Indian Antiquary Vol 20

Author(s): John Faithfull Fleet, Richard Carnac Temple
Publisher: Swati Publications
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/032512/1

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY, A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH IN ARCHAEOLGGY, EPIGRAPHY, ETHNOLOGY, GEOGRAPHY, HISTORY, FOLKLORE, LANGUAGES. LITERATURE, NUMISMATICS, PHILOSOPHY, RELIGION, &c. &c., EDITED BY JOHN FAITHFULL FLEET, C.I.E., BOMBAY CIVIL SERVICE, AND RICHARD CARNAC TEMPLE. MAJOR. BENGAL STAFF CORPS. RICHARD CARN TVU. 44. TUVA Swati Publications: Delhi . 1985

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Published by Swati Publications, 34 Central Market, Ashok Vihar, Delhi-110052 Ph. 7113395 and Printed by S.K. Mehra at Mehra Offset Press, Delhi.

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CONTENTS. The names of Contributors are arranged alphabetically. PAGE 1 RAa SAYYID KHAIRAYAT AHMAD, GAYA : i G. A. GRIEKSON, B.C.S.:Luck and 111-Luck in Bihar ... ... . ... 337 THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADABI, BY E. SENART ; THE DETACHED ROCK EDICTS; THE EDICTS OF REY, J. E. ABBOTT : SAHASARAN, RUPNATH, BAIRAT, AND BHABRA, RECENTLY DISCOVERED BUDDHIST CAVES AT AND THE INSCRIPTIONS IN THE BARABAR CAVES, NADSUR AND NENAVALI IN THE BHOR STATE, 154; THE AUTHOR OF THE INSCRIPTIONS ... 229 BOMBAY PRESIDENCY . ... . .121 Progress of European Scholarship :G, BUHLER, PE.D., LL.D., C.I.E.: No. 23. Zoitschrift der Deutschen MorgenTHE BARABAR AND NAGARJUNI HILL CATE landischen Gesellschaft for 1389 (Vol. XLIII). 116 INSCRIPTIONS OP ASOKA AND DASARATHA ... 861 No. 24. Zoitschrift der Deutschen MorgenThe Date of the Graeco-Buddhist Pedestal from landischen Gesellschaft for 1899 (Vol. XLIII). 98 Hashtragar ... ... ... ... ... ... 394 No. 25. The Revue Critique for 1889 ; Acade. mie des Inscriptions et Belles Lettres... ... 304 J. BURGESS, LL.D., M.R.A.S., F.R.G.S.: Chants Populaires des Afghans, recueillis par GEOGRAPHY OF INDIA, WITH EXTRACTS FROM A James Darmesteter ... ... . ... " PAPER BY THE LATE PROFESSOR H. H. WILSON ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 418 PROF. A. F. RUDOLF HOERNLE, PH.D. :The Sincs of Arcs in the Pancha-Siddhantika ... 228 Two PATTAVALIS OF THE SARASVATI-GACHCHHA C. M. C.: OF THE DIGAMBARA JAINS... ... ... ... 341 Corruptions of English in Bombay ... ... A. HOUTUM-SCHINDLER, TEHERAN :S. J. A. CHURCHILL :Au Oriental Story of Moses A Noto on a cortain Persian Military Expression. 45 .. Sacrifices in Persia ... ... E. HULTZSCH, Ph.D.; BANGALORE:WILLIAM CROOKE, B.C.S.: TIRUNELLI COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF BHASKARAA Song about Lord Lake ... ... ... ... 192 RAVIVARMAN ... ... .. ... ... .. 265 SHAXKAR BALKRISHNA DIKSHIT, DHULIA : THE COINS OF THE KINGS OF VIJAYANAGARA ... 301 A COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF GANADEVA OY KON. Examination of some Errors in Warren's Kala DAVIDU, DATED SAEA-SAMVAT 1377 sankalita ... ... .. ... ... .. 35 The Kausikasutra of the Atharvaveda, edited by J. F. FLEET, Be.C.S., M.R.A.S., C.I.E.: Maurice Bloomfield ... ... ... ... ... 90 Die Indische Genuslehren, mit dem Toxt der THE CHRONOLOGY OF THE EASTERN CHALUKYA Liiganusasanas des Sakatayana, HarshavarKINGS ... ... ... ... ... ... 1, 93, 206 THE GUPTA VALABHI ERA ... ... ... ... 376 dhana, Vararuchi, &c., by Dr. R. Otto Franke... 119 SANSKRIT AND OLD-KANARESE INSCRIPTIONS : PROF. F. KIELHORN, C.I.E, GOTTINGEN :No. 193. Chipurupalle Copper-Plate Grant of Vishnuvardhana I., dated in his eighteenth LUCKNOW MUSEUM COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF THE year ... ... ... MAHASAMANTA BALAYARMADEVA ... ... 123 ... 15 .. No. 194. An Old-Kanarese Inscription at EXAMINATION OF QUESTIONS CONNECTED WITH ... THE VIKRAMA ERA ... .. Kotur... 124, 397 ... ... ... ... ... ... No. 105. Madras Museum Copper-plate Grant A NOTE ON THE SAPTARSHI ERA ... . ... 149 of Mangi-Yuvaraja... SANSKRIT PLAYS, PARTLY PRESERVED AS IN ... - ... SCRIPTIONS AT AJMERE .. No. 196. . ...- 204 Copper-plate Grant of Narendra. mrigaraja-Vijay Aditya II. HARSAUDA STON8 INSCRIPTION OF DEVAPALA DEVA OF DRARA, THE (VIKRAMA) YEAR 1975... 310 Calculations of Hindu Dates : GAYA STONE INSCRIPTION OF THE REIGN OF No. 47. The Death of Indraraja... ....... SULTAN FIRUZ SHAH, THE VIKRAMA YEAR 1129. 312 No. 18. The Chellur Grant of Kuluttunga Some Names and Dates from Unpublished InChodadeva II. ; Saka-Sanat 1056 ... scriptions . .. ...83 A Yote on Amoghavarsha I. ... Readings from the Baijnath Prasastis ... ... 114

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CONTENTS. .. 187 PAGE An Historical Allusion in the Bhagalpur Plate of Narayanapala... ... Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, Vol. III. ... 188 The Meanings of Vyatipata... ... ... ... 292 The Dato of one of the Kanheri Inscriptions of Amoghavarsha I. ... ... ... ... 121 SERGIUS D'OLDENBURG, ST. PETERSBURG: Progress of European Scholarship, No. 22; Journal of the Eastern Section of the Russian Archaeological Society ... ... .... ...85 Progress of European Scholarship, No. 26; Journal of the Eastern Section of the Russian Archaeological Society, Vol. V., Parts 1-4 ... 425 GEO. F. D'PENHA:FOLKLORE IN SALSETTE - No. 5. The Poor Boy and the Fox ... ... 29 No. 6. The Children of Vows ... ... ... 80 No. 7. The Princess and the Lonse No. 8. Bapkhadi, the Salsetto Cinderella ....142 No. 9. The Patel's Youngest Daughter-in-Law. 193 No. 10. Baludada and Bayoi ... ... How the Tiger attained his Grent Strength ... 192 G. H. PRENDERGAST; MASULIPATAM : Corruptions of English in Telingan ... . .. 89 Lock and Ill-Luck in Telingana Social Customs : Marriage in Telingi na ... ... 423 THE LATE E. REHATSER :A NOTICE OF THE GULABXAMA ... ... 71, 212 FANDIT NATESA SASTRI, M.F.L.S.:FOLELORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA : No. 35. The Komasti that suits the Stake ... 78 PAGE No. 33. The Wise Men of Purganur, the Madrasi Gotham ... 221 No. 37. The Story of Atirupa ... ... ... 315 Vishan compared to Rags ... Cold Rice ... ... ... ... ... 147 Folk- Medicine in Madras A Verse on Tobacco ... ... ... ... .: 297 E. SENART, MEMBRE DE L'INSTITUT DE FRANCE THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI; THE DETACHED ROCK EDICTS; THE EDICTS OF SAHASARAM, RUPNATH, BAIRAT, AND BHABRA, AND THE INSCRIPTIONS IN THE BARABAR CAVES, 154; THE AUTHOR OF THE INSCRIPTIONS ... ... 229 Dr. H. W. SMYTH, PENNSYLVANIA: WETER'SACRED LITERATURE OF THE JAINS... 18, 10, 365 K. SRIKANTALIYAR Notes on South Indian Festivals .. . ... 430 Medical Lore in Madras ... .. .. ... 430 THE REV. CHARLES SWYNNERTON : The Ancient Capital of Urasa, the Modern Hazara 336 MAJOR R. 0. TEMPLE, B.S.C., M.R.A.S.: - NOTES ON THE BURMESE SYSTEM OF ARITHMETIC 53 Corruptions of English in the Panjab and Burma.. 89 Social Customs; Marriage in China... ... ... 90 TAW SEIN KO: Thwe- Thank FUTLIPAI D. H. WADIA :FOLKLORE IN WESTERN INDIA : No. 16. The Charitable Faqir ... ... 107 PROF. E. WEBER, BERLIN : THE SACRED LITERATURE OF THE JAINS 18. 170, 367 ... 111 ".. 332 MISCELLANEA AND CORRESPONDENCE. calculations of Hindu Dates, No. 47, the Death of Indraraja, by J. F. Fleet ... ... ... ... 35 Examination of some Errors in Warren's Kalnenn. kalita, by Shankar Balkrishna Dikshit ... ... 35 Some Names and Dates from Unpublished Inscrip tions, by F. Kielhorn ... ... ... . ... 83 Progress of European Scholarship, Nos. 22 and 26, by Sergius D'Oldenburg ... ... .. 85, 425 Progress of European Scholarship, Nog. 23, 24, 25, hy G. A. Grierson ... .. ...116, 203, 394 A Note on Amoghavarsha I., by J. F. Fleet ... 113 Readings from the Baijnath Prasastis, by F. Kiehorn ... ... .. ... 114 A: Historical Allusion in the Bhagalpur Plate of Narayanapala, by F. Kielhorn . .... ... 187 Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, Vol. III, by E. Kielhorn ... - . ... ... ... ... ... 188 Calculations of Hindu Dates, No. 49, the Chellur Grant of Kulotturga-Choladeva II., by J. F. Fleet 191 The Sines of Arcs in the Pancha-Siddhantika, by J. Burgess... ... ... ... ... ... ... 228 The Meanings of Vyatipata, by F. Kielhorn ... 2:12 The Ancient Capital of Urasa, the Modern Hazara, by the Rev. Charles Swynnerton ... ... ... 33 The Date of the Graeco-Buddhist Pedestal from Hashtnagar, by G. Buhler ... ... ... ... 394 The Date of one of the Kanheri Inscriptione of Amoghavarsha I., by F. Kielhorn ... ... ... 421

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CONTENTS. NOTES AND QUERIES. PAGE PAGE A Note ou a certain Persian Military Expression, A Verse on Tobacco, by 8. M. Natesa Sustri ... 207 by A. Houtum. Schiudler ... ... .. .. 45 Luck and I1-Luck; in Telinginal, by H. G. PronAn Orieutal Story of Moses, by S. J. A. Churchill... 89 dergast; in Bihar, by Sayyid Khairayat Ahmal... 837 Corruptious of English; in Telingana, by G. H. Preudergast: in Bombay, by C. M. C.; in the Customary Offerings to Priests in Bengal, by R. C. Patijab and Burma, by R. C. Temple .. ... 89 Temple .. ... .. ... ... .. ... 390 Social Customs: Marriage in China, by R. C. A Peculiar Custom of Succession ... ... Templo ... ... ... _- ... ... .. ... 90 Social Customs ; Marriage in Telingana, by H. G. Vinhnu compared to Rags, by 8. M. Natesa Sastri... 119 Prendergast ... ... ... Cold Rice, by S. M. Natesa Sastri ... ... ... 147 Thwe-Thank; by Taw Sein Ko... ... ... ... 423 Sacrifices in Perrin, by S. J. A. Churchill ... ... 149 How the Tiger attained his Great Strength, by G. Notes on South Indian Festivals; I. Pongal ; II. Fr. D'Penha 192 Varushappirapu, or New Year's Day: III. DipaA Song about Lord Luke, by W. Crooke ... ... vali, by K. Srikantaliyar ... ... .. ... 430 Folk-Medicine in Malran, by S, M. Natesa Sastri ... 192 Medical Lore in Madras, by K. Srikantaliyar ... 430 BOOK NOTICES. The Golden Bough, a Study in Comparative Reli. Journal of the Ceylon Branch of the Royal Asiatio giou, by J. G. Fraser ... .. ... ... ... .. 95, 193 45, 193 Society, Vol. X., No. 36 ... ... ... ... 120 The Kausikasutra of the Atharvavoda, edited by Proceedings of the American Oriental Society ... 148 Maurice Bloomfield ... . ... ... 90 The Mahabharata of Krishna Dvaipiyana-Vyksa, Toung Pao, Archives redigees par M. M. Gustavo translated into English Prose Schlegel et Henri Cordier A Dictionary of the Central Nicabarese Languages, The Selungs of the Morgui Archipelago, by John by E. H. Man ... ... .... .. .. ... 297 Anderson ... .. ... ... 92 Chants Populaires des Afghans, recueillis par James Dio Indischen Genuslehren, mit dem Text der Lit- | Darmesteter ... ... ... ... ... ... 337 gepublisans des Bakat Ayana, Harshavardhana, The Vedantasutras, with the. Commentary by Varoruchi, eto, by Dr. R. Otto Franke ... ... 119 Sankarachfrya, translated by George Thibaut ... 396 Annual Report of the Royal Canadian Institute, The Minor Law.Books, translated by Julius Jolly 1898-99 ... . .. ... ... .. ... 119 Part I., Narada and Brihaspati ... ... ... 425 ILLUSTRATIONS. Old-Kanarese Inscription at Kotur ... ... ... 70 | Adokn Inscriptions... ... ... 364, 368 Tirunelli Plates of Bhaskara-Ravivarman ... ... 290 Plates of Gamadeva of Konlavidu; Saka-Saniyat 1377 The Coins of the Kings of Vijayanagara ... 304, 308 392, 398

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SYSTEM OF TRANSLITERATION. The system of transliteration followed in this Journal for Sanskrit and Kanarese, and, for the sake of uniformity, submitted for adoption, as far as possible, in the case of other languages),- except in respect of modern Hindu personal names, in which absolute purism is undesirable, and in respect of a few Anglicised corruptions of names of places, sanctioned by long usage, - is this :Sanskrit. Kanarese. Transliteration. Sanskrit. Kanarese. Transliteration, 4 4 4 tha dha 4 4 25083 63 R3 dha ng AA 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 21 doll UE Cada #Et uueaa3 ad &a & pa pha Visargu ba bha ma Visarga Jihvimiliya, or old Visarnefore and a Upadhminiya, or old Visurga be. fore and Anusvir Anundsikt - Anusvara 81 31 kha THo akis & 3 B sie oeyi gha 44 44 ba ua cha chha A single hyphen is used to separate words in composition, as far as it is desirable to divide them. It will readily be seen where the single hyphen is only used in the ordinary way, at the end of a line, as divided in the original Text, to indicate that the word runs on into the next line: intermediate divisions, rendered unavoidable here and there by printing necessities, are made only where absolutely necessary for neatness in the arrangement of the Texts. A double hyphen is used to separate words in a sentence, which in the original are written as one word, being joined together by the euphonic rules of scuridhi. Where this double hyphen is used, it is to be understood that a final consonant, and the following initial vowel or consonant-ind.vowel, are in the original expressed by one complex sign. Where it is not ned, it is to be understood of the orthography of the original, that, according to the stag riginal, that, according to the stage of the alphabet, the final consonant either has the modified broken form, which, in the oldest stages of the alphabet, was used to indicate a consonant with no vowel attached to it, or has the distinct sign of the virima attached to it, and that the following initial vowel or consonant has its full initial form. In the transcription of ordinary texts, the double hyphen is probably unnecessary; except where there is the sasidhi of final and initial vowels. But, in the transcription of epigraphical records, the use of this sign is unavoidable, for the purpose of indicating exactly the palaeographical standard of the original texts. The avagraha, or sign which indicates the elision of an initial a, is but rarely to be met with in inscriptions. Where it does ocenr, it is most conveniently represented by its own Devanagari sun. So also practice has shewn that it is more convenient to use the ordinary Devanagari marke of punctuation than to substitute the English signs for them. Ordinary brackets are used for corrections and doubtful points; and square brackets, for letters which are damaged and partially illegible in the original, or which, being wholly illegibles can be supplied with certainty. An asterisk attached to letters or marks of punctuation in square brackets, indicates that those letters or marks of punctuation were omitted altogether in the original. As a rule, it is more convenient to use the brackets than to have recourse to footnotes; as the points to which attention is to be drawn attract notice far more readily. But notes are given instead, when there would be so many brackets, close together, as to encumber the text and render it inconvenient to read. When any letters in the original are wholly illegible and cannot be supplied, they are, represented, in metrical passages, by the sign for a long or a short syllable, as the case may be ; and in prose passages, by points, at the rate, usually, of two for each akshar or syllable.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY, A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH. VOLUME XX.-1891. THE CHRONOLOGY OF THE EASTERN CHALUK YA KINGS. BY J. F. FLEET, Bo.C.S., M.R.A.S., C.I.E. A FEATURE of special interest in the grants of the Eastern Chalukya kings is the record, A that many of them give, of the length of cach successive reign, commencing with that of the founder of the dynasty, Vishnuvardhana I. or Kubja-Vishnuvardhana, a younger brother of the Western Chalukya king Satyasraya-Pulikesin II. There has been no difficulty in deducing from these details the approximate historical period of each member of the family. But, the lengths of the reigns are mostly stated in even years, without fractions ; the earliest case in which a specific date is given in the Sakn era, is that of Amma II., whose coronation is recorded to have taken place in 'Saka-Samvat 867 (expired); and the reigns anterior to him covered, According to different records, from three hundred and twenty-nine to three hundred and forty years. Consequently, the limits within which the commencement of the reign of Vishnu. vardhana I. might be placed, were rather far apart; and a good deal of uncertainty attended also the dates of some of the intermediate ralerg. As a matter of fact, in the most complete and authentic genealogical list of the family that has yet been given, - that published by Dr. Hultzsch in his South Indian Inecriptions, Vol. I. p. 32, - the initial date of Vishnuvardhana I. has been placed no less than eleven or twelve years before what I shall show to be really the correct time; and Dr. Burnell, in his South-Indian Palmography, placed it, in the first instance five years after, and in the second instance eight or nine years before, the proper time (see page 4 below, note 5). The objects of the present paper are, to determine the exact period within which the starting point of the Eastern Chalukya chronology must be placed ; to adjust the dates of the successive reigns from that time, and to group together such historical details as are furnished by the records of the family and other documents. There is a record from which we can determine very closely the period of the commencement of the reign of Satyakraya-Pulikasin II. And obviously, this is a preliminary point which must be considered first. The information is given in the Haidark bad grant (ante, Vol. VI. p. 73, line 11 ff.), which records that, while residing at the city of Vatap (Badami in the Bijapur District, Bombay Presidency), Pulikesin II. granted the village of Makarappi to a Brahman, - Atmanah pravarddhamana-rajyabhisheka-samvatsare tritiye Sakanipati-samvatsara-sateshu chatustrims-fidhikesha panchagv-atiteshu Bhadrapad-amavasya7&m suryya-grahana-nimittam, -"in the angmenting third year of (my) own installation in the sovereignty; when five centuries of the years of the Saka king (or kings), increased by the thirtyfourth (year), have gone by; on the new-moon day of the month) Bhadrapada; on account of an eclipse of the sun." I bave had this date ander consideration twice before ; and it is

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JANUARY, 1891. cecessary now to dispose of it finally. On the first occasion on which I dealt with it (ante, Vol. XVI. p. 109 f.), I brought to notice that it had been calculated some years ago by Mr. D. B. Hutcheon for Dr. Burgess, who passed the notes on to me, and also had been considered by Sir George Airy, with the result that the corresponding English date must be the 23rd July, A. D. 613; on that day there was a total or almost total eclipse of the sun ; it was total probably at Badami, or certainly close to that place; and the totality occurred when the sun was very near the zenith of Bidami; so that the eclipse was a very marked and memorable one for that locality. And I expressed the opinion that there could be no doubt that this eclipse is the one referred to. This opinion, however, was the result of a misconception. In the record, the given year, 'Saka-Samvat 534, is distinctly specified as an expired year; so that the details of the month and the eclipse belong to 'Saka-Sarvat 535 current. In the published Tables, e. g. those of Mr. Cowasjee Patell and of General Sir Alexander Cunningham, which contain no distinct intimation that they are arranged for the expired years of the Hindu eras, Saka-Samvat 535 is shewn as commencing in A. D. 613. I was then under a mistakon impression, -- which was by no means confined to myself; and which, I think, musi in fact have had something to do with the case that was laid for consideration before Mr. Hutcheon and Sir George Airy, -- which led me to suppose that A. D. 613-14 was the equivalent of Saka-Samvat 535 as a current year. And, as the 23rd July, A. D. 613, corresponds to the new-moon tithi of the first piriminta Bhadrapada, - the month being in that year an intercalary month, - I entertained no suspicion as to the correctness of the result which I then published. Subsequently, however, I had occasion to consider specially the subject of the epoch and reckoning of the Saka era (see Gupta Inscriptions, Introd., Appendix I. pp. 137 to 144; and ante, Vol. XVII. pp. 205 to 210). And, as a result of what I established in that inquiry, the above date, the 23rd July, A. D. 613, is, as a matter of fact, later by one year than the date given in the original record; being in reality the equivalent of the new-moon itthi of the first purni manta Bhadrapada of Saka-Samvat 536 current (535 expired). On this point, there is now no possibility of any doubt. And, on the second occasion on which I dealt with the date now under consideration (ante, Vol. XVII. p. 141), I brought to notice that the real equivalent of the new-moon tithi of the purnimanta Bhadrapada of Saka-Samvat 535 current (534 expired) was the 2nd August, A. D. 612. On this date, also, there was a total eclipse of the sun. But it was not visible in or anywhere near India; because the line of centrality, commencing at sunrise in the North Pacific Ocean, ran across North America and the Atlantic, and ended at sunset about halfway across Africa, towards the north. And I left the inatter then with an expression of doubt, as to whether the record really refers to the eclipse of the 2nd August, A. D. 612, or whether the eclipse intended being that of the 23rd July, A. D. 613, we have in this record a genuine mistake in respect of the year that is quoted; the ques. tion being one for settlement when we should be in a position to determine whether invisible eclipses were, or were not, to be occasions of ceremonies and public acts. This latter point is one that has not yet been disposed of. But, whatever may be the strict custom of later times, uther instances are accumulating, in which eclipses of the sun, at any rate, which we know to have been not visible in India, are quoted in genuine early records as occasions of ceremonies. And though, looking back from the present time, and comparing the circumstances of the two eclipses, it does seem likely that a person in India would seleet for celebration that of A, D. 613, in preference to that of the year before, still there is in reality no option of the kind. We must, if it is found in any way possible, adhere to the details of the contemporaneous record, 1 See von Oppolzer's Canon der Pinaterniane, pp. 174, 175, and Plate 87; w also for the details of the eclipse of the 23rd July, A. D. 613. A noteworthy instance is the solar eclipse of the 2nd January, A. D. 987, which is referred to in Prof. Kiel horn's Vikrama date No. 83 (ante, Vol. XIX. p. 166). It was a total eclipeo. But it was visible only over a com paratively small aren in North America and the Pacific Ocean. And yet it in the eclipse that answers to the other details of the given date. - Another instance is the solar eclipae of the 17th February, A. D. 668, which is the only one that answers to the solar eclipse in PLAlguna in the fifth year of Vishnuvardhana II. (800 page 8 C. below). See also a note on Wrong Predictions of Kolipsos, ante, Vol. XIX. p. 328.

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JANUARY, 1891.) THE EASTERN CHALUKYA CHRONOLOGY without seeking to vary them. And, though it was not visible in India, there really was an eclipse of the sun on the day denoted by the given details. Hence, I feel no doubt now, that we could not be justified in assuming the existence of any mistake in the HaidarAbad record ; and that, be the explanation what it may, the eclipse intended in it is that of the 2nd August, A. D. 612, belonging to Saka-Samvat 535 current (534 expired); invisible in India though it was. As, then, the new-moon of Bhadrapada, Saka-Samvat 535 current, fell in the third year of his reign, the new-moon of Bhadrapada, "Saka-Samvat 533 current, fell in his first year; and consequently the accession of Pulikekin II. took place, on some day still tu be exactly determined, in A. D. 609 or 610; on any day from Bhadrapada sukla 1 of SakaSamvat 532 current, up to the purnimanta Bhadrapada krishna 15, the new-moon day, of Saka-Samvat 533 current. For the present, this point cannot be determined more closely; but this settlement of it is sufficient for the purposes of the inquiry in which we are now engaged. The preceding result is our first guide, towards fixing the initial point of the years of Vishnuvardhana I. Now, as has been intimated, for the coronation of Amma II., we have the date of Saka Saivat 868 current, with certain full details in the month of Margasirsha, the ninth month of the Hindu luni-solar year; and the corresponding English date is Friday, 5th December, A. D. 945 (ante, Vol. XIX. p. 102 f.). The previous reigns, as given in the same record, - P. in the series of documents quoted in the latter part of this paper, covered three hundred and thirty-seven and a half years. Deducting 337 from 8674, we have the early part of Saka-Samvat 530 current, for the approximate starting-point of the chronology. And this falls so near the period of the accession of Pulikesin II., tbat, on previous occasions (unte, Vol. VI. p. 73, Vol. VII. p. 185; Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts, p. 23), I have assumed that a formal separation of the two branches of the Chalukya family took place practically at the time of the accession of Pulikesin II. ; and that the separate sovereignty of the Eastern Branch existed from that same date. This, however, is a view which the further acquisition of knowledge com pels us now. to correct. In the first place, the Satara grant of Vishnuvardhana I. (ante, Vol. XIX. p. 303 #f.), - dated in the eighth year of a Maharaja who ean be no one but Pulikesin II., - gives to him only the subordinate title of Yuvaraja; thus shewing that at any rate up to Saka-Sarvat 539 or 540 current there had been no actual sepatration of the two kingdoms; Pulikesin II. was then reigning as the paramount sovereign of the entire Chalukya family, and Vishnuvardhana I. was assisting him in a subordinate capacity. And in the second place, the materials for determining precisely the period within which lay the starting point of the years of Vishuuvardhana I., are to be found in another of his grants, from Chipuru palle (page 15 ff. below), and in two grants of his grandson, Vishnuvardhana II., the dates of which could not until recently be properly dealt with. In the Chipurupallo record, Vishnuvardhana I. himself has the title of Maharaja. And it records a grant made by him on the occasion of an eclipse of the moon in the month Sravana; while, at the end of the charter, the date is also given as being, sam 10 8 ma 4 di 10 5, -- "the year 10 (and) 8; the month 4; the day 10 (and) 5;" or more explicitly, if the text is interpreted in the meaning which suggests itself as, the most obvious one, at any rate according to European ideas, the grant was made on the occasion of an eclipse of the moon, which took place on the full-moon day of the month Sravana, being the fifteenth day (of the bright fortnight) of the fourth month in the eighteenth year, For the approximate period with which we have to deal, there were eclipses of the moon on 8ravana sukla 16, commencing with the first such eclipse after the accession of Poliksin II., as follows: Saka-Samvat 545 current ; on the 28th July, A. D. 622. From the details given in von Oppolzer's Canon, Mr. Sh. B. Dikshit finds that this eclipse WMS not visible anywhere in India. See von Oppolzer': Canon, p.858.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. JANUARY, 1891 Saka-Samvat 546 current ; on the 17th July, A. D. 623. This eclipse was visible all over India. Saka-Samvat 555 current ; on the 7th July, A. D. 632. This eclipse was visible all over India. Saka-Samvat 564 current ; on the 27th July, A. D. 641. This eclipse was visible all over India. Saka-Samvat 573 current ; on the 18th July, A. D. 650. This eclipse was visible all over India. Saka-Samvat 574 current ; on the 8th July, A. D. 651. This eclipse was visible all over India. In this year Sravana was an intercalary month; and the eclipse took place on the full-moon day of the first Sravana. The first point to be noted is, that there was no eclipse of the moon in Sravana in the eighteenth year of Pulikesin II. ; when the month in question would fall in Saka-Samvat 550 or 551 current, according to what may be the exact date of the commencement of his reign. The date, therefore, must belong to the eighteenth year of Vishnuvardhana I. himself. And the next point is, to determine which of the eclipses, noted above, is the one referred to. Of these eclipses, the first two have been considered before, by Dr. Borrell, and by Dr. Burgess. Dr. Burnell's opinion (South Indian Palcography, p. 137, note 2) was that the only possible date is one or other of these two. And, while mentioning Dr. Burgess' preference, because it was fully visible, for the eclipse of the 17th July, A. D. 623, he rejected it because, " as this occurred in the evening, it seems, astrologically, inadmissible (conf. Hemachandra's Danakhanda, pp. 61-62, 79);" and he expressed his own opinion that the eclipse of the 28th July, A. D. 622, "appears to satisfy all the necessary conditions." On the other hand, in some notes on the Eastern Chalukya chronology which he made over to me in 1878, Dr. Burgess, who had examined all the lunar eclipses in Sravana from A. D. 600 to 663, repeated his conclusion that the eclipse in question must be that of the 17th July, A. D. 623. Both of these eclipses, however, equally fail to meet the requirements of the case. On Dr. Burgess' view of the matter, - if the full-moon of 'Sravana, Saka-Samvat 546 current, fell in the eighteenth year of Vishnuvardhana I., then the full-moon of Sravana, Saka-Samvat 529 current, fell in his first year; and his reign commenced on some day from the purnimanta Bhadrapada.krishna 1 of Saka-Samvat 528 current, up to Sravana sukla 15 of Saka-Samvat 529 current. But, that Vishnuvardhana I. should ascend the throne of Vengi three fall years at least, - or, on Dr. Burnell's view of the equivalent of the date in question, fully four years, 5 - before the accession of his elder brother Pulikesin II. to the throne of the Western Branch of the family, is out of the question. Anterior to Saka-Samvat 532 or 533 current, he could be Yuvaraja only on behalf of his uncle Mangalesa. But the contemporaneous Aihole inscription tells us (ante, Vol. VIII. p. 244), that Mangalesa sought to secure the succession for his own son; and, with such an object in view, he certainly would not entrust any share of the sovereign power to either of his nephews, even in the eastern part of the country, if it then formed a portion of the Chalukya dominions. This reason, alone, is quite sufficient to lead to the rejection of both the above eclipses. And on this account, and on other grounds which will be shewn further on, I select, instead, the next, - the eclipse of the 7th * Nor was there any such eclipse in the sixteenth year of his reign, when the month in question would fall in Saka-San.vat 548 or 549. I note this, because I originally read the year of the date, now under consideration, as the sixteenth year; see page 17 below, note 8. Or respectively one and two years, if the date in question were really in the sixteenth year of his reign.-In his genealogical Table (South Indian Palmography, Second Edition, p. 21), Dr. Burnell gave "about 620 A. D." for the date of Vishnuyardhana I., and apparently as his initial date. This must have been repeated from the first edition of his book, without allowing for the intermediate recognition by me of the date in the Chipurapallo reoord. Taking the latter into consideration, with his date of the 28th July, A. D. 622, for the lunar eclipee, the initial point would lie in Saka-Samvat 528 current, in A. D. 605. And Dr. Burnell himself, following my reading of the bixteenth year, gave "about 606-7 A. D." (loc. cit. p. 138, note 3). . I would note hero, that I find that I allowed a careless mistake to remain uncorrected in Vol. XIX. p. 10, line 13 from the bottom, in connection with the accession of Mangaless; the words" A. D. 497 or 498" should be "A.D. 697 or 598."

Page #13
JANUARY, 1891.) THE EASTERN CHALUKYA CHRONOLOGY. July, A. D. 632, which ooourred on the full moon day of Bravans of Sake-Samvat 555 current. Then, this date being in his eighteenth year, the full-moon of Sravana, "Saka-Samvat 538 current, fell in his first year; and the initial point of the years of Vishnuvardhana I. may have hain, so far, anywhere from the purnimanta Bhadrapada ksishna l of Saka-Samvat 537 current up to Sravana sukla 15 of 'Saka-Samvat 538 current. As, however, the day of the eclipse, 'Sravana sukla 15 of Saka-Samvat 555 current, is specified as the fifteenth day (of the bright fortnight) of the fourth month in his eighteenth year, that eighteenth year plainly began in or with the month Vaisakha of Saka-Samvat 555 current. Consequently, his first year began in A. D. 616, in or with the month Veisakha of Saka-samvat 538 ourrent ; five or six years after the commencement of the reign of Pulikeain II. Taking the month as the purnimanta month, ending with the full-moon tithi, the corresponding English period is from the 21st March to the 19th April, A. D. 615. And, unless the immediately preceding Chaitra sukla 1 of the same year should be preferred, in accordance with an alternative possibility which will be considered further on, this gives the precise period within which lay the exact startingpoint of the Eastern Chalukya chronology. I shall justify this result by means of two other dates of leading importance. Here, it only remains to add, that the historical event which gave this starting-point, was the installation of Vishnuvardhana I., not as the Mahuraja or independent king of a separate kingdom, bnt as Yuvardja, associated in the government with his elder brother Polikeain II. Reference has been made already to his Satara grant, dated in the eighth year of Pulikesin II. ; the given month is Karttika, which fell in A. D. 616 or 617, according to what may be the exact initial point of the years of Pulikeain II. ; and, when he issued this charter, at least eighteen months after the period that has been arrived at above, Vishnuvardhana I. still had only the rank and title of Yuvaraja. We have now to consider two slightly later dates, of the time of Vishnuvardhana II., the grandson of Vishnuvardhana I. The first of them is contained in a charter, found somewhere in the Nellore District, Madras Presidency, which records that he made a grant of the village of Reyuru to some Brahmans, -(ante, Vol. VII, p. 189, line 65 ff.; for a lithograph, see Vol. VIII. p. 320), varddhamana-rajya-dv[iti]ya7-samvatsare Chaitra-mebe sukla-paksha dasamyam Magha-nakshatres Budhavareshn, - " in the augmenting second year of the reign, in the month Chaitra, in the bright fortnight, on the tenth tithi, under the Magha nakshatra, on Wednesday." With the earliest starting-point that has been proposed for the years of Vishnuvardhana I., - that of Saka-Samvat 526 (expired) given by Dr. Hultzsch, - and with the shortest period recorded for the intervening reign of Jayasinha I., viz, thirty years, 10 the year in which this date should fall, cannot be looked for before Saka-Samvat 526 + 18 + 30 + 1 = Saka-Samvat 575 current. Still, allowing a slight margin before that year, the caloulations for Chaitra sukla 10 are as follows: Saka-Samvat 573 corrent; Chaitra sukla 10 began on Wednesday, 17th March, A. D. 650, at about 39 ghafis, 50 palas, after mean sunrise (for Bombay), and ended on the Thursday, at about 42 gh. 10 p. But the moon was I am not quite certain whether the superscript i of the first syllable was omitted altogether, from want of sufficient space between the top of the du and the subscript y in the line above; or whether it was inserted imper. feotly, and then became damaged and illegible, along with the following of. But the letters dy and ya are so distinct that no reading can be adopted except dvillya, the second (year);" * When I edited this grant, I thought that perhaps two aksharcs, containing the name of a second nakshulra also, might have been broken away at the end of line 06, after maght. But this is not the case. The last akshina, gha, does not rench quite to the end of the lime, leaving a little more margin than usual, but this seems to be in consequence of an uriginal fault in the copper. There is not room onough for two more aksharas, without out croaching on the margin, where the second of them would be distinctly visible, beyond the fault. Moreover, the name of second nakshatra would be altogether anmesning, without also a word to indicato that the Magha nakshatra had ended, and the next had commenced. . Read budhavdrd. This is not an instance of the tune of the instrumental singular ; ubless budhatarishi We written by mistake for "drina. But it appears that the locative plural was wand intentionally under the idea that the tithi, the nakshatra, and the week-day, were being expressed in a compound. * The granta K. to O., and Q. to W., my thirty-three years; P. and I. my thirty.

Page #14
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. - (JANUARY, 1891 not in the Maghe nakshatra on the Wednesday. Even by the Brahma-Siddhanta system of unequal spaces, which gives the earliest chance in the case of this nakshatra, the moon did not enter MaghA till about 6 brs. 34 min., = 16 gh. 25 p., (for Ujjain), on the Thursday. Saka-Sanvat 574 current; Chaitra sukla 10 ended on Monday, 7th March, A. D. 651, at about 47 gh. 10 p. Saka-Samvat 575 current ; Chaitra sukla 10 ended on Sunday, 25th March, A. D. 652, at about 30 gh, 20 p. Saka-Samvat 576 current; Chaitra sukla 10 began on Wednesday, 13th March, A. D. 653, about 35 gh. 50 p., and ended on the Thursday, at about 36 gh. 45 p. But the moon was not in the Magha nakshatra on the Wednesday. Even by the Brahma-Siddhanta system, the moon did not enter Maghe till about 17 hrs. 44 min., = 44 gh. 20 p., on the Thursday. Saks-Samvat 577 current; Chaitra sukla 10 ended on Monday, 3rd March, A. D. 654, at about 58 gh. 40 p. Saka-Sanvat 578 current; Chaitra sukla 10 ended on Sunday, 22nd March, A. D. 655, at about * 58 gh. 35 p. Saka-Samvat 579 current; Chaitra sukla 10 ended on Friday, Ilth March, A. D. 656, at about 41 gk. 5 p. Saka-Samrat 580 current; Chaitra sukla 10 ended on Wednesday, 1st March, A. D. 657, at about 19 gh. 55 p. But the moon was not in the Maghi nakshatra on the Wednesday. By the Brahma-Siddhanta system, the moon did not enter Magha till about 3 hrs. 16 min., = 8 gh. 10 p., on the Thursday, Saks-Sauvat 581 current; Chaitra sakla 10 ended on Tuesday, 20th March, A. D. 658, at about 17 gh. 5 p. Saka-Sanvat 582 current; Chaitra sukla 10 ended on Saturday, 9th March, A. D. 659, at about 32 gh. 15 p. Saka-Samvat 583 current; Chaitra sukla 10 ended on Friday, 27th March, A. D. 660, at about 17 ghafis. Saka-Satvat 584 current; Chaitra sukla 10 ended on Tuesday, 16th March, A. D. 661, at about 18 gh. 45 p. Saka-Samvat 585 current; Chaitra inkle 10 ended on Saturday, 5th March, A. D. 662, at about 28 gh. 30 p. Saka-Sarovat 586 current; Chaitra sakla 10 ended on Friday, 24th March, A. D. 663, at about 28 gh. 20 p. Saka-Samvat 687 Ourrent; by Prof. K. L. Chhatre's Tables, Chaitra bukla 10 begau on Taonday, 12th March, A. D. 664, st about 3 gh. 55 p. (for Bombay), and ended at about 57 gh. 45 p. on the same day; it was accordingly an expunged tithi for Bombay; and the same would be the case for Rajamahendri also, as the approximate difference in time is only 1 gh. 30 p. later. By Prof. Jacobi's Tablos, Chaitra bukla 10 began on the Tuesday, at about 2 hrs. 20 min., 5gh. 50 p., (for Ujjain), and ended at about 3 hrs. 46 min., 59 gh. 25 p, on the same day; and it was similarly an expunged tithi for Ujjain. The difference of titna for Rajamahondri, however, seemed likely to make the tithi end

Page #15
JANUARY, 1891.] THE EASTERN CHALUKYA CHRONOLOGY. there on the Wednesday. And the moon was in the Maghi nakshatra at sunrise on the Wednesday, by the Brahma-Siddhanta and Garga systems of unequal spaces; and, later on in the day, by also the equal-space system. Under these circumstances, and because this Wednesday seemed to be undoubtedly the real equivalent of the given date, I asked Mr. Sh. B. Dikshit to determine the times accurately; and he has done so, with the following results, in which the times are all for apparent sunrise at Rajamahendri:- Chaitra bukla 10 commenced at 6 gh. 48 p. on the Tuesday, and ended on Wednesday, 13th March, A.D. 664, at 1 gh. 1 p., = 24 min. 24 sec.; and it is the tithi sukla 11 which, ending at 55 gh. 39 p. = 22 hrs. 156 min., on the same day, was the expunged tithi. And on the Wednesday, there was the Magha nakshatra for the moon, by all the three systems. By the equal-space system, it began at 29 ghasis on the Wednesday, and continued during all the rest of the day. By the Garga system of unequal spaces, it began at 45 palas on the Wednesday, and ended at 57 gh. 12 p. on the same day. And by the Brahma. Siddhanta system of unequal spaces, it began at 55 gh. 5 p. on the Tuesday, and ended at 50 gh. 55 p. on the Wednesday.11 Saka-Samvat 588 current ; Chaitra sukla 10 ended on Sunday, 2nd Maroh, A. D. 665, at about 40 gh. 35 p. Saka-Samvat 589 current ; Chaitra sukla 10 ended on Saturday, 21st March, A.D. 666, at about 42 gh. 30 p. Saka-Sanyat 590 current; Chaitra sukla 10 began on Wednesday, 10th March, A. D. 667, at about 10 gh. 20 p., and ended on the Thursday, at about 10 gh. 55 p. But the moon was not in the Magha nakshatra on the Wednesday. Even by the Brahma-Siddhanta system, the moon did not enter Magha till about 7 hrs. 52 min., = 19 gh. 40 p., On - the Thursday. Saka-Samvat 591 current; Chaitra sukla 10 ended on Wednesday, 29th March, A. D. 668, at about 20 palas. And on this day there was the MaghA nakshatra for the moon, by the equal-space system only; it was current at sunrise, and it ended at about 10 hrs. 30 min.; = 26 gh. 15 p. By the Garga system of unequal spaces, it had ended at about 22 hrs. 2 min., = 55 gh. 5 p., and by the Brahma-Siddhanta system of unequal spaces, at about 19 hrs. 24 min., = 48 gh. 30 p., on the Tuesday In my published version of this grant, the date was given as lying somewhere about SakaSamvat 591 current (ante, Vol. VII. p. 186). How this statement came to be made and was allowed to stand, especially in the face of the fact that in the same paper a date in the fifth 11 It is not necessary; still, I may mention that on this occasion, simply from want of leisure, I furnished Mr. Sh. B. Dikshit with no information ag to the object that I had in view ; bat gave him merely the details of SakaSathvat 586 expired, Chaitra sukla 10, and asked him to determine with extreme accuracy, for R&jamahendri, the wook-day and ending time of the tithi, and the nakshatras. - The above results are by the original Surya-Sid. dhanta. By the present edryo. Siddhanta they are very similar: -The tithi bakla 10 began at 6 gh. 10degp. on the Tuesday, and ended at 82 palas on the Wednesday; and the tithi kukla 11, ending at 55 gh. 20 P. on the same day, was expungod. By the equal-space system, the Magbi nakshatra, for the moon, began at 28 gh. 53 p. on the Wednesday, and continued during all the rest of the day. By the Garga aystem of unequal spaces, it began at 32 palus on the Wednesday, and ended at 57 gh. 13 p. on the same day. And by the Brahma-Siddhanta system unequal apa.ces, it began at 54 gh. 52 p. on the Tuesday, and ended at 60 gh. 51 p. on the Wednesday.-In determine ing the apparent times, only the chara-correction has been taken into account.

Page #16
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JANUARY, 1891. year of the same reign was referred to Saka-Samyat 582 current (id. p. 191), - and how it came to be made also in the editorial note issued with the lithograph (ante, Vol. VIII. p. 320), - I am not able to say. Looking through the above results, we see, indeed, that in 'SakaSamvat 591 current the given tithi did certainly end on a Wednesday, vis. the 29th March, A. D. 668; and that the moon was in the Maghe nakshatra on that day, by one out of the three systems of the ending-points of the nakshatras. But these facts were not known to me then, And the year given in Dr. Burgess' notes, is Saka-Samvat 579 (expired); which fitted in well enough with the view that the starting-point of the years of the dynasty lay in Saka-Samvat 529 current (528 + 18 + 39 + 1 = 580 cuprent). In that year, the given tithi did certainly end on Wednesday; vis, the 1st March, A. D. 657. But this date is not admissible; for the reason that the moon was not in the Magha nakshatra on that day. The above results shew that the only years in which the given tithi, Chaitra sukla 10, was connected both with a Wednesday and with the Maghi nakshatra for the moon, are Baka-Samvat 587 and 591 current. The latter year might answer fairly well, on the understanding that the length of the reign of Jayasimha I, was thirty-three years (537 + 18 + 33 + 1 = 589 current). But it is rendered inadmissible by the results for the remaining date, to be shewn in the next paragraph; for, there is no eclipse of the sun in Pbalguns, which would then answer to the solar eclipse in that month in the fifth year of the same reign. Accordingly, we can only accept the conclusion, that the English equivalent of the given date is Wednesday, 18th March, A. D. 664, corresponding to Chaitra bukla 10 of Saka-Sarhvat 587 current, on which day the moon was in the Magha nakshatra by all three systems. The remaining date is contained in another charter of Vishiuvardhana II., obtained apparently from Mattewada in the Kistna District, Madras Presidenoy, which includes the following passage, - (ante, Vol. VII. p. 192, line 19 f.), a(A)tmano vijaya-rajya-paochame samvatsard Phalguna(na)-masa amayasyhyam suryya-grahana-nimi[ttam),13 - " in the year which is the fifth in (my) own victorious reign ; in the month PhAlguns; on the new-moon tithi; on account of an polipse of the sun." Here we have to find an eclipse of the sun in the month Phalguna, which shall be in suitable accordance with the details of the earlier date in the second year of the same reign. And for comparison with the years mentioned above in connection with Chaitra sukla 10 in the second year, we have eclipses of the sun on the new moon day of Phalguna as follows:13 Saka-Samvat 573 current; on the purnimanta Phalguna krishna new-moon, corresponding to the 27th Jannary, A. D. 651; a partial eclipse; the line of the middle of the eclipse was nowhere north of Lat. 30deg S.; and so the eclipse was probably not visible anywhere in India. Saka-Samyat 580 current; on the parnimanta Phalguna ktishna new-moon, corresponding to the 8th February, A. D. 658; a partinl eclipse; the line of the middle of the eclipse was nowhere north of Lat. 30deg S. Saka-Samyat 580 current; on the amanta Phalguna ktishna new-moon, corresponding to the 9th March, A. D. 658; a partial eclipse ; the line of the middle of the eclipse was nowhere north of Lat. 30deg S. Saka-Samvat 581 current; on the purnimanta Pbalguna ksishna new-moon, corresponding to the 28th January, A. D. 659; an annular total eclipse; the central line of the eclipse ended at sunset in Lat. 54deg N., Long. 39o E.; and so the eclipso cannot have been visible anywhere in India, even in the extreme north-west. 13 The second plato onds with the mi of nimittanh; and the rest of the charter bas been lost. The exact parport of it, therefore, ip not determinable. But it appears to have recorded the grant of some land, to a Brihman, at the village of Palliyada. 11 Seo von Oppolser's Canon der Minsternis, pp. 178-181, and Plate 90.

Page #17
JANUARY, 1891.] THE EASTERN CHALUKYA CHRONOLOGY. Saka-Samvat 588 current ; on the amanta Phalguna ktishna new-moon, corresponding to the 11th March, A. D. 666; an annular eclipse; not visible any. where near India; the central line of the eclipse ended at sunset in Lat. 25deg S., Long. 17deg E. Saka-Samvat 589 current ; on the amanta Phalguna krishna new-moon, corresponding to the 28th February, A. D. 667; an annular eclipse; not visible any. where near India; the central line of the eclipse ended at sunset in Lat. 24deg N., Long. 6deg W. Baka-Samvat 590' current ; on the purnimanta Phalguna krishna new-moon, correspond ing to the 17th February, A. D. 668; an annular eclipse ; not visible anywhere in India ; the central line of the eclipse commenced at sunrise in Lat. 13deg N., Long. 133o E, and ended at sunset in Lat. 64deg N., Long. 115o W. Saka-Samvat 591 current ; on the purnimanta Phalguna krishna new-moon, corresponding to the 6th February, A. D. 669; the line of the middle of the eclipse was nowhere north of Lat, 30deg S. Saka Samvat 598 current ; on the amanta Phalguna krishna new-moon, corresponding to the 19th February, A. D. 676; the line of the middle of the eclipse was nowhere north of Lat. 36deg S. In my published version of this grant, Saka-Samvat 582 current was given as the probable equivalent of the given year (ante, Vol. VII. p. 191). And Dr. Burgess' notes are to the effect that the eclipse in question could only be one which occurred on the 18th January, A. D. 660 ; which day was taken by him as the equivalent of the new-moon of PhAlguna of Saka-Samvat 581 (expired). On this day there was a total eclipse of the sun, which was visible, not long after sunrise, over probably the whole of Southern India. But, whether Bhadrapada is taken as the intercalary month in Saka-Samvat 582 current, according to the published Tables, and in accordance with the present system, - or whether the rule of mean intercalation is followed, according to which the intercalary month would be Karttika,-- the day in question was the new-moon tithi, not of PhAlguna, but of the amanta Pausha or the pursimanta Magha. However, we require an eclipse to fit in with the result taken above, that Chaitra sukla 10 in the second year of the reign of Vishnuvardhana II. was Chaitra sukla 10 of SakaSamvat 587 current, corresponding to the 13th March, A. D. 664. From that result, it follows that the Chaitra sukla 10 of his fifth year was the Chaitra sukla 10 of Saka Samvat 590 current. Consequently, the new moon of Phalguna in his fifth year might lie either in Saka-Samvat 589 current, or in 590. And thus the required eclipse might be found in that of the 28th February, A. D. 667, falling in Saka-Samvat 589 current. But I consider this eclipse to be distinctly not admissible; because the day was the new-noon tithi of the aidnta Phalgana; whereas the purnimanta arrangement of the lunar fortnights, which continued in use in Southern India up to at any rate Saka-Samvat 727 (see ante, Vol. XVII. p. 141 f.), is certainly the proper one for the period with which we are dealing. The required eclipse is undoubtedly that which took place on the 17th February, A. D. 668, corresponding to the new-moon tithi of the purnimanta Phalguna of Saka-Samvat 590 current, it is true, as has been stated above, that this eclipse was not visible in India ; but the same remark appears to be applicable to all the eclipses, one or other of which must be the one intended. Now, this date being in the fifth year of Vishnuvardhana II., the new-moon of the purnimanta Phalguna of 'Saka-Samvat 586 current fell in his first year, and the first day of his first year might, so far, be any day from Phalguna sukla 1 of Saka-Samvat 585 current, up to the purni manta Phalguna krishna 15 of Saka-Samvat 586 current. Again, Chaitra 14 I owe this to Mr. Sh. B. Diksbit.

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10 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JANUARY, 1891. sakla 10 of Saka-Samvat 587 current being, as we have seen above, in his second year, Chaitra sukla 10, also, of Saka-Samvat 586 current fell in his first year; and the first day of his first year might, so far as this date is concerned, be any day from Chaitra sukla 11 of 'Saka-Samvat 585 current. up to Chaitra sukla 10 of Saka-Samvat 586 current. But the two dates together limit the period for the initial day of this reign to a very short time; and indicate that the accession of Vishnuvardhana II. took place in A. D. 683, on some day from Phalguna sukla 1 of Saka-Samvat 585 current, up to Chaitra sukla 10 of Saka-Samvat 586 current; the corresponding English period is from the 14th February to the 24th March, A. D. 663. A few words seem desirable here, to present the results which I put forward as the correct ones, in direct comparison with the views that I reject. With Dr. Burnell's opinion as to the date of the lunar eclipse mentioned in the Chipurupalle grant of Vishnuvardhana I., and paying attention to the number by which the month is denoted, the initial point of his years would be the month Vaisakha of 'Saka-Samvat 528 current (see page 4 above, note 5). Adding the reign that then commenced and lasted for eighteen years, and either thirty or thirty-three years for the reign of Jayasimha I., and one complete year of the next reign, we arrive at the period 'Saka-Samvat 576 to 579 current, for the second year of Vishnuvardhana II., in which we have the date of Chaitra sukla 10, coupled with Wednesday and the Magha nakshatra. With Dr. Burgess' opinion as to the date of the lunar eclipse in question, the initial point of the years of Vishnuvardhana I. would be the month Vaisakha of Saka-Samvat 529 current. And, proceeding in the same way, we have the period Saka-Samvat 577 to 580 current, for the second year of Vishunvardhana II. And Dr. Hultzsch has placed the initial point in Saka-Samvat 526 or 527 (expired); which brings us to either of the above periods, according to the date that is to be selected for the lunar eclipse. To suit the above views, we might take either Saka-Samvat 576 current or 580 current (see page 6 above); in both of which years Chaitra sukla 10 was connected with a Wednesday. But they are both inadmissible; in the first place, because in neither case was the moon in the Magha nakshatra on the same day; and in the second place, because in neither instance is there a solar eclipse in the month Phalguna for the fifth year of the same reign; in the first case, the only available eclipses (see page 8 above) are in Saka-Samvat 580 current, which could not fall earlier than in the sixth year; and in the second case, the only available eclipse is that of Saka-Samvat 581 current, which could not fall later than in the fourth year. Moreover, to each of these views there is the objection, which is in itself sufficient to entail their rejection, that they make the initial point of the years of Vishnu. vardhana I. lie before the accession of his elder brother Pulikesin II. On the other hand, for the lunar eclipse of the eighteenth year of Vishnuvardhana I., I select that of the 7th July, A. D. 632, in Sravana of Saka-Samvat 555 current (see page 4 above). Following one of the alternative statements as to the length of the reign of Jayasimha I., and taking it as thirty years, we arrive quite naturally at Saka-Samvat 587 current, for the second year of Vishnuvardhana II.; and in that year, as required, the week-day for the given tithi Chaitra sukla 10, as an ended tithi, was Wednesday, 13th March, A. D. 664; and on that day the moon was in the Magha nakshatra (see page 6 f. above). And in perfect accordance with this, there was a solar eclipse in his fifth year, on the 17th February, A. D. 688, being the new-moon day of the purnimanta Phalguna of Saka-Samvat 590 current (see page 9 above). These three dates are in perfectly natural accordance with each other; and they entail no straining of the facts in any way, except in following the minority of the records, and taking the length of the reign of Jayasimha I. as thirty years only, on the understanding that some of the records mistakenly included three years of Yuvaraja-ship as part of his actual reign. And, as is required, they place the initial point of the chronology later than the accession of Pulikesin II., by five or six years. For these reasons, therefore, there can be no doubt that the dates now put forward are the correct ones; and that, as has been shewn in detail above, the first year of Vishnuvardhana I., and with it the chronology of the latter records of his dynasty, commenced in or with the month of Vaisakha of Saka-Samvat 538 current, corresponding to

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JANUARY, 1891.) THE EASTERN CHALUKYA CHRONOLOGY. the period from the 21st March to the 19th April, A. D. 615; - unless Chaitra sukla 1 of the same year should be preferred, in accordance with a possibility that is to be considered further on. With these leading dates thus determined, and with the dates which elsewhere have been shewn to be the days of the coronation of Amma II. and Rajaraja I. (ante, Vol. XIX, pp. 103, 130), we can now proceed to adjust the beginning and the end of each successive reign. Anterior to the time of Amma II., the only difficulty, - apart from the fact that the periods are for the most part stated only in even years, without fractions, is in respect of the reign of Narendramrigaraja-Vijayaditya II. The grant P. states that he reigned for fortyeight years; and M., N., and Q. to X., agree in this respect; L., however, puts the duration of bis reign at forty-four years; while K. and 0. say only forty. I find that from no point of view, if we look to such details as are considered in the arrangement of the first of my two Lists, can a reign of forty-eight years be allowed for, unless we make such large redactions as practically to shorten some of the reigns by a full year each ; moreover, it seems almost an impossible length, following, in a new generation, after reigns of thirty-seven, eighteen, and thirty-six years, in three successive generations. Forty years is the period that fits in most naturally for the reign in question. But a reign of forty-four years can be admitted, without any special- difficulty, if, from the time of Vishnuvardhana II. to that of Chalukya-Bhima II., both included, we shorten by one month each reign of seven and nine years; by three months, each reign longer than nine years and under twenty years; by four months, each reign exceeding twenty years and ranging up to thirty years; and by five months, each of the four reigns in excess of thirty years. And this is the figure that I have here adopted ; being strongly inclined to think that the statement in L. is the correct one, though, for the present, it stands alone; the explanation of the discrepant statements would be, that he actually reigned for forty-four years, after ruling for four years as Yuvaraja; that in M., N., and P. to X., the four years of Yuvaraja-ship were erroneously added to the forty-four years of his reign; and that in K, and O. a mistake was made in the other direction, and, it being thought that the forty-four years included his four years of Yuvaraja-ship, four years were deducted, and his actual reign was thus reduced to forty years.16 We thus obtain the resulta exhibited in the List on page 12 below.10 Partly to shew the way in which the details have been arranged, and partly to explain why there is apparently not always a uniform difference between the years A. D. and the Saka years, I have inserted certain months with the years A. D.17 These months, except in a few cases, are of course hypothetical, and subject to any future correction. Bat, allowing for this, the List may be taken as giving, very closely, the real dates for the successive kings of the Eastern Chalukya dynasty, up to the latest time for which information has been obtained. 15 In the case of Jayasimba I., the statement of the minority is certainly the correct one; vince, from no point of view. an a reign of thirty-three years be 'allotted to him. - Discrepant statements may possibly be obtained hereafter in respect of Gunaka-Vijayfiditya III. At present all the grants state that he reigned for fortyfour years; but U. adds the alternative statement, " or forty-eight years," in a separate verse. 16 The order of succession given by me differs from that given by Dr. Hultasch in his Genealogical Table from after No. 27, RAjaraja I. Dr. Hultzach took the succession of the rulers of Vengl. But from that point the Eastern Chalukyaa were primarily kings of the Chola kingdom; and Voogt was an appanage of the crowa, governed by vioeroys. I have followed the actual dynastie succession. 17 To convert current Sake years into years A. D., the additive quantity is 77-78. In the present day, with the Mesha-Sankranti occurring on or about the 12th April, 77 is to be added for the first nine months of a Saka year, corresponding roughly to the English months April to December; and 78 for the last three months, answering to January to March. For the Eastern Chalukya period, when the Meha. Sankranti ranged from the 19th to the 28th March, and Chaitra Sukla 1 ranged from the 20th February to the 24th March (see Gen. Sir A. Cunningham's Indian Brae), the additive quantities may be taken as 77 for the first ten months of the luni-solar Baka year, corresponding roughly to the English months March to December; and 78 for the last two months, towering to January and February

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JANUARY, 1891. List of the Eastern Chalukya Kings. Order and Names. Length of Reign. Y. M. D. A. D. Current Seks Year. 3 3 No. 13.... 1 ; Vishnuvardhana I., Kubja-Vishnuvardhana; the commencement of his years was in or with the month Vaisakha of Sakn-Samvat 538 current, corresponding to the period from the 21st March to the 19th April, A, D. 615 .......... ................. 18 0 0 March 615 to March 633 538 to 556 2; Jayasimha I.; eldest son of No. 1 ..............30 0.0 633 to Feb. 663 656 to 585 3; Indra-Bhattaraka; younger brother of No. 2. 0 0 7 Feb. 663 585 Vishnuvardhana II.; son of No. 3; the commencement of his years was in the period from Phalguna sukla 1 of Saka-Sainvat 585 current to Chaitra sukla 19 of Saka-Samvat 586 current, corresponding to the period from the 14th February to the 24th March, A. D. 663..........*** - 900 663 to Jan. 672 585 to 594 5: Mangi-Yuvardja; son of No. 4........................ ****** 25 0 0 Jan. 672 to Sept. 696 594 to 619 EUR; Jayasimha II.; eldest son of No. 5.......... 1300 Sept. 696 to June 709 619 to 632 7; Kokkili; youngest brother of No. 6 ......... 6 0 June 709 to Dec. 709 8; Vishnuvardhana III.; elder brother of No. 7. 37 0 0 Dec. 708 to July 746 632 to 619 9; Vijayaditya I., Bhattaraka; son of No. 8 ... July 746 to April 764 669 to 687 10: Vishnuvardhana IV.; son of No. 9 ............ 36 0 April 764 to Nov. 799 687 to 722 11; Vijayaditya II.; Narendramrigarija; son of No. 10 .................................... o Nov. 799 to June 843 722 to 766 12; Vishnuvardhana V., Kali-Vishnuvardhana; son of No. 11 ......... 0 June 843 to Dec. 844 13; Vijayaditya III., Gunaka; eldest son of No. 12.......... 0 0 Dec. 844 to July 888 14; Chalukya Bhima I.; son of the Yuvardja Vikramaditya I., a younger brother of .......... 30 0.0 July 888 to March 918 811 to 841 15. Vijayaditya IV., K 06 0 March 918 to Sept. 918 841 16: Amma I., Vishnuvardhana VI.; eldest son of No. 15......... Sept. 918 to Aug. 925 841 to 848 17: Vijaykditya V., Beta; eldest son of No. 16 ... 0 0 15 Aug. 925 18; Tadapa; son of Yuddhamalla I., who was a younger brother of the Yuvardja Vikrama ditya I. (see under No. 14) ................... 010 Aug. 925 to Sept. 925 848 19; Vikramaditya II.; younger brother of No.15. 848 to 849 20; Bhima III.; younger brother of No. 17.......... 0 8 0 Aug. 926 to April 927 849 to 850 21; Yuddhamalla 11. ; son of No. 18.................. 7 0 0 April 927 to March 934 850 to 857 22; Chalukya-Bhima II., Vishnuvardhana VII.; younger brother of No. 16........... 12 0 0 March 934 to Dec. 945 857 to 868 23; Amma II., Vijayaditya VI.; second son of No. 22; crowned on the 5th December, A. D. 945 ............... 25 0 0 Dec. 945 to 070 868 to 893 24 ; Danarnava; elder brother of No. 23 ............. 3 0 0 893 to 496 (An unexplained interval; according to the records, of twenty-seven years; but in reality, of about thirty; Bay.... ., 973 to Aug. 1003 896 to 926 25; Saktivarman, Chalukya-Chandra; eldest son of No. 24 ............. ... 12 0 0 Aug. 1003 to 1015 926 to 938 26; Vimaladitya; younger brother of No. 25 ...... 7 0 0 , 1015 to 1022 938 to 945 27; Rajaraja I., Vishnuvardhana V111.; eldest son of No. 26; crowned on the 16th August, A. D. 1022......... 41 0 0 1022 to 1063 945 to 986 28; Kulottunga Chodadeva I. ; son of No. 27...... 49 00 1112 986 to 1035 29; Vikrama-Choda; eldest son of No. 28 ...... 01 1112 to >> 1127 1035 to 1050 30, Kulottunga-Chodadova II. , son of No. 29: we have a record of his time, dated in Saka-Samvat 1056 .......... ***. 1127 to 1127 LO ......... ******** 1050 to ...... 13; V. 14. Kollabiganda; el 970 to > 3cords, hitty: say .............. 1063 to 15 0

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JANUARY, 1891.) THE EASTERN CHALUKYA CHRONOLOGY : 13 Alternative List of the Eastern Chalukya Kings; taking Chaitra sukla 1 as the First Day of each Regnal Year. Order and Names. Length of Reign. Y. M. D. Current Saks Years. Length of Reign. Order and Names. - Current Baka Years. Y. M. D. krishna 19 of Saka 1; Vishuuvardhana I. ... 18 0 0 638 to 555||20; Bhima III................ 080 (849 to 850) 2; Jayasimha I........... 30 0 0556 to 58521; Yuddhamalla II. ......... 7 0 0 850 to 856 3; Indra-Bhattaraka .....007 (585). 22; Chalukya-Bhima II. ... 12 0 0 857 to 868 4; Vishnuvardhana II... 900586 to 59423; Amma II.; the date of his coronation was the 5; Mangi-Yuvaraja .......25 0 0/595 to 619|| amcinta Margasirsha 6; Jayasitha II. ......... 13 0 0 620 to 632 Samvat 868 current... 25 00 868 to 892 7; Kokkili ................. 06 0(632) || 24; Danarnava.................. 3 0 0 893 to 895 8, Vishnuvardhana III.. 37 0 0 692 to 668 |An unexplained interval; according to the records, 9; Vijayaditya I.......... 18 00 7 of twenty-seven years ; in reality, of ............... 30 0 0 896 to 925 10; Vishnuvardhana IV.. 86 0 0 25; Saktiverman............. 12 0 0 926 to 937 11, Vijayaditya II.......... 48 00 26; Vimaldditya ........... 7.00 938 to 944 12; Vishnuvardhana V... 1 80 27; RAjaraja I. ; the date 13; Vijayaditya III. ...... 44 00 769 to 812 of his coronation was the amanta Bhadra14; Chalukya-Bhima I.... 30 0 0 812 to 841 pada ksishna 2 of Saka-Samvat 945 15; Vijayaditya IV. ...... 08 0 (841 to 842) current ................... 41 0 0 945 to 985 16; Amma ................... 7 0 0 842 to 84828 ; Kulottunga-Choda deva ..... 49 0 0 986 to 1034 .17; Vijayaditya V......... 0 0 15 (848) |(29; Vikrama-Choda ......... 15 0 0 1035 to 1049 18; Tlapa................. 0 1 0 (848) 30; Kulottunga-Choda deva 19; Vikramaditya II....... 011 (848 to 849)|| ..... 1050 to ...... to 769 1. *** * II.10 1 There is, however, another way of looking at the matter, suggested partly by the manner in which the reigns are mostly stated only in even years, and partly by the results for the dates of Vishouvardhana I. and his grandson. It is that, irrespective of the actual daya of their accession or coronation, the Eastern Chalukya kings may possibly have been in the habit of using regnal years coinciding with the luni-solar years, each commencing with Chaitra bukla 1 ;19 or at any rate, and with still greater probability, that this may be the real manner in which we ought to apply the details given in the later grants commencing with K.40 The two dates of Vishouvardhana II. adapt themgelves just as well 16 We have a record of his time, dated in Bala Saravat 1056. In respect of the details of the date, there are some dimoulties, which will be noticed further on. 1. It may be noted, however, that Vijay Aditya's Aihole record, in which Rbvayujn is specified as the third month in his thirteenth year (see ante, Vol. XIX. p. 187), seems to prove that, if the Western Chalukya kingu had any ired point for the commencement of their regnal years, it was not Chaitra sukla 1. * In the neighbouring country of Orissa, there is a custom of this kind, of regnal years commencing with Bhadrapada kukla 11 or 12 (89e a note on "The Onko Reckoning of Orissa ;" ante, Vol. XIX. p. 356 f.) The period to which its origin can be carried back, is not yet know. But the manner in which the month is specified in the Chipurapelle grant of Vishnuvardhana I. shows, - whatever may be ita exaet application, that this system of years, commending in Bb Adrapada, did not originate with the Eastern Chalukyas.

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14 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JANUARY, 1891. to a system of years commencing with the Chaitra sukla 1 of Saka-Samvat 586 current, as they do to an initial point ranging from the preceding Phalguna sukla 1 to the tithi sukla 10 of the same Chaitra ; and the narrowness of the limits, on either side of Chaitra sukla 1, within which the initial point must lie, seems in itself rather suggestive. Again, a still more pointed inference might possibly be drawn from the Chipurupalle grant of Vishnuvardhana I.; the date of which adapts itself just as well to a system of years commencing with the Chaitra sukla 1 of Saka-Samvat 538 current, as it does to an initial point lying in the next following month, Vaisakha. In this date, the details are "the year 18, the month 4, the day 15." The actual month is Sravana, which is really the fifth month in the luni-solar year; and the actual day is the full-moon day, which is really the thirtieth day in its own month by the purnimanta arrangement of the fortnights, which is the proper one for the period in question. But, if the first month of the year is to be taken as a full month of twenty-nine or thirty days, i. e. if, instead of consisting only of the bright fortnight of Chaitra, it is to be taken as including also the dark fortnight of the purnimanta Vaisakha, then, the following months also being treated, in the same way, the full-moon day of Sravana is the fifteenth day in the fifth month. And the details of the date in question, might be interpreted as meaning "the year 18, or 18 years;21 4 completed months; and the completion of the tithi ending on the 15th civil day of the next and current month." Accordingly, while I am not to be understood as adopting finally, as yet, such a system of regnal years, which is for the present only a possibility, I present, on the upper part of page 13 above, an alternative list of the Eastern Chalukya kings, based on the adoption of Chaitra sukla 1 as the first day of each regnal year, and giving the current 'Saka years which may be taken as the first and last years of each successive reign. The assumptions involved are, (1) that the whole of the luni-solar year in which the accession, or at any rate the coronation, of any particular king took place, would be usually counted as the first year of bis reign, and that his second year would begin with the Chaitra sukla 1 next after his accession or coronation; (2) that there would be exceptions, in the cases of accessions taking place very late in the luni-solar year; suppose, for instance, that a king actually succeeded to the throne in Magha or Phalguna; in searching for an auspicious day for the ceremony, his coronation would very possibly be postponed till after the next Chaitra sukla I; and it is most likely that his first regnal year would then ran from that Chaitra sukla 1, and would not include the luni-solar year in which his actual accession took place; (3) that, from time to time, one and the same luni-solar year would come to be counted twice over, as the last regnal year of one king, and as the first regnal year of his successor; especially when a change of rulers took place about the middle of a luni-solar year; and (4) that the close proximity to Chaitra sukla 1 of Saka-Samvat 586 current, of the limits within which the first day of the first regnal year of Vishnuvardhana II. must lie, indicates that that day itself was the initial day of his reign, according to this system of regnal years coinciding with the luni-solar years. The mauner in which, by this more rough and ready method of regulating the details, the last year of one reign and the first year of the next must have occasionally coincided, makes it easy enough now to admit forty-eight years as the duration of the reign of Vijayaditya II. And accordingly, on the chance that that record may be the correct one, in this alternative arrangement I have taken his reign at that length; and the Saka years have been counted twice over in passing from Nos. 6 to 8, 8 to 9, 10 to 11, 11 to 12, 12 to 13, 13 to 14, and 22 to 23. In all other respects, the lengths of the reigns are the same as in the first list. Even this system, of luni-solar regnal years, does not permit of allowing more than thirty years for the reign of Jayasimha I. For, though Saka-Samvat 555 oarrent should be counted as the first year of his reign, in addition to being the eighteenth and last year of Vishnuvar "I do not mean "eighteen expired years;" as, whatever may be the Hindu practice in respect of eras, I cannot. and reasons for looking with favour on a system of expired regnal years. Such a system might be created, by counting "the year one" from the Chaitra fukla 1 next after the day of accession or of coronation; and the year would be practically "the year one, expired:" the real first current year being that in which the accession or coronation actually took place. But the idea is too much opposed to common sense to be acceptable, without absolute proof, which, for the present at any rate, is not forthcoming.

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JANUARY, 1891.] CHIPURUPALLE GRANT OF VISHNUVARDHANA I. 15 dhana I., still his thirty-third year could not come before Saka-Samvat 587 current; and we have found that this is, not the first, but the second year, of Visbnuvardhana II. The Saka years for such reigns as were hardly long enough to materially affect the reckoning as presented in the records, are given in brackets. (To be continued.) SANSKRIT AND OLD-KANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. - BY J. F. FLEET, Bo.C.S., M.R.A.S., C.I.E. No. 193. - CAIPURUPALLE COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF VISUNOVARDHANA I. DATED IN HIS EIGHTEENTH YEAR. The plates containing this inscription were first brought to notice in 1867 by Mr. Master, who sent them in to the Madras Government. They were handed over for decipherment to the Rev. T. Foulkes, who published a fairly accurate translation of the inscription in 1870, in the Jour. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. XXXIX. Part I. p. 153 ff. And from a letter from the Collector of Vizagapatam, quoted by Mr. Foulkes, it appears that the plates were found near the village of Chipurupalle, - the Chipuru pille' of the Indian Atlas, Sheet No. 109; in Lat. 17deg 34', Long. 839 10, - the chief town of the Chipurupalle Taluka or Sub-Division of the Vizagapatam District, Madras Presidency. Subsequently, Dr. Burnell published bis own reading of the text, in his South Indian Paleography, p. 137 f. (second edition); with a lithograph (id. Plate xxvii.). Since then, the original plates have been lost sight of. It is much to be wished that they could be recuvered; because, if they were properly cleaned, a better facsimile could be published than that given by Dr. Burnell; especially in respect of the numerical symbols in the date at the end of the record. Failing, in spite of efforts kindly made by Dr. Hultzsch, to obtain the originals, I now edit the inscription from Dr. Burnell's lithograph. The plates, of which the first and last are inscribed on one side only, are three in number; each measuring, if the published lithograph is full-size, about 7"' by 2". They appear to be quite smooth; the edges being neither fashioned thicker, nor raised into rims. The inscription on them, however, seems to be in a state of perfect preservation throughout. - There are holes for a ring near the proper right end of each plate; but I do not find any record as to whether the ring and its seal were found with the plates. The characters belong to the southern class of alphabets; and are of the regular type of the period and part of the country to which the grant belongs. The average size of the letters is about it". -The language is Sanskrit throughout; and the whole record is in prose, except for two of the customary benedictive and imprecatory verses, which are quoted in lines 16 to 19.-The orthography presents nothing calling for remark. The inscription is one of the Eastern Chalukya king Vishnuvardhana I., otherwise called Kubja-Vishnuvardhana; this record merrtions him also by the biruda of Vishamasiddhi. It is non-sectarian; the object of it being only to record the grant of a village to two Brahmans. The grant was made by Vishnuvardhana I. himself, while residing at the town of Cherupura in a vishaya the name of which seems to be Paki. For the latter name, I cannot propose any identification ; unless an examination of the original plates should give such a reading of the name, as would enable us to identify it with the 'Padi' of the map, seven milea south-west of Chipurupalle. But Cherupural is probably an older form of the name of Chipurapalle itself, where the plates were obtained. The village that was granted was Kalvakonda, or possibly Kalvakonta, in the Dimila vishaya. The name of the village does not appear to be now extant; unless it is preserved in the 'Kondakirla' of the map, seven 1 With the termination of this name, compare paraka in Brahmapdruka, Kollaparaka, and Vatapuraka (Gupta Inscriptions, p. 948).

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16 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JANUARY, 1891. miles in a north-westerly direction from Chipurupalle. There can, however, be no doubt that, as was suggested by the Collector of Vizagapatam in his letter to Mr. Foulkes, the name of the vishaya has been preserved in the modern village of Dimile, in the Sarvasiddhi Taluka of the same District, fourteen miles towards the south-west from Chipurupalle. And this identification is of importance; because it shows that, at the date of this grant, the sphere of the sovereignty of Vishnuvardhana I. included, if it did not lie only in, territory considerably to the north-east of the Vengi country, which is always referred to, in the later records, as being specially the locality of the rule of the Eastern Chalukya kings. From line 14 we learn, that the grant was made on the occasion of an eclipse of the moon in the month Sravana. And at the end of the record there are given, in numerical symbols, the details of "the year 18, the month 4, and the (civil) day 15." The year denotes the regnal year of Vishnuvardhana I. And, coupling these details with those in line 14, the corresponding English date is the 7th July, A. D. 632, corresponding to the fullmoon tithi of Sravana of Saka-Samvat 555 current; on this day there was an eclipse of the moon, visible all over India (see page 4 above). From the later records of this dynasty, we know that Vishnuvardhana I. reigned over the Vengi kingdom for just about eighteen years. TEXT.3 First Plate. Srimach-[Ch*]alukya(kya)-kula-jalanidhi-samudito nripati-nisa karah sva 1 Svastih 2 bhrulata-bhang-[*]namita-r[i]panripati-makuta-mani-prabha-vichchhurita-charaniravinda3 dvayah Satyasraya-srivallabha-maharajah [*] Tasya priy-anujah sthala-jala 4 vana-giri-vishama-durggeshu labdha siddhitvid-Vishamasiddhih din-anatha-dvija vasu-vrishti. 5 pravarshanataya kamadhenuh yuvatishu Madanayamana-charu-artratvan-Makaradavaja[b] Second Plate; First Side. parimagna-Kali-prabhavah aneka-samara-vijaya-samudi[ta]. 6 ava-dan-garan()shu 7 vimala-yaso-visesha-vibhushita-sakala-dinmandalah Mannriva vinays-jab Prithu 8 riva prithu-ki(ki)rttih Gurar-iva matiman paramabrahmanyah ri(eri)Vishnuvarddhana-mahar[*]jah 9 Dimila-vishaye Kalvakonda-gram-adhivasinah kutumbinas samavetan-imam-artthand10 jnapayati yatha [1] Adhi(dhit-Avagata-vida-vedaigasya Brahmasarm manal pautrabhyam adhi Second Plate; Second Side. 11 gata-sva-sakhi-chodita-sva-karmm-anushthana-tatparasya 12 damg-tihasa-purana-dharmmasastr-Ady-anak-agama-fat[t]va-vidbhyam 13 14 gramam-adhivasatah Sravana-mase chandra-grahana-nimitte sarvva-kara-parihare 15 -[a]graharikritya sva-pany-ayur-arogya-yaao-bhivriddhaye grimo-yam dattah [11] Asya Da[ patri bhya[m] veda-ve Gamtama(ma). gotrabbyam Taittirikcharagibhylth Vishpuia[r*]mma-Madhavalarmmabbyish Pa(k)-vishayt Cherupura From the pablished lithograph. Read avasti I; the appearance of the visarga is probably only due to a mark of punctuation, imperfectly aleared out. Read taittirtya; or perhaps taittiriyaka. Beed adhivasata (mayd); or adhivasadbhik (asmabhik).

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JANUARY, 1891.] CHIPURUPALLE GRANT OF VISHNUVARDHANA I. 17 Third Plate. 16 kaischid-api na badha karaniya 1(11) Atra Vyasa-gitau [1*] Bahubhiruv vasudha datta bahu17 bhis-cb=anupalita yasya yasya yada bhumih tasya tasya tada phalam 1(11) Shashtim varsha18 sahasrini svargge modati bhumi:dah Akshepta chranamanta cha tany=eva narake 19 vaset [11*1 Srimati Matsya(P)-k u(P)10 prasutah sva-bhuja-bala-pratap-avanata ripuh20 rrajnaptir-Atavidurjjayah [118] Sam 10 8 m 4 di 105 11 TRANSLATION. Hail! A very moon of a king, risen from the ocean which is the glorious Chalukya family; having the two water-lities, which are (his) feet, inlaid with the lustre of the jewels in the diadems of hostile kings who are bowed down by the frowning of his creeper-like arched eyebrows; (such is) the Maharaja Satyabraya, the favourite of fortune. (Line 3) - His dear younger brother, -(who is called) Vishamasiddhi, because he has achieved success against fortresses, difficult of access, on the plains, in the water, in the woods, and on hills; who is a very cow of plenty, through raining down showers of treasures on the poor, the helpless, and the twice-born; who is a very Makaradhvaja (Kamadeva), because his handsome form plays the part of Madana (Kamadeva) among young women; who has drowned the power of the wickedness of the Kali age in the oceans that are his charities; who has adorned all the regions with the characteristic of (his) pure fame, that has arisen from victory in many battles; who, like Mann, is acquainted with eourteous behaviour ; who, like Pritha, is of far-reaching fame; who, like Guru (the regent of the planet Jupiter; the preceptor of the gods), is possessed of wisdom; (and) who is extremely kind to Brahmans, (L. 8) - (He), the Mahardja, the glorious Vishnuvardhana (I.), issues a command to this purport to the assembled cultivators who reside at the village of Kalvakonda in the Dimila vishaya; vie. : (L. 10) - "To the two sons' sons of Brahmasarman, who studied and mastered the Vedas and Vodangas, - the song of Durgasarman, who was intent upon performing his own proper rites, prescribed by his own sukha, which had been duly learned (by him), - (viz.) to Visbnusarman and Madhavasarman, who know the true meaning of the Vedas, the Vedaigas, the epics, the Paranas, the law-books, and many other sacred works, who are of the Gautama gotra, (and) who belong to the Taittiriya charana, by (me) residing at the town of) Cherupura in the Paki () vishaya, on the occasion of an eclipse of the moon in the month Sravana, this village has been given, as an agrahara, with exemption from all taxes, for the increase of (my) own religious merit and duration of life and good health and fame. No obstruction to the enjoyment) of it, should be caused by any one at all." (L. 16) - On this point there are two verses of Vyasa : - Land has been enjoyed by many people, and has been preserved (in grant) by many; whosoever at any time possesses * Metre, Sloka (Anushtubh); and in the following verse. Read ripur; cancelling the visarga at the end of line 19. & The existence of the date here was first recognised by myself; and originally I read the second of the two symbols which give the year, as 6 (ante, Vol. VII. p. 186); and the reading, of course, appears in that form in Dr. Burnell's published transcription of the text of the grant (second edition). There is some temptation to keop to my original reading; becauso, then the years of Vishnuvardhana I. would run from the month Vaisakha (or from Chaitra Bukla 1) of Baka-Samvat 540 current, which would perhaps give a starting point later than the date on which, in the SitArA grant, he still had the title of Yuvardja. But, on the other hand, the intervening period, up to the date of Vishaovardhana II., would require to be shortened by two years; for which it is difficult to find any justificator. And though, I think, the forms of the numerical symbols for 6 and 8, in Southern India, have not yet been qnite finally determined, stin, by Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji's Table (ante, Vol. VI. p. 44), the symbol must cortainly be taken n a form of the 8.

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18 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JANUARY, 1891. the earth, to him belongs, at that time, the reward (of this grant that is now made, if he continue it)! The giver of land enjoys happiness in heaven for sixty thousand years; (but) he who resumes (a grant), or he who assents (to an act of resumption), shall dwell for the same number of years in hell! (L. 19) - The bearer of) the command (i.e. the Dataka) is Atavidurjaye, born in the illustrious Matsya family (P), who has bowed down (his) enemies by the strength and prowess of his arm. (L. 20)-The year 10 (and) 8; the month 4; the day 10 (and) 5. WEBER'S SACRED LITERATURE OF THE JAINS. TRANSLATED BY DR. HERBERT WEIR SMYTH. (Continued from Vol. XIX. p. 70.) VII. The seventh angam uvasagadas&u, upasakadasas, in ten ajjhayanas ; legends about ten upasakas or pious fathers of families (gahavai), who, by means of asceticism, &c., attained the divine condition and thereby releasement. Angas 7-9 belong to the second group of angas (see above p. 249, 307), from the general connection of the contents of each, from their common designation in anga 3, 10 as dasau, "decads," from the special denomination of their introduction (ukkhova, uprkshepa), or conclusion (nikheva), and from their very limited extent.(316) Angas 7-9 thus stand in immediate connection with each other and bear the stamp of an undeniable unity. This conclusion is drawn from the method of treatment which prevails in them, and which explains their inconsiderable extent. The first account contains (as is the case in part 2 of anga 6) the pattern on which all the others are modelled. We need therefore refer merely to the points of contact, and make mention of what is new in the presentation of the subject. An especial characteristic of anga 7 is this :-Though different localities are adduced for the single stories, which all belong to the period of Mahavira, the king is in every case (the name Senia in the eighth story is the solitary exception) called Jiyasattu, the origin of which name must be sought in the Ajatasatru of the Buddhistic legends. The titles of the ten stories are found in anga 3, 10 (S), and are in general the same as those given here; see above, p271: 1. Ananda in Vaniyagama. 2. Kamadera in Champa. 3. Chulani(ni SV) piya (pitar) in Ba narasi. 4. Suradeva, in Banarasi. 5. Challasaiga (sne S, saynga V) in Alabhiya. 6. [317] Kundalodila (kolia SV) in Kampillapura ; opposition between Mahavira and Gosila Namkhaliputta. 7. Sadd Alaputta in Polasapura; he was a potter and adherent of the ajfvias (@jfvikah CO. Alasishyah, Schol.). See the preceding note. 1 dasidhyay narupih see Hem. abhidh, v. 244. We saw, it is true, above (p. 270 seqq.) on anga 3, 10 that the desiguation dans suits only the texts cited there, but not our texts of angas 7-9 with the exception of anga 7; those must consoquently be regarded as secondary in comparison to the former. The smallness of these angas is however to some extent only one of appearance, in so far as each of the numerous tales, which, from being identical with previous ones, are reduced to some phrases only, must be counted in full. At the end especial mention is made of the number of days necessary for the uddesaam, i.e. recital or recitation of each of the ashaya?as or vargas. The Vidhiprapa characterizes the 10 ajjh. as egasara because they ure not divided into uddeengas. 3 In each account there is a name beginning with Arupa: in the first the name Aruna itself, in the others it forms the first member of a compound e... Arunabh, Arunappahe, Arupakante, Arupasith , &c.

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JANUARY, 1891.] SACRED LITERATURE OF THE JAINS. 19 8. Mahisayaa (sayaga V) in Rayagiha. 9. Namdinipiya (pitar), in Savatthi. 10. Letiapia (opitar), in Savatthi. Vardhamanadeband is the title of a metrical treatment in Praksit gathes of the contents of this anga, to which I have had access. The MS. is cut short at v. 865 in the history of Ananda. An interlineal version in Sanskrit accompanies the Prakrit; its first verse cites the title Vardho. The sixth name is the same (v. 8) as in SV: koliae (kolika), the eighth (v. 9) Mahasayana (but sataka in the chhayd), the tenth Tealipid (Tetalipriya, see p. 310). There is an anonymous commentary, which refers to a vyakhya on arga 6 by the same author. The word kanthya (often erroneously kaniya), which is frequently used in the scholia when the meaning of a passage is plain and needs no further comment, implies that these passages are " in everybody's throat, intelligible by themselves." This I owe to the courtesy of a communication from Buhler. The table of contents in anga 4 and Nandi (N) is as follows:-se kim tam avasagadasau ? avaosusu nam uvasaganam (samova N) nagaraim ujja chei vana (N omits) raya amma samo dham. mayariya dhammakaha ihaloga paraloga-iddhivisesa, uvasaganan chasilavvaya-veramana-guna-7 pachcha [318] kkhana-posahovavasa-padivajjanayau, suyapariggahau tavo'vahapkin padiman' uvasugga samlehanau bhattapachchakkhanau (naim N) pauvagama (padvagamanaim N) devao Bakulao punabohio 10 amtakiriyau ya (N omits) aghavijjamti; avasagadas&sull nam uvasaganam riddhivisesa parisha vittharadhammasavanani13 bohilabha-abhigama-sammattavisuddhata-thirat. tam mulaganottaragana atichara thitivisesa15 ya bahuvisesa padimko bhiggahana? palana Qvasaggahiyasana18 niruvasaggaye yalo tavaso ya charitta silavvayagunaveramapapachchakkhanaposadvavas& apachchhimamarasantiya ya samlehana ya, a appanam jaha ya bhavaitta, babaini bhattani anasanae ya chheitta, uvavanna kappavaravimanattamegy jaha agabhavanti saravaravimanavarapodariesu36 sokkhkim &novamaim, kamena bhottana utta maim, 30 tad dukkhalnam chuyA saman jaha jinamayammi bohim laddhona 27 ya sanjamuttama tamaraya oghavippa[319]makkat avetia jaha, akkhayams savvadukkhavimokkham ete anne ya Svam-ain. VIII. The eighth angam, amtagadadasau, ashtaksitadasds, or ashtahriddasds, see. Hem. abh, v. 244; in eight vaggas, embraces in all 93 ajhapanas, viz. (10, 8, 13, 10, 10, 16, 13, 10):51 it deals with legends concerning the pions, who have "put an end" to their worldly life.sa * N has again an inverted order (and the complete worde) s. r. am. dhohad dhoriyA. sriddhi N. * v. Cha N omits. Inverted in N : bhogaparichchaya pariyaga suyapariggahk tavo vahanain sfla padinajjepay padimlo. . ganaveramans N (inverted). Slavratany Anavratani, viramanAni ragadi(vi)ra(ta)yah(!), guna gunayartani, pratyakhyanani namaskara mahitAni; poshadho'shtamy Adiparvadini, tatro pavadanam Ahkraharrasatkar Adity AgahpratipAditato .. 14 devalogagamankir Rukulapachch18 punabahilAbhA N. 11 What follows, omitted by N. 19 mAtapitriputrAdik Abhyartars (!) parishat, dla Asamitrdika vs. 3vistaradharmabravanani Mahaviradintii sazhnidhan. 24 samyaktva vifuddhata sthiratra. . 16 dahiti A; ganattaragun&tiyara fhitavista B, thitt G. 16 samyagdarbanAdipratimah. 11 bhiggahagahanape C. 19 hitsanA BO, apasargAdhisahan ni, seo Laumann, Aupap. p. 100. 11 agg& ya B C. tava ys to pamtiya ya omitted in A. 11 pasch&tkalabhavinyah, akarae cha mangalaparihAr&rthah (1), maranardpe athte bhava maranArtikyah. n Thuis A, samlehanAjjhosanAhim B C; Atmanah sarirasya jivasya cha samlekhand tapasl pagadijayana vabik randni tAsdrn jjhosana tti joshana sevand. 18 ohheiyatta A ; chhedayitva. . * kalpavareshu yani vimanany uttamani teshu. - varattapamdari au A. >> k. bh. utt. omitted in A. 11 bohi B, laddhena A. raja A. rayogha B C: tamo-raja-ghavipramuktab ajnapakarmapravAhaviprao. >> uvedati omitted in A; apayanti. * akshayam apunarkvrittikam. Likewise in the Vidhiprapa. marito vinah, aa cha karmanas tatphalaya cha satasarasya kepito yais to 'stakritha te cha tirthakaekdayah.

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20 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JANUARY, 1891. The number of the vaggas, eight, is very remarkable, as it is not in harmony with the concluding part of the title 33 Our surprise is however increased when we reflect that in anga 3 and anya 4 (see above 271, 286) ten ajjhayanas were allotted to our text; in anga 4, besides, seven vaggas and ten uddesanakalas. The Nandi agrees with our text in apportioning to it eight vaggas (and eight-udd.), but makes no mention of ajjhayanas whatever. Furthermore the titles of the ten ajjhayanas cited in anga 3, 10, have scarcely anything in common with those of our text (see p. 271, 322); some appear in anga 9. There is therefore here a violent opposition between [320] the tradition and the actual constitution of the text. We have seen above, p. 272, 291, that even Abbayadeva on angas 3 and 4 confessed that he was unable to explain the differences between the statements made there and the text constituting the anga. In harmony with this is the fact that the existing text is in an exceedingly fragmentary condition, and is filled with references to sections in angas 5 and 6, upanga 2, and, according to the scholia, to the Dasdarutaskandha, the fourth chhedasutrani. In many instances, the later ajjhayanas of a vagga, just as was the case in part 2 of the sixth anga and in anga 7, present us with nothing more than a mere title. Each vagga is preceded by a statement in karika-form of the contents of the ajjhayanas which are therein contained. The scholiast on the Nandi thinks that by the vaggachuliy434 (mentioned among the anangapavitha texts) the 8 vaggas of the Antaksiddasas are intended. The same statement is found in the scholium on arga 3, 20; though there appears to be no proper place for any chuliya whatever. The scene of the first story is in Baravati at the court of king Andhayavanhi (Andhakavsishai), or of Kanho naman Vasudeve raya; the names Vasudova, Baladeva, Aritthanomi, Pajjunna, Samba, Aniruddha, Jambavati, Sachchabha ma, Ruppini, &c., which belong to this story, and also that of Baravati itself, are met with frequently as the recital proceeds. The ninth story of the first vagga treats of Pasenai, [321] Prasenajit. The third vagga begins with the history of Aniyasa, son of Nage nama ga havati, Sulasa nema bhariya,35 under king Jiyasatty of Bhaddilapura. The sixth vagga begins with the history of Makayi under king S&nia of Rayagiha. The other localities are essentially the same as those in anga 7, viz.-Vaniyagame,- Savatthi, Polasapura, Vankrasi, Champa, and also Sale (Sikita). The last vagga treats especially of the ten wives of king Senia, step-mothers. (chullamauya) of king Koniya : Kali, Sukali, &c., who one and all zealously studied the samaiya-m-aiyaim ekkarass amgaim and are instructed therein by the Ajja Chamdana (about whom no further notice is given). This piety is probably connected with the death of the song of each, cf. upanga 8 (Nirayavalisutta); and their grandrong-sons of these sons-become asootios if we may ascribe any probability to the legend, Of. upanga 9. The karikas with the titles of the ajjhayanas for the single vargas are: 1. Gotama36 Samudda Sagara Gambhire cheva hoi Thimote ya 1 Ayale Kampilld khala Akkhobhe Pasenai Vinhu 11 2. Akkhobhe Sagare kbalu Samudde Himayamta Achala nume ya Dharane ya Para ya Ajjhicharde (Abhinande) cheva atthamae il 3. Aniyase Anatitasene Ajjiyasene Anihayarihi Devasene Sattusene Sirane Gad Sumuhe Dumube ku vae Dasae Apahittbill # The scholiast seeks to reconcile the contradiction as follows:--prathamavarge dala 'dhyayanant 'ti tatsat khyaya aitaksitada6d. This is of course a mere make-shift. If Abh. appeals to the Nandi on this point (see p. 291n), he can mean nothing else (since the Nandt contains nothing of the kind) than that the Nandt cites for our anga eight "vaggas" instead of ten "ajjh." This so-called "explanation" substitutes, without a word of warning "ajjh, for vagga." The text has varga," but Pakshikastra and Vidhiprape and also anga 3, 10 (above p. 274) have likewise ragga * Cr, Jacobi, ante, Vol. IX. p. 28 (1880) and Abhay. on nga 3, 8, and o. -Leumann, Wiener Zeitechrift f. d. Kundo dos Morgenl. Vol. III. p. 388. * Also in the Vidhiprapa: ittha atjhayapkpi Gdyama-m-lini.

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JANUARY, 1891.) SACRED LITERATURE OF THE JAINS. 21 [322] 4. JAli Mayali Uvayali Purisaseai ya Varisen3 ya| Pajjunna Samba Aniruddha Sachchanemi ya Dadhao mi il For the first 5 names see anga 9, 1. 5. Paumavati Gori Gandhart Lakkhana Snsimi ya Jambavati Sachchabhama Bappini Mulasiri Maladat ta vill 6. Makayf Kimkam(m) 637 cheva Moggarapani ya Kasave | Khemate Dhitidhare cheva Kelagd Harichamdane 11 Varatte Sudarsane - Punnabhadde taha Sumanabhadde Supaitthe ! Meba'timutte Alakkhe ajjhayapanan tu solasayam il 7. Nanda Namdavati cheva Nanduttara Nardiseniye cheva | Marata Sumaruta Mahamaruta Marudeva ya atthama | Bhadda Subhadda ya Sujaya Sumanai yaBhdyadinna ya bodhavva Saniyabhajjana namati 11 8. Kali Sukalt Mahakali Kanha Sukanbe Mahakanha Viraka ha ya bodhavva Ramakanhe taheva | Piusenakanha navam dasamf Mahasenakapha ya 11 It is impossible to reconstruct any correct metre in these karikas, since the lines are a confused mass of sloka and aryd hemistiches. The tablo of contents in anga 4, or Nandi (N) is as follows:-se kim tam amtagadadasku ? antaosasu nam amtagadanam nagarkim ujjanaim cheiyaim vana rayao ammapiyare sam Osaranam dhammayariya dhammakahau 38 ihaloga paralogao bhogaparichchaga pavajjau suya tayo padiman (323) bahuviha tav643 khami ajjavam maddavam cha soyam cha sachchasahiyam sattarasaviho ya (BC, "ha ye ya A) satojamo (me A, mo ya B C) uttama cha bambhan akiochanaya tavokiriyau samiti guttfu cheva, taba appamayajogo (@ge A) sajjhkyajjhanana 65 ya attamanam donham pi lakkhanaim, pattana ya sam jamuttamam jiya(jiya A) parisahanan chauvihakammakkhayami jaha kevalassa 4 lambho, pariyau Cyato B C)*7 jattid oito BC, jatiyau A) ya jaha palito (palayato A) manihi, panvagau ya je jahir jattiyani bhattani chheyaitta (chheitta A, chhedaitta BC) amtakaro gado BC) munivarako tama-rad-'ghalmukko mokkhasuham anuttarana cha patto (A, patta B C), ete anne ya evan-ai 'ttha pardviya (pardve, BC) java IX. The ninth angam, anuttardvavdiyadasdu, anuttaraupapa tikadasas;63 in 3 vaggar with 33 ojhayanas (10, 13, 10); contains legends of saints each one of whom attained the bighest (anuttara) heavenly world (vimana), The name dasdu), is here too at variance with the constitution of our text, but is in agreement with the statements pf angas 3 and 4, where only 10 ajhayanas are mentioned; while aiga 4 recognizes but ten (the Nandi but three) uddesanakalas se above p. 286.[824) We have already seen that, of all the names given in anga 3, 10 as those of the 10 ajjh., but three rpour in anga 9, This proves that we have here to do with a text that has suffered a transformatiou. Our text has been handed down to us in an exceedingly fragmentary state, consisting chiefty * Kirikamme is found in anga 8, 10, for anga 8; this should have been stated on page 271. In reference to the question whether Mayali is identical with BhagAls, see the same page. Is JAli equal to JamAli P The account here entitled Gattonta of Bomila, u Lermann informa me. See sbidem * In N we find the same transposition as in the case of 6,7: 56degro odhohad aheriya, paralgiya riddhivises& N. 40 N inserta pariyAgt before ma. 41 14 padimato BO, N has ja tead of padima merely Baanlehard bhattapachoh Kkkkpat pavagaman sukula pachohd18 punayohilabh& antakiriy aghavijahti dvadesa bhikshupratim mihikyadayah (of. Ledmann og Awp. $ 24. mo A, bahuvihAto BC. lancha cha satyashitah. * At8 samit gattito chera B C, mimitay gapay she svedhyAyadhyanayoh. jnen der lAbhah. paryayah pravrajyalakihitnah, yavkini cha ydradarshadiprom kn8 yatha ybos tapoviblubkarayanddind prakarena palito munibhih: * nuphim ppktovagato ya BC. prky pagamAbhidhanam aannam pratipann yo munir yatra, stakrits mtnivard, jkta ati felt r angcha Aratogha BO # This should strictly be opadika; of my remarks on upliga 1. #n 'umd uttard vidyate ity anuttamab, upapatid pads janmirthah, maharab pradhana) anywaya tabu vidhanya 'bhivad apapito (pdf) yenbarin to, tadvaltavyatapratibaddha dal debadhyayan palakshita

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22 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JANUARY, 1891. of references to Meha (6, 1, 1) and Khandava (5, 2, 1); the first story alone of each varga is passably complete, the others are cited merely by their catch words. The events of these recitals transpire in Rayagiha, Sageta, Vaniyagama, Hatthihapura. The names of the personages involved are to be extracted from the ledrikas, which eite the titles of the 33 ajjhayanas; viz. : I. JA1C4 Mayali Uvajali Parisasene ya Variseme ya Dihadarate ya Laddhadante Vehallo Vehkyase Abhaye ti kumare Il See page 521, for the first five names. II. Dihasee Mahisene Laddhadante (again!) ya Gadhadamte ya Suddhadamte ya ! Halle Damme Damasene Mahidamasene ya Ahite # 111 Sihe ya Sihasene ya Mahasihasene ya Ahite Pumasene ya bodhayve terasame hoi ajjhayane 11 2 111.6 Dhanne ya Sunakkhatte Isidase ya ahite | Pallat Ramapatte Pachandima Pattimai ya 1 1 || Padhilaputte (cf. anga 2, 2, 1) anagare Potrileiya Vehalle Idasame vatte ime ye dasa thiya 112 Our information in reference to these persons is limited almost entirely to their names (325) alone. In the first history of JAli), which is a prototype of the rest, it is at least related that he ekkarasa asingaisi ahijjati. It is surprising that the table of contents in anga 4, or Nandi (N) is particularly explicit. This is probably to be explained by the fact that it had as its subject an entirely different text from that which we possess. It is as follows:-se kim tam anuttarovavaiyadasao ? anuosisu nam anuttarovavaiyanam nagarai ujjao cheio vanadeg56 rayao ammao sa modeg dhammayao dhammakaha87 ihalogao 58 parvaja Bayeo bo ta vodeg padimiooo ganlehana bhatta paa anuttarovavatti (A, vato B C, Provavayatti N) sukulapachchayai (yati BC, chchalo N) punabohio amtakiriya Aghavijjanti; anus:1841 natin titthagarasamosaranair paramamamgalajagahiyani (hittanam A) jinatisesi ya bahuvisesi,62 jinas sanam cheva samanagana, (ganaga na A) pavaragamdhahatthinam), thirajasanan, parisa hasenna(sena Arivu(ripu A) balapamaddannkam(balapadegC)tavaditta charittananasammattasara-vivihappagara vittharapasattha gunasamjuyinam, anagaramaharisinam anagaragananam vannao,66 uttamavaratava visitthananajogajuttanam, jaha ya jagahiyain bhagavau,67 jarisa ya (omitted in BC) riddhi[326]visesa devasuramanusanam, parisanam paubbhava 5a, jinasamivam jaba ya uvasanti jinavaram, jaha ya parikahemti (hamti A)89 dhammam loga(loka Agaru7o amara-narasuragananam, souna ya tassa bhaniyam (bhasiyam A) avasesa kammavisayaviratta nara jahi (jadha BC) abbhuvemti (abbhavainti A) dhammam aralar sarjamatavam cha 'vi bahuvihappagaram, jaha bahuni vasini anucharitta Arithiyananadamsanacharittajogit jinavayana-m-anugayamahiyabhasiya,71 jina varana (jana A) hiyaena-m angnetta,7 j) ya jahim jattiyani bhattani chheyaitta ('titta BC, cbhoiyatta 5* ittha ajjhnyanani Jali-m-lini, Vidhiprapa. 55 Five of these names recur in anga 3, 10 for aigas 8 and 9, cf. p. 271. 56 N omits (an error of the scribe.) 7 N inverta sarkamodh hlo dhoriya. 58 ihaldgapario A, ibalogaparaloga B C, ihaldiaparaloia riddhivisesa bhogaparichchaga pavajja. N. 69 pariyago before sua in N. "padimatave A, merely padio B C, palimid uvasaggi N. A N omits the foll., titthakara B C. 63 jagaddhitani ..; bahuvibeuhA" dahain vimalasuyandham" ity-Adayah chatustriosad adhikstarih. 65 ganadharadinken framanottamanim. Javavad davaynir iva (v. o.) diptany ujjvalAni; pathartarena (the foll, is the roading of the text, tapodipani yani charitrajnAnasamyaktvani. s praiastas cha kshamadayo gunke, taih sainyutanan; kvachid : ruchirnguna dhuaj nam iti pathah. 66 yanau A, rattato B, vannato C: vanakah blagha, Akhyayata iti yogah. 67. bhagavoto jinahitam (v.e.), bhagavata iti jinak Asanam iti gamyatd. jinssampe yena prakirena paabchavidhabhigamAdina alvamte rajadayo jinsvaru. ce parikathayatis i.e. plur. majest. lokagurar iti jinavaro; perhaps gardo plural. 11 jinavachanam krvi (?) anngatam sambaddham, mahitam pajitam, bhAshitam yair adhyapan adina; path Attard jinavachanam anugaty a "nukuly na sushthu bhAshitan yais t jinavachan Anugstisubhashitah. hiyAtapa B, hiyatipa C; apunitta A; iha shashtht dritty&rthe; tena jinavaran bridayena tamasa (tapaal ?) anuniya prapya dhytra

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JANUARY, 1891.) SACRED LITERATURE OF THE JAINS. 28 A), laddhana ya samahim uttamam, jjhanajogajutta uvavanna (vatta B) muoivaruttami, jala anuttaresu pavamti (paveti A) jaha anuttaram tattha visayasokkham, tato73 ya chuya kamena kahimti samjaya, jaha ya amtakiriyam, ee (ete BC) anne ya evamadi 'ttha java. X. The tenth angam, panhavagaranaim, prasnavyakaranani, in ten daras, treats in a dogmatic and not in a legendary form, of the ten ethical duties, viz.; first of the 5 adhammas or anhayas, dyrava,74 which must be avoided. These are, -injury, to life, [327] lying, robbery, anchastity, (love of) possessions, and then of the 5 dhammae, or savivaras, (i.e. the opposites of each of the above sins.76 The difference between the title and the actual text or contents, between the actual text and the statements of tradition on this point, is especially great. There is nothing said in reference to questions (prasna) which find their solution (vyakaranam.) The whole anga appears to be a didactic dogmatic explanation addressed to Jambu, but not asked for by particular questions. The Nandi and angu 4 state that it contains 45 ujjhayanas, 45 uddesanas, etc.; but no such conclusion is warranted from the facts of the case, cf. p. 286. One suyakkhandha, which these anthorities and the existing constituent parts ascribe to the text, is branded by the scholiast Abhayadeva. He asserts that the text "pustakoritare"76 consisted rather of two suyakkhandhas (each containing 5 ajthayanas). To prove this the scholiast adduces verbatim et litteratim a special introduction confirmatory of his assertion; but this cannot be found in the MSS. of our text. This introduction has the same usual form as the introductions to anyas 6-9 and 11; and Abh. refers directly to anga 6 for the correctness of his explanation, whereupon he adds : ya che ha dvi[328]srutaskamdhato 'kta 'sya si na rudhu, ekasrataskamdhatay a eva rucbatvat. In all probability the enumeration of this text in anga 3, 10, in the sixth place among the ten dasau, shows that it stands in close connection with the present text or its 10 daras. But we have seen, p. 272, that the names of the ten ajjhayanas there have no connection whatever with our text, and that the author had before him quite a different text under this name. It is an important feature, that, as stated above, his statements or names are in essential harmony with those statements of contents in reference to our anga, which occar in iga 4, or in the Nandi; see page 334. It is of interest in this connection to notice the character of the remarks of the commentator at the beginning of the passage, in reference to the name prasnaryakaranndrecs. This name, he states, is found, kvachit-it is found in anga 3, 10 and in anga 4, (see p: 334) - and consequently points to 10 adhyayanas of prasndndin vyakaranani. His words are:-ayat cha vyatpattyartho 'sya purvakalo 'bhud, idanim ta asravapamchakasamvara pamchakavyaksitir evo 'ho 'palabhyate, atisayanam (cf. p. 334) purvacharyair aidayuginapushta (naprio?) lari banapratishevipurushapekshayo 'ttaritatvid iti. However the corrupt conclusion is to be understood Lcf. Ed. p. 499--one fact at least is patent; that we have here traces of the manifest consciousness that the pirtacharyas were acquainted with a different text of this anga than the aida nyugina. Everything shows that we are completely justified in asserting that we no longer possess anga 10 in its original, [329] or in its apcient form. The introductory words in the commentary of Abh. are a proof of this :-sri Vardhamanam anamya vyakhya kachid vidhiyate 1 prasnavyikaranamgasya vrida hanyayanu saratah || ajna vayam, sastram idam gabhiram, prayo 'sya kutani cha pustakani | sutram vyavasthapya tato vimtisya vyakhyanakalpad ita eva nai 'va II 2 11 It is perfectly plain from this that there is here a violent polemic against other text-forms. 19 anuttararimaniblryah. ** i.e. derava, for which we should expect 6snara. In the explanation : "A abhivthink frauti bravati karma yebhyas te abravali", snanti sravati should probably be read for srauti spavati. In up. 1, anhati is actually explained .by donauti but nlso by diravati badhnati [it corresponds in fact to Sanskrit aniti, L.). 15 tesim ramani, jah: himsadaran 1, musavayad. 2, teniyad. 3, mehunad. 4, pariggahad. 5, ahimsad 6, machohad. 7, ateniyad. S, bambhacherad. 9, apariggabad Aram 10 (Vidhiprapa). 1 Likewise in the Vidhiprapa : ittha kei parchahiin ajjhayanehin do suyakkhandbe ichhamti. " This is self-evident, since the bontents are actually divided into two parts. To pustakantare punar evam upodghstagrartha upalabhyate.

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24 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JANUARY, 1891. That anga 10 originally, like angas 7-9 and 11, was of a legendary character (cf. anga 3, 10), is rendered probable by a comparison with upangas 8-12, which are of the same character, Their position at the end of the upunga series allows us to draw conclusions in reference to the angc-corresponding to them. If this be so, the transformation of our anga must be placed at a still later period than that to which we have to refer the harmonizing of the 12 angas and the 12 upungas. There are various criteria contained in the anga itself which determine the late date of its composition. I premise that the introduction which we possess, consists, if the vocative Jambu bo omitted, of three gathas, which state in brief the contents of the work : inam-o anhayasamvara-vinichchhayan pavayanassa nisamdam vochchhami nicheh: hayattha subhasitattham maheshim 1111 [330] paschavidho pannatto Jinehim iha ashaye anitiye (anadiu B)| himsa mosama adattam abambha (is wanting ; perhaps ya) pariggaham chiva || 2 HI jarisad jam nama jaha ya katd jarisaphalam demti je vi ya karerinti pava panavaham tam nis& meha || 3 Then follows in prose, first an explanation of the panivaha; then 30 of its synonyms (namani imani gonnani); then the subject itself is treated of, at the conclusion of which the entire doctrine is referred immediately to Nayakalanatdana (Jnatr):80 evam Ahamsu NAyakula. namdand mahappa Jino u Vira varanamadhejjo, kahesi ya panivahassa phalavivagam : @so sa panivadho chando .. (as in the introduction) vemanas. The next four sections are similarly arranged, except that after the vocative Jambe the treatment of the aliyavayanam, adinnadanan, abambham, pariggaha, begins without the interposition of gatha strophies. The synonyms are invariably 30 in number and the conclusion is the same. In the case of the five sarvaradardin, two gdthes are found in the introduction of the first (abinsa) after Jambu ! :61 - itt samvaradara-i pamcha vachchhami anapuvvidi jaha bhaniyani Bhagavaye savvadukkhavimukkhanattha8 11 111 padhamam hoi ahimsa, biiyam sachchavayanam ti pannattam ! dattam anunniya samvaro ya bambhacheram pariggahattar 11 2 11 [331] The further details in daras 6-10 are similar to those in daras 1-5. The enumeration of the synonyms, which are here called pajjavanamani,-60 in the case of ahinnad-is carried on in a style somewhat different, and the concluding formula is not the same :-@vam Nayamunina bhagavaya pannaviyam paraviyam pasiddhan siddham siddhavarasasanam inam aghaviyan savesiya pasatham (padhamam) samyaradarar samattam ti bemi. The last two cpncluding words form a bond of connection between the existing redaction of anga 10 and angas 1-4, to which these words belong. Furthermore, the appeal to the Naya recalls anga 2. Perhaps we have to deal here with traces of ancient date; bat, on the other hand, if we consider how many considerations make for the opposite conclusion, a conservative point of view will not permit too great weight to be laid upon these particulars, which are rather the result of an effort to impart an ancient flavour to the anga. The following arguments, drawn from anga 10 itself, reinforce our conclusion that this anga is of late origin. The character of the language is late. The nominative in 6 has assumed in almost every instance the place of the nomin. in e, except in quoted passages. In the frequent compounds there is no deference paid to the laws of sandhi between the members of the 19 i.e. mrishavada. No See above, p. 261, on aiga 2, 1, 97. There are five gathe more ineerted between daraa 5 and 6.

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JANUARY, 1891.] compounds; also these are often not inflected at the end, (etani prayo luptaprathamabahnvachanani padani, are the words of the scholiast), but retain their pure thematic form. [332] In the other angas (e. g. in the tables of contents in anga 4) and especially inserted in them, we find phenomena not dissimilar in character, but not in such numbers. Their presence however invariably characterizes the passages in which they occur as being of secondary origin. Furthermore--and this is conclusive evidence the enumeration of the names of the non-Aryan peoples is three times as great as that in angas 5, 6, (p. 302, 313). Here there are 53, there but 18 names. The list is as follows83:-ime ye bahave Milukkha (miledeg BC)jati, kim te, SagaJavana-Sabara-Vavvara-Kaya-Murumdo-'dda-Bhadaga-Tinniya(Bhittiya)-Pakkaniya - KulakkhaGoda(Gomda)-Sihala-Parasa-Komcha-Amdha - Davida - Villala (Chill) - Pulimda-A rosa83-Domva(Dova)-Pokkina-Gam-dhahdraga (!)-Vahalia-Jallara-Mamasa-Vausa-Malaya ya Cumchua yu Chuliya Kamkaniga (Komkanaga B)-Meya 5-Palhava-Malava-Maggara-Abhasiya Anakkha. China-Nhasiya (Lasiya BC)-Khasa-Khasiya-Nidura (Nettara)-Marahattha96-Mutthiya (Maushtikah)-Arava-Domvilaga-Kuhugs-Kukaya-Huna-Romaga-Bharu-Maruga-Chilitavisayavisl ya, Some of these names are of evidently late occurrence. The peoples are all characterized as pavamatino and kurakamma. SACRED LITERATURE OF THE JAINS. 25 [333] Especially interesting is the bitter polemic against erroneous teachers (natthikavaino vamalogava)87 in dara 2; under these are comprised the "Bauddhal" (Schol.), and the adherents of Issara ('Siva) and Vinhu. Chinapatta appears in dara 4, in the signification of "silk dress."88 In dara 5 are found the names of the planets; but not in the Greek order; thus Jupiter, Moon, Sun, Venus, Saturn, Rahu, Dhumaketu, Mercury, Mars. The first of the series of the 28 nakkhattas is unfortunately not stated; only the first and the last of the 72 kalas are given: lehaiyau saunaruyavasanau;-in the same passage and in the ninth dara, 64 mahilagunas are likewise mentioned:-raijanane sippasevam etc.-The ahimsa is characterized in dara 6 as bhagavas, truth sachcham, in dara 7, as bhagavamtam titthagarasubbasiyam dasavibam chauddasapuvvihim pahudattbavidiyam,00 which is a reference to the prabhrita division in the 14 purvas. Abhayadeva comments on this anga. The table of contents in anga 4, or Nandi (N), is-se kim tam panhavagaranani? pa nesu atthuttaram pasinasayam, a. apasinasayam, a. pasinapasinasayam,91 vijjati[331] saya nagasuvannehim saddhim93 divva samvaya aghavijjamti; panhavagaranadasasu nam sasamayaparasamayapannavaya (panavaya A) patteyabuddhavivihatthabhasa (bh. omitted in A)bhasiyanam,95 82 Of the very frequent variants in the MSS., I have chosen those which appear to have the best authority; cf. the similar enumeration in upanga 4. 83 Aroshah, Aroshab. 54 Jallarah Mamashah Bakusah Schol. 85 Meta BC, Medih; see Elliot, Hist. of India, 1, 519 fg. Indische Streifen, Vol. II. p. 403. se pathamtare Madhah (Mudhah E) Schol. The Marahatthas have nothing to do with the Mlechchhas. Ramatha in upanga 4. ss cf. chinapittharasi in up. 2 and 3. 87 kayatikah, vamam pratipam lokam vadamti ye. 89 janapadasammatasatyadibhedena dasavaikalikadi prasiddham. so chaturdasapurvibhih prabhritarthaviditam parvagatansaviseshabhidheyataya jnatain. 1 tatra 'mgulabahuprasnadika maintravidyah praenah; ya[h, vidyah or prasnavidyah; later on prasna is treated outright as a fem.] punar vidhina japyamana aprishta eva (subha) Subham kathayainti ta aprasnah; tatha amgushthadipranabhavam pratitya ya vidyah subhasubham kathayamti tah praenaprsenah;-Schol. in N ye prishta aprisht&e cha kathayamti te prasnaprasnah. 92 Instead of vijj N has merely amgutthapasinaim vahupasinaim addagapasinaim anne vi vichitta divva vijjatisaya nagasuvann/him siddhim divva samvaya Aghavijjaimti. Compare the names of the panha dasau found in anga 3, 10. This title we find above in the text. The old text appears therefore to have dealt with chiromantic and other prophetic arts. The explanation in the commentary: anye vidyatieaya stambhastambhavasikaranavidveshikaranochchatanadayah refers to magic in general, which was cultivated by the Jains especially; -. the statements in reference to the contents of the mahaparinn, p. 251, the books of magic of Nagarjana, &c. The orthodox belief could take umbrage at this part of the contents of anga 10. 93 savvim A; upalakshanatvad yakshidibhie cha saha. 4 samvadah subhaeubhagatah samlapah. 6 prajnapaka ye pratyekabuddhas te (taib !) karakady-disadrisair vividharthabhashabhashitas tasam adaream gushthadisambandhininam prasnanam vividhagunamahirthah prasna dasasv akhyayamta iti yogah. The expression pratyekabuddha, which recurs in the Nandi, is of interest; cf. p. 265 and Bhag. 25, 6,8, according to Leumann.

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26 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. JANUARY, 1891. atisayaguna-uvasama-napappagara(ra A)ayariyabhasiyanam vittharenam thira(vira A)mahesihim vivihavittharabhasiyanam cha, jagahiyanam,97 addaga 99-'mguttha-bahu-asi-mani-khomaa-"tichcham-kiya, vivikamah pasinavijja-mapapaainavijji(omitted in A)daivayapaugappahiqaguca pagasianam, sambhuyavigunappabhava(ppa om. A)naragana-m-ativimhayakarinam,100 [335] atisayam-aiyakalasamae1 damasama(sama is omitted in A)titthakaruttamassa thii (tthita A)karana-karananam, durabhigama duravagahassa savvasavvannus ammayassa buddha(abuha A)janavi-bohakarassa pachchakkhayapachchayakarinams panhanam vivihagunarahattha jinavarappaniya aghavijjamti (atthavijjdeg A). XI. The eleventh angam, vivagasuyam, vipakasratam: in two srutaskandhas, of 10 ajjkayanas each, contains legends on the reward of good and evil deeds. Its division is in harmony with our information on this point in anga 4 and Nandi, with this exception, that in anga 4 nothing is said of the two srutaskandhas. See above, p. 270, 280, in reference to the kammavivaga texts, which are connected in name and contents, and which have 10, 43 and 55 ajjh., and are mentioned in angas 3, 10, 4, 43 and in the Kalpasutra. Imdabhuti beholds some horrible deed, and is told by Mahavira, whom he questions concerning it, the previous history, e.g. previous births of the individuals in question. The event itself is then explained and the fate of the persons in future births is made known to the inquirer. Mahavira's answer thus treats the question in a three-fold manner. There is here no mention of a cheie chaitya, as is the case in other legends; [336] but a jakkhayatana of this and that jakkha is continually referred to. The part played by the yaksha here is at least as important as that in the Palisutta of the Buddhists, if not more so; see Ind. Streifen, 3, 507a, they being in fact exact representatives of the devast of the Brabmans. Here, as in angas 7, &c., the first history only is related in detail, all the others being briefly told. The titles of the tales in the first suyakkhamdha are: 1. Miyaputta in Miyagama, son of king Vijaya and Miya, born blind and deaf and dumb, lame, and a cripple, without hands, feet, ears, eyes, nose, and with mere indications (agii, akriti) of the existence of these parts of the body. The account is similar in aiga 3, 10 2. Ujjhiya (yae V), son of the merchant Vijayamitta and of Subhadda in Vaniyagama. A prostitute is here referred to, who was bavattarikala pamdita chausatthigania-gunovaveta. attharasadesibhasa visarada. The latter are unfortunately not enumerated. (In anga 3, 10 Guttasa, instead of Ujjhitaka). 3. Abhagga (ggasene V), son of a robbers Vijaya and of Khamdasiri in the robber-village (chorapalli) Saladavi. (In anga 3, 10 ale instead of Abhaggasene.) athiramaharshibbih; pathamtarena virama". 7 jagaddhitanam. adagainduttha bahu asa mani revama Atichcha may Anami A; on addiga, adarea (magician's mirror) of. Hila v. 204 (p. 75). vividhaprasna("enin pra)ty uttaradayinyah, manahpramitarthottaradayinya(6 cha), tasam devatani tadadhishthatridevatas, teshin prayogapradhanycna pradhanataya gumam vividharthasamvadakalakshanam prakasayamti lok vyanjayamti yais te vividha prakasikas tasam (the masc. and fem. of praana together!). 100 dvigunena upalakshanatvat laukikaprasnavidyaprabhavApekshay& bahugunena pathamtare: vividhagunena. prabhavena mahatmyena manujasamudayabuddher vismayakarya chamatkarahetavo yah praenab. 1 alta A; atisayam atita." dama(h) samas tatpradhanatirthatakaranam dareanAmtaraeletrinam uttamo bhagavan jinas tasya. 3 sthitikaranaih sthapanam, tasya karanani hetavo yas tab. sarveshin sarvajnanam sammatam ishtam. pratyakshakena jnn na pratyayah "sarvatisayanidhanam atkaranacilanah. jinavachanam" ity evamrapa pratipattib, This recalls the legend of the Satap. Br. about Bhrigu Varupi (Ind. Streifen 1, 24), with the exception that there is no reference here to the tortures of hell, but merely to a retribution on earth. A trace of this in the Sinhasanadv. Ind. Stud. 15, 357, in Hala, v. 872 Bh. (Ind. Stud. 16, p. 115). In the commentary on the Saryaprajn. and elsewhere, cheie is explained by vyamtariyatanam. asilathipathamamalle, . . . .. baidiggahanthim ya; of. Hala, preface, p. XVII.

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JANUARY, 1891] SACRED LITERATURE OF THE JAINS. 4. Sagada, son of the merchant Subhadda and of Bhadda in Sahamjani. (Also in anga 3, 10). 5. Vahassatidatta, son of the purohita Someda ita and of Vasudatta in Kosambi. (In anyu 3. ij mukanu). 6. 337) Nandivaddhanu, son of king Seridaima ad of Bandhusiri in Mahura. (In angu 3, 10 Nandisera.) 7. Umbaradatta, son of the merchant Sagaradutta and of Gangadatta in Padaliputta. (In anya 3, 10 Udumbara.) 8. Soriyadatta, daughter of the machehhandha (matsyabandha Abh., fisherman) Samuddadatta and of Samuddadatti in Soriyapura. (In anga 3, 10 Soria.) 9. Devadatta, daughter of the house-owner Datta and of Kazhasiri in Rohinaa (or Rohidaa). (A different name in angu 3, 10.) 10. Amja, daughter of the merchant Dhanadeva and of Piangu in Vaddhamanapura. (A different name in anga 3 10.) The ten ajjhayanas of the second suyakkhamdha are: 1. Subihu, son of king Addinasatta and of Dharini in Hatthisisa. 2. Bhaddanandi, son of king Dhani vaha and of Sarassati in Usabhapura. 3. Sujata, son of king Mitts and of Siri in Virapura. 4. Suvasava, son of king Vasavadatta ad of Kanha in Vijayapura, 5. Jinadasa, son of prince (kumara) Mabachamda and of Arahadatta in Sogamdhita. 6. Dhana vati, son of the yuvara ja Vesamana and of Siri in Kanakapara. 7. Bhaddanamdi, son of the prince Mahabbala and of Rattavati in Mahapura. 8. [339] Mahambala, son of the prince Bhaddanamdi, and of Siri in Sughosa. 9. Cbanda, son of the prince Malchamda and of Juvasirikamta in Champa. 10. Varadatta, son of king Mittanadidi and of Sirikamta in Sageya. All these fine-sounding names, and those brought into connection with them, are in all probability pure fabrications; the names of the localities alone, e.g. Padaliputta, have some chronological value. The table of contents in anga 4, or Nandi (N), is as follows :-se kim tam vivagasud & vivagasue nam sukadadukkadinam kammanam phalavivagelo aghavijjanti, se11 samasau duvihe pari, tan: duhavivage cheva suhavivage cheva, tattha nam dasa duhavivagat, 10 dasa suhavirageni ;10_se kim tam duhavivage gani BC)? dubavivagesu nam duhavivaganam (Nomitted in ABC) nagarai choi ujja vana raya ammapiyaro sam Osarana dhammiyariya dham, makaha" nagaragamankim sarsarapavatchaduhaparamparau ya aghavijjarti, se tam dubavi. vagani ;-se kim tan su havivagani? suhavivagesu pam subavivaganam pagaruim java dham. makaha ibaloga paralogao bhogapariopavvadeg15 suyapariggaha tavo pariyal6 samlebana bhattapachcha pauval7 (339) devalogao sukula punabohio antakiriyeu ya aghavijjamti;-duhavivegesal8 nam pinktivaya aliyavayana (yayanaga A) chorikkalrakka A)karana paradaramehuna sasamgatae maha("ha A) tivvakasaya imdiyappamada pavappadga-asubhajjhavasana-samchiyanamle kame manai pavaganar pava-anobhagaphalavivaga niraya (Ogani daraga Agati tirikkhajopi bahu viha * In Vidhiprapk are the following inversions :-Dhanavai 6, Mahavvala 7, Bhaddadandi 8, Mshicharda 0. 10 ga N, 11 se up to suhavivage cheva omitted in N; samlato BC. 11.In N again transpored na. u. va. ce. sa. r. am. dh'hao dhoriya. 1 nagara' to jdva dhammakahi omitted in N; nagaragamankinn ti, bhagavato Gautamasya bhikshadyarthan. 16 ihalbiy&pdraliya riddhivistea N. 15 pavval A. 16 tavo padi BO. 11 bhogaparichchaga pavvajjad pariyaga suapariggahi tavo'vahankim sarnlehana bhattapachobakkhandim plovagamapaim suhaparamparad sukulapachchdid punavohilabha aintakiriy ho a Agho N. 18 Nomito all the following. 10 papaprayogabubhadhyavasanasanchitanam.

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28 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JANUARY, 1891. (Cha A) vasanasaya-paramparabaddhanam(orapavao A), manuyatte (tatte A) vi agayanam jaha 20 pavakammas.sena pavaga homti phala vivaga bahuvasanavinasa21 nasakannotthamgutthakaracharanamahachbeyana jibbhachh@yana (jibbhavechheo A) amjana kadaggidahana(daho BC, dahina A) gayachalana malana phalana ullambana 25 sula-laya(sulata A)-lauda-lattbibhamjana 28 tau-sisaga-tattatella-kalakala-abhisimchana kumbhipaga27 kampana28 thirabadhana29 (bamdha A) veha (vehava A) vajjha(vabbha A) kattana30 patibhayakaral karapalivankim32 darunini dukkhani anovamani bahuvihaparamparanubaddha3 na muchchamti, pavakammavallie (velie A) (340) aveyaitt434 hu na tthi mokkho,36 tavena37 dhitidhaniyabaddhakachhena38 sohanam tassa va 'vi hottha, 40-etto yasl suhavivagesu nam omitted in A) silasamjama niyama gunatavovahinesu sshust sayihiesu+2 anukampasayapayoga(pa@ga A)-tikalamati4.visuddhabhattapapai payayamanasa hiyasuhanisesativvaparinamanichchhiyamat payachhiuna 7 payogasuddhajm* jahi (jahi A)'ya nivvatte(m)ti 60 bohilAbhan, jaha ya (jaha A) parittikare(i)ti (karoti A)51 naranirayatiriya saragatigamanavipula52 pariyatta5 aratibhayavisayasokamichhattaselasankadamannana (anana Atamamdhakarachikkhallasuduttaram-jaramarana-[341] joni-sai. kkhubhiyachakkavalar55(vala Asolasakasayaskvayapayamdam (C, payamdachadam A)56 (anitiyam anavayaggam57)samsarasagaram inam, jaha ya nibardhamti augam'suraganesu, jaha ya anubhavanti Buraganavimanasokkhani anovamani (omitted in Altau ya kalamtarachuyanam ihe 'va naralogam agayanam, au-vau(vapa BC)-vanna-ruva-jati-kula-jamma-arogga-buddhi-meha (omitted in A)visesat) mittajana (jina A) sayanas) dhanna (dhamma A)-dhana (omitted in A) vibhavaco) samid. dh(degddha A) sarasamudayavisesan bahuvihakamabhogubbhavana (gabbhava BG) sokkhana, 20 jaha to nahach@yana omitted in A. 91 vinasabhety (1)adi yavat pratibhayakara karapradipanain cha 'ti dvaadva. nmrakshanam va dehraya ksharatailAdin. 9 katan&m vidalavaibadimayinkin agnih katagnis tena dahadan. * vidoranam. 78 vrikshafAkhadkv udbamdhanam, cf. lambiyaga Aup. 970. 26 laittha B: lena lataya lakatena yashty & bhamjanam gltranain. 27 Opah kurbhipaga A, pagam B C; kuri(bhyan) bhajanavib she pekah. * kampanam Sitalajalachhoanadina sitakalena gatrotkampanan. dividaniyantranlibandhah. 20 kuntAdina kastrina bhedanam varddha(nan) kartanam. * pattibhayakaram A, patibhayam karara BC, patibhayakarari C; bhayajananar. > pallio B C (without karn), karapallo A; karapradipanai vasanaveshtitasya tailAbhishasya (P) kavayir ani. (agni P)privadhanam (?); tani Adir yoshlin duhkhinar tani, tani tath cha dirunani che 'ti karmadhirayah. This appears to me quite unnecessary; there is no adi in palivanai, which is merely a neutr. pl. >> badh& A; jiva iti gamyate. M papakarmavallya phalasarpadikaya.. yato 'vedayitva (an)anubhaya karmaphalam iti gamyate. 25 hur yasmid-arthe. * viyogah karmanah sakAsat, jivan&m iti gamyate; av. hu na 'tthi m. is a species of formula solemnis. 37 kim sarvath&P ne 'ty Aha: tapasA anaaanadiksvratena. * ddhiti A, dhitib chottasambahAnnn, dhaniyam atyarthan, baddha nipidit, kachham bamdhavistaho yatra tat tatha tena, dhritiyuktene 'ty a. 9 godhanam apanayanam. o hoyya BC; tasya karmavibdehanya vA'vi 'tti sambhavankyam, hotthA sampadyate; na 'nyamokshopkyo 'sti ti bhavih. 11 itas cha 'namtaram. 12 gushtha vihitam anushthitam yeshli te suvihitas, teshu bhaktadi dattva yathA bodhil&bhadi ni(r)vartayaitt tathe 'ha "khyayata iti sambandhab, iha cha sampradane 'pi saptam. " anukampasayaprayogas tena. 4 trishu kalishu ya matir buddhih, yad uta dknymi 'ti paritosh), diyamine posho, datte cha posha iti trikAlamatis, taya. 5 pattaya A ; prayatamanash Adaraputacheasa. 46 hiyat suhanielsam A; ... tlvrah prakishtab, parinamo 'dbyavashnam, nikohita 'mathay& matir buddhir yoshAtt hitasukbaniheriyasati raparipamanichitamatayab. " pradaya. + pauga A ; samskradidosharahitani. * jiv& iti gamyate. 50 tasabdo hh ga(P)m&trarthah. 61 paritti kurvatti, hrasvataru nayanti, sarrasigaram iti yogab, on the foll. soo Aupapkt. 32 (Leumann, 07 gamans B C, gatigamapa A ; deggatishu vipulo vistirah. parivarto (vritto ?). visakha, sila, B; mithy ktv ani lva tailah parvath taib sat katah sakirno yah. mahimatayamakaradyanekajal jartajatisammadena pravilo itath chakravalam jalapArimandalyath yatra. 56 payamdachandar B; shodasa kashaya eva Sv Apadini makaradini prakerndini atyartharrudr pi yatra. 87 BC, anaiyath ansvadayan A; anAdikam, anarhvargam anamtam. medbavisesha akhykyatta iti yogab. svajanah pitripitsivyadi. 6. dhannadhupa C; vibhavam B; dhanadhanyarupo yo vibhavah lakshmih. P. 45).

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JANUARY, 1891.] FOLKLORE IN SALSETTE; No 5. suhavivaguttamesu61) anuvaraya (anao Aparamparanubaddha asubhanam subhanu (BC,A omits) cheva kamnmana bhasiya bahuviha(v. omitted in A)vivaga vivagasuyammi bhagavaya jina varepa samvegakaranatthA62), anne (anna A) vi ya evamaiya (adiye BC) bahu viha vittharenam attha (attha A) paruvanaya aghavijjamti (jjai BC). (To be continued.) FOLKLORE IN SALSETTE. BY GEO. FR. D'PENHA. No. 5. - The Poor Boy and the Fox. There once lived together an old woman and her son, who dragged along a very wretched existence, often contenting themselves with one meal a day. They continued in this state for a very long time, till one day a cultivator, a neighbour of theirs, taking pity on them, called the old woman's son, who was then getting a big lad, and gave him a few melon seeds. He then shewed him a plot of ground belonging to him, and told him to sow them there, and to take care of the plants, till they produced melons which, when sold, would belp him to live in a little better style. The boy took the seeds with gratitude, and lost no time in digging up the ground allotted to him, and in sowing the seeds. A few days afterwards, little plants began to shoot up, and be watered them, manured them, and took every possible care of them. In due time they grew big, and flowered, and yielded an abundance of melons ; but to the great disappointment of the poor boy, when he went in the morning to gather them for sale not one could be found. He was at a loss to understand what had become of them, so he went to his neighbour, who had given him the seeds, and told him all about it, and asked for his advice. The neighbour, who was a cultivator of great experience, at once came to the conclusion either that some one was in the habit of stealing the melons, or that some animals were eating them. But the difficulty was to find the delinquent! So he gave the boy some wax, and told him to mould it into the figure of a man, and set it up in the middle of his field as a scare-crow. The boy took the wax, and made a nice little figure of it, and took it the same evening and set it up in his fields. That night a fox, who had come every night and enten the melons, came there as usual. But when he saw the wax figure, he thought somebody was watching, and to make himself sure that it was really a human being, went up to the figure and said to it: - "Who are you P" But did ever a figure speak? The fox asked him over and over again, bat, of course with no success. At last he got annoyed at the supposed person not answering him and said :" How often shall I ask you? Are you deaf that you can't hear, or are you dumb that you don't speak P" But for all this no reply came forth. Again the fox said :-"Take care now; if you don't speak, I will give you a blow that will make you cry." Still no reply, and so the fox gave one strong blow, but his paw stuck in the wax and he could not extricate it. Upon this the fox said :-"Let go my paw." Still he could get no reply, nor was his paw set free. Upon this the fox said: "What ! You won't let go my paw? Do you want another blow P This time I will give you a blow that will knock you down! So you had better let go my paw." a d y BQ, bubhavipAks uttam) ylebar td fubhavipakottamas tahu, jlylahu iti gamyate, iha che 'yan Bhashthyarthe saptaml; te kubhavip&kAdhyayana vichy&nArn sadhanAm Ayushkidivisesh Ah Subhavipak Rahyayanshu AkhyAyarhta iti prakitan, atha pratyakaro frutaskandhayor abhidh ye puno(guna P)papavipAkarpe pratipAdya tayor va yaugapadyena td Aha': anuparata achinna ye paramparAnuba(tiadh Ab, kep vipAkA iti yogah. * sai vegahetavo bhav Ah, of. Leumann, Aup. Glossary under samulyana.

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30 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JANUARY, 1891. But for all his entreaties and threats, the supposed human being would not answer him nor would he let go his paw. And then the fox, enraged beyond measure, gave another blow with his other paw, with the result that this paw also adhered to the wax, and all his attempts to extricate either paw were useless; and so in his rage he said: - "Look here now, just you let go my paws, or I shall get wild and give you such a kick on your stomach that it will burst and all your entrails will come out." But what is the use of threatening a wax figure? The fox gave one strong kick, only to find his leg also stuck fast in the figure. He was now mad with rage, and sometimes with entreaties and sometimes with threats he asked to be let go, but all to no avail. At last he said : -"I ask you for the last time to let me go away quietly, for if I am provoked further, I will give you another kick and that will be certain to kill you." In this way he begged and threatened, and threatened and begged, but it was all useless. He wriggled and struggled too, but all for nothing, and at last, losing his temper, gave a second kick with the same resolt as before, and got stuck to the figure with all four pais like a man tied up. Still he did not despair of setting himself free, and said :-"Well, well, you have caught all my paws; but won't you let them go ? If you don't, I shall know what to do: I will give you a bite and eat you up." The figure gave him no answer, nor would be set him free. The fox therefore said :"Look here, I will not go on asking you for ever, and if you don't let me go at once, I will bite you without fail. Now do let me go!" But seeing that all his entreaties were of no avail, he opened his month as wide as he possibly could, and gave a huge bite at the figure, so that his teeth dug deep into the wax and stuok fast in it. He struggled for a very long time, but all his attempts proved futile, and in this position he remained all night, thinking upon his fate the next day. The following day when the poor boy came as usual to see to his melons, he saw the fox stuck in the figure, and said : - "Oh-ho! you thief, so it's you that have been taking my melons every day, and stealing my daily bread! You are nicely caught. How will you get a way now? I'll teach you to rob my melons !" Thus saying, he prepared to kill the fox, who sobbed and cried, and begged hard to let him free, but all in vain. The boy seemed determined to kill him, and at last the fox said :"Only set me free, and I will pay you back a hundred-fold. I will even get you married to the king's daughter, and then you can enjoy yourself all your life." In the end, after much entreaty, the boy let the fox free, on condition that he would not steal nor eat any more of his melons, and that he would get him married to the king's daughter. The fox agreed, and never afterwards touched the melons. He had now a very difficult task to perform, in getting his benefactor married to the king's daughter, and he at once set about it. But one day as he was taking the road leading to the king's palace, he saw a goldsmith making a small bench of gold, which only required a finishing touch. So he went to the other side of the goldsmith's house, where his child was playing alone, the mother having gone to fetch water, and took it up and threw it down on the ground, which made it cry, and then he ran up to the goidsmith and said :"Is your gold worth more than your child, that you should not go and see after it when it is half dead with the fall it has had ? Shame upon you!" The goldsmith, who was very busy at the time, did not see the fox till he spoke to him, nor had he heard his child cry till he was told about it. So he ran off, to take up the child and to soothe it. In the meanwhile our hero, the fox, quietly took up the bench, and made for the king's palace. As soon as he reached it, he told the guards to inform the king at once 1 Among Hindus, or rather in Marathi, this bench is known as pa; the Salsette Christians call it pirasi.

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JANUARY, 1891.) FOLKLORE IN SALSETTE; No. 5. 81 that he had come on a very important business. The king came out and offered him a chair, upon which he brought out his golden bench and said with a disdainful air:-"I never sit on chairs, I always carry about my own seat." The king was, of course, astonished at this, and thought that the fox must be a great personage if he always sat on a golden bench. Preliminaries thus successfully over, the fo began : -"Your Majesty, it is our desire to enter into a bond of relationship between Yor Majesty and ourselves, by asking Your Majesty's daughter in marriage with our son." The king, who was bewitched at the sight of the golden bench, and took him for a wally great personage, agreed to the proposal, and appointed a day for the celebration of the ausscious festivities. He began at once to make perparations on a very grand scale, which extendd over several days. For he had money and gold and corn, and everything else in abundance The fox then went homo, told the boy of his success at the palace, and said that must be ready on a certain day. The poor boy was overjoyed, for who would not be the news that he was to be married to a king's daughter ? He too had to make grand preprations, but here was a difficulty ; where were the means? So he had recourse to his friend the fox, who promised to do everything for him. Now there was a small rivulet running through the town, past the boy's hut and further ou past the king's palace, and the fox went about from house to house and Lected all the rice husks of the village and threw them into the rivulet for several days. When the king saw all these husks, he was astonished and thought within himself: - "My son-ja-law must be a really great personage, as he is evidently going to invite thousands of guests, or why would he grind so much rice P" There were now only a few days left before the wedding, and the Rx went about collecting all the patravelisa he conld from the village, and these too he threw in the rivulet. The king was still more astonished to see such a number of patrduelis being already thrown away from his son-in-law's house; for what could it mean, but that his son in-law's guests had already come and were being feasted even days before the wedding P These tricks were all very well for duping the king, but the bridegroom had to have a befitting dress, and he must also have a large honse, if not a palce, wherein to receive his royal bride, and it was far beyond the comprehension of our hero as to where to get these from. So he again had recourse to the fox. Even these the fox did n/t despair of providing, and one day climbed a high mountain and there began to cry so long and so loud that Isvara and Parbati heard him, and coming up to him asked him what he was crying like that for. The fox said: "o Isvara and Parbati, all honour be to you! Hoy shall I tell you of my sorrows ? I was once canght stealing melons, but on promising the ywner to get him married to the king's daughter, I was released by him. I have succeeded ja persuading the king to give his daughter to my benefactor, but the difficulty is to get suitable dress for him, also a befitting house and food and other necessaries requisite for the occasion. I beg of you, therefore, to help me. We want a large house and a pandals for a day or two, after which I know what to do." fevara and Parbati were much moved, and said:-"Go home, and you will find a large palace most handsomely farnished, and a pandal richly decorated, with tables and bread and all sorts of dishes laid out ready for you, and a handsome dress for the bridegroom !" The fox went home, and saw to his great pleas are a large palace most handsomely furnished, and a pandal richly decorated, with tables laid out with bread and every requisite necessaFy for the occasion. The dishes and plates were of solid gold and silver, and there also was the bride. groom, most beautifully dressed, and quite a match for the king'a daughter! * Plates made of leaves. * The shamiana of North India; it corresponds somewhat to the marquee-tent of Europe..

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32 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JANUARY, 1891. The king in the meanwhile had sent some of his men to see what preparations his son-in-law had made, and when they saw the large palace, and the pandal, and the tables laid out with gold and silver dishes, their eyes were dazzled, and they went and reported what they had seen to the king, who was now more than convinced that his son-in-law was a man of great importance. The wedding day at last dawned, and our hero had no friends or relatives to accompany him to church, so the fox went into the jungles and began howling, when lo! thousands upon thousands of other foxes came running in from all sides to the spot where our fox was. He explained to them why he had called them together, and they were all willing to follow him. He next cut a lot of palm leaves and tied them to the tails of the foxes. The bridegroom now set out for the church, to get married, followed by a retinue of foxes. with the palm leaves tied to their tails, which, as they marched along, raised up each a cloud of dast, that the whole village was enveloped in it. The king saw it from afar and was at a loss to understand what could be the cause of it, and feared that it was a foreign king coming with a large army to conque.r his kingdom. So he sent some men to see what it was or who was coming, and they reported that his son-in-law was coming, with thousands upon thousands of guests. The king, who was not prepared to entertain so many people, sent word to his son-in-law not to bring them all, but to come with only a few. This just suited the l'ox, who sent back all the other foxes and went alone with the bride. groom. They went to the church, where the marriage ceremony was performed, and then all the guests returned to the king's palace, and regaled themselves on a snmptuous dinner which awaited them. Dinner over, the bridegroom, taking his royal bride, returned to his own house, where a very symptuous supper was eaten, after which dancing and singing were kept up till very late in the night, and then everybody went to sleep. Now it will be remembered that the large handsome palace and the pandal and everything else was only to remain for a short time, and so everything suddenly disappeared, and the follow. ing morning the bridegroom founel to their dismay, that not even the old woman's hat re, nained, and he and his Wilu Were sink in poverty. On that very day the king was to come with all his guests to dinner, and as soon as the fox saw the party coming he cried out at the top of his voice : "The bride's foot have brought ill-luck! The bride's foot have brought ill-luck! See in what affluent circumstances we were till yesterday, and the bride has been scarcely a day here when everything has disppeared! The bride's feet bave brought ill-luck! The bride's feet have brought ill-luck!" The king arrived with his retinue, and was surprised to see his daughter and son-in-law in such a position, and he enquired what was the matter. Quick as lightning, the fox replied :** What is the matter? Why, do you ask what is the matter? The matter is this, your daughter's feet have brought ill-lack to us ! your daughter's feet have brought ill-luck to us." The poor king, whose men had told him of the splendour of his son-in-law's palace and everything else they saw, thought that what the fox said must be true, and that his daughter's feet had brought ill-luck to her husband ! So be consoled him by a promise of half his kingdom in compensation for the loss he had sustained ! Our friend, the poor boy, took it contentedly, and when many years afterwards the fox died, the boy gave him a grand funeral, with music. And after that he lived happily with his royal bride to a very old age. This is an exceedingly interesting instance of the grateful animal class of tale, in which, contrary to custom, for is the hero. It also exhibits in a remarkable degree the mixture of Hinduism and Christianity that clearly prevails among the poorer Christians of Salsette.-R.C.T.

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JANUARY, 1891.] FOLKLORE IN SALSETTE; No. 5. 33 TEXT. Ek hoti dokri; ticha hota ek sokra. Mhotta garibchar tiancha gela, auretuk ge kon vakhat ek vakhat khat ani kon vakhat don vakhat khat. Aisan karen murad varsam karlim. Ek dis eke sezoliala kaklut aili tianchi, ani tia dokriche sokriala varunsim jibrachia bia dilia ani sangatlam pairava ani tianchi kamai karunsim khavala. Tia porazun tia bia gheunsim pairilia ani murad menat keli. Kain tep gelam ani jibricha maria aila. O poria apla simpi, khanam gbatlam ani hota. Kain tep tiavar gelam ani tia jibricha maria mhottia zhailia, tianvar fulan ailim, ani thaure te pasim jibram zhailim. Atham o poria sakalcha, uttunsim zai aples kasivar jibram karava, pun taiam ponchliavar bagi te ka, ek pun jibur mile nase tiala. Atham nahin khabar ge kon choren net ou nahin sangve ge kain zanavram eun khat. Tavam to poria gela tia sezoliapar ani sangatlam ge asi asi varta hai, ani vicharilam ge tiacha upai ka karava. Tavam to sezoli tabortob samazla ge kain tari zanavram eansim khatastin kharim. Tia porala sangatlam: "Men jhe ani tiacham ek baalam kar, ani ratche para tuje kasichemadam ubam kar; sakal ka hai te tula samjel, ge konim chorun netan ou konim zanavram eun khatan aisam." Poria gela ghara, men jhetlam, ani kelam ek baulam. Sancham ten baulam nelam ani jibriche madam ubam kelam. Atham ka zhailam, ek kolha petlati, zo ratcha ei ani sarim jibram khai. Athamh & kolba dar dis ei taisa tia ratcha tari aila, ani tiachi nadhar lagli tia menache bauliavar. Kolhiache manan jelam ge konin manus baislai rakhava. Tavam tia bauliache mere zaun bolun lagla: "Kon hais tam P" Pun bauliazun kadun zabab dilta ge Az del aisa. Kolha magari vicharava lagla; murad sad ghatle, ani marad vakhat vicharilam pun tiala kain zabab mile nahin. Kolhiala aila rag ani ka bolte: "Kon hais tum? Zabab nahin karve, kam tula kain paije ? Zabab nahin dilas te samal; ek chafrak marin ani hetto parin." Auram botlam kolhiazun pun tia bauliache tondansim zabab kain ninge nahin. Tavam kolha bagila bagila ani zo chafrik marli te tiacha hat lapatla tia menala. Atham kolha hat kartei pan kain ninge nahin. Tavam ka bolte magari: "Ka re, hat sorites kam nahin, kam dean biji ek chafrak. Atham chafrak den te hetto parsil ani utsil nahin bhuinvarsim, nahin te barepanim hat sur." Aisam botlam, kolhiazun, pun tiacha hat kain sutte nahin ani tiala zabab kain mile nahin. Tavam taula ani zo biji chafrak dili te to pun hat arkala. Atham kolha hiiskite hinskite tari hat kain sutat nahin, tavam ka bolte: "Ka re, tula kain masti ailei ka? Dovin hat dheles ka? Bagai tum manje hat sor, nahin te jasti tau zar Aila te lat marin ani antrim karin, nahin te manje hat sor ani mala zaunde." Tari kain tiache hat nahin sutat kam zabab pun nahin mile; ni kolhiala rag zo aila te tia rigasim marli lat te hota te pain pun arkala. Tari pun ka bolte: "Ka re, manza pain pun dheles ka? Bagai tula mim sangtain ge manje hat paiu sor, nahin te biji lat zo marin te jiu karin, nahin te mala sor." Tari pun tiala zabab mile nahin, ani tava bharli marli biji lat, pun to pun paiu lapatla, ani kolha rela tangla; lagla hat pain hiuskava. Hiuskite, orite, tanite, pun kain upegi pare nahin. Tari pun kolha dhir sori nahin, ani ka bolte: Bagai manje hat pain sor. Tum nako samzun ge manje hat paiu gutle ani musim kain nahin karvel aisam. Sevat chavu zo marin te ragat ningel ani tum marsil, nahin to manam sor." Kolha auram boltei tari tiala kain zabab mile nahin ani tiache hat pain kain sutat nahin. Tavam hotam te kolhiazun je chava marla te tiacham tond pun lapatlam. Athamh kolha bagitoi ge kains upai reli nahin, ani sari rat taisas tangla re la. Bije dis poria aila te bagitei ge chor samplian parlai; tavam tiala botla: "Arha, tuus nahin re to, manjim jibram dar dis khavala ? Atham tula barabor dakhritain." Ainsam bolunsiin zatei tiacha pran karava, tavam kolha lagla hatai paiai parava ani dada bava karava. Ho nahin, ho nahin kartam eevat botla: "Bagai, manan sor, tala rajiachi sokrt den varadavi." Poria tari ho nahin, ho nahin kartam kabul zhaila sorava ade kabuladivar ge rajiache sokrisim tiacham varad karavam, ani tiela sorilam. Tia disasim jibram sarim akopit milum laglim. Atham ek dis porazun sangatlam kolhiala tiachi adirik bandava rajachd #okrleim. Kolha botla: "Ho, ten Aplam kam." Aisam botlam ani ningala zavala rajache ghara. Vate ek sonar gharvit

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84 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JANUARY, 1891. hota ek soniacha piram. Magle dara Bonaracham por khelat hotam; tiala kolhiszun takilari ani aptilam, ani dhanvat kila ani sonarala ka boite : "Are, sonam tula jasti zbailain tuje porakhiris, go rartei "te bagis nabin, ani piram gharvala baiskiis." Tavam sonar dhuivat gola porale tukava taurian kolhiazun piram tukilam ani palala. Piram gheunsim gele rajache ghara, ati simpatials sangatlan rajala vara va bolunsim ge agticham kam hai karunsim. Simpai zanbim sangatlam rajala Tava raza kila ani kader dilar kolhiala baisava. Tavar kolhiazen soniachan piram karlari ani baisla bolunsim : "Shav ! as: kaderavar kon baisel ; minn midji baisan sadan sangati jhe tam." Rajazun bagilan te ajaban bharla ani euzun lagla ge kolha konim motta mands asiva kar ge te sonicho piria var bait te. Tavan khabat mat karunoim rajazan vichi rilam ki kim hai karunoim. Kolhiazun zabib kela: "RAJA sahib, tumsim amsim adirik; tumchi sokri amche sokriala diavi." Razi piram bagunsim auretuk bhalla ge tabortob kabul'Aila, ani dk dis nemila varad la vala. Kain dis gele ani raza lagla karava taiari varadachi Atham rajache sokrisim soirik te zhaili, pun varad kara va ghar dir paije, porala nesun paije; bizam to khava pivala paije. Kolhiazun dhir dila porala, ani sangatlan ga to saram taiar Earil. Kain tep hotar varadili tavam kolhiazun sara ganvancha tus kauntalili ani ek nadi vat age porache da raparsim te rajache daraparasim tik nadimani sorila. Rajazun aura tus bagunsim euzun lagla ge zivain kharans mhotti manus as I ani tiacha got mhottam asel tavams auram bhat daltei. * Thaura dis reld varadili tavam kolba ghardghar firangim patravoli kauptalilia ani tiks nadimani sorilia, tavan raza tia patraveli bagansim jasti ajeban bharla ge zuvain murad thlivant asel tavam tiachim soirim dhairim athams & Ansim khatan pitan. Ase ravooin kolhiszun rajala fasvilan. Athan porala kapra, kupran paizat, ghar dar paija, em kansin ete. Tavan kolhiazen ke kelam, gela Oke dongran ani lagla jtvansim rariva. Tavam ka zhailAr, Isvara ani Parbatizun aikan tiachf bom filim ani vicharilam tiapar: "kanh asi boi martes ?" Tavam kolhiazun zab&b kela: "Namaskar kartui tumala. KA sangar mim tamala. Eke vaktha mim jelum jibrain khavala ani samplian parlum. Tia jibrichi dhanf dun mala sorvilan ske kabaladivar ge minzun tiacham varad karavan rajiche sokrisim. Rajala samzivun soirik kelei pun naurialA kapram kapran paizat, gbar dar paije, ani rajachim minsan etin tiafiche sarkan khanam pinam paije. Hia kartam ailkun tumch) pasim, mangava tumchi madat ek don disan kartam." tavarala ani Parbatfla kaklut Aili ani botlin: "ZA, sa ram taiar hai; kapram, kupram, ghar dar, mandap, ani khanam pinam, ani saram bizam jem ka lagel taura taidr hoil." Aisam Isvara ani Parbati botlim ani ndipet zhuilim. Kolha ghare eunsin ajeban ani bausen bharla saram bagansi : mhottf marf zasi ka dke rajachi, mandap ani tia mandpan mez mandlalam sonia ani rupiache samanasim bharlelam, taripan naura bagile neslela khari eke rajache zevaioha zogu. Ek dis rajazun aplins mansam dharlim bagava ka taiari kelei porazun, ani tim mansan pun ajeban bharlin saram bagunsirn. Athan saram zhailam pun poralA varadi nahin, tavam kolbi gili eke ranamani ani je hakt marli te hazard hije kolh6 zama zhaild. Aple kolhiazun sangatlam tiana ge asi asi varte hii ani te kabul zhAild &vala nauriache sangatt. Apla kolhiazun tari ka kelan, khandilia murad saulia ani bandilia dar kolhiache septila, ani zavan naariache sangati jele tavam je je dhul urli te sara gau bharla dhulisim. Raza bagunsim ghabarla ; euzun lagla ge biza konin raza etei ka. Aisam euzan karun mansam dharlim bagava ke bai aisam. Tim mansam eunsim sangun laglin ge zavaju erdi tiache sare gotasin. Rajala khabar noti g& auram got el aisan, ani tabi tiachi taiari nott, hia kartam tiazun nirap dhara porala ge aurim mansam nahin haravim karunsim. Tavan kolha khusi zhdile ani sare kolhiana parat patvilam, ani to potia ani naura gele deula varid lavala Varad lagunsim jelim rajache ghara. Rajache ghara mhottam jantar keltan. Taian khalam pilar ani ratcham naurila jhatlam ani aples ghara jelina. Taian tart ek mhotfam sier manglan, khalar pilam, hanslii khellim ani ninzlim. Bije disa aflim ani bagitan te sara nkipet zhailam, ghar dar, mandap ani saram. Rajach ani tiache mangarcha evache vakhat zhaila, tavam kolha dk sarka lagla bom marava: "Naunoha paingun kh0A, nauricha paingun khoA." Raja ani

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JANUARY, 1891.] MISCELLANEA. 35 tiachim mansan ailin tim tari ajeben bharlim ani vicharilam kolhiapar ka zhailam aisa." Kolhiazun botlan : "Ka zhailan! Nauricha paingun khota, nauricha paingun khota. Kal pavat k Amcham challam, ani tumcht sokri kiliala ek rat nahin jeli tavam saram naipet zhailam. Nauricha paingun khota, naurfcha paingun khota." Razi tori euzo lagla ge ht varta khart asel, kam ga tiache mansanzan saram tiala singatla hotan zeuran bagiltam taurar, ani kz bagitei te kains nahin. Rajazun dhir dila porala, ani ardam raz tiala dilam hia kartam ge tiache sokriche paiansin tiachan garibehar zhaila. Poriazan khuslsim ardan ruz jhetlan ani nivat rele. Murad varsam bharlim ani kolhan mele; porazan tiala girilam. Ardam ruz jheanaim to poria ani tiacht ba iko rolim khusalin, ani dokrin mbatarin zhailim. MISCELLANEA. CALCULATIONS OF HINDU DATES. dinayuta-Somavaradolu nakula-chittade nonta No. 47. taldidar Until recently, the latest known name in the jana-nutan=Indrarajan akhi!-&mara-raja-maha. dynasty of the Rashtrakatas of Malkhod was vibhatiyam II, - that of Kakkala or Kakka III., who was over. "taking (lit. recollecting, or thinking of), the time thrown by the Western Chalukya king Tailapa of the Saka king, the number of which is measured II. about A. D. 973-74. An inscription from by the oceans (four), the sky (nought), and the Maisar, however, No. 57 in Mr. Rice's Inscrip- treasures (nine); (the year) Chitrabhanu being tions at Sravana Belgola, has now brought to current; on Monday, connected with the day of notice a later name, that of Indraraja, with the the eighth tithi of the dark fortnight of Chaitra; date of A. D. 982. In addition to being mentioned having performed the vow with an undisturbed by his own proper name, this Indraraja is also mind, Indraraja, praised by mankind, attained spoken of by several birudas, among which is that the high dignity of (Indra), the lord of all the of Ratta-Kandarpa ; and this shews the family to gode." which he belonged. Further, he is described as Here, the given unspecified year is an expired & son's son of Krishnarajendra, who, there can year, the Chitrabhanu samvatsara coinciding be little doubt, is Krishna IV., the father of Kakka III.; but, whether this Indraraja was a son by the southern luni-solar system, with Saka. Sarvat 905 current.' And in this year, the given of Kakka III., or of another son of Krishna IV. tithi Chaitra krishna 8 onded at about 57 is not made clear by the record. ghafla, 50 palas, after mean sunrise (for Bombay). The inscription is an eulogy of the virtues and on Monday, 30th March, A. D. 982; which, prowess of Indraraja : and it concludes by giving accordingly, is the English equivalent of the the date of his death. He died, apparently, by I given date. the performance of the Jain vow of sallekhana J. F. FLEET. or self-starvation. The passage containing the date, as given by Mr. Rice (loc. cit., Texte, pp. 55, EXAMINATION OF SOME ERRORS IN 71), runs WARREN'S KALASANKALITA: Vanadhi-nabho-nidhi-pramita-samkhye Sak- Warren's Kalasankalita, published in 1825, &vanipela-kalaman has been so long before the public, that any for. neneyise Chitrabhanu parivarttise Chaitra- mal and detailed criticism of it cannot now be sitetar-&shtami. I called for. Still, as it is quoted even to the pre1 Road aarikhya-fak', as required by the metro. - way. It may also be noted, in connection with the J. P. F. published Tables of interonlary months, that the next * Bead admavaradoleandkuna.-J. F. F. insoription, No. 58, in Mr. Bioe's book, gives & date in * It may be noted, in connection with the question the adhika or intercalated shAdha of a Chitrabhanu sais to the period when the mean-sign system was sup- vatsara which appears to be the same one was that dealt planted by the southern luni-solar system in Southern with above. The date does not include the week-day, India, that by the mean-sign system, the same sariwat- or any other item by which the details can be actually sara, Chitrabhapu, was current at the commencement of tested. But the record is in socordance with Mr. Bak Sahvat 901 current. But Chaitra Kukla 10 then Cowjee Patell's and General Sir A. Cunningham's ended at about 19 ghaffs on Thursday, 31st March, A. D. Tables, which give AshAdha m the interoulary month for 981; and so oannot be connected with a Monday in any | Baks-sahvat 905 ourrent.

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36 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. sent day as an authority, and in many respects deservedly so, it will probably not be thought out of place if I point out some of the more important errors in it. Not only is the rectifica. tion of them really needed from a general point of view; but also it will render it still possible, for any one who wishes to do so, to use Warren's Tables, and yet to obtain correct results from them. The chief object of the Kalasankalita was (Preface, p. ii) "to abridge the tedious process of converting dates proposed according to European style into the corresponding Tamil, Telinga and Muhammadan time, and vice versa," for which respectively the first, second, and fourth Memoirs in the Kalasankalita were written, while a separate Memoir, the third, treats solely of the Cycles of Jupiter. I do not propose saying anything, of the fourth Memoir, which relates entirely to the Mahammadan reckoning. I confine myself to the information given in this work in connection with the Hindu astronomy. The Tamil and Telugu reckonings are. chiefly solar (saura) and lunar (chandra) respectively. The chief object of the book, i. e. the conversion of Hindu into European dates and vice versa, is accomplished through the medium of the Tamil solar reckoning; and therefore the method used is not of particular interest to those who, like me, are not in the habit of using that reckoning. But for Europeans, for whom the book is chiefly written, it is as useful as any other method, if not more so. The calculation of a tithi is given in the second Memoir; and the method of finding the apparent places of the sun and moon being fully explained and illustrated with examples there, the nakshatra, yoga and karana of a given day can be easily calculated, though Warren has not distinctly given methods for them. The method, however, of calculating the tithi, given there, is a little cumbrous, notwithstanding the fact that the process is shortened by the use of the Tables. It can be calculated far more easily by the method in the Appendix to the second Memoir. This Appendix, which was written by Andrew Scott in A. D. 1797, with the aid, it seems, of the information communicated to him by a native astronomer, an inhabitant of a village near Chicacole, is "a commentary on Vavilala Cuchinna's Rules and Tables for computing the Telugu Calendar," and though Warren inserts it "rather as a Tract extremely remarkable, both for the singularity of the topics which [JANUARY, 1891. it investigates, and for the ingenuity displayed in expounding them, than as an instrument which is likely to prove serviceable to the main object of these Memoirs," it is, practically viewed, of more importance than the Memoir itself of which it forms an Appendix; because it contains short and easy methods of calculating nakshatras, yogas, and karanas, and the apparent places of planets with regard to their longitude and latitude. Warren has calculated a lunar eclipse in Fragment IV. Of the other astronomical articles treated of in a Karana-work or contained in a Hindu Panchang, the conjunctions of planets, and the mahapata (the time of equal declination of the sun and moon), can be ealculated from Warren's book, if the computator knows their definitions. Some other matters, such as heliacal tions of the planets with the stars, and the times risings and settings of the planets, the conjuncwhen the planets become retrogade or stationary, can also be computed with the help of some additional information from other sources. But even with such additional information, it would be found difficult to calculate a solar eclipse from Warren's book. Nevertheless, it may be said generally that it is a good practical work on Hindu astronomy. The most praiseworthy feature of it, is the successful attempt to analyse and demonstrate almost every rule and problem in the subjects treated of. In this direction it goes beyond the scope of a Karana or a practical work, and resembles a Siddbanta-work, on the Hindu astronomy; though it does not boast of treating of all the subjects of a Siddhanta. It is far superior to the scanty information on "Indian Measures of Time" in the "Indian Metrology" by Jervis, who, though his knowledge of the Hindu astronomy scarcely went beyond the Laghu- and Brihat- Tithichintamani, works by which only the week-day, nakshatra, and yoga of a given tithi not earlier than SakaSamvat 1447 expired (A. D. 1525) can be calculated, did not fear to give wrong information and to draw erroneous conclusions on the general subject of Hindu astronomy. A similar tendency to assume a knowledge of the whole area of Hindu astronomy betrays itself once or twice even in Warren's writings. When he wrote (Preface, p. iii.) "the author (Warren) had also in view to familiarize the learned Natives with the use of Tables constructed and disposed in the manner of those of the European Mathematicians; and also to reconcile them to the idea of brevity and expedition in computations, to which they are singularly averse," he seems to 1 The epoch of Vavilala Cuchinna's work, is Saka-Samvat 1220 expired, and it is based on the present Surya-Siddhanta.

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JANUARY, 1891.] MISCELLANEA. 37 have overlooked the fact that no less than twenty But I think it is really meant for suddhi-dina out of the forty-nine Tables given by him in (aita), used for the tithi-suddhi, and so connection with the Hindu astronomy were should be defined as the day on which the directly borrowed from Hindu works; and that Misha-Sankranti occu's, though Warren has most of the other Tables were necessary only used it for the day on which any sankranti to convert the Hindu dates into their Euro. occurs, or the luni-solar year begins. pean equivalents. And he was not aware that On pages 376, 384, definitions are given of the Tables similar to those which he gave, might words prakchakra and sprik, the latter of which be in use in other parts of India, or is snid to be wrongly written in the Text as sprohu perhaps even in the very province in which or sprohoo. They are explained as meaning he lived. His assertion (Pref. p. i.) that "the respectively the epicycle on which ancient usresults of the present research...... were derived from systems which we see nowhere tronomers corrected the precessional variation, and 'a lunar intercalary day, repeated during two supported by recorded observations, or modified successive solar days in the calendar. But (for several centuries past) by improved theories," there are in reality no such terms. The second is subtle and liable to dispute. But such of them seems to be meant for tridinasprik, instances are rare, and it may be said that '(a tithi) which touches three (civil) days."? Warren was a good appreciator of the merits of And the former seems to owe its existence only to the Hindu astronomy, and was not merely a Davis' incorrect translation (see page 84, note) fault-finder. His book gives a good insight into of the 9th, 10th, and 11th verses, and the first the Hindu astronomy; and those foreign writers half of the 12th, of the Triprasna-Adhikara of who wish to be judges on the subject of the Hindu astronomy, may do well to give it a the Sdrya-Siddhanta. On page 389, avanatama (under the word vanatamsa) is said to mean thorough perusal. degrees of altitude. But it really means There is ample proof to shew that Warren was zenith-distance. The correct term for 'altitude' a good mathematician and a careful computator. is unnatamg&. But notwithstanding this, some mistakes have The terms solar ahargana and luni-solar crept into his book; and without a knowledge of ahargana, used throughout, are rather mislead. them, the utility of it is liable to be affected. ing; and it would have been better to use " ahar. The book seems to be still one of constant refe gana at the beginning of solar years (or months)," rence; and it, therefore, will be useful to note the and "ahargana at the beginning of luni-solar more important mistakes in it, which is the chief years (or months)." These are the senses in object of my present remarks. which the terms in question were used. And it As might be expected, partly from the fact that would have been at any rate advisable to give the no regular system had then been established, and definition of them. partly from the author's admission that he himself A misunderstanding in connection with the was totally ignorant of the Sanskrit language (page Second Chronological Table, into which War. 351), most of the Sanskrit toohnical terms, used ren himself seems to have fallen, is likely to by Warren, are very corruptly spelt in the be impressed on the reader's mind, and it might text, and in reading the book it is necessary to casily render its fourth, fifth, sixth, and tenth read first the Glossary (pp. 353-396), where they columns quite useless. One is likely to suppose are corrected and defined; and in some instances that the entries in these columns are for the end it has to be searched rather carefully, before the of the apparent last amavdsyd of the year; but required words can be found. Even in the Glos- this is not the case. The luni-solar ahargana in sary, however, some words are not correctly dis the tenth column is calculated from Table XLIX. posed of. For instance, srishtyadidyugana (p. 64); the very nature of which shews that it is (FETE ), which is spelt strostidi digona in for the end of the last mean andvdsyd, and not the text, is given as sristyadi diugona in the Glos. of the apparent one. The heading of the fifth sary (p. 58). Also some words are wrongly column, "date of the last mean conjunction in defined, though this is not often the case; for in the luni-solar year," - also shews the same fact; stance, the word spelt as sootadina in the text, is and I myself have ascertained it from several given as suddha dina, and is defined as the dayon calculations. The difference between the endingwhich a particular phenomenon isto occur' (p. 385). 1 times of a mean and an apparent tithi, amounts This word, by the bye, is wrongly defined in Monier-Williams Sanskrit Dictionary, as meaning 'the conjunction or concurrence of three lana.ions with one solar day.'

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33 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JANUARY, 1891. sometimes to as much as about 25 ghatis. Some- i. e. the ahargana for the end of the luni-solar times it may be the case that both the mean and year 4923 of the Kaliyuga (i. e. again for the the apparent tithi end on the same day; but in beginning of Kaliyuga-Sarvat 4924 current, Igost cases, the apparent' tithi would end one or Saka-Samvat 1745 current) is computed as day before or after the day on which it ends as a 1798147 days, 1 ghati, 49 vighatis (palas), 55 parus mean tithi. Warren writes (Chro. Tables, p. xiii.) (vipalas), 7 suras (prativipalas) according to the "since the Solar Civil date of the last conjunction Surya-Siddhanta, and as 1798146-39-24-28-53 in the year 4923 of the Cali yug fell on the 12th according to the Arya-Siddhanta; and the dif. Chitra" (the Bengal solar Chaitra],"it follow ference of the two reckonings is given as 22 gh. that the Prathama Tidhi, or first Lunar day of 25 vi. 26 p. 14 8. (pages 243, 244 of the text, and the Luni-solar year 4924" (current] "fell on the p. 66 of the Tables).* But, counting from the 13th Chitra,...... as was exemplified in the Thursday midnight, the former, vis-the SuryaKalendar exhibited at page 67." As only the Siddhanta ahargana, brings us to 46 gh. 49 vi. apparent tithis are entered in the calendar, the 55 p. after sunrise on a Friday, and shews that prathama tithi referred to here is apparent. the mean end of that luni-solar year occurred at Again he says (Chro. Tables, p. xiv.) " it is almost that time on that day, and that its last feria was needless to add, that when the true time of Friday, and counting from the Friday sunrise, Sun rising is referred to, as it occurs in any the latter, vix, the Arya-Siddhanta ahargana, Latitude or Longitude arbitrarily proposed, the brings us to 39 gh. 24 vi. on the same day; the real precise Solar date of the Amarasya, and Prathama difference between the two being only 7 gh. 25 vi. Tidhis ...... may vary from what it is com. My assertion that the mean end of the luni-solar puted for Lanca in the Chronological Table. year 4923 of the Kaliyuga, i. e. the end of its But as this difference can only occur when the last mean amdvdsyd, occurred at 46 gh. 49 vi. 55 p. last conjunction falls very near the time of Sun = nearly 46 gh. 50 vi.) after sunrise on the Friday rising, the case is a rare one." From these two according to the Surya-Siddhanta, can be shewn quotations Warren's intention seems to have been, to be correct from Warren's calculations them. to give the day of the apparent conjunction; but selves. He has calculated the same tithi on pages the contrary has been the case. It is rather sur. 82 to 90. The mean places of the sun and moon prising that Warren, while noticing in the latter calculated for that purpose are 11deg 9deg 26' 36 37 quotation the trifling difference of some palas or and 118 21deg 18 3424" respectively (see p. 83 or of a ghatikd or two, arising from the actual time 86). They are, as is evident from the number of of sunrise in a place away from the first meridian 8dvana days used in the first proportions in and equator, forgot the difference, which some. article 6, page 83, according to the Surya-Sid. times amounts to 25 ghatikds. If it be kept in dhdnta; and from the remarks in lines 6 to 3 mind that the entries in the said columns of the from the bottom of page 82, and from the first Second Chronological Table are for the last mean two lines of the 13th operation on page 90, it conjunction of the year, they will be useful for will be seen that they are for the midnight on calculating the apparent conjunction and any Saturday, 12th Poongoni (the Bengal Solar other apparent tithi in the ensuing year; subject, Chaitra). And from these places it is seen at however, to another error, which I will now point once that the mean conjunction had already out. happened, and that the moon was, at that mid. night, 11deg 48' 57' 47" in advance of the sun. In calculations strictly according to the SuryaSiddhanta, the ahargana from the beginning of the Calculating from this distance and from the mean daily motions of the sun and moon, we find that Kaliyuga is to be calculated from midnight on the mean amavdeyd occurred 58 gh. 10 vi. (the Hindu) Thursday, and in those uccording to before the Saturday midnight, i. e. at 46 gh. the Arya-Siddhanta, it is to be calculated from 50 vi. after mean sunrise on the Friday, i.e. again the next following morning, i. e. from sunrise on the Friday. This distinction, though sometimes exactly at the time which I have given above. observed (p. 90), is lost sight of, often in the text, It must be stated here, first, that Warren, and wholly in preparing the Second Chronological in finding the week-day from the luni-solar Table. For instance, the luni-solar ahargana, ahargana as calculated from the Tables, neglecta * The appurent conjunction took place on that day : but the mean conjunction on the previous day, as will be shewn further on. Tbis difference is given as 32-24-51 on page 120, which seems to be a slight mistake. -5 This date is taken for calculation, in consequence of thinking, erroneously, that the mean conjunction happened on that day. The 11th Poongoni ought to have been taken. But it is immaterial for the ultimate result, in calculating a tithi as worked out here by Warren.

Page #47
JANUARY, 1891.] 4 the fraction (ghatis, palas), and adds one to the complete number, and counts from Thursday as zero (and Friday as one; see the above example of the luni-solar ahargana worked out on page 243 of the text and p. 66 of the Tables); while, in finding the week-day from the solar ahargana, he neglects the fraction, does not add one to it, and counts from Friday as zero (see the example on p. 240 of the text and p. 65 of the Tables). To add one in the former case, amounts to the same thing as not to add one and to count from the Friday as zero. To the luni-solar ahargana of both the Surya and Arya-Siddhantas, he applied one and the same method, and evidently forgot that the former ahargana is to be counted from Thursday midnight. In the above example (worked on page 243) the complete number of the ahargana according to the Surya-Siddhanta is 1,798,147; adding one to it, he obtained 1,798,148, which, being divided by seven, gives 2 as the remainder; and counting from Thursday as zero, he gave Saturday as the sootadina or last day of that mean luni-solar year, according to the SuryaSiddhanta; while, adding one to 1,798,146, which is the complete number of the ahargana according to the Arya-Siddhanta, and counting from the Thursday as zero, he gave Friday as the 'sootadina' according to the Arya-Siddhanta. In the Second Chronological Table, against the Kaliyuga year 4923, he gave 1,798,148 as the luni-solar ahargana in column X., and Saturday as the last feria in column IV. In this, he evidently followed the Surya-Siddhanta. But I have just shewn that, even according to the Surya-Siddhanta, the last feria is Friday, and not Saturday. The luni-solar ahargana according to the Surya-Siddhanta is to be counted from the Thursday midnight; but in order to count it as Warren did, from the Thursday as zero (Friday as one), 15 ghats should first be subtracted from it, and then one (day) added," to the complete number of it. In the above example, the luni-solar ahargana according to the SuryaSiddhanta is 1798147-1-49, &c.; subtracting 15 ghails from it, and then adding one (day) to the complete number, we get 1,798,147, which ought to have been given in column X. of the Second Chronological Table against Kaliyuga year 4923; but Warren gave one more, viz. 1,798,148, which is wrong. In his explanation of the Second Chronological Table, Warren omitted to specify the Siddhanta to which the luni-solar ahargana MISCELLANEA. * I do not know why Warren made such a nominal distinction between the solar and luni-solar aharganas. It would have been more convenient to follow one and the same course in both the cases. 89 in its tenth column belongs. But from the above example it is clear that it is the Surya-Siddhanta; and from several other examples I have fully satisfied myself that it is according to the Surya, and not the Arya-Siddhanta. Whenever the fraction in the luni-solar ahargana is less than 15 ghatss, the entries in the columns X. and IV. must be wrong; and from several actual calculations, I have ascertained that they are wrong. The English dates in column V. are, as Warren himself stated (p. xii. of the Chronological Tables), derived from the ahargana inserted in column X.; and consequently they also are wrong. For instance, against the Kaliyuga year 4923 current, the English date of the last mean conjunction is given as the 23rd March (A. D. 1822). But it And from any should be the 22nd March. English Tables, we can see that the 22nd March, A. D. 1822, was a Friday, which is the correct last feria of that luni-solar year. In column VI. of the same Table, the sidereal date, in the solar Chaitra (the Tamil Poongoni) for the last conjunction, is given; and to get it, the same wrong luni-solar ahargana was again used, as will be seen from a note on page xii. f. of the Chronological Tables. Consequently, the entries in column VI. must be wrong. In the above example, the sidereal date is not the 13th but the 12th, and the civil date is the 11th of the solar Chaitra (the Tamul Poogoni). Thus, columns IV., V., VI., and X. of the Second Chronological Table are wrong. It is true that the fraction in the luni-solar ahargana does not every year amount to less than 15 ghatis; but, as the fraction is not given in the Table, there are no means of determining in what years the results are right, and in what years they are wrong; and to provide these means now, would amount to preparing a fresh Table. The mistake, however, is not more than one day, one way or the other. To use, as Warren did, the solar ahargana from one authority and the luni-solar from another in the same Table, is unsystematic, and the more so, because the luni-solar aharganas from the Surya and the Arya-Siddhantas differ from each other, and have different starting-points. Warren said that "the Tamil astronomers, though computing in solar time, use in preference the luni-solar ahargana according to the SaryaSiddhanta, and for the solar the Arya-Siddhanta" (see pages 64 and 66 of the Tables, and p. 244, para. 2, of the text). But this cannot be a fact. 7 If counted from Friday as zero, the one day need not be added. This is for the end of the mean amdvdsyd. The apparent amdudsyd ended on the 12th Poongoni, civil account (see p. 90); but the correct result is only accidental.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JANUARY, 1891. As far as my knowledge goes, the Hindu day in the Kaliyuga year 7924 current is said to astronomers never use the luni-solar ahargana be Friday by the Surya-Siddhanta; this is in the sense and manner in which Warren used it. mistake; it ought to be Thursday. Also see p. 82, He seems to have been led into this misunder- line 7 from the bottom, where the civil month is standing by the fact that the number of the moon's wrongly said to be of 31 days, instead of 30. revolutions in a Mahayuga is the same in both But fortunately, in the two Chronological Tables the Surya and the Arya-Siddhantas. Probably Warren gave the solar ahargana from the Aryahe found Tamil astronomers, - the followers of Siddhanta, and thus avoided a repetition of the the Arya-Siddhanta, - using that number of the mistake. moon's revolutions, counting their ahargana from The time of the apparent or the mean Mesha. sunrise, according to the rule of their authority; Bankranti is the time when the sun's apparent or and thus he seems to have fallen into the error mean longitude amounts to nil. Acoording to of giving, in the Second Chronological Table, the the first Arya-Siddhanta, the apparent (spashta) luni-solar ahargana from the Surya-Siddhanta, Mesha-Satkranti takes place about 2 days, 8 gh. and making it count from sunrise. 51 palas, 15 vipalas, before the mean (madhyama) There seems also another reason of this. The Mesha-Samkranti, and this difference is called ahargana (index) for about the end of the luni 86dhyam in Warren's work. This quantity solar Kaliyuga-Samvat 4923 current, according to varies according to different authorities. Accord Vavilala Cuchinna's work, is computed on pages ing to the present Surya-Siddhanta, it is about 153-154; it is 191389, which, after division by 7, 2 days, 10 ghatis, 12 palas. But Warren used the gives 2; and, in that work, as it is counted from Sodhyam according to the first Arya-Siddhanta, Thursday, noon, the result is Saturday, noon; even in calculations according to the Sarya. and this must have co-operated in inducing Siddhanta. Such a process, of course, is not right, Warren to give Saturday as the last feria of the and may frequently lead to mistakes. year 4923, and must have helped to lead him to In the third Memoir Warren gives, according the general mistake in the Second Chronological Table. Now, the ahargana according to Vavi. to the present Surya-Siddhanta and the Jyo. lala Cuchinna's work, is not exactly for the tishatattva, to the method of computing the time time of the last conjunction; the mere fact that of the commencement of a samvatsara of the it is always for noon proves this; and the further Sixty-Year Cycle of Jupiter which is in use at calculations required to find the mean new-moon, present in Northern India. But the time arrived stated in article 3, page 172, leave no doubt about at by his process is always earlier than what is this. Saturday, in fact, as shewn above by me, derived actually according to those two authoriwas not the last feria of the year in question. ties, by about 2 days, 8 ghatis, 51 palas, 15 vipalas, in the case of the latter authority, and by that I find that the real difference between the amount plus the difference between the time of luni-solar ahargana of the Surya-Siddhanta the mean Mesha-Sankranti of the Sarya and and that of the first Arya-Siddhantas was nil Arya-Siddhantas in the case of the former. A in Saka-Samvat 421 expired (A. D. 499). It was little misunderstanding, noticed in note 9 above, 6 ghatis, 24 vighatis, 56 paras, in A. D. 1600. And causes this mistake. A samvatsara of the Sixtyit will be 7 gh. 46 vi. 56 pa. in A. D. 1900. And Year Cycle as described by Warren, - which I when the mean amdvisya, according to the have named the Sixty-Year Cycle of the meanSurva-Siddhanta, ends within this time after sign-system, commences when Jupiter 8 mean eunrise, it will end on the previous week-day longitude amounts to a complete sign. This is according to the first Arya-Siddhanta. clear from Warren's description of it, as well as The difference between the solar aharganas from verse 55 of the first chapter of the Suryaof the two authorities is also the same. In Siddhanta, a translation of which is given by finding the week-day and other elements also him on page 200. The Jyotishatattva rule is based from the solar ahargana calculated from the on the first Arya-Siddhanta; and according to that Sarya-Siddhanta, the same mistake may occur. Siddhanta and the Surya-Siddhanta, Jupiter's For instance, see page 65 of the Tables, line 7 mean longitude was nil, or, in other words, he from the bottom, where the feria of the first civil was at the beginning of Mesha, at the commence It is not properly defined in the Glossary (p. 883). I myself have not seen the work, nor have I heard of Warren does not seem to have clearly understood, much its existence, though I have found the rule quoted as lese to have always kept in view, this distinction; and belonging to it by Warren and others, in several other this seems to be at the root of most of his mistakes. authorities. My conjecture is that the proper name is 10 Warren writes this name as Jyotishtava throughout. JyStishatattua.

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JANUARY, 1891.] MISCELLANEA. ment of the Kaliyuga, i.e. at the time of the work. The index, i. e. the ahargana according to mean, not apparent, Mesha-Samkranti of Kaliyaga that Karana, at about the beginning of the luni. Sathvat i current (0 expired), i. e., again, at solar year Kaliyuga 4871 current (Saki-Samyat Thursday midnight on the 17-18th February, 1691 expired), calculated by the rule on page 153 f., B. 0:3102, according to the Storya-Siddhanta, and is 172046, which divided by 7 leaves no re. at sunrise on Friday, 18th February, B. C. 3102, mainder; and as the ahargana in that Karana is according to the first Arya-Siddhanta (see my to be counted from Thursday, noon, this ahargana paper on the Original Surya-Siddhanta ; also brings us to a Thursday, noon. Calculating from Burgess and Whitney's Translation of the Surya- the Surya-Siddhanta and also from Warren's Sidihanta, Chapter 1). And consequently, the Table XLVIII. Part I., and Table XLIX. Part I, lougitude for the commencement of a solar year, I find that the mean Mesha-Sankranti of that computed either by aetual proportion as worked year occurred on a Tuesday, at 53 gh. 33 pa. 38 out by Warren on page 200 or from his Tables X. vipa after mean sunrise (38 gh. 38 p. 38 vi, after and XI, is not for the apparent, but for the mean mean noon); and that it took place some ghatikds Mesha-Sankranti; and evidently the time-equi. more than 5 days after its previous andvdsyd. valent of the expired portion of the current sign Therefore, adding 5 daye, 38 gh. 38 pa. 38 vipa. to of Jupiter at the commencement of the solar year, 172046, the above-found index, we find that the should be substracted from the time of the mean index (the ahargana) for the mean Mesha-Sam. Mosha-Sankranti. But Warren subtracted it from krinti, according to Vavilala Cuchinna's work, is the time of the Mesha-Sankranti, either as derived 172051 days, 38 gh. 38 pa. 38 vipa. Counted from from Table XLVIII. Part II. (p. 63), after deduct- Thursday noon, this gives Tuesday, and shews ing the lodhyam (2 days,8 gh.51 palas, 15 vipalas). that it is correct. Then, calculating with this or as given in his First Chronological Table; and index, Jupiter's mean longitude from Table this is the time of the apparent Meala-Sankranti. XLIII. (p. 56), we get 7 signs, 2 degrees, 37 To show the correctness of this assertion of mine, I minutes, 0 seconde, which is exactly the same as cannot well refer the reader to Warren's description given by Warren. of Table XLVIII (p. 239 ff.) and to his remarks It is clear, therefore, that the time of the elsewhere about the epoch of the Kaliyuga ; for commencement of a samvatsara found by the reason that an ordinary reader is only likely Warren's method is wrong. In the case of the to be confused by them. But even from them, Jyutishotattva-rule, it is earlier by 2 days, 8 gh. any one who has a practical direct knowledge of 51 pa 15 vipa., which is the 80dhya according to the Hindu or European astronomy, will see at the first Arya-Siddhanta on which the rule is once the truth of what I say. Suffioe it to say based. If we use the First Chronological Table for that the time computed from Warren's Table the Menha-Sankranti, the amount of the Godhya XLVIII. is the time of the mean Mesha-Sam. must be added, and if we compute the Mesha. kranti; and the subtraction of the bodhyam Samkranti from Table XLVIII. Part II., that from it gives the time of the apparent Mosha amount should not be subtracted ; and thus the Sankranti. 11 mistake can be avoided. In the case of the SuryaI will prove, however, in another way, that Siddhanta rule, Warren takes the mean motion of t.Ke longitude of Jupiter computed by Warren Jupiter from that Siddhanta, but uses the Mesha. for the commencement of a solar year, is not Sankranti of the Arya-Siddhanta. But the times for the apparent, but for the mean Mesha- of the mean Mesha-Sarnkrantis of these two Sankranti. Take the first example, given by authorities differ from each other, as I have stated Warren on page 200. There he computed the above. Therefore, the mistake amounts to this longitude of Jupiter for the commencement of difference, in addition to 2 days, 8 gh. 51 pa. A. C. i. 6. Kaliyuga-Samvat 4871 current (4870 | 15 vipa., which is the amount of the bodhya. And expired), according to the present Sarya-Siddh. to avoid the mistake, we must use the mean anta, from which it is found, without bfia, to be Mesha-Sankranti from Table XLVIII. Part I. 7 signs, 2 degrees, 37 minutes. It is seen from the Jupiter's year, i. e. the time in which his mean Appendix to the Second Memoir (and I have also motion amounts to one sign (rdbi), according to fully satisfied myself) that the mean places and the Surya-Siddhanta, corrected by bja, as given motions of the planets according to Vavilala on pages 191, 201 note, 213, and as used as the Cuchinna's Karana-work, exactly correspond with basis in constructing Table XIII. (p. 16) and Table those of the present Sarya-Siddhanta. Let us now XVII. (p. 19), is slightly inaccurate. So also is compute the same longitude from that Karapa. I the year according to the first Arya-Siddhanta as 4 My above remarks, as to the time from which the ahargana is to be counted, should not be forgotten.

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42 given in pages 208, 213. The real quantities, It will be seen from this that in Kaliyuga-Samvat with extreme accuracy, are:By the present Surya- days gh, pa. vipalas. Siddhanta, with bija... 361 2 4 44.6298 By the first Arya Siddhanta 4786 expired, Jupiter's longitude amounted twice to a complete sign (6 and 7); and therefore two samvatsaras, which were Yuvan and Dhatri (the 9th and 10th), must have commenced in that year; and consequently the former, i. e. Yuvan was expunged in that same year. But in Table XVIII. the year 4785 expired of the Kaliyuga is given as the year for the expunction; and in the first chronological Table, Bhava (the 8th) is given as expunged, which is wrong. Here the mistake is only of one year; but in the first period in that Table, it is of 30 years. 361 1 21 39-1170 If the object of Warren's Table XVIII. (p. 20) is to find only by inspection the year of an expunged samvatsara of the sixty-year cycle, - and I do not find any other practical use of it, - it is quite useless. Warren supposed the years entered in it to be expunged years (see column 3 of Table XIX. p. 23), but he was wrong. None of those years except the last four, are expunged years. He said (p. 207) that "85 years, 363 days, 1 danda (ghat), 13 p., 13-3982 c., &c., of solar time, answer precisely to 87 years of Jupiter's, and the former quantity marks in solar time the period when one of Jupiter's years is to be expunged." The latter part of this assertion is wrong, because by that quantity the expunction may be due, as will also be seen from Table XVIII, at any time of the year; but, only when two samvatsaras begin in the same year, is one of them expunged. And, as the length of the solar and Jupiter years is respectively 365 days, 15 gh. 31 pa..814 vip. and 361 days, 2 gh. 4 pa. 446 vip. according to the Surya-Siddhanta with the bija, the omission takes place when one samvatsara begins within about 4 days, 13 gh., 27 pa., after the commencement of a solar year. Suppose, for instance, that a samvatsara was current at the beginning of a solar year, and another began within 4 days, 13 gh., after the beginning of that year, then a third must commence before the end of it, and the second sa neatsara will be regarded as omitted. The interval of omission is generally 85, and sometimes 86 years. It cannot be always 86 years. But, as the quantity of 85 years, 363 days, 1 gh., 13 pa.," 13 vi.. which is very near to 86,-"governs Table XVIII.," the Table is quite wrong. This is clear on the face of it; but I will give an example. Jupiter's longitude, corrected with bija, for the commencement of three years, calculated by Tables XI. and XII., is given below: - Saks Samvat expired. 1606 1607 1608 *************** THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. Kaliyuga Samvat Signs. Deg. Min. Seo. expired. 4785 4 4786 5 4787 7 29 29 0 32 53 14 6:0 9.6 13 2 13 The figures are slightly inaccurate; the last quantity should be about 13-7958. 19 There are other circumstances in donnection with an omission, which I intend to consider on a future occasion. In expounding the periods of the expunged years according to the Jyotishatattva Rule,, Warren first (p. 209) arrived at the equation 86 solar years 17 87- 1875 years of Jupiter, which is correct. But afterwards he substracted the odd fraction of Jupiter's year, from both sides, and thus established the equation, 85 1858 1875 solar years 87 years of Jupiter, which is erroneous. He thus arrived at: Years of. Jupiter. [JANUARY, 1891. Saura time. 85 Years of Jupi ter. 17 1875' 86 0 57 36 85 0 59 26-48331 87 85 356 44 9-6 85 361 56 49-20659 Solar time. Palas. Palas. And the last equivalents, in solar time, in these two equations, were used in preparing Table XIX. (especially col. 6). Accordingly, the numbers of days &c. in this col. 6 are wrong throughout, except for the year Saka-Samvat 571 (expired). I give below the really accurate equations: Saura time. Solar time. 8128 86 85 056 55-9198 &c. 85 057 4549-06431 &c. 87 85 356 46 25-8724 &c. 85 361 59 728-18134 &c. Vipalas. 1868 14 Warren's remark, "we have 85 1675 and 87 years, which, however, must not be taken to be exactly 87 years of the Planet, as shall be shown presently" (p. 209, lines 5, 6 from the bottom), applies, it appears, to the note on p. 210. The equations in that note also are wrong.

Page #51
JANUARY, 1891.] MISCELLANEA. The years, however, of the expunged sarvat. of the solar years of the Ninety-Year Cyola, saras in the Table are correct, and the error has called Grahaparivritti, are said by Warren no material effect on that point. (p. 21) to be " the invention of Father Beschi." The short rule for finding the samvatsaras But I have seen a Table in accordance with the of the sixty-Year Cycle given on pages Brahma-Siddhanta, corrected by a blja, exactly 147, 214, of the text and page 22 of the Tables, i similar to Table I. in the Karana Kamala. requires assistance from Table XVIII. (p. 20); martanda, a work of as early a date as Saka. but this itself being wrong, the rule also must be Samvat 980 expired (A. D. 1058). incorrect. It will, however, give correct results The epoch of Vavilala Cuchinna's work is with the Table as it stands, with some rare excep- said to be Friday, 14th March, A.D. 1298 (p. 172). tions. It should be remembered, though, that But I find from actual calculations of the the rule only gives the sarwatsara which stands dhruvas or constants in it (p. 182), that they are current at the commencement of solar year, for the mean noon at Ujjain of the amanta Much might be said on Appendix II. (pp. Phalguna ksishpa amavasya, Thursday, Saka Samvat 1219 expired, = 13th March, A. D. 1298. 245-289), which describes "a method for expounding dates found in old inscriptions ;" It is said on page 201 that Jupiter's motion but to no particular purpose. Suffice it to say that for one solar year according to Vavilala there are inconsistencies throughout, in the com Cuchinna's Table XLIIL. (p. 56) amounts to parisons made, and in the Hindu errors established 18 0deg 21' 3o 36. But this is a mistake. Vavi. there. The times of the Mdeha-Samkranti are lala's Table for Jupiter, like his other Tables, taken from the first Arya-Siddhanta, while the exactly corresponds with the present Surya, ayandras are taken from the Surya-Siddhanta; Siddhunta without the bija. And by actual and the European longitudes are taken as mean, calculation of Jupiter's motion from that Table while those from the Hindu works are apparent. for as many as 471 years, I find that his yearly For an instance, see pages 277-79, where, in motion is 1. 0deg 21' 6". establishing the Hindu error as 3deg 54' 38' 4", The sun's dhruva entered below Table xx. Warren has made gross errors; first, in sub (p. 24) is wrong; it should be 11. 15deg 26' tracting from the sun's apparent longitude at the 3 23 (Bee D. 182). Also the rema time of the apparent Meeha-Samkrinti of the below it is misleading below it is misleadir Tables XX., XXI, Kaliyaga-Sumvat 2382 current (2381 expired) | XLI., XLII., XLIII., XLIV., and XLV. are according to the first Arya-Siddhanta, the ayan- from From Yavili Cuchi Vavilala Ouchinna's work; and, if the ambas from the Surya-Siddhanta; then in adding dhruvas in them, which are for about the end of to it the sun's mean motion for nearly 12 the luni-solar year Kaliyuga 4999 current days; and lastly, in comparing the sun's lon. (beginning of 4399 expired), are to be used, the gitude, 11* 23deg 30 370, thus found (whether ahargana should be calculated according to his tropical or sidereal, and whether apparent or rule on pages 153 or 177; and the mean places, mean, I do not know how to qualify it), with the calculated with the dhrweas and the ahargana, same amount of European mean longitude. will be for the mean noon, and not for the mean Warren has mistaken (pages 19, 20, 74) the 87 midnight. The word " midnight "in line 2 from yogas, which are to be calculated from the addi. the bottom, page 24 of the Tables, is so far wrong. tion of the apparent longitudes of the sun and The Tables, however, exactly correspond with moon, and of which he gives a liat in page 74, the Surya-Siddhanta (without blja), and are for the yoga.tards or principal stars of the 87 useful in making calculations according to that nakshatras. Vishkambha and other yoga haveSiddhanta; in which cace the places will be for no connection with y or Arietin, and other midnight. stars. The Dhrava in Table I. is for the apparent, while those in Tables XI. and XII. are for the Tables L and II. for finding the initial feris and sidereal beginning of any solar year 2 mean Mosha-Bamkrinti, cording to the Tamil calendar, and the samo Tables XXIV. and Xxv., for the solar and 15 The author of this work wm a king, named Dababala, ton of Virdobana, of the Valabha family. There is a MS. of it, No. 90 of 1870-71 in the Dekkar College collection. The tenth verse of the last chapter of this work runs thos:--Valabh-Anvaya-mato Virdchane-satah adhthidan Dalabalakriman obakre karapam'attamam 16 I find that this amdodoya endod, Mamoan tithi, on the Friday, at 3 gl., 24 palaa, 31'5 m ., after mesa runrise for Ujjain; and thus it will be seen that the opooh of the work is not the time of the mona last conjunction in the year, !

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JANUARY, 1891. lunar equations, belong to Makaranda, which Some individual mistakes, which attract atname is wrongly written as Maracanda. tention, are as follows:- In example Il., p. 202, In constructing the Table XXIX., for finding the first fraction is not but w., which the epochs of mean intercalations of luni. reduced into time is equal to 46 days, 27 gh., 504 solar months from Kaliyuga-Samvat 0, 66389 8185 palas, of the saura, and to 47 days, 8 gh., 93.9 of a pala (= 7.397 paras) are neglected for pa., of the solar time. Subtracting the last every period of an intercalation. The result, in quantity from the time of the mean Moshacalculating the intercalation for Kaliyuga-Samvat Sankranti acoording to the first Arya-Siddanta, 1923 expired, actually by the Surya-Siddhanta viz. 46 gh. 27.5 p. after sunrise on Thursday, rule, as worked out on page 150, is later by 3 gh. 11th April, A. D. 1769, the Sarvarin sariwatsara 50 palas than that obtained from the Table, viz. commenced on the 23rd February, A.D. 1709, 8 months, 14 days, 32 gh. 40 vighatis, and this very at 37 gh. 53 p., and not on the 21st October difference seems to have led to the invention of A. D. 1768. additive equation (kshopa) of the same amount. On page 208 (line 12) the number 4370088 is viz. 3 gh. 50 palas, which is entered below the given as the revolutions of Jupiter; but it is that In working the example, there is a light of the rasir, or revolutions, multiplied by 12. On mistake, the remainder (page 150, line 19 from page 241, line 11, we should read solar revolu. the bottom) should be 38,317,536, with the result tions" for "solar days." of 8 months, 14 days, 36 gh. 23 380 palas, which In a marginal note in Appendix II. p. 276, Warren supposed the eclipse of the 19th March, is greater by 3 gh. 43 80349 pa. than the result B. 0. 720, recorded by the Babylonians, to from the Table. This difference is exaotly equal be one of the sun. In saying (p. 280) that "the to the neglected quantity (66389 of a pala), multi time ooourring during the night, the eclipse could not have occurred in India)," he overlooked plied by 1816, the number of intercalations in the the fact that, if the eclipse had been one of the example. The error amounted to this quantity sun, it could not have been visible in Babylonia in about 4923 years, and it would be absurd to itself, because even there the time of its occur. add the kshepa in every example. It is rather rence would be during the night. It was in surprising that Warren, knowing of the omission fact a lunar eclipse (see Chamber's Desoriptive of 739 paras in the construction of the Table, Astronomy, 1877, page 227, and von Oppolzer'a had to adopt the expedient of an additive Canon der Finsternisse, p. 332.) In computing this equation, which, moreover, he could not explain same eolipse, what is said to be the sun's longi. (see p. 151). The Table could have been con. tude (on the lower part of p. 279) is in faot the structed most accurately, without increasing its longitude of the earth's shadow. bulk, and without having recourse to a bfja. In writing the note to Table XLVIII. p. 63, In the tithi table XXXVII. (p. 48), the and on the word Arya-Siddhuinta in the Glossary equation against the index 61 should be 24-7. (p. 355), Warren plainly did not know that there In the yoga table XXXIX. (p. 49), that for the are two different Arya-Siddhantas (see my indexes 35 and 37 should be 11-4 and 8-29, res note, ante, Vol. XVII. p. 312). pectively, And in the solar table XL. (p. 50) it should be 6-47 for the index 368. The mistakes noted above, particularly those in Table XLIX., for the luni-solar ahargana in the Tables and the individual mistakes, can by no means be exhaustive, as I have not, from the beginning of the Kaliyuga, in the first examined every figure in the book under notice. part, the time of one year is slightly mistaken; I can, however, say about the Tables that they the last figures, the deqimals 14, have been taken are creditably correct. by an oversight from those opposite 13 lunations, instead of from those opposite 12, which are Were there not proofs of the ability and 36, but should be 37. The error amounts to originality of Warren, one would be inclined to about 89 paras (vipalas) in 10,000 years of the question them, from the errors in Tables XVIII., Table, in the last figures for which we should XIX., XXIX., in Appendix II., and in the Second have 12 vighalfs, 42 p. 10:7 8. Similarly, in the Chronological Table. There is no doubt of the second part of the Table, the last quantity for competency of the author for the work taken in one year is properly 2:715 suras (prativipalas), hand by him; and I attribute the material and that for 10,000 years is properly. O vighati, mistakes noticed above to the fapt, which he 52 p. 31 . The error, however, is immaterial. admits, that he was "totally ignorant of the

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JANUARY, 1891.] BOOK-NOTICE. 45 Sanskrit language" (p. 351). Being so, he can- all the difficulties under which Warren must have not have had a direct knowledge of the Hindu laboured, the work is creditable to him, though to astronomy, and must have been obliged to depend those who are ignorant of practical astronomy, on second-hand and oral information; the results it is not in itself a safe guide for Hindu astromay be taken as an example by those who may nomy. wish to work in the same direction. Considering SHANKAR BALKRISHNA DIKSHIT. NOTES AND QUERIES. A NOTE ON A CERTAIN PERSIAN MILITARY for a body of armed men in the phrase to.. EXPRESSION. mu'tabar ba ham bastand, -"(the authorities) The word sertip, now used in Persia, with got together a considerable body of men," - and three different classes, for Colonel' and General,' another time for a crowd come to the scene of an has by some writers been wrongly derived from explosion at Tehran, tip-i-'asimi jam shud - the Greek word satrapes, which means governor "a great crowd collected." Sar meaning "head,' of a province. The word satrap is either the sartip, generally pronounced sertip, is thus 'a comold Pers. kshathra-pati (Zend. shofthra-paiti) mander of a body of men.' In the same way we * master, or lord, of the country, or province,' or, have sarjag, sarjagi (now 'a corporal') .a com. legs probably, the old Pers. kshathra-pavan,mander of a jug,' a small body of men ; sarhang, protector or lord of the country. The word pati generally pronounced serhang, correctly sar. is preserved in later Persian, shahr-bdd (same as ahang, head (leader) of (an army in) battle kshathra-pati) and ispeh-bed, lord of the army, array, leader of a line or series of soldiers);' and commander-in-chief,' and in the modern Persian sarkar, 'head of the work, a lord, a Government' pddish ih (Zend. paiti-kshathrya) lord of the (as in India). Sardar is the man who has the kingdom. The word puvan is the later Persian head or lead and is a leader.' Sertip for general ban, as in shahriban, marzban, 'lord of the or leader of troops' seems to be quite a modern province, lord of the march.' word; I do not recollect having met with it in But sertip is sar + tip, tip meaning an assem Persian histories written before the end of the last bly of men, a body of men, troops. I do not know century; sarhang was in use several centuries before that. whether it is Turkish or Persian; my Persian dictionaries do not give it. I heard it used once Tehran.' A. HOUTUM-SCHINDLER. - BOOK-NOTICE. THE GOLDEN BOUGH, a Study in Comparative Religion, was more widely known as the Arician Grove, by J. G. FRAZER. Two vols, London: Macmillan & and its priests as the Arician prieste, though the Co. 1890. town of Aricia, the modern La Riccia, is three FIRST NOTICE. miles distant. The rule of succession to the priestThese goodly volumes are a notable addition hood was that each priest was by craft or force to the knowledge of folklore and the meaning to murder his predecessor and to hold the sucof its phenomena. Mr. Frazer has been for some cession till he himself was in the same way, time engaged in preparing a general work on murdered. It is to explain this unparalleled primitive superstition and religion, and the pre custom in classical antiquity, that Mr. Frazer sent book is an excursus on a particular point of has compiled these two laborious and intensely great interest. interesting volumes. The object of the book is to explain the "rule * Mr. Frazer's method is best explained in his of the Arician priesthood," and in order to own worde: "if we can shew that a barbarous propound a theory regarding it, Mr. Frazer has found it necessary to minutely examine the custom, like that of the priesthood of Nemi; lias existed elsewhere; if we can detect the motives popular festivals observed by European and other which led to its institution; if we can prove that peasants in spring, at midsummer and at harvest. Hence the absorbing interest of this work to these motives have operated widely, perhapd universally in human society, producing in varied students of folklore. circumstances a variety of institutions specifically Near the village of Nemi, in Italy, stood in different but generically alike-; if we man shew ancient times the grove and enctuary of lastly that these very motives, with some of their Diana Nemorensis or Diana of the Wood. It derivative institutions were actually at work in

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46 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JANUARY, 1891. classical antiquity: then we may fairly infer that to slay his predecessor ?, and second, why at a remoter age the same motives gave birth to ! before he slew him had he to pluck the the priesthood of Nemi. Such an inference, in Golden Bough?" default of direct evidence as to how the priesthood did actually arise, can never amount to demon. Going into details Mr. Frazer begins by asking stration. But it will be more or less probable the questions: - "why was the priest called according to the degree of completeness with King of the Wood P why was his office spoken which it fultils the conditions indicated above." of as a kingdom P" In answer he first shews that In order to follow Mr. Frazer through his two a-royal title with priestly duties was common in Italy and Greece, and then that all over the pri. volumes, it is necessary to explain the story of mitive world king and priest are functionaries the Arician priests in some detail. The legend combined in the same personage, often as the he works upon is that the worship of Diana at Nemi was instituted by Orestes, who, after killing man god, whose duties lie chiefly in the per Thoas, king of the Tauric Chersonese (the formance of sympathetic magic. The under. Crimea), fled with his sister to Italy, bringing with lying principle of this class of magio is what in medicine is called homeopathy, i. e. that like him the image of the Tauric Diana. As to the cures or, more strictly, produces like, leading to ritual in her honour it is said that every stranger the world-wide practice of sticking injurious who landed on the shore was sacrificed on her altar. articles into an effigy in order to injure the person In its new home this was modified by making the in whose likeness it is made, and to a thousand rule that if a run-away slave could manage to allied customs. This arose from the belief of break off a bough-called the Golden Bough primitive man that he could rule the elements, of a certain tree from the grove at Nemi, he was which, however ludicrous it may be to us, is to all entitled to fight, and, if he could, to slay, the priest, savages a self-evident truth. and in the latter case to reign in his stead as Rex Nomorensis, the King of the Wood. The The nature-compelling king-priest, then, rule was observed at any rate down to the days is merely a man god endowed with more than of Caligula. usual supernatural power, because to the savage The object of the worship of Diana at anyone can perform certain of the nature.com. pelling charms; but there is, and always bas been, Nemi' was to procure the birth of children or an easy delivery, and fire was the main substance another kind of man-god, - he in whom a divinity is permanently or temporarily used in the ritual. At the annual festival the lodged. The two are, however, much mixed up in whole grove was lighted with torohee, the day was the ideas of primitive man in his various stages kept by rites at every domestic hearth, and holy of development, before the conception of the fire was perpetually kept up at her shrine. gods as beings controlling the foroes of nature The offerings were representations of women outside mankind has become developed, and it is carrying children and of actual delivery, and always difficult in practice to dissociate the worker lighted torches. of magic from the divine man. For practical At the annual festival young people were purposes both are gods in human form. The purified, dogs were crowned, and the feast "con. medicine-man is the type of the former, and the sisted of young kid, wine and oakes served inspired or possessed individual and the miracle. up piping hot on platters of leaves." worker, of the latter : possession indicating The losser divinities of the grove were temporary incarnation, and miracle-working Egoria and Virbius. Egeria was the nymph permanent incarnation, of the divinity. of a neighbouring cascade. Virbius was identi. Manifestations of possession are familiar to all fied with Hippolytus, who was killed by his horses students of folklore in the forms of devil-dancing, on the sea-shore of the Saronic Gulf and brought divination, oracle-speaking, ecstasy, second-sight, to life again by AEsculapius to please Diana, who and so on. Those of permanent incarnation are carried him off to Nemi. Hence horses were much more interesting. The supreme lamas of excluded from the grove and sanctuary. Virbius Tibet and the female rulers of Tibetan monas was also identified with the sun, and it was un. teries will occur to most of our readers in this lawful to touch his image. He had a special connection ; but the idea is widespread through priest, the flamen virbialie. out savage life, and men, who are gods, exist all Such are the points of this curious cult, and over the world. Some are merely prieste, and the questions Mr. Frazer has specially set him. some kinge as well. The Emperor of China is the self to answer are "first, why had the priest great living example of the latter class,

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JANUARY, 1891.] BOOK-NOTICE. So far we have been dealing with the rule over nature as a whole, but there are numerous instances among savage tribes where man gods are kings merely of departments in nature, as of rain, fire, water, and so on. The best examples of this are the Fire and Water Kings of Cambodia, respected not only by the people, but by the de facto king of the country himself. To come nearer to the Priest-king of the Wood at Nemi we must look into the question of treeworship. It is hardly necessary here to establish ita prevalence in Asia and Europe. It will be sufficient to remark on its basis. The inain idea is that, as all the world is animate, trees like other growths of nature have souls and must be treated accordingly. Tbis notion is universal and leads to innumerable most interesting customs and practices: tree-marriage, tree-pregnancy, wailing and bleeding of trees when cut, shutting up in trees and tree-incarnation, leading up to the world-wide beliefs in tree-spirits and tree-worship. Hence the common belief in spirit-haunted and sacred groves, which it is advisable and proper to worship and dangerous to injure. The belief underlying such customs as tree. marriage, tree-pregnancy and the wailing and bleeding of trees, is based on animism pure and simple, but the belief in tree-spirits is an advance in thought. The tree is no longer an animated being, but a mere haunt for spirits and gods. Hence the nymphs, dryads and the host of other sylvan deities all the world over. Now, the powers of the sylvan deities can be shewn to be identical with those of the man-gods already mentioned, and what is more, the Bylvan deities themselves have been man-gods without change of powers. They have made the rain to fall, the sun to shine, the flocks and herds to multiply, and women to bring forth easily, and these beliefs are spread all over the world. The Harvest-May of Europe is a Burvival of the belief in the tree-spirit that made the crops to grow, and there is more than reason to suppose that the May-pole and the observances of May-day have reference to the easy parturition of women and cattle. Observances among the peasants of all parts of Europe at Midsummer, Wbitsuntide, St. John's Eve, Lent and so on, point emphatically in the same direction. The sweet Queen of the May herself, despite all the innocence of her young heart, is nothing but the representation of the spirit of female fecundity. All over Europe in- numerable pretty and quaint customs have had origin in the same idea : May-king, Fatber-May, Lady of the May varied as the WhitsuntideQueen, Whitsuntide-Flower, Little May Rose, and 80 on; the leaf-clad child varied as the Walber, Green George, Little Leaf-man, Jack-in-the. Green, Lazy-man, Grass-king, &c. It is emphasized when a boy and a girl are May-Lord and Lady in England, when they play more seriously le fiance du mois de Mai in France, and when the peasants deck out the Whitsuntide-Bride and La Mariee in other parts of Europe. In Orissa again there is a custom closely corresponding to agan mero 1 Bom those of Europe: so the idea is not at all con. fined to Europe alone. In ancient Rome and Greece were representatives of the modern May-day and its congeners, shewing that neither the ceremonies nor the ideas underlying them are modern developments. The ceremonies of the Great and Little Daedala, the story of the nymph Platea, the custom of the marriage of "the Queen" to Dionysus at Athens, and the story of Dionysius and Ariadne, attest this. Diana of Nomi, it will be seen from what has been already said, was emphatically & sylvan deity, her function was to help women in travail, and to protect cattle, and presumably to make the rain to fall and the sun to shine, and her priest was her living represen. tative, the King of the Wood. He dwelt in her sacred grove, safe from assault, so long as the special manifestation of its divine life, the Golden Bough on the sacred tree, remained intact. His life was in fact bound up with that of the tree, an idea familiar to the Indian and European peasant alike to the present day. We now see how the idea of the King of the Wood arose, and in that expressed at the close of the preceding sentence we get a clue as to the answer to the second question : -- why should tho would be successor of the King of the Wood have to pluck the Golden Bough before he could venture to slay him? The answer to this requires a much more intricate enquiry than in the previous case. Over most of what may be called the savage and semi-barbarous worlds, and in many an interesting relic in the civilized world, is to be found in one shape or another the doctrine of tabu. This is nothing more nor less in origin than a means of protecting the man-god, whether king or priost or both, from the terri ble calamities which would happen to the people who looked up to him, through the element or the natural forces he controlled, in case any mie. chance befell him or caused his death or removal from them. The elaborate precautions to protect the Mikado of Japan, the Chitome of the

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48 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JANUARY, 1891. Congo, and the high pontiff of the Zapotecs in South Mexico, all divine kings with supernatural powers, are samples of this kind of tabu. These precautions go 80 far as to regulate every detail in the life of such unfortunate rulers, for fear of the trouble that might be caused to the world if any irregularity were to occur. In this way the lives of the kings of Loango and of ancient Egypt were rendered a trouble to them. The tabus imposed on the priestking were, of course, extended to the man.god. priest: witness the rules of life observed by the Flamen Dialis at Rome, whose life must have been a continuous misery. The effect of these customs in many instances has been notable. No one has wanted to be a high priest or supernatural king, or the holders have been religious recluses leaving the real power to men of action. In Savage Island the kingship ceased to exist because no one would take it. In Cambodia the Kings of Fire and Water had to be forced into office. In parts of Africa they are chosen in secret council. On the other hand, the rise of the Tycoons of Japan, of the Chovas of Tongking, and of the Ministers of Nepal and Bhutan, are instances of the separation of royal and political functions. The object of the tabu being to preserve the life of the man-god, the question is: - what does the savage understand by this life; - what by the soul; - what by death P; -what is the danger he wishes to guard against by tabu P Now, the savage understands the living and moving of an animal to be the result of the action of a smaller animal within it, just as he understands a force of nature to be the result of the action of a living being behind it. This man inside the man is the soul, and it is to protect the soul, to prevent its absence, i. e. death, and to secure its return il temporarily absent, that he sets up the machinery of tabu. Many, indeed very many, savage customs illustrate the belief above stated. Any number of death, birth, and sleep customs turn on the liabi. lity of the soul to fly from the body, - some to try and prevent the flight, and others, as in Christian lands, - e. g., the opening of the windows when a person has died in Cornwall to this day, - to aid it in its flight. The "passing bell" is an in. stance of the survival of the belief in custom. The theory of witches, sorcerers, ghosts, demons, and so on. is partly based on the suppogi tion that man-gods in various degenerated forms oan force, or induce the soul to quit its tene- ment, and hence innumerable practices to protect it from this danger. So, siokness is frequently attributed by savages to a temporary absence or snatching away of the soul, and many and curious are the custome connected with its recapture and restoration to its owner, and equally curious are the "things" into which it is supposed to have escaped, butterflies, dolls, effigies, head. dresses, corpses, devils, cloths, and so on. The above may be called the spiritual dangers to which the soul is liable, but the physical dangers are equally numerous and terrible. For instance, it is a common belief that the shadow or the reflection of the human being is his soul, and accidents to either are a danger to the life of the owner. This has led to all kinds of superstitions in every part of the world, from stabbing an enemy's shadow in order to kill him, to covering up the mirrors in a house after a death for fear that the soul of the dead man reflected therein should be carried off by his ghost. The most curious of all of which customs is perhape the objection to being photographed, which still exists in the west of Sootland for fear of sickness resulting therefrom! Such being the nature of the soul to the savage and semi-civilized imagination, and the dangers to which it is exposed, the special objects of tabru become clear, and an examination of the methods used in tabu will shew that it has been instituted with a view to protecting the souls of mankind, generally of kings and priests in particular. The king must be isolated from danger, hence it is common among many savages to safeguard him and his kingdom from the presence of strangers, because strangers are specially cre. dited with powers of magic and witohoraft. An instance of this was experienced by the Afghan Boundary Commission, which was frequently met with fire and incense when passing villages. Sometimes the superstitious dread is so great as to prevent all intercourse, as when Speke was once refused entrance to a village for fear that his tin boxes contained enemies transformed into demons ! The stranger is as often afraid of the village he enters as the village is of him, hence purificatory ceremonies before and after journey observed even in ancient Greece and in modern Hindustan. The dread of the kdla pani and the ceremonies connected with "receiving back into caste" and excommunication from huqd pdns, or outcasting, are nothing but instances of a creed held in common with the veriest savages. At the times of eating and drinking, the soul is especially liable to escape, hence the customs prevalent among many savages of shutting up the house while feeding, of feeding in

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JANUARY, 1891.) BOOK NOTICE. 49 private, of feeding and cooking alone. This last turned against them by man. Hence the coin custom is in common use among Hinduis of the men use of iron charms to ward off evil spirita; present day. The veiling of men, when royal or and the numerous and universal charms used at undergoing ceremonies, is also due to a fear of deaths under the impression that spirits are substances entering the body and injuring the wounded by sharp instruments, many of which soul within. The confinement of the king to are specially aimed at preventing the wounding of his palace or abode is another instance of the fear the soul after departure. of the baneful influence of strangers and strange Blood, and its concomitant raw flesh, are substances, and was to be seen in Burma until also almost universally tabued, being both a few years ago in the custom of sticking up dangerous to consume und in the case of royalties xalithats, or lattices, along the streets, behind and priests dangerous to shed. The Siainese, the which the people hid until the king had passed. Mongols, the Tatars, and the Malagasis will not In the more thoroughly Burman portions of shed the blood of royal or noble personages. The Mandalay the streets were deserted and the people late King of Burma's relatives in 1878 were almost entirely hidden behind zalithats of volun. slaughtered by being beaten across the throat tary construction when the Duke of Clarence and with a bamboo for the same reason The objec. Avondale passed along them in 1889, because it tion to shedding blood is frequently extended was known that he was heir to the English throne. to spilling it, even in the case of animals slaughIt will be seen, therefore, that food may essily tered for food. The reason of the superstition is injure the soul, and that care must be exercised explained by the belief, shared alike by the as to what is eaten and from whose hand. It is Romans, Arabs, Esthonians, North American hardly necessary to give instances of this to Indians and Papuans, that blood contains the Indian readers, but it may be as well to point out soul. The belief has been widely extended to that tabu as applied to the food and even the the red Juice of plants, especially seen in the belongings of royalty in New Zealand among the notion that wine 18 the blood of the vine Maoris is infinitely stronger than among the most and must be therefore eschewed. The Azteus exclusive Brahmans. punished any one who insulted a drunken man, and The remains of food after eating may injure inspiration is frequently sought by drinking because an enemy may get hold of them and make blood. In both cases the idea is that a foreign them, by magic, grow inside the eater and kill soul has entered the drinker by means of blood. him. Hence the burying of the remains of food The blood of tabued persons is especially after a meal in many places, and the terror inspired dangerous, notably of women, hence the danger of by the accidental devouring of the food left by seeing blood, believed in very widely throughout the magic-working man.god, giving rise to such the world, and also the curious custom of fearing customs as the daily breaking of the dishes of to dwell or pass under another person, in case the Mikado. his, or worse her, blood should fall and injure. Thus also arises tho tabuod person : the living The Flamen Dialis could not pass under a trellised divinity whose every belonging is dangerous vine, as it was a bleeding plant. In Burma and to the common herd, or he whose condition, all over Further India no man will dwell under i e. uncleanness, is a danger. Hence the dread another it he can help it. Keeping the head of the tabu of a Maori chief in New Zealand, and high, and, conversely, lowering the head be. the avoidance of persons who are ceremonially low that of a high personage, so puzzling to unclean, as menstruating women, persons who newly arrived Europeans in Burma and kindred handle the dead, and so on countries, is explainable partly in this way, and From dangerous persons and their belongings we partly by the belief expressed by the Karens and come to especially dangerous things. As regards Siamese that the head contains the soul. In kings and priests and at times of ceremonies, iron Polynesia the head is so sacred that it may not be is all over the world a tabued object. This may touched, and elsewhere also even the owner of be a survival of the superstitious dread of all things the head cannot touch it under certain circumnew, as in the case of Speke and his tin boxes, for stances ! when bad harvests followed on the introduction The sanctity of the head has passed into of iron ploughshares into Poland they were attri. the hair and even into the nails, which all the buted to the iron in the ploughshares, which were world over it has been either dangerous to cut, thereupon discarded. But it also clearly arises as amongst the Sikhs, or which may be cut from the notion that iron is obnoxious to the with ceremonies and precautions only. Henco gods as furnishing weapons that may be also the many customs connected with depositing

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50 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JANUARY, 1891. shorn hair or nails in a place of safety to instances into the absurd force of the whole prevent them from rotting and destroying the Court doing whatever the king did. If his bair soul of the owner, and burning or burying was ont every one's hair was cut; if he had a cold them to prevent sorcerers getting possession of every one pretended to have a cold, if his body them. Shaving children as tabued persons was injured all bodies were injured in the same arises from the same cause. The child being in a place. A more serious and unpleasant variant of tabued or dangerous state, all the separate parts the custom has been to fix the term of the reign of its body are specially dangerous to others to mako things quito safe, whether or not and must be removed. signs of failing health were apparent. Accord. The idea then at the bottom of the breaking ing to old historians this was largely prevalent in of the Golden Bough was that it represented | South India, and in the case of the Zamorins of the soul of the Rex Nemorensis and was Calicut was modified into a ceremonial attempt tubued to him ; so not only would it be to kill the king after he had reigned twelve years. dangerous to try to kill him until it was in his Indeed it is clear that so outrageous a custom enemy's possession, but it would be an actual would become modified everywhere sooner or later, danger before and after his death to the slayer, and in ancient Babylon the king was annually if left intact on the tree and able to do mischief. represented by a condemned criminal allowed to reign for five days and then slain. In Cambodia We thus see why it was necessary to go and Siam the king abdicates for a few days through certain forms before the god could be annually. In Upper Egypt the Governor is super. killed. But why should the god be killed ? seded for three days annually, and in the Hima. Can gods die ? layas a Brahmari nominally supersedes a new To primitive man all the world over, immor- Raja upon succession, for a year. All these are, tality is inconceivable: all his gods die. of course, great modifications of the original This can be proved by the beliefs of the Green- cruel custom. landers, the North American Indians, the Philip- In all the above cases we have substitutes for pine Islanders, the Hottentots, and notably of the the king when it came to his turn to die ancient and cultivated Greeks in many instances.as .agod. These substitutes were temporary Zeus, Dionysus, Apollo, Cronus, Hermes, Aphro. man.gods, and the nearer they were related to dite, Ares, all died and were buried. The great the king the better, and this bas led to the invisible gods being thus mortal, it is clear sacrifice of the king's son in time of national that the man-gods are mortal too, and the danger, and among some savages to a general notion of the importance of killing the latter custom of sacrificing the first-born. robo out of the idea that by so doing his soul From killing the man-god to killing the could be transferred to a successor, and thus King of the Wood is but a small transition, the calamities inevitable on his natural death the reason being in both cases that violent death were averted. We have already seen that natural was the only means of preserving him from that death involved the departure of the soul and its decay, which was so dangerons to the community refusal to return, and that the welfare of the world burn, and that the westare of the world at large. The custom, as we now have it in the was immensely interested in the welfare of the care of the Rex Nemorensis, is probably not the man-god. Now, if the god were killed while still original custom, such as we have seen in the invigorous, and before his soul. left his body, it stances of the divine king, and there are many would be easy to make sure of catching and trans survivals of old customs still existing to show that ferring it to another and more vigorous body. the King of the Wood was originally killed on A feeble body means a feoble soul, hence the the expiry of a set term. All over Northern importance of preventing decay from over Europe, closely allied to the May-day and Whittaking the man-god. This last notion has led to suntide customs already alluded to, are another a general custom of suicide amoug the old in Fiji, set held at Whitsuntide and Shrovetide, in which and to religious murder in the New Hebrides and the chief actor, under such dames as the Mayin Abyssinia. bearer, Wild-man, the Pfingstl, the Whit-Monday Killing the divine king or man-god, is both King, clearly represents the tree-spirit, who is beuniversal and old ! On the Congo the pontiff is headed in mimicry or effigy before the play is over, killed by his successor whenever he gets very ill and in one instructive instance in Bohemia is and likely to die. The god-kings of many peoples allowed to be king for another year if he can have been killed on the approach of old age or escape from the crowd after his substitute, a frog, for any manifest disease or bodily deformity, has been decapitated. This killing in effigy as a a custom which has been attenuated in some custom in memory of real human sacrifice has

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JANUARY, 1891.] counterparts all over the world, the strongest instance of which is in the case of the Indians of Arizona, who, when prevented by the Mexicans from continuing human sacrifices at their Feast of Fire, continued in secret a sham sacrifice in which they did not go further than drawing blood. BOOK-NOTICE. The killing of the god was not confined in primitive times to the human representatives of the gods of those who worshipped the vegetable kingdom; it can be shewn, by a consideration of modern folk-customs, to have existed amongst those whose gods were animals. In German and Slavonic villages, closely connected and indeed mixed up with the customs of May-day and killing the King of the Wood, is the custom of Burying the Carnival in Lent. Straw effigies representing a man, known as the Carnival Bear or the Carnival Fool, are slain and buried or drowned in various ways, and in Swabia the custom has dwindled into ducking a live person in a stream. As in the case of the effigies or representatives of the King of the Wood, Doctor Ironbeard's services are called in to resuscitate. the slain Carnival, and the reviving of slain death is a conspicuous part of all these ceremonies. In the Harz mountains, the Carnival is finally represented by a bottle of brandy, which is buried and dug up the following year and drunk "because it has come to life again." Closely connected with Burying the Carnival is the custom of Carrying out Death, that is, throwing him away. He is generally drowned on a Sunday in Lent, known as Dead Sunday. In the Latin Countries generally and in Spain, Italy, and Sicily, this was varied as Sawing the Old Woman, and still survives in the paper saws of Naples and the sawing and burning of wooden billets at Barcelona in Mid Lent. It remains in the most interesting manner in North Slavonia, in the expression "Sawing the Old Wife" for Mid Lent. In India, a reference to Panjdb Notes and Queries will give several instances of the practice of carrying out death and disease from the boundaries of one village to another. Carrying out death is always more or less directly connected with Bringing in Summer, Spring or Life, often as not in the form of death resuscitated. That the modern ceresnontes:connected with abstractions such as Death, Summer, Spring and Life are survivals of others relating to more concrete conceptions, we have a most interesting proof from Russia, where the images buried and revived represent Kostrabonko, Kostroma, Kupalo, Lada and Yarilo, unques 1 As some have taken Adonis for the sun, Mr. Frazer shews in the most interesting manner that he was a 51 tionable representatives of pre-Christian gods. In Silesia, too, they bury the Deathstone, and in Albania the effigy of a malignant sprite named Kore. The drowning of Ralis or images of Siva and Parbati in the Kangra district of the Himalayas is an instructive parallel to these burials of the gods of fertilization. In ancient Europe the marriage of Adonis and Aphrodite (the Semitic Adon and Istar) and the death and resuscitation of Adonis plainly point out the prevalence then of the modern customs just alluded to. As also do the customs connected with his Syrian prototype Thammuz or Tauz,' while those of the closely connected Attis and Cybele of Phrygia seem in certain points to have given rise to the existing customs in connection with the Maypole, Wildman, the King of the May, and so on. Again assuming that Osiris and Isis, or at least one or some of the gods and goddesses of which these great Egyptian deities were originally compounded, were god and goddess of the corn, the death, burial, and resuscitation of Osiris point to a very ancient existence of the same class of ideas in old Egypt. Our jovial old friend Dionysus or Bacchus, in his more legitimate form of god of vegetation, by his violent death and revivification proves that similar notions were prevalent in ancient Greece. But Dionysus was also a god of the animal kingdom, and in this form was slain periodically as a bull, a goat, and even as a human being. The myth of Proserpine and Demeter belongs daughter and mother, instead of husband and to the same category, except that this pair are wife or goddess and lover. And if we take Demeter to mean Barley-mother (and not Earth-mother as usual) there are any number of harvest customs all over Europe referring to her, chiefly connected with the reaping of the last, but sometimes of the first, sheaf, which appear in the Corn-mother, Rye-mother, Peamother, Wheat-mother, Oats-mother, Barleymother, varied as the Corn-woman, Rye-woman, and so on of Germany, connected with which are the Ceres (a return to classicism this) and the Mother-sheaf of France, the Harvest-mother, Great-mother and Grand-mother of Germany, aud curiously the Granny of Belfast: In Germany, too, she appears as the Old-woman, and in effigy as the Carline of Scotland and the Caley of Antrim, which. are precisely the same thing as the Baba of Poland and the Boba of Lithuania. The frequent wrapping up of a woman as the Cornmother, under her various names, in the last sheaf "corn-spirit," using the universal custom, in one form or another, of "the Gardens of Adonis" for his purpose.

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52 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. shews the reference of the custom to the goddess of fertility: a custom still performed in effigy in the ceremony of the Corn-queen of Bulgaria and formerly of the Harvest-queen of Northumberland. These are all harvest customs, but they are with little alterations to be found connected with the threshing floor in several parts of Europe. In all the above cases, ripe corn is regarded as matured and old, but it is also con. ceived of as young or as a child separated from its mother by the sickle. Hence the custom of turning the last sheaf into the Bastard in West Prussia, and the customs of the Harvest Child in North Germany, the Kern Baby, the Ivy Girl and the Maiden in England and Scotland. Hence also the names of the Bride, Ontsbride and Wheat-bride for the last sheaf and the woman who binds it, and, more suggestively, of the Oats-bride and Oats-bridegroom,, and Oatswife and Oats-man. These ideas and habits are not confined to Europe, for we have the Maize-mother, the Quinoa-mother, the Cocoa-mother and the Potatomother of Peru. The harvest customs of the Zapotecs of Mexico, and of parts of the Panjab, of preserving the "soul of the rice" by the Dyaks of North Borneo and the Karens of Burma, and of the Rice-bride and Rice-bridegroom of Java, all turn on the same notions. All over the world then we have the spirit of the vegetable kingdom conceived as mother or maiden, from which idea the conception of Demeter and Proserpine as Corn-mother and Corn-child pro. bably sprang. There is yet another set of universal customs connected with these and explanatory of their general tenor. In ancient Egypt, the reapers lamented when the first sheaf was cut, by a song to which the Greeks gave the name of Maneros, alleging that Maneros was a youth who invented agriculture and died an untimely death, but it scems that Maneros was a misunderstanding of the opening words of the dirge mad-ne-hra, "come thou back." In Phoenicia a similar ancient dirge was sung at the vintage, called by the Greeks Linus or Ailinus, and explained much as above, but which really was a misunderstanding of ai lanu, "woe to us." Again, in Bithynia a similar reaping dirge was called Bormus or Borimus, and explained as above. In Phrygia was a corresponding song, sung at reaping and thresh ing, called Lityerses, and connected with it is a legend of great interest. Briefly, Lityerses was a bastard son of Midas who used to make any strange passer-by reap against him; if he beat him, he wrapped him in a sheaf, [JANUARY, 1891. cut off his head and threw him into the Meander, but one day he met Hercules who slew him. Now the reaping match is still preserved all over North Europe and it is exceed. ingly unlucky to be the binder of the last sheaf, leading to the many Old Man customs, the swathing of the woman unfortunate enough to bind the last sheaf in the Old Man and her subse. quent rough treatment. The killing of the cornspirit shewn in the second part of the Lityerses legend is also still largely alive in the many customs attached to the threshing-floor known variously as the Killing of the Old Hay-man, Corn-man, Oats-man, Wheat-man, of the Boba, the Old-woman, and the Old Rye-woman, which mean chiefly threshing the last sheaf and frequently wind up with ducking the "killer" in a stream or with a jug of water. Treating the strangers of the Lityerses tale as the embodiments of the spirit of the corn, we find his ill-treatment of them surviving in the existing customs of making chance passers-by at the harvest pay forfeit both in Norway and France; and in Germany the reapers first pretend to make ready to kill him! Strangers at the threshing-foor in Denmark and Sweden are treated in a similar fashion. In Europe, of course, the corn-spirit in his multiform shapes is killed only in mimicry in the harvest field and on the threshing floor, but in ruder societies the killing of the corn-spirit has been represented by human sacrifice, as witnessed by the cruel proceedings of the Indians of Ecuador and Mexico, the Pawnees of North America, and of course all over wild Africa. The well-known Meria sacrifices of India were made that on the suppression of these sacrifices the to the same end, and it is interesting to note human victim has been supplanted by a goat. Lastly, to shew that the dirges out of which the Lityerses, Maneros, Ailinus and other legends arose had an origin in ancient custom, may be quoted the existing customs of Crying the Neck in Devonshire and Cornwall, described by a native as "only the people making their games, as they always did, to the spirit of the harvest," and of the Waul-rye of Germany, waul being the ory of the reapers at the cutting. of the last corn. The names, for a special bunch of ears containing the corn-spirit, of "the neck" and "the gander's neck" in England, "the goat's neck" in France, and "the head" in Scotland, varied as "the hare's tail" in Friesland, "the cat's tail" and "the fox's tail" in France, all of which have to be cut off by some ceremony, attest the universality of the old-world custom of killing the corn-spirit.

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SYSTEM OF TRANSLITERATION. The system of transliteration followed in this Journal for Sanskrit and Kanarese, (and, for the sake of uniformity, submitted for adoption, as far as possible, in the case of other languages),-- except in respect of modern Hindu personal names, in which absolute purism is undesirable, and in respect of a few Anglicised corruptions of names of places, sanctioned by long nage, - is this :Sanskrit. Kanarese. Transliteration. Sanskrit. Kanarese. Transliteration. ja jha 3 ad & 7 de tha dha dha ns 1 1 1 1 1 4 4 4 4 - 128 da dha na 3 3 63 pa pha Visarga Visarga Jihvamaillya, or old Visarga beforo bha and sya Upadh muinsya, or old Visarga betore p and p Anusvdra Anunciaika 81218 & 108a & d t Et uue Anusvdra 1 1 1 tak B & B B gba na gbs ha cha & chha A single hyphen is used to separate words in composition, as far as it is desirable to divide them. It will readily be seen where the single hyphen is only used in the ordinary way, at the end of a line, as divided in the original Text, to indicate that the word runs on into the next line; intermediate divisions, rendered unavoidable here and there by printing necessities, are made only where absolutely necessary for neatness in the arrangement of the Texts. A double hyphen is used to separate words in a sentence, which in the original are written as one word, being joined together by the euphonic rules of sandhi. Where this double hypben is used, it is to be understood that a final consonant, and the following initial vowel or consonant-and-vowel, are in the original expressed by one complex sign. Where it is not used, it is to be understood of the orthography of the original, that, according to the stage of the alphabet, the final consonant either has the modified broken form, which, in the oldest stages of the alphabet, was used to indicate a consonant with no vowel attached to it, or has the distinct sign of the virama attached to it; and that the following initial vowel or consonant has its full initial form. In the transcription of ordinary texts, the double hyphen is probably unnecessary; except where there is the sandhi of final and initial vowels. But in the transcription of epigraphical records, the use of this sign is unavoidable, for the purpose of indicating exactly the paleographical standard of the original texts. The avagraha, or sign which indicates the elision of an initial a, is but rarely to be met with in inscriptions. Where it does occnr, it is most conveniently represented by its own Deranagarf sign. So algo practice has shewn that it is more convenient to use the ordinary Devanegari marks of punctuation than to substitute the English signs for them. Ordinary brackets are used for corrections and doubtful points; and square brackets, for letters which are damaged and partially illegible in the original, or which, being wholly illegible, can be supplied with certainty. An asterisk attached to letters or marks of punctuntion in aquare brackets, indicates that those letters or marks of punctuation were omitted altogether in the original. As a rule, it is more convenient to use the brackets than to have recourse to footnotes; as the points to whioh attention is to be drawn attract notice far more readily. But notes are given instead, when there would be so many brackets, close together, as to encumber the text and render it inconvenient to read. When any letters in the original are wholly illegible and cannot be supplied, they are, represented, in metrical passages, by the sign for a long or & short syllable, as the case may be ; and in prose passages, by points, at the rate, usually, of two for each akshar or ayllable.

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FEBRUARY, 1891.) THE BURMESE SYSTEM OF ARITHMETIC. 53 NOTES ON THE BURMESE SYSTEM OF ARITHMETIC. BY MAJOR R. C. TEMPLE. PART I. SOME time back, when enquiring into the methods adopted by the Burmese in Upper Burma in working out their horoscopes and astrological calculations, which are essentially Hindu in every feature, I was led to learn their ideas of arithmetic, and as the subject appears to me to be likely to lead to an interesting series of investigations, I give my notes on it now. I should mention that the system now under discussion is that of the Phongyis or Burmese Buddhist priests, and of the astrologers, who are called Ponnas, i. o., Pupiyas or Brahmans, and are usually considered to have emigrated from Manipur.1 It seems to be certain that the Burmese obtained what mathematical knowledge they possess from their priests and astrologers with their religion and civilization generally, and that it is directly of Hindu origin, whether it came from Ceylon or throngh the hills about Manipur. They have words of their own, of non-Hindu origin, to express numerals, but in their arithmetic they are taught a series of words which are corruptions of the PAli numerals, and it may be noted that, in ordinary life, for ordinals, so far as they express them at all, they .adopt Pali derivatives of a like nature. I have observed also that as surely as a Burman, not filled with European school learning, is given a problem to do that at all puzzles him, he will, while doing it it in his head, mutter to himself these Pali derivatives and not his indigenous numerals, Now Mr. Sh. B. Dikshit informs me that a system of arithmetio nearly corresponding to that of the Burmans is still, he believes, in vogue all over India among Hindu astrologers. A similar system is, ho says, at any rate, employed by thom in the districts of the Konkan, Dakhan, Gujarat and Karnatak. At the same time, for mercantile and general purposes a system corresponding to the European has been in use among Hindus from a time long anterior to the era of British rule. On the other hand, nothing of the nature of the Hindu astrologers' method of arithmetic has, so far as I know, ever been adopted in Enrope, In Burma, however, the method of the astrologers was, I believe, the only one known, until the arrival of the Christian Missionaries and the establishment of a Government Educational Department. If this helief is correct, the Burmese did not share the advance in mathematical science made by the Hindus, when they adopted for secular purposes what we may call the European system of arithmetic, whatever the date of the adoption may have been. Precisely the same thing appears to have happened in Tibet; for, whatover the truth or the real date may be, there appears to be no doubt that the Tibetans claim to have received their mathematical knowledge directly from India with their religion in the second century B. C., and, when I was about a year ago, explaining the Burmeso arithmetic on a blackboard before the Asiatic Society of Bengal in Calcutta, Babu Sarat Chandra Das, c. I. E., the Tibetan scholar, at once recognized portions of the Burmese system as still current in Tibet. With the Babu was a Lama, who further shewed on the board that the system taught him in the indigenous monastic schools in Tibet was much the same.3 1 Some PonnA communities in Mandalay Town still keep up an annual communication with Manipur through 'members of their race, who travel backwards and forwards. They are very particular in retaining purity of blood and family connections. Mr. Dikshit has been kind enough to favour me with several comparative notes to this paper. These will be found in the footnotes with his initials attached to them. The absence of any but the astrologers' system in Burma may prove to be an exceedingly interesting point, because it may be discovered that the Barmans procured their arithmetic from India at a date anterior to the secular system now in use, and it is not likely that their knowledge of arithmetic is older than their other knowledge imported from India, i..., it is not likely to be older that the seventh century A. D. If this should turn out to be the trath it would fix a date before which the adoption of the secular system of the Hindus could not have taken place.

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54 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1891. To trace out the origin of the dual system of arithmetic found among the Hindus, and the time at which each part of it was adopted, would be a most interesting subject for enquiry, rendered all the more so from the fact that everything about the astrologers' system points to great antiquity. It is essentially a system adapted to mental and not clerical processes: it is not, as used, capable of undergoing checks as the calculations proceed nor when they are completed: it is not adapted to the calculation of fractions: it works out easily by adopting, not the decimal notation, but the natural one of setting down numbers as they are spoken, and it demands the least mental exertion compatible with calculating at all. For instance, under this system it is not necessary to learn by rote to multiply beyond nine times nine, and in the Burmese monastic schools, and I am told in Tibet also, children are not taught to multiply by heart beyond that point. To the present day, the very crudest notions of arithmetical notation largely prevail in Burma, and, even in Rangoon, carts, bags and other things containing articles in quantities may be seen marked thus: 1000100309 to represent one thousand one hundred and thirty nine, 1139. In upper Burma mercantile accounts are frequently kept by the ordinary people in this way.5 To explain, except by ocular demonstration, such a matter as a method of arithmetic is an exceedingly difficult thing, and it may be that I have failed to make myself plain in the following pages. At the same time, it would seem that the best mode of explanation is by taking typical problems in arithmetic and working them out step by step with notes, and this plan I have adopted. The difficulties in the way, however, have been rendered all the greater by the Burmese methods of working in practice. They invariably rub out the results of each step as they proceed in their calculations, and shew only the final one, just as a European childworks on a slate. Indeed, their system is not adapted to any other way of setting to work. However, for the present purpose, I have been obliged to devise a plan whereby each step gone through can be shewn on paper. The Burman does his calculations either on the ground in the dust, or on black parabaik." Parabaik is a thick coarse indigenous paper with a smooth greasy surface on which characters are written with a soft soapstone style. This leaves a white mark which is easily rubbed out with the fingers. In either case each calculation is erased when it is no longer required. The Burmans have various names for arithmetical books, but all refer astrological calcula-. tions to simple arithmetic, or to rule of thumb. The rules are embodied in thoks or sutras, of which I hope some day to give renderings and explanations. They do not seem to be at all easy to procure. A small palm-leaf MS. procured from a Mandalay monastery contains five "books" on arithmetic :-- (1) Kogyaung, multiplication, lit. drawing out nine, i. e., ascending to nine times nine. (2) Bolinga, astrological verses: bo (written bol) is one of the six rules of astrology. (3) Boby, astrological movements. (4) Nayihl the revolution of the hours: nay, spelt nari, nadi, ghati or ghatika, the Indian hour of twenty-four minutes. (5) Sancho, calculating fortune (by astrology). It is to be feared that the indigenous mathematical writings will not throw much light on the enquiry, because in Burmese astrological works and in the old Hindu works and MSS. on Mathematics we have set down for us in various forms of notation the results of calculations merely, and, so far as I am aware, we do not know how the calculators arrived at these results. In other words, we do not know what the mental processes were by which they arrived at the results they set down on paper. We do not know in fact why, when an ancient mathematician tells us that 55 multiplied by 66 equals 3630, he knew the result to be correct, or how he set to work on the multiplication, In this oustom we seem to have a plain remnant of the old Hindn numerical-symbol method of notation. So do the Hindu astrologers.-S. B. D. Hindu astrologers use a wooden plank, which they cover with dust. This plank is called pa, hence arithmetic is called patiganita by Bhaskaracharya and others. Nowadays a slate, also called patt, is also used.-S. B. D.

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FEBRUARY, 1891.] THE BURMESE SYSTEM OF ARITHMETIC. 55 An application to a well known monastic calculator in Mandalay produced the following, written on black parabaik: (1) Kogyaunglinga, multiplication verses. (2) Bolinga, astrological verses. The enumeration of these books" is sufficient to shew the extent and nature of Burmese mathematical science. They do not, in fact, reduce their rales of thumb to writing as a general practice, but hand them down orally and by ocalar demonstration on the sand or in the dust about the monasteries. It has been said above that the Burmese system of arithmetic is especially adapted to mental processes. Now, in adding 325 to 896, Europeans and Indians begin on paper with the units and work on to the tens and hundreds. This is the most convenient way, because each unit cipher of the calculation is discarded from the memory as it is jotted down. Thus 6 and 5 are 11, put down 1 and carry 1; 1 and 9 are 10, 10 and 2 are 12, put down 2 and carry 1; 1 and 8 are 9, 9 and 3 are 12, put down 12: result 1221. In each of the above processes the mind is not troubled with anything beyond the cipher to be carried forward. Bat the Bur. man reverses the process and commences by adding the hundreds, then the tens and lastly the units. He proceeds thus : 3 and 8 are 11, rub out 3 and 8 and put down 11:9 2 and 9 are 11, rab out 2 and 9 and put down 1 for 9, and the 1 carried forward under the unit of 11, thas 1116; then add the two 1 together, 1 and 1 are 2, rub them out and pat down 2 for the init 15 of 11, thus 1216: 5 and 6 are 11, rab oat 5 and 6, and substitute as before, thus 1211 ; then add the two 1 as before and substitute, 1221. Q. E. D. Now, for a paper process, this is awkward; but it requires less mental effort than the European method, and it is that in use in mental addition all the world over. Rapid mental calculations in Europe and Indian mental arithmetic are both done in this way. Thos a man in rapidly working out the above problem in his head will commence 300 and 80 ) = 1100; 20 and 90 = 110, total 1210 : 5 and 6 = 11, total 1221. The very rapid addition of account columns common in banks is really achieved in the same way: the pounds first, then the shillings, and lastly the penoe are calculated out. Thus to add mentally 319 241 678 14 1240 The operator will proceed thus: - PS6 + 2 + 3=]1; 7+ 4+1=12, 122; 8+1+9= 18, 1238 : . J4 + 7 + 17 = 38, PS 1-18, PS 1239-18: d. 5 + 11 + 9 = 25, 28. 1 d., PS 1239 + PS1 + 1 d., PS 1240-0-1. He then puts the result down, appearing to be able to calculate all three columns at once, but, of course, he does nothing of the kind in reality. All the Burmese processes are worked in the same way. They begin with the large figures and go on to the units, rubbing out and substituting as they proceed. . I have a small book of 86 pages printed at the Hanthawaddy (Hana vatt) Prosa, Rangoon, in 1889, and bearing the high-sounding title of Thumahadibag. Bedinsigyd, which I take to mean "Astronomical Writings Iluminating the Maltitude," sigyd is Barmese meaning 'writings.' Bldin = Veda, which in Burma means an astronomical, or, more strictly, an astr slogical, work. The rest of the title represents the PAli Samdhadipaka. This book contains a large number of rules and methods for many sorta of caloulations, including the K88gyaung 2. Mlaga, &o., Dotioed above. It would probably be well worth a detailed examination. * It being remembered that he always works by a process of erasing the steps of his onloulation as be proceede.

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56 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (FEBRUARY, 1891. The subtracting process is & curious reversal of the scoepted European method. Thus, take 78 from 95 : - 70 out of 90 leaves 20 in my hand :10 8 out of 5 I cannot take, so I take 10 out of the 20 in my hand : 8 out of the 10 I have taken leaves 2 in my hand, I add the 2 to the 5 which makes 7, so I bave 17 in my hand. - Q. E. D. Multiplication is to the average Burman a science requiring much exertion of the brain. In its simplest form the principle adopted may be said to be the multiplication of each cipher of the multiplicand separately, from the large figures to the units, and adding up the results. Here we see the play of mental arithmetic again. Thus in multiplying 391 by 65 he multiplies 300 by 60 which gives him 18,000, then 3C0 by 5 which gives 1,500, adding the results he gets 19,500. Next he multiplies 90 by 60 = 5,400, and 90 by 5 = 450, total 5,850 : this added to 19,500 = 25,350. Then 1 x 60 = 60 and 1 x 5 = 5 which added together 65, and this added to 25,350 = 25,415.11 A multiplication of the two sums in European fashion will shew this result to be correct : thus 391 65 1955 2346 25415 The above explains the mental process only. The Burman in practice keeps the untouched ciphers of the multiplicand constantly before him, which obliges him to adopt the roles of thumb shewn on pages 60 ff. infrd. In applying the principle of working from the large figures to the units for division, the Burmese arrive at a complicated process, but it has the advantage over all the rest of checking the caloulation as it proceeds, Suppose you are given 589 to divide by 27. In this problem to find the first cipher of the product, which must needs be a multiple of 10, you can take 2 tens of the 20 of the divisor out of the 500 of the dividend ; and then as the full dividend is 589 and the full divisor 27 yon can find your true remainder by multiplying 27 by 20 (the quotient just reached) and subtracting the product of this multiplication from the dividend ; thus 589 -- 540 = 49. This is the remainder after the first division. You have now to divide 49 by 20 to find the second cipher of the final quotient, and as this must needs be a unit you can take 2 units of the 20 of the divisor out of the 40 of the dividend; and then as the full dividend is 49 and the full divisor is 27, you can find your true remainder by maltiplying 27 by 2 = 54. But 54 cannot be substracted from 49 and this shews you that you cannot take 2 units of 27 out of 49 : you can, however, take 1 unit, leaving a remainder of 22. Your two quotients then are 20 and 1 with 22 over, which gives 21 with 22 over as the final quotient of the division. This result is correct, as division by the European method will show; thus 27589 21 49 27 22 The above again shews the process of reasoning only. The practice is given below at pages 63 ff. infri. 10 As the Burman nons. 11 Of course, all the additions are done by the Barman in Burmese fashion. 11 The Burman, of course, goes through every addition, mbtrnotion and multiplication, in his own fashion.

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FEBRUARY, 1891.1 THE BURMESE SYSTEM OF ARITHMETIC. 57 Now the Burman writes the result of a division exactly as we do; thus, 21 3. He has, however, so far as I could ascertain, no notion of using fractions, except that he can by rule of thumb add and, or subtract from , and work simple problems like these. But as to adding to $, multiplying # by t, or dividing Yo by $, or telling how much greater to are than t, these are problems quite beyond his powers. His expressions for fractions reveal his conception of them: thong bong ta bong, (of) three parts one part, le bong thong bong, (of) four parts three parts. So far as relates to concrete matters, such as money calculations, division of property or land, and so on, the Burmans I found could work out simple calculations in proportion, but abstract questions seemed to puzzle them at once. I regret that I have not so far found any leisure to enquire into their processes. The following pages purport to exhibit by examples the actual arithmetical processes employed by the Burmese by rule of thumb, so far as they can be shewn on paper, PART II. A. ADDITION. Example I. Add 236 to 325. To add 236 to 325, place the sums one under the other; units under anita, tens under tens. and so on : thus, 325. 236 Now commence by adding the first ciphers together in the head ; thus, 2 + 3 = 5: and substitute the sum for the upper cipher of the addition; thus : 525. 36 Now proceed in the same way with the second cipher, because 2 + 3 = 5, thus : 686 Now proceed in the same way with the third cipher, but because 5 +6=11, . e., more than ten, substitute thus : 551. Now, because 5 + 1 = B, add the remainder and substitute thus : 561. Demonstration by the European method is as follows: 325 236 561. In the Barmese method on the sand, parabaik or glate, the processes actually shewn would be as follows:13 - (a) 325, (b) 525, (c) 555, (d) 551, (c) 561. That is, they are 5 in 236 36 6 1 number. There is no check at all by the Burmese method. Example 2. Add 465 to 897. Proceeding as before in the case of the sums of any two ciphers which exceed 10, we get 6 processes, as sbewn by the Burmese method; thus : (a) 897, (6) 1297, (e) 1257, (d) 1857, (6) 1852, () 1362. 465 65 1 Demonstration by European method : 897 465 1362. 1 The Hinda processes are identical, except that the ciphers of the upper sam only are rabbed out in the calculation proceeds. In addition and rubtraction, the Hinda Astrologers commence from unita.-B. B. D.

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58 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. FEBRUARY, 1891. Example 8. Add: 418 974 645 728 Add in the head as before and substitute the result of each row of ciphers for the uppermost cipher of the addition : thus, because 7 + 6 = 13: 13 + 9 = 22: 22 +4 = 26, write 2018 74 46 28 Theu becauso 4+2 = 6: 6 + 7 = 13: 13 + 1 = 14, write 2648 ca Now, because 1 + 6 = 7, write 2748 Then, because 3 + 5 = 8:8 + 4 = 12:12 + 8 =20, write 3740 Then add remainder and write 2760. Demonstration by the European method is as follows: 418 974 645 723 2760. The Burmese processes, which are 6 in number, are (a) 418, (b) 2618, (c) 2648, (m) 2748, (e) 2740, (1) 2760. 974 74 14 45 COS 645 723 23 B. SUBTRACTION. Bxamplo l. Subtract 78 from 95. To spostract 78 from 95, place the subtractor below the integer : tens ander tens, anits acder units, and so on : thus, 95 78 Then subtract the first cipher of the subtractor from the cipher of the integer immediately above it in the head, and substitute the remainder for the first cipher of the integer : thus : 25: because 9 -7 = 2. 78 14 In cases where more than two sums are to be added togetber, the Hindus do not quite follow the proceso here described. They add the two loweet rom togother and then the result to the rom immediately above it and so on.-8. B.D.

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FEBRUARY, 1891.) THE BURMESE SYSTEM OF ARITHMETIO. 59 Now subtract the second cipher of the subtractor from the cipher of the integer immediately above it. But 8 cannot be subtracted from 5, so borrow 10 from the 20 of 25, and substitute thos: 15. 78 Now subtract in the head the second cipher from the sum thus borrowed and, because 10 -- 8 = 2, set down the remainder below the cipher of the integer immediately above it : thus : 15. 78 Now add the remainder to that cipher of the integer and substitate the result thus: 17 78. Answer: 17. Demonstration by the European method : 95 78 17. The Burmese processes, as shewn saccessively on the slate, sand or parabaik, are as follows:- (a) 95, (6) 25, (c) 15, (d) 15, (e) 17, () 17. Thus 6 processes are gone 78 78 782 78 78 through before the result is arrived at.18 Example 2. Subtract 9 from 29. The process just explained is always observed when the cipher of the subtractor is greater than the cipher of the integer immediately above it. Thus, in taking 9 from 22, as 9 will not subtract from 2, borrow 10 from the 20 of 22 and substitute thus: 12. Then sabtract 9 from 9 the 10 thus borrowed and set remainder below the 2: thus 12. Now add this remainder to 2 and substitute thus : 18. 9 Answer: 18. Example 3. Subtract 96 from 221. In this case by observing the above rules the Burmese processes as set down successively are 8 in number, and as follows:-(a) 221, (b) 121, () 121, (d) 131, (e) 121, () 121, (g) 126. 95 951 95 955 95 95 95 Answer: 126. Demonstration by the European method: 221 126 18 The Hindas place the subtractor above the integer and proceed to see all the places where "one will have to be carried," as the Engligh would phrase it, marking each with the symbol. Thus take 188 from 482: write 186. Now 6 492 will not take from 2, and 8 will not take from 3, so write 186, and in the caloulation add 1 to the 1 and 8 thus marked. 482 The substitution of the results of the oploulation for the figures of the integer are made in the same way me in the Barmese system, and the process is otherwise the same.-8. B. D.

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60 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1891. Example 4. Subtract 40 from 650. Proceeding as before the processes are :-(a) 650, (6), 610, (o) 600, (a) 600, (e) 601 (1) 601. 594949 There have been thus 6 processes. Demonstration by the European method : 650 49 601 c. MULTIPLICATION. Example 1. Multiply 391 by 55. To multiply 391 by 55 the sums are set down thus : 391 55 The rule is to set down the last cipher of the multiplier under the first cipher of the moltiplicand, and the other ciphers of the multiplier in front of the last one. First stage : multiplying the first cipher of the multiplicand. First process : multiply the first cipher of the multiplicand by the first of the multiplier, getting dowu the result before the first cipher of the multiplicand :16 thus 15891,17 65. The real rule is: - The ciphers of the result must be set down so that the last cipher of the rasolt is placed immediately above the multiplying cipher. The above process merely shews the resultant role of thumb. Second process: multiply the first cipher of the multiplicand by the second of the multiplier, setting down the result thus18 : 16391. 15 Observe that the rule as to placing the result above the multiplier still holds good. Third process : substitute the last cipher of the result for the first cipher of the multiplicand : add the first cipher of the result to the cipher above it and substitute theg: 16501. 55 Now push the multiplier forward one point and you are ready for the second stage: thas: 16591. 55 Second stage : multiplying the second cipher of the multiplicand. First process: multiply the second cipher of the multiplicand by the first cipher of the multiplier, setting down the result thus : 16691.20 45 55 16 The Hinda method of multiplication is practically identical with that of the Burmese. - 8. B. D. 17 In this case the Hindus would keep the 15 separate from the 891 to avoid confusion. -S. B.D. The Burmese, s far as I have seen them at work, however, write as I have shewn in the text. R.O.T. 18 The Hindas would not set down the second result in this fashion, but would add it to the first result, keeping in mind the proper places of the figures. Thus in this case : second result 15; first result 15 ; total 165, keeping it again separate from other figures. -S. B. D. 12 Here again the Hindus would add the result at once in the head without setting down any intermediate process - SBD. 22 Here also the Hindus would keep the 165 separate from the 91.-S. B. D.

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FEBRUARY, 1891.] THE BURMESE SYSTEM OF ARITHMETIC. Observe that the rule as to placing the cipher of the result over the multiplier still holds good. It will always do so. Second process : add the result to the ciphers immediately above them separately, and substitute thus: (a) 16091, (b) 11091, (c) 21091. 1 5 55 55 55 Third process : multiply the second cipher of the multiplicand by the second cipher of the multiplier, setting down the result thus: 21091. 45 55 Fourth process: substitute the last cipher of the result for the second cipher of the multiplicand: add the first cipher of the result to the cipher above it, and substitute thus: 21451. 55 Now push the multiplier forward one point and you are ready for the third stage, thus 21451. 55 Third stage: multiplying the third cipher of the multiplicand. First process: multiply the third cipher of the multiplicaud by the first cipher of the multiplier, setting down the result thus: 21451. 5 55 55 Second process : add the result to the cipher immediately above it and substitute thus: (a) 21401, (b) 21501. 1 55 Third process mutiply the third cipher of the multiplicand by the second cipher of the multiplier, setting down the result thus: 21501. 61 Fourth process: substitute the cipher of result for the third cipher of the multiplicand, thus: 21505. 55 Final Result: 21505. Demonstration by the European method: 391 55 1955 5 55 1955 21505. In going through the above calculation the processes actually shewn successively on the slate, sand, parabaik or other material by a Burman would be as follows: () 21091, (j) 21091, () 21451, 55 55 4.5 55 (a) 391, (6) 15391, (c) 15391, (d) 16591, (e) 16591, (f) 16591, (g) 16091, (h) 11091' 55 55 15 55 55 45 55 1 5 55 55 (2) 21451, 55 (m) 21451, (n) 21401, 1 5 55 55 58 (o) 21501, 55 (p) 21501, (g) 21505, (r) 21505. 55 5 55 Thus he would have to go through 18 alterations of the ciphers before arriving at the result.

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62 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (FEBRUARY, 1891. 69 69 69 Example 2. Multiply 789 by 69. By following ont the processes explained above, in this case the processes, which would be actually shown by a Burman in succession, would be as follows: (a) 789, (6) 42789, (c) 42789, (d) 48389, (e) 48389, (1) 48389, (g) 42389, (h) 52389, 69 69 69 69 69 482 89 (1) 52189, (1) 58189, (k) 53189, (1) 53829, (m) 53829, (n) 53829, (o) 53329, 14 69 69 69 69 (P) 54329, (2) 54369, (r) 54369, (o) 54341, (1) 54441, (u) 54441. 69 69 69 Here then are 21 alterations of the ciphers before the result is arrived at. Demonstration by the European method : 789 69 * 72 81 69 69 7101 4794 28 54441. Examplo 8. Multiply 448 by 874, The processes gone through are precisely those explained above, but care must be taken to observe the rule that the last cipher of the result wust be set down immediateiy sbene the multiplying cipher. Thus in commencing, the first process is shewn thps : (a) 56 748, and the successive steps of the second process, thus : (b) 569748, (c) 509748, 874 874 874 (d) 609748; and those of the third process thus : (0) 609748, (1) 609848, (g) 601848, 874 874 874. (A) 611848. 874 Similarly the remaining processes are shewn thus : (0) 611848, (1) 611848, (1) 643848. 874 32 874 874 (1) 643848, (m) 643648, (n) 646648, (o) 646648, (P) 646768, (q) 646768, (v) 646768, 3 874 16 874 874 874 (6) 646168, (0) 643168, (u) 653168, (v) 653168, (w) 653128, () 653728, (y) 653728. 874 874 874 874 874 874 (a) 653752, (aa) 653752. 874 Thus 27 alterations of the ciphers have to be gone through before the final result in arrived at. womonstration by the European method: 748 874 28 874 874 64 874 7 32 874 2992 5286 5984 658752.

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FEBRUARY, 1891.) THE BURMESE SYSTEM OF ARITHMETIC. 63 1 Example 4. Multiply 391 by 566. In this case the alterations in the processes amount to 19 thus :(a) 15 391, (6) 155391, (c) 165391, (d) 166591, (e) 166591, 555 15 555 555 555 555 (g) 161591, (h) 111591, (0) 211591, () 211091, (k) 216091, 45 555 555 555 555 555 (m) 216451, (+) 216451, (0) 216951, (p) 216901, () 217001, 555 555 555 555 (5) 217005. Demonstration by the European method is as follows: 891 555 () 166591, 45 555 (1) 216451, 555 45 (v) 217005 555 1966 1955 1956 2 2 217006. Example 5. Multiply 12 by 12. Precisely the same processes are followed as in simple multiplication. Thus in multiplying 12 by 12 the successive steps would be shewn thus :(@) 112, (b) 112, () 122, (d) 122 (6) 122, (1) 142, (g) 144, (h) 144. 12 12 12 12 12 Here 8 successive steps are required. Example 6. Multiply 56789 by 9. With a single multiplier as above the steps would be as follows:(a) 456789, (6) 456789, (c) 404789, (d) 504789, (e) 50479, (f) 500389, 54 1 (g) 510389, (1) 510389, (i) 510029, (j) 511029, (k) 511001, (1) 311101, 63 9 (m) 511101. Here the Burmese process requires 13 steps before it arrives at completion. D. DIVISION.2 Example 1. Divide 889 by 27. To divide 689 by 27, set the first cipher of the divisor beneath the first cipher of the dividend and the subsequent ciphers after it, thus: - 689. 27 Then divide the first cipher of the dividend by the first cipher of the divisor in the head.23 and because 6 + 2 = 3, set the quotient over that cipher of the dividend which is immediately above the last cipher of the divisor, thus: - 3 689. 27 * The Hindu processes of division are substantially the same as the Burmese. - S. B. D. Hindus usually learn by heart to multiply from 1 to 30, and even to 40, by 1 to 10; that is, a Hindu can at once give the answer to 29 x 9. So no Hindu would in a case lik, that in the text proceed to divide 6 by 2, but would at once divide 67 by 27 and so arrive at the first cipher of the quotient. Of course, when the divisor is composed of more than two figures in dividing large sums the correct firat cipher in the quotient is not always found at once. -S. B. D.

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64 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1891. Now multiply in the head the quotient with the first cipher of the divisor and subtract the result from the first cipher of the dividend, and then, because 3 X2 = 6 and 6 - 6 = 0, substitute the remainder for the first cipher of the dividend ; thus: - 3 089. 27 Then, to ascertain if the above quotient is the true first cipher of the final quotient, inultiply it by the subsequent ciphers of the divisor and subtract the result from the ciphers of the dividend immediately over them in the head, and then if there is a remainder substitute it for the cipher of the dividend affected by the process; but if there can be no remainder, i. e., if the result exceeds the cipher for which it should be substituted, then the quotient is wrong and must be lessened. E. g., in this case 3 X 7= 21, which cannot be subtracted from 08, and 80 3 cannot be the true first cipher of the final quotient and must be lessened. Begin again and try 2. Then the ciphers to be set down are 2 689. 27 Then, because 2 X 2 = 4 and 6 -4 = 2, after multiplication with the first cipher of the divisor by the revised quotient, by subtracting the result from the first cipher of tbe dividend and substituting the remainder for the first cipher of the dividend, we have 2 289. 27 Next, the result of multiplying the revised quotient with the remaining ciphers of the divisor is 2 X 7 = 14, which is capable of subtraction from the ciphers of the dividend affected by the process: 1. e., 28 - 14 = 14. So substitute the remainder for the said cipher thus: - 2 149. 27 So 2 is the true first cipher of the final quotient. Now set forward the divisor a point, thus : 3 149. 27 and proceed as before, dividing the ciphers of the dividend immediately over the first cipher of the divisor ; thus: 14 + 2 = 7. Set down as follows 27 149. 37 Now multiply the first cipher of the divisor with the quotient thus obtained as before, and substitute the remainder after subtracting it from the ciphers of the dividend affected, and, because 2 X 7 = 14 and 14 - 14 = 0, set-down 27 09. 27 Next proceed as before, to ascertain if 7 is the true second cipher of the final quotient of the division, by multiplying it with the second cipher of the divisor and subtracting the result from the ciphers of the dividend affected by the process thus 7 x 7 = 49, which cannot be sabtracted from 09. So 7 is wrong, therefore try 5. Sot down and proceed as before ; thus : 26 149.

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FEBRUARY, 1891.) THE BURMESE SYSTEM OF ARITHMETIC. 65 Now, proceeding as before, 2 X 5 = 10, and 14 - 10 = 4. So substitute 4 for 14, and get down 25 Then proceeding as before, 5 x 7 = 35, and 49 - 35 = 14. So substitute 14 for 49, and set down 25 14. 27 Answer: 26 27 Demonstration by the European method : 27) 689 (25 54 149 135 14 . Answer: 253 Check is practised in the Burmese method in the same way as in the European, vis. by multiplying out the quotient. The processes shewn in succession on the Burmese slate or sand or parabait would therefore be : 25 . That is, 12 processes are necessary before the result is arrived at. Example 2. Divide 3965 by 172. Proceeding as before, the processes gone through would be set down by a Burman as follows: 3 3 25 25 (a) 3965, (6) 3965, (O) 0965, (d) 3965, (e) 1965, 6) 565, (g) 52 (1) 525, G) 025 172 172 172 1721 172 172 172 Answer : 28102 Demonstration by the European method: 172) 3965 (23192 344 525 516

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1891. Example 3. Divide 708 by 96. Here the processes would be as follows: (a) 703, (6) 703, (m) 703, (d) 73, (@) 38, (f) 703 95 95 95 95 95 Answer : Demonstration by the European method: 95) 703 (793 665 38 . 50 PART III. A METHOD OF CHECKING BURMESE MULTIPLICATION, In practice the Burmese do not oheck their multiplication, but it is capable of being checked on paper according to their system of ciphering, by shewing the processes as in the following tables, instead of in the manner givon in the above examples. The figures shewn in italics are those that are struck out in each stage of the process of multiplication, Example 1. 391 x 55. First Stage. Final result ................. 16591 Result of 2nd multiplication ..................... 65 Multiplicand and Ist multiplication ............ 15391 Addition of 2nd multiplication ............ Multiplier ........ 55 Second Stage. Third Stage. Final result ................................ 21451 21505 Regult of 2nd multiplication ......... 45 Result of lst multiplication .............. ..... 210 Multiplicand............. 16591 21451 Addition of lst multiplication ............. 45 Addition of 2nd multiplication .................. Multiplier ......... Example 2. 789 x 69. First Stage. Final result ..... 48389 Result of 2nd Multiplication .......... 83 Multiplicand and 1st multiplication ............ 42789 Addition of 2nd multiplication .... Multiplier .......... ............ ....... 69 Third Stage. Final result ............ 53829 54441 Result of 2nd multiplication ...... 82 441 Result of 1st multiplication ............ 531 436 Multiplicand ........... 48389 53829 Addition of 1st multiplication .......... 48 54 Addition of 2nd multiplication ............ Multiplier 55

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FEBRUARY, 1891.] BURMESE SYSTEM OF ARITHMETIC. 43 874 Example 3. 748 X 874. First Stage. Final result ......... 611848 Result of 3rd multiplication .......... 118 Result of 2nd multiplication ........... 60 Multiplicand and 1st multiplication. ........... 569748 Addition of 2nd multiplication .................. Addition of 3rd multiplication .................. Multiplier 874 Second Stage. Third Stage. Final result ..... 646768 653752 Result of 3rd multiplication .......... 76 52 Result of 2nd multiplication 66 72 Result of 1st multiplication 531 Multiplicand .......... 611848 646768 Addition of lst multiplication 32 64 Addition of 2nd multiplication ......... 28 56 Addition of 3rd multiplication Multiplier........... 874 Example 4.391 555. First Stage. Final result .......................................... 166591 Result of 3rd multiplication .......... 65 Result of 2nd multiplication ...................... Multiplicand and lst multiplication ............. 155391 Addition of 2nd multiplication .............. Addition of 3rd multiplication .............. Multiplier ........... Second Stage. Third Stage. Final result ............ 216451 217005 Result of 3rd multiplication ......... 45 Result of 2nd multiplication ........... 700 Result of 1st multiplication ............. 211 Multiplicand 166591 216451 Addition of 1st multiplication .................. 45 Addition of 2nd multiplication ................. 45 Addition of 3rd multiplication ............... Multiplier ..... 555 555 Example 5. 12 x 12. First Stage. 2nd Stage. 3rd Stage. Final result ........ 122 142 144 Result of 2nd multiplication ......... 2 Multiplicand and lst multiplication .............. 112 142 Addition of lst multiplication .................. 1 Multiplier .......................................... 12 PART IV. AN EXPLANATION OF THE ORIGIN OF THE BURMESE ARITHMETICAL METHOD. It is explained, on page 54 above, that the ordinary Burman still writes his numbers as he speaks them. Thus he will write 1000100309 for 1139. ................. .... ... 555 60 122 12 -

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1891. This peculiarity yields a possible explanation of his system of arithmetic, which would appear to have arisen from this method of notation. Let us take one of the addition problems already explained : add 825 to 896. These sums he would write as follows: 300205 and 800906. Then we get, putting the naughts which are meaningless according to the decimal notation, in italios for clearness : - 800 + 300 = 1000100 90 + 20 = 10010 Added total = 100020010 6 + 5 = 101 Added total 1000200201 ( = 1221 ) In this way we see that even on paper the problem works out naturally in the Burmese fashion. Now let us subtract 78 from 95, writing the sums as 708 and 905. Then we have 90 - 70 = 20 20 - 10 (borrowed) = 10 5 + 2 added total of last two items = 107 ( = 17).23 Here again it will be seen that the Burmese method of subtraction works out naturally. Turning to multiplication we have to multiply 391 by 65, written 800901 and 603. Then 300 X 60 = 108000 300 X 5 = 1000500 first stage added total ....... 109000500 J 90 X 60 = 5000400 90 X 5 = 40050 second stage total of first and second stages... 20500030050 J 1 X 60 = 60 1 + 5 = $third stage. total of second and third stages. 205000400105 ) Or, in decimal notation, 25415. Thus it will be seen that the multiplication system is merely the logioal result of what may be called Natural Notation. Lastly for division, let us divide 589 by 27, written as 500809 and 207. Then 20 into 500 in terms of ten = 20 : then 207 X 20 = 50040 : first stage. and 50040 from 500809 = 409 : 20 into 40 in terms of ten = 2: then 207 X 2 = 504: and 504 will not subtract form 409 : second stage. 80 2 is wrong and we must work with 1: Therefore 20 into 40 in terms of ten = 1: then 207 x 1= 207 : third stage. and 207 from 409 = 202 Therefore the answer is obtained by 20 +1 = 201 with 202 over fourth stage. 33 We are now following the Burmese method of subtraction explained on page 56, supra.

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FEBRUARY, 1891.] OLD-KANARESE INSCRIPTION AT KOTUR. 69 Or, in the decimal notation, 21 Here again the Burmese method works out naturally and clearly. This argument seems to shew us how the system arose naturally out of a system of notation which was merely one of writing numbers as they were spoken. If this be the fact, its antiquity is beyond doubt, and we are thus brought face to face with what may be & genuine sample of primitive mathematics. SANSKRIT AND OLD-KANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. BY J. F. FLEET, Bo.C.S., MR.A.S., C.I.E. No. 194.- AN OLD KANARESE INSCRIPTION AT KOTUR. Kotar is a village abont twenty miles in a north-westerly direction from Saundatti, the chief town of the Parasgad Taluka or Sub-Division of the Belgaum District, Bombay Presidency. It is entered in the map, Indian Atlas Sheet No. 41, as Kotoor, in Lat. 16deg 1', Long. 75deg 2. The present inscription, now brought to notice for the first time, is on a stone tablet on the south side of a temple or shrine of the god ParamAnanda in a field, Survey No. 6, of this village. I edit it from an ink-impression made by my own man. The surface covered by the writing is irregular in shape; the extreme measures are about 2' 5" square. There are no sculptures on the stone. - The characters belong to the transitional period of the so-called Old-Kanarese alphabet; and may be allotted, approximately, to the ninth century A.D. The size of the letters varies from " to 1t". The engraving is bold and excellent. It may be noted that the j is formed in two ways, see, for instance, jaya and raja, line 1; so also the m, see, for instance, mati and mana, line 2. Also, in several instances a distinct form of the lingual d is used, as compared with the dental d; see, for instance, nadadu, line 3. - The language is Old-Kanarese ; and the record is in verse throughout. - In respect of orthography, the only point that calls for notice is the use of b for v in the Sanskrit word vira, lines 4 and 9; though the v is preserved in varsa, line 1, and virajita, line 2. The other peculiarities, - e. g., sambre for sambhu or kasabhu, throughout, except perhaps where it is used in line 8 as a name of Siva ; nij-echche for nij-echchhe, line 5; nivirtti for nivritti, line 15; and santosa for sa:klosha, line 16, -are linguistic, rather than orthographical; and are customary in the adaptation of Sansktit words in Old-Kanarese. The inscription belongs to the class of virgals or vira-kallus, 'monumental slabs of heroes. It describes how & Saiva ascetic named Sambu, i. e. Sambhu, performed the ceremony of walking through the fire, and then stood in it till he was burnt to death. It mentions & Chalukya prince named ParahitarAja; in which word we have, of course, a biruda, rather than a proper name. It is not dated ; and the name of this prince is not known from any other record. Bat the inscription is to be referred, on palaeographical grounds, to about the ninth century A. D.; and Parahitaraja was doubtless one of the Chalukya chieftains who must have survived, and would probably be entrusted with subordinate authority, during the period of the Rashtrakuta supremacy in this part of the country. TEXT.2 1 Sris-jaya-yntamge Parahita-rajamge Chalukya-vambad-atamge lasa2 [d-ri]jita-gunamge Sambu, viraji(ji)ta-mati-vele-gondu bhaya-rahita-manam (0) 3 Jadi rajatodarad-alkade tada-dadisade nadadu dahanana[m] vola-gond-64 gadisade chintisi manadol-Mridana nagumvage pa yda Sambuve biram 1 5 Kichchin-olag-i]du Sambu nij-echebeyinroladarciv=arim=end-anunayadim 6 bichchalike-verasi manadol-mechchi Mahesvaranan=alli c hintisut-ildam 1 7 Pogalalk-alambam=appro!puga!nne t adag=avane sa (ba)svatam-madi dbaga The form of me that is used in this word, is the one that is liable to be mistaken for ro, or sometimes re; see ante. Vol. XIX. p. 431, note 53. From the ink-impression. 3 Metre, Kanda; throughout.

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70 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1891. 8 ddhagita sikhi sekeya kole nage moga[di]in [ Sa]m[bhp]vane Sambu neneyutt-ildam 9 Sambugam-achintyam=aytu gunam=bageyalk-ala ..... biraman=idan=avo[m] 10 [mo]m-bagedu pogala)-arivom Sam[bu]van=ambudhi-[va]rita-dharanitalado! 11 11 Man-negalda velevadicharam-inn-apporam=igad-allorum bagevod=avar 12 ninn=aunare ninnrannare ninn annare Dinage nine doreyay=Semba 11 13 Charchch-Adyain Bhuvana gonam bechch-ire tannolesamanta Sambu nitantan 14 kichcham pokkndan=i jagam-achchari-vatteadane nudiyut-irppudu nichcba[m] 11 15 Urig-oddi meyyan=alkade parama-tapodhana-nivirttiyind=ildu Mahe16 evaranane chintisi divyapsaraseyar=oda neradu Sambu santosad-ildam 11 TRANSLATION. Having declared (his) resplendent determination to the king Parabitaraja, who is endowed with fortune and victory; who is of the Chalukya lineage; (and) who is possessed of pleasing and splendid virtues, -Sambu (became) free from apprehension in (his) mind. (Line 3) - A brave man indeed (was) Sambu, who, fearing not the shower of the fire, delayed not, but ran up and fanned the flame; and then without any hesitation, having thought on the god Msida in (his) mind, with smiles passed through (it). (L. 5) - When Bambu of his own free will was in the fire, (the people) expressed disapprobation, saying, in sympathy, (to the flames), "Be quenched ; " (but), with great bappiness in (his) mind, there he remained, thinking of the god) Malesvara. (L. 7) - When the crackling fire, having appropriated to itself, once and for ever, those good qualities (of his) which were too great to be enumerated, began to acquire heat, - with A smiling face, 10 Sambu continued to think upon (the god) 'Sambhu. (L. 9) - When it is considered how inconceivable were the virtues of Sambu.... ..... this heroic deed, who, on the surface of the earth surrounded by the oceans, could foretell and describe Bambu ? (L. 11) - Verily, neither those who have lived in days of fame gone by, 11 nor those who shall be in the future, nor those of the present time, -(even) if they were to think of it), - could say " (This deed is) thine, (or) thine, (or) thine;" (for), art not thou indeed, 0 Sambu!, the (only) standard of comparison for thyself! (L. 13) - (The whole of this world, -struck with amazement at the fact that, when the virtues of (the god) Bhava, headed by concentration of the mind in deliberation, developed to such) eminence in him, Sambu thus completely entered into the fire, will for ever be talking of it. Letters representing two short-syllable instante, are illegible here. As a matter of fact, there is room for four or five syllables; and there was probably a break in the writing, owing to some fault in the stone, as, for instance, between the last two aksharas of line 12. This ja was at first omitted, and then was inserted, rather small, on the top line of the writing. * The prasa is not quite perfect bere, owing to the in the second akshara. But the composers of ancient poetry do not seem to have been altogether so particular in this respect as those of subsequent times. 1 I cannot find any dictionary authority for rendering rajati dara, Ut. 'silver-belly,' by 'fire;' but I do not see what other meaning can be given to the word. - Jadi seems to be the Kanarese jadi, jadi-male, incessant rain, small rain.' Strictly, it ought to have an accusative ending, instead of being in the crude form. i. e. Siva. He is called Mahebvara in lines 6 and 15-16, Bambbu in line 8, and Bhava in line 13. . I do not see how to render the word ivu, 'these' (nom. pl.), in this sentence. 10 lit. "Amiling with (his) face." 11 In relevadicharum, we must have the affix icha,' one who is born at, or lives at' (see N igavarman's Karnataka bhashabhishana, sutra 176, and Kebirdja's Sabdamanidarpana, sutra 200; in both of which, however, it is attached only to names of places, except in the word alaricha, born or living in the water-lily, not see how to explain the syllables vada ; unless the affix is in reality attached, in some instances, to the genitive case, and we have here a genitive form ve levada, instead of vlleya, analogons to barandrivada for baranasiya (see ante, Vol. XIX. p. 145, note 8, which illustrates also a locative case formed in the same way). 13 lit. " indeed they do not say." >> Or, instead of charchch-ddy ash, perhaps we should read diyan, i.e. hyar, and translate "the unfathom. able virtues of the god) Bbaya."

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Old-Kanarese Inscription at Kotur. - - .. . pad. a c . . . A CA SO amama Naadam mu . Maridi..AAH " naa . TH jlu neerugaa tnku . . J. F. FLEET, 20. C.S. SCALE 23 W. GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITH.

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FEBRUARY, 1891.) NOTICE OF THE GULABNAMA. (L. 15) - Having fearlessly offered his body to the flames; having behaved with the resignation of a most profound ascetic ; (and) having meditated on (the gud) Mabeavara; Sambu attained union with the nymphs of heaven, and became content. A NOTICE OF THE GULABNAMA. BY E. REHATSEK. (Continued from Vol. XIX. p. 303.) The Rajas Suchet Singh and Hira Singh, who worked in perfect unison in punishing the rebels, now raised Dalip Singh to the throne, with Hira Singh for his prime minister, but in a few days the old discord between uncle and nephew broke out again. Their quarrel had originally arisen thua. The Raja Suchet Singh rented the 'ilaga of Jasrota from the government, while the Raja Hira Singh had been presented with it as a jdgir. The late Dhyan Singh had, however, succeeded in keeping peace between them, but they now came to open hostilities and bloodsbed, the chief reason for which was, that the Raja Hira Singh had entrusted Pandit Jalle with the administration of most of the political and financial affairs and the pandit had demurred to the wish of the Raja Suchet Siogh to increase Rai Keari Singh's jajir. The Raja Suchet Singh was further displeased because Pandit Jalla had captured and slain Bhai Gurmukha Singh and Misr Beli Ram, the accomplices of Ajit Singh in the murder of the Raja Dhyan Singh, as he foresaw the danger entailed by such an act. He, however, strangely enough, pat aside all the ill-feeling he entertained towards the adherents of the Sardar Lahna Singh and associated with them, which behaviour disgusted Hire Singh. Galab Singh, informed of this discord, left Jammuo, and started for Lahor. When he arrived and balted near Shahdara, the Rajas Hira Singh and Suchet Singh, and all the notable Sardars came from the city to meet him. In Lahor he attempted to effect the supersession of Hira Singh, by inducing the Sardars and Rajas to entrust Suchet Singh with the administration of the government, but they almost unanimously, although politely, refused to comply. He then departed with Suchet Siigh to Jammun, having no dopbt during his brief sojourn in Lahor become folly acquainted with the critical state of affairs, and prognosticated therefrom that new contests imight soon arise from which it would be best to keep aloof. Having no offspring, and no hopes of obtaining any, Gulab Singh adopted shortly after his return to Jammun, Ranbir Singh as his son. Meanwhile the Raja Bira Singh not only refrained from allowing the young Maharaja Dalip Singh to acquire any influence whatever, but made Pandit Jalla his chief counsellor. This man incurred great hatred by his tyrannical measures, in consequence of which two of the chief officials of the administration, who foresaw that disturbances would arise, retired from it. These were Faqir 'Azizu'ddin, who, leading the life of a recluse, ceased to associate with any one, and Sardar Lahna Singh, who abandoned his position and departed to Benares. Meanwhile the troops of Gulab Singh, commanded by Diwan Hari Chand, remained encamped in Shahdara, to be employed in case of need by the Raja Hira Singh. But as Peshore Singh, son of Ranjit Singh, entertained rebellious designs and had occupied the fort of Sialkot, Gulab Singh besieged it, with the aid of the Diwan Hari Chand, and the prince fell into their power. Raja Suchet Singh, who aspired to supremacy, had meanwhile been corresponding with the officers of the Khaloa army. The Diwan Jawahir Singh at Lahor aided him in this matter, which ended in the officers secretly inviting Suchet Singh to come to the capital. Accordingly he prepared to do so with his intimate friends, Rai Kesri Singh and others, in spite of the remonstrances of Gulab Singh, who at last besought and entreated him in a private conversation not to venture upon so dangerous an undertaking, which must in all probability terminate fatally, and taking off his own turban, placed it before him, but all to no purpose. Sachet Singh mounted a fleet charger on the pretence of going hunting, but was overtaken by Mian Ranbir Singh and the Diwan Hari Chand, who both endeavoured in vain to persuade him

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72 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1891. to return. He reached Samba in three hours, which is six farsangs distant from Jammun. There he took leave of his haram, and on coming out of it received a letter from Jawahir Singh to the purport that he had succeeded in bringing over the whole Khalsa army to their side. This letter 80 re-assured the Raja, that losing all caution he left his forces, which amounted to between three and four thousand men on the road, and hastened with only a few troopers to Lahor. When, however, he arrived in the vicinity of the capital with & retinue of 45 men, some of whom were armed and some not, he was informed that the Khalsa troops, greedy for money, desired to attack him, and that he ought to turn back. But he replied that it is not the part of a brave man to retreat from a battle-field, whereon Rai Kesri Singh suggested that it would perhaps be better to fall back in the direction of Firozper, and there to prepare for the struggle, or to go to the Shalimar garden at Lahor, and wait for the arrival of his troops. But he stoutly refused, and at last halted in Dere Mian, where Jawahir Mall made his appearance and went away after conversing on various topics. Next morning the Khalsa army, amounting to more than 60,000 men and numerous artillery, came up and surrounded the locality on three sides. Thereon Raa Suchet Singh prepared to sacrifice his life, performed his ablutions, put on new clothes, and adorned himself with costly jewellery; and as the gardener happened to come up with a basket full of beautiful flowers, he took one for himself and presented with his own hands one to Kesri Singh and one to Diwan Bhim Sen. Shortly afterwards the fire of the Khalsa troops began, and the roof of the building in which Suchet Singh happened to be with his companions gave way. His swift charger was then brought to him, but he refused to mount it, and preferred to die fighting on the spot. Kesri Singh was cut down by a sword, Diwan Bhim Sen fell shot by a gun, Nihal Singh being afraid of his life ran away, and the Raja Suchet Singh valiantly defended himself with his sabre, killing several of his Khalsa assailants, but at last succumbed. In this catastrophe, says our author, Suchet Singh left a record of his name to be for ever remembered with praise, and Hira Singh's with reprobation. An to Pandit Jalla he proved ever ungrateful and dishonest towards Suchet Siugh, not only whilst alive by plotting to encompass his ruin, but also by preventing Hire Singh after his death from observing the usual ceremonies of mourning for him. It is also alleged that when in the last emergency the artillery had been drawn up, and Colonel Ilahi Bakhsh, the commandant, asked for orders, Hira Singh remained silent, but Pandit Jalla insisted that it should fire, in spite of the remonstrances of the Colonel, Diwin AjudhiA Nath, Sadhu Singh, and others. When Gulab Singh was informed of what had taken place, he bewailed the death of Buchet Singh, the ladies of whose haram at Jammun, Sam ba, and Ramnagar immolated themBelves. The RAJA was born in St. 1858 and killed in St. 1901, and so was 43 years old when he bade farewell to the world. Pandit Jalla advised Hira Singh to confiscate his jagirs, but his Rinis, who were his heiresses, bad at the time of undergoing sati bequeathed them all to Gulab Singh, whom their husband had in his life-time cherished and considered as his adopted son, and intended to be his heir. Gulab Singh, foreseeing that tronbles would arise on this subject between himself and the Raja Hiran Singh, therefore at once despatched the author's father with Pandit Charan Das to Lahor, to srrange matters by claiming from the darbar, Samba, Suchetgarh, and the districts rented to the late Raja. Pandit Charan Das who was an elder brother of Papdit Jalla did his best to persuade him to consent to the proposal, but he obstinately refused, and as Hira Singh bad entrusted him with the management of affairs, no impression could be made upon the Raja, whilst other notables who were favourable to the claim dared not open their months for fear of Jalla. So the two envoys returned without effecting anything. Some time afterwards, however, the Raja Hira Singh thought proper to send Raja Dina Nath, Bhai Ram Singh, and Imamu'ddin as envoys to negotiate on this business with Gulab Singh. At one of their meetings Raja Dina Nath happened to mention the way in which the Emperor Aurangzeb 'Alamgir had treated his father Shah Jahan, and In Ch. 48 of the fafarnama, this looklity is called Shekh Kallas, and is said to contain the tomb of Shekh Isma', known as Mika Kallan. A. D. 1844 certain

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FEBRUARY, 1891.1 NOTICE OF THE GULABNAMA. 73 - said that the RAJA Hira Singh stood in the position of father towards Gulab Singh, whereon the latter rejoined that in this affair there was no analogy with Shah Jahan, and compared Hina Siogh to Suchet Singh, who, he said, possessed no experience of the world. Moreover, he said that if Hira Singh should think proper to attack him, he would find him quite ready to defend his possessions with the sword. The envoys, disappointed and frightened by this reply, left Jammun and returned to Lahor. . Raja Hira Singh, with the view of confiscating the districts of Gujrat, Jalalper, Pind Dadan Khan, &c., which had been rented to Galab Singh, and were in charge of his officials, and also of depriving him of all bis possessions in the Panjab territories, despatched his army thither, some palfans of which encamped at EminAbad, with the intention of attacking and plundering Jammun. Accordingly. Gulab, Singh collected his army of brave Rajputs and issued proclamations that all persons desiring to enlist would be welcome. The result was that his forces increased considerably, and that even from LAlor many patriotic Rajpats preferring to defend their homesteads rather than to gain money, joined them. This army, under the command of Ranbir Singh, and Diwan Hari Chand, encamped near the city of Jammun. However, the Raja Jawahir Singh negotiated with Hira Singh, and induced him to accept the districts of Samba, Suchatgarh,, &c., and, one-half of the property left by Suchat Singh, leaving the rest, and the rented districts to, Gulib Singh, who thereupeu sent Randhir Singh,' a youthful candidate for glory and dignity, to Lahor, where the hond of peace between Gulib Singh and Hira Singh was cemented. At last the seed of evil, sown by Pandit Jalla, ripened into fruit to his own destruction. He had kept under surveillance Sardar Jawabir Singh, the brother of the Bibi Sahiba Chandai. who took the first opportunity she could to apprize the efficers of the Khalsa army that Jalla had exceeded all bounds of propriety. Lal Singh, too, although indebted for his high position to Hira Singh, seconded her proposals, and presented himself with her, Dalip Singh and Jawabir Singh before the Khalsa army, adjuring it to destroy Pandit JallA. Accordingly the Khalsa troopa desired that Pandit Jalli should be surrendered to them by Hira Singh, who, unwilling to comply, preferred to mount offeet charger and to depart from LAhor, despite the warnings of several persons not to do so. Hir& Bingh and Randhir Singh were, with a smajl number of followers, overtaken at a distance of only a few farsangs from LA hor, and were eu slain fighting, and the head of the much dreaded and execrated Pandit Jalla, who was also one of the fugitives, became a trophy with which the. Khalsa troops marched back to Lahor This event took place in St. 1901,6 on Sunday the 8th (duadast) of the month Pts. When Golab Singh obtained information of what had taken place, he was greatly shocked, and when Bagbej Singh arrived from LAhor, bringing the head of that hopeful youth, his grief was augmented He refrained from eommunicating the sad tidings to the Maharani, the mother of Randhir who had not yet forgotten the death of Man Udham Singh. Whilst still: mounning for the loss he had sustained, Gulab Singh received information that Hira Singh had, some time before his death, sent Sham Singh and Lal Singh to conquer Jasrot2 and otber districts. At the same time too LAA Ratan Chand Dugal and Babi Mian Singh arrived from La hor, bringing a message from Bibi Chandan and Jawabir Singh, reminding Gulab Singh of what he and the late Raja Suchet Singh had endured from the iniquities of the Raja Hira Singh and Pandit Jall. They were also held guilty of Mfan Randhir's death because having, like a youthful cypress tree, not yet attained the age of maturity, he would not listen to the Bibi's advice, and separated himself from Hira Siogh. She proposed that whatever Raja Hira Siagh had possessed with one half of the property left by Raja Sucbet Singh, shouid be sarrendered to her, but that Gulab Singh slould retain the districts and jdgirs he held with This is the first time the late, and father of the present, Maharaja appears to have entered public life Prominently. This individual, as will be seen further on, was killed with Raja Hira Singh, but is at the end of Ch. 48 the lafarndma, where the episode is also narrated, called Sohan, the young son of Galib Singh. 6. A. D. 1844. * The literal meaning is "of that young cypres; "and Randhir ia moapt

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1891. the sanction of the preceding government. Gulab Singh feigned to comply with the demands of the envoys, but resorted to the stratagem of bribing the Sikh troops stationed at Jasrota by the late Hira Singh for the impending conquest of Chamba, and enlisting them in his own cause. He ordered also Ranbir Siogh,? who resided at that time in Ramnagar as the successor of Suchet Singh, to prepare his forces for a campaign, and many other chiefs received similar instractions. The expected storm soon broke, and when the death of Hira Singh became generally known disturbances took place in all directions. Some Khalsa troops invaded the possessions of the Maharaja Gulab Singh, and even besieged Jammui, bat were at last repelled. Negotiations then took place and Gulab Singh indaced them by presenting every man with five rupees to march back with him to Lahor. To their commander, General Mewa Singh, he paid Rs. 25,000 in cash, and preserted him also with a horse and golden saddle. As the army was gradually approacling LAhor, several messages arrived from the Bibi sahiba and the Sardar Jawahir Singh, expressing their displeasure, that, contrary to their wishes, the army had allowed Gulab Singh to accompany it. This became an oocasion for quarrelling, and when the Khalsa army arrived near La hor at Shahdara it was split into two factions, one of which continued to side with Gulab Singh, and the other spurned all connection with him. Gulib Singh now mounted elephants with some of his friends, intending to enter the city; Lat a letter arrived from the notables of the court with orders to convey him to Lahor under a strong guard, and not to allow any of his friends to accompany him. The ignorant and simple-minded troopers, eutrusted with the letter, gave it to the uncle of the author, Diwan Nihal Chand, who read it out to the troops in this fashion :- "The Bibi Sahiba and the Maharaja Dalip Singh strictly enjoin the troops to convey the Maharaja Gulab Singh into the city with demonstrations of honour." When, therefore, Gulab Singh made his entrance into Lahor with great pomp, the inhabitants crowded the roofs and doors of their houses, many expressing fervent wishes that nothing untoward might befall him, as he bad already to deplore the loss of many of his relatives. He was taken to the house of the late prince Nau Nihal Singh, where he found a strong guard appointed to watch him. It happened to consist of men from a regiment that had, on a former occasion, been disgracefully routed by his own troops in Kasmir. This guard had onders not to allow any one to approach him except his Diwan. As soon as the party had alighted the Diwan, who was the author's father, attempted to draw water from a well, and, having been ensuccessful in the attempt, was relieved by a woman who had observed him from a distance. She procured not only water, but also food for the Maharaja Gulab Singh. The Diwin then went in all haste to the court of the Bibi Sahiba, and represented that it was usual to supply even a convicted criminal with food and drink, but that Gulab Singh, who was only under surveillance, had been provided neither with food, nor even with a bed to rest himself upon. Accordingly orders were immediately issued to supply him with all necessaries. The members of the court were unfriendly to Gulab Singh and desired his ruin, but were also apprehensive that a faction of the Khilsa troops might raise disturbances, in case any harm should befall him. His favourite Diwan did the best he could to discover any intrigues which might be carried on, and narrated every evening to Gulab Singh all that he had ascertained during the day. Ove day Ire brought news that the court people intended to put the Diwan and the Wazir Zorawar Siugh to torture and force them to reveal where Gulab Singh 'kept his treasure, whereon the latter at once sent his wazir out of the way back to Jamman, and the Diwan promised rather to sacrifice his life than to divnige where the treasures were. On another occasion the court proposed to extort such a confession from Gulab Siugh himself. Their evil intentions were brought to the notice of the Khalsa troops, and they manifested their displeasure, and Ratan Singh advised the Raja Lal Singh to release Gulab Singh somehow, or else they would certainly raise a disturbance. The Diwan Dina Nath reported that they were already threatening to use violent mcasures in case of non-compliance with their wishes. These rumours disquieted the court, and in order to propitiate the army, the Sardar Jawahir Singh next day took the Maharaja 1 His adopted son, the late Maharaja Ranbir Singh, who died in 1885.

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FEBRUARY, 1991.) NOTICE OF THE GULABNAMA. 75 A Dalip Singh to be present at a review of the troops, which had been arranged to take place initiae phuin of MR Mit. On that cocasion, however, the troops demanded that the Maharaja Gubulai Sitigla, to whom they had pledged their liggur, and had promised safety when they brought him, skould fortle with be allowed to return to Jammllis; and as they threatened to kill Jawihan Singh on the spot, and to pull Dalip Singl down from hss eleplant, it became necessary to withdraw the guard, which had kept Gulab Singk prisoner, and to allow laim to inske bis appearance next day at the Court of the Maharaja Dalip Singh, where he was questioned aboutTthe gold and property of the Raja Kira Singh and the possessions of Raja Suchet Singh. The court, however, continued to plot mischief against him, but his friends who were much attached to him, as well as others whose affection herlaad won by his affability, kept him informed of what was brewing against him, and also of the presence of musketeers in the darbdr, who might shtetikite at any time, from their ambush behind a curtain, at a given signal. This put him on his inetrip, andadoorslingly ke one day batled in tke river at sunrise, plneed a saffron mark on his foreheal, armed himsell with a salire and gan, and proceeded to the court where he found some nobles assembled, including Sardar Jawahir Singh, Lil Singh, Shan Singh and others, each of whonlelated by his own importance, kad armed retainers by his side. They were surprised when he made his approarance among them, and still more at the manner in which he addressed them, stating that he had long served under the lato Mihiraja Ranjit Singh, and had fought in many battles, but as fate ha l not willed it, no harm had come to hiin. Now, however, as they lind, with the intention of destroying him, placed men in ambush to shoot him, after the matiner Obrigands, he challenged any brave and honourable man in the assembly, desirous of shedding Lis blood, to step forth and to fight kive; and it ne 'one felt able be would accept any two onists, and dye the door of the court with'tbeit' Jood, tart' he had slain everyone in the The bravery of Goyal'single being well known, and the Sardars, not daring to accept his.cballerge remained silent. Not even Sardar Sham Singh, who was distinguishod for liis valour, would fight, and became very red in the face. T fire StGuld Singh's fre was thereon i AAHAP 6 100v. Severyone in the Darbar swore to be most amicably disposed to margs ko n a: 4 BSNL * Some time after warde/an attempt was made to poison Gulab Singh, by throwing Malverised diamonds into some snow and sugarcane juice, which it was expected he would drink, but thaving been warned by friends, he abstained from mixing the sugar with the snow, saying that he could enjoy the snow alone as he was a mountaineer. On another occasion, the coart ordered Ralaneu'llah Khan of RajAorf, and Faiz Talab, the son of Sultan KIA, to wait on the road against the return of Gulab Singh from the court and shoot him. They prepared for this deed by taking up a position, one very dark night with 200 men, on the road, which they knew that their intended viotin must' pass. It so happened, however, that after the rising of the court, Gulab Singh went to the abode of a celebrated asootic, and conversed with him for so long a time, that his Diwan went home by another road! The miscreants, having t tired of waiting any longer, departed in single ale with the matches of their firelocke still burning, when the Maharaja Gulab Singh at last passed with his retinue, wherean" they quickly took to their heels; but he had some of tliem, captured, and these revealed the whole plot after the application of some pressure. Next morning Gulab Singh sent his Diwan to the darbur with the gaptives as witnesses, but when the Diwau made his statement, the members of it pretended te be ignorant of the plot they had themsel yes devised. They compljed, however, at his request, to renove the prisoners to some distance, in order to set at rest the apprehensions of Gulab Sage, and they were acoordingly deported in chains to Gobindgarh udowod n il tals 13 Dissensions being alisen between the Sardat Jawahir Singh and the Raja Lai slagh, most people concluded that if Gulab Singh, whose bravery was well known, were to favour the Eclains of one of the thikputants, it would be very diffieult tousetple their differences.Tle Sardar Muhammad Khal, who was well disposed towards Gulab Singh, took the opportunity of reminding the RajA LAI Singh, that Gulab Singh-of whose antibition and prudenoo he was aware'as well

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76 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [FEBRUARY, 1891. as of his having gained the favour of the Khalsa troops by his affable manners and liberality - had been long sojourning in Lahor, and that as disturbances might ensue in consequence, it would be best to give him leave to depart to Jammun. Accordingly he was allowed to depart, but he refused to budge one step before the court had restored to him the districts he had been deprived of, and had granted Him paracanas to that effect. His arrival at Jamman was hailed with joy by the population, but whilst he had been in Ihor under surveillance, malcontents had profited by his absence, and disturbed the peace in his dominions. The zamindars of Kishwar, instigated by the officials of Kasmir, had prepared the population for rebellion. Yusaf Khan, who was under many obligations to Gulab Singh, ungratefully disregarded them, and Dilawar Singh, the disloyal son of Tegh Singh, the preceding Raja of Kish war, not caring for the troops of Gulab Singh, joined him, and they conjointly besieged the garrison of the latter in the fort of Dudh, but were at last driven away. Ranbir Singh was attacked' at Ramnagar, which he had garrisoned, by Nihal Singh, vazir of the late Suchet Singh, with his Khalua troops. In the fort of Punchh, the Diwan Karam Chand had to stand a siege from the rebels, whilst the district of Jasrota had already before fallen into their grasp. In fact it appears that certain chiefs of the Sikhs attempted to deprive Gulab Singh, whilst he was under surveillance at Lahor, of every portion of his dominions, nearly all of which they invaded. The Panjab army had, however, become demoralised by the machinations of ambitious Sardars. who strove to attain supreme power with the aid of the troops, and bribed them by turn. This is evident from the narrative of the struggles of the Sindh uwalia Sardars, the Raja Sucbet Singh and the Raja Hira Singh. The prince Peshora Singh, a son of the late Maharaja Ranjit Singh, now once more appeared upon the scene as a pretender, and not being successful in raising disturbances at Sialkot, proceeded to Atak, of which he took possession. He was, however, induced to leave the fort by a stratagem devised by Chhatar Singh and Fath Khan, who swore that they would do him no harm. They slew him nevertheless by order of Jawahir Singh. When the Khalsa troops were apprised of this murder, they determined to kill Jawahir Singh, and forth with took the Raja LAl Singh, the Raja Dina Nath and the Bakhshi, Bhagat Ram into costody. The Sardar Jawahir Singh was several days on his guard, but at last trusted the regiment of Avitabile, which pretended to be faithful to him. Accordingly he took it as an escort and went with the Maharaja Dalip Singh to Mian Mir, probably to witness a review of the troops, bnt they pulled the Maharajii off from his elephant, and stabbed Jawithir Singh to death with their knives. After the above event the Khilsa army despatched one courier after another from Lahor to Jammun inviting the Maharaja Gulab Singh to the capital, but he found various pretexts and excused himself. The Lahor Court was now in great fear of the troops, because the Bibi sahiba Chandan, breathing vengeance for the assassination of her brother, had instigated them to clamour for an increase of pay and other emoluments, and told them that the English intended to make a conquest on the Pasjab side of the Satluj. The Kh Alsa troops, therefore, puffed up with pride and believing themselves to be invincible, left their cantonments and encamped at Mian Mir, whilst their officers held a council in the Shalabagh and determined to march to the frontier. The Raja Lal Singh also consented to this campaign, but many others, considering it to be a breach of faith towards the English, remonstrated. Nevertheless, the army marched and began the campaign by plundering its own country, and finally reached the banks of the Satluj. The Bibi Sahiba wrote, in conformity with the intrigues she was plotting, to the Maharaja Gulib Singh to proceed to the Peshawar in order to regulate the administration of that district, whereon he sent a reply, warning her by no means to break the treaty of friendship with the English, and never to invade their territory, for fear of the gravest consequences. dmd bwtwlh ,bw t bm name is in various pnnnnges of our Persian text spelt w'Thie general * but in ,brtwl .tw lh the present inetaree * These erents are narrated also in Ch. 44 of the 2 farmima.

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NOTICE OF THE GULABNAMA. FEBRUARY, 1891.] The Bibi Sahiba then sent a plausible answer, and also issued a proclamation to the Khalsa officers, that as the English authorities had in no way infringed the treaty of peace, it would be unjust to attack them without a cause. The Sikhs, who were ambitious and foolhardy, paid no attention to this late admonition and crossed the Satluj. On being informed that an English force had marched from Ludhiana to defend Firozpur, they determined to forestall it. Mr. [Major] Broadfoot, Agent to the Governor-General, Lord Hardinge, informed him of this state of affairs, whereon he ordered an army under Lord Gough to march, which encountered the Sikhs at Mudki, where an action was fought on the 8th of the month Puh, St. 1902.10 The Sikhs behaved gallantly, but were routed, abandoning all their baggage, and their Commander-in-Chief the Raja Lal Singh fled, no one knew whither. After this defeat the Khalsa officers held a consultation, and some of them went to Jammun to ask Gulab Singh for advice, and he told them to keep the army stationary on the spot where it was, there being no occasion for restlessness in the present state of affairs. No attention being paid to this advice, a bridge was constructed, which the troops crossed, and encamped on the other bank of the river. The Sardar Rauchhod Singh, who had been collecting troops in the Doab, also arrived and pitched his camp at Phillaur on the banks of the Satluj. The Khalsa troops also marched in a fit of bravery to Ludhiana and burnt the cantonment with everything it contained. The Raja of Ladwa, with his forces and seven pieces of artillery also joined the Raja (Sardar) Ranchhod Singh. The English, who were vexed by what had taken place at Ludhiana, were joined by the forces of the Maharaja of Patiala. On the other hand Lal Singh Muraria, who had on behalf of the Lahor government been regulating the administration of the district of Jasrota, joined the Khalsa army by order of the court with the few troops he had, and the Sardar Teja Singh, who commanded the regiment of Avitabile did the same. Also the Raja Lal Singh, who had fled from the battlefield, and being ashamed had remained for some time in the Doab, was ordered to rejoin the army, and obeyed. 77 Several officers of the army, as already mentioned, had arrived at Jammun desiring the personal presence of Gulab Singh at the seat of war to direct operations and to give advice. One day these officers, who were fall of bombast and ignorance, quoted a hemistich in the Panjabi language, in which one of their ancestors had predicted that the Khalsa army would sit on the throne of Dehli, whereon Gulab Singh remarked that he could not understand how the prophecy was to be fulfilled, the throne being very small, and the Khalsa army amounting to nearly 100,000 men ; and all present in the assembly smiled. Gulab Singh entertained the envoys most hospitably on the best of food, but delayed on various pretexts to comply with their invitation, and leaving his Diwan at Jammun to entertain his guests, went occasionally to Riasi on a pretence of performing his devotions at the shrine of Bhagavati, or alleging that the auspicious time for departure had not yet arrived, or spending some time at Purmandal. In fact, Gulab Singh was not willing to join the Khalsa army without receiving an invitation from the Bibi Sahiba, which, however, at last arrived, having been brought by Baba Mahan Singh and Diwan Singh. The Maharaja Gulab Singh also had written a letter from Jammun to Edward Lake Sahib, who sent no reply beyond a verbal message that whoever wishes to ascend a high mountain must begin to climb early in the morning." Accordingly Gulab Singh marched with his forces, commanded by the author's father, Diwan Hari Chand, after sending a parwana to the officers of the Khalsa army, advising them to keep it stationary, and arrived in Lahor, where he pitched his camp on the banks of the Ravi. There Bhai Ram Singh, Raja Dina Nath, and other Sardars who happened at that time to be in Lahor, received him on behalf of the government, and he made his appearance at court on the 19th of the month Migh, to be invested by the peshkar of the Bibi Sahiba with a costly robe of honour and the dignity of wazir. Then Gulab Singh despatched parwanas to the officers of the army to cease hostilities; but fate had decreed otherwise, for the Sardar Ranchhod Singh Majithia crossed the river and a battle had ensued, in which many of the combatants perished on 10 A. D. 1845.

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78 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.. . [FEBRUARY, 1891. both sides, and although the Sikhs were defeatod they made nineteen Europeans prisoners. Gulab singh now wrote a letter of apology to the British officers, assuring them that the attack had been made in consequence of the Maharaja Dalip Singh's minority, and that according to the treaty of friendship with the late Maharaja Ragjit Singh, Peace ought to prevail. The letter having been delivered by Lala Chuni Lal Harkabashi and Lala Anant Ram to Sir Henry Lawrence, who wrote a reply from the cantonment of Firozpur, dated the 11th February 1846, informing Gulab Singh that it was not the intention of the Honourable East India Company to destroy the Sikh government, but only to repress the unwarranted hostilities which had not yet ceased, although the Sikhs had been defeated in four battles; and that if it should bereafter become necessary to punish the rebels further, the Court would be held responsible. Before, however, the envoys had even spokon, or this letter was written, the English forces attacked the Sikhs'at daybreak, ontering their trenches unawares, and a sanguinary contest ensued. When Teja Singh, the commander of the Sikhs, perceived that they were beginning to yield, he destroyed the bridge across the river to cut off their retreat, bat many of the fugitives leaped into the water and perished, as well as the Sardar Sham Singh Atariwala, who, however, fell on the battle field fighting bravely, while the Raja L&L Singh, who had before heard, the roar of the English artillery, did not venture into the fray, but remained quietly sitting esconced in a corner. On that occasion Major (Sir Henry) Lawrence sent a few linee, dated the 13th February 1816, to Gulab Singh, to inform him that he desired to have a private interview with him, and urgently requesting him to make the necessary arrangements for that purpose. (To be concluded.) . FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA. Wh i le BY PANDIT NATESA SASTRI, M.F.L.S. No. 35. - The Komatti that suits the stake. Komotri that with SAW ! In the city of Panganar there lived a merchant, of the Komatti caste, named Ankubetti: He had been very rich, but, having lost all his wealth in speculative transactions, he was in very reduced circumstances at the time that our story commences. He was, however, still the owner of a big house, which he had, when affluent, built to live in. "HUA MO AY WAGA CHALLEN W H O ! In those good old days lime and mortar were unknown, and houses were generally built of mud, and Ankuseti's mansion was no exception to the rule, and in an unusually severe winter a great portion of the back of it had fallen down. Weeping much over the damages that the rains had done, and true to his love for the only property left to him in this world, he gave orders for its repair. In those days, when labour was very cheap and the cost of materials extremely low, repairing a house was not a difficult undertaking. Half a dozen coolies mixed some water and clay, and made some balls of mud, and, heaping these one over the other, soon patched up the gaps in Now Ankubetti's house was a large one, and a thief, who had no idea of the real state of Ankusetti's wealth, was led astray by the size of his mansion, and so on a certain night, soon after the repairs had been made, he bored a hole into the back wall. But unfortunately for the scoundrel, the weight of the still undried mod of the repaired part of the wall descended upon him just as he was putting his head in, and before he could withdraw it, the weight of the whole wall was on his neck, and he died without a struggle. As this took place in a corner at the back of the house, the inmates knew nothing of it till their attention was called to it in the following manner: The thief had spoken about his intended adventure to a comrade, who, missing him and sospecting something wrong, had been searching for him for nearly two days when he discovered 11 His death is mentioned in Ch. 46 of the Zafarnama, where those events are likewise recorded.

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FEBRUARY, 1891.1 the body sticking out of the wall of Ankusetti's house. He at once preferred a complaint before the king, that Ankubetti had killed his comrade. At that time an extremely stupid king, named Mahamudha ('great fool'), reigned over the kingdom of Punganur, who was surrounded by equally stupid ministers; and as soon as the complaint was made, he ordered his servants to arrest Aikusetti at once, and in due course the poor merchant stood before the king! Said the king: "Why did you raise up a wet wall, and thereby kill a thief??? FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA; No. 35. "Your excellent Majesty !" said the poor merchant. cooly whom I engaged for the repairs built the wall. "It was not my mistake. The He must account for it. Said the king: "Why did you, The cooly was at once summoned and questioned. O cooly, make the wall wet, and thereby cause the death of a man ?" 79 Said the cooly:-"Most gracious king! It was not my mistake. me the mud for raising the wall, gave it me mixed with more than the of Fontes The cooly who handed usual quantity of water." woolly in o 33 JAG Why did you give mud. At once the second cooly too was summoned. Said the king: mixed with an unusual quantity of water, and thereby cause the death of a human being?"" 02 Said the second cooly:-"Most mighty sovereign! It was not my mistake. The pot from which I was using the water, had a wide mouth, and so while I was engaged in my business, more than the proper quantity fell out and made the mud watery. So the potter who made the pot, is responsible for the mistake." The potter was at once sent for and questioned. Said the king: you make the mouth of the pot wide, and thereby cause the death of a human being?" "Potter! Why did Said the potter: "Most supreme sovereign! It was not my mistake that the mouth! of the pot was so wide. The day on which I was shaping that pot on my wheel, I noticed a dancing-girl passing along the street. My attention was thus diverted. Though my hand was engaged in the work, my mind was absent from it, and the mouth of the put became wide. So she is responsible for the mistake." The dancing-girl was at once summoned. There was some difficulty at first in finding out the exact girl, but the potter, who had observed her minutely, gave a complete description of her, and she stood before His Majesty. But she had taken care previously to attire herself in her best clothes, and to wear her choicest jewels. Said the king: "Why did you, vile woman, pass by the potter on the day on which he was shaping his pots, and divert his attention, which made the mouth of the pot wide, and thereby indirectly you caused the death of the thief ?" terup una delle uds S Said the dancing-girl:"Most beautiful king! I had given a jewel to be reset by a goldsmith, and I was proceeding to demand it from him. Had he returned it in time, I would never have left my house. So he is the cause of the death! The king, who was already pleased by her address, now summoned the goldsmith for his explanation. The goldsmith argued that a small quantity of gold was wanting for the jewel he was resetting, and that he had been very careful to demand it often and often from a Komatti who traded in the higher metals. As he refused to give it in time; he was delayed in preparing the jewel. The Komatti was at once summoned, and as he belonged to a class of people not generally intelligent, he had no excuse. The king and his ministers at once set him down as the person responsible for causing the death of the thief, and passed orders that he should be driven to the stake, and impaled, for causing the death of the thief! Thus usually ends the story, to which is generally attached the moral: "Never live in the Kingdom of the Tughlaqs." It is also said that the ministers commented upon the Komatti's stoutness, a peculiarity of the class brought on by want of exercise and sedentary habits, and said that that also shewed he was the proper person for the stake; hence the proverb, Kaluvukketta Komatti, "the Komatti that suits the stake." insere a guid

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80 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1891. To the above story, the ingenuity of Southern Indian story-tellers has given a clever additional point, to bring into prominence the king's extreme stupidity. When the innocent Komatti, who had failed to give the gold in time, was ordered to the stake, no one thought the punishment unjust except two men, for such was the sapreme stupidity that reigned throughout that whole kingdom of Punganur ! These two were the greatest of rogaes, but for all their bad character they pitied the innocent victim of Panganur logic, which argued that the fittest person for capital punishment was the most rotund of body ! So they picked up a sham quarrel between themselves, in the hope of averting the evil fate of the innocent Komatti jeweller, and purposely made so much noise as to attract the attention of the king and his officers. Said the king :- "What are you fools making all this noise for on such an occasion P" Said the first rogue: - "Most Gracious Majesty! It has been pronounced by eminent astrologers that whoever gives up his life at the stake on this occasion, is destined to be re-born as the king of Punganar! I want to go to the stake, but this wretched fellow won't let me, as he is so anxious to go himself." Then turning to the second rogue, he continued. "Out upon you, you fool, you shall not forestall me. I am stronger than you!" Said the second rogue, pretending to disregard the presence of the king :- "If you think that I am weak, there is my sovereign to support me." Then turning towards the king, he said :-"Most Gracious Majesty! Let me be driven to the stake meant for the Komatti; for then I shall be re-born as a king. What is the use of being for ever poor and miserable ? Better give up life with a cheerful countenance, than bear all the miseries of poverty. Death is troublesome only for a moment, but poverty is tron blesome for the whole term of life. So, I appeal to your graciousness to order this person to be taken a way to prison for assaulting me, and to permit me to proceed to the stake in the place of the Komatti." Letting the rogues go on fighting with each other, the king deliberated for a while and then broke silence : "None of you wretches shall usurp my kingdom! What! Are you fools, that you attempt sach impossibilities? I will never have my throne occupied by such paupers as you! Let the Komatti be released! I shall myself proceed to the stake, and be re-born again as the king of my own country. So saying, the king gladly had himself impaled, while his stupid ministers cheered! Thus the foolish king gave up his life, and the rogues, who by their tricks could bend his subjects to any of their whims, easily got possession of the kingdom, and reigned as king and minister! FOLKLORE IN SALSETTE, BY GEO. FR. D'PENHA, No. 6. - The Children of Vows. There was once a baker who used to supply the king of the country with bread and confectionery, and amassed a large fortune. One day the king, who had no children, asked the baker how many children he had. The baker answered :- "Sire, like yourself I have none." + "Then, what will you do with all the wealth you are accumulating P" said the king. "Come, let us both go to Church, and make a vow in order to obtain children. Should a daughter be born to you, and a son to me, you must give your daughter in marriage to my son; if, again, a daughter is born to me, and a son to you, I will give my daughter in marriage to your son." The baker, of course, did not like to offend the king, and so he gave his assent to the king's proposal.

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FEBRUARY, 1891.] FOLKLORE IN SALSETTE; No. 6. Accordingly one day they both went to Church, and made a vow, each promising to give his child in marriage to the other, in case the sexes differed. Some time after this, the queen, and also the baker's wife, became pregoant. The baker's wife was confined first, and brought forth a boy. The baker, greatly rejoiced at his good fortane, at once made off to the palace, and informed the king that a son was born to him. Two or three days later, the queen was confined of a girl, to the great regret of the king, who did not even inform the baker of the occurrence. But on the day of the queen's confinement there was a great bustle in the palace, which made the baker suspect something, and so he asked one of the maids what was the matter, and she frankly told him that the queen had been confined of a girl. When the boy was old enough, the baker sent him to school, and spared neither pains nor money to give him a fitting education, and he was the pride of his parents. Many years passed, and the king's daughter became marriageable, but the idea of giving a king's daughter in marriage to even a wealthy baker's son preyed upon the mind of the king, and he determined by some means or other to get out of it. With this object, one day he said to the baker :"I believe your son is now well grown, and it will be interesting to know if he is being educated." "Yes, sire," replied the baker; "the boy goes to school, and I spare neither pains nor money to educate him well." "But," interrupted the king; "that sort of education will not do. You must fit out a ship, and send him to a distant country with merchandise, and see how he succeeds. That is the sort of education you must give, for it will make a man of him." ** Very well," said the baker ; "I will act up to your advice." Going home, the baker at once set to work to build a ship. He hired numerous workmen, and a job that usually takes some months to complete, he got done in a few days. He then loaded the ship with costly merchandise, and ordered his son to go to a certain country, and there to trade At what profit he could. The son, always obedient to his father, at once embarked on board the ship and set sail. When he arrived at his destination, he did business at an immense profit for two or three years, and then returned home with every expectation of marrying the king's daughter. Before leaving the place he bought some rarities, in the way of clothes, jewellery, and such like, for his intended wife, which he packed in a box. Half-way home he received information that his intended bride had been married to another person, a king's son. This so disheartened him that he had a mind to throw the box of presents overboard, but when he reached his native shore he opened the box, and to his great astonishment discovered that everything had disappeared! He only found in it a very small packet of paper, which he took up and put in his pocket, without even looking at its contents ! On his arrival home, his parents welcomed him with great kindness, and told him how the king had violated his vow, but he pretended not to pay heed to what they said. After his arrival he never staid at home a single hour, but daily visited his old friends and acquaintances, with whom he spent the day, and came home late in the evening. One day he paid a visit to his promised wife, the princess, at her house, and remembered all the rarities he had brought for her, which had been miraculously changed into the small packet he still had in his pocket. He thought to himself: "I brought all those rarities to give to her. What can I do with them now? What use are they to me? I will give her their substitute." So thinking, he pulled out the packet and handed it to her, and she, thinking it contained only sweets or something of the kind, laid it aside. They sat and conversed together for a long time, till it was very nearly time for her husband to return. The baker's son then rose to bid her good-bye, and as he was about to shake hands with her, he fell on her neck and died! She was at a loss to know what to do, and how to dispose of the corpse. She, however, dragged it to her room, and covered it up on a cot. Now, the princess had an express order from her husband that, as soon as she had finished her domestic duties, she was to dress herself up in her jewellery against his arrival. But on this

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (FEBRUARY, 1891. day, as most of her time had been taken up in conversation with the baker's son, she could not obey her husband's orders promptly. She now hurried through her work, and whilst she was still arranging her toilet, her husband came home. He enquired how it was she was not ready to receive him as usual, and why she looked so full of anxiety. She did not know what to say, and looked quite oonfused. Her husband then said to her: "Do not be afraid, but tolf mie what is the matter with you." Upon this she took heart, and said': "Should a friend happen to come and see me, am I not supposed to speak to him?" "Certainly, you are allowed to speak to your friend," said her husband; what then? Tell me everything." She was further encouraged to speak, and told her husband everything: how the baker's son had come to visit her, how when he was wishing her good-bye he fell on her neck and died, and how, beint unable to cnrry the corpse, she dragged it to the cot, where it still was. Her husband then said: "Is this what you were afraid of to tell me? Get an empty box, and leave the rest to me. I will dispose of the corpse with little trouble." waretob 04 05 Lnte at night, her husband, putting the body of the baker's son in the box, carried it to the baker's, house. He then set the corpse up in a standing position against the door, and called out to the baker twice or thrice, addressing him as father, and then ran away. The baker, who had already gone to sleep, awoke, and, thinking that his son had called out, opened the 1 BOT door, upon which the corpse fell upon the floor. The poor baker saw his son was dead, and thought he himself had killed him, through his carelessness in opening the door. He and his wife burst into cries and tears which brought the neighbours to their house, and at dawn preparations were made for the funeral of the baker's son. aft Now, the princess, as her husband was going out, asked him if he was not going to attend the funeral. He said he had some urgent affairs which prevented him from doing so, but that she herself might attend. So when he had gone, the princess began arranging to go to the funeral. She now thought of the packet the baker's son had given her on the previous day, and determined to eat some of the sweets she thought it contained. So she went to the place wliere she had put it, but,,to her utter' astonishment, in place of the packet she found clothes and jewels of the rarest kind and of exceedingly high value. Looking over these things, she found a completo dress for a bride, and thought how great must have been his love for her, and that it must have been that love that killed him. She, therefore, determined to wear that bridal dress at the funeral. In this fashion she started for the baker's house. When the ngighboup who had assembled for the funeral; saw her, they began to mutter tomong themselves: Yes, these were the children of vows, but it was very unfortunate that the king violated his jovt, and such like expressions. The princess went up to the corpse, and stooped to look in its face, and, with her head inclined on the breast of the baker's son, remained motionles for a very long time. The poople thought she did this throngh grief, and so they told her to be more moderate in her sorrow, saying: -"Poor princess, how sorry she is for him. Enough enough, good lady, such has been your fortune!" Still she would not lift up her head from the breast of the baker's son, and so they took her by the arm, but the princess was dead! d ini rodio se They then:ent information to her father the king, and to her husband, who came in all hasten all sides the talk was that they were the children of yovys, and the people said one to another: - "No wonder that death has come to both in this manner! Are they not children of Thiird yowapi' At last it was decided to bury them side by side ; which done, every one returned home. 2 DIES 10.13 3 398 od 0 belirg on initi Now, it happened that on the third night after the funeral the baker had a vision, in which he saw his son, who thus spoke to him: Father, have a grand feast celebrated in the Chutolecatiypersexpense. On the day of the festival, daring the ceremonies at the Charch, loterug mobbur kneel on the grave of the princepe while you knoo..on my grawer In the morning the baker, thinking it was only dream, did nothing but the Batwithe same Tviston for several nights, consecutively, and so suspected, that, there must be something in it. Bo he told some of his neighboursabont it, who all advised him to celebrate the feast.it 1.1 1 7 97 Will! 2 . i r 1

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FEBRUARY, 1891.j MISCELLANEA. 83 The idea of celebrating a feast, when scarcely a week had passed since his son's death, was highly repulsive to the baker's mind; but, owing to the repeated visions, and the instigation of his neighbours, he appointed a day for the feast. Grand preparations were made, both in the Church, in the way of decorations, music, and so forth, and also at his house, to entertain the innumerable guests who were invited. On the day fixed for the feast, hundreds of gaests came, and all repaired to the Church to attend at the Holy Sacrifice of Mass, during which the baker knelt on his son's grave, while his wife knelt on that of the princess. The king and queen, and the husband of the late princess, were also present at the service. When it was about half over, the graves opened, and all the multitude in the Church saw the baker's son and the princess issue forth from their graves, as lively as if nothing had happened to them. All the people were filled with wonder, and spoke with one voice: - "Are they not children of vows P See how they died, and now, behold! they have come to life again together! They truly deserve to be united in marriage." All were of one opinion, and the king also gave his assent, and the late husband of the princess deferred to the people. They were, therefore, duly married on that very day, amid great rejoicings, and lived happily to a very old age ! MISCELLANEA. SOME NAMES AND DATES FROM Gwalior. Fourteen lines. The writing covers a UNPUBLISHED INSCRIPTIONS. space of 1' 3" broad by 1' 8" high, and the size Mr. Fleet has placed at my disposal several of the letters is about 1". The rubbing is bundles of rough rubbings of inscriptions, which throughout exceedingly indistinct. were handed over to him by Sir Alexander L. 1. [O Cunningham. From the materials thus supplied ] samvat 1986 varsh Karttito me, I have already edited in this Journal [ka*)-sudi seventeen inscriptions, and have got ready for 2... Su(Bu)krs dora-eri(srl)-[D]da[16]publiontion two others which, with Mr. Floet's eva(sva)ra permission, will appear in the Epigraphia Indica. 3. (samnidhau] ......... I shall now give a short account of some other 6. sri-Devapala[deva)-kalya. inscriptions from the same collection, which the 7. na-vijayarajye........ imperfect state of the rubbings prevents me from editing in full. The characters of all these 3.- Another inscription inside the east entrance inscriptions are Nagari, and the language of all is of the great temple of Udaypur in Gwalior. Fifteen lines. The writing covers a space of Sansksit. l' broad by 1' 7" high, and the size of the letters 1.- An apparently well preserved insoription is about 1". inside the east entrance of the great temple of L. 1. Om samvat 128[9 P] varsho Udaypur in Gwalior. Six lines. The writing covers a space of l' 6" broad by 11" high, and 2. Marga-vadi 3 Gurau a dy=8]. the size of the letters is 18". 3. [ha U]dayapure samasta-raja. L. 1. Svasti 11 Exa-chchhattrim karotu 4. valf-ma[1-alamkri]ta-pa[ramabha)kshmam=Udayaditya-bhu patih 5. sttara]ka-maharajadhird2. ity=&dyan siddhi-da in vedam sainsamah 6. ja-sri-DevapAladeva..... sarvvato nripa ! The Davapaladova of this inscription and of the 5. pardita-sri-Mahipalagya || Samvat 1137 preceding one, is clearly the Devapaladdva of Vaisa (sa)kha-sudi 7 Dhara, whom from the Harsauda (or Chirwa) This inscription gives us for Udayaditya of inscription we know to have ruled in the Vikrama MAlava the date Vikrama 1137 = A. D. 1080. 1 year 1275. See ante, Vol. XIX. p. 24, No. 11. 2.- Another inscription inside the east en- 1 4.- An inscription inside the fort of Rahattrance of the great temple of Udaypur in gadh in the Central Provinces (Archaeol. Survey 1 Seo Bir A. Cunningham in Archaeol. Surcey of See ante, Vol. XVIII. p. 349, note 4. India, Vol. IX. p. 109.

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84 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. of India, Vol. X. p. 31). Fourteen lines. The writing apparently is very rudely engraved, and covers a space of 2' broad by 1' 9" high. The size of the letters is about 1". L. 1. Om siddhih II Samvat 1312 varsha Bhadrapada-su 7 [86]ma. 2. srimad-Dharayam maharajadhirajasrimaj- Jaya[sim P] 3. [ha]deva-vijayarajye Upa[ra P]hada. mamdale.. This inscription tells us that in the Vikrama year 1312 the Mahdrdjddhiraja, ruling at Dhara, was Jaya[sim]hadeva. The exact date corresponds to Monday, the 28th August, A.D. 1256. 5. An inscription inside the east entrance of the great temple of Udaypur in Gwalior. Nine lines. The writing covers a space of 1' 1" broad by 1'" high, and the size of the letters is about 1". L. 1. 2. Udayapu[re] samasta-rajavali 3. maharajadhi.Aja-ari-Jaya. 4. simghadeva-rajye. . . . . This inscription, therefore, apparently is of the reign of another Mahardjadhiraja Jayasimhadeva, who was ruling over Udayapura (and probably Dhara) in the Vikrama year 1366. 6. Another (fragmentary) inscription inside the east entrance of the great temple of Udaypur in Gwalior. Portions of four lines. The writing covers a space of 91" broad by 5" high, and the size of the letters is about 1". L. 1. [Sam]vat 1360 [ra ?]-sri-Hariraja[deva ?] ... It is impossible to say whether the Hariraja[deva?] of this inscription was a royal personage, or a private individual. 7. A fragmentary and apparently much damaged inscription, stated to be from Kugda near Bachhaudgadh (Archeol. Survey of India, Vol. VII. p. 211). Portions of twenty-five lines. The existing writing covers a space of about 2' broad by 2' high, and the size of the letters is about ". The inscription is in verse and has reference to the Kalachuri rulers of Ratnapur. [FEBRUARY, 1891. It is particularly interesting for the concluding words 3 Since editing the three inscriptions from. Udaypur (ante, Vol. XVIII. p. 341), it has occurred to me that the unpublished Udaypur inscription of Jayasinha, referred to in my introductory remarks (ib. p. 341), may really belong to the Jayasimhadeva of Dhar of the Rahatgadh inscription. The date of the Udaypur Kalachuri-samvatsare Prithvideva-[rajye ?] - which, for Prithvideva II. of Ratnapur, give us the new date Kalachuri 893 A. D. 1141-42 (see ante, Vol. XVII. p. 138). Besides, I notice in the body of the inscription the following names: - 8. Another fragmentary inscription, stated to be from Akaltara (Archaeol. Survey of India, Vol. VII. p. 211). Portions of twenty-six lines. The existing writing covers a space of from 10" to 1' 5" broad by 2' high, and the whole [Om sam] 1366 Bravana-vadi 12 breadth of the inscribed surface must have been [Bukre ?] about 3'. The size of the letters is between " and ". Like the preceding, the inscription is in verse and has reference to the Kalachuri rulers of Ratnapur. I notice the following names: L. 1. 2. 893 KalachuriLachhalladivi 14. bhava 3. ... sri-Ra[tnadevah ?] 7... Vallabharaja.nama L. 4. [Ratnadevas-tatah || 6. raja-srimat mahishi ba 16. 20. 21. [Ea*]tnadeva-ncipatih . 23. Jayasim hadevah Harigana iti namna tasya sonur= babhava || Krishnam Yasod=eva Guham Siv-eva Lachchhalladevi... Vallabharaja-nirmmitam=idam... eri-Ratnadiva-dharanipataye... The inscription was composed by Devapini (line 25) and engraved by Palhuka (line 26). 9. An inscription stated to be from Muhammadpur. Twenty-seven lines. The writing covers a space of about 2' 1" broad by 1' 5" high; the upper portion of it appears to have. greatly suffered, but the lower (apparently historical) part seems to be fairly well preserved. The size of the letters is about ". This inscription also is in verse and has reference to the Kalachuri rulers of Ratnapur. The rubbing is so very indistinct that I can only here and there make out a few names. inscription, unfortunately, is very indistinct in the rubbing, but it may have to be read -, Sam 1311 varshe Magha-vadi 13 Su(u)kre which, by the purnimanta reckoning, would correspond to Friday, 8th January, A. D. 1255.

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FEBRUARY, 1891.) MISCELLANEA. 85 L. 17. Asi(si)t=Tu[mma]na-dese Kalachuri. L. 5:.... Sriman-Mattamayara-santatirtilako raja-Jajalladev&s=tasmaj-jatah iyam . . . . Purandara ... pratapaih sa taranir=aparo Ratnadevo 6. .... Bikhasivah .... Tasman=Manarendrah Prithvidevas-tato dhumati.pateh ... Sbhud= ... 7. . . . . Pra[bhava]siva ... 19. . . . sriman=Vallabharajah ..... 8. Prasantasiva... Prithvideva ... 9. ... Sopa-Nada-sangame ... 10.- A fragment of an inscription from Tewar, The inscription was composed by the poet measuring about 10" broad by 7'' high, and con Dhamsata, the son of Jeika and Amarika, and taining portions of eleven lines in characters of grandson of Mehuka (lines 24 and 25); and about the 12th century, has in - engraved by Damodara, the son of Lakshmidhara L. 4. mahd-samudratsarddhamn Sriya sama- and younger brother of Vasudeva. bhavad=bhusi Bhimapalah 1 I may as well draw attention here to a note 7. . . . . Tripuriya-chatuhpathe 1 ... on page 5 of Archaeol. Survey of India, Vol. 8. .... nivasam sri-Simhapuryam... XIII., according to which there is in the Asiatic Society's collection a rubbing of an inscription 11. -An inscription stated to be at. Chandrehe from Makundpur, which is near Chandrehe, on the Son river, Rewa (Archaeol. Survey of India, Vol. XILI. p. 8). The rubbing is in two parts, and dated in (apparently Chedi) Samvat 772. Gottingen. F. KIELHORN. looks as if the inscription were on two separate slabs of stone. The writing of either part covers PROGRESS OF EUROPEAN SCHOLARSHIP. a space of 3' 2" broad by about 1' 4" high. No. 22. The first part contains fourteen, the second part Journal of the Eastern Section of the thirteen lines. The size of the letters is about ". The inscription ends with a date which by Mr. Russian Archaeological Society. Beglar was read Samvat 324 Phalguna-sudi 6,' (a) PROCEEDINGS. and the year of which was altered by him to Papere read: (i). A. J. Harkavy: On an inSamvat 1324. I read the date scription on an Aramean vase. (ii) Baron V. Samvat 724 PhAlguna-sudi 5 - Rosen: On the budget of the Khilafat in 306 and, referring it to the Kalachuri era, make the A. H. according to Baron Kremer's researches. year equivalent to A. D. 972-3. The writing, in my (iii) S. F. Oldenburg : On the supposed Indian opinion, undoubtedly belongs to the 10th or 11th original of the Arabian Nights. (iv) Baron V. century A. D. Rosen: On the new edition of Ibn Khoradhbeh (v) W. S. Goleniscbef: On the archaeological The inscription is in verse. It apparently is of results of his journey to Egypt. (vi) N. M. no historical importance, but refers to a line of Yadrintzef: On his journey to Mongolia and sages which is mentioned also in the large Bilhari the Siberian inscriptions. (vii) A. J. Harinscription of the rulers of Chedi, and a fuller kavy: On a fragment of an Egyptian papyrus account of some members of which is furnished in the collection of W. S. Golenischef: (viii) by an inscription at Ranod (or Narod) which has N. I. Vesselofsky: On the Embassy of Prince been edited in the Journal Beng. As. Soc., Bariatinsky to Persia in 1618. Vol. XVI. pp. 1080-88, and will be re-edited by myself in the Epigraphia Indica. So far as (6) ARTICLES. I can make out, the inscription records the (i) I. P. Minayef: Salvation according to the building of a tank by a sage Prasantasiva, and | doctrine of later Buddhists. This is the first part its restoration by a disciple of the sage. In the of an article wbich contains the Sansksit text of rubbing before me, I notice the following names :- the Bodhicharyavatara of Santideva. The 1 Zapieky Vostoch nago Otdelenja Imperatorekago Russ. XIIIth and XIVth Centuries). A short commentary on kago Arkheologicheskago Obachestva, Vol. IV. fasc. III. this book and the Sikshasamuchchaya by Yetari is and IV. (2 plates). mentioned by Taranatha (Wassilief, Buddhism, III. 225). * This book has found a place in a compilation called We take the opportunity of rectifying a little misunderA66 kdvadinamaia, where it occupies the ninth chapter. standing in the last Notice of the Zapisky. Prof. Minayef MSS. of it are to be found also in Paris, Bibl. quite agrees with Prof. Peterson in the identification Nationale, D., 85., Burn. 90; in Cambridge, Add., 869; of Chandragopin with Chandragdmin. - [Zapiskey = the in Calcutta (palm-leaf), cf. Rajendralala Mitra, Sansk. Journal of the Imperial Russian Archeological Society. Buddh. Lit. of Nepal, ff. 47-48 : and in Kathmandu, cf. c. -R. C. T.] Bendall, A Journey in Nepal, p. 20. (old Ms. of the

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86 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1891. edition is based on three MSS.:-(1) in the India is based on an Arabic version, going back to a Office Library (palm-leaf); (2) in the Library of Pahlavi original. Some time afterwards I found the Royal Asiatic Society (palm-leaf); (3) paper in the British Museum a Persian M8., one of MS, in the editor's own collection. The text is the many valuable acquisitions of Mr. Sidney followed by a discussion on the author's age and Churchill, which gave a complete text of the his works. Santideva lived most probably in the non-Christian version. I wrote about it to Baron beginning of the VIIth Century A.D. Three works Rosen, quoting the first two lines of the MS., where of his are known: Bodhicharydvatara, Sikshusa- the author's name was given. Baron Rosen wrote muchchaya (of which Prof. Minayef is preparing a notice of it, identifying Ibn Babavaih and an edition), and Satrasamuchchaya (now only Muhammad Ibn Zakaria with the well-known known in the Tibetan translation). According Arabic authors of the Xth Century A. D., Al. to Taranatha there were three recensions of the Kummi and Al-Razi. At his instigation I preBodhicharyavatara. Santideva is mentioned in pared an account of the MS. At the end of last the Subhdehitaval (ed. Peterson), of which v. 3313 year appeared the second part of Prof. Ahl. corresponds to the Bodhicharydvatara, 4. wardt's Catalogue of the Arabic MSS. in the Berlin (u) S. F. Oldenburg: The Persian version Library, which contained the work of Ibn Babavaih mentioned in the Persian version. of the Romance of Barlaam and Joasaf. A Baron Rosen wrote about it to Prof. Hommel, who detailed account of the unique MS. in the British Museum of the Persian translation of the having got the MS., found, in accordance with Arabic version of the celebrated romance, Rosen's indications, the original of the Persian version. dealing chiefly with the apologues contained Prof. Hommel now promises us an. in the work. As an edition of the Arabic edition of the Arabic text, which will be most original is to appear, it would be superfluous valuable for the history of this renowned Buddhist Christian legend. (See now also Prof. Rehateek's now to give a detailed notice of the Persian trans. translation in the Journal of the R. A. S.) lation, and it will suffice to state briefly what has been done in the last few years towards making (iii) D. Kobeko : on the Question of the site of the Barlaam and Joasaf romance better known. Saraj, the capital of the Golden Horde. A In 1886 appeared Dr. H. Zotenberg's excellent critical review of some old documents bearing Notice sur le livre de Barlaam et Joasaph, in on the question. The existence of two Barajes which he proved definitively that John of seems very probable :- Old Saraj (Ak-Saraj) now Damascus was not the author of the Ro. the village Selitrjanoje, and the New Saraj (great manoe. In Dr. Zotenberg's opinion the original Saraj) near Zarevy Pody. The article is illustrat. text was Greek, and composed in the first half of ed by a little map showing the sites of the two the VIIth Century by a monk named John of Sarajes. the Monastery of St. Baba near Jerusalem. (iv) N. Ostroumof: Elegy on the death of This opinion was contested by Baron V. Rosen in his review of the book. He pointed out that there Urman Bek (Text and translation, with introduc. tion). Urman Bek was the fourth and favourite are traces of an old Georgian version, which was translated into Greek by Saint Euthymius son of Khudayar Khan and his mother was the the Georgian, who lived at the end of the Xth daughter of the Regent of Darvaz. He was born and the beginning of the XIth Century. Follow in 1865, his mother dying shortly after his birth, ing the indications given in Baron Rosen's article, and was educated by another of his father's wives, I named Agacha-aim. In 1879 Urman Bek went a young Georgian scholar, M. N. Marr, came in to Tashkand, where he died in 1883, aged 19 the course of his researches on a Georgian MS years. The author of this simple, but touching of the Romance called "The Wisdom of Ba| elegy is unknown. lavar," of which he gave an account in the third volume of the Zapisky (1889). This version, (v) Baron V. Tiesenhausen : Oriental Coins however, seems, in my opinion, to be derived in N. P. Linevich's Collection. This interesting from the Greek or from another lost Georgian collection belongs to Colonel N. P. Linevich, version. Meanwhile Prof. F. Hommel, prompted and was made in the environs of Merv, which by Dr. E. Kuhn, gave an edition of the non- seems to be a rich field for numismatical disChristian Arabic version, unfortunately after coveries. The following dynasties are repre. an unique and incomplete MS. (Vienna, 1887). sented : -(1) Parthian: an inedited drachma Dr. Hommel also expressed doubts about the of probably Arsaces I., and two drachmas of originality of the Greek text, which, in his opinion, Phraates II. (2) Bassanian: 2 silver coins of Lapisky, Vol. II. 1887. Zapisky, Vol. IV. 1889. . The article under notice.

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FEBRUARY, 1891.) MISCELLANEA. 87 Bahram V. (3) Saffavi: a copper coin of Azadu'd. vadana. (4) Jatakamald. (5) Tantrakhyana. (6) din Abo'lmuzaffar bin Harb; the coin is to be Vasundhardvrata. (7) Virakusavaddna. (8) Vetd. placed between 612 and 629 A. H. (6) Samani: | lapanchavinkats. (9) and (10) Lankdvatdra. In Ileks of Turkistan, Khwarizm Shahs, Ghaznavie, the Asiatic Museum there is an interesting MS. Ghuris, Saljuqis of Persia, Sinjaris, Changezis, of the Saddharmapundarika, written in the Hulaqdis, Kerts, Timuris, Shaibanis, Khans of Landga character. Khiva, Khans of Bukhari, Shahs of Persia, Amirs (v) W. A. Shoukofsky: A Song of Nasiri of Afghanistan, and coins of Eastern Turkistan. Fifty of the specimens are inedited. Two plates Khusrav. A delightful tarjiband of the famous and many cuts illustrate the article. Persian poet in text and translation. (vi) A. M. Pozdnejef: Kalmuck Tales (II. and (vi) S. F. Oldenburg : Mention of a Represen. III.) We must wait till the end of this publica tation of a Buddhist Drama. A text from the tion to give a detailed account of these tales. It Avaddnatataka (avadana 75) where a bauddhasis will suffice now to explain the way in which they natakam is mentioned. were collected. In 1874 Prof. Pozdnejef was (vii) N. J. Marr : On the Question of Barlaam sent on a scientific mission to the steppes of the and Joasaph, from the Armenian Geography Kalmuks (Qalmaqs) of Astrakhan, where he attributed to Vardan. This geography mentions collected folktales, and in nine successive three capitals of the realm of Avenir and journeys completed a large collection. Of the 38 Joafas: firstly, Sinapatank (or Sinavatan), where tales he collected, 35 belong to the Ulus of of they lived they lived ; secondly, Mindan (or Omndan); Maloderbetj. one to the Ulus of Ikizokhur, and and thirdly, Bedar. The question of the date of two to Bagazokhur. He got a Kalmuck to recite the Armenian prose version of the Barlaam and the tales, while another wrote them down. To his Joasaf legend is far from being settled, and most 38 tales, Prof. Pozdnejef adds four tales brought probably it is earlier than the XV th Century. from the Kalmuck steppes by Prof. Golstunsky. (c) NOTES AND News. (viii) Baron V. Rosen: Additions to the ques tion of Ibn-Babavaih and Barlaam. - See above, (i) W. P. Vassilief : Contributions to a Chro. p. 86. nology of Changez Khan and his Successors. This gives some dates froin the history of Buddhism (ix) Baron V. Rosen: Did the author of the in Tibet by Sumba Kutukhta from 1162-1296 Fihrist live in Constantinople in 988 4. D.P A. D., the former date being the year of the birth This notice corrects a misinterpretation of the of Changez. text of the Fihrist, which seemed to prove that (ii) W. P. Vassilief : Queries and Doubts. An-N&dim, the author of the Fihrist, was in Con. stantinople in 988 A. D. The confusion arose (1) The name Changez is a corruption of Tian. dzij, " given by Heaven." The name of the from taking Dar-ar-Rom to mean Constantinople. dynasty, Mongu, is Chinese, meaning "one who Baron Rosen proves Dar-ar-Ram to designate a has received the restitution of old rights." (2) certain locality in Baghdad. In the well known document from Darmabala (x) Baron D. Gunsburg : "Les fils d'Aissou." written in the quadrangular Mongol character, we Note on a passage in the work of Amelineau must, most probably, understand by A-li-ke-un in the Memoires des Membres de la Mission the Musulmans and not the Christians. (3) The Archeologique Francaise au Caire, Vol. IV. The Yasa of Changes is not a code of laws, but "fils d'Aissou" are the "sons of Esau." a collection of sayings of the emperor, such as were collected after the death of every Bogdokhan. (d) REVIEWS These collections are incumbent on the scientifio (i) The Court of the Emperor of Turkey : the comity. work of the priest Simeon Starovolsky. A not (iii) A. 0. Ivanofsky: On some Chinese very careful edition of the old Russian translation objects in the Archeological Museum of the Uni. of 1678. An earlier edition is left unnoticed. versity of Tomsk. This consists of some coins, (ii) Arandarenko, G. A.: Leisure hours in medals, two mirrors, and some Buddhist bells Turkistan, 1874-1889. A collection of articles from Kulja. written between 1874 and 1889 by a high official (iv) S. F. Oldenburg : Nepalese MSS. in the in Turkistan. They deal with various questions Petersburg Libraries. This is a List of ten of life and administration in Turkistan, and (Sanskrit and Newari) M88. (1) Aryandmasan- give most valuable information to everybody who gititika. (2) Dharmalakshmisarnudda. (3) Divyd. I wishes to know Central Asia.

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88 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1891. (iii) David and Mher. Very interesting inscriptions in Siberia, the key to which is yet Armenian popular legends of the heroes of to be found. M. Yadrinzef in his last journey Sasun in the country of Mush. to Karakorum found a good many of these in(iv) Memoirs of the West-Siberian Section of scriptions, and amongst them some that are the Imperial Russian Geographical Society, Vol. X. bilingual, which will perhaps yield as the looked. (1888). A most interesting publication, two for explanation. articles of Mr. Pantussof being especially noticed, (xii) Jacout Artin. Pacha : L'Instruction viz., "A prayer meeting of the (durvesh) con- Publique en Egypte. This is a very interesting gregation, Jahr-i-Qadiri in Tashkand," and publication. On the language of the Musalman hawkers (xiii) Recueil de textes et de traductions in Turkistan." publie par les professeurs de l'Ecole des langues (v) The Ethnographical Review, fasc. ii. (1889). Orientales vivantes. This forms one of the Contains a very interesting and carefully com- many interesting and useful publications of the piled bibliography. To be noticed here are an well-known Ecole des Langues Orientales Vivantes. article by W. F. Miller, Echoes of Iranian legends in the Caucasus, and an article by M. (xiv) Comte Carlo Landberg: 'Imdd ed-din A. Khakhanof on "Persian epics in Georgian el-Katib el-Isfahani, conquete de la Syrie et de la translations." This last is quite unscientific Palestine. Containing an account of the con quest of Syria and Palestine by Salahu'ddin and untrustworthy. (Saladin). (vi) Arkhangelsky. Muhammadan Cosmogony. (Forty questions put to Muhammad by Jewish (IV) Th. Houtsma: Recueil de testes relatifs a scholars). This is a translation from the Turkish, l'histoire des Seldj oucides, Vol. II., Histoire des and is far from being trustworthy. The reviewer Seldjorcides de l'Irda par al-Bonddri. Two gives some instances of very puzzling renderings most important publications by two well-known of the original. The introduction is a useless scholars. In noticing the second book the reviewer draws the attention to the word iji compilation. (page 133, 4-5) which with the signification of (vii) Kitab Kalilah wa Dimnah, translated elder brother" is to be found in the Calcutta from the Arabic text by M. 4ttaya and M. Riabi. Chughatai Dictionary. nin, with an introduction emplaining the history of the book. The translation is on the whole trust. (vi) Kitab al-Masdlik va'l-Mamdlik, auctore worthy, but more accuracy, especially in the &c. Ibn-Khordadhbeh, ed. M. I. de Goeje. An philosophical passages, is much to be desired. excellent edition and translation of a very import. Correoted translations of many passages are given ant work. The reviewer notioes two pieces of in the review verse on Ibn-Khordadhbeh by Al-Buhturi which he found in the MS. divan of this poet, on following (viii) Proceedings of the Imperial Russian the indioation of Al-Husuri in his Anthology, Geographical Society, Vol. XXV. fasc. v. Zahru'laddb., cf. al-Ikd. ed. Boulaq., III. 52, (ix) Proceedings of the East-Siberian Section 3 a. f., on the margin. of the Imperial Russian Geographical Society, (xvii) A. Mehren: Traites mystiques, de.al Vol. XIX. fasc. 3, Vol. XX. fasc. 1.7 Avicenne, fasc. i. An interesting publication, (x) Collection of materials for a description of The reviewer draws the attention of the editor to the countries and nations of the Caucasus, Vol. X., a MS. in the Asiatic Museum in St. Petersburg, Tiflis, 1890. This is one of the many useful No. 842 a (cf. Mel. As. IV. 37-39) where various works on the Caucasus, published in Russia. tracts of Ibn-Sing are to be found. In the first part of the book is a long article (xviii) W. Pertsch: Verseichniss der Turkischen by M Hahn: "Notions of Greek and Roman Handschriften der Kgl. Bibliothek wu Berlin. writers on the Caucasus, (pt. II.), Byzantine his A valuable catalogue, edited with the well-known torians;" the second part of the volume oontains accuracy of Dr. Pertech. Amongst other MSS. many legends, songs and tales from different the reviewer mentions an interesting Turco. parts of the Caucasus. Arabic and Mongol-Arabic glossary, of which he (xi) Inscriptions de l'Ienissei, Helsingfors, is preparing some extracts, collated with three 1889. An edition of many of the enigmatic | Oxford MSS. OT As these geographical publications are well known to the readers of the Proceedings of the Royal Geogra phical Society, we give only their titles here.

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FEBRUARY, 1891.) NOTES AND QUERIES. 89 (xix) Riza Qouli Khan : Rids-al-arifin. An excellent tazkirah full of important facts on the life and works of many writers. This is a posthumous work of the celebrated Persian scholar. (xx) Weber : Ueber die Samyaletvakaumudi. A very important question is raised by the author. The reviewer doubts the conclusions of the pamphlet. The Arabian Nights are not yet sufficiently known to allow of comparisons. To the episode of the wanderings of the king and his minister, some parallels in some versions of the Simhasanadvatrimsiki and the Prabandhachintamani are adduced. In conclusion some parallels to the Arabian Nights are drawn from the Kitdb. i-Sindbad and the lutinamah, SERGIUS D'OLDENBURG. St. Petersburg, May 1890. NOTES AND QUERIES. AN ORIENTAL STORY OF MOSES. kabat, cupboard. gilet, gilt. In Indian Notes and Queries, Note No. 789 in hanis, harness. tawdl, towel. No. 48, Vol. IV., page 221, bears a remarkable korat, court. palis, polish. resemblance to Sa'di's story of Moses in the iskol, school. vilbon, whalebone. Burtan; given also by Forbes amongst the stories fartin, phaeton. chichkek, cheese-cake. in his Persian Grammar (Allen; Lond.; 1862, page brun-gadi, a brougham. gerdp-shdt, grapeshot 34 of the Persian App. 4, and pp. 153, 164 and kard, card. (meaning a lie or 170 of the English portion). Briefly it is as panano-kard, pack of canard). .follows :-One day Abraham espied a stranger in cards. tarang, trunk. the desert, whose body was bent like a willow, dg-bot, a steamer. shampin, champagne. and whose beard and head were as white as ispital, hospital. trup-sawdr, a trooper. snow with age. He invited him to his board, and I daktar, a doctor. tardi, tray. as the B'ismi'llah was muttered, it was found relve, railway. rijmet, regiment. that the stranger was silent. Abraham enquired nuspepar, newspaper. handikap, aide-dehow it was that he had not joined them in invok femu, family. camp. ing God's blessing on the food, and was told that hai, hall. dau, a dole. the stranger was a Zoroastrian. Abraham in ran, reins. madam, an English zealous wrath expelled him from his tent. A voice, not, note. lady (madam.) thereupon, came unto Abraham from on high palt, a party or gathering. jangid, an English - conveying this rebuke, "I have given him bread butler, butler. man (a corruption and life during a hundred years and you have not koch, a couch. from French anglais). been able to bear with him for a moment," &c. kochman, a coachman. thdson, station. Dr. Forbes in pp. 164-70 of his Grammar seeks manwar, man of war, piliaus, playhouse. bakas, box. mat-aus, madhonse. to trace in Sa'di's story the origin of Dr. Frank pdelun, pantaloon. hispetor, Inspector. lin's Imaginary Chapter of Genesis. udskot, waistcoat. argin, organ. S. J. A. CHURCHILL. kist, kiss. ton-dal, town-hall. kisf-kot, an embrace. santri, sentry. CORRUPTIONS OF ENGLISH. sakin, shake-hands. that-klas, third class. A-In Telingana. kokat, a coquette. govandar, governor. In the Telugu country jainavu is join from rastb, receipt. C. M. C. anywhere,' not necessarily from hospital." That is rikavaravu (recover). Discharge from hospi. C-In the Papjab. tal' is rikavarcheyi (imp.) nisti, a list. argin, hurricane lamp. G. H. PRENDERGAST. seripltal, sherry and Masulipatam. bitters D-In Burma. B--In Bombay. Hindustanis say habitually :The following are several of the corrupted Eng- Ramun, for Rangoon Bamba, for Bhamo lish words now well imbedded in the ordinary (Bur. Yangon). (Bur. Bamaw): Gujarati language spoken by the Parsees and Chinapahdr, for Chwetnapa near Mandalay. other Gujarati-speaking people in this presidency. R. O. TEMPLE. 1 See Panjab Notes and Queries, Vol. I., note 240. and common instance in the Himalayan Distriots. - * The interchange of land n is well known in North- R. C. T. Indir. Jalam-ashthamf for janam-ashthami is a good

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1891. SOCIAL CUSTOMS; MARRIAGE. fooled the simple parents into believing that he In China. had a son who was seeking a wife, and ultimately With reference to the following cutting regard- he induced them to engage Peachblossom to him ing a Chinese legend as to the custom of in marriage. The marriage cards were duly interthrowing rice at weddings, is there any story changed: but the crafty Chao had chosen the or legend connected with the custom in India most unlucky day he could select for the wedding, or Europe P: - the day when the "Golden Pheasant" was in the The Chinese Times gives the following version ascendant. Surely as the bride entered the red of the origin of the custom of throwing rice at chair, the spirit-bird would destroy her with his powerful beak. But the wise Peachblossom knew some 1,500 years before Christ, there lived in the all these things, and feared not. "I will go," she province of Shansi a most famous sorcerer called said ; "I will fight and defeat him." When the Chao. It happened one day that one P'ang wedding morning came, she gave directions to came to consult the oracle, and Chao, having have rice thrown out at the door, which the spirit. divined by means of the tortoise diagram, inform- bird seeing, made haste to devour, and while his ed the trembling Pang that he had but six days | attention was thus occupied, Peachblossom stepped to live. Now, however much we may trust the into the bridal chair and passed on her way unsagacity and skill of our family physician, we may harmed. And now the ingenuous reader knows be excused if, in a matter of life and death, we why he throws rice after the bride. If any in. call in a second doctor for a consultation, and in terest has been engendered in his breast by this such a strait, it is not to be wondered at that tale of the fair Peachblossom, let him listen to Pang should repair to another source to make what befell her at the house of the magician. sure that there was no mistake. To the fair Peach- Arrived at Chao's house, no bridegroom was there, blossom he went, a young lady who had acquired but an attendant was given her, and the two girls some reputation as a sorceress, and to the tender prepared to pass the night in the room assigned feminine heart unfolded the story of his woe. to them. Peachblossom was wakeful, for she Her divination yielded the same result as knew that, when the night passed, the "Golden Chao's; in six days P'ang should die, unless, by Pheasant" would be succeeded by the evil star of the exercise of her magical powers, she could avert the "White Tiger," whose power and ferocity who the catastrope. Her efforts were successful, and can tell? "Go you to bed first," she said to the on the seventh day great was Chao's astonishment maid. The girl was soon asleep, and still her and still greater his mortification and rage, when mistress slept not, but continued to pace the room, he met P'ang taking his evening stroll and learned and at midnight the tiger-spirit came and the that there lived a greater magician than he. The morning light showed Peach blossom still pacing story would soon get about, and unless he could the room, while on the bed lay the lifeless body of quickly put an end to his fair rival's existence, his the little maid. Thus were fought the magic battles reputation would be ruined. And this was how of Peachblossom and Chao, and many more were Chao plotted against the life of Peachblossom. there, until they took their flight to heaven, where He sent a go-between to Peachblossom's parent now they reign as gods. And on earth the actors to inquire if their daughter was still unmarried, have not idols more prized than those of Peachand receiving a reply in the affirmative, he be- blossom and Chao Kung. R. C. TEMPLE. BOOK-NOTICES. The KAUSIKASUTRA OF THE ATHARVAVEDA, edited by and omens. It is presupposed by the Vaitd. MAURICE BLOOMFIELD. New Haven, 1890. 8vo. nasitra, which is the Srautasatra of the Athar. pages lxviii. and 424. (Journal of the American vaveda ; and thongh "a rather late product of Oriental Society, Vol. XIV.) the efforts to put into exact easily remembered Students of Vedic literature will hail with form the traditional practices of the Atharvan," delight this editio princeps of the Kausikasatra. it contains a considerable amount of ancient A glance at the critical notes, which stand on Aryan superstitions, some of which can perhaps every page of the beautifully printed text, will still be traced among the sister nations of Europe. give the reader an idea how much patient labour It thus commands an international interest, was required in order to rescue this difficult besides its importance in the history of Indian book from oblivion and corruption. The Karbi- language and literature. Professor Bloomfield's kasitra occupies an almost unique place among edition is based on eight MSS. and accompanied the Vedic Satras, as it treats chiefly of charms by extracts from the valuable commentary of

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FEBRUARY, 1891.] BOOK-NOTICES. 91 Darila, the great-grandson of Vatsa arman. In the existing MSS., this commentary goes only as far as about the first half of the text. Darila and two other commentators, Rudra and Bhadra, are quoted in the paddhati of Kebava. Extracts from this treatise on the ritual of the Kaulikasutra are added in the Appendix (pages 307 to 372). Indices of proper names, technical terms, mantras and quotations, conclude the volume. A list of new contributions to the Vedic lexicon is included in the Introduction (pages xliii. to lvii.) E. H. TOUNG PAO, Archives pour servir a l'etude de l'his. toire, des langues, de la geographie et de l'ethnographie de l'Asie Orientale (Chine, Japon, Coree, Indo-Chine, Asie Centrale et Malaisie), redigees par MM. GUSTAVE SCHLEGEL et HENRI CORDIER, Vol. I. No. 1, April, 1890. Leide, E. J. Brill: London, Luzao and Co. We hasten to welcome this remarkably good addition to the periodical literature of the East, and to wish it every success. The names of its editors, Profs. Schlegel of Leiden and Cordier of Paris are indeed a guarantee of the excellence of its contents, and although periodicals dealing with matters Oriental are already numerous enough and a heavy burden on students with limited means, yet the papers in this first number of Toung Pao shew that it fills a vacant space and will supply us with information which we are not likely to meet with elsewhere. It deals principally with China, but in this first number there are articles of great interest to Anglo-Indians, such as "The French in Burma in the Eighteenth Century," "To Yunnan VIA Tongking," and "Notes on a Journey to Yunnan." The first of these articles is extremely interest. ing and most valuable at the present time, as it consists of "extracts from the log of the Royal Tender La Baleine, commanded by " le Sr. Flouest, Naval Lieutenant, from 12th February 1782 to 28th March 1786, with a description of the kingdom of Pegu, the manners, laws, religion, customs and commerce of the inhabitants of that country (paija)." This journal is divided into two parts. The first consists of an account of the journey to and fro from Brest to Rangoon, and what may be called personal matters, and the second of a description of the country. With regard to these the author appears to have been so close an observer that we propose, if possible, to reproduce his remarks in full in the Indian Antiquary. In the present number we are only taken as far as the arrival at Rangoon. Starting from Brest on 12th February 1782 with troops, M. Flouest sailed vid Madeira and the Isle of France for India, sighting the Cocos Islands on 18th February 1783, and making the coast of Coromandel on the 16th March, where he disembarked troops at Portonovo. The fleet, for in those days it was not safe for ships to travel alone, then made for Trincomalee (Tirukkonamalai), but were chased en route by the "enemy," that is, a British Squadron ! However, Trincomalee was safely reached on 11th April 1783. After refitting, M. Flouest received orders to go to Pegu and left Trincomalee on the 11th August with troops for the coast of Coromandel. On the 12th September he left Pondicherry direct for Burma, passing the Andamans and the Cocos. On approaching Burma, he was much bothered by the currents and a want of know. ledge of the coast, and goes into an elaborate description of "la manoeuvre qu'il faut faire pour monter" the River of Rangoon. He reached the mouth of the river on the 30th September, and the town of Rangoon at 11 a. m. on the 7th October. The above outline of the journal is enough to shew how instructive it will prove to readers at the present day. The spelling of the place-names is interesting also, and shews how little it has changed in the century that has passed since he wrote. Thus we find Cocos, Achem (Acheen), Trinquemalay, Madras, Porto Novo, Pegu (which shews that the French pronunciation of the name is nearer than ours), Adaman (Andamans), Chinabaker, Pointe de l'Elephant, and Rangon. The notes on the journeys to Yunnan present quite a different point of interest. They consist of a letter from M. Leduc, dated 30th January 1890, and a reprint of an official report by M. Rocher, French Consul at Mongtze, published in "le journal officiel de la Republique Francaise" of 28th January 1890. This journal remarks on the commerce with Yunnan, the means of transport, the navigation of the Red River, the currency in use, the centres of trade, relations of the French with the people, communications with Tongking, and general observations. Enough has now been said to shew how important are the contents of this new periodical, and while heartily congratulating the editors on the literary success of their venture, we will only

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92 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1891. further remark that the articles are accepted wild products they can gather. Their worship is in French, English and German indifferently. exactly what one would expect in a people of their civilization, and the account given by Dr. THE SELUNGS OF THE MERGUT ARCHIPELAGO, by JOHN Anderson of one ceremony he witnessed, is exANDERSON, M.D., F.R.S. London: Trubner & Co., ceedingly interesting. 1890. The industries and occupations of the Selungs This little book is the embodiment of the are boat-building, harpooning the great devil-fish observations of a very capable observer, made or eagle-ray, collecting beche-de-mer, molluscs, during a visit to the Mergui Archipelago in mother-of-pearl oysters and pearls, and "black 1881 and 1892. coral" for barter and export. Honey and bees'. The first person to publish an account of the wax are also sinilarly collected; so are eagle-wood and edible birds' nests when procurable. The Archipelago was Capt. Thomas Forrest, in 1792, Selungs also keep dogs, their only domestic animal, but he saw nothing of its very timid inhabitants. with which they hunt the wild hogs of the Islonds The first account of these people appeared in the and barter the fat thus procured. The main official Calcutta Gazette in 1826, after the First Burmese War. They are there called 'Chalomes,' occupation of the women is the making of the and their ill-treatment by their neighbours, the pandanus mats for which the Islands are famous. Malays, Burmese and Siamese, who used the Marriage is performed by consent of parents Island as a hunting ground for slaves, is noticed. without much ceremony, and the young pair Capt. Lloyd, who surveyed the Archipelago in observe the common custom of dwelling with the 1838, gives an account of the 'Chillones, a miser- parents of the bride till the birth of the first child. able, badly clothed and shy race, without agri. There is a ceremony at the naming of the child. culture, living in boats, in the open air and in The health of the people seems to be fairly temporary huts, on shell-fish, turtle and indigenous good, but small-pox and cholera make great gaps products, and doing a little barter for rice and in their families. Sickness is ascribed to a coarse cloth. They are described, inaccurately of malignant nat, whom the medicine-man extracts course, by the Rev. Mr. Kincaid, a missionary from the sick person and takes into himself with whose attention was drawn to them at that time, as liquor supplied him for the purpose. The nat having no god and no religion. Dr. Helfer, who makes its exit by the arm and sometimes assumes saw them in 1839 and calls them' Seelongs,' gives the shape of a broken piece of glass. Here we much the same account of them as Capt. Lloyd, have an instructive example of the world wide and adds that they have a peculiar tongue. Broad savage belief in the external soul. The dead are foot and Durand, both names famous in subse exposed, not buried, either in their own boats or quent Indian History, tried up to as late as 1846 to on a platform on an uninhabited island, and are do something for the poor 'Salones' and to turn apparently provided with clothing and other them into Christians. In 1850 Mr. Logan wrote necessaries for the future life. an account of them, and observed that they had nate, spirits of the sea, land, air, trees and Physically, the people are probably a mixed stones, which were offered to, but did not invoke race of Malay origin, the admixture being with or symbolise. It appears that they have always Burmans and Karens. They are in no sense been taxed on their fishing operations, and that Negritos, as has been suggested. The average the Chinese, Malay, and other traders were al. height is that of the Malays : 5 ft. 2 in. for lowed to first make them drunk and then rob the men, and 5 ft. for the women. them, up to 1881-82 at any rate. A Selung Language Primer was published at So much for the history of the Selungs. In Maulmain by the missionaries in 1846, but number they appear to be about 1,000. Their nevertheless the study of the language seems to clothing is chiefly a loin-cloth, but coats cut have been most limited. Their names for in Burmese fashion are sometimes worn. Their won ho person persons are derived from the Burmans, but dwellings are rickety leaf huts, built on low otherwise their language seems to shew no con. bamboo piles, of a type commoner in Burma than nection with Burmese. We have it, however, on perhaps Dr. Anderson supposes from his descrip the great authority of Dr. Rost, that it is a tion of them. Their boats are canoes, covered by distinct Malayan tongue. pent thatched roofs, and have much the appearance Lastly, wo cordially agree with Dr. Anderson of Burmese boats of the same class. Their diet that any Deputy Commissioner of Mergui, who is chiefly rice, when they can get it, but they will take up the study, has a fine and almost frequently run out of their stock and take to wiat unique field of research before him.

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SYSTEM OF TRANSLITERATION. The system of transliteration followed in this Journal for Sanskrit and Kanarese, (and, for the sake of uniformity, submitted for adoption, as far as possible, in the case of other languages),-- except in respect of modern Hindu personal names, in which absolute purism is undesirable, and in respect of a few Anglicised corruptions of names of places, sanctioned by long eage, - is this: Sanskrit. Kavarobe. Transliteration. Sanskrit. Kanarese. Transliteration. jha Por lo tha dha to tr tha 228 3 63 63 E taua ada 3 stad & i dha na au bute Visarga p& pha ba bhn Visarga Jihvdmullya, or old Visarga before : and a Upadhmaniya, or old Visarga be fore and Anuevura A Tiusudra Anuncirildi ma ya st & ka EUR 18 kha 12 K3 3 3 * ga gha al 21 st E ja to obt clia BA chha A single hyphen is used to separate words in coniposition, as far as it is desirable to divide them. It will readily be seen where the single hyphen is only used in the ordinary way, at the end of a line, as divided in the original Text. to indicate that the word runs on into the next line intermediate divisions, rendered unavoidable here and there by printing necessities, are made only where absolutely necessary for neatness in the arrangement of the Texts. A double hyphen is used to separate words in a sentence, which in the original are written as one word, being joined together by the euphonie rules of sardhi. Where this double hyphen is used, it is to be understood that a final consonant, and the following initial vowel or consonant-and-vowel, are in the original expressed by one complex sign. Where it is not used, it is to be understood of the orthography of the original, that, according to the stage of the alphabet, the final consonant either has the modified broken form, which, in the oldest stages of the alphabet, was used to indicate a consonant with no vowel attached to it, or has the distinct sign of the virama attached to it; and that the following initial vowel or consonant has its full initial form. In the transcription of ordinary texts, the double hyphen is probably unnecessary; except where there is the sandhi of final and 11 Vowels. But, in the transcription of epigraphical records, the use of this sign is unavoidable. for the purpose of indicating exactly the palaeographical standard of the original texts. The avagraha, or sign which indicates the elision of an initial a, is but rarely to be met with in inscriptions. Where it does ocenr, it is most conveniently represented by its own Devanagarf sign. So also practice has shown that it is more convenient to use the ordinary Devanagari marks of punctuation than to substitute the English signs for them. Ordinary brackets are used for corrections and doubtful points, and square brackets, for letters which are damaged and partially illegible in the original, or which, being wholly illegible, can be supplied with certainty. An asterisk attached to letters or marks of punctuntion in square brackets, indicates that those letters or marks of punctuation were omitted altogether in As a rule, it is more convenient to use the brackets than to have recourse to footnotes; as the points to which attention is to be drawn attract notice far more readily. But notes are given instead, when there would be so many brackets, close together, as to encumber the text and render it inconvenient When any letters in the original are wholly illegible and cannot be supplied, they are represented, in metrical passages, by the sign for a long or a short syllable, as the case may be ; and in prose passages, by points, at the rate, usually, of two for each akshar or syllable.

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MARCH, 1891.) THE EASTERN CHALUKYA CHRONOLOGY. THE CHRONOLOGY OF THE EASTERN CHALUKYA KINGS. BY J. F. FLEET, BO.C.S., M.R.A.S., C.I.E. (Continued from p. 15.) VARIOUS passages, both in the Eastern Chalukya records and in those of some other dynasties, shew that, just as, after the period of the Rashtrakuta sovereignty, the later descendants of the Western Branch of the Chalukya family were specially known as "the lords of Kuntala," so the kings of the Eastern Branch were called distinctively "the lords of Vengi," from the territory which for so long a time formed the principal and favourite portion of their dominions. In the Eastern Chalukya records, that territory is called, sometimes, the Vengi or Vengi mandala ;' sometimes, the Vengi dosa ;and sometimes, simply the land of Vengt (Vengi-mahi, and Venge-bhu). One of the records (S.) mentions also a territorial division called the Vengininda vishaya ;this, however, I should think, denotes, not the whole Vengi country, but a subdivision of it, lying round the town from which the kingdom took its name. In a Tamil inscription of the Chola king Ko-Rajaraja-Rajakesarivarman, it is called the Vengai nadu. (Hultzsch's South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. I. pp. 63, 65). The original boundaries of this tract of country appear to have been, towards the west, the Eastern Ghauts, running from south-west to north-east; on the east, the sea-coast, running parallel to the Ghauts; on the northern frontier, the river Godavari, running from north-west to south-east; and on the southern frontier, the river Kistna or Krishna, running almost parallel to the Godavari. The area thus enclosed would be roughly about eight thousand miles. And the proper Hindu name of this territory, - but perhaps of a larger area of which it only formed a part, - appears to be the Andhra or Andhra country. There are, however, indications that in subsequent times the Vengi country included a great portion of the territory on the north of the Godavari ; the boundary line in that direction being then taken more in a straight line, almost due east, to the coast, from the place where the Godavari passes through the Ghauts. On the north of Vengi lay the territory of the Gangas of Kalinganagara ; and on the south, that of the Pallavas of Kancht, the more northern portions of whose dominions appear to have been rather qnickly absorbed into the Eastern Chalukya country. On the west, the Eastern Chalukya dominions must have been coterminous with the territories that were held, first by their relations of the Western Branch, whose capital was Badami; then by the Rashtraktas of MAlkbed; and then by the Western Chalukyas of Kalyan. As has been pointed out by previous writers, the name of Vengi, and probably an indication of the position of the original capital, is preserved in vogi or Pedda-Vegi, which is a village about seven miles north of Ellore (Eluru), the chief town of the Ellore Talaka or Sub-Division of the Godavari District in the Madras Presidency, and about ten miles, to the north-west, from the Kolar or Kolleru lake, which would probably furnish, quite as well as any river, an ample water-supply for a city of size; it is shewn in the map, Indian Atlus, Sheet No. 94, as Pedavaigie,' in Lat. 16deg 49', Long. 81deg 10'. There is, however, another village close by, Chinna-Vegi, - not entered in the map, - which, it seems, is just as likely to represent the ancient capital. Also, there are said to be extensive ruins and mounds, reaching from Pedda-Vegi to Dendaluru, five miles to the south-east; and there is a tradition that Dendaluru once formed a part of the ancient city. Subsequently, the 1 The name occurs in both ways) with the long vowelf, and also with the short voweli, in the second syllable; but it is most usually written with the long vowel. Dr. Burnell considered that the Tamil form, Vengai, indicates that properly the vowel is short; and that Vengt, like KAficht, is a Sanskritised form. 1 mandala and dfsa are technical territorial terms, evidently applied to rather extensivo areas, and more or less synonymous; see Gupta Inscriptions, p. 32, note 7. * vishwya is another technical torm; and seems to denote properly a sub-division of a mandah or ddia (loc. cit.) * nadu is the Dravidian equivalent of the Sanskrit d&ta. In composition, it occurs in the nasalised form of nindu: e. g. Vengin Andu, and VelanAnda. - Nanti, e. g. in Benguranknti, seems to be another form of it. See Dr. Burnell's South Indian Palaeography, second edition, p. 16, noto, and Mr. Sewell's Lists of Antiquities, Madras, Vol. I. pp. 34, 36; also, for a small map of the Andbra country, Sir A. Cunningham's Ancient Geography of India, p. 587. The identification of Vengt with Pedda-Vegi appears to be due to Sir Walter Elliot; but I am not able to refer to his paper on the subject.

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94. THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1891. capital was removed to Rajamandri or Rajamahendrapuram, on the north bank of the Godavari, in Lat. 17deg, Long. 81deg 48', and about forty-five miles in a north-easterly direction from Pedda-Vogi; possibly this city was first occupied, under the Eastern Chalukyas, by Amma I., who had the biruda or secondary name of Raja-Mahendra and was named after him. Dr. Burnell (loc. cit. note 5 above) tells us that in the Telugu Mahabharata, which belongs to the twelfth century A. D., Rajamahendrapuram is called the nayaka-ratna or "central gem" of the Vengi country; this description of it supports, not only. the removal of the capital, but also the inclusion before this time, in the original Vengi country, of a good deal of the territory on the north of the Godavari. The land of Vengi, or the Andhra kingdom, was described by the Chinese pilgrim Hinen Tsiang, in the seventh century A. D., under the name of An-to-lo; and it is supposed that he mentions Vengi as its capital, by the name of Ping-ki-lo (Beal's Buddhist Records of the Western World, Vol. II. p. 217).7 The earliest epigraphical mention that we have of Vengi, is in the Allahabad pillar inscription, in which the name of Hastivarman, king of Vengi, occurs in the list of Samudragupta's conquests in Southern India (Gupta Inscriptions, p. 13); this reference belongs to the fourth century, A. D. And to some time between that date and the Eastern Chalukya period, we have to refer the mention of the town of Vengipura in the grant of the Salankayana Maharaja Vijayanandivarman, who issued his charter from that place (ante, Vol. V. p. 177). Also, to some date in the same interval belongs the grant of the Pallava Maharaja Simhavarman, who, issuing his charter from the town of Dasanapura, granted to some Brahmans the village of Mangadur in Vengorashtra (ante, Vol. V. p. 157); this record seems to give a variant of the name of the Vengi country, and to supply a link in its early history, before it passed into the hands of the Eastern Chalukyas. In the records of the Eastern Chalukyas themselves, the first use of the word Vengi is in L., of the time of Amma I., which calls Vijayaditya II. "the lord of Vengi (Veng-isa) ;" and M., of the time of Chalukya-Bhima II., contains the first explicit statement, that the territory over which reigned Kubja-Vishnuvardhana I. and his successors, was the Vengi country. The course of events which led to the establishment of the Eastern Branch of the Chalukya family in Vengi, seems to have been this. Pulikesin II. succeeded to the Chalukya sovereignty in A. D. 609 or 610 (see page 3 above). From Hiuen Tsiang's account (Buddh. Rec. West. World, Vol. II. p. 256, and Life, p. 146 f.) we know that he was at the head of a powerful and warlike nation. And from the Aihole inscription (ante, Vol. VIII. p. 245) we learn that his conquests in Southern India extended right across the peninsula ; he reduced the strong fortress of Pishtapura, which is the modern Pittapuram in the Godavari District, near the coast, and about eighty miles to the north-east of Pedda-Vegi; and he caused the leader of the Pallavas to shelter himself behind the ramparts of the city of Kanchi, which is the modern Conjeeveram, about forty miles south-west of Madras. In leading his armies so far away from home, he would need someone invested with authority to represent him fully in his own hereditary dominions. And for this purpose Vishnuvardhana I., his younger brother, was appointed Yuvaraja. This appointment was made in A. D. 615; and Vishnuvardhana I. was still holding the same post in A. D. 616 or 617. Probably during the campaign which included the conquest of Pittapuram, and which must have taken place at this time, the Vergi country was made a part of the Chalukya dominions; and the reference to the Pallavas, immediately after the mention of Pishtapura, has been understood as indicating that it was from their possession that Vengi was taken. On the return of Pulikesin II. to Badami, he would naturally depute Vishnuvardhana I. to administer the newly acquired Mr. Sewell (loc. cit. p. 22) mentions two traditions about the origin of Rajamahendrapuram; one conuects it with Mahendradeva, son of Gautamadeva, a supposed early king of Orissa, and states that the city was then the southern capital of Orissa; the other connects it with a Chalukya king named "Vijayaditya-Mahendra." Dr. Barnell (loc. cit.) considered that the last syllable in the Chinese representation of the name is " merely the locative suffix of the Telugu nouns, naturally mistaken by the worthy Chinese pilgrim monk for a part of the word. So the Portuguese called Salayam, - Chaliatta, using the inflected form of the name." rashtra, usually translated by 'country,' is another territorial term. It occurs also in Maharashtra ; an! it seems to belong properly to only rather extensive areas.

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MARCH, 1891.) THE EASTERN CHALUKYA CHRONOLOGY. 95 territory, in the same capacity of Yuvaraja. And then, - whether it came to pass through a formal division of the kingdom by mutual consent, because it was too extensive to be managed as a whole; or whether there was a distinct act of rebellion on the part of the younger brother, - in no great length of time, - at any rate before A. D. 632, -- Vishnuvardhana I. became established on the eastern coast as an independent sovereign, and founded there the Eastern Branch of the family, which held that part of the country for five centuries at least, and remained distinct from and independent of the Western Branch, down to the latest times of both the dynasties. The successive members of the Eastern Branch of the family, taken for the most part in the order in which they followed each other on the throne, irrespective of their actual places in the genealogy were as follows: 1.- Vishnuvardhana I.; Kubja-Vishnuvardhana. Eighteen years; A. D. 615 to 633. He was a younger brother of the Western Chalukya king Satyasraya-Pulikesin II.; his father was-Kirtivarman I. His name occurs as simply Vishnuvardhana in his own grants (A. and B.), and in D. and E.; as Kubja-Vishnuvardhana, - (the word kubja means 'hump-backed;' also 'a curved sword, a scimitar), - in K. and all the subsequent grants, except in two (0.and U.), in which he is called Kubja-Vishnu; and as Bittarasa, 'king Bitti or Bitta,' on the seal of A. Probably the latter, a Prakrit form, is the name that was given to him at his birth; and it was expanded into its Sanskrit form, Vishnuvardhana, at the time of his installation as Yuvardja." He had the epithet of bripfithivivallabha, favourite of fortune and of the earth' (in A.); and the biruda of Vishamasiddhi (in A. and B.), which is explained in B. as being due to his achieving "success (siddhi) against fortresses, difficult of access (vishama), on the plains, in the water, in the woods, and on hills," and which is used to denote him in c. His titles were, at first Yuvaraja (in A.), and afterwards Maharaja ; the latter, in addition to being used in one of his own grants (B.), is attached to his name in D. and E.; for its value, in this period, as a paramount title, see ante, Vol. XIX. p. 305 ff. K. and all the subsequent grants agree in stating that he reigned for eighteen years; but M. is the first grant which specifically states that the locality of his rule was the Vengi country. As we have seen from the dates examined in the preceding portion of this paper, the initial point of his years, - whether it is taken as being in the month Vaisakha, or as being the immediately preceding Chaitra sukla 1, - lies in A. D. 615, in Saka-Samvat 638 current; and his regnal years run, not from the date of his assumption of independent sovereignty, but from the earlier time when he was installed as Yuvaraja by his elder brother (see page 5 above). L. mentions a follower of his, named Kalakampa, of the Pattavardhini family, who, " with his permission," killed in battle a king named Daddara, and seized his insignia. Of his time we have two records : - A. - A copper-plate grant from Satara in the Bombay Presidency; edited by me with a lithograph, ante. Vol. XIX. p. 303. - It gives the name of the family as Chalikya ;10 and describes the members of the family as meditating on the feet of the god Svami-Mahasena Speaking of Beta, otherwise called Vijayditya V., a Godavari grant says, Tadap-clich Atito yebhud Annabhupila-Dandadah kanthikA-dyutimat-kantho jato Beta-mahipatih. This distinctly seems to imply that he was first named Beta, "he was born (as) Bita ;" and so, that he received the name of Vijayaditya, when he was invested with the kanthiha. So also w. shows thnt Kulottunga-Chokladeva I. was first called Rajendra-Chola, and received the name of Kulottungadeva when he was anointed to the Choda sovereignty. - The explanation must be the same in the case of Amma I., otherwise called Vishnuvardhana VI. ; of Chalukya-Bhima IL, otherwise called Vishnuvardhana VII., and in some other instances. In some cases, e. g. those of Mangi-Yuvardja aud Kokkili, we evidently have only the personal names, conferred at birth. 10 The variants of the family name in this series of documente, in the preamble of each, are, - Chalikya, here; Chalukya, in B., O., D., K., L., M., and S.; Chalukya, with the Dravidian l fin E., F., G., and H.; Chalukya, with the long vowel & in the first syllable, in J., N. to L., and T. to X.; and Chukya, with the long and the Dravidian ), in I.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (Karttikeya, the god of war); as belonging to the Manavya gotra; as being Haritiputras or descendants of an original ancestress of the Harita gotra;11 as being protected by the Mothers of mankind;13 and as having acquired the crest of a boar through the favour, when he had arisen from sleep, of him (the god Vishnu) whose couch is the ocean of milk. The genealogy commences with Pulikesin I., who is spoken of by his birudas of Ranavikrama and Satyaaraya; it mentions his son, Kirtivarman I.; but it takes the line direct from the latter to Vishnuvardhana I., entirely passing over his elder brother, Pulikesin II., in this passage, and only referring to him, as "the glorious Mahardja," in the passage at the end which contains the date. Pulikesin II. is similarly passed over in C. and E. The charter was issued by Vishnuvardhana J. himself, as Yuvaraja, from Kurumarathi (or Kurumarathya); and it records the grant of the village of Alandatirtha, in the Srinilaya bhoga. The village granted is probably the modern Alundah' of the map, about thirty-five miles north of Satara. But, however this may be, the statement that it was on the south bank of the river Bhimarathi, is sufficient to shew that the locality of the authority of Vishnuvardhana I., at this time, was to the west of Long. 77deg 21', where the Bhima flows into the Krishna, and was, therefore, within the radius of the Western Chalukya sovereignty. The grant was made on the full-moon day of Karttika, in the eighth year of "the glorious Maharaja," i. e. of Pulikesin II.; and the corresponding English date lies in A. D. 616 or 617. " 96 [MARCH, 1891. B. A grant from Chipurupalle in the Vizagapatam District, Madras Presidency; edited by me, page 15 above; for a lithograph, see Burnell's South-Indian Paleography, second edition, Plate xxvii, It gives the family-name as Chalukya, The genealogy commences with Pulikesin II., who is mentioned as "the Maharaja Satyaeraya, the favourite of fortune (erivallabha);" and this grant expressly states that Vishnuvardhana I. was the younger of the two brothers. The charter was issued by Vishnuvardhana I. himself, as Maharaja, from the village of Cherupura in the (P) Paki vishaya; and it records a grant of the village of Kalvakonda in the Dimila vishaya. Cherupura is probably an older form of the name of Chipurupalle itself, where the plates were obtained. But, at any rate, there can be no doubt that the name of the Dimila vishaya has been preserved in the modern village of Dimile, in the Sarvasiddhi Taluka of the same District, fourteen miles towards the south-west from Chipurupalle.. And this identification is sufficient to establish the important point, that the sphere of the Sovereignty of Vishnuvardhana I. now lay on the eastern coast, far away from the Western Chalukya dominions. The grant was made on the occasion of an eclipse of the moon in the month Sravana, on the fifteenth day in the fourth month of the eighteenth year of Vishnuvardhana I. himself; the corresponding English date, as shewn on page 4 f. above, is the 7th July, A. D. 632. The Dutaka of the grant, i. e. the officer who conveyed the king's commands to the local officials by whom the charter was then drawn up and delivered, was Atavidurjaya, of the (P) Matsya family. 11 The variants of the first component of the word, in the preambles of the documents, are, Harfti, here, and in L., V., and perhaps W.; Hariti, in C., F., H., and I.; Hariti, in D., E., G., and J.; and Hartti, in K., M. to U., and X. In his Sanskrit Literature, p. 143, Prof. Max Muller gives Harita as one of the principal authorities quoted in the Taittiriya-Pratisakhyd. But the gotra-name given by him, is Harita; with the short vowel in both the first and the second syllables (id. p. 383). I should think, therefore, that the correct form of the name is Haritipatra, or more properly Haritiputra; with the short vowel i in the second syllable. The long vowel & in the first syllable, points to there having been a Harita gotra as a later offshoot from the Harita gotra. In the same way, the Kasyapa and Kaundinya gotras of epigraphical records, must be offshoots of the original Kasyapa and Kundina gotras of Prof. Max Muller's list. Other similar instances also could be quoted. -The Western Chalukyas also were Haritiputras. But the name was not confined to this family. It applied also to the Early Kadambas (e. g., ante, Vol. VI. p. 31). And in earlier times there were Haritiputras or Haritiputras in Central India (see ante, Vol. IX. p. 121). 12 These are the divine mothers, or personified energies of the principal deities. They are usually taken as seven in number; viz., Brahmi or Brahmani, Maheevarl, Kaumari, Vaishnavi, Varahi, Indrant or Aindri or Mahendri, and Chamunda. They are closely connected with the worship of Siva; and they attend on Karttikeya, who was his son. They must have some original connection with the Pleiades, when the principal stars of that group were seven in number. Karttikey awas fostered by the Pleiades (Krittikah); and from this is derived one of his epithets, shanmatura, having six mothers.'

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MARCH, 1891.] THE EASTERN CHALUKYA CHRONOLOGY. 2. - Jayasinha I. Thirty years; A. D. 683 to 668. He was the eldest) son of No. 1, Vishnuvardhana 1. His name occurs as simply Jayasinh ha in M. to U., and in X.; in his own grant (C.), and in D., E., K., L., V., and W., vallabha, 'the favourite,' is attached to it; and in F. it is written Jayasinghs, with vallabha attached. The seal of his own grant gives him the biruda of Sarvasiddhi, which is explained in line 13 f. by the words "he who acquired all kinds of success by the strength of his arm;" and it is used in an epithet applied to him in D. His title was Maharaja; it occurs in his own grant, and it is affixed to his name in D, E, and F. The grants K. to O., and Q. to W., say that he reigned for thirty-three years; while P. and X. say thirty years. I follow the latter statement, because, in spite of its not being the earlier one, and of its not being the statement of the majority, it must be the more correct of the two (see pages 10, 14 f., above). Of his time we have one record : C. - A grant from Pedda-Maddali in the Kistna District, Madras Presidency; edited by me, with a lithograph, ante, Vol. XIII. p. 137. - It gives the dynastic name as Chalukya; and fo the description of the Chalakyas as given in A., it adds the statement that they had had their bodies purified by ablutions performed after celebrating the aevamedha-sacrifice. The genealogy commences with Kirtivarman I.; Palikesin II. is not mentioned ; and Vishoavardhana I. is not spoken of by name, but is referred to by his biruda as "he who attained Buccess under difficulties (vishama-siddhi) in harassing the forts of many enemies." The charter was issued by Jayasimha I. himself, as Mandraja, from the town of Udayapura, and it records a grant of the village of Penukaparu in the Gudrabara vishayals on the occasion of one of the equinoxes, in the eighteenth year of the reign. The Ditaka was Siyabarman. The language of this grant is rather full of inaccuracies; and I am not quite satisfied as to its authenticity. 8. - Indra-Bhattaraka. Seven days; A. D. 888. He was the younger brother of No. 2, Jayasimha I. His name occurs as Indra-Bhattaraka in D., E., and F.; and as Indraraja in K. and all the subsequent grants. In the Godavari grant of the Raja Prithivimula, the son of the Maharaja Prabhakara, mention is made of an Adhirlija Indra, who joined in "a tumultuous combat waged by all the kings who were gladdened by having assembled together in the desire to aproot by force Indra-Bhattaraka" (Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. Vol. XVI. p. 119); the reference here seems to be to IndraBhattaraka of the Eastern Chalukya dynasty; the Adhiraja Indra being possibly the Mahardja Indravarman of the Ganga dynasty of Kalinganagara (ante, Vol. XIII. pp. 120, 122, and Vol. XVI. p. 132), whose territory lay just to the north-east of the Eastern Chalukya kingdom. The only records that mention Indra-Bhattaraka as reigning, are V., W., and X., which state that he reigned for seven days.14 The truth seems to be, that he did not actually succeed in ascending the throne; being prevented by a confederacy of chiefs, in wbich the leading part was taken by the Adhiraja Indra. 18 This district is mentioned also in E., by the same name. And it seems to be identical with the Gudravirs of J. and N., and the Gudravara of Q. Ia V. and W. mention is made of the Guddavadi vishaya, which Dr. Hultasch has suggested may be identical with the preceding, and may have some connection with the modern Gudivada in the Kistna District (South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. I. p. 52, note 1); Gudivado, however, ocours also as the name of two villages in the Vizagapatam District. - I am inclined to think that the origiral name may have been Gudrahara (Gudra + ahara, a territorial division). The expression GudrAhara vishays would be analogous to the Khakaners vishaya, which we have, ante, Vol. VII. p. 72, line 25 f. Gudra might pass into Gudda; through the habit of doubling consonants before r. And we might thus obtain Guddavada, or Guddavidi; the last part of the latter word being another form of udla, 'a town.' But I do not see how the dental d could change into the lingual din Gudivada. 1 In V., line 87, the actual reading in tad-anuj.endraraja-nandanas sapta dindni; this is a mistake for Andra rajas-sapta din ini, due to carelessness in amplifying the indraraja-nandan vishnuvardhani nata of other grants. - W., line 10, bas tat-kanfyan-ind[r]arijas-sapt-than ; X., line 31, bas tad.anuja ilm ]drar jarrapta dindni.

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98 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1891. 4. - Vishnuvardhana II. Nine years; A. D. 683 to 672. He was the son of No. 3, Indra-Bhattaraka. His name occurs as Vishnuvardhana in his own grants (D. and E.), and in L. to X.; and as Vishnuraja in K. D., line 10, seems to imply that he had the epithet of sarvalokasraya, 'asylum of all mankind;' and the seals of both his grants give him the birula of Vishamasiddhi, as in the case of his grandfather. D. describes him as a paramaidhesvara or most devout worshipper of the god Siva under the name of Mahesvara;' and E. gives him the epithet of samadhigata-panchamahasabda, "he who has attained the five great sounds,' i.e. who is heralded in public by the sounds of five kinds of musical instruments.15 His title was that of Maharaja ; it is used in his own grants, and is also affixed to his name in F. In M. the years of his reign are carelessly omitted. K., L, and N. to X., are unanimous in stating that he reigned for nine years. Of his time we have two records : D. - A grant from somewhere in the Nellore District, Madras Presidency; edited by me, ante, Vol. VII. p. 185, with a lithograph in Vol. VIII. p. 320. - It gives the dynastic name as Chalukya; and it adds, in respect of the members of the family, that they acquired the dignity of sovereignty through the favour of the god Karttikeya. The genealogy com. mences with Vishnuvardhana I. The charter was issued by Vishnuvardhana II. himself, as Maharaja ; and it records a grant of the village of Reyaru in the Karmarashtra vishaya. The grant was made in the second year of his reign, on Wednesday, the tenth tithi in the bright fortnight of Chaitra, under the Magha nakshatra ; and the corresponding English date, as has been shewn on page 8 above, is Wednesday, 13th March, A. D. 684. The writer of the grant was Vinayaka, the son of Era. E. - A grant apparently from Mattewada in the Kistna District; edited by me, with a lithograph, ante, Vol. VII. p. 191. - It gives the dynastic name as Chalukys, with the Dravidian ! in the second syllable. The genealogy commences with Kirtivarman I.; and it passes from him to Vishiuvardhana I., without any reference to Pulikesin II. The charter was issued by Vishna vardhana II, himself, as Miharaja. It is addressed to the residents of the village of Pallivada in the Arutankar Abraya which was in the Gudrahara vishaya; but the exact details of the grant are not known, the concluding portion of the charter, after the second plate, being not forthcoming. The grant was made in the fifth year of his reign, on the occasion of an eclipse of the son on the new-moon day of Phalguna; and the corresponding English date, as we have seen at page 9 above, is the 17th February, A. D. 888. 5. -- Mangi-Yuvaraja. Twenty-five years; A. D. 672 to 698. He was the son of No. 4, Vishnuvardhana II. He is spoken of as Mangi-Yuvaraja in K. and all the subsequent grants; but there is nothing to shew why the title Yuvaraja is always attached to his proper name. He had the epithet of sarvalok asraya,'asylum of all mankind,' (see his own grant F.); and the seal of his grant gives him the biruda of Vijayasiddhi, which is also used in the text of the grant, in describing him as he who achieved the success of victory in controversies () of metaphysics and other sciences." K, and all the subsequent grants agree in stating that he reigned for twenty-five years. Of his time we have one record : F. - A grant from an unknown locality; edited by me at page 104 below. - It gives the dynastic name as Chalukya; and in the description of the members of the family, it substi 16 See Gupta Inscriptions, p. 296, note 9. - This is another exceptional instance, in whion the opithet is applied to a paramount sovereign.

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MARCH, 1891.j THE EASTERN CHALUKYA CHRONOLOGY. 99 tates the statement that they acquired their sovereignty through the excellent favour of the goddess Kausiki (Durga),16 for the statement of D., which attributes this to the favour of Karttikeya. The genealogy commences with Jayasimha I. The record does not mention Mangi by his own proper name, but speaks of him, in the passage which introduces the grant, as "the Maharaja who is the asylum of all mankind." The grant, which was made by Mangi. Yavaraja himself, was of some fields in the village of Nutulapapu in the Karmarashtra (vishaya). It was made on the occasion of the Uttarayana-Samkranti or winter solstice, in the twentieth year of his reign. The Dituka was Nissaramiji ....... 6. - Jayasimha II. Thirteen years; A. D. 696 to 709. He was the eldest) son of No. 5, Mangi-Yuvaraja. He is first mentioned in K.; and in that and all the subsequent grants, his name is given as simply Jayasimha, without vallabha attached to it. K. to M., and O. to X., are unanimous in stating that he reigned for thirteen years; through a careless repetition of the length of the reign of his ancestor of the same name, N. represents him as reigning for thirty-three years. 7.- Kokkili. Six months; A. D. 709. He was a younger brother, by a different mother, of No. 6, Jayasimha II. P. to T., and V. to X., simply mention him as a younger brother; M. describes him as dvaimdtura, 'a halfbrother,' without any statement as to seniority; K., L., O., and U., state explicitly that he was dvaimator-dnuja, the younger half-brother;' N. carelessly represents him as the son of Jayasimha II. His name is first mentioned in K.; that and all the subsequent grants agree in stating that he reigned for six months. 8.- Vishnuvardhana III. Thirty-seven years; A. D. 709 to 746. He is described in K. and the subsequent grants as the elder brother of No. 7, Kokkili; but they do not state whether he was born of the same mother. Nor do they give his seniority in respect of Jayasimha II.; I follow Dr. Hultzsch, and place him between Jayasimha II. and Kokkili. In L. he is called Vishnuraja; in all the other grants in which he is mentioned, his name is given as Vishnuvardhana. He acquired the sovereignty by ejecting Kokkili. K. and all the subsequent grants state that he reigned for thirty-seven years. 9. - Vijayaditya I.; Bhattaraka. Eighteen years; A. D. 746 to 784. He was the son of No. 8, Visunuvardhana III. ; 0. describes him as an aurasa or legiti. mate son.' G. and X. give his name as simply Vijayaditya; in all the other instances in which he is mentioned, he is called Vijayaditya-Bhattaraka. H., which does not introduce his proper name, appears to give him the biruda of Vikrama-Rama; and it may be interpreted us giving him also the second biruda of Vijayasiddhi. In G. the title of Maharaja is attached to his name. K. and the subsequent grants all state that be reigned for eighteen years.17 16 kau siki-vara-praslida. I notice that Dr. Haltzsch (South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. I. p. 35) has preferred to connect vara with the preceding member of the compound, and thus has translated " by the favour of (Siva) the husband of Kaubiki." But the expression vara-pras-lda is of such constant occurrence iu unambiguous F I am not disposed to agree with his rendering. 17 Dr. Burnell (South Indian Palcography, p. 31 ) has stated that, according to one grant (the charter dated in the twenty-third year of Vira-Chodadeva), he reigned for sixteen years; this, however, is based on a mislection; the passage has vijayadity -shada ia, for-shadaia. He has also prefixed Saktivarman to his name; but I have not been able to trace any authority for this.

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100 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1891. 10. - Vishnuvardhana IV. Thirty-six years; A. D. 764 to 799. He was the son of No. 9, Vijayaditya I. In O. his name is given as Vishpuraja; in all the other instances, he is called Vishnuvardhana. The title of Maharaja is attached to his name in G., H., and I. The grants K. to X. all state that he reigned for thirty-six years.18 11. Vijayaditya II.; Narendramrigaraja. Forty-four years; A. D. 799 to 843. He was the son of No. 10, Vishnuvardhana IV. He is called Vijayaditya in his own grants (G., line 16, and H., line 13-14), and in I. to L.; Narendramrigaraja, in G., lines 11-12, and 51, and in M., O., U., and W.; and Vijayaditya-Narendramrigaraja, in N., P. to T., and V.; through a careless omission of the latter part of his biruda, X. speaks of him as simply Narendra. He had the epithet of samastabhuvanasraya, asylum of the universe; it is attached to his name in his own grants, and in J. and L. J. also gives him another biruda, Chaluky-Arjuna. The scals of his grants bear the legend bri-Tribhuvanankuba, literally the glorious elephant-goad of the three worlds;' and furnish the earliest instances, as yet obtained, of the use of this expression. A Pittapuram inscription of 'Saka-Samvat 1124 (Sir Walter Elliot's Telugu Sasanams, p. 501 ff.) states that his grandson had the "name" of Tribhuvana ukusa. But, from the occurrence of the word also on the seals of K. and all the subsequent grants, it appears to have been a family-motto, rather than a biruda of this king or of any other member of the family. In J. the title of Maharaja is attached to his name; but in his own grants he uses the fully developed paramount titles of Maharajadhiraja, Paramesvara, and Bhattaraka; and this is the earliest instance of the use of them in this dynasty. His own grant G. speaks of him as a paramamahesvara, or 'most devout worshipper of the god Maheevara (Siva).' As to the length of his reign, there are different statements; K. and O. say forty years;19 L., forty-four years; and M., N., with P. to X., forty-eight years. These discrepancies are rather curious. It would be easy enough to make a mistake between forty and forty-four years; thus, owing to the recurrence of the sch, a careless scribe might very readily reduce vijayadityas-chatuschatvariniatam (forty-four) to vijayadityas-chatvarishsatam (forty); or he might even amplify, though not so easily, the latter expression into the former. But it is difficult to see how a mere mistake in copying could well be made between vijayaditya-narendramrigarajas 8-ashta-chatvarishsatam (forty-eight; N., line 11-12), or vijayaditya-narendramrigarajas-ch-as}.{dchatvarimsatam (P., line 11-12), and such an expression as vijuyaditya-narendramrigaroja chatus-chatvarishsatam. L., however, does not use the formal expression at all; but states, in a verse, that he reigned for forty years increased by four (sa-chatvarimsatas-saman chatur-uttarasashkhyutan), and, therefore, in this passage at any rate, there is no possibility of a literal mistake by a careless writer. I am strongly inclined to think that, in spite of its standing alone for the present, the statement in L. is the correct one; the explanation being that, in addition to actually reigning for forty-four years, Vijayaditya II. had previously ruled for four years as Yuvaraja; that in M., N., and P. to X., the four years of Yuvaraja-ship were erroneously added to the forty-four years of his reign; and that in. K. and O. a mistake was made in the other direction, and, it being thought that the forty-four years included his four years of Yuvaraja-ship, four years were deducted, and his reign was thus reduced to forty years. 18 Dr. Burnell has shewn him as reigning for thirty years; adding, in a note, that two records (W. and X. in my series) give thirty-six years. But I do not know what authority there is for the statement of thirty years. He has also added that one record (the grant specified in the preceding note) gives twenty-six years; but there again the original has thirty-six years. 1 Dr. Burnell has also quoted the grant mentioned in the preceding two notes, as giving forty years but the original has forty-eight years.

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MARCH, 1891.] THE EASTERN CHALUKYA CHRONOLOGY. 101 Moreover, forty-four years is the only period that fits in at all naturally, if we look to such details as have been considered in the arrangement of my principal List, on page 12 above. A reign of forty-eight years cannot be allowed for there, without making such reductions in other reigns, as practically to shorten some of them by a full year at least; and it seems almost an impossible length, following, in a new generation, after reigns of thirty-seven, eighteen and thirty-six years, in three successive generations. For these reasons, forty-four years is the duration that I have adopted in my principal List, in which the reigns are determined according to the years A. D. In the alternative List, however, on page 13, the principle of the arrangement of which makes it easy enough to admit a longer time, I have allowed for forty-eight years, on the chance that this is really the correct record. J. speaks of him as "a fire of destraction to the Ganga family ;" and as "having the valonr of a lion, splitting open (the temples of) the lordly elephants of his enemies (ari-nagadhipa) with his unsheathed sharp sword;" this last epithet seems to have a double meaning, and to indicate also a defeat of some hostile chief of the Nagas. And L. states that during twelve years, by day and by night, he fought a hundred and eight battles with the armies of the Gangas and the Rattas, and built the same number of large temples of Siva under the name of Sambhu. The Rattas here spoken of, are the well-known Rashtrakatas of Malkhed, of whom the reigning kings were, Goyinda III. at the beginning of the time of Vijayaditya II., and Amog bavarsha I. later on. In his Radhanpur grant of Saka-Sarvat 730 (ante, Vol. VI. pp. 63, 71) Govinda III. claims to have ordered "the lord of Vengt" into his presence, and to have made him assist in building or fortifying a city. It would seem, therefore, that, in the contest between the two dynasties, success was not entirely with the Eastern Chalukyas. The Gangas may be either some of the feudatory Ganga Mahamandalesvaras, who are mentioned in some Rashtrakata inscriptions ; or early members of the family of the Eastern Gangas of Kalinganagara (ante, Vol. XVIII. pp. 161 ff). The building of the temples of Siva is referred to again in K, and M., in passages in which the god is called Narondresvara, - *. e. favara' in composition with the first part of the king's biruda. L. further speaks of him as "the lord of Vengt (Veng-ika);" and this seems to give really the first indication that the country of Vengi constituted the dominions of this dynasty. Of his time we have two records : G. - A grant from an unknown locality; edited by Dr. Hultzsch, in his South-Indian Inscriptions, Vol. I. p. 31 ff. ; I have also my own reading of the original plates. - It gives the dynastic name as Chalukya. The genealogy commences with Vijayaditya I. The charter was issued by Vijayaditya II. himself ; and it records the grant of the village of Korraparry, on the occasion of an eclipse of the moon. The name of the vishaya in which the village was situated, is illegible. The Dutaka was the prince Nripa-Rudrs, who is described as a brother of Vijayaditya II., but as a descendant of the Haihaya race; he appears, therefore, to have been a half-brother, born from a different wife of Vishnuvardhana IV. who belonged to the lineage of the Kalachuris of Tripura. The writer was Aksharalalitacharya, a resident of Vijayavada, which must be the modern Bezwada, in the Kistna District. H.- A grant from Idara "20 in the Kistna District; edited by Pandit S. M. Natesa Sastri, ante, Vol. XIII. p. 55; I quote, however, from my own reading of the original plates. - It gives the dynastic name as Chalukya. The genealogy commences with Vijayaditya I., who appears to be mentioned by the birudas of Vikrama-Rama and Vijayasiddhi. The charter was issued by Vijayaditya II. himself. It records the grant of a field at the village of Vamfupireyu or Vamrupileyu in the Kandaruvadi vishaye, made on account of an eclipse of the sun. The Dutaka was Bolama. 0 This name is written iafra (ante, Vol. XIII, p. 50); Ederu (Sewell's Lists of Antiquities, Madras, Vol. II. p. 26); and Idara (id. Vol. I. p. 51).

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102 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1891. 12. - Vishnuvardhana V.; Kali-Vishnuvardhana. Eighteen months; A. D. 843 to 844. Ho was the son of No. 11, Vijayaditya II. In his own grant (I.), and in J., his name occurs as simply Vishnuvardhana ; in K. and all the subsequent grants, he is called KaliVishnuvardhana.21 He had the epithet of sarvalokAbraya, asylum of all mankind' (in his own grant, and in J.). His grant seems to imply that he had the biruda of Vishamasiddhi; and it qualifies him as a paramamaheevara, or most devout worshipper of the god Mahesvara.' The title of Maharaja is attached to his name in bis own grant, and in J. In L. he is called "the lord of Vengi (Vengi-natha)." K. and the subsequent grants all state that he reigned for one and a half years. Of his time we have one record :23 -- I. A grant from Ahadanakaram' in the Madras Presidency; edited by me, with a lithograph, ante, Vol. XIII. p. 185. It gives the dynastic name as Chalukya; and furnishes the first contemporaneous instance of the use of the long a in the first syllable of the name.83 The genealogy commences with his grandfather, Vishouvardhana IV. The charter was issued by Vishouvardhana V. himself. The donative part of the record is in a difficult style of Telugu; and the meaning of it has not yet been properly made out. But it mentions a town named Pfithivipallavapattana; and it seems to describe a grant made by the inhabitants of that town. In the word kanadi(or odi)-rajul, with the epithet samastabhuvanasraya prefixed, it possibly refers to some king of the Karnataka country. And it seems also to mention Kanchi and R&mesvara, 24 13. - Vijayaditya III.; Gunaka. Forty-four years; A. D. 844 to 888. He was the eldest son of No. 12, Vishnuvardhana v. In his own grant (J.), and in K. and L., his name occurs as simply Vijayaditya; in N. he is called Gunaka-Vijayaditya; in M., S., T., U., V., and X., Gunaga-Vijayaditya; in P., Q., R., and W., Gunaganka-Vijayaditya; and in 0., Gunakenalla-Vijayaditya; and U. explains the prefixes by saying that he was "a thorough arithmetician (ankakarah sakshat)." He had the epithet of samastabhuvanAbraya, * asylum of the universe' (in his own grant, and in L.). And his title was that of Maharaja; it is used in his own grant, and it is attached to his name in K. The records K. to T., and V., W., and X., agree in stating that he reigned for forty-four years; U. says the same in the tirst instauce, but adds an alternative statement, that the duration of his reign was forty-eight years.26 L. tells us that, "challenged by the lord of the Rattas, he conquered the unequalled Gangas; cut off the head of Mangi in battle; and frightened the fire-brand Krishna, and completely burnt his city." The killing of Maigi, and the burning of the city of Krishna, are also spoken of in M.;26 and a reference to the former event is also made in the grant of Vijayaditya III. himself. The Ktishoa in question must be the Rashtrakata king Kfishna II.; and the city must be Malkhod. There seems to be another reference to him in U.; which states that n1 In L., line 16 f., an attempt is made to explain the prefix of his name, by saying that he was "skilled in fighting kali) with all weapons." But I consider that the prefir, which does not occur anywhere with the Drividian that is used in that passage, is in reality the Dravidian word kali, a courageous, valiant man; a hero. * When I published this grant, I was doubtful whether the charter was issued by him, or by his grandfather. The use, however, of the epithet sarvalokairaya appears to stamp it as bis. 38 As noted above, J. gives the biruda of Chaloky-Arjuna to an earlier king, vix. Vijayhditya II. ; but that record is later in date than the present one. ** I owe this partial explanation of the contents to Dr. Haltasch's assistant, Mr. V. Venkayya. * Dr. Barnell quoted X. (of my series) as stating forty years. But it says distinctly forty-four. >> Dr. Haltzsch South Indian Inacriptione, Vol. I. p. 58, note 8) has already pointed out that the words kirania. pura-daham, which were not intelligble at the time, are a mistake for krishna-pura-dahang.

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MARCH, 1891.] THE EASTERN CHALUKYA CHRONOLOGY. king Vallabha did honour to the arms of Vijayaditya III. And it is probably in connection with some earlier event of this reign, involving on this occasion a defeat of the Eastern Chalukyas, that we must understand the statement in the 'Sirur inscription, that worship was done to the Rashtrakuta king Amoghavarsha I. by the lord of Vengt (ante, Vol. XII. p. 219). Mangi may have been a Chola king; a Pittapuram inscription, of Saka-Samvat 1124, calls him Mangi-Rajendra, and states that Vijayaditya played the game of ball with his head. 108 Of this reign we have one record: - J. A grant from an. unknown locality; not yet published. It gives the family-name as Chalukya. The genealogy commences with Vijayaditya II. The charter was issued by Vijayaditya III. himself. It records the grant of the village of Tundaparu or Trandaparu in the Gudravara vishaya, to a person named Vinayadisarman, who appears to be either the actual slayer of Mangi, or the leader of the troops on the occasion of his being slain. The grant was made on the occasion of an eclipse of the moon. The Dutaka was Pandaranga (possibly for Panduraja). The writer was Kattama, or Kattaya. Vikramaditya I. He was a younger brother of No. 13, Vijayaditya III. K., M., N., P., S., and U., mention him with the title of Yuvaraja; and T. speaks of him as "wearing round his throat a glittering necklet (kanthika)," which appears to have been the token of the dignity and rank connected with his name.27 But he evidently did not actually ascend the throne. Yuddhamalla I. He was a (younger) brother of the preceding, Vikramaditya I. His name occurs, as Yuddhamalla, in S., in which he is specified as a paternal uncle of Bhima I.,28 and in U.; in X. he is not mentioned by name, but is simply referred to as a brother of Vikramaditya. He apparently did not reign. No. 14; Chalukya-Bhima I. Thirty years; A. D. 888 to 918. He was the son of the Yuvaraja Vikramaditya I.; and he succeeded Vijayaditya III. His name occurs as simply Bhima in S. and U.; and as Nripa-Bhima in K.; but he is usually mentioned as Chalukya-Bhima, in other places in K. and U., and in M. to R., and T. to X.; L. gives the prefix with the short a in the first syllable, Chalukya-Bhima. L. gives him the biruda of Droh-Arjuna; and S. seems to give him also the biruda of Saucha-Kandarpa. K. and all the following grants agree in stating that he reigned for thirty years. From L. we learn that, after the time of Vijayaditya III., the land of Vengi was overrun by the Battas, and had to be reconquered by Bhima I.; and U. specifically states that his opponent, whom he conquered, was Krishnavallabha, i. e. Krishna II. K. mentions his general, named Mahakala, the son of his foster-sister Gamakamba, who was the daughter of his wet-nurse Nagapoti. 15. - Vijayaditya IV.; Kollabiganda. Six months; A. D. 918. He was the eldest son of No. 14, Bhima I. His name occurs as simply Vijayaditya in K., L., M., N., O., T. and X.; as Kollabiganda- Vijayaditya in Q. and V.; and as KollabhigandaVijayaditya in P., R., and W.; while S. mentions him as simply Kollabiganda and Kollabigandabhaskara; U. states that he was Vijayaditya, who was also named king Kollabigands. L. also attaches the biruda of Kaliyartyanka29 to his name; and an unpublished inscription 27 See ante, Vol. VI. p. 70, note; and Vol. XI. p. 161, note 27. In line 16, for chalukya-bhima-pitrivyam yuddhamall-atmajas, read pitrivya yuddhamall. anka seems to me to be used here in the sense of name, appallation, secondary title,'-"having the biruda of Kaliyarti" (see ante, Vol. XIX. p. 18, note 44).

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104 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1891. gives another variety of this bir uda, in the form of apparently Kaligartiganda.30 His wife was Melamba; she is mentioned in M. and N. The length of his reign is not stated in L.; but K., M., and all the subsequent grants, give it as six months. K. states that he ruled over the Vengi mandala, together with the forests of Trikalinga or the three Kalingas. M. says that he conquered the rulers of Kalinga. L. mentions a follower of his, Bhandanaditya, otherwise called Kuntaditya; he was the son of Pritiviyaraja, who was the son of Somaditya, who, again, was a descendant of the Kalakampa, of the Pattavardhini family, mentioned above in connection with No. 1, Vishsuvardhana 1. (To be continued.) SANSKRIT AND OLD-KANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. BY J. F. FLEET, Bo.C.S., M.R.A.S., C.I.E. No. 195. - MADRAS MUSEUM COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF MANGI-YUVARAJA. This inscription was first brought to notice by Mr. R. Sewell, M.C.S., in 1884, in his Lists of Antiquities, Madras, Vol. II. p. 24, No. 176. It is now published in full for the first time. I edit it from the original plates, which belong to the Government Central Museum at Madras. I obtained them for examination in 1883, through the kindness of Dr. Bidie, who w then in charge of the Museum. I have no information as to where they were found. . The plates, of which the first and last are inscribed on one side only, are three in number. The first and second plates are entire, and measure about 6%" by 21". The third plate is broken, towards the ends of the lines; the extant portion measures about 5 by 2". The second plate is in a state of very good preservation; but the first and third are a good deal corroded by rust, and the writing on them is rather difficult to read. The edges of the plates were fashioned slightly thicker than the inscribed surfaces; BO as to protect the writing. - The ring on which the plates are strong, and the holes for which are near the proper right-band end of each plate, is about " thick and 2}" in diameter. It had been cut, for the purpose of making impressions, before the time when the grant came into my hands; there seems, however, to be. no reason for thinking that it is not the proper ring belonging to the plates. The seal on it is circular, about 13" in diameter : in relief on a countersunk surface, it has, across the centre, the legend eri-Vijayasiddhi[ho] ; in the upper part, the moon; and in the lower part, a floral device. The weight of the three plates, which are rather thin, is 7 oz, and of the ring and seal, 7 oz. ; total, 14} oz.-The characters belong to the southern class of alphabets; and are of the regular type of the period and part of the country to which the record belongs. The average size of the letters is between !" and ". As is usual, the interiors of them shew marks of the working of the engraver's tool. The engraving is rather shallow; and the letters do not show through on the reverse sides of the plates. -The languago is Sanskrit ; and, except for the quotation of two of the customary benedictive and imprecatory verses, the whole record ia in prose. It is written rather carelessly; especially in respect of the number of cases in which a long vowel d, a visarga, or an anusvara, has been omitted. - In respect of orthography, the only points that call for special notice, are (1) the use of the Dravidian ! in the name of the family, line 5, and in yugalah, line 13; and (2) the use of ru for si in pitru, lines 11 and 13, though the proper vowel is used in matri, line 2, and krita, lines 5 and 10. The inscription is one of the Eastern Chalukya king Mangi-Yuvaraja. He is men. tioned, not by his name, but as "the Maharaja, who is the refrage of all mankind (sarralokasraya)." But the genealogical details that are given, leave no doubt that it is he who is intended. The record is non-sectarian; the object of it being only to record the grant of some 30 This grant is No. 84 in Mr. Sewell's Lists of Antiquities, Madras, Vol. II. p. 13. It is so corroded and so difficult to read, that, not having the original plates to refer to, I cannot deal with it at present.

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MARCH, 1891.] MADRAS MUSEUM GRANT OF MANGI-YUVARAJA. 105 land to a Brahman, at the village of Nutulaparu in the Karmarashtra country. The grant was made on the occasion of the Uttarayana-Sankranti or winter solstice, in the twentieth year of the reign; but no details are given that can be tested by calculation, TEXT.2 First Plate. 1 Svasti Srimata sakala-jagad-abhishtuyamana-Manavya(vya)-sagdtran[a*] Hari2 ti-putranam Kosiki-vara-prasada-labdha-rajyanam matsi-gana-paripa3 litanam Sv[ami-Mahasena-pad-anudhyatanar bhagava(va)n-Narayana-prasada4 samasadita-varahalanchhananan asvamedh-avabhsithasnana-pavitri(tri). 5 krita-vapushan Chalukyanamh kula-jaladhi-samudit-Endoraennaya-vinaya-vikram-0. 6 parjita-charu-bhuri-ksrtteh e ri-Jayasinghe-vallabha-maharaja-priy-Anujasy-Endra7 samana-vikramasya sr-I(1)n[dra)-Bhattarakasya su(su)nor=aneka-samara-sanghayOpalabdha Second Plate; First Side. 8 yuddha-vijaya-yasah-prasuty-Amoda-gandhadhiv a sit a-sakala-dig-mandalas ya 9 nm-sastr-Abhyas-pabri(bri)mhita-vimala-visala-buddhesh(r)) tyag-audiryya-dhairyya10 ki [n*]ty-adi-gun-alamkpitasyali3 sri-Vishnuvarddhana-maharajasyah- priya-tanayah sama11 tisai(sayi)ta-pitra(tai)-guna-sakti-sampanna anvi(nvi)kshiky-adi-vidya-pragesha vijaya12 siddhish*] Bv-[a]si-dharan-[&*]namita-ripan ripati-maka(r)ta-tata-ghatit-aneka-mani kirana-ra. 13 ga-rajimta?-charana-yugalal Paramabrahmanyo matapitru(tri)-pad-anadhya ta 14 ari-sarvvalokasraya-maharajahe Kramja-v [4*]stavy[A*Jya Kabya(aya)pa-gotr[&*]ya A(a)pa Second Plate ; Second Side, 15 stamba-su(sd)traya Taitri(ttiri)ya-sabrahmasa(cha)rin[e*] Kulisarmmana(r)[ho] paatruya Donasarmmana16 na10[ho] putraya Kundi-Donasarmmane Kallrmarashtre Nulatulaparu-nama-grame do(da)kshi17 na-disky [am(r)] padanta-kshetra[n] dattam13 Revadistane br[4]hmana kshetra[m] [*] dakshinata[h*] tat[^(r)]18 ka[m(r)) paschimata[h*) Penukaparabum-br[a]hmana-kshetra [ n*) uttarata[h*] Nidubamrapa19 nta puvvatal Danavadipanta-br[&*]hmana-kshetra[no] [lo] dakshinata Etakanda nama-brahmA-16 20 na-kshetra[m] paschimata[1] Velerakandi-nama-br[a]hmana-kshetra[m*) uttarata Etakanda-n[0]21 ma-br[A*]hmana-kshetra[mo] parvata16 Sramatata ka-br[A]hmana-kshetra [*] paschimata[ho] br[a*]hmana-kshetra[*] From the original plates, Rond kausikt. Read okritasya. Rend Ordjasya. * Read, probably, prasneshu. * First the ta was engraved here; and then it was corrected into ku. Read ranjita. * This word was first engraved as marajal; and then there was corrected into hd, and the jah into rd, and another ja was out. * First the pau was engraved here, and then it was corrected into na. 16 The ha seems to have been repeated, because at the end of the preceding line it fell partly on the edge of the plate and is rather indistinct. 11 Firat ma was engraved here, and then it was corrected into ka. 11 Mr. Sewell read this akshara as ku; bat wrongly. 11 The construction is faulty. Either we ought to have dattavan here. Or, if we retain dattam, the nominative 10 priya-tandyal &o., in linea 10 to 14, must be altered into the instrumental. 1. Read puruvatah. 16 Read brdhma is Read paruvatak,

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106 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARC#, 1891. Third Plate. 22 uttarata[h*) Velukatata ka-br[a*]hmana-kshetra[m*1 parvata17 Korinipa(P)18 ..... .....(brahma]23 na-kshetra[] dakshinata[ho] cha tat-sator-avad hilo dv[4*]dasa-kandikak-odra 30 ****... [ksha]24 tra[m] uttarayana-nimitta udaka-purva sarvaal-kara-pariharta datta[m] [11] [Pravarddhamana-vija)25 ya-rajya-samvatsara visah[11] Atra Vy[A*]sa-gita[bo] sl6kAS "] Bah[ubhire 25 vvasudha datta) 26 bahubhis-ch-knupalita yasya yasya yad[a] bhumi[h*] tasya (tasya tada phalam] [11] 27 Sva-dattam para-dattam v[A*) yo hareti(ta) vasundharam shashthi(shti)-va[rsha sahasrani) 28 vishthayam jayate krimih [11] Ajaapti[ho] Nissaramiji(P).............. [11] ABSTRACT OF CONTENTS. Of Indra-Bhattaraka (line 7), -- who was a very moon, risen from the ocean which is the family of the Chalukyas (1.5), who belong to the Manavya gotra (1. 1), (and) are HAritiputras; (and) who was the dear younger brother of the Maharaja Jayasingha (I.), the favourite (1.6); -- the son was the Mahdraja Vishnuvardhana (II.) (. 10). His son, the Maharaja, who is the asylum of all mankind (1. 14), - who has the success of victory in controversies (?) of metaphysics and other sciences, 27 -- has given to Kundi-Donasarman (1. 16), an inhabitant of Kranja (1. 14), & member of the Kasyapa gotra, a follower of the Apastamba sutra, a student of the Taittiriya (bakhd) (1. 15), a son's son of Kulisarman, and a son of Donasarman, a padantu-field2e in the southern quarter at the village of Nutulaparu2 in the Karmarashtra country (1. 16); and, apparently, also a Brahman's field in a site called Bevadistana (1. 17). Lines 17 to 23 contain a specification of boundaries; but the application of them is not quite plain. And line 23 seems to record that the yield of one or other of the fields was twelve khandikas.30 From lines 24 and 25 we learn that the grant was made on account of the UttarayapaSamkranti, in the twentieth year of the augmenting victorious reign. And the record ends with the stutement that the Dutaka (denoted by the word ajnapti) was Nissaramiji .........(3) 11 Read pervvatah. 15 Four or five letters are broken away here. Read tach-chatur-avadhi I. >> Five or six letters are broken away hero. Probably the correct full reading was dvddala-khandikak.drau). brahmana-kahatrah. Compare dvddasa-khandikak-Odrava-blja-samathanach kshetrarh, which is the proper reading in line 21 f., ante, Vol. XIII. p. 56. 11 Read Opdruvash sarva. 11 Read pariharana. 35 so, virhaal, for viral, for vintes. 24 Read $16ka. 28 Metre, Sloks (Anushtabh); and in the following verse. If this line was fall one, six or seven letters bave been broken away here. 11 This passage introduces the biruda, Vijayasiddhi, which is on the seul of the grant. * This word seems to be a corraption of bhadanta,' Buddhist priest or venerable man;' or else a mistake for adanta, as a corruption of bhadanta. > This termination of village-names occurs with the single r. again in Penukapara (p. 97 above), and Tundeparu or Trandapara (p. 108), it also occurs with the double 1, e. g. in Korr para (p. 101); other forms are, barru, ia Diggubarru, and varru, in Elavarra. # For some remarks in connection with this word, see ante, Vol. XIX. p. 274, note 29.-It is probably identical with the khanda, which was the yield of one hundred pddas of land (ante, Vol. XVIII. p. 115, note 43).

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MARCR, 1891). FOLKLORE IN WESTERN INDIA; No. 16. 107 FOLKLORE IN WESTERN INDIA. BY PUTLIBAI D. H. WADIA. No. 16. - The Charitable Faqir. Once upon a time two men were journeying together to a distant place. One of them, who was a water-carrier by trade, though very poor, was strictly honost. No privations, not even famine, over tempted him to sin. The other traveller, however, was quite the reverse. Though clever enough and strong enough to live by honest labour, he would not put his hand to anything but theft and plunder. He would roam about from place to place and rob unwary travellers for the sake of money. After travelling several miles together, the two men halted near a well, and having refreshed themselves lay down to rest under a tree, hoping to resume their journey a little later in the day, when another traveller, who was passing by, stopped to drink at the well. He looked cautiously about him, but did not catch sight of the two men under the tree. So he put down & bundle that he carried on his head and stooped to draw water. The robber, who had been watching him all the while, crept stealthily up to him, put his foot upon the bundle, and catching hold of the poor fellow by the legs, was about to hurl him in, head foremost, when his companion, the honest water-carrier, suddenly coming up from behind, drew both the robber and his intended victim away from the well at immense risk to his own life. Thus the poor unoffending travellor was saved from certain death, and went his way rejoicing, after thanking his deliverer warmly, and suitably rewarding him for having saved his life. The robber, in the meantime, had made himself scarce, and the water-carrier, therefore, regumed his journey alone. After a long time, however, he was again joined by the robber, who foamed with rage and cursed him all the way for having, as he said, obstracted him in following what he called his lawful profession, when all of a sudden he tripped against something, and stooping down to see what it was, found it to be a purge full of gold Asrafis. He picked it up eagerly, and showing it exultingly to his companion, said: - "Here's luck indeed! I was destined to come by gold in some way or other, and I have ! Dare you now deprive me of this also P" So saying, he ran away as fast as his legs could carry him, as if afraid that his companion might claim a share of the treasure. The poor water-carrier was extremely surprised at this, and walked on, thinking how Allah could have seen fit to bestow so much favour opon such an unworthy individual as his late companion, when suddenly he happened to tread on some brambles, and a large sharp thorn pierodd the sole of one of his bare feet. The poor man whined and groaned with pain, and was, moreover, sorely grieved at heart to think that he, who deserved so much better at the hands of Allah, should be made so very miserable, wbile he, to whom punishment should really be meted out, should be so miraculously favoured. "Strange ! very strange" ! he cried out with indignation; "they are all false who uphold the justice and impartiality of Allah, for had he been just and impartial he would have shewn more consideration towards one who has never all his life so much as uttered a lie or harmed any living being. However severe have been my trials and privations, I have never once yielded to temptation, and still Allah, though he withholds from me all the good things of this earth, gives me my full share of misery. Surely it is of no use to be good or honest in this world." While he was giving way to his lamentations in this manner, a tall majestic and hand. some man with a fine long beard came all unperceived and stood suddenly before him, and

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108 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCE, 1891. asked him the cause of his grief. The poor man narrated to the stranger all that had happened since he set out on his journey, and then asked him whether or not he was justified in saying that Allah did not deal fairly by all his creatures. "I cannot agree with you there, my friend," replied the stranger," though I fully sympa. thize with you in your sufferings. I am Gabriel, the Angel, deputed by Allah to visit the earth every day and take my own estimate of the good and evil that is wrought there, and am, therefore, in a position to say that Allah is always kind and just to every one, high or low." But the unhappy water-carrier, who felt himself miserably wronged, was not to be convinced by this. So he said: "If you are really the Angel Gabriel, I beseech you to go and ask Allah the reason why he should have thrown that purse of gold in the way of that cruel-hearted robber, while I, who am in every respect a much better man, should have been made miserable by having a thorn thrust into my foot." The Angel consented, but just as he was about to depart, a faqir, who had come up while the foregoing conversation was going on, stopped him, and prevailed upon him by his entreaties to hear his talo also. "I, too, am struck with the iniquity of Allah," he cried, "for do I not say my prayers regularly five times a day and exhort others to do likewise, and again, do I not beg only in the name of Allah P And still what does Allah give me? Nothing but a bit of bread and a draught of water, and that too not every day, while others, who scoff at prayers and religion, and who never so much as pronounce the name of Allah even once a day, have a merry time of it, and eat and drink and enjoy themselves all their lives. How am I to understand that P" "Have patience, my friend," said Gabriel; "I shall state your case to Allah and give you his answer to-morrow." So saying he quickly disappeared, The water-carrier and the mendicant then began to travel together. The next day as the two were walking side by side, Gabriel joined them and said : - "Here I am again, my friends; I have seen Allah and given him your messages, and now listen to what he has to say to them : "Firstly, you, my friend the water-carrier, thought it unjust of Allah that he should have given a purse of gold to that wicked man, and that, too, at a time when he least deseryed it; but listen to what Allah has to say to it: "That same man who now so displeases him by his misbehaviour, does not, as you think, enjoy the favour of Allah, but on the contrary has incurred his deepest resentment as you will see. That man was born ander such happy auspices that, had he feared Allah and done his will, he would have come to be crowned a king by this time. But as he, from his childhood upwards, preferred a career of guilt and infamy, Allah in his rage held aloof every good thing from him, and gave him just enough to satisfy, only to a meagro extent, the demands of his destiny, which even he cannot avert, " Thus, yesterday, when he found that purse of gold, he was destined to come by endless wealth ; but Allah judges rightly, and he knew how little that wicked man deserved, so he in his wisdom gave him only a few coins of gold, just a semblance of what would have been his had he been honest and good, and still that fellow in his ignorance blesses his fortune, and does not know what he forfeita only for the pleasure of doing ill. "And now as for yourself," continued Gabriel; " Allah says, he has never been kind or unjust to you, but has, on the contrary, been very considerate in his dealings with you. You were, 88ys he, horn under such an evil star that you would have been much more miserable and unhappy in life than you have already been; but as you have always tried to be good and honest, Allah has helped you to pass through all your trials and troubles

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MARCH, 1891.] FOLKLORE IN WESTERN INDIA; No. 16. 109 unscathed. You told me yesterday that Allah considered it fit to pat a thorn in your way and thus caused you to suffer pain, and you naturally enough thought Allah to be very unkind. What will you say, however, when Allah declares that that very thorn was the means of saving your life, as you will learn presently. At the exact minute that that thorn entered your foot, it was decreed that you should be accused of some great crime which you had never committed, and that your head should be cut off. But seeing that you had been good and dutiful all your life, and had, moreover, just then exerted yourself to save a human being from death, Allah was pleased with you, and he in his mercy substituted the thorn for the headsman's sword, since, as I told you before, it is not in his power to avert a man's destiny, and the few drops of blood that flowed from your foot compensated for the life-blood which, it was ordained, should flow in abundance that very same moment from your neck. Don't you now think that, by thus saving your life, Allah amply rewarded you for all your good acts ? Learn, therefore, always to bow to his will, however unintelligible his ways may appear to you at first sight." The poor good-natured water-carrier was so struck with all that he had heard, and, WAS so overcome with grief and shame at the idea of ever having doubted the justice and wisdom of Allah, that he fell on his knees and prayed loudly to him to forgive him, and then, kissing the feet of Gabriel, he besought him to intercede on his behalf and obtain for him the pardon of Allah. And now came the faqir's turn, for he too was impatient to hear why Allah had thought fit to keep him so very poor; so tarning to him, Gabriel said: "My good man, I am really very sorry for you, as is also Allah himself, for he says you have been destined to remain most miserably poor. In fact, Allah says, he does not see how to keep your body and soul together for the rest of your life, for you have still a good many years to live, and there are only five rupees left now out of what you were destined to earn during the whole term of your existence. You will therefore have to pass the rest of your life in a much poorer and still more miserable condition, than you are in now." "Is it indeed sop" cried the mendicant in a despairing tone, with tears in his eyes. "Alas! it is but too true," replied the Angel ; "and now detain me no further; for I must go." But the faqer caught hold of him by the hem of his garment, for an idea had entered his head just then, and said : << Gabriel, good Angel, do hear me for a minute more. Wilt thou go once more and ask Allah to send the messenger of death to me at once, so that I may be spared the uneasinges and misery I am destined to suffer ? Do pray to him, however, to send me first the five rupees still reserved for me, so that, before I die, I may taste of some at least of the many good things: that I constantly see everywhere but have never been fortunate enough to partake of. If you tell Allah all this, good Angel, I am sure he will grant me what I ask." Gabriel agreed to carry the message to Allah, and quickly disappeared. The mendicant and the water-carrier soon afterwards parted company and went their respective ways. The faqir, in due course, arrived at his hut, and after saying his prayers with great devotion in the belief that he was soon to go to the other world, lay down to sleep. The next day when he opened his eyes, what was his delight to see exactly five rupees lying by his side! He took them up eagerly and hurried with them to the bazar. There he saw ever so many nice things spread out before him. No end of sweetmeats and fruit and vegetables to eat and beautiful clothes to wear, such as he had never in his whole life dreamt even of touching ! But that day he thought himself rich enough to buy anything. As fine clothes, however, possessed no interest for a man who was about to die the next morning, he invested all the five rupees in buying toothsome eatables and delicious sharbats, and went back to his hat rejoicing:

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110 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1891. There he cooked his food, and after duly saying his prayers, ate and drank till he could do so no more. He then again said his prayers, thanked Allah for the good things he had given him, and laid himself down on his bed with his eyes closed and his lips uttering the name of Allah, expecting every moment the messenger of death to come and bear his soul away. Instead, however, of that grim visitor, two poor beggars like himself came to the faqir's door, and asked for alms. "Come in, friends," said he; "I have no money to give you, but I have some food left in those pots yonder, of which you are welcome to partake in the name of Allah, for it is all his own." The hungry wayfarers thereupon set to eat, and soon emptied the pots of all their contents. They then thanked the good man for his hospitality, and resumed their journey. Evening came, and still there was no sign of the messenger of death; so the faqir got up said his prayers, and again quietly settled down to rest and soon fell fast asleep. When he opened his eyes in the morning, the first thing they lighted upon was five bright new silver coins again! He was very much surprised at this, and could not for the life of him make out how they came to be there again. He, nevertheless, pocketed the money, and ran out of his hut to go in search of Gabriel, and learn from him the meaning of this mystery. The Angel, however, was invisible that day, so the mendicant again wended his. way to the bazar and purchased a good many nice things to eat and drink, thinking that Allah had seen fit to keep him on this earth for one day more. Going home, he cooked the food as before, and after making a hearty meal of it, he called in the first beggar that happened to pass by his door at the time, and gave away to him, in the name of Allah, all that remained in his pots. Then saying his prayers as usual, he lay down in his bed, fully expecting every moment to be his last, and was soon wrapped in sleep. Strange to say, however, he not only found himself alive and well the next morning, but again saw five bright silver coins lying by his side in the same place as on the two previous days. Things went on like this for about a week, when one day Gabriel suddenly appeared to the faqir. The latter's first words to the Angel were: "Gabriel, you have made some strange mistake! Did you not tell me the other day that five rupees was all that was left for me to live upon for the rest of my life! How is it then that day after day I rise in the morning, and see five bright silver coins by my bedside! I spend them in buying the good things of this earth, and give away what remains to the poor, and go to bed in the belief that the angel of death will take me away from this world during the night. Nevertheless, I find myself alive and well every morning. Really, I cannot understand how Allah has been pleased to be so good and merciful to me ?" "You are a fool," replied Gabriel, "not to see how that is, but you are mortal after all, and mortals are not expected to understand the ways of Allah. You say you give away the remains of your food every night in the name of Allah; well then, do you suppose that Allah is so mean as not to return to you whatever you give away in his name? Do you not know that whatever one gives away to the poor he lends to Allah, and Allah not only returns what has been thus lent to him, but returns it with interest. The five rupees that Allah gives you every morning, are credited back to you every evening when you feed the poor in his name, and thus is it that you see five fresh coins by your bed-side every morning. As long, therefore, as you continue to give to the poor in his name, so long will Allah bestow upon you the wherewithal to do such acts of charity. The faqir was overjoyed at this, and went home fully determined to be generous and charitable all his life, so that he might for ever earn the favour and protection of Allah.

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MARCA, 1891.] FOLKLORE IN SALSETTE; No. 7. 111 FOLKLORE IN SALSETTE. BY GEO. FR. D'PENHA. No. 7. - The Princess and the Lonse. In a certain country there lived a king who had an only daughter. When the princess was born the king engaged a Negress as a nurse for her, who tended her with all possible care, and the princess grew up to be strong and beautiful. One day as the nurse was combing her hair, she caught a louse, and was about to kill it, but the princess prevented her from killing it, telling her she wanted it for some purpose. She then ordered the nurse to get her a large bottle with a wide mouth. The nurse fetched a bottle with a wide mouth, and the princess put the louse into it, and every time she took her tea or milk she always poured a spoonful or so in the bottle for the louse. Now drinking tea and milk made the louse attain an incredible size, so much yo that, with the exception of the princess and her nurse, no one could detect the louse in it. A few years rolled away, and the princess, attaining the twelfth year of her age, was considered marriageable. Her parents, the king and the queen, began to think of disposing of her in marriage. When it came to the ears of the princess that her parents were looking out for a suitable husband for her, she objected, saying she would marry only him who would be able to recognise an animal she had. For this purpose she told her father to prepare a grand dinner to which princes and kings from far and near must be invited, when she would produce the animal, and accept in marriage whosoever could tell its proper name. The king, who was passionately fond of his daughter, consented to do as she had proposed. The king now sent messages to different countries, to kings and princes and nobles, to the effect that any one, who was able to recognise an animal the princess had, would win ber in marriage, and that therefore they should come and dine with him on a certain day. Grand preparations were made for the dinner for several days, and on the appointed day, hundreds of kings and princes and nobles, and other persons of wealth and renown, came. Dinner was scarcely served when the princess asked her father to shew the animal to his guests; but the king said : "Not ret, my dear daughter, let them first take their dinner, for otherwise, if they cannot recognise the animal, they may all leave the house without their dinner, and all the trouble and expense we have gone to will be wasted. Let them finish eating their dinner, and when we are serving them with pin sopari (betol-leaf and nut) we will ask them to recogniso the animal just as they touch it." The princess saw that this was a reasonable proposal, and so allowed him to do as he pleased, Dinner was soon served, and the guests did ample justice to the various dishes set before them. When dinner was over pan sopart was brought out, but the king gave ordets that no one should take it up before they recognised the animal in the bottle, which was produced at the same time. The size the loase had attained was too prodigious for an animal of its kind, and no one had the remotest idea of what it was. Consequently the louse remained anrecognised, and all the king's guests left one by one with sorrow at having been foiled in their attempt to win the princess. Now it happened that a few days before this the princess's nurse, who had, by this time, amassed a large fortune, expressed a desire to leave her service and go home. The king and the princess urged her very much to stay for a few years more, or at least till such time as the princess should be married, but her anxiety to go home was so great that nothing could persuade her to change her mind. The king, therefore, paid her her dues and dismissed her, giving her besides a few presents in the way of jewels, dresses, and wach' like other things.

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112 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1891. The reason that the nurse was anxious to go home before the dinner came off, was that she had a son, whom she wished to be married to the princess if possible. So she went home, and on the day of the dinner told her son to go and stand near the king's palace, and say that he could make out the animal in the bottle, which, his mother told him, was a louse. On the appointed day, therefore, at the dinner hour the nurse's son came and stood near the palace, and, when he saw the kings and others going away one by one, he, pretending ignorance of what was going on in the palace, inquired why so many people had assembled there, and why they were going away one after another. Somebody told him that the people he saw were all princes and nobles, who were invited to guess an animal the princess had, and that the successful person would get the princess in marriage. Upon this the Negro lad said: "Oh, if that is all, I will recognise the animal; let me see it." The king was duly informed that a Negro lad, who was waiting outside, offered to guess the animal in the bottle. The king then orderod him in, and, in the presence of all the guests, the boy, after one glance at the bottle, said : - "Oh, its only a louse." The princess' choice fell upon this Negro boy. Her parents and others tried hard to dissuade her from marrying him, but all their attempts were fruitless. She said : "I had imposed a condition for the selection of a husband, and as this boy has successfully fulfilled it I am willing to take him for my husband." The parents were, therefore, obliged to yield, and they appointed a day, a few months later, for the celebration of the marriage. In due time the appointed day came, and the nurse's son, accompanied by some of his relatives, went to Church, and was there married to the princess. They then all went to the king's palace, where they were treated to a sumptuous dinner. Now, immediately after dinner, the bridegroom sent away all his relatives, saying he would follow them soon with his wife. His relatives therefore, went in advance to his house. When the bride and bridegroom left to go to his house late in the evening, the king wished to send some of his own servants, to escort them, but his son-in-law refused to take any one with him. The king wanted to give his daughter a lot of clothes and jewellery, and asked his son-in-law how it was to be taken without servants, but he said: "Oh, do not give anything to-day. You can send all that some other day." Still the king pressed him to take some persons with him, and at last he agreed to take one man, who carried a box with a few clothes. After they had gone some distance the bridegroom sent away this servant also, offering to carry the box himself. The servant, of course, had no alternative but to obey, and he, therefore, went away. The princess already began to repent of her choice, and complained bitterly that she was tired of walking. So her husband told her to sit in the box, which she did, and was carried by her husband. Now when he had walked for some time he had to obey call of nature, so, putting down the box with its precious contents he went to some distance for that purpose. In the meanwhile a prince, who had been out hunting, and who had captured two live tiger cubs, passed that way, and seeing a box with no one near it, his curiosity was roused, and, yoing up to the box saw the beautiful princess, of whom he asked what she was doing there at such a time. The princess related to him her whole story. Upon this the prince asked her if she was willing to go with him, to which she answered in the affirmative. So the prince, taking her out of the box, put in it the two young tigers, and they both went to his house. Meanwhile, the Negro lad retained, and little thinking of what had transpired in his absence, took up the box, and pursued his way. He, however, felt the box heavier, but, though he wondered at it, he paid no heed to it. He now walked on and on till he reached his house, and, without waiting, went straight into his sleeping apartment, where he deposited his burden. His parents and all his guests and neighbours were all anxions to see the bride, and asked him to fetch her out; but he refused to

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MARCH, 1891.) MISCELLANEA. 118 do so, on the pretence that she was tired, and also that she might get frightened at the sight of his relatives who, also, were, of course, Negroes. He then told his parents to treat the guests very sumptuously and to make merry, while he himself retired to sleep. He also told them repeatedly not to pay heed to any noise or to anything that might occur in his room. Thus saying, he went into his room, and closed it tightly from within. Sapper was soon laid out, and the guests partook of it freely, after which they began to sing and dance, and made merry. Meanwhile the bridegroom, after he had entered his room, opened the box to take out his royal bride, but he saw instead two young-tigers, who, from being looked up so long, grew furious, and, pouncing upon our hero, tore him to pieces. Loud cries and shrieks emanated from the room, but as the bridegroom had given strict injunctions not to pay heed to what would occur therein, the guests all kept up singing till the small hours of the morning, after which each went to his own house. The following morning the parents of the bridegroom were surprised that their son did not rise from sleep though it was so late; so they went and knocked at the door of the room, telling him to awake, but no answer came from inside. They thonght perhaps he was asleep now after the excitement of the previous day; so they let him alone for some time. Two or three hours later they went again and called bim out, but still no answer. They knocked and knocked, with all their might, for nearly an hour, but to no use. They, therefore, suspected something wrong, and broke open the door, when, horrors of horrors, they saw their son torn into a thousand pieces, and no bride, but two tigers, who would have made a meal of them also, had it not been for timely aid from their neighbours and a few guests, who were not yet gone. News of this affair was immediately sent to the king. Thus were the knots of happiness suddenly changed into those of sorrow and misery ! To return to our bride, the princess. She was safely escorted by the strange prince to his own house, where every comfort was provided for her. Next day she asked the prince to take her to her father's house. On reaching home, her parents, the king and queen, who were mourning for her, were surprised to see her, and could hardly believe their eyes. She then related to them, how her husband - the husband of her choice - after sending away the servant, pat her in the box and carried it himself, how, on the way, he had put the box down; and how the prince, who was now in their presence, rescued her, and protected her through the night. When they were satisfied that their daughter was alive and safe, out of gratitude to the prince for rescuing her, they gave her to him in marriage, and, having no other children, for this daughter was their only child, the king handed over the reins of government to their son-in-law, who lived happily with his wife to a very old age, and governed the kingdom with benefit to himself and his subjects. MISCELLANEA. A NOTE ON AMOGHAVARSHA I. manical cave, which is doubtless to be applied in From a verse quoted by Mr. Haridas Sastri, this connection, and probably proves that the king ante, Vol. XIX. p. 379, we learn that a king whose name is connected with the book in quesnamed Amoghavarsha, to whom according to tion, is the Rashtrakata king Amoghavarsha I. one recension the authorship of the Prainottara. The ingcription consists of four lines. The first Ratnamaid is attributed, "gave up his king- three, which are mostly illegible, mention the dom, owing to his discriminative knowledge." names of two persons, either as being priests of Within the last few days, I have found a short the temple, or as having caused it to be built; one but interesting record at Aihole, engraved on of them appears to be Saryakartarabhatara.' ' the outside of the south wall of a small temple, The fourth line is quite perfect, and very legiknown as the temple of Ravana, close to the Brah. ble; and it consists of the words ert-Amoghavar 1 The syllables karttara are puzzling; but I cannot twice with the single (80e ante, Vol. XIX. p. 306, read then otherwise. - In this record, bhaldra ooours note 7).

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114 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1891. sham nava-rdjyam-geye, -- "while the glorious "Though, 0 Pabupati!, I am only running, Amoghavarsha is reigning again." after folly, yet art thou, supreme lord, invoked The characters belong to the time of the first by me who am subdued by great devotion,... Amoghavarsha of the Rashtrakata dynasty. iz this hynn...." And this record indicates distinctly a definito And in a note Professor Bubler adds : -.." I break in his long reign. translate lerem atidra on thy analogy of madhudra, Can anything be gatherer, from any literary "a bee;" and explain it by kumatini drdti. Rama Brabasti, to whew plainly that he voluntarily no doubt means to say that he has not yet reached abdicated for a time? Or is it possible that the that stage of wisdom which a true devotee of werbe in the Prainottara-Ratnam ili is euphenis. Siva ought to bave, but lives still in the world." Rio; and that, in reality, he was overthrown for a Now, as regards the general meaning of the timely the Kastern Chalukya king Vijayiditya verse, I believe that it really is identicul with the 11., is the course of the twelve years' war that meaning of verse 20; in other words, that tbe ha waged with the Rashtrakocas (sve page 101 poet, professing his ignorance, trusts to his above)? devotion for inspiring him with the knowledge A certain date in the fifty-second year of Amo. required to praise the god in due style. I also gbayaraha I. fell in A. D. 868, and so he began to much doubt that the author, who possessed an reign in or about A. D. 815 (see ante, Vol. XVII. excellent knowledge of Sanskrit, would have p. 14)." We have also a later date for hiun, in or formed a word like kumatidra, simply on the About A. D. 877-78 (ante, Vol. XIII. p. 138). analogy of madhudra. Apart, however, from my own opinions, the facts presented by the rubbings 17th Pobruary 1891. J. F. FLERT beforu ine az ) - (a) As regards the word read koumati dra) : -- RKUDINGI NON TI DAMNATH PRASA STIS. The sign ol he vowel 1 is struck out in four Among the rubbings, who were roceived by rublings, and the rubbings appear to show Mr. Floet from Sir A. Canningham and sent to me clourly that he akshara ti has been altered to ti: for final diaponal, are several copies, or portions besides, the 13t alshara, it is true, dous contain sepins, of the thro Prasastis 1: the temple the couson: its d and r, but its upper portion is at Biva-Vaidyanaths at Kiragrama, which 80 peculiurly formed as to justify our reading it have been edited by Professor Buhler in Epigra- ndra; - phi Indica, Vol. 1. pp. 97-118. Imperfect as (b). As regrds the word read viva60jna: - The hem rabbings ary, a careful study of them at third alshara, which is extant in two rubbinge, he hand of the printed texts has shown me, how can there be only real dha; and the second well, if I may be permitted to say no, Pifensor akehara contains the sign for v, or possibly b, but Buhler le tourformod his very dificult to But with the lower part formed in such a nunner in the cas of inscriptions in which, owing to the to yuggest the reading wu, or bu. nature of tho characters or to other causes, Accordingly, I would read and translate the samething always is left to conjecture, opinions verse thus :Aukionally may differ; and even an indiferent Yady=npy=ahan Pasupato kumat-indra eva rubbing may suggest the correct reurling, where pary&pta-bhakti-vibudhena maya tath= tbe beat of impressions have failud to do so. I Api noud, therefore, not apologise for venturing to 28 yiti ututau ... . . . . . . . . . trout here of several passages in thu two Prasastis, ..... Paramosa nimantritorsi 11 regurding the true reading of which I ditfor from my learned friend, and in one of which tho Although, O Pasupati!, I am utterly wanting rewding adopted by him is avowedly uncertnin. in intelligence, yet, rendered) wise by (my) intense devotion, I invite thee, O supremo lord, to (listen to this hymn .. ." In verse 1 of the first Prasasti, the published It is hardly neceseury to point out that the tuxt, so far as it is necessury to quote it bure, formation of the word kumatindra, the leader of together with its translation, runs thus: - those who are of weak intellect,' is justified by Yaddy=apy=shar Pasupata kumati[dra) uva riprendra, wanindra, kuvindru, and similar ex. paryaptil - bhakti - viva[n]ns touya pressions. But, to bring out the full meaning of tasth=rii the verse, I must add one or two remarks. The suryam stutau .........: poet invites Siva and his consort to listen to ...... Puramesa niwautrito=si 11 his hymn; and it should be noted that, in .

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MABOE, 1891.) MISCELLANEA. 1 B. BL employing the term wimantrita, he distinotly grant a glorious, imperishable body to those who intimates that his invitation admite of no refusal.! are ever eager for battle." But how can he, an ignorant mortal, venture to "O Mridani !, irradiated from afar by the three invite the two great deities to partake of the feast eyes (of Siva) I, thou hast been able to destroy which he is about to provide for them! He can the pride, in their beauty of person, of those who do so, because he is a divine being himself. For seek shelter with thee." he is Indra; and if it be objected that he is only a lunatindra, he certainly is a god (vibudha), D. raised to the rank of the immortals by his intense In verse 29 the poet relates that the merchant devotion to Siva. Manyaka erected a temple of Siva; and the first Pada of the verse is, in the published text, given In the published version, the second Pada of thus:verse 6 is - Bhakti-[druvate] bhasalona tna] pureshu n=&sth&m=amardehu kurvatam. by him" (i... Manyuka), a bee in the park of My rubbinga yield the reading devotion," (has been erected this temple). Here sur shu n=&stham=apareshu kurvatum. druodta, an otherwise unknown word, is pro fessedly a conjecture and uncertain. Siva is able to fulfil the desires of warriors I I confees, it has taken me a long time to find (randbhildshindm), who. having approached the hour of death, put not their trust in other gods. 1 the reading Bhavani is able to fulfil the desires of those who, Bhakti-trutal-lobha-malana tena having appro: ched the hour of death, not trust- by him, from whom the filth of avarice was ing to other gods, seek her protection. breaking away by reason of his devotion." 0. But, having found it, I can only wonder that I should not have seen at once, that this is the Verso 14 is given thus:-- true reading of the original. For, in the rubbinga bhiltarnarn) tribhir=nnetrair=Mpida). before me, the aksiaras truca and bhamalena nisaranaishinam [0] are clear at first sight, and a more careful exam. vapussrimadavidhvamsam vidhatun praja- ination of the remaining akshara sbows that it galbhishd 11 undoubtedly contains the coujunetu, with the "Thou, Mrida, hast been able to grant a glori. sign of the vowel 8 (not e) above it. ous, imperishable body to those who, adorned E. with three eyes, seek eternal bliss." "Thou, Mridani, hast been able to grant a glori. In verse 37 we are told that the temple was constructed, or that certain figures were carved ous, imperishable body to those who, adorned on it, - with three eyes, seek thy protection." [BA]mu-dpishtim=anussitya The two aksharas at the beginning of the vorec " in acoordanoe with the opinion of Samu." are particularly difficult to read, and I doubt whether I should have made them out in the My rubbinga farnish the reading, rubbing before me. But the fourth akshara ap Astra-drishtim=annsritya pears to me to be rd (not ndr); and the upper .. in accordance with the teaching of the Sastran." part of the fifth akshara looks as if the akshara were ttri (not tri). I accordingly would read the first half of the verge, - The rubbings do not enable me to supply, with Sobhitarat:= tribhir=spotrair-Mridanisara anything like certainty, tha ayllables missing in naishinam. verae 3 of the first Prasasti, and they are quite And I would translate : -- useless for restoriug the missing portion of the "O Msida!, who art irradiated from close at ! first verso of the second Prasasti. But they do hand by (thy) three eyes !, thou hast been able to supply the three syllables wanted for the second For tho cxaot moaning of nimantrai'a, seo thonimantrita, comparo, 6.9., Mana, III., 199: nimantrits Yahabhashya on P. III., 3, 101 : - Yan-niyogutah kar dvijal pitry", "a Brahmans who has boun invited to a tayyan tan-nimantranam I Kiin punas-tat 1 Haryan (rito) in honour of the manos" (Buhler's Translation). rah Al Brahmanns siddham buyutan i si... both #Ghita drat and Abhitt ar ut. Ardt means aktes dharmsh pratyAkhy&tuhl. - And for the employ. both 'from a Dear place' and 'from a distunt place.' mont of the locative case arah atutuw in concection with

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116 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. verse of Prasasti II. In the published text that verse is given thus: Ba phtu vo [Ma]hi devo bhakti chumbitah [1] Atmanam mu[hu]r-ikshante yat-pada-nakhadarpane From the two rubbings before me I would read the first half of the verse, - Sa patu vo Mahadevo Brahm-adya bhakti[m=a]sthitah [1] "May that Mahadeva protect you, in the mirror of whose foot-nails Brahman and the other (gods) repeatedly see themselves, when engaged in worshipping him!" As regards the reading bhaktim=dsthitdh, I may add that the akshara ta is quite clear in at least one rubbing, and that the sign for sthi is like the sign for the first syllable of sthitvd in line 24. The consonant of the akshara preceding ethi may undoubtedly be read m, and I cannot recognize below it the sign for the vowel u. For the general idea contained in the verse, I may draw attention to the expression Hari-Brahm-ddi-devastuta, applied to Siva in verse 2 of Prasasti I. G. In the place of the word kritajnau in verse 9 of Prasasti II., my two rubbings give kritarthau, which no doubt yields a better sense, and with which we may compare kritinau in verse 23. The akshara ta is clear in both rubbings, and the sign for rth is like the sign for the same conjunct in bhogartham in line 30. n, There are other passages in the two poems, where I should feel inclined to alter the text. Thus, for [ma]ladi- in verse 8 of Prasasti I., I would suggest the reading: anddi-; and for [bhuvampa]tir in verse 35 of the same Prasasti, I would put gavampatir, the sun,' an alteration which seems to me to be imperatively demanded by the particle cha after the word komalaruchis in the same line. But, unable to prove the correctness of these readings from the imperfect materials at my disposal, I would rather conclude these remarks by drawing attention to a difficulty which presents itself to me in verse 7 of the first Prasasti. - 3 In that verse the poet tells us that Siva surpasses even the god Vishnu, and that Parvati rides on a lion. Both Vishnu and the lion are denoted by the word harsh, which is qualified by a compound word, read in the published text, [MARCH, 1891. Yu[ddha]-kri[d]&-nikritt-asura-sa[rma] pa[sya] "who drank the stream (of blood) from (the body of) the demon slain in a playful fight," or "who drinks the streams of the blood of those slain (by thee) in the battle-play." I never like to see words within brackets which are not clearly suggested by the wording or idiom of the original text. And, in the present passage, I have the further difficulty that I know of no authority for translating sarma by 'the stream." For, according to Ujjvaladatta, sarma and that meaning appears appropriate in the only means gamana, 'the act of going (or flowing);" passage, in the Big-Veda, in which the word seems to have been met with hitherto. Turning to my rubbings, I find that the akshara, read rma (in sarma-pasya), does certainly not look like the sign for rma, which we have elsewhere in this inscription. Had I to edit the inscription, I should probably read the end of the compound asurasanghapasya, and should explain this word to mean both the leader of the host of demons' and the leader of the herd of elephants' (= gajayathapasya); but I should not be surprised, if other scholars were to suggest an even more appropriate reading. Gottingen. F. KIELHORN. PROGRESS OF EUROPEAN SCHOLARSHIP. No. 23. Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft for 1889. (Vol. XLIII.) Dr, Max Grunbaum commences the volume with notes on Firdusi's Yusuf and Zulaikha. The article, extending over about thirty pages, and traces the various items to their sources in takes up the myth of Joseph as given by Firdhet, Talmudic and Koranio literature. The twelfth sura of the Quran, although its account differs from that of the Bible in important particulars, says really very little, and Firdast has evidently drawn his inspiration from the legends of the Talmud, and those embalmed in Arabic commentators such as Zamaheart, Baidawi and Tabart. The article, which is really a delightful collection of Joseph-folklore, will not bear compression. It must suffice to point out how the spirit of measure for measure runs through the whole. Jacob suffers through Leah imperson. ating Rachel on the wedding night, because he impersonated Esau to his father. He sells away the child of a female slave, so he is condemned to have his favourite son sold as a slave. Joseph was proud of his beauty and boasted

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MAROE, 1891.) MISCELLANEA. 117 that if he were ever sold as a slave he would The same remark applies to an appendix by Dr. fetch a great price; as a consequence he is sold for Gottheil to his list of plants and their twenty beggarly silver pieces. He slandered his properties from the Mendrath Qudhshs of brethren to his father, and Potiphar's wife brought Gregorious Bar 'Ebraya. a false charge against him, and so on through Dr. Buhler next gives us & valuable paper on other examples. In conclusion Dr. Grunbaum the ShAhbasgarht version of Asoka's Edicts. quotes from an interesting Spanish-Arabic MS. We have here a fresh edition of the text, translaexisting at Madrid, ptobably written in the second tion and notes. Dr. Buhler has had the advantage half of the fourteenth century. This Poema de of new and very excellent paper impressions of Jose closely follows the same legend. several of the sets of edicte furnished to him by Dr. Paul Horn next contributes translations Dr. Burgess. These impressions enabled him to of the Pahlavi Vondidad. The text is given in make minor improvements in the versions of Roman characters, and is accompanied by very Girnar and KhAlst, such as corrections in regard full critical notes and a literal translation. to the quantities of vowels, the sign for ra in. composition, anusvdras and the like. In the Prof. Bohtlingk gives us a solid contribution on Northern versions the gain is much greater. the textual criticism of the Ramayana. The It is now possible to give an almost complete article consists of a list of the epio grammatical text of that of ShAhbazgashi, and to read the first peculiarities in the first four books of the Bombay eight edicts of Mansahra without any difficulty. Edition. This edition contains a considerably The greatest interest attaches to Edict XIII. at greater number of ancient forms than the BangAli Shahbazgashf, a portion of which has hitherto recension, which has previously been dealt with been very doubtful. Dr. Buhler accordingly now similarly by Gorresio. At the same time it must gives three versions of this edict, those of Girnar, not be concluded that all such forms were neces Khalsi, and Shahbazgashi, in parallel columns. sarily really ancient ones. All that is meant is The article is preceded by an important dissertathat these forms disappeared in later times, and tion as to the power of certain characters in the many are actually new ones made under the North-Indian Alphabet. The following are the influence of analogy, and due to the necessities of principal results arrived at :metre. The one really certain ancient form found in these books is the augmentless Imperfect, which (1). Every letter can have at its lower left end occurs about eleven or twelve times in the four asbort stroke going to the left upwards. books. The seventh book, the Uttarakanda, of the or v ka, n ornya. This stroke has Ramdyana, is admitted to be a later addition to no phonetic meaning, and serves only to mark the original epic. Dr. Bohtlingk has accordingly the end of the line to which it is attached. submitted it to the same process as the first four (2) The usual form for the cerebral ta ist, books, in order to see if its later date is vouched i but the position of the horizontal strokes is not for by its language. The statistics of epic forms fized and we have also and 3. shew that no such conclusion is deducible. This book abounds in the same irregularities. There (3 and 4) Dr. Buhler reads the sign as tha, are, for example, about thirty instances of ang. and + as tha. mentless forms. (5) The form 7,7 or 22, whiok Senart, The legend of Joseph secures another his Hoernle and Bhagvan Al read as tha or tha torian in Dr. Houtema of Leyden, who describes Dr. Baker reads as ata. an old Turkish poem on the subject. This work (6) Senart has already recognized as is of special interest, as helping to fill up the gap variant of ma. Other forms are and U. in the history of Turkish literature, which has hitherto existed between the fifth and eighth (7) A variant of sa is the sign... centuries of the Hijra. It was written by one (8) Anusidra is usually represented by two 'All in A. H. 630 (1283 A. D.). Dr. Houtema, in short strokes meeting in an angle at the end of addition to his description, gives the text and the vertical line. If the vertical line has any translation of the portion referring to the sale of other appendage, the strokes are put in the middle. Joseph: Thus 2 ham, and 3 an. San is. and yan Dr. Vellers gives a description of some his . Kan is sometimes 7. Man is 0 torioul works in the Vloe-regal Library at or (. Sometimes a straight horizontal line at Cairo. The works mentioned are of small interest the foot of # vertical one is tised, thua, 4 2 to Indian studente.. | athan.

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118 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (XARCH, 1891. (9) Ra, in composition is represented by, (a) a small ra appended, as in 7 p, saura (sarva); (b) the same ra written cursively, as a curved line, .g., y o praja, (priya)drati. In both these words the sign has hitherto been read as anusvdra; and (c) more commonly, a short stroke added straightly or obliquely to the base of the ver- tical line. When the stroke is oblique, and the vertical line has also the left-hand upwards stroke noted in No. 1, it is difficult to decide whether anusvdra or ra is intended to be read, e. g., s drafanan, which some have read darieanam; 93 z prachanti. Sometimes the ra-stroke is curted, e. g., Pt7 athrasa; and sometimes it is appended to the right limb of ka and bha. (10 and 11) These refer to compound and double consonants. (12) It is not very difficult to distinguish between ta and ra, da, na and na. In the ShAbbaz. gashi inscription ta is much broader and lower than ra, and da is much shorter than na. Na is also shorter than pa, and the curvature of its head is much more pronounced. Prof. J. Barth, of Berlin, opens Part II. of the same volume, with a study on the l-imperfeot in North Semitic. He is followed by Dr. P. Jensen on the noininal prefixes m (-a, -i, -u), and (-a, -i, -1) in Assyrian, and by Dr. Bacher on the scientific works of Elija Levita. None of these essays have connexion with Indian literature. We have next a continuation of Dr. Buhler's Ossays on the Asoka Bock Ediots. In this paper he deals with the Mansahra version. As already eaid, he has had the advantage of consulting some new and very perfect rubbings from Dr. Hurgess. Text and translations of the first twelve edicts are given, preceded by a study of the Northern Alphabet, as exemplified in this version. The new points in the last (in addition to the re- marks about tha, tha, and sta, which have already been given for Shabhazgasbi) are: (1) The letter ja has usually the horizontal base which we find in the coins, thus, Y. The form is especially common in the word raja. (2) Ta is three times written and once y. (3) Dha several times appears as 7. (4) The dental nasal, especially in the form me, closely resembles da, and is only distinguished from it by the greater length of the vertical stroke. (5) Sa has sometimes an abnormally large head, with a small vertical stroke, and in one instance the latter disappeats entirely, so that we have u. The form noticed at ShAbhazgashf also occurs. (6) Annavdra is more frequently than in ShAbhezgarht expressed by a straight stro reually at the foot of the vertical line, by which it is divided into two equal parts. Sometimes, e. g. in Tsagran, it is only on the left-hand side of the vertical stroke, and is then indistinguishable from u. If the line has another appendage, the anusodra stroke is asnally set above it, thus $ in athran : on the other hand, we have 7 in (Stay&Joan. Altogether abnormal is a yan in ya. (7) Ra in composition is mostly represented by a curve turned to the right; all the other forms, however, which have been mentioned under the bead of ShAhbazgashi also occur. Mansabra is peculiar in sometimes representing the letter by a high-placed horizontal stroke, e. 9., in 7 ora. (8) The following consonantal groups have peculiar forms in the Mansahra version, - bhya, mya, rta, vra, spa. Dr. Buhler's article is followed by two tales from the Rasavahint, edited and translated by Dr. Sten Konow. Spiegel published the first four tales in his Anecdota Palica. The present paper gives the fifth and sixth. The work is a collection of Buddhist legende, originally composed in Singhalese, and translated into PAli by the monk Rathapala, which translation was subsequently revised by one V6d6hattheru. It contains 103 stories, of which the first forty refer to India and the remaining 63 to Ceylon. The first story given, the Ahigunthikassa vatthun, should be especially interesting to Indian scholars. It narrates how the life of a heretic snake-charmer was saved by his involuntarily ejaculating the name of Buddha. The Hiada story of the wicked Ajamila, who called for hin Bon Nardyana on his death-bed, and thereby obtained salvation, will be immediately recalled to the mind of the reader. Prof. Hubschmann follows with a short article on kinship marriage amongat ancient Por. sans, in which he criticises and partly agrees with Dastur Peshotan Sanjana, who maintains, in his Next-of-kin Marriages in Old Iran, that the evidence of the Greeks as to the customis

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MARCH, 1891.) BOOK NOTTOES. 119 Forthless, and that it is not ordered either by the Avesta or by the Pahlavi books. Dr. Vollers sends a note concerning some unique M88. in the library of the Imprimerie Catholique in Bairat. Next Prof. Franz Pretorius gives a note on the Hamitio elements in Ethiopio, and Prof. Noldeke on As-Sabti, the son of Haran ar-Rashid. The number, concludes with Reviews of, (1) Sachau's translation of Alberani's India, by Dr. Sprenger. (2) Kautzsch and Socin's Genesis, by Prof. Kamphausen. (3) Dr. Buhler's Life of Hemachandra, by Prof. Leumann. G. A. GRIERSON. NOTES AND QUERIES. VISHNU COMPARED TO RAGS. the holes in it; and owing to wear and tear anantaguNasaMyuktaM sahasrAkSa purAtamam / neither the beginning nor the end of the rag AdyantarahitaM vande mahasvasadRzaM harim // could be distinguished. A Pandit was once asked by a rich man to The story goes that the rich man rewarded praise Vishnu, and did it by the above verse, the poor Brahman for his wit. which means:- "I salute Vishnu, who resembles Compare with this, the following sloka from my cloth, in having many gunas, and in having a Mrichchhakatikd, Act II. : - . thousand eyes, in being old and in having neither bhavaM paTaH khubaharidratAM gato parva pshchidrdhrlNkRtH| beginning nor end." Gura means 'qualities' as applied to Vishnu, and also loose threads hanging bhavaM padaH prAvarituM na zakyate yavaM paTaH saMta eva zobhate // from a rag. The 'eyes' in the case of the rag are S. M. NATESA SASTRI. BOOK NOTICES. DUE IN DICHEN GENUSLRXREN, mit dem TexT DER shavardhana's treatise is a namesake of Sabara. LINGANUBABANAS DEB SAKATAYANA, HARBHAVAB BV&min, the author of the Mindredbhashya. DHANA, VARARUCHI, etc. BY DR. R. OTTO Besides the works now made accessible by Dr. FRANKE, Kiel, 1890. 8vo., 186 pages. Franke, the great compiler, Hemachandra, used The author, to whom we owe already an edition several other Lingdnuddpanas, two of which have and German translation of Homachandra's been previously published, vie., one wrongly treatise on the gender of nouns, publishes in his ascribed to Panini, and one by Vamana. new book the text of three similar, but earlier, E. H. Sanskfit works, with copious notes, and with extracts from two native commentaries. In an ANNUAL REPORT OF THE ROYAL CANADIAN INSTITUTE, able introduction (pages 1 to 63) he discusses 1888-89. Toronto, Watwick and Sons, 1889. in detail the intricate question of the relative age This report is mainly taken up with a long of various Linganusasanas. One of the most account of the archeological investigations under. interesting results of his researches is that the taken during the past year, and is fresh evidence double or treble gender ascribed to many Sans of the importanoe that they are assuming in the ksit nouns is only partially derived from the New World language itself, but is for the most part a pure A most interesting account is given of the fabrication of native grammarians and lexicogra. custom of communal burial among the Huron phers. Finding that words with double gender Indians, which led to the formation of those gradually become more numerous in later Ossuarios, that now form so important a subject compilations, he ingeniously uses the approxi- for investigation to North American archaeolo. mate number of such cases as #oriterion for giste. determining the relative age of some Lingdnudd- The reason given for the formation of the 08sanas. The oldest of those now published goes suaries is that the soul of the departed was by the name of Vararuohi. It is followed by still supposed to inhabit the remains of the two others, the authore of which bear the well- corpse. The actual words may be quoted as known names of Harahavardhana and Baks- bearing an interest extending far beyond the tayana. Dr. Franke adduces good reasons for boundaries of North America. "The bones, after identifying Harshavardhana with the great being tenderly caressed with tears and lamenta. Harsha of Kanauj, who is the nominal author of tions, were wrapped in skins and adorned with other Sanskrit works. The commentator on Har. pendent robes of fur; in the belief of the mourners

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120 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (MABOK, 1891. they were sentient and conscious. A soul was thought to still reside in them and to this notion, very general among the Indians, is in no small degree due that extravagant attachment to the remains of the dead which may be said to mark the race." JOURNAL OF THE CEYLON BRANCH OF THE ROYAL ASTATIC Society, 1888, Vol. X. No. 36. Colombo. Government Printer, 1890. This number contains two important articles on the Moors of Ceylon, one by the Hon. P. Ramanathan on the ethnology of the Moors of Ceylon, and one on the Marriage Custome of the Moors of Ceylon, by Ahamadu Bawa. The first sets out to prove at great length and minuteness of argument that the Moors of Ceylon are really Tamil Muhammadans settled in the country, and got their name from the Portuguese, who gave them the vague name of Moros, simply because they were Muhammadans, and of this Moor is an English translation. The writer of the ethnological article regards the title Marakar or Marikar, so often found appended to Muhammadan names in Ceylon and South India, as merely the Tamil form of " a man of Marocoo," that is, a Moor. The Moors are divided into Coast Moors and Ceylon Moors, both being of Tamil origin; and the claim of the latter, or more strictly of & portion of them, to be of Arab descent, 18 shewn to be shadowy. Under these circumstances it is not surprising to find that their marriage customs are of Indian crigin, and for this reason peculiarly interesting and instructive to the readers of this Journal. Briefly, the Moor marriage commonoes with overtures from the bride's family, the dowry to be given by the bride being so important a part of the subsequent ceremonies as to lead to the creation of "old maids," whose mode of life unpleasantly resembles that of high-caste Hindu widows. In this connection the terms "caste" and "equal caste" Bo constantly occur in the writer's detailed description of these marriages, as to lead one to wish that they had been precisely defined by him. It is well worth noting that in secking a bridegroom sons of the proposed bride's mother's brother or father's sister have almost a right to marry her. The go-betweon is a notable and elderly person, which reverses Indian custom. The all-important portion of the dowry is the cash included in it, as that goes to the bride- groom in order to meet the cost of the wedding presents and purchase the bride's trousseau ; while the real and personal property included in the dowry goes to the bride. In concluding the betrothal, formerly the bride and bridegroom exchanged rings, but this custom has now died out. Presents are, however, still customary, including "king-kalf" jackets. King-kalt appears to be the familiar kinoob,und it would be interesting to trace the presence of the l in the Sinhalese variant of the word. The months for marriage are Zu'lkada, Zu'lhijja and Rajab, and the days of the week are Monday, Wednesday and Friday. Ill-omened anniversaries in the Muhammadan calendar must, however, be avoided. The invitations to the wedding are delivered personally by the bride. groom in procession, at least ten days before it takes place. The wedding commences by a conventional feasting of the male guests, followed by a similar feasting of the female. In the evening the bridegroom is presented with cash presents from the friends of the family, apparently with the idea of giving him a fair start in life, and after that he is bathed. A start is then made for the bride's house, on approaching which the groom is saluted with persons bearing three plates, con. taining respectively saffron water, cocoanutmilk, and betel with small copper coins. The saffron water and cocoanut milk are waved over the bridegroom's head three times, and be spits into the plate after each waving. The betel and the coppers are thrown over his head among the poor collected. The bride and bridegroom have to ncknowledge willingness to marry, and a document is drawn up to prove it, which is, however, left in the hands of the officiating priests, apparently without any safeguards as to its future custody. The bridegroom is conducted to the bridalchamber by the bride's father or brother, and the marriage is concluded by clasping a tali, which is a necklace, round the brido's neck and in "clothing her," i. e. robing her in a veil. This the bridegroom has to do as best he can. This is followed by a second feasting, and at about two in the morning the bridal pair retire. Early in the morning after daylight they are bathed by the female relatives of the bride : no males being present. They have now to feed each other with three handfuls of rice placed in the mouth, On the third day, the bridegroom goes to market for the first time, and returns with presents for the bride's female relatives. He usually lives with his bride's family till the first child is born.

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APRIL, 1891.) BUDDHIST CAVES AT NADSUR AND NENAVALI. 121 RECENTLY DISCOVERED BUDDHIST CAVES AT NADSUR AND NENAVALI IN THE BHOR STATE, BOMBAY PRESIDENCY. BY THE REV. J. E. ABBOTT. THE portion of the Bhor State which lies in the Konkan is, I believe, seldom visited by 1 Europeans, and as a consequence two series of Buddhist caves have thus, till recently, remained undiscovered, in the mountains forming its eastern boundary, -- the one near the village of Na dsur, Lat. 18deg 34' and Long. 73deg 21'; the other near the village of Nenavali (or Kharsambla), Lat. 18deg 30' and Long. 73deg 23. A study of the location of other known caves among the Western Ghauts drew my attention to the fact that they all seemed to be situated along what must have been, in ancient times, the highways from the Dekhan above to the sea-port towns of the Konkan below. These highways were doubtless then, as now, narrow foot-paths, descending the upper sources of the Konkan rivers, and following these streams to their outlets into the large creeks common along the coast. If Chanl, near the modern Revadanda, was the important city of ancient times it is supposed to have been, it seemed strange that the highway, along the Kundalika River to this sea-port, should not have, somewhere along its course, the extensive Buddhist monasteries common to many of the other highways to the north and south. Believing in the possibility of their existence, I bad often inquired of the inhabitants of the Rola Taluka, where my missionary operations largely lie, whether they knew of any such rock caves; but it was not until about a year ago that I received any hint that my conjectures were correct. In December 1889, I was informed that at Gomasi, a village in the Bhor State, there was a small rock temple dedicated to Rishidava. I visited this cave on the 10th December, and found it to be a plain single cell in the gorge of a hill about half a mile to the south of the village. The cell is about 15' x 7', with an image of Buddha in the bhumisparia-mudra, placed on a platform at its farther end. I here learned that there were extensive caves, a few miles further up the stream, near the village of Nenavali, which I immediately visited. While examining these caves, I was informed of still others about six miles to the north. Availing myself of an early opportunity to verify this information, I descended the mountains near Khaodala, and walked southward along the foot of the Sahyadris until I reached the village of Nadsar, making constant enquiries as I went along. Here my search was rewarded by the discovery of a series of twenty caves. I give below a brief description of these two Buddhist Vihdras. The Nadsor Caves. The village of Nadsar, belonging to the Konkan portion of the Bhor State, is in Lat. 18deg 34' and Long. 73deg 21'; and the caves, which I first discovered on the 8th January 1890, are to be found to the east of the village about an hour and a half's climb up the mountain. The scarp of rock, in which the caves are cut, runs north and south, and the caves face the west. They are twenty in number, including a natural cave to the north. The caves are, on the whole, in good. preservation, although their front portions seem to have fallen away. The arst cave of interest, commencing at the southernmost of the series, is No. III., measuring 34' x 20', and containing twelve dagobus. Six of these are of solid stone, varying from 4' to 6'6in diameter. Two small stone dagobas are placed in niches in the walls. Four dagobas are structural. Two of the solid stone dagobus have their Tees remaining on them, one resembling in shape the Tee on the dugoha of the Karla Chaitya cave. The rail pattern appears on the base of the stone dagobas. One of the niches in the wall is perfectly plain, the other is ornamented with the window facade and rail pattern resembling that found at Bedsa and Karla. The structural dagobas are more or less ruined, and appear to have been at some time opened with the expectation of finding treasure within. One of these lies a little outside of the cave. The next cave worthy of mention is No. VII., a large hall 48' 9" x 39' and 11' high, with cells on the three inner sides. Between each cell is a niche in the wall. The upper part of the

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122 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1891. doorways leading into the cells, and the niches between the cells, are ornamented with the facade pattern, including the semicircular bars, almost the exact reproduction of the facades tobe found at Bedsa and Karla. In these facades, below the semicircular bars, and along the upper portion of the walls of nearly the entire cave, are small figures, in bas relief, of serpents, bulls, elephants, tigers, men and women, dagobus, and the rail and facade pattern. In the centre of the roof is a figure of the lotus. On the north wall is a short inscription in two lines in the ancient cave character and in the PAli language, which I have not been able to satisfactorily decipher, but which seems to give the name of the donor or excavator. The sculptures are in good preservation and are well executed. Separated from this hall by a thin wall is the dagood shrine, 23' by 16', with an arched roof. The base of the dogoba is 9' 6" in diameter. The only other cave worthy of mention is No. XV., a room 20'6" x 14' with two cells. The upper part of the east wall and the doorways of the cells have the rail and facade pattern, similar to that found in the other caves. A narrow outside verandah has at its north end a similarly ornamented niche, now partly broken, a perforated screen window, and a small figure, in bas relief, of a man and woman standing upon what looks like a fish. No. XX. is a large natnral cave, bat with benches running east and west. The cisterns are dry, but there is a spring of delicious water, a few rods to the south of the caves, which flows from the rainy season antil about the middle of January. These caves seem to fall into the same group as those at Bhaja, Bedsa and Karla, and were probably excavated at about the same time, or about 100 B. O. The Nenavali Caves. This Buddhist vihara, which I discovered on the 10th December 1889, is situated about a mile above the village of Nenavali, in Lat. 18deg 30' and Long. 73deg 23'. The caves are cut into a scarp of rock ranning north and south, and face the east. They are ten in number, excluding those that are now 80 ruined as to be undistinguishable, and also excluding the natural cave to the south of the series. The rock in which they are cut is friable; hence the caves are all more or less injured by age. Large portions of rock, forming the roof of some, have fallen, completely ruining many of the caves. The rock is not suited for sculpture; there are no inscriptions; and no ornamentation of even the simplest kind. Commencing at the most southern of the series, No. I. appears at first sight to be a large cave, 56' x 28', but a restoration of its rained walls would shew that it was formerly divided into many rooms. No. III. is the only cave of this series especially worthy of mention. It is a large hall, 67' 9' X 52', with seventeen cells on the three inner sides. Each cell has a stone bench, and & window opening into the hall. A verandah, 9' wide, surrounds the hall, leaving a central court. Square holes in the roof of the cave, over the edge of the verandah, shew where wooden posts were once placed at frequent intervals around the central court. The roof is unsupported by pillars. The dagoba sbrine is placed at the north-west corner of the hall, and consists of a rectangular room, 24' x 18', with a circular roof. The dagoba is 10% high and 9' in diameter, and has lost its Tee. The remaining caves have nothing of special interest. Many of them are in complete ruin. The two cisterns which I noticed are filled with debris. In many of the cells, large patches of Since the above was first written, Mr. Coueens of the Archeological Survey has visited these osves and found another inscription on the south wall of this Chaitya cave, which also has not yet been deciphered. --[This paper was originally received in February, 1890. It was held over, with the object of publishing plans of the caves with it. The necessary drawings, however, did not como to hand. And Mr. Cousens has since made more detailed measurements, for the publication of complete plans &c. elsewhere. - EDITORS.) Mr. Consens, in his Government Report, has named them the Kharsambla Caves, from a nearer village of that, Dame.

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APRIL, 1891.] LUCKNOW GRANT OF BALAVARMADEVA. 123 the original plaster, in which rice husks form a large portion, still adhere to the walls, with traces of paint. The architectural features of these caves, from which their date must be determined, and their close proximity to the Nadsur caves, lead me to the belief that they belong to the same date as the NAdsur cares which with Bedsa and Bhaja, belong to a period a little prior to the Christian era. LUCKNOW MUSEUM COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF THE MAHASAMANTA BALAVARMADEVA. BY PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN, C.I.E.; GOTTINGEN. I edit this grant, which does not appear to have been publicly noticed before, from an excellent ink-impression, made and supplied to me by Mr. Fleet. The original plate is in the Lucknow Museum, but no information is available as to where it was found, or by whom it was presented. The 'plate is inscribed on one side only. It measures about 13" broad by 8" high, not including a projection, about 14" broad by 21" high and with a square hole in it, on the proper right side of the plate. In a few places the writing has suffered slightly from corrosion; but, on the whole, the preservation of the plate is good, so that, with the exception of two aksharas of not much importance, in line 9, the actual reading of the text is not at all doubtful. - The size of toe letters is between is' and f". - The characters belong to the northern class of alphabets. Of essentially the same type as those of the Kanaswa inscription of 'Sivagana, published ante, Vol. XIX. p. 57, they show a further development of the northern alphabet in the direction of the ordinary Nagari, and may thus be assigned to about the 9th or 10th century A.D. They include a form of the numerical symbol for 20, in line 12, and, in the same line, the ordinary decimal figure for 2. -The language is Sanskrit; and, excepting the benedictive and imprecatory verses in lines 13-15, the inscription is in prose. Iu respect of orthography, I have only to note that, except, as it would seem, in the words parama-brahmanyas and Balavarmmadevah, in line 3, and in brahman- , in line 4, b has been written by the sign for v, and that the rales of sandhi have been occasionally neglected, as will be shown in the notes on the text, below. The inscription is one of the Mahasamanta Balavarmadova, who had assumed the panchamahusabda, and who meditated on the feet of the Mahasamanta Panduvarmadeva, the latter being represented as having attained the pancha-mahasabda through the favour of the god Varesvarasvamin, i.e. Siva (lines 1-3). From (his residence at) Brihadgriha (line 1), Balavarmadeva in lines 4-9) makes known to present and future royal families (rajakula) and to the people concerned, that, at the request of the village of merchants (which from the context I understand to be the village granted) headed by the treshlhin Dammuka, he, for their and their parents' spiritual benefit, granted the village of Bhujangika on the (river) Vogananda to certain religious students, enumerated by name, who followed the Vajasaneyi-Madhyandina and Kauthuma-Chchhandoga eakhds and belonged to the Gautama, Aupamanyava, Sandilya, and Vasishtha gotras. And (in lines 10-11) he exhorts both the rulers and the inhabitants of the village to make over to the donees all customary dues and taxes. Line 12 contains the date - the year 20, the 2nd of the bright half of Chaitra,' the year of which appears to be a regnal year; and gives the name of the dataka, Kelhata, and of the writer, the Saruhivigrahika Adityadatta; and lines 13-15 contain three of the customary benedictive and imprecatory verses. I have not met the names of the Mahasamantas Panduvarmadava and Balavarmadova in any other record ; and, not knowing where the plate may have been found, I have not attempted to identify the places and the river, mentioned in this inscription. But I may

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124 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1891. perhaps draw attention to the facts that the name Brihadgriha is by Hemachandral given as a synonym of Karusha, and that in a quite modern inscription, put up during the rule of the English, the name Karusha-desa apparently is applied to the district of Shahabad of the Patna Division of Bengal. TEXT.3 . 1 Om svasti (1) Vri(bri)hadgrihad-bhagavato d&v-asura-siro-mukuta-ratna-prabha vichebhurita-padapadma-yugalasya tribhuvan-aikapater-aneka2 sat[t"]va-vara-pradasya (ari]-Varesvarasvaminah pada-muladeavapta-panchamahasa vda(bda)-mahasamanta-sri-Panduvarmmadova-pidanu3 dhyatah parama-mahesvarah parama-[bra]hmanyas-samapattapachamahasavda(bda) mahasamanta-sri-[Ba]lavarmmadevah kusali 15 4 Veganand-Opakanthe BhujangikA-grame samu pagatani varttamana-bhavishyad-raja kulany-etad-grama-nivisinasacha brahman-ttara5. n@yath-arham=manayati v6(b)dhayati ch=&sta vo viditam-ayam-aparilikbita-gramo= smabhih sreshthi-Damm ka-pramukha-vani6 g-grama-prarthanaya [tad]iya-mata-pittros-tasya cha puny-abhivriddhaye | @bhyal Gau tama-sagotra-Vaji Madhyandina7 Bhogasvami- 17 Aupamanyava-sagotra-KauthamaChhafchchha)ndoga-Narasvami- 18 Sandilya-sagotra-KauthamaChha(chchhandoga-Vila8 sasvami- V[]sishtha-sagotra-KauthamaChha(chchhAndoga [Bhjimasvami- 18 Gautama-sagotra-KauthumaChha(chchha)ndoga-Rudrasvamibhyo savra (bra)hma9 charibhyo mu[kta-s] 10anga-kara-vishtir-s-chata-bhata-prave[sa]h" a-kinchit-pragrahyah A-chandr-arka-kshiti-sama-kala-sthitya agrahara10 tvena pratipaditah (1) Matv-aivam-bhavadbhirwyathakal-adhyasibhita rajakulais-samant mantavyametad-grama-nivasibhirapyAjna11 sravana-vidheyair-bhutva samuchita-daya-bhagabhoga-kara-hirany-adayah pratyoyas= sarv ve yath-acharam-amisham samupa12 netas vyA iti Samvatta 2016 Chaitra-sudi 21 Datako-tra sri-Kelhaftalb Likhitar sandhivigrahik-Adityadattena !! 13 Sva18.dattam-para-dattam1=va ye hareta vasundharam sva-vishthaya krimir-bhdtva pitsibhis-saha pacbyate li Va(ba)hubhiruvasudha bhukta 14 rajabhis-Sagar-adibhih yasya yasya yada bhumisetasya tasya tada phalan Shashtim17=varsha-sahasrasi svarge 15 modati bhumi-dah 1 achchhetta ch=anamanta cha tiny=eva narake vaset 11 . EXAMINATION OF QUESTIONS CONNECTED WITH THE VIKRAMA ERA. BY PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN, C.I.E., GOTTINGEN. (Continued from Vol. XIX. p. 374.) To facilitate the use of the preceding lists, I have compiled the following general list of Vikrama dates which gives all the calculated dates in their natural sequence, without 1 Hemachandra's Abhidhdna.chintamani, verse 959. 2 See Archaeol. Swvey of India, Vol. III. p. 70, and Plate xxiv. 4, line 5:- Angaraja-rajya varttamdnd Karushadeia. * From the ink impression. Expressed by a symbol. This sign of punctuation is unnecessary. 6 Rond riddhaya ebhyo. Read avamy 4wpao. Those signs of punctuation are unnecesary. . Read admibhyah. 10 The letters in these brackets are doubtful. 11 Here and at the end of the following words of this line, the rules of sardhi have not been observed. 13 This expression coours, e.g., in Gupta Inscriptions, p. 216, lind 14. 13 Read sarvat. 16 This sign of punctuation is unnecessary. 16 Metre of this and the following verses, Sioka (Anushtubh). 16 Read -dattar va. 17 Read shashti mrsha..

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APRIL, 1891.) THE VIKRAMA ERA. 125 reference to classification by results. But in this chronological list I have included also a number of other dates, - chiefly dates which do not admit of verification, - because it appeared desirable to collect in one place, especially for the more early times, all trustworthy Vikrama dates which have hitherto become known to us. Dates which have not been previously calculated will here be given in full; for the rest, the principal items of each date only will be repeated, sufficient for identification, together with a reference to the page of Vol. XIX. of this Journal, where the fall wording of the date may be found, together with the calculated results. GENERAL CHRONOLOGICAL LIST OF VIKRAMA DATES. 1.- V. (P) 428. -- Gupta Inscriptions, p. 253. Bijayagadh (in Rajputana) stone pillar inscription of Vishnuvardhana: - (Line 1)... Kriteshu chaturshu varsha-sateshv=ashtavinbeshu 400 20 8 Phalguna(na)bahulasya panchadassyam=etasyam=purvvayam [i*] 2. - V. 480 (P).- 1b. p. 75. Gangdhara stone inscription of Visvavarman : - (Line 19)... Yateshu chatu[r]shu kri(kli)teshu sateshu sausyaishva(Pshtha)sita-sottarapadeghy=iha vatsa[reshu] 11 (1) sukle trayodasa-dine bhuvi Karttikasya masasya sarvva-janachitta-sukh-avahasya 11 3.- V. 493 and 529.-II. p. 83. Mandasor stone inscription of Kumaragupta and Bandhuvarman : - (Line 19)... MAlavanam ganasthity& yat[6] sata-chatushtaye trinavaty-adhikebdanameri(ri)tan sovya-ghana-stane 11 Sahasya-masa-suklasya prasastehni trayodase I (Line 21) ... Vatsara-sateshu pamchasu visamty-adhikeshu navasu ch=Abdeshu 1 yateshv=abhiramya-Tapasya-masa-sukla-dvitiyaya 11 4. - V. 689.- 1b. p. 154. Mandasor stone inscription of Yasodharman-Vishnu. vardhang: - (Line 21) ... Panchasu satesha saradam gatesh y=ekannanavati-sahiteshu Malavaganasthiti-vasat-kala-jnaneya likhiteshu 11 5. -- V. 746. - ante, Vol. V. p. 181. Jhalrapatan stone inscription of Durgagana : (Line 16)... Samvatsara-sateshu saptasu shatchatvarimsad-adhikeshu 7 6. - ante. Vol. XIX. p. 369, No. 190.- Vikrama 704, Karttika-vadi 15, Aditya-vare, a solar eclipse. Dhiniki copper-plate inscription of Jaikadova. 7. - V. 795. - ante, Vol. XIX. p. 59. Kanaswa stone inscription of Sivagana : - (Line 14)... Samvatsara-batair-yataih sa-pamcha-navaty-arggalaih [18] saptabhirMmalav-kanam ... 8. - P. 373, No. 196.6 - V. 811 (P), Magha-sudi 5, Btihaspati-vard. Inscription at Chitor in Rajputana. 9. - V. 879 (P). -- ante, Vol. XIV. pp. 46 and 351, Kota Buddhist inscription of the Samanta Dovadatta : (Line 20)... Samvat 800 70 9 Magha-sudi 20 (?). The list will be found to contain all Vikrame dates of the inscriptions published in this Journal, in the Epigraphia Indica, and in Mr. Fleet's Gupta Inscriptions, and all important dates from the facsimiles in the Reports of the Archaol. Survey of India, and from such impressions and rubbings as are in my possession. Some early dates from inscriptions in the Jour. Beng. As. Soc. have not been included in the list, because their readings appeared to me uncertain. Such are, e. g., the dates in the Shekhavati inscription (V. 1018 and 1030) in Vol. IV. D. 382, and the dates of an inscription from a Baolee at Bussuntgarh' (V. 1099 and apparently the year Chitrabhanu) and of an inscription from the neighbourhood of Mount Aba (V. 1058 and 973 () ) in Vol. X. pp. 673 and 819. According to Mr. Fleet, a village about 52 miles south-west of Jhalrapatan, the chief town of the Jhalawad State in the Western Malwa division of Central India. * In the Western Malwa division of Central India. Read vinsaty.. 5 The references by page and number, here and in a similar manner under other dates, are all to Vol. XIX. of this Journal.

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126 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1891. - 10. - P. 35, No. 57. -- Vikrama 898, Vaisakha-sudi 2, Ravi-vard. Dholpur stone inscription of the Chihumana Chandamahasena. 11. - P. 28, No. 30. - V. 919 ('Saka 784), Asvayaja-sudi 14, Btihaspati-dine. Deogadh stone inscription of Bhojadova of Kananj. 12. - V. 932.- Epigraphia Indica, Vol. I. p. 157. Gwalior stone inscription of SrimadAdivaraha (Bhojadava) of Kananj: - (Line 7)... Navasu satesh yravdanam dvattrimnsat-samyateshu Vaisakhe 13. - V. 999.- 1b. p. 159. Gwalior stone inscription of Bhojadeva of Kanauj: (Line 1)... Samvatsara-sateshu navasu ttrayastrinsad-adhikeshu Magha-sukla-dvitiyaye sam 933 Magha-sudi 2 ady-eha eri-Gopagirau syamini paramesvara-bri-Bhojadeve ... (Line 5)... asminn-dva samvatsare Phalgana-vab ula-paksha-pratipadi ... (Line 11) ... asminn-va samvatsare Phalguna-vahala-paksha-navamyam..., 14. - V. 938. - Archaeol. Surv. of India, Vol. X. p. 33, and Plate xi. Fragmentary, stone inscription at Gyarispur: - ... MAlava-kalach-chharadan shattrimsat-sanyuteshy-atiteshu navasu sateshu ... 15. - P. 173. No. 110. - V.980, Bhadrapada-vadi 4, 'Sanau. Terahi stone inscription of the Mahasamantudhipatis Gunaraja and Undabhata. 16. - V. 960.-- Epigraphia Indica, Vol. I. p. 173. Siyadoni stone inscription; date of the reign of Mahendrapaladdva of Kanauj: - (Line 1)... [ma*]harajadhiraja-para mesvara-sri-[Ma*]hendrapaladova-padanen mahi-pravarddhamana-kalyAnavijaya[ra]jye samvatsa*]ra-sateshu nava-sata shashty-adhik@shu Srava. ....... samvat 960 'Sravana .... 17. - P. 35, No. 58. - V.082, Jyeshtha-sudi 5, Guru-dine. Date in a MS. of Siddharshi's Upanitiolana-mnaphalola Kala. 18. - V.084.- Epigraphia Indica, Vol. I. p. 173. Siyadoni stone inscription ; date of the reign of Mahendrapaladeva of Kanauj, and of the Mahasumantadhipati Undabhata : - (Line 4)... Paramabhattaraka-maharajadhiraja-paramosvara-sri-Bhdjadeva-padanudhyata-paramabhattarala-maharajadhiraja-paramesvara-sri-Mahendrap ladeva-padanan mahl-pravarddhamana-kaly[A]na vijayarajye samvatsara-sateshu nava-sata [sba*]shty-adhikeshu chaturanviteshu Mirggasira-masa-vahula-paksha-tsitiyaya samvat 964 Margga-vadi 3 ady=eha Siyadoni- ... 19. - V.085.- Ib. p. 174. Date in the Siyadoni stone inscription : (Line 8)... samvatsara-sateshu nava-sata panchashashty-adhikashu Asvina-mese pratipadayarn samvat 965 Asvina-sudi 1... 20. - V. 987. -- Ib. p. 174. Date in the Siyadoni stone inscription : (Line 11)... samvatsara-sateshu nava-sata sapta[sha]shty-adhikeshu Phalguna masa amavasyar samvat 967 Phalguna-vadi 15... 21. - V. 969. - 1b. p. 175. Siyadoni stone inscription; date of the Maharajadkiraja Dharbhata : (Line 18)... samvatsara-nava-sateshu ekonasaptaty-adhikeshu Magba-mas& pafchamyam samvat 969 Magha-sudi 5 ady=eha srimat-Siyado nyam maharajadhiraja-sri-Dharbha]taho-paribhujyamand ... 22. - V. 074. -- ante, Vol. XVI. p. 174. Asni stone inscription of Mahipaladeva of Kananj: - (Line 1) ... Paramabhatta raka-maharaj [*]dhiraja-pramesvara-sr[8]-Mahi(ndra]palad [&*]va-padan udhyat[n* ]-paramabhattaraka-maharajadhiraja-paramesvara-sri-Mahip[4*] ladeva - pada . Read Dharbhata..

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APRIL, 1891.1 THE VIKRAMA ERA. 127 Am] mahi(ht)-pravarddhamina-kalyApavija(ja)yarajy[*] sammvatsara-satesa(shu) navasha(su) chata[h*]saptaty-adhikesu(shu) MAgha-masa-sukla pakshya-saptamyammeeva sammvat 974 MAgha-vadi 7... 23. - v. 981. - ante, Vol. XIII. p. 252; and a rabbing, supplied to me by Dr. Burgess. Date of a stone inscription in the British Museum : (From the rubbing, line 9): Samvat 9818 Karttika-badi 13 nihpanam-iti 1 24. - V. 988. - ante, Vol. XIII. p. 251; and a rubbing, supplied to me by Dr. Burgess. Date of another stone inscription in the British Museum : (From the rubbing, line 16)... Samvat 9839 Chaittra-sudi-pamchamyah nihpanam=iti ! 25. - V. 991. - Epigraphia Indica, Vol. I. p. 177. Date in the Siyadoni stone inscriptinn: (Line 33)... sa [invat] 991 Magha-budi 10. 26. - P. 181, No. 133. - V. 294, Vaisakha-vadi 5, samkrantau. Date in the Siyadoni stone inscription. 27. - V. 1005.- Epigraphia Indica, Vol. I. p. 177. Siyadoni stone inscription ; date of the reign of Devapaladeva of Kanaaj, and of the Mahdrajddhiraja Nishkalanka : - (Line 28) ... Paramabhataraka-maharajadhiraja-paramesvara-bri-Kshitipaladeva-padAnudhyatah 10.paramabhattara[ka]-maharajadhiraja-paramesvara-bri-Deva pa la-padanen mahi-pravarddhamana-kalyanavijayarajye samvatsaranam sahasr-aikam panch-ottaran Magha-masaenklapaksha-panchamyan samvat 1005 Magha-sudi 5 ady-eha Srimat-Siyadoni-pattane maharajadhiraja-sri-Nishkalankahl-paribhujya[ma*]ne... 28. - V. 1005 (?). - In the Asiatic Researches, Vol. I. p. 284, Charles Wilkins has pablished a translation of a Sanskrit inscription (copied by Mr. Wilmot in A. D. 1785 from a stone at Buddha-Gaya), the date of which he has rendered thus : - "On Friday, the fourth day of the new moon in the month of Madhoo, when in the seventh or mansion of Ganisa, and in the year of the Era of Veekramddeetya 1005."12 29. - V. 1008.- Epigraphia Indica, Vol. I. p. 177. - Siyadoni stone inscription; date of the Mahardjadhiraja Nishkalanka : (Line 30)... samvat 1008 Magha-sudi 11 ady=eha Siyaconi-pattane maharajadhiraja-briNishkalankas= ... 30. - P. 35, No. 59. - V. 1011, Vaibakha-audi 7, Soma-dine. Khajurahd Jain temple inscription of the Chandella Dhanga (P). 31.-P. 174, No. 111. - v. 1011, Bhadrapada-vadi 11, Sukra-dine. Stone inscription at Amber in Rajputane. 32. -- v. 1011. - Epigraphia Indica, Vol. I. p. 129. Khajurahd stone inscription of the Chandellas Yabovarman and Dhanga : (Line 28) ... samvatsara-dasa-bateshu ekadas-adhikeshu samvat 1011... 33. - P. 22, No. 3. - V. 1016, Magba-budi 13, Sanau. Rajorgadh copper-plate inseription of the Mahardjadhiraja Mathanadeva; of the reign of Vijayapaladeva, the successor of Kshitipaladeva. 34. - v. 1025.- Epigraphia Indica, Vol. I. p. 178. Siyadoni stone inscription; date of the Mahardjddhiraja Nishkalanka: - (Line 36) ... Samvat 1025 Magha-vadi 9 ady=eha Siyadoni-pattane maharajadhiraja-briNishkalanka-paribhujyamane... Read-mde-afuklapaksha-(P). The published version has 781. The published version has 783. 19 Rend -padanudhyata.. 11 Read - Nishkalanka19 Supporing the date of the original to have been V. 1006, Chaitra-Judi 4, Sukr, the corresponding date, for northern V. 1005, expired, would be Friday, 17th March, A. D. 948.

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128 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1891. 35. - V. 1081. - ante, Vol. VI. p. 51. Copper-plate inscription of the Paramara Vakpatiraja of Dhara : (Line 13)... @katrimsa-sa hasrika-samvatsare=smin Bhadrapada-sukla-chaturddasy&rin pavitraka-parvvani srimad-Ujjayani-samavasitail... (Line 32)... sam 1031 Bhadrapada-sudi 14... 36. - P. 23, No. 4. - V. 1088, Kurttika-sadi 15, a lunar eclipse. Copper-plate inscription of the Paramara Vakpatiraja of Dhara. 37. - P. 29, No. 31. - v. 1042, Bhadrapada-audi 15, Budhe. Date of Parsvanaga's Atmanusasana. 38. - P. 166, No. 83. - V. 1043, Migha-vadi 15, Ravau, a solar eclipse. Kadi copperplate inscription of the Chaulukya Malaraja. 39. - P. 364, No. 177. - V. 1049, Marga-yadi 7, Guru-dine. Dewal stone inscription of Lalla the Chhinda. 40. - P. 361, No. 168. - Vikrama 1050, Pausha-sudi 5, (Budhe). Date of Amitagati's Subhashita-ratna-sandha, of the reign of the Paramara Munja of Dhara. 41. - P. 23, No. 5. - V. 1055, Karttika-sudi 15, Ravan, a lunar eclipse. Nanyaura copperplate inscription of the Chandella Dhangadova. 42. - V. 1058. - Epigraphia Indica, Vol. I. p. 150. Khajuraho stane inscription of Kokkala: (Line 22)... Samvat 1058 Karttikyan. 43. - V. 1050.- 1b. p. 147. Khajurahd stone inscription of the Chandella Dhanga. deva: (Line 32)... Samvat 1059 ari-Kharjjdravaha]ko raja-sri-[Dham]gadeva-rajye ... 44. - P. 361, No. 169. - V. 1078, Magha-vadi 3, Ravan, udagayana-parvani. Copperplate inscription of the Paramara Bhojadova of Dhara. 45. - V. 1083. - ante, Vol. XIV. p. 140. Sarnath stone inscription of the Ganda Mahipala: (Line 3) ... Samvat 1083 Pausha-dine 11 [11]. 46. - P. 174, No. 112. - V. 1084, Sravana-vadi 4, dakshinyans-samkrantau. Copper-. plate-inscription of the Maharajadhiraja Trilochanapaladeva. 47. - V. 1086. - ante, Vol. VI. p. 193. Radhanpur copper-plate inscription of the Chaulukya Bhimadova I. : - (Line 1)... Vikrama-samvat 1086 Karttika-sadi 15 ady=ha orimad-Anahilapatake .., (Line 5) ... adya Karttiki-parvvani ... 48. V. 1093. - Asiatic Researches, Vol. IX. p. 432; Jour. Beng. As. Soc., Vol. V. p. 731; Colebrooke's Misc. Essays, Vol. II. p. 278. Kurrah'stone inscription of the Maharajadhiraja Yasahpala : - (Line 1). - Samvat 1093 Ashadha-sodi 1 ady=eha srimat-Kate maharajadhiraja-sri-Yasahpalal Kaasamba-mandale ... 49. - V. 1093. - ante, Vol. XIII. p. 185 (Vol. XIV. p. 352). Date in the Udayagiri Amrita cave inscription : - (Line 4). - Samvat 1093. 50. -- P. 181, No. 134. - V. 1100, (adhika-)Bhadra-vadi 2, Chandre. Byana stone inscription of Vijayadhiraja. 51. - P. 364, No. 178. - V. 1107, Vaisakha-vadi 3, Soma-dine. Nanyaura copper-plate inscription of the Chandella Davavarmadeva.

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APRIL, 1891.] THE VIKRAMA ERA. 129 52.- V. 1186. - From a rough copy, supplied to me by Dr. Hoernle. Arthuna inscription of the Paramara Chamimdaraja (the son of Mandanadeva) :13 - (Line 53)... Samvat 1136 Phalgana-sudi 7 Sakrd... 53. - v. 1137. - From Sir A. Canningham's rubbing, supplied to me by Mr. Fleet. Udaypur (in Gwalior) stone inscription of the Paramara Udayaditya of Malava : (Line 5)... Samvat 1137 Vaisa() kha-sudi 7. 54. - P. 36, No. 60.- Vikrama 1199, Jyeshtha-sudi 3, S8me. Date of Garuchandragani's Srivira-charitra. 55.-P. 361. No. 170. - V. 1148, Bhadrapada-sudi 3, Soma-dine. Dubkund' (south-west: of Gwalior) stone inscription of the reign of the Maharajadhiruja Vikramasimha (P). 56. V. 1145. -- My Report on Sanskrit MSS. for 1880-81, p. 22. Date of a MS. of the Nisithasutra-churni of the time of the Chaulukya Karpadova: Samvat 1145 Jyeshtha-vadi 14 ...... maharajadhiraja-sri-Karna(rna)deva-rajye 11 57. - V. 1148.- Epigraphia Indica, Vol. I. p. 317. Sunak copper-plate inscription of the Chaulukya Karnadeva:14 (Line 1)... Vikrama-samvat 1148 Vaisakha-sudi 15 Some ndyreba srimad-Apabilapatake. (Line 6) ... Adya somagrahana-parvani ... 58. - V. 1150,- ante, Vol. XV. p. 41. Gwalior Sasbah temple inscription of Mahi. pale : (Line 40)... Ekadasasv=atiteshu samvatsara-sateshu cha 1 ekona-panchasa(ka)ti cha gateshv=adva/bde)shu Vikramat 1 Panchase(se) ch=Asvi(evi)ne mase kfishna-pakshe:..... amkat6=pi 1150 11 Asvi(evi)na-va(ba)hula-panchamyan [11*] 59. - V. 1162.- Archaeol. Surv. of India, Vol. XX. p. 102, and Plate xxii. Inscription on pillar of temple at Dubkund': - (Line 1). - Samvat 1152 Vaisasha(kha),sudi-panchamyen 60. - P. 36, No. 61. - V. 1154, Chaitra-sudi 2, Ravau. Dedgadh rock inscription of the Chandella Kirtivarmadava. 61. - P. 371, No. 191. - v. 1164, Magha-sudi 9, Some, uttarayana-samkrantaa. Copperplate inscription of Chandradeya and Madanapaladova of Kananj. 62. - P. 363, No. 176. - V.1181, Pausha sudi 5, Ravan, uttarayana-samkrantau. Basahi copper-plate inscription of the Mahardja-putra) Govindachandradeva pf Kanauj. 63. - V. 1161. - ante, Vol. XV. p. 203. Gwalior stone inscription (of the successor of Mahipala, 58, above): (Line 9)... Sri-Vikramarkkanfipa-kal-atita-samvatsaranamm=ekashashty-adhikayam= ekadasa-satyam Magha-sukla-shashthyam... 64. - V. 1161. - Zeitschrift fur die Kunde des Morg., Vol. VII. p. 306. Nagpur stone inscription of the Paramara Naravarmadova : Samvat 116l. 65. - V. 1184. - In the Transactions of the Royal As. Soc., Vol. I. p. 226, Colonel Tod has given the substance of an inscription from Madhucara-ghar, in Haronta," apparently of ni 1 The 7th of the bright half of Phalguna of V. 1136, expired, would correspond to Friday, 31 January, A.D. 1080. 1 The 15th of the bright half of Vailkha of northern V. 1148, expired, would correspond to Monday, 5 May, A. D. 1091, when there was lunar eclipse, 22 h. 23 m. Groenwich time, or, at Ujjain, 21 h. 26 m. after moss unrise.

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180 [APRIL, 1891. the reign of the Paramara Naravarman, which is said to mention an eclipse of the sun (!), and the date of which is rendered :15 "On the full moon of Pausha, Samvat 1164." 66. P. 371, No. 192. V. 1166, Pausha-vadi 15,. Ravau, a solar eclipse. Copperplate inscription of Madanapala and Govindachandradeva of Kanauj. 67. P. 362, No. 171.-V. 1173, Vaisakha-sudi 3, 'Sakre. Date of the renewal, by the Chandella Jayavarmadeva, of the Khajuraho inscription of Dhangadeva (43, above). THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. 68. P. 367, No. 188. V. 1174, Phalguna-vadi 3, Sukre. Copper-plate inscription of Govindachandradeva of Kanauj. - -- 69. P. 167, No. 84. - V. 1177, Karttika-vadi 15, Ravi-dine. Copper-plate inscription, of the Maharajadhiraja Virasimh hadeva. 70. V. 1177. Jour. Beng. As. Soc., Vol. XXXI. p. 124. Copper-plate inscription of Govindachandradeva of Kanauj, regarding a transfer of land which had been previously granted by (the Kalachuri ?) Yabahkarnadeva: - Samvat 1177 Karttika-kukla-chaturdasyam.. 71. V. [117]9. My Report on Sanskrit MSS. for 1880-81, p. 25. Date of a MS. of the Panchavastuka, of the time of the Chaulukya Jayasimhadeva : samasta-rijavall-virkjita-maharajadhirkja Samvat [117]916 Phaguna-vadi 12 Ravau rimat-Tribhuvanagamda-irl-Jayasingbadeva-ka[lykpa]vijayarkiye... 72. P. 357, No. 160. v. 1181, Bhadrapada-sudi [4?], Gurau. Copper-plate inscription of Govindachandradeva of Kanauj. - 73. P. 365, No. 179.-V. 1162, Magha-vadi 6, Sukre. Copper-plate inscription of Govindachandradeva of Kanauj. - 74. P. 362, No. 172. - V. 1185, Chaitra-indi 15, Sukre, manvadau. Copper-plate inscription of Govindachandradeva of Kanauj. 75.-V. 1188. Archaeol. Surv. of India, Vol. XXI. p. 34, and Plate x., A. Kilanjar stone pillar inscription of the Chandella Madanavarmadeva: - (Line 3)... Sam 1186 maharaja sri-Madanavarmmadeva II 76.-P. 372, No. 193. V. 1187, Marga-sudi 15, Soma-dine, samkrantau. Copper-plate inscription of Govindachandradeva of Kananj. 77. V. 1187. Archaeol. Surv. of India, Vol. XXI. p. 34, and Plate x., B. Kalanjar stone pillar inscription of the Chandella Madanavarmadeva: (Line 1)... Samvat 1187 Jyeshtha-sudi 9 arimad-Madanavarmmadeva II - 78. P. 23, No. 6. V. 1188, Karttika-sudi 8, Sanan. Kalanjar rock inscription of the Chandella Madanavarmadeva. 79. V. 1188. ante, Vol. XIX. p. 252. Ren copper-plate inscription of Govindachandradeva of Kanauj :17. Samvad-ashtasity-adhike ekadasa (sa)-sate Kartika-pauranamasyam tithan Sukra-dine nkato-pi sam 1188 Kartika-sudi 15 Sukre || 80.-P. 368, No. 187. 1100, Magha-sudi 15, Some. Banda copper-plate inscription of the Chandella Madanavarmadeva. 15 Pausha-sudi 15 of V. 1164, expired, would correspond to the 31st December, A. D. 1107, when there was a lunar eclipse, 16 h. 21 m. Greenwich time, or, at Ujjain, 15 h. 24 m. after mean sunrise. And there was a solar eclipse, visible in India, on the 16th December, A. D. 1107, 6 h. 18 m. Greenwich time, or, at Ujjain, 5 h. 21 m. after mean sunrise, corresponding to the purnimanta Pausha-vadi 15 of V. 1164 expired. 10 A continuation of the same MS., ib. No. 42, is clearly dated in Samvat 1179. "The date corresponds, for V. 1188 expired, to Friday, 6 November, A. D. 1181, when the full-moon tithi ended 15 h. 56 m. after mean sunrise.

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APRIL, 1891.] 81. V. 1190. - ante, Vol. VI. p. 55. Ingnoda stone inscription of the Maharajadhiraja Vijayapaladeva :-- (Line 1)... Samvatsara-sateshv-ekadasasu navaty-adhikeshu Ashadha-suklapaksh-aikadaayam samvat 1190 Asa(sha) dha-sudi 11 ady-eha Imgapapate. . . . . -maharajadhirajaparamlivara-iri-Vijayapuladevcna... - (Line 6)... Asa (sha) dha-suklapaksh-e(ai) kadasyam parvvani. . . 82. V. 1191. ante, Vol. XIX. p. 353. Date of the Paramara Yasovarmadeva, in the copper-plate inscription of the Mahakumara Lakshmivarmadeva (89, below) : (Line 6). srimad-Dharayam maharajadhiraja-paramesvara-ari-Yasovarmmadevena Bri-Vikrama-kal-atita-samvatsar-aikanavaty-adhika-sat-aikadaseshu Karttika-sudi ashtamyam - samjata-maharaja-ari-Naravarmmadeva-samvatsarike . . . 83. P. 178, No. 125. V. 1192, Jyeshtha-vadi 9, Ravau. Rock inscription at Kalanjar. 84. V. 1192. ante, Vol. XIX. p. 349. Copper-plate inscription of the Paramara Yabovarmadeva : (Line 12)... Samvat 1192 Ma[rgga]-vadi 3 [11*1 85. P. 174, No. 113. Nilakantha temple at Kilaojar. THE VIKRAMA ERA. 181 - -- 86.V. 1196. - ante, Vol. X. p. 159. Dohad stone inscription of the Chaulukya Jayasimhadeva(?): (Line 8)... Bri-nripa-Vikrama-samhvat 1196. 87. P. 23, No. 7.-V. 1199, Phalguna-sudi 11, Sanau. Gagaha' copper-plate inscription of Govindachandradeva and (the Maharaja-putra) Rajyapaladeva of Kananj. V. 1194, Chaitra-vadi 5, Gurau. Inscription in cell near 88.V. 1199. Archaeol. Surv. of India, Vol. III. pp. 58-60, and Plate xxi. Inscriptions on temple pillars at Gadhwa, dated: - Samvat 1199; sam 1199; and 1199. 89.P. 40, No. 80. V. 1200, Sravana-sudi 15, a lunar eclipse. Ujjain copper-plate inscription of the Paramara Mahakumara Lakshmivarmadeva. -- 90.-P. 172, No. 108. Vikrama 1202 (Simba 32), Aevina-vadi 13, Some. Mangrol stone inscription of the Chaulukya Kumarapaladeva. 91. P. 354, No. 151. V. 1207, Jyeshtha-vadi 11, Ravau. Inscription on pedestal of boar at Chandpur. 92.-V. 1207. Archaeol. Surv. of India, Vol. XX. p. 46, and Plate x.; Epigraphia Indica, Vol. I. p. 293. Mahaban stone inscription of the Maharajadhiraja [AP]jayapala deva: (Line 29)... Samvat 1207 Ka.. paurnnamasyam maharajadhiraja-. . . jayapaladevavijayarkiyo.. 93. V. 1207. In Archeol. Surv. of India, Vol. I. p. 96, Sir A. Cunningham mentions an inscription at Hathiya-dah' of the time of 'Gosalladevi,' the queen of Govindachandradeva of Kanauj, which, he says, is dated:10 "on Thursday, the 5th of the waning moon of Ashadha, in Samvat 1207." - 94. P. 167, No. 85. - V. 1208, Marga-vadi 15, Sanau. Ajaygadh inscription of the Chandella Madanavarmadeva. 95. P. 367, No. 184. V. 1208, Karttika-sudi 15, Bhaume. Copper-plate inscription of Govindachandradeva of Kanauj and the Mahdrajni Gosaladevi. 16 The 5th of the dark half of the amanta Ashadha of southern V. 1207, expired, would correspond to Thursday, July, A. D. 1151.

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182 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 189). 96. - V. 1208. - Epigraphia Indica, Vol. I. p. 300. Date of the Vadnagar Prasasti of the reign of the Chaulakya Kumarapaladdva : (Line 43)... Sripala-name kavi-chakravartti prasastim=etap-akarot=prasastam 11 Samvata(t) 1208 varshe Aavina-sudi[52] Guran likhitam.., 97. - P. 166, No. 81. - V. 1209, Karttika-vadi 12, Seme. Date of a MS. of the Pindaniryukti. 98. -- V. 1210. - From Sir A. Cunningham's rubbings, supplied to me by Mr. Fleet. Date of the Ajmere stone-inscription containing Vigraharajadava's Harakeli-nataka :19 - Samvat 1210 Margga-sudi 5 Aditya-dine Sravana-naksbatre | Makara-sthe chathdre Harshana-yoge VA (b)lava-karane 11 Harakli-nataka samaptam 11 99. - V. 1211. - Archaeol. Surv. of India, Vol. XXI. p. 73, and Plate xxiii., D. Mahoba image inscription of the Chandella Madanavarmadava: - (Line 2). -Sriman Madanavarmmadeva-rajye sam 1211 Ashidha-endi 3 Sa(ba)nan (P). 100. - P. 29, No. 32. - V. 1215, Chaitra-sudi 8, Ravau. Girnar stone inscription. 101. - v. 1215.- Epigraphia Indica, Vol. I. p. 153. Khajuraho image inscription of the Chandella Madanavarmadova - (Line 1)... Samvat 1215 Magha-sudi 5 oriman-Madanavarmmaddva-pravarddhamana vijayarajye Il 102. - P. 29, No. 33. - v. 1218, Bhadra-sudi 1, Ravau. Alha-ghut stone inscription of the Kalachuri (Chedi) Narasimhadeva. 103. - P. 29, No. 34. - V. 1218, dvi Ashadha-budi 5, Gurau. Date of a MS. of the Kalpachurmi, of the time of the Chaulukya KumArapaladava. 104. - P. 30. No. 35. - V. 1218, Sravana-sudi 14, Ravau, mahachaturdasi-pervani, Nadal copper-plate inscription of the Chahumana Alhapadova. 105. - P. 36, No. 62. -- Vikrama 1220, Vaisakha-sati 15, Gurau. Delhi Siwalik pillar inscription of the Chahumana Visaladava of Sakambhari. 106. - P. 357, No. 161. - [V, 1220, Pan]sha-sudi 15, Garan, & lunar eclipse. Udaypur (in Gwalior) stone inscription of the Chaulukya Kumarapaladeva. 107, - P. 36, No. 63. - V. 1222, Vaisakha-audi 3, Some, akshaya-tpitiya-parvani. Stone pillar inscription from Udaypur (in Gwalior). 108. - P. 36, No, 64. V, 1224, Ashagha-budi 2, Ravau, Mahoba image infcription of the Chandella ParamardidAve. 109. - V. 1224. - In the Asiatic Researches, Vol. XV. pp. 443-446, is a translation, by Captain E. Fell, of an inscription from Hansi, apparently of the reign of the Chihumans) Prithviraja, the date of which is given thus :20 - "In the year of Sumbut 1924 (A. D. 1168), on Saturday, the seventh of the white fort, night of the month Magha." 110. -- P. 179, No. 126. - V. 1225, Vaisakha-vadi 12, Gurau. Phulwariya (P) stong inscription of the J&piliya Nayaka Pratapadhavala. 111. - P. 182, No. 135. - V. 1225, Chaitra-vadi 5, Badhe, Jannpur stone pillar inscription of Vijayachandradeva of Kananj (?). 19 The 5th of the bright ball of Marge.bira of V. 1210, expired, would correspond to Sunday, 29 November, A.D. 1163. On that day, the 5th tithi of the bright half and the karana BAlays ended 9 h. 17 m., and the moon was in the nakshatra Sravana up to 3 h. 56 m., after mean sunrise; the vaga Harahapa began 9 h. 47 m. after mean sunrise. * Compare also Transactions, Roy. As. Soc., Vol. I. p. 154. - The above date does not work out satisfactorily for, Magha-budi 7 would correspond, for Y. 1224 ourrent, to Sunday, 20 January, A. D. 1167; and for V. 1234 expired, to Friday, 19 January, A. D. 1168.

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APRIL, 1891.) THE VIKRAMA ERA. 133 112. - P. 184, No. 143. - V. 1225, Jyeshtha-vadi 3, Badhe. Tarachandi rock inscription of the Mahanayalea Pratapadhavaladeva, containing a reference to Vijayachandradava of Kananj. 113. - V. 1225. - ante, Vol. XV. p. 8. Copper-plate inscription of Vijayachandradeva and Jayachchandradeva of Kananj - (Line 17)... pamchavimsaty-adhika-dvadasa-[ea*]ta-samvatsare=nke=pi sam 1225 Maghipaurnnamasyum... 114. - V. 1228. - Jour. Beng. As. Soc., Vol. LV. Part I. p. 46. Bijh8li rock inscription of the Chahumana som svars :21 - (Line 27)... Prasiddhim-agamad-deva(!)kale Vikrama-bhasvatah shadvimsa-dvadasabate Phalgune keishna-pakshake 11 91 11 Tritiyayan tithau vare Gurau tare cha Hastake Vriddhis namani yoge cha karane Taitale tatha 11 92 | Samvat 1226 Phalguna-vadi 3... 115. - V. 1226. - 16. p. 46. Menalgadh stone pillar inscription of the Chahumana Prithviraja : Malavka-gata-vatsara-sataih dvadasais-cha shatvimsa-purvakaih .... 116. - P. 357, No. 162. - V. 1227 (P), Ashadha-sudi 2, Some. Stone inscription at Ajaygadh. 117. - P. 171, No. 103. - V. 1229, Marga-vadi 9, Some. Date of a MS. of Dharmottaracharya's Nykyavindu-leka. 118. - P. 362, No. 173. - V. 1229, Vaisakha-sudi 3, Some, akshayatsitiya-yugadiparvani. Udaypur (in Gwalior) stone inscription of the Chaulukya Ajayapaladdva. 119. - P. 365, No. 180. - Vikrama 1231, Karttika-sadi 11, $me, Karttikodyapanaparvani; and Karttika-sudi 13, Budhe. Copper-plate inscription of the Chaulukya Ajayapala deva. 120.-V. 1231.- Archaeol. Surv. of India, Vol. VI. Plate xxi. Inscription in temple at VIsalpar: - (Line 7)... Sam 1231 Pausha-su 15. 121. - P. 30, No. 36.-Vikrama 1282, Chaitra-budi 1, Bhaume. Date of Narapati's Narapati-jayacharyd, of the time of the Chaulukya Ajayapaladeva. 122. - P. 30, No. 37. - V. 1232, Bhadra-sudi 13, Raven, Copper-plate inscription of Jayachchandradeva of Kananj. 123. - P. 358, No. 163. - V. 1292 (Vikari-samvatsare), Asvina-budi 5. Gaye image in scription of the Gauda Govindapaladeva. 124. - P. 37, No. 65. - V. 1233, Vaisakha-sadi 10, Sanan. Copper-plate inscription of Jayachchandraddva of Kananj. 125.-P. 363, No. 174. - V.1284, Pausha-sadi 4, Ravau, uttarayana-samkrantau. Copperplate inscription of Jayachchandradevs of Kanauj. 126. - V.1285 and 1296. - Jour. Beng. As. Soc., Vol. VII. p. 737. Copper-plate inscription of the Paramara Mahakumara Harischandradeva: Sri-Vikrama-kal-atita-1235-pachatrimaad-adhika-dvAdabasata-samvatsar-& ntah patir Pausha-vadi amavasyayan sarjata-surya-parvani ... tathi 1236 shattrimsad-adhika dvadasasata-samvatsar-antahpati-Vaisakha-masi paurnamasyam. 127. - P. 37, No. 66. - V. 1236, Vaisakha-audi 15, 'Sukra. 'Copper-plate inscription of Jayachchandradeva of Kananj. The 3rd of the dark half of the purnimanta Phalguna of V. 1226, expired, would correspond to Thursday, 5 February, A. D. 1170. 22 There was no solar eclipse on Patsha-vadi 15, porniminta or aminta, of V. 1285, current or expired.

Page #148
134 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1891. 128. - V. 1289.- Archaeol. Surv. of India, Vol. X. Plate xxxii. 9 and 10, and Vol. XXI. pp. 173 and 174. Madanpur inscription on the defeat of the Chandella Paramardidava by the Chahumana Prithviraja : - (10, line 4)... Sam 1239. 129. - P. 37, No. 67. - V. 1240, Vaisakha-sudi 14, Gurau. Kalaojar rock inscription of the Chandella Paramardidava. 130.-P. 179, No. 127. - Sahasanka 1240, Ashadha-vadi 9, Some. Stone inscription from Mahoba. 131. - P. 37, No. 68. - V. 1243, Jyeghtha-eudi 11, Budhe. Inscription at Ajaygadh. 132. - P. 37, No. 69. - V. 1243, Ashadha-sadi 7, Ravau. Copper-plate inscription of Jayachohandradeva of Kanauj. 133. - P. 373, No. 197. - V. 1244, Jyeshtha-sudi 15, Gurau. Stone pillar inscription at Tahangadh. 134. - V. 1244. - Archaeol. Suro. of India, Vol. VI. p. 156, and Plate xxi. Visalpur stone pillar inscription of the Chahumana Prithviraja : - (Line 1)... Samasta-rajavalf-sa[ma]lamktita-paramabhattaraka-maharajadhiraja-parame[ava]ra-sri-Prithvirajadeva-rajye tatra tasmin kale samvat 1244 ... 135. - V. 1247 (P). - Epigraphia Indica, Vol. I. p. 49. Ratnapur stone inscription of the Kalachuri (Chodi) Prithvideva: - (Line 24) ... Saivat 1247 (?). 136. - P. 23, No. 8. - Vikrama 1251, Karttika-budi 12, 'Sukre. Date of a MS. of Homachandra's Yogasdstra, of the time of the Chaulukya Bhimadova II. 137. - P. 30, No. 38. - Vikrama 1252, Asvina-audi 5, vanare Vasaresita(Ravan). Batesvar stone inscription of the Chandella Paramardidova. 138..-P. 38, No. 70. - V. 1258, Vaisakha-sudi 11, Bhaume. Belkhara stone pillar inscription of one of the rulers of Kansuj (P). 139. -- P. 171, No. 104. - V. 1263, Marga-vadi 7, Sukre. Rewah copper-plate inscription of the Maharanaka Salakhanavarmadeva, of the time of the Kalachuri (Chedi) Vijayadeva. 140. - P. 38, No. 71.- Vikrama 1256, Vaisakha-audi 15, Ravan, Bhopal copper-plato inscription of the Paramara Mahakum Gra Udayavarmadave. 141. - P. 173, No. 109. - Vikrama 1256, Bhadrapada-vadi 15, Bhaume. Copper-plate inscription of the Chaulukya Bhimadeva II. 142. - P. 354, No. 152. -- v. 1268, Karttika-sudi 10, Som8. Kalaojar stone inscription of the Chandella Paramardideva. . 143. - P. 182, No. 136. - Vikrama 1260, Jyeshtha-vadi 5, (Guran). Date of Malayaprabhasuri's commentary on Manatangasari's Siddhajayanti-charitra. 144. - P. 177, No. 122. - Vikrama 1261, Asvina-vadi 7, Ravau Date of a MS. of Manatungasuri's Siddhajayanti-charitra, of the time of the Chaulukya Bhimadeva II. 145. - P. 30, No. 39. - Vikrama 1288, Sravana-budi 2, Ravan. vyatspata-parvani. Kadi copper-plate inscription of the Chaulukya Bhimadeva II. 146. - P. 358, No. 164. - V. 1264, AshAdha-budi [2P], Some. Copper-plate inscription of the time of the Chaulukya Bhimadova II. 147.-P. 38, No. 72. - V. 1265, Vaidkha-audi 15, Bhaume. Mount Abd stone inscription of the reign of the Chanlukya Bhimadeva II.

Page #149
APRIL, 1891.] THE VIKRAMA ERA. 135 148. - P. 24, No. 9. - Vikrama 1266 (Simha 96), Marga-sudi 14, Gurau.Copper-plate inscription of the Chaulukya Bhimadeva II. 149.-P. 24, No. 10. - V. 1267, Phalguna-budi 10, Gurau, abhisheka-parvani. Piplianagar copper-plate inscription of the Paramara Arjunavarmadova. 150. - V. 1289. - Archaeol. Surv. of India, Vol. XXI. p. 50, and Plate xii., D. Ajaygadh stone inscription of the Chandella Trailokyavarmadova : (Line 1)... Samvat 1269 Phalguna-vadi.... Sanau raja-sri-Trailokyavarmmadevavijayarajye.. 151. -- P. 175, No. 114. - V. 1270, Vaisakha-vadi 15, Some, a solar eclipse. Bhopal copper-plate inscription of the Paramara Arjunavarmadeva 152. - P. 31, No. 40. - V. 1272, Bhadrapada-sudi 15, Budhe, a lunar eclipse. Bhopa copper-plate inscription of the Paramara Arjunavarmadava. 153. - P. 24, No. 11. - V. 1976 (Chitrabhanu-samvatsare), MArga-sudi 5, Sanan. Hargaudi (or Charwa) stone inscription of Devapaladeva of Dhara. 154,- V. 1970. - ante, Vol. XVII. p. 63. Buddhist stone inscription from Sravasti, with references to the rulers of Karanj Gopala and Madana : (Line 18). - Samvat 1276 [11] 155. - P. 25, No. 12. - V. 1280, Pausha-sudi 3, Bhaume, uttarayana-parvani. Kadi copper-plate inscription of the Chaulukya Jayantasimha. 156. - P. 25. No. 13. -- Vikrama 1288, Karttika-sudi 15, Gurau. Kadi copper-plate inscription of the Chaulukya Bhimadeve II. 157. - P. 167, No. 86. - V. 1284, Phalguna-vadi 15, Som. Date of a MS. of the Dasavaik dlika-sdtra, etc., of the reign of the Mahardjadhiraja Jaitrasith badova, 158. - V. 1288. - From Sir A. Cunningham's rubbing, supplied to me by Mr. Fleet. Udaypur (in Gwalior) stone inscription of Devapaladeva of Dhard : (Line 1)... Samvat 1286 varsbe Karttiska(r)]-budi.. Sasa)kre rii. eri-Dovapala[deva]-kalyanavijayarajye ... 159. - P. 369, No. 188. - Vikrama 1287, Ashadha-sadi 8, Sukre. Kadi copper-plate inscription of the Chaulakya Bhimadeva II. 160. - P. 25, No. 14. - Vikrama 1288, Phalgana-sadi 10, Badhe. Girnar stone inscription of Jayantasimha, the son of Vastupala. 161. - P. 366, No. 131. -- Vikrama 1288, Bhadrapada-audi 1, Some. Kadi copper-plate inscription of the Chaplukya Bhimadova II. 162. - P. 358. No. 165.- Vikrama 1288 or 1289 (P), Asvina-vadi 15, Some. Stone inscription from Girnar. 163. - V. 128[9 PJ.-From Sir A. Cunningham's rubbing, supplied to me by Mr. Fleet. Udaypar (in Gwalior) stone inscription of the Maharajadhiraja Devapaladeva of Dhara :83 - (Line 1). . . Samvat 128[9 P]varshe Marga-vadi 3 Gurao ... 164. - P. 25, No. 15. V. 1992, Karttika-sudi 8, Ravau. Date of a MS. of a Yogasastrabritti. 165. - P. 368, No. 185. - Vikrama 1295, Marga-andi 14, Gurau. Kadi copper-plate inscription of the Chaulakya Bhimadova II. 166. -- P. 166, No. 82. - Vikrama 1298, Marga-vadi 14, Ravau. Kadi copper-plate inscription of the Chaulakya Bhimadeva II. 28 The 3rd of the dark half of the amanta Margasira of V. 1289, expired, would correspond to Thursday, December, A. D. 1282.

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136 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1891. 167. - P. 167, No. 87. - V. 1296, Phalguna-vadi 5, Ravau. Inscription in the temple of Vaidyanatha at Kiragrama. 168. - v. 1297, - ante, Vol. XVII. p. 233. Rewah copper-plate inscription of the Maharanaka Kumarapaladeva, of the time of (the Chandella) Trailokyavarmadava: - (Line 35). . . saptanavaty-adhike dvadasa-sata-samvatsare amke=pi 1297 Karttikya[m] ... 169. - P. 183, No. 137. - V. 1298, dvitiya-Bhadrapada-vadi 7, Guran. Date of a MS. of Hemachandra's Sabdanusdsana. 170. - V. 1298. -- ante, Vol. XVII. p. 236. Rewah copper-plate inscription of the Maharanaka Harirajadave, of the time of the Chandella) Trailokyamalla : - (Line 36). . . Samvata(t) 1298 Maghe masi ... 171. - P. 372, No. 194. - Vikrama 1299, Chaitra-sudi 6, Some, and a solar eclipse on the preceding Phalguna-vadi 15). Kadi copper-plate inscription of the Chaulakya Tribhuvanapaladeva. 172. - P. 170, No. 97. - V. 1303, Marga-vadi 12, Gurau. Date of a MS, of the Achdrangasutra, of the reign of the Vaghela Visaladova. 173.-P. 22, No. 1. - V. 1804, Pausha-sudi 15, Sasi-vasare. Date of Udayasagara's Sndtripanchabika. 174. - P. 175, No. 115. - V. 1306, Bhadra-vadi 6, Ravau. Date of a MS. of Ramachandra's Nirbhayabhima-vyayoga, of the reign of Udayasimhadeva. 175. - P. 28, No. 27. - V. 1311, Jyeghtha-sudi 15, Budhe. Dabhoi stone inscription of the time of the Vaghela Visaladeva. 176. - V. 1812. - Arch@ol. Surv. of India, Vol. X. p. 31; and Sir A. Cunningham's rubbing, supplied to me by Mr. Fleet. Rahatgadh stone inscription of the Maharajadhirdja Jaya(simha]deva of Dhara 24 - (Line 1)... Samvat 1312 varsho Bhadrapada-su 7 [S]ma . . Srimad-Dharayam maha-, rajadhiraja-srimaj-Jaya(simba)-vijayarajye... 177. - P. 170, No. 98. - V. 1315, Phalguna-vadi 7, Sanau. Stone inscription at Siyal. Bet. 178. - P. 185, No. 145. - v. 1815, Chaitra-vadi 4, Budhe. Date of a MS. of Hemachandra's Sabdanusasana-laghuvritti. 179. - P. 183, No. 138. - Vikrama 1317, Jyeshtha-vadi 4, Guraa. Kadi copper-plate inscription of the Vaghela Visaladeva. 180. - P. 373, No. 198. - Vikrama 1317, Vaisakha-audi 13,' Gurau. Ajaygadh rock inscription of the Chandella Viravarman. 181. -- P. 179, No. 128. - V. 1918, 'Sravana-vadi 2, Budha. Stone inscription from the fort of Jhansi. 182.-P. 180, No. 129.- Vikrama 1320 (Mahammada 662, Valabhi '945, Simha 151), Ashadha-vadi 13, Ravan. Verival stone inscription of the Vaghela Arjunadeva. 183. - P. 170, No. 99. - V. 1922, Karttika-vadi 8, Chandra. Date of a MS. of Asada's Vivekamanjari. 184. - v. 1324. - Jour. Beng. As. Soc., Vol. LV. Part I. p. 46. Chitor stone inscription of the reign of Tejahsimha of Mewad : Samvat 1324 varsh& ... The 7th of the bright half of Bhadrapada of southern v. 1312, expired, would correspond to Monday, 28 Augast, A. D. 1256.

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APRIL, 1891.] 185. V. 1325. Archaeol. Surv. of India, Vol. XXI. p. 51, and Plate xiv., F. Ajaygadh stone inscription of the reign of the Chandella Viravarman :(Line 2)... Viravarma-[rajye] samvat 1325. -- 186. V. 1325. - Archaeol. Surv. of India, Vol. III. p. 127, and Plate xxxviii., 23. Gaya stone inscription of Vanarajadeva (?) of the time of Giyas-ud-din Balban (?): 25. (Line 1)... Samvat 1325 Phalguna-sudi 1 Ravan || 188. P. 185, No. 146, dhyayana-sutra. 187.-P. 183, No. 139. V. 1827, Bhadrapada-vadi 2, Ravau. Date of a MS. of the Sugadainga-vritti. -- THE VIKRAMA ERA. -- 187 - 189. V. 1335. - Jour. Beng. As. Soc., Vol. LV. Part I. p. 48. Chitorgadh stone inscription of the reign of Samarasimha of Me wad:26 Samvat 1335 varsne Vaisakha-sudi 5 Gurau. 190. V. 1335. From a rubbing, supplied to me by Dr. Burgess. British Museum stone inscription of the Vaghela Sarangadeva:27 (Line 1). . . Samvat 1335 varshe Vaisasha (kha)-sudi 5 Some sdy-eha srimad-Anahillavatakadhishthita.. . . -Saramgadeva-kalyana-vijayarajye... - 191. P. 25, No. 16. V. 1837, Magha-sudi 13, Some. Ajaygadh rock inscription of the reign of the Chandella Viravarmadeva (P). - - V. 1332, Vaisakha-vadi 3, Sanau. Date of a MS. of the Uttara. 192. P. 186, No. 147. Vikrama 1337, Sravana-vadi 13, Budhe. Palam Baoli' stone inscription of the time of Giyas-ud-din Balban. 193. P. 31, No. 41. - V. 1840, Chaitra-udi 3, Budhe. Stone inscription at Kalanjar. 194. V. 1342. ante, Vol. XVI. p. 351. Mount Abu stone inscription of Samarasimha of Mewad: (Line 48)... Sam 134[2] varshe Margga-sudi [1]. -- 195. V. 1343. Epigraphia Indica, Vol. I. p. 287. Date of the Cintra Prasasti, of the reign of the Vaghela Sarangadeva: 28 (Line 66)... Sri-nripa-Vikrama-sam 1343 varshe Magha-sudi 5 Some... 196. V. 1344. Jour. Beng. As. Soc., Vol. LV. Part I. p. 19. Udaypur stone pillar inscription of the reign of Samarasimha of Mewad: (Line 1). Samvat 1344 Vaisakha-sudi 3 adya eri-Chitrakate samasta-mahA-RAvala-(?) kula-sri-Samarasimhadeva-kalya[pa]vijayarajy [*]... 197. V. 1845. Ib. Vol. VI. p. 884. Ajaygadh stone inscription (apparently) of the time of the Chandella Bhojavarman : - Kshanad-eeekshana-gata-sruti-bhuta-samanvite samvatsare subhe-lekhi Vaisakha-masasad-dine I auke-pi 1345 samaye Vaisa[khe*]. 198. P. 178, No. 123. V. 1850, Jyeshtha-vadi 3, Ravau. Date of Jayanta's Kavyaprakasa-dipika, of the reign of the Vaghela Sarangadeva. 199.-P. 31, No. 42. V. 1853 (Plava-vatsare), Jyeshtha sudi 12, Budhe. Stone inscription at Jaunpur. A. D. 1269. The 1st of the bright half of Phalguna of V. 1325, expired, would correspond to Sunday, 3 February, The 5th of the bright half of Vaisakha of northern V. 1335, expired, would correspond to Thursday, 28 April, A. D. 1278. The 5th of the bright half of Vaisakha of southern V. 1335, expired, would correspond to Monday, 17 April, A. D. 1279. The 5th of the bright half of Magha of, V. 1343, expired, would correspond to Monday, 20 January, A. D. 1387.

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188 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1891. 200. - P. 172, No. 105. - V. 1359, Marga-vadi 5, Some. Date of a MS. of Jinadasagaoi's Visesanisiha-chunni. 201. - P. 26, No. 17. - Vikrama 1365, Pausha-sudi 9, Ravau. Date of Jinaprabha's Bhayaharastava-vritti. 202.-P. 354, No. 153. -- Vikrama 1866, Pausha-vadi 2, Some. Date of Jinaprabha's Ajitasuntistava-vritti. 203. - V. 1966. - Sir A. Cunningham's rubbinge, supplied to me by Mr. Fleet, Udaypar (in Gwalior) stone inscription of the Mahardjadhiraja Jayasim hadova [of Dhara ?] : (Line 1)... [Sam] 1366 (Sravana-vadi 12 [Sukre P] Udayapa[re] samasta-rajavali mahaTujadhiraja-sri-Jayasinghadeva-rajya ... 204. - P. 168, No. 88. - V. 1372, Pansha-vadi 10, 'Sanan. Inscription at Ajaygalh. 205. - P. 28, No. 28. - V. 1380, Bhadra-sudi 3, Some. Stone inscription at Udaypar in Gwalior). 206. - P. 26, No. 18.- Vikrama 1984, Phalguna-sudi 5, Bhaume. Delhi Museum stone inscription of the time of Muhammad bin Tughlak. 207. -- V. 1984. - Proceedings, Beng. As. Soc., Vol. XLII. pp. 105-106. Another Delhi Muscum stono inscription of the time of Muhammad bin Tughlak :29 - Kritir-Madanadevasya turyy-Asht-agni-nisAkare Vikram-abde ssite Bhadre tritiyaya Gurordine 11 17 11 Samyat 1384 miti Bhudra-vadi 3 Guru-dine ... 208. - P. 359, No. 166. - V. 13[8]6 (Bhave samvatsare purne), Asha dha 7, Some. Hathasni stone inscription of the Mihara chief Thepaka. 209. - P. 175, No. 116. - V. 1390, Bhadra-vadi 4, 'Sanau. Inscription on pillar at Kevati-Kund! 210. -- P. 185, No. 144. - V. 1390, Bhadra-vadi 5, Garan. Stone inscription from the Fort of Chunar. 211. - P. 355, No. 154. - V. 1394, Magha-vadi 1, Budhe. Stone inscriptions at Udaypur (in Gwalior). 212. - P. 22, No. 2. - V. 1897, Magha-sadi 4, Some. Inscriptions on pillars at KevatiKund,' of the reign of the Maharaja Hamiradava. 213. - P. 356, No. 159. - V. 1404, Karttika-sadi 14, Garan. Stone inscription at the Fort of Marpha. 214. - v. 1412. - Archaeol. Surv. of India, Vol. IX. Plate ii., 3. Kari-Talai' stone inscription of the Maharaja Viraramadeva : (Line 1)... Samvatu 1412 samae | Uchahada-nagara-mahara [ja]-sr 1-Viraramadevarajye... 215. - V. 1429.- From a rubbing, supplied to me by Mr. Fleet. Compare Archaeol. Surv. of India, Vol. III. p. 128; and ante, Vol. X. p. 341. Gaya stone inscription of the reign of Sultan Firuz Shah : 30 (Line 6) ... Paramabhattarak-etyadi-rajavall purvvavat srimad-Vikramadityadevanripater-atit-avdo(bde) samvata(t) 1429 Magha-krishna-trayodasyr tithau Sanivasarinvitayam ..... paechatya-suratrana-srf-Piyarojaskha-rajyo... 29 The 3rd of the dark hall of the pornimenta Bhadrapada of northern V. 1384, expired, would correspond to Thursday, 6 August, A, D. 1327 5. The 13th of the dark half of the paraimanta Magha of V. 1429, expired, would correspond to Saturday, 22 January A.D. 1878.

Page #153
APRIL, 1891.] 216. P. 172, No. 106. - nanda's Tattvalika-tika. 220. P. 32, No. 44. inscription at Boram-Deo.' -- 217. P. 186, No. 148.-V. 1437, Ashadha-vadi 6, Sanau. Stone inscription at Dhamlej. 218. P. 31, No. 43. Vikrama 1439 (Saka 1304), Vaisakha-sudi 6, Ravau. Machadi (near Alwar) stone inscription of the reign of Sultan Firuz Shah. V. 1445, Phalguna-sudi 5, Some. Stone inscription at Vanthali 219. P. 26, No. 19. in Junagadh. 221. P. 168, No. 89. Kammapayadi. - - - - - 222. P. 355, No. 155. of the time of Nusrat Shah. 223. P. 26, No. 20. V. 1458 (Saka 1322, Sarvajit-samvatsare), Phalguna-sudi 8, Sukre. Raypur stone inscription of Brahmadeva. V. 1464 (Manmatha-samvatsare), Ashadha-vadi 3, Budhe. 224. P. 186, No. 149. Date of a MS. of the Kasika-Vritti. 225. P. 355, No. 156. 226. P. 168, No. 90. Durgasimha's Lingakarika-vritti. 227. P. 32, No. 45. stone inscription. 228..P. 183, No. 140.. suri's Kriyakalapa. 229. P. 356, No. 157. V. 1489, dvitiya-Sravana-sudi 6. Date of a MS. of an Avachurni on Hemachandra's Linganusasana-vritti. - 233. P. 32, No. 46. inscription of Bhairavendra. - V. 1432, Marga-vadi 9, Some. Date of a MS. of Prajnana THE VIKRAMA ERA. V. 1445 (Bhava-samvatsare), Asvina-sudi 13, Some. Sati pillar V. 1451, Phalguna-vadi 12, Budhe. Date of a MS. of the -- - V. 1452, Vaisakha-vadi 15, Ravau. Mangrol stone inscription 139 -- - - - 235. P. 168, No. 91. Udaypur (in Gwalior). 236, P. 180, No. 131. Kalachakra-tantra. -- - Vikrama 1481 (Saka 1346), Vaisakha-sudi 15, Gurau. Deogadh 230.-P. 26, No. 21. Vikrama 1490, Magha-sudi 14, Ravan. Date of Ramachandra's Panchadandatapachchhattrabandha. V. 1466, Chaitra-sudi 7, Sanan. Stone inscription at Rasin. Vikrama 1479, Marga-vadi 14, Sukre. Date of a MS. of 231. P. 180, No. 130.-V. 1490, Vaisakha-vadi 9, Sanau. Date of a MS. of Halayudha's Abhidhanaratnamala, of the reign of Sultan Ahmad. 232. P. 366, No. 182. Vikrama 1491, Chaitra-vadi 5, Budhe. Date of Silaratnasuri's commentary on Merutunga's Meghaduta. Vikrama 1496, Vaisakha-kudi 3, Gurau. Umga (in Bihar) stone V. 1485, Vaisakha-vadi 9, Budhe. Date of a MS. of Jinadeva 234. P. 38, No. 73. Vikrama 1500 (Prajapati-samvatsare), Vaisakha-sudi 5, Gurau. Stone inscription at Mahuva in Baroda (?). V. 1503, Phalguna-vadi 10, 'Sukre. Stone inscription at - - Vikrama 1503, Bhadra-vadi 13, Budhe. Date of a MS. of the - 237. P. 184, No. 141. V. 1510, Bhadra-vadi 14, Sanan. Date of a MS. of an Avachurika on Homachandra's Sabdanusasana-vritti. 238. P. 374, No. 199. V. 1510, Magha-eudi 8, Somb. Gwalior stone inscription of the Makarajadhiraja Dungarendradeva.

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140 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1891. 239.-P. 368, No. 186. - V. 1512, Phalguna-sadi 1, Bhaume. Date of a MS. of a commentary on the Ashtangahridaya. 240. - P. 39, No. 74. - V. 1516, Chaitra-sndi 5, Garau, Mesha-sankrantau. Inscription in temple of Gayasuri Devi at Gaya. 241.-P. 184, No. 142.- V. 1626, Jydshtha-vadi 11, Sanau. Date of a MS. of Mokshe. svara's Kridvritti. 242.-P. 27, No. 22. - V. 1681 (Saka 1396, Subhakrit-samvatsare), Karttika-budi 9, Badhe. Date of a MS. of the Satapatha-brahmana. 243. - P. 32, No. 47.- Ashadhadi V. 1584, Sravana-budi 5, Bhaume. Date of a MS. of the Prabhasakshetra-terthay atranukrama, of the time of Sultan Mahmud Bigarha. 244. - P. 39, No. 75. - V. 1694, prathama-'Sravana-budi 8, Bhaume. Date of a MS. of the Prakriya-kaumudi. 245. - P. 172, No. 107. - V. 1686, Pausha-vadi 13, Budhe. Date of a MS. of the Tandyabrahmana. 246.-P. 170, No. 100.-- V. 1686, Magha-vadi 11, Ravau. Date of a MS. of the commentary Prasadla on the Prakriya-kaumudi. 247. - P. 181, No. 132. - V. 1538, Sravana-vadi 1, Somd. Date of a MS. of an Alchytava. chari on the Haima-vyakarana. 248. -- P. 178, No. 124. - V. 1659, Sravana-vadi 13, Ravau. Stone inscription at Borsad step-well, Kheda (Kaira). 249. - P. 27, No. 23. - Ashadhadi Vikrama . 1665 ('Saka 1420), Magha-sudi 5, Budhe, Stone inscription at Adalij well near Ahmadabad, of the time of Sultan Mahmad Bigarha. 250. - P. 33, No. 48. - V. 1555 (Saka 1420, Kshayakrit-samvatsare), Asvina-sudi 5. Vakpati-vare (Guran). Date of a MS, of the Viy dha-pannatti, of the time of Sultan GhiAsu'ddin of Malva. 251. -- P. 187, No. 150. - V. 1570, Jyoshtha-vadi 7, Budhe. Date of a MS. of Amarasimha's Namalinganusdsana. 252. - P. 33, No. 49. - V. 1680, Jyeshtha-audi 15, Bhrigu-vare. Date of a MS. of the Prakriya-kaumudi. 253. - P. 176, No. 117.-V. 1881, Chaitra-vadi 13, Bhaume. Inscription on pillar at Delhi. 254. - P. 360, No. 167. - Ashadhadi v. [16]88, Vaisakha-sudi 2, Bhaume. Date of a MS. of the Tandya-brdhmara. 255. - P. 28, No. 29. - V. 1687, Vaisakha-audi 1, Sukre. Date of a MS. of the Aranyagana. 256. - P. 373, No. 195.- Vikrama 1697, Phalguna sudi 13, Ravau. Date of Paravachandra's Varttika on Virabhadrasadhu's Chatu hoarana-prakirnaka. 257. - P. 33, No. 50. - V. 1890, prathama-Ash&dha-budi 3, Mangala-vare. Date of a MS. of the Ayarashgasutta. 258. - P. 39, No. 76. V. 1646, Madhu-(Chaitra-)kadi 10. Bhaskare (Ravaa). Date of Punyasagara's Jambudvipaprajnapto-vritti. 259. - P. 33, No. 51. - V. 1680 (Sabhakit-samvatsard), Bhadrapada-sadi 15, Bhrigavhaard. Date of MS. of the Kandanukramanikd-vivarana.

Page #155
APRIL, 1891.] THE VIKRAMA ERA. 141 260. - V. 1851. - Epigraphia Indica, Vol. I. p. 323. Date in the Prasasti of the temple of Vadipura-Parsvanatha at Aphilwad, of the reign of the emperor Akbar :91 - (Line 3)... Patisihi-sri- Akabbara-rajye | Sri-Vikrama-nfipa-samayat-samvati 1651 Marggasirsha-rita-navami-dine Soma-vire Purva-bhadrapada-nakshatret 261. - V. 1652.- 1b. p. 324. Another date in the same :32 - (Line 47)... Kara-karana-kaya-ku-pramita-sahvat Allai 41 varsh Vaisasha(kha)-vadi dvadasi-vasare Guru-vare Revati nakshatre 262.P. 176, No. 118. - V. 1852, Asvina-vadi 10, Gurau. Date of Devavijayagani's Rama.charitra, of the reign of the emperor Akbar. 263. - P. 39, No. 77. -- Vikrama 1854, Ashadla-sadi 2, Gabhasti-vire (Ravau). Date of Jnanavimalagani's commentary on Mahesvara's Sabdaprabheda. 261. - P. 34. No. 52. - v. 1884, Midhava-(Vaisikha-)sudi 7, Guran. Date of Ramarshi's Nalddaya-lika, of the time of Sultan Shah Salem (Johangir). 265. - P. 27, No. 24. - V. 1681, Kurttika-sudi 13, Jive (Guran). Date of fsvaraksishna's Punyachandrodaya-purana. 266. - P. 34, No. 53. - V. 1886 (Bahudhanya-samvatsare), Sravana-sudi 7, Gurau. Date of a MS. of an Agnishtoma-paddhati. 257. - V. 1889. - Epigraphia Inilica, Vol. I., p. 301. Date of the renewal of the Vad. nagar Prasasti33 (96, above): - (Line) 45) ... Chaitra-muse sabhre pakshe pratipad-Guruvasare | Namd-ashta-npipe 1689 varshe prasasti[r*]-likhita ponah 11 208. - P. 108, No. 92. - V. 1093, Magha-vadi 1, Ravau. Date of a MS. of the Praudhamansrama. 269. - P. 171, No. 101. - Ashadhadi V. 1699, Phalguna-vadi 11, Some. Date of a M8. of a commentary on the Sobhana-stutayah. 270. - P. 27, No. 25. - V. 1707 ('Saka 1572, Vikari-samvatsare), Karttika-sudi 3, Garau. Date of a MS. of Sankara's Sarirakamimdrisa-bhdshya. 271. - P. 169, No. 93. - V. 1715, Karttika-vadi 4, Bhaume. Date of a MS. of the Suparnddhyaya. 272. - P. 169, No. 94. - Vikrama 1717 (Saptarshi 36), Pausha-vati 3, Ravaa. Date of a MS. of the Kasiku-Vritti. 273. - P. 176, No. 119. - Vikrama 1717 (Saka 1582, Saptarshi 36), Vaisakha-vadi 13, Budhe, Mesha-samkrantau. Stone inscription at Chambe. 274. - P. 40, No. 78. - V. 1724, prathama-AshAdha-sudi 7, 'Sanau. Date of a MS. of the Sankhayana-srautasitra. 275. - P. 369, No. 189. - V. 1724, Jyeshtha-sudi 11, Sukre. Ramnagar stone inscription of the kings of Mandala.. 276. - P. 28, No. 26. - V. 1729, Marga-sadi 9, Some. Date of a MS, of Chandrakfrti's Sarasvata-dipikd. 81 The 9th of the bright half of MArgastraha of V. 1651, expired, would correspond to Monday, 11 November, A.D. 1594, when the 9th tithi of the bright half onded 12h. 15m., and the moon was in the nakshatra Parva-bhadra: pada up to 19h. after mean sunrise. The 12th of the dark half of the amanta VaikAkha of southern V. 1652, expired, would correspond to Thursday, 18 May, A.D. 1596, when the 12th tithi of the dark half ended 19h. 8m., and the moon was in the nakshatra Ravati up to 2h. 88m. after mean sunrise. # The date in all probability corresponds, for southern V. 1689 expired, to Thursday, 28 February, A.D. 1633, though by the Tables the lat tithi of the bright half ended 0 h. 17m. after mean sunrise of the following day.

Page #156
142 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (APRIL, 1891. 277. - P. 171, No. 102. - v. 1738, Phalguna-vadi 9, Some. Date of a MS. of the Rishi. brahmana. 278. - P. 40, No. 79. - V. 1746, prathama-Vaisakha-sadi 12, Gurau. Date of a MS. of Jinendrabuddhi's Kasikdvivarana-panchika. 279.-P. 169, No. 95. - V. 1747, Phalguna-vadi 8, Kuja-vasard (Bhaume). Date of a MS. of Vinayarama's commentary on the Kirdtarjuniya. 280. - P. 356, No. 158. - V. 1747, prathama-Vaisakha-vadi dvitiya-chaturthi-dina, Budhe. Date of a MS. of the Sarasvati-prakriya. 281. - P. 34, No. 54. - V. 1779, Madhu-(Chaitra-)sudi 13, Some. Date of Bhimasena's Sukhodadhi. 282. - P. 34, No. 55. - V. 1785 (Kalayakta-samvatsark), Abvina-sudi 9, Seme. Date of Bhaskarariya's Saubhagya-bhaskara. 283. - P. 374, No. 200. - V. 1814 (Saka 1679, Isvara-samvatsarg), Karttika-sudi 6, Gurau. Date of a MS. of Chiramjiva-bhatta's Kavyavilasa. 284. - P. 35, No. 56. - Vikrama 1874, Sachi-(AshAdha-)sudi 9. Some. Nepil stone inscription of Lalitatripurasundarf. 285. - P. 176, No. 120. - V. 1874, Bhadra-vadi 9, Sakre. Nepal stone inscription of Lalitatripurasundari. 286. - P. 169, No. 96. - V. 1875, Marga-vadi 5, Badhe. Nepul stone inscription of Lalitatripurasundari. 287. - P. 177, No. 121. - V. 1877, Jy@shtha-vadi 10, Ravaa. Nepil stone inscription of Lalitatripurasundari. 288. - P. 363, No. 175. - V. 1877 (Khara-samvatsare), adhika-Jyeshtha-sudi 7, Gura.. Date of a MS. of the Varaha-purana. (To be continued.) - FOLKLORE IN SALSETTE. BY GEO. FR. D'PENHA. No. 8. - Bapkhadi, the Salsette Cinderella. There once lived a gosandil who had a wife and six daughters. He used to beg in his neighbourhood from house to house, but could not collect more than one ser of rice daily, on which be dragged on an existence with his family. One day he took it into his head to go and beg outside his own village, and it happened that a woman poured into his hands some rice boiling hot from the cauldron, which made a big blister on his thumb. So when he got home be asked his wife to take a needle and break the blister ; but as soon as she applied the needle to the blister, she heard a voice saying: - "Bawd, phoribil ta aste phor, father, if you break, break it carefully." The good couple were at a loss to understand what it could mean. The wife made two or three attempts to open the blister, but every time she tried she heard the same words repeated : Baroa, phoribil te aste phor, father, if you break, break it slowly." At last she opened it with the utmost care, when lo! a little girl came out of it, and began to walk abont. The poor gosanvi began to curse his fortune, thinking to himself : "I have already six daughters, whom I am hardly able to maintain, and here there is a 1 An Anoetic who goes about begging, smeared with shea. * Or " carefully."

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APRIL, 1891.] FOLKLORE IN SALSETTE; No. 8. 143 seventh! Where shall I get the means wherewith to support her? However, I must submit to fate." One day the gosanvi said to his wife: - "Wife, make us some pole."3 The wife asked : - "How many pole will one ser of rice make ? At any rate, they will hardly be ready before our girls will eat them up." Upon this the gosdivi said: - "Shut them all up in a room while you make the pole quietly, and then we can eat them together." So saying to his wife he went away on his daily vocation of begging. The wife, as instructed, shut up all the girls in a room, ground the rice and methia, and some time afterwards began to make the pole. As soon as the sound of the cooking of a pola reached the ears of the girls, one of them called out to her mother, saying she must come out for a certain purpose. The mother let her come out, but the girl made straight for the kitchen and ate up the first pola. The same thing occurred with the second and with the third, and in fact with all the pole, for the dough could only just make up seven p8l6. Now the mother did not know what to say to her husband on his return, much less what to give him to eat. So she took some ashes and made two pole, one for herself and the other for her husband. Some time after this the gosanvi returned after begging, and husband and - wife sat down to their meal. At the first morsel the gosanvi became enraged and asked his wife to explain what sort of pole she had made, and what it all meant. The poor wife told hiin everything: how she shut the girls up in the first place; how she made the seven pole ; how the girls came and ate them all; and how she was compelled to make two of ashes for themselves. Upon this the gosanvi said : -"This will never do. I will take the girls and leave them in a forest, whence they cannot return, and they shall no more be a burden upon us." His wife had no alternative but to agree without saying a word. So the same evening be got the girls together, and said: - "Come girls, your maternal uncle has asked me to bring you to his house. Be sharp, and dress yourselves quickly." On being told that they were called by their maternal uncle, though they had never before heard of him, much less seen him, the girls were in a hurry to be off, and got themselves dressed with what rags they could afford, and set out immediately with their father. The father led them on throngh a forest for many hours, and, whenever the girls asked him how much further off their uncle's house was, he would answer :-"A long way further yet." And so they walked on and on for several hours, till the lord of darkness overtook them, and then their father said: "Girls, your uncle's house is a long way off yet, and so we must sleep to-night in this forest." The poor girls little thought of their father's trick, and so went to sleep. Now it happened that the youngest daughter of the good ivi, the one that popped out of the blister, was in the habit of sucking her father's thumb when going to sleep, and as soon as the thumb was removed she would awake. Of course the object of the gotanvi in bringing his daughters into the forest was to leave them there and go away, but the difficulty was how to manage the youngest daughter. He managed this, however, by cutting off his thumb, and leaving it in the little girl's mouth! In this way the gosanvi left them all asleep. Pole, singular pola, are made in the following way: - Ordinary rice and a little quantity of another grain (mithf, plural methis) are ground together. The flour is made into dough with toddy and water, and allowed to remain for a few hours. After this an earthen tama (platter) is placed on the oven, a little oil mbbed on it (usually with a stick of the plantain leaf after beating it into the shape of a brush), and a little of the dough poured on it, which in a sbort time wakes a pola,

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144 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1891. In the morning, when the girls awoke, they were surprised to see their father gone, or rather, they did not know what had become of him. They, however, soon observed the thumb in their youngest sister's month, and concluded that she had eaten their father, and hence. forth named her Bapkhadi. They pulled it out of her mouth and thus awoke her, and severely reprimanded her; and, telling her, at the same time, that they intended to leave her to herself, they started off for another country. But Bapkhadi followed them, till they found a large house with seven rooms in it, all vacant. Each of the seven sisters took to a room, and lived there, finding in it plenty of food and clothes and other necessities; but Bapkhadi's room was the best of all, for in it were found clothes and furniture of matchless beauty, and there was a stable attached to it. Bapkhadi, however, never said a word to her sisters about it, but always remained in the rage in which she had come. On Sunday mornings the six sisters dressed in their best to go to Church to attend Mars. Before going they always called out to Bapkhadi, asking her if she was coming, but she answered never a word. Nevertheless, sbe quickly dressed up in rich silks with golden slippers and went to Church on horse-back, so that she got there before her sisters. So, too, after Mass she would get home before every one, and stand as usual at her door, clothed in rags. Her sisters, of course, saw a girl at Church in a very grand dress with golden slippers and saw her get on her horse, but it never occurred to them that sho was Bapkhadi, for did they not see her before and after Church clothed in rags at her own door When they returned from Church, they used to say to her: "What have you been doing at home? If you had como to Church, you would have seen a beautiful girl, beautifully dressed, with golden slippers, on borse-back! Oh! you have lost a good chance!" Now, one day, it happened that, while Bapkhadt was returning from Church, she lost one of her slippers, and it attracted the attention of the king's son, who happened to pass by. The prince took it up, and went and threw himself down in his father's stables, thinking of the owner of the slipper, and where and how he could find her; and then he gave up eating and drinking! The king searched for him throughout his palace and all through the village round it without success, but during the day the king's maid-servants went to the stables to feed the horses. Now they never expected that the prince would be there, and as usual, they ate the grain, and they threw the husks to the horses ! On seeing this the prince called out from his hiding place: "Oh ho ! is this how you feed the horses? No wonder they are getting leaner day by day, while I see you growing stouter." As soon as the maid-servants heard the prince's voice they flew like lightning to the king and said: "Sire, what shall we say to thee? Shall we tell thee one, or shall we tell thee two?" The king replied: - "Come, come; say what you have to say at once. You may tell me one, or you may tell me two." So they told him what they had seen and heard in the stables, and he immediately went with them to the stables, and thus spoke to the prince: - "Ka kartei tala? Ka khuflash tula ? sang mala, konun hat tukilabdi, tiachd hat jhein. Konin pain tulvilasli, tidcha pdin jhein. Konki dold ke!asel, ticha dola jh&ino; What ails you, my son ? Tell me what you lack. Has any one lifted up his bands to strike you? Tell me, and I will take his hands. Has any one threatened to kick you ? Tell me, and I will take his legs. Has any one cast his eyes on you ? Tell me, and I will take his eyes." Thus spoke the king, upon which the prince answered: - "Sire, nothing ails thy son, nor has any one done him any harm. He is grieved because he has found & golden slipper, . i. e. As an ogress. Bapthadi means literally eater of the father.' * The literal meaning of the original is What is becoming to you? What is wanting to yon P Tell me: if, any one hy lifted his hands, I will take his hands. If any one has lifted bis lege, I will take his legs. If any one bas cast his eyes, I will take his eyes.

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APRIL, 1891.] FOLKLORE IN SALSETTE; No. 8. 145 and does not know how and where to find the owner in order to marry her; and unless this is accomplished he will not touch any food or drink, bat will kill himself through grief." Upon this the king said: "Be of good cheer, my son, for what do we lack? I will at once send men in all directions and find the owner; and, in the meanwhile, you must come home, and take food." The prince then went home with the king and took his food as usual. Meanwhile the king had at once sent messengers in all directions with the slipper to find the owner, and to arrange at once for her marriage with the prince. Now, in order to find the owner, the messengers agreed that the girl in whose foot the slipper fitted must be the owner, and none else. With this idea they went thronghout the country for several days, but with little success. At length they came to the house where Bapkhadi lived with her sisters. They tried the slipper on the feet of the six sisters, but it fitted none of them. The sisters for once thought of Bapkhadi, and told the men to try it on her feet, when lol it fitted exactly! Of course it did, for did it not belong to her ? So arrangements were then and there made for her marriage with the prince, and a day was appointed for the celebration of the auspicious occasion. Grand preparations were made on both sides for several days, and on the appointed day Bapkhadi was duly married to the king's son with great rejoicings. The sisters of Bapkhadi were also invited to come and live in the palace, but they were made to wait on her as her maids. This, of course, naturally awoke a spirit of jealousy in them, but they saw no alternative except to submit. They continued to live in this way for some time, antil Bapkhadi became pregnant. Meanwhile, her husband made up his mind to go on a distant voyage, and got a ship fitted out for the purpose; but before taking leave of Bapkhadi, he called the sisters together, and said to them: - "My wife is pregnant, and I shall soon be gone on a distant voyage. I recommend her to your care. Tend her carefully until she is confined. Should a son be born to me a shower of gold will fall on my ship, but if a daughter is born there will be a shower of silver."7 Thus saying he bid Bapkhadi a loving adieu. In due time Bapkhadt was oonfined of a son, but her sisters bound up her eyes and took the child and buried him alive under & Saya tree, and substituted in his place an Oronta. Poor Bapkhadi little knew of the trick her sisters had played, and remained silent. About this time there foll a shower of gold on the prince's ship, apon which he made sure that a son was born to bim, and in his joy distributed sugar and other presents to the crew; and made all possible haste to return home. When he reached his palace he asked to be shewn the son that was born to him, but was highly disappointed when Bapkhadi's sisters produced the oronga. Grieved to the heart he remained silent. Two or three years afterwards Bapkhadi again became pregnant; and again her husband, the prince, set out on a distant voyage. As before he called the six sisters and advised them to take more care this time of Bapkhadi, and went away saying: - "If a son be born to me there will be a shower of gold, but if a daughter there will be a shower of silver." Her time of pregnancy over, Bapkhadi was again confined of a second son, and this time too, her sisters bound her eyes, took away the child and buried it alive under an Anka tree, substituting for it a bovatra. The prince witnessed & second shower of gold, and again distributed sugar and other presents, and returned home with all possible speed, only to be disappointed 7 The literal meaning of the words used in the story are 'golden water and silver water." * A round stone used for grinding spices. broom made out of the reeds of the cocoanut palm-leaf. It is ordinarily known as the " Gos broom."

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146 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1891. and disheartened; for, when he asked to see the child, he was shewn the bovatra. But as there was nothing to be done he remained silent. Another two or three years elapsed, and Bapkhadi became pregnant for the third time; and for the third time her husband set out on a voyage. Before going he called together the six sisters and told them to exercise great care, and use every imaginable precaution to ensure a successful delivery. He then bade a loving adieu to Bapkhadi, and went away, saying for the third time :- "If a son be born there will be a shower of gold, but if a daughter there will be a shower of silver." In due time Bapkhidi was delivered of a daughter, and this child also her sisters took and buried alive in the Church, and put in its place a movali.10 This time there camo pouring a heavy shower of silver. The prince at once understood that a daughter was born to him, and for the third time he distributed sugar and other presents, and returned home. When he arrived and asked to see his daughter, the six sisters produced the inovali, and also told a lot of tales against Bapkhadi. On secing the movali and hearing all the tales he was much ecraged, and, casting Bapkhadi in a dark dungeon, took to himself the six sisters as his wives. Bapkhidi was also deprived of all her clothes and jewellery. For her food she was thrown the remains of fishil and such things after every one else had eaten. Matters continued like this for several years. Let us now turn to the children. The hand of the Almighty saved the three children of Bapkhadi, and they grew to be from ten to fifteen years old, and lived by begging. In their begging excursions they were wont to say: "Saydburchia Sayd dada, Ansaburchia Ansa dada, deulanche go Deuku baye, hid ganvachd rded vera, satrani baiki kelia, tos amcha bdp; Brother Saya from under the saya tree, brother Ansa from under the disa tree, sister Deuku from the Church, the king of this country is mad, he married seven wives; he is our father." From house to house they used to go repeating these words, and at last, reached the palace, and repeated the words there. When the prince heard them he could not understand what they meant, and asked them to repeat the words again. Upon this the children began : "sdyaburchid Saya duda, Ansaburchid Ansa dada, de ulanche go Deukt baye, hiu gaivacha raza vera, satrani bdikd kelia, tos amcha bup ; Brother Saya from under the saya tree, brother Ansa from under the ansa tree, sister Deukd from the Church, the king of this country is . mad, he married seven wives; he is our father." The prince made them repeat the words over and over again several times, and then told one of the six sisters to give them something in alms. The six sisters, of course, at once concluded that these three children must be those that had been born of Bapkhadi and whom they had buried alive under the saya and arsa trees, and in the Church. They, however, pretended not to know them, and one of them offered them alms, but the children refused to take any. Each one of the six sisters in turn offered alms, but the children refused to take anything from any one of them. The prince was pazzled at their behaviour, and asked them to explain why they did not take the alms. Upon this they said : - "Let your seventh wife, who is in the dungeon, come out. Place seven curtains between her and us, then watch what occurs, after which you will come to know everything." The prince did as directed. He ordered out Bapkhadi from the dungeon, and placed seven curtains between her and the children, and eagerly watched the result, when lo! three streams of milk burst from Bapkhadi's breasts, and penetrating the seven curtains ran. into the mouths of the children. The prince was dumbfounded at this occurrence, and 10 A mavalt is another sort of broom made of the date palm-leaf. 11 It should be remembered that the Salsette Christians are fish-eaters. They very seldom eat meat, except perhaps on Sundays and feast-days. " By "the king' is here mernt "the prince" of the tale.

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APRIL, 1891.] NOTES AND QUERIES. 147 thought there must be some connection with Bapkhadi and the children, and ordered the six sisters to explain it. They at first hesitated to disclose the facts, but, when they saw that the prince was determined, they revealed the whole story :- How when the first son was born they shut Bapkhadi's eyes and took and buried the child alive under a suya tree, and substituted in its place an Oronta; how when the second son was born they substituted a bovatru, and buried the child alive under an aisa tree; and lastly, how when the daughter was born she was buried alive in the Church, and in her place a novali was put. Upon this the prince embraced the children and also Bapkhadi, and asked her why she did not tell this story long ago, even though she was thrown into a dungeon. Bapkhidi said that as her eyes used to be bandaged at her confinernent she knew nothing and hence her silence. The prince acknowledged the three children as his own, ordered them at once to be bathed, and afterwards got them handsomely dressed. Bapkhadi, also, was restored to her former position, and was again clothed and covered with jewellery For the six sisters of Bapkhadi the anger of the prince knew no buunds. Having dispossessed thom of all their handsome clothes and jewellery, he ordered their hair and noses to be cut off, and having seated them on donkeys, banished them from the country. The donkeys galloped on and on for several hours, when the sisters said: "Garta, garuci, konsi val; Donkey, donkey, which way p" * The donkeys replied: -"Chala athari, tumche kartun i mchi ilod!; On, on, for yoar wrongs we have to suffer!" After this the prince and, Bapkhadi, and their children lived very happily to a very old age, even after he had succeeded his father as king. NOTES AND QUERIES. COLD RICE. the morning rice. Here is one comparing cold The children's breakfast in Southern India oon rice to Vishnu :sists usually of cold rioo, being the remains of the jale zayAnaM jagadekavanya supper overnight soaked by the lady of the house, vizeSataH prAtarupAsanIyaM / er & servant, in good drinking-water. Rioe thus treated will keep good for three or four days. alabhyadAtAramanindyakIti purAtanaM puNyakRtI labhante / / The first thing the Hindu child does after getting up, is to wash its teeth and face, and, if a This may be freely translated thus: "It is only the meritorious that obtain the boon of PuraBrahman, to repeat the prdtah-sandhyd-vandana, or morning ablution prayer, and then to eat the tana, who sleeps on the water, who is worshipped cold rice breakfast, rendered palatable with ginger, by the whole world, who is specially to be attend. pepper, lime, oranges, green chillies and other ed to in the early morning, who is the giver of the oondiments. This style of breakfast is said to unobtainable, and who is of unspotted fame." tend to good health, and is kept up usually till 15 There are pans and allusions here. Puratana or 16 years of age;. but many continue through. means Vishnu (the ancient one) as well as cold out life the taste thus acquired: rice, and he is specially worshipped in the Children generally sit round their mother or morning. some female elder of the house, with palms stretch- Another runs as follows: - od out to receive the welcome ball of rice, and vizAlakadalIdale vilasamabhAge sthitaM are not uncommonly joined by older members of niransaradhinutaM likucanIramamAkam / the family. varAMgi taba kelijazramanivRttaye kAraNa The morning noe is generally prepared in one vessel for soaking, and transferred to another purAtanamupAsmahe jljbaandhvsvodye| before we, and then mixed with salt and some A free tranglation would be :times spices. "O lady, I go to my cold rice, which is served Many verses exist in South India in praise of in the front half of the plantain-leaf, and mixed

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148 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1891. well with cards and with pickled ginger served in lemon juice." In this case the cold rice has been served on a plantain-leaf, and not into the palm of the hand. S. M. NATESA SASTRI. SACRIFICES IN PERSIA. It is the custom, whenever a house, garden or kiln is constructed, to sacrifice & sheep, and to imprint on the door a right hand stooped in the blood. The sheep is distributed amongst the poor. This custom is said to be a propitiation of Fate, to avoid bloodshed within the building in future. For a bath, a cow is sacrificed, and the hand steeped in its blood is imprinted on the door. There is a custom amongst the Persians of sacrificing and distributing the remains of a shoop to the poor, on the safe return home of any member of a household after a journey. The custom is that, just as you get down from your horse, the animal's neck is cut before you. When any member of a household in Persia is very ill, it is the custom to kill a shoop in order to propitiate Fate and to avert danger from the sick person. Should a goat or any animal die during the illness of any member of a household, it is held as a sure sign of the recovery of the patient, as it is thought that Fate has been satisfied by the substitution of the goat or other animal in the place of the patient. Tehran. S. J. A. CHURCHILL. BOOK NOTICE. PROCEEDINGS OF THE AMERICAN ORIENTAL SOCIETY. I He also adds four notes on Avestan gramNew York, 30th and 31st October 1889. mar: (1), on a genuine instance of a sish-aorist Prof. Whitney sets himself to answer the in the Avesta (Yasht iii. 2); (2), on a cas question whether roots in Sanskrit that contain Avestan 3rd dual middle in -aits ; (3) several ar in their weaker forms should be written and instances of difference in gonder between named as roots with or with ar. He thinks Avestan and Banskrit in the same word; (4), that the form is preferable and likely to in- on the rendering of the Avestan ereddo dor. crease in prevalence of usage. hanem in Vendidad, v. 11. Prof. Bloomfield discourses on the etymology An article by Dr. Cyrus Adler on the Shofar, of the particle om. He would divest it of all its use and origin is of general interest. This sanctity, and make it a mere introductory word like word is rendered in the Bible by 'cornet,' though the Greek ad (ad-ri, au-tis, ad-Aus) Lat. au-t, au-tem, it is usually made of a ram's horn, straightened Goth. au-k, and so on, with the meaning of now and flattened by leat. After a lengthy enquiry then, well now.' Then he would regard as due into the origin of the instrument, Dr. Adler to the utterance of the vowel with pluti. concludes by saying that the following deduce He also discusses the Vedio instrumental tions would seem to be legitimate :padbhis. It occurs six times in the Rig Veda. (1) The oldest wind instrument used by'inland In these cases, RV. v. 64,7 cd, BV. 1. 99,12 and peoples was the horn of an animal with a natural RV. 1. 79,2, he would render it by quickly, cavity, and a mouth-piece formed by cutting off the nimbly, briskly,' eto. In BV. iv. 2,12 and 14 he end. Horns which required hollowing came later. would render it with the eyes,' and in the remain- (2) These horns were originally used as signals ing passage RV. iv. 38,3 by with his feet.' This, in time of danger and for making announcements of course, gives two separate words from two in general. separate roota pdd and pat. (3) Many of the more important announceMr. Hatfield of the Johns Hopkins University | mente had a religious character. The antiquity of follows with an attempt at the satisfactory the instrument caused ite permanent adoption for numberins of the Parisishtas of the Atharva sacred purposes. Veda, which he hopes may prove permanent. (6) The shofar, speaking especially of the Prof. Hopkins gives an interpretation of Mand- instrument of that name, was originally a wind bharata iii. 42, 5, and a not very clear note on instrument, made of the horn of a wild goat. No "female divinities in India." sacred character may be connected with the Dr. Williams Jackson sends an abetract of an sacrificial nae made of the goat. exceedingly interesting paper on the sense of (6) The etymology of the word is to be sought colour in the Avesta, and argues that we are in the Assyrian tappar, a species of wild goat: not justified in assuming any ignorance or lack Sapparta (fem.) meant originally the horn of a of the colour perception in the people whose fappar, and it may afterwards have been used civilization it represents: for horn in general.

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SYSTEM OF TRANSLITERATION. The system of transliteration followed in this Journal for Sanskrit and Kanarese. (and, for the sake of uniformity, submitted for adoption, as far as possible, in the case of other languages),- except in respect of modern Hindu personal names, in which absolute purism is undesirable, and in respect of a few Anglicised corruptions of names of places, sanctioned by long usage, is this :Sanskrit. Kanarese. Transliteration. Sanskrit. Kanarene. Transliteration. jha au fill 3 Lidl d & 3 7523 3 3 3 tha da dha 4 831AA# # #A4 21 442 44 44 pha bha ina Viearga 1 saryo Jihrimalfya, or old * Visarga before a aud & U pailh manfya, or old l'isarga be fore and Anusvara Anuovdia Anundaika 08&! Ilia el & A4 A 13 KM 13 gha el d ha ela chha A single hyphen is used to separate words in con position, as far as it is desirable to divide them. It will readily be seen where the single hyphen is only need in the ordinary way, at the end of a line, as divided in the original Text, to indicate that the word rims on into the next line : intermediate divisions, rendered unavoidable here Toidable here and there by printing hereesities, are made only where absolutely necessary for neatness in the arrangement of the Texts. A double byphen is used to separate words in a sentence, which in the original are written as one word, being joined together by the euphonic rules of sardhi. Where tbis double hyphen is used, it is to be understood that a final consonant, and the following initial vowel or consonant-and-vowel, are in the original expressed by one complex sign. Where it is not used, it is to be understood of the orthography of the original, that, according to the stage of the alphabet, the final consonant either has the modified broken form, which, in the oldest stages of the alphabet, was need to indicate a consonant with no vowel attached to it, or bas the distinct sign of the virima attached to it; and that the following initial vowel or consonant has its full initial form. In the transcription of ordinary texts, the double hypben is probably unnecessary; except where there is the sandhi of final and initial vowels. Bat, in the transcription of epigraphical records, the use of tbis sign is unavoidable, for the purpose of indicating exactly the palaeographical standard of the original texts. The avagraha, or sign which indicates the elision of an initial a, is but rarely to be met with in inscriptions. Where it does occnr, it is most conveniently represented by its own Devanagari sign. So also practice has shewn that it is more convenient to use the ordinary Devanagari marks of punctuation than to substitute the English signs for them. Ordinary brackets are used for corrections and doubtful points; and square brackets, for letters which are damaged and partially illegible in the original, or which, being wholly illegible, can be supplied with certainty. An asterisk attached to letters or marks of punctuntion in square brackets, indicates that those letters or marks of punctuation were omitted altogether in the original. As a rule, it is more convenient to use the brackets than to have recourse to footnotes; as the points to which attention is to be drawn attract notice far more readily. But notes are given instead, when there would be so many brackets, close together, as to encumber the text and render it inconvenient to read. When any letters in the original are wholly illegible and cannot be supplied, they are represented, in metrical passages, by the sign for a long or a short syllable, as the case may be ; and in prose passages, by points, at the rate, usually, of two for each akshar or syllable.

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MAY, 1891.] THE SAPTARSHI ERA. 149 A NOTE ON THE SAPTARSHI ERA. BY PROFESSOR F, KIELHORN, C.I.E.; GOTTINGEN. TN the Chambers Collection of MSS. of the Berlin Libraryl is a worm-eaten roll of paper, 1 about 9 3" long by 64 broad, which contains & calendar for the time from Wednesday, the 13th March, A. D. 1793, to Monday, the 31st March, A. D. 1794; or, to use the terms of the original, from Chaitra-sutis pra. Vu., i.e., Budhavara, the first of the bright half of Chaitra, to Chaitra-vati am. Chan, i.e., Chandravara, the new-moon day of the dark half of Chaitra, - of a year which will be described below. The characters employed in this MS. calendar are the peculiar Nagari of some of the MSS. purchased by Professor Buhler on his Kasmir tour, and shew therefore that the calendar was written in the very north of India, if not actually in Kabmir. From the last day of the year, the new-moon day in the dark half of the month Chaitra, it will be seen that the year of this calendar is a so-called northern year, with the purnimanta scheme of the months. As in ordinary Panchangas, the year is divided into lunar fortnights which here follow each other from the top to the bottom of the roll. And since, in the specified period, Vaisakha was an intercalary month, we have here altogether 26 lunar fortnights, headed - Chaitra-suti, i. e., Chaitra-sukla-paksha) ; Vai vati, 1. e., Vaisakha-ksisbna-pakshah ; Dvi! Vai suti, i. e., dvitiya-Vaisakha-sukla-pakshah ; Dvi Vai vati, i, e., dvitiya-Vaisakha-ktishna-pakshah; Vai suti, i. e., Vaisakba-sukla-pakshah; Jye vati; Jye suti; Asbadha-vati; Ashadha-buti; Sra vati; 'Sra suti; Bhavati; Bha suti; and so on up to - Chaitra-vati, 1. e., Chaitra-ksishna-pakshah. Under each lunar fortnight, we have from the left to the right four principal columns. The first column gives the name of the weekday (A., Cham., Bhau., etc.) and the nakshatra (A., Bha., Kri., Ro., etc.): the second the number of the day in the lunar half (pra., dvi., tri., cha., etc., up to either pu, or am.); the third the yoga (Vi., Pri., A., Sau., etc.); and the last contains remarks about festivals, etc. But, besides, the calendar also gives, before the first column of the lunar fortnight, the number of each day according to the Muhammadan calendar, sometimes preceded by the name of the Muhammadan month. Thus, in a line with Vai. suti A. dvi. (i. e., Sunday, the 2nd of the bright half of Vaisakha, corresponding to the 12th May, A. D. 1793) we have Samval 1; before Ashadha-suti Vu. dvi.(i. e., Wednesday, the 2nd of the bright half of Ash Adha, corresponding to the 10th July, A. D. 1793), Jyel hijya 1; before Sra. suti Su tri. i. e., Friday, the 3rd of the bright half of Sravana, corresponding to the 9th August, 1 See Professor Weber's Catalogue, Vol. I. No. 846. - From the above it will be seen that in this calendar the sakla-paksha or bright fortnight and the krishna-paksha or dark fortnight of a month are throughout denoted by the terms Suti and vati. On this usage, which is quite common in Sarada MSS., Bee ante, Vol. XIX., p. 217. 8 It will be observed that of the intercalary month Vaisakha the first and last of the four fortnights are called simply Vaisakha, while the second and third fortnights are described as dvitlya-Vaisakha, the second Vaisakha.' In a MS. calendar of the Berlin Library for the expired northern Vikrama year 1838, in which Bhadrapada was intercalary, and in another MS. calendar of the same Library for the expired northern Vikrama year 1855, in which Sravana was intercalary, the first and last fortnights of the intercalary months are likewise called simply Bhadrapada and Srovana, but the second and third fortnights are described as adhika-Bhadrapada and adhik-Sravana. And in a MS. calendar of the same Library, for the expired northern Vikrama year 1852 in which Bh&drapada was intercalary, the first and last fortnights are called Suddha-Bhadra, and the second and third adhika-Bhadra. * It may be of some interest to state here that the results (as regards tithia, nakshatras, and yogas), obtained from Professor Jacobi's Tables in Vol XVIL of this Journal, for the large number of days for which I have made the Decemary calculations, entirely agree with the actual statements of this oalendar.

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150 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1891. A. D. 1793), Mahran 1 ; and before Bhi suti A. tri. (i. e., Sunday, the 3rd of the bright half of Bhadrapada, corresponding to the 8th September, A. D. 1793), Saphar 1.5 In the introductory remarks at the top of the roll, the year for which this calendar is intended is described thus : Sri-Saptarshi-char-anumatona samvat 4869 tatha cha sam vat 69 Chaitra-suti 1 sri Sakah 1715 karana-gat-&vda(bda) h 1128 dina-ganah 412 010 Bri-Vikramaditya-samvat 1850 Kalpa-gat-avdA (bda) h 1 972 948 8948 sesh-avda (bda)b 2 347 051 106 ....... Kalbregatavarshani 4894 sesha-varshani 427 106. Accordingly, the year with which we are here concerned is the luni-solar year 4894 of the Kaliyuga, distinctly described as an expired year, and, consequently, the expired northern Vikrama year 1850 and the expired Saka year 1715, called simply the Vikrama year 1850 and the Saka year 1715, respectively. The number of years, elapsed since the epoch of the Karana up to the commencement of the calendar-year, is stated to be 1128, which for the epoch of the Karana gives us Saka 587 expired, the epoch-year of the Khandakhadya. And the number of days, elapsed since the same epoch, is put down as 412 010. By Dr. Schram's Tables the lani-solar Saka year 1715 current ended on the day of the Julian period 2376 011, and Saka 587 current ended on the day of the Julian period 1964 001; and deducting the latter set of figures from the former, we obtain a remainder of 412 010, being the number of days of the 1128 luni-solar years elapsed since the epoch of the Karana, exactly as given in the calendar. But for my present purpose the interesting part of the introductory statement is this, that the year of the calendar is primarily described as "the year 4869, in agreement with the course of the Saptarshayah, and therefore the year 69," as I take it, of ordinary usage. For this shews us that our calendar, in the first instance, was intended for people who followed the Saptarshi era. The Saptarshi era has been treated of by Sir A. Cunningham in the Book of Indian Eras, and its epoch has been incidentally discussed by Professor Buhler in his Kasmir Reports and by Professor Bhandarkar in his Report on Sanskrit MSS. for 1883-84. But little attention has as yet been paid to date recorded in that era. Starting from the data which are furnished by the calendar described above, I propose therefore to collect here those Saptarshi dates of inscriptions and MSS. which have come hitherto under my observation. The number of these dates is small, and all belong to comparatively modern times. But I hope that, by publishing what has been ready for some time, I may induce scholars in India to make known other Saptarshi dates, or to furnish me with reliable materials for enlarging this list. From our calendar, which makes the Saptarshi year 4869 equivalent to Kaliyuga 4894 expired, it is clear that, assuming the Saptarshi years to be current years, and to commence with the month Chaitra, Saptarshi 0 = Kaliyuga 25 expired, Saptarshi 1 current = Kaliyuga 26 expired, Saptarshi 2 current = Kaliyuga 27 expired, and so on; and generally, that by the addition of 25 a current Saptarshi year is converted into the corresponding expired year of the Kaliyuga. Thus the current Saptarshi year 4300 would be the expired year 4325 of * According to Wustenfeld's Vergleichungs-Tabellen der Muhammed. und Christl. Zeitrechnung, these equivalents are correct. The original has 19729488 at the end of one line, and at the commencement of the next line 894, 1. e. 19 729 438 894, clearly a mistake of the writer. "Long after the above was first written, I received, through the kindness of Dr. Stein, from Pandit Govinda Kaula MS. Pabchanga (or Nakshatrapattra) for the year which ended on the 20th Maroh, A. D. 1890, which is very similar to the calendar of the Berlin Library, but gives also (often wrongly) the day of the European calendar. In this calendar the year treated of is described thus: -Sri-Saptarshi-char-Anumatens sathyat 1965 (clearly a mistake for 4965) erl-rajadhirja-Prat&pasirnba-rajyabhishekat-sahvat 3 tathi che sphuta-prakArena SriSubha-samvat 65 Chaitra-futi 1 6r1- SAkah 1811 karana-gat-AbdAh 1224 dina-ganah 447 003 (according to my calculations a mistak for 417 092) Art-Vikram Aditya-samvat 1946 Kalpagat-abdab 1972 948 990 $esh-AbdAh 2347 051 011 (wrongly for 2847 051 010) .... Kaler-gata-varshini 4991 (wrongly for 1990) Sesha-varsb&pi 497 010. $ Page 60. Page 84

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MAY, 1891.) THE SAPTARSHI ERA. 151 the Kaliyuga, and Saptarshi 4951 corrent would be Kaliyuga 4976 expired. So far, matters would be simple enough. But writers who, in recording their dates, follow the Saptarshi era, generally omit the hundreds from the years of the date, and put down only the years within the century.10 To make up for this deficiency, they sometimes add the corresponding year of some other well-known era; but sometimes they neglect doing so. However this may be, it follows from the above, that, disregarding the hundreds, we must add to the Saptarshi year of a date - 25, to find the corresponding expired year within one of the centuries of the Kaliyuga ; 46, to find similarly the corresponding expired 'Saka year; 81, to find the corresponding expired northern Vikrama year; and 24/25, to find the corresponding year of one of the centuries of our own era. Thus, a current Saptarshi year 36 would, disregarding the hundreds, correspond to an expired year (36 + 25 =) 61 of the Kaliyaga; to an expired 'Saka year (36 + 46=) 82 ; to an expired northern Vikrama year (36 +81=117 =) 17; and to a year (36 + 24 25 =) 60/61 of our own era. All this is well known; and using the several equations for verifying individual dates, we obtain the following results : - 1.- Dr. Stein has informed me that a much damaged Bharjapattra MS. written in Surada characters, - apparently the oldest MS. of the kind hitherto discovered, is dated - Samvat 4300 Asva-vati 13 Sanau tra se 6 44 cha sd 11 53 pra 11 3. ... 11 Referring the year of this date to the Saptarshi era, we find that the corresponding date, for Kaliyuga (4300 + 25 =) 4325 expired and the amanta Asvina, is Saturday, the 12th October, A. D. 1224, when the 13th tithi of the dark half ended 8 h. 55 m. after mean sunrise (for Ujjain). 2. - The Deccan College MS. of the Dhvanyaloka is dated - Saptarshih-samvat12 4951 Asvasyu]ja-krishna-saptami Mangalam vasaram.13 The corresponding date, for Kaliyuga (4951 + 25 =) 4976 expired and the parnimantu Akvina, is Tuesday, the 21st September, A. D. 1875, when the 7th tithi of the dark half ended 21 h. 14 m. after mean sunrise. 3. - According to Dr. Hultzsch in Zeitschrift Deutsch. Morg. Ges., Vol. XL. p. 9, a MS. of his collection is dated -- Samvat 24 Kartika-vati trayodasyam Budho | Sri-Sakah 1570 11 Here a Saptarshi year 24 is put down as equivalent to a 'Saka year (24 + 46 =).70; and the corresponding date, for Saka 1570 expired and the purnimanta Karttika, is Wednesday, the 4th October, A. D. 1648, when the 13th tithi of the dark half ended 16 h. 43 m, after mean sunrise. 4.- A Deccan College MS. of the Katantra-vritti Balabodhini is dated Sri-Sakah 1591 samvatsarah 45 Bhadrapada-masah pakshas=sitotarah tithir-dvadasi varo(rah) Kavyasy-till Here a Saptarshi year 45 is put down as equivalent to a 'Saka year (45 + 46 =) 91; and the corresponding date, for Saka 1591 expired and the purnimanta Bhadrapada, is Friday, the 10 As regards centenary years, I am informed by Pandit Govinda Kaul that, at the present day, some people would simply say sarh 100, but that it is more common to say samvat 4900, samivat 1900, etc. "The reading of the above date has been carefally verified, and there can be no doubt as to its correctness. but I have not been able to obtain a satisfactory explanation of the terms tra $8 6 41 cha se 11 53 pra Il 3, whicl. follow the word Sanau. 12 Road Saptarshi-sanat. 13 Read Maingala-vasare.

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152 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1891. 13th August, A. D. 1669, when the 12th tithi of the dark half ended 5 h. 15 m. after mean sunrise. 5. - The Deccan College Sarada MS. of the Kusika-Vritti is dated Sri-nfipa-Vikramaditya-rajyasya gat-abdah 1717 sri-Saptarshi-mate samvat 36 Pau [va]ti 3 Ravau Tishya-nakshatre. Here a Saptarshi year 36 is put down as equivalent to an expired Vikrama year (36 + 81 = 117 =) 17; and the corresponding date, for Vikrama 1717 expired and the purnimanta Pausha, is Sunday, the 9th December, A.D. 1660, when the third tithi of the dark half ended 16 h. 52 m., and the nakshatra was Tishya up to 17 h. 44 m. after mean sunrise. 6. - The Chamba stone inscription, mentioned in Archaeol. Surv. of India, Vol. XXI. p. 136, bears the date Sriman-nfipati-Vikramaditya-samvatsare 1717 Bri-Salivahana-wake 1582 sri-Sastrasamvatsare 36 Vaisasha(kha)-vadi trayodasyam Vu(bu)dha-vasard | Moshe=rka-samkr[4]ntau ... The Saptarshi year (which in this date and in the dates under 8, below, is described as the Sastra-year) 36 is here put down as equivalent to a Vikrama year (36 + 81 = 117 =) 17, and to a Saka year (36 + 46 =) 82. And the corresponding date, for the expired northern Vikrama year 1717, or the expired 'Saka year 1582, and the purnimanta Vaisakha, is Wednesday, the 28th March, A. D. 1660, when the 13th tithi of the dark half ended 21 h. 37 m., and the Mosha-samkranti took place 13 h. 1 m. after mean sunrise. 7.- According to a communication received from Professor Buhler, the Sarada MS. of the Karmakanda (or Richaka) of the Vienna Library is dated - Sri-Vikramadistya)-BA[ka]h 1732 brimach-Chhalivahana-bakah 1597 srimad-Aurangabaha-Akah14 18 sri-Saptarshi chara-matana Samvat 51 Vai suti 10 Sanau. Here a Saptarshi year 51 is put down as equivalent to a Vikrama year (51 +81 = 132 =) 32, and to a Saka year (51 + 46 =) 97; and the corresponding date, for the expired northern Vikrama year 1732, or the expired Saka year 1597, is Saturday, the 24th April, A. D. 1675, when the 10th tithi of the bright half ended 21 h. after mean sunrise. 8. In connection with the preceding dates I may be permitted to give here also the dates contained in the Chambe copper-plate inscription which is mentioned in Archaol. Suru. of India, Vol. XXI, pp. 136 and 137, and of which Sir A. Cunningham's rubbings have been sent to me by Mr. Fleet. In that inscription we read : (L. 1)... Brimad-VikramA[rka)-samvatsare 191[5] kri-Sastra-samvatsard 34; (L. 7)... Srimad-Vikramaditya-samvatsard 1917 Sastra-samvatsare 36; (L. 8)... Vikramaditya-samvat 1915 sri-Sastra-sanhvat 34; (L. 18)... Vikramaditya-samvat 1917 Sastra-samvat 36. These dates, of course, do not admit of verification, but, disregarding the hundreds, the difference between the Saptarshi years and the corresponding Vikrama years is again, what we have found it to be elsewhere, 81. In the case of Saptarshi dates, from which the corresponding years of other eras as well as the hundreds of the Saptarshi years have been omitted,.extraneots circumstances may sometimes enable us to calculate the proper European equivalents with certainty; in the absence of such circumstances to guide us, we must rest satisfied with a greater or less degree of probability. This may be seen from the two following dates : 14 Aurangalb caused himselt to be proclaimed emperor on the 20th August, A. D. 1658. See Elphinstone's History of India, ed. Cowell, p. 599.

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May, 1891.] THE SAPTARSHI ERA. 153 9. - In Zeitschrift Deutsch. Morg. Ges., Vol. XL. p. 9, Dr. Hultzsch informs us that at Hariparvat there is an inscription, dated - Sam 60 'Sra vati pra Sukre | Mahammada-waha-rajyen e. e., 'in the year 60, on the first of the dark half of Sravana, on a Friday; in the reign of Muhammad Shah.' According to Dr. Holtzsch, Muhammad Shah is said to have ruled from A.D. 1487 to 1537. Assuming this to be approximately correct, the Saptarshi year 60 of this date should correspond to A. D. 1484-85, or 'Saka 1406 expired, and the presumption is that Saka 1406 is really the year of the date, and that Muhammad Shah reigned a few years before A. [D. 1487. And calculating for Saka 1406 expired, we find that the first of the dark half of the pirnimantic Sravana of that year corresponds to the Sth July, A.D. 1484, which was a Friday, 15 as required, and is undoubtedly the proper equivalent of the date of the inscription. 10.- Dr. Stein has kindly informed me that a Sarada MS. of the Ratnavali-nutika is dated - Sath vat 69, Chaitra-vati ekadasyam Chandra-vasaro Sravana-nakshatro - i.e., in the year 69, on the eleventh (lunar day) of the dark half of Chaitra, on a Monday, (the moon being in the nakshatra Sravana.' A Saptarshi year 69 should correspond to an expired Saka year (69 + 46 = 115=) 15, and, the MS, being apparently an old one, we shall probably find the proper equivalent of the date in one of the expired Saka years 1615, 1515, or 1415. Calculations for 1615 and 1515 yield no satisfactory results; but in Saka 1415 expired the 11th of the dark half of the purnimunta Chaitra fell on Monday, the 3rd March, A. D. 1494, when the 11th tithi of the dark half ended 19 h. 33 m., and when the moon was in the nakshatra Sravana from 5 h. 16 m. after mean sunrise. Here it is highly probable that Monday, the 3rd March, A. D. 1494, is the proper equivalent of the date. But, if the MS. were urusually old, an equally good result would be obtained for Saka 1215 expired. For in that year the 11th of the dark half of the purnimanta Chaitra fell on Monday, the 22nd February, A. D. 1294, when the 11th tithi of the dark half ended 9 h. 13 m., and when the moon also was in the nakshatra Sravana from 7 h. 53 m. after mean sunrise. - I am indebted to Dr. Stein for several other dates of this description, which it would serve no purpose to examine here. It is clear, then, that all the above dates work out satisfactorily with the equations with which we have started. Besides, the dates prove that, since Saptarshi 4300 = A.D. 1224, the Saptarshi year has always, like the Saka year, commenced with the month Chaitra. And from the dates 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, and 9, which fall within about the last four hundred years, we see that the scheme of the lunar months during that time has been invariably the purnimanta scheme. On the other hand, the date 1, which falls in A. D. 1224, works out properly only with the amanta scheme; and further research must show whether this is a solitary instance of the employment of the amanta scheme, or whether that arrangement of the lunar fortnights was followed generally in more remote times. We have assumed above that the Saptarshi or, as they are more commonly called, laukika yeargle are current years. To us it would indeed seem only natural that in a popular mode of reckoning this should be so; but we are not left altogether to our own guidance. Professor Bhandirkarl7 has drawn attention to certain passages in a Sanskrit work connected with the Khandakhadya, in which a rule and examples are given for converting laukika into Saka years. The main part of the rule is, that 47 should be taken as a constant, to which the number of passed laukika years should be added, to find the Saka year corresponding to the 18 On that day, the first tithi of the dark half ended 11 b. 50 m. after mean sunrise. 16 See also the Rajatarangint, L. 59, and ante, Vol. XVII. p. 218. 17 Report on Sanskrit M88 for 1888-84, pp. 83 and 369.

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154 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1891. laukika year current. And one of the examples is, that, by patting down 'Saka 1547 and adding 17, the number of passed laukika years, we obtain 'Saka 1564, as the equivalent of the current laukika year 18. Here the writer distinetly intimates that in his time the laulika years were really regarded as current years; and, as the 'Saka year spoken of by him must in accordance with ordinary usage be an expired year, his rule is equivalent to our own, by which we take 46 as a constant and add the number of the current laukika year. At the same time, I am not prepared to maintain a priori that, for a Hindu writer to quote a passed laukika year in a date, would be an utter impossibility. And in connection with this question I would draw attention to the following versele which occurs at the end of Kayyata's commentary on the Devidataka : Vasu-muni-gagan-Odad bi-sama-kale yato Kalds=tatha 10ko dvapanohabo varshe rachit-eyam Bhimagupta-nripe II The author here tells us that he composed his commentary under the king Bhimagupta, in Kaliyuga 4078 expired, tathd loke dvapanchase varshe. Now Kaliyuga 4078 expired should correspond to a laukika year 53 carrent, and, assuming the statement contained in the verse to be correct, we cannot, it would seem, help assuming that the 52nd laukika year has really been quoted by the author as an expired year. Here, too, we want other old' dates to show us what the practice may have been in earlier times, I have omitted from the above the difficult date of the first Baijnati Prasasti, which has been already commented on by Professor Buhler in Epigraphia Indica, Vol. I. p. 103. In my opinion, the most important question to be anywered in connection with that date is, whether the first figure of the Saka year in the date of the second Prasasti is 7 or not. Sir A. Cunning. ham and Professor Buhler say that it is; and if they are right, the laukika year 80 of the date of the first Prasasti should, according to what we know at present of the Saptarshi era, no doubt correspond to 'Saka 726 expired. But the first of the bright half of Jyaishtha did not fall on a Sunday, the week-day given in the date, in Saka 726 expired, 1deg nor in fact in any of tho eight years from Saka 722 to 729 expired.20 If, on the other hand, we were not restricted by the date of the second Prasasti to any particular century of the Saka era, I would say that the laukika year 80 of the first Prasasti must correspond to Saka 1126 expired, because, of all the expired 26th years of the centuries of the "Saka era from Saka 626 to Saka 1426, only the year 1126 yields the desired Sanday (the 2nd May, A.D. 1204). And I should not be prevented by anything in the contents of the inscription and the language of the author, or in the alphabet employed, from assigning the inscription to so late a period. THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI. BY E. SENART, MEMBRE DE L'INSTITUT DE FRANCE. Franslated by G. A. Grierson, B.C.S., and revised by the Authon. (Continued from Vol. XIX. p. 102). CHAPTER III.; continued. THE DETACHED BOOK EDIOTS. 2. THE EDIOTS OF SAHASARAM, BUPNATE, AND BAIRAT. These inscriptions, without being identical, have too many points of analogy to allow of their interpretations being dealt with separately. Moreover, in certain difficult passages they throw light on one another, and hence their simultaneous consideration is specially necessary. It is well 18 This verse first became known to me through an extract from the work sent to me by Dr. Stein; it is published in the Kavyamala, in the note on the heading of the Vakroktipanchasika. 19 In Saka 726 expired the first of the bright half of Vaisakha did fall on a Sunday (the 14th April, A. D. 804), but there is no reason to assume that the writer put down a wrong month in the date. w In Baka 780 expired the first of the bright half of Jysishtha was a Sunday, -the 80th April, A. D. 808.

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MAY, 1891.] THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI. 155 known that, of all our ediets, these are those which have been most recently published. Discovered by different persons (cf. Corpus, p. 2), they owed their reproduction for the first time to the labours of General Canningham. The copies and rubbings were sent to Dr. Buhler, who published them, and was the first to interpret them, in 1877. The facsimiles which he has given of the first two, form as yet the best complement for their study which we possess, but, though superior to the reproductions of the Corpus, they are, unfortunately, still unsatisfactory. We now know too well how generally imperfect are the reproductions prepared for the Corpus. In the present case the numerous and serious divergencies to which Dr. Buhler calls attention, may perhaps be explained by the condition of the rock; but they at any rate justify a certain amount of distrast in the corrections which several passages demand. Fortunately, we may be almost sure that, however desirable it may be to have a revision of the text of these monuments undertaken by a competent hand, it will be of much more use from the point of view of philological detail, than from that of understanding the general sense of the whole. I must express here my thanks to Dr. Buhler, who has been kind enough to furnish me with the photograph of the Sahasaram inscription, to which he refers in his first article as having been sent to him by General Cunningham. I refer to this photograph under the abbreviation Ph. B. TEXT. SAHABARAM. 1 Devanampiye hevam a iyanil savachhalaniam apasake sumi na cha badham palakamte [.] 2 savimchhale sadkike 1 an - te etena cha amtalena | jambudipasi | ammisam deva P sam ta 3 munisa misamdeva katas [.) pala -- iyam phald, 0 yam mahatata va chakiye pavatave [.] khudakona pi pala4 kamaminena vipale pi suagakiye Ala -- v.1 (.) se etaye athaye iyan savando C.T khudaka cha udala cha pa5 lakamanta amta pi cham janamtu? | chilathitike cha palakamo hota iyam cha at he vadhisati | vipulam pi cha vadhisati 6 diyadhiyam avaladhiyena diyadhiyam vadhisati [.] iyam cha savane vivuthena [.] duve sapamnalati 7 Bata vivuthu tu 256 [1] ima cha athan pavatasu likhapayatha y8. va 88 thi heta silathambha tata pi likhapayatha yil [.] Notes on Dr. Buhler's Readings. 1. 2. B. deva husar ta: 1. 4. B. snag[@] [sa]kiye d-: Judging from the facsimile neither is there any trace of the character su, nor is there the necessary room for it. 1. 5. pi eham, I can discover no trace of the anusvara in Ph. B. 1. 8. B. thi hete si-, BUPNAPH. 1 Devanampiye hevam aha [.) sati(le)kani adhitiyani vasa sumi paka . . . ke no cha badhi pakate satileke chu chhavachhare ya' sumi haka pit8 2 baahin cha pakatan [ ] ya imaya kalaya jambudipasi amisadeva hasa te dani misamkata [.] pakamasi hi esa phale no cha es mahatata papotave [.] khuda kena hi ka 3 pil pakamamanene sakiye pipale pi svage drodheve [.] etiya athaya cha savane kate khudakau cha udala cha pakamantul ti amta pi cha janamtu [.] iyan pakara va 1 I give the text as it seems to me to appear in the facsimile in the Indian Antiquary, Vol. VI. p. 155. Dr. Buhler's variants are given in notes

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156 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1891. 4 kiti chirathitike siya14 iya hi athe vadhi vadhisiti vipula cha vadbisiti apaladhiyena diyadhiya vadhisata ( . ) iya cha athe pavatisa lekhapeta va lata hadha16 cha atha 5 silithabhe silatharabhasi lakhapetavaya ta [.] etinale cha vayajanena ya vataka tupaka ahild savara vivasetaviya ti vyathona savand kate [.] 256 sa6 tavivasa tal? [.] Notes on Dr. Buhler's Readings. 1. 1. B. satirakekani adhitisani; sumi paka sa[va]ki nd; sumi haka samghapapite 1. 2. B. bidhi cha; yi imaya; dani masa kata; khadakena hi, according to Dr. Buhler it is possible that there was a letter between hi and ka, but he is inclined to see only accidental scratches in the traces of the facsimile; 1. 3. B. pi paramaminene; krodhave; pakare cha; 1. 4. B. diyadhiyam vadhisati; hadha cha athi; 1. 5. B. silathubh8; vivasetavaya ti vyutheni. BAIRAT.. 1 Devanampiye kha [.] sati -- 2 Vasanam ya paka apasake b adha 3 ar mamaya samghe papaya ate . ahi cha 4 jambudipasi amisanam deva hi - vi masi esa . le -- 5 hihi ese mapatane vachakaye -- ? maminene ya pa 6 vipule pi svangikiyo Clodhetay - ky che ngala cha palakamata ta 7 amta pi cha janamtu ti chilathiti - pulara pi vadhisati 8 diyadhiyam vadhisati [.] - 56 Notes on Dr. Buhler's Reading 1. 1. B. sti; 1. 2. B. ya haka apasake n[0] cha badham cha ; 1. 3. B. sangh papayite badham cha -- ; 1. 4. B. -- kamasi Osa . le -- ; 1. 5. B. [n]o hi ege mahatane; 1. 6. B. svamge [sa]kye aladhetave ka cha udalA cha palakamatu ti; 1. 7. B. ante pi janamtu; 1. 8. 56. According to B., these figures do not appear in the rubbing, and he has doubts as to their existence. Buhler, ante, Vol. VI. pp. 149 ff., Vol. VIII. pp. 141 ff.; Rhys Davids, Academy, 14th July 1877, p. 37; Marsden, Numismata Orientalia, New Ed., part 6, pp. 57 and ff.; Pischel, dcademy, 11th August 1877, p. 115; Oldenberg, Zeitschr. der Deutsch. Morg.. Ges. xxxv, pp. 470 and ff. NOTES. BAHASARAM 1. I cannot but agree with the decisive remarks of Dr. Oldenberg (Alahavagga, I. xxxviii., and Zeitschr. der Deutsch. Morg. Ges., loc. cit.), in favour of the reading (adha]tiyani both here and at Rapnath. It is true that at Rupnath the apparent reading is adhitiyani, but I have just now warned my readers as to the prudent mistrust with which our facsimiles are to be regarded. Even in this very passage we have savi[]chhale, which, there can be no doubt, should certainly be Ravachhale and at Rupnath (1. 4) we have twice over vadhisiti, although the correct reading must be vadhisati. Again, in line 2 of that edict, with the same letter &, we read badhirn, where the original stone assuredly has, or had, badhan. This reading must be translated two years and a half.' Judging from the facsimile, the lacuna represents only seven characters, and I would complete it by a[ha sadhikani adha tiyari rather than by satilekani. It will be seen that, a little further on, our text gives us sapishchhale sadhike, as against satileke chhavachhare at Rupnath. With regard to the other details there is nothing to add to the remarks of Dr. Buhler ; I may only observe that, if we translate literally 'I am an upasaka (Buddhist layman) for two years and a half, and have not made great efforts,' we shall give a wrong idea of the real mean

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MAY, 1891.] THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI. 157 ing, as the remainder of the sentence clearly shews. What the king means is 'I have been an upasaka for two and a half years without making great efforts; and it is now more than a year since,' &c. 2. It is clear that we must complete the lacuna either by am[sumi badham palakam]te, or by am[sumi samghapapi]te (cf. the note to the corresponding passage in Rupnath). Dr. Buhler proposes the former restoration, and, as a matter of fact, the lacuna seems to be one of about seven characters. The meaning, in any case, would remain identical in substance. In dealing with the sixth Columnar Edict (note 1), I have had occasion to point out how the chronological data which we find here, combined with the indications which we find in the 10th Edict of Khalsi, put it beyond any doubt that the present text does actually emanate from the same author as he who engraved the columnar edicts. These data permit us to fix the time of our inscriptions, Piyadasi, according to his own statements, having been converted in the ninth year, say eight years and three months, after his coronation, we must first add to these figures two years and a half and a fraction, say two years and seven months, and again a year and a fraction, say a year and three months, which sum places these inscriptions, as well as those on the Barabar caves which we shall shortly examine, in the thirteenth year after his coronation. This is not the place to enter into the general historical question, and I shall content myself with one remark. The Mahavamsa (p. 22, 1. 2; p. 23, 1. 3) places the conversion of Asoka in the fourth year following his coronation, which disagrees with the evidence of Khalsi; but it places the king's coronation in the fifth year after his coming to the throne, which gives for his conversion the ninth year of his effective rule. There is, therefore, in this partial agreement between authentic documents, the trace of an exact tradition. We need not decide here as to what cause can be assigned for the mistake; whether the coronation has been arbitrarily separated from the coming to the throne, or whether the epoch from which the nine years were counted has been unduly moved back by the Sinhalese annals from the coronation to the coming to the throne of the king. 3. In my opinion this is one of the most difficult sentences of the ediet. In the first place, it presents a little uncertainty as to the reading of the character which follows deve. Dr. Buhler reads hu, which gives husam, corresponding to the husu (Pali ahumsu) of Rupnath. But Rupnath gives a correlative ya to the pronoun te, which we could scarcely do without, and which is wanting here. Moreover, to judge from the traces of the facsimile, the character hu must have taken the form U instead of the of the ordinary method of writing. Under these conditions, I think that in the vertical mark we can only recognize the sign of separation, common both in our present text and in that of Khalsi, and that the two horizontal marks are only two accidental scratches on the rock. Moreover, an inspection of Ph. B. appears to me to do away with all uncertainty on this point. I accordingly take santa for sante, as equivalent to santah, the nominative plural of the participle sat. At the same time, it is clear that the choice between the two alternatives is not of a nature to influence the general interpretation of the phrase. It is the meaning, which it is most important to determine. Dr. Buhler translates: During this interval, the gods that were [held to be] true gods in Jambudvipa, have been made (to be regarded as) men and as false.' I should have been much surprised had not Dr. Buhler, with his vast experience of the turn of Hindu thought and expression, been himself taken aback by such a manner of speaking. He adds, in a note, this phrase probably alludes to the Buddhist belief that the Devas also have shorter or longer terms of existence, after which they die, and are born again in other stages of existence, according to their karma.' But this belief, as a whole, is quite as much Brahmanical as Buddhist, and Piyadasi, if he preached it, would have said nothing new. Besides, such an expression would be extremely inexact and insufficient: it is not only as men, but as animals, as dwellers in the infernal regions, &c., that the Dovas, like other living beings, are liable to be born again. On the other hand, how could we admit that a Buddhist should characterise his conversion by saying that he had reduced the Brahmanical Davas to the rank of false gods. True gods' and

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158 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1891. False gods' are phrases not only strange to what we know of both Buddhist and Hindu phraseology, bat directly contradictory to all that we know of the Buddhist writings and teachings. We never find in them any polemics against the popular deities. They have their recognised place in the cosmological system, and in the legends are put into continual connexion with Buddha and his disciples. It was the Devas, Indra and Brahma, who received Buddha at his birth; it was to the fellowship of the Devas that the mother of Buddha was raised when she died; and it was from among the Devas Tushitas that, according to all schools of tradition, Sakyamuni descended to become incarnate; his future successor is, pending the hour of his mission, the very Chief of the Devas. Without doubt, these Dovas play but a subordinate part in the general system of Buddhism ; but that is as much the case in those systems of philosophy reputed the most orthodox. I may add, with the reserve which an argument of this nature demands, that it would be singular for the king to thus pride himself on having waged a war of extermination against the Devas, while he thought it proper, in this same inscription to call himself devanapriya. This is not a real name, a personal or family name, which could not be arbitrarily changed, and of which the exact meaning might have been obliterated or worn out by use; but a surname, a title chosen freely, and of which the meaning dear unto the Devas' was evident to every mind. Evidently Dr. Buhler's translation is but a last resource, and cannot be held to be satisfactory. So far, we can venture to be certain; but it is not so easy to shew what alternative explanation is to be given. We cannot turn to the parallel phrase at Rupnath, for it is less explicit than the present one, and it rather requires to borrow light from it, than is able to lend any of its own. I may add that I cannot but agree with Dr. Buhler so far as regards the analysis of each single word of the sentence, especially of the words misd (or misan) and amisa (or anisain), which are the only ones about which there can be any doubt. Like him, I consider them as equivalent to the Sanskrit mrishd and amrisha. An initial difficulty arises as to the syntactic part played by munisa, - whether we should take it as a subject or as an attribute. If I am right in reading saihte, the present participle, the mere position of the words places the matter beyond doubt, and we must take munisd as the subject : the reading husari te, although it would not make this conclusion so certain, would certainly not exclude it; even in that case it would be the more natural one. It is on the other hand, indirectly confirmed by the absence of the word at Rupnath. The king could not omit a word which was characteristic of the work which he boasts of having accomplished; while he could very easily do so, if the word were merely a general designation of the people to whom it is applied. I consider, therefore, that we must translate, the men who were really the Devas (or the gods) have been rendered falsely gods,' or in other words, have been dispossessed of their rank,'? The king, therefore, had here in view a category of men who, while they were all the time mere men, were in reality gods. Who are these men, gods of Jambudvipa ? It appears to me that we oan have no hesitation in recognising them as the Brahmans. To call a witness who is beyond suspioion, I cite the St. Petersburg Dictionary, which, in the article deva, has a special paragraph for the case, in which the word means 'a god upon the earth,' who is, says Dr. Bohtlingk, properly the Brahman. We meet, moreover, in a similar sense, the synonyms kshitidava, bhudeva, bhusura, all of which mean literally a 'terrestrial god,' and which commonly mean "Brahman.' I will only refer to that passage, quoted by Aufrecht,3 of the Sarkshepasarpkarajaya, in which the anthor refers to Brahmans and Buddhists by the expression bhuleura-saugatah, "the terrestrial gods, and the disciples of the Sugata." That the expression is a very customary and very old one, may be seen from numerous passages. It will suffice to refer to Weber, Ind. Stud. X. pp. 35 and ff., and H. Zimmer, Altind. Leben, p. 205. But there is more than this, we have some historioal confirmation of the interpretation here ? We could, however, even with taking munist as subjeot, get a translation, not very different from that of Dr. Buhler's, provided we considered misadiva, and amisddvd a bah uurihis. But, besides this translation having against it the same objections as those which appear to me to condemn Dr. Buhler's rendering, it will sufioe, in order to exclude it from consideration, to point out that R. bas not amisddbud kata but amiadkata. Catal. Bodl. p. 254, 3.

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MAY, 1891.] THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI. 159 proposed. How does the Mahavarisa characterise the conversion of Asoka ? It is by the fact that he dismissed the sixty thousand Brahmans whom, according to the custom of his father, he had fed every day, and substituted for them sixty thousand Buddhist Sramanas. It characterises the conversion, therefore, by an evident manifestation of the disfavour with which he regarded Brahmans. By this conduct, by this example, he could indeed flatter himself with having inflicted a deep wound on their prestige. Tradition, therefore, comes positively to our aid, and has moreover the advantage of replying beforehand to an objection, feeble enough in itself, which we might be tempted to found upon the tone with which the king generally speaks of Brahmans, continually associating them with Sramanas. We must evidently see in this fact only the results of the spirit of tolerance which animates his edicts : but surely, it is not more difficult to reconcile this tolerance with our translation of the present sentence, than with the tradition handed down by the Sinhalese analist. 4. There is no doubt as to the characters required to complete the two lacunas ; pala[kamasi hi] iyan and phale [n]o [cha i]yan. The words which follow present greater difficulties. Dr. Buhler translates no cha iyori &c., by 'and it ought not to be said to be an effect of (my) greatness. It is quite possible that pavatave shonld correspond to a Sanskrit pravaktavya, although it must at least be admitted that the a long is out of place. But it is a pity that Dr. Buhler has not been more explicit as to the supposed phrase mahatatavachakiye, the analysis of which is far from clear. He himself states his doubts as to the derivation of vachakiya, from vdchala + the guffix iya. I fancy that what has induced Dr. Buhler to adhere to this analysis of the text, is the apparently nearly concordant reading of Bairat, mahatane vachakaye ; but that inscription has snffered so greatly, and is so fragmentary, and the reproduction of it is so plainly incomplete, that it appears to me to be very unwise to take it as a point of departure : on the contrary, it is much more probable that the reading of Sahasaram has had an influence on its decipherment. Under these circumstances, I cannot but incline towards another analysis ; I read sakiye for chakiye, which gives us no cha iyak mahatata va sakiye pavatave. This closely approaches the turn of the sentence at Rupnath, abont which there can be no doubt. Dr. Buhler has correctly recognised the papotave of that inscription as corresponding to the Sansktit praptavyah. We have the same root here in pavatave, which, transcribed according to the rales of Sanskrit orthography, would be praptave. The v stands for p as elsewhere, - e. g. lower down in this same inscription we have avaladhiyena for apaladhio: the substitution of the infinitive is rendered necessary to the sentence by the addition of sakyan, and this (fruit) cannot be obtained by mere power alone.' 5. We shall have exactly the same construction in this sentence as in the preseding one, if we (following Dr. Buhler's example) add the syllable sa after svage and before kiye, both here and at Bairat. Judging from the facsimiles, it does not appear to be likely that the stone has really ever had the character; but, even if it has not been inadvertently omitted, Dr. Buhler, who has had more of the original documents in his hands than we have, is the best judge of these possibilities. Moreover, Rapnath certainly confirms this conjecture, and I think that, for the present, it is best to adhere to it. As regards the form palakamaminena, which also seems to occur at Bairat, and perhaps, too, at Rupnath, see above, note 19 to the first Dhauli detached edict. We know that vipule is in antithesis to khudakena, 'even the small can conquer svarga, however great it may be, that is to say, however great the recompense may be. 6. It is important to fix accurately, before we proceed further, the exact meaning of the word savane. I do not here refer to the litoral meaning of proclamation, promulgation,' which need not form the subject of any discussion. We have already met it twice in the 7th * I have indicated the reasons which appear to me to demand that munisa should be taken as a subject. It is almost useless to remark expressly that, if it is preferred to take it as an attribute, my explanation would not be essentially modibed. We should then translate the people who were in reality the gods in Jambudvipe. I have reduced to become simply) men, and usurpers of the title of Diva.'

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160 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1891. (1. 20) and in the 8th (1.1) Columnar Edicts. In both cases the word is expressly applied to the proclamations of the king, made by him or by bis order, and recorded in his inscriptions. Iyan is, moreover, the same pronoun by which Piyadasi, in all his monuments, alludes to the inscription in which it may be found, the present inscription. We have no reason for taking it here in any other sense, and a priori we can only translate the whole by it is with a view to this resalt that the present proclamation is made.' We shall shortly see if what follows is inconsistent with this interpretation, 7. Dr. Bubler is mistaken about arata ; it is a nominative plural, which refers to the frontier populations, - to the foreign countries. Comparison with J. ii. 6, with Dh. (det. ed.) ii. 4, &c., leaves room for no doubt. As for janaktu, if we should not read tai for chain, which would give the verb an object, the meaning of the sentence is completed without effort, by supplying an equivalent object understood. Compare the final sentence of the edict of Bhabra. 8. It will be remembered that in the 13th (Rock) Edict (n. a.) we have already noticed an analogous use, in an indefinite sense, of the word diyadha, Pali diyaddha and divaddhu. We are reminded of the meaning in Sansksit sanctioned for parardha, to express the highest possible number. I think that we may sufficiently accurately represent the analysis of the phrase by an equivalent such as 'a handred times, & hundred times a million times.' 9. This sentence is the one of the whole edict which presents most difficulties, and wbich leaves most room for discussion. It early attracted the attention of General Cunningham ; he read the figures correctly, and this point is now undisputed. The two doubtful points, the solution of each of which is connected with the other, are, on the one hand the translation of vivutha or vyutha, and, on the other hand, what it is to which the figures refer. Regarding the second point, Dr. Buhler shews no hesitation. On the supposition that they refer to years, and contain a date, he has been almost necessarily led to find in the vivutha, which thus becomes the initial point of an era, & name of Buddha. The great authority of Dr. Buhler has evidently accounted for the assent, expressed or tacit, with which his interpretation of the figures and their meaning was at first received. Since then, Dr. Oldenberg has reconsidered the matter, and has pointed out that in the two members of the phrase in question, at Sahasaram at Bapnath duve sapamnalati sata vivatha ti 256. 256 satavivisa ta. the word signifying 'year' is wanting, and that there are on the other hand nominatives plural, vivutha, vivasa, such as might be expected beside a noun of number. As no other instance has. yet been quoted anthorising the omission of the word masa or saihvachhala, he concludes that we should translate <256 satas are vivuthas' and there are 256 vivasas of the sata.' We shall return to these outline-translations subsequently. It appears to me, however, that under any eircumstances Dr. Oldenberg is right in his criticism, and in his general analysis of the sentence. The omission of the word for 'year' might be explained if we had to deal with a simple number, but here we have before us a whole sentence, and, if we take Dr. Buhler's interpretation, we should have to admit that the king expresses himself thus, .256 are passed," which is barely credible. I may add that, on two or three occasions, our inscriptions employ numeral figures, for instance, in the first Edict at Kapar di Giri, in the enumeration of two peacocks, and one gazelle, or in the 13th Edict at Khalsi and at Kapar di Giri, a propos of the four Greek kings. From this it follows that there is no reason a priori for assuming that the figures here necessarily refer to years. Dr. Oldenberg makes another very just remark, that we cannot separate the sata vivutha at Sabasaram from the satavivasa at Rapnath. From this, there results a two-fold conclursion: first, that vivuthu, vyutha, must be derived, as Messrs. Rhys Davids and Pischel have from the first pointed ont, from the root oi-vas, and corresponds to the Sanskrit uyushita. Dr, Buhler, who, not without hesitation, opposes this analysis, relies principally on the difficulties of translation, but these have little weight, being founded on the preconceived idea that we absolutely reqdire here the meaning of 'elspeed.' I doubt if at the present day this derivation would meet

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MAY, 1891.] THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI. 161 with any opponent. I can offer a further confirmation in the future participle vivasetaviye, which has not hitherto been recognised at Rupnath, and to which I shall come back again immediately. The second consequence is that sati at Sahasaram cannot be, as Dr. Buhler would have it, the noun of nunber hundred,' because that translation is, as all agree, inadmissible at Rapnath; we must therefore give up the translation proposed by Dr. Buhler for the characters duve saparindiati sata which he renders in Sansksit by dve shatpanchasadadhisata, while at the same time recognising the difficulties of the explanation. Of these I see two principal ones: the first is phonetic; parnalati for panchasadadhi is without analogy or example in the phonetics of our inscriptions. In the second place, the intercalation of the number fifty-six between the number two and the number hundred, in order to express two hundred and fifty-six, would be opposed to all practice, and, it seems to me, contrary to the most elementary logic. Dr. Oldenberg accordingly reads e for J a very simple correction (I must allow that Ph. E. is not very favourable to this reading, although the character u is by no means above all suspicion), and, admitting that, as often happens, the numbers are written in an abridged form, he transcribes duve sa (i. e. sata) parina (i. e. puiindsa, Skr. panchasat) chha (i. e. sha!) ti. I concur entirely with his conjecture, and do so the more easily because, in all particulars, I had previously independently arrived at the same conclusions. If I state this, it is certainly not to claim the honour of an hypothesis which I think to be a happy one. In the present case, the priority of the suggestion is not a matter of discussion, and unquestionably belongs to Dr. Oldenberg. I only lay stress upon the coincidence in order to add probability and credit to the explanations proposed. Dr. Oldenberg has again rightly perceived that it is impossible, in two short sentences closely connected like these, to attribute to one and the same word, vivutha, two applications so different as those which Dr. Buhler proposed. Having come so far, I am now obliged, as to the true meaning of this word, vivutha, to differ equally from both my learned predecessors. I have just above touched on its derivation; -- we have to deal with a participle of vi-vas. I have pointed out that Rupnath gives us a further proof in the word vivasetaviyd, Skr. vivasayitavyan, regarding which reference may be made to the commentary on that text (n. 6). It will there be seen that the king recommends vivasayitun, or, in other words, the being, the becoming viyatha. That ought at once to cause us to distrust the proposed interpretations. In the vyutha, both Drs. Buhler and Oldenberg search for the head, the one of the Buddhist doctrine, the other of a doctrine perhaps analogous but different, the word not being sanctioned as & technical term in Buddhism. We know now, from what I have said above (n. 1) that our inscription is certainly Buddhist. It is certain, on the other hand, that vyutha, meaning the Buddha, would be a name absolutely new to us. It remains to be seen if the conclusion to be drawn from these premises is not simply that vyutha in no way refers to the Buddha at all; and it is, in fact, this to which we are led by all the other indications. I have previously drawn attention to the fact that the 8th Columnar Edict presents, when compared with the present one, analogies of which I am astonished that advantage has not been taken: 'that men may make rapid progress in the Religion, it is for this reason that I have promulgatod religious exhortations, that I have given various directions in regard to the Religion. I have appointed numerous [officers] over the people .. .. that they may spread abroad my instructions, and develope (my wishes). I have also appointed rajjukas over hundreds of thousands of living beings, and they have been ordered by me to instruct the faithful. Thus saith Piyaclasi, dear unto the Devas: it is with this object alone that I have erected columns [covered with] religious (inscriptions], instituted overseers of the Religion, and spread abroad religious exhortations. We are here in the presence of the same ideas, of the same stage of development as in our present edict in both cases the same terms are found, - especially the word savana. At Delhi, as here we are informed about the instructions which the king promulgates, and the inscriptions which he scatters far and wide to insure that his teaching should be the more lasting. There we are told further about the officers who in this propaganda lend him an essential aid, who go forth spreading abroad and developing his intentions. I believe that, in this particular also, the agreement continues in our text. We have seen

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162 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1891. that, in line 4, there is no reason for seeking in savane any thing other than the same instructions which are here recorded. It is exactly the same in the present passage. The exhortations of the text are purely and simply identical with those which the king, in many other passages, continually speaks of as emanating from him and in his own name, without ever invoking the authority of a sacred text of which we have no reason to expect the mention in the present case. But how then to understand vivutha ? The most experienced students of Hindu and of Buddhist literature, have hitherto discovered no proof of a technical use of the verb vi-vas. We can therefore only start from the ordinary sense of the word. This is well known, and gives rise to no doubt; it is that of 'to be absent,' 'to depart from one's country. The substantive vivasa is used with the corresponding valae of absence, departure from home.' Under these conditions, nothing is simpler than to take viyutha as meaning these messengers, these, as it were, missi dominici, on the establishment of whom Piyadasi set so much value, the dutas or messengers of whom he speaks in the 13th Rock Edict. Subject, therefore, to these remarks, I would render the word by 'missionary.' Among the expressions which occur to me, it is the only one which allows me to retain for the participle vivutha, and for the verb vi-vas in its various applications, an equivalent which would give in the English translation the uniformity of expression used by the text. The word will have the advantage of directly reminding as of those missionaries of whom, as we know from the Mahavamsa, so great a number expatriated themselves during the reign of Asoka, to carry the teaching of Buddhism to all parts of his vast empire, and above all to the foreign nations, the anta, with whom our edict expressly deals a little higher up. The vyutha would be here, as is in the nature of things and in the essence of his role, only the representative, the substitute of the king. In this way the whole passage is perfectly consistent: the king, after having spoken of these instructions as coming from himself, returns to the subject saying that it is his messenger,' his 'missionary,' who is charged with spreading them abroad, with actually putting them into circulation, and he adds that there have been two hundred and fifty-six departures of similar messengers. It follows from this that sata can only be understood as corresponding to the Sanskrit sattva, living being, man,' as has been already recognized by Dr. Oldenberg. We could, if absolately necessary, follow Dr. Bubler in interpreting it as an equivalent of the Sansksit sastri, master, teacher.' This translation would, in no way, be incompatible with the meaning which I attribute to vivutha; but the phonetic difficulty, the presence of an unaspirated t, would render such an explanation only allowable as a last resource. There remains only one sligbt obscurity over a matter of detail. It is natural that, reduced as we are to a translation solely founded on etymology, we should not be in a position to determine the precise official signification of the title, and how far it corresponds with those mentioned in other inscriptions, dharmamahamatras, dutas, &c. We may, at the same time, remark that according to the 5th Girnar Edict, the creation of the dharmamahamdtras belonged to the year following that from which our inscription takes its date. It is possible that, at the epoch at which we now are, Piyadasi had not yet conceived the idea of a regular organization, and that the somewhat vague term vyutha corresponds to this early stage of affairs, when, yielding to the first inspirations of his zeal, he sent abroad a large number of missionaries, without fixing their precise title, charging them to go as far as they could (cf. n. 6 of Rupnath) to spread abroad his teaching. 10. There can be hardly any doubt that the end of line 7 should read yata vd a-. It forms a correlative to the tata following. There remains therefore, for the verb which precedes, lilchapay atha, and not lichapaya thaya, as Dr. Buhler writes. We thus escape the necessity of admitting with him a complication of forms and of constructions equally improbable. Likhapayatha is the second person plural. The king here directly addresses his officers (as we sball see that he does at Rapnath in another sentence) and says to them: 'cause to be engraved upon the mountains,' &c. It it clear that, according to this analogy, we must read at the end of the edict likhdpayatha ti. Ph. B. actually favours the reading, ti instead of yi. I have some hesitation regarding the analysis of the word hetu. The method which first suggestis itself, is, as Dr. Buhler has done, to seek in it the nominative plural of the pronoun; but the

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MAY, 1891.] THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI. 163 presence of the pronoun is awkward, as the king wishes to say 'pillars' rather than these pillars.' On the other hand, it appears that at Rupnath we have the adverb hidha, that is to say, down here, on the earth, in the world. It is perhaps proferable to admit that we have here its equivalent in hetu, i. e. atra, ettha. Cf. G. VIII. I. 3; Kb. VIII, 23 and the notes. RUPNATH 11. We have seen that it is adhatiyani which we must read (see above, note 1); so also kaka and not luka, and, further on, badhaw and not budhim. Regarding the characters following sumi, I cannot agree with Dr. Buhler, who reads, or restores, sa[valki. From his own facsimile it is clear that between the letter which he rends sa, and that which he reads ki, and which I read le, there are wanting two characters, and not one. The first sign, which he reads sa is by no means clear. It is rather su which should be read, if the traces visible on the facsimile were above all suspicion. But numerous examples bear witness that it is not so, and, under these conditions, I have little hesitation in maintaining that the stone had really, here as at Sahasarim, updeake. Moreover, sivake, meaning a layman, is a Jain expression, the presence of which here would surprise us. The reading sanghapapite, translated 'having reached the Samgha, being entered into the Samgha,' is a very ingenious conjecture of Dr. Buhler's. But, if I am inclined to accept this reading, I am not ready to concur in its interpretation as given by Dr. Buhler. The expression songham praptus, for the precise idea of 'entering into the monastic order,' is vague and not sanctioned by the ordinary terminology, necessarily fixed at an early date in such a matter; besides, this situation of a king, who, while preserving his royal prerogatives and his royal life, enters into a religions order, is far removed from the idea which we are accustomed to form with regard to Buddhist monachism in the ancient period. I shall later on come to this matter again, and shall explain why I prefer to take this 'entering' in a material, physical meaning, and the phrase as commemorating the first solemn visit paid by the king to the assembly of monks, after his conversion. 12. It is probable enough that the complete reading is that indicated by the facsimile of the Corpus, -kkudakena hi pi ka-. Dr. Buhler corrects to kivipi palea, in which he is very probably right. I suspect that pipule of the facsimile does not represent a variant orthography, but that the variation is only apparent, and that the stone had in reality vipule. The reading arodhave is also, I am persuaded, only apparent. Everywhere in this inscription, r is replaced by l, and it is alddhave which has been engraved on the rock. The inspection of the facsimile appears to me to greatly favour this correction, which, under any circumstances, would have to be made conjecturally. 13. I pass over evident rectifications such as etaya. It will be remarked that the absence of the pronoun iduin, or some such, giving an indeterminate shade to the substantive, tends to favour the interpretation which I have given for the corresponding sentence at Sahasaram. 14. The reading palare, admitted by Dr. Buhler, appears to me to give little satisfaction as regards sense. Moreover, I can discover in the facsimile no trace of the d long. I think that there can be no doubt that the stone bore in reality pakame, corresponding to the palakame of Sahasaram, and I translate in conformity with this conjecture. For kiti read leiinto. As for vadhi I cannot recognise it as an accusative. We must either read athavadhi as a nominative, or admit that the two syllables vadhi have been repeated by an error of the engraver. I confess that the perfect agreement which it would establish with Sahasaram causes me to lean to the second alternative. 15. Dr. Buhler has, I think, been led astray by his not recognising the two future participles passive which the sentence contains. At the end we must certainly read lekhapetaviyati. As for the exact form of the first one, the evident errors in the facsimile as regards the characters which follow, throw the matter into some uncertainty. For Tekhapetavalata, we inust certainly read the consonants: 1, kh, p, t, v, y, t. But, according to

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164 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1891. the vocalization, which, whether owing to the rock being worn away or to the imperfections of the facsimile, unfortunately escapes us, we must either understand lekhapita va yata (in which yatra commences the following sentence), or lekhapitaviye ti. It is possible to adduce arguments in favour of either solution; but I do not venture to decide absolutely, and console myself with the small importance of the question, so far as regards the general meaning of the passage which is not affected. What is certain, is that the king, here as at Sahasaram, gives an order, or at least a counsel, to the readers whom he addresses. We shall see that the following sentence throws still further light on this new construction. For hadha, I correct with Dr. Buhler, but not without some hesitation, hidha, equivalent to iha. It is unnecessary to point out the corrections athi, silalhaibhe. 16. In the interpretation of this passage, I differ entirely from Dr. Buhler: the difficulties and improbabilities in the translation proposed by him are evident. I hope that the solution which I propose will recommend itself by its simplicity, and by its agreement with the general tone of the edicts of the king. Regarding the reading, I only differ from my eininent predecessor as regards two details : in the place of savara, I read savata; if the reader will take the trouble to refer to the facsimile, and to note, on the one hand the distance which separates the so-called from the letter following, and on the other hand, the form , and not which t has in this inscription, I do not think that he will have any further doubt as to this correction. The other reading is no less easy; it consists in reading tuphaka (more correctly tuphukan) instead of tupaka, the L and the be being, as we know, very similar. I do not speak of additions of vowels which are necessary according to any hypothesis, and which the experience of all the rest of the inscription shews to be perfectly legitimate. This being settled it is sufficient to distribute the characters suitably, in order to obtain a natural, as well as an excellent, meaning. I read : etina cha viyanjanena yavatake (cf. avatake in the edict of Bhabra) tuphakann dhale savata vivasetaviye ti. Viyanjuna means 'sign,' and marks, as we have seen in the 3rd of the Fourteen (Rock) Edicts, the exterior and material form of the thought. We could, therefore, understand, 'and by the order here engraven.' If this turn of speech appear a little vague, it is justified by the existence of a pun. In fact, the continuation is clear, you must set out on your mission as far as you will find nourishment,' that is to say, as far as is humanly possible. Now vyminjana has also the meaning of condiment, relish,' and, by designating his written will by this word, Piyadasi represents it as in some sort a viaticum which should accompany and sustain his missionaries whom he exhorts to expatriate themselves. It is unnecessary to draw further attention to the corroboration which this sentence, as well as the one which I have cited in commenting on the text of Sahasaram, gives to my translation of vyutha. If this special exhortation is missing in the other texts, it will be noted that it is particularly appropriate here, at the frontier zone in which Rapnath is situated. 17. We must, of course, read ryuthena, and civasa ti. BAIRAT. The version of Bairat, very fragmentary, and very imperfectly reproduced as it is, does not lend itself, at present, to a detailed examination. There is only one passage, in line 3, where it can serve to fill up a lacuna in the other texts, and I have already said that there also the read. ing appears very doubtful. It would be useless to enamerate all the corrections which the comparison of the parallel versions authorises us to make in the text as we have it now. Any one can make them for himself. There are other doubtful passages, such as amisanain &c., where conjectures would be without interest, as being based on no serious authority. The only point which deserves notice, is that to which Dr. Buhler has drawn attention, that the figures represented in the facsimile of the Corpus, are wanting in the rabbing. I can only state my agreement with his opinion, when he adds that the position which they occupy renders him very sceptical as to their existence.

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MAY, 1391. ] THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI. 165 TRANSLATION. (In translating, I neglect the peculiarities of Bairat. For Sahasaram and Rapnath, I print the translations of the two texts in parallel columns, from the point where they diverge, too decidedly, from each other.) Thus saith the [King] dear unto the Devas : - During two years and a half was I an upisala (Baddhist layman), and did not display great zeal. A year has passed since I visited the Samgha (the monastic community). (R adds : - and I displayed great zeal]. During this period, the men who were the real gods of Jambudvipa have been reduced to be no longer really the gods. [R. : - Those who at that time were the real gods of Jambudvipa, are now reduced to be really so no longer). Now that is the result of my zeal ; that result cannot be attained by might alone [R. omits this last word]. The most humble can, by displaying zeal, gain heaven, high though it be. It is with this aim that these instructions are delivered : that all, humble or great, should display zeal; that the foreign nations themselves should be taught (by my proclamations), and that this zeal should be lasting. Then will arise a [religious progress, a grand progress, an infinite progress. SAHASARAM. RUPNATH. It is by the missionary that this teaching Have these things engraved on mountains ; is spread abroad. Two hundred and fifty-six and in that place where there may be found men have been sent forth on missions, 256. & pillar of stone, have them engraved upon Have ye these things engraved on mountains; the pillar. And with these instructions, which and in those places where there are pillars of will be to you as a viaticam, set ye forth on stone have them engraved there also. your mission to all the world, so far as ye will find means of existence. It is through the missionary that my teaching is spread abroad. There have been 256 settings forth of missionaries. 3. THE EDICT OF BHABRA. We know that this edict was discovered in the same locality (Bairat) as that in which was found the third version of the preceding edict. If I adhere to the name of Bhabra, I do so because that name is already sanctioned by long use, and because it prevents any confusion arising regarding the two inscriptions found in the same neighbourhood. To avoid a useless multiplication of divisions, I include it in the present chapter, although, strictly speaking, it is not engraved on a rock in the same sense as the preceding ones. It is engraved on a small detached block of granite, which it was found easy to transport to Calcutta, where it is now preserved. The most trustworthy reproduction of the stone is that which has been given in the Journal Asiatique (1887, Vol. I. pp. 498 and ff.) from a rubbing of Dr. Burgess, together with some fragments of a rubbing previously sent to me by my learned friend and colleague, Dr. Hoernle. On this facsimile the following reading and commentary are based. TEXT. Kittoe, J. A. S. B. 1840, pp. 616 and ff.; Burnouf, Lotus, pp. 710 and ff.; Kern, Jaartelling, &c. pp. 32 and ff.; Wilson, J.R.A.S. XVI pp. 357 and ff. 1 Piyadasi (a)ja magadhan sangha abhivadanam Aha apabad hatar cha phasuvihalatam cha [.] 2 vidite ve bharate avatake hama budhasi dhammasi sanghabiti galave cham pasade cha [1] e ke chi bhakte 3 bhagavata budhena bhasite save se sabhabite va e chu kho bhainte hamiyaye digay hevam sedharme

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166 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1891. 4 chilathitike hesatiti alahami hakam tam vatave [.) iinani bhante dhammapa ligayani vinayasamukase 5 aliyavasani anagatabhayani munigathu monryasate upatisanagine e chi lagulo6 vade musavadam adhigichya bhagavati budhena bhasite etana bhamte dhamma paliyayani ich hami 7 kimti bahu ke bhikhupaye chi bhakhuniye cha abhikhinam sunaya cha upadha leyeyu cha 8 hevamin eva upisaka cha apasika cha [.] eteni bhamte imam likhapayami abhihetani ma janata ti? NOTES. * 1. The third word of the inscription has long been read magadhe, and the question arose whether it was to be understood as an epithet of laja or as 'an irregular orthography for magadhai. From the last facsimile it may be seen that the supposed vowel-sign is by no means regularly cut, and is probably nothing more than an accidental scratch, - especially as the following annsvara seems to be quite clear. It is thus inegadhai which we must read, and which we must, of course, construe with sanghan. Hitherto, the word has been taken simply in its geographical signification : 'the samgha of Magadha. I have some doubts on this point. In the first place, saigha, as is proved by what follows, was from this epoch consecrated, in its generic and, so to say, abstract use, to designate the clergy in its most general terms. Hence its association with a local restrictive designation is no more likely here than it would be in the ordinary literary language of Buddhism. In the second place, it is difficult to explain the erection in Rajasth in of an inscription destined expressly for the clergy of Magadha. Ought we not to consider that magadha should be a synonym of 'Buddhist, based on the place of the origin of the doctrine? If such a use really existed, it would explain, for instance, how Pali ultimately received the name of mdgadhi bhdsha, although it had surely nothing to do with Magadha. This is a mere conjecture which I pat forth subject to all reserves. The old reading abhivade matpa)nan must be put aside together with the various conjectures to which it has induced the several interpreters. Neither ma nortpa can be made out of what are really only incoherent scratches, whether the stone was from the first defective at that spot or the engraver intended to blot out some letter erroneously begun by himself. I consider that the vowel-sign e has no more reality here than in the above magadhe. As to this point the fragmentary rabbing of Dr. Hoernle (photographed in the abovementioned paper) is especially decisive. We have consequently to read as I have transcribed abhivadanan ahu... This construction of aha or some equivalent with abhivadana and a double accusative is frequent enough in the phraseology of Buddhistic Sanskrit. I shall only quote one example (Mahavastu, II, 105): STT TTT FUAT YOU, "and tell my husband my greeting. The meaning here is clear and perfectly satisfactory: the king tells the Sangha his greeting and his wishes.' 2. I find it, I confess, a little rash to have recourse to analogies borrowed from Hindi to explain the form huma. The meaning has, however, been recognised by Dr. Kern, and there can be no further doubt about it. Moreover, the form is not isolated here. Beside the genitive hama. we shall shortly find the instrumental hamiyaye, which has not hitherto been recognised under the reading painiyaye. Humiyye is to mamiye (Dh., det. ed., ii. 4), mamiya (J., det. ed., ii. 6; Col. ed. vii. 7), as hama is to mamu. The two sets of forms are in complete correspondence. We could, strictly speaking, explain their origin, either by a metathesis of maha to hama, which has been afterwards continued in the declension, or by a false analogy with the nominative han. At any rate, we can be certain about the meaning in both cases. 3. The old copy has here the right reading kechi. The rubbing, however, seems really to have the anuscara.

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MAY, 1891.] THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI. 167 4. The facsimile of the Corpus, by giving the double reading hamiydye and diseyana, has given a new meaning to this passage. The versions of Burnouf and of Dr. Kern were only ingenious makeshifts, on which it would be, I think, superfluons to dwell at length. As far as subhasite vu all is plain; for the remainder, it is of importance to explain the construction clearly. And first of all the particle chu kho, which, as I have had occasion to point out has a slight adversative shade, announces a proposition destined to complete, and, to a certain extent, to form an antithesis to what precedes. The relative & which commences the sentence, requires a correlative, which we find in tarit before vatave. So far as con. cerns the relative proposition, I have just stated my opinion regarding hamiyaye which is the instrumental of the pronoun of the first person. Diseyan is simply the regular form of the first person of the potential. As for the meaning of the verb dis, it is determined by that of the substantive desa. I have shewn (Dh., ed. det., i. n. 7) that, in our inscriptions, it is everywhere the equivalent of the Sanskrit saruesa, and signifies, order,''commandment.' Dis will, therefore, mean not merely to shew,' but to direct,' to order. We shall thus obtain this translation; and so far as I may order myself,' that is to say, by my own authority, besides what has been positively said by the Buddha. The reading tan vatave instead of tuivatave, tavitave, has put everything here in order. The construction, with the infinitive dependent on alahami is excellent. Only one slight doubt remains, viz. should we not tran.scribe vatave with an anomalous compensatory a long ? It would, however, alter nothing in the rendering of the word which is equivalent to Sanskrit vaktun. In furnishing us with the necessary antecedent tain to the relative e, this reading allows us to take, with Barnouf, sadhaime as equivalent to the technical Buddhistic saddharma. 5. The reading vinayasamukase, formerly given by Wilson on the authority of Capt. Bart is now confirmed, and the Sanskrit transcription would be vinaya-samutkarshah, the meaning of which it is difficult to determine. We cannot separate the word from the Pali expression samukkarisika dhasamadesana (cf. Childers, ..v.); but the bearing of this qualification is far from being established. The only point which is certain is the derivation, - samukkannsika equivalent to simutkarshika ; that which the PAli commentaries propose is only a play upon words. Provisionally, it is perhaps safest to adhere to the established meaning of samutkarsha in Sanskrit, and to translate, subject to every reservation, the Excellence of Discipline.' We may compare the use of the verb samutkarshati in'a passage of the Maharastu (I. p. 178, 1, 1. of my edition, and the note). Under any circumstances, we are not as yet, in a position to identify this title with any of those which are known to us from literature. The conjecture of Dr. Oldenberg (Mahavagga, I. p. xi. note), who seeks for, in it, the patimokkha, is the less probable, because he has, for several of the other titles here given, shewn their exact agreement with the titles which his consummate experience of the Pali Canon has enabled him to be the first to discover. He identifies the anagata-bhayani with the arafinaleandgatabhayasutta of the Angutaranikaya. That Sutra 'describes how the Bhikshu, who leads a solitary life in the forests, should have always before him the dangers that might suddenly put an end to his life, serpents, savage animals. &c., and such thoughts should lead him to exercise all his energies in order to arrive at the goal of his religious strivings.' Here we have an example of how the literal translation of a title may easily become a source of error, and how these. Fears of the Future' do not treat of the fear of infernal punishment, as Burnouf had very naturally supposed. This lesson warns us not to presume to determine the exact meaning of aliyavashni (probably aryavasini), a title not identified, of the money asata, or of the upatisapasine. About the last, we can only be certain so far as to transcribe it, with Dr. Kern, as upatishyapraina. As for the munigatha, Dr. Oldenberg recognises in it, with much probability, the same subject which is treated of in the twelfth Sutra of the Suttanipata bearing the same title, and he compares the laghuldvada with the Sutra entitled Ambalajthikardhulovada, the sixty-first of the Majjhimanikdya (Vol. I. pp. 414 and ff. of My two rabbings read distyd without the anwevers. It is simply one example more of the equivalence, which has been previously mentioned, betweon a long and Dalised vowel.

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168 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1891. Trenckner's edition). It is certain that the king had some version or other of this in his mind. This is proved by the addition musavadani adhigichya. Burnouf was completely at sea in his commentary on this phrase, which Dr. Kern has perfectly correctly transcribed as mrishavadan adhikritya. The latter translates it as, 'on the subject of,'having reference to the falsehood.' At the most it would be possible, if we are permitted to base our translation absolutely on the Pali version, to propose a slight modification. It is not correct to say that it has the falsehood for its entire subject, but rather that it has it for its text or point de depart. We could translate our text in this way too, the meaning 'to set at the beginning' being sufficiently proved for adhiksi. I shall revert, on another occasion, to the orthography of adhigichya, equivalent to adhilesitya, which is both curious and instructive. 6. The readings etani, and bhikhuniye suggest themselves. The real difficulty consists in the words kimti bahuke bhikhupaye, although I have no hesitation regarding the two first. I can see no means of permitting us to give bahuka the value of a substantive, in the sense of 'increase.' The spelling of kinti being certain, the division of the words into kinti tahuke, seems to me to be beyond discussion. But bhikhupaye (and this reading is certain) has hitherto resisted all efforts. The evidence of the adjective bahuke shews, as indeed is evident from the form itself, that bhikhupaye is a nominative singular. The first member of the compound is as clear as the second is doubtful. It looks as if we required something like bhikhrsarighe. The only transliteration which I can see is bhikshuprayah. It would be necessary to admit for praya, which is known in Sansklit with the meaning of abundance,' a possible translation, collection, assembly. This is the least improbable expedient which I find myself able to suggest. I may remark, en passant, that there is no allusion here to written books: suneyu would, on the contrary, appear to refer to a purely oral tradition. 7. Read etend. Wilson's facsimile confirms for these last words the reading of General Cunningham. I do not think that the corrections me jana tu ti will appear doubtful to any one, and for this use of janaritu we may compare the analogous passage at Sahasarim and Rapnath, annta cha janantu. As for abhipeta, the new rubbing has brought documentary evidence which was hardly necessary. The last letters are not very clear, which explains the doubts which arise regarding the vowels. Upon the whole, this restoration appears to me a matter of certainty. I translate in the manner following: - TRANSLATION The king Piyadasi bids the Magadha clergy his greetings and wishes of prosperity and good health. Ye know, Reverend Sirs, how great are my respect and my goodwill to the Bud. dha, to the Law, and to Clergy. Whatever has been said by the blessed Buddha, all that has been well said, and so far as I may, Reverend Sirs, pass orders of my own will, I consider it good to proclaim them, in order that the Good Law may long endure. Here are religious teachings: the Vinayasamukasa (the Instruction of Discipline), the Ariyavasas (the P Supernatural Powers of the Aryas), the Andgatabhayas (the Dangers to Come), the Munigdthas (the Verses relating to the Muni, or Religious Ascetic), the Upatisapasina (the Questions of Upatishya), the Mineya sulta (the sutra on Perfeetion), and the Sermon to Rahula prononnced by the Blessed Buddha. which takes its starting point from the falsehood. I desire that many Bhikshus and Bhikshunis should frequently hear these religious teachings and meditate on them. So also for lay devotees of both sexes. It is for this reason, Reverend Sirs, that I have had this engraved, that people may know my wish. 4. THE INSCRIPTIONS OF THE BARABAR CAVES, For the sake of completeness I add, in conclusion, the three inscriptions of the Barabar Caves in which the name of oor king Piyadasi is expressly mentioned. It is well known that they were discovered and published for the first time by Kittoe.

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MAY, 1891.) THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI. 169 I combine in one the explanations of the two first, which only differ in the proper names used. TEXT. Kittoe, J. A. S. B. 1847, pp. 412 and ff.; Burnouf, Lotus, pp. 779 and ff. I. (Sudama Cave.) 1 LAjina piyadasine duvadasavasabhisitena 2 iyain nigohakub dine adivikemhi () II. (Visra Cave.) 1 Lajina piyadasina duva2 dasavasabhisitena iyam 3 kubbe khalatikapavatasi 4 dina Adivikemhi (.] NOTES. I have only two brief observations to add to the remarks of Burnonf. The first refers to the year from which these inscriptions date. It is the thirteenth after the coronation of the king. These figures have their own interest. We have seen that, according to one of the Delhi Colomnar Edicts (cf. above, Sahasaram, n. 2), this year was the first in which, according to his own evidence, the author of these inscriptions had religious teachings engraved; it is, to within a few months, the one which marks his active conversion to Buddhism. This coincidence, without being in itself decisive, affords at least one more presumption in favour of the conjecture, which at first attributed these inscriptions to our Asoka-Piyadasi. The second remark concerns the word &divike hr. I have no doubt that we should read, as in the better preserved inscriptions of Dasaratha, ddwikehi. I take it, - not as an ablative, which would be unintelligible both here and in the other places where the word occurs, - not as representing a dative, we should in that case rather expect adivikunarn, -- but as an instrumental, in the sense of the locative. In dealing with the Mahdoastu, I have had occasion to quote numerous instances of this peculiarity in the syntax of Buddhist Sanskrit (Mahavastu, I. 387, &c.) Burnouf has quite correctly recognised the base adivika as being the equivalent of djivika. TRANSLATION This cave of the Nyagrodha (II: - this cave situated on Mount Khalatika] has been given to religious mendicants by king Piyadasi, in the thirteenth year after his coronation. III. (Karan Chaupar Cave.) TEXT. 1 Laja piyadasi ekuneyim2 sativasabhisite nume tha 3 adamathatima iyam kubha 4 supiye khalatipavata di. 5 na () NOTES. The new facsimile of the Corpus is a marked improvement on the first copy of Major Kittoe, which did not permit Burnouf to give a connected translation. Nevertheless, it must not be forgotten that, even according to General Cunningham, the rock is much defaced, and that

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170 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY MAY, 1891. the reading is both difficult and doubtful. We are thus permitted to introduct, at need, new corrections into the text which is presented to us. The formula is here different from that which we find in the two preceding cases. Burnoaf clearly saw that the name of the king is this time in the nominative. It follows that we must divide the words after abhisite. The characters which follow present some uncertainty. I shall commence by considering those with which the next line commences. Basing my emendation on the analogy of the inscriptiong of Dasaratha, which have been also commented upon by Burnouf, I do not hesitate to read instead of H 8028 adamathatima several characters of which are expressly given as hypothetical, d 81vt chandamasuliyan. We must further, in order to complete the phrase, admit that the last letter of the preceding line is in reality Ha. There remain the characters IB name which I read [8 nama, which thus concludes a sentence and separates it from what follows. The concluding words present two difficulties. The first is the form supiye, which ought to contain the name of the cave, and should consequently be corrected to supiya, equivalent to supriya. The second concerns the word khalatipavata. As in No II. we should expect a locative. I only see two alternatives. One is to read, -pavate, but the locative is rarely formed in this fashion in inscriptions, such as the present one, in the Magadhi dialect. The other is to assume that a letter has been omitted, and to restore to -pavatasi. This is, in my opinion, the preferable course. To sum up, we may almost certainly translate as follows: TRANSLATION. The king Piyadasi was crowned nineteen years ago. (This has been made) for as long as the moon and the san may endore. This cave, called Supiya, on Mount Khalati, has been given. WEBER'S SACRED LITERATURE OF THE JAINS. TRANSLATED BY DR. HERBERT WEIR SMYTH. (Continued from p. 29.) XII. The twelfth angam, ditthivaa, drishtivada, presentation of the different) views This title (342] corresponds to our information in reference to the contents of this text now ng longer extant; and we conjectured on page 248 that the character of its contents was the causa movens of its lose. On page 243 we saw that in all probability the digthivia is not further mentioned even in the argas with the exception of angas 4. This remark holds good merely of the name ditthivAa and not of the so-called 14 puvvas, which, according to the presentation of the subject in anga 4, form a principal part of the ditth. Tradition indeed appears to regard the puvvas as identical with the ditth. The 14 puovas are mentioned both in anga 10 (the redaction of which, as we have seen, p. 327 foll., is of secondary origin), where their division into pahudas is alluded to (see p. 333), and frequently in angas 6 and 8; and in fact in a very peculiar way. The detailed discussion, according to name and contents, of the 14 puvvas in anga 4 and Nandi and in the later tradition, cites the uppdyapuvva at their head. Twice in anga 6 and once in anga 8 (3, 1) are they characterized, just as are the eleven angas, or together with them, as samaiyanGiydim. Leumann says: "Of special interest are three of the many instances in anga 6, where it is related that a man who has just become a member of the order studied the 14 puvuas or 11 angas." These three instances are found in p. 591 of the Calcutta edition, compared with p. 597, p. 1354, compared (343) with p. 1355 and p. 1454, compared with p. 1455. The second passages quoted, in which the 11 angas are mentioned, have reference to a period later by five to twenty years than the first, in which the 14 puvva are treated of." I have seen this insoription many times, it being situated in this district (Gay). It would be useless to attempt to give a revised rubbing, except to shew how extremely hypothetical much of the Corpus rending inevitably in. The face of the insoription has been chiselled away by some Maalman fanatio... A. G. Idrishtayo dariandni, vadunat deh, drishtin&ti vedo drishtina pato yatra. * Letenn eitunga , 2, for the duvilaaaring ganipidage, or dyr fara aftthivao, likewise birdanig in anga 84,1 The first passage is based in the last instance on anga

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MAY, 1891.) SACRED LITERATURE OF THE JAINS. 171 How can this use of the attribute samaiya-m-aiyaim of the 14 puvvas be explained ? This use is found in no other places with the exception of angas 6 and 8, and here only in the parallel ase of the epithet in reference to the 11 angas, and in po instance where there is an isolated mention of the 14 puvvas. Hence it is too bold an assumption if we assert that a samaiya. puvvam, instead of the uppdyapuvvam, once actually stood at the head of the 14 puvvas. On the other hand, it is probable that in anga 6 this epithet has been transferred from the angas to the puvvas, and that the generio signification of the word sam dia, and the greater antiquity which the statements in anga 6 probably possess in contrast to those in angas 4, formed the means of transition. This assumption is however a mere make-shift, since there is no further criterion for such a special inter-relation of both groups of texts. The upangas, too, attest in several particulars the existence of anga 12. In up. 8 - 12, probably the oldest of the upanga texts, it is true, only 11 angas are mentioned. But in up. 1, 26 (Lenmann, p. 36) we discover a reference to the choddasapuvvi together with the duvalasangino; and in the introduction to up. 4, [344) in v. 5, the dithivaa, and in v. 3, the puvvasuyam, are mentioned by name as the source of information of the author. It is furthermore worthy of note that up. 5 and 7 agree with the puvvas in the division into pahudas. According to up. 6 . they both appear to have been divided into vatthus at the time of this updiga. The tradition is desirous of establishing a close connection between the upanga and the ange in the present order of succession of each. Hence we may conclude that, at the period in which the existing corpus of the twelve upaigas was established, - that is, at the date of the redaction of the present Siddhanta, - there were in reality 12 angas, and that the digthivda consequently still existed or was considered as extant. The ditthivaa or, as the case may be, the dayalasangam ganipidagam is frequently mentioned in the other parts of the Siddhanta, which are united to the upd nga. These portions of the Siddhanta are in reality the storehouse of information about the ditthivka or duvalasargam gaaipidagam. See the citations on p. 246 frota Avagy. and Anwydgadv. With these may be associated the corresponding statements in chhedas. 2 and Nandt, in which we find several direct citations (see below) from the pavvas; and in fact the chhedas 3-5 are repeatedly called an excerpt from puvva 9, 3, 30, which is referred back even to Bhadrabahu ! On p. 223, 224 we have seen from several old versus memoriales, the source of which is unfortunately no longer extant, that the ditthivaa at the period of the existence of these verses was highly esteemed, inasmuch as it was designed for the highest gradation of intelligence, and was held to be the object of the study of the nineteenth year. Here we must not suppress the thought that the reason for this relegation of the ditth. to a late period of study, was because it may have been considered (345) dangerons for an earlier and less mature stage of advancement. Finally, appearing as too dangerous, it may have been dropped altogether. It is exceedingly peculiar that the puvvas, which are a principal part of the ditthivda and represent a preliminary stage of the unga both according to tradition and, in all probability, to their Dame itself, are said to have proceeded from the mouth of the tirthakara and to have been collected by his ganadharas before the angas. The puvvas are mentioned in angas 6 and 8 as texts independent of, or even previous to, the 11 angas, but in angas 4, &c., are represented as forming but one of the five sections of the last anga. It was to be expected that they should be partly independent texts, and partly should stand at the beginning of the entire Siddhanta. The key furnished by tradition points to the fact (of p. 214) that the knowledge of the ditthivda (or of that of the puova here identified with the ditthivaa) was limited to Bhadrababu alone even at the time of the Council of Patalipatra, which instituted the first collection of the $ The causes oitad above'p. 244, 245, where was mention made of sAmfism-li jkva biziduained, do not belong in this gamngatioid, since the flrnt afigam and not the frat prvum was there referred to The same probably holds good of the other tests above mentioned, which immediately preceded the dittkivka, and which are no longer extant.

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172 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (MAY, 1891. anga texts; and that recourse was had to Bhadrabahu when the collection of the 11 angas was perfected. To this circamstance then we must ascribe the fact that the "purvar" are placed at the end and not at the beginning of the whole collection. But, (346) according to this very tradition, at that time, on the one hand, there were no longer 14 but 10 purvas, the knowledge of which was further disseminated, and, on the other, the purvas do not appear as a part of the ditthivaa but as the ditthivaa itself. Both of these statements of tradition are contradicted by & locus classicus which, in default of the text itself, affords, together with the detailed table of contents in anga 4 and Nandi, information concerning the ditthivaa. Anga 6 and the Nandi, our sources of information, are here in complete agreement, but in the table of contents of the other angas the Nandi is much briefer than anga 4. The contradiction is this : (1) there is not even the slightest difference made between parvas 1-10 and 11-14 ; and (2) all the 14 purvas are cited as a mere section-the third part-of the disthivda. As regards the latter circumstance, it may be stated that in the Siddhanta itself, though in late texts, we find several times the peculiar fact, that, in case a collective enumeration of the angas is attempted, and the first member, whether it be samaia or ayura, and the last, are men. tioned, this last member does not appear as ditthivaa butas viilusara. See above, p. 244, 245. Vimdasara is the title of the last of the fourteen purvas. It is certainly very remarkable that the title of a section (and vindusara must be considered to be sach in this connection as in others) is caordinated with that of an independent text. As regards these passages it is impossible to assume [347] that the ditthivda at that time exceeded this seotion in extent. This constitutes an important divergence from the presentation of the subject in anga 4, or N., in which latter the vindusdra, as the last section of the third part, is followed by two additional parts, Hemachandra, who in his treatment of the drishtivada (abhidh. v. 245, 246), cites the pirva (gata) as its fourth, and not as its third part, affords us only such assistance as confirms the divergence in question. Since the fifth part of the drishtivada consists of so-called chilikas, which are a secondary addition, the dirthivda, acoording to Hemachandra's treatments too, actually concludes with the virdusdra section, So much is clear :That that conception which limits the ditthivda to the 14 puvvas alone is too narrow. We find a recogaition of the other constituent parts of the ditthivaa also in those statements of the scholia, in which (cf. p. 258) "purvdni sammaty-ddikas cha" (annyogah) are mentioned instead of the ditthivia referred to in the text. See Av. nijj. 8, 54. By saimaty. adikah (anuy.) we are probably to understand the first parts of anga 12, though the order has been inverted, [348] To the statements made, p. 212 foll., in reference to the gradual deoline of the knowledge of the puvvas, I add the following :-In the kAlasattari of Dhammaghosa? verse 38 foll., Thulabhadda is referred to the year Vira 215; and there still existed in the time of Vaira 584 (Vis) 10, in that of Dubbalia 616 (Vira), 9) puvvas. In the scholiast on the passage and in KI. 2476 the latter name is cited as Durbalik-Pashpaloshya)mitra; in the Berlin scholiast on the Nandi, introduct. v. 32, as Darvalikapushpa (shya), he and his teacher Aryarakshita being called the two navapurvinau. In the year 1000 the entire puvvagayam was "gayam." Let us now turn to the locus classicus itself. Its statements are unfortunately not clear and in fact were unintelligible to the scholiasts of both texts (Abhayadeva on anga 4, and Anon. on Nandi). They both assert with tolerable unanimity that, inasmuch as the text itself was In Hemsohan lea's treatment of the subjeot there are other minute divergences from the statements in anga 4, or Nandl; on which see below. Sammati 1) " opinion," "view," in the St. Petersb. Dict., i.e., synonymous with drishti. Leumann tells me that Slanka, too, on anga 1, 1, 8, refers to sammaty Adau a discussion on the 7 naya (800 below p. 352), and was in DORReRSion of text of that name before him: of. Also the eammatieritti, below p. 871. Dhammaghosasuri, scholar (v. 74) of Davinde, died accord. to Kl. 265a Samvat 1857. This does not agree with Kalas. v. 4 foll, where in general the same prophetic statements are found as in Satrushj. Mah. 14, 390 foll. (See my Treatise, p. 47.) These statements contain the dates 1912 and 1850 Vira (1.6. Sazivat 142 and 1380).

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MAY, 1891.] SACRED LITERATURE OF THE JAINS. 173 no longer extant, they merely report the few utterances of tradition. Abhayadeva has the foil. at the beginning of his remarks: sarvam idam prayo vyavachhinnam tatha 'pi yathapishtam (! "drishtam?) kimchit likhyate; and the anonymous scholiast on N. has : s. i. pr. vy. tatha 'pi lesato yathagatasampradayam kimchid vyakhyayate. In explaining the first part Abhayadeva says : etac ca sarvam samulottarabhedam sutrarthato vyavachhinnam and the anon. schol.:tani cha samulottarabhedani sa kalany api sutrato 'rtbatascha (319] ryavachhinnani yathagatasampradayatas cha darsitani. Finally, Abhayadeva expresses himself in a similar manner concerning the second part : amuny api sutrarthato vyavachhinnani tatha 'pi drishtanusa ratah kimchit likhyate, and the anon. schol. says etany api samprati sutrato'rthatas cha vyav., yathagatasampradayato vachyani. The ditchivaa is stated to have consisted of five parts. The first part is the parikammam, by which, the scholiast says, we are to understand those preparations necessary to grasp the meaning of the sutras correctly. These preparations are analogous to the 16 arithmetical operations parikarmani, which must be understood in order to compute without assistance from others. They are divided into 7 groups, each one of which is again divided into various subdivisions, the total number of which is 83. The first two groups have each 14, the next five but 11 of these sabdivisions, which everywhere bear the same title. They begin, in the case of gronps 1 and 2 with the mauyapayain, in the case of groups 3-7 with the padho. Padha doubtless signifies "reading;" and the mauyapadani, numbering 46 according to anga 4, 46,-see p. 281,-recall the 46 signs of the alphabet, and therefore deal with preliminary instrnction in reading and writing. The statement barnbhie mari lirie chhayalisan mauyakkharani, which follows immediately thereapon, tends however to invalidate (350) this assumption. Since this statement certainly, though strangely enough (see above, p. 281 note), refers to 46 sounds or signs of the alphabet, the 46 mauyapadani which are mentioned immediately before must refer to something else. 10 Furthermore since both scholia upon this occasion offer the second of the above-cited explanations of their ignorance, and consequently make no attempt to clear up the names of the 7 groups or of their 84 subdivisions, it cannot be demanded of us that we do more than follow their example.11 Following upon the enumeration of the seven groups is the significant statement that sit of this number (according to the schol. the first six) belong to the system kar goxhv (sasamazyani) and that the number seven belongs to the ajiviyas. The six are then characterized as chaukkanaiyani (chaturnayikani); the seven as terasiyani (yai nayaim N, trairasikani). The scholia explain one of these two names of schools by [351] GosalapraVartitaji vikalota ajivikah N)- pashandasiddhamta (pashandinah N), the second by trairabi. kapashandasthas. The mention of this second name leads us, so to speak, to the domain of history. The Teresiyas represent the sixth schism, which Avasy. 8, 66, 73 refers to the year 544 * Schol. on N. parikarma yogyatapadanam, taddhetuh Astram api parikarma; atra-porvagata-'nuyogasu. trarthagrahanayogyatasampidanasamarthani parikarmkni, yath gaaitablatre Bamkalitediny Ady&ni shodaba parikarmeni Seshagamitastrarthagrahane samarthinipidana(doubtless OrthatAsamplo Pramartheni. The interesting fact becomes here apparent that the text of N is unconditionally older. See below. 2. It is greatly to be lamented that the MS. of Abhayadeva to which I have had access, is here so corrupt, that nothing definite can be gained from it. The passage reads :-(digthivayasan panohbkyklisari mfuyapay pan, baibhie nam live chhAyAllsanh mauakkbar pam): ditthiv&yassa tti dv&dahlrngaya, m&uy Apaya tti sakalatvahmayasys () akvAbadi (ak AradiP) metrikapadent 'va dfishtivadArthaprasartha (P)nigama I dhovya (?) lakshanfni toi ya (tani cha) siddharini-manushyabrony-Adink, (1.8., names of the first two groups of the parikamma) vishayabhideva ("dena) katham api bhidyamanani sbatchatvarinsad gavatt (bhavahti 'ti P) sarbhAdhyati (vyate): tath baibhte pam livie tti lekhyavidhan 46 mitikAksharkni, tani cha .. (see p. 281). 11 Some of these names are not certain since the MSS. vary. Agisspaykite, klubhyarh, riuibaddhat, keubhayapadiggaho refer probably to the domain of astronomy. 12 In the Berlin MS. of the Nandi this passage is omitted in the text, though it is explained by the scholiast. 13 See above p. 275; scoord. to Abhayadeva, however :-ta dva o "jivikas trairilika bhanitAb, or, accord. to the schol. on the Nandi, which is identical-ta eva Gobalapravartita Ajivikah plahandinas trairtbika uchyante-the trairAfika are the same as the adherents of Goble! In SS 6 of the Therkvart of the Kalpasttra Chhalua, the founder of the sixth schirm, is stated to have been the scholar of Mahsgiri, who was the successor of Tholabhadds (Vira 215, d. p. 348), and is placed about 800 years earlier than Vira 544. These are discrepancies not easily overcome. The

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174 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1891. after Vira ,24 and this name is perhaps attested by epigraphic testimony of the time of Gotamiputra Satakarni. If we suppose that the reading Teresika, proposed by Buhler (Archaeolog. Survey of West. India, 1882, p. 104) for the inscription Nasik No. 11, is conclusive, it is not improbable that it refers to the Terasiyas quoted above. Buhler, it must be confessed, has adopted another explanation of the name in his Survey. The explanations of the scholiasts have as yet not assisted me in the endeavour to discover what is referred to by the four nayas, 15 &c. [352] It is a significant fact that the twelfth anga, according to the above statements, treated not merely of the proper but also of heterodox doctrines, or, as the case may be, of hermeneutic methods; and the title of this anga seems to refer to this peculiarity in its contents, which was probably of great moment in determining the fate of the last of the augas. See pp. 248, 342. The suttai are cited as constitating the second part of the diuhiraa. In all there are 88 suttai, & number ascribed to the second part in anga 4, 88. In reality, however, there are but 22, beginning with ujjuya (ujjusua N; rijuka), but conceived as divided into four parts. The proper orthodox (sasamaya) doctrines and the heterodox views are represented as being equally authoritative. The former are divided into two different forms which are also represented by the ajiviya (Gosalakapravartitapasharda Abh.), or terasiya. The 22 names are not explained by the scholia. They refer17 the name sutra to the explanation of the meaning of the purras, and consider this as well as the first part as an introduction to the third part of the ditthiva which follows. (353) The third part is composed of puvva gae, purvagatam, i.e.18 the 14 purvani, which the tirthakara (Mahavira) himself is said to have imparted to his scholars, the ganad haras- see above p. 216, 217-who then composed the angas (acharadikam). Besides this explanation which represents the purvas as older and earlier doctrines anticipating the augas, there is another which is possible. If our second conjecture is correct, we should have to understand by the purras that preliminary knowledge necessary to the comprehension of the doctrine. The titles of the 14 purra:19 quoted here in the text and enumerated before in $ 14 are explained singly in the scholia, and the number of their padas is stated. The enormous size of these figures greatly further explanation of the same trairilika in the schol. on N. iste sarvan vastu trayitmakam ichhathti, tad yath : jivo 'jivo jivajivai cha, loko VykolokA.lokas cha, sat azt sal-asat: mayashimtiyim dravylatikam paryaystikari ubhayastikar cha; tata: tribhi(h) raibhis charaiti 'ti trair bikas, tanmatena sapta 'pi pari karmini uchyante. It is worthy of note that the triad form ascribed to the Trairisikas is made use of cf. p. 266 - in anya 4, where the statement of the contents of angas 2 -- 5 is given, and in fact with the citation of two of the examples quoted here. Accord. to the schol. on Kalpas, cf. Jacobi, p. 119, the Vaiseshikadarsanam took its rise from the Terssiyas. 14 Cf. Avaiy. 8, 37: Achim (@bhir paigamadibhir nayaih) dithivel paravan suttaatthakahap ya. 15 nayAb sapta naigamAdayah, Daigamo dvidha, sami.nyagribi viseshagrihi cha, tatra "dyah sangrahe dvitiyas tu sainvyavahare pravishtah, tatd dvau sangrahavyavaharau, rijusutras chai' kab sabdadayas chn trayo'py eka eva nayah kalpate, tata evam chatvara eva naych, etais chaturbhir nayair E.dy ni shat parikarmini avasamayavaktavyata ya chimtgarte; on this see Brauka on asga 1, , 8, above p. 347n. 16 The ujjusuya and the parinayApariraya are stated to be the first two in the series. As regards other names reference is made to the Nanai and not to the independent treatment of the subject further on in anga 4. See above p. 284. 17 Sarvasya parvagatasutrarthasya sdchanft gutrini, tani cha sarvadravyno sarvaparyfy knih sarvanayanari BarvabhagavikalpAnim prakAsakani dvavir batih prajnaptini, tath Arijusatram iti adi. 18 Cf. Schol. Him. 245 : parvanath gatan jnanam asmin purvagatam. The anonymous author of the Vichiriimritasain graba which contains in 26 vich Aras a grouping of siddhinta passagos, (Apukas, states that the purvagatakrutadbaras were called vachaka, or, acoord, to the Nandivritti, cited by him, but which I have not seen, three other names vadi ya khamasamane divAyarl vayaga tti egatta I pavvagayammi tu eutte sadda pauttanti. Can the Vicharamritasazhgraba be identical with the Siddhintalapakoddhira of Kulamadana, Sany. 1409 - 55 cited in Kl. 255b? 15 Thoy agree in general with those in Hem. 247, 243. The explanation is likewise identical ; see the schol. ibid. The number of padas is the same as that stated in the introduction to the Kalpintarudchyuni. In this work the number of vaati (i vastu) of each purra is said to increase from 1 on by geometrical progression (8192 in the case of purva 16). Here however in the text itself-see p. 366 - we find entirely different figures which are quite credible. The figures in the case of 1. 3. 7. 10 vary somewbat in the enumeration of the parvas in Nemichandra's pravachanuskroddhira $ 92, v. 719-25.

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MAY, 1891.) SACRED LITERATURE OF THE JAINS. 175 exceeds as a rule that which the scholiasts-see above p. 288-state to be the number of the padas of the angus, each one of which was said to contain twice the number of padas of the preceding. The names of the Parvas (354) are as follows: 1. uppayapuvram,20 at padaparram; 10 vastu and 4 chuliya vastu; eka padakoti, 10 millions. 2. aggeniyam (A B C), agge-aniyam N (agganiyni NED., according to Leumann); ngreniyam Abh.,21 and agriyayiyam Schol. on N ; 14 vastu (so also in SS 14) and 12 chuliya vastu; shannavatih padalakshah (9,600,000). A direct citation from this is found in svasy. 10, 4293 and in Malayagiri on upanga 4 (nyriyaniyakhye dvitiyapurve kurmaprakriti prabhcite bardbavi. dhane sthitibandhadhikare chatvari annyogad varani ... An anonymous avachuri ou Chandramahattara's saptatika (ms. or. fol. 690) calls this work an excerpt from the ditthivua, especially from the fourth prabhritam (karmaprakritinamam) of the fifth vast w of the second purva ("agrayaniya"). In the Vicharamtitasaingraha we find the following interesting statement taken from the "Nandivritti " :- Sivasarma-Surye dibhir ayru 'uiyadipurvebhyah samuddhritiile satakadi-karmagrainthih. There actually [355] exists a siddhupahudam in 120 gathas, which is characterized as having taken its rise from the ayyeniyapuova; see p. 361. . 3. viriyam, viryapra vadam ; 8 vastu and 8 chuliya vastu; tasya 'pi (!) saptatih padasahasraai Abh., but in the schol. on N: 78 padalakshah 7,800,000.-Citation from this in Haribhadra on Arasy. 10, 49 (see p. 354, note 4). 4. atthinatthippavayam, astinistipravadam25; 18 vastu (also according to $18) and 10 chuliya v.; 60 padala kshab, 6 millions.-Citation as above. 5. nallappaviyam, 24 jnanapravadam ; 12 vastus; eka padakoti ekapadona (Abh., padenai 'kena nyuva schol. on N), i.e., 9,999,999 (!); Malayagiri on N has, according to Leunann, 10,000,006. 6. sachchappavayam, satyapravidam27; 2 vastus, ekii padakoti skadbhir adhika, 10,000,006 (1) 060 Malay., according to Leumann. 7. iyappavayam atmapravidam": 16 vastus (also according to $ 16) ; 26 padakotayah, 260 millions. Leumann says that a passage, which caused the second schism, is found in the schol. on anga 3, 7 (see above, p. 275). Uttarajjh. 3, 9. dcasy. 8, os. 20 sarvadravyinai paryavanam (! paryayenem) cho 'tpadabhavam aingiktitya prajn&pand Abh., sarvadravy.. D&m utpAdam adhikritya prardpapa N. 21 tatra 'pi sarveshku dravyanar paryavinarin (!) jivaviseshinen cha 'gram parimainam varpynte ity agreniyam, Abh. ; Agram pariminai tanya 'yanam parichhedas, tasmai hitam agriyaniyani sarvadravy Adiparimanakari Schol. on N. 22 The Schol. on Hem. aud Kalpintarvachyani has the same. 23 agginiammi jahi Divayana jattha ega tattha sayam jattha sayam tatthe 'go haminai va bhuijad vi vil Haribbadra says: jaha agripipie (1) virie atthinatthipavayapuvve ya padhu: jatthe 'go Diviyano bhujai tattha Diviyanasayan bhurnjar, jattha DivAyanasayain bhumjai tuttha ego Divayano blumjai; evar hammai. According o this the similar passaga should be found also in puvvas 3 and 4. See the remarks on Ambada iu Aup. 6 89: Ambads is mentioned ibid. $ 76 together with Diveyana. ** padaikadebe padasamudi yopacharkt sakarmitaramjivanam ajivanlan cha Viryani pravadati'ti viryapravadam Echol. on N. 38 yat loke dharm AstikAyAdi vastu asti yach cha nA 'sti kharassimgadi tat pravadati'ty astino dam, Schol. on N. yal loke yathA va nA (del.P) 'sti athavasyadvadAbhiprayatas tad eva na 'st 'ty Avain pravadati ti, Abh. The syadvida, which the Brahmins consider to be a distinguishing mark of the Jains, comes here for once into prominence. 26 matijnknidibh dabhinna saprapancharnvadati 'ti Schol. on N ; matijnAnadipahchakasya bhedasya prarupan& Abh. 37 satyath sathyamd vachanath cha, tat prakarahema vadati, Sebol. on N; tad yatra sabhedam apratipak hain cha varpyate Abh. 23 Atmanau jivam an kadha nayamatabhedena yat pravadati, Schol. on N.

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176 [MAY, 1891. THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [356] 8. kammappavayam, karmapravadam29; 30 vastus; eka padakoti 80 padasahasrani, 10,080,000 (!). A passage from this, which caused the Abaddhia or Gotthamahila to inaugurate the seventh schism is found in the extract just quoted, and in Haribhadra on Avasy., 8, es, where he remarks: atthame kammappavayapuvve kammam paruvimti upon the following passage of the text: Gotthamahila navamatthamesu puchchha ya Vimjhassa. 9. pachchakkhanappavayam,30 pratyakhyanapravadam; 20 vastus (also in SS 20); 84 padalakshah, 8,400,000. For this purvam we have quite a number of references. The above cited passage of Avasy. 8, 80-91 and Haribhadra's scholion seem to prove that the Abaddhia stood in some relation to the ninth purva.31 The statement is frequently made that the kalpasutram, which forms the eighth adhyayanam of the dasasrutaskandha, and the fourth chhedasutra, was "uddhrita" by eri Bhadrabahusvafin from the ninth purva. Thus, for example in the introduction [357] to the Kalpantarvachyani.32 This appears to me to rest upon a misunderstanding (as will be developed further on) of the statement that is frequently met with elsewhere, e.g., in Dharmaghosha in the Rishimandalasutra v. 167 (see Jacobi, Kalpas. p. 11, 12), to the effect that Bhadr. extracted dasa33 kappavvavahard from the 9th puvva. By these are meant the chhedasutras 3-5, and by kappa, not the kalpasutram, but the fifth chhedasutram is implied. Haribhadra, too, on Avasy. 6, 88, characterizes the ninth purvam in general as chhedasutra lakshanam and especially the twentieth prabhritam (by name oghapr.), the third rastu (by name achara) as the source of the oghaniryukti treating of the oghasamachari. He says that the oghaniryukti is nirvy udha therefrom. In an avachuri (composed34 A.D. 1383) on Dronacharya's vritti of the oghaniryukti, the chhedasutras, especially kalpa and vyavahara, are referred to the same source. See also the scholiast on Uttarajjh. 26. 10. vijjanuppavayam, vidyanupravadam35; 15 vastus (also in SS 15); eka padakotih dasa cha padasahasrani (dasa cha p. omitted in N) 10,010,000. The cause of the formation of the fourth schism is a passage from this puvva, cited in the passages quoted on purra 7, or Av. 8, 59 [358] neunia 'nuppavae, on which Haribhadra says: anupravadapurve neuniyam vachham [vatthu ?] padhati). Leumann compares the 9 neuniya vatthus in anga 3, 9. 11. avamjham, avamdhyamse; kalyanam Hem., abandhyam iti va Schol.: 12 vastus; 26. padakotayah, 260 millions. 12. paqium, pruniyus;37 prinavayam (!) Hem.; 13 vastus (cf. SS 13); 1 padakoti 56. padasatasahasrani, 15,600,000. 28 karma jnAnavarantysdikam ashtaprakaram, tat prakarshena prakritisthity-anubhaga-pradesedibhir bhedaih saprapancham vadati, Schol. on N, . . bhedair anyais cho 'ttarottarabhedair yatra varnyate, Abh. 30 tatra sarvapraty Akhy Anasvarupam varnyate, Abh., in the Schol. on N merely: atra 'pi padaikadeee padasa. mudiyopacharat. 51 The text reads puttho jahA abaddho kamcuinah kamcuo samunneievam puttham abaddham | jvd kammam samannci || 90 || pachchakkharam seam | apartmanena hoi kayavvam jesim tu parimanam | tam datthum (dut ham B H) Asas& hoi || 91 || Haribh. has: pratyakhyanam ereyah aparimanena kalavadhim vihaya kartavyam, jam tassa avasesam navama puvvassa tam sammattam; tato so abhinivese na Pusamittasay&sain cheva garatuna bhanai-Pasamitta's name is elsewhere brought into connection with the fourth schism. See schol. on up. 1, below p. 381. This name occurs frequently in the legends of the Brahmins and Buddhists. 32 This is the chief passage, which contains the statements in reference to the purvas. 38 Dasa is not to be connected with kappa, as is assumed by Jacobi (The ten kalpas), but denotes the dasao, the fourth chhedasutram itself, a part of which exists to-day under the title of the kalpasutram. 34 navamaparvamtarvarti tritiyam samacharivastv asti, tatra 'pi vineatitamat prabhritat sadhvanugrahartham Bhadrabahusvamina nirvyudha. The following fact speaks decisively against Bh. as author of the oghan. In v. 1 not only are the chauddasapuvvins praised, to which he himself belongs, but also the dasapuvvins which reach to Vajra; consequently the existing text must have been composed at a period considerably posterior to Vajra. tatra 'nekavidyatisaya varnitah, Abh., vidya anekatisayasampanna anukulyena siddhiprakarshena vadati'ti, Schol. on N. On satieayatva in connection with vidya, cf. p. 251n. 36 vaidhyam nama nihphalam, avamdhyam saphalam ity a., tatra hi sarve jnanatapahsamyamayagah subhaphalena saphala varnyamte, aprasastae cha pramadadikah sarve asubhaphala varnyamte, Abh 57 pranah pance' thdriyani 5, trini manasadini valani 3, uchvasa-ni (b)6v Asd 1, Ayus cha, tani yatra varnyamte tad upacharat pranayuh, schol. on N.

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MAY, 1891.) SACRED LITERATURE. OF THE JAINS. 177 13. kiriyAvisalam, kriya(bhil) visAlam 39 ; 30 vastus; 9 padakotayah, 90 millions. 14. gavinduskrarn (withont loga in $ 14), vimdur iva shram ;3 25-rastus (also in SS 28); ardhatrayodasa(sardhao N) padakotayah 125 (135 N) millions. This prirvam is often mentioned as the conclusion of the angas or of the snanana. See above p. 245, 346. It is now perfectly clear that the number of padas which has been handed down to us is purely a matter of fiction. The act figures in the case of 5 and 6 are simply amusing, It is easy to revel in details, when tus fancy is the only controlling agent. The enumeration of the names in the text is followed by detailed statements in reference to the number of each of the vatthus, [359] vastus and chiliyez, or chula-vatths, 40 i.e., sectiers into which each of the 14 purvas are divided. These numbers, in all 225 vatthus (milav.) and 34 chillav, are also mentioned in three kurikas, which have been inserted; and cach of which haz boen quoted in its proper place. The fourth part is called anuyoga; Hem. calls it purranuygul and places it (cf. p. 347) in the third position, the partagatam occupying, according to him, the fourth place. A contents of historical character is ascribed to this fourth part. The annwat is divided into two sections: (1) into the mulaprathamannyoga, treating of the root of the tree of the sacrel doctrine), or. according to the scholiasts, of the tirthakaras, 43 i.e., the history of the beginning, of the preliminary birth, of the existence and of the final completion of the Thagarantoni aruhanitanar; and (2 into the gandikanuyoga, i.e., the doctrine of the "little knots," single knotted points, membere, spronts," of the sacred doctrine, i.c., the history of the numerous fignres of the Jaina hagiology which are stated to be - [310] kulakara, tirthakara, ganadhara, chakkahara, Dasara, 65 Baladeva, Visudova. The history of Harivamsa is added to this group and, strangely enough, that of Bhadrabahu himself, whom tradition represents to be the last teacher of the ditthivaa! Other "knots "are finally added, viz. tavokammagandika, chittamtara(chitramtara)gandika Osappinio and ussappinio, and also all sorts of stories illustrating the way how beings become gods, men, animals or hell-beings. Abhayadeva is unfortunately very brief here, and to add to our difficulties the MS. is full of corruptions. Abh, refers especially to a Nanditika," composed probably in Prakerit, which is, however, not the same as the commentary on N, which I have before me. This too, is very brief and presumably contains a direct citation from one of the sections which belong here. See below p. 368 on chittamtarag. The fifth part is composed of the chuliyas - additions, which were referred to p. 358 in the discussion on part 3 to which they belong. They belong however to the first four puvvas alone. According to the schol. (and also to the schol. on Hem. 246) by these chuliyas we are to understand cula-like (i.e., like excrescences) paddhatis, which embrace that which was not * kriyabhih samyamakviy Adibhih vibalazh, schol. on N; tatra kayiky Adayah kriyah sabhodah samyamakriyschhod Ab(chhaida PkriyavidhAnini cha var yamte, Abh. (Malay. has according to Leumann: Bato yamakriyl. chhamndakriyadayas cha). 19 Boke jagati brutaloka va 'kaharany 'pari vimdur'iva sram, sarvAksharasamnipAtalabdhiheutvat, schol. on N. N has chullavatthoni, which is explained by the schol. by kahullavastani, whereas chGIA is explained by tikharam! Abh. understands here, as in anga 1, chadd to be secondary additions. See p. 360n. +1 of. Wilson Sel. W. 1, 35, purvan wyoga on the doctrines and practices of the Tirthankaras before attaining perfection, purtagata on the same after perfection (). .? ana yogah, sutranya nijenA 'bhidheyens gardham anu(rapah ) sarbamdhah ity a. Abh. * iha dharmapranaya(na)mlar tvat tirthakaras, teshazn prathamaih samyaktvav&ptilaksbapaporva (bha) vadigouaro 'nuyoge mdogah, Abh. ikshy-Aatnim parvaparaparvapariohinno madhyabhago garndiki, gandike 'va gandika, karthAdhikari, grarnthapaddhatin tasya anuyogah, schol. on N; ihai 'kavaktavyatarth Adhikaranugatavaky ("tav AkyAh P) paddhatayo guhdika nohyarhte, tAgam anayogo 'rthakathanavidhir gagab Abh. Soe Pet. Diot, 8. v. dasArha, attribute of every Buddha. ** Doubtless that of Haribhadra is meant. See schol. on Gapadharaufrdhmjata v. 66. This, too, is indicative of the fact (400 p. 284, 869) that the Nandi is strictly the proper place for that entire treatment of the 12 angas, wbici later on found a home within the fourth anga. See p. 349, 363.

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178 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. MAY, 1891. treated of in all the four preceding parts of the drishtivada. [361] The text, however, takes pains to limit them to the first four puuras. In the final remarks in reference to the complete extent of the diffhivaa, the following parts are ascribed to it, - l suyakkhandha, 14 provas, sarkheyya "computable" (perhaps ** innumerable," see above, p. 281) vatthu and chula(chulla N)vatthu, 48 and pahuda (prabhaita), pa hudapuhuda, pahudiya and pahudiyapahudiya, to which the same epithet is attached. The payasa hassa, 19 akkhara, &c., are characterized by the same epithet, i.e., samkheyya. Though the scholia fail to explain further the words pahuda, &c., they manifestly signify the same as chapter, paragraph, &c., and are actually se used50 in upangas 5, 7; and in anga 10 (see p. 333), the word pahuda is used in connection with the 14 puvvas. In the Anuyogadvarasutra (end of the pamana section), the ditthiraa is said to be computed according to prihoda, pahudia, pahudapahudia, and according to vatthu. This method of counting is said in the Anuyogadvarasutra to be similar to the division of the kaliu sua, i.e., into addesaga, ajjhayana, suak kandha, anga, which is there contrasted with the dirthivda. Vatthu appears in up. 6 as the name of the sections of up. 5 and 7, in which it no longer occurs in this signification. If we now cast a glance at the entire field of information which we possess in regard to [362) the twelfth anga, it is manifest that, though this anga had a genuine existence, nerertheless the information at our command produces an impression of less weight than that concerning the previous eleven aigas. In the case of the latter we possess the texts themselves as a means of verification, but in the case of the twelfth aiga there is no such help upon which we can rely. These statements, and especially those in reference to the 14 purvas, are, however, not purely fictitions. This is clear from the citations adduced above in our consideration of each, and especially of 2- 47-10, and from traditions in reference either to the extracts from them or to their relations to the origin of some of the seven schisms. Another proof of the validity of these statements lies in the fact that the number of the vatthus, mauyapadani and suttani, contained in the dirthiv., which is mentioned in anga 4 $$ 13-16. 18. 20. 25. 46 and 88 is in direct agreement with the later statement of contents. Finally the name pahuda in anga 10 appears in direct connection with the 14 puvvas. At the period of the Avasyakasutra, especially, and at that of the Anuyogadvarasutra these texts must still have existed, and perhaps even at the time of the older commentaries (cf, e.g., p. 347n.), if the statements of the latter are not mere reproductions of old traditions. See p. 225. The statement of the contents of anga 12 is found in anga 4, or Nandi (N), and is as follows: Se kim tam dithivad P ditthivad nam savvabhavaparu vanaya61 aghavijjanti,62 se samasad parchavih pam[363](natto), tamn: parikammam63 suttaim puvvagayam54 anuyog666 chuliya; - se kim tam parikamma ? 2 sattavihe pam, tamn: siddha 58seniyaparikamme,67 manussase, buddhas8,58 uggahanasi,69 uvasampajjanasedeg, vippajahanase, chayachuyaseo; -se kim tam siddhase deg81 P Tiha drishtivade parikarma-satra-purvagntA-'nuyogoktanuktarthasamgrahapaddhatayah (sangrahapark granthapaddh. N Schol.) chulah. 4* The number of vatthu and chilav, for the 14 purta at least, was shortly before (cf. p. 389) stated with exactness in the text itself. 19 See abore for the fabulous accounts of the scholia. 50 The name pahuda is found in the Siddhapaichasika of Deveudrasuri in 50 gathas. The author, in v. 1, says that he has taken his material sirisiddhapahulas. See above p. 354. 41 ABC, Ovan& N. 52 ABC, ojjai N. 83 ABC, omme N. ABC, gae N: when I henceforth cito N alone, ABC agroe. * BC, ugo A, oge N. 66 siddhi AN. betani siddhabronikaparikarmadi(dini) malabhedatab saptavidhani, matrikapadady uttarabhedpekshay & tryasitividhani, schol. on N. ** BC, patthaseAN. 59 BC, ugadha A, gidha N. * degn8 BC, Ona AN. 61 siddhi A.

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SACRED LITERATURE OF THE JAINS. MAY, 1891.] 2 choddasavihe panuatto, tam jaha: mauyapayanica egatthiyapayaim padho atthapayani agasapayani keubhuyam rasibaddham egaganam dugunam tigunam keubhuya-padiggahe samtharapadiggahe67 namdavattam siddhavattam, se 'ttam siddhasedeg; se kim tam manussase? 2 choddasavihe pam, tam: taim cheva mauyapayaimes java namdavattam manussavattam,69 se 'ttam mannssase0,70 avasesaim parikammaim padhaiyaim ekkarasavilani pam; - ichch [364] yaim2 satta parikammaim, chha73 sasamaiyani satta ajiviyani, chha chaukkanaiyani satta terasiyani,75 evam eva76 sapuvvavarenam satta parikammaim teslim bhavamti 'ti-m-akkhayaim; se 'ttam' parikammani; se kim tam sattaim? suttaim77 atthasii bhavamti 'ti-m-ak khayatim,7 tam:79 ujugam,80 paripayaparinayam, bahubhamgiyam, vinayapavvatiyam,81 anamtaram, 82 paramparam, samanam,83 samjuham, bhinnam, ahavvayam, sovatthiyam,96 ghamtam, namdavattami, bahulam, putthaputtham,87 viyavattam,99 evambhayam, dayavattam, vattamanuppayam, 9 samabhirudham,90 savvatobhaddam,91 panasam92 dupadiggaham, ichch-eiyaim bavisam suttaim chhinnacheyanaiyani03 sasam[365]ayasuttaparivadie; ichch-eiyaim bavisam suttaim achhinnachheyanaiyani95 ajiviyasuttaparivadio; ichch-tiyaime bavisam suttaim tika97nayani99 2 A, dani BC, maugapaylin N. 64 BC, anasa A, amasa N. 6 ggah AN. 68 mauydih pa BC, mauyap. A, maugap. N. 10 In N this SS is differently understood, since all the 14 names are again enumerated, and, in fact, just as above with the same variations:-mauga', padho after atthapayaini, amasa (sic!), keubhuyappadiggaho, sainsarapajigguho. 71 It follows from this ekkarasavihani that the reading of N, which gives padho after atthapayaim, is correct; otherwise there would be twelve species, not eleven. N consequently has preserved the original form of the text. N is also more exact in another point:- From the text we conjecture merely that the last member of each of the seven series (after namdavattam) begins in each case with the first part of the name of the series. In N, however, where as in the case of mannssase and in all the foll. series, the enumeration of the 14 members is in each case complete, the readings being the same as heretofore, the last member of each always varying, or it is expressly called putthavattam, ogadhavattam, uvasampajjanavattam, vippajahanAvattam, chuachuavattam. Further on N has frequently, sometimes in agreement with A, the better reading. Some omissions are due to the incorrectness of the Berlin MS. 63 BC, attha AN; in N before padho. 63 N, bhaye BC, bhuyah A. 67 BC, samsa h6 AN. 69 AN, sabaddham BC, incorrectly. 12 eyitim BC, eiyim AN. 13 chha s. s. Aj. omitted in N; the schol. however says: etesham cha saptanam pari(karmana)m adyani (Abh. has: shat adimani parikarmani) shat svasamayavaktavyatanugatani svasiddhaintaprakisakant 'ty a., ye tu Gosalapra. vartita ajivikah pashami linas tanmatena sapta 'pi (chyutachyutasrnikaparikarmasahitani Abh.) prajnapyamte. 14 nayain N; Adyani shat chaturnayopetani, schol. on N. 75 yaim N; trairasikani, trairasikamatam avalambya sapta parikarmani trividhanayachimtaya chintyamte, schol. on N. 76 Instead of Avam eva to akkhayaim N has merely nayain parikamme. 77 Instead of sudeg to akkhayatim N has suttaim vavisam pam. 78 BC, akkhayam A. 79 A omits. 1 C, pachch B; vijayavirayam A, vijayachariyain N. 82 ra BC. 179 ss BCN, nam(r) A. 85 BC, ec A, ayachchayari N. 88 ovachcham N. 84 obu B, simply jahan A. 87 merely puttham A. 90 ruddham N. 2 AC, pannasam BN. 91 BC, savvao N, savvau A. 93 oyim N; iha yo nama nayah satram chhedena chhinnam eva 'bhipraiti, na dvitiyena sutrepa saha sambamdhayati; tatha hi: dhammo mangalam ukkittham iti slokam chhinnachhedanayamatena parvasurayah tatha vyakhyfiti sma yatha na dvitiyadialokanam apeksha syat, tatha dvitiyadin api tatha vyakhyamti sma yatha na tesham Adyaslokapeksha syat; tatha sutrany api yatrayabhihprayena (yan nayabhi) parasparam nirapekskani vyskhyfiti sma, sa chhedachhinnanayah, tatah svasamayavaktavyatam adhikritya chhinnachhe danayatvam, tatha yah satram stramtarena saha 'chhinnam arthatah sambandham abhipraiti, sa achhinnachhedanayah, yatha: dhammo mamgalara ukkittham ity ayam sloko 'chhinnachhedanayamatena vyakhyayamano dvitiyadin apekshate, 'py etain slokam, vam anyonya(m) dvavinsati(h) sutrani akabararachanam adhikritya parasparam vibhaktany apy dvittyadayo arthasam vamdham apekshya sapekshani, schol. on N. se sava N. 89 payam A. 80 BC, ujjayam A, ujjusuam N. AN, etaini BC.. 95 onayaim B C. 96 eyain A; atha nayavibhagantaram adhikritya bhedam aha: trairasikanayamatena satraparipatyam vivakshitayan trikanayikani, avasamayavaktavyatam adhikritya su vi samgrahavyavahararijusutrasabdarupanayachatushkayo (! omission) schol. on N (Malay., accord. to Leumann, continues chatushtayopetani samgrahadinayachatushtayena chintyamta ity a.) 97 tikka A. tiga N. 38 yaim N.

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180 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1891. teresiyasuttaparivadi); ichch-eiyaim bavisam chaukkanasyaoi100 sasamayasutta parivadiel ; evam eva sapuvvavarenamo atthis is suttaim bhavanti 'tti-m-akkhAyamo; se 'ttam suttaim. Se kim tam puvvagae P7 puvvagae choddasavihes par, tam: uppayapuvvar, aggeniyam, viriyam, atthinatthippavayan, nanappavayam, sachchappavayam, Ayapp., kammapp., pachchakkhanapp., 10 vijjanuppavayam, avamjham, panaum, kiriyavisalam, logabimdusa ram; - uppaya[366] puvvassa nam12 dasa vatthu chattari chuliya13 vatthu pamo, aggeniyassal na parvasso choddasa v. ba rasa15 chuliya13 v. pam, viriyapuvvassa attha v. attha chuliya13 v. p., atthinatthipareyassalo attharasa v. dasa chuliyals v. p, nanappavayassa nam pavvassa barasa v. p., sachchappavayassa nam p. 8617 v. P., Kyapp. uam p. solasa v. p, kam mapp. nam p. tisam . p., pachchakkhanassa nam p. visam v. p., vijjanupp. nam p. pannarasa s.p., avamjhassa nam p. barasa v. p, panaussa nam p. terasa v. p. kiriyavisalassa nam p. tisam v. p., logavimdusarassa nam p. panavisam v. pam; dasa choddas' atha attharaseva (osa N) barasa duve ya vatthuni28 | solasa tise visa pannariisa anuppavayarmi birasa ekkirasame barasame terase 'va vatthuni tisa puna terasam3 choddasama10 pannavisa al chattari duvalasa attha cheva dasa cheva chula 20 vatthuni | killana chausham sosanam chuliya na 'tthi || ; se 'ttam puvvagayan.21 Sa kim tai anuyoge p23 aoge duvihe p., tam: mulapadhamanuyoge ya gamdiyanuyoge ya; Sa kim tam mulapa ge ? ettha2 nam arahantanam bhagavamtamam pavvabhava25 devalogagamanaima huma chavankimas jamma[367]nani ya abhiseya rayavarasiri820 siyaq30 pavvajjad 31 tava ya bhattasa kevalananuppaya titthappavattanni ya, samghayanam,34 samthanam uchchattar aum35 vannaviblago,26 sisa ganganahara ya, ajja pavattinio, 38 samghassa chauvihassa jam cha vi39 parimanam, jinasomanapajjava'l ohinini sammattasuyanasino ya vadi4 anuttaragati yasi nttaraveuvvin 45 ya munino jattiye 2 siddha, siddhapah046 jaha desid jachchiram kalam, paovaga647 ya jo jahim jattiyaim bhattain chheyaittaamtagades manivaruttame51 tamarao. ghavippamukka53 siddhipaham ayuttaram cha patt8,6* ee anne ya evam-4155 bhava mula 66 padhamanuoge kahiya aghavijjamti57 pannavio paruvio; se 'ttam mulapadhamanuyogo; - se >> siin A. 100 ydim N, naylini A. IN adds suttfim. parv¶samuddyardpena sarvagankhyay A, schol. on N. * B, ata o, si A, sat N. ni A. titti A, ttti N, bhavatitt BC. . ykini BC, iykni A, "iyam N. * See Abhayadeva's scholion, above, p. 216. The anonym, schol. on Nandt has the foll. iha tirthakaras tirthapravartanakale ganadharan adhiksitya purvam parvagatastrarthani bhfshate, tatah parvany nohyante; ganadhara api tathai 'va rachayamti pascAd Ach radikan. chauda' N. ABC, agreaniyar N, agginto N ED. (accord. to Leamann). 20 BC, puppaviyam A, kkhkna N. 11 BC, pana A, PA 80 N. 11 N adds puvvassa. 18 chulla. N. 14 niassa N. 16 duvalasa N. 16 yapavvassa N. 17 donni N. 18 mulavatthanam N. 10 AN, chaudao BC. 20 challan. 21 gac A; se 'ttam p. omitted in N. >> BC, Oge N, age A; and so throughout. 23 N. omits. 24 ABC, mdoge N. 25 arhatar bhagavat&samynktvabhavad Arabhya pureabharab, devalokagaman ini, teshu purvabbavcebu cha 'yuh, ditvalokebhyas chyaranam, tirthakarabhavatveno 'tpadas, tato janmani, tatah bailar je surfeurair vidhiyamkna abbisheka ity-adi pathasiddhan yavan nigamanan, iba sarvatra 'py apamtarale vartibhyo vadvyah (vabo P) pratiniyataik Arthdbi. karas, tatvahuvachanam: schol. on N. 26 NA, onani BC. MN, Aam A, au BC. >> N, chayanAni BC, ebiyani A. >> N, rito BC, ria A. (N ED. breaks off, Leamann says, at abhishy and is merely prathamabhaga.) 3* N omits. HN, ij&to BC, jjda A. * ABO, ugg& N. 39 A, ppay&ta BC, ppagio N. 4 samghs to vibhago omitted in N. 38 & A. * vanavibhau A. ABN, gantc. * N, pia ABC. ** vAvi ABC, cha N. - jina BC. 11 & N. 17 nani N; hin&ni to siddhi omitted in A. 45 BC, pav&i N. # gala N to utt. ya m. in N alone. 1$ siddhapsho to kalam in N alone. 4' N, patvagato BC, pluvagau A. ** AN, jetti BC. * ABC, chheittA N. * N, a BC, lado A.H1 N, omo ABC. 12 N, kka ABC. 5 BC, sidha A, mukkhabar N. 4 N, patta ABC. Adi A. 66 A omite. 07 Agb. p. p. omitted in N

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MAY, 1891.] SACRED LITERATURE OF THE JAINS. 181 kimi tam gardiyanuyoge? 2 anegavihe pannatte, tam jah&58 : kulagaragamdiyi850 titthayarag, ganadharag.60 chakkaharag. Dasarag. Baladerag. Vasudevag. Harivamsag.62 Bhaddabahug. [368] tavokammag. chittatarag.83 Osappinig. 64 ussappinig 65 amaranaratiriyaniraya66 gati67 gamana viviha pariyattananuyoge,69 evam-adiya669 gatigamdiya070 aghavijjamti panna071 para071; se 'ttam garodiyanuyoge.72 Sa kim tan chuliyad P73 jan nam aillanam chaunham puvvanam chuliya8,76 sosaim puvvaim achuliyaim78; se 'ttam chuliyao. At the conclusion of this review of the 12 angas, I present the apostrophe to eternity, which is given in anga 4 and in Nandi, in entire agreement with each other, at the close of their statement of the contents of the anga. With all the unwavering firmness of this apostrophe it looks like a protest against all who might either doubt or attempt to undermine its validity (see p. 293) : Ichch eiyam duvalasamgam ganipidagam atito77 kale anamta jiva ANA878 virahitta chauramtasamsarakamtaram aqupariyattimsu ;79 ichch eiyam duo gao paduppanne [369] kale (bis) anu pariyattinti ;60 - ichch diyarn duo gao anagae kale (bis) anupariyattissarti; - ichch eiyar doo gao atite kale a. j. anie irahitta chao vitivatimsa, 91 .. viivaimti, . . vsivazssamti; - ichch eiyam duo gao na kayai na asi, 82 na kayai na tthi, na kayai na bhavissar, bhuvim83 cha bhavamti. .ya bhavissamti ya,85 dhuve niaes6 sasad akkha97 avvaee avatthieso nichche ; 90 se jaha namae pamca atthikaya na kayii na asi na kayai na tthi na kayai na bhavissamti,1 bhuvin cha bhavamti ya bhavissamti ya dhuva nitiya 2 java nichche, evam eva duogao na kaya na asi (bis) nichche; - etthao nam duo ge gao ge anamta bhava a. abhava, a. heu a. abeu, a. karank a. akaruna, a. jiva a. ajiva, a. bhavasiddhiya a. abhavasiddhiya, a. siddha a. asiddha aghavijjamti paruo pannao darisio nidamsio uvadamsi,deg eyam duo gam gao gam. Before I proceed further I should like to state that beside the Vidhiprapll of Jinaprabha (A.D. 1307) (see above p. 223) in the meantime two other samachari texts, unfortunately anonymous, have come to my knowledge. They are both written in Pralerit with an occasional intermingling of Sanskrit, and are in agreement throughout with the statements in the Vidhip. which they antedate. The first of these texts, Ayaravihi, in 21 dara, contains in its tenth daran, jogavihi, not merely the enumeration of the angabahira texts, as Nandi (370), Pakshikas, and Vidhiprapa, especially in the form of the two latter, but also the same detailed exposition and examination of the single portions of the angas; upangas, &c., according to the period of time requisite for their study (measured according to dina and dyabila). The order of succession is the same as in the section of the Vidhiprapa which treats of this point. It is especially 65 jahi omitted in A; instead of 2 ando jah& N has gaoge pari jahA. 69 Thus N, oyato BC, oyda A; 80 also fartber on; kulakaraNGam Vimalarkhanadinari purvabhavajanmanamadini saprapa rcham upavarnyate, evam tirthakaragamdikadishy abhidbAnavabato bbavaniyam schol. on N. 6 In N after Vasudevag. i BC, chakkaratti AN. 6a In N after Bhadda. 6 In N after Osapp. ; chitra anekArth amtare Rishabh&jitatirthakar&partar Alo RishabhavarnbasamudbhQtAnA bhApatinkin feebagativyuddsboa fivagatiga maniputtardpapatapratipAdika gaindike, tham cha prarapanA Subuddhi. nampa Sagarachakravartind mah AmAty na 'ahtApade Sagaraohakravartisutabhya Adityaynishprabhyitfoam Risbabba. vanbarkjanami narapatinfri samkhyapradarsanens krita, al ch& "ibeh jaskinan Usablasse 'ty-Adind 'vaa@ya, schol, on N. N, usao BC, ussa A; ni BCN, nt A. BN omit; usa A, pi C. & niraya omitted in A ; amaro 'ti vividbeshu parivarttisha bhavabhramansba jartanim iti gamyate 'maratiryagaira. yagatigamanan, evatn Adhika gardikA vahav8 (!) Akhykyante, schol. on N. 67 gai N. # BC, uge Attanesu N. ** yau A, atiyato BC, merely Al in N. 50 A omits. TIN omits. 72 AN, go BC. 18 N yato BC, yau A. T4 BC, AN omit: 76 BC, yairn N, yau A. 76 N, has avasesa puvvA achulig. 17 te N. TS &jnaya, 19 anoparivsittavatah Jam Alivat. bhramanti. $1 yyati vrajitavantah. 32 nEst N (thus in every case). 83 bhilim N. (always). * bhavai N always). * bhavissaia N (s.lways). 36 niyatam. 91 N omits; akshayam. # ayyayam. 9 Avasthitam, * Instead of av, nicce N has here suparitthie. In the following repetition, however, it is the same as in the text. 1 ssai N. n niyayA N. >> The following is omitted in N.

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182 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1891. - interesting that ten, and not five, ajjh. are here -see p. 332 ascribed to each of the first two vargas of the second part of anga 6: dusu dusu vaggesu kama ajjhayana humti dasa ya chauppanna | battisa chau attha ya dhammakaha bia saakkhamdhe |. The text which we possess does not agree with this allotment of ajjh. The same holds good of the second of these two texts, which bears the name samayarivihi. We read in it the following concerning the first agga: tammi dasa ajjhayana, and immediately thereupon vie dasa ajjhayana. Since this second text is twice at the conclusion of the jogavihi section and at the conclusion of the whole - expressly ascribed to Abhayadeva, or to his oral instruction of the author Paramananda, it is very surprising that we find such differences between it and the present text, Abhayadeva himself in his commentary commenting upon that text which allots to both vagga only five ajjh. each. If the samayarivihi appears to be more than two hundred years older than the Vidhiprapa on account of its pretended relation to Abhayadeva (A.D. 1064, above p. 277), [371] the ayaravihi must be regarded as of greater antiquity. Its author refers, at the conclusion of dara 21, "etani gurukrityani, sravakakrityam punah srimad Umasvativachaka-sri Haribhadrasuri pratishthakalpadibhyo 'vaseyam" to two authors considerably before his time. In v. 50, 51 of the Ganadharasardhasatakam composed by Jinadattasuri, the scholar of Jinavallabha who died A.D. 1112, (see Kl. 248 b), the former of the two authors is called the first teacher after the interval following upon Aryarakshita and Durbalikapushpa (above p. 348).95 In Sarvarajagani's schol. on the Ganadharasardhasatakam a eravakaprajnapti is cited among the 500 (or 105?) payaranas (prakarana), composed by him in Sanskrit according to the statement in the text. The title sravakaprajnapti is in entire harmony with the statement of the yaravili just quoted. According to the Gurvivali of Tapagacha Kl. 253a (28) there lived au Umasvatikara in 1190 Vira (= Samvat 720), who is, however, distinguished from the author of the sravakaprajnapti (ptyudi) (yatah sammativrittau, cf. above p. 347, sri Umasvativachaka ity nktam). The latter is probably, as Klatt kindly informs me, the person of this name who appears in the Bombay MS. of a pattavali of the Vrihat-Kharataragachha, in the continuation of the old Sthaviravali immediately after its last member, Dushagani, the teacher of Devarddhigani, and separated by one gradation alone from Haribhadra who is mentioned together with him in the uyaravihi. Since the date of Devarddhigani is 980 Vira, and the death of Haribhadra is placed in [372] 1055 Vira, see Kl. 253a (27), tradition seems to place Umasvatikara, the author of the sravakaprajnapti, about 1000 Vira ( Samvat 530)! While it is true that the ayaravili does not claim to stand in direct connection with Umasv. and Haribh., merely citing them, yet this citation is of such a character that it is calculated to afford ancient testimony concerning a treatise which mentions, not sources of information of later date, but merely these two names which are manifestly of tolerable antiquity. The statements contained in this work gain consequently in authority; and the same conclusion holds good of the information of a literary and other nature in harmony therewith, contained in both samachari texts (sa vihi and vihipava). In continuing from this point on to adduce the testimony of the Vidhiprapa (V) especially, I do so, partly because it has a fixed date, and partly because it contains the most detailed statements. I shall, however, not fail to state where Ayaravihi (Avi.) or Samayarivihi (Svi.), which takes an intermediate position between Avi. and V. as regards fullness, offer anything worthy of particular note. 94 siri Abhayadeva suriguruvayana mayam mae eyam | Paramapaidena kayan eri Abhayadevasurer isyasaroruhaviharini (?) patre | samachari rumart (?) Paramanaindat padami chakre || 95 The very faulty MS. reproduces the Umasayi of the text by Umasvami in the commentary! This form of the name is found elsewhere, e.g., in the Vicharamritasaingraha as that of the author of the sra pti.

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MAY, 1891.] FOLKLORE IN SALSETTE; No. 9. 183 FOLKLORE IN SALSETTE. BY GEO. FR. D'PENHA. No. 9. - The Patel's Youngest Danghter-in-law. The palala of a certain country had seven sons, six of whom were married, the seventh being yet young. The wives of the six brothers brought with them little or no dowry, but when the youngest son married, bis wife brought several hundred rupees' worth of jewellery. Now it happened that, with the exception of the youngest daughter-in-law, the whole of the pagel's family were an indolent lot, and thus had to dispose of what little property they owned, and also the few jewels that the daughters-in-law had, to bay provisions and other necessaries. But the youngest daughter-in-law, who was wise and the only industrious person in the family, saw to what a pass they had come, and hit upon a plan. She went to her father-in-law, and thus said to him: "Father, we have already lost everything through oar la ziness. Let us do something to get out of this wretched way of living. I propose to dispose of the jewellery, which my father has given me in dowry, and see what we can do with the proceeds." The old patal, who could suggest no other alternative, agreed to the proposal of his youngest daughter-in-law. So they took a portion of her jewellery, and, going to a goldsmith yot it weighed, and sold it for what value the goldsmith set upon it. She next went to the lezer and bought some rice, spices, and such like other necessities, and then proceeded to wash the rice before grinding it into flour, and asked the other women to help her; but they all refused, sume on the plea that their children were crying, others that they had to attend to some other work, and so on. At last, with the help of her husband and father-in-law, she managed to wash the rice, to spread it out on mats in the sun to dry, and afterwards, when dry, to collect and bring in the house. She had now to grind the rice into flour, and so she again asked the others to help her, but met with the same refusal. The old man and her husband again lent tlieir help, and she did the grinding of the rice. In this way she made their food last theni for some days, while she had still a good sum of money left. Now, it struck her that, if they continued so idle, the provisions would soon be finished, and in a short time also the inoney that remained would have to be spent, and they would once more have nothing to eat. She, therefore, made the following suggestion to her father-in-law : - "Come, father, we will take a few labourers, and, going to a jungle, we will fell some trees und sell them as firewood, and I'm sure it will well repay our trouble." The father-in-law, who loved her more than any of the others for her kindness and industry, at once gave his consent. So one day, having Atted out a ship, taking with her her husband, father-in-law, and some labourers, she sailed through a river, and came to a large forest. There she got felled several trees, with which, after they were dried, she filled the ship, and came back home. One day a great merchant was passing by the patel's house and saw the great heap of firewood. Being in need of firewood, the merchant inquired to whom it belonged, and having been told that it belonged to the patsi, he went to his house and asked him if he would sell the firewood. The pajel, as previously instructed by his youngest daughter-in-law, said : - "No, no; we are not going to sell the firewood. The rains are fast approaching, and we shall want it all to ourselves." 1 I take this opportunity of stating that, in my contributions of Folklore in Salsette, I have, when alluding to the people, called them " Selette Christians," but they are not to be mistaken for the "Bombay Portuguese," by which term are understood the "Goanese," and these latter have no connection with the Polklore in Salsette. The Native Christians of Bombay and Salsette, including Bassein, now call themselves "Bombay East Indians," and in my future contributions I shall call them as such, 6. e." East Indians." * Until lately the palal was considered a person of great importance, and was respected and feared by all.

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184 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1891. But the merchant urged and begged very much, saying: "Come, come, sell it to me at any price; my need is greater than yours, as I want it immediately, while you can wait for the rains, by which time you can collect another and bigger heap than this." The pafel, however, said that he must consult his daughter-in-law before disposing of it. So he called her out, and told her that the merchart asked him to sell the firewood. "No, no," answered the daughter-in-law, quick as lightning. "What are we going to burn during the rains, which will begin in a few days, if we sell the firewood now? If we buy is afterwards it will cost as twice or three times as much as we have paid for it now, and we could ill afford to pay even the present price !" In this way she refused to sell the wood. But the merchant, who was in very great need of it, offered to give her even four times its value, and at last she consented, and sold the wood, which brought them near a thousand rapees. Thus, through the industry of the youngest daughter-in-law, the family now owned more money than it ever had before. Her next care was to take her father-in-law to a goldsmith's house, where she bought jewels for the patel's other daughters-in-law. After this she bought more provisions. This time also, when she asked them to help her in the washing of the rice, grinding it, and so on, the ungrateful and lazy wretches refused to help her, and, again, she had to do it with the aid of the old parel and her husband. With all this, she still had a large sum of money left; so she thought of using it in a way that would bring in still more. This time she suggested to her father-in-law to gather some stones into a large beap. The old pa!el, therefore, hired some labourers, and at once set to work, In a month or so they collected an enormous heap of stones. It now happened that the king of that country was building a new palace, but, unfortanately, as one wall was erected and another was being built up, the first would give way and fall into rains. As soon as the first wall was rebuilt, the second wall gave way, because they were being built of mere earth. This went on for several months, and the king had already spent much time and a vast sum of money, bnt in vain. At last his karbhari thus advised him: - "Your Majesty has already spent much time and money over this bailding, but apparently to little or no use. In my opinion it would be better to use stones for the building, which will ensure greater strength, and I feel confident that the work will not trouble you as it does now." The king, who always abided by the council of his karbhGri, agreed to the suggestion, and sent his men to seek for stones. The men chanced to pass by the pagel's house, and, seeing the great beap of stones, asked him if he would sell them. The patol, as instructed by his daughter-in-law, said :-No, these stones are not for sale ; we are about to rebuild our house, and so we shall want them ourselves." The king's men, however, pressed him very much to part with the stones, telling him that as they were wanted by the king, he would pay him a high price for them. Upon this the parel called out to his daughter-in-law, and said to her :- "Look here, here are the king's men, who want to buy up this heap of stones." The daughter-in-law at once replied: - "Oh no, oh no! See, our house is in quite a dilapidated state, and it may tumble down at any moment. We must soon set about rebuilding it, and if you are going to sell these stones, what will you do? It will be difficult for us to get together such a heap in time. Do not talk of selling them." But the king's people would not be quieted with this answer. They begged and urged very hard, till at last she yielded, and named the price of the stones at some thousands of rapees, which were paid, and the stones taken to build the king's palace, which was shortly completed to the great joy of the king.

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MAY, 1891.) FOLKLORE IN SALSETTE; No. 9. 185 The pagel with his whole family were now well settled in life. At the instigation of the youngest daughter-in-law, their house was rebuilt and furnished handsomely. The old man now took his youngest daughter-in-law to heart, and loved her more than ever. In everything that had to be done he always consulted her, and gave everything in her charge. This of course naturally led the others to envy her. They, therefore, began to invent stories in order to prejudice the patel and her husband against her. Said they to the paral, the first time he called her: - "Oh yes, you have taken such a liking to her; but do you know what is going on behind your back? What people are coming and going, and sach like things ?" In this way the old patol's mind was poisoned against his youngest daughter-in-law, and he in his turn told everything he had heard to her husband, who also took a dislike to her. Her husband then got her hair cut off, and, seating her on a donkey, drove her away from his house with strict injanctions never to return. The poor woman had no alternative but to submit to her fate, and went where the donkey carried her. She had, however, for some time past, sus. pected foul play, and had, therefore, put by a small sum of money for her private use, should she require it. This she took with her, and the donkey carried her to another distant country. Here our heroine laid aside her own clothes, and assumed the disguise of a man, and began to wander about the city. The king of that country saw her, and, taking her for a man, asked her if she would take employment. She offered to serve the king in any capacity, and was accordingly engaged as a police sipahi. Now, it happened that that country was visited every night by a bhujang (monster), who used to eat up anything and any one that came in its way, - men and animals alike. Many attempts were made to capture it, but with no success. The king had set a reward on the bhujang's life. Whoever should kill it, would be rewarded by getting the king's only daughter in marriage, and half his kingdom. Our heroine was apprised of this. So she went and bought a sword and concealed it in her house. That night, as she went about the town patrolling, she saw, by moonlight, the bhujang coming down from a hill, and marked well the road it took. The following day she went and dug a large ditch in the bhujang's way, and in the night lay concealed close to it, sword in hand. At the usual time the bhujang descended, and fell in the ditch, upon which our heroine rushed from her hiding place, and cut off its head, which she wrapped in a cloth and carried home. The king was every day in the habit of calling together the sipahis that were on patrol duty, and asking each of them in turn what they saw and what they did in connection with the bhujang. Unfortunately they never saw the monster, but, nevertheless, without knowing what it was, each invented a tale for the nonce. Said one: -"I saw a large beast in the form of a cat which made its way towards the East." Another would say: - "It was & monstrous tiger that I saw, and it went towards the stables of such and such a person." A third said: "A hideous saitan (devil) passed me at a few yards' distance, and when I tried to capture it, it disappeared." And in this way every one told the king some tale or other. Last of all the king asked the supposed new sipaha: -"Well, then, what did you see ?" <Page #202
186 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1891. The king got into a rage, and roared out: "Thou liest. One tells me he saw a cat, another saw a tiger, a third saw a saitan; and you say you saw a bhujang. How can it be possible? Should you again tell me such tales, I shall send you all to the gallows! Why not say that you all went to sleep at your posts? Or, at any rate, tell me the truth another time." Our heroine, however, was confident of what she had seen and done, and said: "Sire, pardon me for interrupting you. What I have told you is nothing but the truth, and I will prove it to you by shewing you the bhujang's head, which I brought with me after I had killed it." "Very well," said the king, and away went our heroine to her house, and in a short time came back in triumph carrying the bhujang's head, which she placed before the king, who, on seeing it, was amazed at the bravery of his sipahs, and praised him in eulogistic terms, and at the same made overtures for marriage with his daughter, also offering him half of his kingdom as promised. Our heroine, who did not wish to betray herself, willingly accepted the offer, and the king at once fixed on a day for the celebration of the auspicious event. First of all the king erected a large palace for his daughter and son-in-law to live in after their marriage, and furnished it very handsomely. He also attached to it a large establishment of servants, such as befitted a royal couple. Next, the king made preparations on a very grand scale, and in due time the wedding was celebrated with great pomp and show, after which the married couple went to reside in the newly built palace. A few days afterwards, on enquiry from her mother, the bride complained of her husband's backwardness regarding the consummation of the marriage, and the queen in her turn told about it to the king, who remonstrated with his son-in-law. Our heroine replied: "Father, I have made a vow to that effect for twelve years, in consequence of which, I trust, you will pardon my backwardness." This answer satisfied the king, who never afterwards touched upon the subject. A few years later, the king made over the reins of government to his supposed son-in-law, who, on his part, governed the kingdom with great justice and benefit to his subjects. To return to the patel's house. As soon as the youngest daughter-in-law was turned out of the house in the manner related above, the money and property, acquired by her industry, was soon spent, and the family became again sunk in deep poverty, and this to such an extent, that at times they had to live without a meal for several days together. Then the patel and his youngest son began to repent of their folly in listening to the tales of the other daughters-in-law, and in turning out of the house the youngest daughter-in-law, and leaving their house, wandered from city to city and country to country, in search of the youngest daughter-in-law. Now our heroine, when she assumed charge of the kingdom, had privately sent some men to the patel's country to bring her news as 'to how her family were faring; but all returned saying that they could not trace his house, and that all that they could hear was, that the family was in a very deplorable state, and had left the place, and gone no one knew where. One day it happened, that, as the patel and his youngest son were wandering, they chanced to come to the country over which our heroine was reigning. They were reduced to mere skeletons, and of clothing they had none, save little rags about their loins. In this state, the son, who was fatigued, sat down to rest himself not very far from the palace, while the patel went about begging. Our heroine saw the old man and recognized in him her father-in-law, in spite of the state he was in, and sending a servant, ordered him into the palace. As soon as he arrived, she had him bathed, then she gave him some clean clothes to wear, after which she served him with food in the manner she used to do when at his house. After doing ample justice to his appetite, he exclaimed: "Ha! Yes! This is exactly how my youngest daughter-in-law used to treat me. Now she is gone, I don't know where."

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MAY, 1891.] MISCELLANEA. The pretended king was now quite sure that the old beggar was no other than her fatherin-law, and asked him what he meant by the above saying, upon which the patel related the whole story, from the time his youngest and seventh son was married, to the moment he was speaking; and, concluding with many grateful expressions for the kindness shewn him by the supposed king, was about to go away. The king, however, stopped him, and told him to go and fetch his youngest son, who, he said, was resting himself not very far from the palace. The old man promised to do so. When he came to the spot where his son was, his son could hardly recognise his father, and asked him where he had got such nice clothes. The patel told his son how the king saw him and sent for him, and gave him meat and drink and all the clothes he saw. He then mentioned that he was ordered to bring his son also to the palace. The son was at first reluctant to go, but after much persuasion he consented. When he arrived his wife treated him in the way she used to do at home, and he too said: - "Oh good king, you put me in mind of my wife, who always treated me in the kind way you did to-day." The king asked him also to relate his story, which he did just as his father had done. At the conclusion of the story, both the father and the son burst into tears, and our heroine, too, could no longer control hers, and for two reasons, first, for the sufferings of her husband and father-in-law, and secondly, that she had seen them and that she was in a positi. to make them happy. At last she went to her room, and, having changed her clothes for those of a woman, she sent for her husband and father-in-law, who, on seeing her, at once recognized their lost wife and daughter-in-law, and fell on her neck and embraced and kissed her. 187 Our heroine then went with her husband, father-in-law, and the king's daughter, to the king's palace, where she told the king everything, and asked his pardon for thus imposing upon him so long. The king was astonished at the story and more so at the bravery of a woman, and not only pardoned her, but gave his daughter in marriage to the patel's son and made him heir to his throne. When the king was dead, the patel's son took upon himself the government of the country, and lived with his two wives in happiness. MISCELLANEA. AN HISTORICAL ALLUSION IN THE BHAGALPUR PLATE OF NARAYANAPALA. - Mr. Fleet has presented me with an excellent impression of the Bhagalpur plate of Narayapapala, an examination of which has shewn me, what indeed did not require such proof, how well that inscription has been edited by Dr. Hultzsch, ante, Vol. XV. p. 305. There is in fact, in the poetical portion of the inscription, only a single verse for which the impression suggests a better reading than the published one; and my reason for writing of this publicly is this, that the same verse contains an historical allusion, hitherto overlooked, to which attention should be drawn. In the published version the third verse, in lines 7-8, together with Dr. Hultzsch's translation, reads thus: Jitv-Endraraja-prabhritin-aratin= uparjjite yena mahodaya-erih datta punah sa valin=&rthayitre Chakrayudhayanati-vamanaya || "This mighty one (balin) again gave the sovereignty, which he had acquired by defeating Indraraja and other enemies, to the begging Chakrayudha, who resembled a dwarf in bowing, just as formerly Bali had given the sovereignty (of the three worlds), which he had acquired by defeating Indra and his other enemies (the gods), to the begging Chakrayudha (Vishnu), who had descended to earth as a dwarf." I believe that most Sanskrit scholars who may read this verse will be puzzled by the compound anati-vamandya, with which the verse ends. For, admitting that this expression may convey the meaning who resembled a dwarf in bowing,' they will probably be slow to adopt the suggestion that the poet, in applying the compound to Vishnu, should have taken the liberty of using the word anati, the meaning of which is at once clear and transparent, in the sense of avatara which means quite a different thing. And referring to the impression, I find that the difficulty is removed in a much simpler way. For the impression shews that the sign for the vowel i of the word dnati has been struck out in the original, and that the intended reading therefore is anata-vamandya.

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188 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1391. Referred to the king Chakrayudha, this would of this kind the task of the critic is very much mean (as a Bahuvrihi) who bowed down to (or easier than that of the editor. The editor, unless worshipped) Vamana, i.e. Vishnu;' referred to the | he be ready to delay the publication of his work god Vishnu, (as a Karmadharaya). Vamana, who ad infinitum, must within a limited time make up bowed down to (Bali).' his mind on whatever difficulties he may meet The verse eulogizes the king Dharmapala, and with; while the critic may concentrate his atten tion on certain selected passages, and trust to conhas been rightly understood to mean that the tinued study and to accident for clearing away king conquered Indraraja and other enemies, but the difficulties offered by them. This certainly is gave back the sovereignty which he had thus acquired to a certain Chakrayudha. But the verse my own experience; and in this spirit I have tells more than this. It states distinctly that written the following short notes on some of the the sovereignty which Dharmapala gained for inscriptions of Mr. Fleet's collection. If I should have found the true readings or the right interhimself by defeating Indraraja and which he afterwards returned to Chakruyudha, was the rule pretation of a few doubtful passages, it will be so only because Mr. Fleet has done all the hard work over Mahodaya or Kanauj; for there can be no before me, work which few scholars would have doubt that the word mahodaya-srih, like the rest been competent to undertake, and which fewer still of the verse, has two senses, and that, with reference to Dharinapala, it must be translated by would have brought to so successful a conclusion. the sovereignty over Mahodaya.' Mandagor Stone Pillar Inscription of I know neither a king Indrarija or Indra nor a Y&sodharman. king Chakrayudha of Kanyakubja, and can only No. 33, Plate xxi. B., p. 142 ff.; and ante, form certain conjectures to which I would not Vol. XV. p. 253 ff. attach too much value myself. Bali took the In line 8, the sentence chalati niyamitar nu sovereignty of the three worlds from Indra, and dmund loka-vrittan has been translated - "the gave it to that god's younger brother Vishnu (good) customs of mankind continue current, un(Upendra). Similarly Dharmapala may have given impeded (in any way) by him." The construction to the younger brother (Chakrayudha) what he should rather be taken to be - amund niyami. had taken from his predecessor, the elder brother taraloka-vrittan na chalati, controlled by him, the Indraraja). Chakr&yudha is only another name conduct of mankind does not swerve (from the of Vishnu; and a third name of Vishnu is right course).' Adivardha. And Adiraraha is, as Dr. Hultzsch Mandasor Stone Inscription of has shewn, another name of Bhojadeva of Kanauj. Yasodharman. For Bhojudova we have the dates A. D. 862, 876, and 882 ; and, according to Sir A. Cunninghnm's No. 35, Plate xxii., p. 150 ff.; and ante, account, Dharmapala would have ruled from Vol. XV. p. 222 ff. about A. D. 830 to 860. Bhojadeva and Dhar- In lines 11 and 12 of this inscription we have mapala may thus have been contemporaries, the verge - and it is at least possible that the former may Sukriti-vishayi-tunga radha-molam dharayAm have owed his elevation to the throne to the latter. Other inscriptions may shew all this to sthitim=apagata-bhangar atheyasin-adadh. nam [1] be untenable, but it is curious that Bhojadeva's guru bikharam=iv=adres=tat-kulan successors (Mahendrapala, Kshitipala, and Deva. ev-Atmapala) all should append to their names the word raviraiva Ravikerttih su-prakasam vyadhatta 11 Pula, which would seem to connect them somehow or other with Dharmapala and his family. The difficulty offered by the verse is this, that, F. KIELHORN. while the first half should be applicable to the Gottingen. summit of a mountain bikharam) as well as to a family (kulam), the word sukriti-vishayi-tungan CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM INDICARUM, when referred to the former, yields no suitable VOL. III. meaning. The word dhardyan, in the earth,' at Mr. Fleet has asked me to publish from time to the end of the first line, suggests the idea that the time in this Journal any suggestions regarding beginning of the line should contain some refer. the txts and translations of the inscriptions con- ence to the sky; and we obtain what we want, and tained in his Gupta volume, which migbt occur to remove every difficulty, by altering the reading of me in the course of my own studies. In comply. the text to sukriti-vishaya-tungan, 'high like the ing with his request, I can only say chat in work abode of those who have performed good actions, 1 See ante, Vol. XVIII. p. 219. bhoty&

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MAY, 1891.] MISCELLANEA. 189 or (applied to kulam) eminent in being the abode Here, again, I fancy I recognise in the photoof or in containing) men who perform good lithograph faint traces of the sign for v below the actions.' That heaven is acquired by good deeds, of jati-ratnair. is a common notion. Thus, in Mr. Fleet's own In line 23 we read - volume, p. 147, 1.7, we have divah sukrit-Sparji. Priyatama-kupitanam ramayan=baddha-ragam tiyah, and in Raghuvamea, xviii. 21, dyd i sukrit. kisalayam=iva mugdham manasam manini. opalabdham. And in Sarngadhara's Paddhati, Ban [*] 1072, we actually read vyoma mahat=padari sukri. tinam, where padai sukritinam is exactly equiva- The first two aksharas of ramayan are not clear lent to sukriti-vishaya. The true reading having in the photolithograph; and the word appears thus been established, I would, judging from the objectionable, because, when construed with kisuphotolithograph published, ante, Vol. XV.opposite layan it yields no suitable meaning, and because to p. 224, venture to say that the sign for the the ordinary causal form of ram is ramayan. My second i in vishayi has been struck out already in own reading would be kampayan, causing to the original. shake,' or 'causing to tremble.' In line 18 I would read an-abhivanchhan instead The text of this inscription has been reprinted of an-ativanchhan, because 'not seeking his own in Kdvyamala, Prachinalekhamala, pp. 112-116, comfort' appears to me more appropriate than where the editor of the reprint has suggested the 'not being too eager about his own comfort;' and following alterations : - jitam for jiti, in line 5; I would translate the word a-sangdin (referring to medhyan for meghyam, in line 7; -dhusarena dhuram) by 'meeting with no obstruction,' = a. for-dhumarena, in line 9; Edhraslydn for pratibandhdm. Compare Mallinatha on Raghu- =vaslydn, in line 10; tara-mandras= for bhdravainsa, iii. 63. mandrak, in line 22; and kirana-samudayIn lines 19 and 20 we read the verse dsaiiga-leantari for kirana-samudayam sangaUpahita-hita-rakshi-mandano jati-ratnair= kantani, in line 24. Of these, I regard only the bhuja iva prithul-asas-tasya Dakshah alterations in lines 9 and 24 as improvements of the kaniyan [1] text: in respect of line 9, note rosabha-dhdsarena, mahad-idam=udapanam khanayam-Asa bibhrach= in the Kirdterjuniya, XVI. 7. But, differing from chhruti-hridaya-nitant-&nandi nirddosha Mr. Fleet, I would, in the first passage referred nama 11 to, take jiti to govern jagatin, and translate victorious is (Vishnuvardhana), who in battle has the first half of which has been translated conquered the earth;' although I know that it His younger brother, Daksha, - invested with would be difficult to justify the formation and the decoration of the protection of friends, as if construction of jitin by the rules of Panini's he were (his) broad-shouldered (right) arm (de- grammar. It would be equally difficult to account corated) with choice jewels.' by that grammar for the gerund vindmya in the Differing from Mr. Fleet, I take the proper same line, about the reading of which there can name of the man spoken of, to be Nirdosha; but be no doubt. my chief difficulty lies in the first line of the As regards the translation, I would, besides, verse. There appears to be no authority for take the words havirbhuja ivaeddhvardn, in line 13, translating the word jdti-ratna by choice jewels;' as an accusative plural, in the sense of 'like the and the word bhujah of the cecond line should (three) sacrificial fires'; and would compare undoubtedly be qualified by the whole of the first Raghuvamba, xv. 35, where the three brothers of line. The word rakshd-manda na, being synony Rama are described as tretagni-tejasuh. mous with raksha-bhushana, an ornament or amulet worn for protection (against evil spirits, Nagarjunt Hill Cave Inscription of &c.),' rakshd-ratna, rakshd-mani, &o., I propose Anantavarman. reading jnati-ratnair (with which we may compare No. 49, Plate XXXI. A., p. 223 ff. jnati-vriddhaih in Raghuvansa, xvii. 12) instead In line 1 the actual reading of the stone, to of jati-ratnair, and would translate the first half judge by the photo-lithograph, is undoubtedly of the verse thus: mahikshitam=Anur=iva, as given by Mr. Fleet; His dexterous younger brother, by excellent but I cannot help thinking that the poet after all relatives invested, as with a decoration, with the is really referring to Manu, the mahikshitamprotection of friends, - being as it were (Dhar- ddyah (Raghuvanda, i. 11), and that the reading madosha's) broad-shouldered arm, to which excel. therefore must necessarily be altered to mahilent relatives had fastened a beneficial ornament kshitan Manurrida. The writer or engraver has to guard (against evil)-...' been guilty of similar slight blunders.

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190 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1891. In line 3 we have on the stone para-hitah kind that is felt towards offspring, - for any eri-paurushal, benevolent to others (and) posses- distressed man who came to him for protection, sed of fortune and manliness. But, brf-paurushah and for any afflicted person whose fortitude had being an impossible compound, we are obliged to been destroyed by the continuous flight of the read para-hita-rt-paurushal, 'whose fortune and arrows of adversity, - extended, in conformity manliness are beneficial to others.' And in line with the disposition of a kinsman, (even) to any 8 we must alter vimathita-gaj-odbhranta-vdj| cruel man who might seek to do (him) harm; pravirs to vimathita-gaj-odbhranta-vaji-praviro, (and) by whose fame, arising from good actions, because pravird cannot by itself be taken as an the whole world was thus completely filled." adjective, qualifying vanah. Here, with the actual reading which is on the As regards the interpretation of this inscription, stone, Mr. Fleet felt obliged to translate the I would translate drisht-ddyishta.vibhati vimvam, words bandhorwyathd-bhdvatal by 'in conformity in line 4, by an image, the great beauty of which with the disposition of a kinsman,' and to divide is only dimly seen' (on account of the image having the verse into two separate sentences, the first been placed in a cave), and would compare com- Bentence extending to the end of the third line, pounds like krit-akrita, 'done and not done,' i. e., and the second consisting of the fourth line, the badly done,' the formation of which is taught two sentences being joined by anand,' which had by Panini, ii. 1, 60. (See my Mahdbhashya, Vol. to be supplied. But yathd-bhavatah is an imposI. p. 401, Varttika 4). Besides, the meaning of sible word; and the relative yasya towards the line 6 appears to me rather to be this, that the end of the verse, referring to Upasenas in the does, when they see the king hunting, stand still preceding verse, shews that the verse with which and gaze at him, only to be killed by him we are dealing is a single relative sentence. (antdya); for the words drishtah sthitvd mrigi. What we want at the end of the third line, is bhih clearly show that it is the does who are the genitive singular of a present participle, represented by the poet as standing still, -not qualifying yasya and governing vatsalyam and the Anantavarman. other accusatives in the earlier part of the verse. I may add here, that in line 2 And I have no doubt that bhdvata) is a mistake Yasy=&hdta-Sahasranettra-viraha-kahams sada of the engraver for kurvata), a mistake which in aiv=Adhvarait the alphabet employed by the writer is easily Paulomf chiram=asru-pata-malinam dbatte accounted for; and with the reading kurvatah, the kapola-eriyam 11 - construction and the meaning of the verse leave the author clearly appears to have imitated Kali- nothing to be desired. Upasena shewing con. dasa's Raghuvamda, vi. 23, tinuona affection .... towards cruel people, as Kriya-prabandhad-ayam-adhavaranam= if they were his relatives, the fame arising from ajasram= Ahdta-Sahasrangtrah 1 such noble conduct filled the whole earth (yasya, Sachyfs-chiram pandu-kapola-lamban= krurasya bandhor-yathd vdtsalyam kurvatah, Evan mandara-sanyan alakAms=chakara 11 sach-charit-6dbhavena yafasd bhdtalam-dchitam). Here I would add that, in the first half of the Bodh Gaya Inscription of Mahanaman. verse No. 71, Plate XLI. A., p. 274 ff.; and ante, Vyapagata-vishaya-oneho hata-timira-dasah praVol. XV. p. 366 ff. dipavad=asangah of this inscription I possess a good impression kusalen=&nena jano bodhi-sukham=anuttaram kindly presented to me by Dr. Hoernle, and I bhajat&m II - am thus quite certain that Mr. Fleet's transcript in linea 11 and 12, the author, in my opinion has of the text, as given in the Gupta volume, is imitated (with little success), or has had in his correct. Nevertheless, a serious difficulty is pre- mind, Raghuvansa, xii. 1sented by the following verse in lines 7-9: Nirvishta-vishaya-snehah sa das Antam=upeyiVAtsalyam saran-Agatasya satatam van dinasya vaibeshikam Asid=hsanna-nirvanah pradip-Archir-iva-Oshasi 11 vy&pat-syaka-santati-kshata-dhriter-Arttasya (Dasaratha), when he had enjoyed the plea ch-Apat yakam bures of life and had come to the end of his days, krdrasy=khita-kArinah pravitatath vaba)ndor: was approaching unto eternal beatitude, being like yatha-bhAvatah the flame of a lamp at dawn which is about to go evam sach-charit-odbhavena yafasi yasy= out when it has consumed the oil of the stand and Achitam bhatalam 11 has come to the end of the wick.' "Whose special characteristic of affection, of the Gottingen. F. KIELHORN.

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MAY, 1891.] MISCELLANEA. 191 CALCULATIONS OF HINDU DATES. Asvina sukla 8; but the nakshatra at sunrise was No. 48. Uttara-Ashadh, No. 21, for the moon, and Chitra, No. 14, for the sun. In the Chellar grant of the Eastern Chalu Saka-Samvat 1058 current; - (A) the vernal kya king Kulottunga-Chodadeva II., published equinox occurred on Sunday, 24th March, A.D. by me, with a lithograph, ante, Vol. XIV. p. 55 ff., it is recorded that the Dandadhindtha Kata, 1135, at about 40 gh. 30 p. ; on this day there ended the tithi Chaitra sukla 8; but the naksha. otherwise called Kolani-Katamanayaka, granted tra at sunrise was Punarvasu, No. 7, for the the Mandadorru agrahdra, with the village of Ponduvagrama, in the Savattili d&ea, to Brahmans, moon, and again Revati, No. 27, for the sun; - and (B.) the autumnal equinox occurred on Friday, - (1. 49 ff.) SAK-Abdanar pramane rasa-visikha 27th September, at about 36 gh. 35 p. ; on this viyach-chandra-samkhyam prayate . . . . day there ended the tithi Asvina krishna 3; and . . . . . . . . . -Ardr-arkshe parvva the nakshatra at sunrise was Ksittika, No. 3, for ma (pa )kahe vishuvati su tithf(thau), - "when the measure of the Saka years has advanced beyond the moon, and again Chitra, No. 14, for the sun. the number of the flavours (six), the arrows (five), the sky (nought), and the moon (one), .... In these three years, the only approximation ........ at the equinox, together with is in the case of the vernal equinox of the 24th the Ardri nakshatra, in the first fortnight, on an March, A.D. 1135; but it entails the supposition excellent tithi." of a mistake in the year, as given in the record; and also of a mistake in the computation of either Here, bearing in mind that for the period of this the equinox or the nakshatra; for the Ardra nakgrant the "first fortnight" is the bright fortnight, shatra ended, at the latest, about 23 ghats before according to the amdnta scheme, we require a the sunrise at the end of the day preceding that tithi of a bright fortnight, on which there on which the equinox took place. oocurred either the vernal or the autumnal equinox, and when the moon wal in the For Saka-Samvat 1057 current, the vernal equiArdra nakshatra. And, apparently, the daynox can be accepted, if we alter 8- Ardr-arkshe into should be found in Saka-Samvat 1057 current. Bhadr-arlshe, and if we also interpret purva-patThe results, however, are not satisfactory shd us standing for apurpa-pakshe," in the second (i.e. dark) fortnight," which is permissible by the Saka-Samvat 1056 current :-(A) the vernal rules of sandhi, though the use, in that cane, of equinox, as represented by the Maha-Sankranti, 80 ambiguous an expression, would speak very occurred on Friday, 24th March, A.D. 1133, at badly for the skill of the composer. In these about 9 ghatis, 25 palas (for Bombay); on this two respects, however, quite as much violence day there ended the tithi Chaitra krishna 2; and has to be done to the original text, as in the the nakshatra for the moon at sunrise was, not case of the vernal equinox of Saka-Samvat 1059 Ardra, No. 6, but either Svati, No. 15, or Visakha, current. No. 16; or, if the nakshatra should be intended for the sun, it was Revati, No. 27; and (B) Mr. Sh. B. Dikshit has brought to my notice the autumnal equinox, as represented by the that the only neighbouring year which furnishes a Tulch-Samkranti, occurred on Wednesday, 27th correct result for the equinox, the fortnight, and September, at about 5 gh. 30 p. ; on this day there the nakshatra, is, Baka-Samvat 1055 current. ended the tithi Asvina ksishna 12; and the In that year, the vernal equinox occurred on nakshatra at sunrise was Porv&-Phalguni, No. 11, Wednesday, 23rd March, A.D. 1132, at about for the moon, or Chitra, No. 14, for the sun. 58 gh. 55 p., and, on account of the lateness of the hour, would be celebrated on the Thursday, on. Saka-Samvat 1057 current; - (A) the vernal which day there ended the tithi Chaitra sukla 6, equinox occurred on Saturday, 24th March, A.D. and the moon entered the Ardra nakshatra at 1134, at about 25 ghatis; on this day there ended about 12 gh. 40 p. the tithi Chaitra krishna 12; and the nakshatra at sunrise was either Satateraka, No. 24, or Parva Accordingly, this date, Thursday 24th March, Bhadrapada, No. 25, for the moon, and Revati, A.D. 1192, seems very likely to be the real No. 27 for the sun; and (B) the autumnal equi intended date. It entails a mistake in the nox occurred on Thursday, 27th September, at original, in respect of the given year. about 21 ghatis; on this day there ended the tithi J. F. FLEET.

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192 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1891. NOTES AND QUERIES. HOW THE TIGER ATTAINED HIS GREAT FOLK MEDICINE IN MADRAS. STRENGTH. The gum of the acacia arabica is a 'delicacy A FOLK-TALE. in Gujarat and a medicine in Maisdr, used espe One day Isvara called a man, and told him to cially with ghi by women during pregnancy. It ask for any favour he might wish to be conferred is supposed to be a strong tonic. on him. The man, after much consideration, The favourite remedies among South Indian wisely asked for strength. "Very well," said old-wives for a bad cough in children, are the Isvara," come here again on a certain day, when punga-seed (pungamia glabra : Skr. ingudi, Hind. I will make you owner of the strength of seven kuranj), and a copper medal or token engraved she-buffaloes." The man promised to come, but, with the image of a dog on both sides. on the appointed day, he failed to attend. Now, a tiger, who had overheard the conversation When a bad cough sets in, a coin is taken to a between the man and Isvara on the previous copper-smith, who alters the superscription to an occasion, came and presented himself, on that image of a dog on both sides. Or a dried seed of day, before Isvara. Isvara asked him what he the pungamia glabra is procured. In either case wanted, and the tiger said he had come to have a hole is bored, and the "charm" is hung round strength conferred upon him. Upon this, Isvara the loins or neck of the suffering child. bestowed upon the tiger the prodigious strength of The modern theory is that a cough is a nervous seven she-buffaloes, and thus, through sheer affection, and that copper and punga-seeds act on carelessness, man lost his legal right to the the nerves and so cure the ailment! I can vouch strength of seven she-buffaloes! for the action being very slow! GEO. FE. D'PENHA. To persons who have lost their nervous power A SONG ABOUT LORD LAKE. by excess of debauchery, a preparation made out The following is an old song quoted in that of the seeds of the ndyurivi (Skr. apdmdrga) is curious book The wanderings of a Pilgrim in supposed to give an instant cure. The seeds search of the Beautiful, by Mrs. Fanny Parkes : (achyranthes aspera) are gathered, dried well in perhaps some one can give some more of it, or the sun, husked, and turned into a kind of rice. some information about the author, &o. This rice is fried in a little ghi and is powdered. Mert jAn, kahin dekha Kumpant nisban? A handful of the powder with a little sugar is to BAnke Lek mar leo Hindustan. be taken in the morning on an empty stomach. Morf jan, kahin dekha Kumpant nishan? Oure follows in a week. LAI A1 kartt, gavve gavv8 jawan, A certain oil is extracted from the seeds of the Hath mon patthar kala, pith par toedan; plants called kundumani (abrus precatorius), and Mert jan, kahin dekha Kumpani nishan P araliraiofrai (amaranthus tristis.) Either kind Age &ge paltan, pfchhe pfchhe sawar : of oil is supposed to be the best of restorers for Top ki dankar se bhige Hinda Musalman ! falling hair. When rubbed into the hair in a Mert jan, kahin dekhi Kumpant nishan healthy state, they are supposed to promote its Das das kumpani jis men gore gore Kaptan! rapid growth. "Gudami phair" bolte, nikal j&ve ausan. Meri jan; kahta dekha Kumpani nishan P In addition to these two oils, the hot blood of hares when rubbed into the hair of the head is I suppose it means - "My love, have you soen supposed to promote its growth. The pride of the anywhere the Company's flag P The gallant Marktha kings of Tanjore was that they daily Lake has conquered Hindustan. My love, have killed a hare and smeared ita hot blood over you seen anywhere the Company's flag P With their heads, and thus made their locks grow red red coats, sturdy sturdy young men, firelock in hand, and cartridge pouch on back! My love, have you seen anywhere the Company's flag The kdijar or tragia cannabina is a very Foot regiments in front; cavalry in the rear : irritating plant, and is supposed to have the same At the cannon's roar bulted Hinda and Musal. effect on dobilitated nerves as the ndyurivi. The man! My love, have you seen anywhere the root of the plant (generally half an anna in Company's flag P Companies ten by ten, and a weight) is fried in ghi and the preparation is eaten white Captain over each! As they shout "Fire ! with the ordinary food. If it is taken for a week, God damn you!" we are stupified. My love, have the lost power is revived. you seen anywhere the Company's flag P" 8. M. NATESA SASTRI. W. CROOKE. Madras. long.

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MAY, 1891.) BOOK-NOTICE. 193 BOOK-NOTICE The GOLDEN BOUGR, a Study in Comparative Religion, King of the Calf at Pont-a-Mousson; and the by J. G. FRAZER. Two Vols. London: Macmillan naming of the last sheaf in various parts of France & Co. 1890. and Germany as the Cow, the Buil, the Com-steer. SECOND NOTICE. the Tresher Cow and so on. points to the spread of In our former notice of these interesting the same ideas. Crying the Mare in Hertfordshire. volumes we followed Mr. Frazer in his argu- the naming of the first whenf as the Cross of the ment so far as the killing of the Corn-spirit, and Horse at Liile, and the expression "seeing the were introduced to the conception of the Corn. horse" for the noonday sleep of harvesters at spirit as an animal. Now it can be shewn that Berry, prove the transfer of the Corn-spirit to the in the popular mind he can take the form of the horse. Similar customs prevail in Germany with wolf, dog, hare, cock, goose, cat, gcat, cow, ox, reference to the Rre-bour. Rye-sow. Corn-sow, anil bull, pig and horse. to the Sow.driver, and Carrying the Pig in Bavaria. All throngh France, Germany, and the Slavonic and burying a pig's tail or bone in Germany and countries, the Corn-spirit is often the Rye-wolf, Russia in the fielil or with the seedl. And, lastly, Corn-wolf, Rye-dog, and is a common bugbear to the well-known Scandinavian enstom of the Yulefrighton children with, whose fertilising power is boar and mising the straw of it with the next in his tnit. In Germany the binder of the last year's need to procnre a good harvest, is in interes. sheat is the Wheut-dog, Peas-pug, Rye-wolf, ting addition to the evilence on this hend. So Bu is the Swedisli ensto:n of throwing Yule-straws Potato.wolf, Wheat-wolf, Oats-wolf and so on, or simply the Wolf. In France the last shent is to the ceiling and prognosticating the next year's the Bitch, and there are harvesting customs con. sheaves from the number that stick there. Other nected with killing the Dog or the Wheat-dog, manifestations of the Corn-spirit are to be Rye-dog, Potato-dog, Harvest-dog, as the case found in inodern Enrope in the stag, roa, shoop, may be. At the threshing floor, too, in France the bear, ass, fox, mouse, stork, swan and Dog or the Corn-pag. Rye-pug, Wheat-pug, kite. is stuck down, to which there is an analogous Now, Dionysus the tree-god appears as a goat German custom of killing the Corn-wolf in thresh. and as a bull. As a goat he is hardly to be dising the last sheaf In France when a harvester tinguished from Pan, Silenus, the Satyrs, the is sick "the White Bitch has bitten him" or "the Fanns and the host of sylvan goat divinities, White Dog has passed him," and lastly, to com. ancient forms of the modern Russian Ljeschie, plete the proof of the animal form of the Corn. which are Wood and Oorn-spirits in human form, spirit, in the Vosges the Harvest-May is called but with the horns, ears and legs of goats. As a the Harvest-dog. bull, the Athenian ceremony in his honour of the bouphonin, or murder of the ox, and the stuffing of Again, in Germany, Hungary, Poland and the murdered ox and yoking him to a plough, shew Picardy a cock is sacrificed in one way or another his close connection with agricultural divinitids. with the last corn cut, and its feathers mixed with Further, the ceremonies of the bouphonia are the next year's seed. Cutting the Hare is in partly paralleled by those of the Great Mortdard Ayrshire cutting the last oorn, and also in parte at the apple harvest at Beauce in France. In of Germany, Sweden, Holland, France and Italy. Guinea and in China also are customs directly In Norway the Hare's blood in the form of brandy is given to his comrades by the reaper who has connecting the ox with the Corn-spirit. "killed the Hare." In Germany and France the The pig was sacred to Demeter, and at the Cat takes the place of the Corn-dog and the Corn great autumnal festival of the Thegmophoria in wolf above described. So also in Germany the her honour pigs were thrown into the " chasme of Corn-goat, Rye-goat, Oats-Goat, Bean-goat or Demeter and Proserpine," and their decayed flesh Harvest-goat plays the part of the Corn-wolf. So afterwards recovered and sown with the seed corn. in Skye the Cripple-goat was the last sheat ont on The connection of Demeter with the pig as the the last farm that finished reaping, every previous Corn-spirit here comes out, and her connection last sheaf having been carefully transferred to a with the horse as the Corn-spirit is visible in the neighbour who had not yet finished. At Grenoble representation of the Black Demeter in the cave a gort is actually sacrificed at the harvest, and of Phigalia in Arcadia as a long-robed woman with part of its flesh kept till the next barvest, and the head and mane of a horse. a similar custom prevails among the Prussian Attis, Adonis and Osiris were all closely Flava. In several parts of France a bull or a calf is connected with the pig or the boar, and in killed in the same way, leading to the custom of the 'this connection Mr. Frazer cleverly brings out the 1 See page 45 81., above.

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194 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (MAY, 1891 confusion between uncleanness and sacredness is baked into a louf in the form of a little girl, and in animals, and shews that the abhorrence of the divided amongst the whole household. Here this Syrians, the Jews, the Egyptians, and one may loaf is the Corn-spirit in the form of a inaidon, way of Orientals generally, to the pig, is due as just as it is represented in Scotland as the Maiden much to the animal having once been a god as to or last sheaf itself. Two hundred years ago the anything else. Abhorrence of eating, touching or Lithuanian peasants held a festival called injuring of totems, that is, sacred animals or Saburios every December, at which every kind of plants, is common to most savages, in the belief grain was eaten sacramentally with prayers, and a that the eating thereof will produce disease and cock and hen sacrificed to procure a good harvest death through the displeasure of the gods they in the ensuing year. In modern Europe similar represent. This will account for the nausea a customs have dwindled into such habits as the Muhammadan will feel if he accidentally eats pig's tasting of all new potatoes in Sutherlandshire; flesh, and it would be of interest to see how far it and trsing the grain of the first corn cut for the may account for the aversion to horse and dog's communion bread in parts of Yorkshire. In flesh in most parts of Europe. To Mr. Frazer's the wilder East we have cating the soul of the collection of evidence on this head we may add rice" at harvest and so on, and among the more that in Upper Burma towns pigs are sacred, and civilized Hindus of South India the Pongal until the advent of the British it was a serious festival, at which the way the new rise boils is offence to interfere with a pig in Mandalay. This taken as a portens of the harvest of the coming was accomted for, partly by saying they were year. The Buske festival of the first fruits, the chief public scavengers, and partly by the Buddhist annual ceremony of the Creek and Cherokee custom of jivita-dina, or the granting of life; Indians, at which the new corn and the new fruits King Mindon Min having been supposed to have were eaten sacramentally, proses the prevalence turned the forefathers of these piga loose in the of similar ideas in North America. The sacr&town, " to live for ever," after which ceremony if ment of bread as the body of a good is an an. would be sacrilege to destroy thein. cient American and European rite, chiefly in Osiris was identified with the bull Apis or or the form of making a bread or meal image of Memphis and the bull Mnevis of Heliopoliy, and the god and killing" him before eating him: Iels with the cow, which latter was never killed. witness the festival of Hintzilopochtli in Mexico A 1 granting this ancient and local identification and the maniae of Rome. to be genuine, which however is doubtful, the The notion at the bottom of these sacraments annual sacrifice of sacred cattle and the deter- is the common savage one that by eating the mination of the life of the Apis after a certain ffosh of an antmal or man, the physical, moral, term of years, brings is back to Osiris the and intellectual qualities of that animal or Corn-spirit. man are acquired. For this reason the North and South American Indian chiefs would not eat The annual sacrifice of an animal sacred to a god the flesh of heavy or slow moving animals, or considered as his enemy, and its preservation or Arabs aroint theinselves with lion's fat, Zulus seclusion from that god for the rest of the year, take the bones of very old animals, the Miris of w in the case of Osiris and many other divinities Assam will not allow women to eat tiger's flesh, the of the ancient world and the modern savages, Dyaks of Borneo will not eat venison, and so on can b3 shewn to lead unerringly to the inference ad infinitum. So the Chinese eat the gall-bladders that the animal and the god were originally iden of tigers and bears, because the gall bladder is the tical, and this leads to a conjecture that the connec. seat of couroge; and the people of Darfur in Cen. tion or rather the special dis.connection of Virbius tral Africa eat the liver of animals, because the with horses at the Arician Grovo points to the liver is the seat of the soul and they wish to original identification of Virbius as a Corn-spirit enlarge it. From the lower animals to man is a in the form of a horse. In support of this there is the very ancient custom of the October Horse small transition, and so we find savages everywhere killing a brave prisoner of war in order to eat at Rome, in which in pre-Republic days a horse him and gain bis qunlities. So Maori warriors was sacrificed to the corn in precisely the same fashion as is the modern mock borse, bull, boar, strove to slay a chief and eat his eyes because divi. and what not, all over Europe. nity lies in the eyes. Thus by drinking the blood of the vine-god and eating the flesh of the ooreThe harvest-suppers of the European pensant god, or in other words wine and bread, the wor. offord unmistakable evidence of the custom of shipper partakes of the real body and blood of his the momental oattng of the god of the corn. god. In this view the Buochanatinax foutival be In this way in Sweden the grain of the last shenfcome a sacrament.

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BOOK NOTICE. MAY, 1891.] Just as the worstrippers of agricultural deities kill their god, the worshippers of animals kill theirs on the ground that the god is incarnate in the whole species and is multiplied by killing one of the individuals in which he is incarnate. In this belief the Acagchemen tribe of California annually kill the great buzzard, their chief god, and the Egyptian worshippers of the god-ram Aramon slew a ram annually. The Zuni Indians of New Mexico believe that the dead are transformed into turtles and annually kill them in order to send the departed souls back into spirit-land. The Ainos of Japan regularly sacrifice a bear, an animal which they regard with special reverence, as do the Goldi and Gilyak tribes of Siberia. Now all these bear-worshipping tribes freely hunt the bear, but in their sacrifices and in their slaying they propitiate the animal dead or alive, and the reason for this is that he . might otherwise bring about the vengeance. of his class upon them. It is this that makes savages, all the world over, reluctant to slay wild beasts who can revenge themselves, such as crocodiles, rattle-snakes and tigers; and makes the Sumatrans go into the jungle and explain to the tigers that the Earopeans, and not they, are setting traps for them. Similarly Kamtehatkans explain to dead seals, and Ostiaks to slain bears, that it was the Russians that slew them! Again, animals, which are not dangerous in themselves, are propitiated after slaughter in case their guardian spirits might injure the slaughterer. This is why Siberian sable hunters are particular as to the treatment of the bones of sables, the Alaskans and Canadian Indians as to the bones of beavers, and the North American Indians of those of elans, deer, and elk. If they did not, the take would be bad for the season, or some other misfortune would be inflicted by the incensed spirits. For exactly the same reason the Peruvian Indians adored the fish they chiefly caught, the Otawa Indians of Canada never burned fish bones because their souls passed into them, and the Hurons preached to the fish to induce them to come and be caught. Thence to the good treatment of the first fish caught in order that he may induce others to come into the net, is a small transition: leading to putting him back into the water among the Maoris, and to special ceremonies over him elsewhere. The reason why so many savage hunters are particular about preserving bones is that they believe that they will be re-clothed with flesh, and so, if they destroyed them, the animal could 195 not be resurrected and the supply of game would step. Phis belief in resurrection is direct among the Indians of North America, the Lapps, and the Katchatkans, either in another world or in this one, and is probably at the bottom of the worldwide objection to breaking the bones of slain or sacrificed animals. It will also explain the curious custom of detaching parts of a slain animal from the carcass, as the sinew of the thigh in North America, and the tongue in other places, as being necessary to its reprodaction after death. Vermin are treated much in the same way as the dangerous and the valuable animals. They are propitiated in various ways, and coaxed to keep out of the crops, but for the present purpose the most interesting custom with regard to them is treating favoured individuals with great distinction, while pursuing the rest with relentless severity. This is prevalent in Germany, Syria, and Russia. The special individuals are in fact turned into gods much in the same way as the larger animals, and in Syria the favoured caterpillar is given a human "mother" and then buried. Here, again, we have the killing of the god. We have thus two kinds of sacramental killing and eating of the gods; one in which an animal is habitually spared and never eaten except sacramentally; and the other in which an animal is the habitual food of a tribe, but an individual is eaten sacramentally by way of warding off the revenge from its congeners. The custom of sacramental eating of the god leads to a very interesting set of customs as to communion with the divinity. This is shewn strongly at the pastoral sacrament of the lamb among the Madi or Moru tribe of Central Africa. Here the lamb is sacrificed, and its blood is first sprinkled over the people and then smeared on them individually. Similarly the Gilyaks of Siberia promenade their sacramental bear before killing him, and the Mirasis of the Panjab, who are snakeworshippers, send a dough snake about their houses and then bury it. In Europe until recent times a custom based on a similar idea was very prevalent. The wren has always been a sacred bird, and one which it is extremely unlucky to kill, and yet the annual Hunting of the Wren, in which it was killed, carried about and then buried; has been a common custom in the Isle of Man, Ireland, in various parts of England, and in France. In Sweden a magpie is substituted, and in. ancient Greece probably a swallow or a crow. Connected with the killing of the god, is the idea that the dying god carries away with

Page #212
196 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1891. him the accumulated sins and misfortunes of the people. It is as natural to a savage to transfer his mental burdens to another person, animal, or thing, as it is to put a physical load off his own shoulders on to another's. Instances of this idea are innumerable all over the world, but perhaps the Malagasy faditra is the most striking, for it is anything that the diviners fix upon for the purpose of carrying off a hurtful disease or evil. The Sin-eating of Wales and purts of England was a deliberate taking of the responsibility of the sins of a deceased person by a living one upon himself. In the Himalayas poverty-stricken Brahmans will take upon them. selves the sins of deceased kajas, and in Southern India too, notwithstanding the loss of caste occa. sioned thereby, From the necessity of transferring erils from individuals to that of transferring them from the community at large, the savage soon passes. Evil may be expelled directly or indirectly through & scapegoat. The former method accounts for the noisy driving away of devils common to all parts of the world, and familiar to us in India at eclipses and in Burma in times of cholera, when the people make as much noise as possible and thrash the roofs of heir houses. Among the Hurons the men rushed about from wigwan to wigwam, breaking everything and making a noise. They then retired to sleep and dreamt of something, and next morning went about asking for a present in the form of a riddle, rejecting everything except what they had dreamt of. To receive this was to escape the epide nie. This is an extremely interesting point in India, as it may explain a curious and obscure point in folktalos, where the hero can usually win the heroine only by successfully answering conventional riddles, and where such successful answers often avert evil. Riddles were originally probably a form of divination, and in the Celebes no riddle may be asked except when there is a corpse in the yillage. From the occasional expulsion of evile, we come to their periodio expulsion. In Australia, among the Eskimo, in North America, in Peru and among the African Negroes, this is done with many varying ceremonies in the direct manner. In Abyssinia it assumes a Christian form in the ceremony of Mascal or the Cross. In India among the Hos and Mundaris and the Khonds, and among the Hindu Kush tribes, the annual cere- mony takes place at seed-time or harvest. In Bali near Java, in Fiji, in Tongking and in Cambodia it is a great national festival. Driving out Satan among the Finng of Russia is another form of the same custom. Similarly all over Southern Europe, in Albania, Italy, the Tyrol and Switzerland, witches are driven away with much noise in March, April or May. Driving out the But. terfly in Westpbalia is a pretty custom based on the same ideas. The Seriptural scapegoat is the most familiar form of expelling devils by proxy, but the practice assumes many other shapes. Among the Californian and North American Indians and in Cambodia, the devils are represented by men, and are regularly driven away after a ceremonial fight, a custom which has a rural survival in Spain. These fights with the devils among the Khasias of Assam, the Burmese, the Sinhalese and the people of the Celebes, assume the form of "a tug of war " over a rope. In Burma this custom is common as a rain-charm, a fact worth mentioning in this connection. The custom of assuming the devils to occupy a vehicle constructed for their departure, has led to the use of Disease Boats in the Indian Archipelago and in the Pacific Islands. A boat is pro. visioned for a voyage and the demon is either unrepresented at all or by an effigy. In India scapegoats are common enough with the idea of driving disease away altogether, or of transforing an ailment to the next neighbour. Fowls, goats, pigs, buffaloes, and even men are employed for the purpose. From the scapegoat which takes away a specific evil, to that which is employ. ed periodically for the purpose of removing sins and possible evils, - from cure to protection in fact,-is but a short step, and we accordingly find periodio scapegoats all over the world of a nature, similar to the above. The use of human beings as scapegoats has led to much horrible cruelty in various parts of the earth, and in Tibet it would seem that the correctness of the choice of the victim is finally settled by a throw of dice. Survivals of the custom are to be traced in Europe, especially in the Driving out of Posterli in Switzerland. Divine animals have been used as scapegoats both in India and in Egypt, where the Brahmans of Malabar use a cow and the ancient Egyptians a sacred bull for the purpose. Divine men have also been scape-goats in the same way among the Gonds of Central India and the ancient Albanians of Europe. The periodic expulsion of scapegoats, and with them the accumulation of the sins of the past year, seems to have given rise to those periods of license so noticeable in India and among savages elsewhere, and of which many traces are to be found in the civilized world, notably in Boxing Day in England.

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MAY, 1891.) BOOK NOTICE. 197 In classical antiquity the scapegoat was largely in marriage customs in more than one part of the used both in Rome and Greece, and took the form world. chiefly of the periodical sacrifice of beings who The origin of all these customs is the intense were in some way or other divine, and this was dresd excited in the savage by menstruous accompanied frequently with the beating of t! blood, exhibited by his practices in all parts of the scapegoat. This last custom did not arise from world, - Australia, North and South America, a desire to cause pain, but to drive away evil influences, and accounts for many survivals of the Africa and North Europe; and amonget the ancient civilized nations of Europe this dread customs of "beating out sickness and beating in health" observable all over modern Europe. was quite as extravagant. Among morlein Euro pean peasants, similar ideas are still strongly We are now once more brought back to the entertained. The object then of those who enmain argument of Mr. Frazer, that, even if it tertain these notions is to isolate or, so to speak, be shewn that the killing of the priest of insulate girls at puberty, so that they may do no Nemi as the representative of the spirit of harm to themselves or to those about them; they the grove stood alone 48 a custom in the may not touch the earth or see the sun. They classical world, it can be abundantly shewhare, in fact, kept between heaven and earth, and in answer that the divino man was there out of contact with either, so that the power for sacrificed periodically for other reasons. That mischief with which they are charged by nature customs on a large scale closely allied to the may be kept within bounds. "Rule of the Arician priesthood" existed in Now this uncleanna ag it is called of the Mexico among a people of considerable culture, girls at this period does not to the savago mind we have abundant evidence in the writings of differ from the sanctity of holy men. They Spaniards at the time of its conquest. are merely different manifestations of the same Having thus disposed of the questions of - why supernatural energy and the precautions to be had the priest of Nemi to slay his predecessor ?, adopted in both cases must be the same. Both and, why, before doing so, had he to pluck the must be kept between heaven and earth. This is Golden Bough P; we pass on to the questions of generally necessary in the case of all sacred or what was the Golden Bough P, and, why tabued things and beings. The sun must not had each candidate for the Arician priest- Bhine on the head of an Aino while mourning, the hood to pluck it before he could slay the Costa Rica Indian must not go out nor see the sun priest? while fasting, the Swedish peasant before the Yule tide pilgrimage must dwell awhile in a dark cellar. In this connection there are two rules of life North Indian warriors on the war-path must not among the divine kings or priests, which are to sit on the ground, and their holy ark must never be noticed, vis., they might not touch the be rested on the earth ; in Loango newly-born ground nor allow the sun to shine on them. infants must never be placed on the ground, in Both were true of the Mikado of Japan and of the Aberdeenshire the last bit of standing corn w. ust lie supreme pontiffs of the Zapotecs of Mexico; the in the "gueedman's" lap after being cut, in former of the King and Queen of Tahiti, the King Scotland also water from sacred wells to cure the of Dosuma, and the very ancient Kings of Persia; sick must be carried to them without touching and the latter of the Kings of Colombia in South the ground, and lastly in the Panjab things and America and of the Incas of Peru. Both rules persons in a "sacred" condition can never be are also observed by girls at puberty in many placed on or touch the earth. parts of the world, leading to cruel seclusions lasting one, four, and even seven years, and often Now the myth of Balder, the Norse god accompanied by ceremonial beatings, which that was neither of heaven nor of earth, and amongst savages must be severe, - to drive away whom all things had sworn not to injure, the dangerous contagion with which the girl is sup- except the mistletoe, is a reflection of the posed to be infected. It existe almost universally ritual of the time which gave rise to it. The amung Hindus, though shortened to such reason- points of this myth are that Loki, the mischiefable periods as four days and the like. Traces maker, finding that the mistletoe had accidenof the idea are common in European folktales, tally not been sworn not to injure Balder, pulled especially in that class where the maiden becomes it and by its means procured his death, and impregnated by the sun or a sun-beam. The that after death the god was ceremonially Story of Danae probably belongs to this cycle, burned. with a Kirgis (Siberian) counterpart, and the From time immemorial fire festivals have been idea of impregnation by the sun is to be seen current in Europe, at which peasants kindle bon

Page #214
198 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [May, 1891. fires and dance round them, or leap over them, or in Russia in the mock burning of Kupalo. In burn effizies or pretend to burn living persons in French Flanders they used to burn the figure of them. A review of these customs will bring out a woman at this festival. traces of hunan sacrifices, and the pulling of the mistletoe has often been connected with the The proper explanation of the Fire Festivals is that most likely they are Sun-charms for men, ceremonies observed at the fire festivals. animals and plants, and probably originated in In different parts of German Europe, on the sympathetic magic to induce sunshine. The fact firat Sunday in Lent the ceremonies of burning that the fire required for these festivals has frethe hut, the castle, the witch, the old wife, or quently been kindled in the same way as need winter's granimother, and driving away the fire, viz., by the friction of wood or by the wicked sower, consist in one form or another of revolution of a wheel, is strong evidence of this; burning an effizy or a disc or wheel, with a view as it is pretty nearly certain that, at the kindling *) prvouring an abundant harvest or keeping of the need-fire, i. e., a magically curative fire vormin from the fields. These Quadragesima kindled in time of distress, the wheel represented Sanday customs are hardly to be distinguished the sun. At the Pongal Festival in South India from those of Carrying out Death observed about at the harvest, which is a fire-festival, fires are the same tima, in which Death, varied in the Tyrol everywhere lighted to wake up Sarya the Sun, or 119 the Old Woman, is frequently burot, and some Agni the Fire. In Yncatan a fire-festival is held times a particular personage must leap over the on New Year's Day to rid the people of their burning ein bers. troubles, and the Hottentots drive their sheep periodically through ceremonial fires to preserve The Naw Fire customs and that of the Easter them. These last two cases shew the universality Candle on Easter Eve kept up in Catholic of the customs and of the ideas conveyed by countries, are observal with a view to the ferSili them. antion of the fields and gardens and keeping off blizit anl huil. The ashes of the consecrated That the effigies burnt in these fires are Easter Bonflro made from the "new fira" are rapresentatives of the spirit of vegetation or Imixed with the sued at sowing, and sometimes the tree-spirit, there can be little doubt; and wooden effigy of Judas is burnt in the bonfires. thathu nan beinga representing the tree-spirit All over Germany unconsecrated Eastar Fires were formerly sacrificed among the Celtic tre lighted in which the Easter Man or the Judas nations, we have strong reason to believe from the 3 burnt with the object of averting hail. Parti narrative of Julius Caesar. He shews us that in anlur hills are sometim 33 used for the purpose his time or bafore it colossal images of wickeryear after year, and called the Easter or Pascal work or wood or grass were filled with living men Mountains. Dincing round and leaping through and animals and burnt and the customs at the th399 firas is a caspicuous part of the ceremony. Baltana Fires and so on seem to point emphatically while in some places squirrels and even bones to the conclusion that these wicker-image3 represented the Judas. The Beltane Fires of represented the traz-spirit. "Giants" at the Scotland kindled on the 1st of May, and which, spring and summer festivals have been familiar in in the person of the Boltane Carlina, "devoted to England, France, Balgium and Flanders, and in be sacrificed to Bial" in the fire, sbew clear parts of France the giant was regularly burnt and signs of former human sacrifice, were burnt in his ashes scattered among the people. At Luchon order to preserve th: flocsa and herds: while a in th: Pyran 333 * hollow @lumn is still lightel similar festival in Swaden is held with a view to and live anakas thrown into it and burnt on Midpredicting thu character of the coming Spring sumner Eve, and live animals have been thrown into the Lent, Easter and Midsummer fires in Midsumner Fires, accompanied with dancing France, Germany and Russia. There is little and leaping, and with much the same curemonies doubt that these animals have played the same as those of Lent and Easter, have been, and are to part as the human victims. son extent still, current all over Europe from The sum of the evidence as to these Fire West to East. Their object has always been Festivals is, that they were originally held at to prosper the hards or the crops, or to keep off evil induences. The slaying and burning of Midsummer, and consisted of human burnt effigies at the Midsummer Firez has existed in sacrifloss, representing the tree-spirit or Wurtemberg in the custom of "the Beheading of spirit of vegetation, with a view to making the Angel-Man," in the Tyrol in that of burning the sun to shine and the crops to grow. the Lotter now corrupted into the Luther, in They had another chief feature the gatherAustria in the burning of the Tattermann, anding of the mistletoe. Pliny tells us that the

Page #215
MAY, 1891.] BOOK NOTICE. 199 Druids gathered it in June for their religious story the giant has no heart. In India, where purposes, and the fact that it is still gathered on the notion is very common, this life-index has Midsummer Eve in common with a large number been kept in a bird, an insect, a plant, a necklace, of other magical and healing plants all over in mother's milk, in a sword, in a bull, in a lamp, Europe, points to the antiquity of the con- and so on. It is always exceedingly difficult of nection of the mistletoe with the midsummer access : e. g. when it is in a green parrot, that bird fires. 18 in a cage under six pitchers of water in the centre We are thus brought back to the Balder myth, of a circle of palm-trees in a thick forest in a far whose two chief features - the pulling of the country guarded by 1,000 ogres. The same idea mistletoe and the burning of the god-belonged is traceable in Siam, Cambodia, Kasmir, Gilgit, to the great midsummer festival of the Celts. and ancient Greece. Hair is a common place of In Sweden, Norway, and Denmark, the home of residence of the soul : e.g. the story of Nisus, kiny Balder, the connection of Balder with the of Megara, of Poseidon and Pterelaus, and of the midsummer fires is seen in the name for the 1 - Biblical Samson. Among the Russians, Saxons, Balder's Balo-fires: and assuming that the myth Scandinavians, Celts, the same idea and the same describes a common and important ritual, we must tales are common. In Ancient Egypt, in a story arrive at the conclusion that " Balder must have recorded in 1300 B. C., in the story of Saifu'l. been the Norse representative of the being who mulak, in stories amongst the Kabyls, the was burnt in effigy or in the person of a living Magyars, the Tatars, the Mughals, and the Malays, man at the fire festivals in question." and in a tale from Nias near Sumatra, we have The oak is the tree most likely represented samples of identical notions among peoples who by the victim at these festival fires. It was are not of Aryan origin. the principal object of worship among Celts and Folk-customs from various parts of the world Slavs, and the most sacred tree of the Greeks and prove that these folk-tales are mere reflec. Latins, and generally of the nations of the Aryan tions of a real article of primitive belief. Thus stock. It was used by the Germans in kindling in the Celebes the priests collect the souls of the need-fire, in common with the Slave and Celts, the whole family in a bag, to keep them out of and for feeding the old sacred fires kept burning harm's way when entering a new house. There, at their sanctuaries. too, the soul of a lying-in woman is given to If then we concede that the tree represented the doctor to keep in a piece of iron until all danger by the human victim at the great festival was the is past. In Amboina outting off the hair is more oak, we see from the Balder myth why the pulling terrible than torture, because it destroys the of the mistletoe was mixed up with the ceremonies. strength. Trees containing the lives of newly The inistletoe was the only thing that could kill born children are planted or exist in Western Balder beoause the mistletoe was the external Africa, in the Cameroons, and the Celebes, among soul of the oak, a notion probably arising from the Papuans, the Maoris, and the Dyake. Families the observation that while the oak is deciduous the in Russia, Germany, England and France plant mistletoe growing on it remains ever-green. So trees on the birth of children. Something of the that nooording to savage ideas before the god same custom obtains among the Royal family could be killed, i. e. the oak could be burnt, it at Osborne. The custom of passing children through trees seems to be connected with the was necessary to pluck away his soul, which was the mistletoe. saine idea. The Karens believe that the life of a new-born infant is bound up in the knife that This leads to an extreinely interesting enquiry severs the naval string. The soul is transferred -- What is the external soul PNow, primitive to an animal among Maltye, the Banka Islanders, man always concuives the soul as a concrete the Zulus, the Zapotecs, and the Central Ameriobjost upon which life depends. The soul need can Indians generally, where some animal is the non aces3sriy r@sido in the body, and it may, second self of every human being. in fact, be safer els where hidden in a place of safo'y, for its long as the soul is uninjured The close connection between such an animal the life of the body remains intact. Many folk- and the human being whose life is bound up talus gathered from all parts of the world prove this, in it, has led to its sanctity, as among the Austra. and turn on this point. The villain usually, but lians. There owls represent women, and bats also frequently the hero or the heroine of a tale, men, and are looked upon as brothers and sisters has a soul or life-index which is kept somewhere to the human race: e. g. all owls are sisters to the under tremendous safe-guards, and until that soul women, and all women are owls; 80 all men is got at the owner is invulnerable. In the Norse are bats and all bats men's brothers. This is

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200 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1891. sex totemism, and leads to an interesting set of seed is clearly the golden blood of the sun. The phenomena. power of the fern-seed was to procure gold for its Tribal totems can be explained in the above possessor. manner. When a savage names himself after Now, mistletoe is gathered at the solstices in in animal, calls it his brother, and refuses to kill the same way as the fern-seed, and in Sweden is it, the animal is said to be his totem." The used as a divining rod for discovering gold, no reason for the belief is that he believes that the life doubt in its character of the Golden Bough. of each individual of the tribe is bound up with Like the fern-seed, is the Golden Bough an some one animal or plant of the species. This emanation of the sun's fire P The midsummer is the caso even when the current belief is that bonfires were sun-charms to give the sun new fire there is more than one soul to each individual, as annually. These fires were supplied by the oak amongst the Caribs, Hidatsa Indians, the Laos, the home-fire, whose life was in the mistletoe, and so on. The Battas of Sumatra who believe in which therefore contained the seed of the sun's seven souls per man, one of which is always fire. So the sun's fire was an emanation of outside him, thinks that he dies the moment the the Golden Bough. So also Virbius, as the outside soul dies. spirit of the oak on which grew the Golden This view of totemism is confirmed by the Bough, would be the Sun - as he was, -- and initiatory rites of boys at puberty amongst many Balder would be "so fair of face and so shining savages, which consist chiefly in transferring his that a light went forth from him." soul to his totem, and thus causing his temporary denth (i. e. trance) and bringing him to life The result of the whole argument is, that again. Such rites are observed among the the Rule of the Arician priesthood at Nemi Australians, the Fijians, the Africans of the Congo represented the original worship of the and elsewhere, the North American Indians, the Aryans, and that the Rex Nemorensis lived and died as an incarnation of the supreme inhabitants of Polynesia, and the Malays. The Aryan god, whose life was in the mistletoe or idea perhaps survives in the expression "twiceborn" among the higher castes of India, and in Golden Bough. some of the ceremonies of tying on the sacred We have thus followed Mr. Frazer through thread, and so on, some 800 pages of most interesting discussion, The argument, then, is that Balder's life backed in his case by innumerable facts gathered was in the mistletoe, and that when the mistletoe with immense pains from an extraordinarily large struck him he died. Balder was the oak-spirit, number of sources, and the only fault we have to and the life of the oak was in the mistletoe which find with his book is the way in which it is was between heaven and earth, and to kill the printed. There is nothing from end to end in vak-spirit it was necessary to get at the mistletoe. the typography to enable us to distinguish his That the Golden Bough was the mistletoe argument from a discussion on the value of data, may be inferred from Virgil, who describes it as or his main argnment from a side issue. The growing on an oak and compares it with the book, therefore, though pleasant and entertaining mistletoe. The priest of the Arician Grove - the throughout, is exceedingly difficult to follow; 80 King of the Wood - was the personification of difficult, indeed, that, if we have not been able to the tree on which grew the Golden Bongh, i. e. do so clearly, we claim that it is not our fault. the oak-spirit; so it was necessary to pluck the No doubt, in its present shape, the book is more Golden Bough in order to kill him. And it was saleable than perhaps in any other; but to the necessary to'kill him, to carry out the annual scientific student, for whom it appears to be Are festival held at midgummer at the Arician primarily meant, the free use of numbered para. Grove, no doubt, for the benefit of the crops and graphs, thick type, upper and lower case, italics, herde. and other devices for differentiating the com ponents of an intricate argument, would have been Why was the mistletoe called the Golden invaluable. So would a table in the form of a Bough P This is the last question to be answered. It is so in Welsh, and we have an analogy in the paragraphed and suitably indexed list of congolden fern-bloom or tents, or in the form fern-seed of folklore. of a tree, have been an This is supposed to bloom like gold on Midsummer important aid in following the argument, -had Eve or at Christmas, and in a German story it either been given. was got by shooting at the sun on Midaammer With this one criticism we take leave of Mr. Day at noon. Three drops of blood fell down Frazer with feelings of gratitude for an unusually and were the fern-Beed. Thus, the golden fern. important and interesting work,

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JUNE, 1891.] SANSKRIT PLAYS IN INSCRIPTIONS AT AJMERE. 201 SANSKRIT PLAYS, PARTLY PRESERVED AS INSCRIPTIONS AT AJMERE. BY PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN, C.I.E.; GOTTINGEN. A MONG the papers of General Sir Alexander Cunningham, transmitted to me by Mr. Fleet, I have found rubbings of two unique insoriptions, of which even an imperfect account cannot fail to interest my fellow-students. For these inscriptions contain portions of two unknown plays, one of which, entitled Lalita-Vigraharaja-nataka, was composed in honour of the king Vigraharajadeva of akambhari, by the Mahakavi Somadeva, while the other, called Harakoli-nataka has for its author no less a personage than the king Vigraharajadeva himself. Actual and undoubted proof is here afforded to us of the fact that powerful Hindu rulers of the past were eager to compete with Kalidasa and Bhavabhuti for poetical fame. And it shews the strange vicissitudes of fortune, that the stones, on which a royal author, who could boast of having repeatedly exterminated the barbarians and conquered all the land between the Vindhya and the Himalaya, made known to his people the products of his Muse, should have been used as common building-material for a place of Muhammadan worship, by the conquerors of his descendants. According to a note on the back of the rubbings, the two inscriptions, which I shall call A. and B., are at the Arhai-din-ka Jhonpra, a mosque situated on the lower slope of the Taragadh hill, at. Ajmere, the administrative head-quarters of the Ajmere-Merwara Division, Rajputana. The inscription A. consists of 37 lines of writing which cover a space of about 3' 5" broad by 1' 11" high. The writing of lines 1-18 and 21-32 apparently is in a state of perfect preservation, though in the rubbing the first line is very indistinct. Portions of the lines 19 and 20 have saffered by the peeling off of the surface of the stone; and at the commencement of lines 33-36 some aksharas are missing, owing to the lower proper right corner of the stone having broken away. The lines 1-36 cover the whole breadth of the inscribed surface; the line 37 measures only 9" in length, and is placed below the centre of the preceding line. The size of the letters is about. The characters are Nagari of the 12th century A. D. They were well and regularly written and carefully engraved by the learned Bhaskara, the son of Mahipati (line 37). The languages employed in the inscription are Sanskrit and several Prakrit dialects; and, as regards orthography, the only thing to note is that the consonant b is throughout written by the sign for v. The inscription bears no date. The inscription B. consists of 40 lines of writing which originally covered a space of about 3' 3 broad by 1' 11" high. But at the upper proper left corner a piece of the stone, measuring about 7" broad by 13" high, is now broken away, causing the complete loss of the concluding portions of lines 1-23. Besides, the rubbing of part of these lines is very faint. The writing of lines 24-40, on the other hand, is well preserved, and may be read with certainty throughout. The size of the letters in lines 1-39 is about "; of those in the short line 40, which is placed below the centre of the preceding line, ". The characters are in every respect the same as those of the inscription A., and they were written by the same writer, Bhaskara, of whose descent we have here (in lines 37 and 38) a somewhat fuller account. Bhaskara's father Mahipati was a son of the learned Govinda, who was born in a family of Hana princes, and was, on account of his manifold excellencies, a favourite of a king Bhoja, The languages employed in this inscription are, again, Sanskrit and Prakrit; and in respect of orthography we have only to note the use of the sign for v to denote the consonant b, and the occasional employment of the sign for the jihvamaliya. The inscription is dated (in lines 38 and 39) in the year 1210, on Sunday the 5th of the bright half of Margaairsha, while the moon was in the nakshatra Sravana and in the sign Makara, during the yoga Harshana and karana Balava. Referring this date to the Vikrama era, I find that the corresponding date, for Vikrama 1210 expired, is Sunday, the 22nd November A. D. 1158, which satisfies all the requirements of the case. Below I shall give nearly the whole of the text of the inscription A., and the concluding.

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202 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JUNE, 1891. (really importaut) portion of B. As the language of the originals is generally plain and easy to understand, my own remarks on these texts need not be many. The inscription A. contains the end of the third act and a large portion of the fourth act of the Lalita-Vigrabaraja, a nataka composed, evidently in honour of the king Vigraharajadeva of Sakambhari, by the Mahakavi, the learned Somadeva. It opens with a conversation between Sasiprabha and the king (Vigraharaja), from which we may conclude that the king was in love with a daughter of a prince Vasantapala. The two lovers, one of whom apparently has seen the other in a dream, being separated, Sasiprabha, a confidant of the lady, is sent to ascertain the king's feelings; and, having attained her purpose, she is about to depart to gladden her friend with her tidings, when the king confesses that he cannot bear to part with Sasiprabha, and proposes to send Kalyanavati to the princess instead. Accordingly Kalyanavati is despatched with a love-message, in which the king informs the lady that his march against the king of the Turushkas, a battle with whom appears to be impending, will soon give him an opportunity of joining her. Suitable preparations having been made for making Sasi. prabha's stay with the king comfortable, the latter goes to attend to his mid-day ceremonies Thus ends the third act. At the opening of the fourth act two Turushka prisoners appear on the scene, which represents the camp of the king (Vigraharaja) of Sakambhari or a place close to it, in search of the royal residence. In their perplexity they lackily meet with a countryman, a spy, sent to the camp by the Turushka king. This man tells them how he has managed to enter the enemy's camp, in the guise of a beggar, together with a crowd of people who went to see the god Somesvara. He also informs them that the army of the Chahamana (Vigraharaja) consists of a thousand elephants, a hundred thousand horses, and a million of men; in fact, that by the side of it the ocean would appear dry. And having pointed out the king's residence, he departs. The two prisoners take their places near the royal quarters; they meet with the king, who is thinking of his beloved, address him (in verses which unfortunately are greatly daivaged in the text), and are sent away richly rewarded. Vigraharaja now expresses his surprise that his own spy, whom he has sent to the camp of the Hammira, has not returned yet. But just then the spy comes back and informs his master of what he has been able to learn regarding the enemy's forces and his movements According to his account, the Hammira's army consists of countless elephants, chariots, horses and men, and his camp is well guarded. On the previous day it was three yojanas distant from Vavveras, the place where Vigraharaja then is, but it is now located at a distance of only one yojana. There is also a rumour that the Hammira, having prepared his forces for battle, is about to send a messenger to the king. The spy having been dismissed, Vigraharaja sends for his maternal uncle, the Raja Simhabala, and, having explained the state of affairs, consults with him and his chief minister Sridhara as to what should be done. The cautious minister advises not to risk a battle with the powerful adversary. But the king, intimating that it is his duty to protect his friends, is too proud to enter upon peaceful negotiations, and is encouraged by Simhabala to act according to his own views. While they are still consulting, the arrival of the Hammira's messenger is announced. The stranger is admitted into the royal presence, expresses his wonder at the 1 I know of no princa Vagantapala who lived in the 12th century A.D.; but the name looks as if it might balong to one of the Tomara princes of Delhi. See Archwol. Survey of India, Vol. I. p. 149. 1 SomAivaradeva, of course, might also be the name of a prince, and it should be noted that the ChAhumans Prithviraja was a son of Somtavara. I give this name in ita Prikrit form, because I am not sure how to transcribe it in Sanskrit. An inscription published in Jour. Beng. As. Soc., Vol. LV. Part I. p. 42, apparently in line 12, mentions a place Vyaghreraka, which possibly might be th place intended by the Vavural of the play. If this were really the case, the place would be the modern BAghera, about 47 miles to the south-east of Ajmere. See Archaeol. Survey of India, Vol. VI. p. 136.

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Jung, 1891.] SANSKRIT PLAYS IN INSCRIPTIONS AT AJMERE. 203 splendour and the signs of power which surround the king, is struck with Vigraharaja's own appearance, and cannot conceal from himself that the task entrusted to him will be a difficult one to perform. Here the inscription ends. It may be assumed that Vigraharaja and the Hammira on the present occasion did not fight, and that the king eventually was united with his lady-love. From the Delhi Siwalik pillar inscription we know that in reality Visaladeva-Vigrabaraja repeatedly and successfully made war against the Muhammadan invaders by whom, it may be added, a successor of his was utterly defeated and put to death in A. D. 1193. The inscription B. contains the concluding portion of the fifth act, called Krauachavijaya, of the Harakoli-nataka, which in line 40, as well as in lines 32 and 35, is distinctly called the composition of the poet, the Malarujadhiraju and Paramesvara, the illustrious Vigraharajadeve of Sakambhari (line 37). It opens with a conversation, held by Siva, his wife Gauri, the Vidushaka, and a Pratibara, in which, so far as the fragmentary state of the inscription permits me to see, the worship rendered to Siva by Ravana is spoken of with approval. Siva and his attendants then, for reasons which are not apparent, turn into Sabaras or mountaineers. Noticing some fragrant smell, as of some oblation presented to him, the god despatches his attendant Muka to ascertain the cause of it. Muka returns and reports that Arjana is preparing a sacrifice. He is told to assume the form of a Kirata, to go near Arjuna, and there to await Siva. As soon as he has left, Siva perceives that Muka and Arjuna, who were enemies before, begin fighting with one another. He therefore goes himself, as a Kirata, to assist his attendant; and behind the scene a terrible battle ensues between the god and Arjuna, the progress of which is related to Lauri by the Pratibara, and which ends with the god's acknowledging the valour of his opponent, and bringing him onto the stage. - It is hardly necessary to say that the poet here has imitated the Kiratdrjunkya of Bharavi. The remainder of the act is given in the original text below. The two deities, Siva and Gauri, reveal to Arjuna their real nature; and Arjuna asks their forgiveness for whatever he may have done to offend them, and praises Siva as the most supreme divine being. Siva, pleased with Arjuna's valour and piety, presents him with a mystical weapon and dismisses him. After Arjuna's departure, Siva tells Gauri that the poet Vigraharaja has so delighted him with his Harakeli-nataka that they must see him too. Vigraharaja then himself enters, and after a short conversation, in which he pleads in favour of his Harakali, and the god assures him of the pleasure which that play has afforded to him, and tells him that his fame as a poet is to last for ever, he is sent home to rule his kingdom of Sakambhari, while the god with his attendants is proceeding to Kailasa. The inscriptions have been executed with such minute care and accuracy that, in writing out the following texts for publication, I have had little else to do than to follow the rubbings before me. In the Sanskrit passages, I have taken the liberty of writing the letter b for u, wherever it seemed necessary, and to use the nasal letters of the several classes instead of the sign for the anusvara which is employed in the originals, just as if I were editing a text from a MS. The Praksit passages I have considered it necessary to give exactly as they appear on the stone. It will be seen that the Sanskrit of our authors is throughout correct and fluent; and the only phrase which strikes me as unusual and for which I cannot quote an analogous example, is the sentence sodhu kathari yasyati how will it be borne ?,' in A., line .4, where the verb yd has apparently been employed simply to give to the infinitive sodhum a passive meaning. The metres of the 28 verses which my extracts contain are Sardan lavikridita (in 10 verses), Vasantatilaku (in 7 verses), Sikhsrini (in 4 verses), Sragdhara (twice), and Anushtubb, Arya, Pushpitagra, tanto, Vol. XIX. p. 219. - It is very desirable that the various inscriptions relating to the history of the Chahuminas should be pror arly re-edited.

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204 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JUNE, 1891. Harini, and Mandakranta (once each). None of these verses occurs in either Sarigadbara's Paddhati or Vallabhadeva's Subhashitavali, and my friend, Professor Pischel, informs me that none is quoted in any of the works on Alamkara, accessible to him. The Praksit dialects employed in A. are, besides the ordinary Sauraseni, 'aharashtri, in the two Arya verses recited by the lady Sasiprabha, in lines 2 and 3, and Magadb}, spoken by the two Turushka prisoners and the Turushka spy, in lines 13-18. According to Professor Pischel, to whom I have submitted the Praksit passages with my Sanskrit translations and to whom I am indebted for several suggestions, the Prakrit furnished by this inscription is highly interesting, because it agrees more closely with the rules laid down by Hemachandra, than is the case with the Prakrit of any of the known plays. As Somadeva and Hemachandra were contemporaries, the former, of course, may have been acquainted with the teaching of the industrious grammarian; but whether this was really the case, it is impossible to say. A few slight irregularities which the text contains will be pointed out in the notes. Tradition has it that the Hanuman-nataka originally was written on rocks. By a piece of good luck I am enabled to put before the reader portions of two plays which undoubtedly were ungraved on stone. And I feel sure, that the able officers of the Indian services, to whose disinterested help scholars in Europe never appeal in vain, will endeavour to advise us soon of the oxistence of many more stones, with similar inscriptions. [The confident tone in which, little more than three months ago. I wrote the preceding paragraph, has been justified already. For, through the kind offices of Mr. Fleet, I have received from Mr. Ramchandra Dube at Ajmere, not only additional rubbings of the inscriptions here described which have enabled me to amend my readings in one or two places, but also impressions of two other inscriptions, one of which contains a new portion of the LalitaVigraharaja-nataka, while the other furnishes a new portion of the Harakeli-nalaka. And it is only from one of these new inscriptions that I have been able to insert in the above the proper title and the name of the author of the Lalita: Vigraharja-nalaka, which do not occur in the inscription marked A. The impressions of these new inscriptions are not sufficiently clear to edit from at once, and I have therefore applied to Mr. Ramchandra Dube for additional copies. In the meantime I must confine myself to the following remarks S The new part of the Lalita-Vigraharaja-nAtaka.consists of 38 lines of writing which cover & space of about 3 broad by 1' 10" high, and contains a large portion of the first act and the beginning of the second act of the play. The writing appears to be well preseryed, but the stone has several oracks by which some aksharas may have been damaged or lost. In line 32 we have the words - iti mahikavi-pandita-sri-gomadova-virhite Lalita-Vigraharaj-Abhidhand natake pratham mkah samaptah; and from the commencement of the second act it appears that the name of Vasantapala's daughter, with whom Vigraharajadeva is represented to be in love, was Dosaladevi; and from line 20, that this princess resided in the north, near or at the town of Indrapura (P). The new part of the Harakali-nataka consists of 41 lines of writing (written by Bhaskara) which cover a space of about 3 ly" broad by 2' 2'hig and contain portions of the second and third acts of the play. Of this inscription too the writing appears on the wbole to be well preserved. In line 23 we read - iti maharaja-sri-Vigrahardja-kavi-virachite Harakali-natake Limgodbhav6 nama dvitsiye m]kali 11] 6 The above romark equally applies to the fragmentary verses in that portion of B. which has not been edited here. In the Subhdahitdvali, the verse 1162 is stated to belong to Vigrabarkja, who now need no longer bo ponsidered to be prince of Kasmir.

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JUNE, 1891.] SANSKRIT PLAYS IN INSCRIPTIONS AT AJMERE. 205 Pool A. - Extracts from somadeva's Lalita-Vigraharaja-nataka. 2. Sabiprabha il sanandam 11 (a) Deva ditthia pasaynam bhaavada vihina va[la]htena al achchhariam achchharian Damsana-suhan pi apisan patthijjai jena dullaham jassa So vi hu jai tassa kae jhijjai ta kinna pajjattar 11 Dani 7 jam bhatidarike tarisa-kilesanala-samtiva-parari parie e. 3. risassa a nia-ppaska-vilasidassa anuruam tam airena jjeva kijjadu jado 1 Pavala-pavanoha-duddhara-davainala-kavalanam taru-vara vil Na sahamti chchia kim una somalarn maladi-kusumam il Ahan to erisa deviyam-anuriam-earisam cha sivinaa-samvihaoaam niveiya usisaemi sapa 4. rianam bhattidariam 11 Raja 11 svagatam II Sa praudha-prasaras priya-viraha-jo duhkh-augha-davanalo vishvag=vag-amritairemukh-ambuda-tatair=yen=adya nirvapitah 1 Au kashtam sudhay-eva nirmita-tanos-tasy-dhunapasthitah ko=pyretasya sumanushasya virahah sodhum katham yisyati | prakusam 11 Sakhi Sasiprabhe samprati pri 5. yatama-viraha-duhkha-davanalas-tvad-viyoga-prabala-prabha jana-vega-satamukhikritah kavalayang=imam daha-vitapinam katham sa kansyah sodhum tato yavat-priya-samigamo bhavati tavad-atrwaiva tishthatu bhavatt tatra tu tvadiya-kalyana-pravsitty-upabpixhitAm= atmanah kucala-varttam nivedayitum=atmiyam sakala-vibram 6. bha-bhuvam Kalyanavatim nama preshayishya mahal Sasiprabh 11 (6) Jan devo anavedi Il Raja 11 Kah kotra bhoh kah kotra 11 Pravisya purushah 11(c) Anavedu bhatt 11 RAJA || Bhadra asmad-vachanad-abhidhiyatan mahamatyo yatha samnidhapit-asesha-sayan. isana-bhand-Ady-upakaranam tambula-kusuma-karpura-vilopana-vasa 7. n-adi-samast-Opabhogya-vastu-sampannam sa-parijaniyah Sasiprabhayah sthity-uchitam sampaday=&vasa-bhavanam=itill Purushah || (d) Jam devo anavedi ll iti nishkrantah 11 RAJA 11 Sasiprabhe SA kalpadrama-manjar-fra hi mama smera-smaragni-jvara jvala-dhyamalitair=mandrathasatair-bhtin, air-ir=A lingita Ali kashtamuu(u) Deva dishtyl prasanna bhagavata vidhini vallabhena cha! Ascharyan=Ascharyam Darsana-sukhamwapy-anisam prarthyate yena durlabham yasya So-pi khalu yadi tasya ksite kshiyate tat=kim na pary&ptam II IdAnim yad=bhartridarikayasetadsisa-klesanala-samtapa-paramparaya idrisasya cha nijaprasada-vilasitasy-Anarupam tad-achiren=aiva kriyatam yatab Prabala-pavanaugha-durdhara-ta panala-kavalanam taru-vari api Na sahanta dva kim punah sukumaran malati-kusumam | Aham tveidpisam devasy=Anuragamaetad sisam cha svapna-sar vidhanan nivedy=asvasayami. sa-parijanalin bhartridarikam #1 (6) Yad-deva Ajnapayati 11 AjnApayatu bharta II (d) Yadedeva Aj Apayati II * Metre, Ary; and of the following verse. * Bee Professor Pischel's note on Hemachandra IV. 277, according to which we should read id antiin. * Them has been retained through the influence of the Sanskrit. Read devraih amerdanh sdricar. Metro, SArdalavikrajitaand of the next vero.

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206 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. 8. r-vidher-vilasitair-durvata-vegair=iva krurair-vyakulatam balena gamita tanvi kathain sthasyati I Vidushakam prati 11 Vayasya samahuyatam Kaly apavati || Vidushakah (e) Hi hi jane vayassena vvavasidam 10 nia-vivaha-kajjena ta amhanam chira-vaddhida dani phalaitu khamda-ladduaim manoraha-ddu[ma] I 9. ity-uks nickkramya Kalyanavatya saka pravisati || Raja Kalyanavati ih-asana upavisyatim Kalyanavati tatha karoti | Raja Kalyanavatyah Sasiprabha-svaripam-agamana-prayojanam cha sarvam nivedya [11] Kalyanavati vraja tvam-avanipater-Vasantapalasya putrim-asmad-vachanad-anumodayitum=a10. radhayitum cha idam-ch-asmat-samdishtam rajaputri sravayitavya | Drutataram-itah kante visvaih samam bahir-indriyaih kvachid-api mano-smakam nitam tvaya prathamam hathat I Annjigamisbor jivasy-aitany-ath-isya Sakiprabhivachana vihitid=asa-tantor-abhud=avalambanam ||11 Idam ch=igratah kartavyam-asmadiyam | 11. vijnapaniya rajaputri yatha Turushkendra-vigraha-prasange na drutataram-by-agatya devi bhavatim prasaday ishyamo yatas-Turushkarajo-py-asman-prati prachalitah sruyate Kalyanavati | (f) Jam devo navedi || Raja Vayasya asmad-vachanid-uchyatam mahamatyo yath-dam-idam-upayan-adyachitopakarana [JUNE, 1891. 12. sampanna kritva sa-tvaram preshyatam Kalyanavati II Vidushakah (9) Jam vayasso bhanedi iti Kalyanavatya saha nishkrantah || Raja Sasiprabhe avisam gatva vyapagat-adhva-srama bhavatu bhavati madhyahnikam vidhatum-attishthamah | iti sarve nishkrantah || Tritiyo-nkah samaptah || Tatah pra visato vandinau || Tatah pravisati charah \\\ 13. edassim alaskiyyamana-payyamde Vandinau (h) Ese se Sayambhalisala-sivila-nivese kadham [la]ulam yanidavvam I puro-valokya | Vayassa ese ke vi chale vva disadi 1 ta imado -edassa sivilassa ssaluvam12 laulam cha yanissamha II aho Viggahalaa vayam-api Charah (i) Aschaliyam aschaliyam 14. palesala-Silinam avayyamdada II puro-valokya amhadeslya vva kevi pulisa peskiyyamdi ya[ue] vamdihim edehim huvidavvam II (e) Hi hi jene vayasyena vyavasitam nija-vivaha-karyena(degryam) i tad-asmakam chiravardhita idinim phalantu khanda-laddukani manoratha-drumah 10 Read vavasidam; the word is construed with a double instrumental case. 11 Metre, Haripl. 12 Read saluvam. (f) Yad-deva ajnapayati II (9) Yadavayasyo bhanati II (1) Esha sa Sakambharisvara-sibira-nivesah | etasminn-alakshyamina-paryante katham rajakulam joatavyam | Vayasya esha ko-pi chara iva drisyate tad-asmid-etasya sibirasya svarupam rajakulam cha jnasyavah 11 (i) Ascharyam-ascharyam | aho Vigraharaja-naresvara-erinam-aparyantata | asmaddesijav-iva kav-api purushau prekshyete jene vandibhyam-etabhyam bhavitavyam ||

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June, 1891.) SANSKRIT PLAYS IN INSCRIPTIONS AT AJMERE. 207 Vandinau || () Bhadda amhanam Tuluskanarh desiye vya tamam peskiyyasi ta kadhehi ChAhamana-sivila-salu vam laulam cha II Charah 11 (16) 'Sandha le vandino sunadha hago Tuluskaldena. * 15. Saambhalibala sa sivila peskidum peside tam cha dusanchala yado tatthastehim idale paschande vi ni[liskan]de vi a palakiye tti yaniyyadi tadhavi mae kimpi kimpi pa[chcha] 15kkhikadan 11 Vandinau ll (1) Aschaliam aschaliam kadham bhadda tattha uvastidanam chadulidelo anuam pi tae laskidam 11 Charah 11 (m) [Sa]iadha le vandino ya 16. dha mae tam sivilam niluvidam | hage khu sili-Somesalaevam peskidum vannamdasca bastasca 17 milide milia & ettha payisiuna bhiskam pastidum18 lagge I tado yam yam yanida tam tam tamhinam yahastam kadhiyadul maa-vAli-nijjhala-kalala-kadastalanam kalimda pan dava suhassami tulanganam - 17. na laska nalanan ana yujjha-skamanam daha laskain ti kim vahani yampidena tassa kadaassa pasa-stide siale vi saske bhodi | bhum=utkshipya | edam cha tam laulam 11 iti darsayati II Vandinau ll (n) Sihule chala sahu 11 Charah 11 ) Ale le vadino chilam khu me nia-stinado niscalidasia ta ha18. ge vaznami | Vandinau II (p) Gasoha le chali gascha l iti charo nishkrantah Il Vandinau | purato gatv-avalokya 11 (9) Tan nidam laula-duvalam ta idha stida eva nia. lia-ppahavam payasemha Il punar=avalolya sanandam II ese se Saambhallwale astana-stide pulado disadi 11 Tatah pravisati raja vibhavatas-cha pari19. vdrah 11 Raja 11 svagatam 11 Aho vaiobitryam 6 Bhadra avayos-Turushkayor-destyals iva tvam prekshyasd | tat-kathaya Chahemana-sibira-svarupam rajakulam cha 11 (k) Spinutar rd vandinau arinatam aham Turushkarajena Bakambharisvarasya sibiram prekshitum preshitah tach=cha duheamcharam yatas-tatrasthair=itarah prichchhann-api nirikshamano=pi cha parakiya iti joayate i tathapi maya kim=api kim-api pratyakshiksitam (1) Abobaryam=ischaryam | katham bhadra tatrpasthitanim chatura-svabhave (?) pukam=api tvaya lakshitam 11 (m) Srinutam re vandinau yatha maya tach=chhibiram nirupitam aham khala Sri-Somesvaradevam prekshitum vrajatah sarthasya milite militva ch=itra pravisya bhiksham prarthayitan lagnah | tato yad-yaj-jfatam tat-tad-yuvayor=yathartham kathyatam | mada-vari-nirjharakarala-katasthalanan karindranam tavat-sahasram1 turangaoara punar-laksham narknan punar=yuddha-kshamanii dasa lakshan-ti 1 kim bahuna jalpitona tasya katakasya parava-sthitah sigaro-pi sushk8 bhavati Il etach=cha tad=rajakulam 11 (n) Sadbu re chara sadhu Il (0) Are re vandinau chiran khala me nija-sthanan-nihspitasya 1 tad-aham vrajami (p) Gachchha re chara gachchha 11 a) Tad-idam rajakula-dvaram tad-iha sthitay va nija-rajer prabhivan prakabayaval Esha sa Bakambharisvara Asthana-sthitah parato driyath 11 13 The above is not proper Sanskrit; the two men mean somad do flya iva. 14 Originally pulchashdo viwillik do, but the o has both times been altered to .. 18 Originally only single ch was engraved, but it appears to have been altered to choh. 3. Prof. Pisohel suggests to me that ohsulide may stand for shaturite, an abstract noun derived from chatura. 17 Originally bdstaffa, altered to tastassa. 11 Originally paftidur, altered to paftidur.

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208 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JUNE, 1891. Adav-amritamay-Ambadhi-vigahana-pratimam-avanipati-duhitah Smaranam davadahan-dara-nipata-nibhamragrato bhavati 1110 21. Vigraharajadavah 11 22. pratiharam=akirya || Pratibara da pyatam=etayor-yatha-diyamanah kanaka-vasan-adise tyagah 11 Pratiharah 11 Yad=Adisati devah || iti vandibhyari saha nishkrantah 11 Raja | Aho n=ady=&py ... pyragato Hammtra-katak-avasa-svarupa ... kah li Pravisya charah 11 () Jayadu jayadu devo | Deva devena Hammira-kada23. a-vattartam jaoidum parassim dise pesido sampadam dado mhi 11 RAJA II Bhadra kathaya kiyatTurushkekvara-sibiram kutra cheti Il Cherah 11 (8) Deva agahida-gaa-raha-taraa-ppavira-samkham a[na]a-perantam amupidapavesa-niggama-maggam riaraino kadaan uviso una kalle ido Vavveraado joa 24. na-ttae asi 1 ajja ana tena ijeva sivirena samam llachchhiuna tam ido joanekkena avisidam pekkhiana lado mhi 11 * Raja || Bhadra kidrisi punas-tatra kimvadanti 11 Charah 11 (1) Deva jajjhatthan saalaim pi seqqkim sannaddhaim kariuna ettomuham chalamtena Hammirena tumhanam pase kena 25. vi vaanena dado pesidavvo tti kehimpi janehim jampijjadi 11 RAJA | Bhadra gachchha tvam visramiya 11 iti chard nishlorantah 11 Raja | Kali ko=tra bhoh kah ko=tra II Pravidya purushah 11 (u) Eso mhi Anavedu devo II Raja I Ahuyatam matulah Simhabalo raja 11 Purushah 11 (5) Jam devo anavedi lliti nishlerantah 11 Tatah pra26. vicati Sinhabalah 11 Raja 11 sddaram=asanan pradapya | sarvai vrittantain nivedya [11] Matula kim=idenir vidheyam 11 Simhabalah 11 Tair-matangair-haribhir api tais-tair-bhat-aughair-anikam Hammtrasya prasarad-akhilam medinim-Avrinotu! Virairmetaisutad-api samarat=tvat-pratapa-pravriddhi pript-tsahair-iba na hi bhave-tatavakaih ksityam-anyat 1122 27. RAJA Il mantrina Sridharain prati | Bhavatam=atra kim pratibhati it Sridharah | Deva Viranim cha vipaschitim cha gananisv=adyas@tvam=@ymadhund vid vadbhir-ganitorzi te na bhavatah k vapy=asti na dva paral, 1 () Jayatu jayatu devah | Deva deve na Hammira-kata ka-vsittantam joatum parasmin=dine preshitah sampratam=agato=smi II (6) Dava agrihita-gaja-ratha-taraga-pravira-samkhyam-a[jnataP]paryantam-ajoata-pravesanirgama-margam ripurajasya katakam Avasah punah kalya ito Vavveraad 20-yojana-traya asiti adya punas-tensaiva sibirena samam=&gamya tad-ito yojan-aiken=a vasitan prekshy-agato-smill (t) Deva yaddharthan sakalany-api sainyani samnaddhani karayitvaaitad-abhimukham chalata Hammtrena yushmakam parave ken=&pi vachanena dutah preshayitavya iti kair-api janaih kathyate 11 (1) Esh-smi Ajoapayata devah 11 (v) Yad=deva ajnapayati 11 19 Metra, Aryd. ** See above, note 8. 1 Metre, MandAleranta.

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JUNE, 1891.] SANSKRIT PLAYS IN INSCRIPTIONS AT AJMERE. 209 Kimtv=&tmiyataya vidheyam=adhana yat=prishtam=asmadsioum sva-prajnam=anussitya tatukathayatarn 28. . kshantavyam=isa tvaya 1123 Raja Il Mahamate asmakam tvam-eva mantrinam-agranis-tatkin=evamabhidhiyate 11 Sridharah | Deva saty=apayantara-sambhave yuddham-anupaya iti dharm-artha-sastravidim samayah 11 Raja ! Bhaved=evam yady=upayantaram=atra syat | kimcha duratmanam Milchchharajam praty=upayantar-anusarane ma 29. hati vrida 11 Sridharah 11 Deva tathapi jagad-ekavirena Hammiren-ksamkhya-sainya-svamina saha yuddh-avataranam katham anumanyanahe il R4j& 11 Akirtih kapy=uchohaih suhrid-abhayadana-vrata-hatis tatha dhvamsas=tirtba-dvija-su manasam virya-vigamal ! Mam=aiteshu vyasteshv-api [a]sabyesbu sakalan iman-angi30. kartuh kathayata vidheyan kimasubhih 1,23 Simhabalah 11 Maharaja ! Svayain ched-orvisnih samitishu mahA-sAhasa-rasaire ajasram yoddhavyam tad-iha karaniyam kim-aparaih 1 Sasastrair=nihsam khyairevijita-bahu-samkhyais-cha subhagair mad-andhair=matangaih pavana-javanair=vajibhir=api 11 Api (cha] Kshatram dhuma tav=edam-adbhatatamam tva31. t-samnidhiasthiyinan viranim tanushu dhruvam parinatam yasyaty=asam khyatatam Dipid-ekata eva [bhajdra timira-pradhvamsa-dhira masha]h svikurvanr=iha hi pradipa-nivaho drishtantatam-asritah 1124 Api cha Yudhyase svayam-eva tvam samnidhi-sthe-pi chen=mayil 11 dakshina-kurena sra-bdhi ni[rdilsya 11 Tad-doshor-dhig-imam bharam dhanushi sran32. tayor-vrithi 1125 Pravidya protiharan | Deva Turushkarajena prahitah prasanta-veshab ko=pi visishta iva pumin-saparichcbhado dvari samagatas-tishthati 11 RAJA 11 Sinhabala-Sridharav=uddisya | Kim-ih-api tena praveshta vyam 11 . Tau dv&v=api 11 Ko dosho raja-sadana h-idam tat-prayojan-Anurodhatah sarvair api praveshta vyamaeva 11 33. (Raja) 11 Pratihara prati | Pravesaya tarhi drutam II Pratiharah 11 Yad-adisati devah Il iti nirgatya ditena saha pravisati 11 Datah 11 samantati-valokyat sanandam 11 Aho sarv-anga-sundarabhir=vibhatibhih sampurnam raja-mandiram tatha hi Tha kari-nikarairaih yndhidhyaib purusha-varaireiba viirasundaribhib/ Tha vi. 34. ou - bhir-narendra-pranayi-janair=iha rajate nsipu-srih 1126 puro rajanamravalokya sanandadbhutam | Aho sakala-jana-vilakshamnh ko=py=ayam=apurva 11 Metre, Bard Olavikriita. >> Metre, Skrilavikridita. 23 Metre, Bilcharint; and of the next verse. 35 Metre, $10ka (Anushtabh). Metre, Pushpitigra.

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210 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JUNE, 1891. 36 26. dveasya nsipateh samnivesah | vimsiya | athava 1 ayam tavad-akhilam=api raja-mandalamstiseta eva prabhavena kimtv=aparesham=api rajna krite .... 35. ....... eva pauranikah pravadah kathum=aparatha teshum=idari vaisvarupyam tatha hii Charali karya-vilokana-sravanayos=chakshuh-sruti vag=vayam vaktum sandhi-virodha-karma samara-kridagu viral karab Krity-akritya-vivchana-vyatikare san-mantrind manasan hasty-asvam kramitum payodhirasanam=etam mahi. - 1127 .... vyahata-vid heya-dvay-pasthanena paryAkulbagmi tath hi I Samarthyam yadi na prabhor=abhidadhe yasyanti tad-vidvishah sandbeyatram=asadhvasah katham-atha prakhyapaye 11 Vigrahardjam=uddieya 11 syat=tada Akrityraiva vibhavyamana kam] dhamedam-Avirbhavat kopam kasya vidheyameity=ubhaya37. Mahipati-sutena pandita-Bhaskarena svayam=alikhy=otkirnany-aksharani 11 B. - The Conoluding Portion of Vigraharajadeva's Harakoli-nataka. 25. Devau svarupen=avirbhavatak !! Arjunah | drishtva 1 sa-bhakti-pranamam 1 Sarvartau tanu-chitta vanmaya-malaircend maye yatkritam yach-ch=&chyavi dhiya kshana kshanam=it8 yushmat-pad-Ambhoru hat Yan-n-adhyayi pada-dvayam bhagavator-advaita-mudr-Ankita tan-nathau trijagat-spijav=asadpisam sarvam ksham@tham mama 1129 Api cha Yat-kiye niruji tvad-ahri-kamalan n=aradhita Tryambaka svunte santatame na bu27. ddham-ahaha tvad-dhAma tatwtadpisam Vacham phalgu-vachah-prapa ncha-chaturam samyamya yan=na stutam tan-me salyamwiva sphuraty=aviratam mamantare Sarkara 11 Api cha 1 Dhatuh kagetvam Girisa pranavam-ajagavam tulyam-etad-dadhanas= tisrd bhittva parista ravi-sasi-sikhinam=antar=anyo bahis=cha Nirvanam bandha-vahner=Ditisuta. 28. subhata-krodha-vahnes-cha kurvajnan-Ajoane vitanyams=Tripuraharataya moksha-samsara-virah 1139 Api cha Sva-pratyayiya jagatah parama-priyaya pral@ya-bhanu-kalaya krita-sekharaya Devaya durdama-temah-patal-apahiya svasmai 'Sivaya nirupudhi-mude namasute 1130 Api cha Brahmadi-Tisva-guru-varga29. niyamakaya svijA-vibhishita-sar-Agura-narakaya ! YAvad-vidhayaka-nished haka-vigrahiya tabhyam namas=Tahinasaila-suta-priyaya 11 * Metre, Sardalavikridita ; and of the next verae. *Metre, Sardalavikridita ; and of the next verse. 19 Metre, Sragdhara. " Metre, Vasantatilak&; and of the two next verses.

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JUNE, 1891) SANSKRIT PLAYS IN INSCRIPTIONS AT AJMERE. 211 Api cha Tat-pabchakaranataya jagatam vidhatre tad-bhava-karma-kriti-sa kshitayu niyantre ! Bhasvat-svachitta-nutaye sahaj-echchhaya che traigunya-tanmayataya nama 30. fsvaraya 11 Api cha Namd yoga-sthaya sva-vidita-pada-sthaya mahase namah punya-sthaya prati-tanu sukha-sthaya bhavate ! Namah papa-sthaya prabhavad-asukha-sthaya bhaving namo jnana-sthaya prasarad-amtita-sthaya kritind 1131 A pi cha Namah kartre dhatre tanushu visate samyamayate namo hartre bhartre chaturadhika31. shashti-pranayine ! Namd vyakt-Avyakta-trijagad-agha-vidhvansa-patave namah puny-apuqya-sthitishu mpida-ghor-aika-vapushe 11 Isah il Vatsa prito=smi tad-grihina pasapatan mantram 11 iti karne mantrasi dadati It Vatsa anena mantren-abhimantritam trinam=api pasapatastrayate idam-aparan yavad-astrahitam nija-gandivat griba 32na 11 Arjunah sa-vinayan grihnati Il Isah | Mrittika-ling-Aradhanasya yuddhen=asmad-Aradhanasya cha phalam labdham tadyath-agatam gachchha 11 Arjunah | Yath=Ajoapayati devah | iti nishlerdntah #1 tsan | Gauria prati 11 Anena Harakeli-natakena sadhu prigitongmi Vigraharajekaving tad-enan pasyamastavat II Ta tah pravisati Vigraharajah 11 Vigraharajah 11 dsishtvd devau pranamya krit-dnjalih 11 Smer[Amu]khe prakata-sarva-rase=pi bald samsaram-apyrampita-nirvitam-idadhand M-astam prabho khala-durakshara-vahni-varshair abhyarthaye malinata Harakali-kaye u 32 wrdhwam-aralokya Svar-vasino Bharata-sishya-janas-chirena Sthanoh siransi nanr dhuna gitun sa shah Pratyakshara-erata-ras-amrita-vahininim kallola-k@libhirit8 Harakolir-astam Punara urdhvamzavalokya | Api cha Stota gunin-abhidadhat=stutir Indu-maulih stutya sa eva phalaru pataya sa eva Ittham chaturmayataye Harakilir-astam= A-chandram-a-ravi mude yasase sriye vah 11 Isah ! Sarvam characharam-idam kha 33. * 31 Metre, Bikharipl; and of the next verse. * Metre, Vasantatilaka; and of the three next verses.

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212 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JUNE, 1891. 35. | In mam vidit va tvan-natya-darsana-sukh-otsava-nischalanam Maitrim sukhiny=asukhini pravaram kripam cha tanyad=bhav-arti-htitaye Harakelir-eshah 11 Vatsa Vigraharaja anena Harakeli-nataken=aradhito=ham kim te priyam=upa karomi 11 Vigraharajah anjalin baddhva 11 Yishar nima na Samkarueti vadane na brahma panau dhanam ha36. ste n=khar-ahar-nivapa-salilam n=askhnoh krip-imbhah-kayihi N-ahimsa-ruchayo guniis-tanu-mano-vanishu naisargikah karshir=ma 'Sasi-chuda tams-tanu-bhsi ta] samstra-katsa-spijali 1138 Isah il Idam=apyrastu! Yavad-Vishnur-bibharti pramada-chiti-rase bhoga-nirvana-sakti Lakshmir Brahmim cha tavad-dhavalayatu jagat-tavaki kirtir=8sha Prajza-dugdhi37. bdhi-janma nova-rasa-lahari-datta-hastavalamb vid vach-chetas-chakori-kulam-akhilam-api primati chandrik-eva 11 34 Vatsa tvan Sakambhari-rajyam palayitam gribam gachchha vayam=api sa-parivkrah Kailasam-eva vrajamah | iti nishlerantuh sarve 11 1. Krauncha-vijayo nama panchamonkah 11 Asin=nirmala-Huna-pa rthiva-kuld Govinda-nama sudhistaistaih kovida-vandya-sadguna-ganair-yd Bhojaraja-priyah Taj-janma sukriti Mahipatir-abhut=tasysitmajo Bhaskarah sa sri-Vigraharaja-nirmitam-idam prajno-likhan-natakam 1135 Samvat 1210 Marga-sudi 5 Aditya-dind bravana-nakshatre makara-sthe chandre harsha na-yoge balava:karane | Harakeli-natakam samaptam | Mangalam mahA-srih il 11 Kritir-iyam maharajadhiraja-paramesvara-bri-Vigraharajade vasya 11 38. 39. 40. A NOTICE OF THE GULABNAMA. BY E. REHATSEK. (Concluded from p. 78.) After the English army had been thus victorious in the Panjab, it encamped near Lahor, and the Governor-General issued a proclamation. The purport of this proclamation was that the English had defeated the Sikhs in every engagement, and taken from them more than 220 pieces of artillery ; that they waged war because the Sikhs had infringed the treaty of 1809 A. D. ; and that they would not evacuate the Panjab before an indemnity was paid and the fulfilment of the arrangements to be agreed upon by the English and the Panjab government was guaranteed. The English government did not desire to increase its possessions, but found it necessary for greater security to annex a portion of the territory now under the jurisdiction of Lahor, consisting of the zilas situated between the rivers Satlaj and Biyas, as well as of the Kohistan, the value of which would be deducted from the indemnity to be paid. Lastly, one of the song of the late Maharaja Ranjit Singh was to be made sovereign of the Panjab, but in case of fresh disturbances arising, the British government would again be under the necessity of quelling them. The Maharja Gulab Singh at once presented the English prisoners with dresses of honour, placed them on elephants, and despatched them with an escort of sepoys to the camp at Qasur. The Maharaja then consulted the members of the court, viz., Bhai Ram Singh, Diwan Dina * Motro, Bard Clavikrita. Metre, Sragdhara. 35 Metre, Sardilarikridita, i Mountain diatriote.

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June, 1891.) NOTICE OF THE GULABNAMA. 213 Nath, and Faqir Naru'ddin Sahib, about the conclusion of peace, and they entrusted him with the negotiations. The Bibi sahiba, having been requested to give her opinion, not only approved of the decision arrived at by the above-named members of the darbar, but issued a parwana tu that effect under her special seal, with the signatures of all the Sardars attached thereto. Accordingly the Maharaja Gulab Singh started with several Sardars, vit., Diwan Dina Nath, Faqir Nuru'ddin, Diwan Devi Sahaf and others, taking with them five paltans of Sikh troops, each private of which received five rupees. But as there were turbulent men among them, many had to be left behind, and only one company retained by the deputation arrived at Old Naushahra. The deputation continued its journey to the Governor-General's camp at Qasur, and when the members were at a distance of one kos from it, Sir Henry Lawrence, who was at that time Resident in Nepal (sic), came to invite them to proceed further. When they arrived, Sir Frederick Currie, Baronet, Chief Secretary, conducted them to the Governor-General's tent, who came out in person, shook hands, and took them in. When they were seated the Maharaja Gulab Singh explained how the Khalsa army had become so demoralised and insubordinate, as to venture upon hostilities, and expressed his hopes, that after what had taken place, tranquillity might again be restored, whereon the Governor-General declared that it would be necessary to pay - an indemnity of two karors of rapees, and to cede the Doib to the British government, but Gulab Singh rejoined that it would be impossible to raise such an enormous sum of money. Then Sir Frederick Currie and Sir Henry Lawrence took the Maharaja aside, and politely reminded him, that as he had lost brothers and other dear relatives in these disturbances, there was no need of his espousing so warmly the cause of the Panjab government, the more so as His Excellency the Governor-General desired to make him independent thereof, by constituting him sovereign of the Kohistan and Kasmir, with the title of Maharaja. Gulab Singh replied that the wish of His Excellency was a command to him, but that his relatives had been slain because they were cherished by the Panjab government and had served it; that as the Maharaja Dalip Singh had not attained his majority, he had been deputed to treat with the Governor-General; and that if his lust for power and independence were to become injurious to the young sovereign, his own reputation and that of his descendants would be tarnished for ever. He begged His Excellency to keep in view the treaty of friendship with the late Maharaja Ranjit Siogh and to consider that Dalip Singh was altogether guiltless of its infringement by the army. The said two gentlemen reported these words to the Governor-General, and after the negotiations had been protracted to a late hour of the night, an agreement was finally arrived at, that the Sikh government should pay one learos and fifty lakhs of rupoes as an indemnity, and cede the Doab. Gulab Singh at last succeeded in getting his offer accepted, to pay fifty lakhs at once, and the remaining karor of rupees in three successive instalments, and the surrender of the Doab. A desire for an interview with Dalip Singh having been expressed, Gulb Singh despatched a letter to that effect to the Bibi Sahiba, and accordingly the Maharaja Dalip Singh arrived the next day in a buggy, whereon a salate of artillery was fired, and the Governor-General presented both Dalip Singh and Gulab Singh with robes of honour. Some difficulty arose concerning the entrance of English troops into LAhor, to which Gulab Singh first demurred, but afterwards consented, the English having agreed to march again back to Firozpur after receiving the fifty lakhs of rupees promised to the Governor-General. The Bibi sahiba, however, made an arrangement with Lal Singh, and despatched a letter to the English authorities, informing them that he was her plenipotentiary, and that Gulab Singh had no power. Lal Singh accordingly became surety for the payment of the above sam, made arrangements for the stay of the English troops in Lahor, and surrendered in lieu of the stipulated karor of rupees the districts on the other side of the Biyas with Kangla, the Kohistan, Kasmir, Hazara, and Chamba to remain for ever in the possession of the English, so that even Jammun and other possessions of Gulab Singh fell into their power. Gulab Singh, not A little amazed at this transaction, immediately sent the Diwan JwAlA Sahai to Sir Henry ? i. e. on the British side.

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214 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JUNE, 1891. Lawrence with whom he had become intimately acquainted on a former occasion at Peshawar. Sir Henry after consulting with Sir Frederick Currie, Chief Secretary of the Foreign Department, sent a reply, that the British Government, having the interests of Gulab Singh at heart, had simply presented him with the said possessions, but would now grant them to him for money. The Governor-General then agreed to let Gulab Singh have the district between the Biyas and the Indus, with Kangra, Kasmir, Hazara and the boundaries of the Kohistan for one karor of rupees; but as Gulab Singh had not at his disposal so large a sum, negotiations were begun for giving him a smaller portion of territory, excluding the district between the Biyas and the Indus. Even this arrangement displeased the Bibi Sahiba, who sent the Raja Dina Nath, Faqir Nuru'ddin, and Bhai Ram Singh to Sir H. Lawrence and Sir F. Currie, to dissuade them from the transaction, and threatening to go herself to London. But no attention was paid to her protest, and so she sent Khalsa troops to capture Gulab Singh. Major MacGregor arrived, however, in time with a rasala of European troops, and put an end to the strife by carrying him off to the British camp. The terms ultimately arrived at are embodied in the following document : Treaty between the British Government on the one part and the Maharaja Gulab Singh of Jamman on the other, concluded on the part of the British Government by Frederick Carrie, Esquire, and Brevet Major Henry Montgomery Lawrence, acting under the orders of the Right Honourable Sir Henry Hardinge, G.C.B., one of Her Britannic Majesty's Most Honourable Privy Council, Governor-General, appointed by the Honourable Company to direct and control all their affairs in the East Indies, and by Maharaja Gulab Singh in person. Art. 1. The British Government transfers and makes over for ever, as independent possessions, to Maharaja Gulab Singh and the heirs male of his body, all the hilly or mountainous country with its dependencies, situated to th east of the River Indus and west of the River Ravi including Chamba, and excluding Lahaul, being part of the territories ceded to the British Government by the Lahor State according to the provisions of Article 4 of the treaty of Lahor, dated the 9th March 1846. Art. 2. The eastern boundary of the tract transferred by the foregoing Article to Maharaja Gulab Singh shall be laid down by Commissioners appointed by the British Government and Maharaja Galab Singh respectively for the purpose, and shall be defined in a separate engagement after survey. Art. 3. In cons:1eration of the transfer made to him and his heirs by the provisions of the foregoing articles, the Maharaja Gulab Singh will pay to the British Government the sum of 75 lakhs of Nanakshahi rupees, 50 lakhs to be paid on ratification of this Treaty, and 25 lakhs on or before the 1st October of the current year A. D. 1846. Art. 4. The limit of the territories of the Maharaja Gulab Singh shall not be at any time changed without the concurrence of the British Government. Art. 5, The Maharaja Gulab Singh will refer to the arbitration of the British Government any disputes on questions that may arise between himself and the Government of Luhor, or any other neighbouring State, and will abide by the decision of the British Government. Art. 6. The Maharaja Gulab Singh engages for himself and his heirs to join the British troops with the whole of his military force when these are employed within the hills, or in the territories adjoining his possessions. Art. 7. The Maharaja Gulab Singh engages never to take or retain in his service, any British subject, nor any subject of any other European or American State, without the consent of the British Government. Art. 8. The Maharaja Gulab Singh engages to respect in reference to the territory transferred to him, the provisions of Articles 5, 6, and 7 of the separate engagement between the British Government and the Lahor darbar, dated March 11th, 1846,

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JUNE, 1891.] NOTICE OF THE GULABNAMA. 215 Art. 9. The British Government will give its aid to the Maharaja Gulab Singh in protecting his territories from external enemies. Art. 10. The Maharaja Gulab Singh acknowledges the supremacy of the British government, and will, in token of such supremacy, present annually to the British government one horse, twelve perfect shawl goats of approved breed (six male and six female), and three pairs of h asmir shawls. This treaty consisting of ten articles has been this day settled by Frederick Currie, Esq., and Brevet-Major Henry Montgomery Lawrence, acting under the direction of the Right Honourable Sir Henry Hardinge, G.C.B., Governor-General, and by the Maharaja Galab Singh in person; and the said treaty has been this day ratified by the seal of the Right Honourable Sir Henry Hardinge, G.C.B., Governor-General. Done at Amritsar on the 16th March 1846, corresponding to the 17th Rabi, the first A. H. 1262. (Signed) H. Hardinge (seal). F. Currie. H. M. Lawrence. On this occasion the Governor-General sent his children on a pleasure trip to Kasmir, and enjoined the Maharaja Gulab Singh to care take of them as if they were his own. He was delighted with the proposal and started the same day to Jasrdta, and during his journey Utam Singh, with his troops, as also other chiefs, paid him allegiance. On his arrival at Jasrota he presented the author's father with a jagir producing a revenue of Rs. 1,000 per annum, and conferred likewise other favours upon him. He also sent Diwan Hari Chand with Sikh and other troops to conquer the Hazara district. Shortly afterwards, the Maharani, spouse of Gulab Singh, who had been ailing for some time, died, and internal troubles arose in Kasmir among his own vassals, which were quelled and the rebels punished, but only with the aid of English troops. The zamindars of the Hazara district being also very turbulent, Gulab Singh desired to exchange it for that of Manawar and Ghari, which was in charge of Major Abbot on behalf of the Panjab government. Accordingly the Hazara district was made over to it, and the two desired districts to Gulab Singh, by a sanad, dated 5th May 1847. When the English officials Ayrton and Anderson, who had gone to Multan in the early part of A. D. 1848, were both slain by the troops of Mulraj, Major Edwardes marched with the Khalsa army in command of the Sardar Sher Singh Atariwala to conquer Multan, and encamped at Surajkund. The Sardar Chhatar Singh Atariwall, who was in charge of the Hazara district, then made an alliance with Dost Muhammad Khan, Amir of Afghanistan, and attempted to conquer the Panjab. Accordingly Lord Gough attacked him with the British forces, and defeated him at Ramnagar and ChiliAnwala, although the Sikhs fought bravely. About this time also Maltan fell, and the Sikhs were routed at Gujrat after the English troops had been reinforced by those of the Maharaja Gulab Singh. After this the Khalsa army submitted at Rawal Pisdi, and the Panjab was reduced to tranquillity.* Multan under the Sikh government had been administered by the Diwan Sawan Mall who, having been slain by an assassin, was succeeded by his son, the Diwan Malraj. The latter failed to pay regularly the tribute due. Accordingly the darbar reported the matter to Sir John Lawrence, who had, after the overthrow of the Khalsa power, been appointed Resident at Lahor. The Diwun Malraj was summoned to Labor, but excused himself by alleging that the province was disturbed, and that his brothers were contending for the supremacy with him, and he said that he would be glad if the British government would send officials to settle the accounts, exonerating him from all responsibility after the payment of the arrears due. Sir John Lawrence, however, procrastinated this business and allowed Malraj to return, but 3 [The value of this version of the treaty is that it gives the socount ourrent in Kasmir.-R. C. T.). * These and the following events are narrated also in the last Chapter of the Zafarnama, but the account differs in several respects from the above.

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216 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JUNE, 1891. when Sir Frederick Currie took his place as Resident at Lahor, he sent Mr. Ayrton and Mr. Anderson to accompany the Sardar Kanh Singh Man, who had been appointed to supersede the Diwan Mulraj as Sabahdar of Multan. When these officials paid their visit to Mulraj, requesting him to surrender the keys of the fort and his authority over the province, he replied in an abusive and cunning manner, and when they returned to the 'idgah where they were lodged, some miscreants assailed them, pierced the breast of Mr. Ayrton with a lance, and killed Mr. Anderson with a sword. Then a great disturbance arose, the troops prepared for hostilities, and the Sikh escort of the English officials joined them, and the Sardar Kanh Siogh was taken prisoner and conveyed to Malraj. Sir Frederick Currie having been informed of what had taken place, at once despatched Sikh troops under the command of the Sardar Sher Singh to punish the rebels of Multan. The army of the Nawab of Bahawalpur and Major (Sir Herbert) Edwardes, who had arrived from the district of Bannu, swelled the number of the troops ; but the fort of Multan was taken only after some English troops sent from Bombay had arrived. At this time the Sardar Chhatar Singh Atariwala, who had been sent by the Lahor government to take over the administration of the Hazara country, from which the author's father had withdrawn when Gulab Singh obtained the 'ildqa of Manawarin exchange for it, becoming afraid for his own safety, because the Sikh troops under his command had slain an English officer in the service of the Khalsa government, conceived that he had no other remedy but to revolt. He persisted in this although Sir Frederick Currie had sent the Raja Dina Nath to dissuade him. He also repeatedly sent letters to his son Sher Singh with orders to join the troops of Mulraj, which he obeyed; whilst he himself prepared for hostilities, and was reinforced from every side by great numbers of Sikhs, who, vainly imagining that they would overthrow the government, began to plander the country in every direction, and burnt the bridge of boats across the Revi at Rajghat near Shahdara. Arjun Singh, son of the late Hari Singh, occupied the country as far as Gujranwala, whilst on the other side the graceless Ram Singh kicked up the dust of rebellion at Nurpur. Chhatar Singh, having arrived at Peshawar, despatched the Khalsa troops who had made common cause with him, to RAwal Pisdi. Here Messrs. Lawrence and Boyd whom the Sardar Sultan Muhammad Khan Barukzais had caused to be captured, were sent to him. Dost Muhammad Khan, the Amir of Afghanistan, also came to the aid of Chhatar Singh, and intended to conquer Kasmir, Hazara and Rawal Pindi as far as the Jhelam. Sardar Chhatar Singh surrendered the fort of Atak, which he had taken with his help, to the Amir. Gulab Singh having in former times been on friendly terms with Chhatar Singh, the latter now sent envoys to Srinagar, requesting his aid in this war, which would in that case, said they, terminate by Gulab Singh becoming the sovereign of the Panjab, to whom Chhatar Singh would be glad to pay homage. The Maharaja Gulab Singh replied with his natural shrewd: ness, that as the Khalsa government had sold him to the English, it is pow his bounden duty to remain loyal to the latter, and advised Chhatar Singh, through his own mediation, to crave pardon for what he had done, saying that he remembered well how often the late Maharaja Ranjit Singh had said, that whoever opposes the English ensures only his own ruin. The Bakhshi Hiranand, who had come to Srinagar as envoy from Chhatar Singh was detained under surveillance, and the envoy of the Amir Dost Muhammad Khan, who had arrived with letters and presents of horses and Persian swords to obtain the aid of the Maharaja Gulab Singh, was not admitted to his presence, or even permitted to enter Srinagar, and returned without effecting anything. Gulab Singh had offered the English to march with his troops to the Hazara distriot to quell the rebellion. Sir Frederiok Currie delayed his reply, but at last advised that the rebels should be prevented from entering the mountain districts. The Diwin Hari Chand then marched from Jammon to Mana war, and another portion of the troops, commanded by Sayyid Ghulam 'Ali Shah and Zoriwar Singh, was ordered to punish RAm Singh. This force, operating under the direction of Sir John Lawrence, who was at that time * This is the name of the author of the Trikh-i-Sultani.

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JUNE, 1891.] NOTICE OF THE GULABNAMA. 217 Commissioner at Jalandhar, did good service, as did the forces of Nur Muhammad, commanded by Major Harrison. Orders were also issued to hold the families of all those responsible who might loave Jammun and enrol themselves among the Sikhs, or make common cause with the rebels. For this reason the houses of certain persons in the 'ilaqa of Jasrota were burnt down. This example was so effective, that henceforth none of the subjects of the Jammum government joined the Khalsa forces. On that occasion the English troops, commanded by General Nicholson, were encamped at Ramnagar, whilst the Sikh troops, who crossed the Chinab had taken up a position near Wazirabad. Some palgans of them, however, who were stationed at Jamman, desired to join their comrades there, but the government deprived them, by a stratagem, of their arms and accoutrements, and when they wanted to recover them by force, the palgan of Brajraj succeeded in foiling their intention. Dharm Singh was, for his bravery in this affair promoted to the rank of colonel. Whilst the Maharaja Gulab Singh was at Srinagar, Ranbir Singa governed the district of Jammun with ability ; but the whole of the Panjab was disturbed. The Amir Dost Muhammad Khan joined the Sikh army, while Major Abbot evacuated the Hazara district and retired to the mus'a of Bharkot, where Gulab Singh loyally sent him in leather bags a large sum of money by trustworthy merchants, as well as gunpowder and small pieces of artillery. Qazi Nadir 'Ali Khan was also sent, and remained in constant attendance upon him. In the same way the author's father attended upon Sir Frederick Currie at La hor, in order to be of service whenever an opportunity presented itself. The Sardar Sher Singh marched from Multan to avoid the British troops, which were besieging it, by order of his father Chhatar Singh, and after joining the rebels encountered the forces commanded by General Nicholson at Ramnagar, which crossed the Chinab and surprised him early in the morning. His troops fought bravely, but they had to yield at last. The next action took place at Chilianwala in which Lord Gough, the Commander-in-Chief, was present, and used his artillery with terrible effect, but the Sikhs, undaunted by it, followed the heroic example of Sher Singh who led them, and the contest ceased only when darkness set in. The English remained on the battlefield, and the Khalsa army marched on about two kos and encamped at the mus'a of Rasul, where, however, difficulties arose, provisions being scarce, whereas they were plentiful in Gujrat. Accordingly it marched there. Colonel Lawrence now informed the author's father that the English meant to strike a final blow at the Sikhs, and that therefore it would be proper to guard all the roads and passes leading to the country of Jamman and Kasmir, and to disarm any Sikhs who might attempt to enter, and to station detachments of troops at Manawar, Bhimbar, Mirpur, and other localities near the mountains. Tahir Khan, agent for the Maharaja Gulab Singh in attendance on Major Mackison, always communicated the orders of the English officers to the Diwan Hari Chand, who was stationed with the troops at Mirpur, from which 'ilaqa also the commissariat of the British troops was supplied. At last the great battle at Gujrat took place. The English began the action with artillery, and the Sardar Chhatar Singh attacked one flank with Afghan Cavalry, whilst Sher Singh rushed upon the other. Here Ram Singh Chh&pawala, who firmly and valiantly stood his ground, lost his life. After the Sikhs had been defeated and dispersed, many of them purchased their safety from the officials of Gulab Singh in various localities, but were disarmed and deprived of their horses and elephants. A number of them were captured near the fort of Mangala, and rendered harmless by being deprived of their weapons. The Khalsa troops, who had intended to march to Peshawar, and were now encamped under the command of Chhatar Singh and Sher Singh, unanimously laid down their arms and sued for quarter. The disturbances in the whole of the Panjab having thus been brought to a conclusion, Mr. (Sir Henry) Elliot, the Chief Secretary to the government in the Foreign Department, held with the consent of Colonel Sir Henry Lawrence a general darbar in the fort of Lahor, where the Maharaja Dalip Singh was living with all the notables. The annexation of the Panjab to the British dominions was published, and Dalip Singh deposed.

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218 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JUNE, 1891. Some time afterwards Lord Dalhousie, the Governor-General in India, paid a visit to Lahor, and sent Dalip Singh to Karachi. Gulab Singh, having remained in Jammun, had no interview with the Viceroy, but when Lord [sic] Napier, the Commander-in-Chief, arrived, Sir John Lawrence went there and conveyed Gulab Singh to Sialkot, where a meeting with the Commander-in-Chief took place. Mabaraja Gulab Singh, at the commencement of the year 1907,6 travelled via Rampur to Kasmir, and Colonel Sir Henry Lawrence and Lady Montgomery and Captain Hudson entered it by way of Nihal. The Diwan and Ranbir Singh went to receive the party, And Gulab Singh went in a boat as far as Batwara, and lodged his guests in the Kothi Bagh, where he enjoyed their company till they departed on a tour to Skardo and Ladakh. About this time the auspicious birth of Mian Partab Singh' took place. It was celebrated with great rejoicings, and when Colonel Lawrence departed from Kasmir, the author's father accompanied him as far as La hor, and then returned to Jammun. Gulab Singh next proceeded in great state with Ranbir Singh, Jawahir Singh, Moti Singh, and other notables to Wazirabad. When the party arrived at Suchetgarh, Mr. John Inglis, Deputy Commissioner of Wazirabad, with Mr. Prinsep, met it, and on reaching the cantonment the English troops fired a salute of artillery. At Shahdara, Colonel Sir Henry Lawrence came to meet Galab Singh with Sir Robert Montgomery, Commissioner of Lahor, and Lord Napier (of Magdala) who bore at that time the rank of colonel. When the cavalcade approached the cantonment of Wazirabad, Brigadier-General Horsey and other officers came to meet Gulab Singh, and escorted him to his residence. The regiment of infantry and the rasdla of cavalry stationed there were drawn up, and the artillery fired a salute. Mr. [Sir Henry) Elliot, Chief Secretary, with Colonel Sir Henry Lawrence, then paid a visit to Gulab Singh, but for a day or two no interview could take place between him and Lord Dalhousie, the latter having sent excuses through the Secretary that he was suffering from a boil on the leg. When, however, afterwards Gulab Singh proceeded to the tent of the Governor-General, accompanied by the Brigadier and other officials, the troops were drawn out, and a salute was fired. On Galab Singh's entering the tent the Viceroy went as far as the edge of the carpet to meet him, shook hands with him cordially, and seated him on his right hand. A salute of artillery having again been fired, the distribu. tion of presents began, and the Viceroy spoke in a friendly manner, especially when he bestowed a robe of honour on Ranbir Singh. Then he said : " Your father has risen to his high station under the sway of the late Maharaja Ranjit Singh, whose image he is said to be still worshipping, and I hope that you will, in your turn, be likewise loyal to Her Majesty the Queen." At the same time he handed him her miniature set in a ring. Ranbir Singh replied, that as he had greatly profited by his father's services to Ragjit Singh, he had himself gained ten-fold more from the graciousness of Her Majesty whom he would loyally serve with body and soul. The Diwan received a robe of honour, and obtained, in addition, at the request of Sir Henry Law. rence, a horse with a golden saddle, the Viceroy observing that they were given to him as a reward for his loyalty to the government. When the robe of honour was bestowed upon the Diwan Hari. Chand, Major-General Sir Walter Gilbert, commanding officer of the forces in the Panjab, rose, and, addressing the Governor General, said that when the British forces parsned the rebels and crossed the Bhot River, they could not have effected the crossing so easily nor obtained the aid of the Maharaja Gulab Singh's army without the help of the Diwan. Accordingly he received further presents. Various other officers also obtained dresses of honour, and among them the author of this book. Next day the Viceroy paid a return visit to the tent of the Maharaja Gulab Singh and was met half-way by the Maharaja, who distributed on that occasion costly gifts and fleet horses. The next day & grand review of the troops took place, after witnessing which the Maharaja took leave and departed to Jammun. A.D. 1850. * This is the present Maharaja, whose father, the late Maharaja Ranbir Singh, died on the 12th September 1886.

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JUNE, 1891.) NOTICE OF THE GULABNAMA. 219 In St. 1907,8 the Darda people, who possessed, on the north-western frontier of Kasmir, the strong and inaccessible fort of Chilas in the mountains, made incursions and plundered the adjacent possessions of Galab Singh. The severity of the winter prevented their punishment. So he despatched in the spring of the following year Diwan Hari Chand with sufficient forces and officers, including the Wazir Zorawar, Colonel Bijai Singh, Colonel Jawahir Singh, Pujan Singh, and Diwan Thakurdas to attack the fort. They accordingly besieged it in spite of its extreme height, expecting to starve the garrison into surrender, but did not succeed. The commissariat of the besieging force was defective, and no provisions were obtainable on the spot, whilst the male portion of the garrison was indefatigable during the night, and the women continued firing musketry during the day. A portion of the troops in command of Colonel Davi Singh Jandiwala erected a stockade in a place called Sangal, but he was attacked in the night by the population of the surrounding district, and in the fight the commander barely escaped with life. Meanwhile the besiegers attempted to take the fort by storm, but the scaling ladders were too short. The garrison burled stones as well as fired upon the assailants and killed about 1,500 of them, among whom were also several brave officers. For all that, however, the besieging force did not lose heart, but subsisted on the leaves and bark of trees for food. During this campaign Gulab Singh's health declined, as he suffered from diabetes, and Ranbir Singh, being stationed at Sopur, carried on the administration of the district with the aid of the author of this work, who had been attached to his service. Mean. while the besiegers, who knew that the garrison of the fort of Chilas would be compelled to surrender if it could be deprived of water, dug a mine, and caused all the water to flow out from the only tank in the fort, whereon the garrison drank oil for three days, and was from thirst ander the necessity of beginning negotiations for surrender. While these were going on the people of the fort began gradually to leave it, whereon most of them were slain or retained as prisoners. The grain stored in the fort relieved the troops from the miseries of hunger but before they departed they burnt the place, taking with them some chiefs of the district whom they had made prisoners, such as Duri Khan, Rahmatu'llah and others. They were however, set free on promising to pay tribute, bat their sons were retained as hostages. As already noticed Gulab Singh became sick during this campaign, but when the information reached him that his troops were suffering from hunger, he averred that his malady had disappeared and insisted on marching in person to the scene of hostilities. His courtiers dissuaded him, and suggested that any one of them would gladly undertake the duty, whereon he appointed for that purpose Diwan Nihal Chand and the Pandit Raja Khak. On that occasion also Jotisht Brajlal, who was a perfect astrologer, came forward, and told him to be of good cheer because the fort of Chilas had been, or would be taken on that day by his brave warriors, who would find in it boundless stores of grain. The Maharaja was incredulous, but the prediction was nevertheless fulfilled, and he rewarded the astrologer amply. Having partially recovered from his diabetes, Gulab Singh left Srinagar and went to Jammun. He was joined during the march by Moti Singh, who had a grievance against the Raja Jawahir Singh and met him at a distance of one farsang from Jammun. The two Rajas, Moti and Jawahir, were brothers, and as their dispute could not be settled locally, it was submitted to the English authorities, for which purpose they departed to LAhor. From Jammun Gulab Singh went to Riasi, which is four farsangs to the north of it, and there he was informed that Santokh Singh, the Thanader of Gilgit, had left the fort with the garrison, trusting to the false promises of the Raja of Nagari, and was slain by the rebels. But Devi Das commanding the fort of Manawar held out for some time, and at last sallied forth to be killed by his antagonists, who amounted to more than 4000. He had, however, taken the precaution of slaying all the women to save their honour, and then sacrified his own life, fighting bravely. The same fate overtook Bhep Singh who held the fort of Pari, for he too was compelled by hunger to come out and give battle to the Raja of Nagari, who had sworn that he . A. D. 1850.

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220 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JUNE, 1891. would spare the lives of the garrison, but treacherously attacked and slew it, as soon as it came out from the fort. The ring leader of the rebellion was one Gauhar Rahman who had conquered Gilgit and sold his captives into slavery. He was ultimately subdued. Jast at this period, when Gulib Singh's troops were fully occupied at home, Colonel Lawrence sent him a kharita to the effect, that as the rebels of the Hazara district were again disturbing it, he ought as quickly as possible to despatch some forces there. Hesent four regiments which acquitted themselves so well that they earned the approbation of the British government. Meanwhile Jawahir Singh, who was of an ambitious turn of mind, had been reminded by some of his turbulent friends, that when the English authorities settled the government they had not increased his jdgir by adding to it Jasrote with other estates that had belonged to the late Raja Hira Singh, and that his journey to Lahor had remained fruitless. Maulavi Mazbar 'Ali, who was in the service of Gulib Singh and had become intimate with Jawahir Singh through 'Abdullah Khan the Afghan, also persuaded him that he might obtain one-half of the dominions of Gulab Singh. This man's intrigues, however, ended in his captare by the English when he was in Peshwar for the purpose of enlisting men in the Swat district and his deportation to the Panjab, where he was imprisoned. Jawahir Singh then went again to LAhor in the hope of inducing Sir John Lawrence to make him independent of Gulab Singh, whose vassal he was, but could not succeed, and so he at last made preparations for hostilities which proved to be of no avail in consequence of the precautions taken by Galab Singh. The Maharaja Gulab Singh had, on a former occasion, when suffering from his chronic malady, informed Colonel Lawrence of his wish to entrust Ranbir Singh with the entire administration of the government, and had met with the Colonel's acquiescence. Accordingly he placed, on the 6th of the month Phagun, St. 1912, his adopted son Ranbir Singh upon the throne of dominion, and pat with his own hand the saffron-mark on his forehead. The same day also the author of this book was elevated to the rank of Diwin, received a costly dress of honour, and a handsome inkstand from the Maharaja Gulab Singh. The ceremony of installation, to which also the officers of the cantonment of Sialkot had been invited, took place at Mandi, where a darbar was hold, in which all the notables were present, and the father of the author delivered a speech, reminding the young sovereign of his duties towards his subjects, and recommending him to be loyal to the British government. After that day the Maharaja Gulab Singh altogether retired from public affairs, and abandoning all worldly pursuits prepared himself for death. He departed to the delightful abode of Kasmir, and being troubled also by gout in the hip, fainted one day from weakness whilst bathing. Ranbir Singb, having been apprized of his condition, at once hastened from Jammun to pay him a visit. Just then the Parbia troops in the service of the English burnt the cantonments of Merath10 (Meerut) and Dehli, killed their officers, and mutinies were spreading all over India. The Maharaja Gulab Singh immediately despatched his Diwan to Rawal Pindi, where Sir John Lawrence, the Chief Commissioner of the Panjab, happened to be at that time, in order to place the whole of his army and treasure at the disposal of the British government as a proof of his loyalty. He also placed the forts in his possession, but more especially the stronghold of Mangala at the disposal of the English troops, and promised to give & cordial welcome to the ladies sojourning in the mountain retreat of Mahi (Murree), who were invited to Kasmir to remain there in safety. Sir John Lawrence accepted the offer, desired the Diwan Hari Chand to tako command of the troops, and to send ten ldkhs of Srinagari rapees. When the Maharaja Gulab Singh felt his end approaching, he one day gave instructions to the Pandit Sib Sankar for the arrangements to be made for his funeral. He also reminded the author of this book that he had been ordered to write a biography of the Maharaja, but had not yet found time for the work, and hod that he would not fail to execute it after his demise. The condition of the Maharaja gradually became worse, and a burning fever attacked A. D. 1855. 1. On the 11th May 1867.

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JUNE, 1891.] FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA; No. 36. 221 him repeatedly, which his physicians were unable to subdue; whereon he gave away as alms one ldlch and twenty-five thousand 'Srinagari rupees, a jager with a revenue of Rs. 10,000, as well as beautiful gardens, fleet horses, mountain-like elephants, jewellery, and costly garments. He expired on the 20th of the month Sawan in St. 1914,11 regretted and lamented by all. FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA. BY PANDIT NATESA SASTKI, M.F.L.S. No. 36. - The Wise Men of Panganur ; the Madrasi Gotham.1 A generation or two before Mahamudha, there lived in the kingdom of Punganar a king named Nirbuddhi ('the witless'). Beyond eating, sleeping, and hunting wild beasts, he knew of no pleasures. He was extremely weak in intellect, and as usual was surrounded by equally stupid ministers. Stupidity was the sole possession of His Majesty and the officers of his court; stubbornness and ready execution of orders, their rule of life, and as to knowledge of any thing but what came before their eyes, they had none. One virtue of Nirbuddhi's court was - if it may be termed a virtue that, whatever the sovereign commanded, the court was ready to obey, and that too at the cost of life! It is the custom at courts, in villages, and at bathing ghats in India, for a Brahman to read out of a palm-leaf book, generally called the panchang, the asterism, lunar date, &c., of each day, so that people may know them and be careful to perform the prescribed rites so essential for a Brahman and others of the twice-born caste. In accordance with this rule, a poor Brahman of Punganur used to proceed to the palace and read out the particnlars of each day from the panchdng. This he did of hereditary right, as his father and grandfather had done before him, and so there was nothing unusual about it. On a certain day, just as the king had got out of his bed and sat outside his palace on a cot with a big vessel full of water to wash his face and teeth in, the panchung-reading Brahman appeared at his regular morning duty, and read out from a palm-leaf book which he carried under his left arm, thus: "! This day is Sunday, the fifteenth day of the month of Magha in the year Khara. The lanar day (tithi) to-day is Ekadasi. Ekadast lasts up to the eleventh ghatika. Then Ekadasi goes out, and Dvadasi comes in. The rdhukala (evil time) to-day is at twenty-six and & quarter ghafikas. May there be prosperity to all!" Having thus read out, the Brahman was slowly closing his oblong book with a stealtby look at His Majesty's face to see how Nirbuddhi appreciated his remarks. But the storm had already began. The royal face changed colour, "Stop, you mischievous Brahman!" he said. The unfolded book dropped down, and the timid creature stood shivering with fear and confusion. "What is the meaning of this stuff that you are daily muttering? You cannot deceive me as you deceive the public, by the holy ashes so profusely smeared over you and your rudraksha beads. You come to my court daily in the morning and mutter that Dviti ya goes out, Tritiya comes in ; Ekadasit goes out, Dvadasit comes in ; and so on, and so on. I understand! Some one goes out daily and some one comes in without my knowledge; I do not like such a state of affairs in my kingdom. 80 I now order that ceither shall Ekadasi go out, nor shall Dvadasi come in. Will you see to it or not P" roared out the king. 11 A. D. 1857. 1 Relnted by a friend from North-Arcot who had spent a great part of his life at Panganur in the North-Arcot District, . See Tale No. 35, ante, Vol. XX. p. 78. The eleventh day of a lunar fortnight. * The 2nd, 3rd, 11th and 12th days of a lanar fortnight.

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222 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JUNE, 1891. The harsh tone of His Majesty made his numerous ministers assemble round him and wait with impatience for the Brahman's reply! After bowing, he said respectfully :- "Most gracious sovereign !, permit this mean dog from your wide kingdom to say that Ekadasi and Dvadasi are tithis, not to be perceived by mortal eyes, and that it is altogether impossible to prevent the one from going out or the other from coming in." "Stop your mouth! you vile Brahman," roared out many voices, and for very fear he had to do so. "Neither shall Ekadasi go out, nor shall Dvadasi come in," roared out His Majesty, and when the Brahman again said that it was impossible, he was at once ordered to jail. A hundred hards wure at once at his throat, and he was pushed out of the palace and thrown into prison. Then His Majesty thus addressed his chief minister: "Did you hear what that vile wretch said ? That Ekadasi and Dvadasi are tithis, not to be perceived by mortal eyes. Do you think that there is anything in this world which would escape our sight P" "No, my most gracious sovereign !" said the chief minister. " Then to business," continued the king; "you must set & strict watch over the town and guard every nook and corner, and see that no person goes out of the town at the eleventh ghatika to-day, and that no person enters the town at that time." i Agreed," said the minister, "I shall keep so strict a guard that even the breeze will find it difficult to move in or out." "Again," said the king : "Ekadasi and Dvadasi may be jugglers, and they may assu me some curious shapes, and thus, defeating our vigilance, may go out or come in: Take care that no object, either animate or inanimate, brute or mortal, comes in or goes out at the eleventh ghatika. Let the time-announcers be strictly warned to give out every second of each ghatika to-day, that you and your soldiers may have your eyes wide open at that exact time." "All this shall be duly attended to," nodded the chief minister. And many voices were heard extolling the king to the skies at his sagacity in giving such very strict injunctions. His Majesty, not to take up any more of the precious time of his chief minister, ordered him off to his duty, and went into his palace. The chief minister was entirely lost in admiration for some minutes at the forethought with which the king had given him so many valuable instructions, congratulated himself on his good fortune in having been placed under the benign rule of such an intelligent monarch, and, not to lose any more time in mere praises, got up from his seat. Every soldier in Punganur was proud of his service that day, and of shewing his zeal and energy in guarding the kingdom, and swore an oath that he might be called a bastard if he allowed the Ekadasi to escape. The minister too was very proud to see so many faithful followers, and, assenabling all the soldiers, arranged them in a circle round the city. Every inch was thus most carefully guarded, and the minister, as he rode round and round, saw many a soldier stretching out his hands and swearing that he would break the head of Ekadasi just as he would a ripe cocoanut, if he would only pass his way. Thus was the town most carefully guarded. The minister went his rounds, and the time-announcers bawled out every second with all their might all day long, and there was only one second more for the eleventh ghatika to be finished ! * Attention ! Care !" roared out the minister. There was no stir anywhere. Even the elements drended on that occasion the power of the minister and his zealous soldiers ! "Eleventh ghalika," roared the time-announcer. Just at that moment a rat ran out close by the minister.

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June, 1891.) FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA; No. 36. 223 "Ekadasi is going out in the disguise of a rat," he shouted. "Catch him, pull him to pieces," responded many voices. But alas ! the rat had already disappeared into his hole in the ground ! "Out upon you, fools! What will our sovereign say when he comes to know that so many of us were on guard to-day, and still allowed Ekadasi to escape ?" mourned the minister. "No, my lord, let us bore holes and trace out the disguised Ekadasi," said many voices, and at once the operation commenced. The news, that, at the exact time declared by the Brahman, Ekadast in the disguise of a rat had escaped and thus gone out, spread like wild-fire throughout the town. Cursing himself for not being on the spot, the king appeared on the scene, and it was a great consolation to him that Ekadasi had entered into a hole, for, wherever he might have gone, he would trace that hole to its very source and take Ekadasi prisoner. Thus consoled, after a volley of abuse, he told his minister to go and govern his kingdom in his stead, exercising paternal care over every one, until he came back bringing Ekadast prisoner, It might be the work of a few hours or weeks or months or years, but antil the return of the sovereign the minister was to reign over Panganur. Thus was the matter settled. The minister cursed himself for his carelessness at the elevonth ghatiled and his failure to catch the runaway tithi. However, he consoled himself that he had yet ample opportunities of regaining his lord's favour by good government during his absence in pursuit of Ekadasi. The king get to work with two hundred of his most faithful soldiers, and went on tracing the holes, for one led into another, and before the close of the day he was over five kos away from his kingdom. First & rat, then a mouse, and then a bandicoot, would run out and hide itself in another and yet another hole. "There goes Ekadasi disguised as a mouse, and now as a bandicoot," bawled out the soldiers. Thus the search continued for several days. Every one worked hard from morn to evc, and rested his weary limbs all night, to begin work with renewed energy the next day. Still Ekadasi remained oncaught, and the soldiers undiminished in their zeal and energy as long as the runaway was yet at liberty and the king in the camp. Meanwhile the minister, true to his master's orders, governed Punganur as a father would his family. The oppressors were punished, the weak were protected, and justice in the peculiar fashion of Punganur was administered to every one who asked for it. The ladies in the seraglio of the king were carefully attended to. Orders were issued that the minister was keeping watch over the kingdom day and night, and that every soal might go to him freely at any time, day or night, and claim his attention and service. Thus was the government of Punganur carried on in excellent fashion, and no one felt for a moment the absence of their gracious king who had gone out in pursuit of Ekadasi. In this way a full month passed, till there came the first night of the second month, and about the eleventh ghafika, when the minister was sitting on the outer verandah of his house, chewing betel-leaves after his supper all alone, and revolving in his mind certain new plans and methods of government to be adopted next day, Suddenly there came running a maid-servant of the queen, gasping for breath." " What is the matter? Is the Rani Amma well! Quick! Speak!" said the minister, changing colour at the sudden appearance of the woman, and his body perspiring profusely, partly at the fear excited by such an unexpected visit, and partly from the chewing of warm betel-leaves. "Oh, great minister," gasped the maid, "God alone must protect us. Our Rani always sleeps soundly every night, and as usual went to bed at the fifth ghafika to-night and soon fell into a good snore. We stood round her, fanning her, as is our duty, when at tho seventh ghafiki her snoring stopped and she said hd,' and turning on her left side, began to snore again

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224 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JUNE, 1891. as usual. We have never heard her say 'ha' before in her sleep; so I have come running to consult you as to the cause of it," gasped the maid, The minister pondered a while and said: "The utterance of 'ha' usually succeeds a poisonous bite. I fear that some serpent has stung Her Majesty. But let us not be rash. You had better fly back to her again and continue your strict watch. If again you observe her say ha' in her sleep and turn on her side, report it at once to me. Be off at once to your duty." The maid ran away, and the minister, thinking it unwise to sleep that night, kept wide awake. If a leaf was stirred by the breeze, he imagined it to be the maid coming in again. And at last even so it was, for she appeared again at the fifteenth ghatika, and reported that a second ha' was uttered in her sleep by the Rani, "Be not confused! Patience is the motto of great men! Let us hear it a third time, and then we shall be certain that the poison is working. And it won't be too late to commence the cure. Go and watch over Her Majesty," Thus the minister again dismissed the maid, but two ghatikas were scarcely over before the maid appeared for the third time, with tears in her eyes and said: "Alas! minister, God is cruel! We are all undone! The Rani uttered ha ha; twice, this time! What shall we do ?" The minister did not know what to do, and despatched a hasty messenger to fetch the serpent-doctor. "Say that the minister requires his services to attend on the Rani, who has been bitten by a serpent," said the minister, and off the messenger flew with the swiftness of a kite. The doctor's house was reached, but he was not at home, for he had gone out on the previous evening to a neighbouring village five kos off, and a messenger went in pursuit of him. Meanwhile the doctor's son, who was also a serpent-doctor on a smaller scale than his father came to the minister. "Your father is not here then ?" said the minister. "No, my lord; but he will be here early in the morning; but what does your lordship require? My services are at your disposal. I have been for the last ten years a regular student at the feet of my venerable father," replied the boy-doctor, "Then," said the minister; "the Rani is stung by a serpent, You must cure Her Majesty at once of the poison." "Alas," continued the boy, "I have not yet come to that chapter of the book, but I have heard my father say often that the curing of poisonous bites is an extremely easy thing, provided that the poison has not ascended up to the head, So, as a precaution, I would advise that the head he separated from the body, so as to make sure that the venom has not ascended there. If this advice is followed, the cure may be commenced at any time." "You are a clever doctor, though still a boy. It is most unfortunate that your studies have not yet reached the chapter on poisons, But let us not be wasting time. Well, maid, go back at once to the seraglio, and without the least disturbance sever the head of the queen from her body and keep it detached. We shall know if the poison has killed her, when the doctor arrives in the morning. Here is my signet-ring, which will stop any one who might want to prevent you from carrying out my orders." Thus, giving his signet-ring to the maid-servant and sending the boy-doctor home, the minister retired for a short sleep. The head of the Rani was, alas!, in strict accordance with the orders of the minister, severed from her body, and in a second life went out of her, for no other cause but that of the

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JUNE, 1891.] FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA; No. 36. 225 extreme stupidity of the Punganur State! Morning dawned, and the old doctor with the messenger returned home, bringing with him his bag containing the rare medicines. He was no doubt a clever man in his profession, but his son, who had reached the Punganar standard of wisdom, reported to him the advice he had given. The father cursod himself for having begotten such a son, and his only thought now was how to rescue himself and his son from the consequences of the murder of the Rani. Luckily, nothing was impossible in the kingdom of Punganar. So, hiding his confusion, he stood before the minister, who took him without the loss of a moment to the seraglio. There the body of the queen lay in its blood, minus its head. "What do you say now? Pat the head straight at once and begin your cure," cried the minister. " Alas! most mighty minister ! The maids have been a little careless in placing the severed head. It should not have been placed exactly opposite the trunk. The poison has taken the opportunity to travel into the head by the direct road left open ! There is no hope of life now! If they had kept the head in any other direction but that exactly opposite, I could have opened my bag and ground my medicine. Now even Dhanvantaris himself would find it impossible." Thus said the old doctor, and put on a mournfal face. The minister believed every word he had said, and so did the maids, and fell to quoting the fatalistic argument that the queen had lived out her destined life. So what was the use of mourning over the past P The dead body must be cremated. "The dead close their eyes in peace: the living have to undergo all the trouble and expense of cromating the body," As the proverb has it, argued the minister to himself. "The queen is dead. The king is now absent in the pursuit of Ekadasi. He won't return till that wretched tithi is caught. The corpse cannot wait till then. I cannot oremate it in the ground reserved for that purpose ; for this is not an ordinary corpse. The king might think himself insulted. She was his queen, while living. I shall not diminish her honour in death, but will cremate her body in the palace, at the very spot where she died. If a portion of the palace is burnt down, I can easily have it repaired; but it is impossible to repair the displeasure of an enraged king." Thus pondering and pondering over the subject, the Panganur minister gave orders for the funeral pile to be heaped npon the very spot where the queen had died, Sandal-wood, blackwood and every costly wood were used : ghf was poured on the pyre in profusion; and none had the courage to gainsay the orders of the minister, or the sense to foresee the evils they would produce. The body was set on the pile, and the fire lighted, and not only the pyre but the whole palace was in flames! Now, it is considered the greatest of insults in Hindu society, to put out the fire of the funeral pyre until the body is consumed. So, not withstanding that the whole palace was in flames, the minister never thought of putting out the fire. Pondered he: - "What would the king think of me if I, his minister, - his servant, - put out the fire before the body of the queen was consumed P Let the palace, or even the wbole town, be burnt down; but let no one dare to quench the funeral fire. Thus did he order, and almost half of the town was in flames by the time the body of the queen was entirely burnt. By that time, the fire raged so severely that no one dared to approach it. No amount of ordinary water could quench it. What was to be done ? Just then a thought came into the mind of the minister, that it would be the winest course to break open the embankment of a big lake five kos long and flve kos broad, situated at the western end of the town and on a higher level! The order was executed in a moment, and a huge volume of water rushed down in full force, and in the twinkling of an eye had carried 6 The god of medicines.

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226 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (June, 1891. mer away almost the whole town, and of course quenched the fire. The minister and other high officials of the State, guided by the instinct of self-preservation, had located themselves, with many others who were destined to live, on the embankment, and were thus saved. When the body of the queen had been thus cremated, and the fire quenched, the minister thought it his duty to send a full report of his administration to the absent king. He filled several pages with a florid account of his good government, in terms which may be left to the imagination. He dwelt at length on his administration of the Pauganur kingdom since his master bad left it, on the queen's death from the poisonous bite, on the remedies he adopted, on the supremacy of fate, on his own ideas of cremating her body, on its successful accomplish. ment, on the iron band of fate that had set the town in flames, on the course he followed to quench the conflagration, and on the procedure he adopted to relieve the sufferers. He had two very trustworthy peons under him: one a Nayak, named Kondal Nayakan, and another a Muhammadan damed Miran Ba. These two were jealous of each other, and each wanted to have the honour of carrying the report in person to His Majesty. The minister ohose Miran SA, and giving the document to him, ordered him to proceed to the king. Great was the joy of Miran SA, not that he himself was chosen, but that Kondal N&yak was not chosen. He took the huge document, tied it in a kerchief round his loins, and marched off in haste. In his joy at the special honour conferred upon him, he walked fast the whole day and almost the whole night, till at last nature began to exert ber influence and overpower his zea). Just at the third ghafilca before the dawn of the second day of his journey, he lay down under a tree to rest a while, and fell into a profound sleep. The spot where he slept was near the kingdom of Karvetnagar, and in a neighbouring village there lived a barber, who used every morning to go to the palace of Karvetnagar to shave the king; but, however fine and sharp his razor might be, the king always found fault with him for being a bad hand at his work. Now the barber happened to pass by the spot where Miran SA was asleep, and thought he to himself: "The king always ACCUACS me of being bad hand at shaving, I shall just test the truth of his marks. Here is person asleep, and if I successfully shave him without rousing him, what doubt will there be then that I am a first-rate barber P" Thos resolving, he placed his cup with water in it before the sleeping peon and set to work. Firat he shaved Miran SA's board clean off, and twisted up the Muhammadan's moustoobe into the form and out of a Nayak's. He then applied the Nayak casto mark to Miran SA's forehead, and setting a glass in front of the sleeper, replaced bis razor and cnp in his bag, and, glad at heart that he had shaved & sleeping person without disturbing him and that he was a very clever hand at his work, he proceeded to Karvetnagar. A ghalikd or two after the barber bad left, Miran SA awoke from his sleep. He saw his face reflected in the glass in front of him. The Nayak cut of his moustaches, and the mark on his forehead, were prominently noticed by him. Said he in amazement to himself: "What, after all, the minister has deceived me! I prided myself yesterday that the minister bad sent Mirad Sa to the king. Now I see that the person that goes to the king is not Miran Sa, but Kondal Nayakan! Ah! vile minister You have deceived me. You have not sent Miran Sa, but Kondal Nayakan, to the king. However I shall noon have an opportunity of carrying tales to the king. I shall report to His Majesty how you dooolved me, by sending Miran sa first and Kondal Nayakan afterwards. * Thu' argued the transformed Miran Sa, and rose up and proceeded to the king and handed him the administration repert, The king read over the whole document with the greatest imaginable planeere, and was apparently satisfied with every act of his minister! What The is an extremely fine specimen of Paoganor windom, where a person, forgetting his own identity, imagines to Nimelt that he is different person, and argues to himself as if he were sometimes himself and sometime other.

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JUNE, 1891.) FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA ; No. 36. 227 else could the readers expect from a fool who was in pursuit of Ekadasi P At the last page His Majesty stopped and said : "What a fool the minister is! He has filled so many pages with every possible information, but is silent on a most important point. There were several kinds of fish in the Punganar lake. He has not said a word about them. Where did they go when the embankment was out open P What became of them ? Why has the fool not put in a word about it P" Just as the monarch finished his last sentence, the transformed Mfrin SA said: -"Most gracious sovereign, I can give Your Majesty the information needed, for I was that day on the very spot. As soon as the embankment was cat open and the waters rushed out, all the flsh in the lake olimbed up the babal trees which are so numerous on the bank, and building their nests there, are living safe in them at this very momenti" Thus said Miran Sa, or Kondal Nayakan, as you may choose to term him. The king was highly pleased, as he was sure to see his fish in their nests on the babuil trees on his return to his kingdom! For the great consolation thus given him in good time, he appointed Miran sa to the minister's post and ordered him to govern Punganar in his absence, and degraded the minister who had omitted to remark on the fish in his report. Thus Miran SA, withont any effort of his own, got the minister's place, and receiving the ordor, started back for Punganur But all the way he was in great doubt as to who had been made minister - Mirau Sx or Kondal Nayakan! "God niust descend from his high place in heaven to clear up such a doubt!" said he, as he returned to Punganer, and took his seat as Viceroy of Panganur. While all these changes were taking place, Ekadasi remained unoaught. The more they Bearched, the more distant seemed the hope of ever catching him. Sometimes he took the form of a bird and flew away, and sometimes he was transformed into a bare. Thus there was no end to his jugglery, transformations and transmigrations. The king had already been in pursuit of him for nearly a year, and there was still no hope of Ekadast being caught, and of the king returning to Punganur. In the Karvotnagar State, there lived an intelligent Bra hman who had long been witness of the mad acts of Nirbuddhi, and it seemed to him that there would be no end to them. He pitied the stupidity of the monarch, and wanted to convince him of his foolishness by a simple example. He hired a palanquin and half a dozen bearers. Seating himself in it, he ordered the bearers to carry him with a loud sing-song howl through Nirbuddhi's camp. "If the king asks you who goes in the palanquin, tell him that Ekadaki, the Brahman, rides in it." Thas instracting the bearers, the Brahmas proceeded in his palanquin, and Nirbuddhi heard & great sing-song howl near his camp. "Stop that palanquin! Who is he that dares to ride in it so boldly, notwithstanding that Our Majesty is encamped here P" Thus said the king, and the bearers replied as already instructed by the Brahman. Thought the king :-"Blessed be my life to-day! I have been searching almost a whole year for Ekadast! This Brahman, who is named after him, must be able to give me some olge as to how to catch him." Tbus thinking, he saluted the Brahman, and requested him to help in catching Ekadasi: The Brahman came down from the palanquin, and said: "Mont gracious monarch! We are all men. Rkadakt is a god. We cannot catch him. Sinop you have been in pursuit of him, he has been to Punganur twenty-four times, and returned back to his palace." "What!" said the astonished king. "How can he go to Pungandr, whilo so many of us are pursuing him P I saw him last evening running away as a hare." Quite true: there had been tapadle is the interval

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228 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JUNE, 1891. "No, my supreme lord ! you are wrong. Can you prevent the sun from going to Punganur by all your vigilance ? It must go and return every day : is it not so ? Even so Ekadasi travels with the sun, and appears once on every fifteenth day at Punganur as the sun appears there every day." This simple illustration at last convinced the king, that I his efforts to catch the Ekadasi were a mad-man's project after all! He returned to his kingdom, and, appointing Ekadabi, the Brahman, as his minister, reigned for a long time. Owing to the intelligence of this minister, the kingdom improved a little, but they say that it took several generations for it to reach the level of the intelligence of its neighbours ! 10 18 :10 MISCELLANEA. THE SINES OF ARCS IN THE Siddhanta it is made equal to 120' (or perhaps PANCHA-SIDDHANTIKA. degrees). Now we find Ptolemy, in his table of I have just seen Prof. Thibaut's Panchasid- right-lines' or chords, divides the radius into 60 dhuintiku, and would call attention to ch. IV., parts (or degrees') and subdivides them sexagesi. translation, pp. 23, 24. In ell. 6-11 we are told that mally for the values of the chords of each arc. the 'sines' of the twenty-four aros are -'7 The Paulida Siddhanta had followed the same minutes 51 seconds, 15 minutes 40 seconds,'&c. system, if it did not derive the actual values Comparing these values with those given in the from Ptolemy, by the shortest and best way, Sarya-Siddhanta, we remark that, if wo read dividing the area by 2, while retaining the values degrees and minutes instead of minutes' and of the chords as the simplest method of presery. seconds,' we have rather more than double the ing the exact values of these ratios without fracvalues giren for these sines in later astronomical tional parts of a minute. The agreement is shown works: in fact we find that the radiusor sine of 90deg in the following table, where the arcs' are multiis in the Sarya.Siddhanta made 'equal to 3638' or ples of 3deg 45' in the Hindu table of sines, and of -7deg 18' or the chord of 60deg; but in the Pauliba. 7deg 30' in Ptolemy's table of Chords: No. of Pao-Siddh. Ptolemy's No. of Pa-Siddh. Ptolemy's No. of Pao-Siddho Ptolemy's arc. sines. chords. aro. Bines. chords. aro. sines. chorde. 17deg 51' 7deg 50'54" 91 66deg 40 66deg 40'. 711 17 107deg 38' 107deg 37' 30 15deg 40' 15deg 39' 47" 73deg 3 | 73deg 3' 5" | 110deg 53' 110deg 51' 52 23deg 23deg 23deg 24' 39" 79deg 7 790 7" 18" 113deg 33' 113deg 37' 54" 41 31deg 3' 30" 84deg 51' 84deg 51' 10" 115deg 56' 115deg 54' 40" 38deg 34' 22" 90deg 13' 90deg 13' 15" 117deg 43' 117deg 41' 40 45deg 56' 45deg 55' 19" 14 95deg 13' 95deg 1291 22 119deg 0 118deg 58' 25" 53' 5' 5,3deg 4' 29" | 15 99deg 46' 99deg 46' 35" 23 119deg 45' 1190 44' 36" 8 60deg 0' 60deg 0 16 103deg 56' 103deg 55' 23" || 24 120deg 1' 120deg 0 0 From this it will be seen that most of them irregular they are, especially towards the end of agree to the nearest minute, and only a very few the series, - a proof of slight errors in the sines differ by a full minute; and in the case of the themselves. 4th we must suppose an error in the text, as it From sl. 1 of this chapter IV., we find = V10 differs from the radius. The others may have or 3-1623, and the circumference being 360deg this arisen from errors of computation when fractions gives the radius equal to the arc of 56deg 55': are rejected, or from inaccuracies in the MS. the Surya-Siddhanta makes this 57deg18' or 3438', Whether the values are to be expressed in minutes and employs this as the sine of 90deg, which is a and seconds, as Prof. Thibaut has rendered his distinct and important advance on the method of text, or in degrees and minutes, must depend on the older Siddhanta. the manuscripts; all that is meant by these in Ptolemy and this Siddhanta is equal parts of the Lastly, the ratio of 57deg 18' to 120deg being nearly radius or diameter, and nothing of the nature of as 21 to 44, or, better, as 191 to 400, the Paulisa Siddhanta values of the sines may be compared arcs. The differences too of these sines, given in all. with those of the Sarya-Siddhanta, by multiply. ing the former by 21 and dividing by 44; or 12-15, are also included in Ptolemy's table, and he explains their nse for interpolation. No use more accurately, by multiplying by 191 and divid J. BURGE98. is assigned to them in the Siddhanta: but if the icg by 400. second differences are noted it will be seen how Edinburgh, 24th March 1891. 001C"

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JULY, 1891.) THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI. 229 THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI. BY E. SENART, MEMBRE DE L'INSTITUT DE FRANCE. Translated by G. A. Grierson, B.O.S., and revised by the Author. (Continued from p. 170.) CHAPTER IV. THE AUTHOR AND THE LANGUAGE OF THE INSCRIPTIONS. TT has been my intention, when undertaking this re-investigation into the epigraphical 1 monuments left by Piyadasi, that it should not be concluded without bringing together the Conclusions to which they lead or of which they furnish the essential elements, both from the point of view of history and chronology, and also from that of palaeography and grammar. It is the varied problems which these curious inscriptions raise, and to the solution of which they contribute, that give them such inestimable value. We cannot well leave them aside. We shall have, in turn, not only to sum up results arrived at, but sometimes, also, to offer new remarks. The task divides itself naturally into two parts; the first devoted to tho author of the inscriptions, his date, his character, his administration, his moral and religious ideas, - in short, his place in historical development, and the second dealing with paleographic and linguistic facts, and the information derived therefrom regarding the literary culture of ancient India. I. - THE AUTHOR OF THE INSCRIPTIONS. A number of chronological and historical problems are connected, directly or indirectly, with our inscriptions and their author. The end which I have in view does not compel me to take up all, and I desire to limit myself as much as possible to summing up and classifying the items of information that the edicts, which we have passed in review, contain. Three questions force themselves at first upon our attention as being of importance for further investigations. We must know if all the inscriptions, on which we have commented, belong certainly to the same author; who that author really is; and in what chronological order the epigraphic documents which he has left us range themselves. Regarding the first point, doubts can only arise with respect to the inscriptions more lately discovered at Sahasaram, Rupnath, and Bairat. The author calls himself simply by the epithet of Devanampiya, and omits the proper name Piyadasi. No one can doubt that all the others emanate from one and the same person. Wilson has indeed put forward a singular theory on this subject. According to him, the different inscriptions were probably engraved by local sovereigns. or by influential religious personages, who, to give themselves more authority, have usurped the celebrated name of Piyadasi ; but this hypothesis depends upon so many errors of translation and apprehension, is so evidently contradicted by the unity of tone which reigns throughout all the edicts, by their perfect agreement and the natural way in which they complete each other, and has besides found so little echo, that it appears superfluous to pause for its consideration. The same is not the case with regard to the doubts which have been raised by competent judges touching the origin of the Edict of Sahasaram and Rupnath. It is known already that I do not consider these doubts to be any better founded than the others. Dr. Buhler, when pablishing this edict for the first time, clearly shewed most of the reasons which lead us to refer It is, of course, impossible in such a matter, when new contributions are frequently issuing from competent hands, to keep one's own particular work up to date. In these concluding chapters, however, I have tried to avail myself of auch new comments as have appeared since the conclusion of my own, whenever they bore upon some topic which necessarily came under consideration. I refer specially to the article, throughout at once learned and ingenious, which Dr. Pischel has devoted to my Dr. Pischel has devoted to my first volume in the Gottinger Anzeigen, and to the Beitrage wur Erklarung der Afdka inschriften published by Dr. Buhler in the Zeitschrift der D. Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft which are here quoted according to the continuous pagination of the reprints. J. R. A. 8. XII. pp. 249 and ff. 8 ante, Vol. VII. pp. 143.ff.

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280 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JULY, 1891. this inscription to the same Piyadasi as he who was the author of all the others; and it is useless to go again over the considerations which he has so well put forward. I have in the examination just concluded, indicated a new reason, drawn from chronological considerations, which could not have struck Dr. Buhler, because it depended on an interpretation altogether different from that which he has proposed. I must here repeat and complete my demonstration, and this will be an opportunity for passing in review the dates, unhappily too rare, which the king furnishes for certain events of his reign. According to the 13th Edict, the conversion of Piyadagi should date from the ninth year after his coronation. It was immediately after the conquest of Kalinga that there awoke in him, under the direct impression of war and its horrors, the intense desire for the dhanma. With this it is important to connect a piece of evidence in the 8th Edict, of which every one, myself as well as other interpreters, has hitherto misunderstood the bearing. Since my commentary appeared, this passage has been the subject of two revisions, one by Pandit Bhagwanlal Indrajis and the other by Dr, Buhler. The important sentence is the third. It runs as follows at Girnar: 60 devanaripriyo priyadasi roja dasavasabhisito saihto ayaya sabodhi. The text is practically the same in the other versions, the only difference consisting in the substitution of nikhami (or nikhamithd) for the verb ay dya. The construction and translation of the Pandit cannot be sustained, but Dr. Buhler has made some very just objections against my interpretation, although in his turn he has missed the translation which I now consider to be the true one. It is impossible to credit Piyadasi (as I have indeed always carefully abstained from doing) with pretending to have attained to the Perfect Intelligence, and it would be hazardous to admit that a term so important as sambidhi could have been used, at the date of Piyadasi, in a sense so widely different from its technical employment, which is testified to by the whole range of Buddhist literature. It is also certain that the phrase sanbodhin nishkrantur could hardly be rendered as meaning 'to attain to the Intelligence.' I translate it, therefore, exactly as suggested by Dr. Buhler himself '(der Konig) zog auf die rabodhi aus,' - '(the king) put himself on the way, set out for the sarnbodhi.' But we must adhere to this translation, and not substitute for it, as my learned critic does immediately afterwards, another interpretation which spoils the sense, he put himself on the way, with a view to, on account of, the sarabodhi.' We recognize here a simple variation of an expression familiar to Buddhist phraseology, saibodhiri prastha tu, 'to set out for the Perfect Intelligence put oneself on the way for the bodhi.' As is proved by the passages of the Lotus, the expression is commonly applied to men who, tearing themselves from lukewarmness and indifference, engage seriously in the practices of a religious life, or, as we should say, of devotion, the final aim of which is, in the eyes of every orthodox Buddhist, the conquest of the Perfect Intelligence. It is to this idiom that the king here refers ; he himself applies it to himself; and, if he has slightly modified it, it is to render more obvious the double meaning which he bad in view. He wishes to connect more clearly this ideal march towards perfection with the tours and excursions of former kings, by means of the very real tours and excursions to which he had been inspired by his religions zeal. It is, therefore, to his conversion that Piyadasi here alludes, and thus the fact is explained that he can give a positive date to 'tours' which he would often have to repeat. I have only to make reservations concerning some of the details where my interpretation differs from that of my learned predecessor. For instance, the word ahala, which means simply, as I believe I have shown, nourishment, alimentation, cannot be quoted to establish the Buddhist inspiration of the passage, although that inspiration is incontertable and proved by more solid arguments. I do not now speak of the chronological question, with which I shall shortly deal. 5). R. 4. 8., Bo. Br., XV. pp. 982 and A. I now believe that this is certainly the correct reading, and that the anusuara is only imaginary. This idea of reading aylya, which agreed badly with the nikhami of the other texts, contributed not a little to lead me astray at first as to the true sense of the passage. 1 Burnouf, Lotus de la Bonne Loi, pp. 316 and ff.

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JULY, 1891.] THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI. 231 We henceforth find ourselves, so far as regards the conversion of the king, in the presence of two dates; the 13th Edict giving his ninth year, and the 8th his eleventh. Now, it is just the Edict of Sahasaram, the mearung of which we have already explained on purely philological grounds, which does away with and explains this apparent contradiction. We have seen that the king, after a first conversion, remained during more than two years and a half,' in a lukewarmness with which he subsequently bitterly reproached himself. If we admit that the conquest of Kalinga and the conversion which accompanied it ought to be placed eight years and three months (i. e, in the ninth year) after the coronation of Piyadasi, his actual and decisive conversion, being more than two and a half years later (say for example two years and seven months), would exactly fall in the eleventh year, as indicated by the 8th Edict. The agreement is so perfect, and accounts so completely, not only for dates, but even for the expressions (sambodhiri nishkrantur) designedly employed by the king, that I am persuaded that the verbal interpretation on which it rests is this time really definitive. We shall shortly deal again with other features which appear to me to furnish further verification of it, but at present we are entitled to draw one conclusion, - that it must be admitted that the 8th and the 13th Edicts refer to the same person as the Edict of Sabasaram-Rupnath, and that this edict certainly emanates from the same sovereign as all the others. But as I have already shewn in explaining the 6th Columnar Edict of Dehli, this is not the only coincidence. The king declares that he only commenced having his religious edicts engraved in the thirteenth year after his coronation; as a matter of fact, none of the group of inscriptions formerly known either carries or implies an earlier date. The Sahasarum tablet itself (cf. Sah. n. 2.), being written more than a year after the second conversion of the king, ought to belong just to the commencement of the thirteenth year. Now, it alone speaks of the religious edicts as in the future, and, as can be seen from my translation of its concluding words, it contemplates their execution. It directs the representatives of the king to engrave them both upon rocks and upon columns, and it is thus almost certain that this edict and its fellows were the first, -- they are certainly among the first, which their author had engraved. They relate to his thirteenth year, and this is another strong reason for believing that this author is no other than that king, the author of the inscriptions of Dehli, who commenced in his thirtecuth year to have inscriptions of the same class engraved. Regarding the two other dates with which the king supplies us, we have at present nothing to say, except that they agree very well with the preceding ones. He mentions the thirteenth year of his coronation (3rd Edict) as that in which he organized the anusarnyanu, which was thus one of the first manifestations of his religious zeal; and he tells us that he created in the fourteenth year the office of the dharmamahamatras. These chronological indications are, it is true, too rare to satisfy our curiosity, but they at least suffice to allow us to answer with full confidence the first of the questions which we have just put. It is certuin that all the inscriptions which we have examined must be referred to one and the same author. Who was that author ? He gives himself no other name than that of Piyadasi, Priyadarbin, usually accompanied by the adjective devanam priya, 'dear unto the devas.' Sometimes this epithet alone is used to designate him. Whether, daring the epoch of the Maaryas, this title had the extended application conjectured by Dr. Buhler(r) or not, it is certain that it is only an epithet, and * vis., the 14 Edicts; the Columnar Edicts; those of Dhauli and Jaugada; of Sahnearam, Rupnath and Bairat, and of Bhabra; and the inscriptions of Barabar. Buhler, Beitrage, VIIIth Edict, n. 1. In the first line of this edict (at KhAlel, Dr. Buhler's new materials allow him to read atikamtaria antalan davanithpiyd vihalayatas nama nikhamisu (at Kapur di Giri, also, the true reading is dtuananipriya instead of java jaraya). It looks as if devanartupiya corresponded here purely and simply to the rajano of GirnAr and Dhauli. Dr. Buhler, adopting the opinion of Pandit Bhagwanlal Indrajt (u. Bo. Br., R. 4. 8., Vol. XV. p. 286, and Ind. Ant. Vol. X. p. 108) considers that this epithet was a title which, at the epoch of the Mauryas, all kings bore without distinction.

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232 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JULY, 1891. that the real name is Priyadarsin. This name, which does not appear in any known list of kings, naturally much embarrassed Prinsep. Since, however, Tarnouri shewed that Asoka, the grandson of Chandragupta, received sometimes, and specially in the Dipavarisa, the name of Piyadassi or Piyadassana, I do not believe that the identification proposed by him has ever been seriously doubted,11 The publication of the complete text of the Sinbalese chronicle has only given his proof a higher degree of certainty.12 Although all the reasons which he advances are not equally cogent, 13 still the conclusions of Lassend on this point remain in general impregnable. Dr. Buhler has attempted to give him a precise date, by shewing that there existed a perfect agreement between the chronology of the Sinhalese books, and that of the inscriptions. These suggestions are founded upon an interpretation of the Edict of Sahasaram-Rupnath, which, as has been seen, I consider inadmissible. Ingenious as they are, they fail in their foundations. Everything rests upon the translation of the text in question, to which I will not revert here: but I must add that, on the one hand, the interpretation of the 13th Edict which has become possible since the article of Dr. Buhler was written, and, on the other hand, the more exact interpretation of the 8th, oppose insurmountable difficulties to his attempts at chronological adjustment. The only date which we are permitted to take as a starting point, the only really authentic date for the conversion of the king, is that which the king's own inscriptions give, that is to say, at the earliest, the ninth year of his coronation and not the fourth as given for the conversion of Asoka by the chronicles. This correction would place the Edict of Sahasaram, if we accept as exact the date of 218 for the coronation of the king, at the earliest in the year 260, and not 256, of the nirvana.16 We must, therefore, at the very first give up this exact agreement between the traditional dates and the so-called monumental dates which Dr. Buhler has sought to deduce. I would add here, in opposition to the interpretation proposed by that eminent scholar for the first phrase of the edict, one last observation, which I should have fully developed in my commentary on the passage. Intent on establishing from a chronological point of view harmony between the sense which he draws from the inscriptions and the traditions given in the Sinhalese books, he has not considered the profound contradictions which he creates in other respects, not only between this ediet and the traditions concerning Asoka, but between the edict and our other inscriptions, which he nevertheless, like us, refers to the same anthor. How is he to reconcile the inscription which would shew the king remaining more than two and thirty years and a half without displaying his zeal,' and the chronicle which attributes to him, from his seventh year (see below), all the manifestations of the most indefatigable religions activity? What agreement can there be between such an inscription, and all those edicts according to which the most characteristic of his religious institutions, the anusarnyana, the dharmamahamatras, &c., belong invariably to a long anterior epoch of his reign, - to his thirteenth or his fourteenth year? Was he neither active nor a zealot, when he insisted with so much energy on the necessity of effort and of the most persevering zeal (VI, in fine; x, in fine, &c.) P; when he himself proclaimed his efforts (parakrama, parakranta, &c.) as incessant (Girnar, VI, 11 ; X, 3, &c.)? 10 J. A. S. B. 1837, pp. 790 and ff., 1054 and ff. 11 The paper of Latham (On the date and personality of Priyadarsi, J. R. A. 8., Vol. XVII. pp. 273 and ff.) and his whimsical attempt to identify Priyadarlin and Phrahate, deserve notice only as a curiosity. 12 Cf. Dipavamsa, ed. Oldenberg, VI. I, 14, &c. 13 It is not, for example, in any way oertain that the Ediot of Bhabra is necessarily addressed to the third commcil held, according to tradition, in the reign of Asoka. Cf, subter. On the other hand, certain new proofs can be added : for instance, that the tradition of numerous edicts of religion,' dharimaup., is indissolubly connected with the name of Aboka. See the Asoka-avadana in Burnouf, Introduction, p. 871, &c. 14. Ind. Alterth. Vol. II, p. 233. 18 Dr. Buhler, however, clearly recognized that, in the absence of specific statements, the years of Asoka are, in the Sinbalese chronicles, calculated from his coronation. Instances like Dipavamsa, VII. 31, not to cite othera leave the point in no doubt.

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JULY, 1891.) THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI. 233 I should not dwell on this point at such great length, were I not confronted by so high an authority as that of Dr. Buhler. I believe that I have expressed myself sufficiently clearly to shew that the agreement put forward by him rests upon weak and crumbling foundations ; but should we, therefore, conclude that we must give up all hope of finding any points of contact, between the details furnished by the monuments concerning Piyadasi and the Sinhalese traditions about Asoka, which would be of such a nature as to confirm the identification of both forced upon us by so many other considerations? By no means. But we must give up the hope. of finding them in a date which is in my opinion imaginary. claiming to be expressed in the era of the nirvana. On the other hand, I believe that the chronicles have, in certain points of detail, under the name of Asoka, preserved memories of our Piyadasi sufficiently accurate, not only to allow an agreement to appear clearly, but even to contribute usefully to a more precise explanation of certain passages, in our monuments, which are a little vague. The Mahavansa and the Dipavainsa note the conversion of Asoka to Buddhism as an event of high importance. They attribute it to the intervention of his nephew Nyagrodha, and surround it with circumstances which are not of a nature to inspire us with an implicit confidence in their account. But the general fact alone interests as here. The two chronicles agree in making it occur in the fourth year after the coronation of the king 18 That is, as we see from the monuments, an error of four years and a fraction : we shall deal with it immediately. To the same period they refer the conversion of the king's brother, Tishya, who held the position of uparaja, and who betook himself to a religious life.17 What interests us more, is to find that the tradition, almost void of religious incidents in the interval, fixes at about three years from then, in the seventh year of the coronation,19 an important and significant event. It is evident that the capital fact in their eyes, the very kernel of the story, the occurrence which gives it its character, is not the inauguration of the eighty-four thousand stupas raised by order of the king, which is the part most loaded with miracles, and by itself the least credible. The moment is certainly decisive in the life of Asoka ; for from that day, according to the Maharashsa, he received the name of Dharmagoka:10 it is in short the first time that he 16 Dipavarsa, VI. 18, 24; Maharashsa, p. 23,1. 3. 17 Jahiv. p. 34, 1. 7. I may ada, en pissant, that the Dipavarra, it it does not enter into any detail regurdin this conversion, at least contains a reference to it in a passage of which Dr Oldenberg appears to me to have mis. understood the meaning. I refer to the mnemonic verse, VIL 81, Tini vassamhi Nigrodh chatuva seamhi bhataro chhavassamhi pabbajito Mahind) A sokutrajo Dr. Oldenberg translatos and fills up the sense as follows:--"When (Asoka) had completed three years the story of Nigrodha (happened), after the fourth year (he put his) brothers (to death), after the sixth year Mahinda, the sou of Asoka, received the pabbuja ordination." There is nothing to object to in the first and third dates, but for the second his interpretation is inadmissible. The two chronicles agree iu plucing, as indeed is probable, the murder of Asoka's brothers immediately after his accession to the throne, and present itaeth principal method which he employed for assuring his power. We should have to understand 'four years before his coronation,' whilo the other datos, as is natural, take the coronation as a terminos d yuo. That is incredible. It is only necessary to take bhalaru for it invular, which is nothing extraordinary in the language of which this verse gives a specirnen, and to translate in the fourth your of his coronation, his brother (i. e. Tishya, the vic) untered a religious life.' 1 Aud not in th: sixth, as appears from a passage (Mah 20. p. 37, 1. 5), which would thereby contradict xblicit former statements. The same follows clearly from the same ntap adik? (loc. cit. p. 306), according to Whio! Asikit is in the tenth year of his coronation, three years after the ordination of Mahendra. The samu conclusio! follows on a comparison with the Dipava i 80, according to which Mahendra, who was ten years of age when his father came to the throne (VI, 21), had accomplished twenty at the moment when he renounced the world (VIT, 21) Dr. Oldenburk has wccordingly well translated the expression chha vassamhi Ashkassa (VII, 92), 'when Aboka bad completed wix years,' and it is perhaps this phrase, which would make everything agree in the tradition of the Mahi. was, which wo should substitute on p. 37, 1. 5, for the expression chhatthe vased, although the same reading reappears in the new edition of Sumangala (V, 21). As for the propriety of this translation for a phrase like chharas. be seen from the Dipavanissa, VII, 31. which we have just been considering, that this idioin van be used both to mark a current year (e. g. in chatunassamhi, which must mean 'in the fourth yeur'), as well as to mark the number of yeara passed, as in tri () vassamhi, which can only mean ' after threo years hnd passed. 19 The same statement is also found in a verne cited by the Atka-aradana from the Dirya-avadhna (Burnout, Introduction, p. 374), which in the same passage remarks that 'the king had not long been favourably disposed to the law of Buddha,' a clear allusion to the first conversion.

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234 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JULY, 1891. appears to us making a public profession of his religious belief ,20 it is then that he shews the genuineness of his devotion to Buddhism in the most decisive way, by making his son Mahendra, and his daughter Samghamitra, enter into the religious order. Everything invites us to consider that here was really a serious evolution in the religious career of the king. In the narration of these incidents, the principal fact, on which all the others, and in particular the ordination of the king's son, depend, which is described to us in all detail, and to which the chronicler evidently gives a particolar importance, is the State Visit which the king pays to the saingha in the midst of which he takes his seat: - samghamajhambi atthasi vanditva samgham uttamam.21 One cannot help here recalling to mind the passage in the Edict of Rupnath and Bairat (perhaps the same expression is also employed at Sahasaram, but a lacuna renders the point doubtful), in which Piyadasi refers to his second and definite conversion. It will be recollected that the reading proposed by Dr. Buhler is in the one ai sumi haka saighapapite, and in the other an mamaya sainghe papayite. I have already explained why I am unable to accept his translation, as involving the idea that the king entered into the community and became himself a monk. If we take the words, in the meaning I have proposed, as referring without metaphor to a real material entering into the Assembly Hall, then we have here an allusion to the very ceremony which the Mahavamsa describes to us. The king could well refer to it a year subsequently as a known event, for it had been solemn and striking enough for its memory to be preserved living for so long afterwards. All the difficulties which surrounded the first interpretation of the phrase fall together to the ground; and this agreement would be decisive, if the state of the preservation of the inscription permitted an entire certainty. As we have it at present, it appears to me to receive a remarkable confirmation from a comparison with the 8th Edict. We have seen that the 8th Edict refers to the same moment of the life of the king, to the same date, and the same event. Now, there again, the idea of the conversion of the king is associated by him with the memory of 'setting out' from the palace, of an excursion' out of it. No doubt the expressions used by the king are before all inspired by the Buddhist phraseology about setting out for the bodhi,' but this word-play, and the comparison with the pleasare excursions of his predecessors, only become really nathral if his conversion is connected by an intimate and close bond with the excursion' which he describes immediately. It is clear that this kind of 'excursions' must have become habitual to him.22 It is equally clear that the commencement of this practice, the first example of these excursions,' is closely associated in the king's mind with his active conversion to Buddhism, and in the expression by which he commemorates it, while admitting that the description does not refer exclusively to the visit narrated by the Mahdvarea, several traits (samananari dasane, hirannapatividhane, dharmanusasti, dharmaparipuchhd) agree perfectly with it, and really appear to preserve its memory. These coincidences of detail between the Sinhalese chronicle and our edicts seen to me to be remarkable and instractive, but at the same time I do not pretend to exaggerate their certainty. What is sure is that tradition has more or less obscurely preserved the memory of two stages which were said to have been traversed in his religious life by the king whom it calls Asoka, the first corresponding 20 In the narrative of Buddhaghoaha (Samantapdaddila, in Suttavibhanga, ed. Oldenberg, I. 304), the miracle whtoh shows to the king the 84,000 stipae at once, has for its object to make him altogether believing (ativiya buddhasanand pastddyyati); at that period, therefore, his faith had great need of being stimulated. 21 Mahdv. p. 85, 1. 8. n I am at present much inclined to believe that this idea is expressly contained in the last sentence of the edict that bhiyali ought to be taken in the sense of again,' and that it is necessary to understand: 'in the future this virtuous pleasure is again (i.e. has been, and will be on occasions) the portion of Piyadasi.' I should then prefer to take dhammaydird in the preceding sentence as a singular, as a kind of collective which should embrace probebly several series of excursions. It is true that the pronoun td of most of the versions seems to indicate the plural; but sd or end of Girnar, the most correct of all, requires the singular. In any case, and in either sense, it will be necessary, therefore, to admit an inaccuracy.

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JULY, 1891.] THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI. 235 to his entry into the bosom of the Buddhist church (upasakatvani), and the second marked by his State Entry into the assembly of the clergy, by the ordination of his son Mahendra, and by the application to the king of a name at once new and significant. Tradition separates them by an interval which corresponds exactly with that (more than two years and a half) which is vouched for for Piyadasi by his epigraphic evidence. Such a coincidence could not be accidental, and it is perhaps the more striking because it rests after all upon a fact of secondary importance. It is true that this agreement is not free from certain limitations. The Sinhalese chronicles attribute to the fourth year ( always couuting from the coronation ) the conversion which the 13th Edict attributes to the ninth; and they place in the seventh year, that which, according to Sahasaram and the 8th Edict, belongs to the eleventh. Here there is certainly an error, and the source is not difficult to discover. According to the chronicles, the coronation of Asoka falls in the fifth year, that is to say, four years and a fraction ( to us indeterminate ) after he took possession of the throne. It is evidently this period which, wrongly deducted, has troubled the figures of tradition. As I have previously remarked in dealing with the Sahasaram inscription (n. 2), this error could be introduced in one of two ways. Either the coming to the throne and the coronation, which may have been in reality simultaneous, have been subsequently separated, or the writers have at some time or other erroneously taken the coming to the throne as the point from which to count the traditional dates, and not the coronation of the king. "Then in reducing tradition to a continuous system, with the coronation of the king as its initial point, they have been led to contract one or more of the periods given for the various events of the reign, by the space of time elapsed between his coming to the throne and his coronation. Several reasons lead me to incline to the second explanation.33 It is hardly probable that Buddhists would have invented in all their details the incidents which, according to them, marked the youth of a king whom they held in such high esteem. The agreement with our inscriptions which we shall prove subsequently, is rather of a nature to heighten in a general way the authority of the Sinhalese tradition. The manner in which Piyadasi dates his inscriptions from his coronation, seems to indicate that that date was not the same as that of his coming to the throne. Finally, if the intermediate period between his accession and his coronation wete an arbitrary invention, it would be surprising that there should be allotted to it, - instead of a period expressed in round numbers - A period evidently very precise, which we are in a position to ascertain with approximate accuracy. For, according to the inscriptions, the first conversion is referred to the first months of the ninth year, say 8 years and 2 months after the coronation, and the second to the last months of the eleventh, say 10 years and 10 months after the coronation. The common quantity which must be deducted from these figures to refer the first event to the fourth year, and the second to the seventh, can only vary between 4 years and 3 months at a minimum, and 4 years and 7 months at a maximum. If, therefore, we conjecturally place the coronation at 4 years and 5 months after the accession, there is a great chance that we shall not be very far wrong. To sum up:- I believe I am entitled to draw from the preceding discussion a general conclusion ; vis., that, in spite of a certain error in the Sinhalese chronology, an error which is 23 Dr. Kern, in Geschied. van het buddh. II, 298, wishes, it is true, to set the Sinhalese tradition in contradiction with itself. From the passage of the Mahaviathaa (p. 28, 1. 2) in which it is said that the father of Abbks supported 60.000 Brahmans, and that he himself did the same for three years, be concludes that, in reality, the coming to the throne and the coronation occurred at the same time; as, otherwise, it would have been during seven years, and not three, that Asoka would have preserved his preference for Brahmans. But that is taking an unfair advantage of the chronicler. Everyone, I believe, has always considered that, taking all the dates as starting from the coronation of the king, be did just the same here, and the page has always been understood as meaning' during three years, after his abhisheka.' There is no reason for abandoning an interpretation, which every one has found sufficiently natural to accept at once, without even considering it necessary to stop on passant. It will be perfectly justified, if necessary, by comparing with the verse of the Mahavamad, the expressions of Buddhaghosha in the introduction to the Samantapdaddika (8uttavibhathga, ed. Oldenberg, I. p. 800).

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286 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JULY, 1891. clearly explained by a mistake in the starting point of the calculation, there exists between the written tradition and the monumental data a striking coincidence ; 24 and this coincidence does not allow us to doubt that the events related on one side about Piyadasi, and on the other side about Asoka, concern in reality one and the same person, designated under different names.25 It is, therefore, correct to maintain, as has long been done, that the Piyadasi of the monuments, and the Asoka of literature, are really the same king. That is the second preliminary point which we had to establish. It now remains to determine the chronological order of our inscriptions. A fixed point from which to set out is given by the 6th (columnar) edict of Delhi. The king declares that it was in the 13th year from his coronation that he had the first dhammalipis engraved. It is not easy to decide the exact extension which the king gave in his own mind to this expression. It is allowable to doubt if Piyadasi had intended to include under this letter, as relating to religion, short inscriptions such as those of the caves of Barabar. All that we can say is that hitherto none, even of this class, has been discovered which belongs to an earlier date, the two most ancient dedications of Barabar dating exactly from this thirteenth year. It is also certain that all the edicts now actually known to us belong to the category of dhammalipis; and as a matter of fact none of them is earlier than this thirteenth year, which is referred to by so many different monuments. The Edict of Sahasaram-Rupnath,27 later by more than a year' than the active conversion of Piyadasi, also belongs to the commencement of this thirteenth year. It should be the most ancient of all, because it speaks of inscriptions on rocks and on columns as a desideratum, as a project, and not as an already accomplished fact. The execution of this project, however, must have soon followed. The fourth of the fourteen edicts is expressly dated the thirteenth year; but the fifth speaks of the creation of dharmamahamatras as belonging to the fourteenthIt is the same with respect to the columnar edicts. The first six are dated in the 27th year, and the seventh (7--8) in the 28th. Now, this last is missing in most of the versions. It is only preserved on the Dehli column. It is, besides, less symmetrically engraved than the others and the greater portion runs round the shaft. Under these conditions one is tempted to conclude that, on the same monuments, the edicts" have been engraved at various times, according as the king judged it opportune to promulgate new ones. This conjecture would appear to be confirmed, so far as regards the rock edicts, by the fact that Dhauli and Jaugada, which agree with the other versions as regards the first ten edicts, have not the corresponding readings for the eleventh, twelfth, and thirteenth. This absence of a portion of the edicts can be explained by the theory of successive additions. I quote here only as curiosities one or two instances of agreement in spirit between certain passages of the chronicle and certain idioms of our inscriptions. For example, the question which the king addressed to the samgha (according to Dipar. vi. 87), although unfortunately obscured by the alteration of the text, causes us, by the word ganana, to think of the final sentence of the 3rd edict. When we read, at verse 28 of the same chapter, Itobahiddhapasande titthiye nfnfditthike sarasarah gavesanto puthuladdhi nimantayi, we cannot help thinking of the 12th edict, and we are tempted to translate, after this analogy (sarasara, like phali phala), 'seeking the essence of each doctrine.' This would be a singularly precise remembrance of Piyadasi's manner of speech aud thought. It is again a phrase commonly used by the king which the Samantapasadika employs (apud Oldenberg, loc. cit. p. 305), when it represents that Moggaliputta, at the moment when he induces the king to cause his sou to enter a religious life, is penetrated by this thought, sasanassa ativiya vuddhi bhavissatiti. 25 The use of birudas appears to have been at this epoch particularly common. Cf. Jacobi, ZDMG, XXXV. 669. 2 The correct interpretation of this phrase shews theerror of the opinion expressed by Lassen (Ind. Alterth. 112. 227), according to which this edict would be dated from the 13th year of the king. 27 It may be noted that the Barabar caves possess those inscriptions which are nearest of all to Pataliputra and that the Sahasaram inscriptions are the next nearest. Barkbar is about 40 miles due south of Patna, Sahasram is about 60 or 70 miles to the south-west of that city. Pitaliputra was situated on the banks of the old river Son on a narrow spit of land between the Son and the Ganges. Sahasaram is close to the upper reaches of the Son.-G. A. G.

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JULY, 1891.) THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI. 297 But this idea is contradicted by several considerations. The most important is that which results from the presence of the 14th edict, in all the versions, and from its tenor. It snffices merely to allude to this. It is clear that, if the references contained in this edict could bave been added to the series of inscriptions which precode them, it is becanse the whole has been considered as forming one ensemble, and must have been engraved at the same time. The amplifications to which the king alludes, do not appear to refer to verbal differences in the text of any particular edict. The variations of this kind between the differen versions which we have noticed are not worthy of being pointed out in this manner. They can only refer to the number of edicts, greater or less, as the case may be, admitted into each series of inscriptions. This pre-supposes a deliberate choice, and excludes a gradual and successive growth of each whole. The presence of the 14th edict. moreover, implies that the inscription is considered as definitely closed. It leaves no opening for any future addition. There has been discovered at Sopara, - the ancient Surparaka, a little to the north of Bombay, - a short fragment of the 8th of the fourteen edicts. We have no means of recognizing to which of the categories alluded to by the king, -amplified versions, abridged versions, and versions of moderate extent, the group of edicts of which this fragment made a part, belonged. But at any * rate, there is no appearance that the 8th edict engraved was separately in this locality; and the conviction of the learned and ingenious Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji, a conviction based on various indications, is that this fragment has been detached from an extended whole, analogous to the other collections of eleven or fourteen edicts. I may add that in general tbe arrangements of the edicts is too symmetrical to raise the idea of accidental and successive additions. The changes of handwriting even are hardly apparent, or at least, where they can be allowed to exist, for example, at Khalsi from the 10th edict, they do not correspond to the grouping which would depend on internal arguments founded on dates (group composed of I-IV), or on comparison between different versions (group composed of XI-XIII). There is, therefore, every reason to believe that, where a certain number of edicts are united in a series, the whole has been engraved at one and the same time, and that, as a consequence, the inscription cannot be older than the latest date mentioned in the whole. Thus the 3rd edict, which bears the date of the 13th year, was probably, in the versions which have come down to us, not engraved before the 14th, to which the 5th edict refers. Whatever may be the result of this argument, it appears to be without practical importance. There is no reason for believing that the king ever ante-dated or committed an anachronism, 28 and we are, therefore, entitled to maintain that the edicts, supposing them to have been reproduced at any epoch of his reign, have beer faithfully given under their original form ; and that so far as their dates go, they have the force of documentary evidence for the date which each carries. I may add that the indications furnished both by the fourteen edicts and by the columnar edicts, entitle us to conclude that the different tablets follow each other in the exact order of their original promulgation. This settled, we have little else to do than to record the dates which are given, directly or indirectly, for each of our inscriptions. The edict of Sahasaram-Rapnath is the most ancient of all, and goes back to the thirteenth year dating from the coronation. The 4th of the fourteen edicts being lated in the thirteenth year, edicts 1 to 3, which precede it, belong certainly to the same time, and, in the third, we have, in a manner, the deed of institution of the anusanyana, which this edict, therefore, refers to the thirteenth year. The conclusion is not without interest on account of the 2nd edict, so important as regards the foreign relations of Piyadasi. 23 Laasen (Ind. Alterth. II, 253 ff.) has justly remarked that the inscriptions in which Piyadasi congratulates himself on religious successes gained in foreign countries and above all in the Greek kingdoma, suppose a sufficient interval between the conversion of the king and the date of the inscription We shall shortly see what kind of influence it must have been that Piyadui exercised over the Greek kingdoms. It will suffice for the present to observe that as bin conversion, even if we take as the starting point his active conversion, dated from the end of the 11th year, there remains, between this time and the most ancient inscriptions (2nd ediet) which refer to bis foreign relations, an interval of two years, which is sufficient.

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238 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JULY, 1891. If the 3rd edict constitutes this contemporary foundation charter of the anusarnyana, there is every reason to believe that it is the same with the 5th edict with respect to the harmamahamatras, and that both the tablet and the office date from the fourteenth year. The following tablets up to the 14th contain no more chronological indications. They can all belong to the fourteenth year, and are certainly not of earlier date. The 12th, for example, mentions the dharmamahamatras. As for the 8th, which alludes to the second conversion of the king, and places it in the eleventh year, nothing compels us to consider it as contemporary with that fact, any more than the 13th is contemporary with the conquest of Kalinga : my corrected interpretation of the passage gives on the contrary, in the last sentence, a positive reason in favour of its later origin. Taking it altogether, the date of the fourteenth year for the group of the 14 edicts appears to me to be very probable. The detached edicts of Dhauli furnish us in this respect, if not with a decisive proof, at least with a presumption of value. Towards the end of the tirst of these edicts, Piyadasi declares that he will cause the anusarnyana (see below) to be held every five years. This manner of speaking is only intelligible if the inscription is contemporary with, or at least very shortly posterior to the origin of this institution. Now the date of this, origin is fixed by the 3rd edict as the thirteenth year. The fourteenth year would, therefore, be a very probable date for the passage in which the king thus expresses himself, and this would necessarily imply that edicts 5 to 14 which precede it, are themselves not posterior to it. As for the columnar edicts, the six first belong certainly to the twenty-seventh year, because the first, the fourth, the fifth, and the sixth bear this date. The last (VII. - VIII.) belongs to the succeeding year. They give us the last expression which is accessible to us of the ideas and intentions of the king. Between them and the series of the 16 edicts, we have nothing but the dedicatory inscription, No. 3 of Barabar, which is dated in the twentieth year. It is much to be regretted that there is no date given in the inscription of Bhabra. I know no means, as yet, of supplying this silence of the text. All that I dare to say is that, judging from some details of phraseology, it rives me the impression of being nearer to the rock edicts than to the columnar ones. If it is not contemporary with the 16 edicts and with the edict of Sahasaram-Rupnath, I cannot think that it is much posterior. At any rate, it is altogether arbitrary to defer it to the later times of the reign of Piyadasi, and to place it, as Mr. Thomas has done, without any proof other than a pre-conceived theory to which we shall subsequently refer, after the edicts of the twentyeighth year.20 These facts, however incomplete, have a great value for us. It is important to bear them well in mind, in order to avoid more than one cause of confusion. They suffice to clear away, by unpregnable arguments, certain adventurous theories. The ground now seems sufficiently cleared to allow us to pass to the examination of the historical questions which interest us. The first is naturally the question of date. All literary sources, of whatever origin, agree m representing Asoka as the grandson of Chandragupta. The double identifcation, of Charidrayupta with the Sandrokottos of the Greeks, und of Asoka with our Piyadasi, only allows us to search towards the middle of the 3rd century for the poch of our inscriptions. So far as I can see, they themselves only offer us a single clue for arriving at a more precise date. I refer, as will be readily understood, to the synchronism furnished by the names of the Greek kings. Its exact value cannot be appreciated witliont forming a general opinion as to the relation entertained by Piyadasi towards foreigu nations, and as to the degree of authority which we should nccord to his evidence on this shinnt. >> On the Early Faith of A suku, J. R. A S., X. X., IX, pp. 204, aud ff.

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JULY, 1891.) THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI. 239 This evidence is scattered through the 2nd, 5th and 13th of the fourteen edicts, and in the second separate edict of Dhauli-Jaugada. In this last passage, Piyadasi expresses himself in a general manner, and without specifying any nation; he describes to his officers the conduct which they should observe towards the frontier populations, not incorporated in his dominions: These instructions are summed up in the expression of his will that his representatives should learn to inspire his neighbours with an entire confidence in his sentiments and his intentions, that they should persuade them that he only wishes for their welfare, that he desires, so far as he is concerned, to assure them happiness and peace, and that he is like a father to them; he wishes that this conviction may dispose them to observe the dharima, so that they may thus deserve happiness, both in this world and in the next. Elsewhere, in the 13th edict, the king contrasts with his forcible conquests the peaceful conquests of the dhama, - of the Religion. It is on these last that he congratulates himself. They are possible, both in his own dominions and amongst all foreign nations (savesu antesu). "Among them are the Greek king named Antiochus, and to the north of (or beyond) that Antiochus, four kings, Ptolemy, Antigonus, Magas, Alexander; to the south, the Chodas and the Pandyas as far as Tambapanni; in the same way, Hidaraja (?). Amongst the Villas and the Vrijis, the Yavanas and the Kambojas, the Nabhakas and the Nabhapamtis, the Bhojas and the Petenikas, the Andhras and the Pulindas, everywhere are followed the teachings of the religion spread by Piyadasi. And wherever messengers have been sent, there also, after having heard the teaching of the dhanma, .... people practise the dharma ....." In the 5th edict reference is made to a more direct action, to the duties of the newlycreated dhanmamahamatras. They must occupy themselves with all sects, for the establishment and progress of the dhashma, and for the advantage and benefit of the faithful of the (true) religion; amongst the Yavanas, the Kambojas and the Gandharas, the Rastikas and the Petonikas, and the other frontier populations (apararhta), they should occupy themselves with the soldiers, with the Brahmans and with the rich, with the poor and with the old, for their advantage and their well-being, so as to put away obstacles from the faithful of the (true) religion.30 * I cannot join in the opinion of Dr. Buhler (p. 38), either as to the manner of dividing the sentence or as to the interpretation of the term dharmayuta. The word occurs three times in a few lines, and each time Dr. Buhler gives it a different application, or even a different meaning. At line 16 (of KbAlei) he understands hitasu khaye dharma. utasa as moaning for the happiness of my faithful subjects ;' in the same line, dharmayutaye apalibodhdyd, 'for suppression of obstacles referring to the law;' and in the following line, vijitasi mama dharmayutusi, 'in my faithful kingdom.' In itself this method is perplexing. There is no special information to be deduced from the 1st passage. The construction at least is perfectly clear. As for the 2nd, one should not forget that, instead of dharmayutaya, G. has the genitive plural, dharmayutanam, and K. the genitive singular dharmayutasa; the inevitable conclusion is that in kb. and in Dh. we must take the dative in the sense of the genitive (we know how these two casos have been confounded in the PrAkrita), and translate for the suppression of the obstacles for the faithful people. In the third passage we cannot construo together vijitasi and dharmayutasi. This is forbidden by the position of the two words separated by mama, by the certain reading of Dh., savapathaviyam dharmayutasi, and by the construction of the rest of the sentence, both members of which, being terminated by iti, refer certainly to persons and consequently suppose in dharmayuta a collective noun of person. (For the juxtaposition and, if I may use the expression, the super-position of two locatives, cf. higher up in Dh. 1. 26, a passage which will be shortly explained, and Col. Ed. IV, 8, baharu panasatasahaedou janari...). I confess that hesitation appears to me to be impossible. I would add that the above, joined to a comparison with Col. Ed. VII, 1-2, where the same construction occurs, confirme me in the explanation which I have given of Col. Ed. IV, 6. It remains to determine the exact sense of dharmayula. Dr. Buhler Bees in it a title of the people who lived 'under the law of Piyadasi, -of his subjecta in fact. The constant use of dharma in a different sense in the first place rendera this interpretation somewhat unlikely; but the expression of Dh., savapathi viyath dhashmayutasi, proves that the dharmayuta (he or they) did not belong only to the empire of Piyadasi; the same conclusion necessarily follows from the former passage which places the dharmayutas among the apardntas. I can hence only adhere to my translation. It appears to me to be borne out by the recommendation made on the columns to exhort the dharmayutas,' and elsewhere,' to teach, to exhort, the yutas.' From the passage in Dh. 1. 26 (1.16 in kb.), it is clear that the dharmayulas comprise men zealous for the dharma, firmly established in the dharma, addicted to alms.

Page #256
240 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JULY, 1891 The name of Antiochus reappears in the second edict, Everywhere, in my empire and also among foreign peoples (prachaita) such as the Chodas, the Pandyas, Satiyaputa and Ketalaputa, as far as Tambapanni, Antiochus, the king of the Yavanas, and the kings who are his neighbours, 31 every where has Piyadasi spread abroad remedies of two kinds33...... everywhere useful plants have been imported and planted. So also with regard to roots and trees. On the roads, wells have been sunk and trees have been planted, for the convenience of animals and men.' The last passage is most vague of all. I mean that phrase in the edict of SahasaramRupnath which declares that the proclamations (savana) of the king have for their aim, that all great and small may display their zeal, and that foreign peoples (amta) themselves may be instructed.' I have laid all these extracts before the eyes of the reader, as it is important to compare them carefully in order to decide what conclusions may follow from them. -- In the first place, one cannot fail to observe two groups of peoples who are evidently intentionally distinguished. They comprise, on the one part : 2ND EDICT. The Chodas, the Pandyas, Satiyaputa, Ketalaputa, Tambapanni, Antiochus and his neighbouring kings. And on the other part: 5TH EDICT. The Yavanas, the Kambojas, the Gandharas the Rastikas, and the Petenikas. 13TH EDICT. Antiochus, the four kings who are to the north of (or beyond) Antiochus, Ptolemy, Antigonus, Magas, Alexander, and, to the south, the Chodas, the Pandyas, Tambapanni, and the Hida-king (?). 13TH EDICT. The Visas, the Vajjis, the Yavanas, the Kambojas, the Nabhakas, the Nabhapamtis, the Bhojas, the Pitinikas, the Andhras, and the Pulindas. The members of the second set are distinguished by the epithet aparantas,33 that is to say 'westerns,' while those of the first set are called pratyantas or simply antas, and it is permissible to believe that it is particularly to these that the instructions given by the king, in the second detached edicts of Dhauli and Jangada, refer. giving. The passage cited in the text shews an instructive shade of difference; among all the religions, the dhammamahematras must occupy themselves with the well-being of the dhammayutas. This refers to the dominions of Piyadasi: amongst aparantas, who were, as we shall just now see, less strictly dependent on the king, they had to watch that they met no obstacles, or in other words that they enjoyed complete religious liberty. This observation agrees exactly with the sense which I have maintained for dhammayuta. The punctuation which Dr. Buhler proposes after apolamt appears to me to be inadmissible. It is not possible to construe y/nakan: b jogadhalinam with hitasukhaye, because, in Dh., we have the locative gamdhalesu. This locative shews clearly that the genitive has only been introduced in the other texts to avoid an accumulation of locatives in the same sentence. It becomes certain that yonakambijagamdhalanam depends on bambhanibhesu, etc. As for making it depend, as genitive or as locative, on dhammayutasa, that is repugnant both to the ordinary flow of the construction and to the analogy of parallel sentences: they all commence with the indication of the object or of the scene of action imposed upon the dhammamabamatras: savapasmdesu.... bamdhanabadhass.... hida cha... iyam dhammanisitati.... 31 Dr. Buhler contests the reading samipa in G., but his reading adminam cannot be admitted. After a new direct inspection of the stones I see no reading more probable than sdmtpd, so that I can but abide by my interpretation. 32 The sense of medicine' and not of hospital' (Buhler) is alone admissible here. Not only is there proof wanting of the equivalence of chikichha and of argyaidla, but the erection of hospitals by Piyadasi in Greek territories is hardly likely the analogy of the words following, viz. roots, medicinal plants, useful trees, is altogether in favour of the first translation. We should, I think, adhere to it. 88 It is impossible to take, with the learned Pandit Bhagwanlal Indrajt, aparamta as an ethnic term designating some particular province (J. Bo. Br. R. A. 8., XV, p. 274); the expression ye vapi amne paramta forbids this. It should not be forgotten that the spelling, at least at G. and at Dh., is aparata; by this long & the word is marked, just like prachamta, as a secondary derivative. It may be remarked, en passant, how well the special meaning attributed to aparanta (Cf. Lassen, I, 649; II, 932) agrees with the position which I assign, under the sceptre of Piyadasi, to the populations compressed under this term.

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JULY, 1891.] THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI. 241 The two groups are nowhere mixed np in the same sentence, and the relations of the king with each appear to have been perceptibly different. Amongst the aparantas, the Yavanas, &c., Piyadasi expressly gives a positive protective mission to his dhaiman.ahamatias (5th Edict). He afirms that they (that is to say, without doubt, a number of individuals amongst them more or less considerable) conform to his teaching of the dhamma. Towards the antas, on the contrary, he only directs his representatives to show themselves as kindly neighbours (Dh. J. det. Ed. II.), or refers to them (XIII) as an object of religious conquests. He marks them sharply as exterior to his empire (antingri avijituna, Dh. J. det. ed. II. ; vijitamli..... evamari pracaratesu ... 2nd Ed.). The direct action, with reference to them. on which he congratulates himself, is limited to the communication of medicines and useful plants. This could be carried out by merchants or ambassadors, and does not argue, like the institution of dharmanahamatras, a tie of dependence, nor does it imply any very close connexion. It is evidently because the antas include the most distant populations that he says at Salasarim,-'that the antas thenselves should be instructed.' In short, I believe that this category, included in the first group, represents the foreign nations, completely independent of Piyadasi. The second, that of the aparantas, is made up of the tribes distributed along the western frontier of his empire and over which he exercised, not an absolute dominion (for he appears to dread obstacles to the free expansion of his co-religionists), but a suzerainty more or less effective. The best proof that the two sets of people were not in identical situations with respect to the king, is that he distinguishes between the Yonarajas, i.e. the Greek kings, with their subjects, and the Yonas, whom he classes with the Kambojas. These last, not being included in the independent kingdoms, must necessarily have been more or less immediately dependent on the power of Piyadasi. I hence conclude that, if the language of Piyadasi is not always sufficiently clear and explicit, it is at least exact and truthful. He does not seek to exaggerate the degree of his saccess. For example, regarding the Greek kings, in one passage he states simply that lie has distributed medicines and useful plants even over the dominions of Antiochus, which is in no way improbable; and in the other, he mentions the five kings amongst the lords of foreign countries in which he has endeavoured to spread the ilharima. Regarding them he affirms nothing as to the practical results which followed. This reserve induces us to be circumspect in the interpretation of his words, and to refuse to admit lightly hypotheses which are based on alleged inexactness or misunderstanding on his part. We can then safely take, as a point of departure in the chronology of Piyada i, the synchronism which the enumeration of the five Creek kings offers to us. Only the most decisive arguments would authorise us to conjecture, as has been done by Lassen, 34 that the king has mixed ap different times in his inscriptions. The texts are perfectly simple and distinct. In the 2nd Edict, he speaks of Antiochus and of kings his neighbours, in the 13th of Antiochus again, and of four Greck kings who are to the north of (or beyond) his kingdom, - Tuzamaya, Antekina, Maka, and Alikasadara. It is impossible for us to decide whether the neighbours" of Antiochus are the same kings as those who are mentioned by name in the 13th Edict. In itself that is hardly probable, for, as we shall see, those would be very remote neighbours indeed, to whom it would have been by no means easy to despatch medicines and useful plants, and moreover it is not specified that Greek kings are intended. The reading alanine of Khalsi, and arane of Kapur di Giri, would do away with all hesitation; but it appears, according to the revision of Dr. Buhler, that Khalsi had not alaine but aine, and that the other reading depends only on an error of General Cunningham. The same is the case with regard to K. It nevertheless appears to me more probable that the neighbours' of Antiochus in the first passage are not the four kings specified in the second. However that may be, the transcription of their names has not been controverted; * Ind. Alterth. II, 353 and ff.

Page #258
242 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JULY, 1891. there has always been recognized, in them, a Ptolemy, an Antigonus, a Magas, and an Alexander. One is immediately tempted to seek for them, at least for the two last, in the countries which would not be too inaccessible to Hindis and to their sovereign, but the royal qualification, which is expressly attributed to them, forms an obstacle even if we could (which has not. been done) find these names as those of governor's or Satraps in a region somewhat in the neighbourbood of India. We have no knowledge of Greek kingdoms of which they could have been the sovereigns. It is certain that the relations of Piyadasi with the Greek world were not posterior to the l'evolt of Diodotus, and to the creation of the Greek kingdom of Bactriana (about 255 B. C.); for he would have found this prince on his way, and would have mentioned him; and the proposed identifications, which have, hitherto been Duiversally accepted agree with this postulate. Antiochus II. of Syria (200-247), Ptolemy Philadelphus (285-247), Antigonus Gonatas of Macedonia (278-242), Magas of Cyrene (d. 258), and Alexander of Epirus (d, between 262 and 258),35 were all alive and reigning contemporaneously between 260 and 258 B.C. On the other hand, the efforts of Piyadasi, whatever may have been their exact extent, to spread abroad his mural and religious ideas, must, as Lassen (loc. cit.) justly remarks, have been posterior to his conversion, - we can now add, to his active conversion, that is to say, the second one at the end of the eleventh year after his coronation. As the 2nd Edict belongs to the thirteenth year, we are inevitably led to conclude that his twelfth year corresponds to one of the years 260-238 B, C., say, to take a mean, to the year 259. This calculation would fix his coronation at about 239, and his coming to the throne at about 273 B. C. If we add to these figures the period given for the reigns of his predecessors, Bindusara and Chandragupta, even by the authorities which prolong them the most, i.e. 28 and 24 years, we come to the date 325 B. C., as that of the usurpation of pover by the latter. This date is in no way incompatible with the statements of classical writers : we do not know the precise year in which Chandragupta assumed the title of king, and if we accept the tradition related by Justin36 to be correct, he should have been in a position to do so from the moment when, having escaped from Alexander's camp, he commenced to collect bands of men around him. The statements of the Hindus regarding the two reigns agree too little amongst themselves, to counterbalance the anthority of the synchronism which we derive from the evidence of inscriptions. If we take as a basis of calculation the period of only 24 years given by several Puranas37 to the reign of Chandragupta, we come to 322 as the year in which he seized his power. At any rate, in my opinion, the calculation which would be the most arbitrary and the most venturons one, would be to suppress the interval of four years between Asoka's coming to the throne and his coronation, which is borne witness to by the Sinhalese chronicles. I have already shown my reasons for this. As for Lassen's procedure, which commences with giving, without any positive proof, the commencement of Chandragupta's reign in the year 315, in order to calculate the date of our inscriptions, and thereupon to charge Piyadasi with alleged inaccuracies, 38 - it is evidently the reverse of a sound method. Unfortunately we get no information regarding the details of the relations which Piyadasi held with the kings of the Grecian world. It is probable that they were specially close with Antiochus, bis neighbour of Syria. The connection between the two kingdoms had been traditional since the time of Chandragupta and Seleucos. Although ancient evidence has preserved for is the name, Dionysius, of an ambassador, or at least of an explorer, sent to India by Ptolemy Philadelphus, - tbe Ptolemy to whom Piyadasi alludes, - it may be doubted if this allusion refers to direct relations, which appear hardly probable any more than with Magas, or with # It may be romarked here that, as feeble exchange for the light which its history receives from Greece, fadis, by its monumenta, londs bere a useful indication to Greek chronology. It becomes, in fact, certain that the doubtful date of the death of Alexander, the son of Pyrrhus, is not anterior to 260. Justin, XV, 4. # Wilson, Vishnupur., Ed. F. E. Hell, IV, 186, note & . Ind. Alterth, 1, 264

Page #259
JULY, 1891.) THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI. 243 Antigonus and Alexander. It may be asked, whether it was not through Antiochus as an intermediary, that Piyadasi had knowledge of the other kings whom he enumerates. The time available for the journey of his emissaries, if they were specially despatched by him, - say about a year and a half. -- would sarcely allow them to push so far forward into Hellenic soil, and just about the period to which our edict relates, between 260 and 258, Antiochus II. found himself, by his designs upon Thracia and by his struggles in the Mediterranean, brought into relations more or less anfriendly, but certainly very active, with the sovereigns of Egypt and Cyrene, and of Macedonia and Epirus. 39 Wbatever may have been the details, one point appears to be reasonably incontestible, - that the thirteenth year from the coronation of Piyadasi corresponds nearly to the year 258 or 257 B. C., and that consequently the coronation occurred in 289 or 270. This date, and the correlative dates of the conversions of Asoka, of his inscriptions, &c., are the only ones which appear to me to be legitimately deducible from our texts; for the alleged date in the era of the nirvana at Sahasaram-Rupnith rests, in my opinion, on an illusion and a mistake. To sum up: - It is now possible to assign to Piyadasi, with sufficient precision his chronological position. That is one of the principal reasons for the great interest which attaches to these monuments; but it is more especially to the history of religious ideas that they appear to promise valuable items of information. It is strange that documents, relatively of such extent, and in which the religious sentiment is so overruling, should not have long ago cut short all hesitation regarding the inspiration by which their author was guided. Yet not only has Wilsont ventured to dispute the Buddhist faith of Piyadasi, not only, in much later times, has Mr. Edward Thomas l endeavoured to prove that, before becoming a follower of Buddhism, Piyadasi had been subject to other convictions, that he had at first adhered to Jainism, - (these attempts partly rest on grossly inaccurate interpretations and are moreover anterior to the last discoveries at Khalsi, Sabasaram and Rapnath, which have imported new elements into the debate), - but, which is much more serious, Dr. Kern has also, in spite of his greatly superior knowledge of the documents, and subsequently to the public cation of the last edicts, appeared to be dangerously near to allying himself to the opinion of Mr. Thomas. He has at any rate sought to prove, in the doctrinal evolutions of Piyadasi gradations, the last expression of which, in the Salasaram edict, manifests, according to him, all the symptoms of a veritable madness. Here again the suggestion results from certain incomplete interpretations; for Dr. Kern too hurriedly adopted the first translation proposed for the text of Sahasaram-Rapnath. It must, nevertheless, be admitted that our monuments suggest a religious, as well as a chronological, question regarding which it is necessary for us to be explicit. This question appears to me to be susceptible of categorical answers. I can only, in several respects, refer to the results arrived at in the foregoing, and to what I have already attempted to demonstrate, especially with regard to the chronological classification of our inscriptions. It is clear and uncontested that, at the period to which the edict of Bhabra refers, Piyadasi is a declared Buddhist. Unfortunately, as we have seen, this edict bears no expressed date, and contains in it no element of information, which would allow us to date it with certainty. It is nevertheless of essential importance for deciding the question with which we are now dealing. It is evident that, until reasons -- positive objections -- are discovered to the contrary, & piece of evidence so precise should be accepted. It would be conclusive even if the absence, elsewhere alleged, of documents, of categorical statements, awoke suspicion, Bat there is no room for even this uncertainty. Oar inscriptions divide themselves into two principal gronps, the first, including the Edict of Sabasaram, and the fourteen edicte, belongs to the thirteenth or the fourteenth year; the second, consisting of the columnar edicts, refers to the twenty-seventh or the twenty-eighth. We Droyson, Gesch, des Hellenisme, IT, p. 814 and 1. # JR. A. 3. N. 8., IX. p. 186 and f. + J. R. A. 8. p. 288 and Kern, loc. cit. p. 809 note.

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244 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. have seen that the former group of these inscriptions alleges two successive evolutions in Piyadasi's religious life, the first in the ninth, and the second towards the end of the eleventh year after his coronation. We have now to determine the two poles, the point of departure, and the point of arrival. Regarding the former, I believe that no one has any hesitation; the leading statement in this respect, in the text of Sahasaram-Rupnath, has not perhaps all the clearness we should wish; but, whether the translation proposed by me, or that of Dr. Buhler is accepted, it cannot be doubted that, in this first period of his reign, previous to the prohibition of bloody sacrifices (1st edict), Piyadasi had, as the written traditions affirm, accepted the supremacy of the Brahmans. On the second point, there is no longer the same agreement. The king declanes that he has become an upusaka; 43 this word can indicate a Jain layman, as well as a Buddhist one; nevertheless, the manner in which we find it used at Bhabra, where it is certainly applied to Buddhism, ought a priori to incline us towards the same interpretation here. Doubts have been inspired by the use of the word vivutha at Sahasarami, and by the idea that this inscription might not emanate from the Piyadasi who was author of the other edicts. The latter are dissipated by the certainty we have now acquired, that all our edicts must be referred to one and the same author; and the former must fall with the purely arbitrary interpretation proposed for vivutha. Whatever reserve may be advisable with regard to the expression sam he papayite, or whatever be its true reading, it is clear that the king mentions here certain relations which his conversion has established between him and the samgha; that word can designate nothing but the Buddhist clergy; the Edict of Bhabra shews moreover, that this application of it was well established from the time of Piyadasi. We have, however, another proof still more decisive, the passage of the 8th edict, in which Piyadasi speaks of his practical and active conversion. He defines it by saying that, in the eleventh year from his coronation, he set out for the sambodhi.'45 No doubt as to the meaning is here possible. The word sambodhi inevitably links Piyadasi with Buddhism. Before it was fully understood, the expression appeared to imply a usage of the word different from that which is authorised by literature; but the more exact interpretation, which I have given above, does away with all difficulties; it establishes, on the contrary, a curious agreement with the literary nse of the equivalent phrase sambodhi prast hatum, to which the passage refers. [JULY, 1891. It is, therefore, certainly to Buddhist ideas that Piyadasi was converted. But did he become unfaithful to them? Did he subsequently vary in his opinions? The second group, that of the columnar inscriptions, is very far from furnishing the slightest pretext for such a conjecture. The one which it was deemed possible to draw from the first phrase of the Cth edict, is quite illusory. Nay more; the passage in question, understood as I believe I have shewn If the that it should be understood, turns directly contrary to any hypothesis of this description. king referred expressly to his dhammalipis of his thirteenth year, it is certainly a proof that his ideas regarding the dhamma, his religious opinions; had not in the interval undergone any essential change. Besides, when the two scries of inscriptions are compared, the absolute identity of tone and style, the common allusions to the same deeds and the same institutions, the perfect resemblance between the moral exhortations, are such that only the strongest and 43 I do not speak of the word savaka which Dr. Buhler restores at Rupnath. I have already explained why I do not consider this restoration as admissible. One 4 It will be understood that I here refer to the translation of Dr. Oldenberg. I may be permitted to take this opportunity to add, with regard to that of Dr. Bihler, a remark which I had omitted in the proper place. of the arguments which he brings forward to uphold the meaning of the passed,' which he attributes to virutha, is the use of the phrase vivuth vas in the Khandagiri inscription (1. 5). This argument must be abandoned. It is to be feared that this important monument, which is in so bad a state of preservation, will never become perfectly intelligible to us. One thing is visible, that it contains, year by year, an enumeration of the actions of the In line 5 king dutiy rasd (1. 4), panchams ....... VIS (1. 6), satame ras (1. 7), athame vase (ib.), &c. where the facsimile of Prinsep gives tatha vivuthe vast, that of the Corpus gives i-tath vise. It ought certainly to be read na tatha (?) chatuth vise, in the fourth year.' This indeed is the reading given by BALA RajendralAla Mites, Antig, of Orissa, II. p. 22. 45 See above, p. 234 and ff.

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JULY, 1891.) THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI. 245 most convincing proof could lead us to consider as probablu a change of belief in the common author of both. All indications contradict such an idea. But not only do certain columnar edicts form the natural development of the principles contained in the older tables, -(thus, the 5th Columnar edict is directed to the protection of animal life, and may be compared with the prohibition of bloody sacrifices and of samd jas46 ordained by the first of the fourteen edicts), - but the days set apart in this same 5th edict are consecrated as holidays amongst Buddhists, and the uposatha, to which he appeared to shew a special respect, is known to every one as their weekly festival. The 8th Columnar edict extends the supervision of the dharmamahamatras over every sect, from the Brahmans to the Nirgranthas or Jainas; but, when he refers to the sangha, to the Buddhist clergy, the king changes his expression. He desires that his officers should watch the interests of the saragha' (samghaIhasi); it is evident that here, and here only, his sympathies are specially aroused. I will only allude to one more fact, which in the light of the preceding, takes a definite meaning, and becomes really instructive. It will be remembered that, at Khalsi, the second part of the 14th edict is accompanied by the figure of an elephant, between the legs of which one reads, in characters the same as those of the tables gajatame; I have proposed to translate this, the elephant par excellence. This inscription is in a fashion commented upon by that which we have referred to as at Girnar, in nearly the same place, and which probably accompanied also the figure of an elephant, which has been worn away from the surface of the rock ;- the white elephant who is in truth the benefactor of the entire world (or of all the worlds).' It is the less permitted to imagine an arbitrary and accidental addition, because, at Dhauli, we again find the same figure of an elephant beside the edicts. It is impossible to doubt that these images and these legends are contemporary with the inscriptions. Nor is the meaning doubtful. Not only are we here in the presence of a Buddhist symbol, but the accompanying legends contain a clear allusion to the history of the birth of Buddha descending in the form of a white elephant into the womb of his mother." In conclusion; - It is certain that Piyadasi, at least during the entire portion of his reign to which our monuments refer, from the ninth year after his coronation and more particularly from the thirteenth, in which he began having inscriptions engraved) to the twenty-eighth, and very probably up to the end of his life, was a declared adherent to Buddhism. This is the fixed point, the necessary starting point, for all legitimate deductions. Doubtless a certain difference of tone may be suspected between the Edict of Bhabra, or even that of Sahasaram, and all the 46 I content myself with transcribing the term used by Piyadasi. I am not convinced that a definitive translation of it has yet been discovered, in spite of various ingenious attempts. The meaning battue' (treibjogd) proposed by Dr. Pischel (Gott. Gel, Ans., 1881, p. 1324) has not the authority of the knows usage of the language. Dr. Buhler has clearly shews that samdja must have a meaning connected with festival, rejoicing,' but the meaning must be more precise and circumscribed than this. In the sentence in the 1st edict it cannot well be admitted that with the very positive and precise prohibition na.... prajuhitaviyah, should be closely connected one so different, so vague, as *ye mast hold no festivals. Besides, it is plain that the whole edict is entirely devoted to the protection of animal life. Samaja must refer directly to some act by which that life was compromised. The connexion of the details which the king gives soncerning his kitchen would, on any other hypothesis, be altogether inexplicable. It is this exact shade of the meaning of samdja,' sacrifice, fenet, or some other, which Dr. Buhler has failed to identify. Nor ean I accept bis translation of the sentence asti pi tu, &c.; for, if Piyadasi had meant to approve of certain samajas,' he would have specified to wbat samdjas he referred. He would at least have continued his sentence under the form of an antithesis, as he does under other circumstances, and would have spoken of dharmasamdjas, or of something of the kind. 67 Cf. Kern, loc. cit. IT, 205 and ff. # I am afraid that I should injure conclusions, which I believe are firmly established, if I were to bring forward arguments of love value, so I content myself with reminding my readers of, for instance, the use of dainava, corresponding to the technical term derava of the Buddhists, and that of avavad to mean'to preach,' 'to teacb,' which was familiar to the Buddhists (Barnouf, Lotus, p. 804 and ff.), &e. 19 I can only withdraw, before the corrected readings and the new translation of Dr. Buhler, the conjecture which I hazarded with regard to the oth odiot (in Dh. n. 2.), in which I believed that I had discovered an allusion to a certain incident of the legend of 8Akyamuni. The explanation of Dr. Buhler establishes, with a natural sense, completo harmony among the different versions. It certainly deserves acceptance, in spite of the little difficulties of detail which oxiat, and of which a final revision of the texts will perhape reduce the number.

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246 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JULI, 1891. others. But between these two very unequal groups, there is no contradiction, there is only a mere difference of degree. It is explained by the difference of the persons whom the king addressed: at Bhabra, he spoke to the Buddhist clergy; elsewhere he speaks to his people at large, or at least to all his officers without distinction.50 Religious toleration is not an exceptional occurrence in India, but is the customary rule of her sovereigns. From the indications of coins down to the direct evidence of the chronicles, from the inscriptions down to the account of the Chinese travellers, there are abundant proofs of this. Piyadasi made no exception to the rule; he forms, on the contrary, one of its most illustrions examples, one of its most positive witnesses. It is therefore, very natural that, in addressing himself to the generality of his subjects, without regard to religion or sect, he should have avoided using too exclusive manifestations of his own private faith, and strictly dogmatical statements. We can at least be certain that none of his inscriptions contains anything contradictory to the Buddhist doctrine, and it is essential to remember this, if we would endeavour to picture to our selves from the monuments the condition of Buddhism at the time of Piyadasi. Now that we have determined, both from a chronological and from a religious point of view, the ground on which our monuments lead us, it remains to consider the data which they supply regarding the administration, the history, and the religious ideas of PiyadasiAsoka; comparing them at the same time with those which have been preserved for us by the tradition of literature. The epigraphical records do not in any way, give us the materials for a biographical sketch. even on the most meagre scale: All we can do is to group the various items of information which they contain under certain general heads, such as the empire and the family of the king, his administrative procedure and his relations with foreign countries, his life and his religious opinions. Piyadasi gives us no information regarding his lineage. We only learn from a passage of the 5th (Rock) edict, in which the surveillance exercised by the dharmamahamdtras is under consideration, that he had brothers, sisters, and other relatives, settled both in his capital and in other towns. Moreover (Col. Ed. VIII) he pays attention to the distribution of the alms made by all his children who live, some near him, and others in the provinces (disasu), and in particular to those made by the princes, sons of the queen,' who are thus distinguished as holding a superior rank. It is to this last category that belong 'the Kumaras' who represent. 60 He exhibits now and then a particular care for his co-religionists, but he does so in order to direct special officers to devote themselves to them, and to give thom suitable instruction. It is in this way that I still understand the last sentence of the 3rd edict. Dr. Buhler, following Dr. Kern, combats the meaning which I still continue to attribute to yuta, and which is approved of by Dr. Pischel (p. 1825). I cannot accept his amendment. Dr. Bubler is compelled to admit a different meaning for the word in each of the two passages in which it occurs in the 9th edict. That is a first objection, but there are more serious ones. It will shortly appear in what close relationship the rojjakas generally appeared with the dharmayutas. This is a first reason for thinking, as has always been done, that yuta is only an abridged equivalent for dhash mayuta, 'sealota, ent for dharmayuta, zealota, equivalent to equivalent to zealota for the dharma' nothing is more natural. What is true for the first yutd is not less so for the second yutani Associated with the parishad, which is nothing else than the assembly of the rajjilkar. But in the first passage it is wished to take yutd as an adjective applied to rajka and to paddsika (Dr. Buhler actually approve of my construction of the sentence and defenda it against Dr. Pischel). We must then omit the cha which, at G., follows yutd. This procedure is in itself violent and suspicions. but it is still insufficient. The turn of the phrase at Kh., yuta lajuka padleika, and the corresponding words at K. without cha, imply the co-ordination of the three terms, and not only of the two last; if this were not so, we must have As at Dh., yuta lajuki cha padesik& cha. It is unnecessary to remark that, on the other band, this last mode speaking very well agrees with my interpretation. Yuth is therefore a substantive, or at least used substantively. Here we must oopolnde that it is the equivalent of dharmayuta. So also with yutd Or yutani in the last line. I hay given one reason, founded on its being associated with paried. The comparison with the sentence of the 8th Columnar edict (1. 1-2), lajaka ... paliyovadisariti janan dharmayutan, is very striking. There are also other reasons. First Ain Apavati is much more easily translated with a personal subject. It inust be admitted that the exprersion the assembly will teach suitable matters? is singularly feeble and vague, even for our inscriptions. Of course, the neater form yutani of several versions offers no difficulty; have we not, at Col. Ed. IV. 8, pulisdns equivalent to purushah; do. Perhaps yute of G. also reprosents the neuter; and we shall thus bave side by side a te of the singalar and of the plural, exactly as dharmayuta is by turns wed in the plural and in the singular without alteration in the sense.

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JULY, 1891.) THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI. 247 the royal authority at Tosall (Dh, det. ed. II, 1), at Ujjayini, and at TakshasilA (Dh. J. det. Ed., I, 23, 24). We find an allusion to his wives in the fragment designated the Edict of the Queen. In it Piyadasi gives orders, the meaning of which, owing to the partial destruction of the stone, we are unable to grasp exactly, regarding the acts of liberality of the second queen (dutiya devi). Amongst these acts he mentions the granting of mango groves and gardens; it would seem, also, that he praises her religious zeal and her mercifal disposition; and she thus appears to us as sharing, as we have a right to expect, the ideas as well as the doctrines of the king. The royal residence was at Pataliputra, as the chronicles say, and as follows from the Rock Edict, G. V, 7, compared with the other versions. With the exception of the four towns of Pataliputra, Ujjayini, Takshabila, and Tosali, which have just been referred to, and of Samapa (J. det. Ed. I, 1, and II, 1), Piyadasi mentions no name of any people or town expressly as being among those which were directly under his rule (vijita). The only exception is Kalinga, the conquest of which he mentions as having taken place in the ninth year after his coronation. The towns of Tosal151 and of Samapa cannot be precisely identified. It is, however, almost certain that Tosali, which formed the residence of a prince of the blood royal, must have been a considerable centre, possibly the capital of the whole province. Samapa was probably a town of secondary importance, and cannot have been very far from Jangada, the site where the inscriptions which mention it were engraved. Although Piyadasi gives us so few explicit geographical data, the indications regarding his neighbours on different sides, with which he supplies us, allow us to form some idea of the extent of his vast dominions. I believe that I have shewn above that the enumerations unfortunately both vague and brief, of the frontier populations, which are contained in the inscriptions, are of two kinds; one set refers to the provinces situated to the west and southwest of the empire over which Piyadasi was suzerain; the other includes the independent bordering nations. Both contain many names of which the identification is more or less hypothetical, and even with regard to those about whose identification we need not be in doubt, we have too incomplete information regarding the exact boundaries to which they extended in the time of Piyadasi, to arrive at very precise conclusions. In the first category, that of populations subject to the suzerainty of the king, appear the Yavanas (V and XIII), the Kambojas (V and XIII), the Patepikas (V and XII), the Gandharas (V), the Ristikas or Rastikas (V), the Visas and the Vtijis (XIII), the Nabhakas and the Nabhapamtis (XIII) and finally the Bbojas (XIII), the Andhras and the Pulindas (XIII). The Gandharaga and the Kambojas53 certainly belonged to the tract of the river Kabul ; it is probable that these Yavanas, subjects of a Hindu power, formed a province still further off in the direction of the Greeks of the independent kingdoms, and that the list, commencing with them and continuing through the Kambojas and the Gandh&ras, follows a regular course from exterior to interior. We have, however, no certainty with regard to this, and this name Yavana could here, if necessary, designate not a particular country, but the elements of the population which were of western origin, and which were at this epoch scattered throughout this part of India. I may remind my readers of the Tashaspa, styled 'Yavanarkja of Asoka the Maurya,' i. e., probably, under the suzerainty of Asoka the Maurya, whom the inscription of Rudradaman at Girnar mentions as having repaired an embankment in the neighbourhood, and who con. sequently held sway in the peninsula of Kathiwad. I would also remind them of the considerable number of dedications which, in the Buddhist caves of Western India, emanate from Yavanas, 56 Of. Korn, J. R. 4. 8., N. 8., XII, 384. - Lassen, Ind. Alterth., I, 509; II, 150. * Lassen, Ind. Alterth., I, 591. # Cr, Laren, Ind. Alterth, II, 2018 and 1. One is reminded of the shatern territories of Gedroia and Arachosia. which Selecus ooded to Chandragupta (Droysen Gesch. des Hellenismus, II", 199 and L.) - Cl. Bargon, Arohaol. Suru. West. India, 1874-1875, pp. 128 and if >> CL, Bhagwo.Al Ladrajh, J. . A.S., Bo. Br., xv, pp. 874-975

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248 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. As regards the Ristikas, the very name is doubtful. The word has usually been read Rastikas (transcribed Rashtrikas), and understood as meaning 'the inhabitants of Surashtra.' Dr. Buhler points out that the reading Ristika, which at G. appears to be certain, goes against this interpretation. The identification would, according to him, be in any way inadmissible, 'for the Ristika-Petenikas must be amongst the independent neighbours of Asoka, whereas Sorath and Lata were incorporated in his kingdom.' This difficulty would not appear to us to be decisive, after what we have said regarding the position of the provinces in the enumeration of which the Rastikas find entry. If the king delegated officers to them, he could very well have also had inscriptions engraved among them. In fact, if we may attribute some authority to the tradition of which we notice an echo in the inscription of Rudradaman, we should find in it direct evidence in favour of the regime which, on other grounds, I believe to have been, under Asoka, that of Surashtra. There remains the orthographical difficulty, but, as against the ristika of G. we find the lathika of Dh. and the rathika of K., that is not easy to solve. I cannot admit that the two last forms could represent rishtika as well as rashtrika; the wearing away of the rock might certainly have caused the sign for i to have disappeared at Dh. and at K.; but the same sign at G. might equally well be only some accidental scratch in the rock. While, therefore, I cannot pronounce between the Rishtikas proposed by Dr. Buhler, and the Rashtrikas, I still do not think that, in the present state of our knowledge, the latter reading deserves as yet to be absolutely abandoned. We must, moreover, take into consideration the opinion lately expressed by Prof. Bhandarkar.57 In the 13th edict, the Rastikas or Ristikas are replaced by the Bhojas, who are similarly associated with the Petenikas.59 Although the territory of this tribe cannot be exactly defined, and has certainly varied from time to time, the name of the Bhojas, nevertheless, carries us either towards the Narmada, or towards the coast of the Konkana.59 If the two names are not simply equivalent, they agree in bringing us towards the same part of India. Prof. Bhandarkar reminds us that in several inscriptions of the Western caves there appears the name of the Mahabhojas; while others have similarly the name of the Maharathis. Our Rashtrikas would be to these Maharathis, as the Bhojas are to the Mahabhojas, and the Rastikas of Piyadasi would in that case be simply the Maharashtris or Marathas of the Dekhan. The Petenikas, being connected with the Bhojas, should be sought for in the same direction; and, in this respect, their identification with the inhabitants of Paithana, i. e. Pratishthana, towards the source of the Godavari, co is extremely tempting, so tempting indeed, that I am inclined to pass over the phonetic scruples which Dr. Buhler (p. 32) opposes to it. The Andhras of the 13th edict would well continue the line of enumeration towards the east. The name of the Pulindas is too widely spread, for it to be possible to localise it with precision in the present case. It is certainly met towards the centre of the Dekhan, in the very locality where the continuation of the enumeration would lead us to expect it.62 Regarding the Nabhakas and the Nabhapamtis of the 13th edict, supposing these names to be correct, which is still doubtful, Dr. Buhler (Ed. XIII, n. 8) has cited from the Vaivarttapurana the city Nabhikapura as belonging to the Uttarakurus. He thence concludes that these Nabhakas may have dwelt in the extreme north of India, in the Himalaya. He comes to an analogous conclusion regarding the Visas and the Vrijis, whom he supposes to have been the early predecessors of the Bais and Lichchhavis of Nepal. All that is, of course, extremely doubtful. If we take into account the general direction, as I consider it has been followed by our enumerations, it could well be admitted that the king begins with his northern frontiers before going westwards. But the position of the Nabhakas, coming after the Gandharas, should be sought for, not so much due north, as somewhere towards the north-west. [JULY, 1891. The peoples whom the king enumerates as his independent neighbours (amta avijita) are; together with the Greeks of the kingdom of Antiochus and his neighbours, the Chodas 5 Early History of the Deccan, p. 9. (Extract from the Bombay Gazetteer). Cf. Vishnu Pur., Wilson, Ed. F. E. Hall, II, 159-159. 61 Cf. Lassen, Ind. Alterth., I, 215 n. and 970. Buhler, p. 14. 60 Cf. Lassen, Ind. Alterth., I, 216. 62 Cf. Vishnu Pur. Wilson, Ed. F. E. Hall, II, 159.

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JULY, 1891.] THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI. 249 (II, XIII), the Pandyas (II, XIII), Satiyaputa, and Keralaputa (II.) I do not refer to Tambapanni (Ceylon), which is each time named at the conclusion, and as the extreme limit (ava taubapanniya). The general situation of the Chodas and the Pandyas on the east coast and at the south extremity of the Dekhan, is sufficiently well known. As for the northern boundary, which divided the Chodas from Kalinga which was conquered by Piyadasi, it is difficult to fix it. Judging from the terms of the inscription, the territories acquired in this direction by the king would seem to have been of very great extent. They must have gone far to the south. On the other hand, the existence at Dhauli and at Jaugada of an edict specially referring to foreign nations, and to the duties in regard to them which are incumbent on the representatives of the king, leads us necessarily to the conclusion that these inscriptions cannot have been any great distance from the frontier of the empire. Satiyaputa and Koralaputa would appear to correspond in some way, on the west, with the Chodas and Pandyas on the eastern side of the Dekhan. That at least would be the result, on the one hand, of the learned and ingenious conjecture of Dr. Buhler (pp. 12-14) regarding Satiyaputa, and, on the other hand, of the reading Keralapata - (according to Dr. Buhler the correct reading at Dh. is Kelalaputa) - instead of Ketalaputa at G. Such a conjecture is too convenient not to be a little subject to suspicion, but it has, nevertheless, since Benfey and Lassen, secured general acceptance, and it is difficult to make any other suggestion.63 To sun up; - The empire of Piyadasi is in its main features sufficiently delimited. It embraced the whole of Northern India, although his exact frontiers, both to the east and to the west, remain, more or less, undetermined. It is equally certain that the influence of the king, if not his full authority, extended to the central plateau of the Dekhan, and went even further to the south along the coasts. Moreover, we have proved that, at least towards the west, the south-west, and the south, his kingdom, properly so called, was bordered by provinces over which he exercised a suzerainty which was certainly active and effectual, but of which we cannot precisely measure the extent. Piyadasi tells us on the whole but little regarding the system under which he administerai these vast dominions, his inscriptions being almost exclusively devoted to religious subjects. He only mentions his administration so far as it deals with religious and moral progress. It is merely in that direction that he would appear to have carried his personal reforms. These fall under two main classes ; according as he further extends the power and the duties of functionaries already existing; or as he creates new functionaries and new institutions. The title purushas, men of the king,' would seem to be the most comprehensive term under which Piyadasi used to inclade all the representatives of his authority, 64 to whatever rank they belonged. He himself distingaishes them (Col. Ed. I) as superior, inferior, and of middle rank, and he evidently refers to them as officers, for they are mentioned together with the antamahamatras. He desires that they should conform to his instructions, and that they should direct the people in the good way. They are moreover, in one passage (Col. Ed. IV), contrasted in some degree with the rajjukas. We shall shortly see by what characteristics these last require to be classified outside the category of functionaries properly so called. Mahamatrg65 is also a generic term, analogous to amatya, though perhaps with a more extended signification. It should designate functionaries of every order, but of high rank, and was applied to bodies' (nikaya) of various officers (cf. XII, 9). Piyadasi, like his predecessors, was surrounded by them, and when he speaks of muha matras in general, it is impossible for us to specify what class of officers he had in view, or even to say for certain that he did not address 6 Rijaniyukta, as Kallaka explains the word in Manu, viii, 43. 64 Regarding the Kerala, cf. Lassen, I, 188 note. I do not refer to the HidarAja mentioned in the 13th edict. As he is separate from whe general list, we are without any index as to the direction in which we are to seek him, and the reading itself is still very doubtful. 65 Cf. Buhler, p. 37. Kern, J. R. A. S., N. 8., XII. p. 392.

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250 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JULY, 1891. himself to all functionaries whose rank corresponded with this designation. In this sense there are inihandtras in all provinces (Edict of the Queen), whom the king represents as charged with the responsibility of conducting urgent matters (VI). At the commencement of the first detached edict at Dh, and J., he addresses the muhamatras who are at Tosali (or at Samapa), and who are charged with the administration (probably with the judicial administration in particular) of the town,-nagalaviyshalalus. It is to similar functionaries that the Edict of Kausambi is directed. But there were also other mahdmatras, each entrusted with the special superintendence of a religious sect, one with that of the Buddhist sanngha, another with that of the Brahmans, of the Ajivikas, or of the Nirgranthas (Col. Ed. VIII, 5). The word was thus naturally chosen to form, in composition with special determinatives, the title of functionaries of various orders; such are the ithjhakhamahdiatras, or officers charged with the surveillance over women of the harem (XII), the antamahamatras, the frontier officers, or more exactly, the officers appointed to communicate with the populations across the frontiers (Dh., J. det. Ed. II) ;) such, finally, are dharnmamahamitras. As regards these last Piyadasi expressly claims the credit of the institution of the office (IV), and it is natural to conclude that the others existed before his reign. The case is the same with the prative daka 388 (VI), whose reports he arranges to receive at all moments of the day,67 and with the vachabhimikas (XII), a class of overseers whose duties we have no means for precisely indicating. Bat in the case of all, the king has enlarged and in some way or other remodelled their duties, adding to the special functions of these officers those of a moral surveillance, of a sort of religious propaganda, on which alone he insists in his rescripts. The same idea pervades all his new institutions, at least all those which are borne witness to by the inscriptions. As far as regards the dharmamah&matras, the name itself is significant Their creation goes back to the fourteenth year of Piyadasi's coronation (V). He also claims. the credit of tbe institution of the rajjukas : hevan mama lajuka kata janapadasa hitasukhaye (Col. Ed. IV, 12). The functions and the hierarchical grade of these officers are enveloped in some obscurity. It is probable that the true form of the word is rajjuka, and that Prof. Jacobi has rightly connected them with the rajjus of the Jain texts, whose title the commentators explain by lekhaka, 'scribe. The Kalpasutra appears to bear witness to their habitual presence, and to their importance at the courts of kings. Dr. Buhler (p. 20), while approving of this derivation and of this meaning, also asks whether we are to see, in these rajjukas, clerks fulfilling the functions of scribes, or a caste of scribes from which the king may have specially recruited the personnel of his administration. The sentence of the 4th Col. edict which I have just quoted, hardly leaves any room for doubt; it is incompatible with the second hypothesis: but the nature of their functions, even taking as a foundation the translation of the word by lekhaka, is capable of diverse interpretations; and it is, therefore, the more necessary to examine our texts as closely as possible. The rajjakas are mentioned on three occasions, - in the 3rd of the fourteen (Rock) edicts. and in the 4th and the 8th of the Colamnar edicts. Of the last passages, the first contrasts them with the whole range of royal functionaries, grouped collectively under the designation of men of the king. The second tends to the same conclusion; the king, after having stated, without specification, that he has appointed over his people a number of persons, evidently officials, to teach them, adds immediately, I have also appointed rajjukas over hundreds of thousands of living beings, and they have been ordered by me to instruct the faithful in such and auch a manner.' In the 3rd edict, the rajjukas, together with the pradesika and the faithful, are invited to proceed every five years to the anusarny ana. These rajjukas must in short have had a position apart from all these functionaries, for the king, in the 4th of the 66 Buhler, p. 47. 67 The word vinila has been, I think, definitely explained by Dr. Buhler, who takes it in the sense of vinitaka, to mean litter or palanquin. This hypothesis antinfies the desideratum which I pointed out in my commentary on the passage, and on account of which I rejected various tentative interpretations : it furnishes a desiguation of place.

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JULY, 1891.] THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI. 251 Colamnar edicts, stipulates for them, and for them alone, an altogether special privilege, that of being only subject to his direct jurisdiction. Although this edict does not, strictly speaking, make them superior in the hierarchy to the purushas, still it attributes at least an authority, a special importance, to the teaching conveyed by them. The king considers it their duty to stimulate the zeal of his functionaries properly so called, so as to make them in their turn active propagators of the good doctrine. It will be remarked that, wherever the rajjikas are mentioned, they are put in close relationship on the one hand with the teaching of the dharma, and on the other hand with the yuta or the dharmayuta. It is for them alone that the king reserves the technical term for, preaching' (vi-ava-vad, pari-ava-vad). They are to instruct specially the dharmayuta people, that is to say the faithful, but with them also all people (Col. Ed. IV and VIII); if they, proceed to the anusarnyana, it is in company with the yutas.68 In the last sentence of the 3rd edict, yutas are spoken of, without apparently any mention being made of rajjukas; but, even here, nevertheless, I think that they are directly referred to. The parishad is charged with the duty of instructing the yutas or the faithful. I originally understood parishad as an equivalent of sanngha, and I was not, I think, much mistaken. The two Jain texts which mention the rajjis, refer to them in the compound rajjusabha (Kalpasutra, I, 122, 147). Judging from the context, sabha cannot mean specially the assembly itself, but rather the place of the assembly; it, however, supposes a meeting, a college, of rajjus, for the use of which the sabha was set apart. I feel little hesitation in identifying the parishad of the 3rd Edict with this meeting of rajakas. It will be recognised that the position which the word occupies, beside an order given to the rajjulas, is favourable to this opinion. The parishad reappears in the 6th edict. According to the division of the sentences which has been established by Dr. Buhler, the king says, -.With regard to all that I personally order to be given away or to be promulgated, or to everything that, in urgent cases, the mahdmdtras have to undertake on their own responsibility, every dissent or blame which may arise concerning that must be immediately reported in the parishad. It would be unreasonable to contend, a priori, that this parishad is different from that of the 3rd edict. This assembly of rajjakas thus appears to constitute a sort of council, of a more specially religious character, on which the care of the propaganda and of religious works specially devolved, and to which the piety of the king gave a considerable influence over his own actions. The expression of the 8th edict, according to which the rajjukas were appointed over many thousands of men, and, still more, the indications of the 3rd edict, which applies to all parts of the vast empire of Piyadasi, go far to prove that there was not only one of these colleges, but that they existed in more or less number. The peculiar functions of these persons, perhaps also their religious character, clearly explain both the importance which Piyadasi'attaches to their creation and their actions, and the privileged position with which he endowed them, as compared with his other officers. It would be interesting if we could establish a palpable agreement between their name and their office, but unfortunately, though the form rajjika appears to be certain, the etymology of the word remains obscure. The very meaning which the Jain commentator attributes to it, even if we admit that he is right, cannot be the primitive one, and can be no authority for the time of Piyadasi. All that we can state positively is this, that between the meaning of 'scribe,' however it arose, and the application of the word to persons whose duties as teachers suppose a complete religious education, the distance is far from impassable. It now remains to say a word regarding a last category of persons, the pradesikas, According to Prof. Kern, they were probably local governors. This interpretation is conformable with the use of the word in the classical language, and, basing his inquiries on this use, Dr. Buhler (p. 20) seeks in them for the local princes, in whom India, with its feudal system 68 It is unnecessary to remark how this allusion favours my interpretation of the words yuta and dhammayuta. It proves at least that, in translating, we cannot separate the two terms from each other. - J. R. A. S., N. 8., XII. p. 398.

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252 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JULY, 1891. and its caste organization, has always been rich, the ancestors of the Thakurs, Raos, Rawals, &c., of the present day. In itself the explanation is very plausible. The only passage in which they are mentioned by name, associates them with the rajjulas in their characteristic functions. If my conjecture of yathavisayapi in the 8th Col. Ed. (1. 1.) is well founded, it is probable that they are referred to in this sentence also, and yathavisaya would correspond with pradesiku. There also, they seem to be closely connected with the Tajjakas, and it is not surprising that the king should devolve upon functionaries of so high & rank, who were in a manner his direct representatives, a share in the mission of preaching 70 Piyadasi, while not expressing himself very clearly regarding the character and hierarchical position of his functionaries, is also not as explicit and precise as we could wish regarding their duties. He is more occupied with giving them counsels of humanity, of imparting to them moral exhortations, than with detailing their professional work. So far as concerns the officers, probably of various kinds, grouped together under the generic title of mahamatras, we see clearly enough that they existed in all parts of his kingdom (Edict of the Queen), and that they were expected, in urgent matters, to come to the necessary decisions on their own responsibility (VI). Some of them, in towns such as Tosali and Samapa, acted as governors and judges (Dh. J., Det. Ed. I.): they had to prevent arbitrary prosecutions and imprisonments; but, as we have seen, it is, above all, the practice of the virtues most necessary to their positions which is recommended to them; they must flee envy, impatience, want of application. In the frontier provinces, the antamahamatras (Dh. J., Det. Ed. II) are only encouraged to convince the foreigners, beyond the border, of the pacific and benign intentions which Piyadasi holds in regard to them, and are charged to bring them gradually by these sympathetic feelings to the practice of those virtues, dear to the king, which inust assure their welfare both in this world and in the next. All this is very vague. From the 8th Col. edict, it appears that we must conclude, that to each sect, orthodox or dissenting, there was attached a mahamatra, specially entrusted with its superintendence.71 According to the same passage, the dhammahamatras, created by Piyadasi for the diffusion of the dharma, would appear to have had a more extended sphere of action. They were to busy themselves in a general way with all the sects. A reference may be made to the 5th and 12th Rock edicts and to the 8th Col. edict, where the king recapitulates more or less explicitly the services which he expects from them. It is a mission of mercy and charity, unfortunately without positive details, which is entrusted to them. Amongst the vassal populations (V) they appear to have been invested with particularly multifarious duties, amongst others, the special protection of the co-religionists of the king. They are readily confused with the mahamatras, named thus in a general fashion, for example, in what concerns the distribution of the alms of the king, his wives, and his children (Col. Ed. VIII and Ed. of the Queen). They are charged with a kind of oversight of the king's palace and of all his property, both at Pitaliputra, and in the provinces (V), but they evidently share this task with other functionaries, probably of inferior rank, such as the ithijhakamahamatras and the vachabhumikas (XII). The king connects all his bodies of officers with each other, as all working together to aid, by mutual tolerance and religious preaching, the progress of the moral ideas which form the essential basis of all sects. We cannot draw many precise ideas from language so vague as this. The duties of the prativodakas are a little better defined by their name alone. They are the officers whose duty it is to report everything to the king (V1), and Dr. Buhler (47) has " I think that, in any case, Prof. Kern goes beyond bis authorities, when he fixes the creation of the rujjakas and the pradezikas as occurring in the 13th year (loc. cit. p. 392). The date given in the 3rd edict evidently refers to the foundation of the anusa yina, and not to the creation of the officials whom the king directs to participate in it. 11 In the edict of Kaubambi, the word 81hghasi, which is very distinct, seems to indicate that the mahamitras of the town received, in this instance, orders regarding the Buddhist community. This is an additional reason for regret. ting that the fragment is so damaged. Should we consider that we have a trace of the continged existence of this organisation in the inscription of Nasik (West, No. 6, Archaeol. Sur. West. Ind. IV, p. 99):.... nisikakna sinanna mahamatena la kirita? We might easily translate it 'the mahamitra of Ydeik, set over the Srananas.

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JULY, 1891.] THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI. 253 certainly good grounds for comparing them with the charas (or churas) whose employment is recommended to Hindu princes by the Dharanasastras. So far as regards them, probably Piyadasi's only innovation was the zeal with which he required and beard their reports. As for the rajjakas, we have seen that their principal, but not their only (yatha anaya pi kuimaya, Ed. III) duty, was the preaching of the dhaima, and that chiefly for the benefit of the tharmayutas. Although, it is true, the text is not absolutely explicit, it appears likely that to them also was entrusted the execution of the will of the king with reference to those condemned to death (Col. Ed.' IV). Piyadasi determined to give these unhappy people a respite of three days before their execution, so that they might prepare themselves for the punishment by fasting and alms, and might practise meditation with a view to their salvation in the world to come. We have here an inspiration which is entirely religious; and the intervention of the rajjukas would perfectly agree with what has been said above regarding the character of their office. I would have little to add regarding them, did they not play an important part in an insti. tution peculiar to Piyadasi, the anusamyana, which is very characteristic, but the nature and ritual of which are unfortunately not explained with the accuracy which we should desire. I desire to draw the attention of the reader to two decisive passages. Their translation is, I believe, certain as regards its general lines. We first read in the 3rd edict, - Everywhere in my empire let the faithful of the religion, the rajjika and the governor, set out every five years for the anusarnyana, for this reason for the teaching of the dharima, as well as for any other duty. The teaching of the dharima, that is to say, "It is good to obey one's mother and one's father, etc." The first detached edict of Dh. and J. concludes as follows:- It is also for this purpose that regularly every fifth year I shall summon [to the anusanyana) every72 mahamatra who will be mild, patient, and a respecter of life, in order that, hearing these things, he may act according to my instructions. The Prince (Governor) of Ujjayini also will for this purpose summon an assembly of the same nature, but he shall do so every three years without fail. So also at Takshasila. While repairing to the anusanyana, without at the same time neglecting their other particular duties, these mahamitras will learn these things. Let them. act in accordance therewith, following the instructions of the king.' It is the exact meaning of the word anusarnyana which makes the difficulty. Instead of the assembly,' which I have songht for in it, Prof. Kern (loc. cit.), and after him Dr. Buhler (p. 21), understand it as a tour of inspection. Dr. Buhler relies on its etymological meaning, and also on the fact that the word is really used in Sanskrit to signify to visit in turn.' I willingly admit that, at first sight, this translation would appear to be the most natural one. At the same time, Prof. Kern himself admits73 that my interpretation is not impossible, and that as a matter of fact, as san-ya certainly does mean to meet together,' anusarnyana, could easily, with the addition of the distributive meaning contained in anu, express the idea of meeting, assembly.' On the other hand, the translation which my learned colleagues propose for the word seems to me to be irreconcilable with the passages which have just been cited. In fact, it follows from the first detached edict at Dhauli, that the mahdmatras, whom the king intends, or orders, to set out for the anusanyana,' are supposed to go there to seek for them. selves, and not to carry to others, teaching and moral instraction. I believe that I have shown in my commentary, that the text can bear no dther interpretation. Moreover, that is the only one which logically fits into the general bearing of the whole edict. It is addressed to the mahamatras, and only contains exhortations, a kind of sermon, regarding their duties. Fail not,' concludes the king, 'to satisfy me by acting in this way. It is for this purpose (that is to say, quite clearly, to obtain every satisfaction from you that this inscription hath been engroven ... It is also for this purpose (that is to say, again evidently, to remind you of your datjes) 11 The ploral which follows, t4 mahaman, justifies this translation. TS Geschied. van het Buddhisme, II, 220 n.

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254 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JULY, 1891. that regularly overy fifth year, etc. If we compare closely the two passages which relate to the anusarnyana, what do we find ? In the first, the yutas, the rajjukas and the pradesikas are every five years, to set out for the anusanyana. In the second, it is only stated that the mahamatras are to set out for it. It has been rather hastily admitted that the two categories must necessarily be equivalent; I myself have fallen into the mistake. It was under this impression that, in order to establish a complete concordance between the two passages, I originally proposed to take,74 in the first, the phrase imaya dhaimanusasliya in a passive sense, but I should never have admitted this conjecture, which I have since withdrawn.75 Tt 18, indeed, an arbitrary supposition that there two recommendations, which are intended for different persons, should necessarily be identical. The second is addressed to the mahamatra wlio are destined, in the anusamydna, to receive instruction and encouragement, while the first can very well be addressed to the functionaries charged with imparting them, - to the pradesika, the governor, as immediate and direct representative of the king, and to the rajjikas, of whom we know that the proper function was religious and moral teachingFrom this point of view the passage of the fourth columnar edict, which has been discussed several times, shows itselt under a new light. It becomes clear why the zeal of the officers is there considered as guaranteed by that of the rajjukas, as these are specially charged with reminding them of their duties. Under these circumstances it is evident that the anusarnyana to which the king wishes the maham atras to repair, can only have been an assembly. Perhaps, after all, both theories might be reconciled, if we suppose that reference is made to a series of meetings convoked by the rajjika and the pradesika on tour, for the king certainly supposes a considerable number of such assemblies. It will be admitted, at any rate, that a tour of inspection could hardly be changed into a tour of instruction, except with the convocation of numerous successive meetings. Is not also a special assembly necessarily implied by the king's command that his edict should be read (Dh., J., Ed det., I) on the day of the festival in honour of Tishya P I may add that the agreement, established by this explanation, with the custom mentioned for a more modern period by the Chinese pilgrims (and to which I have drawn attention in my commentary), does not appear to me, supposing it necessary, to be an argument by any means to be despised. There is, too, another agreement which is even more to the point. The 3rd edict invites to the anusaiyana the yutas. I have stated above my opinion as to the meaning of this word. If I am right that we must consider it as equivalent, in a general sense, to all the faithful of the true religion, it is clear that the anusarnyana to which they are invited cannot be a . tour of administration. But, even supposing that my explanation of the word is not considered convincing, and that the translation is not admitted without some reserve, it appears to me that it is impossible to seriously contest the identity of the yuta of the 3rd edict with the janadhanizmayita of the 8th colamnar edict. That name must designate at least a considerable category of people, and not merely officials, and would consequently exclude every kind of idea of a 'tour of inspection.' These assemblies had therefore, in my opinion, the altogether special characteristic, that they were not meant for the entire population. Besides the snperior officials who were responsible for them, and who took an active part in them (rojjaka and pradezika), they comprised only the yntas, that is to say, the faithful Buddhists. This furnishes the key to difficulty which o.. urred to me in the first detached edict at Dhauli (n. 25), and of which I did not originally offer a sufficient solution. The reader will remember the phrase, I shall summon to the anusasnyana every mahamatni, who will be mild, patient, and a respecter of life.' It, 26 the reader can see from my revised commentary in this translation, appears to me that we must understand the phrase as having a shade of possibility', - every mahdmatra who may be endowed with these qualities; and in these qualities I only see a developinent of the idea 14 Dh., det. Ed. I, -. 28. 76 The constant use in our texts of dhamonneasti in the active sense, entirely condemns such an bypothesis.

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JULY, 1891.) THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI. 255 which is expressed in an equivalent manner by the compound dharmayuta. In the 3rd edict, addressed to every one in general, Piyadasi convokes to the anusarnyana all the faithful without distinction; here, where he addresses himself specially to the mahamatras, he specifies those only among them who fall under the category of dharmayutas. The two passages agree in establishing that the anusanyana was reserved for Buddhists. It was one of the principal occasions when the rajjukas were given the mission of exercising their ministry of teaching, which was specially conferred upon them over those of the people who believed (Col. Ed. VIII, 1). It will be remarked that this peculiarity agrees very well with the purely religious name of mokshaparishad, assemblies of deliverance,' given by Hiuen Tsiang to those quinquennial or annual assizes which we compare with our anusanyana.76 It is curious that these assemblies of the anusamyang should have been convoked at different periods, - every five years in the countries directly administered by the king, and every three years or less in the provinces governed by the princes who lived at Ujjayini and at Takshasila. For Tosali, which we see to have been also ruled by a kumdra (Dh. J., Det. Ed. II), we find no special instructions, and it is therefore probable that the convocation took place there only every five years. It is difficult to see the reasons of this variation. One conjecture only appears to me to present some probability, viz. that towards his west and south-west frontier the king wished to multiply the occasions of meeting and instruction, in the interests of his co-religionists belonging to the vassal populations surrounding his borders, and over whom his usual action would necessarily be less direct and less efficacious. Of the other measures f which the initiation belongs to Piyadasi, some have already been noticed, - such, for instance, as the three days respite which he gives to the condemned, before their execution, that they may prepare for death; while others, such as the planting of trees along the roads, the construction of wells and tanks, -are common to most of the kings of India. We have spoken of the suppression of bloody sacrifices (I). The 5th of the Columnar edicts states the restrictions imposed by the king upon the slaughter and mutilation of animals, and on the consumption of their flesh, and we know that in this respect, he practised in his palace what he preached (I). We have already discussed the honour which he claims of having spread abroad, in all places, medicines and useful plants (II). As for certain acts of an altogether religious character, such as the sending forth of missionaries, they will be considered in the concluding portion of these observations. We learn that he entertained certain relations with foreign countries, and more especially with the Greek kings. It is unfortunate that he gives us no particulars concerning this subject. The employment of ambassadors (dutas), whom he mentions in the 13th edict, is to be expected and teaches us nothing. These relations with other lands, and the influences which resulted from them, were certainly no new thing, and our inscriptions, unless I am mistaken, preserve a piece of evidence regarding them, which, althongh indirect, is worth drawing attention to. The rescripts of Piyadasi commence, all or nearly all, with this phrase, Thus saith the king Piyadasi, dear unto the Devas. Now, so far as I know, this formula is an absolutely isolated example in Indian epigraphy. It makes its appearance with our inscriptions, and, after them, appears no more, in spite of the influence which the example of so powerful a sovereign would be expected to exercise. The fact is curious, and is worthy of having its explanation sought for. Now we do find this formula elsewhere. In the entire series of the inscriptions of the Achaemenides, from Darius to Arta zerxes Ochus, the phrase thatiy Darayavaush kshayathiya, 'thus saith the king Darius,' or its equivalent, thaliy Kshayarsha, &c., inevitably forms the frame of each of the proclamations. In both cases, this phrase in the third person is immediately succeeded by the use of the first person, and we are still further justified in drawing attention to this curions 76 Beal ; Si-yu-ki, I, 52, &c.

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256 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JULY, 1891. coincidence by the fact that, again in both cases, the same word (dipi, lipi) is used to designate the inscriptions, and that, as we have seen, we are led to admit, on altogether independent grounds, that the Indian form of the word was originally borrowed from Persia. The very idea of engraving long inscriptions upon rocks is neither so natural nor so universal that the coinci. dence in this respect between Piyadasi and Achaemenide kings should easily be considered to be fortuitous. I certainly do not pretend to discover here a direct and conscious imitation of the Achemenian inscriptions, but the protocol employed in both cases must have been consecrated by an older custom of the royal chanceries, and in this imitation I cannot refrain from noting a trace of the influence exercised by the Persian conquest and administration in north-west India. It was Darius who first carried thither his rule and his arms, and the organisation of the Satrapies, 77 which he instituted about the same time, was exactly of a nature to spread abroad the usages and formulas of administration peculiar to his empire. This remark naturally agrees with a conjecture which I have made elsewhere.78 It tends to confirm the influence which I thought myself jastified in attributing to the Persian administration over the palmographical history of India. It is a subject to which I shall have to return. The literary traditions are strangely silent regarding the various governmental and administrative measures, which are known to us through the evidence of these monuments. We have, it is true, proved coincidences or points of agreement between the two classes of documents, which are characteristic enough, and from which we can be certain of the identity of the Piyadasi of the inscriptions, with the Asoka of the books; but it must be admitted that, beyond these valuable concordances, the two series of accounts diverge in a singular manner. It is seldom that they refer to the same facts, so as to render one a direct check upon the other. It is not that they are contradictory or incompatible with each other, but that, simply, they do not speak of the same things. The chronicles, for instance, do not even mention the conquest of Kalinga, or the relations of the king with foreign princes. This circumstance is capable of explanation. In the writings of the Northern Buddhists we only possess fragmentary acconnts of Asoka, a nd the Sinhalese chronicles do not profess to give his biography in detail. If this prince interests them, it is because he is considered as the principal author of the diffusion of Buddhism in Ceylon, and it is only the religious aspects of his life which are of importance in the eyes of the monkish writers.79 Moreover, it has long been recognized that these traditions, both those of the north and those of Ceylon, are deeply imbued with legendary elements, which are, at least in great part, apocryphal, and which were certainly composed long after the epoch the history of which they reflect. The sphere of religion is almost the only one with regard to which some comparisons are possible; and that which gives some interest to the comparisons, limited though they be, which we are able to institute, is, that from them we may hope to recognise in what direction, if not in what degree, tradition has gradually deviated from the truth. According to the Sinhalese chronicles, the coronation of Aboka did not take place till four years after his coming to the throne, and we have no means for certainly checking this statement. There is nothing to show its improbability, and we might even say that the care with which the king, agreeing in this with the practice of the chroniclers, expressly dates from his abhisheka the facts about which he informs ne, appears rather to indicate that his coronation, as a matter of fact, could not have coincided with his taking possession of his power. The tradition is most liable to suspicion so far as it deals with the events which are said to have accompanied this act of taking possession, or at least which are said to have preceded the coronation. If we are to believe the Sinhalese, Asoka seized the throne after putting to death ninety-nine of his brothers, and is said to have spared one only, Tishya, who entered three years later into a monastic life. The commission of this crime is contradicted by the inscriptions, in wbich he speaks of his brothers, and of their residence in various towns of his empire ; indeed, 17 Cf. Spiegel, Eran. Alterth., II., pp. 328 and #f. 79 Cf. the remark of Tarantha, Germ. translat. p. 29. 78 Journ. Asiatique, 1879, I. p. 536

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SYSTEM OF TRANSLITERATION. The system of transliteration followed in this Journal for Sanskrit and Kanarese, and, for the sake of uniformity, submitted for adoption, as far as possible, in the case of other languages),-- except in respect of modern Hindu personal names, in which absolute purism is undesirable, and in respect of a tow Anglicised corruptions of names of places, sanctioned by long usage, - Is this :Sanskrit. Kanarese. Transliteration. Sanskrit. Kanarese. Transliteration. ja jha na ja bhA 4 4 B 3 3 3 4 4 na 4 4 tha 4 2 2 & 3 63 63 dha na pa &agd&Etlauado al 31 d & 2 Visarga pha ba bha ma Visarga Jihvamallya, or old) Visarga before - and kh Upadhmaniya, or old Visarga be fore and Anusvira Anusvara Anuncisika 444 834AA# 4 4 4 4 4 kha Hoa KD 8 3 3 821 ga gha iia cha sa chha ha A single hyphen is used to separate words in composition, as far as it is desirable to divide them. It will readily be seen where the single hyphen is only used in the ordinary way, at the end of a line, as divided in the original Text, to indicate that the word runs on into the next line; intermediate divisions, rendered unavoidable here and there by printing necessities, are made only where absolutely necessary for neatness in the arrangement of the Texte. A double hyphen is used to separate words in a sentence, which in the original are written as one word, being joined together by the euphonic rules of sandhi. Where this double hyphen is used, it is to be understood that a final consonant, and the following initial vowel or consonant-and-vowel, are in the original expressed by one complex sign. Where it is not used, it is to be understood of the orthography of the original, that, according to the stage of the alphabet, the final consonant either has the modified broken form, which, in the oldest stages of the alphabet, was used to indicate a consonant with no vowel attached to it, or has the distinct sign of the virama attached to it; and that the following initial vowel or consonant has its full initial form. In the transcription of ordinary texts, the double hyphen is probably unnecessary; except where there is the samdhi of final and initial vowels. But, in the transcription of epigraphical records, the for the purpose of indicating exactly the-palaeographical standard of the original texts. The avagraha, or sign which indicates the elision of an initial a, is but rarely to be met with in inscriptions. Where it does occur, it is most conveniently represented by its own Devanagari sign. So also practice has shewn that it is more convenient to use the ordinary Devanagari marks of punctuation than to substitute the English signs for them. Ordinary brackets are used for corrections and doubtful points; and square brackets, for letters which are damaged and partially illegible in the original, or which, being wholly illegible, can be supplied with certainty. An asterisk attached to letters or marks of punctuation in square brackets, indicates that those letters or marks of punctuation were omitted altogether in the original. As a rule, it is more convenient to use the brackets than to have recourse to footnotes; as the points to which attention is to be drawn attract notice far more readily. But notes are given instead, when there would be so many brackets, close together, as to encumber the text and render it inconvenient to read. When any letters in the original are wholly illegible and cannot be supplied, they are represented, in metrical passages, by the sign for a long or a short syllable, as the case may be; and in prose passages, by points, at the rate, usually, of two for each akshar or syllable.

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AUGUST, 1891.) THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI. 257 agreement is far from existing amongst the different sources of the tradition, and according to Taranatha, so it was six brothers whom the king made away with. According to other authorities there was no murder at all, but it is replaced by other acts of cruelty. In the Asoka-avadana, s1 the prince slays his officers and his wives, and sets up a 'hell,' in which a number of innocent people are submitted to the most refined tortares.82 According to a Sinhalese account, 93 Asoka sends a minister to re-establish regular practices amongst the Buddhist clergy, who are troubled by the treacherous intrusion of a great number of false Brahmanical brethren. Infuriated against the monks who refused under these conditions to celebrate the uposatha, the minister decapitates several with his own hand. He only stops, when the very brother of the king offers himself to receive the fatal blow. The king, being informed of what has occurred, falls a victim to cruel anguish of conscience. In the north, we are told how Asoka, to punish profanation committed by Brahmanical mendicants upon a statue of the Buddha, sets a price upon their heads, and how he only desists from his executions when his brother, who is here called Vitisoka, is, in mistake, slain as one. All these accounts are at the same time very analogous, and vers different. It is equally impossible to accept any of the versions as good historical coin. We can recognise them, without difficulty, as more or less independent developments of two ideas common to both sets. The first is the antithesis between the criminal conduct of Asoka before his conversion, and his virtuous conduct subsequently to it. In this way the Asuku-avadona's places the conversion of Asoka in direct relation with his 'hell,' by the intermediary of the pious Samudra. The other is the memory of a certain opposition between the king and the Brahmans. It reappears in the southern account of his conversion, and is there attributed to the comparisons, unfavourable to the Brahmans, which arose in the heart of the king: between them and his nephew, Nigrodha the sramilana. In his inscriptions, Piyadasi himself enlightens us as to the origin of his conversion. He draws for us a mournful picture of the deeds of violence which accompanied the conquest of Kalinga, the thousands of deaths, the thousands of harmless people carried off into slavery, families decimated, Brahmans themselves not escaping the miseries of the defeat. It is this spectacle which filled him with remorse, and which awakened in him a horror of war. Here we are upon a solid ground of history. It is very probable that the literary versions are only later amplifications of this kernel of simple and certain truth. The sentiments which Piyadasi explains to us in the 13th edict, would appear to exclude the idea of a career of craelties and of crimes pursued through several entire years. So much for the first point of view. As for the second, Piyadasi himself, if I correctly translate the difficnlt passage at Sahasaram declares to us that, after his conversion, he proceeded to deprive the Brahmans of that almost divine prestige which they enjoyed throughout the whole of India. Without any doubt, he did not persecute them violently; at the same time he approves of the alms which were given to them ; but he must have marked his preference for the Buddhist religion by various means which it is not difficult to imagine. It is this proceeding, doubtless, which has been transformed in the literary tradition into an absolute banishment, - nay rather, a bloody persecution of the Brahmans. In both cases, a comparison of the monuments with the legends and the chronicles tends to show, 1st, that the traditions are marked by grave exaggeration, and are full of arbitrary amplifications, and 2nd, that they are dominated by religious and specially by monastic prepossessions, - prepossessions which were infinitely more precise than any which ever existed in the mind and at the time of Piyadasi. All other observations lead to a similar conclusion We know, from the 2nd edict, that Piyadasi claims the credit of having spread abroad # Germ. translat. p. 28. n Tirso Atha, pp. 28 and f., contains yet other variations, # Afoka-avadana sp.Barneaf, pp. 428 and {. 31 Barnoaf, Introduction, pp. 864 and if *5 Mahavaniwa, pp. 39 and ff. *5 loc. cit., pp. 867, and fr.

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258 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY, [AUGUET, 1891. everywhere medicines and useful plants both for men and even for animals. According to the story of Buddhaghosha,86 Asoka, on learning that a bhikshu has died for want of medicine, has four tanks (poll: harani) dug out at the four gates of the city, which he fills with medicines, and offers to the monks. Here, on the one hand, the exaggeration is carried to an absurdity, and, on the other hand, the monkish prepossession stands clearly confessed. Piyadasi takes measures to give to those who are condemned to death, before their execution, a respite which will allow them to meditate with a view to their religious preparation for the event. We also see that, on several occasions, he exercises his prerogative of mercy with regard to criminals. If we now turn to the Asula-avauluna, 97 we learn that Asoka absolutely prohibited the putting of any one to death, and he takes this resolution owing to the death of a bhikshu who turns out to be no other than his own brother. Here, again, we see the exaggeration and the religious colouring. The legends of the north, and the southern traditions, each represent Asoka as an adherent to what appeared respectively to each to be the only orthodox Buddhism. Nothing is more natural. But what we want to know, is, to what degree these pretentions were justified. Since Kittoe's time, 99 it has been generally agreed, that the Bhabra inscription appears to reproduce a letter from the king to the council, which, according to the Sinhalese annalists, is said to have been held at Palalipatra in the reign of Asoka. I must except Prof. Kern, who, in his criticism of the data relative to this occurrence, comes to purely negative conclusions, and considers the alleged council as an invention.89 It is at least certain that the coincidence which has been accepted as self-evident, is met by more than one difficulty. The king explains with entire precision the aim which he has set himself in this letter: viz., that certain lessons should be spread abroad as much as possible, both among the monks and among the laity. He mentions neither a general collection of teachings current under the name of the Buddha, nor any of the circumstances which, in the southern tradition, characterized the council of Pataliputra. Can it be admitted that the king designated simply by the name of Magadha-saingha a solemn meeting, assembled under exceptional circumstances, as is depicted by the Sinhalese books? The very manner, too, in which the king puts nearly on the same level the authority of his own orders and the authority of the words of the Buddha, renders it little likely, granting the piety and orthodoxy of which he boasts, that he should be addressing himself to a council assem. bled to codify those very words of the Buddha. The king, on so solemn an occasion, would assuredly not have employed language so even, so entirely devoid of all allusion to the circamstance which provoked his intervention. I think, therefore, that, in this letter, Piyadasi addresses simply the clergy of Magadha, or, as I have conjectured, the Buddhist clergy in general, in order to recommend to them the active dissemination of the lessons attributed to the Buddha. Moreover, far from admitting that the edict shews the historic reality of the council, I would be rather disposed to think that, in this case also, the memory of the efforts made by Asoka to extend the Buddhist doctrines and to stimulate the zeal of their natural preachers, amplifying and acquiring definite form as time passed on in the traditions of the schools, has been either the origin or the foundation of the tradition regarding the alleged council. One of the two chief works attributed by the Sinhalese to this synod, is the initiative which it is said to have taken in sending forth, in all directions, missionaries charged with propagating the Good Law. In this, again, everything points to the conclusion that the chronicle confiscates to the profit of the clergy an honour which, in reality, belongs to the king. The Edict of Sahasa riim-Rupnath (anta pi cha janaitu) proves that, independently of any council, Piyadasi was devoted to the propaganda in foreign parts. If I have rightly interpreted the conclusion of the edict, he must have, within a little more than a year of religious zeal, sent forth missionaries (vivuthas) as far as possible in all directions. We see, in any case, from the 13th edict, that he sent forth envoy's (dutas) to spread his religious ideas, and that, from that period, he prided himself with having, in this respect, obtained a certain amount of success. 86 Samantapasadika, ap. Oldenburg, p. 306. 88 Cf. Burnouf, Lotus, p. 325. 87 Burnouf, pp. 423-424. 89 Kern, II, 278 and ff.

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AUGUST, 1891.) THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI. 259 There can hardly be any doubt that the monkish tradition, under the influence of its special pre possessions, has t:ansferred to the clergy, an action which, in truth, should be credited to the sovereign.co According to legend, Asoka would appear as a fervent adorer of the relics of the Buddha, and as a great builder of stupas. In this respect the monuments do not permit us to be affirmative. I can only adhere, in spite of the objections of Dr. Buhler, to my explanation of the 4th edict. Piyadasi there, in my opinion, describes religions festivals celebrated after his conversion. In connection with these processions, I applied the word vimana, in rimanailasana. to shrines filled with relics; but I confess that this interpretation, which was of necessity conjectural, appears less probable to me to-day. It would be hardly consonant with the zeal of a neophyte to put, if we take the word in this sense, the vimunadasand, on the same level with the hastidasand, the agikhandhani, &c. I think then that in the monuments we have no proof that Piyadasi practised the cult of relics, though we have still less proof to the contrary There is, on the other hand, one point with regard to which we are entitled to strongly charge the literary tradition with an anachronism. According to the Sinhalese, the canon of the sacred writings is said to have been fixed, as early as the time of Asoka, by two successive councils. This appears to me to be irreconcilable with the language which the king uses at Bhabra. No doubt, several of the titles which are quoted in this inscription, are to be found in the Pali scriptures, and the example of the rahulovadasutta is of a nature to lead 18 to maintain a priori, with respect to the other titles, that the king really did refer to lessons very similar to those of which the text has been preserved to us. Dr. Oldenberg,ol on the other hand, remarks that the king did not necessarily profess to cite all the lessons of the Buddha, the authority of which he recognised. Nevertheless, it must be confessed that, if there existed, besides them, a defined and consecrated body of scriptures, it would be quite extraordinary that Piyadasi should choose, in order to sum up the mass of Buddhist lessons, pieces so little characteristic, so short, and so devoid of dogmatic importance, as those which he cites appear to be, and that too, without even alluding to the great collection of which the title alone would have been infinitely more significant, and to which it would be so natural to appeal when addressing the highest representatives of the clergy and of the whole Buddhist church. It will be remarked, besides, that the terms employed by the text, - suneyu, upadhalay&yr, - refer only to oral transmission. These remarks would be incomplete without an examination as to the degree to which they are confirmed by the doctrines which the author of the inscriptions professes. In the special Edict of Bhabra, the language of Piyadasi is, in several characteristic points, in agreement with the terminology of literary Buddhism. Not only does the king address the clergy (sarigha), but he salutes it by a formula sanctioned on such occasions by the canonical writings. He commences with a confession of faithi (pasada) in the Buddhist Trinity, - Buddha, dharma, and sarigha. He alludes to the four-fold division of the faithful into bhikshus and bhikshunis, updsakas and upasikas, and finally he refers to certain religions lessons of which, as we have seen, several at least are to be found in a more or less equivalent form in the Tripitaka. In the other inscriptions the points of contact with the Buddhism of our books are less apparent. On Ony important and interesting point, -I mean the introduction of Buddhism into Ceylon, our inscriptions do not assist us to come to any certain conclusion. Piyadasi never mentions Taubapapni, except as an extremo limit of his influence. It would appear, however, that we must include this great island amongst the countries evangelined undur his direction. It is altogether another thing to decide whether it was really converted then, or whether this was done by his son, &c.; and in this respect, the silenoe of the monuments seems hardly favourable to the authority of the traditions, n Mahduagga, pref. p. xl. n.

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260 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [AUGUST, 1891. The great aim of Piyadasi is to teach, to spread abroad, and to encourage the dhamma. This word appears to frequently in his inscriptions, and has so characteristic an importance, that it is indispensable to fix its exact meaning. From the definitions or descriptions which the king gives us, it follows that to him dhamma ordinarily implies what we call the sum of moral duties. * According to the definition given in the 2nd Columnar edict, the dhanima consists in committing the least possible ill (usinara); in doing much good, in practising mercy, charity, truth, and also purity of life.' The eighth adds gentleness. Several enumerations sum up the principal duties which constitute the essential points of the teaching of the dhasima: obedience to fathers, and mothers (Ed. III, IV, XI, Col. Ed. Vill), to the aged (Ed. IV, Col. Ed. VIII), to gurus (Col. Ed. VIII), respect to gurus (Ed. IX), to brahmanas and bramanas (Ed. IV, Col. Ed. VIII), to relations (Ed. IV), and even to slaves and servants (Ed. IX, XI, Col. Ed. VIII), charity to brahmanas and sramanas (Ed, III, IX), to friends, to acquaintances and to relations (Ed. III, XI), and in one passage (Ed. III), - besides apavyayata (?), of which the meaning has not yet been satisfactorily determined, 69 - moderation in language ; above all, respect for the life of animals (Ed. III, IV, IX, XI).93 Here there is nothing exclusively Buddhist, and hence Piyadasi was able to say (Col. Ed. VII) that the kings who preceded him have laboured in order to cause the progress of the dharima. The 13th edict contains an enumeration altogether similar to those which sum up elsewhere the teaching of the dharima, yet made in order to prove that the virtues which it records are often practised indifferently by adherents of all religious dogmas: -Everywhere,' says the king, dwell brahmanas, sramanas or otber sects, ascetics or householders: among these men,.... there exist obedience to superiors, obedience to fathers and mothers, tenderness towards friends comrades and relations, respect to slaves and servants, fidelity in the affections. The dhanima is here attributed to all sects. It is that sara, that'essence,' which is common to all, as Piyadasi says in the 12th Edict, and the universal progress of which he desires. That is why harmony is to be desired. All should hear and learn to practise the dharma from the mouth of one another.'94 At the same time, the Edict of Bhabra shows that the special Buddhist use of dhamma was familiar to Piyadasi, and that the word was already in his time associated with the two other terms, - buddha and sargha, - to constitate the trinitary formula of the Buddhists. Nay, more than that, Piyadasi everywhere puts the idea of the dharima in direct relation with his positive conversion to Buddhism. His first conversion he defines in the 13th edict by the words dharmavaye dharmakhmata dhanmantasathi. As for the second, his "setting out for the sarnbodhi' is described by the words dharmayatra. In the fourth edict, in the senterice, ..... piyadasino rano dharmacharamena bherighosa aho dhariiniaghoso vimanadasana cha The explanation proposed by Dr. Buhler satisfies me neither as regards the form (the locative would be unique in the inscriptions), nor as regards the suggested meaning which is entirely hypothetical. As for the translation modesty, proposed by Dr. Pischel, he has himself made the suggestion with the most express reservations. 75 The moral ideas which Piyadasi expresses elsewhere, as when he contends that virtue is difficult to practise (. V, VI, X, &c.), or when he declares that he considers it his duty to promote the happiness of the world Ed. VI), and that in his eyes uo glory is equal to the practice of the dhamma (X), and no conquest to the conquesta made for the gain of the dhashma, and when he maintains (Col. Ed. III) that rage, cruelty, Anger, and pride are the sources of sin, all these observations are of a very general character, and add nothing to what we know from elsewhore. Ed. XII. I now think that it is thus that we should understand this phrase (1.7). The king never distinguishee between different dhatimas, and does not take the word to express indifferently any belief wbatever, and it is difficult to maintain that he should do so in a solitary passage. I prefer therofore to make anamosiasa depend not on dhanman, but on srundyu and susuriaerault; the genitive thus taking a force equivalent to that which the ablative would have, an occurrence which is not unusual. In the concluding sentence of the ediot, I cannot but accept the correction of Dr. Buhler, and I take atpa pisarda as meaning, 'the belief peculiar to each person,' and not my own belief.'

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AUGUST, 1991.) THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI. 261 ...., dhaimacharana necessarily refers to the conversion of the king, and specially signifies his adhesion to the Buddhist dharma. It finds its expression in the ceremonies peculiar to the calt, though, almost immediately afterwards, dharmacharana signifies merely the practice of moral duties, in accordance with the ordinary value which the word dhaima has in the mouth of the king. Ought we, therefore, to conclude that dhanma, in our inscriptions, takes successively two different meanings. They would, in that case, be brought together and confounded in such a manner that, a priori, such a theory is hardly probable. On the other hand, Piyadasi certainly does profess a large spirit of tolerance; ho desires that all religious sects may live overywhere in perfect liborty, because all of them aim at the subjection of the senses and at purity of soul (VII). Bit, however liberal his intentions may be, they do not reach to indifference. He does not kesitate to interdict bloody sacrifices, dear as they must have been to those very Brahmans to whom he boasts that he made alms, and he dissuades from, and ridicules, the rites and ceremonies consecrated by Brahmanical usage, which were celebrated at marriagos and births, in cases of sickness, and at the moment of setting out on a journey. In the Edict of Sahasaram, the sentence regarding the misanterd and the amisdiuleva, supposing that my translation is accepted as correct, certainly expresses an idea of polemics in regard to beliefs differing from that of the king.97 It is true that, as Dr. Buhler has remarked (p. 15), respect for the life of animals is a trait common in India to soveral religions, but it novertheless appears to me to be proved, by the very care with which the king limits and points out his desires in this respect (Col. Ed. V), that he did not obey a general feeling, but a dogma dear to his personal doctrines, and the practice of which he imposed even on people who did not consider themselves bound by it. The choice of days reserved is specially characteristic, referring as it does to the festivals of the religious calendar of the Buddhists.09 This conflict of opinions, or of expressions, is only apparent. There is a means, and I think onl; one means, of reconciling them. It is certain that the meaning of dharma or dhamma has been gradually circumscribed and brought within definite limits by the Buddhists as a techni. cal term. In place of 'law, moral law, virtue,' in general, the word, taking for them a special bearing, signified at first 'the law peouliar to Buddhists,' - the moral rules and the dogmatic principles as they understood them, and finally the writings themselves in which these principles and these rules are recorded But nothing compels us to assume that such an # Dr. Buhler, who disputns certain details of my translation, is in substantial agroement with me on this point. Whether we translate with him, in Folge seiner (Bekehrung zur Erfullung dor Gasetzes,' or, as I have done literally, thanks to the observance of the religion by Piyadagi,' the meaning is essentially tho same, and, in both casos, it is considered that the allusion is to the king's conversion to Buddhism, and that, consequently, the expres. sion dharmacharang is, in the eyes of the king, suficiently characteristic of tho practice of the Buddhist religion. It is in regard to the way in which we ought to understand the conjunctive participle dasayit, that Dr. Buhler and I cease to be at one. He lays stress on the past sense which tho form implies, and refora the allusion to the fostivals given by the king before his conversion. The point is, indeed, of molerate importance, but I cannot refrain from adhering to my original interpretation. It seems to me to be indisputable that, if the king had intended to lay Stross on the distinction which is maintained between the actual bhrighisi and his formor religious feasts, he would have marked it more clearly by his latgange, and by the turn of the sentence. As for the use of tho conjunctive participle with a sense equivalent to that of a participle present, Dr. Buhler knows better than I do that it is of every day occurrence. The new readings farnished by Pandit Bhagwanlal and Dr. Babler put boyond doubt the interpretation wbich they have given of prajdhitaviyath and its equivalents. In this respect, it is necessary to correct my translation. OT Prof. Korn (pp. 312 and f.) considers that the terms in which Piyadasi expresses himself in regard to the BrAhmans, entitle us to rejoot the statement of the Sinhalesa chroniolo, according to which Asoka is said to have, at the moment of his conversion, ceased to feed brahmanas, and to have substituted in their place draman 18. This is, I think, going too far. It is one thing to tolerate the Brahmans and to give them alms, and another thing to surround oneself with them regularly and constantly, even in one's own palace. For my part I see no absolute incompatibility between the language of the king and the reminiscences of the Southern Buddhists. It is uale. cessary to add that I do not attach any grare importanoe to this matter of detail. The disfavour which I belie. the king himself admits to have shown to Brahmans, could evidently have been manifested in other ways. >> Cf. Kern, Geschied. tan het buddh., II., 206 and ff.

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262 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [AUGUST, 1891. acceptation had become fixed in the time of Piyadasi, nor that, in those days, even in the formula buddha, dharma, sangha, the word had any other signification than the moral law.' From this point of view, the literature accepted as orthodox offers us, in a work recognised as one of the most ancient, instructive parallels, and I am surprised that writers have not before this thought of comparing our inscriptions with the language of the Pali Dhammapada. Taking first the use of the word dhaima, the Dhammapada, like our texts, uses it in the entirely Buddhist formula of the trisarana (verse 190). At the same time, the epithets by which it is usually accompanied, - ariyappavedita (v. 79), sammadaklchata (v. 86), uttama (v. 115), summasaibuddhade sita (v. 392), - clearly show that it is not yet crystallized into a narrow and technical acceptation. We may also form a judgment from verses 256 and ff., where the word is applied exactly as Piyadasi might have done, and from verse 393, which is so entirely in the tone of our monuments : - yamhi sachcham cha dhammo cha so sukhi so cha bra hmano. The meaning is still more generalised in passages like verses 167-169, and in the cases in which the word is employed in the plural, as in verses 1, 82, 273, 278-279, 384. Saddharma serves inore especially to designate the Buddhist law (verses 60,182); but, we may judge from verse 364 how far the two words dhainma and saddharima are mixed up and confounded : - Dhammiramo, dhammarato, dhammar anuvichintayari dhammam anussaram bhikkhu saddhamma na parihaya Verse 183, Sabbapapassa a karanam kusalassa upasampada sachittapariyodapanam: etam buddhana sasanam, cannot fail to remind us of the passage in the 2nd Col. Ed., in which Piyadasi defines the dhamma, - apasinave bahukayane, &c. The general tone and the main points of the moral teaching present in the two cases the most evident analogies. I can only quote a few examples. The king again and again dwells upon the necessity of persevering efforts to advance in moral life (Ed. VI, X, &c.), with an insistence which is quite equalled by that of the Dhammapada. It will suffice to refer to the chapter on appanada (verses 21 and ff.). Compare (verses 7, 116, &c.). I cite again verse 23, in which the epithet da! haparakkama recalls the word parakrama employed by the king with such visible preference; also verses 24, 168, 280, to show a use of the base uttha parallel to that which we find in our inscriptions (G. VI, 9 and 10, and perhaps, J., Det. Ed., I, 7); finally verse 163, in which the remark sukarani asadhuni is an exact fellow of the ideas expressed in our 5th edict. Both authorities incalcate the necessity of self-examination (Dhammap., verse 50 ; Col. Ed. III) regard for all, and in particular respect to the aged (Dhammap., verse 109; Ed. IV, V, IX, &c.) and moderation in language (Dhammap., verse 133, Ed. III., XII). Verse 234, which makes truthfulness, mercy, charity the three cardinal virtues, can be compared with the two passages of the 2nd, and of the 7th-8th Columnar edicts, which bring together the same triad of sache daya, dane. While the king recommends ahi sa and abolishes the use of animal flesh at his table, the Dhammapada exalts the ahinsalea muni (v. 225) and recommends a strict temperance (v. 7, al.) The most striking coincidences are perhaps those which deal with details of form. The formula frequently used by the king, - sadhu danaia, &c., - is found also in the Dhammapada, verse 35, chittassa damatho sadhu; verse 360, chakkhuna sainvari sadhu, &c. With the 9th and 11th edicts compare verse 354 sabbadanari dhammadana jinati, &c.; with the frequent use of the base aradh, the expression of verse 281, arddhaye maggan; with the phrase dhanman nuvaftati, the dhanmanuvatting of verse 86; with dhanmadhithano at Dhauli (verse 26), dhainmatiha of verses 217, 256 and ff.; with dhaimarati at Kh. and K. (XIII. 16 and 12 cf. the end of the 8th edict), the recommendation of verse 88, tatra(scil, dhamme)bhirati ichchheya. The verses 11-12, -asare sdramatino sare cha asaradassing, 80., - at least bear witness to a use of the word sara extremely analogous to that which we find in the 12th edict, a propos of

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AUGUST, 1891.) THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI. 208 the saravadhi. Piyadasi aims at the teaching of the dharama, dharmasa dipand (12th Ed.), and according to verse 363, the duty of the bhikshu is the same, atthain dharmancha dipeti; the only true glory which he sees lies in the diffusion of the dharama (10th Ed.), and according to the Dhammapada (verse 24),-..... dhanmajivino appamattassa yaso bhivaddhati ; it is in the dharima that he fixes happiness (Col. Ed. I., 9, &c.), and according to the 393rd verge of the Dhammapada - yamhi sachchan cha dhammo cha so sukhi... To the king, happiness is both happiness in this world and in the world to come. It is the very formula of reward which he anweariedly promises; it is found no less often in the Lhammapada, verses 16, 132, 168, 177. The spirit of tolerance shown by the king is not itself altogether unknown to the canonical book. Not only does verge 5 in a general way recommend mercy and the forgetting of hatreds, but, far from treating the Brahman and Brahmanism as enemies, it puts the name in close connection with that of the bhikshu: - Santo danto niyato brahmachari sabbesa bhutesu nidhaya dandam so brahmano so samano la Bhikkhu (verse 142). By the side of the Bhikkhuvagga, it devotes a whole chapter to exalting, under the name of * the brahmana, perfection such as it conceives it, while at the same time it does not forget that the bruhmana is the representative of a different cult (verse 392). The author does not violently denounce this cult, bat, as Piyadasi does with regard to ceremonies (maingala), he proclaims its inutility (verses 106-107). Finally, he compares the samannata and the brahmannata, the quality of the eramana, and the quality of the brahmana (verses 332), just as the king himselt associates brahmanas and dramanas. These comparisons are far from exhausting the number of possible points of contact, nor cau they give one that general impression which has also considerable value, and which can only result from a parallel study of the two texts. Such as they are, they appear to me to be of a nature to justify an important conclusion: that the ideas and the language which are brought to light, from a religious point of view, in our inscriptions, cannot be considered as an isolated expression of individual convictions or conceptions. A book of canonical repute lays before us an equivalent sufficiently exact to allow us to consider that they correspond to a certain state of Buddhism, earlier than that which has found expression in the majority of the books which have come down to us, - that they correspond to a certain stage in the chronological development of the religion of Sakya. It thus happens that certain indications appear to be of a nature to connect Piyadasi and the Dhammapada. We are so accustomed to see Indian kings carrying several different names, that the double nomenclature of Piyadasi and Aboka need not surprise us. It would still, however, be interesting to discover its reason; the more so as the word Aboka is not, either by its meaning or by frequent use, one of those which would appear suited to be used as a surname. We have seen, on the authority of the Sinhalese chronicle, that Asoka at the time of his conversion took the name of DhammasokaIt is probable that his real name was Priyadarsin, for that is the only one which he applies to himself, and we are thus led to conclude that the king took only at his conversion the name of ABoka or Dharma soka, though he judged it to be inopportune to employ it in his monuments, as he would thus cause in the middle of his reign a very consider. able change in the protocols of his chancery. But, on the other hand, this name, naturally dear to the Buddhists whose triumph it commemorated and of which it was the sign, became so established in their memory, that it threw into the shade the one that the king bore in his first years before his conversion, which the literary tradition paints in such sombre colours. This conjectare, which appears to explain sufficiently the facts under consideration, 'has been suggested to me by two classes of passages which I quote from the Dhammapada. The word boka, grief,' is

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264 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [AUGUST, 1891. used by the Dhammapada with a certain amount of insistence, for instance in verses 212-216: Piyato jayati soko piyato jayati bhayam piyato vippamuttassa natthi soko kuto bhayam; etc... or again in verse 336 : Yo ve tam sahati jammim tanham loke durachchayam soka tamha papatanti udabindu va pokkhara. In verse 195, the Buddhas and the Sravakas receive the epithet tingasskapariddava. From this use of soka is deduced the adjective asoka, as in verse 412: - Yodha punnan cha papan cha ubho samgam upachchaga asokam virajam suddhain tam aham brumi brahmanam. The word is again found in verse 28: Pamadam appamadena yada nudati pandito pannarasadam aruyha asoko sokinim pajam pabbatattho va bhummatthe dhiro bale avekkhati. The same thought is expressed in verse 172: Yo cha pubbe pamajjitva pachchha so nappamajjati so imam lokam pabhaseti abbha mutto va chandima. The last stanza but one contains six padas, which would lead one to suppose at first that there has been some interpolation; and, indeed, the middle double pada, - pannapasadam, &c., - could be suppressed without in any way altering the general sense; it would appear, moreover, to be wanting in the version which is reproduced by the Chinese translation. To tell the truth, it does not fit in well in meaning with the rest of the passage; we should at least expect a va or an iva. I cannot help thinking that this half-verse is an addition intended to explain and complete the general idea, by an allusion to our Aeoka-Piyadasi. Under these considerations, the use of pajs, which may signify the 'subjects' of the king, and the use of the rather rare metaphor, pannapasada, the palace of wisdom,' take a new meaning. Although we are driven to admit that the half-verse in question is an addition, which did not originally form an integral portion of the stanza, I consider that it does not spoil the sense, and that perhaps the first author had, as a matter of fact, the allusion, which it expresses, in his mind's eye. The theory of a similar allusion in verse 172 explains well what would, under any other hypothesis, appear excessive and too emphatic in the words imam lokam pabhaseti in this and in the following verse. I may add that the above seems to me to suggest, in regard to verses 212 ff., which have just been quoted, an analogous idea, and it may be asked whether in the first, which has served as a prototype for the others, the contrast between piya and soka has not similarly been inspired by a pun on the double name of Piyadasi and Asoka. These passages are scattered almost throughout the work. Each confirms the other, and I think it may be inferred that the general composition of the book, I do not say its definite taking of shape, or, in any case, its form as we have it now, goes back to a time not far from that of Piyadasi, to an epoch when his memory was yet alive. This is not the place to seek if we can discover other grounds of a nature to confirm those which we have just suggested, and it will be sufficient to point out that, for entirely different reasons, it has been generally considered that the Dhammapada is one of the most ancient Buddhist texts.100 At the same time I do not presume to attribute to the hypothesis which I have been led to suggest, either more certainty, or more importance, than is due to it. To return to my general conclusions regarding the Buddhism of Piyadasi: - In my opinion, our monuments are witnesses of a stage of Buddhism sensibly different from that to which 100 Cf. Fausboll, pref. pp. VI. and ff. Cf. Beal, Dhammapada, p. 70.

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AUGUST, 1891.) THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI. 265 it developed in later times. It appears to us as a purely moral doctrine, paying little attention to particular dogmas or to abstract theories, little embarrassed with scholastic or monkish elements having but little tendency to insist on the divergencies which separated it from neighbouring religions, ready to accept consecrated terms and forms when they did not offend its moral ideal, and as yet without texts fixed by writing, or, we may be sure, a regularly defined canon. As far as we are in a position to judge, the character of the texts enumerated by Piyadasi at Bhabra, entirely agrees with such a stage of Buddhism. One other remark also has its value. Nowhere, amongst the rewards which he offers in the future for virtue, does Piyadasi make any allusion to nirvana. It is always svargs of which he speaks (Ed. VI, IX; Dh., Det. Ed., I). Doubtless the king may have deliberately preferred to choose a term familiar to all intellects, and more conveniently suited to all doctrines. But, in spite of all, this absolute silence appears to me to be significant, as clearly indicating an epoch anterior to the metaphysical and speculative developments of the Buddhist religion. The history of Buddhism implies, if I am not mistaken, a period, still near its source, marked by a popular character, less determined in its dogmas, less isolated in its legends, in which the essential originality of the doctrine had room to manifest itself freely, an originality which is founded on the pre-eminence attributed to the due carrying out of moral duties over the execution of liturgical forms and practices. Such a period appears to me to be a kind of necessary historical postulate, and I think that the inscriptions of Piyadasi preserve for us not only & trace, but direct evidence of it. Things soon changed their aspect; and the peculiar features of this ancient epoch were quickly lost by tradition. This follows from the few comparisons which we have been able to make, between the evidence of the monuments, and the data given by literature. The very character and person of Asoka have undergone, both in legend and in chronicle, alterations analogous to the evolution which followed his time. Asoka became in them a type without individuality and without life, his history a subject for edifying legends, and his name & peg on which to hang theories of moral development. His early life has been extravagantly blackened, to serve as a counterfoil to the virtues which inspired him after his conversion. He has been depicted at the end of his career as entirely under the feet of the clergy, as a sort of maniac in almsgiving, and as an ideal of monkish perfection, which, however admirable it may appear to Hindus, cannot seduce us to similar applause. His inscriptions furnish no confirmation whatever of these statements. Prof. Kern, 101 influenced by the legends, considers that towards the end of his life Piyadasi showed himself to be intolerant and a bigot. He discovers in his last edicts the expression of an actual fanaticism, and maintains that the tone and course of ideas suggest that the intellect of the prince must have deteriorated, and that, while all the edicts bear more or less traces of a troubled mind, the last ones are specimens of insensate babbling, 102 This judgment is based on the false idea that the Edict of Sahasram belonged to the final period of the reign of Piyadasi, and I confess that, so far as I am concerned, I can discover no pretext for such vehement conclusions. But Prof. Kern is, in general, very hard on the poor Piyadasi. When he considers that the 13th edict, the one which deals with the conquest of Kalinga, leaves on the mind an impression of hypocrisy',103 I cannot refrain from fearing that he is yielding to a bad opinion preconceived against a king whose clericalism annoyed him. The character of Piyadasi has generally been more favourably appreciated. It cannot, I think, be denied, without injustice, that he exhibits, in his edicte, a spirit of moderation, a moral elevation, a care for the public good, which merit every praise. He possessed from his birth a taste for enterprise and energetic qualities, borne witness to by the conquest of Kalinga. Did his oonversion injure the native vigour of his temper? The thing is the more possible, as being the 102 Kern, II, p. 807, n. 202 Ibid. p. 319. 28 [bid. p. 816.

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266 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [AUGUST, 1891. effect which Buddhism generally has produced, not only upon individuals, but upon entire nations; but that does not yet entitle as to view bim as the childish and helpless being he has been represented. It was the sentiment of religion which inspired him with the idea of engraving inscriptions throughout his empire. We usually only see him under this aspect, but the desire which he expresses in so great detail, to be kept continually informed regarding his affairs, and to expedite them without any delay, does not give us the idea of an idle prince. I am afraid also that, in some respects, he bears, more than is justly due, the responsibility for the somewhat clumsy and awkward language which he uses in his inscriptions. It is plain that the style, at least the style of prose language, - had in his time not yet achieved that experience, that freedom of manner, which give to the thoughts a turn at once elegant and precise. His sentences are often short, even abrupt, and are always wanting in variety. His language is a 'prentice sailor, afraid to venture far from shore. When in an unlucky moment, he ventures on a period, he only makes his exit with great difficulty. The ill-fitting garment does injustice to the intellect whose movements it encumbers. That intellect was not, perhaps, very vast or very decided, but it was certainly animated with excellent intentions, and full of the idea of moral duty and of the sentiments of humanity. By the various efforts with which he was inspired in his religious zeal, by his relations with nations not subject to his empire, nay, with peoples the most distant from the Peninsula, and finally, by the monuments, epigraphic or otherwise, of which he was the creator, Piyadasi certainly rendered services to the general civilisation of India, and the credit of these merits we are in justice bound to render to him. - THE CHRONOLOGY OF THE EASTERN CHALUKYA KINGS. BY J. P. FLEET, BO.C.S., M.R.A.S., C.I.E. (Concluded from p. 104.) 16. - Amma I. ; Vishnuvardhana VI. Seven years; A.D. 918 to 925. He was the eldest son of No. 15, Vijayaditya IV. In S. his name is given as Amba; In all the other grante, commencing with K., it is Amma. He had the epithet of sarvaldkabrays, 'refuge of all mankind;' the second name of Vishnuvardhana VI.; and the biruda of Raja-Mahondra; the latter occurs in one of his own grants (L.), and in U.; and it saggests that the oity of Rajamahendrapuram or Bajamandri was first occupied, by the Eastern Chalukyas, under him, and was renamed after him (see page 94 above). In his own granta, he uses the title of Maharaja. The seals of his granta bear the motto of krt-Tribhuvanankus (see page 100 above). M. and all the subsequent grants agree in stating that he reigned for seven years. L. states that he used his sword against some feudatory relatives who had joined the party of his natural adversaries, and won over to himself the subjeots and the army of his father and his grandfather. This intimates that some of the members of his family had entered into an unsuccessful conspiracy with the Rashtrakatas, to prevent his accession. Of his time we have two records : K.- A grant from Magulipatam in the Kistna District; edited by Mr. Sewell, ante, Vol. VIII. p. 76; I have also my own reading of the original plates. - It gives the dynastic name as Ohalukya. This grant, or L., is the earliest record that gives the full historical genealogy, with the lengths of the reigns. It gives the opening passage in its final form, prakriti-sapatna-paksha. Compare the description of the Pallava king, m the natural enemy (prakrity amitwa) of the Western Chalukya hing Vikramaditya II. (ante, Vol. VIII. p. 20, Platelia, last line) . I have taken K. first, because it wwe published first.

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AUGUST, 1891.) THE EASTERN CHALUKYA CHRONOLOGY. 267 which was followed, with only a few trifling differences, in all the later grants, and which runs thus: - "Of SatyAsraya-(Pulikesin II.), the favourite (vallabha), - who adorned the family of the Chalukyas, who are glorious ; who are of the Manavya gotra, which is praised throughout the whole world; who are Huritiputras (i. e. descendants of an original ancestress of the Harita gotra); who have acquired sovereignty through the excellent favour of (the goddess) Kausiki ;3 who have been protected by the assemblage of (divine) Mothers; who meditate on the feet of (the god) Svami-Mabasena (Karttikeya); who have had the territories of (their) enemies made subject to them on the instant at the sight of the excellent crest of a boar which they acquired through the favour of the divine Narayana (Vishnu); (and) whose bodies are purified by ablutions performed after celebrating the asvamedha-sacrifice, the brother, KubjaVishnuvardhana (I.), (reigned) for eighteen years." The only substantial difference in this passage, subsequently introduced, is the addition, e. g. in M., of the words Vergi-nandalam anvapalayat, or, in P., of the words Vengi-desam apalayat, - "the brother, Kabja-Vishnavardhana I., roigned for eighteen years over the Vergi country;" as bas been noted above, M. is the earliest grant that makes this specific statement. Minor differences are, the variations in the spelling of the dynastic name and of the word Haritiputra ;t and the fact that Satyasraya-Palikesin II., who here and in L. is called the favourite (vallabha)' is usually called the lord of favourites (vallabhandra).' The charter was issued by Amma I. himself. It records a grant of the village of Drujjaru in the Pennatavadi vishaya, to Mahakala, who had been a general of Bhima I. The Dataka was Katakaraja. L. - A grant from Idara ' in the Kistna District; edited by Pandit S. M. Natesa Sastri, ante, Vol. XIII. p. 50, and by Dr. Hultzsch, South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. I. p. 36, No. 36; I have also my own reading of the original plates. - The dynastic name is given as Chalukya. The genealogy commences with Kubja-Vishnuvardhana I., the brother of Satyasraya, 'the favourite.' The charter was issued by Amma I. himself. It records a grant of the village of Gonturu in the Kanderuvadi vishaya,' to Bhandanaditya, otherwise called Kuntaditya, of the Pattavardhini family, who has been mentioned above in connection with Vijayaditya IV. 17. - Vijayaditya V.; Bete. Fifteen days; A. D. 925. He was the eldest son of No. 16, Amma I. In T. and X. he is not mentioned at all; but, with these exceptions, M. and all the subsequent grants speak of him, and give his name as Vijayaditya; I take his other name of Beta, which was probably the original appellation bestowed at the naming-ceremony after bis birth (see page 95 above, note 9 ), - from the two records noted in the next paragraph. M. and N. say that, having been anointed, as a child, by the binding on of the kanthika (see page 103 above, and note 27), he was ejected by TACapa. P., Q., R., U, V., and W., record his ejection by Tadapa; but make no mention of the kanthika-pattabandh-abhisheka. O. and S. allude to neither the installation nor the ejection; but S. states that Tidapa attacked and imprisoned him. The only records which speak of him as actually reigning, are O. and S.; they state that he reigned for one fortnight. There is nothing in the records to indicate that he died as a child. And, on the contrary, two later inscriptions represent him as attaining to manhood, and as founding & separate line of descent, which subsequently came to hold the Vengi country again. One of them is a Pittapuram stone inscription, dated Saka-Samyat 1124 (Telugu Sasanams, p. 501); the other . See page 90 above, note 16. See pages 96, 96, above, notes 10, 11. # Whether this is a proper dame, or an official title = 'governor of the town or village'), is not apparent. The word oocurs again, just as it is here, in P., R., and 8. In U. we have Katakidhika; apparently for metrical Teasons. In V. we bare Kataken; without any metrical necesity. . See page 101 above, note 20. * One would expect this Goptara to be Gantor in the Kintra District. But, from a note by Dr. Haltzsch (loc. cit. p. 88, note 6), it appears that this point is doubtful.

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263 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (AUGUST, 1891. is a copper-plate grant from the Godavari District (No. 77 in Mr. Sewell's Lists of Antiquities, Madras, Vol. II. p. 11). The copper-plate grant states, in the regular place, between Amma I. and Tadapa,- that Vijayaditya V. had the other name of Beta. Both the records continue the genealogy, in the usual manner, down to the time of Vikrama-Choda, who, they say, went to govern the Chola mandala, leaving Vengi without a ruler or king of its own (nayaka-rahita ; virojaka); and at that point they introduce this new line of descent. They record that the son of Amma I., ejected by Tadapa, was Bota. His son was Satyasraya. His son was Vijayaditya, who married Vijayamahadevi of the Solar Race. Their son was Vishnuvardhana. His son was Mallapadova, "an ornament of the Lunar Race (i.e. the Chalukya family);" he married Chandaladevi. Their son was Vijayaditya, who is described as "a very moon to cause the increase of the ocean which is the Chalukya lineage, and as "the king of the Vengt country (Vengi-desa-vasundharesa);" his wife was Lakshmidevi. And their son was Vishnuvardhana. The Pittaparam inscription stops here. The transcription of it is imperfect; it does not actually include the name of Vishnuvardhana, and it seems to call him by the second name of Malla; but it speaks of him as "a portion of Vishna (Vishnv-ansa), and there seems to be no doubt that he is the person who is specifically called Vishnuvardhana in the Godavari grant; it states that he was anointed in Saka-Samvat 1124, on the tenth tithi in the dark fortnight of Jyeshtha, on Sunday, and under the Asvini nak. shatra ; here the given Saka year has to be applied as an expired year, and the corresponding English date is Sunday, 16th June, A. D. 1202. The Godavari grant, also, does not continue the descent any further. At the above point, it introduces the mention of a king' named Bhima, of the Solar Race, whose wife was Chandaladevi, and who acquired the hereditary sovereignty of his grandfather and other ancestors, through the favour of the glorious Chalukya-Choda. His son was Vishnuvardhana, who married Ganga. And their son was Mahadeva. The charter, addressed to the officials of the Bengurunanti vishaya, was issued by Mahadeva, who is described as "a Mahamandalesvara who had attained the pancha. mahdsabda; "as" born in the Solar Race;" as "& supporter of the Chalukya sovereignty;" and "as the refuge of all the Brahmans of the town of Vengt;" he was plainly a feudatory of the Vishouvardhana, son of Vijayaditya and Lakshmidevi, who was descended from BetaVijayaditya V., son of Amma I. This grant also contains a date; but the passage is partially destroyed, and I cannot make anything satisfactory out of it.10 18. - Tada pa. One month ; A, D, 925. He was a son of Yuddhamalla I., mentioned above just before No. 14, Bhima I.; according to O. and S., he succeeded Vijayaditya V.; according to the other grants, he came immediately after Amma. I. His name occurs, - in M. and N., as Taha; in 0., as Talape; in P., R., T., and V., as Talapa; in Q. and S., As Tala; and in V., W., and X., as Tadapa. He attained the throne by ejecting the child Vijayaditya V., No. 17; and, in his turn, he was conquered and ejected, The Pittapuram inscription names six younger sons of Saty Abraya; but the names of some of them are not quite certain in the transcription. - It also names the wife of Satyabrays ; Apparently as Gangami-Gaurt. The year is given in numerical words, -ak.6bde vida-netra-kshiti-gati-ganith; and is sot distinctly speci. fied, either as current, or m expired. Taking it as an expired year, with Prof. K. L. Chhatre's Tables, the tithi ended on the Sunday, st about 52 ghatis, 5 palas, after mean sunrise (for Bombay). With Prof. Jacobi's Tables, it ended on the Sunday, at about 28 hrs, 16 min., 58 gh. 10 p., for Ujjain; but with reference to apparent sunrise, and at Rajamahendri, it would probably end on the Monday, and so we should have an instance of the use of the current tithi with the week-day on which it began, By all the three systems for the longitudes of the ending points of the nakshatras, the moon was in Afvint at sunrise on the Sunday, and up to about 11 hrs. 10 min., 27 gh. 55 p. - In Baka-Samvat 1124 current, the tithi began at about 57 gh. 46 p. on Sunday, 27th May, A. D. 1201, and onded at about 51 gh. 25 p. on the Monday. But this oannot be the real day; because the tithi did not include any hours of daylight on the Sunday moreover, the moon did not enter Asvin till about 10 hrs. min., = 47 gh. 40 p., on the Monday. 10 The extant words are ...... TA-Nayana-muni-gamita-Sakar farat. Phalguna-m...... which seem to point to Baka-Samvat 721. The syllables muni must be a mistake for something meaning'eleven.'

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AUGUST, 1891.] THE EASTERN CHALUKYA CHRONOLOGY. 269 - and, M. says, slain, - by No. 19, Vikramaditya II. M. and the subsequent grants all state that he reigned for one month. 19. -- Vikramaditya II. Eleven months; A. D. 925 to 928. He was another son of No. 14, Chalukya-Bhima I., and a (younger) brother of No.15, Vijayaditya IV. He succeeded No. 18, Tadapa. In M. and all the subsequent grants, his name occurs as simply Vikramaditya. They all agree that he acquired the sovereignty by conquering Tadapa; M. adds that he slew Tadapa; and 0. states that he ruled over thg Vengi mandala and Trikalinga. U. states that he reigned for nine months; M., N., P. to R., and v. to X., 3ay eleven months; and O., S., and T., one year. We may take the statement of the majority, -eleven months. 20. - Bhima III. Eight months; A. D. 926 to 927. He was another son of No. 16, Amma I., and a younger brother of No. 17, Vijayaditya V. He is mentioned only in M., which gives his name as simply Bhima; it states that he conquered No. 19, Vikramaditya II., in war; that he reigned for eight months; and that then le was slain by Yuddbamalla II., No. 21, son of Tadapn. 21. - Yuddhamalla II. Soven years; A. D. 037 to 934. He was a son of No. 18, Tadapa ; M. and U. say that he was the eldest son ; but, with these exceptions, no reference is made to his having brothers. In M. his name appears as simply Malla, for metrical purposes; elsewhere he is always called Yuddhamalla. M. represents him as slaying and succeeding No. 20, Bhima III.; but P. and the subsequent grants represent him as the immediate successor of his father Tadapa ; N. and O. omit to mention him at all, the reason suggested by Dr. Hultzsch being, that his conqueror and successor, No. 22, ChalukyaBhima II., probably considered him as an usurper, and purposely ignored him. In his turn, he was conquered and expelled by Bhima II. M. and P. to X. all agree in stating that he reigned for seven years. 22. - Chalukya-Bhima II.; Vishnuvardhana VII. Twelve years; A. D. 994 to 945. He was another son of No. 15, Vijayaditya IV., and a younger brother of No.16, Amma I.; 0. and U. say that he was a half-brother (dvaimatura).11 His name occurs as simply Bhima in M. line 32, and in P. to X.; U. further calls him Baja-Bhima (1. 41); M. also calls him Chalukya-Bhima, in line 45, and O., line 17, gives this name as Chalukya-Bhima; in N. his proper name is not given at all. He had the epithet of sarvalokasraya, 'refuge of all mankind;' and the second name of Vishnuvardhana VII. M. gives him the biruda of Ganda-Mahondra; and O., that of Raja MArtanda. S. also gives him another second name, or biruila, - Karayilladata ; and describes him as the lord of Vongi (vengi-nath).' In his first grant, M., he uses the paramount title of Maharajadhiraja ; in N. the title of Paramokvara is added; and in 0. he uses also the third title, Paramabhattaraka. The seals of his grants bear the motto of bri-Tribhuvanankuka. M. describes him as a paramanahe. kvara, or most devout worshipper of the god Mahesvara.' His wife was Lokamahadevi; she is mentioned in six records, P. to U. He acquired the succession by expelling Yuddhamalla II., and, according to P., by also successfully resisting some other claimants, who will be referred to below. P. and the subsequent records all agree in stating that he reigned for twelve years. 11 R. describes him as a son of Yuddhamalla TT, AA wall as of Vijay 8tya Ty. Thitro tuetion of the worla Elt-putrah way. aa Dr. Haltsach has auggata 1, 59 intended to shew that he balanga ir bert generation after Yudlhamalla II. ; but it 1990; more likely that the insertinaf them is purely a mistaka.

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270 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [AUGUST, 1891. U. tells us that he slew the glorious Rajamayya; the mighty Dhalaga, or Valaga; the fierce Tatabikki; Bijja, who was always ready for war; the very terrible Ayyapa; a great army that was sent by king Govinda; Lovabikki, the ruler of the Cholas; and Yuddhamalla, with his arrays of elephants. Here, Yuddhamalla must be his predecessor of that name, the son of Tadapa. Govinda is the Rashtrakata king Govinda V.; he and the others appear to be the "other claimants" spoken of in P. Tatabik ki is also mentioned in 0., by the name of Tatabikyans; and the same record seems to mention Dhalaga or Valaga. and one other opponent whose name does not occur in the passage in U. Ayyapa is very probably the Ayyapadeva of the Begur inscription of the Western Ganga king Ereyapparasa (Epigraphia Indica, p. 347 ff.); from the Atakur inscription, which I shall shortly publish, it is now known that his period was just before A, D. 950, and it becomes quite possible that he really was the Western Chalukya Ayyana I. of this reign we have three records : M. - A grant from Paganavaram in the Madras Presidency; edited by me, with a lithograph, ante, Vol. XIII. p. 213. - It gives the dynastic name as Chalukya. The genealogy commences with Kubja-Vishnuvardhana I., the brother of Satyasraya, 'the lord of favourites' (vallabhendra); and this record is the first to state that he reigned over the Vongi mandala. The charter was issued by Bhima II. himself; and it records a grant of the village of Diggubarru in the Pagunavara vishaya. N.- A grant from apparently Masulipatam in the Kistna District; not yet published ; I quote from my reading of the original plates. - It gives the dynastic name as Chalukya. The genealogy commences with Kubja-Vishnuvardhana I., the brother of Satyasraya, the lord of favourites. The charter was issued by Bhima II. himself; and it records the grant of a field at the village of Akulamannandu in the Gudravara vishaya, made on an occasion of the Uttarayana-Samkrinti. 0.- A grant from Kolavenna in the Kistna District ; edited by Dr. Holtzsch, SouthIndian Inscriptions, Vol. I. page 43, No. 37.-It gives the dynastic name as Chalukye. It commences with a verse in praise of the water-lily, which grew from the Davel of Vishnu, and was the birth-place of Brahman. Then follows the usual introductory passage, opening the genealogy with Kubja-Vishnu I., the brother of Satyasraya ;19 but the words which state that he reigned over the country of Vengi, are not included. The charter was issued by Bhima II. himself; and it records a grant of the village of Kodhatalli in the Kanderuvati vishaya, made on an occasion of the Uttarayana-Sankranti. The grant was made at the reqaest of a prince named Vajjaye, of the Panara family, who had helped to protect the kingdom of Bhima II. 40 23. - Amma II. ; Vijayaditya VI. Twenty-five years; A.D. 945 to 970. He was a younger son, and the successor, of No. 22, Bhima II.18 His name occurs thronghout as Amama. He had the epithet of samastabhavanabraya, 'asylum of the universe;' the other name of Vijayaditya VI.; and, like his uncle of the same name, the biruda of RajaMahendra (see Q., and S., lino 36, 37). In his grants P. and R. to U., he uses the titles of Maharajadhiraja, Paramokvara, and Paramabhattaraka; in Q., instead of Mahdrajadhiraja being used, Maharaja is attached to his name of Vijayaditya, and is followed by Rajadhiraja, with the other two titles. The seals of his grants bear the motto of Sri-Tribhuvanankuba. There is a corrupt passage in V., line 46 f., which seems to hint that he had a struggle for the crown with Yuddhamalla II. ; bat. with this exception, it would appear that the family dissen 11 In this case no epithet, neither vallabha, nor ballabhandra, -- is attached to Satyaraya's name. 18 The recorda with which I am dealing in Mall, mention only two sons, Danarnava and Amma II. But the Pit tApuram insoription of Bala-Sathvat 1124 states that he had three sons; and sooms to give their names 'Ne Bhima (IV.), Amm, and Di n'rraya,

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AUGUST, 1891.) THE EASTERN CHALUKYA CHRONOLOGY. 271 sions, which had existed from the time of Vijayaditya V., were now at an end, and that henceforth the succession went peaceably. U. calls him "the lord of Vengi (vengi-atha)." V., W., and X., state that he reigned for twenty-five years. The actual date of his coronation is given in one of his own grants (P.); the details are, Saka-Samvat 867, the month Margasirsha, the thirteenth day in the dark fortnight, Bhriguvara or Friday, when the moon was in the Ann. radha nalieha tra, when the sun was in Dhanus, and during the rising of the sign Kumbha ; and the corresponding English date is Friday, 5th December, A. D. 945 (sce unte, Vol. XIX. p. 102 f.); he was then in the twelfth year from his birth. Of his time we have six records : P.-- A grant from an unknown locality ; edited by me, with a lithograph, ante, Vol. VII. p. 15. - It gives the dynastic name as Chalukya. The genealogy commences with Kubja. Vishnuvardhana I., the brother of Satyasrayn, 'the lord of favourites. The charter was issned by Amma II. himself. It records a grant of the village of Padamkalaru in tho Pennatavadi vishays, made on the occasion of an eclipse of the moon. The Datalca was Katakaraja. The charter was composed by Madhavabhatta, and written by Jontucharya. This is the record that gives the date of the coronation of Amma II. 2.- A grant from Masulipatam in the Kistna District; edited by Mr. Sewell, anto, Vol. VIII. p. 73; I have also my own reading of the original plates. - It gives the dynastic name as Chalukya. The genealogy commences as in P. The charter was issued by Ammn II. himself. It records & grant of some fields at the village of Pambarru in the Gudravara vishaya, to the Yuvardja Ballaladeva-Volabhata, also called Boddiya, son of Pammava of the Pattavardhini family, R.- A grant from Yelivarru' in the Kistna District; edited by me, with a lithograph, ante, Vol. XII. p. 91. - It gives the dynastic name as Chalukya. The genealogy commences as in P. The charter was issued by Amma II. himself. It records A grant of the village of Elavarru in the Velanandu vishaya, made on an occasion of the Uttarayana-Samkranti, The Dutaka was Katakaraja. The charter was composed by Potunabbatta, and written by. Jontichirya. S. - A grant from an unknown locality ; edited by me, with a lithograph, ante, Vol. XIII. p. 248. - It gives the dynastic name as Chalukya. The genealogy commences as in P. ; but the words "reigned over the Vengi country" are not included. The charter was issued by Amma II. himself. It records a grant of a field at the village of Gundugolanu or Guntugo. lanu in the Venginandu vishaya, made on an occasion of the Uttariyana-Samkranti. The Datalca was Katakaraja. The charter was composed by Madhavablatta, and written by Kondachirya. Tho grant was made at the request of the prince Kama and his wife Nayamamba, who were the father- and mothor-in-law of Amma II. T. - A grant from Mnsulipatam in the Kistna District; edited by Dr. Holtzsch, SouthIndian Inscriptions, Vol. I. p. 46, No. 38. - It gives the dynastic name as Chalukya. The genealogy commences as in P. The charter was issued by Amma II. himself. The order contained in it is issued to the officials of apparently tho Gudravara vishaya; but the other details are lost. U. - A grant from an unknown locality; not yet published; I qnote from my own reaaling of the original plates. - It gives the dynastic name ng Chalukya. The gonealogy commences as in P., except that a verse is substituted for the usual prope ending of the passage. the verse gives the name of Kubja-Vishan, for Kubjn-Vishan vardhana I.; and it does not include the name of Veigi. The charter was issued by Amma II. himself. The order containe' in it is addressed to the officials of the Mattilinandu vishaya; and it recites that, on an occasion of the Uttariyana-Samkrinti, a Jain Sravaki named Chameka, belonging to the Addakali or Addakali gachchha and the Valahari gam, and born in the Patta vardhika

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272 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [AUGUST, 1891. lineage, 14 the members of which were servants of the Chalukya kings, gave the village of Kaluchumbarru to her Guru Arhanandi, for the purposes of the charitable dining-ball of the Jain templo named Sarvalokasraya-Jinabhavana. The Dataka was Katakadhiba; which name is apparently substituted, simply for metrical purposes, for the customary Katakaraja 16 The charter was written, and apparently also composed, by Bhagadova. 24. - Danarnava. . Three years; A. D. 970 to 973. He was the elder brother by a different mother, and the successor, of Amma II. V. gives his name as Danarnava; and W., in the same way, and also in the form of Danansipa ; and both of these records describe him as the dvaimatura or half-brother' of Amma II., without any statement as to seniority. X., which again gives his name as Danarnava, states specifically that he was the elder brother, but does not describe him as dvaimatura. The Pittapuram inscription of Saka-Samvat 1124 appears to give his wife's name as Aryadovi. V. and w. state that he reigned for three years; while X. says thirty years, Reckoning forward from the established actual date of the coronation of Amma I., tho accossion of Danarnava is to be placed in A. D. 870. An Unexplained Interval of Thirty years. A. D. 978 to 1003. What engued after the three years allotted by V. and W. to the reign of Danarnava, has not as yet been made clear. X., indeed, states that he reigned for thirty years, and was succeeded immediately by Saktivarman. But V. tells us that, after him, "for twenty-seven years a feverish desire, to obtain a suitable lord, consumed the earth, which was without a leader (andyika);"16 and that then "her fever was assuaged by Chalukya-Chandra, i. e. Saktivarman." The same statement, in almost identical words, is made in the Godavari grunt which has been noticed above ander No. 17, Beta-Vijayaditya V. W. says that "for twenty-seven years, through the spite of fate (daiva-durihaya), the land of Vengi was without a leader (anayika)." And another record (Sir Walter Elliot's Telugu Sasanams, p. 777) says that the Andhra country, together with Kalinga, was without a master (asva mika). In these passages, the period is twice distinctly specified as twenty-seven years; and the same implication is made in the passage in X. which, omitting this period, puts the reign of Danarnava at thirty years. Nevertheless, as Dr. Hultzsch has pointed out (loc. cit. p. 32, note 10), if the lengths of the immediately preceding and following reigns, - two on either side, - are stated correctly, this period must have extended to thirty years. This is determined by the actual dates of coronation recorded for Amma II. and Rajaruja I. And the period can be limited to twenty-seven years, only if we assume that the coronation of RAjaraja I. was deferred for three years after his actual accession; which does not appear very probable. This period has been assumed to bave been a time of anarohy (Dr. Burnell's South Indian Palcography, pp. 22, note 6, and 53, note 4); with the suggestion that the anarchy may be fairly attributed to Chola invasions. I suspect that the country was in fact conquered and held for a timo by the Cholas; probably under the immediate predecessor of GangaikondaKo-Rajaraja-Rajakesarivarman. He himself claims a conquest of Vengi (South-Indian Inscriptions, Vol. I. p. 63); but, as his initial date was in A. D. 1003 or 1004 (ante, Vol. XIX. p. 72), that would not account for the period in question. Moreover, the people of Vengi then had a ruler of their own again, in the person of Chalukyachandra-Saktivarman. It would seem, therefore, that his claim is merely an honorary one, based on an event that really occurred before his time. 1. Evidently identical with the Pattavardhini fainily, which has been mentioned in two or three places above. 15 See page 267 above, note 5. 16 Iu line 18, labrim is a mistako, of the original, for labdhum.

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AUGUST, 1891.] THE EASTERN CHALUKYA CHRONOLOGY. 278 25. - Saktivarman. Twelve years; A. D. 1003 to 1015. He was the eldest son of No. 24, Danarnava ; and he succeeded to the throne of Veigi after the unexplained interval of the preceding paragraph. W. and X., and the Godavari grant, give his proper name of Saktivarman ; V. mentions him by his biruda of Chalukya. Chandra. The Pittapuram inscription appears to mention him by the name of Kirtivarman; but there is nothing to prevent this being a mistake on the part of Sir Walter Elliot's copyist. Some gold coins of his, obtained from Arakan and Siam, have been described by me, ante. Vol. XIX. p. 79 ff.; they are stamped with his biruda. V., W., and X., agree in stating that he reigned for twelve years. 28. - Vimaladitya. Seven years; A. D. 1015 to 1022. He was the younger brother and successor of No. 25, Saktivarman. His name occurs as Vimaladitya in V., W., and X. ; in the Godavari grant it is given in the same way, and also in the form of Vimalarka. His wife was Kandavamahadevi, who is mentioned in the Eastern Chalukya records as the younger sister of Rajendra-Choda, and the daughter of Rajaraja of the Solar Race. V. calls her specifically & Choda (ie. Chola) princess. And her father was plainly the Chola king Gangaikonda-K3-Rajaraja-Raja kusarivarman, with the initial date of A. D. 1003 or 1004 (ante, Vol. XIX. p. 72).17 V., W., and X., agree in stating that Vimaladitya roigned for seven years. 27. - Rajaraja I. ;19 Vishnuvardhana VIII. Forty-one years; A. D. 1022 to 1063. He was the son and successor of No. 26, Vimaladitya. In V. and W. he is called Rajaraja ; X. gives his name as Rajarajadava. His wife was Ammangadovi, the daughter of Rajendra-Choda, i. e, of his own maternal uncle.19 He had the epithet of sarvalokasraya, refuge of all mankind;' and the other name of Vishnuvardhana VIII. His titles were Maharajadhiraja, Paramosvara, and Paramabhattaraka. The seal of his grant bears the. motto of bri-Tribhuvanankuba. The date of his coronation is given in his grant, (V.); the details are, Saka-Samvat 944, when the sun was in Simha, i, e. in the solar month Bhadrapada, the second tithi in the dark fortnight, Gara vara or Thursday, when the moon was in the UttaraBhadrapadi nakshatra, and during the rising of the sign Tola; and the corresponding English date is Thursday, 18th August, A. D. 1022 (see ante, Vol. XIX. p. 129 f.). Some gold coins of his, obtained from Arakan and Siam, have been described by me, ante, Vol. XIX. p. 79 ff.; they are stamped with his name. The exact length of his reign is a little doubtful. X. states that he reigned for forty-one years. But w. states that he reigned for "forty years, and again for ons." While the Pittipuram inscription of Saka-Samvat 1124, and the Godavari grant, state that he reigned for forty years; and they add one year to the reign of his successor, Kulottunga-Chodadeva I. This looks somewhat as if there was a break in the full period assigned to him by X. Bat, for the present, we may assume that the duration of his reign was forty-one years. 11 Of his time we have insoriptions in Dr. Haltzsch's South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. I, pp. 63, No. 40: 66, No. 41, 94, No. 86; and 140, No. 146. As he reigned for at least twenty-six yours (No. 41), his final date cannot be placed before A. D. 1028. 18 When I edited his grant (anto, Vol. XIV. p. 49), I rather inconveniently onlled him Rajaraja the second by way of distinguishing him from his maternal grandfather of the same name, and I spoke of him in the same way in connection with his coins, and with the date of his coronation (ante, Vol. XIX. pp. 79, 129). But, as already pointed out (ante, Vol. XIX. p. 421, note 8), he was the first king of this namo in the Chalukya family; and it is more correct and expodiont to speak of him as Rajaraja I. 1. His full namo appears to be K0.Parakesarivarman, otherwise UlaiyAr Sri-Rajendra-Chladeva. Of his time we have inscriptions in Dr. Hultasch's South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. I, pp. 95, No. 67 100, No. 69. and two more poted on p. 97. As one of the latter is dated in his twenty-fourth year, and as his initial date cannot be placed before A. D. 1028 (800 noto 17 above), the end of his roigu was not earlier than A. D. 1061.

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274 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [AUGUST, 1891.: The extant grant of this reign gives us, for the first time, the complete genealogy of the Eastern Chalukyas, mythical, legendary, and historical. It was probably devised in rivalry of the Solar genealogy of the Cholas, with whom the Eastern Chalukyas were now becoming very intimately connected. And it may be conveniently taken in the following divisions : (1) The Puranio genealogy. This commences with the god Brahman, as born from the water-lily that grew from the navel of the god Vishnu, as a result of which the Chalukyas were comprised in the Vishnuvamsa or lineage of Vishnu ; 20 and it is taken through Soma or the Moon, so that they belonged also to the Somavamsa or Lunar Race, as is expressly stated in lines 64 and 73 of this grant, and still more explicitly in W., line 49. As far as the name of Yayati, it agrees with the Puranic genealogy of the Gangas of Kalinga (ante, Vol. XVIII. p. 170); and the last specific name in it, is that of Udayana, the son of Satanika. Another Puranic genealogy of the same style seems to be followed in some of the Kakatiya records (see Wilson's Mackenzie Collection, Introduction, p. 74). An earlier indication of the reference of the Eastern Chalukya family to the lineage of Vishnu, but one that is hardly pointed enough to lead to the supposition that the idea of the full Puranio genealogy had been then contemplated, is to be found in the opening verse of O., of the time of No. 22, Chalukya-Bhima II., which is in praise of the water-lily that grew from the navel of Vishnu, and was the birthplace of Brahman, W., again, though not containing the Puranic genealogy, opens with a verse in praise of Vishnu under the name of Mukunda ; followed by another in laudation of the Lunar Race. Descent from Brahman is claimed for Pulikesin I. in the Mahakuta pillar inscription (ante, Vol. XIX. p. 19). And in the grants of the Western Branch of the family an allusion to the traditional descent of the Chalukyas in the Lunar Race, is probably to be found in the passage which mentions Vikramaditya I. as "defeating the lord of the Pallavas, who had been the cause of the humiliation and destruction of the family which W&8 as pure as the rays of the moon" (e. g., ante, Vol. XIX. p. 151). (2) The legendary connection of the Chalukyas with the preceding. Without any specification of names, we are told that, including Udayana, fifty-nine emperors sat on the throne at Ayodhya, in unbroken lineal succession. This statement is also preserved in some of the Western Chalukya records (e. g., ante, Vol. V. p. 17; also Vol. VIII. p. 12, where, however, after the fifty-nine emperors of Ayodhya, sixteen other unnamed kings, in the south, are introduced before the beginning of the real genealogy). And with it we may compare the statement in the Ganga grants, which connects their real with their Paranic genealogy, by saying that, after Kola hala had founded the city of Kolhalapora, his son and seventy-nine other kings reigned there, and then were followed by the historical members of the family, commencing with Virasimha. When the fifty-nine emperors had reigned at Ayodhya, a member of the family, named Vijayaditya, came to the south, from a desire for conquest, and attacked Trilochana-Pallava, but lost his life in the attempt. His queen, who was pregnant, escaped with some of her attendants, and, being preserved by a saint named VishoubhattaSomayajin, gave birth to a posthumous son named Vishnuvardhana. The young prince was nourished ; and, having done worship to the goddess Gauri on the mountain called Chalukya. giri, he at length assumed all the royal insignia of his family, conquered the Kacamba, Ganga, and other kings, and established himself as emperor of all Southern India, from the Bridge of Rama, i.e. Adam's Bridge or the ridge of rocks connecting Ceylon with the Coromandel coast, up to the Narmada. His son, born of a queen of the Pallava lineage, was another Vijayaditya. With the mountain Chalukyagiri that is introduced here, we may compare the Nandagiri fort which, according to the Kakatiya legend, was founded by Nanda, the son of Uttungabhoja; Nanda's father, in a similar manner, came from Upper India, and settled to the south of the Godavari (loc. cit.). And in very similar fashion, the mountain Mahendragiri, - in this case 20 This lineage is mentioned in some of the Devagiri-YAdava inscriptions ; 6. 9., Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. Vol. XII. pp. 9, 88.

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AUGUST, 1891.] THE EASTERN CHALUKYA CHRONOLOGY. 275 a really existent mountain, -- is introduced into the traditions of the Gangas of Kalinga. The foundations for this portion of the genealogy are plainly the facts, that the Chalukyas did come originally from the north, and found the Pallavas in possession of some of the territories afterwards acquired by themselves; coupled with a Kadamba tradition, that the founder of that family was Trinetra or Trilochana. (8) The historical Early and Western Chalukya genealogy, as far as it is given; being confined to three names, - those of Pulikesin I., Kirtivarman I., and Satyasraya or Palikesin II. According to this account, Pulikesin I. was the son of the second Vijayaditya of the preceding paragraph. In reality, he was the son of Ranaraga, who was the son of Jayasimha I. (4) The historical Eastern Chalukya genealogy, starting with Knkja-Vishnuvardhana I., and carried on to the time of the reigning king. The second part of the above genealogy specifies the Eastern Chalukya insignia. They are enumerated as the white umbrella, the single conch-shell, the panchamahasabda, 21 the paliketana, as the double drum, the boar-crest, the bunch of feathers of a peacock's tail, 23 the spear, the throne, the makaratorana,the golden sceptre, the Ganga and Yamuna, and others which are not particularised. Lithographs of the seals of this grant and of X, have been given, ante, Vol. VII. p. 253, Plate, Nos. 1 and 2. The seal of the present grant shews, across the *centre, the legend tri-Tribhuvanankuca; above it, a boar, half standing and half conchant to the proper left, the sun and moon, an umbrella, a conch-shell, a double drum, and two objects which are usually interpreted as chauris or fly-flaps made from the bushy tail of the Bos Grunniens, but which may perhaps be intended for fly-flaps made from the feathers of peacocks' tails; and in the lower part, an elephant- or ox-goad, an expanded water-lily, the bud of a water-lily on its stalk, and a device resembling the letter ga which may be intended either for the throne or for the makaratorana. The seal of X, omits the sun, the umbrella, the double drum, the bud of the water-lily, and the ga; and it adds two lamp-stands. A somewhat similar list of insignia is given in the case of the Gangas of Kalinganagara (ante, Vol. XVIII. pp. 164, 175). The terms Ganga and Yamuna probably denote the images of two goddesses, as personifications of the rivers. These were also Rashtrakuta insignia ; thus, Govinda III. is described as "taking from his enemies the Ganga and the Yamuna, charming with their waves, and acquiring at the same time that supreme position of lordship (which was indicated) by (those rivers in the form of a visible sign" (ante, Vol. XII. p. 163); and the rivers are spoken of again, as doing service to the palace of Govinda V. (id. pp. 248, 253). These two emblems must have been derived, by some means or another, from the Early Guptas, in the temples of whose period the Ganga and the Yamuna, as goddesses, constantly appear as an architectural embellishment (see Archool. Surv. Ind. Vol. IX. pp. 43, 70). of this reign we have one record : V. - A copper-plato grant from Korumelli in the Godevari District; edited by me with a lithograph, ante, Vol. XIV. p. 48. - This grant gives the complete genealogy, commented on just above. The historical Eastern Chalukya genealogy commences with Kubja-Vishnuvardhana I., as the brother of Satyasraya, 'the lord of favourites ;' and this passage gives the name of the family as OhAlukya. The charter was issued by Rajaraja I. himself; and it records a grant of the village of Korumelli in the Guddavadi vishaya, 86 on the occasion of an eclipse of the moon. The Dataka was Katakoks, the son of Rachiya-Pedderi-Bhima, the composer was Ohotanabhatta ; and the writer was Gandacharya. 31 6. e. the sounds of Aro hinds of musionl instrumenta; or perhaps, hero, Byo kinds of loud-sounding musical instruments (oompare page 98 above and see Gupta Inscriptions, p. 296, note 9). An Arrangement of flags in roww (noe ante, VoL XIV. p. 104). pilichha, se ante, VoL XL p. 873, notel, and compare Vol. LVL p. 313, and noto 18. Probably an ornamental aroh (wante, Vol. IX. p. 2, note 8). As regarda the name of thia vichaya, page 97 mboro, note 18. Be pago 267 sboro, nato &

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276 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [AUGUST, 1891. Vijayaditya VII. ; viceroy of Vengt. A. D, 1083 to 1077. All that is known about this person is derived from w., which tells us that he was a paternal uncle of No. 28, Kulottunga-Chodadeva I., and consequently a brother, - probably a younger brother, of No. 27, Rajaraja I.; and that he was & viceroy of Vengt, under his nephew, for fifteen years, - 4. D. 1063 to 1077 (see page 277 below), His name occurs as simply Vijayaditya. To this period belongs the statement, in one of the Ganga grants (ante, Vol. XVIII. p. 171), that, "when Vijayaditya, beginning to grow old, left the country of Veng!, as if he were the sun leaving the sky, and was about to sink in the great ocean of the Chodas," Rajaraja of Kalinganagara (A. D. 1071 to 1078) " caused him to enjoy prosperity for a long timo in the western region."27 28. - Kulottunga-Chopadeva I, Forty-pine years; A. D. 1063 to 1112, He was the son of No. 27, Rajaraja I. From W. we learn that his original appellation was Rajendra-Choda; but that subsequently he received the name of Kulottungadeva, on being unointed to the Choda (i.e. Chola) sovereignty; also, that he had the biruda of Raja-Narayana. X. speaks of him by the name of Kulottunga-Choqadova; and this is the most expedient form to use. By the name of Rajondra-Chala, he is mentioned in two of the Ganga inscriptions (ante, Vol. XVIII. pp. 164, 175). In the Vikrumankadevacharita (seo pago 280 below), he is called Rajiga; which name is a colloquial form of the first part of his original appellation. And he is probably mentioned as Rajiga-Chola in two inscriptions at Chitaldurg and Harihar.38 According to W., his wife was Madhurantakidovi, the daughter of Rajand radova of the Solar Race, i.e. apparently of the Chola king Ko-Parakesarivarman, otherwise called Udaiyar SriRajendradera (Dr. Haltasch's South Indian Inscriptions, pp. 112, 134) ;39 and they had seven sons ;30 the eldest was Vikrama-Choda, who ultimately succeeded to the throne; the second was Rajaraja II., who was viceroy of Veigi for one year; the third was Vira-Chodadava, who also beenmo viceroy of Vengi; the others are not named. In addition, they appear also to have had a daughter, named Rajasundari, who became the wife of Rajaraja of Kalinganagara (ante, Vol. XVIII. pp. 164, 171, 175).31 According to X., Kulottniga-Chodadeva I. reigned for forty-nine years. The Pittapuram inscription, however, dated in 'Saka-Samvat 112+, states that he reigned for fifty years, and reduces his father's reign from forty-one years to forty (see anto, Vol. XIX. p. 427). In connection with this we may note, in the first place, that this same Pithapuram inscription appears to mention Kulottuuga-Chodadeva I. as being 27 i.e. in the west as rogarda Kulinganagara; not in the western part of Southern India. >> Pili, Sanskrit, anul Oul. Kanten Inscriptions, Xo. 1.16, line 8, and 119, lino 7.- They are inscriptions of . Nah Anun.aldiwira, named Vijaya-Pan-lyadeva, who was governing the Yolambavali Thirty-two-thousand at Uchangi. The expression applied to Vijaya-Pan lyadeva is riiga-chianini-bhanga, 'who frustrated the wishes of Rajiga-Choln; and, as the inscriptions are dated in A. D. 1123 and 1171, it appears to be an ancestral titlo, not indicative of any contemporaneous event. 99 Of his time we have one inscription, loc. cit. p. 134, No. 127. His earliest date cannot be placed before A. D. 1051 (seo note 19 above); and this inscription is dated in his fifth year; consequently he cannot be placed onrlier than A. D. 1051 to 1051. His connection with his predecessor has not yet been made clear. 50 Soe ante, Vol. XIX. p. 135, note 84. 01 It is, however, not quite certain that Rajasandari's father was the Eastern Chalukya king. Her father is mentioned na RAjendro-Chola (pp. 164, 175), and as the Choda king (p. 171). My assumption is that "the choda king" denotne, not a real Chon, but the Eastern Chalukys after the annexation of the Chola kingdom. A his predecessor reigned for at least twenty-six years, the accession of the Chola Rajendra-Chola cannot be placed hefore A.D. 1028 : nad ns he himself reigned for at least twenty-four years, the end of his reign cannot be placed heforo A. D. 1051, and it may approximato much more closely to the period of Rajarja of Kalibganagara. Still, I think the probabilitios are more in favour of the idenification that I have made; especially since a daughter of -he Chola Rajendra Cha was the wife of Rajarfja I. in the period A. D. 1022 to 1063.

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AUGUST, 1891.J THE EASTERN CHALUKYA CHRONOLOGY. at first a Yuvaraja; and in the second place, that W. does not say exactly that Rajaraja I. reigned for forty-one years, but that he reigned "for forty years and again for one." The passage in W. is in verse. Still, there is no apparent reason why forty-one years should not have been specified in it in a plain and ordinary manner, if that was the real unbroken length of his reign. And the facts are somewhat suggestive of a break in the full period. For the present, however, we may as well take it that Rajaraja I. reigned for forty-one years, and KulottungaChodadeva I. for forty-nine years; and so, reckoning forward from the established actual date of the coronation of Rajaraja I., the accession of Kulottunga-Chodadeva I. is to be placed in A. D. 1063. 277 We have as yet no inscriptions which can be with certainty allotted to this king. But W. belongs to his time; and from it we gather some facts of leading importance. We have seen that there was an intermarriage of the Eastern Chalukyas with the Cholas two generations earlier; when Vimaladitya took to wife Kundavamahadevi, the daughter of Rajaraja, and the younger sister of Rajendra-Choda. It is plainly from this, that his son was named Rajaraja I. The latter, again, found a Chola wife, in Ammangadevi, the daughter of Rajendra-Choda; i. e. of his maternal uncle, just mentioned. And in a similar way, his son, Kulottunga-Chodadeva I., was first named Rajendra-Choda. He, again, did as his immediate ancestors had done, and married Madhurantakidovi, the daughter of Rajendradova. As the result of these intermarriages, the members of this family were, from this time, plainly Cholas at heart, far more than Chalukyas. Not only is this indicated by their names; but it is proved by their personal history. Kulottunga-Chodadeva I. was first anointed, like his ancestors, to the sovereignty of Vengi, "which was the cause of the rising of his splendour;" and this, as we have just seen, is to be placed in A. D. 1083. But subsequently he assumed the Choda crown, and had Vengi governed for him by viceroys. In W. no clear statement is made as to the circumstances under which this happened; it is simply said that "wishing for, being desirous of, or preferring, the Chola sovereignty (Ohoda-rajy-dbhilashin)," ho transferred the sovereignty of Veigi to his paternal uncle Vijayaditya. A more definite statement, however, is made in the grant of the twenty-third year of Vira-Chodadeva, which states that he transferred the sovereignty of Vong to Vijayaditya because he himself was "desirous of subjugating various countries (dig-vijay-aishin)." Putting the two statements together, it seems clear that Kulottunga-Chodadeva I. acquired the Chola crown by hostile invasion and conquest; not, at any rate entirely, by a failure of the Chola succession. And, as we shall seo further on, there are indications that what really gave him the opportunity, was the death of the Chola king in a rebellion which entailed a state of anarchy. Now, W. names three viceroys of Voigt, appointed by Kulottanga-Chodadeva I.; one was Vira-Chodadeva, the actual date of whose installation was the 23rd August, A. D. 1078; his predecessor was Rajaraja II., for ono yoar only (A. D. 1077-78); and his predecessor was Vijayaditya VII., for fifteen years (A. D. 1063 to 1077). Therefore, as he assumed the Chola crown at the time when he appointed Vijayaditya as viceroy of Vong, it follows that KulottungaChodadeva I. attacked and annexed the Chola kingdom in A. D. 1083, in the very first year of his reign. The statement quoted above, connecting Rajaraja of Kalinganagara with Vijayaditya VII., and another remark in the same passage to the effect that he was victorious in battle against the Dramilas, i. e. against the Cholas properly so-called, and a further statement, in the same record, that Rajaraja's son and successor, Auantavarma-Chodagaigadeva (A. D. 1078 to at least 1135) "replaced the waning lord of Vengi in the western region, and propped up his failing fortunes," - -seem to indicate that this annexation of the Chola kingdom was not effected quite at once, and was not finally completed without extraneous assistance. - To this period belongs the only epigraphical evidence known to me, indicative of either a settlement of the Eastern Chalukyas in Western India, or an intermarriage between them and the Western Chalukyas. It is contained in an inscription at Davangere in Maisur

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278 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [AUGUST, 1891. (Pali, Sanskrit, and Ou-Kanarese Inscriptions, No. 136), which refers itself to the time of the Western Chilukya king Somesvara I., and is dated in A. D. 1066. Three sons of somesvara I. are very well known; viz., Somesvara II., Vikramaditya VI., and Jayasimha IV. This inscription purports to give the name of a fourth son, called Vishnuvardhanamaharaja-Vijayadityadeva, who was governing the Nolambavadi Thirty-two-thousand, and by whose Dandanayaka and Mahasandhivigrahin, Devapayya, the grants recorded in the inscription were made. The inscription describes this Vishnuvardhana-Vijayaditya as "a ruby of the Chalukyas (Chalultyamanikya; 1. 8, 9);" and it gives him the epithet of sarvalokasraya, or refuge of all mankind' (1. 6), the birudas of Ahavamallan=Aikakara (1. 7) and Sahasamalla (1. 10), and the hereditary title of lord of the province of Vengi (Vengi-mandal-esvara; 1. 11)." It is quite plain, therefore, that he was of Eastern Chalukya descent, on one side at least. Now, this person is mentioned in no other inscription as yet known; the sphere of his government lay south of the river Tungabhadra, which is considered to have formed the boundary between the Western Chalukya kingdom and the Chola dominions, whether under the Cholas themselves or under the Eastern Chalukyas after them; and, though he is called the son of Somebvara (tan-nandana), yet no expression such as atange pntfida, 'born to him,' is used. And these points may indicate that he was simply called the son of Somesvara I. through courtesy ;32 being in reality a distant kinsman, in the next degree of descent, in the Eastern Chalukya family. On the other hand, the fact that, in an inscription at Deur in the Bijapur District, dated in A. D. 1064-65 (Sir Walter Elliot's Karnataka-Desa Inscriptions, Vol. I. p. 173), Jayasimha IV., while governing the Tardavadi Thousand for his elder brother Vikramaditya VI., is described as "born in the Pallava lineage," and as having the title of " lord of Kanchi, the best of cities," may be used as an argument that Vishnuvardhana-Vijayaditya was in reality a son of Somesvara I. An account of this reign would be incomplete, without & somewhat detailed reference to two contemporaneous literary records of more than ordinary historical interest; one is the Sanskrit Vikra markadavacharita or Vikra mankakavya of Bilhana, of which an analysis has been given by Dr. Buhler in this Journal, Vol. V. page 317 ff.; the other is the Tamil Kalingattu Parani of Jayankonda, extracts from which have been published by Mr. V. Kanakasabhai Pillai, in this Journal, Vol. XIX. p. 329 f. The Sanskpit poem gives an account of the events that occurred during the early career and the subsequent reign of the Western Chalukya king Vikramaditya VI., who, reigning apparently 33 from the early part of A. D. 1076 vp to about A. D. 1126, was contemporaneous, almost throughout, with his kinsman of the Eastern Branch. The Tamil poem refers to the reign of KulottungaChodadova I. himself. The special subject of the Kalingattu Parani is an expedition to Kalinga, ending in the re-subjugation of that country. The ruler of North Kalinga 34 was olaimed as a vassal of the Eastern Chalukya crown. The cause of the war was his omission, for two years, to present 39 This is a very common custom in the Kanarose country. For an epigraphical instance of an analogous kind see Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts, p. 49, noto 1. 3) At first sight, nothing should be easier than to fix the exact commencement of this reign ; since one of the dates for this king purports to give, whether it refers to the actual day or to an anniversary, - the very tithi of his pattabandha or coronation, with full details for calculation. But all that I can say at present is that his first regnal year seems to have been Saka-Samvat 999 current. Of the forty-three dates given by me in this Journal, Vol. VIII. p. 187 ff., thirty-nine give that result. But two (Nos. 3 and 30) give the preceding year; one (No. 19) gives 8.-S. 1000; and one gives 8.-S. 1009. And the details for the pattabandha do not work ont correctly for the year for which they are given; but can be applied correctly for S.-S. 998. I shall go into this question more fully on a separato ocorsion. 4 The poem speaks several times of "the novon Kalingas" (loc. cit., pp. 834, 1. 16, 335, 1. 28, 336, 11. 6, 9, 39); but I have not been able to obtain the names of the seven divisions of that territory, or of the five divisions of the Pandya country, which also seem to be indicated here (p. 335, 1. 13), and a conquest of which is mentioned also in an inscription, at Chidambaram (Hultzsolt'South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. I. p. 168), of a Kulottunga Chola who has not as yet beon identified with any certainty.

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AUGUST, 1891.) TIIE EASTERN CHALUKYA CHRONOLOGY. 279 himself with tribute before tho king. And the expedition was led by a minister or general of Kulottunga-Chodadeva I., named Karunakara, of the Pallava lineage, who had the titles of Tondaiman and king of Vandainagara, and the banner of a bull. Arguing on the grounds that it is not mentioned in inscriptions up to the twentieth year of the king's reign, whereas it is mentioned in thoso dated in the twenty-sixth year, Mr. V. K. Pillai has placed the date of this campaign between those years (loc. cil. p. 338, 1.23); 1. e. in the period A. D. 1082 to 1088. But I am not satisfied as to the correctness of this. The ruler of Kalinga at this time was Anantavarma-Chodagangadeva of Kalinganagara, whose coronation took place on the 17th February, A.D. 1078 (ante, Vol. XVIII. p. 162). And, as the expedition was directed against a chief who was claimed as a vassal, I should think that it must be placed at least before the time when we find Anantavarma-Chodagangadova in possession of the paramount titles; i. e. before April, A. D. 1081 (loc. cit.). A previous conquest of Kalinga, in A. D. 918, is claimed for Kollabiganda-Vijayaditya IV. (see page 101 above). And Vikramaditya II. is said to have ruled over Trikalinga or the threo Kalingas (pago 269 above). The poem is extremely interesting, in a goneral way, on account of its graphic language, the full list that it gives of the chiefs who were claimed as vassals, the geographical and histo* rical details mentioned in connection with tho march of the army and in other passages, and the spirited description of the battle. But it includes also somo special points, to which particular attention has to be directed, Tho first is, that nowhere is any mention made of the Vonge country, of the Chalukya family, or even of the boar-crest of the Chalukyas ;35 Kulottunga-Chodadeva I. is treated throughout as purely a Chola king. The introductory genealogy (p. 330 f.) is that of the Chola family, traced through Surya, the Sun, up to the gods Brahman and Vishnu; thus it is the pedigree of a branch of the Solar Race; and the first historical names in it are the names of Chola kings of the Chola mandala. Kulottuuga-Chodadeva I. is there introduced, under the title of Abhaya (the fearless'), as if he was the direct lineal descendant, on his father's side, of those kings; throughout, there is connocted with him the tiger-banner of the Cholas (e.g. pp. 329, last line; 332, line 3 from the bottom; 333, l. 28; 334, 1. 18), the origin of which seems to be attributed to the first of the two Rajakesarins (p. 331, 1. 8); and, where he is not referred to by the title of Abhaya, which is mostly used for him in this poom, or by his name of Kulottunga-Chola, which occurs twice (pp. 335, 1. 26; 337, 1. 4), ho is called the Chola (p. 332, 1. 29), the Chenni Chola; pp. 330, l. 17; 333, 1. 14), and Karikala-Chola (p. 337, 1. 15), which last appears to be peculiarly a Chola namo. The conclusion of the genealogy reads as if Kulottunga-Chodadova I. succeeded naturally to a hereditary throne, - that of the Cholas. There seems, indeed, to be a hint of the truth somewhere else in the poem; viz. that there was a time of anarchy just before his accession (see p. 338, line 7 f. from the bottom). But, in the published extracts, his real identity and descent are indicated only in the passages which describe him as a prince of both the Lunar and the Solar Races, born from the wife, belonging to the Solar Race, of a king of the Lunar Race (p. 332, 1. 2 ff.). This shows plainly that by paternal descent he belonged to the Chalukya family, and though the names of his parents are not given, still, -taken in connection with the epigraphical passages which state the birth of Kulottunga-Chodadeva I. and describe how he first succeeded to the throne of Vengi and then assumed the empiro of the Chola kingdom, and with the occurrence of the name Kulottunga-Chola in the poom, -the mention of the mother of the reigning king of this poem, as a daughter of RAjarAja of the Solar Race, establishes conclusively the point that his parents were the Eastern Chalukya king Rajaraja I. and his wife Ammangadevi, daughter of Rajen # Reference is made to a banner of a boar (p. 830, 11); but that is a different thing. - The practice appears to have boon uniform, of having one device for the crest (lanchhana) to be also used on coins, and another for the banner (Jhvqja); note, for instance, the elephant-crest and the Garuda-banner of the Rattas of Saandatti and Belgun; the lion-crest and tho monkey-banner of the Kadambas of Banaw&si; and the monkey-banner c? the Kadanbid of Goa, aud the lion on their cuius.

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280 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [Avaust, 1891. dra-Choda, 36 and that he himself is the Eastern Chalukya Kulottunga-Chodadeva I., otherwise called Kulottangadeva, Rajendra-Choda, and Raja-Narayana, of the inscriptions, From this same passage wo obtain Gangaikonda-Chola, as another name of his maternal grand. fathor, tho Chola Rajaraja, i.e. Rajaraja-Raja kosarivarman. And elsewhere we find his father spoken of by the title of Pandita-Chola (p. 337, 1. 2). Accurding to the poem, the capital of Kulottunga-Chodaddva I. was Gangapurt or Gangaikonda-Cholapuram (pp. 331, last line; 339, lino 7 from the bottom), which has now dwindled into a small village, still bearing the namo of Gangaikondnsorapuram, in the northeast corner of the Trichinopoly District;37 and his court was held at Kanchi, i, e. Conjeeveram (pp. 331, last line ; 333, 1. 20). His wife's name is given as ThiyAkavalli (p. 333, 1. 13). Whether this is another name of the Madhurantakidevi, danghter of Rajendradeva, of the inscription, is uncertain ; especially as the poem alludes to more wives than one, or perhaps to specifically two wives (p. 333, 1. 29 f.). Bat Thiyakavalli was plainly the Agramahishi, or queen-consort;' being montioned as having "the right of exercising equal authority" with the king himself (p. 333, 1. 14). We turn now to the Vikramankadavacharita, which, though it tells us but little actually About the Eastern Chalukyas themselves, gives very plain indications as to the circumstances which enabled them to seize the sovereignty of their most powerful neigbbours, the Cholas. The historical part opens with a short genealogy, which is brought down to the time of the Western Chalukya king Somesvara I., or, as he is called in the poem, Ahavamalla-Trailokyamalla (ante, Vol. V. p. 318 a, 1.5 f). His sons were Soma, i. e. Somosvara II. (p. 318 , 1. 15), Vikrama or Vikramaditya VI. (p. 319 a, l. 5), and Jayasinha IV. (ibid. 1. 16). Somesvara II. was appointed by his father to the office of Yuvaraja (ibid. 1. 30 f.); and Vikramaditya VI. was deputed on a series of warlike expeditions (ibid. 1. 37 f.). In a northerly direction, he is said to have conquered a place of some renown and importance, named Chakrakota (p. 319 7, 1. 10), - a point which seems worthy of note here, because I suspect that it is in imitation of this fact that another conquest of the same place is claimed on behalf of Kalottunga-Chodadeva 1.,38 it is stated by Mr. V. K. Pillai (loc. cit. p. 340) that certain inscriptions enable him to say that this place was a fortress in the Dhari territory, and though I can find no evidence of KulottungaChodadeva I. having really sent any expedition in that direction, yet in the case of Vikramadityn VI. the alleged fact is likely to be true, because an inscription at Sitabaldi, near Jabalpur, refers itself to his reign, and shews that he not only attacked, but also held for a time, part at least of Central India. In connection, however, with what we have specially in view, the more important statements are, that he repeatedly defeated the Cholas (p. 319 a, I. 3 from the bottom), plundered Kanchi (ibid. last line), and conquered Gangakonda and Vengi (p. 319 b, II. 9, 10). Gangakunda is evidently the Gangaikouda-Cholapuram or Gangapuri of the preceding paragraph. Kancht is constantly spoken of in the poem as if it were the capital, or the city of next importance after the capital. And in support of the alleged conquest of Vengi, it may be noted that there are inscriptions, dated in the reign or era of 36 The author of the poom sooms to be guilty of a slip, in calling him Rajaraja. Still, we may obtain epigro phical evidence that this was a variant of his name. And anyhow the slip is excusable, considering how many persons there woro, bearing very similar names, in that period, and how complex were the relationships between them; thus, there were, at least, the Eastern Chalukyas Rajaraja I. and II. ; the Chola Rijardja (called, in the fullest form of his name, Ko-Rajarija-Rajakesarivarman, Haltzsch's South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. I. p. 65; his mcoession was in A.D. 1003 or 1006, id. p. 169, and ante, Vol. XIX. p. 78), whose daughter married the Eastern Chalukya Vimaladitya; the Chola Rajendra-Chhda, whose daughter married, the above-mentioned Rajaraja I.; and the Chola Rajendraders, whose danghter married Kulottanga-Chodadeya I.; and Rajendra-Choda was also a name of Kulottunga-Chodadeva I. himself. 37 Sewell's Lists of Antiquitier, Madras, Vol. I. p. 264. * In the Kalingattu Parani, loc. cit. p. 382, 1. 30; where the name is given in the Tamilised form of Chakkara koddam. In another Tamil insoription it is mentioned as Sakkarakoltam, and conquest of it is claimed by king Damed Rajendra-Chola (Hultasoh's South Indian Inseriptions, Vol. I. pp. 97, 90). - It is also mentioned, by the name of Chakragotta, in connection with the Hoynala king Vishnuvardhans, who, again, claims to have conquered it (Dynasties of the Kanarene Districts, p. 66).

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AUGUST, 1891.) THE EASTERN CHALUKYA CHRONOLOGY 281 Vikramaditya VI., at Draksharam in the Godavari District.39 The wars with the Cholas had commenced, as a fact, before this time; for, the poem claims that Somesvara I. stormed Kanchi," the capital of the Cholas," driving its ruler into the jungles (p. 318 a, 11. 8, 18 f.); and certain inscriptions establish, on the one hand, that the Cholas successfully invaded the territory of Somesvara I. as far as Lakshmesh war, and, on the other hand, that the Western Chalukya king repulsed them, and gave them a serious defeat in a battle in which the Chola leader apparently lost his life (see Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts, p. 46). And, though of course in the Vikramankadevacharita the victory is always claimed for the Chaluk yas, it is doubtless to his time that we must refer the defeat of the people of Kalyana, and the defeat of the Kuntalas at Kudal-Samgam, i.e., in both cases, of the Western Chalukyas, -- which are claimed for the Cholas in the Kalingattu Parani.40 The most interesting, however, of the events between Vikramaditya VI. and the Cholas, occurred, according to the poem, after the death of Somesvara I. (p. 319 6, line 6 from the bottom) and the accession of Somesvara II. (p. 320 a, 1. 9). Vikramaditya VI. was then contemplating another campaign against the Cholas (p. 320 a, 1. 3 from the bottom). The Chola king, feeling himself unable to resist, sent an ambassador, asking for friendship, and offering his daughter's hand in marriage to the Chalukya king (p. 320 6, 1. 12). By an amicable arrangement, Vikramaditya VI. retired to the Tungabhadra ; and there the marriage was celebrated (ibid. 1. 21 f.). Hardly was this done, when the Chola king died, and the kingdom fell into a state of Anarchy (ibid. l. 25 f.). Vikramaditya VI. proceeded at once to Kanchi, and subdued the rebels there ; next he visited Gangakunda again, and secured the Chola succession for his wife's brother; and then, after a further stay of a month at Kanchi, he returned to the Tungabhadra. Within a few days, however, after his return, the news reached him that his brother-in-law had lost his life in a fresh rebellion (ibid. 1. 2 f. from the bottom), and that Bajige, the lord of Vengi, had taken possession of the throne of Kanchi (p. 321 a, l. 1).41 Vikramaditya VI. marched at once against Rajiga. The latter induced Somesvara II. to combine with him; and a battle was fought. But the victory rested with Vikramaditya VI.; and Rajiga fled, and Somesvara II. was taken prisoner (p. 321 6, 1. 4). This lost Somesvara the throne ; and shortly afterwards, according to the poem, Vikramaditya VI. allowed himself to be proclaimed ruler of the Dekhan (ibid. 1. 11). Subsequently to this, the Cholas are mentioned again in a passage which says that, after a variety of wars against annamed enemies, Vikramaditya once more had to "extinguish" the Chola (ibid. 1.21). Whether this refers to the Eastern Chalukyas, es holders of the Chola crown, or to an attempt on the part of the real Cholas to reassert themselves, is not apparent. But we may note that this event See, e.g., Newell's Lists of Antiquities, Madras, Vol. I. p. 25 ff. - The fact of the existonco of the inscriptions Beeme certain. But what historical deductions may be drawn from them, is not clear, because the dates appear, in many instances, to be so capricious; thus Nos. 18, 100, and 155, which connect the fiftieth and forty-fifth years of the era with Baka-Samvat 1052 and 1045, are approximately correct; but it seems inexplicable how, in Nos. 34, 93, 94, and 157, the ninth year is connected with 8.-S. 1057, the fifth year with 8.-S. 1043. and the seventh year with 8.-8. 1054 and 1055 40 loc. cit. p. 331, 11. 16, 10, from the bottom. - Kadal-Sangam is the junction of the Krishna with the Tungabhadra (p. 340, 1. 7). -Mr. V. K. Pillai has referred this event, first to Kulottunga-Chodadeva I. (p. 838, 1. 4 f.), and secondly to his maternal grandfather Gangaikonda-Rajendra-Choda (p. 339, 1. 31 ff.). But I think that the translation (p. 381, 1. 10 f. from the bottom) plainly refers it to the last real Chola king, the immediate predecessor of Kulottunga-Chodadeva I. - The Tungabhadr seems to have formed part of the southern frontier of the Western ChAlukys kingdom, separating it there from the Chola territory (ante, Vol. V. p. 320, notes 11, 1). 41 It is unfortunate that the poem gives no indication as to the names of the Chola father-in-law and brotherin-law of Vikramaditya VI. But it is plain that they were real Chns; and also that they were the last two kings of that dynasty. For an identification of them which cannot be upheld, bee the next note. My own impression is that they were respectively Rajendra-Choda (the father-in-law of RAjar ja I.) and Rajendradeva (the father-in-law of Kulottunga-Chodadeva I.). But, pending further elucidation of the Chola history, it is seless to make any pretence to certainty on this point. - Among the wives of Vikram Aditya VI., one was Savaladevi, who is described as being born in the Solar Race (Sir Walter Elliot's Karnataka. Disa Inscriptions, Vol. I. p. 277). This is suggestive of a Chola intermarriage. But her father is mentioned as the Mahamandal. Svara Jogamarasa; and her mother was Taradevi (id. p. 449).

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282 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY August, 1891. is placed just before the entrance of Vikramaditya VI. into his capital of Kalyano (ibid. l. 21). Subsequently to this, the Cholas were attacked only once more : after a long time of peace, they again became proud and insolent; Vikramaditya's army marched on Kanchi, and took the city; and Vikramaditya amused himself there for some time, before returning to his capital (p. 323 6, 1. 6 ff. from the bottom). Here the expression "the Cholas" seems to donote really "the Eastern Chalukyas." Such is the story given in the poem. Doubtless, in its general outlines it is correct. But the inscriptions shew that it requires adjustment in several points, in order to bring it into accordance with the historical sequence of facts. And most notably is this the case in connection with Rajiga, who, fortunately, is a person of very definite identity. The poem stamps him upmistakably as an Eastern Chalukya, by calling him "the lord of Voigi." It also shews that he was the Eastern Chalukya who first seizeil the Chola sovereignty. This, we know, was done by Kulottunga-Chodadova I. And the name by which he is mentioned in the poem is easily accounted for; because we know that he received the name of Kulottungadeva only when he was anointed in the Chola sovereignty, -- of course, after his seizure of it; consequently, at the time when he came in conflict with Vikramaditya VI., he was only known as Rajendra-Choda, of the first part of which name RAjiga is plainly a more familiar form.2 Here, bowever, we are brought face to face with a very marked anachronism in the account given in the poem. We know (sce page 277 above) that Kulottunga-Chodadova I. annexed the Chola empire in A. D. 1063. In the poem, on the other hand, this event is placed, pot only after the death of Snosvara I., for whom we have dates ranging up to A. D. 1068-69, but some considerable time after that occurrence, and apparently only just before the time when Vikramaditya VI. had himself proclaimed ruler of the Dekhan. Here there must be an error of at least five years, and probably of much more. The fact, however, remains clear, from the poem, that Kulottunga-Chodadeva I. was enabled to seize the Chola crown through internal disturbances in the Chola kingdom, which culminated iu the death of the last Chola king. 29. - Vikrama-Choda. Fifteen years; A. D. 1112 to 1127. He was the eldest son, and the successor, of No. 28, Kulottunga-Chodadeva I. X. states that he reigned for fifteen yoars. The Godavari grant and the Pittapuram inscription, which have been noticed above in connection with Beta-Vijayaditya V., scem to imply that, like two at least of his brothers, he held at some time the office of viceroy of Vengi; for they state that he went to govern the Chola mandala, leaving Veigi without a ruler or king of its own. If this was really the case, his term of office as viceroy must doubtless be placed after the latest date that can be obtained for Vira-Chodadeva. The point, however, requires further investigation. We may compare Gojjiga' as a more familiar form of Govinda' (ante, Vol. XII. p. 249). - Dr. Buhler (ante Vol. V. p. 321, note t, identified Rajiga with Rajaraja II., son of Kulottuiga-Chodadeva I.; and, from that identification, he deduced that the brother-in-law of Vikramiditya VI. was a brother of Rajarfja II., and that his father. in-law was Kulottunga-Chojadova I. himself. But the grounds for this, quoted by Dr. Buhler from Sir Walter Elliot, are simply altogether wrong. 18 It is not apparent, from the poem, when tho pattabandha or coronation of VikramAclitya VI. took place; whether at the time whon he first had himself proclaimed ruler of the Dekhun; or at the later time when, after once more extinguishing the Cloola, he entered his capital of Kalyana. I should be inclined to connect the pattabandha with the ontranoe into Kalyana, which would then be referable to A. D. 1075 or 1076 (Heo pago 278 above, note 33 ). Dr. Buhler has said (ante, Vol. V. p. 331, note ) that, according to the inscriptions, the battle with Rajiga and Som ivara II. took place in A. D. 1076. This would make a discrepancy of thirteen years. But this dato can only have boen deduced from the assumption that the pattabandha took place at the timo of the proclamation as ruler of tho Dekhap. And, as a matter of fact, the presago in Sir Walter Elliot's writings, referred to by Dr. Buhler, does not mention the battle at all; simply because there is, as far as I counseertain, no mention of it in any of the Western Chalukya inscriptions.

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AUGUST, 1391] THE EASTERN CHALUKYA CHRONOLOGY 283 Genealogy of the Eastern Chalukya Dynasty. 1; Kubja-Vishnuvardhana I. (18 years; A.D. 615 to 633) 2; Jayasinha I. (30 years; A.D. 133 to 663) 3; Indra-Bhattaraka. (7 days; A.D. 663) +; Vishnuvardhana II. (9 years; A.D. 663 to 672) 5; Maigi-Yuvaraja. (25 years; A.D. 672 to 696) 6: Jayasinha II. ; Vishnuvardhana III. 7: Kokkili. (13 years: A.D, 690 to 709) (37 years; A.D. 709 to 746) (6 months : A.D. 709) 9; Bhattaraka-Vijayaditya I. (18 years; A.D. 746 to 764) 10; Vishnuvardhana IV. (36 years; A.D. 764 to 799) Nripa-Rudru. 11; Narendramtigaraja-Vijayaditya II. (44 years; A.D. 799 to 813) 19; Kali-Vishnuvardhana V. (18 months; A.D. 843 to 814) 13; Gunaka-Vijayaditya III. Vikramaditya I. (45 years; A.D. 81 to 551 4. Chelaksa-Bhima I. (30 years; A.D. 888 to 918) Yuddhamalla I. 18; Tidapa. (1 month; A.D. 925) 16; Kollabiganda-Vijayaditya IV.; married to Melamba. (6 months; A D. 918) 19; Vikram Adityn II. (11 months : A.D. 925 to 926) 21; Yuddhamalla II. (7 years; A.D. 927 to 931) 16; Amma I., Vishnuvardhana VI., R&ja-Mahendra. (7 yeara, A.D. 918 to 925) 22 ; Chalukya-Bhimi II., Vishnuvardhana VII Ganda-Mahendra : married to Lokamahadevi. (12 years; A.D. 934 to 945) 17; Beta-Vijayaditya V. (15 days; A.D. 925) 20; Bhima III. 24; Dan krnava. 23; Amma II., Vijayaditya VI., (3 months; A.D. 920 to 927) (3 years; A.D. 970 to 973) Raja Mahendra. (25 years; A D. 945 to 97) After an interval of 30 years; 26; Vimaladitya, 25; Saktivarman. m. to Kundayamahadevi. (12 years; A.D. 1009 to 2015) (7 years; A.D. 1015 to 1022) Satyasraya, 10. to Gangama-Gauri (?) Vijayaditya, m. to Vijayamahadevi. 27; Rajaraja I., Vishnuvardhana VIII., Vijaydaitya VII., m. to Ammangad vi . viceroy of Vengi. . (41 years; A.D. 1022 to 1063) (15 years; A.D. 1063 to 1077) 28; Rajendra-Choda, Kulottunga-Chodadeva I., m. to Madhurantaktdevi. (49 years; A.D. 1068 to 1112) Vishnuvardhana. Four other * Rajasundart, sons, not m. to Rajarkja of named. Kalinganagara. Malla padeva, m. to 29; Vikrama-Choda. Rajaraja II.; Vira-Chodadeva, Chandaladevi. (15 years; viceroy of Vengt. Vishnuvardhana IX.: A.D. 1112 to 1127) (1 year; vioeroy of Vengl. A.D. 1077 to 1078.) (A.D. 1078 and 1100.) Vijayaditya. 80; Kulottunga Chodadiva II. Malla-Vishouvardhana. (A.D. 1127 ff.) (A.D. 1202 ff.)

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284 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [August, 1891. Rajaraja II. ; viceroy of Vengi. A, D. 1077-78. He was the second son of No. 28, Kulottunga-Chodadeva I. From W. we learn that, after the death of Vijayaditya VII., his father appointed him as viceroy of Vengi. But the appointment was unwelcome to him; and he held the office for only one year, - A. D. 1077-78; then, being homesick, he threw it np and returned to his parents. Vira-Chodaddva ; Vishnuvardhana IX. ; viceroy of Vengi. A. D. 1078 and 1100. He was the third son of No. 28, Kulottunga-Chodadeva I. In addition to his proper name, which appears both as Vira-Choda and as Vira-Chodaddva, he had the second name of Vishnuvardhana IX., and the epithet of sarvalokabraya, 'refuge of all mankind.' In both his grants he uses the paramount titles, Maharajadhiraja, Raja-Param@svara, and Paramabhattaraka." And W. describes him as a paramamahesvara, or most devont worshipper of the god Mahesvara.' The seal of his grant hears the motto of Sri-Tribhuvanankuba. After the return of his brother Rajaraja II., he was appointed viceroy of Vengi; but, like his elder brother, he was not very willing to take the appointment, and only accepted it after some persuasion. The date of his installation is given in W.; the details are, Saka-Samvat 1001, when the sun was in Simba, i.e. in the solar month Bhadrapada, the thirteenth tithi of the bright fortnight, Guruvira or Thursday, when the moon was in the 'Sravana nakshatra, and during the rising of the sign Vrischika ; and, the given 'Saka year having to be applied in this case as a current year, and the tithi as a current tithi used with the week-day on which it began, the corresponding English date is Thursday, 23rd August, A. D. 1078 (see ante, Vol. XIX. p. 426). The duration of his term of office is not yet known; but we have a grant dated in his twentythird year, i. c. in or about A. D. 1100. We learn from his grants, that his seat of government was at the city of Jananathanagari, in the Vengi country; this place has not yet been identified. Of his time we have one record at present available :16 W. - A grant from Chellari in the Godavari District ; first edited by Dr. Hultzsch in his South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. I. p. 49, No. 39, and subsequently, but from a prior reading of the original plates, by myself, ante, Vol. XIX. p. 423. - This grant gives again the complete Eastern Chalukya genealogy, mythical, legendary, and historical, which has already been noticed in connection with Rajaraja I. (pago 274 f. above). The historical portion commences with Kubja-Vishnuvardhana I., as the brother of Satyasraya, 'the lord of favourites ;' and this passage gives the name of the family as Chalukya. The charter was issued by Vira-Chodadeva himself. It is addressed to the inhabitants of the Guddavadi vishaya (see page 97 above, note 13); and it records the grant of a village named Kolefu, by Vira-Chodadeva himself, to a temple of Vishnu which his Senapati or General, a Vaishnava Brahman named Modemarya and otherwise called Gunaratnabhushana, had built at the Chellaru agrahAra. The Datakas were the five Pradhanas or Ministers. The composer of the charter was Viddayabhatta; and the writer was Pennachari. The grant is dated in the twenty-first year of the reign, i. e. of the government of Vira-Chodadeva ; it should, therefore, be placed in A.D. 1098 ; but no details are given by which the exact English date can be determined. The Chellaru agrahara is, of 4 With this we may compare the fact that in an inscription at Dedr, dated in A. D. 1066 (Sir Walter Elliot's Karnataka-Ddia Inscriptions, Vol. I. p. 178), the Western Chalukya Jayasimha IV., while governing at Tardavadi in the time of his father the Maharojadhiroja, Paramebvara, and Paramabhattdraka, Semeivara 1., himself uses the titles of Maharajadhirlija, and Paramebrara. Dr. Hultesch kindly placed the grant of his twenty-third year at my.disposal, for editing. But I have not bad leisure to deal with it fully.

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AUGUST, 1891.] TIRUNELLI GRANT OF BHASKARA-RAVIVARMAN. course, the modern village of Chellur itself, the Chelloor' of the map, Indian Atlas, Sheet No. 94, in Lat. 16deg 49', Long. 82deg 3'. And Koleru appears to be the Kalairoo' of the map, two miles south-west of Chellur; there is some room for doubt as to the exact vowel in the first syllable of the name that is given in the record. 30. Kulottunga-Chodadeva II. Date of Accession in A. D. 1127. - 285 He was the son and successor of No. 29, Vikrama-Choda; and, as far as our information goes at present, he was the last of the dynasty.46 His name is given both as KulottungaChodadova (X. line 21), and as simply Chodadeva (id. line 47). The seal of the grant of his time bears the motto of Bri-Tribhuvanankusa. Of this reign we have one record: - X. Another grant from Chellur in the Godavari District; edited by me, with a lithograph, ante, Vol. XIV. p. 55. - It opens with a verse in praise of the god Vishnu under the name of Mukunda; followed by another in laudation of the Somavamsa or Lunar Race (see page 274 above). It then gives the historical Eastern Chalukya genealogy, commencing with Kubja-Vishnuvardhana I., the brother of Satyasraya, 'the lord of favourites;' this passage gives the name of the family as Chalukya. The formal wording of a charter is not used in this record. It states how the Dandadhinatha Kata, otherwise called Kolani-Katamanayaka, an officer of Kulottunga-Chodadeva II., bestowed the Mandadorru agrahara, together with the village of Ponduvagrama, in the Savattili dosa, upon a number of Brahmans. The writer was Pallacharya (?). The record is dated in Saka-Samvat 1056 expired, on a tithi on which an equinox occurred while the moon was in the Ardra nakshatra; but the details do not work out correctly for that year, and they seem to indicate that the year really intended is SakaSamvat 1055 current, with a date corresponding to the 23rd March A. D. 1132 (see page 191 above). TIRUNELLI COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF BHASKARA-RAVIVARMAN. BY E. HULTZSCH, PH.D.; BANGALORE. For the loan of the original plates which contain the subjoined inscription, I am indebted to Mr. A. E. Castlestuart Stuart, M. C. S., who received them from their present owner, Colonel Wooldridge, of Manantoddy. After I had transcribed the text, Mr. Fleet kindly placed at my disposal a transcript, with a translation and short notes, which he received in 1885 from Dr. Gundert, and which had remained unpublished because Dr. Gundert considered it capable of improvement. As was to be expected, both the transcript and translation of Dr. Gundert proved of the greatest help. Wherever I have had to differ from him, it has been done only after careful consideration of his readings and renderings. The plates belonged originally to the Tirunelli temple in the Vayanadu (Wynaad) taluka of the Malabar district. The Tirunelli temple, eight miles north of Manantavadi (Manantoddy), is dedicated to Perumal (Vishnu). It is placed on a branch of the Kaveri river at the foot of the Bramagiri plateau in Wynaad; the people of North Malabar used to resort to it for the performance of sraddha-ceremonies, until by the opening of the railway it became easier for them to visit Perur on the Noyel river in Coimbatore for this purpose.' The temple is locally believed to have been dedicated by Brahma himself to the worship of Vishnu, whose image had appeared to him there on a nelli tree. Its walls are built of granite, and its roof is 46 With this concluding paper I give a genealogy of the family. Owing to the smaller space available, I have not been able to include quite all the details given by Dr. Hultzsch (South-Indian Inscriptions, Vol. I. p. 32); but I think that nothing of any leading importance has been excluded. 2 Ibid. p. 217. 1 Mr. R. Sewell's Lists of Antiquities, Vol. I. p. 245. Mr. W. Logan's Malabar, Vol. I. p. 190.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [AUGUST, 1891. thatched. The present structure is merely the remains of a former building which was partially destroyed by fire during the invasions of Tipu Sultan. Pilgrimages to it are considered by the Malayalis to be as efficacious as similar expeditions to the holy city of Banaras. Malayalis who cannot afford the time or money for longer journeys, go thither to perform the araddhaceremonies and commit the ashes of their fathers to the stream which, as it eventually flows into the Kaveri, is one of the sacred streams.' The name Tirunelli is a compound of tiru, 'sacred,' and nelli, the emblic myrobalan tree (Phyllanthus emblica, L.).'5 The Sanskrit name of the temple is Amalakam" or Sahyamalaki," from amalaka or amalaki, the emblic myrobalan tree,' and Sahya, 'the Western Ghats.' According to Mr. Castlestuart Stuart, it is also called the Siddha temple. 286 The Tirunelli inscription occupies two thin copper-plates, which are strung on a plain ring. It is written in that ancient Tamil character, the modern Malayalam name of which is, according to Dr. Burnell, Vatteluttu or 'round hand,' and which, from the documents in which it is employed, might be best termed the Chera-Pandya alphabet. A few Sanskrit words (svasti arih, line 1, and sabh[a], lines 33 f. and 37) are, however, in the Grantha character. This co-existence of the Grantha and the Chera-Pandya alphabets is also noticeable in the previously published ancient deeds from Malabar and in two Pandya copper-plate inscriptions which Mr. V. Venkayya is about to publish in the pages of this Journal. The language is Tamil. But, as in Malayalam, the double nasal appears in the words sinnam for tinha (line 2), sannaran for samkara (1. 5), vannu for vandu (1. 7), tanattinnu for tanattininru (1. 14), arannu and arinu for aruyndu and arindu (1. 16), kalainnu for kalanju (1. 19), and amuru for ainniru (1. 26). These peculiarities suggest that, like the deeds from Cochin and Kottayam,10 the inscription must belong to a period during which Malayalam had not yet branched off from Tamil, but was just beginning to develop a few distinguishing characteristics. The contents of the Tirunelli plates are as obscure and difficult as those of the previously published ancient copper-plates from the Western Coast; and the translation which I am able to offer, is merely tentative. Of the concluding portion (from the middle of line 30 to the end) even the transcript must not be considered as final. The characters of this passage, which seems to be a later postscript, are smaller, more developed and less carefully executed than those in the preceding part. In particular, lines 31 to 33 are altogether unintelligible. But so much is certain, that the plates contain an order which regulated the income of the Tirunelli temple and which was issued by Samkara-Kodavarman of Puraigilanadu, the division of Palakkadu (Palghat), who must have been a vassal of the king, Bhaskara-Ravivarman, with whose name the document opens. The date of the order was the forty-sixth year (andu) opposite to the current year (yandu) of His Majesty king Bhaskara-Ravivarman, the month of Makara (of that year) during which Jupiter was standing in Simha, (and which was identical with) the above year (andu).' This date cannot be considered without a reference to the three ancient deeds from Malabar, which were so ably interpreted by Dr. Gundert.12 These are: " - Abstract from an official report, kindly communicated by Mr. Castlestuart Stuart. Yule and Burnell's Hobson-Jobson, s. v. Myrobalan. Dr. Gundert's Malayalam Dictionary, 8. v. ibid. a. v. Tirunelli. 8 South-Indian Palaeography, 2nd edition, p. 52. Some of these changes are registered in Dr. Gundert's Malayalam Grammar, 2nd edition, p. 11. 10 Dr. Caldwell (Comparative Grammar, 2nd edition, p. 90 of the Introduction) remarks with reference to these deeds: Though words and forms which are peculiar to Malayalam may be detected in them, the general style of the language in which they are written is Tamil, the inflexions of the nouns and verbs are Tamil, and the idiom is mostly Tamil; and we are, therefore, led to infer that, at that period, Tamil was the language at least of the court and of the educated classes in the Malayalam country, and that, what is now called Malayalam, if it then existed at all, was probably nothing more than a patois current amongst the inhabitants of the hills and jungles in the interior.' 11 See note 39 on the translation. 12 Madras Journal of Literature and Science, Vol. XIII. Part I. pp. 115 ff. Kookel Keloo Nair has reprinted Dr. Gundert's translations, with the addition of some wild speculations of his own, in Vol. XXI. pp. 80 ff.

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AUGUST, 1891.] TIRUNELLI GRANT OF BHASKARA-RAVIVARMAN 287 No. I., an inscription on two copper-plates in the possession of the Jews at Cochin ; 13 No. II., an inscription on a single copper-plate in possession of the Syrian Christians at Kottayam; No. III., art inscription on five copper-plates in possession of the same. I subjoin transcripts and translations of the opening sentences of these three documents : No. I. TEXT.16 1 Svasti sri - Kogonmai kondan ko srf-Pagkaran 2 Iravivanmar tiruvadi pala-nuriyira. 3 ttmandum sengol nadattiy=ala-ninra yan4 da irandam-andaikkredir muppatt-aram=andu. TRANSLATION Hail! Prosperity! In the time (yandu) during which he who had assumed the title of king of kings (kogon), His Majesty (tiruvadi) the king (ko), the illustrious BhaskaraRavivarman, who wielded the sceptre in many hundred-thousands of places (undu), was reigning, - in the thirty-sixth year (dndu) opposite to the second year (andu). No. II. TEXT.15 1 Hari (11) Sri-Mahaganapat[ay*]e namah [11"] 'Sri-Bhapalanarapati sriVira Kirala2 sakrava[r]tti Adiyayi mura-muraiye pala-nurayiratt=indu 3 bengol nadattayi-ninra sri-Vira-Raghava-Bakravarttikku tiruvira 4 jyam chellayi-ninra Magarattu! Viyalam Mina-nayaru irabatt-onra 5 sepra Sani Rohani-na!. TRANSLATION. Hari ! Adoration to the blessed great Ganapati ! On the day of (the nakshatra) Rohini, Saturday, the twenty-first of the month of Mina (of the year in which) Jupiter (was) in Makara, (within the time) during which the sacred rule of the illustrious Vira-Raghava-chakravartin - who wielded the sceptre in many hundred-thousands of places (andu) in regular succession from the illustrious king of kings ( pdla-narapati), the illustrious Vira-Kerala-chakravartin, - was current. No. III. TEXT.16 1 Svasti [11] KO-Ttan[u]17 Iravikkuttaa pala-n u rayiratt-indumm=aragu talai2 chchirand=adi-ppadutt-ala-ninra yandu!=chchella-ninra ya3 nd-aindu ivvandu. TRANSLATION. Hail! In the fifth year (yandu) which was carrent within the time (yandu) during which king (8) Sthanu-Ravigupta who, gloriously trod under his feet the heads of tigers, was reigning in many hundred-thousands of places (andu), - in this year (andu). 18 A translation of this inscription by Mr. Ellia was published after his death, ibid. Vol. XIII. Part II. pp. 111. Dr. Burnell's translation (ante, Vol. III. p. 888 f.) is based on both Dr. Gundert's and Mr. Ellie' versions, which are independent of each other. 14 From the photolithograph, ante, Vol. III. p. 334, and Dr. Burnell's South Indian Paleography, 2nd edition, Plate xxxii. 15 From Dr. Gundert's Tamil transcript, Madras Journal, Vol. XIII. Part I. p. 117. 16 From Sir Walter Elliot's tracing, ibid. Plate iv. 11 The vowel , which is not visible in the tracing, is taken from Dr. Gundert's transcript.

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288 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [AUGUST, 1891. A comparison of the commencement of the deed No. I. with that of the Tirunelli deed shews that the name of the king in whose reign each of them was issued, is the same in both inscriptions. The close agreement of the alphabet employed in both makes it very probable that they have to be referred to one and the same reign, and not to two different kings of the same name. Taking this point for granted, we must turn our attention to the curiously worded dates. That of the Tirunelli deed is the forty-sixth andu opposite to the current yandu' of the king, and that of No. I. the thirty-sixth andu, opposite to the second andu.' Various attempts have already been made to explain the meaning of the two different andus and of the term 'opposite' (edir) in No. I. The word andu or yandu signifies 1, a place'; 2, 'time'; and 3, a year.' Through a play which is undoubtedly intentional, it has the first meaning in the compound pala-nurdyirattandum in Nos, I., II. and III., and the second meaning in No. I. (ala-ninra yandu) and No. III. (ala-ninra yandu!). The words irandam-andaikk=edir muppatt-dramrandu in No. I were translated by Mr. Whish "the thirty-sixth year of the second cycle (of Parasurama)=139 B. C., and by Sir Walter Elliot the thirty-sixth year opposed to or in contradistinction to the second which would be the third cycle (of Parasurama)=861 A. D.18 Dr. Burnell suggested that the first andu might refer to the year of the reign, and the second to that of the king's age, 18 while Dr. Caldwell took the second andu for the year of the reign and the first for the year of the sixty-year cycle of Brihaspati,20 To all these theories the dates of certain Pandya inscriptions prove fatal, and they might have been done away with before if anybody had taken the trouble to closely examine the Tiruppavanam grant of Kulabekhara deva, a facsimile of the first five plates of which appeared in this Journal21 in 1877. This grant contains no less than five dates : A. Plate i. , lines 18 to 18. Srt-kd-Chchadaivarmmarena Tribhuvanachchakravarttigal sri-Kulasekaradevarku vandu 13 vadu nal nalayirattu-munnarr-arabadinal. The four-thonsand-three-hundred-and-sixtieth day of the 13th year of the illustrious king (ko) Jatavarman, alias the emperor of the three worlds, the illustrious Kulabbkharadeva." B. Plate'i. a, lines 3 to 5. Svasti Sri-Sundaresid=avagata-samaya-svabhidhan-asrayasya gramasy=[bhoga]k-Aptim prati sapadi nije vatsare panchavinse [1] chandamaav=Atta-Chape Kanakapati-tithau klishna-paksh-Arki-vira Svatf-y8g8 karenum gamayitum=evadad=Rajagambhiradevah 11 " Hail ! In his twenty-fifth year, while the Sun was in Chapa, on the lunar day of Kanakapati, 23 in the dark fortnight, on Saturday, at the Svati-yoga, - RAjagambhiradeva instantly ordered an elephant to be let loose, in order to fix the extent of the village, which received his pame in accordance with an injunction emanating from the god Sundaresa." C. Plate v. b, line 2 f. Padin-munravadin=edir pengirandam=andu Dhanu-Dayartu nalan=tiyadiyum2 aparapakshattu e kAdabiyum Sanikkilamaiyum perra 'Sodi-na!. The day of the nakshatra) Svatt which corresponded to Saturday, the eleventh lunar day of the second fortnight, and the fourth solar day of the month of Dhanus in the twelfth year opposite to the thirteenth." D. Plate i. b, line 8 f. Padin-manravadin=edir padin-onrum-andu "The eleventh year opposite to the thirteenth." 15 Madras Journal, Vol. XIII. Part I. p. 144.. Comparatire Grammar, 2nd edition, p. 20 of the Introduction, note. 12 i. e. Vishna, the lord of Lakshmi, to whom the eleventh tithi is held sacred. 15 ante, Vol. I. p. 229. 11 ante, Vol. VI. p. 142. >> Read te diyum.

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AUGUST, 1891.] TIRUNELLI GRANT OF BHASKARA-RAVIVARMAN. E. Plate ii. a, line 10. Padin-munravadin-edir pattam=andu. "The tenth year opposite to the thirteenth." - 289 The real date of the grant is the first of the five (A.). In his treatment of the Tirappuvanam grant, Mr. S. M. Natesa Sastri had got so far as to recognize that the thirteenth year of this date must be taken as a year of the king's reign, as, dividing 4360 by 360 according to the usual rough calculation, the 4360th day is found to be the 40th day after the expiration of the twelfth year.25 The remaining four dates, which are incidentally referred to in the grant, were all anterior to the real date (A.). Three of them (C., D., E.) are the 12th, 11th and 10th andu opposite to the 13th, and two other inscriptions of Kulasekharadeva are dated in the 10th opposite to the 13th year (yundu 13vadin-edir 10vadu), 26 and the 8th opposite to the 13th year (yandu 13vadin edir 8vadu).27 Among these five dates, the first (C.) gives the day on which an elephant was let loose, in order to mark the boundary of the village of Rajagambhira-chaturvedimangalam, which Kulasekharadeva intended to bestow. Fortunately, this day is not only specified in Tamil in date C., but every detail of it is repeated in Sanskrit in date B., with the only difference that here the year is the twenty-fifth of Rajagambhiradeva, while in C. it is the twelfth year opposite to the thirteenth of Kulasekharadeva. The natural conclusion is that Rajagambhira, after whom the granted village was called, must be taken as a biruda of Kulasekharadeva, and that the twelfth year opposite to the thirteenth in C. is identical with the twenty-fifth in B. As 13+12 is 25, it further follows that, in those dates, where two different years are recorded, the word edir, 'opposite,' has to be translated by 'after,' and that the different years which occupy the second place (the 8th, 10th, 11th and 12th) are the years of the reign of Kulasekharadeva. The first-mentioned (thirteenth) year might be at first sight referred to his age at the time of his accession to the throne. As, however, the first figure is rather low, viz. 13 in the present case and only 2 in the Cochin deed, 28 it will be necessary to connect it with some event subsequent to the birth. This was most probably the date of the appointment as heir-apparent (yuvaraja). The 25th year in date B. would accordingly be the year of the king's yauvarajya in the 12th year of his reign. In date A. we have the year of his reign without any reference to his yauvarajya. Having thus determined the meaning of the double andu, we find that the Tirunelli deed is dated in the forty-sixth year after the year which was current (at the coronation) of Bhaskara-Ravivarman, and the Cochin Jews' deed in the thirty-sixth year (of the coronation, which took place) after the second year (of the yauvarajya) of the same king. Dr. Burnell has attempted to fix the date of the Cochin deed and of the two Kottayam deeds in the following manner: Dr. Haug had assigned No. III. to the early part of the ninth century A. D. on paleographical grounds. No. III. presupposes Nos. I. and II., as it mentions the Jewish and Christian principalities of Anjuvannam and Manigramam, which had been established by Nos. I. and II. Accordingly Dr. Burnell assigned these two deeds to the eighth century A. D. Further, he placed No. II. in A. D. 774 as the only year in which the astronomical details of the date29 are possible. Though this statement rests on the authority of the ablest native astronomer of Southern India, '30 it will perhaps be unsafe to accept it before the calculation has been verified by a competent scholar, to whose consideration I would also recommend the double (Tamil and Sanskrit) date of the Tiruppavanam grant. 24 Compare Hultssch's South-Indian Inscriptions, Vol. II. p. 75, note 5, and page 76, note 1. 25 Dr. Burgess' Arch. Survey of S. India, Vol. IV. p. 30, note 4. Mr. Nateea misreads arubadinal as aruba. dinalu, which he further seems to have mistaken for arubattu-nilu, as he translates it by 64. 25 Ibid. pp. 10, 11, 12. 27 Ibid. pp. 16 and 17. 28 A further double year is contained in an inscription of the Kerala king Rama, which is dated in the fourth opposite to the fourth year. See Dr. Gundert's translation in Mr. Logan's Malabar, Vol. II. p. cxxii. 30 ante, Vol. I. p. 229. 29 See page 287, above.

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290 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [AUGUST, 1891. TEXT.31 First Plate; First Side. 1 Svasti sih 4.32 Ko Pakkaran-Iravivarmmar tiruvadikku=chchella-ninra 2 yandaikk=edir nalppatt-aramrandu avvandu Siniattil Viyalan=pi3 nra Magara-nayirra! Tirunelli-Pperumalidaiya sirikariyamm-ava4 du (1) Tirunollik kollum udanpadu Tirunelli-Pperumalkku 25 ttiekkoduttan Sannaran=Kodavarmmanrayina adiga! Puraigild6 rum [1] nilalum paniyum kudiy atti koduttar [*). Puraigila7 naou muduguru valumavar vannu ti[ru]vadiy=ttoludal munna. 8 niliyal ayira-Aliy ariy koduttu iraiyppi3-kkada9 var [1] Tirunelli-Pperumalidaiya sirikariyam kuda34=kkadaviyava10 ga! kudiy=allada oruttan ekkaiykam oru-suvamiyolu kodi de First Plate; Second Side. 11 vakariyam kedukkum uralan ul?idu udaiyadu 12 suvami kolla=kkadavar [1] uralanum orottarai oli devakariya13 m seyil ayiratt-ettu kanam pon dandam pada=kkadavan (*) i14 ttinattinnu tan-batigalum yegigalum unnininru35 15 selutti kollaaekkadavar [1*] ipperumalidaiya sirikari16 y arannu arinou seluttichchu kollakkadavar [1] i17 vvur=agattu uralarraga kuyil manulachcher=aga sedu18 m3e seyyum vilakkummavaga! uralan vilakkil i. 19 rubattu-nalaekkalainou pon dandam pada=kkadavar (1*] koyi Second Plate; First Side. 20 1 manalachcher vilakkil nilal=vvagaiyra koyi91 Ikku pom ] attai-ttisai kodattavaga! danda-ppada= 22 kkadavar [19] ippannina sanketam adiga! Puraigi 3 Jarum nilalum paniyum murrarra-kkuai Tirune. 2 lli mukkalvattattu ninru tan=nDatigalu[m] ye20 gigalum uralar kaiyyilum attiekkodut26 tar 1 Puraigilanattu Afnurruvarkkum Aiya27 yiravarkkum kil=ida [*] ichchanketam alikku Second Plate ; Second Side. 28 mavaga! Malik kasattu kachcham [1*] i-sirikariya29 m unninru seyyichchon Malaiyampalli 30 Ariyan-Kuttan II 37 Il vilakku nuttalsk*]ku madavan 31 nadiyadikkulawnadiyadikkulam kulam kulattin itanagan. 32 da kolokkulai mukkonam vannina vali karandam tunagaiyu33 igamintina nanaganda kalattaru odadaru Karainnantr SA34 bha vitta pumi nurru-aiymbatt-el-arai kasu ponni. From the original plates and Mr. Fleet's impression. 12 Thin mark of punctuation is now called Pillaiyar-suli, i. e. 'the curve of Ganba,' and ounsidered by the Vaishnavas as a representation of the holy monosyllable Om. The same sign occurs in line 30 of this inscription, und in line 1 of the Cochin Jews' deed. 23 Read ipai-ppada ? 34 Read kada. >> Read yogigalum unintu. >> Read sedam ? 37 Instead of the two vertical lines, the original has a sign which resembles the visarga of the word srih in line 1. Between the Pillaiyar.suli (see note 32) and the second mark of punctuation, it has representations of two Vaishnava symbole, the discus and the conch. These symbols are even now represented on the coins of the Dative states on the Western Court.

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amonuruN 22300WRw LOCA - - sNtulnN seenwr-31 10 30 3 vaipe. | Tirunelli Plates of Bhaskara-Ravivarman. - - - l e chann guNddaaTa vaaru Nowshishu Devaro 2039 ) lu . J. F. FLEET, BO. C.S. W. ORIGGS, PHOTO-LITH. FULL-SIZE,

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AUGUST, 1891.] 35 nnu anubavikkinra pumi [1] ippu[mi*]yal kala-kur[ai]36 ya munra nanda-villa]kku seluttikka kadavar Karainna37 [nur sabha] [*] TIRUNELLI GRANT OF BHASKARA-RAVIVARMAN. Second Plate; Right Margin. [1] Ti [2] rune [3] [4] i [5] A. [6] [7] vanu. 291 TRANSLATION. -- Hail! Prosperity! In the forty-sixth year after the year which was current (at the coronation) of His Majesty (tiruvadi) king (ko) Bhaskara-Ravivarman, in the month of Makara (of that year) during which Jupiter was standing in Simha, (and which was identical with) the above (forty-sixth) year, the worship (srikarya) of Tirunelli-Peruma138 (was regulated) as follows: An agreement referring to Tirunelli was given with libations (of water) to Tirunelli-Perumal by His Highness (adiga!) the Puraigilar,30 called Samkara-Kodavarman;40 and, having joined together, (his) followers and servants13 gave (it) with libations (of water). If the ruler of the old branch of Puraigilanadu comes to worship the feet of the god, he shall give and pay as tribute one thousand nali of rice (measured) with a (measure containing) three times four (i. e. twelve) nali. If those who are bound to join (in) the worship of Tirunelli-Perumal, do not join, the whole property of each patron, who damages the worship of the god (devakarya) by singly joining some (other) temple (svamin), shall be taken by the temple. And if a patron performs the worship of the god without (employing) a priest, he shall pay a fine of one thousand and eight kunams of gold. Those of his 7 relations and connexions, 48 who stand under this temple, 40 shall (also) make payments (to the temple). The worshipping priest (erikurin) of this Perumal shall cause the payments to be made after having enquired into and ascertained them. Those (among) the patrons within this town (and among) those belonging to the servants of the palace (koyil), who destroy (and) obstruct (this agreement), -- if a patron obstructs (it), he shall pay a fine of twenty-four kalanju of gold; if one belonging to the servants of the palace obstructs (it), the followers and so forth50 shall go to the palace (and complain). Those who do not give.... every year, shall pay a fine. His Highness 51 - Perumal is the Tamil name of Vishnu. 39 The second part of this compound is the honorific plural of kilan, which generally means 'an owner, proprietor, headman,' and seems to signify a chief' in the present case. Among the princes who signed the Cochin Jews' deed appears Kodai-Ravi of Nedum-Puraiyur-nadu, i. e. the division of Palakkadu (Palghat). Taking Purai as a shorter form of Nedum-Paraiyur, this prince may be supposed to have belonged to the same family as Sankara-Kodavarman. Paraigilanadu, which occurs in the next sentence, has to be dissolved into Purai-kilan-nadu, the country of the chief of Purai,' and seems to be another name of Nedum-Paraiyur-nadu. 40 The first part of the compound Kodavarman is identical with Kodai which is, according to the Tamil dictionaries, an epithet of the Chera kings. The same word forms part of the names of two of the princes, who #igned the Cochin Jews' deed, vis, Kodai-Srikantha (line 22) and Kodai-Ravi (line 25). 1 This translation of nilul, shade,' is conjectural. According to Dr. Gundert, the shade are the penates or Bruhmanas.' 2 The literal meaning of pand is sorvice.' Dr. Gundert translates ministry.' With nilalum paniyum compare prakritiyum adigurarum, the ministers and officers' in the deed No. III. 4 43 The Malayala Rajas have different branches (kugu) in their families. The first prince is called ruler of the eld branch.'-H. GUNDERT. 44 According to Dr. Gundert's Malayalam Dictionary, aralan means 'patrons or founders of temples, proprietors or managers of fanes, representatives of village temples.' The Tirunelli temple seems to be meant. According to Dr. Gundert's Malayalam Dictionary, a kanam is the weight of 3 kalanju, and the latter is, according to the Dictionnaire Tumoul-Francais, equal to the weight of 2) pagodas or 3 ounce or 12 fanams. 47 This pronoun seems to refer to Samkara-Kodavarman, 48 This translation of yegin is conjectural. Dr. Gundert translates 'councillors.' 49 i. e. who acknowledge Tirunelli-Perumal as their patron saint. Vagaira is the Arabic-Persian . 51 Tisai is used in Tamil for the Sanskrit die and sometimes for dad. Its meaning in the present instance is not apparent.

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292 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [AUGUST, 1891. the Pursigilar, (his) followers and servants, who had all joined together, and those of his relations and connexions, who were under the Tirunelli temple,62 gave the agreement thus made with libations of water) into the hands of the patrons. (This agreement) is placed under (the control of the Five-hundred and the Five-thousands of Puraigilanadu. Those who destroy this agreement, (shall incur the sin of those who commit) a murder at Malik kalam.55 Arya-Kutfan of Malaiyampalli, who was engaged in the worship of this (god), caused (this agreement) to be drawn up. POSTSCRIPT. The land given for establishing lamps . .. ....... 56 by the assembly (sabha) of (the village of) Karainfantir is (a piece of) land which enjoys (ie, which is valued at) one hundred and fifty-seven and a half kasu of gold. With the proceeds of this land, the assembly of Karainfanar shall maintain three perpetual lamps, without failing to supply them with oil) at the proper times. On the right margin of Plate ii. b: Tirunelli-Alv&n.57 MISCELLANEA. THE MEANINGS OF VYATIPATA. this term in two different ways. And Hemadri While discussing certain dates which contain similarly cites three verses from different works, the term vyatipdta, and which do not appear to one of which adds one more meaning of vyatipata work out satisfactorily, Mr. Fleet suggested that to the meanings given by Madhava. The result vyatipata, in addition to being a name for one of of the discussions of the two scholars is as the yogas, may perhaps indicate also other astro- follows: - Vyatipata has three meanings, in logical conditions which the writers of the dates addition to denoting the yoga Vyatipata. in question probably were referring to. The sug. 1.- According to Vriddha-Manu, as quoted by gestion thus thrown out by Mr. Fleet induces me Hemadri, to draw attention to some passages in Hemadri's Sravan-&svi-dhanishth-Ardrd-nagadaivataChaturvarga-chintamani and Madhava's com mastako i mentary on the Parabara-smriti, in which the term vyattpdta has been fully explained,' and yady-am Ravi-varena vyatipatan sa from which it becomes quite clear that vyatipata uchyate 11 does indeed denote several astrological conditions To this verse Hem&dri appends the notes, that other than the well-known yoga Vyatipata. naga-daivata = Aflashd; that mastaka, 'the head, Both writers, in commenting on the verse I. beginning,' must be construed with each of the 218 of the Ydjhavalkya-dharmaldatra, in which the preceding words, but that others take it to be vyat pata is enumerated among the times pre equivalent to Mrigasirah ; and that amd = amd. scribed for the performance of a Braddha, are vasya, the new-moon tithi. Madhava quotes the agreed that vyatipdta in the first instance is the 1 same verse, but reads mastakaih, and explains the yoga Vyatfpata (yoga-vileshah, or Vishkambh. word only by Mrigafirah. The meaning of the ddishu yogethu saptadas6 yogah). But Madhava verse accordingly is :adds that vyatipata may also denote & mahd- When the new-moon tithi, at the commencevyatipdta, and he quotes two verses which explain ment of one of the nakshatras) Sravana, Asvini, ** Bee Dr. Gandert's Malayalam Dictionary, 8. v. makkAlvattam. 88. The 500 and 6,000 are divisions of the Nayar or landowners in each principality: higher and lower noblemon.'-H. GUNDERT. Compare the six-hundred (Arunarrwvar) in the dood No. III. and in Mr. Logan's Malabar, Vol. II. p. ornii. f. * Kachcham seems to stand for the Sanskrit hatyam, which is another form of haty. * Compare Mashikakulam, one of the villages referred to in the Kerapatti; Mr. Logan's Malabar, Vol. I. pp. 222 and 227. * Here three lines, which I do not understand, are left untranslated. 07 This colophon may be a synonym of Tirunelli-Perumal or the signature of a private person, 1 ante, Vol. XVIII. Pp. 128 and 72. 1 Chaturv., Parifahakhande Sraddhakalpah, pp. 241-244; and Pardfaramddhara, p.-656.

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AUGUST, 1891.] MISCELLANEA. 293 Dhanishtha, Ardri or Aslesha, [or, under (one It is clear that the vyatipata here described by of the nakshatras) Sravank, Abvint, Dhanishth&, Hemadri (together with vaidhriti, with which Ardra, Aslesha or Mrigasiras,) is joined with a have no concern) is the same vyatipata which in Sunday, this (combination) is called vyatipata." the Sarya-Siddhdnta XI. 2, is defined thus :2.-From another Sastra Homadri quotes the When the moon and the sun are upon opposite verses sides of either solstice, and their minutes of Panchanana-sthau Guru-Bhomiputrau declination are the same, it is vystipata, the sum Meahe ravih syad=yadi sukla-pakshei of their longitudes being a half-circle.' pas-AbhidhAna Karabhena yukta Vyatipata, then, is here the time at which the sun tithir=vyatipeta it=iha yogah || and the moon, standing in different ayanas, have Asmin=hi go-bhami-hiranya-vastra the same declination (kranti-sdmya). It would be danena sarvar parihaya papam ! easy to shew that, were it not for certain attendedratvam=Indratvam=anamayatvam ing circumstances, the sum of the longitudes of marty-Adhipatyam labhaten manushyah 11 the sun and the moon at that time would be 180deg, Here Hemadri adds that panchanana = sinha, and the yoga Harshana (No. 14): but I am not and Guru-Bhumiputrau Brihaspaty-Angdrakau, myself sufficiently versed in astronomy to pursue * Jupiter and Mars;' and that pds dbhidhdnd is this matter further. According to Homadri, it the 12th tithi, and karabha the nakakatra Hasta. is possible that in reality the yoga at the time Madhava, on the other hand, quotes from Vriddha may be any one from the second half of Ganda Manu a verse of the same import with Hemadri's (No. 10) up to Vajra (No. 15); but it can never be first verse, but worded thus: the yoga Vyatipata (No. 17). Sinha-sthau Guru-Bhanmau chen=Mesha- If I may venture a remark about the two dates sthe cha ravau hi va which have induced me to write these lines, I dvadasi Hasta-samyukta vyatipato maban= would say that the date given ante, Vol. XVIII. hi sah 11 p. 127, may perhaps, to a certain extent, furnish With Hemadri's wording of the definition, its an example for vyatipata in the first sense here meaning would be : explained, and the date ib. p. 274 an example for When in the bright half of the month the 12th vyatipata used in the third sertae. But this I lon ve tithi is joined with the nakshatra Hasta, while Mr. Fleet to settle. Jupiter and Mars stand in the sign of the Lion F. KIELHORN. Gottingon. and the Sun in Aries, the combination is termed vyatipata.' PROGRESS OF EUROPEAN SCHOLARSHIP, 3.-Finally, Hemadri quotes from Bhrigu the No. 24. verse Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandischen Krantisamya-samayan samiritah Baryaparva-sadfiso mun-isvaraih Gesellschaft for 1889 (Vol. XLIII.) tatra datta-huta-japta-pajanam Dr. K. Jacob commences the third part of the yAga-koti.gunamaha Bhargavahlt; volume with a paper on the Caspian-Baltio to which he adds the following explanation :- trade in the middle ages, with special reference Sarya-chandramasdh kranti-amye punyakaladvayam bhavati 6ko vyatipat-Akhyahi apare He is followed by Signor Guidi on East Syrian vaidhsity-Akhyah | Tatra krantisamya-laksha Bishops and Bishops' sees in the fifth, sixth nasya vyatipAtasya Gand-ottarardh&d=rabhya and seventh centuries. kramat=s&rdhoshu paboha-yogoshu sambhavo-still An article of more general interest, continued vaidbriti-sarjllasya tu Suklu-yogad-arabhya kia- in the following number, is by Herr K. Himly. mat sardboahu pasicha-yogeshu sambhavah 1 Tat- on the Eastern or Western origin of certain parva-kala-samkhya cha dasa-ghacikabhyah games. After giving Rome additional information samarabhy-aikasaptatyadhikasata-paryan tam regarding chess, his former article on which sambhavyate | Tatha cha vedange Jyotishe I has been already noticed in the Indian AntiGand-ottarardhAd-vyatipata-sambhavah quary, vie., that he has at length succeeded in sukl-Adito vaidhsiti-samjuako bhavet) tracing the name chaturanga as far east as ardheshu panchase paroshu tath=eahyate sa Cambodia where it becomes chhoeutrang, he takes evam dvayath tat-suksit-aika-s&dhakam || up the question of playing cards. In two most * The verse was well-known to Colebrooke ; see . It has been fully explained to me by Professor Misc. Easays, Vol. II. p. 284. It also occurs in the Jacobi. Nirnayasindhu, p. 87.

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294 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [AUGUST, 1891. interesting papers the author materially adds to our knowledge regarding the origin of the latter, and the games played with them. The subject, however, hardly concerns the object of this Journal, beyond the fact that a theory which gives an Indian origin to playing cards is shewn to be unfounded. Briefly stated the main result arrived at is to take away the credit of the invention from the French. As far back as 1303 cards were known in Spain as a Moorish game, and playing with them was known as "lo joch de naibs.' The army of Bertrand du Guesclin probably brought them from Spain to France in 1369 or thereabouts. Herr Himly considers that the most probable derivation of the word naibs is from the Arabic nchib, 'a robber. Other proposed derivations are from naib, 'a representative,' and from nabi, 'a prophet.' It is unnecessary here to trace the further steps, by which the author shews that, most probably, cards had their origin in China, where mention of playing implements resembling them occurs as far back as the year 1071. Prof. Hermann Jacobi contributes a short article on the Udgata metre, which is found in its oldest form in the Kiratarjunkya, and in the Sibupalabadha. An analysis of the verses in these works enables the author to add to Pingala's rule. He defines the Udgata as a system, in three unequal members, of 14 ganas and one syllable. In each even gana there is an am. phibrachys ( -U), except in 4th and 8th, which have each a proceleusmaticus, with a caesura after the first short syllable (Ivy ), and in the 10th, which has an anapast, followed by a caesura (VU-I). In the uneven ganas there are anapasta (v v), except in the 7th, which has a spondee with caesura after the first syllable (-1-). The last caesura is always marked by the end of a complete word and not by the ending of the first member of a compound, and divides the verse into two nearly equal portions. It is to be noted that the first syllable of the 7th gana which ends the second pada, thus, 2 5 with a simple short vowel, in which case the first word of the third pada must commence with two consonants. In later authors, however, in whose time a living knowledge of the metre was lost, such as Mankha, the author of the Srikanthacharita, and Parimala, the author of the Sahasdukacharita, both of whom lived at least five hundred years after M&gha, the last syllable of the second pada is common, as would be expected from the analogy of other metres. This is followed by a paper by the present writer, entitled selected specimens of the Bihari Language, which gives the Bhojpuri poem entitled Git Naika Banijar'wa, together with grammatical introduction, notes, and translation. Next comes an essay on the Achaemenian inscriptions by Dr. W. Bang. It consists of short notes on readings and translations of disputed passages. The number concludes with two Reviews, one by Prof. Noldeke on Mani's Researches into the Manichaean Religion, the other by Prof. Ed. Meyer, on Noldeke's Essays on Persian History. Part IV. commences with the continuation of Herr K. Himly's article on playing cards already referred to. It is followed by Dr. Geiger, who gives us some most valuable Balachi texts with translations. Better still, he promises us a Balochi dictionary at an early date. Three texts illustrate the North Baldchi dialect, and are taken from Hittu Ram's Biluchindma. The fourth text illustrates South Balachi, and is taken from an unpublished MS. in the British Museum. The extracts are valuable alike to the student of Iranian languages, and to the student of folklore, and the author expresses hope, in which I cordially join, that his essay will encourage local students to dig into the rich, but hitherto unexplored mine of the folktales. fables, songs and historical traditions of the Balachis. Prof. von Roth follows with a short, but most interesting essay on Indian fire implements. Katyayana's account of the Manthana-yantraka is well-known, if not well understood, but he describes a comparatively modern machine, in which metal is employed. The two friction pieces, arani, are made of asvattha (ficus religiosa) wood, and are two boards, one cubit, i.e., 24 inches (angulas) long, six inches broad, and four inches thiok. A special variety of the asvattha is recommended when obtainable. The boards are carefully prepared beforehand and dried. The under (adhard) board is laid on the ground and hence the first and second padas are really only one pada. viu, 7 8 ' 9 10 -, uuuu, UU-UU11 12 - 13 vu-u-u, v-, - ,-1! in the poems already referred to always long. That is to say, it is long by nature, or ends with a short vowel plus a consonant or visarga, in which case the first word of the third pada must commence with & consonant, or ende 1 In the 4th and 8th ganas, the casura is not a verse-sura, but only due to the nature of the gana,

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AUGUST, 1891.) MISCELLANEA. 295 directed towards the north. From the upper nribhi," the fire that comes to life, rubbed out (uttara) a piece eight inches long, and two inches with energy by men." This friction process was broad is split off. This latter forms the friction- naturally only used for producing fire when no staff pramantha). The lower end is cut to a blunt other method was available. Usually, no doubt, point, and the upper end is made four-cornered fire was carefully preserved from day to day, and to fit the corresponding aquare hollow of the spin- when it went out, was borrowed from a neighbour. dle (chatra). This spindle is made of the hard The use of the cowdung cakes in India of the wood of the Acacia catechu (khadira), twelve present day, which remain aglow for several inches long, with iron ferules at each end. At the hours, need not be described to the reader of the lower end is the square hollow for the friction Indian Antiquary. staff, above is fixed an iron pin (kilaka). It The burning-glass, and the burning-mirror, is round or nearly so, and has running round appear to have been known in very early times it an oblique groove to receive the driving string in India. The Nirukta mentions how dried cow(netra). The latter has three strands and is dung takes fire when the rays of the sun are made of cow-hair and hemp. It is wound three thrown upon it by means of a mani (i. e., a pre. times, from right to left, round the spindle. In cious stone or glass) or by means of a metal vessel. the lower friction-piece, a space of four inches is In later times the burning-glass is frequently measured off, twelve inches from the head nised by poets in similes, but neither it nor the and eight from the foot, in which a furrow burning-mirror appears to have been in frequent (tirtha) is cut out; and a smaller cross channel household use. (v.ihint) is cut from this towards the east side to No mention of flint and steel, or simpler flint form an exit for the fire. Above the machine against fint, has been noticed by Prof. Roth in goes a cross piece (ovili or audiil) which keeps his reading the agniprastara, of the Sabdakal. the whole together. It is half as long as the padruma, is a modern coined word, and the flint lower board, and probably half as broad. It is appears to have been unknown. Pyrites were also of Acacia wood, and is flat below, and fur. known, being mentioned in the Nighantu under nished with an iron plate. Above, it is round to the name of makshika, but apparently not their allow it to be held easily by the hands. A hollow use as a means for producing fire. At the same in the iron plate receives the iron pin of the top time it must have been known in the most of the spindle. When all is ready, the holder of ancient times that sparks issued also from stone, the sacrifice (yajamana) sits by the apparatus for the Vedas say that fire dwells not only in facing the east, by the west side of the lower wood, but also in water and stones (Ri. V. 2, 1, 1; friction piece, places the cross piece, in the same Ath. V. 3, 21, 1:12, 1, 19). direction as the lower piece, on the pin, presses it down as hard as he can, and endeavours to keep Another old man eloquent,' Dr. Roth's great the whole as steady as possible, while his wife fellow-worker, Prof. O. Bohtlingk, next contri. puts the string on the spindle, and commences to butes four short pithy articles. He first deals drill. The priest (adhvaryu) subsequently oon with the question, "Who is the author of the tinues the work begun by the wife. The sparks Hitopadosa P' Professor Peterson maintains, on produced are received in a dish filled with dried the authority of a concluding verse found in triturated cowdung, and are blown upon and three old MSS., that that work was composed cherished till the fire can be placed upon the ( a) by Narayana, and blames Lassen and hearth. In the above description, Beveral minor Schlegel for not giving this verse, which is found details have been omitted to save space. Note in the St. Petersburg MS., in their editions. As that both the friction boards, the upper as well a matter of fact the St. Petersburg MS. does not as the lower, are called arani. From the upper is contain the word racitaH but caritaH, 80 the two split off the friction staff, which in the machine scholars are freed from the reproach. Dr. takes the place of the upper arani, which keeps Bohtlingk views the verse with great suspicion ; its name only because it provides the wood for it is added in a very awkward way, being the former. Originally the upper arani cannot introduced with the words anyachchdstu. It is have been a board, and must have been made awkward, in this position, immediately after a of hard wood, which was applied to the lower benediction commencing with tathdpyaparamsoft wood and worked by hand. This must idamastu, to put this verse into the mouth of have been a business requiring a considerable Vishnuvarman, and if it is meant for an addition expenditure of labour and strength, and in fact by Narayana, or some one else, then the anyach. numerous passages in the Vedas refer to fire as chdatu is not required. He prefers, as the the child of energy: e.., sahasd yo mathito jdyate three MSS., which have the verse, all agree closely

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296 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [AUGUST, 1891. with each other, and at the same time widely work or of the division, or for certain components differ from other codioes, to consider Nariyana of the class. Thus, names of works, msichchhakanot as the author of the work, but as the arranger tikarh ndma prakaranam, abhijndnakakuntalam of a certain recension; just as Sivadasavirachita nama ndtakam, gftagovindam (80. kdvyam). A patalapanchavinnsatika, means the Vatalapancha- feminine in does not appear to suffer attraction, minsatikd, in the recension of Sivadasa. In e.g., vikramorvasi nama tratakam. Names of acts conclusion he considers that we have still to seek of play, madanikdarvilako (dvandva) nama for the name of the author of the Hitopadeta. chaturtho 'rkah, sakuntalaprasthand (but v. 1. The next article is a critical one dealing with -prasthanam) nama panchamo 'kah. Titles of alleged irregularities in the language of the chapters in the Raghuvamba and Kumdrasambhava; Grihyasutra of Hiranyakesin. The paper dealsvasishthderamagamano nama prathamah sargah, with details, and cannot be reproduced here. umdpradano nama shashthah sargah. This The main conclusion arrived at is that most of attraction does not seem to occur in the Mahabhathe alleged irregularities are non-existent. rata, the Ramayana, or the Purdnas. Thus in In explaining the puzzling sasah kshuram pra the second book of the Mahabharata we have tyanchan jagdra, of Rig Veda 10, 28, 9, Prof. Pis. bakrasabhdvarnanan ndma saptamo 'dhydyah, in chel, in his Vedische Studien, quotes the following the first book of the Rimdyana brahmagamanan ndma dvitlyah sargah. An example of a noun of verse of the Mahdbharata (Ed. Bomb. 2, 66, 8): class occurs in the PAli dukkhaniridham ariya. Ajo hi sastramagilatkilaikah eaelolate. sastre vipanne sirasasya bhdmau niksintanamh svasya kanthasya ghoram Dr. Paul Horn follows with a paper on the tadvadvairar ma krithah Panduputraih. Pahlavi papyrus, Dr. Franz Praetorius with one on the prolongation of certain short final vowels This passage is almost as puzzling as the Vedic in Arabic, and Dr. Kuhn with a short note on one. Nilakantba in his commentary illustrates it Dr. Hubschmann's article on kinship marriages with two kathds, and Dr. Pischel, closely follow. amongst the ancient Persians, already referred to. ing his explanation, translates it as follows: None of these are of a character to interest Indian A goat, they say, swallowed a knife, and as scholars. 'the knife stuck (crossways) (in his throat), he cast | it (asya, gerund of Vas) on the ground with his Next, Dr. Zubaty gives us an article on the Trishfubh and Jagati metres in the Mahahead, and (thus experienced) a terrible cutting of the throat. Make thou not thus enmity with bharata. In this paper the various irregularities the sons of Pandu.' in these metres are minutely examined, and com. pared with the corresponding irregularities ocDr. Bohtlingk in his third paper combate curring in the Rig Veda as summarised by this translation, preferring to take asya as the Prof. Oldenberg pronominal genitive, and disputing the meaning given to vipanne. He paraphrases the passage Prof. Fritz Hommel follows with a paper on as follows: A goat attempted to swallow & the word for wine in South Semitic, with bite by the pointed end. The knite stuck in special reference to Glaser's Sabwan Inscriphis throat, as the broad handle prevented his tion No. 12. Next comes a series of short notes swallowing it; moreover it was so firmly stuck on Aryan Philology by Prof. Bartholomae. in his throat that he could not get it out. In The first relates to Rig Veda 3, 33, 10od. Taking order to free himself he butted with his head bafvachai as 1 sg. pres. conj. and pipyand against the ground, whereby the knife was dis- as a dative singular, he establishes a complete abled (vipannt), i.e. broken. Then all that parallelism between the two lines. Pipyand he Yemained for the goat to do was to swallow the identifies as a present participle of Vpd, to drink, blade, and thereby to cut bis throat.' Besides the and means 'drinking,' hence 'a suckling child," above, in the first katha, Dr. Bohtlingk proposes and translates the whole couplet, low will I to correct the phrase tatastadasaknuvanbhumau bow to thee as a mother to her sucking child. dsyarn, to tatastadataknuvanbhimau kastran. As a maiden before her beloved will I open The fourth paper is on a peculiar attraction of myself to thee (cf. R.-V. 10, 8, 5, 37c.).' gonder in Sanskrit. The attracting words are The second deals with Rig Veda, 6, 71, 2ed. general terms for literary works of various kinds Nive'sane prasave' cha'si, is equivalent to niveta. or their divisions, also for certain ideas of class; yasi prasuvasi cha,' thou giveat rest, and again while the attracted word is the name of a specified awakest to life.' The writer does not know another 2. Compare the use of payamind (for piyamana) in the Asoka Inscriptions, Col. Ed. 7.8, giving suck.'- G.A.G.

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AUGUST, 1891.] BOOK-XOTICES: 297 instance of this kind of circumlocution in the The two last notes refer to points of criticism Vada, but there is a parallel example in old in the Avesta. Persian to which he draws attention. Dr. Von Stackelberg follows with notes on Rig Veda, 1, 92, 4ab. Benfey and Gra38- Ossetio, which are followed by short notes by Mr. man translate the second line she uncovers Rehatsek on Dr. Jacob's article on the Caspio. her bosom, as a cow her udders' (usre'va barjaham). Baltic trade in the Middle Ages already referred Dr. Bartholomae connects barjaha with brihant, to, and by Dr. W. Bang on former articles on the and the Zend berezo, barezahi, barezata &c., ! religion of the Achaemenians. Three Reviews on * projecting, high.' He takes it as an adjective Semitic subjects, and one on a Chinese subject qualifying vaksha, the breast. Usra' also does not come next, and the volume concludes with an mean cow.' It should be read ubrd', equivalent obituary notice, by Prof. A. Socin, of the late to ubatt', 'a girl desiring her lover.' He trans- Dr. Thorbecke, the eminent Semitic scholar, lates the couplet coloured garments casts she whose regretted death on the 3rd of January, round herself, like a dancing-girl. Like a damsel 1890, has left a void which it will be difficult to enticing her beloved, she uncovers her swelling fill. breast.' G. A. GRIERSOX. NOTES AND QUERIES. A VERSE ON TOBACCO. "Once Indra asked Brahman, what is the best * Tobacco is greatly used in Southern India, thing in the world? And he replied, by his four sometimes in chewing with betel-leaves, some mouths: tabaku, pogaku, hogesoppu, and times in smoking, and greatly in the shape of pogele, meaning "tobacco, tobacco, tobacco, snuff. The following is a witty extollation of it tobacoo," in Hindustani, Telugu, Kanarese and hy an admirer : Tamil respectively. The point consists in the words from several languages being so arranged purA pRSTavAnabjayoni viDojAH in the last line, as not to break the rhythm of dharAmaMDale vastusAraM kimasti / the metre; otherwise there is nothing special in caturbhirmukhaihattaraM tena datta the verse. * Ars: Ging Nu S. M. NATESA SASTRI. BOOK-NOTICES. TRE MAHABHARATA OY KRISHNA-DVAIPATANA-VYABA; A DICTIONARY OF THE CENTRAL NICOBAKESE LAN translated into English Prose. Published by PROTAP GUAGE, PRECEDED BY NOTES ON THE GRAMMAR CHANDRA Roy; the Bharata Press; Caloutta. OF THE CENTRAL Form, by E. H. MAN. London, W. H. Allen & Co. 1889. We are glad to find that Protop Chandra We have before us another of Mr. Man's careful Roy's translation of the Mahabharata, which publications, the contents of which have become we noticed first five years ago, ante, Vol. XV. | all the more valnable owing to the withdrawal of p. 216, is still being successfully carried on. The ng successfully carried on. The an English Resident from the Nicobar Islands. last instalment that we have before us is Part For linguistio purposes the Nicobar Islands LXIV, which carries us into the commencement may be divided into six groups, viz. Car Nicobar, of Section 67 of the Santi-Parva; and this and Chowra, Teressa with Bompoka, the Central embracing Carrorta, Nancowry, Trinkut and Katthe intervening parts shew that the work is being obal, the Southern Group comprising Great and continued with the same fidelity and careful Little Nioobar, Condul and Milo, and the inland attention to details. About three-fourths of the tribe or Shom Pen of Great Nicobar. The book whole translation have now been issued; and as, under consideration deals with the Central Group. from a notice on the wrapper, it appears that the The total population is about 6,000, of which earlier parts are becoming scarce, scholars will something over 1,090 live in the Central Group. do well to complete their sets before it becomes The custom of tabu has had a peculiar offect on the Nioobarese dialects, and is in some too late to do so. The same gentleman bae pub measure responsible for the complete diversity lished also a Sanskrit Text of the epio, which of tongues now existing between the different presumably gives the recension followed in this groups. Any person may adopt any word of the translation. language as his or her name, and after death that

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299 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. word is tabued for a generation for fear of raising a ghost. Consequently a new word has to be invented to take its place, and this process is naturally perpetually going on. This embarrassing custom is common to several semi-savage peoples. The Nicobarese dialects belong to the languages of Further India, or what Mr. Man calls the Tibeto-Assam family. They are agglutinative in development, and similar in structure to Malay, Peguan and Burmese, differing from Burmese and the allied tongues in the absence of homonyms differentiated only by intonation. Very few words are borrowed from other tougues, although the men (but not the women) of the various groups can converse in Burmese, Hindustani, English and Malay. Mr. Man, in writing the language, has adopted the system he pursued in his former well-known work The Aboriginal Inhabitants of the Andaman Islands, and the point of speech that chiefly comes out therein is the great variety of nasal vowels and diphthongs. The stopped sound of many Burmese final consonants shewn in the Burmese character by, and which makes such a word as let-hmat (sign manual) sound like lemma to Europeans, is also common to Nicobarese. The consonants specially liable to it are ch, j, and k, but Mr. Man's remarks shew that partially, as in Burmese, t, d, p, b, g, 8, sh, and may probably be added to the category. As is the case with all rude forms of speech, the Nicobarese languages are rich, within certain limits, in specific, and poor in generic terms: but in expression by gesture the Nicobarese have no prescribed methods. Their structure may be roughly described as follows: The roots of the languages are easily traceable. The explanatory parts of speech (prepositions, postpositions, adverbs, etc.) stand separately, and are not combined with other words in the sentence. Words can be used as adjectives, which properly belong to verbs, substantives, adverbs, and so on. Prefixes, suffixes and particles are freely used. Compound words are very common, composition being attained by simple agglutination without any mutilation of the components. As regards the Grammar, the following remarks will be found to indicate its outlines. Substantives do not undergo grammatical alteration to denote number, gender or case. If the nomina [AUGUST, 1891. tive does not commence the sentence, en or pan is prefixed to denote it. Possession is shewn by making the possessor follow the thing possessed. What is called "case" in ordinary Grammars is denoted by prepositions. Derivative nouns are formed thus: - Firstly from Verbs: - (1) okngok, to eat: hokngok, food. homkwom, to give: omkwom, gift. (2) hoheat, to hook: henheat, a hook. het, to chisel: henet, a chisel. kapah, to die: takapdh, a carcase. tomkak, to lance: tenkak, a lancet. (3) pahoa, to fear: pamahoa, coward. enluana, to exorcise: menluana, a shaman. daha, to whet: danaha, a whetstone. pem, to drink: pomem, a drunkard. (4) poya, to sit: enpoya, a bench. lop, to cover: oplop, a shawl. top, to drink: topa, beverage (5) (6) Irregular derivatives on the above principles, ofoak, to open: foang, a window. Secondly from Adjectives: - (1) huyoie, drunk: mahuyoie, a drunkard. karu, large: kamaru, an adult. shi-tashe, old: shanitashe, age. (2) Irregular additions, as, - hoi, far: kalahoiya, the sky. Thirdly from Substantives: - (1) Irregular additions, - hentain, a basket: mentainya, a basketful. kahe, moon: kamaheiwa, a lunation. Fourthly, Compounds: - (1) These are agglutinated as above explained. A peculiar class of grammatical derivatives of a similar structure to those already noticed exists, which is worth noticing: enkoina, a man: menkoina, a man of a particular race. enkana, a woman: menkana, a woman of a particular race. kenyam, a child: kamenydma, a child of a particular community. Paiyuh, a Nicobarese: Pamenyah, a Nicobares? of a particular community. kaling, a foreigner: kamalenga, a foreigner of a particular community. not, a pig: memnita, a pig of a particular village. 1 The Myit-nge, lit. Little River, in Upper Burmah was always known to the engineers building the Railway bridge over it as "the Mingy."

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AUGUST, 1891.] ching, a ship: chinminga, a ship of a particular rig. mattai, a village; mentai, a village of a particular community. kentuka, a dance: kamentoka, a dance of a particular kind. BOOK-NOTICES. kandishe, a song: kamenndishe, a song of a particular kind. The way in which these remarkable words are used may be thus illustrated, heang yuang enkoina, one man. heang yang menkoina, one man (or several men) of the same (one) race. an yuang monkoina, two (or several) men of two races. And again - heang yuang kaling, one foreigner. heang yang kamalenga, one (or more) foreigner of the same country. tafual yang kamalenga, six (or more) foreigners of six different countries. And in the phrase: heang kammennoishe takoisha, di kamentoka takatoka (tai chua wahe); one kind of song was sung, two kinds of dances were danced (by me last night). To turn to the adjectives: These, like the nouns, are uninflected for grammatical purposes, and may be preposed or postponed, but in the latter case the prefix ta is necessary, e. g. lapa kaling, a good foreigner: but kaling talapa. Derivative adjectives are formed on the same principle as the nouns. The following are exampies: leap, to be able: lamiap, expect. karan, iron: takaran, of iron. puyel, hair: pamayol, hairy. fp, the side: fapo, fat. iteak, to sleep: iteakla, sleepy. pahoa fear: pahoapare, timorous. lapa; good: lenpda, better: lenpdaka, best. chong, high: chinonga, higher: chinongaka, highest. placing the pronoun after the thing possessed, as in the case of nouns above-mentioned, or by turning it into a derivative adjective, after the manner already explained. Thus, due chia, my canoe, or due tachua. Honorific forms are unknown, owing to the communistic condition of the social relations of the people. Relation is expressed as in the Indo-European languages: thus, following the English order, paiyuh ka leat-chuh, the man who went home. Reflexive action is also expressed by dede or rere: e. g. an ofino ta-dede, he is beating (to)-himself. As regards the pronouns there is no inflection as usual, but there is a form to express the dual' number. The possessive is expressed by simply 299 Like the other parts of speech, many verbs are formed out of nouns, &c., by a process of alteration in form, by simple compounding, or by the addition of syllables. Examples are: shomyo, to fill a sack, from shayo, a sack. che-kaletak (shiver-tongue), to stammer. hawan, to net fish, from wan, a net. The prefixes ha and ka are those most commonly used in thus forming verbs; the prefix wi expresses causation, as yom, a garden, wiyom, to cultivate: yo expresses tendency, as tong, pus, yotong to fester; alde expresses completion, as aldebeat, to become healed: hen expresses action, as toknga, to break, v. n., but hentoknga to break, v. a. The prefix kaha is peculiar and may be compared with the form of the class-nouns already explained. It may be best illustrated by an example:loij, to meet by the arrival of one of the parties, kaha-loij, to meet by the arrival of both parties. Continuative action is expressed by alteration in form and the suffixing of yande, as top, to drink, tennopayande, to continue drinking. For comparison, adjectives undergo changes auxiliaries. of form which are peculiar, thus: In many cases the passive is the more primitive form of the verbs, as harokhata, to burn, haruka, to be burnt; but the passive form is often expressed by prefixing ta as mandya, to inherit, tamanaya, to be inherited. There is no inflection of the verb whatever, the grammatical relations being expressed by Of the minor parts of speech, the adverbs, prepositions and postpositions call for few remarks, and the language is poor in conjunctions and interjections. mitanto, short: entanta, shorter: entantaka, shortest. The formation of many prepositions shews the same peculiarities as that of the other parts of thickest. fuoi, thick: fenndiyo, thicker: fennoiyoka, speech: e. g. we have ki, head, taksi, on, lakoi, above: fap, side, tafap, beside, koltafap. at the side of, yetafap, to the side. The Nicobarese reckon by the pair, score, and score of scores, and the only puzzle is that

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300 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [AUGUST, 1891. are expressed by auxiliaries which are worth recording here : y8 (to wish) = future intention intend going). alde (just now) = immediate future (just going to). the words used in counting cocoanuts (the staple product) and money, differ from those used in counting other objects. From the simple numerals, derivatives, formed on the principles already largely illustrated, are in use to denote a limit in enumeration, e. g. heang, one, hemeang, only one i8edt, seven, missat, only seven. Numeral co-efficients are used as fully as in Burmese and other Further Indian tongues, but with the difference that, as in Persian, the co-effi, cient is between the numeral and the article epumerated, instead of the article preceding numeral and co-efficient, e. g. Persian, chuhar ranjfri fi, four chain of elephants : Nicobarese, loe koi koan, three head (of) children; but Burmese la hna yauk, men two human beings; ngwe le jat, silver four flat-pieces (= 4 rupees). In the rare instances of the use of numeral co-efficients in English the Nicobarese system is followed : four head of cattle; two and half couple of snipe;. two leash of grey-hounds. Concrete expressions are used to denote time in the manner common to all barbarous and semiharbarous people : e. g."you could reach that place in three betel-quids (chews) time." As regards suffixes, prefixes and inflxes, their use has been mostly illustrated already, and we need not specially notice any here except an interesting olass which refers to the human body and its parts, and which bear a remarkable analogy to a like peculiarity in the Andamanese languages. The system appears to be to attach the actual words for hand, foot, leg, head, ear, face, voipe and surface to other words to modify the sense of the base and form fresh expressions for ideas from the compound, e. 9., tni, hand; kwapta-tai, clutch (through fear or rage): Idh, foot, leg, ongelah, depart : koi, head; kaopekoi, capsize : nong, ear; himdnganang, CAUtion: chakd, face ; yachaka, intend: ngd, voice; pawange, echo : mat, surface ; et-lat-mat, wipe. The collocation of words is similar to that of English, except that the adjective usually follows the noun and that in assertive sentences the verb "to be" is generally onitted. Simple interrogation is expressed by the inflection of the voice, or by prefixing ka, kd. kan to the subject of the sentence, or when an affirmative reply is expected, by so prefixing an. Nogation is expressed by the insertion of particles of negation indioating it under the various circum. stances of life, like the English "not, none, not any, nothing, don't, isn't, never, never more, and enyah (afterwards) = simple future (will) eat (already) = simple past (was). leat-ngare (entirely) = long past (dead and gone). yanga (from) immediate past (just finished). yudng-shit (busy) = imperfect, (having, being) ytang-shits-yanga = pluperfect (had). leap and doh (ability) = ability (can). d6h (ability) =unknown intention (may). dohta (obligation) - pbligation (should). ka (indeed) = obligation (must). oklalongato, (permission) = permission (let. kaiyah toshe (power) = power (you may). dth (ability) = power (you may). hargh-ta-yando unknown intention (might). lak and shok = invitation (let us). root = negative precaution (don't). Finally there is a curious class of intensive particles in use which are best explained by illustrations thus:ka (indeed): an, he, anka, he himself; ane, that, ane ka, the very same; chud, silver, chud ka, real silver ; halak, a ladder, kalak ka, a proper ladder; chaling, long, chaling ka, very long. ondah, pendah, with adjectives, verbs and adverbs has the same force as ka. pait (much), takard (very), taur thatohe (exces. sively), ka kq, indeed, can also intensify ad. jectives and adverbs. We have thus dwelt at length upon Mr. Man's explanation of the Nicobarese tongue, for two reasons, vis., the remarkably clear exposition given by him of a most interesting tongue, and because it is not likely that we shall ever be favoured in this generation at least with any further light on it. Mr. Man's energy and clear grasp of grammar as a science have given us an insight into a class of languages of the greatest value to philology as & etudy, for we have now had an exposition of a group of tongues that is agglutinative in verbal structure and analytical in its syntax, and which expresses cognate ideas by the expansion of its simple radices by means of a series of regularly used prefixes, suffixes and infxos, and occasionally even by pure intromutation after the fashion of the Semitic languages. Could a series of facts of greater interest be placed before the philological student ? DO." The various moods and tonses of the vorb

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SYSTEM OF TRANSLITERATION. The system of transliteration followed in this Journal for Sanskrit and Kanarese, and, for the sake of uniformity, submitted for adoption, as far as possible, in the case of other languages), except in respect of modern Hindu personal names, in which absolute purism is undesirable, and in respect of a few Anglicised corruptions of names of places, sanctioned by long usage, is this:Sanskrit. Kanarese. Transliteration. ST a A a i i i 44|44|3##. o bhI Visarga Jihramulya, or old Visarga before and v Upaditya, or old Visarga be foreand Anusvara Anunasika * kha ga 32 E's 3 535 200 101.6 & B Visarga Anusvara a u ri lri e e ai Q o 8.11 h li ts waa dwaa ; kha ga gha na clin chha Sanskrit. ja jha 37 Ta Ke ma La sa Kanarese. H Id a z E dhR da 9 cha sa sa ca va Atra 1 3 - Transliteration. ja jha na fa 8441.dedilarated. SKL cha & ha A single hyphen is used to separate words in composition, as far as it is desirable to divide them. It will readily be seen where the single hyphen is only used in the ordinary way, at the end of a line, as divided in the original Text, to indicate that the word runs on into the next line; intermediate divisions, rendered unavoidable here and there by printing necessities, are made only where absolutely necessary for neatness in the arrangement of the Texts. A double hyphen is used to separate words in a sentence, which in the original are written as one word, being joined together by the euphonic rules of sandhi. Where this double hyphen is used. it is to be understood that a final consonant, and the following initial vowel or consonant-and-vowel, are in the original expressed by one complex sign. Where it is not used, it is to be understood of the orthography of the original, that, according to the stage of the alphabet, the final consonant either has the modified broken form, which, in the oldest stages of the alphabet, was used to indicate a consonant with no vowel attached to it, or has the distinct sign of the virama attached to it; and that the following initial vowel or consonant has its full initial form. In the transcription of ordinary texts, the double hyphen is probably unnecessary; except where there is the samdhi of final and initial vowels. But, in the transcription of epigraphical records, the use of this sign is unavoidable. for the purpose of indicating exactly the palaeographical standard of the original texts. The avagraha, or sign which indicates the elision of an initial a, is but rarely to be met with in inscriptions. Where it does occur, it is most conveniently represented by its own Devanagari sign. So also practice has shewn that it is more convenient to use the ordinary Devanagari marks of punctuation than to substitute the English signs for them. Ordinary brackets are used for corrections and doubtful points; and square brackets, for letters which are damaged and partially illegible in the original, or which, being wholly illegible, can be supplied with certainty. An asterisk attached to letters or marks of punctuation in square brackets, indicates that those letters or marks of punctuation were omitted altogether in the original. As a rule, it is more convenient to use the brackets than to have recourse to footnotes; as the points to which attention is to be drawn attract notice far more readily. But notes are given instead, when there would be so many brackets, close together, as to encumber the text and render it inconvenient to read. When any letters in the original are wholly illegible and cannot be supplied, they are represented, in metrical passages, by the sign for a long or a short syllable, as the case may be; and in prose passages, by points, at the rate, usually, of two for each akshar or syllable.

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SEPTEMBER, 1891.] COINS OF THE KINGS OF VIJAYANAGARA. 301 THE COINS OF THE KINGS OF VIJAYANAGARA. BY E. HULTZSCH, PH.D.; BANGALORE. The subjoined list comprises such inscribed South Indian coins as, judging from their 1 legends, may be referred with some degree of probability to the princes of the last great Hindu kingdom of the South. A considerable number of coins with unintelligible, imperfect or debased legends are excluded. The desirability of attempting a list of Vijayanagara coins was first suggested to me by Captain R. H. C. Tufnell, M.S.C., who courteously placed his extensive collection at my disposal. The same was kindly done by Mr. R. Sewell, M.C.s., and Surgeon D. S. E. Bain, I.M.S. To Mr. E. Thurston I am indebted for the loan of some coins of the Government Central Museum, Madras. The collections, which I have used, are referred to in the list by the following abbreviations : - B = Dr. Bain; M = Madras Museum; S = Mr. Sewell; T = Captain Tufnell ; H = self. Mr. B. Santappah, Curator of the Mysore Government Museum at Bangalore, kindly andertook the preparation of the plaster casts, from which the accompanying Plates were prepared. The following numismatical publications are quoted in the list by the simple names of their authors: Surgeon-General G. Bidie, The Pagoda or Varaha Coins of Southern India ; Jour. As. Soc. Bengal, Vol. LI. Part I. 1883, pp. 33 ff. Sir Walter Elliot, Coins of Southern India; London, 1886. Lientenant (Colonel) H. P. Hawkes, A brief sketch of the Gold, Silver and Copper Coinage of Mysore; Bangalore, 1856. William Marsden, Numismata Orientalia Illustrata, Part II. London, 1825. - Maior Edward Moor. Plates illustrating the Hindu Pantheon, reprinted from the work of; London and Edinburgh, 1861. The quotations refer to Plate 103. H. H. Wilson, Description of Select Coins in the possession of the Asiatic Society; Asiatic Researches, Vol. XVII. 1832, pp. 559 ff. A list of the first dynasty of Vijayanagara is found in my South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. I. p. 161, and lists of the second and third dynasty, ante, Vol. XIII. p. 154 and p. 155, respectively. Regarding the coinage of one of the kings of the first dynasty we possess & contemporary report by 'Abdu-r-razzaq, an ambassador of Saltan Shah Rukh of Samarkand, a son of the great Timur. 'Abdu-r-razzaq stayed at Bijanagar (Vijayanagara), the capital of Ded Raf (Devaraya II.), from the close of Za-1-hijja, A. H. 846, = end of April, A. D. 1443, to the 12th Sha'ban, A. H. 847, = 5th December, A. D. 1443. He informs us that Devaraya II. issued the following coins :- 1. Gold: (1) varaha; (2) partab = varaha ; (3) fanam = to partab. II. Silver: tar = fanam. III. Copper : jital = tar. Pagodas or varah as of Devaraya are described ander Nos. 4 and 5. The name partab, which 'Abda-r-razzaq attributes to the half pagoda, is probably connected with the surname Pratapa, which occurs before the names of Vijayanagara kings both on coins and in inscriptions; this surname is also found on No. 6, a half pagoda of Devareya. No fanam with Devaraya's name, nor any Vijayanagara silver coin, has been hitherto discovered. But there is a considerable number of varieties of the copper issues of Devareya (Nos. 9 to 23). The name jital, which 'Abdu-r-razzaq attributes to these coins, is the Hindusta ni equivalent of the modern pice.' 180Yule and Burnell's Hobson-Jobson, p. 349.

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302 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (SEPTEMBER, 1891. (raayu FIRST DYNASTY. I. Bukkaraya. No. 1. MH. Gold, Pagoda. (Bidie, No. 9.) Oby. A rude kneeling figure of Garuda, which faces the right. (dies Sri-Vi. Rev. Jau [ra]-Buka- [r]aya. Two pagodas of similar type, but with different legends, are figured by Elliot, Nos. 87 and 88. Moor's No. 8 appears to be an imperfect drawing of Elliot's No. 87. II. Harihara. No. 2. MSTH. Gold. Half pagoda. (Elliot, Nos. 96 and 97.) Obv. God and goddess, seated. zriIpa Sri-PraRev. areeft tapa-Hari hara. On some specimens of this coin, the attributes of the two sitting figures are distinctly Vaishnava; on others it is doubtful, if they are meant for Saiva or Vaishnava oncs, No. 3. T. Copper. Obv. Bull, facing the right; above it, the moon. Pratapa raharIhara Harihara.3 There is a ring in the centre between the two lines of the legend. III. Devaraya. No. 4. MTH. Gold. Pagoda. Obv. Same as No. 2. "Sri-PraRev. Zato tapa-Deva(rAya roya. On some specimens of this and the next following coin, the attributes of the two sitting figures are 'Saiva, on others Vaishnava. The pagoda figured by Elliot under No. 106 belongs to Chik[k]& Devaraya of Maisur (A.D. 1672 to 1704). No. 5. MH. Gold. Paguda. (Bidie, No. 11.) Obv. Same as No. 4. ( 11 Sri-PraRev. 3 army ta pa-Dova-6 rAya ray8. Rey. Stara zrIma ? Read Bukka. Read Harihara. * Hawkes, p. 3, mentions a fanam with the Kanarese legend " Chicca Deo Raj." In a valuable Memorandum on the Coinage of Maieur by Mr. D. Buick, M.C.S. (retired), the MS. of which was lent to me by Captain Tufnell, the following copper coin of the same king is figured and described : Obv. Seated bull, facing the right; above it, the sun and the moon. Rev. [ile307 [2] code, Chil[k]ardyaru. * Read Deva,

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SEPTEMBER, 1891.] COINS OF THE KINGS OF VIJAYANAGARA. 303 Rev. fra No. 6. BH. Gold. Half pagoda. Obv. Same as Nos. 4 and 5. Rev. Same as No. 5. No. 7. BTH. Gold. Quarter pagoda. Obv. Elephant, facing the left; above it. the sun and the moon. Sri-Deva raya. No. 8. BMH. Gold. Quarter pagoda. Obv. Same as No. 7. Rey. Sfr Sri-DekharAba varaya. No. 9. TH. Copper. Obv. Elephant, facing the right; above it, the Kanarese letter A. ( 3 PrataRev. de pa-Devaraay raya. No. 10. MH. Copper. Obv. Same as No. 9, with the addition of a conch to the left, and of a discus to the right of the letter A. Rev. Same as No. 9. No. 11. T. Copper. Obv. Elephant, facing the right. Rev. D3033 Sri-Deva " (coc ray8. Between the two lines of the legend is an apright sceptre, with a discus on its left and a conch on its right. No. 12. T. Copper. Obv. Elephant, facing the right; above it, the sun and the moon, and the Kanarese syllable De, which I take to be an abbreviation for Devaraya. The same abbreviation occurs on Nos. 13, 14, and 23. RayaRev. TT gajaganda bherunda. Raya-gaja-ganda-bherunda, the double-headed eagle, which splits the temples of the elephants of kings,' must be taken as a biruda of the king. The synonyms Gajaughagandabherunda and Aribhagandabherunda occur in copper-plate grants as birudas of Vijayanagara kings; see line 45 of Mr. Fleet's grant of Krishnaraya, J. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. Vol. XII. p. 384, and ante, Vol. XIII. p. 131, Plate iv. &, line 10.6 No. 13. MSTH. Copper. Obv. Elephant, facing the right; above it, a conch and the inverted Nagari syllable De. RayaRev. Tirta gajaganda(763 bheramda. Underneath the legend is a sceptre, the top of which faces the right. rAya . In Mr. Buick's Memorandum (800 note 4, above) the following similar copper coin is figured and described Obv. Elephant, trotting to the right, with an attendant carrying a spear and running before him; above the elephant, the Nagari syllable D. Rev. The same legend as No. 12; underneath it, sun, conch, and moon.

Page #326
304 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [SEPTEMBER, 1891. No. 14. ST. Copper. Oby. Elephant, facing the right; above it, the sun and the moon, and the Nagari syllable De. RiyagaRev. Tis* jagamdabhe rumda. Above the legend is a sceptre, the top of which faces the right. No. 15. STH. Copper. Obv. Elephant, facing the right. (trum RayagaRev. Mit jagamdabhelos ruida. Sir W. Elliot's No. 92, a copper coin of frequent occurrence, is connected by type with the preceding Nos. 9 to 15. It has, on the obverse, an elephant which faces the right (or, more rarely, the left), with the Kanarese syllable Ni above. The reverse bears the following legend : (sur Mana(?)Rev. 90 dagayaol karu. Danayakarw is the honorific Kanarese plural of dandyaka," which is perhaps a corruption of dandanayaka, the title of the Hoysala chiefs of Tonnur near Srirangapattanam ; see Elliot, p. 81.9 No. 16. S. Copper. Obv. Bull, facing the left; above it, the sun and the moon. Rey. Saf SriDeva try . raya. Above the legend is a sceptre, the top of which faces the right. No. 17. STH. Copper. Oby. Same as No, 16. * Rev. Same as No. 11. No. 18. STH. Copper. (Prinsep's Essays, Vol. I. Plate xxxv. No. 21.) Obv. Same as No. 16. Rev. Same as Nos. 11 and 17, but the conch on the left and the discus on the right of the sceptre. No. 19. T. Copper. Obv. Bull, facing the right, with the moon above and a conch in front. Rev. (4619 Prata pa-De. "lara Varaya. Above the legend is a sceptre, the top of which faces the right. * The slightly different form dan dyaka (or, in Tamil, dandyakka) appears in Dankyakkan-kottai, the name of fort in the Satyamangalam TAlukA of the Coimbatore District, and in Dandyakana-katte, mentioned in Mr. Rice's Gaxetteer of Mysore, Vol. II. Appendix I. p. 5. The Madrns Museum possesses an unpublished Hoyaala gold coin. Its obverse bears the figures of two lions, like Elliot's Nos. 90 and 91. The legend on the reverse is [1]), [2] 20 [3] , Srl-Malaparouganda, 'the glorious hero among the bill-chiefs. Malaparol ganda or Malaparolu ganda was a surname of the Hoya la kinga Vinay Aditya (Mr. Rice's Mysore Inscriptions, pp. 307 and 829) and Vishnuvardhana( bid. p. 263, and Inscriptions at Sravana Belgola. No. 58, 1. 18 f.), and of their successors. * Read Devardya

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COINS OF THE KINGS OF VIJAYANAGARA. 8 14 17 a 19 FULL-SIZE. 12 176 20 From Casts made by Mr. B. SANTAPPAH, Curator, Bangalore Museum. Plate i.

Page #328

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SEPTEMBER, 1891.) COINS OF THE KINGS OF VIJAYANAGARA. 305 No. 20. ST. Copper. Obv. Same as No. 19. ( Sri-Deva. Rev. raya. Sceptre as on No. 19. No. 21. BMSTH. Copper. (Prinsep's Essays, Vol. I. Plate III. No. 20.) Obv. Bull, facing the right; above it, the sun and the moon. Rev. Same as Nog. 11 and 17. No. 22. STH. Copper. Obv. Same as No. 21. Rev. Same as No. 18. No. 23. MSTH. Copper. - Obv. Bull, facing the right, with sun and moon above. In front of the bull is the Vagarf syllable De, which seems to be an abbreviation for Devariya, as on Nos. 12 to 14 SriRev. 3 ates Ntlakam. raft 13 tha. Nila kantha, the blue-necked,' is a name of the god 'Siva. SECOND DYNASTY.10 IV. Krishnaraya. No. 24. Gold, Double pagoda. (Elliot, No. 112.) Obv. Vishnu, standing under an arch. at Sri. Rev. 159 Krishoara ya. The omission of the surname Pratapa, which is found on the two smalfor gold coins, Nos. 26 and 27, makes this coin doubtful. The same obverse occurs on coins of the third dynasty; see No. 35. No. 25. M. Gold. Pagoda. Obv. 'Siva and Parvati, seated. fra 'Sri-PreRev. T op tapa-Krishna[rAvA raya. u This unique coin is also doubtful, and may have been an earlier issue of the pagod Krishnaraja of Maistr (No. 32,c). No. 26. MTH. Gold. Pagoda. (llarsden, Nos. 1070 and 1071. Wilson, No. 88 and 89. Prindep'Besayt, Vol. 11, Plate xlv. No, 13: Bidie, Nos. 12, & and b. Elliot, Nos. 186 to 188.)"... * Wilson's No. 90 is an oyo-oopy of gold coin with the Kanarene logond Depardy-work T his oil must be attributed to Narasimha, the elder brother and predecessor of Krishnariya. 11 Rond raya.

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306 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [SEPTEMBER, 1891. ( Obv. Vishnu scated, with the discus and the conch. Sri-PraRev. 5T tapa-Krislina(rAya raya. The ruder varieties of this coin are probably re-coinages of one of the Nayakas of ChitraHurga (Chitaldroog) in Maisar; see Hawkes, p. 13. No. 27. MST. Gold. Half pagoda. (Moor, Nos. 18 to 21. Elliot, No. 175.) Same type as No. 26. On some specimens of Nos: 26 and 27, the sitting figuru looks like a female and might be intended for Lakshmi. Marsden, p. 737, mentions a quarter pagodu of the same type. No. 28. STH. Copper. Obv. A kneeling figure of Garuda, which faces the left. Rev. Same as Nos. 26 and 27. V. Achyutaraya. No. 29. TH. Gold. Pagoda. Oby. A double-headed eagle (gandabherunda), holding elephants in its beaks and claws. BAT Sri-PraRev. area tapachyuta(rAba raya. No. 30. BT. Gold. Half pagoda. (Wilson, Nos. 92 and 93. Moor, No. 3. Bidie, No. 10, a. Elliot, No. 99.) Same type as No. 27. No. 31. SH. Gold. Half pagoda. (Wilson, Nos. 94 and 95. Moor, Nos. 1, 2, 4. Elliot, No. 98.) Oby. A gandabherunda, which is walking to the left. rafa Sri-PraRev. area tapachyuta 12 . .. R raya. The name of the king on Nos. 30 and 31 has been read as Pratapavira, Pratapa deva, Pratapachatura and Pratapachatuta. These misreadings were caused by the Nandinagari group chyu differing considerably from the corresponding group in northern Nagari. VI. Sadasivar&ya. No. 32. Gold. Pagoda. (Hawkes, Plate iii. No. 13. Elliot, No. 100.) Obv. Vishnu and Lakshmi, seated. af Sri-PrataRev. Therfer pa-Sadasi vareya. The two sitting figures with Vaishnava or Saiva emblems are common to this coin with Nos. 2, 4 to 6, and 25. They were subsequently adopted on three pagodas of later date, on which they have distinct Saiva attributes and are accordingly intended for Siva and Parvati : 13 Read Pratap Achyuta.

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SEPTEMBER, 1891.) COINS OF THE KINGS OF VIJAYANAGARA. 307 a. The Ikkeri pagoda. (Marsden, No. 1074. Hawkes, pp. 4 and 19. Bidie, No. 13. Elliot, No. 114.) ft Sri. Rev. ETET Sadasi lova. This is the spelling on two copies in the Madras Museum, one of which is figured by Dr. Bidie. On Marsden's and Elliot's copies the legend is corrupted into Sri-Saclasiva, Sir W. Elliot attributes this coin to Sadasiva, the first Nayaka of Ikkeri.13 The omission of the surname Pratapa may be adduced in favour of this supposition. b. - Haidar's Bahaduri pagoda. (Marsden, No. 1082. Hawkes, p. 4. Moor, No. 16. Bidic, No. 27.) Rov. Haidar's initial on a granulated surface. c. The pagoda of Krishnaraja of Maisur (A.D. 1799 to 18tit). (Marsden, No. 1072. Hawkes, p. 9. Bidic, No. 30. Elliot, No. 115.) SriRev. 157 KoishinarAjA raja. 14 There exists also an Ikkerils and a Bahaduri fanam; see, respectively, J. 18. Soc. Dengul, Vol. LV. Part I. Plate vi. No. 10, and Mr. Thurston's Catalogue of Mysore Coins in the Madrus Museum, Plate i, No. 7. Dr. Bain possesses i Bahaduri half pagoda and a half pagoda of Krishnaraja of Maisur. THIRD DYNASTY. VII. Tirumalaraya. No. 33. BT. Gold. Pagoda. (Elliot, No. 182.) Oby. Lakshmana standing, Rama and Sita seated. (zrIti Sri-TiRev. ETT runalara yulu. Riyulni is the honoritic Teluga plural of ruya. No. 34. MTH. Gold. Half pagoda. (Bidie, No. 14.) Same type as No. 33. In the Madras Journal, New Series, Vol. IV. Plate i. Nos. 12 to 17, Sir W. Elliot has tigared eye-copies of copper coins with a boar on the obverse and with the legend [S][/uraTir[u]malar[aya) on the reverse. Saluva, 'the bawk,' occurs as a birula of kings of the third and second dynasty of Vijayanagara; see my South-Indian Inscriptions, Vol. I. pr. 86, 131, 132. VIII. Venkata. No. 35. T. Gold. Pagoda. (Marsden, No. 2073. Wilson, No. 96. Bidie, No. 15. Elliot, No. 105.) 13 In the Sagar Taluka of the Shimoga District in Maisur. 14 Read rija. 10 This fanam bears the corrupt legond Sri-Sud isivi; scotbo remark on the Ik keri pagod

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308 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY Obv. Vishnu, standing under an arch. zrIrveka 'Sri-Vemka. TezvarA tesvaraya namah. ya namaH 'Adoration to the blessed Venkatesvara.' Rev. Venkatesvarale is the deity of Venkatadri or Tirumalai, the sacred hill of Tirupati in the North Arcot District. As Chandragiri, the last capital of the third Vijayanagara dynasty, is situated near Tirupati, and as the copper-plate grants of the third dynasty (ante, Vol. XIII. pp. 128 and 156) open with the invocation Sri-Venkatesaya namah, it is very probable that the coin belongs to one of these princes, or even specially to one of the Venkatas among them, who might have selected the legend, because it reminded of his own name.17 Wilson's No. 97, Moor's Nos. 12 and 14, Bidie's No. 16, and Elliot's No. 176, a half pagoda, seem to be a later imitation of this coin; the legend has degenerated into a scrawl. Rev. . jll ldyn and khbr No. 37. MSTH. Copper. (Elliot, No. 177.) Obv. Vishnu, standing; on his right, a fish. veNk 82 Rev. Vemkatapa. Venkatappa was the name of the sixth Nayaka of Ikkeri; see Mr. Sewell's Lists of Antiquities, Vol. II. p. 177. As, however, this coin is frequently met with in the Madura bazar, and as the fish is the emblem of the Pandya country, I believe that it belongs to one of the Madura Nayakas, who issued it in the name of his nominal sovereign Venkata, the pageant king of Vijayanagara.19 Obv. No. 36. S. Copper. Obv. Same as No. 35. baiMka [Ve]mka Tapa tapa rAya raya. Rev. No. 38. MH. Copper. Tiru-Ve mga [la]. S tiruve Ayo The holy (mountain of) Venkata.' MuduKrishna.19 This is another coin of the Nayakas of Madura. To Mr. T. Varada Rao, Head Assistant Collector of Tinnevelly, I am indebted for the loan of an inscription on seven copper-plates, which records that the village of Kuniyur (in the Ambasamudram Taluk of the Tinnevelly District) was granted in Saka 1556 (expired), the cyclic year Bhava (A. D. 1634-35), by Vira [SEPTEMBER. 1891 5 mudu * kri 300 16 The vowel of the first syllable of the word Venkata is long in Tamil, but shortened in Kanarese. 17 Thus some coins of Akbar bear the inscription & deal, which alludes to his names 18 Mr. Buick (see note 4, above) figures a similar copper coin:- Obv. Krishna, playing the flute and attended by two cows. Rev. Same as No. 87. 19. Read Muddu-Krishna.

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COINS OF THE KINGS OF VIJAYANAGARA. 26: . 27 ( 271) 21 30 34 All 35 36 37 38 FULL-SIZE. From Casts made by Mr. B. S.4. 17.4 PPAH, C'urator, Bungalure. .serom.

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SEPTEMBER, 1891.] COINS OF THE KINGS OF VIJAYANAGARA. 309 Venkatapati-maharaya (of Chandragiri) at the request of Tirumala (Nayaka of Madura), whose pedigree is given as follows: Naga of the Kisyapa (gotra). Visvanatha. Krishnapa Nayaka. Virapa. Visvapa Nayaka. Muddu-Krishna. Muddu-Vira. Tiruinala. According to Mr. Sewell, 20 Muddu-Krishna, whose name occupies the reverse of the coin, reigned from A. D. 1602 to 1609. The obverse of the coin corresponds to the colophon of the copper-plate inscription, Sri Venkatesa, the name of the patron saint of the princes of the third dynasty of Vijayanagara, whose sovereignty was nominally acknowledged by the Madura Nayakas. No. 39. Copper. (Elliot, No. 89.) Obv. Same as No. 28. Rev. SUB Vemkata. In conclusion, I avail myself of this opportunity for correcting Mr. Thomas' remarks on Elliot's Nos. 101 and 102. On the obverse of this half pagoda are, not Siva and Parvati, bat Narasimha and Lakshmi, and the legend on the reverse has been successfully deciphered by my assistant, Mr. V. Venkayya, M. A., as follows: zrIkaMThI ['Srij-Komh[1]. ravanara [ra]va-NarasarAya [sa]r[aya). Colonel Wilks 31 states that Kanthirava-Narasaraya (A.D. 1638 to 1658) was the first ruler of Maisur who established a mint. Hawkes, p. 2 f. attributes to him the first issue of the Kanthirava fanam, which bears on the obverse a seated figure of Narasimha. The legend of the half pagoda and its Narasimha type leave no doubt that it is an issue of the same Mairur sovereign. At the beginning of the present century, accounts were still kept in Kanthirars pagodas, though these coins themselves had entirely disappeared and were considered by Dr. Buchanana2 as "an imaginary money." The Kanthirava fanam was, according to Hawkes, pp. 3 and 8 f. re-coined by Diyan Purnaiya during the minority of Krishnaraja. An examination of a number of picked specimens enables me to add, that the reverse of the fanan reads : SrikaThI Kanth[i] rava. 3o Lists of Antiquities, Vol. II. p. 200. 11 History of Myagor, Madras reprint, Vol. I. p 32 11 Journey through Mysore, Madras reprint, Vol. I. pp. 89 and 134.

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310 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (SEPTEMBER, 1891. HARSAUDA STONE INSCRIPTION OF DEVAPALADEVA OF DHARA; THE (VIKRAMA) YEAR 1275. BY PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN, C.I.E. GOTTINGEN. The stone which bears this inscription was dug from the ruins of a temple in the village of Harsauda, about 10 miles from the town of Charwa, in the district of Hoshangabad in the Central Provinces. It measures "13 in height by 13' in breadth, besides a raised and rounded "margin. It is thick and heavy, and shaped upon the back into some form of which the intent "is not now recognizable. Its material is greenstone," hard and tough in quality. In 1857 the stone was in the possession of Dr. F. E. Hall, who subsequently presented it to the American Oriental Society; and it is now in the Cabinet of that Society, at New Haven. The inscription was first edited, with a translation, by Dr. Hall in the Journal Beng. As. Soc., Vol. XXVIII. pp. 1-8, and the text was afterwards republished, with & photozincograph, in Archaeol. Survey of Western India, No. 10, pp. 111-12. Besides, a valuable note on his text and translation was published by Dr. Hall in the Journal Am. Or. Soc., Vol. VI. pp. 536-7. As the text of the inscription, even after this note, is capable of improvement, I now re-edit it from two excellent impressions which, at Professor Lanman's request, were kindly prepared for me by Mr. Herbert c. Tohwen, of Yale University, New Haven. The inscription contains eighteen lines of writing which cover a space of about 11 broad by 10% high. Beneath it are eight figures, about 14' high, - a central figare representing probably Siva, and on his right three and on the left four figures of males and females, engaged in worshipping the god. With the exception of three or four aksharas which are slightly damaged, the writing is well preserved. The size of the letters is about Ts'. The characters are Nagari; and the.language is Sanskrit. Lines 4-6 are in prose; the rest of the inscription, excepting the words on namah Sivaya at the commencement of the first line and some words of auspicious import at the end of the last, is in verse. Some of the verses are irregular, and altogether the inscription, which is styled a prasamsa, shows that its author Devasarman (line 18) was neither a great poet nor an exact scholar. As regards orthography, the letter b is throughout denoted by the sign for u, and the dental sibilant is several times used instead of the palatal; s is employed instead of sin aslt, line 11, and sh instead of kh in the word leshaka, line 18. The inscription, after the words "om, adoration to Siva," has three verses in honour of, or invoking the blessings of, Heramba (Ganesa), the goddess of eloquence Bharati, and the three gods Brahman, Vishnu, and Sive. It then records, in the prose lines 4-6, the date, - Saturday, the 5th of the bright half of Margastreha of the year 1275, while there was reigning at Dhard the Paramabhattaraka Maharajadhiraja and Paramesvara, the devout worshipper of Mahesvara (Siva), Devepaladdva, endowed with everything auspicious (samastaprasastopeta), resplendent with the decoration of the panchamahasabda obtained by him, and possessed of majesty through a boon bestowed upon him by the favour of the holy Limbarya; and it repeats in faller detail the astronomical part of the date, in verses 4 and 5. The rest is mainly devoted to the proper object for which the inscription was put up, vis. to record that on the north-eastern side of Harshapura the merchant Kesava built a temple of Sambhu, together with a tank, and that near it he put up figures of Hanumat, a deity called Kshetrapala, the guardian of fields,' Ganesa, Krishna and other divine beings, Nakulisa, and Ambika. Kesava, who did all this, was the younger brother of the merchant Dhala, a son of Bilhana, who was a son of Dosi (or Ddsin), & resident of Undapura. The really important part of the inscription is its date, and the statement that the inscription was put op when Devapaladevi was ruling at Dhard. The date has been already fully 1 See Journal Beng. Ar. Boc., Vol. XXVIII. p. 1; Journal Am. Or. Soc., Vol. VI. p. 536; and O. Grant's Gantteor of the Central Provinces, seo. Ed., p. 151. Literally, in that direction which is presided over by Ils (or Siva).

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SEPTEMBER, 1891.) HARSAUDA INSCRIPTION OF DEVAPALADEVA. 311 discussed by me, ante, Vol. XIX. p. 24, No. 11, and I therefore need only repeat here that the corresponding date is Saturday, the 24th November, A. D. 1218. As regards Devapaladiva, I have shown above, p. 83, that at Udaypur in Gwalior there are two inscriptions from which we know this king to have ruled in the Vikrama years 1286 and 128[9?]. But only the present inscription connects him distinctly with Dhara, and our inscription is valuable besides for the epithets samastaprasastopeta-samadhigatapanchamahasabdalankaravirajamana by which Devapa ladeva is here qualified. For by using these epithets, which may seem to be somewbat out of place in an independent sovereign, Devapaiadeva distinctly shows his connection with the Mahakumarus Lakshmivarmadeva, Harischandradeva, and Udayavarmadeva, who use exactly the same epithets and who were ruling at Dhara before Deva paladeva.3 Another epithet, applied to Devapa ladeva in this inscription, is arf-Limbarya-pirasada-vara-labdha-pratapa, 'who had obtained majesty through a boon bestowed upon him by the favour of ... Limbarya.' That the word Limbarya of this phrase must be taken to denote some local deity is highly probable in itself, and is proved with certainty by the words Limbaryadevi-palapadm-uradhana-prasadalabdhavara-Malavachipati-, or words to the same effect, in line 2 of the Udaypur inscription of Jayasimha, last mentioned by me above, p. 84, note 3. I have no doubt that the rulers of Dhara adopted the phrase in imitation of a similar phrase employed by the Chaulukya kings of Anhilwad, with whose inscriptions they had reason to be familiar. Of the places mentioned in this inscription, Dhard is well known ; and Harshapura no doubt is the present Harsaudi where the inscription was found. Undapura I am unable to identify ; in all probability it is mentioned also in the Udaypur inscription of which I have given the date ante, Vol. XIX. p. 28, No. 28. TEXT.6 1 Om namah Sivaya || Sarvvas-karmma-samarambhe girvvanair=yo namaskritah 11(1) sa maya Parvvati-putr[0] Heramva(ba)h staya2 te-nisam | 1 [11] Bharati bhavatam bhuyad=vag-ullasa-vika[sa]9-da (1) jagaj-jadya10. tamordhastat=kurvvati bha raver=iva 11 2 [11] 3 K[ai]usah kainj-ali-kas-abha humkar-ari-pinakinah vi-vi-go-gatayo dadyuh sam vo=mvuj-amdu12-nag-aukasah 11 3 11 4 Samvat panchasaptaty-adhika-dvadababat-ark[@]13 1275 Margga-sudi 5 Sa(sa)nau [1*] svasti [1] srimad-Dharayam samastaprasastopeta5 samadhigata pamchamahasavd(bd)-ala[m]14kara-vira jamana - paramabhattaraka-maharaja*). dhiraja-paramesva(sva)ra-paramamahesva (sva)ra-sri6 Limva(mba)rya-prasada - vara - lavdha(bdha)- pratapa - srimad - Davapaladeva-charananam mahi-pravarddhamana-kalyana-vijayardjye sati * See ante, Vol. XVI. p. 254, and Vol. XIX. pp. 346 and 352. 4 The rubbing at my disposal being very faint, I am not absolutely certain nbout every akshara of the above phrase. 6 See the Udaypur inscription of the Chaalukya Kumarapaladva, ante, Vol. XVIII. p. 343, line 3. 6 From the impressions. 7 At the commencement of the line, before this word, is an ornamental device which looks like a flower. * Metre of verses 1-3, Sioka (Anushtubh). 9 This akshara might be read ka. 10 Originally dyan, but the sign of an undra is atrack out. 11 The superscript line which turns into ai is very faint, but it is undoubtedly there ; Kaisah = Ka-A-IR. nt in engraved and I cannot see that anything has been struck out or altered ; read 28-mbuj-Ambr., though this offenda agaiost the metre. - This difficult verse has been first explained by Dr. F. E. Hall in the Journal Ain. Or. Soc., Vol. VI. p. 537. Dr. Hall's translation is: -"May Brahma, Visbnu and Siva - in color resembling, severally, the water-lily, the black bee, and kasa grass; having, respectively, for weapone, menacing utterances, a discus, and the pindla; moving, in order as enumerated, with birds, a bird, and a bull; and whose abode is on the jambu-bearing mountain - bestow on you prosperity." I would only substitute for the translation of the last compound - 'whose abode is, respectively, a lotus, the water, and the mountains. 15 One would have expected saterike. 14 This sign of anusvira was originally omitted.

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312 10 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. 7 || Adhike15 pamchasaptatya dvadas-avda(bda)-Bato sake [*] vatsare Chitrabhanau tu Marggasirshe site dale | 4 | Pamchamy-amtaka-sam 8 yoge nakshatre Vishnu-daivate 11(1) yogele Harshana-samjne tu tithyarddhe Dhatri-daivate | 5 | Srimad-Umdapure sa(pu)rvvam=asid=Dos=iti 9 purushah (1) khyatah sarvva-gunair-lloke vi(tri)loke17 sammatah satama || 6 || Tad18-aurasah suddha-matir-vva(bba)bhuva sri: Vi(bi)lhapo-namga-samana-murtih (1) tasy-atmajo-bhud-vanijam mahatma sri-Dhala-nami mahaniya-kirtih 117 11 11 Tasy-anujah Kesava-namadheyo vanik-pathe suddha-matir-jjane ratih 19 11(1 asi(si)t-tada dharmma-niketanah sada 12 bhudeva-bhaktah sva-jane-tiraktal 11 8 11 Ten20=dkari man dbarmme Kesavena sujanmana (1) nalini-dala-nirena 13 pasyata sadrisam vapuh II 9 || Harsha-purvvat-purad-ais[e] vibhag loka namdanam chakar-ayatanam Sambhor-ambhonidhi [SEPTEMBER, 1891. 14 sama[m] sarah 1 10. I Tat-sannidhane Han[a]mat-[Ksh]etrapala-Ganesvaran sthapayam-asa Krishn-adin-Nakulisam=a[th=A] 15 mvi(mbi)kam || 11 || Lok-anuragatas-tyagad-vipra-samtarpanat-sada | devarchchanagnihomabhyam-arjjitam sumaha-21 16 d=yasah || 12 || Loke22 vru (bru)te Kesavah satya-vakyam mat-prasadam yo narali pasyat-imam (1) tad-dasam23 mam bhu-tale supra17 siddham janamtv-ete saj-ja[n]ah sarvvad-aiva || 13 || mama vitanvata [m] (1) krita sa18 sta prasams-eyam25 dhimata Devasarmmana | 14 | pathakayoh savve(rvva) d=aiva II Sivam astu I(11) GAYA STONE INSCRIPTION OF THE REIGN OF SULTAN FIRUZ SHAH; THE VIKRAMA YEAR 1429. -- Mahajan-anuragena [sr]eyo Subham bhavatu lesha (kha)ka BY PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN, C.I.E.; GOTTINGEN. This inscription was discovered by General Sir A. Cunningham, and its contents were. referred to by the late Dr. Bhagvanlal Indraji, ante, Vol. X. p. 341. I now edit it from two excellent impressions, supplied to me by Mr. Fleet. According to the information available, the inscription is at the side of the doorway, or in the sanctum, of a temple which stands on the west side of a masonry tank called Dakshinamanasa, near the Vishnupada at Gaya in Bihar. And from the inscription itself it appears that the temple, where it is, was dedicated to the Sun, worshipped under the name of Dakshinarka or Dakshinaditya, 'Sun of the South.'- The writing covers a space of 2' 94" broad by 5" high, and is throughout well preserved, so that, with the exception of two or three aksharas of little importance, everything may be read with certainty. The size of the letters is between "and". The characters are Nagari, slightly influenced by the Bengali style of writing; and the language is Sanskrit. Excepting the words om Ganapataye namah and sri-Suryaya 15 Metre of verses 4-6, Sloka (Anushtubh). 16 Originally yogs, altered to yige. 17 The first akshara, vi, of this word is so peculiarly formed, as to render it highly probable that the engraver had tri before him in the text from which he was copying or which he was engraving. 18 Metre of verses 7 and 8, Upajati; in both the metre is irregular. 19 This appears to have been altered to ratal, which it should be. In the following read -niketanam. 20 Metre of verses 9-12, Sloka (Anushtubh). 24 Metre, Sloka (Anushtubh). 1 See Archaeol. Survey of India, Vol. III. p. 128. 21 This akshara originally was hd, but the sign for & has been struck out. 22 Metre, Saint. 25 The upper portion of the three aksharas taddasath is somewhat damaged, but I consider the reading to be certain. 26 Originally prasastaiyam, but clearly altered to prasamatyam.

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SEPTEMBER, 1891.] GAYA INSCRIPTION OF VIKRAMA-SAMVAT 1429 -313 ramah, lines 1-5 are in verse; the greater portion of lines 6-8 is in prose; and the remainder. excepting the concluding words sidulkir=astu larye satam=iti, is again in verse. In respect of grammar and orthography it may be noted that two of the verses do not admit of a proper construction, and that the letter bis denoted by the sign for v. As regards lexicographs, the word kirti is used in the now well-known sense of a temple,' in lines 5 and 8; and line furnishes the word sasanika, apparently denoting an official who had to do with sasanas, or charters. The inscription, after two verses in honour of Ganapati and the Sun, records (in lines 2-5) that, in the Vikrama year denoted by the (nine) planets, a pair, the (four) ages and the moor, i.e., in Vikrama 1429, while Piyaroja-saha, the lord of Dhili, was ruling the land, Kulachanda, then governor (adhikurin) of Gaya, built (or rather, repaired) the temple of Dakshinarka, at Gaya. And it relates that Kulachanda was a son of Hemaraja, a descendant of the Kshatriya Dala who lived in the western country and was born in the family of a prince Vyaghra, or Vyaghraraja. This part of the inscription which is called a prasasti, composed by Sir[i]sena, closes with two verses which invoke the divine blessing on the family of Kulachanda, the prince (nripa) descended from Vyaghra. What is stated before in verse, is repeated in a plainer and more businesslike manner in prose, in lines 6-8. Here we are told that on a certain date which will be given below, in the reign of the western Sultan Piyardja-saha, conspicuous by his birudas Asimapaurusha and so forth, the Thakura Kulachandaka, - who held the post of governor of Gaya, who followed in the footsteps of the prince Vyaghra, and was a son of the Thakura Homaraja and a son's son of the Kshatriya, the Thakura Dala, a devont worshipper of Vishnu, - at the sacred place of Gaya, belonging to Dakshinag&ra in the country of Udandapura, restored the temple of the holy Dakshinditya which had fallen into disrepair. The prose portion states besides that this inscription was written by the Sasanila of Gaya 'Srisena (whom I take to be the person named Sir[i]sena above a son of the Kayastha, the ?'hakura Karnasena ; and that the architect employed on the reps of the temple was Haridasa. Lines 9 and 10 contain two benedictive and imprecatory verses, and the inscription ends with a short prose passage of similar import. The date, referred to above, is Sani-vasara or Saturday, the 13th lunar day of the dark half of Magha, of the Vikrama year 1429; and corresponds, as I have shown above, p. 138, - for Vikrama 1429 expired and the purnimanta Magha, -- to Saturday, the 22nd January, A.D. 1373. For the peculiar way in which the supposed founder of the Vikrama era is spoken of in line 6, we may compare the date of a Bengali MS. of the Vikrama year 1503, which I have given in full ante, Vol. XIX. p. 180, No. 131. The localities mentioned in the inscription are, besides Dhili (i.e. Delhi), Gaya, Dakshinagara, and the country of Udandapura. Of these, Delhi and Gaya are well-kuown. The word Dakshinagara, denoting the district in which Gayi was situated, I have not met with elsewhere. Udandapura should perhaps have been spelt Uddandapura, and so the name apparently occurs in another Gaya inscription, ante, Vol. IX. p. 143. Sir A. Cunningham who has recognised the same na under the form of Otantapura, in Taranatha's account of the Magadha kings, at first was c. opinion that the town intended might be the present Tandwa or Bishenpur Tandwa, about fifteen miles east of Gaya. Later, however, he has adopted Mr. Beglar's suggestion that up to the time of the Muhammadan conquest Udandapura was the proper name of the town of Bihar in the Patna District of Bengal, which is said to be still known as Dand-Bihar. ? i.e. Firuz Shah, A.D. 1951-1888. 3 Compare Archaeol. Survey of India, Vol. III. p. 129, and Plate xi; Vol. VIII. p. 75: and Vol. XI. p. 185: ante, Vol. IV. p. 866; Kero's Buddhismus, German Ed., Vol. II. p. 545; and Sachau, Alberuni's India, Vol. II. p. 314.

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314 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [SEPTEMBER, 1891. TEXT. 1 Om Ganapataye namah !! Abhipret 6-A[r]tha-siddhy-a[r]tham pujito yah surair-api 17 sarvva-vighnam-apaharata tasmai Ganadhipataye namah 11 Sri-Suryaya namah 11 Prasadato8 yasya ghan-andhakarair=vviyakta-natham kila chakravaki i vyapeta-boka labhate din-adau sad a sa vah patu 2 Sahasrabhanuh | Asima-rajye nfipa-Vikrama[r]kke gate grah(air ? 119]=yugma-yug Ondu-kale | Philipati-sri-Piyardjasahe bhuvam samasasati vairi-dAhe II Gay-eti vitt-Atmabhuva prithivyam yad-akhyayi yra(bra)hma-puri manojnal nivasa-hetoh khalu nirjjaranam=&p[odha]1o-vidhvamsa-pa3 [th]i [na]ranam | 11 Khyatahl kshitau kshatriya-vira-[dh irah sri-Vyaghra-raj.&nvaya [yata?]-surah Dal=eti namni disi paschimayam=asranta-rajanya-gan-asritiyam 11 Tasyranvaye jata udara-kirttih Sriranga-pad-A[rchcha]na-punya-murttih pajyah sada muna-bhritam yasasvi sri-Henerajah sa4 dayd viveki | Tasy12-atmajo niti-vichara-dakshah sad-aiva puryn-arthijan-abhilashahi Gay-adhikari suksiti manishi kul-avalamvi(mbi) Kulachanda eshah | Gay19-eti [evar-dvaral-kapata-bhedi amoksha-bhajam=api moksha-dayi sa Dakshinarkkasya visuddha-vu(buddhis=chakara 5 kirttim vaba)hu-kirtti-na[thah ?]15 11 Suralayam yah kurute prasastam chiraya bhuktv= eba sukhan naresah samam sad=aiva tridas-anganabhir-apapa-deho divi modate sal 11 Karotu kalyanam=alam Dinesas=chiram sa Vaiyaghra-nra(ori)pasya vamseie 1 batam tamo yena sahasra-dhamna 6 k[ri]ta prasastih Sirsi?]i7sena-namna 11 Sarala-likhanam yatha Il Paramabhattarak etyadi-rajavall purvvavat Srimad-Vikramadityadova-nripater-atit-dvdo(bde) samvata(t) 1429 Magha-krishna-trayodabyam tithau Sanivasar-an vitayam 118 punar- asimapaurush-e7 tyadi-sakala-viruda-raji-virajamana-pasch&tya-suratrana-bri.Piyarbjas&ha-rajye 118 srimad-Udandapura-dese 18 Dakshinagara-samva(mba)ndhi- 18 -yrimad-Gay&. kshetrele paramavaishnava-kshatriya-thakura-sri-Dala-pautrena thakura-bri-Hemaraja-putrena Vyaghra-raja * From impressions supplied to me by Mr. Fleet. o Expressed by a symbol. * Metre, Bloka (Anushtubh). The third Pada of this verse is quite incorrect. Probably, the intended reading was earra-righna-haras-tasmai. In the original, this sign of punctuation is here and in several places below denoted by a small circular line. * Metre of this and the two next verses, Upendravajra. . At first graha-yugma appears to bave been engraved, which would offend against the metre. But the signs for ai and r seem to have been added afterwards. I would translate the time expressed by a pair, the (four) ages, and the (one) moon, sooompanied by the (nine) planets,' i. e. 1429 ; see below, line 6. 10 At first pau was engraved, but it appears to have been altered to po; the following akshara may have been originally dha or dhya. Instead of -pathi, one would have expected path. The general meaning of the verse I take to be that Gay, which by Brahman was judged to be a fit place of residence for the gods, also bars the ways to perdition for men. Metre, Indravajra; and of the next verse. 12 Metre, Upajati. 13 Metre of this and the two next verses, Upendravajra. There is an hiatus between the first and second Padas of this verse; the first half of the verse, besides, is grammatically incorrect; and the verse, taken as a whole, does not admit of a proper construction. 1 This, though it offends against the metre, appears to be the intended reading the engraver actually put xurdrura. 16 Originally -nuka was engraved, but the last akshara has been somehow altered. It is not absolutely certain that athal is the true reading intended. 16 Originally puvuse was engraved. IT Originally Sirasena. was engraved, but the impressions look as if the second akshara had been altered to ri, I take the name to be equivalent to Srisena, line 9, below. IN These signs of punctuation are superfluous. 10 Here there is what looks like a sign of the avagraha which has been struck out again.

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SEPTEMBER, 1891.] FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA; No. 37. 315 8 paddhati-6Alina thakura-sri-Kulachamdakena grihita-Gay-Adhikarena punyavata sakala puny-Abhivsiddhaye matripitror20=atmanas=cha srimad-bhattaraka21-sri-Dakshinadityasya patita kirttir=uddhrita II Likhitam=idam Gaya-sasanikena kayastha-tha22-eri. Karnnas[]na-sunung srimata 9 Srisenen=eti || Sutradharo Soya Haridasa-nama | Subham -astu sarvva-jagatah para hita-nirata bhavantu bhuta-ganah 1 doshah prayantu nasam sarvvatra sukbi bhavatu lokah | Arthih24 pada-raj-pama girinadi-veg-opamam yauvanam manushyam jala lola-vindu-chapalan phon-opama ji10 vitam dharmman ye na karoti nischala-matih svargg-arggal-dghA[ta*]nam paschattapa-hato jara-parinatah sok-agnini dahyate 11 Siddhir=aptu(stu) karye satam=iti 11 FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA. BY PANDIT NATESA SASTRI, M. F. L. S. No. 37. - The Story of Atirupa. In the country of the Setupatis there lived a famous astrologer named Satyavak. All through the country he was known as the greatest astrologer living, and it was said that whatever he foretold never proved untrue. Many came from the remotest parts of the earth to consult him, and to every one he imparted his advice gratis, never taking even a kaudi from any one who came to him. Nor was Satyavak rich. He was almost a pauper, although he was, at that time, the greatest authority on astrology. His only means of livelihood was begging for alms. He would take a bowl in his hand exactly at the tenth ghafika of the day, and go about from house to house collecting rice. As soon as there was enough in his bowl to feed two people for the day, he would return home and hand over the rice to his wife. His only relative in this world was his wife. All the others he had lost. She was an extremely polite, contented and educated woman, and whatever her husband gave her she received with a cheerful countenance. The pair led a happy life, notwithstanding their poverty, till, one day, the wife thought to herself :-"My lord is the greatest authority in a department of knowledge, which is most eagerly sought after by high and low. From the Setupati to the meanest subject dwelling in this country all consult him. Daily from early morning to the tenth ghalikd of the day he spends his time in giving advice. From the tenth to the fifteenth ghaxika he goes ont begging, and returns home only with enough to feed him and myself for the day. Again in the evening he spends his time in giving advice. What is his object in thus freely giving away his hard-earned knowledge for nothing? Here we are, husband and wife, and do we not want some money to make ourselves comfortable ? When there is every opportunity for his earning a good income and even amassing great wealth, why should he be thus careless of utilizing it and thereby make himself rich P There must be some reason for it. I have been thus patiently bearing op till now. To-night I shall ask him." Thus thought she, and, reserving her curiosity till night should fall, she calmly waited for its approach, Now, as soon as the heavy work of the day was over, Satyavak used to retire for the night with his wife, but this night he missed the usual cheerfulness from her face. She seemed a little sad, and he knew very well that he had done nothing during the day, or indeed at any time, to displease her, for they were a most affectionate couple. So, being unable to guess the cause of her sadness, he thus spoke to her: "My dear wife! What is the matter with you to-night! We are leading such a holy and innocent life that even the higher powers should dread us! Suoh being the case, can any # The proper form would be matapitror. n The akshara ka wwe originally omitted, and is engraved above the line. * i.e. thakura>> Metre, &ryl. >> Metre, Bardalavikridita.

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316 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [SEPTEMBER, 1891. human being have dared to offend us? Who has done you harm? What is the reason of your downcast-looks P Speak out, my love, and the offender, whoever he may be, shall cease to live! For, however poor we may be, our influence is so great, that we can soon bring the culprit to justice." Thus spoke her husband, and ashamed of the weakness which had displeased her lord, who spoke so nobly, notwithstanding their poverty, and who, as she knew, valued wealth as nothing, she thus answered: - "Most mighty husband, I know very well that, as long as I have the honour of being your wife, no being either on earth or heaven would dare to offend me. Your virtue ever stands by me as my guardian spirit. Your very name enables me to roam over the whole world chaste and pure. Even fire would fear to touch me! Such are the powers conferred on you by your virtue and good conduct; but, for all my happiness in this world in having you for my lord, I was made a little sad to-day from pondering over in my mind as to why my lord should choose to be so very poor, when there is ample opportunity to make himself rich. I could not understand why my husband, while he could afford to live like a king, should go begging every day. It was only this that made me sad and nothing else, and I respectfully request you now to dispel this confusion from my mind." Thus ended the wife, and Satyavak, smiling at her womanish simplicity, thus began : "My dearest wife! After all, you have shewn yourself to be a very woman! I took you to be much above that kind of thing. Having spent the whole of my life in astrology, do you think that I have been so careless as not to cast our own horoscopes and to foresee our future ? If I had known that the acquisition of wealth would have made us happy, and would put us in a better condition hereafter, I should have been the greatest of fools to have disregarded it. What is wealth after all? It is an empty bauble, never steady for even a single moment. The acquisition of a small quantity of it fires the soul with the ambition to acquire more, till life is lost in the pursuit and all other duties forgotten. The last rung of that ladder has never been reached yet by any one. All who have been thus engaged, have given up their lives without ever having attained the full height of their ambition. People amass wealth, - hoard after hoard, and still they sigh because farther hoards are wanting. Wealth is the worst demon that ever lived in this world. In his porsuit sins are committed, to wash away which even the holy waters of the Ganges or of the sacred Samudra Raja, (ocean) have no power. Even wealth honestly got, if minutely examined, would be found to have, here and there, some Haws in it. It is to save ourselves from sins incident to the acquisition of wealth that I have been leading this simple and innocent life. As I have already told you, you are only a woman after all, and have fallen into the weakness of your sex in imagining that it is money that makes one happy, and not other and better things. I have to tell you now that we are to have no children in this world to be of service to us in our old age. Our horoscopes say that. How then would any amount of wealth make you happy? Foreseeing all this, and, not wishing to make our already unfortunate life in this birth (janma) still more unfortunate at our next birth, I have chosen my present mode of life. These are my reasons. As a sensible woman you must agree with me. What have we to care for in this world ? Our own name and fame! I see that my remark, that we are to have no children, has already changed the colour of your face. You need not be so very sorry. I qualified that statement with the remark 'to be of service to us in our old age.' We shall have a boy in our sixtieth year, but he will not be of much use to us! And you must not ask me any more questions !" Thus said Satyavak, and his wife, who was all the while listening most eagerly to him, blamed herself for her imprudence in having shewn her weakness to her husband, and, being a good and educated lady, she readily perceived all the varions points and arguments which made her lord adhere to the life he was then leading. Notwithstanding her extreme anxiety to know something more about her future son, she did not like to speak a word on that subject to Satyavak,

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SEPTEMBER, 1891.] FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA; No. 37. as he had strictly forbidden her. So with a cheerful face she begged pardon, and in a moment became thoroughly reconciled to him. Ever after that memorable night she continued his most faithful and affectionate wife. 317 Just as he had foretold, Satyavak had a boy in his sixtieth year. The child was very beautiful, and the parents named him Atirupa, and in his fifth year his father commenced the onerous task of educating him. After giving him a general training for some years, he educated him in his own art of astrology, and of this Atirupa soon became a master; so much so that before he had completed his sixteenth year he was much ahead of his own father. So famous became Atirupa that people took a greater delight in consulting the son than the father about horoscopes and such things. Satyavak never grudged the honour that was thus being shewn to his son. He was growing very old, and liked to be relieved of trouble in the decline of life. Thus, as the son grew more and more famous, the father allowed himself to be eclipsed in reputation. The same mode of life was continued by the family. At the tenth ghatika old Satyavak went out to beg, and returned with just enough rice to feed three. One day the father went out as usual, and his old wife busied herself in getting things ready for the morning meal. Their son was, meanwhile, sitting outside the house reading a chapter of the Brihajjataka, when suddenly there stood before him the king Setupati. "Is your father at home ?" asked the sovereign. "No, my lord! He has just gone out. But I see from Your Majesty's face that some enemy has invaded your country, and you are come to consult my old father as to whether it would be advisable for Your Majesty to march against the invader. In other words, whether the attempt would be successful. I say 'no.' Saturn must now be in the eighth mansion of your horoscope, and so all your attempts must prove unsuccessful. You had better calmly retire into a forest with your family and children, and at the close of the third year from this date you may get back your kingdom without any direct attempt. There is no time to waste. The enemy, half a ghatika ago, entered the town by the East Gate. So run off." Thus said the boy, and, before the king could open his lips, there came a hasty messenger panting for breath, and said: "The enemy has entered by the East Gate. We are all undone. There was a most sudden and unexpected attack!" The king ran in haste to look after his family, and, just as he was hastening away, Satyavak returned, and his son related to him everything. On hearing the story even the contented and philosophic disposition of Satyavak gave way. He placed his bowl on the verandah, and wept profusely. Never, in the whole course of his life before had he let fall a tear from his eyes. But now they fell in profusion. "Why do you weep, my most holy father ?" cried out the son. This brought his mother running out of the house, and when she saw her lord in tears, even without knowing the cause, she began to weep out of sympathy. The son's eyes, too, began to moisten, and, thus, in a moment, all three began to weep without exactly knowing why. This continued for a time, till the mother, sobbing, said : "Why is the face of the donor of prosperity to the whole world wet with tears to-day? Will my lord explain ?" Said he :-"I bore with my misery calmly till to-day without disclosing it to you and making you a sharer in it; but to-day's misfortunes have been too much for me! I could no longer bear it, and so I wept. Did I not tell you a long time ago that our son would be of no 1 A work on astrology.

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318 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (SEPTEMBER, 1691. service to us in our old age P That was a mild way of saying that his life would be a short one! I did not like to wound a mother's heart with so terrible a statement. Only eighteen years are given to our Atirupa in his horoscope ; and, already, the sixteenth year is drawing to a close. He has only two years more to live, and then we shall lose him. The thought of this and of the vast amount of rare knowledge that he has acquired brought this sorrow upon me. What child of an astrologer has ever before, in his sixteenth year, so clearly foreseen the fortunes of the king of the country? Is it because the life of our Atirupa was made so short that God gave him such superior intellectual powers ? O ye gods, how cruel you are towards your own creatures !" Thus ended the old man, unable to proceed further, and choking with his sorrow. His wife fell to the ground, like a tree cut at the root, and the boy perceived that he was the cause of all this misery of his parents. He consoled them by degrees, and cheered them up, asking his father for his horoscope. He then began to examine it minutely before his anxious parents, and at last pronounced it to have been wrongly cast, for certain reasons. His arguments were so cogent and persuasive that Satyavak, too, began to waver in his opinion. Atirupa, seizing the opportunity, clearly proved to his father that he would live for a full century; that the horoscope must say so if it had been rigbtly cast; and that all this trouble had occurred owing to its having been wrongly cast. He then corrected and re-wrote his horoscope with very sound arguments for such corrections, and made his father believe beyond doubt that his son was to live for a hundred years, and not to meet his death in his eighteenth year. His mother, too, was pretty nearly satisfied, and, thus, in a few ghafikas, after a great deal of trouble on the part of Atirupa, peace was restored to the minds of his parents, and everything went on as usual. Now this was all a trick of Atirapa. Finding that his parents were dispirited on his account, he had, for the nonce, invented a lie; for the moment that Atirupa saw his horoscope he was more than convinced that death was inevitable in his eighteenth year. But, fresh from his studies, and actuated with the motive of calming the feelings of his parents, he had boldly, by reason of his minute knowledge, brought forth arguments to falsify his horoscope, and his doting father, who had wavered in his belief, readily took in what he had said. Although his parents fully believed in what Atirupa had said, he was ill at ease in his mind. He had really the greatest regard for his father, and extreme confidence in bis predictions and state. ments. Knowledge is one for all. The same principles which had told Satyavak that Atirupa was not to live for more than eighteen years, indicated to his son also tbat his life current ran only up to that point. His life, then, in the world, was only to be for two years more, but meanwhile he had a strong desire to perform a pilgrimage to Banaras to perform the prescribed religious rites for his parents, and he knew very well that, if he spoke about it to his father, he would be the last person to give him permission. He hardly knew how to act, and, in order not to arouse any suspicions by doing things hastily, he waited for six months more, and spent that period most happily with his old and affectionate parents. One day, as Atirupa was sitting in the verandah of the house, he thought to himself as follows: "Ever since I expounded my horoscope, my old father believes that I shall live fully a hundred years. But I know for certain, if astrology is a science at all, that I shall die in a year and a half. Wherever I go this must happen. I cannot avoid it. If I remain at home and die here, my parents must also die broken-hearted, but if I run away from home they, who are still under the illusion that I shall live for a hundred years, will anxiously await my return, and die & natural death. For I am certain that I shall soon depart to a place from which no one has ever returned. It is much better to put them to a little trouble and anxiety now and fly from home, than to stay behind and die in their presence, and thus be the cause of their death for grief for me. I shall not run away in pain either, for I shall proceed to Banaras, and there

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SEPTEMBER, 1891.] FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA; No. 37. 819 before my end approaches, I shall have performed all the rites necessary for the salvation of my parents and myself." Thus thought Atirupa and made up his mind to be off the next morning before dawn, and, as that was to be the last day in his life under his parents' roof, he was unusually cheerful. But instead of retiring to rest at the usual appointed time, Atirupa kept his father engaged in conversation to a late hour of the night. At length the aged couple retired to rest, and Atirupu did so, too, with tears in his eyes at the thought of the morrow's parting. But sleep he could not. He walked round and round the house ; handled each palm-leaf volume on astrology, wept over it, and replaced it in its original position; went to the spot where his father used to take his seat while teaching his son; stood there for a short time and wept over it, and thus paid his last visit to every familiar part of his humble dwelling. When the night had almost drawn to # close "sball I run away or not p" thought Atirupa. Sometimes he thought it best to go, sometimes that he would stay at home and take his chance. At last the original resolve prevailed, and, packing up a small bundle of clothes and with nothing in hand, he left his home! " The launch is always difficult and afterwards everything becomes smooth," runs the proverb. Even so Atira pa found it in his case. He who had had so much difficulty in quitting his home, found his mind soon made easy. The thought consoled him that in a year and a half he would be alive no mure, while his parents would still be expecting his return, and be thus spending their days in less grief than if he had remained and died in their presence. He walked on as fast as he could, He begged his meals on his way, and without showing that he knew anything of astrology, lest he should give a clue as to where he had gone, he went onwards like an ordinary beggar, walking all day and sleeping at night. After travelling thus for nearly two months he reached the city of Chandragiri. Now Atirupa was from the south, and the people there did not understand his language, and though he begged in several places, no one would feed him. For the first time in his journey he found it difficult to live. "My difficulties have commenced in earnest now; God knows where they will end," thought he. The day was almost drawing to a close, and our hero had not yet had his meal and rest. He wandered about the streets in the evening twilight, when a grand pandal met his eyes. The place had the appearance of marriage festivities, and he thought that if he went there he would be fed along with the rest, and he was not wrong in his expectation. It was the minister's house, and grand preparations were going on for the marriage of his son with the beautiful princess of Chandragiri. There were yet a couple of days before that happy event would take place; but the preparations had been going on for some weeks. The feastiny of poor Brahmans had also begut, and so Atirupa, after some difficulty in explaining himself, discovered that the feeding would begin at the tenth ghalika of the night, and that until then be might rest where he liked. Constant walking had made him thoroughly weary, and, though he might lose his food, he did not like to lose the opportunity of resting his wearied limhs. Near the pandal there was a big mansion, -evidently belonging to a rich person. No one was vutside the house, and it had a big verandah. Atirupa got on to this, and, retiring to a corner, covered his body with his cloth and fell asleep. The night had just set in, and sleep soon overtook our hero. Leaving him for a while to rest, let us return to his parents. They got up as usual, and missed their son. At first they thought that he must have gone out early that day to the river to bathe, and as he had not returned after the tenth ghatika, they thought he must have gone to the adjacent village to see a friend. But even on the third day their son had not returned. Thus one day after another passed, and Atirupa never returned! As the days passed the anxiety of the parents became greater. They searched the whole country to the best of their ability, and obtained here and there slight hints that their son had gone on

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320 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [SEPTEMBER, 1891. a pilgrimage to the holy Ganges, and that he would return in the course of three or four years. These hints had purposely been dropped on his way by the clever Atirupa, and he had managed so well that he gave hope and yet no hope. So his aged parents, after a good deal of searching, gave up their pursuit as hopeless. Sometimes they thought that Atirupa had gone to the north on a pilgrimage ; at other times that he had gone to some unknown place. "I told you, wife, that we are so unfortunate in this world that our son would be of no service to us. First I thought that it meant his death, at the age of eighteen, according to my calculations. Atirupa cleverly proved this to be false, but what of that after all? He may live for a hundred years, but he has left us! Let him prosper somewhere or other happily. Enough if he returns before we die and consoles us. But I do not think that such happiness will ever occur to us." Thus Satyavak continued to console his poor wife, and little by little the pair ceased to sorrow for their lost son. To return to Chandragiri, where we left our hero asleep. Chandragiri was governed by a king, who had a very beautiful and educated daughter. He searched for a suitable match for a long time, and, confiding in his minister, one day he called him to his side, and said to him : "My good minister, my daughter, the princess, is growing older day by day, and still you have secured no suitable match for her. How long are we to be kept in anxiety ? The minister replied: - "My lord ! Give me leave for a month, and I will go down to the southern countries, and get yon portraits of all the princes in that direction. Your Majesty can choose the most beautiful face from among them." "Very well," said the king, and granted him leave. But the minister was a treacherous rogue, and never utilized his leave for any journey to the south. He spent the whole of it quietly in some distant corner of the king's dominions, drawing from pare imagination balf a dozen awkward pictures of several supposed princes of the south. On the expiry of his leave the minister produced these piotures and said: "My most gracious sovereign, with the nimble feet of a deer I have roamed over all the southern countries, and bring you these pictures. This picture represents the face of the Pandyan Prince, than whom no handsomer man ever existed in the south. That picture represents the Chera Yuvaraja. That one represents the Chola Prince." "Throw them all away," said the king, "I do not like even a single face from among them." How could be, when they had been purposely made awkward by the canning minister ? Again after one or two months the minister took leave for a journey to the north to tetch suitable bridegroomis, and this time, also, the same trick was played. Thus did the minister deceive the Chandragiri sovereign several times, till the old king was entirely disappointed, believing that all his minister had said was truth, and nothing but the truth. Now, besides his daughter, the king had no child, and so, after her father, the whole kingdom of Chandragiri would devolve upon her; and he who married her would become the King of Chandragiri. The minister of Chandragiri had a fair son, but he was not educated, and his father determined to get him married to the princess, and thus place him on the throne. So he made the king think there was no prince, whom he could choose as a fit bridegroom for his only daughter. The king was lost in meditation, and did not know what to do. But one evening the minister suddenly appeared with another picture in his hand, and with a joyful face. * What! Have you, after all, succeeded in finding a suitable match ?" asked the king.

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SEPTEMBER, 1891.) FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA: No. 37. 321 "I think I have, my lord; but that is what I say every time that I approach Your Majesty I cannot be certain of my success till Your Majesty has given your own opinion," answered the minister politely. In his eagerness the king snatched the picture, and for the first time in his examination of pictures his face smiled, and he said replied, "Whose picture is this?" The minister replied, "I will tell you, my lord; but are you, in any way, satisfied with it ?" "Most assuredly," said the king. "Tell me whose picture it is P" "It is my son, my lord," replied the minister. "Then," said the king, "we are like the old woman in the fable, who went in search of ghi when she had a great quantity of butter in her house. Why didn't you tell me that you had such a fair son ? I would have gladly given him my daughter in marriage long ago, and saved you all the trouble of going now to the north, now to the south, and now to other directions." The minister then explained that he did not like to be so selfish; that he had tried his best to find the best bridegroom; and that, when all his efforts proved vain, he had resolved to shew to his master his own son's picture ! Now, the minister's son was, no doubt, fair, but his father had purposely made the portrait more heautiful than the original, and at last his object was gained; for the king, not to lose any more time, at once fixed upon the fifteenth day of the approaching fortnight as the marriage day of his daughter. It was for this marriage that so many grand preparations were going on at Chandragiri when Atirupa arrived there, and it chanced that the place in which he slept was the minister's own house. Every one in the town of Chandragiri was rejoicing at the approaching festivity, except the minister. He had, it is true, after so many stratagems, succeeded in his great ambition, and the grand day was approaching fast. There were now only two days more, or rather two nights and one day, - for, on the morning of the third day, the happy marriage for which he had been working so hard was to come on, and still he was sad. For, alas! the day fixed for the wedding was that on which the epileptic fits, to which his son was liable, came upon him. The boy had epileptic attacks every alternate day, of a most virulent type. They began early in the morning, and lasted till late in the afternoon. Every other day the boy was in a most horrible plight from the fifth to the twentieth ghalika of the day. This was why his education had never been cared for. The minister, however, took such care, that no one in the town knew anything of his malady besides the inmates of his house, on whom he had imposed such strict penalties, should they reveal it, that no one ever dared to open his lips on the subject. * Let the marriage rites pass off successfully, and then it does not matter much if the king finds out that my son is an epileptic," thought the minister, But, anfortunately for him, the day fixed for the marriage was that on which the epileptic attack returned, and he did not know how to get over the difficulty. If he proposed a change of day it might lead to some suspicion or other, and the match might be broken off, and his highest ambition baulked. After pondering the matter over in his mind for a few days he resolved upon celebrating the marriage on the day fixed. "What if it is the day my boy is attacked? I shall not let him go through the marriage at all but will put some one disguised in his place. This person shall perform the rites in my son's, stead, and thus the formal marriage will take place. I shall so arrange as to send away the substitute next day, and I shall amply reward the priests, who will be my tools in this affair. Even among them it is only a few that have seen my boy."

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322 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (SEPTEMBER, 1891. Thus thought the minister, and for a moment care fled from his face. He imagined that he had already successfully accomplished his object; when, suddenly, his face again changed colour, as he thought he had landed himself upon new ditficulties. "Where to find the substitute ?" thought he. "First of all, he must be young and beautiful, and he must be a perfect stranger to this place, and he must be entirely at our mercy." But how to find him and where P For the time was fast approaching ! In this state of mind the minister came out of his house on the night on which our hero went to sleep on his verandah. The minister was so ferocious a personage, that no one dared to approach him or speak to him when he was moody or occupied with his own thoughts. His servants knew him very well, and avoided him always on such occasions. So on the night in question, he was standing all alone in front of his house, near the tenth ghatika, just as people from several directions were walking to the dining-place behind the pandal, bent on feeding at another's expense. By and by the bustle of the hastening crowd calmed down, and eating commenced ; but the minister's mind still continued agitated. He still saw no hope of his getting out of his difficulties. This brought on such a feeling of disappointment over his mind, that he was almost weeping as he stood there alone. While thus lost in sorrow and misery, he thought he heard some one snoring in a corner of his long verandab. "Who could it be, sleeping there so soundly? What must be the audacity of the fool, who had chosen this house to sleep in ? Bat let me see. It may be a poor Brahman, who has lingered here for a meal and fallen asleep. I will awake him, and send him to the dining-hall." Thus thinking, the minister slowly walked up to the spot. There was a light in the verandah, but the face of the sleeper was covered with a cloth. Ab, I see. It must be one of my servants, who has thus fallen asleep at his duty of watching the house. I have caught the wretch now, and will dismiss him." Thinking thus, the minister removed the cloth from the face. The exhausted Atirupa never stirred an inch. He slept on, and what did the minister see? A beautiful face, fairer than his own son's, and thus approaching almost the representation he had given to the king. Again, the age of the boy, who was asleep, was almost equal to that of his son. So perfect a duplicate was be, as the minister thought, of his own son, that he was charmed at the discovery. To crown his great success, the boy appeared to be a stranger to Chandragiri. " Has fortune conducted me to this boy to-night?" thought the minister, and at once roused him from his sloop." " Who are you, Sir ?" asked the minister, and the boy did not reply. "Do you know Telugu ?" asked the minister. The boy nodded his head to indicate that he did not know it. " Sanskrit ? " asked the lord of the house. "Yes," said the boy. The minister was overjoyed to find that the person was a perfect stranger, and, without wasting any time, the minister secretly took the boy inside, and told him that he would help him in every way, if he only promised to obey his orders. All that Atirupa wanted was a sum of money large enough to enable him to continue his journey to Banaras, and perform the intended ceremonies there. That the minister promised, and Atirupa was well fed and left to rest for the night. Next morning the minister explained to him his plan, and asked Atirapa to take the place of his son and celebrate the marriage with the princess. But he must not reveal the secret to anyone, and as soon as the marriage was over he was to proceed on his journey to

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SEPTEMBER, 1891.] FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA; No. 37. 823 Bank ras, for which the minister would arrange and amply supply him with fands. Never, again, in his life was Atirapa ever to turn towards that direction. The arrangements were thus successfully made, and to the repeated questions of the minister as to his parentage, &c., Atirupa kept silent, and only gave out that he was a poor Brahman. Thus, on his pilgrimage towards the north, our hero was detained for a day or two on account of a sham marriage! Refusal would only have endangered his head, for his keen sense told him that he was in the hands of the minister. And our hero also thought to himself: "Why should I chide prosperity that throws itself in my way? I am now a wandering beggar, travelling over strange countries, with not a kaudi in my hand. There is this minister, who promises to arrange conveniently for my journey, if I oblige him. In addition to my obliging him and getting myself obliged, there is another object attained by this my sham marriage. As long as I remain a bachelor I am debarred from celebrating certain ceremonies at Banaras, Gaya, and other places. Fortunately, without my ever expecting it, my bachelorhood will also be removed. I can, with full liberty, then perform all the rites at those holy places. So I am, in no way, a loser." Atirupa thought thus, and freely gave his consent to all the projects of the minister, and at last the marriage day came. Grand preparations went on over the whole town. A great pandal had already been erected between the minister's mansion and the royal palace, along which the bridegroom had to be conducted from his house to the bride's house, where the rites were to be performed, and during the whole of that day the boy could not leave the girl's house. Agreeably to all these rules, Atirupa was cleverly transformed into the minister's son by being profusely decorated from head to foot, whereby only a portion of his face was visible. In this guise he was conducted to the marriage-hall in the royal palace. The princess, who was an intelligent and beautiful girl, was waiting with the greatest eagerness to get a secret glance at her future husband, and was delighted at heart to see that her chosen lord was fair to see and intelligent withal. The marriage ceremonies were gone through, and were very long, tedious and tiresome. Several oblations were offered to the sacred fire, and Atirupa performed them all. Every one there assembled thought him the minister's son, and one or two that knew the secret never opened their lips. They were not only largely bribed, but were threatened with the loss of their heads, if they broke their trust. Thus the marriage was celebrated, and the formal oord of the completion of the marriage ceremony was tied round the neck of the princess by Atirapa -- the sapposed minister's son-towards the close of the day, amidst the beat of drums and sound of music. The remaining rites were hastily gone through, and the auspicious hour for the entry into the decorated hall to spend the night was fast approaching. This is a business loft entirely to the management of the elder ladies of the household Neither the priests nor the males of the household have any voice in it. As soon as the 'ladies appear they must retire from the scene, and according to this custom, and before the minister or the priest had any notice of it, the ladies walked in, and amidst their sweet songs and blessings conducted the newly married oouple into the decorated hall. As soon as that was reached and the couple walked in, the queen, who was the mother of the bride, locked the door and carried away the key, as is the custom in Hindu society on the first day of the marriage. Then, alone in a spacious hall, decorated on all sides, Atirapa had the fortune of meeting a princess! He flung his heavy ornaments down on the ground, and sat silent. The princess, vexed to see her lord so sad, placed before him all kinds of fruits, sweetmeats and other dishes that were in the hall.? On seeing them and tasting a little, Atirupa felt his hanger anappeased and sang a Sanskrit verse, the meaning of which the princess, though a highly educated lady, was not able to understand. The sweet voice and the majestic tone with which Atirupa had 1 On the first day of the marriage and in the decorated hall meant for the couple to sleep in, all these eatables are left previously by the elder Ladies of the house.

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324 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [SEPTEMBER, 1891. sung it delighted her, and so did the thought that her lord was no ordinary person, and that he was as fair in mind as in body. She tried her best to arrive at the meaning, but could not. She fell at ber lord's feet, and requested him respectfully to expound the meaning of the verse he had just sung; and with a clear and silvery tone Atirupa began the exposition, and after two hours' commentary concluded it thus: "Sweetmeats, fruits, &c., to a hungry stomach are like beauty to unchaste women. Rice alone is the food I now most need to satisfy my hunger, as it is chastity alone which & woman needs to be called beautiful." The princess rose up, and without saying a word arranged upside down on the floor in the form of a hearth, three silver cups, in which scented sandalwood, paste, rose water and other things had been placed. There was akshata3 in abundance standing in a platter at the side of the room. She took it, washed & portion of it in milk, which had been placed in the room, and, putting it in a silver milk jug with milk in it, set the pot over the overturned silver cups. Below these she placed scented sticks and sandal wood, which she found in the room, and in a minute lighted a fire. In less than a ghafika the washed akshata and the inilk were cooked into boiled rice. The princess emptied the rice into a silver platter, and placed it before her lord. Atirupa was lost in admiration at the readiness of the princese. Glad at heart that he was fortunate enough to term that intelligent lady his wife, for a short time at least (for he was sure to be sent out of the city by the minister the next morning), he dragged the platter before him. He eyed the princess with joy in his face, and politely requested her to sit by his side and partake of the meal with him, as she, too, must be hungry. Now, during Hindu marriage ceremonies, the ritual takes up so much time, that brides and bridegiooms have scarcely any leisure for a convenient and hearty meal. The princess, proud of the company of such a beautiful and intelligent husband, sat by his side, but she ate little. She was so delighted with the verse that she requested her husband to repeat it again, and carefully copied it on the wall of the hall. After a long conversation about the various departments of knowledge with which each were acquainted, they retired to rest. Each was overjoyed, and thanked God, who, in His superior judgment, had brought them together in this world as husband and wife. Never was there a happier pair in the world than Atirupa and the princess. Leaving our hero to his hard-earned repose after an adventurous day and night, let us - return to the minister. Before he could arrange to snbstitute his son in the place of the poor Brahman boy, the ladies of the palace and Her Majesty the queen herself had outwitted him. He did not like to display any of his awkward blanders, and returned home a little sad no doubt, but glad that the marriage had gone off successfully, that throughout the whole ceremony the people assembled there thought that it was his son, who sat as the bridegroom, and that no suspicion had arisen on that head. He would fetch his supposed son in the early morning from the decorated chamber, and send the poor Brahman boy away :"The secret will be hetween myself and that fool of a Brahman. From to-morrow my son will be the husband of the princess, and the heir-apparent to the throne of Chandragiri." In this way the minister consoled himself, and before sun-rise sent his palanquin to the palace to bring home his supposed son, the bridegroom. In accordance with custom the palanquin from the minister's mansion waited near the princess's bed-chamber. The queen opened the door, and, seeing her son-in-law enter the palanquin, she entered her daughter's chamber and conducted her to her own room. Now, though the happy couple had retired to rest the previous night, they had never a wink of sleep, for one conversation led to another, and each found the company of the other so sweet, that time flew away without their noticing it, till the palanquin was announced. To the credit of our hero be it said that he never told . Rice grain mixed with turmeric used in auspicious ceremonies.

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SEPTEMBER, 1891.) FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA; No. 37. 325 the princess that he was not the minister's son, nor did he give her any information about his parentage. He had, however, in a careless moment, let out that he was bent upon a pilgrimage to Banaras. At the same time the princess never doubted her lord to be any other than the son of the minister. Thus, each trusted the other, and expecting to open their hearts more freely the next time they met, they parted reluctantly in the morning. The second day's rites must commence soon, and so the princess retired in baste to prepare herself for them, and expected to meet her lord, though not to speak with him, in the midst of an assembly. Let us now follow our hero in the palanquin. As soon as it was set down, the minister conducted his supposed son Atirupa into his chamber, the doors of which were closed behind them. Our hero imagined for a moment that after all he was not destined to live to his eighteenth year, as the hand of some assassin could now put an end to his life : but it was not so. The fortune that gave him the princess gave him also his life. The minister was the first to speak : "Poor wretch ! I meant fo use you for my purpose only; but circumstances have carried yon further than I intended. It is no blame of yours. Get into the same palanquin. I have left in it six bags, each containing 500 mohars. I have posted bearers on the way, and they will conduct you for two days and nights to the boundary of our empire. Take the coins with you, and fly to any country you like. If you turn back and place your feet in our dominions, your head shall be cut off. I have issued orders to this effect. I have a mind to do so now, but the thought that I had placed you for a day at least in the position of my son, softens my temper. Fly." Atirupa was not allowed even & minute to reply. He was neither dissatisfied nor murmured. He was glad he was no more a bachelor, and as such had the full privilege of performing all the religious rites, prescribed by the sacred books of his religion, for his parents. There was the money promised for his expenses, and what more did he need ? If he was ever destined to live in the world he was sure that the lady, who had given him her company on the previous night, would still own him as her lord. While these thoughts were passing and repassing through his mind, the Minister suddenly put him into the palanquin and gave the orders. The bearers, who had been previously instructed, started off on their journey. Without moving a muscle Atirapa sat in the palanquin, and continued his journey; but now and then his mind flew back to the princess and her excellent accomplishments in everything. While our hero was riding in a palanquin instead of walking on foot, the minister -- glad at heart that the occasion, on which he would observe his son seated by the side of the princess, had at last come - conducted him joyfully to the sacred place. The priests had already assembled there, and began their preliminary rites. The princess was seated in a corner of the hall with her lady friends to give her lord her company in the oblations to the sacred fire. The beauty, the learning, the magnanimous conduct in everything of her lord was so prominent in her mind that she was pondering over all the conversation of the previous night. Just at the fifth ghafikd it was announced that the bridegroom was entering the marriageball. Every eye was turned towards him. Only one person there knew that it was a different person, who was now approaching the hall. The same dress, the same ornaments and decorations, the same stature, the same colour; but one in that hall knew that now her life was hopeless. With more than the curiosity of the rest, she, too, turned her eyes in the direction of her approaching lord, but her eyes failed to catch the intelligent face that had expounded, with such nicety, the intricate Sanskrit verse of the previous night. Her confusion and dismay, were immense. But weakness might bring slame on her whole family; - might, perhaps, even endanger the very life of her real lord ! So she resumed her composure, and, going up to the minister's son, sat beside him, as she had done the previous day by the side of Atirupa. The rites proceeded, and she freely lent her help. The minister was highly

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326 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [SEPTEMBER, 1891. elated at the thorough success of his tricks, and that he had won a princess for a daughter in-law and an empire for his son. Meanwhile the princess swore in her heart to be virtuous, if the great god would give her back her real husband. She sat now with a sham husband merely to preserve her family dignity. Her heart was not in the affair, and she would rather murder the substituted husband with her own hands than prove false to the true one. The second day also drew to a close, and, in accordance with the custom, in the early part of the night, the minister's son and the princess were conducted to the bridal-chamber and the door was locked. But now that the princess was alone with her sham husband her anger knew no bounds. She was the first to speak : "Stand there at the door, and don't stir one step and sully my room ! Tell me the honest truth. Who are you? If you are & mean wretch, placed in this position by others, I shall pity and release you." The minister's son replied :-"I am your husband." Before he had closed his mouth she had unsheathed a sword, and at the very sight of it an epileptic fit began. Seeing the poor wretch in such a helpless plight she put the sword back into its sheath, and raised an alarm. The door was immediately opened. "There, take away your son-in-law. He has got epilepay," said the princess, standing at the remotest corner of the room, to her mother. Now no one knew the cause of this but the minister, who was still there, for the whole thing bad happened so quickly that none of the party outside the hall had had time to go home. Cursing his fate, which had brought on the attack so quickly, the minister carried the bridegroom home. << What is the matter, daughter P" said the queen. "Mother, dear; if you wish me to live in this world, do not, please, talk upon this subject till I tell you everything," replied the daughter. There was now confusion and dismay throughout the palace, but still no one knew the cause of the strange occurrence on the second day of the marriage. Still, the ceremonials could not be neglected, and those of the third day were continued. The princess and the minister's son, again sat together in the hall, and, again entered the bed chamber : the third time for the princess, the second time for the minister's son. Said the princess to him just as the door was being shut :- "Fool that you are, that dare to approach again the bridal-chamber! I have allowed you'admittance to-night, as I wanted to give you certain advice. Stand there in the place you stood last night, and hear what I have to say. You are not fit even to be the dust on my lord's feet. How did you dare, then, to 298ume this position P Tell me the whole truth, or you shall soon know the consequences of refusal !" The minister's son, seeing that his life was in danger, and, giving up all hope of ever winning the princess for his wife, related, with fear and agitation, everything, except that about her real husband he could give the princess no more information than that he was a poor Brahman hoy, picked up for the occasion by the minister, and that he had been safely conducted out of the Chandragiri dominions by the orders of his father. This news gave the greatest consolation to the princess. She was glad to hear that her lord was still alive, and that there was no fear for his life for the present. So great a soul would, of course, prosper wherever he might go. Then, turning to the minister's son, she said :-"Never, again, set your feet in my room. You may attend my father's court as the king's son-in-law, and receive the .

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SEPTEMBER, 1891.] customary presents, and do all that you like as regards the outer world. But if you ever dare to call me your wife, or approach my room, or write to me, or send messengers to me, I'll have you beaten to death !" FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA; No. 37. 327 The minister's son received the order, and called to his father, who was waiting outside, for fear that something might happen that night also. The door was soon opened, and the minister's son left that chamber for ever. Ever after that day, the princess kept to her own room, and only came out for her meals. That her real lord should return and claim her was her one desire. To her he was everything. Her parents observed the great change that had come over her. She gave up her usual ornaments and decorations, and clad herself in the meanest of her attire. She renounced flowers and scents, which had been her special taste. She had always slept on the softest of silken cushions, but now curled herself up on the bare ground when sleep overpowered her. Regular sleep she had none, and she always awoke with a start. She, who had always dwelt in summer-houses made cool by a thousand and one artifices, now she took her seat between five sacrificial fires (panchagni), and did penance. To no one did she explain the mystery of her sorrow, and no one dared to ask her, for so great was the awe she was held in by all, even by her. very parents. The minister's son was so much ashamed of the treatment he had received from the princess, that he never opened his mouth about it to any one. He often frequented the palace as the king's son-in-law, and had due regard paid to him on that account, but even to his father he never said a word, notwithstanding repeated questions, threats and solicitations; and in this way days and months and years passed. The object of the princess's penance was to regain her original lord, but no one except herself knew of this. Meanwhile the minister's son, as the royal son-in-law, received due honours and presents, and as he was a fair boy, and no one knew the secret of his disease, all expected that, sooner or later, the husband and wife would be reconciled. No one, however, dared to suggest a reconciliation and as to the minister's son, the very name of the princess sometimes brought on the fear of the unsheathed sword, and a visit of his disease. So he never dared to approach her, and, at the slightest hint that she was moving at a distance, he would glide away unobserved. He was content to be called the son-in-law of His Majesty, and his father, the minister, too, was glad, in a way, that some day or other the empire of Chandragiri would devolve upon his son. Thus, a full year and a couple of months passed, and the princess was still engaged in her severe penance. Her life was so pure, so chaste and so simple, that no one had the heart to stay her. But, one day, her old father said: - "My dearest daughter, you are my only child; I had a great desire to see you, in my old age, married and happy with a husband. But ever since your wedding day you have become thoroughly changed. Is this ascetic's life the life which a princess should lead? Speak out, my dear, and let me know the misery that so affects you." Replied the princess: "My most noble father; all that I do now is for the good of my husband. Don't ask me any more questions, till I tell you everything after my desires are accomplished. Till then leave me to myself. I may soon want some money, and please let me have it." The determined air with which the princess spoke, her simple and innocent look, and the pleasure with which she evidently led her ascetic life for the time being, kept the king dumb, and he ordered his treasurer to give the princess whatever she required. She now began to order travellers' rest-houses to be erected at every tenth kos from her city to Banaras, and pat servants in each with instructions to entertain the pilgrims that might pass and repass to and from Banaras. Every convenience of the pilgrims was to be attended to.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. Meanwhile, as soon as Atirupa had reached the borders of the Chandragiri dominions, he got down from the palanquin, thanked the bearers for not having murdered him on the way, took possession of the wealth the minister had left, and proceeded towards Banaras. Now that he was amply provided with funds, he found his journey very convenient, and reached that holy city in a couple of months. As he was sure of never living beyond his eighteenth year, he never thought again of his wife, the princess. What hope was there in him of his ever regaining her? The minister's plans he knew well enough, and the care with which he watched for him he could well imagine! So Atirupa never looked back upon Chandragiri, nor did he ever think of returning back. 328 He spent a few months at Banaras in performing the holy rites, and then proceeded to Prayaga. Here our hero went to an old woman, and, giving her all the money he had in hand, requested her to regard him as her own son, and feed him. She was a goodnatured dame, and treated Atirupa very kindly. In order not to be idle he let his knowledge of astrology be known, and thousands flocked to him to profit by his art. So, our hero thus led a good life, performing rites, distributing his knowledge, and engaged in devotion. The close of his eighteenth year was now fast approaching. The thought made him sad, but he always kept the secret to himself. Even to the kind old lady, who every day became more and more attached to him, he never said a word about it. As his end drew nearer he avoided public paths, and proceeded to the Ganges for his bath by a lonely footpath through an unfrequented jungle. He adopted this precaution so that people might not observe him at the time of his death. All this time, at Chandragiri, the princess was still at her penance, and his poor parents, at Setupati's capital, were anxiously expecting the return of their son. [SEPTEMBER, 1891. At last the fatal day arrived, and while Atirupa, after his morning bath, was returning home by his lonely path to his adopted mother, his foot slipped while going up a step, made slippery by some rain that had fallen, and he fell down dead! His body lay unnoticed, for very few people passed by that lonely path. Now, the moment of Atirupa's death was exactly the moment when the princess's austerity and penance fructified. The god Mahesa appeared before her, and requested to know the object of her austere devotions. "O most holy god," said she, falling at his feet; "I want to gain back my husband." "We have granted this boon to you, overcome by your sincere devotion; your lord will soon return back to you," said Mahesa, and disappeared. From that moment the princess's face changed, and for the first time, since that fatal second day of her marriage, when she missed her husband's face, she felt happy. "Mahesa has granted my boon; my noble husband will return to me soon now. Let it be days, weeks, months, or years! I shall wait patiently," thought she. But though this thought consoled her greatly, still she did not care to shew to others that she was happy, so long as her husband's whereabouts remained unknown. Meanwhile, she issued strict orders to the several agents in her rest-houses between Banaras and Chandragiri, that every pilgrim, who passed or repassed that way, was to be carefully entertained and attended to. Meanwhile, the old woman at Prayaga missed Atirupa, and did not know how to account for it. "Our boy has never been irregular, even for a single day, since he came to live with me. Perhaps he has gone out somewhere to-day." Thus thought she till noon came, and still Atirupa did not return. She then went here and there, but all her search was in vain. That whole day passed away. Night came on. Who will feed him to-night? Will he have enough to eat p" Atirupa was always shy. thought she. 61

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SEPTEMBER, 1891.) FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA; No. 37. 329 On the second day the old woman's anxiety increased, but what could she do ? All her search proved useless. Now, after thus conferring the boon upon the princess, Mahesvara returned to his place in the heavens, and the sage Narada came to visit him. On meeting the god, he asked him as to what the news was. Mahesa told of the boon he had granted to the princess. "Her husband is Atirupa, who has died at Prayaga this morning. We fixed his life at eighteen years, and his term was over this morning. How will he return to the princess P" said the sage. Then the great god saw the mistake he had committed, but, as he had power to alter things, he said : - "Our word to the princess shall never prove untrue. Her austerities, also, must never remain unrewarded. If Atirupa is already dead, let him remain so for three days only. Let him regain his life on the fourth day, and let this mystery be unknown oven to himself." Thus said Mahesa, and cleared himself from a world of confusion!! Jast as the great god had said, Atirupa came back to life on the fourth day after his death. He did not know what day it was, and rose up as one rising from a deep slumber. His clothes were all miry, and his body dirty, with the accumulated dirt of several days. He did not know what could have occurred to him. He only had a hazy recollection that the fatal day had come and passed away, and that he had fallen down in the struggles of death. Everything was an enigma. He rose up, went again to the river, bathed and dried his clothes, and, like a madman, returned slowly to his house without understanding what had happened. The good woman, as she welcomed him, said : "Where have you been to, my good boy, for the last three days P We all missed you, and all my search after you was in vain !" It now became perfectly clear to Atirupa that he must have been asleep on the path for three days; or was it a three days' death P The fatal day had anyhow come and passed away, and whether it was sleep or death that had come to him he did not care to puzzle his head about. He invented an excuse for the occasion, and lived under that good dame's kind roof for a few days more, being now of one thing perfectly certain, that the fatal day had passed away, and that he was to live for many more years in the world. The main object that now stood before him, was the misery which his poor old parents must be in. He had spent nearly two years from them. He had had good reason to fly from them, and now, he thought, he had equally good reason to return. " Are they likely to be still living ? Shall I ever have the happiness of meeting them again ? If once I can rejoin them, never more will I quit my happy home. I will go and beg a thousand pardons from my father, who, I am sure, will readily grant them." With his mind thus made up, he spoke to the kind old lady about his intended departure. Though exceedingly sorry to lose him, she allowed him his wish to return to his home, and gave back to him all that he had given her, saying that she had been already rewarded by his good acts and kindness towards her. Our hero received his money back, as he would much need it on his journey, and requested the old lady to come to him, as soon as she heard from him. He would have taken her along with him, but he wanted to know first whether his parents were alive. Hiding the money in his rags, like a true pilgrim from Banaras, he now took the road, and, with the sacred water of the holy Ganges on his shoulders, went his way homewards. Now every step that he took on his way homewards, oonduoted him unawares to his wife. At the very first rest-house an officer of the princess entertained him sumptuously, and when he was about to resume his journey, pat e palm-leaf mazusoript in his hand, and asked

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330 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [SEPTEMBER, 1891. him if he could read it and explain the meaning of what was written. Atirapa received it, glanced over it, and at once his face changed colour. Checking himself he thus replied : "I know the meaning of it; but I cannot tell you what I know. Permit me, please, to depart." As soon as this was said, the master of the rest-house rose up and fell at the pilgrim's feet, and requested him to stay awhile, as his journey was not to be on foot any longer. Atirupa was astonished. "Am I dreaming, or is this reality ?" thought he; "what is the meaning of all this? This is the verse that I recited to the princess of Chandragiri on my way here. Is this a trick to find me out ? Am I likely to see her again P" While he was thus musing, the words, -- "The palanqain is ready : will your holiness be pleased to go into it?" fell upon his ears. It was the master of the rest-house who had thus spoken to him. "What is the meaning of this ? Why shonld a poor pilgrim returning home to his country ride in a palanquin ?" asked Atirpa. Then the master of the rest house explained to our astonished hero the charity of the princess of Chandragiri, who had raised one thousand and one choultries on the way between Banaras and her town, with instructions to feed and entertain every pilgrim, to give to every pilgrim the manuscript he had just seen, to request him to explain the meaning, and to conduct to her that person, who could read it and explain its meaning. He further told the still astonished Atirupa that several months had passed, that many had received and returned the manuscript unread, and that the only person, who had given him any hope, was the present pilgrim. Everything was now plain to our hero : the verse was his own which he had repeated to his wife on the night he saw her: her name was connected with the charities. What more proof could he need? He was now perfectly sure that all these contrivances were his wife's plans to bring him back to her. He thanked God for his good fortune, and was sure that he was to be taken back to his wife's country. But what could have become of the minister's son ? He did not like to enquire about this, lest it should lead him into danger. Meanwhile, in accordance with instructions received, the messengers flew to the princess with the news that, at last, a pilgrim was coming in a palanquin, who was able to expound the writing on the palm-leaf. The princess's joy knew no bounds. Mahesa's boon has been granted after all, and yet she was not quite sure till she actually saw her lord. She sent for her father, aud he, ever ready to obey his virtuous daughter, came at once. "Most loving father. I have attained the object of my penance, and we have to wait only for a couple of days more. There is a pilgrin coming here from Banaras the day after to-morrow, who must be entertained in our palace and perform his puja in our great hall, and after receiving blessings from his holy hands I shall be rejoined to my husband. Let all the yreat men of the city attend the puja to bless me on the occasion. Let my husband, too, be invited. But you must not give notice of this, until we see the pilgrim actually settled in his puja in our palace. There will still be ample time. Meanwhile you should yourself go on in advance and welcome the pilgrim, and conduct him to our hall. He is no ordinary personage. I will **xplain everything to you after his arrival." Thus spoke the danghter, and her father had no other course but to obey. She was l.is only laughter, and had brought him the happiest of news. So he hastened out, and proceedou to welcome the approaching pilgrim. The palanquin was placed on the ground as soon as the bearers saw the king, and notice was given to the rider inside that the lord of Chandragiri was approaching. The old king himself, too, when he was informed that the palau

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SEPTEMBER, 1891.] FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA; No. 37. 331 quin had been put down, got down from his vehicle and proceeded on foot to welcome the pilgrim. And for the first time in their lives the father-in-law and son-in-law saw each other face to face without the former knowing the relationship that existed between them. He was lost in admiration. The beauty, the noble bearing, and the holy appearance of the pilgrim were enough for any man to bow to. The monarch, also, on putting the ascetic life of his own daughter and the approaching pilgrim together, thought that there must be some spiritual relationship between them, or that the pilgrim was a real god in human form, and shewed him the greatest respect. The pilgrim did not like to commit himself by saying anything till he was sure that it was his wife who was at the bottom of all these adventures. There was, therefore, more silence than talk after the meeting, and the little there was of talk was so neutral that it cleared none of the doubts of either party. Chandragiri was reached at last, and the pilgrim with the holy Ganges water safely in his hand alighted at the royal mansion, and the vessel containing it was placed in the hall. As soon as the palanquin was announced the princess took up a convenient position in her balcony to observe her lord, and when her eyes roamed over him she breathed deep for joy. "May Mahesvara be praised! He has brought me back my natha - my true lord !" thought she; " I shall never again lose him now." From that very moment everything about her and in her began to change. She decorated herself with her choicest ornaments and put on the best of her apparel, and, while the pilgrim was engaged in his ablutions, came down herself from the upper story, and decorated the hall with her own fair hands for the performance of the puja. Every one noticed the sudden change that came over the princess, and took it to be her joy at the approaching reunion with her husband, the minister's son. The time for the worship of the holy water of the Ganges drew on, and almost all the great people of the city were assembled for it. The holy water of the Ganges was not a thing to be had daily, so they were fully sensible of the grandeur of this occasion. The minister and his son, too, were in the assembly, and, as the son-in-law of the king, the son had taken a prominent seat. His father was seated near him overjoyed at heart that, after all, the princess was compelled by time to choose to be reconciled to his boy. The ceremonies over, every one stood up with outspread palms to receive the holy water, and our hero opened the vessel containing it and, holding it in his left hand, proceeded to distribute the contents with a small spoon (uddharini) in his right hand. "Shall I assist you, my dearest husband, in carrying that water? I am bound to do so on this occasion by the rules," cried out a female voice, and suddenly the princess stood by the left side of our hero with her hand on the holy Vessel. "What! what !" cried the king. "I am the wife of this pilgrim! Let the minister be secured at once," was the reply. The minister was soon so bound that he could not escape, and all the assembly stood in wonder, astounded and astonished. There was no time to be lost now, and the princess explained in detail the whole mystery to the listening crowd : how she had been married to Atirupa; the Sanskrit verse; the substitution of the minister's son in his place, the disappearance of her true lord ; the commencement of her misery; her penance and plans to discover the lost-husband; and her success. She had carefully preserved the cups and the platter, in which she had served. the food on the first night to her husband, and produced them now in proof. The minister * This is a ceremony, in which worship is performed to the vessel containing the holy water of the Ganges, after which the Ganges water itself is distributed to the people assembled from the vessel containing it.

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332 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [SEPTEMBER, 1891. confessed his guilt, and his son attested the truth of the princess's statements as far as he knew it. Thus everything became plain, and Atirapa, by his good fortune, regained his life and his lost wife, the former by the latter, though he never knew it. The minister was committed to the stake, and his son given leave to go to his house and never more to approach the palace. The marriage of Atirapa with the princess was again celebrated with all due grandeur, and he succeeded to the throne of Chandragiri as Yuvaraja. He did not forget his parents in the time of his prosperity, nor the old lady at Prayaga. He proceeded in a royal progress to the south, met his parents, assured them that he was their son, explained to them his whole history from the day of his separation, and brought them to Chandragiri to live in his palace. The aged couple were delighted to have found their child after all, and lived in prosperity. A word as to the prophecy of the boy-astrologer to the setupati. That king and his wife and children hid themselves in a wood adjacent to his capital. It was now two years ago since the son of Satyavak had assured him that, without trying for it, he would, after a certain period, get back his lost kingdom, and that prophecy was now fulfilled. Chandragiri was the empire of which the kingdom of the Setupatis was a petty tributary State, and because the Setupati had failed to send in his tribute regularly, his dominions had been invaded and he had had to fly for his life. The boy-astrologer was now himself the emperor, and he, out of kindness to his old king, gave him back his State. Thus was the propheoy duly fulfilled by the astrologer who had made it, and, as Emperor of Chandragiri, Atirupa reigned over his vast empire for many a long year in peace and prosperity. FOLKLORE IN SALSETTE. BY GEO. FR. D'PENHA. No. 10. - Baladada and Bayobai. In a certain country there once lived a king, who had one son. The prince was sent to school, where he proved himself worthy of the schoolmaster, and when he had attained maturity the king, his father, thought it high time to get him married. The prince said to him: "Mala baiko karal te asc kara ge bapaschi dani ani dischi sasi rakhil asi baiko kara; nahin te mala bdiko nako;! If you wish to get me married, I shall want a wife that will keep up the dignity of my father and the honour of my mother; else I do not want a wife." "Very well," the king replied; "we want for nothing, and I will send my messengers to all parts of the country and even to foreign lands, and get you just such a wife as you desire." Accordingly, he at once despatched people to all parts of the country, and also to foreign coarts, with the message : - "Konachi sokri aeel ga bapaschi dari ani dischi sari rakhil, asi te tisisi amaish soirik ; If any one has a daughter that will keep up the dignity of the father and the honour of the mother, we wish to enter into an alliance with him." The messengers went from village to village and from town to town, and penetrated into foreign oountries, but with little success; for who was there that would guarantee to keep up thie dignity of the father and the honour of the mother? At length the king of a distant Burmy had an only daughter, and he too received this message, but also refused the proposal. The princess, however, asked her father what the letter contained, but the king refused to tell her. However, after much entreaty she was told what it was about, and exclaimed: - "Ho, 1 Lat." if you wish to get me a wife, get me such an one as will take care of my father's beard and mother's sarf, such a wife I want, or I do not want a wife."

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SEPTEMBER, 1891.] FOLKLORE IN SALSETTE: No. 10. 333 bupa, dias manza zabab, mii rakhin bapaschi dari ani dischi sari; Yes, father, give them my answer, I will keep up the dignity of the father and the honour of the mother." The king, thereu pon, sent his own men with another message to the effect that he was willing to enter into the alliance, and that his daughter was willing to fulfill the conditions imposed by the prince. The messengers were also authorized to settle a day for the celebration of the marriage. The messengers reached the prince's dominions, and made all the arrangements necessary, and appointed a day for the auspicious occasion. Preparations were now made on both sides on a grand scale. Nothing was spared to make the occasion a great event. In due time, on the appointed day, the marriage took place with all possible eclat. The bride was still very young and consequently had to remain at her parents' honse till she should attain puberty. A year or two after the marriage the prince thought of paying a visit to his wife, and expressed his desire to his father. The king, of course, had no objection, and gave his consent, giving him money for his expenses on the way. The prince, however, disguised himself as & poverty-stricken person, and went to his wife's country. When he had arrived there he cut a bundle of grass, and, carrying it on his head, passed by his father-in-law's house. His wife saw him with the grass and called out to him: -"Eh, molkid, molkaii vikites ka? Hi ! grasscutter, will you sell your grass P" Our hero answered in the affirmative, upon which the princess struck a bargain and bought the bundle of grass. After this she said to him: -"Molisia, m3lkia, chakar huis kuni bekar hais ? Grasscutter, grasscutter, are you employed or without employment ?" The pretended grasscatter replied: - "Bekar hain; I am without employment." The princess then said :-" Mllia, amche ghara chakrila retes ? Grasscutter, will yor ta ke employment at our bouse P" The prince said he was willing to take employment, and was engaged as a servant by his own wife, who, of course, was unaware of the real state of affairs. But the prince knew her, and thought it a fitting opportunity of testing, by observing her behaviour, whether she could fulfl the conditions imposed by him. This state of things went on for a few years, when one day the parents of the princess called the sapposed servant and said to him :-" Mallia, amin zataun benche gantan maini don maine, tus amche sokricha samal kar; Grasscutter, we are going to a distant country for a month or two, during which time you must take care of our daughter." The servant having promised to take care of the princess, her parents, the king and queen, left for the distant country, and after they were gone the princess one day said to her servant : - "Molkia, msikia, tuzari naun ka? Grasscutter, grasscutter, what is your name? The prince replied: -"Baludada," and asked her in return what her name was, and she answered: - "Bayobai." And then she said to him ! " Balidada, mi kain kam sangen te karsil nahin ? Baludada, would you do anything for me if I were to tell you to?" Balddada replied: - "HO, Bayobai, jemi kam sangeil tem karin; Yes, Bayobai, I will do whatever work you may want me to do." And then he said to her :-"Bayoldi, mala randunbinh khavdla desil nahin ? Bayobai, you will cook and give me to eat, wont you!" And Bayobai said : -"Ho, den; Yes, I will give." And they lived together like a brother and sister; Baludada doing whatever he was asked to do, and Bayobai doing the cooking for him. ? From this point the story runs as that of ordinary persons, and not that of a prince and princess, for they are now called Baladada and Bayobai respectively throughout, and the kings and queens are mentioned merely as parents.

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334 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. SEPTEMBER, 1891. About this time Bayobai attained to puberty, that is she was twelve years old, and was one day walking on the sea-beach, when a great merchant arrived with a ship full of motin pounlin, pearls and rabies. The merchant spied Baybai walking on the sea-beach, and was so enamoured of her beauty that he determined at any cost to get hold of her. So he began to enquire in the neighbourhood if it were possible, but the neighbours said, that they could not tell, that her parents were not at home, and that she was left under the care of a servant. So he sent for Bal@dada, and asked him, too, if he thought whether his mistress would allow his advances, and promised to give Baladada five hundred rupees, and Bayobai whatever she asked for. Baladade thought this the best opportunity possible of testing her, and went, therefore, running to Bayobai, said to her : - "Bayobdi, ek varta sangtain te diktais ? Bayobai will you listen to what I have to say ?" Bayobai said she would, but Baladada again said to her : - "Varta sangen te karsil te sangtain ; If you agree to what I say, I will tell you." Bayobai, little stuspecting what the nature of the talk was to be, agreed to do as he should say. Then Balud ada told her that a great merchant, who had arrived with a ship full of motin pounlin, pearls and rubies, had told him to ask her whether she would admit his advances and to tell her that if she would, he would give her whatever she asked for. Bayobai, upon this, said: "Ka re, Balidada, manza lis bapus gharan ndhin, ani tum aisi varta kartes ? What, Baludada, my parents are not at home, and you tell me such a thing as this!" Baludada then said that if she did not agree he would leave her service and go away. Upon this Bayobki said ::- "Baran, barani, kabul hdin, z& tidla sang ge trache hatchar kagal paije aisasin ge ratchani at raztain tidla gharan jhein ani bara vazlia ku lat marin bair karin, ani tiachain motion pounliancham tarin jhein; Very well, very well, go and tell him that he must give me his word in writing that if I admit him at eight o'clock to-night, and turn him out again as soon as it strikes twelve, I may take his vessel of pearls and rubies." Baladada immediately went and informed the merchant, and got a document prepared then and there. Then Bayobai sent Baludada to the bazar to purchase a lot of vegetables, fish, ghi, and such like things, and he went and brought them home. Punctually at eight o'clock that evening the merchant arrived, and Bayobai offered him a seat; and preliminaries being over, she began to cook in order to entertain her guest. She gave Baludada his meal as usual, and asked him to sleep in her house for the night; but he refused to do so, and leaving the house went and hid himself near & window, whence he could watch everything that passed. Now as Bayobai was cooking she wanted a cocoannt, in searching for which she spent nearly an hour and then another half hour in finding the klita to break the cocoanut with, and in this way kept on spinning out the time. It was past eleven o'clock by the time she had finished cooking, and then she laid out the supper for the merchant. At supper the merchant was told that he must eat of everything that she might bring, and not rise from the table. Now Bayobti had prepared so many dishes and so many kinds of sweets, which she brought on the table one by one, that before supper was over the clock struck twelve. Upon this Bayewe called ont to Baludada in a loud voice, thinking he was asleep in his own hut. Our hero, who was close by, ran off at the first call, and came back running from the direction of his hut, growling, or rather pretending to growl, for having been aroused from sleep: - "KA thailani, ka shuilan, kala hankavites ? What is the matter? What is the matter ? Why are you calling me * Twelve years is generally supposed to be the time when a girl attains her puberty, and not many years ago girls in Salsette Were Varried at that age. The consummation of the marriage, however, did not take place for fow months, say six, and very often for the period of a whole year afterwards, though the wife lived in her husband's house.

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SEPTEMBER, 1891.] FOLKLORE IN SALSETTE; No. 20. 335 Bayobai then told Baludada to kick the merchant out of the house and appropriate the ship full of pearls and rubies. The poor merchant was compelled to yield, for had he not given a written agreement ? He had also, as he had promised, to give five hundred rupees to Baludada. A month or go after this Bayobai's parents returned from the distant country. Not a word, however, was told them of what had happened in their absence. Baludide was now perfectly satisfied with Bayobai, for he had tested her under the most trying circumstances, and he thought to himself: - "Bayobai rakhil manje bapaschi dari ani dischi sari; Bayebui will keep up the dignity of my father and the honour of my mother." He had been in his father-in-law's employment for nearly five years, and he now told him that he wished to go home to his parents. So he asked to be paid off for the time he had served, as he had not drawn his pay. Bayobai and her parents had taken such a liking to him that they were very reluctant to let him go, but as he was determined to do so they paid him off and gave him a lot of money over and above what was due to him. Balddada had now plenty of money besides the five hundred rupees he had got from the merchant. He took leave of his friends and returned to his own house. . When he reached home his parents enquired after his wife, but he stontly denied his having gone to her, and said he had gone to seek employment, and had returned with a large fortune. "How could he have got so much money as he had brought with him, but for the work he had done in all these years ?" A few months after this Baludada asked his father to let him go and fetch his wife home, but his father said he would go and bring her himself. So the old man set out one day for his daughter-in-law's (Bayobai's) house, where he was cordially received. After a few days' stay there he told Bayobai's parents that, as she had now attained maturity, he wished to take her home. Her parents said they had no objection, sad that they were very happy that he should have come to take her away. Bayobai, therefore, after taking a tender farewell of her parents, set out with her father-in-law, taking with her all the rabies and pearls she had got from the merchant. When they reached home it was late at night and Balada da had by that time gone to sleep, and accordingly Bayobai did not see him. But, for the next few days, Baladada took to his bed and covered himself up from head to foot, so that Bayobai had no chance of seeing him. One day, however, Baludada knowing that Bayobai would go to the well to fetch water, went out and climbed a bort tree, and placking a few ripe borain, waited for her on her way to the well. He had not long waited, when Bayobui came up to him, and bappy at having seen her servant (for so at least she thought him) after such a long time, addressed him:-"Ka re Balidada, tui athild ka kartes ? Os led tiza gaun? Bara huis karia? Hallo, Baludada, what are you doing here? Is this your natire country? Are you well ? Baludada replied: - "Ho go Bayobai, os manza gani, ani minn bara hain; Yes, Bayobai; this is my country, and I am well." Biludadi then asked Bayobai : -"Ku go, Bayobai, teria athila ku kartes ? Buri hais kan? Nauriache ghara aileis ka? Naura bara hai lan ? Sasu sasrd kasi han? Bayobai, what are you doing here? Are you well? Have you come to your husband's house? Is your husband well ? How are your mother-in-law and father-in-law ?" To these questions Bayobai replied: "Ho re Baladada, lari hain, nauriache ghara ailaui; sarin barin han, pun nauriachan tand nahin bagilan azuls; Yes, Baludada, I am well enough, and I am come to my husband's house. All are well, but I have not yet seen my husband's face." Upon this Baludada said: "Thauria boraz ne ani nauriala des, manje tidchai tond kalel; Take a few borain and give them to your husband, and then you will have a chance of seeing * Biran (singular, 63r) are fruits which ripen about the months of January, February and March. They are both aweet and sour. The tree is also known by the name of bir.

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336 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [SEPTEMBER, 1891. his face." And Bayobai answered: -"Ka, re Baludada, naura te bale nahin, chale nahin, ani marlai te? But, Baludada, my husband won't speak or do anything, and perhaps he would beat me !" Said Baladada : - " Nahin, nahin maravacha; No, he won't beat you." Bayobai took the boraxi and went home, and Baludada, going home before her, went to sleep as before. A few days more passed, and Baludede again went, and climbing a mango tree plucked a few ripe mangoes and waited for the arrival of Bayobai. She soon came and Baludada asked her : -"Ka go, Bayobai, borari dilins kari naurialu? Well, Bayobai, did you give the borain to your husband ?" Bayobai answered: - "Nahin, re Baludada, maril karil te min bitain; No, Baludada, I was afraid he might beat me." Baluda da then gave her the mangoes, saying:-"Miri sangtain aisar kar. Eh ambe jhe, ani ratchani ka karsil: ek katar jhe ani tidche ondavarchar kapar khand ani te ambe tidche fondavar talch, manje tilchain fond kalel ani to apair bolel; Do as I tell you. Take these mangoes, and do you know what to do in the night ? Take a pair of scissors and cat the cloth off his face and throw him these mangoes. Thus you will see his face and he will be obliged to speak." Bayobai again asked: - "Maril kearil te ? But suppose he beats me ?" Baladada then said: "Nahin maravacha, sungtain aisaris kar. No, he won't beat you, only do as I tell you." And away went Baludida and slept as before. When she had drawn the water Bayobai went home, and in the night she took a pair of scissors and, as advised by Baludada, cut a piece off the sheet covering him and threw the mangoes on his face. This was too much for Baludada, who could not stifle his laughter, and revealed himself to Bayobai. Bayobai was quite surprised, and asked Baludada why he had played so many tricks. BAludada answered: - "Tula viad hai ge varadache purari min botlari ge bapaschi dari ani dischi sari rdkhil tisin miri varaden; tia kartani mnazun aurin dhongarn kelin bagava ga lcharecharasirn tam bapdschi dari ani dischi sdri rakhites ka; Do you remember that, before the wedding, I said that I would marry only her, who would keep ap the dignity of my father and the honour of my mother; and it was to find out whether you could really keep the dignity of my father and the honour of my mother, that I played so many tricks." They then lived together happily to a green old age. MISCELLANEA. THE ANCIENT CAPITAL OF URASA, THE capital in the seventh century, Hiuen Tsiang writes MODERN HAZARA. thus:-- "The capital is 7 or 8 li in circuit, the air The site of the old capital of Urasa has never is soft and agreeable, there is very little ice or been determined. Hiuen Tsiang mentions it as snow. To the south-west of the capital 4 or 5 lying either 300 or 500 li, that is, 50 or 83 miles, li is a stupa about 200 feet or so in height, which from Taxila. The serious discrepancy in the was built by Asoka-raja. By its side is a pilgrim's itinerary renders his statement useless. sangharama." The country of Urasa corresponded pretty nearly It so happens that near Haripur there are the with that of the modern Hazara, if we include in remains of an ancient city of Buddhistic that term the whole tract up to the Indus, now held times, which exactly answers to this description. by the Tanaolis, the Hassarzais, the Akazais and It stands on rising ground under a range of hills, others. Naturally the capital of the region would two miles from Haripur, being on the right or stand rather in the fertile neighbourhood of Hari- west bank of the Dor, a stream which, flowing pur than elsewhere. Now with reference to the through the Haripur plain, falls into the Sirin

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SEPTEMBER, 1891. BOOK-NOTICE. 337 close to the junction of that river with the Indus. with Manikyala is suggestive. The climatic It stands too, close to the "Road of the Great conditions are exactly fulfilled. Kings" leading from Taxila to Kasmir. The It is curious that the existence of this beautifully containing walls of the city can be traced all situated and strongly constructed place should round. Some of them still rise eighteen feet in height and they are beautifully built in the have been apparently unknown to Sir Alexander Cunningham. I discovered the place quite by chequered style of the ancient stupas of Gandhara accident, having been directed to it by a Native, and Kophene. Within the city, which in size who told me that I should find there an old answers probably exactly to the dimensions given inscription. by Hiuen Tsiang, there was a citadel to the west looking down on the stream, and at least three The tope to the south-west is crowned by a stapas, two of which have been rifled probably modern Muhammadan tomb. by the Sikhs, together with a fortified peak tower. Manaka or Manika, as Cunningham informs us, ing over the ruins to the east. Within a mile of was a prince living in the time of Kanishka and the city to the south-west, but on the opposite the probable founder of the great tope Manakyala. bank of the shallow river, are the remains of an The Muhammadana have appropriated this prince old stupa, and in connection with it there are and raised him to the dignity of a Pir. May I indications of buildings of considerable extent. venture to suggest that Pir-Manaka is probably The Muhammadans have a little shrine (sidrat) the city which was visited by Hiuen Tsiang, close under the citadel hill, which they call and which he described as the capital of Urass ? Pir-Manaka, and the ancient name is preserved CHARLES SWYNNERTON, F.S.A., also in Manakrai, which is applied to the modern Potosi, Black Mountains ; Chaplain. village close by. The coincidence of these names' March, 1891. NOTES AND QUERIES. LUCK AND ILL-LUCK. on any important business. Hindus should mark (a) In Telingana. their foreheads on such occasions, and a MusalWith reference to Indian Notes and Queries man should wear rings inscribed with texte, or Vol. 1. note 218,- in the Northern Circars red silver armlets containing texts from the Quran is not objected to by the Musalmans during or other holy book beneath his sleeves. He must the Muharram, but is on the contrary much break in half the piece of wood, through which affected by them. he passes the girdle that ties his trousers, and Masulipatam. H.G. PRENDERGAST. should not put on his trousers standing but sit ting, at any rate while he draws the pdochas (6) In Bihar. over his legs. It is advisable to put on clothes, proved to have SAYYID KHAIRAYAT AEMAD. been prosperous, on going to visit a hakim or Gaya. BOOK-NOTICE. CRANTS POPULAIRES DES APORANS, recueillis par JAMES what gives rise to the envy which I referred to DARYBSTETER. Paris; Leroux ; 1890. in my opening sentence. Here we are beaten on I received this volume with pleasant expecta- our own ground. If there has been hitherto tions, I opened it with surprise, and I closed it one domain of science which Anglo-Indians have with envy. Any work by M. Darmesteter was made peculiarly their own, it has been the study certain to be both original and scholarly, and of Indian dialects and Indian folk-lore. But readers of his Lettres sur l'Inde were justified in even on this ground of study, the ever-increasing looking forward with interest to his promised demands of official work have given little leisure collection of Afghan song and folklore. But for the complete and thorough exploitation of the result has surpassed the expectations. We any particular tract, and few facilities are afforded have here a portly volume of some 700 pages, con- by a Government, which, however sympathetic, taining not only a selection of Afghan songs finds itself unable to spare either the men or the with text, translation, vocabulary and commen. money for research by specialists. What the Gov. tary, but three admirable essays on the language, ernment of India cannot do, a foreign Government the literature, and the history of that nation. has done. It has enabled a scholar of the The work is the direct result of the liberality of the highest eminence to come to India and to thoroughFrench Government, which deputed M.Darmesteter ly survey an area, of which but the outlines to India on a mission d'etudes :" and this is have been hitherto known. Let it not be

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338 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [SEPTEMBER, 1891. thought that I am forgetting the names of Zend, which has hitherto been sought for in vain, Trumpy, of Raverty, of Bellew, of Plowden or of and the wild tibes of the Khaibar and the fanatiThorburn. These authors would themselves be cal Musalmans of the Sulaiman range, have preamongst the first to admit the great addition to served the language of the old time Magi and of our knowledge which has been made by M. Zoroaster, better than the Parsis of Bombay. Darmesteter. Let us now take heed to the In its morphology, Afghan occupies an interlaurels we have hitherto won, and let the book mediate position between the synthetic Iranian under notice spur us to fresh efforts, and impel us languages and the extremely analytic Peraian. to fresh conquesta. Above all, let our rulere note In conjugation it is almost as analytio as the that work, which should be peculiarly their own, latter, but for nouns it retains the idea not las been elsewhere thought sufficiently impor. only of gran matical gender, but also of declension. tant to induce a foreign nation to send a specialist, It has a direct and an oblique cabe. As in India, to India to carry it out. the latter appears to be derived from an ancient It is difficult to give a complete account of i genitive. The numerals show remarkable agree. Prof. Darmesteter's book within the limits of as ment with Zend, as will appear from the following single article. A mere sketch, and an extract or table: - two, must suffice. Chapter I. of the Introduction Afghan Zend Persian Hindistuni. (pp. iii --- clii) deals with the language of the 1 yan aevayak ek Afghans, in its two dialects, -the Pukhtu of the 2 dva dva do de north and the Pushtu of the south. Save for a 3 dre (or ter) thri tin few varieties of pronunciation, these dialects 4 tsalor chathwarochuhar, char char have few points of difference. The language 6 pindza pancha panj pa nch hus borrowed largely from Persian and from the 6 sbgazh khshvash shash chha Indian dialects, and also, through the Persian, 7 ova haptan haft sat from Arabic. In borrowing Persian words, it, as a 8 ata ashtan hasht ath general rule, retains the original sounds, except 9 no navan no nau that off, which it does not possess and replaces by 10 las dasan dah das p. The characteristic Arabic letters (vo, &c.) In the vert, Afglan has, like the Pehlavi-Perit abandons, substituting the nearest indigenous sian, substituted a passive construction in the ones. As regards Indian sounds, the aspirated past tenses. While, however, this substitution has letters drop their uspiration, and is represented become obscured in Persian, Afyhan retains the by . Thus khard, pure, becomes kard; chhup, evidence of it with perfect clearness. Just us printed, chap; and jhutha, false, juta. As a rule, Hindustani, so Afghan, says this has been done cerebral letters only appear in Indian words, by me' (main ne yah kiyi hai), and not 'I did this.' the exceptions being the appearance of an ! The second chapter of the Introduction deals ur nr in certain pure Afghan words, represent with the history and origin of the Afghans. M. ing etymologically in the one case an earlier rd, rt, Darmesteter traces their history from the first and in the other an earlier ron. recorded mention of the nation by Albiruni (1030 A minute discussion of the phonetics of the A.D.), as inhabiting the Sulaiman Range, down language leads the author to the following con. to the present time. Tradition makes them clusions :-(1) Afghun is not an Indian dialect; (2) servants of Pharaoh, who emigrated thither after It is an Iranian dialect; (3) it is not a dialect of his destruction, and they must, at any rate, have moderu Persian or derived from Pehlavi; and, most been converted to Islam at an early period, their probably, (4) It is derived from Zend or from some country having been conquered by Muhallab, son very similar dialect. In short, the phonetics and of Abu Safra, about the year 660 A.D.' Since the vocabulary of the Afghan language induce us then, history relates little except internecine to consider it as bearing the same relation to Zend quarrels, varied by invasions of India. The latter that modern Persian does to the ancient language are well-known to students of Indian history, of Persia. We have, bowever, no proof of a cor. and for the former the reader is referred to M. responding Pehlavi. But such a Peblavi is less Darmesteter's interesting account. Babar's (1526) necessary, for phonetic and morphological corrup- conquest of Afghanistan is told in his own tion is less advanced in Afghan than in Persian. words. We learn how when the Afghans saw the Afghan bears that modern witness to the ancient impossibility of resisting, they presented them 1 The North has kh (c) and g (3) where the South Musulmin conquest of Afghinistan was the result of a has rh ( ) and zh ). long struggle extending over the 7th, 8th, 9th and 10th 2 (Would it not be more correct to say that the centuries 4. D.-R.C.T.

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SEPTEMBER, 1891.] BOOK-NOTICE. 899 selves holding grass between their teeth, as much as to say "I am your oz."'A footnote refers us to Major Temple's Legends of the Punjab (II., 101, 103, I. 37), who quotes this as a conventional phruse, the cow being the most sacred of all things in the Hinda's eyes; to be treated as his cows is to be well treated by him. A much older authority on this point is the Dehli Siwalik Pillar inscription of Visala Dera, dated 1164 A.D.,' where we read pratyarthi-dant-untare pratya-kshrini trindni. After the death of Babar the Afghans regained their power temporarily in India to be finally ex. pelled by Akbar in 1556. It was not till 1761 that Ahmad Shah, the Durrani, held the Grand Mughal prisoner at Dehli, and destroyed the Maratha power at Panipat. He thus left the way open to the European conquest of India, while giving rise at the same time to the Afghan Principalities of Farrukhabad and Bundelkhand. The Durrani dynasty was succeeded (1818) by that of the Barukzais, which now occupies the throne of Kabul. The Afghan race is, at the present day, divided into three main branches, those of Afghanistan, under the dominion of the Amir: the indepen. dent tribes of Yaghistan (svat, Buner, Bajaus, &c.), which, being absolutely free of all foreign influence, have best preserved their national characteristics : and those of British India, in the six districts of the North-West frontier. It is doubtful whether the classical writers have mentioned the Afgben nation by name. Arrian and Quintus Curtius, mention Indian mountaineers whose country was traversed by Alexander on his way to the Hinda Kush from Arachosia (Qandahar). Herodotus mentions the LIakTues, Paktyes, who inhabited the country about Kabul. Are these the Afghans (Pakhtuns)? The details which he gives of their dress are not inconsistent with the theory, and, while he treats them as Indians, he says that their customs resemble those of the Bactrians, which would refer us to an Iranian type. There is, however, one serious difficulty. Of the two forms, Pushton and Pukhtun (or more anciently Pashton and Pakhtan), the latter is a derivative one. The original was Pashton, which would lead us to expect in Greek Taorues, Pastyes, not IISKTLES, Paktyes. Pashton is derived from pusht, a mountain, and means inountaineer, highlander, and the original form of the latter word was parshti or "parshtu. If, therefore, the Paktyes are our Afghans, we must assume that laktves is an imperfect transcription See ante, Vol. XIX. p. 218, and note. See Irvine, J. A. S. B. 1878 and 1879, the Bangash Nawabs of Farrukhabad. . (I fanoy there are several YAghistans (independent territories) in AfghanistAn. I came across one in the country of the Kakais; Bee my "Account of the Country for II potues, Parstyes, or rather ITapahtves, Parshtyes, and that the kt of the Greeks, represents the exotic sound reht. We do not meet the Paktyes after Herodotus, but Ptolemy, in his description of Arachosia, mentions the "mountains of the Parsyetai" (8a TO Tlaporuntuv pov), and says that the lapovitas, Par. syetui, are the most northern of the four tribes of Arachosia. These may be the same as the lapotues, Paratyes, whom we should expect to find in this very neighbourhood. The third chapter of the Introduction (pp. clxxxiv. - nesviii.) describes the Afghan literature. This is of two kinds, written and oral. The former dates, according to tradition, from the Yosuizai conquest (1413-1424), but the first writer whom we know directly by his works was Akhon Darveza (A. 1685), the author of more than fifty volumes, most of which are unpublished. His principal writings consist of theological abuse, directed against the mystic heresiarch Bayazid Angari ; but one of them, the Makhzani Afghuni, possesses real historical value. The most ancient poet, whose works have been preserved, is Mirza Ansari, grandson of the BA yazid above mentioned. His poems, which are permeated with Persian Sufism have been more than once published and translated. He was fol. lowed (1631-1691) by the warrior poet Khuwahal Khan, who 'not only succeeded in throwing all his predecessors, with the exception of Mirza, into the shade of oblivion, but who retains his popularity to the present day.' Whenever M. Darmesteter asked a dum to recite a song to him, he commenced by asking, 'Do you want one of KhushhAl Khan Khacak P' The divan of this poet has been published by Dr. Bellew, but he was as prolific a writer as Akhun Darveza. Both Khushh&l and Mirza derived their inspiration from Persian, and their nume. rous followers have done the same, the ambition of each being to leave behind him a divdn. In the last few years Peshwar has become an active centre from which issue translations into Pushta of the best known Persian and Indian works, and these, together with the works of the above mentioned poets and their successors, form the bulk of the written literature of the Afghans. All this is a foreign and learned literature, and, with the exception of the works of Khushhal, tells us very little about the Afgheng, their customs or their national genius. But the true literature of this nation, the only one which is understood and traverned by the Second, Column of the Tel-ChotiAli Field Force, in the spring of 1879; " J. R. G. 8., Vol. L.-R. C. T.) Since M. Darmesteter's book was written, Mr. Biddulph has published selections from this Poet's works (Kegan Paul and Co.)

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340 TIE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [SEPTEMBER, 1891. appreciated by the people, and which in its turn to quote here. Passing over the religious and gives us a true picture of them, is that which is the romantic legends, both of which sections are oral and which takes the form of songs. full of interest, we come to the Love-songs. In These songs are the work of illiterate poets. Afghanistan these are innumerable, and a dum The dum, or poet-minstrel, plays in Afghan life when told to sing, cannot comprehend his being a part analogous to that taken by the bard asked to sing anything else. A perusal of the speamongst the Gauls. These poets form regular cimens given by M. Darmesteter shows that the schools. A beginner goes to a celebrated dum, imagery womes almost entirely from India. We and becomes his shugird, or disciple. The inect all the same graces and the same comparimaster, or ustad, teaches him his own songs, sons which we find in the poems of Sar Das or and those of other popular poets, and intro. Bidyapati. Here is a translation of a portion of duces him at the festivals, public and private, to the well-known Zakhmai, the most popular of all which he is invited. When the pupil feels himself Afghan songs, written by the poet Mira. strong enough to fly upon his own wings, he "1. I am sitting in woe, pierced with the dagleaves his master, composes under his own name, gers of separation. and sets up for an ustad in his turn. An ustad She came to-day, the maind, and hath borne takes half the fees paid by his host for himself, away my heart: sweet, so sweet. and divides the other half amongst his shdgirds. 2. I am ever engaged in contest : red am I with A good dum dies a rich man. The famous Mira my blood: I am a beggar before thee. would not open his lips under fifty rupees, and My life is one anguish. My mistress is my received a fee of Rs. 500 at the wedding of the physician; I long for the medicine; sweet, so sweet. son of the Navab of Peshawar. 3. Her bobom bath the apple, her lips the sugar, This Mira is almost the only celebrated dum of her teeth the pearl ; all that hath she, my well. Afghan birth. They are nearly all Afghanized beloved; she hath wounded me in the heart, and Indians, recruited principally from the Dom caste. therefore am I plunged in tears ; sweet, so sweet. Caste rules not being so strict in Afghanistan a 4. To thee is my service due; dream of me, O in India, other Indians also follow the same pro my love, for ever and a day. fession, but they are always of low-caste, such as Morning and eve make I my bed at thy sanc. talis, bhatiyards, malis or dhuis. They are usually, though not always, Musalmane, but are tuary: I am the first of thy knights; sweet, so indifferent as to the subject of their songs. A good Hinda thinks it no shame to earn an honest livelihood by singing the triumphs of the Prophet. Some of the specimens given of Afghan proverbs This generalization of the caste-term Dom, should are excellent. Here are a few :be noted by historians of the Gypsies. The "She came to borrow fire, and is become the Luris, from whom our modern Romanis are mistress of the house. descended, were singers and musicians imported Do not stick your finger into every hole. into Persia from India by Bahram Gaur. If you offer only an onion, do it politely. M. Darmesteter's collection of songs is divided Gram pottage and no teeth; teeth, and no gram into five main divisions, historic songs, religious ones, romances, love-songs, and songs illustrating pottage (gram requires good teeth.) Customs and Folklore. With the last are given Who owns elephants, should have big doorways. a number of proverbs and riddles. A black cow has white milk. The interest of the historical songs is that many i The cock may crow or not, but still the dawn of them were written contemporaneouely with the breaks. facts. The collection commences with a modern The work concludes with a Lexicographic poem describing the Afghan victory at Panipat in Index, which contains all the words in the songs 1761, and is followed by others carrying the history not to be found in Raverty's dictionary, and down to the time of the last Afghan war. Nearly all other useful indexes of proper names. A word these songs are, it is needless to say, written from of praise must be given to the typography and the point of view of our enemies, and the light in paper which are in every way worthy of the tradiwhich they view our actions is not flattering to tions of the Paris Imprimerie Nationale. our vanity. The best of them are too long G. A. GRIERBON. sweet." + Taken from M. Darmesteter's French version, and not from the original. . [The whole of the proverbs quoted are well known over all North India in much the same terms. See my Ed. of Fallon's Dict. of Hindostani Proverbs.-R.C.T.]

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OCTOBER, 1891.) TWO PATTAVALIS OF THE SARASVATI GACHCHHA. 541 TWO PATTAVALIS OF THE SARASVATI GACHCHHA OF THE DIGAMBARA JAINS. BY PROFESSOR A. F. RUDOLF HOERNLE, PH.D. TN respect of the two MSS., which form the basis of the present paper, Mr. Cecil Bendall 1 writes that they were copies made for me by Pandit Chimanlal of Jaipur in Rajputana, when I visited that city in January 1885. Enquiring as I did at every opportunity throughout my Indian wanderings as to the doings of the Jain sect, I was much interested to find that Pandit Chimanlal was not only a Jain, but a member of the more retiring and less known branch of the faith. Dr. Klatt's publication of 'Svetimbara pattivalis in this Journal (Vol. XI. p. 245) had rendered me keenly alive to the possible historical importance of these lists. For some time, however, I put these copies aside, under a suspicion that, as I had not seen the MSS. from which they were taken, they might be modern fabrications. On comparing them, however, with the list published in Prof. Peterson's Second Report, of which I must own I had never taken much account (probably owing to the fact that it is in verse and is printed in ordinary Nagarf type without distinction for the proper names or any tabular statement to facilitate reference), I found that the tradition was the same. I accordingly commenced preparing my MSS. for publication, intending to print off MS. B as it stood, noting the main variants, &c., of A and of the list (P) published by Prof. Peterson. I also made the alphabetical table of pontiffs which is printed in the following paper. My studies were, however, impeded by the circumstance that the first part of MS. A is chiefly in a modern language, of which I had no knowledge. This being so, I showed the MSS. to my friend Dr. Hoernle, who most opportunely happened to be visiting England at the time, and it is due to his knowledge of the ancient and modern Jain languages and institutions that the full exposition which here follows is due." The two manuscripts are referred to in the following remarks, by the letters A and B. MS. A comprises an introduction and the pattavali proper. The introduction gives an account of the early pontiffs from Mahavira down to Bhadrabahu JI. and his four disciples, the first among whom was Maghanandin, the founder of the Nandisangha. This account is in the form of Gatha verses, quoted from an earlier source, and accompanied by an exposition in a variety of the Bajpatani dialect. The introduction is followed by the pattavali proper, i. e., by a nominal list of the successive pontiffs of the Nandi Sangha or the Sarasvati Gachchha. It commences with Bhadrabahu II., and ends with Bhuvana Kirti, the 108th pontiff, who ascended the chair in Samvat 1840 (A. D. 1783), and was still reigning at the time the original manuscript was written, MS. A, unfortunately, is defective in two places. The pontificates, Nog. 66 - 78 and Nos. 92-104 (both inclusive), are missing. The first lacuna (Nos. 66-78) is, in the following table, filled up from MS. B; but the second lacuna (Nos. 92-104) could not be supplied from that source, as the two manuscripts begin to diverge with Nos. 88. MS. B contains only the pattavali proper, but it has the advantage of being complete. It also commences with Bhadrabahu II. in Samvat 4 (B. C.53),and brings the succession down to the 102nd Pontiff, Mahendra Kirti, who ascended the chair in Samvat 1938 (A. D. 1881), and 1 The Digambaras are, I think, the only religious body in India that possess an extensive literature, and yet preserve the old-world Pandits' hostility to printing, once so general. [C. BENDALL) 1 The modern religious literature of Jainism is, of course, much more difficult, to the European student at least, than the ancient. For the Praksit there are at loast a fair number of glossaries, &c.; but for Marwari and the forms of Western Hindt in niso in Jain commentaries and original works, ordinary Hindt dictionaries and grammars are of little avail: and their Gujarati literature (which, we will be seen from the forthcoming ostalogue of Gujarati Books in the British Museum, is extensive) is often such as an ordinary educated Parsi, or even Hindi, cannot understand. [C. BENDALL.] SAs MS. B only gives the dates of Moceanion, I have filled in the particulars, relating to the length of the different periods of the lives, from another pattayall in my possession which I hope to publish hereafter. See, however, the first note at the end of the paper, Bhadrabahu may have to be placed 8 years earlier, or in 61 B. C.

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342 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [Ostovev, 1891. who was living in Jaipur when Mr. Bendall visited that town in 1885. The entries Nos. 101 and 102, however, are in a different handwriting; and the original manuscript appears to have closed with No. 100, Naina Kirti, who ascended in Samvat 1879 (A. D. 1822), and accordingly must have been written some time between Samvat 1879 and Samvat 1883 (A. D. 1826) when the 101st Pontiff, Devendra Kirti, succeeded to the chair. The original of MS. A, on the other hand, must have been written some time soon after Samvat 1840 (A. D. 1783). The two manuscripts do not cover quite the same ground. They give the pattavalis of two different sections of the same main line. The two sections separated after the 87th pontiff of the common line. According to a remark in MS. A, the actual separation would seem to have taken place in Samvat 1572 (A. D. 1515), when one section appears to have removed to Nagor, while the other continued to reside in Chitor, the seat of pontificate of the 87th common pontiff. The latter, according to MS. A, was Jinachandra, the successor of Prabhachandra; while, according to MS. B, it was the latter under whom the separation took place, and whose predecessor was Jinachandra. Whatever the true case may have been, it seems, according to both manuscripts, that the two sections continued their allegiance to the 87th pontiff till the latter's death in Samvat 1581 (A. D. 1524), when each section elected its own separate head, and henceforth the two sections carried on their own separate pattavalls. Of these, MS. A probably gives the patta vall of the Nagor section, while MS. B seems to give that of the Chitor section. This attribution, however, is, for the present, only inferential. It is certain that the two pattavalis of MSS. A and B diverge after the 87th pontiff, ander whom the separation is said by MS. A to have taken place. I presume that the line of pontiffs given by MS. A migrated to Nagor, until they removed their residence to Ajmir, where they are found to be at the time of the 106th pontiff. The line, given in MS. B, would then be the section, which continued to reside in Chitor, the seat of the 87th pontiff, until later on they removed to Jaipur, which is their present place of residence. The point is, perhaps, not one of any great importance, and may be cleared up hereafter. The common line (anvaya) of both sections is that of Kundakunda, the fifth pontiff of the Sarasvati Gachohha. Hence that Gachchha is known also as the Kundakundanvaya.. The reason of this appellation is not quite clear. Kundakunda is stated to have had four other names, Padmanandin, Vakragriva, Gridhrapichchha and Elacharya. In Professor Peterson's list his principal name is given as Padmanandin. Perhaps there was some circumstance of sufficient importance connected with his eponym Kundakunda, which caused the latter to be perpetuated in an appellation of the Gachchha which he had adorned. The founder of this Gachchha was Maghanandin, one of the four disciples of Guptigupta, each of whom founded a separate Gachchha. From him are derived two names of the Gachchha; viz., Nandi Sangha and Nandi Amnaya. The word amnaya," according to Hemachandra's Anekartha Sangraha, is a synonym of kula (or kulakrama), and the appellation, accordingly, means "the generations" or successions" of Nandi. A fourth name by which the Gachchha is known is Balatkara Gana." The reason of this name is not known. I would venture to suggest, however, the following explanation. The second pontiff of the Gachchha was Guptigupta. He is stated to have had two other names, Arhadbalin or "he who possesses the power of an Arhat," and Visakhacharya. I would suggest that the Gachchha may have derived its name of Balatkara or "the powerful" Gana from its ancestor Arhadbalin. The origin of the name would then be analogous to that of Kundakundanvaya. As a Gachchha, the line of pontiffs is distinguished by the term Sarasvati; this name it seems to have received from the miracle of the pontiff Padmanandin, who is said to have made a stone figure of Sarasvati to speak (see below No. 83 of Ce The MS. has the term abhava for 'name' (P. su-nama), which I do not understand. Is it perhaps a clerical error for prabhava? Another synonymous Jain term is santana, which occurs in the pattavall of the Upakeea Gachchha, published se, Vol. XIX, p. 233. The words gana and gachchha, as Muni Atmar&mjt informs me, are synonymous.

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OCTOBER, 1891.) TWO PATTAVALIS OF THE SARASVATI GACHCHHA. 343 the Tables. This miracle is also pointedly referred to at the end of the pattavali published by Professor Peterson.) It is, further, also called the Parijata Gachchha, apparently after the celestial tree of that name. But the reason of the name I do not know. Parijata is also the name of the coral tree (Erythrina Indica); and as Maghanandin, the founder of the Gachchha, is said to have kept his "retreats" (vasa) at the foot of a Nandi tree, the thought suggests itself, whether parijata may not also be a synonym of that tree, so that the Gachchha would take its name from the tree of the retreat of its founder. The parallel character of all these terms as names of one Gachchha is clearly indicated towards the end of the introduction of patta vali A. Though the Sarasvati Gachchha, as a distinct line of pontiffs, was really founded by Maghanandin, this pontiff, in all the pattavalis that I have seen, is always enumerated in the third place, and the Gachchha is made to begin with Bhadrabahu II., who is the first pontiff of the line. Then follows Guptigapta, as the second pontiff, from whom, as I suppose, the line took its name of Balatkara Gana. Then comes Maghanandin himself as the third pontiff, after whom the line is called the Nandi Sangha or the Nandi Amnaya. Then comes the fourth pontiff Jinachandra ; and he is followed by Kundakunda as the fifth pontiff, from whom the line derives its name of Kundakunda Anvaya. Lastly, the Gachchha is declared to be a branch of the Mala Sangha, that is the Original Community, founded by Mahavira himself. . The principal value of the pattavalis, now published, is that they give complete series of dates. MS. B gives the dates of the succession of each pontiff. MS. A is even more comprehensive. It not only states the dates of saccession; bat adds, in the case of each pontiff, the number of his years before he took the vows (griha-varsha or grihastha-varsha), the number of years he lived as a simple monk (diksha-oarsha), the number of years he held the pontificate (patta-varsha or pat! astha-varsha), and lastly the number of years of his whole life (sarva-varsha or sarvayu-varsha). Professor Peterson has published a pattavali of the Sarasvati Gachchha in his Report for 1883-1884,8 but it supplies no dates whatever. Moreover it carries the succession list only down to the 92nd pontiff, Narendra Kirti, while the pattavali now published brings it down to the 102nd. It appears to be a pattavali of what I have called the Chitor section of the Gachchha; for though it omits Nos. 88 and 89, it agrees with the pattavali of MS. B in Nos. 9C-92. How the omission of Nos. 88 and 89 is to be accounted for, I do not know. This as well as all other minor divergences from Professor Peterson's list (markeu P) are noted in the following tables. Professor Bhandarkar has also published a portion of a Digambara patravall in his Report on the Search of Sanskrit MSS. for 1883-1884, p. 124, 125 (published 1887). He states that he has taken his information from a pattavali, noted as No. 629 in the Report for 1875-1876.deg The portion, published by him, covers the same ground as the introduction of pattavali A now published; that is, it only goes as far as the actual commencement of the Sarasvati Gachchha. But, in some respects, his information differs from that now given, in others it is fuller. His pattAvali must, therefore, be a different one from that of the present MS. A; if so, its fall publication would be desirable. A Digambara pastavali is also referred to by Professor Jacobi, in the Introduction to his edition of the Text of the Kalpa Satre, p. 30.10 He states that it was written in Jaipur, and that it carries the succession down to Samvat 1840; from this, and the other brief particulars mentioned by him, it would seem probable that it did not materially differ from the pattavali of MS. A. Professor Buhler, indeed, informs me that it is the identical No. 629, cited by Prof. Bhandarkar, which he had temporarily brought with him from India and lent to Professor Jacobi. * See Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Extra Number: No. XLIV. Vol. XVII. p. 168. * See Prof. Buhler's Detailed Report of a tour in Search of Sanskrit M88., Extra Number of Journal, Bombay Branch, Royal Asiatic Society, 1877, No. XXXIV. A, Vol. XII. 19 See Abhandlungen fur die Kunde des Morgenlandes, published by the German Oriental Society; Vol. VII.

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344 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1891. As the Text of the Introduction in MS. A gives a large number of dates, in some ways conflicting with one another, it is now published in extenso with a translation. A note on the discrepancies of the dates is added at the conclusion of the paper. The patta valt proper, however, which is given in both MSS. A and B, is published, in abstract, in a tabular form, in which it will probably be found more convenient for study and reference. As a specimen of the full text, the first entry is here quoted :-1 saMvat 4 caitra sudi34 bhadrabAha jI gRhasthavarSa 24 dikSAvarSa 3. TERTTORRATE ROETE TYTO ET 33 Ti art ; "(1) In Samvat 4, Chaitra Sudi 14, Bhadrabihu Ji (succeeded); for 24 years he lived as a householder, for 30 years as a (simple) monk, for 22 years 10 months and 27 days as pontiff. The days intervening (between his death and the accession of his successor) were 3. The total period of his life was 76 years and 11 months. By caste he was a Brahman." This will sufficiently explain the form of the entries of the tables. Regarding the abbreviations in the second column, S. stands for sudi, and V. for vadi; Ch. Chaitra ; Ph=Phagun (Phalguna); A or A. = Asoj or Asa (Asvayuja or Asvina); P.=P8sa (Poshadha); K. = Kati (Kartika); J. = Jeshtha ; As. = Asaph; Bh. = Bhadava (Bhadrapada); M. = Maha (Magha); S. = Sravan; Mr. = Margasir; V. = Vaisakh. If the numbers of any entry show & discrepancy, they are shown in round brackets. In some cases (e. g., in No. 24) the discrepancy may be due to a mere error in summation; but I have thought it better to leave the numbers as given in the M.S. If any number is wanting in the MS., it is indicated by a query (?). The bracketed remarks in the last column are additions of my own; P, refers to Professor Peter. son's List. All other remarks are translated from the manuscript. As to the exact meaning of the term viraha (see the quotation above), I am uncertain. I have taken it to mean the time which intervened between the death of one pontiff and the enthronisation of his successor; this time varies from a few days to upwards of one month. It occurs in the first 24 entries; from the 25th entry onwards the synonymous term antara is used. Both patta valis are written in a rather rugged form of the Rajputani dialect, with the exception of the Prakrit Gathas which are quoted in the introduction of MS. A, and the beginning and concluding portions of that introduction which are written ina wretched attempt at Sansktit verse and prose. The method of the introduction is to quote Praksit Gathas from an authoritative work, . and to accompany it with explanatory glosses in the vernacular dialect. These glosses are modern; the Frakrit Gathas appear to be old. How old they are, and from what work they may be quoted, I do not know. It would be important to determine this, and thus perhaps be able to restore the true text of the Gathas. As they stand at present, their roadings are often corrupt and in some places inconsistent with one another. I have made no attempt to render them correct or consistent; only a few obyious clerical errors have been corrected. From the manner of the vernacular commentary it is clear, that its writer found the Gathas already in their present confused state, and knew not how to harmonise their statements. TEXT. Introduetion of Pattavali A. 990 // atha pahAvalI likhyate / / zrItrailokyAdhipaM natvA smRtvA sdgurubhaartiiN| vakSye pahAvalI ramyAM mUlasagaNAdhipaM // 1 // zrImUlasaGkavare nandyAmnAye manohare / balAtkAragaNottaMse gacche sArasvatIyake // 2 // kundakundAnvaye zreSThaM utpannaM zrIgaNAdhipaM / sa evAtra pravakSyati zrUyatAM sajanAH janAH // 3 // 11 From another MS. pattavali, which I also hope shortly to publish, I see that they are referred to a work called Vikrama Prabandha. Of this work, however, I know nothing further.

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OCTOBER, 1891.] TWO PATTAVALIS OF THE SARASVATI GACHCHHA. (1) atha vaMzAdhikAra prathama paTTAvalI viSe yugAdi caudA kulakara hUvA // / 14 nAma chai / tI pAchai yuga lyA dharmanivAraka saMsAratAraka AdinAtha jI 1 itei 24 vIra antima hUvA // saiA varSa 62 tAI kevalI ro / / gAthA // antimajiNaNiSvANe kevalaNANI va goyama muNIndo / bAraha vAse" ya gaye sudhammasAmI ya saMjAte // 1 // taha bAraha vAse puNa saMjAdo jambusAmi muNirAyo / aDatIsa vAsa rahiyo kevalaNANI ya ukkiho || 2 // bAsa kevalavAse tinha muNi goyama sudhamma jambU a / bAraha bAraha do jaNa tiya dugahINaM" va cAlIsaM // 3 // ( 2 ) aura pAche gotama svAmI varSa 12 kevalI rahyo / taiDA pAchai jambU svAmI 38 kevalI rahyo / evaM varSa 62 mai kevalI rahyA / / tarai pAche 5 zrutakevalI likhite // gAthA | sukevali paJca jaNA bAsA vAse gaye su saMjAdA / paDhamaM caudaha vAsaM viNDa kumAraM " muNeyabvaM // 4 // dimitta vAsa solaha tIya aparAjiya vAsa" bAvIsaM / igahINavIsa vAsaM govajUNa bhahabAhu guNatIsaM // 5 // sada" suyakevalaNANI paJca jaNA viNhu nandimitto ya / aparAjiya gAvaDUNa [ taha" ] bhaddabAhu ya saMjAdA // 6 // 345 varSa 100 mai e pA~ca zrutakevalI huvA viSNunAnda 14 nandibhitra 16 varSa aparAjita varSa 22 govaradhana (sic) varSa 19 bhadrabAhujI varSa 29 / / e pA~ca AcArya zrutakevalI varSa 100 mai hUvA // ( 3 ) taiA pAchaiyyA nai gyArA aGga caudA pUrva ko pATha kaNThi Avaito ara pustaka na chAjai // dvAdazAGga kA pada eka so bArA koDi tiyAsI lAkha aThAvana hajAra pA~ca pada chai 1128358000 / / 5 / / eka pada kA zloka batIsa akSaya etA hoya / ikyAvana koDi ATha lAkha caurAsI hajAra cha se sATha akavIsa 510884621 zloka huvA / / so bArA aGga nai likhatA~ syAhI paitIsa hajAra no se avadhANave koDimaNa bhara tetIsa lAkhamaNa eka so sATA aAIsamaNa TaGka savA lAge 329983300128 TaGka // sahasra loka likhatA~ paisA 1 bharI syAhI lAge / te ko likhe tola cAlIsa kI etI lAge // (4) taiA pAchai mahAvIra syuM varaSa 162 pAchai isapUrvadhArI huvA 11 muni // [ gAthA // ] sada bAsahi su vAse gaye su uppaNNa daha su puzvadharA / / sada tirAsi vAsANi ya egAdaha muNivarA jAdA // 7 // . Ayariya" visAkha poDala khattiya jayasena nAgasena muNI // siddhatya dhitti-vijayaM buhiliGga-deva dhamaseNaM // 8 // daha ugaNIsa ya" sattara ikavIsa aThAraha sattara / aThAraha 22 teraha vIsa caudaha codaha kame peyaM / / 9 / / zrI vIrAt varSa 162 vizAkhAcArya varSa 10 / zrIvIrAt varSa 172 proSThilAcArya varSa 19 / zrIvIrAt varSa 191 kSatriyAcArya varSa 17 / zrIvIrAt varSa 208 jayasenAcArya varSa 21 / zrIvIrAt varSa 229 nAgasenAcArya varSa 18 / zrIvIrAt varSa 247 siddhArthAcArya varSa 17 | zrIvIrAt varSa 264 dhRtisenAcArya varSa 18 | zrIvIrAt varSa 282 vijayAcArya varSa 13 | zrIvIrAn varSa 295 buddhiliGgAcArya varSa 20 | zrIvIrAt varSa 315 devAcArya varSa 14 | zrIvIrAt varSa 329 dharmasenAcArya // varSa 183 paryanta dazapUrva kA dhArI huvA | 183 varSa eka so tiyAsI mai / (5) so daza pUrva ke likhadai syAhI tola cAlIsa ke gyArA hajAra eka so paisA koDimaNa bhara doya lAkhamaNa aThAvana hajAramaNa tIni se tirANavaimaNa sera paTarA lAge // " so yo eto pAThayA~ 11 AcAryA nai kaNTha Avaito bhara pustaka na chauM / 19 Read 12 MS. metre nor sense. vAsI / 15 Skr. dvikahInaM / 14 [MS. viSNu / 10 MS. varakkha. 16 MS. muddha which agrees with neither 17 Not in MS., but some such addition required by the metre. 18_MS. 52884622 / ayariya metri causa. 20 This line is not orthographically correct. 21MS. ugaNIsaha ; the metre is upagiti. aThAraha and vIsaha. 22 MS. 2 MS. padarA /

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846 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1891. (6) iha sthiti pAchai ekAdazAGgadhArI upanA varSa 220 / / tiha mai varSa 123 tAI to ekAdazAja pATa 5 huvaa|| gaathaa|| antimajiNaNivyANe tiyasaya paNacAla vAsa jAde su / egAdahaGgadhAriya paJcajaNA muNivarA jAdA / / 10 // nakkhattI jayapAlaga-paNDava-dhuvaseNa-kaMsa AyariyA / aThAraha vIsa vAsaM guNacAlaM cora battIsaM // 11 // sada tevIsa ya vAse egAdaha aGgadhara jAdA / zrIvIrAt varSa 345 nakSatrAcArya varSa 18 / zrIvIrAta varSa 363 jayapAlAcArya varSa 20 / zrIvIrAt varSa 383 pANDavAcArya varSa 39 | zrIvIrAta varSa 422 dhuvasenAcArya varSa 14 // zrIvIrAt varSa 436 kaMsAcArya varSa 32 // (7) varSa 123 pAchai varSa 97 mai dazAGgadhArI utarA / 123 tA utaratA huvA paatt4|| gAthA / / vAsaM sattANavadi[ya] saGanava aha anandharA // 12 // subhaI ca jasobhaI bhadabAhu kameNa ya / lohAcajja muNIsaM ca kAhayaM ca jiNAgame / / 13 / / chaha ahAraha vAse tevIsa bAvaNa vAsa muNiNAhaM / dasa-nava-ahaGgadharA vAsa tusada vIsa sabvesu / / 14 / / varSa 97 mai pATa 4 huvA / / zrIvIrAt varSa 468 subhadrAcArya varSa 6 / zrIvIrAn varSa 474 yazobhadrAcArya varSa 18 zrIvIrAta varSa 492 bhadravAha jI varSa 23 / zrIvIrAt varSa 515 / lohAcArya jI varSa 10 // eva varSa 97 / / aGga ghaTatA ghaTatA rahyA varSa 220 taa|| 18) gyArA aDakailikhavai syAhI to gaise ko vyAro eka hajAra doya se ekyAsI koDimaNa ara cha lAkha guNacAsa hajAra cha se cosaThimaNa pAvaDo TaGka / savA lAge tola cAlIsa kai 12810649664 TaDa pAva // eto pAThayyA~ AcAryA nai kaNThi Avato bhara pustaka na chA / / (9) se pAchai varSa 118 tA~I ekAGgadhArI rahyA / / [gaayaa|] paJca sae paNNasaTe antimajiNasamaya" jAde s| uppaNNA paJca jaNA iyajadhArI muNeyabvA // 15 // ahivali mAghaNandi ya dharaseNaM puSphayanta bhUtvalI) aDavIse igavIsaM ugaNIsaM tIsa vIsa vAsa puNI" // 16 // (10) ekAGadhArI 5 pA~ca pATa huvA // zrIvIrAt 565 ahivhilAcArya varSa 28 / / zrIvIrAt 993 mAghananyAcArya varSa 21 / zrIvIrAta varSa 614 dharasenAcArya vaSe 19 zrIrAma varSa 633 puSpadantAcArya varSa . zrIvIrAma varSa 6631 bhUtavanyicArya varSa 20 // 118 varSe" // varSa 118 tauI ekAdhArI ghaTatA ghaTatA zrutigyAnI huvA / / mahAvIra syu 183 varSa tAI aGgakI sthiti rhii| pAchai zrutijJAnI huvA / / gAthA / / gasaya aThAra vAse gajadhArI ya muNivarA jaataa| cha saya tirAsi ya vAse NivvANA aGgachitti kahiya jiNaM // 17 // eka aGgakA pAThI huvA varasa eka so aThArA maiM / / eka aGgakA pada aThArA hajAra lyA nai likhatA syAhI tIla cAlIsa kaimaNa / 57004745238 satAvana kauDi saMtAlIsa hajAra cyAri sai bAvanamaNa lAlai // ete pAThayA AcArya nai kaNThi Avato ara pustaka na chaa|| (11) taiThA pAchai avai zrImUlasa kA pATa varNana kIje chai / zrImahAvIra syu varSa 683 pAchai / vikramAditya ko janma huvI / subhadrAcArya syu varSa 2vikrama janma ara rAjya vikrama kI myU varSa 4 bhadrabAhu jI pATi baiThA / bhadrabAhu ziSya guptigupta | tasya nAmatrayaM / guptigupta01 arhadali 2 vizAkhAcArya 3 // tasya catvAri ziSya | nandivRkSamUlenA varSAyogodhrataH saha+3 mAghanandi tena nandisaDa sthaapitH|1|| jinasenanAmataNatale varSAyogo dhRtaH saha vRSabha tena vRSabhasaGga sthaapitH| 2 // yena siMhaguhAyAM varSAyogo sthApitaH saha siMhasaI sthApitazcan / 3 // yo devadanA vezyAgRhe varSAyoga sthApitavAn saha devasaGkuzcakAra / 4 // . 24 MS. qiga I 26 Metre: pngiti. WMS. CIC 1 27 MS. om. 4, contra metrum. 28 Metre : slika. 20 MS. samaya 0. m.: tho metre in upaatti. 20 Ms. bhitvho| Metrespiti. Read hivAlayAcArya / MS. 683 s Read bhUtavalyAcArya | Ms. vIrAta for varSa | Ms. ikUr3adhArI e. m. Metre: giti I 8 Ms. 5747452 // So also in P., MS. gupti gupti | 0MS. guptagati / MS. naMdivRSyamalena / MS. vRssaayogo| For saH; but ead so| - Ms. only vRSa / 6 Ms. tena siNh|

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OCTOBER, 1891.) TWO PATTAVALIS OF THE SARASVATI GACHCHHA. 847 / (12) tadyathA // nandisaGke pArijAtagacche balAtkAragaNe catvAri muninAmAni / nandi / 3 / candra / / kiirti| 3 / bhUSaNa / 4 punarapi nadisar3e sarasvatIgacche balAtkAragaNe / tathA ca zrImUlasar3e nandyAmAye sarasvatI'gacche balAtkAragaNe catvAri muninAmAni / nandi / 1 / candra / 2 / kIti | 3 | bhUSaNa / 4 // ityAdi / (13) tatra prathamaM vIrAt varSa 492" subhadrAcAryAt varSa 24 vikramajanmAnta varSa 22 rAjyAnta varSa 4 bhadrabAhu jaatH||gaathaa // sattari catusabajutto" tiNa kAlA vikramI havaha jammo / aTha varasa vAlalIlA soDasa vAsahi bhammie desa // 28 / / paNarasa" vAse jajjaM kuNanti micchovdessNjutto| cAlIsa varasa jiNavaradhamma' pAlIya surapayaM lahiyaM // 19 / / so yA~ AcAryA buddhi ghaTatI jANI / kyoM / jatkAla kA doSa setI / tadi bhujavali muni puSpadanta muni zrutajJAna sarva pustakA mai thApyo / miti jeSTha sudi paJcamI ke dina / / , TRANSLATION. (1) Having bowed to the glorious Lord of the three worlds, and called to mind Bharati (i.e. Sarasvati), the true Guru, I declare the charming pattavali of the pontiffs of the Mala Saigha. (2) In the noble glorious Mula Sangha, in the heart-ravishing succes sion of Nandin, in the pearl of a Balatkara Gana, in the Sarasvatiya Gachchha ; (3) In the line of Kundakunda there arose excellent glorious pontiffs. Even these are here set forth. Listen, oh ye men of worth ! $ 1. First in this pattivali are to be mentioned the 14 Kulakaras who were in the beginning of the Yuga. Next come the Establishers of the Faith and the Saviours of the world, of whom Adinatha - is the first and Virathe 24th and last.. Afterwards there were Kevalins for 62 years (as related in the following three) Gathas: (1) << After the Nirvana of the last Jina, (there arose) Goyama, the great Muni, a Kevalin, and after the lapse of twelve years there arose the lord Sudhamma. (2) " Then again after twelve years there arose the lord Jambu, a king of Minis; and he, the grand Kevalin, abode for thirty-eight years. (3) "There were sixty-two years of Kevalins, and three Munis, Goyama, Sudhamma and Jamb; two men for twelve years each, the third for forty years less two." (1-3.) 82. After Vira, Gotama was a Kevalin for 12 years [and after him Sudharman for another 12 years] ;54 after this Jambu Swimin was a Kevalin for 38 years. Thus there were 62 years of Kevalins. After this we now write down the 5 'Srata-Kevalins (as related in the following three) Gathas: (1) << Of 'Sruta-Kevalins there were five after the lapse of (those) sixty-two years; as the first, for fourteen years, Vinhukumara is to be reckoned. (2) * Then Nandimitta for sixteen years ; as the third, Aparajiya for twenty-two years ; Govaddhana for twenty years less one, Bhaddabahu for thirty less one. (3) - For one hundred years, there arose five men as 'Sruta-Kevalins, Vinhu and Nandimitta, also Aparajiya, Govaddhana and Bhaddavihu." (4-6.) MS. 493 | Ms ctudeg| BMS. degSoDasa vAse bhammayadesa c. m.; the metro in giti. Cf. Hom. VI, 161. MS. rasapaNa.MMS. yajjaInMs. michAyadeza"; Ms.jiNadhamma 0. m. the metre is giti. 1 Road bhUtavAla / 54 The bracketed passage appears to have dropped out of the original text. The portions within round brackets are added to bring out more clearly the meaning of the text.

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348 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (OCTOBER, 1891. In the space of 100 years there arose five Sruta-Kevalips: vis. Vishnunandin for 14, Nandimitra for 16 years, Aparajita for 22, Govardhana for 19, and Bhadrabahu (I.) for 29 years. These five Acharyas were 'Sruta-Kevalins within the space of 100 years. $ 3. Up to this time the text of the eleven Angas and the fourteen Parvas was known by memory, and books did not exist. The words of the Twelve Augas55 amounted to one hundred and twelve kror, eighty-three lakh, fifty-eight thousand and five (i.e. 1,128358,005).56 One slika of words consists of thirty-two aksharas. Accordingly there are fifty-one kror, eight lakh, eighty-four thousand, six hundred and twenty-one slokas (.e. 510 884,621).57 In the writing of these twelve Angas there was employed a total of thirty-five thousand nine hundred and ninety-eight kroc, thirty-three lakh, one hundred and twenty-eight ankas of ink (i. e, 359,983'300,128). In the writing of one thousand slokas there is spent one paisa worth of ink ; (hence) in the writing of all of them was spent as much as forty tolas. 6 4. After this, i. e., 162 years after Mabavira, there arose 11 Munis who knew (only) ten Parvas; (as related in the following three Gathas :) - (1) "One hundred and sixty-two years having passed, there arose eleven great Munis, for one hundred and eighty-three years, who knew (only) ten Angas; viz., (2) "The Acharyas Visakha, Porthala, Khattiya, Jayasuna, Nagasena, Siddhattha, Dhitti, Vijaya, Buhilinga, Deva and Dhamasena; (3) " (For whom) years ten, nineteen, seventeen, twenty-one, eighteen, seventeen, righteen, thirteen, twenty, fourteen, fourteen are to be counted respectively." (7-9.) From the year 162 after Mahavira there lived the Acharya Visakha for 10 years; from 172 after Vira, the Acharya Proshthila, for 19 years; from 191 after Vira, the Acharya Kshatriya, for 17 years; from 208 after Vira, the Acharya Jayasena, for 21 years; from 229 after Vira, the Acharya Nagasena, for 18 years; from 247 after Vira, the Acharya Siddhartha, for 17 years; from 264 after Vira, the Acharya Dhritisena, for 18 years; from 282 after Vira, the Acharya Vijaya, for 13 years; from 295 after Vira, the Acharya Buddhilinga, for 20 years; from 315 after Vira, the Acharya Deva (L.), for 14 years ; from 329 after Vira, the Acharya Dharmasuna. For the space of 183 years there existed men who knew (only) ten Parvas, 1. e., for one hundred and eighty-three years. $5. In the writing of these ten Purvas were used forty tslas of ink, (and) eleven thousand, one hundred and thirty-five kros, and two likh, fifty-eight thousand, three hundred and ninety-three sers of leaves [i. e., 111,350%258,393]. Now these texts were in the memory of the 11 Achiryas, and there were not yet any books. $ 6. After these events these arose men who knew (only) eleven (or less) Aigas, for 220 years.69 Among these men, for 123 years, there were five successions of men who knew (only) eleven Augis ; (nus related in the following two and one-half) Gathis: 86 The fourtoen Parvas being counted together as the twelfth Anga. 66 The same number will be found given in Prof. Bhandarkar's Report for 1897, p. 107-110. 67 This number, multiplied by 32, gives a total of 16,349 307.872 ukwhuras. Prof. Bhandarkar, ibid., does tot state the number of slikar, but gives the total of the aksharan as 16,319,307,888. This, divided by 32, gives the number of blokas as 510,884,621 and . His pattavali, therefore, must have counted one-half slaku more thau the present pattavall. 58 The text is here not clearly expressed. It reads as if the period of 220 years referred to the Eleven-Aig. dharins only. But from what follows later on, it is clear, that that period is understood to be made up of the two periods of 123 years and 97 years of all the Angins of diminishing knowledge.

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OCTOBER, 1891.) TWO PATTAVALIS OF THE SARASVATI GACHCHHA. 349 (1) "Three hundred and forty-five years having passed after the nirvana of the last Jina, five great Munis arose, men who knew eleven Augas; vis., (2) "The Acharyas Nakkhatta, Jayapalaga, Pandava, Dhuvasena, Kamsa, for years eighteen, twenty, thirty-nine, fourteen, thirty-two (respectively). (3) "For the space of one hundred and twenty-three years there existed men who knew eleven Angas." (10--12). From the year 345 after Virs there lived the Acharya Nakshatra, for 18 years; from 363 after Vira, the Acharga Jayapala, for 20 years; from 383 after Vira, the Acharya Pandava, for 39 years; from 422 after Vira, the Acharya Dhruvasena, for 14 years; from 436 after Vira, the Acharya Kamsa for 32 years. $ 7. After (those) 123 years, within the space of 97 years, there arose men who knew (only) ten Angas. From after 123 years there arose 4 successions; (as related in the following two and one-half) Gathas: - (1). "For the space of ninety-seven years there were men who knew ten Aigas or nine or eight Angas; vis., (2) "Subhadda and Jasobhadda, Bhaddabahu and Lobachajja, the lord of Munis, who spake the doctrine of the Jina. (3) "Six, eighteen, twenty-three, fifty-two (respectively) were the years of these lordly Manis ; two hundred and twenty were the years of all (these) men who knew ten or nine or eight Angas." (12--14.) Within the space of 97 years, there were 4 successions. From the year 468 after Vira there was the Acharya Subhadra, for 6 years ; from 474 after Vira, the Acharya Yasobhadra, for 18 years; from 492 after Vira, the Acharya Bhadrabahu-jf (II.)for 23 years; from 515 after Vira, Lohacharya-ji, for 50 years,59 Thus there were 97 years. The number of Augas went on diminishing through the space of 220 years. $ 8. In the writing of the eleven Angas the expenditure of ink was one thousand, two hundred and eighty-one kror, and six lakh, forty-nine thousand, six hundred and sixty-four and one quarter lanka (i.e, 12, 810 649,664}). In all there were used forty tolas. These texts were in the memory of the Acharyns, and books did not yet exist. $ 9. After this, for the space of 118 years, there lived men who knew (only) one Anga; (as related in the following two) Gaths : (1) "Five hundred and sixty-five years having passed after the nirvana of the last Jina, there arose five men who should be understood to have known one Anga; viz., (2) "Ahivalli and Maghanandin, Dharasena, Papphayanta, Bhudavali. Twenty-eighty twenty-one, nineteen, thirty, and twenty, were their years (respectively)." (15, 16.) $ 10. There were 5 successions of men who knew (only) one Anga. From the year 565 after Vira there was the Acharya Ahivalli60 for 28 years; from 593 after Vira, the Acharya Maghanandin, for 21 years; from 614 after Vira, the Acharya Dharasena, for 19 years; from 633 after Vira, the Acharya Pushpadanta, for 30 years; from 663 after Vira, the Acharya Bhutavali, for 20 years; altogether 118 years. For the space of 118 years there were men who knew (only) one Anga; (the knowledge of it) went on declining, till there were only the # The Gath has 52 years, the change to 50 is an alteration made by the commentator purposely, to barmonino the account of the gathA. See the first note at the end of this paper. * This would seem to be the same person who is afterwards called Arhadvali or Gaptigupta.

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350 TER INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (OCTOBER, 1891. "Sratajnanins. Up to the year 683 after Mahavira (the knowledge of), the Angas was conserved, Afterwards arose the 'Srutajnanins; (as related in the following) Gatha: (1) "For the space of one hundred and eighteen years there existed great Manis who knew one Anga. In the year six hundred and eighty-three after the Nirvana of the Jina, the loss of the Angas is said to have been complete." (17.) Successions of men who know (only) one Anga there were for the space of one hundred and eighteen years. In the writing of the eighteen thousand words of this one Anga there were nsed forty tolds of ink, or 570 047,452, i.e., fifty-seven kror, forty-seven thousand, four hundred and fifty-two tankas. So much of the sacred) text was in the memory of the Acharyas, and books did not exist. $11. Further, there shall now be related an account of the successions of the glorious Mula Sangha, (beginning) from the year 683 after the glorious Mahavira. There bad occurred the birth of Vikramaditya. In the year 2 after the Acharya Subhadra's (accession to the pontificate) the birth of Vikrama took place; and in the year 4 of Vikrama's reign Bhadrabahu-ji (II.) took his seat on the pontifical chair. Bhadrabahu's disciple was Guptigupta. The latter had three names: 1, Guptigupta, 2, Arhadbalin, 3, Visakhacharya. He had four disciples: 1, Maghanandin who at the foot of a Nandi treell kept his rainy seasons, and who established the Nandi Sangha; 2, Vsishabha, who kept his rainy seasons under the tree called Jinasena, and who established the Vtishabha Sangha; 3, Simha, who kept his rainy seasons in the cave of a lion (sinha), and who established the Simha Sangha ; 4, Deva (II.) who kept his rainy seasons in the house of the courtesan Devadatta, and who established the Dova Sangha. $ 12. The detail is as follows: In the Nandi Sangha, or the Parijata Gachchha, or the Baltkara Gama, there are in use four surnames for the Munis, vis., Nandin, Chandra, Kirti and BhAshana, or (in other worde) in the Nandi Sangha which is the Sarasvati Gachchha or the Balktkara Gana; or again in other words) in the Nandi Amniya which is the Sarasvati Gachchha or the Balatkara Gana, of the glorious Mala Sangha, there are in use four names for the Munis, vis., Nandin, Chandra, Kirti and Bhashana; and so forth. $ 13. Here, first of all, there was Bhadrabaho in the year 492 after Vira, 24 after Subhadra, 22 after Vikrama's birth, 4 after Vikrama's accession; (a related in the following two) Gathas : (1). "It was the year four hundred and seventy when the birth of Vikrams took place. For eight years he played as a child, for sixteen he roamed over the country ;(2), for fifteen years he performed sacrifices, being given over to false doctrine; for forty years he was devoted to the religion of the Jina and then obtained heaven." (18, 19). The knowledge of these Munis went on diminishing. The cause of this was the badness of those times. Then the Muni Bhatavalies and the Muni Pashpadanta collected all the sacred lore in books. Dated on the fifth day of the bright half of the month Jydehths. a Tho tree Oedrala Toona, according to Sir M. Williams' Sanskrit Dictionary. It is the well-known Indian mabogany tree, very large and tall troo; see Watt's Economic Products of India, Part VII. p. 68. Nandi appears to be its South Indian (Telugu) name; see ibid., Part VI., p. 37, No. 188. & The MS. reading is not quite distinot; originally the namber seems to have been 492, but afterward altered to 403. The former is the correct number, we may be seen from the scheme in the first note at the end of thin paper. The name of this Muni is spelt variously and corruptly throughout, Bhujawali, Bhitavalki, oto. Prof. Bha darbas MS. No. 620, appear also to read Bhatavale.

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OCTOBER, 1891.] TWO PATTAVALIS OF THE SARASVATI GACHCHHA. 351 Tables of the Kundekunda line, or the Sarasvati Gachohha, called the Nandt Amnaya, or Balatkara Gang, of the Mula Sangha. (From MSS. A and B.) Dates of accession. Householder, Monk. Pontif. Total Serial Namber. NAMES REMARKS. days Months. Days. Intercalary Sativat. Samvat. Years Months. Days. Years. Months. Days. Years. Years. Months. Days. B.O Bhadrabaho II .. Ch. S. 14 30 ... ... 22 10 27 3 76 11 ... He was a Bremse by caste. 8 25 565 7 ... A Pawar by caste. Gaptigapta ......... 3 Maghanandin I ... . .. 4 26 468 5 ... A 8Ah by caste. Jinachandra I ... 6 3 65 9 9 Kundakunda ...... 11 ... ... 38 ... ... 51 10 10 6 95 10 15 He had 4 other names | (abhava); vis. Padma. nandin, Viragrts, Gridhrapichchha, els charya. 40 8 10 8 84 8 6 The Kashth Sangha arose in his time. (P. 5, Umisvati.) ... 10 10 20 6 0 10 26 Umdev&min ......... Lohacharya II ... 8 Yasabktrti ....... A JAyalwal by oaste. 9 Yasonandin ..... 479 418 10 Devanandin I ...... 101 K. S. 8 142 A. 8. 14 163 J. S. 10 311 Ph. V. 11 258 As. 8. 8 808 J. 8. 10 353 J. 8. 9 364 Bh. S. 14 388 Ph. V. 4 11 2 A Paurwal by caste. u PajyapAda ......... 18 Gananandin I.... 13 Vajranandin........ 22 5 11 467 ... 40 2 2008 Komdranandin ... Lokachandra I ... 836 (P. 9, Lokendu.) J. V.3 Prabhachandra I.. 6 26 (The MS. adds "pra. bhava 1.") 9 101 Bh. 8. 14 478 Ph. S. 10 17 Nemichandra I ... 18 BhAnnnandin ...... Harinandin 15 14 40 7 20 (Both M88, give Sath 508. P. 10 has Simba. | Landin). 2 22 0 48 8 il Vasunandin... P. V.5 (508) M. 8. 11 525 A . 10 581 P. 3.11 661 M. 8.5 21 Virapandin ...... ... 14 10 62 ... 24 (MS. B givee Porn 8. 12.) 4 7 11 43 4 18 (P. 10, Rataspandin.) 22 Ratnakirti ........ ...... 28

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352 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1891. Dates of Bccession. Householder. Pontiff. Total. Serial Number NAMES. Intercalary days, Years. Months S. Samvat. Years. Months. Days. Days Years. Months. Manikanandin...... o 25 (P. 11, Manikyanandin.) 24 Meghachandra ... CO n (2)(P. 11, Meghendu.) SAntikirti I... 555 As. V. 8 60) P. V. 3 637 As. 7.5 612 8. 8.5 25 20 32 1 15 o Merakirti ... 87 Mahakirti...... 633 Mr. S. 4 6296 .... 816) 13 63 3 20 These 28 pontificates took place in Bhad. dalpur in Malwa. (MS. B gives S. radi 6.) 11 5 15 35 11 20. He was made pontiff in Bhaddalpur, but trang ferred his sent to Ujaini. 42 4 15 (Ms. B calls him Viras Dandin.) 31 ... 26 Vishnunandin.. 29 Sribhushana I...... Srichandra ......... 32 4 3 (P. 12, Silachandra.) Nandikirti ......... 50 6 17 (P. 12, Srinandin.) Desabhushana ... 13(MS. B gives Sam. 764). Anantakirti ......... Dharmanandin 704 Mr. V.9 726 Ch. S. 9 733 V. S. 5 749 Bh. S. 10 765 Ch. V. 12 765 A S. 10 783 8. S. 15 803 J. S. 15 840 As. V. 12 857 V. S. 3 878 A. S. 10 (897) K. S. 7 .... (P. 12, DharmAdinan din.) ... 12 (P. 13, Vidy Anandin.). Virschandra...... Ramachandra .... 10 6 (MS. B calls him Virachandra.) also Ramaktrti............ 38 Abhayachandra ... 45 1 1 (P. 13, Abhayendu.) 39 Narapandin ....... 64 90 (MS. B and P. 13 call him Narachandra : MS. | Bhas K. S. 11; it also gives Sam. 895.) 3 1057 ... 18 40 Nagachandrs ...... - 41 Nayananandin..... 911 9 25 916 Bh. 7.5 939 Bh. S. 9 948 As. V.8 974 S. S. 9 9 20 (MS. B gives Bh. S. 3. Il P. 14 has Nayanandin.) 1 16 42 Harichandra ...... 40 43 Mahichandra I. ... 91714...... 6 ... 5| 41 5 6|| (MS. B gives Sam. 972 and consequently deducts 2 from each date down to No. 52, where it also gives 1140.) 8 (P. 14 bas Maghavenda.) 4 Maghachandra I... 933 18 ... ... 20 ... ... | 32 2 24 9 65 3 990 M. S. 14

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Serial Number, OCTOBER, 1891.] NAMES. 45 Lakshmichandra... 46 Gunanandin II ... 47 Gunachandra 48 Lokachandra II... 49 Brutakirti....... 50 Bhavachandra...... 51 Mahlohandra II... 52 Maghachandra II.. 53 Vrishabhanandin. 54 Sivanandin 55 Vasuchandra 56 Sanghanandin...... 57 Bhavanandin 58 Devanandin II...... 59 Vidyachandra 60 Sarachandra 61 Maghanandiu II... 62 Jnanakirti 63 Gangakirti 64 Simbakirti 65 Hemakirti 66 Sundarakirti ...... TWO PATTAVALIS OF THE SARASVATI GACHCHHA. Dates of accession. Samvat. 1023 J. V. 2 1037 A. S. 1 1048 Bh. S. 14 1066 J. S. 1 1079 Bh. S. 8 1094 Ch. V. 5 1115 Ch. V. 5 1140 Bh. S. 5 1144 P. V. 14 1148 V. S. 4 1155 Mr. S. 5 1156 8. 8.6 1160Bh. S. 5 1167 K. S. 8 1170 Ph. V. 5 1176 8. S. 9 1184 A. S. 10 1188 Mr. S. 1 1199 Mr. S. 11 1206 Ph. V. 14 1209 J. V. 3 1216 A. S. 3 A.D. 986 991 1009 970 18 1022 1037 1058 1083 1087 1091 1098 1099 1103 1110 1113 1119 1127 1131 1142 1149 1152 1159 Years. 11 10 15 13 12 10. 14. 9 11 Householder. 7 11 11 14 101-1 11 3 10... 13 8 13 ... 6 9 www Days. Years. Months. Days. Years. 25 20 22 80 32 25 26 13 37 39 40 32 80 30 38 35 32 34 Monk. 38 37 24 ... 2 19 3 14 4 17 13 10 8 10 15 25 4 10 10 29 14 48 11 18 (MS. B adds marginally Gunakirti, which is also given by P. 14.) 8 17 (P. 15 inserts Vasavendu between Nos. 47 & 48.) 8 7 10 49 7 7 8 20 11 25 5 Pontiff. 8 8 4 1 11 7 2 ~ 6 6 Days. 8 8 4 58 5 10 8 17 2 co 6 6 60 7 28 8 4 1 16 0 21 8 11 50 4 14 Years. 6 17 14 55 5 58 8 5 61 7 31 4 47 8 51 5 43 2 10 44 5 5 14 57 8 48 1 29 2 53 5 50 10 70 138 7 55 2 8 10 58 Total. 2 15 16 47 7 8 [27 6 44 6 20 10 32 3 7 6 12 7 5 15 Down to here the seat of the Pontificate was in Ujain. (P. 16 has Mahachandra.) 8 24 He pontificated in Ward. (See remark under No. 44.) 5 In WArA. (P. 16 has Brahmanandin.) 8 REMARKS. 1 In Ward. 2 3 In Ward. 358 1 In Ward. (P. 16 has Visvachandra). 41 29 In Ward. (MS. B calls him Sishanandin; P. 17, Harinandin. 3 12 In Ward. (P. 17, Surakirti.) 5 19 In Wara. 2 1 In Wara. 7 6 21 In WarA. 2 18 Down to here the pontificates took place in Ward. (MS. B adds from here 14 pontificates took place in Gwaler, down to Abhayakirti, No. 77"). 8 1 In Gwaler (Gwaliyar). 10 In Ward. (P. 18, Jiananandin.) 3 (From the middle of No. 65 MS. A breaks off down to the middle of No. 79. The lacuna is supplied from MS. B.) (P. 18, has Charanandin.)

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354 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1891. Dates of accession. Householder. Monk. Pontiff. Serial Number. NAMES. Intercalary days. REMARKS. Sauvat. A.D. Years. Days. Months. Days. Yean. Months. Days. Years. Montbs. Days. 3 9 8 (P. 19 has Neminan din.) 1173 1175 1 ...(P. 19, Narendradiya 1 lab.) 1185 1191 1196 ... ill (Perhaps wrong for Varddhamana, as given by P. 19). 1199 1200 1204 Nemichundra II ... 1223 V. S. 3 68 NAbhikirti ........ 1230 M. S. 11 69 Narendrakirti I .. 1232 M. S. 11. 70 Srichandra II .... 1241 Ph. S. 11 Padmakirti 1248 A. S. 12 (Varaddhachandra) 1253 A. S. 13 Akalankachandra. 1956 A. S. 11 Lalitakirti ......... 1257 K. S. 15 Kesavachandra ... 1261 Mr. V. 5 Charukirti 1282 J. S. 11 Abhayakirti....... 1236 A. V. 3 Vasantakirti...... 1234 M. S. 5 Prakshatakirti.... 1256 Ag. S. 5 Santikirti II......... 1269 K. V.8 81 Dharmachandra 1. 1271 8. S. 15 82 Ratnakirti II ...... 1298 Bh. V. 13 83 Prabhachandra II. 1310 P. S. 14 1205 136 45 27 47 11 7 41 11 18 In Gwaler (GwAliyar.) 1207 1207 5 ... In Ajmer. 323 In Ajmer. (Perhaps wrong for Prakhyata kirti, as in P. 22.). 9 15 In Ajmer. (P. 23, Vibd lakirti.) ... 13 In Ajmer. 1214 1239 6 58 4 16 In Ajmer. 1253 11 15 898 11 23 In Ajmer. There was an Acharya of Prabhachandra in Gujarat. A certain Sravak called Prabhachandra for the purpose of performing a consecration; but he could not come. Then after giving the strimantra to the Acharya, the Bravak conferred on him the title of Bhat Araka. Thus Padmanandin became a Bhattaraka. (MS. B adds the date Sam. 1875 - A. D. 1318.) He carved & stone figure of Sarasvati and caused it to speak (800 P. 41.) ... 65 ... 18 10 99 ... 28 In Dillt (Delhi). 84 Padmanandin ...... 1328 10 7 ... 23 5 85 Subhachandra...... 1385 P. 9.7 1450 M. S. 5 1993 ... 56 34 1196 3 15 In Dilll

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OCTOBER, 1891.) TWO PATTAVALIS OF THE SARASVATI GACHCHHA. 355 Dates of Hooession. Householder. Monk. Pontiff. To Serial Number. NANES. Intercalary days Years. REMARKS. Sat. Years. Months. Days. Years. Months. Days. Years. Months. Days. Montbe. Days. 12. 9 86 Prabhachandra II 15071 1440 7 In Dilli. (MS. B and P. 90 call him JinaJ. V.5 chandra, and the next, Prabh&chandra). 87 Jinachandra II ... 1571 1514 15 ... ...35 ...... 9 4 25 8 59 5 In Chitor. In Sam. 1579 Ph. V. 2 the Gachchba split up into two.; one section residing in Chitor, the other in Nagor. A. - The Nagor Line. From M8. A. 88 Ratnakirti III......|| 1581 1524 ...] 211 81 131 51 61 8, 18(All these particulars, B.V. 5 (5 only) exc. date of accession, really belong to No. 88 of the Chitor line, 9.0. Ratnakirti reigned only about 5 years). 89 Bhuvanakirti I ... 1686 1529 ......4 9 26,2-1| 42 0 0 He was by caste a ChhM. V. 3 vada. (Intercalary 3 months 4 days.) 90 Dharmaktrti ...... 1590 1533 10 (10) 2071-1055 (1) () By caste a seght. (In. Ch. V.7 tercalary, 1 month 10 days.) 01 VisAlakfrti .......... 1601 154 ... ... ... ... ... (From the middle of No. 91 the MS. again V. S. 1 breaks off down to the beginning of No. 105). 105 Bhavanabhubanal 1797 1740 1 2 4 6 12 -10 41 0 0 By caste & Chhavada, in KAlaidahar. (Inter. 1) A. S. 10 calary 4 months 16 dars; the period of monkhood is missing 106 Vijayakarti ......... in the MS.). 1802 1745 || 9 | 28 | 27 oll lpl P P BY Paranin A. S. 1 Ajmer. (The intercacalary and total periods are missing.) 107 Lokendrakirti ..... 1830 1773 28 ... ... 10 o 08 PP Of a high caste (Vad ja tyd). His seat of ponK.? tificate wae in Ajmer. His death (fanti) took place in Malak&pur in Vaibakha Sudi 5. 108 Bhavanakirti II ... 1840 1783 12 - - 27 -- - Ch. V.11 - B. - The Chitor Line. From M8. B. Dates of Dates of accession. NAMES. Accession. NAMES. San. A. D. A.D. Sam. 11 ... the present pontiff. Serial1 Number. Serial Namber. 1524 98 Ph.VP 88 Dharmachandra II... 1581 (He reigned 21 Mahendrakrti I... 1792 1735 s.v.s years, see remark P.S.10 to No. 88 of the 97 Khemendrakirti ... 1815 1758 Nigor Line. P. 35 A.S.11 omita him. 98 Surendrakirti ..... 1822 1765 80 Lalitakirti II..... 1603 1546 (P. 85 omits him.) V. V. Ch.8.8 99 Sukheadraktrti..... 18.52 1796 He was . house90 Chandrakleti ........ 16221565 holder for 4 years; V. V.PH (i. e., he was 4 91 Devendraktrti ..... 1662 1605 years old when he took the vows.) Narindraldeti ........ 1691 1684 (P. pattavalt closes ||100 Nainakirti............. 1879 1822 K.V.8 here.) JA. V. 10 98 Surendrakrti .......... 1722 1665 101 Devendrakrti III. 1883 1826 9.V.8 A. 8.10 94 Jagatkirti ............... 1783 1676 102 Mahendrakirti II.. 1998 1881 18. V.5 96 Devendrakerti II. ... 1770 Ph.8.3 1718 Im.v.nl This date is obscure; the separation may have taken place in that year (1678), but separate beads were not appointed till 1581, when Jinachandra died.

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356 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1891.. INDEX TO THE PROPER NAMES. [Ch. - Chitor section, N. Nagor section. The numbers refer to the Tables; the paragraphs refer to the Introduction.] Abhaya Chandra, 38. Hari Chandra, 42. Abhaya Kirti, 77. Hari Nandin, 19, see also 56. Abhayendu, see 38. Hema Kirti, 65. Ahivalli, $ 9, 10. Akalanka Chandra, 73. Jagat Kirti, 94 (N.). Ananta Kirti, 33. Jamba, 1, 2. Aparajita, & 2 Jayapalaka, $ 6. Arhadbalin, SS 11. Jayasena, $ 4. Jina Chandra, (I.) 4, (II.) 87. Balatkara Gana, $ 12. Jinasena, $ 11. Bhadrabahu, (I.) 2, (II.) $7, 11; 1. Joana Kirti, 62. Bhanu Nandin, 18. JiAna Nandin, see 62. Bhattaraka, see 83. Bhava Chandra, 50. Kansa, $ 6. Bhava Nandin, 57. K&shthi Sangha, see 6. Bhutavali, $ 9, 10, 13. Kebava Chandra, 75. Bhuvana Bhashana, 105 (Ch.) Kshatriya, $ 4. Bhuvana Kirti, (1.) 89 (Ch.), (II.) 108 (Ch.). Kshemendra Kirti, 97 (N.). Brahma Nandin, Bee 53, Kumara Nandin, 14. Buddhilinga, $ 4. Kundakunda, 5. Buhilinga, $ 4. Lakshmi Chandra, 45 Chandra Kirti, 90 (N.). Lalita Kirti, (I.) 74, (II.) 89 (N.). Charu Kirti, 76. Lohacharya, (I.) SS 7, (II.) 7. Charu Nandin, see 66. Loka Chandra, (I.) 15, (IL.) 48. Lokendra Kirti, 107( (Ch.). Desa Bhoshana, 32. Lokendu, see 15. Deva (I.) SS 4, (II.) & 11. Diva Nandin, (I)10, (II.) 58. Maglia Chandra, (I.) 44. (II.) 52, Deva Sangha, & 11. Megha Nandin,(I) 3, (II) 61. Dovendra Kirti, (I.) 91 (N.), (II.) 95 (N.), (III.) Maghavendu, see 44. 101 (N.). Maha Chandra, see 51. Dharasena, & 9, 10. Maha Kirti, 27. Dharma Chandra, (I.) 81, (II.) 88 (N.). Mahendra Kirti, (I.) 96 (N.), (II.) 102 (N). Dharmadi Nandin, see 34. Maht Chandra, (I.) 43, (II.) 51, Dharma Kirti, 90 (Ch.). Manika Nandin, 23. Dharma Nandin, 34. Manikya Nandin, see 23. Dharmasena, & 4. Megha Chandra, 24. Dhsitisena, 64. Meghenda, see 24. Dhruvasena, $ 6. Meru Kirti, 26. Mola Sangha, $ 11, 12. Elecharya, see 4. Nabhi Kirti, 68. Ganga Kirti, 63. Naga Chandra, 40. Gotama, SS 1, 2. Nagasena, $ 4. Govardhana, & 2. Naina Kirti, 100 (N.). Gridhrapichchha, see 4. Nakshatra, $ 6. Guna Chandra, 47. Nandi Amniya, $ 12. Guna Kirtti, see 46. Nandi Kirti, 31. Guna Nandin, (I) 12, (II) 46. Nandimitra, 62. Guptigupta, $11; 2. Nandi Sangha, $ 11, 12. 8 The index was drawn up by Mr. Bendall. For the arrangement in the order of the Roman alphabet and for BOB additions I am responsible.

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OCTOBER, 1891.) TWO PATTAVALIS OF THE SARASVATI GACHCHHA. 357 Nara Chandra, see 39. Nara Nandin, 39. Narendradi Yasah, see 69. Narendra Kirti, (I.) 69, (II.) 92 (N.). Nayana Nandin, 41. Naya Nandin, Bee 41. Nemi Chandra (I.) 17, (II.) 67. Nami Nandin, see 67. Padma Kirti, 71. Padme Nandin, (II) see 4, (II.) 84. Pandava, $ 6. Parijata Gachohha, $ 12. Prabha Chandra, (I.) 16, (II.) 83, (111.) 86. Prakhyata Kirti, see 79. Prakshanta Kirti, 79. Proshthila, $ 4. Pajyapada, 11. Pushpadanta, $ 9, 10, 13. Sruta Kirti, 49. Subha Chandra, 85. Subhadra, $ 7. Sudharman, $ 1,2. Sukhondra Kirti, 99 (N.). Sundara Kirti, 66. Sara Chandra, 60, Sura Kirti, see 59. Surendra Kirti, (I.) 93 (N.), (II.) 98 (N.). Umasvamin, 6. Vajra Nandin, 13. Vakragriva, see 4. Varaddha Chandra, 72. Vardhamina, Bee 72. Vasanta Kirti, 78. Vasavendu, see 47. Vasu Ohandra, 55. Vau Nandin, 20. Vidy& Chandra, 59. Vidya Nandin, see 35. Vijaya, SS 4. Vijaya Kirti, 106 (Ch.). Vira Chandra, 35, see also 36. Vira Nandin, 21, see also 28. Vieakha, $ 4. Vi88khachery8, 8 11. Visakha Kirti, 91 (Ch.). Viskla Kirti, see 80. Vishnukum&ra, $ 2. Vishnu Nandin, $ 2; 28. Viuva Char dra, see 55. Vrishabba Nandin, 17. Vrishabha Sangha, $ 11. Yasah Kirti, 8. Yafobhadra, $7. Yabo Nandin, 9. * Rama Chandra, 36. Rema Kirti, 37 Ratna Kirti (I.) 22, (II.) 82, (III.) 88 (Oh.). Ratna Nandin, Bee 22. SAnti Kirti, (I.) 25, (II.) 80. Sarasvati Gachchha, $ 22. Siddhartha, $ 4. Sila Chandra, see 30. Siriha, & 11. Simha Kirti, 64. Singha Nandin, Bee 19. Simha Sangha, $ 11. Siva Nandin, 54. Sisha Nandin, see 56. Sri Bhashana, 29. Sri Chandra (I.) 30, (II.) 70. Sri Nandin, see 31. NOTES. 1. Chronological. There are several inconsistencies in the chronology, presented in the GAthas. Gatha 7 gives a total of 183 years; but the summation of the several items, given in Gatha 9 as constituting the total, only yields a total of 181. Either the total or one of the items may be wrong. That the text of the GAthis is here corrapt, is also shown by the fact that the lines do not properly scan and that the Prakrit names do not properly spell; thus the Praktit names Dhitti and Buhilinga, as given by the M8., do not represent the Sanskrit names Dhtiti and Buddhilinga which in all probability are correct. Similarly Gatha 12 gives a total of 97 years; bat the summation of the items yields a total of 99. Here, too, the text of the Gathas is corrupt; and one of the verses is a sloka, instead of an aryd. In this case, the vernacular commentator attempted to remove the difficulty by simply altering one of the items and reading 50 instead of 52. It is to be observed that these two errors neutralise one another; and this fact would seem to point to a manipulation of the text of the Gathas with a view to harmonizing their statementa. Thus the given items (in Gathas 9, 11, 14) 10 + 19 + 17 + 21 + 18 + 17 + 18 + 13 + 20 + 14 + 14 + 18 + 20 + 39 + 14 + 32 + 6 + 18 + 23 + 52 (i.e., the real totals

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358 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1891. >> 24 (14) (16) 208 (17) 181 + 123 + 99) = 403 years. The given totals (in Gathas 7, 12) 183 + 123 + 97 also = 403. Similarly the given totals (in Gathas 7, 14) 183 + 220 also = 403. The following table exhibits the state of the matter: - I. Kevalins : 1, Gotama (12) up to A. V. 12 2, Sudharman (12) 3, Jambu (38) > > (62) Total...... 62 or (62) II. Sruta-Kevalins : 1, Vishnu up to A. V. 76 2, Nandi >> 92 3, Aparajita (22) 114 4, Govardhana (19) >> >> 133 5, Bhadrabahu 1.CC (29) >> (162) Total...... 100 or (100) 111. Ten-Purvins : 1, Visakha (10) to A. V. 172 2, Proshtila (19) 191 3, Kshatriya (17) 4, Jayasena (21) 229 5, Nagasona (18) 247 6, Siddhartha 264 7, Dhritisena (18) 282 8, Vijaya (13) . 29.5 9, Buddhiliiga (20) 315 10, Deva I. (14) 329 11, Dharasena >> 343 or (345) Total...... 181 or (183) IV. Eleven-Angins : 1, Nakshatra (18) up to A. V. 361 or 363 2, Jayapalaka (20) >> >> 381 383 3, Pandava (39) >> >> 420, 422 4, Dhruvasena (14) >> >> 434 , 436 5, Kansa (32) >> >> 466., 468 Total...... 123 or (123) V. Minor-Angins : 1, Subhadra (6) up to A. V. 472 or 474 2, Yasobhadra (18) >> >> 490, 492 3, Bhadrabahu II. (23) 222-(220), 513 ,, 515 4, Lohacharya I. (52) >> (565) ,, 567 Total...... 99 or (97) VI. One-Augins : 1, Arhad balin (28) up to A. V. 593 or 595 2, Maghanandin (21) 614 , 616 3, Dharasena (19) 633, 635 4, Pushpadanta (30) 663,665 5, BhQtavalin (20) >> (683) ,, 685 Total ...... 118 or (118) Total of 6 periods op to A. V. 683 or (683) (14) According to the Svetambara tradition, BhadrabAhu's death took place in 170 A. V., 1.c. 8 years later.

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OCTOBER, 1891.] TWO PATTAVALIS OF THE SARASVATI GACHCHHA. 359 The bracketed numbers are those actually given in the Gaths. It will be seen that the final date, i.e., 683 A. V., results equally from the summation of the several single successions as well as from the summation of the totals of the six periods. Yet the two series of mainbers. as given in the Gathas, do not agree with one another; and this in two respects. First, the given total of the II Ird period (183) does not agree with the real total (181) of the several successions ; so again the given total of the Vth period (97) does not ngree with its real total (99); nor does the given total of the two periods IV and V (220) ngieo with their real total (222). Yet if the three periods (Nos. III, IV, and V), are totalled, the result (103) comes out correctly, because the errors in the totals of periods III and V (being 2 in each) neutralise one another. Secondly, all the actual dates, given in the Gatlas (vis, 62, 162, 565, 083 A. V.). agree with the numbers given for the several successions, except the date 3:45 A. V. which agrees with the given total (i.e. 183 of the II Iril period), and which produces it wrony final date 685 A. V. This would seem to show that that date (i., 35 A, V.) as well as the given totals for the periods III and V are wrong. Another significant fact is to be observed. This versos, in their present state, do not give the date of the IV th period. It is the only date which is omitted : and the verse in which one would expect it, is the only verse which is not a gatla but a aloka. The occurrence of a slska in the midst of a series of Gathis is an extraordinary thing; and one cannot help suspecting that the verse as it originally stood was a Gatha containing the missing date ; that the date was either accidentally or intentionally omitted ; and that the remnant of the mutilated Gatha was then turned into a eloka, the latter being of shorter dimensions than a Gatha. As to the cause of the confusion, I will give my own conjecture, for what it may be worth. I believe it arose from an attempt at reconciling two conflicting traditions. One of these traditions is contained in the Gathas, which the pattivali quotes. This tradition gives four items of information : 1, the duration of each pontificate down to 983 A. V.; 2, the daration of each of the six periods, down to the same date; 3, the date of the termination of each period; 4, certain dates of Vikrama's life, especially those of his birth and accession. Side by side with this older tradition there appears to bave been another, much later one, for which tho authority of no Gatha is quoted and which is only given in the vernacular commentary. This later tradition enumerates a set of four synchronisms, referring to Bhadrabahu's accession, with whom the pastavalt proper of the Sarasvati Gachchha commences ;07 vis , :1, that the year of Bhadrabahu's accession is the 24th after Sabhadra's accession; 2, that it is the 22nd after Vikrama's birth; 3, that it is also the 4th after Vikrama's accession; and 4, that the year of Vikrama's birth is the 2nd after Subhadra's accession. The calcalation starts with the year of Vikrama's birth as a fixed point. He was born in 470 A. V. ; this year is the 2nd after Subhadra's accession ; accordingly the latter took place in 468 (i.e. 463-69 A. V.). Bhadrabahu's accession took place 24 years after Subhadra's accession; accordingly Bhadraba ha succeeded to the pontificate in 492 (i.e., 492-93) A. V. The latter year accordingly is the 22nd after Vikrama's birth i.e., 470 + 22 = 492); it is also the 4th year after Vikrama's accession to the throne; accordingly Vikrama's accession took place in 488 (i.e., 488-89) A. V. or in the 18th year of Vikrama's life (i.e. 470 +18=488). Having thus calculated 492 A. V. to be the year of Bhadrabahu's, and 468 A. V. to be the year of Subhadra's accession, this result was found to collide with the older tradition of the Gathas. For calculating backwards from the year 468 A. V., and subtracting 123 years i.e. the daration of the IV th period), the year 345 A. V. was obtained as the terminal year of the IIIrd period. On the other hand, calculating forward, from the data supplied by the Gathas, the year 313 A. V. resulted as the terminal year. To avoid this discrepancy, I sappose, the original text of the Gathis was tampered with, and the duration of the third period changed from 181 to 183, and its terminal year changed from 343 A. V. to 34.5 A. V., forgetting, however, that thus the dates given by the Gathas were rendered inconsistent 07 It may be that this later tradition is peculiar to that Gachchha alone. Whether or not this is so, would be interesting to know. At present, however, I believe, no pattavali of any other Digambara Gachchha is known.

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860 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1891. with one another. That change having once been made, and the lower terminal dates (565 A. V. of the Vth period, and 683 A. V. of the VIth period) being unalterable, it was further necessary to change the duration of the Vth period from 99 to 97, in order to harmonize the whole chronology. The question may be asked, why should the first change have been made in the duration and terminal date of the IIIrd period, instead of in the IVth period. For, Subhadra's accession having been fixed in the year 468 A. V., it must at once have been found to be incompatible with the Gathas, the calculation from which must have shown that 466 A. V. was the real date of his accession. The nearest remedy, it would seem, was to change, in the IVth period, the date 466 A. V. to 468 A. V. and the duration of 123 years to 125. Why this was not done, is not apparent, except on the supposition that the Gatha which gave the date 466 A. V. was at that time already mutilated; and that the date of the IVth period being missing, recourse was had to altering the date of the next preceding (i. e., the IIIrd) period. This is, however, not the only discrepancy between the later and the older traditions. It has been shown that the calculation from the later tradition places the accession of Vikrama in 488 A. V., that is, in the 18th year of Vikrama's life. But the Gathas 18 and 19 seem to show clearly that he ascended the throne in his 24th year, i. e., in 494 A. V. Accepting the statements of the Gathas to be correct, the real synchronisms would stand thus:-Vikrama was born in 470 A. V. and ascended the throne in 494 A. V. Subhadra succeeded to the pontificate in 466 A. V., and Bhadrabahu II. in 490 A. V. Accordingly the accession of the latter was 24 years later than that of Sabhadra (herein both traditions agree); but it was 20-years after Vikrama's birth (not 22, as the later tradition says); and it was four years before Vikrama's accession (not 4 years after it, as the later tradition says); further, Vikrama's birth was 4 years after Subhadra's accession (not 2 years, as the later tradition says). The most important point herein is, that Bhadrabahu II.'s accession really took place 4 years before Vikrama, because this affects the whole of the dates of the pattavali proper. All those dates must be set back for exactly eight years. Or, if those dates are correct, the date of either the birth or the accession of Vikrama must be placed eight years earlier. In the former alternative, we have the year 494 A. V. for the accession of Vikrama, which would make the nirvana of Mahavira to fall in (494+57) 551 B. C. In the latter alternative, we should have the year 462 A. V. for the birth and (462 +24) 486 A. V. for the accession of Vikrama, and accordingly (486 + 57 =) 543 B. C. for the nirvana of Mahavira, that is, the very year given for Buddha's nirvana by the chronology of Ceylon. But as the year 470 A. V. is such a prominently fixed date in the Digambara tradition for the birth of Vikrama, 68 it seems preferable to ante-date the accession of Vikrama by eight years and to place it in (494-8) 486 A. V. This would place Mahivira's nirvana, again, in 543 B. C., but would put Vikrama's accession in the 16th year of his life. The question is, whether Gathas 18 and 19 admit his accession in that year. It appears to me possible to interpret the second line of Gatha 18 to mean, that Vikrama was at child's play up to his eighth and wandered about up to his sixteenth year. He then ascended the throne at 16, and followed the Brahmanic religion for 15 and the Jain religion for 40 years. The advantage of this view is that it fully agrees with the older tradition of the Crathas, and only corrects two of the synchronisms of the later tradition. In any case, the coincidence of the years of Mahavira's and Baddha's nirvana is a curious result. 2. On the history of Vikrama. Gathas 18 and 19, which refer to the history of Vikrama, are in a somewhat corrupt state. The reading rasapana makes no sense. I conjecture it to stand for panarasa (or pannarasa), "fifteen." The meaning of the verses I take to be, that Vikrama was born in 470 A. V., that he lived 8 years at home and then wandered about for Also in the Svetambara tradition, where, however, it is the date of Vikrama's accession.

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OCTOBER, 1891.] BARABAR AND NAGARJUNI HILL CAVE INSCRIPTIONS. 361 16 years (1 suppose in quest of adventures); that he lived 15 years as an adherent of the orthodox Brahmanic religion, and then 40 years as a follower of Jainism. If these periods are to be taken as successive ones, the verses would seem to indicate that Vikrama ascended the throne in his 24th year (ie., 494 A. V.), and that he died at the age of 79 years (i.e., in 549 A. V.). Possibly some of the periods may be overlapping; but as, in that case, the verses would give no certain indication as to the years when Vikrama ascended and when he died, such an interpretation has not much probability. As to the possible meaning of the 16 years of wandering, see the preceding note. Professor Jacobi's remarks on the subject, in the Introduction to his Kalpa-Sutra, p. 30, I do not understand. The readings of his manuscript (No. 629, see above) may have differed from those of mine. Bat I am inclined to think that his statement, "the year of his (Pushpadanta's) death (683 A. V.) is also given for the birth of Vikrama," is merely the result of a misunderstanding of the vernacular commentary.70 The passage, in SS 11, Sri-Mahavir syum varsha 683 pachhai; Vikramaditya ko janma huvau, must be interpunctuated after pachhai, and the date (683 A. V.) must be constructed with what has gone before, not with Vikrama's birth. The latter is clearly stated to have taken place in 470 A. V. Again, in the passage (in SS 10): Sri Virat varsha 633 Pushpadantacharya varsha 30; Sri-Virat varsha 683 Bhutavalyacharya varsha 20, the number 683 is clearly a mere clerical error for 663, as Pushpadanta is said to have pontificated for 30 years and to have commenced his pontificate in 633 A. V. On the other hand, Bhutavali's pontificate, which lasted 20 years, ended in 683 A. V. Accordingly Pushpadanta's death was in 663 A. V., and not in 683 A. V., the latter is the date of Bhutavali's death. 3. On the title of Bhattaraka. With regard to the notice in the pattavali of MS. A, that the title of Bhattaraka was conferred on the pontiff Padmanandin (No. 84) by a Gujarati 'Sravak, in Samvat 1375, I may add a statement made to Mr. Bendall by his Jaipur informant, that it was the wife of Muhammad Gori who desired to see the chief of the Digambaras; and on his being clothed for the ceremony, the title of Bhattaraka was conferred on him. This tradition, if it be a tradition, does not quite agree with that of the pattavali; and I only give it here for what it may be worth. THE BARABAR AND NAGARJUNI HILL CAVE INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA AND DASARATHA. BY G. BUHLER, PH.D., LL.D., C.I.E. The transcripts of the subjoined six inscriptions from the Barabar and Nagarjuni Hill Caves have been made according to Mr. Fleet's impressions, from which the accompanying facsimiles have been prepared. These documents have been repeatedly transcribed and translated, and the impressions of the five well preserved ones offer very few new readings. With respect to the third, which appears to be in a very bad state, it must be noted that in the defaced portions the impressions do not agree with the distinct readings of Sir A. Cunningham's. facsimiles, Arch. Surv. India, Vol. I. Plate xx. and Corp. Inser. Ind., Vol. I. Plate xvi. Short as these inscriptions are, they yet possess a very great value for the history of the Indian religions and of Indian art. Five of them state explicitly that the caves, in which they are incised, were presented to the venerable Ajivikas" (ajivikehi bhadamtehi). Who these Ajivikas were, has been first recognised by Professor Kern. In his account of the history of Indian Buddhism1 he identifies them with the Ajivikas of Asoka's seventh Pillar-edict, with Accordingly Vikrama's reign extended to (15+40=) 55 years, and his life to 79 years. According to the Svetembaras he reigned for 86 years. 70 That statement has also puzzled Prof. A. Weber, see his Indische Studien, Vol. XVII, p. 219. 1 Der Buddhismus und seine Geschichte in Indien, Vom Verfasser autorisirte Uebersetzung von H. Jacobi, Leipzig, 1883-84, 2 Vols. The passages regarding the Ajivikas will be found collected in the index, sub voce Ajtvika.

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362 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1891. the Ajiviyas of the Jaina scriptures, with the Ajivakas of the Buddhist canon, and with the Ajivikas or Ajivins of Varahamihira's Jatakas, and he declares them to be an ancient ascetic order, worshipping Narayana, or, in other words, a subdivision of the Vaishnavas. As Professor Kern's work will not be accessible to the majority of Indian readers, I shall try to give a brief exposition of his arguments, regarding which he has kindly furnished me some fuller information. Assuming, as must be done, that the Ajivikas of our inscriptions are the same as those named in Ashka's seventh Pillar-edict, he translates the words: 1. 4-5: hem-eva babhanesu Ajivile su-pi-me kale ime viyapatd hohanhti-ti by "Likewise I have arranged it that these (Dharmamahamatras) will be occupied also with the Brahmanical Ajivikas." With the information thus elicited from the Pillar-edict, he combines the statements of Utpala regarding the Ajivi. kas, who are mentioned in Varahamihira's Brihat-Jataka, xv. 1, together with the Vriddhasravakas, the Nirgranthas or Jainas, and other ascetics. Utpala says in his commentary: djivika. gruhanain cha Narayan-asritanam, "and the use of the term) Ajivika refers to those who have taken refuge with Narayana," and in support of this explanation, brings forward two Praksit passages, introducing them with the words: tatha cha vam[read tatha ch=aiva]Kalakucharyah, "and thus (says) also Kalakacharya." In the first of these passages the term eadandia, i.e. ekadandin, 6 "(an ascetic) carrying one staff" (instead of the usual triple staff) is used for ajirika and in the secondo a longer explanation is given, which Utpala renders by Kesava-margadikshitah Kesavabhaktah Bhagavata ity=arthah. Accepting as correct this explanation of the term, which agrees remarkably well with his translation of the passage from the seventh Pillar-edict, Professor Kern further identifies Asoka's and Varahimihira's Ajivikas, with the Ajivakas of the Buddhist canon7 and with the Ajiviyas of the Jaina Agamas, who in the time of Sakyamuni Gautama and Vardhamana were a numerous and influential order of naked monks, acknowledging as their teachers Nanda Vachchha (Nanda Vatsya), Kisa Samkichcha (Krisa(?) Sarksitya) and above all Makkhali Gosali (maskarin Gosala) or Gosala Mamkhaliputta. The accounts given by the Jainas and the Bauddhas of the transcendental doctrines of the last named show him to have been a fatalist. Though it is of course possible to interpret the sentence from the seventh Pillar-ediet differently and to take the words h&m=eva babhanesu as an appendix to the preceding sentence, and though no proof is furnished that the Ajivakas or Ajiviyas of the Buddhist and Jaina scriptures were worshippers of Narayana, it must be conceded that Professor Kern's views are greatly preferable to those of other translators of Asoka's edicts who take djivika to mean religious mendicant' in general and to refer in the cave-inscription to the Buddhists. The latter renderings and interpretations are antenable. For wherever the word Ajivika or Ajivaka occurs, it always denotes & member of a particular order of ascetics, and it is in no case applied to Buddhist monks. Irrespective of the fact that * Se Dar Baddhisman, Vol. II. p. 55. Seu ante, Vol. XIII p. 350 and the facsimile opposite. * See Der Buddhismus, Vol. II. p. 386. * The same explanation is also given by Utpala on the parallel pasange, Laghu-Jitaki, IX. 12, (Soe Prof. A. Weber's Indische Studien, Vol. II. p. 287 note) in explanation of the term agivin. & Prof. Kern reads this passage as follows: Julana-Hara-Sugaa Kinara-Sui-Bamhanaggamagg&su, dikkhanan ndavud sariig cha kavennuthagal. The passage refers, like Varahamihira's, to the influence of the planets on the production of various ascetics. Compare also Prof. Leumann's version of the same passage in the Actes du Sixieme Congres int. des Or. III. 2, p. 554, and his remarks thereon. 1 Regarding the Ajivakas of the Buddhists nee the indices, Vol. II, p. 350 and Vol. V. p. 254, in Professor Oldenberg's odition of the Vinayapitaka, Dr. Wenzel's index of names in the Journal of the PAli Text Society of 1889, p. 63 sub roce Makkhaligoslla, and Dr. Hoornle's second Appendix to his edition of the Uvdeagadasdo. Iu addition to the passages collected in the works quoted, I may point out that, according to the commentator, it curious custom of the Ajivakas is mentioned in the last line of verse 113 of the Tittira-Jitaka (Fausboll, Jatakan Vol. II, p. 541). It appears that, on entering the order, the novices were burnt in the hand with a heated ball (of inetal P). It looks as if the Ajivakas, like some modern Vaishnava secta, had used the taptamvudri. * Regarding the Ajiviyas of the Jainas, see especially Dr. Hoernle's translation of the Uvisigadasdo, note 253. . See o. g. M. Senart's translations of the Pillar-edicta, ante, Vol. XVIII. p. 307, and of the Cave inscriptions in his Inscriptions de Piyadasi, Vol. II. p. 210, 11. and ante, Vol xx. p. 169. M. Senart follows Burnouf and others.

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OCTOBER, 1891.] BARABAR AND NAGARJUNI HILL CAVE INSCRIPTIONS. 863 Professor Kern steers clear of these old errors, and that his interpretation of all the passages is self-consistent, his confidence in the statements of Utpala appears justifiable, because the latter are supported by so ancient a writer as Kalakacharya. The Kalakacharya, quoted by him, is in all probability the famous Jaina teacher, who is said to have changed the date of the Pajjusan festival in the year 993 after Vira, 10 or A. D. 466. The identification is suggested by the fact that Utpala's Kalakacharya is the author of a work on astrology and that the Jainas ascribe to their latest Kalakacharys an innovation which presupposes the study of astronomy. If thus the author, quoted by Utpala, belongs to the fifth century, his statements deserve to be treated with all due respect. Under the circumstances stated, it appears to be certain that the monks, for whom Asoka and his grandson Dasaratha provided cave-dwellings were not Buddhists, but members of some other sect, and it is probable that they were Vaishnavas. As Asoka himself says in the twelfth Rock-edict that he honoured men of all creeds with gifts and various honours, it is no matter of surprise that he excavated cavesll for others than Buddhists. But the interesting point is that he did so as late as his thirteenth year, and possibly, if the Ajivikas were named also in the third inscription, 12 even as late as his twentieth year. The first fact alone is sufficient to upset the usual theories regarding his conversion to Buddhism, but it agrees with the correct interpretation of the hints contained in the Sahasram and Rupnath edicts, which will be given on another occasion. For the present I will only state that Asoka became really & zealous Buddhist in the twenty-ninth year of his reign. Of equal importance is the second lesson which these inscriptions teach. Their correct interpretation helps to upset a very generally received, but completely erroneous doctrine in Indian archaeology. For a long time it was almost an article of faith with Indian archeologists that the Buddhists invented and first developed the cave-architecture, and that the Brahmanical sects and the Jainas adopted this style at a very late period. Even the newest and standard work on this subject, Dr. Fergasson's and Dr. Burgess' Cave Temples of India, gives repeatedly expression to very similar views. It no doubt somewhat pushes back the remoter limit for the beginning of the excavation of caves by the Brahmans. But the Buddhists are still represented as the inventors of the cave temples, and, according to the concluding remarks, p. 510, "the Jainas only awakened to the idea that they, too, might share in the spoils" at a late period, "when Buddhism was tottering to its fall, and the Brahmans were stripping them (sic) of their sapremacy and power." Such utterances were only natural ten years ago, when the early activity, which the adherents of Vardhamana displayed in this direction, had not been recognised. At present the case is far different. Dr. Bhagvanlal has shown, independently from Professor Kern (Der Buddhismus, Vol. II., pp. 239-40), that a most important groap of caves of the pre-Christian period, that at Udayagiri in Katak, belongs not to the Buddhists, but to the Jainas. If we now have to admit farther, that at least five of the oldest caves are certainly not Buddhistic, and probably Brahmanical, it becomes evident that the adherents of all sects have equally contributed to the development of the cave-architecture. They all used caves for housing their ascetics who wished to live in retirement, and Es places of worship or at least for the protection of images of their gods. The full realisation of this principle will, I think, not merely have a theoretical value, but possess also a practical importance. It will probably indace the Indian archaeologists to reconsider their views regarding some excavations which have been assigned to the Buddhists on very weak evidence or even 10 Regarding the several Kalaklob Aryns of the Jainas, see Prof. Jacobi, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenliin. dischen Gesellschaft, Vol. XXXIV. p. 253 ff. I may mention as a curiosity that in late South Indian inscriptions the term djivika denotes the Digambara Jainas, see Hultzsch, South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. I, p. 88, and passim. 11 Caves may be well included under the head of gifts. 12 The position of the cave in the immediate vicinity of the other two, where the name occurs, makes this very probable.

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864 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1891. against evidence pointing in a different direction. The most important case of this kind is that of the Junagadh caves. Bave Pyara's Math and the monastery in the Upar Ko have invariably been declared to be Buddhistic, though the inscription, found in the former, does not agree with this view. As I have pointed out when first editing it, 13 the word lc&valijnanasampraptanain, "of those or to those who have obtained the knowledge of Kevalins," which seems to be applied either to the donees or to the prophets worshipped by them, is clearly not a Buddhist but a Jaina term. The only possible conclusion is, therefore, that this large establishment was a Jaina monastery. The authors of the Indian Ouve Templesli seem to have disregarded this important evidence, because they felt convinced that the caves belong to an early period, antecedent to the reign of Rudrasimha who must have been named in the inscription, and because they trusted to the symbols over the door of cave K. as well as to the "chaitys-window ornament." Dr. Bhagvanlal's remarks on the symbols and on his Jaina slab from Mathura, attached to the Hathigumpha inscriptions, as well as Dr. Fuhrer's discoveries in the Kankalt Tila show that all the marks and ornaments, formerly believed to be exclusively Buddhistic, were used by the Jainas. Even the wheel and the Stupa are no longer safe guides for the archaeologist. With this state of things I believe that certainly BAva Pyara's Math and probably also the caves in the Upar Kot will have to be strack off the list of Buddhist establishments. Another case, which looks to me suspi. cious, is that of the Phank caves, where Dr. Burgess has noticed an image of Paravanatha,15 I. BARABAR HILL CAVE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI. B. 1. Lajina Piyadasini duvadasa-(vas=Abhi id ..10 2. isya]mh (nig]ha-kubh& di[na a . [vi]kehil7 [1] 0. 1. Lajina Piyadasina duvi. 1. LA[ja]Piyadasi e[ku]n[a-(vi)2. dasa-vas-Abhisitona iyan 2. sati-vas-A[bh]isi[tje ... 3. kubh Khalatika-pavatasi18 3. . . utba ta . . . . . . 4. dina . (jivi]kehile [19] 4. supi . e kha . . . . . . 5. .0720 . . i II. NAGARJUNI HILL CAVE INSCRIPTIONS OF DASHALATHA.. D. 1. Vahiyak[aja kubha Dashalathena devinan piyena 2. anamtaliyam abhishitene [Ajivikehi] 3. bhadantehi v&sha-nishidiyaye nishithe23 4. A-chamdama-shaliyam [1deg) 18 Arch. Rep. West. Ind. Vol. II. p. 140 f. 16 See the discussion of this point at p. 196. 16 Arch. Rep. West. Ind. Vol. II. p. 150. 16 Restore bhisitEnd. 31 Restore Ulvik hf. The second letter cannot have been dl, as others have read it. But the remnants agree well with the suggestion that it was jf. And we have Ajfvikshi, us plain as possible in Dasharatha's second inscription. This is in Sanskrit khalatika, bala, bare,' and a khalatika parvata is mentioned in the Bhabys on Varttila 4 to Panini I, 2,52 (Kielhorn, Vol. I. p. 929), bee also the larger Petersburg Diotionary sub voce khalatika. >> Restore Ajfvikthi. The first letter is not recognisable. The outlines of the blot, representing the second, agree with the supposition that it was jt. * I do not dare to propose any restoration of the badly defaced portion of this inscription. 31 Vahiyaka, not vapiyakd as the earlier transcripts have, is the plain reading of the impression. Vahiyaka corresponds to Sanskrit vahyed, which is mentioned as a feminine name in the gana tikadi of Papini. Here it is probably the feminine of an adjective which may be derived from valya, 'palankoon' or 'sopha,' and qualifier kubha. 19 Those who believe the second sign of this word to be merely # variety of sa, not the old sign for the lingual aha, will read Dusalathena, and in the sequel abhisitand and so forth. 13 This is a clerical mistake for nishitha, as the corresponding forms in B. And O. show.

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ASOKA INSCRIPTIONS. A.-Barabar Hill Cave Inscription of Piyadasi. SEIC&12 57 ***** SCALE .25 B.Barabar Hill Cave Inscription of Piyadasi. V&LdUstazo nl :: mnm khh bh m td p ++L6A SCALE .25 C.--Barabar Hill Cave Inscription of Piyadasi. .. : AR L. Wy J. F. FLEET, BO. C.S. W. GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITH. SCALE .26

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2 4 D.-Nagarjuni Hill Cave Inscription of Devanampiya-Dasalatha. ?CUPLdSPS404764825 Avwxy Exa ###66LZEscaze *A*$842 SCALE .33 E-Nagarjuni Hill Cave Inscription of Devanampiya-Dasalatha. SCALE .33 F-Nagarjuni Hill Cave Inscription of Devanampiya-Dasalatha. SCALE .33

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OCTOBER, 1891.) SACRED LITERATURE OF THE JAINS. 865 pi E. 1. Gopika kubhi Dashalathena deva[na]in 2. gena Anamtaliyam abhishitena Aji3. vike[hi bhadam]tebi visha-ni(shi]diyye 4. nishitha a-chandama-shuliyam [1*] 1. Vadathika kabhi Dashalathena de vanam 2. piyena inamtaliyan abhi[shi]ten 3. [Ajivi]ke bi24 bhadamtehi va[sha-ni]shidiyaye 4. nishithi &-chamdama-shuliyam [*]. WEBER'S SACRED LITERATURE OF THE JAINS. TRANSLATED BY DR. HERBERT WEIR SMYTH. (Continued from page 182). The second part of the Siddhanta is formed by the 12 uvamgas, upangas. This title is applied in the angas to the Brahmanical upangas alone. In anga 3, three of the existing vvargas are apparently mentioned, but under the title anga bahira and not under that of uvanga. In the uvamgas themselves this appellation occurs at the beginning of the eighth alone, but there, according to all probability, it is a special designation of uy. 8 - 12 alone, and had consequently [373] not yet acquired its present signification. The Nandi, too, does not accept it in its present meaning. It enumerates all the texta in question, which now bear this name, but enumerates them among the anangapavittha (for which term the PAkshikasutram &c. present augabahira) and in an order different from the usual one at present in vogae. The solitary passage, in which I have been able to discover this title used in the Siddhanta in its general signification, is in the Mahanisiha, Book 3 (angovanga..). At the present day there are 12 texts bearing this name, corresponding to the number of the angas. This arrangement is probably intentional and dates from a period (see p. 344), in which the twelfth auga either really existed or at least was counted in with the others. There is an allegedl inter-relation between the 12 augas and the 12 uvaigas, avanga 1 being placed in connection with aiga 1, avanga 2 with anga 2, and so on. In the three samayari texts, uv. 8 - 12 are called nirayavaliyasuakkhandho utangam (Avi., Svi.), in the Vidhipr. egamuvumgam; each of the five vaggas of which respectively corresponds to angas 8 to 12. It is not improbable that [374] the existing order of the 12 texts may have been the result of such considerations; and the similarity in extent of each of the different members of both series renders this assumption the more worthy of credence. There are, however, so far as I can see, 24 The fir: letter has been added afterwards and stands above the jt. It has run together with the double i-strokes and is somewl:at blurred. 1 cf. Abbayadsva on uv. 1, Malayagiri on uv. 2. 4. SAnticbandra on uv. 6. * The order of succession adopted there, and which I follow from this point on, varies so far as the position of uv. 5-7 is concerned from that of Bithler --- see above p. 223 - where these appear as Nos. 6, 7, 5. In the Vidhiprapa we read: Some, however, regard both uv. 7 and uv. 5 as belonging to anga 5, and according to their view, the uvamngan belonging to angas 7-11 is the frutaskandha formed by uv. 8 - 12: anne para chandapannattin surapannattin cba bhagaval-uvarhge bhanarti, tesir malpa uvlangadastina pamcapham anganarn uvangari nirayavalidsuyakkhandho. This is manifestly an arrangement of those who no longer count the diffhiva as belonging to the angs, and is in entire harmony with the actual facts of the case. The statement in V. that follows is a riddle: Oriji annavapi sajamoham vikakapapphavanhidasa AyArdi-uvamgA ndyavva Anupavvie (this is the close of the uvarigavihi).. The same remarkable statements are repeated in the Jogavihana in v. 60: vachchai satta-dinebim niraykvaliy Asuyak kbaindho | 59 | Or&jt panravana saja mcharnikakapuppbavanhidas | Ayerli-u vang & neyavva Anupuvvf | 60 || A solution of this riddle is, however, not far to seek, if we read 6deg rajtado jarho chamonio kao kao. By this means we have the beginning syllables of uvagn 1-3, 5-10 in their present order; and here again there is reference to 18 uvargas and to 12 angas. * The last mombors in both series have the least, those in the middle the greatest, extent.

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366 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (OCTOBER, 1891. no instances of real inner connection between the angas and the avangas having the same position in the series. I say this, despite the fact that the scholia are only too zealous in attempting to establish such an inter-relation. Definite groups are recognizable here as in the case of the angas. Though all the uvamgas with the exception of av. 3 begin with the legendary introductory formula tenam kalenam.. , yet in the case of uv. 2.4 the pamchanamukkara, which we have met with already in anga 5, is placed before this introduction. In av. 4 a verse, designed to glorify this pamchanamukkara, follows upon it, and then come several other verses of an introductory character. In the case of uv. 5 there is a larger number of introductory verses or of verses descriptive of the contents of the whole, before the legendary beginning; in the case of av. 7 these are placed after the legendary beginning. Both of these uv. (5 and 7) differ from the others in the following particular, - [375] they make use of the title pahuda for their sections, a title which we have met with in the case of the 14 purvas. In the introduction of av. 7 and in uy. 4 there is a direct reference to the purvas. These two uv. are peculiar in being identical or at least in representing two recensions of one and the same text. Uv. 5, 7 and 6 are mentioned together in anga 3, and share an introduction that is completely identical, mutual references in the text to each other, and above all in the concluding part of their titles, the common factor pannatti, prajvapti. A part of uvariga 3, the divasagarapannatti, belongs to the same category with them, since it has on the one hand the same termination in its title, and on the other is mentioned in anga 3 with them. At the period of the Nandi and of that of anga 3 it appears to have enjoyed a separate existence. Finally the title of upanga 4, pannavana, is to be brought into this connection, so that upangas 8 - 7 may be regarded as & group which is bound together by external criteria. The word pannatti which is here the link between them, was found in the title of anga 5. The words pannatta (prajnapta) and pannatti (prajnapti) and the finite verb prajnapay have such a special use in the Bhagavati and, as was discovered later, in the entire Jaina-Siddhanta, that (Bhag. I. 368) I called attention to the [376] Pannattivada, or Prajnaptivadins, who are mentioned by the northern and southern Buddhists: among the 18 chief sects of Buddhism at the time of the second council of Asoka. According to Wassiljew, pp. 228, 244 (German transl. pp. 251, 268), this sect dates from the second century after Buddha's nirvana. Upangas 8-12 form a second group closely connected with each other (see .above). They form, as tradition itself asserts, in reality but five chapters of a single arutaskandho and are counted as five special texts merely to complete the parallel with the twelve angas. The title of uv. 8 is later on, e. g. in the Vidhiprapa, regarded also as the collective title of all five; and a special name, kappiya o, kalpikas, is allotted to uv. 8. In the Nandi all the 6 titles are placed together. According to the introduction of the avacharni to the Oghaniryukti (see above, p. 217) the dasapurvins gained especial honour in performing the meritorions service of composing sangrahani to the uvamgas (or of composing the uv. and the samgr. 2), and therefore had just claim to the salutation (namukkara) in the first verse of that Niryakti. Tradition calls Ajja Sama the author of the fourth uvamga, the Pannavana; see verse 4 of the introduction to that uvamga. There is, however, another, who in this passage characterizes himself as the real promulgator, and introduces himself with the word "1." 1377] In the case of the first nvanga, secondary additions are, according to Leumann, clearly demonstrable. The second avamga appears, however, to have suffered more, and the present text may, in fact, be a different one from the original. The reader is further referred to my remarks made on angas 8-10 and especially on anga 10... In the remarks of the redactor scattered here and there in the angas, there were many 6 pannatti is found in PAli as the title of a work. See Childers 8. v. pannatti (Abhidhammap) Works of the mume were produced by the later Jains. See (above p. 371) my remarks on the bravakaprajnapti of the Umaavati(mi)vkohaks.

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OCTODER, 1891.) SACRED LITERATURE OF THE JAINS. 867 references to the upangas, their titles being directly mentioned or the names of particular divisions cited. In the upangas vice verse there is no lack of references both to the angas and to other upangas. Apparently we must recognize in these remarks of the redactor a hand aiming at unity (see above, p. 228), - a band which has dealt uniformly with the angas and upangas in that form of the text which both at present possess. The varying statements in the MSS. in reference to the extent of each of the apangas are as follows: up. I has 1320 granthas,& - 2. 2079, - 3. 4750,- 4. 7785, - 5. (2000?),? - 6. 4454, - 7. 1600,8 - 8 - 12. 1109. XIII. The first upangam, uvavaiyam, aupapatikam, of renewed births. The explanation of the name by supapatika is (see above, p. 323, Leumann, p. 2) an incorrect Sanskrit rendering, since the formation is from Vpad + spa and not from pat + upa. The work is divided into two parts, which are, however, not separated by any recognized dividing line. The first, which is greater in extent than the second (378), treats in great detail of the appearance and sermon of MabAvira in Champa under king Kuniya Bambhaskraputte, and of the pilgrimage of the king to Mahavira. The many varnakas, which, on such occasions as this, are found in the legendary introductions to the angas, uvangas, &c., occur in this instance in their full form. They are consequently cited elsewhere merely by their 'introductory words; and for anything beyond this, reference is generally made to our text. The law proclaimed by Mahavira is here ($ 57) designated partly as agarad hamme and partly as aga rasami te. See my remarks on page 244 ad anga 1. The second part, which contains the essence of the work, is in extent scarcely more than a third of the whole, and looks, as Lenmann says, like a more detailed treatment of Bhag. I, 1,77 (see Bhag. 1, 162 ) It is divided into divisions of tolerably small compass, which all possess a form equally solemn. These small divisions are not equal in extent nor are they counted on to the end. At the end there are 22 karikas, which describe the abode &c. of the Siddhas, vis, of those that have escaped migration of souls We find the teaching of Imdabhuti by Mabavira treated of, partly in a general way, partly in reference to 16 definite categories of men as regards their uvavaya among the neraiyas, &c., up to the heavenly worlds, and to the final perfection and residence of the blessed in the Isipabbhara pudhavi. Dr. Ernst Leumann has given a detailed account of its contents in the introduction to his edition of the text ("the aupapatikasutra," Leipzig, 1883), accompanied by an excellent glossary. Among the interesting facts contained in the middle part of the work, the following is of especial importance. In $ 76 there is an enumeration of alien sects, [379] parivvaya, viz. : the Sankhe Jogi Kivila 10 Bhiuchchall hamsala paramahamsa bahuudaga kulivvaye13 Kanhaparivvaya.14 In immediate connection with this is an enumeration of the 8 representatives of each class16 from the Brahmana caste : tattha khalu ime att ha mahana parivvaya bhavamti : Kanne16 ya Karakamte ya Ambade ya Parasare | Kanhe Divayane cheva Devagutte ya Narah@47 11, and from the warrior caste : tattha khalu ime astha khattiyaparivvaya bhavanti, tam : Silai Masihare18 * The statements vary here o. g. between 1167 (Kielhorn's Report, 1880-81, p. 50) 1200, 1267, 1820 and 1500. Leumann counts 1220. T The statement is here omitted ; cf. av. 7. * Other statements are: 1854, 2000. of. chhedasutra, 4. 10. 10 Kapilo devatA yeshan, Sankhya eva nirisvarah. n Bhrigur lok& prasiddha rishiviseshas, tasyai' va fishyah BhargavAh (!). 12 In referenoe to the following names see Wilson Sel. works 1,231 (ed. Rost). 13 kutlvratih: kuttohars in Wilson, also in the Arunikop. Ind. Stud. 2, 170. Nrkyanabh: ktika iti kechit. 16 Kart (Karidv-AP) Kanne refers, it is true, to Kanva as Leamann affirme in his glossary) dayah shodaba parivr&jakah lokato 'vasey Ah. 16 Kanhe var. 1. * These Jains, possessed by the desire of changing everything, hayo not allowed even the name of the old Narada to remain unaltered. Some MSS. have even Nerabhe. 18 var. Masito, Masauno, Mauah, also "hard. The Maahaara name of country in the Ait. Br. may perhaps be compared.

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368 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [OCTOBER, 1891. Naggai Bhaggal Tiya (Tika ?) Videhe raya Rame Bale 'ti ya. After this follows an enameration of the works of Brahmanical literature, which is identical in every particular with that in the fifth anga 19 See above p. 304. The sage Ambada, 20 who is enumerated among the 8 mahanaparivvayas, must have played no unimportant role in the opinion of his Jain colleagues or enemies, either at the time of the composition of this apinga or at that of those who interpolated the statements in reference to him. There have been inserted two detailed legends concerning him, the first of which deals especially with his [380) scholars, 21 the second with himself, with his second birth in the person of the boy Dadhapaznna, and with his final perfection. Here occurs an enumeration of the ($ 107) 72 kalks, which are in fact essentially the eame as those in anga 3, and ($ 105) of the foreign peoples from whom the female attendants of the boy (as in anga 6) came. These names are in general identical with those enumerated in angas 5 and 6, and are also mentioned in a previous passage ( 53) where the maid-servants of the queen are treated of. The list is as follows :bahu him khujjihim Chillihim vamanihim vadabhihim Babbarihim Pausiyahim (baiio) Joniyahim Palhaviyahim Isiniyahim Charuiniyahim (Varuo Tharuo) Lasiyahim Lausiya him Damilihim Simhalihim Arabihim Palimdihim Pakkanihim Bahalihim Maramdihim Sabarihim Parasihim nanadesihin. For v. I. see Leumann, p. 60. The 18 desibhasa s22 unfortunately are merely mentioned here ($ 109) and not enamerated by name. We might readily conjecture that the 18 foreign peoples, just mentioned, were here referred to, though the expression desi is not in harmony with such an assumption. For the expression desibhasivisarae, which we meet with here, we find a fuller form in anga 6 (cf. above, p. 313), attharasavihipagaradesibhasivisa rae. Dr. Leumann has had the kindness to inform me that the commentary has at least the appearance of referring this to the 18 modifications of one desibhisi and not to 18 special languages; ashtadasa vidhiprakaral [381] pravrittiprakarah ashtadasabhir va vidhibhir bhedaih pracharah pravsittir yasyaih sa, tatha tasyam desibhashiyain sabhedena varnivalirupayam visaradah pamital. By the annautthiya (SS 26, 99) of the text, i. e. according to the scholia anyayuthika (see p. 299), which are opposed to the niggantha pavayana ($ 16) of the genuine doctrine of the Jains, we are to understand the sakyadayali. By the cheiyas ($ 99) we must understand the arhachchaityani jinapratimah, and by the Ajiviyas (S 120). the adherents of Gosila,33 Tho soven pavayananinhagas (S 122), i. e. representatives of the seven schisms, which, to use the expression of Abhayadeva, Jinagamam nihnuyat8 (! nihnu vate ?) apalapamti cha, are enumerated one by one in the text. They are as follows:- baburaya, jivapadesiya, avvattiya, samochchheiya, dokiriya, terasiya (see p. 351), abaddhiya (avvatthiya var. 1.). Abhayadova characterizes them according to their order as Jamalimatanusarinah, Tishyaguptacharyamatavisamvadinal, Ashidhacharyasishyamatamtahpatinal), Pushpa(shya)mitramatanusarinah,24 Gamgacharyamatanuvartinali, Rohaguptas matanuskrinah, Goshthimihilamatavalambinah ; on this see p. 275 on auga 3, p. 355-6 on purvas 7-9, and below my remarks on A vaay. Nijj. 8, Uttarajjh. 3, 9. 19 salangavi is here too explained by : shalargavidah and satthitaintavieAral by : KApiliyatamtrapanditah. * *20 Also Ammada, Ammattha. - This name must bo derived from Amrata, short form of Amrabhata.-L. 31 Who once wandered jet ham ulamasainmi along the Ganga from Kampillapura to PurimatAlar nagaram. The name of the month is explained as follows: jyoshtha mQlam vA (!) nakshatrath paurnamday Ana yatra sykt sa jy beatha. mulo misah, jyaishthah. 33 Saa bolow pp. 309, 400 for the 18 different mothods of writing. 23 On this point of tho interesting statements in Nemichandra's pravachanasiroddhara, 694 v. 739-41. Loumann tells me that the statements are found earlier, viz., in Sillokn on anga 1, 2.2 and in Abhayadevs on aga 3. 9. Thoy are as follows:- niggartha-Sakka-tAvasa-geruya(gairukah)-Ajiva pamchahi saman | tammiya niggatha to je Jinashabhava munino | Sakka ya Sugayasiga, je jadili to u tivasa giya je dhkurattavattb tidarndiq g@ruyA t'u l ja G salagu-mnyamanusararti bhannannti & u Ajivil samanattena bhuvane pamoha vi patta pasiddhim ima | Here then all the five kinds of framanas are represented as possessing equal authority: geruA is doubtless for gairikis "rudalos," nooording to their dhaurattavattha, of. Bhag. 1, 255, 273, where, "metale and jewels," is an error. - The first line of the above quotation (niggo.... samani is drawn from Nisftha-bh&ahy XIII. 163a.-L. 24 Or Afvamitra ! ; on Pashyamitra, see pp. 849, 356. 26 Or Chhalua.

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SYSTEM OF TRANSLITERATION. The system of transliteration followed in this Journal for Sanskrit and Kanarese, (and, for tho sake of uniformity, submitted for adoption, as far as possible, in the case of other languages),- except in respect of modern Hindu personal names, in which absolute purism is undesirable, and in respect of a few Anglicised corruptions of names of places, sanctioned by long usage, - is this :Sansksit. Kanarese. Transliteration. | Sanskrit. Kanarese. Transliteration, ja jha na 24 # # 4 aut opp en 3 S B 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 al al 44444 Da da 9 12.32 8 3 63 dha ng $ au 8L 21ste & CC && a&tuua ada 3 aad & 3. % 4 ra pha ba bha ma Visarga Visarga Jihdimiltya, or old) Visarga before an and kh Upadhmaniya, or old Visarga bo fore and Anusvara Anusodra Anundsiku 4 & 34A I kla ED HO 1 8 KR 8 3 13 gla ila 44.4 la cha sa chha ha A single hyphen is used to separate words in composition, as far as it is desirable to divide them. It will readily be seen where the single hyphen is only used in the ordinary way, at the end of a line, as divided in the original Text, to indicate that the word runs on into the next line; intermediate divisions, rendered unavoidable here and there by printing neceesities, are made only where absolutely necessary for neatness in the arrangement of the Texts. A double hyphen is used to separate words in a sentence, which in the original are written as one word, being joined together by the euphonic rules of samdhi. Where this double hyphen is used. it is to be understood that a final consonant, and the following initial vowel or consonant-and-vowel, are in the original expressed by one complex sign. Where it is not used, it is to be understood of the orthography of the original, that, according to the stage of the alphabet, the final consonant either has the modified broken form, which, in the oldest stages of the alphabet. was used to indicate & consonant with no vowel attached to it, or has the distinct sign of the virama attached to it; and that the following initial vowel or consonant has its full initial form. In the transcription of ordinary texts, the double hyphen is probably unnecessary; except where there is the saindhi of final und initial vowels. But, in the transcription of epigraphical records, the use of this sign is unavoidable, for the purpose of indicating exactly the palaeographical standard of the original texts. The avagraha, or sign which indicates the elision of an initial a, is but rarely to be met with in inscriptions. Where it does occnr, it is most conveniently represented by its own Devanagari sign. So also practice has shewn that it is more convenient to use the ordinary Devanagari marks of punctuation than to substitute the English signs for them. Ordinary brackets are used for corrections and doubtful points; and square brackets, for letters which are much damaged and nearly illegible in the original, or which, being wholly illegible, can be supplied with certainty. An asterisk attached to letters or marks of punctuation in square brackets, indicates that those letters or marks of punctuation were omitted altogether in the original. As a rule, it is more convenient to use the brackets than to have recourse to footnotes; as the points to which attention is to be drawn attract notice far more readily. But notes are given instead, when there would be so many brnckets, close together, as to encumber the text and render it inconvenient to read. When any letters in the original are wholly illegible and cannot be supplied, they are represented, in metrical passages, by the sign for a long or a short syllable, as the case may be ; and in prose passages, by points, at the rate, usually, of two for each akshara or syllable.

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NOVEMBER, 1891.] SACRED LITERATURE OF THE JAINS. 869 (382) There is a commentary by Abhayadeva, a varttikam or avachuri by Parsvachandra. In reference to the difference of the constituent paris which were united to form this uvamgam, the reader is referred to Leumann, p. 20, who has made some pertinent remarks upon the subject. XIV. The second upangam, reya pasenaiyyam, which is always translated by rajaprasniyam. This is perhaps to be explained as a complete misunderstanding of the Prakrit title by which this text is always cited in those passages from the hand of the redactor which refer to our text in the aigas, etc. For paseuaiyyam cannot properly be prasniyam, since the latter word rather pre-supposes a Praksit form panhiyam. Pasenaiyyam seems, according to the conclusion at which I arrived ad Bhag. 1, 32, to refer to the name of king Prasenajit who is well-known in the legends of the Jains.24 There is, however, one important objection to this conclusion, there is no mention of this king in our text, which mentions a king Puesi but no Pasenai. Inasmuch as the authenticity of the form of the name pasenaiyyam cannot be gainsaid, 27 there remains but one possibility open: that the original title of the text has been preserved and either the name of Paesi has been substituted for that of Pasena 128 (see p. 384) in the text, or there has been substituted an entirely different text for the whole of the old one. [333] Though the latter conjecture savours of boldness, we are not without analogous examples us we have seen in the case of argas 8 - 10. Our first means of explanation appeals much more to our sympathy, especially as we have a perfect parallel in a later legend. We possess two recensions of the Samyaktvakaumudikatha, in the first of which the scene is laid at the time of " Srenika, son of Prasenajit," in whose place Uditodaya, son of Padmodbhava appears in the second. This is, however, brought about in such fashion that 'Srenika is referred to in a two-fold introduction. The legend in question appears to be old and to antedate the two existing recensions of the Samyaktvakaumudikath. The Sanskrit translation of the title Rayapase naiyyam by rajaprafniyam is very far from being in harmony with the contents of the work. The burden of the very smallest portion of its extent is in our text the questions of a king. The questions play here no greater role than in any other of the legends similar to this in which a king requests instruction. The irreconcilability of this Sanskrit title with the contents of the work itself makes eo ipso for the conclusion that this title is nothing but a mere makeshift to conceal the original contents. It is, therefore, of no little significance that a beautiful conjecture elaborated into an investigation by Dr. Leumann has shown that one of the Pali texts of the Buddhistio Tipitaka, - viz. the Pay Asi-suttam (Dighanikaya 1, 2), - is especially closely connected (384) with that part of our upanga which treats of king Paesi. It is apparent, then, that we must assume either a common foundation for both or the use of a special Buddhistic work as a ground-work. That the original text of the RAyapasenaiyyam might easily, have suffered a transformation, is indicated by the irreconcilability of this title with the Sansksit translation and with the contents. Thus the old name Prasenajit gave placo to that of our text Pacsi (Payasi in Pali). It is noteworthy that at the conclusion of the work there is an exclamation of reverence addressed to the Jinas, to the sayadevayi (sruta) blagavai, to the pannatti bhagavai, and to the bhagavat arahat Pasa. Joined to this exclamation are some very corrupt words, which are perhaps to be restored as follows, 20 Passasayassa vanie. It is at least certain that Pisa, and not Mahavira, is glorified in this paragraph. Could this not be a residuom of the original text, 26 See e. 9. arga 8, p. 320. * In Nandi, Pakshikas, and Avi. the name is rayapa(pprla niya; Svi. and V. have slnays; the passages in the toxta showing the hand of the redactor always have the forri Halyya. Loumann is of the opinion (Aupap. p. 9) that the 1 R yapaalnalyys arose by "connection with Raja Prasenajit by popular otymology." It seems to me, however, that Rayapasenaiyya is the prius and rfjaprasniyam the posterius. * .. nambhagavad) arabad, Plaassa, passe supasse, posavpl namd A, arahanto para suposal passavapl4 pam) E, arabatto paand aupassa vapie namo E, arabarto paus suyassa vsple damo G.

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370 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [NOVEMBER, 1891. which had a right to the title raya Pasenaiyya and which perhaps treated of the relations of king Prasonajit and Pasa? Pasa, it should be noticed, appears as a teacher in up. 10, 11. The seer glorified in our present text is at least called Pasivachchiyya, i. e. scholar of Pisa; and appears in a recital put in the mouth of Mahavira as the teacher of king Paesi. In the other legends, in which [385] any such Pasavachchiyyas occur, they are invariably characterized as converts to the teachings of Mahavira. See above, p. 300. Malayagiri attempts to find in this reference to the Pasavachchiyyas a special proof of the connection of upaiga 2 with auga 2 which, he maintains, treats of the views of the foreign pashaudas. We were for some time left in doubt whether the references in the aigas to the Rayapase naiyyam were in reality all contained in the Rayapasenaiyyam (cf. Jacobi Kalpas. p. 107); but Leumann has shewn that this doubt is without foundation. See above, p. 299. But, granted the actual occurrence of all these citations, this fact only makes for the conclusion, that, at the period of these remarks by the redactor, the substitution, which I assume, was already a fait accompli. Nor does this exclude the assumption that our text originally possessed a contents that was really in harmony with its title. The subject of the largest portion (almost two-thirds) of the existing text, which after the pamchanamukkara begins with the customary legendary introduction tenam kalenam, is as follows: The god Suriyabha, who has his throne in the Sohammakappa, makes a pilgrimage with a numerous retinue to Amalakappa, the city of king Sea (Sveta), in order to offer his reverence to Mahavira (who is abiding in that city), especially by means of music, dancing and singing.30 Furthermore, the information is treated of which, in long spun-out details, is imparted in reference to Suriyabha, his synonymous vimana and all his splendour, by Mahavira to Goyama (Imdabhuti), who questions him on these points. [386] The discussion of the subject consists in reality of a mere heaping together of compounds; and the sentences often extend over several pages. It is idle to talk of this as style, since it exceeds even the widely extended license which is customary in these sacred texts. We recall. Bana's Kidambari in this connection, though the latter possess a wealth of poetic thoughts and images which elevates it above this dreary and insipid hodge-podge. We have however, the right to propound the question whether there may not be a genetic connection between works like the Kadambari and this species of Jain literature, since at least the con-fased style of the Indian novel may have been influenced by Jain legends of this sort.31 On page 205 of the edition39 (of the text of 296 pages printed in India), Mahivira finally comes to the point and informs us how Suriyabha reached this glory of his, and of his first birth as king Paesi (Pradesi) in Seyaviya. The latter sent his charioteer Chitta [387] with presents to his vassal Jiyasattu at Savatthi in the land of Knuli.33 At that place Chitta heard the sermon of the "Pasavachchijje Kest nimam kumare," and was so much edified thereby that after his return hame he induced his master Paesi to let him drive him to the sanctuary, where Kest happened to be preaching at that very timo. Chitta brought about that conversation between Paesi and Kosito which the translation of the name Rayapaseaiyyam by Rajaprasiyam refers. This 30 32 nattavihi, 4 vaitta, 4 g'ya, again 4 nattavihi and 4 nattabhinaya are given commentator, Malayagiri, however, offers scarcely any explanation on this point. in great detail. The 81 It is certain at Indian fables are greatly under the influones of the simple fataka tales of the Buddhists." Likewise, the modern stories as Sinhasanadvitriis ka eto, are without donbt influenced by the kathanakas which were gradually cultivated more and more by the Jains. It is noteworthy, that in Bina as in tho Dasakumfra, the style of which is much better than that of Bena, the same persons are frequently born thrige. This three-fold birth is the special delight of the Jain legends. Our text, in this very place, affords an example of this fact. Cf the verse quoted, Ind. Stud. 16, page 156 from the Anuyogav. in referencs to the abbhuarasa. 32 This quarto edition contains the commentary of Malayagiri and a gloss in Bhasha. The text gives the year Samvat 1732 (!), the gloss 2732 (1). Iavagrathna is mentioned in the latter as being the scene of the events narrated. ts Reference to this point is found in upinga 8. 54 See Uttarajjh. Cap. 23. See the statements of Dharmaghosha in his Kupakshakausikaditya (1, 7), in my treatise on this subject, page 22, Journal of the Berlin Acad. of Sciences, 1882, p. 812, in reference to modern descen lauts of this Kesikumara, who themselves claim this title until the end of the XVI century.

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NOVEMBER, 1891.) SACRED LITERATURE OF THE JAINS. 371 conversation, which starts with the question in reference to the relation of the jiva to the salira, reaches in the printed text from page 242 to page 279, and contains, therefore, about an eighth part of the whole. In reality, however, there is more than an eighth, since the beginning contains a good deal of commentary. With the relation of the former birth of Suriyabha as Padsi, Mahavira. connects liis prophecy in reference to his future birth as Dadhapaznna. This prophecy is in all essentials completely identical (though somewhat more detailed) with that form of the history of this person, which we met with in up. 1 and in up. 8 (cf. also Bhag. 11, 11.)35 We have then disa covered here a fact that is likely to cast a somewhat suspicious light upon the history of the text of ap. 2. The enumeration of the 72 kalis (p. 290) varies here but inconsiderably; and Malayagiri does not help us by giving any explanation of the names. The enumeration of tho foreign peoples is in essential agreement with Bhag. 3, 33 (above p. 302), with the single exception [388) that here, too, the Cheusiya (Vauo, Pau) and the Joniya have been included in the list. There are, however, some few variations in the names and in the order of their succession. See Leumann, Aap. p. 60. On page 52 chinapittharasi is adduced among the red stuffs, and likewise in ap. 3; cf. chinapata in anga 10, p. 333. The commentary of Malayagiri dates, according to Aufrecht, Catalogus, p. 396b, from the year (Vira ?) 1772; according to Leumann this is merely the date of the taba based upon Malayagiri. xv. The third upangam, jivabhigamasutram, = instruction, in dialogue form, of Goyama (Imdabluti) in reference to the different forms and groups of animated nature. This ingtraction is not placed in the mouth of Mahavira, bat ir that of a person who is not designated. The introductio is composed without any legendary ballast, and reads as follows:- Tha36 khalu Jiqamayi... Jinaan mayam Jinanuloman Jina ppanitam Jiyaparuviya Jinakkhiyam Jininuchinnam Jiwapannattam Jinadesiyam Jinapasattham anuvitiyain (P) tan saddahamina tan pattiyamani tan roemana theri blagavamte ji vajivabhigamam nama 'jjhayanam pannavaimsu. In up. 10 these thera blagavaito are adduced by Mahavira himself - cf. chledasutra 4. The introduction then proceeds to give, in response to the question se kim tam jivabhigame?, a species of division of the entire work. No smaller sections, except some,37 are marked off in the text. [389] The various views of those38 are here enumerated 39 wlio characterize the jiva either as duviha (to 17a of the MS. - ms. or. fol. 1081 -- consisting of 212 leaves) or as follows, -as tiviha (to 34a ), as chauvviha (to 1848 ; this is the chief part, almost of the wholeto), as pamchaviha (to 1864 ), as chhavviha (to 1932 ), sattaviha (to 1936), a!thao (to 1952 ), navao (to 1951), and dasaviha (to 1976). Then the same pndivatti, follow in the same order, but according to another guiding principle. Within this system there are innumerable groups, species and sub-species of each of the jivas according to their properties and relations. The contents is remarkably dry and offers but little of genuine interest. Very frequent are the references to tho fourth a paig., which is quite similar to it in contents and forin. At present it is impossible to decide which text has the better claim to priority. Many single verses and sometimes whole series of gathas, or karika-like verses are inserted Tho section which trents of the divas (and samuddas) (i. e. 890 to 1674 ) appears at the date of aiga 3 and of the Nandill to have had a separate existence under the naine divas igarapan natti which is mentioned twice in anga 3. See p. 203. This section unfortunately contains 55 s. Leumann, Aap. p. 75 fg. * This is preceded by a reverential exclamation nami Usa5bf-liyana:n, chauviske titthagar:non, an unusoal forul, which appear to belong to tho toxt itself and not to emanatfrom the copyistu. In the MS. ohiofly used by me the conclusion of an ulda is given thron tim 4. Vidhipropi), intro luced in a way that is quit) Idlantical in each soprat, case. 40 We find t:oated here the division into noraiya to 52b. tirikkhajoniya to 596, mapussa to 745, deva to 1894, ead then a few further remarks to 1941. 1 In the Vihiprapt there is a sangrahanl on it citada nong tha pa onayas.

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372 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (NOVEMBER, 1891. almost nothing of real geographical value, [390] and nothing but fantastic conceptions concern. ing mythology. This holds good in reference to the astronomical (if we may use the expression) remarks concerning the different numbers (!) of the suns, moons and stars in each of the dvipas, which appear to harmonize completely with the statements of the fifth (or seventh) apaiga. See Ind. Stud. 10, 835. The 28 nakshatras consequently begin with Abhijit and not with Krittika. There are no legends whatsoever. Dr. Leumann sends me the following detailed statement of the contents of this upangam : 1. Introduction : - II. Two-fold division of crentures. 1-10. thivara : 1-5. padhavikkaiya egimdiya, 6 - 7. Aakkiya eg., 8 - 10. vaassaikkaiya eg; -11 - 26. tasi : 11. teukkaiya eg., 12. vaukkaiya eg., 13. boimdiya, 14. teimdiya, 15. chaurindiga, - 16 - 26. pam. chimdiya, 16. no raiya, 17 - 20. sammuchchhima-tirik khajoniya, 21 - 24. gabbhavakkantiyatir, 23. manussa, 26. deva ; - 27. tasi and thi varu (in general). - III. Three-fold division of creatures: 1 - 6. itthiyad, 7 - 12. purisa, 13-18. napamsaga, 19 - 24. the three together and among thamsolves. - IV. Four-fold division of creatures. A geographical text is inserted called the divasamadda. 1. padhamd neraiya-uddeso, 2. bitiyaneraiya-uddesao, 3. taid narayauddesao, 4. tirikkhajoniya-padh, udd., 5. tirikkh. add bid., 6. manussi, 7. 31 - 33. deva. 8 - 23. divasamuddl. 8 - 16. the Jambnddiva, the inmost part of the world, of circular form. 8. Description of the above, in general the same as that of SuriyAbhavimana in Rajapr. - 9. the gate of the east, Vijaya dara-10. The residence ruyahatl of the god Vijaya who rules there. 11. [391] The walk of reverence of Vijaya within his vimina, - 12. The duration of the existence of Vijaya, - 13. The gates of the three remaining regions of the world : Vejayam ta dara, Jayanta dara and Aparaiya dara, and the distance of the daras from each other. - 14. Jambuddiva as bounded by the Lavana bes which surrounds it on all sides like a ring, - 15. Explanation of the name Jambuddiva, - 16. Number of the constellations moving over Jamb., - 17. The Lavana sea, the first ocean surrounding Jambuddiva like a ring; the description here corresponds to that of Jamb. and from this point on is in the same strain, - 18. The Chanda-diva and Sara-diva of the different parts of the earth and oceans, - 19. Appendix to 17: Ebb and flow eto., - 20. The second part of the globe, Dhiyazbanda, that in circular form is contigaons to the Lavana ses; then the second ocean Kaloda which, in the form of a ring, is adjacent to Dhay.; and finally the third part of the globe, Pakkharavara, contiguous to Kiloda, -21. The Samaya- or Manussa-Khetta, consisting of the above mentioned two first parts of the globe and the first two oceans together with the inner half of the ring of the third part of the globe, which is separated from the outer half by the circular mountain, Manasgattara. - 22. The following parts of the globe and oceans which are connected with one another as rings: Pakkhardda, Varunavara diva, Varuydda, Khiravara diva, Khirdda, Ghatavara diva, Ghatoda, Khodavara diva, Khododa. - 23. The following world-ring, Nandisara vara diva. - 24. The following oceans and world-rings; Nandisaroda, Aruna diva, etc., to Hiravarobhisoda. - 25. The remaining oceans and world-rings up to Sayambhuramana diva and Sayambhuramanoda. - 26. The names of all these parts of the globe and oceans, -27. The (392] waters and aquatio animals of the different oceans. - 28. In reference to the divasamudda in general (namadhejja, uddharasamaya, parinams and uvavaya). - 29. 30. A brief insertion, perhaps an appendix to the divasamuddll. - 29. About parinima. - 30. Concerning the ability of gods to catch an object that has been thrown, to split hair (P gadhittae), to lengthen or to shorten one. - 81 - 33. deva continuation ; (see 7). - 31. jdisa-uddesao. -- 32. - padham Vemaniya-udd. - 33. bid Vemeniya-udd. - 31. Final collective statements (duration of existence, etc.) in reference to the four divisions of creatures. - V. -X. Five-fold to the ten-fold division of creatures. - XI. Introduction to the following analogous divisions of all oreatures. - XII. to xx. Two-fold to ton-fold division of all creatures. 41 This oonoluding titlo, says Leumann, is incorrectly placed after Chapter 84 instead of after 88 in the Berlin 89, and in those of Prof. Monier Williams.

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NOVEMBER, 1891.) SACRED LITERATURE OF THE JAINS. 873 XVI. The fourth upangam, pannavana (prajpapana) bhagaval, likewise treats of the different forms, conditions of life, etc., of the jiva.43 It is divided into 36 payas, (padas), of which several (15. 17. 23, 38) consist of from two to six uddesakas. According to the fourth of the nine verses of the introduction, it is the work of Ayya Sama (Arya Syama, also 'Syamirya), who at the same time is called the "twenty-third dhirapurisa" i. e. after Vira (after Sadharmasvamin, according to Malayagiri). (393] This statement causes no little difficulty. According to Klatt, l. I. p. 2476 and 251b (9, 23) and in the Journal of the German Oriental Society 33, 470, the modern Jain lists of teachers place, with some few differences, Syama in the fourth century after Vira; but the "twenty-third" successor of Vira is placed by one list immediately before Devarddhigani, 980 after Vira, and is regarded by the other as contemporaneous with the destruction of Valabbi (Valabbibbaiga), 845 after Vira. The Gurvavali of the Tapagachla expressly enumerates Syamarya as a contemporary of the ninth patriarch; and in both of the old Theravalis of the Nandi (or Avasyaka) and of Merutunga he is enumerated as the 13th (not the 23rd) successor of Vira. This apparent contradiction is done away with by the explanation of Bhan Daji, referred to p. 2170, according to which the eleven ganadbaras of Vira are regarded as being included in the designation of Syama a3 "23rd" successor. This method of including the ganadharas has however not been traced elsewhere. The text begins with the pamchanamukkara, followed by the following glorification : eso panchanamukkiro 88vv.pavapan gano | mangalaga o cha savvegim Padbama hoi mangalam . This glorification is to be ascribed to the last dasapurvin, sri Vajra (584 Vira), according to modern tradition. See Kup. 811 (21) on this point and also the same passage in reference to the question whether in the last pada we must read hoi or havai, about which there is fierce contention among the Jain theologians. 1394) Then follows46 in nine verses the real introduction, of which Jacobi (Journ. Germ. Orient. Soo. 34, 951) saya "it is manifestly the production of Devarddhiganin, the redactor of the Siddhanta." The first verse praises Mahavira ; the second characterizes the pannavan savvabhavanam as uvadamsiya by him (bhagavaya); the third and fourth pwy rover ence to that saint, Ajja Sama, the "23rd dhirapurisa," whose wisdom, perfected by listening to the purvas, gave to his scholars this sruta-jewel after he had brought it up from the bruta-sea : vayagavaravamsad te visatimena dhiraparisena duddharadharena7 munina puvvasuyasamiddhabaddhieu || 3 || suyasayara vineu a jena sayarayanam attamam dinna sisaganassa, bhagavato tassa namo Ajja Samassa | 4 || In verse 5 an "I" promises to describe (or proclaim) the work in the same way as the "bhagavant" has described it; and the work is obaracterized as "dripping with dsishtivada :" ajjhayanam inam chittam suyarayanam dithivayanisamdam" | jaha vanuiyam bhagavaya aham avi taha vannaisgami || 5 | It is, of course, clear50 that some one else than the previous speaker is to be understood by this "I;" and Jacobi's (395] conjecture, mentioned above, must . or. in the Sohol on the Nandt: jividta padarthanAm prajnapanath yatra si prajnApan A, asi 'va vpihattard mahaprajnapan A. Two texts of tbis name are referred to there, & simple panno anda mahapanno. The latter is adduced as the sixth upAngam by Kashinath Kunto (p. 327) p. 5 and p. 7, who calls it, however, "obsoleto and extinot." He does not montion the chandapannatti. Tbo Past(Avalt of Kharataragnohha) dates ais birth 876 (or 396) after Vira; in the same your the Gurvival of Tapegaohbs) Maumes his death to bavo ooourred. He was also called KAlaka and was one of the three celebrated teachers of this name. See Jacobi, Journ. Germ. Orient. Soo. 84, 281ff. . Thus in the beginning of the Kalpasutra, see Jacobi, p. 83, and Avaky. 9, 183. * The preceding is omitted by Malayagiri, whose commentary begins here. *T Jacobi translates "undergoing severe test," I propose "holding that (in his head) which is diffloult of retention"; of the use of dharae p. 3040 (Bhag. 2, 2462 ). *buddhinam var. 1., construed by Jacobi with vdyagaver, as if we had ovarkpa. 4* dvAdanya 'shguya nishyarhdam iva. The expression diontsardar recurs in the words "aggloiy-puvvanis sandA" at the end of the siddhapAhuda. See above, pago 885. Malayagiri refors bhagavay" to MahAvers and not to Ayya Elms m the one who in the text carries on the dialogue with Goyama. According to bis conception then the work of Ayya Bima begins with this verse and this is probably oorroot.

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3.74 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [NOVEMBER, 1891. be referred and indeed limited to v. 1 - 4 alone in so far as these verses appear as a prelude of secondary origin. In the four verses which then follow are contained the titles of the 36 sections : 1. Pantavana, 2. thayin, 3. babavattavvam, 4. thit, 5. visesi ya 6. vukkamti, 7 usga88, 8. sanni,51 9. joni ya, 10. charimAim ile il, 11. Ehasa, 12. sarira-, 13. parinama, 14. kaske-, 15. 'mdiya-, 16. ( -is wanting) ppago ya | 17. lesa, 18. kayathii ya, 19. sammatte (samyaktva), 20. antakiriya ya Il 7 II, 21. ngananilsamthine,52 22. kiriya, 23. kamme i yevare (?), 24. kammassa baridhac, 25. vedassa bandhae, 26. kam massa vedal, 69 27. ve gaveyae || 8 64 ||, 28. Ahare, 29. uvaoge, 30. pasanaya (darsanati), 31. sanni56 (samjnin), 32. samjume cheva | 33. Ohi (avadhi), 34. paviyarana7 (read orani ya), 35. veyani (vedana), 36. tatto samugghe il 9 ll. Then comes the text kar' toxow which begins with the question se kim tam ajivapannavana ?. It consists furthermore of the questions of Go(yama) and the answers probably of Mahavira, though it is ancertain whether Mahevira be meant or not, since there is absolutely no addition of a legendary colouring. These questions and answers are couched in the style and manner of the dialogues in the Bhagavati, and though there is here a connecting thread (which we do not find in the Bhagavati), every padam forming a connected whole, nevertheless, there is, as a rule, (396] no genetic succession of the padas, despite the fact that Malayagiri makes every effort at the beginning of every padani to restore57 the connection with what has gone before. Many gahas are found in the middle of the text, and many of the padas begin with a short statement of contents clothed in gathi form - daragaha (dvaragatha). There are no legends whatsoever. The "contents" is as dreary as that (cf. above p. 389) of the third uvamga, which is closely connected with it, is dogmatic, speculative or even fantastic, and contains but little of general interest. There is much, however, that is important in the first book in the section on Man, who is divided into two classes : milikkha and ariya. First there is an enumeration of 53 Mlachha peoples, secondly an enumeration of 25% (1) Aryan peoples with their chief cities, and lastly an enumeration of 18 manners of writing. All this possesses some chronological valde which would be more apparent if the names had not been so corruptly handed down to us. Malayagiri offers us no assistance in the case of the first and third enumeration. In the list of the Milikkhas (Milakkbas) the names are frequently the same as those cited, p. 332 from anga 10, and are arranged in the same order of succession. Various differences of detail are, however, not wanting, and in fact the names here make a less favourable impression upon us and seem to be of less antiquity.58 They are :50 - Saga (397] Javans Chiliya Savara Pappara (Babbars BO) Kiya (only ya BC) Murumdo 'dda (ddha C) Bhadaga Ninnaga Pakkauiya Kulakkha Komdaco (Gonda C) Sihara 60 (Sihala) Parasa 6o Godbova (Gadho 61 fharli dasasappApayar, Yidbipraps (V). 62 ogahan&payam V. A3 25 and 26 are transposed in BCV in V we read kammaveyagapayam 25, veyagabandhagapayam 26, veyaga payam 27. The metre is faulty in v. 8. A manivinnamanna payar 31, v. paviy ranApaya 84, V. 57 Malayagiri claims in the beginning of his discussion of the subject that there is a special connection between this upanga and arga 4. 6 The China have disappearod or their name is concealed under that of another people. The name of the Arava has received another form-AravkyA -- and its position has been changed. 09 Malayagiri hus merely bakad banivAsinab Sakah, Yavandabani AsinYavanal), vam sarvatra, Dayaram un nAnAden lokati) vijneyah. The names are found partly in the thematic form and partly in the Nom. Plur.In Nemichandra's pravachanashroddhara $ 874 v. 1594-7 we find 38 namos, among which only 20 agree with those piren horo; and there are important varintions. His enameration docked out in a modern dress is as follows:Saga Jarana Sabara Vavvara Kiya (K Aykh) Marumda 'dda (Muruxdah Uarab) Goda Pakkapay Aravaga (Aukhaga C, Akshagah!) Hina Ramaya Purasa Khana Khasiy& cheva || 94 || Duravilaya Lalisa (Lakubah) Bhokkasa Bhillindha (Bhilla Athdhrab) Paljuda Kuricha Bhameraruya (!! BbramararachAh) Kodya (Korpakah) ChinaCharchuya (Chinab Charchukah) Melava Damila (Dravid61.) Kulaggha (Kulirghih!) ya || 95 || Kikaya Kirkya Hayamuha Kharimuha Gaya-Taraya-MindbayamubA (Mindhakamukbab) ya Hayakanna Gayakanna enne vi Andriya babave || 86 . It is of interest that the name Aravaga has been completely misunderstood. " B. omite.

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SACRED LITERATURE OF THE JAINS. 375 NOVEMBER. 1891,] damba B, Godhai C) Damila Vilala (Villana B, Chillala C) Pulimda Harosa Domva (Tova B, Docha C) Botthakana (Vokkana BC) Gamdhahira va (haraga B) Pahaliliya (Babayaliya B, Pahaliya C) Ayyala Rama Pasa Pausa Nalaya (Navaya C) ya Bamdhuya ya Suyali Komkana ga Meya (Mopamya B) Palhava Malava Maggari (ra BC) Abbasiya Nakvavina (Kanavira B) Lhasiya (Lha B) Khagga (Kkhasa B) Ghasiya (Khasiya B) Noha (Nedu B, Naddu C) Ramadha (tha B) Dombilaga (Dodeg C) Lausa (degosa C) Paosa Kvokvata (! Kakkveya B, Kakveya C) Arakaga (Aravaga BC) Huna Romaga Bharu Maruya Visalapavasi (Chilayavisavasi ya B, Viliyavisayavasi ya C) evamadi, se 'ttam Milakkha. The ariyas are divided into nine groups, the first of which is formed by the khettariya, and is in gatha form. It is as follows: Rayagiha Magaha, Champa Amga taha, Tamalitti Vamga ya Kamchanapuram Kalimga, Banarasi (!) cheva Kasi ya || [398] Sieya Kosala, Gayapuram cha Kuru, Soriyam Kusattha (dda B, tta) ya Kampillam Pamchala, Ahichhatta Jamgala cheva || Baravai Sorattha, Mihila Videha ya, Vattha (chchha B) Kosambi | Nandipuram Samdibbha (Ha BC), Bhaddilapuram eva Malaya ya || Vairada Vattha (chchha B), Varana Attha (chchha BC), taha Mattiyavai Dasanna | Sotti yamai (vai C) ya Chedi, Viibhayam (Viya) Simdhu-Sovira || Mahuri ya Sarasena, Pava Gambhi (! Bhamgi BC) ya Masapuri Vaddha (Vatti BC) | Savatthi ya Kunala, Kodivarisam va (sim cha B) Lat (dha C) ya Seyaviya vi ya nayart Keai-addham cha ariyam bhaniyam | pachch' (pachchh' C, ichch B, etth' Datra) uppatti jinupam chakkipam Rama-Kanhanam | These names represent a later stage than the 13 names in anga 5 (p. 304), but date back in all probability to a remote period. Pataliputra is omitted here but found in anga 11 (p. 337, 338). [399] It appears to be an old reminiscence (or perhaps is a trace of the influence of the Ramayana) that one half of Kekaya is called Aryan. The other half is concealed under the name of the Kakveya (C, where anga 10 has Kekaya), cited among the Milakkhas. Banarast is modern cf. Bhag. 2, 222 - but is found in this form also in anga 5. The second group of the ariyas, the jati-ariya, deserves alsc to be noted here: se kim tam jatiariya ? chhavviha pannatta, tam, Ambattha ya Kalimda Videha Vedamaiya (gaiya BC) Hariya Vamchuna (Chamchdeg C) cheva chha eya ibbha jatito, se jatiariya. What is the meaning of the last three names ? The sixth group of the ariyas is formed by the bhasariya. We find here again the enumeration of the 18 manners of writing, which we met with (p. 280) in auga 4, 18, where, however, the form in which they were cited is not so correct as here. The names in this very interesting passage are as follows (together with the variants from ABC), se kim tam bhasariya? je nam addha-Magahae bhasae bhusemti, jattha ya pam bambhi livi ("the sacred 61 An acceptable reading instead of Marahattha (1) in anga 10. es Kusartheshu Sauriyam, Malayagiri. In Nemichandra who, l. 1. SS 275 v. 1598-1608 quotes the above verses directly, the name is Kusatta, or Kusajja; in the scholiast Saurikanagaram Kusartho desab. 6 Sandibly Samdilyo va disah, Nem. schol. 6 Vatseshu Vairatapuram (the Vatsa were already mentioned once in conjunction with Kosambl), Varaneshu Achchhapuri, Chedishu Soktikavati; Vitabhayam Simdhushu, Sauvfreshu (! by this separation of the Sauvira from the Sindhu the next three cities are displaced) Mathura (!), Saraseneshu PAPA (1), Bhamgeshu Masaivatta (! by means of this compound the copyist hopes to extricate himself from his dilemma). Kundleshu Bravesti, Latasu Kotivarsham, Svetambika (1) nagari Keks yajanapadasya 'rdham, etavad ardhashadviniatijanapadatmakam kshetram aryam bhanitam, Malayagiri. Instead of the second Vachchha Nemichandra has the correct reading Machchha; instead of Varana he reads Varuna and explains as follows:- Varuno nagaram Aohohha desah, anye tu Varane. Achchhapur! 'ty Ahub; for No. 23 he has: Masapuri Vatti (Vaddha C), and in the schol:: Vartto desab, anye tu.. Vadha iti; at the end: jatth' uppatti.

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376 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [NOVEMBER, 1891. writing") pavattai; bambhse nam livie atthirasavihalikkhavihanes pappatte, tam, bambhi Javaailiya DasapuriyaKharotthi Puklch arasariya67 Bhogavarya Paharaiyau (Pahao B, Ehao C) ya amtarakariya (amtakkbar B) akkharaputthiya 68 veqaiyao ninhaiya arkalivizo ganitalivin gamdhavvalivi72 dyusalivis mahesari74 Damili75 Polimda,76 se 'ttam bhisariya. Malayagiri has on this merely :-[400] brahmi-Yavanani (!) 'ty adaye lipibhedis tu sampradayad avaseyah. It is evident that here too we have to deal with an ancient enamteration, since we find five of these names among the 65 names of writing mentioned in Lalitavistara, Chap. 10, p. 143 fg. (ed. Rajendra Lala Mitra, see also Foucaux, Transl. p. 123). These names are as follows, - brahmi (at the head in the Lalavist.), Kharoshti,77 Pushkarasari,78 Dravidalipi, gamdharvalipi, and a few other names as gananavartalipi, antarikshadevalipi, madhyaksharavistaralipi are not far removed from the names enumerated here. The antiquity of these names becomes at once apparent if we compare them with similar enumerations of kinds of writing which comprise quite different names (though they hold fast to the number 18). In the Kalpantarvachyani we find (on Kalpas. $ 209) the following peculiar verse in reference to acquiring a knowledge of writing through the help of Jina : Lebam lihivihanam jinona bambhii dAhinakarenam gasiam samkhanam sumdarii vamena uvaittham II. then an enumeration of the 72 kalas, which is followed by the following statements in reference to writing, the first of the 72: lekhunam lipayah 18, tad yatha: hamsalipi bhatalipi yaksha rA kshasa Uddi Yavant Turashki kari (?) Dravidi Saindhavi Malavi nadi nagari Lite Parasi animittalipi (ichhisam ketadir&pa gloss) Chanakki Mauladevi. A second and more modern enumeration ibid. reads : - [401] desidiviseshad anyathi va 18: Lidi Chodi Dahali Kinhadi Gujart Sorathi Marahathi Kaumkani Khurasapi (!) Sasi (?) Simhali Hadi Kiri Hammiri (!) Paratiri Magadhi Malavi Mabiyodhi. In this enumeration the introduction is of especial interest, since it calls the addha-Magahi bhilsa, the language of the bambhi livi. - See p. 221. - No weight is to be laid upon the statement, which the text evidently intends to make, that all the 19 methods of writing mentioned above were brought into use for the bambh? livi.. This passage and that of the Lalitavistara must be regarded as of paramount importance for the history of Indian writing, though these acounts contain much that can be recognized as purely fictitious. THE GUPTA-VALABHI ERA. BY J. F. FLEET, Bo.C.S., M.R.A.S., C.I.E. The Introduction to my Gupta Inscriptions, Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, Vol. III., published in 1888 (see also ante, Vol. XV. pp. 189-194, Vol. XVI. pp. 141-154, and Vol. XVII. pp. 243-246, 331-339, 359-369), contains some matter that would have been stated more concisely, and some that would have been omitted altogether, if I had known then as much as I have learned since, about the conversion of Hindu dates into their European equivalents. I now take the opportunity of recasting my remarks on the classification of the dates and the exact epoch of the era, with some subsidiary points. For a long time past, I have intended to do this; but I have only lately had leisure to carry out my intention. 65 ovihe leba(A, kha BC)vio 4. 66 dasturiy (uri BC) 4. 67 kharotthiy kharasdhiya 4. a in 4 in another order: pahardiyA (rdio BO) avvattariya akkharaputthiya bhogavaitta (vayata BC). venapiya BC in 4. 70 amkilavt A in 4. 11 4 is omitted. 19 4 then adds bhuyalivt, T5 Adarasalivt 4. 74 mhasaralivi A, mAhdaarilivi BC in 4. T8 damilivi livi A, dAsilalivi B, dAmilalivi C in 4. 76 volimde A, lindirlivi B, lidimlivi C in 4. 77 Is Khardshtha who, according to Wassiljew, is called by the Chinese Buddhists the first astronomer, honoured here under this name P Sohiofner long ago referred to the Kharoshtht lipi of the Lalitavistira in this connection, Wassiljew attempts to find in Kharoshti the name ot a Xarustr mentioned in an Armenian chronicles who together with Zoroaster is said to have invented astronomy in Chaldaea. See Ind. Streifen 3, 8.9, or another conjecture on this subject. 76 The grammarian Paushkarasidi may be recalled in this connection.

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NOVEMBER, 1891.) THE GUPTA-VALABHI ERA. 877 I.- THE ORIGINAL GUFTA ERA IN CENTRAL INDIA. 1.- The Nature and Initial Day of the Years. The dates that naturally require to be first considered, are those which, belonging to the Early Gupta period itself, also contain details that can be actually tested by calculation. Of these, we have five. One is the date in the Eran pillar inscription of Budhagupta. The other are the dates in the copper-plate grants of the Parivrajaka Maharajas. A.- The Eran inscription of the year 165. A. Here the details (Gupta Inscriptions, Introduction, p. 80) are: - The year 165; Asbadha sukla 12 ; Thursday. From the Mandasor inscription written in Malava-Samyat 529 expired, with Alberuni's statements, we know that the English equivalent must lie in, or just before or after, A. D. 484. And by actual trials it is found that the exact day, for the tithi as an ended tithi, is Thursday, 21st June, A. D. 484; on which day the tithi ended, according to Professor Kero Lakshmap Chhatre's Tables, with Mr. Sh. B. Dikshit's corrections for the abdapa, &c., at about 48 ghatis, 55 palas, = 19 hours, 14 minutes, after mean sunrise for Bombay, and 30.palas or 12 minutes later for Ujjain. In A. D. 485, the tithi ended on Tuesday, 11th Jane ; and thus in that year it cannot be connected with a Thursday in any way. In A. D. 483, the tithi, ending, according to the same Tables, at about 56 gh. 45 p. (for Bombay), on Friday, 3rd June, began at about 58 gh. 45 p. on the Thursday; and thus it might be connected with the Thursday for the space of 1 gh. 15 p., = 30 minutes, just before the sunrise at the end of that day. This is, however, an altogether improbable time for the completion of the work which is recorded in the inscription ; viz. the erection of the pillar. Moreover, even this result is not obtainable from Professor Jacobi's Tables ; according to which the tithi, ending at about 23 hrs. 22 min., = 58 gh. 25 p., (for Ujjain), on the Friday, began at 26 minutes, = 1 gh. 5 p., on the same day, and cannot be connected with the Thursday at all. The possible result for A. D. 483, therefore, must undoubtedly be rejected on its own merits; to say nothing of the fact that it would not fit in uniformly with the results for the other dates. The English equivalent, accordingly, is Thursday, 21st June, A. D. 484. This day corresponds to Ashadha bukla 12 of Baka-Samvat 407 current. And, putting aside for the present the question of current or expired Gupta years, Gupta-Samvat 165 may have commenced with any day from Ashudha sukla 13 of 'Saka-Samvat 406 current, up to Ashadha sukla 12 of S.-S. 407 current. This, however, leaves the initial day of the year altogether indefinite, within the range of twelve entire lanations. And the next step is to see what can be done to locate it within closer limits. B. and C. - The Khoh and Majhgawan grants of the years 168 and 191. This can be done, to a very reasonable extent, by means of the dates in two of the grants of the Parivrajaka Maharaja Hastin.1 B. Here the details (loc. cit. p. 110) are: - The year 163 in the enjoyment of sovereignty by the Gupta kings; the Maha-Asvayaja samvatsara ; Chaitra sukla 2. The MahA-Asvayuja sasivatsara is one of the years of the twelve-year cycle of Japiter. With the result for the Eran date as a gaide, it is found that the samvatsaras in this and the other similar dates can be determined, on uniform principles, by nothing but the system which is regulated by the heliacal risings of the planet. And by that system, the Maha-Asvayuja sarivatsara in question 1 In respect of the other two dates in the Parivrfjaka grants, of the years 150 and 209, it is unnecessary on this occasion to say more than that the results for them answer exactly to the conditions established for the two which are now treated of. For the present purpose, we have to choose only the two datos which are the earliest And the latest with referenco solely to the months of the Hindu luni-solar year.

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378 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [NOVEMBER, 1891. began on the 5th April A. D. 481, and ended on the 11th May, A. D. 482. These days correspond to the purnimanta Vaisakha klishia 6 of Saka-Samvat 404 current, and Jyeshtha sukla 8 of S.-S. 465 current. The intermediate Chaitra sukla 2 (ending on the 7th March, A. D. 482) was the Chaitra sukla 2 of Saka-Samvat 405 current. Accordingly, Chaitra sukla 2, Gapta-Samvat 163, is Chaitra sukla 2 of 'Saka-Samvat 405 current; and Gupta-Samvat 163 may have commenced on any day from Chaitra sukla 3 of Saka-Samvat 404 current, up to Chaitra sukla 2 of S.-S. 405 current, C. Here the details (loc. cit. p. 114) are:- The year 191 in the enjoyment of sovereignty by the Gupta kings; the Maha-Chaitra samvatsara ; Magha krishna 3. Determined in the same way as in the preceding instance, the Maha-Chaitra saivatsara began on the 29th September, A. D. 510, and ended on the 28th October, A. D. 511. These days correspond to Asvina sukla 11 of Saka-Samrat 433 current, and the purnimanta Margasirsha krishna 7 of S.-S. 434 current. The intermediate purnimanta Magha klishna 3 (ending on the 3rd Jangary, A. D. 511) was the purnimanta Miigha krishna 3 of Saka-Saivat 433 current. Accordingly, the purnimunta Magha krishna 3, Gupta-Saivat 191, is the piirnimanta Magha krishna 3 of Saka Samvat 433 current; Gupta-Samvat 191 may have commenced on any day from the purnimanta Magha klishna 4 of Saka-Sarvat 432 current, up to the pirnimanta Magha krishna 3 of S.-S. 433 corrent; and, for direct comparison with the result deduced under B., Gupta-Samvat 163 may have commenced on any day from the pirnimanta Magba krishna 4 of Saka-Samvat 404 current, up to the purnimanta Magha krishna 3 of 'S.-S. 405 current. Now, the period from Chaitra sukla 3 to the parnimanta Magha krishna 3 of Saka-Samvat 404 current, which is adin issible by the result under B., is excluded by the result under C., which fixes the purnimanta Magha krishna 4 of that year as the earliest possible initial day. And, on the other hand, tho period from Chaitra sukla 3 up to the pirnimanta Magha krishna 3 of Saka-Samvat 405 carrent, which is admissible by the result under C., is excluded by the result under B., which fixes Chaitra sukla 2 of that year as the latest possible initial day. Accordingly, it follows that, by the practice of the time when these two records were drawn up, Gupta-Samvat 163 began with some day from the parnimanta Magha krishna 4 of Saka-Samvat 404 current, up to Chaitra sukla 2 of S.-S. 405 current; the possible range. boing soventy-three tithis, or roughly seventy-two days. A reference back will shew that these limits suit the result under A., just as well as the results for the two dates from which they are deduced. For, Gupta-Samvat 165 would commence on some day from the purnimanta Magba krishoa 4 of 'Saka-Samvat 406 current, ap to Chaitra sukla 2 of S.-S. 407 current; which period is well within the wider limits which are admissible by A., if taken alone. And it may be noted here, that the limited range for the initial day which has been thus established, excludes, for this period and locality, the possibility of a year commencing either with the month Karttika or with the month Margabirsha. Now, with the exception of Chaitra sukla 1 for the luni-solar year, or the MeshaSamkranti for the solar year, in the interval established above there is no particular day which naturally suggests itself for the initial day of the year; unless the era originated in a coronation.day, the date of which, falling in that interval, had been preserved, and was still used as the initial day of each year. Of course, such a date may have been preserved ; and such an initial day may have been used. But we have no evidence at present in support of such an assumption. And, the luni-solar year being probably more used than the solar year for the practical and popular purposes of everyday life, I think that we may accept it as almost certain that, whatever may have been the real historical initial point of the era, by the time when these records were written, the scheme of the Gupta year had become in all respects identical with the scheme of the luni-solar Saka year, with Chaitra sukla 1 as

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NOVEMBER, 1891.] THE GUPTA-VALABHI ERA. 379 the initial day of each year, At any rate, in the dates hitherto obtained there is nothing opposed to this view. The initial day of Gapta-Samvat 163, therefore, is to be taken as Chaitra sukla 1 of SakaSamvat 405 current. And, if we go back on the analogy of this, the initial day of GuptaSamvat 1, not yet determined either as current or as expired, would be Chaitra sukla 1 of Saka-Samvat 243 current. 2.- The Arrangement of the Lunar Fortnights. This point is determined by means of the date in another of the Parivrajaka grants, of the Maharaja Samikshola, in which the details (loc. cit. p. 117) are: - The year 209 in the enjoyment of sovereignty by the Gupta kings; the Mahi- Asvayaja suvatsara; Chaitra sukla 13: and, at the end of the record, (the month) Chaitra, the (civil) day 28.2 This double record is explicable only on the understanding that, in the months of the Gupta year, the dark fortnights stood first, according to the purminanta arrangement, by which each month ends with the day on which the full-moon occurs. By this means only can the thirteenth tithi of the bright fortnight be the twenty-eighth tithi, and answer to the twenty-eighth civil day, in the entire month. A double record of the same kind is, as a matter of fact, contained in the grant referred to above as C. ; in which, in addition to the full date as given above, we have at the end the words "the month) Migha, the (civil) day 3." But this instance is not conclusive; as the tithi and the civil day, being under fifteen, might possibly be the tithi and day of the fortnight and not of the entire month. To prove the point definitely, what is required is a tithi and day the number of which, exceeding fifteen, shows itself to be referred to the entire month, and not to the fortnight only. This we have in the grant of the year 269. And this record proves for certain that, for practical purposes, the purnimanta arrangement of the lunar fortnights is the one that was used for the Gupta years during the period in which those records were written; and probably that this is the original system, from the commencement of the era. II. - THE ERA AS USED IN NEPAL. D.- The Khatmandu inscription of the year 986. This date comes from Nepal, and is contained in an inscription of Manadeva, of the Lichchhavi family of Managriha, on a pillar at the temple of the god Changu-Narayana, about five miles to the north-cast of Khatmandu. D. The details (loc. cit. p. 95) are: - The year 386; Jyeshtha sukla 1; when the moon was in the Rohini nakshatra ; in the Abhijit muhurta. By actual trial it is found that the exact day is tho 28th April, A. D. 705; on which day the tithi ended at 59 gharis, 12 palas, after sunrise (for Khatmandu); the moon entered the Rohini nakshatra at 11 gh. 3 p., and continued in it during the whole of the remainder of both the tithi and the day; and the Abhijit muhurta, being the eighth among the thirty muhurtas into which the sixty ghalis of the day are divided, and beginning after the fourteenth ghali, occurred both while the moon was in Rohini and while the given tithi was current. The same conditions of the nakshatra and the muhurta, with the tithi, did not oocur either in the preceding or in the following year. 1 read the day, first as 29 (upta Inscriptions, Texts and Translations, p. 110, and afterwards as 27 (id. Introduction, pp. 73 and note 3, and 117).- Accepting Prof. Jacobi's rulo that the abbreviation di, either with or without and ba or ra, denotes the civil day on which usually there ends (or occasionally there begins) the Rithi the numeral of which stands in connection with it (ante, Vol. XVII. p. 145), and finding that the thirteenth tithi endod, and the fourteonth began, a considerable time after sunset, - and, in fact, even after midnight, - vis. at about 46 gh. 55 p., 18 hrs. 46 min., aftor mean sunrise (for Bombay). I think that the value of the second numeriosl symbol must be corrected once more, and, no matter what may be suggested at first sight by the value of similar aymbols elsewhere, must be finally fixed at 8; i.e. "the (civil) day 28," (on which there ended the tithi 15 + 19 = 28.)

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330 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [NOVEMBER, 1891. The English equivalent, therefore, is the 28th April, A. D. 705. This day corresponds to Jyeshtha sukla 1 of Saka-Samvat 628 current. And the result answers to the Assumption that, on the analogy of what has been established under B. and C., Gupta-Samvat 386 began with Chaitra sukla 1 of Saka-Samvat 628 current. It is to be noted, however, that we have as yet no other dates from Nepal, which can be used for purposes of detailed comparison with the present one. Consequently, if this date is taken by itself, and without any comparison with B. and C., there are the possibilities, (1) that Gapta-Samvat 385 may have commenced, in Nepal, with any day from Jyeshtha Bukla 2 of Saka-Samvat 627 current, up to Jyeshtha sukla 1 of S.-S. 628 current; and (2) that, therefore, the year used in Nepal with the Gupta era may have commenced either with the month Kirttika (or with the month Margasirsha) preceding the Chaitra sukla 1 with which, we are to understand, the year used in Central India commenced. This point is one that cannot be decided, until we obtain further dates from Nepal, with details that can be actually tested by calculation. And in the same way it is impossible to say for certain, at present, whether the purnimanta or the amanta arrangement of the lunar fortnights was used with the era in Nepal. But in A. D. 879 the Gupta era (and with it the Harsha era) was superseded in Nepal by a new era, known as the Newar era, with Kirttika sukla 1 as the initial day of each year, and with the amanta arrangement of the fortnights (see Prof. Kielhorn's paper on "The Epoch of the Newar Era," ante, Vol. XVII. p. 246 ff.). And by the statement in the Nepal Varniavali, that "in the time of Jayadevamalla, who esta"blished the Newar era, there came from the South, on Sravana sukla 7, Saka-Samvat 811, & "certain Nanyadeva, who conquered the whole of Nepal, and introduced the Karnataka "dynasty" (ante, Vol. XIII. p. 414, and loc. cit. p. 74), the years of this new era are connected so closely with the Vikrama era in its southern or Karttikidi variety, and are contrasted so pointedly with those of the eras which preceded it, that I think it must be admitted that, in all probability, the years of the so-called Gupta era, as used in Nepal also, were Chaitradi years, with the purnimanta arrangement of the lunar fortnights. III.- THE VALABHI ERA OF KATHIAWAD AND THE NEIGHBOURING PARTS. In the time of Alberunt, the era with which we are dealing was known both as the Gupta era, and as the Valabhi era; the reason for this being plainly that, after the cessation of the Early Gupta power in Kathiawad and the neighbourhood, the use of the era of the kings of that dynasty was continued for about three hundred years by the Maharajas and kings of the city of Valabht. The reasons for which I now nominally separate this era from the original Gupta era, with which it is practically identical, will become fully apparent further on. E.- The Kaira grant of the year 880. The first date in the Valabht ern that can be tested, is contained in a copper-plate grant of Dharagena IV. of Valabhi, obtained at Kaira in Gujarat. E. The details (loc. cit. p. 93) are: - The year 330; the second Margasira (=Mirgasirsha); uhe tithi sukla 2. Here, our only definite guide is the intercalary nature of the month Margadirsha, which is shewn by the record. If the year is applied in exactly uniform accordance with the results obtained under B. and C., this intercalary Margasirsha ought to fall in A. D. 649. In that year, however, there was no intercalary month at all. And Dr. Schram's calculations, as well as those made by Mr. Sh. B. Dikshit, shew that the intercalary month fell in A. D. 848 ; when the intercalated fortnights would receive the name of Margasirsha, according to the role for mean intercalation. Accordingly, the (second) MArgaafrsha of Valabhl-Samvat 330, falling in A. D. 648, was the (Second) Margasirsha of Saka-Samvat 571 corrent. And, if we go back on the analogy of this,

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NOVEMBER, 1891.] THE GUPTA-VALABHI ERA. 381 the month MArgasiraha of Valabhi-Samvat 1, not yet determined either as current or as expired, would be the Margasirsha of Saka-Samvat 242 current, and would fall four months before the initial day of Gupta-Samvat 1 as established under B. and C. above, and as applicable also to A. and D. An inference which might, at first sight, be drawn from this fact, is sufficiently obvious; viz. that we have here a current year, and in A. to D. expired years: with the construction that I put upon the fact, it will be considered further on. F.- The Morbi grant of the year 585 expired. The date to be next considered is contained in the copper-plate grant of Jaipka, from Morbi in Kathiawaa. F. Here the details (loc. cit. p. 97) are: - For the making of the grant, the year 585, expressly specified as expired; on the occasion of an eclipse of the sun :) and for the writing of the charter, tho year 505, not specified either as current or as expired; the month Phalguna; the bright fortnight; and the (civil) day 2. A certain amount of vagueness attends this date, because it includes no details as to the month, &c, of the occurrence of the solar eclipse, and as to the week-day of the writing of the charter. Three eclipses were put before me by Mr. Sh. B. Dikshit, of which one occurred on the 16th June, A. D. 904, corresponding to the new-moon day of the amanta Jy@shtha (or the purnimanta Ashadha) of Saka-Samvat 827 current; another occurred on the 10th November, A. D. 904, corresponding to the new-moon day of the amanta Karttika (or the purnimanta Margasirsha) of the same Saka year; and the third occurred on the 7th May, A. D. 905, corresponding to the new-moon day of the amanta Vaisakha (or the purnimanta Jyeshtha) of Saka-Samvat 828 current. And, in order to bring this date into exact accordance with the conditions established for the dates that have been dealt with ander A. to D. above, I selected the last of these three, as being the eclipse intended in the record. Now, for the period somewhere within which the date of this grant must be placed, von Oppolzer's Canon der Finsternisse, pp. 202, 203, and Plato 101, gives us the following solar eclipses :On the 27th June, A. D. 903, corresponding to the amanta Ashi dha new-moon of Saka Samvat 826 current; a total eclipse; the central line of the eclipse ended at sunset in Lat. 33deg N., Long. 1deg W.; and the eclipse was not visible anywhere in India. On the 21st December, A. D. 903, corresponding to the amanta Margasirsha new-moon of Saka-Samvat 826 current; & partial eclipse; the central line of the eclipse was nowhere north of Lat. 30deg S.; and so the eclipse was probably not visible anywhere in India. On the 18th May, A. D. 904, corresponding to the amanta Vaisakha new-moon of Saka-Samvat 827 current; a partial eclipse; the central line of the eclipse was nowhere north of Lat. 30deg s. On the 16th June, A. D. 904, corresponding to the amanta Jyeshtha new-moon of Saka Samvat 827 corrent ; & partial eclipse ; tbe central line of the eclipse was nowhere north of Lat. 30deg S. . In the passage which contains this date, there is a word which in the published lithograph reads gopte. Dr. R. G. Bhandarkar has stated in 1889 (Jour. Bo. Br. R. As, Soc. Vol. XVII. p. 97) that he found among his papers two impressions by Dr. Burgess which shew that the reading of the original is gauptd; and that he asked Dr. Peterson to take charge of these impressions, as Secretary to the Bombay Asiatic Society, and deposit them in the Society's Museum, where they would be available for inspection. I have not been able to obtain them for inspection, either from Dr. Peterson, or from the Museum. But the point is of importance, only as regards the nomenclature of the era. Even if the era is here specifically called the Gupta era, still the date belongs to the Valabht variety of the era.

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382 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [NOVEMBER, 1891. On the 10th November, A. D. 904, corresponding to the amanta Karttika new-moon of Saka-Samvat 827 current; a partial eclipse; the central line of the eclipse was nowhere north of Lat. 30deg S. Mr. Sh. B. Dikshit, however, found (loc. cit. p. 100) that this eclipse was visible at Morbf, though only to a very limited extent; one twenty-fifth part of the sun's disc was eclipsed there; and the middle of the eclipse was at 11 54 a. m. of the Morbi mean civil time. On the 7th May, A. D. 905, corresponding to the amanta Vaisakha new-moon of SakaSamvat 828 current; an annular eclipse; the central line of the eclipse was at noon in Lat. 17deg S., Long. 51deg E., and it ended at sunset in Lat. 11deg S., and Long. 107deg E.; and the eclipse must have been visible over almost the whole of Southern India. Mr. Sh. B. Dikshit found (loc. cit. p. 99) that this eclipse was very distinctly visible at Morbi; one ninth part of the sun's disc was eclipsed there; and the middle of the eclipse was at 12.9 midday of the Morbi mean-civil time. On the 30th October, A. D. 905, corresponding to the amanta Karttika new-moon of 'Saka Samvat 828 current; a total eclipse; the central line of the eclipse ended at sunset in Lat. 1deg N., Long. 73deg W.; and this eclipse was not visible anywhere in India. On the 26th April, A. D. 906, corresponding to the amanta Vaisakha new-moon of SakaSamvat 829 current; an annular total eclipse; the central line of the eclipse was at noon in Lat. 29deg N., Long. 23deg E., and it ended at sunset in Lat. 36deg N., Long. 98deg E.; and this eclipse must have been visible all over India. On the 20th October, A. D. 906, corresponding to the amunta Asvina new-moon of Saka Samvat 829 current; a total eclipse; the central line of the eclipse ended at sunset in Lat. 40deg S., Long. 57deg E.; and this eclipse was not visible anywhere in India. In selecting the eclipse of the 7th May, A. D. 905, I was guided, partly by the fact that it was distinctly visible at Morbi, even if it was not known beforehand from calculations; and partly by the fact that, on the supposition, based on the way in which I then applied the result for the date H. below, that the original nature of the Gupta year was preserved in Kathiawad up to considerably later than this time, this eclipse fitted in exactly with the results that had been established and have now been re-stated and affirmed under dates A. to C. above, whereas the eclipse of the 10th November, A. D. 904, did not so fit in. Further experience, however, has shewn that, whatever may be the strict custom of later times, instances are beginning to accumplate, in which eclipses, of the sun at any rate, which we know to have been not visible in India, are quoted in genuine early records as occasions of ceremonies (compare page 2 above, and note 2). So far, therefore, as visibility or invisibility is concerned, we might select any of the above eclipses; without inquiring whether it was actually visible at Morbi or not. And for this reason, and also, taking the year at the end of the grant to be similarly the expired year 585,- in order to bring the making of the grant as close as possible to the date on which the charter was written, and further in order to place this date in precisely the same category with E. above, the eclipse which I now select is that of the 10th November, A. D. 904. On this view, the month Karttika of Valabhi-Samvat 585 expired or 586 current, was the Karttika of Saka-Samvat 827 current. And the month Karttika of Valabhi-Samvat 1 current

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NOVEMBER, 1891.) THE GUPTA-VALABHI ERA. 383 would be the Karttika of Saka-Samvat 242 current; and it would thus fall five months before the initial day that has boon established in the case of B. and c. above. This brings the present date into the same catagory with E.; and that is all that it is necessary to say at present. G. - The Verdwal inscription of Valabhi-Samvat 927. The next date is contained in an inscription on the pedestal of an image built into a wall of the temple of the goddess Harsatadevi at Verawal in Kathiawad. G. Here the details (loc. cit. p. 90) are: - The Valabhi year 927; the month Phalguna; the bright fortnight; the (civil) day 2; and (as I took it originally, and take it now) on Monday. When I first dealt with this date, there was some doubt about the word that gives the name of the week-day. In the cloth rubbing placed at my disposal by the late Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji, the vowel au was discernible in the first syllable, and the consonant seemed to be bh. This would give bhaume," on Tuesday." Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji, however, stated, from personal inspection of the original, that the consonant was certainly s. This gave saume, which is no real word. And Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji considered that what was really intended was bhaume, " on Tuesday." While my own opinion, based on the fact that the top stroke which changes the o of that period into au was partially filled up in the rubbing, was that the intended reading was sime," on Monday." All doubt as to the actual reading of the original has now been removed, by un-inked paper estampages, for which I am indebted to the kindness of Mr. Haridas Viharidas, Diwan of Junagadh. The estampages establish, beyond the possibility of argument, the fact that the consonant is distinctly s, and the vowel, au. The reading, therefore, is saume. But, as stated above, this is no real word. And the question is, out of three possible corrections, bhaume, " on Tuesday;" some, "on Monday ;" and saumye, "on Wednesday," - which may be most wisely adopted ? I decide, now as before, in favour of some," on Monday." If we adopt the correction bhaume," on Tuesday," then the equivalent English date must be Tuesday, 31st January, A.D. 1245, on which day there ended the tithi Pbalguna sukla 2 of Saka-Samvat 1167 current, at about 24 ghalis. There is, indeed, the possibility of connecting the given tithi with a Tuesday, three years later; for Phalguna sukla 2 of Saka Samvat 1170 current began at about 30 gh. 35 p. on Tuesday, 28th January, A. D. 1248. But the tithi thus began 14 minutes after mean sunset, and some three quarters of an hour after actual sunset; and I think that even for this reason this result must be rejected. Moreover, this result is incompatible with that obtained under E. above; for if Margasirsha (and consequently also Phalguna) of Valabhi-Samvat 1, which, to give the best chance, we will take as the current year, fell in 'Sa ka-Samvat 242 current, then Phalgana of Va.-S. 927 current fell in S.-S. 1168 current, and, here taking the expired year in order to give the best chance, Phalguna of Va.-S. 927 expired fell in 'S.-S. 1168 expired or 1169 current, which is still one year short of the year arrived at above. If we adopt the correction saumye, "on Wednesday," the tithi is coupled quite naturally with Wednesday, 29th January, A. D. 1248, on which day it ended at about 32 gh. 5p.; commencing, as has been stated just above, at about 30 gh. 35 p. on the Tuesday. But here again, aa shewn in the preceding paragraph, the result cannot be reconciled with that obtained under E. And finally, if we adopt the correction some," on Monday," the tithi is coupled quite naturally with Monday, 19th February, A. D. 1246, on which day it ended at about 30 gh. 5 p. It is unsatisfactory, especially when so free & selection is available, that, in order to interpret this date intelligibly at all, a correction must be made in a point of leading importance. 4 This result was overlooked, when I first wrote on this subject. I owe it now to Prof. Kielhorn.

Page #414
384 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [NOVEMBER, 1891. And, for reasons which will shortly become evident, I should be glad enough if I could see iny way to adopting definitely Tuesday as the intended week-day, with the result of Tuesday, 31st January, A. D. 1245. But my opinion is, as before, that the writer really did intend some, " on Monday. And it will be seen that this view places this date on, in all respects, absolutely the same footing with the other dates of this class. I adopt, then, the correction sme, "on Monday ;" and, now as before, I take the equivalent English date to be Monday, 19th February, A. D. 1248. Then, Phalgana sakla 2 of Valabhi-Samvat 927, falling in A. D. 1246, was Phalguna sukla 2 of 'Saka-Samvat 1168 current. And Phalguna sukla 2 of Valabb1-Samvat I would be Phalguna sukla 2 of Saka-Samvat 242 current; and, as is the case under E. above, it would fall one month before the initial day that applies in the case of A., B., and C. above. H. - The Verawal inscription of Valabhi-Samvat 945. The last available date that we have, is contained in a stone inscription, at the same temple of Harsataddvi, which refers itself to the reign of the Chaulukya king Arjunadeva.5 H. Here the details (loc. cit. p. 84) are :- The year of the prophet Muhammad, i.e. the Hijra year, 662; Vikrama-Samvat 1320; Valabhi-Samvat 945; Simha-Samvat 151; the month Ashadha; the dark fortnight; the (civil) day 13, (and with it the thirteenth tithi); Sunday. Irrespective of the results obtained from the other Gupta and Valabhi dates, the exact period in which the equivalent of this date must be found, is fixed by the quotation of the Hijra year 662, which commenced on the 4th November, A. D. 1263, and ended on the 23rd October, A. D. 1264. The month Ashidha corresponding ordinarily to June-July, it can here lie only in A. D. 1264 ; and the equivalent of the given date can be found only in that year. In that year, the month Ashadha was intercalary; and, taking both the pirnimanta and the amanta scheme, it spread over five fortnights, extending from the 13th May (=the first purnimanta Ashidha krishna 1) to the 24th July (= the second amanta Ashadha krishna 30). And there are two cases in which the tithi Ashidha ksishna 13 can be connected with a Sunday; (1) the first prirnimanta Ashadha krishga 13 ended at about 13 gh. 5 p. (for Bombay) on Sunday, 25th May; and (2) the second piirnimanta and the first amanta Ashadba klishna 13, ending at abont 30 gh. 10 p. on Monday, 23rd June, began at about 35 gh. 50 p. on Sunday, 22nd June. The result of Sunday, 22nd June, however, is distinctly inadmissible. In the first place, the Sunday can here be coupled with the given tithi, only if the latter is used as a current tithi,. with the week dny on which it began; and even from the Hindu point of view there would be a difficulty about this, as it began appreciably after actual sunset on that day. But further, the inscription, though written in Sanskrit, and though now standing in, I presume, & Hindu temple, is a purely Muhammadan record. "The purpose of the inscription" as epitomised by Dr. Hultzsch (ante, Vol. XI. p. 242), "is to grant the income from a piece of land covered with "houses, from an oil-mill, and from two shops, to a Masjid built by the donor, & Muhammadan "shipowner from Hurmaz, the small island after which the straits leading out of the Persian "Gulf are called, and which was then under the sway of the Amir Ruknu'd-din. The grant "provides also for the expenses of particular religious festivals to be celebrated by the Shiite "Sailors of Somanatha Pathay. The eventual surplus is to be made over to the holy district " of Makka and Madina. The Musalmin congregations of Somanatha Pathan are appointed " trustees." And under these circumstances it cannot well be questioned that any particular use of the Hindu tithi, as a current tithi, cannot be concerned in the matter at all. The tithi was plainly simply the ordinary ended tithi of the day, according to common everyday use. Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji obtained two other dates in the Valahbi era; but the details are not available. Of one of them a hand-copy was shewn by him to me; it consists of one line, beginning Sarh 843; the remaining eloven or twelve letters are not very intelligible; but they certainly do not contain any further details of the date. of the other he shewed me a pencil-rubbing; it is a Sanskrit inscription, in Devanagart characters, of the time of Vira-Kumarapala, consisting of Afty-four lines, each of about fifty-eight letters, the date is in the last line, and all of it that is extant, consists of the syllables Valabhathuat 850 Scha.....

Page #415
NOVEMBER, 1891.] THE GUPTA-VALABHI ERA. 385 It follows therefore that, as previously announced, the correct English equivalent is Sunday, 25th May, A. D. 1264, for the first purnimanta Ashadha klishna 13 as the ended tithi of ordinary use. As far as the given Vikramaa year is concerned, this day fell in VikramaSamvat 1320 only as the expired southern year (see ante, Vol. XIX. p. 180, No. 129). And as regards the "Saka era, it fell in 'Saka-Samvat 1187 current. Thus, then, the purnimunta AshAdha krishna 13 of Valabhi-Samvat 945, was the purnimanta Ashidha ksishwa 13 of SakaSamvat 1187 corrent. And the piirnimanta Ashadha krishna 13 of Valabhi-Samvat 1 would be the purnimanta Ashidha krishna 13 of 'Saka-Samvat 243 current. This agrees exactly, either with the results established under B. and C., or with the result established under E. This date, however, because of the period and locality to which it belongs, is to be classified with E., and not with A., B., C., and D. I have here only one other point to mention. From the circumstances of this date, I held it to be proved (Gupta Inscriptions, Introd. p. 90) that the original use of the purnimanta arrangement of the lunar fortnights with the years of the Gupta era was preserved in Kathiewad, - irregularly, it is true; but still occasionally, - up to at any rate A. D. 1264, In reality, however, this record farnishes no such absolute proof; for, Prof. Kielhorn has been able to adduce eight other instances, ranging from A. D. 1136 to 1482 (ante, Vol. XIX. pp. 178-81, 354), in which, for certain, the purpimanta arrangement of the fortnights is used with southern expired Vikrama years. On this point, therefore, I now withdraw the conclusion at which I arrived in my original treatment of the Gupta era. This, and the result for the Morbi date, are the only matters in which I have to modify my views, - in the first case, in respect of the arrangement of the fortnights in Kathiawad, and in the second case, in respect of the English equivalent: in other respects my original views are simply re-stated, in, I hope, a more correct and lacid form. IV. - CURRENT AND EXPIRED YEARS; THE EXACT EPOCH OF THE ERA IN EACH VARIETY ; AND THE CLASSIFICATION OF THE DATES. So far we have simply taken the evident results for the dates, whether Gupta of Central India, Nepalese, or Valabhi of Kathiawad, without any attempt to decide whether the unqualifled years quoted in the original passages are to be applied as current or as expired. This point has now to be considered ; since on it depends the exact commencement of the era, with the other points that are now in view. The Morbi grant (F.) is the only one in which the year is not left unqualified. In it we have distinctly " the year 585, expired." But, unfortunately, no information is given as to the month and week-day of the eclipse, or as to the week-day on which the charter was written; and there is a very wide choice available in the selection of the eclipse. Consequently, the quotation of the expired year here helps us in no way at all in respect of the other dates. All that can be done is to select for this date such a result as will place it on terms exactly analogous to the others; and this is done by the result chosen by me above. Now, the result deduced under B. and C. is that the initial day of Gupta-Samvat 1 still to be determined as current or as expired, was Chaitra sukla 1 of Saka-Samvat 243 current. And, on the other hand, we have found under E. that the month Margasirsha of Valabhi-Samvat 1, still to be determined as current or as expired, must have fallen in Saka-Samvat 242 current, four months before the initial day of Gupta-Samvat 1. If we assume that the Gupta year and the Valabhi year both had Chaitra sukla 1 as the initial day, the inference suggests itself, at first sight, that Valabhi-Samvat 1 was equivalent as a current year to Saka-Samvat 242 current; and that it is as an expired year that Gupta-Samvat 1 was equivalent to Saka-Samvat 243 current.

Page #416
386 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [NOVEMBER, 1891. This assumption, however, would be rendered impossible if we were to accept, under G., the correction of bhaume, with the result of Tuesday, 31st January, A. D. 1245. For, this date corresponds to Phalguna sukla 2 of 'Saka-Samvat 1167 current. And so, Phalguna sukla 2 of Valabhi-Samvat 1 would be Phalguna sukla 2 of 'Saka-Samvat 241 current; in the Saka year before that obtained just above for Valabhi-Samvat 1 current. To reconcile this discrepancy, we must of necessity then assume that Valabhi-Samvat 1 current began before Gupta-Samvat 1 current; and we must find a suitable initial day for it, other than the preceding Chaitra sukla 1, which goes back too far. Karttika sukla 1 naturally suggests itself, and is found to answer. And then we might say : (1) The year in G. is a current year, answering to the equation Karttikadi-ValabhiSamvat 1 current (Saka-Samvat 241-42 current =) Karttikadi-Vikrama-Samvat 376 current.8 (2) The years in E. and H. are expired years, answering to precisely the same equation. (3) The years in A., B., and C., are expired years, answering to the equation ChaitradiGupta-Samvat 1 current Saka-Samvat 242 current. (4) The year in D. is an expired year, which may answer to either of the above equations. To this, however, there is the objection, that unqualified years may consequently be capriciously interpreted as current or as expired, on no uniform rule, but just as seems to suit best the requirements of individual cases. And we are in no way bound to adopt in G. the correction of bhaume, "on Tuesday :" the stroke that distinguishes & from hh is far too regular, distinct, and perfect, to be the mere result of a slip of the engraver's tool; and though it may be said that the writer would not have formed the vowel au, unless he intended to write bhaume, still it may be urged, with equal force, that he would not have formed the consonant s, unless he intended to write some. My object is to deal with all the dates on uniform principles; taking either all the unqualified years as current, or else all of them as expired. The only assumption that is necessary, if, indeed, it is an assumption, and not an obvious fact, is that which has to be made above also; viz. that the Valabhi years were Karttikadi, each beginning with the Karttika sukla 1 before the initial Chaitra sakla 1 of the Gupta year bearing the same number. To this no objection need be taken; if we note that the Karttikadi variety of the Vikrama era was the standard one in the part of the country from which the Valabhi dates come; and that, when the Vikrama era was introduced into Northern India where the Chaitradi 'Saka years were in use, the standard variety there was established by turning the Karttikadi years into Chaitradi years, each beginning with the Chaitra sukla 1 before the initial Karttika sukla 1 of 6 I disregard the assumption that in G. there is a mistake in the year (927 instead of 928). My object is to deal with the dates as they stand, without any alterations, except in the reading of saume in G. Here, and further on in what I submit are the real results, a year commencing with Margasirsha would auswer just as well for the Valabhl variety of the era; we should only have then to select, for the Morbi eclipse, that of the 30th October, A. D. 905. But the year commencing with Margasirsha is apparently connected by Alberuni only with a variety of the Lokakala reckoning; and therefor it does not commend itself for present purposes, as the well-known, and undoubtedly original, Karttika li Vikrama year does. In corroboration of this, we might possibly quote a point to which Prof. Kielhorn has drawn my attention; ris. that the real historical fact embodiel in the tradition that Valabhi was destroyed 375 years after the commencement of the Vikrama era, is that 375 should be added to a Valabhi year to convert it into a (Karttikadi) Vikram year. I apparently fix the difference, below, at 376 years. But it comes in reality to just the same thing; because the end of what is technically called "Vikrama-Saivat 375 expired" is the end of VikramaSamvat 376 current. It may be noted here that Alberuut gives, as will be seen, Valabhi-Samvat 712 Vikrama Samvat 1088, with a difference of 376, and with the assertion, which I accept, that they are both expired years. Whereas, H. gives Valbhi-Saivat 945 (unqualified) Vikrama-Saihvat 1320 (unqualified, but known from the result to be expired), with a difference of 375. The discrepancy is easily reconciled if the Valabhi year in H. is taken, as I take it to be, as the current year: because then, substituting the expired year 944, we have the same difference, 376, that is given by Alb runi's statement.

Page #417
NOVEMBER, 1891.) THE GUPTA-VALABHI ERA. 387 the southern Vikrama year bearing the same number. And all that now remains, is, to determine whether the unqualified years quoted in the records are to be applied as current, or as expired. Our first impulse is to try to discover what may have been the contemporaneous practice in neighbouring parts of the country. Nothing definite, however, can be established in this way. On the one hand, with the Kalachuri or Chedi era, which belongs to that part of India from which have come all the dates of the Early Gupta period that include details that can be tested by calculation, the preference appears to have been for the use of current years; thus, out of the fourteen dates examined by Prof. Kielhorn in each of which the year is not distinctly qualified either as current or as expired (see bis "Epoch of the Kalachuri or Chedi Era," ante, Vol. XVII. p. 215 ff.), eleven have been found to be recorded in current years; two, in expired years; and one, in a year which is to be understood as expired if the first day of each year was Bhadrapada sukla 1, but as current if the first day of each year is taken as Asvina sukla 1, which may be done without in any way affecting the results for the other dates. But, on the other hand, with the Newar era, which superseded the Gupta era (and the Harsba era) in Nepal, the preference appears to have been for the use of expired years; thus, out of twentyone instances of unqualified years, in nineteen the years must be applied as expired, and in only two as current (see Prof. Kielhorn's "Epoch of the Newar Era," ante, Vol. XVII. p. 246 ff.). This process failing us, we turn next to the only other available source of information, the writings of Alberani. Here two things are to be noted; (1) the "gauge-year" selected by him, which (Sachau's Translation, Vol. II. pp. 2,7) is the year 400 of the era of Yazdajird. as corresponding to Vikraina-Samvat 1088, 'Saka-Samvat 953, and Gupta-Sainvat and ValabhiSamvat 712 ; and (2) his statement (id. p. 3) that "in all chronological dates which we have "mentioned already and shall still mention, we only reckon with complete years, for the "Hindus are in the habit of disregarding fractions of a year." The era of Yazdajird dates from the accession of Yazdajird III., a Sassanian king of Persia, in A. D. 632 (see Prinsep's Essays, Vol. II., Useful Tables, p. 302 and note). Consequently, the "gauge-year," the year 400 of this era, was A. D. 1031-32; and according to Mr. Cowasjee Patell's Chronology, pp. 139, 141, it began on the 9th March, A. D. 1031, and ended on the 7th March, A. D. 1032. Thus, we know that the year Saka-Samvat 953 quoted by Alberuni is the expired year, which began on the 25th February, A. D. 1031, and ended on the 15th March, A. D. 1032. And the question is, whether, as would appear at first sight from his explicit statement (2), we really have to interpret also the Gupta and Valabhi year 712 as the expired year, and as coinciding with Saka-Samvat 953 expired. It is to be noted that Alberuni gives Vikrama-Samvat 1088 as one of the equivalents of the gange-year; and that elsewhere he makes another statement in support of this, in telling us (id. p. 6) that "the epoch of the era of 'Saka or 'Sakakila falls 135 years later than that of "Vikramiditya." Tbese statements are both quite correct for the northern Chaitradi-VikramaSamvat 1088 as an expired year; as which it extended, with Saka-Samvat 953 expired, from the 25th February, A. D. 1031, to the 15th March, A. D. 1032. But they are not correct for the Karttikadi variety of the Vikrama era, in which each year begins seven months later than the Chaitradi year that bears the same number ;'so that the Karttikadi-Vikrama-Samvat 1088 expired coincided, not with Saka-Samvat 953 expired, but with part of that year and with part of the following, - extending from the 19th October, A. D. 1031, to the 7th October, A. D. 1032. And, even if Alberuni's statement (id. p. 5), that "those who ase the era of Vikramaditya live in the southern and western parts of India," is not sufficient to shew that he knew the Karttikadi variety of the era, still the existence of it is established for his time and before it. Hence, in fact, Alberuni has given an equation for converting Vikrama years into 'Saka years, wbich is applicable strictly to only one class of the Vikrama years; and his gauge-year is not specifically correct for the Karttikadi variety of the Vikrama era. In respect then,

Page #418
888 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [NOVEMBER, 1891. of another era coming from just the same part of the country, it is at least possible that he gives only a rough equation, when he tells as (id. p. 7) that the epoch of the Valabhi era and of the Gupta era) falls 241 years later than the epoch of the 'Saka era; and that his gauge-year may be similarly incorrect for the expired Valabhi year which he quotes in connection with it. I myself entertain no doubt that this is the case Now, I think that this much, at any rate, is plain; that the Valabhi years were Kirttikadi, each beginning before the Chaitradi Gupta year bearing the same number. And the question now is, how Alberuni's statements may be best alapted to these two differing years. The adjustment may be made in two ways. Valabhi-Survat 712, taken according to Alberuni's statement as an expired year, may be treated as beginning either with the Kurttika sukla 1 before the Chaitra sukla 1 with which commenced 'Saka-Samvat 953 expired, or with the Karttika sukla 1 after that same Chaitra sukla 1. By the first means, Gupta-Samvat 712, beginning with the Chaitra sukla 1 after the initial Kirttika sukla 1 of Valabhi-Samvat 712, would coincide as an expired year with Saka-Samvat 953 expired; but then Valabhi-Samvat 712 expired, which, from Alberuni's statements and the other considerations put forward by myself, is evidently to coincide with the Karttikadi-Vikrama-Samvat 1088 expired, would fall one year too early, and would coincide with Karttikadi Vikrama-Samvat 1087 expired. By the latter means, Valabhi-Samvat 712 expired would coincide with Karttikadi-Vikrama-Samvat 1088 expired; but then it would be as a current year that Gupta-Samvat 712 coincided with 'Saka-Samvat 953 expired. In short, there is an incompleteness or an inaccuracy somewhere in Alborani's statements. In my opinion, it is more likely to have occurred in connection with the original Gupta era, than with the secondary Valabhi era which was in use even until after Alberuni's time. In remedying it, I follow what appears to be the true probability in the case; vis. that the statement regarding the Valabhi year is wrong in precisely the same manner with the statement regarding the Vikrama year as a Karttikadi year : and I make exactly the same adjustment that is unavoidable in the case of the Vikrama year given by him. And I consider, in brief, that it is plainly deducible from Alberuni's own statements that he made a mistake in giving Gupta-Samvat 712 expired, instead of current, as the equivalent of Saka-Sam vat 953 expired; that Valabhi-Samvat 712 expired was correctly indicated by him as the equivalent of (the southern Karttikadi) - Vikrama-Samvat 1088 expired; that consequently the month Karttika of Valabhi-Samvat 713 current was the Kirttika of Vikrama-Samvat 1089 current, falling in Saka-Sainvat 954 current in A. D. 1031 ; and that therefore the month Karttika of Valabhi. Samvat l carrent was the Karttika of Vikrama-Samvat 377 current, falling in Saka-Samvat 242 current, in A. D. 319. If any definite proof is obtained hereafter, leading to any different conclusion, I shall be glad enough to accept it, and to modify my views accordingly. Or if, such proof being unattainable, there should come to be a general consensus of opinion, among those who are entitled to speak with authority, that the unqualified years of all Hindu eras must be a priori treated as expired years, I shall be glad enough to concur in so disposing of a point which is not one of any particularly vital importance. Meanwhile, on the above grounds, I stamp the unqualified years, determine the initial years and the epochs, and classify the dates, as follows: I.-The Original Gupta Era in Central India. A., B., and C.- The years are current years, answering to the equations, (1) for the first current year, Chaitradi-Gupta-Samvat l current = Sakn-Samvat 243 current, = the period from the 26th February, A. D. 320, to the 15th March, A. D. 321; (2) for the epoch or year 0, Chaitradi-Gupta-Samvat 0 = Saka-Samvat 242 current, a the period from the 9th March, A. D. 319, tel. 25th February, A. D. 320.

Page #419
NOVEMBER, 1891.) THE GUPTA VALABHI ERA. 380 - - - Thus: A. -- The date in the year 165 current, in the month Ashadha, the equivalent of which lies in June, A. D. 484, falls in Saka-Samvat 242 + 165 = 407 current, = the period from the 14th March, A. D. 484, to the 2nd March, A. D. 485. B. - The date in the year 163 current, in the month Chaitra, and in the Maha-Asvayuja sainvatsara which was current from the 5th April, A. D. 481, to the 11th May, A. D. 482, falls in Saka-Samvat 242 + 163 = 405 current, = the period from the 6th March, A. D. 482, to the 22nd February, A.D. 483. C. -The date in the year 191 current, in the month Magba, and in the Maha-Chaitra saritvatsara which was current from the 29th September, A. D. 510, to the 28th October, A. D. 511, falls in Saka-Samvat 242 + 191 = 433 corrent, the period from the 25th February, A.D. 510, to the 15th March, A.D. 511. II.- The Era as used in Nepal. D. -- The year is a current year, answering most probably to precisely the equations given above. Thus: D. - The date in the year 386 current, in the month Jyeshtba, the equivalent of which lies in April, A. D. 705, falls in Saka-Samyat 242 + 386 = 628 current, = the period from the 1st March, A. D. 705, to the 20th March, A. D. 706. III. - The Valabhi Era of Kathiawad and the Neighbouring Parts. E., G. (with the correction of some, and the result of Monday, 19th Febuary, A. D. 1246), and H. - The years are current years, answering to the equations, - (1) for the first current year, Karttikadi-Valabhi-Sarivat 1 current = southern VikramaSamvat 377 current, = the period from the 1st October, A. D. 319, to the 18th October, A. D. 320; (2) for the epoch or year 0, Karttikadi-Valabhi-Samvat 0 = southern Vikrama-Samvat 376 current, = the period from the 11th October, A. D. 318, to the 30th September, A. D. 319. E. - The date in the year 33 surrent, in the second month Margasirsba, the equivalent of which month is November December, A. D. 648, falls in southern Vikrama-Samvat 376 + 330 = 706 current, = the period from the 24th September, A. D. 648, to the 12th October, A. D. 649. F. - [Here, all that can be done is to select an eclipse in Valabki-Samvat 585 expired or 586 current, which shall answer to the same equations. It must be found in southern VikramaSamvat 376 + 586 = 962 current, = the period from the 13th October, A. D. 904, to the 2rd October, A. D. 905. And the eclipse which I have now selected is that of the 10th November, A. D. 904, because it occurred before the date, in the same year, on which the charter W88 written, and is therefore.to be preferred to the previously chosen eclipse of the 7th May, A. D. 905, which occurred later on in the same Valabhi and Vikrama year.] G. - The date in the year 927 current, in the month Pbalguna, the equivalent of which is in February, A. D. 1246, falls in southern Vikrama-Samvat 376 + 927 = 1303 current, = the period from the 23rd October, A. D. 1245, to the 12th October, A. D. 12 46. 1.- The date in the year 945 current, in the month Ashadba, the equivalent of which lies in May, A. D. 1264, falls in southern Vikrama-Samvat 376 + $45 = 1321 current, = the period from the 5th October, A. D. 1263, to the 22nd October, A. D. 1264. . See note 8 abo.c.

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390 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. A COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF GANADEVA OF KONDAVIDU, DATED SAKA-SAMVAT 1377. [NOVEMBER, 1891. BY E. HULTZSCH, PH.D.; BANGALORE. The original of this inscription was kindly sent to me for examination by Mr. W. H. Michael, M.C.S., Assistant Collector of the Kistna District. It consists of three copper-plates, the second sides of which are marked on the left margin with the Telugu numbers 1, 2 and 3 respectively. Both the ring with the seal, and the fourth plate together with any other plate that may have followed it, are lost. The alphabet is Telugu and the language Sanskrit, verse (lines 1 to 32) and prose (lines 32 to 58). The plates are not very easily read, as they are somewhat worn and as the text, though on the whole orthographically correct, appears to have been copied from a draught written in current-hand characters. After two benedictory verses, which are addressed to Ganesa and to the Boar-incarnation of Vishnu, the inscription turns to the praise of king Kapila, surnamed Gajapati (verses 3 and 6) or Kumbhiraja (verse 4), who belonged to the race of the Sun (verse 4). He was a worshipper of Jagannatha (Juggernaut), the famous shrine at Purt in Orissa (verse 6). His capital was Kataka (Cuttack) on the Mahanadi river (verse 7). A descendant of his race was Chandradeva, whose son was Guhidevapatra (verse 8). The son of the latter was Ganadeva, who assumed the surname Rautaraya (verses 9, 11, 12) or Rahuttaraya (verse 10), i. e. the king of horsemen', on account of a victory over two Turushka princes (verse 9). 2 These may have been two generals of the Bahmani king 'Ala'u-d-din Ahmad Shah II., who reigned from A. D. 1435 to 1457. Gagadeva's capital was Kondavidu (verse 12) in the Narasaravupeta Taluka of the Kistna District. While residing there, he granted to a number of Brahmanas the village of Chavali (verse 13) in the Repalle Taluka of the Kistna District. The date of the grant was the day of a lunar eclipse in the month of Bhadrapada of 'Saka 1377 (in numerical words), the cyclic year Yuvan. The remainder of the preserved part of the inscription consists of a list of the donees. The name of the cyclic year shews that the 'Saka year is an expired year; and the eclipse should therefore have occurred in August-September, A. D. 1455. For that year, however, von Oppolzer's Canon der Finsternisse shews only one lunar eclipse, on the 1st May; and though Sir A. Cunningham's Inlian Eras shews another, on the 25th October, still that also does not answer to the record. The nearest lunar eclipse on the full-moon of Bhadrapada was that of the 3rd September, A. D. 1457, in 'Saka-Saivat 1379 expired, the Isvara samvatsara. In the above abstract I have followed the text of the inscription in representing KapilaGajapati as the ancestor of Ganadeva. It is however very probable that Kapila is identical with Kapilesvara-Gajapati who, according to a chronicle of Kondavidu, 5 ruled from A. D. 1454 to 1461, and with Kapilendradeva, who, according to Dr. Hunter's Orissa, ruled from A. D. 1452 to 1479. If this supposition is correct, it will be necessary either to translate the compound tad-vamia in verse 8 by the same race as he,' viz. Kapila, or to refer the pronoun tad to the noun bhasvat, the Sun,' which occurs in verse 4. In support of this explanation, which at first sight appears somewhat arbitrary and artificial, it may be adduced that the inscription names Kataka as the capital cf Kapila (verse 7), while Ganadeva resided at Kondavida (verse 12), and that it speaks of Kapila as a living person in the present tense. Especially in verse 3, the present tense cannot be explained as the historical present, as it is accompanied by the adverb adhund, 'now.' I would accordingly consider Kapila, the Gajapati king of Orissa, as a contemporary of Ganadeva of Kondavidu, who appears to have been a tributary of his. 1 According to Brown's Telugu Dictionary, rahuttu or rautu means a horseman.' Rayardhuttaminda occurs among the birudas of Venkata II. of the third dynasty of Vijayanagara; ante, Vol. XIII. p. 131, verse 40. 2 It may perhaps be further concluded from verse 9 that he bore the surname of Srivallabha, and his father the surname of Mahir allabha. Mr. Sewell's Lists of Antiquities, Vol. I. p. 70. Mr. Sewell's Lists of Antiquities, Vol. II. p. 189. 4 ibid. p. 78. ibid. p. 207.

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NOVEMBER, 1891.] GRANT OF GANADEVA OF KONDAVIDU. TEXT. First Plute; First Side. 1 zrIgaNAdhipataye namaH / astu hastimukhaM vastu svasti [] 2 va pUrNavigrahaM / bhAti yatkaTabhRMgAlireMdranIlIva mA 3 4 5 likA / [1* ] sa pAyAdAdipotrI ya[I] TroDhA sarasA rasA [*] ketakI dalatuMgA prasaMgA bhRMgIva rAjate / [2*] baliH prAdA t pathvI' kapaTavaduSAya haraye zibimasaM karNastva 6 camapi dadhIciprabhRtayaH / vadAnyAH saMtvanye vitaraNaratAH 7 pUrvamadhunA mahAvIro rAjA jeryati' kapileMdroM gajapatiH [113*] yadvaM [zI] lokabhartuH kamalavanapaterbhAsvatobhUmogho yatkIrtti 9 sphUrtirudyAdvedhukara nikarojvalA bhAti bhUmau / yatte jobhA 8 First Plate; Second Side. 10 guruvaparidhigirimatikramya cAbhAti pazcAt soyaM nirdhUtazatruvilasati kAkuMna[][4] 11 vidhAna 12 nI paMkilAyate / [vi]lAyaMte samudrA yadvATIpoDakareNubhiH [ // 5* ] 13 trailokyAdhipatiH siretaragi] [2] cUDA [maNi] [: *] zrI jagannAdho" vai[bha]vacarcitaH sa bhaga 14 vAn zrutyukta dazavAkRtiH / pArAvAragabhIratIranilayo yenAci 15 taH savadA jiyyaat||" zrIka [pi ]lezvarI gajapatiH soyaM pratApI 16 avala | [6] kaDakAkhyA purI yasya rAjadhAnI virAjate / mahAnadIpa 17 risare zakrasyevAmarAvatI / [7*] tazasiMdhA 2 kila caMdradevo jAtaH kaLA 18 vAniva zubhramUrtiH / tataH prabhUto guhidevapAtrI gRhoM mahe 19 zAdiva kIrtigAlI / [8* ] rAjA gANamahIpatiH samudabhUtta Second Plate; First Side. 20 smAmmahI 21 rAbAhaya [1] dAnenAguNa (bhAga22 [[["] [9] sa pApI viSNu 123 gANarAhutayastu bhAti saMpUrNa pauruSaM / [20*] rAjadrAjakirITa24 koTimaNiruGgI [ra][jitAMtridvayaM kIrttisphUttivinirjitAmarasa 25 riskalalahaccha [] | tejobhAnuvijUbhitA [vadhi] giripratyadRSa[ssaM ].15 20 10 taM manyeyaparautarAyamaparaM lakSmIpati [bhU]parti / [11] sa [r] 27 koMDavIDunagarI [vi]paNisthapaNyA nadItarAya paripAlitarAjadhA 28 nI / devAlayA [ca]labhize nagarIva bhAti zazvata kSetrarathavAjipadAti 29 ramyA / [ 12* ] zAke zailaturaMgamAbhizazi saMkhyAte yuvAbde zubhe prAzat zivasvapIruSaH / Second Plate; Second Side. 30 bhAdrapade vidhormahArene zrIgaNadevI nRpaH / mAnaM cAvalinAma31 kaM jalayutaM bhUdevatAbhyaH kRtI saizvamaSTabhogasa 32 hitaM zrIkoMDavIDo [: *] sthaLe [1] [93*] atra pratimahItRvipra gotranAma zAkhA 33 bhAgakramAdeva bhASayA likhyate / [a] tatra yajuHzAkhAdhyA 34 yI kAzyapagotrastAta nArAyaNa yajvaputro yajJezvara OM yajvA dimAgI / yajuHzAkhAdhyAyI zrIvatsagotro mA[dhava] 36 bhaTTaputro valla [bhA] cAya dvibhaagii| yajuHzAkhAdhyAyI 37 [bhA]radvAja gotro yalayaputro va[m] bhojha ekabhAgI / ya38 juHzAkhAdhyAyI bhAradvAja gotropyalavadhAniputrI [ra]mAyojha[jha] ekabhAgI / haritagotro vi[zve ]zvaratha [jya] putra 39 * Real sitaMtara 2. 15 Read zAlI. Read. pRthvI * Read jayati. 11 Road sarvadA jIyAcI 12 Road sinbI. 15 The anuseara is engraved at the beginning of the next line.. 391 10 Read nAtha. 14 Read pauruSaH. 16 Read dRSatsaMcayaM, ie ziloSayaM ?

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392 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [NOVEMBER, 1891. Third Plate; First Side. 40 [:] ziMgAbhA ekabhAgI / yajuHzAkhAdhyAyI gArgya goSo] gaMga41 momjhaputraH kaoNmanomjha ekbhaagii| yajuHzAkhAdhyAyI 42 bhAradvAjagonogyalavadhAnipuvassomAbhA ekabhAgI ] ya43 ju:zAkhA yAvI kauDinyagotraH per3ojhajhaputraH ziMgAyojja 44 ekabhAgIyajaHzAkhAdhyAyI haritagotraH pedi45 bhahaputro biMgAbhA ekbhaagii| yajuHzAkhAdhyAyyA46 zreyagotroppalebhA[stu] putrI nAgAyojha ekbhaagii| ya47 zuHzAkhAdhyAbI bhAradvAjagotroyalavadhAniputraH sarvA48 bhaha ekbhaagii| yajaHzAkhAdhyAyI bhAradvAjagAMvonaMto Third Plate; Second Side. 49 mujhaputro mAdhavabhaha ekbhaagii| yajuHzAkhAdhyAyI bhAra50 dAjagotro nahomjhaputro ba[]yomjha ekbhaagii| ya51 juHzAkhAdhyAyI bhAradvAjagotraH kumArasvAmiputraH kU. 52 nAyojha ekbhaagii| yajaHzAkhAdhyAyI zrIvatsagotro 53 mAdhavabharapatra bhIcaLabhara ekbhaagii| yajuHzAkhAdhyAyIka[]54 iyapagotraH pehomasaputro mallAyojhajha aikbhaagii| yajuHzA55 khAdhyAyI bhAradvAjagotronaMtojhajhaputro bahAbhA ekbhaagii| ya56 juHzAkhAdhyAyI AtreyagotronaMtabhaDipuSo mAdhavabhaha eka57 bhaagii| yajuHzAkhAdhyAyI bhAradvAjagotraH kumArasvAmiputra 58 appalebhaha ekbhaagii| yajuHzAkhAdhyAyI haritagotraH kommA TRANSLATION. Adoration to the blessed Ganadhipati ! Verse 1. Let the being (Ganesa), which has the face of an elephant, whose body is stoui, and the bevy of bees on whose temples resembles a garland of sapphires - produce prosperity! 2. Let that primeval boar (Vishnu), borne on whose tasks the lovely earth resembles a bee clinging to the high (!) tip of the petal of a ketali (flower) - protect (us) ! 3. Bali gave the earth to Hari (Vishnu) disguised as a young Brahmana, Sibi (his) meat, and Karna (his) skin. There may have formerly been other munificent donors like Dadhichi. Now the great hero, king Kapilendra-Gajapati, surpasses (all of them). 4. Resplendent is that conqueror of foes, king Kapila-Kumbhiraja (i. e. Gajapati), whose powerful race was descended from the Sun, the lord of the world and husband of the gronp of lotuses, whose bright fame glitters on earth like the cluster of the rays of the rising moon, and the sun of whose valour, having passed beyond the mountain which surrounds the earth, shines in the west. 5. Through the streams of the rutting-juice of his elephants, the earth is made muddy; the oceans are transformed into (dry) holes through the dust of his war-horses. 6. Let him be ever victorious, the brave and illustrious Kapilesvara-Gajapati, who has worshipped the lord of the three worlds, the crest-jewel of the black mountain (P), the blessed god Jagannatha, who is full of splendour, who resembles the burning forest20 spoken of in the Sruti (!), and who abides on the deep (!) shore of the ocean ! 7. His capital, the city called Kataka, on the bank of the Mahanadi, resembles Amaravati (the city) of Sakra (Indra). _11 Read bhaTTasya. Read putroppale. This e.pression Beems to refer to the eastern mountain, as avadhigiri in verse 11. ___20 This seems to refer to the fire at the end of the kalpa. The face of the idol Jagannatha is of gola ; see ante, Vol. I. p. 36. Another possible reading iadare.akritil, 'consisting of wood.'

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Plates of Ganadeva of Kondavidu.--Saka-Samvat 1377. - asmstulu aNdstu anu 2 | pdrhN baariytN bNgaarN diinilinnu tvrN vdlni - cNdiN cleeyN vdaay asmrN sNtkN alaa kurmu lsnvirboosN | sNklu gudu r j lu mooyraaju, 16. iiddu 2016 gnnnynnaaru n 18 yNj tn SS aadivraalu tegulu raajggaani eraaju maisuurin R L 20 prupu ani atddi 2007 a 20 . "uNddu nu atyNt naa naa sNkhy naalugu eddaa SCALE -66. W. GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITH.

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iil. - : At muddipdoog chc n M apan Koraa mu A 5.Aa A S PM . ...A am S M -1 Aa.. TTE CAL inta 0. Ay.cg . KOC R baag yju iNdymNttaarnnjnNloo 16. in Here mnalP2 02 sraavuNdNjgoolu ceestaaru anuk

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NOVEMBER, 1891.) GRANT OF GANADEVA OF KONDAVIDU. 393 8. Just as the full-moon from the ocean, the glorious Chandradeva was produced in his race. From him sprang the famous Guhidevapatra, as Guha from Mahesa ('Siva). 9. From this favourite of the earth (mahivallabha) came the victorious king Ganamahipati, who, (because he vanquished with his arms two Turushka princes, was therefore called Ra utaraya, who perfumed the circle of the horizon with his fame, who taught (others) the initiation into the exclusive (practice) of liberality, who was the fortune of temples and Brahmanas, and another 'Srivallabha (Vishnu). 20. Vishnu (as Narasimha) was a man only as far as his legs (or, only a quarter of a man) and Siva (as Ardhandrisvara) only half a man. But resplendent is Gana-Bahuttaraya, who is a whole man (or hero). 11. As another (Vishnu) lord of Lakshmi, I consider that king Ayapa-Rautaraya, whose feet are resplendent with the lustre of the jewels on the tops of the glittering diadems of kings, whose bright fame surpasses the splendour of the foam of the waves of the stream of the immortals (the Ganga), and the sun of whose valoar ascends both the mountain which forms the boundary of the earth) 21 and the western mountain (P).22 12. The city of Kondavidu, the capital of this Rautaraya, the bazars of which are full of merchandise, and which is continually crowded with mighty elephants, chariots, horses and pedestrians, resembles the city of Balabhid (Indra), which is inhabited by gods. 13. In the sake (year) reckoned by the mountains (7), the horses (7), the fires (3), and the moon (1) (i. e. 1377), in the auspicious year (called) Yuvan, in (the month of) Bhadrapada, on the day of an eclipse of the moon, at the city of Kondavidu - the illustrious and victorious king Ganadava gave to Brihmanas the village named Chavali, together with the water, with the eight powors (aisvarya), and with the eight enjoyments (bhoga). Here the gotras, names and sukhus of the Brahmapa donees are written in the order of the shares (bhaga) in prose (bhasha): - Sakhd. Gotra. Father's name. Donee's name. Number of shares. Yajuh. KAbuara. Tita-Narayana-Yajvan. Yajbeavara-Yajvan. Do. Sriratea. MAdhava-Bhatta. Vallabhacharya. Do. Bharadvaja. Yallaya. Vallabhojjha. Do. do. Ayyalavadhani. Ramayojjha. Harita. Visvesvara-Yajvan, Siuge-Bhatta. Yajuh. Gargya. Ganganojjha. Kommanojjha. Do. Bharadvaja. Ayyalavadhani. Soma-Bhatta. Kaundinya. Peddojjha. Singayojja. Harita. Peddi-Bhatta. Vinga-Bhatta. Atreya. Appale-Bhatta. Ngayojjha. Bharadvaja. Ayyalavadh&ni. Sarva-Bhatta. do. Anantojjha. Madhava-Bhatta. Nandojjha. Yarayojjha. do. Kumara-Svamin. Kanayojjha. Srivatsa. Madhava-Bhatta. Auchala-Bhatta. kavuara. Peddojjha. Mallayojjha: Bharadvaja. Anantojjha. B[r]ahma-Bhatta. Atreya. Ananta-Bhatti. Madhava-Bhatta. Do. Bharadvaja. Kumara-Svamin. Appale-Bhatta. Do. Harita. Komma ..... Do. do. Do. 11 See note 19 above. n see note 16 above. * According to Brown's Telugu Dictionary, ojja, Bjja or Ojjha means 's priest, tutor, master. Compare the Kanarese ojjanu or 6janu, which, socording to Sanderson's Canarese Dictionary, is a tadbhava of the Sanskrit acharya. The intermediate PAli form upajjha protes, however, that the word must be derived from the Sanskrit upadhyaya.

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394 - THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. THE DATE OF THE GRECO-BUDDHIST PEDESTAL FROM HASHTNAGAR. Mr. V. A. Smith has published, ante, Vol. XVIII. p. 257, a facsimile of a so-called Arian, recte Kharoshtri inscription on the pedestal of a Graeco-Buddhist sculpture, found by Mr. King at Hashtnagar, and in the Journal of the Bengal Asiatic Society, Vol. LVIII. Pt. I. Plate x., an excellent photo-etching of the sculpture together with the inscription. In the articles accompanying the two reproductions of the document, he has given Sir A. Cunningham's reading: Sam 274 emborasmasa masasa me panchami 5. MISCELLANEA. Though the great archeologist, to whom we owe the correct determination of many Kharoshtri signs, has undoubtedly succeeded in reading the figures, and thereby in settling the most important point, every student of Prakrit will agree with me that his rendering of the words is open to improvement, because several of them are linguistically impossible. On comparing the facsimile and the photo-etching, I find that the line has to be read s follows: Sam II C xx xx xx x iv Postavadasa masasa diva]sammi par[cha]mi 5 [11]1. -- This is in Sanskrit: saM 274 proSThapadasya mAsasya divase paJcame 5 [ // *] and in English: "The year 274, on the fifth, 5, day of the month of Praushthapada (i. e., Bhadrapada or AugustSeptember)." With respect to the characters of the inscription, I have to add that the right limb of the syllable po has run together with the left portion of the figure 4, the lower part of which latter touches the foot of the vertical stroke of p. In the photoetching the upper part of the vertical stroke of p is not visible, though it is unmistakable in the facsimile of the impression. The vowel-stroke of the syllable po is attached rather low down to the vertical, and is nearly horizontal instead of slanting. In the Asoka Edicts such a stroke would denote not o, but u. Here it must be 6, because in the later Kharoshtri inscriptions u is expressed by a loop at the foot of the consonantal sign. The second sign of the first word sta consists of a vertical line, with one very short and one 1 The representation of the Kharoshtri figures in Roman figures has been taken over from Mr. A. V. Smith. 2 The reading pothavadasa is linguistically possible, [NOVEMBER, 1891. somewhat longer horizontal, attached to its left. Some scholars have read it tha or tha. In the Asoka Edicts its most elaborate form is 7. I have given my reasons for accepting Sir A. Cunningham's explanation in the Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenlandischen Gesellschaft, Vol. XLIII. P. 154 f. The va of divasammi has been almost effaced, and the cha of panchami has been injured. All the anusvaras stand below the line and are visible in the photo-etching alone. The last is injured and indistinct. With respect to the difficult question to which era the year has to be referred, I can only say that Mr. Smith's alternative proposal to take Samh. 274 as a Saka year, and as equivalent to 352 A. D., seems to me improbable. For, the letters of the inscriptions look very like those of Kanishka's and Huvishka's Kharoshtri.inscriptions. Moreover, it is doubtful whether the Kharoshorf writing was still used in the fourth century, A. D. G. BUHLER. PROGRESS OF EUROPEAN SCHOLARSHIP. No. 25. The Revue Critique for 1889. In the number for May 19th, M. Barth contributes a critique on M J. Grosset's contribution to the study of Hindu music, already noticed in these pages. M. Barth is of opinion that Hindu music must continue to remain. unintelligible to European scholars until it is taken in hand by a master of both the Hinda and European systems of the art. In default of this, M. Grosset has done his best with the very inadequate materials at his command. The same author deals, in the number for May 27th, with Dr. Fick's edition of a Jaina version3 of the legend of Sagara. The Jains have taken this saga and turned it into a stupid story for the edification of the faithful. The Prakrit text is taken from the Kathanakas inserted by Devendra Gani into his commentary on the UttaradhyayanaSutra, on which Prof. Jacobi has already drawn for his well-known Prakrit grammar and readingbook. To this is added a translation, notes and glossary. In the number for the 18th and 26th August M. V. Henry reviews Prof. Johannes Schmidt's and the form would likewise be correct Prakrit for praushthapadasya. B. Fick, Eine Jainistiche Bearbeitung der SagaraSage. Kiel, C. F. Heseler, 1889.

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NOVEMBER, 1891.] work on the formation of the plural of IndoGermanic neuters, in which it is contended that the Indo-European neuter plural, so far as we can judge from the scanty remains available, is not a single but a multiple category, and that its prinoipal peculiarities must be referred, not to a true plural, but to a singular collective noun of the feminine gender. Thus *yugd, the yokes'(Vedic yuga, Gr. (vya, Lat. juga, &c.), was primitively a substantive feminine, declined *yuga, #yugas, and the inflexion #yuga, #yugam, is only due to false analogy. M. Henry combats. this conclusion at some length. The points are too technical to be reproduced here. MISCELLANEA. The following number contains another review, by the same writer, on Dr. Otto Hoffman's treatise on the Flexion and Stem-formation of the Presont in the Original Indo-Germanic Language. The work is designed to be suffi ciently clear to be intelligible to a beginner in the newer paths of linguistic study, and at the same time sufficiently complete to be useful to the specialist who wishes to find quickly any detail which may have escaped his memory. The author has well succeeded, though the excessive brevity rendered necessary by the scale of the work is sometimes misleading. In the number for October 7th, we have a criticism of Van den Gheyn's European Origin of the Aryana, by M. S. Reinach. The author is one of those who combat the theory referred to in the title of his work. The book is a very complete resume of all the arguments for and against this theory. The argument based on language, viz., that Lithuanian is more nearly related to the original language than Sanskrit, is far from conclusive, even if the foundation were solid in all points, (which it is not). The Canadians speak a more archaic dialect of French than the Parisians, and the Jews of Salonica speak that dialect of Spanish which is nearest to the language of! Cervantes. Similarly are disposed of the Palaeontologico-linguistic arguments, founded on the alleged flora and fauna of the Primitive Aryans; the anthropological argument, founded on the equation, Aryana Fair-complexioned Dolichocephalic; the archaeological argument, dealing with the Swiss lacustrine cities; and the geographical one, founded on the theory that the Aryans would not have had sufficient pasture in Central Asia. In conclusion, the reviewer, Die Pluralbildungen der Indogermanischen Neutra. Weimar, Herman Bolau, 1889. 5 Das Praesens der Indogermanischen Grundsprache in seiner Flexion und Stammbildung. Vandenhaeck & Ruprecht, 1889. Gottingen, 395 agreeing with M. Van den Gheyn, adheres to the Asiatic theory, and maintains that it is still better to say nothing about the cradle of the Aryans, and to talk only of the centre of dispersion of Indo-European languages. As Prof. Max Muller remarks, when an ethnographist speaks of an Aryan race, or of Aryan blood, he is committing an error as great as if he spoke of a dolichocephalic dictionary, or a brachycephalic grammar. Passing over a review by M. S. Levi of Prof. Darmesteter's Letters on India, which are directed more to the general reader than to the Indian student, and a short but favourable notice by Mr. G. Drouin on Mr. V. Smith's Coinage of the Early Guptas, (in which the reviewer regrets that the author has not added a Plate giving facsimiles of the coin legends, with a comparative alphabet), we come to the last article which will interest readers of the Antiquary - a review by M. V. Henry of Dr. Otto Franke's treatise on Indian Genders. The work contains texts of the Linganusasanas of Sakatayana, Harshavardhana and Vararuchi, together with extracts from the commentaries of Yakshavarman and Sabarasvamin, and an appendix on Hindu proper names. Each stanza in the text, which is not perfectly clear, has been translated, the portions of the commentaries are well selected, and a copious index enables the reader to find each word wherever it occurs. The introduction occupies half the volume, and in it Dr. Franke describes, amongst other matters, certain Lingdnuedsanas hitherto unknown, and the chronology of the various Lingdnusdsanas, Sakatayana and Vararuchi. The appendix deals with the principle of the formation of Indo-European proper names, with special reference to those of Greek and Sanskrit-India. Academie des inscriptions et Belles-Lettres. The Proceedings for 1889 possess few features of interest to Indian scholars. At the meeting of the 4th October, Dr. Leitner described the language, religion and customs of the Hunzas. This wild tribe nominally professes Islamism, but is in reality very far from it. Their religion is connected with that of the famous Hashishin or Assassins, and recognizes a prince, now resident in Bombay, as an incarnation of the deity. Their language is composed of words, each of which expresses an entire group of ideas, and 6 L'origine Europeene des Aryas. Paris, Bureaux des Annales de l'hilosophie chretienne, 1889. 7 Number for October 21st. 8 November 11th. 9 Die Indischen Genuslehren. Kiel, Haeseler, 1890.

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396 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (NOVEMBER, 1891. which cannot be translated by single words into of the Vendidad describes separately two differEuropean languages. ent methods of disposing of the dead. One At the meeting of 30th October, a communi- consisted in laying the corpse on the summit of cation was read from Jivanji Jamshedji Modi, the a mountain, exposed to the rays of the sun, and P&rs High Priest at Bombay, regarding the the other in collecting the bones after the flesh receptacles for human bones, brought from has been devoured. The Dadistan-i-dint, a Pah. Persin by M. Dieulafoy, and deposited in the lavi work, describes the olsuaries, called astoddns, Museum of the Louvre. While the modern in which these remains were kept. The preserParsis deposit their dead in Towers of Silence, vation of the bones had for its object to render where the flesh is devoured by birds, and the possible the future resurrection of the dead, who bones are accumulated, the ancient Persians must, according to the Parsi doctrine, "rise from appear to have had the custom of depositing the their bones." bones in isolated receptacles. The sixth chapter G. A. GBIERBON. NOTES AND QUERIES. CUSTOMARY OFFERINGS TO PRIESTS IN course, contained a corresponding diminutive BENGAL. quantity of food. Is this is a breaking down of At Raniganj and elsewhere I found miniature the custom of dan P or is it an old established brass plates and oups, etc., made and sold in custom by which the poor man could ostensibly large quantities for the purpose of being used in gain as much merit by ddn as the rich man P the customary offerings to purihits. These, of R. O. TEMPLE BOOK-NOTICE. THE VEDANTASUTRAS, WITH THE COMMENTARY BY portant conclusion that a number of Ramanuja's SAXKARACHARYA, translated by GEORGE THIBAUT. explanations seem to be in better accordance with Part I. (SACRED Boox(r) OF THE EABT; Vol. the real tenets of Badar yana, while Sarkara's XXXIV.). Oxford, 1890. Pp. cxxviii, 443. explanations are often forced and artificial. "If, This stately volume contains the first half of now, I am shortly to sum up the results of the the standard work of the Advaita school. preceding enquiry as to the teaching of the Those who have tried to study any of the philoso- Satras, I must give it as my opinion that they do phical systems of the Hindus from the original not set forth the distinction of a higher and text-books, can form an estimate of the difficulties lower knowledge of Brahman ; that they do not which Dr. Thibaut had to overcome in the task acknowledge the distinction of Brahman and of rendering the actual words of one of the deepest Isvara in Samkara's sense ; that they do not hold philosophers of ancient India into plain and the doctrine of the unreality of the world; and elegant English, and of thus enabling the general | that they do not, with Samkara, proclaim the reader to acquaint himself with the metaphysics absolute identity of the individual and the highest of Sarkara as easily as with those of Spinoza. Sell" (p. c). Samkara's great work breathes the spirit of a In connection with the present short notice of noble and independent thinker. The bold and Dr. Thibaut's new volume, it may not be out of consequent manner in which he tries to solve the place to draw attention to his translation of highest problems, ensures him a prominent place an elementary treatise on the Parva-Memarnsd among the philosophers of all nations and ages. system, the Arthasangraha by Laug&kshi. The perasal of his work will modify the views of Bhaskara, which appeared in 1882 as No. 4 of the the editor of a European hand-book which states Benares Sanskrit Series. This difficult little in full earnest that KAlidasa's Salcuntald is one book treate of the general maxime, according to of the chief sources of our knowledge of Hinda which the kalpasutras or rules for sacrifices are philosophy. In the masterly introduction which built up on the Sanhitds and Brdhmanas. Thus Dr. Thibaut has prefixed to his translation, he the Parva-Memdusd is a half-sister of the Uttaracontraste Samkara's commentary on Badareyana's Mindrsd or Vedanta, which is based on the satras with that of Ramanuja, the head of the Aranyaka portions of the Veda, and the chief VisishtAdvaita school; and arrives at the im representative of which is Sarkara's Bhdshya. 10 [All this is according to Dr. Leitner, be it under be noted in this connection.-R.C.T.) stood.-R.O.T.) 1 Ueberweg's Geschichte der Philosophie, 5th edition, 11 [The customs of the North American Indians may | Vol. I. p. 16.

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DECEMBER, 1891.) THE VIRANA EBA. 397 EXAMINATION OF QUESTIONS CONNECTED WITH THE VIKRAMA ERA. BY PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN, C. L. E.; GOTTINGEN, (Concluded from page 142.) T TRUST that my lists of dates will show, in a fairly accurate manner, the practice of dating 1 followed in connection with the Vikrama era from the earliest to the most modern times, and that the materials brought together will be regarded a sufficiently full and trustworthy, to warrant their being used in an attempt to answer some of the questions which have been indicated in an earlier part of these notes. In the following I shall first endeavour to show what conclusions are suggested by the dates, regarding the questions of current and expired years, of northern and sonthern years, and of the purriminta and amunta schemes of the lunar months. I shall then indicate in what part of India we find the Vikrama era first employed, and where and by which dynasties it was used during the millennium suoceeding the earliest known date. I shall examine and try to account for the names under which the era has been known at varions times. And I shall conclude these notes with some matters of detail which either concern the Vikrama era only or have reference to the practice of dating generally. Current and Expired Years; Northern and Southern Years; Parnimanta and Amante Schemes, As any conclusions under these heads should, in the first instance, be drawn only from regular dates, I would here summarize the results of my calculations of the 150 dates, the details of which have been given ante, Vol. XIX. pp. 22-40 and 166-187, as follows: Total number of dates examined : 150. A.-Dates in bright fortnights. Number of dates : 80 (from V. 898 to V. 1874). 1.---Dates in the months Karttika to Phalguna. Number of dates: 26 (from V. 1016 to V. 1729). Results: (a).--Dates in current years: 2 (V. 1304 and V. 1397); i.e. 7.7 % (b).-Dates in expired years: 24 (V. 1016 to V. 1729); 1.e. 92.3 % 2.-Dates in the months Chaitra to Abvina. Number of dates : 54 (from V. 898 to V. 1874). Results: (a).-Dates in northern current years: 3 (V. 1311, 1380, and 1587); i.e. 5.6deg/ (b).-Dates in north. exp. (or south. curr.) years: 27 (V. 919 to V. 1874); i.e. 50deg/.. (c)).-Dates in southern expired years: 23 (V. 898 to V. 1746); i.e. 42.6deg. (d).-Uncertain, but probably in south. exp. year: 1 (V. 1200); 1.e. 1.8deg%. B.-Dates in dark fortnights. Number of dates : 70 (from V. 960 to V. 1877). 1.-Dates in the months Karttika to Phalguna. Namber of dates: 27 (from V. 1043 to V. 1875). Results: (a).-Dates in current years: 2 (V. 1209 and V. 1296); vie. 7.4 % (purnimanta: 2; amanta : 0.]

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398 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1891. (6).-Dates in expired years: 20 (V. 1043 to V. 1875); i.e. 74.1deg%. [parnimanta: 14; amanta: 6.) ().-Purnimanta dates of current years or amanta dates of expired years : 5 (V. 1229 to V. 1535); 1.e. 18.5deg%. 2.-Dates in the months Chaitra to Abvina. Number of dates : 43 (from V. 960 to V. 1877). Results: (a). - Dates in northern current years: 2 (V. 1202 and V. 1256); i.e. 4.7%. . (purnimanta: 2; amanta : 0.] (6). - Dates in north. exp. (or south. curr.) years: 15 (V. 960 to V. 1877); i.e. 34.99% (purnimanta : 12; amanta : 3.) (). - Dates in southern expired years : 18 (V. 994 to V. 1538); i.e. 41.99% Epurnimanta: 8; amanta :10.) Uncertain : 8; i.e. 18.6degl.; viz. - (d). -- North. curr. amanta, or south. exp. purnimanta : 2 (V. 1225 and V. 1390); (e). - North. curr, amanta, or north, exp. or south, exp. purnimanta : 1(V. 1315); ().- North. exp. purnimanta, or south. exp. amanta : 5 (V. 1332 to V. 1570). Current and Expired Years. The result obtained under A. 1, by which the years of only two dates out of 26 are current years, shows at once that it has been at all times the rule to quote the Vikrama years as expired years, and that current years were quoted only exceptionally. And this conclusion is supported by the combined results under A. 1 and 2, and B. 1 and 2, which show that only nine dates out of the total number of 150 mast necessarily be regarded as dates in current years. Now this result, though it would not permit us to speak with confidence about any one individual date, may certainly be used, for statistical purposes, to pronounce an opinion on the nature of a whole set of dates, the years of which our calculations would permit us to regard as eithe current or expired. Thus, the five dates under B. 1, c, which in accordance with our calculations might be regarded as either purnimanta dates of current years, or amanta dates of expired years, may with little chance of error all be put down as amanta dates of expired years. And similarly may the two dates under B. 2, d, be safely regarded as purnimanta dates of southern expired years, and the date under B. 2, e, as a purnimanta date of either a northern or southern expired year. Occasionally our proceeding in this manner may indeed be shown to be correct by independent arguments. This is the case e.g. with the date of the year V. 1225 in an inscription of the Mahanayaka Pratapadhavaladeva, which by the result of the calculation falls under B. 2, d, (No. 243); for this date cannot be separated from another date of the same year V. 1225 in an inscription of the same chief (No. 126), which we know for certain to be a purnimanta date of a southern expired year. As regards the 27 dates under A. 2, 6, and the 15 dates under B. 2, 6, the years of which theoretically might be regarded as either northern expired or southern current years, it may safely be assumed that nearly all are dates in northern expired years, and they will all be classed as such below. But it cannot be denied that one or two of their number may really be dates in southern current years, and I mention this here at once to show that, in treating these dates as I do, I am not showing any undue favour to the southern year. The year of the single date under A. 2, d, may be taken to be the southern expired year, because the eclipse mentioned in the date was visible in India in that year only. As to the five dates under B. 2, f,

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DECEMBER, 1891.] THE VIKRAMA ERA. 399 it is impossible to say from general considerations, whether their years should be regarded as northern or southern expired years. Since current years are quoted only exceptionally, it may be questioned whether we should, in every case, at once accept as correct the result of the calculation of a date, where such calculation would lead us to regard the year of the date as a current year. As to the dates treated of under A. 1, a and 2, , and B. 1, a, no choice is left to us. But the case may well seem to be different with the dates No. 108 and No. 109, under B. 2, a. By the strict results of our calculations these dates would indeed be purnimanta dates of northern carrent years. But in regard to both, good reasons, - partly connected with the Simha era on which we expect Mr. Fleet to enlighten us, and partly based on a consideration of the exact ending-time of the tithi, - might probably be adduced for rejecting the seemingly correct results and taking the two dates as amanta dates of northern expired years. Northern and Southern Years. In accordance with preceding remarks, and disregarding as exceptional the dates in current years, we may count as dates in northern (expired) years the dates under A. 2, 6 (with the exception of No. 47 which professes to belong to an Ashadhadi year), and those under B. 2, b; i.e., altogether 41 dates; and as dates in southern (expired) years the dates under A. 2, c, and B. 2, c, the date under A. 2, d, and the two dates under B. 2, d; i.e., altogether 44 dates. For reasons given above, and because the two dates No. 113 and No. 117 under B. 2, b. might equally well be considered as dates in southern years, this classification perhaps hardly dous full justice to the southern year; but taking it to be approximately correct, I find that the numbers of dates of either kind were : up to V. 1200 : 6 in northern years; 9 in southern years; , V. 1300: 17 ,, V. 1400: 22 . : 31 ,, V. 1500: 26 >> ; 34 , V. 1600: 30 >> ; 40 ,, V. 1877: 41 Accordingly, the total number of dates in southern years for all times slightly exceeds the total number of dates in northern years. In the earliest centuries of which we possess dates which admit of verification, the dates in southern years are decidedly more numerous than those in northern years'; but in later times the northern year has been gaining considerably on the southern year. In fact, it may be said that, while even down to V. 1400 the proportion of northern to southern years remained about 2:3, this proportion has just been inverted afterwards. The general conclusion to which these figures would seem to point, is, that the reckoning by southern (Karttikadi) years was from the beginning intimately connected with the Vikrama era, just as the reckoning by northern (Chaitradi) years has always been characteristic of the Saka era; and it may fairly be assumed that the change, which has gradually taken place towards a more general employment of the northern year in connection with the Vikrama era, is owing to the influence of the Saka era. >> ; 26 1 The year of one of the five datos (No. 149) is shown to be a southern expirod year by the Jupiter year which is quoted along with it. 2 A week after the proof of this paper was returned by me to Mr. Fleet, I was informed by Dr. Klatt, that the reading of my date No. 1, as taken from Professor Peterson's Report, must be wrong, because, according to the Anchalapaffivali, Udayasagara was Sari from V. 1797 to V. 1826; and that the correct reading therefore would probably Le abdhi-kh-ah-indu=1804, not 1304. And calculating for V. 1804, oxpired, 1 find that the corresponding European dato, as required, is Monday, the 4th January, A. D. 1749, when the full-moon tithi ended 15 h. after moan sunrise. Accordingly, of the 26 dates treated of under A. 1, the year of only a single date was really 4 current year. It is hardly necessary to remind the reader that the following remarks on northern and southern years are Decessarily confined to dates in the months Chaitra to Advina.

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400 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1891. Here again, if from this point of view we look at the results of onr calculations of some of the early dates, it may perhaps seem doubtful whether our calculation has yielded in every case the only possible or the true equivalent of the original date. The year 898 of our earliest regular date (No. 57) undoubtedly is a southern year. The year 919 of the second date (No. 30) is a northern expired year, but here it may be noted that this year is also described as the Saka year 784, a fact which will appear the more remarkable, when I say that down to V. 1439 this is the only instance in which the corresponding Saka year is mentioned by the side of the. Vikrama year in any date of my lists, and which might well be taken to account somehow or, other for the employment of the northern year. The third date, of the year 960 (No. 110) wouid by the strict results of my calculations be a purnimanta date of a northern expired year; but when we consider that in the southern expired year, with the amunta scheme, the tithi of the date commenced exactly at sunrise of the weekday mentioned by the date and ended only 51 min. after mean sunrise of the next day, we may well ask whether such a result, for the southern expired year, should not be regarded as satisfying the requirements of the case equally well. The 4th, 5th and 6th dates, of the years 962, 994 and 1011 (Nos. 58, 133 and 59), are all dates in southern years. The 7th date, again of the year 1011 (No. 111), is by the results of my calculations a purnimanta date of a northern expired year; but here too the tithi of the date, with the amanta scheme, ended in the southern expired year only 26 minutes after sunrise of the day following the weekday of the date, so that what has been said above of the third date, would here also be applicable. The 8th and 9th dates, of the years 1042 and 1084 (Nos, 31 and 112), are dates in northern expired years; and the 10th 11th, 12th and 13th dates, of the years 1100, 1139, 1154 and 1192 (Nos. 134, 60, 61 and 125), all belong again to southern expired years, I need not continue this enumeration further; enough has been said to show that the number of early dates in northern years is perhaps even smaller than appears at first sight. Besides, it must not be forgotten that, so far as the present question is concerned, the northern expired year is really equivalent to the southern current year, and that there is no stringent reason why, in one or other of the above dates which are here taken as dates in northern expired years, the writer should not be considered to have quoted, exceptionally, a current southern year. The terms southern and northern ' years, which are usually employed to denote years commencing with the months Karttika and Chaitra, would naturally lead one to suppose that the Karttikddi reckoning had always been prevalent in the south and the Chaitradi reckoning in the north of India. To show how entirely wrong such a supposition would be, and to prove that, whatever may be the practice of quite modern times, down to about the 14th century of the Vikrama era both kinds of years have been used over exactly the same tracts of country, I put before the reader all regular dates, the nature of whose years we are able to determine, from rocks and stones, most of which undoubtedly have always remained at the places where the dates were first engraved on them. What I would conclude from these lists, is, that the use of the so-called southern year was indeed discontinued in northern India about the end of the 14th century, but that before that time the southern year was used in the north much more frequently than the northern year. In my opinion it would be well to discard the terms southern' and 'northern' years altogether, and to call the years, what they really are, Karttikadi and Chaitradi years. Dates on rocks and stones, in southern (Karttiddi) years : in northern (Chaitrddi) years : V. 898 (No. 57) Dholpur, Northern Rajputang. v. 919 (No. 30) Deogadh, Gwalior ; [Saka 7847. V. 994 (No. 133) Siyadoni, N. W. Provinces. V. 960 (No. 110) Terahi, Gwalior; V. 1011 (No. 59) Khajuraho, Bundelkhand. [perhaps southern]. V. 1100 (No. 134) Byand, Northern Rajputana. y. 1011 (No. 111) Amber, North. Rajputana; V. 1154 (No. 61) Deogadh, Gwalior. [perhaps southern). V. 1192 (No. 125) Kalanjar, Bundelkhand. V. 1194 (No. 113) Kalasjar, Bundelkhand.

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DECEMBER, 1891.] THE VIKRAMA ERA. 401 V. 1220 (No. 62) Delhi Siwalik pillar. V. 1215 (No. 32) Girnar, Kathiavaa. Y. 1222 (No. 63) Udaypur, Gwalior. V. 1216 (No. 33) Alha-ghat, Central India. V. 1224 (No. 64) Mahoba, Bundelkhand. V. 1252 (No. 38) Batesvar, N. W. Provinces. V. 1225 (No. 126) Phulwariya, Bilar (P). V. 1310 (No. 41) Kalanjar, Bundelkhand. V. 1225 (No. 135) Jaunpur, N. W. Provinces. V. 1333 (No. 42) Jaunpur, N. W. Provinces. V. 1225 (No. 143) Tarachandi, Bihar. V. 1390 (No. 116) Kevati-kund,' Bundelkhand. V. 1240 (No. 67) Kalafijar, Bundelkhand. V. 1439 (No. 43) Machadi, Northern Rajputana. V. 1240 (No. 127) Mahoba, Bundelkhand. V. 1445 (No. 44) 'Boram Deo, Central Provinces. V. 1243 (No. 68) Ajaygadh, Bundelkhand. V. 1181 (No. 45) Deogadh, Gwilior. V. 1253 (No. 70) Belkhara, N. W. Provinces. V. 1496 (No. 46) Umgi, Bihar. V. 1265 (No. 72) Mount Aba, Southera Rajputand. V. 1553 (No. 124) Kaira, Gujarat. V. 1318 (No. 128) Jhansi, N. W. Provinces. V. 1581 (No. 117) Delhi, Panjab. V. 1320 (No. 129) Veraval, KathiAvad. - V. 1717 (No. 119) Chamba, Panjab. V. 1390 (No. 141) Chunar, N. W. Provinces. V. 1874 (No. 56) Nepal. V. 1500 (No. 73) Mahuva, Baroda. V. 1874 (No. 120) Nepal. V. 1516 (No. 74) Gaya, Bihar. V. 1874 (No. 121) Nepal. The Parnimanta and Amanta Sohomes. Proceeding as before, and omitting as doubtful whether they should be considered as parnimanta or amanta the dates under B. 2, a and f, and the dates No. 110 and No. 111 under B. 2, 6, I find that of 61 dates 37 may be regarded as parnimanta and 24 as amantu dates; and that the numbers of either kind of dates were: up to V. 1200: 5 pilrnimanta; 2 anunta; V. 1300 : 14 , V. 1400 : 21 15 , V. 1500: 24 ; 17 . V. 1600: 28 >> ; 22 . V. 1877: 37 >> ; 24 , . Accordingly, the percentage of putrnimunta dates up to V. 1200 was about 71, between V. 1200 and 1400 about 55, between V. 1400 and 1600 about 50, und between V. 1600 and 1877 about 82. This may be taken to show that in early times the parmimanta scheme of the lunar months was more commonly followed in connection with the Vikrama era than the amentu scheme, that afterwards the amanta scheme has been gaining considerably on the purnimanta scheme, and that a change in favour of a more general employment of the purnimanta scheme has again taken place in quite modern times. Of the 61 dates to which these remarks refer, 20 can be shown to be antes in southern (Kerttiladi) and 13 in northern (Chaitradi) expired years. Of the former, 10 are amanta, and undoubtedly and two others most probably purnimanta dates; of the latter, 10 are primanta, and 3 amanta dates. These figures show that, while the southern (Karttiludi) year has been joined with the parniminta as often as with the ananta scheme, the northern (Chaitrat) year is more commonly joined with the piirnimanta scheme only; and they prove with certainty that neither scheme of the lunar months is necessarily and exclusivoly connected with either the southern (Karttikadi) or the northern (Chaitradi) year. Locality and Names of the Era. In order to ascertain where the era has been principally used and what names have been applied to it, it will probably be considered sufficient to examine the first 200 dates in the chronological list which I have given above, pp. 125 to 142, down to about A. D. 1300. The more recent dates are naturally of loss importance and many of them are from MSS. and literary works regarding the locality of which I possess ao exact information. Such is the case, tou, with a few of the earlier datos, chiefly dates taken from MSS., which therefore will also be omitted in the following.

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402 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. In my chronological list I have put queries against four of the earliest dates (Nos. 1, 2, 8, and 9), to show that doubts may possibly be entertained regarding their reading or exact interpretation. As these dates in no way affect my conclusions, I shall here take them to have been correctly given and explained by others. But I shall omit the date No. 6, of the Dhiniki copperplate inscription of Jaikadeva, which apparently is a forged document.* [DECEMBER, 1891. Where and by which Dynasties was the Era used up to about A. D. 1300 ? The date No. 1 (V. 428) is from Bijayagadh, in north-eastern Rajputana; No. 2 (V. 480) from Gangdhar, in south-eastern Rajputana; Nos. 3 and 4 (V. 529 and 589) are from Mandasor, on the borders of south-eastern Rajputana ; No. 5 (V. 746) is from Jhalrapatan, in south-eastern Rajputana; No. 7 (V. 795) from Kanaswa, in south-eastern Rajputana; No. 8 (V. 811) from Chitor, in southern Rajputana ; No. (V. 879) from Kot, in south-eastern Rajputana ; and No. 10 (V. 898) from Dholpur, in north-eastern Rajputana. The earliest known dates, from V. 428 to 898, are therefore all from eastern Rajputana, chiefly from that part of eastern Rajputana which borders on, or is included in, Malava. From the same part of India, and from Rajputana generally, we also have the following later dates : No. 17 (V. 962) from Bhillamala (Bhinmal); No. 31 (V. 1011) from Amber; No. 33 (V. 1016) from Rajorgadh; No. 50 (V. 1100) from Byana; No. 52 (V. 1136) from Arthuna; No. 120 (V. 1231) from Visalpur; No. 133 (V. 1244) from Tahangadh; Nos. 184 and 189 (V. 1324 and 1335) from Chitor; No. 194 (V. 1342) from Mount Abu; and No. 196 (V. 1344) from Udaypur. The last of the above early dates, No. 10, is from an inscription of the Chahumana Chandamahasena; and later dates of Chahumana princes are: No. 98 (V. 1210) of Vigraharajadeva; No. 104 (V. 1218) of Alhanadeva; No. 105 (V. 1220) of Visaladeva; No. 109 (V. 1224) of Prithviraja; No. 114 (V. 1226) of Somesvara; and Nos. 115, 128, and 134 (V. 1226, 1239, and 1244) of Prithviraja. From Rajputana the list takes us in an eastern direction, first to the neighbouring State of Gwalior, and afterwards through Bundelkhand and Rewah as far as Gaya in Bihar. No. 11 (V. 919), from an inscription of Bhojadeva of Kanauj, is from Deogadh in the Gwalior State; Nos. 12 and 13 (V. 932 and 933), are from inscriptions of the same king in the Fort of Gwalior; No. 14 (V. 936) is from Gyarispur, and No. 15 (V. 960) from Terahi, both in the Gwalior State; and No. 16, 18-21, 25-27, 29, and 34 (V. 960, 964, 965, 967, 969, 991, 994, 1005, 1008, and 1025), of the reigns of Mahendrapaladeva and Devapaladeva of Kanauj, are from Siyadoni in Bundelkhand. No. 30 (V. 1011), from an inscription of the Chandella Dhanga, is the first of a long series of dates of the Chandellas of Bundelkhand, to which also belong: No. 32 (V. 1011) of Yasovarman and Dhanga; Nos. 41 and 43 (V. 1055 and 1059) of Dhangadeva; No. 51 (V. 1107) of Devavarmadeva; No. 60 (V. 1154) of Kirtivarmadeva; No. 67 (V. 1173) of Jayavarmadeva Nos. 75, 77, 78, 80, 94, 99, and 101 (V. 1186, 1187, 1188, 1190, 1208, 1211, and 1215) of Madana varmadeva; Nos. 108, 129, 137, and 142 (V. 1224, 1240, 1252, and 1258) of Paramardideva; Nos. 150, 168, and 170 (V. 1269, 1297, and 1298) of Trailokyavarmadeva; Nos. 180, 185, and 191 (V. 1317, 1325, and 1337) of Viravarman; and No. 197 (V. 1345) of Bhojavarman. " Other dates from Gwalior and Bundelkhand are: No. 42 (V. 1058) from Khajuraho; No. 49 (V. 1093) from Udayagiri; Nos. 55 and 59 (V. 1145 and 1152) from Dubkund'; Nos. 58 and 63 (V. 1150 and 1161) from Gwalior; Nos. 83, 85, and 193 (V. 1192, 1194, and 1340) from Kalanjar; No. 91 (V. 1207) from Chandpur; No. 107 (V. 1222) from Udaypur in Gwalior; Nos. See ante, Vol. XIX. p. 371. I would now also say that in V. 794 the Vikrama era was not used yet in the locality to which the inscription belongs.

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DECEMBER, 1891.] THE VIKRAMA ERA. 403 116 and 131 (V. 1227 and 1243) from Ajaygadh ; No. 130 (V. 1240) from Mahoba; and No. 181 (V. 1318) from Jhansi. From the tracts of country east of Bandelkhand as far as Gaya, and those north of Bundelkhand and Rewah up to the Jumna and the Ganges, and north of these rivers as far as Jaunpar, we have the following dates : No. 102 (V. 1216) from Alha-ghat; No. 139 (V. 1253) from Rewah; No. 110 (V. 1225) from Phulwariya (?); No. 112 (V. 1225) from the Tarachindi rock ; Nos. 28, 123, and 186 (V. 1005, 1232 and 1325) from Gaya; No. 22 (V. 974) from the Asni inscription of Mahipaladeva of Kananj; No. 48 (V. 1093), from. Kurrah'; No. 88 (V. 1199) from Gadhwa; No. 45 (V. 1083) from Sarnath ; and No. 199 (V. 1353) from Jaunpur. To the south-east of Rajputana, and adjoining it, is Malava. Of the Paramara princes of this country and their successors we have the following dates : Nos. 35, 36, and 40 (V. 1031, 1036, and 1050) of Vakpatiraja-Munja ; No. 44 (V. 1078) of Bhojadeva; No. 53 (V. 1137) of Udayaditya ; Nos 64 and 65 (V. 1161 and 1164) of Nara varmadeva; Nos. 82 and 84 (V. 1191 and 1192) of Yasovarmadeva : No. 89 (V. 1200) of Lakshmivarmadeva ; No. 126 (V. 1235 and 1236) of Harischandradeva ; No. 140 (V. 1256) of Udayavarmadeva; Nos. 149, 151 and 152 (V. 1267, 1270, and 1272) of Arjunavarmadeva ; Nos. 153, 158, and 163, (V. 1275, 1286, and 1289) of Derapaladeva ; and No. 176 (V. 1312) of Jayasimhadeva. To Malava also belongs No. 81 (V. 1190) from Ingnoda. Adjoining Rajputana on the south, and west of MAlava, was the kingdom of Anhilvad (including Kathiavad), the Chaulukya and Vaghela rulers of which furnish us with the following long list of dates : No. 38 (V. 1043) of Mularaja ; No. 47 (V. 1086) of Bhimadeva I.; Nos. 56 and 57 (V. 1145 and 1148) of Karnadeva; Nos. 71 and 86 (V. 1179 and 1196) of Jayasimha deva ; Nos. 90, 96, 103 and 106 (V. 1202, 1208, 1218, and 1220) of Kumara paladeva; Nos. 118, 119, and 121 (V. 1229, 1231, and 1232) of Ajaya paladeva; Nos. 136, 141, 144-148, 156, 159, 161, 165, and 166 (V. 1251, 1256, 1261, 1263, 1264, 1265, 1266, 1283, 1287, 1288, 1295, and 1296) of Bhimadeva II.; No. 155 (V. 1280) of Jayantasimha; No. 171 (V. 1299) of Tribhuvanapaladeva ; Nos. 172, 175, and 179 (V. 1303, 1311, and 1317) of Visaladeva; No. 182 (V. 1320) of Arjunadeva; and Nos. 190, 195, and 198 (V. 1335, 1343, and 1350) of Sarangadeva.-From Kaphiavad we have, besides, the dates Nos. 100, 160, and 162 (V. 1215, 1288, and 1288 or 89) from Girnir; and No. 177 (V. 1315) from Siyal Bet. A few early dates of some of the rulers of Kanauj, north-east of Rajputana, have been already given above. Of the later Rathor princes of Kanauj we have the following dates : No. 61 (V. 1154) of Chandradeva and Madanapaladeva ; Nos. 62 and 66 (V. 1161 and 1166) of Madana pala and Govindachandradeva; Nos. 68, 70, 72-74, 76 and 79 (V. 1174, 1177, 1181, 1182, 1185. 1187, and 1188) of Govindachandradeva; No. 87 (V. 1199) of Govindachandradeva and Rajyapkladeya ; Nos. 93 and 95 (V. 1207 and 1208) of Govindachandra's queen Gosaladevi: Nos. 111 and 113 (V. 1225) of Vijayachandradeva ; and Nos. 122, 124, 125, 127, and 132 (V. 1232, 1233, 1234, 1236, ard 1243) of Jayachchandradeva.-To some of the later chiefs of Kananj apparently belong Nos. 138 and 154 (V. 1253 and 1276). And from places north-east of Rajputa na we have, besides, the dates No. 39 (V. 1049) from Dewal; No. 92 (V. 1207) from Mahaban; and No. 192 (V. 1337) from Rohtak. With the exception of two or three dates from inscriptions and about a dozen dates from MSS. about the locality of which I am not certain, the above are all the dates in my chronological list down to the year V. 1359 or about A.D. 1300; and the refult of this examination may be stated thus : Our earliest known dates, to about V. 900, are all from eastern Rajputana, especially from that part of eastern Rajputank which borders on, or is included in, MAlava. From there, if we may judge by the dates collected, the era spread first towards the north-east and east, to Kananj and to Gwalior and Bundelkhand, and afterwards towards the south-east and south, to Malava

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404 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1891. proper and Anhilvad (including Kathiavad). And, speaking generally, down to about A.D. 1300 the use of the era was confined to that comparatively small portion of India which would be included by straight lines drawn from the mouth of the Narbada to Gaya, from Gaya to Delhi, and from Delhi to the Runn of Cutch, and by the line of coast from the Runn of Cutch back to the mouth of the Narbada. Within these limits and down to the time mentioned the era was officially employed especially by the Chaulukya and Vaghela princes of Anhilvad, the Paramaras of Malava, the Chandellas of Bundelkhand, the earlier and later dynasties of Kanauj, and the chiefs of Rajputana. Names of the Era. By far the greater number of dates contain nothing to show what era was followed by the writer. It is true that from early times the word 'year,' in dates of this era, has been mostly expressed either by the full word samvatsara or by the abbreviated terms samvat or sami, and that in consequence the term samvat has been supposed to denote exclusively a year of this particular era, and that the era itself has been described as the Samvat-era.' But in reality samvat and sam may be used of the years of any era, and only in quite modern times are those terms by the Hindus themselves employed to distinguish Vikrama from Saka years.5 Irrespectively of this modern usage, the years of only 63 dates of my chronological list are qualified by certain words or phrases which were intended to specify .the era used; and it is in consequence of the employment of such words or phrases that the era is spoken of as either the Malava or the Vikrama era. The number of dates which have given rise to the former designation is only five; 58 dates of my list are expressly referred to the Vikrama era. The Malava Era. The five dates (Nos. 3, 4, 7, 14, and 115), the years of which are qualified by phrases containing the word Malava, occur all in inscriptions which are in verse, and are from places close to, or included in, Malava. The expressions actually used by the poets are three in the Mandasor inscriptions of V. 493-529 and V. 589, Malavanam ganasthitya and Malava-gana sthiti-vasut, years according to the reckoning of the Malavas'; in the Kapaswa inscription of V. 795 and the Menalgadh inscription of V. 1226, Malav-esanam samvatsara- and Malavesa-gata-vatsara-, 'years of the Malava lords' or 'years elapsed of the Malava (lord. or) lords'; and in the Gyarispur inscription of V. 936, Malava-kalach chharadam, 'years (elapsed from (the commencement of) the Malava time (or era).' As regards these phrases, the poet who recorded the late date of V. 1226 probably took the expression which he employed from some earlier poem; and altogether the phrases need not necessarily be considered to contain an indication regarding the origin of the era; but they show that from about the 5th to the 9th century this era was by poets believed to be especially used by the princes and people of Malava, while another era or other eras were known to be current in other parts of India. At the same time, considering that our earliest dates are actually from south-eastern Rajputana and the parts of Malava adjoining it, the employment of the word Mulava in connection with the era may be taken to point out fairly accurately the locality in which the era was first employed. What special circumstances may have given rise to its establishment, I am unable to determine at present. The Vikrama Era. When we examine the dates of my list to about V. 1400, the first thing to strike us is that while among the first fifty dates (down to V. 1100) we find only three which the writers expressly refer to the Vikrama era, there are seven such dates among the dates 51-100 (from V. 1100 to V. 1215), fourteen among the dates 101-150 (from V. 1215 to V. 1269), and seventeen among the dates 151-207 (from V. 1269 to V. 1384). For these figures would seem to indicate that the 5 See Professor Bhandarkar's Report for 1883-84, pp. 158-160.

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DECEMBER, 1891.] THE VIKRAMA ERA. connection of Vikrama with the era grew up gradually, or was an innovation which took centuries to become generally adopted. And here it may be stated at once that the earliest date (of the year V. 898) which contains the word vikrama at all, describes the era somewhat vaguely as 'the time called vikrama,' and that only about 150 years later, in a poen composed in V. 1050, we hear for the first time of a prince or king Vikrama, in connection with the era. 405 The next point to arrest our attention is that, with one slight exception which would rather prove the rule, down to V. 1400 the only princes who used expressions containing the word vikrama in the dates of their documents, were the Chaulukya and Vaghela rulers of Anhilvad, and that the phraseology employed in the inscriptions of these princes clearly shows a gradual advance from the simple 'year' to 'the year (of the era) established by the illustrious Vikramaditya.' The earliest Chaulukya copper-plate (date No. 38), a grant of the king Mularaja, is dated samvat, 'in the year,' 1043. In the copper-plates of Mularaja's successors, and in other inscriptions and MSS. the dates of which are referred to the reign of one or other of them, we find in the place of the simple saivat the following phrases : vikrama-samvat, in a copper-plate of Bhimadeva I. of the year 1086, and in a copper-plate of Karpadeva of the year 1148 (dates No. 47 and 57); Sri-nripa-Vikrama-samvat, in a stone inscription of Jayasimhadeva of the year 1196 (No. 86); Srimad-Vikrama-samvat, in a stone inscription of the reign of Kumarapaladeva of the year 1202 (No. 90); Nripa-Vikrama-kalad-arvak, in a copper-plate of the reign of Ajayapaladeva of the year 1231 (No. 119); Sri-Vikrama-nripateh samvat and ri-Vikrama-narendra-sahvat, in MSS. of the reign of Bhimadeva II. of the years 1251 and 1261 (Nos. 136 and 144); Srimad-Vikramadity-otpadita-samvatsara- in copper-plates of Bhimadeva II. of the years 1256, 1263, 1283, 1287, 1288, 1295, 1296, and in a copper-plate of Tribhuvanapaladeva of the year 1299 (Nos. 141, 145, 156, 159, 161, 165, 166, and 171); Srimad-Vikrama-nripa-kal-atita-samvatsara- and sri-Vikrama-samvat, in a copper-plate of Bhimadeva II. of the year 1266 (No. 148); Srimad-Vikrama-kal-atita-samvatsare, in a copper-plate of the Vighela Visaladeva of the year 1317 (No. 179); Sri-nripa-Vikrama-sam, in stone inscriptions of the reigns of Arjunadeva and Sarangadeva of the years 1320 and 1343 (Nos. 182 and 195), Besides, ari-Vikrama-saivat also occurs in two inscriptions of the years 1288 and 1288 or 89 (Nos. 160 and 162) at Girnar in Kathiavad which belonged to Aphilvad; and we find ari Vikrama-kal-atita-samvatsara- exceptionally in three copper-plates, of the years 1191, 1235, and 1256 (Nos. 82, 126, and 140), of the later Paramaras of Malava who, in employing a phrase of this kind, may well be supposed to have imitated their neighbours, the kings of Anhilvad, who more than once had conquered portions of Malava. Now, what I would lay particular stress on in regard to the above expressions, is the gradual change which may be observed in the phraseology of the dates from the time of Malaraja to that of Bhimadeva II. In the copper-plate of Mularaja the year of the date is simply called samhvat, the year.' In the grants of Bhimadeva I. and Karnadeva the year becomes the vikrama-year.' This expression, under Jayasimhadeva, Kumarapaladeva and Ajayapaladeva, is changed to the year of the illustrious Vikrama,' or 'the year of the illustrious prince Vikrama,' or 'the year reckoned from the time of the prince Vikrama.' And finally, under Bhimadeva II., about A. D. 1200, we have the year (of the era) established by the illustrious Vikramaditya.' In fact, that phrase which, supposing the era to have been established by or

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406 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1891. invented in memory of a king Vikramaditya, we should have expected to find in the very earliest dates, we actually meet with only in some of the latest dates. In addition to the dates enumerated we have, down to V. 1400, altogether seventeen dates which are expressly referred to the Vikrama era; and these seventeen dates again have this in common, that (exactly like the dates which are referred to the Malava era), all occur in inscrip. tions or literary works which are in verse. And in fourteen out of these seventeen dates the date itself is in verse and forms part of the poem, while in three instances it is in prose and has been added at the end of a poem. The exact terms in which the poets refer to the era in these dates, are as follows: No. 10 (V. 898), from a Chahumana inscription at Dholpar: gatasya kalasya vikramakhyasya, 898 years of the time called vikrama, gone by '; No. 40 (V. 1050), from Amitagati's Subhashita-ratna-samdoha: samarudhe puta-tridasavasatim Vikrama-nripe, after king Vikrama had ascended to the pure dwelling of the immortals;' No. 54 (V. 1139), from a prasasti by Guruchandragani: Vikkamau kalammi 'in the time from Vikrama'; No. 58 (V. 1149), from an inscription at Gwalior: gateshv-abdeshu Vikramat, 'years gone by from Vikrama'; No. 114 (V. 1226), from a Chahumana inscription at Bijholi: kale Vikramabhasvatah, in the time of Vikramaditya'; No. 121 (V. 1232), from the Narapati-jayacharya: Vikramarka-gate kale, 'in the time gone by from Vikramarka'; No. 130 (V. 1240), from an inscription at Mahoba: Sahasankasya vatsare, 'in the year of Sahasanka (i. e. Vikramaditya)'; Nos. 137 (V. 1252) and 180 (V. 1317), from Chandella inscriptions at Bateevar and Ajaygadh: Vikrama-vatsare, 'in the Vikrama year '; No. 143 (V. 1260), from a prasasti by Malayaprabhasuri: ari. Vikramato gateshu, years 'gone by since the illustrious Vikrama '; Nos. 201 and 202 (V. 1365), from Jinaprabha's Bhayaharastava-vritti and Ajitasantistavavritti: samvad-Vikrama-bhupateh, 'in the year of the king Vikrama '; Nos. 206 and 207 (V. 1384), from Delhi Museum inscriptions: abde Vikramarkatah and Vikram-abde, 'in the year from Vikramarka,' or ' of Vikrama.' The above are all from verses; the following are from dates in prose, added at the end of poems: No. 63 (V. 1161), from an inscription at Gwalior eri-Vikramarka-nripa-kal-utitasamvatsara-; No. 105 (V. 1220), from the Delhi Siwalik pillar inscription: samvat eri-Vikramuditye; and No. 192 (V. 1337), from the 'Pilam Baoli' inscription: samvatsare-smin=Vaikramadity-. Now, considering that eleven of these seventeen dates are from inscriptions in Rajputana and districts north of Rajputana, and in Gwalior and Bundelkhand, the result of our examination may be stated thus: The earliest known instance of the word vikrama occurring in a date we find in au inscription in verse, by which the year 898 is referred to the time called vikrama;' a prince or a king Vikrama is for the first time spoken of in connection with the era in a poer. composed in V. 1050; and over the largest part of the territories in which the era was used * In verse 276 of Dhanapala's Paiyalachchht the year 1029 also is referred to the vikrama-kala. This date I had overlooked when compiling my chronological list.

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DECEMBER, 1891.] THE VIKRAMA ERA. 407 it was, down to V. 1400, styled the Vikrama era by poets only. In official documents the description of the era as Vikrama era is practically confined to the kingdom of Anhilvad, and the inscriptions of the rulers of that kingdom show how the original expression sarvat, the year,' (in V. 1086) first became the vikrama-samvat, and was afterwards further amplified until about A. D. 1200, it had become the year of the era) established by the illustrious Vikramaditya.' In the language of both poetry and prose, what we may call the technical expressions Vikrama era' and 'year of the king Vikrauna' were preceded by the simpler or vaguer terms 'vikrama-time' and vikrama-year;' and my chronological list shows that, the later the dates, the more frequently were their years expressly referred to the Vikrama era. This state of the case, in my opinion, certainly tends to show that the era was neither established by, nor designedly invented in memory, of, a king Vikramaditya. Had it been founded by a king Vikramaditya in 58 B. C., or had there existed any tradition to that effect, it would indeed be more than strange that no allusion should ever have been made to this for more than a thousand years afterwards. And had it been invented in memory of some great king, the name of that king would surely have been prominently mentioned in the earliest dates, and would not have been brought to our notice gradually and, as it were, hesitatingly, when the era had already been in use for at least five hundred years. Besides, it must be borne in mind (though on this I would lay little stress) that, independently of the fact that this era commences in 58 B, C., nothing has yet been brought forward to prove the existence of a king Vikramaditya in the century preceding the birth of Christ. And as regards the late Mr. Fergusson's theory, according to which the Brahmans, during the tenth or eleventh century A D., in memory of a king Vikramaditya, invented this era which they made to commence in A. D. 544, bnt for convenience of reckoning antedated 600 years, that theory, highly artificial as it was in itself, can no longer be upheld, because we now possess at least two (contemporaneous) dates which are anterior to A. D. 544.7 The reason why the era in later times was joined with the name of a king Vikrama, has therefore still to be sought; and, as suggested by the dates, the question in the first instance would appear to be, how and in which sense the word vikrama originally came to be connected with the years of the era. We have seen above that the greater number of early dates which admit of verification belong to southern (Karttikadi) years, and have arrived at the conclusion that this reckoning by Karttikadi years was a distinguishing feature of the Vikrama era. While the "Saka year began with the month Chaitra (March-April), the Vikrama year originally commenced with the month Kirttika (October-November); the former began in spring, the Vikrama year began in autumn. Now autumn (sarad) in India was the season when kings went out to war; autumn was pre-eminently the Vikrama-kala. This the poets knew as well as the authors of the Niti- and Dharma-sastras, and are never tired of impressing on us. In the Ramayana Rama says to Sagriva :10 - This is the month of Sravan, first Of those that see the rait-clouds burst. See Professor Max Miller's India, what can it teach us?, p. 284: "The whole theory would collapse if one single coin or stone could be produced dated (contemporaneously) A. D. 043." See Mr. Fleet's Gupta Inscriptions, Introduction, P. 66, note 2: "It can hardly be doubted that the original scheme of the Vikrams yours is the one commencing with the first day of the bright fortnight of Karttika." I cannot quite concur in the remark of Mr. Fleet that the counting of the era by autumna is worth noting "as being one of the points which identify the MAlava era with the Vikrama era;" for the word larad also occurs in dates of other eras, and its employment is due to the fact that the writers of the dates Professor Geldner draws my attention to the fact that already in the Rigveda Indra destroys the strongholda of the demons in autumn. Compare Rigveda, i, 131, 4; 174, 2; ii, 12, 11 ; vi, 20, 10. - According to Varahamihira's Brihatsamhita, xliv, 1 and 2, the lastration of horses, elephants, and troops (preparatory to going out to war), is to take place on the eighth, twelfth, or fifteenth of the bright half of Karttika or Asvayuja... 10 See the Kishkindhakanda, xxvi, 14-17, and XXI, 60-61. I quote above from Mr. Griffith's Translation

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408 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1891. Four months, thou knowest well, extends The season when the rain descends. No time for deeds of war is this: Seek thon thy fair metropolis, And I with Lakshman, O my friend, The time npon this hill will spend. When Karttik's month shall clear the skies, Then tempt the mighty enterprise. And later on he thus laments over the inactivity of his ally : Lord Indra thousand-eyed has sent The sweet rain from the firmament, Sees the rich promise of the grain, And turns him to his rest again. The clouds with voices loud and deep, Veiling each tree upon the steep, Upou the thirsty earth have shed Their precions burden, and are fled. Now in kings' hearts ambition glows: They rush to battle with their foes; But in Sugriva's sloth I see No care for deeds of chivalry 11 In the Raghuvamsa Raghu undertakes his digvijaya in autumn. Antamn, decorated with lotus-flowers, approaches him like a second Rajalakshmi, and invites him to set out before Raghu himself is resolved ; in autumn the balls even seek to equal him in vikrama.13 Similarly Bharavi speaks of autumn at the marching out of Arjuna 13 In the Ravanavaho and in the Bhattidvya Rama sets out in autumn to slay Ravana and regain Sita.14 In the Gaudavaho Yasovarma starts at the end of the rainy season, in autumn, to subject the whole earth to his sway.16 In the Harshacharita, Bana speaks of the grey beard of an aged warrior as the beginning of autumn (sarad-drambha), white with fowering grasses, ejected again from the mouth after it had been drunk at war-time (vikrama-kdle).16 In the third act of the Mudrardhshasa the poet devotes several stanzas to the description of autumn, solely to intimate to the audience 11 The original text, in the Bombay edition, is : Anyonya-baddha-vairn& jigtehunan nripAtmaja! adyoga-samayah saumya parthivandm upasthitah 11 Iyam sa prathama yAtra partLivandi nripAtmaja! na cha pabyAmi Sugrivam adyogam cha tath vidham 11 11. See Raghuvarsa, iv, 14, 22, and 24. 13 See Kirdtarjuniya, iv. 14 See Ravanavaho, ed. by S. Goldschmidt, i, 14 and 18: "With diffculty passed for DAarathi the rainy season, the evening twilight for the sun of his energy, the strong fetter for the elephant of his anger, the cage of the lion of victory. " Then there came,- for the monkey chief the path of glory, the prime support of the life of Raghava, for SitA the stoppage of her tears, for the Ten-headed the day of death, there came the autumn." And compare also i, 34, where the commentary has the noto : karat-samay& bhafanam ymaana : farat-samayd bhatandth yuddha udyBg6 bhavati. Soo also Bhattikavya, vii, 14; and compare particularly ii, 1, with the remarks of the commentators. 18 Soe Gaud avaho, verse 192. 16 The passage of the Harshacharita, referred to in the abovo, ooonrs in the 6th uchchhudaa (on p. 166 of the Caloutta edition), and has been already cited by Mr. S. P. Pandit in the Introduction of his edition of the Gaudavaho, p. 102, but explained altogether differently, probably because Mr. Pandit's text was oorrupt and yields Do sense at all. My own reading of the text is : vamann iva vilrama-kala-pftam akale-pi vikasi-da-lamand-Visadam sarad-Arambham. In my opinion B&ns would never have used the preseion vikrama-kala in the way he doel, if it had been already in his time a technical term denoting an era.

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DECEMBER, 1891.) THE VIKRAMA ERA. 409 that, as Chanakya puts it, the time is one for warlike exertion, not for festivities.17 In the prologue of a play which treats of war, it is the season of autumn that must be sung about 18 From autumn, the true vikrama-kala, it is but a short step to the year being called vikramakala, and in my opinion the Hindas did take this step, and the vikrama-kala of the dates origi. nally is nothing else than the poets''war-time,' from autumn transferred to the year. Since poets were accustomed to speak of sarad as vikrama-kala, it was but natural that this expression should have become connected also with sarad in the sense of year,' especially as sarad has always been with poets a most common word for year; and to describe the year as vikrama-kala must have seemed the more appropriate as suggesting that which was the characteristic feature of the year which people were using, namely the fact that that year commenced in autumn, the season of war. Thus the usage of the poets would first have led to the employment, in connection with the years of the era, of the terms vikrama-kala and vikrama-sainvatsara or vikramasash vat, the very terms which we meet with in the earliest dates that contain the word vikrama. Afterwards, when the origin and the true meaning of the terms vikrama-kala and vikramayear had been forgotten, people would seek to interpret those terms after the manner of their time, and, Vikrama being a well-known name of famous kings, they would naturally connect the ern with a king of that name who would be supposed, either, like their own kings, to have counted the years from his accession, or to have otherwise given occasion for the establishment of the era. The manner in which the change actually took place, is clearly indicated by the dates which we have examined. The vikrama-time and tbe vikrama-year became the time of the illustrious Vikrama' and 'the year of the illustrious Vikrama.' The name thus created for the era could not of course at once have been used every. where, but would only have been adopted gradually; and accordingly, when we see it occur rarely in the earlier and more and more frequently in the later dates, this is exactly what, in conformity with my views, might have been expected. And curiously enough we find that even down to V. 1400, in general only poeta described the era by the new name, just as the usage of poets had first suggested its invention, and just as it is the poets who, at an earlier stage, had described the same era as the Malavs era, - a name whose direct connection with the later name appears to be only this, that both are essentially poetical names of the era with which we are dealing. Others have intimated that the Vikrama era was invented by the Brahmane to get rid of the Saka era, supposed to have been obnoxious as being the era of the Buddhists. I have not been able to discover anything which would support such a theory. What an examination of the dates teaches, would rather appear to be this, that the (Karttikadi) Vikrama year was peculiarly the year of the warriors or Rajaputras, while the Brahmans who were responsible for the making of the calendars would naturally have been reckoning by Chaitradi ('Saka) years, as we most do now when calculating or verifying a Hinda date. And it is at any rate a fact that the Vikrama era has been adopted, more than by others, by the non-Brahmanical Jainas, just as the official description of it as Vikrama era, in early times, is especially peculiar to the kingdom of Anhilvad, the stronghold of the Jaina religion. Some matters of detail regarding the calculated dates. Irregular dates: - Returning now to the list of calculated dates, I would first obviate a misunderstanding for which my own classification of the dates might possibly, to some extent, be held responsible. I have sometimes heard it stated that the Hindus in recording their dates hare never been very accurate, and anybody holding such views would probably, in support of them, IT See Mr. Telang's Edition, p. 116, line 3 of the commentary: an na sardagur of the commentary: anena saradgura-kathandna yatro-samnha-samaya iti dhvanitam vakshyati cha Chanakyah suyan yayama-kol n-trava-kala iti Compare p. 188, 1. 3. 18 Professor S. Levi's Theatre Indien, Appendix, p. 27.-Allusions to the fact that autumn (sorad) is the senson of war are also met with in inscriptions : see e. g. M. Barth's Inscr. Barucrites du Cambodge. p. 13, 6, and p. 16, 4.

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410 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1891. point to my lists in which, out of 200 dates, no less than 45 (Nos. 151-195) have been put down as irregular. But a more careful examination will show that the case is not as bad as it appears, at first sight. For of what I have called irregular dates, two (Nos. 158 and 159) are really regular, 10 and seven others (Nos. 151-157) are shown to be regular, when calculated by the proper Siddhanta which the writer of the date must be supposed to have followed; and in the case of eight other dates (Nos. 160-167) the irregularity is simply owing to the facts that the dates either are partly illegible or that they were misread by those who first deciphered them. Thus the number of irregular dates would already be reduced from 45 to 28. And, out of these again eight (Nos. 168-175) are termed irregular solely because the tithi apparently is joined in them, not with the day on which it ended, but with the day on which it commenced. Now we know that a tithi often must be joined with the day on which it commences, and in the case of some of these so-called irregular dates we can already now point out the exact rule by which it has actually been so treated. The whole subject of what may be called current tithis is indeed so intricate and offers to the Hindus themselves so great difficulties that it cannot be treated here incidentally and for the Vikrama dates alone; but what I have seen of it would certainly for the present make me suspend my judgment in cases where the civil day would seem to have been joined with the tithi commencing on it, and I would therefore not venture to say that any of the dates 168-175 are really incorrect. Accordingly there remain altogether 20 dates (Nos. 176-195) which there seem to be good reasons for considering as wholly or partly faulty. Out of this number no less than fifteen dates occur in copper-plate inscriptions, two (Nos. 177 and 189) are dates of stone inscriptions, two (Nos. 182 and 195) are in verses recording the times when certain literary works were composed, and one (No. 186) is a date of a MS. Here the comparatively large number of apparently incorrect dates met with in copper-plate grants 15 out of 45 dates of copper-plate inscriptions which my list contains- must strike us as very remarkable and, considering the general correctness of other dates, one cannot help suspecting that some at least of the documents which contain those incorrect dates must be forgeries. Years of other eras, quoted along with the Vikrama years :--In addition to the Vikrama year, ten of the calculated dates (Nos. 20, 22, 23, 25, 30, 43, 45, 48, 119, and 200) also quote the corresponding Saka year, once (in No. 20) incorrectly. I have already mentioned that the earliest and only ancient date of this description occurs in the Deogadh stone inscription of Bhojade va of Kanauj of V. 919 (No. 30), and that after that time the Saka year is not quoted again along with the Vikrama year till V. 1439 (No. 43). One of the ten dates (No. 119 of V. 1717) quotes, besides the 'Saka year, also the corresponding Saptarshi year, here described as the Sastra year; and the same Saptarshi year is quoted also with the Vikrama year only, in the date No. 94. Two dates, of V. 1202 and 1266 (No. 108 and No. 9) quote the Simha year; and the well-known Veraval date of V. 1320 (No. 129) quotes not only the Simha, but also the Muhammadan (Hijra) and Valabhi years. Besides, the date No. 261 of the chronological list, of V. 1652, quotes the Allai (or Ilahi) year to which the day of the date belcaged. As regards the Vikrama year itself, it may be mentioned here that the four dates Nos. 23, 47, 101, and 167 of the list of calculated dates are expressly referred to the Ashadhadi Vikrama year, of which I have treated separately ante, Vol. XVIII. p. 251.20 Jupiter years quoted along with the Vikrama years: - Jupiter years are quoted in only sixteen dates of my list, and it is a remarkable fact and one which well accords with the original practical character of the Vikrama era, that none of these dates is earlier than V. 1232 (No. 163). With the exception of one quite modern date from the Kanarese country (No. 200 of V. 1841), the systems followed are the so-called northern systems. In three dates, of V. 10 On the dates Nos. 158 and 159 see my remarks on 'repeated tithis,' below. 20 The Ashadhadi Vikrama year 1574 is quoted in the date of a MS., described by Professor A. A. Macdonell in the preface of his edition of Katyfyana's Sarvanukramant, p. xiii.

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THE VIKRAMA ERA. -- 411 DECEMBER, 1891.] 1464, 1531, and 1555 (Nos. 149, 22, and 48) the Jovian year was actually current on the day of the date, but had not begun at the commencement of the solar year (mean-sign system). In six dates, of V. 1275, 1386, 1445, 1458, 1707, and 1785 (Nos. 11, 166, 44, 20, 25, and 55) the Jovian year was no longer current on the day of the date, but was current at the commencement of the solar year (northern luni-solar system). And in six other dates, of V. 1232, 1353, 1500, 1650, 1686 and 1877 (Nos. 163, 42, 73, 51, 53, and 175) the Jovian year was current both on the day of the date and also at the commencement of the solar year (either mean-sign system or northern luni-solar system). Regarding the wording of the dates attention may be drawn to the phrase Bhave samvatsare purne in the date No. 166, by which the year Bhava is distinctly described as, what it really was, an expired year. And in general it may be observed that in no less than five out of the above sixteen dates (Nos. 20, 22, 25, 48, and 200) the 'Saka year is quoted along with the Vikrama year. Intercalary months: Turning now from the years to the months, we find that intercalary months are distinctly quoted as such in ten dates. With a single exception, all these dates are dates of MSS. In five of them, of V. 1534, 1630, 1724, southern V. 1746 and northern V. 1747 (Nos. 75, 50, 78, 79, and 158), the name of the month is qualified by the word prathama-; in three, of V. 1218, 1298, and 1489 (Nos. 34, 137, and 157), by the word dvitiya- or the abbreviated term dei; and in only one quite modern date (No. 175 of northern V. 1877) by adhika-, which in this instance has reference to the first of the two bright fortnights of the intercalary month. The exception mentioned is the date of a stone inscription of V. 1100 (No. 134) in which the month is poetically described as maya-Bhadrapada, 'the false Bhadrapada,' an expression which my calculation of the date shows to denote the first of the two amanta months Bhadrapada. It may be added that one of the ten dates (No. 157 of V. 1489) furnishes an instance for the well-known fact that calculations by several Siddhantas do not always yield the same intercalary month. Under the date No. 79 I have shown that the writer has called the same month, which in one place he describes as prathama-Vaisakha, in another place simply Vaisakha, though referring both times to the same lunar fortnight. And my list contains several other dates the months of which were intercalary, though this is not indicated by the wording of the dates. Thus Chaitra was intercalary in the date No. 36 of V. 1232, and Vaisakha in No. 62 of V. 1220, and the bright half of the first date was the second bright half (of the proper Chaitra), and the bright half of the second date the first bright half (of the intercalated Vaisakha). Similarly Jyeshtha was intercalary in the date No. 121 of V. 1877, and Ashadha in No. 129 of V. 1320, and the dark halves of both months were the first dark halves (of the purnimanta proper Jyeshtha and Ashadha). Of the two dates No. 110 of V. 960 and No. 145 of V. 1315 it is impossible to speak with confidence; and the date No. 166 of V. 1386 is altogether so peculiarly worded that the absence of any reference to the fact that the month of it was intercalary possesses little significance. Laukika months: In seven dates of copper-plate inscriptions of the Chaulukyas of Anhilvad, the earliest of which is of the year V. 1256 and the latest of V. 1317, the word laukika- and the abbreviated terms lauks and laudeg are prefixed to the names of the months. Thus, in the dates Nos. 9, 13, 39, and 109, of V. 1266, 1283, 1263, and 1256, where the date is first given in words and afterwards repeated in figures, we find laukika Margga- and lauki Margga-, laukika-Karttika- and lauki Karttika-, laudeg Sravana- and Sravana-, Bhadrapada. and lau Bhadrapada-. Besides we have in No. 138 of V. 1317 laukika-Jyeshtha-, in No. 164 of V. 1264 lau Ashadha-, and in No. 194 of V. 1299 lau Phaguna. Here the circumstance that the simple Sravana is in the same date employed in the place of laudeg Sravana and laudeg Bhadrapada in the place of the simple Bhadrapada, as well as the manner in which the dates work out, would almost suffice to prove that the laukika months are nothing else than the ordinary lunar months. But the matter is placed beyond all doubt by certain passages in Jaina literary

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412 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (DECEMBER, 1891. works21 which tell us that the Jainas bad two kinds of names for the months, the laukika or ordinary names, 'Sravana, Bhadrapada, etc., and the lokottara namos abhinandita (or abhinanda), pratishthita (or supratishtha), vijaya, pritivardhana, sreyah, biva, sisira, hinnavat, Vasantamasa, kusumasambhava, nidagha, and vanaviroha (or vanavirodhin). Laukika-Sravana would thus mean the month which is ordinarily called Sravana (but whose 18kottara zame is abhinandita),' and this Jaina usage has been followed in the above dates; and it is plain now why the word laukika, which some scholars have erroneously taken as qualifying the year, occurs in this manner just in inscriptions from Anhilvad. - In the place of laukika and in the same sense the word sadharana appears to be used in the date No. 186 of V. 15:2, which is from a MS. of which I do not know where it was written. Nakshatras, Karanas, and Yogas: - If we now turn to the days of the dates, it must strike as that, compared with the dates of the 'Saka era, the Vikrama dates, especially in more early times, rarely furnish any data besides the tithi and weekday. Thus, down to V. 1250, out of seventy dates of my list of calculated dates only one (No. 57 of V. 898) gives the nakshatra and yoga, and four (Nos. 190, 30, 58, and 31, of V. 794, 919, 962, and 1042), two of which are from literary works and the earliest of which is from a forged copper-plate, give the nakshatra. And altogether, of the 200 calculated dates, three (N08. 11, 22, and 23) give the nakshatru, karana, and yoga, five (Nos. 8, 57, 71, 122, and 136) the nakshatra and yoga; 20 the nakshatra only, and one (No. 39) gives the yoga (Vyatipata) only. Of these 29 dates ten are from stone inscriptions, ten from literary works, biz are dates of M88., and three of copper-plates. All the items thus furnisbed are correct, except those given in the dates Nos. 190 and 195. Lunar and solar eclipses : - Five dates from copper-plate inscriptions mention lunar eclipses, and five, also from copper-plates, solar eclipses. The lunar eclipses all work out satisfactorily. Two of them in Nos. 5 and 40, of v. 1055 and 1272) were total eclipses, visible in India, and two (in No8. 4 and 161, of v. 1036 and 1220) partial eclipses, also visible in India. Of the eclipse mentioned in No. 80 of V. 1200 it is imposeible to speak quite positively, because it so happens that there were lunar eclipses on each of the three possible European equivalents of the Hindu date, but as only one of these eclipses was visible in India, it is highly probable that this is the eclipse referred to by the inscription - Of the five solar eclipses only two work out satisfactorily. One of these (in No. 83 of V. 1043) was a total eclipse, which was not visible in India, and the other in No. 114 of V. 1270) a total eclipse, visible in India. The three other solar eclipses are mentioned in the daien Nos. 190, 192, and 194; of V. 794, 1166, and 1299, which do not work out properly. - What deserves to be drawn special attention to here, is, that one of the solar eclipses, as already remarked, was not visible in India, * Samkrantis :-The date No. 139 of V. 994 quotes an unspecified sarnkranti (really the Vrisha-sankranti) which took place during the tithi of the date, 3 h. 30 m. after mean sunset : and another unspecified sankranti is quoted, wrongly, as it appears, in the date No. 193 of V. 1187.-Two dates, No. 74 of V. 1516 and No. 119 of V. 1717, mention the Mosha-samkranti, which in both cases took place during the tithi of the date, in the one date sh 1 m. before mean sunrise, and in the other 1 h. 1 m. after mean sunset.-A Dakshinayana-samkranti which also took place during the tithi of the date, 4 h. 32 m. after mean sunset, is quoted in connection with the date No. 112 of V. 1084.-Besides, the Uttarayana-samkrinti is mentioned in five dates. In two of them, No. 12 of v. 1280 and No. 174 of V. 1234, the sankranti took place during the tithi of the date, in day-time, but the dates differ from each other in this that in the second date the tithi is joined with the week-day on which it commenced. In the date No. 169 of V. 1078 (assuming the reading of it to be correct) the sankranti took place 3 b. 29 m. before the commencement of the day on which the tithi commenced 3 h. 24 m. after mean sunrise ; and in No. 176 of V. 1161 it took place 7 h. 58 m. after mean sunrise, between - Compare ... Indische Studion, Vol. X. p. 298, and Professor Weber Catalogue, Vol. II. p. 592.

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DECEMBER, 1891.) THE VIKRAMA ERA. 413 three to four hours after the end of the tithi of the date. Finally, in No. 191 of V. 1154 the Uttarayana-samkranti is wrongly quoted, because it cannot possibly take place on the third of the bright half of the month Magha, the day given by the date.--The general result is, that in six out of eight cases in which a sankranti may be supposed to have been correctly quoted, it took place during the actual tithi of the date; and taking this to be the rule, I have little doubt that the same was the case in the date No. 169, and that the reading of that date should be altered in the way already suggested by me under the date.22 Other holy or festive times : - Occasions, other than eclipses and sankrantis, on which donations were made, are mentioned in connection with the dates in the following terms :manvadau, in connection with Chaitra-sudi 15, in the date No. 172 of y. 1185 ; akshayatritiya - parvani and akshayatritiyd-yugadi-parvani, with Vaisakha-sudi 3, in No. 63 of V. 1222 and No. 173 of v. 1229; maha-Vaisakhyari parvani, with Vaisakha-sudi 15, in No. 71 of V. 1256 ; mahachaturdasi-parvani, with 'Sravana-sudi 14, in No. 35 of v. 1218; Karttikodyapana-parvani, with Karttika-sudi 11, in No. 180 of V. 1231; am dvusyd-parvani in No. 109 of V. 1256; vyatipata-parvani (denoting here the yoga Vyatipata) in No. 39 of V. 1263 ; abhisheka. parvani in No. 10 of V. 1263; and atmiya-matuh survatsarike in No. 178 of V. 1107. Among these dates special attention may be drawn to Nos, 63, 172, and 173, which quote the manvadi, yugadi, and akshaya-tritiya festivals. Repeated tithis:-An instance of a repeated tithi is distinctly furnished by the date No. 158 of V. 1747 in which the day is described as dvitiya-chaturthi-dira; and I would here draw particular attention to that date because my previous remarks on it are not quite correct. When they were written, I had been misled to believe that a day on which no tithi ends receives the number of the tithi which ends on the preceding day, and I accordingly stated that in the date under discussion we should by Professor Jacobi's Tables have two days numbered 3, and only one fourth day. But as in reality, and most naturally, a day on which no tithi ends receives the number of the tithi which is current during the whole of that day and ends on the following day, the result obtained from Professor Jacobi's Tables quite accords with the wording of the date No. 158, and Wednesday, 19th March, A.D. 1690, was by those Tables really a dvitiya-chaturthidina. A proper understanding of the rule regarding adhika tithis also shows the date No. 159 of v. 1404 to be quite correct by the Tables. For since in that case the 14th tithi of the bright half commenced I h. 4 m. before mean sunrise of Thursday, 18 October, and ended 0 h. 45 m. after mean sunrise of Friday, 19 October, A. D. 1347, both the Thursday and the Friday must have been numbered 14 in the calendar, and the Thursday, which more fully might be described as prathama-chaturdasi-dina, is properly denoted in the date by sudi 14. Suggestions for Calculating Datos. The above are about all the remarks of more general interest that are suggested to me by the lists of dates, and I would therefore for the presenta conclude these notes with a few practical hints which may save trouble to others. So far as my own experience goes, a tithi of the bright fortnight never ends on the same weekday more than once in three consecutive years, and accordingly, when, by calculating a tithi of the bright fortnight for one of the two or three) possible years, the proper weekday has been found, such a result may generally be considered as satisfactory, and no further calculation need be made for the remaining possible year or years. In the case of a date of the bright fortnight of the months Karttika to Phalguna (e.g., No. 3), the calculation should first be made for the expired Vikrama year, because mostly this will at once furnish the desired result. In dates of the bright fortnight of the months Chaitra to Asvina (e. g., No. 30 or 57), the calcula 2 Attention may be drawn here to the occurrence of the term shadastika, denoting one of tha solar months, in No. 166 of V. 1396. >> Some intorasting dates collected since the publiontion of my lists will be published hereafter.

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414 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1891. tion should first be made for either the northern or the southern expired year, and the northern current year should be tried only when neither of the two other years has yielded a satisfactory equivalent of the original date. A tithi of the dark fortnight never ends on the same weekday more than once in three con. secutive years for the same scheme of a lunar month, i.e., either the amanta scheme, or the purnimanta scheme. But not infrequently such a tithi in the amanta month of one year may end on the same weekday on which it ended in the pirnimanta month of the same name of the preceding year. Accordingly, in verifying a date of the dark fortnight of the months Karttika to Phalguna, one should begin by calculating for the purnimanta month of the expired year. If thereby the desired weekday is found (as, e. g., in No. 83), the result may be regarded as final, and no further calculations are necessary. On the other hand, if the purnimanta month yields no satisfactory result, the amanta month of the expired year should be tried (as, e. g., in No. 97); and here it should be remembered that, even when the proper weekday has thus been obtained, the result is not necessarily the only one possible, because the purnimanta month of the current year may perhaps yield the same weekday (as, e. g., in No. 103). The verification of dates in dark fortnights of the months Chaitra to Asvina is more troublesome still, and it seems impossible to suggest any particular line of procedure beyond saying that the necessary calculations should here too always first be made for the expired (northern or southern) years. But in addition to what has been already stated concerning the weekdays of the purnimanta month of one year and the amanta month of the same name of the following year, it may finally be mentioned here that sometimes the amanta,month of the northern current year, too, yields the same weekday for the end of a tithi as the purnimanta month of the same name of the southern expired year (as, e.g., in No. 143). SANSKRIT AND OLD-KANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. BY J. F. FLEET, BO.C.S., M.R.A.S., C.I.E. No. 196.- COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF NARENDRAM RIGABAJA-VIJAYADITYA II. I edit this inscription from the original plates, which belonged to Sir Walter Elliot, and are now, I understand, in the British Museum. I had them for examination in 1878. I have no information as to where they were obtained. The inscription has recently been edited by Dr. Hultzsch, in his South-Indian Inscriptions, Vol. I. p. 31 ff., No. 35; his version of the text, however, being given in Devanigari, I bave now to give my own reading in Roman characters. The plates, of which the first and last are inscribed on one side only, are five in number, each measuring about 9" by 3". The edges of them were raised into rims; and the writing is mostly in a state of fairly good preservation: the surfaces of the plates are a good deal corroded, and in a few places they are quite eaten through by rust; but even there only a very few letters are entirely obliterated. The ring on which the plates are strung is about " thick and 41" in diameter; it has not been cut; but one end of it is loose in the socket, and advantage was evidently taken of this to detach the plates, in order to make the impressions which are in the Elliot collection; they were afterwards secured by a thickening of the ring at the same end. The seal on the ring is circular, about 21" in diameter. In relief on a countersunk sarface, it has, - across the centre, the legend ari-Tribhuvanamluia; in the upper part, the sun and moon; and in the lower part, a floral device. - The characters belong to the southern class of alphabets ; and are of the regular type of the period and part of the country to which the record belongs. The average size of the letters is about ". Many of them are filled in with a hard incrustation of rust; but in the others there are discernible, as usual, marks of the working of the engraver's tool. They do not show through on the reverse sides of the plates. -- The language is Sansktit; and, except in the quotation of four of the customary benedictive and imprecatory verses and in the use of a verse to give the name of the Dataka, the whole record is in prose. - In respect of orthography, the only points that call for notice are

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DECEMBER, 1891.) GRANT OF NARENDRAMRIGARAJA.VIJAYADITYA II. 415 (1) the use of krs and kri for kri, in sankriti and sankriti, lines 21, 23; (2) the use of the Dravidian I in the dynastic name, line 5, and in karaokla, line 7, nala, line 8, lalita, line 9, dhavala, line 10, and gardasthala, line 11; and (3) the doubling of a after r in darksi, line 15. The insoription is one of the Eastern Chalukya king Narendramrigaraja. Vijayaditya II. It is non-sectarian; the object of it being only to record the grant, to twenty-four Brahmans, of the village of Korraparru in a vishaya the principal part of the name of which is illegible. The grant was made on the occasion of an eolipso of the moon; but the date is not specified by any further details. It may be noted how the grantees are groaped together, not by their birth-places or their gotras, but by their sutra.. With the exception of Vijayavada, the birth-place or residence of the writer, which must be the modern Baswada in the Kistna District, I cannot identify, with any certainty, any of the places that are mentioned in this record. The Dutaka of the grant was the prince Nripa-Rudra, who is described as a brother (bhratri) of Vijayaditya IL, but as a descendant of the Haihaya race.' He appears, therefore, to have been half-brother, born from a different mother belonging by birth to the lineago of the Kalachuris of Tripura. TEXT. First Plate. 1 Svasti 'Srimatam sakala-bhavana-samstayamana-Manavya-sagdtranAm Hariti-putranam Kansiki-vara-prasada-labdha-rajyanam matsi-gana-paripalitanam Svami-Mahase na-pa3. d-Anudhyatanam bhagavan-Narayana-prasada-samasadita-vara-varahalanchhan-ekshana4 kahana-Vabiktit-Arati-mandala na[m] davamedh-avabbrita(tha)snana-pavitrikrita-vapa5 sham Chalukyanan kulam-alamkarisbnohraneka-samara-sainghatta-labdha-nija-bhuja vija6 ya-eri(eri)yah nira vady-odara-guna-gan-alan kitasya sri-Vijayaditya-maharajasya 7 pautral sphurita-karavala-dhara-vabikritarati-bhumapdalasya 'sva-charita-nyak[k*]rita Second Plate; First Side. 8 Nriga-Nala-Nabush-Ambarisha-Yayate[h*] Vishoor=iva sva-chakra-nandakasya Vishnu varddhana-maba9 rajasya priya-tanayah prata[p-A*Jaurag-avanata-samasta-samanta-mauli-lAlita-sasanah 10 kshatr-Bohita-akti-trays-patribhutah aneka-sangra ma-vijay-Asadita-vikrama-dhavalah Ya11 mai-danda-chanda-dorddanda-mandal-&gra-nakha-khandita-ripu-keri-gandastha!e (16) Narendramriga12 rajet arkti-shadvargge-nigraha-kerah samadhigata-rajalja) vidya-chatashtayah chatur. upya-pra13 yoga-chaturah dashta(shta)-nigraha-sisht-anugraha-karah Madhumathana iva sva vikram-akranta-bhuchak[rjah 14 Yudhishthira iva Bhim-Ajan(rjju)na-parakrama-sabay[] Dasaratha-sata iva Sitanandana-karab Mandrei Second Plate ; Second Side. va san-margga-darasi padmaka(ka)ra iva ari(ri)-timira-nikara-vidhvamsan-aditya[h*] parame-brahmanya[bo] parama-mahd16 svarah samastabha(blu)vankaraya-erl-Vijayaditya-maharajadhiraja-paramesvara-Whatta rakah 6...... ? From the original plates. Read karishnor. * I take this word, which I had misread, from Dr. Hultasoh's text * Three, or possibly four, letters are quito illegible here. * Read Prdjah.

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416 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1891. 17 vadi-vishaya-nivasing rashtrakutfa(ta)-pramnkha-ka(ku)tumbinah sarvvanoitthame ajo&payati [1] Viditam=astu 18 vogmabhih Penpanduru-vastavyaya Kausika-gotreya Hiranya(nya)kesi-sutreya veda19 vedamga-p[A]ragaya Venamasarmmane Valacheri7-vastavyaya Kausika-getra[ya] Hi20 ranyakasi(si)-satraya Chatisarmmane Podemgu-vastavyaya Gautama-gotreya Hiranya]21 kesi-satraya Vidasarmmana Pod[e*]ngu-vastavyaya Sankri(kli)ti-gotraya Hiraoya(nya) kesi-su Third Plate; First Side. 22 traya Mavisdisarmman& Poqergu-vasta vy[&]ya A(ha)rita-gotraya Hirany&(oya)kezi). sutreya YA23 joakarmmane Podengu-v[A]stavyiya Samkri(kri)ti-gotraya Hiranya(nya)kesi-sutra (ya] ....[sa]rmma24 ne Krovakiri(r)-v[A*]stavyaya Asha)rita-gotraya A(A)pastamba-sutruya Kanda (? kunda). sarmma25 ne Urputaru.v[]stavyaya Bharadvaja-gdtriya A(A)pastalomba-sutrya 26 Vishnusarmmane Vangiparru-v[a]stavyys Kaundinya-gotriya A()pastamba-stra27 ya Guojadevasarmmane Vangiparru-v[a(r)]stavyaya 'Sandilya(lya)-gotriya A(@)pa28 stamba-sutrasya) Bhadrasarmmane Vangiparru-v[AR]stavyaya Kaundinya-gotraya Aapa Third Plate ; Second Side. 29 stamba-sutraya Vishnasarmmans Vangiparru-v[do]stavyaya Kaundinya(nya)-gotraya A(a). 30 pastamba-sutraya Narayanasarmmane Chanturu-v[&*]stavyaya Bharadvaja-gotra31 ya Aa)pastamba-satreya Dronasarmmane Chanturu-v[A]stavyaya Bharadva32 ja-gdtriya A pastamball-gutreya Narayanasarmmane Krovabiri12-v[4*]stavya33 ya Harita-gotraya. Apastamba-sutraya Madhavasarmmane Krovabiri13-v[&*]sta Fourth Plate; First Side. 34 vyaya Parasara!--gotreya A(a)pastamba-sutraye Vennamasarmmane Krovasiri.15. r[a]stavyaya Vatsa-go. 35 traya A(@)pastamba-satraya Arudisarmmane Urputuru-v[a]stavyaya Bharadvaja gotriya 36 A(1)pastamba-sutraya Nandisarmmane Karanchedule-v[AR]stavyaya Bharadvaja-gotraya A(a)pa37 stamba-sutraya Vishnusarmamane Karanchedu-v[AR]stavgaya Bharadvaja-gotraya A(@)pastam ba-sutra38 ya Bharamasarmmane Karanchedu-v[A]stavyaya Bharadvaja-gotraya A (A)pastambs sutraya Yanija(jna)sa 6 Dr. Hultzsch has read nda in the second syllable of this word; but the end stroke of the subscript oonsonant is continued upward so pointedly, that it can only be p. He has also taken the name of the village as Abhipendenduru 1 Dr. Hultzsch has read the first syllable of this word as ra; but, in my opinion, wrongly. In the second syllable of this word, the d, as distinguished from d, is marked clearly in lines 21, 22, and 23, though not here. In lines 32, 83, and 34, this word appears with the short a in the second syllable. It is difficult to say which t be more likely to write us for ud and has in various instances used a instead of a), than ut for va; but there are several cases in which he has written & by mistake for a. 1. This letter, sta, was omitted here, and was inserted between the pa and the ata of the same word in the next line. 11 Here, and in lines 33 and 51, this word occurs properly, with the long d in the first syllable. 13, 13 See note 9 above. 14 Read pardjora. 16 See note 9 above. 16 Here, and in lines 37 and 88, Dr. Hultzsch has read the third syllable of this word as hai; but, in my opinion, wrongly.

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DECEMBER, 1891.) GRANT OF NARENDRAMRIGARAJA-VIJAYADITYA II. 417 Fourth Plate; Second Side. 39 rmmane Chantu[ru*]- [A*]stavyaya Bharadvaja-gotraya A(a)pastamba-sutriya Badadisarmmane Krajam40 v[&*]stavyaya Kaundinya-gotraya A(a)pastamba-sutraya Vennasarmman& R&yuru V[A]stavyA41 ya Agnivaisya-gotraya A(Q)pastamba-sutraya Rompayasarmmane veda-vedanga ratebhyah 42 shat-karmma-niratebhya[h*] chatru-vimsati-brahmanebhyam chandru(ndra)-grahana nimitte udaka-pu. 43 rvva[m*) Korraparru-nama-gramas-sarvvarvva)-kara-pariharam klitva dattal [11*] Asy=a vadbi-vibhedah18 [1*] purvvata[ho] A44 taguparru dakshinatah Vana(Pma)parru paschimatah Vandrupedaya uttaratah Gani( na)yyara45 bumbu) [1] etesham=apy=ava(?)tta [11*]1o Asy=opari na kenachid=badha karaniya karoti yas=sa pa Fifth Plate. 46 acha-mahapataka-[san]yakto bhavati [11*] Vyasen=apy=uktan (1*] Babubhir20=yvasu dhA datta bahubhis-cheanu47 palita yasya yasya yada bhumis-tasya tasya tada phala [11] Sve-da(da)ttar para-dattam vil [y] hareta 48 vasundharam shashti-varusha 21-sahasrani vishthayam juyate krimih [11*] Kalpa [ko]:[i]-sahasrani 49 svargge [tishtha]ti bhumi-da[bo] (A)kshepta ch=anumanta cha tany=eva narake vaset [11] Ramen=&py=u. 50 ktam [18] Sarvvan22-evam bhavinah partthivendran bhuyo-bhayo yachat& Rama bhadrah sama nyo=yan dharmma-se51 tar-nripinain kale-kale palaniyo bhayadbhih [11] Narendramrigarajasya bhrat[&*] Haihaya-vamba-jah ujaapti52 r=asya dharmmasya rafi(nri)pa-Rudrt6*] ntip-ottama[h*] [11*] Vijayavacavastavyaya Aksharelalit-acharyyena likhitam [11] ABSTRACT OF CONTENTS. The son's son of the Maharaja Vijayaditya (I.) (line 6), who adorned the family of the Chalukyas (1. 5), who are of the Manavya gotra (1. 1), and who are Haritiputras : The dear son of the Maharaja Vishnuvardhana (IV.) (1. 8), who by his achievements put to shame Nriga, Nala, Nahusha, Ambarisha, and Yayati : Narendramrigaraja-(Vijayaditya II.) (1.11), (a very lion of a king) who has cleft open the temples of the elephants of his foes with the claw that is the scimitar in his arm which is as firm as the rod of Yama, - he, the most devout worshipper of the god Mabesvara (1. 15), the asylum of the universe (1. 16), the illustrious Vijayaditya (II.), the Mahurajadhiraja, the Paramesvara, the Bhattaraka, thus issues a command to all the cultivators, headed by the Rashtraklas, dwelling in the ......vadi vishaya (1. 17); "Be it known to you! On the occasion of an eclipse of the moon (1. 42), the village named Korraparru (1. 43) has been given by Us, with exemption from all taxes, to twenty-four Brahmans ; viz., Venamasarman (1. 19), a resident (by birth) of Penpanduru, belonging to the 11 Read chatur-vim sati-brdhmanabhyah. 15 Dr. Hultasch has given the reading vich[Arah). 19 Dr. Hultzsch has here read cha(turvitsatyai] datta[b 1]. * Metre, Bloka (Anushtubh); and in the next two verses.. 91 Read varsha. n Metro, 8Alint. 28 Metre, Sloka (Anushtubh). # Read vdstavyena.

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418 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1891. Kaubika gotra and the Hiranyakesin sutra ; Chatibarman (1. 20), a resident of Valdoberi, belonging to the Kaubika gotra and the Hiranyakesin sutra ; Vidasarman (1. 21), a resident of Podengu, belonging to the Gantams gotra and the Hiranyakesin sutra ; Mavindisarman (1. 22), s resident of Podengu, belonging to the Sanksiti gotra and the Hiranyak dain sitra; Yajnasar. man (1. 22-23), a resident of Podengu, belonging to the Harita gotra and the Hiranyakesin sitra; .... sarman (1. 23), a resident of Podengu, belonging to the Samkriti gotra and the Hiranyak@sin sutra ; Kandasarman (P) (1. 24), a resident of Krov biri, belonging to the Harita gotra and the Apastamba stra; Vishnusarman (1. 26), a resident of Urputaru, belonging to the Bharad vaja gotra and the A pastamba sutra ; Gunjadevasarman (1. 27), a resident of Vangiparru, belonging to the Kanndinya gotra and the A pastamba sutra; Bhadra arman (1. 28), a resident of Vangiparru, belonging to the "Sandilya gara and the A pastamba sitra ; Vishnubarman (1. 29), a resident of Vangiparru, belonging to the Kaundinya gotra and the A pastam ba satra ; Nariyanabarman (1. 30), a resident of Vangiparru, belonging to the Kaundinya gotra and the A pastamba sutra ; Dronasarman (1. 31), a resident of ChAntury, belonging to the Bharadvaja gotra and the A pastamba sutra ; Narayapasarman (1. 32), a resident of Chanturu, belonging to the Bharadvaja gotra and the Apastam ba sutra ; MAdhavasarman (I. 83), a resident of Krovabiri, belonging to the Harita gotra and the Apastamba sitra; Vennamasarman (1. 34), a resident of Krovabiri, belonging to the Parabara gotra and the Apostamba stitra ; Arudisarman (1. 35), a resident of Krovagiri, belonging to the Vatsa gotra and the A pastamba sitra; Nandisarman (1. 36), a resident of Urputaru, belonging to the Bharad vaja gotra and the Apostamba altra ; Vishnbarman (1. 37), a resident of Karanichedu, belonging to the Bharad vaja gotra and the Apastam. ba stra; Bharsmasarman (1. 38), a resident of Karanchody, belonging to the Bharadvaja gotra and the A pastambe sktra; Yajnasarman (1. 38-39), & resident of Karanohedy, belonging to the Bharadvaja gotra and the Apastamba sutra; Badadisarman (1. 39), & resident of Chanturu, belonging to the Bharadvaja gofra and the Apastamba stra; Vepnabarman (1. 40), a resident of Krajam, belonging to the Kaundinya gotra and the Apagtamba sitra ; and Rompayasarman (1. 41), a resident of Bayarn, belonging to the Agnivaisya gotra and the A pastamba sitra. Lines 43 to 45 give the boundaries of the village ; viz., on the east, Atagupartu; on the south, Vanaparty, or Vamaparru; on the west, Vandrapeday; and on the north, Ganiyyarabu (?). Lines 45 to 51 contain a sentence prohibiting obstruction to the enjoyment of the grant followed by four of the cnptomary benedictive and imprecatory verses. Line 51 f. tells us that the Dataka (denoted by the word ajnapti) was a prince named Nripa-Rudra, born in the Haihaya lineage, a brother (bhrats) of Narendramrigaraja. And the record ends with the statement that the charter was written by Aksharalalitacharya, a resident of Vijayavada. GEOGRAPHY OF INDIA, WITH EXTRACT FROM A PAPER BY THE LATE PROF. H. H. WILSON, BY J. BUBGES8, LL.D., C.I.E. In this Journal (Vol. XIV., pp. 319 ff.) I last called attention to the information that might be derived from Sanskrit literature on the ancient and mediaeval geography of India, suggesting that some effort might be made to colleot and arrange it. In 1882 I had indexed the Brihat. Sashhita and made other geographical notes, some of which were engrossed in the footnotes which I contributed to the late Rev. S. Beal's Buddhist Records of the Western World, but I have not found time since to do much more. Lately, however, in writing on an allied sabject, my attention was direoted to Colonel Wilford's last paper in the Asiatic Researches (Vol. XIV., pp. 373-470), intended as the first of a series on the geography of India, which, Prof. H. H. Wilson said, "would have established she learned anthor's reputation on a firmer basis, than any of his preceding erudite, but often fallacions, investigations." In the introduction to this paper he gives

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DECEMBER, 1891.) GEOGRAPHY OF INDIA. 419 BN account of the works he had consulted, which were apparently valuable, but not very widely circulated. Some of these are the Kshetra-samasas, - one purely mythological, another (written by order of Raja Bijjala of Patna, who died A.D. 1648) is entirely geographical and "a most valuable work;" the Munija-pratideia-vyavastha, by Raja Munja, and its redaction the Bhoja-pratidesa-vyavastha, - both large works; a work written by order of Bukkaraya of Vijayanagar Vik.-Sam. 1341, which Wilford supposes is the same as the Bhuvana-sagara; a commentary on the geography of the Mahabharata, written in Bengal by order of a Raja Panlastya, in the time of Husain Shah (A.D. 1493-1518); the Vikrama-sagara, considered a valuable work; and the Bhuvana-kisa, - said to be a section of the Bhavishya-Purana, but revised and greatly angmented, - probably subsequent to 1550. In the Search for Sanskrit MSS., it might be well to make enquiry for these and similar treatises and tracta. Among them may be found much that would be of great importance for the elucidation of the mediaeval, as well as the earlier, geography of India. In 1824 Professor H. H. Wilson found some fragments of a geographical work, which formed the subject of a paper he contributed to the Oriental Magazine for that year (Vol. II., pp. 186 ff). As this paper has not been republished in his collected works, and the Oriental Magasine is now practically inaccessible to most, I venture to submit his version of the fragments, with so much of his prefatory remarks and footnotes as is of interest : * The work," he says, "from which they are taken, is professedly a section of the Bhavishyat Purana : it is not, however, found in the entire copies of that Purana, and is, no doubt, & distinct composition. Much of the work is either of some antiquity, or is made op of ancient materials; but there is a very large proportion that is clearly quite modern, mention being made of several Muhammadan cities. The style of the description, in conformity to the prophetic character of the Purana, of which it pretends to be a section, is also prophetic, and annonces what countries and towns will exist in the Kali age. We shall take the liberty however, to substitute the present or the past, for the future tense. "Divisions of Pundre-Dets, from the Bramanda Section of the Bhavishyat Purana. "That part of Bharada or India known by the name of Pundra, consists of seven principal divisions, Gaur, Varondra, Nivritti, near the country of Sambha, the forest tract called NArikhands, Varahabhumi, Varddhamana, and Vindhya-Parswa or the country along the foot of the Vindbya monntains. These we shall severally describe. "Gaura, in which Gaureba is situated, lies to the north of Varddhamana, and south of the Padma. The Ganges here assumes a southerly direction. The country is populous, abounds with villages, and contains several considerable towns, the principal of which are the following: " Gaureka, situated on the borders, Ramakeli, Maulapattan on the Bhagirathi or Hugli river. In the vicinity of Kiritebwari is MorasudAhad, founded by a Yavana; Kanthakakhya and Santipura on the banks of the river. The cities of Gaura have been often destroyed. - The inhabitants of Gaura are, in general, worshippers of Vishnu, and assiduons in repeating his name. They are, however, immoral, licentious, and dishonest, and no man may call 1 "From the following description it appears, that Pandra is the collective name of a country, following a curiously circuitous direction. It is bounded on the north-east chiefly by the Barhamputra, north of Daoca, and the eastern portion of the HimAlaya. It then follows a course south-west across the Ganges, paupes to the south of Bihar; and again comes to the Ganges about Mirsapar, being bounded on the west by Rewa and Dandelkhand. Gondwana, Chutia Nagpur, Orissa, and Lower Bengal, therefore, are the limits of its southern com P consequently comprises the following districts: in Bengal, Rajshahi, Murshid Abad, Dindjpur, Rap pert of Nadiys, Birbhum, Bardwen, part of Midnapur, and the Jungle Mahals. In Bihor, part of Ramgir, Bukit, and Palaman; and in Allahabad (P N.-W. Provinces), part of Chunar." -[Allowance must be made for the less accurate method of transliteration that prevailed at the time when the paper, from which these extracts are given, W46 written, - EDITORS.) : The PeddA or main stream of the Ganges after giving off the Hugli.

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420 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (DECEMBER, 1891. his house or his wife his own. The learned amongst them have allowed their legal and ceremonial observances to fall into diguse. The natives are generally feeble and short-lived. "Varendra is a tract abounding in water, and very fertile, lying east of the Padmavati. The chief cities are, Pudila near the Narada river; Natari, famous for dancers, mimes, and jugglers, the capital of a large district in the centre of Varendra, called Natara ;* Chapala, on the banks of the Varala river; Kakamari, a city full of the writer-caste; and Syamataka on the Chalana Bil. The people of Varendra are the ready servants of the Mlechhas, or foreign barbarians. They are worshippers of 'Siva, eat meat and drink wine. They are weak and contemptible. The country abounds with beggars, and the Brahmans follow heterodox and unrighteous doctrines. "Nivrittis lies on the north of Varendra, and on the west of Banga, near the country of Viratha. ' It abounds in pasture grounds, and dogs, goats, buffaloes, and kine. Another name for it is Matsyaka, derived from its plentiful supply of fish; but this nante is specially applied to the parts which lie along the skirts of the track occupied by Pulindas (foresters and mountaineers). The chief towns are Varddhana-kuta, governed by a Yavana; Kachhapa on the banks of the Gura7 river; and Sriranga, or Viharika, where the women are remarkable for flat noses. "The inhabitants of Nivritti are of short stature, very dirty and ignorant. Under the dominion of the Yavanas all distinction of caste was confounded, and the people are sank in meanness and immorality. "Narikhanda is a district abounding in thickets. It lies west of the Bhagirathi; north of the Dwarikeswari river. It extends along the Panchakata hills on its west, and approaches Kikntalo on the north. The forests are very extensive, chiefly of sakhota, arjuna, and sal trees, with plentiful addition of brushwood. The district is celebrated for the shrine of Vaidyanath.11 The deity is worshipped by people from all quarters, and is the source of every good in the present age. In the division of Virabhomi, the no less eminent form of the same divinity, named Bakrebwara, 12 is present in the world. Three-fourths of the district are jungle, the remaining fourth is cultivated. The soil of a small part of it is very fertile ; but far the greater portion is saline and unproductive. There is no want of water, and numerous small streams run through the forest : the principal of these is the Ajaya.13 in many places there are iron mines. The people are in general small, black, and of immoral propensities and ignorant of religions duties, & few only are attached to the name of Vishna. They are dexterous bowmen and industrious cultivators. "In that part of the district called Viradebs is the city of Nagara ;also Sipulya, and other towns. On the western borders are the villages Mayanpur, Chabagrams, and Suvernadi. On the southern confines towards the Odrs country, is Kindavishna. Suvarnamukhya is in the forest, and Panchala in the stony and gravelly tract. In the eastern parts are Mandaravani and Kasganj, and on the west of the jungle near Vaidyanath are Patrakola and Bharawani. : Varendra or Barendra appears to include RAjashAhi and part of Maimansingh. Now Nator. ." This seems to include Dinajpur, Rangpur, and Kuch Bihar; but we are not aware what country is intended by Viratha." * "These seem intended for the Mech tribe, a race once occupying the tracts in Rangpur on the south of the Brahmaputra." The Tista or Tri-arota, the river of three streams. # "Thin comprimes the north portion of Bishanpur, part of Birbham, and part of Bhagalpur and Manger." . "Corrupted into Dalkisore; Wilford says it is named from Darikesvara Mahadeva." ** Synonymous with Magadha. 11 At Devagadh. 19 Probably the same place as Bucolesore' in Hamilton's Gazetteer, called 'Bhdm BAkoswar' Imp. Gas. Vol. I. P. 449.-J. B. 18 << The Aji, called also Ajavatt and Ajamatt according to Wilford." 14 Nagar, the capital of Birbhum till the 13th century.

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DECEMBER, 1891.) MISCELLANEA. 421 4 Varahabhumils is the next division of Pundra. The central portion is a forest : along the skirt of it is Dhavalabhumi. In one direction it is contiguous to Tungabhumi, and another to the Sekhara mountain; and it comprises Varabhumi, samanta-bhumi, and Man-bhumi. This country is overspread with impenetrable forests of sal and other trees. On the borders of Vara-bhumi runs the Darikebi river. In the same district are numerous mountains, containing mines of copper, iron, and tin. The men are mostly Rajaputs, robbers by profession, irreligious, and savage. They eat snakes, and all sorts of flesh; drink spirituous liquors, and live chiefly by plunder, or the chase. As to the women, they are, in garb, manners, and appearance, more like Rakshasis than human beings. The only objects of veneration in these countries are rude village divinities. The principal towns are Pushpapattan, Kusumapattan, Chatranagar, Raghunathpur, Dhavalapura, Sivullapala, and Barahanagar. The chief villages are Chakraveshtana, Kichandra, Suvernatapanna, Nandala, Kesara, Bayapur, two Sarangas, Virabandhana, Suvarnarikki, Patri, Kadali, Trapushabad, near the Sitavati, and Vakamtotheka. "Varddhamins16 is the next division of Pandradesa. The country is highly populous, and the people are pious and cultivated, obedient to the laws, and diligent in their religious duties. The chief object of worship is the balagram, which is to be found in every respectable house. Amongst the principal cities are Hataka, near a forest; Vilwapattan, west of the Bhagirathi, noar the Saraswati river; and Samantapattan on the borders. u Vindhyaparswa17 is the last division of Paindradesa. It lies north of Ranastambha, south of the Ganges, west of Kikata, and east of Tirtharaja. It comprehends a population of a very miscellaneous character. The greater namber are addicted to the worship of Devi, eat flesh, and drink spirituous liquors. In the early part of the Kali age, this country was the residence of a Kshatriya prince, who assumed the garb, the attributes, and name of Vasudeva, and passed himself off for the real Krishna. The divine lord of Dwaraka, however, vindicated his rights, and a war ensued, in which the impostor was slain. <Page #454
422 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (DECEMBER, 1891. of the dark half of Asvina, on Budha-dina or Wednonday. By the Southern System of the cycle the Prajapati sarh vatsara coincided with Saka 778 expired; and by the Northern System it commenoed, according to the Sarya-Siddhanta rule without bija, in Saka 772 expired, on the 26th November, A. D. 850, and ended in Saka 773 expired, on the 22nd November, A. D. 851. And accordingly, either the year 775 has been put wrongly in the date for 773, or the samvatsar Prajapati has been quoted incorrectly. Calcula. tion shews that we have to decide in favour of the former alternative. For, the second of the dark half of Asvina, parnimanta or amanta, did not fall on a Wednesday in either Saka 775 current or Saka 775 expired; bat by the amdnta scheme it did fall on a Wednesday, - the 16th September A. D. 851, -in Baka 778 expired. And Wednesday, the 18th September A. D. 881, is therefore the proper equivalent of the date, and this date fell in the Prajapati samvatsara by both the Southern and the Northern Systems of the Cycle." Dates in which the year of the Cycle is quoted correctly, and the Saka year incorrectly, are not uncommon. Thus, the Afijaneri stone inscription of Seunadeva, ante, Vol. XII. p. 126, is dated in the Saka yenr 1063, and the Dundubhi sath vatsara, on the 16th lunar day of the bright half of Jyeshtha, on Boma or Monday, under the nakshatra Anu. radha and the yoga Siddha. By the Southern System of the Cycle the Dundubhi samvatsara coincided with Saka 1064 expired, not with Saka 1063; and calculation shews that the year of the date was really Saka 1064 expired. For, the date corresponds, for Saka 1064 expired, to Monday, the 11th May A. D. 1142, when the 15th tithi of the bright half ended 13 h. 32 m., and when the nakshatra was Anuradha up to 13 h. 47 m, and the yoga Siddha commenced 2 h. 98 m., after mean sunrise. Again, to quote only one other example, the PaC/na stone inscription of the Yadava Simghana and his feudatories Soideva and Hemadideva, which I have re-edited in Epigraphia Indica, is dated in the Saka year 1128 and the Prabhava samvatsara, on the full-moon tithi of Bravana, at the time of a lunar eclipse. By the Southern System of the Cycle the Prabhava sam vatear coincided with Saka 1129 expired, not with Saka 1128; and besides, if the year of the date were really Saka 1128 expired, the corresponding date would fall in A. D. 1906, and in that year there was no lunar eclipse at all. On the other hand, taking the year of the date to be Saka 1129 expired, which was the Prabhava samvatsara, the corresponding date will be the 9th August A. D. 1207, when there was a lunar eclipse which would have been just visible in Khand66. F. KIELWORK. Gottingen. NOTES AND QUERIES. A PECULIAR CUSTOM OF SUCCESSION. I was succeeded by his younger brother, the From a debate in the House of Lords on the Mahdrdja Dronasimha; the latter, by his younger Manipar matter (800 the Times of the 23rd June, brother, tho Mahdraja Dhruvasons I. ; and tho 1891), it appears that "th. Fuocession to the latter, again, by his younger brother, the Mahd"&addi, or as we should say to the throne, is rdja Dharapatta : and the succession was then " based upon peculiar system. Where there is continued by Dharapatta's son Guhasena, and " series of brothers, they succeed one after his descendants. "another, and so the succession goes on until the Again, in the Chalukya family we may note "last of the brothers is exhausted, and then it is specially, in the Eastern Branch, the succession "his son, and not the son of the elder brother, after Jayasitha I. and Jayasimha II. (see page "who succeeds." 283 above); and in the Western Branch, the The Manipur Stato is one of recent origin. But succession after Satyasraya II., and again after #peculiar custom woh as this, - if it really Vikramaditya V. (see Mr. Fleet's Dynasties of exists, - must probably have some basis in the Kanarese Districts, p. 18-19). antiquity. And there are not wanting instances Instances oould, of course, be brought forward within the limits of India proper, which suggest to ghew that such a rule, if it existed, was at any that it may have been an occasional rule there in rate not invariably observed. But the cases early times. quoted above are at least peculiar coincidenThus: - Among the Rulers of Valabhi (see ces. And they, and many other points in early ante, Vol. XV. p. 273), the Senapati Dharagena Indian history, suggest that there may have 1 On that day, the second with of the dark hall Compare a similar date, of Baku 788 expired, disonded 10 h. 29 m. After mond sunrise. nissea by Mr. Fleet, ante, Vol. XVII. p. 142, No. 10.

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DECEMBER, 1891.] NOTES AND QUERIES. 423 been an early practice, more or less binding, of friendship or fraternity. If the blood is that of the kind which appears to exist now in Manipur. a human being, it is generally obtained from a The matter seems worth looking into further; puncture in the arm; and if that of an animal, it is especially with a view to ascertaining whether the obtained by killing a fowl, as among the Chinese Dharmasastras prescribe any such rule of in- and Karens, a buffalo, as among the Kachins,' or heritance and succession for the warrior and a dog, as among the Chins. It is believed that regal caste. this drinking of blood effects, as it were, the amalgamation of the natures, both material and SOCIAL CUSTOMS; MARRIAGE. moral, of the parties contracting friendship, and that this would cause a feeling of reciprocity in In Telingana. each other's breast. (1) The custom of sending a sword to re This custom obtains among the Chinese and present an unavoidably absent bridegroom at Indo-Chinese nations. Among Chinamen, the a wedding, is not uncommon among Rajus and ceremony is performed in a temple, and the gods Velamas. It is considered allowable among other are called upon to witness the compact. The tie Hindus also. See Indian Notes and Queries, existing between two 'blood-drunk' brothers is Vol. I. note 669. even stronger than that between brothers born of (2) With reference to Indian Notes and the same parents. In the case of the latter, the Queries, Vol. I. note 678, Khonds, Sauras, Ga motive power is natural fraternal affection, which dabas, Jatapas, Panos, Doms (Ganjam and may sometimes be made subservient to private Vizagapatam Hills), Paidis, Rellis, Yerukalas, interests, but in the case of the former, the tio is Donmaras, Pamulavanda, Mandulavandlu, Gan. surrounded by a halo of honour and religious gir dlavandlu, Mondvandlu, Jalagadugulavandlu, sanction, which every Chinaman is taught to Baitakummaras (wandering smiths), Yanadis, respect. Oddi Upparas (Oddars), Upparas, Chachchudis Among the Karens, Kachins, Chins, and (Mehtars), Malas, and Madigas, permit the re- ! | other wild tribes of Burma, the custom is still in marriage of deserted or divorced women and force and is as punctiliously observed as ever. widows. If a superseded woman means in this But among the Burmans, it has died out through connection a woman who has declared herself the influence of Buddhism, the humanitarian divorced before a panchayat because her husband doctrines of which discountenance the shedding married again without her consent, such a of blood and the placing of reliance in the superwoman is permitted by any of these castes natural powers, whose presence is invoked in the to re-marry. A man of any of these castes may ceremony. Still the Burmese language possesses marry a woman outcasted on his account from certain words, which attest to the fact that, in his a caste higher than his own. pre-Buddhistic days, the Burman was not loath Masulipatam. H.G. PRENDERGAST. to contract friendship or fraternity by blood drinking.' A petty officer in the Burman THWE-THAUK. army was called a Thwe-thauk, and when King Thwe-thauk in Burmese means 'one who bas Mindon invited all the scions of royalty to live at drunk blood,' .e., one who has drunk the blood the capital, he placed them under thwe-thauks, who of either an animal or a human being, infused were to keep watch and ward over them. In in water or spirit, as a mark of exchange of Upper Burma, an upper menial servant is called See my paper on Modern Panjabi Coins, ante, has always been a common practice with all Chinese Yol XVIII. pp. 329-330, The Muslman State of Maler secret societies. - Rangoon Gazette of 2nd October, Kit was founded by a Sufi snint, Sarwini Afghan 1891. by descent, in the Panjab, in tho middle of the 15th Cen. A small quantity of the blood of the slaughtered tury A. D. Ho merried a daughter of Sultan Bahlol animal has been caught, and is now mixed in a large vessel LAI, and also a drughter of a local, magnate. His with an abundant supply of raw native spirits. The whole despondants by the latter are the present Nawabs of is stirred up with the points of swords and shears. which MAler Kotla, and their rule of succession was that are dipped into the liquor; and each chicf, as he comes up obtaining in Manipur until the British Government in the supposed presence of the attendant deitics and takes interfered in 1871 nnd made primogeniture the rule of his draught from the sacred bowl, swears his oath of fide. descont. - R. C. T.) lity in muttered prayers, which imply the most foarfal ? The Koldc Hui, the secret society to which the recent results as a certain consequence of infidelity. The dipping toreign outrages in the rangtse Valley are attributed, i of the spears and swords in the liquor, in which the oath is at present the most powerful of these troublesome is drank, is said to be typical of the violent death which organizations in China... . It is believed that the would, of a certainty, be incurred by a departure from the coreony of initiation consists in killing a cock and drink. engagements contained in the oath. Fytobe's Burma: ing the blood, either alone or mixed with wine. This Past and Present, Vol. II. p. 111.

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424 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. a thwe-thauk, and according to Judson's Burmese Dictionary, a band of fifty men is also called a thwe-thauk. No doubt the origin of the custom may be traced to a society, whose government and domestic relations were loosely organized, and which naturally, in all matters affecting life and property, gave preference to might rather than to right. In such a society, the sacred ties of affection, due to consanguinity, required to be strengthened and supplemented by an external ceremony, based on BOOK-NOTICE. THE MINOR LAW-Books, translated by JULIUS JOLLY. Part I. Narada and Brihaspati. (Sacred Books of the East, Vol. XXXIII.) Oxford, 1889. 8vo. pp. xxiv., 391. Though in the series advertised to the public as "Sacred Books of the East" the sacred books of India have hitherto been conspicuous by their absence, the knowledge of Hindu law has been advanced to a large extent by the translations of Smriti-texts that were contributed by the two leading authorities, Professors Buhler and Jolly. The new volume which the latter scholar has brought out, contains annotated translations of two very important law-books. Both are professedly based on Manu, but anterior to his commentator Medhatithi. Professor Jolly assigns Narada to the fifth or sixth, and Brihaspati to the sixth or seventh centuries A. D. Narada's is the only Smriti, completely preserved in MSS., in which law, properly so-called, is treated by itself, without any reference to rules of penance, diet, and other religious subjects.' Of special value to Hindu reformers is the following text of Narada (p. 184 f. of Professor Jolly's translation): "When her husband is lost (i. e. gone no one knows whither) or dead, when he has become a religious ascetic, when he is impotent, and when he has been expelled from caste: these are the five cases of legal necessity, in which a woman may be justified in taking another husband." [DECEMBER, 1891. superstition, for the purpose of defending or advancing the interests of the commonwealth. In primitive man the amount of self-control is not sufficient to keep the rising passions in check, and hence a banding together or an agglomeration of buman units is required to resist aggression or to invade the rights of others. Nowhere is the motto Union is strength more rigidly followed than in a state of society, where moral force is powerless against physical force. TAW SEIN Ko. Unlike Narada's, the Smriti of Brihaspati appears. to have treated of the whole sacred law, but is not preserved in MSS. Professor Jolly has collected from quotations in later law-books, and arranged under their proper headings, all those fragments of Brihaspati which refer to law in its proper sense, a laborious and difficult task, which few could have performed so well. If the footnotes did not draw attention to the sources 1 The reading matapitror atmanas cha punyoya (Dr. Burnell's 8.-I. Palaeography, p. 97), for the merit of my parents and of myself,' is in better accordance with the wording of the grants themselves. 1 It seems preferable to explain samdhivigraha from which the single passages are taken, the reader might feel inclined to consider the text as a complete treatise on Hindu law. The chapter on documents (VIII.) contains the subjoined interesting note on royal edicts, which is quoted from Brihaspati in the Viramitrodaya (p. 305 f. of Professor Jolly's translation): "12. Having given a tract of land or the like, the king should cause a formal grant (easana) to be executed on a copper-plate or a piece of cloth, stating the place (of issue), the ancestors (of the king), and other particulars, 66 13. And the names of (the king's) mother and father, and of the king himself, (and containing the statement that) This grant has been made by me to-day to N. N., the son of N. N., who belongs to the Vedic school N. N., . "14. As being endurable while the moon and sun last, and as descending by right of inheritance to the son, grandson, and more remote descendants, and as a gift which must never be cut down or taken away, and is entirely exempt from diminution (by the allotment of shares to the king's attendants, and so forth), 15. Conveying paradise on the giver and preserver, and hell on the taker, for a period of sixty thousand years, as the (respective) recompense for giving and taking (the land).' "16. (Thus the king should declare in the grant), the secretaries for peace and war signing the grant with the remark: I know this (jndtam mayd).' "17. (The grant) should be provided with (the king's) own seal (mudra), and with a precise statement of the year, month and so forth, of the value (of the donation), and of the magistrate." Such a document issued by the king is called a royal edict (easana)." Wkhakaih as an inaccurate expression, caused by the metre, instead of samdhirigrahika-khakabhyam. The term adhyaksha appears to correspond to the dataka or djnapti of the grants.

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DECEMBER, 1891.] MISCELLANEA. MISCELLANEA. PROGRESS OF EUROPEAN SCHOLARSHIP. No. 26. Journal of the Eastern Section of the Russian Archeological Society, Vol. V. (Parts 1-4). (4) PROCEEDINGS. Papers read: (I) V. A. Shukofsky: on the Persian versions of the old Russian tale, "Shemjaka's Judgment." (11) D. Th. Kobeko: on the expedition of Karelin to the south-eastern coast of the Caspian. (III) Baron V. R. Rosen: on M. Snouck Hurgronje's "Mekka." (IV) Baron V. R. Rosen: Some notes on the Musalman versions of "Barlaam and Joasaph." (V) S. F. Oldenburg on the Pali version of "Shemjaka's Judgment." (VI) Baron V. R. Rosen: on the oldest Grammars of the Turkish and Mongol Languages written in Arabic. (VII) V. V. Radlof: on the Turkish titles given to Uigur Khans between 764 A.D. and 849 A.D., from the history of the Tan Dynasty. (VIII) A. J. Harkavy: on MSS. materials for a biography of Sayyid al-Fayumi in the Imperial Public Library. (IX.) Baron V. R. khtb khtr` .Bosen : on an Arabic satirical work (X) N. P. Likhatchef: on some caldrons found in Bulgar. (XI) N. S. Golenishef: on an inscription of Darius found in Egypt. (XII) A. G. Toumansky: on the Babis in Askhabad. (XIII) A. Th. Shebounin on the Kufic Kuran from Samarkand now in the (Russian) Imperial Public Library. (XIV) S. F. Oldenburg on the Persian versions of the Kitab-iSindbad. (XV) Baron V. R. Rosen: on a passage in the History of al-Meraghi relating to the translation of the "Book of Kalilah and Dimnah" into Arabic. (XVI) V. A. Shukofsky on his archaeological excursion to the Transcaspian Provinces. (XVII) V. V. Radlof: on an Uigur stone inscription brought by N. M. Jadrintzef from the ruins of Karakorum. (B) ARTICLES. I.-Central Asia and the Further East. 1. The expedition of Karelin to the South-Eastern Coast of the Caspian in 1836, by D. Kobeko. Karelin, for some time an officer in the Artillery, afterwards in the service of Khan Janger, and finally in the (Russian) Home Office, died in 1872. He made three journeys to different points of the Caspian coasts and one to the Altai. He left accounts of his travels, some of which are published; and a set of drawings, relat 1 This expedition has been most successful. A large quantity of inscriptions has been found. M. Radlof is 425 ing to his expedition in 1836, is now in the library of the Scientific Committee of the Treasury Office. The scientific results of his travels are interesting and important, and his diaries may even now be consulted with profit. As to political results, there were none; since all the different measures he proposed with a view to consolidate Russian influence on the Caspian were rejected by the Foreign Office. 2. On two stones with Chinese inscriptions, by E. Koch (with one plate and two lithographs). In the summer 1889, M. N. Jadrintzef brought home with him two inscribed stones found in the ruins now called Khara Balgasun on the upper part of the Orkhon River. According to M. Koch they bear inscriptions belonging to the time of the Uigur rulers of Mongolia, between 761 A.D. and 840 A.D. Unfortunately the stones are in such a damaged state as to defy a complete decipherment. One of them bears, besides the Chinese inscription, some lines in Uigur characters, and these lines are now the oldest known Turki document. 3. Titles and names of the Uigur Khdns, by M. Radlof. In this article the author supplies us, from the Chinese history of the Tan Dynasty, with the names and titles of 12 Uigur Khane, which he completely restores from the corrupt Chinese transliteration. These Turki words, bearing a close resemblance to the language of the Kudatku-Bilik (composed some 300 years later), corroborate most happily the stone documents just mentioned. In an additional note M. Radlof gives a transcript and translation of what is left of the Uigur inscriptions. His conclusions are: (1) The Uigurs spoke a Turki dialect closely allied to the language preserved in the Kudatku-Bilik. (2) Indications from Chinese writers, informing us of an Uigur alphabet in the VIIIth Century, A. D., are quite trustworthy. This alphabet of the Northern Uigurs is identical with the alphabet of the Uigurs of Eastern Turkistan, propagated by the Nestorians and adopted in the XIIIth Century by the Mongols. The existence of Uigur stone documents of the VIIIth Century in Northern Mongolia is deemed to be so important a fact, that the Imperial Academy of Sciences has decided upon sending an expedition with a view of exploring the ruins, which are supposed to belong to the once famous Karakorum. The expedition started from St. Petersburg in April 1891.1 going to publish shortly a detailed account of the work done by the expedition.-15th Dec. 1891; S. d'o.

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426 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. DECEMBER, 1891. 4. On some Witty Etymologies of the Sarts, by N. Ostroumof. The article gives some instances of alterations by the common folk in the names and titles of Russian officials in Turkist&n. The name of the late Governor-General, Tchernjajef, the Sarte pronounced as Shir-naib (the Lion's Representative): the title "Procuror" (Attorney General) they pronounce " Birkurar" and explain it as the title of a person who at once sees and decides," (Bir-Kurar). General (Jandaral) they explain as alash, Jandar Ali, &c." 5. A stone document of the Conquest of Korea by the Manjurs, by A. Pozdnejef. This is a text and translation of an inscription in Manja and Mongol relating to the conquest of Korea by the Manjurs. The text was published in the September Number (1889) of the Journal of the China Branch, R. A. S., with a note promising an edition of the Chinese text and asking persons acquainted with Manja to give explanations on this part of the text. In answer to this Prof. Pozdnejef undertook a translation, and found out that, besides the Manja, there is also a Mongol text, in some points differing from the Manju. The inscription is interest. ing from two points of view; (1) as furnishing us with some new facts on the relations between Korea and China, and (2) as offering us the hitherto oldest known specimen of Manja writing, the inscription being only seven years posterior to the introduction of the Manja alphabet, which took place definitively in 1632. To the last point we may now add that Prof. Pozdnejef has since found in the Paris National Library a very interesting MS. relating the udaptation of the Mongol Alphabet to the Manja Language. A detailed account of this MS. will shortly be published. 6. Contribution to the bibliography of the Kalmuck folktales. N. Vesselofsky. In a short note the author points to a translation of the popular poem of Jangar, by M. Bobrovnikof in the Imp. Russ. Geographical Society's Messenger for 1354, omitted by Prof. Pozdnejef in his last article, and to the Kalmuck (Qalmaq) tales collected by Lehr in Russian and published at Moscow in 1873. II.-Persia. 1. Some notes on the Parsi Schools in Persia. 4. Orlof. - This is a translation, with some ex. planatory notes, of an article, signed by four Persian Parsis and dated 19th September, 1884, in an Ispahan newspaper, called Farhang. Accord ing to the article, there were then in Yezd 6,737 Parsis, showing some increase as compared with the 6,483 in 1879 (according to Houtum-Schindler). There were 7 schools with 402 pupils, and in one of these schools the Avesta and Pahlavi were taught. " It would be very interesting to know how this teaching is going on," remarks M. Orlof, and he quotes an article of M. Shukofsky (Journal of the Public Instruction Office for 1885), to show that, so early as in the reign of Muhammad Shah, a beginning had been made of teaching these languages, which was, however, unfortunately unsuccessful. So far as one can judge from the scanty information we have as to the position of the Parsis in Persia, the teaching is improving, chiefly through the help of their Indian brethren. 2. Persian versions of the old Russian tale called "Shemjaka's Judgment," by V. Shukofsky. This is a tale, which once had a wide circulation both in the East and West. It relates the story of a man, who, by a series of accidents, gets accused of many crimes and is liberated by a wise judge, who, in some versions, pronounces his judgment from a sense of justice, and in others in expectation of a bribe. The oldest known version is in the Jatakas. M. Shukofsky gives two Persian versions, one in verse, from a chap-book (text and translation), and the other in prose (translation only, as the text was published in a Persian lithographed Reading-book in St. Peters. burg in 1869). (3). Indo-Persian humour, by V. Shukofsky. In this article are quoted some satirical verses from an Indo-Persian Tazkira called . The verses relating the wonderful feats of a sham hero, are ascribed to a certain Ja'fir, the jester.' This little poem is a delightful pendant to the Persian folksong treating of the same subject, published by M. Shukofsky in Vol. I. of the Zapisky. III.-India. 1. Popular dramatic entertainments at the Holi festival in Almora. I. P. Minayef. - This account of twelve dramatic entertainments was found in the papers of the late Prof. Minayef, who wrote them down most probably from the mouth [It is interesting to note that precisely the same process goes on in Burma, among the joke-loving population there, as regards British officials. Mr. Lightning is a title common to one or two quick-tempered officials. As to folk-etymologies of European names and words in India, they are simply innumerable.-ED.] * Prof. Pozdnejef is printing an account of the wars between the Manja and Korea. * See ante, Vol. XX. p. 87a. o Gamanichandajafaha, translated by the Rev. R. Morris in the Folklore Journal, and analysed and partly translated by Mr. C. Tawney in the Journal of Philology. A list of the different versions of this tale has been published by the present writer.

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DECEMBER, 1891.] MISCELLANEA. 427 of one Hari Lal, a baniyd in Almora (Kumfun), who communicated to him some fine folktales, which are to be found in Minayef's Indian Tales collected in Kamdon in 1875, published in St. Petersburg, in 1877. The somewhat plain language of these pieces of real folklore was probably the cause why the late Professor did not put them in the account of his journey to India (St. Petersburg,-1878;.2 Vols.) Nearly all the pieces are of a satirical character, some of them being directed against false devotees, some against the European rulers of the country, some against Missionaries, some against unfaithful wives. IV.-Semitic. 1. On a fragment of a Hebrew papyrus from the collection of W. S. Golenishef, by A. Harkavy. This short fragment bears on ritual. It is chiefly remarkable for its age, as it belongs to a date between the VIIIth and Xth Centuries. * 2. Contributions to the biography and works of Sayyid-al-Fayuni from the MSS. in the Imperial Public Library by A. Harkavy. Sayyid. al. Fayhmi (892-942 A. D.) the first Hebrew grammarian, belongs to the time of the revival of Hebrew science, in the IXth and Xth Centuries, A.D., in Egypt. Some of his works are known and published, but many important facts relating to his literary career can be gathered from this Hebrew-Arabic MSS. in the Imperial Public Library at St. Petersburg. Dr. Harkavy gives extracts from the following works of AlFayumi. (1) From the "Book of Poetry" (a manual), and (2) from the Book of the Exiled " (a controversial work). To this last are appended some extracts from works directed against the Sayyid 3. On an inedited MS. of the Arabian Nights, by Baron D. Gunzburg. The MS. under notice belongs to the private library of Baron Gunzburg, and of all the MSS. of the Arabian Nights that have been as yet examined, it is the most closely allied to the MS. of Michel Sabbagh (Paris National Library, Nos. 2522 and 2523), and con. sequently to the Baghdad MS. This MS. is complete, unusually correct, and written in a very elegant style. It seems to be one of the best of the MSS. of the Arabian Nights. A remarkable feature of it is the high esteem in which women are held throughout the whole text, against the usual oriental way of treating women. The article gives a comparative table of the tales, and a detailed comparison of the tale of Aladdin's Lamp in Zotenberg's text. This story is somewhat short in Baron Gunzburg's MS., but it is given in a more elegant and refined style than in the printed version. We may add that it is most desirable that Dr. Zotenberg, who is preparing a work on the Arabian Nights, should get access to this fine MS. V.- Armenian and Georgian. 1. 4 summer journey to Armenia. Notes and extracts from Armenian MSS., by N. J. Marr. This is the result of a journey to Armenia in the summer of 1890. M. Marr went to Armenia cbiefly to collect materials for his work (shortly to be published) on the Armenian fables ascribed to Vardan. He found, however, time enough to peruse also other MSS. of the rich Etchmiadzin Library, and to make a catalogue of the Armenian MSS. in the monastery on Lake Sevan (Gokcha). Besides some emendations to the text of Moses of Khoren, the article gives :-(1) a note on Asath, the translator of the Armenian " Barlaam and Joasaph," who is named in two MSS. of the Sevan Monastery, and one MS. of Etchmiadzin, written in 1441: (2) a passage from the " Answers and Questions of Vardan" bearing on the legend of king Artavazd: (3) a passage of Vardan the Great (XIIIth Century) on a translation of the Bible into Syriac by the king Abgar, which telle us that at that time there was no Armenian alphabet ; M. Marr points out the importance of collecting all possible data bearing on the history of the Armenian alphabet and on works in Armenian prior to the invention of the Mesro. pian alphabet : (5) on the Oskiphoriks, a sort of collection of pious legends and apocryphas: (6) a note on the Armenian text of the Georgian Chronicle: the original of all hitherto known copies is the MS. No. 1722 of the Etchmiadzin Library : (7) the Book of Adam and Eve; copious extracts of the Armenian text of which apocrypha are given with a Russian translation, and the text seems to go back to the Greek version : (8) Joseph and Asseneth ; some notes on this in. teresting apocrypha, edited by Prof. Carriere; M. Marr gives from the Etchmiadzin MSS. two texts (with translation) bearing on the same history; vix,--"The Prayer of Asseneth" and the "Testament of Joseph," which last he identifies with the " Prayer of Joseph" in the list of apocryphas of Mekhitar (XIIIth Century). The article is to be continued, and will deal with some more apocryphas and other Armenian texts. 2. Sophron, son of Isaac, or Isaac, son of Sophron ? by N. J. Marr. The existing MSS. of * A facsimile is given on pl. 1. 4.

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428 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1891. the Georgian "Barlaam" are insufficient to and the second with the name of Mangu Kaan. decide the question whether the author of this More such finds would be most desirable, as they version was called Sophron, son of Isaac, or would help to give a certain date to all such Isaac, son of Sophron. sepultures in Bulgar. 3. The Etymology of the Armenian Sepouh VIII.-Miscellanea. and the Georgian Sepe, by N. J. Marr. These 1. Translations from Persian, Turkish and titles, according to M. Marr, go back through a Arabic; Imitations of Oriental Poets. by M. G. series of transformations to the Avestic Delightful poems, faithful renderings of orienVisputhra. The argumentation is very able, tal ideas and feelings; translations from Sadi, but not definitively persuading. Hafiz, Firdosi, &c. VI.-Egypt. 2. Kerope Petrovitch Patkanof (with portrait), 1. Archeological results of a journey to Egypt by N. Vesselofsky. A short biography of the wellin the winter of 1888-89 (with five plates), by W. known Armenian scholar. Prof. Patkanof, who S. Golenishef. The author during a stay of more was born in 1833, was the son of an Armenian priest. than half-a-year in Egypt succeeded in making He began his studies in the College of Stavropol, some important and interesting acquisitions, some passed later into the Lazaref Institution in Moscow, of which were exhibited at a meeting of the remained some time in the University of Dorpat, Oriental Section of the (Russian) Archaeological and finished his studies in the chief Teaching Society, where the author gave explanations, which, Institution in St. Petersburg. He was later for in a somewhat revised and enlarged shape, are some time teacher in a Female College in Tiflis, embodied in the present article. As most of these and afterwards, till his death in 1889, he was objects have already been described in special a professor at the University of St. Petersburg. reviews, we have only to say a few words on some His first scientific work (as a student he wrote of the most interesting : a collection of papyri, many poems, which are still very popular in some of which are in Pahlavi, Hebrew and Armenia) was the Catalogue de la Litterature Greek; portraits from Tel-al-Amarna; some in-1 .. some in. | Armenienne. He also edited and translated many scriptions: a real with a Phoenician inscription "in of the Armenian historians, wrote on Armenian honor of Jeremias", some interesting pieces of geography, on the inscriptions of Van, etc. A Koptic embroidery. The article gives also some list of his works is appended to the article. interesting notes on the Bulag Museum, on the 3. Musalmen books printed in Russia during acquisition of antiquities in Egypt, and short the year 1889, by W. D. Smirnof.--This is a list diary notes of a journey from Edfu to the Red with a bibliographical description; the number of Sea (chiefly topographical). copies printed of each book is also given. VII.-Archaeology and Numismatics. IX.-Reviews, 1. The Elizabethpol Find, by Baron W. Tiesen. 1. The Kirghiz and Karakirghiz of the Syrdaryhausen. The Imperial Archeological Commission insky District. Vol. I., Common Law (Russian), by received last year from Tiflis a silver buckle and N. T. Grodekof.This book shows clearly that the 236 Persian coins, chiefly of the XVIIth administration is carefully studying the coun. to XIXth Centuries A. D. (1122-1220 A. H.), try it has to deal with. A clearer distinction found in the province of Elizabethpol. A descrip- between 'udat and shari'at is most desirable, as the tion of this buckle is given in the article. shari'at is often only a powerful means of oppres2. New Find in Bulgar (in the Province of sion in the hands of the upper classes directed against the masses. General Grodekof's book Kasan) by N. Likhatchef. In September, 1889, a peasant in the village of Uapenakoje, Bulgary, dug will be of great use to the Orientalist and to the up in his courtyard some brass caldrons, two of administrator, which had on them Arabic inscriptions (benedic- 2. Ethnographical Notes on Tibetan Medicine, tions to the possessor). M. Likhatchef's opinion (Russian), by W. Ptizyn.-This is a list of 101 is that these objects most probably belong to the maladies, 429 names of drugs, and a description end of the XIV th Century. of surgical instruments. All the names are given in Tibetan with Russian translations. The whole 3. On two fuls found near the village Balymer is compiled from communications from Lamas in the Government of Kasan, by N. Likhatchef. from the Transbaikal District. In the autumn of 1889, near Balymer, were dug up a skeleton and near it two copper coins : 1 3. History of the Town of Kassimof (Russian), one with the name of An-Nasir-li-din-Allah, 1 by N. Shishkin. This is a short history of the

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MISCELLANEA. DECEMBER, 1891.] town, founded chiefly on the large work of Weljaminof-Zernof, entitled The Tsars and Teareviches of Kassimof. 4. Persian, Arabic and Turkish MSS. in the Tashkent Library (Russian), by E. Kahl.-A description of 87 MSS. The chief interest lies in the historical part of the Persian MSS., where some good and old copies of interesting works are to be found. 5. Journal of the East-Siberian Section of the Geographical Society, Ethnographical Section, Vol. I., p. I., Buriat Folktales (Russian). A very carefully made collection of 51 folktales, with interesting notes and excellent indices. 6. Catalogue of Oriental Coins in the British Museum, Vol. IX., by Stanley Lane Poole. An excellent catalogue of a splendid collection; in this volume we find more than 200 inedited coins. On pp. 312-313 the reviewer proposes to read as the b is clearly to be ysh instead of ysh seen on two dindre in the Museum of Baron Stieglitz. Other different readings are proposed. 7. Modern Persian Comedies, etc., edited by Dr. A. Wahrmund. No. I, Monsieur Jourdan, with German translation, notes and glossary. These comedies, which first appeared in a Russian shape (Tiflis, 1853), were translated into Turkish (ib. 1860) and lastly into Persian (1874). They are very bad representatives of modern Persian, and in many passages are only adaptations of the Turkish, and even of the Russian, original. From this point of view they can be hardly welcome, and are not to be put in the hands of beginners. The reviewer gives some corrections to text, translation and glossary. 8. Glossary of Iberian and Latin words used by the Mozarabes, etc. (Spanish,) by D. F. J. Simonet. The first part of the book is an ardent panegyric of the Mozarabes (Mosarabs), who, according to the author, have created the so-called Arabic civilisation in Spain. The somewhat too passionate argument does not always sufficiently reason out many other facts, which indeed do not quite corroborate the fundamental idea of the author. The second part is the Glossary, which is quite on a par with the first part. It is not everybody that will agree with D. Simonet's conclusions, but to all Arabic scholars, interested in the history of Spain, it will give much useful information. 9. The Tale of a certain Old Man (Russian), by Ch. Loparef. This is a diary of a voyage to the Holy Land in the XVIth Century, by a Russian. M. Loparef has edited the text with 429 copious notes. Two postscripts on the MS. are interesting, as giving some facts of the intercourse between Russia and Turkey at that time. Appended to the Review is a notice by Baron Rosen on the word Tchelebi, which occurs in one of the postscripts. From different explanations he adopts that of Ahmed-Vefik-Pasha in his Lehjehi-Othmanich. Cheleb goes back to Persian Chelipd, which goes back to the Syriac Tsliba (the Cross). Cf. Arab. The learned Pasha is wrong only in referring its origin to the time of Christian influence in the reign of Changez Khan. We know now that this influence is to be dated much earlier, from the time of the first Nestorian missionaries. In this way we have, as the oldest meaning of the word, "Man of the Cross," Christian. As the first who adopted the Christian faith were persons of high and even of royal descent, it was afterwards applied to them, and still later, as a designation of all educated people. The oldest hitherto known mention of this interesting word is from 1313. More facts will enable us to decide the question definitively. 10. A Historical Grammar of the Modern Armenian language of Tiflis (Russian), by A. Thomson. This is a perfectly worthless, unscientific compilation, written without any knowledge of the most elementary principles of philology. The painful impression produced by M. Thomson's book is greatly relieved by a series of most interesting philological notes by the reviewer (M. Marr). 11. Journal of the East-Siberian Section of the Geographical Society, Vol. I. Parts 2 and 3. Vol. II. p. 1. (a) Buriat legends, Yakut folktales, songs, riddles and proverbs (collected by T. A. Khudjakaf) (b) New materials bearing on the Shamanism of the Buriats (by M. Khangalof in Russian); copious materials, carefully collected. 12. Journal of the Society of Investigation of the Amur Country, Vol. I. (Russian). This recently founded Society has started a periodical. The contents of its first number are interesting. We may point out an article of the President, M. Busse, "On Archaeological remains in the valleys of Lefu, Daubikhe and Oulakhe." The report of the Society tells us that it has an Archaeological Museum with 285 objects. 13. The Sarts, Ethnographical Notes. Vol. I., by N. Ostroumof. A series of articles.(1) Historical and Ethnographical notes on the Sarts. (2) Characteristics of the Sarts; (3) Russian Influence; (4) Reminiscences of Sattar Khan 'Abdul-ghafarof; (5)A description of the journey of the 7 It is adopted from the same source by M. Barbier de Meynard in his Dictionary.

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430 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. merchant, Mirza Bukhari to Kharkof, Moscow and St. Petersburg; (6) The Turkistan Gazette; (7) Conclusion. 14. A Chinese-Russian Dictionary, by the Rev. Father Palladius and P. S. Popof. A very rich dictionary containing 11,668 hieroglyphs. The best parts are those relating to Buddhism, Taoisin and the Confucian philosophy. The pronunciation is that of Peking. It is to be regretted that the accents are omitted. 15. Minor works of A. von Gutschmid, Vols. I and II. (German). A most important publication both for the Orientalist and for the historical student. The first volume gives articles on Egyptology and Greek Chronography; the second volume relates entirely to the Semites and to early church history. Two more volumes will be pub. lished on the history of the non-Semitic nations of Asia and on Roman-Greek medieval history. NOTES AND NOTES ON SOUTH-INDIAN FESTIVALS. I.-PONGAL. The Pongal is one of the chief Hindu festivals in Southern India and generally takes place about 12th January. It is celebrated with much delight and amusement by all classes of the Hindus, as being held on the day on which the sun leaves the sign of Capricorn and proceeds towards the Equator. All houses are neatly whitewashed and repaired. Relations are invited from a distance, and alms are given to the poor. New rice, mixed with milk, green gram, sugar and other edibles are boiled in a new vessel in an open yard in the centre of the house and offered to the sun-god. Every one in the house partakes of this food with great eagerness, for, if the rice has boiled well it is a good Pongal, promising future happiness. Relatives, friends and acquaintances all salute the master and inquire whether it has boited. On the third day is the cattle feast, when all the cattle are bathed and adorned and their horus painted in various colours. Rice and milk are boiled and given to the cattle. I-VARUSHAPPIRAPU, OR NEW YEAR'S DAY. This falls about the 12th of April, and is a very important festival. Early in the morning every one takes a bath in cold water, in a river if possible or at home. During the day there are great public rejoicings. Relatives are invited and the holy water mixed with margosa (nim) flowers, while molasses and young tama [DECEMBER, 1891. 16. Handbook of Arabic as spoken in Egypt (German) by Dr. K. Vollers. A most excellent hand-book for Arabists, who wish to get acquainted with modern Arabic. To persons who are not trained in literary Arabic, the book will be probably somewhat difficult. 17. Transactions of the Egyptian Institute, 2nd Series, No. 10 (French). Among articles bearing on Oriental subjects, that of Yakub-ArtynPasha may be noted, which deals with Koptic methods of fractional configurations, now quite antiquated, though in circulation for a long time. 18. Arabic Authors by J. J. Arbuthnot. The reviewer pronounces this book to be " a failure." 19. Bibliographical Appendix.-Notices some of the latest Oriental publications in Russia. SERGIUS D'OLDENBURG. QUERIES. rind are presented by the family priest and freely passed round. This is done to secure good health during the coming year. Towards evening the family priest produces the new Almanac and reads out the more striking passages, explaining them at the same time, while the whole family sits round him eagerly gathering their fortune during that year. III.-DIPAVALI. A social festival held about the 23rd of October in commemoration of the auspicious day when the Asuras Balachakravarti and NarakAsura were slain by Vishnu. As this event is said to have taken place in the evening, the people express their joy at the event by illuminating their houses with lights arranged in artistic lines and letting off fireworks and crackers. The Hindus of all classes get up as early in the morning as two o'clock, anoint their bodies with gingelly oil and bathe in hot water, put on new clothes and ornaments, and gaily decorate their children. Sweetmeats of all kinds are prepared, of which everybody in the house partakes after the bath. K. SRIKANTALIYAR. MEDICAL LORE IN MADRAS. If fever comes on a person on a Saturday, the fever will last till the next Saturday. Medicines are generally not administered on a Saturday, as it is an inauspicious day. They would only be given on the next day. K. SRIKANTALIYAR.

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Achyutaraya of Vijayanagara; his coins. Addakali-Gachchha, of the Jains .... ............... 271 addition, the Burmese system of, explained 55 ff. 123 *********. adhyaksha, dataka or ajnapti...... ..424 n. Adityadatta, Samdhivigrahika, an officer of Balavarmadeva Afghan language, the components of the, 338; is an Iranian tongue probably derived from Zend, 338; literature, a note on, 339, 340;-love-songs, 340;- proverbs... 340 Afghan Race, discussion on the origin of the 338, 339 361 INDEX. Ajivikas, the Ajmere, Sanskrit plays by Somadeva and Vigraharaja, partly preserved in inscriptions at 201 djnapti, used to denote the Dataka of a grant ............................................................................................ 106, 418 Akaltara inscription, noticed 84 339 *********** ********.... Akhun Darveza, the Afghan writer..... Akulamannandu, a village in the Gudravara 270 ************... vishaya...... Alandatirtha, a village in the Srinilaya bhoga 96 Alexander of Epirus was a contemporary of Asoka ********... ************ 306 Afjaneri inscription of Seunadeva, of SakaSamvat 1063 (for 1064); examination of the date ....................................................... 422 anka, as a termination of proper names, in Gupaganka, 102; and in Kaliyartyanka 117, 118 242 Alikasadara, Alexander ........................ 241 alphabet, the North-Indian; the powers of certain characters in it Amma I., Vishnuvardhana VI. (Eastern Chalukya)..................... 12, 13, 95 n., 266, 288 Amma II., Vijayaditya VI. (Eastern Chalukya........ .........................................................12, 13, 270, 283 Ammangadovi, wife of Rajaraja I. ....... 273 amnaya is a synonym of kula or kulakrama, and means 'generations, successions' Amoghavarsha I. (Rashtrakuta), 101, 103; - distinct evidence of a break in his reign, 113, 114;-the English equivalent of the date of his Kanheri inscription of SakaSamvat 775 (for 773)............ 421 Anderson, his murder at Multan ......... 215, 216 Andhra or Andhra country Andhras mentioned in the Asoka inscriptions ****************** 239, 240, 247 andu, the meanings of, in certain dates. 287 to 289 Angins; names of the Eleven-Angins, according to the pattavals of the SarasvatiGachchha, 348, 349;-of the Minor-Angins, 349; and of the One-Angins 349, 350 Aphilwad prasasti of Vikrama-Samvat 1651; English equivalent of the dates 141 and n. animals, grateful, in folktales, 30 ff; - the object of propitiating slain, among savages. 195 93 ****** ********************* ********* 342 103 and n. Antekina, Antigonus ................................................... 241 Antigonus Gonatas of Macedonia was a contemporary of Asoka............... 242 Antiochus II. of Syria was a contemporary of Asoka anusamyana, a religious institution of Aeoka's 242 ***********.. *********** *************** time 253 ************* - Aparajita, Aparajiya, the third Brute Kevalin 347, 348, 358 Arabian Nights, an Indian origin for the, noted, 185; inedited MS. of the... 427 Arabic-Persian word vagaira used in the Tirunelli grant............... 291 and n. arani, Prof. von Roth on the... 294, 295 arcs, the sines of, in the Panchasiddhantika. 228 Arhadbalin, a name of Guptigupta ****** 342, 350 Arician grove, the 45 Arician, priesthood, rule of the, 45; - priests, their story explained arithmetic, as preached by Burmese astrolo. gers, 53: the correspondence between the Burmese and Hindu astrological system of, 53; the use of Indian (Pali) terms by the Burmese in their, 53; the correspondence between the Burmese and Tibetan systems of, 53; origin of the Tibetan system of, 53; Burmese and Tibetans not taught to multiply by rote beyond nine times nine, 54: Burmese, is a mental system, 54; Burmese process of calculation in writing, 54; illiterate Burmese system of notation, 54; Burmese system of, the result of working with a natural (= spoken) notation, 68; - antiquity of the Burmese system of, 54; - Burmese standard works on, 54;-Burmese system of, limitation of the, 57, not adapted to fractions, 57; Burmese system of an explanation of the origin of, 67, 68: Hindu astrological system of; method of addition, 58 n.; - method of subtraction 59 n. ; - method of multiplication, 60 n; Hindus taught to multiply by rote up to high figures, 63; - method of division, 63 n.:-note on Koptic ........... 430 Arjun Singh, his rebellion at Gujranwala 216 -- **************** ************ - - ********************** - www 46

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432 INDEX ..... ....... evolutions in his religious life, 244; - in his early years, he accepted the supremacy of the Brahmans, 244; -- in the ninth year after his coronation, he becaine a Bud. dhist Updsaka, 234, 235; - and proceeded to deprive the Brahmans of their divine prestige, 257; - and in the eleventh year, he made a State entry into the Buddhist church, 235; - the origin of his conversion was the deeds of violence which accompanied the conquest of Kalinga, 257; - he was a declared adherent to Buddhism from the ninth year, 2-45 ; - the doctrines which he professed, 259; - his personul character ................................. 265 Asoka's edicts, Dr. Buhler on the epigraphy of ........................ ............... 117, 118 A&Ricad inamil, the, noted .................. 85 n. dsraya, a subdivision of a vishaya .................. 98 Atavidurjaya, an officer of Vishnuvar. dhana I.......... ................ 18, 96 Atharva-Voda (sce Kausiksitre), 90; - the numbering of the parisiratas of the ......... 148 Atayuparru, an ancient town or village ...... 418 Arestu, notes on the grammar of the............ 148 A yapa-Rautariya, another name of Ganadova 393 Ayrton, his murder at Multan ...............215, 216 American, Apocrypha, notes on, 427: -date of the alphabet ................................ Arthuna inscription of Chamundaraja, of Vikrama-Sarivat 1136: English equivalent of the date...... ............. 129 and n. Arutaukarcariya, a subdivision of the Gudra hirl vishay ........................................ 98 Aryadevi. apparently the name of the wife of Dinarnava ........... .............. 272 Aryans, European origin of; criticisin of Van den Gheyn's work on the ...... 393 A sokitthe great Buddhist king; inentioned by the name or title of Piyadasi (= Priyadarsin), 168, 170, 231, 232, 263, 364; - and by the pithet of Dorciumipiye, 165. 231; - he had also the name of Dharmasokat, 233, 263 :- probably Priyadarein was his original name, and he took the name Asoka or Dharmasoka at his conversion to Bud"Thism, 263; - his rock edicts at Sabasaram, Rupnaith, Bairat, and Bhabra, and the inscriptions in the Baribar caves; M. Senart's texts and translations, rendered into English by Mr. Grierson, 154, 165, 168 ; - Dr. Buhler's rendering of the Barabar cave inscriptions (and of the Nagarjuni cave inscriptions of Asoka's grandson, Dasaratha), 361; -discussion 18 to the author and language of the inscriptions, 229; - I., the author, 229; - the Piyadasi of the inscriptions is the Asoka of the literary records, 232; -his coronation is to be placed four years and five months after his accession, 235; - the chronological order of the inscriptions, 236; - the period of them is fixed by the mention of certain contemporaneous Greek kings, 238 ; his accession is to be placed about B. C. 273, and his coronation in B. C. 270. or 269, . . 242, 243; - members of his faniily, 246 ; - his royal residence was at Pafaliputra, 247; - the extent of his dominions, 247; the synchronous Greek kings, and Indian and other tribes, mentioned in his inscriptions, 238; - his empire em braced the whole of Northern India, ex. tended to the central plateau of the Dekhan, and was bordered by provinces over which he exercised suzerainty, 249; - his relations with foreign countries, 255; - the opening phrase of his edicts is a trace of the influence exercised by the Persian conquest and administration in north-western India, 255; - the classes of his functionaries, and their duties, 249; - the amusanyina, a religious institution, 253; -literary traditions about Aboka, 256; -the successive ***... 216 86 Bacchus, see Dionysus .............. ............... 51 Ba ghera, perhaps mentioned as Vav. voraa..................... ............... 202 and n. Bahawalpur, Nawab of, bis share in the cap ture of Multan ......... Baijnath Prasastis, the; improvements in the reading. 114; - remarks on the date of one of them................. ....................... 15+ Bairat rock edict of Asoka, edited ............... 15+ Balatkara-Cana, another name of the Saras vati.Gachchha......... Balavar, the Wisdom of, a note on the Geor. gian romance of ........ Balavarmadova, Mahasamanta, 123:- his grant, edited .......... ............ 123 Balder, the myth of, discussed, 199, 200; - Balder's Bale-fires discussed ................ 199 Ballaladova-Velabhata .............................. 271 banners and creats, differences between the devices on .............. ......... 279 n. Barabar Hill mentioned by the ancient name of Khalati or Khalatika, 169, 170, 364 and n.; - the cave inscriptions of Asoka, edited; M. Senart's renderings, 168 ; - Dr. Buhler's........................................ 361 Barlaam and Joasaf, authorship discus. sed, 86, 427, 428; -a Persian version of, 88; -non-Christian versions of, noted, 86; - a note on the geography of .................... 67

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INDEX 435 .............. 69 . .... ....... er, (see also parru and varru), a terminasion of village-names, in Diggubarru, 270; - Pambarra, 271; - and Kaluchumbarru. 272 Ba yazid Angari, the Afghan writer ............ 839 Belgaum District, an inscription from the, edited ........... Bengal Presidency, an inscription from the, lited ......................... Bengurunanti vishaya, an ancient territorial division................................................ 268 tu-Vijayaditya V. (Eastern Chalukya) 12, 13, 95 n, 267, 283 Bezwa in the Kistaa District, mentioned at Vijayavada ............ ....... 101, 415, 418 Bhabra rock edict of Asoka, edited ........... 165 Bhudda bahu, Bhadrabahu I., the fifth Sint-Kralin .......................... 347, 348, 358 Bhralabu II., one of the Minor-Angins 349, 350, 351, 358, 359 Bhi galper grant of Narayanapala; an histori. al ullusion in it .................................... 187 Bhandlanaditya, a follower of Kollabiganda. Vijayaditya IV. ............................... 101, 267 Bhaskara-Ravivarman, a king, 286, 287, 291; --the Tiranelli grant of bis time, edited... 285 Bhattarako, a paramount title ; earliest ins. tance of its use by the Eastern Chalukyas 100; - conferred on the pontiff Padma. nandin of the Sarasviti-Gachchha............ 361 Bhattaraka-Vijayaditya I. (East. Chal) 12,13, 99, 283 Bhima, of the Solar Race ...... Bhima I., Chlukya-Bhima I. (Eastern Cha lukya)............ ................ 12, 13, 103, 283 Bhima II. Chalukya-Bhima II. (East. Cha lukya) ......................... 12, 13, 95 n., 269, 283 Bhima III. (East. Chal.)................ 12, 13, 269, 283 Bhimagupta, a king (see Kayyata) ............. 154 Bhimarathi, an ancient name of the river Bhima ................................................ 96 Bhoja, name of a people mentioned in the A Soka inscriptions ...............239, 240, 247, Bhojadeva of Kanauj ............ Bhor State, Buddhist caves in the ............... 121 bhujang = ogre ............ Bhujangiki, an ancient village ............... Bibi Chandan, her share in the destruction of Pandit Jalla, 73; - her claims to Hire Siugh's estates, 73, 7+; - stirs up Lahor against the English, 76; - interferes in Gulab Siagh's arrangements with the British Government, 215; agrees to the annexation of the Cis-Satluj States ......... 213 Bihar, an inscription from, edited ............... 312 Bijholt inscription of Someavara, of Vikrams Sarvat 1226; English equivalent of the date....... ............138 and n. Bijja, a king slain by Chalukyabhima.Vishnu vardhana VII........................................ 270 Bilachendma, a notice of the ..................... 294 Bittarasa, Prakrit name of Vishnuvardhana I. 9 blister, girl born from a, in folktales .......... 1421 blood, origin of the tabu of, 49:- of tabued persons very dangerous, 49; - consequent customs, 49; - contains the 'soul, 19; - red juice in plants, especially in the vinc, 19: - consequent cnsioms, 19; - the savage dread of menstrueus, 197; - an origin for the objection to shedding or spilling, 49,drinking, a forn of initiation, 423; - a form of cath, 423; - as a pledge of friendship, 423; - is still a custom among Karens, Kachins, Chins and Burmese wild tribes, 423; - survives amongst the Burmese only in their language ............4 blood-drunk brother'............ Bobyo, a Burmese book on astrological move. m ents .................... 51 Boddiya, another name of BallAlodeva-Vela bhata ....................... ...................... 271 Bidhicharyevatura of Santideva, the, noticed. 85, Sr Bodh Gaya inscription of Vikrama-Sunnvat 1005 (P); English equivalent of the date ... 127 Bolana, an officer of Narendramrigaraja Vijayaditya II. ..................................... 101 Bilingi, Burineze rules of astrology ............ * Bombay East Indian,' defined ............... 183n Bombay Portuguese,' defined.................. 18an. Bombay Presidency, an inscription from the edited........... ............ 6 bones, of dead ancestors, object of preserving among North American Indians, 120; -ot slain animals, object of preserving, among savages....................... *1 ....... Book of Adam and Eve, note on the Armenian Apocrypha called the ...........................427 bride's feet, the, bringing ill-luck to her hus. band's house .................................... Brihadgriha, the residence of Bala varmadeva, 123; Hemachandra gives it as a syng. nym of Karusha............ Brihaj-Jataka, mention of the, in folktales ... 31 Brihaspati, the law-book of; notice of Dr. Jolly's translation ............. British Museum ; a grant of Narindrampi. garaja-Vijayaditya II., edited, 414; -- the inscription of Sarangadeva; English equi. valent of the date ........................ 137 and n. Buddhilinga, the ninth Dase Parvin ......318, 3:16 Buddhist caves recently discovered, at Nadear and Nenavali ............ ............ 121 Buddhist inseriptions ............154, 165, 163, 361 Buhilinga, = Buddhilinga ........ ...... 268 . .. ....... 188 ....... ...... 185 123 **** .. 424

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434 INDEX the Bukkaraya of Vijayanagara; his coins ......... 302 of Malkhed, 101, 102, 103, 114, 266, 270;bull, the, represents Dionysus, 199; -Osiris... 194 and the Western ChAlukyas ............... 281, 282 burial, communal custaus of, in Nortla Chalukyas, Western ; wars with the Cholas Avaerica, 119; -ancient communul, among and the Eastern Chalukyas ..........280, 281, 282 the Parsis...................... ...... .......... 396 Chamun laruja (Paramara); see Arthma...... 129 Burma, the Frencia in, in the 18th Century, Chandaladevi, wife of Bhima ............ ...... 268 u rotice of ....................... .......... 91 Chaudaladevi, wife of Mullapadeva .........268, 283 burning-glass, the use of, in ancient India ... 295 Clandradova of Orissa ......................... 390, 393 .burying the Carnival'; origin of the custom. 51 Chandrayopin, Chandragumin................85 D. Chandrehe inscription of Kalachuri-Samvat 724, noticed .................. alumninted person in folktalus ... 146 ff., 185 ff. Changez Khan, notes on the chronology of, ards, the origin of playing................... 293, 294 -87; - an origin of the name ................. 87 aste, an origin for many ceremouies and chaturanga, the spread of the game ............. 293 custoine connected with........................ 48, 49 Chantuu, an ancient village ..................... 418 Caspian, Kaselin's journeys on the, notes on... 425 Chavali, a village in the Kista District... 390, 393 Cancasus, notice of works on the charana, the Taittiriya .............. ............. 17 Central Provinous, an inscription from the CheHar; see Kulttunga-Chodadeva II. ...... 191 . edited ................................................ 310 Chellaru agraheira............ ............... 284, 285 Chihuminas .......................................... 202 Chera-Panya alphabet ............... 286 and Plate Chulomes, see Seung ................................ 92 | Cherupara, a town in the (P) Poki vishaya, 17, Chakrakota, an ancient place............ 280 and n. 96;-probably it is the modern Chipurupalle. 15 Chakrayadhu, a king to whom Dharmapala Chhatar Singh Atariwala, his alliance with the gave the rule over Kanauj; he is perhape Amir, Dost Muhammad .................. 215, 216 Bhojadeva ........ ................. 188 Chills, conquered by Gulab Singh ................ 213 Canlukyu chieftaius under the Rashtraktas. 69 childbirth, superstitions connected with; the Chalukyu-Arjuna, a biruda of Narendramriya. origin of May-day and the May-pole, 47: - " 'rdja-Vijayaditya II. ........... ................ 100 vows to procuro, 80 :- cult of Roman Chalukya-Bhima I. (Eastern Chalukya) 12, goddess to procure, 46 : - the function of 13, 103, 283 Diana Nemorensis.................................. 47 Chalukya-Bhima II., Vishnuvardhana VII. children.,custom of passing,' discussed ...... 192 (East. Chal.).................... 12, 13, 95 n., 269, 283 Cbillones, see Selungs ................. ChAlukya-Chardra, a biruda of Saktivarman 273 Chinghiz, see Changez ............................ Chalukya-Chala, a king ....... Chipurupalle, a village in the Vizagapatam Chalukyas, Eastern, 1 to 15, 93 to 104, 191, District; probably mentioned by the anci. 266 to 285, 414 ; - their chronological list, ent name of Chepupara, 15; - the grant 12, 13; - their complete genealogy, in four of Vishnuvardhana I., edited .................. 15 parts, 27+; - their genealogical table, 283; Chitur line, the, of the Sarasvati - Gachchha... 365 - a branch line of descent in later times, Chitorgadh inscription of Samarasimha; Eng. 287, 268, 283 ; - variants of the form of lish equivalent of the date ............ 137 and n. the family-name, 95 n. ;-their insignia, Chodadeva, = Kulottunga-Chodadeva II....... 285 275; - their original capital was Veng. Cholas mandala, the .................................. 268 93, 267, 269; - and they were called dis- Cholas mentioned in the Aboka inscriptions, tinctively "the lords of Vergi," 93, 101. 239, 240, 249 ; - they perhaps held the 102, 103, 269, 271; - they perhaps lost Vengi country for twenty-seven years, Vengi to the Cholas for twenty-seven years, 272 ; - their intermarriages with the Eas. 272; - the capital was afterwards trans. tern Chalukyas, 273, 277; - and their wars ferred to Rajamahendrapuram, 94, 266; - with them ........................... 270, 272, 276, 277 their intermarriages with the Cholas, 273, church, the use of the, in Indian Christian 277; - and the Haibayas, 101; - they folklore .............. ......... 32, 80 ff, 144 ff latterly became Cholas at heart, 277; -a Cinderella, a version of, in Salsette ......... 142 ff. settlement in Western India, or an inter- Cintra prasasti; see Sarangadeva ................ 137 marriage with the Western Chalukyas, 277; Cis-Satluj States, annexation of the ...... 212, 213 - they conquered the Kalinga country, clothes, prosperous,' in Bihar .................. 337 104; -and re-subjugated it, 278; - their Coast Moors, see Moors of Ceylon................. 120 wars with the Cholas, 270, 272, 276, 277; - coins, notes of Parthian, 86 ;-Saffavi, 87;the Gangas, 101, 102: - the Rashtrakatas Samani, 87;--Sassanian, 86, 87; used as .... .... ... 268

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INDEX 435 charms, and altered for the purpose, in Madras, 219; - coins of the kings of Vija. yanagara, 301 :- of An-Nasir-li-din-Allah, 128:- of Mangu Kaan ........................ 428 colour-sense as exhibited in the Avesta ......... 148 communion with the divinity, an origin of the belief in ........ ................. 195 consonants, the 'stop' sound of, in Nicobarese 298 corn, an examination of various customs connected with the cultivation of ........... 52 Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, Vol. III., the Gupta Inscriptions; improvements in the readings............................................. 188 coughs, medicine and charms for, in Madras 192 cow, as a sacred Hindu metaphor ............... 339 crests; the boar-crest of the Eastern Chalu kyas, 96, 275; - differences between the devices on crests and those on banners ... 279 n. crying the neck, an origin of the custom ...... 52 current and expired years; a case in which a year of the sixty-year cycle of Jupiter 18 distinctly quoted as the expired year, 411; - years of erns; unqualified years of the Vikrama era are only exceptionally to be applied as current, 398; the unqualified years of the Saptarshi era and the Lokakala reckoning are to be applied as current 151 to 153 Currie, Sir Frederick, his share in the sale of Kasmir ..... ....... 213, 214 Dasaratha, grandson of Asoka; he had the epithet of Devanampiye, 364, 365; -his Nagarjunt hill cave inscriptions, edited ... 361 dates (see also eras); [here, and under all con. nected entries, the details of such Vikrama dates as were fully indexed in Vol. XIX., are not repeated); dates in which the Saka year is quoted incorrectly, 191, 422; - a date which does not give satisfactory results in respect of an eclipse, 390 ; dates recorded in - decimal figures ... 83, 84, 85, 126 to 141, 151, 152, 153, 212, 311, 314, 421 decimal figures combined with numerical Bymbols....................... ................ 125 numerical symbols...........................17, 123 numerical words......... 35, 154, 191, 314, 393 words ...... 125 to 141, 154, 311, 312, 314, 421 daughter, adventures of the only, in folktales, 332 ff. days, civil, of the fortnight, or month, denot ed by budi and buti, and badi or vadi and vati, and mentioned in recorded dates :bright fortnight : first ............ .............................. 137 second ................. ............ 124 fifth ............ ..............85, 137, 212, 311 seventh .............. ................83, 84, 1: tenth ............... '152 fifteenth .............. 129, 130 dark fortnight : third ...........................83, 132, 138, 152 twelfth ................................81, 130, 141 thirteenti ................................ 151, 314 days, lunar, i. e., tithis, of the fortnight or month, denoted by the number or name of the tithi, and mentioned in recorded dates: bright fortnight : first fifth ............ rinth ....... .................... . . fifteenth ............ dark fortnight: first ................ second ................ third ............ ............ 132, 13; seventh .......... ............. 131 cighth ............ eleventh.................................... 155, 284 twelfth ......... .............. 151 thirteenth.......... ...........138, 151, 152 fortnight not specified :full-moon ............... ............. 130 days of the week; names of them, as used in recorded dates : Aditya (Sunday).............. ............... 212 ... Daddara, a king conquered by Vishnuvardhana I............................. ............... 95 Dakshinagara, an ancient name of the dis. trict round Gaya.................................... 313 Dakshinarka, a form of the Sun, as a god, at Gaya ................ ...............312, 313 Dala, grandfather of Kulachanda ................ 313 Dalhousie, Lord, his interview with Gulab Singh ...... ............ 218 Dalip Singh of Lahor placed on the throne by Suchet Singh and Hira Singh, 71;reriews his troops on Gulab Singh's visit to Lahor, 75; visits the Governor-General at the Qasur camp, 213 ;-his deposition... 217 din, a custom of, in Bengal ...................... 396 Dinansipa, # variant of the name of Danar nava ............................... ................ 272 Danarnava (Eastern Chalukya). ... 12, 13, 272, 283 dandyaka, a corruption of dandaniyaka 304 and n. dangerous things, their origin in the doctrine of tabu ............. Darda, conquered by Gulab Singh................ 219 Darila, a commentator on the Kaubikusatra. 91 Dasa-Parvins, names of the eleven, according to the pallavali of the Sarasvati.Gachchha 348, 353 ..... 49

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436 288 .151, 152, 421 153 Arki (Saturday). Budha (Wednesday) Chandra (Monday).... Guru (Thursday)......83, 132, 137, 138, 141 Kavya (Friday) 151 Mangala (Tuesday) Ravi (Sunday) Sani (Saturday) ********** ************ ********.... .......... ************** **********. 151 130, 137, 152 138, 151, 152, 287, 288, 311, 314 Soma (Monday)...35, 81, 129, 136, 137, 141, 153, 422 4 Sukra (Friday).83, 84, (P), 129, 130 death' to the savage absence of the soul,' 48;- may be permanent or temporary, being dependent on the absence of the soul,' 48; temporary, in folktales, 329;- a mode of revivifying after, in folktales, 82, 83; slaying, and the revival of the slain death, 51; carrying out, origin of the custom *******.. decimal figures combined with numerical symbols INDEX. *************** ************ Delhi Museum inscription of Vikrama-Samvat 1384; English equivalent of the date 138 and n. 51 48 Demeter, see Proserpine 31 demons, an origin of the belief in deus ex machind in folktales Deva, the tenth Dasa-Parvin ...... ................................... .348, 358 Devanampiye, dear unto the Devas,' an epithet of Asoka, 165, 231; - and of his grandson, Dasaratha 364, 365 Devapaladeva of Dhara; his Harsaud& inscription, edited, 310;-inscriptions of his, at Udaypur, noticed. Devaraya of Vijayanagara; his coins, 302 83 to 305 270 *****..... Dhalaga, or Valaga, a king slain by Chalukyabhima-Vishnuvardhana VII. Dhara, Jayasimhadeva of, 84;-) - Devapaladeva ...........310, 311 dharma-mahamatra, title of a class of Asoka's officials 250, 252 Dharmapala acquired the rule over Mahodaya by defeating Indraraja... 188 Dharmasena, the eleventh Dasa-Purvin... 348, 358 Dharmasoka, another name of Asoka......233, 263 Dhili, Dehli ..... ....... 313 Dhritisena, the seventh Dasa-Purvin......348, 358 Diana Nemorensis, explained, 45; the object of her cult, 46; - a spirit of the wood *************** *****............... *********... ***********.. Diggubarru, a village in the Pagunavara vishaya.......... Dimila vishaya, an ancient territorial division, the name of which is preserved in that of Dimile 15, 16, 17, 96 *******. ************* 51 ********** 123 47 270 Dionysus as the god of vegetation, 51; represented by an animal, 193;Dionysus, as the god of the animal kingdom, slain periodically. Dipavali Festival, note on the disguise as a man by heroine of folktale, 185; - of prince hero as a poor man........ **********........ 71 ******** ****** division, the Burmese system of, explained..56 ff. Diwan Jawahir Singh aids Suchet Singh. dog, the image of a, as a charm for coughs in Madras........ 1:2 donkey, riding on a, a punishment in India.. 17 Dost Muhammad Khan, Amir of Afghanistan; his defeat by the British, 215, 216;- helps the Sikhs against the English. drinking, an origin of the custom of exclusive..... .................................................. 48, 1 drishtadrishta, dimly seen' ........................... 1 Droh-Arjuna, a biruda of Chalukya-Bhima I. 10 Drujjuru, a village in the Pennatavadi vishaya.... *************** 207 dum, the bard of Afghanistan, described ...... 340 217 " *********.. ********** 51 Easter; bonfires, reason for the custom, 198; -Eve, customs connected with...... 19 eating, an origin of the custom of exclusive 48, -19 eclipses, lunar, mentioned in recorded dates, 17, 393, 417, 422; a lunar eclipse quoted for a day on which there was not one, 390; 412 ******.... 46 - solar eclipses quoted, which were not visible in India, 2, 9, 372, 412; solar eclipses which do not work out satisfactorily.......... Edwardes, Major (Sir Herbert) takes Multan 215, 216 effigies, burning of, as a religious or periodical custom, survival of human sacrifices......... 198 Egeria, a notice of the nymph Ekadasi, the catching of, a tale of noodles in Madras......... 221 ff. Elavarru, a village in the Velanandu vishaya 271 Elliot, Sir Henry, at the darbar held at Lahor deposing Dulip Singh ....... 217 English, corruptions of, in Bombay, 89;- in Burma, 89; in the Panjab, 89;- in Telugu ............................................ ........................................... eras; comparative statement of years of the Saptarshi era and Lokakala reckoning with expired years of the Kaliyuga, Vikrama, and Saka eras, and of the Kalpa, 150 and n.; -eras used in recorded dates: ******** 89 Kalachuri ................... 84, 85 Kaliyuga ................................................... 154 Lokakala 151 to 154 Saka... 35, 151, 152, 191, 393, 421, 422 Saptarshi .........151 to 154

Page #469
Vikrama.... 83, 124 to 142, 152, 212, 311, 312, 314 expired years; see current and expired years. Faqir Aziza'ddin, his retirement from public life....... 71 *********..... fate, the power of, over the deity, in Indian belief........ 108 ff. fire, self-immolation by; an epigraphical instance, 69; customs connected with the kindling of, 198; implements for making, in India, discussed by Prof. von Roth...294, 295 fire festivals discussed, 197, 200; - survivals of human sacrifice, 197, 198; - originally held at midsummer... first-born, origin of the custom of sacrificing the... Firuz Shah Sultan; the Gaya inscription of his reign, edited. 'five-hundred,' the, and the five thousand,' .........292 and n. 49 812 430 *********.. - of Puraigilanadu......... flesh, raw, origin of the tabu of folk-etymology among the Sarts, notes on...... 426 folk-medicine in Madras folksongs, Afghan, a notice of Darmesteter's book on....... ...................337 ff. folktales, as the reflections of primitive beliefs, 199; - notes on, Kalmuck (Qalmaq), Armenian, 88; 87, 426; - Buriat, 429; - Yakut, 249;-in Salsette, 29, 80, 111, 142, 183, 332; in Southern India 79, 221, 315; in Western India, 107; - Prof. Minayef's collection from Kumaun... 427 forfeit, an origin for some customs of paying...... fortune; its effects on life, in folktales, 315; - unavoidable, in folktales, 328; the power ****************** **************** ******** -- ************ INDEX. *************** 198 50 *********... of the Hindu gods over fox in folk-tales... Frazer, Mr. J. G., his method of studying comparative religion .................45, 46 ************ 52 329 29ff. Gabriel, the angel, in Indian folktales......108 ff. Gachchhas of the Jains; the Sarasvati, 341; 343 -it is also called Parijata ................ Gajapati king of Orissa, a..................... 390 Gamakamba, foster sister of ChalukyaBhima I. ............ 103 games, the origin of, discussed.......... 293, 294 Ganadeva of Kondavidu; his grant, of SakaSamvat 1377, edited Ganaratnabhushana, another name of Meda 390 marya Ganda-Mahendra, a biruda of Chalukyabhima-Vishnuvardhana VII. ....269, 283 284 Gandharas mentioned in the Asoka inscriptions ********** ....239, 240, 247 Ganiyyarabu (P), an ancient town or village. 418 Ganga, wife of Vishnuvardhana......... 268 Ganga and Yamuna, among the insignia of the Eastern Chalukyas and the Rashtrakutas ************ 275 Gangaikonda Cholapuram was the capital of Kulottunga-Chodadeva I. ..................... 280 Gangakunda, Gangaikonda-Cholapuram. 280 Gangapuri, another name of GangaikondaCholapuram.... Gangas, wars of the, with the Eastern Chalukyas......... .101, 102 Gauda, a division of Pundradesa 419 Gauhar Rahman of Gilgit, his doings ......... 296 (Gautama or) Gotama, the first Kevalin...347, 358 Gaya in Bihar; the surrounding district mentioned by the name of Dakshinagara, 313; the inscription of Vanarajadeva of Vikrama-Samvat 1325; English equivalent of the date, 137 and n.; the inscription of Vikrama Samvat 1429; English equivalent of the date, 138 and n.;-an inscription of the reign of Sultan Firuz 312 Shah, edited......... gender in Sanskrit, a peculiar attraction of... 296 geographical notes; the divisions of Pundradesa, 418; - Ajmere, 202 n.; Gaya District, 313; Godavari District, 93, 28, 285; Hoshangabad District, 311; Kistna District, 101, 390, 415; - Malabar, 286;- Satara District, 96; Shanhan bad District, 124; Trichinopoly District. 280; Vizagapatam District 15, 16 48 ghosts, an origin of the belief in........ Gilbert, Sir Walter, his speech on behalf of 218 Gulab Singh 1 **********... - - - ........... ********** 437 *************** poem 193 ...................................... -- Git Naika Banijarwa, notice of the Bihari .................... 293 'Goanese,' defined ................................. 183 n. goat, the, represents Dionysus gods, human, among savages; enquiry into the belief, 46 ff.; mortality of, enquired into, 50;- immortality of, inconceivable by the savage, 50; Hindu belief in the temporary incarnation of, 331; object of killing the animal, among savages.. ............ gold, a shower of, indicates birth of a son, in folktales.... .145 ff. Golden Bough, the, explained 46; is the mistletoe, 197 ff.; - an original for the name, 200; the, represented the soul' of the Rex Nemorensis, 49; life-index of the king of the wood, 47; - enquiry into the reason for plucking the, before murdering priestly predecessor 195 - - ********** 280 46

Page #470
438 INDEX. K ausika .............. ..................... .. 418 102 Gontaru, a village in the Kanderuvadi from power temporarily by Lal Singh, 213, vishaya ...... ............... 267 and n. 214; - terms of his Treaty with the Gosalladovi ; see .Hathiya-dah'.................. 131 British Government, 214, 215; - reGotama, the first Kavalin .....................347, 368 linquishes Hazara for Manawar and gotra, 'a family or clan;' the Manavya gatra Ghari, 215; - offers to help the English included the Chalukyas, 96, 106, 417; - to put down Chhatar Singh Atariwala, names of gotras mentioned in records : 216, 217; -aids in the subjugation of the Agnivaisya .................... ................. 418 Paljab, 217; - interviews Lord Dalhousie, Atroya .................... ............. ..... 398 218; - interview with Sir Charles Napier, Aupamanyava................................ 123 218; - takes Darda and Childs, 219; - Bharad vaja .............................. 398, 418 is attacked with diabetes, 219; - sends Gargya .........**** .............. 393 help to Hazara, 220; helps the British Gautama............. ..........17, 123, 418 in the Mutiny, 220 ; - his death ..... 220, 221 Harita .............. ......893, 418 Gunaga, a variant of the first part of the Kasyapa................. ****** ... ... 106, 393 name of Gunaka-Vijayaditya III. ............ 102 Kaundinya ...................................393, 418 Gunaganka, a variant of the first part of the name of Gunaka-Vijayaditya III. ............. Para sala. .................. ..... .... ....... .. 413 Gunaka-Vijayaditya III. (Eastern Chalukya) Sarikriti ........................*.*.******.... 418 12, 13, 102, 283 Sandilya .......................................... 123 Gunakenalla, a variant of the first part of the Srivatsa 393 name of Gunaka-Vijayaditya III. ............ 102 VAsishtha............................ ........... 123 Gundugolani, or Guntugolanu, a village in Vatsa ....... .............. 418 the Verginipdu vishaya ......................... 271 Goraddhana, = Govardhana, the fourth Guntugolanu; see Gundugolanu ................. 271 Sruta-Kevalin ........... ......... 347, 348, 358 Gupta Inscriptions, the; improvements in the Govinda III. (Rashtrakata)............. ........ 101 readings ........... ......... 188 to 190 Govinda V. (Rashtrakata) ..... ......... 270 Gupta- Valabhi era, the, 376 to 389; - I., the Govindachandradeva of Kanauj; see Ren ... 130 original Gupta era in Central India; 1, the Goyama, the first Kevalin ........................ 347 nature and initial day of the years, 377;grammar, note on Franke's treatise on Indian A., the Eran inscription of the year 165,.. genders, 395; the formation of the plural 377; - B. and C., the Khoh and Majhgawan of Indo-Germanic neuter, 395; the grants of the years 163 and 191,..377; -2, flexion and stem-formation of the present the arrangement of the lunar fortnights, in the original Indo-Germanic language ... 395 379; -- II., the era as used in Nepal; D., grave, kneeling on the, as a mode of re-vivi the Khatmandu inscription of the year 386, fying the dead, in folktales .................. 82, 83 . . 379; - III., the Valabhi era of KathiaGrihyasutra of Hiranyakesin; irregularities wad and the neighbouring parts; E., the in its language ............ Kaira grant of the year 330, . . 380; -F., ground, not touching the, the rule of ......... 197 the Morbi grant of the year 585 expired, 381; groves; sacred, origin of, 47; -as spirit -G., the Verawal inscription of Valabhihaunts, origin of ................................ Samvat 927,..383; -H., the Verawal ins. Guddavidi vishaya, an ancient territorial cription of Valabhi-Saravat 945,.. 384; division ......... ......97 n., 275, 284 - IV., current and expired years; the Gudrahara vishaya, an ancient territorial exact epoch of the era in each variety; and division, 97, 98; - it is apparently identical the classification of the dates, 385, -Guptawith Gudravara and Gud ravara, 97 n.; Samvat 1 current began with the Chaitra of and perhaps also with Guddavbai ............ 97 Saka-Sarvat 243 current, in A. D. 320, .. Gudravara vishaya, an ancient territorial 888;- and Valabhi-Samvat I current began division, 97 n., 103, 270, 271; - also Gudra with the Karttika of Vikrama-Samvat 377 vara ........................................ 97 n., 271 current, in A. D. 319............................... 389 Guhidevapatra of Orissa .....................390, 393! Guptigupta, also named Arhadbalin and Gulab Singh of Jamman adopts Kanbir Singh, Visakhacharya, a disciple of Bhadrabahu 71; his troubles as to Bibi Chandan's ............. 342, 350, 351 claims, 74, 75; - attempt to poison him, 75; - conquers Kishwar, 76; - his conduct during the Sikh war, 77, 78; - the 'sale' of Kasmir to him, 213, 214; - ousted Haidar's Bahaduri pagoda coin ............. 307 ...... 296 II.

Page #471
Haihayas, Kalachuris of Tripura; an intermarriage with the Eastern Chalukyas, 101, 415, 418 - ************* hair, origin of the sanctity of the, 49; - -consequent customs, 49; methods of promoting the growth of the, in Madras. 192 halim, observances when visiting a, in Bihar 337 hand, the bloody, in Persia 148 H&nsi inscription of Prithviraja; examination of the date ....132 and n. Harakili-nataka, a play by Vigraharaja, partly preserved in an inseription at Ajmere, 203; English equivalent of the date of the composition of it..................... 132 and n. Harigana (Kalachuri of Ratnapur)............ 94 Harihara of Vijayanagara; his coins 302 336 ****************** 133 **************** ********* .............................. Haripur in the Hazara country Harirajadeva, an inseription of, at Udaypur, noticed... Harischandradeva (Paramara); examination of the date of a grant of his time, of Vikrama-Samvat 1235 Haritiputra, an epithet of the Eastern Chalukyas, 96, 106, 417;- variants of the word....... 96 n. Harsauda, a village in the Hoshangabad District; mentioned by the ancient name of Harshapura. 310, 311; the inscription of Devapaladeva, edited 310 Harshapura, ancient name of Harsaud&...... 311 Harshavardhana, of Kanauj; his Linganusasuna is later than that of Vararuchi..... harvest, sacrifices at the harvest-dog, Harvest-May Harvest-May, its origin and meaning Hashtnagar Graeco-Buddhist pedestal; revised reading of the date by Dr. Buhler...... 394 'Hathiya-dah' inscription of the time of *******.. *********... Gosalladovi, of Vikrama-Samvat 1207; English equivalent of the date 131 and n. Hazara country, the, answers pretty nearly to the ancient Urasa 336 head, the, contains the 'soul,' hence its sanctity........ Hemaraja, father of Kulachanda heroes, monumental slabs of; an inscrip ***************** **********..... tion on one, edited........... *********** ********** 73 Hida, aame of a people mentioned in the Asoka inscriptions ......239, 240 Hira Singh raises Dalip Singh to the throne, 71; his claims to various territories, 72; - his death Hitopadesa, the; who is the author of it P.... 295 Holi Festival, Prof. Minayef's folktales collected during the, notes on ....... 426, 427 Hoshangabad District, an inscription from the, edited 310 ************ ****...... ... ********... *********** *************** ......... .......................................... ...... ........................................................... INDEX. ********* 84 119 193 193 47 49 313 69 439 human sacrifice; various reasons for the custom, 50, 51;-shown in the fire festivals 197, 198 Hunzas, Dr. Leitner on the. ............... 895, 306 9 ************* Ibn Khordadhbeh, a new edition of, noted... 85 Ikkeri pagoda coin..................... 307 'incarnation permanent or temporary endowment with divinity Indra, Adhiraja, possibly Indra, Mahdraja, of the Ganga family of Kalinganagara. 97 Indra-Bhattaraka (Eastern Chalukya) 12, 13, 97, 106, 283. Indraraja, a king of Mahodaya, defeated by Dharmape la ............................................................... 188 Indraraja, Indra-Bhattaraka.......... Indraraja (Rashtrakuta); the date of his death....... ................................................. 35 .................................................. 428 n. 97 ............................... initiation by drinking blood inscriptions on copper, edited: Balavarmadeva, Mahdsdmanta 123 Bhaskara-Ravivarman 285 Ganadeva (of Kondavidu); Saka-Samvat 1377 .............................................. 390 104 414 46 15 Mangi-Yuvaraja (Eastern Chalukya) Vijayaditya II. (Eastern Chalukya) Vishnuvardhana I. (Eastern Chalukya); of his eighteenth year inscriptions on stone, edited :Asoka; his rock edicts at Sahasaram, Rapnath, and Bairat, 154; and at Bhabra, 165; his cave inscriptions at the Barabar Hill; M. Senart's renderings, 168; -Dr. Buhler's renderings ............................ 361 Dasaratha (grandson of Aeoka); his cave inscriptions at the Nagarjuni Hill... 361 Devapaladeva (of Dhara); his Harsaud& in scription of Vikrama-Samvat 1275, edited 310 Firaz Shah Sultan; Vikrama-Samvat 1429. 312 Kotar inscription recording the self-im molation by fire of a Saiva ascetic......... 69 Vigraharajadeva (of Sakambharf); parts of a Sanskrit play by him, dated VikramaSamvat 1210, and of another of his time. 201 inscriptions, notes of; Achaemenian, 293; on an Aramean vase, 85;- Sabaean, 296; in Siberia, 88; Chinese, 425; -the oldest known Mangu, 426; Mongol in the Korea, 426; the oldest known Turki, 425; - the oldest known Uigur, 425; Russian expedition in 1891 to Karakorum in search of Uigur ..... 425 intercalary months; how indicated in ********.. Vikrama dates....... invocations of Bharati, 310; Brahman, 310; Ganesa, 310, 313, 392; - Siva, 310; the Sun, 313; - and Vishnu.........310, 392 ...... ********* 411

Page #472
440 INDEX. iron, origin of many customs connected with. 49 ispeh.bed preserves the word pati in modern Persian ..................************ Isvara, as deus ex machind in folktales ......31 ff. ........ 45 names of the years as used in recorded dates : Chitrabhanu ...................................... 35 Dundubhi......................................... 422 Prabhava ........................................ 422 Yuyan.......................................... 893 Jagannatha, the famous shrine at Puri in Orissa............... ..............390, 392 Jagati metre in the Mahdbhurata ................ 296 Jahr-i-Qadiri, a Musalmun sect in Tashkand. 88 Jainka; see Morbi .................................. 381 Jains, Weber's Sacred Literature of the; trans lated by Dr. Smyth; continuation...18, 170, 365 Jajalladeva (Kalachuri of Ratnapur) ............ 85 Jarnba, the third Kevelin ..................... 347, 358 Jananathanagari, a city in the Vengi country. 284 jatakas, noted ................... ................87, 118 Jatavarman, another name of Kulasekhara dova ............. ...................... ......" jauhar, a late instance of the ceremony, at Mana war in the Kasmir Territory ............ 219 Jawahir Singh kills Peshuri Singh, 76; -his dispute with Moti Singb, 219; -his attempts to get possession of Jasrota ..................... 220 Jayasena, the fourth Dasa-Parvin .........348, 358 Jayasinha I. (Eastern Chalukya)... 12, 13, 97, 106, 283 Jayasimha II. (East. Chal.) ......... 12, 13, 99, 283 Jayasimhadova (Chaulukya); date of a MS. of his time ............................................ 130 Jayasinhadova of Dhara ; an inscription of his, at Rahatgadh, noticed, 83, 84; -- En glish equivalent of the date..................... 136 Jayasiri hadova, another king; an inscription of his, at Udaypur, noticed ....................... 84 Jayasimhadeva (Kalachuri of Ratnapur) ...... 84 John of Damascus was not the author of Barlaam and Joasaf .............................. 86 Joseph, the Legend of; a Turkish version, noted 117 Joseph and Asseneth, notes on the Armenian Apocrypha, known as ....... ................ 427 Jotishi Brajlal, the perfect astrologer' of Kasmir ............ .......... 219 journey, an origin of purificatory ceremonies before and after a ............................. 48 Jupiter, the planet; mentioned as standing in Makara, 287 ; - use of years of his sixtyyear cycle according to the mean-sign and northern luni-solar systems, 410, 411 ; - quotation of an expired year of this cycle, by the mean-sign system, 411; - cases in which the given years may belong either to the mean-sign system, or to the southern luni.solar system................422 and n. Jupiter, the planets hin sixty-year cycle according to the southern luni-solar system; Kalacharis of Ratnapur .... 84, 85 Kalachuris of Tripura ; see Haihayas...... 101, 415 Kalakampa, a follower of Vishnuvardhana I. 93, 104 Kalasankalita, Warren's; examination of some errors in it ...............................35 to 45 Kali-Vishnuvardhana V. (Eastern Chalukya) 12, 13, 102 and n., 285 Kalinga mentioned in the Asoka inscriptions, 247 ; - the three Kalingas conquered by the Eastern Chalukyas, 104; - Kalinga re-subjugated by the same ..................... 278 Kalingattu-Parani, the, of Jayankonda; his. torical matters in it .............................. 278 Kaliyartiganda, apparently a variant of Kaliyartyanka .............. ............... 104 Kaliyartyanka, a biruda of Kollabiganda Vijayaditya IV. ............................. 103 and n. Kaluchumbarru, an ancient village ............. 272 Kalvakonda, a village in the Dimila vishaya 15, 17, 96 Kama, father-in-law of Amma-Vijayaditya VI. ..................................................... 271 Kambojas mentioned in the Asoka inscrip tions................. .................. 239, 240, 247 Kanakapati (Vishnu), the lunar day of. 288 and n.. Katichi, 102; - the court of Kulottunga Chodadova I. was held here ............ 280, 281 Kandaruvadi vishaya, an ancient territorial division ( probably=Kanderuvadi) ......... 101 Kanderuvadi vishaya, an ancient territorial division..................... .................. 267 Kanderuvati vishaya (probably-Kanderuvadi]............... ......... 270 Kenh Singh Man, his share in the capture of Multan ..................................... Kanheri inscription of Amoghavarsha I., of Saka-Samvat 775 (for 773 ); English equivalent of the date ............................ 421 Kanthirava-Narasaraya of Maisar; his coins. 309 Kapila, a Gajapati king of Orissa, of the Solar Race ...................................390, 392 Karainagar, an ancient village .................. 292 Karakorum, note un a Russian expedition to, in search of Uigur Inscriptions............... 425 karana, an astrological term 'for half a tithi; names of the karunas as used in recorded dates :Balava .......... ............... 212 ............ 216

Page #473
INDEX 441 ... ........ 90 Dhatsidaivata ( = Balava) .................. 312 Kolani-Katamanayaka, another name of Kata 285 Taitala .......... 133 Koldo-fiu, a Chinese secret society .........423 n. Karanchedu, an ancient town or village ..... 418 Koleru, a village in the Guddav&li vishaya Karayilladata, a biruda of Chalukyabhima 284, 285 Vishnuvardhana VII. ......... Kollabhiganda, a variant of the first part of Karelin's journeys on the Caspian, notes on... 424 the name of Kollabiganda-Vijayaditya IV. 103 Karmarashtra vishaya, an ancient territorial Kollabiganda-Vijayaditya IV. (East. Chal.) division .......................................98, 99, 106 12, 13, 103, 283 Karnadeva (Chaulukya); see Sonak ............ 129 Komatti caste of Madras, folktales concerning Karusha, apparently the ancient name of the the ......................................................79 fr. Shahabad District ................. ............... 124 Kondakunda ; see Kundakunda ............342, 351 Kasmir, the sale of, to Gulab Singh ...213, 214 Kondavidu, in the Kistna District; it was the Kata, Dandddhinatha, an officer of Kulot. capital of Gapadeva ........................390, 393 tunga-Chodadeva II. ... ...... ............. 285 Korraparru, an ancient town or village...101, 417 Kataka was the capital of Kapila .........390, 392 Korumelli, a village in the Guddavadi vishaya 275 Katakadhisa, the name or title of an officer Kotur, a village in the Belgaum District; an of Amma-Vijayaditya VI. ............267 n., 272 insoription, edited .................................. 69 Katakaraja, the name or title of an official of Krajam, an ancient town or village .............. 419 Amma-Vishnuvardhana VI., 267 and n.; Kralija, an ancient town or village ............ 106 and of Amma-Vijay&ditya VI.................. 271 Krishna II. (Rashtrakata) defeated by Katakesa, the name or title of an official of Gunaka-Vijayaditya 111. .................. 102, 103 Rajaraja I. ................ ........................... 275 Krishnaraja of Maisar, the pagoda coin of ... 307 Kausikasutra of the Atharva-Veda, edited by Krishnaraya of Vijayanagara; his coins. 305, 306 Bloomfield, noticed .............. Krovasiri, or Krovasiri, an ancient town or kausiks-vara-prasuda, "the excellent favour village .......... .............416 n., 419 of the goddess Kausiki (Durga)" ......99 and n. Kshatriya, the third Dala-Parvin .........349, 358 Kayyata composed his commentary on the Kubja-Vishnu, and Kubja-Vishnuvardhana, Devidataka in the time of king Bhimagupta, = Vishnuvardhana I. ..................... 95,271 in Kaliyuga-Saihvat 4078 expired ............ 154 Kagda inscription of Prithvideva II. of Kelhata, an official of Balavarmadeva ......... 123 Ratnapur, noticed .................................. 84 Ketalaputa, a king or prince mentioned in Kulachanda, governor of Gaya under Sultan the Asoka inscriptions ..................... 240, 249 Firuz Shah ........................................... 313 Kevalins, names of the three, according to the Kulasekharadeva; see Tiruppuvanam ... 288, 28. pattoivall of the Sarasvati-Gachchha ... 347, 358 Kulottunga-Chodadeva I. (Eastern Chalukya) Khalati, or Khalatika, the ancient name of 12, 13, 95 n., 276.288 the Barkbar Hill................ 169, 170, 364 and n. | Kulottunga-Chodadeva II.(East. Chal.), 12, 13, khandika, a grain-measure ................. 106 and n. 283, 285; - examination of the date of his Khattiya, Kshatriya............................... 348 Chellar grant ....................................... 11 Khilafat, the accounts of the ....................... 85 kumalindra, 'a leader of those of weak intel. KhushbAl Khan Khatak, the Afghan poet ... 339 lect; utterly wanting in intelligence' ...... 114 king = priest among savages, 46 ff: - origin Kumbhiraja, another name of Kapiln ......... 390 of the custom of sacrificing the son of Kundukunda, a pontiff in the Sarasvati.Gach. thie ...................................... 50 chha .......... ................. 312, 351 king-lealf kincob............... **** .............. 120 Kundakundanvaya, another name of the king-priest inan-god among savages, 46 ff.; Sarasvati-Gachchha .............................. 342 - endowed permanently with divinity, 46; Kundava mahadevi, wife of Vimaladitya ...... 273 - his power to compel nature to conform Kuntaditya, another name of Bhandanaditya to his will, 46 : - endowed temporarily with 104, 267 divinity, 46; - origin of the custom of Kurumarathi, a town of Vishnuvardhana I... 96 fixing the term of his reign, 50; - origin of temporary substitute for the, 50: 'kings' of departments of nature, explained ...... 47! Kistna District, an inscription from the, edited 390 I and n, interchange of, in North-Indian Lari. Kodhatalli, a village in the Kanderuvati guages............ ................. 270 Lachalladeri, queen Kalachuri of Ratnapur) 84 kigyaung. the Burmese multiplication table.. 54 Lake, Lori, a folk song about ...................... 19 Kokkili ( East. Chal. )......... 12, 13. 96 n., 99, 283 Lakshinieri, wife of Vijayaditya .........258, 393 islava.............................................. ZIU

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442 INDEX ****... ... 218 .. . 285 Lalita-Vigrahardja, a play by Somadeva, Mahadeva, son of Vishnuvardhana of the partly preserved in an inscription at Ajmere. 202 Solar Race .......................................... 268 LAI Singh, his share in the destruction of MahAkala, a general of Chalukya-Bhima I. Pandit Jalla, 73; - joins in campaign 103, 267 against the English, 76; -his conduct at mahimdtra, title of a class of Asbka's Madki, 77 ; - temporarily ouste Gulab officials .......... ............... 249, 252 Singh from power ........................... 213, 214 Mahardja, the first title used by the Eastern law, an abbreviation used in certain dates; Chalukyas, 95, 97, 98, 99, 100, 102, 266, also laukio, laukika', and laukika without 270; - also used by Pulikebin II. ............ 95 the sign of abbreviation; it denotes the Mahdrajddhirdja, a paramount title ; earliest ordinary names of the months, as distin. instance of its use by the Eastern Chalukyas 100 guished from the Lokottara names ...... 411, 412 Mahodaya, a name of Kanauj.............. Lawrence, Sir Henry, his share in the sale of Maka, = Magas ............ ........................ 241 Kasmir, 213, 214 ; - his share in the de- Makara ( = Capricornus), Jupiter in, 287 ;position of Dallp Singh, 217; -his visit to the moon in ......................................132, 212 Kasmir ............... Makhwani Afghani, a note on the ............... 339 lioense, periods of religious; an origin of the Makundpur, mention of an inscription at, ap custom ............................................... 196 parently dated Chedi-Samvat 772 ............ 85 life,' its meaning to a savage..................... 18 Malabar District, an inscription from the, life-index, the, its connection with the exter edited ........... nal soil ............ ..................... 199 Malaiyampalli, an ancient place ................... 292 Limbarya, a goddess.............. .... .... 811 Malaparol-ganda, a legend on a Hoysala Lingdnuedsanas, the relative age of some ... 119 coin...................................................804 n. Lityerses, an enquiry into the myth of......... 52 MAlkhed burnt by Gunaka-Vijayaditya III... 102 Lokakala reckoning, the, an adaptation of Mallapadeva, a descendant of Beta-Vijaya. the Saptarshi era, by omitting the cen. ditya V...........................................268, 283 turies; the unqualified years are to be Mandadorru agrahara ............................. 285 taken as current years, 150, 151 to 164; - Mangi, a king, perhaps Chola, conquered by an instance of the quotation of an expired Guyaka-Vijayaditya III. .................. 102, 103 year ..***. .. ...................... 154 Mangi-Yuvardja (East. Chal.), 12, 13, 96 n., Lokamahadert, wife of Chalukyabhima 98, 104, 288; - a grant of his, edited ...... 104 Vishnuvardhang VII. .................... 269, 283 man-god-king-priest among savages, 46 ff.; Lovabikki, << Chola king slain by ChAlukya - his power to compel nature to conform bhima-Vishnuvardhana VII. ............. 970 to his will, 46, 47; - partial power only over luck, bad, the bride's feet bringing ............ 32 departments of nature, 47; his powers = Ladhien, the burning of, by the Sikh ....... 77 those of spirit of wood, 47; - is the original Lucknow Museum grant of Balavarmadava, form of the spirit of the wood, 47, -pro. edited ............ * ........... 123 tected by tabu, 47 ff.; - mortality of, 50; Lunar Race, the, included the Chalukyas. 268, - origin of the custom of killing the, 50; - 274, 279, 285 universality and antiquity of the custom, 50; - various forms of it....................... mani, a burning-glass ............................... 295 * Madhucara-ghar' inscription of Naravar- manthana-yantraka, a fire-implement ......... 294 man, of Vikrama-Samvat 1164; English marriage amongst the ancient Persians, notes equivalent of the date ................... 129, 130 n. on, 118, 119; - a necessary preliminary to Madhurantakideri, wife of Kulottunga performance of full Hindu rites, 323, 324; - Ohodadova I. ........................... 276, 280, 283 the impossible task, a preliminary in folk. Madras Museum, an inscription in the, edited 104 tales to, 332, 333; - conditions of, in folk. Madras Presidency, inscriptions from the, tales, 111; - postponement of, in folktales 186 edited............................. 15, 104, 285, 390, 414 marriage customs, among the Moors of Magas of Oyrene was a contemporary of Ceylon, 120;- rice throwing, 90; -the Asoka ........... . . .. ....... ......... 242 use of the sword in Indian ..................... 423 Maghanandin, & pontiff in the Sarasvatt. maraban preserves the old Persian pdvan ... 45 Gachchha ................. ...........342, 350, 351 Matsya (P) family.......... .............. 18, 96 magic, sympathetio, explained .................. 46 Mattamayora family ............................... Mahabharata, Trishtubh and Jaguti metres Mattilinandu vishaya, an ancient territorial in the... ...... 296 division........... .............. 271

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INDEX 443 ... 47 **.. 394 May-day, origin of.......... mother of the corn, barley, rye, &c., enquiry May-pole, origin of ........... into the cult of the ............ ...............51, 52 Medamarya, a general of Vira-Chodadova ... 284 mothers of mankind, the........................96 and n. medicine, folk, in Madras......... ............... 192 Moti Singh, his dispute with Jaw&hir Singh.. 219 Melamba, wife of Kollabiganda-Vijayaditya Madki, the battle of ................................. 77 IV. ................................................104, 283 Muhammadpur inscription, noticed ............ 84 Merv, a rich field for numismatic research. 86, 87 Mala-Samgha, the Original Community, metempsychosis, its effect on conduct, in founded by Mahavira; it included the Sarasfolktales ............................................. 316 vati-Gachchha ................ ................ 343, 347 midsummer fires ; reasons for the custom ... 198 Malikkalam; an ancient place .................... 292 Mira, the celebrated Afghan bard ............... 340 Malraj of Multan, his rebellion ............ 215, 216 miracles, the power to perform, indicates per- multiplication, the Burmese system explained, manent endowment with divinity in mnn... 46 50 ff.; - a method of checking Burmese 66, 67 Mirza Ansari, the Afghan poet .................. 339 murder of predecessor, a rule of priestly mistletoe = the 'soul' of the oak, 199; - con succession.......................................... 45, 46 nection with fire-festivals.......................... 199 music, a note on Grosset's contributions to miti used in a date of the fourteenth century Hindu ......... A. D............ ................ 138 months, Hindu lunar (see also intercalary, and lau"); names of them as used in recorded dates : n and i, interchange of in North Indian LanAyva, = Akvayuja (Sept.- Oct.) ............ 161 guages ..............................................89 n. Agvayuja (Sept.-Oct.) 151 Nabhaka, name of a people mentioned in the Asvina (Sept.-Oct.) ......... 421 Asoka inscriptions ............... 239, 240, 247, 248 Bhadra (Aug.- Sept.) ............ 138 Nabhapanti, name of a people mentioned in Bhadrapada (Aug.-Sept.) ... 84, 136, 151, 393 the Aboka inscriptions ......... 239, 240, 247, 248 Chaitra (March-April).........13, 124, 141, 153 Nadear in the Bhor State, Buddhist caves Nader in the Bhor Stata. B Jyeshtha (May-June) ........................ 422 .................................................... 121 Karttika (Oct.-Nov.) ............... 83, 130, 151 | Nagapoti, mother of Gamakamba ............... 103 Madhu,= Chaitra (March-April) ......... 127 Nagarjunt hill cave-inscriptions of Dasaratha, Magha (Jan-Feb.) ...................137, 138, 314 edited ................................................. 361 Marga (Nov.-Dec.) ...................89, 212, 311 Nagas, possibly mentioned as defeated by Margadirsha (Nov.-Dec.) ...............141, 312 Narendramrigaraja-Vijayaditya II. .......... 101 Pau, Pausha (Dec.-Jan.) .................... 152 Nagagena, the fifth Dasa-Purvin............348, 358 Pausha (Dec.-Jan.) ......................... 133 Nagor line, the, of the Sarasvati-Gachchha... 355 Phaguna (Feb.-March) ........................ 130 nails, origin of the sanctity of the, 49: -- Phalguna (Feb. March) ......85, 129, 132, 137 consequent customs ............ .................. 49 Srt, Sravana (July-Aug.) ............... 153 nakshatra, 'a lunar mansion;' names of the Sravana (July-Aug.) ................... 16, 84, 422 nakshatras, as used in recorded dates :Vai,= Vaisakha (April-May) ............... 152 Anuradh&............. Vaisakha (April-May)... 83, 129, 133, 137, Ardra ........................ ..................... 191 141, 152 Hastaka months, Hindu solar; Chaitra indicated by Parva-Bhadrapada ...... 141 the sun being in Mina (Pisces), 287; - and Revati .......... Pausha, by the sun being in Ch&pa or Rohini ................****** Dhanus (Sagittarius)............................... 288 Sravana.........................................153, 212 monumental slabs of heroes ; an inscription Svati ................................................... 288 on one, edited...................................... Tishya ................................................ 152 moon, the, mentioned as being in Makara Vishnudaivata ( Sravana)...................... 312 (Caprieornus) ............ ............... 132, 212 names, personal, as contrasted with dynastio Moors of Ceylon, origin of the, 120 ; - origin titles .............. ................95 and n. of the name, 120 ; - divisions of the......... 120 Nandi-Amnaya and Nandi-Samgha, other Morbi grant of Jainka; the final determina names of the Sarasvati-Gachchha ............ 342 tion of the English equivalent of the date.. 381 Nandimitra, the second Sruta-Kevalin ... 347, Moros, see Moore of Ceylon........................ 120 348, 358 Mosarabs, Dr. Simonet on the...................... 429 | Napier, Sir Charles, has an interview with Moses, an oriental story of ...... ................. 89 Gulab Singh .................. ................... 218 422 132 ............ ........ 141

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INDEX . ....................... Narada and Bsihaspati, the law.books of; packet, the inexhaustible, in folktales ......81, 82 notice of Dr. Jolly's translation............... 424 Padamkaldru, a village in the Pennatavadi Narasimha of Vijayanagara; a coin of his. 805 n. vishaya............... ............... 271 Naravarman (Paramara); see 'Madhucara- padanta-field............. ...............106 and n. ghar .............................................. 129 padbhis, Prof. Bloomfield on the Vedic inNarayanapala, the Bhagalpur grant of; an strumental .............. 149 historical allusion in it ...... *** ......... 187 pddishdh preserves the word pati in modern Narendramrigara ja-Vijayaditya II. (Eastern Persia ............ 45 Chalukya)............... 12, 13, 100, 283, 417, 418 Pagunavara vishaya, an ancient territorial Nariklanda, a division of Pundradesa ......... 420 division................. ................ 270 Nayamamba, wife of Kama ........................ Pahlavi papyri found in Egypt, notes on ...... 428 Nayihii, a Burmese work on the revolution of Pakhtans, = Afghans, derivation of the term. 339 the hours ............................................. 54 Paktyes, = (P) Parsyetai, 339; - derivation Nenavali in the Bhor State, Buddhist caves at of the word ........... ................... 339 121, 122 Palghat, i.e. Palakkadu, mentioned by the Nepalese MSS. in the St. Petersburg Libraries, ancient name of Puraigilanadu. 286, 291 and n. a list of, noted............ .................................. 87 Pallivada, a village in the Arutankar asraya. 98 . new-fire' customs................................. 198 | Pambarru, a village in the Gudra vara vishaya. 271 New Year's Day, Tamil ceremonies on......... 430 Pammava, mother of Ballaladeva-Velabhata. 271 Nicholson, his share in the conquest of the Panara family............................................ 270 Panjab ........... ............ 217 panchamahdlabda mentioned among the inNicobarese; grammar of, 298 ff.;- notes on signia of the Eastern Chalukyas, 275 and the dialects of, 297 ff.; - a Malayan tongue n.; - connected with paramount sove. 298 ff. reigns .................**** ** * *********........................98, 310 rimantrana,' an invitation which admits of Panchasiddhantika, the sines of arcs in the... 228 no refusal' ............ .................. 114 and n. Panchavastuka, the; English equivalent of nirvana is not alluded to by Aboka in his ins the date of a MS. of it, of the time of Jayacriptions; be always speaks of svarga .........265 sirihadeva .................................... 130 and n. Nissaramiji ......, an officer of Mangi. Pandit Charan Das, his mission to Lahor ... 72 Yuvarija ................ ............... 99, 106 Pandit Jalla, Minister to Dalip Singh, his Nivritti, a division of Pundradeka ................ 420 unpopularity, 71; - his intrigues with Bibi nodding the head to express negation in Sou Chandan, 73; -- his death........................ 73 thern India ............ ................... 322 Panduranga (perhaps for Pandur&ja), an offiNripu-Bhima, = Chalukya-Bhima I. .......... 103 cer of Gunaka-Vijayaditya III. ................ 103 Nripa-Rudra, a half-brother of Narendramri- Panduvarmadeva, Mahdsdmanta, predecessor yaraja-Vijayaditya II. .........101, 283, 415, 418 of Balavarmadeva ................................ 125 numerul co-efficients in Nicobarese ............ 300 Pandyas mentioned in the Asoka inscripnumerical symbols combined with decimal tions ....................... ............... 239, 240, 249 figures ............ ................... 123 Parahitardja, a Chalukya chieftain ............ 69, 70 Nutulaparu, a village in the Karmarashtra paramabhattarak-ety-ddi-rdjdvalt ............... 814 rishay .......... ..........99, 106 Paramabhattaraka, a paramount title; earliest instance of its use by the Eastern Chalukyas 269 Paramesvara, a parannount title; earliest in. oak, the, the victim at the fire festivals....... 199 stance of its use by the Eastern Chalukyas. 100 oath by drinking blood ............................ 423 n. Parbatf as dea en machind in folktales ...... 31 ff. ojja, dija, or ojjha, a Kanarese and Telugu PArijata-Gachchha, another name of the word, meaning' a priest, tutor, master,' is Sarasvati-Gachchha ............ ................ 343 a corruption of the Sanskrit upadhydya, parru (see also paru, barru, and varru), a through the Pali form upajjha ...............393 n. termination of village-names, in Ataguold man,' an enquiry into customs connect parru, 418; - Korraparru, 101, 417; - Or. Prof. Bloomfield on the etymology of ... 148 Vamaparru, or Vanaparru, 418; - and *****................. 52 Vangiparru .......................................... 418 Orissa, a Gajapati king of ........................ 390 Parsis still living in Persia, note on the ...... 426 Oakiphoriks, note on the Armenian Apocry. Parsyetai, = (?) Paktyes ............................ 339 pha known as the ........ Partab Singh of Kasmir, his birth................ 218 Oude Province, an inscription from the, edited 123 paru (see also parru): a termination of village. ox, the, as a sacred Hindu metaphor ......... 399 names in Penukaparu, 97; -- Nutulaparu, ............. 427

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****************** 99, 106 and n.;- and Trandaparu, or Tundaparu 103 Pataliputra was the royal residence of Asoka. 247 pati, lord,' traces of, in modern Persian 45 Patna inscription of Singhayadeva II., of Saka-Samvat 1128 (for 1129); examination of the date 422 pattavalis, two, of the Sarasvati-Gachchha... 341 Pattavardhika lineage ************ 271 Pattavardhini family...... 95, 104, 267, 271, 272 n. pavan, old Persian lord,' traces of in modern Persian *********** Pedda-Vegi, a village in the Godavari District, the representative of the ancient Vengi Pegu, a French description of, in the 18th Century Pennatavadi vishaya, an ancient territorial division ********** ...........267, 271 Penpanduru, an ancient town or village 417 Penukaparu, a village in the Gudrahara vishaya..... Perumal, a god at Tirunelli, a form of Vishnu. *********** 76 Peshora Singh rebels and is captured, 71; - his death Petenika, name of a people mentioned in the Asoka inscriptions, 239, 240, 247;- - they are the inhabitants of Pratishthana or Paithan ********* pig, the, as representing the spirit of the 193, 194 94 ******* ***************** INDEX. ........................ - ............... 45 93 91 97 corn .................*** ...... Ping-ki-lo, supposed to represent Vengi Piyadasi, a name or title of Asoka... 168, 170, 231, 232, 263, 364 Piyaroja-saha, Sultan Firuz Shah............ 313 Podengu, an ancient town or village. 418 Ponduvagrama, a village in the Savattili desa 285 Pongal Festival, notes on the,......... .............. 430 possession' indicates temporary endowment with divinity in man....... 46 Potthala, Proshthila 348 pot, the inexhaustible, in folktales 109, 110 pradesika, title of a class of Asoka's officials. 251, Prakrit dialects employed in a Sanskrit play. 204 Prasantasiva, a sage 85 prasasti applied to an inscription on stone 313 prativedaka, title of a class of Asoka's offi ************** ... cials 291 248 252 pregnancy. folk medicine during, in Madras... 192 priest king in many cases among savages..46 ff. priesthood, murder an authorized means of succeeding to the, 45, 46; enquiry into preliminaries necessary to make the murder authorized, 46; rule of the Arician...... 45 Prithivipallavapattana, an ancient town...... 102 Prithvideva II. of Ratnapur; an inscription ............84, 85 of his, at Kugda, noticed Prithviraja (Chahumana); see Hansi Pritiviyaraja, father of Bhandanaditya prophesy in folktales. ************.... Proserpine and Demeter, explanation of the myth...... 51 Proshthila, the second Dasa-Purvin ......348, 358 Ptolemy Philadelphus was a contemporary of Asoka ********.. ******..... puberty, initiatory rites of boys at, explained 200; the age of, among girls, in Salsette 333 n. Pukhta, the dialect of North Afghanistan... 338 Paki(?) vishaya, an ancient territorial division 15, 17, 96 445 Quadragesima Sunday, customs connected with.... Pulikesin II. (Western Chalukya) commenced to reign in A.D. 609 or 610........ Pulindas mentioned in the Asoka inscriptions 239, 240, 247 Pundradesa, the divisions of, according to the Brahmanda section of the BhavishyatPurana .79 ff. Punganur, the Madrasi Gotham, tales of, 78. 221ff.;- folktales about Puraigilanau, ancient name of Palakkadu, i. e. Palghat ..286, 291 and n., purusha, title of a class of Asoka's officials... 249 Pushtu, the dialect of South Afghanistan...... 338 292 ********* ********.. - 132 104 31 ***********... ***********... 242 , Prof. Whitney on the writing of Sanskrit roots containing 148 ....390, 393 Rahatgadh inscription of Jayasimhadeva, of Vikrama-Samvat 1312; noticed, 83, 84; - English equivalent of the date ......136 and n. rahutta or rauta means a horseman' ...... 390 n. Rahuttaraya, or Rautaraya, a surname of Ganadeva Raja-Bhima, Chalukyabhima-Vishnuvardhana VII. Raja-Mahendra, a biruda of Amma-Vishnuvardhana VI., 266, 283; and of AmmaVijayaditya VI. ......270, 283 Raja-Martanda, a biruda of ChalukyabhimaVishnuvardhana VII........ 276 Raja-Narayana, a biruda of KulottungaChodadeva I. Raja-Parameevara, a paramount title 284 Rajadhiraja, a paramount title .................................... 270 rajakula, a royal family' Rajamahendrapuram, the later capital of the Eastern Chalukyas Rajamayya, a king slain by ChalukyabhimaVishnuvardhana VII. 123 ********** 94, 266 3 419 198 269 269 270

Page #478
446 INDEX. ***.896 98 . .... **.... 102 ........ 148 RAjarkja of Kalinganagara (Ganga) ............. 276 re-marriage of widows in Madras ................ 423 Rajaraja I., Vishnuvardhana VIII. (Eastern Ren grant of Govindachandradeva; English Obalukya).............................................. 273 equivalent of the date...................... 130 and n. Pajaraja II. (East. Chal.), viceroy of Vengi.. resurrection, an origin of the belief in the, 283, 284 195; - Parsi belief in the ............... R&jasundarf, wife of Rajaraja of Kalinga- Revadistana, an ancient site ....................... 106 nagara............. ........................ 276 and n. Rex Nemorensis, explained, 46; - his soul' Rajendra-Choda, the original appellation of lay in the Golden Bough...... Kulottunga-Chodadeva I. ..................276, 281 Reydru, & village in the Karmarashtra R&jiga, = Rajendra-Choda, = Kulottunga vishaya............................. .... Chodadeva I. ................... 276, 281, 282 and n. rice, cold, the custom of eating, in Madras Rajiga-Chola, probably=Kulottunga-Choda. 147, 148 deva I. ............. ................. 276 rice-throwing at marriages, a Chinese oustom 90 rajjuka, title of a class of Asoka's officials. 250, 253 riddles, a form of divination, 196; - Anex. Randyana, Prof. Bohtlingk on the textual planation of the use of, in folktales ......... 196 criticism of the ............ Ristika; see Rastika.................................... 248 RAmesvara ............. Ram Singh, his rebellion at Narpar ............ 916 Ram Singh Chhapew&la, his deeds at the battle of Gujrat .............................................. 217 sacrament, object of, among savages, 194 ; - Ranbir Singh of Jammas adopted by Gulab of eating the god, an origin of, 194; - of Singh, 71; - his first appearince under bread, an origin of................................. 194 arms, 73; - governs Jammun, 217; - sacrifices in Persia........... granted a robe of honour by Lord Dalhousie, Sadasivaraya of Vijayanagara ; his coins. 306, 307 48; - administers Kasmir during laat sddhdrana used in the sense of larkika ...... 412 illness of Gulab Singh, 219; - proclaimed Sagara, a Jaina version of the legend of ...... 394 successor to Gulab Singh, 220 ; - helps the Sahabaram rock edict of Asoka, edited ......... 154 British in the Mutiny ........................... 220 ................. 220 Sakathbhari ....................................... 202, 203 Randhir Singh of Jammqu sent to Lahor, Sakattiyana ; his Linganubasana is later than 73; his death ......... that of Vararuchi ................................... 119 Rasardhini, the; a collection of Buddhist sulhd, 'a Vedic school;' names of sakhas tales ............ ............ 118 mentioned in records - rusi, a sign of the zodine;' reference to Kautbumu.Chchhanduga ....................... 123 Jupiter being in Makara (Capricornus). Taittiriya.... 287; - and to the moon being in the Vajasaneyi-Madhyamdina ..................... 123 same ........... ......................... 132, 212 Yajus ............ Rashtrakatas of Malkhed. 95:-wars of Saktivarman (East. Chal.) ......... 12, 13, 273, 283 the, with the Eustern Chalukyas... 101, 102, Salones, see Selungs ................................. 92 103, 114, 206, 270 Salsette Christian,' defined .................. 183 n. Rastika (sometimes read Ristika), a people saris, an abbreviation; used in composition mentioned in the Asoka inscriptions, 239, with Vikrama, 137; - used withont any 240, 247; --they may be the Maharashtris appellative in composition, to denote years or Marathis of the Dekhan ........ of the Saptarshi era, 153; and of the rathi, a termination of names, in Bhima Vikrama era ............ 84 rathi and Kurumarathi................................ 96 | Samapa, a town mentioned in the Asoka Ratnndera (Kalachuri of Ratnapur) ......... 84, 85 inscriptions ............... ................ 247 Ratnapur, Kalachuris of ........................ 84, 85 Sumarasinha of Mewad: see Chitorgadh...... 137 Ratta-Kandarpa, a biruda of Indraraja samustabhuvandsraya, an epithet of Naren. (Rashtrakata) ..................... dramsigaraja.Vijayaditya II., 100, 415; - Rafbas, = Rashtrukutas ........................... 101 of Gunaka- Vijayaditya III., 102; - and Reyaru, an ancient village ...... ......... of Amma II. .................... 270 red, a lucky colour among the Musalmans in Sambu, Sambhu, a Saiva ascetic............69, 70 Northern Madras ............ Sarikara-Kodavarman of Puraigilanadu, a reflection, the human, contains the soul ...... 48 feudatory of Bhaskara-Ravivarman ...286, 291 regnal years; instances of the use of them sathkrdnti, the passage of the sun into 17, 106, 123, 287, 288, 289, 291 sign of the zodiac;' the current tithi is religion, comparative, a study of ............ 45 fr. usually quoted with a sumkrinti, 413; ***........ 393 ................. . . .......... 85 418 ...... 337

Page #479
INDEX 447 ...... 424 .............. 103 - names of the savikrantis, as used in recorded dates :Mesha (Aries) .......... ..... 152 Uttarayana (winter solstice).................... 106 sa viwat, an abbreviation ; used as a declinable base, 141; - used in composition with Saptarshi, 151 ; -with. Sastra, to denote the Saptarshi era, 152; - and with Vikrama, 129; - used without any appellative in composition, to denote years of the Kalachuri era, 85; -- of the Saptarshi era, 151, 153; - and of the Vikrama cra, 83, 84, 125 to 142, 212, 311, 314; - used in the same way to denote a tegnal year .................. 124 Sanho, a Burmese book for calculating for. tunes................................................... 51 santana, dmnya...................................342 n. Santidora, notices of ............................ 85, 86 Santokh Singh, Thanadar of Gilgit, rebels.................. Saptarshi era, examination of dates in the, by Prof. Kielhorn, 149 to 154; - the equations for converting Saptarshi yenrs into Kaliyuga, Suka, Vikrama, and Christian years, 151; -- the era called the Sastrasanvatsara and Sastra-samvat, 152; - the years are to be taken as commencing with Chaitra, 150; and, when unqualified, as current years ........................... 150, 153, 154 Saraj, the capital of tbe Golden Horde, a geographical note on ......... Sarangadeva (Vaghela); English equivalent of the date of his inscription of VikramaSauvat 1335, . . 137 and n.; - and of the Cintra prasasti of his time ............ 137 and n. Barang, = sarhang, = serhang, = sarshang, a leader'............................................. 45 Sarasvati Gachchha of the Digambara Jains, two pattdvalls of the, 341 ; -- other names of it are, Kundakundanvaya, NandiSamgha, Nandi-Amnaya, Balatkara-Gana, and Parijata-Gachchha, 312, 343; - it is a branch of the Mola-Sangha, 343; - the Tables of it, 351 to 355 ; - chronological notes on it ............. ................ 357 Sardar Jawabir Singh, his acts against Gulab Singh ............. .................... 74, 75, 76 Sardar Lahna Singh, his retirement from public life......................... ............... 71 sarjag, sarjiigi, modern Persian, a corporal 45 Sarts, ethnographical notes on the ........... 429 430 satrap, derivation of ............ sarvalokasraya, 'asylum or refuge of all man kind,' an epithet of, apparently, Vishouvardhana II., 98; - of Mangi-Yuvara ja, 98, 104, 106; -of Vishgurardhan, V., 102; - of Amma I., 266; -of Chalukya-Bhima II, 269; -- of Rajaraja I., 273; - and of Vira-Chodadeva ...... ........... 284 Sarvasiddhi, a biruda of Jayasimha I. ......... 97 busana, 'a royal edict,' defined in the law. book of Brihaspati ........... S&stra-sauvat, and Sastra-samvatsara, names for the Saptarshi era ............................ 152 Satiyaputa, a king or prince mentioned in the A soka inscriptions ...........................240, 249 Saturday, an unlucky day for fever in Madras 430 Satyasraya, son of Beta-Vijayaditya V.... 268, 283 Satyasraya, Mahardja,= Pulikesin II.......... 17 | Saucha Kandarpa, apparently a birudy of Chalukya-Bhima I.............. Savattili desa, an ancient territorial division. 285 Sawan Mall of Multan ............................... 215 sawing the old woman,' origin of the custom 57 Sayyid-al-Fayumi, Dr. Harkavy on the bio graphy of ................. .................. 427 scape-goat, an origin of the, 195, 196, the origin of the custom of transferring disease ...... ............. 196 seals of grants, emblems and legends on... 101, 414 seclusion at puberty, the origin of............... Seelongs, see Selungs......... self-immolation by burning: an epigraphical instance .................. Selung Language Primer, 1846, a note on the 92 Selunga, of the Mergui Archipelago, a notice of the .............................. ... 92 Seunadeva; see Anjaneri........................... 422 sertip, the modern use of the word, 45; =sar + tip, 45 ; not derived from satrapes 45 i seventh son, adventures of the, in folktales 183 ff. shadow, the human, contains the soul ......... 48 Shahbazgashi version of Asoka's Edicts, Dr. Buhler on the epigraphy of the ......... 117, 118 shahr.bid - kshathrapati ....................... 45 shahrib in preserves the old Persian pdvan ... 45 Shamanism among the Buriats, note on ...... 429 sheep, sacrificing, in Persia averts danger ... Shemjaka's Judgment, a Persian version of the old Russian tale of, 426: its origin in the Jatakas ............. Sher Singh Atariwald, his share in the capture of Multan, 215; - deserts to the rebels at Maltan, 217; - defeated by General Nicholson .. ............... 217 shofar, notes on the musical instrument known as the ..................................... 148 Siddhartha, the sixth Daga-Purvin....... 348. 358 Sikshdsamuchchaya, the, of Santideve, noted 85 n., 86 silver, a shower of, indicates birth of a daughter in folktales ............ ............ 45 ff. Simhabala, maternal uncle of Vigraharaja ... 202 Sit hapuri, an ancient town........ ........... 85 .... 426 45

Page #480
448 INDEX. sines of arcs in the Panchasiddhantikd ...... 228 Suchet Singh raises Dalip Singh to the throne, Singhana II. (Yadava of Devagiri); see Patna 422 71 ; - his various intrigues, 71; - his Siyasarman, an officer of Jayasimha I.......... 97 death .................. ............... 72 Sndtripanchalikd ; see Udayasagara......... 399 n. Sudhamma, Sudharman, the second Kepalin. Solar Rase, the, 268; - it included the 347, 358 Cholas, 276, 279; - and the Gajapati kings suffixes, a peculiar class of, in Nicobarese, reof Orissa ............ ferring to parts of the human body ......... 300 Somadeva (see Lalita-Vigrahardja) ............ 202 | sun, warding off the light of, the rule of, 197; Somaditya, father of Pritiviyaraja ............ 104 - impregnation by the, the belief in......... 197 Soinavamsa, the; (see Lunar Race), 268, 274, Sunak grant of Karnadeva, of Vikrama 279, 285 Samvat 1148; English equivalent of the date Somesvara (Chahumana); see Bijholi ......... 133 129 and n. son, in old age, in folktales ................. 316, 317 Soryavaria, the ; see Solar Race ... 268, 276, sorcerers, an origin of the belief in ............ 48 279, 390, 392 * soul as understood by the savage, 48; -- futi (see also vati), used to denote the bright contained in the human shadow, 48; - in fortnight? ........... ............. 149 and n., 152 the human reflection, 48; - in the blood, sutra, 'a manual of religious ritual, &c.;' 49; - in the head, 49; - its presence names of sutras mentioned in recorde :means 'life', its absence death,' in savage A pastamba ........................ 106, 416 n., 418 belief, 48; -- its temporary absence from Hiranya kesin .................................... 418 the body, 48; - the spiritual and physical Sutrasamuchchaya, the, of Santideva, noted 89 dangers to which it is exposed, 48; - in. svarga, and not nirudna, is always spoken of jured by food, 49 ; - by the remains of by Asoka in his inscriptions.... ................ 265 food after eating, 49, -- notions of the, in evayamvara, in folktales, 111 ff.;-a reversal North America, 119, 120 ; - transferring of the custom, in folktales..................... 332 ff. the, 199; -- the external soul discussed, sword, the use of the, to represent the bride199; - of the oak = the mistletoe, 199; - groom at marriages ......... ............. 123 of trees .................. ........... 47 spirits, capable of being wounded by sharp instruments ........................................ 3 tabu, doctrine of, explained, 47 ff.;- its effects spirits, the, of trees, 47; -- of woods, their on customs, 48 ; -object of, to protect the power and nature, 47; - of groves, 47; -- man-god. +7; -- the object of ustablishing it of the corn, 52; - as an animal, 193; -- generally, 48; - is set up generally to provarious animal forms of the .................. 103 tect the soul,' 48; - various methods of, spurious copper-plate grants, a general remark 48; - origin of the tabued person, 49; - in connection with ...... origin of tabued things, 49; -- its effect on sri-Tribhuvandikusa, a legend on the seals the Nicobarese language .................. 297, 298 of the Eastern Chalukya grants... 100, 206, Tadapa (Eastern Chalukya) ......... 12, 13, 268, 283 269, 270, 273, 284, 285, 414 Taha, a variant of the name of Tallapa ......... 269 srf-Vijayasiddhi, a legend on a seal ............ 104 Takshasila mentioned in the Asoka inscripSriniiaya bhoga, an ancient territorial divi. tions .......................... ......... 247 sion ..................... .................. Tala, a variant of the name of Tadapa ......... 268 friprithivivallabha, an epithet of Vishnu- Talapa, Talapa, variants of the name of vardhana I. ... Tadapa ............. Srutu- Kevaline names of the five, according Tamra parni river mentioned in the Asoka insto the pattavali of the Sarasvati-Gachchha criptions ............. ........ 239, 240 347, 358 task, the impossible, in folktales, a variant Sthanu-Ravigupta, a king ........................... 287 of ................................................... 111 ff. strangers, dread of, amongst savages, explain. Tatabikki, a king slain by Chalukyabhima. ed .................... ............ 48 Vishnuvardhana VII. ... ... .. ............ 270 ow, an abbreviation, used with the number of Tatabikyana, a variant of the name of Tataa tithi ora civil day, and without di or ti 84, 136 bikki ......... 270 substituted persons in folktales; the bride- Tchelebi = Christian : Baron V. Rosen on groom, 112, 113, 321 ff.;- children, variants the word of the idea ......... .................45 ff. Tewar inscription, noticed .......... subtraction, the Burmese system of, explained 56 ff. Thiyakavalli, wife of Kulottunga-Chodadera I. 280 succession, a peculiar custom of .................. 422 thre-thauk, a Burmese custom, explained. 423, 124 ... 410 ................... 95 .... 268 ... ..... 429 85

Page #481
INDEX. 449 ......310 ..... 413 V 1 tiger, folklore origin of the strength of the... 192 Uigure, the, their probable dialect............... 125 tip 'assembly,'troops,' in modern Persian, Ujjayini mentioned in the Asoka inscriptions 247 origin uncertain...................................... 45 uncleanness' a form of sanctity ............... 197 Tirumalaraya of Vijayanagara; his coins...... 307 Undapura, an ancient town ..... Tirunelli, a village in the Malabar District; upajjha, an intermediate form between upd. the grant of Bhaskara-Ravivarman, edited, dhyaya and ojja ............. .........393 n. 285; - explanation of the date ...... 286 to 289 Uparahadla (+) mandala, an ancient territorial Tirunelli-Alva [?='the governor of Tiru division...... . * ***** nelli') ............................................. 292 Urasa, an ancient country; it corresponded Tirimelli-Perumal, a god, a form of Vishnu... 291 pretty nearly with the modern llazarat ..... 336 Tiruppavanam grant of Kulasokharadeva; Urman Bek, a note of an elegy on ............... 86 examination of the date.....................288, 289 Urputuru, an ancient village .................... 418 rithi, 'a lunar day ;' the tithi of Kanakapati (Vishnu), 288 and n.; - repeated tithis, 413; - the current tithi is usually quoted vadi used to denote' the dark fortnight'...... 1.82 with a sarialeranti ........... Vadnagar prasasti, the date of the renewal tobacco, some South Indian verses on ......... 297 of it; English equivalent................. 1.11 in . Tomaras of Dehli ........... ............ 202 n. vagaira,' and so forth,' used in the Tirunelli Tosali, a place mentioned in the Agoka in grant............................................ 291 and 1. scriptions ........................ .................. 247 Vajjaya, of the Panara family .................. 270 totemien, an origin for sex ................199, 200 Valabhi era, the (see Gupta-Valabhi ern): tree-spirits, 47; - their power to make the two miscellaneous dates in it ............... 384 n. crops grow ............... ....... 47 Valaga, see Dhalaga..... ........ 270 tree.worship, enquired into ........................ 47 Valahari-Gana, of the Jains... ......... 271 Trikalinga country (see also Kalinga), con- Vallabharaja (Kalachuri of Ratnapur)...... 84, 85 quered and held by the Eastern Chalukyas Valacheri, an ancient town or village ......... 418 104, 269 V&maparra, or Vanaparru, an ancient town Tripuriya-chatukpatha ............... .......... 85 or village ................. ............................ 418 Trishubh and Jagati metres in the Maha- Vamrupireyu, or Vamrupileyu, a village in bharata.......... 296 the Kandaruvadi vishaya........................ 101 tug-of-war' as a ceremonial custom, origin Vanarajadeva (P); see Gaya ..................... 137 ot, 196; - as a rain charm ....... 196 Vandrupedayu, an ancient town or village ... 418 Taghlaqs, a proverb illustrating the cruelty Vangiparru, an ancient town or village......... 418 of the ........... Vararuchi, his Linganusdsana is earlier than Tummana desa, an ancient territorial division 85 those of Harshavardhana and Sakatayana.. 119 Tundaparu, or Trandaparu, a village in the Vardhabhumi, a division of Pundradesa ....... 421 Gudra vara vishaya............... Vardan, notes on the American author ...... 427 Turamaya, = Ptolemy ........... 241 Vardhamana, a division of Pundradesa ...... 421 twice-born,' an explanation of the phrase ... 200 Varendra, a division of Pundradesa ........... 420 Vareavarasvamin, a form of Siva ................ 123 varru (see also barru and parru), a terminaUdaleavara, a god ..................................... 83 tion of village-names, in Elavarru ......... 271 Udandapura, an ancient town ..................... 313 Varushappirapu, the Tamil New Year's Day. 430 UdayAditya of Malava; an inscription of his, Vasantapala, a prince; perhaps one of the at Udaypur, noticed .......... Tomaras of Dehli...........................202 and n. Udayapura, a town of Jayasimha I. ............ 97 vati (see also buti), used to denote the dark Udayapura, = Udaypur in Gwalior .........83, 841 fortnight'.................. 149 and n., 151, 152, 153 Udayasagara really composed his Sndtripan. Vatteluttu characters .................286 and Plate chakika in A. D. 1748 ..............................399 n. Vavveraa, a place; perhaps = Vyaghreraka, Udaypur, inscriptions at, noticed; of Deva the modern Baghera ...................... 202 and n. paladeva, 83; - English equivalent of the Vedantastras, the, with the commentary by date, 135 and n.; - of Harirjadeva, 84; Samkaracharya ; notice of Dr. Thibaut's - of Jayasimhadeva, 84; -and of Uda edition ............... ............................... 396 yAditya .................................................. ................. 83 Vogananda, an ancient river ..................... 123 Uigur; a note on the alphabet of the 8th veiling of men ; an origin for the custom...... 49 Century, 425: - Khans, Chinese titles of Velanandu, vishaya, an ancient territorial the ...... .... 425 division.......... ..... 79 ***. 83 ........ 272

Page #482
450 INDEX. ...... V Vendidad, Dr. Horn's translation of the, noted 117 Venyi, the country of the Eastern Chalukyas, 93, 94, 95, 101, 102, 103, 104, 267, 268, 269, 270, 271, 276, 277, 278, 281, 282, 283; - the earliest connection of it with them, 94; the country described as being without a ruler for twenty-seven years, 272; - viceroys of Vengi, 276, 284; - its capital is supposed to be mentioned by Hiuen Tsiang, as Ping-ki-lo.......... .... 94 Venginandu vishaya, an ancient territorial division .......................................93, 271 Vengipura, an ancient town ..................... 94 Vengonishtra, an ancient territorial division. 94 Venkata of Vijayanagara; bis coins ... 307 to 309 vermin, the object of propitiating, among the illiterate ........... ........ 195 Vigraharaja of Sakarnbhari (see also Hara. kelindtaka)............ ............... 202, 203 Vijaya, the eighth Daba-Purvin............. 348, 358 Vijayaditya, grandson of Beta-Vijayaditya V..................................................... 268, 283 Vijayaditya, a descendant of Beta-Vijayaditya ...........................268, 283 Vijayaditya I, Bhattdraka (Eastern Cha. lukya) ... ................. 12, 13, 99, 283, 417 Vijayaditya II., Narendramrigaraja (East. Chal.), 12, 13, 100, 283, 417; - a grant of his, edited........ ................. 414 Vijayaditya III., Gunaka (East. Chal) 12, 13, 102, 283 Vijayaditya IV., Kollabiganda (East. Chal.).. 12, 13, 103, 283 Vijayaditya V., Beta (East. Chal.) ...... 12, 13, 95 n., 267, 283 Vijayaditya VI., Amma II. (East. Chal.)...12, 13, 270, 283 Vijayaditya VII. (East. Chal.), viceroy of Vengi............ .................. 276 Vijayuwahadevi, wife of Vijayaditya ...268, 283 Vijayanagara, coins of the kings of ............ 301 Vijayasiddhi, a biruda of Mangi-Yuvarkja, 98: - and apparently of BhattarakaVijayaditya I................... .............. 99 Vijayaradir, ancient form of the name of Bezwada ........... .......... 101, 415, 418 Vikrama, the traditional founder of the Vik rama er notes on his history, as repreSented in the puttuvalls of the Sarasvati - Gitchchha ............ ............................. 361 Vikrama era ; continuation of Prof. Kiellorn's examination of questions connected with this era, 124:-. general chronological list of Vikrana dates, 125:- summary of results, 397; - percentages of dates examined, 397 ; - current and expired years; current years are quoted only exceptionally. 398; - northern and southern years; the reckoning by southern (Karttikadi) years was from the beginning intimately connec. ted with the era, 399; - down to about the fourteenth century of the era, both kinds of years were tused over exactly the same tracts of country, 400 ; - the purgiminta and amanta schemes of the lunar months ; neither scheme is necessarily and exclusively connected with either the southern (Karttikadi) or the northern (Chaitradi) year, 401; - locality and names of the era, 401;where and by which dynasties the era was used up to about A. D. 1300, . 402; - names of the era; the Malava era, and the Vikrama era, 404; - the latter name means the autumn as the poets' war-time,' and was simply transferred from the autumn to the year, 409; - some matters of detail regarding the calculated dates, 409; - irregular dates, 409; - years of other eras, quoted along with the Vikrama years, 410; - Jupiter years quoted along with the Vikrama years, 410; - intercalary months, 411;- laukika months, 411;- nakshatras. karanas, and yogas, 412; - lunar and solar eclipses, 412; - savikrantis, 412; - other holy or festive times, 413; - repeated tithis, 413; - suggestions for calculating dates... 413 Vikrama-Choda (East. Chal.) ...... 12, 13, 282, 283 Vikra-Raina, a biruda of apparently Bhat taraka- Vijayaditya I............................... 99 Vikramaditya I. (Enst. Chal.) ............... 103, 283 Vikramaditya II. (East. Ohal........ 12, 13, 269, 283 Vikramaditya VI. (West. Chal.); his wars with the Cholas and the Eastern Chalukyas, 280, 281, 282; - doubt about the exact date of his pattabandha............... 282 : Vikramasikadevacharita, the, of Bilhana; historical matters in it ..................... 278, 280 Vimaladitya (East. Chal.) ......... 12, 13, 273, 283 Vimalarka, a variant of the name of Vimala ditya .................................................. 273 Vinayadisarman, an officer of Gunaka-Vija yaditya III................................. Vindhyaparava, a division of Pundradesa....... 421 Vinhukumara, = Vishnunandin............347, 318 Vira-Choladeva, Vishnuvardhana IX. (East. Chal.), viceroy of Vengi.....................283, 284 Vira-Raghavachakravartin, a king............... 287 viraha, a Jain technical word ..................... 344 Virbius, the cult of, 46; - represented by the horse ........... ......... 194 vfrgals or vira-kallus, monumental slabs of heroes ;' an inscription on one, edited ...... 60 Viba, name of a people mentioned in the Asoka inscriptions ...............239, 240, 247, 249

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********** Visakha, the first Dueu-Purvin...348, 358 Visakhacharya, a name of Guptigupta......342, 350 Vishamasiddhi, a biruda of Vishnuvardhana I., 15, 17, 95; and of Vishnuvardhana II., 98; and apparently of Vishnuvardhana V. 102 vishayas were subdivided into derayas 93 Vishnu, the god, compared to rags, 119; and to cold rice 147 Vishnunandin, the first Sruta-Kevalin ...348, 358 Vishnuraja, = Vishnuvardhana II., 98; also Vishnuvardhana III., 99; also Vishnuvardhana IV. Vishnuvardhana, great-grandson of BetaVijayaditya V.... ...268, 288 Vishnuvardhana, a descendant of Beta-Vijayuditya V... Vishnuvardhana, son of Bhima of the Solar Race ******* 268, 288 268 ************** ********* **********.. INDEX. - Vishnuvardhana I., Kubja-Vishnuvardhana (East. Chal.), 12, 13, 15, 94, 95, 96, 283; - determination of the initial point of his years, in A. D. 615,.. 8 to 5; - his Chi. purupalle grant, edited. Vishnuvardhana II. (East. Chal.), 12, 13, 98, 106, 283; - determination of the initial point of his years, in A. D. 663 Vishnuvardhana III. (East. Chal.)..12, 13, 97, 283 Vishnuvard..na IV. (East. Chal.) 12, 18, 15 - 10 *************** 100, 283, 417 Vishnuvardhana V., Kali-Vishnuvardhana (East. Chal.) 12, 13, 102 and n., 283 Vishnuvardhana VI., Amma I. (East. Chal.) *************** 12, 13, 95 n., 266, 283 Vishnuvardhana VII., Chalukya-Bhima II. (East. Chal.)........ .12, 13, 95 n., 269, 283 Vishnuvardhana VIII., Rajaraja I. (East. Chal.) Vishnuvardhana IX., Vira-Chodadeva (East. Chal), viceroy of Vengi ..283, 284 100 273 ****** result of Vishnuvardhana-Vijayaditya, Maharaja 278 Vizagapatam District, an inscription from the, edited *******............................... vow to obtain children, 80ff.; violation of, 82;-effect of a, in folktales 326 ft Vriji, name of a people mentioned in the Asoka inscriptions .239, 240, 247, 248 Vyaghra, a prince........ ... 313 Vyaghreraka, a place; the modern Baghera 202 n. vyatipata, the different meanings of, in addition to denoting the yoga of that name 292, 293 ********.. Warren's Kalasankalita, examination of some errors in...... ............35 to 45 Weber's Sacred Literature of the Jains; trans. lated by Dr. Smyth; continuation...18, 170, 365 Women, position of in medieval Arabia 427 ************ 451 ***********... Yaghistan, a note on the term.339 and n. Yamuna; see Ganga....... 275 Yavanas mentioned in the Asoka inscriptions 239, 240, 247 Yavanas, i. e. Musalmans, cities of the, in Pundradeea..... ..................................................... 421 yoga, an astrological element; names of yogas used in recorded dates: Harshana............................................... 15 *********.***. ..212, 312 Siddha .......... 422 Vriddhi..... 132 youngest daughter-in-law, in folktales ..183. Yuddhamalla I. (Eastern Chalukya) 103, 28: Yuddhamalla II. (East. Chal.) 12, 13, 269, 270, 283 Yunnan, notice of French journeys to, from ...... Tongking................... ........... 91 Yusuf and Zulaikhan, notes on Firdosi's. 116, 117

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ERRATA IN VOL. XX. p. 170, lines 10, 11, for 4 A, and concludes a p. 288, line 7 from the bottom, for Sanikkilamai. sentence, read y d, and concludes a sentence. yum, read Sapi-kkilamaiyum. D. 208, lines 33. 34. the words tetivakaih krity. p. 311, text line 2, for jadya'. tamo, rend am-anyat 112 should lie in line 34 opposite jadya-tamo. the numeral 27. p. 314, text line 2, for gra[hair Pil']; read p. 287, No. II., Text, line 1, for sri-Vira, read gra[hair Pe]. eri-Vira- ; and Translation, line 3, insert a p. 344, line 3, for pattavali, read pattavali. comma at the end of the line. I p. 379, line 9, for Maharaja, read Mahardja.

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