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52 SOUND SYNTHËSIS IN IE, IÍR & SANSKRIT
IIr duž+-dabha>vd (sometimes) dūdabha, cl (always)
durdabha. IIr duž +-näsă > vd (sometimes) dūņāsā, cl (always)
durnāsā.
100. Vedic did not allow sandhi with the following:
(a) with the rare locatives in i, ū (vide 86 above).
(b) Nom sg i of prthivi & samrājni and Instr sg i of utī & susami were often not combined with a following vowel, (vide 87 above).
(c) The vedic pronominal forms tve, asme & yuşme were not combined with a following vowel (vide 89 above). 101. Sometimes vedic retains some historical forms of sandhi wbich are influenced by MIA sandhi in classical Skt, e.g. märta t-anda > vd mārtāņdā, cl märtanda (vide 92 above). 102. Early Vedic show lack of sandhi in compounds in a few rare instances, but in classical Skt sandhi is compuIsory in compounds, e.g. RV. (V. 41.5) yukta-aśvaḥ (althovgh printed yuhtāśvāḥ, metre needs yukta-aśvaḥ), RV (III 32,5 etc) hari-aśvaḥ (although printed haryaśvaḥ, metre needs hari-aśvaḥ). 103. Early Vedic shows lack of sandhi in internal sandhi also in highly rare cases, and therefore presents evi ence for option even in internal sandbi in early IE, e.g. Ry (VI. 54.10) parastāt is to be and read parastaāt metri casusa (cp Av āat = Skt āt).
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