Jain Journal 1968 04

Author(s): Jain Bhawan Publication
Publisher: Jain Bhawan Publication
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/520010/1

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INDIAN MINERAL INDUSTRIES LIMITED 22/1 DUM DUM ROAD CALCUTTA 2

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a quarterly on Jainology JAIN Journal JAIN BHAWAN CALCUTTA

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VOL II APRIL 1968 NO. 4 Mahavir Jayanti Special Number on Sri Hemacandracarya Rupees Two Copyright of articles, stories, poems, etc Jain Journal is reserved published in the All contributions, which must be type-written, and correspondence regarding contributions and book-reviews should be addressed to the Editor, Jain Journal, P-25, Kalakar Street, Calcutta 7 For advertisement and subscription please write to the Secretary, Jain Bhawan, P-25 Kalakar Street, Calcutta-7 Subscription for one year R$ 3.00 Foreign R$ 500 Single copy Re 100 Published by Moti Chand Bhura on behalf of Jain Bhawan from P-25 Kalakar Street and printed by him at The Technical & General Press, 17, Crooked Lane, Calcutta-1. Editor : Ganesh Lalwand

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Ourselves 157 Hymn to Vitaraga 159 Hemacandracarya Kalikalasarvajna Hemacandra 161 M Winternitz Sources of Hemacandra's Life 164 George Buehler The Life of Hemacandra 169 Rasiklal C. Parikh Gujarat during the Age of Hemacandra 182 A K Majumdar Contemporary Intellectuals of Hemacandra 190 K C Lalwani Hemacandra and Siddha-Hemacandra-sabdanusasana 200 S Sengupta The Desinamamala of Hemacandra 207 Muralidhar Banerjea A Critique of Kavyanusasana 213 Bishnupada Bhattacharjee Hemacandra and Chandanusasana 224 S Sengupta The Yogasastra of Hemacandra 230 Nathmal Tatia Excerpts from Trisastisalakapurusacarita (Translation) 235 Helen M Johnson Sthaviravalicarita of Hemacandra 239 Hermann Jacobi Pramanamimansa and Hemacandra 247 Satkari Mookherjee Nathmal Tatia A Bird's-eye View of Anyayogavyavacchedadvatrimsika & Syadvadamanjari 251 A B Dhruva A Comprehensive List of the Published Works of Hemacandra 262 (From the Catalogue of India Office Library) Plates. Hemacandra and Kumarapala (Coloured) 155 Gujarat (Map) 156 Rudramahalaya, Siddhapur 182 Autanatha Temple built by Kumarapala on Taranga Hills 183 Sahasralinga Sarovara with culverts at Patan, Gujarat 183 Siddha-Hema being carried in procession on an elephant's back 198 Jayasimha requesting Hemacandra to write Siddha-Hema 198 Last Page of Abhidhana-cintamani 199

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The Publisher and the Editor take this opportunity of recording their very sincere thanks to the authors and publishers whose generous cooperation has taken shape in this volume,

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CM R. Hemacandra and Kumarapala Enlarged from palm-leaf manuscript of Hemacandra s Trisastisalakarpurusacarita from Patan, V S 1294

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kytaparadhe'pi jane krpamanthanatarayoh wadraspardrayobhadram frtrirajinanerayoh May there be good fortune from Holy Vira's eyes whose pupils are wide with com pa & 8100 even for sinful people, moist with a trace of tears.

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THAR DESERT THAR DESERT TIL ARAVALLI MTS RAJASTHAN . # # RANN OF CUTC 8P81 Mlakar SAMANTUL CUT MTAN VE MEMASAN GULF OF LARES F OF CUTCH DOI MALWA PLATEAU IOWA QAY AV AITO BACHO UPO ARABIAN SEA SATPURA MT GULF OF CAMBAS VER AMAL IS GUJARAT SAHYADRI MTS AND THE ADJACENT AREAS PHYSICAL FEATURES Arus wove 900 feel sond denni Run & wone were Kadera la re MAHARA HTR

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OURSELVES klyptam vyakaranam navam viracitam chando navamdvyasrayalankarau prathitau navamprakatitam fri yogafastram navam tarka sanjanito navo jinararadinam caritram navam baddham yena na kena vidhina mohah keta duratah The Jaina monks traditionally knew Hemacandra as one of the great exponents of their own philosophy but very few people actually knew his versatile interest and spiritual stature. It is the Oriental scholars like Peterson, Buehler and others who first discovered in him in the 19th century a great savant of whom not only the Jaina community but the whole of India can be proud In fact, there have been in India not many scholars of the stature and erudition of Hemacandra and there is perhaps no one equal to him in versatility. Both Sanskrit and Prakrit literature including Apabhramsa owe much to bim. Even today the knowledge about Hemacandra is restricted to a few academicians and scholars and not much of the contributions made by this savant in the fields as far apart as philosophy, morals, biography of Jaina saints, grammar, prosody, rhetoric and lexicons, in short, science of words, bas a currency among the lay public. Hence we have taken this opportunity in our humble way of projecting his works and contributions to a larger public and we shall deem our effort amply rewarded If by this we are able to cnkindle the interest of the people in this great savant who lived and moved on the soul of this sacred land. We remember and pay our own sincere bomage to this chosen son of the Goddess of Learning.

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srihemacandracaryaviracitam srivitaragastotram yah paratma paramjyotih paramah paramesthinam adityavarnam tamasah parastadamananti yam 1 sarve yenodamulyanta samulah klesapadapah murdhna yasmai namasyanti surasuranaresvarah 2 pravartanta yato vidyah purusarthaprasadhikah yasya jnanam bhavadbhavibhutabhavavabhasakrt 3 yasminvijnanamanandam brahmma caikatmatam gatam sa sradheyah sa ca dhyeyah prapadye Saranam ca tam 4 tena syam nathabanstasmai sprhayeyam samahitah tatah kitartho bhuyasam bhaveyam tasya kimkarah 5 tatra stotrena kuryam ca pavitram svam sarasvatim idam hi bhavakantare janminam janmanah phalam 6 kvaham paforapi pasurvitaragastavah kva ca uttittrsuraranyanim padbhyam pangurivasmyatah 7 tathapi fradhamugdhoham nopalabhyah skhalannapi vidyrkhalapi vagvetth fraddadhanasya Sobhate 8 prathamah prakasah

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HYMN TO VITARAGA HBMACANDRA CARYA Best amongst the Atmans and luminous Due to the destruction of karmic bondage, Foremost amongst the Paramesthins, Whom as a Sun-like awakener, The Wise meditate And who has crossed The horizon of darkness-Ignorance , Who has totally uprooted The tree of worldly misery And whom the lords of gods, demons and men Bow with their heads, From whom has evolved all learning Pertaining to the realisation of Self And who himself is the knower of what is, what has been and what is to be, And who has obtained knowledge supreme And bliss divine And simultaneously the state of a Perfected Being, Who is venerable, worthy of meditation, I take refuge in him.

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JAIN JOURNAL For him am I protected, For him I aspire To a state of quietude, For him am I contentod, A humble servant am I unto him. By composing hymns in his honour May I purify my speech For in a forest-like mundane world, To extol the Dispassionate Is the fruit of human birth What am I, lowly amongst the low And yet endeavouring to praise The Dispassionate Like a lame man Am I desirous of crossing the forest Still as I have faith I should not be blamed for shortcomings Though not a master of language Am I composing this hymn For earnest am I Book I

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KALIKALASARVAJNA HEMACANDRA M. WINTERNITZ Kalikalasarvajna, 'The Omniscient of the Kal Age', was the title given to the great Jaina monk Hemacandra by his co-religionists, and he well-deserved this title and his fame on account of the astounding many-sidedness of his literary achievements. He was indeed one of the most versatile and prolific writers, both as a poet and as a scholar. It is due to him that Gujarat became a main stronghold of the Svetambara Jainas and has remained so for centuries, and that Jaina literature flourished there particularly in the 12th and 13th centuries. By his influence on the two Caulukya kings Jayasimha Siddharaja and Kumarapala he was able to direct, in some measure, the destinies and the cultural progress of his native country But not only Gujarat and the Jaina community owe a great debt of gratitude to Hemacandra, he has also a place of honour in general Sanskrit literature as a compiler of useful and important works on grammar, lexicography, poctics and metrics Among his poetical works his huge epic on the 'Lives of the Sixtythree Excellent Men (Insaftitalakapurusacarita) is perhaps best known. Though not without merit as a work of poetry, a mahakavya, as it 18 described by the author himself, yet its main purpose is instruction and edification For us it is invaluable as a store-house of ancient legendary lore and tradition. The appendix to this work, the Parisistaparvan, also called 'Lives of the Series of Elders' (Sthaviravalicarita), is even moro important by its wealth of folklore and stories of all kinds He has preserved to us many popular proverbs, and in one of his stories even folk-songs in dialect As a devout Jaina he also composed some hymns of praise (stotras). His 'Hymn to the Passionloss (Mahavira)', the Vitaragastotra, 18 at the samo time a poctical manual of the Jaina religion. Hamacandra is always more & scholar and a moralist than a poet though not without taste and considerable skill in the use of the kavya

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162 JAIN JOURNAL style. This is also shown by his didactic poem, the Yogatastra, consisting of a text in simple slokas and a commentary in the style of ornate poetry, containing also stories As a poet, as a historian in some way, and as a grammarian, all at the same time, Hemacandra proved himself in the one epic poem Kumarapalacarita, also known as Dvyatrayakavya, because it is written in two languages, Sanskrit and Prakrit The poem describes the history of the Caulukyas of Anahillapura and more especially of Kumarapala, the author's great patron, but at the same time it is intended to illustrate the rules of his own Sanskrit and Prakrit grammars Hemacandra's grammar, called Siddha-Hemacandra or Haimavyakarana, though hardly more than an improved edition of Sakatayana's grammar, has yet been described by F Kielhorn as "the best grammar of the Indian middle ages" on account of its practical arrangement and terminology He also added himself a commentary and both Unadiganasutra and Dhatupatha to his grammar Like other grammarians he also wrote a Linganusasana. The eighth chapter of his Siddha-Hemacandra is devoted to Prakrit grammar, which is still the most important grammar of the Prakrit dialects we possess In his Prakrit grammar he has shown again his interest in popular poetry by preserving for us some pretty Apabhramsa songs which closely resemble the songs in Hala's Sattasat In his manual of metrics he even composed Apabhramsa songs himself in illustration of the Apabhramsa meters, and it seems to be due to Hemacandra, as Professor H D Velankar (Annals, Bhandarkar Institute, 14, p 15) has suggested, that Apabhramsa has become a literary language among Jaina yatis Hemacandra's learned books, it is true, are not distinguished by any great originality, but they display a truly encyclopaedic erudition and an enormous amount of reading, besides a practical sense which make them very useful This applies also to his manuals of poetics and metrics, the Kavyanutasana and the Chandanusasana, each accompanied by the author's own commentary Of the greatest importance for Sanskrit lexicography are the two works of Hemacandra on this subject, his synonymic lexicon Abhidhana-cintamanimala with a commentary by the author himself, and his homonymic lexicon Anekartha-samgraha, with a commentary by the author's pupil Mahendra Suri A supplement to the Abhidhana-cintamani is the Nighantusesa, a glossary of botanical terms in 396 slokas Of inestimable value is his Prakrit lexicon Desinamamala. All these

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APRIL, 1968 lexicons are so very valuable, because Hemacandra was able to use sources which are lost to us, as also on account of their practical arrangement and the clear explanations. 143 Hemacandra's literary activity also extended to philosophy. He wrote a work on logic, the Pramanamimansa, 'Examination of the Means of Proof", again with his own commentary And his Anyayogavyavacchedadvatrimsika, 32 verses in praise of Mahavira and a treatise on logic at the same time, formed the basis for Mallisena's Syadvada-manjari, which is not only a commentary on Hemacandra's treatise, but also an independent work on Jaina philosophy 1 1 Until a short time ago it was believed that Hemacandra was also the author of Laghv-arhannitisastra, a Jaina work on law and politics, said to be a summary of a larger work in Prakrit, and published with a Gujarati commentary at Ahmedabad in 1906. But Mr CR Jain (see The Jaina Gazette, January, 1935, pp 9ff) assures us, on the authority of Mr Puran Chand Nahar, that this 'Arhanniti' is a spurious work of the 19th century It is no loss to the fame of Hemacandra, even if we have to omit this insignificant compilation from the list of his works Reprinted from the foreword to G Buehler, The Life of Hemacandracarya (Singhi Jaina Series), Santiniketan 1936 Courtesy Singhi Jaina Jnanapitha, Santiniketan

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SOURCES OF HEMACANDRA'S LIFE GEORGE BUBHLER Although European Orientalists have, during the last 50 years, paid very close attention to the works of Hemacandra, there still remains the want of a thorough research in the life of this remarkable man who, through his extensive literary activity, made the name of the Svetambaras universally known in the learned circles of India, and who, because of his influence over a mighty monarch of Gujarat during the second half of the 12th century, gained a predominant place for the Jaina doctrine for the time being in his own native land Apart from the inadequate, and partly inaccurate, data in H H Wilson's works and in the prefaces to the editions of some of Hemacandra's works, the only detailed account of the life of this famous monk is found in K. Forbes' Ras Mala, (2nd edition, Bombay, 1878), pp 145-157 A short article by Bhau Daji in the Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. IX, P. 222f is intended to supplement this account For. bes' narrative is essentially a reproduction of the informations found in Merutungacarya's Prabandha-cintamani The anecdotes contained in this last-named work are put in a better chronological order, while the most striking improbabilities are set aside At the end, some legends are appended which are taken from the oral tradition. This treatment of the material corresponds to the character of Forbes' work which makes no claim to give a critical adaptation of the history of Gujarat, but has as its title "A Garland of Historical Legends" Since the year 1856, when the Ras Mala appeared, the systematic research carried on in the Jaina Libraries in Western India has brought to hght a large mass of new material for the life of Hemacandra. On the one hand, numerous works, such as Prabhavakacarita, Prabandhakosa, Commentaries on the Rsimandalastotra, and a number of Kumarapala

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*PRIL. 1088 marinaror K ararias have been discovered which del more or leo la detaal with the hfe of thus Omasscient of the Kaliyuta'; on the other hand, Hemnacandra's own works. probably all of them and almost in complete form, are now accessible It is therefore dow possible to examine criti cally the information abtained through the secondary sources by conparing them with one another and with Heracandra's own utteranoes. The character of these secondary souroes, as well as the fact that the greator number of them were written long after Hemacandra's time and that they belong to the 14th, 15th and 16th centuries, however, render tunncoessary to consider thom collectively A selection as follows is quite sufficient 1 The Prabhavakacarita by Prabhacandra and Pradyumta Sun : a collection of life-sketches of 22 Jaina Acaryas, who bestowed glory on their faith, it was written about 1250 AD, about 80 years after Hemsacandra's death 2 The Prabandha-cintamani by Merutungacarya of Vardhamanapura (Vadhavan) in Kathiavad a collection of historical legends, completed on the full-moon day of the Vaisakha month, Vikram Samvat 1362, 1 e, in April-May 1305 or 1306 AD 3 The Prabandhakosa by Rajasekhara a collection of the blographies of famous monks, poets and statesmen completed in Dulli (Delhi), Vikram Samvat 1405, ie, 1348-49 AD 4 The Kumarapala-prabanda by Jinamandana Upadhyaya. a life-story of the King Kumarapala of Gujarat, VS 1199-1230, completed in Vikram Samvat 1492, 1 e., 1435-36 AD. The relationship of these works with one another is as follows : The Prabhavakacarita and the Prabandha-cintamani represent two distinct ---and apparently independent of each other currents of tradition They diverge very often and, as regards some parts, they do so in many important points, the older work gives us in some cases less trustworthy data. The author of the Prabandhakosa knows the Prabandha-cintamani and regards his own account of Hemacandra as an appendix to the same. He says he will not repeat what is said in that work (Prabandha-cintaman); he will, on the contrary, acquaint his readers with a number of unknown anecdotes The material put forth by him 18, it is true, generally not to be found in earlier works and appears to have beep adapted from tradition to which he so often refers Lastly, the Kumarapala-prabandha

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166 JAIN JOURNAL is a loose compilation from the three first-named and from several other similar works. Here and there, contradictory accounts of the Prabhavakacarita and of the Prabandha-cintamani have been placed side by side; in other cases, attempts have been made to bring them in accord by alterations. These repetitions have, of course, no great worth, except when Jinamandana's method of broader representation is instrumental to a better understanding of the notes of his predecessors which are sometimes too brief His extracts from some older and hardly accessible works are, on the other hand, of greater value,-particularly those from the Moharajaparajaya, a drama which Yasahpala, a councillor or minister of the 'Emperor' Ajayadeva, 1e, of the king Ajayapala of Gujarat, wrote in honour of Kumarapala's conversion to Jainism.1 As Ajayapala reigned immediately after Kumarapala and sat on the throne only for three years, the informations given in the drama deserve serious attention as being those of a contemporary source Like all the Caritas and Prabandhas, even the oldest of the works enumerated are not purely historical sources, nor are they comparable to the European chronicles of the Middle Ages or to those of the Arabs On the whole they are sectarian writings and when using them, one must take into account not only the tendencies of the sect from which they emanate, but also other minor details and some peculiarities of the Indian character According to the definition which Rajasekhara gives in his introduction to the Prabandhakosa, the Caritas of the Jainas are biographies of the Tirthankaras or Prophets, the ancient, whole-or halfmythical Emperors of India who are occasionally called Cakravartins and of the Seers, ie, the great, ancient chiefs of the sects down to AryaRaksita who must have died in the year 557 after Vira or 30 AD According to him, the stories of men of later times, monks as well as laymen, are designated as 'Prabandha' The motives with which the Caritas and the Prabandhas were written, were to edify the congregations, to convince them of the magnificence and the might of the Jaina faith and to supply the monks with the material for their sermons, or, when the subject was purely of worldly interest, to provide the public with pleasant entertainment Metrical works of this class were written always according to the rules of the Brahmanical poetics and were meant to exhibit the artistic skill and scholarship of the authors As the authors start out with this point of view before them, they naturally make their works collections of interesting anecdotes serving their purpose rather than actual biographies "There is a mss of this rare work in the Deccan College Collection of 1880-81 See Kielhorn, Report of 1880-81 Ap pp 32-34

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APRIL, 1968 167 or exact accounts of events in the past. They move almost always by leaps and bounds and often leave very important points entirely in darkness At the same time, their information often betrays strong, intentional colouring in the interest of their own farth; whereas in other places poetic exaggerations or devices which are to make the story piquant, may easily be detected. Other circumstances which render it more difficult for us to ascertain the historical valuation of the Caritas and the Prabandhas are the uncertainty of their original sources which for the major part consist of the oral tradition of the schools of the monks or of the bards and of the fearful belief in miracles and superstitions which were perhaps more deep-rooted in the Indians than in the European peoples of the Middle Ages The authors of the Prabandhas admit most of the points referred to above. But these limitations should not, however, lead one to a complete rejection of the accounts contained therein, for the Prabandhas do contain much that is well corroborated by the inscriptions and other reliable sources Particularly one must admit that the persons appearing in the older as well as later Prabandhas are all historical Almost every new inscription, every collection of old manuscripts, and each newly discovered historical work supplies evidence for the actual existence of one or other personalities mentioned by them. So also those dates which they give as exact deserve always our most earnest consideration Whenever these occur in other works of this class, which are usaully independent of one another, we may without any hesitation accept them as historically correct Naturally the same is also the case with other information Considering the character of the Prabandhas described above, Hemacandra's own statements about his person and his time are naturally of the greatest significance They are principally to be found in 1 the Sanskrit Dvyasrayamahakavya, which gives a summary of the History of the Caulukya dynasty of Gujarat, from Mularaja down to Kumarapala, 2 the Prakrit Dvyasrayamahakavya or Kumaravalacariya which celebrates his patron Kumarapala, 3. the prasasti to his Grammar which is written in honour of his first patron Jayasimha Siddharaja and the ancestors of the same;

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168 JAIN JOURNAL 4 In the Mahaviracarita which belongs to the Tripartisalakapurtacarita Besides, isolated facts are found scattered in almost all his works Without these authentic communications, a research into Hemacandra's life would yield results of little certainty With the help of them, at least an outline of his biography can be drawn There remain, however, significant gaps which cannot be filled up for the present * To those sources we are able to add three more now (1) the Kumarapalapratibodhha of Somaprabha Suri and his Satarathakavya, (2) the Moharajaparajaya of Yasahpala and (3) the Puratana-prabandha-samgraha Of these throc, the first two are works of authors contemporary to Hemacandra while the last is a compilation supplying many details --Editor Reprinted from G Buchler, The Life of Hemacandracarya (Singh Jaina series), Santiniketan, 1936, pp 1-5 Courtesy Singhi Jaina Jaanapitha, Santiniketan

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THE LIFE OF HEMACANDRA RASIKLAL C PARIKH The Kumarapala-pratibodha is, our main contemporary authority for information regarding Hemacandra But the author frankly confesses that though there is much else that is interesting in the lives of these two great men (viz , Hemacandra and Kumarapala), he has only touched that part which pertains to the inculcation of Jainadharma Thuis means that though we shall have to examine the later sources in the light of information derived from this work, there will remain many gaps in the life-story of Hemacandra to fill which we will have to rely solely upon the later sources of these, the Prabhavakacarita is comparatively more useful The Kumarapala-pranbodha does not directly narrate the life-story of Hemacandra The author provides a dramatic occasion for it Kumarapala is very anxious to know what true religion is and is not satisfied with what his Brahmanical preceptors tell him Then his minister Bahadadeva narrates the life-story of Hemacandra upto the time he 18 introduced to the king, beginning with the history of the Purnatallagaccha to which Hemacandra belonged This dramatic occasion has been regarded by the later Prabandha-writers and even modern scholars drawing upon them as historical An inference is made from this that this was the first occasion when Hemacandra was introduced to Kumarapala However it appears to me that this prologue 18 purely imaginary The minister Bahada, after narrating the history of Purnatallagaccha, informs us that Devacandra comes to Dhandhuka in course of his usual itinerary After Devacandra had finished his sermon a handsome-looking boy who was hearing the sermon approaches him and requests him to help him "cross this ocean of the world by giving him boat in the form of sucaritra, that is, by making him a monk" The guru asks the boy his and his father's names Nemi, the maternal uncle of the boy, who was present there, gives the guru some information about the boy and his parents. He says, "Here, (ie, in Dhandhuka) lives a prominent merchant of the name of Cacca who worships (his ) god and preceptors He has a wife named Pahina who is my sister This boy is their son His name is

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ITO JAIN JOURNAL Cangadeva 2 In these days, the boy's mind does not delight in anything except dharma" (p 21) The guru Devacandra said, "If the boy is initiated in the order, it would be nice We shall take him and teach him the truth of all the fastras He will do good to the people like a Tirthankara So you ask his father Cacca to permit him to enter the religious order" (p 21) The father, out of affection for his son, does not give the necessary permission But the boy was determined to become a monk, so he left his home, being encouraged by his maternal uncle With his guru he came to Khambhatittha that is modern Cambay, and was ordained a monk there after satisfying the Samgha (congregation of laymen and monks) He was given the name of Somacandra After practising the tapa (austerities) taught by the Jaina Agamas "he crossed, within a short time, the whole ocean of learning" His guru Sri Devacandra seeing that he possessed a number of qualities impossible to acquire in this iron age, established him in the position of a Ganadhara, that is he was made an Acarya and a leader of other monks Because his body had the colour of gold, he was called Hemacandra ( p22) Hemacandra was moving about various provinces But he was asked by a goddess not to go to other countries leaving Gurjarat country "You will do great benefit by staying here" Obeying this divine order Hemacandra gave up going out to other countries, and lived in Gujarat awakening many people The minister continues the narrative It was to him (Hemacandra) that the world-famed Siddhuraja, the crest-Jewel of the learned, used to ask all his doubts At the suggestion of Jayasimhadeva, this lord of munis composed the grammar known as Siddha-Hema, a work which is the treasure-house of the science of all languages" "So if you want to know the nature of dharma as it is, consult with devotion this best of the munis" (p 22) This brief account, in fact, gives the main events of Hemacandra's life and is, on the whole, reliable The later accounts fill in the details 1 After this, the dream that Pahint dreamt when this boy was conceived is Darrated This shows that Hemacandra was becoming a legendary figure in a work completed 12 years after his death Cacca belonged to the Modha community

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APRIL, 1968 171 The dates for the main events of Hemacandra's life are supplied by the Prabhavakacarita According to it, Hemacandra was born in the year V S 1145 (AD 1089), full-moon night of Kartika, he was initiated into the holy order in VS 1150 (AD 1094) and was made a Suri or Acarya in V.S 1166 (A D 1110) On the date of Hemacandra's birth, there is unanimity in all works As to the date of his initiation, however, there is some discrepancy According to the injunction of the Jaina tastras, no person who has not completed his eighth year is legible for initiation into the Jaina holy order We find that the Prabandha-cintamani, the Puratana-prabandha-samgraha, the Prabandhakosa and the Kumarapala-prabandha say that when Hemacandra was initiated, he was about eight years old The Kumarapalaprabandha gives the date of initiation as V S 1154 (A D 1098) (p 12) This seems to be correct This discrepancy between the Prabhavakacarita and the later accounts is easily explicable, and the Kumarapalaprabandha in a sense has done this Devacandra Suri must have come to Dhandhuka in VS 1150 when his eyes were cast on the boy Cangadeva and his formal consent also must have been taken at that time Considerable time, however, must have elapsed before the necessary permission was obtained from his father Cacca We learn from the Prabandhacintamani that Cangadeva came with Devacandra to Karnavati and was brought up with the sons of the minister Udayana one of whom must be Bahada or Vagbhata After the father was appeased and satisfied, he gave his consent According to the Prabandha-cintamani it was Cacca or Caciga, as it calls him, who performed the festival of initiation This should be taken to mean that he was satisfied and must have been present on the occasion It is likely that the invitations were also issued in his name Somaprabha does not give the name of Udayana as the person who was responsible for the festive occasion, but later works give his name This probably means that Udayana who in V S 1154 (A D 1098) must have been the officer-in-charge of Cambay must have paid all the expenses According to the Prabandha-cintamani Udayana had offered three lacs to Cacca, which, however, the latter had contemptuously refused to accept So Udayana must have spent on that festive occasion a part of the money he was ready to offer to Cacca All these arrangements must have taken about three or four years to be completed However that may be, it is certain that Hemacandra could not have been ordained before he was eight years old So we may say that in VS 1150 (AD 1094), Cangadeva first came under the Influence of Devacandra and his virgin mind untouched by worldly

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172 JAIN JOURNAL considerations was easily influenced, and in VS 1154 (A.D. 1098), he gladly joined the holy order? Another point which is not mentioned by Somaprabha may also be referred to here, and it is the religion of the parents of Cangadeva His mother Pahint and her brother Nemi were Jainas But the father is called a 'mithyatvin', a Jaina word for a non-Jaina by the Prabandha-cintamani and other works He appears to be a Mahesvarin from his use of the word 'sivanirmalya' when he was offered money (p 83) There is nothing strange in this as we find that persons in those days of the same family followed different faiths As to the date of Hemacandra's 'Suri-ship' there is no difference of opinion The Prabhavakacarita gives the year VS 1166 (AD 1110) So does the later Kumarapala-prabandha (p 13) Thus we find that Hemacandra became a member of the Jaina holy order at the age of eight and became a Suri, a leader, at the age of twentyone According to Kumarapala-prabandha the ceremony of 'Suri-ship took place in Nagapura (Nagor) and the man who paid the expenses was one Dhanada, a merchant of the place (p 13) In the life-story of a man of such extensive and extraordinary learning as Hemacandra, one would desire to know how he was educated, where he was educated and who were his teachers Unfortunately, however, we have very little information on the point in the Kumarapala-pratibodha, we find Devacandra Suri saying to the maternal uncle of Cangadeva that Cangadeva after taking the vow, "will go deep into the truth of all sastras" After he took the vow, we are told, within a short time, he crossed the ocean of learning After he became an Acarya, he used to go out to other countries but he was asked to stay in Gujarat This is all the information that the Kumarapala-pratibodha gives Hemacandra himself says in the prasasti of the Trisastisalakapurusacarita that he got all his learning through the favour of his guru Devacandra (tatprasadadadhigatajnanasampannamahodayah) The Prabhavakacarita tells us that "Somacandra quickly became master of tarka, laksana and sahitya But he was not satisfied with his . Dr. Buchler's explanation of this matter is not acceptable to me as it is not based upon proper understanding of the material and the custom in these matters See pp 6-8 & Notes p 67, Singh. Jaina Series, No 11

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APRIL, 1968 TRISSION O From Tatile nearby knon, the godecome all the way what he capacity of retaining a hundred thousand padas in mind; so he took permission of his guru to propitiate the goddess living in Kasmira-kasmtra. desavasint From Tamralipti, i.e., Cambay he started and put up for the aught in a Jaina temple nearby known as Sri Raivatavatara. At midnight as he was sitting in meditation, the goddess Brahmi appeared to hm and asked him not to take the trouble of going all the way to K28mira, as she bemag satisfied with his devotion, would grant him what he desired. After spending the night in her praises, in the morning Somacandra returned to his upatraya--place of residence Thus Soma became a Siddha (Sarasvata) without any trouble" (vs 37-46) Then Soma was made a Surt (vs 48-59) Jinamandana in his Kumarapala-prabandha describes a similar event with more mystifying details Devacandra, the guru of Hemacandra, was no doubt a learned man But the question is whether he alone could have taught the various branches of learning whose mastery Hemacandra reveals in his works Stambhatirtha or Cambay, where Hemacandra appears to have passed his early years, was no doubt, then an important port of India and must have ample facilities for acquiring learning But it is nowhere referred to as a centre of learning in the way Anahillapura is It is likely that Somacandra might have studied for some time in Anahillapura, but we have no information to that effect The reference to kasmiravasint goddess, seems to me to be of some significance Somacandra, no doubt, wanted to go to Kasmira for further study We know from Bilhana, what a great centre of learning Kasmira was in those days But as the journey to Kasmira was, in those days, full of danger, the young scholar was advised not to go there The appearance of the kalmiravasini goddess may be interpreted as suggesting that Hemacandra had something to do with Kasmira in matters of study We know from Bilhana's sojourn in Anahillapura that Pandits from that land of Sarada-as Kasmira was called--used to come to Gujarat. In the assembly of Jayasimha was a Pandit named Utsaha who was a great grammarian and whose learning was even famous in Kasmira It was thus Utsaha who was sent again by the Kasmira Pandits with the The fact that one of the earliest coramentaries of Mammata's Kayyaprakasa, viz., the Samketa of Manikyacandra was composed to Gujarat confirms the fact that there was intimate contact between Gujarat and Kasmira in matters of loarning

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174 JAIN JOURNAL eight grammars from Kasmira, from which Hemacandra compiled his work It will not be an altogether wild guess if I suggest that some of Hemacandra's teachers might have been Kasmiri Pandits and even Utsaha may be one of them The same suggestion 18 supported by the fact that the sutras of the Kavyanusasana are based upon the Kayyaprakata of Mammata, and that, after discussing the theory of rasa by quoting Verbatim passages from the Natyaveda-viveti, Hemacandra says in the Viveka in so many words "we follow Abhinavaguptapada", Abhinavagupta and Mammata both of them were the luminaries of Kasmira in learning After Somacandra became Hemacandra Suri, his mother Pahini, we are told by the Prabhavakacarita, entered the holy order At the request of Hemacandra she was seated on a simhasana (seat of honour) a rare honour to a nun due to her son's greatness (vs 61-63) Now we come to the question as to when and how Hemacandra was first introduced to Jayasimha If we accept, on the authority of the Prabandha-cintamani (p67) and that of the Prabhavakacarita, that Hemacandra was present at the time of the Kumudacandra debate, we can say that he was introduced to the court of Jayasimha by the year VS 1181 (AD 1125) At that time Hemacandra would be 31 years of agc The Prabhavakacarita, however, tells us that after Hemacandra was ordained a Suri, he went to Anahillapura (v 64) Two questions arise in connection with the statement Whether this was Hemacandra's first visit to the capital and, how much tune must have clapsed after his Suri-ceremony before he reached the capital? We have no means to answer these questions definitely The first meeting of Hemacandra and Jayasimha is described thus When Siddharaja seated on his elephant was going out for his usual outing (known as rajapati) through the city he saw Hemacandra standing aside near a shop He stopped the elephant near a mound and asked the Suri to say something Hemacandra uttered a verse. karaya prasaram siddha hastirajamasmkitam trasyantu diggajah kim tairbhust vyaivoddhita yatah . If the account of the Kumarapala-prabandha of the first meeting of Kumarapala aud Hemacandra when the former waited upon Jayasimha is true, we must imagine Hemacandra to be 10 Anahillapura even earlier than VS 1181

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APRIL, 1968 175 Oh Siddha, let your majestic elephant move fearlessly The Diggajas (Elephants of Directions) might tremble Don't miad them, for, you bear (the burden) of the earth The king who was intelligent enough understood the meaning and was pleased with the compliment He asked Hernacandra to see him in the afternoon for diversion (vs 65-69) Thus on the authority of the Prabhavakacarita, which there is no sufficient reason to doubt, these two remarkable men of the age-one a king and the other a monk-got into touch with each other. The contact must have soon developed into intimacy and mutual admiration The meeting of two such men could not but be of great consequence The next occasion of their meeting that is referred to in the Prabhayakacarita is the return of the conquering hero after subjugating Malava when representatives of different sects gathered to congratulate the king. Hemacandra, who was also there representing the Jaina sect, recited a verse full of resonant grandeur welcoming the king When the verse was explained as if the exploit of the king was being explained'--the king became mightily pleased and invited the Surt again to his palace (vs 70-73) This meeting must have taken place between the last months of VS 1191 and the beginning of VS 1192 (AD 1136) The first literary fruit of the royal friendship was the great grammar of the Sanskrit language and the Prakrit dialects known as Siddha-Hema. candra-sabdanusasana In the last verse of the prasasti at the end of the grammar, Hemacandra himself tells us how he came to write it "Muni Hemacandra composed this grammar-faultless and complete --being repeatedly requested by him (Sri Siddharaja) who was tormented by grammars very lengthy, difficult to grasp, and incomplete." (v 35) From the verses devoted to Siddharaja in the prasasti, it becomes quite clear that the grammar was completed after the Malava victory it is highly probable that Jayasimha requested Hemacandra to compose a good grammar after his return from Malava The Prabhavakacarita gives a long account describing the occasion which was responsible for the writing of this grammar which is not only not contradictory to what Hemacandra himself says, but which supplements it and which appears to be highly probable 'Once when the officers were showing the king books from the Library of Avanti, his (Jayasimha's) eyes fell upon a book of

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176 JAIN JOURNAL grammar The king asked, "What is this?" Hemacandra answered. "This is the Bhoja-vyakarana It is the prevelant grammar of the language The lord of Malaya was the crest-jewel of the learned He composed works on Sabdasastra, Alamkarasastra, Daivajnasastra and Tarkasastra " Thus Hemacandra goes on mentioning the various works by Bhoja (vs 74-78) The king asked, "Have we no such series of scientific books in our library ? Have we no learned man in all Gurjaradesa ?" The learned men (in the assembly) looked at Hemacandra, all simultaneously The king very respectfully appealed to Hemacandra and requested him "Fulfil my desire, Oh Maharsi ! Compose the science which will give proficiency in Language who, other than you, is the master ?"" The rivalry between Malava and Gujarat was not only political but literary and cultural also The kings of Gujarat were as jealous of the paramountcy of their learned assembly as of that of their power Jayasimha, in fact wanted to emulate the famous Vikrama of Uvain and after he had become Avantinatha, it was but natural for Jayasimha to make his Gujarat superior in literary culture also 'Hemacandra replied "Your word is only a reminder of what it is our duty to do But there are eight grammars, and these works are, no doubt, in the library of Sri Bharatidevi Get them through your men from Kasmiradesa, so that, Oh Great King' the science of language be composed well "' (vs 85-87) This speech, if it embodies the substance of what Hemacandra might have said, indicates, why Hemacandra wanted to go to Kasmira It was probably to be a great Varyakarana , and to be a great Varyakarana was the hall-mark of rare learning then, even as it is now, among the Pandits of India It secondly indicates that Hemacandra was thinking of writing a grammar even before the king requested him to do so The grammar with its commentary and other appendices was quickly completed after the request of the king Looking to the great bulk of the matter and the time and the energy that would be required to prepare it, it would have been physically impossible if the work was not begun much earlier Jayasimha immediately sent his officers to the Land to Vagdevi They went to Pravarapura--the same place from where Bilhana had come-and propitiated the goddess who ordered her officers to send men with the collection of books, "as Hemacandra was her own

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APRIL, 1968 incarnation" The ministers of Bharati gave the books and sent a Pandit named Utsaha' (vs 88-92) 'Hemacandra went through the collection of grammars and preparod a now and wonderful grammar which was named Siddha-Hemacandra-sabdanusasana (v 96) "The grammar was acclaimed as the best among grammars by all learned men and was accepted as an authority by all the modern Pandits" ! (vs 98-100) The enthusiasm of the recepton that was accorded to his grammar must have inspired Hemacandra to write works on alued subjects such as lexicons, poetics, metrics, etc Many are the incidents reported by the Prabhavakacarita, the Prabandha-cintamani and Kumarapala-prabandha of Jinamandana and other Prabandhas about Hemacandra and Jayasimha We cannot go into all these, but refer to one which throws light on the religious and ethical influence that Hemacandra exercised on Jayasimha Jayasimha, desirous of liberation, once asked the leaders of various religious sects as to what was the truth in the matters of God, Religion and the Patra ? Every secterian praised his own creed and slighted others. The king selt perplexed at this and consulted Hemacandra He gave his answer in the form of a parable from the Puranas and then Said, "in this iron age even though the truth is hidden, one may get its benefit by respecting all darsanas with proper devotion" On other occasions Hemacandra is reported to have preached that ethical code which forms the common substance of all religions Whether these stories are historical or not, they do indicate the spirit of Hemacandra's preachings to his royal friend From the anekanta point of view of Jainism, Hemacandra was doing just the thing that was expected of him Various motives explaining Hemacandra's attitude have been imagined by Dr Buehler and other scholars which may or may not be real. Subjective element greatly affects such interpretations Historically we can say this much that even in those days in every sect, This Utsaha Pandit must have been the same as is referred to in the MudritaKumudacandra as one whose wonderful and great energy of learning was known 10 Saradadesa

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178 JAIN JOURNAL there were persons of highe- type who took a broad and truly spiritual view of religious matters and who could understand the essential identity pervading through the warring creeds So there is nothing improbable in imagining that Hemacandra really took a liberal view of things His prayer to Siva in Somanatha Pattana might also be regarded in this light as inspired by such a wider vision He has also told us, in his Dvyasraya, how a Jaina sees in Athata, Siva, Visnu and Brahma (Ch I, v 79) This, however, did not make Hemacandra an inch less Jaina The practical effect of such a moral guidance must have been what It is reported to be by the contemporary writer Somaprabha Suri, viz , 'in all doubtful questions he became worthy of consultation' We saw from the Sanskrit Dvyasrayakavya, which strictly maintains a Brahmanical and Saivite atmosphere throughout the poem in contrast to the Jaina atmosphere of the Prakrit Dvyairyakavya, that Jayasimha built a Jaina temple of the last Tirthankara in Siddhapura after he had rebuilt Rudra Mahalaya and that he put certain Brahmanas to look after ita fact confirmed by Somaprabha's Kumarapala-pratibodha also in the last years of his life, Jayasimha must have felt some inclination towards Jainism as is evidenced by the Arab geographer Al Adrasi, who says that the king used to worshup the Buddha (?) image This inclination towards Jainism must have been largely the result of Jayasimha s contact with Hemalandra whose extraordinary learning and intelligence as well as strictly ascetic life of the suvihita typc as disunguished from the casy-going and luxurious life of caits avasi abbots, must have greatly impressed the mind of the king Now let us consider the relationship of Hemacandra with Kumarapala The first question that faces us is as to when did Kumarapala and Hemacandra first meet Dr Buehler, on the strength of some verses in the Mahaviracarita of Hemacandra, comes to the conclusion that "Kumarapala's acquaintance with Hemacandra began, according to the verse 53, at the time when the empire had achieved its greatest expansion and when the war-expeditions and conquests were over " (p 34) The learned Doctor rejects the dccounts of the Prabandhas on this topic as got up later on "with a view to motivating the later relationship" (p 34) It appears to me, however, that the learned Doctor draws a conclusion from the verses based upon an implication which the verses do not carry For the order of narration of events does not necessarily imply their chronological order, and when we study the verses carefully we find that no such sequence is intended The first seven verses (45-51)

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APRIL, 1966 179 describe Kumarapala and his beneficent rule, the next verse (52) describes the extent of his empire and the last six verses (53-58) describe the daily contact with Hemacandra This is merely a way of narrating and does not imply, as Dr Buehler believes, that Kumarapala got acquainted with Hemacandra after the greatest expansion of his empire If it implies any such thing, it would be only that their intimate contact ding honour daily to that monk' began after that 'greatest expansion of his empire It does not mean that their first acquaintance began at that time Another argument of Dr Buehler that the Prabandhas t'i sugh mention early acquaintance do not describe the relationship of Hemacandra and Kumarapala immediately after the latter became king First, We cannot infer anything from the absence of mention, and secondly Kumarapala in the beginning of his reign was too busy subduing his internal and external enemies and consolidating and extending his empire to think of religiously meeting Hemacandra This, however, does not preclude the possibility of his early acquaintance and even occasional meeting after he got the throne On the contrary, it appears to me that one of the causes of Kumarapala's attachment to Hemacandra must have been the support he got, no doubt indirectly, from the monk through his rich and influential followers like Udayana and his son Vaghhata Once, we are told, when Kumarapala happened to be in Stambhatirtha (Cambay), while he was a fugitive, his future king bup was forecast by Hemacandra in presence of Udayana who was then the governor of Stambhatirtha When Kumarapala could not believe in such an impossible future Hemacandra wrote down the exact date of his coronation and gave one copy to Kumarapala and another to Udayana for verification So we may very well believe that the fulfilment of Hemacandra's forecast was one of the events which made Kumarapala believe in the infallibility of Hemalandra The Kumarapala-prabandha of Jinamandana mentions an earlier meeting of Kumarapala and Hemacandra "Once Sri Kumarapala went to Pattana to wait upon Sri Jayasimhadeva There he saw Hemacarya seated on a lion seat before the king He felt that this learned Jaina muni is being respected by the king it would be a meritorious thing to meet him' So Kumarapala went to the lecture-hall of Hemacarya and asked him which was the best virtue Hemacandra answered "To look upon the wives of other people as one's own sister is the king of virtues" and gave a sermon on chastity (pp 18-22) If this meeting was at all historical, it must have been before Kumarapala was compelled to wander about for fear of his life, that is about VS 1169 (AD 1113)

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180 JAIN JOURNAL According to the Prabhavakacarita when Kumarapala could not succeed in subduing Arnoraja, he offered worship at the suggestion of his minister Bahada to the image of Ajitanatha which was installed by the hands of Hemacandra. (vs 451-452) Kumarapala, however, had no leisure up to VS 1207 (AD 1151) to think about religious or ethical things It was after his empire was consolidated that Kumarapala came in real touch of Hemacandra. This is how we may interpret the passage from the Mahaviracarita about Kumarapala Kumarapala must have had great faith in Hemacandra His forecast about his future kingship given at a time when he had not enough to eat had come true Hemacandra was then famous as a learned man and much respected by his predecessor Jayasimha His great ministers like Bahada and others were Hemacandra's followers Thus Kumarapala was prepossessed in favour of Hemacandra As the contact continued from day to day, Kumarapala must have come more and more under the spiritual influence of Hemacandra After some time Kumarapala must have looked upon him as his guru Just as Hemacandra composed the Siddha-Hema grammar at the request of Jayasimha, so according to his own testimony, he composed the Yogajastra, the Vitaragastutis and the Trisastisalakapurusacarita at the request of Kumarapala From the fact that Hemacandra calls Kumarapala d Paramarhata in the prasasti of the Trisastisalak apurusacaria as also in the Abhidhanacintamani, we can infer that in Hemacandra's eyes Kumarapala by that time must be following the ethical code of Jainism to such an extent as to deserve that title Here we might consider the question of Kumarapala's conversion to Jainism There is sufficient proof for one answer, viz , he was trying to follow the Jaina ethical mode of life that he regarded Hemacandra as his spiritual guru and offered worship at the Jaina temples might also be taken as real But if by conversion is meant that Kumarapala abjured the faith of his fore-fathers and gave up the worship of Siva and other Pauranic deities, it is contradicted by other historical facts First of all, we find, in the last canto of the Sanskrit Dvyabrayakavya, Kumarapala distinctly mentioning his devotion to Siva, and secondly in the inscription of Bhava-Brhaspati of the year VS 1229 (AD 1173), the Jast year of Kumarapala's reign, he is called 'Mahesvara-nepagrani', the foremost of Mahesvara kings' (v 47) From these facts, it becomes clear that though Kumarapala's mode of life was changed and though the old way of worshipping with animal-sacrifice was also

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APRIL, 1968 181 completely given up, he did not cease to be a worshipper of Siva, the god of his fore-fathers, The effect of Kumarapala's efforts to reform ethically the life of the people did not become permanent, but in some respects they must have deeply affected the CONSCIOUSness of the people in Gujarat This can be inferred from the fact that even to this day in Gujarat there is natural aversion to killing animals, eating fresh and drinking liquors at least in higher society and that in all grades of the Hindus it is regarded as a religious and meritorious act to give up these things If the account of the Prabandhakosa was to be believed Hemacandra was consulted by Kumarapala even in important political matters in other matters, especially those pertaining to public reforms according to his preachings, his advice also must have been sought in the colophon of the Trisaslisalakapurusacarita which was one of his later works, Hemacandra informs his readers as follows on this point "The Caulukya king Kumarapala, the conqueror of Cedi, Dasarna, Malava. Kuru, Sindhu and other inaccessible countries through the power of his own arms, a veritable lion, a descendent of Sri Mularaja, properly disciplined and a great Arhata (devotee of Arhat) once bowed to him (Hemacandra) and spoke, "Oh Lord' receiving orders from you who render service without expectation, I stopped throughout the earth all things that lead to hell-such sinful things as gambling and drinking liquors, gave up taking the wealth of a person who died without a son and decorated the earth with temples of Arhat and thus became Samprata of the present age "' (vs 16-18) Hemacandra, according to the Prabhavakacarita died in the year VS 1229 (AD 1173) at the ripe old age of 84 years, a short time before Kumarapala died * Hemacandra had a group of disciples who were very learned and who helped him in his works of these, Ramacandra deserves special mention He 18 roputed to be the author of a hundred Prabandhas, ie, compositions Some of his plays are published, they are good as literature and show considerable skull in the technique of play-writing His Natyadarpana, a work on Dramaturgy, has been published in the Gaekwad's Oriental Series. It throws some new light on the history of Sanskrit Drama His Kumara-vihara-sataka is a fine piece of description and gives an idea of what big temples were in those days The poem should be studied carefully by every student of Gujarat architecture and art Adapted from Introduction, Rasiklal C. Parikh, Kavyanusasana, Bombay, 1938.

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GUJARAT DURING THE AGE OF HEMACANDRA AK MAJUMDAR Hemacandra was born in the village Dhandhuka (Ahmedabad District) on the full moon night of Kartika of VS 1145 (NovemberDecember, 1088) and died in VS 1229 (A D 1172), thus his life covered the most glorious period of Gujarat's history The Caulukya dynasty of Gujarat was founded by Mularaja I in CAD 940, but the dynasty gained importance during the reign of his great-grandson Bhima I (CAD 1021-1065), who, with the aid of his Kalachuri allies, brought about the downfall of the great Paramara Emperor Bhoja (CAD 1000-1055) Sultan Mahmud of Ghazni invaded Gujarat and sacked the temple of Somanatha within a year of Bhima's accession, but Gujarat quickly recovered from the effects of the Turkish raid Hemacandra was born during the reign of Bhima's son and successor, Karna (CAD 1065-1093) Karna was an able king, but hrs reign lacks lustre because he had the misfortune to come after his father, a great king, and was succeeded by his son, Jayasimha Siddharaja, the greatest king of Gujarat, who along with his protege, Hemacandra, may be said to have given Gujarat a permanent identity or individuality Jayasimha Siddharaja, or Siddharaja as he is usually called, was a minor when he ascended the throne after his father's death During the early part of his reign he was protected and guided by his mother Mayanalladevi originally a Kadamba princess, whose marriage with Karna seems to have had a romantic background, and supplied the theme for Bilhana's drama, the Karnasundari She seems to have been a re

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1 N 7 ALA . Rudra Mahalaya, Siddhapur

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a NET be Top-Ajuanatha Temple built by Kumarapala on Turanga Hills Bottom-Sahasralinga Sarovara with culverts at Patan, Gujarat

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APRIL, 1968 markable woman, aod was always affectionately remombered by her grateful son, who, at the height of his power 18 said to have remarked masma simantini kvapi janayet sutam drsam byhat bhagya phalam jasya maturmytyur anantaram Let no woman give birth to a son who becomes great after his mother's death Siddharaja inherited along with his throne, the hostility of his neighbours, of whom the most important were the Cahamanas of Sakambhari and the Paramaras of Malaya He first defeated the Cahamana king, Arnoraja, but conciliated him by giving him his daughter in marriage He then turned against Malava, which since the death of Bhoja, had not only recovered but had actually invaded Gujarat during Siddharaja's minority It was most probably a longdrawn out war, but the result was decisive According to the chroniclers, Siddharaja captured Naravarman, the king of Malava, and threw him in a cage, at least part of Malava, including Dhara and Ujjain, was annexed to his kingdom , his kingdom also included the whole of Saurashtra, and parts of Rajasthan Siddharaja died in CAD 1043 and was succeeded by his grandnephew, Kumarapala, possibly the greatest royal supporter of Jainism According to the chronicles, Kumarapala was descended from a natural son of Bhima I by a dancing girl, which explains Siddharaja's violent dislike for him, leading to Kumarapala's flight from Gujarat and his famous travel However, the childless Siddharaja suddenly died and Kumarapala managed to capture the throne, possibly not without some opposition, but the details are not known. From the beginning Kumarapala grasped the reigns of the kingdom in his strong and capable hands, and within a short time restored to Gujarat the glory of his predecessor's reign He died in CAD 1172, within a few months of Hemacandra's death During the entire Caulukya period, as indeed in the subsequent period of Muslim rule also Gujarat was a prosperous country This was due to several factors, the most important among which were the location of important sea-ports within her territory The main sea

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184 JAIN JOURNAL ports were Broach and Cambay, but there were many other subsidiary ports, important among which were Veraval and Somnath The kings of Gujarat received a good revenue from the international trade carried on in these parts and in return provided the foreign merchants all possible facilities, including absolute freedom to practise their religion Muhammad Awfi in his celebrated Jami'ul Hikayat has recorded with high appreciation Siddharaja's prompt and personal intervention in a quarrel between the Muslims and the Hindus at Cambay The chief articles of export from Gujarat were buckram, tanned leather and leather goods, textiles Probably pepper, ginger and indigo were also exported Marco Polo adds that, the people of Cambay, "have many other commodities that I will not mention in this book, for it will make too long a tale " A part, if not the bulk of the foreign trade, was in Indian hands Abu Zaid Hasan of Siraf, who completed the Travels of Sulaiman in A D 916, states that there were hundreds of Indian merchants at Siraf Mahammad Awfi, mentioned above, speaks of a Gujarati merchant named Wasa Abhir, who had a flourishing trade at Ghazni, where at one time the value of his property amounted to ten lacs of rupees Another wellknown Gujarati merchant was Jagadu, the hero of the Jagaducarita, who regularly traded with Persia and transported goods in his own ship, his agent at Hormuz was an Indian The chronicles speak of the wealth of some famous merchants, and there is no doubt that some of them were fabulously rich, for example the famous brothers Vastupala and Tejahpala, who built one of the Jaina temples at Mt Abu We know very little about the life of the common people But one may reasonably conclude from the existing evidence that the general social structure of the Hindus remained more or less the same from the days of Hemachandra down to the beginning of this century The Jainas also were adopting some of the characteristics of the Hindu social practices Thus Haribhadra Suri in his famous Dharmabindu insists on the girl's marriage in a family not belonging to her gotra and in the commentary it is stated that the right age of marriage for the boys was sixteen and for the girls twelve, and admits the validity of the well-known eight types of marriage In other respects also, such as the position of women, the Jaina Acaryas followed the Brahmanical smrtis The Acaryas, however, sympathised with the lot of women and Mahesvara Suri expresses the woes of a polygamist's wife in a joint family, in his Jnanapancamikatha a polygamist's wife says.

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APRIL, 1968 185 "I have my turn once in a hundred days It is better to have even a ploughman as one's husband, provided he has no other wife, than to be married to a highly cultured Cakravarti ruler who has many wwes It is best not to be born at all, to be even without a husband and children, than to be a co-wife 19 any life Even if a husband tries to be impartial, a co-wife cannot help feeling slighted Only she deserves being called a woman, who is loved like Gauri by Sankara, Laksmi by Hari, and Brahmani by Brahma, others are mere she-goats It is only great past merit which provides a woman with undisputed mastery over her household Blessed are the women in whose case there is no faultfinding by mother-in-law, sisters-in-law and brothers-in-law, for then they can live as they like " The envious expectation of a life without a caviling mother-in-law sister-in-law and brother-in-law is probably shared by many ladies in India today Hemacandra himself has left certain descriptions in his Trisastisalakapurusacarita which betray a striking parallel with certain aspects of modern society About the physicians he writes "Like a courtesan, you never glance even at a friend even though he is sick, even though asking, unless you are paid" sada sastutamapyartamapi prarthakamapyaho vesya iva yina dravyam yuam na ksanapi pasyatha But more sweeping is Hemacandra's criticism of the morals and conducts of the Brahmins, merchants, women, and princes . brahmanajnatiradvisto varigjatiravancakah priyajatiranirvyaluh fariri ca niramayah vidvan dhani gunyagarvah strijanascapacapalah rajaputrah sucaritrah prayena hi na drsyate A Brahmin's relatives free from animosity, a merchant who is not deceitful, a lover who is not jealous, a body free from disease, a learned man who is rich, a meritorious person free from pride, a woman who is not fickle, and a prince with good morals--these are seldom seen Apparently greedy physicians, dishonest merchants, proud and poor intellectuals, and fickle lovers were as common in Hemacandra's

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186 JAIN JOURNAL days as now Indeed wealth and learning hardly ever were found together in India, and Harisena speaks of the estranged relation between the sat-kavya (good literature) and Sri (Goddess of Wealth) This is reflected in a gnomic poetry of uncertain date which states "Within the house is the kitchen, there the mortar, there too the crockery, there the children, there his own study He has put up with all that, but what can we say of the condition of the wretched householder when his wife, who to-day or to-morrow will present him with a new addition to his family, must spend there her time of labour" And Hemacandra placidly remarks that generally the women of the poor conceive quickly (prayena hi daridranam sighragarbhabhytah striyah) Life was neither dull nor monotonous Theatrical shows were performed which were attended by kings along with commoners Merutunga narrates an anecdote according to which Siddharaja was one night looking at a play in the temple of Karnameru, when an ordinary merchant placed his hand on the royal shoulder Though astonished at this sportive familiarity, the great king accepted many times from the merchant the betels which were offered Next morning, Merutunga states, the king had the merchant brought to the court and complained that his neck was aching from the weight of the heavy hand which the merchant had rested there the previous night But the clever merchant replied "If your Majesty's shoulder does not feel pain from bearing the weight of the whole earth what pain can it feel from the weight of me The merchant, so ends the story, was let off with a present This story may be of little value for the biography of Siddharaja, but it is possible that in those days the kings used to sit with commoners in temple halls to witness the dramas Various kinds of games were in vogue of which the most interesting is hockey, described by Hemacandra himself from the verse of Hemacandra and its commentary by Abhayatilaka Gani we learn that this game was played by the young men in villages during the autumn when the mud had dried, but had not become dry enough to turn into dust The participants divided themselves into two parties and each party tried to push a ball across the area of the other the ball was pushed, or rather hit very hard by the players by means of a stick which ended in a curved head But, Abhayatilaka Gani observes that, sometimes (instead of hitting the ball), a player used to hit, slyly, with his stick at the leg of one of the players of the opposite side with equal force, and this led to free fight with fists among the two parties

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APRIL, 1968 187 It is well-known that the game of hockey originated in India, and there can be hardly any doubt that in the description of the game left by the two sedate monks, we have a vivid picture of an early game of hockey Unfortunately Abhayatilaka Gani does not mention the number of players who could play at a time, nor whether the ball had to be taken across a definite line like a goal une, but from his indications it seems that we cannot be far wrong if we imagine that the game used to be played by a restricted number of players who tried to take the ball not only across the opponent's side of the area, which must have been clearly demarcated, but across its other extremity where now the goal posts are erected The important points to be noted are that Abhayatilaka Gani mentions that the game was played at a time and in a kind of ground which are ideal for hockey, and the stick with the curved ends can only be hockey sticks Not the least important part of the above narrative is however the description of the fist fight which ensued when a player intentionally hit another with his stick This touch of reality shows that both Hemacandra and Abhayatilaka Gana had either played or witnessed the game So far as Hemacandra is concerned however, it is known that he was taken away from his parents and home when he was five years old and soon afterwards began his studies, probably the Great Monk in his childhood used to witness the game and what must have impressed his young mind was the fist fight in which this village game once ended Other games included pigeon and cock fighting and various type of gambling in gambling houses Young girls played the karkaraka which 10volved the throwing up of small pebbles and catching them, a game known in many parts of India even now Another game, which Hemacandra calls mustidyutam, was played by both boys and girls , one had to take certain number of conries in one's hand and the opponent had to guess whether the number of cowries was odd or even if the guess was correct the challenger lost his cowries, otherwise the opponent had to pay him the amount which had been hidden in his palm This game also is fairly well-known even now Another game, which Hemacandra calls navalaya (unsaid) has passed out of fashion long ago Here a young married lady was placed on a swing, and her friends asked her husband's name Out of modesty and social custom, she could not of course utter her husbands' name, and had to endure blows from creepers from her friends But modesty had Its limit, as is evident from another example given by Hemacandra

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188 JAIN JOURNAL "Gazelle-eyed maidens going to and fro from the motion of the swing kicked the tree tops as if they were guilty husbands." Religion occupied a very important place in the life of men in those days, and throughout the year festivals took place To us the most interesting religious festival seems to be the Durga-puja or to be more precise Navaha, as Hemacandra calls it in his Dvyasraya But from Abayatilaka Gani's commentary it appears that Navaha (1 e Navaratri as it is known at present) differed but little from the Bengali Durga-puja except that no animal was sacrificed Possibly animal slaughter was stopped by Kumarapala on Hemacandra's advice For, three chroniclers, namely, Rajasekhara, Jayasimha Suri, and Jinamandana relate that a large number of goats and buffaloes used to be sacrificed in the temple of Kanthesvari, the tutelary diety of the Caulukyas, during the saptami, astami and navami-paja Kumarapala asked Hemacandra's advice on the continuance of this practice, and at the latter's request shut a few animals inside the temple Next morning, when the temple doors were opened, the animals were found to be as alive as ever, and Hemacandra had no difficulty in convincing the King that the Goddess did not really eat flesh Thereupon the practice was stopped Among other festivals mentioned by Hemacandra was Indra-puja, intended for a good paddy harvest, held during the Durga-puja Then there was Divali and Dola Other important religious festivals Were, Bali-puja, held on the day following Divali probably to celebrate the Gujarati new year, Summer and Spring festivals, that is Dola or Holi Festivities also took place on the occasion of the processions on yatras of images, of which the most famous was the three processions of Somanatha, or as the inscription describes it fri-somanatha-prabhuraja-patika-traye Besides these, there were various minor religious festivals Religion provided the motif for architectural activities, and the greatest builder of the dynasty was Siddharaja, of whom three centuries after his death Jinamandana wrote mahalaya hayatre mahasthanam ahasarah yatkstam siddharajena kriyate tanna kenacit

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APRIL, 1968 The most important edifice built by him was the Rudramahalaya temple at Siddhapura (Sidhpur) which is said to be one of the largest of its kind ever built in India He is, however, remembered now for the Sahasralinga lake which was surrounded by 1008 small shrines each containing a Siva-linga, he also established several students' hostels and a victory pillar (kirti-stambha) raised its head proudly in front of the magnificent lake The Sarasvati-purana states. na siddhesa samo raja na saras tadrsam kyacit samam sahasralingena tirtham anyan na vidyate 189 There is no king equal to Siddhesa, and no lake like that (excavated by him) and nowhere is there a tirtha as holy as Sahasralinga From literary evidence it appears that Kumarapala built many temples, particularly Jaina temples, but none of them has survived the ravages of time and man

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CONTEMPORARY INTELLECTUALS OF HEMACANDRA KC LALWANI helaniddaliyagaindakumbhapayadiyapayavapasarassa sthassa maena samam na viggaho neva sandhanam A lion whose prowess is demonstrated in the ease with which he kills a mighty elephant cares not war or peace with a stag The above is a couplct which king Bhoja of Dhara sent to his rival and contemporary King Bhima I of Anahullapura in order to test the intellectual stamina of the latter's court On receipt of this, Ling Bhima sent for his court-poets and asked them to draft a suitable reply This was done but the king was not happy The reply must be fitting to the iniellectual challenge that Bhoja has thrown and yet none was up to the mark Then at the king's bidding there started a frantic search for a real genius that would be helpful for the purpose and the manner in which it was discovered is by itself a charming tale When the search was going on, a dance-performance was in progress in a caityavasi Jaina shrine as per the usual practice of the time It was attended among others by Govindacarya, a Jaina savant, with his retenue of disciples which included the most illustrious Suracarya it was an interval and the dancing damsel, cxhausted and perspiring, was reclining on a stone pillar in a rather attractive pose This in itself became a feat and the members of the audience requested the Jaina savant to give a charming verse on the reposing damsel At this Govindacarya only cast his glance at his favourite disciple Suracarya who at once came out with one describing the features of the star Accidentally, our courtiers who were out on a search for a real intellect were present in this gathering They were profoundly impressed by the verse which Suracarya produced extempore At their insistence, Govindacarya and his disciples visited the court of Bhima and received the king's request Govindacarya as usual looked at his disciple who came out with a Prakrit verse which was transmitted to king Bhoja as the most befitting reply Thus ran the verse andhayasuyana kalo bhimo puhavit nimmio vihina jena sayampi na ganiam ka ganana tujha ikkassa

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APRIL, 1968 191 What a master-prece of poetry! How very rich in allusiont And what a profound depth in history and versatility in mythology! Suracarya had written. "In Bhima, the creator had created the killer of the sons of the blind king, does he now bother to kill one when he could at ease kill a hundred " locidentally it need be mentioned here that, as per tradition, Bhoja's father Sindhula was blinded by his brother Muoja This testifies the intellectual rivalry that was going on in the two kingdoms on the West Coast, Dhara and Anahillapura, at that time This was largely the outcome of the keen interest taken by the ruling monarchs, notably Bhoja and Bhima, in literary pursuits and to test their literary and dialectical talents poets and dialecticians from different parts of the country often visited the capital of Gujarat and Malava The most important subjects on which the intellectual curiosity of the time was concentrated were tarka, sahitya and laksang-logic and art of dialectics, literature and poetics, grammar and philosophy of language In these, scholars, Jaina as well as non-Jaina, freely participated This intellectual activity was based on a high pedestal of rebgious toleration As Somaprabha says, jassim samaccharamana jalasaya na una dhammiyasanruha The two courts already mentioned were by no means the adherents of the Jaina faith, they were Saiva and Sakta And they yet adored the Jaina savants as much as they did those belonging to the Saiva and Sakta faith In fact, Gujarat at this time had become a great centre of learning where works of Kanada, Aksapada, Uddyotakara, Vacaspati and Udayana were studied There existed colleges (udyamathas) around the lake Sahasralinga which surrounded the city of Anahillapura Hemacandra himself has written at length about these seats of learning Explaining the word 'vidyamatha' the commentator describes these as a type of residence, equipped with materials of feeding clothing, etc , for teachers and students made by kings' But then education here was not restricted to the elite , it had percolated to the masses in consequence of which Anahillapura had become a veritable dharmagara or abode of dharma We have it on the authority of Hemacandra that the people of this illustrious city were prang sauryavettau prang fastre prang Same prang samadhisu prang satye prang saddarsanyam prang sadang yamito janah First in bravery, first in Sastra, first in self-control, first in meditation, first in truth, first in six schools of philosophy and first in six angas of the Vedas

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192 JAIN JOURNAL The wide-spread education-not literacy-was a concomitant of a situation in the long course of history of this country in which public debates under the auspices of some interested courts had always provided the forum for the establishment of the intellectual eminence of the great scholars Such public debates have gone out of vogue now and in recent times though we have a plethora of seminars, meetings, conventions and conferences, financially supported by the Government, they come nowhere near the great public debates among savants that was a characteristic of the intellectual life and heritage of this country King Jayasimha who has been called Siddharaja maintained a highly learned assembly of which the king himself was the chairman He had four colleagues in this assembly, Maharsi who was a scholar of eminence in logic, Mahabharata and Smrt of Parasara, Utsaha who had attained fame for his learning in Kasmira (which establishes the existence of intellectual communication between Gujarat and Kasmira), Sagara who was the ocean of wonderful intellect and Rama who was versed in logic and dialectics It was before this learned assembly in the very presence of the king that the famous debate between the Digambara Kumudacandra and the Svetambara Devi Suri was held which has been immortalised in the celebrated Sanskrit work Mudrita-Kumudacandra Coming now to the intellectual climate in which Hemacandra flourished, R C Parikh writes, "It was in this intellectual milieu that Hemacandra, the greatest intellectual of the age, lived and did his work He must have received immense benefit and impetus from such an environment but he must have also found it very difficult to shine amongst such a galaxy of learned men This, probably, explains his tremendous literary output-encyclopaedic in its scope and accurate in detail" In the galaxy of talents that created the intellectual climate, the foremost that comes to our mind is Govindacarya, the spiritual master of our aforesaid Suracarya and such other illustrious names as Dronacarya, Viracarya, Vardhamana Suri, and many others According to the Prabhavakacarita, Govindacarya was living in the reign of Jayasimha In all probability, the savant who had created so many master minds of the age must have been very old by this time Among his better-known disciples Suracarya was indeed the foremost The readers have already got a test of his intellectual calibre at the beginning of this paper Suracarya was a cousin of the king Bhima and son of the latter's maternal uncle Sangrama Singha, who was perhaps the ruler of Marudesa His earlier name was Mahipala Mahipala lost his father pretty early in life and was handed over for his education by his mother to

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APRIL, 1968 193 Dronacarya who happened to be a brother of her late husband and a disciple of Govindacarya Mahipala became a master of vyakarana, nyaya and dharmasastra After finishing his education, however, he renounced the world to be a Jaina monk himself and henceforth became known as Suracarya As a young monk Suracarya was a very hard task master and soon incurred the displeasure of the young pupils who there upon complained against him to the elder guru This was followed by a sharp rebuke and a suggestion that Suracarya must show the power of his intellect by conquering the learned assembly of Bhoja The young dialectician understood the taunt and expressed his determination to proceed to Dhara which he later did with the permission of his master and the king His intellectual feats at Dhara are recorded at length in Prabhavakacarita Viracarya, was a friend of Jayasimha So goes the story that one day in the course of a friendly chat the king told him that the greatness of the learned men depended upon what royal recognition they could get This wounded the pride of Viracarya who now wanted to leave the city and so give up whatever recognition the king might have bestowed on him Needless to state that Jayasimha did never really intend this So he tried to prevent him But royal power proved futile before the yogic power and Viracarya flew away to Pab in Marwad A repentant Jayasimha urged him to return which he of course did after an extensive tour of different parts of the country where he successfully overpowered several dialecticians including the Buddhists in Mahabodhapura and acquired fresh laurels Two other important events of Viracarya's life about which of course no date can be cited with authenticity were the meeting with the well-known dialectician of the Samkhya school Vadi Simha and with the Digambara dialectician Kamalakirti both of whom he successfully defeated in public debate A man who upheld the intellectual dignity of Anahillapura on so many occasions at and outside the capital city could not but be the most coveted friend of the ruler Vardhamana Suri who has called himself a pupil of Govindacarya was the author of a celebrated work entitled Ganaratna-mahodadhi which was completed in AD 1141 This is a work on grammar and is unique in its subject matter Besides them, there were Vagbhata, the son of Soma and the author of Vagbhafalamkara, a work on poetics, and Acarya Manikyaca ndra, a commentator on Kavyaprakasa of Mammata Vagbhata was himself a Jaina and Manikyacandra belonged to the line of Silabhadra Sun

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194 J4IN JOURNAL and was the immediate disciple of Sagaracandra His commentary was completed in AD 1160 and is considered to be one of the best commentaries written in excellent style Another important man of the time was Bhava Brhaspati He was not a Jaina He was born in a Brahmin family at Varanasi and the mission of his life was to revive Saivism of the Pasupata school For this purpose, this 'ocean of austerities', as an inscription dated 1174 describes him, left his native place and visited diverse courts for mobilising royal patronage in his mission He visited Dhara, made friends with the ruling monarch there and at last settled at Anahillapura where he was made a Mahattara and Acarya by Jayasimha and a Ganda by his successor to the throne, Kumarapala Ganda was the title of the officer-in-charge of the Somanath temple As Ganda, Bhava Brhaspati rebuilt the whole temple which was destroyed by the sack of the Muslim invaders and revived its lost glory An illustrious name of the time was Abhayadeva Suri who was the author of Vadamaharnava which is a commentary on the Sanmatitarka of Siddhasena Divakara In the line of Abhayadeva Suri was his disciple Santi Suri who had acquired an outstanding fame as a dialectician So goes the story that Dharma of Broach on the bank of the Narmada in Lata was renowned as a great poet His father Suradeva was a very learned man and his mother Savitri famous for her charities The family belonged to kaula sect of Saivism in his childhood, Dharma had no test for learning and so he was ordered by his father to leave his home and find some employment This he did in the course of his employment, however, he became the recipient of divine grace and his intellectual powers suddenly developed When he was about to cross the river, a poem suddenly burst out from his mouth which has been recorded in Prabhavakacarita Finding himself a changed man he returned home but he was not well-received So in digust he left on a mission of intellectual conquest It was in the course of his wanderings that he claimed to have defeated Sambhu of Gauda, Dvija of Dhara, Visnu of Bhattiamandala and Pasupati of Kanyakubja Then he reached the learned assembly of Bhoja where he defeated scholars in tarka, laksana and sahitya This very much disturbed the king, since the very honour of Dhara was in mud So he sent for his friend poet Dhanapala who had left the court in disgust because of an insult inflicted on his novel Tilak amasjari The king's appeal was based on patriotism and worded in the name of Dhara Dhanapala could no longer ignore it He returned and defeated Dharma and advised the latter to visit Santi Suri

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APRIL 1968 195 of Anahillapura At Anahillapura, too, Dharma was defeated and he acknowledged Santi Suri as 'really a learned man' Santi Suri was a great poet and dialectician whose intellectual and literary fame spread all over Gurjaradesa and Malava. He was born at Unattaya a village situated to the west of Sr Pattana His father was Dhanadeva and his mother Dhanasri, the family being endowed with affluence to justify the name of the master of the household In his childhood the boy had demonstrated uncommon intelligence and was taught all arts and sciences (kala and vidya). The learned assembly of Bhima conferred on him the title of Kavindra (a king of poets) and Vadicakrin (a leader of dialecticians) At the request of Dhanapala and with the permission of the king Santi Suri visited Dhara as a representative of Gurjaradesa and there he was well-received by Bhoja, himself a great lord of learning and the learned At Dhara his principal mission was to critically examine the Tilakamanjarikatha of Dhanapala which the latter was advised by his guru to get done by Santi Suri He wrote a commentary on this work Bhoja offered the great dialect cian a lac of rupees for each dialectician he would defeat and he defeated eightyfour, earning this sum and a title Vadivetala from the king Santi Sur was a caityavasin and he spent this money in constructing temples Santi Surt ran an important academy where he had thirtytwo disciples studying pramanasastra under him At his school even Buddhist logic was taught and was considered to be very difficult (dusparicchedra) There is an interesting story about how one Municandra, a suvihta monk, was accepted as disciple by Santi Suri and was permitted to reside behind the munt Municandra used to attend the lectures of the great master incognito This he did for a fort. night Then one day Santi Suri put some questions to his students, but they were unable to reply With the permission of the master Municandra then gave reply to all and the master being pleased, he was accepted as a student Santi Suri entered into a public debate with another scholar from the Dravida country who spoke a strange language and defeated him Santi Suri composed a commentary on the Uttaradhyyana Sutra which was made use of by Vadi Devasuri, a disciple of Municandra, in his famous debate with the Digambara dialectician Kumudacandra already cited Vadi Deva Suri composed a comprehensive work on logic called Pramana-naya-tattvalokalamara and its commentary Syadvada-ratnakara and must have had his inspiration from his grand-preceptor Santi Suri who had perhaps started a school of logic Santi Suri died in 1040 AD We have already made a reference to Abhayadeva Suri who was the preceptor of Santi Suri But we have another Abhayadeva Suri whose

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196 MAIN JOURNAL activities extended upto the middle of the reign of king Karna He was born in a wealthy family at Dhara, his parents being Mahidhara and Dhana Devi He became famous as the Navangt-tikakara or a commentator of the nine Angas of the Jainas We do not know whether the Kasmiri scholar Bilhana who had visited the royal court of Karna had met this great master and what impact the latter might have made on the Kasmiri poet but it may be presumed without much difficulty that about the time we are mentioning there was an abundant contact at the intellectual level between Kasmira and Gujarat and no less a person than Hemacandra cherished the ambition of propitiating the goddess of learning whom he has described as kasmiravasinim devim To return to Ahbayadeva Suri, he was not only a celebrated commentator, but he was also a great builder He collected a handsome contribution from the richmen of Dholka and the requisite site from the villagers and completed the construction of a big temple in honour of Parsvanatha on the bank of the river Sedhi in Gujarat Deva Suri's name has been already cited earlier He was a profound scholar and on the admission of Mudrita-Kumudacandra he was an accredited authority on Kanada, Aksapada, Udyotahara, Vacaspati and Udayana He was in the intellectual line of Santi Suri and was a worthy disciple of Municandra His magnum opas, a work on logic, as aforesaid, is Pramana-naya-tattvalokalamkara and its commentary Syadvadaratnakara He was the author of several other works and was succeeded by worthy disciples like Manikya, Asoka, Vijayasend and many others That Deva Surt had cast profound influence can be seen from the praise bestowed on him alike by his contemporaries such as Devabodha of the Bhagavata sect, Hemacandra himself and the dramatist Yasascandra and illustrious men of posterity like the great logician Yasovijaya The greatest event of his life was indeed the 'silencing' of Kumudacandra in the public debate but for which, as Hemacandra admits, there would have been no Svetambara in Gujarat According to the information contained in Prabhavaka carita, Deva Suri was born in 1087 AD His fathers' name was Viranaga who belonged to the Pragvata family His mother's name was Jipadevi Originally their family belonged to Maddahrta (modern Madhar in Palanpur State) But later because of an epidemic in this part of the country, the family migrated to Bhrgukaccha in Lata Economically the family was not very well off Deva Suri's previous name was Purnacandra but after his renunciation in his ninth year which was conducted by the family preceptor Municandra, the name was changed into Ramacandra Very soon he mastered tarka, laksana and sahitya (tarkalaksanasahityavidyaparam

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APRIL, 1968 197 gatah) and became a 'touchstone' (kazopala) in current schools of philosophy, his own as well as those of others Then he started his carrer as a dialectician, first perhaps in the company of his master and then 10dependently, successfully and effectively participating in many a public debate. Records indicate that he had travelled widely in Western India meeting scholars of different schools At his thirtyfirst year he was ordained an Acarya and henceforth became known as Deva Suri Deva Suri had many learned scholars and men of letters among his friends, the six most important mentioned in the Prabhavakacarita being Vimalacandra, Haricandra, Somacandra, Parsvacandra, Santi and Asokacandra According to one view-point Somacandra was none other than Hemacandra Among his admirers we may include Jayasimha himself, his minister Ambaprasada and Devabodha of Sri Bhagavatadarsana The meeting between Deva Suri and Devabodba is another interesting episode Devabodha had written a verse on a leaf and placed it at the gate of the palace challenging all scholars of Anahillapura to explain it But none could succeed for six months Then Ambaprasada, the minister, introduced Deva Suri to the king as the person who would explain the verse This not only made the king a friend of Deva Suri but henceforth even Devabodha became his great admirer Later when Deva Suri had gone to Nagapura (Nagor in Rajasthan), Devabodha who happened to be there introduced the savant to king Ahladana with the following panegyric yo vadino dvylhvan satopam visamamanamudgiratah samayati sadarvasurirnarendravandyah katham na syat The Kumudacandra episode took place in AD 1125 The savant lived a full life crowded with achievements and died at the ripe old age of 83 in AD 1170 during the reign of Kumarapala We have mentioned above the circumstances under which Municandra, a suvihita or vasarivadin, was accepted as a disciple of Santi Suri who was a staunch caityavasin Despite its fame for religious toleration, Anahillapura was a stronghold of the cautyavasi Jaina monks from the time of Vanaraja who was brought up by a caityvasi monk named Silaguna Suri Caitya is a word for matha,--a monastery sort of thing which was a centre of learning as well a residence for the monks These were more like abbots living in ease and possessing material wealth They fostered artistic culture and intellectual disciplines more perhaps than those of the suvihta order but they were not as much remarkable for their ascetic life It was their opposition that prevented a suvihita monk, a more rigorous follower of the path and a better ascetic perhaps, from getting a foothold in the capital city In fact, this had become a

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198 JAIN JOURNAL tradition till the reign of Bhima I who at the instance of his priest Somesvara agreed to allow the suvihita or vasativadi monks too to live in the capital This intercession acquired two celebrated monks (munis) for Anahillapura named Jinesvara and Buddhisagara Their previous names were Sridhara and Sripati and both were Brahmins from the Middle Country (Madhaydesa) who were well-versed in the four Vedas, Smytis and Itzhasa On conversion they became known as Jinesvara and Buddhisagara When they arrived at Anahillapura, they could find no residence So they saw the royal priest Somesvara They recited from the Vedas and displayed their mastery over the Brahmanical learning They further proved that there was no basic difference between the Vedas and the Upanisads on the one hand and the philosophy of the Jainas on the other This impressed Somesvara who gave residence and food to the two monks But the cartyavasins were not ready to tolerate this and the matter was at last forced to the notice of the king who accepted their plea of course and at the same time he requested them to allow these two monks to stay in the capital, since he could not refuse residence to respectable people The case was further strengthened when Jnanadeva, the pontiff of the Saiva shrine, too, prevailed upon the king to grant a permanent residence to the suvihita monks At the suggestion of the pontiff that 'Siva is Jina', not only the two monks were given residence on land belonging to the Tripurusa, the Siva temple built by Mularaja, but in future a series of residences sprang up for the suvihita monks in the capital city The barrier that prevented their stay here was thus permanently gone Jinesvara wrote a work on logic, Pramanalaksana, while Buddhisagara composed a Sanskrit grammar named after him On this fascinating subject the source-book is Prabhavakacarita by Prabhacandra and Pradyumna Sury, though concession must be made to the fact that this being the Jaina source, it gave a little more focus to the Jaina savants

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AN * **19:49 AK Top-Siddha-Hema being carried in procession on an elephants back

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1 R dIrghakAlArthe kadA vikarhicit doSAnakmukhArAce aMge Ataraha 6 tiryagadhetiraH sA di' niSphaleTayAmudhA' mRSAmiSpApale samayAniSAke hiruk 70 zaMsudevalavatsa Tu kimu tAtI nirbhara jAkarAparthameva Ivakhapare mitha 72 vAnijJAMtei dRlpe kiMrvinma bhAgI bakiMva na" prAtatA ho kimuta vikke kiMva72 itihaspAtsaMpradAye detoyazadyutastataH saMbodhaneM ganoppATUpAT hehehe ho areyire 75 TU voSa svadhAvati rahasyu pazcama dhmeMta raMtare yA taretarA' 74 Adi prakAzA" nAno nadi" vedaprAmAsama vAraNe / kAmadarzana 75 kAmAnumatokAmaM spAdoMca paramaM mate kacidiSTa parijana havayaMnaMca nizcaye 76 bardibAspAM datItenizvaSyati naripemaruH celi sunine 77 nanucama pahiroko paTrAMtare dehAdijJAna dehavarezvaki zeSokA tulato namaH 278 ityAcArya zrIma vaMdra riviracitAyA manidhAna ciMtAna aige nAmamA lAkhAM sAmAnya kAMDaH pRSTaH bhAye 2800 // ||sNbl bhitI vo dIpa dArako pravAra, dine bipIna zrIbAvara madhye varmA) prAkRtaH zrIbhUtava tinajAzodazat // zrI eka // zrI // kalyANamankAviraMcAlagapaThanArtha Last page of Abhidhana cintamani Original manuscript S 1800 Copied at Baluchar Murshidabad, West Bengal VS 1873 Jam Bhawan collections

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SIDDHA-HEMA-SABDANUSASANA DVYASRAYAKAVYA KUMARAPALACARITA Siddha-Hema-sabdanusasana is Hemacandra's first major work on grammar and was written at the request of Siddharaja Jayasimha Grammar consists of five parts (1) sutra, (2) ganapatha, (3) dhatupatha, (4) unadi and (5) linganusasana In the case of other grammars, all these five parts are written by different persons In the case of Siddha-Hema all these are written by Hemacandra himself This is one of the unique features of Siddha-Hema which makes it a complete and consistent work. Another unique feature of it is that It is a grammar of Sanskrit as well as of Prakrit The Siddha-Hema consists of 8 adhyayas, each adhyaya consisting of 4 padas The total number of sutras is 4685 of which 3566 describe the Sanskrit language while 1119 the Prakrit Hemacandra has written two commentaries on his Siddha-Hema, the Laghuvetti and the Byhadyrtti Supplementing these are the Dhatupatha with commentary, Unadi with commentary and the Linganusasana with a Brhat Tika. Hemacandra also wrote a Brhannyasa on his grammar, a fragment of which has been discovered Besides Hemacandra wrote two mahakavyas, Dvyasraya in Sanskrit (20 cantos consisting of 2423 verses) and Kumarapalacarita in Prakrit (8 cantos consisting of 747 verses) illustrating the rules of his grammar in the same order as they are in Siddha-Hema and at the same time describing the reigns of the kings of Gujarat from Mularaja to Kumarapala

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HEMACANDRA AND SIDDHA HEMA-SABDANUSASANA S SENGUPTA There have been in India few, if any, scholars of the stature of Hemacandra, the great medieval sayant The depth and extant of his erudition was stupendous indeed and he had had no equal in versatility He was no ordinary poet and by his contributions he has enriched fields as far apart as philosophy, morals, biography of Jaina saints, grammar, prosody, rhetoric and lexicography In this article we shall briefly try to assess Hemacandra's position as a grammarian In grammar, Hemacandra is the author of (1-4) the celebrated Siddha-Hema-sabdanusasana, in sutra form with a short (Laghu) and a long (Brhad) gloss (Vrtti) on the sutras and also a Nyasa, an advanced commentary of which only a fragment has so far been unearthed, (5) the Dhatupatha (1980 roots) with a commentary, (6) the Unadi Sutras (1006 in number) with a commentary and (7) a Linganusasana (128 couplets) The Dhatupatha and the Unadi Sutras with gloss have been substantially incorporated in the Brahdvytti He did not write any separate Ganapatha but he has critically edited the same and incorporated it in the Brhadvytti He formulated and commented on fiftyseven paribhasas (grammatical maxims) One Hemahamsa Gani wrote an elaborate treaties Nyayamanjusa on paribhasas explaining in addition to the above, sixtyfive more It is a very creditable performance We should perhaps add (8-9) Dvyasrayakavya and Kumarapalacarita, which illustrate respectively the rules of his Sabdanusasana on the sutras on Sanskrit and Prakrit languages serially The first is in Sanskrit and the second in Prakrit The first seven chapters of Hemacandra's grammar relate to Sanskrit and the eighth to Prakrit including Apabramsas The tradition is that after a protracted fight for twelve long years when in 1138 AD Jayasimha Siddharaja Solanki of Gujarat finally defeated Yasovarman, king of Malava, his attention was drawn to the works of Bhojaraja, author of authoritative books on almost all branches of learning-rhetoric, grammar, lexicography, philosophy and what not He was specially impressed by Bhojaraja's monumental work on grammar, the Sarasvati-kanthabharana He then requested Hemacandra to write a grammar which would be short but exhaustive at the same time, simple

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APRIL, 1968 201 but comprehensive. It appears that Hemacandra was already engaged in writing a manual of Sanskrit grammar. He took up the challenge and basing his work on Palyakurti's Sakatayana-vyakarana and bus gloss the Amoghaveth (9th century) on it and consulting Kalapa and other grammars brought from Kasmira by one Utsaha specially for this purpose, he completed the Siddha-Hema-sabdanutasana in course of one year. The tradition' 18 that in course of one year he wrote also the Vittis and Nyasa but the Nyasa alone is so voluminous that this tradition need not be taken at its face value even if it is presumed that scores of scholars wrote at the dictation of the master Possibly his commentaries were finished by 1143-44 A D3 Hemacandra's grammar was the best among many such works written in the medieval age This is the view of Dr Kielhorn who himself was an authority on Sanskrit grammar This encomium is richly deserved As a matter of fact it will not be far from truth to say that all subsequent works on Sanskrit grammar, including Bhattaji Diksit's Siddhanta-kaumudi more or less follow the arrangement initiated by Hemacandra Hemacandra's grammar is not an original composition in any way. But who after Panini can be original in this field except in arrangement of the sutras and in making them simpler and more easily intelligible ? Hemacandra's arrangement is practical and his sutras are simple and easily understandable While he is to a great extent indebted to Palyakiti, and has taken over many of his sutras bodily, a comparison will convince any one that Hemacandra's sutras are a great improvement on Palyakiti's Hemacandra was a skilful compiler He has not only incorporated whatever there was new in Palyakirti's grammar but also added new matters from Bhoja's Sarasvati-kanthabharana and other sources which cannot now be traced His Laghuvitt is meant for the beginner but his Brhadvetti is a veritable mine of grammatical lore He has referred in this commentary to the views of many grammarians but unfortunately not having named them, it is impossible now to trace these views to their sources Byhadvrtti is meant for advanced students the treatment of the problems raised is masterly brief and to the point 1 Merutunga's Prabandha-cintamani and Prabhacandra and Pradyumna Suri's Prabhavak acarita See also Buchler, The life of Hemacandracarya By tradition its volume was equivalent of 80000 anustubha couplets, approxtmately 2000 printed pages Buchler, The Life of Hemacandracarya.

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202 JAIN JOURNAL Siddha-Hema consists of 4685 sutras distributed in eight chapters The eighth chapter deals, as already stated, with Prakrit and Apabharmsa dialects and comprises 1119 sutras The contents of the other seven chapters are as follows Chapter I, sutras 241, deals with definitions, sandhis and declensions. Chapter II, sutras 460, deals with syntax (karaka and vibhakti), visargasandhi, regulation of n and and feminine suffixes $ Chapter III, sutras 520, deals with compounds and auxiliary rules, rules regulating atmanepada and parasmaipada, desideratives, intensives, passives and denominatives Chapter IV, sutras 481, deals with conjugation Chapter V, sutras 498, deals with suffixes, tenses and moods Chapter VI, sutras 692 and chapter VII, sutras 673, deal with taddhita suffixes The Brhadvrtti incorporates the Ganapatha, the Dhatupatha as also the Unadi suffixes So with Brahdvrtti, Sidda-Hema is a complete grammar containing more material than any other grammar then or even now in existence Bhoja's Sarasvati-kanthabharana incorporates the ganapatha and the unadi sutras in the text Hemacandra's Ganapatha was prepared with great care and critical acumen and it is a real contribution to the study of Sanskrit grammar in that among writers of Sanskrit grammars, only Hemacandra and Bhoja have subjected the ganas to a searching criticism The only other printed work on the ganas is the famous Ganaratna-mahodadhi of Vardhamana (1140 AD) Hemacandra's Dhatupatha is also unique in the sense that it is the only list of verbal roots arranged throughout in alphabetical order (of the penultimate letter) It consists of 1980 roots, thirty seven more than the Paninian list (Siddhanta-kaumudi version) It is based on Paninian Dhatupatha but with modifications both regarding the form of the roots and their meanings It is much fuller than that of Sakatayana's DhatuPatha Hemacandra's comments as usual are critical and thorough and refer to sources not available now The Unadi Sutras are the most comprehensive in existence They account for about 4000 words as against 2000 in Bhojaraja's work The suffixes are arranged scientifically, that is, in alphabetical order < Hemacandra's Linga-karikas (128 couplets), as may be expected, deal with many more words than has been done by any other work on the subject 4 Sengupta, 'Unadi Suffixes', Journal of Asiatic Society, Vol. VI, Nos 3 & 4, 1964.

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APRIL, 1968 203 The Siddha-Hema was naturally followed by many adaptations and condensations Some of them are the following: 3-5 1 Harma-prakata of Vinayavijaya Gami (1652 AD). The text is a condensed version but the commentary is practically a reproduction of the entire Brhadyytti with additions. Haima-kaumudi of Meghavijaya Gani (1669 AD). Dhundhika, explanation of difficulties by Jinasagara, Nandasundara and Udayasaubhagya Nyasa by Udayacandra 9 Laghunyasa by Devendra Suri, Ramacandra Gani and Dharma gbosa 10 Nyasoddhara by Kanakaprabha 11-12 Avacuiri by Dhanacandra and Ratnasekhara 13 Prakrta-avacuri by Hariprabha Suri 14 Haima-durga-pada-prabodha by Jnanavimala (1607 AD) 15 Nyaya-manjusa by Hemahamsa Gani on Paribhasas 16 Kriyararna-samuccaya by Gunaratna on roots One of the peculiarities of Siddha-Hema is that it has adopted the samjnas mostly from the Katantra system, eg, svara, vyanjana, varga, samasa, antyastha, anunasika, visarga, sandhyaksara, namin, ghosavat, aghosa, dhut, ghut and for tenses and moods, udyatani, vartamana, paroksa, hyastani, etc We shall now discuss the problem as to how far Hemacandra is indebted to Palyakirti in the composition of the Siddha-Hema A full and satisfactory answer cannot be given unless we have before us a complete Hema-Sakatayana concordance But from a limited study, It would appear that Hemacandra's indebtedness is very great indeed He has taken over bodily, with httle modification or with transposition a very large number of sutras from Sakatayana In case of samasa, klt and taddhrt suffixes, the proportion would be as high as one half or even more In case of other topics it would be lower but near about one. fourth in some cases But in every case where there has been modification, even though slight, or transposition, the result has been a simpler and more readable sutra Hemacandra has incorporated new material erther in these sutras or in separate sutras of his own A large proportion of such material can be traced to Bhoja's grammar Sarasvatikanthabharana An objective sampling will make the position clear. In IV.1 78 Hemancandra approves samviya (root 'vya") which is not approved either by Palyakirti or Panini In IV 2.6 Hemacandra

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204 JAIN JOURNAL approves didasate following Palyakirti Panini has no corresponding rule Such instances are numerous Of the second fifty sutras (51-100) of III 1, no less than thirtyseven are taken from Sakatayana II 1 without modification Two sutras appear substantially modified and eleven are new Of the first fifty sutras of VII 2, thirtyfive are taken over without change, six with transpositions of words, one has been split up, three have been adapted with slight change or addition while only two are new In IV 1, thirtythree out of one hundred and twentyone are from Sakatayana In II 4, fortysix out of the one hundred and thirteen are from Sakatayana some with only slight changes Of the new sutras in III 1, seven are based on the sutras of Bhoja (1II 2) For a better appreciation of Hemacandra's contribution as a grammarian, it is necessary first to prepare a Sakatayana-Hema concordance and to prepare a list of word-forms, etc in Siddha-Hema and Brhadvrtti which are not approved by the Paninian school and to try to locate the sources if possible As regards new materials in the sutras most are traceable to either Sakatayana or Bhojaraja's grammar, the Sarasvatikanthabharana A few words need be added regarding the Dvyasrayakavya and the Kumarapalacarita The Dvyasraya is a mahakavya in 20 cantos consisting of 2423 verses The poem contains little of historical value but incidentally refers to some curious customs in Gurjara such as crossing of the village boundary on Vijayadasami day, Dol ceremony of Somanatha, a popular game resembling hockey, worship of king Bali, marriage of maternal uncle's daughters, chasing Dhundha rahsasi in summer, etc It is recorded that Yadus were great drunkards, that soldiers rode mares, that they were accompanied by their wives when on march, that young ladies read Arthasastra and grammar and so on There are the usual descriptions of morning, marching armies, water-sports, love culling of flowers by ladies, night, sunrise, mountains and seasons The Caulukya kings of Gurjara from Mularaja to Kumarapala are extolled in the poems The kings whose exploits have been extolled are in succession Mularaja, Camundaraja, Nagaraja, Bhimaraja, Karnaraja, Siddharaja Jayasimha and Kumarapala Among historical and semi-historical events there is conquest of Saurastra under Grahari by Mularaja, death of Ballabha, Camundaraja's son, The text, long out of print, will be published with short notes in this Journal in instalments

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APRIL, 1968 205 of small-pox, Camundaraja's attempt to crush Malava, Bhimaraja's successful expedition against Hammuka of Sindhu and Jayasimha's victory over Yasovarman, king of Malava It is further stated in the last canto that Kumarapala repaired the temples of Kedaranatha and Somanatha and passed a law that the wealth of childless persons leaving a widow should not be confiscated to the state after their death There are also fanciful episodes such as defeat of raksasa Barbara by Jayasimha and his overcoming of yoginis The Kumarapalacarita is composed in 8 cantos consisting of 747 verses It begins with the description of Kumarapala's capital Pattana and takes up the hero as being already on the throne and with representatives of rulers of all provinces attending on him The first five cantos and a part of the sixth are devoted to the description of Anahillapura (Pattana), the wealth of the king, the splendour of the royal temples of Jina, the grandeur of the procession in which the king visited them, the liberality and devotion with which he worshipped the images, the beauty of the king's gardens, and pleasures and luxuries of the king and his subjects in all seasons of the year The latter part of the sixth canto contains an account of the warfare between the armies of Kumarapala and Mallikarjuna, the king of the Kankana, which ended in the defeat and death of the latter and a brief account of the relations of Kumarapala with contemporaneous kings The last two cantos are devoted to the expression of moral and religious sentiments, in the seventh, they are placed in the mouth of the hero, and in the eighth, they come as instructions from the goddess Srutadevi to the hero given by her at his prayer We have to remember that Hemacandra set upon himself the task of illustrating the rules of his grammar in the same order as they appear in his grammar and as a result some of the verses are almost unreadable but Hemacandra's ingenuity, it must be said, has transcended this apparently unsurpassable self-imposed barrier in many of the verses and considering the rigorous limitation the language is simple, sometimes even forceful The descriptions are never trite and in places, there is even real poetry Considerations of space however, prevents us from giving illustrations A perusal of the poem leaves one almost overwhelmed by the savant's erudition

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ABHIDHANA-CINTAMANI ANEKARTHA-SAMGRAHA DESINAMAMALA NIGHANTUSESA wrote After finishing Sabdanusasana, Hemacandra Namamala, 'the Garland of Nouns' (6 kandas consisting of 1542 verses) In the commentary Hemacandra gives this Garland of Nouns the name of Abhidhana-cintamani. Appendices known as Abhidhana-cintamani-parisista were also composed and placed at the end of each kanda This work is, however, not a separate entity and we have no means to decide whether it is Hemacandra's own work or that of some of his disciples Hemacandra completed his Sanskrit lexicon by writing a supplement in six chapters known as Anekartha-samgraha ---a collection of words having more than one meaning by arranging them according to the number of syllables in each The commentary on the Anekartha-samgraha is composed by Hemacandra's disciple, Mahendra Suri Abhidhana-cintamani with its supplements and commentaries is, like the Siddha-Hema, characterised by the clearness of exposition and comprehensiveness of subjectmatter while his commentary Tattvabodha-vidhayini is a veritable mine of information on Sanskrit lexicography Just as Hemacandra made his grammar unique and comprehensive by composing an adhyaya on the Prakrit dialects -perhaps the most comprehensive among those extant in India-so he composed a dictionary of desya words, Rayanavali, or better known as Detinamamala, with commentary, in order to give perfection to his work on lexicography. After the composition of Rayanavali was over, Hemacandra prepared a botanical dictionary known as Nighantusesa It is however, not known whether a commentary on this work was prepared

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THE DESINAMAMALA OF HEMACANDRA MURALIDHAR BANERJEA The Definamamala was composed by Hemacandra, a Jaina monk, who lived in Gujarat between 1088-1172 AD at the court of king Kumarapala of Anahillapura (Pattana) Hemacandra was a prolific writer He composed the Definamamala after his grammatical work, the Siddha-Hemacandra, the eighth chapter of which contains his Prakrit Grammar and his work on Rhetoric, the Kavyanusasana Hemacandra in the last gatha of the Definamamala (VIII, 77) calls the work Ratnavall (Rayanarali) This title is too general and does not give any idea of the contents of the work Dr G Buehler, who discovered the first manuscript of the work, calls it in the Indian Antiquity, (Vol II, 1873, p 17), the Desinamasamgraha This name is taken from this work (I, 2, VIII, 77) where the expression Desisabdasamgraha is used by Hemacandra as a description of his work Prschel in his Introduction to the Desinamamala (p 9) states that this name Definamamala is found in mss AE and on the margin of the single folios of mss H and the name Desisabdasamgraha is found in mss BCDFGI where the vitti is styled as Desisabdasamgraha-vrtti Puschel prefers the title Desinamamala and adopts it as it is more expressive it more clearly defines the scope of the work than Desisabdasamgraha in which the term 'sabda' has a wider denotation as it applies to both nama and dhatu the latter of which are excluded by Hemacandra from the list of dest words collected in the work Hemacandra defines desi to be "such words as are not derived by the rules of his grammar and even when derived are not current in Sanskrit dictionaries nor can be derived by any gauni laksana, ie, the metaphorical use of words " (1, 3) Such words are further defined as "not including all provincial dialectical words but only such Prakrit words as are current through ages without beginning " (I, 4) He has collected dest words in the Definamamala following that definition generally. Sometimes he has departed from the definition out of regard to the practice of his predecessors. Wherever he does this he gives his reasons in the commentary It will be seen from the above definition followed by Hemacandra in the selection of dest words that his object was neither philological nor historical For this reason

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208 JAIN JOURNAL he had to exclude from this collection all desi roots though included by his predecessors in the list of dest words because he had treated of them in his grammar (1, 3 com) and the reason for his excluding such roots from the list of dest words and leaving them from Sanskrit roots by sub stitution is not his ignorance about their being dest but because it served the purpose of economy (1, 37 com ) With Hemacandra as with the Indian grammarians generally, brevity and the derivation of a form by rules by the shortest cut and by avoiding all roundabout processes though philologically correct and historically true, was the guiding principle Most of the rules in Indian grammars for substitution of one form for another illustrate this principle The substitution of 'bhu' for 'as', 'ghos' for 'ad', 'ga' for '1', 'neda' for 'antika', 'bolla' or 'jampa' for 'katha', 'muna' for 'na', 'ohira' for 'midra', 'kandotta' for 'utpala', 'chimchai' for 'pumscali' will show that such transformations are never meant for philological development of one form into another That in the exclusion of dess roots from Definamamala and their derivations by substitution in his grammar Hemacandra was guided by the principle of economy he has made clear in the commentary on the Desinamantala (1, 37 com) Similarly he includes many tadbhaia words in the list of desz words not because he was ignorant of their derivation from Sanskrit but because they were not current in Sanskrit dictionaries in the sense which they acquired in Prakrit Whenever a tadbhava word is found used in a sense different from that of the original sanskrit he gives a place to it in the list of dest words (1,9, 18 com) Sometimes even when the sense of a tadbhava word is the same as in sanskrit he includes it in his Desinamamala to popularise his work with those readers who consdider themselves masters of Prakrit, but are ignorant of Sanskrit (1, 21 com ) If Hemacandra has excluded some words that modern philology regards as desi and included many tadbhava words that any student of Prakrit even without St Petersburgh Dictionary at his disposal would refuse to call desi, he has done it not because of his ignorance but because he imposed upon himself the above restrictions in the selection of desi words to serve certain definite practical purposes Inspite of the clear statement by Hemacandra about the latitude excrcised by him in the selection of words for his Definamamala many scholars have brought the charge against him of including many tadbhava words in the Desinamamala through ignorance Dr G Buehler writes as follows "Hemdcandra, therefore, enumerates in his commentary on the Desisabdasamgraha a great many words which all or some of his predecessors had considered to be desis, but which he includes among the tadbhavas or tatsamas A student of Prakrit on the other hand who has

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APRIL, 1968 the Petersburgh Dictionary at his disposal, can easily convict Hemacandra of numerous errors and show that he too, inspite of his rare knowledge of Sanskrit and Prakrit, of his large library and numerous assistants, has mistaken scores of tadbhava and tatsamas for desi form because the passages where the Sanskrit words occurred were not accessible to him or not present to his mind " * It is admitted that Hemacandra has included in the Desinamamala many words that are tatsamas or tadbhavas and perhaps omitted words that are really desis But he has done this for certain definite practical purposes and not through ignorance This is also the case with his predecessor Dhanapala, the author of the Paralacchinamamala which was composed in 1029 Vikrama era (972-73 A D) at Dhara In Dhanapala's work too dest terms do not form more than one fourth of the total words given, others being tadbhavas and tatsamas Dhanapala acted without any fixed principle and from a practical motive--which was to help his sister Sundari What Dhanapala did without any explanation Hemacandra does in his work to a small extent only after fully explaining his object in doing so It is then difficult to understand why it should be attributed to his ignorance First Varga Second Varga Third Varga Fourth Varga The text of Desinamamala is written in Prakrit gathas (or Arya metre) containing the desi words and their meanings in tadbhava equivalents Sometimes these Prakrit equivalents are given in other dest words The commentary on the text is written in Sanskrit It explains in each dest word by its Sanskrit equivalent and gives reasons when even any word is included in the list of desz words against the principles laid down by the author or is omitted though regarded by earlier authors as desi One Prakrit gatha is then inserted to illustrate the use of these words (having only one meaning) contained in each gatha of the text The work is divided into 8 vargas which classify the words according to their initial letters Fifth Varga Sixth Varga Seventh Varga Eighth Varga Initial letters of the word in the Varga Vowels Gutterals Palatals Linguals Dentals Labials Liquids Sibilants & Aspirate 209 Total A Paralacchinamamala (Gottingen, 1878), Introduction, pp 12-13 Number of Gathas 174 112 62 51 63 148 96 77 783

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210 JAIN JOURNAL The total number of dest words found in the text and the commentary are 3978 The illustrative gathas found in the Sanskrit com. mentary on the text number 782. The following authors on desi vocables are quoted in the Debinamamala 1 Abhimanacibna (I, 144; VI, 93, VII, 1, VIII, 12, 17) 2 Avantisundari (I, 81, 144, 157) 3 Gopala (I, 25, 31, 45, II, 82 ; III, 47 ; VI, 26, 58, 72 , VII, 2, 76, VIII, 1, 16, 67) 4 Devaraja (VI, 58, 72, VIII, 17) 5 Drona (I, 18, 50; VI, 7) Dronacarya (VIII, 17) 6 Dhanapala (1, 141, VII, 22 , IV, 30, VI, 101 , VIII, 17) 7 Pathodukhala (VIII, 12) 8 Padaliptacarya (I, 2) 9 Rahulaka (IV, 4) 10 Samba (II, 48) 11 Silanka (II, 20, VI, 96, VII, 40) 12 Satavahana (III, 41 , V, 11 , VI, 15, 18, 19, 112, 125) Besides the above authors who wrote desi kosas, two dest works are mentioned in the Definamamala viz, Sarataradesi and Abhimanacihna-sutra-patha Lala Diksita in his commentary on the Mrcchakatika quotes from a desi kosa named Desiprakasa Kramadisvara in the Samk siptasara, VIII, p 47) refers to another desi kosa named Desisara This shows that Hemacandra had a long series of predecessors who wrote lexions of desi words and he was perhaps the last representative of this host of writers This extensive literature on Prakrit lexicography seems to have perished irrecoverably and we have to console ourselves merely with the names of the authors preserved in the commentary There is only one exception viz, Dhanapala's Prakrit Dictionary, the Paialacchinamamala which has been discovered and published by Dr Buehler Dhanapala flourished two centuries before Hemacandra Puschel in the Introduction to his edition of Hemacandra's Destnamamala severly criticises the illustrative gathas inserted by Hemacandra at the end of the commentary on each stanza of the ekartha sabdas He remarks "It was a most disgusting task to make out the sense or rather nonsense of these examples some of which have remained rather obscure to me" A careful reading, however, of the gathas with the help of the various readings contained in the manuscripts quoted in

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APRIL, 1968 211 the footnote by Pischel would lead one to discover sense and highly poetical sense in these gathas apart from the help which they render in ascertaining the correct meaning of a dest sabda In fact these gathas are not only valuable for the lexicographical material they contain but they form a valuable contribution to Prakrit lyric poetry at the same time comparable to the Sattasal of Hala Most of the stanzas are miniature amatory poems depicting love scene in various aspects Another class of stanzas eulogises the achievements of his hero Kumarapala as manifested generally in the miserable condition of his enemies or their wives The remaining stanzas cannot be brought under any general heading as they deal with various topics such as condemnation of certain vices, praise of certain virtues, religious worship and maxims of prudence These are comparable to Bhartrhan's Ninjataka and anthologies of subhasitas of various writers ammalat dinabahea tuhare avatthararihai navaliam jam jaba ya rasena tan kisalio asou bba 1 22 20 (Pischel's reading) ammalal dinabahea tuha re avatthararihai navaliyam jam jabayarasena tam kisaho asou bba (Improved reading) Certainly you have been given a kich, Oh pitiable, by the lady following you It is not untruth that with the juice of alah taka, ie, red lac (besmearing her feet) you are like an asoka trce with fresh foliage The separation of jaba ja rasena in Puschel's reading gives no sense or a sense purchased at the cost of treating two words jaba ya as redundant If the separated elements are combined so as to form as compound word jabayarasena (yabakarasena) meaning 'lac juice then the stanza gives a very appropriate sense and consistent with poetical convention of an asoka blossoming at the kick of a fair lady As the gathas when read in this way give a good sense they can no longer be regarded as example of "incredible stupidity" They will be appreciated it is hoped by every lovers of poetry as a remarkable feat of ingenuity worthy of Hemacandra and far beyond the capacity of his disciples to whom Puschel is inclined to ascribe them Aadpted from Introduction, Muralidhar Banerjea, The Desinamamala of Hemacandra, Calcutta, 1931

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KAVYANUSASANA The Kavyanutasana was composed after Siddha-Hemasabdanusasana and consists of 208 sutras divided into 8 adyayas In these 208 sutras, so to say, is concentrated the whole subject of Sanskrit poetics in all its aspects. This Kavyanutasana of 208 sutras is, as the author says 'extended' (pratanyate) in the commentary named Alamkara-cudamani There is another commentary which the author in its first introductory verse calls the 'Viveka of the KavyanuJasana' This indicates that the author looks not only upon the sutras but also upon vrtti as Kavyanusasana The purpose of writing the Viveka is expressed as 'to explain at certain places what is written and to add something at certain other places' (vivaritum kvaciddrbdham navam samdarvitum kvacit) In the Alamkara-cudamani and the Viveka Hemacandra mentions by name about fifty authors, and about eightyone works In addition to these there are other works from which quotations are taken but whose names are not mentioned In Kavyanusasana Hemacandra has tried his best to be up-to-date regarding his authorities There is only another work which can bear comparison with the KavyanuJasana and that is the Sahityadarpana of Visvanatha who wrote two hundred years after Hemacandra

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A CRITIQUE OF HEMACANDRA'S KAVYANUSASANA BISHNUPADA BHATTACHARJEE The Kavyanusasana, a work on Sanskrit poetics, by Hemacandra, the great Jaina teacher of encyclopaedic learning, cannot claim our attention on the score of originality, to any great amount either in matter or in manner It is chiefly a compilation, a handbook comprehending within its scope all the important topics falling within the purview of poetics. MM Kane gives his verdict in the following words "The Kavyanusasana is a mere compilation and exhibits hardly any orginahty It borrows wholesale from the Kavyamimansa of Rajasekhara, the Kavyaprakasa, the Dhvanyaloka and the Locana" (HAL, P XIV) Yet we should be chary to commit ourselves wholly to that pronouncement The science of poetics has had a very long and varied development from the time of Bharata, who may be considered as the earliest known author in the field From Bharata to Abhinavagupta-It is a far cry The period ranging between these two limits might be justly called the creative epoch during which new theories were being formulated, new schools founded, new alamkaras discovered and defined It was a period of experiment and research, when the teachers were able to think free and express their thoughts in a way that evinced their masterly grasp of the problems and issues involved The power of reasoning was as yet unshackled and free to move at its pleasure Even after Abhinavagupta that tradition of free thinking had not altogether ceased For we have Mahimabhatta's Vyaktiviveka--a product of deep erudition and meticulous reasoning and Kuntaka's Vakroktijivita--which, though from the point of view of precision leaves much room for perfection, is an attempt to evaluate works of poetic art from altogether new angles of inquiry and according to new standards of criticism But the writers who appeared at the close of the epoch were much less of creators than systematisers Mammata's Kavyaprakata is the first and foremost attempt at systematising the then existing categories of poetics within a short compass Mammata also cannot reasonably claim any originality 1 Vide the concluding verse of the Kavyaprakasa . ityesa margo vidusam bibhinno'pyabhinnarupah pratibhasate yat na tad vicitram yadamutra samyag vinirmita samghatanaiva hetuh..on which Manikyacandra,

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JAIN JOURNAL He was a compiler--and an adept compiler at that, so much so that his fame totally eclipsed the glory of his predecessors Mammata's treatise marked the beginning of a new era-an era of scholasticism during which the study of the pioneer works fell into disuse and Mammata's Kavyaprakasa alone was commented upon and studied as the work on poetic criticism Hemacandra's Kavyanusasana is a product of this period and is subject to all the defects that are conspicuous of this age Consequently we are bound to be disillusioned if we begin to study it with high expectations But inspite of all that has been said the study of Hemacandra's Kavjanusasana is not altogether vain, as the author shows originality of thought in the treatment of some topics--however few they might be, which it is the object of this paper to point out in brief 1 Hemacandra demurs against Mammata's view that composition of poetic works has material prosperity as one of its chief rewards He contends that it is not an invariable concomitant of poetic gifts So also skill in the art of social intercourse (vyavaharakausala) and avoidance of calamities (anarthanivarana) need not be regarded as the fruits of study and composition of poetic work as there are many other ways besides that can lead to the same goal As he remarks dhanamanaikantikam vyavaharakausalam Sastrebhyo'pranarthanivaranam prakarantarenapiti na kavyaprayojanatajasmabhiruktam 2 op cit, p 4 (NSP Edn) a Jaina commentator remarks bibhinno'piti-nanagranthagatatvena parthakyena sthitopi yadekarupo bhati tatra samghatana visamsthulasya sukhabodhaya ekatra samgrahanam hetuh granthah sarve pyatrantamagna ityarthah ---He also notes the alternative explanation testifying to the dual authorship of the treatise atha cayam grantho'nyenarabdho' parena ca samarthitah (') in dvik hando pi samghatanavasad akhandayate -op cit, PP 468-69 (Mysore Edn ) 2 Compare the following portion of Hemacandra's gloss styled Viveka thereon evamananda, atafcaturvargopayavyutpattinam kavyaprayojanatamasadharanim pratipadya yat kaiscit "Srihar saderdhabakadinamiva dhanam rajadigatocitacaraparijnanamadityadermayuradinamivanarthanivaranamca" prayojanatrayamupanyastam tatpratik sipat-- dhanamanaikantikamiti -Ibid

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APRIL, 1968 2. Mukulabhatta and following him Mammata recognise traditional usage (rudhi) as one of the preconditions of indication (laksana). Thus Mammata cites the word kusala as an example of indication based on radhi since the etymological significance (namely, one who picks kuta-blades) is incompatible when it is used to refer to a skilful person. As he states: 215 'karmani kusala' ityadau darbhagrahanadyayogat .mukhyarthasya badhe vivecakatvadau. sambandhe radhitah prasiddheh mukhyenamukhyo'rtho laksyate. op cit, Chap II But Hemacandra does not include such words within the scope of laksana as the so-called indicatory sense is cognised immediately without the intervention of the etymological meaning. Thus according to him laksana can be based on prayojana alone kusaladvirephadvikadayastu saksatsamketavisayatvat mukhya ebeti na rudhirlaksyasyarthasya hetutvenasmabhirukta op cit, p 25 Visvanatha too in his Sahityadarpana adopts the same view and criticises Mammata for citing kusala as an instance since the same arguments would lead to even such words, as gauh, etc in expressions like gauh sete, etc being regarded as cases of laksana-a position as fantastic as absurd, which even Mammata himself cannot accept 4 3 Abhidhavrttimatrka mukhyarthasambhavat seyam mukhyarthasattihetuka rudheh prayojanadhva'pi vyavaharevalokyate kinciddhi santararthaparigrahe prayojanamanadivrddhavyavaharaprasiddhanusaranatmakatvat rudhyanuvrttisvabhavam yatha dvirephadau dvirephasabdena hi rephadvittyayagitvena bhramarasabdalaksanadvarena rudhyanuvrttireva kriyate-karika 9 and vrtti thereon. (NSP Edn) Cp 4 Cp kecit tu karmani kusala iti rudaudaharanti tadanye na manyante kusagrahiruparthasya vyutpattilabhyatye'pi daksarupasyaiva mukhyarthatvat anyaddhisabdanam vyutpattinimittam anyacca pravrttinimittam vyutpattilabhyasya mukyarthatve 'gauh sete' tyatrapi, laksana syat 'gamerdoh' iti gamdhatordapratyayena vyutpaditasya gosabdasya sayanakale prayogat-Sahityadarpana, Chap II The above text of Visvanatha is, however, based on the commentary of Candidasa, his illustrious ancestor, on Mammata's Kavyaprakasa, which runs as follows. etacca prakrtipratyayarthavibhagakalpanalabhya eva yaugikesu mukhyo'rtha iti vaiyakaranaritya udahrtam vastutastu bhinne eva

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216 JAIN JOURNAL 3 Hemacandra differs from Dhvanikara in one most important point. Anandavardhana classifies suggestion based on material significance (arthasaktimuladhvani) into three categories according as the matter concerned is objectively possible (svatahsambhavt) or invented by the poet's own imaginative faculties (kavipraudhoktinispanna) or again brought into being not by the poet's fancy but by the imagination of someone amongst the dramatis personae--themselves the creatures of the poet's Muse (kavinbaddhavakt,proudhoktinispanna) Hemacandra contends that this classification 18 unnecessary and incongruous in as much as the three above-mentioned varieties have the essential property of being the outcome of poetic fancy common to all of them Even matters that are objectively real per se cannot find place in a true poctic art if they are not transfigured by the poet's imagination As he remarks iha carthah svatahsambhav kavipraudhoktimatranispannasarirah kavinbaddhavaktspraudhoktimatranispannasariro va-ifi bhedakathanam na nyayyam kavipraudhoktimatranirmitatvenaiva sadhyasiddheh praudhoktimantarena svatahsambhavino'pi akincikaratvat kavipraudhoktirevaca kavinibaddhavaktspraudhok tirin kim prapancena op cit, p 46 vyutpattipravyttinimitte anyatha gaccharili gauriti vyutpattya 'gauh sete' ityadau gopadamapi laksanik ameva syat op cit, pp 41-42 (Sarasvati Bhavana Texts, No 46) We are to note, however, that Hemacandra preceded both Candidasa and Visvanatha Note arthataktyudbhabanurananarupavyangye dhvanau yo vyanjako`rtha uktastasyapi dvau prakarau-kaveh kavinivaddhasya va vakruh praudhoktimatranispannasarira ekah svatahsambhavi ca dvitiyah-Dhanyaloka on karika, Il 24, on which Abhinavagupta remarks--tenaite trayo bheda bhavanti Mammata follows the Dhvankara without trying to justify the plausibility of the above classification Comp Kavyaprakasa, IV, 16-17 Manikyacandra in his Samketa follows Hemacandra Jagannatha also in his Rasaganagadhara criticizes the above classification though he recognises the first variety, Viz , 'svatahsambahvi' According to him the last two varieties should be really classed under one single head. Compare his remarks pranbhanirmitatvavisesacca kavitadumbhitavaktypraudhoktinispannayorarthayorna prthagnanocita umbhutombhitaderapi bhedantaraprayojakatapatteh na ca tasyapi kavyumbhitarvanapayat tatprayajyabhedantargatatvameveti vacyam prathamombhitasyapi lokottaravarnananipmatvalak sanakavitvanapayat

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APRIL, 1968 217 4. Mammata in his Kavyaprakasa cites the following verse from Bhallatasataka as an instance of the figure of speech aprastutaprasamsa based on double entendre (flesa) : pumnstvadapi pravicaledyadi yadyadho'pi yayadyadi pranayanena mahanapi syat abhyuddharettadapi visvamtidrsiyam kenapi dik prakaita purusottamena Here the poet eulogizes a king by addressing him as purupottama (the greatest of all men) and as such it is the praise that is prastuta or contextual But the term purusottama is the conventional name (samjha) of Visnu Mammata holds that since purusottama when referring to Visnu is a rudha-term, the aprastura sense as applied to Visnu would be first comprehended, and the praise of the king, even though it is the prastuta sense, would be cognised later on, on the strength of the maxim . yogad rudhir baltyastThus it is legitimately a case of aprastutaprasamsa based on slesa since the aprastuta sense gives rise to the cognition of the prastuta meaning? But Hemacandra justly holds that this interpretation is erroneous For, the context (prakarana) as a restrictive factor is stronger than rudhi and where the two are at conflict it is the former that outweighs the latter and not vice versa Thus the contextual meaning would be cognised first and the apprehension on the aprastuta sense as referring to Visnu would be due to the suggestive function (vyanjanavyapara) of words So the above verse should be properly regarded as an pythagbhedaprayojakatanupapatteh-op cit, p 134 (NSP Edn ) Nagoji Bhatta, however, in his comments on the above text of Rasagangadhara, upholds the view of the Dhvanikara vyddhoktivisayat frsuktivisaya rva kavyuktivi sayat kavinibaddhok tivasaye camatkaradhikyasyanubhavikatvat prthagukth tatahparanca pratinidhanasadhyapratitikataya camatkarasthaganat nombhitombhitadeh pythaggananeti tu navyah-Ibid. 7 Compare Pradipa atra pumstvad ityadiviesananam purur sottameneti visesyasya ca slesat satpurusapratipattih naca slesa evayam. 'avayava akteh samudayasaktirvaliyasi'--ti nyayat pragvisnapasthitau satpurusasyak sepenarva upasthiteh slesaktve'pi aprastutasya prathamopasthityaiva aprastutaprasamsatvat--op cit., P 339 (NSP Edn) Visvanatha too cites the same verse in the same context and blindly follows Mammata : atra purusottamapadena visesyenapi slistena pracuraprasiddhaprathamam vissureva bodhyate tena varnantyah kascitpurusah prati yate.--Sahityadarpana, Chap X.

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218 JAIN JOURNAL instance of sabdasaktimuladhvani and not as an example of aprastutaprasamsa as Mammata and his followers would have it. As he observes : atra purusottamasabdasyarthadvayavacakarve'pi satpurusacaritasya prastutatvadabhidha ekatra niyantriteti satpurusa eya vacyo na vishustaccaritasyaprakstatvat tatpratipattistu sabdasaktimulad dvanereva & op cit., P 260 5 The classification of our mental states into permanent (sthayibhava) and transitory (vyabhicaribhava) as first introduced by Bharata, the eponymous author of the extant Natyasastra has since then been regarded as an article of faith by the later writers on poetics Bharata restricts the number of permanent feelings to dine and nine only which alone can attain to the status of aesthetic emotion (rasa), while the thirtythree transitory feelings, like bubbles on the surface of the ocean appear and disappear in ceaseless succession There have been authors who dared to question this classification as stereo-typed by Bharata and meekly assented to by the majority of Alamkarikas But each isolated attempt has not been successful and the number of rasas is still fixed at nine Jagannatha in his Rasagangadhara zealously upholds Bharata's scheme of classification and denounces those who try to raise any note of dissent against ito As far as my knowledge of poetics extends, I have not been & The cogency of Hemacandra's observations is further borne out by the following remarks of Abhinavagupta in a similar context where he justifies dhvani in the Harsacarita passage "atrantare kusumasamayayugamupasamharan ajrmbhata grismabhidhanah phullamallikadhavalattahaso mahakalah"-cited by Anandavardhana Cp atra rtuvarnanaprastavaniyantritabhidhasah tayah, ataeba 'avayavaprasiddheh samudayaprasidhirvaliyasi' iti nyayamapahurvanto mahakalaprabhytayah Sabda etamevartham abhidhaya kytakttya eva tadanantaramarthavagatirdhvananavyaparadeva sabda taktimulat - Locana on Dhyanyaloka, Chap XI, p 241 (Chowkhamba Edn) Comp. bharatadimunivacananamevatra rasabhavatvadivyabasthapakatvena svatantryayogat anyatha putradivisayaya api rateh sthayibhavatyam kuto na syat na syat va kutah fuddhabhavatvam jugupsa. sokadinam, tyakhiladarsanavyakult syat rasanam navatva ganana munivacananiyantrita bhajyet,-it yathasastrameva jyayah-op cit, P 56 Again etena vatsalyakhyam putradyalambanam rasantaramiti parastam ucchymkhalataya munivacanaparahatatvat op cit, p. 94. Also, while commenting on the number of transitory feelings as fixed

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APRIL, 1968 219 able to find any attempt to justify Bharata's classification of mental states on any firm psychological basis save 10 Hemacandra's treatise. The definition of Dasarupaka, Sahityadarpana, and all later treatises are clothed in metaphors and studied by eschewing the psychological issue at stake. Jagannatha who is noted for his proverbial radicalism and independence of judgement fails to convince us on this point. tatra apravandham sthiratvadamisam bhavanam sthyartvam na ca cittavrttirupanamesamasruvinasitvena sthiratvam durlabham vasanarupataya sthiratvam tu vyabhracricu atiprasaktam itt vacyam vasanarupanamamisam muhurmuhurabhivyaktereva sthirapadarthatvat yyabhicarinam tu naiva tadabhivyaktervidyududyotaprayatvat op cit, p 37 (NSP Edn) It is Hemacandra alone who has endeavoured for the first time to plant this age-old classification which at first sight seems arbitrary and irrational on an essentially psychological foundation and thus offers a scientific interpretation to a prima facte unscientific dogma H18 solution is as follows Every living and conscious being is as soon as it is born invested with these nine mental states and they can never be altogether shaken off so long as the conscious activities remain unimpaired Love and Fear, Humour and Repugnance, Anger and Pathos, Wonder and Heroism and Calm are the constant accompaniment of a man's psychological life But it is otherwise with the transitory states They can be easily got rid of if we strive to do so And this basic difference between these two groups of mental states constitutes the basis of Bharata's classification We quote here at length the following text from Hemacandra's treatise for the convenience of the reader tatra sthayirvameravatameva jata eva hi janturiyaribhih samvidbhih parito bhavati tathahi duksadvesi sukhasvadanalalasah sarvo riramsaya vyaptah svatmani utkarsamanitaya paramupahasati utkarsapayasankaya socati apayam prani krudhyati apayahetuparihare by Bharata, he observes . atha kathamasya samkhyaniyamah ? matsaryodvegadambhersyavivekanirnayaklarvyak samakutukotkanthavinayasamsayadharstyadinamapi tatra tatralak syesu dar sanaditi cet na uktesveva esamantarbhavena samkhyantaranupapatteh a styato matsaryasya trasad udvegasya .... vastutah suksme bhede'pi nantariyakataya tadanatrriktasaibadhyavasayat muni vacananupalanasya sambhave ucchynkhalataya anaucityat-op cit, p 118

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220 JAIN JOURNAL samutsahate. Vinipatat biveti kimcit ayuktataya bhimanyamano jugupsate. latasca parakartayyavaicitryadarsanat vismayate. kincije hastustatra vairagyat pratamam bhajate, na cartaccirtavyttivasanafunyah kascit prant bhavati. kevalam kasyacur kacidadhika bhavari cittaritih kacit una. kasyacu ucitavisayanuyantrita kasyacidanyatha ye punarami dhrtyadayasoittavrttivisesaste samucitavibhavabhavat janmamadhye na bhavantyeven vyabhicarnah tathahi rasayanamupayuktavata cero glanyalasyaframaprabhatayo na bhavantyeva yasyapi va bhavanti bibhavabalat tasyapi hetupraksaye kslyamanah sanskarasesaram navafyamupabadhnanti ratyadayastu sampaditasvakartavyataya pralinakalpa api samskarasesaram nativartante, vastvantaravisayasya ratyaderakhandanat yadaha patanjalih-nahi caitra ekasyam striyam virakta ityanyasu virakta tyadi tasmat sthayirupacittavetrisutrasyuta evami svatmanamudayastamayavaicitryafatasahasradharmanam pratilabhamanah sthayinam vicitrayantah pratibhasante iti vyabhicarma ucyante et seg op cit, pp. 83-84. 6 Anandavardhana, in his Dhvanyaloka, Chapter II, has laid down certain definite principleslo which must be observed by a poet in introducing figures of speeches in a poem so that the aesthetic emotion (rasa) which is the quintessence of a poetic art is not compromised thereby The alamkaras introduced should always remain subservient to the latter and the charm due to these pretty terms of expression should not vie with the charm of the aesthetic realisation. Anandavardhana has cited some instances from the works of the great poets where these norms have beon properly obeyed But he refrains from referring to the counter examples (pratyudaharanas) that would lustrate the breach of these principles 11 Hemacandra in his Kavyanusasana supplements the observations of the Dhvanikara and cites verses to illustrate the violation of each one of these poetic norms with apt remarks in no other treatises 10 Comp vivak satatpuratvena nangrivena kadacana kale ca grahanatyagau natinirvahanaisita nirvyudharapi congatve yatnena pratyavek sanam rupakaderalamkaravargasyangarvasadhanam -Dhvanyaloka, karikas, II, 18-19. 11 sa evamupanibadhyamano'lamkaro rasabhivyakthetuh kaverbhavani uktaprakaratikrame tu niyamenaiva rasabhangaheruh sampadyate. laksyam ca tathavidham mahakavi prabandhe'pi dysayte vahusah. tattu suktisahasradyotitatmanam mahatmanam do odghosaramatmana eva dusanam bhavati iti na vibhajya darfutam - loc. cit.

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APRIL 1968 on poetics have these principles formulated by Anandavardhana been so scrupulously explained and illustrated. This is certainly an interesting feature of the Kavyanutasana which testifies to the keen critical insight of its author and his sense of consistency We cite below the relevant portions from the text tatparatve kale grahatyagayornatinirvahe nirvahe'pyangatve rasopakarinah alamkara iti vartate tatparatvam rasopakarakatvenalamkarasya niveso, na badhakatvena, 221 badhakatvena yatha: srastah sragdamasobham tyajati viracitamakulah kesapasah ksibaya nupurau ca dvigunataramimau krandatah padalagnau vyastah kampanubandhadanavaratamuro hanti haro'yamasyahkridantyah prdayeva stanabharavinamanmadhyabhanganapeksam atra pidayevetyutprek.salamkaro'ngt samstadanugrahakascarthaslesah karunocitan vibhavanubhavansampadayan badhakatvena bhatiti na prakrtarasopakart tatasthyena yatha lilavadhutapadma kathayanti paksapatamadhikam nah manasamupaiti keyam citragata rajahamsiva phalahakalikhitasagarikapratibimbadar sanabhijatabhilasasya rajasyeyamuktistatasthasyeva kavinoparaciteti flesanugrhitopamalamkarapradhanyena prastuto raso gunikrto'paryighatisaya angatve'pi kale'vasare grahanam yatha. uddamotakalikam iti vatsa na tvevam yatha. vataharataya jagadvisadharairasvasya nihsesitam te grastah punarabhratoyakanikativravraterbahirbhih te'pi kruracamurucarmavasanairnitah ksayam lubdhakaih dambhasya sphuritam vidannapi jano jalmo gunanihate atra vataharatvam pascadvacyamapyadabuktam--ityatisayoktiranavasare grhita tathahi-prathamata eva prathamapade hetutpreksaya yadatisayokterupadanam na tatprakrtasya dambhaprakar saprabhavatiraskrtagunagananusocanamayasya nirvedasyangatameti na hi vataharatvadadhiko dambhastoyakanavratam napi tato'dhikam dambhatvam mrgajinavasanamiti. grhitasyapyavasare tyago yatha. raktastvam navapallavairahamapi ityadi natvevam yatha. ajna sakrasikhamanipranayini sastrani caksurnavam bhaktirbhutapatau pinakini padam lanketi divya puri utpattidruhinanvaye ca tadaho nedrgvaro labhyate syaccedera na ravanah kva nu punah sarvatra sarve gunah

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222 JAIN JOURNAL atra na ravana ityasmadeva tyago yuktah tathahlravana iryetajagadakrandakaritradyarthantaram pratrpadavajjanakasya dharmaviram pratyanubhavatam pratipadyate, ai varyam pandutyam paramesabhakardesavileso'bhijana it yetasarvam lokamapabadhamanasyadharmaparasya narthakriyakarakamini tavato'rthasya tiraskarakatvenaivam ravana, cestitam nirvahaniyam yattvanyadupattam "kva nu punar' itt tadyadi sasamdeharvena yoyate athaksepatvenathapi nedrgvaro labhyata iyatrarthantaranyasatvena tathapi prakytasya dharmavirasya na kathamcinnirvahah. natyantam nirvaho yatha kopatkomalalola ityadi na tvevam yatha , nyancarkuncitamutsukam hasitavatsakutamakekaram vyavyttam prasaratprasadi mukulam saprema kampram sthiram udbhru bhrantamapangavsta vikacam majjattarangottaram cak suh sasru ca vartate rasavas adekarkamanyakriyam atra ravanasya drgvimtatau vaicitryena svabhavokurnirvahitapi rasasyangatvena na yoniteti op cit, pp 17-22 The issues dealt with above, should not be overlooked when we proceed to appraise the worth of a treatise like Hemacandra's Kavyanusasana Each one of these points reflects the critical intelligence of the great Jaina teacher He was not a blind devotee of everything that was old His keenly rationalistic mind was never at rest till it was able to discover some reasonable basis underlying the commonly accepted doctrines This was no mean asset in an age that was wont to take the traditional dogmas at their face value without feeling the least necessity of judging their intrinsic worth Reprinted from Indian Culture, Vol XIII, pp 217224 Courtesy Indian Research Inststute, Calcutta,

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CHANDANUSASANA The Chandanusasana was composed after the Kavyanu$asana as we learn from the first verse but before the Viveka on Kavyanusasana, as the Viveka refers to it It consists of about 746 sutras divided into 8 adhyayas As usual the commentary is lucid and interesting The information that it gives on the Prakrit and especially the Apabhramsa metres is invaluable and is likely to throw much light on the history of metres used in different modern Indian languages The illustrative stanzas also deserve attention, especially the Prakrit and Apabhramsa ones. The poetic quality of many of these verses is really high Hemacandra was not only a great writer of sastras but a great writer of good poetry also

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HEMACANDRA AND CHANDANUSASANA S. SENGUPTA The metres in Sanskrit are generally of four types Every verse is supposed to consist of four 'feet' or lines which may be identical (samatypes) from the point of view of metre or the alternate lines may be identical (ardha-sama-type) or the four lines may be of four different metrical patterns (visama-type) There is another variety (matra-type) in which the metre is described by the number of matras, ie, syllabic 'values in each line A long syllable bears two matras, and a short one only one matra By far the great majority of metres in Sanskrit are samavittas, ie the verses consisting of four lines, each of the same metric pattern abodha, attributed most text-boot. aung which syllable The metre has been defined in the orthodox treaties usually in two ways Bharata's Natyafastra and a late text, the Srutabodha, attributed to Kalidasa, define metres by stating which syllables are long and which short but in most text-books from Pingala's celebrated work onwards including Hemacandra's compendium the Chandanusasana the metres are defined in terms of eight varieties of trisyllabic units and two monosyllabic units, the long and the short This shorthand enables the definitions to be compressed in a few words 2 But neither of the systems pay any attention to the 'structure of the metres or their innate rhythm with the result that the basic similarities of the metres and the evolution of metres are two important aspects which never engaged the attention of our prosodists 3 1 ya=bacchiac, --, ra=cretic, - U-, ta=antibacchiac, O , bha=dactyl, - , ja -amphibrach, -U, sarana paest, -, ma=molossus, -- -, na=tribrach, , la= , ga=-- Janasrayi uses other symbols a Hemacandra attains further brevity by indicating number of syllables by different letters of alphabet to indicate caesura. 8 A very welcome pioneering study is Mukherjee's 'Rhythm in Sanskrit Syllabic Metres', Journal of Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol VII, No. 3, 1965

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APRIL, 1968 235 As is the practice with Hemacandra, he has sought to be exhaustive on the subject of metres in his Chandinusasana In this brief study wo shall compare its contents as regards Sanskrit metres with those of the two popular text-books the Chandamanjart of Gangadasa and the Vitta-ratnakara of Kedara, which is earlier Pingala has treated Vedic prosody as well as the prosody of the classical Sanskrit In what follows, we shall mostly confine ourselves to the samavettas It may be noted here that in the classical literature we meet with only about twentyfive metres Poets like Magha and Bharavi composed verses in rare metres to show their metrical skill. But even then this brings in at most thirty more, briaging the total to about fiftyfive only. In Chandamanjari we find 122 metres defined by the author himself of which he has given illustrations as also some 104 more defined by Kedara or his commentator which the author has not illustrated in the following table we shall state the number of metres defined by Gangadasa and Kedara and also by Pingala and Hemacandra Aksaras Pingala Kedara Gangadasa Hemacandra * Keith, History of Sanskrit Literature, pp 418-21

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226 JAIN JOURNAL Aksaras Pingala Kedara Gangadasa Hemacandra 24 Inan Total 102 App 104 226 Hemacandra had evidently all the authoritative texts before him He gives alternative names of metres in many cases For instance, regarding metre samgatam he remarks 'padmamukhi-suratavastham-uddharanamsopanak am ceryanye' He has extensively referred to Bharata Thus on metre pritthur, he notes 'vilamvitagatiriti bharatah' He notes again that Bharata's name for what is now known as mandakranta metre was Sridhara 17 Hemacandra was a poet of great ability and he has illustrated every one of the metres with verses of his own, many of which are exquisite 5 A few of his verses, chosen at random, will be reproduced at the end of of the article The Chandanusasana consists of eight chapters Briefly these deal with sutras Chapter I Definitions and abreviations Chapter 11 Jan, 1e , 'sama' metres 401 Chapter 111 Ardha-sama metres, visuina metres, vaitaliya and other matra metres, matra-sama metres Chapter IV Gatha, ie, arva metres These are Prakrit metres Chapter V Apabhramsd metres Chapter VI Aplbhramsa metres continued-catuspadi and sat padi Chapter VII Apabhramsa metres continued- dvipad: Chapter VIII Prastara 746 6 Hemacandra in chapters IV-VIII has dealt with about 340 metres This by far exceeds the number of metres treated in any other work on Prakrit (and Apabhramsa) metres There are 1006 verses almost all perhaps composed by Hemacandra himself of which 626 are in Sanskrit

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APRIL, 1968 227 In Chandamatjari there are eight 'sama' and two 'ardha-sama' metes which have not been recorded by Hemacandra. Besides there arc twentyfour 'sama', one 'visama' and one 'ardha-sama' metres? which bear different names in Hemacandra's work Similarly four sama' metres of Kedara have different names here A faw 'sama' metres are also defined slightly differently & Thirtyone 'sama' metres in Chandamanjart out of one hundred and four not illustrated appear to be new. Taking all these into account, in the field of 'sama' metres alone, Hemacandra's work has recorded no less than one hundred and sixtynine metres in addition to one hundred and nintyfive common to Chandamanjari and Chandanusasana It will thus be seen that Chandanusasana of Hemacandra may justly be considered an encyclopaedia on Sanskrit and Prakrit metrical forms. We conclude by quoting a few short verses from the work just to give an idea of Hemacandra's versatility, his command over language and metre His contribution to the science of words has indeed been stupendous Hus erudition was unparalled and profound, and he has been known to his admirers for generations as Kalikalasarvajna, one n << Priya (slg), Gajagati (nblg), Vasanta (mtnmgg), Vipinatilaka (ssner), Garudaruta (njbytg), Surasa (mrbnyng), Gitika (subrslg), Hamsi (sstnnnjg), Kaumudi (nnbr, norr), Manjusaurabha (npr, sjyJg) Here m=--, i y= - - , r= - -, - - - ,b=s= - ,J= - - , g= ? These names in Hemacandra are given in brackets Sali (Migabadhu), Sarasi (Siddi), Manjubhasini (Nandini), Naraca (Nisa), Citralekha (Candralekha), Asokamanjart (Asokapuspamanjari), Vidyul ekha (Sayitri), Madhumari (Harivilasita), Anukula (Pratyavabodha, Sri), Manimala (Puspavicitra), Candi (Kamalakst), Candrika (Kutilagati), Praharanakalika (kalita), Lola (alola), Nandimukhi (Vasanta), Lilakhela (Kamakrtda), Pravaralalita (Jayananda), Nardataka (Avitatha), Kalahamsa (Kutaja), Kusumastavaka (Kusumastarana), Mattamatangalilakara (Mattamatanga), Mandakini (Pramuditavadana, Prabha), Manjari (Kahka), Sundari (Prabodhita) In addition the Vitta-ratnakara has some metres otherwise named by Hemacandra, eg, Prabhavari (Laksmi), Induvadana (Skhalita), Upacitra (Vidusi) Anavasita (Patuta) 8 Panava mnjg for mnyg Lalana vtns for bmns Ela sjjny for sjany Candrakanta : rrmyya for rrmsy Mahasragdhara . sttnsrrg for sjtosnrg

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228 JAIN JOURNAL who in this kah age is knower of everything that is knowable-an opithet which he alone very rightly deserves ballavam surabhimremanangam daksinatyapavanam suhdanca Picchatiha parapustavighustaih svagatani niyatam vanalaksmih bhrantagrdhravandakankamandalam fyenika tvadiyavairivahini apatat kytantaraudrakinkaravyakuleva laksyate ksamapate samullasaddasanamayukhacandrika tarangite tava vadanendumandale sulocane kalayan lanchanacchavim ghananyanadravaruciralakavali avasah parnasala bapusi ca vasanam nutana tvak tarunam panavasadhayastih sirasi ca cikurairnavyagumpho jatanam karne ksasrag dharayah parbrdhavipine tvadbhayat sampratittham vyttirdvitrairahobhist ydarintpajanaih siksita tapasanam janayati mahatim pritim hsdaye kaminam cutamanyari miladalicakracancuparicumbitakesara komalamalayavataparinartita tarusikharasthita

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YOGASASTRA Hemacandra's Yogasastra consists of 12 prakasas comprising 1014 verses Yoga is described as the thing that leads to liberation and it consists of 'three jewels -Right Attitude, Right Knowledge and Right Conduct The first three prakatas are devoted to Jaina ethics In the fourth prakasa, the soul is identified with the 'three jewels' and then follows the description of yoga including asanas which embodies the substance of the yoga-system of Patanjali The fifth describes the control of breath and the acquisition of ocult powers The rest of the prakasas are devoted to sundry topics connected with yoga The commentary on the first four prakasas is prolix, in the style of Jaina sermons, introducing anecdotes, stories, etc, while on the remaining prakatas, it is brief Probably the commentary is not the work of Hemacandra himself but of one of his pupils The Yogasastra was prepared towards the close of his life It was written about 1160 A D at the request of Kumarapala

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THE YOGASASTRA OF HEMACANDRA NATHMAL TATIA The Indian systems of philosophy are not mere speculations on the nature of things but, with all sincerity and earnestness at their command, they dive deep into the mysteries of the universe in order to find the way out of the limitations of the worldly existence vitiated by perversities and crippled by various privations and disabilities The perfect unfolding of the potentialities of the self is the object aimed at The pursuit of truth must culminate in the realisation of truth The ordinary sources of knowledge are found to be inadequate for the discovery of the ultimate truth, being subject to the limitations imposed by the senses The intellect, though possessed of a superior status in that it organises the data of experience into a system, is also not immune from the limitations of the senses and has been found to record varying and conflicting conceptions which cannot all be true For this we must fall back upon another organ and this organ is meditation free from the visitations of the extraneous influences Self-meditation is common to all, and is a process of supreme importance to all the Indian systems Meditation on the nature of self is the only means of realising the truth One cannot grasp the truth unless one meditates upon it, and one cannot realise it unless one grasps it Implicit faith in the truth, whether born with the help of the preceptor or fostered by a spontaneous intuition of the truth, is the starting point on the path of spiritual realisation There are various processes of leading oneself from this stage of implicit faith in the truth to the stage of final realisation of the truth The processes have a common term for them, and that term is yoga Let us now study the essential characteristics of the Jaina conception of the pathway to emancipation, in other words, the Jaina yoga! 1 The term yoga has a chequered history "The word yoga occurs in the earliest sacred literature of the Hindus in the Rigveda (about 3000 BC) with the meaning of effecting a connection Later on, in about 700 or 800 BC the same word is used in the sense of yoking a horse In still later literature (abo.at 500 or 600 BC) it is found with the meaning of controlling the senses, and the senses themselves are compared with uncontrolled spirited horses The word probably represents a very old Original of the Aryan stock, which can be traced also in the German joch, OE geoc, Latin jugum, Greek zugon' Dasgupta, Philosophical Essays, Calcutta University, 1941, p 179 'In Panini's time the word yoga had attained its technical meaning, and he distinguised the root yuj samadhan (yw in the sense of concentration) from yujur yoge (yujir in the sense of connecting)' Dasgupta, History of Indian Philosophy, Vol I, P. 226 It is, so far as my perted horses he senses, and the bir says, Calcutech OE Reoc, "Latinal of the Aryan

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APRIL, 1968 231 The trio of night attitude, right knowledge and right conduct constitutes, according to the Jainas, the pathway to final emancipation' Right attitude or samyag-darsana is the predilection or love for truth Every soul has such predilection in some measure But unless and until it develops into a self-conscious pursuit of truth, it does not help spiritual progresss It is only at the stage of self-conscious effort for spiritual advancement that this love of truth is called samyag-darsana After the acquisition of this characteristic the soul passes through a number of stages of spiritual development, technically known as gunasthanas The attainment of right attitude (samyag-darsana) is followed by the attainment of night knowledge (samyag-nana) and right conduct (samyagcaritra) The soul acquires more and more power for self-concentration (dhyana) along with the increase of its purity and consequent attainment of the corresponding stages of spiritual development It is generally believed that the Jainas, from the very outset, put their whole stress on physical austerity and more or less neglected the aspect of meditation and self-concentration But this belief is not true Physical austerity is only an index of spiritual detachment: The identification of the soul with the body is the root evil to be got rid of And this is possible only if one practises detachment from the body The natural consequence of this practice of detachment is indifference towards it. The practice of detachment is incompatible with the care of its well-being The works of Acarya Kundakunda, Pujyapada and Jinabhadra contain elaborate instructions in self-meditation and concentration of mind The works of Haribhadra record a number of different doctrines of yoga and their comparative evaluation The Jnanarnava of Subhacandra and the Yogasastra of Hemacandra are valuable works on yoga Upadhyaya Yasovijaya revived the study of Haribhadra's works on yoga. The Jaina mind was always conscious of the efficacy of meditation for the achievement of final emancipation But it abhorred the acquisition of supernormal powers by means of the yogic processes Self realisation was the only aim to be fulfilled by yoga knowledge goes, only Haribhadra who defined the term yoga in the sense of *what leads one to emancipation for the first time in the history of Jaina thought. (cf mukkhena joyanao jogo savyo v dhammavavaro, Yogavimsika, karika, 1) This meaning of the term 18 unanimously accepted in the post-Haribhadra Jaina literature. Of course, the term yoga was used in the general sense of subduing the senses and the mind and the processes of concentration and ecstasy even in the earlier stages of the Jaina thought as well as in the early Buddhist thought But the terms Jhana (dhyana) and samadhi were more in vogue than the term yoga It is only in the Yogasutra of Patanjalt that we find the proper location of dhyana in the whole process called yoga for the first time. * Tatyartha Sutra, I 1 . Samantabhadra, Brhatsvayambhustotra, 83

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232 JAIN JOURNAL Yoga, according to Hemacandra, 18 the cause of final emancipation and consists in the threefold jewels of right knowledge, right attitude and right conduct." Hemacandra has discussed in detail the nature of right conduct 6 But then what is the ultimate nature of right knowledge, night attitude, and right conduct ? Hemancandra says that it is the self of the ascetic that is right knowledge, right attitude and right conduct They are nothing but the comprehension of the self in the self by the self on account of the disappearance of the eternal delusion? Emancipation is nothing but the conquest of the passions and the senses One cannot conquer the passions unless one conquers the senses And the conquest of senses is dependent upon purification of mind One should conquer the tendencies of attachment and hatred for the purification of the mind & And these tendencies can be conquered by equanimity (samatva) Equanimity however is possible only if one has completely given up the senses of mine-ness And one should take resort to the twelvefold contemplation in order to conquer the sense of mine-ness 10 One should practise dhyana after one has attained equanimity, because without equanimity one would try in vain to achieve concentration of mind (dhyana) 11 Concentration of mind leads one to the knowledge of the self, and the knowledge of the self leads to the destruction of the karmas, which means emancipation 12 Hemacandra then classifies dhyana as dharmya and sukla The four virtues of friendship (maitri), appreciation (pramoda), sympathy (karunya) and indifference (madhyasthya) are recognised as the sustainers of dharmya dhyana Hemacandra also deals with the question of the selection of proper * Yogasutra, 1, 15 * Ibid, I-III * Ibid. IV, 1 * Ibid, IV, 2 * Ibid, IV, 45 . The fleeting nature of things, the helplessness of one involved in the worldly existence, the nature of the world itself as fraught with misery and suffering, the loneliness of the worldly sojourn, the transcendental nature of the self as distinct and separate from the body, the impure character of the body, the conditions of the inflow of karmic matter and the consequent misery and suffering, the nature of the condition of the stoppage of karmic inflow, the nature of the condition of the dissociation of karmic matter from the soul, the nature of the constituents of the universe, the difficulty of the attainment of enlightenment and the rightness of the path of righteousness one has selected to tread upon The bhavanas are also known as auupreksas 10 Yogasutra, IV, 55 11 Ibid IV, 112 11 Ibid , IV, 112

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APRIL, 1968 233 place, postures'', regulation of breath (pranayama), withdrawal (pratyahara) of the mind with the senses, and fixing (dharana) of the mind on different places in these matters he closely follows Subhacandra. Hemacandra also recognises the types of pindastha, padastha, ripastha and rupartra dhyana 16 The other particulars about the dharmyha dhyana are as they are usually found elsewhere Hamacandra states some facts about dhyana on the basis of his own experience He distinguishes four kinds of mental states viz , scattered (viksipta), scattered-cum-collected (yatayata), collected (shsta) and merged (sulina) * The scattered mind is ever restless. The scatteredcum-collected can sometimes concentrate itself and experience spiritual joy The third kind is capable of greater concentration and spiritual joy The mind reaches the fourth state when it becomes perfectly steady and enjoys supreme bliss Hemacandra also recognises three distinct selves viz , the exterior, the interior, and the transcendental, and prescribes the rejection of the exterior, and concentration upon the transcendental by the interior 18 He insists upon the help and guidance of a competent guru (preceptor) for the revelation of truth 19 He insists also upon the supreme importance of the practice of detachment and indifference. He discourages forcible withdrawal of the mind and the senses, but asks to control them by means of the practice of indifference When the soul ceases to impel the mind, the mind has no reason to impel the senses And the senses being inactive, the worldly things lose all charm and fascination Gradually the mind ceases to exist With the cessation of the mind truth reveals itself to the soul 18 Ibid , IV, 123-33 14 Ibid, V, 1-273 18 Ibid, VI, 6-8 14 Ibid, VII-X Hemacandra uses the word sarirastha for pindastha 17 Ibid , XII, 4 1. Ibid , XII, 6 1. Ibid, XII, 13-17 Adapted from Jaina Yoga', Nathmal Tatia, Studies in Jaina Philosophy, Varanasi, 1951

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TRISASTISALAKAPURUSACARITA 10 parvas Trisastisalakapurusacarita is a great work in containing about 34000 slokas The sixtythree salakapurusas are the great personages, who, according to the belief of the Jainas, have, in the current avasarpini, risen in the history of the world and directed or influenced its course, they comprise the twentyfour Tirthankaras, the twelve Cakravartins, the nine Vasudevas, the nine Baladevas and the nine Prativasudevas The biographies of these great personages vary greatly in extent and interest Some consist of little but statistics, others are rich in folk-lore, fiction, exposition of Jaina doctrines, etc It is one of the latest works of Hemacandra, as is evident from the prasasti to the tenth prava, where he enumerates works that he has written for king Kumarapala, for himself, and for the people It is written in an easy style of anustubha metre on the model of the Puranas, the Ramayana and the Mahabharata, and contains fine descriptions

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EXCERPTS FROM TRISASTISALAKAPURUSACARITA HELEN M JOHNSON One day, when Spring, the abode of love, had come, the Lord went to a garden to please his retinue There in a bower of flowers, the Master of the World, adorned with ornaments of flowers, sat like Spring personified The Laksmi of Spring, as it were, gave welcome to the Lord of the World by humming bees intoxicated by the Juice of blossoming mango trees An overture, as it were, being performed by cuckoos singing the fifth note, the wind from Malaya, the leader of the dance, showed the dance of the creepers Gazelle-eyed maidens gave embraces, kicks, and nectar from their lips to the hena plant, abokas and bakula, as if to lovers A bee, delighted with strong fragrances, like a tlaka, made the wood look like the forehead of a young man The lavali creeper was bent with the weight of clusters of blossoms, like a slenderwaisted maiden with the very great weight of her swelling breasts The wind from Malaya slowly, slowly embraced the mango-shoot, like a well-versed lover an innocent young girl Love, like one carrying a club, was strong enough to kill the travellers with his clubs in the form of stalks of jambu, kadamba, amra, campaka and asoka To whom did not the wind from Malaya, like water, give pleasure, made fragrant by union with fresh flowers of the trumpet-flower tree ? The mahua, stored with sweet juices like a dish of honey, was filled with humming by the bees approaching Balls were arranged, I think, under the guise of kadamba-flowers, to make practice of ball and bow by the God of Love The vasanti-flower was made a well of juice for bee-travellers by Spring, as if devoted to establishing water-supplies for the public The sindhuvara caused great stupor to travellers by its blossoms' wealth of perfume hard to restrain like poison in the nose The bees wander fearlessly like guards appointed over the campahas by the gardener of Spring Spring showed a wealth of fine and superfine trees and plants, like the youth of men and women Gazelle-eyed maidens began to gather flowers there as if eager to give wealth to the great tirtha of Spring "Since we have become weapons of Smara, what need of other weapons ?"-as if with this idea, the amorous women gathered flowers Her flowers having been gathered, pained

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230 JAIN JOURNAL by separation from them, the vasant! cried out, as it were, by bees humming low One maiden, when she had gathered jasmine, stopped as she was going away, because her dress clung to it, as if restrained by the jasmine, saying, "Do not go elsewhere." As one was gathering campaka, she was stung on the petal-lip by a young bee flying up as if from anger at the breaking up of his shelter One, with her creeper-arm raised, gathered flowers very high together with the minds of young men who saw the hollow of her arm Creepers looked like living gatherers of flowers, with hands that were masters of clusters of fresh flowers The trees looked as if they bore women as fruit, with women clinging to each branch from the desire to gather flowers One man made a body-ornament for his sweet-heart from jasmine flowers that he himself had gathered, which resembled a wreath of pearls One filled his sweetheart's coil of hair with full-blown flowers with his own hand, like a quiver of the God of Love One satisfied his beloved by giving a wreath, resembling the rainbow, woven by himself from fivecoloured flowers One gracefully caught in his hands a ball of flowers thrown by his sweet-heart, hke a servant a gratuity Gazelle-eyed maidens going to and fro from the motion of the swings kicked the treetops as if they were guilty husbands One bride, seated in a swing, endured blows from creepers from her women friends who asked her husband's name, her mouth sealed from modesty One man who was seated with a timid-eyed maiden opposite, swung the swing very hard from the desire for a close embrace with her Young men engaged in the sport of swinging the swings on every branch looked like monkeys on the garden-trees While the citizens were playing there in this way, the Master thought, "Is there such sport anywhere else "" Then by clairvoyant knowledge the Master knew the very highest pleasure of heaven and that pleasure of Anuttara heaven formerly enjoyed by himself His bonds of delusion dropping away, again he reflected thus "Alas these people, overcome by sense-objects, do not know their own good Ah! in this well of samsara, jivas from their karma perform actions that are nothing more than coming and going like a jar on a water-wheel Alas! alas for creatures whose minds are blinded by delusion this birth always passes in vain like the night for those asleep Love, hate and delusion cut down peoples' dharma at the root, even though it is shooting up, like rats a tree Ah anger is made to grow by the foolish like a banyan-tree which will entirely consume even its own cultivator Men mounted on conceit consider nothing, like elephant-drivers mounted on elephants crossing a boundary Evil-hearted creatures do not abandon deceit which -

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APRIL, 1968 237 always causes trouble like the seed-vessel of the kapikacchu Even a spotless collection of virtues is spoiled by greed alone, like milk by sour gruel, or a white cloth by collyrium So long as the four passions close at hand watch like guards in the prison of worldly existence, whence will maksa come to men ? Persons, engaged in the embraces of women, as sf affilicted by bhuras do not know themselves completely ruined. The intoxication of oneself by oneself is produced by various kinds of food for the sake of worthless things, like the cure of a lion by herbs Saying, "This is fragrant , this is fragrant Which shall I chose ?" a greedy fool, wandering like a bee, never takes pleasure People deceive themselves by material objects such as beautiful women, pleasant for the moment, alas ! like a child by its play-things Their ears given to the sounds of flutes, lutes, etc , they are torn away from their own good, like one who wishes to sleep from meditation on the fastras At the same time the consciousness of creatures, alas! alas ! is bewildered by these sense-objects all together, as if by wind, bile and phlegm that have become very strong " While in this way the Supreme Lord's mind was woven with the threads of continuity of disgust with samsara, then the Lokantika-gods who have nine sub-divisions--Sarasvatas, Adityas, Vahnis, Arunas, Gardatoyas, Tusitas, Avyabadhas, Maruts and Ristas, living at the end of Brahmmaloka, having additional ornaments made by folded hands like lotus-buds on their heads, came to the teet of the Lord of the World They spoke as follows "O you who have lotus-feet sunk in the water of light from the crest-jewels of Sakra, O light for the path of moksa lost in Bharataksetra, just as the first laws for the people have been established, O Lord, likewise establish a dharmatirtha Remember your own task" After making this request to the Lord, the gods went to their respective abodes in the Brahmmaloka The Master also went at once to his own palace from the garden Nandana with the desire to be a wandering mendicant Reprinted from the translation of Trisastusalakapurusacarita by Helen M Johnson, Vol I, Baroda, 1931, PP 156-160 Courtesy Oriental Institute, Baroda.

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PARISISTAPARVAN The Sthaviravalicarita ie, the Lives of the Jaina Patriarchs, by Hemacandra is, as its other and more frequently used title Parisistaparvan indicates, the Appendix or continuation of the same author's great work, the Trisastisalakapurusacarita It is divided into 13 cantos, containing about 3500 slokas The Sthayiravalicarita is a legendary history of the patriarchs from Jambu down to Vajrasena, ie, a series of historical legends about them, arranged in chronological order Many have written works on the sixtythree falakapurusas down to the nirvana of Mahavira But only two authors have continued the history of the Jaina church beyond that point, viz , (1) Hemacandra in the Praisistaparvan and (2) Bhadresvara in the last part of the Kathavali, a huge work in Prakrit prose Bhadresvara's work though earlier and going beyond the contents of Hemacandra's work has few literary merits, while Hemacandra's is written in fluent Sanskrit verse and elegant kavya style

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STHAVIRAVALICARITA OF HEMACANDRA HERMANN JACOBI The Sthaviravalicarita is a legendary history of the patriarchs from Jambu down to Varjasena, ie, a series of historical legends about them, arranged in chronological order Here two questions may be raised, (1) which were the sources that furnished Hemacandra with the materials for the narrative, (2) can the historical foundation of the legendary history of the patriarchs be established on the independent evidence ? 1 The Sources of the Sthaviravalicarita What I have to say on this head, I almost entirely owe to my friend Prof E Leumann But before entering on the detailed analysis of the Sthaviravalicarita, I premise a brief survey of the literary works on which it is based Religious teachers were wont to enliven their sermons, and to illustrate their doctrines, by apologues and legends When reduced to writing such tales gave rise to what may be called the Kathanaka literature, part of which formed the stories of the patriarchs and other famous persons, believed to have contributed to the development of the church after Mahavira's nirvana These stories are scarcely ever alluded to in the Sutra itself, but frequently in the Niryukti belonging to it There are ten Sutras to which Bhadrabahu, a late namesake of the sixth patriarch, has written Niryukus, 1e, systematical expositions of the subject of the Sutra to which they belong The Niryuktis frequently mention the stories in question, but as a rule offer but a mere summary or a few details of them, while the teacher is supposed to be well acquainted with them A more detailed account of the stories is contained in the Prakrit commentraies on the Sutras and Niryuktis called Curnis, and a still further developed account of the same in the Tikas which explain the Niryuktis and freely make use of the text of the Curnis Hemacandra has laid under contribution chiefly Haribhadra's Tika on the Avasyaka Sutra, and in a less degree, that on the Dasavaikalika Sutra by the same author Somewhat different is the literary aspect in the Nisitha, Kalpa, Vyavahara and Visesavasyaka-Sutras To these Sutras also belong Curnis, which, however, are very voluminous works, written in gathas and shorter

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240 JAIN JOURNAL Bhasyas by individual authors Leaving the last named works out of account, it can be said that there are practically four layers of the Kathanaka literature (1) Sutras, (2) Niryuktis, (3) Curnis and (4) Tikas. The dates within which the Kathanaka literature has been developed, can be fixed almost with certitude For the beginning of that period is marked by the Niryuktis (1st century AD) and the end by Haribhadra's Tika (8th century AD) Besides the Curnis and Tikas Hemacandra drew upon the Vasudevahindi, a huge work in Prakrit prose about Vasudeva, Krsna, etc The date of Vasudevahindi is not known At any rate it cannot be later than the sixth century AD I now proceed to reproduce, in tabular form, Prof Leumann's analysis of the contents of the Sthaviravalicarita with reference to the sources drawn upon by Hemacandra 146-89 (Prasannacandra) Vasudevahi di, X 90-258 (Valkalacarin) Vasud XI, (both stories in Avasyaka Curnt, VIII, 161, 3 and Avasyaka, X, 80 286-469 (Vidyunmahn) Vasud , XII 267-285, 470-473 (Anadrta) Vasud , XI II 1-165 (Jambusvamivivaha) Hemacandra's much enlarged narrative is based on parts of the introduction of Vasud 166-190 (Prabhavacauragama) Vasud 191-222 (1 Madhubindupurusakatha) Vasud , IV 224-311 (2 Kuveradattakatha) Vasud , VI 315-354 (3 Mahesvaradattakatha) Vasud , VII 720-745 (11 Silajatuvanarakatha) Vasud , III Ili 214-275 (19 Lalitangakatha) Vasud, V V 1-107 (Prabhavadevatva, Sayyambhavacarita) Dasavarkalika Niryukti (147 and 438f), and Haribhadra's Tika on it VI 5-21 (Bhadrabahusisyacatustayavrttanta) Uttaradhyayana Kathanaka, II, 7 22-41 (Pataliputrapravesa, beginning) Avasyaka Kathanaka, XVII, 19, 27 42-183 (Annikaputrakatha) Av Katha , XVII, 11, 28 184-230 (Pataliputrapravesa, end, Udaimarakakatha) Av Katha , XVII, 11,29 231-251 (Nandarajyalabha) Av Katha , XVII, 11, 30 VII 1-137 (Kalpakamatya) Av Katha , XVII, 11, 31

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APRIL, 1968 VIII 1-108 (Sakatalamarana, Sthulabhadradiksa) Av. Katha, XVII, 11, 32 IX 241 109-168 (Sthulabhadravratacarya) Av Katha, XVII, 11, 33 170-192 (Sthulabhadravratacarya, concluded). Av Katha, XVII, 11,34 and Av, IX, 58,11 194-376 (Canakya-Candraguptakatha) Curni and Tika on Av. Niry, IX, 64, 38 VIII, 149, 2 377-414, 415-435, 436-445, 446-469 and 1-13, 14-54 Of these seven stories many details can be traced in the Avasyaka, Uttaradhyayana and other Kathanakas. 14-54 (Asokasrikunalakatha, Sampratijanmarajyaprapti) Curni and Bhasya of Kalpa and Nikitha Sutras 55-76 (Sthulabhadrapurvagrahana) Av Katha, XVII, 11, 35 77-110 (Bhadrabahusvargagamana) Av Katha, XVII, 11, 36 1-35 (Dhanadevakatha) X XI 1-22 Av Katha 23-38, 55-82 (Sampratirajacarita) kalpa and Nisitha Sutras 39-54 from the same source 83-102 from the same source 103-123 from the same source Curni and Bhasya of Brhat 124-126 (Aryamahagirisvargagamana) Av Katha 128-177 (Avantisukumalanalinigulmagamana) Av Katha XII 1-68, 100-388 and XIII 1-200 Av Katha, VIII, 41-49 XII 69-99 Av Katha, IX, 48 The preceding table shows, at a glance, that the substance of Hemacandra's Sthaviravalicarita is almost entirely derived from old sources Of some stories, however, the original version has not yet been found, e g., of the tales 4, 8-10, 12-17 in Cantos II and III, Prof Leumann is of opinion that the report of Jambu's ordination in III, 276-292, and of his instruction by Sudharman in IV, 1-61 has freely been invented by Hemacandra This may also be true with regard to some minor details and the matter of single verses But, on the whole, his narrative is a faithful representation of the originals, and may be compared with them almost verse by verse The idea of constructing a continuous history of the patriarchs by combining the Kathanakas about them was probably suggested by the Curnt of the Avasyaka itself. For the Kathanakas related in Av VIII, 41-49 present one complete period, viz, that of Vajra, Aryaraksita, Phalguraksita and Vajrasena, the subject of Sthaviravalicarita, XII

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242 JAIN JOURNAL and XIII. Following up this precedent the next step was no doubt to collect and put together the Kathanakas of the remaining periods from Jambu down to Vajra The collection of the materials for the whole history of the patriarchates was achieved, probably for the first time, by Bhadresvara Bhadresvara's work has few literary merits It is scarcely more than a collection of disconnected materials for the history of the Svetambara church, culled from the ample literature of Curnis and Tikas The Kahavah compares unfavourably with the Sthaviravalicarita by Hemacandra which reads like a connected history of the patriarchate from Jambu down to Vajrasena, told in fluent Sanskrit verses and spirited kavya style No wonder that it superseded the older work to such a degree that for a long time the Kathavalt seemed to be lost, till but lately one single manuscript was brought to light 2. Independent Testimony The Theravalis Though the stories of the patriarchs whose sources have been traced are, on the face of it, incredible legends, still they may contain some grains of historical truth There can be little doubt about the historical character of the patriarchs of whom those stories are told, and of the order of their succession For both points are borne out by the ancient Theravals of the Svetambaras which it will now be our task to examine more closely There are two classes of Theravalis (1) that of the Nandi and Avasyaka Sutras, (2) those of Kalpa Sutra (Sthaviravali) They are in perfect agreement down to Mahagirs and Suhastin, the pair of patriarchs in the eighth generation after Mahavira At that point the succession diverges in two lines, one starts from Mahagiri, the other from Suhastin, the first is recorded in Nandi and Avasyaka Sutras, the second in the Kalpa Sutra Both lines are of course entirely independent of each other, and have no member in common Almost all theras who figure in the ancient Kathanakas belong to the line of Suhastin We shall now inquire into the line of Suhastin The Kalpa-sutra gives two redactions of the list, (1) a short one (samkhutavayana) and (2) 1 An apparent exception are the four theras Dhamma, Bhaddagutta, Vaira and Rakkhiya who belong to the Suhastin line, but in the Nandi Sutra 31 32 are included in the Mahagsri-line However, the verses in question are an interpolation as Prof Leumann has proved, see ZDMG, vol XXXVII, p. 498

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APRIL, 1968 243 detailed one (vittharavayana) Both lists begin with the 5th patriarch Yasobhadra and are in perfect agreement down to the 13th patriarch Vajra and his disciple Vajrasena * For the readers' convenience I subjoin the list of those patriarchates V Yasobhadra VI Bhadrabahu and Sambhutavijaya VII Sthulabhadra VIII. Mahagiri and Suhastin IX Susthita-Supratibuddha X. Indradinna XI Dinga XII. Simhagini XIII Vajra In the shorter redaction nothing but the names of the patriarchs and their gotras are given, while the detailed redaction also enumerates the disciples of cach patriarch, and mentions, in their proper places, the ganas, sakhas, and kulas originated by them These details are presumably based on a faithful tradition The historical character of at least some of them has been established by a brilliant discovery of G Buehler & He succeeded in identifying the names of 4 ganas, 8 sakhas, and 13 kulas, occuring in Mathura inscriptions of the Kankali mound, with such as mentioned in our Theravali and they belong to the disciples of the eighth, ninth, and eleventh patriarchs Suhastin, Susthita and Supratibuddha and Dinna. It is worthy of note that all the ganas and kulas, and 4 of the 8 sakhas mentioned above occur also in the gathas quoted in the Theravalt, no doubt as evidence of its statements "The part of the Sthviravalt which we can now control", says Prof Buehler, "proves to contain an on the whole trustworthy account of the development of the Svetambara branch of the Jainas, which shows only such accidental mistakes and omissions as may be expected to occur in a late redaction of an oral tradition" Buehler's discovery has proved that the part of the longer list (VIEtharava yana) which contains the above mentioned details, is based on some trustworthy tradition, reliable documents, however, seem to be only the gathas quoted in it Whether the list itself deserves the same credit is open to grave doubt. For no inscription ever mentions the * In the short concluding part of the lists there is some disagreement and confusion which, however, need not detain us, as we are concerned here with their main part only . See his papers in W ZKM, vol 23, Epigraphia Indica, vol 1 2

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244 JAIN JOURNAL patriarch for the time being, our knowledge of them and their succession as exhibited in the Theravalt entirely rests on tradition A comparison of the dates in the Theravalt with those of other writings will enable us to gauge the value of the former Such a means of checking somehow the tradition of the Theravalt is furnished by the record of schisms (nihnavas), which is epitomised in the usual form in the Avasyaka Niryukn, VIII, 56-1004, and fully narrated by Haribhadra in the Tika on the Avasyaka Sutra, and by Santi Suri in the Tika 'Sisyahita' on the Uttaradhyayana Sutra (III, 9) Our inquiry will be concerned with the four schisms 4-5, of which the relevant details, viz , name of the here. siarch, his date and scholastic pedigree, may be stated as follows. 4th schism 5th schism 7th schism 229 AV, Asamitta, disciple of Kodima, discipic of Mahagiri 228 A V, Ganga, disciple of Dhanagutta, disciple of Mahagiri 584 A V, Gotthamahila, disciple of Aya-Rakkhiya (Raksita was not the then patriarch, but Vajra who had instructed him in the purvas The schism arose after the death of Raksita, and, a fortiori, of his teacher Vajra The date of Vajra's death is not recorded, yet being required for the chronological calculation below, I provisionally place it in 575 AV, which cannot be far wrong) As the Niryukti had been written between 584 and 609 AV, its author was no doubt well-informed of the events connected with the two last schisms which had occurred not long before his own time Now Rohagutt., the author of the 6th schism, being a prafusya of Suhastin, the eighth patriarch, lived in the second generation after the latter, ie, probably under the tenth patriarch Accordingly between him and Bhadrabahu (6th patriarch), there intervened four patriarchates And as Bhadrabahu died in 170 AV, and Rohagupta was living in 544 AV, the intermediate four patriarchates should have lasted 374 years! This interval yields an average length of each patriarchate, in this period, of about 94 years! This is quite absurd On the other hand, the interval of 40 years between the last two schisms covers, in the Theravali, four patriarchates, each of an average duration of no more than ten years, a result which errs in an opposite sense from the preceding one Die alten Berichte von den Schismen der Jainas by Prof Leumann, in Indische Studien, vol 1F, P 91 ff

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APRIL, 1968 245 In order to compensate somehow both errors, we may calculate the approximate interval between the death of Bhadrabahu (170 A V) and that of Vajra (575 AV), viz, 405 years, which contains seven patriarchates The average length of each patriarchate thus would be nearly 58 years, which is decidedly far too long to be admitted The true average may be estimated at about 30 years, for the six patriarchates from Sudharman down to Bhadrabahu lasted 170 years, which divided by 6, makes an average of 28 years To sum up if we base our inquiry on the wellestablished dates of the schisms, we arrive at the conclusion that the list of theras is imperfectly handed down, there must have been far more theras than are contained in the Theravali One fundamental fault vitiating the early records of the Jainas is the confusion prevailing in their system of chronology An error contingent thereon appears in the account of the schisms As entered in the table of the schisms, the 4th and 5th heresiarchs, Asamitta and Ganga, were disciples of Kodima and Dhanagutta, who themselves were disciples of Mahagiri, and the 6th heresiarch Rohagutta was a disciple of Sirigutta", disciple of Suhastin The latter and Mahagiri were contemporaries, being partners in the eighth patriarchate Therefore, these three heresiarchs, being prasisvas of Mahagiri and Suhastin, must also have been contemporaneous or nearly so Nevertheless the 4th and 5th schisms are placed in 220 and 228 AV, and the 6th schism in 544 A V Between the first two dates and the third there Is a difference of about three centuries, though the events to which both set of dates refers are separated from each other by less than as many decades It is hard to believe that there should ever have been Vira-era which contained the enormous error just pointed out Yet there is a parallel case which proves that such a wrong Vira-era had actually been in use during the early centuries of the Christian era In the Theravali Chaluga Rohagutta figures as a disciple of Mahagiri But this is apparently a mistake For if he had been a disciple of Mahagiri, he would have been the senior of Asamitta and Ganga who were but disciples of Mahagiri's disciples, and this would not have been the 6th but the 4th schism Here then the Naryukti deserves preference before the Theravali The author of the Niryukti belonged to the line of Suhastin, and had no doubt first-hand information about its history, while about all that concerned Mahagiri and his line he could but reproduce the statements of alien sources This difference accounts for the fact that the 6th schism refers to the current era of Mahavira, but those of the 4th and 5th to a greatly erroneous one Adapted from Introduction, H Jacobi, Sthaviravalicarita, Calcutta, 1932

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PRAMANAMIMANSA From the introduction of the first sutra, we learn that Pramanamimansa was to consist of 5 adhyayas, no doubt, on the model of Gautama's Nyaya-sutra, but only a fragment of this work has been recovered which extends upto the end of the first ahnika of the second adhyaya Either Hemacandra did not live to finish the work, or the remaining portion still awaits discovery, if it is not destroyed As it is, we have 100 sutras and the commentary on them preserved for us This work or the fragment thereof is interesting from many points of view It shows Hemacandra as a great logician and master of Darsanas The work is characterised by his usual lucidity and precision

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PRAMANAMIMANSA AND HEMACANDRA SATKARI MOOKHERJEE AND NATHMAL TATIA The Pramanamimansa of Hemacandra occupies an important posttion in the philosophical literature of India in general and in the Jaina philosophical literature in particular It is a standard text-book in Jaina logic and epistemology which every student of Jaina philosophy has got to study It is quite natural that Hemacandra is deeply indebted to the previous writers both of Jaina and non-Jaipa schools and a fastidious critic will find in Hemacandra's texts reproduction of ipissima verba as well as of thoughts of previous writing sometimes acknowledged and sometimes without explicit acknowledgement But this need not detract from the merits of the work since Indian writers do not make a fetish of originality either of thought or language, and they make no scruple of inserting the agruments of predecessors even in their own language provided the views expressed therein accord with their philosophical position The writings of predecessors are looked upon as public Property and they are used with perfect freedom and impunity It is absolutely plain that authors like Hemacandra with their extraOrdinary command of the Sanskrit idiom could with the least difficulty express these thoughts in their own language and pass them off as their own original production But the fact that these authors with their uncommon felicity of verbal expression did not stop to such tactics is symptomatic of a profound trait of Indian character in the past ages It shows that they were more interested in the views wbich they regarded as sound exponents of truth than in their personal triumph And as far the reproduction of the very linguistic expressions or the manner of delivery it can be accounted for by the hypothesis that they thought them to be unexceptionable forms of expression which required no improvement or variation for being more effective or impressive We therefore take the earliest opportunity of sounding a warning against the application of tests of recent criticism in the assessment of the value of an ancient philosophical work As regards the originality of thought which is so highly praised in Europe and in the modern universities of India our ancient writers did not set an inordinate value on it It was as much a matter of minor importance with them as originality of verbal expression A serious work

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248 JAIN JOURNAL on philosophical topic did not held an isolated position in India It was rather a unk in the expanding chain of philosophical speculations and what was the object of serious concern was fidelity to the fundamentals of the shcool, and originality was more or less suspect with the adherent of the system as rather furnishing a pitfall for error or misconception We must not therefore, expect either originality of expression or of thought in the sense of an abrupt departure from the fundamental tenets which give the school a stamp of distinctive individuality What then should be the criteria of our judgement of the claim of a new book on our attention? In other words, what are the grounds for believing a book to be worthy of our study and attention ? Again, what justification would there be for the writing of a book when it does not and can not lay claim to establish a new conclusion or to throw new light on the problems that have exercised the human mind ? To make it more precise and to press the question home on the issue at hand we may ask why did Hemacandra compose his work and what was his purpose if he could not establish an original thesis? It is an undeniable fact that Hemacandra is one of the later writers, if not the latest of the medieval period on Jaina philosophy Hemacandra was preceded by a galaxy of talented writers on Jaina logic, the foremost of whom are Akalanka, Vidyanandi and Prabhacandra of the Digambara school and Siddhasena, Divakara, Harbhadra, Siddharst and Abhayadevd of the Svetambara school He had in Vad, Deva Suri, the author of the encyclopaedic work Syadvada-ratnakara, a living contemporary All of them write on Jaina logic and epistemology and there is scarcely any topic or problem which has not been discussed throughly in their works This being the situation there scarcely seems to be any necessity of writing a book on the above lines What was then the incentive for Hemacandra to compose this work? It is a fact that Hemacandra had very little scope for making a new contribution But the previous writings were extremely elaborate and not at all calculated to satisfy the needs of average students It would tahe years of extraordinary labour to make a Study of these works and there again is every possibility for missing the forest in the trees It was necessary that there should be a work which would not degenerate into a compendious manual and at the same time would embody the solid results achieved by the previous thinkers The Pramanamimansa is not a learned work as the Syadvada-ratnakara or the works of Prabhacandra But the Syadvada-ratnahara is encyclopaedic both in size and scope and inspite of its wonderfully lucid and elegant treatment bound to remain a sealed book to the majority of students And as regards Prabhacandra's works, they are literally formidable for their abstruse array of agruments and their fobidding language

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APRIL, 1968 249 which has neither grace nor literary charm The Prananamimansa is written on the same pattern of satra and commentary as the celebrated work of Vadi Deva Suri But it compares favourably with the latter in that it avoids the unremitting elaboration of arguments and prolixity of expressions which have stood in the way of its popularity It contains all the arguments that are necessary to elucidate a problem and the range of information is not substantially inferior to that of the more ambitious works referred to above It would satisfy the critic in the words of Jayanta Bhatta who frankly avowed that he had no original theory of his own to offer to the readers and his purpose for writing the work was to give a rounded exposition and treatment which would satisfy the needs of the average run of students who would learn all that was essential without unnecessary exertion It is not to be expected that Hemacandra's work can be understood independently of the aid of a teacher Hemacandra did not sacrifice matter for that would involve injustice both to the subject-matter and to the students But he had to compress his information within a limit so that it would not frighten the young learners by its sheer bulk The result has been that Hemacandra is rather terse and more suggestive than expressive It is an ideal text-book and inspite of its truncated character all the relevant problems of logic and epistemology have received an adequate treatment in it It is absolutely clear that a student of Jaina logic and epistemology will derive a comprehensive knowledge of the subject from the study of this work The popularity of this book is due to its comprehensive character alone The Pramanamimansa is most probably the last work of Hemacandra and from all available manuscripts of the work which end abruptly in the same place it is evident that he could not finish it Whatever might be the reason, the book remains incomplete It is a great loss that we do not get the entire book which was in the contemplation of the author Reprinted from the Preaface', Pramanamimansa, A Critique of Organ of Knowledge Satkari Mookherjee and Nathmal Tatia Courtesy Bharati Mahavidyalaya, Calcutta

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VITARAGASTOTRA AYOGAVYAVACCHEDIKA ANYAYOGAVYAVACCHEDIKA The Vitaragastotra consists of about 186 verses in praise of the Dispassionate, ie, Mahavira, divided into 20 hymns These twenty hymns are referred to in the Moharaja-parajaya by Yasopala, a contemporary of Hemacandra, as twenty divine pills (divya-gulikas) Besides Vitaragastotra, Hemacandra wrote two wellknown Dyatrimsikas, the Ayogavyavacchedika and the Anyayogayyavacchedika, both in praise of Lord Mahavira In the former work he disapproved the allegation that Jainism was wrong and in the latter he countered the claims of other systems to be right At a later period the Anyayogavyayacchedika formed the basis of Mallisena's famous treatise on Jaina philosophy, Svadvadamanjari These poems, inspite of their philosophical preoccupation, are genuine devotional lyrics pulsating deep with reverence for the Master and at the same time rising to a real poetic magnificence

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A BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF ANYAYOGAVYAVACCHEDADVATRIMSIKA AND SYADVADAMANJARI I-III Introductory St I This contains the characterisation of the last Tirthankara Lord Mahavira as an ideal teacher possessed of (1) Excellence of Wisdom, (2) Excellence in freedom from all evils or passions, (3)Excellence of a teacher and (4) Excellence consisting in the fact that he has deserved and received worship from all beings, gods as well as men A B DHRUVA St II Of the innumerable qualities of the Master, the one which will engage attention of the author is his yatharthavada, ie, his philosophy which is true to facts, that is to say, the many-sidedness of Truth or Reality St III The author implores all readers, Jaina as well as nonJaina, to ponder upon the truth of Jaina philosophy which emerges out of the examination of the partial truths of other systems Criticism of Varlesik System St IV First, of its doctrine of samanya and visesa The Jaina view on the point is that things are by themselves coordinated with things of their own class and differentiated from things of other classes, and consequently there is no need to assume, as the Vaisesikas do, the two hypothetical relatives samanya and visesa This, besides being a gratultous assumption, according to the Jaina view, involves the absurdity of making two such contradictory things as samanya and visesa reside in one and the same thing, unless you reconcile them in the Jaina manner by regarding them as two relative aspects only of one and the same thing IV-IX St V All things including dipa and akasa (generally believed to be anitya and nitya respectively) are subject to the law of syadvada, that Is to say, a dipa which is regarded as an examplar of anitya things is also nitya and akasa which is regarded as a type of nitya things is also anitya

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252 JAIN JOURNAL All reality, according to Jannas is both nitya and anitya, although from different points of view, so that there is no logical contradiction. The Jaina rejects the definition of nitya which is generally given by other schools, viz, apracyutanutpattisthuraikarupam nityam, which means absolute changelessness He defines it thus tadbhavavyam nityam (dhrovyayuktam) ie, nitya is that which continues to exist inspite of utpada and vinasa. To what would utpada and vinasa belong, argues the Jaina, if nothing continue ? Therefore a continuous reality, he says, must be posited for the very possibility of utpada and vinata in fact, says the Jaina, modes and substance ie, change and permanence exist together neither is possible without the other Note that the Jaina differs equally from (1) those who held that all is eternal, (2) those who held that all is evanescent and also from (3) those who hold that some things are eternal and some evanescent According to him all things are both eternal and evanescent although from different points of view In a way, says the Jaina, even the Varsesika absolutist admits without being aware of it, that prthvi is both nuya and anitya, that citra-rupa is a conglomeration of several mutually exclusive rupas which belongs to a single whole substance, that things are supposed to be kalantarasthayi, 1 e , enduring for a certain limited length of time St VI The doctrine of Nyaya-Vaisesika regarding the existence and nature of God is criticised God according to this school is (3) (1) Maker of the world, one, all-pervading by his presence and knowledge, ie, ubiquitous and omniscient, (4) independent and (5) eternal (1) That the God is the maker of the world is criticised by the author mainly on two grounds First, that the anumana is precluded by pratyaksa which definitely bears witness to the fact that these things (earth, mountain, etc) have no maker Secondly, in the cases in which we have observed making, the making belongs to persons with a body If to escape the difficulty you say that he can put on a body through his infinite power or that he may possess it owing to our own adista, it is a gratuitous assumption which amounts to begging the question (2) He is one For, the world is one consistant whole and not a congeries of several conflicting forces, since it is a cosmos and not a

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APRIL, 1968 253 chaos To this the Jaina replies Not necessarily so For many may cooperate to produce a single result, e.g, the bees that make their hive. (3) Since his making takes place in all parts of the universe, he must be supposed to be everywhere and he must be also all-knowing If he is everywhere, he, says the Jaina, absorbs everything into his own self leaving nothing to exist outside it If he knows everything he knows, we suppose, even hell and knowledge in his case being direct experience, he is supposed to experience hell The Jaina continues, we may agree that certain souls are all-knowing, in which case, God would be one of such souls, that is to say, he would be on a par with emancipated souls "But mark", says Mallisensa, the commentator revising his position, "that knowledge does not actually travel from the knower to the known, and therefore, ominscience does not necessarily involve omnipresence Moreover, what is the proof of his omniscience ?-he asks It cannot be pratyaksa unless we ourselves are omniscient or become so in process It cannot be anumana, for you cannot argue from the finite to infinite It cannot be arthapatti, that is, a hypothesis or assumption necessary for explaining the wonderful variety and richness of the world For, the adrsta of living beings including the vegetable kingdom will explain one part of it and the remaining part which belongs to the inanimate kingdom may well be existing eternally so and eventually become the object of the joys and sorrows of the sentient beings It cannot be sabda or the authoritative text of the sacred scriptures for, the scriptures on which you rely are full of contradictions (4) By the very nature of the case he is said to be independent Then why does he create a world so full of misery and inequalities unless he is wantonly cruel and unjust If misery is punishment for a foul deed and inequality is due to our varying karmans, this hypothesis of karma will suffice to explain everything and God will be superfluous (5) He is said to be eternal If so, he should be eternally active, or eternally inactive In the former case, his work would at no point be finished and so nothing could be ever accomplished In the latter case, nothing could ever begin Moreover, how could he have eternally conflicting natures viz., making and unmaking at the same time. St VII Next doctrine of the Vaisesikas to be criticised is that of samavaya also called vrtti which is supposed to connect two absolutely

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254 JAIN JOURNAL distinct things, viz , dharma and dharmin, it itself being distinct from both. This says the Jaina is contrary to all experience We never perceive three things, one binding the other two Next, samavaya, it is said, 18 one, eternal and all-pervasive If so the moment one thing perished, its samavaya would perish and with it all things in the world to which It belonged In this stanza three more doctrines of the Vaisesikas St VIII were criticised (1) Salta (the highest samanya or universal) which is supposed to reside not in all that exists, that is in all reals, but in certain reals only viz, dravya, guna and karma the remaining being denied the right The latter are samanya, vitesa and samavaya together with abhava, the latter being added by commentators to Kanada's list of categories (2) Cartanya which one would expect to be regarded as the very essence of Atman is treated by the Vaisesikas as an advertitious (aupadhika) quality which comes temporarily into Atman as a result of the working of the machinery of cognition (jnana) (3) Liberation of Atman is not a positive state of samvit (consciousness) and ananda (joy) but negative condition in which there is no consciousness and no joy St IX The doctrine next examined is that of the bibhutva of Atman--that Atman is everywhere-a doctrine which on the face of it, says the Jaina, is contrary to our experience for, all are agreed that a thing must be where its quality is found Since the Vasesikas held that Atmans are many, if each of them is bibhu also as he believes, what a wonderful clash and interpenetration of Atmans would ensue It may be urged unless Atman was bibhu, how could the Atman draw to himslef the particles for the body in which he has to dwell in the next life Or even if he could, would not his body-sized Atman, as a consequence, be savayava and therefore a karyya just like the body itself The Saina, however, is prepared to accept the logical consequence The Jaina beheves that Atman is savayava, is parinamin and does change from time to time It may be asked in support of the bibhutva theory If Atman were bodysized how could Atman enter the body? For two murta things cannot occupy the same space at the same time The Jaina answers the objection by denying murtarva in one sense (materiality) and affirming in another (asarvagatatya)

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APRIL, 1967 235 X Criticism of Nyaya St X (1) Pramana. Mallisena examines and rejects the definition in the Nyaya-bhasya by Vatsayana and in the Nyayasara arthopalabhdhihetuh pramanam and samyaganubhavasadhanam pramanam In neither of the two definitions, he says the essential fact that pramana is jnana is brought out Correct diefinition of pramana, says Mallisena, is svaparavyavasayi jhanam pramanam (2) Prameya Sarira etc are included in Atman and are not required to be separately mentioned Pretyabhava and apavarga are similarly states of Atman A more fundamental objection is it is not a prameya but pramaty XI-XII Criticism of Purvamimansa St XI The author next criticises the defence of himsa as made by certain Vedists To say that himsa is veda-yihita and therefore, dharmahetu is to condemn the Veda He rejects the plea of the Vedists that himsa though ordinarily a sin is not a sin when it is prescribed by the Veda Mallisena condemns also the fraddha ceremony which was a great occasion with the Vedist Brahmins for slaughtering animals and eating animal food Lastly, Mallisena takes up the scholastic problem whether Veda is to be regarded as pauruseya or apauruseya St Xll Next Mallisena examines Puryamimansa (that of a particular sect established by Kumarila Bhatta) Thus regarding the nature of jnana The Jaina holds that jnana or consciousness has this dual nature (1) It reveals itself and (2) reveals also the world of object He rejects the view of Kumarila that jnana itself is known by a process of implication (arthapatri) being implied in the fact of jnatata of the object, which is its effect With it he also rejects a similar theory of the NyayaVaisesikas who regards jnana as anuyyavasayagamya, ie, known by a further act of knowing directed upon the first fact of knowledge XIII-XIV Criticism of Vedanta or of that particular tenet of the school which has made it famous, viz , mayavada St XIII Hemacandra's criticism of mayavada is simple (1) If maya is, there is no advaita (2) If maya is not, how will there be this world, which it sought to account for by assuming maya Moreover, to say that something is maya (false) and that it serves to account for the world is a

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256 JAIN JOURNAL contradiction For unless something exists how can it do the duty of accounting for another thing? Mallisena proceeds to elaborate the criticism He challenges the opponent to explain the meaning of mithyarupatva (1) If it means absolute non-existence it is accepting the position of asatkhyati-which the Vedantist would not take of lest it might expose hun to the charge of being considered sunyavadin (Buddhist) (2) If it means mistake it is viparttakhyati which too the Advaitist cannot adopt as it involves two reals (3) If it means that it cannot be definitely characterised by either existent or non-existent, 1c, anirvacya, explanation may well be demanded as regards the meaning of anirvacyatva If anirvacyatva =nihsvabhavatah it will involve sarkhyati or asatkhyati according as svabhava in nihsvabhavatva is taken to be bhava or abhava Again, if nihsvabhavatva=prarityagocaratva, how can such a word (prapanca) be even talked about Moreover, it will be inconsistent with the hetu prativamanafvad as prariryagocaratva mean aprarityamanatya Besides the whole argument is pratyaksa-badhira Adopting a some what different form of argument Mallisena makes out a prima facie case for the Vedantin on the ground of pratyaksa, anumana and agama and afterwards attacks each of them St XIV The problem of the reality of one or many, which is involved in the Vedantin's position discussed under the preceding stanza presents itself in another form what do words samanva or visesa express---universal or particular, one or many? Some of Purvamimansakas, the Advaita Vedantists and Sankhyas are universalists and some of them singularists also The Buddhists are particularists and pluralists and the Vaisesikas and Naiyayikas are both According to the Jaina, they are all partially right The first group of thinkers looks to the unity of substance, the second confines their attention to its manifold modes or changes, the third considers both but treates them as separate selfsufficient realities Mallisena points out where each of them errs and what aspect each of them has ignored The last school that of NyayaVaisesika comes nearest to the Jaina position , yet does not appreciate the relativity of samanya and visesa, the universal and the particular, the one and the many XV Criticism of Sankhya St XV Mallisena first gives a summary of the Sankhya system by quoting from Sankhya-karika and shows that it has gone wrong in the matter of the point mentioned by Hemacandra

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APRIL, 1968 In the sankhya system (1) Cit has nothing to do with knowldge of artha, to know things being regarded as a function of buddhi Buddhi is regarded as jada, and evolute of Prakrti and not a dharma of Cit or Purusa Here is twofold offence against truth says the critic The function of Purusa should be to know and buddhi should be a dharma of Purusa and not a product of Prakti (2) Akasa and other bhutas are said to have sprung from subtle tanmatras viz, sabda, etc This is quite contrary to what we observe Sabda, etc are the dharma or gunas of panca-mahabhutas and not the germs of the latter 257 (3) Bandha and moksa, says Sankhya, do not really belong to Purusa, he being free Then why so much ado about moksa-sastra, asks Mallisena Mallisena next deals with certain minor details of the Sankhya system XVI-XIX St XVI Idealism Criticism of Buddhism Mallisena next criticises Buddhism, particularly Buddhist (1) The identity of pramana and phala (pramiti), according to the Buddhists, does not bring an external object in touch with consciousness or to be more accurate it does not make (external) reality an object of (internal) knowledge, thus nothing enters into consciousness from without, the act of knowing being nothing but consciousness in every part This position is criticised on the following grounds The relation between pramana and phala is a causal relation-which implies that the two cannot be simultaneous, nor can the two be successive for causality is not possible under such conditions Besides the causal relation is a relation and as such it implies two correlatives, consciousness and something other than consciousness Mallisena criticises it on the ground that no such make-shift can succeed in doing away with the necessity of recognising two instead of one factor in the act of knowledge The Jaina rejects at the same time the extreme dualism of the Nyaya-Vaisesika school for the simple reason that pramana and phala (pramiti) both belong to one and the same person so that their unity in Atman somehow cannot be denied altogether

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258 JAIN JOURNAL (2) Another favourable doctrine of the Buddhists is the ksanabhangavada--the doctrine of momentariness The main ground on which it rests is that nothing can perish unless it is in its nature to perish, which means that perishibility is its nature and since the nature of a thing does not depend upon anything other than the thing itself, perishibility amounts to actual perishing The doctrine of ksanabhanga is rejected by the Jaina on the ground that it is onesided, the aspect of permanence (dhrauvya) has, as necessary as that of change, that is production (utpada) and destruction (nata). (3) Next is criticised Buddhist Realism It is not true that the artha has to be real in order to be a karana of jnana, for there can be jala-jnana even when there is no real jala but only mygatrsnika The Buddhist Realist perhaps may argue that prakasaka (the revealer, jnana) implies prakasya (the revealed, artha)-prakata artha which is also the cause of its prakasaka (jnana) This argument is answered by citing example of pradipa and ghata between which no causal relation exists although one is prakasaka and the other prakas ya Further, it is pointed out that the cause need not be real, it may be ideal For example, smrti is not caused by artha but jilana (anubhva) and yet it is the very breath of anumana-pramana Taking up the second half of the stanza, Mallisena attacks the school of Buddhist Idealism (vijnanavada of Yogacara school) which asserts that ideas (jnanas) are the only reals, there being no causal or corresponding world of external reality St XVII. The critic next proceeds to attack the Sunyai ada of the Madhyamika school generally understood to mean the doctrine of absolute and universal emptiness or void In fact funyavada, if it is to be worthy of credence must be supported by pramana, which however will mean negation of sunyavada St XVIII Next we have a criticism of the Buddhist ksanabhangavada in its application to the problem of Atman in the absence of abiding Atman, says the critic, (1) there can be no moral retribution in our life (2) Similarly there is no room for liberation (3) Even such an ordinary psychological fact as spirti (memory) becomes impossible St XIX The doctrine next criticised is that of vasana- a kind of makeshift which is intended to do duty for the principle of permanance which the Buddhist denies All Indian philosophers are firm beleivers of transmigration and the Buddhist who denies the existence of the

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APRIL, 1968 259 soul yet believes in transmigration has somehow to make it possible. Thus he does by adopting the theory of vasana It is intended to account for the apparent continuity of our psychic experience not only in our present life but also of the past and the future But the problem which he has to face is that of reconciliation of vasana with ksanabhanga and the critic points out how the task is hopeless In the first case nothing is gained by the addition of vasana In the second case it must erther conform to the principle of ksanabhanga or not in the third case, the position becomes impossible for it must be either the one abheda or the other bheda Mallisena further shows how vasana is not possible without a permanent something on which it should rest XX The Carvakas criticised St XX The two principles of the Carvakas which are criticised are (1) that pratyksa is the only pramana not even anumana , (2) that there is no soul, beyond the physical body and consequently there is no moral responsibility and no life after death The first is impunged on the following grounds As a result of your doctrine we cannot be aware of the mind of other person as we have evidently no pratyaksa or direct experience of it We cannot classify our cognition as pramana and apramana Moreover, we should not forget that we call even pratyak sa a pramana on the strength of our experience and generalisation from observed cases that is to say our belief in the credibility of our senses rests on inference The materialistic view of the soul is condemned by showing that the consciousness is not the product of bhutas XXI-XXX Jaina Doctrine St XXI. Nature of Realty Permanence and Change The author asserts here the Jaina Doctrine-Reality is possessed of utpada, vyaya and dhrauvya as against those who are obessed by the phenomenon of the first and second and overlook the third (Buddhists) and also those who contrariwise notice only the third and forget the first two (Sankara Vedantists) Uupadavyayadhrauvya yuktam Sat St XXII Reality Many-sided Now another proposition in which it is set forth. anantadharmatmakamevatattvam Truth has numberless aspects

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200 JAIN JOURNAL St XXIII Saptabhangi The author here points out how one and the same thing may be Viewed synthetically or analytically as one or as many as one substance or as many attributes or modes This fact has pressed in the famous 'set of seven forms' or saptabhangt St XXIV No contradiction of the so-called opposites The author now explains how the synthesis of opposites recommended in the previous stanza does not involve any contradiction, inasmuch as the opposites are conditioned by upadhi-or are relative to them St XXV No contradiction continued Application of the principle to certain problems of philosophy St XVI Criticism of absolutely eternal and the absolutely transitory Author shows how the arguments of the two sides destroy each other with the result that the doctrine of syadvada emerges from their mutual conflict St XXVII Criticism of Absolutism continued Absolutists cannot solve the problem of sukha-duksa, punya-papa and bandha-moksa St XXVIII Durnaya, naya and pramana Author next refers to the Jaina philosophy of durnaya, naya and pramana (1) Durnaya is the mistake of partial truth for the whole truth to the exclusion of the latter, (2) naya is the statement of partial truths, without the recognition that they are only partial and (3) pramana is the whole truth The commentator here sets forth the famous doctrine of nayas The doctrine of naya or relativity of knowledge is the most remarkable contribution of Jainism to philosophy It means that Reality is conveyed (from nt) to the mind differently from different points of view or to make it from the other end, the mind approaches Realty differently from different points of view St XXIX The number of souls The souls are divisible into six kinds but their number 18 endless.

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APRIL, 1968 261 St. XXX. The Doctrine of Syadvada all comprehensive and impartial. The Jaina philosophy emerges as the whole truth from the mutual conflicts of the several schools, XXXI-XXXII Praise of the Lord Mahavira The Dvatrumsika closes as it began with the panegyric of the Tir. thankara, From the short summary of the contents, the reader will see what a wide range of phisolophical topics has been covered in this work None of the rival systems has been examined in its entirety but only those tenets have been selected for criticism from each of the schools in which the Jaina is really interested and these are some of the greatest problems of religion and philosophy, such as the problem of the universal and the particular, the permanent and the changing, God, the one, omniscient omnipotent and omniscient maker of the world, the sanctity of all life, the state of the liberated souls, the theory of knowledge, the nature of reality, etc The examination, moreover, is not in the nature of irresponsible criticism (vztanda) but care has been taken to present the Jaina view and each of the points that has been considered, and in conclusion, a clear statement has been made of the Jaina doctrine of naya and syadvada, in our phrase, of the relativity of knowledge which is determined by the point of view from which Reality is approached For this great achievement it is difficult to apportion credit between Hemacandra, the author of Anyoyogavyavacchedika and Mallisena, the writer of Syadvadamanjari The former is a genuine devotional lyric, pulsating with reverence for the Master, and is at the same time a review of some of the tenets of sival schools on which the Jaina sees reason to differ Devotion and thought are here happily blended together in one whole, and are expressed in such noble and dignified language that it deserves to rank as a piece of literature no less than that of philosophy To Mallisena belongs the credit of constructing a systematic work out of the brief critical remarks which Hemacandra throws out at random His knowledge of the different systems, however, is not equally deep In some of the systems such as the Nyaya and Vaitezika he is evidently well-read, while of others, such as the Vedanta he has touched only the fringe But on the whole, he has conducted the examination of the different systems with knowledge and mastery of detail, and that too, in a wonderfully lucid style, which lifts his work from the position of a mere parasitical commentary to that of an original work of independent value. Adapted from Introduction, A. V Dhruva, Syadvadamanjarl, Bombay, 1933

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A COMPREHENSIVE LIST OF THE PUBLISHED WORKS OF HEMACANDRA (From the Catalogue of India Office Library) Abhidhana-cintamani (also called Abhidhana-cintamani-nama-mala) by Hemacandra Sanekartha-nama-malatmakah kosa-varah fubhah Hemacandra-pranitabhidhana-cintamasir-manih nagare Kalkatakhye Kolayruk (Colebrooke) sahevajnaya Sri-Vidyakara-Misrena krta-suci-samanyitah pp (2), 96, 120/140, 4, 1 22 x 15cm Baburama's Press Calcutta, 1874 (1817) 12 F11 Hemakandra's Abhidhanakintamani, ein systematisch angeordnetes synonymisches Lexicon Herausgegeben, ubersetzt und mit Anmerkungen begleitet von Otto Boehtlingk und Charles Rieu pp XII, 433 -(1) 22x 15 cm Akademie der Wissensschaften St Petersburg, 1847 12 D.21 The Abhidhana-samgraha No 6 The Abhidhana-cintamani, of Hemacandra Edited by Pandit Sivadatta and Kasinath Pandurang Parab pp (2), 6, 58 27 x 18 cm Nirnayasagar Press Bombay, 1896 1102 Srimad Acarya-Hema andra-viracitah Abhilhana-cintamanih, Sri-Jinadeva-Munisvara-viracitaha Abhidhana-cintamani Silonchena ratha Abhidhana-cintamanih sesanamamalaya sa samyalitah pp (4), 257, 19, 288, 26, covers 18 x 14 cm Nirnayasagar Press Bombay, 1956(1900) 23 D 28 Sanuvada Abhidhana-cintamani (Kosa-grantha) Jaina Pandita Hemacandra-Suri-pranitah Narayana-Candra. Bhattacaryya Vidyabhusanena (Vanga-Bhasaya) anuditah PP (1), 11, 11, 747, 1v, covers 18x11 cm Binapani Press Calcutta, 1314 (1907) 23 B7

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APRIL, 1968 Hemacandracarya-viracitah Abhidhana-cintamanih (from the first page). (Edited by Haragovindadasa and Bechardasa Yasovijaya-Jaina-Granthamala (Nos 41, 42) No title page Incomplete Two vols 14x24 cm pp 48, 61-180, 221-228 Bhavnagar (1915, 1920) Srimad-Hemacandracarya-viracitah (Haima)-kosah manih San D 80 Ratna-prabha by Vasudeva Janardana Kaselakara Sri Abhidhana-cinta sesa-namamala-Silonca-Ekaksara-nama-malabhih-sahitas-ca Mukti-Kamala-Jaina-Mohana-Mala No 21 pp 12, 350, 33 22 x 13 cm Nirnayasagar Press Bombay, 1981 (1924) San D 534 tika-sahitah) ca samskrtah Samksipta-Tika Abhidhana-cintamanih (SamksiptaSri Hemacandra-Suri-viracitah Vedantavagisopanamaka-Sri-Kalivara-Sarmana Sri Ramadasa-Senena Abhidhana-cintamani-nama-mala 263 pp (1), 89-231, 2, covers 22x15 cm Samvada Jnana Ratnakara Press Calcutta 1934 (1877) 924 Ratna-prabha-vyakhya-vibhusitah See Abhidhana-cintamani (also called Abhidhanacintamani-nama-mala) by Hemacandra Abhidhana-cintamari-sesa-nama-mala by Hemacandra Abhidhana-cintamani-parisista by Hemacandra The Abhidhana-samThe Abhidhana-cintamani-parisista of Hemacandra Edited by Pandit Sivadatta and Kasinath Pandurang Parab graha No 7 pp 8 27x18 cm Nirnayasagar Press Bombay, 1896 (also called See Abhidhana-cintamani mala) by Hemacandra Adhyatma-upanisad by Hemacandra Alamkara-cudamani by Hemacandra 1102 See Kavyanusasana by Hemacandra Sesa-nama-mala (Abhidhana-cintamani-nama See Yogasastra (also called Adhyatma upanisad) by Hemacandra

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JAIN JOURNAL Anekartha-samgraha by Hemacandra See Abhidhana-cintamani (also called cintamani-nama-mala by Hemacandra. Abhidhana The Abhidhana-samgraha No 8. The Anekartha-samgraha of Hemacandra Edited by Pandit Sivadatta and Kasinath Pandurang Parab. pp 69 27x18 cm Nirnayasagar Press : Bombay, 1896 1102 The Anekartha-samgraha of Acarya Hemacandra Edited with an alphabetical Index prepared by Chanananda Pandeya and Janardana Joshi By Jagannatha Sastri Hosing Haridasa-Sanskrta-Grantha-Mala No 68 pp (4), 2, 4-5, 151 +(1), 38, 8, covers 24 x 14 cm Vidya Vilasa Press Benares, 1929 San D 338768 Index See above Anya-yoga-vyaval cheda-disatrimsika (also called Mahavira-svami-stotra) by Hemacandra Karyamala Part VII (Containing the Mahavira-svami-stotra) Edited by Pandit Durgaprasad and Kasinath Pandurang Parab pp 102-104 21 x 14 cm Nirnayasagar Press Bombay (1907) 28 H 3-4 Avacuri Hemacandra-Surisvara-nirmita Anyayoga-vyavaccheda-dvatrimsika (Syadvada-manjari-uddhrtavacurusahita) Sri-Satyavijaya-Jaina-Granthamala, No 4 PP (2), 42, covers 18 x 12 cm Jain Advocate Printing Press Ahmedabad, 1924 San B 772(d) Syadvada-manjari by Mallisena Suri Hemacandracarya viracitah Anya-yoga-vyavaccheda-dvatrims ka MallisenaSuri-racitaya Syadvada-manjari namnya tikaya sahita Sravaka-Haragovindadasa-Bechardasabhyam samsodhita YasoVijaya-Jaina-Granthamala, 30 pp 4+ (1), 1+ (1), 212, covers Title on cover 23 x 14 cm Oblong Dharmabhyudaya Press Benares, 2438 (1912) 19 BB 8

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APRIL, 1968 265 Sri-Hemacandracarya-viracita-Anya-yoga-vyavaccheda-dvatrimtika-tad-yyakhya-ca-Sri-Mallisena-Suri-pranita Syadyada-mafjar! Monlala ty etaih uppanibhir upodghatena ca parisketya samsodhita Arhatmata Prabhakara Mayukha, 3 pp 14+(2), 6, 15-64, (4), 244, 6, covers 21x14 cm Jaina Printing Works Poona, 2452 (1926) San D 5 Sri-Hemacandra-Surl-viracita-Anya-yoga-vyavaccheda-dyatrimfika-tad-vyakhya ca Sri-Mallisena Suri-pranila Syadvada-manjari Sethiya Jaina Grantha-mala, No 71 pp (2), 7, (2), 9, 270 23 x 14 cm Oblong Sethiya Jaina Printing Press Bikaner 2453 (1927) San D 518 - Syadvada-manjari of Mallisena with Anya-yogavyavaccheda-dvatrimsika of Hemacandra, edited with Introduction, Notes and Appendices by A B Dhruva Bombay Sanskrit and Prakrit Series, No LXXXIII ppcxxv, 180, 379, 74, 18 23 x 15 cm, covers Tattva Vivecaka Press Bombay Poona, 1933 San D 308/83 Atma-garha-stava by Hemacandracarya Sri Ratnakara Suryi kyla Pancavist tatha Sri Hemacandracarya kyta Atmagarhastava chuta sabdana (Gujrati)-artha, gatha, sabdartha vigere sathe pp 64 18 x 14 cm Sri Laksmi Press, Ahmedabad, 1909 San B 863(1) Ayoga-yyayaccheda-dvatrimsika (also called Mahavira-Siami-stotra) by Hemacandra Kavyamala Part VII (Containing the Mahavira-Svami-stotra Edited by Pandit Durgaprasad and Kasinath Pandurang Parab pp 104-107 21 x 14 cm Nirnayasagar Press Bombay, 1907 28 H 3-4 Chando'nusasana by Hemacandra Vett by the same Srimad Hema candracarya pranitam Chando'nusasanam pp 12, 49 + (1) 24 x 14 cm Oblong Nirnayasagr Press Bombay, 1912 18 BB 16 Vitti by Hemacandra See Chando' nusasana by Hemacandra Vitti by the same

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266 JAIN JOURNAL Detinamamala by Hemacandra The Detinamamala of Hemacandra Edited with critical notes, a glossary and a historical introduction, by Prof R. Pischel and Dr G Buehler Text and critical notes, by Prof Pischel Bombay Sanskrit Series, No XVII, Part I pp 10+(1), 300 25x17 cm Govt Central Book Depot Bombay, 1880. 5 H 1-2 Dhatupatha (from the Sabdanusasana) by Hemacandra See Sabdanusasana by Hemacandra Laghu-vrtti by the same PP 567-580 Dodhaka-vetti (from Sabdanusasana) by Hemacandra Acarya-Sri Hemacandra-Suri-viracita-Sabdanusasanasyastamadhyaye Apabhramsa-bhasanusasana-prastavodhrta Dodhaka vrtti Hemacandracarya Granthavali No 1 pp (2), 56, covers 22 x 13 cm Nirmala Printing Press Ahmedabad, 1916 San D 782(a) Dvyasraya-kavya by Hemacandra Vritti by Abhayatilaka Gani and Purnakalasa Gani Edited by Abaji Visnu Kathavate Bombay Sanskrit Series LXIX, LXXVII Part I (Cantos I-X) pp (2), 3, 815, covers 21 x 13 cm (Cantos XI-XX) Part II pp 24, 645, covers 22 x 13 cm Nirayasagar Press Bombay, 1915, 1921 5 F 15, 5G 13 Vrtti by Abhayatilaka Gani See Dvyasraya-kavya by Hemacandra Part I Vrtti by Purnakalasa Gani See Dvyasrava-kavya by Hemacandra Part II Ganapatha (from the Sabdanusasanam) by Hemacandra See Unadi-gana-sutra by Hemacandra same same Vrth by the Vitti by the

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APRIL, 1968 267 Haima-dharumala by Gunavijaya Muni Mun-Sri-Ginavijaya-pranita Haima-Dhatumala Sa seyam Vijayanandana-Surina bahusu sthalesu parivardhita PP (2), 2 plates, 4, 16, 3, (1), 416, 146, (2), covers 15x17m Jaina Advocate Press Ahmedabad, 1927 San D 489 See also Dhatupatha (from the Sabdanusasanam) by Hemacandra Haima-laghu-prakriya by Vinayvijay Gani disciple of Kirtivijaya Sri Haima-laghu-prakriyakhyam Vyakaranam Mahopadhyaya Sri Vinayvijaya Gani-viracitam pp (2), 8, 194, 2, 222 (1) 19x12 cm Nirnayasagara Press Bombay 1949 (1892-83) 4C 17 Vinayavijaya-viracita Haima-laghu-prakriva (an abridged recension of Hemacandra's sutras) pp (1), 311 19x11 cm Nirnayasagar Press Bombay, 1918 San B 333 Haima-linganusasana by Hemacandra See Linganusasana (also called Haima-linganusasana) by Hemacandra Haima-vyakarana by Hemacandra See Sabdanusasana (also called Siddha-Hemacandra, Siddha-Hemacandra-Sabdanusasana and Haima Vyakarana) by Hemacandra Jaina Ramayana (from Trisasti alakapurusacarita) by Hemacandra Jaina Ramayanam Trisastisalakapurusacaritrantargata-saptama-parvatmakam Sri-Hemacandracarya-viracitam Sri Jagannatha Suklena parisodhitam PP (1), 2, 383 22 x 14 cm Jaina Press Calcutta, 1930 (1873) 26 C9 Kavyanusasana by Hemacandra Alamkara-cudamani by the same The Kavyanusasana of Hemacandra With his own gloss Edited by Mahamahopadhyaya Pandit Sivadatta and Kasinath Pandurang Parab Kavyamala No 1 pp (3), 8, 10, 341, 20 21 x 14 cm Nirnayasagar Press Bombay, 1901 28 G 2-3

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JAIN JOURNAL Kumarapala-carlia (also called Praksta Dvyasraya-kavya) by Hema candra Vrtti by Punakalasa Gani The Kumarapalacarita (Prakyta Dvyafraya-kavya) by Hemacandra, being a Prakrit poem intended to illustrate the eighth adhyaya (chapter) of his own Siddha-Hema or Grammar, with a commentary by Purnakalasa Gani Edited by Shankar Pandurang Pandit The concluding or Prakrt section of his Dvyasraya-kavya With an appendix containing the eighth chapter of Siddha-Hemacandra with Prakasika Bombay Sanskrit Series No. LX pp (3), xxiv, 15, 298, 14, 9, 1, 124, 209, 1, 4 21 x 13 cm Nirnayasagar Press Bombay, 1900 5g 9 See also Dvyasraya-kavya by Hemacandra, Part II Vrtti by Purnakalasa Gani See Kumarapala-carita (also called Prakrta Dvyatrajakavya and Dyyatraya-kavya by Hemacandra Part II Linganusasana (also called Haima-linganusasana) by Hemacandra The Abhidhana-samgraha No 10 The Linganusasana of Hemacandra Fdited by Pandit Sivadatta and Kasinath Pandurang Parab pp 10 27 x 18 cm Nirnayasagar Press Bombay, 1896 1102 Avacuri Hemacandr acarya-varyya-viracita-Haimalinganusasanum Avacur 2-sahitam Sri Jaina Yasovijaya Granthamala No 2 pp 160 19 13 cm Candraprabha Press Benares, 2431 (1905) 21 B 25 Veyrana by the same Hemacandra's Linganusasana mit Commentar und Uebersetzung heraausgegeben von Dr R Otto Franke (The commentary is in Roman Character at 31-56) pp vi, 74 22 x 14 cm Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Gottingen, 1886 San D 502 Mahavira-Svami-Stotra by Hemacandra See Anya-yoga-vyavaccheda-dvatrimsika (also called Mahavira-Svami-Stotra) and Ayoga-vyavaccheda-dvatrim$ika (also called Mahavira Syami Stotra) by Hemacandra

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APRIL, 1968 Nighantu-sesa by Hemacandra The Abhidhana-Samgraha No 9 Nighantu-sesa of Hemacandra Edited by Pandit Sivadatta and Kasinath Pandurang Parab. pp 13 27x18 cm Nirnayasagara Press Bombay, 1896 Parilistaparvan by Hemacandra Prakrta Balubhasa Magadhi Vyakarana by Hemacandra 269 See Sthaviraval-carita (from Trisastisalakapurusacarita (also called Parisistaparvan) by Hemacandra 1102 See Prakrta Vyakarana-Vrtti (also called Prakasika) by the same Prakrta Dvyasraya-kavya (also called Kumarapala-carita) by Hemacandra See Kumarapala-carita (also called Prakrta Dvyasrayakavya) and Dvyatraya-kavya by Hemacandra Part II Vrt by Purnakalasa Gani See Kumarapala-carita (also called Prakrta Dvyasrayakavya) and Dryasraya-kavya by Hemacandra Part II Prakrta Vakarana (Adhyaya VIII from the Sabdanusasana by Hemacandra Sri Hemacandra-Suri-sandarbhita Siddha-Hema Sabdanusasanasya sutrapatha Muni-Sri-Yatindravijayasamsodhita Srimad Rajendra Suryabhyudayarati, No 30 pp (1), 44, Title from the cover 18 x 13 cm Jaina Prabhakara Press Ratlam, 1792 (1915) San 506(b) pp 8, 273, 72 21 x 14 cm Hanuman Press Poona, 1928 Prakrit Grammar of Hemacandra being the Eighth Chapter of his Siddha-Hema Edited with index of Words and Roots and Notes by P L Vaidya Arhatmata Prabhakara No 6 1 Theil (Text und Wort Verzeichniss) pp XIV 235 (1) 24 x 15 cm II Theil (Ubersetzung und Erlauteruhgen) pp vu, 247(1) 24x15 cm Buchhandlung des Waisenhauses San D 613 Hemacandra's Gramatik der Prakritsprachen (Siddha-Hemacandram, Adhyaya VIII) mit kritischen und erlauternden Aumerkungen herausgegeben von Richard Pischel Halle, 1877, 1880 San D 505

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270 JAIN JOURNAL Vrtti (also called Prakasika) by the same. Atha Prakfta Balabhasa (Magadhi) Vyakarana-prarambhah Pp (2), 94(2) 31 x 13 cm Oblong Jnana Dipika Press : Bombay 1929 (1872) 10 15 Srimad Hemacandra-viracitam Apabhramsa bhasyaschayasahitam Prakta Vyakaranam Muni Sukhasagarena samfodhitam (the Order of the sutras has been rearranged) pp (23), 244, 13 19 x 14 cm Nirnayasagara Press Bombay, 1975 (1918) San B 460 See Knmarapala-carita (also called Prakta Dvyasrayakayya) by Hemacandra , Vrtn by Purnakalasa Gani 5 G9 Pramana-mimansa by Hemacandra Vitti by the same Sri Hema candracarya-viracitah svopajna-vytti-sahita Pramana-mimansa Oswal Ladhajitanuja Motilala ity etazh tippanibhir upodghatena ca pariskttya samsodhita Arhatmata Prabhakara, No 1 PP (3), 18(1), 198, 6 21x 13 cm Jaina Printing Works Poona, 2452 (1926) San D 797(a) Sabdanusasana (also called Siddha-Hemacandra, Siddha-Hemacandra Sabdamu-sasana and Haima Vyakarana) by Hemacandra Sri Hemacandracarya-viracitah Sri Siddha-Hema Sutrapatha Jaina Yasovijaya Granthamala, No 6 pp 193 17 x 14 cm Chandraprabha Press Benares, 2432 (1910) 21 B 43,46 Index Sri Siddha-Hema-Sutra-pathasya akaradyanukramanika Jaina Yasovijaya Granthamala, No 11 Part 1 pp 46, (1) 26 x 18 cm Chandraprabha Press Benares, 2435 (1909) 26 F 39 Candraprabha by Meghavijaya Gani Sri Meghavijaya-Gani-pranita Candraprabha (Haima Kaumudi) paropakaraya Satam vibhu teyeh No 46 pp (2), plate, 510 28 x 19 cm. Nirnayasagar Press Bombay, 1928 San F 128

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APRIL, 1968 Laghuvetti by Hemacandra Siddha-Hema-Sabdanu Sasana by kalkala-sarvajna-Srt Hemacandracarya-varyya with a short commentary by the same author and Haima Dhatupatha, etc Jaina Yasovijaya Granthamala, No 3 pp (1) 580 27x18 cm Candraprabha Press Benares, 1905. 20 I 19 maharnaya-nyasa Tattva-prakasika-vrhad-vrtti by Hemacandra SabdaSri Hemacandracarya-viracitah-SiddhaHemacandra-Sabdanusasana-tattva-prakasika-prakasa-Maharnava-nyasa (prathama pada) pp 81 26x19 cm Jaina Advocate Press, Ahmedabad 1921 Siddha-Hemacandra by Hemacandra Siddha-Hemacandra-Sabdanusasana by Hemacandra 271 Sec Sabdanusasana (also called Siddha-Hemacandra, Siddha Hemacandra-Sabdanusasana and Haima Vyakarana) by Hemacandra See Sabdanusasana (also called Siddha-Hemacandra, Siddha-Hemacandra-Sabdanusasana and Haima-Vyakarana) by Hemacandra Sthaviravali-carita San F 17(1) (from Trisastisalakapurusa-carita) (also called Parisistaparvan) by Hemacandra Sthaviravali-carita or Parisistaparvan being an appendix of Trisastisalakapurusacarita by Hemacandra by Hermann Jacobi, Indica, Work No 96 pp 87 (3), 352, 44 22x14 cm Baptist Mission Press Calcutta, 1891 pp x1, 271+(1) 23x15 cm Wilhelm Heims, Leipzig, 1908 Bibliotheca Bibl Ind 96 Parisista Ausgewohlte Ezrahlungen aus Hemacandras parvan Deutsch mit Einleitung und Ammerkungen von Johannes Hertel Bibliothek morgenlandischer Erzahler, Band I 9 H 18

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272 Trisastisalakapurusa-carita by Hemacandra Sri Trisastisalakapurusa carita Parvan I pp (2), 1+(1), 180+(2) (1904) Parvan II pp (3), 110. (1904) Parvan III-VI JAIN JOURNAL PP (3), 60, 227 (1905) Parvan VII pp (4), 139 (1907) Parvan VIII-IX pp (2), 1, 219 (1907) Parvan X pp (4), 186 (1908) 24x14 cm Oblong Nirnayasagar Press Bombay, 1961-65 (1904-1908) 13 H 34-36, 17 B 29-31 Trisastisalakapurusa-carita translated into English by Helen M Johnson Vol I Sri Adisvara-carita Gaekwad's Oriental Series No 51 pp xvsh, (1), 530, plates 25 x 15 cm Baptist Mission Press (Calcutta) Baroda, 1931 San D 150/51 Unadi-gana-sutra by Hemacandra, Vrtti by the same Das Unadi Gana sutra des Hemacandra mit dem selbstverifassten commentare des Autors Herausgegeben von John Kirste together with an index to the Anekartha-samgraha lenwerke der Altindischen Lexicographie Bd II Quel pp (11), 9, 55, 241 27 x 19 cm Alfred Holder Vienna, 1895 9 K 9, 10 Vetti by the same See Unadi-gana-sutra Vitt by the same Vitaraga Stava (or Stotru) by Hemacandra Jaina Katharatnakosa a pustakamam Sinduraprakara mula, tika, (Gujrati) bhasa, Balavabodha ane katha sahita tatha Sriman Hemacandracarya krta Sri-Vitaragastava samksepa (Gujrati) artha sahita ane Sri Gautama-prccha mula Balavabodha tatha drstatmika (Gujrati) bhasa katha sahita.. PP (1), 4, 4, 308 27x19 cm Nirnayasagar Press Bombay, 1890 1 K 12

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APRIL, 1968 Vuaraga-stotram (Gujrati) bhasantara sahita. pp 8, 96. 13x9 cm. Satyavijaya Press. Ahmedabad, 1912 (Hindi) bhasantara pp (2), 4, 69, plate. 17x13 cm Saddharma Pracaraka Press. Delhi, 1915 273 1 A7 San. B 159(r) yojaka Jaina duha samgraha tatha Vitaraga stotra Sa Balabhai Kakalabhai (preceded by miscellaneous Sanskrit stotras) Avacuri by Visalaraja See Vitaraga Stava by Hemacandra Prabhananda Muni pp 36-64. 13x9 cm Santivijaya Press Ahmedabad, 1917, San A 107(h) Vivarana by Vivrana by Prabhananda Muni Srimad Hemacandracarya krtam Sri-Vitaraga-stotram Sri-Prabhananda krta Vivarana Sri Visalaraja krtavacarisametam Sresthi Devacandra Lalbhai Jaina Pustakalaya Fund Series No 1 pp 5, 1, 2, plate, 89+(1), 26x12 cm Nirnayasagar Press Bombay, 1911 13 B 21 Hema Yogasastra (also called Adhyatma-upanisad) by Hemacandra candra's Yogacastra Ein Beitrag zur Kenntniss der Jaina Lahre Von Ernst Windisch Zeitschrift der Deutscher Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft, Vol XXVIII pp 185-262 22 x 14 cm Leipzig, 1874 13 G 48, 305 6 D/xxvIII Sriman Hemacandracarya-viracita Sri-Yagosastra (Gujrati-) bhasantara Bhasantara krta, Pam Munisri-Kesavavijayj Gani Mamgarola Jaina Sabha Granthamala, No 3 pp (3), 17, 421 21x14 cm Rajasthan tatha Sahityavijaya Printing Press Ahmedabad 1966 (1910) 27 BB 6 Sri-Hemacandra-viracitam Yogasastram (Mulam) tatha Srimad Dharmadasa-Gani-viracita-Updesamala (mulam) pp. 1, 38, 25 27x12 cm Oblong Nirnayasagar Press Bombay 1915 17 B 45

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274 JAIN JOURNAL Srt Hemacandra-yiracitam Sri-yogasastram sa (Gujrati-) Sabdartha Sabdartha-krta Saha Cunilala Hekamcandra pp 1, 8, 147 22 x 13 cm Surat Jaipa Printing Press Surat, 1973 (1917) 12 L 42 Srimad Hemacandracarya-viracita, Sri-Yogasastra (Gujrati-) bhasantara Bhasantara krla Srimad Pannyasji Ma Sri Kebayavijaya Gani Sri Vijayamalakesara Granthamala Vol V 4th Ed pp plates, 16, 24, 368 22 x 14 cm Virasasana Printing Press Ahmedabad, 1980 (1923) San D 448 Vivarana by the same The Yogafastra, with commentary called Svopajnavivarana by Sri Hemacandracarya Edited by Sastravisarada Jainacarya Sri Vijaya Dharma Suri Bibliotheca Indica, work No 172 pp 888 23 x 15 cm Asiatic Society of Bengal Calcutta, 1907-21 Bibl Ind 172 Comphed by M Maji

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M WINTERNITZ, the learned and famous Orientalist and Jarna scholar and worthy disciple of George Buchler His book The Jainas in the History of Indian Literature grves a short outliac of the history of Jaina literature. GEORGE BUEHLER, a great German scholar and a pioneer Indologist. H Jacobi derived great support from the researches of Buehler in refuting the view of Weber that Jainism was merely an offshoot of Buddhism Buehler's researches on the Jaina stupa at Mathura and inscriptions thereon deserve special mention RASIKLAL C PARIKH, Late Professor of Sanskrit and Ancient Indian History, Gujarat Vidyapith and late Secretary of Gujarat Puratattva Mandir, Ahmedabad A K MAJUMDAR, Professor, Ancient Indian Culture, Bharatiya Vidyabhavan, Bombay KC LALWANI, economist and author Contributes in Jaina periodicals regularly S SENGUPTA, Sanskrit scholar and writer His special interest is in Grammar He has studied Hemacandra thoroughly and is a great admirer of the savant MURALIDHAR BANERJEA, Former Head of the Department of Sanskrit, Sanskrit College, Calcutta BISHNUPADA BHATTACHARJEE, Principal, Taki College, West Bengal NATHMAL TATIA, Director, Prakrit Jain Institute, Vaisali He participated in the eleventh International Congress for History of Religion in the USA, as a delegate from India in 1966 HELEN M JOHNSON, Fellow, John Simon Guggenheim Memorial Foundation She took great pains in translating the voluminous work of Hemacandra entitled Trisastisalakapurusacarita HERMANN JACOBI, the great Jaina scholar He translated the Jaina sutras in the Sacred Books of the East Series For his profound interest in Jainism the Jaina community conferred on him the title of Jaina-Darsana-Divakara' SATKARI MOOKHERJEE, Former Head of the Department of Sanskrit, Calcutta University A B DHRUVA, Former Pro-Vice-Chancellor and Principal, Benaras Hindu University

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The following is a statement of ownership and other particulars about Jain Journal as required under Rule 8 of the Registration of Newspapers (Central) Rules 1956. 3 STATEMENT OF OWNERSHIP 1 FORM IV 2 PERIODICITY OF ITS PUBLICATION Quarterly 6 PLACE OF PUBLICATION Jain Bhawan P-25 Kalakar Street, Calcutta 7 PRINTER'S NAME, NATIONALITY AND ADDRESS Moti Chand Bhura, Indian P-25 Kalakar Street, Calcutta 7 4 PUBLISHER'S NAME, NATIONALITY AND ADDRESS Moti Chand Bhura, Indian P-25 Kalakar Street, Calcutta 7 April 11, 1968 5 EDITOR'S NAME, NATIONALITY AND ADDRESS Ganesh Lalwani, Indian P-25 Kalakar Street, Calcutta 7 NAME AND ADDRESS OF THE OWNER Jain Bhawan P-25 Kalakar Street, Calcutta 7 I, Moti Chand Bhura, hereby declare that the particulars given above are true to the best of my knowledge and belief (Sd) MOTI CHAND BHURA Signature of Publisher

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a quarterly on Jamology Jain JOUrnal JAIN BHAWAN CALCUTTA

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VOL. II May 1967-April 1968 NOS. 1-4 Published by Moti Chand Bhura on behalf of Jain Bhawan from P-25 Kalakar Street and printed by him at The Technical & General Press, 17 Crooked Lane, Calcutta 1 Editor: Ganesh Lalwani

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(Numbers in heavy type refer to issues, numbers in parenthesis to pages) Ourselves Banerjea, Muralidhar Bhattacharjee, Bishnupada Buehler, George Contributed I Dhruva, A. B Jacobi, Hermann I INDEX Jain, Bhag Chandra Ourselves Articles 1 (1), 2 (51), 3 (99), 4 (157) The Desinamamala Hemacandra A Critique of Hemacandra's Kavyanusasana Sources of Hemacandra's Life Centennial of the Calcutta Jain Garden Temple The Great Anointing A Bird's-eye View of Anyayogavyavacchedadvatrimsika & Syadvadamanjari 4 (207) Evolution of Epistemology in Jaina Philosophy 4 (213) 4 (164) 1 (13) 1 (11) 4 (251) Sthaviravalicarita of Hemacandra 4 (239) The Original Traits of Jainism 2 (68) 1 (6)

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Jain, Prem Chand War Science in Ancient India 3 (129) Lalwani, KC Contemporary Intellectuals of Hemacandra 4 (190) Majumdar, A K Gujarat during the age of Hemacandra 4 (182) Mookherjee, Satkari & Tatia, Nathmal Pramanamimansa & Hemacandra 4 (247) Nair, VG Ranakpur Temple 1(38) Rishavchand The Jaina as a Jina 2 (61) Sadyi, Manjula The Identity of Rsabha and Siva 3 (133) Samsukha, Puran Chand Jainism its Contribution to Indian Thought & Culture 1(3) Sikdar, JC Basic Religious Attitudes in Jainism 3 (121) Sinha, Bashistha Narayan Ethico-Social Structure of Jainism 1 (18) Sengnpta, S Hemacandra & Chandanusasana 4 (224) Hemacandra & Siddha-Hemasabdanusasana 4 (200) Tatia, Nathmal Ahimsa 2 (53) The Yogasastra of Hemacandra 4 (230) Winternitz, M Kalikalasarvajna Hemacandra 4(161) Biographical Shetch Parikh, Rasiklal C The Life of Hemacandra 4 (169) Singhi, Bhanwarmal The Pandit Trio 3 (110)

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(11) Poems Cidananda Verses (translation) 1(15), 2 (58), 3(119) Hymn to Vitaraga (translation) 4 (159) Hemacandracarya Short Stories Contributed Kapila 2 (65) 1(23) Munu Mahendra Kumar Ilaputra (translation) Somadeva Yasastilaka (retold) 2 (103) Digest Contributed Champatra Jain The Key of Knowledge 1(26), 2 (76) 3(138) Gleanings Murthy, S Gopalakrishna A Jain University' from Jaina Vestiges in Andhra 2 (74) Johnson, Helen M Excerpts from Trisastisalakapurusacarita 4 (235) Obituary Late Narendra Singh Singhi 3 (101) Book Reytew Lalwani, KC Bechardas Doshi Jain Sahitya-ka Brhad Itihas 3 (144) Harisatya Bhattacaryya Reals in Jaina Metaphysics 1 (41) Srimal, H V. A Sangave : Jaina Community 2 (90)

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(IV) Books on Jainology A Comprehensive List of the Pubushed Works of Hemacandra (From the Catalogue of India Office Library) 4 (262) Books on Jainology 1(47), 2 (96), 3 (152) 1(40), 3 (143) Books Received Paintings Hemacandra & Kumarapala (coloured) 4 (155) Jinadatta Suri (coloured) 1 (2) Jayasimha requesting Hemacandra to write Siddha-Hema 4 (198) Siddha-Hema being carried in procession on an elephant's back 4 (198) Bandyopadhyaya, Prabhatmohan Restoration of Kalinga Jina (coloured) 3 (99) Lalwani, Ganesh Kartik Mahotsava (coloured) 2 (51) Photographs Ajitanatha Temple built by Kumarapala on Taranga Hills 4 (183) Last Page of Abhidhana-cintamani 4 (199) Rudramahalaya, Siddhapur 4 (182) Sahasralinga Sarovara with Culverts at Patan, Gujarat 4(183) Maps Gujarat 4(156)

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