Sound Synthesis in Indo European Indo Iranian and Sanskrit

Author(s): Satya Swarup Mishra
Publisher: Ashutosh Prakashan Sansthan
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/001730/1

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SOUND SYNTHESIS INDO-EUROPEAN INDO-IRANIAN AND SANSKRIT ( HISTORY OF SANSKRIT SANDHI ) Satya Swarup Misra M. A., Ph. D.

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Sound Synthesis in IF, IIr and Sanskrit presents a full-fledged history of the development of sandhi (or Sound Synthesis ) from the IE stage upto Sanskrit, through IIr. Although Sandhi in Skt has been worked out by Panini etc in ancient days and by Whitney and Macdonell etc. in recent times, a full-fledg d historical treatment was lacking. This work presents a comprehensive picture af the historical treatment of Skt. sandbi. Firstly the author has presented the development of sandhi in the IE stage and its further development in the lIc stage, and finally he has clearly shoun the innovations to be attributed to Skt. The author has also worked out the historical back ground of the except.onal sandhi forms of Skt, which is no doubt an additional attraction of this work. Jain Edat

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SOUND SYNTHESIS INDO-EUROPEAN, INDO-IRANIAN IN AND SANSKRIT | HISTORY OF SANSKRIT SANDHI | Satya Swarup Misra M. A., Ph. D. Professor & Head Department of Linguistics Banaras Hindu University VARANASI PRAKASHAN ASHUTOSH SANSTHAN VARANASI ASHUTOSH-PRAKASHAN SANSTHAN VARANASI 1987

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Published by: Rajendra Tiwari Ashutosh Prakashan Sansthan B 30/195, Ganga Tarang, Nagava Post Box No. 4 (B.H.U.) Varanasi-221005 (India) Viswarup Misra First Edition, January, 1987 Price; Rs. 35,00 $6,00 Printed by; Smt. Kunti Tiwari Vivek Printers B. 30/195, Ganga Tarang, Nagava Post Box No. 4 (B.H.U.) Varanasi-221005 (India)

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Om To The sacred memory of Professor Jagannath Upadhyay The dedicated researcher and inspirer of Oriental research

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Preface The present work Sound Synthesis in Indo-European, Indo-Iranian and Sanskrit is finally published now, and scholars who are wating for it since so many years will be happy to see it. The word sound-synthesis is used by me as a technical term translating and rather rendering Skt sandhi which has an alternative form sambita. Gk Synthesis is equivalent to Skt sambitihPage #8

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CONTENTS Section page Preface Abbreviations Ch I. Indo-European Sound Synthesis 1. Indo-European Sound Synthesis ... Ch 11. Indo-European Vowel Synthesis 2. Indo-European Vowel Synthesis ... 3, Combination of IE Primary Vowels with Primary Vowels ... 4. Combination cf Primary Vowels with a 5. Combination of Primary Vowels with Secondary Vowels 6. Combination of a with Secondary Vowels 7. Combination of Secondary Vowels with Primary Vowels 8. Combination of Secondary Vowels with a 9. Combination of IE Secondary Vowels with Secondary Vowels 10. Law of Relative Syllabicity and Vowels Synthesis 18 Ch III. Indo-European Consonant Synthesis 11, Indo-European Consonant Synthesis 12. IE voiced non-aspirate + voiceless stop or s 19 13. IE voiceless non-aspirate or s tvoiced stop 20 14. IE voiced aspirate-ft or s 15. IE voiced aspirate+t in IIr 16, IE voiced aspirate+s in Old Iranian 17. Sibilant glide between dentals 19 19 20 21

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Section 18. IE n>n before palatals and 'n before-velars and labio-velars 19. IE ss 20, IE mobile s 21. Back formations (viii) Ch IV. Indo-Iranian Sound Synthesis 22. Innovations in IIr 23. IIr Innovations in Vowel Synthesis 24. IIr a (a 25. IIr (? 26. IIr a ( voiced in IIr before vowels & consonantal secondary vowels 29. IE voiceless stops & s> voiced in IIr before voiced plosives (as in IE) 30. IE s+g/g followed by a palatal vowel 30a. IE s+gh/qh followed by a palatal vowel 31. IIr s> and z> 32. IIr s> and > 33. IE m-dental stops/s 34. IE m+v 35. IE m+r Ch V. Old Indo-Aryan Vowel Synthesis 36. Old Indo-Aryan Sound Synthesis 37. Old Indo-Aryan Vowel Synthesis page 2222 23 23 24 26 26 26 26 27 27 27 28 28 28 28 29 29 29 29 30 31 31 31

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(ix ) page 31 Section 38. OIA a-Fiddlr 39. Loss of a after e, o 40. ? +: in OIA 41. Contraction of Vowel after loss of m (?) 3 33. whesis 35 35 36 Ch VI. Old Indo-Aryan Consonant Synthesis 42. Old Indo-Aryan innovations in Con snapt Synthesis 34 43. Plosive-t-nasal 34 44. td +1 34 45. t|d+c(h) 46. t|d+tch) 33 47. t|dth 35 48. Final n, n,n reduplicated 49. Final n preceded by long vowel 50. an, in, un before y, v, r, h in Ry 37 51. an(>ant) in vedic 37 52. nts > m-s 53. nt 37 54. nts >n-5 55, ntc(h)/t(h)/t(h) 56. n ti(h)/d(h)/d(h) 57. n ( class nasal 38 59. m +n>nn 60. m>before s, p, s, h 61.m>m beforer 39 62. m>m before y, v, 1 63. IIr final s, s, r>Skt h 37 37 38 38 38 39 39 39 40

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40 40 41 42 43 43 Section page 64. Treatment of r like s, s due to common development as h 64a. ir 41 65. h+tch) 41 66. h+ch)>sc(h) 67. h+k(h)/p(h) 42 67a. r>s/hr 68. h+slsls 69. sts>ts 70. sts>ts 71. sts >ks 72. Sts >ks 73, s+s>ts 43 74. Compensatary lengthening after loss of a sibilant 43 75. r remained r 76. Compensatory lengthening after loss of ar 43 77. r before r treated like s sometimes 44 78. Sources of Skt h 44 79, h tt 80. hts 45 81, h+bh 45 82, h+t/sbh 46 Ch VII. Some Exceptional Treatments in OIA Sound Synthesis 47 A. Prohibition of Sandhi in Sanskrit 83. Prohibition of Sandi in Sanskrit 47 84. Duals in i, u, e 47 43 44 47 85, Pronoun ami 47

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Section 86. Vedic locatives in i, u 87. Nom sg prthivi, prthujrayi, samrajni 88. Particle u 89. Pronouns tve, asme, yusme 90. sa, esa (xi) 92.a+a>a 93. as+i>i 94. am+a>a B. Exceptions 91. A critical examination of the exceptional cases of OIA sound synthesis, enumerated by Traditional Grammarians C. Apparent Exceptional Feaures of vedic Sandhi 95. Apparent exceptonal features of vedic sandhi 96. Accusative pl an, in, un, in 97. n+c(h)/t(h)|t(h) 98. a retained ofter e, o 99. Sandhi of Upasrga 100. Prohibition of sandhi in Vedic Word Index Bibliography Errata page 48 48 48 48 48 49 50 50 50 51 51 51 51 51 51 62 53 63 64

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Abl/abl Acc/acc Aor/aor Att Ion AV Av CGIGL GSGH Cl/cl cp Cypr Dat/dat e.g. Fem/fem gAv Gen/gen Gk Goth Hom Ht IE i.e. IIr Impf/impf Impv/impv KVG Lat Lesb ABBREVIATIONS Ablative Accusative Aorist Attic-Ionic Atharva Veda Avesta Comparative Grammar of the Indo-Germanic Languages Comparative Grammar of Sanskrit, Greeek & Hittite Classical Compare Cyprian Dative exempli gratia Feminine Gathic Avestan Genitive Greek Gothic Homeric Hittite Indo-European id est Indo-Iranian Imperfect Imperative Kurze Verglei-chende Grammatik der indo- germanischen sprachen Latin Lesbian

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( xiv ) lit Lith Loc/loc Masc/masc MIA MS Neut/peut/nt Nom/nom nt (=neut) OHG OIA Olcel O Irisb OP Osc literally Lithuanian locative Masculinc Middle Indo-Aryan Maitrayani Samhita Neuter Nominative Neuter Old High German Old Indo-Aryan Old Icelondic Old Irish Old Persian Oscan page (s) Pancavimsa Brahmana perfect Plural Rig Veda Satapatha Brabramana Singular Sanskrit Sama Veda Taittiriya Aranyaka Taittiriya Samhita Vedic first person second person third person p. PB perf Pl/pl RV SB Sg/sg Skt SV TA TS Vd (vd) 1st 2nd 3rd root becomes comes from

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SOUND SYNTHESIS in INDO-EUROPEAN, INDO-IRANIAN and SANSKRIT (HISTORY OF SANSKRIT SANDHI )

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CHAPTER I INDO-EUROPEAN SOUND SYNTHESIS 1. Indo-European Sound Synthesis Synthesis is used here as synonymous with the Sanskrit term Sandhi, which has been used in Sanskrit Grammars in the technical sense of combinatory sound changes pertaining to contact of sounds including contraction, diphthongization, change of a vowel to a consonant & of a consonant to a vowel etc. in vowel synthesis, and assimilation etc. in consonant synthesis. The Sanskrit term sandht (< IE som-dh-i > dhe 'put') is best rendered synthesis (cp Gk sun-thesis), which may be used as a technical term for sound synthesis. There are sufficient evidences in the IE historical languages, to show that sandhi or sound synthesis is an inherited feature from the IE proto-speech. The evidences are also in favour of the assumption that external sandhi was less developed in IE than internal sandhi. It is probable that sandhi was extended from internal to external, through the intermediate stages of sandhi of upasargas with verb forms, and sandhi of compounds. It may be pointed out, in this connection, that the western scholars normally classify sandhi as internal sandhi and external sandhi. But the traditional Indian grammarians describe four categories: (1) Sandhi within a word (= internal sandhi), e.g. Skt bhav-a-ti bho+

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2 SOUND SYNTHESIS IN IE, IIR & SANSKRIT a-ti; (2) Sandhi of a upasarga with a verb from, e. g. Skt upasate Page #21
INDO-EUROPEAN SOUND SYNTHESIS 3 or external sandhi also developed in the proto IndoEuropean speech, but it was not com pulsory. The earliest evidencos in IE historical lao guages show that sandhi in compounds was also originally optional; cpvd yuktaasvah, Ay yuxta-aspo, 'yoked-horse OCS dobro-oku *beautiful-eyed, etc. (vide Brugmann : CGIGL I p. 454) boside Skt yuktas vah, Av yuxtaspo etc. Sentence sandhi was more optional in IE and it was independently operative in the historical languages, for a pretty long time. In a very early stage of IE even internal sandhi was optional. This is to be assumed because of the two different types of dialectal treatment of IE voiced aspirate +-t & s ( vide below 14, 15, 16), which have conti nued for some time before it could give rise to the twodifferent types of forms like bhit-tos (14) & bhidd hos ( 15 ). But in course of time, towards a later stage of IE, internal sandhi was compulsory, although at that stage, sandhi in compounds was not compulsory. Its optional character continued upto to an older stage of the individual historical languages. In internal sandhi also combination of a root and a suffix to form a stem and combination of a stem with a case-ending should preferably be treated as two different categories of sandhi, from the point of view of history and development of sandhi. In one stage of proto IndoEuropean, sandhi of a root and a suffix, to form a stem, was more rigid than sandhi of a stem and a case-ending Vedic and Avestan, which represent two very old IE historical languages, sometimes show forms, where caseendings are used without sandhi; cp early RV parastaat (VI 54.90) for late RV (and cl) parastat (vide RV X.

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4 SOUND SYNTHESIS IN IE, IIR & SANSKRIT 129.5); cp Av aat (Haoma yast, verso 2) for at (=Vd at), adverb but originally abl sg of pronoun a-. Separation of bhis, bhyas etc. with avagraha in RV padapatha (e. g. afvabhih as asva-bhih etc) just like two members of a. compound (e.g. asva-dah) is also a pointer to the fact that, the endings were not fully treated as internal part of a word for a considerable period. Thus for some length of time, they might have had optional sandhi. The fourth type of sandhi or the pure external sandhi, might have first of all started in IE, in combinations of one accented form with an unaccented form like a proclitic. or enclitic, where from the accentual treatment, the unaccented form came to be treated as a part of the accented form. In other words, the two words were treated like one compound word from accentual point of view. To sum up : Sound Synthesis first of all started in proto Indo-European with some forms and gradually spread to others in course of time. The above analysis shows that sound-synthesis was absent in an earliest stage of proto Indo-European, say in the 1st stage?. In the next stage (i.e. the 2nd stage) internal sandhi first of all started with a root + affix to form stems. Then (in the 3rd stage) there was sandhi of stems + case-endings and side by side also verb stems+personal endings. In the next (i.e. 4th) stage there was sandhi of upasargas with verb forms. In the next (i.e. 5th stage ) sandhi was extended to compound forms. Towards the end of this (last) stage of proto Indo-European, sandhi was cxtended 1. Vide Fresh Light on Indo-European Classification & Chronology for details of the distribution of the five stages of proto Indo-European (pp. 50-62).

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INDO-EUROPEAN SOUND SYNTHISIS 5 to all words in a sentence. But it was not fully esta. blished at this period and thus remained optional even in the historical languages like Sanskrit, Greek etc. For practical purposes IE sound synthesis may be classified as IE vowel synthesis and IE consonant synthesis, on the basis of the combinatory sound changes affecting the vowels and the consonants respectively.

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CHAPTER II INDO-EUROPEAN VOWEL SYNTHESIS 2. Indo-European Vowel Synthesis Combinatory sound changes of JE vowels are presented here, duly classified, witb supporting comparative evide aces from IE historical languages. 3. Combination of IE Primary Vowels With Primary Vowels Synthesis of IE primary vowels includes (a) Combination of a primary vowel with a primary vowel of the samo quality, and (b) Combination of a primary vowel with a primary vowel of a different quality. 1) Combination of a primary vowel with a primary vowel of the same quality resulted in a long primary vowet of the same quality; viz, a+a>a, e +e>e and 7+>>o. IE a+a>a IE a+ag->ag- (perfect stem < Nag 'move) cp Skt aja, Olcel ok, Gk ege IE a+an->an- (perfect stem < Van 'breathe) cp Skt ana, Goth on, onun IE ekwa ta> ekowe (Inst sg of a stem) cp Skt (vd). asva, Av haena, Gk (Cypr) ara, (Lesb) alla, (Dor), krupha, (Att-Ion) kruphe. IE ekwa + ai> ekwai (Dat sg of a stem) cp Skt (pron) asyai, Av ahyai, G' khorai, theai, Lat equae,

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INDO-EUROPEAN VOWEL SYNTHESIS * OLat (dialectal) Fortuna, Osc dei vai, Goth gibai, Lith rankai, (pron) tai, OCS rece. IE e+e >e IE e+esm(m)>esm(m) (1st sg impfes 'be') cp Skt asam, OP aham, Av as (<*ast 3rd sg), Gk (Hom) ea. IE e+eym(m)>eym(m) (1st sg impf< ei 'go'), cp Skt ayam, Gk eia for *ea <*eya. IE e+ed->ed- (perf stem ep- (perf stem o IE o+od->od (perf stem bhero (pres 1st sg), Gk phero, Lat fero, Goth baira, bezu, gAv spasya cp Skt bharami, OHG biru, Lith IE wiq"o+om>wlq"om (gen pl of -o stem), cp Skt (vd) caratham, Gk lukon, Lat deum, OHG wolfo, Lith vilku. 2) Combination of a primary vowel with a primary vowel of a different quality resulted in a long primary vowel, assuming the quality of the first primary vowel, Thus:a+e|d>a, e to >e, o + >0. IE a+elo>a IE ekwa+es>ekwas (nom pl of a stem), cp Skt asvah, Av haeno, Goth gibos, OHG geba, Olcel giafar, Lith rankos (tos) OIrish tuatha, Osc scriftas.

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SOUND SYNTHESIS IN IE, IIR & SANSKRIT IE ekwa+-om>(perhaps) ekwam (gen pl of a stem). But this from could not survive because of its apparent identity in form with the acc sg; hence the historical languages present different innovations; cp Skt asvanam, Av haenanam, Gk theaon, Lat equarum. IE e+aja>e IE e+ag-e-t>eget (impf 3rd sg edyet (impf 3 sg o LE wlqo+ai>wlq"oi (dat sg of o stem), cp Av v@hrkat, Gk lukoi, Lat lupo, OLat Numasioi, Lith vilkui. IE wlq"o+es>wlq"os (nom pl of o stem), cp Skt vrkah, Av v@hrka, Osc nu v 1 an us, Goth wulfos. Combination of Primary Vowels with a Reduced Primary Vowel IE does not present any evidence for combination of any primary vowel with a. a is found as a neuter plural ending with stems ending in consonants and secondary vowels. The neuter pl of o stem is a; e. g. sg yugom : pl yuga. This -a (as in yuga) is not at all vowel synthesis, This is an originally independent stem ending in a which was generalised later on for neuter pl and fem sg (vide Misra: New Lights on IE Comparative Grammar p. 87). The two different explanations offered by Osthoff and Brugmann are less probable (vide CGIGI: Vol I p. 107 Rem. ) or the

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INDO-EUROPEAN VOWEL SYNTHESIS 5. Combination of IE Primary Vowels with Secondary Vowels Combination of IE primary vowels with secondary vowels may be classified under three categories : (a) IE short primary vowels +-11a, (b) le long primary vowels to #fa; and (c) IE short/long primary vowels +/b/mA. When the secondary vowel was t/u the resultant was a diphthong and accordingly IE shows twelve diphthongs. Thus alelo tr>ai, ei, oi; ajelo+a> au, eu, ou, and alejo +r> oi, ei, oi, alejo +a>au, eu, ou. But when the second element of a diphthong was followed by a vowel it became consonantal. Thus it IE ai +(a vowel. say) e>aye and so on. Otherwise (i.e. when followed by a consonant or finally, the second element of an IE diphthong was a vowel and not a consonants. Some scholars The second element of a diphthong is as a rule vocalic before consonants. But it is observed in several examples that before consonanral secondary vowels (viz y, w, r, l, m, n) the second element of diphthongs (which are also secondary vowels : i, u) often become consonantal. This type of double treatment of a secondary vowel before another (consonantal) secondary vowel was mostly possible when the combibination was : primary vowel + secondary vowel +secondary vowel -+-primary vowel; Thus e-titite could be on the basis of the general rule of diphthongization eiye and on the basis of the special rule for combination before secondary vowels eyye. Similarly also eiye : eywe, euye : ewye etc. The following forms illustrate the double treatment of IE diphthongs before consoaantal secondary vowels. (Contd. iw p, 10)

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10 SOUND SYNTHESIS IN IE, IIR & SANSKRIT are misguided by the representation of diphthongs in Brugmann's first edition such as ei (-ey)etc. (Vide CGIGL: Ip. 48 footnote). But Brugmann revises subsequently as ei etc. (vide KVG p. 82). As a matter of fact i, u differ from the rest of the secondary vowels in this treatment only. The other secondary vowels always remain consonantal after primary vowels and donot form diphthongs. 1) alejo +ild>ai, ei, oi, au, eu, ou. IE wlquoti (loc sg) >IE wlq"oi, cp Skt vrke, Av vahrkae-ca, Gk oi koi, OCS vluce. IE bhero+i-s (opt 2nd sg)>IE bherois. cp Skt bhareh Av barois, Gk pherois, Goth barrais. IE ekwa (short from of ekwa)-t-i (nom dual of a stem) >IE ekwai, cp Skt asve, Av haene, Gk (pl) khorai, Lat duae, Lith ranki, OCS race. IE y-etig-ai (perfect middle) > IE yeigoi, cp Ski (AV) yeje. IE e-w-e+uqa-e-t (reduplicative aorist 3rd sg) > IB eweuq"et, cp Skt avocat, Av' vaocat Gk eeipon (for * eeunon). ( contd, from p. 9) Skt sayya (IE sey-ya), jayya (Page #29
INDO-EUROPEAN VOWEL SYNTHESIS 2) alelo+/u>ai, ei, oi, au, eu, ou IE akwa+i (loc sg) >IE ekwai, cp Gk (dat) khorai (shortened to ai before consonants, remained -at finally, vide Brugmann CGIGL III p. 167), Lat equae. IE gno+i-men (opt 1st pl) IE draimen; cp Gk *draimen; beside Gk edran 'I run' 11 draimen (for IE sa+u>IE sau cp Av hau (fem) 'these', Gk haute (beside IE sa 'she' cp Skt sa, Gk (Dor) ha). (IE. sau may also be derived from IE sa+au). 3) IE a/e/d+r/l/m/n.3 IE e-bher-o-m> IE ebherom, cp Skt abharam, Gk epheron. IE ekwa+m > IE ekwam, cp Skt asvam Lat equam. IE s-ye-> IE syer, cp Av hyara (beside IE s-y-rr cp Skt syuh). IE e-dhidhe+-m > IE edhidhem, cp Skt adadham,. Gk etithen. IE edido+m>IE edidom, cp Skt adadam, Gk edidon. IE e-bher-o-nt > IE ebheront, cp Skt abharan, GL epheron, Av baran. 3. In these cases the phonemic names of the endings are traditionally r, l, m, n, but if i, u are to be used as phonemic names of endings, m n are also to be so r used ( vide New Lights on IE Comparative Grammar p. 17).

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12 SOUND SYNTHESIS IN IE, IIR & SANSKRIT 6. Combination of IE Reduced Primary Vowel a with Secondary Vowels. IE 2+tla> diphthongs wilou and IE a +r/limin >ar, ar, @m, @n. But examples for combination can be cited only for a tr. The rest of the combinations are to be conjectured on the basis of the occurrences of IE au, ar, @m etc. in radical forms. Even in case of disyllabic roots ending in a (-Skt i, Gk a), o is attested only before personal endings with initial consonants (vide Brugmann CGIGL : IV p. 114). e. g. Skt vamimi (IE wema-mi), Gk agamai (ai IE stha +1-men (opt 1st pl) > IE sthaimen cp Gb staimen. IE du-na +i-to (opt mid 3rd sg) > IE dunaito cp Glo dunaito (cp Skt vrnita). 7. Combination of IE Secondary Vowels with Primay Vowels Combination of IE secondary vowels with primary vowels resulted in loss of syllabicity of the preceding secondary vowels. Thus t, a,}, , , +-a. , > y, w, r, 1, m, n t-a, ?, ;. But if the preceding syllable was heavy the secondary vowel became syllabic cum consonantal and consequently the above combination resulted in iy, uw, gr, ll, nm, in +-a, . . This treatment (viz. iy, uw etc. + 4. This futher strengthens the assumption (vide footnote 2 above) that -m is the ending (and not -m,) because a is regularly lost before-m just like other vowel endings. cp Skt arodam, abravam etc. and never arod im, abravim although Skt shows.rodimi, bravimi, vamimi etc.

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INDO-EUROPEAN VOWEL SYNTHESIS 18 a, d, ) is also attested in initial syllables of several IE forms. It is quite likely that such treatments were also effected by preceding forms. A short vowel also followed by two consonants forms a heavy syllable. Several IE forms ended in consonants. They were also treated as heavy syllables when the following form had an initial: consonant in the same sentence, Subsequently of course generalizations must have taken place and particular forms were fixed as a result of which initially sometimes y etc. and sometimes iy etc, are attested. Examples are cited below, with reconstructions on the basis of cognates; the original positional variation is not strictly followed in the reconstructions. Because generalizations must have started in IE proto-stage. 1) 1, a, , , , +a, e, o >y, w, r, l, m, n +a, e, 8. IE owi-tos (gen sg)>IE owyos, cp Skt (vd) avyah, Gk. bios (Gk shows i for y, because y would be lost). (E oweites (nom pl) > IE oweyes cp Skt avayah Av garayo (=Skt girayah), Gk oies (Odyssey IX 425). IE pebu-om (gen pl)xit pekwom, cp Skt (vd) paovam.. Av pasvam, Gk gounon, gonon < gonwon < IE gonwom. IE matr +so (gen sg) > IE matros, cp Av maoro, Gk metros. IE regn +so > IE regnos cp Skt rajnah. 2) r, , , , , +a, ?, >iy, uw, rr, ll, mm, in + a, e, . IE dhitos (gen sg)>IE dhiyos cp Skt dhiyah Gk kios. IB bhru+08>IE bhruwos, cp Skt bhruvah Gk ophruos, Lat suis.

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14 SOUND SYNTHESIS IN IE, IIR & SANSKRIT IE PI+so >IE pllos, cp Skt purah (Beside Gk polis IB pll-i-s and Skt pur i IE grros, cp Skt girah Av garo (besido Lat garrio 'I chatter Gk gerus 'I speak' etc.) IE atmotos >IE atmnnos, cp Skt atmanah (besido Skt atmasu< IE atmn-su and Lat atmos < IE atmos. 8. Combination of IE Secondary Vowels with Reduced Primary Vowel a JE T, s, l, l, m, sta > i, u, l, l, , after Light syllables and iya, uwa, yra, lla, mma, nna after heavy syllables (vide New lights on IE Comparative Grammar p. 18). The assumption of the variation caused by the light and heavy syllables are applied here following the general pattern of positional variation of secondary vowels. But the historical present generalizations in different morphological patterns. Besides a third type (viz. ya, w@ etc.) is apparently needed to explain the forms like Gk pherousa i in IIr and therefore ita is almost regularly represented as i in IIr even when the iya type is expected. But IE uwa> IIr uvi and uta>IE u>IIr u. The neuter plural forms of s stems must have had sto>f in the proto-speech. But because IE t was not retained in any IE historical languages, the forms in

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INDO-EUROPEAN VOWEL SYNTHESIS 15 aeuter plural mostly present yra type. Same case is also with other stems such as ana for n etc. The examples preseated below therefore mostly represent IE reconstructions based on actually attested forms in IE historical languages, disregarding the positional variation and with an attempt to explain the formations in the historical languages. IE tri to>iri cp Skt (Va) tri, MIA (Asokan) ti, Av ci (ci-ca) IE bherontya (3); cp Skt bharanti Av bar@nti) beside Gk potnia (IE potniya, cp Skt patniKIE potni). IE medhu ta> medhu, cp Skt (vd) madhu, puru ( genuwa cp Gk (Hom) gouna, (Lesb) gonna, Lat genua, Goth kniwa (-a qetwr cp Gk (Dor) tetro-(konta), Av ca wara-(sat-) (q"etwrr@, cp Gk (Att) tettara, (Boot) petara; But Gk (Dor) tetora may be from an earlier *tetor <*tet7, which has added -a after tria or after : tettara, etc. as a dialectal borrowing. Gk tettares 5. Not even in Skt where it has become irsur and Skt s is a new analogical creation in the r-stems.

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16 SOUND SYNTHESIS IN IE, IIR & SANSKRIT (masc) has extended the stem tettar- from neuter tettara; similarly Skt catvari (apparently from IE q" etwora; so Brugmann : CGIGL IV p. 10) has exte nded the masculine stem catvar- (cp catvarah) to neuter plural; Gk pisura nomn, cp Skt (vd) nama, Av dama. IE nomn+anomnn@ cp Av naman} 8"hntos cp Skt ghatah, Gk (Dor) thnatos (Att) thnetos. IE ghn+a-tos>ghnnatos cp Gk thanatos. 9. Combination of 1E Secondary Vowels with Secon dary Vowels 1) Combination of a secondary vowel with a secondary vowel of the same quality naturally resulted in a long secondary vowel of the same quality. i.e. r+ri, a+a >u, t+t>z, I+I>I. m+m>m, h+h>. But illustrations can be cited for the first two types. For the rest,. because of the lack of frequency and because of the noninheritance of these sounds in exact proto form in the historical languages, illustrations are impossible. Skt however presents sandhi of r+r> in traditional grammars with artificial examples e.g. pitrrna>pitina. But since historical has become ir/ur in Skt, the grammatical illustrations are of no use to IE comparative grammar. Examples therefore are cited below for the combinations i+>i and i+a>u. IE i-ig-ai (perfect middle 1st sg) > igai cp Skt ije, gAv iza (< IE i+igh-so Impv).

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INDO-EUROPEAN VOWEL SYNTHESIS 17. JE oqsi -+-* (neuter dual) > IE oqsi cp Skt aksi, Av asi, OCS oci, Lith aki etc. IE utuq"-rr >IE uq"sr cp Skt ucuh. IE u t-ugh-rr > IE ughrr cp Skt uhuh. 2) Combination of two secondary vowels of different qualities normally resulted in loss of syllabicity of the first secondary vowel. Thus : *+/ pm/A>y+] etc. atitim/A>w-tilt etc. +-/01/mn >r+fla etc. and so on. IE doru+-+>dorwr, cp Skt darvih, daryt (beside Skt daru, Gk doru). IE gk tu (vg"er) >8"ru (beside goru, see next 3) cp Skt a-gru-, Av ayru- 'unmarried'. 3) When a heavy syllable preceded, the first secondary vowel became syllabic cum consonantal i.e. iy, uw, sr, ll, mm and an instead of y, w, r, l, m, n. Initally however iy, uw etc. are often attested instead of y, w etc probably because of generalizations of forms from frequent occurrences after heavy syllables, the heavy syllabicity being caused by a preceding form. IE gortu-s>gorrus (beside IE goru- see above 2). cp Skt guruh 'heavy', Av gourus 'adverse', Gk barus 'heavy', Goth kaurus 'heavy'. IE bhruti>bhruwi, cp Skt bhruvi, Gk ophrui. IE bhru+ns > bhruwns cp Skt bhruvah, Gk ophruas. IE dhi+ns > dhiyns cp Skt dhiyah, Gk kias. IE 8r+s>gsrns cp Skt girah. IE pi+ns >plins cp Skt purah. SSM : SS 2

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18 SQUND SYNTHESIS IN IE, TIR & SANSKRIT 4) Sometimes the preceding secondary vowel became syllabis cum consonantal even when it was followed by a similar secondary vowel. Thus } +r (which normally became i) could also become iy-t, +a>uw-a, + > rr-etc., although such forms were evidently quite rare, being avoided from the earliest stage. IE dhi ti>dhiyi cp Skt (loc) dhiyi, Gk kit (dat) (beside forms like Skt (vd) sarasi (RV VIII 103.2) < sarasi ti, showing IE *+7>i). 10. Law of Relative Syllabicity and Vowel Synthesis. Some varitions in sandhi seem to have been effected by the law of relative syllabicity. IE sounds differ from each other on the basis of their relative strength to form a syllable. To take for examples in order of strength : alelo, isu, ill, min. This sometimes disturbed other rules. Despite the general pattern of loss of syllabicity of the preceding syllable, sometimes the syllabicity is retained, if the sound is more powerful than the following sound to retain syllabicity. Therefore beside IE owy-m (cp Skt (vd) ayyam, IB also shows the more frequent form owim (cp Skt qvim Gkg bin etc.). Similarly beside owyns (Skt avyah) IE shows owi-ns (Skt avin). Besides Gk tettara (Page #37
CHAPTER III INDO-EUROPEAN CONSONANT SYNTHESIS 11. Indo-European Consonant Synthesis Consonant Synthesis chiefly includes assimilation of consonants. IE protospeech shows a marked preference of regressive assimilation. In other words the first consonant is assimilated by the second, i.e. if the second is voiced the first becomes voiced and if the second is voiceless the first becomes voiceless and so on. But progressive assimilation is also attested in a few cases. Sometimes also a glide appears as a connecting link between two consonants. This is more certain ib. case of s glide between dentals and rather uncertain in other cases due to poverty of comparative evidence. 12. IE voiced non-aspirate +voiceless stop or s>IE voice less non-aspirate-voiceless stop or s. IE yug tto-s>IE yuktah, Av yuxto cp Gk zeuktos (KIE yeuq-to-s), Lat junctus ( IE bhaq-ter > Skt (vi)-bhaktar, Av baxtar. IE tyego +to-s > IE tyequ-to-s > Skt tyaktah, Gk septos. IE ig+-to-s > IE ifo-to-s> Skt istah, Av isto. IE wid +10-5>IE wit-to-s>Skt vit-tah, cp Av vista (< IE wit'to-). IE yod+quid > IE yos-q"id > Skt yaccit, Av yatcit, Gk (Hom) hotti.

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20 SOUND SYNTHESIS IN IE, IIR & SANSKRIT IE reg+s> IE rekos > Lat rex, cp Skt rat (IE relots), cp Gk aiks (IE pet-su>Skt patsu, cp Gk possi. IE weid+sye-ti>IE weit-sye-ti>Skt vetsyati cp Gk eisomai (IE weit-so-mai IE etsye-ti>Skt atsyati cp Lith esiu, 13, IE voiceless non-aspirate or s+voiced stop > IB voiced stop or z+voiced stop. IE pd ( IE bd >Skt upa-bd-a, Av fra-bd-a, Gk epi-bd-ai. IE woqW +-bhis>IE wagw-bhis> Skt vag bhih, cp Av vayzibis (for *vagbis) cp Lat voci-bus. IE op+bhyos > IE ob-bhyos > Av aiwyo < *abbyo) cp Skt ad bhyah (abobhyah). IE bhrghat + bhyos > IE bhrghud-bhyos > Skt brhad bhyah, Av barazas byo. IE sd (zd (cp IE ni-zd-o-s) > Skt nidah, Lat nidus Arm nist, OHG nest, 14, IE voiced aspirate+t or s > normally IE voiceless. non-aspiratetus (just like voiced non-aspiratett or s). But dialectally there was a different treatment of these combinations, given below in 15 & 16. Examples of the normal treatment are cited here. IE segh+to-s>IE selo-to-s > Gk -ektos (beside Skt. sadhah 'overcome 15). IE wegh+ter > IE wek-ter > Lat vec-tor, Av vastar-, (cp Skt vodhar 15). IE bhidh+to-s>IE bhit-to-s/bhittos > Lat fisus, cp Gk pistos (cp Skt biddhah 15),

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INDO-EUROPEAN COSONANT SYNTHESIS 21 IE srobh +-to-s> IE srop-to-s > Gk hrop-to-s (besido hropheo, Lith srebiu, Lat sorbeo). IE bhs > ( V bhes, with e lost in weak grade) >cp Skt psati, Gk psao. IE bheudh-tsye-tai>IE bheut-sye-tai > Skt bhotsyate, IE dh ( V dhe) t-ske-ti > IE tsketi > Ht tsketst beside Skt dadhami & Gk tithemi).. IE wegh +-se-t> IE wek-se-t>Skt vaksat (aor < vah IB dhipseti >Skt dipsati dhipsati, 'desires to cheat, injure (beside Av diwzaidyai 16). 15. Indo-Iranian languages present a special development out of IE voiced aspirate +t, although they also show a few forms of the normal development as given in 14 above, This special IIr treatment may as well be an optional treatment in proto-IE, although examples are citable from IIr only. Accordingly IE voiced aspirate tt>(optionally or dialectally) IE voiced aspirate +d>IE voiced nonaspirate +-dh. IE bhidh +.to-s > IE bhiddhos > Skt biddhah (beside Gk pistos 14). IE segh+to-s > IE segdhos > Skt sadhah (beside Gk -ektos 14). IE wegh +ter. > IE wegdher-> Skt vodhar- ( < II vazdhar-), cp Av vazdri-s 'promoter (Page #40
22 SOUND SYNTHESIS IN IE, IIR & SANSKRIT IE voiced aspirate t-$> IE voiced aspirate +2. The reconstruction by. Brugmann etc. is voiced non-aspirate tazh, is just a patternization after the type given in 15, The type in 15 i.e. voiced non-aspirate +dh, is actually attested in Skt, but voiced non-aspirate +zh cannot to established on the basis of Old Iranian evidence. Hence this reconstruction which need one step further change is not preferable to voiced aspirate +z. IE dhidhbh+-se- > IE dhid#bh-ze-> Av diwzaidyai 'to wish to deceive', cp Skt dhipsati (14). IE wegh +-se-t>IE weghzet > Av vazat cp Skt vaksat K IE wekset). IE eugh+sogAv aoyza cp Gk euksomai KIE euq-so-mai IE set-tos/set'tos > Skt sattah, Av hasta-, Lat ob-sessus. IE wid+dhi >IE wid-dhi/wid dhi > Skt viddhi, Gk (sthi IE ded+dhi > IB ded-dhi ded"c'hi > Skt dehi (n when followed by the IE palatal stops fo, hon, r gh and it became n when followed by velars q, gh, 8, gh and labiovelars qo, q'h, go, gWh. LE enke (weak grade of eneke), > IE enk, cp Ski anamsa 'I attained (Page #41
INDO-EURO, EAN CONSONANT SYNTHESIS 23 19. IE s T-s> IE s normally, although ss was also sporadi. cally retained. This treatment is responsible for the so alled mobile s (vide 20). IE es +si > IE esisessi, cp Gk ei, (Hom.) essi, Skt asi, Lat es, ess. IE menes +su>IE menesumenessu, cp Skt manasu, manahsu, manassu, Gk menessi, menesi Av manahu. IE dus t-stutis > IE dus(s)tutis > Skt dustutih. IE dus +sthanos >IE dus(s)thanos>Gk dustenos. - 20. IE shows a number of cognates, where an initial s is sometimes dropped. This s is conveniently termed as mobile s or s movable. It may be assumed that originally the word had an initial s. The forms showing loss of the initial s, might have originally followed words ending in -S. A large number of IE words actually ended in -s. In the noun declension all nominative singular forms (except -nl- stems, fem-ai stems & neuter stems), all abl-gen sg forms (except -o stems; earlier -o stems also ended in -S in gen(r)), all nom & acc plural forms (except neuter), perhaps also all inst, dat, abl plural forms, and gen-loc dual forms ended in -s. Besides several forms for pronouns, numerals & verbs ended in -s. Therefore when a following word had an initial -s, it could easily drop it as per rule above (19) and generalization of such forms without initial s, resulted in the so called mobile s. 6. Originally IE -o stems also has -s ending in gen. sg., as is evident from the vedic forms like rathas-patiki, vanas-patik etc.; Hittite regularly uses is e#ding with these stems, op Hitite geni sg. arunas, ant uhasas etc., ko late proto IE; however, -5 was replaced by so)syo ( vide Misra : New lights on IE Comparative Grant ntar, pp. 90-93 ).

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24 SOUND SYNTHESIS IN IE, IIR & SANSKRIT . 21. Back formation out of assimilated consonants resulted in creation of parallel cognate forms out of which one shows an aspirate and another shows a non aspirate or one shows a voiced whereas the other shows a voiceless stop. There are even cases where one shows a voiceless stop, another a voiced stop and a third a voiced aspirate. In such variations, all the variants cannot be original. Only one must be original and the rest owe their origin to back-formation of the radical consonant from a sandhiform after the original consonant before assimilation was forgotten. Thus out of IE mele (cp Ht mekis great), meg (cp Gk megas 'great.) & megh (cp Skt mahan 'great'), only one form was original and the other two were new formations; the new formations may be back formations from tike *mek-to-, which could theoritically result form mel or meg or megh+to. Almost a concerete example is found in IE dhuqter (cp Gothic dauhtar) where the consonant is assimilated, beside the other two probable forms dhug@ter (cp Gk thug ater) and dhughater (cp Skt duhita), out of which one form is original and the other is a backformation. In this case, of course the from anticipated on Greek evidence may be a back formation, since Avestan evidence also favours dhugh. Av duxsa, gAv dugada are from IE dhugdher < dhugh+ter. IE dhuqter may be from 9,8 or gh but IE dhugder must be from IE sh. In several cases however it is difficult to ascertain the original consonant and the back formation cases. In such cases Sanskrit evidence may be taken to be more authentic, at least tentatively, because Skt shows a marked tendency to maintain the contrast of the voiceless non-aspirate, voiceless aspirate, voiced non-aspirate and voiced aspirate not only before vowels but also to some extent before the

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INDO-EUROPEAN CONSONANT SYNTHESIS 25 -suffixes -tastar etc. Thus in a combination of voiceless aspirate-tastar. Skt freely uses the connecting vowel -i and in combination of voiced aspirate ttastar Skt generalizes the type voiced non-aspirate +dhaldhar which clearly avoids the chances of back-formation and rootconfusion. Even Avestan presents both the types of assimilation of voiced aspirate +tastar, e.g. bh+t is sometimes represented in Av as bdh & sometimes as pt.

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CHAPTER IV INDO-IRANIAN SOUND SYNTHESIS 22. Innovations in the Indo-Iranian Stage Indo-Iranian retained the Indo-European sound-synthesis in general. But certain innovations in sound-synthesis are also found in Indo-Iranian which are mostly due to phonetic changes of individual sounds and extension of sound-synthesis of certain positions to other positions. 23. Indo-Iranian Innovations in Vowel Synthesis Innovations in vowel synthesis in IIr have resulted mostly due to the phonetic changes of individual sounds; i. e. IE a, e, cIIr a. IE +, } > IIr and IE, >IIr a. Such innovations are discussed below. 24. IE a, e, O>IIr a. This simplified the IE complicated type of the sound, synthesis of primary vowels given above in 3. Thus in IIr a-+-a>a. In IE however there is question of sound synthesis of primary vowels of same qualities (3-1) and of primary vowels of different qualities (3-2). But IIr is free from this variant treatment due to merger of a, e, c. 1 Some examples are cited below to illustrate the simpler system of sound-synthesis of primary vowels in IIr. More examples are cited above in 3-1 & 3-2. e.g. A IIr aaz->az- (ag 3-1) (perfect stem). cp Skt aja (cp Av az- 'move'), cp OIcel ok, Gk ege. IIr vrka+as>vrkas (wlq"os) cp Skt vrkah, Av v@hrka, cp Goth wulfos.

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INDO-IRANIAN SOUND SYNTHESIS 27 25. Theoretically also it may be assumed that because IE 1>t in IIr, the contraction of IE + >i was replaced in IIr by ! ++>, which also represents IE !+">7. Bot. sure examples cannot be cited even for IE +-*> aad. 1+1>i as shown above (vide 9). 26. IE m, >IIr a. Consequently in sound-synthesis IE , A fell together with the Sandhi of ata>a. Thus IIr a (IIr a. This type of Sandhi was responsible for certain peculiar formations which are not justifiable from IE point of view, To take one example Skt nom-acc pl janstc in IIr, because 9,9">c. Some of the innovations are extension of voicing of voiceless plosives from one situation to another situation. In IE the voicing of voiceless plosives occurred before voiced plosives only. But in I'Ir the voicing was effective even before vowels and consonantal secondary vowels?. But this extension was not effective in internal sandhi. These innovations in IIr are presented below with: suitable illustrations. 7. y, w, r; l, m, n are consonantal secondary vowels (vide CGSGH p. 15).

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28 SOUND SYNTHESIS IN IE, IIR & SANSKRIT 28. IE voiceless stops & s> voiced in IIr before vowels & consonantal secondary vowels (vide 27), along with the original voicing before plosives as in IE (vide 29 below); e.g. IE edot tepi > IE edot-epi, but IIr adat +-epi > IIr adad-api, cp Skt odad-api. IE dus-tito->IE dus-ito-, but IIr dus tita->IIr duz-ita-, cp Skt dur-ita-, Av duz-ita-, IB dus + uq" to->1E dus-uq"to-, but IIr dus+ukta IIr du-ukta-, cp Skt dur-ukta-, Av duz-uktan. IE dus ---weq"es->IE dus-weq"es-, but IIr dus + vacas >IIr dus-vacas-, cp Skt dur-vacasa, Av dut vacah-, IE dus +menes->IE dus--menes, but IIr dus+manas > IIr dur--manas- cp Skt dur-manas, gAv duz-- manah-, 29. In IE the voiceless stops &s > voiced before voiced plosives only, and this is also ir herited in IIr (vido above 13 for illustrations), beside the innovations sbown in 28. 30. IE s +919" followed by a palatal vowel > stc in IIr (i.e. s>s before c) (Vide 27 above); e.g. IE qWos+quid > IIr kas-cid > Skt kas-cit, Av kas: cit, OP kas-ciy. IE yos-que > IIr yas-ca > Skt yas-ca, Av yas-ca, cp Gk hos-te. IE monos-qee > IIr manas-ca > Skt manas-ca, Av manas-ca, cp Gk menos-te. 30a. Similarly IE stq*19"h followed by a palatal vowel might have become stch in IIr, but no sure example can be cited.

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INDO-IRANIAN SOUND SYNTHESIS 29 31. IIr s>s after ja/t/s//; and II. z> after t/alt/7/8; e.g. IIr asva-i + su > IIr asva-isu (< IE ekwo-t-su) cp Skt asvesu, Av aspaesu, cp also OP madai suva, cp Gk hippoisi. IIr vak +sya(mi) > IIr vaksya(mi) ( IE weq"-sya), cp Skt vaksyami Ay yaxsya. IIr ni+zd-a- > IIr ni-zd-a- (< Ie nizd-o--) cp Skt nida32. IIr s (s before 11th and IIr * ( before d/dh; e.g. IIr spastta > IIr spas-ta (< IE spek-to-), cp Skt spas-ta-, Av spas-ta-, Lat spectus. IIr uz-dha ( uzh+ta) >IIr uzdha (< IE ugdho IIr mrz-dhi ( IE mpg-dhi), cp Skt mrddhi (Impv < v mrj +dhi), cp gAv m@r@zdata ( Impv < v m@razda+ta IIr ntdental stops/s; e.g. IE g"em-tu/8"om-tu > IIr jan-tu/gan-tu > Skt jan-tu (aor impv 3 sg), gAv jantu. IE rem-tum (Inf) > IIr ran-tum, Skt ran-tum. TE yem-dhi (aor impv 2 pl) > IIr yan-dhi > Skt. yan-dhi. IE dem-s>IIr dan-s> Skt dan, gAu d@ng (>*dans), Gk despotes <*dens-potes. 34, EI mtv > IIr ntov (?) IE mtv Skt ntv. IIr also might have had ntv.. But Iranian evidence is uncertan. Brugmann prefers IIr ntv, where as Bartholomae perhaps prefers m tv as he

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30 SOUND SYNTHESIS IN IE, IIR & SANSKRIT reconstructs Av jaymyah as the strong form for perfect participle of vgam cp Skt jag anvas (Vide Bartholomae p. 602 & Brugmann Vol I p. 168). 35, IE m + > Ilr mar (= pasalisation of the preceding vowel +r) in external sandhi, cp Skt mr (61 below) & Av F; e,g. IIr ram+ram>IIr ram-ram-> Skt ram-ram-8' (as in ram-ramiti, Av ra-ram (as in rarama). 35a. Avestan shows internal sandhi form nr Page #49
CHAPTER V OLD INDO-ARYAN VOWEL SYNTHESIS 36. Old Indo-Aryan Sound Synthesis Old Indo-Aryan inherited the IE sound synthesis through Indo-Iranian. But QIA also has its own share in innovations, because of several linguistic changes of individual sounds and extension of one type of sandhi to other forms etc. 37. Old Indo-Aryan Vowel Synthesis In vowel synthesis OIA has inherited the IIr type, with simplification of the sandhi of primary vowels due to merger of a, e, a>a. OIA also presents some innovations in vowel synthesis. They are mainly due to shortening of vowels in some cases (e,g. a+i>e, a+>o, a+r>ar), elision of a vowel in some cases (e.g. e+a>e', o+a>o' etc) and due to analogical extensions of certain sandhis to others (i.c. is an artificial creation of grammarians after a+a>a, i+i>i etc since original F has become ir, ar in OIA). The cases may be taken up now one by one. 38. OIA shows a+i>e, a+a>o & a+r>ar which are cases of shortening of preceding a before sandhi. This type of change is not found with internal sandhi. They are found with sandhi of upasarga and verb and sandhi in compounds and in external sandhi. mahesah, tada iha > tadeha, tada maha+rsih>maharsih. e.g. mahaisah> uyaca > tadoyaca,

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32 SOUND SYNTHESIS IN IE, IIR & SANSKRIT This shortening of a is an innovation in OIA and this may be partly due to prakritism (cp OIA ai>MIA e) and partly due to an intention of maintaining a contrast of the sandhi of a+ildlr with the sandhi of a te aijo aular. The later combination also results in ai, au and ar and the former also historically should have become ai, au and ar, and the contrast of att etc with a+elai etc would have been lost. This might have motivated the change of a-ti to e etc (after the sandhi of a ti to e etc) instead of the historical ai. It should be remembered here that atf>e, a+a>o, a tr>ar is quite historical and a tie etc. show innovations. On the contrary the reverse is also sometimes found i.e, a-t-ilar is sometimes found as ai, au, ar instead of the historical e, o & ar respectively. e.g. paisayuh ( pra +isayuh) (in. RV I. 120.5), uparchati (upa +scchati), There are also historically justifiable forms aindra ( aya apa, which is quite historical being from IIr ai au ta>ayalava etc. The loss of a is comparatively late. In RV often this a is to be read as needed by metre. This loss of a after e, o in external sandhi is compulsory in CI Skt. This

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OLD INDO-ARYAN VOWEL SYNTHESIS 33 change may be a case of prakritism, since in MIA aya and ava became e and o. The cases where RV restores the unwritten a in pronunciation, the preceding e & o are to be read as short vowels. This presupposes that at one time instead of e-a and o-a, the forms were perhaps read as ay-a and av-a respectively. This is clearly shown in stotava ambhyam (RV VIII. 72.5) for stotava(y) ambhyam. Otherwise the readings show e-a as in sunave agne (RV I 1.9) or -a as in visve devaso apturah (1.3.8). 40. Sanskrit has once again developed the sandhi of rtr >F. This is given in grammars with illustrations such as pitr trna> pitina etc. But since IIr > ir, ur in Skt such examples are merely artificial illustrations modelled after a ta>a, +>i, +a>u. 41. Macdonell etc. cite one peculiar innovation in Skt, i.e. contraction of vowels after the loss of a m. e. g. rastramtiha>rastreha. But such change is almost impossible in Skt and it is never attested in the later phase of the language. These cases have been explained by me elsewhere (New Lights on IE Comparative Grammar p. 2:7). There I have shown that the sandhi form rastreha is to be analysed as rastra+iha, where the form rastra indicates a neuter sg form with nil ending instead of the later and more usual -m ending. Another similar form is dui grahaitat durgraha+etat for durgraham +etat. SSM : SS 3

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CHAPTER VI OLD INDO-ARYAN CONSONANT SYNTHESIS 42. Old Indo-Aryan innovations in Consonant Synthesis Innovations in consonant synthesis in OIA are mainly due to some fresh assimilations and some analogical remodellings. The earlier assimilations in IE and IIr were rather partial assimilations, simply changing a voiceless to voiced or a voiced to voiceless, without disturbing the place of articulation of any one of the two so. nds. But in OIA the assimilation was rather complete assimilation in several cases; e.g. d->ll, d-+-j>jj etc. But this complete assimilation is mostly found in external sandhi in OIA. In a few cases internal sandhi also shows complete as imilation; e.g. ksullaka (AV) vanmaya; alternative prescribed form is vagmaya. The only exceptional form showing g instead of n is vagmi, which may also be analysed as vakgm-i, (gmgam). 44. tld->ll instead of dl (in IE d+1>dl); e.g. tallabdham tad +labdham > IE tod-lebdhom. In internal sandhi also OIA shows // instead of tl, dl; e.g- ksullaka

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OLD INDO-ARYAN COSONANT SYNTHESIS 35 cc(h); t/d+j(h)>jj(h), td +=> cch; e.g. ucca ud +que, tot-klutomtt(h); 11d+d(h) > dd(n); e. g. adat-tikam ttch); t|d+d(h)>dd(h). 47. t|dt-h>ddh; k|8th>ggh; pb th>bbh; e.g. tad + ht>tad-dhi < IIr tad + hi IIr praks + xhavanam < IE praqus +-ghewenmm, This sandhi is also a new development in Skt, since h is a new sound in OIA. 48. Final nasals n, n, n are reduplicated in OIA, when the preceding sound was a short vowel and the following sound was a vowel; e.g. bhavan + api>bhavann-api, pratyan to asie > pratyann-aste. They were not reduplicated when the preceding vowel was a long vowel; e. g. bhavan-api, mahan-asau, m was not reduplicated; e.g. kamn-api, ayam-atra. This reduplication of n, n, n has the following linguistic history. In most of the forms, final n n n were originally followed by other consonants, wbich were, as a rule, lost

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36 SOUND SYNTHESS IN IE, II & SANSKRIT in final positions. It is likely that these consonants, which originally followed the nasals, had a very weak articulation, before being lost; and they were a similated to the preceding nasal before vowels. This assimilated nasal was maintained only after short vowels, to retain the original heavy syllable and not after the long vowels, as the preceding long vowel could itself form the heavy syllablc; e.g gacchan -+asvah > gacchann asvah. The origir al IIr form was gassants-asvas gaccan; but in an intermediate stage gucch:n might have been *gacchan", with an weakly articulated reduplicated nasal, which originally resulted from assimilation of the very weak final t after n. The form vrsan-asvah is no real exception, as it represents an original single n, coining from IIr vrsan-asvas a, in> ir, un>ur, in> ir beforc vowels; e.g. sargan+iva > sarga-iva (cl Skt sargan-iva), avin-tiva > avir-iva (cl Skt avin-iva), pasun iva > pasur-iva (cl Skt pasun-iva), nin+abhi >nfr-abhi (cl Skt nin-abhi). The sandhi in these forms is quite historical in vedic and innovation in cl Skt. The forms of acc pl originally had the ending -ns, which became -nz befyre voiced sounds (in IE before voi ed plosives, but in IIr before voiced plosives, consonantal secondary vowels and vowels) Thus historically ans >anz>az>a, ins> inz>iz> ir, uns >unz> u>ur, ins >inz>> fr in these situattons It should also be remembered that the nasal shows merely nasalization of the preceding vowel and not an anusvara. Moreover, it should also be noted that -inz was an analogical creation, after inz, una.

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OLD INDO-ARYAN CONSONANT SYNTHESIS 37 50. an, in, un (with -1 <-ns) > a, ir, ur sometimes before y, v, r & h in RV; e. g. anna rayivodhah< annan + rayivod hah (RV VII. 91.3); panir hatam m-s in internal sandhi in Skt; this is purely an OIA developinent; e.g, han+si>ham-si (1=nasalized I)+1; but this is normally repre. sented in the texts, with a nasalization of the preceding vowel & 1+1; e. g. tan+lokan > tal-lokan (written tal-lokan). This is purely an innovation in Skt. 54. nts>n-s in external sandhi; in vedic Skt nts>nts often in external sandhi. This often shows a historically justifiable form and sometimes an analogical formation; e.g. ahan-t-sahasa> ahant-sahasa; the form is traceable to IIr ajhont-sazhasa and IE egWhent-seghesa; but forms like tan-tsam>tant-sam are analygical formations,

Page #56
38 SOUND SYNTHESIS IN IE, IIR & SANSKRIT 55. In combinations of ntc(h)/!(h /t(h), a sibilant glide often intervenes, consequently changing n>m. Thus the above combinations result in ms-c(h), ms-t(h) & ms-t(h). But in fact the sibilant is quite historical in most cases; e.g. tan-t ca > tams-ca ( IIr tans-ca < IE tons-que, cp Gk (Cretan) tons-te; tan t. tan > tams-tan ( IE tc11s-tons); mahant-taruhinahams taruh (< *inahans-taruh kasmims-cit, rajan +tatra >rajams-tatra. But RV shows the sibilant only in forms from original -ns, where as other Samhitas often extend it to cases, where there was no riginal -ns. In cl Skt it is extended to all forms with -n, whether it was originally -ns or -n. 56, 1+ j(h)/d(h)/d(h) donot sbow the sibilant glide, but change n to n before i(h), to n before t(h) and retain n before d(h). This is so, because the historical sibilant becomes voiced before these voic d stops and consequently it is lost; e.g. tan +janan > lan-janan (IIr tanz-zanans >IE tonzgenons); tan-dasyun (< IIr tanz-dasyuns) etc. 57. n{ap with nasalization of the preceding vowel, sometimes in vedic; e.g. nin+pahi >nih pahi (vide RV VIII. 84.3). In this case n has become nasalization and s>h before p. 58. m > class nasal before stops in internal sandhi and class nasal or m (= anusvara) before stops in external sandhi; e. g. Skt ran-tumPage #57
OLD INDO-AKYAN CONSONANT SYNTHESIS 39 59. m-tn > nn or mn in external sandhi; this is an OIA innovation; e. g. bhadram+nah > bhadran-nah|bhadram -nah. But in internal sandhi mt-n>mn; this is historical; e. g. sam-na-li < IE kmm-na-ti, cp Gk kam-no < IE kmm-ni. 60. m>m before s, s, s & h both in external & internal sandhi; e.g. tam-sisumn before s; IIr ns > Skt ms; the other sandhi changes such as ms >ns > ms etc. have followed the change of ns > ms. 61. m>m before r always in external sandhi, excepting only one form sum rat; e.g. sam-ramate < sam-ramate. But in internal sandhi m remains m before r; e.g. nam-ra. Change of m>m before r may be a new formation in Skt; This may also be an IIr sandhi (vide 35) 62. m>m befo:e y, y & l in external sandhi. In vedic mn>y v i (anasalized y y l) respectively before y v ! in external sandhi. But vedic manuscripts also show m instead; e.g. sam-yudhi or say-yudhi n before v in internal sandhi; e. g, jagan-van< jagam-tvan. But m rewains m before y; e.g. gam-ya-te. Perhaps also m remains in before 1; e.g. am-la; this is of a doubtful root, no other suitable example is attested, for internal sandhi of m &l. The example apa-mlukta cited by Wackernagel & quoted by Macdonell (vide Vedic Grammar p. 68) is not an example of internal sandhi of m & I but that of conjuact ml,

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40 SOUND SYNTHESIS IN IE, IIR & SANSKRIT It is probable that m>n before v in external sandhi in IIr stage, but no sure evidence is citable outside OIA, 63. IIr Final s, s, r > h in Skt; e.g. avih < 1Ir avis < IE owis cp Gk ois, kah < IIr kas < IE quos cp Lat quus, antah < IIr antar < IE enter, cp J..at inter, Av antar@, 64, Fecause final r has become h in Skt, in several forms it shows a sandhi treatment common with s/s, which also have become h finally. This is due to confusion of the origin of hz, before voiced sounds in 18 & IIr. This is lost in Skt. IE z remained z in IIr only after a (aftet ilalf, IE =>} in IIr; see 64b). This z was lost in Skt. IIr azSkt a before vowels except a; IIr az>Skto in external sandhi and Skt e in internal sandhi before the vowel a and before the voiced consonants; e.g. tah gacchanti > ta gacchanti (=1 Ir taz gassanti < IE taz gumskonti). devah avadat> devo avadat > devo' vadat (= IIr daivaz avadat). devah ayati > deva ayati (=IIr daivaz ayati). devah gacchati > devo gacchati (=IIr daivaz gassati). as +dhi > *azt-dhi>edhi (=IIr azdhi). Sas +dhi>*saz-t-dhi > sadhi ( = IIr sazdhi).

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OLD INDO-ARYAN CONSONANT SYNTHESIS 41 64b. h(<$) >r before voiced sounds. In fact Skt s (*? (r before voiced sounds. e.g. IE dus-t-ito > Ilr dus-t-ita>Ilr dusita > Skt dur-ita, cp Ay duz-ita. Thus Skt pasuh gacchati > pasur gacchati, is historically pasus-tgacchati > *pasuz gacchati < IIr pasus gassati >pasuz gassati < IE pekus gw masketi. In internal sandhi *7 was often lost, cerebralizing a dental. In one or two cases this has been extended to a combination of an upasarga with a following stem or verb stem. e. g. IIr duz-dabha-> Skt (RV) dudabha, later durdabha. 65. h +t(h)> st(h); historically this is s+t(h); e.g. yah+te> yas-te < IIr yas-tai < IE yos-toi. hah +-tva!n > kas-tva'n < IIr kas-tvam < IE quos-twem cp Av hasa jwa.n. h Punas-ie (-actually punar-te). h +.t(h) if preceded by ilu'r etc. >st(h) in vedic often, but in classical Skt rarely. e.g. agnih-t-te>(vd) agnis-te, (cl) agnis-te; catuh t-taya> (vd & cl) catustiya; but catuh +triinsat >(vd & cl) catustrimsat (with st instead of st prevented by following r). 66. h+ c(!) > Sc(h); historically this is same as s + c(h) >sc(!?); but this also includes cases of r-tch), which are inovations, due to confusion of h kas-ci, cp Av kas-ca ( 12 qros-q"e); puht-ca (=pur t-ca) pu>s-ca; punah --ca (punar ---ca)>punas-ca. But svar-caksas retains original r.

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42 SOUND SYNTHESIS IN IF, IIR & SANSKRIT 67. h+-%'(h)/d(h) > h-k(h)/" p(h) and alternatively hh(h), hp(h). (h is used here for Skt jihvamuliya 'sound produced at the root of the tongue and h is used here for upadhmaniya 'sound approaching puff' ). e.g. devah kah or devah kah; divah putrah or divah putrah. Historically this shows s/s-t-k(h)/p(h) > +-k(h)/p(h) or h+k(h) & h +-p (11). Actually also alternatively sis remain instead of becoming in several forms. Often in compounds s is retained; e.g. vedic paras-pa 'far-protecting', havis-pa 'drinking the offring"; (vd & cl) dus-krt 'evil-doing'; (cl) paras-param, puras-karah. 67a. Sincer has become h fivally, and is partly confused with h < s/$, there are several cases, where r > h or s besides iemaining r before h(h)/p(h); e.g. punah kaleh (h or s here is obviously an innovation, due to iufluence of s(>$>z)>r. 68. h ss's >hshshs or ss'ss ss or sss. In other words h is retained, or assimilated or (rarely, specially in vedic) dropped, when a sibilant follows; e.g. manahsulmanassul ahasu; havihsulhavissu etc. Besides this is also frequent in external sandhi; e. g. krtah-sarvah/krta-sarvah; nih-svaram nissya am, nisvarain. Historically IE shows optionally s for ss (vide above 19); Skt has an inovation in showing hs as an optional forin. This hs is more frequent in later phase of the language,

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OLD INDO-ARYAN CONSONANT SYNTHESIS 43 69. In Skt s-ts>s/ss/hs normally (Vide 68), but in internal sandhi sometimes ss > sts>ts, with a t glide between two ss sounds; e.g. ji-ghas t-sa-ti >ji-ghat-sa-ti (<1r jhig hassati < IE ghi-ghos -se-ti. 70. Similarly stos > $$1$hs normally (vide 68), but in internal sand.i, sometimes ss >sts'>ts, with a t glide bet ween two ss sounds; e.g. dvis +su>*dvistsu> dvitsu (IIr dvis-su < IE dwis-su). 71. Sometimes also in intern 1 sandhi s+$>sks'>ks, with a k glide; e.g. dves+si> *dvesksi > dveksi. 72. In internal sandhi s ts > S + $ > s$>ks > hs in Skt, with a k glide; e. g. dis + su>dis - su>dis-su> disksu> diksu (s+s>$+$ 7sts >ts in Skt, with a g glide; e.g. vis +su> vis-su> vistsu> vitsu. 74. The later Samhitas (TS, MS) sometimes show compensatory lengthening after ioss of one of the sibilants; e.g. ayasaya< ayas-saya *rajas-saya< rajas-saya; harasaya< *haras-saya punaramate. This innovation may be due to the fact that Skt does not tolerate a sound combination rr-. When rr>r there was compensatory lengthening.

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44 SOUND SYNTHESIS IN IE, IIR & SANSKRIT 77. Io a few cases r before r is treated like s, through the confusion of hcr & gdh( gdh; e.g. dah t.to- > dagdha- (IIr dha3dhu- u hagi+ta- dh; e.g. dph +ta- > drdha-( < IIr dhrzdha-sdhrzh +-ta, <1B drogodke < decektie

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OLD INDO-ARYAN CONSONANT SYNTHESIS 45 h(r)(< IIr'dh) +- > ddh; e.g. nah tta- > naddha- (< IIc naddha- < nadh+ta- kis/ts'ts h(< IIr ih) +s > ks always; e.g. dah+syami > dhaksyami (< IIr dhaksyami < dhagh + sya(mi) < IE dheq"-syo < dheg"h+syo). ha(< IIr zh) +-s > ks very often & ts sometimes, like s t-s; e. g. vah+syami > vaksyami < IIr vas-sya(mi) < vas +- sya (mi) < IE wekosyo < wegh +-syo), cp Av vasata(>Ilr vassata < vaz" +sa-ta vatnu ( Ir vassu < vazh+su < IE weksu < wegh +su). h8 (< IIr dh)+-s > ts; e.g. upanah+su > upanatsu ( IIr upanatsu < upanadh + su < IE uponetsu < uponedh +su). The above developinents are quite historical. 81, h-t-bh > gbhldb|dbh h+(< IIr jh)+bh > gbh always; e.g. dah +. bhih > dhag bhih ( IIr dhag bhis < dhagh + bhis < IE dhegWbhis < dheg"h+bhis). h>(< IIr zh) +-bh < dbh -vah + bhih > -vadbhih ( IIr vezbhis < vazh+bhis < IE wegbhis < wegh-tbhis).

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46 SOUND SYNTHESIS IN IE, IIR & SANSKRIT 23 (IIr dh)+bh > dbh upanah+bhih>upanad bhih < IIr upanad bhis>upanadh+ bhis < IE uponed bhis < uponedh+bhis). 82. Sometimes there is confusion of the sandhi of htt's bh, since h comes from various sources. Thus muh tta > mugdha & mudha (representing as if both IIr zh & jh). In fact mudha is a late form found first in AV. mugdha represents the original form.

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CHAPTER VII SOME EXCEPTIONAL TREATMENTS IN OIA SOUND SYNTHESIS A. PROHIBITION OF SANDHI IN SANSKRIT 83. Prohibition of Sandhi in Sanskrit Sandhi is disallowed by traditional Sanskrit gram marians, with reference to certain forms, which is also corroborated from the use of the language in vedic & classical litrature. A critical examination of the forms clearly reveals that, this prohibition of sandhi is an innovation in the Indo-Aryan stage, to avoid ambiguity and obscurity, which would otherwise come, if sandbi would be allowed in these forms. Prohibition of sandhi applied to external sandhi only, where sandhi was optional in IE and optional even in Skt. Therefore prohibition of sandhi, althongh a new system in Skt, does not disturb the IE system in any way, since it was optional there. Tbe cases are enumerated below. 84. The final vowels of duals ending in 1, u, e are not combined with a following vowel, in vedi: as well as in classical Skt; e. g. muni (+) imau, sadhu (+) asmai, asve (+) ime. 85. The pronominal form ami (nom pl masc) is not combined with a following vowel; e.g. ami(+)asvah.

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SOUND SYNTHESIS IN IE, IIR & SANSKRIT 86. The rare vedic locatives in i, u are also not combined with a following vowel. Tut the meter seems to show that i is to be read i here. 48 87. Nom sg i in prthivi, prthujrayi, samrajni and the inst susami and uti optionally show lack of sandhi in vedic. These simply retain the optional character of external sandhi. 88. The particle u is not combined with a following vowel in vedic; e.g. u(+)uttistha. Other particles also which contain this particle u as the second element are not combined with a following vowel; e.g. atho uto, mo (aths/uta/ma +u) etc. also contain this u as the second element. 89. The vedic peculiar pronom inal forms tve (loc), asme, yusme are not combined with a following vowel. 90. The pronominal forms sa & esa, which are actually nom sg forms with nil ending be ide the alternative forms sah & esah with -s ending, are not combined with a following vowel, e.g. sa esa agacchati. These forms are not originally sah & esah, but they are sa and esa, they donot change to so and eso before voiced consonants; e. g. sa gacchati, esa dhavati. The forms with -h are restricted to final position in a sentence. In Gk ho< IE so (=Skt sa) is proclitic. Before. the vowel a however the sandhi treatment shows the forms sah & esah; e.g. sahayam= so'yam, esahapi eso'pi. This however is a late and new development. The Sanskrit grammarians have taken the basic forms as sah and esahh and they take sa and esa as the product of sandhi with loss of visarga. But comparative evidence shows that IE had both types: IE so with nil ending (cp Gk ho and Skt s) and IE sos, with-s ending (cp Ht sas, Av ho and Sat sah). Sandhi of sa and esa with a following vowel are not always disallowed in Vedic. In Classical Sanskrit also sometimes sa aud esa are combined with a following vowel e.g. saisadasarathi ramah.

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OLD INDO-ARYAN CONSONANT SYNTHESIS 49 B. EXCEPTION 91. A Critical examination of the Exceptional cases of OIA sound-synthesis, enumerated by Traditional grammarians Traditional Sanskrit Grammarians enumerate certain forms showing the loss of a preceding syllable in sandhi. In fact a few forms might have been influenced by MIA sound synthesis. But some of the forms may not be exceptional and might be needing a different analysis, than the traditionally accepted one. The exceptional forms may be taken up now. 92. a--a>a (instead of normal a). Most of the exceptional forms are found under this category. martanda 'sun (analysed as marta+anda); the vedic form is martanda (vide RV II 38.8. & X 72.8 & 9, also quoted as martanda in MS 4.6.9.2; PB 24. 12. 6, SB 3.1.32. TA 1.13.3). Since martanda is the earlier form for martanda, analysis of martanda as marta anda is hisorically correct, with a borrowing form MIA sandhi. Similar forms are markanda 'name of a sage' (marka +anda); saranda (sara+anda) meaning perhaps 'snake's egg'; karanda (kara+anda) a bird'. These forms also might be showing similarly MIA sandhi, but all the forms are of doubtful etymology. Similarly sarang a 'dear' has also been analysed as sara anga; but sara is found in forms like krsna-sara 'black deer'; saranga may be placed with other similar forms like kuranga 'deer', matang a 'elephant' patanga 'insect', as well as even bhriga (cp bhramara) bee',

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50 SOUND SYNTHESIS IN IE, IIR & SANSKRIT Similarly also karkandhu 'jujube berry (also found in Vedic) has been analysed as karka+and hu. In RV this is name of a person. This word may be perhaps better analysed as arkam-dh-u. The word sakandhu also has been analysed as saka+andhu. The word sakan means 'dung' and andhu has been said to mean a well. The word sakandhu is a late form, therefore this may be case of MIA sandi or may be analysed as sakan-dh-u. The form kulata 'an unchaste woman', has been placed under this category, with the analysis kula-ata; Masc kulata means 'adopted son'. The form may be a loan word from 1st MIA kulata <*kula-tr-a (< tr 'cross'), 'going astary from the family or house' or from ku-rata badly attached'. 93. as i>i A few words come under this analysis. manisa has been analysed manasisa. The form is attested even in RV. The correct analysis should be man -isa, with the root noun man (not attested in Skt; but cp man-dha-ta). The late forms halisa and langalisa follow this pattern, and therefore are analogical formations. 94. ana > a Very few forms are found under this category. simanta 'a line on the head showing parting of the hair', has been analysed as siman+anta. Siman +anta actually becomes simanta 'boundary'. The word simanta is as old as AV; this might be originally having a meaning 'a line drawn by furrow', which was secondarily extended to the above sense; thus si-manta <*si 'plough'; cp sira 'plough' sita 'plough', patanjali 'a name', has been analysed as patat+anjali. The form, in fact, may be connected with patanga (orig. 'flying'>) insect, sun' cp RV patanga-ra. For similar phonetic changes, cp pinga, pingala, pinja, pinjala pinjara etc.

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OLD INDO-AKYAN CONSONANT SYNTHESIS 51 C APPARENT EXCEPTIONAL FEATURES OF VEDIC SANDHI 95. Apparent exceptional features of Vedic Sandhi Traditional Sanskrit Grammars take vedic peculiarities of sandhi as exceptional in comparison to the classical norm. But vedic sandhi is more historical, whereas classical sanskrit shows several innovations. Some important features of vedic sound-synthesis where it considerably differs from classical Sanskrit are shown below. Since they have already been included in pre. io is sections, they are just briefly mentioned here. 96. Accusative plural an, in, un, in > a, ir, ur, fr before vowels in vedic, but in classical Sanskrit they remain an, in, un, and in respectively (vide 49 above). 97. ntch)/1(h)t(h) > msc(h), mst(h), mst(h) only in the historical forms in the vedic, which originally had a sibi. lant; e.g. nominative sg forms like gacchant-ca> gacchams -ca ( original gaccants+ca), devan-t.ca > devams-ca (original devans+ca) etc. But in cl Skt the s (which was originally s of the ending acc -ns or nom -s) was extended to forms which were not historically justified, i.e. which did not contain s originally; e. g. kasmin + cit > kasmims-cit. 98, In classical Skt a is always lost after e, o. In vedic it is often retained; e.g. classical tevadan < te + avadan; devo'gacchat < devo + agacchat; but vd sunave agne < sunave-t-ugne, devaso apturah > devaso tapturah. 99. Sandhi of an upasarga with a noun stem or verb, often show internal sandhi in Vedic. In classical Skt such forms always show external sandhi; e.g.

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52 SOUND SYNTHESIS IN IE, IIR & SANSKRIT IIr duz+-dabha>vd (sometimes) dudabha, cl (always) durdabha. IIr duz +-nasa > vd (sometimes) dunasa, cl (always) durnasa. 100. Vedic did not allow sandhi with the following: (a) with the rare locatives in i, u (vide 86 above). (b) Nom sg i of prthivi & samrajni and Instr sg i of uti & susami were often not combined with a following vowel, (vide 87 above). (c) The vedic pronominal forms tve, asme & yusme were not combined with a following vowel (vide 89 above). 101. Sometimes vedic retains some historical forms of sandhi wbich are influenced by MIA sandhi in classical Skt, e.g. marta t-anda > vd martanda, cl martanda (vide 92 above). 102. Early Vedic show lack of sandhi in compounds in a few rare instances, but in classical Skt sandhi is compuIsory in compounds, e.g. RV. (V. 41.5) yukta-asvah (althovgh printed yuhtasvah, metre needs yukta-asvah), RV (III 32,5 etc) hari-asvah (although printed haryasvah, metre needs hari-asvah). 103. Early Vedic shows lack of sandhi in internal sandhi also in highly rare cases, and therefore presents evi ence for option even in internal sandbi in early IE, e.g. Ry (VI. 54.10) parastat is to be and read parastaat metri casusa (cp Av aat = Skt at).

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aksi 17 agnis-te 41 agnis-te 41 agru 17 atsyati 20 atho 48 adadam 11 adadham 11 adat-tikam 35 adad-api 28 adbhyah 20 antas-patha 42 antah 40 antah patha 42 anna 34 annarayivrdhah 37 apamlukta 39 abravam 12 abravit 12 abharan 11 abharam 11 amla 39 ayam-atra 35 ayasaya 43 arodam 12 avayah 13, 18 avim 18 avih 40 WORD INDEX References are to pages SANSKRIT avIn 18 avIn-iva 36 avfr-iva 36 avocat 10 avyam 18 avyah 13 asva 6 asvadah 4 asvabhih 4 asvam 11 asvah 7 asve 10 asve ime 47 asvesu 29 asi 23 asme 48 asyai 6 ahan 44 ahant-sahasa 37 ahar 44 ahas 44 ahasu 42 abah 44 ahoratrani 44 aja 6, 26 ajat 8 atmanah 14 atmasu 14 adima 7

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54 SOUND SYNTHESIS IN IE, IIR & SANSKRIT ana 6 anamsa 22 apa 7 apnoti 7 ayam 7 arti 32 avahan asu 37 asam 7 istah 19 I]e 16 ucca 35 uddina 35 uto 48 upabda 20 upanatsu 45 upanadbhih 46 uparchati 32 upasate 2 ucuh 17 udha-29 udhan 44 udhar 44 udbas 44 udhah 44 edhi 40 esa 48 esa dhavati 49 esah 48 eso 48 eso'pi 48 aindra 32 kam-api 35 karkandhu 50 kakca 41 kascit 28 kastvam 41 kasmims-cit 38, 51 karanda 49 kuranga 49 kulata 50 keta-sarvah 42 ketahsarvah 42 krspasara 49 ko gacchati 2 kravya 10 ksayya 10 ksudra 35 ksullaka 34 kseya 10 gacchama-ca 51 gacchan 36 gacchann.asvah 36 gacchan-uttara 37 gamyate 39 gavya 10 girah 17 gir-esa 43 guruh 17 gravnah 10 ghatah 16 catustaya 41 catustrimsat 41 catvari 16 aaratham 7 jaganvas 30 jaganvan 39 jantu 29 jayya 10

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WORD INDEX 55 55 jah 27 jighatsati 43 jeya 10 jna 11 tam tam 38 tam sisum 39 kan kavim 38 taccbrutam 35 tajjalam 35 tadeha 31 tadovaca 31 taddhi 35 tantam 38 tallabdham 34 ta gacchanti 40 tams-ca 38 tams-tan 38 tan-janan 38 tan-eva 36 tant-sam 37 tan-dasyun 38 tal-lokan 37 te'vadan 51 tyaktah 19 trl 15 tve 48,52 dagdha 44 dan 29 darvih 17 darvi 17 dasyur-yonau 37 daru 17 diksu 43 divah putrah 42 durita 28,41 durukta 28 durgrahaitat 33 durdabha 41,51 durnasa 51 durmanas 28 duryacas 28 dustutih 24 duhita 24 dudabha 41,51 drdha 44 deva ayati 40 devah kah 42 devams-ca 51 devaso apturah 51 devo'gacchat 51 devo gacchati 40 devo'vadat 40 dehi 22 dvitsu 43 dveksi 43 dhaksyami 45 dhagbhih 45 dhiyah 13,17,27 dhiyi 18 dhipsati 22 naddha 45 namra 30,39 navy ah 10 Damani 16 nasti 7 nisvaram 42 pissvaram 42

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56 SOUND SYNTHESIS IN IE, IIR & SANSKRIT puru 15 ninsvaram 42 purl 14 nrda-29 nilah 20 pus-ca 41 nyn-abhi 36 prthivi 48,52 ntr-abhi 36 prth ujrayi 48 nrfhpahi 38 pratyarn-aste 35 panir hatam 37 pragghavanam 35 patanjali 50 pratar-adya 43 patarga 49,50 praisayuh 31 patangara 50 psati 21 patsu 20 biddhah 20,31 parastaat 3,52 prhadbhyah 20 parastat 3,52 bravimi 12 parasparam 42 bhanga 22 paraspa 42 bhadram-nah 39 pasur gacchati 41 bhadran-nah 39 pasun-iva 36 bhanakti 22 pasur-iva 36 bharanti 14,15 bharami 7 pasvam 13 bhareh 10 pinga 50 bhavati 1 pingala 50 bhavanp api 35 pinja 50 bhavan-api 35,36 pinjara 50 bhriga 49 pinjala 50 bhotsyate 21 pitena 16.33 bhramara 49 punar-nah 43 bhruvah 13, 17 punas-ca 41 bhruvi 17 punas-te 41 maghonah 10 punah kaleh 42 madhu 15 punahpunah 42 man 50 puna ramate 43 manas.ca 28 puraskarah 42 manasu 23 purah 14,17 manassu 23, 42

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WORD INDEX 57 manahsu 23, 42 manisa 50 maharsih 31 mahan 24 mahan-asau 35 mahams-taruh 35 mahesah 2, 31 matanga 49 markanda 49 martanda 49, 52 martanda 41, 52 mugdha 46 muni iin au 47 munin-iva 36 mudha 47 mrddhi 29 mo 48 yaccit 19 yajnam vastu 39 yandhi 29 yas ca 28 yaste 41 yuktah 19 yukta-asvah 3, 52 yuktasvah 3, 52 yuga(ni) 16 yusme 48, 52 yeje 10 ram-ram 30 rajasaya 43 rathaspatih 23 rantum 29, 33 rajams-tatra 34 rajnah 13 rat 20 rastreha 33 rodimi 12 langalisa 50 vaksat 22 vaksyami 29, 45 vanaspatih 23 vamimi 12 vagbhih 20 vagmi 34 vanmaya 34 -vatsu 45 -vadbhih 45 vitsu 43 vittah 19 viddhi 22 vibhaktar 19 vekah 8, 26 vske 10 vanita 12 vrsan-asvah 36 vetsy ati 20 vedhar 20, 21 sakan 50 sakandhu 50 samnati 39 sayya 10 sadhi 40 sa 49 sa esa agacchati 48 sam-taptah 39 sam-yudhi 39 sam-ramate 39 sam-vartate 39 sam-saktah 39

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58 SOUND SYNTHESIS IN IE, IIR & SANSKRIT sam-hatah 39 sa gacchati 48 sah 48 sattah 22 sandhi 1 samrajni 48, 52 samrat 39 say-yudhi 39 sarasi 18 sarga-iva 36 sargan-iva 36 sadhah 20, 21 sadhu asmai 47 saranga 49 saranda 49 sita 50 simanta 50 sunave agne 33,51 saisa dasarathi ramah 48 so 58 SO' yam 48 stotava ambhyam 33 spast a- 29 syuh 11 svar.caksas- 41 svar-fatih 42 svah-patih 42 hamsi 37 harasaya 43 hari-asvah 52 hary-asvah 52 halisa 50 havisu 42 havispa 42 havissu 42 MIA (Asokan) ti 15 Hittite antuhsas 23 arunas 23 eptsi 7 gwesi 37 tsketsi 21 mekis 24 Latin atmos 14 coepi 7 duae 10 edimus 7 equae 6, 11 equam 11 equarum 8 es, ess 24 fero 7 fisus 20 Fortuna 7 garrio 14 gnosco 11 inter 40 junctus 19 nidus 20 nosco 11 lupo 8 maria 15 numasioi 8 quadraginta 15

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WORD INDEX 59 quus 40 rex 20 sorbeo 21 spectus 29 suis 13 tr1-15 triginta 15 vector 20, 21 vocidus 20 Oscan de i vai 7 nu vla nu s 8 scriftas 7 wulfos 8,26 Old High German biru 7 geba 7 wolfo 7 Old Icelandic giafar 7 ok 6, 26 Armenian armukn 15 karasun 15 njst 20 Gteeki agamai 12 aiks 20 alla 6 . Old Irish com boing 22 tuatha 7 tri 15 trl 15 Gothic baira 7 dauhtar 24 gibai 7 gibas 7 -etum 7 kaurus 17 kniwa 15 prija 15 on 6 onun 6 ara 6 haute 11 barus 17 geruo 14 gignosko 11 gnoimen 11 gnosko 11 gonna 15 gonon 13 gouna 15 1. The Gk letters have been transcribed in Roman ;a b g d e (w) z e th i k l m n ks op r s t u ph kh ps 7. h has no place in Gk alphabet, therefore h in the text has been printed " in thc Index. e, o with cirumflex accent indicate e o always in Gk.

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60 SOUND SYNTHESIS IN IE, IIR & SANSKRIT gounon 13 despotes 29 doru 17 A draimen 11 dunaito 12 dustenos 23 edidon 11 elran 11 eeipon 10 A ei 23 ei somai 20 -ektos 20, 21 epibdai 20 essi 23 etithen 11 euksomai 22 eukhomai 22 epheron 11 zeuktos 19 A ea 7 L ege 6, 26 A egon 8 A eia 7 enenkon 22 thanatos 16 theai 6 thnatos 16 thugater 24 idria 15 hippoisi 29 isthi 22 kamno 39 kias 17 kii 18 kios 13 krupha 6 A kruphe 6 lukoi 8 megas 24 menesi 23 menessi 23 metros 13 ho 48 odode 7 oies 13 oikoi 10 oin 18 oios 13 ois 40 hotti 19 ophruas 17 ophrui 17 ophruos 13 petora 15 pistos 20, 21 pisura 16. 18 polis 14 possi 20 potnia 15 hroptos 21 hropheo 21 septos 19 A staimen 12

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sunthesis 1 tettara 15, 18 tejtaves 15 tetora 15, 16 tetrokonta 15 tithemi 24 tons-te 38 tria 15 pherois 10 pherousa 14 phero 7 A khorai 6, 10 khorai 11 psoo 21 A oze 8 Lithuanian aki 17 bezu 7 edes 7 *esiu 20 kraujas 10 6 naujas 10 nesti 7 plauju rankai 7 ranki 10 rankos 7 3 tai 7 tos 7 trylika 15 udes vilku 7 WORD INDEX Cen vilkui 8 Old Church Slavic dobro-oku 3 jadz 7 pluja 10 rece 7 tri 15 oci 17 vluce 10 Old Persian aham 7 madai suva 29 Avestan aiwyo 20 aoyza 22 ayru 17 antara 40 ar@ma-15 asi 17 aspaesu 29 ahyai 6 aat 4, 52 at 4 S isto 19 iza 16 usca 34 kas-ca 41 kascit 28 5 kasa@wam 41 gaoya- 10 garayo 13 garo 14 61

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62 SOUND SYNTHESIS IN IE, IIR & SANSKRIT gourus 17 ca@warasat-15 ci 15 ci-ca 15 jaymavah- 30 jantu 29 dazdi 22 diwzaidyai 21, 22 dugada 24 duysa 24 duzita 28, 41 duzuxta-28 duzmanah- 28 duzvacah- 28 dvanara- 30 nam@ni 16 pasvam 13 pouru 15 frabda 20 buxtar 19 barois 10 bar@n 11 baranti 15 b@r@zasbyo 10 manasca 28 manahu 23 magro 13 m@r@zdata 29 mraom 12 yatcit 19 5 yuxta-aspo 3 yuxtaspo 3 yuxto 19 vaocat 10 vaxsya 29 vastar- 20 vazat 21, 3 vazdris 21 vayzibis 20 vahrkae- ca 10 v@hrkai 8 vahrka 8, 26 vista- 19 vohu 15 raram 30 spasta- 29 spasya 7 haena 6 haene 10 hasta. 23 22 hau 11 ho 48 hyara 11

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BIBLIOGRAPHY Brugmann, K. (Tr. by Wright etc.); Comparative Grammar of the Indo-Germanic Languages; in five vols.) Reprinted, Varanasi, 1972. - : Kurze vergleichende Grammatik der Indo-Germanischen Sprachen; Reprinted, Strassburg. 1970. Macdonell, A., A. : Vedis Grainmar, Reprinted, Varanasi, 1968. Misra, S. S. ; A Comparative Grammar of Sanskrit, Greek and Hittite, Calcutta, 1968. - : New Lights on Indo-European Comparative Grammar Varanasi, 1975. - : Indo-European Vowel Synthesis, Linguistic Researches, Vol I, Varanasi, 1976. -: The Avestan, A Historical and Comparative Grammar, Varanasi, 1979. - : Indo-European Consonant Synthesis, Linguistic Resear ches, Vol III, Varanasi, 1980. - : Fresh Light on Indo-European Classification and Crono logy, Varanass, 1980. - : The Old Indo-Aryan, A Historical and Comparative Grammar ( in press ). . - & Misra, H. : A Historical Grammar of Ardhamagadhr Vedic Texts referred : Rigveda, Atharvaveda, Samaveda, Taittiriya Samhita, Maitrayani Samhita, Satapatha Brahmana, Pancavimsa Bramana, Taittiniya Aranyaka.

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ERRATA line page 10 read yeigai 28 28 28 28 29 gh 30 35 13 35 35 36 ( btm = from bottom ) for 17 yeigot 10 duzukta duzxta 8-9 btm irherited inherited 5 btm monosqe monosque 3 btm 2 btm uncertan uncertain 1 btm for far anological analogioal 5 tod> tod + >II devaso apturah< 3 btin atmanah at manah nrth pahi nih pahi 37 43 A 47 11 5] 2

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Professor Dr. Satya Swarup Misra, is well known as a scholar of Indo-European linguistics in India and abroad for his several substantial contribut ons to IE linguistics, continuously since last three decades, in form of many research articles and several books, demonstrating research of very high standard. Prof. Misra has a sound knowledge of several languages, including several Modern Indian and European languages and many ancient IE Historical languages which can be attested from the list of his publications overleaf. He had been teaching for several years Indo-Eu opean linguistics, Old Indo-Aryan linguistics, Middle Indo-Aryan linguistics, Greek linguisties, Anatolian linguistics, Germanic linguistics etc. in Calcutta University. At present he is the Professor and Head of the Depaitment of Linguistics of the Banaras Hindu University, and teaching in this University since last sixteen years. Jain Education a len

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BY THE SAME AUTHOR 1. Prthivira Bhasa (=World Languages; Bhubaneswar, 1964) 2. A Comparative Grammar of Sanskrit, Greek & Hittite (Calcutta, 1968) 3. New Lights on Indo-European Comparative Grammar (Varanasi, 1975) 4. The Laryngeal Theory, A Critical Evaluation (Vara nasi, 1977) 5. The Avestan, A Historical & Comparative Grammar (Varanasi, 1979) 6. Fresh Light 03 Indo-European Classification & Chro nology (Varanasi, 1980) 7. A Historical Grammar of Ardhamagadhi (Varanasi, 1982) 8. The Luwian Language, A Historical & Comparative Grammar (Varanasi, 1983) 9. The Palaic Language, A Historical & Comparative Grammar (Varanasi, 1985) 10. The Hieroglyphic Hittite, A Historical and Cour pa. rative Grammar (Varanasi, 1986) 11. The Old Indo-Aryan, A Historical & Comparative Grammar (In Press) 12. The Aryan Problem, A Linguisfis Approach (Unpu blished) 13. The Albanian, A Historical & Comparative Grammar (Unpublished) 14. A Comprehensive Comparative Grammar of the Indo European Languages (In Preparation) Publisher : Ashutosh Prakashan Sansthan Post Box No. 4 (B.H.U) (India) B 30/195, Ganga Tarang, Nagava, Varanasi-5 www.janelibrary arg