Indian Antiquary Vol 56

Author(s): Richard Carnac Temple, Charles E A W Oldham, Krishnaswami Aiyangar
Publisher: Swati Publications
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/032548/1

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH IN ARCHAEOLOGY, EPIGRAPHY, ETHNOLOGY, GEOGRAPHY, HISTORY, FOLKLORE, LANGUAGES, LITERATURE, NUMISMATICS, PHILOSOPHY, RELIGION, Etc., Etc., ADITED BY SIR RICHARD CARNAC TEMPLE, BART., C.B., C.LE., F.B.A., F.S.A. HON. FELLOW, TRIN. HALL, CAMBRIDGE, FORMERLY LIEUTENANT-COLONEL, INDIAN ARMY, CHARLES E. A. W. OLDHAM, C.S.I., FORMERLY OF THE INDIAN CIVIL SERVICE, AND Prof. RAO SAHEB S. KRISHNASWAMI AIYANGAR, M.A., (HONY.) Ph.D., VOL. LVI.-1927. Swati Publications Delhi 1986

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Published by Swati Publications, 34. Central Market, Ashok Vihar, Delhi-110052 Ph. 7113395 and Printed by S.K. Mehra at Mehra Offset Press, Delhi.

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CONTENTS. .. .. 38 ANSTEY, LM EDWARDES, THE LATE 8. M-contd. A Contemporary Contemptuous Criticism of Studies in Indian Painting, by Nanalal Manucci's Storia do Mogor Chamanlal Metha, 1.0.8. .. .. .. 119 BHATTACHARJEE, UMESH CHANDRA, Studies in the Land Revenue History of M.A., B.L. Bengal, 1769-1787, by R. B. Ramabotham. 119 BRANKA-VIDYA AND SUTISM .. . 62, 67 Political History of Ancient India from the LITERPRETATION OF THE UPANTBADB, 89, 155 accession of Parikshit to the extinction of CHARPENTIER, PROF. JARL, UPSALA the Gupta Dynasty, by Hemchandra Ray. The MEANING AND ETYMOLOGY OF PUJA, 93, chaudhuri, M.A., Ph.D. .. .. .. CHERN, 8 Proceedings and Transactions of the Third Discovery of an ancient Inscription in the Oriental Conference .. .. .. 196 Jhalawar Stato . " * * History of Burma, from the earliest times DIKSHITAR, V. R.R to March 10, 1824, by G. E. Harvey, with Ancient Indian Tribes, by Dr. B. O. Law, & preface, by Sir R. C. Temple, Bt. .. M.A. .. .. .. .. .. The Jains Gazette, vol. XXI, No. 6 .. .. 235 DIBKALKAR, D.B EDWARDES, THX LATE S. M, C.S.I., C.V.o. Copper Plates Wanted AND GARRETT, PROF. H. L. O., I.E.S.Morvi Plato .. .. .. .. .. 196 HISTORICAL BIAS IN INDIAN HISTORY .. EDITORS, THE GHARDA, B.F.STEPHEN MEREDYTH EDWARDES, C.8. Inscriptions Wanted .. .. .. C.V.O. English Tombstones in Thana .. .. EDWARDES, THE LATE 8. M., 0.8.I., C.V.0.- GOPAL, M. H., M.A.Hindu Polity, by K. P. Jayaswal, M.A. .. TE DATE OF ASOKA'S Rock EDIOTS .. Memoirs of the Archaeological Survey of GRIERSON, SIR GEORGE, A., K.C.I.E. India, No. 26 .. Dictionary of the Car-Nicobarese Language, Annales du Musee Guimet, by A. Muillet .. by the Rev. G. Whitehead, B.A. .. 214 Bibliographics of Indian Art, by Ananda K. THE SAURABANT AND MAGADHI STABAKAS Coomaraswamy, D.80. .. .. .. 58 OF RAMA SARMAN (TAREAVAGISA), (ur.), 1, 13 Samaranganasutradhara of King Bhojadova, HALDER, R.R. by Mahamahopadhyaya, T. Ganapati YASODHAVALA PARAMARA AND HIS INSCRIPSastri .. .. 59 TION .. .. .. .. .. .. 10 Annual Report, Wataon Museum DHARAVARSHA PARMARA OF ABU AND 818 quities, Rajkot .. .. .. .. 59 INSCRIPTIONS Memoirs of the Asiatic Society of Bengal THE GUHILA KINGS OF MEWAR Journal of Francis Buchanan (afterwards INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF MAHABAJA Hamilton), edited by V. H. Jackson .. SUBAPALADEVA, DATED [VIKRAMA) SAUVAT Memoirs of the Archaeological Survey of 1212 .. .. .. .. .. 225 India, No. 28, by Hirananda Sestri .. 80 HILL, THE LATE 8. CHARLESCorpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, vol. I, In NOTES ON PIRAOY ON EASTERN WATERS (SUP.). criptions of Asoka, by E. Hultzsch, Ph.D. 99 126, 133, 141, 149, 167, 166, 173, 181, 189, 197 Memoirs of the Archwological Survey of India, No. 18, 20, and 27 .. HIRALAL.. 100 The Birth Place of the Physician Sushena .. 60 Annual Report of the Mysore Archaeological Department for the year 1925 .. .. 117 HOSTEN, THE REVD. H., 8.J.Memoirs of the Arohmological Survey of LAND'S ANECDOTA SYRIACA ON THE India, Nos. 19 and 21 .. .. 117 SYRIANS OF MALABAR .. .. 41, 81 The Religion and Philosophy of the Veda and THOMAS CANA AND HIS COPPER-PLATE Upanishade, by Arthur Berriedale Keith, GRANT .. .. .. 121, 147, 177 D.O.L., D.Litt. .. .. .. .. 117 | JOHNSON, MISS HELEN MExposition de rboontos decouvertes et de SVETAMBARA JAINA ICONOGRAPHY .. .. 23 recents travaux archeologiques en Katha and Vrttaka .. .. .. .. 17 Afghanistan et en Chine .. .. .. 118 JOINT EDITOR Further Dialogues of the Buddha, translated King Sarangdharu .. .. .. .. 120 from the Pali of the Majjhima Nikaya, JOSEPH, T. K., B.A., LT by Lord Ohalmers, G.O.B. .. .. .. 118 ANOTHER EXIGMATIO INSCRIPTION FROM Barhut Inscriptions, by Benimadhab Barna TRAVANOORE .. .. .. and Kumar Gangananda Sinha . .. 119 THOMAS CANA .. .. 161

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iy CONTENTS KALIPADA MITRA Bharukachcha .. KAYE, G.R.The Siddhantas and the Indian Calendar, by R. Sewe!l . KRISHNASWAMI AIYANGAR, PROF. M.A., (HONY.) PE.D.MAYILARPU .. .. .. .. .. 197 Pavanadutam of Dhoyi Tattvasangraha, Nos. XXX, XXXI.. .. M.J.B. Djawa .. . Djawa, vol. 5, No. 2 and 5 .. .. * MEHTA, N. C., I.C.S. A MEDIEVAL JAINA IMAGE OF AJITANATEA 1063 A.D. ... MUHAMMAD ISMAIL, CH., M.A., M.F. M.R.A.S. A HIMYARITIO INSCRIPTION .. .. .. 21 MUHAMMAD SHAHIDULLAH, M.A., B.L.THE APABHRAMSA STABAKAS OF RAMA. SARMAN : A FEW SUGGESTIONS .. .. 224 OLDHAM, C.E.A.W., C.S.I.The Papers of Thomas Bowrey, by Lieut.. Col. Sir R. C. Temple, Bt., C.B., C.I.E. .. 233 Quarterly Journal of the Mythic Society, vol. XVII, No. 3 .. .. .. .. 234 Journal of the American Oriental Society. vol. 46, No. 3 . . . . . . . 234 RAMSINGH SAKSENA MOBLEM EPIGRAPHY IN THE GWALIOR STATE . .. .. 101, 144 RAWLINSON, H.G., M.A. JEAN DE THEVENOT'S ACCOUNT OY SURAT, 199, 217 A Note on Piracy in Eastern Waters .. 236 SALETORE, B. A., B.A., L.T., M.R.A.S. FOLK SONG OF THE TULUVAS .. 19, 74 SANKAR, K. G., B.A., B.L. THE DATE OF BHASKARA RAVI VARMAN .. 141 SRINIVASACHARI, C. S., M.A.THE PROMOTION OF DRAVIDIAN LINGUISTIC STUDIES IN THE COMPANY'S DAYS SRINIVASA RAGHAVA AYYANGAR, R., M.A. SOME SOUTH INDIAN GOLD COINS .. .. 186 TEMPLE, SIR RICHARD O., Br., C.B., C.I.E., F.B.A., F.S.A.NOTES ON CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BEMERE '.. .. .. .. .. 206 TEMPLE, SIR R. C., Br.--contd. The Ahad Nameh, by G. K. Nariman 19 Mosul and its Minorities, by H. C. Luko .. 39 The Vision of Vasavadatta, by Lakshman Sarup .. .. .. .. .. .. The Origin and Cult of Tara, by Hirananda Shastri International Law in Ancient India, by S. V. Viswanatha .. .. What the Apostle Thomas wrote from India, by T. K. Joseph, B.A., L.T. .. .. Spirit Basis of Belief and Custom, by R. E. Enthoven .. .. .. .. Travels in India, by Jean Baptiste Tavernier, translated and annotated by V. Ball, edited by William Crooke, with additions and notes by H. A. Roso. .. 79 Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy, 1924 .. .. Journal of Indian History, vol. IV, part II, serial No. 11, edited by Prof. S. Krishna swami Aiyangar . . . Topshaw .. .. .. .. .. 120 Dom Martin, the Arakanese Prince .. 139 Naugaza Tombs to the West of India .. 139 The Nirukta, by Hannes Skold .. .. 160 The Chronicles of the East India Company trading to China, 1635-1834, by H. B. Morse, LL.B. .. . . . . 185 The Writing of History, by the Rovd. H. Heras, 8.J. .. .. 176 Lord Mahavira, by Harisatya Bhattacharyya, 176 The Ludy of the Lotus, by Ahmad-ul-Umri, translated with Introduction and Notes, by L. M. Crump .. .. .. .. 196 The Root Acch-in Modern India, by Sir George Grierson .. .. .. .. 216 Journal of Oriontal Research, vol. I, part I. Colours of the Gods .. .. .. .. 236 Musulmen .. .. .. .. .. 236 TURNER, R.L. L'Intonation en Penjabi; une variante asiatique de la loi de Verner, by Jules Bloch .. .. .. .. .. .. 116 VENKATASUBBIAH, A., M.A., PH.D. VEDIC STUDIES * 30, 61, 106, 136, 227 MISCELLANEA. Katha and Vrttaka, by Helen M. Johnson .. A Contemporary Contemptuous Criticism of Manucci's Storia do Mogor, by L. M. Anstey Dom Martin, the Arakanese Prince, by Sir R. C. Temple .. .. Naugaza Tombs to the West of India, by Sir R. C. Teraple'.. .. Copper-plates Wanted, by D. B. Diskalkar .. .. .. .. Morvi Plate, by D. B. Diskalkar . .. Discovery of an Ancient Inscription in the Jhalawar Stato, by 8, Chorn

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CONTENTS BOOK-NOTICES. Hindu Polity, by K. P. Jayaswal, M.A., by the late 8. M. Edwardes .. Memoirs of tho Archological Survoy of India, No. 28, by the lato S. M. Edwardos The Ahad Nameh, by G. K. Nariman, by Sir R. C. Templo .. .. .. .. Mosul and Its Minorities, by H. C. Luke, by Sir R.C. Templo .. .. .. Tho Siddhantas and the Indian Calendar, by R. Sewell, by G. R. Kayo . .. Tho Vision of Vasavadatta, by Lakshinan Sarup, by Sir R. C. Temple .. .. The Origin and Cult of Tara, by Hirananda Sisastei, by Sir R. C. Templo International Law in Ancient India, by S. V. Viswanatha, by Sir R. C. Temple .. .. Djawa, by M. J. B. Annales du Musee Guimet, by A. Meillet, by the late S. M. Edwardes . . . Bibliographies of Indian Art, by Ananda K. Cogmaraswany, D.Sc., by the late 8. M. Edwardes Samaranganasutradhara of king Bhojadeva, by Mahamahopadhyaya T. Ganapati Sastri, by the late 8. M. Edwardes .. .. .. 59 Annual Report, Watson Museum of Antiquities, Rajkot, by the late 8. M. Edwardes .. Memoirs of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, by the late S.M. Edwardes .. What the Apostle Thomas wroto from India, by T.K.Joseph, B.A., L.T., by Sir R. C. Temple. Spirit Basis of Belief and Custom, by R. E. Enthoven, by Sir R.C. Temple .. Travels in India, by Jean Baptiste Tavernier, translated and annotated by V. Ball, edited by William Crooke, with additions and notes, by H. A. Rose, by Sir R. C. Temple .. .. . .. Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy, 1924, by Sir R. C. Temple .. .. Journal of Francis Buchanan (afterwards Hamilton), edited by V. H.Jackson, by the late 8.M. Edwardes .. .. .. . ... .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Memoirs of the Archeological Survey of India, No. 28, by Hirananda Sastri, by the late 8. M. Edwardes 80 Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, vol. I, Inscriptions of Asoka, by E. Hultzsch, Ph.D., by the late S. M. Edwardes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 99 Journal of Indian History, vol. IV, part II, serial No. 11, edited by Prof. 8. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, by Sir R.C.Temple . .. .. . .. .. .. . . . .. 100 Memoirs of the Archeological Survey of India, Nos. 15, 20, and 27, by the late S. M. Edwardes .. .. 100 L'Intonation en Penjabi : une variante asiatique le la loi de Verner, by Jules Bloch, by R. L. Turner.. 116 Annual Report of the Mysore Archeological Department for the Year 1925, by the late S. M. Edwardes. 117 Memoris of the Archeological Survey of India, Nos. 19 and 21, by the late S. M. Edwardes .. .. 117 The Religion and Philosophy of the Veda and Upanishads, by Arthur Berriedale Keith, D.C.L., D Litt., by the late S. M. Edwardes .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 117 Exposition de recentes decouvertes et de recents travaux archeologiques en Afghanistan et en Chine, by the late 8. M. Edwardes.. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 118 Further Dialogues of the Buddha, translated from the Pali of the Majjhima Nikaya, by Lord Chalmers, G.C.B., by the late 8. M. Edwardas .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 118 Barhut Inscriptions, by Benimachab Barna and Kumar Gangananda Sinha, by the late S. M. Edwardes, 119 Studies in Indian Painting, by Nanalal Chamanlul Mehta, I.C.S., by the late 8. M. Edwardes .. .. 119 Studies in the Land Revenue History of Bengal, 1769--1787, by R. B. Ramsbotham, by the late .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 119 Djawa : vol. 5, Nos. 2 and 5, by M.J.B. .. Political History of Ancient India from the accession of Parikshit to the extinction of the Gupta Dynasty, by Hemchandra Raychaudhuri, M.A., Ph.D., by the late 8. M. Edwardes .. .. .. 140 The Nirukta, by Hannes Skold, by Sir R.C. Temple .. .. .. .. 160 The Chronicles of the East India Company trading to China, 1636--1834, by H. B. Morse, LL.D., by Sir R. C. Temple " " .. .. .. .. 175 The Writing of History, by the Revd. H. Heras, S.J., by Sir R. O. Temple .. .. .. .. 176 Lord Mahavira, by Harisstya Bhattacharya, by Sir R. C. Temple .. ... ... .. .. 176 Proceedings and Transactions of the Third Oriental Conference, by the late S. M. Edwardes .. .. 196 The Lady of the Lotus, by Ahmad-ul-Umri, translated with Introduction and Notes, by L. M. Crump, by Sir R. C. Temple .. .. .. .. .. .. . . 196 Dictionary of the Car Nicobarese Language, by the Revd. G. Whitehead, B.A., by G.A.G. . .. 214 History of Burma, from the earliest times to March 10, 1924, by G. E. Harvey, with a preface by Sir R.C. Templo, Bt., by the late S. M. Edwardes .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 216 The Root Aoch-in Modern India, by Sir George Grierson, by Sir R. C. Temple.. .. .. .. 216 Ancient Indian Tribes, by Dr. B, C, Law, M.A., by V.R.R. Dikshitar . . . . . . 120

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CONTENTS BOOK-NOTICES. -contd. The Papers of Thomas Bowrey, by Lieut. Col. Sir R.C. Temple, Bt., C.B., C.I.E., by C. E. A Oldham .. .. Quarterly Journal of the Mythic Society, vol. XVII, No. 3, by C. E. A.W. Oldham ... .. Pavanadutam of Dhoyi, by Prof. S. K. Aiyangar .. Journal of the American Oriental Society, vol. 46, No. 3, by O. E. A. W. Oldham The Jains Gazette, vol. XXI, No. 6, by 8. M. Edwardee .. .. .. Tattvasangraha, Nos. XXX, XXXI, by Prof. S. K. Aiyangar .. .. Journal of Oriental Research, vol. I, part I, by Sir R. C. Temple .. .. 233 234 .. 234 234 NOTES AND QUERIES. Inscriptions Wanted, by B. F. Gharda .. English Tombstones in Thana, by B. F. Gharda .. The Birth Place of the Physician Sushona, by Hiralal Bharukachoha, by Kalipada Mitra .. Topshaw, by Sir R. C. Templo .. .. .. .. King Sarangdharu, by Joint Editor .. .. .. Colours of the Gods, by Sir R. C. Terople .. .. Musulmen, by Sir R C. Temple .. .. A Note on Piracy in Eastern Waters, by H. G. Rawlinson .. .. ::::::::: ::::::::: SUPPLEMENTS. Notes on Piracy in Eastern Waters, by the late 8. Charles Hill, 126, 133, 141, 149, 167, 168, 173, 181, 189, 197 The Sauraseni and Magadhi Stabakos of Rama Sarman (Tarkavagisa), (With Six Plateo), by Sir Gecrge A. Grierson, K.C.I.E. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. :.1, 13 PLATES One Plate .. to face 22 One Plate : Stephen Meredyth Edwardos .. to face Four Platos of Dharavarsha Parmara of Abu .. .. .. .. .. to face 61 Ono Plate : Jains Image of Ajitanatha .. .. .. .. .. to face 72 One Plate : Inscription from Narwar Fort .. .. to face 102 Ono Plato : Kuravalangad Bell Inscription .. . .. to face 129 Two Plates : Inscriptions of Sultan Dilawar Khan Ghori and the Mughal Emperor Akbar the Great .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. to face 145, 146 One Plate : South Indian Gold Coins .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. to face 186 Ono Plato : Two pieces of Burmese Bilver of the sycee type .. .. .. .. .. to face 213 One Plate: Thakarda Inscription of the time of Surapaladevs (Vikrama-18amvat 1212.. to face 226

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH VOLUME LVI-1927 THE PROMOTION OF DRAVIDIAN LINGUISTIC STUDIES IN THE COMPANY'S DAYS.1 By C. 8. SRINIVASACHARI, M.A. A. Early Missionary Effort. The pioneers of the modern study of the South Indian vernaculars and particularly of Tamil. were the European missionaries. It is said that immediately after the oelebrated St. Francis Xavier commenced his labours among the Paravas on the Tinnevelly coast towards the end of 1542, he arranged to have the Creed, the Ave Maria, the Lord's Prayer and the Decalogue rendered into Tamil and himself committed the translations to memory. Robert de Nobili and Constantius Beschi (1680-1747) inspired by their admirable labours the enthusiasm of all lovers of Tamil. Nobili was & nephew of Cardinal Bellarmine and came out in 1606 to serve the famous Madura Mission and died near Mylapore about half & century later, combining in his own person the sanctity of the sannydsi and the erudition of the pand it. Beschi spent the years 1710-1747 in the Tamil districts, where he acquired a marvellous knowledge of Tamil, especially over its classical dialect," as no other European seems to have ever aoquired over that or any other Indian language". The labours of these two great pioneers of European scholarship in Indian languages are fully portrayed in the Annual Letters of the priests of the Madura Mission preserved in the Archives of the Society of Jesus and in some cases in the public libraries of Europe. These Letters were written annually, sometimes every three years, from every Province or Mission of the Socioty to its General in Rome, giving an account of every important event that occur. red in the Mission. It was from this inexhaustible quarry that Father Bertrand drew materials for his voluminous work-La Mission du Madure (4 vols.) and also Father Besse for his instructive biography of Boschi. The Letters of the Madura Mission preserved in the Archives of the Society are secured in photographs in the private library of the St. Joseph's College, Trichinopoly. "The various compilations published under the name of Lettres edifiantes el curieuses wero made up from such annual letters". As a great Tamil scholar and poet, Beschi has always attracted the attention of all Tamils and of Protestant missionaries, engaged in Tamil studies, like Rottler, Caldwell and Pope. Of Beschi's works on the grammar of the Tamil language and of his dictionaries, one writer admiringly points out that they "have proved invaluable aids to his successors and to Protestant missionaries and indeed to all students of Tamil after him". A list of Beschi's numerous works in prose and verse, both in Tamil and in Latin, was published in The Madras Journal of Literature and Science for 1840. There was indeed a previous manuscript Life of Beschi in Tamil written about 1790 which probably served as the basis for the saint's life, which was published in Tamil in 1822 by A. Muttuswami Pillai, Manager of the CoHege of Fort St. George, who, some years previously, undertook a tour in the southern district of the Presidency for the purpose of securing a collection of Beschi's works, at the instance of F. W. Ellis, & oelebrated linguistio scholar. The Memoir was enriched with a catalogue of Beschi's works 1 A paper submitted to the Lahore Begeion of the Indian Historical Records Commission, 1925 3 Bishop Caldwell's History of Tinnovely, (Madras, 1881), p. 233. 3 Caldwell-- Introduction to the Comparative Study of the Dravidian Languages, (1876). Pather Beachi of the Society of Jorwe; His Times and Writings, (Trichinopoly, 1918). 6 Ibid., pp. 84.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ JANUARY, 1927 and extracts from some of them. In 1840 the author gave, at the request of Sir Walter Elliot, an English version of the biography. There is a translation into French of the Tamil notice of Muttuswami Pillai made by Father Louis du Ranquet, S.J., in a letter, dated the Fishery Coast, 1st March 1841.6 A manuscript French notice of Beschi by a contemporary Capuchin missionary who wrote in 1731 is said to have been found in the library of the Church of Surat and is now in the Calendrier des Missionaries Jesuites dans l'Inde (Bibl. Nationale, Fonds Francais, No. 9777, Paris). According to Sir George Grierson, the first Tamil books were printed in 1577-79; and the first printed Tamil Dictionary was brought out at Cochin in 1679 by Father A. de Proenza. A new Tamil grammar by Baltasar da Costa appeared in 1680; while the grammar of Ziegenbalg, the Danish missionary of Tranquebar, was printed in 1716. These are, however, very rare or not available at all: while Beschi's much better known Grammar on the Common Dialect of the Tamil Language was written in 1728 for the use of his confreres in the Madura Mission and published in the Tranquebar Press in 1737. This work was translated into English first by C. H. Horst in 1806 and more authoritatively by G. W. Mahon at the S.P.C.K. Press, Madras, in 1848--the latter being considered the most accurate English translation of the work. Father Besse says that Anquetil du Perron, the pioneer French Orientalist, presented an abridged French translation of the same grammar to the Bibliotheque Nationale (MS. No. 219). Beschi's Grammar of High Tamil, the proface of which is dated September 1730, was in Latin and remained unedited for nearly two centuries, until the Latin text was published at Trichinopoly along with the English translation of B. G. Babington.10 Babington's translation was originally printed at the Madras College Press in 1812; and the learned Dr. G. U. Pope calls it "an exceedingly correct and scholar-like edition of a most masterly work."11 Connected with this Grammar of High Tamil (Literary Dialect) are two other works by Beschi on the Tamil language; (a) The Tonnul Vilakkam, all in Tamil; and (6) The Clavis (humaniorum litterarum sublimioris Tamulici idiomatis). Both these works are divided into five parts, embracing prosody, rhetoric, composition, orthography and etymology. The first work has been published several times; and a prose version of it is included in the Rev. W. Taylor's Catalogue Raisonnee of Oriental Manuscripts with the Government of Madras ;12 while the work itself is examined as MS. No. 2179.13 Mr. Taylor says that the MS. Prose version has the appearance of having been a class-book, when the Madras College had a native school attached to it. The noted French scholar, M. Julius Vinson, ranks the Clavis among the doubtful works of Beschi, though Dr. A. C. Burnell, the author of South Indian Paleography, had no doubt about Beschi having written it and had it printed at Tranquebar in 1876 from a manuscript, which he thought had been revised by the author in person. More important than these works on grammar, were Beschi's dictionaries. Of these the first was the Sadur-Agaradi (Quadruple Dictionary) consisting of five parts, which was composed in the years 1732-47, and which disclosed " in its author a vast erudition and an astonishing knowledge of the Tamil language and its classics " according to Bertrand. It was published by the Madras College under the supervision of two Tamil Pandits who revised the manuscript and added a supplement. It has been reprinted several times in Madras and in Pondicherry, the last edition at Pondicherry of 1872 being by the authoritative and accurate scholar, Father Dupuis. The next lexicon of Beschi was the Tamil-Latin Dictionarium, 6 Besse's Life of Beachi, p. 6. 1 Ibid., p. 9. * Linguistia Survey of India, vol. IV, Munda and Dravidian, p. 302. Besse, p. 214. 10 A Grammar of High Tamil, Latin Text with the English Translation of B. G. Babington, Trichino poly, (1917). 11 Tamil Hand-Book (Madras, 1867), p. 67. 11 M8. No. 2172, p. 784, vol. III (Madras, 1862) 18 MS. No. 2179, p. 2, vol. III (Madras, 1862).

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JANUARY, 1927) DRAVIDIAN LINGUISTIC STUDIES IN THE COMPANY'S DAYS 3 with a long Latin preface, wherein the author compares himself to St. Paul, "the custodian of the garments of those who stoned St. Stephen." He then praises Father Bourzes, the author of a Tamil-Latin Dictionary, which had been useful to him in the compilation of this work. There was a French translation of this work, of which Anquetil du Perron wanted a copy made for him by the Superior of the Mission at Mahe. According to his original plan Beschi was to have supplemented this work by a Portuguese-Latin-Tamil Dictionary as a second part. Portuguese was then the language commonly understood by all Europeans in South India, and the Mission House of Trichinopoly possesses a copy14 of the second part, in which Beschi gives the meaning of 4353 Portuguese words. With the help of this work, other missionaries prepared French-Tamil Dictionaries which are usually attributed to Beschi. The Rev. E. Hoole, in his preface to Beschi's Tamil work-Rules for Catechists --which he published in 1844, mentions a Dictionary of Tamil and English among the works of Beschi, while Muttu. swami Pillai attributes also to him a Latin-Tamil Dictionary, now extant. It has also been suggested by Father Besse that Beschi composed a Telugu Grammar, on the ground that Telugu was the language spoken at the Court of the Nayaks of Madura, with which Beschi must have been familiar, and that a century before him de Nobili had composed works in Telugu without ever having left the Tamil country. M. Vinson is not inclined to accept the tradition, and possibly the Telugu grammar was the work of one of the fathers of the Carnatic Mission, whose field of activity was mostly in the Telugu country. Among the manuscripts which Muttuswami Pillai collected as being the works of Beachi, are found other works, theological and secular, too numerous to mention here. The Tembdvani, a long and highly wrought religious epic on St. Joseph in 36 cantos, in the style of the ancient classic of the Chintamani, enables him to be placed in the very first rank of Tamil poets; and "the Tamils could not believe that it was the work of a foreigner".16 Beschi's Commentary in Latin and Tamil on the Sacred Kural of Tiruvalluvar has been made use of by later editors and translators of the great book, like Ellis16 and G. U. Pope.17 Beschi was the last and the most learned of those Jesuit missionaries, and shortly after his time the Jesuit Society and the Madura Mission were suppressed; and for long the great accomplishments of Beschi remained forgotten.18 While the Madura Mission did pioneer work in Tamil studies, Protestant missionary offort soon followed suit. The earliest Protestant Mission to South India was the Tranquebar Danish Mission, started by Ziegenbalg and Plutscho. They learnt Tamil" without dictionary, grammar or Munshi "; and between 1709 and 1711 contrived to translate the New Testament into Tamil, and followed it up shortly afterwards with the Hebrew Bible as far as the Book of Ruth.19 By 1725 the Tamil version of the Old Testament, begun by Ziegenbalg, was completed by his successor, Schulze. This was the magnum opus of the missionaries and received two appreciative letters of recognition from King George 1 of England.20 The first printing press that was established in Madras was by the S.P.C.K. in 1711, which had recently begun its operations at the Presidency. It began to take a deep interest in the activities of the Tranquebar Mission which had its own press. Schulze subsequently took charge of a mission in Madras, where he preached in the Tamil, Telugu and Portuguese tongues and translated portions of the Bible into Telugu and Hindustani. The Tranquebar missionaries subsequently printed a 14 Besse, p. 231. 16 Nolson, A Manual of the Madura Country (1868), part III, p. 299. 16 Ellis, Kural (Madras, 1822), 304 pp. (incomplete). 17 Pope, The Sacred Kural (Frowde, 1886). 18 Soe the writer's article in The Educational Review, vol. XXIV (Madras), on " The Madura Mission, and Tamil Scholarship ;" Caldwell's History of Tinnevelly, pp. 232-244 ; and D'Orsay, Portuguese Discoveries, Dependencies and Missions in Asia and Africa (1893). pp. 251-281, which gives an account of Robert de Nobili. 19 J. W. Kaye, Christianity in India (1859), p. 73. 30 Quoted in Claudius Buchanan's Christian Researches in India, (1840).

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ JANUARY, 1927 grammar in Tamil and German and a history of the Church in Tamil.21 Beschi's first grammar on the Common Dialect appearod in 1737; while C. Th. Walter's Grammar appeared two years later. Ziegenbalg's Dictionarium Tamulicum was prepared in 1712, and was perhaps only a manuscript.22 A Tamil Grammar by J. Ch. Fabricius and J. Chr. Breithaupt, missionaries of Madras, was issued in a second edition in 1789. Among these early missionaries, the scrip. tural system of instruction, the training of schoolmasters and catechists, the publication of manuals of the grammars of the vernaculars and of translations of the Bible, were the methods employed, and they opened not merely western education among the people, but also an era of critical study of these languages. Under the illustrious Christian Frederick Swartz, who laboured in the country for nearly half a century from 1750, and his contemporaries and colleagues, Gericke, Kohloff and Kiernander, translation of Scriptures and other works went on increasing, with large aids from the S. P. C.K. When Valentyn, an indefatigable missionary, who had long resided in Malaya and had translated the Scriptures into colloquial Malay; wrote his history (1727), the Old and New Testaments had been almost completely translated into Singalese as well. In Malayalam also, much activity was displayed by the missionaries. A Portuguese grammar with a Malayalam vocabulary was published in 1733. Portuguese and Italian missionaries are stated by Grierson(r)4 to have completed a Malayalam dictionary in 1746, based on materials accumulated in the two previous centuries. The German Jesuit, J. Ernst Hanleden, is stated by Fra Paolino to have written a grammar, which does not seem to have been printed. Other grammars on the language were written by Peter Clemens (Rome, 1784) and by Robert Drummond (Bombay, 1799). In 1781 J. Adam Cellarius published some notes on the features of the language. Grierson says that the first Malayalam printed book was probably the Symbolum Apostolicum printed in 1713 at an unknown place. With regard to Kanarese (Kannada), the Spanish Jesuit Hervas gave 63 Kanarese words in his vocabulary, Schulze, the Danish missionary, prepared a Kanarese version of the Lord's Prayer, which was printed in Berlin in 1806. The famous Serampore missionaries took up the study of Kanarese in earnest ; and a grammar of the language by William Carey appeared in 1817, followed six years later by a translation of the New Testament.36 The Telugu (or Gentoo) language is frequently mentioned in the Madras Records from 1683 to 1719. Nobili was said to have written some books in that tongue ; but Schulze was the first European who made a thorough study of it. He translated the Bible into Telugu, published a Catechismus Telugicus Minor (Halle, 1746); Colloquium Religiosum Telugicae (Halle, 1747) and other books. He also gave an account of the Telugu alphabet in his conspectus Litteraturae Telugicae, (Halle, 1747). Later a Telugu grammar was printed at Madras in 1807, and a Telugu translation of the New Testament was issued from the Serampore Mission Press in 1816, followed by a version of the Pentateuch in 1851. It was in Telugu that the greatest necessity was felt by the Madras Government for encouraging the production of books, which would serve the double purpose of assisting civilians, missionaries and other Europeans and also of helping the natives in the acquisition of English ; and it was the Telugu masters and scholars of the College of Fort St. George who greatly helped in the promotion of Dravidian linguistic studies by the Madras Government from about 1800. The Carnatic Mission, which was started for the Telugu country by the Jesuits in 1702, had the services of eminent scholars like John Calmette (1693-1740)26, who was a great Sanskrit scholar and very probably the Satyabodha Swamulavaru of the Vedanta- Rasdyanam and who besides translated into Sanskrit a large Catechiom de la Foi, including a book from the Tamil by Father Beschi. 91 The Educational Review (Oct. 1923), article, " Progress of Education in Madras in the 18th century," by C. S. Srinivasachari. 32 G. A. Grierson, Linguistio Survey of India, vol. IV, p. 302. 33 Hough, History of Christianity in India, Vol. III, p. 104. 4 Linguistic Survey, vol. IV, p. 360. 26 George Smith, Life of William Carey (1885), pp. 238.9; and Grierson, vol. IV, p. 368. 36 History of the Telugu Christians (Trichinopoly), 1910, p. 308.

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JANUARY, 1927] DRAVIDIAN LINGUISTIC STUDIES IN THE COMPANY'S DAYS B. Encouragement by Government. It was from the starting of the Board for the College of Fort St. George27 that Government actively took in hand the publication of works in the Dravidian and other native languages and in working the College Press. The Board maintained a depot and library for the sale and loan of oriental works; and later took charge of the library18 of Oriental manuscripts transferred from the Museum of the Madras Literary Society, which was started in 1817 by Sir Thomas Newbolt, then Chief Justice of the Supreme Court. Regular rules 39 for observance by the Board of the College were framed in 1820. The College, besides training civil servants in the vernaculars, supervised the instruction of Munshis and of persons who were to be appointed law-officers and pleaders in the native courts. The College was advised by Government that "the acquirement of a knowledge of the general grammar and connexion of the several languages of Southern India and of some acquaintance with the sources whence they spring is the chief object of the first two branches of this course." ."30 Sometime later Government asked the College Board, which consisted of scholars like F. W. Ellis and A. D. Campbell, to report their opinion regarding the merits of the Carnatica (Kannada) Grammar and Vocabulary submitted by Mr. John McKerrell.31 Shortly afterwards the Board granted certificates of proficiency to native scholars trained by it, including Muttuswami, the biographer of Beschi, and addressed Government concerning the purchase of the copyrights of "several elementary works of first utility in the High and Low Dialects of the Tamil Language-commencing with Beschi's Grammar of Low Tamil". It did not confine its patronage to the products of European scholarship alone. It recommended the purchase of the copyrights of A Brief Exposition of the Tamil, by Chidambara Pandaram, the Head Tamil Master of the College, and of a Telugu Dictionary entitled the Andhra Dipica, compiled by one Mamidi Vencayya of Masulipatam, declaring that the latter work would greatly assist in the formation of an ample Telugu and English Dictionary and proposing the sum of 1,000 star-pagodas for the purchase of the copyright32. The Board desired also to acquire the right over a Sanskrit dictionary by the same author. Consequent on its recommendation, the manuscript of A. D. Campbell's A Grammar of the Teloogoo Language commonly termed the Gentoo was acquired on public account33, and the work was printed at the College Press, being dedicated to the Governor-General, the Earl of Moira, K.G. Works on law were also recommended; for instance, the translation of the Vignanesvariyam by the Head Tamil Master of the College, who was also employed in rendering into Tamil the Vyava hara-kandam, corresponding with the 8th and 9th books of Sir William Jones' Translation of the Institutes of Manu.34 It was ultimately recommended that the copyright should be purchased for 1000 pagodas, which the author agreed to expend in the erection of a public choultry. 5 In 1815 efforts were made to produce works in Malayalam, and in a Consultation, dated 26th April 1815, recording a letter from the College Board, we read that Mr. Whish had made considerable progress in a grammar of the Malayalam tongue and that he had also commenced a dictionary in that language, and now requested the sanction of the College Board to continue his design of making a copious grammar and converting the two vocabularies (recently 27 Notification, dated the 1st May 1812, vide Public Consultations, 1st and 5th May, 1812. 28 Manual of the Administration of the Madras Presidency, (1885, Madras), p. 543. 5 29 Rules for the College of Fort St. George, published by Government in 1820. 30 PP. 2471-72 MS. Pub. Consultations, 1st and 5th May 1812 (Madras Record Office). 31 Public Consultations, 14th July, 1812. 32 Fort St. George, Public Consultations, dated 28th September 1813. 33 Extract from a letter from the Court of Directors, dated 2nd April 1813, para. 31. Fort St. George, Consultation, 7th Dec. 1813, gives the approval of the Governor-in-Council to acquire the copyright, The 1st edition of the book is dated 1816. 34 Public Consultations, 21st June 1814, pp. 3446-47 of vol. VIII of the year (Madras Record Office). 35 Public Consultations, 11th Sep. 1815.

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6 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ JANUARY, 1927 purchased by Government from Mr. Murdoch) into the form of good serviceable dictionaries. In the course of the same year the College Board was asked by Government to report on the Tamil Translation of the English Liturgy36 prepared by the Rev. Mr. Rottler, promising him assistance if the report should be favourable. Likewise the Board was required to report on Babington's Tamil Translation of Beschi's Grammar of Shen Tamil (Higher Dialect).37 The Board declared that Rottler's work was of limited utility, the translation being too stiff-and in some places not conveying the plain meaning. It declared itself satisfied with the Telugu grammar prepared by Mr. A. D. Campbell and requested Government to bring it to the favourable notice of the Court of Directors, soliciting financial assistance38. The book was published in 1816 and saw its third edition as late as 1849.39 In the preparation of the Grammar, Mr. Campbell was assisted by the noted scholar F. W. Ellis and also by the learned Telugu instructor, Udayagiri Venkatanarayana Iyah, who was Head English Master at the College and later became Interpreter to the Supreme Court, and also by Pattabhirama Sastri, Head Sanskrit and Telugu Master at the College. The latter gentleman compiled a Telugu Dhatumala (List of Roots). It was Campbell who first pointed out the radical and intimate connection that exists between Telugu and the other South Indian vernaculars. Correspondence was long carried on between Government and the Board on the questions of McKerrell's Karnataka Grammar and Telugu Dictionary and of Whish's Malayalam Grammar and Dictionary.40 In 1816 Mr. Campbell made a further proposal to compile a Telugu Dictionary, which he asked to be referred to the Court of Directors.41 Shortly afterwards Government asked for payment of charges for the collection of books and manuscripts purchased by the College Board from Colonel Colin Mackenzie and a native assistant of his.42 One Mr. J. Dalziell supplied to the Board the specimen of a Telugu Dictionary that he proposed to complete, and this offer, as well as another made by him to compile a Telugu and English Dictionary, were both disposed of. The Telugu Grammar published by Mr. W. Brown was not favourably reported on at first and Government refused to purchase copies of it.43 In 1819 Government ordered, on the favourable report of the College Board, to be transmitted to England copies of The Tales of Vikramanka in Telugu, compiled by K. Gurumurthy, a master in the College. It also ordered the printing and distribution of an almanac prepared by the native astronomer of the College, as well as the second edition of Campbell's Telugu Grammar. In the following year the proposal that Mr. Campbell should compile a Telugu Dictionary took definite shape; and Government permitted him 44 to take two native assistants from the College to Bellary, to help him in the preparation of his Dictionary. Again, on the recommendation of the College Board, Government passed orders that" Mr. Morris's elementary work in the Telugu language be printed and published under its auspices and the author be sufficiently remunerated.46 The English and Telugu Dictionary, which Mr. Morris published in 1835, was compiled under the auspices of the College Board and was at their recommendation purchased by Government on behalf of the Hon'ble the 36 Public Consultations of 20th January. 37 Ibid., 10th March 1815, p. 672 of Record in the Record Office. 38 Ibid., 22nd Dec., pp. 3358 and 3536 of volumes in the Record Office. It was 39 The work was entitled, A Grammar of the Teloogoo Language commonly termed the Gentoo. however as a tolerably correct treatise, being the translation of an original crabbed work. 40 Public Consultations, 10th March, p. 672, 26th April and 8th July (1815), pp. 672, 1116, 1853, of Record Office volumes. 41 Ibid., 1st of June 1816 (Dispatch Nos. 55 and 56 in the Records). 42 Ibid., 14th of August 1816 (Dispatch. Nos. 20 and 21). 43 Ibid., 15th April 1817 (Dispatch Nos. 44 and 45). 44 Ibid., 23rd February 1820 (Dispatch Nos. 232-5). 45 Ibid., 1820, 18th July (Dispatch Nos. 12 and 13); 1st August (Dispatch Nos. 11 and 12); 20th October (Dispatch Nos. 11 and 12).

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JANUARY, 1927 ] DRAVIDIAN LINGUISTIO STUDIES IN THE COMPANY'S DAYS Company, to whom the copyright was assigned. In this compilation the author was assisted by the College Telugu Master, K. Gurumurthy Sastri, to whom reference has been already made.46 Besides Messrs. McKerrell, Dalziell, Campbell and Morris, we learn from a consultation 47 that Mr. Boileau asked the help of a Telugu teacher in the completion of his Telugu Dictionary. Both Dalziell's Dictionary and W. Brown's Grammar 48 were refused assistance. Shortly afterwards, we read of the handsome donation made by Lieutenant Sinclair of certain Portuguese and Singalese manuscripts to the Library of the College. What use these were of to the Madras scholars, we do not know. From a despatch of the Court of Directors we learn that instructions were given respecting the purchase of W. Brown's Gentoo (Telugu) Vocabulary; Campbell's Telugu Dictionary; Babington's Tamil work; Rottler's Translation of the Liturgy; Morris's Telugu work ; MoKerrell's Karnataka Grammar and other books. In continuation of their policy of patronising native authors, the Governor and Council 60 sanction. od a reward to Thandavaraya Vadhiar and authorised the printing of Amara Kosa and three other works in Tamil. The College Board was further asked to report on certain of the Mackenzie Manuscripts61; and the Tamil translation (perhaps a condensed account) of The Arabian Nights Stories, made by one Gnana-Mudaly, was helped by Government purchasing & certain number of copies.52 Mr. Charles Philip Brown, the well-known Telugu soholar, now began to rise into prominence. He had already translated the verses of Vamana, & rustic epigrammatic poet; and in 1827 he published at the request of Mr. Clark, a member of the College Board, An Analysis of Telugu Prosody, adding explanations of the Sanskrit system. Several books tendered by Mr. Brown were purchased by Government, who recommended to the Directors the payment of 1,000 pagodas to him for the original of his treatise on Prosody. A few years later Government soquired the copyrights of the Dictionaries of Morris and Reeve on behalf of the Company. To revise the Tamil Dictionary about to be published by the Rev. Dr. Rottler, Government deputed Mr. Harkness, assisted by two Munshis, and later Mr. A. Robertson.63 The avidity for learning displayed by Major-General Sir John Malcolm, whose sphere of activity lay mainly in the west of India, is well illustrated in a Government consultation64 defraying the expenses incurred by Muttugwami Pillai in preparing a copy of Beschi's Tamil poem Tembavani, which was presented to Sir John. The continued assistance rendered by the College Board to Mr. Rottler and his succes. sor, Mr. Taylor, in the compilation of the former's Tamil-English Dictionary 66 is seen in the association of T. Venkatachala Mudali, a certificated teacher of the College, with the work of revision. This work refers nearly all words to their roots or primitives; the synonyms were largely drawn from the Sadur Agaradi; while Beschi's manuscript Dictionary of the Common Dialect and another manuscript dictionary, Tamil and French, by Du Bourges seem to have been made use of to some extent 66, as well as Fabricius' Tamil and English Dictionary. In 1851, one Captain Ouchterlony solicited patronage for his Tamil-English Lexicon. In 1853 46 A dictionary English and Teloogoo, by J. C. Morris, F. R. 8. (Madras, 1835)- Introductory Notice - Pub. Cons., 27th February 1827. 47 Dated 24th August 1821. 48 This was William Brown (Coochi) who died in 1837. "In 1818 be printed a poor vocabulary and a poorer Grammar. I recollect that he assured me the language, which he called Gentoo, possessed no litora. ture," p. xiii-Literary Life of O. P. Brown ; An English and Telugu Dictionary (2nd Edition). 19 Embodied in Public Consultation, 7th October 1823. 60 Consultation, 3rd May 1825. 51 Pub. Cons., dated 16th May 1826. 53 Ibid., dated 7th Nov. 1826. 63 Proceedings of Government in the Public Department, Cons, of 23rd Dec. 1828 ; and Cons. of 20th January 1832. 54 Pub. Cons., 28th June 1831. 66 A Dictionary of the Tamil and English Languages, by the Rev. J. P. Rottlor, vol. I, part I (Madras, 1834), vol. I, part II (Madre, 1836-37) : part III (Revised by W. Taylor and T. Vonkatachala Mudali1839): Part IV (Madras, 1841). 66 Pages iv and v of Proface to Rottler's Dictionary, part IV (1847).

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ JANUARY, 1927 the College Board solicited authority for retaining the Rev. Mr. W. Taylor's services for the formation of a Catalogue Raisonnee of the Oriental Manuscripts in the College Library.57 According to C. P. Brown 68, who had a hand in accumulating the Mackenzie MSS. in the Madras College Library, the method adopted by Taylor was unsatisfactory, as he was acquainted with colloquial Tamil alone and unskilled in chronology, and did not use the right method and phraseology in explaining the works. In 1854 the Rev. M. Winslow, American Missionary in Madras, solicited Government patronage to his prospectus of A Comprehensive Tamil and English Dictionary of High and Low Tamil69. This work superseded all earlier works and helped in proving that "in its poetic form, the Tamil is more polished and exact than the Greek, and in both dialects with its borrowed treasures more copious than the Latin."60 About the same date Caldwell's Dravidian Affinities was published, Government rendering him also some help@1. Thus before the Company's rule ended, a brighter day had dawned for Tamil studies with the appearance of Winslow and Caldwell. In Telugu studies, the labours of Mr. J. C. Morris supplemented by his brother, Mr. H. Morris, and of Mr. C. P. Brown stand out very prominently. From & perusal of the Index volumes to the Proceedings of the Madras Government in the Public Department we are furnished with abundant testimony as to the educative value and popularity of Morris's Telugu Selections, Brown's Dictionary, and Campbell's Telugu Grammar. Brown rates his Grammar as being the most difficult and intricate of all his works, with the possible exception of his Cyclic Tables of Hindu and Muhammadan Chronology. Brown's works in Telugu are too numerous and varied for detailed notice here; but one may recall the Nistara Ratnakaram (Ocean of Salvation), which he revised from an unknown author, being a summary of the Christian religion in Telugu metre. Brown himself thus speaks of the state of Telugu learning at the time when he commenced his labours "When I began these tasks, Telugu literature was dying out; the flame was just glimmering in the socket. The Madras College, founded in 1813, preserved a little spark. ..."02 An outburst of native authorship was the result, which was to be followed in due course by critical studies. As early as 1839, one B. Subbarayulu published Carpenter's English Synonyms with Telugu . Explanations. Strangely enough, Morris' Telugu Selections was translated into Malayalam by A. J. Arbuthnot, who submitted it for support by Government 63. Some years before this date appeared Captain Whistler's Translation into Telugu of the Arabian Nights, and almanacs both in Tamil and Telugu published by the College Board. Malayalam and Kannada (Canarese) came in also for proportionate attention and encouragement by the College Board and by Government. It was the Rev. Mr. Whish who was first encouraged by the College Board in the compilation of a Malayalam Dictionary. A Consultation of 183464 supplied to England information regarding the works in the vernacular languages prepared by the late Mr. C. M. Whish. In 1847 Government gave financial assistance to the Rev. J. Reeks' proposed Grammar of the Malayalam language66. Mr. F. W. Ellis first pointed out the abundance in Malayalam of Sanskrit derivatives66 "in & proportion exceeding half, equal perhaps to three-fifths of the-whole under the two heads common to all dialects of South India, tat-samam, pure 67 Pub. Cons., 15th February 1853. 68 P. xviii of The Literary Life of O. P. Brown quoted above. 60 Compiled with the assistance of native scholars; and from M8. materials of the Rev. J. Knight of Jaffna (died 1838) assisted by the Rev. P. Percival (Madras, 1862). 80 Ibid., p. vii of Preface. 61 Pub. Cons., 13th Jany. 1854. 69 P. xxii of The Literary Tife of C. P. Brown quoted above. 63 Proceedings in the Public Dept., 27th Nov. 1849. 64 Dated 8th July and answering a communication from the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland. 65 Proceedings in the Pub. Dept., 15th July. 46 Wilson's Glossary of Judicial and Rsusnue Terms, etc., (London, 1855), p. xxiii (Preface).

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JANUARY, 1937 ] DRAVIDIAN LINGUISTIO STUDIES IN THE COMPANY'S DAYS 9 Sanskrit words, or tat-bhavam, derived from Sanskrit." The Desya (native words) may be divided into pure Tamil and derivatives from Tamil. The study of the language was greatly facilitated in this generation by the Grammars of Mr. Spring of the Madras Civil Service and of the Rev. Mr. Peet of the Church Mission Society, and by the good and useful dictionaries of Malayalam and English, and English and Malayalam, compiled by the Rev. Mr. Bailey of the same Mission. In 1842 Government patronage was solicited for the work of Mr. Bailey,67 Both Government and the College went only a little way towards meeting the need for printed books for the use of students. With regard to Kannada, the want of a good dictionary was supplied early enough, in which the Madras College had a good share. A better dictionary, both Kannada and English, and English and Kannada, was published in four quarto volumes by Mr. Reeve of the London Missionary Society in 1882. The copyright of Reeve's work was acquired by the Company on the recommendation of the College Board in 1831.68 Reeve commenced his labours as far back as 1817.. He emphasized the affinity between Telugu and Canarese, and he made the fullest possible use of the Telugu Dictionary of Campbell and the Sanskrit Dictionary of Wilson. He had to encounter, as he sayslo, the full force of adverse conditions-"the rareness of ancient manuscripts, the endless blunders of drivelling and hireling transcribers, the paucity of duplicates for collation, and the comparatively small number of men to be found among the natives, POBBessing appropriate philological information, soundness of judgment or zeal for literary research and improvement, have occasioned no inconsiderable suspense, annoyance and embarrassment." Records of 1849 tell us of the Government's recommendation to the Court of Directors that help should be given to the Rev. Mr. Moegling in publishing certain works of his in the Kanarese language". The same author was later promised aid in publishing the Basava Purana and the Chenna Basava Purdna; but the Court of Directors considered that "the aid of Government should be confined to original works or to publications calculated to be useful to junior civil servants, and the expense of which was moderate." Works undertaken on behalf of the Madras Government, like Ellis' Mirasi Tenure, Robertson's Glossary in Tamil and English of words used in the law-courts, may also be mentioned in this connection, as having helped in linguistic studies to some extent. Mr. Richard Clarke of the Madras Civil Service collected a great volume of materials relating to terms used in Government records, including Muhammadan law-terms; and his valuable MSS. were useful to Professor Wilson in the compilation of his valuable Glossary. The publications of the Madras School Book Society, started in 1820, formed a most enlightened development of vernacular literature. The abolition of the College of Fort St. George in 1854, and the con. stitution of Board of Examiners instead, closed a most useful side of governmental activity. Now that the critical study and promotion of the vernaculars is in full progress, it behoves us to remember gratefully and cherish the good pioneer work done by missionary enterprise and both directly and indirectly by Government agency also which was promptly and willingly taken advantage of by Indian scholars and students. Further material for the elucidation of this interesting subject lies imbedded in the Records of the Public Department in the Madras Record Office. 67 Public Consultations, 29th Nov. 1842. 58 Grammar and Dictionary of Karnata, by J. McKerrell, M.C.S. (1820). 6 Public Consultations, 2nd Jan. and 12th March 1824 ; and 28th June 1831. 70 Preface, p. ii, and Kittel, A Kannada-English Dictionary, (Mangalore, 1894), (Preface). Pp. vii and viii. 11 Public Consultations, 31st July. 73 Proceedings in the Pub. Dept. of the 16th Nov. 1852 (Dispatch Nos. 19-21).

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ JANUARY, 1927 YASODHAVALA PARAMARA AND HIS INSCRIPTION. BY R.R. HALDER. YASODHAVALA was one of the Paramara rulers of Abu, and was the father of the Paramara Dhardvarsha, the most famous among them. He secured the throne of Abu after the deposition of his uncle Vikramasimha. According to Dvyasraya Kavya 1 by Hemachandra, Vikramasimha was ruling at Abu, when Kumarapala, the Solanki ruler of Gujarat, came to Abu and waged war against Arnoraja, the Chauhan king of Ajmer. The name of Vikramasimha, however, is not mentioned in the inscription, dated Samvat 1287 (A.D. 1230) at the temple of Neminatha on Mount Abu which gives the genealogy of the rulers of Abu; but as Hemachandra (Hemachar. ya) was a great Jain scholar in the reign of Kumara pala, his version cannot be discredited. It seems, however, that at the time of battle between Arnoraja and Kumarapala, Vikramasimha turned traitor and went over to the side of Arnaraja. This disloyalty on the part of Vikramasimha led Kumarapala to place him in confinement and set his nephew Yasodhavala on the throne of Abu. Yahodhavala ruled at Abu as a feudatory of Kumarapala and was a brave warrior. He is said to have killed Ballala, the lord of Malava, when he learned that he had become hostile to the Chaulukya king Kumarapala of Gujarat. His rule began in 8. 1202 (A.D. 1145) and may have lasted up to 8. 1220 (A.D. 1163), the date of commencement of his son's rule. The date of the accompanying inscription of Yasodhavala is s. 1202 (A.D. 1145) ; that is to say, he was the ruler of Abu in that year. Consequently, the above-mentioned battle between Arnoraja and Kumarapala of Gujarat must have been fought in or shortly before that year. Some Jain writers, however, have confused this battle with that fought later between the same rulers. From the Chitorgarh inscription of Kumarapala, dated Samvat 1207 (A.D. 1150), we learn that Kumarapala, 'having defeated Anaka, the ruler of Sakambhari, and devastated the Sapadalaksha country, went to Chitor to view the beauty of that place. The ruler Anaka referred to in this passage was clearly Arnoraja, the Chauhan king of Ajmer, who is also known as Ana, Anaka, Annalladeva, etc. The Chauhans were called sakanbharisvara or Sambharinaresa (kings of Sakambhari or Sambhari) after their capital at Sakambhari (Sambhar). The capital of Arnoraja, however, was not Sambhar, but Ajmer, to which place the seat of the capital of the Chauhans was transferred from Sambhar by Ajayaraja (Ajayadeva), father of Arnoraja. Before Sambhar, the Chauhans had their capital at Nagaur (Ahichhatrapura) in the Jodhpur State. This is known from an inscription, 1 dAkSeH parasvAnagarIyabhUpaimAthibhRtyaiH panIyayodhaiH saparvatIyazca saparvatIya vairyutothArbudamAsasAda ||33 // tAM pArvatI mAM kRkaNIyaparNIyazobhamAnAmavitesyathoce / T: Fata Tatatatag 11 48 || Duyasraya Kavya, canto XVI. * Epigraphia Indica, vol. VIII, p. 200. tataH sarvAvasare taM vikramasiMhamAkArya dvAsaptatisAmantasamakSa hakayitvA male sajjIkRsya kArAgAre nikSitavAn | tAjyAdhipaM tasya bhAtavyaM yazodhavajanAmAnaM kRtavAMzca / Kumarapala-Prabandha of Jinamandanopadhyaye, p. 42; also, Bombay Gazetteer, vol. I, pt. I, pp. 188-89 and the Parmaras of Dhar and Malwa by C. E. Luard and K. K. Lele, p. 34. . Epigraphia Indica, vol. VIII, p. 201. * sapAdanakSamAmartha namrIkRtabhayAnakA [*]0[*]anerari FIA TIIG GUTII forure (fa)fert qu Titaaragargra ! fa r i (6 ) at EART fa: 7 Epigraphia Indica, vol. II, p. 423, 11. 11-13. * fr a zit gal sAmaMtInaMtasAmaMtaH pUrNataH nRpastataH / / 12 / / Also see Indian Antiquary, vol. XL, p. 29.

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JANUARY, 1927 ) YASODHAVALA PARAMARA AND HIS INSCRIPTION dated Samvat 1226 (A.D. 1169) found at Bijolyan in the Udaipur State, which states that one of the early Chauhan kinge, Samanta, ruled at Ahichhatrapura'. Nagaur was also the capital 8 of Jangaladosa, which comprised the whole of the present Bikaner State and the northern part of Marwar (Jodhpur State). So the Chauhans were also called kings of Jangaladasa10. The territory lying in the vicinity of Nagaur was originally known asSapadalaksha 11, and the Chauhans were called Sapadalakshiya- nripati (kings of Sapadalaksha). Gradually, the Chauhans of Ajmer under Vigraharaja (Visaladeva) IV extended their sway over the country outside Rajputana, as far as Delhi and Hansi 18 in the Punjab.13 Roughly speaking, all the territories that came under the rule of the Chauhans were known as the Sapadalaksha country. Arnoraja and other ChauhAns of Ajmer are shown in the following table14 : Arnoraja-Annalladeva-Anak-Anaka (s. 1196-1207). A.D. 1139--1150. Jagad&vg16 Vigraharaja IV Visaladeva (8. 1210--1220) A.D. 1153--1163 Somesvara (8. 1226-1234) A.D. 1169-1177 Prithvibhata Prithvirkja II Prithvideva Pethadadova - (8. 1224-1226) A.D. 1167--1169 Nagarjuna. Aparagangeya Amaragangeya Amaragangu Prithviraja III. (8. 1236--1249) A.D. 1179--1192 Hariraja (s. 1251) A.D. 1194. Govindaraja Tho defeat of Arnoraja mentioned above in the inscription of Chitorgarh was evidently the result of a battle fought in or about Samvat 1207 (A.D. 1150), which is quite different from the former battle, to which I have referred. 7 The name Ahichhatra occurs at several places. Vide Bombay Gasetteer, vol. 1, pt. 11, p. 560, n. 11. * Indian Antiquary, vol. XL, p. 28. The rulers of this state style themselvos as the 'kings of Jangaladhara.' See leo Indian Antiquary, vol. XL, p. 28. 10 po tofant : 1 dasvA pAdaM galle bena jAjalezAgRyata | 53 dadi praviSTabahANakliSTenApUrNitaM shirH| jAMgalakSoNipAlena vyAcakSANaH parairapi | 16 -Somesvara's Kirlikaumudi, canto II. 11 The nam. Sapada laksha also occurs elsewhere. Vide Indian Antiquary, vol. X, p. 314; Epigraphia Indica, vol. XII, p. 30. * 17 uteai ziyan : [1] rafm9yART AT : (* 188 11 Bijolyan Inscription of the time of the Chauha king S8m6vara, (lated . 1226. JASB., 1886, pt. I, p. 42.] 13 Certain parts of the Kishengarh, Jaipur, Bundi, Kotah and Udaipur States were also under the Chauhans. 14 According to Prithviraja.Vijaya and several inscriptions. The dates are mostly taken from inscripticus set up during their reign. Consequently, they represent the shortest but surest period of their rule.' Their roign may bavo lasted longor than the above dates of their insoriptions. 15 Jagaddys being a parrioide, the throne was syised from him by his younger brother Vinaladova,

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12 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY ( JANUARY, 1927 While the general contents of the inscription of Yasodhavala are of no great interest, its date is important, inasmuch as it definitely enables us to determine the period of the first wattle between Arnoraja and Kumarapala. The stone was found by Rai Bahadur Pandit Gourishankar H. Ojha in the Sirohi State in Rajputana and is now deposited in the Rajputana Museum, Ajmer. It contains thirteen lines of writing : lines 8-11 are badly defaced. The character is Nagari and the language is Sanskrit, but incorrect. It is dated Monday the 14th day of the bright half of M&gha, Samvat 1202 (A.D. 1145), and records that a certain grant was made at the village Ajahari by the queen Saubhagyadevi of the Chaulukya family of Gujarat) during the prosperous reign of Mahamandalesvara Yasodhavala (ll. 1-6). The next three lines are imprecatory and threaten punishment in the next life to those who may appropriate this grant in future. The last two lines mention the name of the Sutradhdra (engraver) as Chadadeva, and containtwo words taldra and surabhi (1l. 12 and 13 respectively), which need explanation. The word surabhi means a cow and the grants made by kings or rulers inscribed on stones are called sureha, surihi or surf, which are corrupt forms of the Sanskrit word surabhi. Such inscriptions contain on top the figure of a cow with a suckling calf, and sometimes the sun and the moon on either side above the cow, which represents the earth. The idea is that as long as the earth, the sun and the moon ball endure, so long will the granta be preserved. In Rajputana, they are generally found in fields and temples, and this is first inscription known to me, in which the word surabhi is written. The word talara is another form of the word taldraksha 16, which seems to be an official title. Probably it meant in those days what the word kotwdl (a police officer) means at the present day. The word is used several times in the Chirwa inscription 11, dated Sam. vat 1330 (A.D. 1273), of the time of Rawal Samarasimha of Mewar. in the Prithvichand Charitra of Manikyasundarasuri, composed in 8. 1478, there is a list of officials, which includes the names talavar and talavarga. Sometimes in inscriptions we find the word talavargin18. The word talliori is perhaps also akin to this (taldra), and means a watch. man of the village, whose duty it is to watch crops in the daytime and assist the far. mers to do so at night. His peculiar duty, however, is to ascertain the boundaries of each field and of each farmer's possession. In Gujarati, the word talati 19 still refers to a patwdri. Line. Text. 1. v ia a TZ 1P0RT areef 2028 - 2. A . . ARTATETT31 xta3. 23a tatarse el 28 4. paTarAjJIzrIsaubhAgyadevyA AjAharIsumA5. . . . . Fare . . 6. . . . . YHT() Se fi7. care a pagkraftai"4 agarrara26_ 8. mareual26 . . . . . . . 9. . . . . arfer fram. . . 10. . . . . . . . atafa . . . 12. Jarcafaa t aa 13.... erit gratar Era il ft II 16 Prof. Monier Williams gives the meaning of it as a 'body-guard.' 17 Vienna Oriental Journal, vol. 21, p. 143. 18 Ep. Ind., vol. IV, pp. 256 and 258, n. 6; also vol. VI. p. 106, n. 5. 10 See Floot's Gupta Inecriptions, p. 217, n. 8. 20 Read of 21 Road To Read Tt 38 Read HTTP 24 Road era: 26 Read T R 26 Read area

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JANUARY, 1927 ] FOLK-SONGS OF THE TULUVAS FOLK-SONGS OF THE TULUVAS. By B. A. SALETORE, B.A., L.T., M.R.A.S. I. Song of the Holeyas. The following songs are sung by the Mundala Holeyas of Udipi Taluk during their marriage ceremony : 1. The Song in Tulu. Text. Sandanana sanere. Sandana Sanere. Pani pani barasogu deshampunde. Pani pani barasogu deshampunde. Pani pani barasogu tattara beda. Pani pani barasogu tattara beda. Ittiri karal madimala. Barabara banjidaye madimaye. Sandanogu baruvala shankarimana. Nidanogu baruvala uidanabombe. Sandanana Sanere. Tumbudunde ponnu Kalikandelo, Kattadande ponnu Nirakandelo, Sandanana Sanere. Mundevu gundida, mudaleda sintema. Yi yencha batta, Maga, bale bangaro ? Kandada kaditta Mandejida magurundu, Kaipetaro ? Sandi beda linga, sari beda. Kodi kodusara maga suddi beda, Sandanana Sanere: Sandanana Sanere. Translation. Peace, O Peace, at the time of this sacred moment, Peace, O Peace, at the time of this sacred moment. When it rains in drops, sprinkle the rice over the pair. When it rains in drops, sprinkle the rice over the pair. When it rains in drops, an umbrella is unnecessary. When it rains in drops, an umbrella is unnecessary. Peace, O Peace, at the time of this sacred moment (Chorus). With feet like those of the Ittiri bird, does the bride come. With a pattering noise and a big stomach, does the bridegroom come. She comes for a sacred union, the bride. She comes slowly, she comes like a puppet doll. Peace, O Peace, at the time of this sacred moment (Chorus). She carries a pitcher of toddy on her waist, She carries a pitcher of water on her fore-arm. Peace, O Peace, at the time of this sacred moment (Chorus). In the ponds of the Screw-pine, with grief as terrible as a crocodile, How did you come, O dear, dear, golden child? Peace, O Peace, at the time of this sacred moment (Chorus). 13 On the edge of a field, the Madenji fish tumbles, Is it the Kaipetaru fish? Make no promise, O Man, nor wish for an evil turn;

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ JANUARY, 1927 (And) Speak not of the child of Yesterday, O Son, speak not. Peace, O Peace, at the time of this sacred moment (Chorus). 2. Text. Le le le le le le la Daitirimale (Chorus). Daitirimale, tanunchellyabalena ; Nerade kandelkondal, Daitirimale ; Tare kuduttu kattondala, Daitirimale ; Guddegala phovundala, Daitirimale ; Aluttala Battondala, Daitirimale ; Nirala muttondala, Daitirimale (Chorus). Ulipi onji satorogu, Daitirimale, Tappe maipu pattondula, Daitirimale. Pidayi onjf atoroga, Daitirimale, Kunti maipu pattondula, Daitirimale (Chorus). Nirada kandela patta (da), Daitirimale, Niradade phovundala, Daitirimale, Kaimone nedyandola, Daitirimale, Kaimone nodyandola, Daitirimale (Chorus). Aluttala battondala, Daitirimale. Karakorayi nedyondala, Daitirimale, Dikkela nira konovundala, Daitirimale. Ta andala pottayela, Daitirimale ; Atila maltondala, Daitirimale, Baidi binnerega balasondala, Daitirimale, TAnalA tindondala, Daitirimale; Ulaya belega phovandela, Daitirim Ale, Bele kale tfrandola, Daitirimale. La le le le le le l& Daitirimdege, T&nuncholya balena, Deitirimale (Chorus). Translation. Le lo le le le le 14 O Thou Daitirim Alege (Chorus). (0 Thou) Daitirimale, who art a little child; Who hast heard fond nicknames from the morning, O Daitirimale ; Who hast tied thine hair after flapping it, O Daitirimale ; Who art ready to go to the hills, 0 Daitirimale, (And) who hast returned a-crying, O Daitirimale ; (And) who hast washed with water (thine hands and feet), O Daitirimale (Chorus) In one of the inner portions of the house, O Daitirimale, Thou hast handled the wrong green-foliaged broom, 0 Daitirimale. In one of the outer portions of the house, O Daitirimale Thou hast handled a small worn-out broom, O Daitirimale (Chorus). (0 Thou) who art carrying a pot of water, O Daitirimale, (Thou) who art going to the well, O Daitirimale, Thou who art washing (thine) hands and face, 0 Daitirimale, Who art washing thine hands and face, O Daitirimalo (Chorus). And who art returning a-crying, O Daitirimale, Thou who art washing the earthen vessels with thine hands, Daitirimale, Who art pouring water in the pot above the firo, O Daitirimale.

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JANUARY, 1927) FOLK SONGS OF THE TULUVAS. (Thou) who art lighting the fire. O Daitirimale. (And) who art preparing the meal, O Daitirimale ; Thou who art serving the guests who have come, O Daitirimale, And who after serving them, art eating the food, O Daitirimale; And who art, then, going to do the work of thy land-lord, O Daitirimale, After finishing all other work, 0 Daitirimale. Le le le le le le la O Thou Daitirimale, Thou who art a fond little child, O Daitirimale (Chorus). The following song is sung by the Mundila Holeyas of Udipi Taluk during their marriage ceremony - 3. The Song in Tulu. Text. Le le le le le le la Tumbetirama ! Le le le le Tumbetiram& 1 Tumbenavolu kutandina, Tumbetirama. Karandenavolu kaligandina, Tumbetirama. Nana yera boroduya, Tumbetirama ? Neliya mukhari dikkalaya, Tumbetirama; Yeliya mukhari dikkalaya, Tumbetirama.. Nana yera baroduya, Tumbetirama ? Mulya dikkala barodaya, Tumbetirama. Yekkalada Aridakka, Tumbetirama. Nana yera barodaya, Tumbetirama ? Kodada manya dikkalaya, Tumbetirama. Nana yera baroduya, Tumbetirama ? Panjurli manya dikkalaya, Tumbetirama. Yekkalada aridakka, Tumbetirama. Nana yera baroduya, Tumbetirama ? Guliga manya dikkalaya, Tumbetirama, Guliga manya dikkalaya, Tumbetirama. Nana yera baroduya, Tumbetirama ! Bajaldaya dikkalaya, Tumbetirama. Nans yera baroduya, Tumbetirama ? Pulyandaya dikkalaya, Tumbetiram Nana yera barouduya, Tumbetirama ? Kachada anne batteneya, Tumbetirama ? Telikeda akka battalaya, Tumbetirama. Kedumburedakka battalaya, Tumbetirama. Nans yera baroduya, Tumbetirama ? Kala kadesundado, Tumbetirama. Vele phophunduya, Tumbetirama. Bega Bega ballaya, Tumbetirama. La le le le le le l& Tumbetirama! Le le le le, Tumbetirama ! Translation. Lo le le le le le 1A Tumbetirama! Le le le le le Tumbetirama! Gather the Tumbe flowers, O Tumbetirama. Gather the Karande leaves, O Tumbetirama. Who is yet to come, O Tumbetirama ? The wife of the great mukhari is yet to come, O Tumbetirama; The wife of the small mukhari is yet to come, O Tumbetirama. Who is yet to come, O Tumbetirama ?

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JANUARY, 1927 The wife of the demon-priest is yet to come, O Tumbetirama. Stretching your body, sprinkle the rice, 0 Tumbetirama. And who is yet to come, O Tumbetirama ? The wife of the priest of the demon Kodadabbu is yet to come, O Tumbetirama. And who is yet to come, O Tumbetirama ? The wife of the priest of the demon Panjurli is yet to come, O Tumbetirama. Stretching your body, sprinkle the rice, O Tumbetirama. And who is yet to come, O Tumbetirama ? The wife of the priest of the demon Guliga is yet to come, O Tumbetirama. And who is yet to come, O Tumbetirama ? The wife oi Bajaldaye (the Toddy-Server) is yet to come, O Tumbetirama. And who is yet to come, O Tumbetirama ? The wife of Palyandaye is yet to come, O Tumbetirama. And who is yet to come, O Tumbetirama ? Has the indiscreet young brother come, O Tumbetirama ? The laughing sister is come, O Tumbetirama. The delicate sister is come, O Tumbetirama. And who is yet to come, O Tumbetirama ? It is getting late, O Tumbetirama. Time is fleeing, O Tambetirama. Come soon, come soon, O Tumbetirama. Le le le le le le la Tumbetirama ! Le le le le Tumbetirama ! The following song is sung by the Mundala Holeyas of Udipi, when the bridegroom is being shaved : 4. The song in Tulu. Text. Le le le le la kinni Madimaye ! Le le le le la kinni Madimaye! Tanunchelya balena, kinni Madimaye ; Tanunchelya balena, kinni Madimaye ; Nettereda puttiyena, kinni Madimaye, Nirada balettena, kinni Madimaye. Balepo balmanna, kinni Madimayege; Uddala phovundena, kinni Madimaye. Buddita kaltondena, kinni Madimaye. Ullaya belega phovundena, kinni Madimayege. Jatipolikena, kinni Madimayege Le le le le la kinni Madimayege! Gadda mese battondaya, kinni Madimayega, Ponnu sinte puttunduya, kinni Madimayega Ponnu tuvere phovun dena, kinni Madimaye ; Ponnu malla tavundena, kinni Madimaye, Jatipolikena, kinni Madim ayega. Landabanda maltondena, kinni Madimaye, Jatiniti malpondena, kinni Madimayege. Le le le le la kinni Madimayege ! Turikorendena, kinni Madimayege, Jatinitimaltondena, kinni Madimaye. Lo le le le la kinni Madimaye! Lo le le le la kinni Madimeye.

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JANUARY, 1927] BOOK-NOTICES Translation. Le le le le la (Oh) the young Bridegroom! Le le le le la (Oh) the young Bridegroom. A little beautiful child is he, the young Bridegroom! Born in blood was he, the young Bridegroom; He grew strong in waters, the young Bridegroom. He was a little child, the young Bridegroom; Now he has grown tall, the young Bridegroom. He has improved his wit, the young Bridegroom. He has gone to his land-lord's work, the young Bridegroom. He has got a gift from his caste, the young Bridegroom. Le le le le la (Oh) the young Bridegroom! He has got beard and whiskers, the young Bridegroom, And his heart is set on a woman, the young Bridegroom. He's gone to see his lass, the young Bridegroom; He has chosen a fitting mate, the young Bridegroom, Who is a gift from his caste, the young Bridegroom. He has bound himself, the young Bridegroom, To the welfare of his caste, the young Bridegroom; Le le le le la (Oh) the young Bridegroom! Give the earthen-pot (of toddy) to the young Bridegroom, As a gift from his caste, (Oh) the young Bridegroom. Le le le le la (Oh) the young Bridegroom! Le le le le la (Oh) the young Bridegroom! MISCELLANEA. KATHA AND VRTTAKA. In the Trisaspisalakrpurusacarira 6. 2. 324 f., Hemacandra raises a question of fiction terminology. In a conversation between a minister and a dwarf, the minister said, "Tell us an interesting katha." The dwarf replied, "Shall I tell a katha or a vrttaka?" Questioned as to the difference between a katha and a vrttaka, the dwarf said, "A vrttaka is one's own adventures (carita); a kathd is the adventures of men of former times. " It has long been evident that Rajasekhara's definition (quoted by Buhler, Ober das Leben des HINDU POLITY. A constitutional history of India in Hindu Times; (two volumes in one). By K. P. JAYASWAL, M.A.; Butterworth and Co., Calcutta, 1924. BOOK-NOTICES. Mr. K. P. Jayaswal of Patna needs no introduction to students of Indian history and antiquities. The pages of the Journal of the Behar and Orissa Research Society, to which he has contributed so many able and suggestive articles, would alone ensure public interest in any work from his pen. The present volume, which the author describes as mainly a commentary upon his paper, An Introduction to Hindu Polity,' published in the Modern Review in 1913, is a succinct and lucid summary of the ancient constitutional organizations of India, from 17 Jaina Minches Hemacandra, p. 5) of a caritra, as the biography of Tirthankaras, Cakravartins and Rishis to the time of Aryarakeita, as distinguished from a prabandha, the biography of men of later times, was not observed in practice. Caritra is used for the biography of any one; e.g., Rashineya caritra, which is the biography of a thief, Salibhad. caritar, the biography of a merchant. It is difficult to say whether or not Hemacandra's distinction was actually observed. Does any one know of any evrttakas or autobiographical caritras? HELEN M. JOHNSON. the Samiti and Sabha of Vedic times and the later Republics, Gana and Samgha, to the Monarchy and Imperial systems of a more definitely historic age. The various constitutional features of Ancient India are arranged and discussed within certain chronological limits, based upon the evidence supplied by Vedic, Classical, and Prakrit literature and by lithic and numismatic records, and cover the period from the Vedic age to A.D. 600, when Hindu constitutional traditions suffered an eclipse, lasting roughly till the middle of the seventeenth century. Within these limits the author unfolds the origin and characteristics of the assemblies of the Vedic Aryans; the Hindu Republics of 1000 B.O. to A.D. 600; the Janapada and the Paura 3

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18 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY assemblies of 600 B.C. to A.D. 600; Hindu kingship from the earliest age to A.D. 600; the Council of Ministers under Hindu monarchy from 1000 B.C. to A.D. 600; the judiciary from 700 B.C. to A.D. 600; the theory of taxation from 1000 B.C. to A.D. 600; and Hindu imperial systems from 1000 B.C. to A.D. 600. It will be apparent from this list of subjects that the book provides much interesting historical information and offers plenty of food for reflection. Within the limits of a 'review' it is impossible to deal in detail with the contents of this erudite work, and I will therefore confine my remarks to a brief notice of a few points which aroused my particular interest. Among these is the suggestion that the Buddhist Samgha, the most vital feature of the Church founded by Gautama, was modelled upon and named after the political Samgha, which was synonymous with Gana, signifying a Republic. According to the author, these Hindu republics were administered by a deliberative body, composed of various classes of the population, and were styled ayudhajivin or sastropajivin-two somewhat obscure terms, of which Mr. Jayaswal suggests an explanation. In the Buddhist age the republican form of government was apparently flourishing; the literature of that period mentions at least seven republican states; and between them they must have provided plenty of constitutional material to serve as a pattern to the Buddha, when he address. ed himself to the task of organizing his ecclesia. The arrangements prevailing in the republic of the Lichchhavis are rightly treated in some detail, as the Lichchhavi State lasted from early days until the era of Gupta imperialism, and during practically the whole of that period occupied a position of great importance. Mr. Jayaswal stoutly opposes the late Dr. Vincent Smith's view that these republican ganas were of Mongolian origin, and that the Lichchhavis themselves possessed Tibetan affinities. He points out that Smith's view was based on the custom of exposure of the dead, as supposed to be illustrated by a passage in a Chinese legend, and secondly on the judicial procedure of the Lichchhavis, as described by Turnour. The Chinese legend is admittedly about a thousand years later in date than the period to which it purports to refer, while the description which it contains can be shown, on the analogy of passages in the Dharma Sastra and Sanskrit dramatic works, to be applicable to the ordinary Hindu smasana, and not to refer necessarily to Tibetan or Iranian burial customs. Similarly, the supposed evidence of Lichchhavi judicial procedure is stated to be illusory by the juxta-position of Turnour's description and the account of the stages of Tibetan criminal procedure given by Rai Bahadur Sarat Chandra Das. Mr. Jayaswal depends also upon a passage in the Mahabharata to establish his contention that [ JANUARY, 1927 | Lichchhavi criminal procedure was based on rules normally followed by Hindu Ganas or republican states. He likewise adduces evidence which suggests the probability of the Lichchhavis themselves being pure Hindu Kshatriyas, having no racial connection with Tibet. The same conclusion has been reached by Mr. Bimala C. Law in his Kshatriya Clans in Buddhist India. It is stated in the preface that Dr. Vincent Smith was largely responsible for the inception of Mr. Jayaswal's work, and it is a matter of regret that he did not live to see its completion. In the second part of his work, dealing with Hindu Monarchy, the author dissents quite as strongly from another statement in Smith's Early History of India to the effect that "the native law of India has always recognised agricultural land as crown property." Colebrooke's essay on Mimamad, the dicta of Hindu lawyers like Nilakantha, Madhava, and Katyayana, the statements of accepted commen. tators, the Jataka, and copper-plate title-deeds of the Gupta period, are martialled together to prove that the ancient Hindu legal doctrine regarding proprietorship in land was the exact reverse of what it is stated to be by Dr. Smith in the abovequoted sentence. Mimamed declares emphatically that the king has no property in the soil; and this is in consonance with the opinions of ancient constitutional writers, who decided that the king is in the position of a servant of the body politic, obtaining his wages in the shape of taxes, but possessing no proprietorship in the land. Mr. Jayaswal further asserts that the English translation of the sloka, on which Smith depended to re-inforce his view, contains a fundamental error, pati being rendered 'owner' instead of 'protector,' and the latter portion being wholly misconstrued. Whether Mr. Jayaswal's arguments can be success. fully parried, is a question into which I cannot here enter. In a chapter on Technical Hindu Constitutions' from 1000 B.C., the author touches upon the Rashtrikas of Western India and appears to treat the Pettanikas or Petenikas of Asoka's inscriptions as a separate political entity, of which the rulers or leaders had contrived to obtain hereditary status. This view does not tally with that adopted by Professor D. R. Bhandarkar in his Carmichael Lectures for 1923. He states that Petenikas cannot be separated from Rashtrika and Bhoja, and that it is a qualifying word or adjective, signifying "one who is hereditary ruler of a rashtra or province." Mr. Jayaswal suggests that the Rashtrikas obtained their name from their political constitution-the Rashtrika, which was purely republican in character, the administration being vested in a board of nonhereditary elected leaders: while the Pettanikas or hereditary leaders' followed a different form of constitution, Pettanika, described as aristocratic or oligarchic. While I do not feel competent to argue

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JANUARY, 1927 ] this point, I entertain considerable doubts about accepting Mr. Jayaswal's view in preference to that of Dr. Bhandarkar. If we can assume that the Rashtrikas of the Asokan inscriptions are the same people as the Maharathis of the Nasik inscriptions, the view that the former were administrative heads of provinces, who contrived to exchange their original status as governors for that of hereditary chieftains, seems on the whole more acceptable than that now put forward by Mr. Jayaswal. It seems probable that the Maharathis were connected with, and occupied in western India the same position as, the Mahasenapatis, who were at one time viceroys of the Andhra dynasty and subsequently assumed independence in Adoni and the eastern portion of the Andhra dominions. It seems difficult to believe that they or the Maharathis ever indulged in republican forms of government, though the habits and manners of the Marathas at the close of the eighteenth century, as recorded by Tone, lend colour to the view that social equality and camaraderie were once the guiding principles of their class. The aristocratic aloofness, which to-day divides the upper-class Maratha from his more humble kinsmen, the Kunbis and allied tribes and castes, was certainly not observable in 1796. On the whole, I should like to see Mr. Jayaswal's view subjected to further argument, before finally rejecting the opinion recorded on pages 32 and 33 of Mr. D. R. Bhandarkar's Asoka. BOOK-NOTICES On the subject of the coronation of Asoka, also, there is a conflict of opinion between Mr. Bhandarkar and the author of the present work. The former argues that there is no sound reason for assuming an interval of four years between Asoka's succession and coronation. Dr. V. A. Smith accepted the fact of the four years' interval in his Early History of India, and seemed to think that it signified a dispute about the succession. Mr. Jayaswal agrees that Asoka was not formally 'crowned' for four years after his accession, but ascribes the delay to the operation of the Hindu constitutional law, whieh forbade the coronation of a king before the completion of his twentyfourth year. By orthodox and sacred Hindu law the uncrowned period could not be recognized, and it is for this reason, states Mr. Jayaswal, that the Puranas do not count the pre-coronation years of Asoka's reign, while they include them in the total for the dynasty. This explanation strikes me as plausible. Another arresting suggestion in this work relates to the supposed existence of the worship of Vasudeva. prior to the date of Panini. The belief is based upon the interpretation of a sutra of Papini, which Mr. Jayaswal believes to be erroneous. He asserts, in short, that the word bhakti can be shown from the context to have signified, not religious devotion, but political or constitutional allegiance. There are many other facts, suggestions and inferences 19 set forth in this work, which render it of first-rate importance to students of ancient Hindu institutions, ideals, and history. Other experts may dissent from some of the views propounded by the author, but their criticism cannot deprive the work of its value as a carefully documented retrospect of the growth of Hindu polity. S. M. EDWARDES. MEMOIRS OF THE ARCHEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA. No. 26. Two Statues of Pallava Kings and Five Pallava Inscriptions in a rock-cut temple at Mahabalipuram: by RAO BAHADUR H. KRISHNA SASTRI, B. A., Government of India, Calcutta, 1926. In this Memoir the Government Epigraphist gives a definite decision that the two statues in the temple of Adivaraha-Perumal are those of Mahendravarman I, the originator of the rock-cut temples of South India, and of his son NarasimhavarmanSimhavishnu I, known to history as "Vatapikonda " and the foe of the Western Chalukya ruler, Vikra. maditya I. On paleographical grounds he decides also that the label inscriptions on the sculptures belong to the reign of Paramesvara varman I, the grandson of Mahendravarman I. From other inscriptions in the cave, when compared with reference in the Tamil Periyapuranam and with the Tandalam inscription (Ep. Ind. VII. p. 25), he deduces the interesting fact that the word Kadavesa (chief of the Kadava) and its alternative forms, Kathaka and Kadakka, are synonyms of Pallava, and shows that the kings of the collateral line of Pallavas, descended from Bhimavarman (younger brother of Simhavishnu I) were called Kadavas and ruled over an outlying part of the Pallava dominions, simultaneously with the main Pallava dynasty. This outlying territory seems to have corresponded roughly with the modern districts of Cuddapah and Kurnool and Mysore State. In later times they claim to have ruled also over Kanchi. It was from a Kadava-Pallava that the Nolambas of the Kanarese country traced their origin. Presumably the word Kadava is allied with the Dravi. dian word signifying "jungle," "wild"; and it would be interesting to know whence the collateral line of Pallavas obtained this designation. S. M. EDWARDES. THE AHAD NAMEH, Marker Literary Series for Persia, No. 1., Preface by G. K. NARIMAN. Published under the patronage of the Iran League, Bombay, 1925. This little book is a truly remarkable production and if the subsequent publications of the Iran League are to be of the same calibre, that body will be of the greatest benefit to the Parsis of India. To quote the opening words in the Preface by that veteran scholar, Mr. G. K. Nariman: "Persia with its young and patriotic Moslems is awakened, and the latter have stretched the kindly hand of

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20 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY | JANUARY, 1927 fraternity to their Zoroastrian compatriots and the i The grants published in this book are not indeed, Parsis of India. The Indian Zoroastrians have in their present form, of unquestioned authenticity, been separated from the old country for centuries, but even if spurious, there are dozens of others but have never ceased casting a longing loving which are genuine. They unquestionably bear glance at the homeland of their origin and religion. witness to the spirit of tolerance of the early Islamic Intermittently they carried on correspondence with conquerors. It was not until the Mongols came into their co-religionists in Yezd and Korman. Persia power that the extermination of Zoroastrians in to-day subordinating every consideration to that commenced, when the great instrument of oppresof consolidation of the Iranian fraternity." sion was the jasiya or poll-tax. But even this was On there considerations Mr. Pestonji Dosabhoy not oppressivo in its inception, bocause it was a Marker is planning to create a literature suitable tax in return for exemption from military service, to the requirements of young Iran, and this Literary and thus in theory protected those subject to it Series is part of his scheme, of which one consti- from the designs of others than the rulers. It tuent is to build up in young Zoroastrians was the extortionate manner in which it was exacted desire for honest history. In pursuit of such by the officials who raised it that turned it into history Mr. Nariman enquires into the causes of an instrument of torture and practical annihilation. the decadence of the Zoroastrians, and his enquiry With the decadence of the Zoroastrians their brings him to remarkable conclusions. It is literature largely disappeared, and as to this Mr. not due to the action of the Arabs on their conquest Nariman makes a remarkablo statement : "the of Persia, the decadence in fact dating from the destruction of the Zoroastrian literature is due in days of Afghan ascendancy at a much later date. part to the Turks, more to the Afghans, and It is really due to the rending of the community most to neglect and sacerdotal arrogance which by "mutual discussions and ruinous jealousies," madu & monopoly of the relations between God and & view, which when put forward by a Parsi and man." Here we are provided with something to published in a serious Parsi educational "series," think over. cannot but be arresting. Now, however, says our author, "a new period Mr. Nariman backs this up by stating that under of hope has dawned on united Iran," and in the many local governors after the Arab conquest Persis of to-day "the patriotic son of the soil is "free practice of religion was, accorded " in quite Irani first and Moslem, Christian, Jew or Zoroastrian a number of treaties. The very book under review in the second place." Mr. Nariman winds up his indeed " contains two charters reported to have been remarks by an examination of the legal aspect of granted by the founder of Islam and his great-son the Zoroastrians in Islam, about which he has fo-law, the pious fourth Khalifa, to the Zoroastrians equally arresting and interesting things to say, in which religious tolerance is partionlarly One cannot help looking forward to further publica. emphasised." Mr. Nariman says there are many tions in this series. others conceived in the same spirit. R. C. TEMPLE. AL NOTES AND QUERIES. INSCRIPTIONS WANTED. stone in the Collector's garden in Thana was Can anybody tell me where the inscribed Copper- brought from Vaghcli (one mile west of Sopera, Plates and Stones mentioned below can be seen 1 B.B. & C.). Ry.). This stone was three feet eight inches long, one foot one inch hroad, and Copper-Plates. seven inches thick. The Inscription contained (1) Copper-Platos fastened together by a ring in fourteen lines. two parcels of three each, found in 1788, while B. F. GHARDA. digging foundations in Thana Fort. They record a grant by the Silahara Chief Arikeshari; ENGLISH TOMBSTONES IN THANA. (2) About 1830, two Copper-Plates were found while digging & grave in Thana (whose grave ?) "In the Churchyard, Thana, are the tombs of and sent by Mr. Baille to the Hon : Mr. Elphin John Vaughan, dated 1780; of Charles Driffield. stone. They are dated A.D. 1272 and 1290, and dated 1784; of Stephen Babington, dated 1822 : record grants by Konken Viceroys of the ninth kan Vicerove of the ninth of John Malsey (died 1785); and of George Page Dovgiri Yadav, Ramchandra Doo (1271-1308) (died 18th Nov. 1794)." whom Ala-ud-din Khilji defeated. Can any reader kindly let me know who these Stones. persons were ? And what services they rendered (8) Land-Grant Stones were found about 13K. 1. in Thane or in India ? by Mr. Murphy, in Satrette. One inscribed B. F. GHARDA,

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FEBRUARY, 1927] A HIMYARITIO INSCRIPTION A HIMYARITIC INSCRIPTION. BY OH. MUHAMMAD ISMAIL, M.A., M.F., M.R.A.S. Provenance.---This inscription stone was noticed by me in the Prince of Wales Museum of Western India, Bombay, in 1921. I no sooner saw it than I began to trace its provenance. Not being satisfied with the statement, which seemed impossible to me on the very face of it, that it was picked up by Colonel Jacob from the vicinity of the Tombs or Chattris of the former Raos of Cutch, not far from the Resident's office, I wrote to Mr. N. M. Bilimoria, the retired Superintendent of the Cutch Bhuj Residency Office to let me know definitely how the stone along with others came to Bhuj. He replied in a letter, dated 11th December 1923, that they were brought from Aden by Colonel H. F. Jacob of the Indian Army, who was for a long time at Aden and was for some time Political Agent for Cutch, and that under the Colonel's instructions the stone inscriptions were sent to the Prince of Wales Museum in 1911, On further inquiry Mr. Bilimoria confirmed his statement given above. So Mr. (now Dr.) Bhandarkar's suspicions were rightly founded and the provenance of this inscription stone has been determined to be Aden or a place near it in South Arabia. The Inscription.-1. The language of the Inscription is what may be called Himyaritic, though Sabaean and South Arabic are also names given to it. This stone measures on the face of it 91' by 9" with a thickness of 13". The left-hand bottom corner has been broken off ; otherwise the epigraph is quite complete and clear. 2. I read it from left to right and find the inscription as below: Line 1. II K Line 2. Both the lines are quite legible. Some doubt however is attached to the two strokes II S in the first line and the form in the second and perhaps also to T . I shall take them individually. (a) II. The shape of these two strokes is almost always used as a mark of separation between two words, to mark the beginning of the latter and end of the former between which the mark interposes. The place these two strokes occupy here, i.e., in the beginning of the epigraph, seems to be quite extraordinary. We do not know a letter corresponding to them. If we suppose that their tops were joined the letter will be mein Hebrew-B and the first line could be read then as Bombay, which is as strange as it is unsatisfactory. Again there is no ground for joining the two letters, for the engraver seems to know his art quite well. Then what is the solution! I propose to take each stroke by itself which stands for one. We know that the Himyarites wrote one, two and three in tho form of I, II and III like the Romans and the Assyrians. So I believe that these strokes stand for II - 2- Hebrew (6) This form of letter is also unknown. We know that Ore = 'a sometimes =,=w=, and that X stands for = = t. Then what does it stand for? I suggest that it is a combination of two letters X placed inside O. The question arises why x was not separately placed? My answer is that "In Muhammadan N nismatics and epigraphy, especially where artistio arrangement is to be observed, clerical accuracy is often sacrificed for the sake of symmetry and ornamentation "3. What is true of Muhammadan Epigraphy is also true of Himyaritio. In the first line two strokes stand for I and I and make two. Here there are two letters, one being inside the other. The skill of calligraphy is to be seen here. If x had been written in the end of the first line there would have been no 1 Archeological Survey Report, Western Cirole, 1916, p. 3. ; Ibid., 1917, p. 60. # JASB., vol. XVIII, p. 37, of the Num. Supplemont.

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22 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ FEBRUARY, 1927 symmetry. It written in the beginning of the second line the mark of demarcation ought to have been placed between X and O and here too symmetry would have been lost. By placing X inside the symmetry has been kept with the II of first line and the sign of separation has been done away with. So to me it seems stands for x 10 or x/0, both O and standing for 1 =,= w. As an example of symmetry see six lines each consisting of eight letters in the second half of lines 5-10, p. 200, Corpus Inscriplionum Semiticarum, Tomus II, Fasciculus Terlius, and also p. 97, L.A., vol. XIV (1885). Other inscriptions also show that in these Himyaritic inscriptions some sort of symmetry is often kept, e.g., if there are eleven letters in one line other lines also contain as far as possible the same number vide p. 222 of Corpus quoted above. (c) in the second line perhaps also requires an explanation. It is aleph Ji (Hebrew ), the only difficulty about it being that its upper waving stroke touches the right hand vertical stroke of n in the first line. 3. With this explanation I would transcribe the Himyaritic characters in the usual way in Hebrew and then into Arabic to which they are more allied. Transcription : IIB IIBOP Himyaritio. Hebrew SOT 5 yz A b H | 2 byt w db bdwt Arabio. wld, um por Translation - House No. 2 (dedicated to) Wadd Pater, The letter B=o=p in the first line may be equivalent to = s mo. In Arabic to cut short the humming mummation or nunnation sound only one s mim is used and the process is called p Losl as in lo= 10 wn. In Himyaritic also this is abridged from Grimme takes B= vide p. 313 1,0.8., (II) Fasciculus Quartus. See also p. 43, vol. IV, 1.4. Even it we take to be a part of K n ox and not a preposition before n o X the sense remains the same for ! means a resting place for the night and so a house generally. Hence the inscription means : The House No. 2 dedicated to God or Father Wadd. The word ab was used by the Arabs as an honorific title. It has been used in the Quran (11, 127) for Abraham and his two sons and has also a meaning signifying the feeder. It has been specially found accompanying Wadd in the Himyaritic inscriptions (see C.1.8., II, pp. 386-87). Wadd was a god worshipped by the Arabs, who often wore talismans bearing the name Wadd. The word itself is derived from wudd which means love. It was opposed to Nakruh, the god of hatred. It was" a certain idol which pertained to the people of Noah and then to Kelbor a certain good man who lived between Adam and Noah, and of whom, after his death, was made an image, which, after a long time, became an object of worship". Its name is mentioned in the Quran, vide ante, vol. LXXI, 22 and 23. The idol has been described by some to be the figure of a tall man wearing one loin cloth with another cloth over him, & sword hanging round his neck, with a bow and a quiver, in front a lanou with a flag attach ed to it," but the figure that we have got in the Museum is that of a man wearing a close LADO' Lwoon. 1 Ariul Quran, vol. II (1918), p. 128,

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Indian Antiquary Plate ? A HIMYARITIC INSCRIPTION PRINCE OF WALES MUSEUM OF WESTERN INDIA, BOMBAY TIBDO OF ON

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FEBRUARY, 1927] fitting cap with a long tassel and a cloth round the loins just touching the knees. His garment resembles the kilt of the Highlander in the form of pleats it displays. 7340/503 The inscription over it I read as follows? SVETAMBARA JAINA ICONOGRAPHY 23 supplying which before 0 of the word. The first word thus becomes 7. O means a "form, an appearance, external state or condition, state with respect to apparel and the like or garb," and the inscription means "the image of Father Wadd." SVETAMBARA JAINA ICONOGRAPHY. By Miss. HELEN M. JOHNSON. THERE has long been need of a Svetambara corollary to the valuable article by Burgess on 'Digambara Jaina Iconography.'1 Burgess gives the Svetambara variants only as detailed by Hemacaudra in the Abhidhanacintamani, which gives merely the names of the Yaksas and Yaksinis, the sasanadevatas of the Tirthankaras. These attendant divinities came into existence at the founding of the congregation (urtha) by the Tirthankaras when they attained kevalajnana. In the Trisastisalaka purusacaritra Hemacandra gives a detailed description of each sdsanadevata. His account differs so much from the Digambara account, as reported by Burgess, that the images of the one sect would be quite unrecognizable from the description of the other's. These images play quite an important part in Jaina iconography, not only on their own account, but because they help to identify the statues of the Jinas. Hemacandra gives the name, colour, vahana, number of hands with the object in each, and any unusual feature, of each easanadevata. The references in the following are all to Hemacandra's Trisastisalakapurusacaritra, published at Bhavnagar. 1. Rsabha: 1. 3. 683. The Yaksa is named Gomukha. He is gold-color, and has an elephant as a vahana. He has four arms. One right hand is in the varada-position, the other holds a rosary. The left hands hold a citron and a noose. The Yaksini is named Apraticakra, though Homacandra himself calls her Cakres vari in the Abhidhanacintamani, 44 ( B. and R. ed.). She is gold-color, seated on a garuda. She has eight arms. One right hand is in varada; the others hold an arrow, discus and noose. The left hands hold a bow, thunderbolt, discus and goad. 2. Ajita : 2. 3. 842. The Yaksa is named Mahayaksa. He is dark (yama), has an elephant as vahuna, has four faces and eight arms. Of the right hands, one is in varada; the others hold a hammer, rosary and noose. One left hand is in abhayada-position; the others hold a citron, goad and spear. The Yaksini is named Ajitabala. She is gold-color, seated on an iron seat. One right hand is in varada, and the other holds a noose. The left hands hold a citron and goad. 3. Sambhava: 3. 1.385. The Yakca is named Trimukha. He is dark, three-eyed, has three faces and six arms. His vahana is a peacock. Two of his right hands hold an ichneumon and mace; the other is in abhayada. His left hands hold a citron, wreath and rosary. The Yaksini is Duritari. She is fair (gauravarnd), with a ram for a vahana. One right hand is in varada, and the second holds a rosary. One left hand is in abhayada, and the other holds a serpent. 4. Abhinanda: 3.2. 157. The Yaksa's name is Yaksesvara (Abhidhana, 41, Yaksanayaka). He is dark, and has an elephant for a vahana. His two right hands hold a citron and rosary. The two left hands hold an ichneumon and goad. The Yaksini's name is Kalika. She is dark, and seated on a lotus. One right hand is in varada, and the other holds a noose. The two left hands hold a snake and a goad. 1 I.A., XXXII (1903), p. 450 ff.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [FEBRUARY, 1997 - 5. Sumati: 3. 3. 246. The Yaksa is named Tumburu. His color is white, and his vdhana is a garuda. One right hand is in varada, and the other holds a spear. The left hands hold a mace and noose. The Yaksini is Mahakali. She is gold-color, and has a lotus as a vdhana. One right band is in varada, and the second holds & noose. The left hands hold a citron and goad. 6. Padmaprabhu : 3. 4. 180. Kusuma is the name of the Yaksa. He is blue, and a deer is his vdhana. One right hand is in abhayada, and one holds a fruit. His left hands hold an ichneumon and rosary. The Yaksini is named Acyuta (Abhidhana, 44, Syama). She is dark, and her vdhana is a man. One right hand is in varada, the second holds a noose. One left hand holds a bow, and the other is in abhayada. 7. Suparsva : 3. 5. 110. His Yaksa is named Matanga. His color is blue, and his vdhana is an elephant. One right hand holds a bilva (its fruit ?), and the other a noose. His Yaksini is named Santa. She is gold-color and her vdhana is an elephant. One right hand is in varada, the other holds a rosary. One left hand holds a trident, the other is in abhayada. 8. Candraprabha: 3. 6. 108. Vijaya is the Yaksa's name. His color is green, and his vdhana is a hansa. He has only two arms. In the right hand he holds a discus, and in the left a hammer. The Yaksini's name is Bhrkuti. Her color is yellow, and her vahana is a hansa (mardla). In her right hands she holds a sword and a hammer. In her left hands she has a tablet and an axe. 9. Suvidhi: 3. 7. 138. The Yaksa's name is Ajita. His color is white, and he has a tortoise for a vdhana. His right hands hold a citron and a rosary. His left hande hold an ichneumon and a spear. Sutara is the Yaksini. She is fair, with a bull as a vahana. One right hand is in varada, the second has a rosary. The left hands have a water-pot and goad. 10. Sitala: 3. 8. 111. His Yaksa is named Brahma. He is white, is three-eyed, has four faces, and is seated on a lotus. He has eight arms. Three right hands hold a citron, hammer and noose; the fourth is in abhayada. The left hands hold an ichneumon, mace, goad and rosary. The Yaksini, Asoka, is bean-colour. Her vahana is a cloud. One right hand is in varada, the second has a noose. Her left hands hold a fruit and goad. 11. Sreyansa : 4. 1. 784. The Yaksa is Isvara (Abhidhana. 42, Yakset), with a bull for a vdhana. He is three-eyed, and his color is white. In his two right hands are a citron and mace. In his two left hands are an ichneumon and a rosary. The Yaksini is Manavi. She is fair, and has a lion as vdhana. One of her right hands is in varada, and the other holds a hammer. An axe and a goad are in her left hands. 12. Vasupujya : 4. 2. 286. The Yaksa's name is Kumara. He is white, with a hansa. vdhana. A citron and arrow are held in his right hands; an ichneumon and bow in his left. Candra, the Yaksini, is dark and her vdhana is a horse. One right hand is in varada, the other has a spear. A flower and a mace are held in her left hands. 13. Vimala : 4. 3. 178. The name of his Yaksa is Sanmukha. He is white, his vahana is a peacock, and he has twelve arms. His six right hands hold a fruit, discus, sword, noose, and rosary. Five of his left hands hold an ichneumon, discus, bow, tablet and goad; the sixth is in abhagada. Vidita, the Yaksini, is a yellowish-green color. She is seated on a lotus. She holds an Arrow and noose in her right hands; and a bow and a snake in her left. 14. Ananta : 4. 4. 200. Patala, the Yaksa, is red. His vdhana is a dolphin (makara). He has three faces and six arms. In his right hands he holds a lotus, sword and noose. In the left ones he has an ichneumon, tablet and rosary.

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FEBRUARY, 19271 SVETAMBARA JAINA ICONOGRAPHY Ankusa, the Yaksini, is fair. Her vdhana is a lotus. A sword and a noose are held in the right hands; a tablet and goad in the left. 15. Dharma: 4. 5. 197. His Yaksa, Kinnara, has three faces and six arms. His color is dark-red, and his vdhana is a tortoise. Two right hands hold a citron and a club; the third is in abhaya. In the left he has an ichneumon, lotus and rosary. His Yaksini is named Kandarpa. She is fair, and has a fish as a vdhana. She holds a blue lotus and a goad in her right hands. In one left hand she has a lotus ; the other is in abhayada. 16. Santi: 5.5. 373. His Yaksa, Garuda, has the head of a boar. His color is black and his vdhana is an elephant. In his right hands there are a citron and a lotus; in his left an ichneumon and a rosary. Nirvani is the name of his Yaksini.' She is fair, and is seated on a lotus. In her right hands she has a blue lotus and a book; a water-jar and a lotus in her left. 17. Kunthu : 6.1. 116. Gandharva is black. His vdhana is the hansa. One right hand is in varada, the other holds a noose. In his left hands he has a citron and goad. Bala, his Yaksini, is fair, with a peacock as vdhana. In her right hands she holds & citron and trident; in her left she has a weapon (muxandhi) and a lotus. 18. Ara : 6.2. 97. His Yakna is named Yaksendra (Abhidhana", 43, Yakset). He is dark, three-eyed, has six faces and twelve arms. His vdhana is a conch. Five of his right hands hold a citron, arrow, sword, hammer, and noose; the sixth is in abhayada. In his left hands he has an ichneumon, bow, shield, trident, goad and rosary. Dharini, the Yaksint, is seated on a lotus. She is blue. In her right hands she holds a citron and blue lotus ; in her left a lotus and rosary. 19. Malli : 6. 6. 251. The Yaka, Kubera, is rainbow-colored. The elephant is his vdhana. He has four faces and eight arms. One right hand is in varada, two hold an axe and a trident, and the fourth is in abhayada. His left hands have a citron, spear, hammer and rosary. Vairoty is the name of the Yaksini (Abhidhana, 45, Dharanapriyk). Her color is black, and she is seated on a lotus. One right hand is in varada, and the other holds a lotus. A citron and spear are in the left hands. 20. Munisuvrata: 6. 7. 194. Varuna, the Yaksa, is white, three-eyed, four-faced, with matted hair. His vdhana is a bull. He has eight arms. In the four right hands he has & citron, mace, arrow and spear. In the four left there are an ichneumon, rosary, bow and axe. Naradatta, the Yaksini, is fair, seated on a throne. One right hand is in varada, the other holds a rosary. She has a citron and a trident in the left hands. 21. Nami : 7. 11. 98. Bhukuti, the Yeksa, is gold-colored, three-eyed, and four-faced. His vdhana is a bull. He has eight arms. Three right hands hold a citron, spear and hammer the fourth is in abhayada. The four left hands hold an ichneumon, axe, thunderbolt and rosary. Gandhari, the Yaksini, is white, with a haisa ag a vdhana. One right hand is in varada, and the other holds & sword. Both of her left hands hold citrons. 22. Nemi: 8. 9. 383. Gomedha is his Yaksa, dark, three-faced. He has & man as a vdhana. Of his six hands the three right ones hold a citron, axe, and discus; the three left ones hold an ichneumon, trident and spear. The female divinity (here called a Kusmandi) is named Ambika. Her color is golden her vdhana is a lion. In her right hands she holds a cluster of mangoes and a noose in her left hands she has a child and a goad. 23. Parava : 9.3.362. The Yaka, Parsvayaksa, is dark. He has the head of an elephant, and has a serpent's hood for an umbrella. A tortoise is his vdhana. He has a citron and serpent in his right hands; an ichneumon and serpent in his left ones.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ FEBRUARY, 1927 The Yaksini, Padmavati, is gold-color. Her vdhana is a kurkuta-serpent. She has a lotus and a noose in her right hands; and a fruit and a goad in her left. 24. Mahavira : 10. 5. 11. Mataniga is the name of his Yaksa. He is black, and has an elephant as a vdhana. He has only two arms. In his right hand he has a citron; and in his left an ichneumon. Siddhayika, the Yaksini, is green. Her vdhana is a lion. Her right hands hold a citron and lute. One left hand holds a book; the other is in abhaijada. From these descriptions it is evident that the Svetambara tradition in regard to the Sasanadevatas differs from the Digambara not only in the details of name, cognizance and objects held, but that there is a great divergence in the attitude of the figures. The Svetambaras allow much more variety and the conception of the proper attitude has not become so stereotyped. In Burgess's plates all the figures but one have the front right hand in that position so universal in Indian art-with the palm exposed and the fingers pointing upwards. This Burgess calls the varada-hasta. But there seems to be some confusion of terminology here. This same position of the hands is the one usually called abhaya-hasta. But this cannot be dismissed as a mere confusion of terms by Burgess, for whenever varada-hasta occurs in Hemacandra's text, it is always in the case of a right hand. There is no such uniformity as with the Digambaras. The varuda-hasta occurs only in seventeen instances, as compared with forty-seven. The abhaya-hasta occurs fifteen times, and may be on either side. Apparently then, the Jain use of these two terms is just the opposite of the Buddhist and the Hindu ; or, that in the case of the Svetambaras, at least, the very ordinary right hand position, usually called abhaya-hasta may also be on the left side. On another point Hemacandra shows an interesting variation. He uses the words vdhana, ratha and yana indiscriminately and with about equal frequency for the vehicle of the divinities. In eight cases, however, he uses dsana, which is open to several interpretations. I think the idea of posture can be eliminated here. As a very conspicuous characteristic of Hemacandra's style is the substitution of some unusual word for a very common one, it seems possible that dsana might be merely the equivalent of vahana'; but perhaps the most obvious interpretation is that the conventionalized seats or pedestals are meant. In five cases the padmasana (ambuja, kamala) occurs, also the bhadrasara, lohdsana and garuddsana. I have found no instance of a conventionalized garu dagana, though a kurmdsana and makardsana occur. These conventionalized seats could, of course, be used as cognizances, as in Burgess, plate I, fig. 2, without implying that the image would be mounted on them, but two examples, lohdsa nastha (No. 2), and bhadrdsadasthita (No. 20), and the use of padmarudha (No. 13) indicate that Hemacandra thought of these divinities as placed on these pedestals. As always, Hemacandra makes use of words hitherto quoted only from lexicons : musand hi, 6. 1. 119, 's kind of weapon', and kurkutoraga, 9. 3. 364, a kind of snake'. The Kusmandas, 8. 9.385 (No. 22), with the Jains are a division of the Vyantaras, as are also the Yaksas. of. Foucher, L'Art Greco-bouddhique de Gandhdra, 2, pt. 1, p. 326 1.; and Gopinatha, Elemente of Hindu Iconography. I, p. 14. The definitions here and reforences to illustrations do not correspond, but throughout the text abhaya-hasta is used for this position. Gopinatha, E.H.1., I. p. 19 f..

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FEBRUARY, 1927) THE DATE OF ASOKA'S ROOK EDIOTS THE DATE OF ASOKA'S ROCK EDICTS. By M. H. GOPAL, M,A. In his recent book on Asokal Dr. Bhandarkar of the Calcutta University supports! Mr. Harit Krishna Deb's view, expressed in his Asoka's Dhammalipis, that at least Rock Edicta II and XIII must be later than Pillar Edict VII dated in the 27th regnal year, because their contents are not mentioned in PE VII, which is a resume of Asoka's work; to quote Dr. Bhandarkar's words, "the carrying out of philanthrophic works (RE II) and the propagation of Dhamma (RE XIII) are such important things that Asoka would most certainly have made mention of them in PE VII, if he had heard, when it was engraved, that they had met with some measure of success in those foreign countries. The omission is signifi cant and shows that RE II and XIII could not have been promulgated prior to PE VII, that is, the 27th regnal year." Dr. Bhandarkar goes a step further and remarks that all the RE, including the MRE, are in date later than PE VII. We shall, however, discuss this view later on. There are also a few other scholars, who hold the same view as Mr. Deb and for the same reasons. But on a closer examination we find that this contention fails to stand criticism. True, the absence of any reference to foreign missions is so significant that it requires some oxplanation, and such an explanation may perhaps be found in the fact that by about the 27th regnal year, when PE VII was issued, the foreign missions had been abandoned. However this may be, Messrs. Deb, Bhandarkar and their school appear to have over looked a very remarkable short passage in RE II, which is almost reproduced both in language and contents in PE VII. RE II says: 4 "Roots and fruits wherever they are not found have been imported and planted. On the roads wells have been caused to be dug and trees caused to be planted for the enjoyment of man and beast. PE VII 6 says "On the roads have I planted the banyan trees. They will offer shade to man and beast. I have grown mango orchards. I have caused wells to be dug at every eight koses. I have made many waiting-sheds at different places for the enjoyment of man and beast." This shows that PE VII, as a mere resume of Asoka's acts, must be later than RE II. For this philanthropic work of Asoka is mentioned nowhere in the PE. Moreover the very position of the edicts (RE II and XIII) goes against Mr. Deb's view. At Shah bazgarhi "the larger portion of the record containing all the inscriptions except the 12th is engraved on both the eastern and western faces of a mass of trap rock," while at Mansera "the first twelve edicts have been found incised on two rocks" and the last two are missing. In the Kalsi group the edicts are in order on a single boulder, though "towards the bottom, beginning with the 10th edict, the letters increase in size." The inscription at Girnar consists of two main divisions separated by a line drawn from the top to the bottom of the rock. The first five edicts are to the left, while the next geven, from 6 to 12, are to the right. "The 13th edict is placed below and on its right is the 14th edict." At Dhauli" the Asoka inscriptions are arranged in three parallel vertical columns, of which the Fourteen Rock Edicts occupy the whole of the middle column and one-half of the right column." Thus we find that in all these places RE II at least is found along with the others on the same rock and in a regular order following the first edict and being followed by the third. 1 Asoka, by D. R. Bhandarkar, M.A., Ph.D., published by the Calcutta University in 1925. 9 Ibid., p. 47. 3 In this article RE stands for Rook Edicts; PE, for Pillar Edicte; MRE, for Minor Rock Edicta. 4 Bhandarkar's 4 soka, p. 276. 6 Ibid., p. 319. 6 The quotations are all from Bhandarkar's Asoka, PP. 250-4.

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28 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (FEBRUARY, 1927 If RE II Was, As Mr. Deb says, later than PE VII, then it could not have followed the first and been followed by the third edict; on the other hand it ought to have been on a separate rock or at least apart from the rest as a supplement to them. As this is not the case, we shall have to suppose, if Mr. Deb's theory is accepted, that, while the Rock Edicts were being engraved, Asoka had left between RE I and III just enough space for the Second Edict, and then filled in the edict later on. The absurdity of such supposition is evident on the very face of it. The same argument applies mutatis mutandis to RE XIII. Thus the simple fact that RE II and XIII are found along with the other Rook Edicta in a certain definite order, shows that they could not have been later than the other Rock Edicts and that at least the first edict was followed by the second, the second by the third and so on. Dr. Bhandarkar avoids this difficulty by saying that all the Rock Ediota are later than PE VII. "We are, therefore," he writes, compelled to infer that RE II and XIII, in fact the whole set of the 14 Rock Edicts, came to be engraved after the Seven Pillar Edicts were incised ... This shows that all his RE, whether they are the 14 RE or the MRE, must have been engraved when the work of inscribing the seven PE came to an end."" The basis for this view has been that in PE VII Asoka refers to Dhammalipis as having been ordered to be inscribed on stone pillars and slabs, and not on parvatas or rocks, and also that PE VII, which sums up Asoka's measures for the promotion of the Dhamma, does not mention the works of charity and the missionary efforts found in RE II and XIII. We have discussed before how, though the omission in PE VII of the missionary efforts mentioned in RE II and XIII remains to be explained satisfactorily, there has been definite mention of works of charity in PE VII, while the position of RE II and, to a lesser extent, of RE XIII has shown us that all the Rock Edicts must be nearly of one date, or at least that RE II cannot be later than RE III and IV. We have some specific references in the edicts themselves as to when they were engraved or issued. And yet Dr. Bhandarkar remarks 8 "It is true that no less than four different dates are found mentioned in this series (RE IV, V, VIII and XIII), but it is nowhere stated that this whole set of Dhammalipis, or any component part thereof, was inscribed in any parti. cular year. They are dates of the different events alluded to in the different parts of this series and not of the actual engraving." In all there are five dates mentioned in the RE, and of these the one mentioned in RE III has unfortunately escaped Dr. Bhandarkar's notice. This date is very important for our purpose. Equally unfortunate has been the learned professor's statement that we find nowhere the particular year of inscribing any part of the Dhammalipis. For there is at least one date in RE IV, which tells us when that edict was inscribed or written. In RE III Asoka says 9 "When I had been consecrated twelve years this order was issued (by me) ..." This means that, whenever the edict might have been actually engraved, the order at least was issued in the 13th regnal year. The edict as such-its form, language and contents-apart from its existence on stone, existed in the 13th regnal year. And as we do not find any reference anywhere else to when the order was incised, we may safely take the words "this order was issued " as denoting the engraving of the edict on the rocks. Further in RE IV we find "This was caused to be written by king Priyadarsin, Beloved of the Gods, when he was consecrated twelve years." Here it is obvious that the edict was engraved in the 13th regnal year, as there is definite mention of the date. In spite of this, Dr. Bhandarkar says that we do not find any date of the actual engraving, and that all the Asoka, p. 268. Asoka, p. 268. The extracts from the edita quoted in these pages are from the English translation of the edicta given at the end of Dr. Bhandarkar's Asoka,

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FEBRUARY, 1927] THE DATE OF ASOKA'S ROCK EDICTS 29 dates mentioned in the edicts are dates of the different events alluded to. The dates of events are to be found in RE V, VIII and XIII, but those in RE III and IV refer to the edicts and not to events. Again in the Sixth Pillar Edict Asoka says: "Since I was crowned twelve years, I have caused Dhammalipis to be written for the welfare and happiness of the people, so that giving up that (conduct), the officers might nurture this and that growth of Dhamma." This reference to the edicts cannot be to the PE because they are definitely known to belong to the 26th and 27th regnal years. What other edicts can this refer to but the RE, of which the third and the fourth definitely mention that they were issued or written after the twelfth year and before the thirteenth regnal year was over? The first four RE at least cannot be later than the 13th regnal year. One small point must be noted. RE IV says that it was written, and not engraved as PE II and VII record. But as PE I, III and VI, of which the dates are settled, use the word "written," we may-safely ignore the difference between "written" and "engraved." From another side we find that the RE are earlier than PE VII and the PE as a whole. These are some institutions and acts of Asoka which are mentioned in PE VII, but which are found only in the RE and not in the other PE, for instance, Dharma Mahamatras whose creation was a very important act of Asoka. In Asoka's eyes this institution was so important that he devoted the whole of RE V to describing their functions, in addition to referring to them in other edicts. Likewise we find no mention of almsgiving in PE, but we find it mentioned in PE VII and RE V, VIII and XI. There are a few more such instances which show that PE VII recapitulates some ideas and institutions to be found exclusively in the Rock Edicts, which, therefore, must be prior to PE VII. Thus we are forced to conclude that at least the first four Rock Edicts belong to the 13th regnal year and the first two may be a little earlier, while the other Rock Edicts are certainly not later than the Pillar Edicts, particularly the 7th; and it is most probable that RE V to XIV belong to the 14th regnal year. Coming to the Minor Rock Edicts, we find that it is not correct to place them, as Dr. Bhandarkar does, after the PE. For in MRE I we find this passage: "The Beloved of the Gods saith: 'It is more than two years and a half that I was lay-worshipper but did not exert myself strenuously. It is a year, indeed more than a year, that I have lived with the Sangha and have exerted myself. ." This indicates that the Edict was engraved about four years after Asoka became a Buddhist, i.e., a little more than a year after he entered the Sangha or became a monk. RE XIII tells us that directly after the conquest of Kalinga, which event happened in the 9th regnal year, began Asoka's zealous protection of the Dhamma. That is to say, Asoka became a Buddhist about three years before the Kalinga war, i.e., about the 6th regnal year, and entered the Sangha just after the conquest, and issued the Minor Rock Edict a little more than a year later, about the 10th regnal year and not the the 13th, as V. A. Smith and others hold. For if we accept Dr. Smith's view, Asoka became a Buddhist after the Kalinga conquest and a zealous one nearly three years later. But this contradicts the more reliable statement in RE XIII that Asoka's zealous protection of the law began directly after the conquest. Therefore the MRE must belong to the 10th regnal year. Even if we accept Dr. Smith's view, the MRE fall in the 13th year and not after the PE. If we follow Dr. Bhandarkar and place the MRE about the 27th or 28th regnal year, it means that Asoka was converted to Buddhism in the 23rd or 24th regnal year. But RE XIII distinctly tells us that Asoka's zealous protection, longing for and teaching of the Dhamma began after the conquest of Kalinga in the 9th regnal year. Therefore we cannot place the MRE after the PE. Their real date must be somewhere about the 10th regnal year.

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30 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ FEBRUARY, 1927 VEDIC STUDIES. By A, VENKATASUBBIAH, M.A., PH.D. (Continued from vol. LV, page 234.) 1, 124, 4: upo adarsi Sundhyuvo na vaksho nodha' ivarir akyta priyd'ni admasan na sasato bodhayanti sasvattama gat punar eyushinam "The breast (that is, the upper body) of Ushas has come to view like that of a resplendent (young) woman; she has made manifest her own (greatness) like nodhas : waking the sleepers like the hoty, she has come again, the most frequent comer of those that come again". After priyani, own, I supply the word mahimnah after 7,75, 1: vy ushi' avo divija' tendvishkrnvana' mahima'nam a' gat. The same word, or, if a neuter noun be deemed necessary, the word mahitvam or mahitvanam, it seems to me, should be supplied also in 4, 4, 5: dvish korrushwa daivydny agne (daivyani=daivyani mahitvani; daivyani viryani; Sayana supplies tejamsi) and 2.23. 14: avis tat krshva vad asat ta ukthyam (yat=yat mahitvam; yad viryam; Sayaga has yad viryam). Nodhas still remains an obscure word and its meaning is unknown. Priya means own' in the following passages also: TS. 5,1,5,2 : chandaisi khalu va' agneh priyd' tanu'h priyayaivainan tanuva piridadhati "the chandamsi, indeed, are the own body (self) of Agni; he covers him with his own body (self)"; ibid., 5, 1, 6, 2: esha' va' agneh priya' tanu'r yad ajd' priyayaivainam tanuvd sansrjati" this, namely, the she-goat, is verily the own body (self) of Agni; he unites him with his own body (self)"; ibid., 5, 7,3, 4:esha' khalu va' agneh priya' tanu'r yad vaisvanarah priya'yam evainam tanuvam pratishtha payati"this, namely, Vaisvanara, is verily Agni's own body; he establishes him in his own body " (compare vaisvinara iti vd agneh priyam dhama "Vaisvanara is Agni's own body" in Tandya Br. 14, 2, 3; and Ait. Br. 3, 8, 6-7); TS. 5, 3, 10,3 : etad vd' agneh priyam dha' ma yad ghytam priyeraivainam dha'mnd samardhayati " This, namely, butter, is verily the own form of Agni; he makes him thrive with his own form "; KS. 20, 1: ajner vd'esha vaisvanarasya priya tanur yat sikatah "Thig, namely, sand is verily the own body of Agni"'; ibid., 21, 3: priyayaivainam tanud samardhayati "He makes him thrive with his own body (form)". Likewise, it means 'own' in VS. 2, 17: agneh priyam patho' pitam "Go to the own abode of Agni"; in VS. 8, 50: agneh, indrasya, visvesham devd nam, priyam patho 'pihi "Go to the own abode of Agni, Indra, Vi ve Devah " (compare seam patho apitha 'go to your own abode' in Ass. 1, 11,8); and AV.2, 34, 2: pramuncanto bhuvanasya reto gatum dhatla yajamandya devah' | upd'ktam dasamanam yad asthat priyim devd'ndmapy etu pd'thah "Do ye, releasing the seed of being, show the way to the sacrificer, O gods; what, brought hither and immolated, stood up, living, let it go to the own abode of the gods, (compare TS. 3, 1,4,3: upakrtan sasamanam yad asthay jinam devd nam apy-etu pa'thah and TS. 5, 1, 11,4: asvo ghrtena tmanya 8amakla upa deva' n tusih pa'tha etu)." And similarly priya means "own'in TS. 1,5, 3, 2-3: sapta te agne samidhah sapta jihvah sapta ?' shayah sapta dha' ma priya'ni and in ibid., 1, 5, 4, 4: sapta sapta vai saptadhdgneh priyds tanuvah. In the same way there can be no doubt that priya generally means own' in the expression privam dhama which occurs fairly frequently in the Yajus-Samhitas and Brahmanas and is interpreted by Bohtlingk and Roth (s.v. dhami) as 'gewohnte Heimath, Lieblingsstatte, Lieblingssache, Liebhaberei, Lieblings-namo ;-preise, -person' and by Geldner (Glossar, B.v. dhama) ag das Liebe Wegen, die liebo Personlichkeit, Licblingsname, die liebe Person,' etc.; thus : Kaush. Up. 3,1: Pratardano ha daivodasir indrasya priyam dhamopajagama yuddhena paurashena ca | tam hendra uvdca pratardana varam te dadaniti | "Pratardana, son of Divodasa, went to Indra's own abode by means of battle and valour. Indra said to him, 'Pratardana, I grant thee a boon.'" Indrasya priyan dhama here does not mean Freundschaft, Gunst, Liebe' of Indra (as Geldner would have it) or 'gewohnte Heimath'

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FEBRUARY, 19271 VEDIO STUDIES of Indra (PW), but Indra's own abode', the domain that he rules over and that is known as Indraloka or svarga in later literature which Pratardana won through his valour in battle (see Macdonnell in Vedic Index, s.v. Pratardana). The allusion here is to the well-known belief of the Indian writers that those who die in battle fighting valiantly go to heaven; compare Manu, 7, 89 : dhaveshu mitho' nyonyin jighamsanto mahikshitah | yudhyamanah param baktyd svargam yanty apardimulchah, and Kautilya's Arthasastra, 10, 3 (p. 366): vedeshu apy anu. bruyate-samdpta-dakshinanam yajanam avabhrtheshu sa te gatir ya buranam iti.... yan yajnasanghais tapasd ca viprah svargaishinah patracayai ca yanti kshanena tan apy apiyinti surah prdnan suyuddheshu parityajantah. Ait. Br. 6, 20, 9-10: etena vai vasishtha indrasya priyam dhamopagacchat sa paramam lokam ajayat upendrasya priyam dhama (Aufrecht's edition reads lokam here which is incorrect) gacchati jayati paramam lokam ya evam veda || "By means of this (srikta ; bymn of praise), verily, Vasishtha attained the own abode of Indra, he won the highest world; he who knows this goes to Indra's own abode, wins the highest world." And similarly, in ibid., 5, 2,5 : etena vai grtsamada indrasya priyan dhamo pagacchat; 5, 2, 12: gayah platah visvesham devanain priyam dhamopagacchat; 1, 21, 6: etabhir habvinoh kakshivan priyam dhamopagacchat; TS. 5, 2, 1, 6: etena vai vatsaprir bhalandano''gneh priyam dhamavdrunddha ; ibid. 5, 2, 3, 4: etena vai visvamitro'gneh priyam dhamdvdrunddha ; and in ibid., 5, 3, 11, 3, I take priya in the sense of own' and dhama in the sense of 'abode. With regard to the latter word, the meaning of Personlichkeit, Wesen, Form', suggested by Geldner is however not unsuitable in these passages which can be translated as "By means of this (hymn of praise) Grtsamada attained verily the own personality of Indra ", etc.; for, in similar passages in later literature that describe the virtue of hymns of praise (slotru) or of mantras, we read not only that the author of the hymn of praise and the others that made use of the stotra or mantra in question (compare upa agneh, indrasya, devandin, priyam dhama gacchati ya evam veda in the above passages) attain the world of the particular deity (sayujyam gaochati, salokatam &pnoti) that is addressed by the stotra or mantra, but also that they become such deity itself (sarupatam apnoti). Compare for instance, Lalitasahasranamastotra (Nirnaya-sagara ed., v. 289 ff.): pratimasam paurnamasyam ebkir namashasrakaih rdtrau yas cakrardjastham arcayet paradevatam | sa eva lalitaru pas tadru pa lalita svayam i na tayor vidyate bhedo bhedakrt pa pakrd bhavet || ; Avyaktopanishat, Kh. 7: ya imam vidydm adhite....dehante tamasah param dhama prdpnuydt | yatra virat vssinho'vabhasate..... tatsvarupa-dhydnapard munaya akalpante tasminn eva liyante ; Tirpurat&pin Upanishad, 4: om namas tivayeti yajushamantropasako rudratvam prdpnoti; and Ramarahasyopanishat, Ch. 5: rdmamantranam kertapurafcarano rdmacandro bhavati. Priya means 'own' in the other passages too given in PW. Thus, VS. 1, 31: dhama namasi priyam devanam " Thou art the gods' own form and name "; ibid., 2, 6: priyena dhamnd priyam aadi doi di "Sit in thy own seat in thy own form "; priyd dhamani and priya pdthamsi in VS. 21. 46 ff. mean 'own abodes, own domains'; Sata. Br. 3, 4, 2, 5: te devd jushtas tanah priyani dhamani sardham samavadadire " The gods took together portions from their own selves, from their own powers"; ibid., 10, 1, 3, 11 : etad dhasya priyam dhama yad yavishtha iti " This is indeed his own name, that of youngest'"; and ibid. 2, 3, 4, 24 : ahutayo vd asya priyam dhama " The oblations are indeed the own essence of him "; priyenaivainam dhamnd samardhayati 8.3mg parsayati, pratyeti, etc.) " With his own body (or form, or nature, etc.) he makes him thrive (covers him, etc.)." The word sva, which, like nitya, primarily means own', seems likewise to be used in the senge of priya in some passages. Instances of such usage are : 2, 8, 7: mah sva' ya dha' yase krnuta'm rtvig rtvljam 1 stomam yajitam ca'd aram vanemd rarima' vayam ||

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38 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY FEBRUARY, 1927 "May the beloved (Agni), the priest, for the sake of dear food, make ready the human) priest ; may he then control the praise and sacrifice; we have offered (oblations)". The sense of this verse is obscure and 1, 31, 3 where the words dnayase, vanoshi and mantram occur, scarcely helps here. But sva seems to mean 'dear, beloved' here ; compare the passages given above where Agni is called 'dear'. Regarding svam dhayah compare 10, 112, 4: priyebhir ydhi priyam annam accha and note the repetition of the word priya here similar to that of sva in the above verse. Compare also 1, 58, 2: d' svam adma yuvamano ajarah.. atasoshu tishthasi where too perhaps sva means 'dear'. 3, 31, 21 : adedishta vrtraha' gopatir ga! antakrahna'n arushair dha' mabhir gat 1 pra suny ta dis amdna rtena duras ca visva avrnod a pa svd's || "The destroyer of Vftra, the lord of cows, has given cows; with his bright troops he penetrated into the dark ones. Bestowing riches rightly, he has opened all the dear doors." To interpret the last pada as 'he has opened all his own doors 'hardly yields any sense; I therefore take avdh here as equivalent to priyah. Compare 1, 142, 6: pdvaka' bah puruspy' hodva' ro devi'r hiranyayih, 7, 17, 2: uta dvd'ra usati'r vi brayantam and 10, 70, 2: vi drayadhvam... usati'r dvd' rah where the doors are called 'much-beloved, dear'. The dear 'doors are, evidently, those that give access to the chamber or other receptacle that contains wealth (compare, rdyo durah in 1, 68, 10: vi rdya aurnod durah purukshuh); and the epithet 'dear' seems to be transferred to the doors from the wealth which as we know is often described in the RV. as being 'dear'; compare 4, 41, 10 given above and the passages cited in connection there with. 10, 120, 8: ima' brahma brhaddivo vivakt. Andraya busham agriyah svarsha') mahs gofrasya kshayati svard'jo duras ca visvd avrnod a pa svath || "There mighty hymns Brhaddiva speaks out for Indra. He, the foremost, the winner of light, is the lord of the mighty and independent stone; he has opened all the dear doors". By the mighty and independent stone'is here meant the Vajra or thunderbolt of Indra with which he opens the doors of the receptacle containing riches and which is elsewhere called adri, parvata and asman: compare 4, 22, 1: yo (sc. indrah) asmanam savasd bibhrad eti; 6, 22, 6: manojuvd svatavah parvatena | acyutd cid u lidl svojo rujah; and 1, 51, 3: sasena cid vimada - ydvaho vasv aja'v adrim vdvasdnasya nartayan. The epithet svaraj, 'independent,' indicates perhaps that the Vajra is irresistible and overcomes all. 8, 70, 11: anyavratam amdnusham ayajvdnam adevayum ava svah sakha dudhuvita parvatah sughna' ya dasyum parvatah || "May the dear friend Parvata shake off him who follows another's ordinance, who is not human, who does not offer sacrifices, who is impious; and may Parvata (shake off the Dasyu for swift death (?)". 3, 31, 10: sampasyamdnd amadann abhi svim payah pratnasya retaso dughanah vi rodasi atapad ghosha esham jate nishtha' m adadhur goshu vira'n || " Seeing and milking the milk of the old one's gemen, they (the Angirases) gladdened the dear (Indra). Their shout warmed the two worlds; they placed him the foremost in what is born (that is, in the creation); they placed heroes amidst the kine (or, in the kine)". I understand this verse As referring to the winning of the sun which also is one of the exploits of Indra in association with the Angirases ; see Maodonell's Vedic Mythology, pp. 61 and 143 The old one,' pratna, is Dyaus or Heaven and his 'seed,' reta), is the sun ; compare 8, 6, 30

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SERRUARY, 1927) VEDIO STUDIES 33 a'd it pratnasya retaso jyotish pasyanti udsaram; 1, 100, 3: divo ni yasya retaso dughandh ; 5, 17, 3: divo na yasya retasd brhac chicanty arcayah ; and 10, 37, 1: divas pura ya su rydya sansata. The second pada therefore means, making the sun appear'. In the first padda, the word svam has been interpreted by Geldner (Kommentar, p. 51), following Sayana. 28 svakiyam godhanam and the verb abhi amodan in the sense of rejoicing' (Glossar ; sich freuen uber). The combination abhi mad is however met with in another verse of the RV, namely, in 1, 51, 1 abhi tyan meshim puruhutam rgmiyam in' dram gi'rbhir madata where it has the sense, not of rejoicing' but of 'gladdening'. I believe that this is the sense here also, and that amadann abhi suam means 'they gladdened the dear (Indra),' that is to say, that they praised him; compare 1, 62, 5: ginano angirobhir dasma vi var ushasa su ryena gobhir andhah. Compare also 1, 142, 4; 5,5, 3; 8, 50, 3; and 8, 98, 4 where the epithet priya is used of Indra. In the last pada, the expression they placed heroes in the kine (or, amidst the kine)' is not very intelligible to me ; Oldenberg (RV. Noten 1, p. 241) suggests that it means that they exerted themselves in such a way that the herocs were no more cut off from the possession of cows.' AV. 6, 83, 4 : vihi sva'm a'hutim jushani manasd sva' ha manasa yad idam juhomi! "Consume the dear oblation, enjoying with the mind, hail, e now I make oblation with the mind." AV. 3, 19, 3: nicaih padyantam adhare bhavantu ye nah surim maghavanam prtanya'n! kshina' mi brahmandmltran un naydmi svd' n aham || " Downward let them fall, let them become inferior, who may fight against our liberal patron. With my incantation, I destroy the enemies ; I raise those that are dear (to me)." Though the interpretation of svan as '(my) own people' is not unsuited here, the contrast between amitran and svdn shows that the latter word has here the sense of those that are dear to me; those whom I like; friends.' AV. 7, 77, 5: tapto vam gharmo nakshatu sva hotd pra vam adhuaryus caratu payasvin madhor dugdhasydavind tana' ya vitam patam payasa usrlydyah || "The gharma is heated for you ; let the dear hotr approach ; let the adhvaryu, rich in milk, move forward. Eat ye, O Asvins, of this milked sweet ; drink ye of this cow's milk." The word tanaydh is obscure and I have followed Ludwig here in translating it as 'this.' Regarding svahota, compare what has been said above under nityahota. Compare also 7, 73, 2: ny u priyc manushah addi hota nd' satyd yo yajate vandate ca afnftam madhvo atvind wpdka a' vam voce vid atheshu prayaszan where the expressions priyo hotd, asnitam madhvo asvind, and pravasvan are parallel to svahota, madhor abvind vitam, and prayasudn (for, this is the correct reading, found, as is noted by Whitney in his Translation, in the Kausika-Satra and the VaitAna-Satra and also in SAyasa's commentary, and not payasudn) in the above verse. 10, 21, 1: d'gnim na svavrktibhir hetaram tud vynimahe yajid' ya stirnabarhishe vi vo made fram pdvakabocisham vivakshase | "As Agni, we, with pleasingly-cut (hymns of praise), choose thee hot for the sacrifice where the bathis is spread-thee that art burning and that hast clear light." Cc apare priya tashfani, pleasingly-cut, pleasingly-fashioned (limbs) in 10, 86, 6 and the verses 1, 130, 6; 0, 2, 11; 5, 29, 15; 5, 73, 10; etc., which speak of hymns being 'cut' or 'fashioned into shape. Concerning the refrain, vi vo made .... vivakshase, which is not bere translated, noe Oldenberg, RV. Noten II, p. 221 and the literature referred to therein. 8, 32, 20, piba svadhainavdndm uta yps tugrye adica uta'yam indra yas tava |

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY FEBRUARY, 1027 "Drink of these (Somas that are mixed) with pleasing milk; and what is with Tugrya and that which is here, 0 Indra, are thine." Svadhainavanam is equivalent to priyadhainavdnam : the reference is to the milk which is added to the Soma juice. Compare 9, 101, 8: sam u priyd' anushata ga' vo mada ya ghr'shvayah | samasah krnvate pathal pavamandsa indavah; compare also 9, 32,5 : abhi ga'vo anushata yosha jaram iva priy im; 9, 1, 9: abhi mam aghnya ula frinanti dhenavah lisum somam indraya pd' tare ; 9, 9, 1: pari priya' divas kavir vaydmisi naptyor hitah | suvano yati kavikratuh. VS. 22, 19:iha dhr' tir iha svadhrtih svd'ha "Here steadiness; here pleasing steadiness, hail." In the above translations, I have assumed that the words svavykti, svadhainava and svadhrti have really the word sva as a component, in which case priyavrkti, priyadhainava and priyadhiti are the best equivalents for them. I do not however feel certain that this assumption is correct; or rather, I feel inclined to believe that the word sva is not really a component of these words at all. We know that in Sanskrit there exist a number of words beginning really with su- but having a variant form beginning with eva-. As examples of such, I may cite the following from PW-Svagupta, svagshitandman, svadha, svadhita, svadhiti, svastha, svabrahmanya, svabhadra, svavasini, and svarashtra (proper name of a people), svapura (name of a town), svabhumi (proper name), and svarenu (proper name) all which have also forms beginning with su- instead of sva-. The word sujana occurs in the form svajana in Ind. Spr. (II), 6672, svajana-durjanayoh, and it is remarked in PW 'nicht selten werden svajans und sujana mit einander verwechselt.' Similarly, the PW gives references to passages where the word svaprakasa has the meaning clear,' that is, of suprakasa. In the RV itself, we have the form svadha, nectar, instead of sudha and the form svayasastaram in 8, 60, 11 where the SV reads suyasastaram. I am inclined to think that the words svavykti, svadhainava, and svadhrti also belong to this class and that they are but variants of the words suvykti, sudhainava and sudhrti. Of these latter, the word suvykti occurs frequently in the RV. It is derived from the root rcin PW but I believe that it really comes from the root vrj' to cut '(compare the word vrkta-barhis) and that the meaning is well-cut, well-fashioned '; see what has been said above under 10, 21, 1. I would therefore translate the passages 10, 21, 1: 8, 32, 20; and VS. 22, 19 as follows: "As Agni, we with well-fashioned (hymns) choose thee hoty for the sacrifice, etc." ; "Drink of these Somas that are well mixed with good milk, etc."; and "Here steadiness ; here good steadiness, hail !" With regard to the V8 passage, the commen. tator Uvata, I may here observe, has paraphrased svadhrti by addhu-dhrti which seems to show that he too regarded it as a variant of sudhrti. Wackernagel, in his Altindische Grammatik II, SS 33b (p. 81), refers to the frequently. expressed opinion, the best exposition of which is by Zubaty in KZ, 31, p. 52ff., that su- in compounds has, in addition to itself, an ablaut form sva-, and says that so far as the Vedic language (altindisch) is concerned, the examples adduced, namely, svadha-sudha, svadhitisudhiti, and svadhita-sudhita are too few in number to justify such opinion being held with regard to it. The number of examples, however, is not, as he thinks, restricted to the three mentioned here ; for we have already met with two more examples above--Svavrkti-suvrkti, svayafastara-suyafastara and we shall meet with some more presently. And, secondly, the statement that 'su- has in addition to itself an ablaut form sva- in compounds' gives but a partial and incorrect representation of the real fact, namely, that in Sanskrit, and in the Vedic language also, there occur a certain number of words beginning with su- that have got variant forms beginning with sva- or alternatively, that there occur a certain number of words beginning with sva- that have got variant forms beginning with ou. This does not mean that the first word in all such compounds is in reality su and that the form beginning with sva- is a varlant of this; for there occur some compounds in which the first word is really sva and in whose case the form beginning with su-is a variant of such original form with oua. Compare

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FEBRUARY, 1927] Tait. Up.2,7: asad va idam agra asit | tato vai sad ajdyata | tad atmanan svayam akuruta | tasmat tat sukrtam ucyata iti; the word sukrta here stands distinctly for svakrta and is thus a variant of it; compare Sankara's bhashya thereon: sukrtam svayam-kartrucyate and Sankarananda's scholium, sukrtam svarthe 'yam soh prayogah | svena samskrtavat svakrtam. Compare also Mund. Up. 1, 2, 1: esha vah panthah sukrtasya loke (Sankara: sukrtasya svayam nirvartitasya karmano loke); ibid., 1, 2, 6: esha vah punyah sukrto brahmalokah and also ibid., 1, 2, 10: nakasya prahthe te sukrte 'nubhutva imam lokam hinataram va visanti where too in all probability eukrtah svakrtah and Katha Up. 1, 3, 1: rtam pibantau sukrtasya loke chayam pravishtau parame parardhe where Sankara has explained sukrtasya as svayam krtasya karmanah. It must therefore be understood that in the case of compounds that occur in two forms, one beginning with su- and the other with sva-, the real original form may be either the one beginning with su- or the one beginning with sva-. And as a corollary, it has also to be admitted that in the case of compounds that occur in one form only, either beginning with su- or beginning with sva-, it is possible that such form beginning with su- or sva- may not be the real original form of the word at all, but only a variant of the real original form beginning with sva- or su as the case may be. VEDIO STUDIES 35 In other words, when we meet with compounds beginning with su- or sva-, it is desirable to investigate first if such compound occurs in both forms or in one form only. In the latter case, one should further find out which of the two words, su and sva, gives the better meaning for the compound in connection with the passage where it occurs and determine accordingly the original form of the word and its meaning and also whether the word occurs in the given passage in its original form or in a variant form. The same thing has to be done in the former case also; but if, as sometimes happens, both the words su and sva are found to give the better meaning, each in its own context, one should postulate two original forms, beginning with su and sva respectively, and interpret the words accordingly: if, on the other hand, one only of the two words, su and sea, is found to give a good meaning (or the better meaning) in all the passages (where the compound occurs in either form), one should postulate one original form (beginning with su- or sva- as the case may be) and regard the other form (begin. ning with ava-or su- as the case may be) as a variant of it and interpret the passages accordingly. The bearing of the foregoing remarks may perhaps be better understood from a consideration of some compounds beginning with sva- and su-. The words svakshatra-sukshatra both occur in the RV.; and the originality of the form svakshatra is proved by the occurrence of the parallel word priyakshatra; see above. One has therefore to consider if the word sukshatra, in the passages where it occurs, gives a better meaning when one regards it as occurring in its original form and therefore interprets it as 'having excellent dominion' (sobhanam kshatram yasya) or when it is regarded as a variant of the word svakshatra and therefore interpreted as 'whose is dominion' (sam kshatram yasya), that is, 'ruling over others; sovereign.' Considering that the word sukshatra is used almost exclusively as an epithet of various gods, and that in their case, the meaning 'sovereign; ruling over others' is more appropriate and forceful than that of 'having excellent dominion,' I feel inclined to give preference to the latter of the above meanings and thus to regard sukshatra as a variant of the original form svakshatra, which, too, be it noted, is used almost exclusively as an epithet of various gods. On the other hand, in the case of the words suscandra-svascandra both occurring in the RV., I consider that the interpretation well-shining' is, in every passage, to be preferred to that of shining of itself,' self-shining'; and I therefore regard svascandra in 1, 52, 9, the only passage where it occurs, as equivalent to suscandra and as meaning well-shining'. As regards the words suhoty (RV)-svahotr (AV), the occurrence of the word nityahoty (see above) seems to show that the latter form (in AV. 7,77, 5) is original and should be interpreted in the same way as nityahoty, while the juxtaposition of the word svadhvara in 8, 103, 12: yah suhota svadhvarah seems to show that here the interpretation "good hoty" gives the better meaning. I therefore

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36 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (FEBRUARY, 1927 regard both words as being in their original forms. Of the pair svayasastara, 'renowned of one's self'(RV)-suyaka stara, having much renown' (SV), it is obvious that the latter is the better meaning. I believe therefore that svayabastara in the RV is a variant of suyasastara and means the same as that word, and likewise that the word svayasas occurring frequently in the RV, is a variant of, and has the same meaning as, suyasas. Similarly, of the pair sugopa (having a good protector; well-protected)---svagopa (protected by one's self; self-protected), both occurring in the RV, the former meaning seems to be obviously better than the latter; and I therefore think it preferable to interpret svagopa in 10, 31, 10, (the only passage where the word occurs ): vyathir avyathi'k krauta svagopa, as 'well-protected' and to regard it as a variant of the word sugopa; while, of the pair suyuj (well-yoked ') -svayuj ('yoking itself; yoked of its own self ') both occurring in the RV, it is equally obvious that the latter meaning suits the context better than the former, which is, when compared with it, a weak and colourless epithet. I therefore look upon the word suyuj (in the RV. passages where it occurs) 88 a variant of, and having the same meaning as, svayuj. Compare the epithet manoyud, which, like suyuj, is applied fo hymns, horses, and chariots; and compare specially 1, 121, 12: tvam indra naryo ya'n ovo ne' n tishtha va'lasya suyujo vahishthan yam te kavya usand mandinam dald urtrahanum pa'ryam tataksha vajram with 1, 51, 10 lakshad yat ta usand sahasa saho vi rodasi majmand badhate eavahl a' tva va'tasya nrmano manoyuja a' pa'ryamdnam avahann abhi Sravah and 5, 31, 10 : va'tasya yukla'n suyujas cid asvan with 4, 48, 4: vahantu tvd manoyujo yukta so navali'r nava va'yo .... where the word suyuj in the former pair of verses is obviously parallel to the word mangyuj in the latter pair thus indicating clearly that suyuj is equivalent to svayuj. Compare also the verse 3, 58, 3: suyugbhir asvaih suvr'ta rathena dasrav imam ernutam Slekam adreh with the verse 5, 75, 6: & vilm nard manoyuja 'svasah prushitapsavah | vayo vahantu pitoye saha sumnebhir asvini and with the verse 1, 119, 4: yuvam bhujyum bhura manam vibhir gatam svayuktibhir nivahanta pit;' bhya d' and note that the epithets suyuj, manoyuj and svayukti are parallelly applied to the bird-horses of the Asvins indicating that they express the same idea. The horses (birds) of Vayu (Vata) and of the Asvins yoke themselves to the chariot when their masters think 6 of setting forth in it, and are hence manoyujah as well as evayujah. This is not however the occasion for investigating exhaustively the nature and meaning of all the Vedic compounds beginning with sva- and su-. The foregoing observations will, I believe, have shown the necessity of such an investigation; and I therefore close this digression and return to our subject. Sva has the sense of priya in the derivative sudhd also which in the instrumental case, means not only according to one's own nature or wont' but also willingly, with gladness, with pleasure ', nach eigenem Gefallen, gern, aus eigener Lust (Grassmann), Neigung (Geldner, Glossar). Like nitya and eva, the word nija, too, means primarily own'; and like these two words, it too seems to have the meaning priya in the following passage: AV. 3,5,2: mayi kshatram parnamane mayi dharayatad rayim aham rashtrasyabhivarge nijo bhaydsam uttamah || "In me maintain dominion, parna amulet, in me maintain wealth; may I, in the sphere of (my) kingdom, be beloved, supreme". Jushta, like priya, originally means pleasing, agreeable, dear' and like priya, has, seemingly, the meaning own' in the following passages : Sata. Br. 3, 4, 2, 5: te devd jushtas tanah priyani dhamani sardham samavadadire This passage has already been cited above (see p. 31) and explained as "The gods put. 6 According to another conception, these horses yoke themselves to the chariot when their masters express their intention of setting forth in it in words; they are hence also called vacoyujan. They are thus at the same time manoyujah or vacoyujah and evayujah,

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FEBRUARY, 1927] VEDIO STUDIES together portions from their own selves, from their own powers" Note the parallelism of the word jushtah with the word priyani that follows: 1, 33, 2: uped aham dhanada'm apratitam jushtam ni syeno vasatin patami indram namasyann upamebhir arkair yah stotr' bhyo havyo asti ya' man | 'I fly (for protection), like the hawk to its own nest, to the giver of wealth, the irresistible, adoring with the best chants Indra who in battle is to be invoked by his praisers" Jushta vaxatih is here equivalent to svd vasatih: compare 1, 25,4: para hi me vimanyavak patanti va&yaishtaye | vayo na vasati'r upa ; 9, 71, 6: yeno na yonim sadanam ...eshati 4, 29, 3: Srava'yed asya karna vajayadhyai jushtam anu pra disam mandayudhyai udvd urshano ra dhase tuvishman karan na indrah sutirtha'bhayam ca 1 << To quicken his years for hearing; to make him find pleasure in (our) own direction; may Indra the mighty, showering gifts, make for us good crossings and safety". The expression to make him find pleasure in our own direction', means, probably, 'to make him find pleasure with us, in our sacrifice '; compare 8, 12, 17:yad va sakra pardviti samudre adhi mandase | asma'. kam it sute rand sam indubhih. The 'good crossings' desired are no doubt across evils, durita, and enemies, dvishah. Instead of pra di&am, I read pradisam : see Oldenberg, Veda-forschung, p. 110. 1, 182, 6: avaviddham taugryam apsv antar andrambhane tamasi praviddham catasro na'vo jathalasya jushta ud asvibhyam ishita'h pdrayanti || "The four own ships of Jathala impelled by the Asvins, bring over safely the son of Tugra who was abandoned in the midst of the waters and who was stuck in bottomless darkness". I take jathala here as a proper name : the person referred to is perhaps the same as the Jathara mentioned in 1, 112, 17, in a hymn likewise addressed to the Asvins. The four ships that brought over Tugra's son to safety are perhaps the same as the four birds that are said to have carried him in 8, 74, 14: ma'm catva'ra dsavah savishthasya dravitnavah surathaso abhi pra yo vakshan vayo na tugryam. Likewise, jushta seems to have this meaning of 'own' in the formula amushmai tva jushtam prokshami (nirvapami, etc.; see Concordance); the meaning seems to be "I sprinkle thee that art the own (portion) of such-and-such." Similarly, the word vdma also, meaning primarily dear, pleasing', etc., seems to have the meaning own' in the following passages : 10. 140, 3: u'rjo na pdj jatavedah susastibhir mandasva dhitibhir hitah tve (shah sam dadhur bhu'rivarpasas citrotayo vamajatah || "O Jata vedas son of vigour, rejoice thou, beneficent, with the hymns containing fine praises. They put in you manifold nourishments, they whose help is wonderful, who are born of own self". Vamajalah here, like priyajata in 8, 71, 2 above, seems to be equivalent to svajatah. T.S. 1, 5, 1,1: devdsurdh samyatta asante deva vijayam upayanto 'gnau vimam vasu sam nyadadhata idam u no bhavishyati yadi no jeshyantiti | "The gods and asuras prepared to fight. The gods, setting out for the battle, deposited their own wealth with Agni (thinking), this will be ours in case they vanquish us!". Tait. Br. 1, 1, 2, 8: yah purd bhadrah san papfyan syat sa punarvasvor agnim adudhita punar evainam vdmam vasdpdvartate | bhadro bhavati

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38 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (FEBRUARY, 1927 "He who having been formerly prosperous (literally, splendid or glorious) is now worse off, should establish the fires in Punar Vasu (nakshatra). (His) own glory (i.e., wealth) will Again come back to him and he will become glorious (prosperous)". Vamam vasu here seems clearly to be equivalent to svakiyam vasu. In the case of these words also, priya, sva, jushta and udma, I have to repeat the observation made above with regard to nitya-- namely, that in some passages, either of the meanings, dear' and 'own', is suitable, and that, though in the translations given above, I have chosen in such instances what seemed to me the better of the two, a combination of the two meaninge would perhaps better represent the idea which the poet had in his mind when he used these words. The use of the word nitya in the sense of 'dear' (priya) is not confined to Vedic literature but is occasionally met with in later literature also. Thus, it is said in the Mahabharata (1,169, 14) of Ghatotkaca anuraktas ca tan asit pandavan sa Ghatotkacah | tesham ca dayito nityam dimanityo babhu va ha || << That Ghatotkaca loved the sons of Pandu and he was always dear to them, as dear as their own self". Nitya in dtmanitya signifies, it seems to me, 'dear and the word dtmanitya means therefore 'dear as the atmd or own self' and not im Selbst haftend, an's Herz gewachsen' ng guggested in the PW. (8.v.); for the word nitya has no connection with 'haften' or wachsen.' Similarly it is not unlikely that the word nitya at the end of some compounds like aranya-nitya, dharma-nitya, tapo-nitya, satya-nitya, adhydtmajnana-nityatvam in Bh. Gita 13. 11) has the signification' dear'. In Bh. Gita, 13, 11 especially (adhyatmajnd nanityatvam tattvai va narthadarsanam | etaj jnanam iti proktam ....) the words etaj jadnam in the third pada make it very probable that nitya here means 'dear'. (To be continued.) MISCELLANEA. A CONTEMPORARY CONTEMPTUOUS endeavour to get and send you; but when all CRITICISM OF MANUOCI'S is done, I believe 'tis no better than Tom STORIA DO MOGOR. Thum."1 In the outgoing Letter Books of Thomas Pitt, In Mr. Irvine's introduction to his monumental preserved in the British Museum (Add. MSS. 22842- edition of Manucci's MS. he states (p. xix) 22850) appears a copy of a letter (No. 18 of MS. that Catrou, who pirated Manucci's work, admitted 22844) from Pitt, then Governor of Fort St. George, that he obtained the MS. from M. Deslandes, & Madras, to Thomas Woolley, secretary to the Pondicherry official, who had brought it to Europe E. I. Co. in England, dated Fort St. George, 17 in 1701 or 1702. October 1701. Woolley had evidently heard of Later, in his Note on Boureau-Deslandes Mr. Manucci's work and had asked for details. Pitt Irvine shows (p. lxxxv) that Deslandes left Pondi. replied as follows: cherry in February and reached France in August " In yours of the 4th of July concerning Senr. 1701. Manuches history, 'tis true he liv'd many Manucci's MS. must have been seen and read by years with Shallum (Shah 'Alam] the Mogulls Europeans in Fort St. George before its transmission eldest Son, in which time without doubt was to France, and some among their number must have capable of making many observations, but had a higher opinion of its contents than Thomas I beleive 'tis soe Ordinaryly connected that Pitt, for otherwise his correspondent would not tis hardly worth reading. When I came have troubled to enquire about it. here first, he was in diagrace with our Government, and to drawn [sic] himselfe from it, his In any case the extract is valuable as it gives the Book he had some time agoe dedicated it to the carliost notice of the Storia so far discovered. French King; the copy of it in Portuguez I will L. M. ANSTRY. 1 Pitt means that the work will be found to be of insignificant value.

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FEBRUARY, 1927] BOOK-NOTICES 39 BOOK-NOTICES. MOAL AND ITS MINORITTES, by H. C. LUKE, 1928. The story of the early Christian Church and its London, Martin Hopkinson and Co., Ltd. schisms, resulting in cleavages into Nestorians and This book gives an account of two journeys in Monophysitee, with their further divisions into the Near and Middle East made in 1908 and 1924, Jacobites, Copta, Abyssinians, and Gregorian Arme nians and finally into Uniates-Chaldeana, Syriang, especially to Mosul, with the object of helping "to make the singularly interesting peoples "inhabiting Assyrians--is told with admirable clearness. But I cannot deal with them here, and will say no the area round about Mosul "better known to En. glish readers." Mr. Luke has thoroughly succeeded more than that the brief chapters containing the in his object, as he writos with the pen of a ready story are filled with a mass of facta, such as only writer, and the information he supplies is that of & a mature scholar could have put together in so scholar well versed in his subject. To those whose concise a form, Passing on to the old and vexed question of Prester John, Mr. Luke discusses it work lies in India and who would learn something historically of the populations that have dwelt with scholarly notices of many a great Oriental in modern 'Iraq, i.e., Mesopotamia, for centuries name and many a story of the East, and I would under Moslern-Turkish rule, and have had in the remark that the chapter on that old Will-o'-th'past so many dealings with India in one form or Wisp of Eastern history should be of special interest to the St. Thomas Christians of South India another, the book is an invaluable guide. and to the students of their creed and its history. It is lightly written, but it is never flippant, R. C. TEMPLE. and the statements in it, historical and other, are of extraordinary accuracy. THE SIDDHANTAS AND THE INDIAN CALENDAR, by It deals briefly with the way from Palestine to Mosul, the site of R. SEWELL. Government of India, Calcutta, 1924, Niniveh, and then with Mosul as it now is and (Reprinted from the Epigraphica Indica.) 28 x 21 as it has been in the past. The entrancing stories cm. ; pp. xvii, 609; PS1-20.-Bd. of the religions of the region, chiefly minor varie- The names of R. Schram, H. G. Jacobi, F. ties of Christianity-Nestorians, Monophysites and Kielhorn and J. F. Fleet give a lustre to the subject equally interesting others, -of the people of the of Indian Chronology, which is ordinarily considered Assyrian Mar Shimun, the youthful hereditary a dull and difficult affair; and the devotion of these patriarch of an ancient sect, now studying at Oxford, scholars to the task with which they burdened and of Prester John, are all dealt with in a rapid themselves, and their skill in unravelling the in tricacies of this very technical subject carn our but masterly manner. Then follows a most valuablo chapter on the Yezidis or devil-worshippers, part gratitude and admiration. But these scholars by no means exhausted the subject of Indian chronology of which has already appeared in this Journal and they have been followed by others equally (vol. LIV, pp. 94-98). And finally we are treated altruistic and equally deserving of our gratitude. to an illuminating summary of the history of Baghdad and Palmyra (Tadmor) on the return Among this second generation of scientifio chronolo gists the names of R. Sewell and L. D. S. Pillai 1 are journey." noteworthy, and their works now form our standard Personally, I have read this book from cover to cover reference books on the subject. Mr. Sewell has alwith absorbing interest, and have found it, as an ready published three quarto volumes and he hints at old student of the matters with which it is concerned, further fields to explore. The enormous labour and not only informing, but accurately informing. The skillentailed in his vast work compels our admiration. one point which I should be inclined to discuss The demand for special chronological tables for with the author is the character he gives to Timur India erose from the sad discovery of numerous the Lame-the Tamerlane the Terrible of European forgeries in ancient inscriptions, and in deeds producscholarship. He is evidently & bugbear to Mr. ed in the Law Courts of India, and the enormous Luke, but whether he was really as bad as he is labour involved in the preparation of these tables generally painted I have long doubted. Sir Lucas is due to the complicated system, or rather sets King's untimely death on 23th August 1925, hasof systems, of calculating and recording dates in deprived us of the account of Timur on which he different parts of India and at different periods. was engaged an account which, let us hope, The Hindu solar vear is scientific in theory. but would have given the world a fair picture of him. the neglect of precession has made it artificial; the He was a ruthless conqueror at times, no doubt, use of a so-called luni-solar year introduces the but he was also a highly cultivated man and a problem of intercalation; the use of a theoretical scholar, and it is this mixed character-half heredi- lunar day (the tithi) adds further complications ; tary savage and half hereditary man of learning--| and these fundamental difficulties are greatly which one would like to see developed and balanced. increased by the employment of various initial 1 Other notable Indian chronologists are-T. Warren, 1825; J. Prinsep, 1834 ; B. Jervis, 1843; Sir A. Cunningham, 1883; 8. B. Dikshit, 1887, sto.; F. K. Ginzel, 1906.

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40 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY FEBRUARY, 1927 times for the year, for the month and for the day : together with many elucidatory notes and suband further still by the practice of forming calendars sidiary tables. by calculations based upon the teachings of different The historian and epigraphist will probably be Siddhantas, pre-eminent among which are the more interested in the general tables, which give Surya, Arya, Brahma and Siromani. year by year the main eras, the Jovian Samvatsara, Schram and Jacobi provide us with what may be intercalated and suppressed months, the European termed general results, while Messrs. Sewell and dates of the beginnings of the solar and luni-solar Pillai give us detailed tables according to the years, etc. Those general tables occupy 330 pages, various systems in vogue. Schram reduces the or rather more than half the volume. They are date to Julian days, and for ordinary verification generally exactly the same for some seven columns, his method is simple and effective. His original but differ occasionally in the record of the intertables for India occupy five pages only. Jacobi calated months, and more often in the times of the employs the acargana, or sum of days from the commencement of the year. beginning of the Kali-yuga, and his general tables occupy some dozen pages. Sewell gives for each The following table (shown below) 2 illustrates the year certain elements from which the details of the type of variation between the tables based upon the calendar can be calculated, and his tables fill three several Siddhantas. Of the explanatory portion of quarto volumes. Pillai now gives information for the volume the student will find the preface of con. each day (in eight large volumes). He indood siderable interest, and he will find it profitable to states that any attempt to enable the historian or work through the examples on pages 237 to 247. epigraphist to be his own computor of tithis, and One special feature of the present volume is its nakshatras seems predestined to failure, and that supposed greater accuracy than former publications the only solution is a day to day ephemeris. The -"since the figures are given with four decimal draw-back to this plan is the size, number and cost places instead as previously in whole numbers, and (PS6-108.) of the volumes involved, and Schram's so give us planetary positions to a quarter of a or Jacobi's few pages, or, say, Ginzel's two volumes Becond whether in space or time." Mr. Sewell (for all countries) may be preferred; or, for India goes even farther than this, e.g., on page 56 wo itself, the volumes of Mr. Sewell. find a value 2deg 8' 18.828200553," and there are Mr. Sewell's present volume is the third of a many other similar examples. Accuracy to & series, consisting of (1)The Indian Calendar, hundred millionth of a second might delight certain 1896, which gives detailed information based upon astronomers if it wore attainable ! But in dealing the Sarya Siddhanta for every year from A.D. 300 with physical quantities it is a sound maxim to to A.D. 1900, also a table of initial days of keep the calculations to the same order of accuracy Muhammadan years from A... I to A... 1245 (A.D. as the observations on which they are based ; and 1900), Schram's useful tables for eclipses of the although it might be stated with justification that Sun in India, and certain subsidiary tables; (2) Hindu astronomy is not based upon observation, Indian Chronography, 1912, which is an extension yet no useful object can be obtained by such of the former volume with working examples ; artificial methods. There are misprints, and the (3) the present volume which gives general tables volume used for review has the pages bound up based upon the Siddhanta Siromasi (A.D. 11001900), the First Arya Siddhanta 'True system in incorrect order; but such blemishes are diffi cult to avoid in a technical work printed at a (A.D. 900-1800) and Mean system (A.D. 5001400), Brahma Siddhanta "True system' (A.D. Government Press in India. These may be termed the minor defects of an 600-1200) and Mean system' (4.D. 600-1400); also tables relating to the cycle of Jupiter, and extremely valuable work. G. R. KAYE. Fleet's tables for finding the mean place of Satur, Kali. 4201 4202 4203 4204 BEGINNING OF THE SOLAR YEAR-TRUE SYSTEMS. A. B. Differences. Arya. Brahms. Biromani. A-B B-C March March. March. 24.31077 23.26146 23.25777 1.0463100669 23.56914 22.522 89 22.51620 1.04655 00669 23.82813 22.78133 22.77485 1.04680 *00669 24.08681 23.03976 23.03308 1.04705 00668 24.24479 23.18632 23.17955 1.06847 00677 25.17882 24.10818 24.10133 1.07064 00885 A. D. 1099-1100 1100-1101 1101-1102 1102-1103 4251 4301 1149-1150 1199-1200 Yearly Differences. 25868 25843 25843

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STEPHEN MEREDYTH EDWARDES, O.S.I., C.V.O. BY SIR RICHARD C. TEMPLE, Br, WITH the greatest regret I have to announce the death of Mr. S. M. Edwardes, a joint Editor of this Journal, on New Year's Day. He had been seriously ill for about a fortnight, but rallied and was expected to recover only shortly before he suddenly died. Mr. Edwardes was not only a great standby to the Indian Antiquary-always working hard and most efficiently--but was a remarkable man in many ways. He was a son of the Reverend Stephen Edwardes, a Fellow of Merton College, Oxford, and was sent to Eton and thence to Christchurch, Oxford, whence he passed the examination for the Indian Civil Service in 1894, proceeding in due course to the Bombay Presidency. There he did much notable work, producing invaluable papers and books on the town and island of Bombay-reviving the public knowledge of both to a greater degree than any other contemporary writer. In 1901 he compiled the Bombay Census volumo, and in 1906 and 1910 three volumes of the Bombay Gazetteer additional to the thirty-four put together under the splendid editorship of another friend now gone by-Sir James Campbell. These labours made him specially acquainted with the Western Presidency and its capital, and to them he ad led two fine books, the Rise of Bombay and the Byways of Bombay, becoming thus the greatest authority of his time on that famous city. Meanwhile, in 1904 the Government appointed him a special collector under the Bombay Improvement Trust Act. Edwardes showed himself at a very early period of his life to be a man of courage and decision, and his literary and official work gave him an intimate knowledge of the western capital of India : 80 when Lord Sydenham chose him in 1910 to be Commissioner of the Police thereof, his choice was more than justified. Very soon afterwards the King and Queen visited Bombay on their way to the Delhi Coronation Durbar and on Edwardes fell the difficult duty of making the necessary Police arrangements during their stay in that Presidenoy town. So well was this performed that he was created a C.V.O., an honour which was followed by a welldeserved C.S.I. in 1915. His work as Commissioner of Police was so highly appreciated-he effected several reforms-that a marble bust of him was set up in the central police office to commemorate it. Later on he wrote an account of the Bombay Police as an insti. tution, & volume that was reviewed in this Journal in March 1925. In April 1916 he was selected by Lord Willingdon for the Municipal Commissionership of the city he knew so well. So far then his twenty years' career in India as a civil servant had been unusually brilliant, but after two years in this last office he was compelled to resign the service before his time by ill-health of a kind that would have daunted most men.

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Edwardes wag, however, a man of exceptionable courage, and faced the situation with quiet unassuming determination, for he had a wife and family to support on only & proportionate pension. As soon as he was able he sought work and became secretary to the Indo-British Association, under Lord Sydenham, to oppose the reforma advocated by the Montagu-Chelmsford Report. This office brought on him many attacks from those who favoured the reforms-all the more virulent because of the offices he had held while in India. But Edwardes continued his work nevertheless as long as Mr. Montagu remained Seoretary of State for India. Mean. while in 1921 he was chosen to represent India at the Geneva Conference on Traffic in Women and Children. In all this Edwardes acted as a public official, but he was besides a born researcher, becoming President of the Anthropological Society of Bombay and a constant contributor to its Journal. For the Clarendon Press (Oxford) he reviewed Grant Duft's History of the Mahrattas, and more recently Dr. Vincent Smith's Early History of India, a work in which is much more of Edwardes's own research than appears in the wording of the text thereof. He also produced quite lately a study of the Mogul period in Babur, Diarist and Despot, out of the wonderful self-revealing diaries of the founder of the Mogul Imperial Dynasty. This was a result of the researches he was carrying on with Professor Garrett of the Government College, Lahore, into the records of the Mogul Emperors. He further brought out memoirs of prominent personages of the Bombay Presidenoy-Sir Dinshaw Petit, the first Baronet, Sir Ramohhodlal Chhodlal of Ahmadabad, and Khurshedji Rustainji Cama, the Parsi savant. In 1923 he joined me as Joint Editor of the Indian Antiquary, and did a wonder. ful amount of work for it, especially so when his trying ill-health is considered. In the few years of his connection with this Journal he wrote reviews of books and articles, besides taking an active share in its general conduot. And to crown the labours of an ever active life he became Secretary of the Royal Asiatic Society in SUOession to Miss Ella Sykes about six months ago. I have in consequence known him well, and I found him always learned, always willing to work and always unassuming--a fine specimen of an Englishman facing exceptional difficulties of health with a calm unflinching courage.

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The Indian Antiquary. STEPHEN MEREDYTH EDWARDES, C.S.I., C.V.O.

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MAROH, 1927) LAND'S ANECDOTA SYRIACA ON THE SYRIANS OF MALABAR 41 STEPHEN MEREDYTH EDWARDES, C.S.I., C.V.O. BY THE EDITORS. WITH this number we publish a photograph of our late colleague, Mr. S. M. Edwardes, and take the opportunity of adding to the obituary notice in last month's issue, a few lines sent us by an old friend of his and fellow official in the Indian Civil Service. He writes: "I would draw attention to his amazing powers of work. When doing his very difficult Census of Bombay Town and Island in 1901, he managed to write the whole of the Rise of Bombay in his gpare time It was published as one of the volumes of the Census, and was later re-issued in book form with illustrations. I would also like to mention his specially valuable work in connection with the Muharram. By putting a stop to the tabut procession he brought to an end the regrettable disturbances that usually accompanied that celebration in Bombay City." LAND'S ANECDOTA SYRIACA ON THE SYRIANS OF MALABAR. TRANSLATED FROM THE LATIN DY THE REVD. H. HOSTEN, S.J. [From Anecdota Syriaca. Collegit, edidit, explicavit J. P. N. Land, theologiae doctor. Tomus primus, Lugduni Batavorum, E. J. Brill, MCCCCLXII (sic for MDCCCLXII).] Our document, a short history of the Syrians of the Malabar Coast, comes irom the Leyden Academy Library, and was published by Land, not only for the style, but also for the sake of the names and of the subject, as a specimen of the work done in this line by Indians, none of which had yet appeared. Cf. p. ix. The MS., numbered 1213, consists of two leaves of European paper, measuring 120 x 28.30 centimetres, written on both pages, and containing a "Summary of the history of the Syrians on the Malabar Coast." Written by Matthew, a Jacobito pricst, it deals with the history of the Syrians from the time of the Apostle St. Thomas up to the beginning of the 18th century. The title of the Syriac MS. is : Al Gedes'e Dagerlas' Le Suriyoye U Tase Isahun Deholen, which means : "Of what happened to the Syrians and their history." Nestorian writing, resembling that of MS. No. 1212. cf. p. 7. Land did not publish the Syriac text of MS. 1213, for want of proper type. Cf. p. 179. In Plate B, No. 12, he gives a specimen of the writing by reproducing the title above. At pp. 123-127, we have a Latin translation of the text, which we translato into English below. I take it that the Latin translation is by Land, although his correcting some mistakes of spelling and translation at pp. 180-184 would make ono concludo the contrary. But see his note about San Pablo at p. 184. The Syriac toxt contains about 120 lines, and from Land's marginal references to vs. 11, 21, eto., one must conclude that they are verses. The date of tho document must be earlier than 1737, since Mar Gabriel, who died in 1737, is mentioned as alive. At pp. 179-184 we find a number of notes by Land. Omitting & short initial discussion on the peculiaritics of the Syriac writing, we translate the remainder from the Latin as closely as possible. (Page 123.) of the things which happened to the Syrians (on the Malabar Coast) and their history. (MS. vol., Lugd. Batav. Or. 1213.) (vs. 1.) In the year 521 of Our Lord Jesus Christ the lord Thomas: came into India and Landed at Mailopur 3 Here he proached the Gospel to many, whom he made his disciples and baptized in the name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Ghost. Next he set out and went to Malabar, where he arrived at Moljokare. He preached also to the people of this country and set up to the Lord an altar, for the service of which he added two presbyters. From there he went to Kutkajel, where he built a church, as he also did at Ira peli, The parts in Syriac type have been kindly transliterated for mo by Mr. T. K. Jotoph of Trivandrum. Weyers' Orientalium, T. I. (Layden, 1840, p. 322 sqq.), has a carefal description of Codex 1212. Of. Land's Anecdota Syriara, I, p. 1, n. 1.

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42 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ MARCH, 1927 and Gukainaglam," and Nernam,& and Tirubokut. Finally he returned to Mailopur, where he was pierced with a lance by unbelieving gentiles; and his soul rested in peace. After his death India and Malabar was left without a preacher and leader, those excepted who had been inade presbyters by the Apostle Thomas. Now, after 92 years, India and Malabar10 was made a widow, deprived of priests and pres. byters (orbata sacerdotibus et presbyteris), (vs. 11) and there were only the faithful of both sexes. However, at that time, there arose a magician, called Manikbosir,11 one of the infidels. He too came to Mailopur, where through his magical arts he performed many miracles, scandalized the leaders and chief ones of the faithful and drew them away from the true faith, and there was no one to oppose himself to his orders. On this account the rest of the faithful fled and found an asylum in Malabar. Seeing them, the brethren, the faithful of Malabar, rejoiced with the greatest joy, and, according to the custom of the faithful, they became bound to one another by the ties of affinity. (Page 122) Afterwards, however, when 160 truly Christian families1s had long been without presbyters and leaders, a dissension arose among them for what cause I know not ; that is, some of them renounced the orthodox faith,13 and others did not. Those who renounced the faith were 96 familieg18a; on the other hand, those who retained the orthodox faith were 64 families. (vs. 21.) At the same time, a vision appeared by night to the metropolitan of Edessa.14 He arose in the morning and went to the Catholicus of the East,15 and told him of the vision which he had seen. When the Catholicus had heard it, he sent messengers to all the churches and monasteries and cities of the diocese and called the people to his presence. And when many flocks had met with their bishops and merchants, he related to them what the Bishop had seen, and they spoke together (et collocuti sunt).17 Then, one of them arose, to wit a merchant called Thomas of Jerusalem, 18 who answered, saying: "Behold, I have ere now heard & report about Malabar and India from foreign countries and men." The Catholicus, hearing his answer, rose from his seat, went to him, embraced him lovingly, and thus addressed him: "I entreat thee, my very dear son, to go to Malabar, to visit the inhabitants of the country, and to tell me what has befallen them." Accordingly, that occasion offering, Thomas of Jerusalem set out for Malabar, and, coming to Moljomkare, he saw the Thomas Christians, and they were mutually pleased, the Christians telling him about their affairs. (vs. 31.) Which when Thomas had heard, he gave them courage and exhorted them with kind words; and straightway he embarked and returned to his country. Back in his country, he went to the Catholicus and said to him :"Lo! I have seen with my eyes the Thomas Christians, and we spoke together and were mutually pleased. I left them hopeful and returned." The Catholicus, hearing these words, answered thus : "Although I am ready to lay down my life for them, I ask you to be pleased to tell me what those children of mine most wish ine to do." Then he stated to the Catholicus what the Malabar brethren desired. Therefore, not long after, yea in those very days, with the help of the adorable God and by order of the Catholicus of the East, Thomas of Jerusalem, the merchant, went forth again, and with him the Bishop who had seen the vision, and at the same time presbyters and deacons, and also men and women, young men and maidens, from Jerusalem and Bagdad and Ninive, 19 and they entered & ship (Page 125) and left for Malabar, where they landed at Moljomkare in the year 345 of the Lord. 20 (vs. 41.) The Malabars at once recognised them, and they came together for advice to the brethren who had arrived, which done, they went to Serkun, 21 the king of the whole of Malabar, and presented him with gifts. And the king was pleased with them (the gifts ?), and said to them :" I shall give you whatever you ask of me." And he gave them the land which they desired, a very long and very broad piece of ground; besides, he granted them all the royal honours, which were written on copper-plates. Lo ! these plates are preserved among us to this day, 116 Having received all this from the king, they returned to Moljomkare to

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MAROE, 1927) LAND'S ANECDOTA SYRIACA ON THE SYRIANS OF MALABAR 43 build a church and town. And they built a church in the country of Kuramaklur22 which they had received in gift from the king, and there they erected a town of 472 houses from east to West on both sides, and they duly inhabited it. Now, in those days and subsequently Syrian Father 13 used to come by order of the Catholicus of the East, and they took care of the district of India and Malabar, (v8. 51) while the Syrians spread from that town. Again, in the year 823 Syrian Fathers came, the lord Sapor (Sapores) and the lord Pheroz (Pherozes), 26. and with them Ss barjes: ac, a famous man. So, they came to the town of Kulam, 26 went to the king Sakirbirtist and asked for lands.28 The king gave them as much land as they wished. So they too built a church and town in the country of Kulum. Next, after those days, 29 Syrian bishops and metropolitans camo oftener (? rather often, saepius) by order of the Catholicus, who used to send them. However, long afterwards, about the year 1500,30 the deceitful Franks (Franci fraudu. lenti) came to this country of Malabar, and they too began to inhabit Malabar and India. At that time, Syrian Fathers came again, the lord Denho, and the lord Thomas, and the lord Jacob, and the lord Jahbaloh0,30a and, according to ancient usage, they shepherded Malabar and India. (08.61.) Then, after those days, in the year 1580, came lord Abraham,31 a Syrian bishop. When he had come to Malabar, the fierce Franks wero jealous of him, and they laid snares to him and tried to kill him ; but with the help of Christ our Lord he was saved from their hands. Accordingly, in fear and trenibling, he could hardly carry on his office. For, in those days, the Franks, enemies of Almighty God, began to lay snares on the roads where the Syrians walked, to seize them and put them to death. (Page 126.) After the death of the Syrian bishop lord Abraham, during 52 years no bishop came to Malabar. Then, by order of the Pope of Rome, a certain Frank bishop 38 came, who tried to reduce the Syrians to his power, but the Syrians were against him. Then that rebel went to the king of Quqs.in,33 and gave him a present of thirty thousand double gold pieces, 34 and the king began to harass the Syrians in various ways. That vexatious king oppressed the Syrians during three years, (us. 71) and after those persecutions the Syrians had no strength left them. Therefore, under coercion from the king, they submitted to the Frank bishop340, The Franks now began to change the good customs of the Syrians, they forbade the marriages of presbyters and deacons and taught a new and abominable faith. When the Syrians had suffered this 52 years, 36 God deigned to reveal the treachery of the Franks through Patriarch Ignatius, 36 who came to Mailopar on his way to Malabar. As soon as this Syrian arrived at Mailopur, the Franks apprehended him, loaded him with chains and took him to Quqs.in, where they drowned him in the waves of the sea. The nows of this spread through the whole of Malabar by means of the Syrian deacons37 then living there. So, all the Syrians assembled at the church of Matums'er 38 near Quqs.in, and all the Syrians swore that to the end of time they would not obey the Franks, nor those who sowed their seed. 39 (vs. 81.) These words they put down in writing. Amen. Now, when the Syrians had thus separated from the Franks, and the strength of the Syrians had grown after a few years, the bishop of the Franksto began to send presents of great value to the priests of the Syrians and to write to them letters secretly. Some of the Syrian priests stealthily accepted these gifts and went at night to the bishop of the Franks; others refused them and would not go. When this had gone on for some time, some of the priests were scandalizod, and turned against the bishop; others, not at all ; accord. ingly, a dissension arose among the Syrians, and there were two sides. The Franks overcamo the Syrians, because part of the Syrians had betaken themselves to the Franks and the Franks solicited the king and nobles with presents to vex the Syrians. But at that time came a faithful Amirol, 41 a just judge, the chief of the whole of India and Malabar, who extirpated all the Franks from Quqs.in (Page 127) and from all the towns roundabout India. So did Josua exterminate the Canaaneans and the other nations. (18.91.)

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44 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ MARCE, 1927 From that time to this day joy was prepared for the side of the Syrians, and for the side of the Franks sadness. The Syrians obey the Syrian Fathers, who, by order of the Catholicus of the East, 41a came from Jerusalem and Nineve and Bagdad, whereas the Franks obey the Frank bishops, who come from Rome and other provinces by order from the Pope of Rome. Again, in the year 1705, by order of the Catholicus of the East, came lord Gabriel, 42 Syrian Metropolitan, and he saw both sides, and that there were many Syrians who had turned to the Franks, that they walked in all the abominable customs of the Franks and oblivious of the foundation and root of the Syrian prieste, that the priests of the Syrians who had turned to the Franks did not like their fathers the Syrian priests, take wives, but reprehended just marriages in the priests of both sides, and that, therefore, from those days onward and in future, (vs. 101) all the Malabar Syrians would adhere to the Franks, who day and night were exerting themselves. Therefore, lord Gabriel, the Syrian Metropolitan, embraced neither the Syrians his kinsmen nor the Syrians who had followed the Franks, but remained Bo to say in the middle between them, in the hope of bringing back the Syrian Collowers of the Franks. On that account, very many Syrians of both sides came to him, and of those who adhere to the Franks forty-two.43 To-day, however, through the deceit and exertions of the Carmelites and Franciscans(!)44, twenty churches have fallen away from him. But, illustrious and blessed masters ours, 45 be pleased to learn that, provided the chief prefect 46 and blossed king of the whole of India and Malabar help this humble Syrian-the two sides will return to the Syrian fold and that the Franks will not for ever lord it in India. Handwriting of Matthew, the poor, humble, and vilo Syrian Priest.464 Amen." Notes by Land. (Page 179) About the Malabar Christians of St. Thomas soe especially(Page 180) J.S. Assemani's Bibl. Or., vol. IV, pp. 25899. and 435 sqq.; Cl. Buchanan, Christian Researches in Asia, 3rd edition. Edinburgh, 1812, p. 99 899.; Ch. Swanston, A Memoir of the Primitive Church of Malayala, etc., in Journal of the Asiatic Society, No. II, London, Nov. 1834, and No. III, Febr. 1835; C. Ritter, Erdkunde, Bd. V, Berlin, 1835, pp. 601 899., 945 899., where most of the things said by others are carefully collected. As for my remark (at p. 8 of this volume) that the Amsterdam Public Library has another copy of our volume, I have found out that this was not very accurate : there are, however, rather long Syriac letters written by Bishop Thomas to Schaaf, of which I shall speak by and by. I derived almost nothing for my purpose from Missions in South India, by the Rev. Joseph Mullens, London, 1864 (but printed at Calcutta). 1 v. 1 800. In the year 52. Whish, Asiat. Journal, New Series, VI in Swanston, II, 177) says: "The Jews say St. Thomas arrived in India in A.D. 52, and themselves in the year 69." 2 The lord Thomas. On Thomas, the Apostle of India, seo chiefly Ritter's discussion (op. cit.) after Neander (Kirchengesch. 1). Those who have written on this subject seem to have forgotten too much three things: 1. That in the first centuries there was a tendency to assign to each of the Apostles of Jerusalem a special country, whereas it seems to be clear from Paul's epistles that they were loth to spread the Gospel beyond the limits of Judaism. 2. That Mesopotamia and Babylonia had long before been connected by trade with India, 3. That the name and story of Thomas of Jerusalem could easily be confused by the Malabars with the story of the Apostle. But this is not the place for a fuller discussion of the Thomas legends. 8 Maitapuram. In the MS.C with petoh,d with the lowor dot (long 'ecoc). After this, the same word is written Mailopa' with zeqoph. Lacroze (in Assem., op. cit., 449): Meliapora ; Buchanan' (op. cit.); Melapoor : Swanston, II. 172: Mailapur. However, Thomas is said to have come from the islands of Dioscoris (Sokotra) to Cranganor, next to have gone finally to Melicpor (Assem., 435, Buchanan, Swanston). Moljokare. No vowel-points here; but at vss. 30 and 40 the vowels 0-0-G are added. Lacroze : Mavelicare: Buchanan, 106 : Mavelycar: Mullens, 129: Mavelikurray (s.e., Mavelicarro). a Dr. Mingana's translation of this and of the letter of Bp. Thomas (1.n. 6 below) is given in the Bulletin of the John Rylands Library, vol. 10, No. 2, July 1926.-T, K, J.] Where Land does so, does not appear, though I have searched his four volumes of Anecdota Syriaca. . Nim. & Vare.

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MAROH, 1927) LAND'S ANECDOTA SYRIACA ON THE SYRIANS OF MALABAR 45 6 Kurkajel. Vowels shown: v-a.e. Lacroza : Calicut, a well-known town, the name of which is Been to be composed of the same elements as Kurkajel. 6 IraPek. Vowels shown : i-a-e-s. Buchanan, 126: Vorapoli; Lacrozo : Ignapeli." 7 GuKamalam. Vowels shown: *-a-a-. The Mangalan of Lacroze 1 gottamannan. 8 (Page 181.) Nernam. Vowels : e-a. Lacroze: Naranam ; Swanston, II. 174, noto : Neranam. * Tirubokus. Vowels i-4-0-. The Tecancute of Lacroze! Possibly, rather, Travancore (Swanston: Travancor)? 10 Malabar. In the MS. everywhere Milibar. 11 V8. 11 sqq. ManfKbosr. Vowels : a-3-0. Others too speak of a persecution by the Brahmans and of a flight to the Malabar Coast. So, do not think of a Manichean. 13 Truly Christian families. Baittoye ; perhaps we should understand communities or churches. 13 Renounced the orthodox faith. It seems therefore that Gnosticism or Manicheism or even Arianism crept in from Babylonia. 16 08. 21 899. The metropolitan of Edessa. I hardly believe this, because the Edessan writers say nothing of it. For want of a name, they seem to have dragged in the name of the famous Edessa. Others have nothing about the dream. 16 To the Catholicue of the East. He ruled over Babylonia, Assyria, and the Christians subject to the Sassanians, and was said to have derived his dignity from the Apostle Thomas. Others (Swanston, II. 176) speak of Eustathius, Bishop of Antioch. 16 And their merchants. A picture of the Syro-Malabar community, which, besides clergy and merchants, people skilled in many things, comprised mostly husbandmen, and fishermen. I say Syro-Malabar, not as if it was chiefly composed of Syrians, but because it was imbued with Syrian Christianity : for it is certain that in that church a very large number of natives was mixed up with a few born in Babylonia and other countries. 17 And they spoke together. We should even write : his very words. 18 Thomas of Jerusalem. The Thomas Cana' of the Portuguese (Lacroze in Assem., op. cit., p. 442 sqq.); Cama' (Swanston, loc. laud.) seems to be a misprint. Wrede (Asiatic Researches, VII) has * Thome Cannaneo,' which he seems to have taken from other Portuguese writers; from this there is but a step to Canaanaum' (Cananaeum' in Asseman. 27, quoting Basnage and Semedo), which may be compared with our of Jerusalem'. There is no question at all of Thomas, Manes' disciple (Assem, 28 sq. and Flugol's Mani, a. Lehre 1.8. Schriften, etc., Leipzig, 1862, 174 n. 62), though it is maintained that Manes himself wrote to the Indians (Fikrist al-'olam in Flugel, 73). Our Thomas is callod Armenian and Arian (Swanston, 176). I do not know on what authority, unless perhaps Aymanuyo and driyaro be corruptions for Orblemayo. Surely, the Catholicus of the East did not send an Arian to India. 10 w. 31 agy. from Jerusalem and Bagdad, and Ninive. That is from all the Aramean countries. 20 in the year 345 of the Lord. "The native laistorians, however, from their own (Page 182) annals and traditions recount that, up to the year of Our Lord 345, aftor the first propagation of Christianity by St. Thomas, there were no foreign bishops or priests amongst the Christians of India, and that they had but a few places of Worship, built after the form of Hindu pegodns of the country, till Mar Thomas, by the direction of Eustathius, bishop of Antioch, assumed charge of their Church, and introduced amongst them several bishops und priests, as also many Christians, men, women, und children, from foreign countries." (Swanston, II. 176.) 31 w. 41 899. Serkun. The vowols shown are: e-n. Swanston (II. 181) and Lacroze: Sharen Permaul (s.e., Pormal or Porumal). 23 Karamaldur. One vovel 4, at the end. Lacroze (in Assem. IV. 449) : Caramalur. 23 Syrian Fathers. First they belonged to the Catholic faith; later, after the Eastern Syrians had embraced Nestorius' tenets, they became, as they are commonly called, Nestorians. However, the Metropolitan who ruled at the beginning of this century, condemned both Nestorius and Chalcedon in the profession of faith which he presented to the English (Buchanan, 117). Only a Monophysite could have done so. 24 Catholicus of the East. This title is assumed both by the Jacobite Maphrian (cf. Assem., B.O. II, in his discussion on the Monophysites) and by the Nestorian Catholicus (id., IV. 620). 26 v. 51 ago. The lord Sapor and the lord Pheroz. They are called Sabar and Pirat, without vowel points. Those are Persian names. Some say that Saul and Ambrose were sent by the Nestorian Patriarch, and were brought from Babylon to Quilon by one Job, a merchant, in the year 825 (Swanston, 178); others speak with our author of Sapor and Peroz (or Phoroz); but, to my knowledge, they are wrong in shifting the date to the year 922 (Assem. 442). Our author gives the year 823. The Job of other writers seems to be sebarjes Uc. 98 Kulam. Only the voweld is marked. Coulan or Quilon is the common spelling. 37 Sakirbirti. Vowels shown: a, and the second and third i. The King's name is not given by other writers. 39 And asked for landa. Add : where they might build a church and found a city for themselves. 20 After those days. Better : after the days of those. * Threo words in Arabic type are omitted here by mo.-H.H.

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46 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ MARCH, 1927 30 About the year 1500, the deceitful Franks. The name of the Franks was familiar to the Syrians at the time of the Crusades. Barhebraeus also uses it for Europeans'. Hore it applies to the Portuguese, who in 1498 came to India under Vasco da Gama. For their history see J. de Barros, Asia (Venice, 1562, and often republished). Calling them deceitful (szyte) was already an old custom. (Cf. pp. 6, 82, 87.) On the other hand, about the year of the world 6121, a certain Athanasius is called in Theophanes kakoopyos Ty Tv Supcov eudury Kucoupyka, and the fact is that, long before, the Syrians had been held in contempt by the Romans. 31 v. 61 899. Abraham. Assemani tells us, however, (B.O., IV. 447) that, as early as 1578, (Page 188) at the third Synod of Goa, he had condemned the Nestorians. Although he had formally acknowledged the Pope of Rome and had even been created by him Archbishop of Angamale, the Portuguese laid snares to him (Swanston, II. 184). 32 A certain Frank Bishop. Aleixo de Menezes, who in 1599 held the Synod of Diamper, where he burned the books of the Syrians, and ordered to change their rites and customs and even their doctrine. 33 Quqe-in. With 1-1.4 Commonly Cochin. 34 Double gold pieces. In Spanish: doblones de oro. 36 v. 71 999.-52 years. 1.c., from 1601 to 1663 (Assem., B.O., IV. 447). 36 Ignatius. This is also the name given him in the Malabar documents seen by Swanston (189); others, he says, call him 'Attila'. Assemani (loc, laud.) calls him 'Ahstalla.' It is the same name as we saw already above (ad Libr. Chal. p. 53v), where add : "the slave Aithales" from the jurisconsult Scaevola 1. 24. D. de lege Corn. de falsis 48: 10. According to Aseemani, "the Nestorians had heard that Bishop A., whom they had asked for from their Patriarch, had died while kept in prison by the Portuguese." Swanston (p. 190) writes: "The fate of Mar Ignatius was never known," etc. 37 By means of the Syrian deacon. Monetas had doposed all the nativo priests and bishope. 38 Matums-eri. Vowels : -we-i. Swanston (189 sq.): Alanghat; Assem. (loc. laud.): "Making & conspiracy at Matanger, Rapolin, and Mangate, they proclaimed as Bishop the Archdeacon Thomas de Campo and had him consecrated by twelve priests." 39 Nor those who wowed their need. Correct: nor their children. 40 w. 81 sqq. A Bishop of the Pranka. Francisco Roz, of the Society of Jesus. Here, for 'Bishop' we have the word blope, which is the Portuguese word "Bispo'. The pronunciation with the letter, unless it be Portuguese also, may have come from the Sanscrit vidpa, 'lord. 41 Amiral. Vowels: d.o. Not the Spanish word 'almirante,' but the Dutch word 'amiraal.' There is question of the Dutch Captain Ryklof van Goens, who took Cochin in 1663. Cf. Ph. Baldaeus, Beschrijving der Indische kusten Malabar ende Choromandel, Amsterdam, 1672, p. 120, and Valentijn, Oud en Nieuw Oostindian, IV.308. The Indians of Batavia in their historical poems also apply wrongly the title "am iraal' to other captains of those times. 41 W. 91 a99. Gabriel. Assemani (loc. laud.) says that Gabriel, Metropolitan of Adorbigana, went to that country : 300 (ibid., p. 299 sq.) his profession of faith in favour of the Roman Church; he shuffled off this mortal coil (larvam cauit), as Aseemani puts it, in 1716. 49 (Page 184.) Forty-two. Correct : forty-two churches. 4 of the Franciscans ? Vade Sampdlu. No doubt San Pablo, 1.6., St. Paul is meant; but I had not discovered whether the Franciscans or the Dominicans, or, perhaps, the Jesuits had a St. Paul's Church at Goa. At Rome, as far as I know, only the Benedictines and Cistercians have a church dedicated to St. Paul; but neither help our case. However, afterwards, I learned who they were from a codex in the Royal Academy (which see under No. 8 in Weyers' Catalogue lately printed by de Jong), J. H. Schaaf ex. plaining the name Saint-Paulites by 'Jesuita' in his letter of April 12, 1732, p. 14. (Land adds in Anecdota Syriaca, II. 19: "Nowadays, in Italy, the Jesuits are still called 'Paolotti".) 46 Masters ours. He addresses the XVII Directors of the Dutch India Company. Already before 1729 he seems to have sent to Charles Schaaf a petition of the kind, addressed to them: for Schaaf, in his last letter of that year, tells the Bishop not to send copies of Malabar books, our scholars not understanding them; however, a copy of a Malabar book was added to our document. 46 Prefect. Kumadur : Portuguese: Commodore'; Dutch : Commandeur', the title of the prefect of Coobin. ('o be continued.) & Sic-H.H. Here comes a Syriac letter, which T. K. Joseph declares not clear.

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MARCH, 1927) DHARAVARSHA PARMARA OF ABU AND HIS INSCRIPTIONS DHARAVARSHA PARMARA OF ABU AND HIS INSCRIPTIONS. BY R. R. HALDER. DHARAVARSHA was a famous ruler among the Parmaras of Abu. He is popularly known in Rajputand as 'Dhar Parmara'. The word Parmara denotes the name of the family and is derived, as has been supposed, from the name of the man, who arose from the altar of the sacrificial fire of Vasishtha on Mount Abu, and was considered by the latter as one who would take delight only in killing his enemies, and was thus named.1 Dharavarsha was a son of Yasodhavala, who was a feudatory of the Solanki ruler Kumarapala of Gujarat. When Kumarapala waged war against Mallikarjuna of northern Kauukana, Dharavarsha led his forces and greatly contributed towards victory. In the Taju'l-Ma'asir, we find that Dharavarsha and Rai Karan were the two commanders of the Hindu army, which had collected at the foot of Mount Abd, when, in the middle of the month of Safar A.H. 593 (January, A.D. 1197), the world-conquering Khusru (Qutbu'ddin I-bak] turned his face towards the annihilation of the Rai of Naharwala (Anhilvada). Though the Hindus were defeated in this battle, nevertheless, in a previous one fought against Shihabu'ddin Chari at that place in the A.H. 574 (A.D. 1178), they had won victory. "Tod asserts that it was at this very place (Nadole] that 'Mahmud's arms were disgraced, the invader wounded and forced to relinquish his enterprise'".4 It is also clearly written in the description of the battle with Qutbu'ddin I-bak that "the Musalmans did not dare to attack them (the Hindus) in that strong position, especially as in that very place Sultan Muhammad Sam Shihabu'ddin] Churi had been wounded, and it was considered of bad omen to bring on another action there, lest & similar accident might occur to the commander". 6 Dhardvarsha was the contemporary of the four Solanki rulers of Gujarat, namely, Kumarapala, Ajaipala, Malaraja II and Bhimdeva II. After the accession of Bhimdeva II., many of his ministers and chiefs threw off his yoke, and became independent. Dharavarsha was among them, but, when the Yadava king Sioghanaof Deccan and Sultan Shamsu'ddin Altamsh of Delhi attacked Gujarat, he prepared to render help to the king of Gujarat along with other kings of Marwar. 8 Dharavarsha was also very brave and extraordinarily fond of hunting expeditions. In the Patanarayana inscription of Samvat 1344 (A.D. 1287), it is mentioned that he could kill three buffaloes with one arrow. In support of this statement, we can still see on the margin of a big kunda (reservoir), called Mandakini, outside the temple of Achalesvara on Mount Abu, an image of Dharavarsha with bow in hand, drawn at three life-size stone buffaloes, standing in its front with a hole right across their bodies. . Up to the present, one copper plate and 14 stone inscriptions of the time of Dharavarsha have been discovered by Rai Bahadur Pandit Gaurishankar H. Ojha, curator of the Rajputana 1 Epigraphia Indica, vol. VIII, p. 210, verse 32. Eliot's History of India, Vol. II, pp. 229-30. 3 It was not, however, Nadole but Kayadra, a village at the foot of Mt. Abu. Kayadra is also called KAgahrada [Ep. Ind., vol. IX, p. 77, .verse 36), which is wrongly identified by Prof. Buhler, see p. 73, ibid., and also Ep. Ind., vol. I, p. 229. See also Ep. Ind., vol. VIII, p. 206, n. 2. 4 Raverty's Tabakd!. ---Nasiri, p. 522 n. 6 See note 9 above. In sobald !--Nasiri [E.H.I., p. 294). Shihabuddin's defeat is mentioned. O i n To : : : 1 TOTEU TATAR FETT supra || Somesvar's Kirtilaumudi, canto 2, verse 61. 7 Bombay Gazetteer, vol. I, pt. II, p. 525. Hamfram adamandana of Jayasimhasari, p. 11. In it the Sultan is called Mlechchharaja', Milachhrikara,' eto. The latter is a changed form of Amir-i-sbikara, an office assigned to his slave Altamsh by Qutbu'ddin l-bak (note 4 above, p. 803). . ekabANanihataM binulAyaM baM nirIzva kurubodhasAzaM / O v erse 18 (From original impression). The Rajputana Museum Report, 1909-10, p. 9.

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48 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY Museum, Ajmer. The earliest is dated Samvat 1220 (A.D. 1163) and the latest Samvat 1276 (A.D. 1219), engraved on a marble pillar on the bank of a tank at a little distance from the village Makaval in Sirohi State. From these, it is evident that Dharavarsha ruled at least for a period of fifty-six years. He was succeeded by his son Somasimha, who is said to have inherited bravery from his father and learning from his uncle Prahladana, younger brother of Dharavarsha.10 It was this Prahladana, who was sent by Dharavarsha to the help of the Gurjara king Ajaipala, (and not Bhim deva II. 11), as shown in my former article, 13 when the latter was attacked by Samantasimha of Mewar. This long reign of Dharavarsha gives rise to a fact, which proves the story narrated in Forbes's Rasmal relating to the rule of Jaitsi Pamar at Abu, the marriage of his daughter Ichchhani with Prithviraja, and the fight between Bhimdeva II of Gujarat and Somesvara, to be utterly baseless. It will not be uninteresting to give here a summary of the story as given in the above book. It runs as follows: [ MARCH, 1927 "Ajaipala's younger brother, Bhimdeva II, called also 'Bholo', ascended the throne in A.D. 1179 and reigned thirty-six years. In these times, Raja Bholo Bhim Deva was the ornament of Anhilpoor in Gujar-land. He was like the deep ocean in power; he led an invincible four-limbed army; the three Loks sought the protection of the Chaluk Rae; he possessed ships that sailed to Sindh ; his military posts were in the land of Dhara. "Jaitshee Parmar at this time ruled at Abu. He has a son named Salakh and a daughter, Ichhani Kumari, who was very beautiful and praised by every one. Bhim-Dova formed the design of marrying her. His dreams were full of visions of Ichhani. He sent Umar Singh [a servant of his] to Abu to demand the hand of the Parmar princess, but she was already betrothed to the son of the Chohan. "The ambassador [said] O! Mountain-lord, Bholo Veer, the Chaluk, having heard of Ichhani, forgets her not; he demands that you betroth her to him; if you give her to the Chohan [Prithviraja] he will cast you from the battlements of Abugarh'. Jaitshee also spoke, 'In the land of Maru there are nine millions of good warriors; eighteen royal seats belong to Abu-garh. It is well to maintain my royalty or else to die'. With this answer he dismissed the ministers of Bhim. Writing a letter with his own hand, he sent to hasten the marriage of. Ichhani with the son of Somesvara. 11 Ep. Ind., vol. VIII, p. 202. "When Bholo Bhim heard of these occurrences, it was as if some one had struck him on the face. He sent for his ministers and bade them instantly prepare; 'Who is this that lays hold on the sleeping lion', [said he]. From Pattan he sent orders in all directions-to Kutch and to Soreth. A vast army assembled from all sides. Bholo Bhim arrived at Abu and pitched his tents. He surrounded the fort on all sides. The armies of the Parmar and the Chaluk joined battle; for many days the contest raged; Salakh and Jait at length gave back; but fighting as they retired, they reddened the earth with blood. Bhim pressed on; he beheld Achales var; the Parmars fled to Maru-land, they left the fort to the Chaluk; he ascended triumphantly to the summit of Abu. "Then the Chohan was attacked. [In the heart of Bhim], Somesvar of Sambhur rankled. 'Now will I take his land, the enemy crushing; I will make a rule under one umbrella'. From hither and thither the army collected as a river, fed by dependant streams. The good warriors seemed full of joy, smiling as at sunset smiles the ocean; they were eager to fight in company with their sovereign, as a wife is eager to burn in company with her lord. 10 dhArAvarSasuto'yaM jayati zrIsomasi hadevo yaH / hi frat fwngeant w || + || Ep. Ind., vol: VIII, p. 211. 13 Ind. Ant., vol. LIII, pp. 100-2,

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MAROE, 1927) DHARAVARSHA PARMARA OF ABU AND HIS INSCRIPTIONS 40 "When the troops arrived in Somesvar's territories, the inhabitants left their houses and fled. The country was plundered. The armies joined battle,Som, desirous cf fight, and Bhim, that never turned back in war. The drums sounded, swords began to rattle ; for three hours arrows and other missiles rained upon Kun (the Chohan); at last, Bhim's force fled. Somesvar Chohan and Bhim fought a terrible fight. Many on both sides were wounded yet no one left the field or fled. Somesvar himself rushed on. The field of battle seemed like a dark and stormy night in the rains when a conflagration rages in the mountains. Somegvar Chohan fell in this field, hacked to pieces. "Raja Prithviraja heard of the battle ; he recalled the remains of his army. He determined on taking revenge for his father. He vowed a vow that he would wear no turban. He prepared an army to execute his purpose of revenge, but determined first to take his seat on the throne, and then to go to the war. In the prescribed manner, at Nigum bodh, where Yudhishthira received initiary rites, Prithviraja's royal unction was performed. The women sung their solemn hymns. The cry of Conquer ! Conquer ! Prithviraja' sounded. It seemed as if Indra were assuming the throne of the celestial city. The dress of Ichhani was tied in a knot with his; they shone like the King of Heaven and his spouse. Great joy reigned. "In the heart of Prithviraja, Bhim continually rankled ; his rage was like fire, not to be extinguished but by the death of his foe. At sunrise the warriors assembled. Prithviraja thus addressed them all : 'To take revenge for Somesh, let us prepare an army and fight with the Gujar, king of men. Let us dig up Chaluk from the roots'. "The Chohan summoned his troops ; at the appointed hour the drum sounded. He led the troops outside the city. Troops arrived at Sambhur from all sides. War musio roared, Prithviraja advanced to destroy the houses of Gujarat. Evening came on; they pitched their tents on the ground on which they stood. Kun was near the R&ja; Jait and Salakh, the chiefs of Abu. When one watch of the night remained, they determined to follow the chase. [They looked for omens.] "The sun arose. Prithviraja said It is needless to look for omens-the day of battle is the day of pleasure to the warrior'. [The army] advanced to destroy the land of Pattan. Sixty-four thousand were they in number. Prithviraja gave the royal umbrella to Kun, his kingman. "Hearing that the valiant warrior had arrived near Pattan to take revenge for his father, Bhim raged like a snake. The two armies arrived within sight of each other, balls began to fly from the tubes; fire arrows flew into the air. On one side Kun Choh&n, on the other Sarang Makwana fought like lions. Warlike men attained in a moment the place, which with painful labour, the devotee attains. At length the Chaluk's army took to flight. The Sambhur Raja struck at Bhim. Bhim Deva, seated in & celestial chariot, took the road to the city of the Soors. Thus Prithviraj& took revenge for his father".18 It is needless to dilate upon the whole story. It will suffice to consider only a few points in it. Up to now, several inscriptions of Somesvara have been discovered of which the latest14 is dated s. 1234 (A.D. 1177) and was found at Amvalda in the Jah&zpur district of Mewar. Similarly, among the several inscriptions of Prithviraja, the earliest15 is dated 8. 1236 (A.D. 18 For bea; Rde Mald, pp. 161-77. 1" bho // svasti zrImahArAjAdhirAjazrIsonesvara zva )radevamahArAve(ba) gerarA ference ... TE 1948 TK ghy ywna.;.. (unpublished). 1 TIR TT f igura maternicuge...: (unpublished).

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MAROE, 1927 1179) and was found at Lohati in the same district. From these, we may infer that the death of Somesvara and accession of his son Prithviraja took place between Samvats 1234 and 1236 (A.D. 1177 and 1179). We also know that Bhimdeva II. of Gujarat ascended the throne in 8. 1235 or 1179 A.D.16 That is to say that the death of Somesvara had occurred before Bhimdeva came to the throne. Hence, we cannot believe that Bhimdeva fought a battle with Somesvara. So, also a battle between Prithviraja and Bhimdeva was not possible, as the former had no such cause for it as is described in the story. Next, we see that Dharavarsha ruled from Samvat 1220 to 1276 (A.D. 1163 to 1219). Consequently it was impossible for any other ruler to rule at Abu during the period of his reign. Thus, it naturally follows that the story about Jaitsi Pamar's rule at Abd and the marriage of Prithviraja (A.D. 1179-92) with his daughter Ichhani is fictitious. The names Jaitshi, Salakh, and Ichhani seem to be purely imaginary. Hence, judging from the accounts of the story as well as from the period of Dhardvarsha's rule, we cannot but conclude that the whole of the story is a myth. This story is in all probability based on Prithviraja-Rasd, which is composed of many such fabrications of the bards at a period much later than that of Prithviraja III, the hero of the book. They will be dealt with in my next paper. Three Inscriptions of Dhardvarsha. These inscriptions are now preserved in the Rajputana Museum, Ajmer, and are important only for their dates, which have a bearing on the subject of this article. The surface of the inscriptions is broken at many places and, consequently, many letters are indistinct. The characters are N&gari of the thirteenth century A.D. Their text is a mixture of Sanskrit and vernacular, and is full of mistakes. Inscription No. 1 contains fourteen lines of writing, of which lines 7 and 14 are indistinct. Lines 1-6 record that on Saturday, the 15th day of the bright half of Jyeshtha, 8. 1220 (A.D., 1163), Maharajadhiraja Mahamandalesvara, the illustrious Dharavarshade va, granted a ad sana probably for the remission of taxes on Fulahali (a village) belonging to Bhattaraka Devesvara of the temple of Kasesvara by the prince PAlhanadeva. Lines 6-7 show that something was granted by BAI (B&lnot) Kelhana, but nothing can be made out of it. Lines 8-9 contain the names of witnesses Vijayara (Vijayaraja), son of Vahada and Deda, son of Dejaa. Then follows the usual imprecatory verse. Lines 13-14 say that a field was granted by Amatya Sivasimha, an inhabitant of the village of Vasana. Inscription No. 2 contains only four lines, and is dated Monday, the 4th day of the bright half of Asoj (Asvina) Samvat 1271 (A.D. 1214). It records the grant of one halavdha of land (the area that can be tilled with one plough in a day) at the village Savada Vpiddha (now known as Badi Anval) by Dharavarsha to a merchant named Ampa. Inscription No. 3 is broken into two pieces, and is dated Magha Sudi Panam Samvat 1274 (A.D. 1218). It was found in a temple of Siva. The purpose of the inscription is not clear, but it appears from its text that it probably records the vow of certain persons to observe festivity for two days on the day of Maharatri (Sivaratri), during the prosperous reign of Dharavarsha, son of Yasodhavaladeva, born in the family of Dhomaraja (Dhamaraja). The names of the persons are Rana Vaija, son of Vijaisi, and Lakhamsi, Kamana, Sova etc., sons of Rathauda (Rathor) Ana, belonging to the family of Hathundi Rajputs (11. 1-12). Then it contains the name of the Acharya Bolha, who seems to be the bhattarala of the temple. Lines 14-17 contain the imprecatory verse, while the lines that follow next seem to have been added later by some persons. 16 Notes to Tod's Rajasthan in Hindi, by R. B. Pt. Gaurishankar H. Ojha, p. 436; Ind. Ant., vol. VI, p. 213.

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Jade / 10 11 12 13 na H. OJHA ABU PLATES OF DHARAVARSHA PARMARAA ta merA varSa sa darzana sAma jasale canIrA sinamudagI kA manvara de devacararathala naja kumrapAna vA mana va elAta pimA bhI za tAyasAga sAmarAUna jAyada manora punale 3. lehI zrIma zubha nAmaka sAva janAva Indian Antiquary Inscription. ARSO

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Indian Antiquary ABU PLATES OF DHARAVARSHA PARMARA NJENe sk IM KA 21:22ISERhK`ER sa Hayek`les ELERhAN ale 11

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ale IV ABU PLATES OF DHARAVARSHA PARMARA Indian Antiquary GH OH

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ABU PLATES OF DHARAVARSHA PARMARA Indian Antiquary Plate ! ON rAnamatAne sakA matagaNava pAhA sAsUbalaSamasAhaka mANasAtA kAsA H.OJMA

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MARCH, 1927) DAARAVARSHA PARMARA OF ABU AND HIS INSCRIPTIONS Text. Inscription No. 1. 1. oM // svasti zrI saMvat 1220 jeSTha suzudi 2. 15 zanidine somaparve mahArAjAdhi rAjamahAmaMDalesvarazrIdhArAvarSadeve na zAsanaM pradataM zrIkAsesvaradevIyabha5. dvArakadevesvarasya phulahalIsake 6. mocanIyaH zrIkumharapAlhaNadevena || vA7. la. kelhaNena pradataM / / . . . . -NIdAyaM mocanIyaM / / bhoma pache / sAtti vA haDasutavajayarA | dejapAsutadedA sAkSi 310. - sAti mahAjana ||jo (yaH) pradatta svadatta vA haill. rebhUmI narAdhipa / punaH -mapi kAlena / / tamAhu~brahmaghAtakaM | maMgala (laM) mahAzrI [] || vAsaNagrAmavAstavyaM mAtyazivasiMga zrI14. kSetra pradataM. . . . . . . Inscription No. 2. ___ saMvat 1271 varSe Asoja sudi 4 some 2. mahAmaMDalesvaira zrIdhArAvarSadevena / 3. zreaMpadatta sAvaDavRddhabhUmihala4. vAha 1 prazodana pradattA Inscription No. 3. 1. saMvat 1274 mAgha . 11. . . . . .ma. 2. phAlgUnayo [ma] dhye 12. hArAmAsamadhye di3. [so magrahaNaparve zrIdho 113. na 2 AcAryavolhAsU4. marAjasaMtAnajasadha 14. ta prathama [pUthama?] 1 mama vasaSya [sI] 5. valadecasUtazrIdhArAva 15. Ne anyo rAjA bhavasthati 6. vijayarAjye vijesIrA 16. tasyAhaMkaralagnopi [?] 7. hasU (su) tarANAvaijA hA ___ mama daita na cAla . . 8. thiuMdIsairAThauDacA 18. [lAlAujasutava] 9. nAsU (su) talaSamasIhaka 19. [Da. . . suta 10. maNasobhAkAsa [mAhidhareNa] [pUniga .. 17 Read jyeSTha 10 Read degzvara' 10 Read pradattaM 30 Read degivara 21 Read degivara 22 Read degsarako 3 Read : pradatta 4 This and the following lino is vermacular. 25 Read parabattAM 20 Read svaratA? 37 Road 28 Road bhani 9 Read degdhipaH.. 30 Read w aar 31 Read cyAmAsvazikasiMhena 9 Read pradatta 38 Read zvara' 34 Read tAba 35 Read 30 Read prasAdena 31 Read phAlyAmayoH 3 Rand.. muta 0 Read vaMza 10 Read casva 1 Rand bhaviSyAta 9 Read ita

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY MARCH, 1921 BRAHMA-VIDYA AND SUFISM. BY UMESH CHANDRA BHATTACHARJEE. VON KREMER in his book on Islamic Culture (Khuda Buksh's Translation, p. 108), makes a bold statement about the influence of Brahma-vidya or Vedantism on Sufism. He says: "I wish to show that the real Sufism, as it finds expression in the various orders of the Der. vishes, which I sharply distinguish from the simple ascetic movement which appeared in the earliest Christianity and even in the earliest Islam, owes its origin mainly to the school of Indian Philosophy, which is known as that of the Vedanta School." And how does Von Kremer proceed to prove it? "The proof that I will adduce," he goes on to say, "is based upon enquiries and research." These 'enquiries and research are, however, nothing more than a parallel discovered between the practices followed by certain orders of Dervishes and similar yoga ' practices of the Vedanta School. "With the growth of the ecstatic and rapturous tendencies," we are told again, "numerous orders of Dervishes sprang up in Islam. Every one of these orders of Dervishes had its own secret rules and procedures disclosed only to the initiated. They were mainly concerned with the mode of bringing about mystic ecstasy." There are, of course, noticeable differences in these rules in the different orders: One, for instance, enjoins meditation in a separate, dark room, 'accompanied by severe fasting and castigation'; another prescribes chanting of litanies until the senses are exhausted and visions present themselves to the benumbed mind; and a third advises 'dances and movements of the body', 'with musical accompaniments and singing of hymns' About these secret rules of the various orders, however, Von Kremer goes on to say, " there is very little trustworthy information". Happily he has lighted, he says, "upon a text which contains the rules of the Naqshbandi Order". Precise information is given there as to how spiritual exercise is to be conducted for the purpose of bringing about the desired ecstasy in the mind of the Dervish. These rules are principally rules for the regulation of the breath, just as it was practised among Hindu yogins, technically called by them 'prandydma' (including the threefold process of puraka, kumbhaka and recaka). Into the details of these rules we need not enter ; the fact of similarity has been generally admitted and need not be disputed; but the question is :-Were they borrowed from the Hindus by the Sufis, as Von Kremer suggests ! Similarity in itself does not indicate borrowing either way, nor does it even prove that one system was acquainted with the other. In religion and philosophy, remarkable parallels are often found which are of independent origin. The mere fact of similarity, therefore, does not warrant us in holding that Sufism borrowed from Hinduism. Authentic, historical information is necessary to justify a conclusion like this. Von Kremer quotes a passage from "the great encyclopaedic work Nafa'isu-l-funun," where a direct reference to the Indian yogi is found. The passage runs as follows: "The sciences of breathing and imagination... The Indians value these two sciences very highly, and whenever any one attains perfection in them, they call him a yogi and reckon hins among the holy spirite. The founder of these two sciences, they say, is Kamak Dyw. They call spiritual beings Dyw. ..." Dyw' is apparently the Sanskrit word deva. But who is this Kamak! No matter who he was, it is obvious that the author of Nafa'isu-l-funun took him to be an Indian and possibly . Hindu. And a knowledge of the so-called science of breathing is also attributed to the Indians; and, by implication, it is perhaps also suggested that such knowledge, in the game. degree at least, was not to be found anywhere else. Von Kremer quotes yet another authority in support of his contention that Yoga prac. ticos migrated from Hindu India to the Islamic world. His own words are : "In the Dabistan

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MARCE, 1927 j BRAHMA-VIDYA AND SUFISM it is said of the Indian yogis : Among them the restraining of the breath is held in great esteem, such as was practised among the Persians by Azar Hushang and by the kings of those people. >> This is practically all the proof that Von Kremer has to produce in support of his theory. But one has to confess that the passages are not conclusive as to borrowing by the Sufis from the Indian philosophers. The authors quoted by Von Kremer were obviously acquainted with Hindu yoga practices; and we may even assume that the Islamic world at large also, at the time of these writers, was aware of the fact that the Hindus practised yoga and that they had a knowledge of yoga. But our authorities do not categorically state that these practices were borrowed by the Sufis from Indian sources. The second of these writers is even less conclusive than the first; he no doubt mentions the Indian 'yogis !, but at the same time compares them with the Persiang, leaving the question of borrowing absolutely undecided. If the practices were in existence among people nearer home, would the Sufis really go abroad to learn them? Of course, in a matter like this, we should not always expect direct evidence. And we should not forget that the value of any piece of evidence depends upon the cumulative effect, when it is taken jointly with other evidence. From the evidence adduced by Von Kremer, we find, in the first place, that Muhammadan writers referred to India as the place where the practices in vogue among them were held in high esteem. The so-called sciences of breathing, we are told, were very widely cultivated in India. In the second place, we find a remarkably close similarity between the Islamic and Hindu practices. And this similarity is found not only among certain external and auxiliary practices, but extends deeper down into the very heart of their teachings. Like the Indian yogi, the Sufi also not only practised a regulation of breath-something quite akin to Hindu prandydma--but he even believed, like the Hindu Vedantist, in the identity of the individual with the Infinite. He, too, was a pantheist. And so far as external practices were concerned, the similarity was not confined to the regulation of breath only; the Sufi also appears to have had a theory of asana (or, form of sitting), and seems to have preferred the lotus-form of sitting (padmasana) to any other. Now, all these similarities in doctrine and in practice, are, Von Kremer would say, too close to be regarded as accidental. So there must have been borrowing; and in so far as an express mention is found of Indian yogis in Musalman writers, and in view of the fact that, in India, the science of breathing and its practices were developed almost to perfection, the conclusion cannot be escaped that it was the Musalman Sufi who borrowed from Hindu India. Primd facie, therefore, we have a plausible case that Hindu yoga ideas and some of the concepts of Vedantism found their way into an important branch of Islamic culture. But it should not be forgotten that the authorities quoted by Von Kremer belong to a later period of the history of Sufism. The first authority is the author of Nafa'isu-l-funun, who has been supposed to be "Mahmud Amuli who died in 753 A...", i.e., one who belonged to the fourteenth century of the Christian era. The Muhammadans had already come to India as conquerors and rulers and Sufism was already a developed system. Any Muhammadan record of that time about the practices of the Indians need not imply more than an interest taken by the conquerors in the life and habits of the people under them. The author of the Dabistan belonged to a still later period and was perhaps an Indian Musalman. Much earlier than they, Al-Beruni had written his monumental work on India ; Von Kremer does not refer to him; he can expect little support from him either, as we shall see later on. The authorities quoted by him, however, are no evidence that Brahmavidya had any influence on the development of Sufism in its earlier stages, even though it be conceded that some of its ideas were grafted on to the other system in its later history, and much less do they prove Von Kremer's contention that 'Sufism owes its origin mainly to the school of Indian Philosophy.'

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (MARCH, 1927 Von Kremer no doubt distinguishes "real Sufism as it finds expression in the various orders of the Dervishes" from " the simple ascetic movement which appeared in the earliest Christianity and even in the earliest Islam". But even the various orders of the Dervishes date their origin much earlier than the fourteenth century A.D. The origin', therefore, of Sufism is not shown to have been due to the school of Indian Philosophy'. There is another inaccuracy in Von Kremer's theory. He connects the regulation of breath and yoga practices more or less exclusively with the Vedanta system. Though not unknown to the Vedanta system, these were much more elaborately dealt with in the Yoga Philosophy, specifically so called. The most characteristic Vedantic doctrine that may be traced in Sufism is the ecstatic vision of the identity of the individual soul with the Universal. The regulation of breath is not a special feature of Vedanta, but rather of the Yogs Philosophy. And Von Kremer's omission of all reference to the Yoga Philosophy is rather surprising, especially in view of the fact that Al-Beruni, writing in the eleventh century, had pointed out some of the more striking similarities between that system and Sufism. Of course, we must admit that Von Kremer's omission of reference to Patanjali is a lesser mistake than Al-Beruni's omission of all reference to the Vedanta. Now, so far as Von Kremer is concerned, he may be regarded as having shown that, after the conquest of India by the Musalmans, Hindu culture became known to them, and, poasibly, some branches of their own culture were influenced at that time by Hindu thought. His contention that Sufism owed its origin to Hindu philosophy is not proved by the evidence that he has cared to produce here. We are not suggesting that it would not have been the case; we are only pointing out the want of sufficient proof. To show that Sufism was indebted to Hindu thought, it is not enough to show that after their conquest of the country, the Musalmans acquired a knowledge of Indian thought ; for, even before this conquest was complete, a knowledge of India was not altogether absent from the Islamic world. And when the Muhammadans came to India as conquerors, Sufism was no longer in its nascent condition; it was then fully grown. So Von Kremer's authorities not only do not prove anything about the origin of Sufism, but they even fail to prove that Brahmavidya exercised any influence on it in its earlier stages. For his purpose, it is necessary to show that Hindu philosophical ideas had travelled beyond the borders of India and had penetrated into the heart of western Asia-Arabia, Syria, and Persia and also into Egypt, where Sufism had its rise and its early development, and it is also necessary to show that these ideas had been in existence in those places, exercising an active influence, before the rise of Sufism. Von Kremer has not shown all this; but can it be shown? The following facts are relevant in this connection: (i) That from the earliest times, & more or less continuous intercourse has been maintained between India and the western world. (10) That Hindus from India sometimes went abroad and even established colonies in western Asia, among other places. () That Buddhism had been in existence in and about the places where Sufism arose, before and even after the appearance of Islam. (iv) And that even the Court of the Khalifs of Bagdad was an important seat of Sanskrit culture, especially in the latter half of the eighth century A.D. (i) That India had been connected with the western world from very early times, has been proved by a number of facts. (Rawlinson: Intercourse between India and the Western World). "From pre-historic times, three great trade-routes have connected India with the West." And it cannot be said that, in view of this trade-connection, India could not influence the culture of any of these countries even indirectly. (Rawlinson, op. cit., p. 15.) Nor was this intercourse very limited in scope and in area. One of the trade-routes" linked India not only to the gold-fields and the fabulously wealthy incense-country of Southern Arabia and Somaliland,

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MARCE, 1027 ] BRAHMA-VIDYA AND SUFISM but to Egypt and Judaea." (Ibid., p. 9.) Dion Chrysostom" who died in or after 117 A.D. mentions Indians among the cosmopolitan crowds to be found in the bazaars of Alexandria," (ib., p. 140). And in Damascius' Life of Icodorus, as preserved by Photius, there is an account of some Brahmins who visited Alexandria and lodged in the house of Severus, Consul, A.D. 470". (Priauls, Apollonius of Tyana, &c., p. 189.) In one of the Buddhist Jataka stories, "we hear of Indian merchants who took periodical voyages to the land of Baberu (Babylon) -(Rawlinson, op. cit., p. 4). And Bardesanes is said to have derived his information about India from " an Indian who came with an embassy to Syria to welcome the Emperor Elagabalus to the throne in 218 A.D." (ib., p. 143). Even Greece was not altogether outside the pale of this intercourse, though perhaps the intercourse between India and Greece, before the days of Alexander, was of an indirect nature. Between India and the great nations of Asia Minor, however, there had been a long and continuous intercourse'. "Persia, of course, was in close contact with India for nearly two centuries, and the Punjab was a Persian satrapy for that period" Now all these facts shew that people of the West came to India, and Indians also went to the western world, and that this connexion had been maintained for a very long time. The connexion that was thus maintained was not merely a commercial one : commerce and cul. ture often go hand in hand; and thus there was a possibility of Indian culture migrating to the west with Indian commerce. Even Brahmans went to the west, we are told. So, even if we suppose that the Brahmans were the sole repository of all philosophical learning, it was not impossible for Indiart philosophy to travel to the west at that period. The place where Sufism was born, therefore, was not inaccessible to Hindu influence, even before its birth. (ii) This was not all. Indians established colonies in western Asia, and vestiges of such colonies have been traced in Armenia. (JRAS., 1904, p. 309.) Whether these Armenian Indians were strictly speaking Hindus or not, is not certain. Kennedy thinks we may conclude with considerable probability that the Armenian Indians came of the same aboriginal stock from which many of the western Rajput clans were subsequently developed ". And the gods which these Armenian Hindus worshipped were" not Brahmanical". But at the same time, we are reminded that "the westward migration of these Indians cannot have been the first of its kind". No doubt, such migrations "have been comparatively rare ;" but they have taken place, making possible the migration of Indian culture also to the west (B.C. 130-A.D. 300). And it is also a known fact that, for a long period in history, Hindu kingdoms extended as far as Kabel and even farther (vide, Al-Beruni, ch. xlix ; Elliot's History of India, etc.). Hindu culture thus maintained a proximity to the birth-place of Sufism for a considerable time-long enough to leave influences behind. (iii) Another fact that requires notice in this connexion, is the presence of Buddhism in the area where Sufism was either born or had its early development, at and about the time of its birth. "Buddhism flourished in Balkh, Transoxiana and Turkestan before the Muham. madan conquest, and in later times Buddhist monks carried their religious practices and philosophy among the Moslems who had settled in these countries" (Nicholson : Encyclo. paedia Britannica, s.v. Sufism). (iv) In the fourth place, we may remember here that Indians held appointments as body-physicians to the Khalifa Harun-ar-Rashid, and that at the time of Khalifa al-Mamun, Sanskrit was already well-known at the Court of Bagdad. (Elliot's History of India, v. 570). All these are well-known facts. But what do they prove? We certainly cannot doubt that, both before and after the rise of Islam, the very seat of Islamic culture-the very nursery of Islamic philosophy-had been fully accessible to Indian influences, Hindu as well as Buddhist. Both Hindus and Buddhists went to those territories, and people from those places also came to India. Indian merchandise found its way, now by one route, now by another. to all of these places. And it is needless to point out that ideas also sometimes

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58 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ MARCE, 1927 follow in the wake of men and merchandise. Wherever, therefore, Indians and Indian goods went, Indian ideas also might have gone. It is therefore just possible that in the regions where Sufism had its rise and first development, Hindu philosophical ideas may have been floating about long before the appearance of Islam. And it is equally possible that Sufism found some ready-made formula of belief and practice, which it quickly adopted and assimilated. But it was only possible; whether it actually so happened or not, is not proved. It is interesting to note that among certain writers there is a tendency to under-rate the possibility of Hindu influence on Islamic philosophy. The claims of Buddhism are recognised on a more generous scale. Vedantism is no doubt frequently mentioned as a possible source from which Sufism may have borrowed; but some people are so enamoured of Buddhism that even this Vedantism is spoken of as a part of it. Without in any way depreciating the claims of Buddhism, we are bound to point out that the claims of Brahmavidya ought to receive special treatment in this connection, so great indeed is its resemblance with Sufism. Prof. Goldziher has shewn that Islam in general and Sufism in particular, have been profoundly influenced by Buddhism among other foreign influences (JRAS., 1904, p. 126). The Buddhist doctrine of karma finds its parallel in the Islamic dogma of kismat; the Sufi conception of fand is similar to the Buddhist conception of nirvana ; Moslem monastic orders are closely akin to those of the Buddhists; and so on. Of course, fatalism or the doctrine of kismat is not exclusively a Buddhist idea; it is found in orthodox Hinduism also; so are monastic orders and the rest. On the face of it, therefore, there is nothing to show that these things were not borrowed from Hinduism, if they were at all borrowed by Sufism. But it is to Buddhism rather than Hinduism as distinguished from it, that these influences are usually traced. We are not suggesting that this is all wrong. Buddhism was present in the vicinity of the home of Sufism which, therefore, had perchance a closer contact with it than with Hinduism. Yet the presence of Brahmavidya was not altogether impossible in that area; and in view of the fact that there is such a close similarity between it and Sufism, we ought to consider if there was no direct borrowing from it by Sufism. In any case, to regard the ancient Vedanta Philosophy as something which the Buddhistic system so successfully developed ' (cf. JRAS., 1904, p. 135), is a confusion of thought. The two are not the same and ought to be kept separate. There is another point which should be considered here. The similarity between Vedantism and Sufism is fully recognised ; and the possibility of the indebtedness of Sufism to Vedantism also is not altogether ignored. But it is rather striking that, except Vedantism, nothing else in Hinduism is considered to be a likely source of influence on Sufism. Even Von Kremer, who has said so much about the science of breathing', overlooks the possibility of this being borrowed from the Yoga Philosophy. Al-Beruni, curiously indeed, is one of the few writers who has fully realised the very close similarity between Sufism and the system of Patanjali. Yet the historical facts which make the presence of Vedantic ideas possible in the birth-place of Sufism, may also be regarded as making possible the presence of Yoga ideas in the self-same place. In a way, the presence of Yoga ideas were more likely than that of Brahmavidya; wandering mendicants or sannydsis know more of the yoga practices than they know of Brahmavidya, and among Hindus these men travel more than others. So, if it is a question of the migration of Hindu ideas to western Asia, Yoga ideas were not less likely to go thither than ideas of Brahmavidya. Yet, so far as Hinduism is concerned, our scholars have shown a preference for Vedantism as against Yoga ; and as between Hinduism and Buddhism, they see more of Buddhist influence on Sufism than they are prepared to admit of any other Indian system. It is a question of history, and perhaps they stand on unasgailable ground. But the fact is important for our purpose and must be pointed out. (To be continued.)

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MARCH, 1927] BOOK-NOTICES 57 BOOK-NOTICES. THE VISION OF VASAVADATTA (SVAPNAVASA | fascinating hero of romance, the Prince Charming VADATTAM). Edited by LAKSHMAN SARUP. of the fairy tales," one of whose wives was Bhasa's heroine Vasavadatta. He shows that Bhise Lahore, 1925. "utilised the same materials, the same floating In his preface Dr. Lakshman Sarup has a remark mass of oral tradition, which served as the original able paragraph on the subject of transliteration sources of Gunadhya, p. 57 " i.e., of the stories from Sanskrit works, which is worth repeating : told in the Brihatkathaman jari and Kathdsuritadyara. " It has been noticed that Indian students are Finally, Dr. Sarup discusses the question: "What unable to transliterate Sanskrit correctly in Koman. is Drama ?" This be discusses in true Indian even after their graduation. Nor do they find philosophical fashion, arriving at the conclusion it easy to read Sanskrit texts transliterated in "It may therefore be stated that the main function Roman characters. Their inability puts them of drama is to employ dialogue in order to represent at a disadvantage, for they cannot utilise several a harmonious action such as may spring from the texts of Pali and Sanskrit works, which are published circumstances of life, actually or conceivably real" in Roman characters only, and are not available (pp. 59 & 60). He then discusses the Law of in Devanagari and other Indian characters. The Brunetiere," and accepting that law which lays result is that thosphere of their scholarship down that volition is the soul of drama. Dr. Sarup is considerably narrowed. The fault, however, is oi opinion that The Vision of Vasaradattd "will is not theirs. They seldom receive any training indeed be regarded as a dramatic masterpiece in transliteration. Indian text books, prescribed p. 62)." Finally he winds up (p. 77) with an for them, generally do not use any diacritical enthusiastic admiration of the play. "The Vision marks at all. Nor do the teachers insist on correct of Vasavadatta " is a great play. The principal transliteration. The studente thus never learn characters are magnificent buman portraits. Each the use of diacritical marks. A suitable text personage is invested with an individuality of its book, using diacritical marks correctly, is therefore own. The poet has made profound psychological a desideratum. The object of the present volume studies and painted them with a rare skill, such as is to supply their need." is found in the works of master playwrights only. On p. vii Dr. Sarup makes another statement The critical situations are managed with a delicacy worth noting: "I had translated all the playe of art which & genius alone could show. It is of Bhass into English in 1921. The MS. is still indeed a masterpiece. Bhdea is therefore entitled awaiting publication. This is a great pity and to claim our attention and his plays deserve & let us hope it will soon be remedied. closer study." The Sva pravasavadattum of Bhasa is based on Then follow a text and translation and some the story of Vasavadatta, made available to all very useful notes, kinds of modern readers through Tawney's tran R. C. TEMPLE. alation of the Kathacaritsayara of Somadeva, now being so worthily handled by Mr. Penzer. In his | THE ORIGIN AND CULT OF TARA, by HIRANANDA introduction Dr. Serup goes into what is known SHASTRI. Memoirs, Archeological Survey of of Bh Ama, "A mere wandering though distinguished India with four Plates. Calcutta, Government of name," and takes up the questions raised in the India Prese, 1925. controversy round this name of ancient India. The object of this valuable monograph is to The first point--are the plays that are attributed ascertain by direct research what the orgin of Tara to Bhdea the work of one or several authors 1-he was: whether she was of "Buddhist or Brahdecides on page 20; "All these plays, in my opinion manical origin, whether her cult arose in India are the work of one and the same author." The or elsewhere and what was her chief function." second point is-who is the author ? "The con- Mr. Hirananda Shastri has done his work well clusion is (p. 35) that the present play is a genuine and conscientiously and arrives at likely conclusions play. It is the Sva pnatasavadattam mentioned by that are not at all subversive of previous ideas, various writers. It is the work of Bhisa." This for which old scholars must be thankful. To sum conclusion is arrived at after a real plunge into them up, his conclusions are that Tari was probably the controversy on the point. The third point Buddhist in origin and non-Indian and most pro. is-what is the age of the plays ? Here again bably arose in the Indo-Tibetan borderland or in scholars have differed widely, and after discussing Indian Tibet itself, as the goddess who helped the opinions Dr. Sarup arrives at the conclusion: people to cross the large lakes there. She was "The play may therefore be assigned to the thus originally a water-goddess, just as AlKhidr beginning of the second century A.D." (p. 41). was originally a similar water-god in another part Dr. Sarup then discusses the legend of Udayana of the world. As a Buddhist deity Tara of course "the king Arthur of Indian Literature; the belonged to Mahayana Buddhism and does not

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58 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ MARCH, 1927 date further back than the fifth century A.D., | DJAWA , TIJDSCHRIFT VAN HET JAVA and here Mr. Shastri makes a useful observation: 5e Jaargang, No. 3 en 4, Mei-September 1925. "as is apparent from the titles and names of the Secretariaat van het Java Instituut, Weltevreden twenty-one Taras I do not think they should be These numbers of Djawa give a full report of the taken as distinct forms of the goddess; they are Congress of that body held at Jogjakarta, 24-27 rather the attributes which & votary has in view December 1924. During the Congress an exhibition while worshipping the divinity who is one through of Javanese architecture and furniture was held, out." In form Tara is either pacific or angry-a and an exceedingly interesting lecture was given by typical primitive goddess. Dr. F. D. K. Boech on "The Praru banan Temple," R. C. TEMPLE. to which there are two beautiful illustrations, one of the temple before restoration, the other of the INTERNATIONAL LAW IN ANCIENT INDIA, by S. V. restored south door. The lecturer, After examining VISWANATHA, 1925. Longmans, Green & Co., the question of the date of the temple and its purBombay. pose, speaks of its architecture and carvings. This book deals with "International Law" Another paper was read by Thomas Karsten on in India up to A.D. 500, and the writer intends the value of recent Javaneee architecture. There to compose & companion volume on Medieval were also papers and discussions of matters of less Indian Diplomacy. He explains that by the term general interest, e.g., Old Javanese Monuments in International Law he means a "body of custom," connection with Javanese culture of the present and indeed that is the most that can be claimed and future, and native culture in Javanese education. for a condition where man-made law is not M. J. B. enforcible by any authority. He is also aware of the difficulty of using terms applicable to modern ANNALES DU MUSEE GUIMET. Trois Conferences society to describe the conditions that obtained in the ancient world, and he seeks to clear the air by sur les Gatha de l'Avesta, par A. MEILLET. setting himself three questions (pp. 5, 6): Paul Geuthner, Paris, 1925. (1) Whether there were nations in ancient India, This little book will be of much interest to Parsis (2) Whether there was a general code of laws and students of ancient Iranian culture. It conto regulate their dealings with one another, tains three lectures delivered at the Upsala Univer. (3) How far this body of doctrine was actually sity, Sweden, by M. Meillet, who was a former pupil carried into execution. of James Darmesteter. Indeed he dedicates the He answers the first in the affirmativo. As to .book to the memory of his teacher, though, as he the second question, he says that international is careful to point out in the preface, his views on Law-.e., the body of custom, which we now call the subject of the Gathds differ widely from those of International Law-"was accepted by all Indian Darnesteter. The subject matter of the lectures States--for it was based on Dharma [duty: that are (a) the date of Zoroaster, (b) the composition which should be done), which regulated also the of the Gathas, (c) the character of the teaching of conduct of the individual society." In dealing the Gathas. The author claims to have followed with the third question he replies that in theory Darmesteter's advice in two directions, viz., first, it was--at any rate in as great & part as now he has tried to formulate clear and definite conclucarried into practice, running through the stages of sions, easily capable of refutation, if they are fruti (revelation) and smriti (tradition), and visible erroneous; secondly, he has sought to envisage the in the Epics and the Puranas, in the secular writers facts from the standpoint of the historian, who, not of arthasastra (administration) and the like, in the content with mere words, strives to evoke the actual Asokan Edicts, and in the accounts of Megasthenes character of past events and clothe them with and Yuan Chwang. reality. I leave it to Iranian scholars like Dr. J. J. Here we have the author's position, on which he Modi to decide how far M. Meillet's views deserve has built his remarks, with a wealth of reference to acceptance. S. M. EDWARDES. ancient authorities which cannot but rouse the admiration of his readers. The nature, however, of such authorities as have survived through the BIBLIOGRAPHIES OF INDIAN ART, by ANANDA K. ages only permits him to make remarks of a general COOMARASWAMY, D.Sc. (LONDON). Boston, description on all the many points which he has Massachusetts, 1925. taken up. This work is stated in the preface to be a partial It is a thoughtful and impartial book of great reprint, with additions, from the first, second, and learning, honestly compiled, and shows once more fourth parts of the Catalogue of the Indian Collections that the ancient civilisation was in its edentials in the Museum of Fine Arts, published in Boston; very like that of modern times. and the author to some extent disarms criticism by R. C. TEMPLE. an admission that none of the bibliographies

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MARCH, 1927 ] BOOK-NOTICES 59 connection with the province. Two or three inscriptions were discovered at Vav, the capital of a small but very old State in Palanpur ; they refer to the wife and a descendant of king Mahipaladeva, who apparently ruled the modern Tharad in the time of Sultan Ala-ud-din Khilji. The Gujarat Rashtrakuta plates, mentioned in the report for the previous year, clearly prove that the main Rashtrakuta dynasty regarded their Gujarat brethren as mere vassals. S. M. EDWARDES. except, perhaps, those on painting, are complete. There are one or two points, however, which seem to deserve comment. On page 10, the 1914 reprint of Tod's Annals and Antiquities is entered, whereas later and better edition is that prepared by the late William Crooke and published by the Oxford University Press in 1920. There are other important omissions from the general list. On page 17 Sir J. H. Marshall's The Monuments of Ancient India in the Cambridge History of India is mentioned twice running for no apparent reason; while under the main heading of Mughal architecture and decora tion there is no mention of a recent Memoir of the Archaeological Survey of India on the geometrical patterns in Saracenic art. The author claims to have included under "Sculpture" & few of the more important works on coins. But only three works are mentioned, and the list might have been augmented by the inclusion of other well-known publications on Indian numismatics. On page 34, in the section on Textiles, Brandon is a mistake for Brendon, author of the Woollen Fabrics of the Bombay Presidency; and as euthor of Silk Fabrics of the Bombay Presidency, I may point out that I do not spell my name in the way adopted in this bibliography. Useful as the volume is, it seems to me to require careful revision before appearing in & second edition. S. M. EDWARDES. SAMARANGANASUTRADHARA OF KING BHOJADEVA, edited by MATAMA HOPADHYAYA T. GANAPATI SASTRI : Volume II. Gaekwad's Oriental Series, No. XXXII ; Baroda, 1925. This second volume of king Bhoja's work contains descriptions of "prasadas pertaining to Devas, statues made of gold, silver, etc., the art of painting, 64 kinds of hasta beginning with pataka and other topics. The editor repudiates the view that the quaint machines mentioned in the poem the elephant machine, door-keeper machine, flyingmachine, etc.-are mere products of the poet's imagination, and suggests that they may once have existed, but have fallen into disuse owing to their costliness or intricacy. His arguments on this point do not strike one as overwhelmingly sound; but otherwise the work performed by the editor on the original is doubtless worthy of his scholarly reputation. S. M. EDWARDES. MEMOIRS OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL ; vol. IX, No. 1, pp. 1-26, and vol. X, No. 1, pp. 1-32. Calcutta 1925. The first of the two publications mentioned above, entitled " The Geography of the Andaman Sea Basin," forms Part I of the main subject of " Geographic and Oceanographic Research in Indian Waters," by R. B. Seymour Sewell, M.A., I.M.S., Director of the Zoological Survey of India. The Andaman Sea, which is here described, is the name of the part of the Indian Ooean which lies between the Burmese coast and the Malay Peninsula on one side, and between the chain of the Andaman and Nicobar Islands and Sumatra on the other and the author, after a survey of existing facts and data, arrives at the conclusion that this sea-basin was first formed at the beginning of the Tertiary Epoch, when the great Alpine-Himalayan system began to rise. Though at first shallow, this basin underwent subsidence at the close of the same epoch, and this process continued at intervals as late as the Pleistocene period, thus incidentally giving rise to the shallow channel which we to-day call The Straits of Malacca. The paper is of interest, as dealing with an area that has long been known to geologists as specially rich in both shallow and deep water fauna. The second Memoir is entitled "The Santals and Disease" and formg the first part of "Studies in Santal Medicine and Connected Folklore," by the Revd. P. O. Bodding. It describes the general attitude of the Santals to life and death, their beliefs in the origin of disease, the qualities of the bongas or supernatural influences which they recognise, their medicine-men and ojhas, their methods of divination, their witch-finding. And & variety of other matters concerned with the onget and progress of disease and the Santal method of combating it. The paper is full of carefully garnered information and represents the fruits of a prolonged and intensive study of the habits and ideas of one of the most numerous and most primitive of Indian forest tribes. Anthropologists and folk. loristo alilo will find Mr. Bodding's memoir of great value. 8. M. EDWARDES. ANNUAL REPORT, WATSON MUSEUM OF ANTIQUITIES, RAJKOT, 1926. Rajkot, Kathiawar. There is little of special interest mentioned in this annual report. In a well at Gopanatha an inscription was discovered, recording that the well was built by a Dakshini Maharashtra Brahmachari at a date long before the Marathas had any political

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ MARCH, 1927 NOTES AND QUERIES. THE BIRTH PLACE OF THE PHYSICIAN | Bhrgupura, named after the Hindu sage Bhrgu. It SUSHENA. would perhaps be interesting to learn the legendary On the 9th February 1913 I visited a village named account given by the Buddhiste of the origin of this Chandkuri 16 miles east of Raipur, the headquarters city. The following information is contained in the of a District of the same name in the Central Pro- Divyavaddna in the story of RudrayaDa (Cowell vinoes. While going over the old ruins, the villagers and Neil : XXXVII, p. 544 et seq.). pointed out to me some stones which they worship- King Rudrayana's capital was Roruka. His. ped as Baid Sukhena on an island in the centre of a queen was Candraprabha, his heir, Kumara Sikhtank known as Jalasena tarai. They told me that andi, and his ministers, Hiru and Bhiru. At not long ago people used to fetch a certain herb that time the king of Rajagrha was Bimbisara. growing on that island and administer it to a patient The merchants of Roruka used to trade with suffering from any disease, in the name of Sukhena, Rajagtha and those of Rajagrha with Roruka. and this was sufficient to cure him. All they knew Through them the two kings exchanged greetings about him was that he was a great physician, and and presents. King Bimbisara sent his friend a that is why he has been deified and their village is portrait of the Buddha. Afterwards the thera known 88 Baid Chandkhuri, to distinguish it from MahAkatyayana and bhikouni Saila arrived at other villages of the same name. Roruka to preach religion to the king and the Can it be that this Sukhena is identical with inmates of the harem. Queen. Candraprabha Sushena mentioned in the Ramayana as physician was converted by Saila, and she died seven days of Sugriva ? Kishkindha, where Sugriva lived later. The king also left his kingdom, came to has been recently located somewhere near Matin Rajagrha and turned an andgari (homeless bhiksu). Zamindari in the Bilaspur District, which is about Kumara Sikhandi became king and at first listened & hundred miles north of Chandkhuri. Chandkhuri to the precepts of his father's ministers, Hiru and is considered to be a very old village and to have Bhiru. But he soon took to evil ways and turned been very wealthy in ancient times. That it was them out, and allowed himself to be guided by so is indicated by the remains of temples built in two evil counsellors. The merchants of Roruka, the Mediaeval Brahmanic style, one of which is who had gone to Rajagrha, informed bhiksu Rudristill standing and has the figure of Mahalakshmi yana of this, and the latter proposed to proceed to at the door. On the jambs are depicted the Roruka to wean his son from his evil life. The evil Ganga and Yamund on their respective vdhanas, ministers advised the new king to intercept Rudrathe makara and tortoise. There is also a much yans and even to murder him, which was done. worn inscription here, the characters whereof At another time sikhandi incited his subjects to appear to belong to about the eighth or ninth throw dust on Mahakatyayana till he was buried in century A.D. Tradition has it that there were 120 it. But nemesis was not long in coming. For this tanks, of which 22 still remain, and their Sanskritic gratuitous insult to the monk the city of Roruka names such as Sagara, Jalasena (Jaladayana) 1 etc. was to be buried in dust on the seventh day. The appear to indicate the occupation of that place by monk had warned the two faithful ministers of the Aryan colonists. impending retribution. They fled the city on the Sushepa appears to have been a very popular sixth day, when jewels rained from the heavens. name as no less than 18 individuals are mentioned The new city founded by Hiru was called Hiruka ; in Wilson's Dictionary as bearing that name, taken that founded by Bhiru was called Bhiruka and also from various Semalarit works like the Mahabharata, Bhirukaccha. Ramdyana, Bhdgayatd, Harivanda, Vasavadatta, The following passage occurs on p. 576 of the Vajasaneyasamhita, Vayupurdno, Kathd-saritadgara, Divyavadana : Raghuvama, and Harshacharita. "..tatra Hirukendnyatamasmin pradede Hirukam HIRA LAL. ndma nagaram mapitain tasya. Hirukam Hirukam iti samnid samurud Bhirukendnyatamasmin pradeda BHARUKACHCHA. Bhirukam nama nagaram mapitam | tasydpi Bhiru In "Ancient Towns and Cities in Gujarat and kaccham Bhirukaccham iti samjad samorta" Kathiawad," an account has been given of Bharu Dust rained on the seventh day and buried the kecoha (1.A., Sep. 1925). It is Bhrgukpetra orcity of Roruka KALIPADA MITRA. 1 This tank is exactly like what are known as Teppa Kulame in the south, containing a temple in the middle, to which the idols of gods on certain occasions are taken for water-pleasure. The Jaladayana (lying-in-the water) apparently derives its name from this practice. There used to be a temple said to be dedicated to Kausalya, and it would thus appear that it was. probably Rama's idol that was taken for Jalasayana there.

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APRIL, 1927) VEDIC STUDIES VEDIC STUDIES. By A. VENKATASUBBIAH, M.A., Ph.D. (Continued from page 38.) 2. sunam. Amongst the words nitya, sva, nija, priya, edma, and jushta that have been mentioned in the preceding article as signifying both (1) own, sviya, and (2) dear, pleasing, etc., priya, should be included the word ouna also. This word is enumerated by the author of the Nighantu amongst the synonyms of sukha, happiness; and this meaning sukha or the derived meaning sukhakara is repeated by Sayana in the course of his commentary on all the RV. passages where the word occurs. In 3, 30, 22, however, he has in addition explained bunam as sinam utadhena praorddham, thus connecting the word with the verb su or Svay, 'to swell.' This derivation is given in the PW by Roth who explains the word as ' (adv.) glucklich, mit Erfolg, zum Gedeihen ; (n.) Erfolg, Gedeihen and by Grassmann who explaing it as '(1) Wachsthum, Gedeihen ; (2) Gedeihen, Woblergehen, Gluck, Segen ; (3) (adv.) zum Gedeihen, zum Wohlergehen, zum Segen.' Geldner, on the other hand, has suggested (RV. Glossar.) that the word is related to fivam, and has explained it as Heil, zum Heil (svastaye).' And this suggestion seems to have found favour with Hillebrandt who has translated sunam as 'zum Heil'in Lieder des Rgveda, p. 106. Later, however, Geldner himself has translated (RV. Ubersetzung) the word in this passage by gedeihlich, zum Gedeihen ' and in 3, 30, 22 by 'mit Erfolg'and seems therefore to have abandoned his suggestion and gone back to the meanings proposed by Roth. None of the above-mentioned meanings, however, suits the context in a passage of the Maitr. Sam. (1,4, 11 ; p. 60, 1. 3f.) which reads as follows: na vai tad vidma yadi brahmand vd smo 'brahmana vd | yadi tasya va rsheh smo 'nyasya od yasya brumahe yasya ha tv eva bruvano yajate tam tad ishtam agacchati nelaram upanamati | tat pratare pravaryamane bruyat devah pitarah pitaro deva yo'smi sa san yaje yo 'ami sa san karomi tunam ma ishtam sunam santam sunam kytam bhuyat iti tad ya eva kasca sa san yajate tam tad ishtam agacchati netaram upanamati | The mantra devdh pitarah..... occurring in this passage is found in the Ait. Br.. Tait. Br., and Kathaka-namhita also, but in a slightly different form, namely, as devd pitarah pitaro deva yo 'smi sa san yaje yasydomi na tam antar emi svam ma ishtam suam dattam svam purtam svam srantam svam hutam in Tait. Br. 3, 7, 5, 4 and Ap. Sr. Sutra 4, 9, 6 and as devih pitarah pitaro devd yo 'smi sa san yaje tad vah prabravimi tasya me vitta avam ma ishtam astu tunam santam svam lortam in KS. 4, 14. The word bunam in the MS. reading of the mantra is thus parallel to the word svam in the TB. reading of it, and is obviously equivalent to it. The above passage from the MS. therefore means: "We do not know whether we are Brahmanas or not Brahmanas, whether we are (the descendants) of the shi whom we name or of another. But (the fruit of) the sacrifice goes to (the descendant of) him who is named and to no other. Therefore when the lineage (pravara) is being proclaimed (?), he should recite: 'O Gods, O Fathers, O Fathers, O Gods, it is I, whoever I may be (that is, whosesoever descendant I may be), that sacrifice; it is I, whoever I may be, that perform. Let (this) sacrifice of mine be (my) own, (this) work (my) own, (this) act (my) own. In this way, whoever he be who sacrifices, (the fruit of) the sacrifice goes to him and to no other." Similarly, it is equally obvious that ounam=sram (with which it is parallelly used) in the KS. reading of the mantra : devah pitarah pitaro devu yo 'smi sa san yaje tad vah prabravimi tasya me vitta spam ma ishtam astu tunam santam suam krtam: "O Gods, O Fathers, O Fathers, O Gods, it is I, whoc vor I way be, that sacrifice; this I declare unto you; bear witness to this

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY APRIL, 1921 = on my behalf. Let (this) sacrifice be (my) own, (this) performance (my) own, (this) work (my) own." On the other hand, this meaning svam, own,' is unsuited to the word sunam in the passages of the RV. and other texts where the word occurs. And I therefore infer, from the analogy of the words priya, vama and jushta or nitya, sva and nija, that mean both 'dear' and own,' that funa, too, has these two meanings, and that it has, in the passages referred to, the meaning priya, 'dear, pleasing, agreeable.' This meaning priya, as I shall now show, suits the context well and yields good sense in these passages. Sankh. GS. 2, 10, 6: agnih sraddham ca medham cd 'vinipatam smrtim ca me llito jataveda ayam sunam nah samprayacchatu | "May Agni bestow faith and intelligence, not falling off (unforgetfulness ?) and memory on me. May this Agni Jata vedas, praised (by us) Lostow pleasing things on us." Compare the similar use of priya and vama in T'S., 4, 7, 3, 1: priyam ca me 'nukamasca me .... (yajnena kalpantam), RV. 4, 30, 24 : vam am-vamam la adure devo dadatv aryama' | vamam pusha vamam bhago vamam devak karulati ; 10, 56, 2: vamam asmabhyam dha'tu barma tubhyam. RV. Khila 10, 128, 4: sunam aham hiranyasya pitur nameva jagrabha tena mam suryatvacam akaram purushu priyam "I have invoked the dear name of hiranya (gold) that is as dear as that of the father. T have therewith made myself sun-skinned (i.e., bright as the sun to look at) and pleasing to meny." Compare 7, 56, 10: priyd' vo na'ma huve tura' nam; 10, 84,5: priyam te nd'ma sahure grnimasi where the epithet priya is applied to naman. Compare also, with regard to the invoking of the father, 2, 10,1: joha' tro agnih prathamah piteva ; 8, 21, 14: a'd it piteva huyase; 6, 52, 6: agna susamsah suhavah piteva; 1, 104, 9: piteva nah bynuhi huyamanah; 10, 39, 1: pitur nand'ma suhavam havdmahe, etc. 10, 160, 5 : afvdyanto gavyanto vajayanto havamahe tvopagantavd'rt abhu'shantas te sumatai navdyam vayam indra tvd bunam huvema l "Desiring horses, cows, and riches, we call on thee to come here. Desiring to be in thy new (i.e., latest) favour, O Indra, we invoke thee that art dear." Compare the verses 8, 98, 4: Indra no gadhi priyah and 1, 142, 4: indram citram iha priyam where the epithet priya is applied to Indra. 3, 30, 22: bunum hutema maghuvanam indram asmin bhare nr'tamam va'jasdlau Snuantam ugram utaye samalsu ghnantam vrtra'ni samjitam dhandnam "We invoke in this battle, in the winning of booty, dear Indra, liberal, most valiant, fierce, who hears (our cries) for protection, kills enemies in fights, and is the winner of wealth." 6, 16, 4: tod'm ile adha dvita' bharato vajibhih sunam ije gajneshu yajfiyam || "Bharata again, also, with the sacrificers has praised thee (sc. Agni) that art dear; he has offered worship to thee that art worthy of worship in sacrifices." Compare 1, 128, 8: agnim hstdram tate vasudhitim priyam cetishtham; 1, 128, 7: agnir yajioshu jenyo na viapatih priyo yajitasku vispatih and the other passages referred to on p. 202 in vol. LV above where Agni is called priya, purupriya, preshtha, etc. 10, 126, 7: bunum asmabhyam ituye vuruno mitro aryamd' 1

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VEDIC STUDIES APRIL, 1927 1 . 63 sarma yacchantu sapratha aditya'so yad i'mahe ati doishah || "May the Adityas Varuna, Mitra and Aryama grant us for our protection (their) dear wideextended shelter which we pray for (and carry us) across enemies." Compare 10, 126, 4: yushma' kam sarmani priye sya' ma ; 7, 95, 5: tuva surman privitame didhand upa Stheyama saranam nu urksham in which the epithet priya is applied to sarman. 1, 117, 18: Gunam andha' ya bhuram ahvayat sd" urki'r afvind urshand nareti ! jarah kani'na ina cakshadana rira' buah batam ekam ca mesha'n || "(May) that which is pleasing (i.e., favourable) (happen) to the blind man, Oye bulls, valiant Asvins,' cried the she-wolf, like a youthful lover has Rjrasva cut up a hundred and one goats.'" Maitr. Sam., 2, 7, 12: sunam nato langalendnadudbhir bhagah phalaih sirapatir marudbhih parjanyo bijam irayano dhinotu Sunasira krnutam dhanyam nah | "May the men (give) pleasure with the plough and oxen; may Bhaga with the ploughshares and the lord of the plough with the Maruts (give) pleasure. May Parjanya, impelling the seed (to sprout and grow) delight us ; may Suna and Sira confer grain on us." One has to supply the word lornotu, dadatu or similar word after bunam in the first half-verse. Note the parallelism of dhinotu in the second half-verse with funam (krnotu or dadatu) in the second. Kausika-stra, 40, 54 : funam vada dakshinatah sunam uttarato vada funam purastan no vada tunam pascat kapinjala I "Say what is pleasing to the right, say what is pleasing to the north ; say what is pleasing in front; say, O partridge, what is pleasing behind." That is to say, whether you cry to our right or to our left, in front of us or behind us, O partridge, may such cry portend and bring to us what is pleasing or favourable. RV., 4, 57, 8: funam nah pha'la vi krshantu bhu'mim Sundm kind'ed abhi yantu vahaih Sunam parjanyo madhuna payobhih sundsind funam asmd' su dhattam ! "May our ploughshares plough the land pleasingly; may the ploughers proceed pleasingly with the draught-animals. May Parjanya with waters and honey do us favour; may Suna and Sira confer pleasing things (favours) on us." The word tunam in the first half-verse is used adverbially and denotes ' pleasingly; in a pleasing manner; well,' while in the second half-verse, it is a substantive as in the above passages. In the third pada one has to supply & word like fornotu or dadhatu on the analogy of the fourth pada. Compare also 4, 2, 8: priyam od tod korn avate havishman and the phrase ranam dhah and ranam lordhi in 8, 96, 16: vibhumadbhyo bhuvanebhyo ranam dhah and 10, 112, 10: ranam lordhi randkyt satyafushma. 4, 57, 4: funam odha'h funam narah funam krahatu la'ngalam funam varatrd' badhyantam eunam ashfram ud ingaya || "Pleasingly (i.e., well) may the draught-animals, the men, (and) the plough plough; may the straps be tied well; well may the goad be applied (i.e., may the ploughing of the draught-animals, men and the plough, the tying of the straps, and the application of the goad, all bring pleasing results to us),"

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64 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (APRIL, 1927 10, 102, 8: sunam ashtravy acarat kapardi varatra'yam dd'rva nahyamanah nrmnd'ni kornvan bahave jandya ga'k paspasdnas tavishir adhatta | "Being goaded, he (i.e., the bull), who was wearing cowries and who was hitched in the strap (i.e., harness) with the wood, moved pleasingly (i.e., well). Performing valiant deeds before many people, he put on mettle when he saw the bulls." The hymn to which this verse belongs has been much discussed by the exegetists and been interpreted in many ways; for literature connected with it, see Oldenberg, RV. Nolen II, p. 318 and also my article on Indrasena in vol. XLVII, ante, pp. 280 ff. I agree with Oldenberg (1.c.) that the hymn neither concerns a 'drame qui se joue au ciel et sur terre durant l'orage' (Bergaigne) nor reveals the methode de la devinette primitive' (Henry), but that (as believed by Geldner, Ved. Studien 2), it deals with the story of a Brahmana couple and a chariot-race. The subject of acarat in pada a above is the bull, vyshabha, that is mentioned in the previous verse as running-aramhata padyabhih kakud man. And hence I interpret kapardi as wearing cowries' instead of as 'wearing a braid, zottig' (Roth, Geldner, Oldenberg, etc.) as this latter epithet is unintelligible to me in connection with & bull. The custom, on the other hand, of ornamenting bulls and oxen with strings of cowries fastened round the neck is fairly wide-spread in India, and I concieve that this must have been the case with Mudgala's bull also. Diru in the second para refers, of course, to the drughana or block of wood mentioned in the next verse. It bas been suggested by Oldenberg (1.c.), perhaps with a view to get over the difficulty caused by the word kapardi (which he interprets as 'wearing a braid, zottig'), that the subject of acarat is not the bull but Mudgala. This does not seem to be correct; for I believe with Geldner that Mudgala was too old to take part in a chariot-race and that the chariot was in fact ridden by Indrasena with Kesini as charioteer (see my article in vol. XLVII, ante, referred to above). 4, 3, 11: rtenu'drim vy asan bhvid intah Rim angiraso navanta gibhih kunam nurah puri shadann nsha' sam avih sudr abhavaj jate agnau! "Properly did they burst open the rock, shattering it. The Angirases lowed with the cows. Pleasingly (i.c., with pleasing results; well) did the men worship the Dawn; the sun made himself manifest when Agni was born." The explanation of parishadan as 'umlagerten' by Roth, Grassmann and Geldner (RV. Ubersetzung) seems to me to be hardly satisfactory; and I prefer to follow Bhatta-Bhaskara who has para phrased parishadyam in TB. 3, 1, 2,9 as parita upasyam (cf. also Mahidhara on V S. 5, 32) and regard parishadan here as equivalent to paryupasamcakrire. Compare 7, 76, 6: prati tva stomair ilate visishtha usharbudhah subhage tushtuva' nisah guvam netri' va'japatni na ucchEshah sujate prathama' jarasva ; 7. 78, 2: prati shfon agnir jarate s imiddhah pruti vi praso matibhir grintah usha' yati jyclisha bi' dhamana visva tumdensi durita'pa devi'; 7, 80, 1: pruti stimebhit ush i sam vasishtha girbhir viprasah prathamd' abudhran. The expression the men worshipped the Dawn 'indicates that the Dawn showed herself at that time when Agni was born, that is, was kindled before daybreak. The kindling of Agni, the coming of the Dawn and the rising of the sun are referred to in other verses also of the RV, for instance, in 7, 72, 4: vi ced ucchinty a vind usha' sah pra vam brahmani kar uvo bharanle ardhvam bhanun savita' devu asred bh id agniyal samidha jarante; 7, 77, 1-3: upo ruruce yuvalir ni yoshd visvam jivim prasuvinti cura'yai lubhud agnih samihe ma'nushanam akar jyotir bri' dhamana timamsi || visvam pratici' sapratha ud asthad rusad va' so bibhrati bukram

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APRIL, 1927) VEDIO STUDIES dotait | iran vatarna study's kasumdrg gutam mata Metry 6mm arocs || deod' nam cakehun subhaga vahanti svetam nayanti sudr' sikam afram usha' adarsi ; 7, 78, 2-3: prati shim agnir jarate 8amiddhah prati vipraso malibhir grnantah|usha' yati jyotisha ba'dhamana visva timansi durita' pa devi' || eta' u tyd'h prity adroran purustaj jyotir yacchantir ush/so vibhati'h aj janan su'ryam yajnam agnim apdci' nam tamo agad ajushtam : 1, 113, 9; usho yad agnim samidhe cakurtha vi yad a'vas cakshasd su'ryasya. But while these passages represent Agni as showing himself (as being born) after the Dawn, the verse 4, 3, 11 makes out that Ayni was born first and the Dawn afterwards; compare also 7, 9, 3: citrabhanur ushisam bhaty igre. AV. 3, 15, 4: ima'm agne saranim mimreho no yum udhvanam agama duram iunam no astu prapano vikrayas ca pratipanch phalinam ma krnotu ! idam havyam samvidd nau jushetham sunim no astu caritam utthitam call Sprinkle, O Agni, this our path, this road which we have followed from a distance. May our bargain and sale be pleasing (i.e., turn out favourable); may the barter make me abounding in fruit (i.e., may the barter be fruitful to me). Do ye two enjoy this oblation in concord. May our transaction and trading be pleasing (i.e., favourable)." Sarani-road, path, and not himed, offence or Verdruss ; see Apte. Accordingly I take the verb mrsh in the sense of 'to sprinkle,' a meaning which the author of the Dhatupatha assigns to it, but of its use in which no example has been up to now met with. The expression sprinkle this our path' means probably make our path smooth and easy to travel '; compare the expressions tanunapat pathartasya ya'nan madhvd samanjan svadaya sujihua in RV.10,110,2; a' no dadhikrd'h pathu'm anaktu in 7, 44,5; and madhuddya devo devebhyo devayanan patho anaktu in TB. 3, 6, 2, 1. RV. 7, 70, 1: a visvavard 'svind gatam nah pri tat stha' nam avaci vam prthivya'm svo ni vaji' sunu prshtho asthad 'yal sedathur dhruvase na yonim | " Come, 0 ye Asvins that have all desirable things; this your place in the earth has been praised. Like a powerful horse, it stood up with pleasing (i.e., pleasure-giving ; comfortable) back on which you sat as if settling permanently in a house." Sunaprshthah=priyaprshthah or vitaprahthak which is used many times in the RV. as an epithet of asva, atya, hari, etc.; see Grassmann 8.v. This word does not signify schlichten Rucken habend' (Roth in PW.) or, dessen Rucken eben ist' (Grassmann) but means 'having a pleasing (i.e., comfortable) back'; compare the word sushadah'easy or comfortable to sit upon that is used as an epithet of arvan in vs. 11, 44: dsur bhava vajy arvan prthur bhava sushadas tvam. Compare also sagmdso asvah in RV.7, 97, 6: tim sagma' so arushd' 80 asvd br' haspatim sahavd' ho vahanti and eagma hari in 8, 2, 27: eha hari brahmayujd eagma' vakshathah 8akhayam. . This word bagma too has been wrongly understood and explained by Roth and other exegetists. It does not mean "hilfreich, mittheilsam, entgegenkommend, gutig' as explained by Roth (PW), or vermogend, stark, kraftig' as explained by Grassmann, or lakta as alternatively explained by Siyana in 7, 97, 6, but sukha or sukhakara as explained by the author of the Nighantu and by Sayana himself in 7, 97, 6 and other passages. Sa mail payubhih (in), 130, 10; 1, 143, 8) means by happinesf-conferring protections and is the equivalent of ajasrain payubhik, airedhadbhih payubhih, adabdhebhin payubhin or arishxebhih pdyubhih ( for references see Grassmann, s.v. payu ; compare mayobhar utih in 1, 117, 19; and 1, 94, 9): fagmo rathah (6, 74, 8 ) moans a 'chariot that gives happiness or comfort; & comfortable chariot' and is the equivalent of sukho rathah (for references, see Grass. s.v. sukha); fagmd harf and lagmaso ahah in the above-mentioned passages mean horses that carry one comfortably: bagmasah putra aditeh (7, 60, 5) is equivalent to dambhuvah adityal in 1, 106, 2 and means the happiness-conferring Adityas': and dagma vajal in 10, 31, 5 meang happiness-ccnferring riches. Similarly, sagma has the meaning of happiness conferring in the three other verses where it occurs as an epithet of Indra and the Soma juice (6, 44, 2), of vdk or speech (5, 43, 11) and of samsad or company (7, 84, 3).

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66 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [APRIL, 1927 2, 18, 6: d'eity' navatya' yahy arva'n a satena haribhir uhyamanah | ayam hi te sunahotreshu soma indra tvaya' parishikto midaya || "Come here drawn by eighty, by ninety, by hundred horses. This Soma-juice, O Indra, has been poured out for thee, for thy pleasure, by (the priests) who have pleasure in sacrifices." 2, 41, 14: tiro vo madhuman ayam sunahotreshu matsaruh etam pibata ka'myam || "For you is this exhilarating, sweet, and sharp (Soma-juice) with the (priests) who have pleasure in sacrifices; drink this beloved (drink)." 2, 41, 17: tve viova sarasvati erita' yumshi devya'm sunahotreshu matsva praja'm devi dididdhi nah || 'On thee, O goddess Sarasvati, depends all longevity. Delight thou with (the priests) who have pleasure in sacrifices; confer children on us." The exegetists have explained the word sunahotreshu in all the above three verses' as a proper noun (Sayana does so in 2, 41, 14 and 2, 41, 17 only; in 2, 18, 6 he interprets sunahotreshu as sukhena huyate somo yebhir iti sunahotrah patraviseshah) an explanation for which there does not seem to be any necessity. For, just as the word sunaprshtha is equivalent to vitaprshtha, in the same way does the word bunahotra (sunam hotrayam yasya) seem to be equivalent to the word vitihotra (vitih hotrayam yasya) he who has pleasure in sacrifices,' i.e., he who takes delight in offering sacrifices to the gods,' which occurs in 1, 84, 18: ko mamsate vitihotrah sudevah and 2, 38, 1: atha bhajad vitihotram svastau with the signification of priest. This meaning, 'priest' suits bunahotra also in the above verses, and there is thus no necessity to regard it as a proper name. " The word suna occurs further in the compound ducchund which means 'unpleasantness,' vipriya or duhkha, and in the denominative verb ducchundy, formed from the above, meaning 'to cause unpleasantness or discomfort.' The word buna that forms part of abhieunatara in T.Br. 1, 7, 1, 6: tau samalabhetam | so 'smad abhieunataro 'bhavat means, as explained by the commentator Bhatta-Bhaskara, balena abhivrddhah and is clearly derived from the root si, svay to swell.' It is thus quite a different word and unconnected with suna meaning 'dear; own.' Suna thus signifies originally, as I hope is clear from the foregoing, priya, ' dear, agreeable,' etc., and secondarily, sviya or 'own'. The meaning sukha assigned to it by the author of the Nighantu seems to be but an approximate equivalent of the original priya, and, like all approximations, not quite accurate. (To be continued.) 7 The word unahotra does not occur elsewhere.

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APRIL, 1927] BRAHMA-VIDYA AND SUFISM BRAHMA-VIDYA AND SUFISM. BY UMESH CHANDRA BHATTACHARJEE. (Continued from page 56.) In myths and legends and also in practices, a good deal in Sufism is considered to be only a copy of similar things in Buddhism. "Besides these legendary and practical indi. cations, we find an affinity between Sufism and the fundamental thoughts and the lessons of Buddhism. The tone of mind, and the spiritual tendency of Sufism seem as if the Buddhistic way of thinking had been transferred into the frame of Islam and adapted to it." (JRAS., 1904, p. 135). Nicholson seems to think that in the beginning Sufism was not indebted to any external influence (JRAS., 1906, p. 305). Yet even he concedes that, in its later development -specially in the development of the conception of fand, Sufism was indebted to Buddhism (ib., p. 330). Wo should not forget that this doctrine of fand or self-annihilation has an apt parallel in the Vedantic conception of the merging of the individual into the infinite self. But so far as the idea is present in Sufism, it is more usually traced to Buddhism than to Hinduism. So far, therefore, as admissions go, and so far as admissions are a part of proof, not much is found in favour of Bralimavidyd. Sufism's indebtedness to Vedantism is vaguely hinted ; but what is proved or admitted as proved, is a contact of Sufism with Buddhism. It is obvious that contact with Buddhism cannot be taken as evidence of borrowing from Vedantism ; yet this is just what we have to examinc. Direct contact with Vedantism was not inherently impossible for Sufism ; rather, we may suspect on historical grounds that it had taken place. And the grounds are not materially different from those in the case of Buddhism. But this possibility of contact with Vedantism has not been sufficiently stressed, and is not even admitted by all. And naturally, it has not been explored to the same extent as the possible relation of Sufism with Buddhism. With regard to other systems of Hindu philosophy, such as the Yoga, even the suggestion of a possible relation of Sufism with them, is rarely made. We see, therefore, that, with regard to the nature and extent of the indebtedness of Sufism to foreign influences, scholars are more generally inclined to admit borrowing from Buddhism than from Vedantism. The possibility of borrowing from the Yoga is noticed by very few, of whom Al-Beruni, however, is one. The similarity between Vedantism and Sufism in some important respects has been always admitted. Von Kremer quotes from the Vedanta-sara to establish the fact that there are parallel lines of thought and practice in Sufism and Vedantism. But as we have pointed out before and as Nicholson justly remarks (JRAS., 1906, p. 315), "the question whether Sufism is derived from the Vedanta cannot be settled except on historical grounds, i.e., (1) by an examination of the influence which was being exerted by Indian upon Muhammadan thought at the time when Sufism arose ; and (2) by considering how far the ascertained facts. relating to the evolution of Sufism accord with the hypothesis of its Indian origin". Nichol. son is of opinion that a chronological study of the evidence will not prove this hypothesis ; nor will it prove the alternative form of Aryan reaction theory, namely, that Sufism is essentially a product of the Persian mind ". * It seems to me", he says again, (ib., p. 305) " that this type of mysticism was-or at least might have been the native product of Islam itself, and that it was an almost necessary consequence of the Muhammadan conception of Allah, a conception which could not possibly satisfy the spiritually-minded Moslem". In his Literary llistory of the Arabs (p. 384), Nicholson scems to modify this view somowhat, and is prepared to admit that all the theories about the origin of Sufism contain a measure of truth'. Now, Vedantism is one of the supposed sources of Sufism (vide Browne, Literary Hislory of Persia, p. 418). Nicholson is obviously moro favourably inclined to it now than before (JRAS., 1906). But he does not appear to have discovered any new proof.

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89 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [APRIL, 1927 Nicholson's attitude in this matter is rather hesitating and indefinite. In the first place, he is inclined to hold that Sufism had an independent origin within Islam; but at the same time, he is not blind to the possibility of foreign influence. There, however, he warns us that if Sufism had a foreign origin, it must be "sought in Neo-Platonism and Gnosticism", rather than in any Indian system. It may be that Neo-Platonism and Gnosticism were, in their turn, influenced by Indian thought; "but this is a large question which has not been, and perhaps never can be, definitely settled". (JRAS., 1906, p. 320.) On the other hand, apart from this possible indirect influence, he is willing even to admit direct influence of Indian thought on Sufism; but he would not admit that this was possible during the initial stages of Sufism. "The direct influence of Indian ideas on Sufism", he says, "though undeniably great, was posterior and secondary to the influence exerted by Greek and Syrian speculation" (JRAS., 1906, p. 320). So far we have seen that, though in its beginning Sufism is regarded as of independent origin, yet in its subsequent history the possibility of Vedantic influence is admitted in a general way. There is not much proof, but the hypothesis is not ruled out. Browne, however, is categorically against even such an hypothesis (Literary History of Persia, p. 419). He says: "Though in Sasanian times, notably in the sixth century of our era during the reign of Nushirwan, a certain exchange of ideas took place between Persia and India, no influence can be shown to have been exerted by the latter country on the former during Muhammadan times, till after the full development of the Sufi system, which was practically completed, when Al-Beruni.... wrote his famous memoir." Browne, therefore, is not only unwilling to trace the origin of Sufism to Indian thought, but he is not prepared even to admit Indian influence on the subsequent history of this branch of Islamic culture. On the whole, therefore, the idea of Vedantic influence on Sufism is not very favourably received by European scholars. (Cf. also, Margoliouth, Early Development of Muhammadanism, Lectures V and VI.) Similarity between the two systems is not denied; but to prove indebtedness either way, something more than mere resemblance is necessary. And this is exactly what is not found, so far as Vedantism is concerned. With regard to Buddhism, as we have already seen, opinion is more favourable. This is no doubt due to the fact that it was a living religion in the neighbourhood of Sufism even after the rise of Islam. As to Vedantism, it cannot be shown that it was being cultivated in that territory before and after the rise of Sufism; nor can it be shown that Sufism had any direct connection with it. Browne, therefore, is right in maintaining that no influence can be shown to have been exerted' by India on Sufism. But at the same time, it seems to be going too far not to allow even the possibility of such an influence. We cannot get over the fact of political and commercial intercourse between India and the west for a fairly long period, from pre-historic times up to a date posterior to the rise of Islam. And there is the fact of Indian colonies in western Asia. Even Browne admits that in the sixth century of our era' an exchange of ideas took place between Persia and India. And then again, we have the further fact that during the eighth-ninth century A.D., the court of Bagdad patronised Hindu learning. The ministerial family of Barmak "engaged Hindu scholars to come to Bagdad, made them the chief physicians of their hospitals, and ordered them to translate from Sanskrit into Arabic books on medicine, pharmacology, toxicology, philosophy, astrology, and other subjects. Still in later centuries Muslim scholars sometimes travelled for the same purposes as the emissaries of the Barmak." (Sachau; English Translation of Al-Beruni; Introduction, pp. xxxi-xxxii.) As to this family of Barmak, or the Barmakides, we are told that they came from a Buddhist temple (NavaBihara) in Balkh. The position then is this: In the sixth century, an exchange of ideas took place between Persia and India, even according to Browne; and in the eighth century, Hindus were expressly

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APRIL, 19271 BRAHMA-VIDYA AND SUFISM invited to the court of Bagdad and were commissioned to translate books from Sanskrit into Arabic, and these books included hooks on philosophy, too. Brahmavidyd, therefore, was not without a chance. We have no evidence, it seems, that this contact between India and the west was maintained during the seventh century also; but this was a period when Islam was busy consolidating itselt and, perhaps, had not much time to attend to outside realities. But if Hindu philosophical ideas had been travelling to the west up to the sixth century, and if they were again honourably received at court in the eighth century, is it likely that they were completely banished from the Islamic world in the seventh? Buddhism continued to live a vigorous life even after that; was Hinduism alone, if it had already been there, doomed to complete expulsion ? Thus there is no inherent improbability in the supposition of Vedantic influence on Sufism. The presence of Hindus at the very centre of Islam--at the court of the Khalifs at Bagdad, makes it rather probable. They wrote books on philosophy, we are told; but even if they had done nothing of the kind, they might still have left some influence behind. In modern times, almost every important seat of learning has foreign teachers; it cannot be said that they exert no influence, unless they leave behind some permanent and enduring record of their activity. The Hindus at Bagdad, however, did more solid work than merely holding conversations on diverse subjects: they wrote books. And it is not conceivable that books which were written under royal patronage in those days, were not read. It is unlikely, therefore, that Hindu ideas which were in existence in the western world in the sixth century A.D., all disappeared with the beginning of the seventh century; and it is difficult to imagine that the Hindus who went to the court of Bagdad on invitation, were men of so little worth that they could produce no impression at all. All this is true. But all these facts put together do not allow us to do more than hazard a guess that Vedantism may have exerted some direct influence on Sufism. It was just possible : but whether it became actual or not, is more than can be proved. The opportunities were there, but it cannot be shown that they were utilised. The hypothesis is not disproved that ideas of Brahmavidyd may have found a lodgement in those distant countries and in those far-off days. But the existence of floating ideas of Vedantism in those regions does not warrant us in ascribing the origin of Sufism to that system, any more than the presence of Vedantic missionaries in America, and even an acquaintance with their system of thought and belief on the part of William James, will warrart us in ascribing his philosophy to this source. To assert the indebtedness of one philosophical system to another, more direct evidence than mere resemblance and even acquaintance is necessary. We know that Kant was in. debted to Hume and we also know why. We know also that medieval European philosophy was indebted to Aristotle: the evidence there is so palpably direct. The debt of Avicenna and Averroes to Aristotle is also proved by evidence other than mere resemblance. Neo-Platonism is easily traced to Plato in spite of differences. But in spite of parallels that may easily be drawn between Plato and, say, the Bhagavadgita, it would be rash and extravagant to affirm that Plato borrowed straight from India. In the same way and for similar reasons, we cannot justifiably conclude that Sufism owed its origin to Vedantism or to any other system of Indian philosophy. The historical facts brought to light up to now make it just possible; but we can do no more than European scholars have done, namely, hint at this possibility and wait for more knowledge. A definite and final conclusion appears to be yet premature. The only people who could really help us in arriving at a satisfactory solution of this problem, are Muhammadan and Hindu writers on the subject. Von Kremer no doubt quotes two Muhammadan writers; but they are hopelessly modern, and are too near our own time to be of much use. A much earlier writer is Al Beruni, who wrote in the beginning of the eleventh

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70 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [APRIL, 1927 century A.D. His evidence deserves careful consideration in this connection. In his book on India he refers more than half-a-dozen times to Sufism (Sachau's Translation, vol. II, p. 431); and draws parallels between it on the one side and Greek, Christian and Hindu thought on the other. But nowhere does he suggest more than a mere similarity of thought. For instance, (op. cit., vol. I, p. 57), while discussing the doctrine of metem psychosis, he refers to Mani, Patanjali, Plato and Proclus, and says that the same doctrine is professed by some Sufis also. He does not suggest that there was borrowing in any way. And (vol. I, p. 62), he compares Samkhya with Sufism and notices a difference also between the two. Again, in discussing the conception of mokaa according to Patanjali, he compares it with Sufism and also says that "from these and similar views the doctrines of the Christians do not much differ" (vol. I, p. 69). Further on, (p. 83), he again refers to the idea of liberation or mokra, according to Samkhya and Patanjali and says that "similar views are also met with among the Sufi". All these similarities between Indian thought and Sufism attracted his attention. But at the same time, he notes that the Sufi in developing his theory, proceeds by an explanation of Koranic verses (cf. also, vol. I, p. 88; also compare Margoliouth, Early Development of Muhammadanism, Lect. V and VI). Al-Beruni appears to have been a careful student. If he had known that the Sufis were indebted to Indian philosophy, would he not have mentioned this fact? He does not refer to the possibility of Buddhist influence on Sufism either, which European scholars are more willing to admit; but that is perhaps due to the fact that he knew little about Buddhism (Sachau, op. cit., p. xlv). And " in the first half of the eleventh century, all traces of Buddhism in Central Asia, Khurasan, Afghanistan and North-Western India seem to have disappeared." (Ibid.) Al-Beruni's knowledge of Hindu philosophy, however, was more accurate and extensive. It is likely, therefore, that if Vedantic influence on Sufism could be traced at that time, he would have known it, and from his veracity as a historian, it seems fairly certain that had he known it, he would have said so. With regard to Mani, he has not omitted to tell us that "he went to India, learned metempsychosis from the Hindus, and transferred it into his own system" (op. cit., vol. I, p. 54). Of course, he had no partiality for Mani (cf. ch. XXVI). and so had no motive against exposing foreign influences on his doctrines. But he had shown no partiality for the Sufis either anywhere, and there was, therefore, no reason why he should not disclose the origin of their teachings, if he only knew it to be the Vedanta or any Indian system of thought. He has not been slow in acknowledging even the debt of purer Muslims to Indian thought. For instance, he has told us that the numerical signs which they use " are derived from the finest forms of the Hindu signs" (op. cit., vol. I, p. 174). He has also admitted (ch. XXXII) that Muslim authors followed the example of the Hindus in describing a certain duration of time, and that "the theory of Abu-Ma'shar that a deluge takes place at the conjunction of the planets" is derived from the lalpu-theory of the Visnu-Purana (vol. I, p. 325). If such an author only knew that Sufism owed its origin to Vedantism, would he have concealed this by no means insignificant fact? Al-Beruni has been careful to note a good many important parallels between Sufism and Indian thought; but he speaks of Samkhya and Patanjali and makes no mention of Vedanta. The points which he discusses in Sufism are just some of the points where Vedantism could have influenced it, if at all. The omission of any reference to Vedanta on his part, is significant; it seems to suggest that Vedantism was not as accessible to him as the other systems; i.e., it was farther away from north-west India to which the Moslems had access. If so, the hypothesis of Vedantic influence on Sufism becomes less probable. In Al-Beruni, then, we find two things. Although he compares Sufism with some of the Indian systems, he does not suggest that it was indebted to any of them in the way supposed

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APRIL, 1927] BRAHMA-VIDYA AND SUFISM 71 by some; and in the second place, he omits to refer to the Vedanta. Of course, he does not speak of the indebtedness of Sufism to Christianity or to Neo-Platonism either; and his omission to mention such indebtedness does not prove that it did not exist. In the same way, his omission of reference to the Vedanta or its influence on Sufism, does not necessarily prove that such a thing could not have taken place. But here we had an opportunity where proof of such an influence might have been found, and yet we have not found it. So, although a hypothesis is not yet ruled out, we cannot prove that Brahmavidyd or Vedantism exerted any direct influence upon Sufism. Our review of the problem would remain incomplete without at least a passing reference to Hindu sources. Unfortunately very little is to be found there. We may note that the period of the Abbaside Khalifs in Bagdad almost synchronised with the revival of Vedantism in southern India and the great impetus given to this culture by Sankaracaryya is well-known. An account of the many missionary activities of this great Vedantist has been preserved, though not unalloyed with myths, in Ananda-Giri's Sankara-Vijay and Vidyaranya's SankaraDigvijay. Mary men and many sects, we are told, were converted to Sankara's absolute monism; and quite a good number of places, also, did he and his disciples visit in search of conquests. But there is not the slightest hint of any communication between them and people outside the pale of Hinduism, except perhaps the reference to Eahlika or Balkh (Sankara-Digvijay, XV, 142).1 But even there it is the Buddhists again who were fought and conquered. We are no doubt told that there were in Bahlika also those who wanted to learn the great Bhasya of Sankara; but it is not ever hinted that they were other than his ordinary pupils or disciples. However that may be, it is, on the whole, extremely difficult to place much reliance on an account like this. The author is not endowed with the historical sense; and his accounts of Sankara's intellectual and physical exploits are so mixed up with myths and fables, that it is impossible to believe on the testimony of a writer like this that Sankara ever visited Balkh, or even that any of his remote disciples ever did so. One thing, however, seems certain: Balkh was known at the time, and known too as a seat of Buddhism. That Balkh was an important centre of Buddhism is proved by other evidence also. But whether Sankara or any one else ever carried Brahmavidyd to that stronghold of Buddhism, is more than can be proved by this author's testimony. There is another point: In a manuscript, the difference between Bahlika and Bahika is not much; but in latitude and longitude, it is certainly a considerable one. Therefore from this single mention of Bahlika, it is not even safe to suppose that Balkh was meant and not a country much nearer home, namely, Bahika in the Punjab. Besides, even if the conjecture is allowed that Brahmavidyd was carried up to Balkh, at the time of the Abbaside Khalifs, it is still a far cry from Balkh to Bagdad and the fountain. head of Sufism. The author of the Sankara-Digvijay, it seems, was aware of the existence of the Turks, if not also of the Musalmans; and he also knew the fact that the Turks killed cows (1, 10. Dhenus-Turuskair-iva, etc.). If he had any information about Vedantism spreading beyond the borders of India, beyond Balkh and Afghanistan,-if he had even ever heard of such a thing,-was it not natural with such an author to seize such an opportunity, and add to the list of his hero's achievements by narrating either a fact or a fable of the conversion of Musalmans to Vedantic monism? 1 Pratipadya tu Bahlikan mahargau vinayibhyah pravivrrvati svabhdayam avadann-asahisavah pravindh samaye kecid-atha-rhatabhidane, etc.

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72 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY APRIL, 1927 From the evidence of Ananda-Giri and Vidyaranya it appears that the activities of Sankara and his disciples were mainly directed against the Buddhists and other minor sests within the fold of Hinduism. Still that was the period of the most triumphant career of Brahmavidyd ; and it was not impossible for her influence to travel beyond the borders of India at that time. If Sufism was influenced by Brahmavidya, that was about the time when such influence may have been exerted. It is rather striking, therefore, that there is no reference to any such foreign conquest by Sankara and his disciples. Of course, there were possibly other Vedantists too in the land who could have achieved such conquests; and the absence of any mention does not necessarily disprove the possibility of such influence in other lands. But here again there was an opportunity where evidence of Vedantic influence on Sufism might be found ; yet we do not find it. Now, if all possible sources of positive proof fail us, what else can we do save cling to fond hypothesis ! The final conclusion to which we are led, therefore, is this : So far as Von Kremer is concerned, he makes an exaggerated claim on behalf of Vedantism, which has not been estab. lished ; and, as to whether Brahmavidya ever exerted any influence on Sufism, and if so, to what extent, no definite conclusion can be drawn, though certain historical circumstances were quite favourable for such influence. We may just suspect, as Dr. Margoliouth points out (op. cit., p. 199), that Sufism was influenced by Vedantism at some stage or other of its existence; but unfortunately we have not data enough to prove it. A MEDIAVAL JAINA IMAGE OF AJITANATHA-1053 A.D. BY N. C. MEHTA, I.C.S. The focus of Jaina glory scems to have shifted from South India northwards during mediaeval times. Jainism appears to have suffered an eclipse in the south after the sixth century A.D. as a result of the revival of Shaivite worship, the full force of which was felt about the ninth century A.D. Jainism reached its climax during the reign of Kumarapala (1142-73 A.D.), who was converted to the gospel of Mahavira Vardhamana by the greatest and the most versatilo of mediaeval scholars-Hemachandra Suri. Jainism may be said to have achieved its greatest triumphs in Western India under the Solanki rulers of Gujarat (960-1243 A.D.). The most notable monuments of this period are the Delvada temples; the celebrated Vimalavashihi temple, constructed in 1023 A.D. and named after its founder Vimalashaha, the Danda-Nayaka or Governor of Abu, and dedicated to Adinatha, the first Tirthamkara, and the Lunavashihi shrine dedicated to Neminatha-the twenty-second Tirthamkara and constructed by Tejapala in memory of his son Lunasinha in 1230 A.D. This was also the period of great literary activity, specimens of which are still preserved in the various Jaina bhandars or librarics,--at Patan, Jaisalmir and other places. The beautiful figure illustrated here was executed during the reign of Bhimadeva I (10231063 A.D.), the patron of Vimalashaha. The inscription engraved at the foot of the pedestal consists of three verses, the first in the metre Shardul Vikriditam, the second in Sragdhara, and the third in Arya, and runs as follows: pArA padapurIyagacchagaganoyotaka bhAsvAnabhUt sUriH sAgarasIma vizrutaguNaH zrIzAlibhadrAbhidhaH / tAcchaSyaH samajanyajJAnavRjinAsaMgaH satAmagraNIH sariH sarvaguNotkaraikavasatiH zrIpUrNabhadrAdvayaH // tasya zrIzAlibhadraprabhuralamakRtoccaiH padaMpuNyamUrtiH vidvaccUDAmaNe: svaMza si [zi] visa [za] dayazo byAnaze vasva vizvam / sthAne tasyApi sariH samanani bhuvane'nanyasAdhAraNAnAM lIlAgAraM guNAnAmanupama mahimA pUrNabhadAbhidhAnaH / / zrIzAlisarinijagurupuNyArthamidaM vidhApita tena / ajitajinabinamatulaM naMdatu raghusena jinabhu [bha] vane // saMvat 1110 caitra sudi 13

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Plate 1 The Indian Antiquary. A JAINA IMAGE OF AJITANATHA. N. C. MEHTA, I.C.S.

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APRIL, 1927] A MEDIAEVAL JAINA IMAGE OF AJITANATHA It may be thus translated : 1. "There was the saint by name Shalibhadra, the solitary sun among the stars of the monastic firmament of Tharapadra town, of learning as wide as the limits of the seas. His pupil was one by name Parnabhadra, free from ignorance and sin, the foremost amongst the virtuous, and the veritable abode of the climax of all good qualities. 2. "The fame, spotless like the moon, of this very learned man (literally, the crest-jewel among the learned) spread by itself throughout the whole world. When his master Shali. bhadra of godly appearance attained peace (lit. did honour to his high status, i.e. died), Purnabhadra even took his place in the world, of incomparable greatness, who enshrined within himself all the exceptional virtues unattainable by the ordinary run of men. 3. "May this incomparable statue of Ajita Jina set up by him in memory of his preceptor, the saint Shalibhadra, rejoice in the house of the Jaina Raghusena, 13th Chaitra Sudi Samvat 1110." Nothing is known about Shalibhadra or his distinguished pupil Parnabhadra, nor is there any information available as to how the image came to Ahmadabad from its original home in Tharapadra town. The image executed in 1053 A.D. measures 51 inches, or with the pedestal 63 inches in length. It is still worshipped in the Ajitanatha temple in Zaverivada at Ahmadabad ; and but for the inscription which is a part and parcel of the pedestal, one would hardly have credited the great antiquity of the figure, so polished and in such a perfect state of preservation is it to-day. The image must contain a large amount of gold, judging from the exceptionally bright and yellow lustre of the body. The characteristic emblem of the Tirtharkara the elephant-is missing. Unlike the bulk of Jaina statuary, this mediaeval statue is remarkable for its aesthetic qualities. The apostle is standing in the characteristic pose of a Jaina kevali-scil. one who has attained the Peace born of perfect knowledge and of absence of attachment to things mundane. The face is that of a young man strikingly handsome, with the various limbs beautifully modelled and of pleasing proportions. The loin cloth is attached to an elaborately carved girdle of fine design. The expression on the face is not one of contemplation, but of naivcte, of innocence, almost boyishness, with the eyes wide open. The ushnisha, the symbol of enlightenment, is just indicated, while the jewel of illumination is prominently shown on the forehead, as is also the shrivatsa mark on the chest. Every single anatomical detail is suppressed without in the least sacrificing the dominant quality of form. The image is fitted in a simple but effective frame, I am indebted to Muni Jinavijaya Ji for the following information Tharapadra is the modern village of Tharad about thirty miles from Deesa in the Palanpur Agency, It appears to have been an important town especially a notable Jaina centre in the eleventh and the twelfth centuries. The following verse given on pages 132-133 of the Fifth Report of Operations in Search of Sanskrit Manuscripts, by Prof. P. Peterson refers to both Shalibhadra and Purnabhadra. It should be noted that the Pornabhadra mentioned here is not the same as tho author of Panchdkhydnaka ( 1 ) written in 1198 A.D. thArApadrapurIyagacchanAlinIkhaMDekacaMDayutiH sUriH paMDitamUrdhamaMDanamaNi shriishaalibhdraabhidhH| AsIttasya vijeyatAmupagataH zrIpUrNabhadrAhayaH teSAM ziyalavena maMdamatinA vRttiH kRtayaM sphuTA / ekAdaza varSazatairnavA dhikatriMzakairyAte / vikramato'racayatimA mUriH zIlabhadrAkhyaH / sahasadvitayaM sAdhaM graMtho'yaM piMDito'khilaH / hAzivakSaralokapramANena sunishcit:|| The author of the above verse is one Shilabhadra Sori who wrow in Samvat 1130 (1082 A.D.). 3 See my note on I'wo Images from Bharatpur in Rupam, pp. 98-99, April, 1924,

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74 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [APRIL, 1927 with two figures standing on smaller pedestals and waving the whisks round the deity. It is possible that the figures may represent Shalibhadra and his pupil Purnabhadra.3 Ajitanatha is the second Tirthamkara, born like Rishabhadeva, the first Tirthamkara, and most of his successors in the royal house of Ikshvaku, to which the hero of the Ramayana also belongs. According to Hemachandra Suri, the greatest of the medieval Jain scholars, Ajitanatha was the son of Jitashatru and Vijayadevi and was born at Ajodhya on 8th day of the bright half of the month of Magha. It appears to have been a tradition of Jaina theology that Ajitanatha was a contemporary and a cousin of the mythical prince Sagara, just as Rishabhadeva is said to have been a contemporary of the sovereign Bharata. It is absolutely impossible to find out what kernel of truth such traditions possess, for they have been overlaid with an impossible amount of myth, legend and fairy tale. Hemachandra devotes a lengthy chapter of some 150 printed pages to the description of the life of the second Tirthamkara, which has little of interest, notwithstanding the enormous mass of verbiage and hyperbole. Jaina theology has not even the merit of originality or of imagination, for it usually borrows wholesale from the Hindu Purdnas and re-edits the material somewhat clumsily, changing of course the emphasis from the Brahmanical deities to the gods of its own pantheon.4 It would appear that the art of casting metallic images reached a high standard of sesthetic merit in medieval Gujarat, the traditions of which were somewhat different from those of the South-Indian artists. A very large number of good specimens representative of the mediaval school of Gujarat can still be seen, principally in the Jaina temples scattered throughout the length and breadth of Gujarat and Rajputana (the major portion of which formed a part of the old kingdom of Patan). The subject however needs to be systematically studied and surveyed in detail. It would seem that, unlike the development of graphic art, the course of Indian sculpture in Northern India continued to be even and produced works of great merit for many centuries after the death of Harshavardhana; and the plastic art of medieval India has nothing to lose by comparison with the great epoch of the Guptas.. FOLK-SONGS OF THE TULUVAS. BY B. A. SALETORE, B.A., L.T., M.R.A.S. (Continued from p. 17.) The following song is sung by the Mundala Holeyas of Udipi Taluk when they bury their dead: 5. Text. Le le le le le le la kode le le le, Le le le le le le la kode le le le, Aithumukhariye, le le le le le, Nala mara danna mudetta Aithumukharige, Mallavonji mudetta Aithumukhariye; Kela malla kattondena Aithumukhariye, Uruvada gramodu, Aithumukhariye. Andabanda maltonde, Aithumukhariye. Jatipolikeda, Aithumukhariye, Nitimaltondena, Aithumukhariye. Kankanadi niledada, Aithumukhariye, Kotaradanna mudetta, Aithumukharige, Ponnu malla tuvondena, Aithumukhariye. Radda kare sangaterena kudovonde, Aithumukhari, I am indebted to Mr. K. P. Modi of Ahmadabad for getting the image adequately photographed. 4 The details about Ajitanatha have been taken from.the dreary Mahakavya-Tri-Shashti-ShalakaPurusha Charitram, by Hemachandra Suri, canto 2, Gujarati translation, published by Jaina. Dharma Pracharak Sabha, Bhavnagar.

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APRIL, 1927] FOLK-SONGS OF THE TULUVAS Jatiniti maltondena Aithumukhariye. Kallmulla guddena Aithumukharige, Jatigala sangade, Aithumukhariye. Ullayaga mananaye Aithumukharige ; Jatigela kulludu Ullayaga untudu, Pande Aithumukhariye. Deverena buttibulega phovanden& Aithumukharige, Bhumiga beripadye, Aithumukhari; Akashogu puggena Aithumukhariye. Jatipolikena buddu Aithumukharige, Deverena chakariga, Aithumukhariye, Deveranda lettondera Aithumukharina; Devere kadekka Serondena Aithumukhariye. Le le le le le le la Aithumukhariye, Le le le le le le la Aithumukhariye. Translation. Le le le le le le la, Yesterday, le le le, Le le le le le le la, Yesterday, le le le, O Thou, Aithumukhari, Le le le le le, The shade of the good old tree is fit for Aithumukhari, Near the great tree is the place for Aithumukhari ; A great house he had built, Aithumukhari, In the grama of Urva, Aithumukhari. Beautiful he made it, and guarded it well, that Aithumukhari. In the interests of his caste, Aithumukhari, He did much justice, (that) Aithumukhari. In the settlement of Kankanadi, Aithumukhari, In one of its store-rooms, Aithumukhari, He saw his bride, did Aithumukhari. Two companions of his caste, he banded together, did Aithumukhari, To do justice in the interests of his caste, Aithumukhari. The hill with its stones and thorns, Aithumukhari, He did cultivate for his caste, Aithumukhari. He served his land-lord as a farmer and as a messenger, Aithumukhari. To the castemen, sitting ; to the land-lord, standing, Aithumukhari; (He) used to talk, Aithumukhari. (And now) He is gone to requite the compulsory labour of God, Aithumukhari; He has put his back to the earth, Aithumukhari; He has entered the Akasa, Aithumukhari. Leaving aside the welfare of his caste, Aithumukhari, He is gone to do the Service of God, Aithumukhari ; And God has called him, Aithumukhari; He has joined the side of God, Aithumukhari. Le le le le le le la, O ! Thou, Aithumukhari, Le le le le le La, ! Thou, Aithumukhari. The following is sung by the Mundala Holeyas of Udipi Taluk. 6. Text. Le le le le l& Nayeremaro, Le le le le la Nayeremaro, Tanunchelya, balenaye, Nayeremaruda,

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76 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ APRIL, 1927 Tanunchelya'balenaye, Nuyeremaruda. Tenakayi deshadugo, Nayeremaro, Tenakayideshadu puttiyena, Nayeremicro. Edurula jutundina, Nayeremaruda; Bale podu balamanaye, Nayeremaruda ; Mundogula muttilaganda, Nayeremaruda, Tegalega shirilaganda, Nayeremaruda, Le le le le la Nayeremaro, Le le le le la Nayeremaro. Madhyana porutuguya, Nayeremaro, Kerekala povendena, Nayeremaruda. Paleda korumbudiya, Nayeremaruda, Tareka maika miyyondena, Nayeremaruda; Tundu bhairasada, Nayeremaruda, Taremai orosondena, Nayeremaruda. Tarekudutu padondena, Nayeremaruda. Gandada korada pattada, Nayeremaruda. Kallagala taretondena, Nayeremaruda. Mundogula muttilaganda, Nayeremaro, Tigelega shirigandha, Nayeremaro. Dangagal ladda ganda, N&yeremaruda Gandanama tirondena Nayeremaruda, Madhyana bojanala, N&yeremaro, Tirondena, Nayeremaro, Le le le le la Nayeremara, Le le le le la Nayeremaruda. Translation. Le le le le la, Oh, the man of the Nayar caste ! Le le le le 18, Oh, the man of the Nayar caste ! He is a fine little child, He is a fine little child ! In the southern kingdom, In the southern kingdom was he born, Oh, the man of the Nayar caste ! He has worn his clothes crosswise. From a child he has grown into a man, Oh, the man of the Nayar caste He has got sandal-paste on his forehead, And on his arm, too, Oh, the young man of the Nayar caste ! Le le le le la, Oh, the man of the Nayar caste ! Le le le le le la, the man of the Nayar caste ! During afternoon time, He goes to the tank, the man of the Nayar caste. He has got an umbrella made of the dammer tree. He has taken a bath on his head and body; With a piece of upper-cloth, He has rubbed his head and body And he has flapped his hair, Oh, the young man of the Nayar caste! With a large slump of sandal-wood, He is rubbing (it) against a 'storie. Over his forehead, sandal paste, Over his neck, sandal paste, Over his arm, sandal paste, ...

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APRIL, 1927) FOLK-SONGS OF THE TULUVAS Has he finished smearing all the sectarian marks. And his mid-day meal, He has finished it, Oh, the young man of the Nayar caste ! Le le le le la, Oh, the man of the Nayar caste ! le le le le le, Oh, the man of the Nayar caste! (Note.Why the above song, which deals with a man of the Nayar caste of Malabar, should be popular with a section of the Holeyas seems strange. The significance of this song cannot easily be made out.) II. The Songs of the Pombadas. The following song is sung when the bride is bedecked with flowers and new clothes, before presentation to the bridegroom. 1. Text. Hari Narayana, Hari Narayana Swami, pado yedde yedde. Tudara yedde, tudara yedde Kudipu devere. Tudara Bali yedde, Bali yedde Kadro devere Bali. Ballanda ballanda pattere Swami sarpoda bila. Vonasuyedde vonasuyedde Polela devera sthalata. Padayedde padayedde Rama Swami smarane yedde smarane. Hari Narayana, Hari Narayana Swami, pada yedde yedde. Translation. The song of Hari Narayana is excellent. Illumination in the temple of Kudipi is excellent. The Bali in Kadri temple is excellent. The Lord held the tail of a snake, mistaking it for a rope. Dinners are excellent in the temple of Polali. That song in which the name of Lord Rama has to be recited is excellent. The song of Hari Narayana is excellent. The following is a funeral song sung by the Pombadas. 2. Tert. Angare Orodani tarenira sankata koltunde marana pattada phondeya. Kutumbastora notonpere, guddanpere, marana pattada phondeya. Gandada kuto kutadera, punan vonja mipatere, pirano kondodu shingara maltere. Kannada porlutunaga, pulyakaloda bolleye. Moneda porlutunagapusnamede devere. Gindyatnira pattere, tolashida gaddi padere. Kutumbastera sorgoda niru budiyere. Dumbutu aggi pattadere, Pira votu punanu tumbadere. Magi suttu bali battere. Pedambugu tu diyere, Pottutu sudu sukkari phondere, Marana pattada pondeya. Marana pattada pondeya. Translation. Alas! the man is dead and gone ! On Tuesday he died of dropsy in the head. Those near and dear to him beat themselves on their foreheads and breasts. A funeral pyre was made of sandal-wood. The body of the deceased was washed and taken to the back of the house to be decorated. If we looked at his eyes, they spread light like that of the dawn; if we looked at the face, it shone like a full moon. They then brought water in a bell-metal vessel,

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (Arnu, 1927 and put tulasi leaves in it. Then a member of his family poured the sacred water into his mouth. After this the firepot was taken in advance, followed by the dead body. The body was taken round the pyre three times, fire was applied to it at its left side, and it was reduced to ashes. Alas! The man is dead and gone!" The following song is sung by the Pombadas of Mangalore during a marriage ceremony 3. Text. Dena denna dena dennaye (Chorus). Adikanchige melkanchige kanchigadagenda aramane. Ara Yekananda Salera bontu bovorgu phovodundu phanpere (Chorus.) Nayida Malladikare bontu bovorgu phovere, Mannu paikudenda maleka phovodu phanpere (Chorus). Derenakudu derodu vachanagundi vochodu Bontu bovorgu Sade maltadera ara Yekkanalere. Translation. "That Yekkana Sala, who has built a two-storeyed palace known as the palace of seats, gave orders for going on a hunting party. The Malladikara, who has the charge of dogs. will go for hunting. They say that we should go to the forest called Manna paikude or Hill of Mud, a forest never as yet entered by man for hunting. They say that we should go to those depths for spreading our nots, where never before man fished. They have made a way for the hunting party to go. Yekkana Sale is the man who does all this." (The above song is sung when the bridegroom comes to the hut before he takes his seat with his bride.) (To be continued.) BOOK-NOTICES. WHAT THE APOSTLE THOMAS WROTE FROM INDIA, by (c. 185-254) that St. Thomas was sent to Parthia, T. K. JOSEPH, B.A., L.T. Reprint from The which Dr. Farquhar shows was a mistake, based on Young Men of India, May 1926. the fact that Gondophares of North India was a A very interesting pamphlet on the fresh evidence Parthian by race. The seventh, eighth and ninth 03 to this Apostle culled by Dr. Farquhar, taking up points are all concerned with the fact that while certain points. The first is that Gondophares, Gondophares must be regarded as a North Indiun Guda and the Apostle were all contemporaries in king, all Malabar and Coromandel traditions piace the middle of the first century A.D., a fact lead him in South India; just as, by the way, all Burmese ing "to the belief that St. Thomas was the Apostle traditions place the holy land of the Buddhists in of North West India," which was under Gondo. | Burma and Siamese traditions allot it to diam. pharus. The second point is the examination of a There is a controversy still in progress in Malaysiain weak link in the chain of the argumont. All mo! as to this consideration. All this makes one hope to dom scholars are sygreed that the Syriac work, The see Dr. Farquhar and Mr. Joseph produce something Praksis of Julas Thomas, c. A.D. 200, on which the further of equal value in collaboration as to the South argument depends, is not an entirely faithful rol Indian legend. cord. The third and fourth points are that while R. C. TEXPLE. the St. Thomas-Gondophary synchronism is cer- SPIRIT BASIS OF BELIES AND CUSTOM, by R. E. tainly a fact, the question arises : can the connec- ENTHOVEN in Folklore, vol. XXXVI, No. III, tion of the two bo 80 regarded ? Mr. Joseph September 1925. London, William Glaisher. thinks that very probably it can. The direct In this important paper Mr. Enthovon has des. answor may be recorded in a genuine Acts of St. canted on Sir James Campbell's well-known theory, Thomas extensively circulated about A.D. 200, if on which he expended so much research, and after it could be found. As regards this point Mr. Joseph all never completed. I had the privilege of being adduces momo remarks of Dr. Farquhar in his well acquainted with him, and it was owing to that Apostle Thomas in Northern India regarding "cir. acquaintance that he was induced, after a long talks oumstantial ovidence that there was in the Edessene over the matter with me during a flying visit to Church a letter of St. Thomas sont to it from India." Bombay, to start on his voluminous printed, but The sixth point deals with a statement by Origen not published, Notes in this Journal. Ho insisted

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APRI!., 1927] BOOK-NOTICES 79 on re-editing them, and so the publication was slow, the book, however, there are some misprints which and long before he could complete it he dial. might have been avoided. After bis death those in charge of his MSS. thought Tavernier's Travels are so well known and he it but to leave them where they were, to the great travelled so far and observed so very much that loss of scholarship in India and indeed in the world. it is inadvisable, and indeed impossible, to go into Since then his former Assistant, Mr. Enthoven, has the story of his wonderful journeys in A review. donn something to retrieve his researches from obli mtrieve his researches from obli- Suffice it to say that the notos on, and tbe illustravion, and has again attacked the subject in the tions of, the text en wonderfully full and illuminatpaper under discussion, "actuated mainly by the ing, as thren scholars have put all the wealth of hope that some member of the Folk-lore Society their learning into them, and when one of them may be moved to undertake the task of revising was the late Dr. Crooke one knows how gmt and and issuing the Notes in a form adapted to the use wide that learning has been, and how thorougbly of thore interested in primitive religion." It is in the --though not quite exhaustively after all-modern frrther hope that some reader of the Indian Antiquary books on the subject have been searched. will be fired to do as Mr. Enthoven desires that Not content with the rotes before the text com. attention is now drawn to this remark. mences, the annotators of Tavernier have added As to the manner in which this should be done a series of valuable appendices on dimonds end Mr. Enthoven writes: "I am of the opinion that, if precious stones. The first is on "the Great usa is to be made of Campbell's Notes, it would be Mogul's Diamond and the true History of the an advantage to concentrate on the referonces to Koh-i-Nur, containing a large amount of useful India and omit the rest," and he gives his reasons. information, culled from many sources, followed by Then he observes that Campbell "never really de. the story of the Grand Duke of Tuscany's Diamond veloped in a comprehensive statement his conclu- and on the weights of other diamonds. Appendix sions on the meaning of the immense volume of II contains an extraordinarily valuable list of all primitiva practice which he has recordod for us in his the diamond nines in India, followed by Appendices Gazetteers and Notes. The raw material for the stu III, IV, and Von Diamond Mines in Bengal dent, however, exists. It seems to me of great im. and Burma, the Ruby Mines in Burma end the portence that it should be made more accessible." Sapphire Washings in Coylon. Finally there is an On this I would remark that the publication of abstract of an extremely rare work, Chapuneau'a Campbell's Notes would thus become "evidence" Histoire des Joyau. Altogether we have now a work on Tevernier's for an anthropologist to work up into & "judgment," Travola, creditable to all concerned therewith. and from that point of view all the evidence avail. able is of value. As regards value, old evidence is R. C. TEMPLE. as good as that which is newer, and it would be ANNUAL REPORT ON SOUTR-INDIAN ESTORAPHY, a miefortvine if the judges I presume our as 1924. Government Press. Madras, 1925. sumed anthropological researcher would constitute There aro many points of interest in this Report, himself--is to be deprived of any part of it. which gives an account of good work done in 1924. R. C. TEMPLE. There are liste of 9 copper-plates examined in the TRAVKO IN INDIA. by JEAN BAPTISTA TAVERNIER year, of 256 stone inscriptions copied in 1923, trarrlated and annotated by V. BALL, odited by And 452 in 1924. besides 94 photographs of antiWILLIAM CROOKE, with additional notes by 'H. A quarian objecte. Considering that all the inscrip. Rose: 3 vols., 1925. Oxford University Press. tions mentioned have been road and their contents The six voyages of Tavernier, first printed in and dates ascertained, the above is a good record 1676, havo indeed boen presented in an edition of work done. But perhaps the most important worthy of bis invaluable work. The very names list in this Report is that in Appendix E giving of the editors are a guarantee of the excellence of the dates of the inscriptions rend, where such dates the work put into the two volumes under discussion. occur, and from thie liat we ree that they belong We have, besides, first of all Dr. Bellis preface and to the following Dynasties : Pallava. Chagi, Kakatiya, his introduction, which is really a life of Tavernier Pandye, Chola, Vijayanagara I, IL, and IIT, Medure aftar Prof, Charles Joret's French life of the great Nayaka and Pudukottai Tondaman. There are traveler. And a bibliography of the various editions herides a number of miscellaneous inscriptions with of Taverniere Travels. Then we mve an introduction dates recorded. The volume thue contains a great by Dr. Crooke, characteristically short and full of mass of real historical information for the enquirer. information, and in addition a large number of Part II of the Report containa special accounta noten, involving immense research, on Tavernier's of certain valuable inscriptions, including a Brahmi history and geography by Mr, Rose. So that Inscription et Allard in the Kistna District, 4 before he gete to Tavernier's text, the modern Ganga Inscription giving an important genealogy, student will find much food for his mind and very A record of RajadbirAja II (Chola) producing much that his predecesors missed. In this part of evidence of the way of the Pandya succession, an

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80 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ APRIL. 1927 early Vijayanagara inscription of Harihara II, and sions is remarkable. Mr. Jackson has added to notion of the coronation of Achyuta at KAlahasti Buchanan's text some valuable appendices and of many of his officers. The inscriptions of the which have already been published in the Journal of Chapi chiefs are of great interest and so is one of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society. These which Sarfdji Maharaja of the Maratha kings of Tanjore, comprise notes on Old Rajagriha, the Barabar. Hills containing an account of a trial by ordeal. It etc., are so interesting from an antiquarian standreonrds an agreement that "if any one of the res. point that one wishes the editor had found time to pondente," in a temple dispute, "dipped his fingers annotate Buchanan's text more fully. Apparently in boiling ghee in the temple unscathed" the this was the original intention ; but, as was the case appellant would wave his righta. "This was agreed with so many other proposals, the War obliged to and one of the respondents did dip his fingers Mr. Jackson to forego his plans. Even as it is, in the boiling ghee and remained uninjured, and this edition of Buchanan's Journal is sure of a warm the appellant then made over the said land to the welcome from students of the history and antirespondents as agreed." There is, morever, an quities of Bihar. S. M. EDWARDES enormously long inscription of the Bhonsle family, MEMOIRS OF THE ARCHEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA. giving a very valuable genealogy, and a remarkably No. 28. BHASA AND THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE ornate Musalman inscription at Suruguppa trans THIRTEEN TRIVANDRUM PLAYS. By HIRANANDA lated by Mr. Yazdani "for the peculiar style and SASTRI. Calcutta, 1926. high sentiments that it is clothed in." Finally an account is given of those inscriptions that allude to The controversy regarding the authorship of the the ancient administration of criminal justice in thirteen plays discovered by Mr. Ganapati Sastri South India. of Trivandrum in 1912 and published by him in the Altogether one must congratulate the Superin Trivandrum Sanskrit Series, bids fair to rival the tendent of the Epigraphical Department on producing Shakespeare-Bacon controversy in England. The volume of real value to all searchers in South discoverer himself ascribed the authorship to the Indian history. famous Bh&sa, and his view found favour with many R. C. TEMPLE European and Indian pandits, including Dr. F. W. Thomas, Opposed to them are Mr. Bhattanatha JOURNAL OF FRANCIS BUCHANAN (afterwards Svami, Dr. L. D. Bamett, and Professor Sylvain HAMILTON) kept during the Survey of the Districts Levi. A new combatant now enters the Arena in of Patna and Gays in 1811.12. Edited with the person of Mr. Hirananda Sastri, who states Notes and Introduction by. V. H. Jackson, that he has been prompted to investigate the whole Superintendent, Government Printing, Bihar and! question of authorship by the perusal of drama Orissa, 1926. of Saktibhadrs named Ascharyachdddmani, which This Journal, which is published for the first bears close resemblance to the thirteen plays ascribed time, forms & small portion of the manuscripts to Bhasa. After summarising and examining the relating to Buchanan's great Statistical Survey of arguments put forward by what I may for the Bengal, carried out between 2007 and 1815. It moment call the 'pro.Bhasa school, he investigates represents the official daily journal which he kept various points of dramatical technique, which bear during his tour of the Patna and Gava districts, directly on the question at issue, discusses the title and must be distinguished from the corresponding of the Svapnanalakam, and deals Jucidly with the official reports which he submitted as the outcome structure of the plays, with the archaiams found in of his survey. As Mr. Jackson, the present editor, them, with the relation of the Charudatta to the pointe out in an excellent Introduction. Bucha Mrichchhakatikd, with the epithets of Bhasa, and nan's Journals form, very useful supplement to with the evidence of anthologies. I must leave his published Reports, and they provide a detailed those interested in the question to study the author's description of the route which Buchanan followed detailed arguments themselves, and content myself thus enabling the modern enquirer to identify some with recording his final conclusion that tho Trivan. of the hills, mines, quarries, caves etc., described in drum plays cannot be the work of Bhies and that the Reports. Buchanan was a most careful and the arguments in support of this opinion can all be painstaking enquirer, and as Mr. Jackson remarks, shown to be ativydpta or wide of the mark. seems to have adopted the principles of modern! Published as a record of the Archaeological Survey scientific research, always testing the truth of any of India and thus bearing the seal of official approval statement made to him, whenever the opportunity Mr. Hirananda Sastri's investigation is bound to occurred. Considering that he had no works of re. carry considerable weight among Orientalista, who, ference to aid him in identifying the antiquities of even if they remain unconverted, must pay tribute Bihar and no reliable maps to guide his wanderinge, to the scholarly character of his thesis. the general accuracy of his statements and conclu.! S. M. EDWARDES.

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MAY, 1927) LAND'S ANECDOTA SYRIACA ON THE SYRIANS OF MALABAR $1 LAND'S ANECDOTA SYRIACA ON THE SYRIANS OF MALABAR. TRANSLATED FROM THE LATIN BY THE REVD. H. HOSTEN, S.J. (Continued from page 46.) Observations by the Revd. H. Hosten, S.J. These summary historical notes by the Priest Matthew are full of inaccuracies and exaggerations. It is not our object to discuss or refute them at any length. We shall refer the student to the Travancore Manual, II. 135--223, where G. T. Mackenzie has compiled a very elaborate history of Christianity in Travancore and Malabar generally. The chief interest of Matthew's paper to me personally is that it mentions Manikka Vasukar, Thomas Cana, Mar Sapor and Mar Prodh. 1 The year 52 A.D. Further study should disclose how the year 52 was arrived at. In Thomas Ramban's poem of 1601 the date of St. Thomas' arrival in Malabar is December 60. Nowadays the year 62 has acquired a certain fixity in books on St. Thomas published in Malabar. 9 Mylapore. The priest Matthew already deviates from the usual accounts which bring St. Thomas first to Malabar. 4 Malankarai. This is the name used exclusively by the Syrians for Malabar. Trav. Man., I. 3. "This is Malankara, A small island in the lagoon S. E. from Kodungalar." (J. Burgess, Ind. Ant., IX (1880), p. 313 n. 2). 6 Kutkajel. Is not this Kottakkuyal, or Parur Kottakavu, near Cranganore? J. Burgess (Ind. Ant., IX, 313) identifies it with Kottakayal, do Couto also speaks of Calicut, but doubtfully, as the place where St. Thomas first landed. In Dec. 12, 1. 3, c. 4: Tom. 8, Lisboa, 1788, p. 274, he says that St. Thomas first landed at Mogodover Patana, where according to Abdias, "he converted a son of the King of Malavar, who must be he of Paru, where he landed, and where there are still many Christians to-day. Or perhaps the first city where he landed was Calicut, where the Chaldean books say he converted the Christian Perimal, the Emperor of the whole of Malavar." de Couto may have mistaken Kutkajel for Calicut. Doos Lacroze follow de Couto 1 Parur is considered to be one of St. Thomas' Seven Churches, and so is Kokarnangalam and Neranam, but not Irapeli and Tirubokut. 6 Irapeli. Edapuli or Rapolim is mentioned as having a Romo-Syrian Church, St. George's, and another of Sts. Peter and Paul ; Verapoli is mentioned as having a Latin Church, St. Josoph's. Cf. Paulinus & S. Barth., India Or. Christ., Romae, 1794, pp. 267, 269. Whitehouse identifies Rapolin with Edapal (du Perron, 1758), Edapuli (Psplinus) and Eddapally. "Yerapalli, near Eddapalli, N.E. from Cochin." (J. Burgess, Ind. Ant., IX. 313 n. 4). Menezes visited in order the churches of Carturte, Corolegate and Ignhaperi,. This last, in the kingitom of the Pimenta (or Poppor) Queen, had a church dedicated to the H. Ghost. Jornada, bk. 2, ch. 14. Whitehouse identifies Menezes' Nagpili or Ignapeli with Raulin's Nogapare (1745), du Perron's Church of the H. Virgin of Nagapoje, Paulinus' Nagapushe, and Nagapare. (p. 297). T. K. Joseph distinguahes Nayapalli (Muttuchira with its Church of the H. Ghost, Gouvea's Ignhaperi) from Nagapula. 9 Tirubokut. This must be Tiruvankodu, or Travancore. In 1599, Christians, who were so in name only, at a distance of 25 leagues from Quilon, towards Cape Comorin, were worshipping a cobra. They had been more than 50 years without a priest. de Menezes sent them a Vicar. (Jornada, bk. 2, eh. 8, fol. 94 v, col. 1.) 10 After 92 years. On what is this period based! If St. Thomas diod in A.D. 78, to scoount for the Alivihana era, this would bring us to A.D. 170. I do not think that Mylapore was ever without Christians until they were driven out from there some time between Nicolo de' Conti's visit (c. A.D. 1430) and A.D. 1500. 11 Manikboer. This is Manikka VAbakar, whose connection with the Christians is still a hopeless tangle. We deal more fully with this incident in our book on Antiquities of S. Thome and Mylapore, now in the press. A collection of Syrian texts and traditions on Manikka Vasakar is a great desideratum. 13 Renounced the orthodox faith. The occasion is often said to have been the machinations of Manikka Vasaker. 134 96 families renounced the faith. We are still in the dark about the Manigramakkar; the families which are said to have yieldod. There are still representatives of this defection and of the Manigramakkar in Malabar. It is not yet too late perhaps to study their traditions and what books and ritual they may have. Matthew spoaks of 160 families, of which 96 yielded and 64 romained steadfast; Mackensie of 96 which yielded and 8 which remained faithful : Visscher says that for want of teachers the 160 families were reduced to 96 and then to 64. 15 The Catholicus of the East. Adrian Fortesobe (The Lesser Eastern Churches, p. 367) refers to this passage without venturing to explain the title Catholicus of the East. Why has another version, to be

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82 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY MAY, 1927 found in Ittap's History (Malayalam), pp. 88-91, brought in the Catholicus of Jerusalem and Yustedi as of Antioch? Swanston mentions Eustathius of Antioch. Now Eustathius of Antioch was deposed in the Council of Antioch in A.D. 330, and died in exile at Trajanopolis in Thrace in A.D. 360. Cf. Bardenhower, Patrolovy, 1908, pp. 246 ; 262. Ittup's Yust&dius appears to be Eustathius pronounced in English fashion, which does not improve the situation. Did he find the name in Swanston ? How did Swanston obtain it ? Have we merely a belated effort here to connect the primitive Church of Malabar with Antioch? A passage quoted from Buchanan in favour of a pre-Portuguese connection with Antioch (Trau. Man., II. 124) is unauthenticated. 16 Their bishops and merchants. Land misunderstood this passage. He speaks of conditions in India, instead of at Edessa. 10 Thomas of Jerusalem. Why is Thomas said to have been of Jerusalem ? The Portuguese writers always call him Capaneo, without commenting on Canaan or Cana. At times they call him a merchant. They do not speak of the Bishop of Edessa and his vision, nor of a migration, which makes me suspicious about the later stories. Is Thomas called 'of Jerusalem ' because he had been on a pilgrimage to Jerusalem ? I look with the greatest suspicion on the mention of Jerusalem and Antioch in this affair and at this dato. If, as Fr. Monserrato says (1679), Thomas Cana came a first time to India via Ormuz (and by what other route do wo suppose him to have come!), we do not expect him to have communicated with any one else than the Bishop of Edessa. All running to and fro between Edessa, Jerusalem and Antioch for the sake of the Bishop of Edessa's vision or dream must appear fanciful, or inspired by party-spirit. The same for the permission granted by Antioch to the Bishop of Edessa to visit India. 30 A.D. 345. The Brahmans of Calicut calculated that the last Cheraman Perumal, with whom the Christians connected their Thomas Cana, ceased to reign in A.D. 347, and Bishop Roz gives March 1, 346 as the date of his death. There is, therefore, some consensus here, which we should think is not accidental. 214 The Thomas Cana copper-plates still in Malabar. This is a sample of Matthew's inventions. To us who try our utmost to rediscover these plates, Matthew's information is an intolerable hoax. The Christians of 1599 were already complaining that the Cranganore plates had been lost through the carelessness of the Portuguese factor of Cochin. Kuramaklar. This can be no other place than Cranganore, Curangulugu, as Monserrate spelt it in 1579. 36 Sapor and Pirul in A.D. 823. Bishop Roz puts down their arrival as 100 years after the founda. tion of Quilon (therefore in A.D. 925). Cf. Cath. Encycl., New York, XIV, 681b. Gouvea (Jornada, fol. 4v) says they came not many years after the foundation of Quilon, which he set down in A.D. 1602-780 or A.D. 822. We expect 777 instead of 780. In his Jornada, fol. 94v col. 1, he says of Mar Xabro and Mar Prodh that they received favours from "the then King of Coullo, soven hundred and thirty-three years ago." This makes A.D. 1602-733 or A.D. 869. Raulin's 879 (p. 434) is the result of a bad subtraction. Le Quien's "about 880" should drop out on this account alao. Anaemani's 922 would be based on Gouves's 822 for the foundation of Quilon and Roz' " 100 years later." (OJ. Raulin, p. 5n.) Scaliger gives 907 for the beginning of the Calicut era, not for the foundation of Quilon: the stranger is the mistake of du Perron, who gives 825 for the foundation of Calicut. Cf. Paulinus, Ind. Or. Christ, pp. 11-12. Paulinus has 825 for the arrival of Thomas Cana, and 925 for the arrival of Mar Sapor and his companion (ibid., XXII; 19-20). His 925 is founded on de Souza's Or. Cong., which is based in this matter on the very words of Bishop Roz. Roz' A.D. 825+100=925, is sus. peot because of a round figure. If the plates of the Quilon Tarisa church are dated in 4D. 824, 48 was gene. rally thought, it may well be that the era of Quilon is due to the Christians. Zaleski (Les origines du Christianisme oux Indes, p. 438) says that the following wrong dates have beon given for Thomas Cans : 745, 825, 855, 907. We have 800 for Thomas Cana in Assemani and Raulin (Raulin, P. 434). We know what to think of 825 and 907; 855 is probably Raulin's c. A.D. 850 for the arrival of Mar Xabro and Mar Prodh. Who is responsible for 745 ? Visscher, translating an account by Mar Gabriel. (cf. Gormann, p. 91, who rejects it). 26 Sebarjeru. The Portuguese often speak of the two Armenian brothers, Bishops, or of Sapor and Prodh; but who is responsible for Saul and Ambrose ? Maruvan Sabir 146 (Sbaryeshu) is mentioned in the Quilon Tarisa copper-plates (of A.D. 824 +). Is it established that he is different from Mar Sapor ? As for Prodh, may he not be the Budh Periodeutes who under Patriarch Ezechiel, c. A.D. 570, had charge of the Christians of Persia and the neighbouring countries of the Indies, and who translated an Indian book, Calilagh and Damnagh, into Syriac ? Assem., B.O., III, Pt. I, 219. The Romo-Syrian churches now dedicated to Sts. Gervasius and Protasius wero before de Menezes dedicated to Mar Sapor and Prodh. 37 Sakirbirti. "In a Syriac extract, which is however modern, in Land's Anecdota Syriaca (Latin, I. 125 ; Syriac, p. 27), it is stated that three Syrian Missionaries came to Kaulam in A.D. 823, and got leave

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MAY, 1927) LAND'S ANECDOTA SYRIACA ON THE SYRIANS OF MALABAR 83 from King Shakirbirti to build a church and city at Kaulam. It would seem that there is some connection between the date assigned to this event and the Kollam era '; but what it is we cannot say. Shakirbirti is ovidently a form of Chakravartti Raja." Yule, Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Quilon. 300 Denho, Thomas, Jacob, and Jahbaloho. "From the letter of the bishops of India in 1016 [sic for 1604] what is said of those three bishops, 1.e., Mar-Dus or Dena, Thoma, Jonnam, appears to be wrong, because only two were then sent, vix., John and Thomas, i.e., in A.D. 1490. Thomas alone then returned to Mesopotamia and he then brought three other bishops with him to India, i.e., Denha, Jaballaha and Jacob." Raulin, p. 9 n. b. See also rar. Man, II. 148-149. 31 Lord Abraham in 1580. His credentials contained a letter from Pope Pius IV. of Febr. 28, 1565. Cf. Trav. Man., II. 165-171. He died in 1597 (not in 1596), according to the Jesuit authorities. 99 Burning of Syriac books. Most authors, not excluding our modern Romo-Syrians, cannot write dispassionately of this matter. Let them examine the Jornada and the decrees of the Council of Diamper for what was done. Of. Raulin's Eloyia for an extract from a letter of J. M. Campori, S.J., Nov. 28, 1599. 34 30,000 double gold pieces. I find no allusion to this in any other book at my disposal. 344 They submitted to the Frank bishops. The real story is in Trav. Man., II. 174-180. 36 Mar Ignatius. Even the Romo-Syrians still believe, as I had occasion to hear more than once while in Malabar (1924), that Mar Ignatius was drowned by the Portuguese before Cochin. But foul play we ascribed equally to the Portuguese, and each time rashly, in the case of several other Bishope and priests who died whilo out of Malabar, in territory belonging either to the Portuguese or to the French. Some Latin authors, for instance Raulin, p. 442 col. 2, say Mar Ignatius was burned by the Inquisition of Goa. Friar Paulinus says be diod at Goa about A.D. 1654 (Ind. Or. Christ, p. 73). There is no reason why the ordinary historia should not accept Mackenzie's findings about his being deported to Portugal and dying at Paris on his way from Lisbon to Rome. 37 By means of the Syrian deacons. Menezes had deposed neither the bishops, because alter Mar Abraham's death there was no Syrian bishop left, nor the priests. Land, finding only descons mentioned here, jumps to the conclusion that Menezes had deposed bishops and prieste. No attempt to verify & statement. 38 Mutumseri. Matancheri, now part of Cochin. Cf. Trav. Man., II. 184. Alanghat is the same as Mangate. 40 A bishop of the Franks. This cannot be Francisco Roz, who died in 1624 at Parur, where he is buried. It is not likely either that Bishop Francis Garcia be referred to. The allusion appears to be to the Carmelito bishops, the first of whom arrived at Palur on Febr. 22, 1667. Cf. Trav. Man., II. 186. 41a Catholicus of the East. The title seems to be used here in the sense of "the Jacobite Catholicus of Antioch." 49 Mar Gabriel. There is much divergence about the year of his arrival in Malabar : 1704 and 1709 (cf. Raulin, 445. col. 2) and 1708 (Trau. Man., II. 203-204). He did not die in 1716, as Assemani asgarte, but in 1731 (Trav. Man., II. 205). 44 of the Franciscans? We should understand the Jesuits, chiefly those of Ambalakada. They were called Paulites or Paulista all over India, from their College of S. Paolo de 8. Feat Goa. 46 The priest Matthew. The date of Matthew's letter does not appear. Land seems to confuse him with Mar Thomas IV, with whom Dr. Schaaf, Professor of Oriental Languages at the Leyden University, entered into correspondence after 1714. Mar Thomas IV. mentions Schaaf in a letter to the Patriarch of Antioch, dated from Pharahur Patana (Parur) the 25th of Elul (Sept.) 1720. In the same letter he mentions & bertain priest, Matthew Boticulel, whom he trusted. Of. Trav. Man., II. 204-208. As Mar Thomas IV. died in 1728 and Mar Gabriel in 1731, it is possible that, as Mar Thomas IV is not mentioned by Mattbew, our document was written after his death. We might therefore think that Matthew's letter is of about A.D. 1730. Among the Oriental MSS. of the Leyden University, No. 1214 is entitled thus : Malaydlatil olla suriyani-kkarkka bhavicca bhavitankal, i.e., Events which occurred among the Syrian Christians. " It begins with the arrival of 'Mar Thomma' in the year 824 after the birth of Christ," wrote R. Rost, Professor of Dravidian languages at Cambridge (6 Nov. 1860). He took it to be 800 years old, but R. Collins, Principal of the Church Missionary College, Kottayam, wrote: "It is the commencement of one of the many histories, scattered amongst the people, relating to the Syrian Church. A reader in my employ has a MS. beginning much in the same way. The bit which Dr. Rost sends is certainly quite modern." Of. Land, Anecdota Syriaca, I, pp. 7-8. 4 Sic.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MAY, 1927 No. 1215 in the same library contains liturgical writings of the Syro-Malabar Church (post-Portuguese, Roman Catholic). Cf. ibid., pp. 8.12. At fol. 29r of the MS. there is a mention of "Dom Franciscus Metropolita." Land does not tell us how these MSS. reached Leyden. His Anecdota do not contain anything more for the purpose of our researches on St. Thomas and the St. Thomas Christians. Remarks by T. K. Joseph, B.A., L.T., Trivandrum. The following notes were received by me after I had sont my paper to the Indian Antiquary. They refer to Land's notes and mine and have been given the same numeral notation.-H.H. Moljokare is MAlyankara, a small island in the lagoon S.E. from "Cranganore," as Burgesa saya. It is quite different from Malaikara, Malabar. The names differ in meaning and in spelling. It is not M&velikkara. Malyankara is close to Parur, to the north of the latter. 6 Kutkayel is Kottakkayal, Parur; not Calicut. St. Thomas did not land at Calicut, but he is said to have established one of his seven churches at Palus or Palayur, which I suppose de Couto means by Calicut. Palur is far away from Calicut. (The only reason for bringing in Calicut seems to be that some (chiefly the Muhammadana ?) made of Calicut the capital of the Porumal.-H.H.] 6 Irapeli: Itappalli. St. Thomas did not found a church hore. This is near Parur. It is neither Verapoli nor Ignapeli. 7 Gukamagalam is not Mangalam. 9 Tirubokut is Tiruvankote in S. Travancore. There are Tarisa Christians 'even now in Tiruvau. kote. They are referred to in one of the Diamper Decrees and by Gouves. This is the Tiramgoto of Bar. bosa. This name of the old capital of Venad is now applied to the whole State of Travancore. St. Thomas did not found a church here, but the Tarisa Christians there say that they were brought to the place from Mylapore by St. Thomas. [It is quite possible that, as our first missionaries often say, some people ran away from Mylapore to Travancore. This may have been in the fifteenth century, before the arrival of the Portuguese, when Mylapore was destroyed as a Christian settlement.-H.H.] 10 (Hosten.) Salidhana. I have not seen the Salivahana era used in any Christian records, old or new, in Malabar. [The Rev. Matthew Theccanat wrote to me from Sacred Heart Mount, Kottayam, 28. 8. 1924: "I have come across a manuscript copy of a book obtained from a priest of about sixty-four, who got it from & grand-uncle of his. The book must therefore have been written not later than a hundred years ago. The book opens thus : Mar Thomman (St. Thomas) came to Malankara (Malabar) in the year 78 after the birth of the Messiah and visited the Perumal. He built a church in Mailapur, came to Malabar, erected seven crosses and preached the Faith. 345 years after the birth of Maran Esso (the Messiah) Thomas of Cana landed in Cranganore, when the Yavanas (the Greeks ?) were trading in the kingdoms of the Emperor of Cranganore and Calicut. Thomas visited these emperors and got from them 444 Mulams (cents) of land.' After this the author of the book mentions the privileges granted to Thomas of Cana by the Perumal." Whatever be the value of the date A.D. 78 for St. Thomas' landing in Malabar, it is the first year of the Salivahana era, and, if Salivahana means the cross-bomo or cross-bearer, it would follow that, as a Jesuit Missionary (Bishop Roz) wrote in 1604, the Indians calculated their era from the death of St. Thomas With Wilford I hold that Saliva hana is Christ or Thomas.-H.H.] [But Prof. Rapson says that the first year of Kanishka's reign was most probably 78 A.D. and that evi. dences make it "seem almost certain that Kanishka was the founder of the well-known era which began in 78 A.D." _o. Cambridge History of India I, 1922, pp. 582, 583 and Preface, pp. viii-x. While Prof. G. Jouveau-Dubreuil said: "We shall therefore conclude that Kanishka is not the founder of the Saks era." And "the most simple, the most natural and the most logical theory consists in saying: The Saks era of 78 was founded by Chashtana," king of Ujjain.-of. Ancient History of the Deccan, Pondicherry, 1920, pp. 34, 36.--T.K.J.) 11 Manikboer is Manikkavichakar, who is said, in a Malayalam MS. history, to have come to Quilon in A.D. 315. See my Malabar Christian Copper Plates, pp. 49, 60. 13 160, 96, 61. These numbers differ in different versions Families : baittoye, in the original Syriac, is akin to beth, in Bethlehem, Bethesda, etc., and means peoplo in a house, household, family, not community, or church, 13 (Hosten.) There are Manigramakkar oven now in Quilon and Kayamkulam, but they are a low class of Sodras. The high-class Sadras call them contemptuously Karamukkavar, i.e., land-fishermen, The old generation of them admits, though not openly, that their ancestors were Christianse

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MAY, 1927] LAND'S ANECDOTA SYRIACA ON THE SYRIANS OF MALABAR 85 18 Thomas of Jerusalem. St. Thomas, Manikkavachakar, Thomas Cana, and the Kadisas (Sapor And Prodh) are constant factors in all versions of Malabar Christian tradition. 31 Serkun is Chernkon, which means King of Malabar, 22 Kuramaklur : Cranganore ; not Kotamalar. 33 Syrian Fathers : Bishops or Patriarchs : not priests. Syrian priests are not called fathers, except recently in imitation of the Portuguese practice. The word in the original must be some form of abun, fother. Cp. 'Abba, father of the Bible. Abuna Jacob is Bishop Jacob, though literally Father Jacob.' 25 Lord Sapor, Mar Sapor, Bishop. Mar (Syriac) = Lord, applied to laymen also as a term of respect, 9., by servants to masters. Sebarjesu is Sabr 140 of the two copper plates of the Quilon Church (c. 880 A.D.). (Hosten.) The following dates can, I think, be taken as correct. Sabr 140 of the Quilon Church copper plates came a little before A.D. 825 and refounded Quilon in 825. Mar Sapor came in Sabr 180's ship, either with that merchant or after his refounding Quilon, i.e., c. A.D. 825. The Quilon Church plates are of c. 880 A.D. All these events are generally assigned, wrongly, to the same year. Bishop Roz' "100 years after the foundation of Quilon " is the approximate date of the plates (c. 880). 1602--733=869 in Jornada is, I suppose, the actual date of the earlier of the two sets of Quilon Church plates. Raulin's 879, if it be correct at all, may apply to the second set of Quilon Church plates. Le Quien's ebout 880' is the date of the Quilon Church plates. [Raulin says at p. 434 : "According to the Malabar tradition, Gouvea wrote that these two Bishops [Mar Xabro and Mar Prodh) were sent to those churches a littio after the foundation of the town of Coulam, where they built the Church of St. Thomas, 733 years before the year when Gouver wrote, that is 1602 : hence we conclude that this happened in A.D. 879." Raulin should have said A.D. 869:-H.H.] The Calicut ora. No such era is known. I think old writers called the Quilon era the Calicut era, because of a confusion between Quilon in Travancore and Quilon near Calicut. The former was called Kurakkeni Kollam (Quilon); the latter, Pantalayini Kollam (Quilon). This latter has become Pandarani (Portuguese), Flandrina (Odoric), Fandreeah (an Arabic author), Fandaraina (Ibn Batuta). Some accounts say that Vasco da Gama first landed here. The plates of the Quilon Tarisa Church are not of 824, but of circa 880. Sabr 150, re-founder of Quilon in Travancore, must have been about 80 years old when he got the plates. Sabarjesu is Maruvan Sabir 180 of the Quilon Church plates. Maruvan is, I think, a variant of Mar, lord. Sabr 140 (Persian or Syrinc ) = patience of Jesus. Sabr 140 is not the same person as Mar Sapor." 37 Sakirbirti. Chakravarti (Skt.) emperor: not a proper name. Some old writings give his name as Sankara Iravi Sri. The name of the contemporary emperor at Cranganore given in the Quilon copper plates (set No. 1) is Tanu Iravi (Skt. Sthanu Ravi), who ruled up to at least the last quarter of the 9th century (T.A.S., III, p. 162). Sthanu is a synonym for Sankara. Hence, I suppose, Sthanu Ravi became Serkara Iravi in some later MSS. But Sthanu Ravi could not even have been born in 825 : besides, he was not king of Quilon, but Emperor of Malabar ruling from Cranganoro. 31 (Hosten.) Lord Abraham ; Mar Abraham : Bishop, not layman. 82 (Hosten.) The tradition of the Malabar Syrians and their belief are that Menezes burnt many more books than are mentioned in Gouvea, the Diamper Decrees, etc. (J. M. Campori, S.J., wrote after the Diemper council from the Seminary of Vaipicota, near Parur, on Nov. 28, 1599: "Father Francisco Roz and I are busy examining their books. We delete, cut out, and throw into the fire entire books. All con sidered this work as a marvel. Formerly they were so attached to their books that they would not even allow them to be opened by us. Now they were not annoyed to see us erase, truncate and burn entire books, as we pleased." Cf. Raulin, in the Elogia.-H.H.). 38 Quqsin : Cochin. 34 Mutumseri : Mattancheri. 40 Bispe is from the Portuguese, not from the Skt. It is found in old Malayalam writings of the Portuguese period, and is sometimes even now used by the Roman Catholics in Malabar. 4 The Jesuits were known in Malayalam as Paulist Akkar (Paulists), Sampaluppatirimer (San Paolo Padres), and Yesuvittanmar (Jesuits). J. C. Visscher's Version of Matthew's Letter. I considered myself fortunate when, in February 1926, while at Calcutta, I found in Major Heber Drury's translation of Letters from Malabar by Jacob Canter Visscher (Madras, 1862, pp. 105-109) a somewhat different version of Land's document. It comes in the 16th letter of the Dutch domine. Now, as his letters 18 and 19 are of 1723, we can bring down the date of Matthew's document from 1730 (cf. my note 46a above) to 1723. At any rate Matthew used a document existing in 1723, and this gives us a further reason to identify him with the priest Matthew Beticulel. The end in Visscher is later than 1705.

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86 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ MAY, 1927 Visscher writes: "It will not be useless, nor will you take it amiss, if I include in this letter a somewhat remarkable account of the origin and spread of Christianity in Malabar, which has been sent me by Bishop Mar Gabriel, written in the Syriac language. The title runs as follows:"The antiquity of the Syrian Christians, and Historical events relating to them." "Fifty-two years after the birth of the Messiah, the holy Apostle Thomas arrived at Maliapore on the coast of Coromandel', preaching the Gospel and founding Churches there. Passing from thence to Malabar, the holy man landed on the island of Maliankarre, (situated between Cranganore and Paroe), preached and taught, and built churches in that island, and likewise at Cottacay,3 Repolym1, Gokkomangalam, Pernetta, and Tiroeusngotta ; and having finished his work in these parts and ordained two priests, returned to the land of the Pandies (as the natives of Coromandel are called) (Page 106) to teach the people there. But whilst he was thus occupied, the Apostle was pierced by the Heathens with spears, and thus ended his life. In the course of a few years all the priests in Hindostan and Malabar died; and many years afterwards, a Tovenaar,8 called Mamukawasser, an enemy to the Christian faith, arrived at Maliapore, performing many miracles to hinder its progress. And many of the principal Christians giving heed to him, forsook Christianity and followed this false teacher Mamukawasser. In those days certain persons came from Hindowy or Hindostan, who were not disposed to abandon the people of Malabar, and who allied themselves with the believers10, that is, the Christians, who had remained constant, in number about 160 families, or tribes. These men taught for many years in Malabar, but there were few among them who had knowledge, because they were destitute of pastors; and therefore most of them ended in becoming heathens, and had all things in common with the other heathens. This caused a second apostacy; so that out of the 160 families, 96 adopted the heathen super. stitions, 64 only adhering to the true faith. Now in those days there appeared a vision to an Archpriest, at Oerghaill, in consequence whereof certain merchants were sent from Jerusalem by command of the Catholic authorities in the East, to see whether there were here any Nazarenes or Christians. These persons having arrived here with ships, joined all the Christians from Maliankarre, as far as Tierowangotta, treated them as brothers and strengthened them in the faith; and having taken leave of the 64 families, set sail and returned to Jerusalem and related to the Catholics in that place their adventures in Malabar. After this, several priests, students, and Christian women and children came hither from Bagdad, Nineveh and Jerusalem, by order of the Catholic Archpriest at Oerghai, arriving in the year of the Messiah 745, in company with the merchant Thomas13: and having made acquain. tance with the 64 families, they became united and lived in concord one with another. At this time the famous Emperor Cheram Peroumal was reigning over the whole of Malabar. To him the newcomers went, and when they informed him of the cause of their arrival, the King was well pleased, and gave them pieces of ground in the territory of Cranganore to build Churches and shops upon, that they might pursue their trades; at the same time he granted the Christians royal marks of honour, and permission to carry on their trade throughout the whole (Page 107) country so long as the sun and moon should shine, as may be seen to this day in their documents written upon copper plates. In consequence of this, the Christians possess in the territory of Cranganore East, West, North and South, several churches, besides 472 shops and dwelling houses built round them; and they lived in peace and unity for several years. In this period, by order of the Catholic Patriarch of the East, many great teachers arrived in Malabar, from Bagdad, Nineveh, Jerusalem, and several other places, who assumed authority over the Christians of the country. This state of things lasted until a separation took place among the Christians of Cranganore, in the year of our Lord 823,13 and then Mar Saboor, Mar Botoe, 14 and Seboor Isso came to Quilon as teachers. They went to visit the King Sjak Rawiosti,16 with presents, and built Churches and shops at Quilon.

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MAY, 1927 1 LAND'S ANECDOTA SYRIACA ON THE SYRIANS OF MALABAR 87 In these and similar ways, the chief pastors came, teaching and instructing the people of Malabar. In the year 1500, when the Portuguese first appeared in Malabar, where they afterwards obtained a footing, there came, by order of the Catholic Patriarch, four teachers, by name Mardina, 16 Mar Jacob, Mar Thoma, and Jene Allay, 17 who governed the Chris. tians and built many churches. After the death of these four teachers, another, called Mar Abraham came to Malabar, about the year 1550,18 whereupon the Portuguese passed a decree that henceforth no Catholic teachers should come thither, and placed guards every. where to seize and put to death all who should attempt it. Mar Abraham was captured, but escaped through God's mercy, and continued to teach for many years, and built several churches : after which, he went the way of all flesh. After that time the road was closed to the Syrian priests, and the Christians experienced a want of pastors; which the Portuguese perceiving, a Vicegerent and Bishop, called Alexio, 19 came to the city of Cochin in the name of, and with authority from, the Pope of Rome. This Bishop took a great deal of trouble to bring the Syrian Christians into subjection, and seeing no chance of effecting his object, the Portuguese gave to the King of Cochin 30,000 ducats, and with the help of His Highness perse. cuted the Christians who dwelt in his dominions, for three whole years. The Christians then, unable to endure the persecution longer, submitted to the Bishop, and thus became reconciled with the Portuguese. Shortly afterwards, the Syrian manners and customs underwent a change : the priests were forbidden to (Page 108) marry: and for about 55 years the Syrians followed the same customs as the Portuguese. In the meantime a priest called Mar Matti20 came to Maliapore sent by the Catholic Patriarch. The Portuguese apprehended him and brought him into the city and afterwards dragged him to the harbour and cast him into the water21. On hearing this, the Christians of Malabar assembled in the church of Mar Tancheri, 22 took counsel together, bound themselves by oath, and thus threw off the Portuguese yoke from their necks; having first written and signed a letter that from that time forward and for ever, they would have nothing more to do, for good or evil, with the Portu. guese. Meanwhile the Portuguese Bishop went to Cranganore, wrote secretly to the Cassanarios23 and Christians, and sent messengers, with presents consisting of fine silk stuffs, gold ornaments and jewels; and those who were allured by these things and also by fair words and promises, went over secretly to that Bishop. The Portuguese and those who belonged to that party, filled the hands of the Prince, in whose country the Syrian Christians dwelt, with gifts and materially injured the latter by sundry vexations, confiscations and deeds of violence. And in the days of this persecution, the upright, God-fearing, Justice-loving, and peaceable Dutch were sent to Malabar by the inspiration of Almighty God and by order of the East India Company, under the command of the noble Lord Admiral Ryklop24 van Goens, and like as the heathen were driven out of the land of Isso Biranon Kainan (Canaan?]e5 so have they driven the worse than heathen Portuguese out of Cochin and other cities and fortresses of Malabar : and through Divine Providence the Syrian Christians have been from that time forward protected and defended from them, and their pastors have again visited this country without let or hindrance. In the beginning of the year 1700, the Bishop Mar Symons, sent by the Catholio Patriarch of the East, arrived in India, being appointed to Malabar. This man gave notice of his intended arrival by letters to the Syrian Christians, which happening to fall into the hands of the Carmelites and Jesuits, they accordingly placed sentinels everywhere, captured the Bishop, and led him prisoner to Pondicherry, where they kept him in irons.26 After him, in the year 1705, the chief teacher, Mar Gabriel, came to this land ; and since that time most of the Syrians have adopted the Church customs of the Portuguese, subjecting themselves to several ceremonies, and condemning (Page 109) the marriage of the Priests; and that out of the 64 churches, twenty have remained on the side of the Carmelites, and 44 on that of the Syrians: but as we enjoy the favour of the Lord Commandant, we hope that all this will be restored to the old footing, and this is what we

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88 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ MAY, 1927 now humbly pray of his Excellency and his Council, trusting that they will not turn away their face from us. And therefore we pray God to spare them in good health and all welfare, and to give them blessing and prosperity." The notes in square brackets, bearing the initials T.K.J. are by Mr. T. K. Joseph, Trivandrum. 1 The reason why St. Thomas is brought first to Mylapore seems to be that, somehow, in Malabar it was thought that Mylapore was the capital of Gondophares and that therefore Habban, Gondophares' mer. chant, would have taken St. Thomas first to Gondophares. But this goes against the Acta and the Malabar tradition that St. Thomas assisted first at the marriage feast at Sandaruk, which would be no other than Cranganore. 3 Parur. 3 Here we get near enough to Kottakayal or Parur. 4 Clearly Matthew's Irapeli. 5 Pernetta ought to correspond to Land's Neranam. [Pernatta ought to be read Noranatta, locative of Neranam-T.K.J.] 6 Tiroeusngotta is, no doubt, Visscher's later Tierowangotta (Tiruvankote). [Tiruvitankote is another form of Tiruvankote.-T.K.J.] 7 Instead of Matthew's 92 years. 8 This is a Dutch word, left untranslated by Drury, and meaning 'magician.' Manikka Vasakar. [Spelt Manikkavachakar and pronounced as such in Malayalam, but as Manik. kavaeagar in Tamil.-T. K. J.] A few years ago a German scholar published a work on this personage. I have not seen it. Perhaps some of our readers will draw to it the attention of our Malabar Christian scholars. 10 This important passage is slurred over by Matthew, with the result that the defection of 96 families is attributed to Manikka Vasakar, whereas, we are told here, it was a second apostacy. Where were those other Christians in India who came to the help of the Christians in Malabar? And at what time did this second apostacy take place? What was the exact cause of it? Further study will have to elucidate this statement of Bishop Gabriel. 11 This is Urfa, or Edessa; but it is quite possible that the meaning of the name was not known any more to Bishop Gabriel and others before him, as I have found to be the case in Malabar documents of a later period. Why should merchants from Jerusalem have been sent to India by the Archbishop of Edessa? After their visit to India these merchants should have gone to report to the Archbishop (Catholicus of the East ?) at Edessa. Colonists came, indeed, from Bagdad, and Nineveh, as we hear. The addition of Jerusalem to the places whence the colonists came is suspect. 13 Thomas Cana. [For the dates 345 and 745 A.D. for Thomas Cana see my Malabar Xtian Copper Plates, Preface, ii, and p. 89.-T.K.J.] 13 Important passage omitted by Matthew. The nature and occasion of this separation ought to be examined. Has it anything to do with the division into Northists and Southists? Did it not give rise to two eras. the new era of Quilon for one party, and an older era maintained for a time by the other party, 6.e., the Salivahana era, or even the Vikrama era, which I take with Wilford to have been the era of Augustus and to have been started from Cranganore. [But see Camb. Hist. of India, I, ch. XXIII for Prof. Rapson's conclusion-T.K.J.] 14 Pheroz, Prodh. Budh Periodeutes ? 15 Matthew's Sakirbirti: Yule's Chakravartti. 16 Mar Denha. 17 A bad spelling for Jaballaha. 18 1580 in Matthew. 19 D. Aleixo de Menezes, Archbishop of Goa, who also governed as 19th Governor of India frora 3-5-1606 to 28-5-1609. 20 Mar Ignatius in Matthew. 21 This is supposed in Matthew to have happened at Cochin. At Mylapore Mar Ignatius was the guest of the Jesuits. 22 Mattancheri (Cochin). 24 Sic for Ryklof. 25 Bracketed by Visscher or Drury. 23 [Cassanarios: priests-T.K.J.] 26 I do not not believe this statement about Mar Simon, Bishop of Adana, who at Pondicherry lived in communion with Rome, a friend of the Capuchins and Jesuits. Ho was not a prisoner there. He left his property or part of it to the Jesuit seminary, near Pondicherry. Paulinus (India Or. Christ., Rome, 1797, p. 259) says that in the Angamale conventicle of 1787 it was said he had been driven out of Malabar and had been killed by the Carmelites and Jesuits at Pondicherry. (I do not know of Carmelites then at Pondicherry.) Mar Simon died of an accident on 16-8-1720 at Pondicherry: he fell into a well while washing in the early morning and was drowned. Cf. also Trav. Manual, II, 190-191.

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MAY, 1927] THE INTERPRETATION OF THE UPANISHADS 89 THE INTERPRETATION OF THE UPANISADS. BY UMESH CHANDRA BHATTACHARJEE, M.A., BL. Gough and Deussen led the way, and it is now a fashion in philosophical circles to speak of a Philosophy of the Upanisads, as distinguished from the Vedanta of the Vedanta-Sutra.. Gough's interpretation of the Upanigade has not been accepted as very sensible ; but Deussen has been followed as the founder of a school. And just as in earlier times, there arose in India different schools of interpretation of the Vedanta-Satras, so, in modern times, the same drama is being re-enacted with regard to the Upanigads, and we are well-nigh on the verge of having different schools of interpretation of the Upanigads over again. For instance, Prof. Radhakrishnan does not accept Deussen's interpretation of the doctrine of Maya in the Upanigads. (Radhakrishnan, Philosophy of the Upaninads, pp. 65-67.) He further contends (The Mind, April, 1926), that his "interpretation of the Upanisads is not an unreason. able one, though it may seem to differ from this or that tradition in this or that point." Ob. viously, he claims the liberty to put his own interpretation upon the texts; and, as a neces sary corollary, he cannot deny the same liberty to others. We are not suggesting intellec. tual stagnation ; but there is some slight danger of intellectual anarchy, if you sever the short and cryptic utterances of the Upaninade from the old block of which they are but chips, and from the literature and traditions that went before and after them. But the idea seems to have gained ground that the Upanirads can be interpreted as an inde. pendent philosophy-although as a system its elements cohere very much more loosely than elsewhere; and that this system of Upanipadic philosophy is distinguishable from the Vedanta system, though this is professedly the system of the interpretation of the Vedantas or the Upanigads. The most important reason for such an attitude is that the system of the Vedanta-Sutras is either the system of Sankara or of Ramanuja or of some other system-builder; and there. fore, the philosophy of the Upanixas had better he studied in its original sources, viz., the texts of the Upaniyads. But dazzled by the differences of the diverse systems of interpretation of the Vedanta-Satrar, we overlook the very important fact that there is a common substratum underlying all these systems and that their affinities are inmensely greater than their differences. Besides, it is not impossible to decipher these common elements. Before, however, we consider this, we might recollect the brief history of modern attempts to discover a philosophy of the Upaninads, as distinguished from the Vedanta-system. We shall find that there it is not the same materials always that have been used. Gough, for instance, constructed his philosophy of the Upaninds out of 13 Upanisads only, though he knew that more were in existence, "Treatises bearing the name of Upanisads," says he," are numerous. Those in highest esteem have always been the Chandogya, Brihadaranyaka, lua, Kena, Katha, Prayna, Mundaka, Mandakyu, Aitareya, Taittiriya, Svetasvatara, Maitrayani, Kausitaki." Deussen, who is more generally recognised to have been the sponsor, if not the father, of this idea, does not appear to have known more than 60 U paninads, though he knew the list of 108 U panirads given in the Muktika Upaninad (ride his Philosophy of the Upanigads, Eng. tr. pp. 33 el seq.); and his Philosophy of the Upanigads is built on a much smaller number (op.cit. Index ii). Hume constructs a philosophy based mainly on thirteen principal Upanipads, which he translates. And Radhakrishnan is still more limited in his scope. "The main Upanisads for our purposes are," says he," the Chandogya and the Brihadaranyaka, the Taittiriya and the Aitareya, the Kausitaki and the Kena; the lsa and the Mandakya come next." (Philo. sophy of the Upanigade, p. 19.) But the Upanigadic literature is much more extensive than has been comprehended in Deussen's or any other interpretation. (Cf. The Nirnaya Sagar Press, Bombay, Edition of the Upanipadic Texts; also, Catalogue of Mss. in the Adyar Library, Madras). It is no doubt true that there are chronological and doctrinal differences among these books, which cannot escape notice : some are more Upanisadic in character, while others are more

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90 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ MAY, 1927 sectarian. And many of them cannot be regarded as books on Brahma-vidya at all, except by a great stretch of imagination (e.g., the Devi-Upanisad, the Yoga-kundali-Upanisad, etc.). Yet in constructing his Philosophy of the Upanisads, Deussen brought together such books as the Brhadaranyaka, the Chandogya and the lid on the one hand, and the Ksurika and the Nadabindu on the other. These are books which have not much in common but a good deal of divergence. It is not suggested that there is nothing in common; but their differences are perhaps more important than their similarities. And if we are permitted to attempt a philosophy of the Upanisads by thus grouping together a few of them, it is difficult to see why we should take only eight of them with Radhakrishnan, or thirteen with Gough and Hume, or thirty even with Deussen. Should we not rather take the whole host of them and find out, if we can, what is common and essential to them all? The difficulties in that case would be immense. We have already suggested that the common elements in all the Upanisads will not be numerous; and if only the elements common to all the extant Upanisads are to be united into a system, that system would be very different from what we have obtained from Deussen or Radhakrishnan-if indeed it would be a system at all. Perhaps we should not be afraid of such a contingency; but it would be an intellectual feat of no mean order, if indeed we could combine into a system such diverse books as the Kalisantarana-Upanisad and the Isd, the Krana-Upanisad and the Brhadaranyaku, and so on. The other extreme alternative would be to take each thinker of the Upariaas by him. self and to spin a philosophy out of the loose threads of thought found in the teachings ascribed to him. That might give us embryonic systems of philosophy, such as Dr. Barua has traced in the sayings of Satyakama Jabala, Jaivali, etc., in his Pre-Buddhistic Indian Philo sophy (Calcutta University publication). We may note here in passing that Dr. Barua seems to proceed a little too fai when he discusses the philosophy of the Vedic Rsis and speaks of Prajapati Paramesti, for instance, as a human philosopher and seriously compares him with Thales (op. cit., p. 12). He commits a similar blunder when he speaks of the philosophy of Anila' (op. cit., p. 24), as if he too were a real, historical person. Dr. Barua's conception of a Vedic Rsi is erroneous. If he had looked into the names of a few other Rsis in the very same Mandala of the Rg. Veda where he has discovered the Indian parallel of Thales, he would have found that the Vedic Rsis are not necessarily human and historical persons. Among the list of Rsis occur names varying from those of gods down to those of a pigeon and an insect. And sometimes the deity and the Rsi of a mantra are identical, placing it absolutely beyond doubt that the Rsi was not necessarily conceived as a human person. For example, in X, 177, the Rsi is patanga or insect, whom Sayana calls son of Prajapati' (prajapati-putra). But every creature is, in a sense, son of Prajapati; and it is doubtful if a real human being is meant here. In X, 165, the Rsi is kapota or pigeon; no doubt, it also may be understood as the name of a man, but there is no indication that it was an historical man. In X, 123 and 151, the deity and the Rsi are identical. In X, 130, yajna or sacrifice is personified as the Rsi. In X, 119, Indra the god, assumes a form and becomes a Rsi. In X, 129, in the language of Sayana, Agnir Reir bhutva svatmanam devatarupinam astaut-Agni became a Rsi and. praised himself as god. In X, 121, the Rsi is hiranyagarbha, never understood as a human being. In many verses, Indra the god is himself the Rsi; and in several verses again (X, 16-17), the sons of Yama are the Rsis. Of X, 53, a number of gods are the Rsis. In X, 85, the daughter of the sun (savitr-sutd suryyd) is the Rsi. Now, can we seriously regard them all as historical personages? Some undoubtedly were real men and women; and it is not impossible to discriminate who were real men and who were not: the names themselves are often a sufficient index of the true nature of a Rsi; the incidents described are another index. At any rate, the confusion between a god and a man can be easily avoided.

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MAY, 19271 THE INTERPRETATION OF THE UPANISHADS So, on the strength of Sayana's statement that Paramesthi is the Rsi of Rk., X, 129, and Anila that of Rk., X, 168, to regard them as historical persons and to compare them seriously with Thales or some one else, is a parody of historical research. The Anila in question is described by Sayana as 'belonging to the family of Air' (vata-gotrasya). Does it look like a human genealogy? It cannot be unknown to Dr. Barua that Paramesthi is a deified name and that Anila is the ordinary as well as deified name of air itself. Dr. Barua could certainly utilise the teachings contained in the Rk. verses in question without being guilty of the extravagant notion-that every Vedic Rsi can be looked upon as a real person. When, however. Dr. Barua speaks of the philosophies of Satyakama Jabala, Jaivali, Gargyayana, or Uddalaka, i.e. of people whose names occur in the Upanigads, as distinguished from the Rsis of the Vedas, he is within more reasonable limits. And if we give up the practice of lumping a few Upanissuds together and constructing a philosophy out of them, the ultimate logical conclusion of our procedure would be nothing short of a numerous list of more or less incomplete systems obtained from the teachings of individuals whose identity has been preserved in the Upanisads. These would not be systems in the strict sense of the term; they would not give us more than the stray sayings of the ancient Greek thinkers. Besides, all the names in the Upanitads also are not names of teachers, properly so called ; and a discrimination would be necessary. For instance, Prof. Radhakrishnan in his Philosophy of the Upanicads (p. 19), gives a brief list of names which will stand out " when the history of the great thinkers of the Upanisadic period with their distinctive contributions comes to be written." But this list contains the names of Gargi and Maitreyi also. These are no doubt very important names in Upani. gadic literature; they were certainly earnest enquirers whose questionings evoked the profoundest philosophy; but it is difficult to place them on the pedestal of teachers properly so called. They cannot be credited with laying the foundation of a philosophy in the same sense as Uddalaka or Yajoavalkya. To resume: The extreme step of taking each individual thinker of the Upanisads by himeelf and weaving a philosophy out of the stray sayings ascribed to him, would introduce & needless disorder, where order and system have already been established. As a third alfer. native, however, we might take each book of the Upanigads by itself and construct a philosophy out of it. We would then have a philosophy of the Prasna, and of Katha, and of Chandogya, and so on. Dr. Das Gupta has suggested this procedure as the best. "It will be better," he says, "thet a modern interpreter should not agree to the claims of the ancients that all the Upanigads represent a connected system, but take the texts independently and separately and determine their meanings, though keeping an attentive eye on the contexts in which they appear." (History of Indian Philosophy, p. 42.) Dr. Das Gupta speaks of the texts of the Upanisads and not their teachers, and presumably he means that each of the dissertations should be taken by itself and interpreted independently of the idea that it is part of a system of which the other texts also are parts. But it is doubtful if even this procedure would meet the requirements of a scientific basis for a philosophy of the Upanigads. What philosophy, not to speak of a comprehensive system, can be evolved out of the twelve sentences of the Mandukya? And how much philosophy can the 18 verses of the fed really yield? The Brhadaranyaka or the Chandogya, no doubt, could be tapped for more, and a system built upon either of them, which would be more comprehensive than a mere philosophy of Yajnavalkya or Jaivali or Uddalaka ; but it is open to question if even that would be comprehensive enough to deserve the name of a system. It seems inevitable, therefore, that we should take more than one Upanigad together in order that a system of thought may be attempted. Shall we then take them according to 1 04. Mahabharata, 1, 66, especially for Anila.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MAY, 10:21 their doctrinal affinities and construct several philosophies of the Upanipads? The groups in which they are usually taken are more or less arbitrary; individual thinkers or individual books of the Upanigads cannot be expected to yield much philosophy; the whole literature is too extensive and too diversified to yield any common system. What, then, can we do but think of some other grouping ? Deussen himself in his Sixty Upanisuds and also in his Philosophy of the Upanisads (p. 9), has suggested a classification of the Upanisads, which refers mainly to the minor Upanirads of the Atharvaveda, but may be extended to cover the other Upaniruds also. This classification has been accepted by Schrader also (vide his edition of the Minor Upaniyads, publication of the Adyar Library, Madras, vol. I, Intro. p. ii). It has, therefore, the sanction of authority and includes the following classes : (a) Vedanta-Upanisads ; (6) Yoga-Upanisads; (c) Sannyasa-Upanisads ; (d) Siva-Upanisads; (e) Visnu-Upanisads. Using this as a classifi. cation of the entire range of Upanisadic literature, it seems that we may expect as many as five systems of Upanisadic philosophy. As the names imply, a large number of the Upanigads are sectarian in character. We may note here in passing that sect-cults were advanced in India by a threefold literature, viz., sect-Puranas, sect-Gitus and sect-Upanisads ; sometimes, though not so frequently, a sect attempted to develop a philosophy also of its own (cf. Madhava, Sarva-darsana-samgra. ha). Some of these sect-Gitas are found embedded in the corresponding Puranas, some exist independently (vide my paper on Gita-literature in the Indian Historical Quarterly, Oct. 1926). All the religious sects did not possess Puranas nor did all have Gitas: but some on the other hand had both, c.g., the Ganesa cult had a Purana which included also a Gita; and some had only one of the three. In any case, some of the sect-cults came to possess a Upaniral; and we have Upanigads belonging to the Siva or Visnu cult. It is need less to say that all the Upanigauls are not sectarian, but quite a large number of them are. Now, if we are to use a classification of the Upanigads as the above, what would be the consequence! Shall we still have the same philosophy of the Upanigads as now, or shall we have several philosophies! A Vedanta philosophy based upon some of the Upanisads will still be available ; but it will be only one out of several philosophies. And a large number of these will be sectphilosophies, every one of which will ally itself more easily with the other branches of the corresponding sect-literature rather than with the philosophy of the Upanisads of any other group. Curiously enough, though this classification of the Upunixads has been recognised as valid, no corresponding philosophies of the various groups of the Upaniwads have ever been attempted. And why? For the obvious reason that these would hard ly be a philosophy worthy of the name, though some of them would be excellent elucidation of sect-cults. We seem to be on the horns of a dilemma, then : if the Upanisads are not arranged and classified in some way or other, they form a chaos; if they are classified, they tend to yield not one but several philosophies. We see, therefore, that though since Gough's time and following Deussen's lead, a philosophy of the Upanisads is always spoken of, it involves an anomaly and is not altogether free from patch-work. Such a philosophy is bound to contain elements all of which cannot be found in books of the same group or of the same period of time. We have to pick up materials and knit them together into a system ; but the mate. rials are often gathered from books which are widely separated by chronological and doc. trinal differences. Deussen's own book is not free from this somewhat arbitrary selection and combination of materials. For one part of his philosophy, he quotes more or less exclusively from one set of books and for another from another. Thus, for his theory of Brahma and the univerno (op.cit., pp. 157-179), he quotes almost exclusively from the Brhadaranyaka, Mundaka, Chandogya, Katha, Aitareya and Kausitaki ; whereas, for his doctrine of Asramas, specially of Sonnyaos and Yoga, his quotations are mainly from the Kanchasruli, Jabdia, Kurikd, Sannyra later and a different group of Upanigade (cf. Das Gupta, Hist. of Ind. Ph., p. 39n.). (To be continued.)

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MAY, 1927] THE MEANING AND ETYMOLOGY OF PUJA THE MEANING AND ETYMOLOGY OF POJA. BY PROY, JARL CHARPENTIER, UPSALA.1 THE Rigveda tells us about the religion of the Aryans who had invaded India. By this statement we do not mean to suggest that only purely Aryan religious ideas are met with in the Ricah ; but on the whole they give a fairly true picture of the religion of those Aryan Brahmans amongst whom the composition of hymns and sacrificial science were already hereditary occupations, and also of that of their patrons, the Kshattriyas, who had by then got possession of vast lands conquered from the original inhabitants of the country. On the other hand, it cannot be strongly enough emphasized that the Rigveda is an Indian collection of hymns, the production of a truly Indian spirit, and that consequently it contains elements that did not originate in the Indo-Iranian period. ? This religion is that of the upper classes of society, and can never have been that of the great masses, because its ideas are too complicated, its rituals too expensive. In the midst of its pantheon are found the darlings of the Brahmans, Agni, the divine Fire, and Soma, the deified ceremonial beverage. Both of them were well-known also to the Iranians, although they called the Fire, by another name (Atar), which perhaps tallies with its different position within the Iranian cults. Further, we find gods of wholly uncertain origin, like Varuna and Mitra, undoubtedly identical with the Iranian Ahura Mazda and Mithra, though developed along quite different lines. Varuna, owing to his high moral qualities, seems a stranger amongst gods who are generally not immoral but amoral ; but nothing can be said for certain concerning his pretended Semitic origin. 3 There are still further gods like Indra and the Asvins, 4 who were perhaps at one time living chieftains of the old Indo-Iranians. And, finally, we meet there with Vishnu, the deified spirit of the sacrifice, and Rudra, an old demon who has taken on giant proportions. Both thes last were destined very soon after the period of the Rigveda to rise high above their fellow gods and to become the greatest gods of the Indian tribes. All these gods are males. Female deities--with the sole exception of Ushas, the goddess of dawn--play no part amongst the Vedic gods except as wives of their 'husbands, i.e., the 1 From the Beitrage zur Literatur Wissenschaft und Geistenyeschichte Indions. F'colyabe H. Jacobi dargebracht, Buim 1926, pp. 276 297. * It is an ingenious though unionvincing ideu of Professor Elillebrandt that parts of the Rigveda were composed outside India. This idea is now repeated on a greater scale by Professor Hertel, but is nens the less quite unconvincing. The geography of the Rigveda points to the Punjab (in spite of the suggestions of Professor Keith and others) and purely Indian hebits are alluced to in the hymns. To quote only one instance, it must be proved that ghisit means something else in the Rigveda than in the whole rest of Indian literature ; for ghee is an Indian in vention which was totally unknown to the Aryans outside India. 8 Recent literature on Varuna is found, e.g., in Johansson, Uber die altindische Gottin Dhisara und Ver wandtes (Upsala 1919, extensively reviewed by Oldenberg. Gott. gel. Anzeigen, 1919. PP. 347-364): Guntert Der arische Weltkonig und Heiland (Loipzig 1923); Heymann, Festgabe Jacobi (1926). p. 201 499 : Hillebrandt Zeitschrift fur Indoloyie u. Iranistik, vol. IV, p. 207 nq. But in spite of all this nothing certain has been ascertained concerning the nature of this mysterious god. His presence amongst the gods mon. tioned at Boghaz-Koui (cf. Konow, The Aryan Gods of the Mitanni, Christiania 1921) does not imply that those gods are Indian ; in the present writer's opinion they are all of Iranian origin. 1 On the Asvins, ef. Hillebrandt, 1.c., vol. IV, p. 213 69. 8 Concerning this god I quite share the opinion of Dr. Barnett whose short but brilliant book Hindu Gode and Heroes (1922) seems to me to contain the best information that has hitherto been written on Indian religion in general. Concerning Vishnu already Johansson in his book Sofageln i Indien (Upsala 1910) was on the right track. The present writer avows that his opinions on Vedic religion and mythology have now here been influenced by Profesor Keith's extensive now work on that subject which does not, in general, mark any progress (cf. my extensive review in Bulletin of the School of Or. Stud., vol. IV, p. 33709.) * Oy. Arbman, Rudra. Untersuchungen zum altindischen Glauben und Kulma (poala 1922).

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94 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MAY, 1927 part riayed by the wife of the Yajamdna. And further : these gods are not immoral, though with a few exceptions they lack kuowledge of any higher morality; thus, tricks of all sorts, even mean mes, and infinite amorous adventures are ascribed to Indra, the most popular one of them all. But in spite of this these gods are not evil nor are they in general dangerous to their adorer's; though they wreak their vengeance upon the Kikatas,' the Panis and all the classes who do nos bring then sacrifices. For the appetite of these gods is insatiable; the slayer of Vsitra craves for roast bullocks and slakes his thirst with lakes of Soma. Still, he is not blood-thirsty--the raw meat and the dark-red blood do not stimulate his appetite. In spite of his obvious clownishness he is far too civilized for that. These gods had no images, $ no temples. The descriptiorr which Herodotus (I, 132) has given of the sacrifice of the Persian Magi has already been frequently quoted and need not be repeated here. With a few alterations-of which perhaps the most important would be the exclusion of the words Oute rup araxalovut--this description would also fit the sacrifice of the Vedic Aryans. They sacrificed to their gods under the open sky, and the cut-up meat and the other sacrificial gifts were spread out on bundles of sacred grans (Skt. barkis, Avesta bar@sman), wbich would also provide seats for the gods approaching their meal. The officiating priests recited the hymns and liturgies, and in the middle of the sacrificiai enclosure flamed the sacred fires, inherited from the older cult of the Indo-Iranians. For, it seems obvious that the Iraniang had introduced an alteration in abolishing the sacrificial fire; and what Herodotus describes to us is obviously the cult of the Mayi with certain Zoroastrian additions, and not some sort of pre-Zoroastrian cult. The Aryans, however, were nothing more than an upper class of society, a minority of foreign invaders and conquerors, living amongst a compact mass of eleraents belonging to another race, speaking another language, of different colour, stature and facial features, and adoring absolutely different deities. To a great extent these aborigines were probably agriculturists, and their material culture was perhaps scarcely inferior to that of the invaders. But, on the other hand, the Aryans were decidedly superior in warfare by their possession of 7 Cf. Rigveda III, 53, 14. 8 The last general discussion on idols in Vedic times is found in Arbman, Rudra, p. 82 8q., one of the weakest parts of an otherwise very good book. The verse Rigveda, IV, 24, 10 (ka iman dasabhir mamendram krinati dhenuhhin / yadii ertrani janghanad athainam me panar dadat) which was anoted in this consection already by Bollensen ZDMG., XXII, 587 9., proves nothing (cf. Sieg, Sanenstofie des Rigveda, J, p. 90 09.); and some passages from the Satras Are either late or wrongly interpreted. Thus there romains, as the oldest paseage in the literature speaking of idols, the well-known stra V, 3. 99 : jei krths capanye, but as this mitra alludes to a mode of expression that was already established it proves that the use of idols was at that time of long standing. Now the present writer has tried to prove (Cf. Zeitschrift fur Indologic ft. Iranistik, II, p. 147 aq.) that Papini lived already before 500 B.C., and later researches have only stralind this opinion. A futation cannot be found in the word ywanani prescribed in IV, 1, 40. First of all we only know that Katyayana, who lived in the South and perhaps centuries after Panini, took it to mean "Greek writing" while, acrording to the stre, it should much rather mean "Greek woman." But even if we admit that to Panini tbe word meant nuandni lipin this would not be especially marvellous. For, Yavanas must have gone to the Far East very early on the orders of the Great King (e.g., Skyles of Korynnda) and might have brought their writing with them. But it is far more probable that the Yarandni lipi mesnt to Panini the Araynnie script introduced by the officials of the Persian Chancellory (of. Cowley, JRAS, 1915, 9. 346 ; Papern, CHI, I, p. 62) and its further development, the Khamoshi. Now, if Panini was acquainted with idols he must have lived in the period of older Hinduism when Aryan religion was already inseparably mixed up with aboriginal culta. That Panini was acquainted with the religion we call Hinduism is also proved by the prescription (IV, 3, 98) con coming the more of Vasudeva (cf. Jacobi, Streitberg-Festgahe, 1924, p. 159 7.) and Arjuna (cf. Bamett Hindu Gods und Heroes, p. 87 9.). I especially underline this because of the extravagant hypothesis recently advanced by Profesor Hertel in The Zeit Zoroaster (Leipzig 1924). Cf. the criticisms by Professors Clemen, Zeitschrift far Relipionncissenschaft und Misriorakundi, vol. XL, p. 45 oq., Heith. Indian Hial. Quorterly, I, p. 4 ay.. and by the present writer, Bu". SOS., vol. III, p. 747 9. Professor Hortel's reply (Die Methode der arischen Forschung Lainzig 1926) is, unfortunately, couched in terms which make it lees savoury reading.

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MAY, 19271 THE MEANING AND ETYM LOGY OF PUJA 95 weapons and tools of copper, 10 and of horses which they brought with them from Bactria and Transoxiana, old homesteads of horse-breeding. It must also be kept in mind that the same differences may have prevailed between the Aryan invaders and the aborigines as in later times between Muhammadan invaders of Turkish or Iranian origin and the Hindus. The former were physically far superior because of their diet and the climatic conditions in which they lived Which were the different populations of India at the time of the Aryan invasion is not known nor will it perhaps ever be. Perhaps we may hope the most from archaeological investigations, bat linguistic research will possibly also not be without result. But we may suggest, with a fair amount of safety, that at the time of the invasion,11 the Ganges-Jumna. Doab, the Ganges valley, Orissa and the Eastern Vindhyas--and perhaps also other parts of the North and East--were inhabited by Munda-speaking tribes, while the Southern part of the West (Sindh), the Dakhan and the extreme South were populated by Dravidians. Of their entry into India it seems dangerous to speak at a time when the new discoveries at Mohenjo Daro, Harappa, etc., are not yet sufficiently, known.13 But in view of the existence of the Brahoi language in Baluchistan it seems highly probable that the Dravi. dians entered India from the West and first of all occupied Sindh, whence they spread through the South of Rajputana, through Gujarat and Malwa to the Dakhan and the extreme South. If this was the case, and if the ruins at Mohenjo Daro, etc, are of Dravidian origin they would probably have entered Sindh before 3000 B.C. Unfortunately, nothing is known, so far, concerning the linguistic affinities of the Dravidian languages; that any connection could be established with the Sumerian seems quite improbable 13 Very little seems to be known concerning the religion of the Munda tribes proper, as they were at an early time either Dravidianized or drawn under the ban of Brahmanism. But there is no reason to think that it did not consist in a crude form of animism. We may indeed well suggest that these aborigines lived in an eternal awe of hideous and blood-thirsty demons and ghosts, whom they tried to satisfy by frequent lidations of blood and also by not unfrequent human sacrifices. The Khonds of Sambalpur, whose horrible Meriah. sacrifice is so well known from the descriptions of Campbell and Macpherson, are, no doubt, Dravidianized Mundas.14 At this sacrifice the Khonda cut the jiving human scapegoat into slices which they buried in the fields from which they expected an abundant harvest. This is apparently a very old type of sacrifice and is, no doubt, originally connected with the myth of the Purugas ukia (Rigveda, X, 90), according to which a primordial being is cut up, and out of its remnants is produced the whole creation. 16 For, in my opinion, a myth of that description presupposes a similar rite. 10 Ayas in Rigveda sems to mean only "copper "--bron ze scarcely noems to have existed in India (cf. CHI., I, p. 614)-and has only more lately came to mean "iron," which was earlier called bydrnam ayu. There is no doubt that the Indo-Eur. word underlying Skt. ayas, Avestan ayah, Latin aes and Gothie aiz, also meant only "copper." Whether it was originally a loan-word from some Mediterranean language (cf. Ipsen, Indogermanische Forschungen, vol. XLI. p. 175) is undecided and irrelevant. 11 Personally I should feel inclined to think that this invasion took place about 2000-1800 s.c. (cf. Bulletin S.O.S., vol. IV, p. 167). 13 Of these discoveries the present writer knows only through articles in the Times, The IUustrated London News (September October 1924, February March 1926), and the article of Mr. SK. Chatterji in Moderri Review, 1924, p. 665 89., (cf. Professor 8. Levi, J.A. 1925: I. p. 375 89.). To try, with Professor Konow (Festgabe Jacobi, p. 259 sq.), to connect those discoveries with the chronology of the Aryan invasion is apparently impossible. 13 Dr. F. O. Schrader in Zeitschrift fur Indojogie u. Iraris:ik, vol. II, p. 81 q.. tries to connect the Dravidian with Finno-Ugrian laaguages; but this seems fan ifal 14 O. Russell. Tribes and Castes of the Central Provinces, IUI, p. 464 89. 16 That the author of the Purusasikta thought of a real sacrifice, and not a symbolic one, is clear from verso 18: devd yad ... abadhnan purusam pafum and other pausagon. Cf. the prosout writer's work Indien (Stockholm 1926), p. 588 aq.

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96 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (MAY 1997 But it is also a well established fact that the Khonds performed the Meriah-sacrifice in order to alleviate the wickedness and dangerousness of the Earth goddess. The idea of her being of a malign nature originates in the habit of the Indian aborigines of burying their dead in the earth, which thus18 became the abode of the malignant ghosts. Sacrificial fire as well as the fire of cremation are both Aryan innovations in India. 11 No old documents are preserved concerning the religion of the Dravidians proper. 18 The descriptions that we possess all date from the three last centuries. 19 But they give us the picture of a religion so very primitive that we cannot well doubt that it must have been mainly the same for thousands of years. Brahman influences which can be traced at certain points can easily be eliminated. This religion is awe-inspiring and terrifying, a religion of eternal and illimited fright, like those known from certain parts of Africa. Man is always surrounded by a countless crowd of evil and nearly always female demons and ghosts, the wicked dangerous spirits of the dead buried in the earth. 30 These malignant beings prove their existence by plagues and epidemics amongst men and cattle, by famines and all sorts of harassings, and it is only a continuous pouring out, drinking and smearing with blood that can avert their horrible assaults. The gods of the Dravidians are, above all, the female gramadevatds, the she devils of small-pox, plague, etc. The greatest amongst them is Kali, the black, blood-smeared, corpsedevouring goddess, who has long ago been adopted by Brahmanism as the wife of Niva. There deities are adored either in the shape of rude logs or stones, or in that of rather crude idols that are put up in the open air or in the shelter of small and unpresuming looking temples. Some of these deities seem always to have been theriomorphic, and among these Hanuman. Ganesa and some of the avatars of Vishnu were, even at an early date, adopted by Hinduism and turned into great gods. A modern student of Dravidian religion points out that male ghosts generally do not develop into gramadevatas, and that the Dravidians worship only the dead, never the living -above all, of course, the spirits of those who during life-time have given proof of an evil character. 91 The great prominence of the female element in Dravidian religion must stand in psychological connection with the domineering position of woman in South Indian rencalogy and family organisation. And we can even find instances of women playing the part of priests in Dravidian religious ceremonies.22 Bishop Whitehead and Elmore tell us of the great sacrifices which are at times celebrated in various parts of the Madras Presidency, and at which hundreds of buffaloes and thousands 1. CJ. Crooke, Folklore. XXX, 294. 17 Therefore the habit of Battre (anti) cannot be attri luter to the Dravidians, but belong to the Northem races. 18 By "Dravidians" must here he understooil the inhabitants of Sonthern India. That they are racially original Dravidians cannot be proved. 15 The oldest sources are relations of Jesuit Fathers, nearly all uneditert. Inportant enough are the works of the missionary Ziegen balg of which the largent has just been edited by Professor Caland (1925), and the Halle missionary report. The recent works of Elmore and Bishop Whitehead cositail, much valuable inaterial though the authors' own conclusions are mostly open to doubt 30 Elcro Dravidian Guds in Modern Hinduism, p. 149n. quite enrrently remarks that Dravidian religion is not yet "Anoxtor-worship" but only a "mult of the malignant dead." cf. l.c., pp. 51,62 sq. 79. 146 sy. 21 Cf. Elmoro, l.c., pp. 69, 149. 33 Priosts are acting manked in female dress (Elmore, L.... Pp. 25, 35, 42); cf. also the peculiar functions of the so-called Motaringi (ibid., p. 29 .) Of. alno Crooke, Folklore, XXX, 201. That the matriarchate ww unicnown to the Aryans is correctly pointed out by Rone, L.A., L, 31 .

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MAY, 1927] THE MEANING AND ETYMOLOGY OF PUJA of sheep and fowls are butchered; the blood is to be seen flowing in streams. But quite apart from these hecatombs bloody sacrifices are quite common, and in the centre of the Dravidian cult stands the buffalo sacrifice which is performed in disgusting forms. Traditionally it is connected with the slaughter of Mahisagura, but it has far less abstract connections with a human sacrifice that was previously performed according to the same ritual. 23 Still more horrid is the slaughtering of sacrificial animals by impaling them on sharp stakes, which is practised on certain occasions (cf. Elmore, 1.c., p. 25). 24 Another sort of animal sacrifice is the burying up to its neck of a pig, after which cattle are driven over its head until it is trodden to death'; and it is well testified that the Lambadis formerly used to perform human sacrifices in this horrible way. 26 The Dravidian sacrifices generally are characterized by the fact that the sacrificers use the blood in one way or other, smear their idols or themselves with it, or pour it on boiled rice, which is then used for a common meal. On the smearing with blood something more will be said later on. The common partaking of the sacrificial blood has generally, and not unnaturally, been looked upon as a sort of sacramental meal; but in the opinion of the present writer such a view cannot be upheld. Sacramental meals, as far as I can see, are quite unknown to Dravidian religious ideas. On the other hand it seems obvious that the partaking of the blood, the use of the entrails as a sort of garland and other seemingly senseless rites all tend to the common goal of that religion: to protect oneself from the ghosts, to obtain renewed powers in the eternal strife with the devilish foes by partaking of the strengthening blood. Let us now compare the religion of the Aryans as we know it from the Rigveda and that of the aboriginal tribes as we have tried to reconstruct it here. We shall see then that all the loading ideas are totally opposed to each other, and also that, through the conditions created by the Aryan invasion and conquest, the two religions came to stand against each other as the religions of the upper and lower classes of society. But, as always, the lower classes were by far the more numerous. It was apparently impossible to convert them all to the Aryan religion, which, by the way, in wholly new surroundings soon lost some of its most characteristic features ; and for that reason the Aryan Brahmanism already at an early date began to compromise, and thus created the most heterogeneous religion in the world, which, for want of a better term, we call Hinduism. As the Brahmans then got more and more people to adopt the caste-system and declared numerous local godlings to be apparitions of Vishnu or Siva or the originally foreign Kali, Hinduism spread over even wider areas. Wo can still observe it spreading amongst primitive tribes, e.g., in the Central Provinces. 33 C. Elmoro, 1.c., p. 120. Connected with human sacrifices is also the brutal ceremony called "hookswinging." It is frequently mentioned by older authorities, and is still practised at times according to Powell, Folklore, XXV, 147 sq. 34 Impalomont was common punishment in the indigenous Indian penal law, which was often characterised by a moet horrid brutality. The well-known stories about the impaling of thousands of Jain monks by a Pandya king in the seventh century A.D. are undoubtedly historical. Many authorities have made it clear that on a primitive stage human sacrifice and capital punishment are not strictly separated, and thus we may conclude that human sacrifice has also been performed by means of impalement. 35 Cf. Dubois, Hindu Manners, 3rd ed., p. 70: Thurston, Castes and Tribes of 8. India, vol. IV, p. 226; Elmore. Lc., p. 47 sq. 1. The extnacht idea of Slater, The Dravidian Element in Hindu Culture, p. 53 a., according to hich Bohmaniam should be an epocially Dravidian institution, has been emoellently refuted by Dr. Kamott, JRA8., 1924, p. 486 In Indian religions Brahmanism is what can, with the greatest vertainty. be taken man Aryan institution.

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98 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (MAY, 1927 Hinduism has taken over temples and idols from the non-Aryan religions. Also several of its now popular deities as, e.g., Ganesa ?i and his brother" Skanda or Subrahmanya certainly have their origin in very modest surroundings. The popular Hinduism has also abolished the old fire ritual, the Vedic sacrifices and the preparation of the sacred beverage (Soma), and introduced quite new cults. The idols, inside and outside the temples, are adored by a certain series of ceremonies which are comprised under the name puja. This word occupies a central position within the dictionary of Hinduism, and it may be well worth the while to try to throw some light on its origin and original meaning. II. Few scholars seem to have been tempted to find out the etymology of pujd ; and this seems rather fortunate considering the way in which research in Sanskrit etymology is carried on by many comparative philologists. To them the two St. Petersburg dictionaries seem wholly adequate means for dealing with Sanskrit etymology, and every word that is found in those books is uncritically taken into account as being a Sanskrit " one. A method like that is scarcely apt to achieve many lasting results; but it is greatly in favour with a certain set of philologists, who either will not or cannot take the trouble of learning what "Sanskrit " and Indian philology really mean. The word puja stands quite alone within the Sanskrit dictionary; the verbal root puj(pujayali) is with every probability secondary in comparison with the noun. Both words are used many times already by Yaska and Panini and consequently belonged to the common dictionary of the dvijas in the sixth century B.C. The late Professor Bartholomae 8 tried to establish a connection between pujd and an Old Iranian baxsaja which would be the origin of Persian bathsudan " to be gracious, to forgive." 29 Again Horn, Neupersische Etymologie, p. 74 89., tried to connect it with Persian pozis "repentance." Neither of these suggestions is very attractive; and we need not further discuss them here, as it will presently be seen that we do not claim for puja an Indo-Iranian or Aryan origin. Already long ago Gundert ZDMG., vol. XXIII, p. 528, and Kittel Kannada-English Dic. tionary, p. xli, derived the word pujd from a Dravidian verbal root which occurs in Tamil as pugu-, in Kanarese as pisu 30. This root means "to smear, to put on sticky substances, to daub, to paint "and is, according to the abovenamed authors, the source also of Sanskrit presta(ka). This explanation is correct as far as pusta- "model, cast" is concerned, a word that the lexicographers often explain by lepya "clay figure, whitewash." Clay figures of gods which are prepared for certain occasions and then again destroyed are quite common in Dravidian cults. 31 Again the Sanskrit word pustaka- "manuscript, book" has been evidently shown by the late Gauthiot32 to be of Iranian origin. 37 The humorous-looking, pot-bellied god was originally not a propitious, but a disagreeable and dangerous being, whose anger had to be constantly averted, just as that of other non-Aryan demons. It is curious that we do not find it emphasized that he is adored not because he averts evil but because, if he got no adoration, he would stir up evil. This is quite correctly remarked by Jacquet, Religion des Malabars p. 15; cf. also Stevenson, The Rites of the Thoice-born, pp. 21, 293. In the latter work (p. 292 sq.) we are told about idols of Ganoia with trunk tumed rightwards as being very dangerous and being adored only by ritually very pure Brahmans. The stakes of tbb Meri Ah sacrificee gemerally consisted of a crudely cut elephant's head. 18 Cf. Grundriss der iranischen Philologie, 1:1, p. 81; ZDMG., vol. L, p. 701 (I owe this communicetion to Professor Zachariae of Halle). -> Cf. on this word Hom, Neupersiache Etymologie, p. 43 sq. ; Habechmann, Persiache Studien, p. 121. 30 Later on the Sanskrit pujd has been reborrowed in Tamil in the form puci 31 Sufruta, I, 20, , speaking of anatomical caste, calls thom putamaya, 33 of. Memoires de la Societe de Linguistique, vol. XIX, p. 130 n.

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MAY, 1927] BOOK-NOTICES Correct as seems to be the etymology given by Gundert and Kittel, they have not taken the trouble to give any detailed explanation of it. As the present writer feels convinced of the correctness of their derivation and wholly appreciates the importance of the word puja for the history of Hinduism, he will try presently to show how the word has come to its present meaning. III. In the Hindu temple service of our days the idols are treated like earthly monarchs and dignitaries33. In the morning one wakes them with the sounding of bells, instruments and hymns, just as in the Sanskrit literature the king is wakened up by the waitalikas with song and instrumental music34. Then they are bathed, smeared with sandal-powder, ointments, etc., dressed, fed and adored with incense, perfumes, betel, etc.; at times they are taken for an outing, or to visit their neighbours in other temples, and in the evening lamps are swung in front of them, and the devadasis perform their dances before the idol ere it is again brought to rest. In this daily life of the idols the series of rites called puja occupies the central part. Its separate parts are said by the good old Abbe Dubois36 to be fifteen, while Mrs. Stevenson, in her excellent book enumerates and extensively describes sixteen of them. This very detailed puja is, however, a characteristic of the present Hinduism, which has long been regulated by the Brahmans, and is highly artificial, though primitive elements can be observed within it. So we must try to find out which of these many rites can be considered to be the primitive and original paja. 99 The different sacrificial meals, which are offered to the gods as naivedya and after that generally caten by the worshippers as prasada, can be left wholly out of consideration. That one offers meals to the gods and idols is a common habit all over the earth, and nothing would lead us to believe that this is the chief constituent of the paja. But the influence of Brahmanism has made these meals vegetarian, which they certainly were not during earlier times. We may also dispense ourselves from considering certain other elements in the present pujd. What is, however, its most characteristic part is undoubtedly the washing of the idal (or the sprinkling of the linga) with water or with honey, curds, sugared water, etc., and the smearing or daubing it with certain ointments, powders or oily substances, which are generally of brilliant red or yellow colour. (To be continued.) BOOK-NOTICES. CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM INDICARUM. Vol. I. INSCRIP. TIONS OF ASOKA. New Edition. By E. HULTZSCH, PH.D. With 55 Plates. Printed for the Government of India at the Clarendon Press, 1925. Of the making of books dealing with the age of the Mauryas and the Asokan inscriptions there is no end. The present volume, which is likely to be the most authoritative edition of the Edicts yet published, was in process of being printed when the outbreak of war in 1914 put a stop to all. such work. Preparations for publication were resumed in 1920 and have culminated in the appear. ance of this fine volume, which does credit to the author and his collaborators. The volume con sists of an exhaustive Introduction, describing fully each of the Asokan inscriptions, and chapters on Asoka himself, his empire, his conversion, his dharma, and the grammars of the various groups of inscriptions. Then follow the Texts and Translations, accompanied by excellent collotype reproductions of negatives made from estampages, which are as perfect as human ingenuity can make them. In the case of the Shahbazgarhi and Mansehra edicts they are the first ever made which admit of photographic reproduction. Space forbids my discussing the details of Dr. Hultzsch's work; but I notice on page xxxviii of the Introduction that while deciding definitely that the royal house." 33 In Tamil the temple is, consequently, called Kovil 34 Cf. Kautilya ed. Jolly, p. 24, 4: sasthe (ratribhage) turyaghosena pratibuddha?. 35 Hindu Manners, p. 147 sy. 36 Rites of the Twice-born, p. 368 sq.

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100 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (MAY, 1927 Pitinikne or Pitenikas cannot be identified with the inhabitants of Pratishtana or Paithan on the Godavari, he got regards them as distinct tribe or people. Presumably, therefore, he does not scept Dr. Bhandarkar's ingenious suggestion that this word, used in conjunction with Rathikas' and BhdjAs, is an adjective signifying hereditary." The voluine and the plates are excellently printed. S. M. EDWARDES. JOURNAL OP INDIAN HISTORY, vol. IV, part II. Serial No. 11. Edited by PROF. S. KRAHIN ASWAME AIYANGAR, Madras, 1925. The September (1925) issue of the Journal of Indium History contains some notable articles. Mr. Radha Kumud Mookerji, in thoughtful cominunication entitled Laley Cupla History arl Chronology, touches on the same question As that raised by Mr. T. G. Arayamuthan in his The Kaveri, the Maukharis and the Sangam, dealing with the days of Harsha, and the two 18pects thereof may well be read together. In the noxt artiole, Pulakesi and Khuaru II, hy Prof. R. C. Majumdar, we have one of those reversele of old ideas which are so trying to old scholars in relation to Indian history, but to which they cannot object, as it is in this way that true ancient history is hammered out. Wo are now asked to believe that it was not Pulakesin II the Chalukya that received the well known embassy from the Sasanian Khusru II of Persia, but his contemporary and enemy Harsha of Kanauj. Prof. R. C. Majumdar producou much cogent evidence in support of the new view, which of course upeets the well-known interpretation of a famous pioture at Ajanta. Then, iu a remarkable paper by Dewan Bahadur L. D. Swamikannu Pillai there are produced bevon new facta concerning Indian Astrology such as only he could bring forward. Here we have a paper that all students of Indian chronology should study. There are other useful papers in this issue, but the mere mention of those above alluded to shows that the editor of this Journal is keeping it up to a high mark R. C. TEMPLE styles "geometrical Arabesque." Dr. Hankin explains that the method of constructing these latter patterns has long been forgotten, but that by & lucky chance he discovered in a small Turkish bath attached to Jodh Bai's palaco in Fathpur Sikri the faint remains of the polygons which form the actual construction lines of this class of pattern. Evidently the original artist, when he had completed his decoration of the dome, carelosely forgot to obliterate his construction lines, which thus after a lapse of three and a half centuries offer the only clue hitherto obtained to the ingenious and often beautiful decorations which distinguish Muslim architecture. Dr. Hankin's memoir has been edited by Mr. Blakiston, who has included among the illustrations two photographs of the Club at Agra, showing the designs which Dr. Hankin furnished for its interior decoration. He the result of his invostigations into this by path of Saracenic art. The second Memoir, No. 20, embodies an inquiry into "The Origin und Cult of Tara" by Mr. Hirananda Shastri, who reviews her position and charac. teristics in Brahmanical mythology, in inscriptional records, in Tantric literature, in Jaina works, in Buddhism, and in sculpture, and thunco deduces the conclusion that this goddess is of Buddhist origin and was first introduced into India from Tibet vid Nepal, and that originally she was a goddess of navigation, invoked to grant a safe crossing of rivers and also protection from floods. Hor worship commenced about the fifth century A.D. and had become very popular by the seventh century, when she was introduced as a minor deity into the Hindu pantheon. Thereafter she gradually roso to the position of the socond Mahavidyi-the chief deity for the salvation of men froin the troubles of this mundano existence. The Memoir contains several good illustrations of images of the goddess. The third Memoir, No. 27. by Mr. Charles Duroisel lo, contains reproductions, one coloured and the rest in black and white, of the pictures in a Burmese parabaile or folding-book, depicting" The Pageant of King Mindon, leaving his l'aluco una visit to the Kyauktawgyi Buddha imago at sadalay (1865)." The author explains that the clocurnent, from which the plates are reproduced, is a raro one. and is one of the few extant specimens, well sol carefully executed, of pure Burmese Art, beforo that art became sensibly influenced by western models and tochnique a few decades afterwards." The pictures present a display of the Burmese standing army at Mandalay in full drear, together with princes, princesses, ministers, and elephants, horg88, War-chariots and so forth-and each pictur! is accompanied by an explanatory commentary. In brief, the Momoir provides a most interesting sidelight on the pomp and circumstance of the Court of Mandalay in the nineteenth century. S. M. EDWARDES, JIEMOERS OF THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA, Nos. 15, 20, and 27. Government of India. Caloutta. 1926. Those thrve Memoirs exemplify the wide scopo of the work performed by the Archeological Survey of India. The first, No. 15, by Dr. E. H. Hankin, M.A., deals with "The Drawing of Goometric Patterns in Saracenic Art," and explains with the help of excellent diagrams the plan and constructional method, not only of the patterns formed on hexagonal and octagonal bases, which are comparatively easy to draw, but also of the important type of patterns in Saracenic art which the author

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JUNE, 1927] MOSLEM EPIGRAPHY IN THE GWALIOR STATE MOSLEM EPIGRAPHY IN THE GWALIOR STATE.1 By RAMSINGH SAKSENA. (Continued from vol. LV, page 5.) II-A Persian Inscription from Narwar Fort. 101 I. This inscription, being one of the epigraphical finds of the Gwalior Government, is now preserved in the Archaeological Museum at Gwalior, and is edited from a photographic reproduction. It was picked up lying about loose in the compound of the shrine of Shah Madar on the hill fortress of Narwar. II. Narwars, or classically Nalpur is traditionally supposed to be the home of Raja Nala of Nisadha whose romantic love for Damayanti as related in the Mahabharata, is familiar to every Hindu. It lies 25deg 39" north and 77deg 56" east and though once a flourishing place on the route between Delhi and the Deccan, it decayed rapidly since the construction of new roads and railways which have carried the traffic elsewhere. It is now reached from Shivapuri, the summer-resort of the Gwalior Government by a main road of twenty-five miles in length which passes through the delightful valley of the Sindh river amidst charming jungle. The inscription is engraved on a piece of white sandstone not available locally, and measures 2 ft. 2 in. x 1 ft. 5in. There are 10 lines written horizontally, and 2 vertically on the margin on the right and read from top to bottom. The first six lines and those on the margin are in Arabic prose written in Naskh character and are quotations only from the holy texts. The last four lines are in Persian poetry written in Nastaliq characters and constitute the record proper. These contain seven verses covering 3 lines, and refer to the construction of a mosque by Dilawar Khan in the reign of Muhammad Shah 'Adil in 960 A.H., and the remaining half of the fourth line gives the names of the composer and the writer. The half line near the bottom contains the values of the letters employed in the chronogram according to the Abjad system, as well as the year in words-a practice not commonly resorted to. Of the persons named, the king is Muhammad Shah 'Adil, who ruled from 1552 to 1554 A.D., and has been styled 'Adili' by Firishta. He was the third king of the Sur dynasty of the early Sultans of Delhi. Dilawar Khan, by whose order the mosque had been built, is mentioned as (Naib) viceroy, presumably of Narwar. Sayyid Ahmad and Nazir Shattari are the composer and the writer respectively of the record, and need hardly be looked for in History. Suffice it to say that they came from a Muhammadan sect of the Shattarias, to which belonged the famous Saint Muhammad Ghaus of Gwalior, and may have lived at Narwar as religious teachers. " 1 See ante, vol. LV, pp. 4-5. 2 Shrines of Shah Madar are met with everywhere, probably in commemoration of a visit by that well-known saint of Makanpore-Ain-i-Akbari I, 1307. 3 For detailed description of Narwar, see CASR., vol. II, p. 307, and ante, vol, XII, 80.

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No. of line (see Plate).. [ JUNE, 1927 At the end of the marginal line appears another name Khan-i-Jahan, who styles himself 'Amil and seems in all probability to be the engraver of the epigraph. The date, as given both in words and in the chronogram Hukm-i-Dilawar Khan is 960 A.H. (=A.D. 1552). I read the inscription as under: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. . 6. mdm lmsjd llh fl td`w m` llh 2 llh lrHmn lrHym * nm y`mr msjd llh mn amn bllh wlywm lakhr w'n - yqwt lHmr THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY kono Hd * msjd lshms `l~ ltqw~ mn 'wl ywm 'Hq 'n tqwm fyh fyh rjl mHbwn 'n ytThrw wllh yHb lmThryn * ql rswl llh Sl~ llh `lyh wslm . lh h ... dh ldhy yshf` .. Text. . 08080 Annet / 6/0 wn/n/ 0 / 0 // // llh llh l hw lHy lqywm l t'khdhh sn@ wl nwm lh mfy lsmwt wm fy l'rD mn - 0/1651 mn byny byny byt llh bn~ llh lh ysh fy ljn@ mn `ndh l bllh y`lm mbyn 'ydyhm wm khlfhm wl yHyTwn bshyy' mn `lmh l bm sh ws` krsyh lsmwt wl'rD wl bwdh HfZhm whw l`l~ l`Zym * Sdq llh l`Zym w Sdq rswlh lkrym * h Margin sbHn ldhy 'sr~ b`bdh lyl mn lmsjd lHrm l~ lmsjd l'qS~ ldhy brkn . .... . . . 102 0 0 0 /02 0/0 W d. Hwlh lnryh mn aytn nh hw lsmy` lbSyr * `ml fqyr khn jhn bn (mnwr)

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Intian Antiquiry Plate 1. INSCRIPTION FROM NARWAR FORT, GWALIOR STATE-A.H. 960 = A.0, 1552. . t , l n lmrt ldm kh wzlmr l`wml w mqlt drmn w mwd bh nd, wl mn y qtl nm y sy nd s dwrn r k l m n w h n lh mwlt wr mn mn bry n r bdwn nqT khrd nr mwl wkmy@ n HTm wllh l`Zh bh lh lmlww n pr Hmyt z bysh brn dr lyst b bhrt khy nly yn fSn bh dlwrjn bkht dr byn tryn ndkhth st dry yn `Tr pyr s yd bydy ndy `ly nSn msjd whw mn z rmyrn kz`lwbsh slm z mn lnt brtrnd rst bl btkhwn b wn bry ykh khnl nft bh khm z yn h r bshnd yn bm l t`lm R. S. SAKSENA

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103 MOBLEM EPIGRAPHY IN THE GWALIOR STATE. Jum, 107 ] .7 shkhr khh jn bGchH rDwn st z mh md shd `dl khh shd dwrn st Glb tnft flkh lshkhr wst mlkh Zhr bG jn rwDh w w rDwn st w ny'b khS shh wlwr khn skht mjry khS khh mwy bh khmn st khfr mGlwb shd slm z w Glb gsht bt ngwn gshth w btkhnh zw wyrn st .w bykh btfnh z bnyd brndkhth st msjd w Swm`h z dwltsh abdn st syd Hmd bGdst bryn l gwh khh blTf w khrm z khS sb`n st .10 sl trykh zmn hl nZr pzsydnd btfy gft bgw Hkhm dlwr khn st qyd syd Hmd bn wly Hsyny khlyfh ktb lfqr nZry shTry khlyfH Gwth `lm shykh mHmd Gwth - .ll ` = hsht - kh = bst............. l = sy - lf = ykhy - w = shsh - - dwyst kh - shqSr - - ykhy - n = pnjh - nhSd w shSt (nwd w shSt) "Lugga" (Two hundred). This expression is not employed rarely.

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104 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JONE, 1927 Translation. The Arabic portion needs hardly any translation as the quotations, besides being very well-known, have no bearing on the main record, and I content myself by giving the reference to these quotations - 1. Usual invocation from the Qur'an, Sipdra X, Rug'al 3. 2. Sipara XI, Ruq'at 2. 3. The Mishket Sharif, an Hadis. 4, 5, and part of 6. Sipara III. Ruq'at I or Ait-ul-kursi. Remainder of 6. Closing dictum of Qur'an. Lines on the margin. Sipara XV, Ruq'at, 1. At the end of the lines on the margin. 'Amil (engraver) Khanjahan son of (Munavvar?). 7, verse 1. God be thanked, for the world is like the garden of Rizwan (Eden) on account of Muhammad Shah 'Adil who is the Lord of the age. 7, verse 2. Probably the empyreal firmament is his throne and the angels, his army. In appearance, the garden of the world is Paradise and he its Rizwan. 8. verse 3. Dilawar Khan, the chief among the king's viceroys, caused this mosque to be built, which is like a place of shelter for the favourites (of God). 8, verse 4. Infidelity has been subdued and Islam has triumphed because of him. The idols have bowed (to him) and the temples have been laid waste on account of him. 9, verse 5. The temples have been razed to the ground along with their foundations and the mosques and worship-houses are flowing with his riches. 9, verse 6. Sayyid Ahmad bears a testimony, by God, that in point of kindness and generosity, he (king) is the chief among God's favourites. 10, verse 1. The sages inquired of me the date of the construction. The divine inspirator inspired me to say, "It is the injunction of Dilawar Khan" (ulas sa Remainder of 10, Composed by Sayyid Ahmad, son of Vali Husain Khalifa. Writer of record Nazir Shattari (a successor to, or descendant of) defender of universe Shekh Muham. mad Ghaus. 11. a = = 8, = 20, '= 40.8 +20 + 40 = 68. 33=J= 4, J = 30,1 = 1,= 6,) = 200.4 + 30 +1 + 6 + 200 = 241. u = c = 600, 1 = 1, w = 50.600 + 1 + 50 = 651. wla SS = 68 + 241: + 651 = 960: 960 A.H. = 1552 A.D. i . . III. As remarked above, the inscription has not been picked up in situ, yet the absence of any other Muhammadan centre in the near vicinity safely assigns it to Narwar. Taking it to belong to Narwar, it points to a new fact, viz., the presence of a Muhammadan governor at Narwar-a fact which has not hitherto been found in any of the records. All agree that except for an insignificant loss of possession during the invasion of ambitious. Musalman emperors, the Hindus held Narwar independently or as federates of Delhi up to the 19th century A.D. when it passed to Sindia. Sikandar Lodi, who personally occupied Narwar nearly half a century before the writing of this epigraph, gave the fort to Raja Gaja Singh, a Kachwaha, thus restoring the fortress to the original owners. The Kachwahas held and ruled over Narwar peacefully up to the 19th century without even being disturbed by an attack from outside.. How the governorship descended upon Dilawar Khan, as mentioned in the inscription, baffles all explanation and necessitates further research. (To be continued.) 5 0,4.8.R., vol. II, p. 307.

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JUNE, 1927 VEDIO STUDIES 105 VEDIC STUDIES. By A, VENKATASUBBIAH, M.A., PH.D. (Continued from page 66.) 3. Svasara. The attempts so far made at the elucidation of the meaning of this word are not satis. factory. The author of the Vedic Nighantu has mentioned this word three times once (1,9) as n synonym of ahas, day, once (3, 4) as a synonym of gyha, dwelling, and once (4, 2) without mentioning any meaning. The deficiency in this last instance is made good by Yaska who has interpreted it as ahas. This meaning ahas is repeated by Uvata and Mahidhara in their commentary on VS. 26, 11 and by Devaraja in his commentary on the Nighantu. Saya na, on the other hand, has, in his RV. commentary, made use not only of the meanings ahas and grha (with suitable modifications, as for instance, yagahan 9, 94, 2; kulaya 2, 19, 2; goshtha 2, 2, 2, etc.) but bas in addition interpreted the word as aditya in 5, 62, 2, as marga in 6, 68, lo, and as sarira in 1, 34, 7; see Geldner, Ved. Studien, 3, 111. Roth has assigned to this word the meanings (1) Hurde, Stall; (2) Gewohnter Ort, Wohnplatz, Wohnung, Nistplatz der Vogel ; that is to say, he has confined himself to the meaning grha and rejected the meaning ahas. This meaning, however, hardly yields good sense in many of the passages where the word occurs; and Geldner has, therefore, in his article on this word (Ved. Studien, 3, 110 ff.), investigated anew its meaning, and starting with the assumption that it means both a plavo and a time of day (as declared by the author of the Nighantu), has come to the conclusion that suusara means (1) Fruhtrieb, Morgenweide; the time before 8amgava when the cows graze freely on the pasture; (2) Fruhausflug aus dem Nest, dic Morgenatzung with regard to birds; and (3) die Fruhmesse, Fruhlibation, and, upalakshanena, all the three savandni or libations. This interpretation is approved of by Macdonnell (see his Vedic Index, H.V. ahan, go, suarara) and apparently by Oldenberg also who translates (RV. Noten 1, 260)3, 60, 6c as 'Diese Weiden bieten sich dir dar.' Hillebrandt, on the other hand, translates (Lieder des RV., p. 80) 5, 62, 2c as Ihr macht alle Milchstromo des (himmlischen) Stalles strotzen' and seems therefore still to follow Roth in his interpretation of the word. It seems to me that the translations given above of 3, 60, 6 and 5, 62, 2 by Oldenberg and Hillebrandt are bardly satisfactory. Nor are Geldner's translations (given in his RV. Ubersetzung) of 1, 34, 7cd ("Drei Entfernungen kommt ihr Wagenlenker Asvin her zu Fruhmesse wie der Windhauch zur Fruhweide'), 2, 19, 2cd (' dass die Labsale der Flusse forteil. ten wie Vogel zu den Futterplatzen ') and 3, 60, 6cd (Dir stehen diese [Soma-) weiden zur Verfugung auf Geheiss der Gotter und nach den Satzungen des Menschen ') any better : they indicate that the meanings proposed by Geldner for the word 'svasara are not correct and that they need to be revised. The reason for such incorrectness, too, is not far to seek. Geldner has begun his ex. position (Ved. Studien, 3, 11l) with the observations (1) that the verses 2, 34, 8: dhenur na bigve suasareshu pinvale ; 2, 2, 2: abhi tva naktir ushaso vardsire 'gne vatsam na svasareshu dhenaval : 8, 88, 1: abhi vatsam na svasareshu dhenava indram girbhir naramahe ; 9, 94, 2: dhiyah pinvanah svasare na gava playantir abhi vdvasra indum show that the cows ooze with milk and low for their calves at the time or place of svasara, and (2) that the verses 1, 186, 5: situm na pipyushiva veti sindhuh and 2, 16, 8: dhenur na valsam yarasasyo pipynushi show that the milch-cow longs for and returns to her calf when she is pipyushi or yavasasya pipyushi. 8 In his RV, Glossar, Goldner gives two meanings only, 'Fruhweide, Fruhatzung, fig. fur die Morgunlibation 1, 3, 8; 2, 34, 6; 8, 90, 1' for this word. It is uncertain whether he has given up the other meanings or merely abutained from reproducing them here as being (in his opinion) inappropriate in the verses referred to.

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106 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY { JUNE, 1927 These observations are unexceptionable; and when taken into consideration along with the statement in Tait. Br. 1, 4, 9, 2: (tasmal trir ahnah pasavah prerate | pratah samgave sayam) that the cows went out to graze thrice a day, pratah, samgave and sayam, they point to the conclusion that the cows returned home from the pasture thrice a day oozing with milk and longing and lowing for their calves. Similarly, Geldner's further observation (p. 113) that svasara denotes the time when the cows roam about and freely graze on the pastures (sva-sara), supposing that it is correct, points, when taken in conjunction with the above statement of the Tait. Br., to the conclusion that there are three periods of time in each day which can be denoted by the word svasara, and not one period only, that preceding the samgava time, as stated by Geldner. Now, what are the three times of the day when the cows were driven out to graze? It has been remarked, in this connection, by Macdonell (Vedic Index, s. v. go, note 4) that the exact sense of the above-mentioned passage of the Tait. Br. (1, 4, 9, 2) is obscure and that 'strictly speaking, the cows were driven out from the cattleshed in the morning, spent the heat of the day in the Samgavini, were then driven out during the evening to graze and finally came or were driven home.' That is to say, the cows were, according to him, driven out to graze twice only in the day-in the morning before sangava, and in the afternoon after samgava, and not thrice. This view seems to me to be untenable, and I am disposed to think that the statement of the Tait. Br. is correct and that the cows were driven out to graze thrice a dayin the morning (pratah), in the samgava time (samgave), and in the evening (sayam), that is to say, in the latter part of the night (pascimaratra) before the morning-milking, in the late morning after the morning-milking, and in the afternoon some time after the samgava-milking, and that they returned or were driven home from the pasture before the morning-milking, before the samgava-milking, and before the evening-milking respectively. Compare also Bhatta-Bhaskara's comment (p. 235) tasmad ahnas trih prerate pasavas caranartham pratishthante pratah samgave sayam ca on this passage. The return home of the milch-cows has been described frequently by the later Sanskrit classical writers from whose writings I reproduce here some passages on this subject: 1. uparatah pascimaratrigocarad aparayantah patitum javena gam tam utsukas cakrur avekshanotsukam gavam ganah prasnulapivaraudhasah || Kiratarjuniya 4, 10. 2. nirvati vasare astacala-kuta- kirite nicula-manjari-bhamsi tejamsi muncati viyan-muci marici-malini divasa-vihrti-pratyagatam prasnuta-stanam stanam. dhaye dhayati dhenu-vargam udgata-kshiram kshudhita-tarnaka-vrate Harshacarita (Nirnayasagara ed., p. 80). 3. anindya Nandini nama dhenur dvavrte vandt || bhuvan kosken kundodhni madhyendrabhadapi prarandhivarshasti vatadlokapravartin || Raghuvamia (1, 82-84). 4. sa naicikih pratyaham atapante pratyuklaghosha iva vatsanadaih| madhuni vamsadhvanibhih prayacchan ninaya bhiyo 'pi nivasabhumim || Yadavabhyudaya 4, 89. Except that, as regards the second observation, the word pipyushi, in 2, 16, 8 has no connection with the word yavasasya which precedes it and which is to be construed with the verb abhyavavrista. The cow moreover does not long for her calf when she is pipyushi but becomes pipyushi [i.e., oozing with milk] when she remembers and longs for her calf or sees it; compare Kiratarjuniya 4, 10: uparatah pascimaratrigocarad aparayantah patitum javena gam | tam utsukas cakrur avekshanotsukam gavam gandh prasnutapivaraudhasah and the commentator's explanation utsuka vatseshutkanthitah prasulapivaraudhaso vatsasmaranat aravatpinapinah; Raghuvamsa 1, 81: bhuvam koshnena kundodhni medhyenavabhrthad api | prasravenabhivarshanti vatsalokapravartina; Yasastilakacampo, 2, 184: levacit vatsekshana-kahana-ksharat-stana-dhenu-dugdha-dhara-dhavyamana-dharapitham.

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JUNE, 1927] VEDIC STUDIES 107 5. sayam gato yamayamena Madhavah !! gavas tato goshtham upetya satvaram huikdrahoshaih parihutasamgatan svakan svakan vatsataran apa yayan muhur lihantyah Sravad audhasam payah Srimad Bhagavata 10, 13, 23-24. 6. vimucyamaneshu sandhyopasananjali-mukuleshu... vighatamaneshu cakra vakamithuneshu.... mukhari bhavalsu mathyamaneshu arnavurnassv iva abhyarna-tarnaka-svand karnanodirnena dhenushyanam dirgha-rambhitaravena gopuramukheshu Yagastilaka-campu 2, p. 10. The first of these passages describes the return home of the cows from the pascimardtri. gocara, longing (utsuka) for their calves and with their udders oozing milk. Pascimardtrigocara means the pasture in which the cows graze in the last part of the night ; and hence this verse describes the return home of the cows before the pratardoha 10 The other passages refer to the return home of the milch-cows in the evening and likewise represent these cows as eager to rejoin their calves, lowing to them, and hastening to them (goshtham upetya satvaram) with their udders oozing milk (prasnutastanam; prasravena; sravad audhasam payah). This eagerness of the tows to join their calves, their lowing to them and their hastening to them with udders oozing milk are features that figure also in innumerable verses of the RV. that contain comparisons. Compare for instance 10, 149, 4: vasreva vatsam sumand duhand patir ita jaya'm abhi no ny etu ; 10, 75, 4: abhi tud sindho sidum in na mataro vasra' arshanti payaseva dhenavah; 1,38, 8: vdbreva vidyun mimali vatsam na mata' sishakti ; 1, 32, 2: vdsra' iva dhenavah syandamand anjah samudram dva jagmur d'pah; 1, 164, 28: gaur amimed anu vatsam mishantam mardha' nam hi'n akrnon ma'tava' u Sr'kvanam gharmam abhl vavasana' mi'mati mayum payate payobhin; 9, 86, 2: asykshata rathydso yatha prthak dhenur na vatsam payasabhi vajrinam. In the same way, the lowing of the calves for their mother-Cows and the licking of the calves by the cow (see Bhagavata, 10, 13, 24 cited above) are likewise referred to in many RV. verses; compare, in respect of the former, 1, 164,9: amemed vatso anu ga'm apasyat ; 9, 94, 4: tam udvasdnam matayah sacantc; 10, 1, 2: pra matr' bhyo adhi kanikradad gah and in respect of the latter, 3, 41,5; rihanti savasas patim | indram vatsam na matarah ; 3, 55, 13: anyasyd vatsam rihati' mimaya ; 1, 186, 7: si' sum nu ga'vas tarunam rihanti; 3, 33, 3: valsam iva matara samrihane. The passages cited above describe the return home of the milch-cows in the early morning (before the pratar-doha) and in the evening (before the sayam-doha) only. I do not know of any which describes their return home at the samgava timell (before the samgava milking)"; but it can not be doubted that, at that time too, the milch-cows would be eager to rejoin 10 The prutardoha takos place in the morning and the cow are immediately after driven out again to tho paature. This pasture can not be denoted by the word pascimardtri-gocara which means the parture in which the cowa graze in the last part of the night. (This is what is called Siru-vidu in Tamil. See Tiruppavai translated in Ind. Ant., vol. LV, p. 103, stanza 8. It is there referred to as being peculiar to buffaloes; but the custom seems to survive even in regard to cows in some placet S.K.J 11 That they did return home before the samgara time is clearly indicated by Tait. Br., 1, 5, 3, 1: mitrasya samgava tal punyam tejasvy ahal tasemat tarhi palaval samayanti and Bhatta-Bhaskara's comment diganteshu caritvi vraja sama gacchanti thereon. 12. This is perhaps due to the fact that while the pratandoha and sayamdoha are universal, the samgava-doha as well as the return home of the cows at that time, is not. Compare for instance the passage in the Raghuvamia beginning with 2, 1: atha prajanam adhipa prabhate jaya pratigra hitp gandhumalyam vana ya pita-pratibaddha-vatsam yabodhano dhenum rahermumoca which states that the king let loose the cow order to go and graza in the forest at daybreak after the morning-milking, and ending with 2, 15: sa ncara patani digantara ni kytva dinante nilaya ya gantum | pracakrame pallavardgatamnt prabhd palangasya maneca dhenuh which says that the milch-oow turned her face home in the evening after having roamed about all the day. It is obvious from this passage that Vasishtha's homadhenu did not return home, and was not milked, at sa mgawa time. Compare also the epithet dingta-vihrli-pratydgaan that is applied to dhonuvargam in the Harshacarita passage cited above.

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108 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY ( Jux, 1927 their calves and would hasten to them, lowing and with their udders oozing milk. The oozing of milk from the cows' udders is thus not the characteristic of a place, but of a time--the time when the milch-cows return home from the pasture and are milked. This, . as we have seen above, takes place three times a day-pratah, samgave and sayam or roughly, in the three sandhya or savana times. It is these three times of the day that are denoted by the word svasara. Svasara is thus approximately equivalent to sandhya, and in the plural, may be said to be a synonym of the word trisandhya or trishavana. It is a kalavdcakasabda or word denoting time; and as such, it can be used in sentences to denote the times when" not only in the locative case, but in the accusative and genitive cases also ; see Whitney, $$ 274c, 300a, and 302b. Compare also Gaedicke (p. 178): "Der Accusativ von Zeitbegriffen besagt, dass der Vorgang wahrend ihrer Dauer, der Genitiv, dass er wahrend eines Theils derselben, der Locativ, dass er zwischen ihren Grenzen, der Instrumental, dass er mit ihrem Eintritt und Verlauf stattfindet. Daher kann die Frage wie lange nur durch den Accusative beantwortet werden, wahrend das wann' durch alle vier Casus bestimmt werden kann" Like the word sandhyd which, though denoting the three sandhyd times, morning, noon and evening, is sometimes used in the sense of evening' only (see Apte), the word svasara too, seems frequently to be used in the sense of evening. This seems to be the case in the verses which refer to the cows oozing milk for their calves or lowing to them. And likewise there seems to be no doubt that svasara means 'evening'in verses 2, 19, 2 and 2, 34, 5, where it is mentioned in connection with birds (vayah ; hamsdk); for it is well-known that birds return to their nests in the evening and this fact is referred to in many passages in the later classical literature also. Compare for instance : Akulas cala-palatri-kulanam dravair anuditaushasa-ragah dyayav dharidaiva-vipand us tulyatam dina-mukhena dinantah ! Subhashitaratnabhandagara (1911, p. 308, v. 27) paripatati payonidhau patangah sarasiruham udareshu malta-bhrngah upavana-taru-kotare vihangas taruri-janeshu sanaissanair anangah Ibid. (v.45) Avdsotsuka-pakshinah kalarutam kramanti vrkshalaydn dhatte carunatam gato ravir asav astacalam cumbatii Ibid. (p. 309, v. 68) apardhna-sitalatarena sanair anilena lolita-latangulaye . nilaydya lakhina ivdhvayate dadur akulah khaga-kulani girah || Magha (9, 4) vihaya dharanitalam unntucya kamalini-vandni fakunaya ira divasdraadne tapovanataru-bikhareshu parvatagreshu ca ravi-kirandh sthitim akurvata Kadambari (B.S.S. ed., p. 47) lokantaram upagatavaty anuragaseshe jdte tejasdm adhibe... avataratas tridabavimdna-linkini-kvanita iva sruyamane bdkhi-tikhara-kuldya-liyamdna-bakuni-kulakujite Harshacarita (p. 170) Subheardlapa-samvarana-parenu vislaritanibaddha-koldhalani sakuni-kulani tarukuldya-kogareshv asishu ( 80 !) upavana-nijih. .. kramena catikranle pradoshasamaye .... Tilakamaojari (p. 160)

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JUNE, 1927) VEDIO STUDIES 109 I have no doubt that it is this home-coming of the birds in the evening that is referred to by the above-mentioned RV., verses (2, 13, 2; and 2, 34, 5). And similarly, it is my belief that the word sviisara denotes evening 'in verses 1, 3, 8; 2, 2, 2; etc., where it is mentioned in connection with cows. It is true that in the language of the poets) the cows return home with milk-oozing udders and low to their calves not only in the evening, but in the other two svasara times also, namely, in the morning and forenoon. But the paucity of references in the later classical literature to the home-coming of the cows in these two svasara times, combined with the many references to their home-coming in the evening, makes me think that the RV. poets too had this home-coming of the cows at evening in their mind when they used the word svasara in connection with cows in 1, 3, 8; 2, 2, 2; etc.13 I shall now show that the above-mentioned meaning, namely, sandhyd time or evening, fits into the context and yields good sense in all the passages where the word svasara occurs. I begin with 1, 3, 8: visve deva' 80 apturah sutam &' ganta tu'rnayah usra' iva svasarani || "Oye All-Gods, come ye here, conquering the waters (in respect of rapid motion), quick, to the Soma juice, as cows in the evening." Svasardni svasareshu. The comparison usrd iva svasardni means yatha urdh svasareshu vatsdn prati. satvaram gacchanti tatha. This idea of swiftness is expressed, besides, by the epithets turnayah and apturah. The savana time that is proper to the Visvedevah is the third or evening savana : compare Ch. Up. 2, 24, 1: Adityandm ca visvesham ca devinam trtiyasavanam; and though this verse is, in the ritual, (As. Sr. Sutra, 5, 10, 5) prescribed for recitation in connection with the Vaisvadevagraha of the pritas-savana, it is not improbable that it was originally recited in connection with the evening savana and that the word svasarani is to be construed with the verb aganta also. 1, 34, 7: trir no asvind yajatd dive dive pari tridha' tu prthivi'm asdyatam tisrondsatyd rathyd paravata atmera va'tah svasardni gacchatam | u Thrice every day, O ye worshipful Asvins, do ye come to the threefold earth, to us. O vo Asvins that ride on chariote, ye go (i.e., pass) through the three distant places at the windhyd times (as swiftly) as the swift-moving wind". With regard to the last pada, con par 1, 79, 1: va'ta iva dhrajiman; 1, 163, 11 : lava cittam vd'ta iva dhrajiman; 10,95, 2:durdpand' w' ta indham asmi; 4, 38, 3: rathaturam vd'tam iva dhra'jantam : 7, 33, 8: vd'tasyeva prajapo na nyena; 10, 78, 3: ud'ta so me ye dhunayo jigatnavah, etc., all which contain comparisons referring to the swiftness of the wind.. 2, 2, 2: abhi tud naktfr ushaso wavdfire gne valsing na svasareshu dhenavah diva ived aratir ma nusha yuga' kshapo bhasi puruvdra samyatah || a for thee, O Agni, did they low, in the nights and in the mornings, as milch-cows do for their calf in the sandhyd times. Being bright, thou shinest, as in day so in the nights, successively, throughout man's life, O thou that hast many desirable things." It is the opinion of Oldenberg (1.c.) that the words naktih and ushasah are in the nomi. native case and should be regarded as the subject of the verb vaudfire, the verin being translated as: 'dir haben Nachte und Morgenroten zugebrallt.' This is the opinion of 18 I have, therefore, in what follows, translated svasara as 'ovening 'in thero versos. It is, however, open to those who do not share my above expressed belief to translate the word m andhyd time,

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110 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY ( June, 1927 Bloomfield also (RV. Repetitions 1, 162) who refers to 9, 94, 2 (in which I find nothing bearing on this point) in this connection; and Sayana too has given this as an alternative explanation. There is however no verse elsewhere in the RV. in which the Nights and Dawns are re. presented as crying after. Agni. I prefer therefore to regard naktih and ushasah as being in the accusative case and used here in adverbial sense. This is the view of Sayana also in his first explanation and of Geldner. As subject of the verb vavdfire we have to understand either the priests or the prayers ; compare 10, 64, 15 : gra'va yatra madhushud ucyate brhad avivasanta matibhir manishirah; and 1, 62, 3: sam usriyabhir vavasanta narah where the priests are said to have lowed for the gods and for Indra ; and also 8, 44, 25 : agne dhrtavrataya te samudra'yova sindhavah | giro vasra' sa frate; and 7, 5, 5 : tva'm agne harito vivasand' girah sacante dhunayo ghrta cih where the prayers (girah) are said to low after Agni and run to him. Compare also 9, 63, 21 : mati' viprah sam asvaran where the priests are said to cry after Soma with prayers. Regarding arati, see the Excurgus. 2, 19, 2: asya mandano madhuo vajrahasto 'him indro arnour' tam vi vrscat pra yad vayo na svusardny accha prayarisi ca nadi' nam cakramanta " Exhilarated with this sweet juice, Indra, who carries the Vajra in his hand, cut off the dragon who had confined the waters, so that, like birds in the evening, the pleasing (i.e., refreshing) waters of the rivers, too, moved swiftly towards (the sea).'14 The reference here is to Indra's well-known exploit of the liberation of the Waters and Cows after slaying the dragon; and I therefore agree with Sayana in his opinion that the word samudram is to be supplied after accha in the second half-verse. Compare the next verse : indro arno apam prairayad ahiha'cchd samudram; see also Geldner, Ved. Studien, 3, 115, who, in his RV. Ubersetzung, however, construes accha with the word svasarani and translates : die Labsale der Flusse forteilten wie Vogel zu den Futterplatzen.'11 It is hard to explain why the word ca has been used in pada 4. Its use implies that something else, besides the prayamsi, moved swiftly; and what this something else is, it is difficult to determine ; see Oldenberg, RV. Noten, 1, 203. Perhaps it is the arnamsi, torrents, referred to by the word arnovytam in pada b (compare also the words arno apam in the next verse). This is the view of Geldner in Ved. Studien, 3, 62, though in this case, it is difficult to make a distinction between the arnamsi and praydusi. Or perhaps, it is the cows that Indra sets free with the waters or rivers (compare 1, 32, 12: ajayo gd' ajayah fura simam avdarjah sartave sapta sindhun and 2, 23, 18: tava sriye dy djihita parvato gavdm gotram vid asrjo yad angirah | indrena yuja' tamasd parivrtam by' haspate nir apd'm aubjo arnavam) and that are likewise mentioned in the next verse : indro arno apa'm pralrayad ahiha'cchd samudram! ajanayat si'ryan vidad gar aktuni'hnam vayunani sadhat. Compare also 1, 61, 10: Indrah! gal na vrana' avanir amuncat. Indra set free, like the cows, the rivers that were confined.' Here too, svasarani = svasareshu. The point of comparison in the simile vayo na svasardni like birds in the evening,' is swiftness which, though not mentioned, is to be understood here, compare in this respect the verse 1, 3, 8 (explained above) where too the samanyadharma is not mentioned. I have cited above many passages from classical Sanskrit writers which describe the return of birds to their nests in the evening. One only of these, namely, dvdsots ukapakshinah kalarutan kramanti urkshalayan... mentions that the birds are cager', i.e., hurrying, 24 Ho hassimilarly construed aocha with pasardni in Ved. Studien, 3, 52, also where he has translated i Vogol zur Morgenstsung, (dio Fluten) und der Wonnotrank der Flumo devoneilten.'

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JUNE, 1927 ] VEDIO STUDIES 111 to return to their nests: the other passages make no mention of this feature. To com pensate for this, there are many RV. verses that make no mention of evening time, but refer, expressly or implicitly, to the swift movement of the birds when returning to their nests. Compare, for instance, 6, 3, 5: citradhrajatir aratir yo aktor ver na drushadud raghupatma. jannah, of wonderful speed, shining at night, with swift-flying wings like a bird that is going to sit on a tree (i.e., that is going to its nest; compare particularly the words dvdsa and vrkshdlaya in the passage dvdsotsuka pakshinah kalarutam ...cited above). 1, 25, 4 : pard hi me vimanyavah patanti vasya-ishtaye vayo na vasati'r upa, 'like birds to their nests, my prayers fly swiftly, seeking good fortune'; 1, 30, 4: ayam u te sam alasi ka pota iva garbhadhim 'this (Soma juice) is for thee; thou fliest to it as swiftly as a dove does to its nest;' 1, 33, 2: uped aham dhanada'm apratitam jushtam ni byeno vasati'm palami 'I fly swiftly to him, the giver of riches, the irresistible, as the falcon flies to its own dwelling place '; 1, 183,1: tam yunjatham manasi yo ja viyan trivandhuro vrshand yas tricakrah | yenopayathah suko'to duronam tridha'tund patatho vir na parnaih yoke, ye two bulls, that (cbariot), which is swifter than thought, has three seats, three wheels and three parts, and on which ye come, ye fly gwiftly, to the dwelling of the pious person like a bird that flies with its wings to its dwellingplace'; 10, 115, 3: tam vo vim na drushadam ...mahivratam na sarajantam adhvanah him (sc. Agni), who moves (as swiftly) as a bird that is going to sit on a tree (i.e., that is going to its nest).... raising dust over paths like a mighty person.'16 Compare also 9, 72, 5: d' prah kratun sam ajair adhvare mati'r ver na drushac camror d' sadad dharih; 9. 61. 21: sammislo arusho bhava su pastha'bhir na dhenubhih | si' danc chyeno na yonim d'; 9, 62, 4 : asavy andur maddyd prud akeho girishtha'h | byeno na yonim d'sadat ; 9, 71, 6 : byeno na yonim sadanam dhiya' kytam hiranyayam asadan deva eshati e rinanti barhishi priyam gira' 'svo na devd' apy eti yajri'yah; 9, 82, 1: asavi somo arusho vy'shah ari rd'jeva dasmo abhi ga' ucikradat punano ud'ram pary ety avyayam byeno na yonim ghytavantam asadam ; 9, 86, 35 : Isham a'rjam pava manabhy arshasi byeno na varsu kala deshu edasi; 10, 43, 4: vayo na vrksham supaldsam d'sadan sumasa indram mandinas camushada'where the idea of swiftness is implied by the comparison with the bird or falcon' sitting,' i.e., going to sit, in its nest. 16 The comparison vayo na svasardni therefore in the above half-verse (pra yad vayo na svraarany accha prayansi ca nadi nam cakramanta) means 'as swiftly as birds (fly to their dwelling-places) in the evening.' The idea of swiftness is referred to clearly in other pas. sages also that describe the running forth of the Waters' or rivers after their liberation by Indra : compare 3, 32, 6: tvam apo yaddha vytram jaghanva'i atyan iva prd'orjah sartava' jas; 1, 32, 2; ahann ahim parvate sisniydnam .. vdsra' iva dhenavah syandamana anjah samudram ava jagmur d'pah; 1, 130, 6: tvam vi'tha nadya indra sartaveccha samudram astjo nathan iva vdjayalo rathdn iva ; 2, 15, 3: vajrena kha'ny atnan nadi'ndm vy'tha 'orjat pathibhir dirghayathaih; 4, 17, 3: vadhid vtram vajrena mandasanah sarann d'po javaad hatavishnik ; 10.111, 9.10 : ariah sindhunr ahind jagraadna'n d'd id eta'h pra vivire javena mumukshamand uta ya mumuore 'dhed etd' n aramante nitiktah || sadhri'cih sindhum ukati'r ivdyan. 16 Sarajantam, I conceivo, is the participle of a denominativo verb formed from saraja (30+ raja which is another form of rajas: see PW, .V., naja and saraja) and meaning to make dust y; to raise dust.' Regarding the simile mahivratam na sarajantam adhvanah; cf. 10, 40, 3,: kdoya dhasra' bhava tha, kaoya va nara rajap tr&oa taoad've gacchatha). 16 This idea of gwiftnes is expressed clearly in other verses and similer; cf., for instance, 9, 62, 8: a6 arshendrd ya pitaye tiro romany apya ya of'dan yona vaneshy d'; 9, 62, 16 : pdvama na auto nr'bhith somo a jam iva sarat camt'ahu edkemana addam ; 9, 62, 19, : avidan kalddam auto vsha krahann abhi' briyah 1 ta'ro nd goshu tishthari ; 9,64, 20: &' yad yonim hiragydyam dsur playa otdati; %, 87, 1: prd w drava pri kolam ni shida nr'bhih punand abha od jam araha.

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112 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ JUNE, 1027 2, 34, 5 : indhanvabhir dhenubhi rapsadudhabhir adhvasmabhih pathibhir bhrdjadrshtayah ! d' hansd' so na svasarani gantana madhor madaya marutah samanyavah || "With the flaming (9) cows whose udders are full, come, Oye Maruts that are of the same mind, and that have bright spears, by dustless roads for the delight of the sweet (drink), (as swiftly) as swans in the evening." The exact meaning of indhanvabhih, which occurs in this one passage only, is not known. The sense of pada a too, is somewhat obscure. Svasarani in this verse too is equivalent to svasareshu. The comparison hamadso na svasardni refers, not to the genus bird, like 6, 3,5; 1, 25, 4;1, 183, 1; etc., cited above, but to a particular species of birds; it resembles in this respect the verses 1, 30, 4: ayam # te sam atasi ka pota iva garbhadhim and I, 33, 2: jushtam na byeno vasalim patami (also cited above) which likewise' refer to particular species of birds. The samanyadharma, however, is the same, to wit, swiftness, in all these v erges. 2, 34, 8:yad yunjate maruto rukmavakshaso 'evan ratheshu bhaga a' suda navah dhenur na dieve svasareshu pinvate jandya rdtahavishe mahi'm isham || "When the liberal Marute, with ornaments on their breasts, yoke their horses in the chariots for the purpose of blessing, they ooze copious refreshments for him who has offered oblations as the milch-cow (does) to her calf in the evenings." 3, 60, 6: indra rbhumd'n ud"javan matsvena no 'smin savane sacyd purushtuta imd'ni tubhyam svasardni yemire vratal devandm manushas ca dharmabhih | " Indra, delight thou now here ardently with the Kbhus and Vaja in this our oblation of the Soma juice, O thou that art much pralsed. These savana times are set apart for thee according to the ordinance of the gods and the customs of men." Note the juxta position of the sentences, asmin savane mateva and imani tubhyam svasarini yemire which too points to the conclusion that svasara denotes the time of savana. 3, 61, 4:ava syu'meva cinvats' maghony ushd' yati svasarasya patni svar jananti subhaga sudamed d'ntad divak papratha a' prthivyd'h | "Gathering rays, as it were, comes the liberal Dawn, the ruler of sandhyd. Bringing out the sun, she who is beautiful and has great might, has spread to the end of heaven and of earth." The meaning of the expression ava syumeva cinvati is obscure. The epithet sasarasya patni is appropriate to Ushas, because she is the deity that presides over the sandhyd time, 5, 62, 2: tat su vdm mitrdvarund mahitvam irmd' tasthushir ahabhir duduhre 1 visvdh pinvathah svasarasya dhand anu vam ekah pavir d' vavarta | "This, O Mitra and Varuna, is your greatness, (namely), that those who are here were milked day by day. You make all the prayers ooze (i.e., yield favourable results) at sandhya time; the felly alone revolved after you." The signification of frmd in pada bis obscure. Regarding dhendh in , I am not convinced that Oldenberg is right in his contention (Vedaforschung, p. 95) that it means 'Milchstrom';

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Jums, 1927) VEDIC STUDIES 113 I believe that it means vdk or prayer here. Compare 5, 71, 12: visvasya hi pracetasd #rund mitra raljathah iadnd' pipyatam dhiyah; 9, 19, 2: yuvam hi sthah svarpati Indras ca somit gopati isana' pipyatam dhiyah ; 10, 64, 12: ta'm (dhiyam) pipayata payaseva dhenum. 6, 68. 10: Indrdvarund sutapdv imam sutam somam pibatam madyam dhrtavratti yuvo ratho adhvaram devavitaye prati svasaram upa yati pitaye 1 "O Indra and Varuna who uphold the ordinances, drink, ye Soma-drinkers, this exhilarating Soma-juice that has been pressed. Your chariot comes every evening to the sacrifice for the meal of the gods, that you may drink." This verse is one of those that are prescribed to be recited in the course of the third or evening savana (see As, Sr. Satra, 5, 5, 19); and henoe it is likely that avasara is used here in the sense of evening'. 8, 88, 1: tam vo dasmam rtishaham vasor mandanam andhasah abhi vaterim na svasareshu dhenava indram girbhir navamahe "We cry with our hymns for mighty Indra, the conqueror in battles, who takes delight in the bright food (i.e., the Soma juice), as milch-cowe do for their calves in the eveninga." 8, 99, 1: tvd'm idal hyo naro 'pipyan vajrin bharnayah sa indra stomavdhasdm iha erudhy upa svasaram a gahill "The zealous men (i.e., the priests), O Vajra-bearer, have made thee drink now and yesterday. Hear now, O Indra, the (priests) who bring forward (thy) praises; come towards the evening." 9, 94, 2: dvita' vyurnvann amr'tasya dhama svarvide bhuvanani prathanta dhiyah pinudna'h svasare na galva rtdyanter abhi vavasra indum | "Opening again widely the abode of immortality, they spread the worlds for the finding of the sun. Oozing milk like cows in the evenings, the holy hymns lowed for Soma." AV. 7, 23, 2: bradhnah sami'cir ushasah sam airayan! arepasah socetasah svasare manyumattamas cite goh The import of this verse is obscure. I translate, following Whitney: "The bright one, sending out in sandhyd time the beautiful dawns, faultless, like-minded, most furious, in the gathering of the cow." Sata. Br. 4, 3, 5, 20 : adityebhyah .... maha svasarasya patibhyah. "For the Adityas who are the lords (i.e., presiding deities) of the advanced (i.e., the latest or third) sandhyd time." Maha svasarasya means the advanced svasara' or 'third svasara'; compare the similar use of mahd-in mahardtra. With regard to the third savana, oom pare Ch. Up. 2, 34, 1: adityanam ca viavesham ca devinam trtiyasavanam (cited above), according to which this savana belongs to the Adityas and Visvedevas; compare also Sata. Br. 4, 3, 5, 1: aditydndm trtiya-savanam. The Adityas are therefore here represented as presiding over the time of the third savana, that is, over the third svasara. Exounus. Arati. The word arati which I have above (p. 97) interpreted as bright' occurs in about thirty RV. verses and has been differently explained by exegetists. SAyana has explained it differently as svdmin, adhipati or isvara (1, 59, 2; 1, 128, 6; 1, 128, 8: 2, 4, 2; 2,2, 3; 6, 15, 4; 7, 10, 3; etc.); vyapta, vistyta ( 2, 2, 2, 2, 2, 3); pra payitr (1, 58, 7); gantr or abhigante (6, 3, 5, 6, 7, 1 ; etc.) and apriti or aramana (3, 17, 4; 4, 38, 4). Uvata and Mahfdhara have interpreted the word as alamati, paryd ptamati in VS. 7, 24 and 15, 32; and the latter has besides suggested the meanings puralam, ratir uparatis tadrahitam and natir wparamas

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114 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ JUNE, 1927 tadrahitam, sadodyamayutam ity arthah for the word aratim. Similarly, Bhatta-Bhaskara too has paraphrased arati by uparatirahita in his commentary on Tait. Br. 2, 5, 4, 4, as does also Sayana in ibid., 2, 8, 2, 4. Roth (in PW.) has interpreted the word as Diener, Gehulfe, Verwalter, Ordner, administer while Grassmann, differing from him, has said that the word means 'der das Opfer zurichtet, zu Stande bringt.' Oldenberg, in SBE, 46, has explained the word as 'steward. ' Bergaigne (Quarante Hymns, V) translates it as ministre and Ludwig and Griffiths as 'messenger.' Geldner, in his Glossar gives the meaning 'Herr' (which Hillebrandt also approves of; Lieder des RV., p. 22), but in his Ubersetzung, has translated the word as 'Lenker,'' Wagenlenker,' and Rosselenker.' It is my belief that none of the above interpretations is correct. The terms isvara (Herr), vyapta, ganir, gopah, etc., refer to characteristics that are common to almost all RV. deities and can be used as epithets of all such deities, while in fact, the word arati is used of Agni only. This in itself is enough to raise doubts in my mind as to whether arati means tevara, (Herr), vyapta, or gantr, etc. On the other hand, I believe that the correct signification of the word arati is, in all probability, one that has specific reference to Agni, that in fact, arati means 'he who shines; the bright one; sukra; pavaka.' I give here below the reasons for such belief. I. The verse 10, 45, 7: usik pavako aratih sumedha' marteshv agnir amr'to ni dhayi is in most respects parallel to the verse 1, 60, 4; usik pavako vasur ma'nushanam varen yo hota dhayi vikshu; and it seems therefore (since aratih cannot mean varenyah17 and sumedhah cannot mean vasuh) that aratih is equivalent to vasuh or bright. II. Again, five out of the thirty passages in which the word arati occurs, namely 1, 59, 2, (arati' rodasyoh); 2, 2, 3 (divas prthivyor aratim ny erire); 6, 49, 2 (adrptakratum aratim yuvatyoh); 7, 5, 1 (divo aralaye prthivyd'h); and 10, 3, 7 (divas-prthivyor aratir yuvatyoh) say that Agni is the arati of Heaven and Earth. Now what exactly is the relation between Agni on the one hand, and Heaven and Earth, on the other that is referred to by the word arati in these passages? An examination of the RV. hymns addressed to Agni discloses that the following relations are mentioned therein : 1. Agni is the generator of Heaven and Earth (1, 96, 4: visam gopa' janita' rodasyoh).. 2. He is the son of Heaven and Earth (3, 3, 2: sa matror abhavat putra fdyah; cf. also 10, 1, 7; 10, 140, 2). 3. He 'glorified' his parents, Heaven and Earth, when he was born (3,3, 11: ubha' pitara mahayann ajayatagnir dya'vaprthivi"). 4. He 'renovated' his parents (matard), i.e., Heaven and Earth, again and again (3, 5, 7: punah-punar matara navyast kah). 5. He saw' Heaven and Earth (3, 26, 8: d'd id dyd'vaprthivi' pary apasyat). 6. He follows, i.e., is like to, Heaven and Earth in point of prksha or strength (2, 1, 15: prksho yad atra mahina' vi te bhuvad anu dyd'vaprthivi rodast ubhe). 7. He supported Heaven and Earth (6, 8, 3: vy astabhnad rodasi mitro adbhutah). 8. He is prayed to make Heaven and Earth well-inclined (2, 2, 7: praci dyd' vaprthivi" brahmana krdhi). 9. He moves in Heaven and Earth as duta (3, 3, 2: antar duto rodasi dasma iyate; cp. also 4, 7, 8; 7, 2, 3). 10. He enters into Heaven and Earth (10, 80, 2: agnir mahi rodasi d' vivesa; see also 3, 3, 4; 3, 7, 4; 3, 61, 7) or moves in them (10, 80, 1: agni rodast vi carat samanjan), adorning them. 17 This becomes clear from the context of the other verses where the word arati occurs, and where the meaning varenyah does not give good sense.

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JONE, 1927) VEDIC STUDIES 115 11. He extends Heaven and Earth with his light (6.1, 11 : d' yas talantha rodasi vi bhdsa' ; see also 10, 1, 7:5, 1, 7, 6, 4, 6; 7, 5, 4; 10, 88, 3). 12. He brings Heaven and Earth to the sacrifice and offers oblations to them (6, 16, 24: vaso yakshiha rodasf; and 3, 7, 9: maho devd'n rodasi eha vakshi ; see also 6, 12, 1; 6, 11, 4; 6, 15, 15; 3, 15, 5; 10, 11, 9). 13. He fills Heaven and Earth (6, 48, 6: a vah paprau bhanund rodas ubhe ; see also 1, 69, 1; 1, 73, 8; 3, 2, 7; 3, 3, 10; 3, 6, 2; 7, 13, 2; 10, 140, 2). . 14. He shines upon or illumines Heaven and Earth (3, 25, 3: agnir dya' vdprthivi' vis. vajanye a' bhati devf' ame'te amurah; see also 1, 143, 2; 3, 2, 2; 1, 96, 5; 2, 2, 5; 10, 45, 4; 7, 12, 1; 6, 3, 7). The word arati, in all probability, refers to one out of these fourteen kinds of relations, and that being so, it becomes obvious that the first mentioned thirteen cannot be intended by it (for none of these fits into the context in the other passages where arati occurs), and that it can refer to the fourteenth only. Arati thus means 'one who shines or illumines, bright, brilliant. It is therefore derived from the same root- or ar 'to shine' (and not from? or ar 'to go 'as Sayana has suggested)-as the words aruna and arusha and is practically synonymous with these two words and also with pavaka, sukra, duci, vibhavan, vibhvan, rukma, etc., all which words mean bright,' resplendent,' and are, like the word arati, used most often as epithete of Agni or Surya. Arati thus, in 1, 59, 2: aratrodasyoh; 6, 49, 2: adrptakratum aratin yuvalych ; 2, 2, 3: divas-prthivyor aratim ny erire ; 7,5, 1: divo arataye pythivya'h ; and 10, 3, 7: divas-prthivyor aratir yuvatyo" means 'he who shines upon; he who illumines'; cf. 1, 143, 2: pra dylavd Socih prthivi' arocayat; 10, 45, 4:a' radasi bhdnun abhaty antha; 1, 96, 5: dyd'vdksha'md rukmo antar vi bhati, etc. Similarly, aratim prthivya'h in 6, 7, 1 means 'him who shines on, or illumines, the earth.' In 2, 4, 2, deva'ndm agnir aratih means 'Agni, who shines on the gods'; cf. 8, 60, 15 : d'a id deveshu rajasi; and similarly, 7, 10, 3: havyavd'ham aratim md'nushanam means 'him, the carrier of oblations, who shines on men'; compare 7, 5, 2: 84 md'nushfr abhi viso vf bhati. In 1, 58, 7: agnim vffvesham aratim vasu nam, the phrase Datsunam aratih is equivalent to asur vasunam in 1, 94, 13: varur vasundm asi ... agne; and in 10, 91, 3: varur vasundmi kshayasi tvam eka it, and means 'bright amongst those that are bright; most bright. In 6, 3, 6: citradhrajatir aratir yo aktoh, the word aktoh is to be construed with aratih ; and the meaning is, he whose speed is wonderful, who shines at night'; cf. 5, 7,4 : sa smd kernoti ketum a naktam cid dura a' sate; 6, 3, 6: naktam ya im arushah which is exactly parallel to aratir yo aktoh ; 3, 50, 4: kshapd'm vasta'; 8, 19, 31 : kahapo vastushu rajasi, etc. The verse 6, 12, 3: tejishtha yasydratir vanera'todo adhvan na urdhasano adyaut is a diffi. cult one: Ludwig has proposed that the proper reading here is amatih and not aratih, and Grassmann, that one should read tejishthaya yah instead of tejishtha yasya, & suggestion that Oldenberg (RV. Noten) thinks is perhaps correct. Oldenberg has besides observed (1.c.) that 1, 127, 4 and 1,129,5 point to the reading arani instead of arali, and also that it is possible to translate the passage without any emendation, though this translation is very artificial, as dessen (Glut) die scharfste ist, der arati.' He therefore proposes to interpret the pas. sage as 'he whose arati is most sharp' without however saying what the meaning of arati is. Now the verses 1, 127, 4 and 1, 129, 5 referred to above by Oldenberg in this connection are obscure and it is difficult to find out what these verses themselves mean. And moreover, in the verse 10, 61, 20: adhasu mandrs aratir vibha'vd'va syati dvivartanir vanesha't, the word vaneshaf 'victorious in the forest,' which is almost synonymous with the word vanerd! (ruling over the forest ') here, is clearly co-ordinate with aratih and vibhdod, which makes

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116 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JUNE, 1927 it probable that the word vanerat too here is co-ordinate with aratih and refers to Agni. In the light of this, therefore, I supply here the word ruc (fem. ;=bhanu, splendour) after tejishtha on the analogy of 10, 3, 5 : te jishthaih krilu madbhir 18 varshishthebhir bhanubhih and translate, he whose (splendour) is most bright, the brilliant one, ruling over the forest, shone with increasing brightness like the sun in his course. This is not only not artificial, as observed by Oldenberg, but seems to me to be the only natural interpretation; compare also the translation (quoted above) of Oldenberg : dessen Glut die scharfste ist.' The verse 5, 2,1 : anikam asya na minaj janasah purah pasyanti nihitam aratau is likewise obscure ; and various suggestions have been made that the last word, namely, aratau, should be emended and read as aratnau or aratau or aranyoh; see Oldenberg, op. cit. As the rest of the hymn too is obscure, it is difficult to say with certainty that the reading aratau is incorrect. Saya na has interpreted this word here as aranau which does not seem to be correct; for in this case, it is hardly possible to say of Agni latent in the arani that people see himpurah pasyanti nihitam. I believe therefore that here too aratau has the usual meaning in the bright one' and refers perhaps to the physical fire or the sun. There is no difficulty about this word in the other verses where it occurs. Arati, in all these, is unconnected with other words and is a substantive meaning the bright one.' (To be continued.) BOOK-NOTICES. L'INTONATION EN PENJABI : UNE VARIANTE ASIA- parallel to Verner's Law. Ganthiot (M.S.L., XI, p. TIQUE DE LA LOI DE VERNER. By JULES BLOCH 193 fr.) in explaining this law said that the tone Extract from MELANGES LINGUISTIQUES OFFERTS prevented the voicing of the breathed consonant AJ. VENDRYES. Pp. 11. Champion, Paris, 1926. immediately following it. According to Ganthiot In this short article Professor Bloch has dealt the maintenance of the breathed consonant after with a set of complex, widespread and important the tone was due to a species of differentiation, linguistic facta. Whereas in most of the Indo- the muscular efforts required for raising the tone Aryan languages the voiced aspirates of Sanskrit and for voicing & sound being of the same nature. have been in principle maintained unchanged, Seeing this, Professor Bloch suggests that just as over a considerable portion of the North-West a preceding tone was said by Ganthiot to favour the aspiration has suffered loss, accompanied or the unvoicing of a following rin Avestic, so in this not by various other changes. We owe to Dr. case a following tone has favoured the unvoicing Grahame Bailey the first definite statement of the of a previous voiced consonant. The initial voiced connection between this loss of aspiration and consonant (either of a word or of the second memthe existence of certain intonations of vowels in ber of a compound) is the only one affected, Panjabi. It has been the work of Professor Bloch because an initial is less strongly voiced than an to suggost the process of the growth of these tones intervocalic. The author refers to Dr. F. W. According to him the aspiration joins itself to the Thomas' comparison of these phenomena with vowel, but not being vowel proper has less resonance analogous ones in Tibetan; but he remarks too and is of a lower tone. Hence if the aspiration that, the change in Punjabi appearing to be quite originally preceded the vowel, the result is #! recent, it is difficult to connect it with the existence low-rising tone ; if it followed, a high-falling tone ; of & Sino-Tibetan substratum. The fact, howwhere it both preceded and followed (as in the word ever, that worde of Persian origin are affected does dhiddh), we may have a low-rising-falling tone. not necessarily ergue its recent character ; The explanation is clear and without doubt correct, because now loan-words from English or any and fully explains why only the voiced aspirates, and other language are similarly treated to day by a not the breathed aspirates have this development. process of substitution. In any case it appears to There is, however, another phenomonon connec be one of those numerous cases in which, however ted with the voiced aspirato. Over & certain part difficult it is at present to see the exact connecof this area initial voiced aspirates lose not only tion, it is impossible to rule out altogether the possitheir aspiration, but also their voice. In this bility of influence by a substratum. Professor Bloch, with fine insight, has seen & R. L. TUBNER. 19 Or, if the suggestion of Oldenberg (l.c. footnote) about reading tejishthaa bo corect, one can supply the word bhdnaval.

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JUNE, 1927] BOOK-NOTICES ANNUAL REPORT OF THE MYSORE ARCHEOLOGICAL DEPARTMENT FOR THE YEAR 1925. Government Press, Bangalore, 1926. This is a record of a very full year's work and contains many features of interest, among them being the elucidation of sixty-three manuscripts concerning Saiva Saints of South India, which are not only of definite chronological value, but also throw much light on the social, moral, religious and political circumstances of the period to which they relate. Another MS. contains a history of the rulers of Kallahalli, who were feudatories of the Vijayanagar kingdom. They are declared to have been descended from certain Jaina Kshatriya families of Dvaravati, who migrated to various parts of India, and sometime later two scions of this stock, named Mangarasa and Changalaraya, who had settled in Vijayanagar, established principalities for themselves in Piripattana and Rangapattana respectively. Mangarasa, in order to secure his ascendancy, contrived by a ruse to destroy the Bedas, who were polygars of the surrounding country. These Bedas were presumably of the same stock, if not identical, with the Boyas and the Bedars or Berads, who have played so large a part in the history of Southern India. Several important epigraphical records were discovered, one of which is a grant of a Kadamba King Vishnuvarma, who records that he was installed on the throne by a Pallava ruler named Santivarma, whose name is hitherto unknown in Pallava genealogy. The record indicates clearly that while the founder of the Kadambe line conquered and subdued the Pallavas, his descendant in the sixth degree was a feudatory of that dynasty. Another grant, belonging to the Ganga King Bhuvikrama, describes Karikala Chola as Karita-KdveriHira, i.e.,' he who constructed banks to the Kaveri,' thus corroborating information about that ruler which is enshrined in Tamil literature. Illustrations are given of these grants, as also of various temples etc., which have engaged the attention of the Director and his Staff. S. M. EDWARDES. MEMOIRS OF THE ARCHEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA, No. 19; The Jami Masjid at Badaun and other buildings in the United Provinces, by J. F. BLAKISTON, 1926: No. 21, The Baghela Dynasty of Rewah, by HIRANANDA SHASTRI, 1925. Government of India Central Publication Branch, Calcutta. Of the above Memoirs, No. 19 is concerned with four monuments of Indian medieval art, all of them rather outside the beaten track of the travelling antiquarian and therefore not widely known. They are the Jami Mosque at Badaun, the Basa at Lalitpur, the Chaurasi Gumbaz of Kalpi, and the Jami Mosque at Irich. The first of these was built by Sultan Altamah, who completed the Kutb 117 Minar at Delhi; the origin and use of the second are unknown; the third is an ancient mausoleum, supposed to be that of Mahmud Shah Lodi; the fourth is a relic of the reign of Mahmud Shah Tughlaq. These monuments are fully described and illustrated by good photographs, which are accompanied by admirable drawings of their architectural details, prepared nearly thirty years ago by the late Edmund Smith, who was an expert in the subject of Indian art and architecture. Memoir No. 21 is devoted to the description and gist of an old Sanskrit MS., Virabhanudayakavyam, a poem of 12 cantos written at Benares in 1591, which gives the genealogy of the Baghela dynasty of Rewah and other historical information. Two seals on the first and last pages purport to show that the MS. belonged to one Virabhadra, grandson of the hero of the poem, who attended Akbar's court at Delhi and was a personal friend of that emperor. He appears also to have been a confidential supporter of Prince Salim (Jahangir). Much of the information given in the poem requires confirmation: on the other hand, many of the statements are corroborated by the testimony of Muham. madan historians. The genealogy of the Baghela chiefs differs from that given in the Gazetteer and other accounts, but is not on that account necessarily incorrect. It confirms such facts as the conquest of Gahora by Rapingadeva and the friendship existing between Babur and Virasimhadeva ("Nar Singh" of Babur's Memoirs). 8. M. EDWARDES. THE RELIGION AND PHILOSOPHY OF THE VEDA AND UPANISHADS, by ARTHUR BERRIEDALE KEITH, D.C.L., D.LITT., Harvard Oriental Series, volumes 31 and 32. Harvard University Press: London. H. Milford. 1925. This work in two volumes may be described as the latest pronouncement by an acknowledged expert on the various problems presented by Vedic literature. Divided into five parts, it deals in a spirit of judicial caution and analysis with the ori ginal sources of Indian religion, that is to say with the Rigveda and later Vedas and Brahmanas, and the Avesta; with the gods and demons of the Veda, with Vedic ritual, the Spirits of the Dead, and Vedic philosophy. It is impossible within the limits of a brief review to notice in detail the evidence offered under these main heads of inquiry, or the inferences, deductions, and findings which Dr. Keith holds to be permissible in the case of the many enigmas enshrined in the earliest literary remains of the Aryans. No notice in the columns of a journal can adequately portray the immense volume of learning and the profound study of original texts, which have gone to the making of these two volumes. Every student of Rigvedic culture ought to read shem, and read them carefully, for his own benefit

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118 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY and satisfaction. Every point made, every deci sion arrived at, is marked by a spirit of caution and an appreciation of evidential values, which the author doubtless owes to his legal training and intellectual experience, and which embodies a lesson for some of those more imaginative writers who have sought to re-construct the social and political features of the Vodic age on what are apt to prove inadequate or fallacious foundations. In Appendix G, for example, he exposes the hollowness of the theory of "diffusion" preached by Messrs. Elliot Smith and Perry. The second volume contains eight Appendices, which deal severally with the age of the Avesta and Rigveda, the sacrifice of Purusa and the origin of the world, the Aryan conception of the heaven, the drink of immortality, the Indo-European firecult, cremation and burial, the Dravidian element in Indian thought, and Pythagoras and Parmenides, No one, we imagine, will dissent from the view that Dr. Keith's work, which forms part of the Harvard Oriental Series, constitutes the most important contribution to our knowledge of Vedic culture that has appeared in recent times, and that its value as an authoritative exposition of Indo-Aryan religious be lief and ritual in all its phases is likely to increase, rather than diminish, in future years. The book should be read by every Sanskritist and every student of Hindu Philosophy. [ JUNE, 1927 preliminary labours are described by M. Godard in this little pamphlet published by the Musee Guimet. S. M. EDWARDES. EXPOSITION DE RECENTES DECOUVERTES ET DE RECENTS TRAVAUX ARCHEOLOGIQUES EN AFGHANISTAN ET EN CHINE. Musee Guimet. March, 1925. In 1922 M. Foucher, a professor at the Sorbonne and author of the Graco Buddhist Art of Gandhara chanced to be on a mission of research in India. The French envoy in Persia, M. Bouin, having informed the French Government that the Afghans were prepared to authoriso the French to conduct Archaeological: researches within their territorios.. M. Foucher journeyed to Persia and thence to Afghanistan by the Herat route. He was received at the Afghan frontier with every mark of respect as the first official envoy of the French Government, and was the guest of the Amir for several months at Kabul. During his stay he made certain researches, and eventually sigued a convention with the Afghan government, which enables the French to prosecute excavation in Afghanistan for a period of thirty years. This permission secured, M. Foucher asked for the services of an architect, and M. Andre Godard was accordingly appointed and joined him at Jalalabad in February 1923. The two antiquaries commenced their work with a preliminary reconnaissance, which would enable them to prepare a chart of ancient sites in Afghenistan suitable for excavation. The results of these The pamphlet opens with general remarks on the archaeological value of Afghanistan, and then describes the relics, remains and survivals discovered at Jalalabad, Hadda, Kabul, Bamiyan, and Ghazni. In the last-named area they discovered the tomb of Sabuktigin, and a fine mausoleum, locally supposed to be that of Masud, son of Mahmud, as well as many beautifully decorated marbles, ornamented with arabesque designs, animals, historical inscriptions, and quotations from the Koran, which had been built into the facade of Ghaznivid buildings. "They enable us" remarks M. Godard, "to give an outline of the history of this Ghaznivid art, which originated in the reign of Mahmud, was carried to India by his successors, and ultimately gave birth to that Indo-Musalman art which produced the marvellous architectural masterpieces of Agra, Delhi, Lahore and other cities of India." The latter half of the pamphlet consists of two papers by MM. Siren and Lartigue on archeological discoveries in China. Modest as it is in size and scope, the pamphlet is a record of valuable and painstaking antiquarian work, and so far as concerns the possessions of the Amir, is of first-class importance. S M. EDWARDES, FURTHER DIALOGUES OF THE BUDDHA, translated from the Pali of the Majjhima Nikaya, by LORD CHALMERS, G.C.B. Two volumes. Vol. I, Oxford University Press, 1926. The Majjhima Nikaya is one of the most important and fundamental Buddhist scriptures, as it enshrines the principal tenets of early Buddhism : and the present English translation by a scholar who has devoted a large part of an active life to the study of the religion preached by Gautama forms a worthy pendant to the well-known translation of the Digha Nikaya by Professor and Mrs. Rhys Davids. The actual translation is likely to meet with the approval of Pali scholars, as the English is well-chosen and aptly portrays the succinct and popular style of the original, while at the same time preserving its meaning and gist. The author also provides a brief and useful introduction in which the main features of Indian thought in Gautama's age are explained, and stress is laid on the practical sagacity of the Buddha in adapting to his own doctrines the expressions and nomenclature of his forerunners. He borrowed a good deal from Brahmanism, for example; but "in each instance he altered the connotation of the familiar terms which he retained from the past, while importing into them his own novel content of meaning. The old labels were reassuring, even though the wine was a new brand." 8. M. EDWARDES.

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JUNE, 1927 ] BOOK-XOTICES 119 BARHUT INSCRIPTIONS, edited and translated with nineteenth centuries. These later schools, and critical notes by BENIMADHAB BARNA and the later Mughal paintings also serve to corroborate KUMAR GANGANANDA SINEA. Published by the the dictum of Mr. Percy Brown that so long as University of Calcutta, 1926. Jahangir lived, he was the soul and spirit of Mughal In the preface the authors of this learned work art, and that after his death an immediato and claim to have re-arranged the inscriptions on the perceptible decline set in. Even the paintings eastern gateway, inner railing, and fragments of the of Shah Jahan's reign are marked by a certain Buddhist Stupa at Barhut in such a manner that feature of over-ripeness, which is the sure sign of the system underlying them and their real signi. deterioration. Of the various plates we cannot ficance are more clearly disclosed. They have speak too highly, and special attention may be divided the inscriptions into two main groups, styled drawn to the reproductions of the fine fresco of Votive Labels and Jataka Labels, the former being Ardhanarishuar, of the picture Vasanta Vildsa, which illustrates the dress of the period, of Abul grouped as they occur on the various parts of the Stupa and the latter by scenes in consonance with Hassan's bullock-cart, and Ustad Salivahana's the accepted J&take outlines of the Buddha's life. painted epistle. Equally attractive are & portrait Each inscription is accompanied by an English of Jahangir in later life, and Govardhana's study rendering and an explanatory noto. The notes of a woman. Among the examples of Hindu are weli compiled and deal fully with doubtful mpiled and deal fully with doubtful painting of a later age must be mentioned the Jaipur points, as for examplo that on nigama on page 34, picture of the Rasa mandala, an admirable equesthe note on Jataks Label No. 7 at pp. 42 to 44, the trian portrait of Rao Shatrujit of Datia, and samples noto on pp. 49-52, and so forth. The commentary of Manaku's skill. on Vidura, mentioned in Jataka Label No. 30, hal No 30. The book has been printed and published in contains some illuminating remarks on odium India, and reflects great credit on everyone author, theologicum as displayed by the Brahmins. The printer and publisher--who has contributed to third section of this scholarly publication is devoted its production. to appendices on the paleography and language S. M. EDWARDES. of the inscriptions, and on the names and epithets, STUDIES IN THE LAND REVENUE HISTORY OF as well as on the localities mentioned in them. The BENGAL, 1769-1787, by R. B. RAMSBOTHAM, book is a worthy addition to the publications of the Indian Educational Service. Oxford University Calcutta University. . Press, 1926. S. M. EDWARDES. For students of the administrative history of STUDIES IN INDIAN PAINTING, by NANALAL CHA: Bengel in the days of the East India Company this MANLAL MEHTA, Indian Civil Service, with 17 un pretentions and well-documented work should dolour plates and 44 half-tone plates. D. B. prove extremely valuable. If deals with two very Taraporevala Sons and Co., Bombay, 1926. important records of the eighteenth century,--the In his Foreword the author of this attractive Amini Report of 1778, a large part of which is in work declares that his object has been to bring cluded in the second volume of Harington's analysis together new material for the study of Indian of the Laws and Regulations of the Governor. painting, and there can be no question that ho General in Council, published at Calcutta in 1805, has successfully achieved his object. He presents and sacondly the Report on the Office of Kanungo amples of the famous Pallava of 1787, which has never yet been published in frescoes of Sittannavasal, nine miles north-west of accessible form. More than half the book is occuPudukotta, which are ascribed to the reign of the pied by an illuminating note on the history and Accomplished Pallava ruler Mahendra varma I (A.D. circumstances of the Company's revenue-adminis. 600-625), and then introduces us to various examples i tration of Bengal, and this is followed by a verbatim of Hindu secular painting in mediaeval Cujarat, reproduction of the Amini Report itself. which Mr. which included a large portion of modern Raj. Ramsbotham describes as the first technical and putana. This style of painting has usually been professional explanation of the system employed probably because Jainism formed in collecting the land rovenue of Bengal that was the motif of many of the artists; but, as the author, placed before the Company." The author reminds Mr. N. C. Mehta, points out, this style of painting us that after the death of Alivardi Khan the provinces ndigenous in Gujarat from the twelfth to of Bengal lapsed into a state of chaos, the actual the fifteenth centuries, and should be more correct. I survival of any administrative system at all being ly styled "Hindu." due to the Oriental custom which permitted most The book contains several excellent examples Government offices to become hereditary. The of the Mughal school, including pictures by Abul public services were in fact converted into a craft, Hassan, Mansur and Bishandas, and concludes of which the knowledge was confined to selected with chapters on the Court art of Tehri-Garhwal families from whom alone recruitment could take and other Hindu painting of the eighteenth and place for subordinato administrative offices. Thus

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120 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY ( JUNE, 1927 when the company assumed charge of the Diwani, collection of the land revenue and showed a firma "they found a complete cadre of hereditary officials intention to surrender none of it to the Company's ready to resume their functions under & normal government. Hence arose the burning question and effective Government. The two most important whether the Kanungo should be retained or aboand powerful classes of these hereditary revenue lished. It is curious to reflect that when the officials were the Zamindars and the Kanungos." Marath leader Shivaji commenced to organise the The position of the Zamindars was a very strong administration of the Deccan, he was confronted by one. They enjoyed the same prestige and exercised a somewhat similar problem in the persons of the greater magisterial powers than any large English Deshpande and Deshmukh, who were the ancient landowner : they collected the revenue for which and hereditary custodians of all information relating they were responsible and received a certain fixed to the lands and land revenue of Western India. quota as their remuneration. But as a clase they In both cases the ultimate decision was the same. were inert and degenerate, and in 1765 most of them The Maratha leader reduced the Deshmukh and were idle, ignorant and effete, and were usually under Deshpande to # purely ornamental position, and the thumb of unscrupulous servants. Between 1765 transferred their powers and duties to his own and 1793 the Court of Directors in England and the public servants: the Company in Bengal abolished Company's officers in India made a continuous effort cers in India mode & continuous effort the offices of sadr and mufassil Kanungo, simul to secure the knowledge requisite for a just and taneously with the introduction of the Pormanent accurate settlement of the land revenue. The Settlement. The decision was a wise one, for, in Amini report is one example of this endeavour, and the words of Lord Cornwallis," the official attestait stands, in Mr. Ramsbotham's words, 48 "an tions and declarations (of the mufassil Kanungos) enduring monument of the work done by unknown have long since fallen into contempt and disregard British officers of the Company, whose services were in the eyes of the people, from having been in variably never acknowledged by their 'Hon'ble Employers', made the cloak to every species of fraud and abuse." and on whom the limelight of public recognition Mr. Ramabotham's book throws much valuable never fell." Indeed, Mr. Ramsbotham quotes light upon the circumstances preceding the introfrom an original manuscript, belonging to the late duction of the Permanent Settlement in Bengal, Rao Bahadur D. B. Parasnis of Satara, evidence Bihar and Orissa and upon the foundations of the showing that Jos. Sedley was very far from being British district administration. It well repaye typical of the Company's district officers, and that perusal. between 1772 and 1786 the district administration S. M. EDWARDES. was conducted by a small, conscientious and very DJAWA: TIJDSCHRIFT. VAN HET JAVA-INSTITUTE, hardworking body of officials, who eschewed idleness, Vol. 5, Nos. 2 and 5, March, April and October led so her and uneventful lives, and in their official 1926. dealings with the Indian public showed themselves No. 2 contains articles on : "Java in Malay litera"minutely just and inflexibly upright." Certainly ture," by H. O.; "A fusilier of the last century as the knowledge contained in the Amini Report antiquarian," by Dr. W. F. Stutterheim; "Hindoocould never have been acquired, sifted and co-ordi. Javanese legends, II, Sakoentala" by Boedihardjo ; nated by men of the type immortalised by Thackeray. "The Psyche of the Javanese," by Paul van Schief Equally interesting is the Report on the Kanungos gaarde ; "A singular Institution," by R. Treena. - an office which probably existed in pre-Mughal I No. 5 contains articles on : "An interesting Hintimes and was inerely reconstituted and extended doo Javanese drawing on copper," by Dr. W.F. Stutby Akbar. It became in the usual way hereditary, terman with a reproduction; "The burial places of and the knowledge thus acquired by successive the old governors of Grisee before, during and after generations we employed by its possessors to the time of the Company," by R. A. A. Kromod. strengthen their hold over the land revenue of their joio Adinogoro (illustrated);"History and myth II : respective districte. By the time the Company The Pandawag of Java," by M. V. Moens-Zorab; bacame Diwan, these hereditary Kanungos held in vulnerability ?" by R. Tresna. all the vital information necessary to the efficient M. J. B. NOTES AND QUERIES. to represent some local vernacular term from lapaed, TOPSHAW. tapasha, or topdshi. See ank, vol. L, pp. 106-113. R. C. TEMPLA. 1702. Letter from Sir William Norrie from the KING SARANGDHARU. Scipio off Bombay on his homewar voyage, regard It is stated by the Reverend Dr. Macnicol that ing the Bombay factory. "They have two or a king barangdharu is mentioned in one copy of three Companys of Topehaws, those country soldiers one of the books of the Marathi poet Mukundraj. which are but a slender and weak Guard " (Public Can any reader of this Journal determine the preRecord Office) C.0.77/51, p. 53. "Topshaw " seems cire identity of this king? JOINT EDITOR,

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JULY, 1927 ] THOMAS CANA AND HIS COPPER-PLATE GRANT 121 THOMAS CANA AND HIS COPPER-PLATE GRANT. BY THE REY, H. HOSTEN, S.J. FR. A. MONSERRATY, S.J., wrote from Cochin in the beginning of 1579, under the title "Information about the Christians of St. Thomas," as follows: "As regards the origin of these Christians, there are two opinions. Some say that all descend from the disciples of the Apostle St. Thomas. Others say (they are descended) from one Mar Thoma, a Syrian (Mar among them means 'Don'), a merchant, who made his residence in Cranganor, and who had two wives: one noble, the other a slave, although of good caste, because it is the custom that the nobles be sold when born on evil days. The proof of this, besides the traditions of the ancients, is that among Christians there are many petty quarrels about birth and caste, those who are descended from the slave woman being less considered. And that both were noble, at least Nayr women, is proved by the custom existing in this Malavar, that there is no pollution between the Christians of St. Thomas and the Nayrez, nor penalty of death, if there are between them marriages or friendship, all of which arises, according to the custom of the country, for castes higher or lower than these two. "What is more likely is that they originated from both, that is, from the glorious St. Thomas and from Mar Thoma, and from many Nayres who are daily converted. They are a Christianity of seventy-thousand souls, and they are reduced to these two clans by the lie of the land, and not only because they are descended from them (from Mar Thomas' two wives] : for some live on the south side, others on the north side. "They say, therefore, that, when Mar Thoma came to India, he found at Cranganore and Coulon Christians descended from the Apostle St. Thomas' disciples, who now had but the name of Christians left, considering that they were intermarrying promiscuously with the Nayres. However, at their doors and on their walls they had as their emblem crosses, and they gave names of Christians to their children. And this Mar Thomas, they say, assembled them, and, filling them with ideas of caste, which in that country is very strong, he caused to be baptized and baptized himself many of all those who were married with those Christians and were in any way descended from them. And he remained, so to say, the chief of them all, having assembled them and being rich and influential with the kings of Cranganor, etc.3 ".... They live in villages, and some respectable ones in farms, and these have less knowledge of the things of God, because they have no church, and they live near the 1 Further study may lead to prove that the Nairs of Malabar and a groat part of the St. Thomas Christians first converted by St. Thomas belonged to the same ethnic stock, presumably Parthian or Indo. Seythic. They would represent the NAgas, and it is not impossible that the pictures on the facades of many Christian Syrian Churches in Malabar, pictures of male and female beings, half-man half.fish, holding a ship above their head, be not merely decorations, but represent a tradition of origin. We may imagine that a strong Parthian infiltration had set in before the Christian era from Sindh all along the West Coast as far as Mylapore, that in fact the best part of the commerce in the first century of our era was in the hands of the forbears of our Syrian Christians. Fr. Roz could say in 1604 that at Bepar on the Fishery Coast some called themselvee 'TarideicaInaiquemar," themselves confessing that they were by casto Christians." "There aru alao sinong these Christians some of the king of Cochin's caste, whom they call Covilmar, and others Brarnenes, and others Belalus, people of rank in Bisnaga." He could say also that some of them belonged to the race of the ancient kings of Malabar. In Roz's 'Tarideicalnaiquemar,' the letters italicised are doubtful. do Couto (Dec. 12, 1. 3. c. 4., Tom. 8, Lisboa, 1788, p. 282) writes "Taridascal Naique mor." Is it possible to connect this title with Tarisa or Tarsa, as the Syrian Christians were called in China, and in India too, since one of the Quilon copper-plates speaks of the Tarisa Church ? 2 Lleuandolos por opinion de casta. 3 of. fol. 149 r, MS. XII, belonging to the Society of Jesus,

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122 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ JULY, 1927 mountains, away from the inhabited places; yet they acknowledge their archbishop and bishop; they visit them from many leagues; and by this it appears that they are of those who remained from the Apostle Saint Thomas, although they are allied and married with those who are descended from Mar Thoma the Syrian. And this is what can be gathered about their genealogy " It is a very likely thing, therefore, that the Apostle St. Thomas preached and was martyred in India, at S. Thome, and it is certain too that Mar Thoma the Syrian came to India and that he had the said wives. Hence, these people took the rites and ceremonies of the Syrian Church, because Mar Thoma ordained that Syrian bishops should come, and they have great respect for them, their ancestor having come from them, and because they know that Christ our Lord spoke Syrian, as it was spoken in Jerusalem after the children of Israel came froin Babylon."4 In another Spanish document, a letter to the General of the Society, dated Cochin, January 12, 1579, Fr. Monserrate touches on the same subject in almost identical terms, yet with certain additions which have their importance in the study of the Malabar traditions "My chief occupation has been with the Christians of the Sierra, who commonly call themselves of St. Thomas. As regards the origin of these Christians, there are two opinions : one is that all are descended from the disciples of the Apostle St. Thomas : others say (they are descended] only from one Mar Thoma the Syrian. This word Mar is in Chaldean a sign of honour, and means the same as Don and Saint in Spanish, and the Syrians use this word Mar in both meanings : for they call St. Thomas Mar Thoma and (they use it] for any honourable and noble person. Mariacob, Don Diego. "This Mar Thoma the Syrian was a merchant and came by way of Ormuz like other merchants. The first port at which he touched was Paru, where they say he found people of the St. Thomas Christians, who with their families wore wooden crosses suspended from their neck.5 And from that time (dahy: for that reason ?) he made his seat at Curanguluru, which the Portuguese call Cranganor. He had two wives: one, free, the other, a slave ; (Fol. 2r) but both of noble birth: for it is the custom in these parts to sell the nobles (children of noble birth), if they are born on evil days (as their manner of speaking is). The proof of this, besides the tradition of the old people, is that among these Christians there are many petty quarrels about caste. And that both were noble, at least Nayr women, is proved by the custom existing in this Malavar that there is no pollution between these Christians and the Nayres, nor penalty of death, if there be marriage or friendship, whereas, according to the custom of the land, there is, if they communicate, stay, or marry with other castes, higher or lower, than custom allows to them. What I have found is that they are not descended only from the said disciples of St. Thomas, nor only from this Mar Thoma, but that from these and those and from many Nayres who are daily converted a people has sprung, of about seventy thousand souls, which was reduced to these two tribes by the lie of the land, and not only from their being descended from them (the two wives of Mar Thoma]: for some live on the south side, and some on the north side. "Besides what has been said, they say still that, when Mar Thoma the Syrian came to India, he found in Cranganor and Coulam Christians descended from St. Thomas' disciples, who had by then, so to say, but the name of Christians, and that they married promiscuously with the Nayres, having as their device crosses on the doors or walls of their houses, as they 4 Cf. ibid., fol. 149.r. 6 Ibn Muhalhal, of the tenth century, writes of certain places difficult to identify: "Next they reached Naja, tributary to Thathah. Here they have wine, figs, and black medlars, and a kind of wood which fire will not burn. The Christians carry this wood away, believing thrt Christ was crucified upon it." Yule, Cathay, (1866), l. clxxvii. We should think that these Christians used this wpod for crosses. Was there at any time in Malabar a notion that wooden crosses were to be made of a special wood! What wood!

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JULY, 1927) THOMAS CANA AND HIS COPPER-PLATE GRANT 123 have to-day and calling their children by names of Christians. And that this Mar Thoma assembled them, and, filling them with notions of caste (lleuando los por opinion de casta), which in this country prevails much, caused to baptize and himself baptized a great number of all those who by their marriages had affinity or kindred with them or descent from them. In what concerned Religion, he was like their head, both because he had assembled them, and because he was a rich man and in great esteem with the kings, chiefly with him of Curanguluru or Cranganor. This is confirmed by the common saying that St. Thomas built with his own hands the oratories of Cranganor and Coula, which to-day are churches dedicated to the same Saint. Now, although the Portuguese heard this from the Christians whom they found when they discovered India, that is from these, and though the word Mar Thoma means both Saint Thomas and Don Thomas, it may be much doubted whether the Holy Apostle or the aforesaid Syrian built these oratories. To me it appears more probable that the Syrian built them in honour of the Saint of his name and the Apostle of India : for the truth is that, when this Syrian came to Cranganor, there was no church until he was granted by the then reigning king a place for the settlement of the Christians and for the church, with a privileged boundary and place (con termino & lugar privilegiado), which in Latin we call asylum : & very big place. And it may be that it was so at Coulam : for it does not appear that the Apostle should have built churches dedicated to his name, nor is there proof that they continued to exist so many yoars when there was no one to repair them. "However, the tradition is, and it is the common saying, that St. Thomas erected at Coulam a pillar (marco) on some stones from which the sea was then about half a league distant, saying that, when the sea should reach that pillar, white Christian people would come who would reduce (reduziria) them to following the law which he was preaching. On the one hand, what makes one think that this is true is that the stone of the pillar is different from the stone generally obtained in India : for it is white, and like salt, and much weatherbeaten, and for half a league from there all is stones and shelves (baxos), showing that the sea has not since long covered this space of ground. On the other hand, what makes one doubt is what we read in the histories of the discovery of India : that, wherever the Portuguese first landed, they set up pillars, and, as they came discovering this coast, it is probable that they should have erected this one : indeed, this sort of stone is found in Portugal, and enough time has clapsed to make it possible for it to be so worn. But I rather think that pillar is there from before the time of the arrival of the Portuguese.? Now, whether St. Thomas put it up or Mar Thoma, God knows."8 Gouvea (Jornada, fol. 4r) says - "Among those who came to these parts, there happened to come an Armenian, named Thomas Cana, or Marthoma, which in their language means Lord Thomas. As he was noble The same thing was said for St. Thomas at Mylapore, though we have no allusion to the existence of such a pillar close to the church of the Saint's tomb. Already in 1322 Friar Jordan de Severae could write from Thana, near the present Bombay, that the Indians were eagerly looking out for deliverers from the Weat, for the Latins. Why, said they, should the Pope not launch a lew ships on the Indian Ocean and keep in check the daily inroals of Muhammadanism? 7 If this pillar had been a padrdo set up by the Portuguese, it would have had some distinctive marks, like those which have boon discovered in various places; for instance, the arms of Portugal, or a dato. Now, The Quilon pillar has never been described as having anything distinctive. It is said that it disappeared only in the 19th century. Surely, that pillar was not the one erected by Friar John de Marignolli about 1347: his pillar was somewhere at or near Cape Comorin. "Upon the rocks near the sea-shore of Coulang," writes Baldaeus, "stands & stone pillar, erected there, as the inhabitants report, by St. Thomas, I saw the pillar in 1882. Trav. Man., II. 147. Day, in hie Land of the Perumals, 212, says that this pillar still exists, and Howard, in his Christians of St. Thomas and their Lituryies, 9, note, says "Mr. D'Albedhyll, the Master Attendant at Quilon, told me that he had seen this pillar and that it was washed away only a few years ago."-Trav. Man., IL 147. Fol. lv-3r of a MS. belonging to the Society of Jesus (Goan. Malab. Ep., 1570-79. Goa. 12).

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124 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY JULY, 1927 and rich, and carried on a great trade, he was shown much favour and hospitality by the king of Cranganor, whe, as we saw above, was of the most powerful of Malavar. From him he received many privileges and honours for the Christians among whom he lived, and a very spacious ground where to found a big Church, in keeping with the founder's power and wealth, all which he caused to write on copper-plates. One Mar Jacob, Bishop of these Christians, fearing they might be lost, entrusted them to the Factor of Cochim, when the Portuguese made the factory there, in order that, when necessary to them, the Christians might from there make use of them, and they were for many years in the factory, to be kept in the house, until through carelessness they disappeared, which these Christians greatly chafe at, not having writings whereby to defend themselves before the infidel kings, who keep infringing these privileges, which among other things contained that the Christians alone, when marrying, were allowed to wear their hair tied up with a golden flower, to go on elephants, a privilege granted only to the heirs of kings, to sit on carpets, and other honours, which no other caste had, and which are greatly valued and esteemed among the Malavares; and the Christians esteem them so much that, because the king of Paru wanted to grant one of these privileges to certain Moors of his kingdom against a big sum of money, which they gave him, the Christians a very few years ago rose against the Moors, and many were killed, and much blood was shed on both sides." We shall see that the Malabar Christians at Tevalikara in 1599 complained to Archbishop Menezes of the loss of the Cranganore copper-plates, meaning evidently the Thomas Cana copper-plates. Gouvea wrote immediately after the Diamper Council of 1599. His Jornada appeared at Coimbra in 1606. The MS. was in Portugal by June 2, 1605, when a censor was deputed to examine it. Gouvea dated his preface from Goa on Sept. 27, 1603. In one place, to be shown further, he says he is writing in 1602. An anonymous Jesuit Missionary, whom we discover to be Francisco Roz, Bishop of Cranganore, writos in 1604 a must valuable " Relacai sobre a Serra " from which we ought to quote at some length. (Fol. 5250; 86v.) "These Christians having no books of ancient histories, but only traditions of the ancients, to which they cling tenaciously, we must help ourselves with the chronicles and chronology (conta de tempos) existing among the Malabar gentios and with re. Jiable surmises (conjecturus certas) which we fnd in different places of these kingdoms. Ac. cordingly, it appears (consta) first that the last Emperor of Malavar, called Xaram Perumal. was the one who at Cranganor gave land for a Church and a settlement (povoaswo) to the St. Thomas Christians, and great privileges, as is seen from their ollas, the copper original of which was taken to Portugal by the Religious of St. Francis, a copy of them remaining here. This Perumal died on the first of March, one thousand two hundred and fifty-eight years ago 10 The witnesses who were present at the writing of the said Perumal's olla, by which he gave the said land of Cranganor, are those who now are kings [1st: Regulos, kinglets) in different parts of Malavar; and, when the olla was written, they were countries belonging to the said Perumal, as is shown by the same oilas. Hence it follows that the dedication of the Church of Cranganore took place more than one thousand two hundred years ago. [Fol. 526r; 87r]. It was founded in the month of April of the said year, and presently seventy-two hcuses were built on the said land (cha). The occasion, as related in the same olla of the Perumal, was that, as the said king was lodging (pousando) on the other side in a big pagoda wluch was at For entrega da casa. do Couto uses the same expression. 10 Therefore on March 1, 346. 11 If this is A.D. 316, Bishop Roz contradicts himself. We must take the year to be A.D. 315, acord. ing to the cryptogram Shovala.'

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JULY, 1927) THOMAS CANA AND HIS COPPER-PLATE GRANT 125 Parurpatanan, 12 a place over-against Paliporto, the said king wished one day to go & hunting, and he went to the other side, where Cranganor is now, the whole of which was thicket (mato). And he called for a very rich Armenian, 13 named Thomas Cananco, who had come from Babylonia. He gave to the said king a good sum of money, bought from him the whole of that thicket, and founded on it the Church of St. Thomas and the bazar (basar). The land which he bought measured 264 elephant cubits (covados de elefante). Now, already many years before the said Church, there was in the said place of Patanan a Church and a big settlement (povoacao) of Christians, the date of its beginning being unknown, and still to-day the place where the said Church stood is called Paliparamb, i.e., church-field, and quite near to it there is another place called Palimoe, i.e., church-corner (canto da Igreja); hence, the island opposite is called Paliparam, i.e., other side, outside,opposite to the Church (outra banda de fora de fronte da Igra). That island became visible two hundred and seventy-seven years ago, whence it is clear that in the said place there was a Church, and from the settlement of Christians which was there and a great pagoda there is no doubting why it is called Magoder Patanam,15 i.e., great city of the great pagoda ; and the sea came up to there, and the boats came to anchor there before the island of Paliporto came into existence. Hence the St. Thomas Christians in all the ollas which they write of accounts (em todas as ollas q' escreue de contas) put down the era of Magoder Patanam, without knowing the beginning of it,16 because they consider the place one of the most ancient where St. Thomas Christians lived. The copy of the olla which the said Xaram Perumal gave to Thomas Cananeo, in which he granted him the ground of Cranganor, says faithfully this "May Coquarangon be prosperous, enjoy long life and live one hundred thousand years, divine, servant of God, strong, true, just, full of good works, reasonable, powerful over the whole earth, happy, conquering, glorious, rightly prosperous in the ministry of God, in Malavar, 12 The priests of Parur showed me a high wall near their Church which they thought was part of an old temple. Some big stones with fine carvings at the staircase leading up to the site of a new church, the foundations of which had been laid by Febr. 1924, also appeared to belong to an old Hindu temple or palace. 1 Not necessarily Armenian, but Aru , ia, Syrian 14 1604 - 277= A.D. 1327. 15 I was under the impression that Mabadevarpattanam, from which the Syrian Christians derived their ura, was Cranganore, and that the name was connected either with the Tiruvanjikulam temple or some Christian church. Bishop Roz' Magoderpatanam becomes Makotayar Pattanam in an article on Thomas Cana by Mr, T. K. Joseph. 16 Even now, I believe, the St. Thomas Christians use on occasions the Mahadevarpattanam era con jointly with the Kollem era. Is it not the Vikrama ers Y Of the Salivahans era Bishop Roz knew some. thing. Ho eeye [fol. 525 r ; 86r). "From that time (from the time of St. Thomas' death), when the gentile religion began to wane, and from the said era [of the Saint's death] those who now are gentios count [their era)." That can be only the salivabans era as no other era falls close to St. Thomas' death. If Salivahana can mean cross-bearer or cross-borne, and if according to certain Gnostic notions Thomas suffered instead of Christ, the Salivahana era could moan only St. Thomas' era. De' Conti (c. 1438) said that the greater part of the Indians counted their ers from "Octavian, in whose time there was ponce all over India." That could be only the Vikrama era. And do Couto wrote in A.D. 1611 (Da Asia, Dec. 12, 1, 3, c. 1, Tom. 8, Linboa, 1788, p. 275): "Before this (the Quilon era) these Malavares counted the ers by the course of the Planet Jupiter, which is from twelve to twelve years, as the Greeks did their Olympiads from four to four years ; and in their writings, the St. Thomas Christians [of Malabar) place first the era of Patana (Mahadevarpattanarn), and then that of Coulso, just as before the coming of Christ they followed in their writing the era of the world's creation (the Kali Yuga 1) and that of Caesar." Will our chronologists take note of these statements ? Wilford, nearly 120 years ago, held that the Alivahana era was the era of St. Thomas, and that the Vikrama era was that of Caesar Augustus. Cf. As. Res., X (1808). If the Mahadevarpattanam era is the Vikrams era, its origin may perhaps be connected with the dedication of the tomple of Augustng at Muziris. It may have been started earlier too.

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126 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY JULY, 1927 in the great city of the great Idol. While he reigned at the time of Mercury of February, 17 on the seventh day of the month of March, before the full moon, 18 the same king Coquarangon being in Carnelur,1' there arrived in a ship Thomas Cananeo, a chief man, who had resolved to see the uttermost part of the East. And some men, seeing him as he arrived, went to inform the king. And the king himself came and saw and called the said chief man Thomas, and he disembarked and came before the king, who spoke graciously to him ; and to honour him he gave him in surname his own name, calling him Coquarangon Cananeo. And he received this honour from the king and went to rest in his place. (Fol. 526 v; 87v). And the king gave him the city of Magoderpatanam for ever. And the said king, being in his great prosperity, went one day to hunt in the forest, and the same king surrounded the whole forest. And he called in haste for Thomas, who came and stood before the king in a lucky hour. And the king questioned the soothsayer (adivinhador). And the king afterwards spoke to Thomas, [saying) that he would build a city in that forest. And he answered to the king, first making reverence, and said: "I desire this forest for myself." And the king granted it to him and gave it for ever. And at once, the next day (logo outro dia), he cleared the forest and cast his eyes on it in the same year, on the eleventh of April, and gave it as an inheritance to Thomas at the time and day aforesaid,20 in the king's name, who laid the first brick (tijolo) for the Church and for the house of Thomas Cananeo, and made there a city for all [of them), and entered the Church and there made prayer the same day. After these things, Thomas himself went to the king's palaces (pa8808) and offered him presents, and afterwards he asked the king to give that land to him and to his descendants; and he measured two hundred and sixty-four elephant cubits, 21 and gave them to Thomas and his descendants for ever: and at the same time sixty-two houses (seseta e duas casas), 32 which immediately were erected there, and gardens, and trees, with their enclosures, and with their paths (caminhos) and boundaries (terminos) and inner yards. And he granted him seven kinds of musical instruments, and all the honours, and to speak and walk like a king, and that at the weddings the women might give a certain signal with their finger in their mouth, 23 and he granted him distinct weight, 24 and to adorn the ground with cloths, and he granted the royal fans (abanos, fly.flaps), and to double the sandal (mark) on the arm, 25 and a royal tent [2 or 3 words not 17 W. Rees Philipps, who helped Bishop Madlycott with a translation of Bishop Roz' letter of 1604, failed to decipher the words Mercurio de feuro. Cf. Cath. Encycl., New York, XIV, 680 b.d., and compare with Mackenzie in Travancore State Manual, IL. 139. The present translation must be considered more authoritative, as I work on my own rotographs of the MS. copied for W. R. Philipps by another person. Mackenzie used do Couto's text, which differs in some notable points from Bishop Roz. 19 Compare this with the following: "He (Thomas Cana) also obtained from the Emperor land and high social privileges, as well as a copper-plate document to that effect, on Saturday, 29th Kumbham (Aquarius) of the above-mentioned year (A.D. 315), on the seventh day of the moon, and in the sign Cancer." T. K. Joseph, quoting Ittoop's Syrian Christian Church in Malabar (Malayalam), pp. 88-91, in an article, dated 17-7-1925, on Thomas Cann, which he wrote at my request and of which he sent me the MS. The year mentioned by Fr. Roz would he 315. 19 This would seem to represent Cranganore (Curanguluru, as Monserrate spelt it in 1579, p. 130 supra). 20 This would bo April 11, 315. 31 The covado, a measure used in Portugal, is throe-fourths of a yard, a Flemish ell, as one of my Portuguese dictionaries puta it. 32 Once before and once after, Roz writes 72. I find that this number is something very sacred among the Syrians. It was likewise so among the Syrians of China, where we hear more than once of the 72 Christian tribes or clans. 23 "As do the women of Kings," which we have in Mackenzie, is not in my MS.; but we have it in do Couto. 24 Pezo distincto. 35 Mackenzie mentions among the privileges : to use sandals. This is not in my Ms. We have however : c dobrar o sandal no braco.

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JULY, 1927 ] THOMAS CANA AND HIS COPPER-PLATE GRANT 127 deciphered) in every part of the kingdom for ever, and besides 26 five tributes to Thomas, and to his lineage, and to his confederates, for men, and for women, and for all his relatives, and to the children of his law for ever. The said king gave it in his name. Witnesses: these persons?? : (L. 1.) Codaxericanden. (L. 2.) Cherucara protachatencomeren, the king's chief door keeper. Areundencounden, the king's councillor. (L. 3.) Amen[atecou Indeng[uerullen, Captain of the army. (L. 4.) Chirumalap[ro]tatiriuicramen comeren, Regedor of the East side in Malavar. (L. 5.) Peru[i] alatiata adit[en], .... singer(?) of the said king. (L. 6.) Perubal[atialtacottocoude, guard of the king's port (?) (gate?). (L. 7.) Bichremenchingucn [de Carlturte, the said king's chamberlain. (L. 8.) A[nan Jiperumcouil, Srivener of (all?) the affairs, with his own hand wrote this sealed (1 sedilar[a] ?) and also lucky writing 2 "This is the writing of the ground (chao) of Cranganor, which the Emperor of all Malavar gave to Thomas Cananeo, Armenian, and to the other Christians of St. Thomas. And, as at that time they reckoned from twelve to twelve years according to the course of Mercury, therefore it is said in the olla (Fol. 527r ; 88r) that the said town (povoacao) was founded in the year of Mercury of February. This manner of reckoning is quite forgotten, because for the last seven hundred and seventy-nine years they count in the whole of this Mala var by the Coulad era 99 However, since the said Perumal, as we said above, died more than one thousand and two hundred years ago, so the Church and Christians of Cranganor are older than the same number of years and much before there were Christians at Paru, in the said Magoderpatanam.30 Afterwards, owing to evil times, the said Church and the settlement of Christians declined with the prosperity of Cranganor and was removed from the said place, and the Church was placed where it now is, on account of a private revelation received by a St. Thomas 26 E ajora distu. 27 The titles of the witnesses could not bo deciphered properly from the rotographs, as the ink has spread. I help myself for the reconstruction of these titles and even for part of the Portugueso translations (1) by means of do Couto, who in my edition has however only the first five titles, the rest being omitted for fear of prolixity ; (2) by means of T. K. Joseph's The Malabar Christian copper plates (Malayalam), 1925, who quotes Mackenzie's Christianity in Travancore, Trivandrum, 1901, pp. 59-61, where we have the other titles, but imperfectly too. I do not know whence Mackenzio could havu got the titles except from the Roz' MS. 'Possibly Mackenzie and Philipps communicated at this time. The copyist employed by Mr. Philipps at the British Museum may have succeeded better at timos to decipher the writing than I can manage from the rotographs. I am now sending to Mr. T. K. Joseph the page with the titles, in the hope that he may succeed in deciphering or reconstructing the Malayalam titles, 28 This is all I can make of this passago : escricao de todos os negoceos cd sua (mad es Jereuco (esta R8]critura sedila(a) e (tam]be afortunada. I do not know what sedilata may mean. All the letters of that word are clear, except the last. Sealed would bo sellada, We may notice that the date of the copper plate is not given. Perhaps we have to understand that it was April 11, 345, when the first brick of the Church was laid. 29 1804-779 = A.D. 825, which is the generally accepted date for the beginning of the Quilon era. Mgr. Medlycott says it begins on Aug. 25, 825. Cf. Culh. Encycl., New York, XIV, 681b. 80 If we can at all rely on the Acta of St. Thomas (Syriac and Greek), on the de Miraculis and the Passio, we got that the king of Sandaruk or Andrapolis, to be identified with Cranganore, was baptised by St. Thomas and became a deacon, called Xanthippus or Xenophon, and by the St. Thomas Christians Andrew, that his son-in-law (perhaps a Parur prince ?) became a bishop, callod Dionysius in the Passio, and by the St. Thomas Christians Kephas or Peter, that Dionysius' wife, called Pelagia in the Passio, vowed chastity and was martyred, a Gruek inscription on her tomb stating that she was the spiritual daughter of St. Thomas.

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128 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1927 Christian of Paru.31 So says a reliable tradition existing among these Christians, which, having been received from the ancients, has been preserved till now. So that, already long before the coming of the said Thomas Cananco, there were alrcady St. Thomas Christians in this Malavar, who had come from Maliapur, the town of St. Thomas. And the chief families are four in number: Cotur, Catanal, Onamturte, Narimatan, which are known to-day among all these Christians, 32 who became multiplied and extended through the whole of this Mala var, also adding to themselves some of the gentios who would convert themselves. However, the descendants of Thomas Cananeo always remained above them without wishing to marry or to mix with these other Christians, and so up to the present there are among them two lineages: one which is descended from Thomas Cananeo on the father's side, the mother, they say, being a gentile woman who was baptised afterwards, the other lineage is that of those who on both the father's and the mother's side were originally descended from St. Thomas Christians. The latter33 took greater care than the others to increase the Church; and so they received among themselves many gentios whom they baptised, and even those who at any time served the said children (filhos) of Thomas Cananeo they likewise took under their protection; and, as these were rich and honourable, they wished to subject the others, saying they were their blacks.34 Whence there arose betwoen the St. Thomas Christians and the others great discord, and there were anciently among them great disputes : wherefore at Carturte 36 and Cotete36 it was necessary to make different Churches, each party keeping aloof from the other. And those of the Thomas Caneneo (sic) party went in one Church, and the others in the other. And last year, 1603, the same was the cause of the quarrels between those of Udiamper and Candanada, each one holding out for his party. And it is wonderful to see the aversion which one party has for the other, without being able to forget their antiquities and the fables they have in this matter. The St. Thomas Christians descending from Thomas Caneneo are few. They are at Udiamper, and at the great Church of Carturte, and at the great Churcb of Cotete, and at Turigure 87 (To be continued.) 31 Was there no Syrian church at Cran'anore in 1604 ! We have to conclude the contrary from de Gouvea and do Couto. How old was the church of Parur in 16041 While I was at Parur, on Febr. 11, 1924, we pulled up from the open-air cross a small stone with a cross on both sides, and found an Indian inscription of Kollam era 728, or A.D. 1563. Did that year record the change from Cranganore to Parur here alluded to! Probably not. I understand from p. 128 n. 14 that Parur had a church in 1327. 33 I trust some of our Malabar friends will be able to comment on these names. 33. The latter seems to mean the Northista. 34 E fcando estes, ricos, horados, os outros os quiserad a opear, dizodo serd seus negros, should mean strictly, I think, "these (the Northists) being rich and honourable, the others (the Southiets) wished to subject them, saying they were their blacks." But the Northists were and still are the vast majority! That is true, and I believe the Northist theory is that the Southists are the descendants of the slave woman. Gouvea turns, however, the tables on the Northists, when he says that they, the Northists, are the descendants of the slave woman. Probably it will be said that de Gouvea is based on Roz, which is quite possible, as Roz supplied him with much material (cf. Proloyo), and that Roz allowed himself to be circumvented by the Southists. 36 Katutturutti. 36 Cotete' was visited by Menezes after Diamper and before. Caramall a' (Jornada, fol. 76r and 70r). At Cotete there were two churches in 1599. It is Kottayam, Oj. Whitehouse, p. 298. 37 What place is this?

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Pla'e 1 Indian Antiquity KERAVALAXGAD BELL INSCRIPTION W Seulo Ouri.rth. TK JOSEPH

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JULY, 1927) ANOTHER ENIGMATIC INSCRIPTION FROM TRAVANCORE 129 ANOTHER ENIGMATIC INSCRIPTION FROM TRAVANCORE. By T. K. JOSEPH, B.A., L.T. In the Indian Antiguary, vol. LI, pp. 356-7, I published a rough copy of one line of a seemingly Greek inscription on stone, discovered in the Nilakkal forests in Travancore. There are two other lines above it, much less legible. Here is another such inscription on the rim of a big bell, long kept unused in the Roman Catholic Church at Kuravalangad in North Travancore. Though not one of the seven churches said to have been founded by St. Thomas the Apostle in the first century A.D., this church is very old, dating from 335 A.D. (if the Catholic Directory, Madras, 1924, can be believed). Fra. Paulinus says in his Voyage to the East Indies, 1776-89, that "the Nestorians had formerly a monastery here," (at Kuravalangad) "inhabitod by people of their order from Persia and Chaldea, who were the spiritual guides of the Christians of St. Thomas." (English edition, London, MDCCO, p. 123). The epigraph is in embossed charccters and forms a single line of 19 or 20 symbols. The cross may stand for a full stop. It is earnestly hoped that the present facsimiles will be of use to scholars in publishing in this Journal a reading and interpretation of the inscription. Several scholars have already expressed their opinion on the nature of this inscription. The following are some of the most authoritative. (1) "All I can tell from the eye copy is that the inscription is not Greek." (Sir John Marshall's letter to me, dated 5th August, 1925). (2) "So, the greatest probability is that the language might be old-fashioned Portuguese." (Prof. Ernst Herzfeld's letter to me, dated 15th September 1925). (3) "It may well be that it represents nothing more than the barbario result of an attempt to reproduce something like TE DEUM LAUS. ANNO. MDL, in which the year number is the most unsatisfactory part." (Mr. John van Manen's letter to me, dated 17th June, 1926). (4) Dr. J. J. Modi says it is not Pahlavi, and Dr. Zwemer, Cairo, says it is not Cufic, inscriptions in both of which characters have already been discovered in Malabar. Could it be Armenian or Himyaritic ? 1 I got a copy of it for decipherment three years ago on 14th December 1923. 3 Some of the Malabar Christians of St. Thomas entertain the notion that their church has never been under the influence of Nestorianism, and try to explain away the term Nestorian very frequently applied to the Malabar church in Portuguese and other records, by saying that to the writers of the Portuguese and Dutch periods a Nestorian church simply meant a church using the Syriac language and liturgy. But says Dr. Medlycott, some time Roman Catholic Bishop in Malabar : "By the year 130 the Christians in Male, Malabar, had been captured in the Nestorian net." (India and the Apostle Thomas, 1905, p. 199. notol). Again the Rev. Fr. H. Hosten, S.J., says in his letter to me dated 2nd October 1923 : "I know the tendoney of absolving the St. Thomas Christians of Nestorianism. It does not appeal to most of us." Now let us hear Professor Dr. F. C. Burkitt, Cambridge. "If I may say 90, all the trustworthy evidence connecting the old Malabar Christians with earlier bodies in the West connecta them with the Neatorians, i.e., with the Christians moet numerous within the Sananian Empire." " It cannot be too often reported tMut the Melaber Liturgy which the Jesuits revised and altered was Nestorian Liturgy, and substantially remains so. It simply is a form of tho Liturgy now best known to acholars as The Liturgy of Adai and Mari." (Letter to me, dated 4th January 1926.) Further, "There can be little doubt that there was a time (say 9th or 10th century) when the Nestorian fully developed rite was observed by the Christians of 8. India." (Letter to me, dated 14th February 1927.) * This is an onlargement of the facsimile opposite p. 333 of tho Young Men of India, Calcutta, for May 1926. Seo my article on the present inscription in the Young Men of India, for June 1926.

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130 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1927 THE MEANING AND ETYMOLOGY OF PUJA. BY PROF. JARL CHARPENTIER, UPSALA. (Continued from page 99.) IV. It can easily be observed that in all the more or less primitive cults spread all over India from the Himalayas to Cape Comorin perhaps the most common way of adoring the various gods, i.e., of performing their puja, is to smear the wooden logs, uncarved stones or idols which represent the deities with oil, or rather with lac, cinnabar, turmeric or other red or yellow dye stuffg37. Materials concerning this form of cult are to be found in overwhelming masses in European sources, and in the following only a few instances relating to various parts of India, and which seem to the present writer rather typical, will be quoted. In the Himalayas the five Pandava brothers are often called Panj per and sometimes taken to be one single person ; generally they are adored in the form of five stones put up beneath a pipal tree and smeared with red ochre38. Hanuman, of whom more presently, all over the Punjab has his image smeared with red-stuff?. During the nine days' festival of the serpents (Naganavami) in the month of Bhadon the women in the Panjab make images of Nagas from dough and smear them with red and black colour; and it is also usual to smear the brass images of the serpents with ghee40. When, in the Panjab, the women perforin puja to the cows, they smear not only the forehead of animal, but also their own with sandal and minium11. In Pehowa (Karnal District) there is a temple of Swami Karttikeya whose image is always smeared with oil and red ochre43. There is a special sect of Jogis, who are followers of the terrible god Bhairon, who anoint themselves with oil and red ochre and go alms-begging in the name of the god43-apparently pretending themselves to be manifestations of Bhairon. The goddess of small-pox, in Hissar generally called Devi Mata, has her abode in a pipal or in some sort of small shrine; this is festooned with red rags and painted with red colour-stuff44, Buffaloes which are to be sacrificed to Durga Mahizasuramardini are adored as deities by the pujdris, who smear their frontheads with saffron and rico-graing16. In the Kangra District the god Narsingh (who is, perhaps, not always identical with the fourth avatar) is adored in the shape of a coconut which is daubod with sandal and rice-graing +6 In Eastern parts of the United Provinces the adoring and daubing with rod ochre of a drum belongs to the ceremonies preceding a wedding 47. The late Dr. Crooke ingeniously suggested that the drum (especially perhaps the hour-glasslike drum attributed to Siva, the damaru) belongs to "the very primitive fetishes of the aboriginal races18." The 39 That this way of loring the deities is spread over practically the whole of India Rems to suggest that, before the Aryan in vasion, a somewhat uniforin religion prevailed over greater parts of the subcontinent. In this connection stress may be laid also upon the great similarity between myths of deities in the Himalayas and myths of demons amongst the Tuluvas in the Far South (On the Devil worship of the Tuluvas, d. L.A., vols. XXIII-XXVI), cf. Rose, A Glossary of the Tribes and Castes of the Punjab, vol. I, p. 443 n. 2. 36 Punjab Noles and Queries, vol. III, $ 159; Rose, 1.c., vol. I, p. 121. 39 Rose, Lc., vol. I, p. 119 (cf. p. 284). 40 Rose, Lc., vol. I. pp. 144, 149. In the Ravi Valley the idols are often washed with milk, curls and ght, ibid., vol. I, pp. 232-233. 41 Punjab Notes and Queries, vol. III, 98 480, 837. 43 Rose, 1.c., vol. I, p. 324. 43 Rose, Lc., vol. I, p. 317; cf. Crooke, Popular Religion, vol. I, p. 109. 46 Rose, Lc., vol. I, p. 356 ; Crooke, L.c., vol. I, p. 135. 45 Rose, Lc., vol. I, p. 359. That sacrificial animals and men are treated as gods before being killed is a well-known fact and need not be dwelt upon here. Let us only remember the way in which the Khonds, batore performing the horrid Mori Ah sacrificos, treated the poor victims. It is sufficiently clear that they were looked upon as some sort of divine beings; amongst other things they were smeared with oil, ghi and turmeric. cf. c.9., Russell, Tribes and Castes of the Central Provinces, vol. III, p. 475; Thurston, Oncns and Superstitions of 8. India, p. 200 sq. 46 Rose, Lc., vol. I, p. 376. 47 Crooke, Lc., vol. I, p. 28. 45 Cf. Elmore, Lc., p. 67.

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JULY, 1927] THE MEANING AND ETYMOLOGY OF PUJA 131 godling Bhimsen at many places in the Central Provinces is adored in the shape of an uncarved stone daubed with red ochre ; and a gramadevatd called Poru Mai in Nadiya is represented by "a little piece of rough black stone painted with red ochre, and placed beneath the boughs of an old banyan-tree49. Scattered about at the very simple places of worship of the gramadevatas are generally a few rough stones, the tops of which are rubbed by the country people with oil and red ochre "as an act of worship50". Around the place sacred to Gausam Deo, a Dravidian deity, are seen some boulders smeared with red ochrebl. Mahisoba, a godling considered to be identical with Mahisasura and chiefly revered through out the Bombay Presidency, is represented by a rough stone daubed with red ochre; amongst the Santals several deities are thus represented : Mahamai, the daughter of Devi, by an oblong log painted red at the top, Burhiya Mai by a white, red-daubed stone, and Hanuman (who is generally red-coloured) by a red-painted trident69. Since times of yore it has been common belief in India that certain trees are inhabited by demons who must be propitiated by bloody sacrifices; the Jatakas frequently tell us about human sacrifices to trees, e.g. the Dhonasdkhajataka (No. 353)63. Trees are still frequently adered, but the blood--at any rate human blocd-has mostly been exchanged for red colour. In Shahabad the holy tree is the karam (Kadamba, Nauclea), twigs of which are planted in front of the houses and smeared with red ochre and ghi 64. The pipal, in which live the three great gods but also a number of lower beings, on certain days has its trunk daubed with red ochre and sandal by high-caste women; at the frequent weddings of trees daubing with red and yellow dye-stuffs are of common occurrence 6. The materials collected by Mrs. Sinclair Stevenson in her very valuable book The Rites of the Twice-born (1920) mostly originate from Gajarat and Kathiawar; the authoress especially seems to have drawn her information from Nagar Brahmans. She tells us how Ganesa is washed with the pancamrita (milk, curds, ghi, honey and sugar) and is sprinkled with red powder at the upanayana (p. 29); and the same god is smeared with ghi and red ochre every Tuesday and Saturday (pp. 293-321). On those same days Hazuman is wholly or partly painted red and smeared with oil (pp. 327-406)66. The image of Parvati is daubed with red-stuff at the Holi (p. 285), and the roughly carved idols at the entrance of the Siva temples are likewise painted red (p. 372 sq.). The earth, as an act of worship, is strewn with red powder (p. 353) 57 and the snake-stones which are so common (especially in the South) are painted with red ochre (p. 407). The Nagar Brahmans look upon bride and bridegroom as being manifestations of Siva and Parvati (p. 68); consequently they are daubed with red powder (p. 70), and the bride daubs the big toe of her husband with red paint in order to show that she worships a divine being (p. 73, cf. also p. 79 sq.)68. The head of a dead man is smeared either with gopicandana or with red sandal (p. 143), a ceremony which would seem senseless if we did not, at the same time, learn that the dead body is looked upon as a deity until leaving the house (p. 145). But not only this. In the daily deva pu jana (p. 231 sq.) as well as in the worship of the cow (p. 312), the images of the Nagas (p. 314), the threshold (p. 316), the Krishna-idol (p. 317) Crooke, .c., vol. I, pp. 90, 108, 114 sq. 50 Ibid., p. 96. 61 Ibid. p. 117. 63 Ibid., pp. 237, 181. 53 Cf. Hopkins, Epic Mythology. p. 7, n. 3; Vogel, Verslagen en Mededelingen, Afd. Letterkunde, 5; IV, p. 228 ete. Nothing more can be said about this topic here. 54 Crooke, I.c., vol. II, p. 95; this reminds us of the description by Broughton, Letters Written in a Mahratta Camp (ed. 1992), p. 214, of the behaviour of Martha Brahmans at a certain festival. 65 Crooke, l.c., vol. II, pp. 99, 116 s. 56 This throws a clear light on the primitive character of gods like Ganeia and Hanuman. 67 of. Crooke, Folk-fore, vol. XXX, p. 292. 88 The faithful wife should every moming worship the big toe of her husband (p. 248 f.) but this seems to have gone out of use nowadays (p. 251).

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132 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1927 or the different idols in the Siva temples (p. 380 sq.) there always recurs the daubing or painting with red sandal, etc. The foreheads of the idols are generally daubed in a way which reminds us of the putting on of the tilakas amongst their worshippers. The image of Vishnu is daubed with gopicandana (p. 406), the sacred Salagrama is washed in pancamrita (p. 270). We need not doubt for a moment that what we see here is in reality the constitutive element of the pujd. Very extensive materials from the Bombay Presidency (with the exception of Sindh) have been collected by Mr. Enthoven in his book The Folklore of Bombay (1924).69 We read there how the low-costos in Konkan (Mahars, etc.) daub stones with oil and red ochre and give them the names of mostly evil godlings such as Vetal, Khandoba, etc., (p. 112). A certain species of tree in Kathiawar have fruits like a human face and are consequentiy worshipped with red ochre and oil (p. 125). Ahirs and other cattle-breeding castes in Gujarat erect stones called palios at the village frontiers in remembrance of dead caste-fellows; and these on certain days are daubed with red ochre (p. 143). In the Ratnagiri District holy men are worshipped with sandal paste, etc., (p. 146). The gramadevatas are represented by stones on which are painted trisalas with oil and red ochre. 61 or by wooden tridents the tops of which are painted red (p. 170). On the eighth day of the Navaratra the "Mothers" are daubed with oil and red ochre (p. 171), and on the last day of Aradha the members of the low castes wash their idols with water and milk and smear them with oil and red ochre (p. 172). On other occasions the house godlings are washed in panca mrita (p. 180). The goddesses described as the "Mothers" 69 are sometimes represented simply by red spots on the wall which are daubed with ghi, etc., (p. 185 89.). The image of Ganapati, here as in other parts of India, is smeared with oil and red ochre, the remnants of which are then put on doors and windows (p. 187 sq.); 68 and it goes without saying that Hanuman is regularly painted with those same substances (pp. 175, 188, 191 89.)64 On the first day of Margasira in the Deccan the domestic animals are worshipped like deities, their horns are washed and painted red, lamps are swung in front of them, etc., (p. 221). Sitala, the goddess of small-pox, is mostly represented by a rough stone daubed with red ochro (p. 265). Cheda, a gramadevata of the Thana District, is represented by a stone or a stake erected at the village border and painted with red ochre (p. 303), and Mhasoba, another godling, is worshipped with red ochre at the time of ploughing and sowing (p. 304). In other places the sacred stones are daubed with red ochre at the re-planting of the rice (p. 308). On the twelfth day of the dark half of Karttika the inhabitants of certain villages of the Thana District worship Waghoba, the tiger godling, by daubing his stone in the jungle with red ochre and bringing him food (p. 310). Proceeding southwards we find that already Pietro della Valle, who journeyed from Surat lo Calicut in 1623-1624, remarked how the Hindus painted the faces of their idols red. 6 About a century later Alexander Hamilton speaks about the red-painted stones representing godlings. 66 Also the good old Abbe Dubois had noticed how the idols were painted with various colours.87 In our own day we learn that bulls and cows are daubed with red and yellow powder, 8 that pots which often seem to represent gods among the B OL JRAS., 1925, p. 796 81 60 Cf. also p. 190 n. Cf. Stevenson, 1.c., p. 374. 63 On their worship, cf. Crooke, Folklore, vol. XXX, p. 302 sq. 3 CJ. also p. 327. * Cl. also the description of a curious ceremony (p. 269) where Bhangis (scavengers) sprinkle the image of Hanuman with the blood of a cow. 65 C. Professor Zacharia's extremely valuable Kleine Schriften, p. 247 89. 88 Cf. Powell, Foll-lore, vol. XXV, p. 167. 87 Hindu Manners, p. 581. 68 Thurston, Omens and Superstitions in S. India, p. 166.

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JULY, 1927] THE MEANING AND ETYMOLOGY OF PUJA 133 Dravidians,89 are painted with saffron and turmeric, and that snake stones are daubed with oil and red ochre.70 A gramadevata called Usaramma is often washed and smeared with saffron; and this is also the case with other godlings. 71 The blood of the sacrificial animals is smeared on the stones or the rough idols, or these and the animals themselves are sprinkled with water and red paint.73 We might also remember that the castes in general seem to worship their various tools on certain occasions. Tod73 tells us how the Rajputs painted their guns with the blood of sacrificed goats before the battle. The ill-famed Thugs at certain times performed a regular pujd to the pick-axe, which was not only one of their most important tools but also one of their deities; they washed it with plain and sugared water, curds and liquor and then daubed it in seven places with red ochre. 74 In the Deccan agricultural tools are sometimes worshipped; they are then washed and smeared with red ochre.76 From other regions is reported the painting of cart-wheels with red or white colours. 76 Also the weapons of the soldiers are daubed with red powder on certain occasions 7; and at Jeypore in Vizagapatam a sword is smeared with red sandal and worshipped at the Dasahra, and the weapons are sprinkled with the blood of the sacrificial animals. T* Already the material quoted above which has been collected at .random from various works is quite sufficient to show us that all over India a wide-spread form of worship consists in daubing or painting the sacred objects with oily and red-coloured stuffs. Nor can it be doubted that this rite has its origin in very primitive conditions as it is still mostly practised by low-caste people, who worship as their gods rough stones and uncarved logs of wood. We should also notice that this rite is frequently used in the worship of those gods of advanced Hinduism, who, like Ganesa and Hanuman, still betray their low origin, though they have long dwelt within the pantheon of Brahmanism. The present pu ja has long been at home in Brahmanism and has become very complicated, as have most of the rituals of the Brahmans; but, notwithstanding that, one of its main elements is the daubing and smearing of the idols with sandal, etc. and washing them with honey, sugar, ghi etc. Consequently, I can see no obstacle to the suggestion that this rite originated long ago with the primitive and still very wide-spread daubing and painting of the stones, logs or idols with oil and red dyestuffs. From this it follows that the only etymology of the word pujd which can possibly be correct is the one which derives it from the Dravidian pugu-, pusu. "to paint, to daub. to smear." The rite and the name of it alike must, however, have been introduced into Hinduism at a very early date; this is proved by the fact that already Yaska and Panini use' puj. and pujd in a sense which is no longer the original one. V. I have now only to say a few words concerning the religious or magic ideas that may possibly underlie this smearing and daubing with red and yellow colours. The explanation nearest at hand would undoubtedly be that the red colour is used instead of blood which, during an older and more brutal age, was only and alone used for smearing the idols. Such an explanation seems quite obvious and has probably been propounded more than once. And it is quite true that the daubing of idols and other cult 60 CJ. Elmore, 1.c., p. 24, etc. 70 Thurston, l.c., pp. 170, 176, 178 71 Elmore, 1.c., pp. 35, 4. 73 Elmore, 1.c., pp. 56, 60. 73 Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthuin (ed. Crooke), vol. II, p. 1041 sq. 74 Cf. c.9., Crooke, Popular Religion, vol. I, p. 184 sq. 75 Enthoven, l.c., p. 304. 76 Thurston, L.e., p. 175. 77 Stevenson, l..., p. 332. 78 Crooke, Folk-lore, vol. XXVI, p. 34. Herodotus, V, 62, tells us that the chief god of the Scythians was a sword which they worshipped with human sacrifices; cf. what Ammianus Marcellinus, XXXI : 2, 23, tells about the Alans.

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134 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (July, 1927 objects with blood is so well-known from different parts of the earth-and not least from India-that it would be simple waste of time to speak of it again here. But, according to the present writer's opinion, we must not always think of the red paint as a substitute for blood owing to the milder habits of a more modern time. It is true that human sacrifices which were, a century ago, of not unfrequent occurrence in India are now strictly prohibited ; just as it is true also that under certain conditions they would undoubtedly revive in places. But, notwithstanding this, it may well be doubted whether the humanitarian attitude in religious matters has become greater amongst the great masses of the population, and, at times, the blood of the animal victims flows in streams at various places from Nepal in the North to the extreme South. Consequently, it seems to the present writer that we must suggest that red paint was used since times of yore instead of and besides blood. Animal and still more human sacrifices are always an expensive business while some red paint does not belong to very extravagant things. There is a utilitarian point of view even in religion. The daubing and sprinkling of the idols with blood originally meant to sate them with the precious liquor and thus avert their malignant activities, this is well-known and need not be further dwelt upon here. This would thus account for the daubing of the idols80, but scarcely for the smearing with blood of South Indian pujaris, etc., nor for similar ceremonies in which it is not the god but his worshippers who get their share of the blood or are smeared with the red colour-stuffs. We must try to find out another explanation for this ; and it must not be only the old one which tells about the establishment of a blood covenant between the god and his worshippers. Red is the colour of blood, and it seems as if here the colour were the important factor. I do not enter upon any discussion of all the literature where this question has been dealt with; in this connection it is sufficient to point to two papers by Professor Zachariae81 in which he has emphasized the fact that red (and blue) 82 are looked upon, in India and elsewhere, as apotropaic, devil-scaring colours. This eminent scholar here, as in other of his papers, has dealt with his subject in a very exhaustive way. In the following remarks will only be given a few instances from books published during later years, instances that make things still clearer 83 In Gujarat when a new village has been founded and the usual ceremonies are brought to an end the village headman, accompanied by a Brahman, walks round the village dragging with him a red thread with which he, in a way, encircles the whole area 84 ; this is doubt. lessly done in order to avert evil influence. The Kammalans in Madras, when a house has been completed, smear the walls and the ceiling with the blood of slaughtered fowls88 ; it also occurs that the door-frame is daubed with saffron and red powder86. The following 79 Of.. e.... Crooke, Popular Religion, vol. II, p. 1984. Elmore, 1.c., p. 130, etc. 80 Human victims (from whom criminals condemned to death cannot, during an early period, bo sharply separated) were undoubtedly considered as deities; the Sanskrit literature tells us that they were daubed with red, hung with garlands of red flowers, etc. 81 Vienna Oriental Journal, vol. XVII, pp. 147 84.. 211 m. 33 In this connection we need not speak about blue colour. We may only remember that Hindus seem to have a strong objection to blue stuffs and indigo, cp. Panjab Notes and Queries, vol. III, SS 581, 715; Rose, 1.c., vol. I, pp. 137, 239. It is an artificial explanation that this is because blue is a favourite colour with Muhammadans. Black apparently is also a devil-scaring colour, c. Rose, l.e., vol. I, p. 210. 83 Dreaming about red things is dealt with by Zachariae, l.c., p. 213 ag. To this add several passages in Jagaddeva's Suapna Cintamani ed. von Negelein, as e.g. II, 25, 51, 62, 69, 72, 75-76, 104, 105, 120, etc. 44 Enthoven, 1.c., p. 302. 85 Thurston, Castes and Tribes of S. India, vol. III, pp. 113, 127. 36 Crooke, Folk-lore, vol. XXIX, p. 142 (following Padfield, The Hindu at Home, p. ii).

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JULY, 1927] THE MEANING AND ETYMOLOGY OF PUJA 135 instance seems to me a very characteristic one: in the Simla Hills--as well as elsewhere-it sometimes occurs that a Brahman or a Sadhu prohibits a man from taking possession of his own house ; but this interdict can be raised if the owner of the house sprinkles it with it few drops of his blood.87 The curse cf the holy man has brought the house under the influence of evil spirits, but they are sated and driven away by the red blood. In the Panjab, when there is an outbreak of cholera in a village, the plague may be cured by painting a young buffalo red and driving it into the next village88 ; it seems a bit doubtful whether it is only intended to drive away the plague demon or the animal is also looked upon as a sacrifice (scape-goat)-for, with red paste and red garlands one adorns the sacrifices to the god of Death, the condemned criminals89. When amongst low-castes in Northern India the parting of the bride's hair is daubed with red paint, this, according to my opinion, does not mean "a survival of the old blood covenant,"90 but that there is a desire to protect her from evil influences at a very critical moment of her life. It is tempting to suggest, in view of this, that the tilakas which are: in use all over India and are daubed on the forehead with red sandal, gopicandana, etc., were originally meant to avert demons and the evil eye., I had long conceived this hypothesis, when, to my great pleasure, I found it suggested also by the late Dr. Crooke, Popular Religion, vol. II, p. 29. Averting of evil influences no doubt is the idea underlying the mutual daubing with red powder and sprinkling with red-coloured water at the Holio; on this occasion the face is painted red 92, or red handprints are imprinted on one's own body and that of others 93--all apparently with the same intention. Extremely wide-spread amongst Aryan and non-Aryan peoples inside and outside India is the sacrifice connected with the erecting of buildings and bridges, the digging of tanks, etc. It formerly generally took the form of a human sacrifice, sometimes of horrible pro. portions. It is well-known that the Sultan Alau'd-din Khilji of Delhi (A.D. 1316) at the found. ation of his new capital, Siri, had its walls sprinkled with the blood of thousands of Mongolian captives94 Dr. Crooke" and Mr. Enthoven tell us about a curious habit : at the foundation of a house a red-painted wooden peg is driven into the ground and afterwards worshipped with lac, sandal paste and rice. It is called the peg of Shesh Nag", and the idea is said to be that Sesa, who carries the earth and, like other snakes, has a tendency to turn towards the right and thus cause earthquakes, should be made to keep steady. But this explanation is a late and artificial one. There is scarcely a doubt that the fixing of the red-painted peg was originally a sacrifice to the evil spirits of the earth who had been disturbed by the new foundation. 87 Rose, l.c., vol. I, p. 204 n. The author expressively states (I, p. 208) that in the Himalayas any demon can be scared away by some red paint or red ochre deposited under a pipal tree, at a cross rond, at a tank or on a cremation ground. 89 Rose, L.c., vol. I, pp. 140, 356. * Zachariae, 1.c., p. 212. Scapegoats are still adorned with red flowers. Enthoven, I.c., p. 260, tells how in Konkan and the Deccan at the outbreak of an epidemic a cock or a goat adorned with red garlands is led outside the village. Hanging with garlands is generally looked upon as an initiation to sacrificial death; cf. Rohde Psyche, vol. I, p. 220 ; Samter, Geburt, Hochzeit und Tod, p. 184 n. 90 Crooke, Popular Religion, vol. II, p. 173 (cf. also what is said, ibid. p. 257). 1 Crooke. Popular Religion, vol. II, p. 173; Folk-lore, vol. XXV, pp. 68,72, etc. 93 Folk-lore, vol. XXV, p. 64. 93 Stevenson, &.c., p. 286 27. Cf. also Vogel, Verslagen en Mededeelingen, Afd. Letterkunde 5: IV, p. 219 ff. # cj. Smith, Oxford History of India, p. 934. 95 Folk-lore, vol. XXIX, p. 130. * Cf., c., p. 302.

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136 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1927 Though infinitely more could be added, this may be sufficient for the present purpose..7 Everywhere we meet with the same idea : the red colour is a devil-scaring one-often, but not generally, a substitute for blood-and serves the purpose of averting the influence of the evil spirits present everywhere. Thus the painting and daubing of the idols and of one's own person with red colour-stuffs originate in the same idea; and from these rites which belong to a very primitive stage of religious development the central elements of the puja, which has for long been of so great importance within Hinduism, draw their origin. VEDIC STUDIES. BY A. VENKATASUBBIAH, M.A., Ph.D. (Continued from page 116.) 4. Phaliga. This is a rare word which occurs but in four passages of the Rgveda (1, 62, 4; 1, 121, 10; 4,50,5; 8, 32, 25) and except in a repetition of one of these passages (4, 50,5) in the TS., MS., KS, and AV., does not occur elsewhere. The meanings assigned by the commentators to this word are various. The Vedic Nighantu 1, 10, 17, includes this word among the meghandmani; and it is divided in the RV. Padapatha (but not in the TS. Padapatha) into phalis-ga. Sayana explains the word, RV., 1, 62, 4, as phalam pratiphalam pratibimbam tad asminn astiti phali svaccham udakam tad gacchaty adharatveneti phaligo meghah || 19 This etymology is repeated in his comment on TS. 2, 3, 14, 4 (p. 1663 of the Anandabrama ed.); but phaliga is here made out to be equivalent to pratibandha, obstacle, thus : phaligam phalam asyastiti phali yajamanah tam gacchati prapnotiti phaligah tadream .. prati. bandham. In RV., 4, 50, 5 he explains the word as niphald visarare | phalir bhedah tena gacchatiti phaligam | valam valanamanam asuram.20 Bhattabh Askara too, on the above passage of the TS. explains (p. 102) the word as phaligam | svacchodakapurnam balavadudakam va ravena babdena upalakshitam valam ravena na phaligam giriguhadishu pratiphalavantam. Bohtlingk and Roth in their dictionary say that the word means a cask, bag, or similar receptacle of a liquid. So also does Grassmann in his Worterbuch where he however gives & second meaning, cloud'. In his Translation he has further interpreted the word as *cave '(1, 62, 4; 4,50,5?). Ludwig has translated it variously as 'flaming' (1, 62, 4), 'dark' (4,50,5), 'water-cloud '(8,32, 25), and as a proper name in 1, 121, 10). In this last respect he is followed by Geldner (Ved. St., 2, p. 173) who, however, in his RV. Glossar suggests the meaning 97 As Professor Zacharia, 1.c., p. 153 n. 2, has also said something about the devil-scaring power of the yellow colour, a few additions to this may be given here. The Raja of Bastar in the Central Provinces, who at the Dasahra functions as a priont, is thus smeared with sandal and dressed in yellow clothes, Crooke, Folk-lore, vol. XXVI, p. 33; a man who on his death-bed becomes a Sannyasi dons & saffron-coloured robo, Stevenson, 1.c., p. 139. The clearest instance is perhaps furnished by the Rajputs by their well-known habit of donning saffron-coloured robes when going to battle and especially when trying their last out break from & besieged fort, cf. Tod, Annals ed. Crooke, vol. I, p. 226 and passim; at the same time their woman folk committed the horrible holocaust called jauhar (cf. on this word the remark of Sir G. Grierson in Smith, Akbar the Great Mogul, p. 72 n.), and all became satis. In this connection it seems possible to suggest that the yellow or orange-coloured robe (kodishaya) of the Buddhist monk was originally meant to be a means of scaring the evil spirits ; like several other implements, etc., it may have its origin in pre. Buddhist monkhood. As demon-scaring colours are at the same time often considered to be ominous, this may account for the circumstance often alluded to in literature, that the meeting with a Buddhist friar was considered unlucky. Saffron, just as well as turmeric, is looked upon as demon-scaring, cf. Folklore, vol. XXXVI, p. 42. According to Tod, Lc., vol. II, p. 1050, mon condemned to death were smeared with saffron ; in the South, walls are at times daubed with saffron or yellow clay in order to drive off the evil spirits, cf. Elmore, 1.c., p 66; and the Matangi, the curious priestess of cortain Dravidian castes, daubs the foreheads of her worshippers with saffron and turmerie, cf. ibid., p. 44 n. 19 This is the oxplanation given by Devaraja in his commentary on the Nighantu. 20 This is the explanation of Madhava as citod by Devaraja, loc. cit,

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JULY, 1927] VEDIC STUDIES 137 of robber'in 4, 50, 5 and 8, 32, 25. Hillebrandt suggests (Ved. Myth., 3, p. 262, n. 5) that phaliga is a dialectal form of the word sphatika, and Oldenberg (RV. Noten, I, p. 121), that it is another form of the word parigha,21 Bergaigne (Rel. Ved., II, p. 292; 320) interprets the word as 'reservoir' and Macdonnell (Ved. Reader, p. 87) as 'cave.' Of these meanings mentioned above, it is improbable that phaliga denotes the name of a person in one out of the four passages in which the word occurs. It can also be readily seen that none of the meanings proposed, like 'cave', 'cloud,' 'robber'fits in in all the four passages. It is otherwise with the suggestions of Oldenberg (that phaliga=parigha) and Hillebrandt (that phaliga=sphatika). The latter is indeed the correct explanation ; but perhaps because it remained as a mere suggestion and was not followed by an exposition, in the light of that suggestion, of the passages in which the word occurs, it has not found favour with later writers (Oldenberg, Geldner in his RV. Glossar, Macdonnell) who have preferred to suggest other interpretations of their own. Pischel, in his Prakrit Grammatik, p. 167, $ 238, has given references to many places where the Sanskrit word sphatika appears in Prakrit as phaliha with cerebral la. He has also noted the occurrence of the form phaliha with dental la. The dental la appears in the Pali form phalika also. I believe that the Vedic word phaliga is but another form of the abovementioned phalika, the surd ka of the latter being changed into the corresponding sonant in the former (for examples, see Pischel, op. cit., SS 202). The course of transformation of the Sanskrit sphatika into Prakrit would therefore be as follows: sphatika-phalika e phaliga (Vedic) (Sanskrit) (Pali) Palis ? phalihi (Prakrit)-phaliha (Prakrit) Similar is the case with the Sanskrit word parigha also. This, too, appears in Prakrit as phaliha (for references, see Pischel, op. cit., SS 208); and an alternative form phaliga may with probability be posited for this phaliha also (for examples of the unaspirated sonant replacing an original sonant aspirate, see ibid., $ 213). And further, this meaning would fit in in all the passages where the word occurs. For, parigha, which originally means the pin of a door', has the sense of 'weapon' and of 'hindrance, obstacle', also. The last mentioned of these senses would be not unsuitable in 1, 62,4 ; 4,50,5; and 8, 32,25 (compare 1,51, 4 : tvam apa'm apidha'na urnor apa) while that of "weapon' would pass well in 1, 121, 10. This interpretation however is open to the objection that it is not in the least connected with the meaning mentioned in the Nighantu. As this is not the case with the meaning sphatika (crystal ; quartz) which denotes a kind of stone and is therefore not improperly associated with the words adri, gotra, asman, parvata, etc., in the Nighantu, and as moreover 10, 68, 8 seems, as I shall show below, to point to this meaning, I believe that this is the correct meaning of phaliga. I shall now show that this meaning yields good sense in all the passages where the word occurs. 1, 62, 4: sa sushtubha sa stubha' sapta viprais svarend'drim svaryo navagvaih saranyubhih phaligam Indra sakra valam ravena darayo dasagvaih || He, the roarer, with the well-praising, landing (throng), the seven seers, and the Navagvas, cleft the rock with his roar. Thou, O mighty Indra, hast with the Dasagvas, cleft the enclosure of crystal with thy roar.' There is a transition here from the third person in the first halfverse to the second person in the last which makes it necessary to supply the word addrayat with third person ending, in the first half. The word sah that occurs in it, I have here taken as referring to Indra who is mentioned in the third pada. It is however possible to understand 31 This suggestion was originally made by M. Regnaud in the Revue de l'histoire des religions, 1890.

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138 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [.JULY, 1927 the word as referring to Bhaspati who is mentioned in the last half of the preceding verse, By' haspatir bhinad adrim vidad ga'h sam usriyabhir vavasanta narah. Further, I have, on the analogy of 4, 50,5 (see below), understood the words sushtubhd and stubhd as referring to the gana of Aigirases mentioned in the preceding verse. See also Oldenberg, op. cit., p. 68. The enclosure of crystal mentioned in the second half of this verse is the same as the rock, asman, parvata, giri, adri, that Indra (or BIhaspati) is elsewhere mentioned as having with the Angirases and others, broken open in order to set free the imprisoned waters and cows; compare the first half of this verse; compare also 10, 68, 4: Brhaspatir uddharann asmano ga' bhu'mya udneva vi tvacam bibheda ; 5, 30, 4: asmdnam cic chavasd didyuto vi vido gavdm urvam usriyanam ; 4, 16, 6: visvani sakro naryani vidva'n apo rireca sakhibhir nikamaih | asmanam cid ye bibhidur vacobhir vrajam gomantam usijo vi vavruh ; 10, 68,3 : Br'haspatih parvatebhyo vita'ryd nir gal upe yavam iva sthivibhyah; 1, 57, 6: tvam tam Indra parvatam maha'm urum vajrena vajrin parvasas cakartitha avdsrjo nivytas sartara' apah; 4, 17, 3: bhinad girim savasd vajram ishnann avishkrnvanas sahasana bjah | vadhid vytram vajrena mandasanas sarann d'po javasu hataurshnih; 10, 68, 11: By' haspatir bhinad adrim vidad ga'h; 10, 112, 8: satinamanyur afrathayo adrim suvedana'm alrnor brahmane ga'm. 4, 50, 5: sa sushtubhd sa 'kvata ganena valam ruroja phaligam ravena! Br' haspatir usriya havyasu'dah kanikradad va' vasatir ud ajat 'He, with the well-praising jubilant throng has shattered the enclosure of crystal with his roar. Bphaspati, roaring, drove forth the lowing cows that sweeten the oblation (with their milk).' 8, 32, 25: ya udnah phaligam bhinan nyak sindhinr ava' srjat yogoshu pakvam dharayat Who (Indra) cleft the crystal containing the waters and discharged the rivers downwards ; who put the ripe (milk) in the cows. The construction here is somewhat peculiar; it is similar to that in 4,16,8: apo yad adrim puruhuta dardrh, and 3,20,21 : d' no gotra' dard thi gopate ga'h, where the verb seems to govern two objects. It is possible to regard udnah in this passage as genitive singular (so Grassmann does with regard to apah in 4, 16, 8 in his Worterbuch) governing the word phaligam; but I am inclined to think (as does also Geldner, Ved. St., 2, p. 275) that these words are really in the accusative plural, and that we have to supply here the word vavrivamsam or other similar word. 1, 121, 10: pura' yat su'ras tamaso apites tam adrivah phaligam hetim asya Sushnasya cit parihitam yad ojo divas pari sugrathitam tad adah | * Hurl, O thou (Indra) with the dart, thy weapon of rock-crystal before the disappearance of the sun in darkness : shatter the consolidated might of Sushna which has spread over heaven even'. Indra's' weapon of rock-crystal' mentioned here is the well-known Vajrayudha which is frequently referred to as adri, parvata, asman; compare 1, 51, 3: tvam gotram angirobhyo urnor apola'traye satadureshu gatuvil | sasena cid vimada' yavaho vasv dja'v adrim vavasanasya nartayan; 6, 22, 6: aya' ha tyam mayaya vavydhanam manojuvd svatavah parvatena | acyuta cid vilita' svojo rujo vi drlha' dhrshata' virapein 4, 22, 1: yo (Indrah) asmanam tavasa bibhrad eti; 2,30,5: ava kshipa divo asmanam ucca'. Compare also the word adrivat he who has the stone (as a weapon)' used almost exclusively of Indra in the RV.

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JULY, 1927] MISCELLANEA The characteristic that specially differentiates sphatika, rock crystal, from ordinary stone or rock (adri, asman, parvata) is its transparency. In the last passage of those given above (1, 121, 10), the context is such that it is sufficient to note that the weapon is of stone; its transparency or otherwise is not material. In the other three passages, on the other hand, which mention the enclosure of crystal that imprisons the waters and cows, it would seem, to judge from 10, 68, 8, asna' pinaddham ma'dhu pary apasyan matsyam na dina udani kshiyantam | nish taj jabhara camasam na vrksha'd Br'haspatir viravena vikr'tya that the transparency of the walls of the enclosure should also be taken into consideration. For, in this verse we read: Brhaspati saw the sweet (water) enclosed in the stone, as (one sees) a fish in shallow water. Having with his roar, broken (the stone) open, he brought it out as (one does) a goblet from a tree.' Thus the water could be seen by Brhaspati through the enclosing stone as a fish in shallow water can be seen through the water; in other words, the stone was transparent, it was a sphatika or crystal. 139 The rock that imprisons the waters and cows, represents, as is well-known, the cloud; see Bergaigne, I, p. 257f. and Macdonnell, Vedic Mythology, p. 60. The author of the Nighantu has therefore rightly included this word, along with adri, gravan, gotra, asman, parvata, giri, upara and upala-all meaning 'stone', 'rock', etc., among the meghanamani. (To be continued.) MISCELLANEA. DOM MARTIN, THE ARAKANESE PRINCE. The April number of the Journal of the Burma Research Society (vol. XVI, pt. I), 1926, contains an article of great interest on Dom Martin, 1606-1643, the first Burman to visit Europe, by Mr. M. S. Collis and San Shwe Bu. It is as romantic a story as one could wish and it might be said as one could find Dom even in Burma, the land of romance. Martin-observe the high Portuguese title-was born in 1606 as a son of Min Mangri, himself a younger son of Rajagri, king of Arakan. Min Mangri became Viceroy of Chittagong in 1610. His elder brother was Min Khamaung, afterwards a famous king of Arakan. The two brothers were not on good terms, and Min Mangri feared for his position. About 1610 the celebrated Portuguese corsair Gonsalves Tibau established himself in Sandwip and with him the disaffected Min Mangri consorted. Gonsalves saw his chance and sent Father Rafael of Santa Monica to convert Min Mangri's family to Christianity. In this errand Father Raphael succeeded and Min Mangri's daughter was married as a Roman Catholic to Gonsalves' son. All this naturally did not please Rajagri of Arakan, and Min Khamaung was sent against Chittagong in 1612. That was the end of Min Mangri, but his little children, a boy and a girl, were spirited away by Father Raphael to the convent of St. Nicholas at Hugli. Here they were brought up, the boy as a Christian prince named Dom Martin, and the girl as Princess Petionilla. In due course Min Khamaung became king of Arakan and the future looked black for Dom Martin, but he was sent to Goa, where he did well and became, as an Oriental Christian of high standing, a Portuguese military cadet. In 1622 Min Khamaung died and Thivithudhamma succeeded him, while Dom Martin was still a Portuguese officer. In 1627 he greatly distinguished himself in the defeat of the king of Achin off Malacca, and then continued to serve with distinction about the Indian coasts from Jacatra (Batavia) to Ormuz (Bandar Abbas) until 1640. In 1638 Narapatigri had usurped the throne of Arakan, and in 1641 the Duke of Braganza had recovered the Portuguese throne from the Spaniarda and ruled as John IV. So Dom Martin proceeded to Portugal to see if he too could get back his rights from the usurper of Arakan with the help of John IV. John knew his story and could feel for him, and thus he equipped Dom Martin for the purpose in 1642. Dom Martin duly set out with high hopes, but in 1643 he died on the voyage out and never even reached Goa. What a story! R. C. TEMPLE. NAUGAZA TOMBS TO THE WEST OF INDIA. Tombs known as naugaza, of inordinate length, more or less approximating nine yards, and dedicated to saints, are not uncommon in Upper India and have frequently been noticed by European observers e.g., ante, vols. XXV, pp. 146, 254; XXVIII, p. 28. They are no doubt a Semitic importation from lands to the West of India during the Muhammadan invasions. In the course of some amusing notes on "discoveries" by Lord Curzon.in his Leaves from a Viceroy's Note-book, p. 363, occurs the following passage: "I had, I thought, already left Noah safely buried

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140 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1927 at Hebron, when later on in the neighbourhood of Baalbek I came upon him again, and this time he was interred in a tomb forty yards long by two or three feet wide.... Noah must have been person of exceptional stature, even in a part of the world where the Sons of Anak, 'which come of the Giants,' and compared with whom all other men were as grasshoppers,' would appear to have abound ed. But even in his day the standard of human height must have been rapidly deteriorating. For the grave of Eve, near Jeddah in the Hedjaz, which corresponds accurately to the measurement of her body is no less than of 173 yards long by 12 yards wide : 80 that in comparison with the Mother of Mankind the builder of the Ark was only a pigmy. At Jeddah, however, the guardians of the tomb have a ready and indeed a plausible explanation of the decline, for they say that when Eve fell, with her fell the stature of the race she originated." R. C. TEMPLE BOOK-NOTICE. POLITICAL HISTORY OF ANCIENT INDLA FROM THE recently published fourth edition of Smith's work, ACCESSION OF PARIKSHIT TO THE EXTINCTION he would have found his own opinion duly recorded OF THE GUPTA DYNASTY, by HEMCHANDRA in a footnote qualifying Smith's original opinion. RAYCHAUDHURI, M.A., PH.D. University of He does not accept the view that Pushyamitra, Calcutta, 1923. who slew the last Mauryan ruler, was the head of a In the issue of this Journal for January, 1924, I Brahman reaction against the Mauryan empire, reviewed Professor Raychaudhuri's Political History and attributes the fall of the Mauryan power to of Ancient India from the necession of Parikshit (a) the oppression of the state officials, which was to the coronation of Bimbisara. That work forms rampant long before 185 B.C., (b) the feebleness of the first part of the present volume, which continues Asoka's successors, and (c) the decay of the State's the story of India's past history to the end of the military power owing to the spread of the Asokan Gupta age. As the author states in a foreword to doctrine of Dhammavijaya. Pushyamitra, accordthe second part, he claims no originality for his ing to this view, merely gave the coup-de-grace to treatment of the period from Bimbieara to Adoka, a moribund power. This may be so : but at the but he has added fresh material from epic and game time it does not preclude the possibility of Jain sources and occasionally arrives at conclusions Pushyamitra having been the protagonist in A differing from those adopted by previous workers conservative Brahman reaction against A system in this field. As an indication of the suggestive and which had obviously rendered the empire powerless interesting character of his succinct resume of the to cope with foreign invasion. political features of this obscure period, a few of his The author's arguments as to the identity of the views and conclusions may be here recorded. He Indo-Greek invader of India during Pushyamitra's accepts the Ceylonese tradition that sisunega reign are well martialled and deserve study, as also was later in date than Bimbisara : he rejects Mr. do his views on the Saka Satraps of Northern K. P. Jayaswal's suggestion that the headless Patna India. He proposes a new chronology for the statue is that of Nandivardhana, and that the early Satavahanas or Andhrabhrityas, placing Nandaraja of the Hathigumpha inscription is also Simuka in the 1st century B.C., and the end of his Nandivardhana. He considers it more likely that dynasty in the 3rd century A.D., while the Kuntala Mahapadma Nanda is referred to by Kharavels. or collateral Kanarese line of Satakarnis continued He accepts the date of Buddha's death as 483 B.C., to rule till the 4th or 5th century A.D. He suggests and believes that the earlier date, 543 B.C., must that the Satakarni of the Nanaghat inscription is have gained currency by being confounded with the identical with the Satakarni who defied Khara vela, era which commenced with Bim birara's accession. with the Satakarni of the Sanchi inscription, and He suggests that Chandragupta belonged to the with the elder Saraganus mentioned in the Periplus. Morivas (Mauryas), the ruling Kshatriya clan of He has much of interest to say about the Saka and Pipphalivana in ancient times, and correcte Vincent ! Pahlava rulers of the Panjab, the Kushans, and tho Smith's view of the character of the Mauryan Western Kshatrnpas. I have perhaps said enough Uttaradhyakahas. The epithet Rashtriya, applied to show that Professor Raychaudhuri's book forma ts Pushyagupta in the time of Chandragupta, he & solid contribution to the discussion of the various regards As equivalent to imperial high commissioner, problems implieit in the early history of Iridia. and suggests that the Rashtriyas, who are not The book is succinetly written, partak mentioned either in the Arthastra or in Aboka's of the nature of an outline than a literary essay in Edicts, were probably identical with the Rashtra- history : but it furnishes the evidence upon which DAlas, who drew the same salary as Kumaras or the author relies for his views and contains a good the author relies for his views and en princely viceroys of the blood royal. bibliographical as well as a general index. It is Tush Ashpha, the Yavanaraja, he considers to have well worth a place on the bookshelf of the student been a Greek, not a Persian, as originally stated by 1 of Indian history. Vincent Smith. But had the author consulted the S. M. EDWARD ES.

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Avqust, 1927) THE DATE OF BIASKARA RAVIVARMAX 141 THE DATE OF BHASKARA RAVIVARMAN. By K, G. SANKAR, B.A., B.L. KERALA is the part of South India inhabited by people who speak Malayalam (an offshoot of Tamil). It is now split up into the Indian States of Travancore and Cochin, and the British district of Malabar. But in ancient times it was undivided and owned the sway of a single dynasty of emperors. Bhaskara Ravivarman was one of such emperors. His in. scriptions and copper-plates have been found in all parts of the Kerala country. They reveal to us the fact that Malayalam was already developing into a distinct language, with its own grammar and diction. Bhaskara Ravivarman was moreover the earliest emperor in India to give special privileges to the Jews, which he did in his 38th year, as we know from his Cochin plates published in the Epigraphia Indica (vol. 3, No. 11). His date is therefore of pecnliar importance for the history of the Malayalam language and also of the Jews in India. But unfortunately scholars are not yet in agreement as to his date. The vast majority of them place it in the eleventh century A.D. But recently (Indian Antiquary, vol. 53, pp. 220223) Mr. K. N. Daniel has attempted, relying mainly on astronomical evidence, to take him back to the sixth century A.D. If his conclusion be accepted, we shall have to revise the current notion that Malayalam branched off from Tamil as a distinct language only in the ninth century A.D. This notion is based on a comparison of the Tiruvalla plates (eighth century A.D.) of Rajasekhara, published in the Travancore Archocological Series (vol. 2, No. 1), which are entirely free from Malayalam forms, with the Kottayam plates of Sthanu Ravi (circa 900 A.D.). Mr. Daniel's arguments therefore deserve careful scrutiny. He has recently adinitted that arguments based on linguistic and palaeographic evidence are taken by themselves, inconclusive, and he therefore mainly relies on the astronomical evidence. I shall therefore confine myself here to examining his astronomical argument. But, before doing so, it would be well to consider whether there is no other definite historical evidence that may throw some light on the date of Bhaskara Ravivarman. Mr. A. S. Ramanatha Ayyar has recently pointed out in the Indian Antiquary and elsewhere that the Tirukkadittanam inscription of Bhaskara Ravivarman (Trav. Arch. Ser., vol. 5, No. 61) refers to a festival instituted by Sri Vallabhan Kodai of Venad (i.e., Sout Travancore). But he concludes that Sri Vallabhan was a feudatory of Bhaskara Ravi. varman. This, however, is by no means certain. The inscription does not say that the festival was instituted in Bhaskara Ravivarman's time. We can therefore only infer that Sri Vallabhan lived at or before the date of the inscription, and that Bhaskara Ravivarman was not earlier in date than Sri Vallabhan. Now the Mampalli plates of Sri Vallabhan Kodai of Venad date themselves definitely, through their astronomical data, on the 10th November 973 A.D. (Trav. Arch. Ser., vol. 4, No. 1), and as we know of only one Sri Vallabhan Kodai of Venad, it is almost certain that Bhaskara Ravivarman did not live before the end of the tenth cen. tury A.D. Mr. T. K. Joseph, on the other hand, told me that he was able to read the word padu (i.e., of old) in the original inscription, in connection with the festival instituted by Sri Vallabhan Kodai. But, as his statement is not supported by the plate published by Mr. Ramanatha Ayyar, and as he himself has not yet thought fit to publish his reading of the inscription, we cannot for the present rely on his statement. We can therefore only conclude that Bhaskara Ravivarman lived in or after the latter half of the tenth century A.D. To this conclusion Mr. Daniel opposes his astronomical argument. He says that the astronomical data given in the Perunna inscription (Trav. Arch. Ser., vol. 2, p. 34) and the Tirunelli plates (ibid., vol. 2, . 31) of Bhaskara Ravivarman agree only with dates in the sixth century A.D., in a period of 5000 years starting from the Kali era. If this statement were correct, we should have to assume the existence of an earlier Sri Vallabhan Kodal of Venad, however unwilling we might be to postulate so early a date for Bhaskara Ravivarman. Messrs. Ramanatha Ayyar and Joseph, no doubt, fight shy of the astronomical

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142 THE INDIAX ANTIQUARY [ Araust, 1927 carsi c 44) on argument, and the latter urges that astronomical data need not be always correct or reliable. But he forgets that the burden of proof is on him to show why the astronomical data should be discredited, when they work out correctly, as they do in the present instance, and he has not even attempted to discharge that burden. We have no alternative but to disprove Mr. Daniel's statement, or, if we cannot do so, to accept his conclusion. I shall therefore examine Mr. Daniel's astronomical argument in detail. To begin with, several of the inscriptions of Bhaskara Ravivarman give the positions of Jupiter at the times when they were engraved. The following is a list of such positions given in the order of the dates of the inscriptions: (1) 6th year Jupiter in Rishabha (Trav. Arch. Ser., vol. 3, p. 180) (2) 15th .. 2. p. 36). (3) 23rd , Makara ( 39). (4) 31st , Dhanu ( 2, p. 43). (5) > Kumbha ( 183) (6) 33rd Rishabha (7) 43rd , Tula ( p. 31). (8) 48th , Simha (Ind. Ant. 20, p. 290). (9) 50th , Tula (Trav. Arch. Ser. 5, p. 190). (10) 58th Simha C > 2, p. 49). Now Jupiter moves approximately over one rasi (solar sign) every year. The reader can therefore calculate for himself and easily find out that these positions cannot be reconciled with each other, unless we postulate the existence of at least four different Bhaskara Ravi. varmans. Since there is no justification for doing so, we have no alternative but to give up the problem as for the present insoluble. Mr. Daniel however claims to have solved the riddle. He does so by assuming (1) that some of the given years are current and some expired, and (2) that some of them refer to the king's age, while others to his regnal years. The former of the assumptions is barely possible, but the latter is clearly gratuitous. This is not all. He has some of his facts wrong. For instance, (1) in the 15th year inscription he reads 13th for 13+x(=2)nd year ; (2) in the 23rd year inscription he reads 13th for 23rd year; and (3) in the 48th year inscription he reads 46th for 48th year. It is therefore clear that, in spite of Mr. Daniel's praiseworthy efforts, we are as far as ever from a solution of the riddle.. I shall now examine the data of the Perunna inscription and the Tirunelli plates. All scholars, including Mr. Daniel, have hitherto assumed that the former is an inscription of Bhaskara Ravivarman. But there is no justification for it in the inscription itself. The portion referring to the king's name is missing, and there is in it no mention either of Bhaskara's feudatory Govardhana Marttanda of Venad. The style, palaeography and language no doubt resemble those of Bhaskara Ravivarman. But this fact is not inconsistent with the ascription of the inscription to the immediate predecessor or successor of Bhaskara instead of to that king himself. Mr. Daniel has made much of the condition that the interval between the two inscriptions should be exactly 45 years and challenged Mr. Joseph to produce any other couple of dates satisfying that condition in the said period of 5000 years. It is therefore necessary to point out that there is no warrant in the inscriptions themselves for any such condition. It is entirely his own creation, based on the fact that the interval between his dates is exactly 45 years, and on his assumption that the Perunna inscription is an inscription of Bhaskara Ravivarman. Coming now to the data themselves of the two inscriptions, they are :(1) Perunna inscription-14th year, 20th Mina (solar month), Sunday, Punarvasu (nakshatra), Jupiter in Makara ; (2) Tirunelli plates-43rd year, 8th Mina, Wednesday, Uttara Phalguni, Jupiter in Tula,

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AUGUST, 1927] THE DATE OF BHASKARA RAVIVARMAN. 143 Mr. Daniel says, and I agree, that the data of the Perunna inscription are satisfied by both 526 and 1060 A.D. But, as to the data of the Tirunelli plates, he says that, between 1 and 1400 A.D., only 571 and 666 A.D. satisfy them, and that therefore Bhaskara Ravivarman cannot be placed so late as the tenth or eleventh century A.D. He notices the suggestion of the late Mr. L. D. Swamikannu Pillai that A.D. 1116 is a likely date for the Tirunelli plates, but dismisses it as a mistake and even claims that Mr. Swamikannu Pillai himself agreed with him, shortly before his death. If Mr. Swamikannu Pillai had done so, I believe it must be due to his ignorance of the prevalence in ancient times of the Malabar rule that, if the sankrama of a solar month (the point of time at which the sun passes from one solar sign to another) occurs after eighteen ghatikas (one ghatika two-fifths of an hour) from sunrise, the next day should be the first of that month. Mr. Daniel has himself pointed out that this usage was prevalent as early as circa 1200 A.D. and that Mr. Swamikannu Pillai was not aware of it, when he suggested 1155 A.D. as a suitable date for the Perunna inscription. For myself, I contend that 1st March 1116 A.D., satisfies the data of the Tirunelli plates in all respects. The Mina sankrama of that year fell on 24 ghatikas after sunrise of the 22nd February. The 1st Mina therefore, according to 'Malabar usage, was the 23rd February, and, as 1116 A.D. was a leap year, the 8th Mina fell on 1st March. It was a Wednesday, and the nakshatra Uttara Phalguni ended on that day shortly after daybreak, allowing for an error of one ghatik at the most. Uttara Phalguni was therefore most probably the nakshatra of that day, and the geocentric longitude of Jupiter was 196deg. It was thus in 16deg of Tula rasi. The 1st March 1116 A.D. therefore completely satisfies the astronomical data of the Tirunelli plates, and there is no need to assume, without evidence, the existence of an earlier Sri Vallabhan Kodai of Venad, or to take Bhaskara Ravivarman back to the sixth century A.D. We can therefore safely conclude that the 43rd year of Bhaskara Ravivarman was 1116 A.D., and that he ruled from 1073 to at least 1131 A.D. It is agreed on all hands, with the single exception of Mr. Joseph for reasons which he has not revealed, that the Perunna inscription and the Tirunelli plates could not be removed from each other by any long interval, though of course it is not necessary that they should belong to the same king or that the interval should be exactly 45 years. It is therefore almost certain that, of the two astronomically suitable dates for the Perunna inscription 526 and 1060 A.D., the latter is more probable, if we place the accession of Bhaskara Ravivarman in 1073 A.D. The 14th year of an unnamed king was therefore 1060 A.D., and, as this is only thirteen years before Bhaskara Ravivarman's accession, the unnamed king was most probably Bhaskara's immediate predecessor. Now there is evidence to show that Indukodaivarman was the immediate predecessor of Bhaskara Ravivarman. One Perumanaikkottattu Kesavan Sankaran is known to have been the contemporary of both Indukodaivarman and Bhaskara Ravivarman (Trav. Arch. Ser., vol. 3, pp. 173, 181). But Velliyampalli Polan Sattan and Panritturutti Kannan Polan are known to have been the contemporaries of Indukodaivarman (ibid., vol. 3, pp. 165-168), while Velliyampalli Sattan Kumaran and Panritturutti Polan Kumaran, who were evidently their immediate successors, are known to have been the contemporaries of Bhaskara Ravivarman (ibid., vol. 2, pp. 49, 53). It is therefore almost certain that Indukodaivarman was the immediate predecessor of Bhaskara Ravivarman, and, as he is known to have ruled for at least sixteen years, while the interval between the Perunna inscription and the accession of Bhaskara Ravivarman was only thirteen years, he must almost certainly be identical with the unnamed king of the Perunna inscription. As his fourteenth year was 1060 A.D., his accession must be placed in 1046 A.D. The result, therefore, of this brief inquiry is that we are now able definitely to place Indukodaivarman in 1046 to 1073 A.D., and Bhaskara Ravivarman in 1073 to at least 1131 A.D.

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144 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ AUGUST, 1927 MOSLEM EPIGRAPHY IN THE GWALIOR STATE.1 BY RAMSINGH SAKSENA. (Continued from page 104.) THESE inscriptions belong to one of the many cities of historical importance which lie within the territories of the Sindhias of Gwalior. This sacred city of hoary fame and mys. terious origin rightly deserves the name of Ujjain (the City of Light). It has been given a dozen names in the Hindu scriptures, viz., Avanti, Kanaksharanga, Kush-sthali, Vishala, etc.; but is more extensively styled Ujjayini, and has been noticed by every known historian or traveller. The present town, however, though enjoying its ancient historic attributes and traditions, is devoid of any remains earlier than the tenth century A.D. It lies two miles south of its ancient site, the remains of which still yield interesting antiquities, whenever tapped. It lies in 23deg 11' North and 75deg 50' East, on the Sipra river, and is still, as in the past, the Government head-quarters of the Malwa Division and is reached by the Bombay Baroda & Central India and the Great Indian Peninsula systems of Railways. Unfortunately Ujjain has escaped expert antiquarian survey by the modern archaeologists. Even Sir A. Cunningham and his successors seem to be content with the undisputed identification of the site and by its mention in different epigraphical records, with brief descriptions thereof published in various journals from time to time. An authoritative, systematic and well-linked history of the old and new sites is a keenly felt need, and let us hope that the Gwalior Archaeological Department will try to fill this gap. Scientific excavations at the site may yield startling discoveries, which may be as valuable as those of Mohenjo-daro (Sind) and Harappa (in the Panjab). The Muhammadans laid their hands on Ujjain (Malwa) as early as A.D. 724 under Junaid, governor of Sind, but they actually occupied it only from the time of Qutbu'd-din, A.D. 1196-97, up to the fall of the Mughals. The following are a few of the many unnoticed and unpublished Moslem inscriptions to be seen at Ujjain. A.-Inscription on Bina-nim-ki Masjid (or Mosque without Foundation), Ujjain. This epigraph though belonging to one of the interesting monuments of Ujjain, has remained unnoticed for the reasons given above. The building is wittily known locally as Bina-nim-ki-Masjid (the mosque without foundation) on account of its having been erected on the (still visible and intact) plinth, and from the materials, of some Hindu temple. Though numerous mosques of this type are extant all over India, the adoption of this fanciful name in this case baffles explanation, except as a local joke. The inscription is said to consist of a piece of slaty stone of the bluish colour common in Malwa, measuring 2' 7" by 2' 4" and to have been fixed over the only entrance of the mosque. It consists of raised letters and contains five lines of Persian verse,3 each of which has been relieved by a plain line 3-inch in breadth. The style of writing is Naskh, but poor in execution. It has been difficult to fully decipher it, because the small photographic reproduction, which though apparently neat, has apparently been made after inking over the original inscription, and the ink has run into the curves of already crude letters. However, as I have been able to make out the salient points, I feel no hesitation in publishing this small record, since I believe that the undeciphered portion of it would probably reveal nothing more than a mere eulogy of the Prophet or the king, couched in elegant and forcible words. The record refers to the completion of the mosque in A.H. 806 (A.D. 1403) and names Dilawar Khan as king. Dilawar Khan Ghori (whose real name was Hasan, a descendant on his mother's side from Sultan Shihabu'd-din Ghori) is a well-known personage in history. He was appointed Governor of Malwa by Muhammad IV ibn Firoz of Delhi about A.H. 794, asserted his independence in A.H. 804, and proclaimed himself Dilawar Khan Ghori, Sultan of Malwa. As 2 Elliot, HI, I, 126. 1 See ante, vol. LV, p. 4. In mujalleth muthmin wafi mazahif mahbun mayur metre. (chip) 4 Briggs, Ferishta, vol. IV, pp. 167-173.

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Plate A Indian Artinary AN INSCRIPTION OF THE REIGN OF SULTAN DILAWAR KHAN GHORI, FIRST SULTAN OF (MANDU) MALWA, ON THE BINA-NIM KI MASJID AT UJJAIN, GWALIOR STATE 4.. 806 = A.D. 1403. hege Juli RS. SAKSENA

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August, 1927] MOSLEM EPIGRAPHY IN THE GWALIOR STATE 145 the mosque was completed in A.H. 806, only two years after the assumption of kingship, it is certainly the outcome of the early orders of this king, though the temple itself may have been pulled down by some previous invaders of Malwa. I read the text as under: Inscription on Bina-nim-ki Masjid, Ujjain. mdr zmn dlwrkhn shh mlwkh .1 bdhr gsht chw khwrshyd dr akhryn .2 4 zyr gnbd yn brj gnbd st nn ? bshr tmm btrykh SySd w shsh sl bh ymn hmt SHb zmn dlwrkhn ? mrd dny w dyn dr khnr w bd b`wn qDy Hjt w khlq dwrn . . Translation. 1. (1) King of kings, pillar of (supporter of the world, Dilawar Khan 2. (1) He is proved true like the sun in . . . = @ = 4. (1) Was completed in date eight hundred and (sixth) year. (2) Through the felicity of the valour of the master of the times (world) Dilawar Khan. 5. (1) May the desires of the world and religion be in his skirt. (2) Through the aid of the Disposer of necessities (God) and the Generator of the times. B.-A Loose Inscription picked up from debris at Ujjain. This fino epigraph was picked up from the debris, during operations in the heart of the (modern) town under a town improvement scheme, and is stored in a collection of antiquities maintained by the Madhav College, Ujjain. It consists of raised letters on a piece of basalt stone available locally and is reported to measure 18 inches by 10 inches. A line running round the margins at the top and both sides contains a quotation from the Quran in elegant Naskh characters, with an air of Tughra. The rest consists of ten lines (five couplets) of Persian verse in neat Nastaliq characters. The metre of the verse is Hazaj muthmin wafi salim. . .(hzj mthmn wny slm) The racord after a eulogy of Emperor Akbar refers to the construction of a strong saraf in Akbar's reign--a portion of which still exists. The date, as found from chronograms contained in it, works out to A.H. 987=A.D. 1579, while that given in ciphers reads A.H. 986 = A.D. 1578. My reading of the text is as under : A loose inscription picked up from debris at Ujjain. .Top - sd l lh l hw lH~ lqywm l tkhdhh sn@ wl nwm lh m fy lsmwt

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146 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [AUGUST, 1921 mn dhy ldhy yshf` `ndh l bdhnh y`lm myyn ydym w m .Laft - w mfy lrD khlfhm wly`Twn wl bwdh HfZhm - bshy mn `lmh l bm sh ws` krsyh lsmwt w lrD whw l`ly l`Zym (1) bdwrn jll ldyn mHmd khbr Gzy (2) khh `lm r msfr khrd. qbl khr wdsh (3) shh p khyrh syrt shh fD ldyn . khh pywsth (4) bn r b Hsn bnrh drd Tb` azdsh (5) byn asysh mrdm sry'y skhrt zyngwnh (6) khh khwnd asmn z m`lmy HSn fwldsh st`nt khwst z yzd (7) chw dr wqt bnysh . (8) khrd zn st`nt yfth trykh bnydsh t`m (9) dgr trykh nwyy z ply tmm yn . (10) bbr z t`H khyr w nh bh yn dr khr stdsh 987 Translation. Line on margin. God, there is no God but He, the living, the self-subsistent. Slumber takes Him not, nor sleep. His is what is in the heavens and what is in the earth. Who is it that intercedes with Him save by His permission ? He knows what is before them and what is behind them, and they comprehend not aught of His knowledge, but what He pleases. His throne extends over the heavens and the earth and the guarding of both of them wearies Him not. And He is Exalted and Great.6 1. (1) During the reign of Jalalu'd-din (the Dignity of the Religion) Muhammail Akbar, the victorious. (2) Whose (Cod)-gifted fortune subdued the whole world. (3) The king of refined temperament (who is the) pride of religion, who always (4) By his liberal disposition, keeps the world bound (as a slave) through obligation. (5) Caused to be built a sarai (mansion) for the comfort of mankind in such a way (6) That the sky calls it, by (virtue of) its stabilities (a)" steel castle". (7) When at the time of building it, divine help was invoked, (8) Wisdoni found the date of construction through that invoked) assistance, 5. (9) And if (thou) scekeat the date of completion of this edifice, (10) Seek it in the words) a KaR! (the house of welfare = 987%) and look for it in JAV khr std sh (1) Mark , its (part .(9876 = 987 (To be continued.) From the Quran Ayatul kursi), Siru Fr, v. 250 According to the Abjad'system,

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Plale B Indian Antiquary AN INSCRIPTION OF THE REIGN OF AKBAR THE GREAT, MUGHAL EMPEROR OF DELHI, AT UJJAIN, GWALIOR STATE, 4.H, 486-87 = A,D, 157874. yn dr yn lyw rn bjn wr m b R. S. SAKSENA.

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August, 1927] THOMAS CAN AND HIS COPPER-SLATE (RAXT 147 THOMAS CANA AND HIS COPPER-PLATE GRANT. BY THE REY, IL. FOSTEN, S.L. (Continued from page 128.) "From what has been said it can be seen that wrong information was given to the author who, treating of the origin (fol. 527 ; 880.) of the St. Thomas Christians, [says that it was) from the foundation of the [... and...) of Cranganor and gives ?] the said Thomas Cananeo as the beginning of the St. Thomas Christians in Malavar. In this it seems that he had not full information, (since it appears ? ) from very ancient traditions and reliable surmises that there were St. Thomas Christians in Malavar already before the said Cananeo. Xaram Perumal's olla bears clear witness to this : for it says that on the said ground of Cran. ganor seventy-two houses (setenta c duas casas) were established, which were of Christians, together with the Church, and it is clear that the said Thomas had not (other?) people with him, since he came to trade ;38 and, as between this arrival and the foundation of the city of Cranganor there was no longer interval than from the seventh of March to the eleventh of April,39 it is clear that the said city could not have been built by his descendants ; hence, the fact is clear and strongly established that there were already St. Thomas Christians in Malavar, and this the other Christians who descend from the said Thomas Cananeo also confess : and also that (assy que) through this Thomas Our Lord greatly helped the Christians who in this Malavar were forsaken, although before and after they were sometimes visited by some Armenian pilgrimsto who were going on a visit to the sepulchre of the Apostle St. Thomas, and some would remain at Maliapur, and others in Malavar. "In this Church of Cranganor there was, before the coming of the Portuguese, a Bishop called Mar Johanan, of whom it is said in an old manuscript book written in Chaldean that he restored to life the sacristan of the said Church, who had diod of a fall.41 I found moreover the name of the said Thomas Cananco among the names of the Saints which the Deacon names in the Mass, and it was said of him that he gave a large sum of money to the king of Malavar to buy that ground of Cranganor. Hence, I consider as a fable what these Christians relate, when they say that the said Thomas had a wife and a concubine, 4from whom are descended the two kinds of Christians living in this Malavar of whom we spoke above. In the old manuscript book of prayer (livro da resa) of a (?) Church of Mangate 43 I found written at the end how the said book was made and written at Cranganor, where it says there were 38 It is passing strange that neither Monserrate, nor Gouvea, nor Roz in 1604, nor do Couto mentions the 400 who are said to have come from Mesopotamia with Thomas Cana, nor the vision of the Katholikos of Edessa. How is that? When do we first hear of that vision and migration ! Certain Christian songs gung during a religious dance which I witnessed at Kottayam were full of Thomas Cana, the vision, the migration, etc. Are these songs later than 1604 ? Who will publish a translation of these songs? 39. Bishop Roz therefore clearly understood that March 7 and April 11 belonged both to a year other than the Perumal's death on March 1, 346. We should take it that he means A.D. 346. 40 There are places in Malabar where real Armenians, not Arameans, are said to have settled. Palayur near Chavakat is one, I believe. 41 Compare with the following in F. de Sousa, S.J., Orients Conquistado, Conq. 1, Div. 2, SS 16: "In this Church of Cranganor, there was, before the arrival of the Portuguese, a Bishop called Mar Johanan (Mar manns Lord), who resuscitated the sacristan of the said Church, who had died from a fall. Such is the story which the Illustrissime Archbishop of Angamale, D. Francisco Roz of the Company of Jesus, read in an old Chaldean manuscript." It is on the authority of this passage in de Souza, who at Gos had before him the MS. now in the British Museum, that we identify our anonymous Jesuit author with Bishop Roz, appointed Bishop of Angamale by a bull of August 4, 1600. 49 There is some similarity between the stories related by the Northists about the Southists, and vice verse, and those which the Navayats relato of the LabbAis. "The Lubbe pretend to one common origin with the Nevayets, and attribute their black complexion to inter-marriage with the natives; but the Nevayuta affirm that the Lubbe are the descendants of their domestic slaves." Wilks, Hist. Skelches, 1.243, quoted in Yule's Hobson-Jobson, 6.0., Lubbye. 68 Em o litro atigo da resa scritto da mao dhia (1) Igra de Mangate.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [Accuat, 1927 thrce Churches, one of St. Thomas, another of Our Lady, and another of St. Cyriacus, 14 I say St. Quirce, a martyr-child, the son of St. Julita, and very famous (muy celebrado) among these Chaldeans, whose feast they celebrate on the fifteenth of July. According to the era in which the said book was written, it was written ninety-seven years before this year 1604."45 Diogo do Couto, who died in 1616, and was some 40 or 50 years ir. India writing the his. tory of the Portuguese in the East, says - "Many years after that, there landed at that harbour of Patana a ship, (p. 283) in which came an Armenian Christian, called Thome Cananeo, a very rich man : and, on meeting that king, he gave an account of himself and he gave the place of Patana for him to settle with his people, who brought their wives; and after that the same king gave him the field of Cranganor, where now is our Fortress, where Thome Cananeo ordered to make the Church at the place where it now is, under the invocation of the same Apostle ; and afterwards he made two others : one of the title of Our Lady, and another of St. Cyriac, Martyr. And, as the grant of these fields, which the king ordered to pass, is remarkable and declares many things which deserve knowing, it appeared good to me to put them here word ior word, as they were found in certain copper plates, to which I refer in my seventh Decada, which disappeared from the Factory of Cochin, and from them I conclude that this king was a Christian and was called Cocurangon.":46 In his Decada 7 do Couto writes : (P. 14) "The Bishops whom he (St. Thomas) left in those parts of Malavar, governing that Christianity, founded Churches in the City of Cranganor and in that of Coulao, which still to-day are seen in the same places, and they keep (p. 15) in many things their memory and antiquity,47 and, among them 48 on certain padroes (memorials), *' and on plates of metal, of lands and revenues, granted by those kings for the building of those Temples, which we60 still found in the Factory of Cochin a very few years ago,61 which, from the beginning of that Fortress, had passed from Factor to Factor to be kept in the house. And, when I wished to know about them, in order that, according to duty, we might place them in the Torre do Tombo,63 considering they were such an ancient thing, and so greatly worth keeping and 44 Barbosa wrote before 1616: "Further along the coast [than Chatua) is another river which forms the frontier with the Kingdom of Cochim, on the hither bank of which is a place called Cranganor (p. 89) where the King of Cochim holds certain dues. In these places dwell many Moors, Christians, and Heathen Indians. The Christians follow the doctrine of the Blessed Saint Thomas, and they hold here a Church dedicated to him, and another to Our Lady. They are very devout Christians, lacking nothing but true doctrine whereof I will speak further on, for many of them dwell from here as far as Charamandel, whom the Blessed Saint Thomas left established here when he died in these regions." Dames, Duarte Barbosa, II. 88.89. Correa (Lendas da India, J. 509) says that the Christians of Cranganore asked of Lopo Soares (1804) not to burn their Church. "Some Christians of the land came to the Captain-in-chief asking mercy, that he might not order to burn the settlement, because (p. 509) they had there a Church and crosses in their houses, being Christians of the teaching of St. Thomas; wherewith the Captain-in-chief was pleased, and therefore he would not burn the settlement, which was depopulated, as all the people had flcd with the King." When the Portuguese came to India," there was still in existence at Cranganore An old Christian Church called The House of St. Thomas. This was destroyed in 1536 by the troops of the Zamorin of Calicut, and the Portuguese then built two churches under the title of St. Thomas and St. Jamen. (Lendas da India)." Trar. Man., II. 192. 45 160197 = A.D. 1507. 16 Dec. 12, 1. 4, c. 5 (Tom. 8, Lisboa, 1788, pp. 282-283). 17 Sua memoria e antiguidade, i.e., the memory of their antiquity. 49 Among the things of the antiquity of which they keep the memory. 4 Does he refer to padroes like the pillar of Quilon? 50 Do Couto means himself. $1 Ha bom poucos annos. 53 Por entren da ram. 59 The record-room of Goa.

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THOMAS CANA AND HIS COPPER-PLATE GRANT 149 AUGUST, 1927] honouring, they could no longer give an account of them, nor can the Factors who come from there give an account of them."54 Do Couto wrote his Decada 7, liv. 10, c. 10, in 1610. Cf. Tem. 4, Pte. 2, Lisboa, 1783, p. 528. Mr. T. K. Joseph, in The Magna Charta of the Malabar Christians (Asiatic Review, April 1925, p. 300) writes: "In 1544, Mar Jacob, the then Bishop, in distressful circumstances, pawned the two copper-plates to the Portuguese treasurer in Cochin, and obtained two hun-. dred reals... So says Manuel de Faria y Sousa of the seventeenth century, in his Portuguese Asia, vol. 2, p. 506." Faria y Sousa was a compiler, writing in Europe. He must have found his statement somewhere, as historians, if conscientious, remain within the limits of their materials. This notwithstanding, I believe that the Jesuit of 1604, being on the spot, must be regarded as our best authority. Father Lucena (Hist. da vida do P. Fr. de Xavier, Lisboa, 1600, p. 162, col. 2) speaks of "tablets of metal which were found in India in one of the first three years that Father Master Francis was in India. They presented them to the Governor Martim Affonso de Sousa, with the writing already almost spoiled by age, and the letters and the language were new to all, as they were very old. However, there was found (p. 163, col. 1) a Jew, (who as such is herein less suspect), who, being curious of antiquity, had great knowledge of it and various languages. He, though with much trouble, translated it into Portuguese. It contained the grant which the then king made to the Apostle St. Thomas, of certain fields to build a Temple and a Church on." This discovery was therefore made in 1542-1545. St. Francis Xavier came to India with Dom Martin Affonso de Sousa, and arrived at Goa on May 16, 1542. Dom Affonso governed three years and four months, his successor leaving Lisbon on March 28, 1545. We know from his history that he visited Cochin and Quilon. Did he perhaps take these copper-plates with him to Lisbon on his return? Other authors should be consulted on this incident, for instance Polanco's Chronicon, and Maffei ; but I cannot now consult these here. As Lucena opposes this discovery to others in Narsinga, and as Cranganore and Coulam are mentioned by him immediately before as possessing ancient memorials of the St. Thomas Christians, it would seem we have here an allusion to the Thomas Cana copper-plates, and a confusion between his name and that of St. Thomas. Three copper-plates, supposed to contain a donation of lands by Bukka Raja to the Church of St. Thomas at Mylapore, were produced by a Brahman in or before 1552 and sold for 300 pardaos. They were probably forged. A Brahman of Kanjiviram was called to decipher them. These plates are not now found at Mylapore. Where could they be? At Cochin, Goa or Lisbon (Lucena, pp. 172-173; do Couto, Dec. 7, 1. 10, c. 5, Tom. 4, Pte 2, Lisboa, 1783, pp. 482-487, where we have a translation of the three plates, which were written on one side only.) Do Couto says that Thomas Cana's arrival was put down in A.D. 811, "as is found in the Chaldean books of these Christians; and, from many conjectures, it seems to me that he is the king of whom St. Antoninus writes in his history that he sent every year a present of pepper to the Sovereign Pontiff."55 I do not think that we need pay any attention to do Couto's date of A.D. 811, no more than to'de Barros, who states of the Sarama Pereimal,' who was said to have gone to Mecca, i.e., the last Perumal, as he is generally called, that he reigned 612 years before the arrival of the Portuguese, 56 i.e., in 1498-612 A.D. 886. 54 Dec. 7, 1. 1, c. 2 (Tom. 4, Pte 1, Lisboa, 1782, pp. 14-15). 55 Dec. 12, 1. 3, c. 5 (Tom. 8, Lisboa, 1788, p. 285). Could the passage in St. Antoninus and perhaps others like it touching the Christians in. India be discovered and translated? It might throw light on the history of the St. Thomas Christians. 56 De Barros, Da Asia, Dec. 1, 1. 9, c. 3 (Lisboa, 1777, p. 324). Do Couto's date and that of de Burros may refer correctly to later Perumals. 2

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150 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [AUGUST, 1927 Do Couto himself has stated that the last Perumal, who would be the Perumal of the Thomas Cana copper-plates, ceased to reign in A.D. 347, according to the calculations of the Brahmans of Calicut, in A.D. 588 according to the Brahmans of Cochin.57 The date A.D. 347 is remarkably close to that of the Jesuit of 1604, who gives March 1, 346, as the date of this Perumal's death. At first sight the Jesuit's date appears to be wrong by at least one year for, if the king who welcomed Thomas Cananeo died on March 1, 1258 years before. 1604, i.e., on March 1, 346, how did he, as the Father also states in one place, lay the first brick of a church in April "of the said year," the year immediately preceding being A.D. 346? It is clear, however, that the Jesuit Father meant the April of 345 for this ceremony of the laying of the foundation stone. This latter date is therefore April 11, 345, and the date of the king's death is given as March 1, 346. The year 345 for Thomas Cana's arrival is the date regularly ascribed to that event by the St. Thomas Christians. They have it in a chronogram, "Shovala." Probably they had that chronogram in 1604. They, must however, have had other data to determine the time of the Perumal's death. It is a fact that, though copper-plates were found by Col. Macaulay in the Cochin recordroom in 1806, the plates of which the Jesuit (1604) and do Couto (1610) quoted similar translations, did not appear. We might, therefore, doubt whether the copper-plates of Thomas Cana were ever deposited in the Cochin record-room. If they were in that room, when do Couto saw Christian copper-plates there, it would seem that the Thomas Cana copper-plates were removed before 1599, when the Christians complained of their disappearance. The Jesuit's reflexion in 1604 that the Franciscans sent these particular plates to Portugal, "a copy of them remaining here," would be based on actual enquiry.68 The identical translation given by the Jesuit and do Couto would be based on the copy kept by the Franciscans, or on copies from that copy. It may well be, therefore, that when do Couto saw copper-plates in the Cochin record-room, the Thomas Cana plates were not there. There is no need to think that do Couto obtained his translation on the occasion of a visit to the Cochin record-room. My surmise is, therefore, as expressed in the Catholic Herald of India, December 17, 1924, p. 801, "that the Magna Charta of the Malabar Syrians lies now in the Torre do Tombo of Lisbon, or in some old Franciscan Convent in Portugal." It does not mean that, before making an enquiry in Portugal, it would not be wise to examine again the Cochin record-room. Do Couto's complaints were not about the disappearance of the Thomas Cana plates only; yet, 200 years later, several Syro-Christian copperplates supposed to have disappeared were found. We have still to compare the story of Thomas Cana with that of another merchant in Conversao de um Rei da India ao Christianismo. Homilia do Archanjo S. Michael por Severo Arcebispo de Antiochia. Estudo de critica e historia litteraria por F. M. Esteves Pereira. (Lisboa, Imprensa Lucas, 93. Rua do Diario de Noticias, 1900.) There the scene is laid in India, apparently in the days of Thomas Cana, the story of the merchant Ketson (Qeson, Qison, after 57 Do Couto, Da Asia, Dec. 7, 1. 10, c. 10 (Tom. 4, Pte 2, Lisboa, 1788, pp. 523-525). 58 Mar Jacob had died in the Franciscan Convent of Cochin in 1549. Of. Travancore State Manual, II. 160. Fr. Nicolo Lancilotto, S.J., wrote from Cochin, Dec. 26, 1548, about Mar Jacob: "To us it appears that some heretical Christians went to China to preach, because of the similarity of their customs and ours, Here in Cochin there is a very old Hirmeni (Hirmenio) bishop, who these forty-five years has been here, teaching the things of our faith to the Christians of St. Thomas, who are in this land of Malavar. This bishop says that in the primitive Church the Hermeni went to China to preach and that they made a big Christianity there." L. Delplace, S.J., Selectae Indiarum Epistolae nunc primum editae, Florentiae, 1887, p. 65. St. Francis. Xavier wrote from Cochin, Jan. 26, 1549: "A bishop of Armenia, by name Jacob Abuna, for forty-five years has served God and Your Highness in these parts, a very old, a virtuous and a holy man. ... He is noticed only by the Fathers of St. Francis and they take so good care of him that nothing more is wanted." Trav. Man., II. 157.

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AUGUST, 1927] THOMAS CANA AND HIS COPPER-PLATE GRANT baptism Matthew) of Qonya, of his wife Helena, and of his four sons (John, Stephen, Joseph, and Daniel) being possibly a mixture of the story of the merchant Thomas Cana and that of Meropius and his nephews Frumentius and Edesius. King Kasititos or Kesanthos, before whom a dead man is brought to life to establish the innocence of Ketson's sons, would be the king of Kerala or Malabar: for doubtless Ketson's story resembles greatly that of Thomas Cana. The moment king Kesanthos, at the instigation of Ketson's son, John, wrote to Emperor Constantine the Great for a bishop from his dominions, John, the Archbishop of Edessa (sic), came to India, with three deacons and & priest, the homily goes on to say, and with church-books and ornaments. He built a church at the king's capital and baptised the king and his people. Next he ordained John, Ketson's son, a bishop, one of his brothers a priest, and the two others deacons. Agelas or Echillas, the king's son, was also ordained a deacon. After that the Archbishop of Ephesus returned home. This story is found in a Coptic, Arabic, and Ethiopic text, and, according to E. Drouin, writing to Senhor F. M. Esteves Pereira (18-11-1900), it is also found in a Georgian chronicle. No Greek, Syriac, or Armenian text is yet known to exist. The homily in which it is found is, it would seem, falsely attributed to Severus, Archbishop of Antioch (A.D. 512), who died in exile at Alexandria in Egypt (A.D. 539). The author of the homily says he had the story from trustworthy persons. If Constantine, who reigned from A.D. 308 to 337, was really written to, and if the identification of Thomas Cana with the merchant Ketson of Qonya could with sufficient plausibility be established, we should have to shift Thomas Cana's arrival in Malabar to a period somewhat earlier than the generally accredited date A.D. 315, and the homily would contain proofs of the existence in India of Christians and of a bishop before Ketson's arrival at Kesanthos' capital, the name of which, Qalonya, in the Coptic text, appears to be identifiable with Coulam, Quilon, the country of Philippois (Coptic text), where it was, being perhaps the country of the Pablavas. I have translated into English the whole of Senhor F. M. Esteves Pereira's study, and hope to publish it with the necessary comments as a contribution to the Thomas Cana episode. 151 In 1599 there was at least one more set of copper-plates which was not deposited in the Cochin Factory, but was in the treasury of the Tevalikara Church, near Quilon. Let me quote Gouvea's Jornada : "To the increase secured by their descent from the Armenian Thome and the privileges he obtained, was added another, which greatly enhanced the Christian community. It was this. Not many years after the foundation of Coulao (that is the era by which the Malavars count, as this city was the noblest (nobilissima) among the people of Malavar: for just as we count our era from the Birth of Our Lord Jesus Christ, so do they count the year of the foundation of Coulao: hence, the year in which we are, that is the year six hundred and two,69 is for them the year seven hundred and eighty from the foundation of Coulao):80 at this time there came from Babylonia two Chaldeans, (Fol. 5r. col. 1) Mar Xabro and Mar Prod, who, it is understood, were Nestorians by sect, and they went to Coulao, where the king received them with many favours, because he saw them much honoured by the Christians. And he 59 Understand 1602. 60 Sic. We expect 783, as the occasion for the era should be computed to fall in A.D. 825. The occasion for the era is far from clear. Yule, Hobson-Jobson, 8.v. Quilon, will not admit that Quilon did not previously exist. There must be question of a new foundation or the foundation of something new. The Maduraitiala-Varalaru (Account of the Sacred City of Madura) dates a certain fact in 3alivahana Saka 1216, 501 years "after the destruction of Kollam". Ct. Indian Historical Records Commission, 1924, p. 108. This would place the fact in 1246+78=A.D. 1324. But 501 + 825 gives A.D. 1326, or 2 years in excess. The author of this chronicle wrote in A.D. 1801, and, as he did not compute the beginning of the Kollam era correctly, his explanation about the origin of the era, a destruction of Kollam, is perhaps to be neglected. Might not the occasion have been the dedication of a church or a new settlement of the Christians under Mar Sapor and Mar Prodh, as Yule suspected ?

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152 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [AUGUST, 1927 allowed them to build Churches and temples in the places where they might choose, and to make Christians of those who wished to be : where with they made many and much increased the Christianity; wherefore, the king gave them a site at Coulao to build a Church, in the same place where the Portuguese have it to-day, and much revenue for it, together with many great privileges for the whole Christianity; which privileges were written on ollas of copper, like the ollas of Cranganor, in different letters and characters, Malavar, Canarin, and of the Tamul, and letters of Bisnagaa. And at Tevelacare these ollas were produced and shown to the Archbishop by the Christians, among the most precious things of the Church, as inesti. mable treasures of their honours and privileges. For all these things these Christians regard these two Chaldeans as holy men, and call them gadejagal, which, in their language means "the saints," and twice every day make the commemoration of them in their divine office, and they have dedicated many Churches to them: all which, at the Synod, the Archbishop suppressed, ordering that they should not pray to them, since it was not allowable to reverence as saints men oi whom no one knew who they were or how they had died and lived, and since there was much probability and indications that they were Nestorian by sect, having come from its fountain-head, Babylonia, and had been received by these peoples ; for they were of the same sect as that which they professed." (Fol. 4v, col. 2-Fol. 5r. col. 1.) Do Glen, the French translator of Gouvea's Jornada, has a curious mistranslation, which on former occasions, when I could not consult the Portuguese text of 1606, gave me much trouble. Da Glen says of the privileges that they " were engraved on copper-plates (as we have said those of Cranganor were) in different forms of characters, Malabar, Canarin, of Tamul, in letters also of Busnagaa, which (lesquelles) were translated in the Tanalerate tongue; and thoso plates were exhibited and shown to the Lord Archbishop.61 The relative "lesquelles 'can refer to the plates' or to the 'letters'. The only word with which I could compare 'Tanalerate' was 'Tolinate' in Duarte Barbosa, i.e., Tulu-nada, Taluva, i.e., Tula of S. Canara. I now find that de Glen has grossly misunderstood his text, as he often does, to the extent that one should never use him for translation. The words "which were translated in the Tanalerate tongue...." correspond to the Portuguese "as quais em Teualechre fozam trazidas, and mostradas ao Arcebispo "; and this means : "which (copper-plates) at Tevalecare were brought out, and shown to the Archbishop." De Glen read "Lraduzidas," "translated," when it was a question of bringing the plates out of the church treasury, which in Malabar is an enormous safe, often as big as a room. When Archbishop de Menezes left the Church of Tevalikara, in the kingdom of the q geen of Changanate', to go to 'Gundara', "the Christiaus brought to him, for him to see. three big copper ollas written in divers characters, which contained many privileges and reyenneswhich the king who founded Coulao (Quilon) gave to the Church which the two who came from Babylonia, Mar Xarao and Mar Prodh, built there, as we said above : which allas the Christians of this Church keep as an inestimable Treasure. And so, before showing them to the Archbishop, they asked him to swear never to take them from that Church; and he did so: for they feared he might take them to Angamallo, because it is the headquarters of the Bishopric, where its Archives are. And about others, like these, granted to the Church at Cranganor, (Fol. 970, col. 1) tho Christiaus complained that they were lost in the hands of the Portuguese in the factory of Cochin, where an Archbishop of the Serra, Mar Jacob, deposited them on a certain occasion. And they value these ollas so highly, because in them are contained their privileges and honours, in which they want the Malavar Kings ever to maintain them. And each one was two palms long and four fingers broad, 81 J. B. de Glen, Hist. Orientale des grans progres,. ... Bruxelles, 1609, p. 91. 42 Dames, Duatle Barbosa, 1, 182.

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153 AUGUST, 1927] THOMAS CANA AND HIS COPPER-PLATE GRANT. and was written on both sides; and all three hung from an iron ring." (Gouvea, Jornada, 1606, fol. 97r-97v. While I was at Quilon, at the end of January 1924, I motored to Tevalikara, to inquire about these copper-plates; but, as in the time of Fra Paolino, no one there knew anything of them. From the description given, some one in Malabar might be able to tell us whether these plates are possibly any of those now known to exist. Friar Paulinus a S. Bartholomaeo sought in vain for the Quilon and Tevalikara plates mentioned by Anquetil Du Perron. He writes: "Matay Matay, a Cassanar, born at Angicaimal, and secretary at Verapoli to Dom Florentius a Jesu, Bishop of Areopolis, wrote Lives of Sainis. But uncertain and supposititious is a copy of the privileges granted by Emperor Ceramperumal to the Christians of St. Thomas, which Anquetil du Perron produces in his Zend-Avesta, Dics. prel. p. clxx sqq., as having been received from that priest in 1758 (p. 190). For: "1. D. Florentius, Bishop of Areopolis, in his letter to Anquetil, does not mark the place whence that copy was taken, or where it was found. "2. La Croze and Raulin, in his history of the Diamper Synod (ch. 1, p. 8), tell openly and clearly that the copper-plates, on which were written the privileges of the Christians granted by Ceramperumal, were lost through the carelessness of the Portuguese Procurator, with whom Mar Jacob the Bishop had deposited them. Such too is the general tradition of the learned in Malabar. "3. The Christians never produced this copy before the king of Cochin and of Travancore, when there was question of the privileges [of the Christians], of their infraction, of the dignity of the Christians, or the honour of the churches, or when any persecution was moved against the churches. "4. I made a diligent enquiry for these privileges at Collam and at Tevelicare, where Anquetil had thought these writings were hiding, and I could not find them. "Therefore, that copy of the Priest Matay is uncertain and supposititious, like two apocryphal letters by him: one of the Blessed Virgin Mary, written to St. Ignatius, Patriarch of Antioch, and another of the B. V. M. to the people of Messina, which Matay circulated (venditabat) as true and genuine at Verapoli."63 Friar Paulinus is mistaken if he thought there could not be copies, more or less exact, of the privileges granted to Thomas Cana. In 1924 the Rev. Fr. J. Panjikaran and Mr. T. K. Joseph collected in a short time 13 versions of these privileges. I am afraid many are not genuine, and have been made to air the peculiar views of the Northists against the Southists, and vice versa. One such version which came to light at Gothuruti during my journey would have deserved being printed at once. Will it be suppressed, because it recites the origin of most of the Seven Churches of St. Thomas and attributes them to Thomas Cana? St. Thomas' claim on India is built on stronger grounds than the Seven Churches. Such is precisely the state of the St. Thomas Christians that, if the publication of the different versions of these privileges now current were attempted, it might be viewed by one section of the community as an attack on their dignity. All the old antipathy of Southists and Northists would blaze up again, and who knows whether new faked documents would not be produced! There is still a class of professional bards, who go about the houses of Christians singing these privileges, and from whom variants of the privileges could be extracted. These songs should be compared, translated, published on their own merits, and without any regard for the susceptibilities of 63 Paulinus a S. Bartholomaeo, India Orientalis Christiana, Romac, 1794, pp. 189-190. "From him [Bishop Florentius] Du Perron got a Sanscrit (?) version of the copper-plate grant by Chera. man Perumal to the Syrian Christians. Du Porron showed this to a Syrian priest at Matancheri, who in bad Portuguese gave him an oral translation, which Du Porron produces at page 175 of his book [Zendavesia]. This version in no way resembles the Portuguese version which has already been given."-Trav. Man., II. 193.

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154 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY AUGUST, 1927 certain classes of the Christian community. We complain of the dearth of materials for a history of the Malabar Churches. The materials are plentiful. They are to be found in songs, religious or patriotic, in the songs of the different churches, for many churches have a song of their own recording their beginning, their traditions, etc. The scholars in Malabar now know that they can compare the present songs or versions of the privileges of Thomas Cana with a copy published by Anquetil Du Perron. An English translation of Du Perron's contents of the plates was sent by me to Mr. T. K. Joseph for study and comment. The contents appear to be valuable. Friar Paulinus' reflections on Matay Matay's two apocryphal letters are unjustified. That priest may have thought these two letters genuine. They may have been current in Syria and Malabar as they were in the West. The Epistle of the B. V. M. to St. Ignatius Martyr has only nine lines in the Fabricius edition of the apocrypha. It exhorts to faith and courage. Equally short is the letter to the people of Messina : it conveys an exhortation to faith and a blessing. To suppose that Matay's copy of the privileges was supposititious is ungenerous. We cannot imagine that the present copies of these privileges of Thomas Cana all derive from Matay's copy, or that the institution of the bards is posterior to Matay. Two Portuguese versions of the Thomas Cana Copper-plates. Bishop Roz' version. Do Couto's version. Coquarangon seia prosperado e tenha Dec. 12, 1.3, c. 5, Tom. 8, Lisboa, 1788, longa uida e uiua ce mil annos, diuino, pp. 283-285. seruo de D's, forte, uerdadeiro, iusto, cheo Copia da doacao que El Rey do Malavar de boas obras, racionauel, poderoso sobre fez a Thome Cananeo. toda a tr. &, ditoso, uecedor, glorioso, pros. Cocurangon seja prosperado, e tenha longa pero no ministerio de D's direitam. te, no vida, e viva cem mil annos, divino servo Malauar na cidade gr.de do grade Idolo. de Deos, forte, verdadeiro, cheio de boas Pejnido elle no tepo de Mercurio de feu.ro obras, racionavel, poderoso, (P. 284) sobre no dia septimo do mes de Marco Ates de lua toda & terra, ditoso, vencedor, glorioso, chea o mesmo Rej Coquarangon estando prospero no ministerio de Deos direitamente. Carnel[ur] chegou Thome Cananeo homu No Malavar na Cidade do grande idolo, pricipal a hua nao determinado de uer a reinando elle em tempo de Mercurio, no dia derradr.a parte de Oriente. E u doo algus setimo do mez de Marco antes da Lua cheia, homos como chegara forad [a] diser a Elrej.. o mesmo Rey Cocurangon, estando em E ueo o mesmo Rej, e uio e chamou ao dito Cornelur, chegou Thome Cananeo, homem Thome home principal, e des barcou, e principal, em huma nao com determinacao ueo diate delRej, o qual falou co elle amigo de ver a derradeira terra do Oriente, e auelm.te e lhe poz sobrenome pa o honrar, vendo-o chegar alli, deram recado- ao Rey, o seu proprio, chamadoo Coquarangon Can. que o mandou ir perante si, fallou com elle aneo. E elle-rece beo delRej esta hora e foy amigavelmente, e lhe deo o seu proprio nome, se apousar no seu (Fol. 87v) lugar. E el Rey chamando-se dalli por diante Cocurangon lhe deu a cidade de Magoderpatanam p.a todo Cananeo, a quem El Rey deo a Cidade Patana so pre. E estado o dito Rej nesta gr.de pro. pera tudo sempre. E estando este Rey sperid.e foy hu dia & caca ao mato, e o em sua grande prosperidade, foi um dia a mesmo Rej cercou [o] mato todo. E chamou caca, e mandou cercar o mato, tendo comsigo de pressa a Thome, o qual veo, e esteue diate o Thome Cananeo, e fallou El Rey com hum del Rej 8 hora ditosa. E pergutou El Rej grande Astrologo, que lhe aconselhou que ao diuinhador. E depois falou El Rej co desse todo aquelle mato, que era grande, Thome, q' edifica[ria] hua cidade naquelle ao Cananeo, como fez, que elle mandou logo mato. E respondeo aelRej(r)4 fazodolhe p.ro rocar, e alimpar. Foi isto no mesmo anno, reuerecia, e disse: Eu quero este mato p.a mi. em que alli aportou aos onze dias do mez 64 First, alRej.

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AUGUST, 1927 ] E o Rej lho cocedeo, e deu p.a todo sempre. . E logo outro dia alimpou aquelle mato e poz os olhos nelle no mesmo anno a onze de Abril, e deo por herao a Thome e tepo, e dia ditoso, e nome delRej, o qual poz o pr. o tijolo 5 p.a a Igr.a e p.a a casa de Thome Cananeo, e fez alli hua cidade a todos e trou na Igr.a e fez alli oracao no mesmo dia, depois destas cousas Thome mesmo foy aos passos del Rej e lhe offereceo presetes e depois disto dice alRej, q' lhe desse a elle e a seus descedetes aquella t.ra. E mediou dozetos e sesenta e quatro couados de Elefante, e deu a Thome, e as seus desce detes p.a todo sempre. E iutam.te seseta e duas casas, q' alli se fizerao logo, e hortas, e aruores, co seus circuitos, e co seus caminhos e terminos e pateos interiores. E cocedeolhe sete modos de instrom.tos muzicos e todas as honras, e falar (?), e andar como Rej, e nas bodas fasere as molheres certo sinal co o dedo na boca, e cocedeo lhe pezo distincto, e ornar o chao co panos, e cocedeolhe abanos reales, e dobrar o sandal no braco, e tabernaculo... eal (?) toda parte de seu Rejno pa todo sempre, e afora disto cinco tributos & Thome, e a sua geracao, e a seus cofederados p.a homes e p.a molheres e p.a [to]d[os] seus partes e aos f.os de sua lej p.a todo sempre. O dito Rej & seu nome o deu testemunhas estes principes. (The rest as above in the translation.) THE INTERPRETATION OF THE UPANISADS 155 de Abril. E neste mato mandou logo o Cananeo fabricar huma Igreja, em que ElRey lancou a primeira pedra, e assim fundou alli huma mui arrezoada Cidade, e deo a ElRey muitos, e mui ricos presentes; pelo que o Rey lhe (P. 285) concedeo mais sete modos de instrumentos musicos, e todas as honras que se faziam ao mesmo Rey. E concedeo-lhe mais poder pera em suas Lodas poderem as mulheres fazer certo sinal com o dedo na boca, que so as mulheres dos Reys podem fazer. Concedeo-lhe mais pezo distinto sobre seu real, e todas as mais, como a sua propria pessoa, e que pudesse por tributos a seu povo. As testimunhas que estavam assignadas nestas pastas sam as seguintes ; Cadaxericandi, Cheracaru, Putanchate, Comese, porteiro mor de ElRey, Arcundem Coundem, do seu Conselho, Amenate, Condem, Gerulem, Capitao do campo, Chiranmala Portati Resvoramen, Regedor da banda do Oriente no Malavar, e outros muitos que deixo por fugir prolixidade. (To be continued.) THE INTERPRETATION OF THE UPANISADS. BY UMESH CHANDRA BHATTACHARJEE, M.A., B.L. (Continued from page 92.) We have seen thus far that the manner in which Deussen and others are building a modern philosophy of the Upanisads, implies a more or less arbitrary choice and is not free from ambiguity. It is further open to question whether a modern philosophy of the Upanisads, as distinguished from, and as independent of, the Vedanta-sutras, is not altogether an anomaly, leading to unintended misconceptions. We ought not to forget that the attempt of Deussen and others is not the earliest attempt to construct a philosophy out of the Upanisads. The Vedanta-sutras themselves are another such attempt the most important, the most classical and the most authoritative of such attempts. Our analysis of the situation, it may be hoped, has given us this result that the philosophy of the Upanisads as it is usually presented to us is not, strictly speaking, a homogeneous system. Either we have the philosophy of this or that group of Upanisads-a group, be it remembered, formed more or less according to our taste, or according to materials available to us;-or we have what is incorporated in the Vedanta-sutras. The most authentic and historical philosophy of the es This word, blurred in the text, is repeated more clearly in the margin.

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156 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ AUGUST, 1927 Upanisads is what is contained in these Sutras. If we take the liberty of going beyond the Sutras, we may find ourselves landed in a congeries of philosophies, instead of being blessed with a truer synthesis. Even the interpretation that we find in the Satras, was a gradual growth. We have evidence within the Sutras themselves that the interpretation of the Upanigads attempted therein was not a sudden discovery which flashed from the brain of one man ; on the con. trary, we have evidence that it was a gradual and perhaps a slow process, which ultimately culminated in the system that we find in the Sutras. The nucleus of this system is of course those Sulras which refer to specific texts of the Upanisads and interpret them. The texts are not named in the Satras, but the commentators are almost always unanimous as to which of the texts the author of the Satras has in view in any particular place. Thus Satras i. 1. 22, etc., refer to specific texts; but it is interesting to note that, though they otherwise belong to different schools, both Sankara and Ramanuja in explaining these and similar Satras quots, almost without exception, the identical passages of the Upanisads. These Sutras of interpretation, as we were saying, are the nucleus of the system. The Sulras which discuss rival systems of thought and attempt to refute them (e.g., ii. 1. 1. etc.), are logically an added buttress to the system, and chronologically, may have been later. It may even be supposed that these latter Satras increased in number and variety, as attacks began to be made upon the system from different quarters. Even so far as the interpretation of the Sutras go, there are signs of a gradual growth. In different connections, the author of the Sutras refers to earlier authorities by name, obviously implying that there have been other interpreters of the Upanisadic texts before him. Thus in Sutra i. I. 24 et seq., the author proposes to ascertain the meaning of Chandogya, v. 11, especially the expression 'Vaiyvanara' used therein (cf. Sankara and Ramanuja); and inci. dentally he refers to three other earlier interpreters, viz., Jaimini (i. 1. 28), Asmarathya (i. 1. 29), and also Badari (i. 1. 30)--the last being the name of his father (cf. Panini, iv. 1. 101). Again, in i. 4. 19 et seq., while deciphering the meaning of the word 'Atman'in Brhadaranyaka Up., iv. 5. 6 (cf. Sankara, Ramanuja and Vallabha), he again refers to Asmarathya (i. 4. 20) and also to Audulomi (i.4. 21) and Kasakstana (i. 4. 22). There are two other teachers to whom a reference is made in the Sutras. These are Karsnajini (iii. 1. 9) and Atreya (iii. 4. 44). The first is referred to in connection with the interpretation of the passage, Chandogya, v. 10. 7; and the second name is cited in connection with a particular doctrine involved in passages like Br. Up. i. 3. 28, Ch. ii. 3. 2, eto. All these references show that the author of the Vedanta-sutras was heir to a more or less unbroken tradition of interpretation of the Upanisadic texts. Besides these Satras of Badarayana and the authorities quoted by him, other attempts . at interpretation of the Upanigads also appear to have been made. For instance, there is a Cita called the Brahma-gitd, which devoted several of its chapters to an interpretation and summarisation of the teachings of some of the leading Upanisads. These stray attempts may have preceded or may have followed the Sutras of Badarayana ; but they have all been eclipsed and overturned by the Sutras. And to-day these Sutras represent the acme of all traditional attempts of ancient and mediaeval India to understand and to explain the Upanisarls. Have we any right to overlook this classical attempt in building our own theories? We have perhaps been encouraged in such an attempt by the divergence of views of the interpreters of these Sutras. But we should not ignore the fact that even these divergent interpreters, though they had their own individual systems to build, yet took their start invariably from the Satras. They knew the texts of the Upanieads well enough. Deussen's statement that Sankara'had in his hands no collection of Upanisads' (op. cit., p. 31), is misleading.

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AUGUST. 1927] THE INTERPRETATION OF THE UPANISADS 157 ELISTVOST LIKEHOLI It cannot be insinuated that Sankara did not know the Upanisads he was quoting from ; Deussen's meaning seems to be that Sankara regarded the Upanigads as still forming the concluding chapters of their respective Brahmaras', and that he was, therefore, wrong. Even if this be Deussen's contention, it is difficult to support him. The Upanigads came to be regarded as independent books very much later than the date of their birth; and some of them still continue to be regarded as the concluding chapters of their respective Brahmanas'. Deussen gives no reason for thinking that originally they were not part of a Brahmana or a Mantra text. In some cases no doubt the Brahmana has been lost, though the correspond ing Upaniad has been preserved. At least one Upanigad, viz., the lod, forms part of an important Mantra text (i.e, the White Yajus). So, the tendency to regard the Upanigado as independent products implies a defiance of all accepted tradition and is not so easily supported. This is, however, by the way. [Cf. Jaimini-sitra, ii. 1. 33). It cannot but be conceded that the commentators of the Sutras knew the texts of the Upaniads and knew them no less than we do. Yet, each having his own system of thought to develop, all of them-Sankara and Ramanuja and Vallabha and Madhva-build their sys. tems on the Sutras. The-Sutra's were not regarded as revealed like the Upanixads; their authority was only the authority of a great name; it was not absolute and infallible. The Sutras themselves refer to earlier interpreters of the texts. And just as before the Sitras, independent interpreters of the texts proceeded on their own lines, there was nothing forbidding a similar procedure after the Sutras. They were not part of the sacred texts. Just as a modern interpreter ignores the Sutras and puts his own meaning upon the texts, Sankara or Ramanuja or Vallabha might have done exactly the same without being guilty of heterodoxy. In fact, Sankara and several others have commented on the Upanigads as independent books and as the ultimate sources of Vedantic knowledge. Yet when they had to build their systems of philosophy, they took the Sutras as the common foundation, though there was nothing to bind them to such a procedure. This is an important and interesting fact; and its significance should have been sufficiently stressed. We should recollect in this connection that the Vedanta is the most orthodox, the most sacred and the most Brahmanical of all the philosophies of ancient India. The so-called Ksatriya origin of the Upanigads is an unproven hypothesis ; the Upanisads are as integral a part of the Brahmanical culture as the Vedas themselves. And the Vedanta is the system that is built exclusively on sacred texts (cf. Sutra, i. 1. 11). It is the system that paid the greatest homage to the orthodox Brahmanical organisation of caste (varna) and stages of life (derama). (Cf. Satras : i. 3. 34 ; iii. 4. 17, 19; etc.) And this is the system in which the continuity of Vedic culture has been preserved most of all. This characterisation of the Vedanta is not affected by the fact that the Purva-mimamsd of Jaimini is an equally orthodox system, being also based on sacred texts and being concerned with the interpretation of another section of Vedic literature. In spite of difference in the value assigned to Karma, the system of Jaimini cannot claim to be more orthodox than the Vedanta. On the contrary, the Vedanta may rightfully claim that it is a necessary complement to the system of Jaimini, which is, therefore, incomplete in itself. The Purva-mimdnsd has been the philosophical back-ground of the Smotis, which regulate the rituals and external formalities of the religious life of a Hindu. It is based on the Brahmanas, to explain which it employs canons of interpretation enunciated by itself. It is certainly not opposed to the Vedas; and to that extent it is of course orthodox; and the advocates and supporters of this system to this day have been far more numerous than those of the Vedanta. But it has ignored the Upanisado-not a negligible branch of the revealed literature. It had to ignore them, because their attitude towards Vedic Liturgy was not * Deusson, however, expresses a modified view about this matter in the Introductiod to his System of the Vedanta. H

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158 THE INDIAX ANTIQUARY ( AUGUST, 1927 free from suspicion. And that was exactly the strong point of the Vedanta. The Vedanta recognised the system of Jaimini, even quoted from him and the texts on which his system was based; but at the same time, exposed its limitations. Besides, the Vedanta gave full weight to the Upanisads. It thus included more of the Vedic lore within its scope than any other system. In the Vodanta-sutrus, the more or less unbroken continuity of interpretation of the Upanigads has found a perfect form of expression. This is why all subsequent system-builders of the Vedanta School, instead of going straight to the original sources in the Upanipads, -which they knew well enough,--preferred to build on the common and undisputed foun. dation of the Sutms. * The prestige of these Sutras of Badarayana was unique. The authoritative character of his interpretation of the Upanirads is further evidenced by the fact that even those who did not, strictly speaking, belong to the Vedanta School, considered him well worth quoting. And his authority was sometimes enough for a philosophica! tenet. In the Bhakti-sutras of Sandilya, we find copious references to the Satras of Badarayana. Thus, Sandilya i. 1. 4, i. 2. 17, ii. 1. 4, and iii. 1. 7 refer respectively to Vedanta-sutras i. 1.7, i. 1. 1, iv. 1.3, and i. 1. 2. Besides, Svapnesvara, the commentator of Sandilya, quotes several other Satras of Badara. yana in the course of elucidating his author. Original Srutis also are quoted; but Badarayana's authority is not only never challenged, but his interpretation is quoted approvingly; and this, in spite of the fact that his Sutras were not considered ' Apauruseya' or as of non-human origin. This shows the unshakeable position that the Sutras had established for themselves. It is no doubt true that by no stretch of imagination can the Sutras be understood to refer to all the Upanixada, But that in itself ought to be a warning to us against taking the liberty of forming any group that we like of the Upanigads and then basing a philosophy upon it. If the Sulras have avoided reference to any of the Upanigads, the question ought to be decided first how far they are entitled to our consideration at all, before admitting their claim to contribute to a philosophy of the Upaniads. It is an admitted fact that a large number of the Upanigads owe their origin to sectarian movements--that is to say, to a recrudescence or innovation of sect-deities and their cults. And some of the Upanixads again are but off-shoots of the original texts of Brahma-vidyd. These latter say very little that is original, i.e., very little that is not found in the earlier and more authentic Upanigads. (Cf. Deussen, op. cit., p. 9.) For instance, the Mahavakya-upanigad, as the very name signi. fies, is only an elucidation of the experience implied in the great saying' (mahdvdkya) of Uddalaka in Ch. Up. vi. 8, viz. "Tattvamasi "-'That thou art'. Upanisads of this class have little to contribute towards building up a philosophy of the Upanigads. And as to those that are unmistakeably sectarian, obviously they have no right to take a share in the construction of a philosophy of Brahma-vidyd. For instance, what right has the Rudraksa-jabalaupanigad, -which, as the very name implies, is but a dissertation on the efficacy of wearing a rudrakra (the berry of the Eleocarpus), a peculiar kind of seed, which is worn on the arm or neck or ear by certain orthodox people-what right has such a book as this to be considered in connection with the construction of a philosophy of the Upanigads? Evidently some of the Upanixads have to be excluded from our consideration in build. ing up & philosophy of the Upanillads. As to which should be excluded and which not, the Sutrar, we contend, are our best and most authentic guide. Our choice is practically limited to the Upanigads, to which the Sutras have been or can be understood to have referred. Now, that being so, is there any other philosophy of the Upanigads but what is contained in the Sutras of Badarayana ? Is there anything in the Upanigads which has not been

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AUGUST, 1927) THE INTERPRETATION OF THE UPANISADS 159 touched upon by the Sutras? Or, is there anything in the Sutras for which the authority of some text or other of the Upanisads cannot be cited? These facts warrant us in conclus! ing that the most scientific and historically the most accurate interpretation of the Upanirads, is to be looked for in the Sutras of Badarayana. They contain the entire philosophy of the Upaniyads in a nutshell. We shall probably be confronted here with the objection that the Stras do not tell their own meaning and commentators have differed as to what they exactly inean. Our answer to this is that modern interpreters of the Upanisads also have differed ; and the commentators of the Sutras have not differed so hopelessly that nothing common can be found in them. On the contrary, in most essential things, they agree. The most important points in which they disagree are questions regarding the reality of the individual soul and the world, and consequently their relation with Brahma. As to the causality of Brahma, the course of the evolution of the world, the means for the attainment of Brahma and similar things, there is little, if any, difference between one school and another. Even in cases where they differ, they quote mostly the same passages from the Upaniads and differ only in the construction put upon them, just as modern interpreters do with regard to passages of the Upanigads. Surely, we do not avoid such differences by simply overlooking the Satras. Again, as to the passages meant in any particular Sutra, the commentators show little, if any, divergence at all. If a commentator could say that in a particular Sutra (say, i. 3. 12). one particular passage was meant rather than another, it would serve his purpose as the exponent of a particular theory better than otherwise. Yet curiously enough, by a Sutra he understands reference to the self-same texts as his adversary, and has to distinguish himself from his opponent only by the meaning read into the passages. Had Deussen been aware of this striking agreement among the commentators of the Sutras as, to the texts referred to by them, he would not have expressed any doubt as to the fact that the exclusion of certain Upanigads from the Satras-or, rather, the limitation of the Sutras to some only of the Upanisads,-was not due to Sankara or to any other commentator individually (vide Deussen, op. cit., p. 32), but to tradition already firmly established and scrupulously adhered to, and never departed from afterwards. And if he had known this, it may well be doubted if he would have thought it worth his while to venture upon a separate philosophy of the Upanipads at all. It is remarkable that if we adhere to the proper texts, we arrive at more or less the same conclusion which the Satras have reached. To take one example ; Deussen in his philosophy of the Upanigads discusses the doctrine of transmigration (p. 332); he refers there to the identical passages (viz. Ch. v. 3-10; Br. vi. 2; Kaus. i. 2; etc.), to which the Sutras refer (cf. Sutra iii. 1). And Deussen's own Vedanta also gives the identical version. This show that there is little justification for thinking of a separate philosophy of the Upanigads as distin. guished from the system of the Vedanta-sutras. Or, to put it differently, the most correct and scientific interpretation of the Philosophy of the Upanigads is to be traced in the Satras of Badarayana. They constitute the most rational starting point for all who would know the right meaning of the Upanigads. The Sutras constitute an important landmark in the history of the interpretation of the Upanigads. All the threads of earlier interpretation are gathered up in them and are woven into a fabric upon which all subsequent thinkers of the school have rested their doctrines. It is not difficult and certainly not impossible-to get at the true meaning of the Sutras. The commentators agree as to the passages of the Upanigads that are referred to in any of the Sutras ; they generally differ only as to what these actually mean. In some cases, no doubt, a difference also exists among them as to the meaning of a Sutra itself; and sometimes even a Sutra is admitted by one, but is rejected by another; and occasionally they also disagree as to how a particular Sutra should be constructed. But these are very rare instances

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160 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ ACCUST, 1927 and do not present insuperable difficulties. And in spite of these minor differences, a generally admitted common system of thought can be deciphered in the Sutras, even against the manifest diversities of views of the commentators. In most cases, the difference of view is due to the cryptic and equivocal character of the Upanisadic texts themselves; and such differences, we repeat, we cannot escape by attempting our own interpretation. These considerations lead but to one conclusion : A philosophy of the Upanigads, as distinguished from the philosophy of the Vedanta-sutras, is either meaningless or is not necessary. It is liable to be misconstrued. We are certainly free to dilate upon the texts of the Upanigads or upon any individual book of this literature : but a philosophy of the Upanisuds cannot be something other than the philosophy of the Vedanta. No such philosophy has been attempted in India after the Sutras of Badarayana. Independent thinkers inust have needed it, and would certainly have attempted it, if they had only felt that such an attempt was justifiable. And in modern times, a philosophy of the Upanipads involves an arbitrary selection of texts and has less justification for ignoring the authority of the Sutras. For any philosophy of the Upanisads, therefore, the indispensable nucleus is to be found in the Satras of Badarayana. It is not suggested here that the Upanigads should remain a sealed book for us. We have every right to study them-to scrutinise their literary merit and the suggestions they throw out for the construction of philosophies. They are the fountain-head that has continued to feed all the currents of Vedantic thought in India, and as such their value is immense. But the Satras of Badarayana are the sheet-anchor for any stable philosophy of the Upanisads. BOOK-NOTICE. The XIRUKTA. by HANNES SKOLD). Lund, G.W.K. the Nighaytu," Dr. Skold makes some phonological Gleerup : London, Humphrey Milforci, Oxford remarks on the etymologies of "Mirukto General" University Press : 1926. and comes to an important conclusion: "I think we It is not easy to review a vocabulary. but Dr. have the right to state that the vernacular of Yagka's Hannes Skold has given in this book something time must have been Middle Indian, and it would moore. It consists of two parts, philological and have been surprising if it had not been so." glossarial. In the first part he has striven to To all this he adds an Appendix on the various establish the nature of the relations of the Nirukta readings of the principal nijamas, and then tackles with the Vedic literature, and has taken Roth's the Nirkta itself. The student will not find his edition as the basis of his investigation. version of the Nirukta easy reading, for there are no Taking the Nirukta to be a running commentary less than sixteen arbitrary signs attached to the on an old list of Vedic works, which is now called words, all explained however on pp. 173f, which relate Nighantu or Naighantuka, Dr. Skold discusses that to some information or other about it. This system list of commemorative words, its authorship, its reduces printing, but is apt to catch the unwary: relation to Vedic words and its recension. He then ..9.. by looking up one word in which I was interested discusses the Nirulta as a tedang, and follows this I found by a sign attached that it was "a primary with an account of the materials he has examined for nigama word etymologised." Another set of words the purpose in 26 pages of research of extraordinary in which I was also interested was in the rame catepatience and minuteness. After this comes a discus gory except that one of them was shown by another sion of the material in 30 pages of even cleeper sign to be hapat legomenon in the Rig Veda." After research. We are then taken with much learning in three further explanatory notes Dr. Skoll gives the ten chapters through the testimony of Patanjali and Inder Verborum Etymologico Elucidatorum itself. the relation of the Nirukta to the Brihaddevata. After this Dr. Skold asks himself the question : The above remarks form of course but very inWas Yaska s nairukta, a question which has be. Adequate survey of a deep research most conscien.' come necessary to him in consequence of his own tiously conducted, but I shall have reached iny research. After minute investigation he arrives at object if I have succeeded thereby in drawing the the opinion that Indian tradition is right in attri attention of scholars thereto. At any rate, within buting the Nirukta to Yaska, so far as it is a com half an hour of the book coming into my hande mentary on the nigantavah, and that he had a hand! I had extracted from it and recorded two items of in the whole of it as it now exists. Next, after information which I had been looking for. dealing with "the Vedurthadi pikd of about 1180 and R. C. TEMPLE.

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SEPTEMBER, 1927] THOMAS CANA 161 THOMAS CANA. BY T. K. JOSEPH, B.A., L.T. THOMAS CANA is the greatest hero and benefactor of the Malabar Christians. He is also said to have been the Prime Minister1 of Cheraman Perumal, the Emperor of Malabar. The tradition of the St. Thomas Christians of Malabar has it that, while their Church was in a chaotic condition for want of bishops and leaders, the Bishop of Urahai (Edessa) was asked in a dream whether he was not sorry for the distress and ruin of the flock in Malabar which the interrogator had earned by his death. The Bishop then told this dream to the Catholicos of Jerusalem, who, on consultation with the wise men of the place, determined to send Thomas Cana the honourable merchant residing in the city, to Malabar for information. He set sail and landed in Cranganore, where he found certain Christians wearing crosses hang. ing from their necks. Having gathered from them their past history and learned that they were sorely in need of bishops, he soon loaded his vessel with what pepper and other merchandise he could procure, hastened home and delivered the strange news to the Catholicos of Jerusalem. Subsequently, with the permission of Yustedius, Patriarch of Antioch, the Catholicos sent with his blessing to Malabar, Joseph, Bishop of Edessa, several priests and deacons and a great many men, women and children-four hundred and odd in all-under the leadership of the merchant Knayi Tomma. All these, after a safe voyage, landed in Cranganore in A.D. 345. And "the people of the Kottakkayal community and the Christians called Dhariyaykkal of the sixty-four families," all came together and received them and acknowledged Mar Joseph from Jerusalem as their Bishop. And the affairs of the Church were properly managed by Tomma (Thomas). He also obtained from the Emperor land and high social privileges, as well as a copper-plate document to that effect on Saturday, 29th Kumbham (Aquarius) of the abovementioned year, on the seventh day of the moon and in the sign Cancer. (The tradition in these five paragraphs is recorded on pp. 88-91 of Ittup's Syrian Christian Church of Malabar, in Malayalam). The 72 high social privileges which Thomas Cana obtained from the Emperor are used even to-day. Besides these, he got 18 low castes, like barbers, carpenters, bow-makers, bards, toddy-drawers, etc., to serve the Christians and be under their special protection from the molestation of other castes. (See my Malabar Christian Copper-Plates, ch. 9.) Thomas, the merchant prince, is also said to have presented the Emperor with one nili (measure of Observations by Rev. H. Hosten, S.J. 1 How could wo substantiate that Thomas Cana was the Perumal's Prime Minister? That brings his story nearer that of Frumentius and Edesius. 2 How is it proved that, as Mr. T. K. Joseph states in another paper on Thomas Cana, this was the 5th Patriarch of Jerusalem? Fr. Monserrate notes in 1579 that the Syrian Bishops of his time were very fond of connecting themselves somehow with Jerusalem. It gave them a special standing of honour. His words are: "the greater number of the bishops and priests, whom they call carija in Syrian have passed through Jerusalem before they come from there" (Babylonia). [The Patriarchs of Jerusalem have the designation fifth Patriarch,' which does not mean the fifth among the Patriarchs of Jerusalem.-P.K.J.] This mention of the Patriarch of Antioch is, I think, subsequent to the arrival of the Jacobites into the country. Land's Anecdota Syriaca, vol. 1, Leyden, 1862, p. 182, quoting Swanston, JRAN., II, gives Eustathius, Bishop of Antioch. Eustathius of Antioch was deposed at the Council of Antioch in A.D. 330, and died in exile at Trajanopolis in Thrace in A.D. 360. Cf. Bardenhewer, Patrology, 1908, pp. 246, 252. 4 What means Kottakkayal? Perhaps Parur, Kottakava? What is the meaning of Kottakavu? [Kottakkayal (fort-lake), or correctly Kottakkavu (fort grove) is Parur.-T.K.J.] 5 Does Ittap's History say that Mar Joseph of Edessa was from Jerusalem ? [Yes.] Gouves has something about the castes which had to serve the Christians by order of the Perumal of Thomas Cans, and who had even to become amoucos, or run amock, for their sake. I hope to extract some other time from Gouvea all that he has about Thomas Cana and the two Bishops, Mar Xabro and Mar Prodh. [Gouvea's passage on Thomas Cana has already been extracted by Fr. Hosten in the Ind. Ant. for July 1927.-T.K.J.] 1

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162 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ SEPTEMBER, 1927 capacity, about 20 s. in.) of precious stones for his crown, and to have helped him with money in his battles. The Emperor once pressed the artisan caste to give one of their girls in marriage to his washerman. The artisans could not but submit to this indignity. But during the marriage festival they killed the washermen assembled there by secretly crushing them under the marriage shed specially contrived for the purpose, and absconded in a body to Ceylon. And Thomas is said to have saved the situation by inducing the strikers to return to the Emperor. (See my Malabar Christian Copper-Plates, pp. 93-94.) Here are authentic specimens of the peculiar titles and privileges which Thomas Cana and the St. Thomas Christians of Malabar obtained by the Emperor's letters patent : (1) the title of the Emperor's Own Merchant,'(2) seven kinds of musical instruments, (3) palanquin, (4) elephant, (5) bodyguards, (6) cloth for walking along upon, (7) royal umbrella, (8) lingual cheers by womon, (9) lamp lit by day, (10) carpet, and (11) sandals. Nos. 2-9, besides others, form the paraphernalia of a procession. Most of these are even to-day used in the processions of the Malabar Syrian Christian Bishops. The palanquin and the elephant, as dignified or stately means of locomotion, have become very antiquated and ludicrous, and have been replaced by phaetons, landaus and motor-cars. An English translation of the original document given to Thomas Cana is found on p. 139 of the Travancore State Manual, vol. 2. See also do Couto's Da Asia, 12th Decade, last part, p. 283, for another, in Portuguese. In 1544, Mar Jacob, the then Bishop pawned the two original copper-plates for 200 reals to the Portuguese in Cochin. The translation made for them is very probably what we find in the above two books. The plates are now missing ; but, according to the Rev. H. Hosten, S.J., and Rev. H. Heras, S.J., they may be " in the Torre do Tombo of Lisbon, or in some old Franciscan Convent of Portugal." The Malabar Christian community will be extremely obliged to the person who will discover these plates and send to the writer (Trivandrum, Travancore, South India) printer's-ink impressions (half a dozen copies) of the inscription on them. WANTED THE ANCIENT COPPER-PLATES OF THOMAS CANA NOW SUPPOSED TO BE IN PORTUGAL. (See also my Magna Charla of the Malabar Christians, in the Asiatic Review of April, 1925, pp. 299-304.) The traditional date A.D. 345 may be correct. The copper-plates of Thomas Cana, if recqvered, will certainly help us in ascertaining his date. Will the name of the Patriarch Yustedius given above help us ? Tradition says that a copy of the muniment granted to Thomas Cana was about the same time inscribed on a large granite slab and set up at the Northern gate of the Cranganore temple for the information and guidance of the public. Some time before 1781, Adriaan Moens, the Dutch Governor of Cochin, tried his best to discover this stone, but in vain. On the 12th of February, 1924, the Rev. Fr. H. Hosten, S.J., our modern Yule, who was touring Malabar in eager search of pre-Portuguese Christian antiquities there, discovered in Cranganore a big stone slab 6 ft. X 31 ft. with about 19 lines of inscription in ancient Malabar characters. This, like the philosopher's stone, suddenly became the supreme object of attention of the Malabar Bishops and Christians. For they thought this was the reputed lithic counterpart of the Thomas Cans plates. I have, however, partially deciphered the last three lines of the record, of which three alone I got an estampage, and have found that the record says that the Queen of Perumattam, perhaps of the Cochin royal family, made arrangements for the daily supply of a specified measure of rice to the temple at Kannur,

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SEPTEMBER, 1921) THOMAS CANA 163 There is a small, endogamous group of ancient Christians in Malabar, called Tekkumpakar (literally, those of the Southern side), or Southists. They have scarcely any marriage relations with the Northists, the rest of the St. Thomas Christians. The appellations Northists and Southists came into existence because, it is alleged, in the new town of Makotayar Pattanam founded by Thomas Cana, 400 shops of the former were constructed in the northern row and 72 of the latter in the southern. There are several points of difference between the Northists and the Southists in customs, manners and physical features. (Ittup's History, op. cit., pp. 92-94.) Foreign characteristics like blue eyes and brown facial hair are noticeable in some of the Southists, while there are others among them who do not differ at all from the Northists in bodily features. Cana' in Thomas Cana' is not, I think, the place Cana of Galilee where Jesus Christ turned water into wine. (John, II. 1.) To my mind, Thomas Cana means Thomas the mer. chant. The Syriac root kono means to get, to buy, and kanoyo, one who gets or buys. The old annals and songs of Malabar state that the four hundred10 foreigners who colonized 7 The terms Suddists and Nordists derive from French writers, from Nordistes' and Sudistes.' "Suddists' with two d's is highly objectionable, as it tends to hide its origin. [The Latin term is Gens Suddistica.-T.K.J.] 8 Do Couto (Dec. 12, L. 3, c. 1, Tom. 8, Lisboa, 1788, pp. 271-273) has a very curious itinerary for St. Thomas, taken from the Chaldean books of the Serra. Taking leave of St. Thaddeus at Edessa, St. Thomas sells his body to a merchant and visits in turn Sokotra, Melinde and Cafraria, the kingdom of laces and Zarique (by do Couto identified doubtfully with Ampazes and Mocambique), finally Marhozaya, which Bishop F. Roz, at do Couto's request, identified with Malaca. Another passago in the Chaldean hooks Eent St. Thomas to Persia, Samarkand, Sokotra and Malabar. Can copies of such books still be found in Malabar? They would solve certain difficulties and would prove missionary endeavours or Syrian trade on the coasts of Africa in pre-Portuguese times. We have to account for the occurrence of the cross among South African tribes I think that Marhoznya is Mahuza, (perhaps Makota or Mahodaya Pattanam, i.e., Cranganore), whenco, according to Jacob of Sarug, either St. Thomas made a start for Indis or whence inerchants had come to fetch him for Gondophares. Schroter could not decide, as the copies of Jacob of Sarug's poem woro incomplete. Cf. Medlycott, pp. 248, 249. We have a similar difficulty for the MSS. of the Syriac Acta of St. Thomas. Cl. Ind. Ant., 1903, p. 160. We do not know yet what place is meant in Jacob of Sarug by Mahuza. Assemani, Bibl. Or., T. III, Part II, p. 761, mentions two Mahuzas, but neither appears to be appropriate for St. Thomas' story, as neither is a harbour on the sea. One is near Ctesiphon, and is called Carcha, Corch, or Carch; the other is called Ariuna. Fr. Bernard of St. Thomas in letters to me asserts that Mahuza or Mahosa means simply 'town' and that the Syrians applied it to Cranganore. If that were so, might it not have been applied also to Mylapore ? St. Thomas in the Hymn of the Soul mentions a dear friend, a native of Maishan, the companion of his travels, whom I identify with Uzanes, the son of King Mazdai. If Maishan is not a mistake for Mailan, Mylapore, might it not stand for Mahond and still apply to Mylaporo The idea of the Syrians was that Gondophares lived at Mylapore, and that idea seems to be shared already by Jacob of Sarug (A.D. 500-521). (Malabar tradition, at least in its recent form, knows no such name as Gondopharos or Kandapparaja. Mahosa or Mahusa in Syriac is the name of a small town somewhere in south-west Asia.-T.K.J.) Did not a division into Northists and Southists prevail in Mesopotamias at one time? I find something to that effect in Monserrato (1579). Something akin to the division between the right hand and left-hand parties of S. India, but sprung from religious divisions. I believe there is such a division as the right-hand and left-hand party in Abyssinia among the Christians. 10 De Conti has a reference, I think, to some 20,000 washermen in the army of the King of Vijayanagar. I have sometimes thought there might be question of Syrians, who were great fighters in those days. The other day, I came across a passage speaking of numerous Syrians fighting in the Bisnaga army, but I cannot now trace it again. The mercantile community of Belgaum, N.E. of Goa, "had already at the beginning of the 13th century included foreign settlers from Lala, i.e., Lata (Gujarat) and the Malayalam country," As evidenced by an inscription. Soo A.S.I.A. Report, 1916-17, part I, p. 19. Could there Malayalis have Loon St. Thomas Christians, the mercantile community par excellence, of Malabar ? Abdar Razak (15th century) speaks of Nimeh Pozir, Christian minister to the king of Vijayanagar.-T.K.J.). May not the Southists who came with Thomas Cana have been dyers and fullore, as inany Christiacus in Persia were, who took Christ for their patron. Cl. As. Researches, X, 1808, p. 82. The Syrians were great Feavers and dyers, I think, in the Near East.

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164 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY SEPTEMBER, 1921 Cranganore, belonged to 72 families from 7 septsil or clans. They do not now survive as such. Nor are there family traditions about their original identity, as in the case of several families who occasionally came as individual emigrants and settled in Malabar in the last four or five centuries. All these have merged in the vast mass of indigenous converts of Aryan and Dravidian extraction. Only a small section, the Southists (see ante), have any separate identity. But here too the distinction is, so to speak, a social or communal one, not racial or religious. Tradition says that the elite among the Semitic colonists brought by Thomas Cana freely intermarried with the local high caste Christians, while the foreign proletariat consorted with the indigenous low caste converts. Thomas, it seems, had children by two women, one a wife of his own nationality, and the other a mistress from the Hindu washerman caste. There is, however, no clan extant that claims descent from Thomas Cana and his Semitic wife. (P.S.--On folio 526r, 87r of a MS. vol. in the British Museum, A.D. 1604, Bishop Roz says (according to Rev. H. Hosten's translation), "The copy of the olla which the said Xaram Perumal gave to Thomas Cananeo .... says faithfully this May Coquarangon be progperous....". On fol. 525v, 86v of the same volume the prelate speaks of their ollas, the copper original of which was taken to Portugal by the Religious of St. Francis, a copy of them remaining here." This copy which Bishop Roz' faithfully 'translated-he knew Malayalam-must have been an impression of the plates, or a transcript in the Malayalam characters of those days, prepared, perhaps, by the Jew who, according to Fr. Lucena (Hist. da vida do P. Fr. de Xavier, Lisboa, 1600, p. 163, col. 10), "though with much trouble, translated it into Portuguese." Where is this copy, and where the Jew's translation ? Perhaps in the above MS. vol. of 1604. This copy and translation also ought to be discovered.] Literal translation of Malayalam Documents (No. 1).13 The emblems of dignity and honour belonging to the Malabar Nasrani (Christian), and the manner in which the city of Cranganore came into existence. When Pattanam 13 was the city (prob. capital), on KnAyittomman (Thomas Cana) the Nassani's requesting, "Give me half the country," 1380) kolg14 (rods) of land in the form of a square, as measured by the elephant kol, 16 Were granted in accordance with the order of the Perumal16 of Cheraman Koyill7 on Tuesday the 9th of Karkkatakam (July), the 8th day of the moon being combined with the asterism R@hini.18 Also 19 the Vedic College at IrinnAlakkuta (eight miles N.E. of Cranganore), the Great Palace at Tiruvanchikkulam and the Church at Cranganore. That day, at sunset the day-time lamp, walking-cloth, crown, (and several other insignia) were granted, with libation of water and flower, to Knayittomman the Nasrani. 11 Mgr. Alexander Chulaparambil, The Romo Syrian Bishop of Kottayam, a Southist, told me that the 72 families which came over with Thomas Cana belonged to the following septs : Baji, Belkouth, Hadai, Kuiclic. Khoja, Majmouth, and Tejmouth. Do these names survive in Mesopotamia as distinctive Chris. tian names? (For the names of some of these septs see Thurston's Castes and Tribes, article on the Syrian Christians. But these names I have not found in any old document.-T.K.J.] 13 Communicated by the Rev. H. Hosten, S.J., St. Joseph's College, Darjeeling, at whose instance this work was undertaken by Mr. Joseph on 18th November 1923. The notes also are by Mr. Joseph. 13 Pattanam : Mahadevar Pattanam, an old name for Cranganore, or a portion of it, or some old town close to it. Most probably it is the city founded by Thomas Cana. In the Tamil classics it appears in the form Makotai and in Sanskrit as Mahodaya Puram. 14 Another document (Itap's History in Malayalam, Cochin, 1869) gives 244 kole, or the space over which one para measure of paddy can be scattered.' Op. cit., p. 90. 15 One kol=28 inches. An elephant kell = 4 kole. 16 King. 17 The name of the king's palace. The site is even now known as Cheraman Kovilakam. It is close to Cranganore. 19 Ittup's History gives another date for the grant of land and privileges : Saturday, 29th Kumbham (March), 7th day of the moon, Karkkankam rAsi (sign Cancer). Op. cit., p. 91. I doubt whether any reliance can be placed upon these details or those given in the above translation. 15 Perhaps these thres were witnesses.

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SEPTEMBER, 1927 1 106 THOMAS CANA With the knowledge of the sun, and the moon that rises at night, that know this as witnesses. The handwriting of the then younger prince Kuru Perumalar. If any one contradicts and questions this grant, let him turn over and refer to the documentary granite stone that lies at the northern gate of the temple at Cranganore 31 Literal translation of Malayalam Documents (No. 2).22 When of yore to immigrate to Malankara 23 The gentleman Tominan Kinana casa yed, -Verily.26 The king'e sons26 belonging to seventy-two families These good citizens, four hundred, Embarked by the grace of the Catholicos.Verily. The foreigner who came entered Cranganore, He entered, and when he visited the Chera King, in plenty He presented gold and coral and pearls and obtained the country. He came, at an auspicious time endeavoured, and gained his end.--Yerily. That his greatness may be manifest in all the world around, He gave him marks of honour--the fivefold bands, the eighteen castes 28. The horn, 29 the flute, the peacock feather fan, the conch, 30 the canopy, 31-Verily. The gold crown32 and all other good ornanents. 20 I remember having read in the Gazetteer of Malahar that this stone has not yet been discovered even after diligent search. Was it one of the stones taken away by the Portuguese at Goa ? This is Burnell's statement in his little pamphlet A few suggestions as to the best way of making and stilizing copies of Indian inscriptions (Madras, 1870): "The Portuguese at Goa took some inscriptions on stone to their native country." Of. Indian Antiquary, IT, 183. By this I understand that they took inscribed stones, not copies of inscriptions on them. Some of these may have come from Malabar. (For Moens' search, see Dutch in Malabar, pp. 172, 173). [I lave read of stones, pillars, etc., removed by the Portuguese from monuments to the North of Goa, from near Surat for instance, but not from Malabar. Others than the Christians in Malabar seem to know about a copy of the Thomas Cana privileger inscribed on a stone near the Tiruvafijikulam temple. The Diwan of Cochin, whom I met in January 1924, knew of this and was keen on making a search for it. He said that the impression among the people was that the stone had been buried when Tippu Sultan came down on Tiruvanjikulam. Yule, Hobson-Jobson, 8.o., Shinkali, quotes Dr. Gundert, Madras Journal, XIII, 122: "One Kerala Ulpatli (i.e., legendary history of Malabar of the Nasrani), says that their fore. fathers... built Codangalur, as may be learned from the granite inscription at the northern entrance of the Tiruvan jiculam temple."-H.H.) 31 The extract is from the footnote on pp. 11 and 12 of Ancient Sonys (Malayalam), Kottayam, 1910. 33 Communicated by the Rovd. H. Hosten, S.J., St Joseph's College, Darjeeling, at whose request his work was done by Mr. Joseph on 7th December 1923. 33 Malankara is Malabar of the Arabian travellers, bar being equivalent to the Malayalam kara, coast. 34 Tomman Kinan, Thomas Cana, Knayi Tomman are three forms of the same name. 36 Verily indicates a peuge in the song and forms the chorus. 36 King's sons' is the title Mappila (son-in-law) granted to the Christians in Malabar by one of the old Chera kings. There are the Sudras of Malabar, called Nairs, who have the title pilta (child). Gouves, I am told, translates this title Mappila as king'a son. (He does. Cf. Jornada, fol. 4v: "With these privileges joined to those which Xardo Perumal had granted them, the Christians of Malavar became much more accredited, being held in such account that the name by which they are still called to-day in the kingdoms beyond the Mountain of the Pande is sons of kinga".-H.H.) 37 Fivefold, band : two varieties of drums, cymbals, trumpet, and gong. 38 Eighteen Hindu low ontoe. Or, bodyguards versed in the eightoon feats of arms. 39 A musical hom, producing a monotonous protracted note. 30 For blowing. 31 See Travancore State Manual, II, 139; 'pavilion.' 33 A tall peaked crown of gold whe-until lately in use for bridegrooms. I remember to have seen it worn by my older brother on the occasion of his wedding. Bridegrooms generally are allowed All those privileges and marks of honour.

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166 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ SEPTEMBER, 1927 He gave him marks of honour : the walking-cloth33, the day-tiine lamp,34 The seven kinds36 of royal musical instruments, and three lingual cheers, 36--Verily. Drums and lingual cheers36 and all good pomp The king with pleasure gave, And all these did Tomman Kinan accept.-Verily. He got also the copper-plate deed fittingly engraved. The marks of honour which the Kings' King (r) gave Last for all the days of the existence of the sun and the moon.--Verily. For all the days of the existence of the sun and moon.38 (To be continued.) 33 Cloth spread on the way, for walking along without touching the ground. Our bishops and bride. grooms still enjoy this privilege. For its use in 1916-17 in Ceylon, see Annual Report, 4.8.1., 1916-17, Part I, p. 25. "Longths of white cloth were unrolled along the road for the elephant to walk over." 34 Lamp lit during the day. This is now done when our bishops go in procession from one church to another. 36 Perhaps, three kinds of drums, two kinds of cymbals, gong, and trumpet. See Trav. Sinte Manual, II, 139, for this number seven'. Also Ind. An for April, 1925, p. 69. 36 Lingual cheers. Women produce the sound ululaida... briskly and continuously with the tongue until they are nearly out of breath, covering the mouth with one hand hollowed out in the form of an arch and leaving spaces above and below the lips for the ululation to pass out freely. This is repeated thrice, like the cheers of the Europeans. Men, on the other hand, shout drppoyi and poyimpoyim at the top of their voice during the processions of our bishops. These lingual cheers are given by women at the birth of a child or on other joyful occasions. This, I think, is peculiar to Malabar, Guzerat, and Turkey. See Trav. State Manual, II, 139, where " whistling is not correct. 37 The Chera king, as overlord of several feudatory princes. 38 This is one of the old songs sung by Southist Christian women when the bride and bridegroom return home from church after marriage. There are four distinguished persons connected,' in tradition, with Knayi Tomman's emigration. They are: (1) the Catholikoe or 5th Patriarch of Jerusalem : (2) Yustodius, Patriarch of Antioch; (3) Mar Joseph, Bishop of Edeas, who accompanied Tommen to Malabar ;(4) Cheraman Perumal, king of Malabar, the Chera country, whose proper name is not known. Can we get some clue from these to the date of Tomman's emigration ? (Not unless we have many more materials to form our judgment on. I look with much suspicion on the introduction of so many high personages into this story, persons separated from one another by considerable distances and all for the sake of the dream of Joseph, Bishop of Edessa.-H.H.) Another song (see No. 3), used on the some occasion as No. 2 above, specifies the date 345 by the cryptogram Soudla thus : "The king went, saw the land and gave it away In the year soval after the birth of the Lord, And honoured Kinayi Tomman received the copper plate document." From the language of these three lines I conclude that, like No. 2, it is of the 17th-19th century. Besides, the advent of the Portuguese and the burning of Cranganore City and the building of the Church at Katutturutti (Carturte of the Europeans) in about A.D. 1500 are all alluded to in the song. This dating in terms of the Christian ora, as well as the dates A.D. 59 etc., found in the song of St. Thomas of which you have a translation, came into vogue in Malabar, I presume, only after the Portuguese connection. So the cryptogram cannot be supposed to have been handed down from very ancient times. Am I right? These dates in terms of a Western era indicate indeed that at least changes were made in the songs after the Portuguese connection. It is quite possible that some of the songs were composed under the influence of the Latin Missionaries or revised under them. But we cannot argue yet that these songs Ne not in many cases much older or that new additious have not been made to them. The study of these songs is barely begun.-H.H.] Does Fr. Peter Maffei, who in his Latin History of India, II. 910 599., refers to a song and dance in honour of St. Thomas, give a translation of it? (I cannot say, 24 I cannot consult the book here. If he alludes lo & song in honour of St. Thomas, quite possibly he refers to the contents, and this would help us to fix the special song he alludes to, ns also the antiquity of that song. The Jesuits of Cochin and Quilon, and even more perhaps the Fathers of Vaipicotta, seem to have done not a little to stage some of the incidents of the history of the St. Thomas Christiana. There was a play in which thoy represented the story of Baliarte, or the king of the St. Thomas Christians.-H.H.)

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SEPTEMBER, 1927 ) HISTORICAL BIAS IN INDIAN HISTORY 167 HISTORICAL BIAS IN INDIAN HISTORY. BY THE LATE S. M. EDWARDES, C.S.I., C.V.O. AND Pror. H. L. O. GARRETT, I.E.S. WE imagine that our colleagues to-day will deal with many aspects of the subject of bias in historical writing from Macaulay to Herbert Paul. We are concerned with that portion of the subject with which we are mainly in contact, namely, the History of India. At the outset we should like to quote n sentence from a book on "Mughal Rule in India" of which we are the joint authors and which is now in the press. "The student of Indian History should be warned to use contemporary authorities with great caution. The manipulation of historical facts to suit the particular angle of vision of the author is unfortunately all too common. But it is nowhere worse than in India, and in many cases there has been (and is still unfortunately to-day) a deliberate distortion of facts before which the political bias of a work like Macaulay's History of England pales into insignificance." The earlier portion of Indian History-generally known as the Hindu--may be left out of consideration. So much of it rests upon vague tradition and so scanty are the authorities that there is little room for exhaustive examination. What we have is mainly the work of travellers and is valuable for its descriptive detail. Megasthenes, for example, gives a very fair and unbiased account of the court and government of Chandragupta Maurya. Then there are the Chinese pilgrims Fa-hsien and Hiuen-tsang and so on. But when we reach the Muham. madan period it is a different story. Take the first great Muhammadan invader, Mahmud of Ghazni. The accepted version of Mahmud is that of a ruthless invader animated by the bitterest hatred of any other faith than his own. His very name in history-Bat Shikin, the Iconoclast-perpetuates this view. But whereas this is a fair estimate of his character, it is not accepted by Muhammadan historians. Only recently I published a small book in which a sketch of Mahmud occurred. For this I was severely taken to task by a Muhammadan scholar who declared that the proper view, as set forth by Muhammadan historians, was that he invaded India not to persecute the Hindus and destroy their temples, but because he was invited into the country to restore order. Take again Muhammad Tughlak, that "strange mixture of opposites". But for the fearless external evidence of a non-Indian historian-Ibn Batuta-we should not really know the full story of the combination of bestial cruelty, patronage of learning and megalomania which distinguishes the reign of that monarch. With the earlier Mughals we are on safer ground. Babur and Jahangir reveal themselves so clearly in their own diaries that we can almost see the men themselves. But pass on to the last of the great Mughals-Aurangzeb. The battle over this monarch and his character rages as fiercely as the struggle over the body of Patroclus. Hindu scholars will tell you that he was an inveterate bigot and that his policy of intolerance ruined the Empire. Muhammadan writers stoutly deny this and praise his orthodoxy as contrasted with the free-thinking of his predecessors. In the dust of the controversy the truth is obscured. While the Emperor undoubtedly was intolerant and his intolerance was certainly one, but only one, of the causes contributing to the disintegration of Mughal sovereignty, the fact has carefully been overlooked that he did not initiate a policy of intolerance and religious persecution. There are instances of it in the reigns of both his predecessors -Jahangir and Shah Jahan. The former in his diary gloats over the destruction of a famous Hindu shrine. But all this is passed over in order that Aurangzeb may bear the full odium of a policy, which he did not invent but only carried in more active form to its logical conclusion. It is probable that Aurangzeb's sardonic and joyless temperament contributed largely to the detestation felt for him by his Hindu subjects, and may partly explain the antipathy displayed towards him by most modern Hindu historians. The cold and calculating spirit has never been a favourite with the people of India, and the sinner who smiles upon the world 1 This paper was originally prepared by us to be read at the Anglo-American Historical Conference in 1926, but was not read owing to pressure of time. This accounts for its somewhat peculiar form.HLOG

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168 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY SEPTEMBER, 1927 around him, who is 'bon camarade', who can show timely emotion or deftly touch the chords of popular imagination, stands a far better chance of ultimate "canonisation' than the most impeccable ruler, who wears the armour of severe righteousness and holds himself coldly aloof from the foibles of mankind. So far we have dealt with the Muhammadan rulers. We will now turn to a Hindu-the famous Shivaji. This individual has recently gone through a lengthy process of "whitewashing" at the hands of various authorities. What are the facts ? That he was a robber chief in a wild and mountainous part of India. That he made his way to the front hy his audacity and bravery. As to his famous murder of the Muhammadan General sent against him, it seems to have been about six of one and half-a-dozen of the other. But its treatment by rival historians is instructive. On the one side Shivaji only anticipated similar treachery on the part of his adversary; on the other the Muhammadan commander was the innocent victim of the blackest treachery. That he carved out of the dying Empire a kingdom of his own and that he set up a rough form of government which only survived him a few years. But all this has undergone a transformation. Shivaji is now the pure-minded high-souled patriot called by Providence to the liberation of his motherland. His childhood at his mother's knee is like the boyhood of Alfred the Great. A torrent of abuse has been directed against a writer who mildly suggested, on unequi. vocal authority, that Shivaji had two mistresses, or in other words that of the eight wives whom he is recorded as having married, two were probably concubines. One would hardly have supposed that such a statement regarding an Indian chieftain of the seventeenth century, in a country where the moral standards of Exeter Hall had not yet penetrated, would have mused the Brahman press of Poona to a fierce declamatory frenzy. But the statement was obnoxious to the Poona press as it does not accord with the modern Shivaji myth, which has been seda lously cultivated in Western India for purely political purposes during the last twenty years. The exponents of the myth are at pains to declare, often without adequate evidence, that Shivaji combined in himself the asceticism of St. Anthony, the military genius of Napoleon and the imperial prescience of Cecil Rhodes. That is Shivaji to-day after the modern historians have done with him. We await with interest his next biography written from the Mughal point of view. But the stream of "alteration " flows on. We now come to an episode familiar to all"The Black Hole of Calcutta ". The site of this tragedy is now believed to have been identified. There is plenty of corroborative evidence,-e.g., Admiral Watson's--to support Holwell's narrative of the massacre. Even Macaulay believed it. But recently an ingenious attempt has been made to prove that the tragedy never took place, that Holwell was a liar, and that the so-called victims of the Black Hole were really killed in fair fight earlier in the proceedings. The next step is the elimination of the episode from Indian History as taught in schools. Turn again to the Mutiny. The old king of Delhi, Bahadur Shah II, explained the whole episode by saying " I suppose my people gave themselves over to the devil." There is no doubt as to the old man's guilty participation in the outbreak. "The evidence given at his trial is perfectly conclusive. But this is not enough for the listorian with a bias. The newest theory now put forward is that it was the East India Company who were at fault, and that the Mutiny was a just retribution for disobedience to their overlord of Delhi, and that the punishment meted out to the last of the Timurids has rankled in Indian minds ever since. As regards the first part of the theory, we were able, in a paper published in the Journal of the Royal Historical Society to demonstrate that it was completely at variance with the facts as reveal. ed in the official records of the Punjab Government. As regards the second, we make bold to say that we do not consider that the extinction of the Timurids made or has made any more stir in India than the final extinction of the Western Empire in 476 or the renunciation of his title by Francis II in 1806 did in Europe. But we are not out of the Mutiny wood yet. We

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SEPTEMBER, 1927] THE GUHILA KINGS OF MEWAR 169 ourselves have heard the theory advanced that the massacre at Cawnpore was grossly exaggerated, if it ever took place, and we think in all probability we shall see this theory developed in our generation and a convincing alibi set up for the Nana Sahib. We fear we have been somewhat lengthy. Indian Histo. y lo only a small section of history and this Conference is representative of many histories of many peoples. But we do wish to urge the need of caution in dealing with the established facts and episodes of the history of India, particularly in the light of the "bias" which is so common to-day, and which is frequently due to the fact that historical students cannot dissociate their academic inquiries and conclusions from the taint of current Indian politics. Established facts in the history of any country are like well-known landmarks. To remove them or destroy them without good cause renders the offender liable to the penalties set forth in the Commination Service. THE GUHILA KINGS OF MEWAR. BY R. R. HALDER. For some time past I have been meditating on the real origin of the princes of Mewar. My desire for a solution of the problem was increased by some letters, which showed that other people were equally interested in the subject and, like myself, were much perplexed about it. Colonel Tod in one place speaks of the Mewas rulers as "Children of the Sun", "Sun of the Hindus," etc.; and in another place complicates the issue by over reliance on other historians. Even a scholar like Vincent A. Smith has called Guhila, the founder of the Guhila dynasty of Mewar, a Nagar Brahman and almost believed in the connection of his lineage with the Rajas of Valabhi. In one or two inscriptions, again, some of the rulers of Mewar are said to be Brahmanas. It is prima facie surprising that this ancient dynasty, the rulers of which belong to the same line and have ruled in the same lands where conquest placed them for & period of about 1400 years; who claim descent from Kusa, the elder son of the deified Rama, the patriarch of the solar race, thereby commanding universal homage in India ;-should be represented as losing even the ordinary prestige of the Kshatriya race-not to speak of the patronymic Suryavamsi-ands being merged in the Brahmana caste.. Let us see what Colonel Tod writes on the matter :-"At least ten genealogical lists, derived from the most opposite sources, agree in making Kanaksen the founder of this dynasty; and assign his emigration from the most northern of the provinces of India to the peninsula of Saurashtra in s. 201, or A.D. 145. We shall, therefore, make this the point of outset, though it may be premised that: Jai Singh, the royal historian and astronomer of Amber connects the line with Sumitra (the 56th descendant from the deified Rama), who appears to have been the contemporary of Vikramaditya, A.c. 56 .. . "By what route Kanaksen, the first emigrant of the solar race, found his way into Saurashtra from Lohkot, is uncertain : he, however, wrested dominion from a prince of the Pramara race, and founded Birnagara in the second century (A.D. 144). Four generations afterwards, Vijayasen, whom the prince of Amber calls Nushirwan, founded Vijayapur, supposed to be where Dholka now stands, at the head of the SaurAshtra peninsula. Vidarba was also founded by him, the name of which was afterwards changed to Sihor. But the most celebrated was the capital, Valabhipura, which for years baffled all search, till it was revealed in its now humbled condition as Walai, ten miles west of Bhaunagar. The existence of this city was confirmed by a celebrated Jain work, the Satrunjaya Mahatma. The want of satisfactory proof of the Rana's emigration from thence was obviated by the most unexpected discovery of an inscription of the twelfth century, in a ruined temple on the Since this paper was written I have come across another new distortion, namely that the attack on the Lucknow Residency was never really taken seriously by the mutineers who could have taken the place any day that they wished !!-H.L.O.G. 1 Smith's Akbar, p. 81.

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170 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ SEPTEMBER, 1927 tableland forming the eastern boundary of the Rana's present territory, which appeals to the walls of Valabhi' for the truth of the action it records. And a work written to commemorato the reign of Rana Raj Singh opens with these words : In the west is Sorathdes, a country well known : the barbarians invaded it, and conquered Bal-ka-nath; all fell in the sack of Valabhipur except the daughter of the Pramara,' And the Sandrai roll thus commences : When the city of Valabhi was sacked, the inhabitants fled and founded Bali, Sandrai and Nadol in Mordar des 3.' These are towns yet of consequence, and in all the Jain religion is still maintained, which was the chief worship of Valabhipura when sacked by the 'barbarian'. The records preserved by the Jains give 8.B. 205 (A.D. 524) as the date of this event. "The tract about Valabhipura and northward is termed Bal, probably from the tribe of Bala, which might have been the designation of the Rana's tribe prior to that of Grahilot ; and most probably Multan and all these regions of the Kathi, Bala, etc., were dependent on Lohkot, whence emigrated Kanaksen ; thus strengthening the surmise of the Scythio descent of the Ranas, though now installed in the seat of Rama ... . "Besides these cities, the MSS. give Gayni, as the last refuge of the family when expelled Saurashtra. One of the poetic chronicles thus commences : The barbarians had captured Gajni. The house of Siladitya was left desolate. In its defence his heroes fell; of his seed but the name remained'.... "Of the prince's family the queen Pushpavati alone escaped the sack of Valabhi, as well as the funeral pyre, upon which, on the death of Siladitya, his other wives were sacri. ficed. She was a daughter of the Pramara prince of Chandravati, and had visited the shrine of the universal mother Amba-Bhavani, in her native land, to deposit upon the altar of the goddess a votive offering consequent to her expectation of offspring. She was on her return, when the intelligence arrived which blasted all her future hopes, by depriving her of her lord, and robbing him, whom the goddess had just granted to her prayers, of a crown.... Taking refuge in a cave in the mountain of Malia, she was delivered of a son. Having confided the infant to a Brahmani of Biranagar named Kamlavati, enjoining her to educate the young prince as a Brahman, but to marry him to a Rajputni, she mounted the funeral pile to join her lord. Kamlavati, the daughter of the priest of the temple, was herself a mother, and she performed the tender offices of one to the orphan prince, whom she designated Goha orcave. born. The child was a source of perpetual uneasiness to its protectors : he associated with Rajput children, killing birds, hunting wild animals, and at the age of eleven was totally un. manageable: to use the words of the legend, 'How should they hide the ray of the sun ?'" 4 This much Colonel Tod asserts in support of his view that Goha or Guhadatta, the founder of the Guhilot dynasty of Mewar, was descended from Siladitya VI of Valabhipur. He then attempts to connect the Ranas (of Mewar) with Persia, and for this purpose quotes the following authorities - "Let us see what Abu-l Fazl says of the descent of the Ranas from Nushirwan : The Chief of the State was formerly' called Rawal, but for a long time past has been known as Rana. He is of the Ghelot clan, and pretends to descent from Noshirw&n, the Just. An ancestor of this family through the vicissitudes of fortune came to Berar and was distinguish ed as the chief of Narnalah. About eight hundred years previous to the present time NarnAlah was taken by the enemy and many were slain. One B&pa, a child, was carried by his mother from this scene of desolation to Mewar, and found refuge with Rajah Mandalikh, a Bhil.' "The work which has furnished all the knowledge which exists on the Persian ancestry of the Mewar princes is the Maasiru-l-Umara, or that founded on it, entitled Bisatu-l-Ghanim written in A.H. 1204 (A.D. 1789). The writer of this work styles himself Lachhmi Naravan Shafik Aurangabadi.... he goes deep into the lineage of the Ranas of Mewar... 1 Sorath or Saurishtrs. 3 Marwar. Tod, Rajasthan, edited by W. Crooke, 1920, vol. I, pp. 261-69,

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SEPTEMBER, 19:07] THE GUHILA KINGS OF MEWAR 171 quoting at length the Massiru-l-Umara, from which the following is a literal translation: 'It is well-known that the Rajas of Udaipur are exalted over all the princes of Hind. Other Hindu princos, before they can succeed to the throne of their fathers, must receive the khushka, or tilak of regality and investiture, from them. This type of sovereignty is received with humility and veneration. The khushka of these princes is made with human blood : their title is Rana, and they deduce their origin from Noshirwan-i-Adil (i.e., the Just), who conquered the countries of-, and many parts of Hindustan. During his lifetime his son Noshizad, whose mother was the daughter of Kaiser of Rum, quitted the ancient worship and embraced the faith of the Christians,' and with numerous followers entered Hindustan. Thence he marched a great array towards Iran, against his fether Noshirwan ; who dispatched his general, Rambarzin, with numerous forces to oppose him. An action ensued in which Noshizad was slain ; but his issue remained in Hindustan, from whom are descended the Ranas of Udaipur. Noshirwan had a wife from the Khakhan of China, by whom he had a son called Hormuz, declared heir to the throne shortly before his death... "In A. H. 17 Abu Musa of Ashur seized Hormuz, the son of the uncle of Yazdegird, whom he sent with Yazdegird's daughter to Imam Husain, and another daughter to Abubakr .... "It is also told, that when the fortunes of Yazdegird were on the wane, his family dispersed to different regions. The second daughter, Shahr Banu, was married to Imam Husain,... The third daughter, Bann, was seized by a plundering Arab.... "Of the eldest daughter of Yazdegird, Maha Banu, the Parsis have no accounts; but the books of Hind give evidence to her arrival in that country, and that from her issue is the tribe Sesodia. But, at all events, this race is either of the seed of Nushishad, the son of Nushirwan, or of that of the daughter of Yazdegird. "Thus have we adduced, perhaps, all points of evidence for the supposed Persian origin of the Rana's family. The period of the invasion of Saurashtra by Nushishad, who mounted the throne A.D.531, corresponds well with the sack of Valabhi, A.D.524... Khusru Parvez, grandson of Nushirwan the Great, and who assumed this title according to Firdausi, married Marian, the daughter of Maurice, the Greek emperor of Byzantium. She bore him Shiraaah (the Siroes of the early Christian writers), who slew his father. It is difficult to separate the actions of the two Nushirwans, and still more to say which of them merited the epithet of adil, or just. "According to the Tables' in Moreri, Nushishad, son of Khusru the Great, reigned from A.D. 531 to 591. This is opposed to the Maasiru-l-Umara, which asserts that he was slain during his rebellion. Siroes, son of Khusru (the second Nushirwan) by his wife Marian, alternately called the friend and foe of the Christians, did raise the standard of revolt, and met the fate attributed to Nushishad ; on which Yazdegird, his nephew, was proclaimed. The crown was intended for Shirauah's younger brother, which caused the revolt, during which the elder sought refuge in India.................. .. We have a singular support to these historic relics in a geographical fact, that places on the site of the ancient Valabhi a city called Byzantium, which almost affords conclusive proof that it must have been the son of Nushirwan who captured Valabhi and Gajni, and destroyed the family of Siladitya; for it would be a legitimate occasion to name such conquest after the city where his Christian mother had had birth. Whichever of the propositions we. adopt at the command of the author of the Annals of Princes, namely, that the Sesodia race is of the seed of Nushishad, son of Nushirwan, or of that of Mahabanu, daughter of Yazdegird,' we arrive at a singular and startling conclusion, viz., that the Hindua Suraj, descendant of a hundred kings,' the undisputed possessor of the honours of Ramy, the patriarch of the Solar race, is the issue of a Christian princess : that the chief prince amongst the nations of Hind can claim affinity with the emperors of the mistress of the world'.... 6 It is really a town called Vaijayanti in Deccan,

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12 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ SEPTEMBER, 1927 "But though I deem it morally impossible that the Ranas should have their lineage from any male branch of the Persian house, I would not equally assert that Mahabanu, the fugitive daughter of Yazdegird, may not have found a husband, as well as sanctuary, with the prince of Saurashtra ; and she may be the Subhagna (mother of Siladitya), whose mysterious amour with the 'sun' compelled her to abandon her native city of Kaira. The son of Marian had been in Saurashtra, and it is therefore not unlikely that her grand-child should there seek protection in the reverses of her family." Such is Col. Tod's account of the princes of Mewar. It is needless to discuss every passage in his writings. A few facts only will suffice. As regards the sack of Valabhi, the Satrunjaya Mahatmya on which Tod relies seems to have been written in or later than the twelfth century A.D., for; it contains an account of the ruler Kumarapala (1142 to 1173 A.D.) of Gujarat. It, therefore, does not appear very reliable. Secondly, the inscription, the unexpected discovery of which is spoken of by the author, is really the Bejolyan inscription, dated Samvat 1226 (A.D. 1169), of the time of Somesvara, which speaks of the Chauhana king Visaladeva IV of Ajmer, whose fame is said to have spread even in the streets and turrets (Valabhi) after his conquest of the territory extending as far as Delhi and Hansi in the Punjab. Lastly, the discovery of the Samoli inscription of Siladitya of Mewar, dated Samvat 703 (A.D. 646) finally settles the matter. From the Alina copper plate inscription, dated A.D. 766 of the last Siladitya of Valabhipur, we know that he was the ruler of the Valabhi kingdom at least up to the date of the inscription, i.e., the latter half of the eighth century A.D. The final overthrow10 of that kingdom must have taken place later on, in or about A.D. 776. As the date of Siladitya of Mewar is Samvat 703 (A.D. 646), that of Guhadatta, his fifth11 predecessor, should fall in the latter half of the sixth century A.D., assigning an average rule of at least twenty years to each ruler. Thus Guhadatta, the founder of the Guhila dynasty of Mewar, had established his rule in Mewar long before the break up of the Valabhi kingdom. Hence, it is impossible to call Goha or Guhadatta a descendant of Siladitya VI. or VII.12 of Valabhipur. Next, we have to consider the connection of the Ranas with Persia. It may be noted that in the second century A.D., Saurashtra (Kathiavad) was under the Western Kshatrapas13 and not under Kanaksen, as Tod asserts. Noshirwan Adil ascende i the throne of Persia in September 532 A.D., and, after a glorious reign of about forty eight years, died in February 579 A.D. His son Noshizad hearing that his father was seriously ill, rebelled about 551 A.D. He was, however, not executed, but merely rendered ineligible for the throne by a slight facial disfigurement. Yazdegird was the last sovereign of the House of Sassan, a dynasty which ruled Persia four hundred and fifty years. He was defeated by the Arabs in the battle of Nahavand (A.D. 641) and was afterwards murdered in the neighbourhood of Merv in 651 or 652 A.D. After the overthrow of the Persian empire, the family of Yazd gird escaped with their lives and sought a safer refuge in the fortress of Haft-Ajar, the home of their ancestors. One daughter Meher Banu (Maha Banu) sought and Tod, Rajasthan, edited by W. Crooke, 1920, vol. I, pp. 275-80. 7 See Ind. Ant., vol. LVI, p. 11, n. 12. The word valabhi in the inscription has no connection whatever with the town of Valabhi in Kathiavad. See Tod's Rajasthan, vol. III, p. 1798. 8 Preserved in the Rajputana Museum, Ajmer. * Fleet's Gupta Inscriptions, p. 171. 10 Tod, Rajasthan, vol. I, p. 254, n. 2. Duff's Chronology, p. 67. 11 Ind. Ant., vol. XXXIX, p. 188, Inscription No. IV. 12 Dr. Fleet designates Siladitya VI. as Siladitya VII. In fact, Siladitya II. of his table did not ascend the throne, hence siladitya VII. in the table ought to be Siladitya VI. See Gupta Inscriptions, p. 41, (Preface). 13 Rudradama was the ruler then, as shown by his inscriptions, dated Saka Samvata 52 or A.D. 130 (Ep. Ind., vol. 16, p. 23), and 72 or A.D. 150 (Ep. Ind., vol. 8, p. 36).

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SEPTEMBER, 1927] THE GUHILA KINGS OF MEWAR 173 obtained relief in the stronghold of Gorab.14 Tod gives the date of the sack of Valabhi as A.D. 524; so, according to this date, the death of Siladitya VI. of Valabhipur and the subsequent retreat of his queen Pushpavati to Mewar, where Goha or Guhadatta was born, took place before Noshirwan Adil sat on the throne of Persia How could then " the period of the invasion of Saurashtra by Noshishad correspond with the sack of Valabhi in A.D. 524." In fact, the actual period of the fall of Valabhi in A.D. 776, as already shown, neither corresponds with the foundation of the Guhila dynasty in Mewar, nor with the accession of Noshirwan, Yazdegird, etc., on the throne of Persia. Let us now consider the inscriptions-(1) In the Atapur inscription of Samvat 1034 (A.D. 977), Guhadatta, the founder of the Guhila dynasty, is called a Brahmana (Mahidevah). (2) In the Chitor inscription, 16 dated Samvat 1331 (A.D. 1274) of the time of RAwal Samarasimha of Mewar, Bapa, a scion of the Guhila family and (eighth) in descent from Guhadatta, is said to be a Vipra' (Brahmana). (3) The inscription, 17 dated Samvat 1545 (A.D. 1488) of the time of Maharana Kumbha. karna's son Reyamala, also speaks of Bapa as a 'dvija' (Brahmana); and so also does the Ekalinga Mahatmya, also called Ekalinga Purdra, of his time. Now, as regards No. (1), we notice that in the sixth verse of the same inscription, king Naravahana, a descendant of Guhadatta, is spoken of as Kshatrakshetra,' 18 i.e., a place of origin of the Kshatriyas. Regarding No. (2), it is found that the same Nagara Brahmana Vedasarma, who comt posod this record, says in another inscription, 19 dated s. 1342 (A.D. 1285) that Bappaka (Bapa) obtained from Haritarishi the qualifications of a Kshatriya (regal qualifications) after he had bestowed on the sage those of a Brahmana (priestly qualifications), and that the princes, who were born in his race shone like the regal duties in bodily form. From the version of this inscription, it appears that the predecessors of Bapa performed the duties of a Brahmana (priestly duties) and that it was Bapa, who first renounced that practice. This is in accordance with Muhaot Nainsy's story written at the end ; the difference only lies in the fact that B&pa was the eighth in descent, and not tenth from Goha or Guhadatta (Guhila). In respect of No. (3), we have to state that in an inscription,20 dated Samvat 1557 (not 1597, as wrongly printed), of the time o ne ame Maharana Rayamala, Gubidatta (Guhadatta), Bappaka (Bapa), Khuman, etc. are illed Suryavansiya. Besides these, there are many other inscrptions which show the princes of the Guhila family to be Suryavamsi Kshatriyas. Among them. the following may be noted :(a) In the inscription, 21 dated Samvat 1028 (A.D. 971), of the time of king Naravahana of Mewar, the priests of the temple of Ekalingaji are spoken of as having diffused 14 The Historians' History of the World, edited by Henry Williams, LL.D., vol. VIII, pp. 88-98. Also, History of the Parsis, by Dosabhai Framji Karaka, C.S.I., vol. I, pp. 9-22. "bAnaMdapuravinirgataviprakulAnaMdano mahIdevaH / jayati zrIguhadattaH prabhavaH zrIguhilavaMzasya / / Ind. Ant., vol. XXXIX, p. 191. "basmAdAgasya vipazcatahAdhimahIvedinisimabUpo ! bappAkhyo vItarAgazcaraNayugamupAsIta (sISTa) hArItarAzeH / / Bhavnagar Inscriptions, p. 76. 11 zrImezpATabhuvi nAgara purevAppo vijaH zivapaNArcitacittavRttiH / Bhavnagar Inscriptions, p. 118. avikalakalAdhAro dhIraH sphukharajasaskarI vijayavasattiH bhacakSetra bhatAhasisaMhatiH / ............... 19H T OI TIET: Il Ind. Ant., vol. XXXIX, p. 191. 19 hArImAskila bappako'hivanavambAjena lene mahaH bhAtra dhAinibhAdvitIba munabe mAjhaM svasevAcchanAt ete'yApi mahIbhujaH kSititale tAMzasaMbhUtayaH zobhaMte sutarAmupAttavapuSaHkSAtrA hi dharmA iva // 11 // Ind. Ant., vol. XVI, p. 347. 30 Bhavnagar inscriptions, p. 141. 31 BBRAS., vol. 22, p. 167, vv. 14-15. See also R. B.G..H. Ojha's 'article on B&pa Ramal ki adne ke sikkA' (Ndgari Prachdrip Patrikd, vol. I, pt. III, p. 258).

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174 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ SEPTEMBER, 1927 the fame of Raghuvams from the Himalayas to Rama's bridge (a ridge of rocks at the southern extremity of India), that is, throughout the length and breadth of India. As the priests of the temple are the religious preceptors of the kings of Mewar, who are the donors of large estates to the temple, the word 'Raghuvamsa must refer to the Guhila family, to which the kings of Mewar belonged. (6) The inscription"3, dated Samvat 1335 (A.D. 1278) of the time of Samarasimha, while speaking of the Guhilot king Simha, calls him a Kshatriya. (c) In the inscriptionat on a well built by Maharana Mokala in Samvat 1485 (A.D. 1428) at Spingi Rishi, six miles from Ekalingaji in Mewar, Maharana Kshetrasimha, grandfather of Mokala, is said to be Mandanamani' (jewel) of the Kshatriya family. Now, the question ariser : how is it that Bapa and others are called Brahmanas in some of the inscriptions. The story narrated in Muhnyt Nainsy's khyata explains this deviation. The purport of the story is given below - After the death of her husband, the mother of Guhilot (Guhila) prepared herself for the pyre to Boconie a Sati in her state of full pregnancy, and as such was prevented by the Brahmanas from doing so. She was soon delivered of a son, whom she handed over to a Brahmana named Vijayaditya, who was praying for a son in the temple of Kotesvara Siva. The latter, however, refused to take charge of the child, remarking that, as the infant was the son of a Rajput, it would, contrary to the duties of a Brahmana, kill men, animals, etc., when it would come of age. On this, the queen assured him, on her honour as a Sari, that the child and its progeny would perform the duties of a Brahmana up to ten generations. The child was accordingly adopted by the Brahmana and brought up by him. Thus, according to the legend, the child and his descendants performed the priestly duties for ten generations and were called Nagda (Nagara) Brahmanas. This son of Vijayaditya belonged to the Solar race and was called Guhilot(Guhila) Somadata (Somaditya), after whom came Siladitya and others, 46 It seems, therefore, that some of the old writers (mostly Brahmans) have based their conception on this or a similar story, and have, either through ignorance of the real fact, or to gratify their vanity by identifying a prince of the blood royal with their own caste, called Bapa and others Brahmanas, in opposition to the writings of the Jain scholars. From what has been said above, we conclude that the Guhila dynasty of Mewar was established about two centuries before the fall of Valabhipur. The Persian dynasty was also reigning about the same period. But there is no connection between the house of Valabhi and either Mewar or Persia. Also there is no evidence that Nushizad came to India; nor is there any real evidence of the Persian descent27 of the Rands. Col. Tod himself writes in one place that "the prince of Mewar is universally allowed to be the first of the thirty-six royal tribes '; nor has a doubt ever been raised respecting his purity of descent88." In the case of inscriptions too, we see that, while one or two writers of one age have called Bapa and other princes of the family Brahmanas, there are many others who have called them Kshatriyas. In fine, neither did the kings of Valabhi owe their origin" to the royal family of Persia; nor did the princes of Mewas owe theirs to that of Valabhi.30 33 Ekalinga-LA-Diw&n' is the common title of the Ranas of Udaipur. 33 fra 1996 ..... raynary from TCT ... ante, vol. XXXIX, p.189. 14 samyagvarmaharaM tataH svatanabaM susthApya rAjye nije kSetra kSatriyavaMzamaMDanamaNi pratyarthikAlAnanaM // 5 // Unpublished Inscription at Sringt Rishi. 35 Muhnot Nainsy's Khyata, p. I. 26 Tod's Rajasthan, vol. I, p. 276, n. 2. 37 Ibid., p. 278, n. 2. 18 Ibid., p. 247. 39 About 2,000 silver coins bearing the legend 'Srf Guhila' were discovered near Agra (Cunningham's A.S.R., vol. 4. p. 95). From these as well as the Chatsu inscription of BAladitya (Ep. Ind., vol. 12, p. 13), it appears that Guhils and probably his descendants were ruling over the territories extending up to Ags in the north-east, 30 For s previous discussion of the prigin of the Guhilots, we V. Vaidye, History of Mediaeval Hindu India, vol. II (1924), pp. 83-89.-JOINT EDITOR.

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SEPTEMBER, 1927] BOOK-NOTICES 175 BOOK-NOTICES THE CHRONICLES OF THE EAST INDIA COMPANY about the Anglo-Chinese trade and those who TRADING TO CHINA, 1635-1834, by H. B. MORSE, carried it on, which he could not possibly leam LL.D. Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1926; 4 vols. otherwise. The book, however, is strictly This monumental work of untold labour, which chronicle, and the searcher will have to find out is of the greatest value to all students of the doings for himself the story of any particular institution. of the great East India Company, is based chiefly e.g., of the Hoppo, but he will find that the whole on the records at the India Office, placed of it is there. It is, indeed, a true mine of informaat the disposal of the suthor. Right good use tion and Dr. Mome shows himself to be a guide has he made of the liberajity shown him, to produce that can help the student to explore it successfully. a work which all must consult who wish to know The second volume carries on the story to 1804 the details of the work of the English in China and gives a chronicle of the same class of endless in the early days. There are unfortunate gaps trouble is heretofore, but the scene of course ever in the records up to 1775 for reasons the author, varies as the trade progresses and customs become perhaps wisely, does not explain, and like all gaps | * not explain. And like all capsl established. In 1788 there was an attempt the they occur just at the wrong time. One gap first of its kind to settle matters with the Chinese from 1705 to 1711 covers the periods of the small Imperial Government and Colonel Cathear of the gamation of the London and East India Companies. Bengal Army was sent out as ambassador, but - period of special interest and another of he died on the way and never mached China. In 20 years (1756-1774) covers important Vents 1793 took place the celebrated embassy of Lord like "The Seven Years' War and the North Macartney, which eventually failed in its purpose American Acts--the Stamp Act and the Toa Tax." of obtaining "& modest charter for the English Despite the defects in the records an immense trade," secured later on only by force in 1842. amount of information is placed at the disposal The trade, however, went on again in the old way of students, from the days of single ships under -trade trouble in China, wars in Europe. Opium super-cargoes, who were sometimes the Comman became important as a commodity, and continued ders themselves, to the yearly Council of Super to be very troublesome as an article of trade through cargoes, superseded in 1786 by the Select Com- all the Company's days. Dangerous incidents from mittee. The trade was ewentially an English time to time occurred, partly owing to the difference trade, in which a number of Scotchmen were between English and Chinese customs and ideas engaged, and was carried on by means of a small in regard to justice. One such incident was amount of goods and a great amount of dollars the very serious affair of the Lady Hughes in 1784, for investment in a not large selection of the when & Chinaman was accidentally killed in the products of China. It was carried on under firing of a salute. Chinese custom demanded enormous difficulties, and the records given in the Vengeance for the death whether accidental or other. book show an astonishing amount of human nature wise, and a highly dangerous situation arose. In 1799 on its worst, the greedy side. The first volume there was a similar incident over the Providence, of the Chronicles (1635-1774) shows the Chinese which, however, brought out the great valng of merchant, who might otherwise have been honest Sir George Thomas Staunton's knowledge of enough from old trade Association, under the Chinese. In this way, the Chinese trade was thumb of a new Tarter aristocracy, which had liable to entirely unforeseen disturbance over no knowledge of the ethics of commercial dealings, mere accidents and misunderstandings, to say and only the readiest and crudest notions of filling nothing of political troubles, such as the sudden their own pockets. That any trade was carried on death of an Emperor in 1799, to be succeeded by at all is evidence of English tenacity. another who rovered what he could of his predeces The volume commences with a new view of Wed. sor's acts, not necessarily however with evil effect. dell's voyage to Canton in 1637 for the Courteen The risks of carrying on trade were as great as ever. Association. From the delightful pages of Volume III takes the tale to 1820. Between Peter Mundy's account we have what may be 1805 and that date piracy had become a burning called the social and travelling sides of that venture. question and the opium trade still gave grave In this book we get the commercial side, which trouble. In 1807 occurred the case of the Neptune, shows that the Courteen venture did more har presenting the usual type of dispute where Chinese than good. Then the narrative goes on steadily and Englishmen were concerned, and leading to in great detail showing the strenuous and comeless & celebrated trial of English sailors before a Chinese struggle between the English adventurers and the Court. In 1808 the English temporarily occupied Chinose Officials. Here and there, by the way, Macao in the course of the wars then generally the reader leams, through Dr. Morse's clear current between European natione proceeding exposition and admirable notel, how the various that did little good to the English trade with the commercial habits and terms, now obtaining and Chinese. On the whole, however, trade proceeded mod, came one by one into existence. It is not a during the period 1806-1820 with perhape less book to review, but it tells the searcher things friction than before. In 1816 there took plaer

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176 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY another Embassy to the Emperor-that of Lord Amherst, when there occurred the famous dispute about the Kotow and the eventual repentance of the Chinese authorities. Incidentally the courage of the English traders in a great difficulty comes out clearly: "A firm and decided tone will generally carry a point in China provided the grounds are just and reasonable" are the words of the Select Committee on this occasion-words which may well be remembered. Affairs thereafter ran fairly easily for a while.. The last volume opens with the affairs of the Emily and the Topaze in 1821. The Emily was an American ship and the dispute was the old story of a more or less accidental killing of a Chinese by a white sailor. The result was trouble that endangered the American trade. The Topaze was an English Man of War and an affair arose because the killing in this case was only alleged. In 1822 there was a disastrous fire in Canton which included the English and all the Foreign Factories, but it did not destroy the trade even temporarily, which thereafter proceeded as usual with the same old troubles, sometimes aggravated by the action of the Company in England. On 31st January 1831 the English Factories moved to Macao and a dispute commenced with. the Chinese authorities, in which one can see the commencement of the troubles that led to war later on. On p. 292 Dr. Morse sums up the situa tion thus: "We see on the one hand a Chinese mandarin carrying out an imperial rescript, accustomed to acquiescence in any order he inight give and to implicit obedience as long as he was in sight, resentful and impatient at the leas hesitation or opposition to his will. He visits the factory attended by a rabble of undisciplined soldiers and runners, eager to forestall his slightest wish. On the other hand we see a body of English, who have recently emerged successful from a great war, in which they swept their enemies from all seas; whose (literally) brothers and cousins are administrators and rulers of the Indian Empire; who are fully conscious of their superiority over those who, for their part, assert their own superiority; and who have now reached the stage of having determined that they shall enjoy in Canton the same freedom and the same privileges as would be enjoyed by Chinese in London. Between two such diverse views, conflict was inevitable. What the Chinese did not see was that the inrush of the foreigner was not to be kept out by any artificial dams; what the Committee did not realize was that only military force could make the Chinese yield to their demands." And there is left the situation of the Trade with China under the East India Company. R. C. TEMPLE. THE WRITING OF HISTORY, by the REV. H. HERAS, S.J., Professor of Indian History, St. Xavier's College, Bombay. Madras, P. R. Rama Iyer and Co., 1926. [ SEPTEMBER, 1927 This excellent little book, of which the second title "Notes on Historical Methodology for Indian Students" show its purpose, is written entirely in the right way. It shows the student what history as a science is and then in what ways it should be studied, dividing the "science" into four parts: heuristics (collection of documents), criticism, synthe sis and exposition, leaving archaeology, the study of old monuments, buildings and ruins, as a subject apart. The author then gives us a long list of "the best works" on Indian History, which is one of the finest I have seen-a list worth the while of the most serious student to keep always by him. Subsidiary studies analogous to the main subject are not neglected, e.g. pictography as the study of old paintings and here again we are given a valuable bibliography. To numismatics is added a still better list of books and the same may be said of sigilography or the science of seals. To the study of tradition, the Jesuit letters, private diaries and letters and accounts of travel, court chronicles, State Papers, and so on, are attached a series of bibliographies of the highest value. Then follows some sage advice as to criticism, with a definition of that horrible "scientific" term hermeneutics-the effort to discover the reliability of documents. Still sager advice is given as to the constructive part of the historian's work after he has collected his facts and digested the result. Altogether Father Heras has put together the results of his careful. study of Indian History so well and so usefully that I as one student at any rate will keep the work by me for reference. I have, however, been. much interested in his describing (p. 2) the state. ments as to Mahmud Baigara's having been a "poison man" as an "individual fact." The story-it is told also by Varthema who was in Cambay in 1504-seems to me to be folklore and remini. scent of the old tales about the "poison maiden ". But the quotation given on p. 3 from Mirat-iSikandari as to his eating habits account for the des cription of him as a man of great grossness of body. R. C. TEMPLE. LORD MAHAVIRA, A SHORT SKETCH OF THE LIFE OF BHAGWAN MAHAVIRA, by HARISATYA BHATTACHARYA of Howrah, the Jain Mittra Mandel, Delhi, 1926. This is a short tract on the life of the founder of Jainism from the Jain point of view. It is. Tract 43 of the Delhi Jain Society and is useful for letting scholars have an insight into the Jaid ideas of their religion and its founder. The existence of these tracts that are being constantly issued is a sign of the recrudescence of Jainism and the anxiety of its followers that their tenets may become generally known. R. C. TEMPLE.

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OCTONER; 1927 THOMAS CANA AND HIS COPPER+PLATE GRANT 177 THOMAS CANA AND HIS COPPER-PLATE GRANT. BY THE REVO, H, HOSTEN, S.J., AND T, K, JOSEPH, B.A., LT. (Continued from payes 121-128 and 147-155.) Additional Remarks. Page 121, nole 1. The bulk of the first Malabar converts to Christianity consisted, according to tradition, of Namburi Brahmans or Nairs. The Nairs are Dravidians, like the vast majority of the population of South India. They differ from the dark Dravidians of the East Coast, because of free admixture with the Aryan Namburi Brahman im. migrants to Malabar. The wives of all the male members of a Namburi's family, except the father and the oldest son, are Nair women, not Namburi women, because, according to custom (now slowly changing), only the eldest son of a Namburi family can take a Namburi woman to wife. The children of the Nair wives of Namburis belong to the Nair caste, not to the father's caste. Such froe hybridization did not take place on the East Coast. Hence, the Malabar Dravidians are fairer and taller than the other Dravidians of South India. The Dravidians, according to most authorities, came to India from the East Coast of Africa or from somewhere between that coast and India, through the N.-W. Passes of India. They were Africans rather than Parthians.-T.K.J. (Some, like Schoff in his Periplus, hold rather that the movement was in the contrary direction, from parts of Asia near India to Arabia and Africa. H.H.] Tarideicalnaiquemar = Taritaykka! Naykkanmar, i.e., Christians of the Naykkar caste. Cf. the word Nayaks or Nayiks of Madura. Covilmar Kovilmar, people of the ruling caste, almost like Kshatriyas. Bramenes = Brahmans. Belalas = Vellalas, those of the agricultural class, something like the sudras. Taritaykkal (Malayalam and Tarnil) is from the Syriac Trisa (=right, Orthodox), from which Tarisa and Tarsa are also derived. *Tarisa Church of the Quilon copper-plates means Orthodox Christian Church' (orthodox, according to the per-onal estimate of the Christians of the Quilon Church in question). The l'ersian Christians who built the church were perhaps Nestorians.-T.KJ. Page 122. note 5.-Jack-wood (Artocarpus integrifolia) and obony (Diospyros melanoxylon) are used for crosses in Malabar. The former is yellow, and the latter jet black, and both take a high polish. T.K.J. Paje 125, note 15.-Mahadevar Pattanam was the same as, or part of, the Christian quarters at Cranga. nore. It means the city of Mahadeva, i.c., of siva, the Hindu god. Literally, Maha-deva means the great god. That is why the British Museum MS. of 1604 has the city of the great idol' (god) in tho translation of the Thomas Cana Copper-plates. The oldest form of the name is Makotai. Maktaiyar =he of Maktai, the king of Makotei. His pattanam (=town) is Makotaiyar Pattanam, which later became Mahadevar Pattanam, with a different meaning. In Sanskrit it has become Mahodaya Puram = the city of great prosperity, puram being but a synonym of pattanam. Tho derivation of the oldest form Makotai is uncertain. Could it be from Mahsa, or Mahusa, the wellknown name of a town in Mesopotamia, from which immigrants perhaps came and colonised Cranganore ? The modern Malayalam form of Makotai is Makota.-T.K.J. Can it be proved that the name MahAdovarpattanam did not at one time mean the city of the Great God,' i.c., the God of the Christians ? 'The Rev. Fr. Bernard of St. Thomas, T.O.C.D., a Syrian, identifies Sandarak, to which somehow he adds Mahosa, with Cranganore. He states further that Mahosa is Syriac for town'. Of his A brief Sketch of the History of the Syrian Christians, Trichinopoly, 1924, p. 4. If that were so, Cranganore and Mylapore might have been called Mahosa, and perhaps the Maishan of The Hymn of the Soul, which St. Thomas sang in the land of the Indians, is Mylapore.-H.H.) Mahosa does not mean town'; it is the name of a town.-T.K.J. The Mahuza mentioned by Jacob of Sarug (A.D. 500-521) in conneotion with the meeting of Habban and St. Thomas, must have been in Mesopotamia : for Thomas objected to going to India. Assomani (Bibl. Orient., t. 3., para. 3, p. 761) distinguishes two Mahuza in Mesopotamia : one a suburb of Bagdad, called Caroha, Corch or Caroh, the other, called Arjuna, in Assyria or Adiabene. A. Mingana, The Early Spread of Christianity in India (roprinted from The Bulletin of the John Ryland's Library, vol. 10, No. 2, July 1926. p. 60), hasa Karka de Maishan, ancient capital of Mesene (Maishan) towards Barnsh. The Malabar accounts which bring St. Thomas to India from Barrah would seem to have identified Jacob of Sarug's Mahuza with Perath-Maishan, near Basrah, which had a bishopric in A.D. 226. Of. Mingana, op. cit., p. 61. The Margam Kali Song, for which Mr. T. K. Joseph consulted two Kottayam editions, one of 1910, and an earlier one having a colophon with the date 1732, brings Thomas and Habban from Mahs8,' the earlier edition spelling it Mahoda. Ittup's Malayalam History of the Malabar Syrian Christian Church, Cochin, 1869 (2nd od., Kottayam, 1906, consulted by Mr. T. K. Joseph) has Mahsen in Yasse (ric., p. 78n.). The Thoma Parvam of 1601 makes St. Thomas and Habban embark in Arabia. In an itinerary of St. Thomas, do Couto gets the name Marhozaya, and states that Bishop Francisco Roz, J., was of opinion it was Malacca. Of.

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178 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ OCTOBER, 1927 Da Asia, Dec. 12, 1. 3, c. 4; t. 8. Lisboa, 1788, p. 273. Marhozaya is probably again Mahuza of Mesopotamia. Do Couto objected that no ships went direct from Mozambique to Malacca and that St. Thomas came to India from Marhozaya.-H.H.] Page 125, note 16.-I know of no records in which a Cranganore era is used. There are many in which the Vypin era, counted from the almost sudden formation of the island of Vypin during the extra. ordinary flood of A.D. 1341, occurs. It is known as the putu vaippu ( new deposit) era in Malayalam. Vypin (Malayalam Vaippe) is an island 13 miles long and one mile broad, on the north side of Cochin.-T.K.J. Page 125.The copy of the olla.. says faithfully this." This statement has led me to think that Bishop Roz writing in 1604 had before him the Jew's (p. 149 infra) transcript of the original inscription, or at least a copy of that transcript, from which the prelate made his faithful Portuguese trans. lation. Bishop Roz knew Malayalam fairly well. Is this transcript or its copies still extant? It may be among the old Portuguese MSS. from Malabar, and a search has to be made for it in the British Museum or in one of the archives on the continent.-T.K.J. Page 127, note 27.-The names as reconstructed by me (on 22nd August 1925) from the rotograph are:-(1) Kotasseri Kantan, (2) Cherukataprattu Chattan Komaran, (3) Achchutan Kantan, (4) Amendttu Kantan Kirulan, (5) Cherumalaprattu Trivikraman Komaran, (6) Peruvalandtte Atittan Chinnan, (7) Peruvalanattu Chattan Koran, (8) Vikraman Chinnan of Katutturutti, (9) Airani Perunkoyil.-T.K.J. Page 127, note 28.-[ Esta escritura sedelat[a] e [tam]ba afortunada, This must be a translation of the usual phrase kaiyeluttu. Sri,' occurring at the end of old inscriptions. It means literally 'handwriting. Prosperity. Sri' (Lakshmi) is the goddess of prosperity or luck, and the word is usually written at the beginning of any kind of writing (letters, documents, etc.) as an auspicious symbol, and sometimes at the end, as the signature of a person. In the present instance it is the signature of the royal donor. By scdilata does the translator indicate that a sign or seal is put in the plate just before Sri ?-T.K.J. [The date when the Thomas Cans copper-plates were executed is not given. The seven kinds of musical instruments, the five kinds of tribute, and the limits of the property assigned to Thomas Cana are not enumerated. Shall we say that there were other copper-plates specifying these points, or that the translator omitted the specifications? What shall we think of the following tradition which I have never found referred to by the Portuguese? "One Kerala Ulpatti (i.e., legendary history of Malabar) of the Nasranis, says that their forefathers. built Codangalur, as may be learned from the granite inscription at the northern entrance of the Tiruvanjiculam temple." Cf. Dr. Gundert, in Madras Journal, XIII, 122, quoted in Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Shinkali. In January 1924, I spoke of this text to the Dewan of Cochin, who believed that the inscription had been buried near the temple on the arrival of Tipu Sultan in Malabar. I went to Tiruvanchikulam in February 1924, inquired, was disappointed, but was shown instead, at some distance from the temple, half-buried under a bamboo clump in a private garden, an enormous stone with an inscription, which has since been read by Mr. T. K. Joseph.-H.H.] At the instance of C. W. E. Cotton, Esq., C.I.E., I.C.S., of the Indian Historic Records Commission, this stone now known as the Vatasseri Stone was more than a year ago acquired by the Cochin Government and removed to the Trichur Museum, in Cochin. The inscription on it seems to be the earliest known record relating to the Cochin royal house. Paleographically it is, I think, of circa 1000 A.D.-T.K.J. [We must suppose that Mgr. Roz secured a copy of the Portuguese translation made by the Jew mentioned by Lucena (p. 149). Roz declares that he copied faithfully what he had before him. Do Couto probably obtained his copy from Roz, and changed it in a few points which to hien appeared of little consequence. -H.H.] Page 127, note 30.-Sendaruk alias Andrapolis, was certainly outside India. So, it cannot be Cranga. nore. Please scrutinize the Acta again. [Answer: Mr. T. K. Joseph may have been impressed by Dr. J. N. Farquhar's paper "The Apostle Thomas in North India" (reprinted from The Bulletin of the John Ryland's Library, vol. 10, No. 1, January 1926). There we find, pp. 19-20, Dr. Farquhar identifying with Andropolis (sic), a town at one day's sail up the Nile from Alexandria, the Sandaruk and Andrapolis of the Acts and the Andranopolis of the Passio. Andropolis was situated on the left bank of the Nile, and is now Chabur or Shaboor. Is that satisfactory ? The only reason we might have to make St. Thomas come by the Red Sea is that Habban is made to meet St. Thomas at Caesarea in the Passio; bui, considering Jacob of Sarug and our Indian authorities quoted above, to which we could add other Indian authorities, we might suspect that Cesarea is a mistake for Basrah or Maishan. Be that as it may, Sandaruk must be identified with Cranganore. [Habban takes Thomas homewards to India in a ship, to the royal town of Andrapolis and from there goes to the cities of India, whence he reaches Gundaphar. Cf. M. R. James. The Apocryphal New Testa ment. Oxford, 1924; Greek Acts, p. 366, SS 3; p. 371, SS 16. In the De Miraculis the town is not named. Thomas was often commissioned by the Lord to visit Citerior India. Habban comes and takes him to the first city of India, in Citerior India, the voyage having lasted only three months, though it always took three years. (St. Jerome, says that the journey by the Red Sea would take a year, and that six months was fast.) From this unnamed city in Citerior India, where Thomas assisted at the marriage-feast of the

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179 OCTOBER, 1927 ] king's daughter, the feast being mentioned under Sandaruk and Andrapolis in the Acts, Thomas soon leaves for Ulterior India, the king and many of his people following after him to be baptised, and the king be. In the Passio coming a deacon. Cf. Bonnet, Acta Thoma, Lipsia, 1883; De Miraculis, pp. 97, 98, 101. Habban comes by ship to Caesarea, and in 7 days takes Thomas by ship to Andranopolis; after the marriage feast of the king's daughter, both sail away, and reach Gundaphar. Cf. Bonnet, op. cit., pp. 133, 135, 139. In the Syriac Acts we have: "a certain merchant, an Indian, happened to come into the South country from "(the British Museum MS. being injured here, the name of the place is not legible). Cf. Ind. Ant., 1903, p. 4. The Berlin and the Cambridge MS. have: "a certain merchant came from the South country." The missing word in the British Museum MS. is perhaps Hindustan, as Burkitt thought, cf. ibid., 160. I propose Mahuza with Medlycott, and suggest that the South country from which Habban came was for the author South India, Malabar or Mylapore, since none of our four earliest authorities seems to know that Gundaphar reigned in the North-West, while Indian and Mesopotamian accounts, from at least Barhebraeus (124686) place Gundaphar at Mylapore. Possibly Jacob of Sarug does the same (A.D. 500-521). I cannot consult him, but I know that he makes Habban ask of Gundaphar whether it is possible to build without foundations in the sca. The Malabar accounts have brought Habban from Mylapore to Mahuza and back to Mylapore. THOMAS CANA AND HIS COPPER-PLATE GRANT [My reasons for identifying Sandaruk with Cranganore are: (1) The name Antrayos (Andrew) given by the Thoma Parvam of 1601 to the king of Tiruvanchikulam (Cranganore). Compare it with Andrapolis, Andranopolis, Adrianopolis, and note that, as Sandaruk or Sanadruk of the Edessan Syriac Acts is the name of an Edessan king, the third after Abgar, i.e., Sanatrue or Sanatrugh, Abgar's sister's son, the form Sanadruk or Sandaruk is least reliable, unless like the other names it can be connected with same name like Andrew or Antrayos. The ending uk must be compared with uth in Cosmas Indicopleustes' Mangaruth (for Mangalur, Mangalore). (2) The Malabar tradition assigns to Cranganore the marriage-feast of the king's daughter, which in the Acts and Passio takes place at Sandaruk, Andrapolis or Andranopolis. The De Miraculis, as we have said, places it in the first town of India, in Citerior India, where Thomas first landed, thus agreeing with our other three sources. (3) The author of the Passio says (Bonnet, op, cit., p. 139) that, soon after, Thomas sent a priest to Andranopolis to take charge of its church, and that in his own time the See of Thomas was still there, with a great multitude won over to Christ. The first bishop appointed to Andranopolis by Thomas was Dionysius, the king's son-in-law. In the Thoma Parvam we find that the sonin-law (T.K. Joseph translates by nephew') of the king of Tiruvanchikulam, i.e., Cranganore, is called Bishop Keppa (Peter). The Dionysius of the Passio is therefore the Peter of the Thoma.Parvam. Possibly, one gives his heathen name, and the other his Christian name, or the name he took on becoming a bishop. As neither the Acts nor the De Miraculis has a name for Dionysius, and the name in the Passio differs from that in the Thoma Parvam, the Thoma Parvam is independent, while both the Passio and the Thoma Parvam confirm each other. [The Thoma Parvam is also independent of our earliest authorities for the name Andrew given to the king of Tiruvanchikulam. The Passio gives him no name; the De Miraculis neither; but the latter says, on the occasion when Sifur, Mazdai's general, meets Thomas, that present at the meeting was St. Thomas' deacon, the king of the marriage-feast celebrated at the first town in India where Thomas had landed. In the Acts the deacon present on the same occasion, to whom Thomas entrusts the people of the place, is called Xanthippus (Syriac Acts), Xenophon (Greek Acts). We must conclude that the deacon Xanthippus-Xenophon is no other than the deacon-king of Andrapolis. The meeting between Sifur and Thomas must therefore have taken place at Andrapolis: for the deacon-king must have returned to Andrapolis with his people after pursuing Thomas in the direction of Gundaphar's kingdom, perhaps to Gundaphar's capital, chiefly as Thomas remained at least two years in Gundaphar's dominions. The Thoma Parvam is independent of our other authorities in that it calls the king Andrew, and does not allude to his becoming a deacon. It is independent in other matters as well. Shall we say that the Thoma Parvam borrowed the name from the name Andrapolis, or Andranopolis or Sandaruk, when it calls Andrew king of Tiruvanchikulam? Shall we not say rather that the name Andrew is represented in Andrapolis or Andranopolis and is older than the Greek Acts? The same for Sandarak, if it can be connected with a name like Andrew? We have then the very curious fact that the following Greek names Xanthippus, Xenophon, Andrew, Dionysius, Pelagia (the name of the king's daughter), Andrapolis, Andranopolis, Adrianopolis, all refer to Cranganore. Compare this with the Greek influence from Alexandria and perhaps Mesopotamia exercised on the Malabar coast in the first two or three centuries of our era, and with the fact that we have at Kuravalangad, in Malabar, a Christian bell with an inscription of which we suppose the characters to be Greek rather than anything else. Note also that the Passio states that an inscription on the tomb of Pelagia declared in Greek and in the Greek character: "Here rests Pelagia, the spouse of Bishop Dionysius, who was the daughter of Thomas the Apostle." [The Passio agrees in so many matters with the Thoma Parvam alone, while yet differing from it in substantial points, that we must say both have preserved details older and more reliable than the Gnostic dcts we now have. The Passio is quoted by Isidore of Seville (d. 636) and in the Mozarabic liturgy. It is

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180 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ OCTOBER, 1927 older than the De Miraculis, which borrows from it, but only partly, in one point of importance, the scene in the Temple of the Sun. The De Miraculis is itself quoted by St. Gregory the Great (d. 610), and it cannot be by Gregory of Tours (d. 593-594), for the simple reason that it represents the removal of St. Thomas' relics in the lifetime of Mazdai, whereas Gregory of Tours, who knew the Passio, says it took place after a long time. If the Passio were of A.D. 450, it would still be of respectable antiquity. It vouches for the hierarchy, deacon, priest, and bishop, established at Cranganore by Thomas and its continuity until 18 late as A.D. 450, the date we suppose. It does so in a manner clearer than any other document we have. In turn, the Malabar tradition vouches for the apostolicity of the Mylapore Church and for Thomas' death and burial at Mylapore. We now see that, with the See of Thomas at Cranganore up to A.D. 450, it can do so authoritatively. The St. Thomas question is solved for Mylapore, and solved on the most satis. factory lines, those of the Malabar tradition. [It matters little now if the Thoma Parvam is suspect in certain matters. It would be invaluable, had it kept only the name Andrew of the king of Andrapolis and the name Kepha of his bishop son-in-law.-H.H.] Andrew and Keppa of Thomas' Ramban's song of A.1). 1601 nre mere fabrications, I suspect. The song is entirely unfounded, although it is said to be basod on a MS. of tho I st century. "I have altogether ignored the song. It is a pious fraud, if I may say so. These are my chief reasons for regarding the song as spurious (1) The author says that this song is an abridged vorsion of an account written in the first century AD. But none other than he has heard of or seen such an important historical document--neither Barbosa, De Barros, Correa, Menezes, Gouvea, Roz nor any other person eagerly searching for documents relating to the history of the Malabar Church. The first-century document that suddenly manifested itself to Thomas Ramban (=Thomas the Monk) in 1601 A.D.-where has it gone ? (2) This song, which the author himself says was composed in A.D. 1601, is in point of style and language more modern than another well-known Malayalam song of A.D. 17:32, called the Marga-Kali Song. (3) The song gives a good many astoundingly minuto details--for instance, tho names of Antrays (Andrew) king of Cranganore, of Koppa (Cephas. Peter) his nephew consorate bishop, and of Paulos (Paul) king of Mylapore also consecratod bishop: the amount of time the apostlo spent in ench place; the respective numbers of Brahmans (0850), Kshatriyas (2590). Vaisyne (780), Sadras (4280) and Jews (40) that he converted; the number of the kings (1) bat he ordained priests, of the chiefs (21) that he made trustees of the common fund, of the dead (29) that he raised to life, and of the diseased (1260) that he healed. But not even a single one of these details is found either in the traditions of the respective localities in Malabar, or in other records in Syriac or Malayalam. That nieans that from the first century A.D. until the discovery of the song about twenty years ago-i.., for about 1830 years--the details recordou theroin had no existence in the world of actunlity. T.K.J. REMARKS BY T.K.J. (1) Even before Dr. Farquhar wrote his paper mentioned by the Rev. Fr. Hosten, I was under the impres. sion that Andrapolis (Sandarak) was outside India of the present day. But whether it is the Andropolis pointed out by Dr. Farquhar, I do not know. (2) The earliest versions of The Acts of Thomas-the Syriac and the Greek-say that the apostlo first landed in Andrapolis (sandarok), a royal city, and then came into the cities of India and went away to appear before 'King Gudnaphar. From this most scholars have inferred that Andrapolis (Sandarak) was outside India (3) Of the later versions the Passio gives us to understand that Andranopolis was only a seven days' sail from Caesarea, and that the apostle had to sail further to reach India. So the Passio agrees with the Syriac and Greek versions in this respect. (4) According to another later version, De Miraculis, Habban takes Thomas to the first city in Citerior India, and thence they leave for Ulterior India. About the time when De Miraculis was written Citerior India meant even the lower extremity of Arabia -(Medlycott's Thomas, P. 178). Ethiopia was India Interior (loc. cit.), or the Indies (ibid., p. 172). Arabia Felix also was the Indies (ibid., p. 177). To Rufinus (about 340-410 A.D.) India the Farther was Abyssinia.-(ibid., pp. 182, 188). And "at least in Saseanian times" (226-651 A.D.) "and doubtless earlier, there prevailed an idea of an India in the west as well as an India in the east."-Cambridge History of India, I, 325. See also Mingana: Early Spread of Christianity in India, reprint, 1926, pp. 11-14. So Citerior India of De Miraculis was outside modern India (5) It is clear therefore that all the four early versions of The Acts place Andrapolis (Sandarok) outside modern India. It is only in the later Malabar and foreign recensions or adaptations in Syriac. Portuguese, etc.) that we find Andrapolis identified with Cranganore, and Gudnaphar with the Chola king of Mylapore. And it has to be specially noted that these recensions or adaptations are later than the latest of the first four versions already referred to by at least half a dozen centuries. Like Thomas Ramban's Sony of

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THOMAS CANA AND HIS COPPER-PLATE GRANT 181 OCTOBER, 1927] 1601 A.D. they appear to have received sudden inspiration. Barhebraeus (1246-86) seems to be the earliest writer (barring, of course, the Syriae and Grook martyrologiaa of c. 700, which mention Calamina, i.e., probably Chinnamalai, near Mylapore) who connects St. Thomas definitely with South India. Cosmas (c. 535) says nothing about St. Thomas in Male (Malabar). (6) As already shown Thomas Ramban's Song is spurious, and must be ruled out of court. (7) "Thoma Parvam of 1601." Thomas Ramban's Song of 1601 A.D. is not the same as Thoma Parvam, another Malayalam song about St. Thomas. The song of 1601 and Carmen Thoma Ramban' used in Zaleski's The Apostle Thomas, Mangalore, 1912, are the same. (8) "The name Antrayos " (Andrew) given by the song of 1601. The Margam-Kali Song (in Malayalam) about St. Thomas, which was the sole, undisputed authority for all Malabar Christians until the publication in 1916 of the song of 1601 A.D., and is still jealously regarded as such by the Southist section claiming descent from Thomas Cana, calls the king not Andrew, but Pol. I think we need not hesitate to affirm that both these songs got the names from Andra-polis, the Margam-Kali Song taking the latter half, and the song of 1601 the former. Both the songs seem to be adaptations of the Passio or De Miraculis. (See Remark No. 13 infra). (9) "Son-in-law." The word in the original (marumakan) has the senses of son-in-law and nephew. (10) Thoma Parvam is independent." Correct Thoma Parvam into Thomas Ramban's Sony of 1601, as indicated in Remark No. 7, ante. The song of 1601 seems to be, on the contrary, dependent on, and in fact an adaptation of the Latin versions of The Acts, interlarded with a large number of details seemingly invented by the author. (See ante, p. 180). (11) The Malabar tradition vouches," etc. I beg to submit that we should say Malabar tradition of recent centuries. But was Malabar tradition of the first, second, third, fourth and the succeeding two or three centuries, identical with that of subsequent centuries? We do not know, because the early Malabar tradition has not come down to us in written form. (See my "St. Thomas in South India," Ind. Ant.. December, 1926). Tradition grows and is constantly pruned and grafted. The St. Thomas tradition of Malabar must have been no exception. (12) "It would be invaluable, had it kept only the name Andrew." As already pointed out in Remark No. 8, the Margam-Kali Song which, unlike the upstart song of 1601, is still religiously treasured by the Malabar Christians as an invaluable possession, calls him Pel, not Andrew. And, be in noted that this Margam-Kali Sony makes Thomas land first in Mylapore, then takes him to Pol's daughter's marriage feast (at an unnamed place outside the Mylapore king's territory) and to other countries including Malacca and China, back again to Mylapore, thence to Cranganoro and other places in Malabar, from which country he goes again to Mylapore in obedience to the king's indignant summons and is later killed in a riot at the temple of the goddess Kali. On the other hand, the song of 1601 makes Thomas land first in Cranganore in A.D. 50, and, without allowing him to preach in other parts also of Malabar, hurries him away to Mylapore, whence he proceeds to China and returns to Mylapore. At the invitation of a nephew of the king of Malabar he sails back to Cranganore, establishes churches in that kingdom, goes back to Mylapore on foot, returns to Malabar on foot (across the Ghats) with the help of angels and goes back again to Mylapore, where he is killed. (13) Pol, king of an East Coast territory, mentioned in the Margam-Kali Sony, and Andrew of Cranganore on the West Coast, mentioned in the spurious song of 1601 can easily be traced to Andrapolis of The Acts, the name of a city. Thomas Ramban, the author of the latter, though unscrupulous, seems to have been the more learned of the two bards. For he recognised that Andrapolis could mean Andrew's city, and so christened the king Andrew. While the other called him Pol, most probably because he mist ook Andrapolis for a personal name, of which the latter half was to him a surname. (14) A close study-comparative and analytic-of all the available versions of our Malabar tradition has convinced me (a) that they are not faithful, consistent reproductions of contemporary tradition, but confused essays, studies, or lucubrations based on the materials that the authors could lay hands on, and (b) that the tradition in its modern form contains two layers.-(1) the purely indigenous story of the saint who lies buried in Mylapore, and (2) the story of The Acts of Thomas.-T.K.J.66 Page 128, note 31.-Barbosa mentions two churches at Cranganore, which must have been burnt down when the Christians fled to Katutturutti and built a church there. When? Before 1590. I must see the Parur inecription. I write to the Vicar.-T.K.J, [At page 148, note 44, supra-We find that before A.D. 1516 there was at Cranganore a Church of Our Lady of Mercy, and another of St. Thomas. This latter was destroyed in 1536. Mgr. Roz (cf. text ibid.) states that a Syrian MS. of 1507 mentions at Cranganore three churches: Our Lady's, St. Thomas' and St. Quirce's. In a Syriac MS. of A.D. 1301, the deacon Zechariah, a relative of Mar Jacob, director of the Church of Christian India, states that he writes in the Church of the martyr Mar Cyriacus of Shingala (Cranganore) 66 Not having seen Mr. Joseph's rejoinder before it was in printed proof form, I reserve my answer for a future number of the Indian Antiquary,--H.H.

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182 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [OCTOBER, 1927 Cf. Mingana, op. cit., reprint, p. 69. Mar Jacob, Metropolitan of India, wrote unothor Nyriac MS. in the Church of St. Thomas of Shingonia, in A.D. 1510. Cf. ibid., p. 70. Do Couto states that, after building 8 church at Cranganore, that of St. Thomas, still existing in do Couto's time on the same site, but renewed, Thomas Cananeo built two othors, those of Our Lady and of the martyr St. Cyriacus. Thu Church of St. Thomas at Cranganore existed probably in A.D. 988, when we hear of one Mar Johannes, Metropolitan in Malabar. The name and the date are found in a relation dated Trichur, Cochin, 1820, and were taken from a Syriae MS. of the Cana ncode Church, near Quilon. Cf. The South India Christian Repository, Maciras, 11 (1838), p. 195. This Mar Johannes of A.D. 988 may be the Mar Johanan of Ceanganore mentioned by Bishop Roz of Cranganore (p. 147 supra). [Probably the Christians of Cranganore suffered whenever the Jows of Cratganore were the object of attack. Zeireddien Mukhdom, an Arab, Egyptian, or Turk, who was sent to help Calicut and the Muham. madan princes against the Portuguese, and whose account ends in A.D. 1580 (cf. Asiatick: Researchins, vol. V: "Historical Remarks on the coast of Malabar" by Duncan, r. 22) says that in A.H. 991 (A.D. 1524-25) there was a Jewish settlement at Cranganore, which the Muhammadans attacked fiercely, killing the Jews and destroying their houses and synagogues. Many thon fled to Chenotto or Chennamangalam. Alter that, Cranganore was to them distasteful. In 1565, on the occasion of another war between the Samorin and Cochin, they fled to Cochin, where their first leaders were David Baleha, Samuel Castil, Ephraim Salan, and Joseph Levi. In 1567 thoy had completed their synagogues and some other buildings. S. Germann, Die Kirche der Thomasrhristen, Gotersloh, 1877, pp. 255-956.-H.H.] Page 128, note 39.These names mom to be Kottur, Katanate, Opamturutte, and Narimastat; but I am not sure at all. I must enquire. These are all names of places now existing : but there is a rich family by name Kottur, which is now in possession of the lands of the old Villyarvarttain king or the king of Malabar Christians.-T.K.J. [I understand that these are names of families which came from the Mylapore side, perhaps on the occasion of the persecution launched by Manikka Vabakar. A Malabar Christian MS. of c. A.D. 1870, which Mr. T. K. Joseph wrote to me about, places in 293 the flight of Christians from Kaveripattanain to their brethren in Malabar, and in 315 the arrival of Manikka Vasakar at Quilon. These dates are remarkably close to Geiger's date 315 for Manikka's supposed visit to Ceylon, and to the date 270 in V. A. Smith. litup's History refers to the arrival of & Manichean of Persia before this persecution of Manikka Vadakar. The Malabar accounts also state that the Christians of Mylapore were persecuted by Manikka Though he is now held to have been a Saivite, he may have been himself a Manichean. The people of Vaper or separ, on the Fishery Coast, who, according to Mgr. Roz and do Couto, recollected still that they were of the caste of the Christinns, may have been apostaten. It was the opinion in Malabar in 1699 that some of the Mylapore Christians had fled to the Todamals or Mountains of the Todas, in the Nilgiris. Two expeditions were sent soon after to reconnoitre. The first brought back favourable news; the second, returning from the buffalo.worshipping Todas, spoke adversely. We now discover on the eastern slopes of the Nilgiris scores of stones with a crose, which in my opinion can be nothing else than Christian. [Do Couto speaks of the Cortali Christians of Paru (Parur), who said that the first Indian city wisere St. Thomas landed was Mahadevarpattanam. Compare the name Cortali with the name Kottur.-H.H. Page 728, note 35. The proper Malayalam pronunciation is Katutturutti.-T.KJ. Page 128, note 36.-Cotete is Kottayatte (e as in her,'father), the locutive of Kottayam. T.K.J. Page 128, note 36.There is a place Kotamalur, north of Kottayam. But did Menezes, coming from Diamper, even north of Kotamalar, retrace his steps to Kotam alor from Kottayam ? Gouvou must be consulted.-T.KJ. (The itinerary in Gouvea's Jornada is : Diamper, Cottete, and Coramallu, in the country of the king of Porca. On the way from Cottete to Coramallu, de Menezes was met by the Queen of the Tecu neutes. From Coramalur (a new spelling), de Menezos organised a mission to the Mallons, who were supposed to bo apostato Christians. Two Cassanars of Doramallur (read: Coramallur) went, and met the Archbishop later at Angamale. While de Menezes was at Coramallur (new spelling), the king of Porea came up the river with about 100 boats to celebrato at Coramallur, as he did every year, his birthday. From Coromallur de Menezes went to Diamper. cf. fols. 79-85r.-H.H.) My identification of Coramallu seems to be correct.-T.K.J. Page 128, note 37.-It seems to be Tura vur (r as in rat), north of Kottayam.-T.K.J. Page 117, note 38.-The earliest mention of the vision and the body of emigrants, that I have buil occurs in Bishop Thomas' Syriac letter of A.D. 1721 to Carolus Schaaf of Leiden. The Syrian priest Mathew's Syriac account of about the same time (cf. Ind. Ant., March, 1997-Land's Anecdota Syriaca ') refers to the vision and the body of emigrants. The song for the dance referred to by Fr. Hosten is the Mdrgam Kali Song of A.D. 1732, of which he now has a translation of mine. Other short songs about Thomas Cana, sung along with this song of 1732, are of about the same time,

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OCTOBER, 1927) THOMAS CANA AND HIS COPPER-PLATE GRANT 183 I have found no reason yet to think that the vision and the emigration were not in the Malabar tradition when Monserrato, Gouves and others wrote their accounts. Are de Barros and Gaspar Correa also silont on the matter 1-T.K.J. Page 147, note 40.-I have heard of Jewish colonists in PAlayur (= PAlur). but not of Armenians. I must enquire.--T.KJ. Page 147, para. 2.-Thomas Cananeo among the saints. No, he was a mercbant.--T.K.J. Page 147, para. 2.-A wife and a concubine. Thomas Cananeo is even now said to have had a wife of his own nationality, and a concubine belonging to the velutistan or washerman caste of Malabar. We know that concubinage is a regular recognised institution among the Jews (those in Malabar too) and other Semitic people. Until recent times it was often so among the indigenous Malabar Christians also, the concubines in this case, as in the case of the Malabar Jews, being women converts from low caste Hindus, who are usually retained as maid servants. The offspring of thes, Christian concubines are Christians, contemptuously termed vatukar, and are put very low in the social scale. To call a pure-bred, high caste Malabar Christian a vatukan may cost the offender his life. Family tradition tells which Christian is of high caste and which a Vatukan. The distinction is now-a-days vanishing. The Malabar Christian system of concubinage was condemned at the council of Diamper in 1599 (Act 7, decree 13).-T.K.J. Page 147, note 11.-Bishop Mar Johannan, before the arrival of the Portuguese in A.D. 1498. This may be Bishop Mar John sent to Malabar in the year 1801 of Alexander (= A.D. 1490) by the Catholicos Mar Simoon, Patriarch of the East. In a letter from Malabar written a year after the year 1814 of the Creeks (= A.D. 1803), ho is described as "still alive and hale." The letter must have been of A.D. 1504. There is another Mar John of A.D. 988 (cf. p. 181, n. 44 of p. 148).-T.K.J. Page 148, para. 1.-The Cranganore Church of St. Cyriacus was in existence in A.D. 1301, for the colophon of a Syriac book (Cod. Syr. Val., N. xxii), containing a church Lectionary of the Pauline Epistles, says it was finished in that Church on a Wednesday, in June, of the year 1612 of the Greeks (=A.D. 1301).-T.K.J. Page 148, para. 2.- Patna is Mahadevarpattanam, Cranganore. "This king was a Christian." No, he was a Hindu.-T.K.J. Page 148, para. 2.-Coulao is Quilon in Travancore. "In many things their memory." Many things in memory of their antiquity ? "Padroes." The reference must be to the public copy on stone of the Thomas Cana plates. "Temples." Better, Churches.--T.K.J. Page 149, para, 4.-" They presented them to the Governor," "Thoy means the Malabar Christians. But where did Faria y Sousa get the following specitic details? In the year 1544 came to Cochin, Jacob, a Chaldean bishop of Cranganore, where being dangerously sick, he sent for the treasurer. Peter de Sequeyra, and told him neccssity had obliged him to pawn two copper plates" (those of Thomas Cana" with characters engraven on them, which were original grants and privileges bestowed on the Apostle St. Thomas" [no, Thomas Cana, the merchant)" by the sovereigns" [better, sovereign, singular) " of those countries, when he preached there :" (Thomas Cana did not preach, but carried on trade)" that he desired him to release them, lest they should be lost if he died, for if he lived, he would take them out bimself. This prelate found the only way to lose them, was trusting the Portuguese ; for Sequeyra paid the two hundred Royals they were pawned for, put them into the Treasury, and they were never more heard of."--Portuguese Asia, II, 506. Perhaps the Governor, Dom Affonso took them away in A.D. 1545--T.K.J. Page 149, para. 4.--"Writing already almost spoiled by age." That would show that the plates were much more than a thousand years old in 1544. For the Jewish plate of 1085 A.D. is still as good as new.and the Quilon Church plates of circa 880, though broken to pieces, have the characters quite deop and legible. Of course, we assume that these three sets of plates being considered very valuable, were carefully preserved by the owners under similar conditions of safety. 1544 minus say 1100 = 444, which makes the year 345 A.D., assigned by tradition to the Thomas Cana plates, very probable.-T.K.J.

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184 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ OCTODER, 1927 Page 149, para. 4.-" To the Apostle St. Thomas." No, to the merchant Thomas Cana. The Apostle Thomas is in Malabar called Mar Tomma. The merchant Thomas also can be called Mar Tomina, Mar, meaning Lord, being applicable to Christ, the Apostles, Patriarchs, Bishops, masters, and other respectable men. Carolus Schaaf, of Leiden is addressed as Mar Carolus in the Syriac letter of 1721 previously referred to.--T.K.J. Page 119, para. 1.-"A Temple and a Church." Thomas Cana and his Christian followers had no use for a temple.-T.K.J. Page 119, last para.-A.D. 886. This date may perhaps apply to the Quilon Church plates of about A.D. 880, granted in the reign of Cheraman Peruma! Sthanu Ravi. Cheraman Perumal simply means the Emperor of Malabar. It is not a proper name, although many take it as such. One of these emperors became a great Saivite saint and is always known as Cheraman Peruma! Nayanar, and not by his proper name, which is unknown. (See also page 149, foot-note 56).-T.K.J. Page 150), para. 1.-" Chronogram Shovala," pronounced Sovala. Generally, it is only significant words that are used as chronograms. But Sovala is meaningless in Malayalam, or Tamil, or Sanskrit. It may be that the author of the chronogram was not able to find a word which would at once give sense and indicate the date. But Suvolo (Suvala) in Syriac has a mcaniny (question or enquiry). Since the date is given in the Christian era, it is evident that the chronogram was made in Malabar after the Portuguese advent in A.D. 1498. For that cra was not in vogue in that country prior to that date. The era of the Greeks was in use among the Malabar Christians in prePortuguese times. The date then must have been (345 +311=) 656 anno Graecorum.--T.K.J. Page 150, para. 2.-"Franciscans." The Malayalam name for the Portuguese was (and is) Parunki (Feringhee). Did the Jesuit writer of 1604 mistako Parujiki (the Portuguese) for the Franciscans ? Should we not search for the priceless plates in Governor Martim Affonso de Sousa's house? Mar Jacob, though he apprehended death in 1544, died only in 1549. He did not however recover the plates as expected, not because he did not care or endeavour to do so, but because the Parunkis (Portuguese) had taken them away to their country. Page 151, note 60.-The Syrian MS. of the Canancode Church, near Quilon, to which I referred above (p. 182, n. 14 of p. 148) states that Marsa boro and Ambraot (sic for Gouvea's Mar Xabro and Mar Prodli) "landed at Cranganore in company with the merchant Towrio (sic) in Kollum era 1, or A.D.-825." That MS. should be rediscovered. The Kollam ora, as suspected by Yule, must be a Christian era, and so may the Salivahana era be a Christian era.-H.H. Page 151, paru. 1.-" They count the year of the foundation of Coulao." It can now be regarded as certain that the Quilon (or Malabar) era began with the foundation of the city of Quilon in Travancore in A.D. 823 by the foreign merchant Sabriso mentioned as a very important personage in the famous copper-plates of the Quilon church. In many old Travancore inscriptions we find the expression such and such a year after Kollam tonti "i.e., after Quilon came into being. This coming intoexistence must have been the result of Sabriso's activities, for we find one of the Quilon Church plates (of circa A.D. 880) describing him twice as innakaram kanta, i.e.,' he who established or founded this city.' A Keralolpalti (legendary history of Malabar) version has the following: "Previously there was no Quilon (era); there was only Kali (the era) to know the year. As this was not understood by all, the year in which the Brahmans of the 64 villages, the kings of Malabar, and the Quilon merchant together dug a lake" (probably a harbour for Sabriso's ships) ... "in that year the temple was finished. From that time (the) Quilon (year) has been put before the position of) Jupiter. (The) Kali (year) is not known to all; only astrologers know it. (The) Quilon (year) everybody can know. So (the) Quilon (year) and (the position of) Jupiter are used together" [Translation).

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OCTOBER, 1927) THOMAS CANA AND HIS OOPPER-PLATE (RANT 185 The Quilon merchant mentioned in this Hindu tradition must be Sabriko. Probably there was a silting up of the Quilon harbour prior to 825 A.D., and also a destruction of the city by an encroachment of the sea. (See foot-note 60.) Quilon has now a fast receding sea coast. That must have been the case in old times also. For according to local tradition the church of St. Thomas, the famous marble pillar on the Quilon coast and several other structures are now said to be in the sea. (See also Paulinus : Voyage to the E. I., pp. 115, 127)-T.K.J. Page 152, para. 1.-Ollas, properly olas. Ola in Malayalam is palm-leaf. Leaves of the palmyra palm (Borassus flabelliformis) and the talipot or fan-palm (Corypha umbraculifera), were and even now are used in writing. Ollas of copper means copper-plates in the shape of glas. These copper plates seem to be none else than the existing plates of the Quilon church. The language of the inscription on these plates is old Malayalam (almost Tamil) with some names in Hebrew, Pahlavi and Arabic, and the characters used are (1) Grantha, (2) Vatteluttu, (3) Hebrew, (4) Pahlavi and (5) Kufic. Having heard of copper-plates in a house in Tovalakkara, I made enquiries, but was told that no such things existed. Probably they exist, but, as visual, the owners are not willing to let others sce them. I know of several other copper-plates actually in existence, and have been long after them in vain. The owners, being ignorant, narrow-minded, and suspicious, are afraid of taking them out. In course of time these plates will be destroyed or melted for making brass vegsels.-T.K.J. Page 152, para. 1.-Gadejagal stands for kadisakal, enints.-T.K.J. Page 152, para, 4.- The Queen of Changanate is the queen of Quilon. Gundara is Kuntasa near Quilon.-T.K.J. Page 152, para. 4.-" Three big copper ollax." The Quilon Church copper-plates, Set 1, consisted of three plates, the last of which is now missing. This set is of rirra A.B. 880. Each plate of this set is 8.8 in. X 3.2 in. ("* two palms x four fingers "). The Quilon Church plates, Set 2, of c. 880, originally had four plates (first plate now missing), ench 9.1 in. x 3.3 in. The rings of both these sets are now missing.-T.K.J. Page 153, para. 1.--"Written on both sides." No, the obverse side of the first plate of Set 1 is left blank, as ugual. The "iron ring" is now missing.-T.KJ. Page 153, last para.-" 13 versions." They are mere hearsay versions widely differing from the Portuguese translation of 1604. True, these versions are not genuine. But we can get some nuggets of value out of them by careful crushing, washing and sifting..--T.K.J. Page 163, note 63.-"Sanscrit version ", i.., A version in Malayalam language and characters. On analysis I find that du Perron's version is a medley of the inscription on-- The Quilon Church plates, (1) Set I, plate 1, reverse. (6) Set 1. plate 2, obverse. (2) Set II, 2, observe. (7) 2, reverse. 2, reverse (8) 3, obverse and reverse, and # 3, obverse. (9) Of A hearany version of the Thomas Cana plates. (5) > >> 3, reverse -T.KJ. Page 154, para. 1.-"Contents valuable." Yes, because it gives us the names of witnesses engraved on the now missing plate 3 of the Quilon Church plates, Set I.-T.K.J. Search for the Thomas Cana Copper-plates. (After I had written my article on the Thomas Cana copper-plates, I sent a copy of it to Mr. C. W. E. Cotton, Agent to the Governor-General, Madras Statos, Trivandrum, who wrote to Lisbon, asking that a search for the plates be made in the Torre do Tombo of Lisbon. On March 28, 1926, Mr. C.W.E. Cotton wrote to Mr. T. K. Joseph, Trivandrum (No. 1166-25) "With reference to your letter, dated 11th June last, I have the honour to inform you that the two copper-plates characterized as the Magna Charta of the St. Thomas Christians of Malabar are not in the Torre do Tombo at Lisbon. His Majesty's representative in Lisbon (3)

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186 THE INDIAN ANTIQCARY [OCTOBER, 1927 also advertised in a widely read newspaper stating that any information as to the whereabouts of the copper-plates would be welcomed. The appeal, however, though published several times, has not evoked any response. "2. As regards the two plates which you allege to have passed into the possession of the English when the Cochin Fort was surrendered to them, I have ascertained that there are no records bearing on the subject in the Madras Record Office." (A copy of this letter was communicated to me. Towards the end of 1926, I received in addition from Mr. C. W. E. Cotton a typed copy of an article in Portuguese on the Thomas Cana copper-plates published in the Epoca by the Rev. P. J. Monteiro de Aguilar. I am now recovering that article from a priest in India whom I supposed erroneously to be the author, and trying to get into touch with the author in Portugal. The article would be worth translating for the Indian Antiquary. [On January 19, 1926, Mr. T. K. Joseph wrote to me: "All day on Dec. 23, a friend of mine in Lisbon, Mr. K. M. Panikkar, M.A., Bar.-at-Law, had the Torre do Tombo ransacked, but Dr. Antonio Baiao, the Director-General, could find no copper-plates. My friend is making a search through the Ambassador H. E. Veiga Simoes." (We should not give up hope yet. If a new search is made, we might begin with the State Archives of Goa, which are now being put in order.-H.H.) SOME SOUTH INDIAN GOLD COINS. By R SRINIVASA RAGHAVA AYYANGAR, MA. I. Some Old Maratha Coins. FANAMS OF RAMA RAJA. A FIND of two hundred coins was reported in 1908 from the village of Kiltayanur, Tirukkovilur Taluk of the South Arcot District, Madras Presidency. They were then acquired for the Museum by the Government of Madras; sixty five of them were distributed among different Provincial Museums and 134 sold to the general public and numismatists. These coins were then wrongly identified as Kali fanums. Kali fanams, or as they are sometimes called Kaliyugarajan fanams, were current in Kerala or North Malabar in the early centuries of the Christian era. Elliot in his history of South Indian coins says that there were two kinds of these, one issued by Kolatnad or Chirakkal Raja and the other by the Zamorin of Calicut, who, to distinguish this issue from earlier oncs, called thein pudiya (new) fanams. Both these coins though accepted and used as a mediun of exchange in Kerala or North Malabar, were not recognized as legal tender even in the contiguous province of Travancore. So in the early centuries when the means of communication was so small and the country was divided into several principalities cach under separate and independent administrations, it is not probable that these coins came to the eastern district and were current there. We may fairly conclude that Kali fanams were never accepted or used in places other than Kerala. Vincent A. Smith in his Catalogue of Coins in the Indian Museuin, Calcutta, vol. I, bas included this as the coinage of Travancore State, and has brought them under gold Janams of eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. On page 316 he has described them as follows: Obverse-a kind of dagger and other marks. Reverse-characters not read. . This coin is figured as itein 10 in plate XXX (page 324). later, in 1918, there was yet another find of eighty similar coins from Kattambatti, a hanilet of the village of Kannalam in the Gingee taluk of the same district. In design, shape, size, weight and the character of the metal used (inferior gold 13 carats fine these are exactly like those of the 1908 find. They are almost all of them round varying from 2 to 22 of an inch in diameter and cup-shaped. They are almost of a uniform

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Indian Antiquary PS 5 20 17 R. SRINIVASA RAGHAVA C, WHITTINGHAM A GRIGGS, COLL COLL SOME OLD MARATHA COINS.

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OCTOBER, 1927] SOME SOUTH INDIAN GOLD COINS 187 weight from 5 to 51 grains. Of these latter eighty, thirty-eight have one side blank [No. 4 in Plate). All the eighty have on one side a figure formed by lines anildo ts, with the sun and moon on either side of it. On the reverse side of forty-two there is a legend Rama Rau' ( a) [No. 2 in Plate) in Devanagari script-Rau is apparently intended for Rao Rama Rao, as the title Rao indicates, is a Maratha name and the tern (Rao) is affixed to the names of persons eminent az soldiers, clerks, etc. The title is purely a Maratha term generally applied to a ruling chief or king. Palaeographical evidence clearly shows that these coins were neither Pallava nor Chola ones and wo know that they were not of the Vijayanagar empire, for they do not resemble any of the Vijayanagar coins that we know in design, shape, weight or quality of the metal. No viceroy of Vijayanagar appears to have issued coins in his own name. Moreover no viceroy with the name of Rama Raja Appears to have ruled over these parts where these coins were found. The genealogy of Gingee chiefs that is available from inscriptions, Nos. 860 and 861 in Appendix B of the Annual Report of the Assistant Archaeological Superintendent for Epigraphy, Southern Circle, Madras, for 1917, gives the names of several chiefs from Khemu to Ramabhadra Naidu who is said to have ruled in Saka 1593 (A.D. 1671). Twenty chiefs appear to have ruled between Khemu and Ramabhadra Naidu, and even allowing twenty-five years for each chief, Khemu, the first chief, would take us down to 1093 Saka or A.D. 1171. Further, palaeographically the age of these coins has to be put later than the sixteenth century. It must therefore be concluded that these do not belong to the Vijayanagar period. The Mughals conquered the parts, where these coins were found only at the latter part of the seventeenth century. We know that the Dutch at Negapatam and the French at Pondicherry issued coins of exactly the same des. cription as the coins of the 1908 and 1918 finds, and they were current on the east coast before the Mughals overthrew the Marathas and assumed sway over their territories. Having thus eliminated all the other dynasties that ruled over these parts we have the Maratha period left as the only period to which we can ascribe the origin of these coins. Gingee, which is very near the two places, from where we had two of these finds, was during this period a seat of Government and was considered a place fit enough for a viceroy to reside and rule, and there is no other place near about these villages in the district which was at any time a seat of Government. So these must have been issued from the mint at Gingee, and we have also on record that Rama Raja, the second son of the famous Sivaji who captured the fortress of Gingee in 1677, had continued to rule hero as king and that he had issued a firman to the Hon'ble the East India Company, who in 1690 entered into negotiations with Rama Raja, the Maratha king of Gingee, for the purchase of a small fort at Devanampatnam, near Cuddalore, on the site of the existing Fort St. David, and which both the French and the Dutch had previously endeavoured to buy. Tho firman runs thus:"that the sole Government and possession of the same shall be in the said English Company and their Governors, etc., so long as the sun and moon endures, to be governed by their own lawes and customes both civill and martial and criminall and to coyn money either under our Royal stamp or such other as they shall judge convenient, both in silver or gold ...." This clearly shows that Rama Raja himself had a mint of his own and issued coins in his own name. This Rama Raja is the same as Rama Rau ( re) that is referred to in the legend on the coins under reference. The fact that some of these coins do not have any legend may go to show either that Rama Raja himself had copied the design from coins that were current earlier, or that he himself issued them first without the legend and later on added the legend to impress his own power and importance. In any case there can be no doubt as to the fact that these are of Marath issues, and that they have no manner of resemblance or relation to Kali fanams as was erroneously supposed. i Gazetteer of South Arcot District, p. 42.

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188 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [OCTOBER, 1927 Rama Raja as he was called Rajaram by the Marathas was the second son of Sivaji by Soyera Bas. When Sivaji died Rajaram was ten years of age. Soyera Bai wanted to set aside the claims of Sambhaji, the first son of Sivaji, and to place Rajaram on the throne. She did so but Sambhaji captured by force the fort of Raigarh where Rajaram was, made him a prisoner and ascended the throne in 1680 A.D. Sambhaji continued to rule, but the Mughal Emperor Aurangzeb marched to reduce the South of India to his rule, and having blotted out Bijapur and Golconda turned his arms against the Marathas. Aurangzeb was gradually closing in upon the Maratha country and suddenly captured Sambhaji and put him to death. Then the Marathas unanimously declared Rajaram, Regent during the minority of Sivaji, the son of Sambhaji who ruled subsequently as Sabu. Aurangzeb was pushing on his campaign and was taking fort after fort when Sahu and his mother were taken captives. Rajaram now thinking that his personal safety was in danger decided to proceed to Gingee which was their stronghold, wherefrom he could conduct the administration of his kingdom securely and not fall into the hands of Aurangzeb. As soon as he reached Gingee, Rajaram was formally seated on the throne, and he established a court on the plan of his father. The new court began to exercise all the powers of Government. Gold bangles, cloths, shawls and letters announcing the event were secretly forwarded to all the principal Hindus throughout the Maratha kingdom, and inams and jagirs bestowed, by which acts the sympathy of all Marathas was secured. It was from Gingee that the whole administration of the Maratha country was conducted. It is therefore clear that Rajaram did occupy the throne, but some of the Marathas "jealous of the right of the elder branch do not admit that he ever sat on the throne, but they say that he sat on the gadees merely as regent holding the powers of the State in trust for his nephew." Whatever it may be. he was virtually ruling the Maratha country and was in power. It was with this king that the authorities of the East India Company in Madras negotiated to purchase the fort of Devanam patnam. The firmant which he issued to the East India Company was drafted for his signature by the writers of the Company at Madras, and it begins thus:-" Wbereas we Ram Raja by the Providence of God king of the Chengie kingdome and territories have at the desire of the Honorable Elihu Yale Governor and Council of the citty and castle of Maddras." Here he is stylod as Ram Raja, and so it is clear that Ram Raja is no other than Rajaram, the second son of Sivaji. In the records of the East India Company he was styled Ram Raja. Gingees was under the sway of Sivaji and his son Ram Raja between 1677 and 1698. In 1698 it fell into the hands of the Mughals. These coins were therefore issued by Ram Raja during the period from 1683 to 1698. These may be called Rama Raja fanams as their weight is the same as that of other known fanams of South India. The lines and dots on the obverse side of the coins may at first sight appear to repre. sent a dagger but from a knowledge of coins generally we know that the dagger is not usually used alone. But it is sometimes used in seals on grants with other emblems of royalty, with the sun and moon to denote eternity. We know also that in ancient times these lines and dots were in some cases used conventionally to represent some figure or other. So I think that the lines and dots on the coins now being discussed may represent only the figure of the Raja, and this view receives confirination from the Devanagari legend on the reverse side. We learn that coins similar in design were minted by the French at Pondicherry and by the Dutch at Negapatam with their respective bale mark on the reverse. The figure 3 James Grant Duff's History of the Mahrattas, revised by 8. M. Edwarder, 1921, vol. I, p. 283. 3 James Grant Duft's History of the Mahrattan, p. 371 note. 4 South Arcot District Gazetteer, p. 41. 6 Ibid. p. 3150, and foot-note under. 8 Cto Maurin Nahuy's Numismatique des Neerlandaiver, part II, page 14.

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OCTOBER, 1927) SOME SOUTH INDIAN GOLD COINS 189 is similar to that found on coins struck at Pondicherry by the Dutch during their occupation of it from 1693 to 1698. It was thought by Colonel Pearse to be Kali or Suli of Tanjore. It is also stated that this design was found anterior to 1693 in the coins of Negapatam and the Dutch copied this design from them. He states without quoting any evidence that this design was extant as early as the second century of the Christian era during the period of the Guptas ; but from the existing literature on the coins of Guptas we do not find any such design on record. Therefore this appears to be a later design, but current in the Eastern Districts at the beginning of the seventeenth century, and the French, the Dutch and the Marathas have copied it from that earlier design. II. Some Chola Coins. A treasure-trove consisting of twenty-one gold coins was found in survoy No. 169, Parla village, Kurnool District, on 2nd December 1918. These gold picces were discovered during the removal of stones from a tiell. Under the provisions of the Treasure Trove Act, the find was declared ownerless and was acquired for the Government Museum, Madras. The treasure comprises fourteen vardhas, six Kadamba fanams and one-quarter Kadamba faram. It is with these fourteen carahas that the present paper deals. The fourteen vardhas are all round and are of the well known Chalukyan type caller Padmatanka. They preserve their cup-shaped form in almost all cases. One of them is thinner and larger than the others. They show various punch marks on the surface, the most prominent of which are the two auspicious symbols. Sri' in old Telugu-Kannada script on either side of the periphery at the ends of the horizontal diameter. At one extre. mity of the vertical diameter is found in Telugu-Kannada character the name or title of the king who issued the coin, and at the other end is found a hook attached to a spear bearing the sun and moon. There is also a stroke below the hook. The other symbols are the figures of a lion or tiger with open mouth, raised paw and twisted tail, very crudely repre. sented by dots and lines. The central part is occupied by the figure of a lion. The reverse side of the coin is blank. Ten of the coins bear the legend ['nta)kaka,' one of them bears 'nnakiti 'another Aksha).' another kshada' or 'Ksha[pa'l and one na. 'The legends are incomplete. These fourteen varahas are of five different types : Xo. 1. This comprises ten coins. They are round but slightly bulging ont on the four sides. [Nos. 14, 15 & 16 in tho Plate.) Size. Varving froin 20/24 to 21/24 of an inch in diameter. Weight. Varics from 51.25 to 55.5 grains. Description. At the top of the vertical diameter is the legend 'Inta Jkaka' in Telugu. Kannada script, and at the other end there is a spear with a hook turned towards its proper left. The handle of the spear is turned towards the centre of the coin. There are two dots on the proper right of the spear, which probably stand for the sun and moon. The symbols Sri' are found at the extremities of the horizontal diameter. The inter-spaces are tilled with pollets, dots or rows of dots which pro. bably represent lions. Vo. 2. Number. There is only one coin of this kind. [No. 17 in the Plate.] Size. Round, 1 1/24 inches in diameter. Wcight. 54.5 grains. Description. It bears the Telugu Kannada nnakiti' at the top of the vertical dia. ineter. Right below at the opposite extremity we find an ankusa. The symbols * Sri' are found at the uxtremities of the horizontal diameter. There is a standing lion in the centre and along the border, and the inter-spaces between the four punch marks already described are stamped with the figures of standing lions,

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190 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY OCTOBER, 1927 No. 3. Number. There is only one coin of this kind. [No. 18 in the Plate. Size. Round but bulging out on four sides. The horizontal and vertical diametere nre 20/24 and 21/24 of an inch. Weight: 55 grains. Description. The legend 'A[ksha]' in Telugu-Kannada appears at the top of the vertical diameter. Right below at the opposite extremity is found the spear with the hook turned towards the proper right. There are three dots on the proper left of the spear, The symbol 'Sri' is found at the extremities of the horizontal diameter. The inter spaces are filled with pellets, dots or rows of dots, which probably represent a lion. No. 4. Number. There is only one coin of this kind. [No. 19 in the Plate.) Size. Roughly round, varying from 19/24 to 20/24 of an inch in diameter. Weight. 55 grains. Description. A star surrounded by a number of dots with the moon, which is indicated by a dot within a circle, is found at the top of the vertical diameter. At the other extremity is found the legend 'kshada' or 'Ksha(pa)'in Telugu-Kannada characters. The symbol Sri' is found at the extremities of the horizontal diameter. The inter spaces are filled with figures of lions. No. 5. Number. There is only one coin of this kind. (No. 20 in the Plate] Size. Varying from 20/24 to 21/24 of an inch in diameter. Weight. 55.25 grains. Description. The legend 'na 'inverted in Telugu-Kannada is found at the top of the vertical diameter. At the other extremity we find the spear with the hook and three dots, as found in No. 3 described above. The symbol 'Sri' is found at the extremities of the horizontal diameter. The inter-spaces are filled with figures of lions. The several legends noted above are all incomplete and until more coins with sufficiently intelligible legends are forthcoming it is not possible to say what they mean. Nnakiti' may probably stand for 'Punyakirti,' and from the existing records we know of no king with such a name. There existed one Chola chief Punyakumara? by name who is supposed to have flourished in the eighth century A.D. The coins are similar to the Telugu-Chola coins of the Kodur Treasure Trove case and were probably issued by the Telugu-Chola chiefs who were ruling in the Telugu districts in the thirteenth century A.D. III.--Coins of Kavaliyadavalli Treasure Trove Case. In September 1921, wbile some men were grazing their cattle on a hillock near the village of Kavaliyadavalli, Atmakur taluk, Nellore district, they were attracted by the glitter of metal, and on close examination discovered some coins on a slab in a potsherd. They are sixteen in number, four big and twelve small ones. These form a hitherto unknown variety and are of some interest, and a closer study of them is likely to give valuable information to the history of Numismatics. By size, shape and weight and the legend and other marks found on them they group themselves under different heads. Class 1. These consist of three big gold coins, which are nearly of the same diameter, only varying from 78 to 82 of an inch, and are of the same weight, 55 grains each. The metal is 16 carats fine. They are round-shaped and are of the well known Padmatanka type. They are cup-shaped and bear various punch marks on the surface, the most prominent of which is the symbol Sri' in old Telugu-Kannada script on either side of the periphery at the ends of the horizontal diameter. At the top of the vertical diameter is found in old Telugu script a legend which reads as R[@]yasa' and a portion of 'ma' in coin No. 1; Yasamu' in coin No. 2, and 'Samu in coin No. 3. [Nos. 5, 6 & 7 of the Plate. vol. XI, p. 344, oticed in Malepadu plates of Punyakumara.

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OCTOBER, 1927] SOME SOUTH INDIAN GOLD COINS 191 Putting these three together, we get a fairly intelligible and complete legend [RA]yasamu.' At the bottom of the vertical diameter is found a symbol which may be taken to represent a crown. Besides, there are a few indistinct impressions in the interspaces which perhaps are intended to represent lions. The reverse is blank The terin Rayasanu' ordinarily indicates clerkship. Of course the legend cannot be supposed to mean only clerkship. So it should have a more appropriate meaning. We find that under the Vijayanagar rulers some viceroys had the title of Rayasam.' After the conquest of Udayagiri by Sri Krishna Deva Raya it was made a seat of a Provincial Government. Rayasam Timmarasa vya and Rayasam Kondamarusayya were viceroys there in succession. Venkatappa was a viceroy during the reign of Achyuta Deva Maharaya. Rayasam Tirumalayya was a governor under Sri Vira Pratapa Deva Raya in Saka 1496. Rayasan 8 Ayyappa was a governor at Konda vidu in Saka 1453. Though all these viceroys enjoyed the title of Rayasam, Kondamarusayya was the most powerful of them, BO powerful that he was even addressed as Maharaja. He10 planted the Vijayanagara colours on the Simhadri and Srikurmam hills during Krishna Deva Raya's famous campaign in the north. Hell conquered the Reddis who ruled at Chundi and annexed their territory. He was so powerful and enjoyed such great independence, that in his own name he made several grants for the spiritual benefit of his master. If only the legend 'Rayasamu' is to be our guide we may be tempted to conclude that these coins were issued by this powerful viceroy. But on palaeographical grounds we have to assign these coins to an earlier datele, Again the shape and size are so dissimilar to the extant Vijayanagar types and are more like those issued by the later Chalukyas of Kalyani and the Telugu Chola chiefs who ruled in parts of the districts of Cuddapah and Nellore. Further these coins bear a mark which is exactly the same as those found on coins of group X of the Kodar Treasure Trove Case13, which are ascribed to the western Chalukya king Jagadekamalla. This mark was then thought to represent a temple, but on closer and more careful examination it seems to me to represent a crown. So far as our present knowledge goes there is no western Chalukyan king or Telugu Chola chief who enjoyed the title of, or had the name, 'Rayasamu.' So unless and until we get further evidence from inscriptions or records which may be discovered in future we cannot ascribe these coins either to the Chalukya kings or to the Chola chiefs. Am badeva 14 of the Kayastha family was a feudatory of the Kakatiyas. Ho defeated several Telugu chiefs and overthrew Sripati Ganapati. Ambadeva usurped the Kaka. tiya throne in the interval between the reigns of Rudramba and Pratapa Rucra Deva. After the overthrow of Sripati Ganupati, Anibadeva assumed the title of R&yasahasramalla, It would be too far fetched to suppose that our legend Rayasamu' was a contraction of R&yasahasramalla (Raya' for Raya, 'sa' for Sahasra and 'mu' (taking it to be ma) for malla), und we know of no instances in which there have been such contractions in the case of legends. Upon palaeographical grounds we have to ascribe these coins to about the same period as that during which Ambadeva Hourished. In shape, size, weight and in the quality of the metal used these are very much the same as the one under class II, which as 8 Mackenzie MSS., bk. XVIII, p. 104, and Local Records, vol. 57, pp. 265-256. Nellore Inscriptions, p. 1264, 10 Inscriptions of the Madras Presidency, vol. 1, PP. 7-8. 11 Nellore Inscriptions, pp. 478, 479 note. 13 The first point in regard to this view is whether Vijayanagar viceroys were allowed to issue gold coins. Secondly, whether the combination of the legend is valid. Rayasa, it will strike one is the terminal syllables of a Prakrit legend.-ED. 13 Madras G. O. No. 1106 (Home Dt. Misc.), dated 11th October 1917. 14 Madras Epigraphy Report for 1912, pp. 76, 77.

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192 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ OCTOBER, 1927 will be seen later on, is identified as a Kakatiya coin which was current some twenty or thirty years before the period of Ambadeva Maharaja. Hence it may be possible to hold that these coins were issued by Ambadeva who had for his model the earlier coins of the Western Chalukyas of Kalyani, or it may be that these legends were & second time impressed on the western Chalukyan coins that existed before. These are some of the possible theories which may be advanced as to the date and origin of these coins. But nothing definite can be said about them until fresh and more assuring evidence is obtained. Class II. There is but one gold coin in this class. [No. 8 of the Plate.] It is almost round and has a diameter of 8l of an inch and weighs 56.25 grains. The metal is 16 carats fine. The symbol Sri is found on either end of the horizontal diameter. At the top of the vertical diameter there is a legend ('ka]ti' and at the bottom, 'Gana' in old Telugu script. The interspaces are filled by figures of what may either be a lion or tiger, with open mouth, raised paw and twisted tail, all these very crudely represented by dots and lines. The other side is blank. There was a dynasty of Kakatiya kings very powerful in the twelfth century. Ganapati was the greatest of the kings of this dynasty. We read from Ganapesvaram inscription, 16 that he conquered the entire country of Velanandu, which extended from the borders of the Guntur district to the modern Ellore. After subjugating the north he turned to the south and extended 1 his empire far into the interior of the Tamil country. This is evidenced by the factit that one of his Viceroys, Samanta Bhoja at Kanchi, granted the village of Kalattur to Ekamranatha temple at Kanchi for the spiritual merit of his master. From the MOtupalli inscription 18 it appears that he extended his conquests as far as the cast coast. Inscriptions of this king are found in the Podili and Darsi taluks of the Nellore district and Ongole taluk of the Guntur District. Inscriptions of Pratapa Rudra Deva, another of the Kakatiya kings, are found in plenty in the taluks of Atmakur, Kandukur and Nellore, all which abundantly prove that the Kakatiya empire embraced almost the whole of the modern Nellore district. Therefore the village of Kavaliyadavalli in which this coin was discovered was presumably within the Kakatiya kingdom. It seems to be clear therefore that the '[ka]ti' of our legend is a contraction of Kakati and represents Kakatiya, and 'Gana,' Ganapati, the most powerful of the Kakatiya kings. The name Kakatiya is derived from 'Kakati,' the name of the goddess, whom they wor. shipped. This coin ought to be identified as the coin issued by Ganapati of the Kakatiya dynasty, and between the years of 1199 and 1260 A.D., as from inscriptions 181, 196, 213, 220, 194 and 196 of 1905 noted in the Madras report on Epigraphy we infer that wanapati reigned during that period. Sir Walter Elliot in his History of South Indian coins says that in many of the seals of the grants and some coins of the Kakatiya dynasty he found a bull couchant between two candelabra with an umbrella above and a chowrie on each side. Unfortunately he does not mention the names of the kings whose seals and coins be had examined. We have uot come across any coins of the Kakatiya dynasty answering to his description. In the geals of grants of Ganapati we do not find any bull, candelabra or unbrella. Instead, in the seal attached to the grant 19 of the village of Kolavennu by Ganapati we find a boar with the sun and moon. In the copper-plate grant of the time of Ganapati noticed in page 122 of the Annual Report on Epigraphy (Madras) for 1917, there is a seal which bears the emblems of a boar and a cow. Verse 13 in the Ekamranatha inscription states that the mudra 16 Epigraphia Indica, vol. III, p. 82, 18 Mad. Epi. Rep. for 1910, p. 106. 17 Ind. Ant., vol. 21, p. 197. 18 Mad. Epi, Rep. for 1910, p. 107. 19 Catalogue of Copper-plategrants in the Madras Museum, p. 26.

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OCTOBER, 1927) SOME SOUTH INDIAN GOLD COINS 193 (seal) of Ganapati was a boar. 30 The rrudra 21 (seal) of Pratapa Rudra Deva was a boar. On the east face of the pillar on which the Anumakonda inscription" of Prola, grandfather of Ganapati, is engraved we find a Jaina figure flanked by a cow and a calf on one side and a dagger and a shield on the other. Thus the mudra of Prola too contains a cow, and we nowhere find a bull among the seals of grants or inscriptions of any of these kings. It is not therefore easy to understand how Sir Walter Elliot came to make the statement that the emblem of the Kakatiyas was a bull. However this may be, in the coin under investigation we find lions in and around the contre. From the foregoing discussion I have come to the conclusion that Ganapati's en - blem was a boar. We usually find kings using on their coins the same emblems as they use for their seals in their grants, and therefore it is matter for consideration how lions came to be on Ganapati's coins. It is very likely that he accepted coins that were current before his time, and had his own name punched on them to indicate that he recognized thern as legal tender. The formation of the punch marks on the coin and the fact that a portion of the legend overlaps a portion of the lion, show that the legends 'kati' and 'Gana' were punched on old coins of kings who had lions for their emblem. Class III. There are twelve gold coins in this class. They are all round with diametets varying from 4 to .45 of an inch, weighing all alike 5.75 grains each. The metal is 16 carats fine. All these have the legend Sung ' in old Tamil script on the obverse side. Just below the legend there is also a number in the same old Tamil script, which very likely denotes the regnal year in which each was issued. On the reverse there is a bow, a tiger in sitting posture and some other symbols which are indistinct and are incapable of exact identification. In the case of one coin there is a legend 'Kanchi' and some others have N&' in old Tamil script. In some 'Ne' is in an inverted form. Therefore these coins have to be sub-divided into five different classes, as under : Obverse-Sung.' [No. 9 of the Plate.) Variety No. (1) Reverse-Tiger, Bow, and indistinct marks, Kanchi.' Obverse- Sung.' (No. 10 of the Plate.) >> No. (2) 31. Reverse-Tiger, Bow, some indistinct marks, 'Ne.' T. Obverse-- Sung.' [No. 11 of the Plate.] No. (3) 31. ('Reverse-Tiger, Bow, some indistinct marks. 'Ne' inverted. Obverse-Sung.' [No. 12 of the Plate.) | Reverse-Tiger, Bow, some indistinct marks. Obverse-Sung.' [No. 13 of the Plate.) >> No.(5) 34. L' Reverse-Tiger, Bow, some indistinct marks and dots. In the case of coins in which the number 31 appears there is also some mark which may be a simple line or a portion of the Tamil letter. In either case it appears to be something distinct from the numeral and was perhaps intended to represent some symbol which is unfortunately indistinct and cannot be identified. The emblems tiger, bow, and something else indistinct and the legend Sang' appear on all the coins. It is evident therefore that these coins have been issued by some king or kings of a dynasty which had for its emblem, among other things, the tiger and bow. The legend Sung' was very probably intended to denote the particular king who issued them. There can be no doubt that 'Kanchi' denotes the place from where, or the mint from 30 Ind. Ant., vol. XXI, p. 200. 31 Pratd parudriya, by Vidyanatha, Kavyapra karaga, verse 10. 33 Epi. Ind., vol. IX, p. 267. No. (4)

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194 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [OCTOBER, 1927 which, that coin was issued. Kanchi was the name of the modern Conjeevaram, which for many centuries was the seat of a king or viceroy. Hence the legend 'Ne' must also represent the contraction of the name of another place from which also coins were issued. From the inscriptions and records we already possess we know that the tiger was the emblem of the Chola dynasty, the bow the emblem of the Cheras and the fishes the emblem of the Pandyas. In the seal attached to the Tiruvalangadu 23 plates of Rajendra Chola I. we find the combination of all the three emblems. During the reign of Rajendra Chola we know that all the three kingdoms, Chera, Chola and Pandya, were brought under one sway. It is perfectly reasonable therefore to suppose that the Cholas have added the emblems of the Cheras and the Pandyas, to their own tiger, to proclaim the fact that they had conquered and annexed to their own, the territories of the Cheras and the Pandyag. Chalukya Rajendra was from A.D. 1061 the ruler of the Eastern Chalukyan kingdom Vengi which had for its capital Rajahmundry. He was adopted by Rajendra Chola as heir to his throne. Thus Chalukya Rajendra, who assured the title of Kulottunga Chola Deva I, became in A.D. 1070 the virtual ruler of the whole of the Chalukya and Chola empires extending from Vengi in the north to the extreme south. He held possession of the kingdoms of Kerala, Pandya 24 and Kuntala and extended his conquests as far north as Kalinga (modern Ganjam). He had his headquarters at Gangai Konda Cholapuram (Trichinopoly district) and continued to rule for at least fifty yeans. Kavaliyadavalli, whence this find was discovered, was once under the sway of Kulottunga Chola 1. During his reign he found that his subjects were groaning under heavy taxation and in order to give them relief abolished all 'sungam.' Sungam in Tamil indicates taxes or tolls. His subjects were so much overjoyed by this measure of relief that they acclaimed their sovereign as Sungai-tavirtta Kulottunga Chola Deva. From that time forward he was known by the name of Sungam-tavirtta Kulottunga Chola 125 The legend Sung 'must be a contraction of Sungam-tavirtta (who has abolished tolls). It can only indicate that these coins were issued by this Sungam-tavirtta Kulottunga Chola, otherwise the legend will be absolutely inexplicable. I have already said that Kanchi represents Conjeevaram, the place from which the coin was issued; Ne' must indicate Nellore. From inscriptions found in the district of Nellore we find there are frequent references made to a coin called 'madai.' Mention is made of mAdai '26 from the interest of which a lamp was maintained in a temple during the 35th year of the reign of Kulottunga I. From another inscriptionwe learn that there existed coins called Nellore madai,' for we find that in the 3rd year of Allam Tirukkalatti Ganda Gopala Deva grants of Nellore madai' were made to a temple. From the above it is clear that at one time or other there was a inint at Nellore. So the legend 'Ne' must represent Nellore. The numerical figures 27, 31 and 34 are evidently the regnal years of the king Kulottunga who issued them, for we know that coins of the Ganga dynasty of Kaliuganagara bear the impress of the regnal year in which they were isvued. We can thorefore safely conclude that the coins in this class were all issued between the years A.D. 1070 and 1120, by Kulottunga Chola I and that they were minted, some at Kanchi and others at Nellore. These coins have brought to light that the Chola king Kulttunga had mints at Kanchi, or Conjeeveram, and Nellore. In weight they are very much equal to other South Indian fanams that we know of. Only these are a bit larger, but thinner. Probably these were also called fanams in those days. 33 South Indian Inscriptions, vol. III, part III, p. 413, se plate attached. 24 Nellore Inscriptions, page 826 ff. 25 Inscription No. 377 of 1907, Mad. Epi. Rep. 26 Nellore Inscriptions, page 835. 27 Inscription No. 300 of 1921, Mad. Epi. Rep. .

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OCTOBER, 1927) BOOK-NOTICES 195 MISCELLANEA COPPER-PLATES WANTED. Of iladitya IVCan any body tell me where the following copper- San. 372 Bhavnagar, In:l. Ant., vol. V, p. 207 plates are preserved ? >> 441 Lunavada, VI, p. 66 I. Valabhi Plates. , 447 Alina, ,,VII, p. 79 I have not yet been able to trace anywhere the II. Malva Para mara Plates. following Valabhi plates which have never been pub. Of V Akpati Mujalished but have been noted in the following way : Sam. 1031 Indore, Ind. Ant., vol. VI. p. 51 (1) A grant of Sam. 291 Ashadha Sudi 3, found , 1038 Ujjain, >> XIV. p. 160 in Bhadarana near Baroda, noted by the late Of Bhoja dovaDr. H. H. Dhruva in his book "Baroda delegate Sam. 1078 Indore, . VI, 1. 53 at the VIIIth International Congress of Orienta Of Harischandravarmanliste held at Stockholm and Christiania in 1889." Sam. 1235 (6) Piplianagar, JASB., vol. V, p. 378 (2) A grant of Sath. 315, referred to in Bombay Of UdayavarmanGazetteer, vol. I, pt. 1 (History of Gujarat), p. 92. Sam. 1256 Bhopal, Ind. Ant., vol. XVI, p. 254 (3) & (4) Two grants of Sam. 322 and 328 referred Of Arjunavarmanto by Dr. Buhler in Ind. Ant., vol. VII, p. 73. Sam. 1267. Piplianagar, JASB., vol. V, p. 378 5) A grant of Sari. 332 referred to in Bombay , 1270 Bhopal, JASB., vol. VII, p. 32 Gazetteer, vol. I, pt. I, p. 92, and in Ind. Ant., 1272 Bhopal, VII, p. 25 vol. VII, p. 73. It records the grant of the III. Gujarat Chaulikya Plates. village Pedhapadra. As it is noted that the Of Malarajaplates were in the p0890ssion of the Chief Sam. 1030 PAtana, noticed in Wiener of Morvi, I personally went to Morvi and made Zeit., vol. V, p. 300 enquiries but got no clue of them whatsoever. , 1043 Kadi, Ind. ant., vol. VI, p. 191 (6) A grant of Sam. 376 Margasira Sudi 16, referred Of Bhima Sam. 1086 Radhanpur, Ind. Ant., vol. VI, p. 193 to by Dr. Kielhorn in his List of Northern Ins ,, [10]93 Cutch, criptions, No. 492, as "from impressions >> >> XVIII, p. 108 Of Kumarapalasupplied by Dr. Burgess." Sam. 1213 Nadol, Ind. Ant., 1912, p. 202 The following plates are published but the where Of Ajayapalaabouts of the originals are not known Sam. 1231 Kadi, Ind. Ant., vol. XVIII, p. 80 Of Dhruvasens I Of BhimaSam. 207 Kukads Ind. Ant., V, p. 204 Sam. 1263 Kadi, Ind. Ant., vol. VI, p. 194 . 216 Vala IV, p. 104 1264 Timana XI, p. 337 , 221 Vavdia Jogia, Wiener 1266 Kadi >> XVIII, p. 112 Zeitschrift, VII, VI, p. 199 Of Guhasena 7 1287 VI, p. 201 Sam. 240 Vald, Ind. Ant., VII, , 1288 >> >> VI, p. 203 248 ? ' V, p. 206 1295 % VI, p. 205 Of Dharagena I 1296 .. VI, p. 207 Sarb. 252 Jhar, Ind. Ant. XV, p. 187 Or Jayantasim hadeva> 269 Vala, " VI, p. 9 Sari, 1280 Kadi, Ind. Ant., vol. VI, , 370 Alina, VIIp. 70 Of Tribhuvanapaladeva Of Dhruvasena II - Sam, 1299 Kadi, Ind. Ant., vol. VI, p. 208 Sam. 320 Nogawa, Ep. Ind., vol. VIII, Of Vigaladeve p. 188 Sam. 1317 Kadi, Ind. Ant., vol. VI, p. 210 >> VIII, p. 194 Of Dharasena IV D.B. DISKALKAB. San 330 Alina , Ind. Ant., vol. VII, p. 73 MORVI PLATE. 330 1 . 1 . XV, p. 335 In reply to Mr. B. F. Gharda's query, Ind. Ant., vol. Of Kharagraha II LIV (1925), p. 140, as to the whereabouts of the Morvi San. 337 Alina, Ind. Ant., vol. VII, p. 76 plate, dated s. 585, I have to write that it is preserved of $1&ditya III in the office of the Diwan, Morvi State in Kathiawad. San. 365(?) 1 JASB., vol. VII, P: 96 D. B. DISKALKAR. 1283 321 W BOOK-NOTICES. PROCEEDINGS AND TRANSACTIONS OF THE THIRD Oriental Conference, as well as the papers read ORIENTAL CONTERENCE, MADRAS, December 22nd before the various sections, constitutes a valuable to 24tb, 1924; Madras, Law Printing House, addition to the literature of Indian antiquarian 1925. research. It is impossible within the limits of a This volume, which embodies the proceedings short review to do more than call attention to a few and administrative details of the 3rd All-India of the subjects which figure in the papers. read before

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196 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (OCTOBER, 1927 the Conference; but it may be said without fear, scholar, Dr. J.J. Modi, has a characteristic article of refutation that Indologists will here find matter showing that the Huns, who invaded India, were to suit various tastes and various lines of research. followers of the ancient religion of Iran. Professor Mr. N. B. Pavjee's paper, in which he maintains M. Shafi is the author of a sound account of the that the famous Soma juice was not liquor, is 28 Nurbakshi sect. interesting in its way as Mr. M. Ramakrishna The volume has been arranged and prepared for Kavi's thesis on the relation of two dramas, Damaka publication by the Secretaries of the Congress, and Traivikrama, to the published dramas of Professors S. K. Aiyangar and P. P.S. Sastri, who Bhisa. Dr. Daruwalla contributes a critical survey are justified in regarding with satisfaction the proof the political social and religious condition of duction of a work which, compact as it is of learning, Iran in the time of Ardeshir Bapak, while the rather is bound to attract the attention of Orientalists. obecure development of Buddhism known as Vajra. S. M. EDWARDES. yana, associated with the name of king Indrabhuti of Orissa, is discussed by Mr. B. Bhattacharya, who incidentally correcte some of the identifications of THE LADY OF THE LOTUS, by AHMAD-UL-UMRI, places suggested by Waddell. translated with Introduction and Notes, by The Dravidian languages and literature of South- L. M. CRUMP, Oxford University Press, 1926. ern India from the basis of several good papers, This is an admirably printed work and the forincluding a lengthy one on "The Aryan affinities mat is worthy of the Oxford Press. The illustraof Dravidian pronouns" by R. Swaminatha Aiyar, tions also are extraordinarily good and interesting. another by J. R. Pantulu on "Dravidian Lexico The book tells the story of the well-known 16th graphy," and a third on the date of Silappadikdran by Pandit E. M. Subrahmanya Pillai, who gives century Rajput romance of Rupmati and Baz reasons for dating the burning of Madura in A.D. Bahadur of Gujarat, but although Rupmati is des. 144 and the installation of Kannski in A.D. 149. cribed as "Queen of Mandu" on the title page, it A good deal might be added to Mr. G.V. Acharya's is pretty evident that she was in reality a dancing. brief paper on " Memorial Stores in the Bombay girl and never really married to Bazid Khan, ie, Presidency." The writer of this review discovered Baz Bahadur. a curious stone at Junnar in 1904, which recorded An immense amount of labour has been bestowed an eclipse of the Sun, and managed after some trouble to have it removed to the library of the by Mr. Crump on the book, and his story of the B.B.R.A.S. Presumably it is now in the Prince of discovery of a copy of the 17th century copy of Wales Museum, together with the Silahara inscribed Ahmadu'l-Umri's Ms., and of the pictures connect. stones from Thana and Kolaba Districte. Mr. K. od therewith is in itself a literary romance of unChattopadhyaya has a suggestive paper on "Diony. usual attraction. He is to be congratulated thereon. sus in Megasthenes."; Mr. B. Bhattachraya gives He doecribes himself as being/no scholar and though good reasons for assuming that a hitherto unidenti. one may take it that this self-depreciation is rather fied statuette in the Indian Museum represents over-strained, in some of his many useful notes Mahari Tara; and a learned essay by Mr. K. V.S. Ayyar on "The Earliest Monuments of the Pandya there are errors in the spelling of personal names Country and their Inscriptions" will repay and occasionally somewhat naive remarks as to perusal. classical allusions. But these are only minor Several good papers are included in the Section blemishes in a work of much research. devoted to History, Geography and Chronology, Ahmadu'l-Umri was a Turkoman noble of Akbar's and much learning has been expended upon the period and was obviously imbued with the exceed. papers concerned with Oriental Philosophy. The ingly florid Persian style of his time. His proee is author of a discourse on electricity and magnetism in Ancient India deals mainly with the origin of the therefore trying to European readers in places, but common Indian superstition that one should never nevertheless the spirit of it is well reproduced by sleep with one's head pointing towards the north. Mr. Crump. Rupmati, among other things, has I remember calling attention to the fact that the been credited with much popular verse, and Mr. street-sleepers of Bombay City during the hot Crump has been at great pains to unearth some of weather months invariably avoided lying with their this and to turn it into English verse. She was not beads pointing northwards, and was then informed what one would call a great poetess, but it is of by a local wiseacre that it was owing to popular value to have what she is credited with before us fear of the Pole star, and that the general opinion was enshrined in the adage; kibla muaf karta hai, in a pleasing manner. Altogether Mr. Crump has par qutb hargiz nahin. Rao Sahib R. K. Bhonsle been succesful in his efforts to bring home to Euroinvestigates the subject more fully. Professor peans a story and a literary style much appreciated K. Rangachariar contributed an interesting paper by all Rajputs. on " Gotra and Prayara ", and the veteran Iranian R. C. TEMPLE

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NOVEMBER, 1927] MAIYILARPU 197 MAIYILARPU. By Pror,S, KRISHNASWAMI AIYANGAR, M.A., (Hoxy.) PH.D. PROFESSOR FRANKLIN EDGERTON of Yale, the learned editor of the Panchatantra, wished to know, during his stay in Madras, whether I knew of any place which would correspond to the Mahilaropya of the Panchatantra, as he suspected that it might be a place in South India, Having regard to the difficulty that he himself suggested, that the word did not look quite as a Sanskrit expression, I suggested to him that, as Sanskrit authors were sometimes in the habit of Sanskritising words of other Indian languages, Mahilaropya may possibly be a Sanskritising from the word 'Maiyilarpu', which was the old name of Mylapore, and I put together the following note for his information. As the remarks may be of some use to others as well as to the learned professor, I am publishing it as a note in the Indian Antiquary. Should the possibility of a closer connection between Mahilaropya and Maiyilappu seem to me worth putting forward, I shall take occasion to send another similar note then. The town or the ward which goes by the name of Mylapore in modern times, is hardly referred to in that form in Tamil literature. The form usually found there is Mayilai with various additions in the shape of affixes and prefixes of a more or less complimentary character according to occasion. The combination in which it usually occurs is Mallai and Mayilait in the period of Pallava ascendency, Mallai standing for what we now know as Mahabalipuram and Mayilai similarly standing for Mylapore as we call it at present in the Anglo-Indian form of the name. But this Mayilai seems at one period of history, a pretty long period, to have taken the form of Mayilarpu in inscriptions, and even in literature, notwithstanding the fact that the ordinary form is Mayilai, as I stated already, is found in inscriptions ranging from the seventh year of Kampavarman, one of the last Pallavas in the ninth century, down to almost the end of the eleventh century. This occurs in inscriptions in various localities where flourished mercantile guilds or communities called Valanjiyar in Tamil, Banajigas in Kanarese, Balija in Telugu, corresponding exactly to the North Indian term Baniya. A community of 500, referred to as connected with Mylapore, entered into an agreement of a tercantile and fiscal character, along with matters of local government, in respect of the town. Some of these inscriptions belong to Tiruvottiyur, a northern suburb of Madras where the donor is described es coming from Mayilarpu, defined as belonging to the particularly smaller unit of its own name, and the larger division of the country, giving us to understand unmistakably that what is referred to is the then little town of Mylapore. Thus we have inscriptional authority for the name Mayil&rpu in inscriptions of Kampavarman datable to the ninth century, of Rajaraja de table in the early years of the eleventh century, and one or two others in characters generally referred to the eleventh century. Mayil&rpu in Tamil falls into two parts, Mayil,' peacock, and 'appu, an abstract noun or noun of action, from 'al' to move, a movement indicating the peculiarly majestic strut of the peacock. In literature it is ordinarily described as a feature peculiar to the peacock dancing in this fashion, as it is a peculiar feature of the cuckoo to sing, as in Mayil ala and Kuyil ahava, the two verbs, ala meaning to move, and ahava meaning to speak or produce sound. In the Prabandham of the Vaishnavas, in the section relating to Triplioane in the work Tirumangai Alvar, the dancing of the peacock is described in general terms as a feature of Mylapore in 1 Tirumangai Alvar's Periya-tirumoli, II, 1, 2, 9, 10. Nandilkalambakam, verses 1, 3, 24, 44, 51, 55 for Mayilai. Verse 69, lowever, shows the form Mayilapuri in some MSS. and this is only a variant of Mayilai. Verses 1, 9, 25, 34, 40, 46, 54, 72, 73, 75, 83, 88 for Mallai. 3 No. 256 of 1912 and soction 25 of the Epigraphical Report for 1913. 9 No. 261 of 1910, 18th year of Rajaraja I; No. 189 of 1912, 7th year of Kampavarman. 4 Periya-tirumoli, II.3, 7. kurvmeekmlllung kullirpollliluuttu kuyilottu myilkll ninnnrraal.

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198 THE INDIAX ANTIQL'JRY NOVEMBER, 1927 - - - describing the shrine of Triplicane. That is so far indirect. But in the T'evaram of Appar referable to the previous century, in the middle of the seventh century at the latest, there are two clear references where the place is referred to as Mayilappil. The last particle in the compound il is a case affix of the locative in Tamil. Therefore in the nominative it would stand Mayilappu. The second part of the word dppu is a permissablo variant of the Tamil arpu, so that Mayilappu in the Tevaram is the exact equivalent of the classical Tamil form Mayildrpu. So from the seventh century to the eleventh or the twelfth, we have referunces in one way or another to the form of the name Mayilarpu. We may find justification for this interpretation of the name in the fact that these names are found associated with the rames of the local deities usually. In the case of Mylapore there is a Vishnu shrine and there is a Siva shrine, both of them native to the town, and taken to have come into existence along with the town itself. While the goddess of the Siva shrine is Karpakamba!, the goddess of the Vishnu shrine is Mayuravalli. The latter particle in the two words being merely honorific, we see that it is the Vishnu goddess that has the name Mayura, the Sanskrit equivalent to the Tamil mayil. Probably she was regarded as the guardian deity of the town, and thus partook of the name of the locality. There is justification for this that in the decad devoted to the Siva shrine in Mylapore in the Saiva collection, the Tevaram, the temple of Siva, Kapalichcharam (Kapalisvaram) is described as being in a part of Mayilai, meaning thereby that while remaining in Mylapore, still it did not constitute the whole of Mayilarpu proper, which would go to show that the guardian deity of the towulet proper must have been the Vishnu goddess, and thus the Vishnu shrine marks the core of the town known as Mayilarpu. The occurrence of the peacock feature in the St. Thomas' legends associated with Mylapore only confirms, or is entirely in keeping with, the origin of the name as explained above. It looks likely that the name had been given to the place because of the large number of peacocks found in the place and the noise they were accustomed to make. In fact, very many of the names of localities in Madras, the names of the various wards of the town, tako their origin from features of a physical character. like this. To give 'but one instance, Chepauk is from Tamil Selpakkam, meaning the shore-hamlet where fish of the sel variety abounded. Vepery, Purasavakkam,8 etc., would be other instancos. I shall not make any attempt to establish any connection between Mayilarpu as such and Mahilaropya of the Panchatantra as such. I am concerned only to show that Mayil drpu was the recognised old name of what now goes by the name Mylapore, which after all is different from it only to the extent of a comparatively slight metathesis, a change commonly found in many other well-known names, from which, by Sanskritization, Mahilaropya is possible of derivation. 6 Appar, Koilpakka-tiruttandakam, 1: mngkul mtitvlllu maattviiti myilaappi lullllaar mruk lullllaar Tiru-V fra dnam, Kuppultirut tandakan, 12: vllniir vllm peruku maannnirupmum myilaappil mnnnnnninyr mnnnnnniyeettum. 6 Sve stanza 4 in Sambancur's Pumbavaittiruppalikam, where Kapalichcharam (Kapllisvarum) formed & wand of Masyilai : kuur truveel vllaarkku korrrrngkoll ceeritnnnil kaartrucoolaik kvaaliiccaam, 7 Veppu + eri = margosa tank. # Purass +pAkkam = Pavaraeu or Pura u + pakkam; Sea-shore hamlet of the Indian fig with flowers'. or even Purabu (Butea frondosa). The former tree is a feature of the locality, the latter is not.

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NOVEMBER, 1927) JEAN DE THEVENOT'S ACCOUNT OF SURAT 199 JEAN DE THEVENOT'S ACCOUNT OF SURAT. BY H. G. RAWLINSON, M.A. JEAN DE TROVENOT was born and educated at Paris. His uncle Melchisedech was the author of a well-known collection of Voyages, and this may have inspired the nephew with a desire to explore the East. He set out in 1652, at the age of 29, and visited England, Holland, Germany and Italy. In 1655 he reached Constantinople, whence he explored the Levant and Egypt. He went on the Lenten pilgrimage to Jerusalem, visited Palestine, and returned home in 1659, after some exciting adventures with pirates. In 1663 be once more sailed for the East, and this time devoted his attention to Iraq and Persia. Landing at Sidon, he travelled through Damascus, Aleppo, Mosul and Bagdad. Near Kirmanshah, he met the celebrated Tavernier. In November 1665 he took ship from Basra to Surat in the Hopewell, reaching Surat in January, 1666. After a journey from Surat to Masulipatam via Golconda, he set out for home, but died from the effects of an accident with a pistol, near Tabriz, November 28th, 1667. An excellent orientalist and naturalist, Thevenot has left a lively account of what he saw and heard on his travels. Students of Indian history know all too little his Voyages aux Indes Orientales, a very rare book, the best-known edition being the handy little third edition printed at Amsterdam in five volumes, 12mo. 1727. It has only once been rendered into English,--a very bad translation by Lovell, London, 1687, now almost unprocurable, and in any case, a sad cxample of bookseller's hackwork. It is a pity that, while the travels of Bernier, Tavernier, Chardin, Manucci and other foreigners have been duly rendered into English, Thevenot remains practically untranslated and almost unread. It is for this reason that I put before readers of the Indian Antiquary his account of the city of Surat, as he saw it the year after the first visitation of the Marathas. The narrative is full of interest, particularly as a conimentary on Ovington and Fryer, both of whom evidently made use of it. Thevenot gives us a vivid pen picture of Sivaji.--" a little, swarthy man, with sharp, fiery eyes." Equally fascinating are his accounts of Father, Ambrose, the famous Capuchin monk, whose influence over the Mughals was almost magnetic, and whose saintliness caused Sivaji to spare his monastery during the pillage, (because these padres are all good men," as Bernier tells us); of Hugo Lambert, the picturesque French Corsair ; of the tomb of the jovial Dutchman, with its stone drinking cup; and of officialdom at Surat and the corruption of the local Government. Tavernier's account of Sivaji, and especially of the first sack of Surat, is of great importance as a contemporary document. Altogether, Thevenot is a traveller who has been unduly neglected and will amply repay further study. THEVENOT'S TRAVELS. CHAPTER VII. Surat. The city of Surat is situated on the Tapti river, and its latitude is 21 degrees and some minutes. When I arrived there, it had only earthen walls, and even these were nearly all in ruins; but they were beginning to build brick oncs : they made them a toise and a half thick [a toise = 6.39459 foct]: they did not allow more than this for the height either, and yet it was their intention to fortify the place as strongly as possible, owing to the incursion which had been made some time previously by a rajah, of whom I shall speak hereafter : however, the engineer made a serious mistake in the alignment of his walls: he built them so close to the fortress that people in the city would be masked from the fire of the castle artillery, and that those defending the castle could easily be harassed by musketry. These new walls make the city much smaller than it was previously; for they now exclude a considerable number of cane-built houses, which were formerly within the city area, and for which several interested persons claim good compensation. Surat is a medium-sized place,

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200 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [NOVEMBER, 1927 and it is difficult to state the exact number of inhabitants, because they vary according to the seasons: there is always a large population all the year round; but, during the monsoon, i.e., at the time when vessels can arrive in and depart from India without danger, during the months of November, December, January, February and March, and even in April, the city is so full of people that it is a difficult task to find comfortable quarters, and the three suburbs are crowded. The city is inhabited by Indians, Persians, Arabs, Turks, Frenchmen, Armenians and other Christians: however, its ordinary population is divided into three classes, which do not, indeed, include either the French or the other Christians, because they are so few in number in comparison with those professing other religions. These three classes of inhabitants are the Moors, Gentiles1 and Parsees. The term Moors is applied to all the Muhammadans, Mughals, Persians, Arabs or Turks in India, though they are not uniform as regards religion, some being Sunnis and the rest Shiahs: I have dealt with this distinction in my second book. The second class of inhabitants is the Gentiles, i.e., those who worship idols, and these again are of different kinds. The third class consists of the Parsees, who are also known as Gaures or Ateshperest, fire-worshippers. These profess the religion of the ancient Persians, and they took refuge in India when Caliph Omar subjugated the kingdom of Persia to the Muhammadan power. There are some extremely rich people in Surat, and a Bania named Vargivora, who is a friend of mine, is supposed to be worth eight millions at least. The English and the Dutch have their houses there, which are known as lodges and offices: these houses are very fine indeed, and the English have established the headquarters of their trade there. There are quite one hundred Catholic houses in Surat. The castle of Surat has been built on the river bank, at the southern extremity of the city, to prevent the entry of anyone who might wish to attack it by coming up the Tapti. This fortress is of reasonable size; it is square, and is flanked on each corner by a stout tower. Its moats are filled with sea water on three sides, and it is watered by the river on the fourth side, i.e., to the west. Several cannon may be seen at the embrasures: this is where they keep the king's revenues which are collected from the province, and they are never sent to him unless an especial order is given the entrance is on the west side by a fine gate which is in the bazaar or maidan: the office of the head of the Customs is near by, and this castle has a special governor of its own, just as the city has its own governor. The houses in this city, which have cost a considerable amount to construct, are flat, as in Persia, and tolerably well built; but they are expensive, because there is no stone in the district; as they are compelled to use bricks and lime, they also require much timber, and this has to be brought from Daman by sea, because the local wood, which is at some distance, is far more expensive owing to the item of transport by land. Bricks and lime, too, are expensive; and even a middling house cannot be constructed without using bricks to the value of five or six hundred francs, and more than double the value of lime. The houses are covered with tiles semicircular in shape, and half a finger thick, but badly baked; consequently they are still grey when used, and they last no time : for this reason the tilers lay them in double rows, in such a way that the one tile keeps the other up. Canes known as bamboos, which are split into two, serve as laths to which the tiles are attached, and the frame-work which supports all this, is made merely of pieces of wood, round in shape; dwellings of this kind are for the rich; but those which are inhabited by the lower classes, are constructed of canes, and covered by palm branches. By the way, in India it is better to build during the rains than in fine weather; for the heat is so great, and the sun so fierce, when the sky is bright, that everything dries up before it has a chance to be joined firmly together, and buildings crack in a moment; whereas the rain tempers the heat, and as it prevents the sun from scorching, the masonry has time to dry. 1 I.e., Hindus, as opposed to Moors, Muhammadans. Gaur, Gaber or Guebra, a Fire-worshipper (Atish, Fire). They landed on the coast of Gujarat, c, 720 A,C,

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NOVEMBER, 1927) JEAN DE THEVEXOT'S ACCOUNT OF SURAT 201 During the rains the workmen can spread oil-cloths over the masonry, but in the dry seasong there is no remedy: all that one can do, is to soak cloths and to cover over the work piece by piece as soon as it is done ; but the cloths dry so quickly that there is no great advantage in it. The streets of Surat are wide and level, but they are not paved at all, and though the aren of the city is large, there is not a single public edifice. The Christians and Muhammadans of Surat usually cat the meat of the cow, firstly be. cause in this district it is better than that of the ox, and secondly because the bullocks are used for ploughing the earth and transporting all the loads. The mutton eaten there, is tolerably good ; but besides this, hens, chickens, pigeons, pork, and game of all kinds are available. The oil of the Cnicus silvestris, or cartame, is used for cating; it is the best oil in India, and that of the sesame, which is also common there, is not so good. Grapes are eaten in Surat from the beginning of February until the end of April, but their taste is not very fine. Some think that this is because the grapes are not left sufficiently long to ripen : however, the Dutch, who leave them on the vine-stock as long as practicable, make from these grapes a wine which is so sour that it is impossible to drink it without adding sugar. These grapes, which are white, are large and fine in appearance, and are brought to Surat from a small town called Naapura, in the province of Balaghat, a four days' journey from Surat. The local country liquor is scarcely better than the wine. That which is usually drunk is made from jagres or black sugar, which is put into water with the bark of the Babul tree to give it some strength, and then both are distilled together. Toddy liquor is also prepared, and this is distilled; but these kinds of liquor are not as good as ours, neither is that which they make from rice, sugar and dates. The vinegar which is used is also made from jagre and water. Some people put in spoiled grapes, when they have any ; but to improve it, toddy is mixed with it, and it is then left in the sun for several days. THEVENOT'S TRAVELS. CHAPTER X. The Oficials in Surat. There are in Surat a muftir who is in charge of everything concerning the Muslim religion, and a kadi established for legal matters, to whom people have recourse in case of disputes. The Great-Mogul also maintains another high official there, whom the French call Secretary of State, and whose function resembles that of our provincial intendants. He is called VakaNevis,& i.e., he who writes down and keeps a record of everything which takes place in the territory in which he is appointed. The king keeps one of these officials in each government, in order to keep him informed of all that happens, and the official is not dependent on any man in the State except on His Majesty himself. There are two Governors or Nabado in Surat, who are in no wise dependent on each other, and who are responsible for their actions to the king alone. The one is in charge of the castle, and the other of the city; and they do not in any way infringe upon each other's rights or duties. The Governor of the city judges the civil court cases, and usually settles them speedily: if a man asks another man for money in payment of a debt, he must either show a bond, or produce two witnesses, or else he must take an oath: if it is a Christian, he swears on the Bible; if it is a Muslim, he swears on the Koran, and a Hindu swears by the cow : the oath of the Hindu merely consists of placing his hand on the cow, and saying that he is willing to eat the flesh of this animal, if what he says is not true; but most of them would rather lose their case than swear, because a man who swears is considered as infamous among the idolators. 3 Navapur. The country above the Ghaute. 6 Jagri, molasses, The juice of the tadi palm. 1 An expounder of the Law (fata). His decrees are executed by the Kazi. 8 Vaq'ia navle, now writer or intelligencer. Navdb, a Viceroy's delegate.

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202 THE INDIAN ANTIOTARY [ NOVEMDER, 1927 When one goes to see the Governor for the first time, one places before him on arrival five, six or ten rupees, each one according to his rank; and the same thing is done in India with all those to whom one wishes to show great respect. This Governor does not interfere at all with criminal matters, which are dealt with by an official named Cotoual.10 This judge corresponds to what is known as the Soubachy in Turkey and the Derogall in Persia. He has the delinquents punished in his presence either by lashes of the whip or by blows with a stick, and the punishment is often carried out at his house, and sometimes in the street at the very spot where the offence was committed. When he passes through the city he is on horseback, accompanied by several archers on foot, some of whom are armed with sticks and large whips, and the others with lances, swords, shields and iron maces looking like large pestles, but all of them wear a dagger at their side. Nevertheless, neither the Civil Judge nor the Criminal Judge can condemn a person to death: the king has reserved the right of the death sentence for himself; for this reason, when anyone deserves death, a messenger is sent to obtain the king's sanction, and they never fail to execute the king's orders as soon as the messenger has returned. The Cotoual is obliged to go about the city during the night, to prevent any disorder. He stations guards at various places : if he finds anyone in the street, he has him put into gaol, and will seldom let him out of prison without first having him beaten or whipped. Two of the men who accompany him bcat two little drums at nine o'clock, whilst another man sounds two or three times a long copper trumpet which I have described in my Persian Travels. The archers then call out at the top of their voices : Caberdar 12 i.e., take care; and those who are in the neighbouring streets respond with a similar cry, to show that they are not asleep. After that, they continue on their way always repeating the cry until they have finished their ordinary round. This round is made three times during the night, namely at nine o'clock, midnight and at three o'clock in the morning. This Cotoual has to be responsible for all the thefts committed in the city, but as all those convicted for this offence are very clever, they always find a way of evading payment. During my stay in Surat, an Armenian merchant named Cogea Minias was robbed of 2,400 sequins : as two of his slaves had disappeared at the time of the robbery, they were naturally accused of it. All possible measures were taken to obtain information about them, but as no news could be gleaned either of the slaves or of the money, it was rumoured that these slaves had committed the theft, that they had taken refuge with some Muslim who was in collusion with them, and who, in order to take all the money for himself, had killed and buried them, such an event having previously taken place in Surat. However, the Governor told 'the Cotoual that this money must be paid at the earliest possible moment, because, if the king were informed of the matter, all the blame would fall on them, and worse things might happen to them than having to refund to Cogea Minias the amount which had been stolen from him, and that therefore this Armenian must be called up, and be asked to state truly what had been taken from him. The Cotoual raised no objec. tion to this, but at the same time he also asked permission to imprison the Armenian and to question him and his servants, so as to discover by means of the torture whether this money had really and truly been stolen from him, and at the same time to find out whether he had not perhaps been robbed by one of his valets. The Governor gave his sanction to this request, but no sooner had the Armenian heard the news than he ceased petitioning the Cotoual, and he preferred to lose all rather than endure to torments which were being prepared for him. This is the usual procedure of the Cotoual. When anyone has been robbed, this official seizes all the people of the house where the robbery has taken place, young and old alike, and has them beaten mercilessly. They stretch 1. Kotud, Police Magistrato, Chief of Police, 11 Darogna, Chiel Constable. 13 Khabarddr.

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NOVAMBER, 1927) JEAN DE THEVIENOTS ACCOUNT OF SURAT 203 them out on their stomachs, and four men hold the victim by the arms and feet, and two others have each of them a long whip made of a stout, round plait of leather ; with this they strike the patient one after the other, after the fashion of marshals, until he has received two to three hundred strokes and is bleeding. If this person does not confess to the theft, they begin to whip him again the next morning, and they even continue this for some days, until he has confessed everything, or until the stolen goods have been recovered, and the strange thing about it is that the Coloual does not send anyone to inspect either his house or his clothes, and if after five or six days he confesses nothing, they let him off. There is in Surat also a Provost known as the Foursdar13, who is obligod to keep the countryside free and secure, and who is responsible for all robberies committed there ; but I do not know whether he is as dishonest as the Cotoual. When they want to arrest a person, they merely cry Doa padecha": this cry is as powerful as that of "haro" in Normandy; and if they forbid a person to leave the place where he is, saying " Doa padlecha," he cannot depart without constituting himself a criminal, and he is bound to give an account of himself at the court.14 This cry is used all over India : as a matter of fact, outrages seldom occur in Surat, and one can live there with a fair amount of freedom. THVINOT'S TRAVELS. CHAPTER XI. Foul play against the French Company at Surat. * When I arrived in India, the Governor of Surat was making extensive enquiries regarding the French Company. As he had at first enquired of other Frenchmen, and especially those in whose interest it was that the Company should not be received in Surat, many bad things had been told him about the French, and thus he had formed a bad opinion of them owing to the artifice of their enemies. He was already thinking of asking the Court to banish them, when Father Ambrose, the Superior of the Capuchins, who had been informed of the matter, went to him to undeceive him, and to warn him not to trust the enemies of the Company, who were in league to ruin it if they could. He liked this Father on account of his uprightness; and for this reason he did not repel him : he only adjured him to tell him the truth about this matter without dissimulation, and to tell him whether the French who were to come were not pirates, as was rumoured throughout the land, and as several Frenchmen had already assured him.16 This thought took hold of the minds of the inhabitants of Surat, as soon as it was known that people in France were intending to send vessels to India for trading purposes; and this sla nder, was easily believed, because a certain Lambert Hugo, a Dutchman, who had had some Frenchmen on his vessei, and who was now remembered, had been in Mocha two years before with the French flag, commissioned by Monsieur de Vendome, the Admiral of France at that time, and had taken some vessels. But what shocked people more, was the history of the boat carrying the luggage of the Queen of Bijapur, which was stranded near Socotra Island, situated at eleven degrees and forty minutes latitude, at the entrance of the Red Sea. This queen, who was on her way to Mecca, was out of reach of the attacks of the pirate vergel, as she had fortunately crossed in a Dutch boat; but having contented herself with one of her own boats for the transport of her luggage, Hugo came up with it, and 13 Faus dr, an army officer. 14 Gujarati durdt padechhe "he recites duudi." Duvai is "a prohibition in the name of a Rajaor other high authority, implying' an imprecation of vengeance in case of disobedience." It is also a solemn appeal for the redress of a grievance, which it is a sin to resist, like the Norman-French appeal Haro! Haro, viens a mon aide, mon Prince, which was effootive in the Channel Islands till quito recently. 16 Bornior (p. 187) says that Sivaji spared the Capuchin onastery in 1664, saying "The Frankish Padry are good men and shall not be molested."

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204 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ NOVEMBER, 1927 knocked the boat with such violence that the Captain was compelled to let her run aground: as the pirate could not easily gain access to the vessel on the spot where she was lying, he did not lose courage, but waited patiently to see the result of the running aground: he did not wait in vain, for, as the Indians had been short of water for a long time, and could not find any at the place where they were in great suffering, they resolved, in order to save their lives, after having hidden in the sea all the gold, silver and jewels they had with them, to resort to the pirate himself, hoping that he might be satisfied with what remained in the vessel. When Hugo had come up with them, he was clever enough to find out that something had been sunk into the sea ; and a false brother told him only the carpenter and his son knew the whereabouts of the queen's wealth (for she had brought a heap of money, jewels and materials as presents for Mocca, Medina, the Great Sheikh, and other places, and she desired to do it handsomely). Finally, after having thoroughly tortured the Captain, the carpenter, and the carpenter's son, whom he threatened to kill in his father's presence, Hugo made them bring out all that had been sunk in the sea, and seized it as well as the rest of the cargo. This action had made such a stir in India that Hugo, who was taken for a Frenchman, was held in abomination in that country, and consequently Frenchmen as a nation also. The Governor had a great deal to say about this pirate, and Father Ambrose had great difficulty in persuading him that Hugo was not French, as he had come under the French Hag, and as it was certain that he had had many Frenchmen on board. Nevertheless, after much talk, he believed it; but he did not on this account excuse the French from the action in which they had assisted, and he still maintained that the desire of plunder was their sole motive in coming to this country. The Father denied that this was their intention, and said that they had only come with Lambert Hugo to avenge the affront that had been offered to some Frenchmen in Aden, a town in Arabia Felix, situated at 11 degrees latitude ; and after that, he related to him what had happened to the French in that town some years before. He told him that a palaches of Monsieur de la Melleraye was compelled by rough weather to separate from the large vessel, and to take refuge at Aden, and that the Sunnis, with unparalleled impiety, had all who set foot on land forcibly circumcised, though at first they had given them a good reception, and had promised to treat them amicably. He told him further that, in spite of this, the king of France had disapproved of the action of the pirate and of those Frenchmen who on board his vessel, just as much as the Indians did, because they had given his subjects a bad reputation, through the cunning of enemies of France; but that he wished to dispel this bad reputation, and that for this reason he had formed a Company to trade in India, with express orders not to commit any hostile action. The Governor being satisfied with Father Ambrose's reply, requested him to write down in the Persian language all that he had said to him; as soon as this was done, he sent it to the Court; the Great Mogul had it read to him by his Dewan, and both he and his officials were satisfied with it, and they all desired the French vessels to land immediately; indeed, the Governor made much of Messrs. de la Boullaye and Beber, delegates of the Company, and told them that, after the testimony of Father Ambrose, he would render them any services that he could ; the English president, too, an old friend of this Father's, did them all the honour that was in his power, after having sent them his carriage and his men to receive them, and he assured the Father that all his property was at their disposal : thus, on the strength of the credit that he had acquired in India, the Capuchin dispelled the bad reports which the enemies of France had sown against the French. (To be continued.) 16 A timer or despatch boat.

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NOVEN , 1027) CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE 205 NOTES ON CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE. BY SIR RICHARD C. TEMPLE, Br. Prefatory Remarks. ONCE again! I take up the subject from notes thereon made long ago. In the interval much has been learnt about it, but as these notes were largely made on the spot they contain certain information not elsewhere procurable, and this is my reason for now publishing them. In the previous articles I have carried the enquiry as far as the consideration in detail of the use by the Burmese of raw lump currency, i.e., of lumps of metal without any stamp or artificial marks on them to show fineness or intrinsic value. I now enter on a discussion of the last link between raw lump currency and coinage, viz., of stamped lump currency or lumps of metal stamped to show fineness and quality but not weight.3 Before, however, commencing to note on stamped lump currency I would mention that I have previously (ante., vol. XXIX, pp. 29 ff.) noted the effect on the people where there is no coin of the realm and to the remarks made then I would like to add the following. Clifford in the Geographical Journal (vol. EX, No. 1, pp. 1 ff., 1897) speaking of the Malay State of Trengganu has an informing account as to how revenue is raised where money is scarce and the results of the process upon the populace. He is describing the raising of serah and calls it "a very well known manner of obtaining revenue. It is as much valued by the taxing classes as it is abominated by those upon whom devolves the duty of paying taxes. It is managed in one of two ways. Either a consignment of goods is sent to thu village or to an individual, and a price considerably in excess of that current in the markets demanded in return for them; or else a small sum of money is sent, and a message con veyed to the reci. pients informing them that a given quantity of getah or jungle produce is demanded in return. On the receipt of a serah, a village headman calls his people together and enforces a public subscription to meet the sum required by the raja. The goods are then divided among the subscribers, but as the quantity of goods is altogether out of all keeping with the high price paid for them, and as the village elders usually insist on receiving the full value of their subscription, the weaker members of the community get little or nothing in return for their money. Money serah, in return for which jungle produce is to be fupplied, is generally made to an individual, who has forthwith to betake himself to the jungle, the property of the district raja, who even goes so far as to enforce payment from the people for the tools supplied in order to enable them to perform this work. Owing to the impassable nature of the Kelemang Falls, the people living above the rapids in Ulu Trengganu are not required to work timber for the district raja, but they have to supply large quantities of jungle produce on terms which are very similar to those on which timber is worked hy natives of other parts of the country." Clifford adds that the Sultan makes money from "the coining of tin tokens," which shows that they were still in use so lato as 1897.4 I would also like to acknowledge here much kindly assistance given me in making the collection of coins and monetary objects on which these papers are based-aid given me by officials and others in Burma many years ago. Among Europeans they were Capt. Minchin, R.A., and Messrs. H. C. Noyce, Dawson and Betts; and among Burmans and Indians, the Taungwin Mingyi, Maung Law Yan, K.S.M., U Shwe Baw and Jahangir Bakhsh, all of 1 Previous publication of these notes. Currency and Coinage among the Burmese, vol. XXVI (1897), 6 articles, Plato I, p. 160 : vol. XXVII (1898), 9 articles (Plate at p. 141): vol. XLVIII (1919), 4 articles. Development of Currency in the Far East, vol. XXVIII (1899), p. 103: vol. XXIX (1900), Beginnings of Currency. % articles, 4 platos. Vol. XXXI (1902), Malagasy Currency, p. 109. Vol. XLII (1913), Obeolete Tin Currency and Money in the Federated Malay States, 7 Plates. Vol. XLVII (1918), Malay Currency in Trengganu, p. 120. 2.I may as well note here that speaking in torms of lump currency Burmese oil-dealers in the bazaars called "21 tickal weight," hnajat-kuele. 8 See Poole, Coins and Medals, p. 11, Seo ante, vol. XLII, pp. 103 ff.

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206 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (NOVEMBER, 1927 Mandalay. And lastly, the once well-known female dealer Ma Kin of the same city. In Rangoon I had the invaluable assistance of Mr. Taw Sein Ko, C.I.E., and Mr. Min us, the Parsi Collector of Rates and Taxes to the Municipality. To keep the subjects of these my last notes on Burmese Currency and Coinage clear before the reader's mind, I gubjoin a list of them A. Stamped Lump Currency Sycee. B. Stamped Lumps of Metal other than Gold and Silver C. Oyster-shell Money (Silver). D. Coin of the Realm. I. Coins of Bodop'aya. 1. (a) Symbolical Coins. I. (6) Historical Coins (including Kings of Arakan II. Coins of Mindon Min. Gold : Silver : Copper : Iron : Lead. III. Coins of Thibo (Thibaw). Coin. I. Tokens. II. Taungbanni Coins. III. Irregular Tokens. II. (a) Shan Shell Money. IV. Majizi Knuckle-bones. V. Shan Silver Majizi. VI. Siamese Tickals. VII. Ancient Tokens. F. Forgeries. G. Siamese Porcelain Tokens. H. Gambling Counters or Jetons. I. Metal Charms. J. King Mindon's Mint. A. Stamped Lump Currency. SYCEE. An instance of stamped lump currency, well-known all over the Far East, is Chinese sycee, the use of which made it really a bank issue, as it was stamped with the name and description of the issuing Chinese banking firm, much after the fashion of the European bank note. With it may be compared longo intervallo the tickal of Siam and the larin or 'book' money (silver) of Persia and Ceylon, specimens of which are still fairly common in Westem Indian bazaars. It has often been written about and explained, but the following information which I gathored may still be of use to students. Perhaps the best general introduction to sycee is to be found in the remarks of Terrien de Lacouperie, Catalogue of Chinese Coins (1892, pp. Xxii-xxv), from which I extract the following notes: "The coinage of ancient China cir. culated always by weight for its intrinsic value. The weight and the various patterns were regulated by the State, and every one, including guild merchants of private and town commo. nities, subject to these rules, was at liberty to issue his own coins, bearing his distinctive symbol (written characters) or name.... "The shape that was commonly given to the ingots of gold and silver in ancient times is not described. The cubic inch of the regulations of the Tchou dynasty for gold, does not seem to have been continued for long, and the non-appearance of any special name for the unit of each of the two precious metals does not permit of any but a negative inference on

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NOVEMBER, 1927) CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE 207 the matter. We may therefore surmise that the most common shape was no other than the simplest one, i.e., that of the cruci ble itself in its most convenient oblong form, which is still at present in use for the silver currency. The metal, while still hot and soft in the crucible, is impressed either with a stamp marked with a legend, or concentric circle-lines, or with several stamps inscribed. The stamping causes the metal to rise all round, and the result is to shape the ingot like a boat or shoe. In the middle ages the Chinese ingots of gold or silver in Central Asia were called balish or ydstok, both which words mean "a cushion," and although supposed by some to allude to this so-called shoe-shape, may perhaps refer to the loaf-shape, such as those of ancient Japan and of the Laocian States, which are exemplified in the numismatic collections of the British and other Museums. The previously mentioned shape of ingot is compared to a boat in descriptions of the gold imported from China to India in tho sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Tavernier, in 1676, says that they were called goldschuyt by the Hollanders, i.e., a boat of gold, and this word schuyt is supposed to have suggest. ed the English term shoe, applied not long afterwards to the s ingots. The Chinese silver shoes in the Panjab in 1862, and in Kashgar in 1876, were colled yambu, and compared to a deep boat. Kur was also a term used in the latter place. "There is no reason to suppose that the present shoes of silver and gold in China do not preserve a form that was used in times anterior to the Han dynasty. "Sycee, Chinese, fine silk, is the general term for lump silver, and is explained as mean. ing that, if pure, it may be drawn out under the application of heat into fine silk-like threads. This is, of course, a script-etymology, and pure fancy, derived from the ideographical meaning inherent in the symbols, while the historical etymology must be sought for in a foreign term transliterated thereby. Yuenpao is the common name among foreigners for the silver ingot which bears some resemblance to a native shoe. There are a certain number of these silver shoes in the British Museum collection." In 1834 Prinsep, Useful Tables, pp. 29-30 wrote thus on the subject : "Sycee silver, in Chinese Wan-yin, is the only approach to a silver currency among the Chinese. In it the government taxes and duties, and the salaries of officers, are paid ; and it is also current among merchants in general. The term Sycee is derived from two Chinese words Se-sze, " fine floss silk," which expression is synonymous with the signification of the term Wan. This silver is formed into ingots (by the Chinese called Shoes), which are stamped with the mark of the office that issues them, and the date of their issue. The ingots are of various weights, but most commonly of ten laels each. "Sycee silver is divided into several classes, according to its fineness and freedom from alloy : the kinds most current at Canton are the five following: "lst. Kwan-heang, the Hoppo's duties, or the silver which is forwarded to the imperial treasury at Peking. This is of 97 to 99 touch. On all the imperial duties, a certain percentage is levied for the purpose of turning them into Sycee of this high standard, and of conveying them to Peking without any loss in the full amount. The Hoppo, however, in all probability increases the percentage far above what is requisite, that he may be enabled to retain the remainder for himself and his dependents. << 2nd. Fankoo or Fan-foo. The treasurer's receipts, or that in which the land-tax is paid. This is also of a high standard, but inferior to that of the Hoppo's duties, and being intended for use in the province, not for conveyance to Peking, no percentage is levied on the taxes for it. " 3rd. Yuen paou, or Une po, literally "chief in value." This kind is usually imported from Soochow, in large pieces of 50 taels each. It does not appear to belong to any particu. lar government tax. 8 Ono, if not the most, curious form resulting from this process of manufacture is the chilon or chaubinbaut, the well-known Shan shell-money, which is the result of the natural efflorescence of silver under certain methods of smelting.

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208 THE INDIAN IXTIQUARY NOVEMBER, 1927 ** 4th. Yen, or Eem-eang, "salt dutiex." It is dificult to account for these being of so low a standard, the salt trade being entirely a government monopoly. This class is superior only to "5th. Mut-iae, or Wuh-lae. The name of which signifying "uncleansed or unpurified," designates it as the worst of all. It is seldom used, except for the purpose of plating, or rather washing, baser metals. "The tael of Sycoc in the East India Company's accounts is reckoned at 68. 8d. sterling. When assayed in London, this metal is frequently found to contain a small admixture of gold. Mercantile account sales give the following average out-turn of China bullion remittances to London, Calcutta, and Bombay; that 100 taels PS 316, at 58. an oz. (including 11 per ct. for gold). of Sycee 3078 Sicca Rs. or with charges 3062 Rs. at Calcutta. yield ( 3335 Bombay Rs. or with charges 3302 Rs. at Bombay." Sycce is again alluded to by Staunton (Account of Macartney's Embassy to China, 1797, p. 97): "Silver is more properly among the Chinese a merchandise. None of it is coined, but large payments are made in lumps of it in the form of the crucibles in which it was refined and with the stamp of a single character upon it to ascertain its weight, mostly of ten ounces. The value of silver in the current coin varies according to the relative scarcity or plenty of that metal issued from the Imperial Treasury." Sycec, as a term, was employed for both gold and silver stamped and certified lumps of currency metal, and regarding it that fine English merchant in the Far East, Lockyer, writing in 1711 (Trade in India, pp. 132-4) says in his informing way :-"Gold makers sin Canton] (as they are commonly call'd) cast all the Gold, that comes thro' their Hands, into Shoos of about 10 Talo weight, or 12 oz. 2 dut. 4 gr. of an equal Fineness. As one makes them 93 Touch, another is famous for 94, &c. A private Mark is stampt in the Sides, and a piece of printed Paper pasted to the middle of them, by which every one's Make is known, as our Catlers, and other Mechanicks do in their Trades. Both Ends of the Shoos are alike, and bigger than in the middle, with thin Brims rising above the rest, whence the upperside somewhat resembles a Boat. From the middle, which in cooling sinks into a small Pit, arise Circles one within another, like the Rings in the Balls of a Man's Fingers, but bigger. The smaller and cloger these are the finer the Gold is. When Silver, Copper, or other Metal is inclosed in casting, as sometim3s you may meet with it in small Bits, the Sides will be uneven, knobby, and & Rising instead of Sinking in the Middle. Sometimes they make it not above 50 or 60 Touch, and guild it four or five times over; so that relying on our smooth Stones, you are liable to be imposed on. Therefore I look on the rougher ones that are used by the Banians of Indostan, with a Ball of Black Wax, to be the best. But for want of these raise the sides with a Graver, or cut it half through with a Chizel, and break the rest ; whence you may see the Colour and Grain, and easily detect their Fraud. Should you cut it quite thro', the Chizel will so draw the Gold over the Allay, that you can learn nothing by it. This they'll not willingly permit, but on the contrary, be affronted at a Request that shews so great a Distrust of them. Therefore the best way is to make a Bargain before you begin the Trial, and you may manage them afterwards as you will. They are call'd after the Makers' Names. or from the Places whence they come; but I think the former; for there is a great deal made at Pekin; but none of that Name. Chuja and Chuckja are 93 Touch. Tingza, Shing, and Guanza 94. Of theso the former turn to the best Account. Sinchupoa and Chuchepoa are reckon'd 96 and 95 Touch. The Chincse in Gold and Silver (whom, for the Generality of the People. I look on as the best acquainted with, and most knowing in those Metals of any Nation in the World) always reckon one Touch finer than it really is, and will allow you so in the Receipt of Money. Gold in Bars or Ingots comes chiefly from Cochinchina and Ton. queon, and differs in Fineness from 75 to 100 Touch. "Tis of several sizes, and easier much

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NOVEMBER, 1027] CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE 200 94 than tho Shooy to be counterfeited; which the foregoing Rules may fortify you against." Lockyer had some experience of this currency for he says (p. 102): "We paid near 820 tale Sissee [at Canton)." In view of the above quotations and the remarks made ante, vol. XLVIII, p. 107 f. on Burmese gold standards, it is worthwhile to draw attention to the following table extracted from Stevens, New and Complete Guide to the East India Trade, 1775, p. 71, where he gives a series of " Chinese characters, whereby you may form some judgement on the value of their gold." From this last statement can be extracted a table of recognised standards of Chinese gold, taking " sycee "at par of 100 touch. CHINESE GOLD STANDARDS, 1775. Percentage of Name. "sycee." 1. Twanghan (a bar wrapped in paper) 941 to 95 2. Seong Kutt or Soang Catt .. . 90 to 92 3. Tungzee .. .. .. .. .. .. 4. Tungzee, Yenuzee or Tingwan .. 95 5. Toozee or Tinjee .. .. 6. Cheanzee or Swajzee . 7. Seong Pon or Soang Pon .. ... 931 8. Yeukxzee, Seongyeukx or Songyeux .. 94 to 95 9. Ponzee cr Seong Pon .. 10. Chuze or Chiya (in bars) .. .. 11. Chanzee or Soarhzy (in shoes) . .. . 93 12. Ongee .. .. .. .. .. .. 90 to 93 13. Toozee 14. Ponzee or Seong Po (in bors) .. 15. Chtzee or Songcatt .. .. 30 16. Yeukxzee (shoes wrapped in paper stamped the double ring Chop"). 96 It is obvious, however, from an examination of the above table that it must be taken for what it may be worth, as the same name is made to do duty for varying standards. Obviously also both names and standards are taken from the reports of different merchants after testing with their own touch-needles and qua their appreciation of the Chinese words. It shows once more, then, the difficulty that the old traders had to encounter in their pecuniary transactions. Writing of Siam, Bock, Temples and Elephants, 1884, p. 398 (footnote) says "The Siamese distinguish six qualities of gold: (1) Nopakun kow nam ; (2) Nua paat; (3) Nua chet : (4) Nua hok; (5) Nua ha ; (6) Nua sec. These six grades date from olden times as early as 1347--when gold was plentiful in Chieng Saan. Gold of the first two grades realizes in value from sixteen to eighteen times its weight in silver." To return to Sycee, later on, Yule, Hobson-Jobson 1886, writing (pp. 628-9) on "Shoes of gold," said "Shoe of Gold (or of Silver). The namo for certain ingots of precious metal, somewhat in the form of a Chinese shoe, but more like a boat, which were formerly current in the trade of the Far East. Indeed of silver they are still current in China, for Giles says: *[Sycee is) the common name among foreigners for the Chinese Silver ingot, which bears some resemblance to a native shoe. May be of any weight from 1 oz. and even less, to 50 and sometimes 100 oz., and is always stamped by the assayer and banker, in evidence of purity.(Glos8. of Reference, 128)." "The same form of ingot was probably the balish (or ydstok) of the Middle Ages, respecting which see Cathay. pp. 115, 481, etc. Both of these latter words mean also 'a cushion,' which is perhaps as good a comparison as either 'shoe' or 'boat'. The word now used in

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210 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (NOVEMBER, 1927 Central Asia is yannbu. There are cuts of the gold ingots in Tavernier, whose words suggest what is probably the true origin of the popular English name, viz., & corruption of Dutch Goldschuyt." "1566.'.... valuable goods exported from this country (China). ... Are first a quantity of gold, which is carried to India in loaves in the shape of boats ....' --C. Federici, in Ramusio, iii, 391 b." "1611. Then, I tell you, from China I could load ships with cakes of gold fashioned like boats, containing, each of them, roundly speaking, 2 marks weight, and so each cake will be worth 280 pardaos.'-Couto, Dialogo do Soldado Pratico, p. 155." "1676. "The Pieces of Gold mark'd Fig. 1, and 2, are by the Hollanders called Goltschut, that is to say, a Boat of Gold, because they are in the form of a Boat. Other nations call them Loaves of Gold .. . The Great Pieces come to 12 hundred Guilders of Holland Money, and thirteen hundred and fifty Livres of our Money.'-Tavernier, E.T., ii. 8." "1702. Sent the Moolah to be delivered the Nabob, Dewan, and Buxie 48 China Oranges.... but the Dewan bid the Moolah write the Governor for a hundred more that he might send them to Court ; which is understood to be One Hundred shoes of gold, or so many thousand pagodas or rupees.'-In Wheeler, i. 397." "1704. Price Currant, July, 1704 (at Malacca).... Gold, China, in Shoos 94 Touchi'-Lockyer, 70." "1862, 'A silver ingot Yambu weighs about 2 (Indian )seers ....=41bs., and is worth 165 Co.'s rupees. Koomoosh, also called Yambucha, or small silver ingot, is worth 33 Rs... .. 5 yambuchas, being equal to 1 yambu. There are two descriptions of 'yambucha ;' one is a square piece of silver, having a Chinese stampon it; the other ...in the form of a boat, has no stamp. The Yambu is in the form of a boat, and has a Chinese stamp on it.' - Punjab Trade Report, App. ccxxvi-xxviii. 1." "1875. The ydmbu or kurs is a silver ingot something the shape a deep boat with projecting bow and stem. The upper surface is slightly hollowed, and stamped with a Chinese inscription. It is said to be pure silver, and to weigh 50 (Cashghar (Kashgar]) ser =30,000 grains English.'-Report of Forsyth's Mission to Kashghar, 494." . * Lockyer, like other merchants of his time, was very close and precise in the matter of currency, as the following quotation from Trade in India, (1711), pp, 135-6, will show :"Formerly they used to sell for Sisee, or Silver full fine; but of late the Method is alter'd. 10 Tale of Gold 93 fine, sold for 94 Tale weight of Sisee Silver is 7 above Touch. 10 Tale of Gold 100 Touch, sold for 94 Tale Sisee Silver is Touch for Touch. 10 Tale of Gold Touch 94 for 100 Sisee, is 127 above. To reduce Sisee into Currant Silver, multiply by 100, and divide by 94. The Hoppos divide by 93. All the Eastern People allay their Gold with Silver, therefore &.. Copperish Hue is Grounds for Suspicion. The coursest, or Gold of the lowest Touch is most advisable6: For, in a parting Essay you get all the Silver that is mixt, with it for nothing, viz. 80 Tale weight Touch 58, is 58 Tale of pure Gold and 22 Tale of Silver Allay, which you pay not a Farthing for." In writing thus Lockyer was following the custom of his day. Witness the remarks of Stevens, Guide to East India Trade, 1766 (p. 125): "At China they divide Things decimally, As in buying Gold or Silver, which is esteemed by the one-hundredth Part, and their Touching Needles (by which they generally try the Fineness of the Gold and Silver) are marked and numbered accordingly. The finest Gold among them is one hundred Touch, called Sycee, that is, pure Gold without any Allay in it. So if a Shoe of Gold touch 93, then it hath 93/100 Parts fine Gold, and 7/100 Parts of Allay in it. Goldrises and falls in China according to the * This remark shows Lockyer's judgment in currency matters.

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NOVEMBER, 1927) CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE PURMESE 211 Demand for it. Gold bought at Touch for Touch, is when Ten Tale-weight of Sycee Silver is paid for One Tale-weight of pure Gold. Therefore Nine Tale-weights of Silver are to be paid for One of that mixed Mass, for ten times 9/10 is 90, the Sycee Gold there is in, when at 90 Touch. If it touch 96, then are 9-6/10 of Silver to be paid for one of Gold. If it touch 88, then 8-8/10 of Silver for One Talo of Gold, so that if you separate the last Figure of the Touch for a Decimal, and then multiply this Numlor by the Weight of the Mass, you will have the Weight of Silver to be paid for it." Sycee was the regular currency in China itself in dealing with foreigners, for Lockyer (Trade in India, pp. 139-40) says : -"Rupees pass Currant for Sisee, English Crowns for Currant Silver...All the (silver) Money received for the Emperour's Customs is refined to Sisee and run into Shoos like the Gold ...." Again Colquhoun (Across Chryse, 1883, p. 21) says: " At last we made up our minde, after sifting the evidence in regard to this question, to take Mexican dollars, new and chopped (i.e., stamped), for use on the river and to use sycee silver (stamped) for the Yunnan land-journey (in Southern Yunnan)." Sycee was found to be currency also at a shortly earlier date, for Capt. Blakiston, writing in 1862 (The Yang Tsze, ch. ix, pp. 146-7), tells us :"We had hitherto psid in Mexican dollars, but, having run out of our supply of those useful auxiliaries, we were forced to make an inroad on our stock of 'sycee.' Each of us carried 450 taels weight of silver in this form (i.e. in small lumps), equal to about six hundred dollars, and, for fear of loss from shipwreck or other mishap, we distributed the amount among our different packages. Mine was tied in old socks, and kept very various company .. . "A money-changer was sent for, and came on board with his balance-scales, and after some little time rendered us a statement to a fraction of a cash-ten cash go to a halfpennyof the exchange, at the rate of 1720 per tael. The Sz'chuan tael was here in use, and is of greater weight than that on the lower river. The proportion is, 100 Sz'chuan taels equal 101.6 Shanghai, or 102.48 Hankow taels. Mexican dollars had been taken as far as I-chang, in the province of Hoo-peh, at 1000 to 1100 cash." So high was the position of Sycee that Herstlet (China Treaties, 1896, vol. I, p. 26) says: "Treaty of Commerce between Great Britain and China, 26 June 1858: Article xxiii, Payment of Duties in Sycee or Foreign Money. Duties shall be paid to the bankers, authorised by the Chinese Government to receive the same in its behalf, either in sycee or in foreign money, according to the assay made at Canton on the 13th July, 1843."8 The Sycee system had, however, its pitfalls for European Governments, as Chalmers, (Colonial Currency, 1883, p. 373) records an instance where the British Government was misled as to the orders it sent to Hong Kong: "The Home Government herein reckoned without the Chinese. In China, fine, or Hai-Kwan, Sycee, silver had always been reckoned not by tale but by weight, the standard measure being the 'Tael' weighing some 580 grains, sub-divided decimally into 10 mace or 100 candareens. Of the only Chinese coins (copper 'Cash '), one thousand (each weighing one mace) were originally equivalent to one tael of fine or Sycee silver. But owing to adulteration (with sand, etc.), and to illicit coinage, as many as 1,400 cash sometimes passed for a tael. "Now, as for all but petty transactions the Chinese used silver and measured that silver by its fino weight and not by tale, the introduction of token British silver coins which 7 In Yule's Ava, 1868, p. 345, there is a very curious remark with reference to Chinese silver :"A considerable quantity of silver is brought from China in the way of trade. It is imported by the Shana in a very puro stato, made up into small slabs or flat plates, which are from five to ten tickals in weight. The silver which these men themselves use is nevertheless very impuro, containing often fully 100 per cent, alloy." 8 There is much more information of the same kind in Parliamentary Papers, 1868, No. 287.

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212 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [NOVEMBER, 1927 represent fractions of a gold sovereign, proceeded on a fundamental misconception; and the Royal Proclamation of 1844 remained a dead letter. All accounts (except those of the Government) were kept in dollars, and the sole instrument and medium of exchange, both at Hong Kong and at all the open ports (except Shanghai) continued to be the silver dollar, weighed in Hong Kong at 1,000 dollars to 717 taels, i.e., nearly 415 grains per dollar." In Burma Sycee was well understood and Anderson (Mandlay to Momein, 1876, p. 377) found that "all the coined money [at Bhamo] was exchanged for sycee, or lump, silver, at the rate of one hundred rupees for seventy tickals of the finest quality, or seventy-three tickals and a half of the more alloyed which passes among the Kakhyens (Kachins)." Coming to my own time, 1887 onward, on Fig. 15, Plate II, I show a piece of myinka or saddle silver, which has been chipped for use. This is nothing but the well-known sycee silver10 of former Burmese commerce and the old books. It had, however, become rare in Burma by 1889 and I only procured one specimen in Mandalay, where I stayed three years and made many enquiries. Nevertheless, it was a standing "product" of Upper Burma,11 and until 1885, at any rate, the only currency in Bhamo, where our political agents were paid in it. E.g., in 1868 Col. G. A. Strover drew his salary there in sycee silver, while political agent, then and subsequently, though correspondence in 1889 failed to produce a specimen from Bha.no. In reference to Col. Strover's experience there is a curious allusion to sycee silver, charac. teristic of Burmese ways, in Sladen's Official Narrative of the Expedition to Explore the Trade Routes to China via Bhamo in 1867:12 "All the money in my possession consisted of India. coined rupees, which, it was said, could not pass current among Kakhyens [Kachins], or within the Shan States. The rupees must be changed for silver bullion of peculiar standard [sycee], readily procurable and current everywhere. Such at least was the information tendered at Mandalay: and yet on arrival at Bhamo, silver had become, for some unaccountable reason, an unknown commodity altogether. I would gladly have changed 5,000 rupees. It was our all, but no amount of solicitation was of any avail in procuring as many hundreds in bullion. I importuned everyone. The Chinese said they were poor and did not possess silver. The officials excused the emptiness of their treasury by assuring me that remittances had only just been made to the capital on account of the previous year's taxes." All this was the result of organized opposition to Sladen's mission. Later on Sladen writes that he "lost 30 per cent. on exchanging rupees for silver [sycee] bullion, but this loss obviously had no bearing on the true relative value of the rupees and the bullion. But it is possible in these regions for even the locally current sycee to be of small value." Thus Cooper, 13 writing from "Tai-tsan-lco, Western border of China" in 1868, says: "For the information of future travellers I should mention that beyond this place, as far as Lassa, money is at a great discount, two or three needles and a little thread, or a piece of Chinese cloth, procuring what money cannot .. Sycee is used at a great loss." As an instance of the commerical value of preserving the form of a currency, I may mention that in Rangoon in 1891 I purchased in the Municipal Market a piece of inferior silver (now in the British Museum) which came from Bombay and consisted of half a piece This seems to be the balish silver quoted by Yule, Hobson-Jobson, s.v., Shoes of Gold. 10 Temple, Travels of Peter Mundy, vol. III, pp. 195, n. 1, 309, n. 6. 11 See British Burma Gazetteer, vol. I, p. 472. 13 House of Commons, Parl. Papers, No. 165 of 1871, pp. 27, 134. 13 Ibid., p. 146.

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Plate VI. Indian Antiquary. BURMESE CURRENCY. HORNMAN MUSEUM, HOLLOWAY,

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Novice, 1927) MISCELLANEA. 213 of imitation syoso, cut in the centre exactly like the piece in fig. 15, plate II, but stamped on the back thas: These words must stand either for some such words as By (rab Dogs ....) Doss [BhairavdAs....das), after the fashion of the Bombay nomenclature of firms, or for "..... Does [dAs) Byculla." On Plate VI, figs. 4 and 5, are shown two pieces of Burmese silver of the sycee type, though not aycee, from the Horniman Museum at Forest Hill, London. And then as to the eighteenth century in Burma we read in Sangermano, The Burmese Empire, ed. 1853, p. 167: "The Burmese have no coined money, but in their commercial transactions they make use of gold and silver bullion. Hence they are obliged to employ scales in all payments. The principal weight that they have, and to which all others are referred, is the ticale [tickal]; it is equal to about half an ounce. The gold and silver used is sometimes quite pure, but ordinarily it is mixed with some alloy; and of course its value depends on its degree of purity. But the inferior money of Amarapura and Rangoon is lead. Its value is not by any means fixed, but varies according to its abundance or scarcity. Sometimes a ticale of silver with a portion of alloy, is equal to 200 ticali14 of lead, sometimes to a thousand, and even to more. In Tavai und Merghi pieces of tin with the impression of a cock, which is the Burmese arms,15 are used for money." The system of currency which culminated in gold and silver sycee is very old, as Yule's remarks show, 16 that the sommo of Pegolotti was worth 5 ducats = 918.5 4718. = say Rs. 24 at par about the value by weight of an ordinary piece of sycoe silver. Again in the above quoted passages the fixed alloy works out at 11 oz. 17 dwt., or 12 oz. fine silver, per sommo, and the varying weight therefore makes it practically certain that by the sommo the old travellers meant a lump of syoee silver. I also gather that the pieces of gold mentioned by Goes (1605), in Yule's Cathay, vol. II, pp. 582, 583, 586, must have been stamped lumps of gold, i.e., gold syoce, and that the silver measured out to him in hulk must have been sycee silver. (To be continued.) MISCELLANEA. DISCOVERY OF AN ANCIENT INSCRIPTION shows what the original workmanship was like. The IN THE JHALAWAR STATE. supporting pillars have each # "Bajra Ghanta" This. Inscription of Vikram Samvat 748 was fastened to chains engraved in stone. Before the discovered by the Curator, Darbar Archeological idol of Shiva Nandi is seated, and a number of Museum, in the temple of Chandra-manli Mahe- statues of various gods and godden stand in the dava on the banks of the river Chandrabhaga, corners. Nour by, the river Chandrabhagha flows Jhalrapatan, in the year 1916. It belongs to the from weet to cast. It is held sacred and is visited time of Raja Durag-gan of the Maurya family. by thousands of people who come to bathe in its This temple now bears the name of Shitleshwar holy waters in the month of Kartik, a fair being also Mahadeva. The supporting pillars are cylindrical held on that consion. This place is some 18 miles in shape and are beautifully engraved. The roof of the from the Railway. The nearest station is Shriporch seems to have been repaired lately, although chhatrapur on B. B. & C. L. Railway. # mall portion of it has been left alone, which 8. CHERN 14. Ticake, ticali are Italian forms of tickel. 16 I wonder what Sangermano's authority for this statement was. 16 Oathay, I, p. 117, n. 123 : IL, PP. 289, 293, 298 : and also Introd., vol. I, pp. cxxv-vi.

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214 DICTIONARY OF THE CAR-NICOBARESE LANGUAGE, by THE REV. G. WHITEHEAD, B.A., Rangoon, American Baptist Mission Press, 1925. The chief sources of our knowledge of Nicobarese has hitherto been de Roepstorff's Dictionary of the Nancowry Dialect (Calcutta, 1884), and the works of E. H. Man and Sir Richard Temple; and now Mr. Whitehead has made a valuable addition to our information by the publication of this account of the Car Dialect. Although Car and Nancowry are certainly variant forms of the same Mon-Khmer speech, they differ so widely both in grammar and in vocabulary that it would almost be possible to class them, not as cognate dialects, but as separate languages not very closely allied to each other. Car is spoken by some 5200 people out of the eight or ten thousand Nicobarese, while the number of speakers of Nancowry (Mr. Whitehead spells the word "Nankauri") is about 1165. The other dialects (Chowra, Teressa, and Shompen) share among themselves the remaining speakers of the language. I THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY To his Dictionary proper Mr. Whitehead has prefixed an Introductory Chapter of about fifty pages in which he gives an account of the general features of the language. This does not pretend to be a formal grammar, but is rather a collection of notes of varying length dealing with the main particulars. The most important sections are those devoted to the sounds of the language, to the pronouns, and to the verb. While there is no list of numerals, there is an interesting catalogue of the numeral co-officients that form an important element in the methods of counting employed by speakers of Indo-Chinese languages. In the section on phonetics, the vowel sounds are treated with minuteness, the chief features of interest being the many diphthongs and semi-diphthongs, and the tendency of some vowels to change under the influence of a following consonant. As for the consonants, with a few accidental exceptions, there are no sonant stops (g, j, d, b),-in this differing widely from Nancowry-and no aspirated consonants. Two letters,-k and n,-are liable to become "clipped" when final. I presume that by this term it is meant that, as in Burmese and other languages, they are sounded without the off-glide; but this is doubtful, for the author mentions another sound, which he represents by r. This, he says is "a kind of modified (or clipped) r", in which "clipped " can hardly have this meaning, especially as the sound is never final. Singular. Thou He Car. cha-5, chin BOOK-NOTICES. Nancowry. tille me anah The pronouns are the only words that show inflexion. They have three numbers, singular, dual (only when referring to persons), and plural,-and the pronoun of the first person has two forms each for the dual and plural, one including, and the other excluding the person addressed. So far as I am aware, the latter distinction is not found in Nanwhich has, however, the three numbers. cowry, The comparative table below shows the principal personal pronouns in the two dialects. It illustrates at once the connexion and the difference between them, As regards verbs, the author tells us little about conjugation, but gives a long and valuable list of suffixes (which he calls affixes) and prefixes that, as in cognate forms of speech, modify the rootmeaning of the word. No information is given about tenses, and I presume that, as in Nancowry, present, past and future are all represented by the same form, the temporal significance being gathered from the context. Similarly, we are given no information about the declension of nouns. It is true that in languages of this family there are no formal cases, but, to take an example, it would have been interesting to learn how the idea of the genitive is expressed. Does the possessor follow or precede the thing possessed? Is, for instance, "the house of the parent?" pa-ti (house) yong (parent), or yong pa-ti? From sentences given as examples of other syntactical uses, I presume that, as in Nancowry, the former, and not the latter, is the correct idiom, but it would have been well if this had been distinctly stated. Readers of Pater Schmidt's Die Sprachfamilien und Sprachenkreise der Erde will remember how important from the point of view of anthropology is this question of the position of the genitive. [NOVEMBER, 1927 The Dictionary itself is admirable. It is no mere vocabulary, for nearly every entry is supplied with sentences illustrating the exact meaning of the word under examination. Considering the scanty word-store that would be possessed by an isolated and uncivilized tribe of only a few thousand people, it is astonishingly full, and the evident care with which it has been compiled, gives confidence as to its accuracy. I can congratulate not only the author on its successful completion, but also my fellowstudents who are struggling with the Mon-Khmer languages on finding ready to their hands a new and excellent weapon to aid their conquest. G.A.G. Dual. Car. an, ai-ya-a (In.); tieae an, ai-yo (Ex.). Nancowry. nan, na-an nan man, meh-en ina an, a na, on ona 3 Car, like Nancowry, has no word for 'father' or 'mother. It has only male parent' and 'female parent." Plural. Car. Nancowry. in, ai-y-o (In.); tiedi in, ho (Ex..) yin, yi-o yin, cha-a ifa ofa

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BOOK-NOTICES 215 NOVEMBER, 1927] HISTORY OF BURMA, from the earliest tinies to March 10, 1824, the beginning of the English Conquest, by G. E. HARVEY, with a preface by SIR RICHARD CARSAO TEMPLE, Bt., with seven illustrations and five coloured maps : Longmans Green and Co., London, 1925. Although just over a century had elapsed since Lord Amherst was forced by the provocations of the Government of Ava to commence the first Burmese War, the average Englishman knows very little more about the history of Burma than he did at that date. Sir Arthur Phayre attempted to lift the veil of darkness which shrouded the annals of the country by the publication of a History of Burma in 1883; but, As Sir Richard Temple points out in a forewor 1 to Mr. Harvey's work, Sir Arthur had no access to the inscriptions, which are numerous from the eleventh century onwards, and made no use of Chinere records. These valuable sources, coupled with the less trustworthy vernacular chronicles of the sixteenth to the nineteenth cen. turies, the Dutch and Portuguese records and certain unpublished state papers in the India Office, form the ground work of Mr. Harvey's history, which unquestionably supplies a longfelt want and is likely to be a standard volume of reference for many years to come. His first chapter, which is devoted to the shadowy agos preceding the rise of the kingdom of Pagan in 1044, is necessarily brief and conjectural. The art of writing was probably brought from South India about A.D. 300 to the Pyus,--that strange, unknown race, which once occupied Prome, and gradually lost its identity and became merged in the local tribes of the Pagan kingdom after A.D. 800, but no inscriptions of an earlier date than A.D. 500 have so far been discovered, and the bulk of those in. cluded in Epigraphia Birmanica belong to a much later date. The general conclusion, at which Mr. Harvey arrives, is that the Burmese are a mixed Mongolian race, to which various TibetoBurman tribes--the Pyu, the Kauran or Arakanese, and the Thet or Chins,-have contributed elements, and with these have mingled the Talaings of Lower Burma, who were originally Hindu immigrants from Telingana on the coast of Madras. Immi. gration also took place from northern India through Assam, and influenced the religious ideas and architecture of Upper Burma in the fifth century; and the complete disappearance among the Burmese of their primeval Mongolian traditions is due to the fact that these Indian immigrants, whether from Northern or Southern India, were the only people who could read and write in those early ages and Bo keep tradition alive. Thug it comes that the tradition, folk-lore, and chronicles of the Mongolian Burmese are predominantly Indian in character. Although Mr. Harvey in his treatment of the Pagan k ngdom, which was practically paramount in Burma from the eleventh to the thirteenth century, frankly introduces matter which is pure legend or folk-lore, certain definite facts emerge from his com. bination of recorded fact, as embodied, for example, in the Myazedi inscription of A.D. 1112, with the romantie narrative of the chronicles. The dynasty, founded by Anaorahta in 1044, which lasted until the terrible Tartar invasion of 1287, managed to hold Burma together for more than two hundred years, built magnificent temples, and preserved Theravada Buddhism, which, in the author's words, "is one of the purest faiths mankind has ever known." Indeed, the tale of the Pagan rulers, though not free from the stain of cruelty, is on the whole more attractive to the modern reader than the long and dreary chronicle of wholesale murder, raiding, and rapine which commences with Shan dominion in 1287, includes the chequered history of the Toungoo dynasty, and ends, so far as Mr. Harvey's work is concerned, with the challenge offered by Bagyidaw of the Alaungpaya line to the Governor-General of India, Lord Amherst, whom the author incorrectly styles Viceroy of India. The title of Viceroy did not come into existence and use until after the transfer of the Government of India to the English Crown in 1858. Battle, murder, and sudden death fill the centuries succeeding the great Shan immigrations ; here and there one catches a glimpse of a ruler endowed with greater nobility, personality, or administrative aptitude than the general run of Burmese kinga. Such, indeed, were Queen ShinAW bu (1453-72) of gracious memory: Thalun of the Toungoo line, under whose orders the first Revenue Inquest ever made in Burma was carried out in 16384 Bayinnaung, who commenced his martial adventures while still in his teens and continued fighting till his death at the age of 66 ; Aloungpaya, who rose from the position of village headman to be master of Burma; and Bodawpaya. But one looks in vain for any figure comparable with those of Aboka, of Samudragupta, of Harsha, and of Akbar in India. These rulers were quite as despotic as the kings of Burma, but they were more cultured, more civilized, and, so long as they lived, they maintained a tolerably efficient administrative organization. It was in this respect that the Burmese Court was a signal failure, and Mr. Harvey's references to the exceptional inefficiency of the government recall the worst days of the later Mughal rulers, when every official was a law unto himself and the injunctions of the pageant emperor went unheeded. Quito as valuable as the actual history of the various dynasties are the notes which Mr. Harvey has appended to his narrative. Among these one may call attention particularly to the notes on "The temples and their builders," "Massacre of the kinamon," "Thalun's inquest," which include illuminating paragraphs on slaves and captivos, the ideas underlying prohibition of certain exports, and the organisation of society, and "Administrative

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216 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ NOVEMBER, 1927 conditions." In several respects, particularly as When we find a modern present tense so changing for regards official oppression and tyranny, conditions gender, we may be certain that it is derived from a under the kings of Burma approximated to those participle, and not from any finite tense. I have existing in India under some of the loss officient more than once observed that this guide has not mulere hoth Hindu and Muslim : but it is doubtful been taken advantage of by inquirers." Readers whether any Indian potentate, except porhape of this Journal will be grateful to Sir George. Sultan Balban or Muhammad bin Tughlak, was R. C. TEMPLE. guilty of such sanguinary cruelty as that which characterized successive rulers of Burma. In his ANCIENT INDIAN TRIBES, by Dr. B. C. LAW, M.A., note on "Cholas in the Delta," Mr. Harvey rightly Calcutta ; Published in the Punjab Oriental exposes Mr. Taw Sein Ko's error in attributing the (Sanskrit) series. erection of two stone posts at Pegu to Rajendra It is generally admitted that, like most countries in It is generalls ad the Gangaikonda Chola Kidaram or Kadaram, which the world, ancient India in prehistoric days evolved has been identified with Kedah in the Malay States, out of a tribal stage into & settled order of society. is identical with the Katha of tho Tiruvalangadu What were the names of these tribes, where and how copperplate inscriptions and with the Kalaham of the live they lived, whence and from which place they came, the ancient Tamil poem Pattinappalai. The Raja and what led finally to their absorption are questions, of Kadaram was also ruler of Sri Vishaya or Vijaya, an examination of which would afford supreme which appears to have been Palembaug on the ! interest to antiquarians. We know Vedic literature east coast of Sumatra. At page 320 there is an contains mention of a few tribes. Again these and interesting note on "Myosado," the Burmese name other tribes are not unknown to post-vodic literature for a human victim buried alive under a building, -- clear inference that tribal systems of organisation a custom which was once well-known in India also. continued to thrive even in the epic and the Pauranic Enough has been said to indicate that Mr. Har. periods. vey's work is a valuable contribution to the historical But there are striking pieces of evidence to literature concerning England's eastern possessions. indicate that even in pre-epic days, and at least It bears the impress of steady research and firsthand knowledge of the country; and as Sir Richard by the epic ago, India had evolved a settled system Temple writes in an excellent foreword, it will of government and administration. It is not possi. form a starting point for searchers of the coming ble for us to say whether tribal systems of organisa. generation. It has blazed a way through the tion continued side by side with the orderly forms of jungle, so that others may build the road." What government. But it is just possible that each tribe a jungle it is, can be to some extent understood gradually developed a sense of state consciousness from a mero perusal of the genealogical tables, which with the result that each became dominant in that are printed after the explanatory notes. To have region. Or it may be that originally there was woven a consecutive story, replete with new facts, great family of princes and rulers like the tradi. out of that medley of strange names, and inciden- tional race of the Iksvakus, the different mem. 'tally to have thrown most interesting sidelights bers of which occupied neighbouring territories and upon the social condition, customs, and civilization became in course of time independent rulers. Whatof Burma under its own rulers, is an achievement ever it was, the fact was that there were small worthy of the Service to which Mr. Harvey belongs. separate kingdoms occupied by different monarchs S. M. EDWARDES. and possibly different peoples An attempt is made in the book under review to THE Root AccH-IN MODERN INDIA, IN SONDER trace the history of five such tribes which played a DRUCK AUS DER GARBE-FESTGABE, 1927, by SIR prominent part in the history of ancient India. GEORGE GRIERSON. These are the Kasis, the Kosalas, the Asmakas, In this learned contribution Sir George Grierson the Maghadas, and the Bhojas. The study of each tribe is an exhaustive one, from its origin to its final commences with the statement : "Much has been disappearance or absorption into other powerful written concerning the origin of the Prakrit Vacch territory. This is not the first endeavour of Dr. LAW -'be'." Then after taking us through the modern in this direction. He has already published similar Indian languages he winds up with the invaluable remarks: "The most important general point to studies with an eernestness all his own. Almost all note in the above is that the forme derived from his authorities are literary, and each one of them is furnished with a wealth of detail that one must the primitive past participle, may be, and often are, used in the sense of the present. It is im call it & study complete by itself. portant, because the same phenomenon also occurs We trust that the distinguished scholar will in the case of other verbal basos used as verbs sub- pursue his studies further and give us an authoritastantive. In such cases the participial origin is indicat. tive and exhaustive treatise on all the tribal kinged by the fact that such a present tense is liablo todoms of Hindu India both in her prehistoric and change for gender, a thing which could not happen if historical periods. the tense were derived from the primitive present. V.R.R. DIKSHITAR,

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DECEMBER, 1927) JEAN DE THEVENOT'S ACCOUNT OF SURAT 217 JEAN DE THEVENOT'S ACCOUNT OF SURAT. BY H. G. RAWLINSON, M.A. (Continued from page 204.) THEVENOT'S TRAVELS. CHAPTER XIII. Cemeteries and Cremations. The cemeteries of Surat are outside the city, three or four hundred paces from the Baroche Gate. The Catholics have a special one of their own there. The English and the Dutch have theirs too, as well as some Indian monks. The English and the Dutch like to adorn their tombs with brick pyramids coated with lime, and when I was there, they were building one for a Dutch Governor, which was to cost eight thousand francs. Among others there is one of a certain toper who had been banished to India by the General States, and who was said to be a relative of the Prince of Orange : a monument was erected in his honour in the same way as those of other persons of distinction ; but to show that he was an adept in the art of drinking, a large stone cup has been placed on top of the pyramid, and another cup at each of the corners of the tomb below, and beside each cup there is the figure of a sugar. loaf: and when the Dutch want to amuse themselves at this tomb, they make a hundred stews in these cups, and use other, smaller cups to take what they have prepared, out of the large ones, and then they eat or drink it.16 The Hindu holy men have their tombs about two thousand paces from those of the Dutch, They are square, and are built of plaster : they are two or three feet high, and two feet in width, some being covered by a dome, and others by a plaster pyramid somewhat more than three feet in height : there is a small window on one of the sides, through which the top of the tomb can be seen, and as there are the soles of two feet engraven, some people thought that the the Vartias were buried head downwards and feet upwards, but on investigation I found out that there is nothing in this theory, and that the corpses are buried in these tombs in the usual manner. The place where the Banias burn the corpses of their dead, is beyond the cemeteries, on the river-bank, and when they are consumed by the flames, the ashes are left there to be washed away by the water of the Tapti, as this river is considered as sacred. They believe that they are greatly contributing to the welfare of the soul of the deceased, by burning his body immediately after his death, for they say that the soul suffers from the time of its separation from the body, until the body is burned. It is true that, if they are in a place where wood is unobtainable, they attach a stone to the corpse and throw it into the water, and their religion permits burial if there is neither water nor wood : however, they are convinced that the soul is far happier when the body has been burned. Nevertheless they do not burn the bodies of children who die before the age of two years, because they are still innocent, neither do they burn the bodies of Vartias or Yogis, who are a kind of dervish, because they follow the rite of Madeo, who is one of their great saints, and who commanded that corpses should be buried. THEVENOT'S TRAVELS. CHAPTER XIV. Various Curiosities at Surat. There is a large well near the English cemeteries. A Bania constructed it for the convenience of travellers, and it is square in shape, the same size as the Ahmedabad well which I have described. Above it there are several rather thin brick arches, at distances of several feet from one another. There are various flights of steps leading down, and the daylight enters by the spaces between the arches, so that one can see clearly all the way down. Outside 16 A similar account is to be found in Ovington's Voyage to Surat, p. 406 ff.

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218 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ DECEMBER, 1927 there is the image of a face, all red, but its features are not distinguishable. The Indians say that it is the pagoda1c of Madeo, and the Hindus are much devoted to it. A reservoir near the Daman Gate, where the finest walk of the district begins, is much esteemed. This gate is covered and surrounded by the branches of a fine War-tree17 which the Portuguese call a root-tree, and which affords the most pleasant shelter to all who come to this tank. This large water reservoir has sixteen angles ; each of its sides is one hundred paces in length, and the whole structure is as long as a musket-shot in diameter. The bottom of it is paved with largo, smooth stones, and there are steps almost all round it after the manner of an amphitheatre, reaching from the top of the tank down to the bottom : each step is half a foot in height, and they are made of fine free-stone brought from the neighbourhood of Cambay; that portion inside the tank which is not in steps, is in talus; and three slopes have been made as watering places. In the middle of this reservoir there is a stone edifice about four toises (1 toise=1.39459 feet) in height, length and width, which one mounts by two little staircases. It is a place where people can enjoy themselves and take the air ; but they must reach it by boat. The great tank is filled by rain-water during the rainy season ; after flowing through the country. side, where it forms a large canal, which has had to be bridged, the water runs into a large area enclosed by walls, whence it passes into the tank by three holes which have been cut circular, having a diameter of over four feet; and near by, there is a kind of Muhammadan chapel. This tank was constructed at the expense of a rich Bania named Gopi,18 who had it built for the public benefit ; and in former times no other water was drunk in Surat but the water of this tank, for the five wells which supply the entire city nowadays, were not discovered until a long time after the tank was constructed. It was begun at the same time as the castle, and people say that the one cost as much to construct as the other. It is most certainly a piece of work worthy of a king, and may well be compared to the finest ever built by the Romans for the public benefit. However, as the Levantines allow everything to perish for want of proper upkeep, it was already obstructed by six feet of earth when I saw it, and it is in great danger of being completely filled up with earth some day, unless some charitable Bania has it cleaned out. Having inspected this fine tank, we went to a place a quarter of a league away, to see the Princess's Garden there, so-called because it belongs to the sister of the Great Mogul. It has a large area, planted with trees of various kinds, such as mangoes, palms, mirabolams, wars, maisa trees, and several others planted in avenues. Among the shrubs I saw the querzehere of aacla, with which I have dealt fully in my second volume, and also the Egyptian acacia. There are several very straight, fine avenues, and especially the four which traverse the garden cross-wise, with a small channel in their midst, the water of which is drawn from a well by bullocks. In the middle of the garden there is a building with four fronts, each having its divan, and in each corner a small room, and in front of each of these divans, there is a square tank full of water, whence issue the streams which flow along the main avenues. However, though this park is well laid out, it has nothing of the elegance of our gardens. One does not see our bowers, our beautiful flower-beds or the accuracy of their divisions, and still less the various fountains which we have. At one hundred or a hundred and fifty paces from this garden, we saw the War tree in its entire fulness. This tree is also called Ber, and Banyan-tree, and Root-tree, owing to the facility with which its branches, which bear large filaments, take root, thus reproducing fresh branches : thus a single tree can fill & very large area, and this particular one is very extensive and very tall, and casts a very large extent of shade. Its trunk is round, with a diameter of eighty paces, which makes more than thirty toises. The branches which had 16 A Hindu temple. 17 Wad, Ficus indica. 18 This is the famous Gopi Talao, now drained,

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DECEMBER, 1927] JEAN DE THEVENOT'S ACCOUNT OF SURAT 219 taken root irregularly, had been cut so skilfully, that one can walk beneath the tree now without inconvenience. The Hindus in India account this tree sacred, and we had no trouble in recognising it from afar, by the flags which the Banias had planted on its top and on its higher branches. It is accompanied by a pagoda dedicated to an idol they call Mameva; and those who do not belong to their religion, think that it is a representation of Eve. We found a Brahman sitting there, who was dabbing red on the brows of those who came there to pay their devotions, and he also received their gifts of rice, or cocoanut. This pagoda is built beneath the tree in the form of a grotto: the exterior bears paintings of various figures representing the fables of their false gods, and inside the grotto there is a head red all over. In this quarter I saw a man who was very charitable to the ants. He was carrying flour in a sack to distribute to them, and he laid a handful of it in every place where he saw a number of ants collected together. While we were in the country, we examined the soil of Surat. It is very dark grey soil, and we were assured that it was so excellent that the people never manured it: the corn is sown after the rains, i.e., after the month of September, and it is cut after February. Sugarcanes are also planted : the custom when planting them is to dig deep furrows into which, before placing the canes, they put several of those small fish which we call gudgeons in Paris ; whether these fish serve to enrich the soil, or whether they add some quality to the cane, the Indians claim that without this improvement the product of the canes will be valueless : they lay their cuttings of cane over these fish the one at the end of the other, and from each knot of cane thus embedded, there springs a sugar-cane which is harvested in due season. The soil of Surat is also good for rice, and they sow a considerable quantity of it. Mangoes and palms of all kinds, and other kinds of trees thrive well there, and bring in a good revenue. The Dutch water their fields with well-water, which is drawn by bullocks as described by me in Part Two: but the cornfields are never watered, because the dews, which are abundant in the morning, are sufficient for these crops. The Tapti River is always rather dirty at Surat, and for this reason the inhabitants use it neither for watering nor for drinking purposes, but only for bathing: and this they do every morning, like other Indians. They use well-water for drinking, and it is brought in skins by bullocks. It is not really much of a river, for even at high tide, it is not larger than half of the Seine : however, it rises to such an extent during the winter owing to the water of the rains, that it overflows its banks furiously, causing great ravages. It rises at a place called Gehar. Cond, in the Deccan hills, ten leagues from Brampur.19 It flows past this town, and before reaching the sea, waters various districte, touching several towns, lastly that of Surat. When the sea is low, this river flows as far as the bar: but at high tide, the sea generally advances as much as two leagues beyond this bar; and in this way it receives the waters of the Tapti. TERVENOT'S TRAVELS. CHAPTER XV. The Fort of Surat. The bar of Surat, where vessels now arrive, is not the real harbour : at the most it can only be called a roadstead; and it is not without cause that I said at the beginning of this book that it is called the bar because of the sands which prevent boats from proceeding further. As a matter of fact there is so little water that, even when vessels have been unloaded, the ordinary tides are not sufficient to permit of their advancing, and people have to wait for the full-moon tide ; but at that time they come up to Surat, especially when they are in need of repair. Small boate reach the city easily even when there is very little tide. The real port of Surat is Souali,so two leagues from the bar. It is only four leagues and a half away from the city, and people cross the river just by the city, so as to go there by land. 1. Burhanpur. 20 Suvali, the famous "Swally Hole," of the Seventeenth Century Rooords.

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220 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ DECEMBER, 1927 All vessels used to anchor at this port, where there is good anchoring-ground; but as the Customs were frequently defrauded there, arrival there was prohibited, and no one has been there since the year 1660 except the English and the Dutch, who still have permission to anchor there, and each have their warehouse there. This port gives them fine facility for saving anything they like without paying duty; and the coaches of the Governors, Commanders or Presidents of these two nations, which frequently drive in these quarter, could easily carry away anything small in bult from their ships. They even have gardens at Soulay, on the sea-side, and each has a little port where they keep their bots (Dutch boats) or craft : so much so that it only rests with them if they have a mind to evade the duty on many commodities. Since the prohibition has been issued for other nations to anchor at Souali, there is always a great concourse of vessels at the bar, though it is very inconvenient for them : for none of the Vessels from Persia, Arabia Felix, or generally from all the lands of India, has ceased coming here, and thus the prohibition from landing at Souali has not in any way diminished the profits of the Customs, which pay to the king annually twelve lakhs of rupees, each lakh being equivalent to about one hundred thousand pounds. The Controller of the Customs is a Muslim, and holds his commission from the Governor of Surat. The clerks are Banias, and the rest of the Customs staff, such as guards, porters and others are also Muslims, and are known as Customs peons. TH VENOT'S TRAVELS. CHAPTER XVI. The Incursion of Sivaji. In January 1664 Rajah Sivaji disconcerted these Customs officials and their Governor in a strange manner; and as he has become illustrious through his actions, it will not be out of place to relate his history. This Sivaji was the son of a captain of the king of Bijapur, and was born at Bassein.21 As he was of a restless and turbulent spirit, he began to rebel during his father's days, and having placed himself at the head of a number of bandits and of a host of dissolute youths, he held out in the mountains of Bijapur against such as came to attack him there, and he refused to listen to reason. The king, believing that Sivaji's father was in league with him, had him arrested ; and as he died in prison, Sivaji conceived so fierce a hatred against this king, that he did all in his power to obtain his revenge. He laid waste a part of Bijapur within a very short time, and with what he pilfered, he fortified himself so well with men, arms and horses, that his position was strong enough to enable him to seize some towns and to form a small State in spite of the king, who died at this time. The queen, who was now regent, having her hands full with other matters, tried her utmost to recall Sivaji to his duty; but being unsuccessful, she accepted the peace which he proposed to her, and after that she remained in peace. However, as the Rajah could not keep quiet, he laid waste some places belonging to the Great Mogul: this compelled the emperor to send troops against him under Shasta Khan, his unole, Governor of Aurangabad. Shasta Khan had far larger forces than Sivaji, and pursued him vigorously, but the Rajah always took refuge in the mountains, and as he was extremely clever, the Mogul was unable to catch him. Finally, however, the old captain, thinking that Sivaji's turbulent spirit would result in some mischief to his disadvantage, decided to temporise, and stayed for a long time in the Rajah's territory. As Sivaji was greatly annoyed by Shasta Khan's patience, he resorted to strategem. He ordered one of his captains to write to this Mogul, and to persuade him that he was desirous of entering the service of the Great Mogul and bringing with him five hundred men in his command. When Shasta Khan received these letters, he did not at first dare to trust them ; but when he continued to receive them, and the captain could not adduce any Causes of discontent which appeared to have any semblance of truth, he told him to come and bring his men with him. No sooner was he in the camp of the Moguls, than he demanded a 31 This is a curious mistake. He was born at Shivner, in the Poona district, May 1627.

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DECEMBER, 1927) JEAN DE THEVENOT'S ACCOUNT OF SURAT 221 passport to go and see the king, and join his service : but Shasta Khan contented himself with letting him entertain hopes, and he kept his eye upon him. Sivaji had ordered him to do his utmost to insinuate himself in the mind of Shasta Khan, and to spare nothing with this intent. He had told him even to go to the length of showing all possible animosity on suitable occasions, and above all to be the first in any attacks which might be made against himself and his subjects. The captain did not fail to obey him. He put to fire and sword all that he came across in the Rajah's territory, and did much more damage there than anyone else; this won for him the complete confidence of Shasta Khan, who in the end appointed him Captain of his guards. He guarded him badly, however, for having one day informed Sivaji that on a certain night he would be on guard near the General's tent, the Rajah came there with his men ; and being introduced by his Captain, he approach ed Shasta Khan, who, having awakened, seized his weapons, and was wounded in the hand. Nevertheless he found a means of saving himself, but one of his sons was killed, and as Sivaji thought he had killed the man himself, he gave the signal for retreat. He withdrew with his Captain and all his cavalry in good order. He took away this General's treasure, and he also carried off his daughter, to whom he paid all possible honour. He forbade his men, under a severe penalty, to do her any harm, on the contrary he had her treated most regpectfully; and when he learned that her father was still alive, he sent word to him that, if he sent him as her ransom a certain sum which he indicated, he would return his daughter safe and sound : and this was promptly done. After that, he wrote to Shasta Khan to ask him to withdraw, and did not conceal from him that he himself was the originator of the stratagem which had been carried out; he added that he was planning several others with intent to ruin him, and that most certainly, if he did not withdraw from Sivaji's lands, he would have to pay for it with his life. Shasta Khan did not neglect this advice. He informed the king that it was impossible to force Sivaji in the mountains, and that he could not undertake to do so unless he allowed his troops to perish: and he received an order from the Court to withdraw on the pretext of some new enterprise. Nevertheless Sivaji was determined to avenge himself on the Mogul by some means or other, provided that it might prove useful to himself; and as he was not ignorant of the fact that the city of Surat was full of wealth, he took measures to pillage it: so that no one might suspect his designs, he divided his troops into two camps; and as his State was mainly on the road between Bassein and Shaoul,2% in the mountains, he formed one camp near Shaoul, where he set one of his flags, and at the same time posted another camp near Bassein; and after having instructed his Commanders not to do any pillaging, but, on the contrary, to pay for anything they took, he secretly disguised himself as a fakir. He went to find out the easiest roads to get to Surat speedily; he entered the city to make investigations regarding the locality, and in this way he had all the leisure he wanted for reconnoitring. Having returned to his main camp, he commanded four thousand of his men to follow him silently, and the others to remain in encampment and to make as much noise in his absence as though the whole of the troops were there, so that no one should suspect anything of the enterprise in hand, and so that it should be believed that he was still in one of his two camps. All was done as he had commanded. The march was sufficiently secret, though he precipitated it to surprise Surat ; and he encamped near the Brampur23 gate. To amuse the Governor, who sent to meet him, Sivaji asked for guides, on the pretext that he wished to pass beyond the place; but without giving him any reply, the Governor withdrew into the fortress with all his most precious possessions, and sent out in every direction for succour. The majority of the inhabitants, surprised, doserted their houses, and flod into the country. Sivaji's men entered the city, pillaged it for four days, and burned several ho uses. It was only the quarters inhabited by the English and the Dutch that were able to escape from these 33 Chaul Revadanda. 23 Burhanpur.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [DECEMBER, 1927 marauders, by reason of the vigorous resistance which they offered, and by means of the cannon which they levelled, the effects of which Sivaji did not want to try, as he had no cannon himself. Neither did this Rajab desire to risk attacking the castle, though he was well aware that they had stored all the most valuable things there, in particular a large amount of ready cash. He feared that this attack would cost him too much time, and that the reinforcements which might come, would compel him to abandon the booty he had secured in the city : besides, as the castle had a means of defending itself, his victory there would not have been so profitable as in the case of the remaining part. He therefore decided to retire with all the riches he had amassed. It is believed in Surat that this Rajah carried off more than thirty millions in jewels, gold or silver : in one Bania's house alone he found twenty-two pounds of strung pearls, as well as a large quantity of others which were not yet pierced. By the way, it would be astonishing that so populous a city should so patiently have allowed a handful of men to pillage it, if one did not know that, for the most part, the Indians are cowardly. No sooner did they see Sivaji with his band, than they all fled, some to the country to retire to Baroche, and the others to the castle, where the Governor of the City was among the first to take refuge. Indeed, the European Christians, who had stayed firm in their quarters, were the only people who saved themselves. All the rest of the city was pillaged, except the Capuchin monastery. When the pillagers were opposite their convent, they passed by; and they had received orders from their chief to act in this way, because, on the evening of the first day, Father Ambrose, the Superior of the Capuchins, moved to compassion for the poor Christians resident in Surat, had approached this Rajah, and had spoken to him in their favour asking him at least to do no injury to their persons. Sivaji respected him : he took him under his protection, and granted him his request for the Christians. The Great Mogul was much affected by the pillage of this city, and the boldness of Sivaji ; but as his affairs did not permit of his pursuing him then and there, he dissimulated the grief that this attack caused him, and postponed his revenge. In 1666 Aurangzeb urgently desired to be rid of him, and to gain his ends, he pretended to approve of what Sivaji had done, and praised his action as that of a gallant man, putting the blame on the Governor of Surat, who had not had the courage to oppose him. He thus explained himself before the other rajahs of the Court, among whom he well knew that Sivaji had many friends, and he gave them to understand that, as he esteemed the valour of this Rajah, he wished him to come to the Court, and he said plainly that he would be glad if someone would make this known to Sivaji. He even asked one of them to write to him, and he gave his royal word that no harm would be done to him, that he could come to the Court in all security, that he, the emperor, would forget the past, and that his troops would be so well treated that he would have no cause for complaint. Several rajahs wrote what the king had said, and went in person as surety for his word : and thus he had no objection to coming to the Court with his son, after having commanded his troops to be always on their guard, under a skilful captain whom he left at the head of them. At first he received all manner of caresses at the Court, but some months afterwards, perceiving the coldness in the king's manner towards him, he complained openly of it, and told him without hesitation that he believed the king desired his, Sivaji's, death, though he had come to the Court on the strength of the king's royal parole, without having been under any constraint or necessity to do so ; but that His Majesty could learn from Shasta Khan and from the Governor of Surat, what manner of man he was, and that, if he was to perish, there would be those who would avenge his death ; but in the meantime, before they could kill him, he wished to die by his own hand; and, drawing his dagger, he attempted suicide ; but he was prevented, and watch was kept over him. The king would have gladly killed him, but he feared that the rajahs would rise against him. They were already murmuring at the treatment which was being meted out to Sivaji

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DECEMDER, 1927] JEAN DE THEVENOTS ACCOUNT OF SURAT 223 in spite of the assurance which had been given him; and they all took all the more interest in him, as most of them were only at Court on the strength of the king's parole. This consideration compelled Aurangzeb to treat him well, and to make much of his son. He told him that he had never had thoughts of putting him to death, and he flattered him by promising him a good commission if he would go to Kandahar, which place he then intended to besiege. Sivaji feigned consent to this, provided that he might command his own troops, The king having granted him this request, he asked for a passport to have them fetched; and when he had obtained it, he decided to utilise it to withdraw from the Court. For this reason he gave orders to those to whom he entrusted the passport, and whom he sent on in advance on the pretext of bringing his troops, to bring him horses to certain places which he indicated to them; this they did not fail to do. When he considered the time ripe for going to join them, he had himself and his son carried to the river bank at night in baskets. As soon as they had passed over, they mounted horses which were ready waiting for them, and at the same time he told the ferryman he might inform the king that he had taken Rajah Sivaji across. They galloped night and day; they found fresh horses at the appointed places according to the instructions which Sivaji had given ; and they passed everything on the strength of the king's passport : but as the son was unable to stand the strain of this long ride, he died on the way. The Rajah left money for his corpse to be burned with all due honour, and immediately went to his State in good health. Aurangzeb was extremely angry about this flight. Several people thought that it was only a false rumour which was being circulated, and that Sivaji had been put to death; but the truth was soon known. This rajah was short and swarthy, with fiery eyes showing great intelligence. He generally ate only one meal daily, and enjoyed good health ; and when he pillaged Surat in 1664, he was only thirty-five years of age. THGVENOT'S TRAVELS. CHAPTER XVII. The Capuchin, Father Ambrose. Father Ambrose, about whom I have spoken, has acquired great credit in the country of the Mogul by reason of his virtue and his services, and he is esteemed equally by Christians and Hindus : moreover he is full of charity towards all. It is he who generally settles the disputes which arise among the Christians, and especially among the Catholics; and he has such a measure of authority from the Mogul officials, that if one of the parties is so obstinate as not to wish to accommodate himself, Father Ambrose com pels him on his own authority to agree to what is right. He does not hesitate to have a Christian imprisoned if his behaviour is scandalous, and if the Governor or the Cotoual receive complaints about it, or petitions for the release of the prisoner, they both send the complainant to the Father, saying that this is a matter over which they have no control. If the suppliant finds favour with them, they simply offer their intercession to the Capuchin, and the day I saw a man whom he had released from prison at the request of the Cotoual, and this official was reprimand. ing him severely for having caused Father Ambrose's indignation. He banishes from the city persons of too irregular living, and the Cotoual himself sends him peons to conduct them out of the town, with instructions to his people to conduct them wherever the Capuchin may advise. He frequently uses his favour for Hindus also ; and I have seen a heathen, who was being taken to prison for some minor offence, released at his request. He boldly disputes about the Faith in the presence of the Governor; and one day he brought back to her duty a Christian woman debauched by a secretary to the queen, who, in order to lead a licentious life, had deserted her religion and embraced Muhammadanigm, and he himself went one morning to take her away from this heathen. His life has indeed ever been blameless, which is no ordinary praise for a man who lives in a country where there are so many nations living in great disorder, and which his duties compel him to frequent. .

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224 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ DECEMBER, 1927 THE APABHRAMSA STABAKAS OF RAMA-SARMAN: A FEW SUGGESTIONS. BY MUHAMMAD SHAHIDULLAH, M.A., B.L. The reconstruction of the Apabramsa Stabakas of Rama-Sarman by Sir George A. Grierson (published in the Indian Antiquary, 1922-1923) is, to say the least, marvellous and quite worthy of the veteran scholar. But as it is based in many places on conjectures, extremely bad as the text is, there is room for suggestions. Verse 3, line 3. sipa (sida, nipa, nida) nite has been amended as si pradike. This suits the metre. This will give the Apabhramsa form chappa (or, chippa). But chappd (or, chippa) Page #255
DECEMBER, 1927) INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF MAHARAJA SURAPALADEVA 225 INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF MAHARAJA SURAPALADEVA, DATED [VIKRAMA- SAMVAT, 1212. BY R. R. HALDER. Tas inscription was found by Rai Bahadur Gaurishankar Hirachand Ojha, Curator of the Rajputana Museum, Ajmer, at Thakarda, during his tour in the Dungarpur State, and is described in the Annual Report of the Museum for 1915-16. I edit the text from an ink impression kindly placed at my disposal by him. The inscription contains ten lines of writing, which covers a space of 11 in. 9 in. The average size of the letters is about in. Some inverted letters also seem to have been engraved later on in the right lower corner. The character is Nagari of the twelfth century A.D. The letter i in Ma-idhena (1. 10) shows its earlier form. The matras of u, u and e are written in different ways; as in - Sunu-(1.3), putro- (1. 4), -puruvam (1.8), -devena (1. 7) and kedara (l. 9). Also, dha is written in two ways as in abhidhana (line 2) and Sridhara (1. 10), and so also va in ravi- (1. l) and - jivina (1. 6). The language is Sanskrit with a few mistakes, which are corrected in the footnotes accompanying the text. In respect of orthography, the following may be noted - (1) Anusvara is used for na and na for na in Anamngapala (1. 7). (2) , for & in Siddhesvara (1. 7). Rules of sandhi are not observed in ll. 5, 7, 8, etc. This inscription is of the time of Maharaja Surapaladeva, the son and successor of Vijayapaladeva, whose inscription dated Samvat 1190 1133 (A.D.) was found at Ingnoda (about 180 miles from the find-spot of this inscription) in the territory of the Junior Raja of Devas in Central India. It is dated the 1st day of the bright half of Bhadrapada, Samvat 1212, corresponding to 31st July 1155 A.D., and records a grant of a land by Maharajaputra (Prince) Anangapaladeva to the temple of the god Siddhesvara. The names of the princes mentioned in the Ingnoda inscription are also mentioned in this, but the epithets Mahlrajadhiraja,' Paramesvara' and 'Paramabhattaraka' are not followeu in this. However, it appears from these two inscriptions that they were probably, though not necessarily, inde. pendent kings at first, and ruled over certain parts of Rajputana and Central India. The family to which they belonged is not mentioned in either of the inscriptions. This leads to the difficulty in assigning a place to them among the ruling dynasties of the twelfth century A.D. R. B. Gaurishankar H. Ojha, at first, included them among the Kachhavaha rulers of Gwalior, but later on changed his opinion and remarked in the Annual Report of the Museum, that possibly they were the descendants of the Pratihara kings of Kanauj and ruled over parts of Central India and Rajputana after the kingdom of Kanauj had passed into the hands of the Gahadwal king Chandradeva at the end of the eleventh century A.D. This latter view of his seems to me better; for it may be known that, after the end of the Imperial Pratihara dynasty of Kanauj, the scions of the family continued to rule for sometime in the territories where their masters had placed them, as can be inferred from the discovery of an inscription, dated Samvat 1277 (A.D. 1220) of the Pratihara Malayavarma at Kuretha in the Gwalior State. So, it is possible that, like Malayavarma, these princes had also ruled in the territories where their inscriptions are found. This could happen only if they governed either as independent kings, or as subordinates to the Parmara rulers of Malwa, 1 Ind. Ant., vol. VI, p. 53. 3 Mathanadeva, son of Maharajadhiraja Savat of the Pratihers gotra bore the titles Maharajadhirkja, Paramdavara,' but he was foudatory of the Pratihara king Kahitipaladeva (Mahipala) [p. Ind., vol. III, p. 265.) Soe also Ep. Ind., vol. I, p. 169 ff. * Supplementary notes to Tod Rajasthana (in Hindi), by R. B.G. H. Ojha, p. 372. Ind. Ant., vol. XLVII, p. 242, n. 4. See also the Annual Report of the Rajputana Museum, Ajmer, 1918-19, p. 2,4 (6) V. The names of the princes of this record also agree with those of the later Pratibaras of Kanauj.

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298 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY DECEMBER, 1927 just as did the Parmaras of VAgada (which included the whole of the present Banswara and Dungarpur States), whose rule began with Dambarsimha, brother of the Parmara Vairisimba (I.) of Malwa and ended with Vijayaraja about Samvat 1166 (A.D. 1109). Since the Ingnoda inscription of Vijayapala is dated Samvat 1190 (A.D. 1133), it may also be guessed that the reign of Prithvipaladeva, the third predecessor of Vijayapala, may have begun a short period before the end of the Vagada rulers, i.e., about the beginning of the twelfth century A.D., if an average rule of twenty years be assigned tc each of the two rulers preceding Vijayapala. It may also be seen from the same inscription that the epithets Paramabhattaraka Maharajadhirdja Paramesvara are applied to Tihunapaladeva (Tribhuvanapaladeya) only. This shows that the power of these rulers probably rose to its height in the reign of TribhuvanapAladova, who, according to the supposed average, appears to have been the contemporary of the Parmara ruler Naravarma (s. 1161-90) of Malwe, during whose reign the power of Malwe was considerably reduced by & continuous warfare of twelve years with the Solanki ruler Siddharaja Jayasinha of Gujarat. Thu genealogy of the princes according to this inscription is as follows: Prithvipaladeva alias Bhartripatta. Tribhuvanapaladeve. (Tihunapala of the Ingnoda inscription). Vijayapaladeva (8, 1190 = A.D. 1133). Surapaladeva (s. 1212 = A.D. 1155). Anangapaladeva. Line. Text. 1. r II T RI 18 augit fra 2. samastarAmAvalIvirAjitabhapahAbhidhAnazrIpU3. v :) TEA T T96 [:]ara terpis :) TRE5. [w]nerrutt u r6. Petra Totaftfalo WT7. UITERA fare []cara star[it]# - 8. regat 11TH (14:) a gan - 9. fofaat dan T (TT:) *[T:] 9: || 10. fafar torfieAYO Tia 11 Torf (aft:] ll Translation. Om On Sunday, the 1st day of the bright fortnight of Bhadrapada of the Samvat year 1212 (A.D. 1165)[there was) Sri-Prithvipaladeva alias Bhartripatta, who shone among the row of the kings ; his son (was) Maharaja Sri-Tribhuvanapaladeva; his son (was] Maharaja SrVijayapaladdva ; his son (was) Maharaja Sri-Surapaladeva-during the latter's) prosperous, beneficial and victorious reign a land of one plough was granted by Mahardjaputra Sri-Anangapaladeva who served his (father's) lotuslike feet, for his welfare with the ceremony of pouring) water (on the hand of the grantee) to (the temple of] the god Siddhesvara. Also, whatever fields have been granted near Tatakini [a small pond), they are also confirmed [by this writ]. [This is) written by Pandit Ma'idha, son of Pandit Sridhara. Let great happiness attend. 5 See Annual Reports of the Rajputana Museum, 1914-15, 4 (6) 1 and 1916-17, 4 (6) 2. Also, Ep. Ind., vol XIV, p. 296. * An inscription, dated 8. 1166 (A.D. 1109), of the time of Vijayaraja ie preserved in the Rajputana Museum, Ajmer. 7 Expressed by a symbol & The strokes are redundant. The reading in the Ingnod A inscription (ante, p. 56) is different and doubtful. 10 Road guitar. 11 Read TT. Tho protruded lino of in the impression seems cancelled by two parallel line.

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VEDIC STUDIES 227 DECEMBER, 10271 VEDIC STUDIES. BY A. VENKATASUBBIAH, M.A., PH.D. (Continued from page 139.) 5. Pfthak. This is a word well-known in later literature where it has the meaning nand, 'diversely, variously, separately, individually, in different ways ; ' and it has been aserimed by the commentators, Indian as well as European, that this is the meaning in the Veda also. This assumption is indeed correct as regards 1, 131, 2; 1, 157, 1, and some other verses ; but it is otherwise with regard to 10, 91, 7, 9, 86, 2, and 10, 142, 4, all which verses contain similes with prthak as the tertium comparationis. In 10, 142, 4 it is said that Agni goes, prihak, like an eager missile; in 10, 91, 7, that the flames of Agni press forward, prthak, like the horses of a chariot ; and in 9, 86, 2, that the swift gladdening streams of Soma rush forward, prthak, like the horses of a chariot. It is obvious that the meaning 'diversely, variously, separately in different ways ', is inappropriate here; for the horses of a chariot can not be said to press forward diversely' or 'in different ways'. On the contrary, it is their com. munity of action and community of goal that is the point of comparison elsewhere in the RV. Compare, for instance, 3, 33, 2: accha samudram rathyera ydthah' you, Vipat and Sutudri, go to the sea (together) like the two horses of a chariot '(comp. anya' vdm anya'm apyeti Subhre in the same verse and samdnam yonim anu samcaranti in the next verse); 2, 39, 3: arud'nica ydtam rathy va sakra come, Oye two mighty (Asvins) towards us (together) like the two horses of a chariot' (comp. 10, 106, 1: sadhricina' yd'tave prem ajigah); and 3, 36, 6: d' pah samudram rathy va jagmuh' the waters went (together) to the sea like the two horses of a chariot 'oomp. 5, 60, 3, d'pa iva sadhryanco dhavadhve). Compare also the epithet sahavdhah, drawing together, used of the horses which draw the chariot of Brhaspati in 7, 97, 6: tam sagmd' 80 arusha'so asva bs'haspatim sahava' ho vahanti sahas cid yasya ni lavat sadhastham nabho na rupam arusham vasdnah. Pythak therefore cannot mean diversely,' 'variously,' separately, 'in different ways,' here ; it must have some other signification that can yield good sense in these passages. What this other signification is, can be determined by these passages themselves. As we have seen, prthag-gamana is a common characteristic of Agni, of Agni's flames, of the horses of a chariot, and of an eager missile that is, of a weapon that has been hurled against the foe. If we find out therefore from other passages of the RV. an answer to the question. What attribute is it that is characteristic of the movement of the above-named things !' We shall in all likelihood have found out the meaning of prthak in these passages. The answer to the above question is not difficult to find; for, the only attribute that characterises commonly the movement of Agni, of Agni's flames, etc., is 'swiftness,' rapidity,' 'quickness,' 'impetuousness,' eto. Compare respectively the following passages : (a) 3, 26, 2; tam fubhram agnim avase havamahe ... atithin raghushyadam' we invoke him for protection, Agni, the bright, the swift-moving, the guest'; 10, 6, 4: deva'n acchd raghupatva jigati 'he (Agni), the swift-mover, goes to the gods;' 1, 140, 9: tuvigribhih satvabhir ydti vi jrayah he moves swiftly with his much-devouring flames,'; 1, 79, 1: ahir dhunir vd'ta iva dhrajiman (Agni) swift (like) Ahi, flying like the wind'; 4, 4, 4: prati spaeo di orja tu'rnitamah 'send forth thy spies, (O Agni,) thou that art the swiftest'; (6) 4, 4, 2: tava bhrama'sa asuya' patanti 'thy flames go swiftly'; 6, 66, 10:trshu-cyavaso juhvo na'gneh' moying swiftly like the tongues (i.e., flames) of Agni'; 9, 22, 2: agner iva bhramd' up' tha 'impetuous like the flames of Agni'; 4, 6, 10: tveshdeo agne arcayas caranti byend' 80 na duvasdnd' ao artham thy bright flames, O Agni, move (swiftly) like hawks coursing to their goal'; 4, 6,5: dravanty as ja vajino na boleh his flames run like racing horses'; (c) 1, 148, 3: asvdeo na rathyo rdrahani''coursing like the horses of a chariot; 10, 119, 3: un md pita' ayansala ratham

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228 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ DECEMBER, 1927 bevd ivdsava) '(the streams of Soma) drunk (by me) have roused me (as quickly) as swift horses (draw) a chariot' (cf. preceding verse, pra vd'ta iva dodhata un ma pi ta' aya visata); 4, 1, 3: sa kche sa khayam abhy & vavrtsudsum na cakram rathyeva ranhyd carry the friend to us, O friend, with speed, as the two horses of a chariot roll the swift wheel '; 2, 4, 6: ud'r ma patha' rathyeva svanit (who, Agai,) rushed forth (as swiftly) as water on its path, as the two horses of a chariot'; (d)9, 69, 6 : su'ryasyeva rasmiyo drivayitnavo matsara' sah prasupah adkam frate the torpid (?), intoxicating (streams of Soma) move together, swift like the rays of the sun'; 9, 69, 7: sindhor iva pravane nimni atavo vy' shacyula maddso gatum deata the streams of Soma, falling from (the hands of) the man proceed on their way, swift like the currents of a river down an incline '; 9, 86, 1: pra la asavah pava mana dhijavo mada arshanti raghuja' iva tmind 'thy swift, thought-inspiring, intoxicating streams, O Pavamana, rush forward of themselves like horses born of fleet (sires and dams)'; 1, 5, 7: d' tva vibantu dsavah somasa indra girvanah let the swift streams of Soma enter into you, O Indra fond of praise'; 9, 22, 1: ele 85 masa asivo ratha iva pra vajinah | sargah ssshfa' aheshata' these swift streams of Soma have moved (as swiftly) as racing chariots, (as) horses unloosed '; (e) 1, 143, 5: na yo vardya marutam iva svanah seneva s7shta' divya'yathdsanih 'that, like the rush of the Maruts, like a missile sent on its way, like the thunderbolt of heaven, can not be stopped'; 6, 6,5: adha jihud papatiti pra vr'shno goshuyudho na' sanih srjand' then speeds the flame of the bull (sc. Agni) like the missile hurled by the fighter for cows'; 1, 116, 1 : yd'v arbhagdya vimaddya jdyd' m sendjuvd nyuhatu rathena' who (two) brought a wife to the young Vimada in a chariot that is as swift as a missile.' Prihak therefore signifies in these verses' swiftly', 'rapidly', 'quickly,' 'impetuously, etc., & meaning which suits the context. It has this meaning in the following passages : 2, 17, 3: adhakrnoh prathamam viryam mahad yad asyd-gre brahmand fushmam airayah ratheshthena haryasvena vicyutah pra jirayah sisrate sadhryak pr'thak ! "Then didst thou, (O Bihaspati) perform (thy) first valiant deed when thou, before this (Indra), didst shatter the powerful (Vala) with thy spell. The swift (Waters) released by (Indra), who was in his chariot (and) who has tawny horses, rush forward together impetuously." There are some difficulties in the first half of this verse. The release of the Waters mentioned in the second half-verse indicates that the valiant deed (mahad viryam) of the first half-verse refers to the overthrow of the demon that, had imprisoned them ; compare 2, 22, 1: sa em mamada mihi karma karlave mahd' m urum sainam sascad devo devam satyam Indram satya induh ; 2, 24, 14 : brahmanas pater abhavad yathdvasam satyo manyur mahi karma karishyatah where also the phrase mahi karma refers to such overthrow; cf. also 3, 33, 7: praod'cyam bafvadha' viryan tad indrasya karma yad ahim vivrecat vi vajrena parishado jagha. nd'yann d'poyanam icchaminah. I therefore take fushma as referring to the demon that imprisoned the Waters, and airayah in the sense of shattering, destroying a sense which the word has in the preceding verse but one, vidvd yid gotrd' sahasd parsurid made ad masya drmhiid' ny airayat. The mention of brahman as the instrument used for shattering shows (comp. 2, 24, 3 ud ga' djad abhinad brahmind valam) that the first half-verse is addressed to Bhaspati who is known as brahmanas pati or lord of spells.' It is indeed possible to interpret, as Oldenberg has in fact done (RV. Noten I, p. 201), the first half-verse also as being addressed to Indro. But this seems to me however to be a somewhat forced interpretation, and I prefer to regard this verse as belonging to the type of verses (cf. 1, 62, 4) whose two halves refer to Indra and Brhaspati respectively, and to interpret it as I have done above. The word asya in the second pada seems to refer to Indra and the words asya agre to be equivalent to asya pura). Brhaspati is, as we know from 2, 24, 9 and the Yajus texts (TS,

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DECEMBER, 1927] VEDIC STUDIES * 223 6, 4, 10; MS. 4, 6, 3; KS. 27, 8) the purohita of the gods (devdh) and therefore of their chief, Indra, also. Now, the chief function of the king's purohita is, as laid down by Indian writers, the removal, by means of magical spe Hs, of all evils whether caused by hum an or by extrahuman agency. These writers therefore lay particular stress on the necessity of having as purohita one that is well-versed in Atharvanic spells ; see, for instance, Kautily a's Arthasastra 1, 8,5 (p. 15) purohitam uditoditakulasilam shadange vede daive nimitte dand anityim ca abhi. vinitan, dpadam daivamannshinam atharvabhir uplyais ca pratikartaram kurvita; Mahabhara ta 12, 73, 30-31 : bhargavangirasim vede krtavidyah shadangavit Il yajnakarmavidhijnas tu vidhijnah paushtikeshu ca ashtadasavikaipanam vidhijnah sontikarmanam || sarvarojavihinas ca samyutah samyatendriyah (purohitah karyuh); Yajnavalkyasmrti 1, 313: purohitam prakurvita daivajnam uditoditam dandanityam ca kucalam atharvangirase tatha ; see also ch. II. of the Brhatsamhita. An efficient purohita therefore was able to destroy all evils and enemies that threatened the king ; compare the following slokas28: upa pannam nanu bivam saptasv angeshu yasya me daivinam manushinam ca pratikarta tvam a padam || 60 l: tava mantrakyto mantrair durat prasa. mitiribhih pratyadisyanta ira me drshtalakskyjabhidah sarah addressed by king Dilipa to his purohita Vasishtha in the Raghuvamsa (I. 60, 61). In the light of these passages we can now understand better the role playod by BIhaspati in the incidents referred to by the RV. The chant or shout (arka, brahman, rava, virava, kranda, slanita, etc.) with which he destroyed the demon and set free the cows and waters (see Bergaigae I, 302; Boyer, J.A., 1906, I, p. 401ff.) represents the magical spall or mantra which he, as purohita, insed in favour of his patron Indra against his foes. His comparison too, with a ' lion roaring in his den 'in 10, 67, 9 (simham iva nd' nadatam sadhasthe) is one that is pregnant with meaning. The lion, it is believed, kills other animals by its mere roar, compare the Jataka stories Nos. 152 23 and 241 24 and the following sentences in Muller's translation of the first six stories of the Pisaca prakaranam which is without doubt derived from an Indian original (Z.D.M.G., 48, pp. 198 ff.): (Pages 205, 206) " Jener Lowen-Konig besass ungeheure Starke. Er pflegte in den Wald zu gehen and die Thiere durch sein Gebrull zu todten". (Page 206) "Denn jener Lowen-Konig pflegt, wenn er sein Gebrull ausgestossen hat, und irgend ein Thier gestorben ist;' (Page 216) "Da ward der Lowen-Konig, der Grossvater jener Prinzessin, zornig. Er stiess ein Gebrull aus, da starben Sangvathan [a jackal-king) und sein gesammtes Gefolge"; and as a purohita performs his santika, paushtika and abhicarika ceremonies in his yagasala, and as the mantras used therein kill the enemies even though they be afar, the comparison of these mantras with the roar of a lion, and of the purohita Behaspati with a lion roaring in his den is singularly felicitous. Another figure of speech compares these rites and ceremonies which he performs to a ratha or war-chariot, in 2, 23, 3, which represents Bphaspati as mounted on the chariot of rite (rtasya ratham) which destroys enemies, slays demons, shatters the stony enclosure imprisoning the cows and wins the light. Sayana, who as usual takes prthak to mean 'in different ways', has ingeniously attempted to explain away the consequent contradiction here between sadhryak and prthak by saying that the 'going in different ways' was caused by fear-vicyutah svasthandc cydvitah santah 22 It is likewise useful to compare the preceding bloka also athatharoanidhes tasya rijuaripurah purah | arthyam artha patir edcam ddade vadalam tanah || 59 || Note also the close agreement in word as well as in meaning of these verses with the passage from Kautilya given above. 33 Siho .... tikkhattum sihanddam nali. Pathaviya saddhim akasa ekaninnddam ahosi. Sigalassa phalikaguhdya nipannass 'eva bhitatasilassa hadayam phali. So tatth'eva jivitakkhayan papuni (p. 8). 74 Siho.... tikkhatlum appalivattiyamaihanddam nadi .... te pi hattht schanddam sutvd matanabhayatajjitd affamannam ovijjhitud faith' eva jivitakkhayam papunime. Tha lui sihe sesupi miga Akaradayo sasabilalapariyosdnu sabbe catuppada tutth 'era jivitakhaya pupunisiau .... Dvadasayo janiko mansar.isi ahosi (p. 245).

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230 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [DECEMBER, 1927 sadhryak sadhricindh parasparasamgatah pathak bhityd viyuktah santah prasisrate prabarshena dhavanti. It is however the nature of Waters to flow together; compare 4, 47, 2: Furd' hi yanti' ndavo nimnim d'po na sadhryak; and 5, 60, 3: d' pa iva sadhryanco dhavadhve, and the Waters (or Rivers) released by Indra are in many places said to have moved swiftly forward ; cf. 1, 32, 2: visra' iva dhenavah syandamana anjah samudram ava jagmur d'pah running, like lowing cows to their calves), the waters went straight to the sea'; 1, 130, 5 : tvam ur'tha nadya indra sa'rtave'ccha samudram asrjo rathan iva vajayato rathan iva *thou hast released the rivers, O Indra, to run to the sea impetuously like chariots, like racing chariots'; 2, 15, 3: vijrena khi'ny atnan nadinam ur'thass jat pathibhir dirghayathaih 'with the Vajra he bored openings for the rivers and let them loose (to flow) in long-extended paths': 4, 17,3: vadhid ortram vajrena mindasdnah sarann d'po javasd hatavrhnih exulting he killed Vitra, with the Vajra : the waters, whose lord was killed, rushed forth swiftly'; and specially, 10.111, 9-10: grjah vindhanr ahind jagrasna'n 'd id etd'h pri vivijre javena mumukshamand uta yd' mumuore' dhed eld' ni ramante nitiktah sadhri cih sindhum usali'r ivdyan "thou didst deliver the Rivers swallowed by the dragon and these sped forth swiftly--those desiring to be free as well as those that were freed; the swift ones do not stop ; like loving (wives) they went to the sea together'. It should be noted that both the ideas of going together 'and going swiftly' are given expression to in this last-quoted passage. 8, 100, 7: pra na nam dhavala pr'than neha yo vo avdvarit ni shim vetrasya marmani vajram in'dro apipatat | "Run forth now swiftly; he is not now who had detained you. Indra has hit Vstra in his vital parts with the Vajra." This is, as is evident, an address to the Waters. 3, 56, 4:abhi'ka asam padavi'r abodhy dditya'ndm ahve cd'ru nd'ma d' pas cid asmd aramanta devi') prthag vrajantih pari sham avrnjan || The meaning of this verse is not quite clear; I translate tentatively: "Their leader became known in the fight; I have invoked the sweet name of the Adityas. Even the immortal Waters stopped for him ; moving swiftly, they left (him)." With regard to the third pdda, compare 2, 30, 1: indrdydhighne na ramanta d'pah. The fourth pada seems to refer to the same situation as 7,21, 3: tvam indra sravitavd' apah kah parishfhita ahind tura purvi'| tvad udvakre rathyo na dhand rejante vitud kytri mani bhishd' and 4, 22, 6 : adhd ha tvad vr shamano bhiydnd') pra sindhavo javaad cakramanla. 2, 24, 14 : brahmanas pater abhavad yathavaian satyo manyur mahi karma karishyatah yo gm' ud djal 8a dive vi cabhajan mahi'va ritih savasdsarat pr thak II "The powerful spell of Brahmanaspati who was engaged in a great work had its own way (i.e., acted as desired); (he) who drove forth the cows gave it to heaven ; (the herd of cows) like a great current went forward impetuously with strong force." The great work' refers, as I have said above, to the overthrowing of the demon that has imprisoned the waters and Cows. The iva in the fourth pdda, though apparently an upamd-vdcalor, seems really to be used in the sense of ca, that is, as a samuccaya-vacaka with the force of' and '; for Bphaspati sets free, not only cows, but the waters also. Compare 2, 23, 18: tava briye vy ajihfta parvato gavdm gotram ud asrjo yad angirah Indrena yuja' tamasd parivrtam by' haspate nir apd'm aubjo arnanam ; see also 6, 73, 3; 2, 24, 73-4 .9, 86, 2: pra te maddso madira sa dsavo orkshata rathydso yatha pr thak dhenur na vatsam payasabhi vajrinam indram indavo madhumanta krmayah |

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D#orma, 1927] VEDIC STUDIES 231 The swift, gladdening streams (O Soma), ran forth impetuously like the horses of a chariot. The sweet-bearing streams (have run) towards Indra, the Vajra-bearer, as a cow with milk runs to its calf." 10, 44, 6: pr'thak prd'yan prathama' devahatayo 'krrvata sravasyd'ni dushtard ! na ya bekur yajniyam nd'vam driham ir maiva te ny avieanta kepayah | This verse is somewhat obscure. I translate, following Yaska (Nirukta, 5, 25, 1): "The first invokers of the gods sped forth swiftly and performed famous (deeds) difficult to surpass; the wicked pzople who were unable to get upon the ship of sacrifice, stayed here only." 10, 91, 7: vd'topadhuta is hito vasin anu Irshi yad anna vevishad vitishthase d'te yatante rathyo yatha pathak sardhansy agne ajarani dhakshatah ! "When thou, O Agai, being fanned by the wind, extendest thyself rapidly, following thy desires, and reachest forth eagerly after food, the unaging flames of thee, that art burning, move forward swiftly like the horses of a chariot." 10, 142, 4: yad udvato nivato yi si ba psat pr' thag eshi pragardhiniva sena yada' te vd'to anu vd'ti socer vapter 8maeru va pasi pra bha'ma l "When thou goest, devouring, over ups and downs, thou movest as swiftly as an eager mig. sile. When the wind is blowing behind thy flame, thou shavest the earth as a barber the moustache." By an eager missile ' is to be understood a weapon that has been hurled against the enemy. Weapons are frequently described in Indian literature as drinking the blood or life-breath of the enemy; see, for instance, the Mahabharata (Kumbhakonam ed.); 7, 27, 27, pattribhih pranibhojanaih | ndndrupais tadamitran kruddhe nighnati Phalgune : 7, 91, 23: dvishatam asub hojind .. .. ndracena; 7, 117, 10: eard rudhirabhojandh ; 7, 117, 27: te (eardh).... papuh bonitam dhave; 7, 134, 26 : apiban sutaputrasya bonitam raktabhojandh (ec. ndrdcah). A greedy weapon therefore means a weapon that is eager to drink the blood or the life-breath of the enemy. 10, 101, 4: 8f'ra yunjanti kavayo yuga' vi.tanvate pr'thak dhi'ra deves hu sumnaye li "The wise put the ploughs together; the clever, desiring the grace of the gods, quickly make ready the yokes." AV. 11, 5, 13 : agnau stt'rye candramasi matarisvan brahmacary apsu samidham d' dadhati | ta'sdm arci'mshi pr'thag abhre caranti ta'sam a'jyam purusho varsham d'pah | "In the fire, in the sun, in the moon, in M&tarisvan, in the waters, the Vedic student puts fuel. Their gleams go quickly to the cloud ; their sacrificial butter is man, rain, waters." Compare Manusmrti III, 76: agnau prastahutih samyag adityam upatishthate | Aditydj jayate up shfir vr shter annam tatah prajah. AV. 7, 45 2 : agner ivdsya dahato davasya dahatah pr'thak eta'm etuayershya'm udna' gnim iva lamaya || "Extinguish, as (one does) fire with water, this man's jealousy which is burning impetuously (i.e., fiercely) like fire, liko forest-fire."

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232 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY DECEMBER, 1927 AV. 4, 15, 2: sam ikshayantu tavisha'h suda' navo 'pa'm rasa oshadhibhih sacantam varshasya sarga mahayantu bhu' mim pr'thag jayantam oshadhayo visvarupah || "Let the strong liberal ones (sc. the Maruts) cause to behold together; let the juices of the waters attach themselves to the herbs ; let downpours of rain glorify the earth; let herbs of all forms be born quickly." AV. 4, 15, 3: sam ikshayasva ga'yato nabhamsy apd'r vegdsah pr' thay u'd vijantam varshasya sarga mahayantu bha'min pr' thag jayantam oshadhayo visvaru pah ! "Do thou make the singers behold the clouds together; let the swift streams of water rush out rapidly ; let downpours of rain glorify the earth; let herbs of all forms be born quickly." Whitney in his Translation (p. 172) renders prthak in these passages as here and there'; and gives a note, after verse 4, that "prthak, lit. 'severally, separately' is used in these verses rather in the sense of all about, everywhere.'." It seems to me that it is preferable to accept here (for verses 2 and 3) the meaning. quickly, rapidly 'established for prthak above, and that this makes it unnecessary to suggest a third meaning, all about, everywhere ', for it. With regard to verse 4, the meaning nand, severally', may be considered to suit well here and also in AV. 3, 19, 6 and 5, 20, 7, where too the words prthak and ghosha (in 5, 20, 7 its synonym dhvanayah) occur. A better sense, however, is yielded by these passages if we interpret prthak here as 'strong', a meaning which is a development from that of 'rapid, quick, impetuous'; see Vedische Studien I, p. 47 and 97 for numerous examples of such development. I would therefore translate these verses as follows: AV. 4, 15, 4 : gand's tvo pa gdyantu ma'rutih parjanya ghoshinah pr'thak sarga varshasya varshato varshantu prthivi'm anu ! "Let the troops of Maruts that shout strongly sing to thee, O Parjanya ; let gushes of raining rain rain along the earth." Shouting strongly is a characteristic of the Maruts that is frequently mentioned in the RV.; compare for instance 1, 64, 8: simha' iva ndnadati pracelasah ; 1, 85, 2: arcanto arleam janayanta indriyam adhi sriyo dadhire prenimatarah ; 5, 54, 12: svaranti ghosham vitatam rtayavah ; compare also 1, 169, 7; 3, 26, 5 and Bergaigne II, 373. AV. 3, 19, 6: ud dharshantam maghavan vd' jindny ud vira'nam jayatam etu ghoahah pr'thag ghoshd ululayah ketumanta ud fratam deva indrajyeshtha maruto yantu senaya || "Let their energies be excited, O bounteous one ; let the shout of the conquering heroes arise ; let strong shouts and clear jubilant cries go up ; let the divine Maruts with Indra as chief go with the army." To pythag ghoshah in this verse corresponds dyuman ghoshah in 10, 84,4:dyumantam ghosham vijaya'ya krnmahe. AV. 5, 20, 7: antareme nabhasi ghosho astu pr' thak te dhvanayo yantu si'bham abhi kranda stanayotpipanah Slokaky'n mitrata'rydya svardhi' || "Let there be noise between these two firmaments ; let thy sounds go swift and strong; roar (at them), thunder, truculent, resounding unto the victory of our friends, & good parti. zan." The last half-verse is unintelligible to me and I have therefore repeated here the translation of Whitney. Prthak has the sense of nand in the other passages where it occurs, namely, in 1, 131, 2;1, 157, 1 ; 8, 43, 18 and 8, 43, 29.

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DECEMBER, 1927] BOOK-NOTICES 233 1, 131, 2: vibveshu hi tva savaneshu tufjate samanani ekam ur'shamanyavah pr'thak svah sanishyavah pr'thak tam tud nd'vam na' parshanim sushasya dhuri dhimahi indran na yajnas citayanta dysvah stomebhir indram ayavuh 1 " (They) call urgently to thee in all Soma-libations--thoe that art one and common, the people with excellent hymns (of praise), desiring to attain light, (call upon) separately. We people, glorifying Indra with praises as with sacrifices, place at the head of the strong (hymn), thee that, like a ship, carriest us across." 1, 157, 1: abodhy agnir jma ud eti su'ryo vy ushd'e candri: mahy a'vo arcisha d'yruksha tam asvind ya'tave ratham prd'savid devah savita' jagat prthak | "Agni has awaked; the sun rises from the earth; the bright dawn has opened heaven and carth with her light; the (two) Asvins have yoked their chariot for going ; the divine Savitr has impelled the world individually (to action)." 8, 43, 18: tubhyam til angirastama vitvah sukshitayah pr'thak | agne led' mdya yemire | "Thee. O best of Augirases, have all those people with good dwelling-houses, attached to themselves, separately, in order to obtain their desires, O Agni." 8, 43, 29 : tubhyam ghet te jand ime visvah sukshitayal pr'thak dhasin hinvanty attave "All these people with good dwelling-houses (O Agni) have separately impelled thee to eat the food." The words vifudhs sukshitayah in these two verses though literally meaning all (people) that have good dwelling-houses' seem to be used in the sense of' all (people) possessed of houses ; i.e. householders'; vivah sukshitaya) thus: vidve grhapatayal, vifveshu grheshu narah, grhe-grhe narah. Compare 5, 14, 4; 10, 91, 2; 1, 128, 4; 4, 7, 3; eto. Thus the meaning of prthal is 1. (a) quick, rapid, impetuous; (6) strong; and 2. separately, differently, diversely, variously. Likewise, the root prath, from which the word prthak is without doubt derived, and its derivative prihu seem also to signify to rush, to move quickly or swiftly' and 'swift 'respectively. Regarding the latter word, namely prthu, it is the first member of the compound prthuprajia which is given in the Mahavyutpatti (Mironow's ed. ; 48) as a synonym of asuprajna, javana prajna, tikshnaprajia, gambhira prajna, etc. This seems to indicate that prthu in prthuprajia means deu or javana. (To be continued.) BOOK-NOTICES. TER PAPERS OF THOMAS BOWREY, 1660-1713, edited of the valuablo Hakluyt Series. The papers now by LIEUT.-COL SIR R. C. TEMPLE, Bt., C.B., C.I.E., edited deal chiefly with Bowrey's movements and Haklayt Society (2nd Series, No. LVII), 1927. life after his return from the East in 1689; but the If the least doubt were left in any sceptical mind | story of the Mary Galley, of which Bowrey was the as to the correctness of the identification of "T.B.", principal proprietor, and its voyage under Captain the writer of the MS. published by the Hakluyt Joseph Tolson to Bencoolen, Batavia, Balasore and Society in 1905 under the title A Geographical Account Calcutts are of much interest to all students of early of Countries round the Bay of Bengal, 1669 to navigation in Indian waters. The editor has been 1679, this is wholly dispelled by the discovery in ably assistod in the matter of technical nautical 1913 of Bowroy's papers in the Manor House, details by Mr. G. S. Laird Clowes of the Science Cloeve Prior, Worcestershire. The romantic story | Museum, S. Kensington. The illustrations are excelof this find is delightfully told in Sir Richard lently produced, and the notes are characteristically Temple's General Introduction to this latest volume 1 full and accurate, C. E. A. W. OLDHAX.

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234 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY DECEMBER, 1927 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF THE MYTHIC SOCIETY, (Bangalore), vol. XVII, No. 3, January, 1927. This issue contains an interesting and suggestive article from the talented pen of Mr. O. C. Gangoly on The Cult of Agastya in Southern India and in Indonesia. We are conducted from place to place in South India and across the sea to San, Cambodia and the islands of he Malay Archipelago as far east as Bali, showing how deep had been the veneration felt for, and how wide-flung the influence cast by, this famous "pitcher-born "muni. We are told that Agastya is still popularly known in Java as "Sive. guru", the preceptor of Siva, or "Bhattarake guru " the revered preceptor, and that his name is "used to this day in all oath formulas, in Java and Bali." Mr. Gangoly considers he has proved that the worship of Agastya was an established cult in Java long before the seventh century, and that it must have come from South India. It would have enhanced the interest of the story had it been possible to cite evidence of the cult from Sumatra, which, as the "first Java", was in all probability affected at an earlier date than the islands further east. Such evidence might, moreover, afford some clue as to the origins of the kingdoms of Srivijaya and Malayu in that island, our knowledge of which has been 80 amplified by the researches of Monsieur G. Ferrand. The uniformity of type and detail between the images of Agastya at Vedaranyam and Chidamba. ram and those of siva-guru found at different sites in Java is very striking, thus tending to corroborato the view taken by Mr. Gangoly. At the same time it may be noted perhaps that these images bear a curious resemblance in some respects to the sculptured figures of rather unusual type found at Garhwa in the Allahabad district and at Pampapura near Mirzapur, which sherring (Tribes and Castes, I, 3571.; JRAS., 1871, p. 376 f.) described as "bearded Bhar figures." C. E. A. W. OLDHAM. PAVANADUTAM OY DHOYI, published by the Sang krit Sahitya Parisad, Calcutta. This is & Sanskrit poem on the model of the well. known work of KAlidase, the Meghadata. The existence of a manuscript of this work was brought to no. tice by that veteran manuscript collector, Mahama hopadhyaya Haraprasad Sastri. It was published first of all in the proceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal in 1905 from a single manuscript. The new edition is based upon three manuscripts, the earliest of them being datable in the first quarter of the eighteenth century, and the other two belonging rather to the middle of the nineteenth. The previous editions are also made use of for the purpose. Notwithstanding the fact that the edition still leaves much to be de sired, it is a great improvement upon ite predecessor, This is a work referable to the court of the last great Sena ruler of Bengal, Lakshmanasena. All that we can say about the precise date of the work, accord. ing to the learned editor, is that the poet belonged to the twelfth century, and the work was composed before A.D. 1205, when it got to quoted by others. In regard to the matter of the work, it is more or less conventional in character, and even tho geographical information that it contains does not corapare very favourably with that of the Meghadata itself. The work han, however, its worth, at least for the sake of comparison, and careful study of it will onable industrious students to pick out details of value. The editing and publishing of the poem are both creditable, and we congratulate Mr. Chakravarti on the result of his labours. S. K. AIYANGAR. JOURNAL OF THE AMERICAN ORIENTAL SOCIETY, vol. 46, No. 3, September, 1926. In Some Misunderstandings about India, being the Presidential Address delivered before the Society At Philadelphia in April, 1926, Mr. W. E. Ciark draws attention to the exaggerated emphasis so often placed upon the spiritual and religious elements in Indian life, and inakes a strong appoal, supported by sound argument, for the devotion of more attention to the huge mass of literature that has come down to us on subjects of "a practical and worldly nature" --to the "neglected subject of Indian realien." He adverts to the special importance of the inscriptions, and pleads for an adequately edited compilation of such as have been found to date, in a form that will enable them to be readily used by research workers. He also urges the need for fuller study of the part played by guild organizations and of the references to ses voyages, as we now know, largely from the researches of French and Dutch scholars, that the Indians were "one of the greatest navigating and colonizing peoples of antiquity." This sug. gestive address is commended to the notice of that rapidly increasing body of Indian scholars interested in the past history of their land, to whom perhaps further acknowledgment is due. It may be added that the extensive Jaina literature, hitherto so in. adequately studied by Western workers, is likely to prove a most prolific and valuable mine of information, that merits systematic working. In The Original Ramayana Mr. E. Washburn Hopkins compares several passages in the North-Western Recension text with the Bombay and Bengal versions, with special reference to the question whether there ever was an Adi-Ramayana. He comes to the conclusion that it is vain to hope to reconstruct any Adi-Ramayana by working back from the textual variations in the recensions available to us. If it had been & case of manuscript copy-makers such a condition as now exists would have been almost impossible. He thinks, therefore, with Jacobi, that the text must have been handed down by word of mouth, and that the bards who transmitted it were responsible for the variations. "At some vague period," he adds, "these oral versions were reduced to writing according to the local authorities and the written texts still hold the divagations of various ancient bards." His long critical study of the epics inveets Mr. Hopkins' views with exceptional value and interest for all students of the Raidyana. C.E. A. W. OLDHAM.

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DECEMBER, 1927] BOOK-NOTICES 235 THE JAINA GAZETTE; the monthly organ of the possible solution of the problem, but merely offers All-India Jain Association, vol. XXI, No. 6, it as a working hypothesis, which appears to fit June, 1925, Jaina Gazette Office, George Town, in with existing facts and evidence. It is on that Madras. account the more worthy of study and while This issue of the Jaina monthly organ contains Any final decision of the matter is at present impossible, it is clear that an acceptance by scholars an interesting article on the Vratyas, by Professor of the view that Jainism was already in existence Q. Chakravarti of the Presidency College, Madras, as a religious and ethical doctrine about the date which was one of the papers read at the Third of the Brahmanas would go far towards establishing An-India Oriental Conference in December, 1924. the plausibility of Professor Chakravarti's theory. The author commences by a rapid survey of existing The article is suggestive and well-written. information and theories about the Vratyas, and suggests that an explanation consonant with all S. M. EDWARDES. the available facts is forthcoming, provided that TATTVASANGRABA, two volumen, Gaekwad's Oriental we discard the prevalent but inaccurate belief Series, Nos. XXX and XXXI. that Jainism originated with Mahavira about the The Gaikwad's Oriental Series, published, under year 527 B.C. It may be admitted that Parsvanatha, the authority of the government of His Highness the the twenty-third Tirthankara, was a historicel figure, Maharaja of Baroda, is one of the most useful and and this admission implies that Jainism in some interesting of the series of Sanskrit publications form or another must have been in existence in which are at present being issued in India. The others the eighth century B.C. Professor Chakravarti that challenge a ready comparison are the series of discusses the historicity of the earlier Tirthankaras, publications that used to be issued regularly by the the influence of the famous Ikshvaku clan of the Government of His Highness the Maharaja of Kshatriyas on early Aryan culture, and the character Mysore, and the Trivandrum Sanskrit Series, for and tenets of the Yatin, who are mentioned in Vedic which the late MahAmahopadhyaya Dr. Ganapati literature. Thence ho deduces the view that early Sastri was mainly responsible. These publications in the Vedic period an influential school had arised by the most forward Indian States have had to which deprecated the sacrificial cult of the Vedas shoulder the reponsibility which the Asiatic Society and eventually preached the doctrine of ahima, of Bengal had assumed and discharged with so thereby incurring the hatred and contempt of the much distinction in the Bibliotheca Indica Series. Indre-worshipping Vedio Aryans. In other words The Gaikwad's Series is characterised by the the Vratyas signified to non-Jaina writers 'tho comparatively rare character of the works selected observers of the Vrata," in contradistinction to for publication and the combined learning, ostern the performers of sacrifices, and these Vratyas and western, with which the works are usually preached the ahimua urata, enjoined by Vpishabha, editer. In this respect they challenge & ready revived by Parsvandth, and adopted by Mahavira. comparison, perhaps to its own advantage, with This theory differs somewhat from that suggested publications of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research by Professor Samaddar in his recent publication, Institute. The Glories of Magadha. He holds that the Vratyas The work under review is of a class with the were merely Aryans, who had advanced beyond Sarpadarfana Sangraha of Madhavacharya. The the territorial limits of the main body of Vedic work, a comparatively brief one with the commenAryans in the Panjab, and, as pioneers of liberal tary which is voluminous, constitutes somothing tendencies, had formed an advance settlement in like a cyclopaedia of Indian logie for the eighth Magadha, where their ancient Brahmanic rites century after Christ. It is the work of an author end ideas underwent modification. Professor by name santarakehits, who lived early in the eighth Chakravarti, on his side, holds that the term century in India and passed on in the forties of that Vratya "was applied to the religious protestants century to Tibet, where he established a school of among the Aryans who were opposed to the ritualism Buddhism. It is a work which may, more or less, be of the cult of Indra, and was extended to the described as belonging to Mahayanism and treating of lower orders among the followers of the) new faith, jogie in particular. He has, therefore, to controvert The career of designation is thus the reverse of all the systems of logic then known, and establish, what was suggested by Rama Krishna Bhagavat, on the basis of that comparative study, the superior according to whom it first implied a barbarous excellence of Mahayana logic accepted as such. He non-Aryan tribe and later on came to be applied has to pass under review pretty large number of to somo Aryans. Knowing the aristocratic racial works and criticise them. Of these there are as many pride of the Aryans, we can never for a moment as sixty to seventy authors under reference. The believe that they allowed themselves to be designated work is commented on by his own disciple Kamalaby such a term with its implication of barbarity hila, and the commentary is known as the Panjila. and molechha life." The commentator adds to the value of thb publiProfessor Chakravarti proffers his theory with cation by making clear the references which are All modesty. Ho does not regard it as the only made only allusively by Santorakalito. Botworn

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236 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (DECEMBER, 1927 the author and his disciple therefore we get, As it JOURNAL OY ORIENTAL RESEARCH, MADRAS, Vol. . Wero, a conspectus of the learning of logic, and the Part I, January 1927. stage that learning had reached in the eighth Another quarterly scientific Journal has been startcentury A.D., the period when Buddhism remained ed in Madras, showing how far the interest in research still so far in good repute that the rising dynasty has progressed in India among the natives of that land. of Tibet adopted the religion and introduced it in It was only the other day that we noticed a similar the land of snow'. Journal in Rajahmundry, and we welcome every sush The work is edited with a very considerable new comer into the antiquarian and archeological amount of creditable care and learning by Pandit field, provided its work is as good and sound as that of Embar Krishnamacharya and Dr. Benoytosh the two new Journals. It is by local effort on the spot Bhattacharyya. The latter provides an illuminat. that the study of the history, literature and philoing English introduction which puts into requisition sophy of the country can be really forwarded. Goall that is known of Indian logic and Indian logicians, neral enquiry, like that of the Asiatic Societies is and the introduction covers as many as a hundred of course necessary in order to keep us in touch with and fifty pages, while the Sanskrit Prasldwana of the progress of learning as a whole, but it is the seventy pagos exhibits great learning and contains local associations that can bring the details to light. in it, as part of it, & versified summary of all the A considerable difference is observable in the two systoms brought under advertence in the Tattvasan- first numbers of the new magazines. The Rajahuraha. The work is of such great value for this del mundry papers were chiefly historical; the Madras partment of learning, and even for the general papers are chiefly on literature and philosophy. No history of Indian culture, that we congratulate the doubt as time goes on both will exhibit researches in editors and the Government of His Highness the all directions, and let us hope that the excellence of Gaikwad on the publication. S. K. AIYANGAR. the first issues will be maintained. R. C. TEMPLE. NOTES AND QUERIES. COLOURS OF THE GODS. and then marooned them. He disposed of other A correspondent writes to me: "talking of popu. opponents by cropping their ears or landing them jar Indian beliefs as to Christianity, when I was at St. Holons. When in his cupe, we are told, he in Bihar tho pensants were firmly convinced that would say "I am a Prince at sea. I am the the Christian God was sky-blue in colour. This, proudest man on Earth. I am a Cockny, that's of course, was quite proper, as their own Krishna my glory!" He spent most of his time hovoring was dark-blue. The belief was founded on a very round the Canary Isles, where he plundered the old version of tho Lord's Prayer which commenced Company's shipping. The Parliament's ships once *Ho Asmani Bap." R. C. TEMPLE. hunted him on to the rocks off the Scilly Islands, but he escaped, and a gold chain was offered for his capMUSSULMEN. ture. However, there is no record that he was ever The use by Europeans of the incorrect term Mus brought to book. (English Factories, 1842-6, p. 262.) sulmen for Musalmaus has already been noted, in Another famous corsair was Hugo Lambert, a this Journal, and here is another instance from Dutchman who sailed under Fronch colours, and #n unsuspected source. got the French factory into very bad odour by 1866. About the middle of the twolfth century, plundering a treasure-ship belonging to the Queen a rumour circulated through Europe that there of Bijapur. Her Majesty was taking a vast store of roigned in Asia, & powerful Christian Emperor, jewels, silks, and carpets, with her on the Mecca pilgriProabyter Johannes. In a bloody fight he had mago, to distribute as gifts, when Hugo intercepted broken the power of the Mussulmen.-8. Baring. the ship. The famous father Ambrose, the Capu. Gould, Curious Myths of the Middle Ages, p. 29. chin, whose word was law at Surat, had to intervene R. C. TEMPLE. on behalf of his compatriots. (Thevenot's Voyages A NOTE ON PIRACY IN EASTERN WATERS. des Indes Orientales, ed. 1727. vol. V, chap. XI.) Several pirates are mentioned in Ovington. On There are several omissions in Mr. Charles Hill's p. 438 he narrates the adventures of one Captain valuablo notes on the above subject. One of the most ontertaining of the early pirates was Captain Say, who was captured by the notorious Sanga nians. On Mucknell. He had been fined for calling the page 468, he mentions & certain Puritans "Red-headed devils." This incensed him, Captain A S , who committed piracies in the vicinity of Moche. I have never been able to and fuel was added to the flame, when he was identify Captain A S , or to find out anything ordered to give a state-room on his vessel, the John, to the Portuguese Governor of Mozambique, and his further about Captain Say. As I am engaged in dusky family. "They would all be poisoned," editing Ovington, I should be grateful to any reader ho said, "if those blacks stayed long aboard." who could kindly assist me, or tell me if he has in found any contomporary references to them Two of the Company's officers who were on board throatonod to report him, whereupon Mucknell | the Company's Records or other literature. got them to go ashore for a picnic at Johanna, H. G. RAWLINSON.

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INDEX. P.E.W. stands for the Supplement, Notes on Piracy in Eastern Waters, pp. 125-204. 8.M S.R. stands for the Supplement, The Saurasent and Magadhs Stabakas of Rama-Barman (Tarkavagicu), pp. 1-20. ... .. 216 " .. 216 . 171 . 70 .. 72 .. P.E.W. 169 Abdul Gafur .. .. P.E.W. 133 Abdul Wahab .. P.E.W. 183 abhaya-hastya .. 26 Abhirika .. S.M.S.R. 15 Abraham, Bishop .. ; 46n., 83n., 85n, 87 Abubake .. Abd-Ma'shar .. Abu Musa of Ashur .. . 171 Achichhatrapura. See Nagaur. Acta ... 178, 179 Acts of St. Thomas .. 78, 1270., 180, 181 Addison ... P.E.W. 143 Adinatha .. Admiral Pocock... .. P.E.W. 172 Advice P.E.W. 127 Africa .. . P.E.W. 170 Agastya . . .. .. 234 Agni, 30, 32-34, 37, 62, 64, 65 93, 110, 111, 114-116, 227, 231, 233 Ahad Nameh, The, by G. K. Nariman, (book. notice) .. .. .. .. .. .. 19 ahas. See suasara. chinad .. .. .. .. 235 Ahmad-ul-umri, The Lady of the Lotus .. .. 196 Ahmed bin Saeed .. .. .. .. .. 121 Aiyangar, Prof. S. Krishnaswami, Journal of Indian History, vol. IV, part II .. .. 100 Ajax P.E.W. 185 Ajitanatha, medieval Jaina image of .. 72-74 Ajmer . . . .. * .. 10, 11 Akbar .. . . 145, 146 Akil Raja .. .. P.E.W. 200, 204 Alau'd-din Khilji of Delhi .. .. .. 135 Alsungpays (King) . . . . . . 216 Albemarle .. - P.E.W. 138 Al-Beruni .. .. 53, 54, 56, 67-70 Agceale, H.M.S. .. P.E.W. 199 Aidrod, Capt. J... P.E.W. 133 Alert P.E.W. 188 Alexander .. .. P.E.W. 133 Alina copper-plate inscription Ali Raja .. P.E.W. 170 Al-Khidr .. .. 67 Amanat Khan .. P.E.W. 116 Amarapura Ambadava .. .. 191, 192 Ambrose, Fr. (Capuchin), 82n. 199, 203, 204, 215, 222, 223, 236 Amlierst, Lord .. .. .. 176 Amorrera, Don S. Don S. . . P.E.W. 14 Ahura Mazds Ana. See Arnoraja. Ananda-Giri .. Anaorahta .. .. .. .. .. . Ancient Indian Tribes, by Dr. B. C. Law, M.A., (book-notice) . Andaman Sea .. 59 Anderson (author of Mandalay to Momein) .. 212 Andrapolis .. .. .. .. 1970., 178-181 Androw (King) .. .. .. 127n., 179--181 Angleaca .. .. ... P.E.W. 127 Angris, Kanhoji .. P.E.W. 138, 142, 143, 157 Angria, Manaji, P.E.W. 159, 163, 164, 168, 171 Angria, Raghoji .. .. .. P.E.W. 171 Angria, Sambhaji .. P.E.W. 157, 159, 161-164 Angria, Sukhoji .. .. P.E.W. 157, 159 Angria, Tulaji P.E.W. 164, 167, 168, 170 Ann. .. P.E.W. 179 Anna .. P.E.W. 180 Annales du Musel Guimel, par A. Meillet, (book. notice) .. .. 58 Annandale .. P.E.W. 136 Anne .. P.E.W. 141, 142 Annual Report of The Mysore Archaeological Department for The Year 1925, (book-notice), 177 Annual Report of South Indian Epigraphy (book. notice) .. .. .. .. .. .. 79 Annual Report, Watson Museum of Antiqui. ties, Rajkot, 1926, (book-notice) .. .. 59 Antelope .. .. .. P.E.W. 160, 160, 175 Anselm, Capt. A. .. .. .. P.E.W. 161 Apabramsa Stabakas of Rama-Sarman .. 224 Apotayo, pirate . . Appowen, John, pirate .. P.E.W. 130 Arabella .. .. .. .. P.E.W. 142 Araby Merchant .. .. .. P.E.W. 138 arati, meaning of ... .. .. 113-116 Arbuthnot, A. J. .. .. Ardhamagadhi .. .. Arikeshari, inquiry regarding copper-plate grant of .. Arporaja . Aroe Seenkang, piratical Wadjorde wediorde prince, P.E.W. 160 .. .. .. 93-07 Athar Atcharyachidamani .. .. .. .. 80 Asiatic Society of Bengal, Memoirs, vol. IX, No. 1, The Geography of The Andaman Sea Basin , vol. X., No. 1, The Santala and Disease, 59 Asmakas . . . .. . Asmarathya .. .. .. .. .. 156 Asoks, inscriptions of .. .. .. 19, 99 Antelope A. Sarroan P.E.W. 19 O . . 8.M.S.R. Arikeshari, in.. .. " " 20 Arporaja : .. 172 . . . . 213

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238 INDEX . .. 68 173 . . . . . . Asoka's Rock Edicte, the date of .. 27-29 Barmak .. derama Barna, Benimadhab, Barhut Inscriptions 157 .. 119 .. .. Aston, Comm. J... .. P.E.W. 163 Barracoula, H.M.S. P.E.W. 193 Asvins .. .. Basa, the, at Lalitpur .. .. 117 Atanghat. See Mangate. Bassein .. . P.E.W. 183 Atapur inscription Bastard, Capt. J... P.E.W. 193 Atar . .. Bayinnaung .. . 215 Atishparast. See Parsees. Baz Bahadur (Bazid Khan) .. .. 196 Atkins, Capt. P.E.W. 162 Beavis, Capt. P.E.W. 138 Atreye .. .. .. .. .. 156 Bebar, M... .. .. .. 204 Audulomi .. .. . .. .. 156 ! Beckford Galley .. P.E.W. 125, 126 Aurangzeb . 167, 188, and Sivaji. 222, 223 Bedroodeen, Sultan P.E.W. 199, 201 Aurangzeb .. P.E.W. 139 Bejolyan inscription .. .. 11, 172 Aurora .. P.E.W. 202 Belalas. See Vellalas. Auspicio .. P.E.W. 193 Bell, Capt. G. .. P.E.W. 185 Ava . .. 215 Bell, Comm. J. .. P.E.W. 165 Avanti .. S.M.S.R. 1, 2, 8 Belliqueur .. .. P.E.W. 185 Avery, pirate .. P.E.W. 162 Belinne . .. P.E.W. 193 auan .. .. .. 95n. Berdere .. .. P.E.W. 176 Bengal .. .. P.E.W. 156, 158 Bengal, land revenue history .. .. 119 Bennett, Sir J. .. ..P.E.W. 139, 140 Bennett, Lieut. .. P.E.W. 189 Benson, Capt. .. P.E.W. 162 Benson, Comm. W.E. .. P.E.W. 166 Beresford, Capt... Bertrand, Fr., 8.J. .. .. 1, 2 Beachi, Fr., SU... .. ..1-6 Besse, Fr., 8.J. ... .. 1, 2, 3 Beticulel, Matt., and Mathew, the Priest .. 85 Babcock, Capt. .. .. .. P.E.W. 188 . .. P.E.W. 178 Babington, B. G. .. 2, 6, 7 P.E.W. 179 Babington, Stephen, tomb-stone of, in Thane.. 20 Bhairon .. .. Babur .. .. .. 130 .. .. 167 .. .. Bharukachcha .. Badar yana .... .. . 156, 158-160 Bhasa ... . ... .. 57, 80, 196 Badari .. .. .. .. .. 156 Bhaskara Ravivarman, date of .. Bagwell, Capt. G. P.E.W. 160, 162 .. 141-143 Bhattacharya, Harisatya, Lord Mahavira .. 176 Bagyidaw .. . .. .. 215 Bhimadeva II Bahadur Shah II. .. .. 47-50 .. 168 Bhimasen .. BAhlikt .. S.M.S.R. .. 1, 2, 8 .. .. .. .. 131 Biruka Bailey, Rev. M. (C.M.S) .. .. ... .. .. .. .. .. 60 Bholo. See Bhimdevs 11. Bein, Capt. .. P.E.W. 178 Bhojas Bal .. .. .. .. . . .. .. 216 Bela, tribe of Bhrgukpetra, Bhrgupura. See Bluarukachcha. .. .. 170 Balambangan, English sottlement at, P.E.W. 174 Bhuvikrama Ganga, grant of i .. .. 117 Balban, Sultan .. Bibliographies of Indian Arl, by Ananda K. .. ... .. 216 Balchon, Comm, J. .. P.E.W. 163 Coomeraswamy, (book-notice) . . 68 Baldwin, Capt. R. .. P.E.W. 170 Billingsley, Capt. R. .. .. P.E.W. 127 baliah .. 207, 209, 212n. Bimbisara .. .. . .. .. .. 60, 140 Ball, V. Bina-nim-i Masjid inscription.. .. 144, 145 Travels in India, by Jean Baptiste Tavernier, 79 Birkhead, Comm. c. P.E.W. 163 Bangalore .. Birnagara ., .. .. P.E.W. 180 .. 180 Banian tree of Surat .. Bisdtu-lGhanim .. .. 218, 219 .. 170 .. .. Bispe Bam .. 85 : .. . . . .. .. .. 171 .. . 170, 174 "Black Hole of Calcutta" . . . . 168 Barber, Capt. John .. .. P.E.W. 125 Blake, Comm. J. .. .. .. P.E.W. 163 Blakiston, J. F., The Jami Masjid at Barlaun, .. .. 148p. Bardesanes . .. . etc., Mem. A. S. I. No. 19 56 .. . .. .. 117 Barhut Inscriptions, by Benimadhab Barna Blakiston, Capt., author of The Yang Tsze . 211 and Kumar Gangananda Sinha, (book Blast, Lieut.' .. . .. P.E.W. 203 notice) .. .. .. .. 119 Blenheim .. .. .. P.E.W. 137, 142 Betsy Betsy . .. 80 .. .. 170 Bapa Barboss .. . "

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INDEX 239 7n., 99 93.97 Collarius, J.A. . . .. .. .. " .. 217 Ceres Bloch, Jules, L'Intonation en Penjabi: une Calmette, John .. variante asiatique de la loi de Verner .. 116 Campbell, A. D... . 58 blood, used in pajd w .. .. .. .. 133-136 Cana. Seo Thomas Cana. Bodawpays . . . . . . . . . 215 CandAlike .. S.M.S.R. 2, 13 Bombay .. .. .. .. P.E.W. 173 Cape, Capt. J. P.E.W. 162 Bombay Merchant .. .. P.E.W. 139, 155 Cardonna.. .. P.E.W. 151n. Bond, Comm. J. .. .. .. P.E.. 164 Carcy, William Boono, Governor . P.E.W. 142, 143, 150, 184 Carleton .. P.E.W. 137 Booth, Geo., pirate P.E.W. 130--132 Carlisle .. P.E.W. 127 Bootto, Cap. R. .. P.E.W. 157, 158 67. 168 Carmelitas .. .. 87, 88n. Borneo . .. . P.E.W. 137 Car-Nicobarese language .. .. 214 Bourosu-Denlandes .. .. .. 38 Carolina .. P.E.W. 162 Bowen, J., pirsto .. P.E.W. 132, 133, 136, 139 Carturte . .. 8ln., 128, 166n., 181, 182 Brabourne, Comm. J. P.E.W. 128 Cash, copper .. 211 Brahma .. .. .. .. 169 Cassandra .. P.E.W. 140, 162-164 Brahma-gitd .. .. .. 156 Cat bear, Col. .. 175 Brahmanism .. Catherine .. .. .. .. P.E.W. 149 Brahmans, (Aryan) .. Collarius, J. A. .. Brahmans, (NAgar) .. 131 cemeteries at Surat . .. . .. 217 Brahmans, (Nambutiri).. .. 177 Centurion .. .. .. P.E.W. 177 Brahma Vidyd and Sufism 52--56, 67-72 ..P.E.W. 163, 204 Brahma Vidyd .. .. 90, 168 Chakravartti Raja, 43, 45n., 83n., 86n., 86n., 88n. Broholt, Capt. .. P.E.W. 127 Chalmers, (author of Colonial Ourrency) . 211 Braithapt, J. Chr. Chalmers, Lord, Brhaspati .. .. 138, 228-230 Further Dialogues of The Buddha, translated Britannia .. P.E.W. 142, 162 from the Pali of The Majhima Nikaya.. 118 Brooke, Raja P.E.W. 156 Chalukys Rajendra. See Kulottunga Chola Deva I. Brooke, Thor. .. P.E.W. 199 Chamberlayne, Capt. .. ..P.E.W. 139, 140 Brown, C. P. .. .. .. 7,8 Chandragupta .. .. . 140, 167 Brown, W. Charles .. P.E.W. 135, 139, 140, 159 Brown, Mr. W. . .. P.E.W. 160 Charles XII of Sweden .. P.E.W. 146 Bucephalus, H.M.S. .. P.E.W. 204 Charlotte .. P.E.W. 143 Buokloy, Capt. .. .. P.E.W. 138 Charming Patty . P.E.W. 159 Buddha, date of .. .. Chdrudatla.. . .. 80 Buddhism .. 54, 55, 67-69, 71, 235, 236 Chateu inscription of BAJAditya 174n. Buddhism, Theravada .. .. .. .. 215 Chauhans. . .. 10, 11 Budh Periodeutes. Soe Prodh. Chaurasi Gumbaz of Kalpi Buffalo .. .. .. .. P.E.W. 138 Cherakon .. . Burgess, S. (pirate) . P.E.W. 125-127, 135 Cheraman Kovilakam .. .. .. 164n. Burma, history of .. .. 215 Cheraman Perumal, 82n., 84n., 86, 124, 126, Burmeso, notes on currency and coinage among 147 & n., 149, 150, 153 & n., 161 & n., 164-166n. the ... . . .. .. 205-213 Cheraman Perum Al Sthapu Ravi . .. 184 Burmese inscriptions .. .. .. .. 216 Cheris .. . .. .. .. 194 Burmese war, the first .. .. .. .. 215 Chidambara Pandaram .. .. .. .. 5 Bat Shikan. Boo Mahmud of Ghazni. China and the East India Company .. .. 176 Byng, Capt. G. .. .. .. P.E.W. 185 China, ancient, coinage of .. 206-211 Byzantium .. .. .. .. .. 171 Chinnamalai .. .. 181 Chirw& inscription .. .. .. .. 13 Chitor inscription .. .. .. .. 173 Chitorgarh inscription .. .. 10, 11 Chivers, Dick .. .. .. P.E.W. 126 Chola-Kidaram .. . .. .. .. .. 216 Cholas .. .. .. .. .. 19% Christians, Sivaji's treatment of .. ... 229 Christians of St. Thomas, 121, 147, 150 & n., 163, 161-163 & n. See also Syrians of Malaber, Calabar Merchant .. P.E.W. 148 Chronicles of The East India Company Trading Calamina . .. . to China, 1635-1834, by H. B. Morso, (book. .. 181 Calcutta . . P.E.W. 137 notice) .. .. .. .. .. .. 175 Calicu . .. P.E.W. 134 I Chrysostom, Dion . . . . . 65 .. . 140 85n.

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240 INDEX .. 208 * .. .. 208 Crooke, William Travels in India, by Jean Baptiste Tarvernier, 79 Crump, L. M. The Lady of The Lotus .. .. .. .. .. 196 Culliford, (pirate) .. .. .. P.E.W. 126 Curanguluru. See Cranganore. currency and coinage among the Burmese, notes on .. .. .. 206-218 Curtis, Capt. .. P.E.W. 14 Cyriacus, St. 148, 182, 183 chuchepoa .. .. .. .. 208 chuckja .. Chu Fen (Pen) .. P.E.W. 182, 183 chuja chalon, chaubinbauk .. 207 n. Clarke, Richard, (Madras Civil Service) .. 9 Clemens, Peter .. Clipperton, Capt. J. .. P.E.W. 146 Clive P.E.W. 156 Cochin, (Cochim) .. 43, 46n., 85n., 141, 150, 153 Cochin Plates of Bhaskara Ravi Varman .. 141 Cochin China .. .. .. 208 Cock, Capt. .. P.E.W. 127 Cockburn, Capt. J. P.E.W. 152 Cockcroft, John .. P.E.W. 125 Codobuz .. .. P.E.W. 177 Codangalur .. Coffrees .. .. P.E.W. 166, 186 Gogea Minias .. .. .. 202 Coin, Capt. J. .. . P.E.W. 128 coinage. See currency. coins, gold, some South Indian .. .. 186--194 Collet, Capt. J. .. .. P.E.W. 141 Collins, Capt. R... .. P.E.W. 137, 138 solours of the gods . .. 236 Colquhoun (author of Across Chryae).. .. 211 Commerce .. .. P.E.W. 185 Conaway, Capt. J. P.E.W. 132 Condent, (pirate) .. .. P.E.W. 146, 151, 153 Condon, (pirato) .. .. P.E.W. 152 Constable . .. P.E.W. 158 Content .. P.E.W. 133 Cooke, Capt. E. .. P.E.W. 180 Coomaraswamy, Ananda, K., Bibliographies of Indian Art .. .. .. 58 Corbett, Comm... P.E.W. 189 Cornelius, Capt. (pirate) P.E.W. 130 Cornwall, Capt. .. ..P.E.W. 134, 139 Cornwallis, H.M.S. .. P.E.W. 187 Corolegate .. .. 8ln. Coromandel P.E.W. 199 Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, vol. I, Ing. criptions of Asoka, by E. Hultzach, (book. notice) .. .. .. .. 99 Correa .. .. .. .. .. 148n. Cotete. See Kottayam. cotoual. See Kotwdl. Coulam, Coulon, (Quilon) .. 121-123 Coulad, (Quilon) .. .. 183, 184 Coulso ers .. .. .. 127 & n., 151 Court, Comm. J. P.E.W. 175 Courteen Association .. .. .. 175 Covilmar. See Kovilmar. Cramer, Capt. J... .. .. P.E.W. 184 Cranby, Capt. St. John .. .. P.E.W. 146 Cranganore, 43, 45n., 82n., 86, 88n., 121-128, 147-149, 152, 161-164, 177-183 cremation in Surat .. .. .. .. 217 criminals as human sacrifices, 97 & n., 134n., 135 Cromey, Capt. .. .. . P.E.W. 198 Dabistan .. ** . . . 52, 53 da Costa, Baltasar .. .. .. .. 2 Dadaloy .. .. P.E.W. 179, 193 Dalton, Major .. .. .. P.E.W. 199, 201, 204 Dalziell, J... .. Daniells, Capt. .. P.E.W. 204 Datu Cheeta, Raja of Boni P.E.W. 199 d'Auvergne, Comm. P... .. P.E.W. 167 Dayaks .. . .. . P.E.W. 199 Deane, Lieut. P.E.W. 184 de Arriago, Don Miguel .. . P.E.W. 195 de Conti .. .. .. .. .. 163n. Defiance .. . P.E.W. 133, 142, 149, 151 de Glen, J. B., inaccuracies of .. .. .. 182 Degrave .. .. .. P.E.W. 135, 138, 145 de Kniphausen, Baron .. . P.E.W. 189 de la Boullaye, M. . . .. 204 Delaval, M. (pirate) .. P.E.W. 135, 136 Delaware .. .. .. .. P.E.W. 166 Delwall, Capt. T. .. .. .. P.E.W. . 146 Demang Minyak, (pirate) . P.E.W. 190 de Marignolli, Friar J. .. .. . .. 123n. Demnarung, (Native King, Madagascar), P.E.W. 128 de Menezes, Archbishop. 8ln., 83n., 85n, 87, 88n., 124, 128n., 152, 182 de Miraculis 127n., 178-181 demon (devil) scaring colours .. .. 134, 136 Denha .. .. .. .. 43, 83, 87, 88 de Nobili, Robert, S.J... de Proenza, Fr. A., S.J... Derby .. .. .. P.E.W. 161 de Receira, Conde .. P.E.W. 151 Deriah Dowl at .. .. .. P.E.W. 202 de Roubal, M. (pirate) .. .. P.E.W. 136 Der vishes . . . . . . . . . . 62, 54 de Severac, Friar Jordan .. .. .. 123n. de Souza, Dom Martim Affonso, 149, 183, 184 de Thevenot, Jean, Bccount of Surat, by, 199--204, 217-223 Deussen .. .. .. 89, 90, 92, 156--159 Devanampatnam.. .. .. .. 187, 188 de Vendome, Admiral .. . . . . . . 203 Devi Mald .. .. .. .. . 130 Devisie (?) Mons... .. P.E.W. 126, 127 Dharavarsha Paramara. . .. .. 10

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INDEX 241 Dhar Avarsha Paramara of Mount Abu and his inscriptions .. .. .. .. 47--51 Dhariydykkel .. .. .. .. .. 161 Dhar Parmars. Soe Dharavarsha Paramara of Abu. Dhonaadkhajdtaka . .. .. .. 131 Dhullup, Anandrao, Admiral .. P.E.W. 177 Diamond . . . . . . P.E.W. 125, 138 Diana .. . .. P.E.W. 156 Dictionary of The Car-Nicobarese Language, by the Revd. G. Whitehead, B.A., (book-notice), 214 Dilewar Khan Ghori .. 101, 102, 104, 144 Dilipa .. .. .. .. .. .. 229 Dimaressive, (native king of Madagascar) P.E.W. 128 Dionysius, Bishop .. .. .. .. 179 Discovery .. .. .. .. P.E.W. 129 Dixon, Capt. .. .. .. P.E.W. 179 Djawa, Nos. 3 and 4, 1925, (book-notice) .. 58 Djawa, vol. V, Nos. 2 and 5, (book-notice) .. 120 Dobbio, Capt. W. .. P.E.W. 181 do Couto .. 147--150, 163n, 177, 178, 182 Doggett, Capt. . .. .. P.E.W. 154 Dolphin .. .. P.E.W. 126, 127, 176 Dominicus, Comm. A. .. .. P.E.W. 166 Dorothy .. .. .. P.E.W. 138 Dover, H.M.S. .. P.E.W. 193 Doveton, Comm. R. P.E.W. 175 Drake .. .. P.E.W. 201 Dravidian Linguistic Studies in the Company's days, the promotion of .. .. 1-9 Dravidians .. 95-97, 177 Driffield, Charles, tomb-stone of, in Thane .. 20 Drummond, Robert Drummond, Capt. R. . .. P.E.W. 133, 136 Drury, Admiral . . . .. P.E.W. 193 Drury, Comm. A. V. .. P.E.W. 197 Drury, Robt. ..P.E.W. 127, 128, 138n, 145 Drysdale, Capt. .. P.E.W. 132 du Bosc, Capt. .. P.E.W. 132 du Bourges, Fr., S.J. .. .. .. 3,7 Duncan, Governor J. .. P.E.W. 189 Dundas, Capt. J. .. .. P.E.W. 176 du Perron, A. . . Dupleix .. .. .. ..P.E.W. 159, 161 Durag-gan, Maurya Raja Durgadasa.. .. .. .. S.M.S.R. 1 Durga Mahipauramardini .. .. .. 130 Duroiselle, C., The Pageant of King Mindon, Mem. A. S. I. No. 27 .. .. .. .. 1 du Tachard, Fr. .. .. .. P.E.W. 132 Dutch, the, in Surat, 218, 220, 221; P.E.W. 198, 199, 201 Dwarka, temple of .. .. P.E.W. 202, 203 East India Company, Dutch .. P.E.W. 143 East India Company, French . P.E.W. 146 Eastlake, Capt. T. .. P.E.W. 129, 130 Eaves, (pirate) .. .. . P.E.W. 141 Edesse .. 42, 45n., 86, 88n., 161, 163, 166n. Edwardes, S. M. .. .. .. .. .. 41 eem-heang (yen) .. .. .. .. .. 208 Elizabeth .. .. .. .. P.E.W. 145 EU .. .. P.E.W. 200, 201 Elliot, Capt. the Hon'ble G. .. P.E.W. 198 Ellis, F. W. .. .. .. 1, 3, 5, 6, 8, 9 Emily .. .. . . . . . . 176 England, Ed. (pirate), P.E.W. 146, 148-150, 152 England, English, the, in Surat . .. 218, 220, 221 Enthoven, R. E., Spirit Basis of Belief And Custom .. . .. . . . .. 78 Epigraphy, Mosiem, in the Gwalior State 101-104, 144-148 Essez .. P.E.W. 133, 135, 139, 140, 188 Eusthathius of Antioch, .. 82n., 161, 162, 166n. Evans, Capt. J. .. .. P.E.W. 129 Eve, tomb of .. .. .. Every, (pirate) .. .. P.E.W. 133 Esteter .. .. P.E.W. 152 Expedition .. .. P.E.W. 132, 148 Exposition de recentes decouvertes et de recents travaux anddologiques en Afghanistan et en Chine, (book-notice) .. .. .. .. 118 140 :::: Fabricius, J. Ch. .. .. .. .. .. 4,7 Fa-hsien .. .. .. .. .. .. 167 Fair Chance . .. P.E.W. 140 Fame P.E.W. 142, 170 fand .. . 66, 67 fanams of Rama Raja .. .. . 186-188 Kali .. 186 Kadamba .. .. .. 189 Fancy .. .. ..P.E.W. 148, 149 jankoo, fan-foo .. .. 207 Fariner, Capt. G... P.E.W. 176 Pattel Curreem .. P.E.W. 204 Faujddr .. .. 203; P.E.W. 125 Fazil Kareem P.E.W. 204 Ferris, Capt. W... P.E.W. 201 Fitz William P.E.W. 176 Flags : Arab .. .. P.E.W. 202 Black .. .. P.E.W. 146-149, 201 Bloody .. .. P.E.W. 127, 139, 147, 150 Dotoo's Colours . .. P.E.W. 175 East India Company's .. P.E.W. 150 English Colours P.E.W. 155, 173 Hagle.. . East India Company, P.E.W. 139, 154, 155 187, 188; P.E.W. 146

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242 INDEX - .. 13910 Flago-contd. Galard P.E.W. 171 Europe .. P.E.W. 158 Gallon, Capt. T. P.E.W. 135 Green .. P.E.W. 163 Gapapati .. 132, 192, 193 Joasmi .. P.E.W. 189 Gapapevaram inscription .. .. 192 Jolly Roger .. P.E.W. 146, 147, 148 ganas .. .. .. .. .. 18 King's Jack ..P.E.W. 127, 133 Ganesa .. .. 96, 98, 131-133 Ladrone .. P.E.W. 196 Gardiner, A., (pirate) P.E.W. 137 Maraths .. P.E.W. 173 Gaures. Soe Parices. Moors Colours, red P.E.W. 163 Gausem Deo .. .. .. 131 Mughal .. P.E.W. 133 Gayer, Sir John P.E.W. 129 Muscat Colours .. P.E.W. 129 Gayer, Sir Thos... ..P.E.W. 125, 126 Old Roger ..P.E.W. 147, 148 Gayni, Gajni .. 170, 171 Pirate .. P.E.W. 148 j Geddes, Capt. P.E.W. 178 Red, P.E.W. 135, 143, 147--149, 158, 163, 173 Generous Friends P.E.W. 179 Red Ensign P.E.W. 167 Gentiles. See Hindus. Rogues' .. P.E.W. 135--137 George, C. (pirate) P.E.W. 130 St. George's Colours .. .. P.E.W. German Mary P.E.W. 127 Sivaji's .. P.E.W. 135 Gervasius, St. 82n. Soog .. P.E.W. 198 getah .. .. 205 White .. ..P.E.W. 181, 201 Getrouwigheid P.E.W. 171 "flogging round the fleet," in the merchant ght .. 93n., 130n., 131, 139 service . .. P.E.W. 176 ghrita 93n. Floyer .. .. . .. P.E.W. 178 Gillespie, Col. P.E.W. 199 Fly (Ply?). .. P.E.W. 186, 187, 188 Gilles P.E.W. 192 Flying Dragon .. .. P.E.W. 146, 161 Gilmour, Capt. P. P.E.W. 180 Folk Songs of the Tuluvas .. 13-17, 7478 Gingeo .. 187, 188 Footo, Capt. c. .. .. .. CP.E.W. 185 Glatton .. .. P.E.W. 175 Forgiveness . .. .. P.E.W. 138 Gloucester .. .. P.E.W. 179 Fort Dauphin (Dolphin).. P.E.W. 127, 128, 146 Glover, Capt. Alph, P.E.W. 166 Fort St. George .. .. P.E.W. 158, 157 Godolphin .. .. P.E.W. 142 Fort William .. .. .. P.E.W. 172 gods, colours of the Foucher, A., Exposition des recentes decowertes, Goes, Benedict .. . . . . 213 etc., on Afghanistan et en Chine (Muato Gui. Goha, Guharlatta .. .. . 170, 172. 173 met Series, 1928) .. .. .. .. 118 gold, (in currency) .. .. .. 210--213 Foulin, Capt. .. .. .. P.E.W. 134 goldachuy! .. .. .. .. .. 207, 910 Fourgette, Capt. .. P.E.W. 132 Gondophares (Gudnaphar), 78, 88n., 163n., 178-180 fouradar. Seo Faajdar. Gopi Talao, Surat .. .. .. 218 Fox .. .. .. P.E.W. 176, 181, 187 Gordon, Major .. . .. P.E.W. 172 Francis, Capt. .. .. .. P.E.W. 126 Gordon, Comm. J. .. * P.E.W. 144 Francis Xavier, Saint .. . 1, 149, 150n. Goafright (Gospright ?) . P.E.W. 127, 146 Franoiboang .. .. .. .. 83n., 184 Gough .. .. .. .. 89, 90, 92 Franks .. 43, 44, 48n. Gourlay, Capt. .. .. .. . P.E.W. Freeman, Comm. F. 193 P.E.W. 164, 166 Gonven, Friar, 123, 124,128,147,151, 162, 161n., 186n. French Company, Stories about, at Surat, 203, 204 Governor Rafies .. P.E.W. 199 Friendship P.E.W. 125, 128 Gowan, Lieut. C. G. P.E.W. 189 Funter, Capt. R... .. P.E.W. 182 Gracedieu .. . .. . P.E.W. 1290. Further Dialogues of The Buddha, translated Graham, Lieut. W. G. .. . P.E.W. 189 from the Pali of the Majjhima Nikaya, by Grahilot (Gluhilot) .. .. .. 170 Lord Chalmers, (book-notice).. .. .. 181 grdmadevald .. .. 96 Tury P.E.W. 188, 189 Grant, Mr. .. .. P.E.W. 203, 204 Grantham .. .. P.E.W. 141 Graves, Capt. .. P.E.W. 197 Gravesome, Capt... P.E.W. 200 Great Mahomet .. P.E.W. 125, 126 Great Mogul .. 201, 204, 221, 222 Green, Capt. T. .. .. P.E.W. 138 Groenbaugh, Capt. .. .. P.E.W. 139 Greenwich .. .. P.E.W. 149, 150 Groer, Capt. w... .. P.E.W. 176 Gabriel, Mar .. 41, 44, 82n., 83n., 8888 Greig. Capt. w. .. .. P.E.W. 190 Gaja Singh, Raja of Kachw Ah& .. .. .. 104 Greyhound. P.E.W. 140, 161, 162, 197 :::::::::::: . .. 236

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INDEX 243 gyha. See svasara. Grierson, Sir G. A. The Root Acch in Modern India .. 316, 224 Griffin, Admiral T. .. .. .. P.E.W. 159 guianza .. . . . .. 208 Gardian . . . . . .. P.E.W. 188 Guds .. .. .. .. .. .. 78 Godnapbar (Gundaphar). See Gondophares. Guhila Kings of Mew&r .. .. .. 169-174 Guhilot (Grahilot) .. .. .. .. 170 Gukamaglam (Cukamagalam) .. 42, 45n., 84n. Gurumurthy Sastri, K. .. .. .. .. 6,7 Gwalior State, Moslem epigraphy in, 101-104, 144-146 Habban ... .. .. .. 88n., 177-180 Haft-Ajar .. .. .. .. 172 Halifax .. ..P.E.W. 161, 163 Halliman (Sultan of Johanna). P.E.W. 134 Halsey (pirate), P.E.W. 126, 133, 136, 138--140 Hamilton, Capt. A. . P.E.W. 136, 142-145 Han dynasty .. .. .. .. .. 207 Hankin, E. H. The Drawing of Geometric Patterne in Saracenic Art, Mem. A. 8. I., No. 15 .. .. .. 100 Hanloden, J. E., S.J.. .. Hanover .. .. P.E.W. 153 Hanuman .. 96, 130, 133 Harappa .. .. .. .. 96 Harcourt .. .. P.E.W. 175 Hardy, Liout. .. P.E.W. 203 Hare. See Windhondt. Haro, Capt. J. .. .. P.E.W. 128 Harland, Capt. R. P.E.W. 134 Harrier, H. M. 8. .. ..P.E.W. 187, 197 Harrington .. .. P.E.W. 160, 162, 163 Hario# .. .. P.E.W. 189 Harris, Capt. J. .. .. 125, 159 Harrison, Capt. Ed. .. .. P.E.W. 127 Harvey, Capt. .. P.E.W. 180 Harvey, G. E. History of Burma from the Karliest time to March 10th, 1824 .. .. .. .. 216 Harwich .. .. .. P.E.W. 127 Hasan. See Dildwar Khan Ghori. Hastings .. ... .. P.E.W. 127 HAthigumpha inscription . . . . . 140 Hawks .. .. . .. P.E W. 157 Hawkeswell, Lieut. P.E.W. 181 Hawkins, Sir Richard .. ..P.E.W. 141, 147 Hayes, Lieut. .. .. .. . P.E.W. 177 Hayes, Comm. .. .. P.E.W. 181 Hayes, Capt. J. .. P.E.W. 184 Heathcote .. .. . P.E.W. 162 Hecale, H. M. 8. .. .. .. P.E.W. 199 Helen .. .. .. .. P.E.W. 199 Hemachandrs .. .. 10, 23, 26, 72, 74, 234 Henrietta .. .. P.E.W. 145, 146 Heras, The Revd. E., S.J. The Writing of History .. .. .. 176 Herbert, John .. . P.E.W. 174 Herstlet, (author of China Treaties) .. .. 211 Hervas, Fr., 8. J... .. Hester .. .. .. P.E.W. 144 Hibbert, Capt. T. .. .. P.E.W. 145 Hibernia .. .. .. P.E.W. 171 Hioks, Capt. Z. .. . P.E.W. 143 Hill, Capt. C. .. .. P.E.W. 182 Hilliard, Capt. .. .. .. P.E.W. 133 Himyaritio inscription .. .. .. 21-23 Hindu Polity, by K. P. Jayagwal, (book-notice), 17-19 Hinduism .. .. .. .. 94-98, 136 Hindus . .. .. .. .. " Hiruks .. .. .. .. .. .. 80 History of Burma, from The Earliest Times lo March 10, 1824, by G. E. Harvey, (book. notice) .. .. .. .. .. .. 215 Hiuen-taang .. .. .. .. .. 167 hnajat-leweld .. .. .. 206n. Holden, Capt. T... .. .. P.E.W. 158 Holi festival .. .. 136 Holeyas, a song of the .. 1317, 7477 Hong Kong .. 211, 212 Hope P.E.W. 204 Hopewell .. .. ... .. 199 Hopewood (Hopgood), Capt. P.E.W. 189 Hoppo, the .. .. 175 Hormuz .. .. .. .. 171 Hornygold, pirate .. P.E.W. 164 Horsham .. P.E.W. 138 Houghton... .. .. .. P.E.W. 178 Howard, T. (pirate) .. .. P.E.W. 133 Hugo, Lambert .. 199, 203, 204, 236 Hultzech, E. Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, vol. I, In criptions of Adolea .. .. .. .. 99 human sacrifices .. .. 95-98, 131, 183n., 134 Hume Huns .. .. .. .. .. .. 196 Hunter .. .. .. .. P.E.W. 184, 185 Hurle, Capt. J. .. .. .. P.E.W. 197 Hutchinson, Comm. W... .. P.E.W. 162 Hyde, Capt. R. (Comm.), P.E.W. 141, 149 .. 167 Ibn Batuta Ibn Muhalhal Ichohhani .. idols .. 122n. 48-60 98, 99

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244 INDEX .. 172 . Himyaritic .... halawar State, 213 Ignahaperi .. .. 8in. Inscription contd. Ignatius, Mar (Patriarch).. 43, 48n., 83n., 88n. Tiruvanchikulam Temple .. 166n., 178 Ikovaku clan 216, 235 of Yasodhavala Paramara 10-12 Illanuns P.E.W. 156 of Vijayapaladeva . .. 225, 226 Imam Hussitti .. .. .. .. .. 171 of Vishnuvarms .. .. 117 impalement .. .. 97 Copper-plate inscriptions - Inchbird, Capt. J... .. P.E.W. 161n., 162 Aling .. .. .. .. India, St. Thomas in, 41-46, 78, 81-88, Cranganore .. .. 121--128, 147-156, 177-186, 161-166 82 Malabar . .. .. .. 83, 88 India, 93, 96 ; ancient tribes of .. .. .. 216 Quilon Tarisa 82, 85, 121n., 177, 183, 184 India .. .. .. .. P.E.W. 139 Tiruvalangadu . .. 216 Indian history, historical bias in .. .. 167 Copper-plates wanted : Indian Queen. See Defiance. Gujarat Chaulukya .. .. Indra, 110, 113, 137, 138, 228, 230-233, 236 MAlva Paramara ... .. Indukodaivarman .. .. .. .. .. 143 Valabhi .. Industry . .. . P.E.W. 175 Copper-plates inquired of - IngnodA inscription of Vijayapaladeva. 225, 226 of Konkan Viceroys .. ngram, Capt. .. .. .. P.E.W. P.E.W. 142 142 International Law of Ancient India, by 8. Inless, Capt. .. .. .. P.E.W. 127 1 Viswanatha, (book-notice) .. .. .. 58 Inscriptions Iran . . . . . . . . 196 Asoka's Rock Edicts, date of .. .. 97-99 Iranians Iranians .. .. .. .. .. .. 93, 94 Bind-nim-ki Masjid at Ujjain (unnamed), 144-146 Irapeli .. .. .. .. 41, 45n., 81n., 84n., 88 91, 90n.. ., Copper-plate grant of Thomas Cana, 121-128, Iraq 147-165, 177-186 Ireland, John, (pirate) .. ..P.E.W. 127, 129 Inscriptions of DhAravarea Paramars of Abu, fsa upanigad .. .. .. 47-51 .. 157 Ismail, Raja of Siak .. .. P.E.W. 174 Inscription of the time of Maharaja Surapala Itappalli. See Irapeli. deva .. .. .. .. .. 225, 226 Inscription of Yasodhavala Paramara 10-12 .. 21-23 An Ancient Inscription in The Jh Alawar Stato, 213 Kuravalangad bell inscription from Travan. Persian Inscription from Narwar Fort 101-104 of the reign of Akbar 145, 146 of Aboks .. 99 Atapur .. .. 173 Bijolyan .. .. 11, 172 Jaballahs (Jono Ally) .. .. 830., 87, 88n. Burmese .. 215 Jacadra .. .. .. P.E.W. 168 Chatau .. 174n. Jackson, V. K., Chitor .. .. 173 ! Journal of Francis Buchanan (afterwards Chitorgarh 10, 11 Hamilton) in Patna and Gaya .. .. 80 Ingnode .. 225, 226 Jacob, (Mar. Bishop), 43, 83n., 87, 124, 149, Ganapesvaram.. 192 1500., 152, 162, 181, 182, 184 HAthigumphs .. 140 Jacob of Sarug .. .. 163n., 177-179 Kottayam Plates of 8th Anu Ravi .. Jagadekamalla .. . . . . . . 191 in Madras Presidency .. .. 79 Jago, Capt. S. .. .. .. . P.E.W. 139 of Malayavarma Pratihara .. 226 jdgri . .. 201 & 2. Mampalli plates of Sri Vallabhan Kodai of Jahangir .. . .. ... 167 Ven&d .. . " ** Jahbaloh6 .. Morvi .. ...196 Jaimint .. .. 166-158 Motupalli, of Gangapati of Kakatiya .. 192 Jaina Gazeite, vol. 21, (book-notive) .. 235 at Myszedi .. Jaina, Svetambara, iconography .. 23, 26 Nominatha Temple .. 10 Jainism .. .. . . .. 72, 236 Parur .. .. .. 181 Jaitaf Pam&r, Par mara of Abu of Prithviraja Chauhan 48, 49 Jaivali .. .. .. Perunns.. James (pirate) .. .. .. P.E.W. 131, 133 .. .. Samoli .. . .. .. 172 James, Capt. Wm. .. P.E.W. 167, 168, 170 of Sombevara Chauhan.. 49, 50 Jami Mosque, Badaun .. .. .. 117 of the time of SurapAladova .. Jami Mosque, Irich ... .. .. 117 Tirukkadittanam .. 141 Jane .. . . P.E.W. 179 Tiruvalla plates of Rajasekhara .. 141 Japan, coinage of .. .. .. . . 207 141 :: .. 141 ..215 .. 92 226, 228

Page #275
INDEX 245 Jewits " 156 . . . . 117 Japher, Raden (pirate).. P.E.W. 181 Kanarese, study of Kanarese language, Java, occupied by the British ... P.E.W. 199 Kanchi . .. 193, 194 Jayawal, K. P. Kandapparkja ...... 168n. Hindu Polity .. -.. .. .. 17-19 Kannski .. .. .. 196 Jeakos, Capt. .. .. P.E.W. 202 KARRO .. .. .. 162 Jenkins, Comm. B. .. P.E.W. 160--164 Karma 66, 167 ... 83n., 85--88n. Karpakambal, (goddess) .. 198 Jews .. .. .. .. .. 141 Karppajini .. Jhalawa State, dincovery of an ancient inscrip Kasakstana.. .. tion in .. .. .. .. .. . .. 213 Kais .. 216 Jinas, list of .. .. .. .. 23-26 23-26 KatAhs .. .. .. .. . .. 216 Joasmis .. P.E.W. 156, 183, 184, 187-190 Katha .. 17 Jobaon, Comm. W. .. ..P.E.W. 157, 158 Kathiavad .. .. .. 172 Johanan, Mar .. .. 147 & n., 182, 183 Kaputturutti (Carturte),8ln., 128 &n., 166n., 181, 182 Johanna .. .. E.W. 134 Katy dyana . .. .. .. .. 94n. John .. .. .. .. .. 236 Kavaliyadavalli, treasure trove .. .. 190, 192 John IV, of Portugal .. .. .. 139 Kaveripattanam .. 182n. John and Rebecca .. .. P.E.W. 128 Kechil, Raja of Siak . P.E.W. 144 Jonathan Duncan .. P.E.W. 181 Koer, Lieut.-Col... .. P.E.W. 200 Johnson, Capt. R. P.E.W. 152 Keir, Sir W.G. .. . P.E.W. 202 Jolly Roger. See Flags. Keith, Arthur Berriedalo, Jones, Capt. .. .. P.E.W. 141 | The Religion and Philosophy of The Veda and Jones, Evan .. ..P.E.W. 126, 126 Upanishads .. Jordon, Capt. Wm. .. .. P.E.W. 155 Kelb .. .. .. 22 Joseph, Bishop .. .. .. 161 & n., 166n. Kommel, Capt. .. .. .. P.E.W. 197 Joseph, T. K. Kemssunta .. .. .. P.E.W. 203 What The Apostle Thomas Wrote from India, 78 Kennedy, Capt. T. .. P.E.W. 148 Journal of Francis Buchanan (afterwards Hamil. Keppa (Peter) .. .. .. .. 179, 180 ton) in Patna and Gaya, edited by V. H. Kerala (Malabar).. .. 141, 151, 154 Jackson, (book-notioe) .. .. .. 80 Ketaon of Qonya, (Qeson, Qison), Christian mer. Journal of Indian History, vol. IV. part II, edit. chant .. .. . . . . . . 160, 161 ed by Prof. 8. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, (book Keys, Lieut. .. ..' .. P.E.W. 181 notice) .. .. .. .. .. .. 100 Khem Sawant P.E.W. 162-164, 170, 176 Journal of Oriental Research, Madras, vol. I, Khonds of Sambalpur .. .. 98, 96, 130n. part I, (book-notice) .. ..236 Khusru. Soo Kutbu'd-din I-bak. Journal of the American Oriental Society, vol. Khusu Parver. .. .. .. .. 171 46, (book-notice) .. .. 234 Khwaja Commodo .. P.E.W. 133, 136 Juan Fu-ying .. P.E.W. 182 Kidd, (pirate) .." P.E.W. 126, 133 Juan Kwangping .. .. .. P.E.W. 182 King, Capt. P.E.W. 199 Junaid (Governor of Sind) King George P.E.W. 159, 162 Jupiter .. .. 142, 143 King William P.E.W. 166, 167 * Jupiter .. .. P.E.W. 163 Kirby, Capt. P.E.W. 149 juchia, meaning of, in vedio literature .. 36-38 Kiemit .. Kitchener, Capt. .. .. P.E.W. 204 Knayi Tomma. See Thomas Cana. Kodor treasure trove .. .. .. 190 Kokamangalam .. .. Sln. Kollam (Kurakkepi). See Quilon. Kollam (Pantal&yini). See Quilon near Caliout. Kondam&ruayya.. .. .. .. 191 loomoosh .. .. .. .. .. . 210 Kooslus .. .. . .. . 216 Kotamalar .. 88n. Kottakkayal .. .. .. .. 88, 161n. Kadaram. See Chola Kidaram. Kottakava. See Parur. Kadattanad, RAJA of P.E.W. 135 Kottayam .. .. 128 & n. Kadi .. Kottayam plates of 8th Anu Ravi .. .. .. 201 Kali .. .. 96, 97 kobudl .. .. .. Kamak Dyw .. . 52 Koulam. See Quilon. Kamalavatf .. .. 170 Kovilmar .. . . .. .. Kamoja, Daing P.E.W. 170 Krishna Deva Raya, Sri .. .. Kanalaen.. 169, 170, 172 Kshatrapas, Western .. .. .. .. 56 .. 141 202, 923

Page #276
246 INDEX Kshattriyas . .. .. 931 Lockyer, (English merchant) .. .. 208-211 Kulam. See Quilon. London .. . P.E.W. 127, 150 Kulottunga Chola Deva I. .. 194 London, Capt. .. . P.E.W. 157, 158 Kumarapala (of Anhilwa?), 10-12, 47, 72-74 Lord Mahdofra, by Harisatya Bhattacharya of Kur .. .. 207, 210 Howrah, (book-notice) .. 176 Kuramaklur. Soe Cranganore. Louis P.E.W. 191 Kuravalangad bell inscription, Travancore .. 129 Low, Ed. (pirato).. P.E.W. 152 kurkutorago uporago .. . 26 Lowth, Capt. M... .. P.E.W. 126 Kaba . .. .. .. .. .. .. 169 Loyal Cook .. P.E.W. 137 Kumandas .. Loyal Merchant .. P.E.W. 126 Kutbu'd-din (Qutbu'd-din) I-bak .. Lucifer P.E.W. 201 Kutkajel .. .. 41, 45n., 8ln., 84n., 88 Luke, H. C. .. .. .. .. .. 207 Mosul and Its Minorities .. .. 30 Lunn, Capt. P.E.W. 179 Lynch, Capt. P.E.W. 180 26 Labbaie .. .. . " P.E.W. 192 .. 147n. La Confiance Ladronen, P.E.W. 182, 185, 186, 190, 193, 194, 196 Lady Hughes .. 175 Lafitte, Jean .. P.E.W. 192 Lakshmanana.. .. .. 234 Lakshmidhara .. .. S.M.S.R. 1, 2 Lambadia, and human sacrifice .. .. .. 97 Lancaster .. P.E.W. 164 .. . Land's Anecdota Syriaca on the Syrians of Malaber .. 41-46, 81-88 Laocian states, coinage of .. .. 207 La Petite Caroline P.E.W. 192 La Subtil . . * P.E.W. 160 Law, Dr. B. C. Ancient Indian Tribes .. .. ..216 Laws, Capt. .. P.E.W. 152 Lawson, Capt. . ..P.E.W. 163, 164, 166 lead in currency .. .. .. .. 213 Laake Capt. T. .. P.E.W. 167 Lee, S., (doctor's mato) .. P.E.W. 145 Leebow .. .. P.E.W. 182 Loods, Capt. J. .. P.E.W. 134, 135 Les Freres Unis .. P.E.W. 184 Lewis (pirate) P.E.W. 130 Lewis, Capt. P.E.W. 140, 145, 146, 162 Lichchhavis ..... .. . . w Limbee .. P.E.W. .. 180 Limpo .. .. .. .. P.E.W. 137 Lindsay, Comm. G. .. .. P.E.W. 167 L'Intonation en Penjabi, se variante asiati. que de la loi de Verner, by Jules Blooh, (book . notice) .. Lion P.E.W. 152, 193 Lisle, Comm. P.E.W. 161 Littleton, Capt. .. P.E.W. 127, 129, 130 Lively .. P.E.W. 189 Lisard .. P.E.W. 127, 130 Ma'-deir'l-umard .. MACAO .. .. 176, 176: P.E.W. 193. 194 Macartney, Lord .. . 176 Macclesfield P.E.W. 127 Macdonald, Lieut. P.E.W. 189 Macdonell (Governor of Hongkong), P.E.W. 156 Maorao, Capt. J... P.E.W. 149 Madeo .. .. 217, Madhva Madras .. P.E.W. 132 Madras Presidency, inscriptions in Madura .. 196 Magadhas .. .. 216 MAgadhi .. .. S.M.S.R. 1, 2, 9-12 Magdalena .. .. P.E.W. 162 Magnus, 8. .. P.E.W. 165 Magoderpalanam .. .. .. 125-127 Mahabalipuram .. .. .. .. 197 Maha Banu 171, 172 Mahadevar Pattanam (Cranganore), 120n., 163, 164 & n., 177, 182, 183 Mahakatayana 60 Maharastri Mah&rathis Mahkari Tara .. .. .. 196 Mah&vira Vardhamana .. .. 72, 176, 235 Mahi Ar Opya. Soe Mylaporo. Mahisasure .. ' .. .. 97, 131 Mahmud of Ghazni .. . .. . . . . . 167 Mahmud Amuli.. .. 53 Mahmad BaigAra .. Mahuld .. .. 8.M.8.R. 14 Mahusa, Mahal (Cranganoro :) .. 163n., 177--179 Mailopur. See Mylapore. Maine, Capt. C... P.E.W. 152 Mainwaring, Lieut. . .. P.E.W. 188 8.M.8.R. 2, 17_20 .. 19 .. 18 . 176

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INDEX 247 .68 .. 59 Maishan. See Uzanes. Makotai. Soe Mahadevar Pattanam. Malabar, 41-46, 191, 122, 124, 128, 141, 147, 161, 164, 165, 177, 179-182 Malacca, occupied by the British, P.E.W. 180 Malacca .. .. .. .. P.E.W. 197 Malankara .. .. 41, 42, 81n., 84, 86, 165n. Malappan (Dutch Factor) . P.E.W. 132 Malaver. See Malabar. Malayalam, study of the Malayalam language, 49, 141 Maliankarre. See Malankara. Mallai. See Mahabalipuram. Malsey, J., tombatone of, at Thana .. .. 20 Malwa. See Ujjain. MAlykukara. See Malankara. Mamidi Vencayya .. Mammali (Moor) .. . P.E.W. 170 Mampalli plates of Sri Vallabhan Kodai of Ven&d .. . .. .. 141 Mamakawaseer. Soe Manikka Vabakar. Mandalikh, Bhil raja .. 170 Mangalam .. Sin. Mangate . . . . 83n. .. . 70 Manigramakkar .. 81n., 84n. Manikka Vabakar .. 41, 45n., 8ln., 86, 88, 182 Manucci's Storia Do Mogor LOCI O world Do Mogot .. .. .. 38 Marathas.. .. 186-189, 199; P.E.W. 155, 156 Margam-Kali Song .. .. 180-182 Margaret .. .. ..P.E.W. 125, 128 Margate, H.M.S... P.E.W. 127 Maria .. P.E.W. 179 Marian (of Byzantium). 171, 172 Markandeya .. .. 224; S.M.S.R. 3 Marquis of Ely .. P.E.W. 194 marriage of priests .. 43, 44, 87 Mani .. McKerrell, J. .. .. " McNeale, Capt. .. .. .. Mediaeval Jaina imuge of Ajitanathu .. 72-74 Mehta, NAnklal ChamanAl .. .. .. 119 Studies of Indian Painting .. .. .. 119 Meillet, A. . Les Gatha de l'Avesta (Annales du Musee Guimet) .. ** .. .. .. Melampus .. .. P.E.W. 204 Memoirs of The Archaeological Survey of India, No. 28, by Hirananda Gastri, (book-notice) .. 80 Memoirs of The Archaeological Survey of India, Nog. 15, 20, 27, (book-notice) .. .. .. 100 Memoirs of The Archaeological Survey of India, Nog. 19, 21 (book-notice) .. Memoirs of The Asiatic Society of Bengal, (book noiice) .. .. Mendoza, L. (Ensign) .. P.E.W. 158 Mercury .. ..P.E.W. 193, 194 Merghi .. .. .. 213 Meriah Sacrifice .. .. 95--97, 130n. Mermaid .. .. .. " P.E.W. 152 Merrino, (pirate) .. .. P.E.W. 128 Merry Christmas .. P.E.W. 148 Mewar, the Guhila Kings of .. 169-174 Miller, Capt. J. . .. .. P.E.W. 135, 140 Minerva .. .. . P.E.W. 189 Misenor, Comm. R. .. P.E.W. 164 Missionaries, European, 88 pioneers of the Study of S. Indian vernaculars . 1-9 Missions, early, in S. India - Madura .. Tranquebar (Danish).. .. .. .. 2, 3 Carnatic .. Mahe .. .. .. 3 Trichinopoly .. .. .. 3 Mitra .. .. .. .. 93 Mocha .. .. P.E.W. 127 Modeste . .. P.E.W. 198 Modgar, Capt. .. P.E.W. 204 Moegling, Revd. M. Moguls and Sivaji .. . 220_222 Mohenjo Daro .. . . . 95 moksa .. .. .. .. 70 Moljokare. See Malankara. Monserrate, Fr. A., 121, 122, 147, 161n., 163n. Monsoon .. .. P.E.W. 137, 142 Montague . .. P.E.W. 164-166 Moore, Capt. .. P.E.W. 173 Moore, W. (Surgeon) P.E.W. 152 Moors .. .. .. .. 200 Morgan, Capt. W. P.E.W. 146 Morice .. P.E.W. 158 Morning Star .. ..P.E.W. 130, 144 Mornington P.E.W. 188 Morrice, Capt. W. ..P.E.W. 125, 128 Morris, J. C. .. .. 68 Morris, H. .. Morrison, Capt. .. .. .. P.E.W. 188 Morse, H. B. The Chronicles of The East India Company Trading to China .. .. . 175, 176 8.M.8. Sou tin, Dom, Arakanese price w 153. 154 Mode . . . 9 Martin, Capt. E. .. .. P.E.W. 153, 154 Martin, Capt. J... .. P.E.W. 130 Mar Tomma. See Thomas Cana. Mary ... .. ..P.E.W. 139, 151n., 158 Mary Galley .. .. .. .. .. 233 Marygold .. .. . P.E.W. 131 Masson, M. (pirate) . P.E.W. 136 Matancheri .. . 43, 46n., 83n., 85n. Mathura (?). See Mahuld. matriarchate .. Matthew (Jacobite priest, writer of the An edota Syriaca), 41, 44, 81-83, 85, 88, 182 Mathew. See Ketson of Qonya. Matthew, Capt. G. .. P.E.W. 127 Matthews, Comm. P.E.W. 152-155 Mathews, Capt. P. P.E.W. 142 Maxwell, Capt. M. .. P.E.W. 199 May .. .. .. P.E.W. 179 .. .. 89 Mayes, Capt. W... P.E.W. 127 Mayilai. See Mylapore. Mayildrpu (meaning of) .. .. .. 197, 198 Mayuravalli (goddess) .. .. .. 198 Mazdai .. .. 163n., 179, 180 Maya

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248 INDEX Morvi inscription .. .. .. 195 Moslom epigraphy. Soo epigraphy, Moslom.' Mossclschult .. .. P.E.W. 173 Mosul and Its Minorities, by H. C. Luke, (book-notice) .. .. .. .. " Motupalli inscription .. .. .. 192 Mount Deli .. .. P.E.W. 156, 171, 173 Mrichchhakapikd .. .. .. .. .. 80 Mucknell, (pirate) . .. 236 mufti .. 201 Mughals (Moguls).. .. 188, 199, 220-222 Muhammad IV, ibn Firoz of Delhi .. .. 144 Muhammad Tughlaq .. . . 187, 216 Muhammad sam. See Shihabu'd-din Ghart. Muhammad Shah 'Adil .. 101, 104 Muhammadans . 123n. 144, 167, 200, 201, 220-222 Mund tribes .. .. Mandala Hologas, Marriage songs of, 13-17; burial song of .. Murvil (Murvell 1) Capt... Musalmans, Mussulmon .. 236 Mueandat . .. 26 Musulmen. See Musalmans. Mutiny, the Indian 168 muttas . . . .. 208 Muttusvami Pillai, A. .. .. 1, 3, 5, 7 Mutumseri. See Matancheri. Myazedi, inscription at .. 216 myinkd .. .. .. .. .. .. 212 Mylapore, 41-44, 8ln., 84n., 8888, 121n., 123n., 128, 147, 149, 163, 177, 179--181. Mahildropys of the Panchatantra 1 197, 198 Myosado (sacrificial victim) .. .. .. 216 Nawab .. . 2012. Nayrs. Soo Nairs. Nelson, Capt. .. P.E.W. 179 Neminatha .. .. 79 Neptune .. .. P.E.W. 126, 135, 140, 175 Neptune's Prize .. .. P.E.W. 162 Neranam (Nerman) . 42, 45n., 8ln., 88n. Nereid, H.M.S. .. .. .. P.E.W. 189 Nestorians .. .. .. .. 129, 151, 152 Nilla Purbu, Admiral .. .. P.E.W. 137 Nimeh Pezir .. 163n. Nirukta, The, by Hannes Skold, (book-notice), 160 nirudga .. .. .. .. 66 nitya .. .. .. 36, 38, 61, 62 Noah, tomb of .. .. .. 139, 140 Noordwolfbergen .. .. P.E.W. 162 North N. (J. 1) pirate .. .. P.E.W. 133 Noshirwan (Nushirwan) .. 68, 169172 Noshizad (Nushishad) . 171, 172, 174, 176 Nostra Senhora da Cabo .. P.E.W. 161, 164 Notes on currency and coinage among the Burmese .. .. .. 205-213 Notes on Piracy in Eastern Waters, P.E.W.120204 Nunn, Capt. R. . .. P.E.W. 160, 162 Nur bakshi sect .. .. .. .. .. 196 Nushirwan. See Noshirwan. Nushishad. See Noshizad. .. . 95 .. 74 . . . Onslow Ockham .. .. P.E.W. 157, 158 Oerghai. See Edessa. Ohio .. .. P.E.W. 185, 186 Oley .. .. .. .. P.E.W. 138 Omar, Caliph .. .. .. .. .. 200 " on the Account," meaning of P.E.W. 141 Onslow .. .. ..P.E.W. 148, 163-165 opium trade .. .. .. .. 175 Origin and Oult of Tard, by Hirananda Shastri, (book-notice). .. .. 57 Original Ramdyana, The Ostend. See Greyhound. Ostend Company .. .. P.E.W. 168, 169 Otter .. .. .. P.E.W. 142 Ouchterlony, Captain .. .. .. .. 7 .. banda Shastri, N Naapura. See Navapur. Nafa'im-l-fundn .. .. 52, 53 Nagana vam festival .. .. 130 Nagas .. .. .. .. 121 & n. ur .. .. .. .. 10, 11 Nahavand .. . .. 172 Nairs .. .. 121 & n., 122, 166n., 177 Nakruh, a god of the Arabe Nalpur. See Narwar. ndnd. See prthat. Nancy ... .. P.E.W. 186 Neriman, G. K. The Ahad Nameh h . 19, 20 Narsingh . .. .. .. 130 Narwar Fort, Persian insoription from, 101-104 Nasadu .. .. .. .. P.E.W. 162 Nathaniel .. .. P.E.W. 132 Nangaza tombe (to the West of India) ..139, 140 Nautilia .. .. .. P.E.W. 189, 199 Nayapur .. .. .. .. .. .. 201 Naviyats . . . . . . . . 1470 Pagan, kingdom of Page . . .. . .. .. .. 216 P.R.W. 186

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INDEX 249 .. 175 . . . . . 194 Bugi Page, Capt. P.E.W. 186, 183 Piedmontese P.E.W. 185 Page, G., tom betone of, at Thana .. .. 20 Pike, J. ..P.E.W. 130, 134 Pagoda P.E.W. 192 Pilgrim .. .. P.E.W. 193 PaifAcika. S.M.S.R. 2 Pillage .. P.E.W. 192 Pallas P.E.W. 201 pipyushi .. . .. . 106n. Palnatoki, (Baltic pirate).. P.E.W. 190 piracy in China Panchatantra .. . 197, 198 piracy in the East, Anglo-American causes of, Pandyas .. P.E.W. 130 Pangeran Adom. . P.E.W. 198, 199 piracy in Eastern Waters, & note on .. .. 236 Panini .. .. .. . . . 88, 94n., 133 Piracy in Eastern Waters, notes on, P.E.W. Panj pir .. 130 126--204 Panfitturutti Kannan Polan .. .. .. 143 Pirates Papers, The, of Thomas Bowrey, by Sir Richard American . . .. .. P.E.W. 193 Temple, Bt., (book-notice) .. .. .. 233 Andamanese .. .: P.E.W. 184 Paramnegthi Prajapati .. .. .. 90, 91 Anglo-American P.E.W. 125-136, pardaos .. .. .. .. .. .. 210 138-154, 158 Parker, Capt. .. . .. . P.E.W. 161 Arabian, P.E.W. 125, 128, 137, 159, 166, 169, Parla, Kurnool District, coin find at .. . 189 171, 173, 174, 183, 187-190, 201--203 Parmaras of Abu .. .. 47-51 Arakanose .. .. .. P.E.W. 181 Parrott, Capt. A. .. .. P.E.W. 142 P.E.W. 170 Parrott, Capt. P. .. P.E.W. 159 Chinese, P.E.W. 170, 172, 182, 185-187, Parsees .. .. .. 190, 193-197 Paravanatha .. .. .. .. 235 European, P.E.W. 136, 155, 158--160, 166, Paru 122, 124, 128 169, 171, 173, 175, 176, 181, 204 Parur, 81n., 84n., 86, 88n., 125, 128 & n., 161n.; Javanese . .. P.E.W. 159 inscription .. . 181, 182 Joasmi .. P.E.W. 156, 183, 184, 187--190, 203 Parurpatanan (Parur) .. .. .. .. 125 Kuli .. .. .. ..P.E.W. 164, 168 Parvati .. .. .. .. Malabarese, P.E.W. 128, 135, 137, 154-156, .. 131 Passio 127n., 178-181 159, 161-164, 166, 167, 170, 172-174, Passwater, Capt. P. .. P.E.W. 142 176--178, 203 Patna Statue . .. .. .. 140 Malagasi .. P.E.W. 191, 192 Pattison, (pirate).. .. P.E.W. 152 Malay, P.E.W. 137, 158, 160, 166, 169, Paul, Capt. N. .. .. P.E.W. 175 178-181, 184, 197--201, 204 Paulists. See Jesuits. Malwan.. .. P.E.W. 164 Pavanadutam of Dhoyi, (book-notice) .. .. 234 Sanganian, 236; P.E.W. 144, 155, 156, 160, Pavin, Capt. . . P.E.W. 180 162, 167, 168, 173, 175, 181, 187, 203 Pescook, Capt. E. .. P.E.W. 141 Turkish .. .. .. .. P.E.W. 168, 169 Pearce, Capt. R. .. .. P.E.W. 141 Piratical communities, suppression of, P.E.W. 155 Peet, Rovd. M. (C.M.S.) Pitt, Thomas (Governor of Fort St. Georg(r)). Pekin .. 207, 208 38, 125, 128 Pelagia . .. .. .. 179 Plantain, J.J. (or W. ?).. P.E.W. 153 Pelham .. P.E.W. . 167 Plowman, Capt. c. .. .. P.E.W. 135 Pelican .. .. .. P.E.W. 125-127 Plutacho .. . . .. .. 3 Pellew, Capt. P. B. .. P.E.W. 193 Ply (Fly ?) .. . .. P.E.W. 185, 188, 197 Pelly, Capt. . .. . P.E.W. Pol. See Andrew. 167 Pembroke .. .. .. P.E.W. 126, 133 Political History of Ancient India from The Penang .. .. .. .. P.E.W. 1781 Accasion of Parikshit to The Wastinction of Penruddock, Capt. .. .. P.E.W. 138 The Gupta Dynasty, by Hemohandra RayPersian inscription, from Narwar Fort, 101-104 chaudhuri, (book-notice) .. .. 140 Perumanaikkottattu Kesavan Sankaran.. 143 ! Pombadas, songs of the .. .. .. 77, 78 Perumattam .. .. .. 162 Pontchartrain wow .. .. .. .. P.E.W. 139 Perunna inscription .. .. 141-143 Poole, H.M.S. .. P.E.W. 146 Peter .. P.E.W. 126 Popo, Dr. G. U. . .. .. 23 Peterborough .. P.E.W. 148 Portuguese in India, 123, 124, 147-149, 102, Pettanikas.. .. .. 18, 19 153, 162, 165 &n., 166, 183, 184 Phaston, H.M.S. ... F.E.W. 187, 193 Pracy& .. .. . S.M.S.R. 1, 2, 7, 8 phaliga, meanings of .. .. 186--139 Prahladans, Param&rs . . . Phayre, Sir Arthur .. .. .. 216 Prakrta-Kalpataru, Apabhrama Stabakas of, Pherokee .. .. .. .. 43, 46n. 8.M.S.R. 1, 2 Phillips, Fred .. .. P.E.W. 126 Pratihara dynasty of Kansuj .. 225 Phillips, Capt. R... P.E.W. 137 Preast, Capt. .. P.E.W. 169 Phond Sawant P.E.W. 167, 908 Preston, Benjamin .. P.E.W. 196 * PET .. . 48

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260 INDEX .. 139 Price, Comm. P.E.W. 172 Prince of Wales .. P.E.W. 162, 203 Prince Eugene P.E.W. 143 Prince Frederick .. P.E.W. 153 Princesse .. .. P.E.W. 132 Princess Augusta .. .. .. P.E.W. 168, 181 Princess Caroline .. .. .. P.E.W. 159 Princess Royal .. .. P.E.W. 181 Prithviraja Chauhan, 48; inscriptions of, 49, 50 priya, (meaning of, in Vedic literature), 30-38, 61, 62 Pro, John .. P.E.W. 134, 145 Proceedings and Transactions of The Third Oriental Congress, (book-notice) .. .. 193 Prodh, Mar, 81, 82n., 85, 86, 88n. 151 & n., 152, 161n., 184 Prosperous .. .. .. P.E.W. 133, 148, 152 Protasius, St. Protector .. .. .. P.E.W. 170 Providence .. .. .. 175 prthak (meaning of) .. 227-229, 232 Pruen, Lieut.-Comm. .. .. P.E.W. 177 Peyche P.E.W. 192 Payche, H.M.S. .. P.E.W. 191 Paja, the meaning and etymology of, 93--99, 130-136 Pulteney P.E.W. 163 Punt, Capt. T. .. P.E.W. 139 Parnabhadra (Jaina saint) .. 73 & n. purohita .. .. .. 229 Purupasukta Purva-mimd med 157 Pushpavati 170, 173 Pushyamitra 140 Pyus 215 82n. Rajagri, (K. of Arakan).. Raja Nala of Nipadha .. Rajendra Chola I .. .. .. 194 Rams .. .. .. 169, 170 Rama Raja, fanams of .. .. .. 186-188 Ramanuja . .. 89, 166, 167 Rama-Sarman, (Tarka vagfia), Apabhramia Stabakas of .. . .. 224 Rama-Sarman, (Tarkavagisa), the Saurasent and Magadhf Stabakas of .. 8.M.S.R. 1-20 Ramayana, the original .. .. .. .. 224 Ramban, Thomas (reference to a poem by) .. 81 Rambarzin .. .. 171 Ramon, P. (pirate) .. ..P.E.W. 181, 199 Ramsay, Capt. .. . . P.E.W. 169 Ramabotham, R.B. Studies in The Land Revenue History of Bengal, 119, 120 Ramsey, Capt. P.E.W. 127 Rana Raj Singh .. .. '169-171 Ranger .. P.E.W. 177 Rangoon .. .. .. .213 Rishrapalas .. . . . . . . 140 RAshtrika.s.. .. .. .. 18, 19 Rashtriyas .. .. .. 140 Rattlesnake, H.M.S. .. .. 184, 201 Raychaudhuri, Hemchandra, Political History of Ancient India from the Accession of Parikshit to the Extinction of the Gupta Dynasty .. .. .. 140 Read, Capt. .. P.E.W. 142 Road, Wm. (pirate) P.E.W. 131 Readish, Capt. .. P.E.W. 152 Rebecca .. .. P.E.W. 163 Redang (isl.) .. .. P.E.W. 144 Redhead, Capt. Wm. .. P.E.W. 127 Reed, Lieut. T. .. P.E.W. 199 Rooks, Revd. J. . . Reeve, Revd. Mr. (Lon. M. S.) .. . Religion and Philosophy of The Veda and Upani. shads, by A. B. Keith, (book-notice) .. 117 Restoration .. .. .. P.E.W. 159, 167, 168 Revenge .. .. P.E.W. 154, 155, 173 Revenu .. P.E.W. 192 Reynolds, Capt... P.E.W. 201 Richards, Capt. C. P.E.W. 134 Riddell, Comm. T. P.E.W. 172 Ridderschap .. P.E.W. 128 Rigveda .. .. .. 93, 97 Rising Eagle. See Eagle. Riveley, Capt. Geo. P.E.W. 126 Rivers, Capt. J. .. P.E.W. 145 Robert .. .. .. .. P.E.W. 162 Roberts (pirate) .. P.E.W. 148 Roberts, Capt. .. P.E.W. 201 Robertson, Mr. .. Rochester .. .. P.E.W. 130, 134, 141 Rock Edicts of Ayoka .. 27-29 Rogers, Comm. J. R. P.E.W. 176 Rogers, Capt. W... .. ..P.E.W. 141, 146 Romer, Capt. .. .. .. P.E.W. 177 .. 8 Quarterly Journal of The Mythic Society, vol. XVII, (book-notice) .. .. .. .. 234 Queen .. .. .. P.E.W. .130, 163, 192 Quilon, 43, 45n., 8ln., 82n., 85n., 12ln., 183, 184 Quilon, near Calicut .. 85n. Quilon copperplates, 82, 85, 12ln., 177, 183, 184 Quilon, pillar at .. .. 123n., 148n., 151-163 Quirce, St. .. .. .. .. .. .. 148 Quqsin. See Cochin. Radhakrishnan .. .. Raffies, Sir Stamford . .. 89-92 P.E.W. 197 P... 107

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INDEX 251 . .. " Rose Root Acch, The, in Modern India, by Sir George Grierson, (book-notice) .. .. 216 Koruka .. .. .. . 60 .. .. P.E.W. 162 Rose, H. A. Travels in India, by Jean Baptiste Tavernier, 79 Ross, Capt. .. . P.E.W. 174n., 197 Rottler, The Revd. . . . . . . . . 6, 7 Royal Fortune. See Onslow. Royal Guardian .. . .. P.E.W. 166 Roz, Bishop, 121n., 124--126n., 128, 147n., 164, 177, 178, 181 Reabhadeva Ruby P.E.W. 125, 132, 161, 180 Rudra . 93 Rudrayana .. .. 60 Rupmati .. 196 Ryder (pirate) P.E.W. 125 * .. .. 59 * .. 140 960. .. 169 82n. Sankara .. .. 35, 71, 89, 156, 157, 159 Santals .. Antarakshita .. .. 235 Sapor, Mar (Sapores), 43, 45n, 81, 82n., 85, 86 Sapadalaksha co... .. "Sarama Pereimal." See Cheraman Perumal. Sarangdharu (unidentified), K. .. .. .. 120 Sarup, Lakshman. The Vision of Vasavadatta .. Sasanadevalds. See Yakas and Yakginis. Sastri, Hirananda. The Origin and Cult of Tard, Mem. A.S.I. No: 20 .. .. .. .. .. Bhdea and The Authorship of the Thirteen Trivandrum Plays, Mem. A.S.I. No. 28 .. 80 The Baghela Dynasty of Rewah, Mem. A.S.I. No. 21 .. .. .. .. .. 117 Sastri, H. Krishna, Rao Bahadur: ?'wo Statues of Pallava Kings, etc., Mem. A.S.I. No. 26 .. .. 19 Sastri, M. T. Ganapati :The Samaranganasutradhara of King Bhoja. deva, vol. II .. Satakarpi .. .. Satavahanas Satt Satrunjaya Mahatma .. Saubhagyadevi, q. .. 12 Saul Saurasini and Magadhi Stabakas of Rama Sarman (Tarkavagisa) .. S.M.S.R. 1-20 Saurashtra .. . . * Say, pirate . . . .. 236 Sayapa, 30, 33, 61, 90, 91, 105, 110, 112, 115, 136, 229 scapegoats . . .. * .. 135& n. Scarborough .. .. P.E.W. 134, 145, 167 Schulze (Danish Missionary) .. .. .. 3,4 Schwartz, Rov. C. F. .. .. Seaford .. .. .. .. P.E.W. 137 Seager, J. See England Ed. Seahorse .. .. P.E.W. 176 Sebarjes (Sebarjeeu) 45n., 82n., 83n. serah .. .. 206 Serkun (Cherakon) 42, 45n., 86n. gesa Nag .. . Sesodis . .. .. .. 171 Seton, Capt. Daniel P.E.W. 181 Seton, Capt. David P.E.W. 188 Sepern .. .. P.E.W. 134, 161 Severn, H.M.S. .. .. P.E.W. 134 Sowell, R. The Siddhantas and the Indian Calendar, 39, 40 Shah Alam . .. .. .. 38 Shahidullah, Muhammad, some suggestions on the Apabhramia Stabakas of Rama Sar. man .. . .. .. .. 224 Shah Jahan .. .. 167 Shah Madar Shahr Banu .. .. 171 Shaikji, pirate . .. P.E.W. 159 Shalibhadra (Jaina saint) .. 73, 74 Shallam .. .. .. P.E.W. 160 . . 168-173 . . . . 188 ) .. h .. .. .. 135 sacrifice, animal .. .. 130n., 131, 133, 134 sacrifice Meriah .. .. 9597, 130n. sacrifices, human .. 94-97, 131, 133n., 134 Sadler, Capt. ..P.E.W. 174 & n. Sadler, Capt. .. P.E.W. 180 dagma .. .. 66n. Sahu St. George .. P.E.W. 140 8. Thome .. .. 122 Sakambhari. Seo Sambhar. Sakirbirti. See Chakravartti Raja. Saktibhadra .. .. 80 Salagrams .. .. .. .. 132 Salamander .. P.E.W. 164n. Saleeters .. .. .. . P.E.W. 144 Salisbury . . P.E.W. 152, 153 SalivAhana 81n., 84n., 88n., 125n. Sally .. P.E.W. 172 Samaranganastradhdra of King Bhojadla, by MahAmahopAdhyaya T. Ganapati Sastri, vol. II, (book-notice) .. Sambhar. Sambhaji .. .. .. .. .. .. 188 Sangha .. . 18 Sambli insoription .. 172 Samuolls, Abraham ("King" of Fort Dauphin). P.E.W. 127, 128 Sandarik .. .. .. 88n., 127n., 177--179 $andilya .. .. .. .. .. 158 Sanganians .. . . 236 .. 69 .. 10 ...101

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252 INDEX : : : : .. .. .. 209 Simha .. " Shamsher Jang .. P.E.W. 173 | Souali. See Suvali. Shan (people) .. .. .. 215 8@yera Bai .. .. 188 Shan Shell money .. 206, 207n. Speaker .. .. . P.E.W. 129-139 Shannon .. .. P.E.W. 188 Speedy Return .. P.E.W. 133, 136 Shasta (Shayista) Khan and Si 220-222 ephafika .. . .. .. 137, 139 Sheldrake, Capt... .. P.E.W. 185 Spirit Basis of Belief and Custom, (book-notice), 78 Sheriff, Capt. .. P.E.W. 173 Spring, Mr. (Mad. Civ. Ser.) .. .. .. 9 Shibabu'd-din Ghur i .. Squirrel .. Shing .. .. P.E.W. 137 .. .. .. .. . Sri Vallabhan Kodai of Venad .. . . . 141 Shingala. See Cranganore. Stacey, Capt. B... P.E.W. 138 Shinsaw bu, q. .. .. 215 Stenes, Capt. F. .. .. Shirauah. See Siroes. P.E.W. 130, 134 Stanhope, Col. L... P.E.W. 203 Shoreham .. .. P.E.W. .. .. 152 Staunton, Sir G.T. Siam .. .. 175 .. .. . . . . 209 Sicard, Fr... .. P.E.W. Stevens (author of New and Complete Guide to 143 Siddhantas and The Indian Calendar, by B. The East India Trade) Sewoll, (book-notice) .. Stewart, Capt. .. .. .. P.E.W. 133 .. 39, 40 Sidis . . Stones, land-grant stones, inquiries regard. . . P.E.W. . 155, 156 Sifur .. .. .. .. .. 20 .. .. 179 .. .. .. .. Strmont .. .. Sihor. Soe Vidarbha. .. . P.E.W. 176 Sikuncar Lodi .. Stratton, Capt. Wm. . . . 104 P.E.W. . . 146 . . Sirctham .. Sikhandi 60 .. .. .. .. .. P.E.W. 157 Siladitya VI 170, 171, 172 Strover, Col. G. A. . .. .. 212 siladitya VI or VII (1) of Valabhipur, 172n., 173 Strutt, Mr. Stephen . . .. P.E.W. 142 Studies in Indian Painting, by Nanalul ChaGiladitya of Mewar 172 silver, as currency .. 206--213 mandal Mehta, (book-notice) .. .. .. 119 Studies in the Land Revenue History of Bengal, .. 174 1769--1787, by R. B. Ramabotham, (book. sinchu poa .. .. 208 .. Singapore, ocoupied by the British, P.E.W. 200 .. .. .. .. .. .. 119 Sinha, Kumar Gangananda, and Benim Adhab Subbarayulu, B. .. .. .. .. .. . Berna. Subhagna . .. .. .. .. 172 Barhut Inscriptions Subrahmanya .. Sir Edward Hughes ... P.E.W. 191 Siri Sufism. See Brahma-Vidya and. Siroes . .. 171 Sultan-bin-Suggur .. .. P.E.W. 189 Sisunaga . . .. 140 Suluans .. .. .. . P.E.W. 156 Sitata .. .. Sumitra .. .. . .. .. .. 169 Sittannav&sal, Pallava frescoes of 119 funa .. . . . . . . . . 61-63, 66 Siva .. .. .. .. 96, 97, 131, 177 surabht . .. .. 12 Sivaguru. See Agastya. Surapaladeva, MahArdja, inscription of the time Sivaji, 168, 187, 188, 199, 203n.; and Shaista Khan of . .. .. 225, 226 220; and Surat, 221; and Aurangzeb, 222, 223 Surat, Jean de Thevenot's account of, Skanda .. .. .. .. .. . 38 199-204, 217-220 Skold, Hannes. Surat, cemeteries at . . . . 217 The Nirukta .. Surat, cremation at .. . .. 217 ** Skylax of Karyanda 94n. Surcouf, R... .. .. .. Sladen (author of report on trade routes from Sussanna .. .. P.E.W. 184 Burma to China) .. .. . .. 212 Susanna Barbara .. P.E.W. 201 slave trade . . . P.E.W. 141, 160, 163 Suahena, (physician) .. .. 60 slavery .. .. .. P.E.W. 197, 198 SuvAli .. .. .. ... 219, 220 Smith, Maj.-Genl. L. .. P.E.W. 203 sa (meaning of, in Vedic literature), 35-38 Smith, Capt. T. .. .. .. P.E.W. 155 Svapnanatakam .. .. .. 80 Smith, Comp. Wm. .. . Wm. o u .. .. W 176 P.. W. Svapnesvara .. .. .. 158 Soares, Lope . .. .. 148n. Svasara, (meaning of, in Vedio literaturo), 106--113 Soma .. .. .. 93, 98, 196, 227, 231, 233 Svetambara Jains iconography .. .. 23-26 8omiditys .. .. .. .. .. 174 Swallow .. .. .. P.E.W. 165, 166, 191 Somasimha, Paramira .. . .. .. 48 "Swally Hole" .. .. 21 9n. Someivars Chauhan, 48; inscriptions of, 49, 50 Swift .. ..P.E.W. 165, 184 Somers . . P.E.W. . 141 . P.E.W. 180 Sybille .. Somerville, Andrew .. P.E.W. 126 syoee .. .. 206213 P.E.W. Sonuno 189 .. . Sylph .. 918 songt. Soo Folk Songs. Sylvia PE W. 197 .. 1191 .. .. P.E.W. .. 135 g . .. .. 132 .

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INDEX Tavai . 213 Symons, Mar .. . 87 Tibau, Gonsalves .. .. .. .. 139 Syrians of Malabar 41-46, 81-88 Tien Ti-Woi (secret society) ..P.E.W. 187 & n. Tiger P.E.W. 164 Timur .. .. . . . .. 39 tin (in currency) .. .. .. 213 tingia . .. .. .. 208 Tiramgoto. See TiruvAikote. Tirthakaras . . . . . . .. 235 Tirubokut, Travancore.. 42, 45n., 8ln., 84n. Tirukkaditt&nam inscription of Bhaskara Ravivarman .. .. .. .. .. 141 Tirunelli plates of BhAakara Ravivarman, 141-143 Tiruvalangadu copper-plate inscription .. 216 taldra .. .. .. . . .. .. 12 Tiruvalla plates of Rajasekhara .. .. 141 Takki 8.M.S.R. 1, 2, 15 Tiruvanohikulam Temple inscription, 166n., 178 Tamboer .. .. .. .. P.E.W. 138 Tiruvankodu. See Tirubokut. Tamerlane. Soo Timur. TiruvAikote .. . .. .. 84n., 84n., 86, 88n. Tamil, study of Tamil language .. 1-9 toddy .. Tapti (Tapti R.) .. 218, 219 Tollier, See Beckford. Tara .. .. 57, 58, 100 Tolson, Capt. J... Tarideicalnaiquemar .. 121n., 177 tombstones, English, at Thana Tarisa copper-plate .. .. 82, 85, 121n. 177 Tonquin (Tonqueen) .. Teritaykkal Nay kkanma.. .. .. .. 177 Topmot .. .. .. .. P.E.W. 164 Tarkavagisa. See R&ma-Sarman. Topaze ... .. Tartar invasion of Burma .. 216 Topahaw. See topaed. Tattvasangraha, (book-notice) .. .. .. 235 Toungoo, dynasty .. .. 216 Transfer. .. P.e.w. 180 Tavernier, Jean Baptiste, 79, 199, 207, 210 transmigration .. .. 159 Tay ... .. .. P.E.W. 190 Travancore, kura valangad bell inscription from, Taylor, Revd. W... .. .. .. 2, 7, 8 129. See Tirubokut. Taylor, Capt. .. .. .. ..P.E.W. 168, 177 Travels in India, by Jean Baptiste Tavernier, Taylor, (pirate) .. P.E.W. 146, 149-153 (translated and annotated by V. Ball, edited Tchou dynasty . .. . " .. .. 206 by William Crooke), (book-notice) .. .. 79 Teignmouth . P.E.W. 187, 188 treasure trove Tokkumpakar Kattambatti . .. .186 Telugu, study of The Telugu language .. 39 Kavaliyadavalli .. 190, 191 Temple, Sir R. C., Bt. The Papers of Thomas Kiltdyanur .. .. Bosorey 190, 191 temples, Jaina 72-74 Parla .. .. Ternate .. . P.E.W. 197 Trengganu, (Malay State) .. 205 Terpeichore P.E.W. 184 Trial Snow P.E.W. 168 Terrible .. .. .. .. P.E.W. 1 18 Triplicane 197, 198 124, 162, 153 Trimmer . . . . P.E.W. 188 . Thakarda, inscription found at Trotbridge .. .. P.E.W. 193 Thales .. . " .. .. 90 Tasi-Kien .. .. P.E.W. 182, 183 Tuluvas, Folk songs of the .. 13-17, 7478 Thana, English tombstones in .. .. .. 20 Turigure Tharad, Thardpadra .. Tushishpha The Lady of The Lotus, by Ahmad-ul-umrl, (book-notice) .. .. .. .. .. 196 Thoma Parvam .. .. .. .. 179-181 Thomas, Bishop .. 43-45n. Thomas, Saint and Apostle, in India, 41-46, 7881-88, 121-128, 129, 147-165, 163, 166n.. 177-184, 198 Thomas, of Jerusalem . 43-46n., 82n., 86n. Thomas Cana .. .. 81-88n., 161-166 Thomas Cans and his copper-plate grant, 121-128, 147-155, 177-186 Thomas Ramban .. .. .. 81, 180, 181 Thuge .. .. 133 Udiamper .. .. .. Thunderwold, (Dutoka pirate) . P.E.W. 201. Udaipur .. . . .. 163 186 .. 933 Kodur .. .. .. 189 Tevalikara n found at .. .. 326 Trotoor * . * Thalun . . . .. .. .. .. 128 .. 140 " ..

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254 INDEX .. 11 .. 169 .. . 72 .. .. 34 . .. 117 .. .. .. 67 .. 235 .. 235 Udayagiri .. .. 191 | Vigilant P.E.W. 161, 181 Uddalaka .. 91, 158 Vigraharaja IV Ujjain (Ujjayini) .. .. .. 144, 145 Vijay Aditya .. .. 174 une.po .. .. 207 Vijayapaladeva, inscription of .. .. .. 226 Unity P.E.W. 139, 148 Vijayapur Upanishads, the interpretation of the, 89--92, Vijayasen .. .. .. 189--170 156--160 Vikramaditya .. .. 169 Upton, Capt. .. P.E.W. 150 Vikramasimha .. .. 10 Urahai. See Edessa. Vimalashada Urmston, Capt. J. P.E.W. 191 Vine P.E.W. 126 Ushas .. .. 93 Vinta Gurra P.E.W. 136 Uttobeco .. . P.E.W. 183, 184, 188 Viper P.E.W. 183 Uvatas Virabhanddayaldvyam .. Uzanes .. .. 183n. Vishnu .. .. .. .. 93, 124, 125, 132 Vishnuvarma, Kadamba K., grant of .. .. 11 Vision of Vasavadatta, The, by Lakshman Sarup, (book-notice) .. Visscher, Chaplain .. .. P.E.W. 143 Viswanatha, S. V. International Law in Ancient India .. ... 58 Voyages aut Indes Orientales (de Thevenot).. 199 Vrdtyas .. .. Vrede P.E.W. 168, 185 Vrishabha .. Vrowne Gertruijde . P.E.W. 173 Vadhels .. P.E.W. 144 orttaka .. .. .. .. 17 vdhana .. .. 23--26 Vaijayanti .. 171n. Vajraydna .. .. .. 196 Vaka-Nevis. See Vaq'ia navis. Valabhi, Valabhipura 169--174 Valentyn . . . Vallabha .. .. .. 156, 157 Vama, (meaning of, in Vedic literaturo), 37, 38 van Cleef, Clars .. .. P.E.W. 158 van Goens, Ryklop, Admiral .. 87 van Tyle, Ort. P.E.W. 133 Wad tree of Surat 218, 219 Vaq'ia navis 20 ln. Wadd, a god of the Arabs .. .. 22, 23 varada-hasta .. 26 Waghers .. P.E.W. 158 vardhas . .. .. .. 189 Waghoba .. .. Vargivora .. .. 200 Wahabis . .. ..P.E.W. 183, 189, 190 varna .. 157 Waite, Sir Nicholas .. .. P.E.W. 125 Varuna .. 93 .. Walai. See Valabhi. Vashon, Capt. S. G. P.E.W. 187 Wallajah .. .. P.E.W. 191, 192 Vasipha 31, 929 . Wallin, David P.E.W. .. 134 Vasudeva .. .. 94n. Walter, C. Th. .. Vatabllri stone .. .. 178 wan-yin .. .. .. .. 207 Vatukar . .. 188 Warren, Commodore P.E.W. 126, 127 Vaughan, John, tomb of, in Thane ... .. 20 Warren, Capt. T... P.E.W. 126 Vedanta philosophy .. .. .. 89, 92 Warren . .. . P.E.W. 168 Vedanta-odtras - .. .. .. .. 165--160 Warwick .. .. P.E.W. 164 Vedio Studies, 30-38, 61-66, 106--116, Watson .. .. P.E.W. 156 136--139, 227-233 Wat on, Admiral .. .. P.E.W. 170-172 Vellalas .. .. .. .. 177 Watson Museum, Rajkot, Annual Report 1926, 59 Velliyampalli Polan Sattan .. .. Watts, Capt. H... . P.E.W. 168, 165 Vernaculars, 8. Indian .. . ..149 Weddell .. .. .. .. 175 Vibhapas ..S.M.S.R. 1 & n., 2 & n., 12 Wooke, Capt. .. P.E.W. 142 Victor .. .. .. .. P.E.W. 185 Wellington .. P.E.W. .. 198 Victoria ..P.E.W. 164, 155, 167 P.E.W. Wells, Comm. Wm. .. 167 Victory . P.E.W. 142, 148, 149, 151, 152, 159 Wooley, Capt. .. P.E.W. 133 Vidarbhs P.E.W. Westcott, Comm. G. .. 169 . 157 . Vidy rany. P.E.W. . . .. .. . 72W estmoreland 135 .. . .. 132 ::::::::: . . . . . . 143

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INDEX 265 .. 78 .. DI What The Apostle Thomas Wrote from India, Xenophan. Seo Xanthippus. by T. K. Joseph, (book-notice) Xarko. See Xabro. Wheeler, Capt. John .. . P.E.W. 126 Whiah, Revd. C. M. . . .. . . . . 6, 6, 8 Whistler, Capt. .. .. Whistler, Capt. .. P.E.W. 135 Whito, Lieut. U.S.A. Navy .. P.E.W. 200 White, Capt. . P.E.W. 127 White, Capt. T. i . P.E.W. 131, 138-140 Whit-head, Rovd. G. Dictionary of The Car Nicobarese Languages, 314 Wilcox, Capt. .. .. P.E.W. 137, 179 Wilkinson, Thos. (pirato) .. P.E.W. 129 Yacoob Khan. Boo Shaikji. Williams, Capt. .. P.E.W. 194 YAjavalkys Williams, Capt. J. .. P.E.W. 148 Yakas, list of .. 23-26 Wilson, Capt. .. P.E.W. 180 Yaksinis, list of .. .. 23-26 Wilson, Comm. C. P.E.W. 158 Yalo, Elihu .. 188 Wilson, Comm. H. P.E.W. 175 Yamba .. .. 207, 210 Wim menum .. P.E.W. 168 Yambucha .. .. Windhondt.. .. P.E.W. 1591 YAsks .. .. .. .. 98, 133, 160, 231 Winslow, Rev. M. Yahodhavala ParamAra, and his inscription, 10-13 Winter, (pirate) .. P.E.W. 148 yastok .. .. 207, 209 Woolley, Thos. .. .. .. .. . 38 Yavanas .. .. 122n. Worcester .. .. . P.E.W. 136 Yazdegird .. .. 171-173 Worthington, Wm. P.E.W. 204 yen .. .. .. 208 Wright, Mr. C. W. P.E.W. 204 Yoga philosophy .. .. . 54, 67 Writing of History, The, by the Rev. H. Heras, .. .. 52, 53, 217 8.J., (book-notice) .. .. .. .. 176 Young, Capt. W... P.E.W. 138 Wynne, E., (pirate) . .. P.E.W. 146 y Sousa, Faria .. . . . . . . 183 Yuenpao .. .. . .. 207 Yustadios (Eustathius) .. 82n., 161 & n., 162, 168n. .. 210 Yogi . Xabro, Mar .. 85, 151 & n., 162, 161n., 184 Xanthippus .. .. 127n. 179 Xaram Perumal, 124-125. See Cheraman Perumal. Zeeland Welwaren Zerleuse .. Ziogen balg (Danish missionary).. P.E.W. 162 P.E.W. 174 2, 3, 4, 96n.

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