Sound Synthesis in Indo European Indo Iranian and Sanskrit

Author(s): Satya Swarup Mishra
Publisher: Ashutosh Prakashan Sansthan
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/001730/1

Page #1

SOUND SYNTHESIS
INDO-EUROPEAN INDO-IRANIAN
AND
SANSKRIT
( HISTORY OF SANSKRIT SANDHI )
Satya Swarup Misra M. A., Ph. D.

Page #2

Sound Synthesis in IF, IIr and Sanskrit presents a full-fledged history of the development of sandhi (or Sound Synthesis ) from the IE stage upto Sanskrit, through
IIr.
Although Sandhi in Skt has been worked out by Panini etc in ancient days and by Whitney and Macdonell etc. in recent times, a full-fledg d historical treatment was lacking. This work presents a comprehensive picture af the historical treatment of Skt. sandbi. Firstly the author has presented the development of sandhi in the IE stage and its further development in the lIc stage, and finally he has clearly shoun the innovations to be attributed to Skt. The author has also worked out the historical back ground of the except.onal sandhi forms of Skt, which is no doubt an additional attraction of this work.
Jain Edat

Page #3

SOUND SYNTHESIS
INDO-EUROPEAN, INDO-IRANIAN
IN
AND
SANSKRIT
| HISTORY OF SANSKRIT SANDHI |
Satya Swarup Misra M. A., Ph. D.
Professor & Head
Department of Linguistics
Banaras Hindu University
VARANASI

PRAKASHAN
ASHUTOSH
SANSTHAN
VARANASI
ASHUTOSH-PRAKASHAN SANSTHAN
VARANASI 1987

Page #4

Published by:
Rajendra Tiwari
Ashutosh Prakashan Sansthan B 30/195, Ganga Tarang, Nagava Post Box No. 4 (B.H.U.) Varanasi-221005 (India)
Viswarup Misra First Edition, January, 1987
Price;
Rs. 35,00 $6,00
Printed by;
Smt. Kunti Tiwari
Vivek Printers

B. 30/195, Ganga Tarang, Nagava
Post Box No. 4 (B.H.U.)
Varanasi-221005 (India)

Page #5

Om
To
The sacred memory of Professor Jagannath Upadhyay
The dedicated researcher and inspirer of Oriental research

Page #6

Page #7

Preface The present work Sound Synthesis in Indo-European, Indo-Iranian and Sanskrit is finally published now, and scholars who are wating for it since so many years will be happy to see it.
The word sound-synthesis is used by me as a technical term translating and rather rendering Skt sandhi which has an alternative form sambitā. Gk Synthesis is equivalent to Skt sambitiḥPage #8

Page #9

CONTENTS Section
page Preface Abbreviations
Ch I. Indo-European Sound Synthesis 1. Indo-European Sound Synthesis ...
Ch 11. Indo-European Vowel Synthesis 2. Indo-European Vowel Synthesis ... 3, Combination of IE Primary Vowels with
Primary Vowels ... 4. Combination cf Primary Vowels with a 5. Combination of Primary Vowels with
Secondary Vowels 6. Combination of a with Secondary Vowels 7. Combination of Secondary Vowels with
Primary Vowels 8. Combination of Secondary Vowels with a 9. Combination of IE Secondary Vowels with
Secondary Vowels 10. Law of Relative Syllabicity and Vowels Synthesis 18
Ch III. Indo-European Consonant Synthesis 11, Indo-European Consonant Synthesis 12. IE voiced non-aspirate + voiceless stop or s
19 13. IE voiceless non-aspirate or s tvoiced stop
20 14. IE voiced aspirate-ft or s 15. IE voiced aspirate+t in IIr 16, IE voiced aspirate+s in Old Iranian 17. Sibilant glide between dentals
19
19
20
21

Page #10

Section
18. IE n>n before palatals and ʼn before-velars
and labio-velars
19. IE ss
20, IE mobile s
21. Back formations
(viii)
Ch IV. Indo-Iranian Sound Synthesis
22. Innovations in IIr
23. IIr Innovations in Vowel Synthesis
24. IIr ǎ (ā
25. IIr (?
26. IIr ǎ ( voiced in IIr before vowels & consonantal secondary vowels
29. IE voiceless stops & s> voiced in IIr before voiced plosives (as in IE)
30. IE s+g/g followed by a palatal vowel 30a. IE s+gh/qh followed by a palatal vowel
31. IIr s> and z>
32. IIr š> and >
33. IE m-dental stops/s
34. IE m+v
35. IE m+r
Ch V. Old Indo-Aryan Vowel Synthesis 36. Old Indo-Aryan Sound Synthesis
37. Old Indo-Aryan Vowel Synthesis

page
2222
23
23
24
26
26
26
26
27
27
27
28
28
28
28
29
29
29
29
30
31
31
31

Page #11

(ix )
page
31
Section 38. OIA a-Fiddlr 39. Loss of a after e, o 40. ? +: in OIA 41. Contraction of Vowel after loss of m (?)
3
33.
whesis
35
35
36
Ch VI. Old Indo-Aryan Consonant Synthesis 42. Old Indo-Aryan innovations in Con snapt Synthesis 34 43. Plosive-t-nasal
34 44. td +1
34 45. t|d+c(h) 46. t|d+tch)
33 47. t|dth
35 48. Final n, ñ,n reduplicated 49. Final n preceded by long vowel 50. ān, in, ūn before y, v, r, h in Ry
37 51. ān(>ānt) in vedic
37 52. nts > m-s 53. nt
37 54. nts >n-5 55, ntc(h)/t(h)/t(h) 56. n ti(h)/d(h)/d(h) 57. n ( class nasal
38 59. m +n>nn 60. m>before s, p, s, h 61.m>m beforer
39 62. m>m before y, v, 1 63. IIr final s, š, r>Skt ḥ
37
37
38
38
38
39
39
39
40

Page #12

40
40
41
42
43
43
Section
page 64. Treatment of r like s, ş due to common development
as ḥ 64a. ìr
41 65. ḥ+tch)
41 66. ḥ+ch)>śc(h) 67. ḥ+k(h)/p(h)
42 67a. r>s/hr 68. ḥ+slsls 69. sts>ts 70. şts>ts 71. sts >ks 72. Śts >ks 73, ś+s>ts
43 74. Compensatary lengthening after loss of a sibilant 43 75. r remained r 76. Compensatory lengthening after loss of ar
43 77. r before r treated like s sometimes
44 78. Sources of Skt h
44 79, h tt 80. hts
45 81, h+bh
45 82, h+t/sbh
46 Ch VII. Some Exceptional Treatments in OIA Sound Synthesis
47 A. Prohibition of Sandhi in Sanskrit 83. Prohibition of Sandi in Sanskrit
47 84. Duals in i, ū, e
47
43
44
47
85, Pronoun ami
47

Page #13

Section
86. Vedic locatives in i, ū
87. Nom sg prthivi, pṛthujrayi, samrājñī
88. Particle u
89. Pronouns tve, asme, yuşme
90. sa, eṣa
(xi)
92.a+a>a
93. as+i>i
94. am+a>a
B. Exceptions
91. A critical examination of the exceptional cases of OIA sound synthesis, enumerated by Traditional Grammarians
C. Apparent Exceptional Feaures of vedic Sandhi 95. Apparent exceptonal features of vedic sandhi
96. Accusative pl än, in, un, în
97. n+c(h)/t(h)|t(h)
98. a retained ofter e, o
99. Sandhi of Upasrga
100. Prohibition of sandhi in Vedic
Word Index
Bibliography Errata

page
48
48
48
48
48

49
50
50
50
51
51
51
51
51
51
62
53
63
64

Page #14

Page #15

Abl/abl Acc/acc
Aor/aor
Att Ion
AV
Av
CGIGL
GSGH
Cl/cl
cp
Cypr
Dat/dat
e.g.
Fem/fem
gAv
Gen/gen
Gk
Goth
Hom
Ht
IE
i.e.
IIr
Impf/impf
Impv/impv
KVG
Lat
Lesb

ABBREVIATIONS
Ablative
Accusative
Aorist
Attic-Ionic
Atharva Veda
Avesta
Comparative Grammar of the Indo-Germanic
Languages
Comparative Grammar
of Sanskrit, Greeek & Hittite
Classical
Compare
Cyprian
Dative
exempli gratia
Feminine
Gathic Avestan
Genitive
Greek
Gothic
Homeric
Hittite
Indo-European
id est
Indo-Iranian
Imperfect
Imperative
Kurze Verglei-chende
Grammatik der indo- germanischen
sprachen
Latin
Lesbian

Page #16

( xiv
)
lit Lith Loc/loc Masc/masc MIA
MS
Neut/peut/nt Nom/nom nt (=neut) OHG OIA Olcel O Irisb OP Osc
literally Lithuanian locative Masculinc Middle Indo-Aryan Maitrāyanı Samhita Neuter Nominative Neuter Old High German Old Indo-Aryan Old Icelondic Old Irish Old Persian Oscan page (s) Pancavimśa Brāhmaṇa perfect Plural Rig Veda Satapatha Bräbramana Singular Sanskrit Sāma Veda Taittiriya Aranyaka Taittiriya Samhita Vedic first person second person third person
p.
PB perf Pl/pl RV SB Sg/sg Skt SV TA TS Vd (vd) 1st
2nd
3rd
root
becomes comes from

Page #17

SOUND SYNTHESIS
in
INDO-EUROPEAN, INDO-IRANIAN
and
SANSKRIT (HISTORY OF SANSKRIT SANDHI )

Page #18

Page #19

CHAPTER I
INDO-EUROPEAN SOUND SYNTHESIS
1. Indo-European Sound Synthesis
Synthesis is used here as synonymous with the Sanskrit term Sandhi, which has been used in Sanskrit Grammars in the technical sense of combinatory sound changes pertaining to contact of sounds including contraction, diphthongization, change of a vowel to a consonant & of a consonant to a vowel etc. in vowel synthesis, and assimilation etc. in consonant synthesis. The Sanskrit term sandht (< IE som-dh-i > √dhë ‘put') is best rendered synthesis (cp Gk sun-thesis), which may be used as a technical term for sound synthesis.
There are sufficient evidences in the IE historical languages, to show that sandhi or sound synthesis is an inherited feature from the IE proto-speech. The evidences are also in favour of the assumption that external sandhi was less developed in IE than internal sandhi. It is probable that sandhi was extended from internal to external, through the intermediate stages of sandhi of upasargas with verb forms, and sandhi of compounds.
It may be pointed out, in this connection, that the western scholars normally classify sandhi as internal sandhi and external sandhi. But the traditional Indian grammarians describe four categories: (1) Sandhi within a word (= internal sandhi), e.g. Skt bhav-a-ti bho+

Page #20

2 SOUND SYNTHESIS IN IE, IIR & SANSKRIT
a-ti; (2) Sandhi of a upasarga with a verb from, e. g. Skt upāsate Page #21

INDO-EUROPEAN SOUND SYNTHESIS
3
or external sandhi also developed in the proto IndoEuropean speech, but it was not com pulsory. The earliest evidencos in IE historical lao guages show that sandhi in compounds was also originally optional; cpvd yuktaaśvaḥ, Ay yuxta-aspo, 'yoked-horse OCS dobro-oků *beautiful-eyed, etc. (vide Brugmann : CGIGL I p. 454) boside Skt yuktas vaḥ, Av yuxtaspo etc.
Sentence sandhi was more optional in IE and it was independently operative in the historical languages, for a pretty long time.
In a very early stage of IE even internal sandhi was optional. This is to be assumed because of the two different types of dialectal treatment of IE voiced aspirate
+-t & s ( vide below 14, 15, 16), which have conti nued for some time before it could give rise to the twodifferent types of forms like bhit-tos (14) & bhidd hos ( 15 ). But in course of time, towards a later stage of IE, internal sandhi was compulsory, although at that stage, sandhi in compounds was not compulsory. Its optional character continued upto to an older stage of the individual historical languages.
In internal sandhi also combination of a root and a suffix to form a stem and combination of a stem with a case-ending should preferably be treated as two different categories of sandhi, from the point of view of history and development of sandhi. In one stage of proto IndoEuropean, sandhi of a root and a suffix, to form a stem, was more rigid than sandhi of a stem and a case-ending Vedic and Avestan, which represent two very old IE historical languages, sometimes show forms, where caseendings are used without sandhi; cp early RV parastaat (VI 54.90) for late RV (and cl) parastāt (vide RV X.

Page #22

4
SOUND SYNTHESIS IN IE, IIR & SANSKRIT
129.5); cp Av aat (Haoma yast, verso 2) for at (=Vd at), adverb but originally abl sg of pronoun a-. Separation of bhis, bhyas etc. with avagraha in RV padapātha (e. g. afvabhiḥ as ašva-bhiḥ etc) just like two members of a. compound (e.g. aśva-dah) is also a pointer to the fact that, the endings were not fully treated as internal part of a word for a considerable period. Thus for some length of time, they might have had optional sandhi.
The fourth type of sandhi or the pure external sandhi, might have first of all started in IE, in combinations of one accented form with an unaccented form like a proclitic. or enclitic, where from the accentual treatment, the unaccénted form came to be treated as a part of the accented form. In other words, the two words were treated like one compound word from accentual point of view.
To sum up : Sound Synthesis first of all started in proto Indo-European with some forms and gradually spread to others in course of time. The above analysis shows that sound-synthesis was absent in an earliest stage of proto Indo-European, say in the 1st stage?. In the next stage (i.e. the 2nd stage) internal sandhi first of all started with a root + affix to form stems. Then (in the 3rd stage) there was sandhi of stems + case-endings and side by side also verb stems+personal endings. In the next (i.e. 4th) stage there was sandhi of upasargas with verb forms. In the next (i.e. 5th stage ) sandhi was extended to compound forms. Towards the end of this (last) stage of proto Indo-European, sandhi was cxtended
1. Vide Fresh Light on Indo-European Classification &
Chronology for details of the distribution of the five stages of proto Indo-European (pp. 50-62).

Page #23

INDO-EUROPEAN SOUND SYNTHISIS
5
to all words in a sentence. But it was not fully esta. blished at this period and thus remained optional even in the historical languages like Sanskrit, Greek etc.
For practical purposes IE sound synthesis may be classified as IE vowel synthesis and IE consonant synthesis, on the basis of the combinatory sound changes affecting the vowels and the consonants respectively.

Page #24

CHAPTER II
INDO-EUROPEAN VOWEL SYNTHESIS
2. Indo-European Vowel Synthesis
Combinatory sound changes of JE vowels are presented here, duly classified, witb supporting comparative evide aces from IE historical languages. 3. Combination of IE Primary Vowels With Primary
Vowels
Synthesis of IE primary vowels includes (a) Combination of a primary vowel with a primary vowel of the samo quality, and (b) Combination of a primary vowel with a primary vowel of a different quality.
1) Combination of a primary vowel with a primary vowel of the same quality resulted in a long primary vowet of the same quality; viz, ă+ă>ā, é +ě>ē and 7+>>ő.
IE ă+ă>ā IE a+ag->āģ- (perfect stem < Nag ‘move) cp Skt
āja, Olcel õk, Gk ége IE a+an->ān- (perfect stem < Van 'breathe) cp
Skt ana, Goth on, onun IE ekwa ta> ekowē (Inst sg of a stem) cp Skt (vd).
aśvā, Av haēna, Gk (Cypr) arā, (Lesb) állā, (Dor),
kruphà, (Att-Ion) kruphê. IE ekwa + ai> ekwai (Dat sg of a stem) cp Skt (pron)
asyai, Av ahyāi, G' khôrai, theâi, Lat equae,

Page #25

INDO-EUROPEAN VOWEL SYNTHESIS
*
OLat (dialectal) Fortunā, Osc dei vai, Goth gibái, Lith rankai, (pron) tai, OCS ręce.
IE ĕ+ě >ē
IE e+esm(m)>ēsm(m) (1st sg impf√es 'be') cp Skt āsam, OP aham, Av as (<*ast 3rd sg), Gk
(Hom) ea.
IE e+eym(m)>ēym(m) (1st sg impf< √ei 'go'),
cp Skt āyam, Gk êia for *ea <*èya.
IE e+ed->ēd- (perf stem <√ed 'eat'), cp Skt adima, Lat ēdimus, Goth -etum, Lith édes, OCS jadů.
IE ne+estinēsti, cp Skt nāsti, Lith nesti OCS nesti. IE e+ep->ēp- (perf stem ō
IE o+od->öd (perf stem bhero (pres 1st sg),
Gk phérō, Lat fero, Goth baira, beżù, gAv spasyā
cp Skt bharāmi, OHG biru, Lith
IE wiq"o+ōm>wlq"om (gen pl of -o stem), cp Skt (vd) caratham, Gk lúkön, Lat deum, OHG wolfo, Lith vilkú.
2) Combination of a primary vowel with a primary vowel of a different quality resulted in a long primary vowel, assuming the quality of the first primary vowel, Thus:ă+é|ð>a, ê tô >ê, ở +
>0.
IE ǎ+ělỗ>ā
IE ekwa+es>ekwās (nom pl of a stem), cp Skt aśvāḥ, Av haeno, Goth gibōs, OHG gebā, Olcel giafar, Lith rankos (tos) OIrish tuatha, Osc scriftas.

Page #26

SOUND SYNTHESIS IN IE, IIR & SANSKRIT
IE ekwa+-ōm>(perhaps) ekwam (gen pl of a stem). But this from could not survive because of its apparent identity in form with the acc sg; hence the historical languages present different innovations; cp Skt aśvānām, Av haēnanam, Gk theaōn, Lat equarum.
IE ĕ+ǎjǎ>ē
IE e+ag-e-t>ēĝet (impf 3rd sg ēdyet (impf 3 sg <√od 'smell'), cp Gk ôze for *èze (analogical formation after e: è in impf).
IE ö+ǎð>ō
LE wlqo+ai>wlq"ōi (dat sg of o stem), cp Av vəhrkāt, Gk lúkõi, Lat lupō, OLat Numasiõi, Lith vilkui. IE wlq"o+es>wlq"os (nom pl of o stem), cp Skt vṛkāḥ, Av vǝhrkå, Osc nú v 1 an ús, Goth wulfos.
Combination of Primary Vowels with a Reduced Primary Vowel
IE does not present any evidence for combination of any primary vowel with a. a is found as a neuter plural ending with stems ending in consonants and secondary vowels. The neuter pl of o stem is a; e. g. sg yugom : pl yuga. This -a (as in yuga) is not at all vowel synthesis, This is an originally independent stem ending in a which was generalised later on for neuter pl and fem sg (vide Misra: New Lights on IE Comparative Grammar p. 87). The two different explanations offered by Osthoff and Brugmann are less probable (vide CGIGI: Vol I p. 107 Rem. )

or the

Page #27

INDO-EUROPEAN VOWEL SYNTHESIS
5. Combination of IE Primary Vowels with Secondary
Vowels
Combination of IE primary vowels with secondary vowels may be classified under three categories : (a) IE short primary vowels +-11ă, (b) le long primary vowels to #fă; and (c) IE short/long primary vowels +/b/mA.
When the secondary vowel was t/ŭ the resultant was a diphthong and accordingly IE shows twelve diphthongs. Thus alelo tř>ai, ei, oi; ajelo+å> au, eu, ou, and alējö +ř> õi, ēi, õi, alējo +å>āu, ēu, õu. But when the second element of a diphthong was followed by a vowel it became consonantal. Thus it IE ai +(a vowel. say) e>aye and so on. Otherwise (i.e. when followed by a consonant or finally, the second element of an IE diphthong was a vowel and not a consonants. Some scholars
The second element of a diphthong is as a rule vocalic before consonants. But it is observed in several examples that before consonanral secondary vowels (viz y, w, r, l, m, n) the second element of diphthongs (which are also secondary vowels : i, u) often become consonantal. This type of double treatment of a secondary vowel before another (consonantal) secondary vowel was mostly possible when the combibination was : primary vowel + secondary vowel +secondary vowel -+-primary vowel; Thus e-titite could be on the basis of the general rule of diphthongization eiye and on the basis of the special rule for combination before secondary vowels eyye. Similarly also eiye : eywe, euye : ewye etc. The following forms illustrate the double treatment of IE diphthongs before consoaantal secondary vowels. (Contd. iw p, 10)

Page #28

10 SOUND SYNTHESIS IN IE, IIR & SANSKRIT
are misguided by the representation of diphthongs in Brugmann's first edition such as ei (-ey)etc. (Vide CGIGL: Ip. 48 footnote). But Brugmann revises subsequently as ei etc. (vide KVG p. 82). As a matter of fact i, u differ from the rest of the secondary vowels in this treatment only. The other secondary vowels always remain consonantal after primary vowels and donot form diphthongs.
1) alejo +ild>ai, ei, oi, au, eu, ou. IE wļquoti (loc sg) >IE wļq"oi, cp Skt vrke, Av
vahrkaē-ca, Gk oi koi, OCS vlúcê. IE bhero+i-s (opt 2nd sg)>IE bherois. cp Skt bhareh
Av barõiš, Gk phérois, Goth barraís. IE ekwa (short from of ekwa)-t-i (nom dual of a stem)
>IE ekwai, cp Skt aśve, Av haēnë, Gk (pl) khôrai,
Lat duae, Lith ranki, OCS rạcē. IE y-etiĝ-ai (perfect middle) > IE yeiĝoi, cp Ski
(AV) yeje. IE e-w-e+uqa-e-t (reduplicative aorist 3rd sg) > IB
eweuq"et, cp Skt avocat, Av' vaocat Gk éeipon (for * eeunon).
( contd, from p. 9) Skt sayya (IE sey-ya), jayya (Page #29

INDO-EUROPEAN VOWEL SYNTHESIS
2) alēlō+/u>āi, ēi, õi, āu, ēu, ōu
IE akwa+i (loc sg) >IE ekwai, cp Gk (dat) khốrai (shortened to ai before consonants, remained -at finally, vide Brugmann CGIGL III p. 167),
Lat equae.
IE ĝno+i-men (opt 1st pl) IE draimen; cp Gk *draimen; beside Gk édran 'I run'
11
draimen (for
IE sa+u>IE sau cp Av hau (fem) 'these', Gk hautē (beside IE sa 'she' cp Skt sā, Gk (Dor) hā). (IE. său may also be derived from IE să+au).
3) IE ǎ/ĕ/ð+r/l/m/n.3
IE e-bher-o-m> IE ebherom, cp Skt abharam, Gk épheron.
IE ekwa+m > IE ekwām, cp Skt aśvām Lat equam.
IE s-ye-> IE syer, cp Av hyāra (beside IE s-y-rr cp Skt syuh).
IE e-dhidhe+-m > IE edhidhēm, cp Skt adadhām,. Gk étithen.
IE edido+m>IE edidōm, cp Skt adadām, Gk édidōn. IE e-bher-o-nt > IE ebheront, cp Skt abharan, GL épheron, Av baran.

3. In these cases the phonemic names of the endings are traditionally r, l, m, n, but if i, u are to be used as phonemic names of endings, m n are also to be so r used ( vide New Lights on IE Comparative Grammar p. 17).

Page #30

12 SOUND SYNTHESIS IN IE, IIR & SANSKRIT
6. Combination of IE Reduced Primary Vowel a with
Secondary Vowels.
IE 2+tlå> diphthongs wilou and IE a +r/limin >ar, ar, əm, ən. But examples for combination can be cited only for a tř. The rest of the combinations are to be conjectured on the basis of the occurrences of IE au, ar, əm etc. in radical forms. Even in case of disyllabic roots ending in a (-Skt i, Gk a), o is attested only before personal endings with initial consonants (vide Brugmann CGIGL : IV p. 114). e. g. Skt vamimi (IE wema-mi), Gk ágamai (ai IE stha +1-men (opt 1st pl) > IE sthaimen cp Gb
staimen. IE du-na +i-to (opt mid 3rd sg) > IE dunaito cp Glo
dúnaito (cp Skt vrnita). 7. Combination of IE Secondary Vowels with Primay
Vowels
Combination of IE secondary vowels with primary vowels resulted in loss of syllabicity of the preceding secondary vowels. Thus t, å,}, , , +-ă. , > y, w, r, 1, m, n t-ă, ?, ;. But if the preceding syllable was heavy the secondary vowel became syllabic cum consonantal and consequently the above combination resulted in iy, uw, gr, ll, ņm, în +-ă, . . This treatment (viz. iy, uw etc. + 4. This futher strengthens the assumption (vide footnote
2 above) that -m is the ending (and not -m,) because a is regularly lost before-m just like other vowel endings. cp Skt arodam, abravam etc. and never arod im, abravim
although Skt shows.rodimi, bravimi, vamimi etc.

Page #31

INDO-EUROPEAN VOWEL SYNTHESIS
18
ă, d, ) is also attested in initial syllables of several IE forms. It is quite likely that such treatments were also effected by preceding forms. A short vowel also followed by two consonants forms a heavy syllable. Several IE forms ended in consonants. They were also treated as heavy syllables when the following form had an initial: consonant in the same sentence, Subsequently of course generalizations must have taken place and particular forms were fixed as a result of which initially sometimes y etc. and sometimes iy etc, are attested.
Examples are cited below, with reconstructions on the basis of cognates; the original positional variation is not strictly followed in the reconstructions. Because generalizations must have started in IE proto-stage.
1) 1, ă, , , , +ă, é, o >y, w, r, l, m, n +ă, ě, 8. IE owi-tos (gen sg)>IE owyos, cp Skt (vd) avyah, Gk.
bios (Gk shows i for y, because y would be lost). (E oweites (nom pl) > IE oweyes cp Skt avayah Av
garayő (=Skt girayah), Gk óies (Odyssey IX 425). IE pebu-õm (gen pl)xit pekwồm, cp Skt (vd) paovãm..
Av pasvam, Gk goúnön, gónon < gonwon < IE
ĝonwöm. IE mātr +so (gen sg) > IE matros, cp Av māoro, Gk
mētrós. IE regn +so > IE rēĝnos cp Skt rājñaḥ. 2) ř, , , , , +ă, ?, >iy, uw, rr, ļl, mm, în +
ă, ě, . IE dhitos (gen sg)>IE dhiyos cp Skt dhiyaḥ Gk kiós. IB bhrū+08>IE bhruwos, cp Skt bhruvaḥ Gk ophrúos,
Lat suis.

Page #32

14 SOUND SYNTHESIS IN IE, IIR & SANSKRIT IE PI+so >IE pļlos, cp Skt puraḥ (Beside Gk pólis
IB pļl-i-s and Skt pur i IE grros, cp Skt girah Av garo (besido
Lat garrio 'I chatter Gk gērús 'I speak' etc.) IE ātmộtos >IE ātmnnos, cp Skt ātmanah (besido
Skt atmasu< IE atmn-su and Lat atmos < IE atmos. 8. Combination of IE Secondary Vowels with Reduced
Primary Vowel a
JE Ť, š, ļ, l, m, šta > i, ū, ļ, ļ, , after Light syllables and iya, uwa, yra, ļla, mma, nna after heavy syllables (vide New lights on IE Comparative Grammar p. 18). The assumption of the variation caused by the light and heavy syllables are applied here following the general pattern of positional variation of secondary vowels. But the historical present generalizations in different morphological patterns. Besides a third type (viz. ya, wə etc.) is apparently needed to explain the forms like Gk phérousa i in IIr and therefore ita is almost regularly represented as į in IIr even when the iya type is expected. But IE uwa> IIr uvi and uta>IE ū>IIr ū. The neuter plural forms of s stems must have had sto>f in the proto-speech. But because IE ţ was not retained in any IE historical languages, the forms in

Page #33

INDO-EUROPEAN VOWEL SYNTHESIS
15
aeuter plural mostly present yra type. Same case is also with other stems such as ạna for n etc. The examples preseated below therefore mostly represent IE reconstructions based on actually attested forms in IE historical languages, disregarding the positional variation and with an attempt to explain the formations in the historical languages. IE tri to>iri cp Skt (Va) trī, MIA (Asokan) ti, Av
ci (ci-ca) IE bherontya (3); cp Skt bharanti Av barənti) beside Gk pótnia (IE potniya, cp Skt
patnīKIE potni). IE medhu ta> medhū, cp Skt (vd) madhū, purū ( ĝenuwa cp Gk (Hom) gouna, (Lesb)
gonna, Lat genua, Goth kniwa (-a qetwř cp Gk (Dor) tetró-(konta), Av
ca wara-(sat-) (q"etwrrə, cp Gk (Att) téttara, (Boot)
pétara; But Gk (Dor) tétora may be from an earlier
*tetor <*tet7, which has added -a after tria or after : téttara, etc. as a dialectal borrowing. Gk téttares
5. Not even in Skt where it has become irsūr and Skt s
is a new analogical creation in the r-stems.

Page #34

16 SOUND SYNTHESIS IN IE, IIR & SANSKRIT
(masc) has extended the stem tettar- from neuter téttara; similarly Skt catvāri (apparently from IE q" etwōra; so Brugmann : CGIGL IV p. 10) has exte nded the masculine stem catvär- (cp catvāraḥ) to neuter plural; Gk pisura nömṇ, cp Skt (vd) nāmā, Av dạma.
IE nōmn+anōmṇnə cp Av nāmān} 8"hntos cp Skt ghataḥ, Gk (Dor) thnatós (Att) thnētos.
IE ghn+a-tos>ghnnatos cp Gk thánatos.
9. Combination of 1E Secondary Vowels with Secon dary Vowels
1) Combination of a secondary vowel with a secondary vowel of the same quality naturally resulted in a long secondary vowel of the same quality. i.e. ř+ři, ă+ă >u, t+t>z, I+I>Ï. m+m>m, h+h>. But illustrations can be cited for the first two types.
For the rest,.
because of the lack of frequency and because of the noninheritance of these sounds in exact proto form in the historical languages, illustrations are impossible. Skt however presents sandhi of r+r> in traditional grammars with artificial examples e.g. pitṛrna>pitiņa. But since historical has become ir/ur in Skt, the grammatical illustrations are of no use to IE comparative grammar. Examples therefore are cited below for the combinations ĭ+>i and й+ă>ū.
IE i-ig-ai (perfect middle 1st sg) > iĝai cp Skt ije, gAv ižā (< IE i+igh-so Impv).

Page #35

INDO-EUROPEAN VOWEL SYNTHESIS
17.
JE oqsi -+-* (neuter dual) > IE oqsı cp Skt akşi, Av
aši, OCS oči, Lith akì etc. IE utuq"-rr >IE ūq"sr cp Skt ūcuh. IE u t-ugh-rr > IE uĝhrr cp Skt ūhuh.
2) Combination of two secondary vowels of different qualities normally resulted in loss of syllabicity of the first secondary vowel. Thus : *+/
pm/A>y+] etc. åtitim/A>w-tilt etc.
+-/01/mn >r+flă etc. and so on. IE doru+-+>dorwř, cp Skt darviḥ, daryt (beside Skt
dāru, Gk doru). IE gk tu (vg"er) >8"ru (beside gøru, see next 3)
cp Skt a-gru-, Av ayru- 'unmarried'. 3) When a heavy syllable preceded, the first secondary vowel became syllabic cum consonantal i.e. iy, uw, sr, ll, mm and an instead of y, w, r, l, m, n. Initally however iy, uw etc. are often attested instead of y, w etc probably because of generalizations of forms from frequent occurrences after heavy syllables, the heavy syllabicity being caused by a preceding form. IE gørtu-s>gorrus (beside IE goru- see above 2).
cp Skt guruh 'heavy', Av gouruš 'adverse', Gk
barús 'heavy', Goth kaúrus 'heavy'. IE bhrūti>bhruwi, cp Skt bhruvi, Gk ophrúi. IE bhrū+ņs > bhruwņs cp Skt bhruvaḥ, Gk ophrúas. IE dhi+ns > dhiyns cp Skt dhiyaḥ, Gk kias. IE 8r+s>gsrņs cp Skt giraḥ. IE pi+ns >pļiņs cp Skt puraḥ.
SSM : SS 2

Page #36

18
SQUND SYNTHESIS IN IE, TIR & SANSKRIT
4) Sometimes the preceding secondary vowel became syllabis cum consonantal even when it was followed by a similar secondary vowel. Thus } +ř (which normally became i) could also become iy-t, +å>uw-ă, + > rr-etc., although such forms were evidently quite rare, being avoided from the earliest stage. IE dhi ti>dhiyi cp Skt (loc) dhiyi, Ģk kit (dat)
(beside forms like Skt (vd) sarasi (RV VIII 103.2) < sarasi ti, showing IE *+7>i).
10. Law of Relative Syllabicity and Vowel Synthesis.
Some varitions in sandhi seem to have been effected by the law of relative syllabicity. IE sounds differ from each other on the basis of their relative strength to form a syllable. To take for examples in order of strength : alelo, isu, ill, min. This sometimes disturbed other rules. Despite the general pattern of loss of syllabicity of the preceding syllable, sometimes the syllabicity is retained, if the sound is more powerful than the following sound to retain syllabicity.
Therefore beside IE owy-m (cp Skt (vd) ayyam, IB also shows the more frequent form owim (cp Skt qvim Gkg bin etc.). Similarly beside owyňs (Skt avyah) IE shows owi-ns (Skt avin). Besides Gk téttara (Page #37

CHAPTER III
INDO-EUROPEAN CONSONANT SYNTHESIS
11. Indo-European Consonant Synthesis
Consonant Synthesis chiefly includes assimilation of consonants. IE protospeech shows a marked preference of regressive assimilation. In other words the first consonant is assimilated by the second, i.e. if the second is voiced the first becomes voiced and if the second is voiceless the first becomes voiceless and so on. But progressive assimilation is also attested in a few cases. Sometimes also a glide appears as a connecting link between two consonants. This is more certain ib. case of s glide between dentals and rather uncertain in other cases due to poverty of comparative evidence. 12. IE voiced non-aspirate +voiceless stop or s>IE voice
less non-aspirate-voiceless stop or s. IE yug tto-s>IE yuktah, Av yuxto cp Gk zeuktos
(KIE yeuq-to-s), Lat junctus ( IE bhaq-ter > Skt (vi)-bhaktar, Av
baxtar. IE tyego +to-s > IE tyequ-to-s > Skt tyaktaḥ, Gk
septós. IE iĝ+-to-s > IE ifo-to-s> Skt istah, Av ištő. IE wid +10-5>IE wit-to-s>Skt vit-tah, cp Av vista
(< IE wit'to-). IE yod+quid > IE yos-q"id > Skt yaccit, Av yatcit,
Gk (Hom) hótti.

Page #38

20 SOUND SYNTHESIS IN IE, IIR & SANSKRIT
IE rëĝ+s> IE rēkos > Lat rēx, cp Skt rat (IE rēlots),
cp Gk aiks (IE pet-su>Skt patsu, cp Gk possi. IE weid+sye-ti>IE weit-sye-ti>Skt vetsyati cp Gk
eisomai (IE weit-so-mai IE etsye-ti>Skt atsyati cp Lith ésiu, 13, IE voiceless non-aspirate or s+voiced stop > IB
voiced stop or z+voiced stop. IE pd ( IE bd
>Skt upa-bd-a, Av fra-bd-a, Gk epi-bd-ai. IE wöqW +-bhis>IE wāgw-bhis> Skt vāg bhiḥ, cp Av
vāyžibiš (for *vagbiš) cp Lat võci-bus. IE op+bhyos > IE ob-bhyos > Av aiwyö < *abbyő)
cp Skt ad bhyah (abobhyah). IE bhrghặt + bhyos > IE bhrghụd-bhyos > Skt brhad
bhyah, Av barazas byo. IE sd (zd (cp
IE ni-zd-o-s) > Skt nidah, Lat nidus Arm nist, OHG nest,
14, IE voiced aspirate+t or s > normally IE voiceless.
non-aspiratetus (just like voiced non-aspiratett or s). But dialectally there was a different treatment of these combinations, given below in 15 & 16. Examples of the normal treatment are cited here. IE seĝh+to-s>IE selo-to-s > Gk -ektós (beside Skt.
sādhah 'overcome 15). IE wegh+ter > IE wek-ter > Lat vec-tor, Av vaštar-,
(cp Skt vodhar 15). IE bhidh+to-s>IE bhit-to-s/bhittos > Lat fisus, cp
Gk pistós (cp Skt biddhaḥ 15),

Page #39

INDO-EUROPEAN COSONANT SYNTHESIS 21
IE srobh +-to-s> IE srop-to-s > Gk hrop-to-s (besido
hrópheo, Lith srebiü, Lat sorbeo). IE bhs > ( V bhes, with e lost in weak grade) >cp Skt
psāti, Gk psão. IE bheudh-tsye-tai>IE bheut-sye-tai > Skt bhotsyate, IE dh ( V dhē) t-ske-ti > IE tsketi > Ht tsketst
beside Skt dadhāmi & Gk títhēmi).. IE wegh +-se-t> IE wek-se-t>Skt vakşat (aor < vah
IB
dhipseti >Skt dipsati dhipsati, 'desires to cheat, injure (beside Av diwžaidyāi 16).
15. Indo-Iranian languages present a special development out of IE voiced aspirate +t, although they also show a few forms of the normal development as given in 14 above, This special IIr treatment may as well be an optional treatment in proto-IE, although examples are citable from IIr only. Accordingly IE voiced aspirate tt>(optionally or dialectally) IE voiced aspirate +d>IE voiced nonaspirate +-dh. IE bhidh +.to-s > IE bhiddhos > Skt biddhaḥ (beside
Gk pistós 14). IE sēģh+to-s > IE sēģdhos > Skt sādhaḥ (beside Gk
-ektós 14). IE weģh +ter. > IE weĝdher-> Skt vodhar- ( < II
važdhar-), cp Av važdri-š 'promoter (Page #40

22 SOUND SYNTHESIS IN IE, IIR & SANSKRIT
IE voiced aspirate t-$> IE voiced aspirate +2. The reconstruction by. Brugmann etc. is voiced non-aspirate
tazh, is just a patternization after the type given in 15, The type in 15 i.e. voiced non-aspirate +dh, is actually attested in Skt, but voiced non-aspirate +zh cannot to established on the basis of Old Iranian evidence. Hence this reconstruction which need one step further change is not preferable to voiced aspirate +z. IE dhidhbh+-se- > IE dhid#bh-ze-> Av diwžaidyāi
'to wish to deceive', cp Skt dhipsati (14). IE wegh +-se-t>IE weghzet > Av važat cp Skt vakşat
K IE wekset). IE eugh+sogAv aoyža cp Gk eúksomai
KIE euq-so-mai IE set-tos/set'tos > Skt sattah, Av hasta-,
Lat ob-sessus. IE wid+dhi >IE wid-dhi/wid dhi > Skt viddhi, Gk (sthi IE ded+dhi > IB ded-dhi ded"c'hi > Skt dehi (ñ when followed by the IE palatal stops fo, hon,
r ģh and it became n when followed by velars q, gh, 8, gh and labiovelars qo, q'h, go, gWh. LE enke (weak grade of eneke), > IE enk, cp Ski
ānamsa 'I attained (Page #41

INDO-EURO, EAN CONSONANT SYNTHESIS 23
19. IE s T-s> IE s normally, although ss was also sporadi. cally retained. This treatment is responsible for the so alled mobile s (vide 20). IE es +si > IE esisessi, cp Gk ei, (Hom.) essi, Skt asi,
Lat es, ess. IÉ menes +su>IE menesumenessu, cp Skt manasu,
manahsu, manassu, Gk ménessi, ménesi Av manahu. IE dus t-stutis > IE dus(s)tutis > Skt dustutih. IE dus +sthānos >IE dus(s)thānoš>Gk dústēnos. -
20. IE shows a number of cognates, where an initial s is sometimes dropped. This s is conveniently termed as mobile s or s movable. It may be assumed that originally the word had an initial s. The forms showing loss of the initial s, might have originally followed words ending in -S. A large number of IE words actually ended in -s. In the noun declension all nominative singular forms (except -nl- stems, fem-ai stems & neuter stems), all abl-gen sg forms (except -o stems; earlier -o stems also ended in -S in gen®), all nom & acc plural forms (except neuter), perhaps also all inst, dat, abl plural forms, and gen-loc dual forms ended in -s. Besides several forms for pronouns, numerals & verbs ended in -s. Therefore when a following word had an initial -s, it could easily drop it as per rule above (19) and generalization of such forms without initial s, resulted in the so called mobile s. 6. Originally IE -o stems also has -s ending in gen. sg.,
as is evident from the vedic forms like rátħas-patiki, vanas-patik etc.; Hittité régularly uses is e#ding with these stems, op Hitite géni sg. arunas, ant uhasas etc., ko late proto IE; however, -5 was replaced by so)syo ( vide Misra : New lights on IE Comparative Grant ntar, pp. 90-93 ).

Page #42

24 SOUND SYNTHESIS IN IE, IIR & SANSKRIT
. 21. Back formation out of assimilated consonants resulted in creation of parallel cognate forms out of which one shows an aspirate and another shows a non aspirate or one shows a voiced whereas the other shows a voiceless stop. There are even cases where one shows a voiceless stop, another a voiced stop and a third a voiced aspirate. In such variations, all the variants cannot be original. Only one must be original and the rest owe their origin to back-formation of the radical consonant from a sandhiform after the original consonant before assimilation was forgotten. Thus out of IE mele (cp Ht mekis great), meg (cp Gk mėgas 'great.) & meĝh (cp Skt mahan 'great'), only one form was original and the other two were new formations; the new formations may be back formations from tike *mek-to-, which could theoritically result form mel or meg or megh+to. Almost a concerete example is found in IE dhuqtér (cp Gothic daúhtar) where the consonant is assimilated, beside the other two probable forms dhugətēr (cp Gk thug atēr) and dhughatér (cp Skt duhitā), out of which one form is original and the other is a backformation. In this case, of course the from anticipated on Greek evidence may be a back formation, since Avestan evidence also favours dhugh. Av duxsa, gAv dugada are from IE dhugdher < dhugh+ter. IE dhuqtēr may be from 9,8 or gh but IE dhugder must be from IE sh.
In several cases however it is difficult to ascertain the original consonant and the back formation cases. In such cases Sanskrit evidence may be taken to be more authentic, at least tentatively, because Skt shows a marked tendency to maintain the contrast of the voiceless non-aspirate, voiceless aspirate, voiced non-aspirate and voiced aspirate not only before vowels but also to some extent before the

Page #43

INDO-EUROPEAN CONSONANT SYNTHESIS 25
-suffixes -tastar etc. Thus in a combination of voiceless aspirate-tastar. Skt freely uses the connecting vowel -i and in combination of voiced aspirate ttastar Skt generalizes the type voiced non-aspirate +dhaldhar which clearly avoids the chances of back-formation and rootconfusion. Even Avestan presents both the types of assimilation of voiced aspirate +tastar, e.g. bh+t is sometimes represented in Av as bdh & sometimes as pt.

Page #44

CHAPTER IV
INDO-IRANIAN SOUND SYNTHESIS
22. Innovations in the Indo-Iranian Stage
Indo-Iranian retained the Indo-European sound-synthesis in general. But certain innovations in sound-synthesis are also found in Indo-Iranian which are mostly due to phonetic changes of individual sounds and extension of sound-synthesis of certain positions to other positions.
23. Indo-Iranian Innovations in Vowel Synthesis
Innovations in vowel synthesis in IIr have resulted mostly due to the phonetic changes of individual sounds; i. e. IE ă, ě, č➤IIr ǎ. IE †, } > IIr and IE, >IIr ǎ. Such innovations are discussed below.
24. IE ǎ, ě, Ŏ>IIr ǎ. This simplified the IE complicated type of the sound, synthesis of primary vowels given above in 3. Thus in IIr ǎ-+-ǎ>ā. In IE however there is question of sound synthesis of primary vowels of same qualities (3-1) and of primary vowels of different qualities (3-2). But IIr is free from this variant treatment due to merger of ǎ, ě, č.
1
Some examples are cited below to illustrate the simpler system of sound-synthesis of primary vowels in IIr. More examples are cited above in 3-1 & 3-2. e.g.
A
IIr aaž->až- (ag 3-1) (perfect stem). cp Skt aja (cp Av az- 'move'), cp OIcel ōk, Gk ege. IIr vṛka+as>vṛkās (wlq"os) cp Skt vṛkāḥ, Av vǝhrkå, cp Goth wulfōs.

Page #45

INDO-IRANIAN SOUND SYNTHESIS
27
25. Theoretically also it may be assumed that because IE 1>t in IIr, the contraction of IE + >į was replaced in IIr by ! ++>, which also represents IE !+">7. Bot. sure examples cannot be cited even for IE +-*> aad. 1+1>į as shown above (vide 9).
26. IE m, >IIr ā. Consequently in sound-synthesis IE , A fell together with the Sandhi of ătă>a. Thus IIr ă (IIr a. This type of Sandhi was responsible for certain peculiar formations which are not justifiable from IE point of view, To take one example Skt nom-acc pl jāņštc in IIr, because 9,9">c. Some of the innovations are extension of voicing of voiceless plosives from one situation to another situation. In IE the voicing of voiceless plosives occurred before voiced plosives only. But in I'Ir the voicing was effective even before vowels and consonantal secondary vowels?. But this extension was not effective in internal sandhi.
These innovations in IIr are presented below with: suitable illustrations. 7. y, w, r; l, m, n are consonantal secondary vowels (vide
CGSGH p. 15).

Page #46

28 SOUND SYNTHESIS IN IE, IIR & SANSKRIT
28. IE voiceless stops & s> voiced in IIr before vowels & consonantal secondary vowels (vide 27), along with the original voicing before plosives as in IE (vide 29 below); e.g. IE edot tepi > IE edot-epi, but IIr adat +-epi > IIr
adad-api, cp Skt odad-api. IE dus-tito->IE dus-ito-, but IIr duš tita->IIr
duž-ita-, cp Skt dur-ita-, Av duž-ita-, IB dus + uq" to->1E dus-uq"to-, but IIr duš+ukta
IIr du-ukta-, cp Skt dur-ukta-, Av duž-uktan. IE dus ---weq"es->IE dus-weq"es-, but IIr duš + vacas
>IIr duš-vacas-, cp Skt dur-vacasa, Av dut
vacah-, IE dus +menes->IE dus--menes, but IIr duš+manas
> IIr dur--manas- cp Skt dur-manas, gAv duž--
manah-, 29. In IE the voiceless stops &s > voiced before voiced plosives only, and this is also ir herited in IIr (vido above 13 for illustrations), beside the innovations sbown in 28.
30. IE s +919" followed by a palatal vowel > štc in IIr (i.e. s>š before c) (Vide 27 above); e.g.
IE qWos+quid > IIr kaš-cid > Skt kaś-cit, Av kas: cit, OP kaš-ciy. IE yos-que > IIr yaš-ca > Skt yas-ca, Av yas-ca,
cp Gk hós-te. IE monos-qee > IIr manaš-ca > Skt manas-ca, Av
manas-ca, cp Gk menos-te. 30a. Similarly IE stq*19"h followed by a palatal vowel might have become štch in IIr, but no sure example can be cited.

Page #47

INDO-IRANIAN SOUND SYNTHESIS
29
31. IIr s>š after ja/t/š//;
and II. z> after t/alt/7/8; e.g. IIr ašva-i + su > IIr ašva-išu (< IE ekwo-t-su) cp
Skt aśveșu, Av aspaēšu, cp also OP madai šuvā, cp
Gk hippoisi. IIr vak +syā(mi) > IIr vakšya(mi) ( IE weq"-syā),
cp Skt vaksyāmi Ay yaxšya. IIr ni+zd-a- > IIr ni-zd-a- (< Ie nizd-o--) cp
Skt nida32. IIr š (š before 11th and
IIr * ( before d/dh; e.g. IIr spaštta > IIr spaš-ta (< IE spek-to-), cp Skt
spas-ta-, Av spaš-ta-, Lat spectus. IIr už-dha ( užh+ta) >IIr uždha (< IE ugdho
IIr mrž-dhi ( IE mpg-dhi), cp Skt
mrddhi (Impv < v mrj +dhi), cp gAv mərəždata ( Impv < v məražda+ta IIr ntdental stops/s; e.g. IE g"em-tu/8"om-tu > IIr jan-tu/gan-tu > Skt
jan-tu (aor impv 3 sg), gAv jantū. IE rem-tum (Inf) > IIr ran-tum, Skt ran-tum. TE yem-dhi (aor impv 2 pl) > IIr yan-dhi > Skt.
yan-dhi. IE dem-s>IIr dan-s> Skt dan, gAu dəng (>*dans),
Gk despótēs <*dens-potēs. 34, EI mtv > IIr ntov (?)
IE mtv Skt ntv. IIr also might have had ntv.. But Iranian evidence is uncertan. Brugmann prefers IIr ntv, where as Bartholomae perhaps prefers m tv as he

Page #48

30 SOUND SYNTHESIS IN IE, IIR & SANSKRIT
reconstructs Av jaymyah as the strong form for perfect participle of vgam cp Skt jag anvas (Vide Bartholomae p. 602 & Brugmann Vol I p. 168). 35, IE m + > Ilr mar (= pasalisation of the preceding vowel +r) in external sandhi, cp Skt mr (61 below) & Av F; e,g. IIr ram+ram>IIr ram-ram-> Skt ram-ram-8' (as in
ram-ramiti, Av rą-ram (as in raramá). 35a. Avestan shows internal sandhi form nr Page #49

CHAPTER V
OLD INDO-ARYAN VOWEL SYNTHESIS
36. Old Indo-Aryan Sound Synthesis
Old Indo-Aryan inherited the IE sound synthesis through Indo-Iranian. But QIA also has its own share in innovations, because of several linguistic changes of individual sounds and extension of one type of sandhi to other forms etc.
37. Old Indo-Aryan Vowel Synthesis
In vowel synthesis OIA has inherited the IIr type, with simplification of the sandhi of primary vowels due to merger of ǎ, ě, ǎ>ă.
OIA also presents some innovations in vowel synthesis. They are mainly due to shortening of vowels in some cases (e,g. a+i>e, ā+>o, a+r>ar), elision of a vowel in some cases (e.g. e+a>e', o+a>o' etc) and due to analogical extensions of certain sandhis to others (i.c. is an artificial creation of grammarians after ă+ă>ā, ì+i>i etc since original F has become ir, är in OIA).
The cases may be taken up now one by one.
38. OIA shows ā+i>e, ā+ă>o & ā+ṛ>ar which are cases of shortening of preceding a before sandhi. This type of change is not found with internal sandhi. They are found with sandhi of upasarga and verb and sandhi in compounds and in external sandhi. maheśaḥ, tada iha > tadeha, tada maha+rsih>maharsih.

e.g. mahāisaḥ> uyaca > tadoyaca,

Page #50

32 SOUND SYNTHESIS IN IE, IIR & SANSKRIT
This shortening of a is an innovation in OIA and this may be partly due to prakritism (cp OIA ai>MIA e) and partly due to an intention of maintaining a contrast of the sandhi of ă+ildlr with the sandhi of ă te aijo aular. The later combination also results in ai, au and är and the former also historically should have become ai, au and ar, and the contrast of ått etc with ă+elai etc would have been lost. This might have motivated the change of a-ti to e etc (after the sandhi of a ti to e etc) instead of the historical ai. It should be remembered here that atf>e, a+å>o, a tr>ar is quite historical and a tie etc. show innovations.
On the contrary the reverse is also sometimes found i.e, a-t-ilăr is sometimes found as ai, au, ar instead of the historical e, o & ar respectively. e.g. paişayuh ( pra
+işayuḥ) (in. RV I. 120.5), upārchati (upa +scchati), There are also historically justifiable forms aindra ( aya apa, which is quite historical being from IIr ai au ta>ayalava etc.
The loss of a is comparatively late. In RV often this a is to be read as needed by metre. This loss of a after e, o in external sandhi is compulsory in CI Skt. This

Page #51

OLD INDO-ARYAN VOWEL SYNTHESIS
33
change may be a case of prakritism, since in MIA aya and ava became e and o. The cases where RV restores the unwritten a in pronunciation, the preceding e & o are to be read as short vowels. This presupposes that at one time instead of e-a and o-a, the forms were perhaps read as ay-a and av-a respectively. This is clearly shown in stotava ambhyàm (RV VIII. 72.5) for stotava(y) ambhyam. Otherwise the readings show ě-a as in sūnavě agne (RV I 1.9) or -a as in viśve devāsõ apturaḥ (1.3.8).
40. Sanskrit has once again developed the sandhi of rtr >F. This is given in grammars with illustrations such as pitr trņa> pitīņa etc. But since IIr > ir, ür in Skt such examples are merely artificial illustrations modelled after å tå>ā, +>i, +å>ū.
41. Macdonell etc. cite one peculiar innovation in Skt, i.e. contraction of vowels after the loss of a m. e. g. rāştramtiha>rāștreha. But such change is almost impossible in Skt and it is never attested in the later phase of the language. These cases have been explained by me elsewhere (New Lights on IE Comparative Grammar p. 2:7). There I have shown that the sandhi form rāştreha is to be analysed as rāștra+iha, where the form rāștra indicates a neuter sg form with nil ending instead of the later and more usual -m ending. Another similar form is dui grahaitat durgraha+etat for durgraham +etat.
SSM : SS 3

Page #52

CHAPTER VI
OLD INDO-ARYAN CONSONANT SYNTHESIS
42. Old Indo-Aryan innovations in Consonant Synthesis
Innovations in consonant synthesis in OIA are mainly due to some fresh assimilations and some analogical remodellings. The earlier assimilations in IE and IIr were rather partial assimilations, simply changing a voiceless to voiced or a voiced to voiceless, without disturbing the place of articulation of any one of the two so. nds. But in OIA the assimilation was rather complete assimilation in several cases; e.g. d->ll, d-+-j>jj etc. But this complete assimilation is mostly found in external sandhi in OIA. In a few cases internal sandhi also shows complete as imilation; e.g. kṣullaka (AV) vanmaya; alternative prescribed form is vagmaya. The only exceptional form showing g instead of ǹ is vagmi, which may also be analysed as vākgm-i, (gm√gam).
44. tld->ll instead of dl (in IE d+1>dl); e.g. tallabdham tad +labdham > IE tod-lebdhom. In internal sandhi also OIA shows // instead of tl, dl; e.g- kṣullaka

Page #53

OLD INDO-ARYAN COSONANT SYNTHESIS 35
cc(h); t/d+j(h)>jj(h), td +=> cch; e.g. ucca ud
+que, tot-klutomtt(h); 11d+d(h) > dd(n); e. g. adāt-tikām ttch); t|d+d(h)>dd(h). 47. t|dt-h>ddh; k|8th>ggh; pb th>bbh; e.g. tad + ht>tad-dhi < IIr tad + hi IIr prākš + xhavanam < IE prāqus +-ghewenmm,
This sandhi is also a new development in Skt, since h is a new sound in OIA. 48. Final nasals n, ñ, ņ are reduplicated in OIA, when the preceding sound was a short vowel and the following sound was a vowel; e.g. bhavan + api>bhavann-api, pratyan to āsie > pratyann-äste. They were not reduplicated when the preceding vowel was a long vowel; e. g. bhavān-api, mahān-asau, m was not reduplicated; e.g. kamn-api, ayam-atra.
This reduplication of n, ñ, n has the following linguistic history. In most of the forms, final n n n were originally
followed by other consonants, wbich were, as a rule, lost

Page #54

36 SOUND SYNTHESS IN IE, II & SANSKRIT
in final positions. It is likely that these consonants, which originally followed the nasals, had a very weak articulation, before being lost; and they were a similated to the preceding nasal before vowels. This assimilated nasal was maintained only after short vowels, to retain the original heavy syllable and not after the long vowels, as the preceding long vowel could itself form the heavy syllablc; e.g gacchan -+aśvaḥ > gacchann aśvaḥ. The origir al IIr form was gaššants-ašvas gaccan; but in an intermediate stage gucch:n might have been *gacchan", with an weakly articulated reduplicated nasal, which originally resulted from assimilation of the very weak final t after n.
The form vrşan-aśvah is no real exception, as it represents an original single n, coining from IIr vršan-ašvas
ā, in> ir, ün>ūr, in> ir beforc vowels; e.g. sargān+iva > sargā-iva (cl Skt sargān-iva), avin-tiva > avīr-iva (cl Skt avīn-iva), pašūn iva > pašūr-iva (cl Skt pašūn-iva), nin+abhi >nfr-abhi (cl Skt nin-abhi).
The sandhi in these forms is quite historical in vedic and innovation in cl Skt. The forms of acc pl originally had the ending -ns, which became -nz befyre voiced sounds (in IE before voi ed plosives, but in IIr before voiced plosives, consonantal secondary vowels and vowels) Thus historically ans >ânz>ãz>ā, ins> inz>iž> ir, ūns
>ūnz> ū>ūr, īns >īnz>> fr in these situattons It should also be remembered that the nasal shows merely nasalization of the preceding vowel and not an anusvāra. Moreover, it should also be noted that -inž was an analogical creation, after inž, ūną.

Page #55

OLD INDO-ARYAN CONSONANT SYNTHESIS 37
50. ān, in, ūn (with -1 <-ns) > ā, ir, ür sometimes before y, v, r & h in RV; e. g. annā rayivódhaḥ< annan + rayivód haḥ (RV VII. 91.3); panir hatam m-s in internal sandhi in Skt; this is purely an OIA developinent; e.g, han+si>ham-si (1=nasalized I)+1; but this is normally repre. sented in the texts, with a nasalization of the preceding vowel & 1+1; e. g. tān+lokān > tal-lokān (written tal-lokān).
This is purely an innovation in Skt. 54. nts>n-s in external sandhi; in vedic Skt nts>nts often in external sandhi. This often shows a historically justifiable form and sometimes an analogical formation; e.g. ahan-t-sahasā> ahant-sahasā; the form is traceable to IIr ajhont-sažhasā and IE egWhent-seghesa; but forms like
tän-tsam>tānt-sam are analygical formations,

Page #56

38 SOUND SYNTHESIS IN IE, ÍIR & SANSKRIT
55. In combinations of ntc(h)/!(h /t(h), a sibilant glide often intervenes, consequently changing n>m. Thus the above combinations result in ms-c(h), ms-t(h) & ms-t(h). But in fact the sibilant is quite historical in most cases; e.g. tān-t ca > tāms-ca ( IIr tāns-ca < IE tons-que, cp Gk (Cretan) tóns-te; tân t. tān > tāms-tān ( IE tc11s-tons); mahānt-taruhinahams taruh (< *inahāns-taruḥ kasmimś-cit, rājan
+tatra >rājams-tatra. But RV shows the sibilant only in forms from original -ns, where as other Samhitās often extend it to cases, where there was no riginal -ns. In cl Skt it is extended to all forms with -n, whether it was originally -ns or -n. 56, 1+ j(h)/d(h)/d(h) donot sbow the sibilant glide, but change n to ñ before i(h), to n before t(h) and retain n before d(h).
This is so, because the historical sibilant becomes voiced before these voic d stops and consequently it is lost; e.g. tān +janān > lan-janan (IIr tānz-žanāns >IE tonzĝenons); tān-dasyūn (< IIr tānz-dasyūns) etc. 57. n{ập with nasalization of the preceding vowel, sometimes in vedic; e.g. nin+pahi >nih pāhi (vide RV VIII. 84.3). In this case n has become nasalization and s>h before p. 58. m > class nasal before stops in internal sandhi and class nasal or m (= anusvāra) before stops in external sandhi; e. g. Skt ran-tumPage #57

OLD INDO-AKYAN CONSONANT SYNTHESIS 39
59. m-tn > nn or mn in external sandhi; this is an OIA innovation; e. g. bhadram+nah > bhadran-naħ|bhadram -naħ. But in internal sandhi mt-n>mn; this is historical; e. g. šam-nā-li < IE kmm-na-ti, cp Gk kám-no < IE kmm-ni.
60. m>m before s, ş, s & h both in external & internal sandhi; e.g. tam-śiśumn before s; IIr ns > Skt ms; the other sandhi changes such as mś >ns > mś etc. have followed the change of ns > ms.
61. m>m before r always in external sandhi, excepting only one form sum rāt; e.g. sam-ramate < sam-ramate. But in internal sandhi m remains m before r; e.g. nam-ra.
Change of m>m before r may be a new formation in Skt; This may also be an IIr sandhi (vide 35) 62. m>m befo:e y, y & l in external sandhi. In vedic mn>y v ī (anasalized y y l) respectively before y v ! in external sandhi. But vedic manuscripts also show m instead; e.g. sam-yudhi or say-yudhi n before v in internal sandhi; e. g, jagan-vān< jagam-tvān. But m rewains m before y; e.g. gam-ya-te. Perhaps also m remains in before 1; e.g. am-la; this is of a doubtful root, no other suitable example is attested, for internal sandhi of m &l. The example apa-mlukta cited by Wackernagel & quoted by Macdonell (vide Vedic Grammar p. 68) is not an example of internal sandhi of m & I but that of conjuact ml,

Page #58

40 SOUND SYNTHESIS IN IE, IIR & SANSKRIT
It is probable that m>n before v in external sandhi in IIr stage, but no sure evidence is citable outside OIA, 63. IIr Final s, š, r > ḥ in Skt; e.g.
avih < 1Ir aviš < IE owis cp Gk óis, kaḥ < IIr kas < IE quos cp Lat quus, antah < IIr antar < IE enter, cp J..at inter, Av antarə,
64, Fecause final r has become ḥ in Skt, in several forms it shows a sandhi treatment common with s/s, which also have become h finally. This is due to confusion of the origin of ḥz, before voiced sounds in 18 & IIr. This is lost in Skt. IE z remained z in IIr only after ă (aftet ilălf, IE =>} in IIr; see 64b). This z was lost in Skt. IIr āzSkt a before vowels except a; IIr az>Skto in external sandhi and Skt e in internal sandhi before the vowel a and before the voiced consonants; e.g. tah gacchanti > tā gacchanti (=1 Ir tāz gaššanti < IE tāz
gumskonti). devaḥ avadat> devo avadat > devo' vadat (= IIr daivaz
avadat). devaḥ āyāti > deva āyāti (=IIr daivaz āyāti). devaḥ gacchati > devo gacchati (=IIr daivaz gaššati). as +dhi > *azt-dhi>edhi (=IIr azdhi). Śās +dhi>*śāz-t-dhi > śādhi ( = IIr šāzdhi).

Page #59

OLD INDO-ARYAN CONSONANT SYNTHESIS 41
64b. ḥ(<$) >r before voiced sounds. In fact Skt ș (*? (r before voiced sounds. e.g. IE dus-t-ito > Ilr duš-t-ita>Ilr dušita > Skt dur-ita, cp Ay duž-ita. Thus Skt paśuḥ gacchati > pasur gacchati, is historically pašuş-tgacchati > *pašuz gacchati < IIr pašuš gaššati >pašuž gaššati < IE pekus gw masketi.
In internal sandhi *7 was often lost, cerebralizing a dental. In one or two cases this has been extended to a combination of an upasarga with a following stem or verb stem. e. g. IIr duž-dabha-> Skt (RV) dūdabha, later durdabha. 65. ḥ +t(h)> st(h); historically this is s+t(h); e.g. yah+te> yas-te < IIr yas-tai < IE yos-toi. hah +-tvā!n > kas-tvā'n < IIr kas-tvām < IE quos-twēm
cp Av hasa jwa.n.
h Punas-ie (-actually punar-te).
ḥ +.t(h) if preceded by ilu'r etc. >șt(h) in vedic often, but in classical Skt rarely. e.g.
agniḥ-t-te>(vd) agnis-te, (cl) agnis-te;
catuh t-taya> (vd & cl) catustıya; but catuḥ +triiņśat >(vd & cl) catustrimsat (with st instead of șt prevented by following r). 66. ḥ+ c(!) > Śc(h); historically this is same as s + c(h)
>śc(!?); but this also includes cases of r-tch), which are inovations, due to confusion of ḥ kaś-ci, cp Av kas-ca ( 12
qros-q"e); pūht-ca (=pūr t-ca) pū>s-ca; punaḥ --ca (punar ---ca)>punas-ca.
But svar-cakşas retains original r.

Page #60

42 SOUND SYNTHESIS IN IF, IIR & SANSKRIT
67. ḥ+-%'(h)/d(h) > h-k(h)/” p(h) and alternatively hh(h), hp(h).
(h is used here for Skt jihvāmūlīya 'sound produced at the root of the tongue and h is used here for upadhmānīya 'sound approaching puff' ). e.g. devah kah or devah kah; divah putrah or divah putrah.
Historically this shows s/s-t-k(h)/p(h) > +-k(h)/p(h) or h+k(h) & h +-p (11). Actually also alternatively sis remain instead of becoming in several forms. Often in compounds s is retained; e.g. vedic paras-pá 'far-protecting', havis-pā 'drinking the offring”; (vd & cl) duş-krt 'evil-doing'; (cl) paras-param, puras-kāraḥ.
67a. Sincer has become h fivally, and is partly confused with ḥ < s/$, there are several cases, where r > ḥ or s besides iemaining r before h(h)/p(h); e.g. punaḥ kaleḥ (h or s here is obviously an innovation, due to iufluence of s(>$>z)>r.
68. h ss's >hshshs or ss'śś ss or sss. In other words h is retained, or assimilated or (rarely, specially in vedic) dropped, when a sibilant follows; e.g. manaḥsulmanassul ahasu; haviḥşulhavişşu etc.
Besides this is also frequent in external sandhi; e. g. krtah-sarvah/krta-sarvah; nih-svaram nissya am, nisvarain.
Historically IE shows optionally s for ss (vide above 19); Skt has an inovation in showing hs as an optional forin. This hs is more frequent in later phase of the
language,

Page #61

OLD İNDO-ARYAN CONSONANT SYNTHESIS 43
69. In Skt s-ts>s/ss/hs normally (Vide 68), but in internal sandhi sometimes ss > sts>ts, with a t glide between two ss sounds; e.g. ji-ghas t-sa-ti >ji-ghat-sa-ti (<1r jhig hassati < IE ghi-ghos -se-ti. 70. Similarly stos > $$1$hs normally (vide 68), but in internal sand.i, sometimes șs >ștş'>ts, with a t glide bet ween two șs sounds; e.g. dviş +șu>*dviștşu> dvitşu (IIr dviš-šu < IE dwis-su). 71. Sometimes also in intern 1 sandhi ș+$>şkş'>ks, with a k glide; e.g. dveș+și> *dveskși > dvekşi. 72. In internal sandhi ś ts > Ś + $ > ş$>ks > hș in Skt, with a k glide; e. g. diś + su>diś - şu>diş-șu> diskșu> dikșu (s+ş>$+$ 7şts >ts in Skt, with a g glide; e.g. viś +şu> vis-șu> vistşu> vitşu. 74. The later Samhitās (TS, MS) sometimes show compensatory lengthening after ioss of one of the sibilants; e.g. ayāśayā< ayaś–śayā *rajaś–śayā< rajas-śayā; harāśayā< *haras-śayā punāramate. This innovation may be due to the fact that Skt does not tolerate a sound combination rr-. When rr>r
there was compensatory lengthening.

Page #62

44 SOUND SYNTHESIS IN IE, IIR & SANSKRIT
77. Io a few cases r before r is treated like s, through the confusion of hcr & gdh( gdh; e.g. dah t.to- > dagdha- (IIr dha3dhu- u hagi+ta- dh; e.g. dph +ta- > drdha-( < IIr dhrždha-sdhrzh +-ta, <1B drogodke < decektie

Page #63

OLD INDO-ARYAN CONSONANT SYNTHESIS 45
h®(< IIr'dh) +- > ddh; e.g. nah tta- > naddha- (< IIc naddha- < nadh+ta- kiș/tş'ts h(< IIr ih) +s > kș always; e.g. dah+syāmi > dhakşyāmi (< IIr dhakšyāmi < dhagh +
sya(mi) < IE dheq"-syö < dheg"h+syö). ha(< IIr žh) +-s > kş very often & tş sometimes, like
ś t-s; e. g. vah+syāmi > vakşyāmi < IIr vaš-šyä(mi) < vaš +- syā
(mi) < IE wekosyö < weģh +-syö), cp Av vašata(>Ilr
vaššata < važ” +sa-ta vātņu ( Ir vāššu < vāžh+su < IE weksu
< weģh +su). h8 (< IIr dh)+-s > ts; e.g. upānah+su > upânatsu ( IIr upanatsu < upānadh + su
< IE uponetsu < uponedh +su). The above developinents are quite historical.
81, h-t-bh > gbhldb|dbh h+(< IIr jh)+bh > gbh always; e.g. dah +. bhiḥ > dhag bhiḥ ( IIr dhag bhiš < dhagh + bhiš
< IE dhegWbhis < dheg"h+bhis). h>(< IIr žh) +-bh < dbh -vāh + bhiḥ > -vādbhih ( IIr vēžbhiš < vāžh+bhiš
< IE wēĝbhis < wēģh-tbhis).

Page #64

46
SOUND SYNTHESIS IN IE, IIR & SANSKRIT
23 (IIr dh)+bh > dbh upānah+bhih>upānad bhiḥ < IIr upanad bhiš>upānadh+
bhiš < IE uponed bhis < uponedh+bhis).
82. Sometimes there is confusion of the sandhi of htt's bh, since h comes from various sources.
Thus muh tta > mugdha & mūdha (representing as if both IIr žh & jh). In fact mūdha is a late form found first in AV. mugdha represents the original form.

Page #65

CHAPTER VII SOME EXCEPTIONAL TREATMENTS IN OIA
SOUND SYNTHESIS
A. PROHIBITION OF SANDHI IŅ SANSKRIT
83. Prohibition of Sandhi in Sanskrit
Sandhi is disallowed by traditional Sanskrit gram marians, with reference to certain forms, which is also corroborated from the use of the language in vedic & classical litrature.
A critical examination of the forms clearly reveals that, this prohibition of sandhi is an innovation in the Indo-Aryan stage, to avoid ambiguity and obscurity, which would otherwise come, if sandbi would be allowed in these forms. Prohibition of sandhi applied to external sandhi only, where sandhi was optional in IE and optional even in Skt. Therefore prohibition of sandhi, althongh a new system in Skt, does not disturb the IE system in any way, since it was optional there.
Tbe cases are enumerated below.
84. The final vowels of duals ending in 1, ū, e are not combined with a following vowel, in vedi: as well as in classical Skt; e. g. muni (+) imau, sādhū (+) asmai, aśve (+) ime.
85. The pronominal form ami (nom pl masc) is not combined with a following vowel; e.g. ami(+)aśvaḥ.

Page #66

SOUND SYNTHESIS IN IE, IIR & SANSKRIT
86. The rare vedic locatives in i, u are also not combined with a following vowel. Tut the meter seems to show that
i is to be read i here.
48
87. Nom sg i in prthivi, pṛthujrayī, samrājñi and the inst susami and ūti optionally show lack of sandhi in vedic. These simply retain the optional character of external sandhi.
88. The particle u is not combined with a following vowel in vedic; e.g. u(+)uttistha.
Other particles also which contain this particle u as the second element are not combined with a following vowel; e.g. atho uto, mo (aths/uta/mā +u) etc. also contain this u as the second element.
89. The vedic peculiar pronom inal forms tve (loc), asme, yuşme are not combined with a following vowel.
90. The pronominal forms sa & eșa, which are actually nom sg forms with nil ending be ide the alternative forms sah & eṣaḥ with -s ending, are not combined with a following vowel, e.g. sa eșa agacchati. These forms are not originally saḥ & eṣaḥ, but they are sa and eșa, they donot change to so and eșo before voiced consonants; e. g. sa gacchati, eșa dhavati. The forms with -h are restricted to final position in a sentence. In Gk ho< IE so (=Skt sa) is proclitic. Before. the vowel a however the sandhi treatment shows the forms saḥ & eṣaḥ; e.g. sahayam= so'yam, eṣaḥapi eşo'pi. This however is a late and new development. The Sanskrit grammarians have taken the basic forms as saḥ and eṣaḥh and they take sa and eșa as the product of sandhi with loss of visarga. But comparative evidence shows that IE had both types: IE so with nil ending (cp Gk ho and Skt s) and IE sos, with-s ending (cp Ht sas, Av ho and Sat sah). Sandhi of sa and eșa with a following vowel are not always disallowed in Vedic. In Classical Sanskrit also sometimes sa aud eșa are combined with a following vowel e.g. saiṣadāśarathī rāmaḥ.

Page #67

OLD INDO-ARYAN CONSONANT SYNTHESIS 49
B. EXCEPTION
91. A Critical examination of the Exceptional cases of OIA sound-synthesis, enumerated by Traditional grammarians
Traditional Sanskrit Grammarians enumerate certain forms showing the loss of a preceding syllable in sandhi. In fact a few forms might have been influenced by MIA sound synthesis. But some of the forms may not be exceptional and might be needing a different analysis, than the traditionally accepted one.
The exceptional forms may be taken up now.
92. a--a>a (instead of normal ā).
Most of the exceptional forms are found under this category.
martaṇḍa 'sun (analysed as marta+anda); the vedic form is märtända (vide RV II 38.8. & X 72.8 & 9, also quoted as mārtāṇḍa in MS 4.6.9.2; PB 24. 12. 6, SB 3.1.32. TA 1.13.3). Since mārtāṇḍa is the earlier form for martanda, analysis of martanda as marta anda is hisorically correct, with a borrowing form MIA sandhi.
Similar forms are markaṇḍa 'name of a sage' (mārka +anda); saranḍa (sāra+aṇḍa) meaning perhaps 'snake's egg'; karanda (kāra+aṇḍa) a bird'. These forms also might be showing similarly MIA sandhi, but all the forms are of doubtful etymology.
Similarly sarang a 'dear' has also been analysed as sara anga; but sara is found in forms like kṛṣṇa-sāra 'black deer'; säranga may be placed with other similar forms like kuranga 'deer', matang a 'elephant' patanga 'insect', as well as even bhriga (cp bhramara) bee',

Page #68

50 SOUND SYNTHESIS IN IE, IIR & SANSKRIT
Similarly also karkandhu 'jujube berry (also found in Vedic) has been analysed as karka+and hu. In RV this is name of a person. This word may be perhaps better analysed as arkam-dh-u. The word sakandhu also has been analysed as saka+andhu. The word śakan means 'dung' and andhu has been said to mean a well. The word sakandhu is a late form, therefore this may be case of MIA sandi or may be analysed as sakan-dh-u.
The form kulată 'an unchaste woman', has been placed under this category, with the analysis kula-ata; Masc kulata means 'adopted son'. The form may be a loan word from 1st MIA kulaṭā <*kula-tr-ā (< √tr 'cross'), 'going astary from the family or house' or from ku-ratā badly attached'.
93. as
i>i
A few words come under this analysis. manīṣā has been analysed manasiṣā. The form is attested even in RV. The correct analysis should be man -isa, with the root noun man (not attested in Skt; but cp man-dha-tā). The late forms haliṣa and langaliṣā follow this pattern, and therefore are analogical formations. 94. ana > a
Very few forms are found under this category.
simanta 'a line on the head showing parting of the hair', has been analysed as siman+anta. Sīman +anta actually becomes simānta 'boundary'. The word simanta is as old as AV; this might be originally having a meaning 'a line drawn by furrow', which was secondarily extended to the above sense; thus si-manta <*si 'plough'; cp sira 'plough' sita 'plough',
patanjali 'a name', has been analysed as patat+añjali. The form, in fact, may be connected with patanga (orig. 'flying'>) insect, sun' cp RV patanga-ra. For similar phonetic changes, cp pinga, piǹgala, piñja, piñjala piñjara etc.

Page #69

OLD INDO-AKYAN CONSONANT SYNTHESIS 51
C APPARENT EXCEPTIONAL FEATURES OF VEDIC SANDHI 95. Apparent exceptional features of Vedic Sandhi
Traditional Sanskrit Grammars take vedic peculiarities of sandhi as exceptional in comparison to the classical norm.
But vedic sandhi is more historical, whereas classical sanskrit shows several innovations.
Some important features of vedic sound-synthesis where it considerably differs from classical Sanskrit are shown below. Since they have already been included in pre. io is sections, they are just briefly mentioned here. 96. Accusative plural an, in, ūn, în > a, ir, ür, fr before vowels in vedic, but in classical Sanskrit they remain an, in, ün, and in respectively (vide 49 above). 97. ntch)/1(h)t(h) > mśc(h), mst(h), mșt(h) only in the historical forms in the vedic, which originally had a sibi. lant; e.g. nominative sg forms like gacchant-ca> gacchamś -ca ( original gaccants+ca), devān-t.ca > devāms-ca (original devāns+ca) etc. But in cl Skt the s (which was originally s of the ending acc -ns or nom -s) was extended to forms which were not historically justified, i.e. which did not contain s originally; e. g. kasmin + cit
> kasmimś-cit. 98, In classical Skt a is always lost after e, o. In vedic it is often retained; e.g. classical tevadan < te + avadan; devo’gacchat < devo + agacchat; but vd sünave agne < sūnave-t-ugne, devāső apturaḥ > devāso tapturah.
99. Sandhi of an upasarga with a noun stem or verb, often show internal sandhi in Vedic. In classical Skt such forms always show external sandhi; e.g.

Page #70

52 SOUND SYNTHËSIS IN IE, IÍR & SANSKRIT
IIr duž+-dabha>vd (sometimes) dūdabha, cl (always)
durdabha. IIr duž +-näsă > vd (sometimes) dūņāsā, cl (always)
durnāsā.
100. Vedic did not allow sandhi with the following:
(a) with the rare locatives in i, ū (vide 86 above).
(b) Nom sg i of prthivi & samrājni and Instr sg i of utī & susami were often not combined with a following vowel, (vide 87 above).
(c) The vedic pronominal forms tve, asme & yuşme were not combined with a following vowel (vide 89 above). 101. Sometimes vedic retains some historical forms of sandhi wbich are influenced by MIA sandhi in classical Skt, e.g. märta t-anda > vd mārtāņdā, cl märtanda (vide 92 above). 102. Early Vedic show lack of sandhi in compounds in a few rare instances, but in classical Skt sandhi is compuIsory in compounds, e.g. RV. (V. 41.5) yukta-aśvaḥ (althovgh printed yuhtāśvāḥ, metre needs yukta-aśvaḥ), RV (III 32,5 etc) hari-aśvaḥ (although printed haryaśvaḥ, metre needs hari-aśvaḥ). 103. Early Vedic shows lack of sandhi in internal sandhi also in highly rare cases, and therefore presents evi ence for option even in internal sandbi in early IE, e.g. Ry (VI. 54.10) parastāt is to be and read parastaāt metri casusa (cp Av āat = Skt āt).

Page #71

aksi 17
agnis-te 41
agnis-te 41
agru 17
atsyati 20
atho 48
adadām 11
adadham 11
adat-tikām 35
adad-api 28
adbhyah 20
antas-patha 42
antaḥ 40
antaḥ patha 42
anna 34
annarayivṛdhaḥ 37
apamlukta 39
abravam 12
abravit 12
abharan 11
abharam 11
amla 39
ayam-atra 35
ayāśaya 43
arodam 12
avayaḥ 13, 18
avim 18
aviḥ 40
WORD INDEX
References are to pages
SANSKRIT

avIn 18
avIn-iva 36
avfr-iva 36
avocat 10
avyam 18
avyaḥ 13
aśva 6
aśvādāḥ 4
aśvābhiḥ 4
aśvām 11
aśvāḥ 7
aśve 10
aśve ime 47
aśvesu 29
asi 23
asme 48
asyai 6
ahan 44
ahant-sahasa 37
ahar 44
ahas 44
ahasu 42
abaḥ 44
ahoratrāṇi 44
äja 6, 26
ajat 8
atmanaḥ 14
ātmasu 14
adima 7

Page #72

54 SOUND SYNTHESIS IN IE, IIR & SANSKRIT
āna 6 ānamsa 22 āpa 7 āpnoti 7 āyam 7 ārti 32 āvahān āśu 37 āsam 7 istaḥ 19 I]e 16 ucca 35 uddina 35 uto 48 upabda 20 upānatsu 45 upānadbhiḥ 46 upārchati 32 upāsate 2 ūcuh 17 ūdha-29 ūdhan 44 ūdhar 44 ūdbas 44 ūdhah 44 edhi 40 esa 48 esa dhāvati 49 eşaḥ 48 eso 48 eşo'pi 48 aindra 32 kam-api 35 karkandhu 50 kakca 41
kaścit 28 kastvām 41 kasmims-cit 38, 51 kāraṇda 49 kurangą 49 kulațā 50 kệta-sarvah 42 kệtahsarvah 42 krspasāra 49 ko gacchati 2 kravya 10 kşayya 10 kşudra 35 kşullaka 34 kseya 10 gacchamá-ca 51 gacchan 36 gacchann.aśvaḥ 36 gacchān-uttarā 37 gamyate 39 gavya 10 giraḥ 17 gir-esā 43 guruh 17 grāvṇaḥ 10 ghātaḥ 16 catustaya 41 catustrimsat 41 catvāri 16 aarathām 7 jaganvas 30 jaganvān 39 jantu 29 jayya 10

Page #73

WORD INDEX
55
55
jāḥ 27 jighatsati 43 jeya 10 jñā 11 tam tam 38 tam śiśum 39 kan kavim 38 taccbrutam 35 tajjalam 35 tadeha 31 tadovāca 31 taddhi 35 tantam 38 tallabdham 34 tā gacchanti 40 tāms-ca 38 tầms-tân 38 tāñ-janān 38 tān-eva 36 tānt-sam 37 tān-dasyūn 38 tal-lokān 37 te'vadan 51 tyaktaḥ 19 trl 15 tve 48,52 dagdha 44 dan 29 darviḥ 17 darvi 17 dasyur-yonau 37 dāru 17 dikşu 43 divah putrah 42
durita 28,41 durukta 28 durgrahaitat 33 durdabha 41,51 durnāsā 51 durmanas 28 duryacas 28 dustutih 24 duhitā 24 dūdabha 41,51 drdha 44 deva āyāti 40 devaḥ kah 42 devāms-ca 51 devāso apturaḥ 51 devo'gacchat 51 devo gacchati 40 devo'vadat 40 dehi 22 dvitsu 43 dvekşi 43 dhaksyāmi 45 dhagbhiḥ 45 dhiyah 13,17,27 dhiyi 18 dhipsati 22 naddha 45 namra 30,39 navy aḥ 10 Dāmāni 16 nāsti 7 nisvaram 42 pissvaram 42

Page #74

56 SOUND SYNTHESIS IN IE, IIR & SANSKRIT
puru 15
niņsvaram 42
purl 14 nrda-29 niļaḥ 20
pūs-ca 41 nyn-abhi 36
prthivi 48,52 nţr-abhi 36
prth ujrayi 48 nrfhpāhi 38
pratyarn-āste 35 paņír hatam 37
prāgghavanam 35 patañjali 50
prātar-adya 43 patarga 49,50
praisayuh 31 patangara 50
psāti 21 patsu 20
biddhah 20,31 parastaāt 3,52
prhadbhyaḥ 20 parastāt 3,52
bravimi 12 parasparam 42
bhanga 22 paraspā 42
bhadram-naḥ 39 paśur gacchati 41
bhadran-naḥ 39 paśūn-iva 36
bhanakti 22 pasur-iva 36
bharanti 14,15
bharāmi 7 paśvām 13
bhareh 10 pinga 50
bhavati 1 pingala 50
bhavanp api 35 piñja 50
bhavān-api 35,36 piñjara 50
bhriga 49 piñjala 50
bhotsyate 21 pitēņa 16.33
bhramara 49 punar-nah 43
bhruvaḥ 13, 17 punaś-cā 41
bhruvi 17 punas-te 41
maghonah 10 punaḥ kaleh 42
madhū 15 punaḥpunaḥ 42
man 50 punā ramate 43
manas.ca 28 puraskāraḥ 42
manasu 23 puraḥ 14,17
manassu 23, 42

Page #75

WORD INDEX
57
manahsu 23, 42 manisā 50 maharsiḥ 31 mahān 24 mahān-asau 35 mahāms-taruḥ 35 maheśah 2, 31 mātanga 49 mārkanda 49 mārtanda 49, 52 mārtānda 41, 52 mugdha 46 muni iin au 47 mūnin-iva 36 mūdha 47 mrddhi 29 mo 48 yaccit 19 yajñam vastu 39 yandhi 29 yaś ca 28 yaste 41 yuktah 19 yukta-aśvaḥ 3, 52 yuktāśvaḥ 3, 52 yugā(ni) 16 yușme 48, 52 yeje 10 ram-ram 30 rajāśayā 43 rathaspatiḥ 23 rantum 29, 33 rājams-tatra 34 rājñaḥ 13
rāt 20 rāstreha 33 rodimi 12 lāngalişā 50 vaksat 22 vaksyāmi 29, 45 vanaspatih 23 vamīmi 12 vāgbhiḥ 20 vāgmi 34 vanmaya 34 -vātsu 45 -vādbhiḥ 45 vitsu 43 vittaḥ 19 viddhi 22 vibhaktar 19 vệkāḥ 8, 26 vşke 10 vặnita 12 vrsan-aśvaḥ 36 vetsy ati 20 vedhar 20, 21 śakan 50 sakandhu 50 śamnāti 39 sayyā 10 sādhi 40 sa 49 sa esa āgacchati 48 sam-taptah 39 sam-yudhi 39 sam-ramate 39 sam-vartate 39 sam-saktaḥ 39

Page #76

58 SOUND SYNTHESIS IN IE, IIR & SANSKRIT
sam-hataḥ 39 sa gacchati 48 sah 48 sattaḥ 22 sandhi 1 samrājni 48, 52 samrāt 39 say-yudhi 39 sarası 18 sarga-iva 36 sargān-iva 36 sādhaḥ 20, 21 sādhū asmai 47 sāranga 49 sāranda 49 sitā 50 simanta 50 sūnavě agne 33,51 saisa dāśarathi rāmaḥ 48 so 58 SO' yam 48 stotava ambhyàm 33 spast a- 29 syuḥ 11 svar.caksas- 41 svar-fatih 42 svah-patiḥ 42 hamsi 37 harāśayā 43 hari-aśvah 52 hary-aśvaḥ 52 halisā 50 havisu 42
havispā 42 havișsu 42 MIA (Asokan) ti 15 Hittite antuhsas 23 arunas 23 eptsi 7 gwesi 37 tsketsi 21 mekis 24 Latin atmos 14 cõepi 7 duae 10 ēdimus 7 equae 6, 11 equam 11 equārum 8 es, ess 24 fero 7 fisus 20 Fortuna 7 garrio 14 gnosco 11 inter 40 junctus 19 nidus 20 nosco 11 lupo 8 maria 15 numasiõi 8 quadraginta 15

Page #77

WORD INDEX
59
quus 40 rēx 20 sorbeo 21 spectus 29 suis 13 tr1-15 triginta 15 vector 20, 21 vocidus 20 Oscan de í vai 7 nú vla nú s 8 scriftas 7
wulfos 8,26 Old High German biru 7 geba 7 wolfo 7 Old Icelandic giafar 7 ök 6, 26 Armenian armukn 15 karasun 15 njst 20 Gteeki ágamai 12 aiks 20 állā 6 .
Old Irish
com boing 22 tuatha 7 tri 15 trl 15 Gothic baira 7 daúhtar 24 gibái 7 gibās 7 -ētum 7 kaúrus 17 kniwa 15 prija 15 on 6 onun 6
ara 6 hautē 11 barús 17 gērúo 14 gignóskö 11 gnoimen 11 gnosko 11 gonna 15 gónon 13 gouna 15
1. The Gk letters have been transcribed in Roman ;a b g d e (w) z ē th i k l m n ks op r s t u ph kh ps 7. h has no place in Gk alphabet, therefore h in the text has been printed " in thc Index. e, o with cirumflex accent indicate ē ö always in Gk.

Page #78

60 SOUND SYNTHESIS IN IE, IIR & SANSKRIT
góunōn 13
despótēs 29
dóru 17
A
draimen 11
dúnaito 12
dústĕnos 23
édidon 11
élran 11
éeipon 10
A
ei 23
ei somai 20
-ektos 20, 21
epibdai 20
essi 23
étithen 11
euksomai 22
eukhomai 22
épheron 11
zeúktos 19
A
ea 7
Λ
ege 6, 26
A
egon 8
A
eia 7
ēnenkon 22
thánatos 16
theai 6
thnätós 16
thugatér 24 idria 15
hippoisi 29 isthi 22

kámnō 39
kias 17
kii 18
kiós 13
krupha 6
A
kruphe 6
lúkōi 8
mégas 24
ménesi 23
ménessi 23
mētrós 13
ho 48
ódōde 7
óies 13
oikoi 10
óin 18
óios 13
óis 40
hótti 19
ophrúas 17
ophrúi 17
ophrúos 13
pétora 15
pistós 20, 21
písura 16. 18
pólis 14
possí 20
pótnia 15
hroptós 21
hropheō 21
septós 19
A
staimen 12

Page #79

súnthesis 1 téttara 15, 18 téjtaves 15
tétora 15, 16 tetrőkonta 15
títhēmi 24
tóns-te 38
tria 15
phérois 10 phérousa 14
phérō 7
A
khorai 6, 10
khorai 11
psóō 21
A
oze 8
Lithuanian
aki 17
beżù 7
⚫édes 7
•ésiu 20
kraujas 10
6
naujas 10
něsti 7
pláuju
rankai 7
ranki 10
rankos 7
3
tai 7
tos 7
trylika 15
üdes
vilku 7

WORD INDEX
Cen
vilkui 8
Old Church Slavic
dobro-oků 3
jadž 7
plują 10
rece 7
tri 15
oči 17
vluce 10
Old Persian
aham 7
mādai šuvā 29
Avestan
aiwyo 20
aoyžā 22
ayru 17
antara 40
arǝma-15
aši 17
aspaēšu 29
ahyai 6
aat 4, 52
ät 4
S
išto 19
ižā 16
usca 34
kas-ca 41
kascit 28
5
kasa@wam 41
gaoya- 10
garayo 13
garo 14

61

Page #80

62 SOUND SYNTHESIS IN IE, IIR & SANSKRIT
gouruš 17
ca@warasat-15
ci 15
ci-ca 15
jaymavah- 30 jantu 29
dazdi 22
diwžaidyai 21, 22
dugada 24
duysa 24
dužita 28, 41
dužuxta-28
dužmanah- 28
dužvacah- 28
dvanara- 30
nāməni 16
pasvam 13
pouru 15
frabda 20
buxtar 19
barōiš 10
barən 11
baranti 15 bǝrǝzasbyō 10
manasca 28
manahu 23
magro 13 mərəždātā 29

mraom 12
yatcit 19
5
yuxta-aspo 3
yuxtaspo 3
yuxto 19
vaocat 10
vaxšyā 29
vaštar- 20
važat 21,
3
važdriš 21
vāyžibiš 20
vahrkaē- ca 10
vǝhrkai 8
vahrkå 8, 26
vista- 19
vohu 15
raram 30
spasta- 29
spasyā 7
haĕna 6
haëne 10
hasta. 23
22
hau 11
ho 48 hyāra 11

Page #81

BIBLIOGRAPHY
Brugmann, K. (Tr. by Wright etc.); Comparative
Grammar of the Indo-Germanic Languages; in five
vols.) Reprinted, Varanasi, 1972. - : Kurze vergleichende Grammatik der Indo-Germanischen
Sprachen; Reprinted, Strassburg. 1970. Macdonell, A., A. : Vedis Grainmar, Reprinted, Varanasi,
1968. Misra, S. S. ; A Comparative Grammar of Sanskrit, Greek
and Hittite, Calcutta, 1968. - : New Lights on Indo-European Comparative Grammar
Varanasi, 1975. - : Indo-European Vowel Synthesis, Linguistic Researches,
Vol I, Varanasi, 1976. -: The Avestan, A Historical and Comparative Grammar,
Varanasi, 1979. - : Indo-European Consonant Synthesis, Linguistic Resear
ches, Vol III, Varanasi, 1980. - : Fresh Light on Indo-European Classification and Crono
logy, Varanass, 1980. - : The Old Indo-Aryan, A Historical and Comparative
Grammar ( in press ). . - & Misra, H. : A Historical Grammar of Ardhamāgadhr Vedic Texts referred : Rigveda, Atharvaveda, Sāmaveda,
Taittiriya Samhitā, Maitrāyaṇi Samhitā, Satapatha Brāhmaṇa, Pañcavimša Brāmaņa, Taittiniya Āranyaka.

Page #82

ERRATA
line
page 10
read yeigai
28
28
28 28 29
gh
30 35
13
35
35 36
( btm = from bottom )
for 17
yeigot 10 dužukta
dužxta 8-9 btm irherited
inherited 5 btm monosqe
monosque 3 btm 2 btm uncertan
uncertain 1 btm for
far anological analogioal 5 tod>
tod + >II
devāso apturaḥ< 3 btin atmanah āt manah
nrth pāhi nih pāhi
37
43
A
47
11
5]
2

Page #83

Professor Dr. Satya Swarup Misra, is well known as a scholar of Indo-European linguistics in India and abroad for his several substantial contribut ons to IE linguistics, continuously since last three decades, in form of many research articles and several books, demonstrating research of very high standard.
Prof. Misra has a sound knowledge of several languages, including several Modern Indian and European languages and many ancient IE Historical languages which can be attested from the list of his publications overleaf.
He had been teaching for several years Indo-Eu opean linguistics, Old Indo-Aryan linguistics, Middle Indo-Aryan linguistics, Greek linguisties, Anatolian linguistics, Germanic linguistics etc. in Calcutta University. At present he is the Professor and Head of the Depaitment of Linguistics of the Banaras Hindu University, and teaching in this University since last sixteen years.
Jain Education
a len

Page #84
BY THE SAME AUTHOR 1. Prthivira Bhasa (=World Languages; Bhubaneswar, 1964) 2. A Comparative Grammar of Sanskrit, Greek & Hittite (Calcutta, 1968) 3. New Lights on Indo-European Comparative Grammar (Varanasi, 1975) 4. The Laryngeal Theory, A Critical Evaluation (Vara nasi, 1977) 5. The Avestan, A Historical & Comparative Grammar (Varanasi, 1979) 6. Fresh Light 03 Indo-European Classification & Chro nology (Varanasi, 1980) 7. A Historical Grammar of Ardhamagadhi (Varanasi, 1982) 8. The Luwian Language, A Historical & Comparative Grammar (Varanasi, 1983) 9. The Palaic Language, A Historical & Comparative Grammar (Varanasi, 1985) 10. The Hieroglyphic Hittite, A Historical and Cour pa. rative Grammar (Varanasi, 1986) 11. The Old Indo-Aryan, A Historical & Comparative Grammar (In Press) 12. The Aryan Problem, A Linguisfis Approach (Unpu blished) 13. The Albanian, A Historical & Comparative Grammar (Unpublished) 14. A Comprehensive Comparative Grammar of the Indo European Languages (In Preparation) Publisher : Ashutosh Prakashan Sansthan Post Box No. 4 (B.H.U) (India) B 30/195, Ganga Tarang, Nagava, Varanasi-5 www.janelibrary arg