar-gereke-dake! Don't move! (kcep still!).. ngaa rui Don't pull the long bow! (don't exaggerate !).... yaba (ng' or ') archike-dake! Get up! . . . . yu boi! Give (me)! (when begging,).... je! Go away!....uchik-wai-on! Good-bye!.... kam-wai-dol!. See Dictionary. Good gracious!... .... kualeh! Goodness knows! (who knows?).... uchin! Hark! . . . . a!; akan-dai! Here it is! (on findling something searched for). ... kam-da-kam! How big it is! (man speaking).... ai, pi-bi!; badi-ucha! 23 Ditto (woman )... wada, pi-bi! How small it is! (what a tiny !) (man speaking). Ditto How very big he is!.... ucha-ta-d'gaya! Ditto small he is!.. ucha-ta-ketia! [ DECEMBER, 1921 ai-chi-taih! (or chr-tai!) (woman ,, ).... wada-cha-taih! (or chu-tai!) How slow you are!.... badi-kai'a! Hullo!; hie!.... he! Hurrah!.... we-e!; ye-lo! Hush! (silence!). mila!; tu-bo!; um!; ah!

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DECEMBER, 1921] DICTIONARY OF THE SOUTH ANDAMAN LANGUAGE. APPENDIX IV-contd. I never did I (denial).... ka-ka! Indeed! (is that so?). .. an-aha!; an-wai! Is it possible? (indeed !). . . . ba-ocho!; an-aba!; an-wai ! It hurts... ty!; e-yi! It's getting late! . . . . ting-gujuba! It's lost! (I can't find it). . . . aka-talaba! It's nearly ready!.... kanya! It's no matter! (never mind!) . . . . achin-dake !; kichikan-alra-dake! Just so!.... kichikan aba! ngji-jolike.dk! Keep still! (don't fidget!) Ditto (don't move!).... ng'ad-n (ke)! * Leave off! (drop it !).... kichi-katikya! Let it be! (let it alone!)... drek-tobatek-dake! Look here!.... mina-ucha! Look sharp!.... kuro-(ngo)!; (ng')ar-yere! Look out! (keep your eyes open!)... wai-gelib! Mark my words! (pay attention to what I say). ... acha! May no snake bite you I . . . . jobo-la-ngong-chap-kok! Nonsense!.... cho!; tot !; by men only, .... pe-tek!, and, by women only.... gea-lek! Ditto (uttered incredulously)... Of course! (so it is!).... ana keta ! Of course it is!..... keta-wai-o! . Off! (as when starting a race).... porot! Oh! (as when startled). yi-no-no! Oh! (as in sudden pain). ... yih! Pay attention (to what is being said)!.... chat (B3) quick!. (ng') ar-yere !; ku-ro! (For) shame!.... tek botaba! (Now) shoot! (as in instructing another). ... olo-wai /; jeg! So it is! (you're quite right !).... ana-keta! Stop! (halt !).. . .. gogli!; kapi! Stop! (leave off!, cease!).... kichi-katikya! kak! Thank goodness!.... we-e!; ye-lo ! That's enough! . . . . kianwai-dake! That's nice! (of any agreeable odour)... pu-e! That's right!.... ka-beringa! There's lots of time! (no need for hurry). ... arla-aba-la! Time flies! (hurry up!).... el-adjawike! Try it on! (uttered defiantly). Tut! (nonsense!) ... cho! .... .. (ng') ar-ti-log-b1! 163

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164 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [ DECEMBER, 1921 APPENDIX IV-contd. (Get) up!.... o-boi! Wait a bit ! .... (wai.) tolaba ! Well done!.... tat ! ka ka-tek! What a big (pig)!.... badi-Acha (reg)! What a nuisance you are! .... Ladi (or ba-d'ig)-Idruma ba ! What a pity! .... widi! What a stench! .... badi-chunge! What do you mean? (what are you up to ?).... ba ngo minke?; michima-ngoke ? What do you mean (by such conduct)? .... ngo-elar-tornga-ta! What's the matter .... michimake?; michibake ? What's been the matter with you ?.... ba-nga-michibare? What's your name? .... ting-l'ar-eni! - (Pray) when did I do it ? (as when accused of some offence) .... tain-wan-o? Who knows? (goodness knows I).... Uchin! Why are you worrying me?.... ba-d'ig-darama-ba? . Woe is me! (cry of distracted mother or wife when bereaved) .... wada-16-18 / Wonderful! .. .. ba-di! You don't expect me to believe that l .... kak! You're as blind as a batl....ng'idal-ku-be ! You're very late! .... badi-tar-chebada ! You're wasting my time (you're hindering me)....do d'ong-ngdlake / lit. I'm hooking my feet (or hands). You fool! .... tat!

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Plate Vii. INDIAN ANTIQUARY. Fig. a. Showing the two descriptions of Canoes. (See p. 37). Fig. b. Types of Inmates of the "Home" at Port Blair. (cir. 1900).

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DEV DHA Deva-parvata-Same as Devagirl (Siva P., I, 58). Devapattana-Same as Prabhasa (Epigraphia Indica, vol. I, p. 271). According to Dr. Fleet, it is the ancient name of modern Verawal (Corp. Ins. Ind., vol. III, p. 91, Introduction). Devapura-Rajim on the confluence of the Mahanadi and the Pairi in the Raipur District, Central India : 24 miles south-east of the town of Raipur. It was visited by Ramachandra (called also Rajivalochana, whence the name Rajim) to save his brother Satrughna from death (Padma P., Patala, ch. 27, vs. 58, 59). The temple of Ramachandra contains an inscription of the eighth century A.D.' Devarashtra-The Maratha country : it was conquered by Samudra Gupta as about 340 A. D. Devika--1. The river Deva in Oudh. It is another name for the Saraju or Gogra (Bengal and Agra Guide and Gazetteer, 1811, vol. 11, pp. 120, 252, map). The southern portion of the Saraja is called Devika or Deva, whereas the northern portion is called Kalinadi after its junction with that river in Kumaun. But the Devika is mentioned as a distinct river between the Gomati (Gumti) and the Saraju (Kalika P., ch. 23). The junction of the Gandak. (Devika) Saraja, and the Ganges forms the Triveyt, where the fight between the crocodile and the elephant took place (Varaha P., ch. 144 and Mh., Adi P., ch. 29). "See Vidala-chhatra. The Saraju now joins the Gangos at Singhi near Chapra. 2. A river in the Punjab: it appears to be an affluent of the Ravi (Vamana P., chs. 81, 84: Mbh. Vang P., ch.82; Matsya P., ch. 113). This river flowed through the country of Sauvira (Agni P., ch. 200), which, according to Alberuni, was the country round Multan : see Sauvira. It has its source in the Mainaka (Sewalik) range (Kolika P., ch. 23. vs. 137, 138). It also flowed through the country of Madra (Vishnu-dhramotlara Purana, Pt. I, ph. 167. v. 15). Malasthana (Multan) was situated on the Devika (Skanda P.. Prabh&sa Kh., Prabhasa-Kshetra-Mahat., ch. 278). It has been identified with the river Deeg, a tributary of the Ravi on its right bank (Pargiter's Markandeya P., oh. 57, p. 292), and this identification appears to be confirmed by the Vamana P., ohs. 84, 89. Depikota--Same as Sonita pura. Devi-patana-Forty-six miles north-east of Gonda in Oudh: it is ono of the fifty-two Pithas where Sati's right arm is said to have fallen. Dhanakataka-Dharanikot in the Krishna or Guntur District in the Madras Presidency : it is one mile to the west of the small town of Amaravati (Amaraoti) and eighteen miles in a direct line to the west of Bejwada, on the south bank of the Krishtia (Cunningham's Geography of Ancient India, p.530). Fergusson identifice it with Bejwada (JRAS., 1880, p. 99), but this identification does not appear to be correct. Dhanakataka or Dharanikog is a place of considerable note from at least 200 B. c. It was the capital of that dynasty of kings who were the Andhrabhsityas of the Puranas and Satakarnis of the inscriptions and who were popularly known as the Satavahanas or its corruption Salivahanas (Hemachandra's Prakrita Grammar), which name, however, did not belong to any particular individual. The founder of this dynasty was Simuka called variously Sindhuka, Siguka and Sipraka, who ascended the throne in B. o. 73 after subverting the Kanva dynasty of the Puranas. Though the capital of the Andhrabhrityas was Dhanakataka, which is called Dhanakatcheka in the Cave Inscriptions, yet the younger princes of this dynasty often reigned at Paithan on the Goda vari, while the elder ones reigned at Dhanakataka. When the throne at the principal seat became vacant, the Pailhen

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DHA 56 DHA princes succeeded. Thus while Gautamiputra Satakarni, the most powerful monarch of the dynasty reigned at Dhanakataka from 133 to 154 A. D., his son Pulamayi reigned at Paithan from 130 to 154 A. D., and after his father's death at Dhanakataka for four years (see Kosala-Dakshina) Gautamiputra and Pulamayi overthrew the Saka king Nahapana or his successor who reigned at Jirnanagara and after that, they defeated the Saka king Jayadaman, son of Chashtana, who was at first a Kshatrapa and then a Mahakshatrapa and occupied Ujjayini, his capital (Dr. Bhandarkar's Early History of the Dekkan). It possessed a university which was established by Nagarjuna, the founder of the Mahayana school of Buddhism, in the first or second century A. D. (For Buddhist Universities, see Nalanda). Dhanakataka is a corruption of Sudhanya-kataka (see Havell's Ancient and Mediaeval Architecture of India, p. 140). Dhanapura Joharganj, twenty-four miles from Ghazipur. Dhanushkoti-tirtha-Same as Dhanu-tirtha. hanu-tirtha-On the eastern extremity of the island of Ramesvaram in the Palks' Strait, ten or twelve miles from the temple of Ramesvara. It was caused by Lakshmana piercing the water with his bow. It is called Dhanushkoti Tirtha in the Skanda Purana (Setubandha-khanca). Cape Kory of Ptolemy, where the island of Ramesvaram terminates; is the Sanskrit word Koti or Dhanub-koti meaning the tip or corner of a bow (see McCrindle's Ptolemy, p. 60). Its identification with the Paumben passage is not correct. Dhanyavatipura-Same as Dhanakataka. Dharagara-Dowlatabad in the Nizam's territory: the Tagara of the Greeks. It has been variously identified by various writers with Junir, Kulbarga, Kolhapur, and Dharur (in Nizam's territory). See Tagara. Dharanagara-Dhar in Malwa, the capital of Raja Bhoja. The Deogarh inscription shows that he flourished in the ninth century. For the history of Raja Bhoja and his ancestors, see Epigraphia Indica, vol. I, p. 222; Merutunga Acharyya's Prabandhachintamani; JASB., 1861, p. 194. In his court flourished Kalidasa, the author of the Nalodaya, Jayadeva, the author of the drama Prasanna Raghava and others (Bhoja prabandha). Dharmapattana-1. Sravasti, or the present village of Sahet-mahet: it was the capital of North-Kosala. (Trikandasesha). 2. Calicut (Sewell's Sketch of the Dynasties of Southern India, p. 57). Dharmaprishtha Same as Dharmaranya, four miles from Buddha-Gay &. Dharmapura-Dharampur, north of Nasik. Dharmaranya-1. Four miles from Buddha-Gaya in the district of Gaya. It is the Dharmaranya of the Buddhist records, visited by numerous pilgrims (List of Ancient Monuments in the Patna Division, p. 64; Garuda Purana, ch. 83; Mbh., Vana, ch. 84). A temple sacred to Dharmmesvara exists at this place. It contains the celebrated place of pilgrimage called Brahmasara (Mbh., Vana, ch. 84). 2. By some it is considered to have comprised portions of the districts of Balia and Ghazipur (Dr. Fuhrer's MAI., Padma P., Svarga, ch. 6 and Arch. S. Rep., vol. XXII). See Bhrigu-asrama. 3. Moharapura or ancient Moherakapura, fourteen miles to the north of Vindhyachala (town) in the district of Mirzapur. Three miles to the north of Moharapura is the place where Indra performed austerities after being cursed by Gautama Rishi, the husband of Ahalya [Skanda P., Brahma kh. (Dharmaranya kh.), 35-37]. 4. On the Himalaya, on the

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DHA 57 DRI southern bank of tho river Mandakini (Kurma P., ch. 14). 5. Kanva-Asrama near Kota in Rajputana was also called Dharmaranya (Mbh., Vana, ch. 82). See Kanva-Asrama. Dharmodaya-The river Damuda in Bengal. Dhavalagiri--The Dhauli hill in the sub-division of Khurda in Orissa, on which one of the Ediots of Asoka is inscribed. Dhavala or Dhavali is five miles from the Khanga-giri range which is situated four or five miles to the west of Bhuvanesvara, containing many caves of the Buddhist period. But it is difficult to ascertain how the name of Dhauli has been derived by some authorities from Dhavali. In the last ta blet of the Dhauli inscriptions, it is mentioned that "the Dubalahi tupha," or in other words, the stupes for the Durbala or weak, were founded for un disturbed meditation. Henco the name of Dhauli appears to have been derived from Durbala or Dubla monastery of that place. The hill, as it appears from the inscription, was situated in Tosals (see the first tablet of the inscription), and Tosala has been identified with "Tosalah. Kosalah" of the Brahmanda Purana (ch. 49 ) or simply Kosala of the Brihat Samhita (see Examination of the Inscription at Dhauli in Cuttack by J. Prinsep in the J ASB., 1838, pp. 448-452). The Girnar and Dhauli inscriptions of Asoka are identical in substance: in fact the Dhauli inscription is the duplicate of the Girnar insoription in language and alphabet (see JASB., 1838, pp. 158, 160, 219, 276-279). For the inscriptions on the Khandagiri hill, soe JASB., 1837, p. 1090. Dhundhra-Amer, the ancient capital of Jaipur. Kuvalkava, the great-grandfather of Nikumbha and one of the ancestors of Ramachandra of Ayodhya, killed the demon Dhundhu and was therefore called Dhundhumara : the whole country of Jaipur, especially Amer, was called Dhundhra after his name. It was included in Marudhanva (Mbh., Vana, chs. 201-203). Dhutapapa-). Dhopap on the Gumti, 18 miles south-east of Sultanpur in Oudh : see Dhondp in Pt. II ( Brahmanda P., ch. 49). 2. A tributary of the Ganges in Benares (Skanda P., Katt kh., uttara, ch. 59). Dipavati -The island of Divar on the north of the island of Goa, containing, at old Narvem on the bank of the Panchaganga, the temple of Mahadeva Sapta-Kotisvara established by the Sapta Rishis (Skanda P., Sahyadri kh.; Ind. Ant., III, 1874, p. 194). Dirgha-pura-Deeg, in the territory of Bharatpur. See Thornton's Gazetteer, 8. v. Deeg. Dramila-Most probably, it is the same as Damila (Hemchandra's Sthavirdvalicharita (Jacobi's ed.) XI, 285). But according to Dr. Fleet, Dramila was the Dravida country of the Pallavas on the east coast : Kanohi was its capital (Bom. Gaz., vol. I, pt. II, p. 281); Dravida-Same as Dravida. Dravida - Part of the Deccan from Madras to Seringa patam and Cape Comorin: the country south of the river Pennar or rather Tripati (JRAS., 1846 p. 15). Its capital was Kanobipura (Manu, ch. X, and Dasakumaracharita, ch. 6). It was also called Chola (Buhler's Intro to Vikrama i kadeva-charita, p. 27, note 7). At the time of the Mahabharata (Vana, 118) its northern boundary was the Godavari. Drishadvati-The Caggar (Ghagar) which flowed through Ambala and Sirhind, now lost in the sands of Rajputana (Elphinstone and Tod, JASB., VI, p. 181). General Cunningham has identified it with the river Rakshi which flows by the south-east of Thaneswar (Arch. S. Rep., vol. XIV). It formed the southern boundary of Kurukshetra (see Kurukshetra). The Dtishadvat has been identified with the modern Chitrang, Chautang, or Chitang, which runs parallel to the Sarasvati (Imperial Gazetteer of India, p. 36:

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DRO 58 DVA = Rapson's Ancient India, p. 51). This identification appears to be correct (JRAS., 1893, p. 58). The river flows through Phalaki-vana (Vamana P., oh. 36). Dronachala--The Doonagiri mountain in Kumaun (JASB., XVII, p. 617; Devi Purdna, ch. 39), see Karmachala. Dudh-gaga-The river Dauli in Garwal, a tributary of the Mandakini or Mandagni. Durddura-Same as Darddura (Markand. P., ch. 57). Durga-A tributary of the Sa barmati in Gujarat (Padma P., uttara, ch. 60; Brahmanda Pn ch. 49). Durjayalliga--Darjeeling, which contains a temple of the Mahadeva called Durjaya Linga. Darjiling is a corruption of Durjayalinga. But some derive the name from Dorjeling, a cave of the mystic thunderbolt or "Dorje" on Observatory Hill (Dr. Waddell's Among the Himalayas, p. 50). Durijay -Same as Manimatipuri (Mbh., Vana, ch, 96: Nilakantha's commentary). Durvasi-Asrama-1. The hermitage of Rishi Durvis& is pointed out on the highest peak of a hill called the Khalli Pahad (Khadi Paha! : Martin's Eastern India, vol. II, P. 167), a limestone rock which is worked for chalk. It is two miles to the north of Colgong (Kahalgaon or Kalahagrama from the pugnacious character of the Rishi) in the district of Bhagalpur and two miles to the south of Patharghata, the name of a spur of the Colgong range jutting into the Ganges, about twenty-five miles from Bhagalpar. The Patharghata hill (ancient Sile-saigama or properly speaking Bikramas Na Sangharama) contains seven rock-cut caves of a very ancient date with niches for the images of the deities, referred to by Hiuen Tsiang when he visited Champa in the seventh century. Figures of the Buduhist period are soattered in the court-yard of the temple of Batesvaranatha Mahadeva just by the side of one of the caves. A flight of stone steps leads from the Ganges to the temple on the hill (JASB., 1909, p. 10. See Colgong in pt. 11. 2. Durvasa's hermitage was also at Dubaur, in the hills, seven miles north-east of Rajauli, in the sub-division of Nowadah in the district of Gays (Grierson's Notes on the District of Gaya). Dvalpa yana-hrada-Same as Rama-brada. The lake was called Dvaipayana-hrada on account of an island in its middle: this island contained a sacred well called Chandraka pa which was visited by pilgrims from all parts of India at the time of the eclipse of the moon. Dvaita-vana-Deoband, about fifty miles to the north of Mirat in the Saharanpur district, United Provinces, 27 miles to the west of the east Kali-nadi and about 16 miles from Muzaffarnagar, where Yudhish thira retired with his brothers after the loss of his kingdom at the gaming table (Mahabharata, Vana, ch. 24; Calcutta Review, 1877, p. 78, note). Half a mile from the town is a small lake called Devi Kuqda, the banks of which are covered with temples, ghats and Sati monuments, much frequented by pilgrims (Imperial Gazetteer of India, vol. IV). Dvaita-vana is the birth-place of Jaimini, the founder of the Mimamsa school of philosophy. Dvarakel-Same as Dvarlkesvari, Dvarasamudra-Hullabid, the capital of Mysore in the twelfth century. Dvravati-1. Dwarka in Gujarat. Kpishna made it his capital after his flight from Mathura when he was harassed by Jarasindhu, king of Magadha. 2. Siam (Phayre). According to Dr. Takakusu, Dvaravati represents Ayuthya (or Ayudhya) the ancient capital of Siam (Introduction to Itsing's Record of the Buddhist Religion, p. 11). 3. Dorasamudra or modern Halebid in the Hassan cistrict of Mysoro : see Chora (Rice's Mysore and Coorg, II, 17, 18.)

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DVA GAB Dvarika-1. Dwarka in Gujarat. Same as Dvaravati. It is said to have been dos troyed by the ocean just after the ascent of Sri Krishna to heaven. It contains the temple of Nagesa, one of the twelve Great Lingas of Mahadeva (see Amaros vara). 2. The capital of Kamboja (Rhys Davids' Buddhist India, p. 28). Dvarikervari_The river Dalkisor near Bishsupur in Bengal, one of the branches of the Rupnarayana (K. ch.). Flaghakra-Dr. Fuhrer (MAI) has identified it with Chakarnagar, sixteen miles south-west of Itawah, (Mbh., Adi P., ch, 158). Its identification with Arrah by General Cunningham (Arch. 8. Rep., vol. III, 1871-72) is incorrect. Ekamrakapana-Bhuvanosvara on the river Gandhavati, twenty miles from Cuttack in Orissa (Brahma P., ch. 40). The building of the temple at Bhuvanesvara was commended by Yayati Kebari, the founder of the Kesari dynasty, who ascended the throne of Orissa after expelling the Yavanas or Buddhists in 473 A. D., and was completed about a century after by Lalatendu Kesari. Under the name of Kalinga-nagari, Bhuvanesvars was the capital of Orissa from the sixth century B. o. to the time of Yayati Kesari in the middle of the fifth century A. D. (Dr. R. Mitra's Antiquities of Orissa, vol. II, p. 62). Same as Harakshetra. It appears, however, that the place was covered with jungle before Yayati Kesari oommenced building the temples at Bhuvanesvara towards the close of his reign ; he died in 526 A. D. At the time of Lala fendu Kesari (623-677 A. D.), it again became the capital : it contained seven Sahis and forty-two streets. The temples of Bhuvanekvara (a Hari-hara image), Mukteb vara, Gauri and Parasurama. which still exist, contain much workmanship of great artistio value. The tank called Devi-pada-hara, having 108 small temples of Yoginis on all its sides, is said to have been the place where Bhagavatf crushed down the two demons Kirtti and Vasa with her feet (Bhuvanesvar Mahatmya). The Bindu Sarovara is the most sacred tank in Bhuvanesvara dug by the queen of Lalatendu Kesari. The ruins of the ancient palace of Yayati Kesart still exist by the side of the road leading from the Railway Station near the Ramesvara temple. Lalafondu Kesari is said to have erected a palace to the south of the temple of Bhuvanesvara (Dr. R. Mitra's Antiquities of Orissa, vol. II, p. 83; Stirling's Orissa in JASB., 1837, p. 756). Elapura-Elur or Ellora. The cave temple of Kailasa was constructed on the hills by Krishpa Raja of the Rashtrakufa dynasty of Badami, who reigned between 753 and 775 A.D. (Dr. Bhandarkar's Early History of the Dekkan). General Cunningham (Ancient Geography of India) identifies Elapura with Verawal in Gujarat, but this identification does not appear to be correct. Elapura is evidently a corruption of Ibalapura. See Ibalapura. Embolima (of the Greeks) The fort of Amb, near Balimah, sixty miles above Attook. opposite to Darbund on the Indus, conquered by Alexander the Great. Eranda palla -Khandes; it was oonquered by Samudra Gupta. Erandi-The river Upi of Or, a tributary of the Nerbuda in the Baroda State Padma P., Svarga (Adi), ch. 9 ] near the junction of which, Karnali is situated. The junction is a sacred place of pilgrimage, Gabidhumat-Kudarkote, twenty-four miles to the north-east of Itawah and thirty-six miles from Sankisa in the district of Furrakabad. It was governed by Hari Datta at the time of Sriharsha or siladitya II of Kanauj (Ep. Ind., vol. 1, p. 180).

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GAD GAN Gad hipura-Kanauj. It was the capital of Gadhi Raja, the father of the Rishi Visvamitra Gajasahvaya-nagara Same as Hastinapura (Bhagavata, ch. X, p. 68). Gajendra-moksha-1. Sonepur, at the confluence of the Ganges and the Gandak, where the fight took place between the elephant and the alligator (89e Visaja-ehhatra and Harihara-kshetra). 2. A place of pilgrimage on the bank of the Tamraparni, twenty miles to the west of Tinnevelly, visited by Chaitanya (Chaitanya-charitamrita, II, 9) The Vamana Purdna (ch. 84) places it at the Trikata mountain. Galaya-Aerams-1. The hermitage of Rishi G&lava, three miles from Jaipur ; 2. On the Chitrakuta mountain (Brihat-Siva P., I, ch. 83). Gallike-Same as Gandaki (Padma P., Uttara, chs. 44, 52). Gambhire The river Gambhira, a tributary of the river Sipra in Malwa, mentioned by Kalidasa in his Meghadata (I, 42). Ghoa-muktesvara-Gad-Muktesvara on the Ganges in the district of Mirat. It was a quarter of the ancient Hastinapura where Ganesa worshipped Mahadeva (Asia. Res., XIV, p. 457 (Wilford) ]. Gada-kshetra-See Biraja-kshotra. Gandaki-The river Gandak. It rises in the Sapta Gandaki or Dhavalagiri range of the Himalaya, which is the southern boundary of Central Tibet, the remote source being called Damodarakanda, and enters the plains at a spot called Triboni Ghat (see SaptaGandakt). The river is said to have been formed from the sweat of the cheeks (Ganda) of Vishur who performed austerities near its source and hence the river is called Gandaki (Paranz P., ch. 144). The source of the river is not far from Salagra ma, which was the hermitee of Bharata and Pulaha. The temple of Muktinatha (an image of Narayana) is on the south of SA lagrama. Hence the river is called the Salagrami and N&riyant (Vardha P.ch. 144). See Muktinatha. The river now joins the Ganges at Bonepur in the district of Muzaffarpur in Bihar where the oelebrated fair is held (see VINA]A chhatra Gajendramoksha, Hariharakshetra and Triveni. Gandhahasti-stupa-Bakraur on the Phalgu, opposite to Buddha-Gaya, visited by Hiuen Tsiang. Maltangi, which is a corruption of Matanga Linga appertained formerly to Gandha-hasti stupa (Matanga meaning an elephant). This Buddhist place of pilgrimage has now been appropriated by the Hindus under the name of Mataiga-asrama and it now contains a linga of the Mahadeva called Matangesa and a tank called Matanga-vapi. See Gayt. Gandhamadana-A part of the Rudra Himalaya, and according to Hindu geographers, it is a part of the Kailasa range (Vikramorvasi, Act IV). It is on the southern side of the Kailasa mountain (Kalikd P., ch. 82). At the plantain forest of this mountain, Hanumana resided. BadarikAbrama is situated on this mountain (Vardha P., ch. 48 and Moh.. Vans P., ohs. 145, 157; Santi P., ch. 335). The portion of the mountains of Garwal through which the Alakananda flows is called Gandhamadana (Markandeya Purdna, ch. 57; Skanda P., Vishpu Kh., III, 6), Gandhamadana is also said to be watered by the Mandakini (Vikramorvasi, Act IV). A fragment of this mountain, said to have been brought by Hanumana, is pointed out near Ramesvaram in Southern India. Gandhra-The country of Gandhara lies along the Kabul river between the Khoaspes (Kanar) and the Indus, comprising the distriots of Peshawar and Rawalpindi in the Borthern Punjab. Its capitals were Purushapura now called Peshawar, and Takshasila

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GAN GAN the Taxila of Alexander's historians. Ptolemy makes the Indus the western boundary of Gandari. In the Behistun inscription which was inscribed by the order of Darius, king of Persia, in 516 B. C., in the fifth year of his reign, Gadara or Gandhara is mentioned among the conquered countries of Darius (for a copy of the Inscription, see Rawlinson's Herodotus vol. III, p. 590). The Gandarians and the Dadicae were united under one commander in the army of Xerxes (Herodotus, VII, 6). It is the Kiantolo of Hiuen Tsiang, the Kundara Gandhride of Strabo and other ancient Greek geographers. In the Ain-i. Akbari, it forms the district of Pukely, lying between Kasmir and Attock [JASB., vol. XV (1846)]. Gandhara not only comprised the modern districts of Peshawar and Rawal. pindi, but also Swat and Hoti Murdan or what is called the Eusofzai country, that is the country between the Indus and the Panjkora, where at Ranigat, Sanghao and Nuttu, discoveries were made of excellent Buddhist architecture and sculptures of the time of Kanishka, i.e., of the first century of the Christian era, through the labours of Major Cole (Memorandum of Ancient Monuments of Eusafzai). Ancient sculptures have also been discovered at Jamal Giri in the Eusafzai Pargana of the Peshawar district, Jamal Giri being thirty miles distant from Peshawar (JASB., (1852) p. 606). The Eusofzal country is bounded on the north by Chitral and Yasin, on the west by Bejawar and the Swat river, on the east by the Indus, and on the south by the Kabul river (Arch. S. Rep., vol. V). Pushkaravati or Pushkalavati (Pukely) was its most ancient capital, which the Ramayana placed in Gandharva-desa. The Katha-sarit-sagara (ch. XXXVII) calls Pushkaravat ithe capital of the Vidyadharas. Gandhara of the Mahabharata and of the Buddhist period, therefore, is the corruption of Gandharva-desa of Valmiki (Ramayana, Uttara kh., chs. 113 and 114). Major Cole says that the Corinthean style of architecture reproduces itself all over Eusofzai, the Doric in Kasmir, and the Ionic at Taxila or Shahderi between Attock and Rawalpindi (Second Report of the Curator of Ancient Monuments in India for 1882-83, p. cxvi). Asoka sent here a Buddhist missionary named Majjhantika in 245 B.C., (Mahavamsa, ch. XII). Gandhara was included in the kingdom of Chandra Gupta and Asoka, and it seems that Agathocles conquered the country and expelled the Mauryas. According to Col. Rawlinson, the Gandarians of the Indus seem to have first emigrated to Kandahar in the fifth century A. D. (Herodotus, vol. I, p. 675, note). Gandharva-desa --Gandhara, which is evidently a corruption of Gandharva-deka (see Gandh&ra) Gandhavati-A small branch of the Sipra, on which the temple of Mahakala in Ujjain is situated (Meghaduta, pt. I, v. 34). Gauge --The Ganges (Rig Veda, X, 75; Aitareya Brahmana, VIII, 14, 4). The course of the Ganges is described with some detail in the Brihat-Dharmma P., (Madhya kh., ch. 22). The main stream of the river originally passed southwards, after leaving Jahnu-israma at Sultanganj, through the chapnel of the Bhagirathi which with the Jellinghi forms the river Hugli from Shibganj above Boalia. There are six Jahnus which are allegorical representations of changes in the course of the Ganges: 1st, at Bhairavghati below Gango. tri at the junction of the Bhagirathi and Jahnavi (Fraser's Himalaya Mountains, p. 476; Ram. I. 43); 2nd, at Kanyakubja or Kanaaj (Vishnu-dharmottara P., I, ch. 28); 3rd, at Jahngira in Sultanganj on the west of Bhagalpur (Arch. S. Rep. XV, p. 20,Brihad-dharma P. Purva kh., ch. 6; JASB., XXXIII, 360); 4th, at Shibganj above Rampur-Boalia ; 5th, at Gour near Malda (Martin's Eastern India) III, 81; Hamilton's East India Gazetteer, s. v. Gour ; 6th, at Jannagar (Brahmanitala) 4 miles to the west of Nadia. (Navadvipa-Parikrama; Chunder's Travels of a Hindu, vol. I): see my pamphlet entitled Early Course of the Ganges forming chapter VIII in Major Hirst's Report on the Nadia

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GAN 62 GAN Rivers, 1915, ch. viii. The Ganges after flowing past Triveni, Chagda, Guria, Baruipur, Rajganj and Diamond Harbour through Adi gaiga or Tolly's Nala falls into the Sea near Sagar Island ( Rev. J. Long's Banks of the Bhagirathi in Calcutla Revier. vi. (1846); p. 403; Cotton's Calcutta : Old and New).. See Kausiki. Gauga-t is the name of the country of Radha as well as of its capital Saptagrama which is called Gange by Ptolemy and the "Port of the Ganges" in the Periplus of the Erythraean Sea in the province of Bengal. Gange is mentioned in Ptolemy as the capital of the Gangaerides who were evidently the people of Radha which was situated on the western side of the Ganges (see McCrindle's Ptolemy and his Commerce and Navigation of the Erythraean Sea, p. 146). Ganga as & country is mentioned in the Karhad Plate Inscription of Krishna III (see Epigraphia Indica, vol. IV, p. 278) and also in the Harihara and Belur inscriptions (Rice's Mysore Inscriptions, pp 70, 222). In the first mentioned inscription, Ganga is placed between Kalinga and Magadha. Mr. Schoff in his notes on the Periplus of the Erythraean Sea, p. 255, says," the name (Ganges) is applied in the same paragraph to district, river, and town" and according to bim, by the district is meant Bengal. But considering the situation of the town Ganga, the district must mean Ralha, as Saptagrama (the town Ganga), in the first and second centuries of the Christian era was the chief town of Radha and not of the whole Bengal, (JASB., 1910, p. 599). See Radha. Perhaps Gaiga was the Gaigayani of the later Vedie period. of which the king was Chitra (Kaushitaki upanishad, I, 1). The Ganga dynasty ruled over the south of Mysore (see Talakada) and Coorg, with Salem, Coimbatore, the Nilgiri and parts of Malabar from the second to the ninth century A. D.: Coimbatore and Salem were called tho Kongu country (Rice's Mysore Inscriptions, Nos. 151-157 and pp. 70, 222, 262). A branch of the family ruled over Orissa (Ibid., Intro., XLVII) who evidently conquered Radha or the present districts of Hugli, Midnapore, &c., and from them, i.e., the Ganga dynasty, as well as from its situation on the western bank of the Ganges, it was called Gaiga. Choragauga killed the Mandara king on the bank of the Ganges after his conquest of Utkala, and Mandara has been identified by some with Sumba or Raha (JASB., 1895, p. 139, note; 1896, p. 241). Hence there can be no doubt that Radba was ruled over by the Ganga kings of Orissa in the 12th century. Ganga was perhaps the country of Ganga or Gangya of the Kaushitaki Upanishad (1, 1), of which the king was Chitra, who was called Gangyayani being the son of Gangya (variant Gaiga), i.e., king of Gangya or Garga. Gaigadvara-Haridvar (see Mayapuri). Gaigasagara --Same as Sagarasa gama (Mbh., Vana, ch. 113). Gangotri- A spot in the Rudr Himalaya in Garwal, supposed by the ancient Hindus to have been the source of the Ganges, though it has been traced further north by Captain Hodgson (Asia. Res., vol. XIV). There is a temple of Gangii Devi. One kos from Gangotri and two kos from Meani-ki-Gad there is a spot called Patangiri, which is said to be the place where the five Pandavas remained for twelve years worshipping Mahadeva, and where perhaps Draupadi and four of the Pandavas died Woh.. Mahaprasthanika P.. ch. 2). After that Yudhishthia left this place and ascended Svargarohini, a peak of the sacred hill whence the Ganges flows. The Rudra Himalaya has five principal peaks called Rudra Himalaya (the eastern peak), Burrampuri, Bissenpuri, Udgurrikanta and Svargarohini (the western and nearest peak). These form a sort of semi-circular hollow of very considerable extent filled with eternal snow, from the gradual dissolution of the lower parts of which the principal part of the stream is generated (Fraser's Tour through the Himalaya Mountains, pp. 466, 470, 471; Martin's Indian Empire, vol. II, pp. 11, 21). See Sumeru-parvata.

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GAR 63 GAU Garga-asrama-1. Gagason, the reputed site of the hermitage of Rishi Garga, situated in the Rai Bareli district, opposite to Asni, across the Ganges. 2. The Lodh Moona forest in Kumaon is also said to be the hermitage of the Rishi: the river Gugas rises in this forest and falls into the Dhauli. See Karmachala (JASB., XVII, p. 617). Garjapura-Ghazipur (according to General Cunningham, Anc. Geo.). This part of the country was visited by Fa Hian in the fifth century. General Cunningham infers the ancient name of Garjapura (which is not found in any ancient work) from the modern name Ghazipur and hence his identification is faulty. It formed a part of the ancient Dharmaranya (Fuhrer MAI.). See Dharmaranya and Ghazipur in Pt. II, of this work. Gauda-1. The whole of Bengal was denominated Eastern Gauda from its capital of the same name, the ruins of which lie near Malda at a distance of about ten miles (see Lakshmanavati). It was situated on the left bank of the Ganges which has now receded from it four and half miles, and in some places twelve miles. It was the capital of Deva Pala, Mahendra Pala, Adisura, Ballala Sena, and the Muhammadan rulers from 1204 upto about the close of the sixteenth century. It is said to have been founded in A. D. 648 when Bengal became independent of the Magadha kingdom, the former capital of Bengal being Pundravarddhana. James Prinsep supposes that Gauda was founded in 1066 (JASB., vol. V), but it is mentioned by Bana in the Harshacharita. For further particulars, see Gour in Pt. II. All the country south of Anga to the sea was called Gauda (The Literary Remains of Dr. Bhau Daji). 2. Uttara Kosala the capital of which was Sravasti, was also called Gauda or Northern Gaula (Karma P., Pt. I, ch 20; Linga P Pt. I, ch. 65). Gonda, a sub-division of Uttara Kosala, forty-two miles south of Sra vasti, is a corruption of Gauda (according to General Cunningham, Anc. Geo,. p. 408). The tradition respecting the famous tooth-brush trees (danta-dhavana) of Buddha still exists at Gonda (Fahrer's MAI.). Gauda may also be a corruption of Gonardda. See Gonardda. 3. Gond wana was the Western Gau a. 4. The Southern Gau a was the bank of the Kaveri (Padma P., Patala, ch. 28). Gauda-parvata The Gangotri mountain, at the foot of which Bindusara (q. v.) is situated (Matsya P., I, ch. 121). Gauri-The river Panjkora (the Gouraios or Guraeus of the Greeks) which unites with the river Swat to form the Landoi, an affluent of the Kabul river [Mbh., Bk. VI; Alexander's Exploits on the Western Banks of the Indus, by M. A. Court in JASB. (1839), p. 807; and McCrindle's Invasion of India, p. 66]. The Panjkora rising in Gilghit, flows between the Khonar (Choes of Arrian, called also Khameh) and the Swat [JASB. (1839), p. 306]. Panjkora is evidently a corruption of Pauchagauda from the name of a town of that name situated on the bank of this river [JASB. (1852), p. 215]. See Panchakarpata. Gaurikunda-1. A holy place at a very short distance below Gangotri, where the Kedar-Ganga debouches into the Bhagirathi (Fraser's Himala Mountains, p. 466). Below Gaurikunda, there is a small temple dedicated to the goddess Ganga. The temple is situated precisely on the sacred stone on which Bhagiratha performed asceticism to bring down the goddess (Ibid., p. 468). 2. A sacred lake on the Kailasa mountain, which is the source of rivers Sindhu and Saraju (Ramananda Bharati's Himaranya). 3. There is another sacred pool known by the name of Gaurikunda which is one day's journey from Kedarnath (Fraser's Himala Mountains, p. 301), or about eight miles to the south of the latter, containing a spring of hot water. 4. A hot spring on the bank of the Kali-ganga on the boundary of Nepal and the British district of Almora.

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GAU GAY Gauri-saikara-Mount Everest in Nepal according to Schlagintweit, but locally it is not known by that name (Dr. Waddell, Among the Himalayas, p. 37). Captain Wood's measurement has proved that Gauri-Sankara of the Nepalese cannot be Mount Everest (Dr. Waddell's Lhasa and its Mysteries, p. 76). Gauri-sikhara-Same as Gaurt-sankara (Varaha P., ch. 215). Gautama-asrama-1. Ahalyasthana in the village of Ahiari, pargana Jarail, twenty-four miles to the south-west of Janakpur in Tirhut. 2. Godna (Godana) near Revelganj, six miles west of Chhapra on the Saraju; the Ganges once flowed by the side of this village. The Gautama-asrama at Godna, which is said to have been the hermitage of Rishi Gautama, the author of the Nyaya-darsana, derived its name, however, according to Dr. Hoey from the fact that at this place Gautama (Buddha) crossed over the Ganges after leaving Pataliputra by the gate which was afterwards called the Gautama gate (JASB., vol. LXIX (1900), pp. 77, 78--Dr. Hoey's Identification of Kusinara Vaisali &c.]. But Patna is four miles to the south-east of Godna; hence it is not probable that Buddha crossed over the river at this place. 3. Ahiroli near Buxar (Brihat-Naradiya Purana, ch. IX). 4. Tryambaka near the source of the river Goda - vari (Siva P., Bk. I, ch. 54). The Ramayana, however, places the hermitage of Rishi Gautama near Janakpur. Gautamt-1. The river Godavari (Siva P., Bk. I, ch. 54). 2. The northern branch of the Godavari is also called Gautami (Ep. Ind., vol. III, p. 60). It is called Gautami-ga iga and Nanda in the Brahma P., ch. 77. Gautami-gauge-Same as Gautami. Gaya-It is situated between the Rambila hill on the north and the Brahmayoni hill on the south, on the bank of the river Phalgu. The town comprises the modern town of Shahebganj on the northern side and the ancient town of Gaya on the southern side. In the southern portion of the town, called Chakrabeda in the Chaitanya-Bhagavata (ch.12) is situated the celebrated temple of Vishoupada, which was erected some two hundred years ago by Ahalyabai, the daughter-in-law of Mulhar Rao Holkar of Indore, on the site of a more ancient temple: the Vishnupada had been set up prior to Fa Hian's visit. The temple of Mangala Gauri, one of the fifty-two Pithas, where Sati's breast is said to have fallen, is situated on & spur of the Brahmayoni range called the Bhasnath (DeviBhagavata, Pt. VII, chs. 30 and 38). For the sacred places in Gaya, see Vayu Purana, II, chs. 105 ff. which form the Gaya-mahatmya. Buddha Gaya (see Uravilva) is six miles to the south of Gaya. The Barabar hills contain four caves dedicated by Asoka to the Ajivakas, a sect which followed the doctrine of Makhaliputta Gosala, and the three caves on the Nagarjuni hills were dedicated by Asoka's grandson Dasaratha to the same sect: for Dasaratha's and other inscriptions in the Nagarjuni hill, see JASB., 1837, pp. 676680. Gaya was one of the first places which received the doctrine of Buddha during the lifetime of the saint, and became the head-quarters of his religion. But it appears that it passed from the Buddhists to the Hindus between the second and fourth centuries of the Christian era, and in 404 A.D., Fa Hian found that "all within the city was desolate and desert "; and when Hiuen Tsiang visited it in 637 A. D., he found it to be a thriving Hindu town well defended, difficult of access, and occupied by a thousand families of Brahmanas, all descendants of a single Rishi", who were evidently the "Gayalis." The story of Gayasuraof the Vayu Purana, according to Dr. R. L. Mitra (Buddha-Gayd, p.17), is an allegorical representation of the expulsion of Buddhism from Gaya, which was the

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GAY 65 GIR head-quarters of the Buddhist faith. From Vishnupada, Dharmaranya, including Matanga-vApi, now called Maltangi, is six miles, Brahmasara one mile south-west, Godalola one mile south near Maraypur, and Uttara-Manasa one mile north. Dakshina-Manasa is near Devaghat (Mbh., Vana, ch. 84; Agni P., ch. 115). The temple of Jagannatha at Umanganagar (Umga), and those of Suryya at Deo (Deota Suryya) and Kach near Tikari in the district of Gaya are old, containing inscriptions (JA8B., 1847, pp. 656, 1220). For further particulars, see Gaya in Pt. II. Gayanabhi.-Jajpur in Orissa. Gayasura, a demon overthrown by Vishnu, was of such a bulky stature that when stretched on the ground his head rested at Gaya, his navel at Jajpur and his feet at a place called Pithapur, forty miles from Rajmahendri. A well or natural fountain at Jajpur is pointed out as the centre of the navel (Stirling's Orissa). Gayapada.-Pithapur, forty miles from Rajmahendri where Gayasura's feet rested when he was overthrown by Vishnu. Gayasirsha.-1. Gaya. 2. The mount Gayasirsha, called Gayagisa in the Buddhist annals, is according to General Cunningham the Brahmayoni hill in Gaya, where Buddha preached his burning " sermon called the Aditya paryyaya-Satra (Mahavagga. I, 21). Gayasirsha is properly a low spur of the Brahmayoni hill, about a mile in area, forming the site of the old town of Gaya (R. L. Mitra's Buddha Gayd ; and Mahavagga. Pt. 1, ch. 22). It is mentioned as a place of pilgrimage in the Agni Purana (ch. 219, v. 64) along with other places of pilgrimage at Gaya. Gay&sisa. --See Gayagirsha. Gebamura.-Gahmar (E. I. Railway) in the district of Ghazipur. It was the abode of Mura, a daitya, who was killed by Krishna (Fuhrer's MAI., and Arch. 8. Rep., Vol. XXII, p. 88). The scene of the battle is placed at Sveta-dvipa (Vamana P., cha. 60, 61). Gharapuri-The island of Elephanta, six miles from Bombay; it is also called Puri (Fergusson's Cave Temples of India, p. 465). It was a celebrated place of pilgrimage from the third to the tenth century A. D. Gharghara-The river Ghagra or Gogra, which rises in Kumoan and joins the the Saraju (Padma P., Bhumi kh., ch. 24; Asia. Res., XIV, 411). Giri.--- 1. A river which rises in the Chur mountains of the Himalayas and falls into the Jamuna at Rajghat (JASB., Vol. XI, 1842, p. 364). It is mentioned in the Pureqas, and Kalidasa's Vikramorvasi, Act, IV. 2. The river Landai on which Pushkalavata-(q. v.) is situated (Ava. Kalp., ch. 32). Girlkarnika-The river Sabarmati in Gujarat (Padma P., Uttara, ch. 52). Girinagara-Girnar, one of the hills known by the name of Junagar at a small distance from the town of Junagar, sacred to the Jainas as containing the temples of Neminath and Paragvanath (Tawney: Prabandhachintamani, p. 201). The name of Girinagara is mentioned in the Brihat Samhita (XIV, 11), and in the Rudradamana inscription of Girnar (Ind. Ant. VII., (1878), p. 257); for a description of the hill and the temples, 300 JASB., (1838) pp. 334, 879-882. It was the hermitage of Rishi Dattatreya. In one of the edicts of Asoka inscribed on the rocks of Junagar are found the names of five Greek (Yona or Yayana) kings: "Antiyoko" or Antiochus (Theos of Syria), & Tursmaya" or Ptolemy (Philadelphus of Egypt), "Antikini" or Antigonus (Gonatus of Macedon), "Maka" or Magas (of Oyrene), and "Alikasudara" or Alexander (II of Epirus). Girnar is situated in Bastrapatha-kshetra. The Prabhasa Khanda (Bestra. patha-mahatmya, chs. I, XI) of the Skanda Purd na gives an account of its sanctity.

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GIR 66 GIR The river Palasini, known as Svarnarekha flows by the foot of the hill. Arish tanemi or Neminatha, the twenty-second Tirthaikara of the Jainas, was worshipped by the Digambara sect: he was born at Sauryapura or Sauripura or Mathura and is said to be a contemporary and cousin of Ktishna, being the son of Rajimati, the daughter of Ugrasena. He died at Girnar at a very old age and his symbol was the Sankha or Conch-shell (Uttaradhyd yana in SBE, XLV, p. 112). He was the guru or spiritual guide of king Dattatreya, who was his first convert (Antiquities of Kathiawad and Kachh, p. 175; Brihat-Samhita, ch. 14). Junagar itself was called Girinagara : this name was subsequently transferred to the mountain (Corp. Ins. Ind , III, 57). It was the capital of the Scythian viceroy (Kshatrapa), who early in the second century A, D., became independent of the Saka king of Sakastana or Sistan, which means "the land of Sse" or Sakas (Dr. Rhys Davids' Buddhist India). The Girnar or Junagar or Rudra Daman inscription contains an account of Rudra Daman's ancestors (JASB., 1883, p. 340). The names of Maurya Chandragupta and his grandson Asoka occur in this inscription (for a transcript of the inscription, sue Ind. Ant., VII, p. 260). The mount Girnar contains a foot-print known as Gurudatta-chara na which is said to have been left there by Ktishoa. It was visited by Chaitanya [Govinda Das's Kadcha (Diary) ). It was also called Raivataka mountain. It is described in the Ssiupalavadha (C.IV). Girivrajapura-1. Rajgir in Bihar, the ancient capital of Magadha at the time of the Mahabharata (Sabha, ch. 21), where Jarasindhu and his descendants resided. The name of Girivraja is very rarely used in Buddhist works (SBE, X, 67): it was generally called Rajagriha. It is sixty-two miles from Patna and fourteen miles south of Bihar (town). It was founded by. Raja Vagu and was therefore called Vasumati (Ramayana, Adi, ch. 32). It is surrounded by five hills called in the Mahabharata (Sabha. ch. 21) Baih ara, Baraha, Brishabha, Rishi-giri, and Chaityaka, but they are now called Baibhara-giri, Bipula-giri, Ratnakuta, Girivraja-giri, and Ratnachala. In the Pali books, the five hills are called Gijjhakuta, Isigili, Vebhera, Vepulla, and Pandava. Baihara has been identified by General Cunningham with Baibhara-giri, the Vebhira mountain of the Pali annals ; Rishi-giri with Ratnakata (also called Ratnagiri), the Pandava mountain of the Pali annals ; Chaityaka with Bipula-giri--the Vepulla mountain of the Pali annals; and Baraha with Giribraja-giri. A part of this hill is called Gijjhakuta; hence Brishabha may be identified with Ratnachala. Girivra ja-giri includes the Udaya-giri and Sona-giri. Udayagiri joins Ratnagiri at its south-eastern corner and Sona-giri is between Udaya-giri and Girivraja-giri. Girivrajapura is the Kusumapura or Rajagliha of the Buddhist period. It is bounded on the north by Baibhara-giri and Bipula-giri (the former on the western side and the latter on the eastern side) ; on the east by Bipula-giri, and Ratnagiri or Ratnakuta ; on the west by a portion of the Baibhara-giri called Chakra and Ratnachala : and on the south by Udaya-giri, Sona-giri, and Girivraja-giri. Girvra ja-pura had four gates: first, between Baibhara-giri and Bipula-giri on the northern side, called the Surya-dvara (sun-gate); it was protected by Jara Rakshasi ; second, between Girivra ja-giri and Ratnachala called the Gaja-dvara (elephant-gate); third, between Ratnagiri (or Ratnakuta ) and Uduya-giri; fourth, between Ratnachala and Chakra, a portion of the Baibhara hill. The river Sarasvati flows through the hill-begirt city and passes out by the side of the northern gate. The river Ban-ganga is on the south of bharat Lepublic and promo

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GIR 67 GIR Rajgir. At the time of the Ramayana (see Adi, ch. 32) the river Sone flowed through the town. Jarasindhu's palace was situated on the western side of the valley in the space between Baibhara-giri and Ratnachala. The Rangbhum or the wrestling ground of Jarasindhu is at the foot of the Baibhara hill, a mile to the west of the Sonbhaoaar cave. Bhima Sen's Ukhara or the Malla-bhumi at the foot of the Sona-giri, close to a low ledge of laterite forming a terraco, is pointed out as the place where Bhima and Jarasindhu wrestled and the latter was killed after a fight of thirteen days. The indentations and cavities peculiar to such formations are supposed to be the marks left by the wrestlers. Southwards towards Udaya-giri, the road is formed by the bare rock in which occur many short inscriptions in the shell pattern (JASB., (1847) p. 559]. Traditionally the princes were confined by Jarasindhu at the foot of the Sona-giri. Six miles from Rajgir is situated the Giriyak hill containing the celebrated tower called Jarasindhu-ka-Baithak formerly called the Hamsa stopa (see Indrasila-guha). The Panchana river flows by the side of this hill. Bhima, Arjuna, and Krishna crossed the Panchana river and entered Jarasindhu's town in disguise by scaling the Giriyak hill, a spur of the Bipula or Chaityaka range (Imperial Gazetteer of India, Vol. V, p. 85). There is, however, a pair of foot-prints within a small temple on the slope of the Baibhara hill on its northern side which are pointed out as the foot-prints of Ktishna, and are said to have been left by him when he entered Rajgir. They reconnoitred the town from Goratha hill, which is now called the Bathani-ka-Pahad, appearing from a distance to have three peaks, five or six miles to the west of Rajgir and north of Sandol Pahad, a hill larger than the Bathani hill (Mbh., Sabha P., ch. 20). At the foot of the Baibhara hill on the north and at a short distance from the northern gate, there are seven Kundas or hot springs called Vyasa, Markanda, Sapta-Rishi or Saptadhara, Brahma, Kasyapa-fishi, Ganga-Jamuna, and Ananta. At a short distance to the east of these Kundas, there are five hot springs called Surya, Chandrama, Ganesa, Rama and Sita. To the east of this latter group of Kundas is a hot-spring called Sringi-rishi-kunda now called Makhdum-kunda after the name of a Muhammadan saint Makhdum Shah, called also Sharfuddin Ahmad, at the foot of the Bipula hill on its northern side. Close to the side of this spring is Makhdum Shah's Chilwa or a small cavern for worship. Just over the entrance to the Chilwa, there is a huge slanting rock said to have been rolled down by two brothers Raol and Latta to kill the saint, but it was arrested in its course by his look. This story is evidently & replica of the Buddhist account about Davadatta hurling at Buddha a block of stone which was arrested in its course by two other blocks. There are the temple of Jara Devi near the northern gate and Jaina temples of Mahavira, Parasnatha, and other Tirthaukaras on the Baibhara, Bipula, Udaya, and Sona-giri hills. Buddha resided in a cave of Pandava-giri (which is called Ratna-giri on the eastern side of the town) when he first came to Rajagriha (Sutta-nipata, Pab bajjagutta' SBR., vol. X: JASB. (1838), p., 810). Here he became the disciple of Arada first and then of Rudraka; but dissatisfied with their teachings, he left Rajagriha (Asvaghosha's Buddha-charita). While he was residing in & cave called Kcishnasila on the eastern side of Pandava-giri, he was visited by king Bimbisara (Mahdvagga, 'Pabbajjasutta', 12; and Lalita-vistara, ch. 16). The Sonabhandar cave on the southern face of the Baibhara hill within the valley or the ancient town of Rajagriha incorrectly identified by General Cunningham with the Saptapar i cave where the first

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GIR 68 GIR Buddhist synod was held) ( Arch. S. Rep., vol. III; Fergusson's Cave Temples of India, p. 49) has been identified by Mr. Beglar with the "Stone Cavern" of Fa Hian, where Buddha used to sit in profound meditation. At a short distance tu the east is another cell where Ananda practised meditation. When Ananda was frightened by Mara, Buddha through a cleft in the rock introduced his hand and stroked Ananda on the shoulder and removed his fear (Arch. S. Rep., vol. 3). There are still thirteen socket holes in front of Buddha's cave (the Sonbhandar cave) indicating that a hall existed there where Buddha "delivered the law as Fa Hian calls it. In the curve formed by the Bipula and Ratnagiri hills, near the northern gate, was situated a mango-garden formerly belonging to Ambapali and then to Jivaka, the court-physician to king Bimbisara, in which the latter built a vihara and gave it to Buddha and his 1250 disciples (SBR., vol. XVII ; SamanKaphala Sutta, and Fa Hian's Fo-lcwo-ki). Cunningham also places Devadatta's house within the curve (Arch. S. Rep., vol. III), but the location is very doubtful. Devadatta's cave was situated outside the old city on the north and at a distance of three li to the east (Legge's Fa Hian, p. XXX). It can be easily identified with Makhdum Shah's Chilwa which was formerly called Spingi-rishi's kunda. Devadatta, Buddha's first cousin, created a echism in the Buddhist order nine or ten years before Buddha's death, and his followers were called Gotamaka. It was he who instigated Ajatasatru to kill his father (Rhys David's Buddhist India; Spence Hardy's Manual of Buddhism; Sanjiva-Jataka in the Jatakas, vol. I). The Benuvana Vihara called also Karanda Benuvana Vihara, which was given by Bimbisara to Buddha and where Buddha usually resided when he visited Rajgir, was situated at a distance of three hundred paces from the extreme east toe of the Baibhara hill (s. e. outside the valley and on the northern side of the Baibhara hill). In this Vihara, Sariputra, whose real name was Upatishya, (Kern, Saddharma-pundarika. SBE. XXI, p. 89), and Maudgala vana (called algo Kolita) became Buddha's disciples, having learnt first the dootrines from Asvajit in the celebrated couplets which mean, Tathagata has explained the cause of all things which have proceeded from a cause, and the great Sramana has likewise explained the cause of their cessation. They had been formerly the disciples of Sanjaya Vairatthi Putra of Rajgir. Near it was the Pippala cave where Buddha used to sit in deep meditation (Dhyana) after his midday-meal. This cave is at a short distance from the Jaina temple on the top of the Baibhara hill, down a narrow ledge on the west. The Saptaparni (called also Saptaparoa and Sattaparni) caves have been identified by Mr. Beglar with a group of caves situated at a distance of about a mile to the west of the Pippala cave and the northern side of the Baibhara hill, where the first Buddhist synod was held after the Nirvana of Buddha under the presidency of Mahakalyapa (Vinaya Texts, pp. 370-385 ; SBE., vol. XX; Arch. 8. Rep., vol. VIII). The Smasanam or cemetery was two or three li to the north of Benuvana vihara, in a forest called Sitavana (Memoirs of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, vol. I; Avadana Kalpalaid, ch. 9, slk. 19), which may be identified with Vasu-Rajaka-Gad, Vasu Raja being the grandfather of Jarasindhu and father of Btihadratha. Bimbi. sara, in accordance with his promise that in whichever house a fire oocurred through negligenoe, the owner thereof should be expelled and placed in the cemetery, abandoned his palace at Rajgir in the valley as it caught fire and went to reside at the cemetery; but apprehending an attack from the king of Vaisali, or according to some account, from Chanda Pajjota, king of Ujjayini, in this unprotected place which was not at all fortified, he commenced to build the new town of Rajagriha, which is at a distance of one mile to the north of old Rajagriha and was completed by his son Aja tasatru. Neer the

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GIR 69 GOD western gate of the new Rajgir was situated the Stupa which was built by Ajatasatru over the relics of Buddha obtained by him as his share (Legge's Fa Hian, ch. 28). Thus the old Rajgir was abandoned, and new Rajgir became the capital of Magadha for a short period. Buddha died in the eighth year of the reign of Ajatasatru. The seat of government was removed to Pataliputra in the reign of Udayi or Udayasva, the grandson of Ajatasatru, who reigned from 519-503 B.C. The celebrated Bikramasila Vihara was according to General Cunningham, situated at Silao, a village six miles to the north of Rajgir on the river Panchana where a high mound still exists, but this identification does not appear to be correct (see Bikramasill Vihara). Badgaon or ancient Nalanda, the cele. brated seat of Buddhist learning, is seven miles to the north of Rajgir. It still contains the ruins of the Buddhist Viharas and Stapas. Nigrantha Jhatiputra (Nigantha Nathaputta), who resided at Rajagriha in the Chaitya of Gunagila (Kalpasutra, Samacharita) at the time of Buddha with five other Tirthaikaras named Purana-Kassapa, Makkhaliputta Gosala, Ajitakesakambala, Sanjaya Belatthaputta and Pakud hakachcha yana (Mahavagga, ch. VI, p. 31), has been identified with Mahavira, the twenty-fourth or the last Tirthaikara of the Jainas. It was at his instigation that Srigupta, a householder of Rajagriha attempted to kill Buddha in a burning pit and with poisonous food (Avadana Kalpalata, ch. 8). Gosala Makkhaliputta was the founder of the Ajivaka sect (Dr. Hoernle's Uvasagadasao, introduction, p. XIII and Appendix, 1, 2). Pavapuri, where Mahavira died, is at a distance of ten miles to the south-west of Rajgir. Buddha, while in Rajgir, lived at Gridhrakuta, Gauta ma-Nyagrodha-arama, Chaura prapata, Saptaparni cave, Krishna-hild by the side of Rishi-giri, Sapta-saundika cave, in the Sitavana-kuna, Jivaka's Mango-garden, Tapoda-arama and Mrigavana of Madrakukshi (Mahaparinibbana Sutta, ch. 3). For further particulars, see Rajgir in Pt. II of this work 2. Rajgiri, the capital of Kekaya, on the north of the Bias in the Punjab (Ramayana, Ayodhya K., ch. 68). Cunningham identifies Girivraja, the capital of Kekaya with Jalalpur, the ancient name of which was Girjak (Arch. S. Rep., II): this identification has been adopted by Mr. Pargiter (Markandeya P., p. 318 note). Giriyak-An ancient Buddhist village on the Panchana river, on the southern border of the district of Patna (see Indrakila-guha). Across the Panchana river is the Giriyek-hill which is the same as Gridhraku ta bill, the Indrasild-guha of Hiuen Tsiang (Cunningham's Anc. Geo., p. 471). The Panchana river is perhaps the ancient Sappini (Sarpini) mentioned by Buddhaghosha in his commentary on Mahavagga, oh. 11, p. 12. The Sappini is said to have its source in the Gridhrakita mountain (see Panohananda). Giriyek is the "Hill of the Isolated Rock" of Fa Hian, but Mr. Broadley has identified it with the "rocky peak at Bihar" (Ind. Ant., I, 19). Gode The Godavari river (Halayudha's Abhidhanaratnamala, III, 52, Aufrecht's ed.). Godavari--The river Godavari has its souroe in Brabmagiri, situated on the side of a village called Tryamvaka, which is twenty miles from Nasik (Saura P., ch. 69; Brahma P., chs. 77, 79). Brah magiri was visited by Chaitanya (Chaitanya-Charitamtita). Some suppose that the river has its source in the neighbouring mountain called Jataphatk&. In Tryambaka, there is a tank called KusAvartta, under which the Godavari is said to flow after issuing from the mountain. The portion of the 'Godavari on which Tryamvaka is situated is called Gautami (see Gautami). Every twelfth year, pilgrims from all parts of India resort to this village for the purpose of bathing in this sacred tank

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GOD 70 GOM and worshipping Tryam vakesvara, one of the twelve Great Lingas of Mahadeva (Siva P.. Pt. I., ch.54 ; Vardha P., chs. 79, 80): see Amaresvara. Ramachandra is said to have crossed the river on his way to Laika at Bhadrachalam in the Godavari district where a temple marks the spot. Godhana-giri--Same as Garatha Hill (Bana Bhatta's Harshacharita, ch. VI). Gokarna-1. Gendia, a town in the province of North-Kanara, Karwar district, thirty miles from Goa between Karwar and Kumta. It is a celebrated place of pilgrimage (Mbh., Adi P., ch. 219; Raghuvamsa, VIII ; Siva P., Bk. III, ch. 15). It contains the temple of Mahadeva Mahabalesvara established by Ravana. It is thirty miles south of Sadasheogad which is three miles south of Goa [Newbold: JASB., vol. XV (1846), p. 228). Here, Sai karacharyya defeated in controversy Nilkantha, a Saiva (Sankaravijaya, ch. 15). 2. Bhagiratha, king of Ayodhya, is said to have performed austerities at Gokarna to bring down the Ganges (Ramayana, Bala K, ch. 42). This Gokarna is evidently the modern Gomukhi, two miles beyond Gangotri. 3. According to the Varaha Purana (ch. 170), Gokarna is situated on the Sarasvati-saigama or confluence of the river Sarasvati. Gokula-Same as Vraja or Mahavana (Padma P., Patala, ch. 40; Adi P., chs. 12, 15), or Purana-Gokul where Koishoa was reared up. Nanda, the foster-father of Krishna, removed from Gokula to Brindavana to escape molestations from the myrmidons of Kausa (Adi P., ch. 3). Mahavana or Purana-Gokula is six miles from Mathura. and contains places associated with the early life of Krishna Vallabhacharyya, who was a contemporary of Chaitanya and known also by the name of Vallabha Bhatta of Ambaligrama (q. v.), and who founded the Ballabhachari sect of Vaish navas, built new Gokula in imitation of Ma havana, where, in the temple of Syama Lala, Yasoda, wife of Nanda. is said to have given birth to Maya Devi, and where Nanda's palace was converted into a mosque at the time of Aurangzeb (Chaitanya Charitamrita, II, 19; also Growse's Mathura), see Braja. The village of new Gokula is one mile to the south of Mahavana on the eastern bank of the Jamuna i Lochana Das's Chaitanyamangala (Atul Gosvami's ed.) III, p. 181]. Gomanta-giri-1. An isolated mountain in the Western Ghats, where Krishna and Balarama defeated Jarksindhu (Harivam a ch. 42). There is a Tirtha called Goraksha on the top of Gomanta-giri. The mountain is situated in the country about Goa i.e., the Konkan, called the country of Gomanta (Padma P., Adi Kh., ch. 6). The Harivamsa (chs. 98 and 99) locates a mountain Gomanta-giri in North Kanara. 2. The Raivata hill in Gujarat was also called Gomanta (Mbh., Sabha, ch. 14). Gomati-1. The river Gumti in Oudh (Ramayana, Ayodhya, ch. 49). Lucknow stands on this river. 2. The river Godavari near its source where the temple of Tryamvaka is situated (Siva P., Bk. 1, ch. 54). It is also called Gotami, from Rishi Gautama who had his hermitage at this place (Ibid., ch. 54). . 3. A river in Gujarat on which Dvaraka is situated (Skanda P., Avanti Kh., ch. 60). 4. A branch of the Chambal in Malwa on which Rintambur is situated (Meghad utu, Pt. I, v. 47). 5. The Gomal river in Arachosia of Afghanistan (Rig Veda, X, 75 and Lassen Ind. Alt.). It falls into the Indus between Dera Ismael Khan and Pabadpur. 6. A river in the Kamgra district, Punjab (Ind. Ant., XXII, p. 178).

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GOM GOV 1 . Gomukh-According to Capt. Raper (Asiatic Researches, vol. XI, p. 506) and Major Thorn (Memoir of the War in India, p. 504), it is situated two miles beyond Gangotri. It is a large rock called Cow's Mouth by the Hindus from its resemblance to the head and body of that animal. But see Fraser's Himala Mountains, p. 473. Go-mukhi is perhaps the Go-karna of the Ramayana, I, 42. Gonanda-Same as Gonardda (2). (Brahmanda P., ch. 49; cf. Matsya P., ch. 113.) Godard da--1. The Punjab, so called from Gonardda, king of Kaimira, who con quered it. 2. Gonda in Oudh is a corruption of Gonardda, the birth-place of Patanjali the celebrated author of the Mahabhashya : hence he was called Gonarddiya. See Gauda. He lived in the middle of the second century before the Christian era, and was a contemporary of Pushpamitra, king of Magadha, and wrote his Mahabhashua between 140 and 120 B.C. During his time, Menander, the Greek king of Sakala in the Punjab, invaded Ayodhya (Goldstucker's Panini, pp. 234, 235; Matsya P., ch. 113; Bhandarkar, Ind. Ant., II, 70). 3. A town situated between Ujjayini and Vidisa or Bhilsa (Sutta-ni pata: Vatthu gatha). Gopaehala--1. The Rohtas hill (JASB. (1839), p. 696). 2. Same as Gopadri (2) [JASB. (1862), p. 409]. Gwalior. Gopadri--). Takht-i-Sulaiman mountain near Srinagar in Kasmir (Dr. Stein's Rajata rangini, I, p. 51 note). See Sankaracharya. 2. Gwalior (Dr. Kielhorn, Ep. Ind., vol. I, pp. 124, 154 ; Devi P., ch. 75). 3. The Rohtas hill: same as Gopke hala. Gopakavana-Goa. It was also called Gopakapattana or Gopakapura. It was ruled by the Kadam ba dynasty (Dr. Buhler's Introduction to the Vikramankadeva-charita, p. 34 note). Goparashtra--Same as Govarashtra. The Igatpur sub-division of the district of Nasik (Mbh., Bhishma, ch. 9; Ind. Ant., vol. IX). According to Garrett it is the same as Kuva: Southern Konkana (Garrett's Class. Dic.). GopratAra-Guptara, a place of pilgrimage on the bank of the Saraju at Fyzabad in Oudh, where Ramachandra is said to have died (Ramayana, Uttara K., ch. 110). Near the temple of Guptara Mahadeva, a place is pointed out where Ramachandra is said to have breathed his last. Goratha Hill-Bathani-ka-pahad, a small isolated hill about five or six miles to the west of the valley of old Rajagriha, appearing from a distance to have three peaks, from which Bhima, Arjuna, and Krishna reconnoitred the beautiful capital of Magadha (Mbh., Sabha P., ch. 20). It is on the north of Sandol hill which is larger than the Bathani-ka-pahad. Goirloga parvata . A mountain near Nishadhabhumi (Narwar) in Central India (Mahabharata, Sabba, 31). Same as Gopadri (2). 2. Kohmari Spur, near Ujat in Eastern Turkistan, visited by Hiuen Tsiang, 13 miles from Khotan. It was a oelebrated place of pilgrimage in Buddhist Khotan, which contained a monastery and cave where an Arhat resided (Dr. Stein's Sandburied Ruins of Khotan). 3. The Gopuchchha mountain in Nepal near Katmandu upon which the temple of Svayambhunatha id situated (Svayambhu Purana, ch. I). Gova-rashtra Gova-rishtra is evidently a corruption of Goparashtra of the Mahabharata (Bhishma P., ch. IX). It is the Kauba (Gova) of Ptolemy. See Goparashtra. The

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GOV 72 GUR shrine of Sapta-Kotisvara Mahadeva was established by the Sapta Rishis at Narvem in the island of Divar (Dipavati) on the north of Goa Island proper (Ind. Ant., III, 194). Govarddhana---1. Mount Govarddhana, eighteen miles from Brindavan in the district of Mathura. In the village called Paitho, Krishna is said to have taken up the mount on his little finger and held it as an umbrella over the heads of his cattle and his townsmen to protect them from the deluge of rain poured upon them by Indra (Moh., Udyoga, ch. 129). See Vraja-mandala. 2. The district of Nasik in the Bombay Presidency (Bhandarkar's Early History of the Dekkan; Mahavastuavadana in Dr. R. L. Mitra's Sanskrit Literature of Nepal, p. 160). See Govarddhana pura. Govarddhana-matha-One of the four Mathas established by Sarkaracharyya at Jagannatha in Orissa (see Bfingagiri). Govardd hanapura-Govardhan, a village near Nasik in the Bombay Presidency (Markandeya P., ch. 57; Dr. Bhandarkar's Early History of the Dekkan, p. 3). Goyaga na--It is evidently the Kiu-pi-shwong-na of Hiuen Tsiang, which has been restoreci by Julien to Govisana: it is 400 li to the south-east of Matipura or the present Murdore, a town in Western Rohilkhand near Bignor (Mbh., Bhishma P., ch. 17). Gridhrakata-parvata-According to General Cunningham it is a part of the Saila-giri, the Vulture-peak of Fa Hian and Indrasila-guha of Hjuen Tsiang (see Indrasila-guba). It lies two miles and a half to the south-east of new Rajgir. Sailagiri is evidently & spur of the Ratnakuta or Ratnagiri, but the name of Sailagiri is not known to the inhabitants of this piace. Buddha performed austerities here for some time after leaving the Pandava giri cave, and in his subsequent sojourn, he delivered here many of his excellent Sutras. Devadatta hurled a block cf stone from the top of this hill to kill Buddha while he was walking below in meditation (Chullavagga, Pt. vii, ch. 3, but see Girivrajapura). Buddha resided in the garden of Jivaka, the physician, at the foot of the mountain and here he was visited by the king Ajatasatru and by his minister Varshakara, which led to the foundation of Pataliputra (Cunningham's Stupa of Bharhut, p. 89 and Mahd parinibbana 8 utta). It is also called Giriyek hill. Guhyesvari-The temple of Guhyesvari, which is claimed both by the Hindus and Northern Buddhists as their own deity, is situated on the left bank of the Bagmati. about a quarter of a mile above the temple of Pasnpatinatha and three miles northeast of Katmandu (Wright's Hist: of Nepal, p. 79; Devi-Bhagvata vii, 38). See Nepala. Ganamati-vibara-The Gunamati monastery, which was visited by Hiuen Tsiang. was situated on the Kunva hill at Dharawat in the sub-division of Jahanabad in the Distriot of Gaya. The twelve-armed statue of Bhairava at that place is really an ancient Buddhist statue of Avalokiteswara (Grierson, Notes on the District of Gaya). Guptahari-Same as Gopratara (Skanda P., Ayodhy A-Mahat., ch. vi). Gupta-kaki-1. Bhuvanesvara in Orissa. 2. In Soaitapura (see Sonitapura). Gorilare-Gujarat and the greater part of Khandesh and Malwa (Conder's Modern Traveller, vol. x, P 130). In the seventh century, at the time of Hiuen Tsiang, the name was not extended to the peninsula of Gujarat, which was then known only by the pame of Saurashtra. The modern district of Marwar was then known by the name of Gurjjara. It appears from the Periplus thot the south-eastern portion of Gujarat about the inouth of the Nerbudda was oalled Abhira, the Aberia of the Greeks, Gujarat was

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GUR 73 HAR oalled "Cambay" by the early English travellers. For further particulars, see Guzerat in Pt. II of this work. For the Chalukya kings of Gujarat from Mulara ja to Kumarapala, see the Baanagar Inscription in Ep. Ind., Vol. I, p. 293. Gura pada-giri-Gurpa hill in the district of Gaya, about 100 miles from Bodh-Gaya, where Maha-Kasyapa attained Nirvana (Legge's Fa Hian, ch. xxxiii). It is also called Kukkutapada-giri (see an account of the Gurpa Hill in JASB. (1906), p. 77). By "Maha-Kasyapa" is meant not the celebrated disciple of Buddha who presided over the first Buddhist synod after Buddha's death, but Kasyapa Buddha who preceded Sikyasimha (Legge's Fa Hian, ch. xxxii). But see Kukku tapada-giri. This hill is called Gurupadaka hill in the Divyaradana Mala (Dr. R. Mitra's Sanskrit Buddhist Literature of Nepal, p. 308; Divyavadana, Cowell's ed., p. 61) where Maitreye, the futuro Buddha, would preach the religion. Halhaya-Khandesh, parts of Aurangabad and South Malwa. It was the kingdom of Karttaviryarjuna, who was killed by Parasurama (see Tamasa). Its capital was Mahishmati, now called Mahesvara or Chuli-Mahesvara (Ramayana, Uttara, vh. 36). Same as Anupadesa (Mbh., Vana, 114, Skanda P., Nagara kh., ch. 66), Mabesha and Mahishaka. Haimavata-varsha.-The name of India before it was called Bharatavarsha (Linga P., Pt. I, oh, 45). See Bharatavarsha. Halmavati-1. Same as Rishikulya (Hemakosha), 2. The river Ravi in the Punjab (Matsya P., oh. 115). 3. The original name of the river Sutlej, whioh fled in a hundred streams at the sight of Vabish tha, and since then it is called Satadru (Mbh., Adi P., ch. 179). 4. The river Airavati (Irawadi) in the Panjab (Matsya P., chs. 115, 116). Hamsavat-Pegu, built by the two brothers Samala and Bimala (JASB., (1869), p. 478.] Hamsadvara-Same as Krauneha-rand bra (Meghaduta, Pt. I, v. 58). Hamsa-stupa--Jarasindhu-ka-Baithak in Giriyek near Rajgir in Bihar, visited by Hiuen Tsiang. It is a dagoba [Dehagopa or Dhatugarbha or tope (stupa)] erected, according to him, in honour of a Hamsa (goose) which sacrifioed itself to relieve the wants of a starving oommunity of Buddhist Bhikshus of the Hinayana school. There was formerly an exoellent road which led up to the mountain-top. This road was constructed by Bimbisara when he visited Buddha at this place; the remains of the road still exist. Haradvara-Same as Harldvara. Harahaura-The tract of country lying between the Indus and the Jhelum, and the Gandgarh mountain and the Salt range (Arch. 8. Rep., vol. v, p. 79, and Bythat-samhita, xiv, 33). Harakela-Banga or East Bengal (Hemachandra's Abhidhana-chintamani). Harakshetra-Bhuvanesvara in Orissa. It was the site of a capital city founded by Raja Yayati Kebari, who reigned in Orissa in the latter part of the fifth oentury. Same as Ekamrakanana. Haramukta-The mount Haramuk in Kasmira, twenty miles to the north of Srinagar (Dr. Stein's Rajatarangini, II, p. 407). HArdd apitha-Baidyanatha in the Santal Parganas in Bengal. It is one of the fifty-two Pithas where Sati's heart is said to have fallen, though there is no memonto

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HAR NAT of any kind associated with the occurrence [Dr. R. L. Mitra, On the Temples of Deoghar in JASB. (1883), p. 172; Tantra-chudamani.] Haridvara-See Kanakhala. It stands on the right bank of the Ganges, at the very point where it bursts through the Siwalik hills and debouches upon the plains nearly two hundred miles from its source. It is in the district of Shaharanpur and was situated on the eastern confines of the kingdom of Srughna. It is also called Gangadvara which contains the shrine of Nakulesvara Mah adeva (Kurma P., II, ch. 42) Hariharakshetra-1. Hariharaobhatra or Sonepur at the junction of the Gancak and the Ganges (Vardha P., ch. 144). See Binald-chhatra. 2. Harihara at the junction of the rivers Tungabhadrau and Haridra in Mysore, (Rice's Mysore Inscriptions, p. 71). See Hariharanathapura. Hariharanatha-pura-Harihara or Kudalur at the junction of the river Haridra with the Tungabhadra: a celebrated place of pilgrimage (Padma P., Uttara, ch. 62; Rioe's Mysore Inscrip., Intro.). It was visited by Nityananda, the celebrated disciple of Chaitanya. Harikshetra-Harikantam Sellar on the river Pennar, a place of pilgrimage visited by Chaitanya (Chaitanya-Bhagavata, ch. 6). Herita-Asrama-Ekalinga, situated in & defile about six miles north of Udaipur in Rajputana. It was the hermitage of Rishi Harita, the author of one of the Samhitis. Haritakivana-A part of Baidyanatha in the Santal Parganas in Bengal now called Harlajudi (Baidyanathamdhatmya) : see Chitabhumi. Harivarsha-It included the western portion of Thibet (Kalika P., ch. 82; Moh., Sabha P., ch. 51). Same as Uttara-kuru (Mbh., Sabha, ch. 28). Haryo-Hassan Abdul in the Punjab: it was also called Haro. Hastaka-vapra-H&thab near Bhaonagar in Gujarat: it is the 'Astacampra " of the Periplus of the Erythraean Sea, and Astakapra of Ptolemy, (see Bomb. Gaz., vol. 1, pt. 1, p. 539). Hastimati-The river Hautmati, a tributary of the Sabarmati in Gujarat (Padma P., Uttara, ch. 55). Hastinapura-The capital of the Kurus. north-east of Delhi, entirely diluviated by the Ganges. It was situated twenty-two miles north-east of Mirat and south-west of Bijnor on the right bank of the Ganges. Nichakshu, the grandson of Janamejaya of the Mahabharata, removed his capital to Kausambi after the destruction of Hastinapura (Vishnu P., pt. IV, ch. 21). Gadmuktesvar, containing the temple of Mukhtesvara. Mahadeva was a quarter of ancient Hastinapura. See Gapamuktesvara. Hastisom--The river Hatsu, a tributary of the Mahanadi ( Padma P., Svarga (Adi), ch. 3). Hataka-1. Undes or Hunadesa where the lake Manasasarovara is situated (Mbh.. Sabha P., ch. 27). The Guhyakas (perhaps the ancestors of the Gurkhas) lived at this place. 2. A Kshetra or sacred area in the district of Ahmadabad in which was situated Chamatkarapura, onoe the capital of Anartta-desa, seventy miles to the south-east of Sidhpur (Skanda P., Nagara kh). See Chamatkarapura.

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HAT 75 HIN Hatyaharana---Hattiaharan, twenty-eight miles south-east of Hardoi in Oudh. Ramachandra is said to have expiated his sin for killing Ravana, who was a Brahman's son, by bathing at this place. Hayamukha---Cunningham has identified this with Daundiakhera on the northern bank of the Ganges, about 104 miles north-west of Allahabad (Jaimini-Bharata, ch. 22 ; Cunningham's Anc. Geo., p. 387). Beal considers that the identification is not satisfactory (Records of Western Countries, I, 229). It was visited by Hiuen Tsiang. Hemakuta-1. Called also Hemaparvata. It is another name for the Kallasa mountain which is the abode of Kuvera, the king of the Yakshas (Mbh., Bhishma P., ch. 6; Kurma P., I, 48). This appears to be confirmed by Kalidasa (Cakuntala, Act vii). 2. The Bandar puchchh a range of the Himalaya in which the rivers Alakananda, Ganges and Jamuna have got their source (Varaha P., ch. 82). It should be observed that the Kailasa, and Bandarpuchchha ranges were called by the general name of Kailasa. See Kailasa. Hidamba-Cachar, named after a Raja of Kamarupa in Assam, who built a palace at Khaspur at the foot of the northern range of hills (Bengal and Agra Guide and Gazetteer (1841), vol. 11, p. 97). Himadri-The Himalaya mountain. Himalaya--The Himalaya mountain, (see Himavan). Himayan-Same as Himalaya (Markandeya P., obs. 54, 55). According to the Pura, as, Himavan or the Himalaya range is to the south of Manasa-sarovara (Vardha P., ch. 78). Himavanta-Majhima, Kassapa gotta, and Dundubhissara were sent as missionaries to Himavanta by Asoka (Mahavamsa, ch. xii). Their ashes were found in a tope at Sanchi (Cunningham, Bhilsa Tope, p. 287). By some, it has been identified with Tibet. but Fergusson identifies it with Nepal (Fergusson's Cave Temples of India, p. 17). Hingula-Hinglaj (Devi-Bhagavata, vii, 38), situated at the extremity of the range of mountains in Beluchistan called by the name of Hiigula, about twenty miles or a day's journey from the sea-coast, on the bank of the Aghor or Hingula or Hingol river (the Tomeros of Alexander's historians) near its mouth. It is one of the fifty-two pithas or places celebrated as the spots on which fell Sati's dissevered limbs. Sati's brahmarandhra is said to have fallen at this place (Tantra Chud Amani.) The goddess Durga is known here by the name of Mahamaya or Kotfari, According to Captain Hart, who visited the temple, it is situated in a narrow gorge, tbe mountains on each side of which rise perpendicularly to nearly a thousand feet. It is a low mud edifice, built at one end of a natural cave of small dimensions, and contains only a tomb-shaped stone, called the goddess Mata or Mahamaya [Account of a Journey from Karachi to Hinglaj in JASB., IX (1840), p. 134; Brief History of Kalat by Major Robert Leech in JASB., (1843), p. 473]. Sir T. Holdich considers that the shrine had been in existence before the days of Alexander, "for the shrine is sacred to the goddess Nana (now identified with Siva by the Hindus)" which, Assurbanipal (Sardanapalus of the Greeks) king of Assyria, removed from Susa in 645 B.C. to the original sanctuary at Urakh (now Warka in Mesopotamia), the goddess being Assyrian. (The Greek Retreat from India in the Journal of the Society of Arts, vol. XLIX;

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HIR 76 HUP Rawlinson's Fwe Great Monarchies, IV, p. 344). The temple is said to be a low mud edifice, containing a shapeless stone situated in a cavern (Asiatic Researches, vol. XVII). The ziarat is so ancient that both Hindus and Muhammadans claim it without recognising its prehistoric origin. The goddess is known to the Muhammadans by the name of Nani (Imperial Gazetteer, vol. xiii, p. 142). The Aghor river is the boundary between the territory of the Yam of Beila and that of the Khan of Khelat. The name given to the stream above the peak in the Hara mountains is Hingool. It is called Aghor from the mountains to the sea. On the way from Karachi, between the port of Soumeanee and the Aghor river, there are three hills which throw up jets of liquid mud called Chandra-kupa. The village nearest to Hinglaj is Urmura or Hurmura, situated on the coast at a distance of two days' march (JASB., IX, p. 134). Hiranvati-1. A river in Kosala, probably at its western extremity (Vamana P., ch, 64). 2. A river in Kurukshetra (Mbh., Udyoga ch. 158). Hiranyavahu ---The river Sona, the Erannoboas of the Greeks (Amarakosha). See Sona. The modern Chandan was erroneously identified by Major Franklin with Erreen Bhowah: it runs south of Bhagalpur and joins the Ganges to the west of Champanagar, Chandan was also called Chandravati (see Franklin's Site of Ancient Palibothra, p. 20, and Uttara Purana quoted by him). The name of Chandan however has some connection with Chand Sadagar (see Champapuri). Hiranyavindu-1. A celebrated place of pilgrimage at Kalinjar (Mbh., Vana, ch. 87). 2. A place of pilgrimage in the Himalaya (Ibid, Adi, ch. 217). Hiranya-parvata--Monghir (see Mudgala-giri). Hiranyapura-Herdoun or Hindaun in the Jeypur state, seventy-one miles to the south-west of Agra, where Vishiu is said to have incarnated as Nrisimha Deva and killed Hiranyakagipu, the father of Prahlada (Padma P., Srishti, oh. 6). But see Mulasthanapura. Hiranyavatt-The Little (Chhota) Gandak, same as Ajitavati near Kusinara or Kusinagara (Mahaparinirvana Satra). It flows through the district of Gorakhpur about eight miles west of the Great Gandak and falls into the Gogra (Sarayu). Hisadrus-The river Sutlej in the Punjab. Hadini The river Brahmaputra (Wilford, Asiatic Researches, vol. XIV, p. 444). But this identification does not appear to be correct. It is described as situated between Kekaya on the west and the river Satadru (Sutlej) on the east. Bharata crossed this river on his way to Oudh from Kekaya (Ramdyana, Ayodh., ch 71). Hrishikeka-Rishikes, a mountain twenty-four miles to the north of Hardwar. which was the hermitage of Devadatta (Vardha P., ch, 146), It is situated on the bank of the Bhagirathi on the road from Haridwar to Badrinath. Hana-dewa-1, The country round Sakala or Sealkot in the Punjab, as Mihirakula, & Hun, made it his capital. 2. The country round Manasa-sarovara. Hupian--The capital of Parsusthana, the country of the Parsus, warlike tribe mentioned by Panini. Hupian is the present Opian, a little to the north of Charikar at the entrance of a path over the north-east of the Paghman or Pamghan range (Cunningham's Anc Geog., p. 20). It was the site of Alexandria, a town founded by Alexander

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HUS 77 IND the Great, the Alasanda of the Mahavamsa and the birth-place of Menander (the Milinda of the Buddhist writers), the celebrated Baotrian king (McCrindle's Invasion of India, p. 332). Opian is perhaps a corruption of Upanivesa or properly Kshatriya-Upanivesa, a country situated on the north of India (Matsya P., 113). Hush kapura-Uskur on the left bank of the Vitasta opposite to Baramala in Kasmira, It was founded by king Hushka, the brother of Kanishka. Uskur is also called Uskars. (Cunningham's Anc. Geog., p. 99). Hydaspes--The Greek name of the river Jhelum in the Punjab. Hydroates-The Greek name of the river Ravi in the Punjab. Hypanis--The Greek name of the river Bias in the Punjab. Hypasis - The Greek name of the river Bias in the Punjab. 1. Ikshu-1. The river Oxus: it flowed through Sakad v pa '[Vishnu P. II, ch. 4; JASB., (1902), p. 154]. 2. An affluent of the Nerbuda (Kurma P., pt. II, ch. 39). Ikshumatt-The river Kalinadi (East) which flows through Kumaun, Rohilkhand, and the district of Kanauj (Ramayana, Ayodhya, ch. 68). Nvalapura-Ellora, Seven miles from Daulatabad in the Nizam's Dominions and 44 miles from Nandgaon on the G. I. P. Railway. It is said to have been the residence of the Daitya Ilvala whogo brother Batapi was killed by Rishi Agastya at Bat&pipura while on his way to the south. It is the same as Hapura, which is evidently a corruption of Ilvalapura. See Elapura. The Visvakarma Cave (Chaitya ) at Ellora, and the viharas attached to it are supposed by Fergusson to belong to a period from 600 to 750 A. D. when the last trace of Buddhism disappeared from Western India. The Kailasa temple which is the "chief glory of Ellora, was caused to be carved by Krishna 1, king of Badami, on the model of the Virupaksha temple at Pattadakal to celebrate his conquests in the 8th century A.D. (Havell's Ancient and Medieval Architecture, p. 193). It is the same as Dova-Parvata (or giri), and Sivalaya of the Siva P. (1, ch. 58). For its sanctity, see Sivalaya. Indrant-Near Katwa, district Burdwan, Bongal, on the river Ajaya (K. ch. 195). Indraprastha-Old Delhi. It is also called Brihasthala in the Mahabharata. The city of Indraprastha was built on the banks of the Jamuna, between the more modern Kotila of Firoz Shah, and Humayun's tomb, about two miles south of modern Delhi. The river has now shifted its course more than a mile eastwards. The Nigambod Ghat on the banks of the Jamuna near the Nigambod gate of Shahjahan's Delhi, just outside the fort close to Selimgad, and the temple of Nilachatri said to have been erected by Yudhishthira on the occasion of performing a homa, are believed to have formed part of the ancient capital. It was also called Khandava-prastha, and formed part of Khandave-vans (see Khaodava-vana). The name Indraprastha is preserved in that of Indrapat, one of the popular names of the fort Purara. Kild, which is still pointed out as the fort of Yudhishthira and his brothers. The fort was repaired or built on the original Mindu foundations by Humayun and was called Dinpanna (Arck 8. Rep., vol. IV) It now contains the Keele Koni

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IND 78 IND mosque which was commenced by Humayun and completed by Sher Shah, and also the Sher Manjil or the palace of Sher Shah, which was used as a library by Humayun on his reaccession to the throne, and in which he met with his death by an accidental fall, Indraprastha was the capital of Yudhishthira, who became king in the year 653 of the Kali era, called also the Yudhishthira era. According to Aryabhatta' and Varahamihira, the Kali age began in 3101 B.C. A large extent of land between the Delhi and Ajmer gates of modern or Shahjahan's Delhi and about sixteen miles in length contained at different periods the site of old Delhi which was shifted from time to time according to the whims and caprices of different monarobs.. Just after leaving the Delhi gate, there is Firoz Shah's Kotila containing a pillar of Ajoka [for the inscription on the pillar see JASB. (1837), p. 577], which is one of the few remnants of Firoz Shah's capital Firuzabad. Another Ajoka pillar is on the ridge in a broken condition. The next place is Indrapat or Yudhishthira's Indraprastha. Just outside the fort is a gate called Lal Darwaza, the ancient Kabuli Darwaza of Sher Shah's Delhi, which now gives entrance to an ancient mosque. At some distance is Humayun's tomb built by Akbar, containing also the tomb of Hamida Banu Begum. and also those of Jehandar Shah, Farrukhsiyar, Alamgir II, Raffi-ud-Daula Raffi-ud-Dijarat, and Dara. Beyond it is a village called Nizamuddin Aulia after the name of a saint who Nourished at the time of Ghiasuddin Tughlak. The village contains a baoli (well), the beautiful marble tombs of Nizamuddin Aulia, Mahomed Shah, Jahanara Begum, the poet Khusru and Prince Mirza Jahangir, son of Akbar II. These tombs are enclosed with beautiful marble fret-work soreens, one of which is provided with a marble door. There is also . mosque called Jumat Khans built by the Emperor Alauddin. Beyond Nizamuddin Aulia Chausath Khambs containing the tomb of Akbar's foster brother and General Mobarak called Aziz Khan. The Mausoleum of Safdar Jung, the son of Sadat Khan, Nawab of Oudh and Vizir of Ahmad Shah, was erected by his son Shuja-ud-Daula. Tughlakabad contains the ruins of a big fort built by Ghiasuddin Tughlak whose tomb was raised by his crazy son Muhammad Tughlak just outside the southern wall of the city. Besides, there is the Kutub Minar, the tower of victory, with Prithvi-Raja's Yajsalala in the neighbourhood oonverted into a mosque, in the courtyard of which stands the celebrated Iron Pillar. This and the LAlkot with Jogamaya's temple, the Butkhana and Altamash's tomb are within the Delhi of Prithvi-Raj. Close to the Kutub Minar is the Alai Darwaza or the gateway of Allauddin, perhaps, of his capital, and near it is the marble tomb of Imam Zemin, the spiritual guide of Humayun. Near the Ajmer gate is the Jantar Mantar or the Observatory of Jai Singh of Jaipur. Within Shahjahanabad or modern Delhi is the fort with its celebrated Dewan-i-Am Rang-Mahal, Mamtaz-Mahal, Shahpur palace, and the Pearl Mosque. The Jumma Masjid was constructed by Shajahan. The Sonari Mosque (Mosque of Raushan-ud-Daula) is situated immediately to the west of the Kotwali from which Nadir Shah ordered the massacre of Delhi. For further particulars, see. Dolhi in Pt. II, of this work. Indrapura Indore, five miles to the north-west of Dibhai in the Anupashahar sub division of the Bulandshahr district, United Provinces It is mentioned in an inscription of the time of Skandagupta, the date being 466 A.D. (Corp. Ins. Ind., III, p. 70). Perhaps this Indrapura is mentioned in the Sankdravijaya of Ananda Giri by the namo of Indraprasthapura.

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THE STORY OF HIR AND RANJHA. BY WARIS SHAH 1776 A.D. (Translated by G. O. USBORNE with prefatory remarks by Sir R. C. TEMPLE, Bt. ) * Prefatory Remarks. My friends, Mr. M. Longworth Dames and Sir George Grierson, have sent me the translation of the poem, very celebrated in the Panjab, by Waris Shah, known as Hir and Ranjha, for publication as a supplement to the Indian Antiquary. It is with great pleasure that I accede to their request. The translation is by the late C. F. Usborne of the Indian Civil Service whose untimely death, in the words of Sir George Grierson, " was a blow to the serious study of Panjabi." To it is attached " A Critical Analysis" by "Multani," who, from internal evidence afforded by the MS. itself, must have been Usborne. My friends were indebted to the good offices of his brother-in-law, Mr. H. D. Watson, also of the Indian Civil Service, for the MSS. In volume II (1885) of my Legends of the Panjab, four separate stories relate to this great love tale-an Oriental Romeo and Juliet story. On page 177 will be found the Legend of 'Abdu'llah Shah of Samin ; on p. 494, Isma'il Khan's Grandmother; on p. 499, The Bracelet-Maker of Jhang; on p. 507, The Marriage of Hir and Ranjha; and at p. 1 of vol. III will be found the analogous tale of Mirza and Sahiban As the Legends of the Panjab are now out of print, it may be as well if I quote here my notes on the above tales, though made 35 years ago. 'Abdu'llah Shah was a local Balochi saint at Sarun, near Dera Ghazi Khan, and I printed his legend because of its references to the story of Hir and Ranjha. In doing 80 I made the following remarks: "The story is chiefly remarkable for the introduction of the heroes of the very favourite Panjabi tale of Hir and Ranjha in the after-world. Ranjh& is represented as still following his original oogapation of a buffalo-herdsman, and as supplying milk to the Prophet. "The story of Hir and Ranjha is of world-wide celebrity in the Panjab, and will be given in full later in these volumes. Hir was the daughter of Chuchak, a Syal of Rangpur, in the Muzaffargarh District. Ranjha's true name was Didho; ho was by caste a Ranjha Jatt, and is known almost exclusively by his caste name, which also takes the diminutive forms Ranjhua, Ranjhoth, and Ranjhetra. His father Manja was a Chaudhri, or Revenue Collector, and local magnate at Takht Hazara, in the Gujranwala District. " The Syals are of Rajpat origin, and claim higher rank than the surrounding Jast tribes, to whom thoy will not give their daughters in marriage, although they inay marry Jatt women. Thus, though Hir and Ranjh& were both Muhammadans, their love was illicit, and ended disastrously. The pride of the Syals is illustrated by another celebrated love story, "Sabiban and Mirza," which will also be given in full later on, the scene of which is at Khiwe near Jhang. It is even now an insultoto & Syal to mention either Hir or Sahibais, and no Syal will remain present while either of these stories is being recited. They are, however, colebrated in the Panjab as the types of constant lovers, much in the same way as Abelard and Heloise in modern Europe, or as Lailt and Majnon in Arabic, and Farbed and Shirin in Persian story. Hir's tomb is about half a mile from the civil station of Jhang, and is marked on the survey map as " Mookurba Heer," which stands for " Maqbara-i. Hir," or Hir's monument. It is a brick building, resembling in style the ordinary Musalman tomb of the 16th century, with the exception that instead of being covered by domo'it is open to the sky. There aro niches or windows on the four sides. That on the west is closed, while the other three are opon, the reason assigned being that the wind should blow on Hfr from every direction oxcept that of her boine, Rangpur, where she was murdered. The tomb stands close to an old bed of the Chenab, and it is related that at the time of

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [APRIL, 1921 Hir's death the river was still flowing in this old bed, and that Hir appeared in a vision to a merchant who was travelling past in a boat, telling him to build her tomb in this place, and to build it so that the rain of hen von should always fall on it. This was done after Hir's body had been placed in the tomb; but before it was closed, Ranjha appeared, and, entoring the tomb alive, was buried with her. This is not in accordance with the poem, but is the account given by BhnttA Vais, an old Jatt in charge of the tomb. A meld, or fair, of some local celebrity, is held at the tomb in the month of Magh (February). Hir and Ranjha are commonly said to have flourished 700 or 800 years ago, but others assign them to Akbar's time (16th century A.D.) and the architecture of the tomb is in accordance with this supposition. "The first poem in their honour is said to have been composed by Namodar PaswAr of Jhang, but the most celebrated is the poem of Waris Shah, a native of Takht Hazara in Gujranwala, Ranjha's native place. It even now forms & favourite subject for local bards." I printed the story of Isma'il Khan's Grandmother because of its close relationship to that of Hir and Ranjha. It was evidently meant to account for the care taken of the tomb of Hir and Ranjha, near Jhang, by the grandmother of the then Siyal Rais (Chief), Muhammad Isma'il Khan of Jhang, an act against the tradition of her tribe. The object of the story of The Bracelet-Maker of Jhang was to glorify the shrine or tomb of Hir and Ranjha. The last of my legends, The Marriage of Hfr and Ranjha, related only half of the whole tale and stopped at the point where Ranjha gets possession of Hir, omitting the latter half relating to the murder of Hir, though this was the most important part of it, and was the portion which has given it such fame. The object of this tale was to bestow a fictitious value on Ranjha by making him out to be a wonder-working faqir of the type of the greater saints and rendering his doings as fabulous as possible. No doubt the existence of the shrine to Hir and Ranjha at Jhang accounted for this legend. My remarks on the story of Mirza and Sahiban may be of interest in connection with those made above. "This is a very celebrated in the Jhang and Montgomery Districts, and thence throughout the Panjab, because of the feuds which the elopement of the heroine, Sahiban, with her cousin Mirze led to between the Mahnis (Syals) and the Chadhars of Khiwa in the Jhang District and the Khayals of Danabad in the Montgomery District. The story generally told is as follows: Mirze was sent to his relative the Mahni chief of Khfwa, who had a daughter Sahiban. Sahiban was betrothed to a youth of the Chadhar tribe, but before she could be married to him she eloped with Mirza towards Dankbad. Before they reached this place, however, their purguers, the Mahnis and the Chadhars, overtook them, killed MirzA and strangled Sahiban. The Khasals thereupon attacked the Mahnis and the Chadhars, defeated them and recovered the corpses of Mirza and Sahiban which they buried at Danabad. The feuds, however, lasted a long while so that it became to be considered unlucky to possess daughters, and thus they lod to extensive female infanticide by strangulation, in memory of the manner of Sahib&n's death. As regards the Khasals, this was only put down by the English within the last forty years. The SyAls to the present day resent reference to Sahiben as they do to Hir, the heroine of the tale of Hir and Ranjha given in the previous volume." Mr. Usborne in a short note prefixed to his M8.writing from Battle, Sussex. August 1917, says: "I was proposing to combine with it a roprint of some verse trans. lations of Panjabi Lyrics published in 1906 in India. No circulation in England, though well reviewed in Spectator and Atheneum. I could also arrange with the Art School, Lahore, for about 6 or 12 illustrations in old Mogul Style." This arrangement oan alas ! never be made now.

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APRIL, 1921] BIR AND BANJHA CONTENTS. THE ADVENTURES OF HIR AND RANJHA. BY WARIS SHAH. INVOCATION. CHAPTER 1.-Ranjha quarrels with his brothers and their wives and leaves his home in Takht Hazara. CHAPTER 2.-Ranjha arrives at the mosque. CHAPTER 3.-Banjka arrives at the banks of the Chenab. CHAPTER 4.-Hir and her companions come to the ferry. CHAPTER 5.-Meeting of Ranjha and Hir. CHAPTER 6.-Ranjha becomes Chuchak's cowherd. CHAPTER 7.-Ranjha meets the Five Pirs in the forest. 3 CHAPTER 8.-Ranjha and Hir meet in the forest. CHAPTER 9.-Hir's Mother is angry with her and Kaidu finde her in the forest with Ranjha. CHAPTER 10.-The story becomes known in the village; Chuchak diamisses Ranjha and then recalls him. CHAPTER 11.-The Kazi admonishes Hir but she refuses to give up Ranjha. CHAPTER 12.-Ranjha has audience of the Five Pirs. CHAPTER 13.-Hir thrashes Kaidu and Kaidu complains to the village elders: CHAPTER 14.-Chuchak finds Ranjha and Hir in the forest. CHAPTER 15.-Chuchak proposes to get Hir married. CHAPTER 16.-Hir is married to Saida against her will. The marriage ceremonies. CHAPTER 17.-Hir is taken to Rangpur. CHAPTER 18.-Hir is unhappy in her new home. CHAPTER 19.-Hir sends a message to Ranjha. CHAPTER 20.-Ranjha decides to turn Jogi. CHAPTER 21.Ranjha leaves Tilla disguised as a Jogi.. CHAPTER 22-Ranjha arrives at Rangpur. CHAPTER 29.-Ranjha meets Hir. CHAPTER 24.-Sehti sister of Saide quarrels with the Jogi and turns him out of the house. CHAPTER 25.-Ranjha retires to Kala bagh. CHAPTER 26-Sehti asid Hir make friends. CHAPTER 27.-Sehti takes Ranjha's message to Hir and Hir, meets Ranjha in the garden. CHAPTER 28-Sehti and Hir plan a strategem. 841 CHAPTER 29-Ranjha is called in to ouro Hir's snake-bits. CHAPTER 30.-Hir's escape with Banjha becomes known. CHAPTER 31.-Ranjha and Hir before the Raja. CHAFERE:32The poisoning of Hir and the death of Ranjha. EPILOGUE.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [APRIL, 192 INVOCATION. Praise be to God who made Love the foundation of the world; God himself was the first lover for he loved the Prophet Muhammad. Praise be to the Prophet whom God hath raised from the dust of the earth to great dignity! God hath cleansed him from the sins of the world! When the Almighty desired his presence he sent a swift steed to bear him to Heaven and gave him Gabriel, chief of the Angels, to be his mossonger. Verily the power of the Prophet is great, whereby He broke the moon in twain with his finger. To the four Friends of the Prophet also be praise, even to Abu Bakr, Umar, Usman, and Ali. They are like unto four jewels sparkling on the hand of the Prophet. Each outshineth the other in beauty. Let us also praise the holiness of Pirs; without the help of holy men our boat cannot reach the shore. Praise to Mohiudin tha Pir of Waris, the belovod of Allah. He can score out even the writing of the Pen of Destiny. Praise also to the beloved Pir Chishti Shakrganj. When Shakrganj made his abode at Pakpattan, the Panjab was delivered of all its troubles. In truth it is meet and proper to praise God and invoke the help of Saints and Prophets before essaying this story of Love. My Friends came to me and said : " Write for us afresh the forgotten story of the Love of Hir." So we have written it right cunningly and plucked a 'new rose in the Garden of Poetry. Even as a sweet smell cometh out of musk so is the fragrance of Love distilled from the beauty of our verse. We have awoken the forgotten tale of Hir and Ranjha. Wo have bridled the stood of genius, bet Love on his back, and let him loose on the field. CHAPTER ). . . (Ranjha quarrels with his brothers and their wives and leaves his home in Takht Hazara.) Takht Hazara is a pleasant place on the banks of the Chenab. There streams are flowing and gardens smiling. It is as a Paradise on earth. It is the abode of the Ranjhas who live there in proud luxury. Their young men are hoodlous and handsome and care naught at all for any man. They lord it with onrringe in their cars and now shawls over their shoulders. They are proud of their beauty and each one out-rivals the other in his glory. Manis Chaudhri was chief landowner in the villago. Ho had sight sons and two daughters. H. lived in wonlth and happinges with his family, osteomed by his brethren and honoured by all. Of all his sons Ranjha was tho most beloved by his father; and as his father loved him, so his brothren hatod him. For four of their father they would not wound him oponly but their secret taunte, pierced his heart, won a makos striko sleeping mon in the dark. . . . . . . Now it came to pass on the NIGHT OF NIGHT3 shat the louvor of the Tree of Lito were shakon and by the decree of God Manjd died. And Ranjha's brothors and their

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APRIL, 1921] HIR AND RANJHA 5 wives redoubled their taunts, saying: "You eat the bread of idleness and drink two men's share of buttermilk." And they meditated in their hearts some device by which they might be rid of him. So they sent for the Qazi and the assembly of the elders to measure the family lands They gave bribes to the Qazi and thus the good land was given to the brothers and the barren and inhospitable fell to the portion of Ranjha: and Ranjha's enemies flapped their arms exultantly and said:"Now Ranjha's brethren have entangled him in a net!" And they jeered at the Ja, saying:-"How can a man plough who wears long hair and anoints his head with curds? What woman will marry such a ne'er-do-weel?" And his brothers jeered saying:-" He wears a big looking-glass on his thumb like a woman. He plays on the flute all day and sings all night. Let the boy quarrel about the land if he so wills. His strength will not avail against us who are many." So Ranjha heavy in heart, took out his yoke of oxen to the field to plough; but his soul was sad within him, and the sun smote him sore. And being tired of ploughing, when he came to a shady place, he took the yoke pegs out from the yoke and lay down to rest, and Sahiba his brother's wife brought him food. And he told of his sorrows to Sahiba his brothers wife : "Sister, I do not like this ploughing; the soil is hard, my hands are blistered and iny feet are exceeding sore. The good days when my father was alive are alas! gone and now evil days have fallen upon me." And Sahiba replied tauntingly:-" Verily you were your father's darling but the very shame of your mother." Whereupon Ranjha's anger was hot within him and he replied "It is truly written in the Holy Quran:- Women are ever deceivers.' Did not women befool Raja Bhoj, put a bit in his mouth and drive him like a donkey round the place! Did not a woman destroy the Kauros and Pandos ? Did not a woman kill Ravan ? It is you who have stirred up strifeis: it you who have separated me from my brethren. I used to be happy day and night with my friends, but now your evil tongues have raised up the smoke of contention. You women make men into rams so that they fight with one another." Sahiba replied: "You eat too much milk and rice, hence you are proud and overbearing. You are the only blot on our family. If you would leave your home and go hungry for a time, perhaps you might give up this devilry. You are idle and do no work. You prowl about the village making eyes at the girls. The other women of the village taunt us at the spinning parties and say we are in love with you. For women fall in love with such beauty as yours even as flies are caught in honey. Day and night the women run after you. Your love has ruined many households." Thereupon Ranjha was wroth and spoke angry words to his sisters-in-law, saying:"All the world knows that you are the most quarrelsome women in the village, and as for your beauty, it is such that your husbands need not fear that any men will want to ran away with you." The eyes of Sahiba reddened with rage and her black curls glistened like angry cobras: "If we are not good enough for you," said she," go and marry one of the Sial girls go and play your flute among their houses and entrap some of their women. If you don's like our beauty go and marry Hir. Seek her day and night that you may entrap her. You

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY ( APRIL, 1981 oan beguilo womon even out of the palace of Bant Kokilan. If you cannot get her out of the door by day, pull down the back wall and take her away by night." Ranjha replied: "Men who have sisters-in-law like you should drown them in the doop stream. I will bring back Hir of the Sille in martingo and women like you shall be her hand-maidono." And he turned and weat away in a rage ; and Sahiba looking over her shoulder, said to him :-"You should be quick about this marriage business, or the beauty of Hir will fade and you will be too late." So Ranjha with his fute under his arm left his father's country declaring that he would no longer eat or drink in Takht Hazara. And it came to pass that a bordsman ran and told his brothren, and they said to him "Ranjhs, tell us what has befallen you that you quit our home. Our wives are your maidservants and we are your slaves." And his brothers' wives besought him saying "WE shed tears of blood when you talk of departing. We give our life and our property and ourselves as a sacrifice for you." Ranjha replied: "Why do you try to make me change my mind ? For many days the food and water of Takht Hazara have been hateful to me. First with your taunts you burnt my heart and separated me from my brethren, and now you turn round and say smooth things. You cannot prevail. MY mind is firm. The drum of my departure has sounded and I will leave the home of my fathers." So Ranjha quarrolled with his brethren and lett Takht Hazara. CHAPTER 2. (Ranjha reaches the Mosque.) After much journoying he reached mosque, which was as beautiful as Holy Mocca or the great Mosque at Jerusalem. And hunger and cold fell upon him and weariness of travel. Then he took up his fluto and played, and strange things happened. Some became sonsoloss and others' hoorts yearned when they heard the munio. Not a man or woman romained in the village. They all throngod round the mosquo. Last of all out came the muth who was very bag of quarrels. And the muliah seeing Ranjha said: "Who is this intidel with long hair? This is no place for rogues. Cut off your long hair so that you may be scooptable in God's sight." . . Ranjha retorted to the mulla :-"You have a long beard like a venerable Shaikh, yet you bebare like devil. Why do you send innocent travellers and poor fagfrs liko mu awayYou sit in the pulpit with the Quran in front of you, yet your mind is set on iniquity. You lead the village women astray, you are as a bull among cows." The mulida replied: "Mosques are God's houses and evil livers are not admitted therein. You have abandoned prayer and keep long hair and scented moustaches. Such men wo beat out of mosques. Dogs and beggars are alike impure, and both should be whippod." To which Ranjha gave reply "O dopaty of Allah, may your sina be forgiven and in your meroy grant pardon to my faults. Tell me, I learned in wisdom, what is clean and what is tncloen! What is right and what is wrong! What is prayer made of and of what is it baik ! How many cars and Moves he prayer ! What is its length and size and with what is it omparisoned To whom was prayer ordained in the beginning ?"

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APRIL, 1921] HIR AND RANJHA 7 Whereupon the mullah protested that he knew all the doctrines of the faith and all the prayers ordained for believers, and could lead the pious across the bridge of salvation, "but," said he, lewd fellows like Ranjha should be spurned from the assemblies of honest men." Hearing this, Ranjha jested, right merrily at the mullah's morals and his baudy tricks, so that his hearers were much astonished and not a few were mightily pleased. And he teased the mullah sorely saying:-"Mullahs run after women in mosques and cultivate land like laymen. They are like curses clinging to the House of God. They are like blind men, lepers and cripples, always waiting greedily for a death in the house, so that they may take the dead man's raiment. They arise at midnight; their fat bellies are smitten with hunger and they cry for something to eat. Under the shelter of Holy Writ they curse the living, and when poor wayfarers and strangers come to beg for succour they cry: "Begone, begone!'" The mullah's face was blackened. He hung his head and there was no spirit left in him. So he said to Ranjha :-"Remember God and cover your knees. I give you leave to pass the night in the mosque, but see to it, foolish Jat, that you leave it with covered head at early dawn, or I will summon four lusty scoundrels who will belabour you with cudgels and thrust you out of the assembly." So Ranjha slept in the mosque during the night and at early dawn he set forth on his travels. In his heart he remembered Hir and his mind was set on how he might compass his desire. As he set out, the skirt of night was lifted and the yellow dawn appeared. The sparrow chirruped and the starlings began to sing. The men took their oxen out to plough, and the girls brought their milking stools and cleaned their milk cans. The women of the household began to grind corn, while others kneaded flour with their hands: the noise of the grinding stones was heard in every courtyard. CHAPTER 3. (Ranjha reaches the banks of the Chenab.) At the third watch of the day, when the sun began to slope to the west, Ranjha reached the bank of the River Chenab. Many travellers were assembled at the ferry waiting for Luddan the ferryman to take them across. Now Luddan was as fat as a leather bag full of honey, such as trader folk bring home, when they come with merchandise from Kashmir. Ranjha said: "Master ferryman, for the love of God take me across the river." And Luddan smote his fat paunch, laughed, and with a bawdy oath replied:-"We know naught of God's love. We ply this ferry for gain." And Ranjha entreated him saying "I sorely need to reach my journey's end with despatch. I myself will take an oar. Luddan replied: "He who is for yonder shore, let him pay his pence. Him who gives his pence we will take across; even though he be a dacoit or thief we will not repeat his name, but we chaso away all beggars, faqirs and those who eat unlawful meats like dogs. Those who attempt to enter our boat forcibly we throw into the river. Even the son of a Pir like Waris, 1 we will not take into our boat for nothing." At last Ranjha, weary of entreating the ferryman, sat down in a corner by himself. He drew out his flute and played 1 Reference to the poet.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (APRIL, 1921 the sad music of separation from one's beloved ; and he wept hot tears as he thought of the evil fortune that had befallen him. Hearing his sweet music, all the men and women left the ferry and sat round Ranjha. The two wives of Luddun took his feet in their hands and pressed them. And Luddan's heart wag ungry within him, and he muttered "This youth is & wizard. He has cast some spell over my wives." And ho appealed to the villagers around him saying :-"Save us from the wiles of this Jay. He will beguile all our women-folk away." But they hoeded not his word, so powerful was the flute's enchantment. Then Ranjha having solaced his soul with music, paid no heed to the entreaties of the folk at the ferry, but taking his shoes in his hand, sot his feet in the river. And the poople said: "Sir, go not down into the river! The stream of the Chenab runs deep and strong. Even long poles cannot touch its bottom. One's life is lost at the mere sight of the waves of the Chenab." Luddan's wives tried to prevail on him to return and caught the skirts of his clothing. But Ranjha replied to them :-" It is bost that those in trouble should dio. They that are happy do not quit their honnes. My parents are dead and I have been tor. mented as Joseph was tormented by his brethren." So RAnjha tied his clothes on his head and putting pride away from his soul, called on the names of God and Khwaja Khizr, the prophet of the Waters, and essayed to cross the river. But the people ran and caught him and brought him back, saying "Friend, enter not the river or you will be drowned. We ourselves will carry you on our shoulders. We are your servants and you dwell as it were in the apple of our eye." So they caught Ranjha by the arms, pui him in the boat and seated him on the couch of Hir. And Ranjha made much questioning concerning the couch and the fine linen thereon. And the people answered :-" This is the couch of a Jat damsel, the daughter of Mihr Chuchak. She is as lovely as the moon. The Queen of the Fairies always seeks GOD'S protection from her beauty. Those who have become a prey to her charms can find no shelter on earth. Her beauty slays rich Khojas and Khatris ? in the bazaar, like a murderous Kizilbash trooper riding out of the royal camp armed with a sword. Luddan and his boatmen are afraid of her, even as a goat fears the wolf. She is the pride of the Sial assembly. Her name is HIR. (Quoth the poet ! "This is not a boat but a marriage procession.") So Ranjha bid all the passers-by sit on the couch, boys and men, rich and poor. They surrounded him like moths round a lamp. And Luddan repented him that he had not taken Ranjha across at first, "For, I fear." said he," that this robber of the Chenab may by his magic beguile away my wives from me." Now the shepherds took the news to the village that a young man was singing in the boat :-"Flowers drop from his mouth when he speaks. Luddan's wives are in love with him, and he sits on Hir's couch." And the people of the ferry asked Ranjha his story - "Whence have you come? Why have you loft your home? You seem very delicato. Has no ody given you any food, not even a drop of milk to drink ! So Ranjha told his story unto the people, saying "I was the darling of my parents, but see now the work of God, in what strange wise fate has dealt with me." 3 The merchant class in N. Indis

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JUNE, 1921) HIR AND RANJHA CHAPTER 4. (Hir and her companions come to the Ferry.) How can the poet describe the girl friends of Hir? They were fair and bright with beauty. Lovers becaine like moths round the lamp of their loveliness. Their eyes were pencilled with the collyrium of Ceylon and Kandahar. Their eyebrows were like the bows of Lahore and their eyelashey like the arcows thereof. Neither the Chinese nor those of the North can rival the features of the Sials. When they walke: hand in hand down to the river their lovers were slain in battalions. The music of their bangles echoed as they walked. Their foreheads were as fair as the porch of a mosque. Last of all came Hir surrounded by her friends even as an eagle floats through the air. She was proud of her beauty and handfuls of pearls swung from her ears. The ring from her nose shone like the polar star. Her beauty was as mighty as the onset of a storm. When the red shift on her breast quivered in the sun, whosoever saw it forgot both Heaven and Earth Poet, how can you praise the beauty of Hir? Her eyes were as soft with love as the eyes of a deer or a narcissus ; her cheeks were as bright as roses. Her features were as lovely as the curves of a manuscript written by a running scribe. When her eyes flashed it was as if the armies of the Panjab had fallen upon Hindustan. Her lips were red as a ruby and her chin like an apple of the north. Her teeth were like pearls and beautiful as the seeds of a pomegranate. Hor nose was like the blade of Husain's sword; her locks were like black cobras sitting on the treasures of the Desert. She stood like a cypress in the garden of Paradise. Her thighs were ay white as camphor and her leg as shapely as the pillar of a minaret. To look at her was as the vision of the Night of Nights (lailatul-kadir-shabrat). The redness of her lipa made a man cry "Oh God! Oh God!" The onset of her beauty Was as if arnies from Kandahar had swept over the Panjab. Thus Hir and her girl friends came to the river to bathe. The tinkling of their anklets was heard from afar. They thundered like a cloud when they drew near the boat. They desecnded on the boatmen as a hail storm sweeps over a field. They belaboured Luddan the ferryman with their whips. They ordered the guards of the ferry to be bound hand and foot. Hir spoke straightway and said "Luddan, you black-faced rogue, why have you defiled my couch? Whom have you allowed to sleep on my bed? Have you no respect for me or fear of God that you have done this thing?" So they ran to the boat and looked at the couch and, behold, a comely youth was sleeping thereon with a red shawl over his shoulders. And Luddan lifted up his hands and said :-"Spare us, Lady, we are innocent. We did not invite the lad to sleep on your bed; he has come here himself without our invitation. The songs that he sings have cast a spell over our hearts. Be not proud of your beauty, Queen, nor be overbearing to your servants. Even tyrants fear God. Take heed that you become not like Zulaika when her eyes fell on the beauty of Joseph." And Hir made answer in her anger :-"This lad takes no heed of aught that may befall him. Does he not know that this is the kingdom of my father Chachak ! I care for no one, be hea lion, an elephant or the son of a noble. Does he think he is the son of Nadhu Shah or that he is the Pir of Baghdad? I have a thousand slaves like hind and I care not a whit for such as he. And Hir turning to Ranjha said :-." Sleeper, arise from my bed. Who are you and why have you chosen my sleeping place ? One whole watch of the day have I been waiting

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10 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JUNE, 1921 with my girl friends. Tell me, why are you sleeping so soundly? Have evil days befallen you that you run the risk of being flogged? Has sleep not come to you all night long that you sleep so sound a slumber? Or have you heedlessly slept on my bed thinking there was no master thereof forsooth?" And Hir cried aloud in her wrath to her maidservants to belabour him with cudgels. The queen in her wrath was furious to behold. CHAPTER 5. (The meeting of Ranjha and Hir.) And Ranjha opened his eyes and beheld Hir and said:" Be gentle with me, Sweetheart." And Hir's heart melted within her even as the snows of Kashmir melt under the tyrannous sun of June. Ranjha had his flute under his arm and earrings were in his ears. His beauty was as the beauty of the full moon. Their four eyes met and clashed in the battlefield of Love. The heart of Hir swelled with happiness even as a loaf swells with leaven. She sat in his lap as lovingly as arrows nestle in the embrace of the quiver. They conversed happily one with the other. Love triumphant rode on the field of victory. The soul of Hir was sore perplexed within her. She abandoned the pride of her beauty and became submissive unto Ranjha. "It is well," quoth she," that I did not beat you or say anything that was unbecoming." (Poet Waris, none can withstand when eyes fight with eyes in the tourney of Love.) Ranjha replied: "This world is a dream. Even you, proud Lady, will have to die. You should not be unkind to strangers or treat poor men with haughtiness. Take back your couch and quilt and I will depart hence and be no more seen." And Hir made reply:-"This couch, Hir and everything of mine is yours. Surely I did not reproach you. I clasp my hands in front of you. I swear I never lifted a finger against my Lord. I have been wandering masterless amongst my friends, and now God has sent me Ranjha to be my Master." And Ranjha replied:-" Oh beauteous Lady! be brought to submission without incantations. me, but you walk disdainfully."" Hir replied:-"I am your slave. Tell me, Friend! Whence have you come? Has some proud woman driven you from your home? Whither and why are you wandering? What is your name? Of what caste are you? Who is the wedded wife you have left behind, for whom you are sorrowing? Your eyes are as soft as the eyes of a deer. Flowers drop from your mouth as you speak. I am even as your slave. Tell me friend, would it please you to graze my father's buffaloes? The herd belongs to my father, but you will be my servant. Does that plan suit my Lord's fancy? When you drink of my father's grey buffaloes' milk you will forget all your sad songs." Ranjha replied:-"Girl, I am Ranjha and a Jat by caste. I come from Takht Hazara. I am favourite son fo Chaudhri Mauju. On his death evild ays befell me. My brothers by cunning stole the best fields. My portion was stones and bushes, and no rain fell thereon. My brothers burnt me with their taunts until I became like to roasted meat. If your loveliness so please I will graze the herd under the shadow of your eyes, and do whatsoever your heart wishes. But how shall be able to meet you? Let usdevise some plan lest you go away with your girl friends, desert me and kill me in my helplessness." Lovers, faqirs and black cobras cannot The wine of your beauty has intoxicated

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Juns, 1981) HIR AND RANJHA 11 Hir replied with folded hands :-"I will remain your slave, and all my handmaidens will do your bidding. Is not the forest a meet place for the clashing of four eyes and the meeting of four lips? Journeys end in lovers' meeting. God has given me the cowherd for my lover and I have forgotten the love I had for all my old friends and acquaintances." Ranjha replied: "Hir, you will sit among your girl friends at the spinning parties. I shall wander alone and disconsolate in the courtyard, and no one will take any heed of me. Do not feed me on bread and then deceive mo, and expel me from the courtyard. Hir do not beguile me. If you mean to be true, keep to your plighted word. Do not first be kind to a stranger and then turn your back upon him." Hir replied :-"I swear by my Father-and may my Mother dic-if I turn my face from you. Without you I declare food to be abhorrent to me. I will never give my love to any other man. Sitting on water I swear by Khwaja Khizr, the god of the waters : May I turn into a pig if I break the oath of Love. May I be a leper and lose my sight and limbs if ever I seek any husband save Ranjha.'" And Ranjha replied :--"Hir, the way of Love is difficult, and my heart is porplexed within me. Love is more fearful than a sword or spear or the triple venom of the chuselra snake. Pledge me your faith that you intend to be true. Remember that on the day of Resurrection those who have broken faith will meet those whoso trust they have betrayed." CHAPTER 6. (Ranjha becomes Chachat's cowherd.) So Hir pledged her faith and Ranjha trusting in her stood before Mihr Chachak. Hir went into the presence of her father and made Ranjha stand beside her. (Quoth the Poet : " See what a not of deceit Hir, the Jat girl, has spread !") And Hir said :-"My father, hail! May my life be sacrificed for you, under the shadow of whose protection my youth has passed happily in the Sandal Bar. Verily have I swung on cords of silk in the gardens of beauty! My tather, I have found a servant who can tend our buffaloes." And Chachak replied smilingly :-"Who is this boy and whence has he come ! His body looks so soft that if you touch him a bruise will come. He is not fit for buffaloes work. He seems of such gentle birth that methinks he will consider the buffaloes his own and himself no one's servant. The splendour of God shines in his face. It is not meet that he should be a herdsman." And Hir replied to her father :-"My father, Ranjha is of gentle birth. He is the son of a Chaudhri of Takht Hazara. "Tis a real jewel that I have found." And Chachak said :-"He seems to be a more lad, but he has wise eyes and a kindly disposition. But why is he sad and why has he left his home? Is he meditating any deceit in his heart ?" And Hir replied with subtlety:-"My Father, he is as learned as Solomon, and he can shave the very beard of Plato. He has cunning to trace out thefts and he speaks with wisdom in the assembly of the elders. He can decide thousands of disputes and he is learned in the wisdom of the Dogar Jats. He can swim buffaloes across the river and recover stolen cattle. He keeps all the herd as it were in the apple of his eye. He is one in a thousand in country where thieves are many and good servants scarce. Ho stands steadfast in his duty as a wrestler stands firm in the midst of the arena." And Chichak replied with tenderness to Hir :-" You are championing his cause with zeal: We will see how the boy turns out. We accept what you say; the boy can be given charge of the buffaloes., but bid him take care, as it is no easy task to tend buffaloes in the Bar."

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12 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JONE, 1921 (Quoth the poet : "Lovers are fortunate whose tangled affairs have been put straight by the kindness of God.") Then Hfr came and told her mother :-."Mother, the difficulty that has so long beset us bas at last been settled. The herd will no longer be masterless nor go astray in the forest, I have entrapped a Jat, & real jewel. I entreated him kindly and beguiled him with sweet talk and I have at length persuaded him to be shepherd of our cattle." And thus it came to pass that after a little Hfr came to Ranjha and consoled him with sweet talk. And the boys of the village laughed and said to Ranjha -"Now you will live on milk and cream all your life long." And Hir said :-" You should not mind the jeste of these rude boys. I will bring you butter and sugar and sweet bread. Go and drive the buffaloes into the forest and trust in God. I and my sixty maids will accompany you and together we will track the footprints of the lost cattle." CHAPTER 7. (Ranjha meets the Five Pirs in the forest.) God showed his mercy and the Bar was covered with green, even with innumerable grasses and herbs. The buffaloes formed into a black line like & snake and set out for the forest and Ranjha took upon himself the task of a herdsman. He called on the name of God and entered the forest. And the sun smote him sore and he was in great tribulation. Good fortune however came to him and he met the Five Pirs in the way. First came Khwaja Khizr, god of all the waters, then Shakarganj, the holy saint of Pakpattan. Then Shahbaz Qalandar the holy saint of Uch, and Zakaria, saint of Multan, and Sayyid Jalal of Bukhara, whom men also call Makhdom Jahanfan. And Ranjha saw by their countenances that they were holy men and besought their help. The Pire replied "Child, eat your fill and drink grey buffaloes' milk and live on the fat of the land. Dismiss all sadness from your mind. God himself will set your affairs right." And Ranjha replied "Sirs, I am in great distress. You are mediators with God and I salaam before you seven times. I beseech you bestow the girl Hir upon me, for the fire of Love is devouring me." The holy Pirs answered and said " Child, all your wishes will be fulfilled ; your arrow will hit the target, and your boat will reach the shore. Hir has been bestowed on you by the Darbar of God. My child, remember the Five Pirs in the time of your distress." Thus by the grace of God and the kindness of the Five Pirs, Hir, the Jat girl, was bestowed on Ranjha. (Quoth the poet : "When the days of good fortune come, all the pirs, fakirs and amits are ready to help.") The Five Pirs were gracious unto Ranjha. Khizr gave him a turban tuft, Sayyid Jallal & dagger, Zakaria a stick and blanket, Lal Shahbaz a ring, and Shakrganj a kerchief. And they said :-"No one will do you harm. God has made you the owner of these cattle." And the buffaloes streamed out into the forest and were the glory of the land, even As swans are the glory of a lake. There were black buffaloes, grey buffaloes and brown. Some had horns upturned, others drooping, others curly horns. Some were lazy and mild tempered : others were fat and lusty and of fiery spirit. They gambolled and jumped and threshed their tails from side to side. They swam in deep water. Their soft eyes were like lotus buds and their teeth like rows of pearls. Ranjha drove the cattle into the forest and they were happy with him and hearkened to his voice, and he drove them whithertoever he listed.

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JUNE, 1921] HIR AND RANJHA 13 CHAPTER 8. (Hir and Ranjha meet in the forest.) Hir Jatti set out from Jhang Sial. She came as a cloud of beauty from Paradise to fertilise the Sandal Desert, or as the soul coming to awaken the body. She came to fulfil the eagerness of her heart, for she was possessed with love for Ranjha. She brought him boiled rice, sugar and butter and milk, and she said with weeping eyes:-"I have been searching for you all over the forest." And she served him with all manner of attention. And Ranjha told Hir that according to Muhammadan law the promises of women were not to be trusted : "God himself hath said in the holy Quran: Verily your deceit is great.' Satan is the Lord of evil spirits and women. Women falsify the truth and feel no shame. The word of women, boys, hemp-smokers and bhang-drinkers cannot be trusted. Only if you intend to keep your word, Hir, can the son of Mauju endure the humiliation of being a servant." Hir replied:-"Do not upbraid women. None can be so persistent or steadfast as a woman. For the love of Joseph Zulaika renounced her kingdom. For the love of Mahiwal Sohni was drowned in the river. Is not the love of Laila known throughout the world and does not the grass grow green on her tomb to this day? Sassi died a martyr in the burning sands and Shirin died too for the sake of her lover Farhad. Had not prophets and saints mothers that bore them? Was not Eve Adam's equal? Men cannot be as bold as women. Ask Waris the poet, he knows this well. As God and the Prophet are true, I give you my plighted word that I will be your slave as long as blood runs in my veins. I am yours to do with as you will. You may sell me in the bazar if it so pleases you." So Hir comforted Ranjha with sweet words and poured out all her soul to him. She said:"We shall be surrounded by enemies and you must confront all troubles with patience. The waves of the Ocean of Love are heavy with fate. They will either take us ashore or drown us. But beware of Kaidu, my wicked uncle. He is like Satan and bent on mischief. The world will reproach us and those who are ignorant will cast taunts at us, but the true lover sacrifices his life for his beloved. Lovers have no support but God." Thus every day Hir used to take a bowl of rice and pudding to Ranjha in the forest, and she swore to be true to him. She gave up her spinning and no longer sat with her girl friends. She was with Ranjha all the day. She set aside the blanket of shame. And the folk of the village put their fingers in their mouths in amazement, beholding her wantonness. (Quoth the poet : Those who commit sin will burn in Hell.") The news spread over the whole of Jhang that Hir had fallen in love with a shepherd and that she went to visit him every day in the forest. CHAPTER 9. (Hir's mother is angry with her and Kaidu finds her in the forest with Ranjha.) When Hir came back from the forest, her mother rebuked her saying:-"The taunts of the village-folk have consumed us utterly. Would that no daughter Hir had been born to me! If you cease not from wickedness your father Chuchak and your brother Sultan will cut you in pieces."

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JUNE, 1921 And Hir replied :-"Listen Milki, my mother as long as breath remains in my body I will not leave Ranjha. Yea! though they carve me into little pieces and I become & martyr at Karbala. And so I shall go to meet the famous lovers of old, I shall see Laila, and Majnun and Sassi who was drowned in the river." And Milki was wroth with Hir and said " This then is the reward your father and I receive for the love we have bestowed on our daughter. We thought we had planted a rose in our garden but it is a prickly thorn. You visit Ranjha daily in the forest and take him food and cake and pasty. You heed not what your parents say. Daughters who are disobedient to their parents are not daughters but prostitutes." But Hir would not listen to her mother and continued to visit Ranjha in the forest. Meanwhile Kaidu the cripple, Hir's uncle, constantly urged. Chachak to chastise Hir. He kept watch over her footsteps as a spy. He smelt the savour of the pasty and he secretly followed Hir when she went to the forest. At last the cunning of the cripple succeeded. Hir had gone to the river to fetch water and Ranjha was sitting alone, so Kaidu in the guise of a mendicant faqir came to him and begged for alms in the name of God. And Ranjha, thinking he was truly a holy man, gave him half of his pasty. Kaidu gave him & fagfr's blessing and retired towards the villago. When Hir came back from the river she asked Ranjha where the other half of the pasty was, and he told her that a crippled faqir had come and begged in God's name, and as he seemed a saintly man he had given him half the pasty. Hir replied "Ranjha, where have your wits gone! That was no saintly fagfr but my Satanic uncle Kaidu who goes about to destroy mo. Did I not warn you! He is as evil as Satan. He separates husbands from wives and mothers from daughters. He is a great hypocrite, for what he sets up with his hands by day he kicks down by night with his feet. He will put in motion the well-gear of destruction and will drop ak juice into our milk." Ranjha replied to Hir:"Kaidu has only just left and he cannot be far away. Go and stop him on some pretence." The heart of Hir was scorched with anger against Kaidu so she ran and overtook him in the way and fell on him in her wrath like a tigress. She tore off his faqir's cap and ropes of beads and threw them on the ground. She thrashed him even as a washerman beats his clothes on the washing-board. She thundered in her wrath "Give me back the pasty if you wish your life to be spared ; else I will bind you hand and foot and hang you to a tree. Why do you pick quarrels with girls! Half of the pasty fell on the ground : the other half Kaidu snatched from Hir, and having secured his prize, the cripple ran off as fast as his crooked legs would carry him to the village. Then Kaidu came before the council of the village elders and said :-"See, here are the pieces of pasty which Hir gave to Ranjha. Will you now believe when I tell you she is a shameless hussy? Why does somebody not tell Chachak to chastise her? She is bringing shame and humiliation on the kindred. Chachak should have repented the day on which he engaged this cowherd. His wits must have forsaken him that he has not turned Ranjha away." And they came and told Chuchak what Kaidu had been saying in the assembly of the elders. And Chachak was wroth and said :-"Kaidu is a tale-bearer and a liar: he chases moths all day. He thinks he becomes a perfect fagir by wearing a rosary. He thinks the girdle makes the darvesh. Why does he wag the tongue of slander against Hir! She

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JUNE, 1921] HIR AND RANJHA 15 only goes to the forest to play with her girl friends." But the women of the village mocked at Milki saving :-"Your daughter is a bad girl and our hearts are burnt with shame like roasted meat. The drum of her shame has been beaten throughout the whole valley of the Chenab. If we speak to her she is insolent to us. She has the pride of a princess. She goes to the forest under the pretence of going to the mosque with a Quran under her arm. People think she is reading in the mosque, but she is getting another leeson from a different chapter. She is a bad example to the village and we are beginning to be anxious about our own daughters." And Kaidu said to Milki:-"For God's sake get your daughter married. The Qazi always says :-Marry a naughty girl as soon as you can.' Or else break her head and cut her into small pieces, as she is a disgrace to the village. Why do you not plaster her mouth up, as you plaster up your cornbins ?" And Milki was at last tortured to frenzy by these taunts, and said to Mittu the barber woman: "Go and call that Hussy Hir and say her mother wants her." So Mittu went and called Hir. And Hir appeared and laughingly said to her mother :-"See, I am here." And Milki said: "You bad girl. You should be drowned in the deep stream for causing such a scandal. Grown up daughters who venture outside their father's house should be thrown down the well. You are so fond of your lover, Hir, that we shall have to find & husband for you. If your brother comes to hear of your goings on, he will hurry on your betrothal or he will hack you in pieces with his sword. Why have you cut off the nose of the family and covered us with disgrace ? Come, Mittu, take off her ornaments. What is the good of giving jewellery to a girl like this % She is tarnishing the honor of Jhang Sial. We will dismiss the cowherd to-night. What do we want cowherds for ?" And Hir replied :-"Mother I am very fortunate in that God has sent this cowherd to your house. All men thank God when they get such a treasure given them. What the Pen of Destiny has written has come to pass. Why do you noise abroad the whole affair? Do you not know that three things should be kept secret, fire, a sword, and Love !" Thus Hir withstood her parents to their faces and refused to give up Ranjha. And Milli said to Chuchak:-"See how the girl withstands us to our faces. All our kith and kin put their fingers in their mouths with amazement and talk sarcastically about us. She has levelled the pride of the Sials to the dust." And Chuchak replied :-"Give her away at once. Thrust her out from the village. She is altogether abominable. Why did you not suffocate her when she was born, Milki, or poison her when she was a baby?" CHAPTER 10. (Scandal spreads in the village and Chuchak dismisses Ranjha and then recalls him.) So when Ranjha brought the cows back that night. Chachak was wroth, and he called Ranjha and in the presence of all his kinsfolk rebuked him saying "Friend, give up the buffaloes and go away! You have become a subject for scandal and evil tale-bearing. Tell

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16 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ JUNE, 1021 me, brethren of the Sials, what use have we for a cowherd like this? I did not engage him to be a bull among my cows. I meant him to take buffaloes and not girls into the forest; We eat taunts all day long on his account." Thereupon Ranjha threw down his shepherd's crook and blanket and quitted Chuchak's herd of cattle, even as a thief leaves the hole in the wall when he hears the watchman's footsteps. And he spake to Chuchak in his anger :-"May thieves take away your buffaloes and dacoits run away with your calves. What do I care for your buffaloes or your daughter? For twelve years I have been grazing your buffaloes and now you turn me away without wages. You are looting me like a bdnia (Hindu trader) whose ledger stays quietly in his shop while the interest swells into a mountain. So your daughter stayed in her house and you got my services for nothing." So Ranjha in a rage shook the dust of the Sials off his feet and gave up the service of Chachak. But as soon as Ranjha had gone, the buffaloes refused to graze any longer. Some were lost, some were drowned : others were devoured by tigers or got lost on the further bank of the river. The Sials made attempt to recover their cattle but to no purpose, so Chuchak repented of his decision saying "The buffaloes will not graze. We are worn out with our exertions." And Hir said to her mother :-"My father has turned the cowherd away and see the poor condition into which the cattle have fallen. People do not think my father has dealt fairly with the cowherd." And Milki said to Chuchak "All the people curse us for having turned the cowherd out without paying him his wages. Had he asked for his wages you would have had to pay him a whole bag full of money. Go and beseech him to come back. Tell him Hir is disquieted by his absence." Chuchak said to Milki, his wife :-"Go you and pacify him. Tell him to graze the buffaloes till Hir's marriage. Let him enjoy happiness. Who knows what may befall between now and then? We Jats are known to be sharp customers. We must get him by hook or by crook." So Milki went to her brothers' and their wives' courtyard and enquired where Ranjha had gone, and having found him she entreated him saying Do not fret over much about the quarrel you had with Chuchak. Parents and children often fall out in such small matters. Come back and milk our buffaloes, and spread Hir's couch. Since you have gone she has been much displeased with us. Only you can pacify her. Our cattle, our wealth, the Sials and Hir herself are all yours." And Hir said to Ranjha -"You should hearken to my mother for is she not the mother of your beloved ? My parents have not yet decided on my betrothal, and marriage is a long way off. Who knows which side the camel will sit down?"3 So Ranjha hearkened to the words of Hir's mother, and once more became Chuchak's herdsman, and he drove the cattle into the forest; and he bathed and called on the name of God. And Hir brought him roasted barley and wheat flour mixed with sherbet, and she bowed herself before him. Love in person ministered to Ranjha. One day the Five Pirs appeared before him, and Ranjha bowed himself to the ground, and Hir was with him. And the Pirs said "Children, we salute you. Remember God. Do not tarnish the word of Love. Ranjha you are Hir's, and Hir is yours. A pearl and a ruby have come together. Your Love will cause trouble and strife in the world. The world will taunt you, but be brave and steadfast. Do not abandon love and remember God day and night." 3 I.e., Which way the wind will blow.

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AUQuer, 1921) HIR AND RANJHA CHAPTER 11. (The Kazi admonishes Her but she refuses to give up Ranjha.) Now when Hir came back from the forest her parents sent for the Kazi and the Kazi sat between Chuchak and Milki, and Hir was made to sit in front of the Kazi. And the Kazi said: "Child with all gentleness we give you counsel. Take heed unto our words with patience. It is not becoming for the daughter of Chuchak to talk to cowherds and penniless coolies. You should sit in the assemblies of women in their spinning parties. Turn your red spinning wheel and sing the merry songs of the Chenab. Your demeanour should be meek and modest, remembering the dignity of your father and his family. For Jats carry weight in the world and girls should think of their parents. They should not gad abroad. In a few days the messengers of your wedding will be here. The preparations for the marriage are all but complete. The Kheras will bring a marriage procession in a few days to take you to the house of your husband." And Hir replied to her father : "As wine-bibbers cannot desert the bottle, as opiunieaters cannot live without opium, 80 I cannot live without Ranjha. As the stain of mango juice cannot be washed away from clothes, so the stain of love cannot be erased when once the heart has fallen a victim. Love is like baldness. You cannot get rid of it even in twelve years." Thereupon Chuchak said to Milki: "You have spoilt your daughter with too much kindness. She listens to nobody's advice. Rip open her belly with a sickle ; pierce her eyes with a needle, and smash her head with a milking stool. The Kazi said : " Those who do not obey their parents will be burnt alive. The girl seems to welcome death and the stake. Girl, you should beware of Love. Under pain of Love Sohni drowned herself in the river. Sassi died a martyr in the desert. When fathers become angered they hew their daughters in pieces. They bind them hand and foot and cast them into a deep pit. If we say the word you will be done to death at once. If evil doers are killed, God does not avenge their death." And Hir replied to the Kazi: "Woe to that nation that destroys its daughters. It will be accursed and utterly perish from off the earth. The blood of the victims will bear testimony. Those who kill their daughters will be accounted sinners in the day of resurrootion. God will say, Eat them, as you hr.ve killed them with your own hands.' I will be submissive in all things to my parents, but do not ask me to give up the shepherd. I have pledged my faith to him. Mother, if you wish for happiness in this world, give Hir in marriage to Ranjha. It is easy to give advioe, but difficult to pursue the path of Love." And Milki replied: "My daughter, all the people taunt us when they see your wicked ways. You are a black-faced wanton. You are thinking of Ranjha all the time. You weary the body and soul of your parents with sharp words. You bark like a bitch day and night." And Sultan, Hir's brother oame forward and said: "Mother, she puts us to disgrace in the whole world. Do not keep such a bad daughter. Give her poison and get rid of her at once. If she does not obey you and sit in purdah, I will kill her. Do not let the shepherd into this compound or I will cut him into little pieces. Mother, if you do not bring your daughter into submission I will burn the house down." . See page 16. 8 Female infanticide is not uncommon in India.

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18 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (AUGUST, 1921 Hir replied to her brother: "Dear brother, my life is yours. When four eyes have met and clashed in Love, the course of Love cannot be stopped. My fate was written by the Pen of Destiny on the first Day of Days. The Pen and the Tablet of Destiny prostrated themselves before Love. How can poor Hir withstand it! All the Jat girls of Jhang are in love with him. My dear brother you should pray to God that all the girls should follow the example of Hir. You should sacrifice a thousand sisters at the feet of Love." And the Kazi yet again urged Hir to desist from her evil ways saying that girls who disobeyed their parents would be losers in the day of Judgment. And Hir made answer to the Kazi : "Lovers cannot disburden themselves of the burden of love. Know, Kazi that I will never accept a Khera in marriage even though I am bound with iron chains or ropes. If I turn my face from Ranjha and desert Love to-morrow I shall be disbarred in the Resurrection from the company of Lovers. To this burden of shame I will never consent. I deem the infamy of the world as a pleasure as long as I keep the Love of Ranjha. Waris. I shall be called the Hir of Ranjha in heaven, in the assembly of Fatima the daughter of the prophet." And the Kazi was wroth and said: "Nobody can stop or stay this wicked girl. Hir's pride knows no bounds. She must be given away in marriage at once." And Hir called aside one of her girl friends and sent her to Ranjha at once with the following message : "My parents and the Kazi are oppressing me and my life is being taken from me even as sugar is pressed out of a sugar mill. You, friend, are living happily but an army of sorrows is invading me." And the girl went and gave this message to Ranjha and told him to comfort Hir as she was being humiliated. CHAPTER 12. (Ranjha has audience of the Five Pirs and Mithi.discourses on Love.) And Ranjha when he heard this was sad and desired in his heart to call on the Five Pirs; so he bathed in the river and then took his flute and began to play. And he stood before the Five Pirs with folded hands and weeping eyes, and he prayed : "For God's .gake, help me, or my love will be ruined." And the Five Pirs at once came to his help, say. ing: "We have seen in ur dream that your mind has been perplexed and your soul sore troubled within you." And the Pirs said : "Sing to us two or three songs as our heart is yearning for song." So Ranjha began to sing before the Five Pirs. He took his flute and cunningly ran his fingers over the notes. He played the seven modes, even the modes of Kharj, Rakhab, Sanehar, Panebam, Maddam, Darat, and Nikaoli, and with much skill he kept time to the beats of the drum, and he also played many variations on these tunes, even from Urab unto Gaddi Dum. And he sang all the songs that men sing, even the song of Bishenpatti and the songs that the women of the Manjha sing, the song of Sohni and Mahiwal and the songs the hillmen sing. He declaimed the shrill verses of Kabit, the songs of the Gujars and the songs of the women of the east. And with the singing and the music he became as one in a trance. He swayed like a cobra. And the hearts of the Five Pirs were moved hearing Ranjha sing, and they said: "Ask any favour of us and we will give it."

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August, 1921] HIR AND RANJHA 19 Ranjha replied: "Admit me to your holy order ; make me a Malang and give me Hir as my Malangai and Mate." And the Pirs said: "We will be your helpers. Hir is yours but use her not as a wife, as men use women. Do not desert her nor take her away from her parents house for she is no penniless girl nor a girl of mean birth, and remember to cast your eyes on no other woman than Hir." And Ranjha being perplexed in heart went to Mithi the barber woman and asked her concerning the ways of women and Love. And Mithi replied: "The way of Love is hard and the path is tortuous. The taste of Love is as bitter as poison. The very letters of Love jus ISHQ are like the coils of a snake and only very wise men know its secrets. Love to the potter woman is part of the days work like eating and drinking; the love of a shepherdess is fierce like a wolf; the love of a Sikh woman is as violent as the current of the Chenab. The love of a shroff woman is as clear cut as the year 37 on the coins of Muhammad Shah. The Bengali woman's love is fitful. The Hindustani's is childish. A little girl's love is fretful and peevish: she is always taunting and reproaching her lover. Kanjars know not what love is. God's curse on the casual light-o'loves. Touch them not. The love of a Khatri woman is as soft ag dough. The hill woman loves openly but the Peshawar woman in secret. But hark ye. The birth place of Love is among the Sials. Jhang is the father of Love and the Chenab is its mother. Did not Love exist from the beginning of the world? Did not God love Muhammad ! Did not the holy saints know Love even Adam and Eve, and Zakaria who got caught in a tree and sawn asunder? Did not Abraham love Ishmael? Was not God displeased with King Solomon and did not He cast him down from his throne in his displeasure, in the twinkling of an eye? Love also slew Hagan and Hosain the holy martyrs, and is not the list of earthly Lovers long and famous -even Mirza and Sahiba, Chander, Badan, Sherin, Kamrup, Sassi and Punnoo, Laila and Majnun, Sohni and Mahiwal, Joseph and Zuleika." And Ranjha and Hir took counsel how they might conceal their plans from Hir's parents ; so they decided to take Mithi the barber woman into their confidence so that they might meet in Mithi's house. And Hir slipped five gold coins into Mithi's hands and made her promise not to tell the secret to the other girls. And Mithi's heart grew warm when she saw the money. Verily without money there is no kith or kin or kindness in the world Without money there is no wit nor wisdom. With the help of money the fool is the equal of the wise man. Waris, if you trust in God, he will give you your portion of the good things of this world. Mithi's house was near the watering place of the cattle, a little aside in a quiet corner. It was full of quilts and beds and soft coverlets, and Mithi used to scatter flowers for Ranjha and Hir to walk on. Ranjha's orders were obeyed throughout the house and he was treated with as much honour as a son-in-law. And Hir used to come during the night and stay till one watch of the night remained and then slip back to her own house. In the morning Ranjha drove the buffaloes out to graze in the forest. Under the pretence of bathing, Hir and her girl friends used to meet him in the forest on the banks of the Chenab. And the banks of the Chenab laughed and shook with their merry making. Ranjha played on the flute and Hir and her girl friends sang the merry songs of the Chenab. Sonia, the gold. smith girl wrung the water out of her dripping hair and shook it over Ranjha, and then kissed him and ran away'laughing. The daughter of Sadoo the weaver clung to him as a leather water-bag clings to the back of the water-carrier, and Miran and Bibi, the daughters of Fatto

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20 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [AUGUST, 1921 the wood-seller ran and caught Hir and Ranjha and pressed their two faces together. Sanpatti, the shepherd's daughter, mocked them, and when Ranjha ran after her she dived into the water like a tall water fowl and escaped. Some stood like cranes among the tall reeds: other swam like otters. Some waddled to the banks like a crocodile : others floated on the water like dead fishes. Hir swam round Ranjha alone and floated towards him with roguish glances. With much cunning she set herself to catch that fish of Takht Hazara. But the shepherds heard of these things and came and told the news to Kaidu ; and Kaidu said to Milki: "Your daughter is a daughter of shame. She plays with the shepherd in the pools of the Chenab river. She has tainted the honour of the country side. We have tried all we can, both her parents and the Kazi and I, but we can do nothing with her." So Milki sent Aulia the barber, Alfoo the shoemaker, Jammoo the ploughman and Doodoo the baker to fetch Hir. And they went and said to Hir: "Your mother is very angry with you. Chuchak and the assembly of elders will thrash you." And to Ranjha they said: "A great calamity will befall you as Milki threatens to kill you. The Sials are so filled with wrath that they have not kindled fire on their hearths the whole day. The whole tribe is angry. The Sials have determined to kill you. So Hir came and salaamed to her mother, and her mother said to her : " You shameless hussy, you loud tongued abandoned harlot, you slit-nosed prostitute with cat's eyes. You are a pool of filthy water as dirty as the bottom of a tank. You can teach the cows to frisk when the bulls come after them and you must know full well how bull buffaloes run after the cows. Fine mating there has been in the forest. You have dragged the name and fame of your family in the mud. You have caused your scandal to be noised abroad in every street and alley of the village." And Hir replied angrily to her mother: "The mouth of a liar is a foul thing. Why are you speaking lies ? Mother, what is the good of this overmuch talk? The cowherd was in the jungle and I was playing with my girl friends. Whose she ass have I stolen ? Why has this storm burst on my head? Why publish in the four corners of the city what is only known to a few ? May pain rot and disease consume the unfortunate daughter of Milki. I will not give up Ranjha even if my great grandfather comes and tries to make me do so." And Milkt was silent before Hir as she saw that Hir was determined and that her heart was fixed, and that she had no fear of death at all. And Kaidu, the lame, the tale-bearer, the son of Satan, went about the village with his wicked half-closed eyes saying: "you fools why do you not take my advice? Nobody will give you better counsel. I tell you the girl walks arm in arm with Ranjha all day in the forest. If you do not take care he will run away with her, and where will be the honour of the Sials ?" CHAPTER 13. (Hir thrashes Kaidu and Kaidu complains to the village elders.) And Hir's girl friends came to her saying: "Your evil uncle is stirring up the whole assembly of elders against you. He has noised the whole affair in the bazaar by beat of drum. If this goes unheeded who will call you Hir? He should be taught a lesson which he will not forget. So Hir took counsel together with her girls, and at her bidding they waited for an opportunity and caught Kaidu and surrounded him like a potter

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AUGUST, 1921) HIR AND RANJHA 21 catches his ass. They tore off his beggar's girdle and threw him on the ground. They beat him on the back and over the head. Their blows resounded like the hammers of the coppersmiths. They pulled out his hair and blackened his face with soot. They broke his cups and cooking pots. Kaidu cried out like a thief in the hands of the constable, and in his rage he bit them, scratched them and tore thier clothes into ribbons. But the girls crowded round him and kept him at bay, even as the Police guards encircle Lahore. They then burnt his hut and let the dogs and the chickens loose all over his property. And with blazing torches they went off triumphantly to announce their victory to Hir. How can I describe the prowess of these fair beauties? It was as if the royal armies had returned to Lahore after subduing Muttra. And Kaidu with blood flowing from his wounds and with torn clothes raised a great hue and cry saying: "I come for justice. Administer justice, O assembly of elders! They have set fire to my hut. Dogg and cocks and hens have looted my opium and bhang. They have broken my pots and pans and the bowl my master gave me. They have thrashed me and humbled me before the whole world. I am wearied with weeping. I will lay my complaint before the whole world. I will seek justice from the Kazi." And Chuchak turned to Kaidu and said: "Go away cripple. You are the prince of rogues and are always seeking quarrels. You worry people and then come and howl before the elders. You tease girls and then try and get them into trouble." And the elders sent for the girls and asked them why they had beaten the poor lame fakir. "Had they detected him in any wrong doing?" The girls put their fingers into their mouths with amazement and replied: "He is a lewd and wicked fellow. He pinches our cheeks and handles us in a mighty unbecoming fashion. He spies out our coming and goings and he chases us as a bull chases a buffalo." Then Hir and her companions came before Milki and complained saying: "We are your humble servants. Kaidu is a mad dog to be spurned. Why do you not drive him away? We have not touched him. Why do you not believe us? It is indeed a strange word. He treats us outrageously and picks a quarrel with us, and then you go and console him with soft words. You are kind to a quarrelsome knave like him and make your daughters stand before the village elders. This is a new kind of justice. We are your humble obedient servants." And Kaidu again made a great hue and cry before the assembly and asked for redress and justice. And the elders advised him to be patient and quiet, saying: "The girls have behaved exceedingly foolishly. The fakir has been very hardly dealt with." Then they scolded the girls and consoled the cripple, promising to build him a new hut and to give him more 'post' and 'bhang' and all the things the girls had destroyed. And Kaidu grumbled and was discontented in his heart and muttered: "These olders have lost faith and have abandoned justice. They shew partiality to their daughters. It is a poor consolation they have given me. Verily it is a case of: 'A blind king and oppressing officials.!" And Chuchak answered Kaidu sharply and said: "Our village elders are not men without shame or fear of God. We do the thing that is just, and hate the thing that is evil. Let me see with mine own eyes that your story is true and I will cut the throat of the wicked jade and turn the shepherd out of the country."

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22 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ AUGUST, 1921 And Kaidu muttered to himself: "I will grind Hir's flesh into small pieces like bhang, and I will make a rope of the hair of the shepherd." And he replied to Chuchak :" If you do not beat her after seeing her shame with your own eyes, then the assembly of elders are liars." So Kaidu revolved in his own mind how he might catch Hir and Ranjha in the forest and bring Chuchak to see them, for he reflected: "Who will punish his daughter merely on what I say? Who will set the village on fire to avenge the loss of one sheep?" So Kaidu lay in ambush in the forest like a closed fist. He hid himself like a dog in the bushes. The next morning Ranjha drove the cattle into the forest, and after two watches of the day had gone, Hir and her companions in their scarlet clothes came into the forest. The forest was all ablaze with the beauty of the Sial girls. And the girls played "Toss the red handkerchief" (Lal Kachorni) together and then went back to their homes. Ranjha and Hir stayed behind and slept together peacefully in the forest. And Kaidu spying them together alone ran off to the village as fast as his crippled legs would carry him, and said to the assembly of the elders: "Come and see strange things in the forest." CHAPTER 14. (Chuchak finds Ranjha and Hir in the forest.) Chuchak muttered to himself: "We have been dishonoured before the whole assembly." And he saddled his horse and took a spear in his hand. It shone like lightning. The clatter of his galloping sounded from afar in the forest. And Hir heard the noise and was afraid of the coming of her father. And she said to Ranjha: "Get up, my father is coming." Then she wept and said: "I shall not come again here so forgive me." And she hurried from Ranjha's side. Mehr Chuchak was tortured to frenzy on seeing them alone in the forest. He said: "See the tyranny of God. Women are roaming about here alone in the forest." Shame pierced his heart. He quivered with rage and said: "I will break your legs in two and cut off your head. Only thus will the scandal Be stopped." And Hir turned towards Ranjha and said: "Shepherd, leave your buffaloes and go away to your home. No one in future will care for you or bring your food. Forgive me, my father, for what has happened. I am your own dear daughter and it is not meet for men of gentle birth to bring about their own disgrace by publishing abroad their daughter's defects." Chuchak stood bewildered like a saint that has drunken deeply of bhang, and he bethought him that Hir ought to be given away in marriage soon. Now when Ranjha became a shepherd and tended the buffaloes of Chuchak, news was taken to his brethren in Takht Hazara. The brothers of Ranjha wrote to the Sials saying: "You have employed the son of Mauju Chaudri as a shepherd. How strange are the doings of Almighty God. He left us in anger and we have been searching for him day and night. All his fields have been made ready for cultivation; we have bushels of grain ready for him when he returns, the produce of all these years that he has been away. He has been in our minds always, and our wives who were his comrades are weeping for him. He has cut off our nose by becoming a grazier of buffaloes. We shall be grateful to you if you will send him back; otherwise we shall have to come with a special embassage to lay our request before you."

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HIR AND RANJHA 23 AUGUST, 1921] And Chuchak replied: "We have employed Ranjha as Hir's servant. Had he been an evil man, we should have expelled him. The whole village stands in awe of him and all the shepherds obey him. Why have you turned such a young man as this out of your house? He is neither lame nor lazy nor clumsy fingered. We will not turn him out, but if he wishes to see his brothers no one will prevent him." And Ranjha's brothers and their wives wrote tauntingly to Hir and said: "If you want boys to debauch we can supply you with plenty. It is a matter of amazement how much debauchery is being taught nowadays. You have robbed us of our brotherin-law whose face was like the moon. You should pick out a bigger man for your love intrigues. This boy Ranjha is too young to know what love means." Now Hir had the letter read out to her and she told the contents to Ranjha, and after consulting him, she caused the following answer to be written on her behalf. . "Your letter has been received. We are shocked at its contents. We have employed Ranjha as a grazier of buffaloes and we will not let him go. The once plucked Bel flower cannot be reset on the branch. Broken glass cannot be united. The bones that have once been thrown in the Ganges cannot return. Past times can never come back. The contract of love once entered on cannot be broken." And Ranjha's sisters-in-law replied to Hir: "If you wish to challenge us on the score of beauty we are ready to accept the challenge. We are all of us beautiful and all our lives we have been servants of our dear Ranjha. He is like the moon to us and we are like the Pleiades to him. He beats and abuses us but still we are his servants. You may take another slave from us in his stead and we shall be grateful. We have been sore distressed by his absence and we are like swans separated from the herd." To this letter Hir replied as follows without the knowledge of Chuchak: "Greetings. What you ask me about Ranjha is impossible. I swear on the Koran I cannot give him up. Why are you so fond of him? His love is with me. In the assembly of the girls we sing songs about him. You are fine sisters-in-law. You are always squabbling with him. Your taunts have made him as thin as a piece of board." To this Ranjha's sisters-in-law made reply: "He belonged to us but you stole him. You rob us of our money bags and then play the usurer over us. You come to borrow a light and then claim to be mistress of the house. The simpleton fell into your wily clutches like a blind mouse hunting for food in an empty corn bin. May the curse of the Poet Waris Shah fall upon you, Hir, for you have robbed us of our dear brother-in-law." And Hir replied: "Did Ranjha's sisters-in-law love him so much when they turned him out of his father's house? Did not his brothers expel him for a few roods of land? He slipped away from his home in despair even as a pearl slips off a silken thread. He roams all day in thick forests and has sold his soul to this sinful personage. He refuses to go however much you exert yourselves. You can let his brothers know that we do not intend to restore him even for hundreds of thousands of rupees." CHAPTER 15. (Chuchak proposes to get Htr married.) Now during all this time Chuchak was perplexed in his heart about his daughter Hir; and he called his relations and castefellows together in an assembly to consult about Hir's marriage. He was undecided whether to give her in marriage to Ranjha or elsewhere.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (AUGUST, 1921 Chuohak was determined to marry her somewhere to avert disgrace, and his brethren agreed with him, but they urged that Sials had never given their daughters to the Ranjha tribe and that they would be disgraced if they give their daughter to such lowly and needy folk. The brotherhood recommended an alliance with the house of the Kheras as being Jats of good lineage whom Chuchak would be proud to own as relations. They said that the Kheras had already sent their barbers to propose the betrothal. So Chuchak took the advice of the brotherhood and announced the betrothal to his friends and relations. The women of his household beat drunis and gave presents to the minstrels and gave them bowls of sugar. They sang songs and made merry. The Kheras received the news with great joy. They assembled in crowds and danced with delight. They distributed dishes of milk and rice. But when Hir and Ranjha heard the merriment, sorrow fell upon them and their heart turned to cursing. Hir was angry with her mother for betrothing her against her will and said she would never go with the Kheras however much her mother tried to make her.. "When did I ask you for a husband," she exclaimed: "Why do you try to conceal designs which cannot long remain hidden. You have betrothed a swan to an owl. You have mated a fairy to a bull." And Hir said to Ranjha : "Great Tyranny has fallen upon us. Let us go away to some distant part of the country, for when once I am admitted into the house of the Kheras they will never allow me to come back. We have been fighting on the battle field of Love. It does not beoome a gallant warrior to desert the battle-field." Ranjha replied: "Love does not taste well if it is composed of theft and stealth and abduction. You are asking me to run away like a thief that has been found out." Now the girls of Jhang Sial assembled together and came before Ranjha and asked: "How fares it with you now? You have been grazing buffaloes day and night and now all the preparations for the marriage have been made and the barbers have delivered their message all over the country. Foolish man, ask the girl why she is treating you like this. You should say to her: 'If you intended to turn your face from me why did you made me undergo such hardships! You have helped me on to the roof and now you kick away the ladder. That must be all, Hir, our friendship must now end.'" Ranjha replied to the girls and said : " The uttering of many words is folly; all ills must be borne with patience. If God is good, the Khera and Hir Sial will never mate together. The patience of the heart is victorious over the world. You chattering women know nothing of Love. Verily Love is a bitter herb and sour to eat. Patience alone can mend the cloven sky. Those who keep silent always succeed." And Hir's girls came and said to her: "You have been insincere and have deserted your faith. Your Lover Ranjha is ready to throw away his shepherd's stick and blanket and to leave your father's country If you intended to break faith with him why did you first encourage him and then break his heart? He has borne the taunts of the whole world for your sake and you have been a great tyrant. Remember that the throne of God trembles when a man is deprived of his right." And Hir replied to the girls :' "Hide him under your sheet and bring him to me disguised as a girl, but do not let my parents know. We shall then be face to face and you can decide like a true judge. Those who have been true will be acquitted and those who have been false will be blamed. I have been telling this lover of mine to run away with me but he missed his chance. Why does he turn round now and bewail his lot." So one night the girls brought Ranjha disguised as a girl, and Hir and Ranjha onoe again pledged their troth to be true to one another.

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OCTOBER, 1921) HIR AND RANJHA CHAPTER 16. (Hir is married to Saida against her will.) Meanwhile the Kheras asked the Brahmans to consult the augury of the Stars and to fix the marriage. The Brahmans fixed Virwati (Thursday) in the month of Sawan for the wedding : But Ranjha all this time was sad in his heart. Meanwhile all the kitchens were busy making preparations for the feast, and fine flour, sugar and butter melted into each other's embrace as an affectionate sister-in-law embraces her brother-in-law. There were all sorts of " pilao "and soups and all kinds and varieties of rice, even Mushki and Basputti and Musngir and Begami and Sonputti. And they brought baskets of clothes of all kinds-huge plates of every sort of sweetmeat and divers fruits. And there was no end to the ornaments, armlets, anklets, necklaces, earrings and noserings which were prepared as a dowry for the Bride. There were large dishes and small dishes. There were " surma " boxes for the bride to paint her eyes. There were drinking bowls of all sizes, frying pans, kneading dishes, spoons, rolling pins, milk cans and dinner trays, all of costly and regal magnificence. The lovers of the guests turned green with jealousy when they saw the abundance of good things. The potter women brought earthen pots and the bakers brought fuel from the forest. The water carriers rushed about drawing water from the wells. Men with ropes and poles were carrying large cooking-pots and others were carrying old fashioned guns and culverts. A large host of people came to enjoy Chuchak's hospitality. There were multitudes of barbers cooking the food. Chuchak has gained credit in the world and the people are praying for his long life and prosperity. And Ranjha left his buffaloes and sat in a corner sad at heart. Meanwhile flocks of beautiful women lined the tops of all the houses to watch the marriage procession. They were as delicate as fairies and as beautiful as houris. Their fairy forms must have been compounded of musk and perfume. They exchanged ribald songs and pleasantries with the women of the bridegroom's party. They flashed their beautiful red eyes and sang in sweet tones. They uncovered their heads and shoulders and showed their rounded breasts. They gazed at their own beauty in their thuib looking-glasses. They were tantalising their maddened lovers. They clapped their hands and danced and sang songs of welcome to the Bridegroom. They greeted every body as they passed with some new song. The crowd and the noise was as great as at the Fairs of Pakpattan or Nigah or Rattan or Thamman, where women flock to kiss the tomb of the saint and attain the achievement of their desires. The girls went wild with jealousy when they saw the costly robes of the married Sial women. Then came the musicians, the dancing girls and the jesters and the ministrels with trumpets and cymbals even from Kashmir and the Dekkan. The horses neighed and the ground quivered with the trampling of many hoofs. There were grey horses, piebald horses, duns and roans, and chestnuts groomed to shine like the sun and gorgeously caparisoned. Their ears were quivering with excitement. They were ridden by handsome Khera youths, and the dancing girls sang and declaimed with amorous gestures, and they danced like peacocks. The men beating the drum chanted songs. The riders had spears in their hands and were merry with good drink. The folds of their turbans were soaked in saffron. The saddle bells tinkled as the horses neighed and caracoled. Thus the marriage procession came from Rangpur to Jhang and they halted at the

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26 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY OCTOBER, 1921 village guest hoase. And mats were brought for them to sit on and huqqas of gold and silver and brass were brought for them to smoke. Garlands were flung round their necks. The minstrels sang to them and the Kheras distributed money to the minstrels with lavish hands. When the procession arrived Ranjha's soul and his heart was scorched like roasted meat, and he said to himself sadly: "Saida is drunk with joy to-day though he has not touched wine. Saida has become a Nawab and Hir his princess--who cares for poor Ranjha the shepherd. Death is better than life without iny beloved." And the people in their pity for Ranjha said "Chuchak has been cruel. He has broken his word and disgraced his Faith." Meanwhile the members of the marriage procession girded on their belts and proceeded to the house of the bride. The oilmen held their torches in their hands to light the way for the procession and the barbers presented dishes of sweets to the bridegroom's party. Then five rupees and a shawl were given to the Kheras. When the relations of the bride and the bridegroom met they put the bridegroom and his best man on horseback. Then the fireworks began. Three were stars and catherine wheels, bombs, balloons, and coloured rain rockets, and set pieces of elephants, stage, peacocks, coloured circles, and moving thrones and revolving moons. All the neighbourhood flocked to see the fireworks. After the fireworks came the dinner, and rice and sugar and butter were distributed in big dishes, and the singing women sang songs and were given money. The bride and bridegroom were made to sit facing each other and each one put "surma " in the other's eyes, and the fun waxed fast and furious and the girls pestered the bridegroom with jokes and riddles and questions. They gave him a sheaf of wheat and 'asked him if he could weave a basket. They made the bride close her fist and asked the bridegroom if he could open it. They threw a pair of women's petticoats over his head. Try and lift this heavy cup with one finger,' shouted one girl, bring us some stallions' milk,' said another. How can you work a well without bullocks?' said a third. Can you pitch a tent withou' poles ? Can you put an elephant into a saucer?' said another. They tickled him under the chin and asked jeeringly, why he had brought his old mother along. To whom did he want to marry her? Was he hunting for a husband for his sister among their shepherds? At whom was his best man's mother casting her eyes. "We can get the very cowhead you want for your mother." And Saida replied mockingly : "You are as lively and as wise as Belkis the wife of Solomon herself and your wit burns us up entirely. Go to Dhonkal and you'll see & tent pitched without poles. Yes, I can make a well go without bullocks---take off your clothes and jump in. I have already married your cowherd's sister and we can supply Justy men to suit all of you. I am ready to take all of you home with me." Thus they jested and feasted at the marriage feast of Hir and Saida. The Kazi who was to solemnise the marriage was given a seat on the floor. They appointed two witnesses and an attorney and prepared to offer prayers. They told Hir the five principles of Islam and made her recite the "Kalma." They told her the definition of Faith and made her repeat "there is only one God and Muhammad is his Prophet." They made her read the six Kalmas and taught her the Five Times of Prayer. And Hir the Sial said angrily to the Kazi: "Why bother your head to pick a quarrel? I do not intend to turn my face away from Ranjha. What have Kazis and the "Shara" to do with True religion? There is a big well in Hell into which Kazis will be thrown by God." The Kazi again admonished Hir but she was displeased and refused to say a word to him. The Kazi said to Hir: "You should obey the orders of your religion, if you wish to live.'

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OCTOBER, 1921) HIR AND RANJHA Hir replied: "I shall cry out in the Court of God that my mother betrothed me to Ranjha and has broken her promise.....My love is known to the Dhul Bashak (the cobra that supports the world), to the Pen and the Tablet of Destiny and to the whole earth and Sky." The Kazi said: "Proud Beauty, wrapped in musk and insolence. The prophet has ordained marriage and God has said in his holy writ"MARRY." Obey the bidding of your parents and accept the Khera as your husband. Are you the queen of Jamshid or the daughter of Nadhu Shah that we should be afraid to tell you the truth? I will beat you with the whips of the Shara (the holy scriptures) and administer the justice of Umar Khatib." Hir replied: "Where the love of Ranjha has entered there is no place for the authority of the Kheras. If I turn my face from Ranjha what shelter will there be for me in the day of judgment ?" The Kazi was wroth with Hir for her obstinacy and be asked her angrily: "Tell me who solemnised your marriage with Ranjha, and who were your witnesses? Who was your attorney? Without witnesses a marriage is invalid. These are the clear directions of the law of Muhammad." And Hir asked the Kazi : "Who taught you the law? You have no true knowledge of it. The soul of the Prophet solemnised our marriage. By the order of God, the poler star Kutub also mean the chief of the saints] was my attorney. The angels Gabriel, Michael Israel and Israfil were the four witnesses." Thus for a whole watch of the day did Kazi admonish Hir and urged her to accept the marriage arranged by her parents. But she would not listen and steadfastly refused to be the wife of any one but Ranjha. The arguments and threats of the Kazi were of no avail for the colour of Ain Shin and Kaf [the three arabic letters (m) ISHK spell Love) had entered into her soul. And Chuchak said to the Kazi: "Listen to me. The marriage procession of the Kheras is sitting at my door, and if the marriage is not accomplished I shall be disgraced and the face of the Sials will be blackened. All the folk of my own household are questioning me. My kith and kin from afar off are asking why the marriage ceremony has not begun. There is no man whom I respect and trust as I trust you. I will give you anything you ask if you will bring this affair to a successful conclusion." The Kazi replied: "You can only gain your object by deceit. The powerful and mighty have a way of their own. It only Pirs, fakirs and saints who are afraid of using violence. Tell the bride's attorney that consent to the marriage must be wrung from Hir, even against her will. Let us gag her and read the marriage service." (Quoth the poet : "Kazis have no fear of God and eat the bread of iniquity".) * The Kazi said: "Make haste, Chuchak, and bring your kith and kin. Call the witnesses and the attorney. I will solemnise the marriage. If Ranjha the shepherd makes any trouble we will cast him into the fire." So the Kazi, by guile, against Hir's will solemnised the marriage. The witnesses and the attorney ran away afterwards as & camel flees on seeing a lion. And Hir said to the Kazi: "May the curse of God fall on you and all such rogues and liars. If you are so anxions to give a bride to the Kheras, why not give your own daughter to them! God's curse on all Kazis and bribetakers,"

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ OCTOBER, 1921 CHAPTER 17. (Hir is taken to Rangpur.) Thus was Hir married by stratagem and put into the wedding palanquin by force. She was put into the doli (palanquin) moaning and crying. The Kheras took her off as thieves drive off stolen cattle. When Hir was put into the palanquin she made bitter lamentation even as a swan separated froin the flock, and she cried out to Ranjha and said: "To-day your wealth has been looted by Kheras. Takht Hazara and Jhang are left masterless. These are the wages of deceit with which the Sials have repaid you for your grazing. Who will take care of you when I am away? You will wander in misery and loneliness. Oh, Ranjha, see my long hair has fallen down all over my breast in iny misery. My jewellery is unkempt and uncared for. The bull, the snake (Bashak Nag), the earth and the sky have turned against me to destroy me. Other brides have bought clothes of green, red and yellow but I wear only mournful white." Thus did Hir lament on being parted from Ranjha. Meanwhile the buffaloes were ill at ease without their master Ranjha. They gathered together on the bank of the river and lifted their mouths in protest. They pushed folk hither and thither with their horns and broke the pots and the pans of the village. Then the people bade them conciliate Ranjha by kissing his feet. And all night the Kheras marched with the palanquin of Hira, and at dawn they reached the forest, being mightily pleased with the bride they were carrying off. And they halted and sat down to eat and drink and be merry. And they prepared to go hunting. But Ranjha who had followed the procession sat apart and his heart was sore within him. But no one paid any attention to him. The Kheras rode after deer and hunted lions and foxes and showed much cunning with their bows and arrows. And they roasted the meat that they had killed and set aside a portion for Hir. And Hir finding herself alone and the Kheras merry making, made a signal to Ranjha, called hiin into her palanquin and embraced him tenderly. One of the Kheras noticed this and brought news to the rest and they were very wrathful. But Hir broke her necklace and pretended she had called Ranjha to help her pick up the pieces. She added that if any one touched him, even with the end of a feather, she would poison herself. Whereupon the Kheras kept silence and urged the procession to move on. And at last the palanquin reached the village of Rangpur and the women came out to greet the bride and sang songs of welcome. The girls lifted the bride out of the palanquin and poured oil over the threshold. Hir's mother-in-law swung water round the bride's head and drank it and give thanks to God. They drew aside her veil and placed a Koran and five gold moburs in front of her, and her mother-inlaw and husband's sister laughed and made the midwife sit by her side. They gave presents to the midwife and other menials. When they espied Ranjha sitting near, they snatched the basket from his head and frightened him away. The village women congratulated Saida's mother on the bride. But Hir kept her own secret in her heart and she alone knew it. Ranjha's heart was sore within him. He drew near to Hir by stealth and spoke to her. She protested that Fate was too strong for her and that she could do nothing for Ranjha. Whereupon Ranjha upraided Hir for first encouraging him and then abandoning him. Hir replied : " Ranjha, this love of ours must last for all our life long. The Five Pirs stand witness between you and me. I swear I will never be the wife of Saida. If he approaches me I will turn away from him. Surely the Five Pirs will punish him if he tries to come near me, Listen, I have a plan how we may meet again. I will write to you

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OCTOBER, 19211 HIR AND RANJHA 29 that you should come and see me in the disguise of a fakir (religious mendicant). Abandon all your caste and position. Shave your head and become a wandering beggar. In this guise you will be able to have a glimpse of me. If you do not come and see me my soul will vanish away." [There follows in the text a tirade against Jats generally and against the Sial Jats in particular. As bringing out the weak points of the Jats it is of some ethnological and historical interest, but it has nothing much to do with the story so it is omitted here.] CHAPTER 18. (Hir is unhappy in her new home.) One day it was agreed that Gana or "Hunt the bracelet " should be played and all the Jat girls were sent for to join in the game. They all danced with joy in the village when the news was sent round. They were all brides and fragrant with the odours of musk, and rose and jessamine. It was as if a garden was full of champa' and 'chabel' flowers. Their beauty shone like the radiance of the moon. Their faces were as shapely as the cupola of a mosque. There is no happiness in the world like the joy of bride and bridegroom. Saida sat on a red firestool and the brides of the village sat round him. They flocked round Hir and brought her a basin of milk with a bracelet at the bottom. They danced round her shaking it and asking her to dive for the bracelet. The other brides and bridegrooins threw their bracelets in and the fun waxed fast and furious. But Hir reinained pale and glum. When they seized her hand and put it in the basin it was as cold and lifeless as the arm of a corpse. So finding that Hir was cold and dispirited and would not join in the game, the girls all gave up playing and went away sadly to their hoines. The women of the village were displeased with Hir. But she sat mute refusing to look at Saida and tears flowod from her eyes like rain from the black clouds of the monsoon. Meanwhile the Kazi was saying to Chuchak : "You are fortunate in that all your difficulties and troubles have vanished now that Hir has been placed in the house of the Kheras. All is silence in Jhang Sial and all are happy in Rangpur. All authority has deserted Ranjha and nobody pays any attention to him now. And] Ranjha's sisters-in. jaw discussed the affair in Takht Hazara and they laughed at the discomfiture of Ranjha. And they wrote him messages saying: "The decree of fate must be borne. There is no trusting girls. The Kheras have plucked the flower that you used to guard so tenderly and for whose sake you wandered so many years in dense forests full of tigers and lions. Come back to us while there is yet time. We will offer a golden crest on the sacred tomb when you set your foot in our courtyard. We will present offerings to the gods if you come back to Hazara. We will dedicate a saucepan to the name of Ali. We will hold a wrestling match and we will offer garlands to Ghazi Pir. Have we not promised to light the lamps in honour of Khwaja Khizr if you return to us?" And Ranjha replied: "Sisters, when autumn withers the flower, the humming bird has to live on hope. When the garden dries up, the nightingales wander about the jungle hoping that some bud will blossom somewhere. Only the son of a churl will run away from Love. The true knight stakes his life for Love and scatters destruction on those who oppose him." So Ranjha resolved to become a fakir and get his ears bored and to bring back Hir captive or perish in the attempt. And Ran ha's sisters-in-law at Hazara, when they received

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30 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (OOTOBER, 1921 this reply sat in silence and then they said: "Ranjha will never come back." Meanwhile Hir languished in the house of her father-in-law. She refused to put on jewellery or gay clothes. She ate no food and lay awake all night thinking of Ranjha. And Sehti her husband's sister spake to her saying: "Sister, what spell has overcome you? You are getting weaker every day. Your colour is fading away. You have become like a dried and parched straw and all your bones stand out. Your conyersation is gloomy. Tell me the secret of your heart that I may cure it. [So Hir told Sehti all her history and Sehti sat by Hir and consoled her saying she too had a lover, Marad Baksh a camel driver, and that somehow they must contrive to help each other in their troubles.) One night Saida full of delight placed his foot on Hir's bed. Hir thrust him away say. ing: "I have not yet said my prayers." But Saida was wilful and would not heed, so Hir in her distress prayed to her Pir (Holy mar or Saint). The Pir at once appeared and Hir said: "I am the betrothed of Ranjha. My love is pledged to him." So the Pir chastised Saida, broke his bones and tied up his hands and feet. And Saida fell down at the feet of the Pir and begged for mercy saying: "I have sinned." At the dawn of day Hir took a bath in the courtyard and she sat with her head drooping downwards in grief thinking of Ranjha. Her heart inclined to God and she remembered her Pir. She meditated on the unity of God and dispelled all idolatry from her mind. Thus wrapped in the deepest contemplation she sat motionless as a statue. When the Five Pirs saw Hir sitting in devout meditation they at once appeared by the order of God. They awakened her by placing their wand on her shoulder and they said : "Child get up. What grief has overcome you"? And Hir gave a deep sigh and tears came from her eyes as she replied: "The love of the Jat whom you gave to me has made me mad. The love of the shepherd has ruined me. God has made you my protector and I come to the Pirs for help in my trouble." The Pirs were overcome with compassion, and using their spiritual power of ecstacy, they presented the image of Ranjha before Hir, saying: "Child, spread out your skirt and receive the object of your wish," and they added, " He will meet you in person very soon for so it has been ordained by God." Here follows in the original a lamentation put into the mouth of Hir in the form of a Barah Mah, i.e., a lamentation of the twelve months. It is not a very good specimen of this kind of composition. There is a specimen of a Barah Mah in Macauliffes translation of the Granth.) CHAPTER 19. (Hir sends a message to Ranjha.) After a year bad passed a Jat girl of Rangpur was returning to Jhang Sial to visit her own home and she came to Hir and offered to take any message she might want to send to her parents. "Shall I tell them," said she," how you like your husband and how you get on with his relations." And Hir replied: "He is to me as thorns are to silk. The Pen of Destiny has been cruel to me. What can I do? Give my salaam to iny homefolk with folded hands and in the garments of humility and say: You have given me over into the hands of enemies. May my parents be drowned in the deep stream. I will have nothing to do with them. Then geek out Ranjha and say to him: Coine to me or I shall die, I have thrown dust on

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OCTOBER, 1921] the head of the Kheras and spat in the face of Saida.' given offerings to the tomb of Husan and Husain, to my prayer may be fulfilled." HIR AND RANJHA 31 I long to meet him and have Shuda, Ghazi and Bhola Pir that When the girl reached Jhang of the Sials she asked the folk there: "Where is the boy who used to graze Chuchak's buffaloes and comes from Hazara? The boy who weeps and talks like a madman, who threw away his blanket and flute and lost his wits. The boy who is known among Lovers as Ranjha and who wears the garland of Love on his head. Who has been ruined by Love and wanders distractedly in the courtyards of the woebegone, because the Kheras have taken away his Hir?" And the girls replied: "He is now a grownup lad and has given up all affections of the world. He roams about in the forest where No one speaks to him. Who would touch a snake if he were Sister, you had better talk to him yourself. We have no there are wolves and tigers. ignorant of casting spells? influence with him at all." [Various tedious letters in the original are omitted.] So the girl went in search of Ranjha and said to him: "Hir is on the point of death Her last breath is hovering on her lips. You have cast some spell over her. She shows no affection for her husband's house, although they have made all efforts to please her. She will not allow Saida to touch her and she will not go near him. She counts the stars all night and thinks of you. Go back to her disguised as a Jogi (religious medicant), and manage to meet her somehow. All things reach the appointed end when God is kind." And Ranjha, when he heard this message, rejoiced exceedingly, and he called the Mullah to hi and said: "Write for me to Hir and tell her the pangs of separation that I endure. Write: You have taken rest in your newly found home. I am on thorns and burning embers. The fire of Love when once lit burns earth and sky. By deceit you induced me to graze your buffaloes. Verily women can pull down the stars from heaven. Such is their guile." Write it down, Sir Mullah, every bit. Omit no part of my complaint. Write as love writes to lover with a full heart.... Write that nobody cares for me now that Hir has turned her face from me. The peacocks have flown away, and I have to live among owls." The drum of Love beat loudly in the ears of Ranjha when he thought upon Hir and he pondered much how he might meet her, and he said to himself: "The river of Love is deep but a boat must be fashioned to cross it. Hir is the secret booty which the robber can only attain by self sacrifice. I must disguise myself as a fakir and this delicate body which has been fed on butter must be smeared over with the dust and ashes that become a fakir. I will go and learn some spell from a Jogi. I will have my ears bored and become his disciple. I will go and find some perfect fakir who can upset even Fate itself. I will cut myself in pieces as it were a comb, so that I may comb the locks of my beloved. CHAPTER 20. (Ranjha decides to become a Jogi.) So Ranjha set off for Tilla the hill where Balnath the Jogi dwelt, for he said to himself: "Balnath surely knows the way of salvation." And as he went from village, to village he invited those who wished to join him and become a fakir and he said: " Brothers come with me and be a fakir. You have nothing to do but beg and eat. You get your ears bored and put some ashes on your

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32 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (OCTOBER, 1921 body and all the world reveres you as a saint. Without toil or labour you can be as emi. nent as Nadir Shah. The mysteries of birth and the sadnesses of death have no concern for the fakir. He sleeps in the mosque free from the cares of this impure world and begs and eats. He can scold people and incur no blame. If you call yourself a Pir or a fakir everybody is your servant." At last, after many days journeying, Ranjha reached Tilla, the hill on which Balnath lived and Ranjha bowed his head and placed a piece of gur (sugar) before Balnath as an offering, and clasped the feet of all the jogis.... They were all engaged in religious contemplation and prayers. They were reading Gayan Gita Bhagvat and Bharat; and Ranjha folded his hands before Balnath and said: "Make me your fakir. Let me be your chela (pupil) and you be my Pir. The straight path to God is inaccessible without the intervention of Murshids (teachers), even as rice cannot be cooked without milk." And Balnath looked at Ranjha and found he was a lad of pleasing countenance and of a comely wit, and doubts arose in his heart and he said to Ranjha: "My lad, your looks are saucy and you have commanding airs. Your demeanour is not that of a servant but of one whom others obey. Only those whose souls are submissive can become Jogis. You are more fitted to play the peacock and to strut in the assein blies of young coxcombs. You have a silken shawl over your shoulder; you have painted your eyes with lampblack; you play on the flute and stare at women. You tie cows up and milk them. In vain you try and flatter the Guru (holy man). Oh Jat, tell me the truth what has befallen you that you wish to relinquish the pleasure of life and become a fakir ? Jog is a very troublesome task. The taste of Jog is bitter and sour. You will have to dress as a Jogi, to wear dirty clothes, long hair, cropped skull and to beg your way through life. You will have to meditate on your guru and hold your breath in your midmost throat. You will have to give up the pleasures of birth, to cease to rejoice when friends coine or to grieve when they die. You will have to abstain from casting eyes on women. You will have to become divinely intoxicated by taking kand, mul, post, opium and other narcotic drugs. You will have to think the world a mere vision. You will have to go on long pilgrimages to Jagannath, Godavari, Ganges and Jumna. Jog is no easy task You Jats cannot attain Jog." And Ranjha replied to Balnath: "I accept all your conditions. I beseech you to give me Jog and to drown me in the deep waters of Fakir (The state of being a fakir). I swear I have given up women and earthly affairs. Do not, Guru, pierce me again and again. You should not break the heart of one who falls helpless on your threshold." But Balnath still had doubts in his heart, and he said to Ranjha: "What is the good of begging if inan has not belief? Only those in love with death can acquire Jog. Good men subdue their passions by riding on the horse of patience and holding the reins of remembrance Jog means to be dead while alive. One has to sing the song of nonentity using one's meagre body as a guitar. One's self has to be entirely absorbed. It is no child's play. You will never be able to undergo Jog. What is the use of asking for it? Child, listen, God has made his abode in this body of dust. He is in everything as a thread runs through the beads. He is the breath of life in the living. He is as it were the spirit of bhang and opium. He is in the life of the world as colour is in the mendhi (Indigo). He permeates everything, even as the blood runs through all the body of men."

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SEPTEMBER, 1921] THE SCATTERGOODS AND THE EAST INDIA COMPANY THE SCATTERGOODS AND THE EAST INDIA COMPANY, 1619-1723. A COLLECTION OF MSS. COMMUNICATED BY BERNARD P. SCATTERGOOD, M.A., F.S.A. Edited and supplemented from contemporary records by Sir Richard Temple, Bt. INTRODUCTORY NOTE BY THE EDITOR, [I am indebted to the generosity of Mr. Bernard P. Scattergood for the use of a series of papers discovered by him and of high value to students of Anglo-Indian history in the 17th and 18th centuries. Mr. Scattergood has occupied many years in collecting a mass of information regarding the Scattergoods, from the earliest times to the present day, and he has compiled elaborate pedigrees of the different branches of the family. While following up the details of a lawsuit in which the executors of John Scattergood, East India Merchant, were concerned, two large bundles of papers, each containing several parcels, were disinterred at the Public Record Office. These have been examined, classified and transcribed, under Mr. Scattergood's direction, by Miss Dorothy Shilton and Mr. Richard Holworthy, and the whole of the documents relating to India and the East have been placed at my disposal. The letters, journals, and accounts comprised in the bundles throw valuable light upon the methods of trade in India, Persia and China, and on the lives of Englishmen under the Company's jurisdiction in those regions during the last half of the 17th and first half of the 18th century The papers forming the collection unearthed at the Public Record Office were the property of John Scattergood, the last of the name who had direct connection with the East India Company. For information regarding his predecessors, servants of, or shareholders in, the Company, ample material exists among the records at the India Office and in Mr. Scattergood's voluminous notes. It is thus possible to present, in chronological order, the lives of five members of the Scattergood family in so far as they were connected with India and the East India Company. I propose to divide these papers into five sections as follows:I. Anthony Scattergood and his connection with the East India Company at home, 1619. II. Francis Scattergood of Ellaston, co. Staffs, and his service with the East India Company abroad, 1640-1647. III. Roger Scattergood of Ellaston and London, Merchant-Tavlor. and his com mercial dealings with the East India Company at home, 1659-1679. IV. John Scattergood, Merchant and servant of the East India Company, his career in Madras and Bengal, 1672-1681. V. John Scattergood junior, Free Merchant, his life in India, Persia and China 1697-1723, including (1) Journal of an expedition from Isfahan to Gombroon (Bandar 'Abbas) in 1708, with account of expenditure. (2) Descriptions of the islands of Junkceylon (Malay Peninsula) and Divi (near Masulipatam), c. 1715. (3) Correspondence with the Company's servants and others in India, China and England, 1711-1723. (4) Accounts, commercial and shipping transactions, miscellaneous papers, documents in Gujarati, Armenian, Chinese, Portuguese, &c.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (SEPTEMBER, 1921 Like the "Correspondence of Richard Edwards" (1669-1679), now appearing in Bengal Past and Present, and the "Bowrey Papers" (1685-1712), which it is hoped will be accessible to the public before very long, the Scattergood MSS. supplement the official records and furnish a vivid picture of the life of Anglo-Indiane and of their relations with the Company -in this case at a period singularly barren of really human documents.-R.C.T.) ANTHONY SCATTERGOOD AND HIS CONNECTION WITH THE EAST INDIA COMPANY AT HOME, 1619. Anthony Scattergood, baptised at St. Alkmund's, Derby, on the 15th March 1593-4, was the eldest son of Richard Scattergood and Margaret Bate, and grandson of John Scattergood of Little Chester, near Derby, probably by Mary Lyster, his first wife. In May 1612 Anthony Scattergood was bound apprentice for seven years to Edward Harrison, grocer, his uncle by marriage, and on the expiration of his apprenticeship, in Nov." ember 1619, became "a sworn freeman" of the Grooers Company. A few months previously, while still bound" to Edward Harrison, he was "admitted and sworn Free Brother" of the East India Company "by service and paid his fine of 108. to the poor box. He was thus entitled to be a purchaser of the Company's stock, but there is no record to say whether he availed himself of the privilege. A few years later, on the 17th July 1625, he was buried in his native parish of St. Alkmund's, Derby. He was "a young man of grate hope," but his early death may account for the absence of any further mention of him in the Company's records.3 II. FRANCIS SCATTERGOOD OF ELLASTON, CO. STAFFS, HIS SERVICE WITH THE EAST INDIA COMPANY, 1640-1647. Francis Scattergood appears to have been the third son of John Scattergood of Chadsden and Ellaston, co. Staffs, Attorney-at-law (1586-1662), and Elizabeth Baker alia, Stables. He was baptised at Ellaston on the 8th March 1613-14. Of his early life nothing is known. He married his wife Elizabeth some time previous to 1640, probably about 1639, just before he entered the Company's service. In the Scattergood pedigree at the Heralds College (Press-mark K. 1, Visitation of Northants and Rutland, 1681), which is subscribed by his brother Dr. Anthony Scattergood, Rertor of Winwick and Yelvertoft, co. Northants, Francis is described as having "died young or unmarried;" but Dr. Anthony's memory must bave led him astray on this point, as it certainly did on one or two others.6 There is no record of any petition by Francis Scattergood for employment in the East. He is first mentioned on the 11th December 1640 at a Court of Committees, when "The Court tooke into consideration the electing and settling of their Pursers, Pursers Mates. Stewards, and Stewards Mates, and having at a former Court entered into this business but not perfected the same, they now taking a review of what they had formerly done, and 1 Particulars supplied by Mr. Scattergood. 2 Court Minutes, IV. 345 (India Office Records). 3 Information from Mr. Scattergood. * From the evidence contained in Mr. Scattergood's papers, there is strong presumption for this statement, but actual proof is wanting. For an account of Dr. Anthony Scattergood and of his son, the Rev. Samuel Scattergood, see the Dictionary of National Biography. 6 Particulars supplied by Mr. Scattergood.

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SEPTEMBER, 1921) THE SCATTERGOODS AND THE EAST INDIA COMPANY observing those that are wanting, elected and setled the persons hereafter following, vizt. .... for Stewards, elected... Thomas Coke for the London .. and for their Mates.... Frauncis Scattergood for the London." 7 It seems probable that Francis Scattergood's introduction to the Company was brought about through the influence of some distant relatives. His great-grandfather's cousin, an Anthony Scattergood (not identical with No. I) had come up from Derbyshire to London in the 16th century and had become a citizen and freeman of the Grocers Company. He died in 1592 (will, P. C. C. Harrington, 64) and was buried at the Church of St. Lawrence Jury. His executor was his brother, Richard Scattergood of Little Chester, near Derby (and later of Sudbury), father of the Anthony Scattergood already noticed, who, it will be remembered, became a free brother of the East India Company. 8 The London, to which Francis Scattergood was appointed, was commanded by John Proud, master, and was at first destined for Surat, but on leaving the dock in January 1641, she gott a brush in (grazed) her keele," and was ordered to be brought back. It was found that the damage sustained was too great for her to be "fitted" for Surat, and her destination was altered to Bantam in Java. On the 24th March she was reported to be at Gravesend, ready to sail, but though there is no record of a further change of plan, the original orders must have been repeated, for eventually the ship sailed to Surat, where she arrived at the end of September 1641. While at Surat, Francis Scattergood seems to have been transferred to the Company's ship Supply which made voyages to and from Persia in 1641 and 1642. At any rate, he sailed in that ship for Sumatra in April 1643 and reached Achin Road on the 25th May. 10 On the 17th December 1643, Walter Clarke, agent on board the Supply, wrote to the Company11 - "Our howse and godowne (warehouse at Achin] being apted [suitably prepared] for our goods reception, thither conveighed them, but not Sonner unbailed, but Sould & great part of them, which are not in these bookes brought to accompt, and I doubt not, but by this time little is left, which this yeare will find markets. With Mr. Bowman, for his assistance, I left Thomas Fitch, Francis Scattergood, with another civell man belonging to our shipp, likewise a yong man who came from Bengala one a Juncke. His name is William Dawes... the man is very temperate, not addicted for ought I could perceave to any knowne Vice. He writteth very well, and hath some insight in accompts. Him I have entertained untill the engueinge yeare...for that if it should please God to afflict Mr. Bowman with Sickness, from which noe man that comes thether is fre, he may have some one to assist him in writtinge what he may direct, neither of the other beinge usefull for more then Guardians to watch by night, which must not be neglected there." From a letter of the Council at Surat to the Company, dated 27th January 1643-4,12 we learn that the goods left in charge of Maximilian Bowman, Thomas Fitch and Francis Scatter. good at Achin amounted to 50,000 mahmudis or about PS2,500 sterling, reckoning the mahmudi at a shilling, the value given to it by Terry in 1655. 7 Court Minules, XVII. 365, 368, 367, (India Office Recorda). 8 Information supplied by Mr. Scattergood. E. B. Sainsbury, Court Minutes of the E. I. Co., 1640-1843, pp. 133, 134, 135. 10 Soe W. Foster, English Factories, 1642-1645, #. v. London and Supply. 11 Orijinal Correspondence (in future designated 0. C.), No. 1852 (India Office Records), 12 0.0., 1888.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY ( SEPTEMBER, 1921 Three years later, on the 25th January 1646-7, the Surat Council reported to the Company that "Acheen factorie" was "cleared," and that all the Company's servants had been dispersed, "Francis Scattergood and a Seaman excepted, left there to keep your Warehouse."15 This statement does not appear to be correct, as in a "List of Factors Etca. [and other] names in India, Persia, Etca," for 1647,14 we find, "In Acheen, Phillip Wylde, Thomas Reynardson, Francis Scattergood, John Rose," and in a later list, 15 the salaries of the four abovenamed are entered as PS 70, PS60, PS15, and PS 12 per annum respectively. Moreover, copies of two letters written from Achin in January and February 1646-7 and signed by Philip Wylde and Francis Scattergood are in existence, 16 but the originals from which they were taken 17 were so badly damaged that very little can be gathered from the broken sentences remaining. In the letter of the 28th January, Wylde and Scattergood refer to a communication of the 30th October 1646, despatched by the Seahorse, and intimate that the January missive will be conveyed by a ship belonging to Courteen's Association.18 They remark that trade has been very dull, that "Great quantitye of Pepper and Tinne is Expected this ycare... the former worth 5 tole (tael] the Bahar, 19 the Lattertole 13 : 10 mass20 a Bahar. Of theso.. shall endeavour to buy so soone as the Cloth findes sale." In their letter of the 3rd February 1646-7, Wylde and Scattergood beg to be supplied with three "housservants (honest if possible) by the next," because "we are soo greate a house hold and seldome above 2 of our Company in health." They remark that "Camphore is this year cheaper," that their last letter owed its conveyance to "the Esquire Coursteen's]a: Friendshipp," and that Captain John Smart was "very sick." The fragmentary phrases, "your Licence from Sufrat]," "of sallary," "per annum" possibly form part of a request for higher pay. A postcript adds that "Captain John Smart at writing herof Departed this Life and William Cork (a young youth) succeeds him in place." Less than three months later, on the 20th April 1647, Francis Scattergood signed his will and most likely died shortly after. The will, preserved at Somerset House, 2 runs as follows: "In the name of God Amen, I Francis Scattergood being very sicke and weake yet in perfect memory thankes be to God make this my last will and testament in manner and form followeing 13 0. C. 2023. 60. C. 2024. 16 0. 0. 2070. 10 Factory Records, Surat, vol. 102a (India Office Rocords). 17 The originals, which were contained in a volume of Bombay Records, were unfortunately lost at sea. 18 For an account of the inception of the Courteen venture in India, under Sir William Courteen, seo Mr. W. Foster's Introduction to E. B. Sainsbury's Court Minutes, 1635-1639, pp. xiv-xix. 10 Bahar, a weight varying in different districts. Thomas Bowrey gives the weight of the Achin bahar. c. 1676, as "396 1. 11 oz. 14 gr. Averdupoize" (Countries round the Bay of Bengal, ed. Temple, p. 241, n. 4). 30 13 tael, 10 mace. Taking the mace as a quarter dollar and 16 mace to the tael, the tael=4 dollars, and the price of tin=64 dollars or approximately Rs. 109 for approximately 3 cwt.; or say Rs. 33 per cwt. =at 2-8 per R., PS 82. 108. per ton. The pepper bahar was quite differently estimated as to weight.' 11 William Courteen junior. 22 P. C. C., 117 Easer (Wills proved in the Prerogative Court of Canterbury, preserved at Somerset House, London).

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SEPTEMBER, 1921) THE SCATTERGOODS AND THE EAST INDIA COMPANY First I commend my soul to the ailmighty my maker and Jesus Christ my redeemer Secondly my body to the earth to receave such Christian buriall as this place affordes And for my worldly estate I bequeath as followeth Oweing by Leonard Flint to mee fortie three mass [macel the which I freely give him, as also five shirtes and soe many Chela purtugall Briches21 as is in my Chest I give unto Phillip Wilde all my printed bookes as also a Parrat my Rapier and Creace ? The former being satisfied I bequeath unto my wife Elizabeth Scattergood all my Wages due to me from my honorable Imployers the East India Company as also whatsoever shalbe found of myne after my decease which will appeare by Inventory In witnes of the premisses I have hereunto set my hand and seale the twenty eighth day of Aprill Anno Domini 1647 FRANCIS SCATTERGOOD Signed and sealed in the presence of us William Harrison the mark of Tho. Bissell" The will was proved on the 20th July 1648 by " Elizabeth Scattergood relict." Francis Scattergood must have availed himself of all opportunities of increasing the pittance allowed him by the Company, for among his effects sent from Achin to Surat by Thomas Reynardson in November 164725 were "one Chest of Turtlee-Shell" (tortoise-shell) and "1 Parcell of pearle, with a Jemaull ring."96 In January 1647-8 the Council at Surat pprised the Company of Scattergood's death "Dead men. At A[o]heene Francis Scattergood, John Boze [? Rose) and Leonard Flint, the two latter seamen left there by the Queens Commander to keepe your howse when Mr. Turner Esgr. Came away from thence, are all deceased."28 Leonard Flint, then, did not live to enjoy his legacy for more than a few months and the "purtugall briches" probably descended to another messmate. On receipt of the news of her husband's death, Elizabeth Seattergood appears to have petitioned the Company for his arrears of salary. On the 22nd December 1648 we find that' "It was at this Court ordred that Elizabeth Scattergood should receive 10 li. of the wages of her husband Francis Scattergood deceased in India, Mr. Stileman giving bond to repay the same, in case when the Accompts come home there shall not so much appeare to bee due unto the said Scattergood." Apparently the testator means cotton britches like those worn by the converta (chela, disciple) of the Portuguese. * Malay, kris, a dagger. . 36 O. C. 2048. 26 Jemaul (for Arabic jamdl) ring is an interesting instance of folk etymology. The gimmal (gemal. gimbal) ring was a linked ring, so constructed as to admit of being divided into two (and sometimes three) rings, taking its name from the Latin gemellus, a twin. In India the term seems to have been turned by Europeans into gimmdl and connected with the Oriental term jamdl, beauty, and with them to have meant "beauty ring". 27 Achin at this date was governed by Paduka Sri, daughter of Iskandar Muda (Mahkota 'Alam) and widow of Iskandar Thani (Alau'ddin Mahaya Shah). See Travels of Peter Vundy, ed. Temple, vol. III, Pt. I, pp. 117, 119 (footnotes). 28 0. 0. 2062. 23 Court Minutes, XX. 314 (India Office Records).

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (SEPTEMBER, 1921 Francis Scattergood left no heirs. His only son, whom he never saw, and of whose existence he probably never heard, was baptised on the 28th April 1641 and was buried five days later. His widow Elizabeth is apparently identical with the Elizabeth Scattergood who was married at Winwick, co. Northampton, on the 24th June 1652, of which parish her brother-in-law, Dr. Anthony Scattergood, mentioned above, was Rector.30 III. ROGER SCATTERGOOD OF ELLASTON AND LONDON, MERCHANT-TAYLOR : HIS COMMERCIAL DEALINGS WITH THE EAST INDIA COMPANY, 1659-1680. Roger Scattergood, who was baptised at Ellaston on the 11th January 1623-4, was the Beventh son and eighth child of John Scattergood of Chadsden and Ellaston, co. Stafford, and therefore most probably a brother of Francis Scattergood noticed above (No. II). He served his apprenticeship as a linendraper to Richard Arden of Newgate Market from 1641 to 1648, became a freoman of the Merchant Taylors Company in 1649 and a liveryman in 1655-6. Before the latter date he had married Catherine, 31 daughter of William Westby of Mowbrick, Lancashire, and was living in Newgate Market, near the prison.32 The first recorded mention of Roger Scattergood in connection with the East India Company is on the 29th July 1659 33 when he purchased goods at a Court of Sales to the value of PS717-108., "to paie at 3: 6 months from primo September next." From 1659 until 1663 he continued to make large purchases at the Company's sales, the amounts, in round numbers being as follows : 34 1659-PS 2000 ! 1661-PS 6000 1660-PS3500 1662-PS 1300 Some of the names, by which the various kinds of piece-goods figurin gin Roger Scattergood's sale accounts were known, have been explained in Yule's Hobson-Jobson and Foster's English Factories. Others have not been traced to their source. I give below an alphabetical list of the goods and a summary of the information I have collected regarding each kind of material. Bafta. Pers. bafta, woven: any cloth. The trade name of the calicoes of Gujarat. There are frequent mentions of baftas" in the Company's records from 1605 onwards. The term appears to have been extended and applied to various kinds and textures of cotton cloth; for besides fine quality Broach (Baroch) baftas," broad, narrow, white and coloured "bafts," "Synda" and "Caile Velha baftas," (bafta from Sindh and Old Kiyal, near Tuticorin) which appear among Roger Scattergood's purchases, we find "baftaes made of Guzzees (gazi, coarse cotton cloth)." Foster, Eng. Fact., 1646-1650, p. 82. 30 Information supplied by Mr. Scattergood. 31 She was the granddaughter of Richard Fleetwood of Penwortham, co. Lancs., through whcm she claimed a double Royal Descent, on the one side from Edward III, through Joan Beaufort and the Nevilles and the Stanleys, and on the other through the whole line of Welsh Kings back to Maelgwn Hir, the nephew of King Arthur.. 32 Information supplied by Mr. Scattergood, who also informs me that Roger's sister-in-law, Dorothy Westby, married Christopher Birkhead, citizen and goldsmith of London (d. 1680), father of Christopher Birkhead, elected writer for Bengal in 1716, to whom John Scattergood junior (No. V) acted as mento on his first arrival in India. 33 Home Series, Miscellaneous, vol. 6 (India Office Records). # These amounts have been arrived at by collecting the various entries in the sales lists contained in Home Series, Misc., vol. 6, and in the Court Minutes of the dates m above.

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SEPTEMBER, 1921) THE SCATTERGOODS AND THE EAST INDIA COMPANY That Gujarat produced the best bafta is shown by the Company's order to Surat in 1653 for as many calicoes as could be provided, especially "Gujarat baftaes." Foster, op. cit., 1651-1654, p. 196. The term baftu in India is now applied to silk as well as cotton fabrics. See Yusuf Ali, Monograph on Silk Fabrics, quoted by Yula Hobs-Jobson, 8.0. Bafta. It is also the name of a cotton manufacture in Great Britain, woven especially for export to Africa. Byram Pante. Bairam panti, in rows, having lines. A special striped "Byrami." The term "Byram" is obscure and the references to the cotton piece-goods so called do not help to clear up its origin. It is possible that it was so designated from an individual of that name, either in his honour or because he excelled in the weaving of this class of goods. There was, in fact (so Sir Dinsha Wacha informs me, on the authority of Mr. Dalal of Broach) a Parsi called Bairam Ekoo who had an establish ment of numerous handlooms in Broach and the neighbourhood in the 19th century. In 1647, the factors at Ahmadabad complained of the "slackness of our Byram men in bringing in their cloth." Foster, Eng. Fact., 1646-1650, p. 102 (See also footnote on same page). Latar in the same year, they suggest the purchase of a further number of "byrams" (ibid., p. 128), and in 1648 the Council at Surat note that they are forwarding some "byrams" from Agra to the Company. Ibid., p. 189. Catehes, Catchaes. Hind. kach, kachha. a loin-cloth, drawers, and hence, a calico used for such purpose in the East. "Catches" were manufactured principally at Tuticorin. In 1645, a sum of PS3,000 was invented at "Tuttacoreen" in "catches, a sort of cloth very vendible in the Manielas and all parts," and in 1647 the factors in Persia wrote that the "cocheaw cloth" was much sought after. In consequence, the Falcon was sent to Tuticorin to get a supply of " cattches ... vendable in Persia to a very good advance. But the cloth was not favourably received in England, for in 1650 the factors at Surat remarked that as the Company was dissatisfied with the "cochea" cloth, bought on the Malabar Coast, no more should be provided. Foster, Eng. Fact., 1642-1645, p. 246 : 1646-1650, pp. 100, 106, 257. Derguzzes. Hind. cazi, a coarse cotton cloth, dhar. the body. Coarse cotton cloths, suitable for body garments. There are frequent allusions to "guzzees" in the Factory Records, but except in the sales lists, I have found no other mention of "derguzzes," Gazi (literally, sold by the yard, gaz), like bafta, seems to have been applied to any kind of cotton cloth. We find "brown (unbleached] guzzee baftes," "gussees" that are to be dyed, and "longe guzzes" among the goods sent home in 1649 and 1650. See Foster Eng. Fact., 1646-1650, pp. 234, 277, 299. Dimity. This term, indicating a stout cotton fabric with raised stripes and fancy figures, was familiar in England long before the foundation of the East India Company. The first instance of its use given in the Oxford English Dictionary is in 1440. In the 15th and 16th centuries it was used for either coarse cotton or woollen material. The Oxford English Dictionary derives the word from Mediaeval Latin, dimitum, through Greek, di-dis, twice, and mitis, thrend of the warp. The same authcrity suggests that the final y may represent the i in the Italian plural dimiti. The English merchants, however, fuand in India a similar Oriental term, Pers. dimyali, for a coarse cotton cloth, and the "dymittees" sent home to the Company appear to indicate this material, as there is no mention of any pattern like that on the English goods. In 1650, the factors at Surat remarked that the "dymittees" sent to England were dearer than those of 1649, but that the "difference" was made up by their larger size. Foster, Eng. Fact., 1646-1650, p. 296.

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THE INDIAX ANTIQUARY (SEPTEMBER, 1921 The Persian term dimyati, ho seems to be clearly an adjectival form of Dimyat, do o Damietta, on the Mediterranean shore of Egypt. If this is the case, the port of import has given a name to an European cloth in the East, perhaps through the likeness of the name Dimyat to the already existing term for the cloth, which was a form like "dimity". Eckbarrees. Possibly a material named after the Emperor Akbar, or less probably, from Hind. ikbari, one weaving : a faced cloth. "Eckbarrees " seem to bave been cotton goods suitable for " painting," i..., printing In 1647 the factors at Ahmadabad reported that they had selected sufficient "eckbarrees" for next year's provision of quilts and "chints," and in 1650 the Company was informed that the failure to send "Eckburrees" was caused by the delay in despatching them from Agra to Ahmadabad, "where they are pintadoed [printed]." Foster, Eng. Fact., 1646-1650, pp. 146, 277. Guinea-Stuffs. Cotton goods bought in India, suitable for the West African trade. These "Guyney stuffs" were provided at Surat and were manufactured there and at Bharoch. See Foster, Eng. Fact., 1646-1650, p. 13; 1651-1654, p. 42 Yule. Hobson-Jobson, 8.0. Guinea- loths. Kerebauds (often misspelt, Kerebands). Cloths from Khairabad in Sitapur district. The term also appears as "Kerribad" and "Kerriabaud," and from the expression "Kerriabaud baftes," it seems that it indicated any cloth made at Khairabad, See Foster, Eng. Fact., 1646-1650, pp. 188, 220, 254. Longeloth. Defined in the Oxford English Dictionary as a kind of cotton cloth or calico manufactured in long pieces, especially cloth of this kind made in India." The earliest instances of the use of the term given in the 0.E.D. are in 1545 and 1622, as follows, showing the difference between long-cloth, short-cloth and broad-cloth: 1545. One Long cloth makyth one shorte cloth and vii yards. 1622. Allowance of five U. in a Long-cloth and 4 ll. in a Broad-cloth. Here, as in the case of Dimity, there is a possible confusion of terms, because the earliest of the English merchants to arrive in India found there words of a similar sound indicating a material akin to longcloth, viz., Hind., lang, a loin cloth, and lungt, any long strip of cloth for a wrap about the head, body or loins : turban. petticoat, loin-cloth. See Yule, Hobson-Jobson, 8.v. Long-cloth and Loonghee. Indian Longcloth was obtained principally from the Coromandel Coast and was sold white and brown (bleached and unbleached). The celebrated Madapollam, a longcloth made at that place in the Madras Presidency, is popular at the present day, but is known in the trade either as "Maddappalum " or "Maddapolam " (with the accent on the second or last syllable instead of on the penultimate). Mercoolaes. The origin of this term has not been ascertained. It is probably a perverted form of the name of the village or district whence this class of goods was first obtained. "Mercools" or "Mercoolaes" appear to have been calicoes specially adapted for "painting or chinting and the term also indicated a very stout fabric. In 1647 the factors at Ahmadabad and Bharoch reported to Surat that "Our store of Sunganier (Sanganer, near Jaipur, famous for stamped chintzes] mercoles will be sufficient to supply a large quantity of..........chints broad " and that the bleaching of "mercooles" was in progress. In 1648 a consignment of "mercules, a cheap and excellent sort of cloth," was sent home unbleached. In 1651 the Company's agent at Delhi wrote to Surat that in future "paules" (tent, pal, sheets) should be made of broader cloth, for which purpose "mercolls" would be most suitable. In 1652 the "mercoolees of Nyegom [? Naugaon, Hardoi district), the usual source of supply," proved so bad that orders for these goods were placed elsewhere. See Foster, English Factories, 1646-1650, pp. 139, 188; 1651-1654, pp. 26, 122. (To be continued.)

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NOVEMBER, 1021) THE SCATTERGOODS AND THE EAST INDIA COMPANY MOOREES : Moors-cloths. Cloths primarily for Muhammadan or "Moor" wear. Blue and white cotton cloth, principally manufactured in the Nellore district of Madras for sale to the Muhammadans (Moors) of the Malay Peninsula. They were identical with Salempores, for which see below. The earliest quotation for "moory" in the Oxford Eng. Dict. is 1696 and the derivation given is possibly from Port. morim, shirting." But it is more likely that morim is a corruption of muri than that muri is a corruption of morim, as it was & common custom of the Portuguese in adopting Oriental terms ending in i to add a final mor n. Like "Baftas", "Moories" are now manufactured in England for sale to Africa. "Moorees" are mentioned in the Company's records from 1665 onwards. In 1618 the factors at Masulipatam wrote to the Company that white mcryes" were procurable in their neighbourhood. Foster, Eng. Fact. 1618-1621, p. 42. In 1675 the Company sent a list of goods to be provided " at the Fort and Metchlepatam Masulipatam) for Anno 1677." The list included " 6000 ordinary Morees, 5000 fine Morees, 1000 Superfine Morees." As stated above, "Moorees " appear to have been identical with " Salempores" as regards texture, but in colour they were confined to blue and white, NICCANNEES. The origin of this term is obscure. The goods indicated appear to have been fine striped calicoes manufactured in Gujarat, especially at Surat and Bharoch. See Foster Eng. Fact., 1618-1621, pp. 51 n., 235 ; 1651-1654, pp. 42, 235. PER COLLAES (Percallas, Perculleas, Porcellaes) were white and red cotton cloths (probably also of other colours) of the same nature as "Salempores" (see below), made in the neighbourhood of Masulipatam. In th: Diaries of Streynsham Master, ed. Temple, I. 272 and elsewhere in the vols.), it is assumed (on the authori y of Mr. Crooke in his ed. of Yule's Hobson-Jobson, 8.v. Piece-Goods) that they wer spangled cloths (Pers. par kala & sparkling object, a spangle), but I doubt this derivation now, and feel tempted to refer the term to some place of manufacture near Masulipatam and Pettipolee (Peddapalle or Nizampatam), such as the well-known village in the 17th century) of Peddakalle or Peddagolla near Madapollam, in the same neighbourhood. In 1618 the manufacture of "white percallaes " at Masulipatam is mentioned, and in 1621 "Red percallaes " formed part of the cargo of the Globe. Foster, Eng. Fact., 1618-1621, pp. 42, 266. That "Percollaes " was a manufacture of South India is evident from the Company's letter of 14th December 1655, where they urge their factors to "take into your consideration what Calliooes you are able to acquire either at Fort St. George, Mesulapatam, Verasheroone or elsewhere in........Parcallaes." Letter Book, Vol. I. And in 1669 the factors at Fort St. George wrote to Masulipatam, "We shall be able to invest all our Stocke........ in........Percalls. ....." Factory Records, Fort St. George (India Office Records), XVI. 130. In 1676 Streynsham Master agreed with the native merchants at Masulipatam to deliver 4000 " peices fine percollaes of 15 covads (cubit, 18 inches) long, 2} broad, at pagodas per peice," and in 1679 he made a similar agreement with the merchants at Madapollam. Diaries of Streynsham Master, ed. Temple, I. 273 ; II. 167. PINTADO QUILTS. Chintz bedspreads, counterpan es. Port. pintado, painted. Cotton material, printed or hand-painted in colours. Pintado quilts appear to have been varieties of the celebrated Palempores of Masulipatam and its neighbourhood,

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. NOVEMBER, 1 21 The term "pintado" was used generally in the 17th century for chintzes from Agra, Ahmadabad, Surat, etc., but the name "palempore " was confined to bedspreads from Madras, and especially Masulipatam. The derivation of "palempore " accepted by Yule (Hobson-Jobson, 8.0. Palempore) is that the word is a corruption of a hybrid (Hind. and Pers.) palang-posh, a bed-cover, possibly perverted to "palempore" by the existence of "salempore" (see below), a cotton stuff. Pringle's suggestion (Madras Selections, IV. 71) that the word is derived from Palanpur in Gujarat," an emporium for the manufacture of Northern India," seems unlikely, since the making of "palempores" was essentially a South Indian industry, and the term, though occasionally used incorrectly for chintz of various qualities, meant strictly a superior material made at Masulipatam. In 1619 the factors at Surat stated that "Pintathoe quilts" were unprocurable at Ahmadabad, and in 1621 " pintado quilts" were provided from Agra. In 1653 the Company mentioned "Pintadoe quilts" among the goods to be furnished from Surat. There appears to be no instance of an order for " palem pores" from the northern factories. At the same time, the fame of the Masulipatam manufacture is mentioned by Fryer in 1673. See Foster, Eng. Facl., 1618-1621, pp. 46, 51; 1651-1654, p. 1996; Fryer, quoted in Hobson-Jobson, 6.v. Palompore. SALLAM POR ES. The Oxford Eng. Dict. gives this word as "of unascertained origin. Cf. palampore." But there seems no reason to contest the derivation of the Madras Manual of Administration (vol. III, 8.v. Sauley), Telugu sale, a weaver, and Skt, pura, a town: cloth made in the "Wearers' Town," i.e., Shalambarigudda, Tel.= Salampur in Hindustani, a district or suburb of Nellore, in Madras. "Sallampores" were half the length of ordinary "Palempores" or cloths of 18 yards long. Like "moory," this material seems to have been either a white or a blue cloth, and in the 17th century the "Sallampores" of Masulipatam bore the highest reputation. That "Sallam pores" were made in different qualities is shown by the Company's orders in 1676. Their list of manufactured goods required includes 60,000 Ordinary Sallampoores" to be provided by their factors at Fort St. George, 20,000 "Ditto, to be provided at Metchlepatam (Masulipatam)" and 12,000 "fine Sallampoores, whereof 8000 at Metchlepatam." A further list for the following year included 60,000 "ordinary Sallampoores from No. 3 to No. 12." Diaries of Streynsham Master, ed. Temple, I. 257, 258. SALLOWES. Now an universal term in India for a Turkey-red cotton cloth, generally known as "red saloo," with a doubtful popular derivation from Hind. salu. But it is more likely that the word is derived from Telugu salu, cloth, because in the 17th century sald, then generally white (but 1619, "Selaus, Seolas red," Foster, Eng. Fact.. 1618-1621, pp. 93, 94), came from the South and from the Deccan (Golconda), near the Telugu country. In 1647 the factors at Surat and Gombroon wrote to the Company, "Sallooes ... are brought from Golconda ... the finer qualities yield consi. derable profit, but the poor sorts are unvendible." In the same year we find a requisition for "Halloes for ensigns and flags " at Swally. Foster, Eng. Fact., 16471651, pp. 79, 100, 123. In 1676 the Company ordered 1500 "fine Sallooes made at Golcondab," and these, Streynsham Master remarked, were "the same sort of cloth as Oringall Beetelaes," i.e., beatilha, veiling, made at Warangal. Diaries of Streynsham Master, ed. Temple, I. 257, 292. The term "sallas " is used in the present day for grey cotton goods manufactured in the Bombay Presidency.

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XOVEMBER, 1921) THE SCATTERGOODS AND THE LAST INDIA COMPANY 11 SAPLICADO ES, FLOWERD. A speckled or spotted cloth, from Port. salpicado (past part. of salpicar), speckled, spotted. Except in the Sales Lists I havo found only one other mention of this class of goods in the Company's records. It occurs in a letter from Fort St. George to Masulipatam, dated 4th February 1698/9: "Wee would have you provide some salpicadoes flowr'd ard plaine, and send us hither as soon as possible." TAFFATIES. Taffeta, taffety, an European term introduced in that form into India by traders who found the Persian term tafta already existing for a similar material, viz., fine glossy Chinese silk. The English form "taffeta " is derived in the Oxford Eng. Dict. through O.F. taffelas, ta phelas. or Med. Lat. taffata, whence It. taffeta. Subsequently the term became mixed up with Pers. tafta, a glossy twist, in allusion to the wavy lines which appeared in the Chinese silks, to which the name was mainly confined in India in the early part of the 17th century. In England the term has been used at different times for different varieties of silk. At the present time it designates a light thin glossy silk or union (silk and cotton, silk and woollen) material and the variety most in vogue is known as "chiffon taffeta," a fine glace silk. Up to 1615 all mentions of "taffaties" in the records of the East India Company refer to Far Eastern silks, such as "Taffaties Read siod" from Macassar, and " Taffates" and "Taffatas" from China. See Foster, Letters Received, passim. In 1617 Sir Thomas Roe wrote to the Company: "Clothes and stuffs are here [Ajmer) twice as dear as in Cheapside if they Le not pintadoes or striped bald [napless) taffaties." Ibid. IV. 20. By the latter part of the 17th century, the term "taffeta," referring to Oriental piece.goods, had acquired a wider signification and included silks made in Bengal, especially at Kasim bazar. In 1675 the Company complained that all the samples sent them from that place were "taffety Wale " or striped taffaties. They ordered "6000 Taffetys raw (unfulled, unshrunk), made thicker and closer struck [woven] then the Last Sent, though they Cost a Little more," also " 4000 white... 1000 full yellowes and 1000 full redds ... 2000 Mixt [of different colours] Taffetyes for Lynings of hatts . 3000 Light Ccullers ... 8000 Cloth (drab) coullers without Mixture... 7000 Mixt Cloth Coullers" also "Blacks, perfect grass groenes and Carnation," if the dyers could " attaine to dying " such colours. 'Diaries of Streynsham Master, ed. Temple, I. 311, 316. TAPSEILES. Plain and striped cloths. In the early part of the 17th century this term indicated either a silk or a cotton material, but later mentions refer only to cotton fabrics of various widths. The term appear to have arisen out of Pers. tafisila, a rich silken stuff, alluded to in the Ain-1-Akbari (tr. Blochmann, I. 03) as "a stuff from Mecca." Tapseiles were North Indian goods manufactured in Gujarat and Sind, and were not indentical with "tappiceels (tappiseels)" and "tappie serasses " which were South Indian goods (Malay-Jav., ta peh, a skirt : pioce-goods of variegated colour, used for any kind of cotton cloth by Europeans; Pers. sarasar, brocade, in Malay form, serdsah, a cotton fabric). The Oxford Eng. Dict. has not derived the term, and gives only" Tapsail, tapeeil, obs. rare : some kind of East Indian cotton cloth," with a quotation of 1725;

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY, [ NOVEMBER, 1921 In 1619 "tapseeles thread " and "tapseele silke " were ordered to be provided at Cambay for Bantam. Foster, Letters Received, 1619, p. 93. In 1621 a difficulty was experienced in procuring "red tapseils," the "culler " not being usual, Foster, Eng. Fuct., 1618-1621, p. 329. "Tapsiles of white and black," some with broad and some with narrow stripes were ordered by the Company in the same year. Ibid., p. 344. In 1635, in a list of piece-goods made at Tatta, we find "taffseeles," but no indication of their nature. Ibid., 1634-1636, p. 133. In 1642 the "tapseels " sent to England were "part woven in Surat and part bought in Sind," and in 1651 all those sent were made in Surat. Ibid., 1642-1645, p. 7; 1650-1654, p. 42. Other articles purchased by Roger Scattergood at the Company's wales were, "Lahore Indico" in lump and dust, for dyeing purposes, and bags of cotton wool. One consignment of the latter article, bought in April 1663,"poiz," i.e., weighed 666 lbs. "Suttle," the "Tare" being 30 lbs. and the "Trett" 25 lbs.35 In 1661 Roger Scattergood became a freeman of the East India Company. At a Court of Committees held on the 26th June, is the entry : 36 "Mr. Roger Scattergood was this day admitted into the freedome of this Com. pany by redemption for 5 li." In the following October he exercised one of his privileges as a freeman by investing PS 1000 in the Company's stock.3T Two years later he appeared to be in want of ready money. At a Court of Committees held on the 17t| February 1663-4,88 "Mr. Roger Scattergood appearing about his Debt he stands charged with and being required to cleare his Goodes and take them away, he pleaded for remission of the interest due on them, whereupon the Court told him that he paying in the Principall should have his goods delivered him and the interest be charged to his Accompt, and if they find reason for it, they will hereafter take it again into their consideration, upon which he declared he would submit to them, hopeing they intend him a kindnegre." The amount due for goods purchased by him from the Company must have been over PS 1000, for on the 4th March of the same year," "Mr. Roger Scattergood having promised the Committee to pay in 1000 li. in part of what he owes the Company, the Court now directed that he passe his twoe warrants for devidents of 300 li. to that accompt and bring in 700 li. more to make up the Summe and that he shall be allowed as well as charged with what interest is due to or from him." Presumably the Court's directions were complied with, but Scattergood's credit had Ruffered and he could not get delivery of any goods thereafter unless the money was forthcoming. On the 6th June 1664.40 86 "Suttle," an old variant of "subtle," is an obsolete commercial term formerly used to denote net weight of goods, after "tare," allowance for receptacles, and "tret," allowance for waste, had been deducted. 80 Court Minutes, XXIV. 377 (India Office Records). 37 Ibid., 415. Ibid., p. 738. * Ibid., p. 745. 60 Ibid., p. 787.

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NOPEMBER, 1921) THE SCATTERCOODS AND THE EAST INDIA ('OMI'ANY 13 "It was ordered that 300 peeces of broad Tapseiles bought by Mr. Chevall for himself and Mr. Scattergood, on which there is 30 li. and upwards due for interest shall be delivered when the Principall mony is paid and the interest to be charged on Mr. Scattergood's Adventure [shares in the Compuny's stock." It was probably in order to secure possession of these goods that, a month later, Scatter. good sold a part of his stock. Among the "Transports" (transfers) "read and approved on the 8th July 1667,41 is one of PS600, "wherof 300 li," was "paid in by Giles Thornburgh to Roger Scattergood." Taking the broad Tapseiles " at 19s, each, the current value of those goods at that period, the amount due on the 300 pieces would be PS285, plus more than PS30 interest, so that his debt was well over the PS300 that Thornburgh paid for the stock. By the end of the year the unhappy Roger's credit had sunk still lower. In a list of Debts oweing to the East India Company on Goodes sold yett remayning in the Suratt Warehouses," his name appears as a debtor for "Callicoes out of time," or beyond the six months allowed for payment, PS3345. 3. O, and for "Callicoes in time," PS2374. 6. 8, a total amount of PS5719. 9. 8. Taking into account the value of money in those days, the sum was a heavy one, and as other similar large amounts were due from various purchasers, it is not surprising that the Court passed a resolution on the 10th February 1664-5," to sue certain of their debtors. It was no doubt in order to avoid such action against himself that the unfortunate merchant took measures to stave off the evil day. On the 24th February, "Mr. Roger Seattergood moveing the Court this day that they would be pleased to permitt him to take away goodes to the vallue of his Devidents which are 500 li., and he would pay them in 2500 li. on his accompt by the fine of March. Upon consideration whereof and how his accompt stands with the Company, they did consent that he clearing all his old bought goods amounting to about 3300 li. by the fine of March next with what interest shall be due thereon, they would allow him his Devi. dents on the last payment thereof, which being made knowne unto him by Alderman Bathurst, he brought them in word that Mr. Scattergood declared himself content and satisfied therewith." A subsequent enquiry into his account seems to have reassured the Company regarding his solvency. On the 16th March 1665,5 " Mr. Kendall acquainting the Court of the State of Mr. Roger Scattergood's accompt and of his desire thereupon, the Court Ordred accordingly that he might receive to the vallue of his dividents of 40 per cent. resting in the Companyes hands of his old bought goods, Cleareing so much of the interest for (what) is due on that part of the goods and to be allowed intrest for his dividents for the time they have remained in the Companyes hands since they were payable and that he may also be allowed the next Divident of 40 Per Cent. on what goods he shall buy at the next Sale as any other Adventur(er)." At a sale held five days later, Roger Scattergood's name appears as a purchaser of about PS700 worth of piece-goods.16 Shortly after, however, on the 25th May 1666, the following resolution was passed 7: "1 Court Minutes, XXIV, 800 (India Office Records). 12 Ibid., p. 903. 13. Ibid., p. 930. 4 Ibid., p.036. 45 Ibid., vol. xxv, 63b. 66 Ibid., pp. 59, 60b. 67 Ibid., vol. XXVA, P. 3.

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TIE INDIAN ANTIQUARY NOVEMBER, 1921 " The Comittee haveing taken into Consideration the many Debty which are remayning Due to the Company and most upon Old Accompts, And the severall Persons having notice to meete the Comittee thiy Day in relation thereunto, which finding them not to comply with, It was therefore Directed that the Sollicitor clos forth with take out Writts against the following Persons and to have them arrested, vizt., ... Roger Scattergood." In consequence, "At a Coinmittee for Debts" on the 13th June 1666,68 several of the debtors appeared and made statements regarding their liabilities: "Mr. Roger Scattergood Declareth that there is 520 li. Stopt Due to him for Dividents and that bee will pay in 500 li. more next weeke. Whereupon hee Desireth to have 1000 li. Vallue in Goods Delivered him, and that hee will Cleare his wholo Accompt Depending with the Company by the 20th Julie next, which beeing taken into Consideration by the Comittee, it was ordered that hee paying in 500 li. or what more hee pleaseth, may have Libertie to take away Goodes for the same Vallue." But fresh troubles were in store. Eurly in September 1666 the Great Fire swept away a Jarge portion of the business premises in the City of London, and soine of Roger Scattergood's property, with that of other debtors, was reduced to ashes. At a Court held on the 2nd October, ' practical sympathy was expressed with the sufferers : "The Comittee having taken into consideration the sadd Calamities which amongst many other men have befallen some of their Debtors, whereupon they resolved not to prosecute any this Ternje but only the ... Persons whoe [they) conceive have not been any great sufferers by the late fyer, their houses not being burnt downe." This concession seems to have encouraged Scattergood to make a further effort to free himself of his embarrassments. At a Court held on the 19th November 1666, 50 "Mr. Roger Scattergood saith hee will pay a considerable Summe by the latter end of December and will make it up 1200 li, with the Dividents. And that hee will runn all losses and damages by fyer or otherwise, But desires to bee excused as to adjusting his accompt as yett." And on the 6th December, 51 "Mr. Roger Scattergood saith he will pay in Soe much mony with his dividents as shall make it up 1500 li. and will cleare all very Suddainly, But desires to take away goodes for Sue much mony as he payes in." By January 1666-7 the Court's patience was exhausted. On the 5th it was "Resolved now to resell at next sale the goods bought by the severall Persons following, excepting such as shall bee cleared or mony paid in upon their acconipts betweene this and munday night..Roger Scattergood." On the same day 53 "Mr. Roger Scattergood apeareing and being not willing to adjust his accompt or pay Interest for goodes he bought at sales, which hee did not obleidge himselfe to by bonds and seale, but proinisses he will pay in a considerable summe of mony this weeke on his accompt, which the Committee haveing taken into consideration they tould him they were resolved to resell what lawfully they could and would sue him for the rest." But, at the same time, Mr. Moses, the Company's attorney, was 18 Court Minutes, XXVA, 9. 49 Ibid., p. 16. 50 Ibid., p. 20. * Ibid., p. 24. 63 Ibid., p. 26. 19 Ibid., p. 26.

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NOVEMBER, 1921) THE SCATTERGOODS AND THE EAST INDIA COMPANY. 15 "to forbeare prosecutieng Mr. Scuttergood for the 20 quilts sould him untill order from the Court, it beeing a thing of noe vallue and of an old Contract." Scattergood's affairs were now in a critical position and he made a personal appeal to those in authority. On the 23rd January 1666-7,54 << The Governour acquainted the Court that Mr. Roger Scattergood had been with him, acknowledging his accompts with the Companie had been too long depending uncleered, but the occasion was the losse hee sustained by 1200 peeces of Sallowes, and by severall houses of his that were lately burnt,55 That nevertheless he would shortly attend the Court to adjust the sanie. It was thereupon Ordered that the same bee referred to the Comittee for debts." This body apparently recommended clemency in dealing with their old client, for, on the 11th February, 56 "Mr. Moses... desireing directions if to prosecute ..Mr. Scattergood ..And H. Edwin rendring an accompt that ... Mr. Scattergood ... as to his ould accompt hath agreed with the Coinmittee... whereupon the Committee directed ... to Suspend declareing against . .. Scattergood [and others), they paying Mr. Moses his Lawe charges, who are immediately to be sent unto to have notice of the saine." In March Scattergood again sold out E. I. Co. stock,57 this time to the amount of PS1000. After that, his name disappears from the Records until the autunun of 1668. In the interiin he seems to have met a portion of his liabilities, for on the 24th October, when it was ordered that he should be summoned "to cleere his accompt,"58 the amount in question could not have been excessive, because, "in faileur " thereof, only 104 pieces of taffaties (average price then, PSl a piece) were to be confiscated. Then, for nearly two years there is again no mention in the Company's Records of Scattergood and his "accompt." That his financial difficulties were not confined to his dealings with the E. I. Co. is shown by his relations with William Lord Sandys, against whom he filed a bill in Chancery in June 1669 in respect of PS100 demanded by the latter, but which, Roger claimed, was cancelled by an "account contra,"59 At this time too, he seems to have had soine connection with the shipbuilding trader that is, if, as is most probable, he is identical with Mr. Scattergood of Newgate Market mentioned in the Calendar of State Papers, Domestic, in 1670 as having bought timber suitable for "the new ship at Chatham" from Sir Cecil Bishop.60 Roger Scattergood inust still have been regarded as solvent at this date, for in August 167061 his name reappears in the Company's sales lists as a purchaser of goods to the value of PS220, and on these he was allowed six inonths credit. In November 1671, however, 69 "On reading a Report from the Committees for lawsuits, It is ordered as followeth, viz.... 'That the Committee for law-suits be desired to give order to Mr. Moses to commence suit against ... Mr. [Roger) Scatter good for the moneys due from him to the Company." 56 Court Minutes, XXV. 124b. 65 Some of these buildings were on Ludgate Hill and in Pannyer Alloy (Glose Roll, 20 Car. II. Pt. 14, no. 38). Information from Mr. Scattergood. 66 Court Minutes, XXVA, 26. 67 Ibid, xxv, 137b. 68 Ibid., XXVI, 164b. 69 Information from Mr. Soattergood. 60 Ibid. 61 Home Series, Miscellaneous, vol. VIII, (India Ofice Records). 62 Courl Minules, XXVII, p. 188.

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16 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (NOVKBER, 1912 It is sad to find that after all his struggles, Scattergood was at last compelled to com. pound with his creditors. For it is on record that on the 3rd April 1672,63 "Upon report made by Mr. Bathurst and Mr. Boone, that Mr. Roger Scattergood was willing to pay the Company 40 li., in full of his debt of 164 li : 68 : 5d, at 3 months, and to give sufficient security for payment thereof; the Court (in consideration of his great poverty) and the composition by him made with other his Creditors) were pleased to declare their acceptance of the same." And on the 26th April, 64 "Mr. George Day was this day approved of to be security for Mr. Roger Scatter. good for 25 li : 68: 8d, the one half to be paid 3d October and the other 3d January next; and that upon their giving bond, Mr. Moses is to stay proceedings at law." The above extract shows the low state of Roger Scattergood's affairs in 1672, but he seems nevertheless to have still enjoyed a certain amount of credit with the Company. In. September the Court granted the petition of his son John for a writership in India, and in October Roger Scattergood and Robert Master were approved as securities in PS500.65 In November 167466 Roger received permission "to ship out several wines and other necessaries" to India, "he paying freight," those goods being no doubt consigned to his son John, then in Madras. Four years later Roger Scattergood had a small account of PS26: 13: 6 with the Company "uncleered." As regards this, on the 14th June 1678,67 the Court, "On reading & report from the Committees for Law Slits and debts. . did order and direct therein as followes, Vizt. That the debts of Edward Harrington ... and Roger Soattergood remaine as they are now charged in the books.": And in the following year, June 1679,68 this insignificant item was "written off and placed to the account of Desperate Debts." But the remarkable thing is that, in spite of all this, the last reference to Roger Scatter. good in the Records of the East India Company, six months later, shows him again accepted as security, with Robert Master, in PS500 for his son John on the latter's attaining the rank of factor in India. 69 The probable explanation is that the co-surety's bond was considered sufficient guarantee. Scattergood died intestate in 1681. He was buried on the 26th May at Christ Church Newgate Street, near his home, and on the 5th July his widow, Catherine, took out letters of administration.70 She survived her husband three years and was buried beside him on the 27th November 1684. Of the six children of the marriage (four sons and two daughters),"1 the eldest son is the subject of the next memoir. (To be continued.) 63 Court Minutcs, XXVII, 221. 4 Ibd, XVXIII, 2b. 66 Ibid., pp. 44a, 65b. 68 Ibid., XXIX, 74a. 67 Ibid., XXXI. De Ibid., p. 116b. 20. The name given in the entry referred to above is "Robert Soattergood," but this is obviously a copyist's error, as Mr. Bernard Scattergood Augures me that no momber of the family called Robert hue be traced at that poriod. 70 P. C. C. Administeations (Somerset Houise). 71 Information as to death, hurial and inquo supplied by Mr. Soattergood.