Indian Antiquary Vol 20

Author(s): John Faithfull Fleet, Richard Carnac Temple
Publisher: Swati Publications
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/032512/1

Page #1

THE
INDIAN ANTIQUARY,
A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH
IN
ARCHÆOLGGY, EPIGRAPHY, ETHNOLOGY, GEOGRAPHY, HISTORY, FOLKLORE, LANGUAGES.
LITERATURE, NUMISMATICS, PHILOSOPHY, RELIGION, &c. &c.,
EDITED BY
JOHN FAITHFULL FLEET, C.I.E.,
BOMBAY CIVIL SERVICE,
AND RICHARD CARNAC TEMPLE.
MAJOR. BENGAL STAFF CORPS.
RICHARD CARN
TVU. 44. TUVA
Swati Publications:
Delhi . 1985

Page #2

Published by Swati Publications, 34 Central Market, Ashok Vihar, Delhi-110052 Ph. 7113395
and Printed by S.K. Mehra at Mehra Offset Press, Delhi.

Page #3

CONTENTS.
The names of Contributors are arranged alphabetically.
PAGE 1
РАа SAYYID KHAIRAYAT AHMAD, GAYA :
į G. A. GRIEKSON, B.C.S.:Luck and 111-Luck in Bihar ... ... . ... 337 THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADABI, BY E. SENART ;
THE DETACHED ROCK EDICTS; THE EDICTS OF REY, J. E. ABBOTT :
SAHASARAN, RUPNATH, BAIRAT, AND BHABRA, RECENTLY DISCOVERED BUDDHIST CAVES AT
AND THE INSCRIPTIONS IN THE BARABAR CAVES, NADSUR AND NENAVALI IN THE BHOR STATE,
154; THE AUTHOR OF THE INSCRIPTIONS ... 229 BOMBAY PRESIDENCY . ... . .121
Progress of European Scholarship :G, BÜHLER, PE.D., LL.D., C.I.E.:
No. 23. Zoitschrift der Deutschen MorgenTHE BARABAR AND NAGARJUNI HILL CATE
ländischen Gesellschaft for 1389 (Vol. XLIII). 116 INSCRIPTIONS OP ASOKA AND DASARATHA ... 861 No. 24. Zoitschrift der Deutschen MorgenThe Date of the Græco-Buddhist Pedestal from
ländischen Gesellschaft for 1899 (Vol. XLIII). 98 Hashtragar ... ... ... ... ... ... 394 No. 25. The Revue Critique for 1889 ; Acadé.
mie des Inscriptions et Belles Lettres... ... 304 J. BURGESS, LL.D., M.R.A.S., F.R.G.S.:
Chants Populaires des Afghans, recueillis par GEOGRAPHY OF INDIA, WITH EXTRACTS FROM A
James Darmesteter ... ... . ... " PAPER BY THE LATE PROFESSOR H. H. WILSON ... ... ... ...
... ... ... 418
PROF. A. F. RUDOLF HOERNLE, PH.D. :The Sincs of Arcs in the Pancha-Siddhantika ... 228
Two PATTAVALIS OF THE SARASVATI-GACHCHHA C. M. C.:
OF THE DIGAMBARA JAINS... ... ... ... 341 Corruptions of English in Bombay ... ...
A. HOUTUM-SCHINDLER, TEHERAN :S. J. A. CHURCHILL :Au Oriental Story of Moses
A Noto on a cortain Persian Military Expression. 45
.. Sacrifices in Persia ... ...
E. HULTZSCH, Ph.D.; BANGALORE:WILLIAM CROOKE, B.C.S.:
TIRUNELLI COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF BHASKARAA Song about Lord Lake ... ... ... ... 192 RAVIVARMAN ... ... .. ... ... .. 265 SHAXKAR BALKRISHNA DIKSHIT, DHULIA :
THE COINS OF THE KINGS OF VIJAYANAGARA ... 301
A COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF GANADEVA OY KON. Examination of some Errors in Warren's Kala
DAVIDU, DATED SAEA-SAMVAT 1377 sankalita ... ... .. ... ... .. 35 The Kausikasútra of the Atharvavéda, edited by J. F. FLEET, Be.C.S., M.R.A.S., C.I.E.:
Maurice Bloomfield ... ... ... ... ... 90
Die Indische Genuslehren, mit dem Toxt der THE CHRONOLOGY OF THE EASTERN CHALUKYA
Liigánusasanas des Sakatayana, HarshavarKINGS ... ... ... ... ... ... 1, 93, 206 THE GUPTA VALABHI ERA ... ... ... ... 376
dhana, Vararuchi, &c., by Dr. R. Otto Franke... 119 SANSKRIT AND OLD-KANARESE INSCRIPTIONS :
PROF. F. KIELHORN, C.I.E, GÖTTINGEN :No. 193. Chipurupalle Copper-Plate Grant of Vishnuvardhana I., dated in his eighteenth
LUCKNOW MUSEUM COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF THE year ... ... ...
MAHASAMANTA BALAYARMADEVA ... ... 123 ...
15
.. No. 194. An Old-Kanarese Inscription at
EXAMINATION OF QUESTIONS CONNECTED WITH
... THE VIKRAMA ERA ...
.. Kótûr...
124, 397 ...
... ... ... ... ... No. 105. Madras Museum Copper-plate Grant
A NOTE ON THE SAPTARSHI ERA ... . ... 149 of Mangi-Yuvaraja...
SANSKRIT PLAYS, PARTLY PRESERVED AS IN ... -
... SCRIPTIONS AT AJMERE
.. No. 196.
.
...- 204 Copper-plate Grant of Narêndra. mrigaraja-Vijay Aditya II.
HARSAUDA STON8 INSCRIPTION OF DEVAPALA
DEVA OF DRARA, THE (VIKRAMA) YEAR 1975... 310 Calculations of Hindu Dates :
GAYA STONE INSCRIPTION OF THE REIGN OF No. 47. The Death of Indraraja... .......
SULTAN FIRUZ SHAH, THE VIKRAMA YEAR 1129. 312 No. 18. The Chellûr Grant of Kuluttunga
Some Names and Dates from Unpublished InChodadêva II. ; Saka-Sanat 1056 ...
scriptions
. .. ...83 A Yote on Amoghavarsha I. ...
Readings from the Baijnath Prasastis ... ... 114

Page #4

CONTENTS.
.. 187
PAGE An Historical Allusion in the Bhagalpur Plate of
Nárayanapala... ... Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, Vol. III. ... 188 The Meanings of Vyatipata... ... ... ... 292 The Dato of one of the Kanheri Inscriptions of
Amoghavarsha I. ... ... ... ... 121 SERGIUS D'OLDENBURG, ST. PETERSBURG: Progress of European Scholarship, No. 22;
Journal of the Eastern Section of the Russian
Archæological Society ... ... .... ...85 Progress of European Scholarship, No. 26;
Journal of the Eastern Section of the Russian
Archæological Society, Vol. V., Parts 1-4 ... 425 GEO. F. D'PENHA:FOLKLORE IN SALSETTE -
No. 5. The Poor Boy and the Fox ... ... 29 No. 6. The Children of Vows ... ... ... 80 No. 7. The Princess and the Lonse No. 8. Bapkhadi, the Salsetto Cinderella ....142 No. 9. The Patel's Youngest Daughter-in-Law. 193
No. 10. Baludada and Bayôi ... ... How the Tiger attained his Grent Strength ... 192 G. H. PRENDERGAST; MASULIPATAM : Corruptions of English in Telingan ...
. .. 89 Lock and Ill-Luck in Telingana
Social Customs : Marriage in Telingi na ... ... 423 THE LATE E. REHATSER :A NOTICE OF THE GULABXAMA ... ... 71, 212 FANDIT NATESA SASTRI, M.F.L.S.:FOLELORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA :
No. 35. The Komasti that suits the Stake ... 78
PAGE No. 33. The Wise Men of Purganûr, the Madrasi Gotham ...
221 No. 37. The Story of Atirupa ... ... ... 315 Vishạn compared to Rags ... Cold Rice ...
... ... ... ... 147 Folk- Medicine in Madras A Verse on Tobacco ... ... ... ... .: 297 E. SENART, MEMBRE DE L'INSTITUT DE FRANCE THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI; THE DETACHED ROCK EDICTS; THE EDICTS OF SAHASARAM, RUPNATH, BAIRAT, AND BHABRA, AND THE INSCRIPTIONS IN THE BARABAR CAVES, 154;
THE AUTHOR OF THE INSCRIPTIONS ... ... 229 Dr. H. W. SMYTH, PENNSYLVANIA: WETER'SACRED LITERATURE OF THE JAINS...
18, 10, 365 K. SRIKANTALIYAR
Notes on South Indian Festivals .. . ... 430 Medical Lore in Madras ... .. .. ... 430 THE REV. CHARLES SWYNNERTON :
The Ancient Capital of Urasa, the Modern Hazara 336 MAJOR R. 0. TEMPLE, B.S.C., M.R.A.S.: -
NOTES ON THE BURMESE SYSTEM OF ARITHMETIC 53 Corruptions of English in the Pañjab and Burma.. 89
Social Customs; Marriage in China... ... ... 90 TAW SEIN KO:
Thwe- Thank FUTLIPAI D. H. WADIA :FOLKLORE IN WESTERN INDIA :
No. 16. The Charitable Faqir ... ... 107 PROF. E. WEBER, BERLIN :
THE SACRED LITERATURE OF THE JAINS 18. 170, 367
... 111
".. 332
MISCELLANEA AND CORRESPONDENCE.
calculations of Hindu Dates, No. 47, the Death of
Indraraja, by J. F. Fleet ... ... ... ... 35 Examination of some Errors in Warren's Kalnenn.
kalita, by Shankar Balkrishna Dikshit ... ... 35 Some Names and Dates from Unpublished Inscrip
tions, by F. Kielhorn ... ... ... . ... 83 Progress of European Scholarship, Nos. 22 and 26,
by Sergius D'Oldenburg ... ... .. 85, 425 Progress of European Scholarship, Nog. 23, 24, 25, hy G. A. Grierson ...
.. ...116, 203, 394 A Note on Amoghavarsha I., by J. F. Fleet ... 113 Readings from the Baijnath Prasastis, by F. Kiehorn ...
... .. ... 114 A: Historical Allusion in the Bhagalpur Plate of
Narayanapala, by F. Kielhorn . .... ... 187
Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, Vol. III, by E.
Kielhorn ... - . ... ... ... ... ... 188 Calculations of Hindu Dates, No. 49, the Chellur
Grant of Kulotturga-Choladeva II., by J. F. Fleet 191 The Sines of Arcs in the Pancha-Siddhantika, by
J. Burgess... ... ... ... ... ... ... 228 The Meanings of Vyatipata, by F. Kielhorn ... 2:12 The Ancient Capital of Urasa, the Modern Hazara,
by the Rev. Charles Swynnerton ... ... ... 33 The Date of the Græco-Buddhist Pedestal from
Hashtnagar, by G. Bühler ... ... ... ... 394 The Date of one of the Kanheri Inscriptione of
Amoghavarsha I., by F. Kielhorn ... ...
... 421

Page #5

CONTENTS.
NOTES AND QUERIES. PAGE
PAGE A Note ou a certain Persian Military Expression, A Verse on Tobacco, by 8. M. Natesa Sustri ... 207
by A. Houtum. Schiudler ... ... .. .. 45 Luck and I1-Luck; in Telinginal, by H. G. PronAn Orieutal Story of Moses, by S. J. A. Churchill... 89
dergast; in Bihår, by Sayyid Khairayat Ahmal... 837 Corruptious of English; in Telingana, by G. H. Preudergast: in Bombay, by C. M. C.; in the
Customary Offerings to Priests in Bengal, by R. C. Patījab and Burma, by R. Ç. Temple .. ... 89 Temple .. ... .. ... ... .. ... 390 Social Customs: Marriage in China, by R. C. A Peculiar Custom of Succession ... ...
Templo ... ... ... _- ... ... .. ... 90 Social Customs ; Marriage in Telingána, by H. G. Vinhņu compared to Rags, by 8. M. Natesa Sastri... 119
Prendergast ... ... ... Cold Rice, by S. M. Natesa Sastri ... ... ... 147
Thwê-Thank; by Taw Sein Ko... ... ... ... 423 Sacrifices in Perrin, by S. J. A. Churchill ... ... 149 How the Tiger attained his Great Strength, by G.
Notes on South Indian Festivals; I. Pongal ; II. Fr. D'Penha
192
Varushappirapu, or New Year's Day: III. DipaA Song about Lord Luke, by W. Crooke ... ...
vali, by K. Srikantaliyar ... ... .. ... 430 Folk-Medicine in Malran, by S, M. Natesa Sastri ... 192 Medical Lore in Madras, by K. Srikantaliyar ... 430
BOOK NOTICES. The Golden Bough, a Study in Comparative Reli. Journal of the Ceylon Branch of the Royal Asiatio giou, by J. G. Fraser ... .. ...
... ...
.. 95, 193
45, 193 Society, Vol. X., No. 36 ... ... ... ... 120 The Kausikasutra of the Atharvavoda, edited by Proceedings of the American Oriental Society ... 148 Maurice Bloomfield ... .
... ... 90 The Mahabharata of Krishna Dvaipiyana-Vyksa, Toung Pao, Archives redigées par M. M. Gustavo translated into English Prose Schlegel et Henri Cordier
A Dictionary of the Central Nicabarese Languages, The Selungs of the Morgui Archipelago, by John by E. H. Man ... ... .... .. .. ... 297 Anderson ... ..
... ... 92 Chants Populaires des Afghans, recueillis par James Dio Indischen Genuslehren, mit dem Text der Lit- | Darmesteter ... ... ... ... ... ... 337
gepublisans des Bakat Ayana, Harshavardhana, The Vedantasůtras, with the. Commentary by Varoruchi, eto, by Dr. R. Otto Franke ... ... 119 Sankarachfrya, translated by George Thibaut ... 396 Annual Report of the Royal Canadian Institute, The Minor Law.Books, translated by Julius Jolly 1898-99 ... . ..
... ... .. ... 119 Part I., Nárada and Brihaspati ... ... ... 425
ILLUSTRATIONS. Old-Kanarese Inscription at Kotur ... ... ... 70 | Adókn Inscriptions...
... ... 364, 368 Tirunelli Plates of Bhaskara-Ravivarman ... ... 290 Plates of Gamadeva of Koņlavidu; Saka-Saniyat 1377 The Coins of the Kings of Vijayanagara ... 304, 308
392, 398

Page #6


Page #7

SYSTEM OF TRANSLITERATION. The system of transliteration followed in this Journal for Sanskrit and Kanarese, and, for the sake of uniformity, submitted for adoption, as far as possible, in the case of other languages),- except in respect of modern Hindu personal names, in which absolute purism is undesirable, and in respect of a few Anglicised corruptions of names of places, sanctioned by long usage, - is this :Sanskrit. Kanarese. Transliteration. Sanskrit.
Kanarese. Transliteration,
4
4
4
tha
dha
4 4
25083 63 R3
dha
ng
AA 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4
21 doll UE Cada #Et uueaa3 ad &a &
pa pha
Visargu
ba bha ma
Visarga Jihvimiliya, or old
Visarnefore
and a Upadhminiya, or
old Visurga be.
fore and Anusvir Anundsikt
-
Anusvára
81 31
kha
THo akis & 3 B
시에 외의
gha
44 44
ba
ua cha
chha A single hyphen is used to separate words in composition, as far as it is desirable to divide them. It will readily be seen where the single hyphen is only used in the ordinary way, at the end of a line, as divided in the original Text, to indicate that the word runs on into the next line: intermediate divisions, rendered unavoidable here and there by printing necessities, are made only where absolutely necessary for neatness in the arrangement of the Texts.
A double hyphen is used to separate words in a sentence, which in the original are written as one word, being joined together by the euphonic rules of scuridhi. Where this double hyphen is used, it is to be understood that a final consonant, and the following initial vowel or consonant-ind.vowel, are in the original expressed by one complex sign. Where it is not ned, it is to be understood of the orthography of the original, that, according to the stag
riginal, that, according to the stage of the alphabet, the final consonant either has the modified broken form, which, in the oldest stages of the alphabet, was used to indicate a consonant with no vowel attached to it, or has the distinct sign of the virima attached to it, and that the following initial vowel or consonant has its full initial form. In the transcription of ordinary texts, the double hyphen is probably unnecessary; except where there is the sasidhi of final and initial vowels. But, in the transcription of epigraphical records, the use of this sign is unavoidable, for the purpose of indicating exactly the palæographical standard of the original texts.
The avagraha, or sign which indicates the elision of an initial a, is but rarely to be met with in inscriptions. Where it does ocenr, it is most conveniently represented by its own Devanagari sun.
So also practice has shewn that it is more convenient to use the ordinary Devanagari marke of punctuation than to substitute the English signs for them.
Ordinary brackets are used for corrections and doubtful points; and square brackets, for letters which are damaged and partially illegible in the original, or which, being wholly illegibles can be supplied with certainty. An asterisk attached to letters or marks of punctuation in square brackets, indicates that those letters or marks of punctuation were omitted altogether in the original. As a rule, it is more convenient to use the brackets than to have recourse to footnotes; as the points to which attention is to be drawn attract notice far more readily. But notes are given instead, when there would be so many brackets, close together, as to encumber the text and render it inconvenient to read. When any letters in the original are wholly illegible and cannot be supplied, they are, represented, in metrical passages, by the sign for a long or a short syllable, as the case may be ; and in prose passages, by points, at the rate, usually, of two for each akshar or syllable.

Page #8


Page #9

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY,
A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH.
VOLUME XX.-1891.
THE CHRONOLOGY OF THE EASTERN CHALUK YA KINGS.
BY J. F. FLEET, Bo.C.S., M.R.A.S., C.I.E. A FEATURE of special interest in the grants of the Eastern Chalukya kings is the record, A that many of them give, of the length of cach successive reign, commencing with that of the founder of the dynasty, Vishnuvardhana I. or Kubja-Vishnuvardhana, a younger brother of the Western Chalukya king Satyasraya-Pulikesin II. There has been no difficulty in deducing from these details the approximate historical period of each member of the family. But, the lengths of the reigns are mostly stated in even years, without fractions ; the earliest case in which a specific date is given in the Sakn era, is that of Amma II., whose coronation is recorded to have taken place in 'Saka-Samvat 867 (expired); and the reigns anterior to him covered, According to different records, from three hundred and twenty-nine to three hundred and forty years. Consequently, the limits within which the commencement of the reign of Vishņu. vardhana I. might be placed, were rather far apart; and a good deal of uncertainty attended also the dates of some of the intermediate ralerg. As a matter of fact, in the most complete and authentic genealogical list of the family that has yet been given, - that published by Dr. Hultzsch in his South Indian Inecriptions, Vol. I. p. 32, – the initial date of Vishņuvardhana I. has been placed no less than eleven or twelve years before what I shall show to be really the correct time; and Dr. Burnell, in his South-Indian Palmography, placed it, in the first instance five years after, and in the second instance eight or nine years before, the proper time (see page 4 below, note 5). The objects of the present paper are, to determine the exact period within which the starting point of the Eastern Chalukya chronology must be placed ; to adjust the dates of the successive reigns from that time, and to group together such historical details as are furnished by the records of the family and other documents.
There is a record from which we can determine very closely the period of the commencement of the reign of Satyakraya-Pulikasin II. And obviously, this is a preliminary point which must be considered first. The information is given in the Haidark båd grant (ante, Vol. VI. p. 73, line 11 ff.), which records that, while residing at the city of Våtập (Badâmi in the Bijapur District, Bombay Presidency), Pulikesin II. granted the village of Makarappi to a Brâhman, - Atmanah pravarddhamana-rajyabhisheka-samvatsaré tritiye Sakanipati-samvatsara-satêshu chatustrims-fidhikesha pañchagv-atitêshu Bhadrapad-åmâvâsyå7&m sûryya-grahaņa-nimittam, -"in the angmenting third year of (my) own installation in the sovereignty; when five centuries of the years of the Saka king (or kings), increased by the thirtyfourth (year), have gone by; on the new-moon day of the month) Bhadrapada; on account of an eclipse of the sun." I bave had this date ander consideration twice before ; and it is

Page #10

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
(JANUARY, 1891.
cecessary now to dispose of it finally. On the first occasion on which I dealt with it (ante, Vol. XVI. p. 109 f.), I brought to notice that it had been calculated some years ago by Mr. D. B. Hutcheon for Dr. Burgess, who passed the notes on to me, and also had been considered by Sir George Airy, with the result that the corresponding English date must be the 23rd July, A. D. 613; on that day there was a total or almost total eclipse of the sun ; it was total probably at Badâmi, or certainly close to that place; and the totality occurred when the sun was very near the zenith of Bidami; so that the eclipse was a very marked and memorable one for that locality. And I expressed the opinion that there could be no doubt that this eclipse is the one referred to. This opinion, however, was the result of a misconception. In the record, the given year, 'Saka-Samvat 534, is distinctly specified as an expired year; so that the details of the month and the eclipse belong to 'Saka-Sarvat 535 current. In the published Tables, e. g. those of Mr. Cowasjee Patell and of General Sir Alexander Cunningham, which contain no distinct intimation that they are arranged for the expired years of the Hindu eras, Saka-Samvat 535 is shewn as commencing in A. D. 613. I was then under a mistakon impression, -- which was by no means confined to myself; and which, I think, musi in fact have had something to do with the case that was laid for consideration before Mr. Hutcheon and Sir George Airy, — which led me to suppose that A. D. 613-14 was the equivalent of Saka-Samvat 535 as a current year. And, as the 23rd July, A. D. 613, corresponds to the new-moon tithi of the first piriminta Bhadrapada, – the month being in that year an intercalary month, - I entertained no suspicion as to the correctness of the result which I then published. Subsequently, however, I had occasion to consider specially the subject of the epoch and reckoning of the Saka era (see Gupta Inscriptions, Introd., Appendix I. pp. 137 to 144; and ante, Vol. XVII. pp. 205 to 210). And, as a result of what I established in that inquiry, the above date, the 23rd July, A. D. 613, is, as a matter of fact, later by one year than the date given in the original record; being in reality the equivalent of the new-moon itthi of the first purņi manta Bhadrapada of Saka-Samvat 536 current (535 expired). On this point, there is now no possibility of any doubt. And, on the second occasion on which I dealt with the date now under consideration (ante, Vol. XVII. p. 141), I brought to notice that the real equivalent of the new-moon tithi of the purnimanta Bhadrapada of Saka-Samvat 535 current (534 expired) was the 2nd August, A. D. 612. On this date, also, there was a total eclipse of the sun. But it was not visible in or anywhere near India; because the line of centrality, commencing at sunrise in the North Pacific Ocean, ran across North America and the Atlantic, and ended at sunset about halfway across Africa, towards the north. And I left the inatter then with an expression of doubt, as to whether the record really refers to the eclipse of the 2nd August, A. D. 612, or whether the eclipse intended being that of the 23rd July, A. D. 613, we have in this record a genuine mistake in respect of the year that is quoted; the ques. tion being one for settlement when we should be in a position to determine whether invisible eclipses were, or were not, to be occasions of ceremonies and public acts. This latter point is one that has not yet been disposed of. But, whatever may be the strict custom of later times, uther instances are accumulating, in which eclipses of the sun, at any rate, which we know to have been not visible in India, are quoted in genuine early records as occasions of ceremonies. And though, looking back from the present time, and comparing the circumstances of the two eclipses, it does seem likely that a person in India would seleet for celebration that of A, D. 613, in preference to that of the year before, still there is in reality no option of the kind. We must, if it is found in any way possible, adhere to the details of the contemporaneous record,
1 See von Oppolzer's Canon der Pinaterniane, pp. 174, 175, and Plate 87; w also for the details of the eclipse of the 23rd July, A. D. 613.
A noteworthy instance is the solar eclipse of the 2nd January, A. D. 987, which is referred to in Prof. Kiel horn's Vikrama date No. 83 (ante, Vol. XIX. p. 166). It was a total eclipeo. But it was visible only over a com paratively small aren in North America and the Pacific Ocean. And yet it in the eclipse that answers to the other details of the given date. - Another instance is the solar eclipae of the 17th February, A. D. 668, which is the only one that answers to the solar eclipse in PLAlguna in the fifth year of Vishnuvardhana II. (800 page 8 C. below).
See also a note on Wrong Predictions of Kolipsos, ante, Vol. XIX. p. 328.

Page #11

JANUARY, 1891.)
THE EASTERN CHALUKYA CHRONOLOGY
without seeking to vary them. And, though it was not visible in India, there really was an eclipse of the sun on the day denoted by the given details. Hence, I feel no doubt now, that we could not be justified in assuming the existence of any mistake in the HaidarAbâd record ; and that, be the explanation what it may, the eclipse intended in it is that of the 2nd August, A. D. 612, belonging to Saka-Samvat 535 current (534 expired); invisible in India though it was. As, then, the new-moon of Bhadrapada, Saka-Samvat 535 current, fell in the third year of his reign, the new-moon of Bhadrapada, "Saka-Samvat 533 current, fell in his first year; and consequently the accession of Pulikekin II. took place, on some day still tu be exactly determined, in A. D. 609 or 610; on any day from Bhadrapada sukla 1 of SakaSamvat 532 current, up to the purnimánta Bhadrapada krishņa 15, the new-moon day, of Saka-Samvat 533 current. For the present, this point cannot be determined more closely; but this settlement of it is sufficient for the purposes of the inquiry in which we are now engaged.
The preceding result is our first guide, towards fixing the initial point of the years of Vishnuvardhana I. Now, as has been intimated, for the coronation of Amma II., we have the date of Saka Saivat 868 current, with certain full details in the month of Margasirsha, the ninth month of the Hindu luni-solar year; and the corresponding English date is Friday, 5th December, A. D. 945 (ante, Vol. XIX. p. 102 f.). The previous reigns, as given in the same record, - P. in the series of documents quoted in the latter part of this paper, covered three hundred and thirty-seven and a half years. Deducting 337 from 8674, we have the early part of Saka-Samvat 530 current, for the approximate starting-point of the chronology. And this falls so near the period of the accession of Pulikesin II., tbat, on previous occasions (unte, Vol. VI. p. 73, Vol. VII. p. 185; Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts, p. 23), I have assumed that a formal separation of the two branches of the Chalukya family took place practically at the time of the accession of Pulikesin II. ; and that the separate sovereignty of the Eastern Branch existed from that same date. This, however, is a view which the further acquisition of knowledge com pels us now. to correct. In the first place, the Satârâ grant of Vishnuvardhana I. (ante, Vol. XIX. p. 303 #f.), - dated in the eighth year of a Maharaja who ean be no one but Pulikêśin II., - gives to him only the subordinate title of Yuvárája; thus shewing that at any rate up to Saka-Sarvat 539 or 540 current there had been no actual sepatration of the two kingdoms; Pulikesin II. was then reigning as the paramount sovereign of the entire Chalukya family, and Vishņuvardhana I. was assisting him in a subordinate capacity. And in the second place, the materials for determining precisely the period within which lay the starting point of the years of Vishụuvardhana I., are to be found in another of his grants, from Chipuru palle (page 15 ff. below), and in two grants of his grandson, Vishņuvardhana II., the dates of which could not until recently be properly dealt with.
In the Chipurupallo record, Vishnuvardhana I. himself has the title of Mahárája. And it records a grant made by him on the occasion of an eclipse of the moon in the month Sravana; while, at the end of the charter, the date is also given as being, sam 10 8 má 4 di 10 5, -- "the year 10 (and) 8; the month 4; the day 10 (and) 5;" or more explicitly, if the text is interpreted in the meaning which suggests itself as, the most obvious one, at any rate according to European ideas, the grant was made on the occasion of an eclipse of the moon, which took place on the full-moon day of the month Sråvaņa, being the fifteenth day (of the bright fortnight) of the fourth month in the eighteenth year,
For the approximate period with which we have to deal, there were eclipses of the moon on 8ravana sukla 16, commencing with the first such eclipse after the accession of Poliksin II., as follows: Saka-Samvat 545 current ; on the 28th July, A. D. 622. From the details given in von
Oppolzer's Canon, Mr. Sh. B. Dikshit finds that this eclipse WMS not visible anywhere in India.
See von Oppolzer': Canon, p.858.

Page #12

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
JANUARY, 1891
Saka-Samvat 546 current ; on the 17th July, A. D. 623. This eclipse was visible all over India. Saka-Samvat 555 current ; on the 7th July, A. D. 632. This eclipse was visible all over
India. Saka-Samvat 564 current ; on the 27th July, A. D. 641. This eclipse was visible all over India. Saka-Samvat 573 current ; on the 18th July, A. D. 650. This eclipse was visible all over India. Saka-Samvat 574 current ; on the 8th July, A. D. 651. This eclipse was visible all over India.
In this year Sravana was an intercalary month; and the eclipse
took place on the full-moon day of the first Sravana. The first point to be noted is, that there was no eclipse of the moon in Sråvana in the eighteenth year of Pulikesin II. ; when the month in question would fall in Saka-Samvat 550 or 551 current, according to what may be the exact date of the commencement of his reign. The date, therefore, must belong to the eighteenth year of Vishnuvardhana I. himself. And the next point is, to determine which of the eclipses, noted above, is the one referred to.
Of these eclipses, the first two have been considered before, by Dr. Borrell, and by Dr. Burgess. Dr. Burnell's opinion (South Indian Palcography, p. 137, note 2) was that the only possible date is one or other of these two. And, while mentioning Dr. Burgess' preference, because it was fully visible, for the eclipse of the 17th July, A. D. 623, he rejected it because, " as this occurred in the evening, it seems, astrologically, inadmissible (conf. Hêmachandra's Danakhanda, pp. 61-62, 79);" and he expressed his own opinion that the eclipse of the 28th July, A. D. 622, "appears to satisfy all the necessary conditions." On the other hand, in some notes on the Eastern Chalukya chronology which he made over to me in 1878, Dr. Burgess, who had examined all the lunar eclipses in Srâvana from A. D. 600 to 663, repeated his conclusion that the eclipse in question must be that of the 17th July, A. D. 623. Both of these eclipses, however, equally fail to meet the requirements of the case. On Dr. Burgess' view of the matter, - if the full-moon of 'Sravana, Saka-Samvat 546 current, fell in the eighteenth year of Vishnuvardhana I., then the full-moon of Sråvaņa, Saka-Samvat 529 current, fell in his first year; and his reign commenced on some day from the púrņimánta Bhadrapada.krishna 1 of Saka-Samvat 528 current, up to Sravana sukla 15 of Saka-Samvat 529 current. But, that Vishnuvardhana I. should ascend the throne of Vengi three fall years at least, - or, on Dr. Burnell's view of the equivalent of the date in question, fully four years, 5 - before the accession of his elder brother Pulikesin II. to the throne of the Western Branch of the family, is out of the question. Anterior to Saka-Samvat 532 or 533 current, he could be Yuvarája only on behalf of his uncle Mangalêsa. But the contemporaneous Aihole inscription tells us (ante, Vol. VIII. p. 244), that Mangalêsa sought to secure the succession for his own son; and, with such an object in view, he certainly would not entrust any share of the sovereign power to either of his nephews, even in the eastern part of the country, if it then formed a portion of the Chalukya dominions. This reason, alone, is quite sufficient to lead to the rejection of both the above eclipses. And on this account, and on other grounds which will be shewn further on, I select, instead, the next, - the eclipse of the 7th
• Nor was there any such eclipse in the sixteenth year of his reign, when the month in question would fall in Saka-San.vat 548 or 549. I note this, because I originally read the year of the date, now under consideration, as the sixteenth year; see page 17 below, note 8.
Or respectively one and two years, if the date in question were really in the sixteenth year of his reign.-In his genealogical Table (South Indian Palmography, Second Edition, p. 21), Dr. Burnell gave "about 620 A. D." for the date of Vishņuyardhana I., and apparently as his initial date. This must have been repeated from the first edition of his book, without allowing for the intermediate recognition by me of the date in the Chipurapallo reoord. Taking the latter into consideration, with his date of the 28th July, A. D. 622, for the lunar eclipee, the initial point would lie in Saka-Samvat 528 current, in A. D. 605. And Dr. Burnell himself, following my reading of the bixteenth year, gave "about 606-7 A. D.” (loc. cit. p. 138, note 3).
. I would note hero, that I find that I allowed a careless mistake to remain uncorrected in Vol. XIX. p. 10, line 13 from the bottom, in connection with the accession of Mangalèss; the words" A. D. 497 or 498" should be "A.D. 697 or 598."

Page #13

JANUARY, 1891.)
THE EASTERN CHALUKYA CHRONOLOGY.
July, A. D. 632, which ooourred on the full moon day of Bravans of Sake-Samvat 555 current. Then, this date being in his eighteenth year, the full-moon of Srâvaņa, "Saka-Samvat 538 current, fell in his first year; and the initial point of the years of Vishnuvardhana I. may have hain, so far, anywhere from the purnimanta Bhadrapada kşishņa l of Saka-Samvat 537 current up to Srâvana sukla 15 of 'Saka-Samvat 538 current. As, however, the day of the eclipse, 'Sravana sukla 15 of Saka-Samvat 555 current, is specified as the fifteenth day (of the bright fortnight) of the fourth month in his eighteenth year, that eighteenth year plainly began in or with the month Vaisakha of Saka-Samvat 555 current. Consequently, his first year began in A. D. 616, in or with the month Veisakha of Saka-samvat 538 ourrent ; five or six years after the commencement of the reign of Pulikeáin II. Taking the month as the pürnimánta month, ending with the full-moon tithi, the corresponding English period is from the 21st March to the 19th April, A. D. 615. And, unless the immediately preceding Chaitra śukla 1 of the same year should be preferred, in accordance with an alternative possibility which will be considered further on, this gives the precise period within which lay the exact startingpoint of the Eastern Chalukya chronology. I shall justify this result by means of two other dates of leading importance. Here, it only remains to add, that the historical event which gave this starting-point, was the installation of Vishnuvardhana I., not as the Mahúrája or independent king of a separate kingdom, bnt as Yuvardja, associated in the government with his elder brother Polikeáin II. Reference has been made already to his Sátára grant, dated in the eighth year of Pulikesin II. ; the given month is Karttika, which fell in A. D. 616 or 617, according to what may be the exact initial point of the years of Pulikeáin II. ; and, when he issued this charter, at least eighteen months after the period that has been arrived at above, Vishnuvardhana I. still had only the rank and title of Yuvaraja.
We have now to consider two slightly later dates, of the time of Vishnuvardhana II., the grandson of Vishnuvardhana I. The first of them is contained in a charter, found somewhere in the Nellore District, Madras Presidency, which records that he made a grant of the village of Reyûru to some Brahmaņs, -(ante, Vol. VII, p. 189, line 65 ff.; for a lithograph, see Vol. VIII. p. 320), varddhamâna-rajya-dv[iti]ya7-samvatsarê Chaitra-mêbê sukla-paksha daśamyâm Magha-nakshatrés Budhavareshn, - " in the augmenting second year of the reign, in the month Chaitra, in the bright fortnight, on the tenth tithi, under the Magha nakshatra, on Wednesday." With the earliest starting-point that has been proposed for the years of Vishnuvardhana I., - that of Saka-Samvat 526 (expired) given by Dr. Hultzsch, - and with the shortest period recorded for the intervening reign of Jayasinha I., viz, thirty years, 10 the year in which this date should fall, cannot be looked for before Saka-Samvat 526 + 18 + 30 + 1 = Saka-Samvat 575 current. Still, allowing a slight margin before that year, the caloulations for Chaitra sukla 10 are as follows: Saka-Samvat 573 corrent; Chaitra sukla 10 began on Wednesday, 17th March, A. D. 650, at
about 39 ghafís, 50 palas, after mean sunrise (for Bombay), and ended on the Thursday, at about 42 gh. 10 p. But the moon was
I am not quite certain whether the superscript i of the first syllable was omitted altogether, from want of sufficient space between the top of the du and the subscript y in the line above; or whether it was inserted imper. feotly, and then became damaged and illegible, along with the following of. But the letters dy and ya are so distinct that no reading can be adopted except dvillya, the second (year);"
• When I edited this grant, I thought that perhaps two aksharcs, containing the name of a second nakshulra also, might have been broken away at the end of line 06, after maght. But this is not the case. The last akshina, gha, does not rench quite to the end of the lime, leaving a little more margin than usual, but this seems to be in consequence of an uriginal fault in the copper. There is not room onough for two more aksharas, without out croaching on the margin, where the second of them would be distinctly visible, beyond the fault. Moreover, the name of second nakshatra would be altogether anmesning, without also a word to indicato that the Maghå nakshatra had ended, and the next had commenced.
. Read budhavdrd. This is not an instance of the tune of the instrumental singular ; ubless budhatarishi We written by mistake for "drina. But it appears that the locative plural was wand intentionally under the idea that the tithi, the nakshatra, and the week-day, were being expressed in a compound.
* The granta K. to O., and Q. to W., my thirty-three years; P. and I. my thirty.

Page #14

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. -
(JANUARY, 1891
not in the Maghê nakshatra on the Wednesday. Even by the Brahma-Siddhanta system of unequal spaces, which gives the earliest chance in the case of this nakshatra, the moon did not enter MaghÀ till about 6 brs. 34 min., = 16 gh. 25 p., (for Ujjain),
on the Thursday. Saka-Sanvat 574 current; Chaitra sukla 10 ended on Monday, 7th March, A. D. 651, at about
47 gh. 10 p. Saka-Samvat 575 current ; Chaitra sukla 10 ended on Sunday, 25th March, A. D. 652, at about
30 gh, 20 p. Saka-Samvat 576 current; Chaitra sukla 10 began on Wednesday, 13th March, A. D. 653,
about 35 gh. 50 p., and ended on the Thursday, at about 36 gh. 45 p. But the moon was not in the Maghả nakshatra on the Wednesday. Even by the Brahma-Siddhanta system, the moon did not enter Maghê till about 17 hrs. 44 min., = 44 gh. 20 p.,
on the Thursday. Saks-Samvat 577 current; Chaitra sukla 10 ended on Monday, 3rd March, A. D. 654, at about
58 gh. 40 p. Saka-Sanvat 578 current; Chaitra sukla 10 ended on Sunday, 22nd March, A. D. 655, at about
· 58 gh. 35 p. Saka-Samvat 579 current; Chaitra sukla 10 ended on Friday, Ilth March, A. D. 656, at about
41 gk. 5 p. Saka-Samrat 580 current; Chaitra sukla 10 ended on Wednesday, 1st March, A. D. 657, at
about 19 gh. 55 p. But the moon was not in the Maghi nakshatra on the Wednesday. By the Brahma-Siddhanta system, the moon did not enter Maghå till about 3 hrs. 16 min., = 8 gh. 10 p., on
the Thursday, Saks-Sauvat 581 current; Chaitra sakla 10 ended on Tuesday, 20th March, A. D. 658, at about
17 gh. 5 p. Saka-Sanvat 582 current; Chaitra sukla 10 ended on Saturday, 9th March, A. D. 659, at about
32 gh. 15 p. Saka-Samvat 583 current; Chaitra sukla 10 ended on Friday, 27th March, A. D. 660, at about
17 ghafis. Saka-Satvat 584 current; Chaitra sukla 10 ended on Tuesday, 16th March, A. D. 661, at about
18 gh. 45 p. Saka-Samvat 585 current; Chaitra ínkle 10 ended on Saturday, 5th March, A. D. 662, at about
28 gh. 30 p. Saka-Sarovat 586 current; Chaitra sakla 10 ended on Friday, 24th March, A. D. 663, at about
28 gh. 20 p. Saka-Samvat 687 Ourrent; by Prof. K. L. Chhatre's Tables, Chaitra bukla 10 begau on
Taonday, 12th March, A. D. 664, st about 3 gh. 55 p. (for Bombay), and ended at about 57 gh. 45 p. on the same day; it was accordingly an expunged tithi for Bombay; and the same would be the case for Rajamahendri also, as the approximate difference in time is only 1 gh. 30 p. later. By Prof. Jacobi's Tablos, Chaitra bukla 10 began on the Tuesday, at about 2 hrs. 20 min., 5gh. 50 p., (for Ujjain), and ended at about 3 hrs. 46 min., 59 gh. 25 p, on the same day; and it was similarly an expunged tithi for Ujjain. The difference of titna for Rajamahondri, however, seemed likely to make the tithi end

Page #15

JANUARY, 1891.]
THE EASTERN CHALUKYA CHRONOLOGY.
there on the Wednesday. And the moon was in the Maghi nakshatra at sunrise on the Wednesday, by the Brahma-Siddhanta and Garga systems of unequal spaces; and, later on in the day, by also the equal-space system. Under these circumstances, and because this Wednesday seemed to be undoubtedly the real equivalent of the given date, I asked Mr. Sh. B. Dikshit to determine the times accurately; and he has done so, with the following results, in which the times are all for apparent sunrise at Rajamahendri:- Chaitra bukla 10 commenced at 6 gh. 48 p. on the Tuesday, and ended on Wednesday, 13th March, A.D. 664, at 1 gh. 1 p., = 24 min. 24 sec.; and it is the tithi sukla 11 which, ending at 55 gh. 39 p. = 22 hrs. 156 min., on the same day, was the expunged tithi. And on the Wednesday, there was the Magha nakshatra for the moon, by all the three systems. By the equal-space system, it began at 29 ghasis on the Wednesday, and continued during all the rest of the day. By the Garga system of unequal spaces, it began at 45 palas on the Wednesday, and ended at 57 gh. 12 p. on the same day. And by the Brahma. Siddhanta system of unequal spaces, it began at 55 gh. 5 p. on
the Tuesday, and ended at 50 gh. 55 p. on the Wednesday.11 Saka-Samvat 588 current ; Chaitra sukla 10 ended on Sunday, 2nd Maroh, A. D. 665, at about
40 gh. 35 p. Saka-Samvat 589 current ; Chaitra sukla 10 ended on Saturday, 21st March, A.D. 666, at about
42 gh. 30 p. Saka-Sanyat 590 current; Chaitra sukla 10 began on Wednesday, 10th March, A. D. 667, at
about 10 gh. 20 p., and ended on the Thursday, at about 10 gh. 55 p. But the moon was not in the Maghå nakshatra on the Wednesday. Even by the Brahma-Siddhanta system, the moon did not enter Maghå till about 7 hrs. 52 min., = 19 gh. 40 p., On
- the Thursday. Saka-Samvat 591 current; Chaitra sukla 10 ended on Wednesday, 29th March, A. D. 668, at
about 20 palas. And on this day there was the MaghA nakshatra for the moon, by the equal-space system only; it was current at sunrise, and it ended at about 10 hrs. 30 min.; = 26 gh. 15 p. By the Garga system of unequal spaces, it had ended at about 22 hrs. 2 min., = 55 gh. 5 p., and by the Brahma-Siddhanta system of unequal spaces, at about 19 hrs. 24 min., = 48 gh. 30 p.,
on the Tuesday In my published version of this grant, the date was given as lying somewhere about SakaSamvat 591 current (ante, Vol. VII. p. 186). How this statement came to be made and was allowed to stand, especially in the face of the fact that in the same paper a date in the fifth
11 It is not necessary; still, I may mention that on this occasion, simply from want of leisure, I furnished Mr. Sh. B. Dikshit with no information ag to the object that I had in view ; bat gave him merely the details of SakaSathvat 586 expired, Chaitra sukla 10, and asked him to determine with extreme accuracy, for R&jamahêndri, the wook-day and ending time of the tithi, and the nakshatras. - The above results are by the original Sürya-Sid. dhanta. By the present edryo. Siddhanta they are very similar: -The tithi bakla 10 began at 6 gh. 10°p. on the Tuesday, and ended at 82 palas on the Wednesday; and the tithi kukla 11, ending at 55 gh. 20 P. on the same day, was expungod. By the equal-space system, the Magbi nakshatra, for the moon, began at 28 gh. 53 p. on the Wednesday, and continued during all the rest of the day. By the Garga aystem of unequal spaces, it began at 32 palus on the Wednesday, and ended at 57 gh. 13 p. on the same day. And by the Brahma-Siddhanta system unequal apa.ces, it began at 54 gh. 52 p. on the Tuesday, and ended at 60 gh. 51 p. on the Wednesday.-In determine ing the apparent times, only the chara-correction has been taken into account.

Page #16

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JANUARY, 1891.
year of the same reign was referred to Saka-Samyat 582 current (id. p. 191), - and how it came to be made also in the editorial note issued with the lithograph (ante, Vol. VIII. p. 320), - I am not able to say. Looking through the above results, we see, indeed, that in 'SakaSamvat 591 current the given tithi did certainly end on a Wednesday, vis. the 29th March, A. D. 668; and that the moon was in the Maghê nakshatra on that day, by one out of the three systems of the ending-points of the nakshatras. But these facts were not known to me then, And the year given in Dr. Burgess' notes, is Saka-Samvat 579 (expired); which fitted in well enough with the view that the starting-point of the years of the dynasty lay in Saka-Samvat 529 current (528 + 18 + 39 + 1 = 580 cuprent). In that year, the given tithi did certainly end on Wednesday; vis, the 1st March, A. D. 657. But this date is not admissible; for the reason that the moon was not in the Maghå nakshatra on that day. The above results shew that the only years in which the given tithi, Chaitra sukla 10, was connected both with a Wednesday and with the Maghî nakshatra for the moon, are Baka-Samvat 587 and 591 current. The latter year might answer fairly well, on the understanding that the length of the reign of Jayasimha I, was thirty-three years (537 + 18 + 33 + 1 = 589 current). But it is rendered inadmissible by the results for the remaining date, to be shewn in the next paragraph; for, there is no eclipse of the sun in Pbalguns, which would then answer to the solar eclipse in that month in the fifth year of the same reign. Accordingly, we can only accept the conclusion, that the English equivalent of the given date is Wednesday, 18th March, A. D. 664, corresponding to Chaitra bukla 10 of Saka-Sarhvat 587 current, on which day the moon was in the Magha nakshatra by all three systems.
The remaining date is contained in another charter of Vishịuvardhana II., obtained apparently from Mattewada in the Kistna District, Madras Presidenoy, which includes the following passage, - (ante, Vol. VII. p. 192, line 19 f.), a(A)tmanó vijaya-rajya-paõchame samvatsarð Phalguna(na)-masa amâyâsyhyâm súryya-grahaņa-nimi[ttam),13 - " in the year which is the fifth in (my) own victorious reign ; in the month PhAlguns; on the new-moon tithi; on account of an polipse of the sun." Here we have to find an eclipse of the sun in the month Phalguna, which shall be in suitable accordance with the details of the earlier date in the second year of the same reign. And for comparison with the years mentioned above in connection with Chaitra sukla 10 in the second year, we have eclipses of the sun on the new moon day of Phalguna as follows:13 Saka-Samvat 573 current; on the purnimanta Phalguna krishna new-moon, corresponding to
the 27th Jannary, A. D. 651; a partial eclipse; the line of the middle of the eclipse was nowhere north of Lat. 30° S.; and so
the eclipse was probably not visible anywhere in India. Saka-Samyat 580 current; on the párnimánta Phâlguna kțishņa new-moon, corresponding to
the 8th February, A. D. 658; a partinl eclipse; the line of the
middle of the eclipse was nowhere north of Lat. 30° S. Saka-Samyat 580 current; on the amanta Phâlguna kțishna new-moon, corresponding to the
9th March, A. D. 658; a partial eclipse ; the line of the middle
of the eclipse was nowhere north of Lat. 30° S. Saka-Samvat 581 current; on the púrnimanta Pbalguna kşishņa new-moon, corresponding to
the 28th January, A. D. 659; an annular total eclipse; the central line of the eclipse ended at sunset in Lat. 54° N., Long. 39o E.; and so the eclipso cannot have been visible anywhere in India, even in the extreme north-west.
13 The second plato onds with the mi of nimittanh; and the rest of the charter bas been lost. The exact parport of it, therefore, ip not determinable. But it appears to have recorded the grant of some land, to a Brihman, at the village of Palliyada.
11 Seo von Oppolser's Canon der Minsternis, pp. 178-181, and Plate 90.

Page #17

JANUARY, 1891.]
THE EASTERN CHALUKYA CHRONOLOGY.
Saka-Samvat 588 current ; on the amánta Phâlguna kțishņa new-moon, corresponding to
the 11th March, A. D. 666; an annular eclipse; not visible any. where near India; the central line of the eclipse ended at sunset
in Lat. 25° S., Long. 17° E. Saka-Samvat 589 current ; on the amánta Phålguna krishņa new-moon, corresponding to the
28th February, A. D. 667; an annular eclipse; not visible any. where near India; the central line of the eclipse ended at sunset
in Lat. 24° N., Long. 6° W. Baka-Samvat 590' current ; on the purnimanta Phalguna krishna new-moon, correspond
ing to the 17th February, A. D. 668; an annular eclipse ; not visible anywhere in India ; the central line of the eclipse commenced at sunrise in Lat. 13° N., Long. 133o E, and ended at
sunset in Lat. 64° N., Long. 115o W. Saka-Samvat 591 current ; on the púrnímánta Phalguna krishna new-moon, corresponding to
the 6th February, A. D. 669; the line of the middle of the eclipse
was nowhere north of Lat, 30° S. Saka Samvat 598 current ; on the amanta Phalguna krishna new-moon, corresponding to the
19th February, A. D. 676; the line of the middle of the eclipse was nowhere north of Lat. 36° S.
In my published version of this grant, Saka-Samvat 582 current was given as the probable equivalent of the given year (ante, Vol. VII. p. 191). And Dr. Burgess' notes are to the effect that the eclipse in question could only be one which occurred on the 18th January, A. D. 660 ; which day was taken by him as the equivalent of the new-moon of PhAlguna of Saka-Samvat 581 (expired). On this day there was a total eclipse of the sun, which was visible, not long after sunrise, over probably the whole of Southern India. But, whether Bhadrapada is taken as the intercalary month in Saka-Samvat 582 current, according to the published Tables, and in accordance with the present system, - or whether the rule of mean intercalation is followed, according to which the intercalary month would be Karttika,— the day in question was the new-moon tithi, not of PhAlguna, but of the amanta Pausha or the pursimánta Mâgha. However, we require an eclipse to fit in with the result taken above, that Chaitra sukla 10 in the second year of the reign of Vishņuvardhana II. was Chaitra sukla 10 of SakaSamvat 587 current, corresponding to the 13th March, A. D. 664. From that result, it follows that the Chaitra sukla 10 of his fifth year was the Chaitra sukla 10 of Saka Samvat 590 current. Consequently, the new moon of Phålguna in his fifth year might lie either in Saka-Samvat 589 current, or in 590. And thus the required eclipse might be found in that of the 28th February, A. D. 667, falling in Saka-Samvat 589 current. But I consider this eclipse to be distinctly not admissible; because the day was the new-noon tithi of the aidnta Phálgana; whereas the purnimanta arrangement of the lunar fortnights, which continued in use in Southern India up to at any rate Saka-Samvat 727 (see ante, Vol. XVII. p. 141 f.), is certainly the proper one for the period with which we are dealing. The required eclipse is undoubtedly that which took place on the 17th February, A. D. 668, corresponding to the new-moon tithi of the purnimanta Phalguna of Saka-Samvat 590 current, it is true, as has been stated above, that this eclipse was not visible in India ; but the same remark appears to be applicable to all the eclipses, one or other of which must be the one intended. Now, this date being in the fifth year of Vishnuvardhana II., the new-moon of the purnimanta Phålguna of 'Saka-Samvat 586 current fell in his first year, and the first day of his first year might, so far, be any day from Phâlguna sukla 1 of Saka-Samvat 585 current, up to the púrni mánta Phâlguna křishna 15 of Saka-Samvat 586 current. Again, Chaitra
14 I owe this to Mr. Sh. B. Diksbit.

Page #18

10
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JANUARY, 1891.
sakla 10 of Saka-Samvat 587 current being, as we have seen above, in his second year, Chaitra sukla 10, also, of Saka-Samvat 586 current fell in his first year; and the first day of his first year might, so far as this date is concerned, be any day from Chaitra śukla 11 of 'Saka-Samvat 585 current. up to Chaitra sukla 10 of Saka-Samvat 586 current. But the two dates together limit the period for the initial day of this reign to a very short time; and indicate that the accession of Vishnuvardhana II. took place in A. D. 683, on some day from Phâlguna sukla 1 of Saka-Samvat 585 current, up to Chaitra śukla 10 of Saka-Samvat 586 current; the corresponding English period is from the 14th February to the 24th March, A. D. 663.
A few words seem desirable here, to present the results which I put forward as the correct ones, in direct comparison with the views that I reject. With Dr. Burnell's opinion as to the date of the lunar eclipse mentioned in the Chipurupalle grant of Vishnuvardhana I., and paying attention to the number by which the month is denoted, the initial point of his years would be the month Vaisakha of 'Saka-Samvat 528 current (see page 4 above, note 5). Adding the reign that then commenced and lasted for eighteen years, and either thirty or thirty-three years for the reign of Jayasimha I., and one complete year of the next reign, we arrive at the period 'Saka-Samvat 576 to 579 current, for the second year of Vishnuvardhana II., in which we have the date of Chaitra śukla 10, coupled with Wednesday and the Magha nakshatra. With Dr. Burgess' opinion as to the date of the lunar eclipse in question, the initial point of the years of Vishnuvardhana I. would be the month Vaisakha of Saka-Samvat 529 current. And, proceeding in the same way, we have the period Saka-Samvat 577 to 580 current, for the second year of Vishunvardhana II. And Dr. Hultzsch has placed the initial point in Saka-Samvat 526 or 527 (expired); which brings us to either of the above periods, according to the date that is to be selected for the lunar eclipse. To suit the above views, we might take either Saka-Samvat 576 current or 580 current (see page 6 above); in both of which years Chaitra śukla 10 was connected with a Wednesday. But they are both inadmissible; in the first place, because in neither case was the moon in the Magha nakshatra on the same day; and in the second place, because in neither instance is there a solar eclipse in the month Phalguna for the fifth year of the same reign; in the first case, the only available eclipses (see page 8 above) are in Saka-Samvat 580 current, which could not fall earlier than in the sixth year; and in the second case, the only available eclipse is that of Saka-Samvat 581 current, which could not fall later than in the fourth year. Moreover, to each of these views there is the objection, which is in itself sufficient to entail their rejection, that they make the initial point of the years of Vishnu. vardhana I. lie before the accession of his elder brother Pulikêśin II. On the other hand, for the lunar eclipse of the eighteenth year of Vishnuvardhana I., I select that of the 7th July, A. D. 632, in Sravana of Saka-Samvat 555 current (see page 4 above). Following one of the alternative statements as to the length of the reign of Jayasimha I., and taking it as thirty years, we arrive quite naturally at Saka-Samvat 587 current, for the second year of Vishnuvardhana II.; and in that year, as required, the week-day for the given tithi Chaitra śukla 10, as an ended tithi, was Wednesday, 13th March, A. D. 664; and on that day the moon was in the Magha nakshatra (see page 6 f. above). And in perfect accordance with this, there was a solar eclipse in his fifth year, on the 17th February, A. D. 688, being the new-moon day of the purnimanta Phalguna of Saka-Samvat 590 current (see page 9 above). These three dates are in perfectly natural accordance with each other; and they entail no straining of the facts in any way, except in following the minority of the records, and taking the length of the reign of Jayasimha I. as thirty years only, on the understanding that some of the records mistakenly included three years of Yuvaraja-ship as part of his actual reign. And, as is required, they place the initial point of the chronology later than the accession of Pulikėsin II., by five or six years. For these reasons, therefore, there can be no doubt that the dates now put forward are the correct ones; and that, as has been shewn in detail above, the first year of Vishnuvardhana I., and with it the chronology of the latter records of his dynasty, commenced in or with the month of Vaisakha of Saka-Samvat 538 current, corresponding to

Page #19

JANUARY, 1891.)
THE EASTERN CHALUKYA CHRONOLOGY.
the period from the 21st March to the 19th April, A. D. 615; - unless Chaitra sukla 1 of the same year should be preferred, in accordance with a possibility that is to be considered further on.
With these leading dates thus determined, and with the dates which elsewhere have been shewn to be the days of the coronation of Amma II. and Rajaraja I. (ante, Vol. XIX, pp. 103, 130), we can now proceed to adjust the beginning and the end of each successive reign. Anterior to the time of Amma II., the only difficulty, - apart from the fact that the periods are for the most part stated only in even years, without fractions, is in respect of the reign of Narendramrigarája-Vijayaditya II. The grant P. states that he reigned for fortyeight years; and M., N., and Q. to X., agree in this respect; L., however, puts the duration of bis reign at forty-four years; while K. and 0. say only forty. I find that from no point of view, if we look to such details as are considered in the arrangement of the first of my two Lists, can a reign of forty-eight years be allowed for, unless we make such large redactions as practically to shorten some of the reigns by a full year each ; moreover, it seems almost an impossible length, following, in a new generation, after reigns of thirty-seven, eighteen, and thirty-six years, in three successive generations. Forty years is the period that fits in most naturally for the reign in question. But a reign of forty-four years can be admitted, without any special- difficulty, if, from the time of Vishņuvardhana II. to that of Châlukya-Bhîma II., both included, we shorten by one month each reign of seven and nine years; by three months, each reign longer than nine years and under twenty years; by four months, each reign exceeding twenty years and ranging up to thirty years; and by five months, each of the four reigns in excess of thirty years. And this is the figure that I have here adopted ; being strongly inclined to think that the statement in L. is the correct one, though, for the present, it stands alone; the explanation of the discrepant statements would be, that he actually reigned for forty-four years, after ruling for four years as Yuvarája; that in M., N., and P. to X., the four years of Yuvarája-ship were erroneously added to the forty-four years of his reign; and that in K, and O. a mistake was made in the other direction, and, it being thought that the forty-four years included his four years of Yuvarája-ship, four years were deducted, and his actual reign was thus reduced to forty years.16
We thus obtain the resulta exhibited in the List on page 12 below.10 Partly to shew the way in which the details have been arranged, and partly to explain why there is apparently not always a uniform difference between the years A. D. and the Saka years, I have inserted certain months with the years A. D.17 These months, except in a few cases, are of course hypothetical, and subject to any future correction. Bat, allowing for this, the List may be taken as giving, very closely, the real dates for the successive kings of the Eastern Chalukya dynasty, up to the latest time for which information has been obtained.
15 In the case of Jayasimba I., the statement of the minority is certainly the correct one; vince, from no point of view. an a reign of thirty-three years be 'allotted to him. - Discrepant statements may possibly be obtained hereafter in respect of Gunaka-Vijayfiditya III. At present all the grants state that he reigned for fortyfour years; but U. adds the alternative statement, " or forty-eight years," in a separate verse.
16 The order of succession given by me differs from that given by Dr. Hultasch in his Genealogical Table from after No. 27, RAjarája I. Dr. Hultzach took the succession of the rulers of Vengl. But from that point the Eastern Chalukyaa were primarily kings of the Chola kingdom; and Voogt was an appanage of the crowa, governed by vioeroys. I have followed the actual dynastie succession.
17 To convert current Sake years into years A. D., the additive quantity is 77-78. In the present day, with the Mesha-Sankranti occurring on or about the 12th April, 77 is to be added for the first nine months of a Saka year, corresponding roughly to the English months April to December; and 78 for the last three months, answering to January to March. For the Eastern Chalukya period, when the Meha. Sankranti ranged from the 19th to the 28th March, and Chaitra Sukla 1 ranged from the 20th February to the 24th March (see Gen. Sir A. Cunningham's Indian Brae), the additive quantities may be taken as 77 for the first ten months of the luni-solar Baka year, corresponding roughly to the English months March to December; and 78 for the last two months, towering to January and February

Page #20

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JANUARY, 1891.
List of the Eastern Chalukya Kings.
Order and Names.
Length of
Reign. Y. M. D.
A. D.
Current Seks Year.
3
3
No. 13....
1 ; Vishnuvardhana I., Kubja-Vishnuvardhana;
the commencement of his years was in or with the month Vaisakha of Sakn-Samvat 538 current, corresponding to the period from the 21st March to the 19th April, A, D. 615 ..........
................. 18 0 0 March 615 to March 633 538 to 556 2; Jayasimha I.; eldest son of No. 1 ..............30 0.0 633 to Feb. 663 656 to 585 3; Indra-Bhattaraka; younger brother of No. 2. 0 0 7 Feb. 663
585 Vishņuvardhana II.; son of No. 3; the commencement of his years was in the period from Phâlguna sukla 1 of Saka-Sainvat 585 current to Chaitra sukla 19 of Saka-Samvat 586 current, corresponding to the period from the 14th February to the 24th March, A. D. 663..........***
- 900
663 to Jan. 672 585 to 594 5: Mangi-Yuvardja; son of No. 4........................
******
25 0 0 Jan. 672 to Sept. 696 594 to 619 €; Jayasimha II.; eldest son of No. 5.......... 1300 Sept. 696 to June 709 619 to 632 7; Kokkili; youngest brother of No. 6 ......... 6 0 June 709 to Dec. 709 8; Vishnuvardhana III.; elder brother of No. 7. 37 0 0 Dec. 708 to July 746 632 to 619 9; Vijayaditya I., Bhattâraka; son of No. 8 ...
July 746 to April 764 669 to 687 10: Vishnuvardhana IV.; son of No. 9 ............ 36 0 April 764 to Nov. 799 687 to 722 11; Vijayâditya II.; Narendramrigarija; son of No. 10 ....................................
o Nov. 799 to June 843 722 to 766 12; Vishņuvardhana V., Kali-Vishnuvardhana; son of No. 11 .........
0 June 843 to Dec. 844 13; Vijayaditya III., Gunaka; eldest son of No. 12..........
0 0 Dec. 844 to July 888 14; Chalukya Bhima I.; son of the Yuvardja Vikramaditya I., a younger brother of
.......... 30 0.0 July 888 to March 918 811 to 841 15. Vijayaditya IV., K
06 0 March 918 to Sept. 918 841 16: Amma I., Vishņuvardhana VI.; eldest son of No. 15.........
Sept. 918 to Aug. 925 841 to 848 17: Vijaykditya V., Beta; eldest son of No. 16 ... 0 0 15 Aug. 925 18; Tadapa; son of Yuddhamalla I., who was a
younger brother of the Yuvardja Vikrama
ditya I. (see under No. 14) ................... 010 Aug. 925 to Sept. 925 848 19; Vikramaditya II.; younger brother of No.15.
848 to 849 20; Bhima III.; younger brother of No. 17.......... 0 8 0 Aug. 926 to April 927 849 to 850 21; Yuddhamalla 11. ; son of No. 18.................. 7 0 0 April 927 to March 934 850 to 857 22; Chalukya-Bhima II., Vishnuvardhana VII.; younger brother of No. 16...........
12 0 0 March 934 to Dec. 945 857 to 868 23; Amma II., Vijayaditya VI.; second son of
No. 22; crowned on the 5th December, A. D. 945 ...............
25 0 0 Dec. 945 to 070 868 to 893 24 ; Dånarnava; elder brother of No. 23 ............. 3 0 0
893 to 496 (An unexplained interval; according to the records, of twenty-seven years; but in reality, of about thirty; Bay....
., 973 to Aug. 1003 896 to 926 25; Saktivarman, Châlukya-Chandra; eldest son of No. 24 .............
... 12 0 0 Aug. 1003 to 1015 926 to 938 26; Vimaladitya; younger brother of No. 25 ...... 7 0 0 , 1015 to 1022 938 to 945 27; Råjaraja I., Vishnuvardhana V111.; eldest
son of No. 26; crowned on the 16th August, A. D. 1022.........
41 0 0
1022 to
1063 945 to 986 28; Kulottunga Chodadêva I. ; son of No. 27...... 49 00
1112 986 to 1035 29; Vikrama-Choda; eldest son of No. 28 ......
01 1112 to >>
1127 1035 to 1050 30, Kulottunga-Chodadôva II. , son of No. 29:
we have a record of his time, dated in Saka-Samvat 1056 ..........
***.
1127 to 1127 LO
......... ********
1050 to ......
13; V. 14.
Kollabiganda; el
970 to
>
3cords,
hitty: say ..............
1063 to
15
0

Page #21

JANUARY, 1891.)
THE EASTERN CHALUKYA CHRONOLOGY
:
13
Alternative List of the Eastern Chalukya Kings; taking Chaitra sukla 1 as the First Day of each Regnal Year.
Order and Names.
Length of
Reign. Y. M. D.
Current Saks Years.
Length of Reign.
Order and Names.
- Current Baka
Years.
Y. M. D.
krishna 19 of Saka
1; Vishụuvardhana I. ... 18 0 0 638 to 555||20; Bhima III................ 080 (849 to 850) 2; Jayasimha I........... 30 0 0556 to 58521; Yuddhamalla II. ......... 7 0 0 850 to 856 3; Indra-Bhattaraka .....007 (585). 22; Chalukya-Bhima II. ... 12 0 0 857 to 868 4; Vishnuvardhana II... 900586 to 59423; Amma II.; the date of
his coronation was the 5; Mangi-Yuvaraja .......25 0 0/595 to 619|| amcinta Mârgasirsha 6; Jayasitha II. ......... 13 0 0 620 to 632 Samvat 868 current... 25 00 868 to 892 7; Kokkili ................. 06 0(632) || 24; Danarnava.................. 3 0 0 893 to 895 8, Vishnuvardhana III.. 37 0 0 692 to 668 |An unexplained interval;
according to the records, 9; Vijayaditya I.......... 18 00
7 of twenty-seven years ;
in reality, of ............... 30 0 0 896 to 925 10; Vishņuvardhana IV.. 86 0 0
25; Saktiverman............. 12 0 0 926 to 937 11, Vijayaditya II.......... 48 00
26; Vimaldditya ........... 7.00 938 to 944 12; Vishnuvardhana V... 1 80
27; RAjaraja I. ; the date 13; Vijayaditya III. ...... 44 00 769 to 812
of his coronation was
the amanta Bhadra14; Chalukya-Bhima I.... 30 0 0 812 to 841 pada kşishna 2 of
Saka-Samvat 945 15; Vijayaditya IV. ...... 08 0 (841 to 842) current ................... 41 0 0 945 to 985 16; Amma ................... 7 0 0 842 to 84828 ; Kulottunga-Choda deva
..... 49 0 0 986 to 1034 .17; Vijayaditya V......... 0 0 15 (848)
|(29; Vikrama-Choda ......... 15 0 0 1035 to 1049 18; Tlapa................. 0 1 0 (848)
30; Kulottunga-Choda deva 19; Vikramaditya II....... 011 (848 to 849)||
..... 1050 to ......
to 769
1.
***
*
II.10
1
There is, however, another way of looking at the matter, suggested partly by the manner in which the reigns are mostly stated only in even years, and partly by the results for the dates of Vishộuvardhana I. and his grandson. It is that, irrespective of the actual daya of their accession or coronation, the Eastern Chalukya kings may possibly have been in the habit of using regnal years coinciding with the luni-solar years, each commencing with Chaitra bukla 1 ;19 or at any rate, and with still greater probability, that this may be the real manner in which we ought to apply the details given in the later grants commencing with K.40 The two dates of Vishộuvardhana II. adapt themgelves just as well
16 We have a record of his time, dated in Bala Saravat 1056. In respect of the details of the date, there are some dimoulties, which will be noticed further on.
1. It may be noted, however, that Vijay Aditya's Aihole record, in which Rbvayujn is specified as the third month in his thirteenth year (see ante, Vol. XIX. p. 187), seems to prove that, if the Western Chalukya kingu had any ired point for the commencement of their regnal years, it was not Chaitra sukla 1.
* In the neighbouring country of Orissa, there is a custom of this kind, of regnal years commencing with Bhadrapada kukla 11 or 12 (89e a note on "The Onko Reckoning of Orissa ;" ante, Vol. XIX. p. 356 f.) The period to which its origin can be carried back, is not yet know. But the manner in which the month is specified in the Chipurapelle grant of Vishnuvardhana I. shows, - whatever may be ita exaet application, that this system of years, commending in Bb Adrapada, did not originate with the Eastern Chalukyas.

Page #22

14
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JANUARY, 1891.
to a system of years commencing with the Chaitra śukla 1 of Saka-Samvat 586 current, as they do to an initial point ranging from the preceding Phâlguna śukla 1 to the tithi śukla 10 of the same Chaitra ; and the narrowness of the limits, on either side of Chaitra śukla 1, within which the initial point must lie, seems in itself rather suggestive. Again, a still more pointed inference might possibly be drawn from the Chipurupalle grant of Vishnuvardhana I.; the date of which adapts itself just as well to a system of years commencing with the Chaitra śukla 1 of Saka-Samvat 538 current, as it does to an initial point lying in the next following month, Vaisakha. In this date, the details are "the year 18, the month 4, the day 15." The actual month is Sravana, which is really the fifth month in the luni-solar year; and the actual day is the full-moon day, which is really the thirtieth day in its own month by the purnimanta arrangement of the fortnights, which is the proper one for the period in question. But, if the first month of the year is to be taken as a full month of twenty-nine or thirty days, i. e. if, instead of consisting only of the bright fortnight of Chaitra, it is to be taken as including also the dark fortnight of the purnimanta Vaisakha, then, the following months also being treated, in the same way, the full-moon day of Sravana is the fifteenth day in the fifth month. And the details of the date in question, might be interpreted as meaning "the year 18, or 18 years;21 4 completed months; and the completion of the tithi ending on the 15th civil day of the next and current month." Accordingly, while I am not to be understood as adopting finally, as yet, such a system of regnal years, which is for the present only a possibility, I present, on the upper part of page 13 above, an alternative list of the Eastern Chalukya kings, based on the adoption of Chaitra sukla 1 as the first day of each regnal year, and giving the current 'Saka years which may be taken as the first and last years of each successive reign. The assumptions involved are, (1) that the whole of the luni-solar year in which the accession, or at any rate the coronation, of any particular king took place, would be usually counted as the first year of bis reign, and that his second year would begin with the Chaitra śukla 1 next after his accession or coronation; (2) that there would be exceptions, in the cases of accessions taking place very late in the luni-solar year; suppose, for instance, that a king actually succeeded to the throne in Mâgha or Phalguna; in searching for an auspicious day for the ceremony, his coronation would very possibly be postponed till after the next Chaitra sukla I; and it is most likely that his first regnal year would then ran from that Chaitra śukla 1, and would not include the luni-solar year in which his actual accession took place; (3) that, from time to time, one and the same luni-solar year would come to be counted twice over, as the last regnal year of one king, and as the first regnal year of his successor; especially when a change of rulers took place about the middle of a luni-solar year; and (4) that the close proximity to Chaitra śukla 1 of Saka-Samvat 586 current, of the limits within which the first day of the first regnal year of Vishnuvardhana II. must lie, indicates that that day itself was the initial day of his reign, according to this system of regnal years coinciding with the luni-solar years. The mauner in which, by this more rough and ready method of regulating the details, the last year of one reign and the first year of the next must have occasionally coincided, makes it easy enough now to admit forty-eight years as the duration of the reign of Vijayaditya II. And accordingly, on the chance that that record may be the correct one, in this alternative arrangement I have taken his reign at that length; and the Saka years have been counted twice over in passing from Nos. 6 to 8, 8 to 9, 10 to 11, 11 to 12, 12 to 13, 13 to 14, and 22 to 23. In all other respects, the lengths of the reigns are the same as in the first list. Even this system, of luni-solar regnal years, does not permit of allowing more than thirty years for the reign of Jayasimha I. For, though Saka-Samvat 555 oarrent should be counted as the first year of his reign, in addition to being the eighteenth and last year of Vishnuvar
"I do not mean "eighteen expired years;" as, whatever may be the Hindu practice in respect of eras, I cannot. and reasons for looking with favour on a system of expired regnal years. Such a system might be created, by counting "the year one" from the Chaitra fukla 1 next after the day of accession or of coronation; and the year would be practically "the year one, expired:" the real first current year being that in which the accession or coronation actually took place. But the idea is too much opposed to common sense to be acceptable, without absolute proof, which, for the present at any rate, is not forthcoming.

Page #23

JANUARY, 1891.]
CHIPURUPALLE GRANT OF VISHNUVARDHANA I.
15
dhana I., still his thirty-third year could not come before Saka-Samvat 587 current; and we have found that this is, not the first, but the second year, of Visbņuvardhana II. The Saka years for such reigns as were hardly long enough to materially affect the reckoning as presented in the records, are given in brackets.
(To be continued.)
SANSKRIT AND OLD-KANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
- BY J. F. FLEET, Bo.C.S., M.R.A.S., C.I.E. No. 193. - CAIPURUPALLE COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF VISUNOVARDHANA I. DATED IN HIS
EIGHTEENTH YEAR. The plates containing this inscription were first brought to notice in 1867 by Mr. Master, who sent them in to the Madras Government. They were handed over for decipherment to the Rev. T. Foulkes, who published a fairly accurate translation of the inscription in 1870, in the Jour. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. XXXIX. Part I. p. 153 ff. And from a letter from the Collector of Vizagapatam, quoted by Mr. Foulkes, it appears that the plates were found near the village of Chipurupalle, - the Chipuru pille' of the Indian Atlas, Sheet No. 109; in Lat. 17° 34', Long. 839 10, – the chief town of the Chipurupalle Taluka or Sub-Division of the Vizagapatam District, Madras Presidency. Subsequently, Dr. Burnell published bis own reading of the text, in his South Indian Paleography, p. 137 f. (second edition); with a lithograph (id. Plate xxvii.). Since then, the original plates have been lost sight of. It is much to be wished that they could be recuvered; because, if they were properly cleaned, a better facsimile could be published than that given by Dr. Burnell; especially in respect of the numerical symbols in the date at the end of the record. Failing, in spite of efforts kindly made by Dr. Hultzsch, to obtain the originals, I now edit the inscription from Dr. Burnell's lithograph.
The plates, of which the first and last are inscribed on one side only, are three in number; each measuring, if the published lithograph is full-size, about 7"' by 2". They appear to be quite smooth; the edges being neither fashioned thicker, nor raised into rims. The inscription on them, however, seems to be in a state of perfect preservation throughout. - There are holes for a ring near the proper right end of each plate; but I do not find any record as to whether the ring and its seal were found with the plates. The characters belong to the southern class of alphabets; and are of the regular type of the period and part of the country to which the grant belongs. The average size of the letters is about it". -The language is Sanskrit throughout; and the whole record is in prose, except for two of the customary benedictive and imprecatory verses, which are quoted in lines 16 to 19.-The orthography presents nothing calling for remark.
The inscription is one of the Eastern Chalukya king Vishnuvardhana I., otherwise called Kubja-Vishnuvardhana; this record merrtions him also by the biruda of Vishamasiddhi. It is non-sectarian; the object of it being only to record the grant of a village to two
Brahmans.
The grant was made by Vishnuvardhana I. himself, while residing at the town of Cherupura in a vishaya the name of which seems to be Paki. For the latter name, I cannot propose any identification ; unless an examination of the original plates should give such a reading of the name, as would enable us to identify it with the 'Padi' of the map, seven milea south-west of Chipurupalle. But Cherupural is probably an older form of the name of Chipurapalle itself, where the plates were obtained. The village that was granted was Kalvakonda, or possibly Kalvakonta, in the Dimila vishaya. The name of the village does not appear to be now extant; unless it is preserved in the 'Kondakirla' of the map, seven
1 With the termination of this name, compare paraka in Brahmapdruka, Kollaparaka, and Vatapuraka (Gupta Inscriptions, p. 948).

Page #24

16
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JANUARY, 1891.
miles in a north-westerly direction from Chîpurupalle. There can, however, be no doubt that, as was suggested by the Collector of Vizagapatam in his letter to Mr. Foulkes, the name of the vishaya has been preserved in the modern village of Dimile, in the Sarvasiddhi Taluka of the same District, fourteen miles towards the south-west from Chipurupalle. And this identification is of importance; because it shows that, at the date of this grant, the sphere of the sovereignty of Vishnuvardhana I. included, if it did not lie only in, territory considerably to the north-east of the Vengi country, which is always referred to, in the later records, as being specially the locality of the rule of the Eastern Chalukya kings.
From line 14 we learn, that the grant was made on the occasion of an eclipse of the moon in the month Sravana. And at the end of the record there are given, in numerical symbols, the details of "the year 18, the month 4, and the (civil) day 15." The year denotes the regnal year of Vishnuvardhana I. And, coupling these details with those in line 14, the corresponding English date is the 7th July, A. D. 632, corresponding to the fullmoon tithi of Sravana of Saka-Samvat 555 current; on this day there was an eclipse of the moon, visible all over India (see page 4 above). From the later records of this dynasty, we know that Vishnuvardhana I. reigned over the Vengî kingdom for just about eighteen years.
TEXT.3
First Plate.
Srimach-[Ch*]alukya(kya)-kula-jalanidhi-samuditô nṛipati-nisa karah sva
1 Svastiḥ 2 bhrûlata-bhang-[*]namita-r[i]panṛipati-makuta-mani-prabhâ-vichchhurita-charaniravinda3 dvayah Satyasraya-śrivallabha-maharajah [*] Tasya priy-ânujah
sthala-jala
4 vana-giri-vishama-durggêshu labdha siddhitvid-Vishamasiddhiḥ din-ânâtha-dvija
vasu-vṛishţi.
5 pravarshanataya kamadhenuh yuvatishu Madanayamâna-châru-artratvan-Makaradavaja[b]
Second Plate; First Side.
parimagna-Kali-prabhavaḥ aneka-samara-vijaya-samudi[ta].
6 ava-dan-garan()shu
7 vimala-yaso-visêsha-vibhushita-sakala-dinmandalah Mannriva vinays-jab
Prithu
8 riva prithu-ki(ki)rttih Gurar-iva matimân paramabrahmanyah ri(éri)Vishnuvarddhana-mahar[*]jah
9 Dimila-vishayê Kalvakonda-grâm-ádhivasinah kuṭumbinas samavétân-imam-artthand10 jñâpayati yatha [1] Adhi(dhit-Avagata-vida-vêdaigasya Brahmasarm manal
pautrabhyam adhi
Second Plate; Second Side.
11 gata-sva-sakhi-chôdita-sva-karmm-ânushthana-tatparasya
12 damg-tihasa-purana-dharmmasâstr-Ady-anak-agama-fat[t]va-vidbhyam
13
14 gramam-adhivasataḥ Sravana-mase chandra-grahana-nimitte sarvva-kara-pariharê 15 -[a]graharikritya sva-pany-ayur-arôgya-yaáô-bhivriddhayê grimo-yam dattah [11] Asya
Da[
patri
bhya[m] vêda-ve
Gamtama(ma).
gôtrabbyâm
Taittirikcharagibhylth Vishpuía[r*]mma-Madhavalarmmabbyish Pa(k)-vishayt Cherupura
From the pablished lithograph.
Read avasti I; the appearance of the visarga is probably only due to a mark of punctuation, imperfectly aleared out.
Read taittirtya; or perhaps taittiriyaka.
Beed adhivasata (mayd); or adhivasadbhik (asmábhik).

Page #25

JANUARY, 1891.]
CHIPURUPALLE GRANT OF VISHNUVARDHANA I.
17
Third Plate. 16 kaischid-api na bådhå karanîyâ 1(11) Atra Vyâsa-gîtau [1*] Bahubhiruv vasudha
datta bahu17 bhis-cb=anupalita yasya yasya yada bhůmih tasya tasya tada phalam 1(11)
Shashtim varsha18 sahasriņi svargge môdati bhumi:dah Aksheptâ chranamanta cha tâny=ēva narake 19 vaset [11*1 Srimati Matsya(P)-k u(P)10 prasûtaḥ sva-bhuja-bala-pratap-åvanata
ripuḥ20 rrajñaptir-Atavidurjjayaḥ [118] Sam 10 8 m 4 di 105 11
TRANSLATION. Hail! A very moon of a king, risen from the ocean which is the glorious Chalukya family; having the two water-lities, which are (his) feet, inlaid with the lustre of the jewels in the diadems of hostile kings who are bowed down by the frowning of his creeper-like arched eyebrows; (such is) the Maharaja Satyabraya, the favourite of fortune.
(Line 3) - His dear younger brother, -(who is called) Vishamasiddhi, because he has achieved success against fortresses, difficult of access, on the plains, in the water, in the woods, and on hills; who is a very cow of plenty, through raining down showers of treasures on the poor, the helpless, and the twice-born; who is a very Makaradhvaja (Kamadeva), because his handsome form plays the part of Madana (Kamadeva) among young women; who has drowned the power of the wickedness of the Kali age in the oceans that are his charities; who has adorned all the regions with the characteristic of (his) pure fame, that has arisen from victory in many battles; who, like Mann, is acquainted with eourteous behaviour ; who, like Pritha, is of far-reaching fame; who, like Guru (the regent of the planet Jupiter; the preceptor of the gods), is possessed of wisdom; (and) who is extremely kind to Brahmans,
(L. 8) - (He), the Mahardja, the glorious Vishnuvardhana (I.), issues a command to this purport to the assembled cultivators who reside at the village of Kalvakonda in the Dimila vishaya; vie. :
(L. 10) - "To the two sons' sons of Brahmaśarman, who studied and mastered the Vedas and Vodângas, - the song of Durgasarman, who was intent upon performing his own proper rites, prescribed by his own súkhá, which had been duly learned (by him), - (viz.) to Visbņuśarman and Madhavašarman, who know the true meaning of the Vedas, the Vedaigas, the epics, the Paråņas, the law-books, and many other sacred works, who are of the Gautama gótra, (and) who belong to the Taittirîya charana, by (me) residing at the town of) Cherupura in the Paki () vishaya, on the occasion of an eclipse of the moon in the month Sravana, this village has been given, as an agrahára, with exemption from all taxes, for the increase of (my) own religious merit and duration of life and good health and fame. No obstruction to the enjoyment) of it, should be caused by any one at all."
(L. 16) - On this point there are two verses of Vyasa : - Land has been enjoyed by many people, and has been preserved (in grant) by many; whosoever at any time possesses
• Metre, Slöka (Anushțubh); and in the following verse.
Read ripur; cancelling the visarga at the end of line 19.
& The existence of the date here was first recognised by myself; and originally I read the second of the two symbols which give the year, as 6 (ante, Vol. VII. p. 186); and the reading, of course, appears in that form in Dr. Burnell's published transcription of the text of the grant (second edition). There is some temptation to keop to my original reading; becauso, then the years of Vishnuvardhana I. would run from the month Vaisakha (or from Chaitra Bukla 1) of Baka-Samvat 540 current, which would perhaps give a starting point later than the date on which, in the SitArA grant, he still had the title of Yuvardja. But, on the other hand, the intervening period, up to the date of Vişhạovardhana II., would require to be shortened by two years; for which it is difficult to find any justificator. And though, I think, the forms of the numerical symbols for 6 and 8, in Southern India, have not yet been qnite finally determined, stin, by Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji's Table (ante, Vol. VI. p. 44), the symbol must cortainly be taken n a form of the 8.

Page #26

18
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JANUARY, 1891.
the earth, to him belongs, at that time, the reward (of this grant that is now made, if he continue it)! The giver of land enjoys happiness in heaven for sixty thousand years; (but) he who resumes (a grant), or he who assents (to an act of resumption), shall dwell for the same number of years in hell!
(L. 19) - The bearer of) the command (i.e. the Dátaka) is Atavidurjaye, born in the illustrious Matsya family (P), who has bowed down (his) enemies by the strength and prowess of his arm.
(L. 20)-The year 10 (and) 8; the month 4; the day 10 (and) 5.
WEBER'S SACRED LITERATURE OF THE JAINS. TRANSLATED BY DR. HERBERT WEIR SMYTH.
(Continued from Vol. XIX. p. 70.) VII. The seventh angam uvasagadas&u, upåsakadaśas, in ten ajjhayaņas ; legends about ten upásakas or pious fathers of families (gáhávai), who, by means of asceticism, &c., attained the divine condition and thereby releasement.
Angas 7-9 belong to the second group of angas (see above p. 249, 307), from the general connection of the contents of each, from their common designation in anga 3, 10 as dasáu, "decads," from the special denomination of their introduction (ukkhóva, uprkshépa), or conclusion (nikhéva), and from their very limited extent.(316) Angas 7-9 thus stand in immediate connection with each other and bear the stamp of an undeniable unity.
This conclusion is drawn from the method of treatment which prevails in them, and which explains their inconsiderable extent. The first account contains (as is the case in part 2 of anga 6) the pattern on which all the others are modelled. We need therefore refer merely to the points of contact, and make mention of what is new in the presentation of the subject. An especial characteristic of anga 7 is this :-Though different localities are adduced for the single stories, which all belong to the period of Mahavira, the king is in every case (the name Sêņia in the eighth story is the solitary exception) called Jiyasattu, the origin of which name must be sought in the Ajátasatru of the Buddhistic legends. The titles of the ten stories are found in anga 3, 10 (S), and are in general the same as those given here; see above, p271:
1. Ananda in Vaniyagama. 2. Kamadera in Champå. 3. Chulani(ni SV) piya (pitar) in Bå ņàrasi. 4. Suradêva, in Banarasi. 5. Challasaiga (sné S, saynga V) in Alabhiya.
6. [317] Kundalodila (kólia SV) in Kampillapura ; opposition between Mahavira and Gosila Namkhaliputta.
7. Sadd Alaputta in Polasapura; he was a potter and adherent of the ájfvias (@jfvikah CO. Alasishyah, Schol.).
See the preceding note.
1 dasidhyay narůpih see Hém. abhidh, v. 244. We saw, it is true, above (p. 270 seqq.) on anga 3, 10 that the desiguation dans suits only the texts cited there, but not our texts of angas 7-9 with the exception of anga 7; those must consoquently be regarded as secondary in comparison to the former.
The smallness of these angas is however to some extent only one of appearance, in so far as each of the numerous tales, which, from being identical with previous ones, are reduced to some phrases only, must be counted in full. At the end especial mention is made of the number of days necessary for the uddesaam, i.e. recital or recitation of each of the ashaya?as or vargas. The Vidhiprapå characterizes the 10 ajjh. as égasara because they ure not divided into uddeengas.
3 In each account there is a name beginning with Arupa: in the first the name Aruņa itself, in the others it forms the first member of a compound e... Aruņábh, Arunappahé, Arupakante, Arupasith , &c.

Page #27

JANUARY, 1891.]
SACRED LITERATURE OF THE JAINS.
19
8. Mahîsayaa (sayaga V) in Rayagiha. 9. Namdiņipiya (pitar), in Sâvatthi. 10. Lêtiâpia (opitar), in Sâvatthi.
Vardhamanadeband is the title of a metrical treatment in Praksit gathês of the contents of this anga, to which I have had access. The MS. is cut short at v. 865 in the history of Ananda. An interlineal version in Sanskrit accompanies the Prakrit; its first verse cites the title Vardho. The sixth name is the same (v. 8) as in SV: kôliaé (kôlika), the eighth (v. 9) Mahâsayaņa (but sataka in the chháyd), the tenth Téalipið (Têtalipriya, see p. 310).
There is an anonymous commentary, which refers to a vyákhyá on arga 6 by the same author. The word kanthya (often erroneously kaniya), which is frequently used in the scholia when the meaning of a passage is plain and needs no further comment, implies that these passages are " in everybody's throat, intelligible by themselves." This I owe to the courtesy of a communication from Bühler.
The table of contents in anga 4 and Nandi (N) is as follows:-sê kim tam avâsagadasâu ? avâosūsu ņam uvâsagâņam (samova N) nagarâim ujjà chêi vana (N omits) râyâ ammâ samo dham. máyariya dhammakaha ihaloga paraloga-iddhiviséså, uvasaganan chasilavvaya-veramana-guna-7 pachcha [318] kkhâņa-pôsahovavasa-padivajjaņayau, suyapariggahâu tavô'vahapkin padimân' uvasuggå samlêhaņâu bhattapachchakkhảņâu (ņaim N) pâuvagama (pâðvagamanâim N) dêvao Bakulao puņabồhio 10 amtakiriyâu ya (N omits) âghavijjaṁti; avâsagadas&sull nam uvåsagâņam riddhiviséså parisha vittharadhammasavaņåņi13 bôhilábha-abhigama-sammattavisuddhata-thirat. tam mülagaņottaragaņā atichârâ thitivisêsâ15 ya bahüvisêsâ padimko bhiggahaņa? pålaņa Qvasaggâhiyâsaņâ18 niruvasaggayê yalo tavaso ya charittà silavvayagunavêramapapachchakkhânaposaðvavås& apachchhimamaraşantiya ya samlehaņa ya, a appåņam jaha ya bhavaitta, babaiņi bhattaņi anasaņàê ya chheittà, uvavanná kappavaravimânattamêgy jaha ağabhavanti saravaravimânavarapôdariésu36 sokkhkim &ņôvamáim, kamena bhottäņa utta máim, 30 tað dukkhałņam chuyA saman jaha jinamayammi bôhim laddhôņa 27 ya sanjamuttama tamaraya oghavippa[319]makkát avêtia jaha, akkhayams savvadukkhavimokkham été anne ya Svam-ain.
VIII. The eighth angam, amtagadadasáu, ashtaksitadasds, or ashtahriddasds, see. Hem. abh, v. 244; in eight vaggas, embraces in all 93 ajhapanas, viz. (10, 8, 13, 10, 10, 16, 13, 10):51 it deals with legends concerning the pions, who have "put an end" to their worldly life.sa
• N has again an inverted order (and the complete worde) s. r. am. dhohad dhoriyA. sriddhi N.
• v. Cha N omits. Inverted in N : bhogaparichchåyå pariyaga suyapariggahk tavo vahaņain sfla padinajjepay padimlo. . gañaveramans N (inverted).
Slavratány Anavratani, viramanAni ragadi(vi)ra(ta)yah(!), guna guņayartani, pratyakhyanani namaskara mahitAni; pôshadho'shtamy Adiparvadini, tatro pavadanam Ahkraharrasatkar Adity AgahpratipAditato .. 14 dévalógagamankir Rukulapachch18 puņabāhilAbhA N.
11 What follows, omitted by N. 19 mAtâpitriputrAdik Abhyartars (!) parishat, dla Asamitrdika vs. 3vistaradharmabravanani Mahaviradintii sazhnidhan.
24 samyaktva vifuddhata sthiratra. . 16 dahiti A; ganattaragun&tiyarà fhitavista B, thitt G.
16 samyagdarbanAdipratimah. 11 bhiggahagahanapé C.
19 hitsanA BO, apasargAdhisahan ni, seo Laumann, Aupap. p. 100. 11 agg& ya B C.
tava ys to pamtiya ya omitted in A. 11 pasch&tkalabhavinyah, akáraé cha mangalaparihAr&rthah (1), maranardpe athte bhava máranArtikyah.
n Thuis A, samlehanAjjhosaņAhim B C; Atmanah sarirasya jivasya cha samlékhand tapasl pagadijayana vabik randni tAsdrn jjhõsaņa tti joshanå sêvand.
18 ohhéiyatta A ; chhedayitva. . * kalpavaréshu yani vimânány uttamani téshu.
- varattapamdari au A. » k. bh. utt. omitted in A.
11 bôhi B, laddhena A. raja A. rayogha B C: tamo-raja-ghavipramuktab ajnapakarmapravAhaviprao. » uvedati omitted in A; apayanti.
* akshayam apunarkvrittikam. Likewise in the Vidhiprapa. marito vinah, aa cha karmaņas tatphalaya cha satasarasya kepito yais to 'stakritha te cha tirthakaekdayah.

Page #28

20
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JANUARY, 1891.
The number of the vaggas, eight, is very remarkable, as it is not in harmony with the concluding part of the title 33 Our surprise is however increased when we reflect that in anga 3 and anya 4 (see above 271, 286) ten ajjhayaņas were allotted to our text; in anga 4, besides, seven vaggas and ten uddésanakalas. The Nandí agrees with our text in apportioning to it eight vaggas (and eight-udd.), but makes no mention of ajjhayanas whatever. Furthermore the titles of the ten ajjhayaņas cited in anga 3, 10, have scarcely anything in common with those of our text (see p. 271, 322); some appear in anga 9. There is therefore here a violent opposition between [320] the tradition and the actual constitution of the text. We have seen above, p. 272, 291, that even Abbayadeva on angas 3 and 4 confessed that he was unable to explain the differences between the statements made there and the text constituting the anga.
In harmony with this is the fact that the existing text is in an exceedingly fragmentary condition, and is filled with references to sections in angas 5 and 6, upanga 2, and, according to the scholia, to the Dasdárutaskandha, the fourth chhedasútrani. In many instances, the later ajjhayanas of a vagga, just as was the case in part 2 of the sixth anga and in anga 7, present us with nothing more than a mere title. Each vagga is preceded by a statement in káriká-form of the contents of the ajjhayaņas which are therein contained. The scholiast on the Nandi thinks that by the vaggachúliy434 (mentioned among the anangapavitha texts) the 8 vaggas of the Antaksiddasás are intended. The same statement is found in the scholium on arga 3, 20; though there appears to be no proper place for any chúliya whatever.
The scene of the first story is in Bârâvati at the court of king Andhayavanhi (Andhakavşishại), or of Kanhồ naman Vasudêvê râyâ; the names Vasudova, Baladeva, Aritthanômi, Pajjunna, Samba, Aniruddha, Jámbavati, Sachchabhâ mâ, Ruppiņi, &c., which belong to this story, and also that of Bârâvati itself, are met with frequently as the recital proceeds. The ninth story of the first vagga treats of Pasēņai, [321] Prasenajit. The third vagga begins with the history of Aniyasa, son of Nagê náma gâ hâvati, Sulaså nema bhâriyâ,35 under king Jiyasatty of Bhaddilapura. The sixth vagga begins with the history of Makâyi under king S&ņia of Rayagiha. The other localities are essentially the same as those in anga 7, viz.-Vâniyagâmê,- Såvatthi, Põlasapura, Vâņkrasi, Champå, and also Sale (Sikita). The last vagga treats especially of the ten wives of king Sênia, step-mothers. (chullamáuya) of king Köniya : Kali, Sukáli, &c., who one and all zealously studied the sâmâiya-m-aiyâim ekkârass amgâim and are instructed therein by the Ajja Chamdaņa (about whom no further notice is given). This piety is probably connected with the death of the song of each, cf. upanga 8 (Nirayávalisutta); and their grandrong-sons of these sons-become asootios if we may ascribe any probability to the legend, Of. upanga 9.
The kárikás with the titles of the ajjhạyanas for the single vargas are:
1. Gøtama36 Samudda Sagara Gambhîrê chêva hội Thimótê ya 1 Ayale Kampilld khala Akkhôbhe Pasêņai Viņhu 11
2. Akkhôbhe Sagaré kbalu Samudde Himayamta Achala nûmê ya Dharanê ya Para ya Ajjhicharde (Abhinande) chêva atthamae il
3. Aņiyasê Añatitasênê Ajjiyasênê Aņihayarihi Devasêne Sattusêņê Sîranê Gað Sumuhê Dumubê kû vaê Dasaé Apahittbill
# The scholiast seeks to reconcile the contradiction as follows:--prathamavargé dala 'dhyayanánt 'ti tatsat khyaya aitaksitada6d. This is of course a mere make-shift. If Abh. appeals to the Nandi on this point (see p. 291n), he can mean nothing else (since the Nandt contains nothing of the kind) than that the Nandt cites for our anga eight "vaggas" instead of ten "ajjh." This so-called "explanation" substitutes, without a word of warning "ajjh, for vagga."
The text has varga," but Pakshikastra and Vidhiprape and also anga 3, 10 (above p. 274) have likewise
ragga
* Cr, Jacobi, ante, Vol. IX. p. 28 (1880) and Abhay. on nga 3, 8, and o. -Leumann, Wiener Zeitechrift f. d. Kundo dos Morgenl. Vol. III. p. 388.
* Also in the Vidhiprapa: ittha atjhayapkpi Gdyama-m-liņi.

Page #29

JANUARY, 1891.)
SACRED LITERATURE OF THE JAINS.
21
[322] 4. JAli Mayali Uvayâli Purisasêại ya Vârisēņ3 ya| Pajjunna Samba Aņiruddha Sachchaņēmi ya Dadhao mi il For the first 5 names see anga 9, 1.
5. Paümâvati Gori Gandhårt Lakkhana Snsimî ya Jambavati Sachchabhâmâ Bappini Mûlasiri Mâladat tå vill
6. Makâyf Kimkam(m) 637 chêva Moggarapaņi ya Kåsavê | Khêmatê Dhitidharê cheva Kelagd Harichamdané 11 Varatte Sudarsane - Punnabhadde taha Sumaņabhadde Supaitthế ! Mêba'timutté Alakkhê ajjhayapanan tu solasayam il
7. Nanda Namdavati chêva Nanduttara Nardisêniyê chêva | Maratå Sumaruta Mahâmarutá Marudeva ya atthama | Bhaddá Subhadda ya Sujaya Sumaņai yaBhdyadinná ya bôdhavva Såņiyabhajjåņa námäti 11
8. Kali Sukalt Mahakali Kanha Sukanbê Mahakanha Viraka hâ ya bôdhavvå Råmakaṇhê taheva | Piusêņakaṇhâ navam dasamf Mahäsêņakaphâ ya 11
It is impossible to reconstruct any correct metre in these kárikás, since the lines are a confused mass of slöka and áryd hemistiches.
The tablo of contents in anga 4, or Nandi (N) is as follows:-së kim tam amtagadadasku ? antaosâsu nam amtagadâņam nagarkim ujjânâim chêiyâim vana râyao ammâpiyarê sam Ôsaranam dhammâyariya dhammakahâu 38 ihaloga paralôgao bhôgaparichchaga pavajjau suya tayo padiman (323) bahuviha tav643 khami ajjavam maddavam cha sôyam cha sachchasahiyam sattarasaviho ya (BC, "hà yê ya A) satojamo (me A, mô ya B C) uttama cha bambhań akiochanaya tavôkiriyâu samiti guttfu chêva, taba appamayajogộ (@ge A) sajjhkyajjhânâna 65 ya attamânam donham pi lakkhaņáim, pattana ya sam jamuttamam jiya(jiya A) parisahâņań chaüvihakammakkhayami jaha kévalassa 4 lambhô, pariyâu Cyâtô B C)*7 jattið oito BC, jatiyâu A) ya jaha pålitô (pålayatô A) maņihi, pânvagaū ya jê jahir jattiyâņi bhattâņi chhêyaïtta (chheittà A, chhedaïtta BC) amtakaro gado BC) munivarako tama-rað-'ghalmukko mokkhasuham anuttarana cha patto (A, pattå B C), été anne ya êvan-ái 'ttha pardviya (pardve, BC) jáva
IX. The ninth angam, anuttardvavdiyadasdu, anuttaraupapá tikadasás;63 in 3 vaggar with 33 ojhayanas (10, 13, 10); contains legends of saints each one of whom attained the bighest (anuttara) heavenly world (vimåna),
The name dasdu), is here too at variance with the constitution of our text, but is in agreement with the statements pf angas 3 and 4, where only 10 ajhayaņas are mentioned; while aiga 4 recognizes but ten (the Nandi but three) uddésanakálas se above p. 286.[824) We have already seen that, of all the names given in anga 3, 10 as those of the 10 ajjh., but three rpour in anga 9, This proves that we have here to do with a text that has suffered a transformatiou. Our text has been handed down to us in an exceedingly fragmentary state, consisting chiefty
* Kirikamme is found in anga 8, 10, for anga 8; this should have been stated on page 271. In reference to the question whether Mayali is identical with BhagAls, see the same page. Is JAli equal to JamAli P The account here entitled Gattonta of Bômila, u Lermann informa me. See sbidem * In N we find the same transposition as in the case of 6,7: 56°ro odhohad aheriya, paralgiya riddhivises& N.
40 N inserta pariyAgt before ma. 41 14 padimato BO, N has ja tead of padima merely Baanlehard bhattapachoh Kkkkpat pavagaman sukula pachohd18 punayohilabh& antakiriy aghavijahti dvadesa bhikshupratim mihikyadayah (of. Ledmann og Awp. $ 24. mo A, bahuvihAto BC.
lancha cha satyashitah. * At8 samit gattito chera B C, mimitay gapay she svedhyAyadhyanayoh.
jnen dêr lAbhah. paryayah právrajyalakihitnah, yavkini cha ydradarshadiprom kņ8 yatha ybos tapoviblubkárayaņddind prakarena pålitô munibhih: * nuphim ppktóvagato ya BC.
prky pagamAbhidhanam aannam pratipann yo munir yatra, stakrits mtnivard, jkta ati felt
r angcha Aratogha BO # This should strictly be opädika; of my remarks on upliga 1.
#n 'umd uttard vidyate ity anuttamab, upapatid pads janmirthah, maharab pradhana) anywaya tabu vidhanya 'bhivad apapito (pdf) yenbarin to, tadvaltavyatápratibaddha dal debadhyayan palakshita

Page #30

22
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JANUARY, 1891.
of references to Méha (6, 1, 1) and Khandava (5, 2, 1); the first story alone of each varga is passably complete, the others are cited merely by their catch words.
The events of these recitals transpire in Rayagiha, Sagêta, Våņiyagama, Hatthihapura. The names of the personages involved are to be extracted from the ledrikás, which eite the titles of the 33 ajjhayaņas; viz. :
I. JA1C4 Mayali Uvajali Parisasênê ya Värisémê ya Dihadaraté ya Laddhadante Vêhallo Vehkyasé Abhaye ti kumare Il See page 521, for the first five names.
II. Dihasée Mahîsêņê Laddhadante (again!) ya Gadhadamtê ya Suddhadamte ya ! Halle Damme Damasêne Mahidamasêne ya Ahite # 111 Sihê ya Sihasênê ya Mahasihasêņé ya Ahite Pumasênê ya bodhayvê têrasamê hôi ajjhayanê 11 2
111.6 Dhannê ya Sunakkhatte Isidásê ya ahite | Pallat Ramapattê Pachandima Pattimai ya 1 1 || Padhilaputte (cf. anga 2, 2, 1) anagaré Potřiléiya Véhalle Idasamê vattê ime yê dasa thiya 112
Our information in reference to these persons is limited almost entirely to their names (325) alone. In the first history of JAli), which is a prototype of the rest, it is at least related that he ekkárasa asingáisi ahijjati.
It is surprising that the table of contents in anga 4, or Nandi (N) is particularly explicit. This is probably to be explained by the fact that it had as its subject an entirely different text from that which we possess. It is as follows:-sê kim tam aņuttarovavaiyadasao ? aņuosisu nam aņuttarovavâiyaņam nagarâi ujjao chéio vana°56 rayao ammao sa mô° dhammayao dhammakaha87 ihalôgao 58 parvaja Bayeo bo ta vô° padimiôøo ganlehana bhatta pâa anuttarovavatti (A, vâtô B C, Provavậyatti N) sukulapachchâyái (yâti BC, chchalo N) punabohio amtakiriya Aghavijjanti; aņus:1841 natin titthagarasamosaraņair paramamamgalajagahiyani (hittäņam A) jiņâtisêsî ya bahuvisêsî,62 jiņas saņaṁ chêva samaņagana, (ganaga na A) pavaragamdhahatthiņam), thirajasanan, parisa hasenna(sêna Arivu(ripu A) balapamaddaņņkam(balậpa°C)tavaditta charittananasammattasara-vivihappagåra vittharapasattha gunasamjuyîņam, anagaramaharisiņam anagaragaņâņam vannaô,66 uttamavaratava visitthananajógajuttaņam, jaha ya jagahiyain bhagavaü,67 jârisa ya (omitted in BC) riddhi[326]viséså dêvâsuramânusâņam, parisanam pâubbhâvà 5a, jinasamivam jaba ya uvâsanti jinavaram, jaha ya parikahêmti (hamti A)89 dhammam loga(lôka Agaru7o amara-narasuragaņâņam, sôûņa ya tassa bhaniyam (bhâsiyam A) avasêsa kammavisayavirattâ narå jahî (jadhà BC) abbhuvêmti (abbhavainti A) dhammam aralar sarjamatavam châ 'vi bahuvihappagaram, jaha bahůņi vasini anucharitta Arithiyanánadamsanacharittajôgit jinavayana-m-anugayamahiyabhâsiyâ,71 jiņa varana (jana A) hiyaêņa-m angnetta,7 j) ya jahim jattiyaņi bhattâņi chhêyaittà ('tittà BC, cbhồiyatta
5* ittha ajjhnyaņāņi Jali-m-lini, Vidhiprapa. 55 Five of these names recur in anga 3, 10 for aigas 8 and 9, cf. p. 271. 56 N omits (an error of the scribe.)
7 N inverta sarkamodh hło dhoriya. 58 ihaldgapario A, ibalogapäraloga B C, ihaldiaparalóiâ riddhivisésa bhögaparichchågå pavajja. N. 69 pariyago before sua in N.
"padimatave A, merely padio B C, paļimid uvasaggi N. A N omits the foll., titthakara B C. 63 jagaddhitani ..; bahuvibeuhA" dahain vimalasuyandham" ity-Adayah chatustriosad adhikstarih. 65 ganadharadinken framanottamanim.
Javavad davaynir iva (v. o.) diptany ujjvalAni; påthårtarena (the foll, is the roading of the text, tapodipäni yâni charitrajnAnasamyaktvåni.
s praiastas cha kshamadayo gunké, taih sainyutanan; kvachid : ruchirnguna dhuaj nam iti pathah. 66 yanaü A, rattato B, vannatô C: vanakah blagha, Akhyåyata iti yogah. 67. bhagavoto jinahitam (v.e.), bhagavata iti jinak Asanam iti gamyatd.
jinssampe yena prakireņa paabchavidhabhigamAdina alvamté rajadayo jinsvaru. ce parikathayatis i.e. plur. majest.
lókagurar iti jinavaro; perhaps gardo plural. 11 jinavachanam krvi (?) anngatam sambaddham, mahitam pajitam, bhAshitam yair adhyapan adina; path Attard jinavachanam anugaty a "nukuly na sushthu bhAshitan yais t jinavachan Anugstisubhashitah.
hiyAtapa B, hiyatipa C; apunitta A; iha shashtht dritty&rthe; tena jinavaran bridayena tamasa (tapaal ?) anuniya prapya dhytrá

Page #31

JANUARY, 1891.)
SACRED LITERATURE OF THE JAINS.
28
A), laddhana ya samahim uttamam, jjhaņajógajuttå uvavanna (vatta B) muộivaruttami, jala anuttarèsu pávaṁti (påvêti A) jaha aņuttaram tattha visayasokkham, tato73 ya chuyå kamena kahimti samjaya, jaha ya amtakiriyam, éé (êtê BC) annê ya êvamadi 'ttha jáva.
X. The tenth angam, panhavagaranaim, prasnavyákaranáni, in ten dáras, treats in a dogmatic and not in a legendary form, of the ten ethical duties, viz.; first of the 5 adhammas or anhayas, dýrava,74 which must be avoided. These are, -injury, to life, [327] lying, robbery, anchastity, (love of) possessions, and then of the 5 dhammae, or savivaras, (i.e. the opposites of each of the above sins.76
The difference between the title and the actual text or contents, between the actual text and the statements of tradition on this point, is especially great. There is nothing said in reference to questions (prašna) which find their solution (vyákaranam.) The whole anga appears to be a didactic dogmatic explanation addressed to Jambu, but not asked for by particular questions. The Nandi and angu 4 state that it contains 45 ujjhayaņas, 45 uddésanas, etc.; but no such conclusion is warranted from the facts of the case, cf. p. 286. One suyakkhandha, which these anthorities and the existing constituent parts ascribe to the text, is branded by the scholiast Abhayadeva. He asserts that the text "pustakóritaré"76 consisted rather of two suyakkhandhas (each containing 5 ajthayaņas). To prove this the scholiast adduces verbatim et litteratim a special introduction confirmatory of his assertion; but this cannot be found in the MSS. of our text. This introduction has the same usual form as the introductions to anyas 6-9 and 11; and Abh. refers directly to anga 6 for the correctness of his explanation, whereupon he adds : ya che ha dvi[328]śrutaskamdhatô 'kta 'sya si na rûdhû, êkaśrataskamdhatây à éva rûcbatvåt. In all probability the enumeration of this text in anga 3, 10, in the sixth place among the ten dasáu, shows that it stands in close connection with the present text or its 10 dáras. But we have seen, p. 272, that the names of the ten ajjhayanas there have no connection whatever with our text, and that the author had before him quite a different text under this name. It is an important feature, that, as stated above, his statements or names are in essential harmony with those statements of contents in reference to our anga, which occar in iga 4, or in the Nandi; see page 334. It is of interest in this connection to notice the character of the remarks of the commentator at the beginning of the passage, in reference to the name praśnaryákaranndrecs. This name, he states, is found, kvachit-it is found in anga 3, 10 and in anga 4, (see p: 334) - and consequently points to 10 adhyayanas of praśndndin vyákaranáni. His words are:-ayat cha vyatpattyarthô 'sya pûrvakalo 'bhůd, idanim ta aśravapamchakasamvara pamchakavyákşitir evo 'hồ 'palabhyatê, atiśayanam (cf. p. 334) pûrvacharyair aidayuginápushta (naprio?) lari banapratishêvipurushâpékshayô 'ttåritatvîd iti. However the corrupt conclusion is to be understood Lcf. Ed. p. 499--one fact at least is patent; that we have here traces of the manifest consciousness that the pirtácharyas were acquainted with a different text of this anga than the aida nyugina. Everything shows that we are completely justified in asserting that we no longer possess anga 10 in its original, [329] or in its apcient form. The introductory words in the commentary of Abh. are a proof of this :-sri Vardhamanam anamya vyakhyâ kâchid vidhiyaté 1 praśnavyîkaranamgasya vrida hanyâyânu saratah || ajñå vayam, sastram idam gabhiram, prayó 'sya kûțâni cha pustakani | sutram vyavasthapya tatô vimțiśya vyakhyanakalpad ita eva nai 'va II 2 11
It is perfectly plain from this that there is here a violent polemic against other text-forms.
19 anuttararimâniblryah.
** i.e. derava, for which we should expect 6snara. In the explanation : "A abhivthink frauti bravati karma yêbhyas te abravali", snanti sravati should probably be read for srauti spavati. In up. 1, anhấti is actually explained .by donauti but nlso by diravati badhnati [it corresponds in fact to Sanskrit aniti, L.).
15 tēsim råmåņi, jah: himsadaran 1, musavayad. 2, tëņiyad. 3, mēhunad. 4, pariggahad. 5, ahimsad 6, machohad. 7, atêniyad. S, bambhacherad. 9, apariggabad Aram 10 (Vidhiprapa).
1 Likewise in the Vidhiprapâ : ittha kêi parchahiin ajjhayaņēhin dó suyakkhandbe ichhamti. " This is self-evident, since the bontents are actually divided into two parts. To pustakantare punar évam upõdghstagrartha upalabhyate.

Page #32

24
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JANUARY, 1891.
That anga 10 originally, like angas 7-9 and 11, was of a legendary character (cf. anga 3, 10), is rendered probable by a comparison with upángas 8-12, which are of the same character, Their position at the end of the upunga series allows us to draw conclusions in reference to the angc-corresponding to them. If this be so, the transformation of our anga must be placed at a still later period than that to which we have to refer the harmonizing of the 12 angas and the 12 upúngas.
There are various criteria contained in the anga itself which determine the late date of its composition. I premise that the introduction which we possess, consists, if the vocative Jambû bo omitted, of three gathas, which state in brief the contents of the work :
iņam-ô anhayasamvara-viņichchhayan pavayanassa nisamdam vôchchhâmi nicheh: hayattha subhâsitattham maheshim 1111
[330] paschavidhô pannattô Jiņêhiṁ iha aşhayê anîtiyê (aņâdiu B)| himsa môsama adattam abambha (is wanting ; perhaps ya) pariggaham chiva || 2 HI
jârisað jam nâmâ jaha ya katð járisaphalam dêmti jê vi ya karêrinti påvå påņavaham tam nis& mêha || 3
Then follows in prose, first an explanation of the pánivaha; then 30 of its synonyms (nâmaņi imaņi gonnani); then the subject itself is treated of, at the conclusion of which the entire doctrine is referred immediately to Nâyakalanatdana (Jnâtr):80 évam Ahamsu NÂyakula. namdanð mahappå Jinô u Vira varanámadhejjo, kahesi ya påņivahassa phalavivågam : @sô så pâņivadhô chando .. (as in the introduction) vêmaņas.
The next four sections are similarly arranged, except that after the vocative Jambe the treatment of the aliyavayanam, adinnádāņań, abambham, pariggaha, begins without the interposition of gathá strophies. The synonyms are invariably 30 in number and the conclusion is the same.
In the case of the five sarvaradárdin, two gdthes are found in the introduction of the first (abińså) after Jambû ! :61 -
itt samvaradára-i pamcha vachchhami anapuvvidi jaha bhaniyaņi Bhagavayê savvadukkhavimukkhanatthâ8 11 111
padhamam hôi ahimsa, biiyam sachchavayanam ti pannattam ! dattam aņunniya samvaro ya bambhacheram pariggahattar 11 2 11
[331] The further details in dáras 6-10 are similar to those in dáras 1-5. The enumeration of the synonyms, which are here called pajjavanámáni,-60 in the case of ahinnad-is carried on in a style somewhat different, and the concluding formula is not the same :-@vam Nâyamuņiņa bhagavaya pannaviyam parâviyam pasiddhan siddham siddhavarasasaņam iņam aghaviyan savêsiya pasatham (padhamam) samyaradarar samattam ti bêmi. The last two cpncluding words form a bond of connection between the existing redaction of anga 10 and angas 1-4, to which these words belong. Furthermore, the appeal to the Naya recalls anga 2. Perhaps we have to deal here with traces of ancient date; bat, on the other hand, if we consider how many considerations make for the opposite conclusion, a conservative point of view will not permit too great weight to be laid upon these particulars, which are rather the result of an effort to impart an ancient flavour to the anga.
The following arguments, drawn from anga 10 itself, reinforce our conclusion that this anga is of late origin. The character of the language is late. The nominative in 6 has assumed in almost every instance the place of the nomin. in é, except in quoted passages. In the frequent compounds there is no deference paid to the laws of sandhi between the members of the
19 i.e. mrishavada.
No See above, p. 261, on aiga 2, 1, 97. There are five gathe more ineerted between daraa 5 and 6.

Page #33

JANUARY, 1891.]
compounds; also these are often not inflected at the end, (êtâni prâyô luptaprathamâbahnvachanâni padani, are the words of the scholiast), but retain their pure thematic form. [332] In the other angas (e. g. in the tables of contents in anga 4) and especially inserted in them, we find phenomena not dissimilar in character, but not in such numbers. Their presence however invariably characterizes the passages in which they occur as being of secondary origin. Furthermore—and this is conclusive evidence the enumeration of the names of the non-Aryan peoples is three times as great as that in angas 5, 6, (p. 302, 313). Here there are 53, there but 18 names. The list is as follows83:-imê yê bahavê Milukkha (milê° BC)jâtî, kim tê, SagaJavana-Sabara-Vavvara-Kaya-Murumdô-'dda-Bhadaga-Tinniya(Bhittiya)-Pakkaṇiya - KulakkhaGoda(Gômda)-Sihala-Pârasa-Kômchâ-Amdha - Davida - Villala (Chill) - Pulimda-A rôsa83-Dômva(Dôva)-Pôkkina-Gam-dhahdraga (!)-Vahalia-Jallâra-Mamasa-Vausa-Malaya ya Cumchuâ yu Chûliya Kâmkaniga (Kômkanaga B)-Mêya 5-Palhava-Malava-Maggara-Abhâsiya Aṇakkha. China-Nhâsiya (Lâsiya BC)-Khasa-Khâsiya-Nidura (Nêttara)-Marahattha96-Mutthiya (Maushtikah)-Arava-Domvilaga-Kuhugs-Kükaya-Hüṇa-Romaga-Bharu-Maruga-Chilitavisayavisl ya, Some of these names are of evidently late occurrence. The peoples are all characterized as pâvamatinô and kûrakammâ.
SACRED LITERATURE OF THE JAINS.
25
[333] Especially interesting is the bitter polemic against erroneous teachers (natthikavaiņo vâmalôgavá)87 in dára 2; under these are comprised the "Bauddhal" (Schol.), and the adherents of Issara ('Siva) and Vinhu. Chinapatta appears in dára 4, in the signification of "silk dress."88 In dára 5 are found the names of the planets; but not in the Greek order; thus Jupiter, Moon, Sun, Venus, Saturn, Râhu, Dhûmakêtu, Mercury, Mars. The first of the series of the 28 nakkhattas is unfortunately not stated; only the first and the last of the 72 kalás are given: léháiyáu saünaruyávasáṇáu;-in the same passage and in the ninth dára, 64 mahilagunas are likewise mentioned:-raïjananê sippasêvam etc.-The ahimsa is characterized in dára 6 as bhagavas, truth sachcham, in dára 7, as bhagavamtam titthagarasubbasiyam dasavibam chauddasapuvvîhim pâhuḍattbavidiyam,00 which is a reference to the prâbhrita division in the 14 purvas. Abhayadeva comments on this anga.
The table of contents in anga 4, or Nandi (N), is-sê kim tam panhâvâgaranâņi? pa nêsu atthuttaram pasinasayam, a. apasinasayam, a. pasinapasiņasayam,91 vijjati[331] saya nagasuvannêhim saddhim93 divvâ samvâyâ âghavijjamti; paņhâvâgaranadasâsu nam sasamayaparasamayapannavaya (panavaya A) pattêyabuddhǎvivihatthabhâsâ (bh. omitted in A)bhâsiyanam,95
82 Of the very frequent variants in the MSS., I have chosen those which appear to have the best authority; cf. the similar enumeration in upânga 4.
83 Aroshah, Aroshâb.
54 Jallarah Mamashaḥ Bakuśaḥ Schol.
85 Mêta BC, Mediḥ; see Elliot, Hist. of India, 1, 519 fg. Indische Streifen, Vol. II. p. 403.
se pâthâmtarê Madhaḥ (Mudhah E) Schol. The Marahaṭṭhas have nothing to do with the Mlêchchhas. Ramatha in upanga 4.
ss cf. chinapiṭtharâsi in up. 2 and 3.
87 kayatikaḥ, vâmam pratipaṁ lokam vadamti yê.
89 janapadasaṁmatasatyadibhêdêna dasavaikâlikâdi prasiddhaṁ. so chaturdasapurvibhiḥ prabhṛitârthaviditam pârvagatânsaviseshâbhidhêyataya jnâtain.
1 tatra 'mgulabâhupraśnâdikâ maintravidyaḥ praénâh; yâ[h, vidyâh or prasnavidyah; later on prasna is treated outright as a fem.] punar vidhinâ japyamânâ aprishtâ êva (subhâ) Subham kathayainti tâ apraśnah; tatha amgushṭhâdipranabhavam pratitya ya vidyah subhâśubham kathayamti tâḥ praénâprsénáḥ;-Schol. in N yê prishțâ aprisht&é cha kathayamti tê praśnâpraśnâḥ.
92 Instead of vijj N has merely amgutthapasinâim vahupasinâim addâgapasinâim annè vi vichittâ divvå vijjatisaya nagasuvann/him siddhim divvå samvaya Aghavijjaimti. Compare the names of the panha dasâu found in anga 3, 10. This title we find above in the text. The old text appears therefore to have dealt with chiromantic and other prophetic arts. The explanation in the commentary: anyê vidyâtiéayâ stambhastambhavasikaranavidvêshikaranôchchâțanâdayah refers to magic in general, which was cultivated by the Jains especially; -. the statements in reference to the contents of the mahâparinn, p. 251, the books of magic of Nagarjana, &c. The orthodox belief could take umbrage at this part of the contents of anga 10.
93 savvim A; upalakshanatvad yakshidibhié cha saha.
4 samvadaḥ subhâéubhagataḥ samlâpåḥ. 6 prajnapaka yê pratyêkabuddhas tê (taib !) karakady-disadrisair vividharthabhashâbhashitas tâsâm âdaréám gushthadisambandhininâm praśnânâm vividhaguṇamahirthaḥ prasna dasâsv åkhyayamta iti yogah. The expression pratyêkabuddha, which recurs in the Nandi, is of interest; cf. p. 265 and Bhag. 25, 6,8, according to Leumann.

Page #34

26
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
JANUARY, 1891.
atisayaguna-uvasama-napappagara(râ A)âyariyabhâsiyanam vittharênam thira(vira A)mahêsîhim vivihavittharabhâsiyânam cha, jagahiyanam,97 addaga 99-'mguttha-bahu-asi-mani-khômââ-"tichcham-kiya, vivikamah pasiņavijja-mapapaaiņavijji(omitted in A)daivayapaŭgappahiqaguça pagasianam, sambhûyavigunappabhâva(ppa om. A)naragana-m-ativimhayakarinam,100 [335] atisayam-aîyakalasamaê1 damasama(sama is omitted in A)titthakaruttamassa thii (tthita A)karaṇa-karaṇanam, durabhigama duravagâhassa savvasavvannus ammayassa buddha(abuha A)janavi-bôhakarassa pachchakkhayapachchayakarinams panhaņam vivihagunarahattha jiņavarappaniyâ âghavijjamti (aṭṭhâvijj° A).
XI. The eleventh angam, vivagasuyam, vipakasratam: in two śrutaskandhas, of 10 ajjkayanas each, contains legends on the reward of good and evil deeds.
Its division is in harmony with our information on this point in anga 4 and Nandi, with this exception, that in anga 4 nothing is said of the two śrutaskandhas. See above, p. 270, 280, in reference to the kammavivága texts, which are connected in name and contents, and which have 10, 43 and 55 ajjh., and are mentioned in angas 3, 10, 4, 43 and in the Kalpasútra.
Imdabhûti beholds some horrible deed, and is told by Mahavira, whom he questions concerning it, the previous history, e.g. previous births of the individuals in question. The event itself is then explained and the fate of the persons in future births is made known to the inquirer. Mahavira's answer thus treats the question in a three-fold manner. There is here no mention of a chêiê chaitya, as is the case in other legends; [336] but a jakkhayatana of this and that jakkha is continually referred to. The part played by the yaksha here is at least as important as that in the Palisutta of the Buddhists, if not more so; see Ind. Streifen, 3, 507a, they being in fact exact representatives of the dévast of the Brabmans.
Here, as in angas 7, &c., the first history only is related in detail, all the others being briefly told. The titles of the tales in the first suyakkhamdha are:
1. Miyaputta in Miyagama, son of king Vijaya and Miyâ, born blind and deaf and dumb, lame, and a cripple, without hands, feet, ears, eyes, nose, and with mere indications (âgii, âkṛiti) of the existence of these parts of the body. The account is similar in aiga 3, 10
2. Ujjhiya (yaê V), son of the merchant Vijayamitta and of Subhaddâ in Vâniyagama. A prostitute is here referred to, who was bâvattarikalâ pamḍitâ chaüsatthigania-gunôvavêtâ. attharasadesibhâsâ visarada. The latter are unfortunately not enumerated. (In anga 3, 10 Guttása, instead of Ujjhitaka).
3. Abhagga (ggasênê V), son of a robbers Vijaya and of Khamdasiri in the robber-village (chôrapalli) Saladavi. (In anga 3, 10 alé instead of Abhaggasené.)
athiramaharshibbih; pathâmtarena virama".
7 jagaddhitânâm.
adagainduttha bahu asa maņi rêváma Atichcha mây Anami A; on addiga, âdaréa (magician's mirror) of. Hila v. 204 (p. 75).
vividhaprasna("énin pra)ty uttaradayinyaḥ, manaḥpramitarthôttaradayinya(6 cha), tâsâm dêvatani tadadhishthatridêvatas, teshin prayogapradhanyčna pradhanataya gumam vividharthasamvadakalakshanam prakásayamti lok vyanjayamti yais té vividha prakasikas tasâm (the masc. and fem. of praána together!).
100 dvigunena upalakshanatvât laukikaprasnavidyaprabhavApêkshay& bahugunena pathamtarê: vividhagunena. prabhávena mahatmyèna manujasamudayabuddher vismayakarya chamatkarahêtavô yaḥ praénâb.
1 alta A; atisayam atita."
dama(h) samas tatpradhanatirthatakaranam daréanAmtaraéletrinam uttamô bhagavan jinas tasya.
3 sthitikaranaih sthapanam, tasya karanani hetavo yâs tab.
sarveshin sarvajnânâm sammatam ishtam.
pratyakshakena jnn na pratyayah "sarvatisayanidhanam atkaranacilânâh.
jinavachanam" ity evamrapa pratipattib,
This recalls the legend of the Satap. Br. about Bhrigu Vârupi (Ind. Streifen 1, 24), with the exception that there is no reference here to the tortures of hell, but merely to a retribution on earth.
A trace of this in the Sinhasanadv. Ind. Stud. 15, 357, in Hala, v. 872 Bh. (Ind. Stud. 16, p. 115). In the commentary on the Saryaprajn. and elsewhere, chêiê is explained by vyamtariyatanam. asilathipathamamalle, . . . .. baidiggahanthim ya; of. Hala, preface, p. XVII.

Page #35

JANUARY, 1891]
SACRED LITERATURE OF THE JAINS.
4. Sagada, son of the merchant Subhadda and of Bhaddå in Såhamjani. (Also in anga 3, 10).
5. Vahassatidatta, son of the purohita Someda ita and of Vasudattâ in Kosambi. (In anyu 3. ij múkanu).
6. 337) Nandivaddhanu, son of king Séridaima ad of Bandhusiri in Mahura. (In angu 3, 10 Nandiséra.)
7. Umbaradatta, son of the merchant Sâgaradutta and of Gangadatta in Padaliputta. (In anya 3, 10 Udumbara.)
8. Soriyadatta, daughter of the machehhandha (matsyabandha Abh., fisherman) Samuddadatta and of Samuddadatti in Sôriyapura. (In anga 3, 10 Sôria.)
9. Dévadatta, daughter of the house-owner Datta and of Kazhasiri in Röhiņaa (or Rohidaa). (A different name in angu 3, 10.)
10. Amja, daughter of the merchant Dhanadeva and of Piangu in Vaddhamânapura. (A different name in anga 3 10.)
The ten ajjhayanas of the second suyakkhamdha are: 1. Subihu, son of king Addinasatta and of Dhariņi in Hatthisisa. 2. Bhaddanandi, son of king Dhaņi vaha and of Sarassati in Usabhapura. 3. Sujata, son of king Mitts and of Siri in Virapura. 4. Suvâsava, son of king Vasavadatta ad of Kanhâ in Vijayapura, 5. Jinadása, son of prince (kumara) Mabâchamda and of Arahadattâ in Sogamdhita. 6. Dhana vati, son of the yuvara ja Vesamaņa and of Siri in Kanakapara. 7. Bhaddanamdi, son of the prince Mahabbala and of Rattavati in Mahapura. 8. [339] Mahambala, son of the prince Bhaddanamdi, and of Siri in Sughôsa. 9. Cbanda, son of the prince Malchamda and of Juvasirikamta in Champå. 10. Varadatta, son of king Mittanadidi and of Sirikamtà in Sagêya.
All these fine-sounding names, and those brought into connection with them, are in all probability pure fabrications; the names of the localities alone, e.g. Padaliputta, have some chronological value.
The table of contents in anga 4, or Nandi (N), is as follows :-sê kim tam vivågasud & vivågasuê nam sukadadukkadiņam kammanam phalavivâgélo âghavijjanti, sê11 samasaü duvihê pari, tań: duhavivåge chêva suhavivage chêva, tattha nam dasa duhavivagât, 10 dasa suhavirágêni ;10_sê kim tam duhavivágê gâņi BC)? dubavivágêsu ņam duhavivágánam (Nomitted in ABC) nagarai chôi ujjá vana râyâ ammapiyarô sam Ôsarana dhammiyariya dham, makaha" nagaragamankim sarsarapavatchaduhaparamparâu ya aghavijjarti, sê tam dubavi. vågåņi ;-sê kim tan su havivagâni? suhavivágêsu pam subavivágâņam pagarûim jáva dham. makaha ibaloga paralógao bhôgapariopavva°15 suyapariggahâ tavô pariyal6 samlêbana bhattapachcha pauval7 (339) dêvalôgao sukula punabôhio antakiriyêu ya âghavijjamti;-duhavivêgêsal8 nam piņktivậya aliyavayaņa (yayanaga A) chôrikkalrakka A)karaña paradaraméhuņa sasamgatáê maha("hâ A) tivvakasåya imdiyappamâda påvappaðga-asubhajjhavasana-samchiyâņamle kamê måņai pavaganar påva-aņobhagaphalavivâgå ņiraya (Ogåņi daraga Agati tirikkhajôpi bahu viha
• In Vidhiprapk are the following inversions :-Dhanavai 6, Mahavvala 7, Bhaddadandi 8, Mshicharda 0. 10 ga N,
11 sé up to suhavivage chêva omitted in N; samlató BC. 11.In N again transpored na. u. va. cê. sa. r. am. dh'hão dhoriya. 1 nagara' to jdva dhammakahi omitted in N; nagaragamankinn ti, bhagavató Gautamasya bhikshadyarthan. 16 ihalbiy&pdraliya riddhivistea N.
15 pavval A.
16 tavo padi BO. 11 bhögaparichchaga pavvajjad pariyaga suapariggahi tavo'vahankim sarnléhana bhattapachobakkhandim plovagamapaim suhaparamparàð sukulapachchdid punavohilabha aintakiriy ho a Agho N. 18 Nomito all the following.
10 påpaprayogabubhadhyavasanasanchitanam.

Page #36

28
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JANUARY, 1891.
(Châ A) vasaņasaya-paramparabaddhâņam(orâpavao A), maņuyattê (tatté A) vi agayâņam jaha 20 pâvakammas.sêņa pavagâ hômti phala vivagâ bahuvasanaviņasa21 nasakannőtthamgutthakaracharaṇamahachbêyaņa jibbhachh@yaņa (jibbhavêchheo A) amjana kadaggidahaņa(daho BC, dahina A) gayachalana malaņa phâlaņa ullambana 25 sûla-layâ(sûlatâ A)-lauda-lattbibhamjana 28 taü-sisaga-tattatella-kalakala-abhisimchaņa kumbhipaga27 kampaņa28 thirabadhana29 (bamdha A) vêha (vêhava A) vajjha(vabbha A) kattana30 patibhayakaral karapalivankim32 daruņiņi dukkhâņi aņôvamâni bahuvihaparamparâņubaddha3 ņa muchchamti, pavakammavalliê (veliê A) (340) avêyaïtt434 hu na tthi mokkhô,36 tavêņa37 dhitidhaņiyabaddhakachhêņa38 sôhanam tassa vâ 'vi hottha, 40-ettô yasl suhavivågêsu nam omitted in A) silasamjama niyama guņatavovahinêsu sshust sayihiêsu+2 anukampasayapayôga(pa@ga A)-tikalamati4.visuddhabhattapapai payayamanasa hiyasuhanisêsativvapariņâmanichchhiyamat payachhiûņa 7 payôgasuddhajm* jahî (jahi A)'ya nivvatte(m)ti 60 bôhilAbhan, jaha ya (jaha A) parittikare(i)ti (karoti A)51 naranirayatiriya saragatigamaņavipula52 pariyatta5 aratibhayavisayasôkamichhattaselasankadamannaņa (aņāņa Atamamdhakarachikkhallasuduttaram-jaramarana-[341] jôni-sai. kkhubhiyachakkaválar55(vâla Asolasakasayaskvayapayamdam (C, payamdachadam A)56 (aņîtiyam anavayaggam57)samsarasagaram iņam, jaha ya nibardhamti augam'suraganêsu, jaha ya anubhavanti Buraganavimânasokkhâņi aņovamaņi (omitted in Altaū ya kalamtarachuyâņam ihê 'va naralogam ágayâņam, âû-vaü(vapa BC)-vanna-růva-jâti-kula-jamma-ârôgga-buddhi-méhå (omitted in A)visesat) mittajana (jina A) sayanas) dhanna (dhamma A)-dhana (omitted in A) vibhavaco) samid. dh(°ddha A) sarasamudayavisésân bahuvihakamabhôgubbhavana (gabbhava BG) sôkkhâņa,
20 jaha to nahach@yana omitted in A. 91 vinasabhéty (1)adi yavat pratibhayakara karapradipanain cha 'ti dvaadva. nmrakshanam và déhraya ksharatailAdin. 9 katån&m vidalavaibadimayinkin agnih katågnis téna dahadan. * vidôranam.
78 vrikshafAkhádkv udbamdhanam, cf. lambiyaga Aup. 970. 26 laittha B: lena lataya lakatêna yashty & bhamjanam gltraņåın. 27 Opah kurbhipaga A, pagam B C; kuri(bhyan) bhajanavib shê pêkah. * kampanam Sitalajalachhoanadina sitakalêna gâtrôtkampanan. dividaniyantranlibandhaḥ. 20 kuntAdina kastriņa bhedanam varddha(nan) kartanam. * pattibhayakaram A, patibhayam karara BC, patibhayakarari C; bhayajananar.
> pallio B C (without karn), karapallo A; karapradipanai vasanaveshțitasya tailAbhishasya (P) kavayir ani. (agni P)privadhanam (?); tani Adir yoshlin duhkhinar tani, tani tath cha dirunani chê 'ti karmadhirayah. This appears to me quite unnecessary; there is no adi in palivanai, which is merely a neutr. pl.
» badh& A; jivå iti gamyate. M papakarmavallya phalasarpadikaya.. yato 'vêdayitva (an)anubhaya karmaphalam iti gamyate. 25 hur yasmid-arthê. * viyogah karmanah sakAsat, jivan&m iti gamyate; av. hu na 'tthi m. is a species of formula solemnis. 37 kim sarvath&P ne 'ty Aha: tapasA anaaanadiksvratena.
* ddhiti A, dhitib chóttasambahAnnn, dhaniyam atyarthan, baddha nipidit, kachham bamdhavistahô yatra tat tatha tēna, dhritiyuktene 'ty a.
9 godhanam apanayanam.
o hoyya BC; tasya karmavibdehanya vA'vi 'tti sambhavankyâm, hotthA sampadyate; na 'nyamőkshopkyo 'sti ti bhåvih.
11 itas chå 'namtaram. 12 gushtha vihitam anushthitam yeshli te suvihitas, téshu bhaktadi dattvå yathA bödhil&bhadi ni(r)vartayaitt tathe 'ha "khyâyata iti sambandhab, iha cha sampradánê 'pi saptam. " anukampåsayaprayogas têna.
4 trishu kalishu ya matir buddhih, yad uta dknymi 'ti paritosh), diyaminê poshô, datté cha posha iti trikAlamatis, taya.
5 pattaya A ; prayatamanash Adaraputachéasa. 46 hiyat suhanielsam A; ... tlvrah prakishtab, parinamo 'dbyavashnam, nikohita 'mathay& matir buddhir yoshAtt hitasukbaniheriyasati raparipámanichitamatayab.
" pradaya. + paüga A ; samskrádidôsharahitáni. * jiv& iti gamyaté.
50 taśabdo hh ga(P)m&trarthah. 61 paritti kurvatti, hrasvatáru nayanti, sarrasigaram iti yogab, on the foll. soo Aupapkt. 32 (Leumann, 07 gamans B C, gatigamapa A ; °gatishu vipulo vistirah.
parivartó (vritto ?). visakha, sila, B; mithy ktv ani lva tailah parvath taib sat katah sakirnô yah. mahimatayamakaradyanēkajal jartajatisammadena pravilo itath chakravalam jalapArimandalyath yatra. 56 payamdachandar B; shodaśa kashaya eva Sv Apadini makarådini prakérndini atyartharrudr pi yatra. 87 BC, anaiyath ansvadayan A; anAdikam, anarhvargam anamtam. médbävišesha akhykyatta iti yogab.
svajanah pitripitsivyádi. 6. dhannadhúpa C; vibhavam B; dhanadhanyarůpo yo vibhavah lakshmih.
P. 45).

Page #37

JANUARY, 1891.]
FOLKLORE IN SALSETTE; No 5.
suhavivåguttamêsu61) aņuvaraya (anao Aparamparâņubaddha asubhanam subhâņu (BC,A omits) cheva kamnmâna bhâsiya bahuvihå(v. omitted in A)vivagâ vivâgasuyammi bhagavaya jina varepa samvêgakaraṇatthA62), anne (anna A) vi ya êvamâiyâ (adiyê BC) bahu vihå vittharêņam atthâ (attha A) parůvanaya aghavijjamti (jjai BC).
(To be continued.)
FOLKLORE IN SALSETTE.
BY GEO. FR. D'PENHA.
No. 5. - The Poor Boy and the Fox. There once lived together an old woman and her son, who dragged along a very wretched existence, often contenting themselves with one meal a day. They continued in this state for a very long time, till one day a cultivator, a neighbour of theirs, taking pity on them, called the old woman's son, who was then getting a big lad, and gave him a few melon seeds. He then shewed him a plot of ground belonging to him, and told him to sow them there, and to take care of the plants, till they produced melons which, when sold, would belp him to live in a little better style.
The boy took the seeds with gratitude, and lost no time in digging up the ground allotted to him, and in sowing the seeds. A few days afterwards, little plants began to shoot up, and be watered them, manured them, and took every possible care of them. In due time they grew big, and flowered, and yielded an abundance of melons ; but to the great disappointment of the poor boy, when he went in the morning to gather them for sale not one could be found. He was at a loss to understand what had become of them, so he went to his neighbour, who had given him the seeds, and told him all about it, and asked for his advice. The neighbour, who was a cultivator of great experience, at once came to the conclusion either that some one was in the habit of stealing the melons, or that some animals were eating them. But the difficulty was to find the delinquent! So he gave the boy some wax, and told him to mould it into the figure of a man, and set it up in the middle of his field as a scare-crow. The boy took the wax, and made a nice little figure of it, and took it the same evening and set it up in his fields.
That night a fox, who had come every night and enten the melons, came there as usual. But when he saw the wax figure, he thought somebody was watching, and to make himself sure that it was really a human being, went up to the figure and said to it: - "Who are you P" But did ever a figure speak? The fox asked him over and over again, bat, of course with no success. At last he got annoyed at the supposed person not answering him and said :" How often shall I ask you? Are you deaf that you can't hear, or are you dumb that you don't speak P"
But for all this no reply came forth. Again the fox said :-"Take care now; if you don't speak, I will give you a blow that will make you cry."
Still no reply, and so the fox gave one strong blow, but his paw stuck in the wax and he could not extricate it. Upon this the fox said :-"Let go my paw."
Still he could get no reply, nor was his paw set free. Upon this the fox said: "What ! You won't let go my paw? Do you want another blow P This time I will give you a blow that will knock you down! So you had better let go my paw."
a ð y BQ, bubhavipAks uttam) ylebar td fubhavipakottamas tahu, jlylahu iti gamyaté, iha che 'yan Bhashthyarthé saptaml; te kubhavip&kAdhyayana vichy&nArn sadhanAm Ayushkidivisesh Ah Subhavipak Rahyayanshu AkhyAyarhta iti prakitan, atha pratyakaro frutaskandhayôr abhidh ye puno(guna P)papavipAkarpe pratipAdya tayor va yaugapadyena td Aha': anuparata achinna yê paramparAnuba(tiadh Ab, kép vipAkA iti yogah.
• sai végahetavo bhav Ah, of. Leumann, Aup. Glossary under samulyana.

Page #38

30
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JANUARY, 1891.
But for all his entreaties and threats, the supposed human being would not answer him nor would he let go his paw. And then the fox, enraged beyond measure, gave another blow with his other paw, with the result that this paw also adhered to the wax, and all his attempts to extricate either paw were useless; and so in his rage he said: - "Look here now, just you let go my paws, or I shall get wild and give you such a kick on your stomach that it will burst and all your entrails will come out."
But what is the use of threatening a wax figure? The fox gave one strong kick, only to find his leg also stuck fast in the figure. He was now mad with rage, and sometimes with entreaties and sometimes with threats he asked to be let go, but all to no avail. At last he said : -"I ask you for the last time to let me go away quietly, for if I am provoked further, I will give you another kick and that will be certain to kill you."
In this way he begged and threatened, and threatened and begged, but it was all useless. He wriggled and struggled too, but all for nothing, and at last, losing his temper, gave a second kick with the same resolt as before, and got stuck to the figure with all four país like a man tied up. Still he did not despair of setting himself free, and said :-"Well, well, you have caught all my paws; but won't you let them go ? If you don't, I shall know what to do: I will give you a bite and eat you up."
The figure gave him no answer, nor would be set him free. The fox therefore said :"Look here, I will not go on asking you for ever, and if you don't let me go at once, I will bite you without fail. Now do let me go!"
But seeing that all his entreaties were of no avail, he opened his month as wide as he possibly could, and gave a huge bite at the figure, so that his teeth dug deep into the wax and stuok fast in it. He struggled for a very long time, but all his attempts proved futile, and in this position he remained all night, thinking upon his fate the next day.
The following day when the poor boy came as usual to see to his melons, he saw the fox stuck in the figure, and said : - "Oh-ho! you thief, so it's you that have been taking my melons every day, and stealing my daily bread! You are nicely caught. How will you get a way now? I'll teach you to rob my melons !"
Thus saying, he prepared to kill the fox, who sobbed and cried, and begged hard to let him free, but all in vain. The boy seemed determined to kill him, and at last the fox said :"Only set me free, and I will pay you back a hundred-fold. I will even get you married to the king's daughter, and then you can enjoy yourself all your life." In the end, after much entreaty, the boy let the fox free, on condition that he would not steal nor eat any more of his melons, and that he would get him married to the king's daughter. The fox agreed, and never afterwards touched the melons.
He had now a very difficult task to perform, in getting his benefactor married to the king's daughter, and he at once set about it. But one day as he was taking the road leading to the king's palace, he saw a goldsmith making a small bench of gold, which only required a finishing touch. So he went to the other side of the goldsmith's house, where his child was playing alone, the mother having gone to fetch water, and took it up and threw it down on the ground, which made it cry, and then he ran up to the goidsmith and said :"Is your gold worth more than your child, that you should not go and see after it when it is half dead with the fall it has had ? Shame upon you!"
The goldsmith, who was very busy at the time, did not see the fox till he spoke to him, nor had he heard his child cry till he was told about it. So he ran off, to take up the child and to soothe it. In the meanwhile our hero, the fox, quietly took up the bench, and made for the king's palace. As soon as he reached it, he told the guards to inform the king at once
1 Among Hindús, or rather in Marathi, this bench is known as på; the Salsette Christians call it pirasi.

Page #39

JANUARY, 1891.)
FOLKLORE IN SALSETTE; No. 5.
81
that he had come on a very important business. The king came out and offered him a chair, upon which he brought out his golden bench and said with a disdainful air:-"I never sit on chairs, I always carry about my own seat."
The king was, of course, astonished at this, and thought that the fox must be a great personage if he always sat on a golden bench. Preliminaries thus successfully over, the fo began : -"Your Majesty, it is our desire to enter into a bond of relationship between Yor Majesty and ourselves, by asking Your Majesty's daughter in marriage with our son."
The king, who was bewitched at the sight of the golden bench, and took him for a wally great personage, agreed to the proposal, and appointed a day for the celebration of the ausscious festivities. He began at once to make perparations on a very grand scale, which extendd over several days. For he had money and gold and corn, and everything else in abundance
The fox then went homo, told the boy of his success at the palace, and said that must be ready on a certain day. The poor boy was overjoyed, for who would not be the news that he was to be married to a king's daughter ? He too had to make grand preprations, but here was a difficulty ; where were the means? So he had recourse to his friend the fox, who promised to do everything for him.
Now there was a small rivulet running through the town, past the boy's hut and further ou past the king's palace, and the fox went about from house to house and Lected all the rice husks of the village and threw them into the rivulet for several days. When the king saw all these husks, he was astonished and thought within himself: - "My son-ja-law must be a really great personage, as he is evidently going to invite thousands of guests, or why would he grind so much rice P"
There were now only a few days left before the wedding, and the Rx went about collecting all the paträvélisa he conld from the village, and these too he threw in the rivulet. The king was still more astonished to see such a number of patrduelis being already thrown away from his son-in-law's house; for what could it mean, but that his son in-law's guests had already come and were being feasted even days before the wedding P
These tricks were all very well for duping the king, but the bridegroom had to have a befitting dress, and he must also have a large honse, if not a palce, wherein to receive his royal bride, and it was far beyond the comprehension of our hero as to where to get these from. So he again had recourse to the fox. Even these the fox did n/t despair of providing, and one day climbed a high mountain and there began to cry so long and so loud that Isvara and Parbati heard him, and coming up to him asked him what he was crying like that for. The
fox said:
"o Isvara and Parbati, all honour be to you! Hoy shall I tell you of my sorrows ? I was once canght stealing melons, but on promising the ywner to get him married to the king's daughter, I was released by him. I have succeeded ja persuading the king to give his daughter to my benefactor, but the difficulty is to get suitable dress for him, also a befitting house and food and other necessaries requisite for the occasion. I beg of you, therefore, to help me. We want a large house and a pandáls for a day or two, after which I know what to do."
févara and Parbati were much moved, and said:-"Go home, and you will find a large palace most handsomely farnished, and a pandál richly decorated, with tables and bread and all sorts of dishes laid out ready for you, and a handsome dress for the bridegroom !"
The fox went home, and saw to his great pleas are a large palace most handsomely furnished, and a pandál richly decorated, with tables laid out with bread and every requisite necessaFy for the occasion. The dishes and plates were of solid gold and silver, and there also was the bride. groom, most beautifully dressed, and quite a match for the king'a daughter!
• Plates made of leaves. • The shamiana of North India; it corresponds somewhat to the marquee-tent of Europe..

Page #40

32
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JANUARY, 1891.
The king in the meanwhile had sent some of his men to see what preparations his son-in-law had made, and when they saw the large palace, and the pandál, and the tables laid out with gold and silver dishes, their eyes were dazzled, and they went and reported what they had seen to the king, who was now more than convinced that his son-in-law was a man of great importance.
The wedding day at last dawned, and our hero had no friends or relatives to accompany him to church, so the fox went into the jungles and began howling, when lo! thousands upon thousands of other foxes came running in from all sides to the spot where our fox was. He explained to them why he had called them together, and they were all willing to follow him. He next cut a lot of palm leaves and tied them to the tails of the foxes.
The bridegroom now set out for the church, to get married, followed by a retinue of foxes. with the palm leaves tied to their tails, which, as they marched along, raised up each a cloud of dast, that the whole village was enveloped in it. The king saw it from afar and was at a loss to understand what could be the cause of it, and feared that it was a foreign king coming with a large army to conque.r his kingdom. So he sent some men to see what it was or who was coming, and they reported that his son-in-law was coming, with thousands upon thousands of guests. The king, who was not prepared to entertain so many people, sent word to his son-in-law not to bring them all, but to come with only a few.
This just suited the l'ox, who sent back all the other foxes and went alone with the bride. groom. They went to the church, where the marriage ceremony was performed, and then all the guests returned to the king's palace, and regaled themselves on a snmptuous dinner which awaited them. Dinner over, the bridegroom, taking his royal bride, returned to his own house, where a very symptuous supper was eaten, after which dancing and singing were kept up till very late in the night, and then everybody went to sleep.
Now it will be remembered that the large handsome palace and the pandál and everything else was only to remain for a short time, and so everything suddenly disappeared, and the follow. ing morning the bridegroom founel to their dismay, that not even the old woman's hat re, nained, and he and his Wilu Were sink in poverty. On that very day the king was to come with all his guests to dinner, and as soon as the fox saw the party coming he cried out at the top of his voice :
"The bride's foot have brought ill-luck! The bride's foot have brought ill-luck! See in what affluent circumstances we were till yesterday, and the bride has been scarcely a day here when everything has disppeared! The bride's feet bave brought ill-luck! The bride's feet have brought ill-luck!”
The king arrived with his retinue, and was surprised to see his daughter and son-in-law in such a position, and he enquired what was the matter. Quick as lightning, the fox replied :** What is the matter? Why, do you ask what is the matter? The matter is this, your daughter's feet have brought ill-lack to us ! your daughter's feet have brought ill-luck to us."
The poor king, whose men had told him of the splendour of his son-in-law's palace and everything else they saw, thought that what the fox said must be true, and that his daughter's feet had brought ill-luck to her husband ! So be consoled him by a promise of half his kingdom in compensation for the loss he had sustained !
Our friend, the poor boy, took it contentedly, and when many years afterwards the fox died, the boy gave him a grand funeral, with music. And after that he lived happily with his royal bride to a very old age.
This is an exceedingly interesting instance of the grateful animal class of tale, in which, contrary to custom, for is the hero. It also exhibits in a remarkable degree the mixture of Hinduism and Christianity that clearly prevails among the poorer Christians of Salsette.-R.C.T.

Page #41

JANUARY, 1891.]
FOLKLORE IN SALSETTE; No. 5.
33
TEXT.
Ek hôtî dôkrî; tichâ hôtâ êk sôkrâ. Mhôtțâ garibchâr tianchâ gêlâ, aurêtûk gê kôn vakhat êk vakhat khât ani kôn vakhat dôn vakhat khât. Aisan karên mûrâd varsam kârlim. Ek dis êkê sêzôlialâ kâklût aili tianchi, ani tiâ dôkrichê sôkriala vârûnśim jibrâchiâ biâ dilià ani sangatlaṁ pairâvâ ani tianchi kamâi karûnsim khâvâlâ. Tiâ pôrâzûn tiâ biâ ghêûnsim pairilià ani mûrâd mênat kêli. Kain têp gêlam ani jibrichâ mâriâ âilâ. O pôria âplâ simpi, khânam gbâtlam ani hôtâ. Kain têp tiâvar gêlam ani tiâ jibrichà mâriâ mhotțiâ zhâiliâ, tianvar fûlan ailim, ani thaurê tê pasim jibram zhâilim. Atham ô pôria sakâlchâ, ûṭṭûnśim zai âplês käsivar jibram kârâvâ, pûn taiam pôñchliavar bagi tê ka, êk pûn jibûr milê naśê tialâ. Atham nâhin khabar gê kôn chôrên nêt ou nahin sangvê gê kain zanâvram êûn khât. Tavam tô pôria gêlâ tiâ sêzôliapar ani sangatlam gê asi asi vârtâ hâi, ani vichârilam gê tiachâ ûpâi ka karâvâ. Tavam tô sêzôli tâbôrtôb samazla gé kain tari zanâvram êânśim khâtastin kharim. Tiâ porâlâ sângatlam: "Mên jhê ani tiacham êk bâalam kar, ani rätchê pârâ tûjê kâśichêmadam ûbam kar; sakál ka hai tê tûla samjêl, gê kônim chôrûn nêtân ou kônim zanâvram êûn khâtân aisam." Pôria gêlâ gharâ, mên jhêtlam, ani kêlam êk bâulam. Sâncham tên bâulam nêlam ani jibrichê madam ûbam kêlam.
Atham ka zhâilam, êk kôlha pêṭlati, zô râtchâ êi ani sârim jibram khai. Athamh & kôlbå dar dis êi taisâ tiâ râtchâ tari âilâ, ani tiachi nadhar lagli tiâ mênâché bâuliavar. Kôlhiache manan jêlam gê kônin mânûs baislai râkhâva. Tavam tià bâuliachê mêrê zâûn bôlûn lâglá: "Kôn hâis tâm P" Pûn bâuliazûn kadûn zabâb diltâ gê Az dêl aisâ. Kôlhâ magâri vichârâvâ lâgla; mûrâd såd ghâtlê, ani mârâd vakhat vichârilam pûn tialâ kain zabab milê nâhin. Kôlhialâ âilâ râg ani kâ bôltê: "Kôn hâis tûm? Zabab nahin karvê, kam tûlâ kain pâijê ? Zabâb nahin dilâs tê samâl; êk chafrâk mârin ani hêtto pârin." Auram bôtlam kolhiazûn pûn tia bâuliachê tôndânśim zabab kain ningê nâhin. Tavam kôlha bagila bagila ani zô chafrik mârli tê tiachâ hât lapatla tià mênâlâ. Atham kôlhâ hât kârtêi pân kain ningê nahin. Tavam ka bôlté magâri: "Kâ rê, hât sôritês kam nâhin, kam dêan biji êk chafråk. Atham chafråk dên tê hêtto parsil ani ûtsil nahin bhuinvarsim, nâhin tê barêpanim hât sûr." Aisam bôtlam, kôlhiazûn, pûn tiachâ hât kain sûttê nâhin ani tialâ zabâb kain milê nahin. Tavam tâulâ ani zô biji chafråk dilî tê tô pûn hât arkala. Atham kôlha hiiskitê hinskitê tari hât kain sûtat nâhin, tavam kâ bôltê: "Kâ rê, tûlâ kain masti âilêi kâ? Dôvin hât dhêlês ka? Bagai tûm manjê hât sôr, nâhin tê jâsti tâu zâr Ailà tê lât mârin ani ântrim kârin, nahin tê manje hât sôr ani mâlá zâundê." Tari kain tiachê hât nâhin sûtat kam zabab pûn nâhin milê; ni kôlhiala rag zô ailà tê tiâ rigasim mârli lat tê hôtâ tê pâin pûn arkala. Tari pûn ka bôltê: "Kâ rê, mâñzâ pâin pûn dhêlês ka? Bagai tûlâ mim sângtain gê mâñje hât pâiù sôr, nahin tê biji lât zô mârin tê jiû kârin, nâhin tê mâlâ sôr." Tari pûn tiala zabab milê nahin, ani tava bharli mârli biji lât, pûn tô pûn paiù lapaṭlà, ani kôlha relâ tangla; lagla hât pâin hiuskâvâ. Hiuskitê, ôritê, tânitê, pûn kain ûpêgi parê nâhin. Tari pûn kôlha dhir sôrî nahin, ani kâ bôlté: Bagai mâñjê hât pâin sôr. Tûm nako samzûn gê mâñjê hât pâiù gûtlê ani musim kain nahin karvėl aisam. Sêvat châvû zô mârin tê ragat ningêl ani tum marsil, nahin tô mânâm sôr." Kolha auram bôltei tari tialà kain zabâb milê nahin ani tiachê hât pâin kain sûtat nahin. Tavam hotam tê kôlhiazûn jê châvâ mârlâ tê tiacham tond pûn lapaṭlam. Athamh kôlha bagitoi gê kains upải rêli nâhin, ani sâri rất taisâs tangla rê là.
Bijê dis pôria âilà tê bagitêi gê chôr sâmplian parlai; tavam tiala bôtlâ: "Arha, tûus nähin rê tô, mañjim jibram dar dis khâvâlâ ? Atham tûlà barâbôr dâkhritain." Ainsam bôlûnsiin zâtei tiachâ prån kârâvâ, tavam kôlhâ lâgla hâtâi pâiâi parâvá ani dâdâ bâva karava. Hô nâhin, hô nahin kartam éêvat bôtla: "Bagai, mânân sôr, tâlâ râjiachi sôkrt den varâdàvi." Pôria tari hô nahin, hô nâhin kartam kabûl zhâilâ sôrâvâ adê kabûlâdivar gê rajiachê sôkrisim tiacham varad karavam, ani tielâ sôrilam. Tiâ disasim jibram sarim akôpit milum laglim.
Atham êk dis pôrâzûn sângatlam kôlhialâ tiachi adirik bandâva rajachd #okrléim. Kolha bôtla: "Hô, tên Aplam kâm." Aisam bôtlam ani ningâlâ zavâlâ rajachê ghara. Vatê ek sônâr gharvit

Page #42

84
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JANUARY, 1891.
hôtå ek sôniacha piram. Magle dårå Bônårâcham pôr khêlat hôtam; tialå kölhiszün takilari ani apțilam, ani dhånvat kila ani sônårálá kâ bồité : “Arê, sônam tûlâ jásti zbâilain tuje pôrakhiris, gô rartêi "tè bagis nâbin, ani piram gharvala baiskiis." Tavam sonar dhuivat gola pôrálê tûkává taurian kôlhiazûn piram tükilam ani palála. Piram ghêûnsim gelê râjâchê ghara, ati simpatials sangatlan rajalå vårå vå bôlünsim gê agticham kam hâi karūnsim. Simpâi zanbim sangatlam rajala Tava raza kila ani kadêr dilar kôlhiala baisåvá. Tavar kölhiazên sôniachan piraṁ karlari ani baisla bölünsim : "Shåv ! as: kadêravar kôn baišel ; minn miðji baisan sadan sangåti jhê tam." Rajazûn bagilan té ajában bharlâ ani êuzûn låglâ gê kolhå kônim môţta mands asivå kar gê te sốnichó piria var bait tê. Tavan khabat mat karùnóim râjazân vichi rilam kị kìm hãi karùnóim. Kölhiazûn zabib kela: "RAJA sâhib, tumšim âmsim aðirik; tumchi sôkri amchê sôkriala diavi." Rázi piram bagûnsiṁ aurêtûk bhalla gê tábôrtob kabûl'Aila, ani dk dis nêmilâ várad la vâlâ. Kain dis gêlê ani raza låglå karávà taiâri varadachi
Atham rajâchê sókrisiṁ sôirik te zhaili, půn varad kara vả ghar dir påije, pôrála nêsun pâije; bizam tô khává pivála pâije. Kolhiazûn dhîr dilå pôråla, ani sangatlan gå tô sâram taiar Earil. Kain têp hôtar varadili tavam kôlhiazůn sâră gânvânchå tûs kauntálili ani ék nadi vật agê pôrâché då râparsim tê rajachê dârâparasim tik nadimani sôrila. Rájazûn aura tus bagünsim êuzûn lågla gê zîvain kharans mhôţți mânûs as I ani tiacha gôt mhottam asel tavams auram bhát daltêi. • Thaurà dis réld varadili tavam kôlba gharðghar firangim patrâvôli kauptálilia ani tiks nadimani sôrilia, tavan râzâ tiâ patrâveli bagansim jásti ajeban bharla gê zûvain müråd thlivant asel tavam tiachim sôirim dhảirim athams & Ansim khâtán pitân.
Asê ravóóin kolhiszûn râjâlâ fasvilan. Athan pôrålå kapra, kúpran pâizat, ghar dår påija, êm kansin êté. Tavan kolhiazên kê kêlam, gêla Oké dôngrân ani lågla jtvänsim rariva. Tavam ka zháilAr, Isvara ani Párbatizûn aikan tiachf bôm filim ani vichårilam tiapar: "kańh asi bôi martês ?” Tavam kôlhiazûn zab&b kela: "Namaskar kartûí tůmâlâ. KA sångar mim tämála. Ekê vaktha mim jelům jibrain khåvâlâ ani sâmplian parlum. Tia jibrichỉ dhanf dûn mâlâ sôrvilan ske kabaladivar gê minzûn tiacham varad karavan rajíchê sókrisim. Rajala samzivůn sôirik kêlêi pun naurialA kapram kapran pâizat, gbar dár páije, ani râjâchim minsan étin tiafiche sarkan khânam pinam pâije. Hia kartam ailkun tumch) påsim, mångåva tümchi madat ék dón disan kartam."
távarala ani Pårbatflâ kaklút Aili ani bôtliń: "ZA, så ram taiår hâi; kâpram, kúpram, ghar dår, mandap, ani khanam pinam, ani sâram bizam jêm kâ lågel taura taidr hỏil." Aisam Isvara ani Pårbati bôtlim ani ndipêt zhüilim.
Kolha gharê eûnsin ajêbân ani bausên bharla sâram bagansi : mhôţtf marf zasi kå dkê râjâchi, måndap ani tiâ mândpân mêz mandlálam sônia ani rupiachê såmanasim bharlêlam, taripan naurá bagilê nêslela khari ékê râjâchê zêvaióhá zögů. Ek dis rajâzün aplins mânsam dhårlim bagåvå ká taiari kêlêi pôrázůn, ani tim mânsan pûn ajébán bharlin sâram bâgünsirn. Athan sâram zhailam pûn pôralA varadi nahin, tavam kôlbî gili ekê rånamani ani je häkt marli të hazard hije kolh6 zama zháild. Åple kólhiazûn sângatlam tianâ gê asi asi vårtê hii ani té kabûl zhAild &vala nauriachê sangatt. Aplå kôlhiazûn tari ka kelan, khåndilia mûråd såulia ani bandilia dar kolhiachê sêpțila, ani zavan naariachê sangati jele tavam je je dhůl úrli te sårå gâu bharla dhůlisim. Râzâ bagůnsim ghåbarla ; euzûn lågla gé biza kônin râzâ êtêi ka. Aisam êuzan karûn mânsam dhárlim bagåvá kê bai aisam. Tim mânsam eûnsim sângún láglin gě závajú erði tiachê sârê gôtáśiń. Rajala khabar nôti g& auram gôt él aisan, ani tabi tiachi taiari nott, hia kartam tiazûn nirap dhára pôrálå gê aurim mânsam nahin håravim karûnsim. Tavan kólhá khusi zhdilê ani såre kölhiana parat påtvilam, ani tô pôtia ani naura gêlê dêula varid lâvala Varad lagúnsim jelim râjâchê ghara. Rajachê ghará mhôttam jantar keltan. Taian khålam pilar ani råtcham naurila jhatlam ani âplés ghará jêlina. Taian tart ék mhôtfam siêr månglan, khålar pilam, hånsliỉ khellim ani niñzlim. Bijê disa aflim ani bagitan tê sâra nkipêt zhậilam, ghar dår, måndap ani sâram. Rajách ani tiachế mângârchâ evachê vakhat zhảila, tavam kolhå dk sárká láglâ bôm märáva: "Naunoha påingún kh0A, naurichå påingún khôA." Raja ani

Page #43

JANUARY, 1891.]
MISCELLANEA.
35
tiachim mânsan ailin tim tari ajêbên bharlim ani vichârilam kólhiapar ka zhailam aisa." Kolhiazûn bôtlan : “Ka zhậilan! Naurichâ pâingûn khôțâ, naurichâ paingûn khôțâ. Kal pâvat k Amchâm châllam, ani tůmcht sôkri kilialâ êk råt nåhin jeli tavam saraṁ nâipet zhảilam. Naurichå påingûn khôta, naurfchâ pâingun khôta."
Razi tori êuzó lagla gê ht várta khart aśèl, kảm gå tiachê mansanzân sâram tiala singatla hôtan zeuran bagiltam taurar, ani kz bagitêi tê kains nåhin.
Rajazûn dhir dila pôrâlâ, ani ardam râz tiala dilam hia kartam gê tiachê sôkrichê pâiansin tiachân garibehår zhảila. Pôriâzân khûślsim ardan rûz jhêtlan ani nivật rêlê.
Mûrâd varsam bharlim ani kôlhân mêlê; pôrâzân tialâ girilam. Ardam rûz jhéanaim to pôria ani tiacht bâ ikô rölim khûsalin, ani dokrin mbåtarin zháilim.
MISCELLANEA. CALCULATIONS OF HINDU DATES. dinayuta-Sømaváradoļu nákula-chittade nonta No. 47.
taļdidar Until recently, the latest known name in the jana-nutan=Indrarajan akhi!-&mara-raja-maha. dynasty of the Rashtrakatas of Malkhód was vibhatiyam II, - that of Kakkala or Kakka III., who was over. "taking (lit. recollecting, or thinking of), the time thrown by the Western Chalukya king Tailapa of the Saka king, the number of which is measured II. about A. D. 973-74. An inscription from by the oceans (four), the sky (nought), and the Maisar, however, No. 57 in Mr. Rice's Inscrip- treasures (nine); (the year) Chitrabhanu being tions at Sravana Belgola, has now brought to current; on Monday, connected with the day of notice a later name, that of Indraraja, with the the eighth tithi of the dark fortnight of Chaitra; date of A. D. 982. In addition to being mentioned having performed the vow with an undisturbed by his own proper name, this Indrarája is also mind, Indraråja, praised by mankind, attained spoken of by several birudas, among which is that the high dignity of (Indra), the lord of all the of Ratta-Kandarpa ; and this shews the family to gode." which he belonged. Further, he is described as
Here, the given unspecified year is an expired & son's son of Krishnarajendra, who, there can
year, the Chitrabhanu samvatsara coinciding be little doubt, is Krishna IV., the father of Kakka III.; but, whether this Indraraja was a son
by the southern luni-solar system, with Saka.
Sarvat 905 current.' And in this year, the given of Kakka III., or of another son of Krishņa IV.
tithi Chaitra krishna 8 onded at about 57 is not made clear by the record.
ghafla, 50 palas, after mean sunrise (for Bombay). The inscription is an eulogy of the virtues and
on Monday, 30th March, A. D. 982; which, prowess of Indraråja : and it concludes by giving
accordingly, is the English equivalent of the the date of his death. He died, apparently, by I given date. the performance of the Jain vow of sallékhana
J. F. FLEET. or self-starvation. The passage containing the date, as given by Mr. Rice (loc. cit., Texte, pp. 55, EXAMINATION OF SOME ERRORS IN 71), runs
WARREN'S KALASANKALITA: Vanadhi-nabhô-nidhi-pramita-samkhye Sak- Warren's Kalasankalita, published in 1825, &vanipêla-kaļaman
has been so long before the public, that any for. neneyise Chitrabhanu parivarttise Chaitra- mal and detailed criticism of it cannot now be sitêtar-&shtami. I
called for. Still, as it is quoted even to the pre1 Road aarikhya-fak', as required by the metro. - way. It may also be noted, in connection with the J. P. F.
published Tables of interonlary months, that the next • Bead admavaradoleandkuna.-J. F. F.
insoription, No. 58, in Mr. Bioe's book, gives & date in • It may be noted, in connection with the question the adhika or intercalated shAdha of a Chitrabhanu sais
to the period when the mean-sign system was sup- vatsara which appears to be the same one was that dealt planted by the southern luni-solar system in Southern with above. The date does not include the week-day, India, that by the mean-sign system, the same sariwat- or any other item by which the details can be actually sara, Chitrabhápu, was current at the commencement of tested. But the record is in socordance with Mr. Bak Sahvat 901 current. But Chaitra Kukla 10 then Cowjee Patell's and General Sir A. Cunningham's ended at about 19 ghaffs on Thursday, 31st March, A. D. Tables, which give AshAdha m the interoulary month for 981; and so oannot be connected with á Monday in any | Baks-sahvat 905 ourrent.

Page #44

36
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
sent day as an authority, and in many respects deservedly so, it will probably not be thought out of place if I point out some of the more important errors in it. Not only is the rectifica. tion of them really needed from a general point of view; but also it will render it still possible, for any one who wishes to do so, to use Warren's Tables, and yet to obtain correct results from them.
The chief object of the Kalasankalita was (Preface, p. ii) "to abridge the tedious process of converting dates proposed according to European style into the corresponding Tamil, Telinga and Muhammadan time, and vice versa," for which respectively the first, second, and fourth Memoirs in the Kalasankalita were written, while
a separate Memoir, the third, treats solely of the Cycles of Jupiter. I do not propose saying anything, of the fourth Memoir, which relates entirely to the Mahammadan reckoning. I confine myself to the information given in this work in connection with the Hindu astronomy.
The Tamil and Telugu reckonings are. chiefly solar (saura) and lunar (chandra) respectively. The chief object of the book, i. e. the conversion of Hindu into European dates and vice versa, is accomplished through the medium of the Tamil solar reckoning; and therefore the method used is not of particular interest to those who, like me, are not in the habit of using that reckoning. But for Europeans, for whom the book is chiefly written, it is as useful as any other method, if not more so.
The calculation of a tithi is given in the second Memoir; and the method of finding the apparent places of the sun and moon being fully explained and illustrated with examples there, the nakshatra, yoga and karana of a given day can be easily calculated, though Warren has not distinctly given methods for them. The method, however, of calculating the tithi, given there, is a little cumbrous, notwithstanding the fact that the process is shortened by the use of the Tables. It can be calculated far more easily by the method in the Appendix to the second Memoir. This Appendix, which was written by Andrew Scott in A. D. 1797, with the aid, it seems, of the information communicated to him by a native astronomer, an inhabitant of a village near Chicacole, is "a commentary on Vavilala Cuchinna's Rules and Tables for computing the Telugu Calendar," and though Warren inserts it "rather as a Tract extremely remarkable, both for the singularity of the topics which
[JANUARY, 1891.
it investigates, and for the ingenuity displayed in expounding them, than as an instrument which is likely to prove serviceable to the main object of these Memoirs," it is, practically viewed, of more importance than the Memoir itself of which it forms an Appendix; because it contains short and easy methods of calculating nakshatras, yogas, and karanas, and the apparent places of planets with regard to their longitude and latitude. Warren has calculated a lunar eclipse in Fragment IV. Of the other astronomical articles treated of in a Karana-work or contained in a Hindu Panchang, the conjunctions of planets, and the mahápáta (the time of equal declination of the sun and moon), can be ealculated from Warren's book, if the computator knows their
definitions. Some other matters, such as heliacal tions of the planets with the stars, and the times risings and settings of the planets, the conjuncwhen the planets become retrogade or stationary, can also be computed with the help of some additional information from other sources. But even with such additional information, it would be found difficult to calculate a solar eclipse from Warren's book. Nevertheless, it may be said generally that it is a good practical work on Hindu astronomy. The most praiseworthy feature of it, is the successful attempt to analyse and demonstrate almost every rule and problem in the subjects treated of. In this direction it goes beyond the scope of a Karana or a practical work, and resembles a Siddbânta-work, on the Hindu astronomy; though it does not boast of treating of all the subjects of a Siddhânta. It is far superior to the scanty information on "Indian Measures of Time" in the "Indian Metrology" by Jervis, who, though his knowledge of the Hindu astronomy scarcely went beyond the Laghu- and Brihat- Tithichintamani, works by which only the week-day, nakshatra, and yoga of a given tithi not earlier than SakaSamvat 1447 expired (A. D. 1525) can be calculated, did not fear to give wrong information and to draw erroneous conclusions on the general subject of Hindu astronomy. A similar tendency to assume a knowledge of the whole area of Hindu astronomy betrays itself once or twice even in Warren's writings. When he wrote (Preface, p. iii.) "the author (Warren) had also in view to familiarize the learned Natives with the use of Tables constructed and disposed in the manner of those of the European Mathematicians; and also to reconcile them to the idea of brevity and expedition in computations, to which they are singularly averse," he seems to
1 The epoch of Vavilala Cuchinna's work, is Saka-Samvat 1220 expired, and it is based on the present
Surya-Siddhanta.

Page #45

JANUARY, 1891.]
MISCELLANEA.
37
have overlooked the fact that no less than twenty But I think it is really meant for suddhi-dina out of the forty-nine Tables given by him in (aita), used for the tithi-suddhi, and so connection with the Hindu astronomy were should be defined as the day on which the directly borrowed from Hindu works; and that Misha-Sankranti occu's, though Warren has most of the other Tables were necessary only used it for the day on which any sankranti to convert the Hindu dates into their Euro. occurs, or the luni-solar year begins. pean equivalents. And he was not aware that
On pages 376, 384, definitions are given of the Tables similar to those which he gave, might
words prakchakra and sprik, the latter of which be in use in other parts of India, or
is snid to be wrongly written in the Text as sprohu perhaps even in the very province in which
or sprohoo. They are explained as meaning he lived. His assertion (Pref. p. i.) that "the
respectively the epicycle on which ancient usresults of the present research...... were derived from systems which we see nowhere
tronomers corrected the precessional variation,
and 'a lunar intercalary day, repeated during two supported by recorded observations, or modified
successive solar days in the calendar. But (for several centuries past) by improved theories,"
there are in reality no such terms. The second is subtle and liable to dispute. But such
of them seems to be meant for tridinasprik, instances are rare, and it may be said that
'(a tithi) which touches three (civil) days."? Warren was a good appreciator of the merits of
And the former seems to owe its existence only to the Hindu astronomy, and was not merely a
Davis' incorrect translation (see page 84, note) fault-finder. His book gives a good insight into
of the 9th, 10th, and 11th verses, and the first the Hindu astronomy; and those foreign writers
half of the 12th, of the Triprasna-Adhikara of who wish to be judges on the subject of the Hindu astronomy, may do well to give it a
the Sdrya-Siddhanta. On page 389, avanatama
(under the word vanatamsa) is said to mean thorough perusal.
degrees of altitude. But it really means There is ample proof to shew that Warren was
zenith-distance. The correct term for 'altitude' a good mathematician and a careful computator. is unnatamg&. But notwithstanding this, some mistakes have
The terms solar ahargana and luni-solar crept into his book; and without a knowledge of
ahargana, used throughout, are rather mislead. them, the utility of it is liable to be affected.
ing; and it would have been better to use " ahar. The book seems to be still one of constant refe
gana at the beginning of solar years (or months)," rence; and it, therefore, will be useful to note the
and "ahargana at the beginning of luni-solar more important mistakes in it, which is the chief
years (or months)." These are the senses in object of my present remarks.
which the terms in question were used. And it As might be expected, partly from the fact that
would have been at any rate advisable to give the no regular system had then been established, and
definition of them. partly from the author's admission that he himself A misunderstanding in connection with the was totally ignorant of the Sanskrit language (page Second Chronological Table, into which War. 351), most of the Sanskrit toohnical terms, used ren himself seems to have fallen, is likely to by Warren, are very corruptly spelt in the be impressed on the reader's mind, and it might text, and in reading the book it is necessary to casily render its fourth, fifth, sixth, and tenth read first the Glossary (pp. 353-396), where they columns quite useless. One is likely to suppose are corrected and defined; and in some instances that the entries in these columns are for the end it has to be searched rather carefully, before the of the apparent last amavdsyd of the year; but required words can be found. Even in the Glos- this is not the case. The luni-solar ahargana in sary, however, some words are not correctly dis
the tenth column is calculated from Table XLIX. posed of. For instance, srishtyadidyugana (p. 64); the very nature of which shews that it is (FETE ), which is spelt strostidi digona in for the end of the last mean andvdsyd, and not the text, is given as sristyadi diugona in the Glos. of the apparent one. The heading of the fifth sary (p. 58). Also some words are wrongly column, "date of the last mean conjunction in defined, though this is not often the case; for in the luni-solar year," - also shews the same fact; stance, the word spelt as sootadina in the text, is and I myself have ascertained it from several given as suddha dina, and is defined as the dayon calculations. The difference between the endingwhich a particular phenomenon isto occur' (p. 385). 1 times of a mean and an apparent tithi, amounts
This word, by the bye, is wrongly defined in Monier-Williams Sanskrit Dictionary, as meaning 'the conjunction or concurrence of three lana.ions with one solar day.'

Page #46

33
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JANUARY, 1891.
sometimes to as much as about 25 ghatís. Some- i. e. the ahargana for the end of the luni-solar times it may be the case that both the mean and year 4923 of the Kaliyuga (i. e. again for the the apparent tithi end on the same day; but in beginning of Kaliyuga-Sarvat 4924 current, Igost cases, the apparent' tithi would end one or Saka-Samvat 1745 current) is computed as day before or after the day on which it ends as a 1798147 days, 1 ghati, 49 vighatis (palas), 55 parus mean tithi. Warren writes (Chro. Tables, p. xiii.) (vipalas), 7 suras (prativipalas) according to the "since the Solar Civil date of the last conjunction Sürya-Siddhanta, and as 1798146-39-24-28-53 in the year 4923 of the Cali yug fell on the 12th according to the Arya-Siddhanta; and the dif. Chitra" (the Bengal solar Chaitra],"it follow ference of the two reckonings is given as 22 gh. that the Prathama Tidhi, or first Lunar day of 25 vi. 26 p. 14 8. (pages 243, 244 of the text, and the Luni-solar year 4924" (current] "fell on the p. 66 of the Tables).* But, counting from the 13th Chitra,...... as was exemplified in the Thursday midnight, the former, vis-the SuryaKalendar exhibited at page 67." As only the Siddhanta ahargana, brings us to 46 gh. 49 vi. apparent tithis are entered in the calendar, the 55 p. after sunrise on a Friday, and shews that prathama tithi referred to here is apparent. the mean end of that luni-solar year occurred at Again he says (Chro. Tables, p. xiv.) " it is almost that time on that day, and that its last feria was needless to add, that when the true time of Friday, and counting from the Friday sunrise, Sun rising is referred to, as it occurs in any the latter, vix, the Arya-Siddhanta ahargana, Latitude or Longitude arbitrarily proposed, the brings us to 39 gh. 24 vi. on the same day; the real precise Solar date of the Amarasya, and Prathama difference between the two being only 7 gh. 25 vi. Tidhis ...... may vary from what it is com. My assertion that the mean end of the luni-solar puted for Lanca in the Chronological Table. year 4923 of the Kaliyuga, i. e. the end of its But as this difference can only occur when the last mean amdvdsyd, occurred at 46 gh. 49 vi. 55 p. last conjunction falls very near the time of Sun = nearly 46 gh. 50 vi.) after sunrise on the Friday rising, the case is a rare one." From these two according to the Súrya-Siddhanta, can be shewn quotations Warren's intention seems to have been, to be correct from Warren's calculations them. to give the day of the apparent conjunction; but selves. He has calculated the same tithi on pages the contrary has been the case. It is rather sur. 82 to 90. The mean places of the sun and moon prising that Warren, while noticing in the latter calculated for that purpose are 11° 9° 26' 36 37 quotation the trifling difference of some palas or and 118 21° 18 3424" respectively (see p. 83 or of a ghatikd or two, arising from the actual time 86). They are, as is evident from the number of of sunrise in a place away from the first meridian 8dvana days used in the first proportions in and equator, forgot the difference, which some. article 6, page 83, according to the Súrya-Sid. times amounts to 25 ghatikds. If it be kept in dhdnta; and from the remarks in lines 6 to 3 mind that the entries in the said columns of the from the bottom of page 82, and from the first Second Chronological Table are for the last mean two lines of the 13th operation on page 90, it conjunction of the year, they will be useful for will be seen that they are for the midnight on calculating the apparent conjunction and any Saturday, 12th Poongoni (the Bengal Solar other apparent tithi in the ensuing year; subject, Chaitra). And from these places it is seen at however, to another error, which I will now point once that the mean conjunction had already out.
happened, and that the moon was, at that mid.
night, 11° 48' 57' 47" in advance of the sun. In calculations strictly according to the SúryaSiddhanta, the ahargana from the beginning of the
Calculating from this distance and from the mean
daily motions of the sun and moon, we find that Kaliyuga is to be calculated from midnight on
the mean amavdeyd occurred 58 gh. 10 vi. (the Hindu) Thursday, and in those uccording to
before the Saturday midnight, i. e. at 46 gh. the Arya-Siddhanta, it is to be calculated from
50 vi. after mean sunrise on the Friday, i.e. again the next following morning, i. e. from sunrise on the Friday. This distinction, though sometimes
exactly at the time which I have given above. observed (p. 90), is lost sight of, often in the text, It must be stated here, first, that Warren, and wholly in preparing the Second Chronological in finding the week-day from the luni-solar Table. For instance, the luni-solar ahargana, ahargana as calculated from the Tables, neglecta
* The appurent conjunction took place on that day : but the mean conjunction on the previous day, as will be shewn further on.
Tbis difference is given as 32-24-51 on page 120, which seems to be a slight mistake.
-5 This date is taken for calculation, in consequence of thinking, erroneously, that the mean conjunction happened on that day. The 11th Poongoni ought to have been taken. But it is immaterial for the ultimate result, in calculating a tithi as worked out here by Warren.

Page #47

JANUARY, 1891.]
4
the fraction (ghatis, palas), and adds one to the complete number, and counts from Thursday as zero (and Friday as one; see the above example of the luni-solar ahargaṇa worked out on page 243 of the text and p. 66 of the Tables); while, in finding the week-day from the solar ahargana, he neglects the fraction, does not add one to it, and counts from Friday as zero (see the example on p. 240 of the text and p. 65 of the Tables). To add one in the former case, amounts to the same thing as not to add one and to count from the Friday as zero. To the luni-solar ahargana of both the Surya and Arya-Siddhantas, he applied one and the same method, and evidently forgot that the former ahargana is to be counted from Thursday midnight. In the above example (worked on page 243) the complete number of the ahargana according to the Súrya-Siddhanta is 1,798,147; adding one to it, he obtained 1,798,148, which, being divided by seven, gives 2 as the remainder; and counting from Thursday as zero, he gave Saturday as the sootadina or last day of that mean luni-solar year, according to the SuryaSiddhanta; while, adding one to 1,798,146, which is the complete number of the ahargana according to the Arya-Siddhanta, and counting from the Thursday as zero, he gave Friday as the 'sootadina' according to the Arya-Siddhánta. In the Second Chronological Table, against the Kaliyuga year 4923, he gave 1,798,148 as the luni-solar ahargana in column X., and Saturday as the last feria in column IV. In this, he evidently followed the Surya-Siddhanta. But I have just shewn that, even according to the Surya-Siddhanta, the last feria is Friday, and not Saturday. The luni-solar ahargana according to the Surya-Siddhanta is to be counted from the Thursday midnight; but in order to count it as Warren did, from the Thursday as zero (Friday as one), 15 ghats should first be subtracted from it, and then one (day) added," to the complete number of it. In the above example, the luni-solar ahargana according to the SuryaSiddhanta is 1798147-1-49, &c.; subtracting 15 ghails from it, and then adding one (day) to the complete number, we get 1,798,147, which ought to have been given in column X. of the Second Chronological Table against Kaliyuga year 4923; but Warren gave one more, viz. 1,798,148, which is wrong. In his explanation of the Second Chronological Table, Warren omitted to specify the Siddhanta to which the luni-solar ahargana
MISCELLANEA.
• I do not know why Warren made such a nominal distinction between the solar and luni-solar aharganas. It would have been more convenient to follow one and the same course in both the cases.
89
in its tenth column belongs. But from the above example it is clear that it is the Surya-Siddhanta; and from several other examples I have fully satisfied myself that it is according to the Sürya, and not the Arya-Siddhânta. Whenever the fraction in the luni-solar ahargana is less than 15 ghatss, the entries in the columns X. and IV. must be wrong; and from several actual calculations, I have ascertained that they are wrong. The English dates in column V. are, as Warren himself stated (p. xii. of the Chronological Tables), derived from the ahargana inserted in column X.; and consequently they also are wrong. For instance, against the Kaliyuga year 4923 current, the English date of the last mean conjunction is given as the 23rd March (A. D. 1822). But it And from any should be the 22nd March. English Tables, we can see that the 22nd March, A. D. 1822, was a Friday, which is the correct last feria of that luni-solar year. In column VI. of the same Table, the sidereal date, in the solar Chaitra (the Tamil Poongoni) for the last conjunction, is given; and to get it, the same wrong luni-solar ahargana was again used, as will be seen from a note on page xii. f. of the Chronological Tables. Consequently, the entries in column VI. must be wrong. In the above example, the sidereal date is not the 13th but the 12th, and the civil date is the 11th of the solar Chaitra (the Tamul Poogoni). Thus, columns IV., V., VI., and X. of the Second Chronological Table are wrong. It is true that the fraction in the luni-solar ahargana does not every year amount to less than 15 ghatis; but, as the fraction is not given in the Table, there are no means of determining in what years the results are right, and in what years they are wrong; and to provide these means now, would amount to preparing a fresh Table. The mistake, however, is not more than one day, one way or the other.
To use, as Warren did, the solar ahargaņa from one authority and the luni-solar from another in the same Table, is unsystematic, and the more so, because the luni-solar ȧharganas from the Surya and the Arya-Siddhantas differ from each other, and have different starting-points. Warren said that "the Tamil astronomers, though computing in solar time, use in preference the luni-solar ahargana according to the SaryaSiddhanta, and for the solar the Arya-Siddhánta" (see pages 64 and 66 of the Tables, and p. 244, para. 2, of the text). But this cannot be a fact.
7 If counted from Friday as zero, the one day need not be added.
This is for the end of the mean amdvdsyd. The apparent amdudsyd ended on the 12th Poongoni, civil account (see p. 90); but the correct result is only accidental.

Page #48

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JANUARY, 1891.
As far as my knowledge goes, the Hindu day in the Kaliyuga year 7924 current is said to astronomers never use the luni-solar ahargana be Friday by the Súrya-Siddhanta; this is in the sense and manner in which Warren used it. mistake; it ought to be Thursday. Also see p. 82, He seems to have been led into this misunder- line 7 from the bottom, where the civil month is standing by the fact that the number of the moon's wrongly said to be of 31 days, instead of 30. revolutions in a Mahayuga is the same in both But fortunately, in the two Chronological Tables the Súrya and the Arya-Siddhantas. Probably Warren gave the solar ahargana from the Aryahe found Tamil astronomers, - the followers of Siddhanta, and thus avoided a repetition of the the Arya-Siddhanta, - using that number of the mistake. moon's revolutions, counting their ahargana from
The time of the apparent or the mean Mêsha. sunrise, according to the rule of their authority;
Bankranti is the time when the sun's apparent or and thus he seems to have fallen into the error
mean longitude amounts to nil. Acoording to of giving, in the Second Chronological Table, the
the first Arya-Siddhanta, the apparent (spashta) luni-solar ahargana from the Súrya-Siddhanta,
Mêsha-Satkránti takes place about 2 days, 8 gh. and making it count from sunrise.
51 palas, 15 vipalas, before the mean (madhyama) There seems also another reason of this. The
Mêsha-Samkranti, and this difference is called ahargana (index) for about the end of the luni
86dhyam in Warren's work. This quantity solar Kaliyuga-Samvat 4923 current, according to
varies according to different authorities. Accord Vavilala Cuchinna's work, is computed on pages
ing to the present Súrya-Siddhanta, it is about 153-154; it is 191389, which, after division by 7,
2 days, 10 ghatis, 12 palas. But Warren used the gives 2; and, in that work, as it is counted from
Sodhyam according to the first Årya-Siddhanta, Thursday, noon, the result is Saturday, noon; even in calculations according to the Sarya. and this must have co-operated in inducing Siddhanta. Such a process, of course, is not right, Warren to give Saturday as the last feria of the
and may frequently lead to mistakes. year 4923, and must have helped to lead him to
In the third Memoir Warren gives, according the general mistake in the Second Chronological Table. Now, the ahargana according to Vavi.
to the present Súrya-Siddhanta and the Jyo. lala Cuchinna's work, is not exactly for the
tishatattva, to the method of computing the time time of the last conjunction; the mere fact that
of the commencement of a samvatsara of the it is always for noon proves this; and the further
Sixty-Year Cycle of Jupiter which is in use at calculations required to find the mean new-moon,
present in Northern India. But the time arrived stated in article 3, page 172, leave no doubt about
at by his process is always earlier than what is this. Saturday, in fact, as shewn above by me,
derived actually according to those two authoriwas not the last feria of the year in question.
ties, by about 2 days, 8 ghatis, 51 palas, 15 vipalas,
in the case of the latter authority, and by that I find that the real difference between the
amount plus the difference between the time of luni-solar ahargaņa of the Surya-Siddhanta the mean Mêsha-Sankranti of the Sarya and and that of the first Arya-Siddhantas was nil
Arya-Siddhantas in the case of the former. A in Saka-Samvat 421 expired (A. D. 499). It was
little misunderstanding, noticed in note 9 above, 6 ghatis, 24 vighatis, 56 paras, in A. D. 1600. And causes this mistake. A samvatsara of the Sixtyit will be 7 gh. 46 vi. 56 pa. in A. D. 1900. And Year Cycle as described by Warren, - which I when the mean amdvisya, according to the
have named the Sixty-Year Cycle of the meanSúrva-Siddhanta, ends within this time after sign-system, commences when Jupiter 8 mean eunrise, it will end on the previous week-day longitude amounts to a complete sign. This is according to the first Arya-Siddhanta.
clear from Warren's description of it, as well as The difference between the solar aharganas from verse 55 of the first chapter of the Súryaof the two authorities is also the same. In Siddhanta, a translation of which is given by finding the week-day and other elements also him on page 200. The Jyótishatattva rule is based from the solar ahargana calculated from the on the first Arya-Siddhanta; and according to that Sarya-Siddhanta, the same mistake may occur. Siddhanta and the Sürya-Siddhanta, Jupiter's For instance, see page 65 of the Tables, line 7 mean longitude was nil, or, in other words, he from the bottom, where the feria of the first civil was at the beginning of Mesha, at the commence
It is not properly defined in the Glossary (p. 883). I myself have not seen the work, nor have I heard of Warren does not seem to have clearly understood, much its existence, though I have found the rule quoted as lese to have always kept in view, this distinction; and belonging to it by Warren and others, in several other this seems to be at the root of most of his mistakes.
authorities. My conjecture is that the proper name is 10 Warren writes this name as Jyotishtava throughout. JyStishatattua.

Page #49

JANUARY, 1891.]
MISCELLANEA.
ment of the Kaliyuga, i.e. at the time of the work. The index, i. e. the ahargana according to mean, not apparent, Mesha-Samkranti of Kaliyaga that Karana, at about the beginning of the luni. Sathvat i current (0 expired), i. e., again, at solar year Kaliyuga 4871 current (Sakı-Samyat Thursday midnight on the 17-18th February, 1691 expired), calculated by the rule on page 153 f., B. 0:3102, according to the Storya-Siddhanta, and is 172046, which divided by 7 leaves no re. at sunrise on Friday, 18th February, B. C. 3102, mainder; and as the ahargana in that Karana is according to the first Arya-Siddhanta (see my to be counted from Thursday, noon, this ahargana paper on the Original Surya-Siddhanta ; also brings us to a Thursday, noon. Calculating from Burgess and Whitney's Translation of the Súrya- the Surya-Siddhanta and also from Warren's Sidihanta, Chapter 1). And consequently, the Table XLVIII. Part I., and Table XLIX. Part I, lougitude for the commencement of a solar year, I find that the mean Mêsha-Sankranti of that computed either by aetual proportion as worked year occurred on a Tuesday, at 53 gh. 33 pa. 38 out by Warren on page 200 or from his Tables X. vipa after mean sunrise (38 gh. 38 p. 38 vi, after and XI, is not for the apparent, but for the mean mean noon); and that it took place some ghatikds Mésha-Sankranti; and evidently the time-equi. more than 5 days after its previous andvdsyd. valent of the expired portion of the current sign Therefore, adding 5 daye, 38 gh. 38 pa. 38 vipa. to of Jupiter at the commencement of the solar year, 172046, the above-found index, we find that the should be substracted from the time of the mean index (the ahargana) for the mean Mesha-Sam. Mosha-Sankranti. But Warren subtracted it from krinti, according to Vavilala Cuchinna's work, is the time of the Mêsha-Sankranti, either as derived 172051 days, 38 gh. 38 pa. 38 vipa. Counted from from Table XLVIII. Part II. (p. 63), after deduct- Thursday noon, this gives Tuesday, and shews ing the lodhyam (2 days,8 gh.51 palas, 15 vipalas). that it is correct. Then, calculating with this or as given in his First Chronological Table; and index, Jupiter's mean longitude from Table this is the time of the apparent Meala-Sankranti.
XLIII. (p. 56), we get 7 signs, 2 degrees, 37 To show the correctness of this assertion of mine, I minutes, 0 seconde, which is exactly the same as cannot well refer the reader to Warren's description given by Warren. of Table XLVIII (p. 239 ff.) and to his remarks
It is clear, therefore, that the time of the elsewhere about the epoch of the Kaliyuga ; for
commencement of a samvatsara found by the reason that an ordinary reader is only likely
Warren's method is wrong. In the case of the to be confused by them. But even from them,
Jyútishotattva-rule, it is earlier by 2 days, 8 gh. any one who has a practical direct knowledge of
51 pa 15 vipa., which is the 80dhya according to the Hindu or European astronomy, will see at
the first Arya-Siddhanta on which the rule is once the truth of what I say. Suffioe it to say
based. If we use the First Chronological Table for that the time computed from Warren's Table
the Mênha-Sankranti, the amount of the Godhya XLVIII. is the time of the mean Mêsha-Sam.
must be added, and if we compute the Mesha. kranti; and the subtraction of the bodhyam
Samkranti from Table XLVIII. Part II., that from it gives the time of the apparent Mosha
amount should not be subtracted ; and thus the Sankranti. 11
mistake can be avoided. In the case of the SúryaI will prove, however, in another way, that Siddhanta rule, Warren takes the mean motion of t.Ke longitude of Jupiter computed by Warren Jupiter from that Siddhanta, but uses the Mêsha. for the commencement of a solar year, is not Sankranti of the Arya-Siddhanta. But the times for the apparent, but for the mean Mêsha- of the mean Mêsha-Sarnkråntis of these two Sankranti. Take the first example, given by authorities differ from each other, as I have stated Warren on page 200. There he computed the above. Therefore, the mistake amounts to this longitude of Jupiter for the commencement of difference, in addition to 2 days, 8 gh. 51 pa. A. C. i. 6. Kaliyuga-Samvat 4871 current (4870 | 15 vipa., which is the amount of the bodhya. And expired), according to the present Sarya-Siddh. to avoid the mistake, we must use the mean anta, from which it is found, without bfia, to be Mesha-Sankranti from Table XLVIII. Part I. 7 signs, 2 degrees, 37 minutes. It is seen from the Jupiter's year, i. e. the time in which his mean Appendix to the Second Memoir (and I have also motion amounts to one sign (rdbi), according to fully satisfied myself) that the mean places and the Súrya-Siddhanta, corrected by bja, as given motions of the planets according to Vavilala on pages 191, 201 note, 213, and as used as the Cuchinna's Karana-work, exactly correspond with basis in constructing Table XIII. (p. 16) and Table those of the present Sarya-Siddhanta. Let us now XVII. (p. 19), is slightly inaccurate. So also is compute the same longitude from that Karapa. I the year according to the first Arya-Siddhanta as
4 My above remarks, as to the time from which the ahargana is to be counted, should not be forgotten.

Page #50

42
given in pages 208, 213. The real quantities, It will be seen from this that in Kaliyuga-Samvat with extreme accuracy, are:By the present Súrya- days gh, pa. vipalas. Siddhanta, with bija... 361 2 4 44.6298 By the first Arya
Siddhanta
4786 expired, Jupiter's longitude amounted twice to a complete sign (6 and 7); and therefore two samvatsaras, which were Yuvan and Dhâtri (the 9th and 10th), must have commenced in that year; and consequently the former, i. e. Yuvan was expunged in that same year. But in Table XVIII. the year 4785 expired of the Kaliyuga is given as the year for the expunction; and in the first chronological Table, Bhava (the 8th) is given as expunged, which is wrong. Here the mistake is only of one year; but in the first period in that Table, it is of 30 years.
361 1 21 39-1170 If the object of Warren's Table XVIII. (p. 20) is to find only by inspection the year of an expunged samvatsara of the sixty-year cycle, - and I do not find any other practical use of it, - it is quite useless. Warren supposed the years entered in it to be expunged years (see column 3 of Table XIX. p. 23), but he was wrong. None of those years except the last four, are expunged years. He said (p. 207) that "85 years, 363 days, 1 danda (ghat), 13 p., 13-3982 c., &c., of solar time, answer precisely to 87 years of Jupiter's, and the former quantity marks in solar time the period when one of Jupiter's years is to be expunged." The latter part of this assertion is wrong, because by that quantity the expunction may be due, as will also be seen from Table XVIII, at any time of the year; but, only when two samvatsaras begin in the same year, is one of them expunged. And, as the length of the solar and Jupiter years is respectively 365 days, 15 gh. 31 pa..814 vip. and 361 days, 2 gh. 4 pa. 446 vip. according to the Surya-Siddhanta with the bija, the omission takes place when one samvatsara begins within about 4 days, 13 gh., 27 pa., after the commencement of a sólar year. Suppose, for instance, that a samvatsara was current at the beginning of a solar year, and another began within 4 days, 13 gh., after the beginning of that year, then a third must commence before the end of it, and the second sa neatsara will be regarded as omitted. The interval of omission is generally 85, and sometimes 86 years. It cannot be always 86 years. But, as the quantity of 85 years, 363 days, 1 gh., 13 pa.," 13 vi.. which is very near to 86,-"governs Table XVIII.," the Table is quite wrong. This is clear on the face of it; but I will give an example. Jupiter's longitude, corrected with bija, for the commencement of three years, calculated by Tables XI. and XII., is given below:
-
Saks Samvat expired.
1606
1607 1608
***************
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
Kaliyuga
Samvat Signs. Deg. Mín. Seo. expired.
4785 4 4786 5
4787
7
29 29 0
32
53 14
6:0 9.6 13 2
13 The figures are slightly inaccurate; the last quantity should be about 13-7958.
19 There are other circumstances in donnection with an omission, which I intend to consider on a future occasion.
In expounding the periods of the expunged years according to the Jyotishatattva Rule,, Warren first (p. 209) arrived at the equation 86 solar years
17
87- 1875 years of Jupiter, which is correct. But afterwards he substracted the odd fraction of Jupiter's year, from both sides, and thus established the equation, 85
1858
1875 solar years 87 years of Jupiter, which is erroneous. He thus arrived at:
Years of. Jupiter.
[JANUARY, 1891.
Saura time.
85
Years of Jupi
ter.
17
1875'
86 0 57 36 85 0 59 26-48331 87 85 356 44 9-6 85 361 56 49-20659
Solar time.
Palas.
Palas.
And the last equivalents, in solar time, in these two equations, were used in preparing Table XIX. (especially col. 6). Accordingly, the numbers of days &c. in this col. 6 are wrong throughout, except for the year Saka-Samvat 571 (expired). I give below the really accurate equations:
Saura time.
Solar time.
8128
86 85 056 55-9198 &c. 85 057 4549-06431 &c. 87 85 356 46 25-8724 &c. 85 361 59 728-18134 &c.
Vipalas.
1868
14 Warren's remark, "we have 85 1675 and 87 years, which, however, must not be taken to be exactly 87 years of the Planet, as shall be shown presently" (p. 209, lines 5, 6 from the bottom), applies, it appears, to the note on p. 210. The equations in that note also are wrong.

Page #51

JANUARY, 1891.]
MISCELLANEA.
The years, however, of the expunged sarvat. of the solar years of the Ninety-Year Cyola, saras in the Table are correct, and the error has called Grahaparivritti, are said by Warren no material effect on that point.
(p. 21) to be " the invention of Father Beschi." The short rule for finding the samvatsaras
But I have seen a Table in accordance with the of the sixty-Year Cycle given on pages
Brahma-Siddhanta, corrected by a blja, exactly 147, 214, of the text and page 22 of the Tables, i
similar to Table I. in the Karana Kamala. requires assistance from Table XVIII. (p. 20);
martanda, a work of as early a date as Saka. but this itself being wrong, the rule also must be
Samvat 980 expired (A. D. 1058). incorrect. It will, however, give correct results The epoch of Vavilala Cuchinna's work is with the Table as it stands, with some rare excep- said to be Friday, 14th March, A.D. 1298 (p. 172). tions. It should be remembered, though, that But I find from actual calculations of the the rule only gives the sarwatsara which stands dhruvas or constants in it (p. 182), that they are current at the commencement of solar year, for the mean noon at Ujjain of the amanta Much might be said on Appendix II. (pp.
Phålguna kşishpa amâvâsya, Thursday, Saka
Samvat 1219 expired, = 13th March, A. D. 1298. 245-289), which describes "a method for expounding dates found in old inscriptions ;" It is said on page 201 that Jupiter's motion but to no particular purpose. Suffice it to say that for one solar year according to Vavilala there are inconsistencies throughout, in the com
Cuchinna's Table XLIIL. (p. 56) amounts to parisons made, and in the Hindu errors established
18 0° 21' 3o 36. But this is a mistake. Vavi. there. The times of the Mdeha-Samkranti are lala's Table for Jupiter, like his other Tables, taken from the first Arya-Siddhanta, while the exactly corresponds with the present Surya, ayandras are taken from the Súrya-Siddhanta;
Siddhunta without the bija. And by actual and the European longitudes are taken as mean, calculation of Jupiter's motion from that Table while those from the Hindu works are apparent. for as many as 471 years, I find that his yearly For an instance, see pages 277-79, where, in motion is 1. 0° 21' 6". establishing the Hindu error as 3° 54' 38' 4", The sun's dhruva entered below Table xx. Warren has made gross errors; first, in sub
(p. 24) is wrong; it should be 11. 15° 26' tracting from the sun's apparent longitude at the 3 23 (Bee D. 182). Also the rema time of the apparent Meeha-Samkrinti of the
below it is misleading below it is misleadir
Tables XX., XXI, Kaliyaga-Sumvat 2382 current (2381 expired) | XLI., XLII., XLIII., XLIV., and XLV. are according to the first Arya-Siddhanta, the ayan-
from From Yavili Cuchi
Vavilala Ouchinna's work; and, if the ambas from the Surya-Siddhanta; then in adding dhruvas in them, which are for about the end of to it the sun's mean motion for nearly 12 the luni-solar year Kaliyuga 4999 current days; and lastly, in comparing the sun's lon. (beginning of 4399 expired), are to be used, the gitude, 11• 23° 30 370, thus found (whether ahargana should be calculated according to his tropical or sidereal, and whether apparent or rule on pages 153 or 177; and the mean places, mean, I do not know how to qualify it), with the calculated with the dhrweas and the ahargana, same amount of European mean longitude.
will be for the mean noon, and not for the mean Warren has mistaken (pages 19, 20, 74) the 87 midnight. The word " midnight "in line 2 from yogas, which are to be calculated from the addi. the bottom, page 24 of the Tables, is so far wrong. tion of the apparent longitudes of the sun and The Tables, however, exactly correspond with moon, and of which he gives a liat in page 74, the Surya-Siddhanta (without blja), and are for the yoga.tards or principal stars of the 87 useful in making calculations according to that nakshatras. Vishkambha and other yoga haveSiddhanta; in which cace the places will be for no connection with y or Arietin, and other midnight. stars.
The Dhrava in Table I. is for the apparent,
while those in Tables XI. and XII. are for the Tables L and II. for finding the initial feris and sidereal beginning of any solar year 2
mean Mosha-Bamkrinti, cording to the Tamil calendar, and the samo Tables XXIV. and Xxv., for the solar and
15 The author of this work wm a king, named Dababala, ton of Virdobana, of the Valabha family. There is a MS. of it, No. 90 of 1870-71 in the Dekkar College collection. The tenth verse of the last chapter of this work runs thos:--Valabh-Anvaya-mato Virdchane-sataḥ adhthidan Dalabalakriman obakre karapam'attamam
16 I find that this amdodoya endod, Mamoan tithi, on the Friday, at 3 gl., 24 palaa, 31'5 m ., after mesa runrise for Ujjain; and thus it will be seen that the opooh of the work is not the time of the mona last conjunction in the year,
!

Page #52

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JANUARY, 1891.
lunar equations, belong to Makaranda, which Some individual mistakes, which attract atname is wrongly written as Maracanda.
tention, are as follows:- In example Il., p. 202, In constructing the Table XXIX., for finding the first fraction is not but w., which the epochs of mean intercalations of luni. reduced into time is equal to 46 days, 27 gh., 504 solar months from Kaliyuga-Samvat 0, 66389
8185
palas, of the saura, and to 47 days, 8 gh., 93.9 of a pala (= 7.397 paras) are neglected for
pa., of the solar time. Subtracting the last every period of an intercalation. The result, in
quantity from the time of the mean Môshacalculating the intercalation for Kaliyuga-Samvat
Sankranti acoording to the first Arya-Siddanta, 1923 expired, actually by the Súrya-Siddhanta
viz. 46 gh. 27.5 p. after sunrise on Thursday, rule, as worked out on page 150, is later by 3 gh.
11th April, A. D. 1769, the Sårvarin sariwatsara 50 palas than that obtained from the Table, viz.
commenced on the 23rd February, A.D. 1709, 8 months, 14 days, 32 gh. 40 vighatis, and this very
at 37 gh. 53 p., and not on the 21st October difference seems to have led to the invention of
A. D. 1768. additive equation (kshopa) of the same amount. On page 208 (line 12) the number 4370088 is viz. 3 gh. 50 palas, which is entered below the given as the revolutions of Jupiter; but it is that
In working the example, there is a light of the rásir, or revolutions, multiplied by 12. On mistake, the remainder (page 150, line 19 from
page 241, line 11, we should read solar revolu. the bottom) should be 38,317,536, with the result tions" for "solar days." of 8 months, 14 days, 36 gh. 23 380 palas, which
In a marginal note in Appendix II. p. 276,
Warren supposed the eclipse of the 19th March, is greater by 3 gh. 43 80349 pa. than the result
B. 0. 720, recorded by the Babylonians, to from the Table. This difference is exaotly equal be one of the sun. In saying (p. 280) that "the to the neglected quantity (66389 of a pala), multi
time ooourring during the night, the eclipse
could not have occurred in India)," he overlooked plied by 1816, the number of intercalations in the
the fact that, if the eclipse had been one of the example. The error amounted to this quantity
sun, it could not have been visible in Babylonia in about 4923 years, and it would be absurd to
itself, because even there the time of its occur. add the kshépa in every example. It is rather
rence would be during the night. It was in surprising that Warren, knowing of the omission
fact a lunar eclipse (see Chamber's Desoriptive of 739 paras in the construction of the Table,
Astronomy, 1877, page 227, and von Oppolzer'a had to adopt the expedient of an additive
Canon der Finsternisse, p. 332.) In computing this equation, which, moreover, he could not explain
same eolipse, what is said to be the sun's longi. (see p. 151). The Table could have been con.
tude (on the lower part of p. 279) is in faot the structed most accurately, without increasing its
longitude of the earth's shadow. bulk, and without having recourse to a bfja.
In writing the note to Table XLVIII. p. 63, In the tithi table XXXVII. (p. 48), the
and on the word Arya-Siddhuinta in the Glossary equation against the index 61 should be 24-7.
(p. 355), Warren plainly did not know that there In the yoga table XXXIX. (p. 49), that for the
are two different Arya-Siddhantas (see my indexes 35 and 37 should be 11-4 and 8-29, res
note, ante, Vol. XVII. p. 312). pectively, And in the solar table XL. (p. 50) it should be 6-47 for the index 368.
The mistakes noted above, particularly those in Table XLIX., for the luni-solar ahargana
in the Tables and the individual mistakes, can
by no means be exhaustive, as I have not, from the beginning of the Kaliyuga, in the first
examined every figure in the book under notice. part, the time of one year is slightly mistaken;
I can, however, say about the Tables that they the last figures, the deqimals 14, have been taken
are creditably correct. by an oversight from those opposite 13 lunations, instead of from those opposite 12, which are Were there not proofs of the ability and 36, but should be 37. The error amounts to originality of Warren, one would be inclined to about 89 paras (vipalas) in 10,000 years of the question them, from the errors in Tables XVIII., Table, in the last figures for which we should XIX., XXIX., in Appendix II., and in the Second have 12 vighalfs, 42 p. 10:7 8. Similarly, in the Chronological Table. There is no doubt of the second part of the Table, the last quantity for competency of the author for the work taken in one year is properly 2:715 suras (prativipalas), hand by him; and I attribute the material and that for 10,000 years is properly. O vighati, mistakes noticed above to the fapt, which he 52 p. 31 . The error, however, is immaterial. admits, that he was "totally ignorant of the

Page #53

JANUARY, 1891.]
BOOK-NOTICE.
45
Sanskrit language" (p. 351). Being so, he can- all the difficulties under which Warren must have not have had a direct knowledge of the Hindu laboured, the work is creditable to him, though to astronomy, and must have been obliged to depend those who are ignorant of practical astronomy, on second-hand and oral information; the results it is not in itself a safe guide for Hindu astromay be taken as an example by those who may nomy. wish to work in the same direction. Considering
SHANKAR BALKRISHNA DIKSHIT.
NOTES AND QUERIES. A NOTE ON A CERTAIN PERSIAN MILITARY for a body of armed men in the phrase to.. EXPRESSION.
mu'tabar ba ham bastand, -"(the authorities) The word sertip, now used in Persia, with got together a considerable body of men," - and three different classes, for Colonel' and General,' another time for a crowd come to the scene of an has by some writers been wrongly derived from explosion at Tehran, tip-i-'asimi jam shud - the Greek word satrapês, which means governor "a great crowd collected." Sar meaning "head,' of a province. The word satrap is either the sartip, generally pronounced sertip, is thus 'a comold Pers. kshathra-pati (Zend. shofthra-paiti) mander of a body of men.' In the same way we * master, or lord, of the country, or province,' or, have sarjag, sarjagi (now 'a corporal') .a com. legs probably, the old Pers. kshathra-pavan,mander of a jug,' a small body of men ; sarhang,
protector or lord of the country. The word pati generally pronounced serhang, correctly sar. is preserved in later Persian, shahr-bdd (same as ahang, head (leader) of (an army in) battle kshathra-pati) and ispeh-bed, lord of the army, array, leader of a line or series of soldiers);' and commander-in-chief,' and in the modern Persian sarkar, 'head of the work, a lord, a Government' pddish ih (Zend. paiti-kshathrya) lord of the (as in India). Sardár is the man who has the kingdom. The word púvan is the later Persian head or lead and is a leader.' Sertip for general ban, as in shahriban, marzban, 'lord of the or leader of troops' seems to be quite a modern province, lord of the march.'
word; I do not recollect having met with it in But sertip is sar + tip, tip meaning an assem
Persian histories written before the end of the last bly of men, a body of men, troops. I do not know
century; sarhang was in use several centuries
before that. whether it is Turkish or Persian; my Persian dictionaries do not give it. I heard it used once Tehran.'
A. HOUTUM-SCHINDLER.
- BOOK-NOTICE. THE GOLDEN BOUGH, a Study in Comparative Religion, was more widely known as the Arician Grove,
by J. G. FRAZER. Two vols, London: Macmillan & and its priests as the Arician prieste, though the Co. 1890.
town of Aricia, the modern La Riccia, is three FIRST NOTICE.
miles distant. The rule of succession to the priestThese goodly volumes are a notable addition hood was that each priest was by craft or force to the knowledge of folklore and the meaning to murder his predecessor and to hold the sucof its phenomena. Mr. Frazer has been for some
cession till he himself was in the same way, time engaged in preparing a general work on
murdered. It is to explain this unparalleled primitive superstition and religion, and the pre
custom in classical antiquity, that Mr. Frazer sent book is an excursus on a particular point of has compiled these two laborious and intensely great interest.
interesting volumes. The object of the book is to explain the "rule
· Mr. Frazer's method is best explained in his of the Arician priesthood," and in order to
own worde: "if we can shew that a barbarous propound a theory regarding it, Mr. Frazer has found it necessary to minutely examine the
custom, like that of the priesthood of Nemi; lias
existed elsewhere; if we can detect the motives popular festivals observed by European and other
which led to its institution; if we can prove that peasants in spring, at midsummer and at harvest. Hence the absorbing interest of this work to
these motives have operated widely, perhapd
universally in human society, producing in varied students of folklore.
circumstances a variety of institutions specifically Near the village of Nemi, in Italy, stood in different but generically alike-; if we man shew ancient times the grove and enctuary of lastly that these very motives, with some of their Diana Nemorensis or Diana of the Wood. It derivative institutions were actually at work in

Page #54

46
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JANUARY, 1891.
classical antiquity: then we may fairly infer that to slay his predecessor ?, and second, why at a remoter age the same motives gave birth to !
before he slew him had he to pluck the the priesthood of Nemi. Such an inference, in Golden Bough?" default of direct evidence as to how the priesthood did actually arise, can never amount to demon.
Going into details Mr. Frazer begins by asking stration. But it will be more or less probable
the questions: - "why was the priest called according to the degree of completeness with King of the Wood P why was his office spoken which it fultils the conditions indicated above."
of as a kingdom P" In answer he first shews that In order to follow Mr. Frazer through his two
a-royal title with priestly duties was common in
Italy and Greece, and then that all over the pri. volumes, it is necessary to explain the story of
mitive world king and priest are functionaries the Arician priests in some detail. The legend
combined in the same personage, often as the he works upon is that the worship of Diana at Nemi was instituted by Orestes, who, after killing
man god, whose duties lie chiefly in the per Thoas, king of the Tauric Chersonese (the
formance of sympathetic magic. The under. Crimea), fled with his sister to Italy, bringing with
lying principle of this class of magio is what in
medicine is called homeopathy, i. e. that like him the image of the Tauric Diana. As to the
cures or, more strictly, produces like, leading to ritual in her honour it is said that every stranger
the world-wide practice of sticking injurious who landed on the shore was sacrificed on her altar.
articles into an effigy in order to injure the person In its new home this was modified by making the
in whose likeness it is made, and to a thousand rule that if a run-away slave could manage to
allied customs. This arose from the belief of break off a bough-called the Golden Bough
primitive man that he could rule the elements, of a certain tree from the grove at Nemi, he was
which, however ludicrous it may be to us, is to all entitled to fight, and, if he could, to slay, the priest,
savages a self-evident truth. and in the latter case to reign in his stead as Rex Nomorensis, the King of the Wood. The The nature-compelling king-priest, then, rule was observed at any rate down to the days is merely a man god endowed with more than of Caligula.
usual supernatural power, because to the savage The object of the worship of Diana at anyone can perform certain of the nature.com.
pelling charms; but there is, and always bas been, Nemi' was to procure the birth of children or an easy delivery, and fire was the main substance
another kind of man-god, - he in whom a
divinity is permanently or temporarily used in the ritual. At the annual festival the
lodged. The two are, however, much mixed up in whole grove was lighted with torohee, the day was
the ideas of primitive man in his various stages kept by rites at every domestic hearth, and holy
of development, before the conception of the fire was perpetually kept up at her shrine.
gods as beings controlling the foroes of nature The offerings were representations of women
outside mankind has become developed, and it is carrying children and of actual delivery, and always difficult in practice to dissociate the worker lighted torches.
of magic from the divine man. For practical At the annual festival young people were purposes both are gods in human form. The purified, dogs were crowned, and the feast "con. medicine-man is the type of the former, and the sisted of young kid, wine and oakes served inspired or possessed individual and the miracle. up piping hot on platters of leaves."
worker, of the latter : possession indicating The losser divinities of the grove were
temporary incarnation, and miracle-working Egoria and Virbius. Egeria was the nymph
permanent incarnation, of the divinity. of a neighbouring cascade. Virbius was identi.
Manifestations of possession are familiar to all fied with Hippolytus, who was killed by his horses
students of folklore in the forms of devil-dancing, on the sea-shore of the Saronic Gulf and brought
divination, oracle-speaking, ecstasy, second-sight, to life again by Æsculapius to please Diana, who
and so on. Those of permanent incarnation are carried him off to Nemi. Hence horses were
much more interesting. The supreme lamas of excluded from the grove and sanctuary. Virbius
Tibet and the female rulers of Tibetan monas was also identified with the sun, and it was un.
teries will occur to most of our readers in this lawful to touch his image. He had a special
connection ; but the idea is widespread through priest, the flamen virbialie.
out savage life, and men, who are gods, exist all Such are the points of this curious cult, and over the world. Some are merely prieste, and the questions Mr. Frazer has specially set him. some kinge as well. The Emperor of China is the self to answer are "first, why had the priest great living example of the latter class,

Page #55

JANUARY, 1891.]
BOOK-NOTICE.
So far we have been dealing with the rule over nature as a whole, but there are numerous instances among savage tribes where man gods are kings merely of departments in nature, as of rain, fire, water, and so on. The best examples of this are the Fire and Water Kings of Cambodia, respected not only by the people, but by the de facto king of the country himself.
To come nearer to the Priest-king of the Wood at Nemi we must look into the question of treeworship. It is hardly necessary here to establish ita prevalence in Asia and Europe. It will be sufficient to remark on its basis. The inain idea is that, as all the world is animate, trees like other growths of nature have souls and must be treated accordingly. Tbis notion is universal and leads to innumerable most interesting customs and practices: tree-marriage, tree-pregnancy, wailing and bleeding of trees when cut, shutting up in trees and tree-incarnation, leading up to the world-wide beliefs in tree-spirits and tree-worship. Hence the common belief in spirit-haunted and sacred groves, which it is advisable and proper to worship and dangerous to injure.
The belief underlying such customs as tree. marriage, tree-pregnancy and the wailing and bleeding of trees, is based on animism pure and simple, but the belief in tree-spirits is an advance in thought. The tree is no longer an animated being, but a mere haunt for spirits and gods. Hence the nymphs, dryads and the host of other sylvan deities all the world over.
Now, the powers of the sylvan deities can be shewn to be identical with those of the man-gods already mentioned, and what is more, the Bylvan deities themselves have been man-gods without change of powers. They have made the rain to fall, the sun to shine, the flocks and herds to multiply, and women to bring forth easily, and these beliefs are spread all over the world. The Harvest-May of Europe is a Burvival of the belief in the tree-spirit that made the crops to grow, and there is more than reason to suppose that the May-pole and the observances of May-day have reference to the easy parturition of women and cattle. Observances among the peasants of all parts of Europe at Midsummer, Wbitsuntide, St. John's Eve, Lent and so on, point emphatically in the same direction. The sweet Queen of the May herself, despite all the innocence of her young heart, is nothing but the representation of the spirit of female fecundity. All over Europe in- numerable pretty and quaint customs have had origin in the same idea : May-king, Fatber-May,
Lady of the May varied as the WhitsuntideQueen, Whitsuntide-Flower, Little May Rose, and 80 on; the leaf-clad child varied as the Walber, Green George, Little Leaf-man, Jack-in-the. Green, Lazy-man, Grass-king, &c. It is emphasized when a boy and a girl are May-Lord and Lady in England, when they play more seriously le fiancé du mois de Mai in France, and when the peasants deck out the Whitsuntide-Bride and La Mariée in other parts of Europe. In Orissa again there is a custom closely corresponding to agan mero 1 Bom those of Europe: so the idea is not at all con. fined to Europe alone.
In ancient Rome and Greece were representatives of the modern May-day and its congeners, shewing that neither the ceremonies nor the ideas underlying them are modern developments. The ceremonies of the Great and Little Dædala, the story of the nymph Platea, the custom of the marriage of "the Queen" to Dionysus at Athens, and the story of Dionysius and Ariadne, attest this.
Diana of Nomi, it will be seen from what has been already said, was emphatically & sylvan deity, her function was to help women in travail, and to protect cattle, and presumably to make the rain to fall and the sun to shine, and her priest was her living represen. tative, the King of the Wood. He dwelt in her sacred grove, safe from assault, so long as the special manifestation of its divine life, the Golden Bough on the sacred tree, remained intact. His life was in fact bound up with that of the tree, an idea familiar to the Indian and European peasant alike to the present day.
We now see how the idea of the King of the Wood arose, and in that expressed at the close of the preceding sentence we get a clue as to the answer to the second question : -- why should tho would be successor of the King of the Wood have to pluck the Golden Bough before he could venture to slay him? The answer to this requires a much more intricate enquiry than in the previous case.
Over most of what may be called the savage and semi-barbarous worlds, and in many an interesting relic in the civilized world, is to be found in one shape or another the doctrine of tabu. This is nothing more nor less in origin than a means of protecting the man-god, whether king or priost or both, from the terri ble calamities which would happen to the people who looked up to him, through the element or the natural forces he controlled, in case any mie. chance befell him or caused his death or removal from them. The elaborate precautions to protect the Mikado of Japan, the Chitome of the

Page #56

48
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JANUARY, 1891.
Congo, and the high pontiff of the Zapotecs in South Mexico, all divine kings with supernatural powers, are samples of this kind of tabu. These precautions go 80 far as to regulate every detail in the life of such unfortunate rulers, for fear of the trouble that might be caused to the world if any irregularity were to occur. In this way the lives of the kings of Loango and of ancient Egypt were rendered a trouble to them. The tabus imposed on the priestking were, of course, extended to the man.god. priest: witness the rules of life observed by the Flamen Dialis at Rome, whose life must have been a continuous misery.
The effect of these customs in many instances has been notable. No one has wanted to be a high priest or supernatural king, or the holders have been religious recluses leaving the real power to men of action. In Savage Island the kingship ceased to exist because no one would take it. In Cambodia the Kings of Fire and Water had to be forced into office. In parts of Africa they are chosen in secret council. On the other hand, the rise of the Tycoons of Japan, of the Chovas of Tongking, and of the Ministers of Nepal and Bhutan, are instances of the separation of royal and political functions.
The object of the tabu being to preserve the life of the man-god, the question is: - what does the savage understand by this life; - what by the soul; - what by death P; -what is the danger he wishes to guard against by tábu P
Now, the savage understands the living and moving of an animal to be the result of the action of a smaller animal within it, just as he understands a force of nature to be the result of the action of a living being behind it. This man inside the man is the soul, and it is to protect the soul, to prevent its absence, i. e. death, and to secure its return il temporarily absent, that he sets up the machinery of tabu.
Many, indeed very many, savage customs illustrate the belief above stated. Any number of death, birth, and sleep customs turn on the liabi. lity of the soul to fly from the body, - some to try and prevent the flight, and others, as in Christian lands, - e. g., the opening of the windows when a person has died in Cornwall to this day, - to aid it in its flight. The "passing bell" is an in. stance of the survival of the belief in custom.
The theory of witches, sorcerers, ghosts, demons, and so on. is partly based on the suppogi tion that man-gods in various degenerated forms oan force, or induce the soul to quit its tene- ment, and hence innumerable practices to protect it from this danger. So, siokness is frequently
attributed by savages to a temporary absence or snatching away of the soul, and many and curious are the custome connected with its recapture and restoration to its owner, and equally curious are the "things" into which it is supposed to have escaped, butterflies, dolls, effigies, head. dresses, corpses, devils, cloths, and so on.
The above may be called the spiritual dangers to which the soul is liable, but the physical dangers are equally numerous and terrible. For instance, it is a common belief that the shadow or the reflection of the human being is his soul, and accidents to either are a danger to the life of the owner. This has led to all kinds of superstitions in every part of the world, from stabbing an enemy's shadow in order to kill him, to covering up the mirrors in a house after a death for fear that the soul of the dead man reflected therein should be carried off by his ghost. The most curious of all of which customs is perhape the objection to being photographed, which still exists in the west of Sootland for fear of sickness resulting therefrom!
Such being the nature of the soul to the savage and semi-civilized imagination, and the dangers to which it is exposed, the special objects of tabru become clear, and an examination of the methods used in tabu will shew that it has been instituted with a view to protecting the souls of mankind, generally of kings and priests in particular.
The king must be isolated from danger, hence it is common among many savages to safeguard him and his kingdom from the presence of strangers, because strangers are specially cre. dited with powers of magic and witohoraft. An instance of this was experienced by the Afghan Boundary Commission, which was frequently met with fire and incense when passing villages. Sometimes the superstitious dread is so great as to prevent all intercourse, as when Speke was once refused entrance to a village for fear that his tin boxes contained enemies transformed into demons !
The stranger is as often afraid of the village he enters as the village is of him, hence purificatory ceremonies before and after journey observed even in ancient Greece and in modern Hindustan. The dread of the kdlá paní and the ceremonies connected with "receiving back into caste" and excommunication from huqd pdns, or outcasting, are nothing but instances of a creed held in common with the veriest savages.
At the times of eating and drinking, the soul is especially liable to escape, hence the customs prevalent among many såvages of shutting up the house while feeding, of feeding in

Page #57

JANUARY, 1891.)
BOOK NOTICE.
49
private, of feeding and cooking alone. This last turned against them by man. Hence the coin custom is in common use among Hinduis of the men use of iron charms to ward off evil spirita; present day. The veiling of men, when royal or and the numerous and universal charms used at undergoing ceremonies, is also due to a fear of deaths under the impression that spirits are substances entering the body and injuring the wounded by sharp instruments, many of which soul within. The confinement of the king to are specially aimed at preventing the wounding of his palace or abode is another instance of the fear the soul after departure. of the baneful influence of strangers and strange
Blood, and its concomitant raw flesh, are substances, and was to be seen in Burma until
also almost universally tabued, being both a few years ago in the custom of sticking up
dangerous to consume und in the case of royalties xalithàts, or lattices, along the streets, behind
and priests dangerous to shed. The Siainese, the which the people hid until the king had passed.
Mongols, the Tâtârs, and the Malagasis will not In the more thoroughly Burman portions of
shed the blood of royal or noble personages. The Mandalay the streets were deserted and the people
late King of Burma's relatives in 1878 were almost entirely hidden behind zalíthats of volun.
slaughtered by being beaten across the throat tary construction when the Duke of Clarence and
with a bamboo for the same reason The objec. Avondale passed along them in 1889, because it
tion to shedding blood is frequently extended was known that he was heir to the English throne.
to spilling it, even in the case of animals slaughIt will be seen, therefore, that food may essily
tered for food. The reason of the superstition is injure the soul, and that care must be exercised
explained by the belief, shared alike by the as to what is eaten and from whose hand. It is
Romans, Arabs, Esthonians, North American hardly necessary to give instances of this to Indians and Papuans, that blood contains the Indian readers, but it may be as well to point out soul. The belief has been widely extended to that tabu as applied to the food and even the the red Juice of plants, especially seen in the belongings of royalty in New Zealand among the notion that wine 18 the blood of the vine Maoris is infinitely stronger than among the most and must be therefore eschewed. The Azteus exclusive Brahmaņs.
punished any one who insulted a drunken man, and The remains of food after eating may injure inspiration is frequently sought by drinking because an enemy may get hold of them and make blood. In both cases the idea is that a foreign them, by magic, grow inside the eater and kill soul has entered the drinker by means of blood. him. Hence the burying of the remains of food
The blood of tabued persons is especially after a meal in many places, and the terror inspired
dangerous, notably of women, hence the danger of by the accidental devouring of the food left by seeing blood, believed in very widely throughout the magic-working man.god, giving rise to such
the world, and also the curious custom of fearing customs as the daily breaking of the dishes of
to dwell or pass under another person, in case the Mikado.
his, or worse her, blood should fall and injure. Thus also arises tho tabuod person : the living The Flamen Dialis could not pass under a trellised divinity whose every belonging is dangerous vine, as it was a bleeding plant. In Burma and to the common herd, or he whose condition, all over Further India no man will dwell under i e. uncleanness, is a danger. Hence the dread another it he can help it. Keeping the head of the tabu of a Maori chief in New Zealand, and high, and, conversely, lowering the head be. the avoidance of persons who are ceremonially low that of a high personage, so puzzling to unclean, as menstruating women, persons who newly arrived Europeans in Burma and kindred handle the dead, and so on
countries, is explainable partly in this way, and From dangerous persons and their belongings we
partly by the belief expressed by the Karens and come to especially dangerous things. As regards
Siamese that the head contains the soul. In kings and priests and at times of ceremonies, iron
Polynesia the head is so sacred that it may not be is all over the world a tabued object. This may
touched, and elsewhere also even the owner of be a survival of the superstitious dread of all things
the head cannot touch it under certain circumnew, as in the case of Speke and his tin boxes, for stances ! when bad harvests followed on the introduction The sanctity of the head has passed into of iron ploughshares into Poland they were attri. the hair and even into the nails, which all the buted to the iron in the ploughshares, which were world over it has been either dangerous to cut, thereupon discarded. But it also clearly arises as amongst the Sikhs, or which may be cut from the notion that iron is obnoxious to the with ceremonies and precautions only. Henco gods as furnishing weapons that may be also the many customs connected with depositing

Page #58

50
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JANUARY, 1891.
shorn hair or nails in a place of safety to instances into the absurd force of the whole prevent them from rotting and destroying the Court doing whatever the king did. If his bair soul of the owner, and burning or burying was ont every one's hair was cut; if he had a cold them to prevent sorcerers getting possession of every one pretended to have a cold, if his body them. Shaving children as tabued persons was injured all bodies were injured in the same arises from the same cause. The child being in a place. A more serious and unpleasant variant of tabued or dangerous state, all the separate parts the custom has been to fix the term of the reign of its body are specially dangerous to others to mako things quito safe, whether or not and must be removed.
signs of failing health were apparent. Accord. The idea then at the bottom of the breaking ing to old historians this was largely prevalent in of the Golden Bough was that it represented
| South India, and in the case of the Zamorins of the soul of the Rex Nemorensis and was
Calicut was modified into a ceremonial attempt tubued to him ; so not only would it be
to kill the king after he had reigned twelve years. dangerous to try to kill him until it was in his
Indeed it is clear that so outrageous a custom enemy's possession, but it would be an actual
would become modified everywhere sooner or later, danger before and after his death to the slayer,
and in ancient Babylon the king was annually if left intact on the tree and able to do mischief.
represented by a condemned criminal allowed to
reign for five days and then slain. In Cambodia We thus see why it was necessary to go
and Siam the king abdicates for a few days through certain forms before the god could be
annually. In Upper Egypt the Governor is super. killed. But why should the god be killed ?
seded for three days annually, and in the Hima. Can gods die ?
layas a Brahmari nominally supersedes a new To primitive man all the world over, immor- Raja upon succession, for a year. All these are, tality is inconceivable: all his gods die. of course, great modifications of the original This can be proved by the beliefs of the Green- cruel custom. landers, the North American Indians, the Philip- In all the above cases we have substitutes for pine Islanders, the Hottentots, and notably of the the king when it came to his turn to die ancient and cultivated Greeks in many instances.as .agod. These substitutes were temporary Zeus, Dionysus, Apollo, Cronus, Hermes, Aphro. man.gods, and the nearer they were related to dite, Ares, all died and were buried. The great the king the better, and this bas led to the invisible gods being thus mortal, it is clear sacrifice of the king's son in time of national that the man-gods are mortal too, and the danger, and among some savages to a general notion of the importance of killing the latter custom of sacrificing the first-born.
robo out of the idea that by so doing his soul From killing the man-god to killing the could be transferred to a successor, and thus King of the Wood is but a small transition, the calamities inevitable on his natural death the reason being in both cases that violent death were averted. We have already seen that natural was the only means of preserving him from that death involved the departure of the soul and its decay, which was so dangerons to the community refusal to return, and that the welfare of the world
burn, and that the westare of the world at large. The custom, as we now have it in the was immensely interested in the welfare of the
care of the Rex Nemorensis, is probably not the man-god. Now, if the god were killed while still
original custom, such as we have seen in the invigorous, and before his soul. left his body, it stances of the divine king, and there are many would be easy to make sure of catching and trans
survivals of old customs still existing to show that ferring it to another and more vigorous body. the King of the Wood was originally killed on A feeble body means a feoble soul, hence the
the expiry of a set term. All over Northern importance of preventing decay from over
Europe, closely allied to the May-day and Whittaking the man-god. This last notion has led to
suntide customs already alluded to, are another a general custom of suicide amoug the old in Fiji,
set held at Whitsuntide and Shrovetide, in which and to religious murder in the New Hebrides and
the chief actor, under such dames as the Mayin Abyssinia.
bearer, Wild-man, the Pfingstl, the Whit-Monday Killing the divine king or man-god, is both King, clearly represents the tree-spirit, who is beuniversal and old ! On the Congo the pontiff is headed in mimicry or effigy before the play is over, killed by his successor whenever he gets very ill and in one instructive instance in Bohemia is and likely to die. The god-kings of many peoples allowed to be king for another year if he can have been killed on the approach of old age or escape from the crowd after his substitute, a frog, for any manifest disease or bodily deformity, has been decapitated. This killing in effigy as a a custom which has been attenuated in some custom in memory of real human sacrifice has

Page #59

JANUARY, 1891.]
counterparts all over the world, the strongest instance of which is in the case of the Indians of Arizona, who, when prevented by the Mexicans from continuing human sacrifices at their Feast of Fire, continued in secret a sham sacrifice in which they did not go further than drawing blood.
BOOK-NOTICE.
The killing of the god was not confined in primitive times to the human representatives of the gods of those who worshipped the vegetable kingdom; it can be shewn, by a consideration of modern folk-customs, to have existed amongst those whose gods were animals.
In German and Slavonic villages, closely connected and indeed mixed up with the customs of May-day and killing the King of the Wood, is the custom of Burying the Carnival in Lent. Straw effigies representing a man, known as the Carnival Bear or the Carnival Fool, are slain and buried or drowned in various ways, and in Swabia the custom has dwindled into ducking a live person in a stream. As in the case of the effigies or representatives of the King of the Wood, Doctor Ironbeard's services are called in to resuscitate. the slain Carnival, and the reviving of slain death is a conspicuous part of all these ceremonies. In the Harz mountains, the Carnival is finally represented by a bottle of brandy, which is buried and dug up the following year and drunk "because it has come to life again."
Closely connected with Burying the Carnival is the custom of Carrying out Death, that is, throwing him away. He is generally drowned on a Sunday in Lent, known as Dead Sunday. In the Latin Countries generally and in Spain, Italy, and Sicily, this was varied as Sawing the Old Woman, and still survives in the paper saws of Naples and the sawing and burning of wooden billets at Barcelona in Mid Lent. It remains in the most interesting manner in North Slavonia, in the expression "Sawing the Old Wife" for Mid Lent. In India, a reference to Pañjdb Notes and Queries will give several instances of the practice of carrying out death and disease from the boundaries of one village to another.
Carrying out death is always more or less directly connected with Bringing in Summer, Spring or Life, often as not in the form of death resuscitated. That the modern ceresnontes:connected with abstractions such as Death, Summer, Spring and Life are survivals of others relating to more concrete conceptions, we have a most interesting proof from Russia, where the images buried and revived represent Kostrabonko, Kostroma, Kupalo, Lada and Yarilo, unques
1 As some have taken Adonis for the sun, Mr. Frazer shews in the most interesting manner that he was a
51
tionable representatives of pre-Christian gods. In Silesia, too, they bury the Deathstone, and in Albania the effigy of a malignant sprite named Kore. The drowning of Ralis or images of Siva and Pârbati in the Kângrâ district of the Himȧlayas is an instructive parallel to these burials of the gods of fertilization. In ancient Europe the marriage of Adonis and Aphrodite (the Semitic Adon and Istar) and the death and resuscitation of Adonis plainly point out the prevalence then of the modern customs just alluded to. As also do the customs connected with his Syrian prototype Thammuz or Tâuz,' while those of the closely connected Attis and Cybele of Phrygia seem in certain points to have given rise to the existing customs in connection with the Maypole, Wildman, the King of the May, and so on. Again assuming that Osiris and Isis, or at least one or some of the gods and goddesses of which these great Egyptian deities were originally compounded, were god and goddess of the corn, the death, burial, and resuscitation of Osiris point to a very ancient existence of the same class of ideas in old Egypt. Our jovial old friend Dionysus or Bacchus, in his more legitimate form of god of vegetation, by his violent death and revivification proves that similar notions were prevalent in ancient Greece. But Dionysus was also a god of the animal kingdom, and in this form was slain periodically as a bull, a goat, and even as a human being.
The myth of Proserpine and Demeter belongs daughter and mother, instead of husband and to the same category, except that this pair are wife or goddess and lover. And if we take Demeter to mean Barley-mother (and not Earth-mother as usual) there are any number of harvest customs all over Europe referring to her, chiefly connected with the reaping of the
last, but sometimes of the first, sheaf, which
appear in the Corn-mother, Rye-mother, Peamother, Wheat-mother, Oats-mother, Barleymother, varied as the Córn-woman, Rye-woman, and so on of Germany, connected with which are the Ceres (a return to classicism this) and the Mother-sheaf of France, the Harvest-mother, Great-mother and Grand-mother of Germany, aud curiously the Granny of Belfast: In Germany, too, she appears as the Old-woman, and in effigy as the Carline of Scotland and the Caley of Antrim, which. are precisely the same thing as the Baba of Poland and the Boba of Lithuania. The frequent wrapping up of a woman as the Cornmother, under her various names, in the last sheaf
"corn-spirit," using the universal custom, in one form or another, of "the Gardens of Adonis" for his purpose.

Page #60

52
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
shews the reference of the custom to the goddess of fertility: a custom still performed in effigy in the ceremony of the Corn-queen of Bulgaria and formerly of the Harvest-queen of Northumberland. These are all harvest customs, but they are with little alterations to be found connected with the threshing floor in several parts of Europe.
In all the above cases, ripe corn is regarded as matured and old, but it is also con. ceived of as young or as a child separated from its mother by the sickle. Hence the custom of turning the last sheaf into the Bastard in West Prussia, and the customs of the Harvest Child in North Germany, the Kern Baby, the Ivy Girl and the Maiden in England and Scotland. Hence also the names of the Bride, Ontsbride and Wheat-bride for the last sheaf and the woman who binds it, and, more suggestively, of the Oats-bride and Oats-bridegroom,, and Oatswife and Oats-man.
These ideas and habits are not confined to Europe, for we have the Maize-mother, the Quinoa-mother, the Cocoa-mother and the Potatomother of Peru. The harvest customs of the Zapotecs of Mexico, and of parts of the Pañjab, of preserving the "soul of the rice" by the Dyaks of North Borneo and the Karens of Burma, and of the Rice-bride and Rice-bridegroom of Java, all turn on the same notions.
All over the world then we have the spirit of the vegetable kingdom conceived as mother or maiden, from which idea the conception of Demeter and Proserpine as Corn-mother and Corn-child pro. bably sprang.
There is yet another set of universal customs connected with these and explanatory of their general tenor. In ancient Egypt, the reapers lamented when the first sheaf was cut, by a song to which the Greeks gave the name of Maneros, alleging that Maneros was a youth who invented agriculture and died an untimely death, but it scems that Maneros was a misunderstanding of the opening words of the dirge mad-ne-hra, "come thou back." In Phoenicia a similar ancient dirge was sung at the vintage, called by the Greeks Linus or Ailinus, and explained much as above, but which really was a misunderstanding of ai lanu, "woe to us." Again, in Bithynia a similar reaping dirge was called Bormus or Borimus, and explained as above. In Phrygia was a corresponding song, sung at reaping and thresh ing, called Lityerses, and connected with it is a legend of great interest. Briefly, Lityerses was a bastard son of Midas who used to make any strange passer-by reap against him; if he beat him, he wrapped him in a sheaf,
[JANUARY, 1891.
cut off his head and threw him into the Meander, but one day he met Hercules who slew him. Now the reaping match is still preserved all over North Europe and it is exceed. ingly unlucky to be the binder of the last sheaf, leading to the many Old Man customs, the swathing of the woman unfortunate enough to bind the last sheaf in the Old Man and her subse. quent rough treatment. The killing of the cornspirit shewn in the second part of the Lityerses legend is also still largely alive in the many customs attached to the threshing-floor known variously as the Killing of the Old Hay-man, Corn-man, Oats-man, Wheat-man, of the Boba, the Old-woman, and the Old Rye-woman, which mean chiefly threshing the last sheaf and frequently wind up with ducking the "killer" in a stream or with a jug of water. Treating the strangers of the Lityerses tale as the embodiments of the spirit of the corn, we find his ill-treatment of them surviving in the existing customs of making chance passers-by at the harvest pay forfeit both in Norway and France; and in Germany the reapers first pretend to make ready to kill him! Strangers at the threshing-foor in Denmark and Sweden are treated in a similar fashion.
In Europe, of course, the corn-spirit in his multiform shapes is killed only in mimicry in the harvest field and on the threshing floor, but in ruder societies the killing of the corn-spirit has been represented by human sacrifice, as witnessed by the cruel proceedings of the Indians of Ecuador and Mexico, the Pawnees of North
America, and of course all over wild Africa. The well-known Meria sacrifices of India were made that on the suppression of these sacrifices the to the same end, and it is interesting to note human victim has been supplanted by a goat.
Lastly, to shew that the dirges out of which the Lityerses, Maneros, Ailinus and other legends arose had an origin in ancient custom, may be quoted the existing customs of Crying the Neck in Devonshire and Cornwall, described by a native as "only the people making their games, as they always did, to the spirit of the harvest," and of the Waul-rye of Germany, waul being the ory of the reapers at the cutting. of the last corn. The names, for a special bunch of ears containing the corn-spirit, of "the neck" and "the gander's neck" in England, "the goat's neck" in France, and "the head" in Scotland, varied as "the hare's tail" in Friesland, "the cat's tail" and "the fox's tail" in France, all of which have to be cut off by some ceremony, attest the universality of the old-world custom of killing the corn-spirit.

Page #61

SYSTEM OF TRANSLITERATION. The system of transliteration followed in this Journal for Sanskrit and Kanarese, (and, for the sake of uniformity, submitted for adoption, as far as possible, in the case of other languages),-- except in respect of modern Hindu personal names, in which absolute purism is undesirable, and in respect of a few Anglicised corruptions of names of places, sanctioned by long nage, - is this :Sanskrit. Kanarese. Transliteration. Sanskrit.
Kanarese. Transliteration.
ja jha
3 ad & 7 de
tha
dha
dha
ns
1 1 1 1 1 4 4 4 4 -
128
da
dha
na
3 3 63
pa
pha
Visarga
Visarga Jihvamaillya, or old
Visarga beforo
bha
and स्य
Upadh muinsya, or
old Visarga betore प् and p Anusvdra Anunciaika
81218 & 108a & d t Et uue
Anusvdra
1 1 1
tak B & B B
gba
na
gbs
ha
cha
& chha A single hyphen is used to separate words in composition, as far as it is desirable to divide them. It will readily be seen where the single hyphen is only used in the ordinary way, at the end of a line, as divided in the original Text, to indicate that the word runs on into the next line; intermediate divisions, rendered unavoidable here and there by printing necessities, are made only where absolutely necessary for neatness in the arrangement of the Texts.
A double hyphen is used to separate words in a sentence, which in the original are written as one word, being joined together by the euphonic rules of sandhi. Where this double hypben is used, it is to be understood that a final consonant, and the following initial vowel or consonant-and-vowel, are in the original expressed by one complex sign. Where it is not used, it is to be understood of the orthography of the original, that, according to the stage of the alphabet, the final consonant either has the modified broken form, which, in the oldest stages of the alphabet, was used to indicate a consonant with no vowel attached to it, or has the distinct sign of the viráma attached to it; and that the following initial vowel or consonant has its full initial form. In the transcription of ordinary texts, the double hyphen is probably unnecessary; except where there is the sandhi of final and initial vowels. But in the transcription of epigraphical records, the use of this sign is unavoidable, for the purpose of indicating exactly the paleographical standard of the original texts.
The avagraha, or sign which indicates the elision of an initial a, is but rarely to be met with in inscriptions. Where it does occnr, it is most conveniently represented by its own Dêranågarf sign.
So algo practice has shewn that it is more convenient to use the ordinary Dêvanêgari marks of punctuation than to substitute the English signs for them.
Ordinary brackets are used for corrections and doubtful points; and square brackets, for letters which are damaged and partially illegible in the original, or which, being wholly illegible, can be supplied with certainty. An asterisk attached to letters or marks of punctuntion in aquare brackets, indicates that those letters or marks of punctuation were omitted altogether in the original. As a rule, it is more convenient to use the brackets than to have recourse to footnotes; as the points to whioh attention is to be drawn attract notice far more readily. But notes are given instead, when there would be so many brackets, close together, as to encumber the text and render it inconvenient to read. When any letters in the original are wholly illegible and cannot be supplied, they are, represented, in metrical passages, by the sign for a long or & short syllable, as the case may be ; and in prose passages, by points, at the rate, usually, of two for each akshar or ayllable.

Page #62


Page #63

FEBRUARY, 1891.)
THE BURMESE SYSTEM OF ARITHMETIC.
53
NOTES ON THE BURMESE SYSTEM OF ARITHMETIC.
BY MAJOR R. C. TEMPLE.
PART I. SOME time back, when enquiring into the methods adopted by the Burmese in Upper Burma
in working out their horoscopes and astrological calculations, which are essentially Hindu in every feature, I was led to learn their ideas of arithmetic, and as the subject appears to me to be likely to lead to an interesting series of investigations, I give my notes on it now. I should mention that the system now under discussion is that of the Phongyis or Burmese Buddhist priests, and of the astrologers, who are called Ponnas, i. o., Pupiyas or Brahmans, and are usually considered to have emigrated from Manipur.1
It seems to be certain that the Burmese obtained what mathematical knowledge they possess from their priests and astrologers with their religion and civilization generally, and that it is directly of Hindu origin, whether it came from Ceylon or throngh the hills about Manipur. They have words of their own, of non-Hindu origin, to express numerals, but in their arithmetic they are taught a series of words which are corruptions of the PAli numerals, and it may be noted that, in ordinary life, for ordinals, so far as they express them at all, they .adopt Pali derivatives of a like nature. I have observed also that as surely as a Burman, not
filled with European school learning, is given a problem to do that at all puzzles him, he will, while doing it it in his head, mutter to himself these Pali derivatives and not his indigenous numerals,
Now Mr. Sh. B. Dikshit informs me that a system of arithmetio nearly corresponding to that of the Burmans is still, he believes, in vogue all over India among Hindu astrologers. A similar system is, ho says, at any rate, employed by thom in the districts of the Konkan, Dakhan, Gujarat and Karnatak. At the same time, for mercantile and general purposes a system corresponding to the European has been in use among Hindus from a time long anterior to the era of British rule. On the other hand, nothing of the nature of the Hindu astrologers' method of arithmetic has, so far as I know, ever been adopted in Enrope,
In Burma, however, the method of the astrologers was, I believe, the only one known, until the arrival of the Christian Missionaries and the establishment of a Government Educational Department. If this helief is correct, the Burmese did not share the advance in mathematical science made by the Hindus, when they adopted for secular purposes what we may call the European system of arithmetic, whatever the date of the adoption may have been.
Precisely the same thing appears to have happened in Tibet; for, whatover the truth or the real date may be, there appears to be no doubt that the Tibetans claim to have received their mathematical knowledge directly from India with their religion in the second century B. C., and, when I was about a year ago, explaining the Burmeso arithmetic on a blackboard before the Asiatic Society of Bengal in Calcutta, Babu Sarat Chandra Das, c. I. E., the Tibetan scholar, at once recognized portions of the Burmese system as still current in Tibet. With the Babu was a Lâma, who further shewed on the board that the system taught him in the indigenous monastic schools in Tibet was much the same.3
1 Some PönnA communities in Mandalay Town still keep up an annual communication with Manipur through 'members of their race, who travel backwards and forwards. They are very particular in retaining purity of blood and family connections.
Mr. Dikshit has been kind enough to favour me with several comparative notes to this paper. These will be found in the footnotes with his initials attached to them.
The absence of any but the astrologers' system in Burma may prove to be an exceedingly interesting point, because it may be discovered that the Barmans procured their arithmetic from India at a date anterior to the secular system now in use, and it is not likely that their knowledge of arithmetic is older than their other knowledge imported from India, i..., it is not likely to be older that the seventh century A. D. If this should turn out to be the trath it would fix a date before which the adoption of the secular system of the Hindus could not have taken place.

Page #64

54
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[FEBRUARY, 1891.
To trace out the origin of the dual system of arithmetic found among the Hindus, and the time at which each part of it was adopted, would be a most interesting subject for enquiry, rendered all the more so from the fact that everything about the astrologers' system points to great antiquity. It is essentially a system adapted to mental and not clerical processes: it is not, as used, capable of undergoing checks as the calculations proceed nor when they are completed: it is not adapted to the calculation of fractions: it works out easily by adopting, not the decimal notation, but the natural one of setting down numbers as they are spoken, and it demands the least mental exertion compatible with calculating at all. For instance, under this system it is not necessary to learn by rote to multiply beyond nine times nine, and in the Burmese monastic schools, and I am told in Tibet also, children are not taught to multiply by heart beyond that point. To the present day, the very crudest notions of arithmetical notation largely prevail in Burma, and, even in Rangoon, carts, bags and other things containing articles in quantities may be seen marked thus: 1000100309 to represent one thousand one hundred and thirty nine, 1139. In upper Burma mercantile accounts are frequently kept by the ordinary people in this way.5
To explain, except by ocular demonstration, such a matter as a method of arithmetic is an exceedingly difficult thing, and it may be that I have failed to make myself plain in the following pages. At the same time, it would seem that the best mode of explanation is by taking typical problems in arithmetic and working them out step by step with notes, and this plan I have adopted. The difficulties in the way, however, have been rendered all the greater by the Burmese methods of working in practice. They invariably rub out the results of each step as they proceed in their calculations, and shew only the final one, just as a European childworks on a slate. Indeed, their system is not adapted to any other way of setting to work. However, for the present purpose, I have been obliged to devise a plan whereby each step gone through can be shewn on paper.
The Burman does his calculations either on the ground in the dust, or on black parabaik." Parabaik is a thick coarse indigenous paper with a smooth greasy surface on which characters are written with a soft soapstone style. This leaves a white mark which is easily rubbed out with the fingers. In either case each calculation is erased when it is no longer required.
The Burmans have various names for arithmetical books, but all refer astrological calcula-. tions to simple arithmetic, or to rule of thumb. The rules are embodied in thôks or sutras, of which I hope some day to give renderings and explanations. They do not seem to be at all easy to procure.
A small palm-leaf MS. procured from a Mandalay monastery contains five "books" on arithmetic :--
(1) Kogyaung, multiplication, lit. drawing out nine, i. e., ascending to nine times nine. (2) Bôlinga, astrological verses: bó (written ból) is one of the six rules of astrology.
(3) Boby, astrological movements.
(4) Náyihl the revolution of the hours: náy, spelt nári, nádi, ghati or ghatiká, the Indian hour of twenty-four minutes.
(5) Sancho, calculating fortune (by astrology).
It is to be feared that the indigenous mathematical writings will not throw much light on the enquiry, because in Burmese astrological works and in the old Hindu works and MSS. on Mathematics we have set down for us in various forms of notation the results of calculations merely, and, so far as I am aware, we do not know how the calculators arrived at these results. In other words, we do not know what the mental processes were by which they arrived at the results they set down on paper. We do not know in fact why, when an ancient mathematician tells us that 55 multiplied by 66 equals 3630, he knew the result to be correct, or how he set to work on the multiplication,
In this oustom we seem to have a plain remnant of the old Hindn numerical-symbol method of notation. So do the Hindu astrologers.-S. B. D.
Hindu astrologers use a wooden plank, which they cover with dust. This plank is called på, hence arithmetic is called patiganita by Bhaskaracharya and others. Nowadays a slate, also called pâtt, is also used.-S. B. D.

Page #65

FEBRUARY, 1891.]
THE BURMESE SYSTEM OF ARITHMETIC.
55
An application to a well known monastic calculator in Mandalay produced the following, written on black parabaik:
(1) Kogyaunglinga, multiplication verses. (2) Bølingá, astrological verses.
The enumeration of these books" is sufficient to shew the extent and nature of Burmese mathematical science. They do not, in fact, reduce their rales of thumb to writing as a general practice, but hand them down orally and by ocalar demonstration on the sand or in the dust about the monasteries.
It has been said above that the Burmese system of arithmetic is especially adapted to mental processes. Now, in adding 325 to 896, Europeans and Indians begin on paper with the units and work on to the tens and hundreds. This is the most convenient way, because each unit cipher of the calculation is discarded from the memory as it is jotted down. Thus 6 and 5 are 11, put down 1 and carry 1; 1 and 9 are 10, 10 and 2 are 12, put down 2 and carry 1; 1 and 8 are 9, 9 and 3 are 12, put down 12: result 1221. In each of the above processes the mind is not troubled with anything beyond the cipher to be carried forward. Bat the Bur. man reverses the process and commences by adding the hundreds, then the tens and lastly the units. He proceeds thus : 3 and 8 are 11, rub out 3 and 8 and put down 11:9 2 and 9 are 11, rab out 2 and 9 and put down 1 for 9, and the 1 carried forward under the unit of 11, thas 1116; then add the two 1 together, 1 and 1 are 2, rub them out and pat down 2 for the init
15 of 11, thus 1216: 5 and 6 are 11, rab oat 5 and 6, and substitute as before, thus 1211 ; then add
the two 1 as before and substitute, 1221. Q. E. D.
Now, for a paper process, this is awkward; but it requires less mental effort than the European method, and it is that in use in mental addition all the world over. Rapid mental calculations in Europe and Indian mental arithmetic are both done in this way. Thos a man in rapidly working out the above problem in his head will commence 300 and 80 ) = 1100; 20 and 90 = 110, total 1210 : 5 and 6 = 11, total 1221. The very rapid addition of account columns common in banks is really achieved in the same way: the pounds first, then the shillings, and lastly the penoe are calculated out. Thus to add mentally
319 241
678
14
1240 The operator will proceed thus: - £6 + 2 + 3=]1; 7+ 4+1=12, 122; 8+1+9= 18, 1238 : . J4 + 7 + 17 = 38, £ 1-18, £ 1239-18: d. 5 + 11 + 9 = 25, 28. 1 d., £ 1239 + £1 + 1 d., £ 1240-0-1. He then puts the result down, appearing to be able to calculate all three columns at once, but, of course, he does nothing of the kind in reality.
All the Burmese processes are worked in the same way. They begin with the large figures and go on to the units, rubbing out and substituting as they proceed.
. I have a small book of 86 pages printed at the Hanthawaddy (Hana vatt) Prosa, Rangoon, in 1889, and bearing the high-sounding title of Thumáhadibag. Bedinsigyd, which I take to mean "Astronomical Writings Iluminating the Maltitude," sigyd is Barmese meaning 'writings.' Bldin = Veda, which in Burma means an astronomical, or, more strictly, an astr slogical, work. The rest of the title represents the PAli Samdhadipaka. This book contains a large number of rules and methods for many sorta of caloulations, including the K88gyaung 2. Mlaga, &o., Dotioed above. It would probably be well worth a detailed examination.
• It being remembered that he always works by a process of erasing the steps of his onloulation as be proceede.

Page #66

56
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(FEBRUARY, 1891.
The subtracting process is & curious reversal of the scoepted European method. Thus, take 78 from 95 : - 70 out of 90 leaves 20 in my hand :10 8 out of 5 I cannot take, so I take 10 out of the 20 in my hand : 8 out of the 10 I have taken leaves 2 in my hand, I add the 2 to the 5 which makes 7, so I bave 17 in my hand. - Q. E. D.
Multiplication is to the average Burman a science requiring much exertion of the brain. In its simplest form the principle adopted may be said to be the multiplication of each cipher of the multiplicand separately, from the large figures to the units, and adding up the results. Here we see the play of mental arithmetic again. Thus in multiplying 391 by 65 he multiplies 300 by 60 which gives him 18,000, then 3C0 by 5 which gives 1,500, adding the results he gets 19,500. Next he multiplies 90 by 60 = 5,400, and 90 by 5 = 450, total 5,850 : this added to 19,500 = 25,350. Then 1 x 60 = 60 and 1 x 5 = 5 which added together 65, and this added to 25,350 = 25,415.11 A multiplication of the two sums in European fashion will shew this result to be correct : thus
391 65
1955 2346
25415
The above explains the mental process only. The Burman in practice keeps the untouched ciphers of the multiplicand constantly before him, which obliges him to adopt the roles of thumb shewn on pages 60 ff. infrd.
In applying the principle of working from the large figures to the units for division, the Burmese arrive at a complicated process, but it has the advantage over all the rest of checking the caloulation as it proceeds,
Suppose you are given 589 to divide by 27. In this problem to find the first cipher of the product, which must needs be a multiple of 10, you can take 2 tens of the 20 of the divisor out of the 500 of the dividend ; and then as the full dividend is 589 and the full divisor 27 yon can find your true remainder by multiplying 27 by 20 (the quotient just reached) and subtracting the product of this multiplication from the dividend ; thus 589 — 540 = 49. This is the remainder after the first division. You have now to divide 49 by 20 to find the second cipher of the final quotient, and as this must needs be a unit you can take 2 units of the 20 of the divisor out of the 40 of the dividend; and then as the full dividend is 49 and the full divisor is 27, you can find your true remainder by maltiplying 27 by 2 = 54. But 54 cannot be substracted from 49 and this shews you that you cannot take 2 units of 27 out of 49 : you can, however, take 1 unit, leaving a remainder of 22. Your two quotients then are 20 and 1 with 22 over, which gives 21 with 22 over as the final quotient of the division. This result is correct, as division by the European method will show; thus
27589 21
49
27
22 The above again shews the process of reasoning only. The practice is given below at pages 63 ff. infri.
10 As the Burman nons. 11 Of course, all the additions are done by the Barman in Burmese fashion. 11 The Burman, of course, goes through every addition, mbtrnotion and multiplication, in his own fashion.

Page #67

FEBRUARY, 1891.1
THE BURMESE SYSTEM OF ARITHMETIC.
57
Now the Burman writes the result of a division exactly as we do; thus, 21 3. He has, however, so far as I could ascertain, no notion of using fractions, except that he can by rule of thumb add and, or subtract from , and work simple problems like these. But as to adding to $, multiplying # by t, or dividing Yo by $, or telling how much greater to are than t, these are problems quite beyond his powers. His expressions for fractions reveal his conception of them: thông bông ta bồng, (of) three parts one part, lễ bổng thông bông, (of) four parts three parts.
So far as relates to concrete matters, such as money calculations, division of property or land, and so on, the Burmans I found could work out simple calculations in proportion, but abstract questions seemed to puzzle them at once. I regret that I have not so far found any leisure to enquire into their processes.
The following pages purport to exhibit by examples the actual arithmetical processes employed by the Burmese by rule of thumb, so far as they can be shewn on paper,
PART II.
A. ADDITION.
Example I. Add 236 to 325. To add 236 to 325, place the sums one under the other; units under anita, tens under tens. and so on : thus, 325.
236 Now commence by adding the first ciphers together in the head ; thus, 2 + 3 = 5: and substitute the sum for the upper cipher of the addition; thus : 525.
36 Now proceed in the same way with the second cipher, because 2 + 3 = 5, thus : 686
Now proceed in the same way with the third cipher, but because 5 +6=11, . e., more than ten, substitute thus : 551.
Now, because 5 + 1 = B, add the remainder and substitute thus : 561. Demonstration by the European method is as follows:
325 236
561. In the Barmese method on the sand, parabaik or glate, the processes actually shewn would be as follows:13 - (a) 325, (b) 525, (c) 555, (d) 551, (c) 561. That is, they are 5 in 236 36
6
1 number. There is no check at all by the Burmese method.
Example 2. Add 465 to 897. Proceeding as before in the case of the sums of any two ciphers which exceed 10, we get 6 processes, as sbewn by the Burmese method; thús :
(a) 897, (6) 1297, (e) 1257, (d) 1857, (6) 1852, () 1362. 465
65
1
Demonstration by European method : 897
465 1362.
1 The Hinda processes are identical, except that the ciphers of the upper sam only are rabbed out in the calculation proceeds. In addition and rubtraction, the Hinda Astrologers commence from unita.-B. B. D.

Page #68

58
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
FEBRUARY, 1891.
Example 8. Add: 418
974 645
728 Add in the head as before and substitute the result of each row of ciphers for the uppermost cipher of the addition : thus, because 7 + 6 = 13: 13 + 9 = 22: 22 +4 = 26, write
2018
74 46
28 Theu becauso 4+2 = 6: 6 + 7 = 13: 13 + 1 = 14, write
2648
ca
Now, because 1 + 6 = 7, write
2748
Then, because 3 + 5 = 8:8 + 4 = 12:12 + 8 =20, write
3740
Then add remainder and write 2760. Demonstration by the European method is as follows:
418 974 645 723
2760. The Burmese processes, which are 6 in number, are
(a) 418, (b) 2618, (c) 2648, (m) 2748, (e) 2740, (1) 2760. 974
74
14 45
COS
645
723
23
B. SUBTRACTION.
Bxamplo l. Subtract 78 from 95. To spostract 78 from 95, place the subtractor below the integer : tens ander tens, anits acder units, and so on : thus, 95
78 Then subtract the first cipher of the subtractor from the cipher of the integer immediately above it in the head, and substitute the remainder for the first cipher of the integer : thus : 25: because 9 -7 = 2.
78
14 In cases where more than two sums are to be added togetber, the Hindus do not quite follow the proceso here described. They add the two loweet rom togother and then the result to the rom immediately above it and so on.-8. B.D.

Page #69

FEBRUARY, 1891.)
THE BURMESE SYSTEM OF ARITHMETIO.
59
Now subtract the second cipher of the subtractor from the cipher of the integer immediately above it. But 8 cannot be subtracted from 5, so borrow 10 from the 20 of 25, and substitute thos: 15.
78
Now subtract in the head the second cipher from the sum thus borrowed and, because 10 -- 8 = 2, set down the remainder below the cipher of the integer immediately above it : thus : 15.
78 Now add the remainder to that cipher of the integer and substitate the result thus: 17
78.
Answer: 17. Demonstration by the European method : 95
78
17. The Burmese processes, as shewn saccessively on the slate, sand or parabaik, are as follows:- (a) 95, (6) 25, (c) 15, (d) 15, (e) 17, () 17. Thus 6 processes are gone 78 78 782
78
78 through before the result is arrived at.18
Example 2. Subtract 9 from 29. The process just explained is always observed when the cipher of the subtractor is greater than the cipher of the integer immediately above it. Thus, in taking 9 from 22, as 9 will not subtract from 2, borrow 10 from the 20 of 22 and substitute thus: 12. Then sabtract 9 from
9 the 10 thus borrowed and set remainder below the 2: thus 12. Now add this remainder to 2
and substitute thus : 18.
9
Answer: 18.
Example 3. Subtract 96 from 221. In this case by observing the above rules the Burmese processes as set down successively are 8 in number, and as follows:-(a) 221, (b) 121, () 121, (d) 131, (e) 121, () 121, (g) 126.
95 951 95 955
95 95
95 Answer: 126.
Demonstration by the European method: 221
126
18 The Hindas place the subtractor above the integer and proceed to see all the places where "one will have to be carried," as the Engligh would phrase it, marking each with the symbol. Thus take 188 from 482: write 186. Now 6
492 will not take from 2, and 8 will not take from 3, so write 186, and in the caloulation add 1 to the 1 and 8 thus marked.
482 The substitution of the results of the oploulation for the figures of the integer are made in the same way me in the Barmese system, and the process is otherwise the same.-8. B. D.

Page #70

60
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[FEBRUARY, 1891.
Example 4. Subtract 40 from 650. Proceeding as before the processes are :-(a) 650, (6), 610, (o) 600, (a) 600, (e) 601 (1) 601.
594949
There have been thus 6 processes. Demonstration by the European method :
650 49
601 c. MULTIPLICATION.
Example 1. Multiply 391 by 55. To multiply 391 by 55 the sums are set down thus : 391
55 The rule is to set down the last cipher of the multiplier under the first cipher of the moltiplicand, and the other ciphers of the multiplier in front of the last one.
First stage : multiplying the first cipher of the multiplicand.
First process : multiply the first cipher of the multiplicand by the first of the multiplier, getting dowu the result before the first cipher of the multiplicand :16 thus 15891,17
65. The real rule is: - The ciphers of the result must be set down so that the last cipher of the rasolt is placed immediately above the multiplying cipher. The above process merely shews the resultant role of thumb.
Second process: multiply the first cipher of the multiplicand by the second of the multiplier, setting down the result thus18 : 16391.
15
Observe that the rule as to placing the result above the multiplier still holds good.
Third process : substitute the last cipher of the result for the first cipher of the multiplicand : add the first cipher of the result to the cipher above it and substitute theg: 16501.
55 Now push the multiplier forward one point and you are ready for the second stage: thas: 16591.
55 Second stage : multiplying the second cipher of the multiplicand.
First process: multiply the second cipher of the multiplicand by the first cipher of the multiplier, setting down the result thus : 16691.20
45 55
16 The Hinda method of multiplication is practically identical with that of the Burmese. - 8. B. D.
17 In this case the Hindus would keep the 15 separate from the 891 to avoid confusion. -S. B.D. The Burmese, s far as I have seen them at work, however, write as I have shewn in the text. R.O.T.
18 The Hindas would not set down the second result in this fashion, but would add it to the first result, keeping in mind the proper places of the figures. Thus in this case : second result 15; first result 15 ; total 165, keeping it again separate from other figures. -S. B. D.
12 Here again the Hindus would add the result at once in the head without setting down any intermediate process - SBD.
22 Here also the Hindus would keep the 165 separate from the 91.-S. B. D.

Page #71

FEBRUARY, 1891.] THE BURMESE SYSTEM OF ARITHMETIC.
Observe that the rule as to placing the cipher of the result over the multiplier still holds good. It will always do so.
Second process : add the result to the ciphers immediately above them separately, and substitute thus: (a) 16091, (b) 11091, (c) 21091.
1
5 55
55
55
Third process : multiply the second cipher of the multiplicand by the second cipher of the multiplier, setting down the result thus: 21091.
45 55
Fourth process: substitute the last cipher of the result for the second cipher of the multiplicand: add the first cipher of the result to the cipher above it, and substitute thus: 21451.
55
Now push the multiplier forward one point and you are ready for the third stage, thus
21451. 55
Third stage: multiplying the third cipher of the multiplicand.
First process: multiply the third cipher of the multiplicaud by the first cipher of the multiplier, setting down the result thus: 21451.
5 55
55
Second process : add the result to the cipher immediately above it and substitute thus: (a) 21401, (b) 21501.
1
55
Third process mutiply the third cipher of the multiplicand by the second cipher of the multiplier, setting down the result thus:
21501.
61
Fourth process: substitute the cipher of result for the third cipher of the multiplicand, thus: 21505.
55
Final Result: 21505.
Demonstration by the European method:
391
55
1955
5 55
1955
21505.
In going through the above calculation the processes actually shewn successively on the slate, sand, parabaik or other material by a Burman would be as follows:
() 21091, (j) 21091, () 21451,
55
55
4.5 55
(a) 391, (6) 15391, (c) 15391, (d) 16591, (e) 16591, (f) 16591, (g) 16091, (h) 11091'
55
55
15
55
55
45 55
1
5 55
55
(2) 21451,
55
(m) 21451, (n) 21401,
1
5 55
55
58
(o) 21501,
55
(p) 21501, (g) 21505, (r) 21505.
55
5 55
Thus he would have to go through 18 alterations of the ciphers before arriving at the result.

Page #72

62
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(FEBRUARY, 1891.
69
69
69
Example 2. Multiply 789 by 69. By following ont the processes explained above, in this case the processes, which would be actually shown by a Burman in succession, would be as follows: (a) 789, (6) 42789, (c) 42789, (d) 48389, (e) 48389, (1) 48389, (g) 42389, (h) 52389, 69 69 69
69 69 482
89 (1) 52189, (1) 58189, (k) 53189, (1) 53829, (m) 53829, (n) 53829, (o) 53329,
14 69 69
69
69 (P) 54329, (2) 54369, (r) 54369, (o) 54341, (1) 54441, (u) 54441.
69 69
69 Here then are 21 alterations of the ciphers before the result is arrived at. Demonstration by the European method :
789 69
• 72
81 69
69
7101 4794
28
54441.
Examplo 8. Multiply 448 by 874, The processes gone through are precisely those explained above, but care must be taken to observe the rule that the last cipher of the result wust be set down immediateiy sbene the multiplying cipher. Thus in commencing, the first process is shewn thps : (a) 56 748, and the successive steps of the second process, thus : (b) 569748, (c) 509748, 874
874 874 (d) 609748; and those of the third process thus : (0) 609748, (1) 609848, (g) 601848, 874
874
874. (A) 611848.
874 Similarly the remaining processes are shewn thus : (0) 611848, (1) 611848, (1) 643848.
874 32
874
874 (1) 643848, (m) 643648, (n) 646648, (o) 646648, (P) 646768, (q) 646768, (v) 646768,
3 874
16
874 874
874 (6) 646168, (0) 643168, (u) 653168, (v) 653168, (w) 653128, () 653728, (y) 653728. 874
874 874 874
874
874 (a) 653752, (aa) 653752.
874
Thus 27 alterations of the ciphers have to be gone through before the final result in arrived at. womonstration by the European method:
748 874
28 874
874
64
874
7
32
874
2992 5286 5984
658752.

Page #73

FEBRUARY, 1891.)
THE BURMESE SYSTEM OF ARITHMETIC.
63
1
Example 4. Multiply 391 by 566. In this case the alterations in the processes amount to 19 thus :(a) 15 391, (6) 155391, (c) 165391, (d) 166591, (e) 166591, 555
15 555
555 555
555 (g) 161591, (h) 111591, (0) 211591, () 211091, (k) 216091,
45 555 555 555 555
555 (m) 216451, (+) 216451, (0) 216951, (p) 216901, () 217001, 555 555 555
555 (5) 217005. Demonstration by the European method is as follows:
891 555
() 166591,
45
555 (1) 216451,
555
45
(v) 217005
555
1966 1955 1956
2
2
217006.
Example 5. Multiply 12 by 12. Precisely the same processes are followed as in simple multiplication. Thus in multiplying 12 by 12 the successive steps would be shewn thus :(@) 112, (b) 112, () 122, (d) 122 (6) 122, (1) 142, (g) 144, (h) 144.
12
12 12
12 12 Here 8 successive steps are required.
Example 6. Multiply 56789 by 9. With a single multiplier as above the steps would be as follows:(a) 456789, (6) 456789, (c) 404789, (d) 504789, (e) 50479, (f) 500389,
54
1 (g) 510389, (1) 510389, (i) 510029, (j) 511029, (k) 511001, (1) 311101,
63
9
(m) 511101. Here the Burmese process requires 13 steps before it arrives at completion.
D. DIVISION.2
Example 1. Divide 889 by 27. To divide 689 by 27, set the first cipher of the divisor beneath the first cipher of the dividend and the subsequent ciphers after it, thus: - 689.
27 Then divide the first cipher of the dividend by the first cipher of the divisor in the head.23 and because 6 + 2 = 3, set the quotient over that cipher of the dividend which is immediately above the last cipher of the divisor, thus: - 3
689.
27
* The Hindu processes of division are substantially the same as the Burmese. - S. B. D.
Hindus usually learn by heart to multiply from 1 to 30, and even to 40, by 1 to 10; that is, a Hindu can at once give the answer to 29 x 9. So no Hindu would in a case lik, that in the text proceed to divide 6 by 2, but would at once divide 67 by 27 and so arrive at the first cipher of the quotient. Of course, when the divisor is composed of more than two figures in dividing large sums the correct firat cipher in the quotient is not always found at once. -S. B. D.

Page #74

64
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[FEBRUARY, 1891.
Now multiply in the head the quotient with the first cipher of the divisor and subtract the result from the first cipher of the dividend, and then, because 3 X2 = 6 and 6 - 6 = 0, substitute the remainder for the first cipher of the dividend ; thus: - 3
089.
27 Then, to ascertain if the above quotient is the true first cipher of the final quotient, inultiply it by the subsequent ciphers of the divisor and subtract the result from the ciphers of the dividend immediately over them in the head, and then if there is a remainder substitute it for the cipher of the dividend affected by the process; but if there can be no remainder, i. e., if the result exceeds the cipher for which it should be substituted, then the quotient is wrong and must be lessened. E. g., in this case 3 X 7= 21, which cannot be subtracted from 08, and 80 3 cannot be the true first cipher of the final quotient and must be lessened. Begin again and try 2. Then the ciphers to be set down are 2
689.
27 Then, because 2 X 2 = 4 and 6 -4 = 2, after multiplication with the first cipher of the divisor by the revised quotient, by subtracting the result from the first cipher of tbe dividend and substituting the remainder for the first cipher of the dividend, we have 2
289. 27
Next, the result of multiplying the revised quotient with the remaining ciphers of the divisor is 2 X 7 = 14, which is capable of subtraction from the ciphers of the dividend affected by the process: 1. e., 28 - 14 = 14. So substitute the remainder for the said cipher thus: - 2
149.
27
So 2 is the true first cipher of the final quotient. Now set forward the divisor a point, thus : 3
149.
27
and proceed as before, dividing the ciphers of the dividend immediately over the first cipher of the divisor ; thus: 14 + 2 = 7. Set down as follows 27
149. 37
Now multiply the first cipher of the divisor with the quotient thus obtained as before, and substitute the remainder after subtracting it from the ciphers of the dividend affected, and, because 2 X 7 = 14 and 14 - 14 = 0, set-down 27
09.
27 Next proceed as before, to ascertain if 7 is the true second cipher of the final quotient of the division, by multiplying it with the second cipher of the divisor and subtracting the result from the ciphers of the dividend affected by the process thus 7 x 7 = 49, which cannot be sabtracted from 09. So 7 is wrong, therefore try 5. Sot down and proceed as before ; thus : 26
149.

Page #75

FEBRUARY, 1891.)
THE BURMESE SYSTEM OF ARITHMETIC.
65
Now, proceeding as before, 2 X 5 = 10, and 14 - 10 = 4. So substitute 4 for 14, and get down 25
Then proceeding as before, 5 x 7 = 35, and 49 - 35 = 14. So substitute 14 for 49, and set down 25
14.
27 Answer: 26 27 Demonstration by the European method :
27) 689 (25
54
149 135
14
. Answer:
253
Check is practised in the Burmese method in the same way as in the European, vis. by multiplying out the quotient.
The processes shewn in succession on the Burmese slate or sand or parabait would therefore be :
25
. That is, 12 processes are necessary before the result is arrived at.
Example 2. Divide 3965 by 172. Proceeding as before, the processes gone through would be set down by a Burman as follows: 3 3
25 25 (a) 3965, (6) 3965, (O) 0965, (d) 3965, (e) 1965, 6) 565, (g) 52
(1) 525, G) 025 172 172 172 1721
172
172
172
Answer : 28102 Demonstration by the European method:
172) 3965 (23192
344
525
516

Page #76

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[FEBRUARY, 1891.
Example 3. Divide 708 by 96. Here the processes would be as follows: (a) 703, (6) 703, (m) 703, (d) 73, (@) 38, (f) 703
95 95 95 95 95
Answer :
Demonstration by the European method:
95) 703 (793
665 38 .
50
PART III. A METHOD OF CHECKING BURMESE MULTIPLICATION, In practice the Burmese do not oheck their multiplication, but it is capable of being checked on paper according to their system of ciphering, by shewing the processes as in the following tables, instead of in the manner givon in the above examples. The figures shewn in italics are those that are struck out in each stage of the process of multiplication,
Example 1. 391 x 55.
First Stage. Final result .................
16591 Result of 2nd multiplication ..................... 65 Multiplicand and Ist multiplication ............ 15391 Addition of 2nd multiplication ............ Multiplier ........
55
Second Stage. Third Stage. Final result ................................
21451
21505 Regult of 2nd multiplication .........
45 Result of lst multiplication .............. .....
210 Multiplicand.............
16591
21451 Addition of lst multiplication .............
45 Addition of 2nd multiplication .................. Multiplier .........
Example 2. 789 x 69.
First Stage. Final result .....
48389 Result of 2nd Multiplication ..........
83 Multiplicand and 1st multiplication ............ 42789 Addition of 2nd multiplication .... Multiplier ..........
............ .......
69
Third Stage. Final result ............
53829
54441 Result of 2nd multiplication ......
82
441 Result of 1st multiplication ............
531
436 Multiplicand ...........
48389
53829 Addition of 1st multiplication ..........
48
54 Addition of 2nd multiplication ............ Multiplier
55

Page #77

FEBRUARY, 1891.]
BURMESE SYSTEM OF ARITHMETIC.
43
874
Example 3. 748 X 874.
First Stage. Final result .........
611848 Result of 3rd multiplication ..........
118 Result of 2nd multiplication ...........
60 Multiplicand and 1st multiplication. ........... 569748 Addition of 2nd multiplication .................. Addition of 3rd multiplication .................. Multiplier
874
Second Stage. Third Stage. Final result .....
646768
653752 Result of 3rd multiplication ..........
76
52 Result of 2nd multiplication
66
72 Result of 1st multiplication
531 Multiplicand ..........
611848
646768 Addition of lst multiplication
32
64 Addition of 2nd multiplication .........
28
56 Addition of 3rd multiplication Multiplier...........
874 Example 4.391 555.
First Stage. Final result ..........................................
166591 Result of 3rd multiplication ..........
65 Result of 2nd multiplication ...................... Multiplicand and lst multiplication ............. 155391 Addition of 2nd multiplication .............. Addition of 3rd multiplication .............. Multiplier ...........
Second Stage. Third Stage. Final result ............
216451
217005 Result of 3rd multiplication .........
45 Result of 2nd multiplication ...........
700 Result of 1st multiplication .............
211 Multiplicand
166591
216451 Addition of 1st multiplication .................. 45 Addition of 2nd multiplication ................. 45 Addition of 3rd multiplication ............... Multiplier .....
555
555 Example 5. 12 x 12.
First Stage. 2nd Stage. 3rd Stage. Final result ........
122 142
144 Result of 2nd multiplication .........
2 Multiplicand and lst multiplication .............. 112
142 Addition of lst multiplication .................. 1 Multiplier ..........................................
12
PART IV. AN EXPLANATION OF THE ORIGIN OF THE BURMESE ARITHMETICAL
METHOD. It is explained, on page 54 above, that the ordinary Burman still writes his numbers as he speaks them. Thus he will write 1000100309 for 1139.
.................
....
...
555
60
122
12
-

Page #78

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[FEBRUARY, 1891.
This peculiarity yields a possible explanation of his system of arithmetic, which would appear to have arisen from this method of notation.
Let us take one of the addition problems already explained : add 825 to 896. These sums he would write as follows: 300205 and 800906. Then we get, putting the naughts which are meaningless according to the decimal notation, in italios for clearness : -
800 + 300 = 1000100 90 + 20 =
10010 Added total
=
100020010 6 + 5 =
101 Added total
1000200201 ( = 1221 ) In this way we see that even on paper the problem works out naturally in the Burmese fashion. Now let us subtract 78 from 95, writing the sums as 708 and 905. Then we have 90 - 70
= 20 20 - 10 (borrowed) = 10
5 + 2
added total of last two items = 107 ( = 17).23 Here again it will be seen that the Burmese method of subtraction works out naturally. Turning to multiplication we have to multiply 391 by 65, written 800901 and 603. Then
300 X 60 = 108000 300 X 5 = 1000500
first stage added total .......
109000500 J 90 X 60 = 5000400 90 X 5 =
40050
second stage
total of first and second stages... 20500030050 J 1 X 60 =
60 1 + 5 =
$third stage. total of second and third stages. 205000400105 ) Or, in decimal notation, 25415. Thus it will be seen that the multiplication system is merely the logioal result of what may be called Natural Notation. Lastly for division, let us divide 589 by 27, written as 500809 and 207. Then
20 into 500 in terms of ten = 20 : then 207 X 20 = 50040 :
first stage. and 50040 from 500809 = 409 : 20 into 40 in terms of ten = 2: then 207 X 2 = 504: and 504 will not subtract form 409 :
second stage. 80 2 is wrong and we must work with 1: Therefore 20 into 40 in terms of ten = 1: then 207 x 1= 207 :
third stage. and 207 from 409 = 202 Therefore the answer is obtained by 20 +1 = 201 with 202 over
fourth stage.
33 We are now following the Burmese method of subtraction explained on page 56, supra.

Page #79

FEBRUARY, 1891.]
OLD-KANARESE INSCRIPTION AT KOTUR.
69
Or, in the decimal notation, 21 Here again the Burmese method works out naturally and clearly.
This argument seems to shew us how the system arose naturally out of a system of notation which was merely one of writing numbers as they were spoken. If this be the fact, its antiquity is beyond doubt, and we are thus brought face to face with what may be & genuine sample of primitive mathematics.
SANSKRIT AND OLD-KANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
BY J. F. FLEET, Bo.C.S., MR.A.S., C.I.E.
No. 194.- AN OLD KANARESE INSCRIPTION AT KOTUR. Kotar is a village abont twenty miles in a north-westerly direction from Saundatti, the chief town of the Parasgad Taluka or Sub-Division of the Belgaum District, Bombay Presidency. It is entered in the map, Indian Atlas Sheet No. 41, as Kotoor, in Lat. 16° 1', Long. 75° 2. The present inscription, now brought to notice for the first time, is on a stone tablet on the south side of a temple or shrine of the god ParamAnanda in a field, Survey No. 6, of this village. I edit it from an ink-impression made by my own man.
The surface covered by the writing is irregular in shape; the extreme measures are about 2' 5" square. There are no sculptures on the stone. - The characters belong to the transitional period of the so-called Old-Kanarese alphabet; and may be allotted, approximately, to the ninth century A.D. The size of the letters varies from " to 1t". The engraving is bold and excellent. It may be noted that the j is formed in two ways, see, for instance, jaya and rája, line 1; so also the m, see, for instance, mati and mana, line 2. Also, in several instances a distinct form of the lingual d is used, as compared with the dental d; see, for instance, nadadu, line 3. - The language is Old-Kanarese ; and the record is in verse throughout. - In respect of orthography, the only point that calls for notice is the use of b for v in the Sanskrit word víra, lines 4 and 9; though the v is preserved in varsa, line 1, and virájita, line 2. The other peculiarities, - e. g., sambre for sambhu or kasabhu, throughout, except perhaps where it is used in line 8 as a name of Siva ; nij-échche for nij-échchhe, line 5; nivirtti for nivritti, line 15; and santosa for sa:klósha, line 16, -are linguistic, rather than orthographical; and are customary in the adaptation of Sanskțit words in Old-Kanarese.
The inscription belongs to the class of virgals or vira-kallus, 'monumental slabs of heroes. It describes how & Saiva ascetic named Sambu, i. e. Sambhu, performed the ceremony of walking through the fire, and then stood in it till he was burnt to death. It mentions & Chalukya prince named ParahitarAja; in which word we have, of course, a biruda, rather than a proper name. It is not dated ; and the name of this prince is not known from any other record. Bat the inscription is to be referred, on palæographical grounds, to about the ninth century A. D.; and Parahitarâja was doubtless one of the Chalukya chieftains who must have survived, and would probably be entrusted with subordinate authority, during the period of the Rashtrakūţa supremacy in this part of the country.
TEXT.2 1 Sris-jaya-yntamge Parahita-rajamge Chaļukya-vambad-atamge lasa2 [d-ri]jita-gunamge Sambu, virájí(ji)ta-mati-vêle-gondu bhaya-rahita-manam (0) 3 Jadi rajatôdarad-alkade tada-dadisade nadadu dahanana[m] vola-gond-64 gadisade chintisi manadol-Mridana nagumvage på yda Sambuve biram 1 5 Kichchin-olag-i]du Sambu nij-êchebeyinroladârciv=arim=end-anunayadim 6 bichchalike-verasi manadol-mechchi Mahêsvaranan=alli c hintisut-ildam 1 7 Pogaļalk-alambam=appro!puga!nne t adag=avane så (bà)śvatam-madi dbaga
The form of me that is used in this word, is the one that is liable to be mistaken for ro, or sometimes re; see ante. Vol. XIX. p. 431, note 53.
From the ink-impression.
3 Metre, Kanda; throughout.

Page #80

70
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[FEBRUARY, 1891.
8 ddhagita sikhi sekeya kole nage moga[di]in [ Sa]m[bhp]vane Sambu neneyutt-iļdam 9 Sambugam-achintyam=aytu gunam=bageyalk-ala ..... bîraman=idan=avo[m] 10 [mo]m-bagedu pogala)-arivom Sam[bu]van=ambudhi-[va]rita-dharanitalado! 11 11 Man-negalda vêļevadicharam-inn-apporam=igad-allorum
bagevod=avar 12 ninn=aunare ninnrannare ninn annare Dinage nîne doreyay=Semba 11 13 Charchch-Adyain Bhuvana goņam bechch-ire tannolesamanta Sambu nitântan 14 kichcham pokkndan=i jagam-achchari-vatteadane nudiyut-irppudu nichcba[m] 11 15 Urig-oddi meyyan=aļkade parama-tapódhana-nivirttiyind=ildu Mahe16 évaranane chintisi divyapsaraseyar=oda neradu Sambu santosad-ildam 11
TRANSLATION. Having declared (his) resplendent determination to the king Parabitaraja, who is endowed with fortune and victory; who is of the Chalukya lineage; (and) who is possessed of pleasing and splendid virtues, -Sambu (became) free from apprehension in (his) mind.
(Line 3) - A brave man indeed (was) Sambu, who, fearing not the shower of the fire, delayed not, but ran up and fanned the flame; and then without any hesitation, having thought on the god Mșida in (his) mind, with smiles passed through (it).
(L. 5) - When Bambu of his own free will was in the fire, (the people) expressed disapprobation, saying, in sympathy, (to the flames), "Be quenched ; " (but), with great bappiness in (his) mind, there he remained, thinking of the god) Maleśvara.
(L. 7) – When the crackling fire, having appropriated to itself, once and for ever, those good qualities (of his) which were too great to be enumerated, began to acquire heat, - with A smiling face, 10 Sambu continued to think upon (the god) 'Sambhu.
(L. 9) - When it is considered how inconceivable were the virtues of Sambu.... ..... this heroic deed, who, on the surface of the earth surrounded by the oceans, could foretell and describe Bambu ?
(L. 11) - Verily, neither those who have lived in days of fame gone by, 11 nor those who shall be in the future, nor those of the present time, -(even) if they were to think of it), - could say " (This deed is) thine, (or) thine, (or) thine;" (for), art not thou indeed, 0 Sambu!, the (only) standard of comparison for thyself!
(L. 13) - (The whole of this world, -struck with amazement at the fact that, when the virtues of (the god) Bhava, headed by concentration of the mind in deliberation, developed to such) eminence in him, Sambu thus completely entered into the fire, will for ever be talking of it.
Letters representing two short-syllable instante, are illegible here. As a matter of fact, there is room for four or five syllables; and there was probably a break in the writing, owing to some fault in the stone, as, for instance, between the last two aksharas of line 12.
This ja was at first omitted, and then was inserted, rather small, on the top line of the writing.
• The prása is not quite perfect bere, owing to the in the second akshara. But the composers of ancient poetry do not seem to have been altogether so particular in this respect as those of subsequent times.
1 I cannot find any dictionary authority for rendering rajati dara, Ut. 'silver-belly,' by 'fire;' but I do not see what other meaning can be given to the word. - Jadi seems to be the Kanarese jadi, jadi-male, incessant rain, small rain.' Strictly, it ought to have an accusative ending, instead of being in the crude form.
i. e. Siva. He is called Mahébvara in lines 6 and 15-16, Bambbu in line 8, and Bhava in line 13. . I do not see how to render the word ivu, 'these' (nom. pl.), in this sentence. 10 lit. "Amiling with (his) face."
11 In relevadicharum, we must have the affix icha,' one who is born at, or lives at' (see N igavarman's Karnataka bhashabhishana, sutra 176, and Kebirdja's Sabdamanidarpana, sutra 200; in both of which, however, it is attached only to names of places, except in the word alaricha, born or living in the water-lily, not see how to explain the syllables vada ; unless the affix is in reality attached, in some instances, to the genitive case, and we have here a genitive form vê levada, instead of vlleya, analogons to barandrivada for baranåsiya (see ante, Vol. XIX. p. 145, note 8, which illustrates also a locative case formed in the same way).
13 lit. " indeed they do not say."
» Or, instead of charchch-ddy ash, perhaps we should read diyan, i.e. hyar, and translate "the unfathom. able virtues of the god) Bbaya."

Page #81

Old-Kanarese Inscription at Kotur.
-
-
..
.
pad.
a
c
.
.
.
A
CA SỞ
amama
Naadam
ము
.
Maridi..AAH
"
నా
.
TH
జలు నేరుగా తనకు
.
.
J. F. FLEET, 20. C.S.
SCALE 23
W. GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITH.

Page #82


Page #83

FEBRUARY, 1891.)
NOTICE OF THE GULABNAMA.
(L. 15) - Having fearlessly offered his body to the flames; having behaved with the resignation of a most profound ascetic ; (and) having meditated on (the gud) Mabêávara; Sambu attained union with the nymphs of heaven, and became content.
A NOTICE OF THE GULABNAMA.
BY E. REHATSEK.
(Continued from Vol. XIX. p. 303.) The Rajas Suchet Singh and Hira Singh, who worked in perfect unison in punishing the rebels, now raised Dalip Singh to the throne, with Hira Singh for his prime minister, but in a few days the old discord between uncle and nephew broke out again. Their quarrel had originally arisen thua. The Raja Suchết Singh rented the 'ilága of Jasrôtå from the government, while the Raja Hîrå Singh had been presented with it as a jdgir. The late Dhyan Singh had, however, succeeded in keeping peace between them, but they now came to open hostilities and bloodsbed, the chief reason for which was, that the Raja Hira Singh had entrusted Pandit Jalle with the administration of most of the political and financial affairs and the pandit had demurred to the wish of the Raja Suchêt Siógh to increase Rai Kéári Singh's jájir. The Râjâ Suchet Singh was further displeased because Paņdit Jalla had captured and slain Bhai Gurmukha Singh and Misr Beli Râm, the accomplices of Ajit Singh in the murder of the Raja Dhyan Singh, as he foresaw the danger entailed by such an act. He, however, strangely enough, pat aside all the ill-feeling he entertained towards the adherents of the Sardar Lahna Singh and associated with them, which behaviour disgusted Hîrê Singh.
Galáb Singh, informed of this discord, left Jammuó, and started for Lahôr. When he arrived and balted near Shahdara, the Rajâs Hira Singh and Suchết Singh, and all the notable Sardars came from the city to meet him. In Lâhôr he attempted to effect the supersession of Hira Singh, by inducing the Sardårs and Rájás to entrust Suchet Singh with the administration of the government, but they almost unanimously, although politely, refused to comply. He then departed with Suchết Siigh to Jammun, having no dopbt during his brief sojourn in Lahôr become folly acquainted with the critical state of affairs, and prognosticated therefrom that new contests imight soon arise from which it would be best to keep aloof. Having no offspring, and no hopes of obtaining any, Gulab Singh adopted shortly after his return to Jammún, Ranbir Singh as his son. Meanwhile the Raja Bira Singh not only refrained from allowing the young Maharaja Dalip Singh to acquire any influence whatever, but made Pandit Jallá his chief counsellor. This man incurred great hatred by his tyrannical measures, in consequence of which two of the chief officials of the administration, who foresaw that disturbances would arise, retired from it. These were Faqir 'Azizu'ddin, who, leading the life of a recluse, ceased to associate with any one, and Sardar Lahna Singh, who abandoned his position and departed to Benares.
Meanwhile the troops of Gulab Singh, commanded by Diwan Hari Chand, remained encamped in Shahdara, to be employed in case of need by the Râjâ Hirå Singh. But as Peshore Singh, son of Ranjit Singh, entertained rebellious designs and had occupied the fort of Sialkot, Gulab Singh besieged it, with the aid of the Diwan Hari Chand, and the prince fell into their power. Raja Suchet Singh, who aspired to supremacy, had meanwhile been corresponding with the officers of the Khâløa army. The Diwan Jawahir Singh at Lähôr aided him in this matter, which ended in the officers secretly inviting Suchêt Singh to come to the capital. Accordingly he prepared to do so with his intimate friends, Rai Kesri Singh and others, in spite of the remonstrances of Gulab Singh, who at last besought and entreated him in a private conversation not to venture upon so dangerous an undertaking, which must in all probability terminate fatally, and taking off his own turban, placed it before him, but all to no purpose. Sachêt Singh mounted a fleet charger on the pretence of going hunting, but was overtaken by Mian Ranbir Singh and the Diwan Hari Chand, who both endeavoured in vain to persuade him

Page #84

72
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[FEBRUARY, 1891.
to return. He reached Samba in three hours, which is six farsangs distant from Jammún. There he took leave of his haram, and on coming out of it received a letter from Jawahir Singh to the purport that he had succeeded in bringing over the whole Khâlşa army to their side. This letter 80 re-assured the Raja, that losing all caution he left his forces, which amounted to between three and four thousand men on the road, and hastened with only a few troopers to Lahôr. When, however, he arrived in the vicinity of the capital with & retinue of 45 men, some of whom were armed and some not, he was informed that the Khalsa troops, greedy for money, desired to attack him, and that he ought to turn back. But he replied that it is not the part of a brave man to retreat from a battle-field, whereon Râi Kêśri Singh suggested that it would perhaps be better to fall back in the direction of Firôzper, and there to prepare for the struggle, or to go to the Shalimar garden at Lahor, and wait for the arrival of his troops. But he stoutly refused, and at last halted in Dêrê Miân, where Jawahir Mall made his appearance and went away after conversing on various topics. Next morning the Khâlşa army, amounting to more than 60,000 men and numerous artillery, came up and surrounded the locality on three sides. Thereon Rââ Suchet Singh prepared to sacrifice his life, performed his ablutions, put on new clothes, and adorned himself with costly jewellery; and as the gardener happened to come up with a basket full of beautiful flowers, he took one for himself and presented with his own hands one to Késri Singh and one to Díwân Bhîm Sên. Shortly afterwards the fire of the Khâlşa troops began, and the roof of the building in which Suchêt Singh happened to be with his companions gave way. His swift charger was then brought to him, but he refused to mount it, and preferred to die fighting on the spot. Kêśri Singh was cut down by a sword, Diwan Bhim Sên fell shot by a gun, Nihal Singh being afraid of his life ran away, and the Raja Suchết Singh valiantly defended himself with his sabre, killing several of his Khalsa assailants, but at last succumbed. In this catastrophe, says our author, Suchêt Singh left a record of his name to be for ever remembered with praise, and Hira Singh's with reprobation. An to Pandit Jalla he proved ever ungrateful and dishonest towards Suchết Siugh, not only whilst alive by plotting to encompass his ruin, but also by preventing Hirê Singh after his death from observing the usual ceremonies of mourning for him. It is also alleged that when in the last emergency the artillery had been drawn up, and Colonel Ilahi Bakhsh, the commandant, asked for orders, Hira Singh remained silent, but Pandit Jalla insisted that it should fire, in spite of the remonstrances of the Colonel, Diwîn AjudhiA Náth, Sadhu Singh, and others.
When Gulab Singh was informed of what had taken place, he bewailed the death of Buchet Singh, the ladies of whose haram at Jammûn, Sâm bâ, and Ramnagar immolated themBelves. The RAJA was born in St. 1858 and killed in St. 1901, and so was 43 years old when he bade farewell to the world. Pandit Jallâ advised Hira Singh to confiscate his jágírs, but his Rinis, who were his heiresses, bad at the time of undergoing sati bequeathed them all to Gulab Singh, whom their husband had in his life-time cherished and considered as his adopted son, and intended to be his heir. Gulab Singh, foreseeing that tronbles would arise on this subject between himself and the Raja Hiran Singh, therefore at once despatched the author's father with Pandit Charan Das to Lahor, to srrange matters by claiming from the darbár, Sâmbâ, Suchêtgarh, and the districts rented to the late Raja. Pandit Charan Dås who was an elder brother of Papdit Jallâ did his best to persuade him to consent to the proposal, but he obstinately refused, and as Hira Singh bad entrusted him with the management of affairs, no impression could be made upon the Rajâ, whilst other notables who were favourable to the claim dared not open their months for fear of Jalla. So the two envoys returned without effecting anything. Some time afterwards, however, the Raja Hira Singh thought proper to send Raja Dinâ Náth, Bhai Ram Singh, and Imâmu'ddin as envoys to negotiate on this business with Gulab Singh. At one of their meetings Raja Dina Nath happened to mention the way in which the Emperor Aurangzeb 'Alamgir had treated his father Shah Jahan, and
In Ch. 48 of the fafarnama, this looklity is called Shekh Kallas, and is said to contain the tomb of Shekh Isma', known as Mika Kallan.
A. D. 1844
certain

Page #85

FEBRUARY, 1891.1
NOTICE OF THE GULABNAMA.
73 -
said that the RAJA Hira Singh stood in the position of father towards Gulab Singh, whereon the latter rejoined that in this affair there was no analogy with Shah Jahan, and compared Hina Siógh to Suchêt Singh, who, he said, possessed no experience of the world. Moreover, he said that if Hîra Singh should think proper to attack him, he would find him quite ready to defend his possessions with the sword. The envoys, disappointed and frightened by this reply, left Jammûn and returned to Lahôr. . Raja Hîra Singh, with the view of confiscating the districts of Gujrat, Jalalpêr, Pind Dadan Khan, &c., which had been rented to Galáb Singh, and were in charge of his officials, and also of depriving him of all bis possessions in the Pañjab territories, despatched his army thither, some palfans of which encamped at EminAbad, with the intention of attacking and plundering Jammûn. Accordingly. Gulab, Singh collected his army of brave Rajputs and issued proclamations that all persons desiring to enlist would be welcome. The result was that his forces increased considerably, and that even from LÂlôr many patriotic Rajpats preferring to defend their homesteads rather than to gain money, joined them. This army, under the command of Ranbir Singh, and Diwan Hari Chand, encamped near the city of Jammun. However, the Raja Jawahir Singh negotiated with Hira Singh, and induced him to accept the districts of Sâmbâ, Suchâtgarh,, &c., and, one-half of the property left by Suchât Singh, leaving the rest, and the rented districts to, Gulib Singh, who thereupeu sent Randhir Singh,' a youthful candidate for glory and dignity, to Lahôr, where the hond of peace between Gulib Singh and Hira Singh was cemented.
At last the seed of evil, sown by Pandit Jalla, ripened into fruit to his own destruction. He had kept under surveillance Sardar Jawåbir Singh, the brother of the Bibi Şahiba Chandai. who took the first opportunity she could to apprize the efficers of the Khâlşa army that Jalla had exceeded all bounds of propriety. Lal Singh, too, although indebted for his high position to Hîrâ Singh, seconded her proposals, and presented himself with her, Dalip Singh and Jawabir Singh before the Khålşa army, adjuring it to destroy Pandit JallA. Accordingly the Khalsa troopa desired that Pandit Jallî should be surrendered to them by Hira Singh, who, unwilling to comply, preferred to mount offeet charger and to depart from LAhôr, despite the warnings of several persons not to do so. Hir& Bingh and Randhir Singh were, with a smajl number of followers, overtaken at a distance of only a few farsangs from LÅ hôr, and were eu slain fighting, and the head of the much dreaded and execrated Pandit Jalla, who was also one of the fugitives, became a trophy with which the. Khålşa troops marched back to Lâhôr This event took place in St. 1901,6 on Sunday the 8th (duadast) of the month Pts. When Goláb Singh obtained information of what had taken place, he was greatly shocked, and when Bagbêj Singh arrived from LÁhör, bringing the head of that hopeful youth, his grief was augmented He refrained from eommunicating the sad tidings to the Mahârâni, the mother of Randhir who had not yet forgotten the death of Man Udham Singh.
Whilst still: mounning for the loss he had sustained, Gulab Singh received information that Hîra Singh had, some time before his death, sent Sham Singh and Lal Singh to conquer Jasrôt2 and otber districts. At the same time too LAA Ratan Chand Dugal and Babi Mian Singh arrived from La hôr, bringing a message from Bibi Chandan and Jawabir Singh, reminding Gulab Singh of what he and the late Raja Suchet Singh had endured from the iniquities of the Raja Hira Singh and Pandit Jall. They were also held guilty of Mfan Randhir's death because having, like a youthful cypress tree, not yet attained the age of maturity, he would not listen to the Bibi's advice, and separated himself from Hirå Siogh. She proposed that whatever Raja Hirâ Siagh had possessed with one half of the property left by Raja Sucbêt Singh, shouid be sarrendered to her, but that Gulab Singh slould retain the districts and jdgirs he held with
This is the first time the late, and father of the present, Maharaja appears to have entered public life Prominently.
This individual, as will be seen further on, was killed with Raja Hira Singh, but is at the end of Ch. 48 the lafarndma, where the episode is also narrated, called Sóhan, the young son of Galib Singh. 6. A. D. 1844.
• The literal meaning is "of that young cypres; "and Randhir ia moapt

Page #86

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[FEBRUARY, 1891.
the sanction of the preceding government. Gulab Singh feigned to comply with the demands of the envoys, but resorted to the stratagem of bribing the Sikh troops stationed at Jasrôtâ by the late Hira Singh for the impending conquest of Chamba, and enlisting them in his own cause. He ordered also Ranbir Siógh,? who resided at that time in Ramnagar as the successor of Suchet Singh, to prepare his forces for a campaign, and many other chiefs received similar instractions. The expected storm soon broke, and when the death of Hîrà Singh became generally known disturbances took place in all directions. Some Khalsa troops invaded the possessions of the Maharaja Gulab Singh, and even besieged Jammui, bat were at last repelled. Negotiations then took place and Gulab Singh indaced them by presenting every man with five rupees to march back with him to Lâhôr. To their commander, General Mêwa Singh, he paid Rs. 25,000 in cash, and preserted him also with a horse and golden saddle. As the army was gradually approacling LÁhôr, several messages arrived from the Bibi şahiba and the Sardar Jawahir Singh, expressing their displeasure, that, contrary to their wishes, the army had allowed Gulab Singh to accompany it. This became an oocasion for quarrelling, and when the Khâlşa army arrived near La hôr at Shahdara it was split into two factions, one of which continued to side with Gulab Singh, and the other spurned all connection with him. Gulib Singh now mounted elephants with some of his friends, intending to enter the city; Lat a letter arrived from the notables of the court with orders to convey him to Lahôr under a strong guard, and not to allow any of his friends to accompany him. The ignorant and simple-minded troopers, eutrusted with the letter, gave it to the uncle of the author, Dîwan Nihal Chand, who read it out to the troops in this fashion :- "The Bibi Şahiba and the Maharaja Dalip Singh strictly enjoin the troops to convey the Maharajá Gulab Singh into the city with demonstrations of honour." When, therefore, Gulab Singh made his entrance into Lâhôr with great pomp, the inhabitants crowded the roofs and doors of their houses, many expressing fervent wishes that nothing untoward might befall him, as he bad already to deplore the loss of many of his relatives. He was taken to the house of the late prince Nau Nihal Singh, where he found a strong guard appointed to watch him. It happened to consist of men from a regiment that had, on a former occasion, been disgracefully routed by his own troops in Kasmir. This guard had onders not to allow any one to approach him except his Diwân. As soon as the party had alighted the Dîwan, who was the author's father, attempted to draw water from a well, and, having been ensuccessful in the attempt, was relieved by a woman who had observed him from a distance. She procured not only water, but also food for the Mahârâjâ Gulab Singh. The Diwin then went in all haste to the court of the Bibi Şahiba, and represented that it was usual to supply even a convicted criminal with food and drink, but that Gulab Singh, who was only under surveillance, had been provided neither with food, nor even with a bed to rest himself upon. Accordingly orders were immediately issued to supply him with all necessaries. The members of the court were unfriendly to Gulab Singh and desired his ruin, but were also apprehensive that a faction of the Khilsa troops might raise disturbances, in case any harm should befall him. His favourite Diwan did the best he could to discover any intrigues which might be carried on, and narrated every evening to Gulab Singh all that he had ascertained during the day. Ove day Ire brought news that the court people intended to put the Diwan and the Wazîr Zôrawar Siugh to torture and force them to reveal where Gulab Singh 'kept his treasure, whereon the latter at once sent his wazir out of the way back to Jamman, and the Diwan promised rather to sacrifice his life than to divnige where the treasures were. On another occasion the court proposed to extort such a confession from Gulab Siügh himself. Their evil intentions were brought to the notice of the Khalsa troops, and they manifested their displeasure, and Ratan Singh advised the Raja Lal Singh to release Gulab Singh somehow, or else they would certainly raise a disturbance. The Diwan Dina Nath reported that they were already threatening to use violent mcasures in case of non-compliance with their wishes. These rumours disquieted the court, and in order to propitiate the army, the Sardar Jawahir Singh next day took the Maharaja
1 His adopted son, the late Maharaja Ranbir Singh, who died in 1885.

Page #87

FEBRUARY, 1991.)
NOTICE OF THE GULABNAMA.
75
A
Dalip Singh to be present at a review of the troops, which had been arranged to take place initiae phuin of MR Mit. On that cocasion, however, the troops demanded that the Maharaja Gubulai Şitigla, to whom they had pledged their liggur, and had promised safety when they brought him, skould fortle with be allowed to return to Jammllis; and as they threatened to kill Jawihan Singh on the spot, and to pull Dalip Singl down from hss eleplant, it became necessary to withdraw the guard, which had kept Gulab Singk prisoner, and to allow laim to inske bis appearance next day at the Court of the Maharaja Dalip Singh, where he was questioned aboutTthe gold and property of the Raja Kirâ Singh and the possessions of Raja Suchet Singh. The court, however, continued to plot mischief against him, but his friends who were much attached to him, as well as others whose affection herlaad won by his affability, kept him informed of what was brewing against him, and also of the presence of musketeers in the darbdr, who might shtetikite at any time, from their ambush behind a curtain, at a given signal. This put him on his inetrip, andadoorslingly ke one day batled in tke river at sunrise, plneed a saffron mark on his foreheal, armed himsell with a salire and gan, and proceeded to the court where he found some nobles assembled, including Sardar Jawahir Singh, Lil Singh, Shan Singh and others, each of whonlelated by his own importance, kad armed retainers by his side. They were surprised when he made his approarance among them, and still more at the manner in which he addressed them, stating that he had long served under the lato Mihiraja Ranjit Singh, and had fought in many battles, but as fate ha l not willed it, no harm had come to hiin. Now, however, as they lind, with the intention of destroying him, placed men in ambush to shoot him, after the matiner Obrigands, he challenged any brave and honourable man in the assembly, desirous of shedding Lis blood, to step forth and to fight kive; and it ne 'one felt able be would accept any two onists, and dye the door of the court with'tbeit' Jood, tart' he had slain everyone in the
The bravery of Goyal'single being well known, and the Sardars, not daring to accept his.cballerge remained silent. Not even Sardar Sham Singh, who was distinguishod for liis valour, would fight, and became very red in the face. T fire StGuld Singh's fre was thereon
i AAHAP
6 100v. Severyone in the Darbar swore to be most amicably disposed to margs
ko
n a: 4 BSNL * Some time after warde/an attempt was made to poison Gulab Singh, by throwing Malverised diamonds into some snow and sugarcane juice, which it was expected he would drink, but thaving been warned by friends, he abstained from mixing the sugar with the snow, saying that he could enjoy the snow alone as he was a mountaineer. On another occasion, the coart ordered Ralaneu'llah Khan of RajAorf, and Faiz Talab, the son of Sultan KIA, to wait on the road against the return of Gulab Singh from the court and shoot him. They prepared for this deed by taking up a position, one very dark night with 200 men, on the road, which they knew that their intended viotin must' pass. It so happened, however, that after the rising of the court, Gulab Singh went to the abode of a celebrated asoótic, and conversed with him for so long a time, that his Diwan went home by another road! The miscreants, having
t tired of waiting any longer, departed in single ale with the matches of their firelocke still burning, when the Maharaja Gulab Singh at last passed with his retinue, wherean" they quickly took to their heels; but he had some of tliem, captured, and these revealed the whole plot after the application of some pressure. Next morning Gulab Singh sent his Diwan to the darbúr with the gaptives as witnesses, but when the Diwau made his statement, the members of it pretended te be ignorant of the plot they had themsel yes devised. They compljed, however, at his request, to renove the prisoners to some distance, in order to set at rest the apprehensions of Gulab Sage, and they were acoordingly deported in chains to Gobindgarh udowod n il tals 13 Dissensions being alisen between the Sardat Jawahir Singh and the Raja Lai slágh, most people concluded that if Gulab Singh, whose bravery was well known, were to favour the Eclains of one of the thikputants, it would be very diffieult tousetple their differences.Tle Sardar Muhammad Khal, who was well disposed towards Gulab Singh, took the opportunity of reminding the RajÀ LAI Singh, that Gulab Singh-of whose antibition and prudenoo he was aware'as well

Page #88

76
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
[FEBRUARY, 1891.
as of his having gained the favour of the Khalsa troops by his affable manners and liberality - had been long sojourning in Lâhôr, and that as disturbances might ensue in consequence, it would be best to give him leave to depart to Jammun. Accordingly he was allowed to depart, but he refused to budge one step before the court had restored to him the districts he had been deprived of, and had granted Him paracanas to that effect. His arrival at Jamman was hailed with joy by the population, but whilst he had been in Ihôr under surveillance, malcontents had profited by his absence, and disturbed the peace in his dominions. The zamindárs of Kishwar, instigated by the officials of Kaśmir, had prepared the population for rebellion. Yûsaf Khân, who was under many obligations to Gulab Singh, ungratefully disregarded them, and Dilawar Singh, the disloyal son of Têgh Singh, the preceding Råjå of Kish war, not caring for the troops of Gulab Singh, joined him, and they conjointly besieged the garrison of the latter in the fort of Dudh, but were at last driven away. Ranbir Singh was attacked' at Ramnagar, which he had garrisoned, by Nihal Singh, vazir of the late Suchêt Singh, with his Khalụa troops. In the fort of Púñchh, the Diwan Karam Chand had to stand a siege from the rebels, whilst the district of Jasrotâ had already before fallen into their grasp. In fact it appears that certain chiefs of the Sikhs attempted to deprive Gulab Singh, whilst he was under surveillance at Lahor, of every portion of his dominions, nearly all of which they invaded.
The Pañjab army had, however, become demoralised by the machinations of ambitious Sardars. who strove to attain supreme power with the aid of the troops, and bribed them by turn. This is evident from the narrative of the struggles of the Sindh úwália Sardárs, the Raja Sucbêt Singh and the Raja Hira Singh. The prince Peshora Singh, a son of the late Mâhârâjâ Ranjit Singh, now once more appeared upon the scene as a pretender, and not being successful in raising disturbances at Sialkot, proceeded to Atak, of which he took possession. He was, however, induced to leave the fort by a stratagem devised by Chhatar Singh and Fath Khan, who swore that they would do him no harm. They slew him nevertheless by order of Jawahir Singh. When the Khâlşa troops were apprised of this murder, they determined to kill Jawahir Singh, and forth with took the Raja LÂl Singh, the Raja Dinâ Näth and the Bakhshi, Bhagat Râm into costody. The Sardar Jawahir Singh was several days on his guard, but at last trusted the regiment of Avitabile, which pretended to be faithful to him. Accordingly he took it as an escort and went with the Maharaja Dalip Singh to Mîân Mir, probably to witness a review of the troops, bnt they pulled the Mahárajii off from his elephant, and stabbed Jawithir Singh to death with their knives.
After the above event the Khilsa army despatched one courier after another from Lähôr to Jammun inviting the Maharaja Gulab Singh to the capital, but he found various pretexts and excused himself. The Lâhôr Court was now in great fear of the troops, because the Bibi sahiba Chandan, breathing vengeance for the assassination of her brother, had instigated them to clamour for an increase of pay and other emoluments, and told them that the English intended to make a conquest on the Pasjáb side of the Satluj. The Kh Alşa troops, therefore, puffed up with pride and believing themselves to be invincible, left their cantonments and encamped at Mian Mir, whilst their officers held a council in the Shâlabagh and determined to march to the frontier. The Raja Lal Singh also consented to this campaign, but many others, considering it to be a breach of faith towards the English, remonstrated. Nevertheless, the army marched and began the campaign by plundering its own country, and finally reached the banks of the Satluj. The Bibi Şahiba wrote, in conformity with the intrigues she was plotting, to the Maharaja Gulib Singh to proceed to the Pêshåwar in order to regulate the administration of that district, whereon he sent a reply, warning her by no means to break the treaty of friendship with the English, and never to invade their territory, for fear of the gravest consequences.
dمد ابوتوله ,ابو تا بام name is in various pnnnnges of our Persian text spelt و'Thie general • but in ,ابرتوال
.اتوا له the present inetaree
• These érents are narrated also in Ch. 44 of the 2 farmima.

Page #89

NOTICE OF THE GULABNAMA.
FEBRUARY, 1891.]
The Bibi Sahiba then sent a plausible answer, and also issued a proclamation to the Khalsa officers, that as the English authorities had in no way infringed the treaty of peace, it would be unjust to attack them without a cause. The Sikhs, who were ambitious and foolhardy, paid no attention to this late admonition and crossed the Satluj. On being informed that an English force had marched from Ludhiana to defend Firôzpûr, they determined to forestall it. Mr. [Major] Broadfoot, Agent to the Governor-General, Lord Hardinge, informed him of this state of affairs, whereon he ordered an army under Lord Gough to march, which encountered the Sikhs at Mudki, where an action was fought on the 8th of the month Pûh, St. 1902.10 The Sikhs behaved gallantly, but were routed, abandoning all their baggage, and their Commander-in-Chief the Raja Lal Singh fled, no one knew whither. After this defeat the Khalsa officers held a consultation, and some of them went to Jammûn to ask Gulab Singh for advice, and he told them to keep the army stationary on the spot where it was, there being no occasion for restlessness in the present state of affairs. No attention being paid to this advice, a bridge was constructed, which the troops crossed, and encamped on the other bank of the river. The Sardar Rauchhôd Singh, who had been collecting troops in the Dôâb, also arrived and pitched his camp at Phillaur on the banks of the Satluj. The Khalsa troops also marched in a fit of bravery to Ludhiana and burnt the cantonment with everything it contained. The Râjâ of Ladwa, with his forces and seven pieces of artillery also joined the Raja (Sardar) Ranchhod Singh. The English, who were vexed by what had taken place at Ludhiana, were joined by the forces of the Maharaja of Pațiâlâ. On the other hand Lal Singh Muraria, who had on behalf of the Lâhôr government been regulating the administration of the district of Jasrôtâ, joined the Khalsa army by order of the court with the few troops he had, and the Sardar Teja Singh, who commanded the regiment of Avitabile did the same. Also the Raja Lal Singh, who had fled from the battlefield, and being ashamed had remained for some time in the Dôâb, was ordered to rejoin the army, and obeyed.
77
Several officers of the army, as already mentioned, had arrived at Jammûn desiring the personal presence of Gulab Singh at the seat of war to direct operations and to give advice. One day these officers, who were fall of bombast and ignorance, quoted a hemistich in the Pañjabi language, in which one of their ancestors had predicted that the Khalsa army would sit on the throne of Dehli, whereon Gulab Singh remarked that he could not understand how the prophecy was to be fulfilled, the throne being very small, and the Khalsa army amounting to nearly 100,000 men ; and all present in the assembly smiled. Gulab Singh entertained the envoys most hospitably on the best of food, but delayed on various pretexts to comply with their invitation, and leaving his Diwân at Jammûn to entertain his guests, went occasionally to Riâsi on a pretence of performing his devotions at the shrine of Bhagavati, or alleging that the auspicious time for departure had not yet arrived, or spending some time at Pûrmaṇḍal. In fact, Gulab Singh was not willing to join the Khalsa army without receiving an invitation from the Bibi Sahiba, which, however, at last arrived, having been brought by Bâbâ Mahân Singh and Diwan Singh. The Maharaja Gulab Singh also had written a letter from Jammûn to Edward Lake Sahib, who sent no reply beyond a verbal message that whoever wishes to ascend a high mountain must begin to climb early in the morning." Accordingly Gulab Singh marched with his forces, commanded by the author's father, Diwân Hari Chand, after sending a parwana to the officers of the Khalsa army, advising them to keep it stationary, and arrived in Lâhôr, where he pitched his camp on the banks of the Râvi. There Bhai Râm Singh, Raja Dinà Nâth, and other Sardars who happened at that time to be in Lâhôr, received him on behalf of the government, and he made his appearance at court on the 19th of the month Migh, to be invested by the peshkár of the Bibi Sahiba with a costly robe of honour and the dignity of wazir. Then Gulab Singh despatched parwanas to the officers of the army to cease hostilities; but fate had decreed otherwise, for the Sardar Ranchhôd Singh Majithiâ crossed the river and a battle had ensued, in which many of the combatants perished on
10 A. D. 1845.

Page #90

78
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY..
.
[FEBRUARY, 1891.
both sides, and although the Sikhs were defeatod they made nineteen Europeans prisoners. Gulab singh now wrote a letter of apology to the British officers, assuring them that the attack had been made in consequence of the Maharaja Dalip Singh's minority, and that according to the treaty of friendship with the late Mahârâjâ Ragjit Singh, Peace ought to prevail. The letter having been delivered by Lala Chuni Lal Harkábashi and Lâlâ Anant Ram to Sir Henry Lawrence, who wrote a reply from the cantonment of Firôzpůr, dated the 11th February 1846, informing Gülab Singh that it was not the intention of the Honourable East India Company to destroy the Sikh government, but only to repress the unwarranted hostilities which had not yet ceased, although the Sikhs had been defeated in four battles; and that if it should bereafter become necessary to punish the rebels further, the Court would be held responsible. Before, however, the envoys had even spokon, or this letter was written, the English forces attacked the Sikhs'at daybreak, ontering their trenches unawares, and a sanguinary contest ensued. When Teja Singh, the commander of the Sikhs, perceived that they were beginning to yield, he destroyed the bridge across the river to cut off their retreat, bat many of the fugitives leaped into the water and perished, as well as the Sardar Sham Singh Atariwala, who, however, fell on the battle field fighting bravely, while the Raja L&L Singh, who had before heard, the roar of the English artillery, did not venture into the fray, but remained quietly sitting esconced in a corner. On that occasion Major (Sir Henry) Lawrence sent a few linee, dated the 13th February 1816, to Gulab Singh, to inform him that he desired to have a private interview with him, and urgently requesting him to make the necessary arrangements for that purpose. (To be concluded.)
.
FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA. Wh
i le BY PANDIT NATESA SASTRI, M.F.L.S. No. 35. - The Komatti that suits the stake. Komotri that with SAW
! In the city of Panganar there lived a merchant, of the Komatti caste, named Ankubetti: He had been very rich, but, having lost all his wealth in speculative transactions, he was in very reduced circumstances at the time that our story commences. He was, however, still the owner of a big house, which he had, when affluent, built to live in. "HUA MO AY WAGA CHALLEN
W
H O ! In those good old days lime and mortar were unknown, and houses were generally built of mud, and Ankušeti's mansion was no exception to the rule, and in an unusually severe winter a great portion of the back of it had fallen down. Weeping much over the damages that the rains had done, and true to his love for the only property left to him in this world, he gave orders for its repair. In those days, when labour was very cheap and the cost of materials extremely low, repairing a house was not a difficult undertaking. Half a dozen coolies mixed some water and clay, and made some balls of mud, and, heaping these one over the other, soon patched up
the gaps in
Now Ankubetti's house was a large one, and a thief, who had no idea of the real state of Ankusetti's wealth, was led astray by the size of his mansion, and so on a certain night, soon after the repairs had been made, he bored a hole into the back wall. But unfortunately for the scoundrel, the weight of the still undried mod of the repaired part of the wall descended upon him just as he was putting his head in, and before he could withdraw it, the weight of the whole wall was on his neck, and he died without a struggle. As this took place in a corner at the back of the house, the inmates knew nothing of it till their attention was called to it in the following manner:
The thief had spoken about his intended adventure to a comrade, who, missing him and sospecting something wrong, had been searching for him for nearly two days when he discovered
11 His death is mentioned in Ch. 46 of the Zafarnama, where those events are likewise recorded.

Page #91

FEBRUARY, 1891.1
the body sticking out of the wall of Ankusetti's house. He at once preferred a complaint before the king, that Ankubetti had killed his comrade. At that time an extremely stupid king, named Mahamudha ('great fool'), reigned over the kingdom of Punganur, who was surrounded by equally stupid ministers; and as soon as the complaint was made, he ordered his servants to arrest Aikusetţi at once, and in due course the poor merchant stood before the king! Said the king: "Why did you raise up a wet wall, and thereby kill a thief???
FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA; No. 35.
"Your excellent Majesty !" said the poor merchant. cooly whom I engaged for the repairs built the wall.
"It was not my mistake. The He must account for it. Said the king:
"Why did you,
The cooly was at once summoned and questioned. O cooly, make the wall wet, and thereby cause the death of a man ?"
79
Said the cooly:-"Most gracious king! It was not my mistake. me the mud for raising the wall, gave it me mixed with more than the of Fontes
The cooly who handed usual quantity of water." woolly in o
33
JAG
Why did you give mud.
At once the second cooly too was summoned. Said the king: mixed with an unusual quantity of water, and thereby cause the death of a human being?""
02
Said the second cooly:-"Most mighty sovereign! It was not my mistake. The pot from which I was using the water, had a wide mouth, and so while I was engaged in my business, more than the proper quantity fell out and made the mud watery. So the potter who made the pot, is responsible for the mistake."
The potter was at once sent for and questioned. Said the king: you make the mouth of the pot wide, and thereby cause the death of a human being?"
"Potter! Why did
Said the potter: "Most supreme sovereign! It was not my mistake that the mouth! of the pot was so wide. The day on which I was shaping that pot on my wheel, I noticed a dancing-girl passing along the street. My attention was thus diverted. Though my hand was engaged in the work, my mind was absent from it, and the mouth of the put became wide. So she is responsible for the mistake."
The dancing-girl was at once summoned. There was some difficulty at first in finding out the exact girl, but the potter, who had observed her minutely, gave a complete description of her, and she stood before His Majesty. But she had taken care previously to attire herself in her best clothes, and to wear her choicest jewels. Said the king: "Why did you, vile woman, pass by the potter on the day on which he was shaping his pots, and divert his attention, which made the mouth of the pot wide, and thereby indirectly you caused the death of the thief ?" terup una delle uds
S
Said the dancing-girl:"Most beautiful king! I had given a jewel to be reset by a goldsmith, and I was proceeding to demand it from him. Had he returned it in time, I would never have left my house. So he is the cause of the death!
The king, who was already pleased by her address, now summoned the goldsmith for his explanation. The goldsmith argued that a small quantity of gold was wanting for the jewel he was resetting, and that he had been very careful to demand it often and often from a Komatţi who traded in the higher metals. As he refused to give it in time; he was delayed in preparing the jewel. The Komatți was at once summoned, and as he belonged to a class of people not generally intelligent, he had no excuse. The king and his ministers at once set him down as the person responsible for causing the death of the thief, and passed orders that he should be driven to the stake, and impaled, for causing the death of the thief!
Thus usually ends the story, to which is generally attached the moral: "Never live in the Kingdom of the Tughlaqs." It is also said that the ministers commented upon the Komatti's stoutness, a peculiarity of the class brought on by want of exercise and sedentary habits, and said that that also shewed he was the proper person for the stake; hence the proverb, Kaluvukketta Komaṭṭi, "the Komatti that suits the stake." insere a guid

Page #92

80
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[FEBRUARY, 1891.
To the above story, the ingenuity of Southern Indian story-tellers has given a clever additional point, to bring into prominence the king's extreme stupidity.
When the innocent Komatti, who had failed to give the gold in time, was ordered to the stake, no one thought the punishment unjust except two men, for such was the sapreme stupidity that reigned throughout that whole kingdom of Punganûr ! These two were the greatest of rogaes, but for all their bad character they pitied the innocent victim of Panganûr logic, which argued that the fittest person for capital punishment was the most rotund of body ! So they picked up a sham quarrel between themselves, in the hope of averting the evil fate of the innocent Komatti jeweller, and purposely made so much noise as to attract the attention of the king and his officers.
Said the king :- "What are you fools making all this noise for on such an occasion P"
Said the first rogue: - "Most Gracious Majesty! It has been pronounced by eminent astrologers that whoever gives up his life at the stake on this occasion, is destined to be re-born as the king of Punganar! I want to go to the stake, but this wretched fellow won't let me, as he is so anxious to go himself."
Then turning to the second rogue, he continued. "Out upon you, you fool, you shall not forestall me. I am stronger than you!"
Said the second rogue, pretending to disregard the presence of the king :- "If you think that I am weak, there is my sovereign to support me."
Then turning towards the king, he said :-"Most Gracious Majesty! Let me be driven to the stake meant for the Komatti; for then I shall be re-born as a king. What is the use of being for ever poor and miserable ? Better give up life with a cheerful countenance, than bear all the miseries of poverty. Death is troublesome only for a moment, but poverty is tron blesome for the whole term of life. So, I appeal to your graciousness to order this person to be taken a way to prison for assaulting me, and to permit me to proceed to the stake in the place of the Komatti."
Letting the rogues go on fighting with each other, the king deliberated for a while and then broke silence : "None of you wretches shall usurp my kingdom! What! Are you fools, that you attempt sach impossibilities? I will never have my throne occupied by such paupers as you! Let the Komaţti be released! I shall myself proceed to the stake, and be re-born again as the king of my own country.
So saying, the king gladly had himself impaled, while his stupid ministers cheered! Thus the foolish king gave up his life, and the rogues, who by their tricks could bend his subjects to any of their whims, easily got possession of the kingdom, and reigned as king and minister!
FOLKLORE IN SALSETTE,
BY GEO. FR. D'PENHA,
No. 6. - The Children of Vows. There was once a baker who used to supply the king of the country with bread and confectionery, and amassed a large fortune. One day the king, who had no children, asked the baker how many children he had. The baker answered :- "Sire, like yourself I have none." +
"Then, what will you do with all the wealth you are accumulating P" said the king. "Come, let us both go to Church, and make a vow in order to obtain children. Should a daughter be born to you, and a son to me, you must give your daughter in marriage to my son; if, again, a daughter is born to me, and a son to you, I will give my daughter in marriage to your son." The baker, of course, did not like to offend the king, and so he gave his assent to the king's proposal.

Page #93

FEBRUARY, 1891.]
FOLKLORE IN SALSETTE; No. 6.
Accordingly one day they both went to Church, and made a vow, each promising to give his child in marriage to the other, in case the sexes differed. Some time after this, the queen, and also the baker's wife, became pregoant. The baker's wife was confined first, and brought forth a boy. The baker, greatly rejoiced at his good fortane, at once made off to the palace, and informed the king that a son was born to him. Two or three days later, the queen was confined of a girl, to the great regret of the king, who did not even inform the baker of the occurrence. But on the day of the queen's confinement there was a great bustle in the palace, which made the baker suspect something, and so he asked one of the maids what was the matter, and she frankly told him that the queen had been confined of a girl.
When the boy was old enough, the baker sent him to school, and spared neither pains nor money to give him a fitting education, and he was the pride of his parents. Many years passed, and the king's daughter became marriageable, but the idea of giving a king's daughter in marriage to even a wealthy baker's son preyed upon the mind of the king, and he determined by some means or other to get out of it. With this object, one day he said to the baker :"I believe your son is now well grown, and it will be interesting to know if he is being educated." "Yes, sire," replied the baker; "the boy goes to school, and I spare neither pains nor money to educate him well." "But," interrupted the king; "that sort of education will not do. You must fit out a ship, and send him to a distant country with merchandise, and see how he succeeds. That is the sort of education you must give, for it will make a man of him." ** Very well,” said the baker ; "I will act up to your advice."
Going home, the baker at once set to work to build a ship. He hired numerous workmen, and a job that usually takes some months to complete, he got done in a few days. He then loaded the ship with costly merchandise, and ordered his son to go to a certain country, and there to trade At what profit he could. The son, always obedient to his father, at once embarked on board the ship and set sail. When he arrived at his destination, he did business at an immense profit for two or three years, and then returned home with every expectation of marrying the king's daughter. Before leaving the place he bought some rarities, in the way of clothes, jewellery, and such like, for his intended wife, which he packed in a box. Half-way home he received information that his intended bride had been married to another person, a king's son. This so disheartened him that he had a mind to throw the box of presents overboard, but when he reached his native shore he opened the box, and to his great astonishment discovered that everything had disappeared! He only found in it a very small packet of paper, which he took up and put in his pocket, without even looking at its contents ! On his arrival home, his parents welcomed him with great kindness, and told him how the king had violated his vow, but he pretended not to pay heed to what they said. After his arrival he never staid at home a single hour, but daily visited his old friends and acquaintances, with whom he spent the day, and came home late in the evening.
One day he paid a visit to his promised wife, the princess, at her house, and remembered all the rarities he had brought for her, which had been miraculously changed into the small packet he still had in his pocket. He thought to himself: "I brought all those rarities to give to her. What can I do with them now? What use are they to me? I will give her their substitute."
So thinking, he pulled out the packet and handed it to her, and she, thinking it contained only sweets or something of the kind, laid it aside. They sat and conversed together for a long time, till it was very nearly time for her husband to return. The baker's son then rose to bid her good-bye, and as he was about to shake hands with her, he fell on her neck and died! She was at a loss to know what to do, and how to dispose of the corpse. She, however, dragged it to her room, and covered it up on a cot.
Now, the princess had an express order from her husband that, as soon as she had finished her domestic duties, she was to dress herself up in her jewellery against his arrival. But on this

Page #94

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
(FEBRUARY, 1891.
day, as most of her time had been taken up in conversation with the baker's son, she could not obey her husband's orders promptly. She now hurried through her work, and whilst she was still arranging her toilet, her husband came home. He enquired how it was she was not ready to receive him as usual, and why she looked so full of anxiety. She did not know what to say, and looked quite oonfused. Her husband then said to her: "Do not be afraid, but tólf mie what is the matter with you." Upon this she took heart, and said': "Should a friend happen to come and see me, am I not supposed to speak to him?" "Certainly, you are allowed to speak to your friend," said her husband; what then? Tell me everything." She was further encouraged to speak, and told her husband everything: how the baker's son had come to visit her, how when he was wishing her good-bye he fell on her neck and died, and how, beint unable to cnrry the corpse, she dragged it to the cot, where it still was. Her husband then said: "Is this what you were afraid of to tell me? Get an empty box, and leave the rest to me. I will dispose of the corpse with little trouble." waretob 04 05
Lnte at night, her husband, putting the body of the baker's son in the box, carried it to the baker's, house. He then set the corpse up in a standing position against the door, and called out to the baker twice or thrice, addressing him as father, and then ran away. The baker, who had already gone to sleep, awoke, and, thinking that his son had called out, opened the
1 BOT door, upon which the corpse fell upon the floor. The poor baker saw his son was dead, and thought he himself had killed him, through his carelessness in opening the door. He and his wife burst into cries and tears which brought the neighbours to their house, and at dawn preparations were made for the funeral of the baker's son. aft Now, the princess, as her husband was going out, asked him if he was not going to attend the funeral. He said he had some urgent affairs which prevented him from doing so, but that she herself might attend. So when he had gone, the princess began arranging to go to the funeral. She now thought of the packet the baker's son had given her on the previous day, and determined to eat some of the sweets she thought it contained. So she went to the place wliere she had put it, but,,to her utter' astonishment, in place of the packet she found clothes and jewels of the rarest kind and of exceedingly high value. Looking over these things, she found a completo dress for a bride, and thought how great must have been his love for her, and that it must have been that love that killed him. She, therefore, determined to wear that bridal dress at the funeral. In this fashion she started for the baker's house.
When the ngighboup who had assembled for the funeral; saw her, they began to mutter tomong themselves: Yes, these were the children of vows, but it was very unfortunate that the king violated his jovt, and such like expressions. The princess went up to the corpse, and stooped to look in its face, and, with her head inclined on the breast of the baker's son, remained motionles for a very long time. The poople thought she did this throngh grief, and so they told her to be more moderate in her sorrow, saying: -"Poor princess, how sorry she is for him. Enough enough, good lady, such has been your fortune!" Still she would not lift up her head from the breast of the baker's son, and so they took her by the arm, but the princess was dead!
d ini rodio se They then:ent information to her father the king, and to her husband, who came in all hasten all sides the talk was that they were the children of yovys, and the people said one to another: - “No wonder that death has come to both in this manner! Are they not children of Thiird yowapi' At last it was decided to bury them side by side ; which done, every one returned home. 2 DIES 10.13
3 398 od 0 belirg on initi Now, it happened that on the third night after the funeral the baker had a vision, in which he saw his son, who thus spoke to him: Father, have a grand feast celebrated in the Chutolecatiypersexpense. On the day of the festival, daring the ceremonies at the Charch, loterug mobbur kneel on the grave of the princepe while you knoo..on my grawer
In the morning the baker, thinking it was only dream, did nothing but the Batwithe same Tviston for several nights, consecutively, and so suspected, that, there must be something in it. Bo he told some of his neighboursabont it, who all advised him to celebrate the feast.it
1.1
1
7
97
Will!
2
.
i
r
1

Page #95

FEBRUARY, 1891.j
MISCELLANEA.
83
The idea of celebrating a feast, when scarcely a week had passed since his son's death, was highly repulsive to the baker's mind; but, owing to the repeated visions, and the instigation of his neighbours, he appointed a day for the feast. Grand preparations were made, both in the Church, in the way of decorations, music, and so forth, and also at his house, to entertain the innumerable guests who were invited. On the day fixed for the feast, hundreds of gaests came, and all repaired to the Church to attend at the Holy Sacrifice of Mass, during which the baker knelt on his son's grave, while his wife knelt on that of the princess. The king and queen, and the husband of the late princess, were also present at the service.
When it was about half over, the graves opened, and all the multitude in the Church saw the baker's son and the princess issue forth from their graves, as lively as if nothing had happened to them. All the people were filled with wonder, and spoke with one voice: - "Are they not children of vows P See how they died, and now, behold! they have come to life again together! They truly deserve to be united in marriage."
All were of one opinion, and the king also gave his assent, and the late husband of the princess deferred to the people. They were, therefore, duly married on that very day, amid great rejoicings, and lived happily to a very old age !
MISCELLANEA. SOME NAMES AND DATES FROM
Gwalior. Fourteen lines. The writing covers a UNPUBLISHED INSCRIPTIONS.
space of 1' 3" broad by 1' 8" high, and the size Mr. Fleet has placed at my disposal several of the letters is about 1". The rubbing is bundles of rough rubbings of inscriptions, which
throughout exceedingly indistinct. were handed over to him by Şir Alexander
L. 1. [O Cunningham. From the materials thus supplied
] samvat 1986 varsh Karttito me, I have already edited in this Journal
[ka*)-sudi seventeen inscriptions, and have got ready for 2... Su(Bu)krs dôra-eri(srl)-[D]da[16]publiontion two others which, with Mr. Floet's
eva(sva)ra permission, will appear in the Epigraphia Indica.
3. (samnidhau] ......... I shall now give a short account of some other 6. sri-Dévapala[deva)-kalya. inscriptions from the same collection, which the
7. ņa-vijayarajyê........ imperfect state of the rubbings prevents me from editing in full. The characters of all these
3.- Another inscription inside the east entrance inscriptions are Nagari, and the language of all is
of the great temple of Udaypur in Gwalior.
Fifteen lines. The writing covers a space of Sansksit.
l' broad by 1' 7" high, and the size of the letters 1.- An apparently well preserved insoription
is about 1". inside the east entrance of the great temple of
L. 1. Om samvat 128[9 P] varsho Udaypur in Gwalior. Six lines. The writing covers a space of l' 6" broad by 11" high, and 2. Marga-vadi 3 Gurau a dy=8]. the size of the letters is 18".
3. [ha U]dayapurê samasta-raja. L. 1. Svasti 11 Exa-chchhattrim karôtu 4. valf-ma[1-alamkri]ta-pa[ramabha)kshmam=Udayaditya-bhů patiḥ
5. sttåra]ka-maharajadhird2. ity=&dyan siddhi-da in vedam sainsâmah
6. ja-sri-DévapAladeva..... sarvvato nripa !
The Dâvapáladova of this inscription and of the 5. pardita-sri-Mahipalagya || Samvat 1137
preceding one, is clearly the Devapaladdva of Vaisa (sa)kha-sudi 7
Dhara, whom from the Harsauda (or Chirwa) This inscription gives us for Udayaditya of inscription we know to have ruled in the Vikrama MAlava the date Vikrama 1137 = A. D. 1080. 1 year 1275. See ante, Vol. XIX. p. 24, No. 11.
2.- Another inscription inside the east en- 1 4.- An inscription inside the fort of Rahattrance of the great temple of Udaypur in gadh in the Central Provinces (Archaeol. Survey
1 Seo Bir A. Cunningham in Archæol. Surcey of See ante, Vol. XVIII. p. 349, note 4. India, Vol. IX. p. 109.

Page #96

84
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
of India, Vol. X. p. 31). Fourteen lines. The writing apparently is very rudely engraved, and covers a space of 2' broad by 1' 9" high. The size of the letters is about 1".
L. 1. Om siddhiḥ II Samvat 1312 varsha Bhadrapada-su 7 [86]ma.
2. śrimad-Dharayam mahârâjadhirajaśrimaj- Jaya[sim P]
3. [ha]dêva-vijayarajyê Upa[ra P]hada. mamḍalê..
This inscription tells us that in the Vikrama year 1312 the Mahdrdjddhirája, ruling at Dhara, was Jaya[sim]hadêva. The exact date corresponds to Monday, the 28th August, A.D. 1256.
5.
An inscription inside the east entrance of the great temple of Udaypur in Gwalior. Nine lines. The writing covers a space of 1' 1" broad by 1'" high, and the size of the letters is about 1".
L. 1.
2. Udayapu[re] samasta-råjåvali 3. mahåråjådhi.Aja-ári-Jaya.
4. simghadêva-râjyê. . . . .
This inscription, therefore, apparently is of the reign of another Mahardjádhirája Jayasimhadêva, who was ruling over Udayapura (and probably Dhârâ) in the Vikrama year 1366.
6. Another (fragmentary) inscription inside the east entrance of the great temple of Udaypur in Gwalior. Portions of four lines. The writing covers a space of 91" broad by 5" high, and the size of the letters is about 1".
L. 1. [Sam]vat 1360 [rå ?]-śri-Hariraja[déva ?] ...
It is impossible to say whether the Hariraja[dêva?] of this inscription was a royal personage, or a private individual.
7. A fragmentary and apparently much damaged inscription, stated to be from Kugda near Bachhaudgadh (Archeol. Survey of India, Vol. VII. p. 211). Portions of twenty-five lines. The existing writing covers a space of about 2' broad by 2' high, and the size of the letters is about ". The inscription is in verse and has reference to the Kalachuri rulers of Ratnapur.
[FEBRUARY, 1891.
It is particularly interesting for the concluding words
3 Since editing the three inscriptions from. Udaypur (ante, Vol. XVIII. p. 341), it has occurred to me that the unpublished Udaypur inscription of Jayasinha, referred to in my introductory remarks (ib. p. 341), may really belong to the Jayasimhadeva of Dhår of the Rahatgadh inscription. The date of the Udaypur
Kalachuri-samvatsarê Prithvidêva-[rajye ?] - which, for Prithvidêva II. of Ratnapur, give us the new date Kalachuri 893 A. D. 1141-42 (see ante, Vol. XVII. p. 138). Besides, I notice in the body of the inscription the following
names: -
8. Another fragmentary inscription, stated to be from Akaltara (Archaeol. Survey of India, Vol. VII. p. 211). Portions of twenty-six lines. The existing writing covers a space of from 10" to 1' 5" broad by 2' high, and the whole [Om sam] 1366 Bravana-vadi 12 breadth of the inscribed surface must have been [Bukrė ?] about 3'. The size of the letters is between " and ". Like the preceding, the inscription is in verse and has reference to the Kalachuri rulers of Ratnapur. I notice the following names:
L. 1.
2.
893
KalachuriLachhalladivi
14.
bhava
3.
... śri-Ra[tnadevah ?]
7... Vallabharaja.nâmâ
L. 4. [Ratnadêvas-tataḥ ||
6.
raja-srîmat
mahishi ba
16.
20.
21. [Ea*]tnadeva-nçipatih . 23. Jayasim hadevaḥ
Harigana iti namna tasya sonur= babhava ||
Krishnam Yasôd=êva Guham Siv-êva Lachchhalladevi...
Vallabharaja-nirmmitam=idam... éri-Ratnadiva-dharanipatayê...
The inscription was composed by Dêvapiņi (line 25) and engraved by Pâlhûka (line 26).
9. An inscription stated to be from Muhammadpur. Twenty-seven lines. The writing covers a space of about 2' 1" broad by 1' 5" high; the upper portion of it appears to have. greatly suffered, but the lower (apparently historical) part seems to be fairly well preserved. The size of the letters is about ". This inscription also is in verse and has reference to the Kalachuri rulers of Ratnapur. The rubbing is so very indistinct that I can only here and there make out a few names.
inscription, unfortunately, is very indistinct in the rubbing, but it may have to be read
-,
Sam 1311 varshê Magha-vadi 13 Su(u)kre which, by the purnimanta reckoning, would correspond to Friday, 8th January, A. D. 1255.

Page #97

FEBRUARY, 1891.)
MISCELLANEA.
85
L. 17. Asi(si)t=Tu[mma]ņa-desê Kalachuri. L. 5:.... Sriman-Mattamayara-santatirtilako raja-Jajalladev&s=tasmaj-játah
iyam . . . . Purandara ... pratapaih sa taraṇir=aparô Ratnadevo 6. .... Bikhasivaḥ .... Tasmán=Manarendrah Prithvidêvas-tato
dhumati.patéh ... Sbhůd= ...
7. . . . . Pra[bhava]siva ... 19. . . . śrimân=Vallabharajah ..... 8. Prasåntasiva... Prithvideva ...
9. ... Sopa-Nada-sangame ... 10.- A fragment of an inscription from Têwar, The inscription was composed by the poet measuring about 10" broad by 7'' high, and con
Dhamsata, the son of Jeika and Amarika, and taining portions of eleven lines in characters of
grandson of Mehuka (lines 24 and 25); and about the 12th century, has in -
engraved by Damodara, the son of Lakshmidhara L. 4. mahd-samudrâtsarddhamn Sriya sama- and younger brother of Vasudeva. bhavad=bhusi Bhimapalaḥ 1
I may as well draw attention here to a note 7. . . . . Tripuriya-chatuhpathê 1 ... on page 5 of Archæol. Survey of India, Vol. 8. .... nivåsam sri-Simhapuryam... XIII., according to which there is in the Asiatic
Society's collection a rubbing of an inscription 11. -An inscription stated to be at. Chandrehe
from Makundpur, which is near Chandrehe, on the Sôn river, Rewa (Archæol. Survey of India, Vol. XILI. p. 8). The rubbing is in two parts, and
dated in (apparently Chedi) Samvat 772. Göttingen.
F. KIELHORN. looks as if the inscription were on two separate slabs of stone. The writing of either part covers
PROGRESS OF EUROPEAN SCHOLARSHIP. a space of 3' 2" broad by about 1' 4" high.
No. 22. The first part contains fourteen, the second part
Journal of the Eastern Section of the thirteen lines. The size of the letters is about ". The inscription ends with a date which by Mr.
Russian Archæological Society. Beglar was read Samvat 324 Phålguna-sudi 6,'
(a) PROCEEDINGS. and the year of which was altered by him to Papere read: (i). A. J. Harkavy: On an inSamvat 1324. I read the date
scription on an Aramean vase. (ii) Baron V. Samvat 724 PhAlguna-sudi 5 -
Rosen: On the budget of the Khilafat in 306 and, referring it to the Kalachuri era, make the
A. H. according to Baron Kremer's researches. year equivalent to A. D. 972-3. The writing, in my
(iii) S. F. Oldenburg : On the supposed Indian opinion, undoubtedly belongs to the 10th or 11th
original of the Arabian Nights. (iv) Baron V. century A. D.
Rosen: On the new edition of Ibn Khoradhbeh
(v) W. S. Goleniscbef: On the archæological The inscription is in verse. It apparently is of
results of his journey to Egypt. (vi) N. M. no historical importance, but refers to a line of
Yadrintzef: On his journey to Mongolia and sages which is mentioned also in the large Bilhari
the Siberian inscriptions. (vii) A. J. Harinscription of the rulers of Chêdi, and a fuller
kavy: On a fragment of an Egyptian papyrus account of some members of which is furnished
in the collection of W. S. Golenischef: (viii) by an inscription at Ranôd (or Narod) which has
N. I. Vesselofsky: On the Embassy of Prince been edited in the Journal Beng. As. Soc.,
Bariatinsky to Persia in 1618. Vol. XVI. pp. 1080-88, and will be re-edited by myself in the Epigraphia Indica. So far as
(6) ARTICLES. I can make out, the inscription records the (i) I. P. Minayef: Salvation according to the building of a tank by a sage Prasantasiva, and | doctrine of later Buddhists. This is the first part its restoration by a disciple of the sage. In the of an article wbich contains the Sansksit text of rubbing before me, I notice the following names :- the Bodhicharyavatara of Santidêva. The
1 Zapieky Vostoch nago Otdelenja Imperatorekago Russ. XIIIth and XIVth Centuries). A short commentary on kago Arkheologicheskago Obachestva, Vol. IV. fasc. III. this book and the Sikshasamuchchaya by Yetari is and IV. (2 plates).
mentioned by Taranátha (Wassilief, Buddhism, III. 225). * This book has found a place in a compilation called We take the opportunity of rectifying a little misunderA66 kdvadinamaia, where it occupies the ninth chapter. standing in the last Notice of the Zapisky. Prof. Minayef MSS. of it are to be found also in Paris, Bibl. quite agrees with Prof. Peterson in the identification Nationale, D., 85., Burn. 90; in Cambridge, Add., 869; of Chandragôpin with Chandragðmin. - [Zapiskey = the in Calcutta (palm-leaf), cf. Rajendralala Mitra, Sansk. Journal of the Imperial Russian Archeological Society. Buddh. Lit. of Nepal, ff. 47-48 : and in Kathmandu, cf. c. -R. C. T.] Bendall, A Journey in Nepal, p. 20. (old Ms. of the

Page #98

86
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[FEBRUARY, 1891.
edition is based on three MSS.:-(1) in the India is based on an Arabic version, going back to a Office Library (palm-leaf); (2) in the Library of Pahlavi original. Some time afterwards I found the Royal Asiatic Society (palm-leaf); (3) paper in the British Museum a Persian M8., one of MS, in the editor's own collection. The text is the many valuable acquisitions of Mr. Sidney followed by a discussion on the author's age and Churchill, which gave a complete text of the his works. Santideva lived most probably in the non-Christian version. I wrote about it to Baron beginning of the VIIth Century A.D. Three works Rosen, quoting the first two lines of the MS., where of his are known: Bodhicharydvatara, Sikshusa- the author's name was given. Baron Rosen wrote muchchaya (of which Prof. Minayef is preparing a notice of it, identifying Ibn Babavaih and an edition), and Satrasamuchchaya (now only Muhammad Ibn Zakaria with the well-known known in the Tibetan translation). According Arabic authors of the Xth Century A. D., Al. to Tåranatha there were three recensions of the Kummi and Al-Razi. At his instigation I preBodhicharyavatára. Såntideva is mentioned in
pared an account of the MS. At the end of last the Subhdehitaval (ed. Peterson), of which v. 3313
year appeared the second part of Prof. Ahl. corresponds to the Bodhicharydvatára, 4.
wardt's Catalogue of the Arabic MSS. in the Berlin (ü) S. F. Oldenburg: The Persian version
Library, which contained the work of Ibn
Babavaih mentioned in the Persian version. of the Romance of Barlaam and Joasaf. A
Baron Rosen wrote about it to Prof. Hommel, who detailed account of the unique MS. in the British Museum of the Persian translation of the
having got the MS., found, in accordance with Arabic version of the celebrated romance,
Rosen's indications, the original of the Persian
version. dealing chiefly with the apologues contained
Prof. Hommel now promises us an. in the work. As an edition of the Arabic
edition of the Arabic text, which will be most original is to appear, it would be superfluous
valuable for the history of this renowned Buddhist
Christian legend. (See now also Prof. Rehateek's now to give a detailed notice of the Persian trans.
translation in the Journal of the R. A. S.) lation, and it will suffice to state briefly what has been done in the last few years towards making (iii) D. Kobeko : on the Question of the site of the Barlaam and Joasaf romance better known. Saraj, the capital of the Golden Horde. A In 1886 appeared Dr. H. Zotenberg's excellent critical review of some old documents bearing Notice sur le livre de Barlaam et Joasaph, in on the question. The existence of two Barajes which he proved definitively that John of
seems very probable :- Old Saraj (Ak-Saraj) now Damascus was not the author of the Ro.
the village Selitrjanoje, and the New Saraj (great manoe. In Dr. Zotenberg's opinion the original
Saraj) near Zarevy Pody. The article is illustrat. text was Greek, and composed in the first half of ed by a little map showing the sites of the two the VIIth Century by a monk named John of
Sarajes. the Monastery of St. Baba near Jerusalem.
(iv) N. Ostroumof: Elegy on the death of This opinion was contested by Baron V. Rosen in his review of the book. He pointed out that there
Urman Bek (Text and translation, with introduc.
tion). Urmân Bek was the fourth and favourite are traces of an old Georgian version, which was translated into Greek by Saint Euthymius
son of Khudâyâr Khan and his mother was the the Georgian, who lived at the end of the Xth
daughter of the Regent of Darvaz. He was born and the beginning of the XIth Century. Follow
in 1865, his mother dying shortly after his birth, ing the indications given in Baron Rosen's article,
and was educated by another of his father's wives,
I named Agacha-aïm. In 1879 Urman Bek went a young Georgian scholar, M. N. Marr, came in
to Tashkand, where he died in 1883, aged 19 the course of his researches on a Georgian MS
years. The author of this simple, but touching of the Romance called “The Wisdom of Ba|
elegy is unknown. lavar," of which he gave an account in the third volume of the Zapisky (1889). This version, (v) Baron V. Tiesenhausen : Oriental Coins however, seems, in my opinion, to be derived in N. P. Linevich's Collection. This interesting from the Greek or from another lost Georgian collection belongs to Colonel N. P. Linevich, version. Meanwhile Prof. F. Hommel, prompted and was made in the environs of Merv, which by Dr. E. Kuhn, gave an edition of the non- seems to be a rich field for numismatical disChristian Arabic version, unfortunately after
coveries. The following dynasties are repre. an unique and incomplete MS. (Vienna, 1887). sented : -(1) Parthian: an inedited drachma Dr. Hommel also expressed doubts about the of probably Arsaces I., and two drachmas of originality of the Greek text, which, in his opinion, Phraates II. (2) Bassanian: 2 silver coins of Lapisky, Vol. II. 1887. Zapisky, Vol. IV. 1889.
. The article under notice.

Page #99

FEBRUARY, 1891.)
MISCELLANEA.
87
Bahram V. (3) Saffavi: a copper coin of Azâdu'd. vadána. (4) Játakamald. (5) Tantrakhyana. (6) din Abo'lmuzaffar bin Harb; the coin is to be Vasundhardvrata. (7) Virakusávaddna. (8) Vetd. placed between 612 and 629 A. H. (6) Såmani: | lapañchavinkats. (9) and (10) Lankdvatdra. In Ileks of Turkistân, Khwarizm Shahs, Ghaznavie, the Asiatic Museum there is an interesting MS. Ghüris, Saljuqis of Persia, Sinjaris, Changêzis, of the Saddharmapundarika, written in the Hulaqdis, Kerts, Timûris, Shaibånis, Khans of Landga character. Khiva, Khans of Bukhârî, Shahs of Persia, Amirs
(v) W. A. Shoukofsky: A Song of Nasiri of Afghanistan, and coins of Eastern Turkistân. Fifty of the specimens are inedited. Two plates
Khusrav. A delightful tarjiband of the famous and many cuts illustrate the article.
Persian poet in text and translation. (vi) A. M. Pozdnejef: Kalmuck Tales (II. and (vi) S. F. Oldenburg : Mention of a Represen. III.) We must wait till the end of this publica
tation of a Buddhist Drama. A text from the tion to give a detailed account of these tales. It Avaddnatataka (avadana 75) where a bauddhasis will suffice now to explain the way in which they natakam is mentioned. were collected. In 1874 Prof. Pozdnejef was (vii) N. J. Marr : On the Question of Barlaam sent on a scientific mission to the steppes of the
and Joasaph, from the Armenian Geography Kalmuks (Qalmaqs) of Astrakhan, where he
attributed to Vardan. This geography mentions collected folktales, and in nine successive
three capitals of the realm of Avenir and journeys completed a large collection. Of the 38
Joafas: firstly, Sinapatank (or Sinavatan), where tales he collected, 35 belong to the Ulus of
of
they lived
they lived ; secondly, Mindan (or Omndan); Maloderbetj. one to the Ulus of Ikizokhur, and
and thirdly, Bedar. The question of the date of two to Bagazokhur. He got a Kalmuck to recite
the Armenian prose version of the Barlaam and the tales, while another wrote them down. To his
Joasaf legend is far from being settled, and most 38 tales, Prof. Pozdnejef adds four tales brought
probably it is earlier than the XV th Century. from the Kalmuck steppes by Prof. Golstunsky. (c) NOTES AND News.
(viii) Baron V. Rosen: Additions to the ques
tion of Ibn-Babavaih and Barlaam. - See above, (i) W. P. Vassilief : Contributions to a Chro.
p. 86. nology of Changez Khan and his Successors. This gives some dates froin the history of Buddhism (ix) Baron V. Rosen: Did the author of the in Tibet by Sumba Kutukhta from 1162-1296 Fihrist live in Constantinople in 988 4. D.P A. D., the former date being the year of the birth This notice corrects a misinterpretation of the of Changêz.
text of the Fihrist, which seemed to prove that (ii) W. P. Vassilief : Queries and Doubts.
An-N&dim, the author of the Fihrist, was in Con.
stantinople in 988 A. D. The confusion arose (1) The name Changez is a corruption of Tian. dzij, " given by Heaven." The name of the
from taking Dår-ar-Rom to mean Constantinople. dynasty, Mongu, is Chinese, meaning "one who
Baron Rosen proves Dar-ar-Ram to designate a has received the restitution of old rights." (2)
certain locality in Baghdad. In the well known document from Darmabala (x) Baron D. Günsburg : "Les fils d'Aissou." written in the quadrangular Mongol character, we Note on a passage in the work of Amélineau must, most probably, understand by A-li-ke-un in the Mémoires des Membres de la Mission the Musulmans and not the Christians. (3) The Archéologique Française au Caire, Vol. IV. The Yasa of Changes is not a code of laws, but "fils d'Aissou" are the "sons of Esau." a collection of sayings of the emperor, such as were collected after the death of every Bogdokhan.
(d) REVIEWS These collections are incumbent on the scientifio (i) The Court of the Emperor of Turkey : the comity.
work of the priest Simeon Starovolsky. A not (iii) A. 0. Ivanofsky: On some Chinese very careful edition of the old Russian translation objects in the Archeological Museum of the Uni. of 1678. An earlier edition is left unnoticed. versity of Tomsk. This consists of some coins,
(ii) Arandarenko, G. A.: Leisure hours in medals, two mirrors, and some Buddhist bells
Turkistan, 1874-1889. A collection of articles from Kulja.
written between 1874 and 1889 by a high official (iv) S. F. Oldenburg : Nepalese MSS. in the in Turkistan. They deal with various questions Petersburg Libraries. This is a List of ten of life and administration in Turkistan, and (Sanskrit and Nêwari) M88. (1) Aryandmasan- give most valuable information to everybody who gititiká. (2) Dharmalakshmisarnudda. (3) Divyd. I wishes to know Central Asia.

Page #100

88
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[FEBRUARY, 1891.
(iii) David and Mher. Very interesting inscriptions in Siberia, the key to which is yet Armenian popular legends of the heroes of to be found. M. Yadrinzef in his last journey Sasun in the country of Mush.
to Karakorum found a good many of these in(iv) Memoirs of the West-Siberian Section of
scriptions, and amongst them some that are the Imperial Russian Geographical Society, Vol. X.
bilingual, which will perhaps yield as the looked. (1888). A most interesting publication, two
for explanation. articles of Mr. Pantussof being especially noticed, (xii) Jacout Artin. Pacha : L'Instruction viz., “A prayer meeting of the (durvêsh) con- Publique en Egypte. This is a very interesting gregation, Jahr-i-Qadiri in Tashkand," and publication. On the language of the Musalman hawkers
(xiii) Recueil de textes et de traductions in Turkistan."
publié par les professeurs de l'Ecole des langues (v) The Ethnographical Review, fasc. ii. (1889). Orientales vivantes. This forms one of the Contains a very interesting and carefully com- many interesting and useful publications of the piled bibliography. To be noticed here are an well-known Ecole des Langues Orientales Vivantes. article by W. F. Miller, Echoes of Iranian legends in the Caucasus, and an article by M.
(xiv) Comte Carlo Landberg: 'Imdd ed-din A. Khakhanof on “Persian epics in Georgian
el-Katib el-Isfahani, conquête de la Syrie et de la translations." This last is quite unscientific
Palestine. Containing an account of the con
quest of Syria and Palestine by Salahu'ddin and untrustworthy.
(Saladin). (vi) Arkhangelsky. Muhammadan Cosmogony. (Forty questions put to Muhammad by Jewish
(IV) Th. Houtsma: Recueil de testes relatifs a scholars). This is a translation from the Turkish,
l'histoire des Seldj oucides, Vol. II., Histoire des and is far from being trustworthy. The reviewer
Seldjorcides de l'Irda par al-Bonddri. Two gives some instances of very puzzling renderings
most important publications by two well-known of the original. The introduction is a useless
scholars. In noticing the second book the
reviewer draws the attention to the word iji compilation.
(page 133, 4-5) which with the signification of (vii) Kitab Kalilah wa Dimnah, translated elder brother" is to be found in the Calcutta from the Arabic text by M. 4ttaya and M. Riabi. Chughatai Dictionary. nin, with an introduction emplaining the history of the book. The translation is on the whole trust.
(vi) Kitab al-Masdlik va'l-Mamdlik, auctore worthy, but more accuracy, especially in the
&c. Ibn-Khordadhbeh, ed. M. I. de Goeje. An philosophical passages, is much to be desired.
excellent edition and translation of a very import. Correoted translations of many passages are given
ant work. The reviewer notioes two pieces of in the review
verse on Ibn-Khordadhbeh by Al-Buhturi which he
found in the MS. diván of this poet, on following (viii) Proceedings of the Imperial Russian the indioation of Al-Husuri in his Anthology, Geographical Society, Vol. XXV. fasc. v.
Zahru'laddb., cf. al-Ikd. ed. Boulaq., III. 52, (ix) Proceedings of the East-Siberian Section 3 a. f., on the margin. of the Imperial Russian Geographical Society,
(xvii) A. Mehren: Traités mystiques, de.al Vol. XIX. fasc. 3, Vol. XX. fasc. 1.7
Avicenne, fasc. i. An interesting publication, (x) Collection of materials for a description of The reviewer draws the attention of the editor to the countries and nations of the Caucasus, Vol. X., a MS. in the Asiatic Museum in St. Petersburg, Tiflis, 1890. This is one of the many useful No. 842 a (cf. Mél. As. IV. 37-39) where various works on the Caucasus, published in Russia. tracts of Ibn-Sing are to be found. In the first part of the book is a long article
(xviii) W. Pertsch: Verseichniss der Türkischen by M Hahn: "Notions of Greek and Roman
Handschriften der Kgl. Bibliothek wu Berlin. writers on the Caucasus, (pt. II.), Byzantine his
A valuable catalogue, edited with the well-known torians;" the second part of the volume oontains
accuracy of Dr. Pertech. Amongst other MSS. many legends, songs and tales from different
the reviewer mentions an interesting Turco. parts of the Caucasus.
Arabic and Mongol-Arabic glossary, of which he (xi) Inscriptions de l'Iénissei, Helsingfors, is preparing some extracts, collated with three 1889. An edition of many of the enigmatic | Oxford MSS.
OT As these geographical publications are well known to the readers of the Proceedings of the Royal Geogra phical Society, we give only their titles here.

Page #101

FEBRUARY, 1891.)
NOTES AND QUERIES.
89
(xix) Riza Qouli Khan : Rids-al-arifin. An excellent tazkirah full of important facts on the life and works of many writers. This is a posthumous work of the celebrated Persian scholar.
(xx) Weber : Ueber die Samyaletvakaumudi. A very important question is raised by the author. The reviewer doubts the conclusions of the pamphlet. The Arabian Nights are not yet
sufficiently known to allow of comparisons. To the episode of the wanderings of the king and his minister, some parallels in some versions of the Simhásanadvátrimsiki and the Prabandhachintamani are adduced. In conclusion some parallels to the Arabian Nights are drawn from the Kitdb. i-Sindbad and the ľútinámah,
SERGIUS D'OLDENBURG. St. Petersburg, May 1890.
NOTES AND QUERIES. AN ORIENTAL STORY OF MOSES. kabát, cupboard.
gilet, gilt. In Indian Notes and Queries, Note No. 789 in hanis, harness.
tawdl, towel. No. 48, Vol. IV., page 221, bears a remarkable korat, court.
palis, polish. resemblance to Sa'di's story of Moses in the
iskol, school.
vilbon, whalebone. Burtan; given also by Forbes amongst the stories fartin, phaeton.
chichkék, cheese-cake. in his Persian Grammar (Allen; Lond.; 1862, page
brün-gadi, a brougham. gérdp-shdt, grapeshot 34 of the Persian App. 4, and pp. 153, 164 and
kard, card.
(meaning a lie or 170 of the English portion). Briefly it is as
pánáno-kârd, pack of canard). .follows :-One day Abraham espied a stranger in
cards.
tarang, trunk. the desert, whose body was bent like a willow, dg-bot, a steamer. shampin, champagne. and whose beard and head were as white as ispital, hospital.
trup-sawdr, a trooper. snow with age. He invited him to his board, and I daktar, a doctor.
tardi, tray. as the B'ismi'llah was muttered, it was found rélve, railway.
rijmét, regiment. that the stranger was silent. Abraham enquired nuspépar, newspaper. handikap, aide-dehow it was that he had not joined them in invok fému, family.
camp. ing God's blessing on the food, and was told that hai, hall.
dau, a dole. the stranger was a Zoroastrian. Abraham in ran, reins.
madam, an English zealous wrath expelled him from his tent. A voice, not, note.
lady (madam.) thereupon, came unto Abraham from on high palt, a party or gathering. jangid, an English - conveying this rebuke, “I have given him bread butler, butler.
man (a corruption and life during a hundred years and you have not kóch, a couch.
from French anglais). been able to bear with him for a moment," &c. kóchman, a coachman. thdsôn, station. Dr. Forbes in pp. 164-70 of his Grammar seeks
manwâr, man of war, piliaus, playhouse. bakas, box.
mat-aus, madhonse. to trace in Sa'di's story the origin of Dr. Frank
pdělún, pantaloon.
hispetór, Inspector. lin's Imaginary Chapter of Genesis.
udskót, waistcoat.
argin, organ. S. J. A. CHURCHILL. kist, kiss.
ton-dal, town-hall.
kisf-kot, an embrace. santri, sentry. CORRUPTIONS OF ENGLISH.
sakin, shake-hands. that-klás, third class. A-In Telingana.
kókat, a coquette.
gôvandar, governor. In the Telugu country jainavu is join from rastb, receipt.
C. M. C. anywhere,' not necessarily from hospital." That is rikavaravu (recover). Discharge from hospi.
C-In the Papjab. tal' is rikavarcheyi (imp.)
nisti, a list.
argin, hurricane lamp. G. H. PRENDERGAST.
séripltal, sherry and Masulipatam.
bitters
D-In Burma. B--In Bombay.
Hindustanis say habitually :The following are several of the corrupted Eng- Ramún, for Rangoon Bamba, for Bhamo lish words now well imbedded in the ordinary (Bur. Yangon).
(Bur. Bamaw): Gujarati language spoken by the Parsees and Chinapahdr, for Chwetnapå near Mandalay. other Gujaråti-speaking people in this presidency.
R. O. TEMPLE. 1 See Panjab Notes and Queries, Vol. I., note 240. and common instance in the Himalayan Distriots. -
· The interchange of land n is well known in North- R. C. T. Indir. Jalam-ashthamf for janam-ashthami is a good

Page #102

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[FEBRUARY, 1891.
SOCIAL CUSTOMS; MARRIAGE.
fooled the simple parents into believing that he In China.
had a son who was seeking a wife, and ultimately With reference to the following cutting regard- he induced them to engage Peachblossom to him ing a Chinese legend as to the custom of in marriage. The marriage cards were duly interthrowing rice at weddings, is there any story changed: but the crafty Chao had chosen the or legend connected with the custom in India most unlucky day he could select for the wedding, or Europe P: -
the day when the "Golden Pheasant" was in the The Chinese Times gives the following version ascendant. Surely as the bride entered the red of the origin of the custom of throwing rice at chair, the spirit-bird would destroy her with his
powerful beak. But the wise Peachblossom knew some 1,500 years before Christ, there lived in the all these things, and feared not. "I will go," she province of Shansi a most famous sorcerer called said ; "I will fight and defeat him." When the Chao. It happened one day that one P'ang wedding morning came, she gave directions to came to consult the oracle, and Chao, having have rice thrown out at the door, which the spirit. divined by means of the tortoise diagram, inform- bird seeing, made haste to devour, and while his ed the trembling Pang that he had but six days | attention was thus occupied, Peachblossom stepped to live. Now, however much we may trust the into the bridal chair and passed on her way unsagacity and skill of our family physician, we may harmed. And now the ingenuous reader knows be excused if, in a matter of life and death, we why he throws rice after the bride. If any in. call in a second doctor for a consultation, and in terest has been engendered in his breast by this such a strait, it is not to be wondered at that tale of the fair Peachblossom, let him listen to Pang should repair to another source to make what befell her at the house of the magician. sure that there was no mistake. To the fair Peach- Arrived at Chao's house, no bridegroom was there, blossom he went, a young lady who had acquired but an attendant was given her, and the two girls some reputation as a sorceress, and to the tender prepared to pass the night in the room assigned feminine heart unfolded the story of his woe. to them. Peachblossom was wakeful, for she Her divination yielded the same result as knew that, when the night passed, the "Golden Chao's; in six days P'ang should die, unless, by Pheasant" would be succeeded by the evil star of the exercise of her magical powers, she could avert the "White Tiger," whose power and ferocity who the catastrope. Her efforts were successful, and can tell? “Go you to bed first," she said to the on the seventh day great was Chao's astonishment maid. The girl was soon asleep, and still her and still greater his mortification and rage, when mistress slept not, but continued to pace the room, he met P'ang taking his evening stroll and learned and at midnight the tiger-spirit came and the that there lived a greater magician than he. The morning light showed Peach blossom still pacing story would soon get about, and unless he could the room, while on the bed lay the lifeless body of quickly put an end to his fair rival's existence, his the little maid. Thus were fought the magic battles reputation would be ruined. And this was how of Peachblossom and Chao, and many more were Chao plotted against the life of Peachblossom. there, until they took their flight to heaven, where He sent a go-between to Peachblossom's parent now they reign as gods. And on earth the actors to inquire if their daughter was still unmarried, have not idols more prized than those of Peachand receiving a reply in the affirmative, he be- blossom and Chao Kung. R. C. TEMPLE.
BOOK-NOTICES. The KAUSIKASUTRA OF THE ATHARVAVEDA, edited by and omens. It is presupposed by the Vaitd.
MAURICE BLOOMFIELD. New Haven, 1890. 8vo. nasitra, which is the Srautasátra of the Athar. pages lxviii. and 424. (Journal of the American
vavéda ; and thongh "a rather late product of Oriental Society, Vol. XIV.)
the efforts to put into exact easily remembered Students of Vedic literature will hail with form the traditional practices of the Atharvan," delight this editio princeps of the Kausikasatra. it contains a considerable amount of ancient A glance at the critical notes, which stand on Aryan superstitions, some of which can perhaps every page of the beautifully printed text, will still be traced among the sister nations of Europe. give the reader an idea how much patient labour It thus commands an international interest, was required in order to rescue this difficult besides its importance in the history of Indian book from oblivion and corruption. The Karbi- language and literature. Professor Bloomfield's kasitra occupies an almost unique place among edition is based on eight MSS. and accompanied the Vedic Satras, as it treats chiefly of charms by extracts from the valuable commentary of

Page #103

FEBRUARY, 1891.]
BOOK-NOTICES.
91
Darila, the great-grandson of Vatsa arman. In the existing MSS., this commentary goes only as far as about the first half of the text. Darila and two other commentators, Rudra and Bhadra, are quoted in the paddhati of Kebava. Extracts from this treatise on the ritual of the Kaulikasútra are added in the Appendix (pages 307 to 372). Indices of proper names, technical terms, mantras and quotations, conclude the volume. A list of new contributions to the Vedic lexicon is included in the Introduction (pages xliii. to lvii.)
E. H.
TOUNG PAO, Archives pour servir à l'étude de l'his.
toire, des langues, de la géographie et de l'ethnographie de l'Asie Orientale (Chine, Japon, Corée, Indo-Chine, Asie Centrale et Malaisie), rédigées par MM. GUSTAVE SCHLEGEL et HENRI CORDIER, Vol. I. No. 1, April, 1890. Leide, E. J. Brill: London, Luzao and Co. We hasten to welcome this remarkably good addition to the periodical literature of the East, and to wish it every success. The names of its editors, Profs. Schlegel of Leiden and Cordier of Paris are indeed a guarantee of the excellence of its contents, and although periodicals dealing with matters Oriental are already numerous enough and a heavy burden on students with limited means, yet the papers in this first number of Toung Pao shew that it fills a vacant space and will supply us with information which we are not likely to meet with elsewhere.
It deals principally with China, but in this first number there are articles of great interest to Anglo-Indians, such as “The French in Burma in the Eighteenth Century," "To Yunnan VIA Tongking," and "Notes on a Journey to Yunnan."
The first of these articles is extremely interest. ing and most valuable at the present time, as it consists of "extracts from the log of the Royal Tender La Baleine, commanded by " le Sr. Flouest, Naval Lieutenant, from 12th February 1782 to 28th March 1786, with a description of the kingdom of Pegu, the manners, laws, religion, customs and commerce of the inhabitants of that country (paija)."
This journal is divided into two parts. The first consists of an account of the journey to and fro from Brest to Rangoon, and what may be called personal matters, and the second of a description of the country. With regard to these the author appears to have been so close an observer that we propose, if possible, to reproduce his remarks in full in the Indian Antiquary.
In the present number we are only taken as far as the arrival at Rangoon. Starting from Brest on 12th February 1782 with troops, M. Flouest sailed vid Madeira and the Isle of France for India, sighting the Cocos Islands on 18th February 1783, and making the coast of Coromandel on the 16th March, where he disembarked troops at Portonovo.
The fleet, for in those days it was not safe for ships to travel alone, then made for Trincomalee (Tirukkôņamålai), but were chased en route by the "enemy," that is, a British Squadron ! However, Trincomalee was safely reached on 11th April 1783.
After refitting, M. Flouest received orders to go to Pegu and left Trincomalee on the 11th August with troops for the coast of Coromandel. On the 12th September he left Pondicherry direct for Burma, passing the Andamans and the Cocos. On approaching Burma, he was much bothered by the currents and a want of know. ledge of the coast, and goes into an elaborate description of "la manoeuvre qu'il faut faire pour monter" the River of Rangoon. He reached the mouth of the river on the 30th September, and the town of Rangoon at 11 a. m. on the 7th October.
The above outline of the journal is enough to shew how instructive it will prove to readers at the present day.
The spelling of the place-names is interesting also, and shews how little it has changed in the century that has passed since he wrote. Thus we find Cocos, Achem (Acheen), Trinquemalay, Madras, Porto Novo, Pégu (which shews that the French pronunciation of the name is nearer than ours), Adaman (Andamans), Chinabaker, Pointe de l'Elephant, and Rangon.
The notes on the journeys to Yunnan present quite a different point of interest. They consist of a letter from M. Leduc, dated 30th January 1890, and a reprint of an official report by M. Rocher, French Consul at Mongtze, published in "le journal officiel de la Republique Française" of 28th January 1890. This journal remarks on the commerce with Yunnan, the means of transport, the navigation of the Red River, the currency in use, the centres of trade, relations of the French with the people, communications with Tongking, and general observations.
Enough has now been said to shew how important are the contents of this new periodical, and while heartily congratulating the editors on the literary success of their venture, we will only

Page #104

92
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[FEBRUARY, 1891.
further remark that the articles are accepted wild products they can gather. Their worship is in French, English and German indifferently. exactly what one would expect in a people of
their civilization, and the account given by Dr. THE SELUNGS OF THE MERGUT ARCHIPELAGO, by JOHN
Anderson of one ceremony he witnessed, is exANDERSON, M.D., F.R.S. London: Trübner & Co., ceedingly interesting. 1890.
The industries and occupations of the Selungs This little book is the embodiment of the are boat-building, harpooning the great devil-fish observations of a very capable observer, made or eagle-ray, collecting bêche-de-mer, molluscs, during a visit to the Mergui Archipelago in mother-of-pearl oysters and pearls, and "black 1881 and 1892.
coral" for barter and export. Honey and bees'. The first person to publish an account of the
wax are also sinilarly collected; so are eagle-wood
and edible birds' nests when procurable. The Archipelago was Capt. Thomas Forrest, in 1792,
Selungs also keep dogs, their only domestic animal, but he saw nothing of its very timid inhabitants.
with which they hunt the wild hogs of the Islonds The first account of these people appeared in the
and barter the fat thus procured. The main official Calcutta Gazette in 1826, after the First Burmese War. They are there called 'Chalomes,'
occupation of the women is the making of the and their ill-treatment by their neighbours, the
pandanus mats for which the Islands are famous. Malays, Burmese and Siamese, who used the Marriage is performed by consent of parents Island as a hunting ground for slaves, is noticed. without much ceremony, and the young pair Capt. Lloyd, who surveyed the Archipelago in observe the common custom of dwelling with the 1838, gives an account of the 'Chillones, a miser- parents of the bride till the birth of the first child. able, badly clothed and shy race, without agri. There is a ceremony at the naming of the child. culture, living in boats, in the open air and in
The health of the people seems to be fairly temporary huts, on shell-fish, turtle and indigenous
good, but small-pox and cholera make great gaps products, and doing a little barter for rice and
in their families. Sickness is ascribed to a coarse cloth. They are described, inaccurately of
malignant nåt, whom the medicine-man extracts course, by the Rev. Mr. Kincaid, a missionary
from the sick person and takes into himself with whose attention was drawn to them at that time, as
liquor supplied him for the purpose. The nat having no god and no religion. Dr. Helfer, who
makes its exit by the arm and sometimes assumes saw them in 1839 and calls them' Seelongs,' gives
the shape of a broken piece of glass. Here we much the same account of them as Capt. Lloyd,
have an instructive example of the world wide and adds that they have a peculiar tongue. Broad
savage belief in the external soul. The dead are foot and Durand, both names famous in subse
exposed, not buried, either in their own boats or quent Indian History, tried up to as late as 1846 to
on a platform on an uninhabited island, and are do something for the poor 'Salones' and to turn
apparently provided with clothing and other them into Christians. In 1850 Mr. Logan wrote
necessaries for the future life. an account of them, and observed that they had nàte, spirits of the sea, land, air, trees and
Physically, the people are probably a mixed stones, which were offered to, but did not invoke
race of Malay origin, the admixture being with or symbolise. It appears that they have always
Burmans and Karens. They are in no sense been taxed on their fishing operations, and that
Negritos, as has been suggested. The average the Chinese, Malay, and other traders were al. height is that of the Malays : 5 ft. 2 in. for lowed to first make them drunk and then rob
the men, and 5 ft. for the women. them, up to 1881-82 at any rate.
A Selung Language Primer was published at So much for the history of the Selungs. In
Maulmain by the missionaries in 1846, but number they appear to be about 1,000. Their nevertheless the study of the language seems to clothing is chiefly a loin-cloth, but coats cut have been most limited. Their names for in Burmese fashion are sometimes worn. Their
won ho
person
persons are derived from the Burmans, but dwellings are rickety leaf huts, built on low
otherwise their language seems to shew no con. bamboo piles, of a type commoner in Burma than
nection with Burmese. We have it, however, on perhaps Dr. Anderson supposes from his descrip
the great authority of Dr. Rost, that it is a tion of them. Their boats are canoes, covered by
distinct Malayan tongue. pent thatched roofs, and have much the appearance Lastly, wo cordially agree with Dr. Anderson of Burmese boats of the same class. Their diet that any Deputy Commissioner of Mergui, who is chiefly rice, when they can get it, but they will take up the study, has a fine and almost frequently run out of their stock and take to wiat unique field of research before him.

Page #105

SYSTEM OF TRANSLITERATION. The system of transliteration followed in this Journal for Sanskrit and Kanarese, (and, for the sake of uniformity, submitted for adoption, as far as possible, in the case of other languages),-- except in respect of modern Hindu personal names, in which absolute purism is undesirable, and in respect of a few Anglicised corruptions of names of places, sanctioned by long eage, - is this: Sanskrit. Kavarobe. Transliteration. Sanskrit.
Kanarese. Transliteration.
jha
Por lo
tha dha
to tr
tha
228 3 63 63
E taua ada 3 stad &
i
dha
na
औ
bute
Visarga
p& pha ba
bhn
Visarga Jihvdmüllya, or old
Visarga before : and a Upadhmaniya, or old Visarga be
fore and Anuevúra
A Tiusudra Anuncirildi
ma ya
st &
ka
€ 18
kha
12 K3 3 3 *
ga
gha
al 21 st E
ja
to obt
clia
BA chha A single hyphen is used to separate words in coniposition, as far as it is desirable to divide them. It will readily be seen where the single hyphen is only used in the ordinary way, at the end of a line, as divided in the original Text. to indicate that the word runs on into the next line intermediate divisions, rendered unavoidable here and there by printing necessities, are made only where absolutely necessary for neatness in the arrangement of the Texts.
A double hyphen is used to separate words in a sentence, which in the original are written as one word, being joined together by the euphonie rules of sardhi. Where this double hyphen is used, it is to be understood that a final consonant, and the following initial vowel or consonant-and-vowel, are in the original expressed by one complex sign. Where it is not used, it is to be understood of the orthography of the original, that, according to the stage of the alphabet, the final consonant either has the modified broken form, which, in the oldest stages of the alphabet, was used to indicate a consonant with no vowel attached to it, or has the distinct sign of the viráma attached to it; and that the following initial vowel or consonant has its full initial form. In the transcription of ordinary texts, the double hyphen is probably unnecessary; except where there is the sandhi of final and
11 Vowels. But, in the transcription of epigraphical records, the use of this sign is unavoidable. for the purpose of indicating exactly the palæographical standard of the original texts.
The avagraha, or sign which indicates the elision of an initial a, is but rarely to be met with in inscriptions. Where it does ocenr, it is most conveniently represented by its own Devanagarf sign.
So also practice has shown that it is more convenient to use the ordinary Devanagari marks of punctuation than to substitute the English signs for them.
Ordinary brackets are used for corrections and doubtful points, and square brackets, for letters which are damaged and partially illegible in the original, or which, being wholly illegible, can be supplied with certainty. An asterisk attached to letters or marks of punctuntion in square brackets, indicates that those letters or marks of punctuation were omitted altogether in As a rule, it is more convenient to use the brackets than to have recourse to footnotes; as the points to which attention is to be drawn attract notice far more readily. But notes are given instead, when there would be so many brackets, close together, as to encumber the text and render it inconvenient
When any letters in the original are wholly illegible and cannot be supplied, they are represented, in metrical passages, by the sign for a long or a short syllable, as the case may be ; and in prose passages, by points, at the rate, usually, of two for each akshar or syllable.

Page #106


Page #107

MARCH, 1891.)
THE EASTERN CHALUKYA CHRONOLOGY.
THE CHRONOLOGY OF THE EASTERN CHALUKYA KINGS.
BY J. F. FLEET, BO.C.S., M.R.A.S., C.I.E.
(Continued from p. 15.) VARIOUS passages, both in the Eastern Chalukya records and in those of some other
dynasties, shew that, just as, after the period of the Rashtrakūta sovereignty, the later descendants of the Western Branch of the Chalukya family were specially known as "the lords of Kuntala," so the kings of the Eastern Branch were called distinctively “the lords of Vengi," from the territory which for so long a time formed the principal and favourite portion of their dominions. In the Eastern Chalukya records, that territory is called, sometimes, the Vengi or Vengi mandala ;' sometimes, the Vengi dosa ;and sometimes, simply the land of Vengt (Vengi-mahi, and Venge-bhú). One of the records (S.) mentions also a territorial division called the Venginînda vishaya ;this, however, I should think, denotes, not the whole Vengi country, but a subdivision of it, lying round the town from which the kingdom took its name. In a Tamil inscription of the Chola king Ko-Rajaraja-Rajakesarivarman, it is called the Vengai nadu. (Hultzsch's South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. I. pp. 63, 65). The original boundaries of this tract of country appear to have been, towards the west, the Eastern Ghauts, running from south-west to north-east; on the east, the sea-coast, running parallel to the Ghauts; on the northern frontier, the river Godavari, running from north-west to south-east; and on the southern frontier, the river Kistna or Krishņa, running almost parallel to the Godavari. The area thus enclosed would be roughly about eight thousand miles. And the proper Hindu name of this territory, - but perhaps of a larger area of which it only formed a part, - appears to be the Andhra or Andhra country. There are, however, indications that in subsequent times the Vengi country included a great portion of the territory on the north of the Godavari ; the boundary line in that direction being then taken more in a straight line, almost due east, to the coast, from the place where the Godavari passes through the Ghauts. On the north of Vengi lay the territory of the Gangas of Kalinganagara ; and on the south, that of the Pallavas of Kañcht, the more northern portions of whose dominions appear to have been rather qnickly absorbed into the Eastern Chalukya country. On the west, the Eastern Chalukya dominions must have been coterminous with the territories that were held, first by their relations of the Western Branch, whose capital was Bådâmi; then by the Rashtraktas of MAlkbed; and then by the Western Chalukyas of Kalyan. As has been pointed out by previous writers, the name of Vengi, and probably an indication of the position of the original capital, is preserved in vogi or Pedda-Vêgi, which is a village about seven miles north of Ellore (Elûru), the chief town of the Ellore Talaka or Sub-Division of the Godavari District in the Madras Presidency, and about ten miles, to the north-west, from the Kolár or Kolleru lake, which would probably furnish, quite as well as any river, an ample water-supply for a city of size; it is shewn in the map, Indian Atlus, Sheet No. 94, as Pedavaigie,' in Lat. 16° 49', Long. 81° 10'. There is, however, another village close by, Chinna-Vêgi, - not entered in the map, - which, it seems, is just as likely to represent the ancient capital. Also, there are said to be extensive ruins and mounds, reaching from Pedda-Vêgi to Deņdalúru, five miles to the south-east; and there is a tradition that Dendalûru once formed a part of the ancient city. Subsequently, the
1 The name occurs in both ways) with the long vowelf, and also with the short voweli, in the second syllable; but it is most usually written with the long vowel. Dr. Burnell considered that the Tamil form, Vengai, indicates that properly the vowel is short; and that Vengt, like KAficht, is a Sanskritised form.
1 mandala and dfsa are technical territorial terms, evidently applied to rather extensivo areas, and more or less synonymous; see Gupta Inscriptions, p. 32, note 7.
· vishwya is another technical torm; and seems to denote properly a sub-division of a mandah or ddia (loc. cit.)
• nadu is the Dravidian equivalent of the Sanskrit d&ta. In composition, it occurs in the nasalised form of nindu: e. g. Vengin Andu, and VelanAnda. - Nanti, e. g. in Bengurankņti, seems to be another form of it.
See Dr. Burnell's South Indian Palæography, second edition, p. 16, noto, and Mr. Sewell's Lists of Antiquities, Madras, Vol. I. pp. 34, 36; also, for a small map of the Andbra country, Sir A. Cunningham's Ancient Geography of India, p. 587. The identification of Vengt with Pedda-Végi appears to be due to Sir Walter Elliot; but I am not able to refer to his paper on the subject.

Page #108

94.
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MARCH, 1891.
capital was removed to Rajamandri or Rajamahendrapuram, on the north bank of the Godavari, in Lat. 17°, Long. 81° 48', and about forty-five miles in a north-easterly direction from Pedda-Vogi; possibly this city was first occupied, under the Eastern Chalukyas, by Amma I., who had the biruda or secondary name of Raja-Mahendra and was named after him. Dr. Burnell (loc. cit. note 5 above) tells us that in the Telugu Mahabharata, which belongs to the twelfth century A. D., Rajamahendrapuram is called the nayaka-ratna or "central gem" of the Vengi country; this description of it supports, not only. the removal of the capital, but also the inclusion before this time, in the original Vengî country, of a good deal of the territory on the north of the Gôdavari. The land of Vengi, or the Andhra kingdom, was described by the Chinese pilgrim Hinen Tsiang, in the seventh century A. D., under the name of An-to-lo; and it is supposed that he mentions Vengi as its capital, by the name of Ping-ki-lo (Beal's Buddhist Records of the Western World, Vol. II. p. 217).7 The earliest epigraphical mention that we have of Vengi, is in the Allahâbâd pillar inscription, in which the name of Hastivarman, king of Vengi, occurs in the list of Samudragupta's conquests in Southern India (Gupta Inscriptions, p. 13); this reference belongs to the fourth century, A. D. And to some time between that date and the Eastern Chalukya period, we have to refer the mention of the town of Vengipura in the grant of the Salankayana Maharaja Vijayanandivarman, who issued his charter from that place (ante, Vol. V. p. 177). Also, to some date in the same interval belongs the grant of the Pallava Maharaja Simhavarman, who, issuing his charter from the town of Dasanapura, granted to some Brahmans the village of Mangadûr in Vengorashtra (ante, Vol. V. p. 157); this record seems to give a variant of the name of the Vengi country, and to supply a link in its early history, before it passed into the hands of the Eastern Chalukyas. In the records of the Eastern Chalukyas themselves, the first use of the word Vengi is in L., of the time of Amma I., which calls Vijayâditya II. "the lord of Vengi (Veng-isa) ;" and M., of the time of Chalukya-Bhima II., contains the first explicit statement, that the territory over which reigned Kubja-Vishnuvardhana I. and his successors, was the Vengi country.
The course of events which led to the establishment of the Eastern Branch of the Chalukya family in Vengi, seems to have been this. Pulikėsin II. succeeded to the Chalukya sovereignty in A. D. 609 or 610 (see page 3 above). From Hiuen Tsiang's account (Buddh. Rec. West. World, Vol. II. p. 256, and Life, p. 146 f.) we know that he was at the head of a powerful and warlike nation. And from the Aihole inscription (ante, Vol. VIII. p. 245) we learn that his conquests in Southern India extended right across the peninsula ; he reduced the strong fortress of Pishtapura, which is the modern Pitțâpuram in the Gôdâvarî District, near the coast, and about eighty miles to the north-east of Pedda-Vêgi; and he caused the leader of the Pallavas to shelter himself behind the ramparts of the city of Kâñchî, which is the modern Conjeeveram, about forty miles south-west of Madras. In leading his armies so far away from home, he would need someone invested with authority to represent him fully in his own hereditary dominions. And for this purpose Vishnuvardhana I., his younger brother, was appointed Yuvaraja. This appointment was made in A. D. 615; and Vishnuvardhana I. was still holding the same post in A. D. 616 or 617. Probably during the campaign which included the conquest of Pittâpuram, and which must have taken place at this time, the Vergi country was made a part of the Chalukya dominions; and the reference to the Pallavas, immediately after the mention of Pishṭapura, has been understood as indicating that it was from their possession that Vengi was taken. On the return of Pulikêsin II. to Badami, he would naturally depute Vishnuvardhana I. to administer the newly acquired
Mr. Sewell (loc. cit. p. 22) mentions two traditions about the origin of Rajamahendrapuram; one conuects it with Mahendradeva, son of Gautamadêva, a supposed early king of Orissa, and states that the city was then the southern capital of Orissa; the other connects it with a Chalukya king named "Vijayaditya-Mahendra."
Dr. Barnell (loc. cit.) considered that the last syllable in the Chinese representation of the name is " merely the locative suffix of the Telugu nouns, naturally mistaken by the worthy Chinese pilgrim monk for a part of the word. So the Portuguese called Salayam, - Chaliatta, using the inflected form of the name."
rashtra, usually translated by 'country,' is another territorial term. It occurs also in Maharashtra ; an! it seems to belong properly to only rather extensive areas.

Page #109

MARCH, 1891.)
THE EASTERN CHALUKYA CHRONOLOGY.
95
territory, in the same capacity of Yuvarája. And then, - whether it came to pass through a formal division of the kingdom by mutual consent, because it was too extensive to be managed as a whole; or whether there was a distinct act of rebellion on the part of the younger brother, - in no great length of time, – at any rate before A. D. 632, — Vishnuvardhana I. became established on the eastern coast as an independent sovereign, and founded there the Eastern Branch of the family, which held that part of the country for five centuries at least, and remained distinct from and independent of the Western Branch, down to the latest times of both the dynasties.
The successive members of the Eastern Branch of the family, taken for the most part in the order in which they followed each other on the throne, irrespective of their actual places in the genealogy were as follows:
1.- Vishnuvardhana I.; Kubja-Vishnuvardhana.
Eighteen years; A. D. 615 to 633. He was a younger brother of the Western Chalukya king Satyásraya-Pulikêśin II.; his father was-Kirtivarman I. His name occurs as simply Vishnuvardhana in his own grants (A. and B.), and in D. and E.; as Kubja-Vishnuvardhana, - (the word kubja means 'hump-backed;' also 'a curved sword, a scimitar), - in K. and all the subsequent grants, except in two (0.and U.), in which he is called Kubja-Vishņu; and as Biţtarasa, 'king Bitti or Bitta,' on the seal of A. Probably the latter, a Prakrit form, is the name that was given to him at his birth; and it was expanded into its Sanskrit form, Vishnuvardhana, at the time of his installation as Yuvardja." He had the epithet of bripfithivivallabha, favourite of fortune and of the earth' (in A.); and the biruda of Vishamasiddhi (in A. and B.), which is explained in B. as being due to his achieving "success (siddhi) against fortresses, difficult of access (vishama), on the plains, in the water, in the woods, and on hills," and which is used to denote him in c. His titles were, at first Yuvaraja (in A.), and afterwards Maharaja ; the latter, in addition to being used in one of his own grants (B.), is attached to his name in D. and E.; for its value, in this period, as a paramount title, see ante, Vol. XIX. p. 305 ff. K. and all the subsequent grants agree in stating that he reigned for eighteen years; but M. is the first grant which specifically states that the locality of his rule was the Vengi country. As we have seen from the dates examined in the preceding portion of this paper, the initial point of his years, – whether it is taken as being in the month Vaisakha, or as being the immediately preceding Chaitra sukla 1, - lies in A. D. 615, in Saka-Samvat 638 current; and his regnal years run, not from the date of his assumption of independent sovereignty, but from the earlier time when he was installed as Yuvaraja by his elder brother (see page 5 above).
L. mentions a follower of his, named Kalakampa, of the Pattavardhini family, who, “ with his permission," killed in battle a king named Daddara, and seized his insignia.
Of his time we have two records : -
A. – A copper-plate grant from Satârâ in the Bombay Presidency; edited by me with a lithograph, ante. Vol. XIX. p. 303. - It gives the name of the family as Chalikya ;10 and describes the members of the family as meditating on the feet of the god Svami-Mahasena
Speaking of Beta, otherwise called Vijayditya V., a Godavari grant says, Tadap-clich Atitô yêbhůd Annabhupila-Dandadah kanthikA-dyutimat-kanthó játô Béta-mahipatih. This distinctly seems to imply that he was first named Beta, "he was born (as) Bita ;" and so, that he received the name of Vijayaditya, when he was invested with the kanthiha. So also w. shows thnt Kulôttunga-Chokladeva I. was first called Rajendra-Chola, and received the name of Kulottungadeva when he was anointed to the Choda sovereignty. - The explanation must be the same in the case of Amma I., otherwise called Vishnuvardhana VI. ; of Chalukya-Bhima IL, otherwise called Vishnuvardhana VII., and in some other instances. In some cases, e. g. those of Mangi-Yuvardja aud Kokkili, we evidently have only the personal names, conferred at birth.
10 The variants of the family name in this series of documente, in the preamble of each, are, - Chalikya, here; Chalukya, in B., O., D., K., L., M., and S.; Chalukya, with the Dravidian l fin E., F., G., and H.; Chalukya, with the long vowel & in the first syllable, in J., N. to L., and T. to X.; and Chukya, with the long and the Dråvidian ), in I.

Page #110

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(Kârttikêya, the god of war); as belonging to the Mânavya gôtra; as being Haritiputras or descendants of an original ancestress of the Harita gôtra;11 as being protected by the Mothers of mankind;13 and as having acquired the crest of a boar through the favour, when he had arisen from sleep, of him (the god Vishnu) whose couch is the ocean of milk. The genealogy commences with Pulikêsin I., who is spoken of by his birudas of Ranavikrama and Satyaáraya; it mentions his son, Kirtivarman I.; but it takes the line direct from the latter to Vishnuvardhana I., entirely passing over his elder brother, Pulikêsin II., in this passage, and only referring to him, as "the glorious Mahárdja," in the passage at the end which contains the date. Pulikêsin II. is similarly passed over in C. and E. The charter was issued by Vishnuvardhana J. himself, as Yuvaraja, from Kurumarathi (or Kurumarathya); and it records the grant of the village of Alandatirtha, in the Srinilaya bhoga. The village granted is probably the modern Alundah' of the map, about thirty-five miles north of Sâtârâ. But, however this may be, the statement that it was on the south bank of the river Bhimarathi, is sufficient to shew that the locality of the authority of Vishnuvardhana I., at this time, was to the west of Long. 77° 21', where the Bhima flows into the Krishna, and was, therefore, within the radius of the Western Chalukya sovereignty. The grant was made on the full-moon day of Kârttika, in the eighth year of "the glorious Maharaja," i. e. of Pulikêsin II.; and the corresponding English date lies in A. D. 616 or 617.
"
96
[MARCH, 1891.
B. A grant from Chipurupalle in the Vizagapatam District, Madras Presidency; edited by me, page 15 above; for a lithograph, see Burnell's South-Indian Paleography, second edition, Plate xxvii, It gives the family-name as Chalukya, The genealogy commences with Pulikêsin II., who is mentioned as "the Mahárája Satyâéraya, the favourite of fortune (érivallabha);" and this grant expressly states that Vishnuvardhana I. was the younger of the two brothers. The charter was issued by Vishnuvardhana I. himself, as Mahárája, from the village of Cherupura in the (P) Paki vishaya; and it records a grant of the village of Kalvakonda in the Dimila vishaya. Cherupura is probably an older form of the name of Chipurupalle itself, where the plates were obtained. But, at any rate, there can be no doubt that the name of the Dimila vishaya has been preserved in the modern village of Dimile, in the Sarvasiddhi Taluka of the same District, fourteen miles towards the south-west from Chipurupalle.. And this identification is sufficient to establish the important point, that the sphere of the Sovereignty of Vishnuvardhana I. now lay on the eastern coast, far away from the Western Chalukya dominions. The grant was made on the occasion of an eclipse of the moon in the month Sravana, on the fifteenth day in the fourth month of the eighteenth year of Vishnuvardhana I. himself; the corresponding English date, as shewn on page 4 f. above, is the 7th July, A. D. 632. The Dutaka of the grant, i. e. the officer who conveyed the king's commands to the local officials by whom the charter was then drawn up and delivered, was Atavidurjaya, of the (P) Matsya family.
11 The variants of the first component of the word, in the preambles of the documents, are, Hårfti, here, and in L., V., and perhaps W.; Hariti, in C., F., H., and I.; Hariti, in D., E., G., and J.; and Hârtti, in K., M. to U., and X. In his Sanskrit Literature, p. 143, Prof. Max Müller gives Harita as one of the principal authorities quoted in the Taittiriya-Prátisakhyd. But the gótra-name given by him, is Harita; with the short vowel in both the first and the second syllables (id. p. 383). I should think, therefore, that the correct form of the name is Haritipatra, or more properly Hâritiputra; with the short vowel i in the second syllable. The long vowel & in the first syllable, points to there having been a Harita gôtra as a later offshoot from the Harita gotra. In the same way, the Kasyapa and Kaundinya gotras of epigraphical records, must be offshoots of the original Kasyapa and Kundina gotras of Prof. Max Müller's list. Other similar instances also could be quoted. -The Western Chalukyas also were Haritiputras. But the name was not confined to this family. It applied also to the Early Kadambas (e. g., ante, Vol. VI. p. 31). And in earlier times there were Haritiputras or Hâritiputras in Central India (see ante, Vol. IX. p. 121). 12 These are the divine mothers, or personified energies of the principal deities. They are usually taken as seven in number; viz., Brahmi or Brahmâni, Mâhêévarl, Kaumári, Vaishnavi, Vârâhî, Indrånt or Aindri or Mahendri, and Chamunda. They are closely connected with the worship of Siva; and they attend on Kârttikeya, who was his son. They must have some original connection with the Pleiades, when the principal stars of that group were seven in number. Kârttikêy awas fostered by the Pleiades (Krittikâh); and from this is derived one of his epithets, shanmatura, having six mothers.'

Page #111

MARCH, 1891.]
THE EASTERN CHALUKYA CHRONOLOGY.
2. - Jayasinha I.
Thirty years; A. D. 683 to 668. He was the eldest) son of No. 1, Vishņuvardhana 1. His name occurs as simply Jayasinh ha in M. to U., and in X.; in his own grant (C.), and in D., E., K., L., V., and W., vallabha, 'the favourite,' is attached to it; and in F. it is written Jayasinghs, with vallabha attached. The seal of his own grant gives him the biruda of Sarvasiddhi, which is explained in line 13 f. by the words "he who acquired all kinds of success by the strength of his arm;" and it is used in an epithet applied to him in D. His title was Maharaja; it occurs in his own grant, and it is affixed to his name in D, E, and F. The grants K. to O., and Q. to W., say that he reigned for thirty-three years; while P. and X. say thirty years. I follow the latter statement, because, in spite of its not being the earlier one, and of its not being the statement of the majority, it must be the more correct of the two (see pages 10, 14 f., above).
Of his time we have one record :
C. - A grant from Pedda-Maddali in the Kistna District, Madras Presidency; edited by me, with a lithograph, ante, Vol. XIII. p. 137. - It gives the dynastic name as Chalukya; and fo the description of the Chalakyas as given in A., it adds the statement that they had had their bodies purified by ablutions performed after celebrating the aévamedha-sacrifice. The genealogy commences with Kirtivarman I.; Palikesin II. is not mentioned ; and Vishọavardhana I. is not spoken of by name, but is referred to by his biruda as "he who attained Buccess under difficulties (vishama-siddhi) in harassing the forts of many enemies." The charter was issued by Jayasimha I. himself, as Mandrája, from the town of Udayapura, and it records a grant of the village of Peņukaparu in the Gudrabara vishayals on the occasion of one of the equinoxes, in the eighteenth year of the reign. The Ditaka was Siyabarman. The language of this grant is rather full of inaccuracies; and I am not quite satisfied as to its authenticity.
8. - Indra-Bhattaraka.
Seven days; A. D. 888. He was the younger brother of No. 2, Jayasimha I. His name occurs as Indra-Bhattaraka in D., E., and F.; and as Indraraja in K. and all the subsequent grants. In the Gôdavari grant of the Rája Prithivimûla, the son of the Maharaja Prabhakara, mention is made of an Adhirlija Indra, who joined in "a tumultuous combat waged by all the kings who were gladdened by having assembled together in the desire to aproot by force Indra-Bhattaraka" (Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. Vol. XVI. p. 119); the reference here seems to be to IndraBhattaraka of the Eastern Chalukya dynasty; the Adhiraja Indra being possibly the Mahardja Indravarman of the Ganga dynasty of Kalinganagara (ante, Vol. XIII. pp. 120, 122, and Vol. XVI. p. 132), whose territory lay just to the north-east of the Eastern Chalukya kingdom. The only records that mention Indra-Bhattaraka as reigning, are V., W., and X., which state that he reigned for seven days.14 The truth seems to be, that he did not actually succeed in ascending the throne; being prevented by a confederacy of chiefs, in wbich the leading part was taken by the Adhirája Indra.
18 This district is mentioned also in E., by the same name. And it seems to be identical with the Gudravirs of J. and N., and the Gudråvåra of Q. Ia V. and W. mention is made of the Guddavadi vishaya, which Dr. Hultasch has suggested may be identical with the preceding, and may have some connection with the modern Gudivada in the Kistna District (South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. I. p. 52, note 1); Gudivado, however, ocours also as the name of two villages in the Vizagapatam District. - I am inclined to think that the origiral name may have been Gudráhara (Gudra + ahara, a territorial division). The expression GudrAhåra vishays would be analogous to the Khakaners vishaya, which we have, ante, Vol. VII. p. 72, line 25 f. Gudra might pass into Gudda; through the habit of doubling consonants before r. And we might thus obtain Guddavada, or Guddavidi; the last part of the latter word being another form of udla, 'a town.' But I do not see how the dental d could change into the lingual din Gudivada.
1 In V., line 87, the actual reading in tad-anuj.endraraja-nandanas sapta dindni; this is a mistake for Andra rajas-sapta din ini, due to carelessness in amplifying the indraraja-nandan vishnuvardhani nata of other grants. - W., line 10, bas tat-kanfyan-ind[r]arijas-sapt-than ; X., line 31, bas tad.anuja ilm ]drar jarrapta dindni.

Page #112

98
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MARCH, 1891.
4. - Vishnuvardhana IÌ.
Nine years; A. D. 683 to 672. He was the son of No. 3, Indra-Bhattaraka. His name occurs as Vishnuvardhana in his own grants (D. and E.), and in L. to X.; and as Vishnuraja in K. D., line 10, seems to imply that he had the epithet of sarvalókasraya, 'asylum of all mankind;' and the seals of both his grants give him the birula of Vishamasiddhi, as in the case of his grandfather. D. describes him as a paramaidhésvara or most devout worshipper of the god Siva under the name of Mahêśvara;' and E. gives him the epithet of samadhigata-panchamahásabda, "he who has attained the five great sounds,' i.e. who is heralded in public by the sounds of five kinds of musical instruments.15 His title was that of Maharaja ; it is used in his own grants, and is also affixed to his name in F. In M. the years of his reign are carelessly omitted. K., L, and N. to X., are unanimous in stating that he reigned for nine years.
Of his time we have two records :
D. - A grant from somewhere in the Nellore District, Madras Presidency; edited by me, ante, Vol. VII. p. 185, with a lithograph in Vol. VIII. p. 320. - It gives the dynastic name as Chalukya; and it adds, in respect of the members of the family, that they acquired the dignity of sovereignty through the favour of the god Kârttikêya. The genealogy com. mences with Vishnuvardhana I. The charter was issued by Vishnuvardhana II. himself, as Maharaja ; and it records a grant of the village of Reyaru in the Karmarashtra vishaya. The grant was made in the second year of his reign, on Wednesday, the tenth tithi in the bright fortnight of Chaitra, under the Maghả nakshatra ; and the corresponding English date, as has been shewn on page 8 above, is Wednesday, 13th March, A. D. 684. The writer of the grant was Vinayaka, the son of Era.
E. - A grant apparently from Mattewada in the Kistna District; edited by me, with a lithograph, ante, Vol. VII. p. 191. - It gives the dynastic name as Chaľukys, with the Dråvidian ! in the second syllable. The genealogy commences with Kirtivarman I.; and it passes from him to Vishịuvardhana I., without any reference to Pulikesin II. The charter was issued by Vishņa vardhana II, himself, as Miháraja. It is addressed to the residents of the village of Pallivada in the Arutankar Abraya which was in the Gudrahara vishaya; but the exact details of the grant are not known, the concluding portion of the charter, after the second plate, being not forthcoming. The grant was made in the fifth year of his reign, on the occasion of an eclipse of the son on the new-moon day of Phålguna; and the corresponding English date, as we have seen at page 9 above, is the 17th February, A. D. 888.
5. -- Mangi-Yuvaraja.
Twenty-five years; A. D. 672 to 698. He was the son of No. 4, Vishņuvardhana II. He is spoken of as Mangi-Yuvaraja in K. and all the subsequent grants; but there is nothing to shew why the title Yuvarája is always attached to his proper name. He had the epithet of sarvalok asraya,'asylum of all mankind,' (see his own grant F.); and the seal of his grant gives him the biruda of Vijayasiddhi, which is also used in the text of the grant, in describing him as he who achieved the success of victory in controversies () of metaphysics and other sciences." K, and all the subsequent grants agree in stating that he reigned for twenty-five years.
Of his time we have one record :
F. - A grant from an unknown locality; edited by me at page 104 below. - It gives the dynastic name as Chalukya; and in the description of the members of the family, it substi
16 See Gupta Inscriptions, p. 296, note 9. - This is another exceptional instance, in whion the opithet is applied to a paramount sovereign.

Page #113

MARCH, 1891.j
THE EASTERN CHALUKYA CHRONOLOGY.
99
tates the statement that they acquired their sovereignty through the excellent favour of the goddess Kausiki (Durga),16 for the statement of D., which attributes this to the favour of Karttikêya. The genealogy commences with Jayasimha I. The record does not mention Mangi by his own proper name, but speaks of him, in the passage which introduces the grant, as "the Maharaja who is the asylum of all mankind." The grant, which was made by Mangi. Yavarâja himself, was of some fields in the village of Nutulapapu in the Karmarashtra (vishaya). It was made on the occasion of the Uttarayaņa-Samkranti or winter solstice, in the twentieth year of his reign. The Dituka was Nissaramiji .......
6. – Jayasimha II.
Thirteen years; A. D. 696 to 709. He was the eldest) son of No. 5, Mangi-Yuvarâja. He is first mentioned in K.; and in that and all the subsequent grants, his name is given as simply Jayasimha, without vallabha attached to it. K. to M., and O. to X., are unanimous in stating that he reigned for thirteen years; through a careless repetition of the length of the reign of his ancestor of the same name, N. represents him as reigning for thirty-three years.
7.- Kokkili.
Six months; A. D. 709. He was a younger brother, by a different mother, of No. 6, Jayasimha II. P. to T., and V. to X., simply mention him as a younger brother; M. describes him as dvaimdtura, 'a halfbrother,' without any statement as to seniority; K., L., O., and U., state explicitly that he was dvaimátor-dnuja, the younger half-brother;' N. carelessly represents him as the son of Jayasimha II. His name is first mentioned in K.; that and all the subsequent grants agree in stating that he reigned for six months.
8.- Vishņuvardhana III.
Thirty-seven years; A. D. 709 to 746. He is described in K. and the subsequent grants as the elder brother of No. 7, Kokkili; but they do not state whether he was born of the same mother. Nor do they give his seniority in respect of Jayasimha II.; I follow Dr. Hultzsch, and place him between Jayasimha II. and Kokkili. In L. he is called Vishṇuraja; in all the other grants in which he is mentioned, his name is given as Vishnuvardhana. He acquired the sovereignty by ejecting Kokkili. K. and all the subsequent grants state that he reigned for thirty-seven years.
9. - Vijayaditya I.; Bhattaraka.
Eighteen years; A. D. 746 to 784. He was the son of No. 8, Visuņuvardhana III. ; 0. describes him as an aurasa or legiti. mate son.' G. and X. give his name as simply Vijayaditya; in all the other instances in which he is mentioned, he is called Vijayaditya-Bhattaraka. H., which does not introduce his proper name, appears to give him the biruda of Vikrama-Rama; and it may be interpreted us giving him also the second biruda of Vijayasiddhi. In G. the title of Maharaja is attached to his name. K. and the subsequent grants all state that be reigned for eighteen years.17
16 kau siki-vara-praslida. I notice that Dr. Haltzsch (South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. I. p. 35) has preferred to connect vara with the preceding member of the compound, and thus has translated " by the favour of (Siva) the husband of Kaubiki." But the expression vara-pras-lda is of such constant occurrence iu unambiguous F I am not disposed to agree with his rendering.
17 Dr. Burnell (South Indian Palcography, p. 31 ) has stated that, according to one grant (the charter dated in the twenty-third year of Vira-Chôdadeva), he reigned for sixteen years; this, however, is based on a mislection; the passage has vijayadity -shada ia, for-shadaia. He has also prefixed Saktivarman to his name; but I have not been able to trace any authority for this.

Page #114

100
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MARCH, 1891.
10. - Vishnuvardhana IV. Thirty-six years; A. D. 764 to 799.
He was the son of No. 9, Vijayâditya I. In O. his name is given as Vishpuraja; in all the other instances, he is called Vishnuvardhana. The title of Maharaja is attached to his name in G., H., and I. The grants K. to X. all state that he reigned for thirty-six years.18
11. Vijayaditya II.; Narendramṛigaraja.
Forty-four years; A. D. 799 to 843.
He was the son of No. 10, Vishnuvardhana IV. He is called Vijayaditya in his own grants (G., line 16, and H., line 13-14), and in I. to L.; Narendramrigaraja, in G., lines 11-12, and 51, and in M., O., U., and W.; and Vijayaditya-Narendramṛigaraja, in N., P. to T., and V.; through a careless omission of the latter part of his biruda, X. speaks of him as simply Narendra. He had the epithet of samastabhuvanasraya, asylum of the universe; it is attached to his name in his own grants, and in J. and L. J. also gives him another biruda, Chaluky-Arjuna. The scals of his grants bear the legend bri-Tribhuvanankuba, literally the glorious elephant-goad of the three worlds;' and furnish the earliest instances, as yet obtained, of the use of this expression. A Pittapuram inscription of 'Saka-Samvat 1124 (Sir Walter Elliot's Telugu Sasanams, p. 501 ff.) states that his grandson had the "name" of Tribhuvanâ ukusa. But, from the occurrence of the word also on the seals of K. and all the subsequent grants, it appears to have been a family-motto, rather than a biruda of this king or of any other member of the family. In J. the title of Maharaja is attached to his name; but in his own grants he uses the fully developed paramount titles of Maharajadhiraja, Paramesvara, and Bhattaraka; and this is the earliest instance of the use of them in this dynasty. His own grant G. speaks of him as a paramamáhésvara, or 'most devout worshipper of the god Mahêévara (Siva).' As to the length of his reign, there are different statements; K. and O. say forty years;19 L., forty-four years; and M., N., with P. to X., forty-eight years. These discrepancies are rather curious. It would be easy enough to make a mistake between forty and forty-four years; thus, owing to the recurrence of the sch, a careless scribe might very readily reduce vijayadityas-chatuschatvariniatam (forty-four) to vijayadityas-chatvárishsatam (forty); or he might even amplify, though not so easily, the latter expression into the former. But it is difficult to see how a mere mistake in copying could well be made between vijayaditya-naréndramṛigarajas 8-áshta-chatvárishsatam (forty-eight; N., line 11-12), or vijayaditya-narendramṛigarajas-ch-ás}.{dchatvarimsatam (P., line 11-12), and such an expression as vijuyáditya-narendramṛigarója chatus-chatvárishsatam. L., however, does not use the formal expression at all; but states, in a verse, that he reigned for forty years increased by four (sa-chatvarimsatas-samán chatur-uttarasashkhyútán), and, therefore, in this passage at any rate, there is no possibility of a literal mistake by a careless writer. I am strongly inclined to think that, in spite of its standing alone for the present, the statement in L. is the correct one; the explanation being that, in addition to actually reigning for forty-four years, Vijayâditya II. had previously ruled for four years as Yuvaraja; that in M., N., and P. to X., the four years of Yuvaraja-ship were erroneously added to the forty-four years of his reign; and that in. K. and O. a mistake was made in the other direction, and, it being thought that the forty-four years included his four years of Yuvaraja-ship, four years were deducted, and his reign was thus reduced to forty years.
18 Dr. Burnell has shewn him as reigning for thirty years; adding, in a note, that two records (W. and X. in my series) give thirty-six years. But I do not know what authority there is for the statement of thirty years. He has also added that one record (the grant specified in the preceding note) gives twenty-six years; but there again the original has thirty-six years.
1 Dr. Burnell has also quoted the grant mentioned in the preceding two notes, as giving forty years but the original has forty-eight years.

Page #115

MARCH, 1891.]
THE EASTERN CHALUKYA CHRONOLOGY.
101
Moreover, forty-four years is the only period that fits in at all naturally, if we look to such details as have been considered in the arrangement of my principal List, on page 12 above. A reign of forty-eight years cannot be allowed for there, without making such reductions in other reigns, as practically to shorten some of them by a full year at least; and it seems almost an impossible length, following, in a new generation, after reigns of thirty-seven, eighteen and thirty-six years, in three successive generations. For these reasons, forty-four years is the duration that I have adopted in my principal List, in which the reigns are determined according to the years A. D. In the alternative List, however, on page 13, the principle of the arrangement of which makes it easy enough to admit a longer time, I have allowed for forty-eight years, on the chance that this is really the correct record.
J. speaks of him as "a fire of destraction to the Ganga family ;" and as "having the valonr of a lion, splitting open (the temples of) the lordly elephants of his enemies (ari-nágádhipa) with his unsheathed sharp sword;" this last epithet seems to have a double meaning, and to indicate also a defeat of some hostile chief of the Nagas. And L. states that during twelve years, by day and by night, he fought a hundred and eight battles with the armies of the Gangas and the Rattas, and built the same number of large temples of Siva under the name of Sambhu. The Rattas here spoken of, are the well-known Rashtrakatas of Malkhed, of whom the reigning kings were, Gôyinda III. at the beginning of the time of Vijayaditya II., and Amôg bavarsha I. later on. In his Rådhanpur grant of Saka-Sarvat 730 (ante, Vol. VI. pp. 63, 71) Govinda III. claims to have ordered "the lord of Vengt" into his presence, and to have made him assist in building or fortifying a city. It would seem, therefore, that, in the contest between the two dynasties, success was not entirely with the Eastern Chalukyas. The Gangas may be either some of the feudatory Ganga Mahámandalesvaras, who are mentioned in some Rashtrakața inscriptions ; or early members of the family of the Eastern Gangas of Kalinganagara (ante, Vol. XVIII. pp. 161 ff). The building of the temples of Siva is referred to again in K, and M., in passages in which the god is called Narondrésvara, - *. e.
fávara' in composition with the first part of the king's biruda. L. further speaks of him as "the lord of Vengt (Veng-ika);" and this seems to give really the first indication that the country of Vengî constituted the dominions of this dynasty.
Of his time we have two records :
G. - A grant from an unknown locality; edited by Dr. Hultzsch, in his South-Indian Inscriptions, Vol. I. p. 31 ff. ; I have also my own reading of the original plates. - It gives the dynastic name as Chalukya. The genealogy commences with Vijayaditya I. The charter was issued by Vijayâditya II. himself ; and it records the grant of the village of Korraparry, on the occasion of an eclipse of the moon. The name of the vishaya in which the village was situated, is illegible. The Dütaka was the prince Nripa-Rudrs, who is described as a brother of Vijayaditya II., but as a descendant of the Haihaya race; he appears, therefore, to have been a half-brother, born from a different wife of Vishnuvardhana IV. who belonged to the lineage of the Kalachuris of Tripura. The writer was Aksharalalitácharya, a resident of Vijayavada, which must be the modern Bezwada, in the Kistna District.
H.- A grant from Idara "20 in the Kistna District; edited by Pandit S. M. Natesa Sastri, ante, Vol. XIII. p. 55; I quote, however, from my own reading of the original plates. - It gives the dynastic name as Chalukya. The genealogy commences with Vijayaditya I., who appears to be mentioned by the birudas of Vikrama-Rama and Vijayasiddhi. The charter was issued by Vijayaditya II. himself. It records the grant of a field at the village of Vamfupireyu or Vamrupileyu in the Kandaruvadi vishaye, made on account of an eclipse of the sun. The Dútaka was Bolama.
0 This name is written iafra (ante, Vol. XIII, p. 50); Edêru (Sewell's Lists of Antiquities, Madras, Vol. II. p. 26); and Idara (id. Vol. I. p. 51).

Page #116

102
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MARCH, 1891.
12. - Vishnuvardhana V.; Kali-Vishnuvardhana.
Eighteen months; A. D. 843 to 844. Ho was the son of No. 11, Vijayaditya II. In his own grant (I.), and in J., his name occurs as simply Vishnuvardhana ; in K. and all the subsequent grants, he is called KaliVishnuvardhana.21 He had the epithet of sarvalókAbraya, asylum of all mankind' (in his own grant, and in J.). His grant seems to imply that he had the biruda of Vishamasiddhi; and it qualifies him as a paramamáhéévara, or most devout worshipper of the god Mahêśvara.' The title of Maharaja is attached to his name in bis own grant, and in J. In L. he is called "the lord of Vengi (Vengi-natha)." K. and the subsequent grants all state that he reigned for one and a half years.
Of his time we have one record :23 —
I. A grant from Ahadanakaram' in the Madras Presidency; edited by me, with a lithograph, ante, Vol. XIII. p. 185. It gives the dynastic name as Chaļukya; and furnishes the first contemporaneous instance of the use of the long á in the first syllable of the name.83 The genealogy commences with his grandfather, Vishộuvardhana IV. The charter was issued by Vishộuvardhana V. himself. The donative part of the record is in a difficult style of Telugu; and the meaning of it has not yet been properly made out. But it mentions a town named Pfithivipallavapattana; and it seems to describe a grant made by the inhabitants of that town. In the word kanadi(or odi)-rajul, with the epithet samastabhuvanásraya prefixed, it possibly refers to some king of the Karnataka country. And it seems also to mention Kanchi and R&mêsvara, 24
13. - Vijayaditya III.; Gunaka.
Forty-four years; A. D. 844 to 888. He was the eldest son of No. 12, Vishņuvardhana v. In his own grant (J.), and in K. and L., his name occurs as simply Vijayaditya; in N. he is called Gunaka-Vijayaditya; in M., S., T., U., V., and X., Guņaga-Vijayaditya; in P., Q., R., and W., Gunaganka-Vijayaditya; and in 0., Gunakenalla-Vijayaditya; and U. explains the prefixes by saying that he was "a thorough arithmetician (ankakárah sakshát)." He had the epithet of samastabhuvanAbraya, * asylum of the universe' (in his own grant, and in L.). And his title was that of Maharaja; it is used in his own grant, and it is attached to his name in K. The records K. to T., and V., W., and X., agree in stating that he reigned for forty-four years; U. says the same in the tirst instauce, but adds an alternative statement, that the duration of his reign was forty-eight years.26
L. tells us that, "challenged by the lord of the Rattas, he conquered the unequalled Gangas; cut off the head of Mangi in battle; and frightened the fire-brand Krishna, and completely burnt his city.” The killing of Maigi, and the burning of the city of Krishņa, are also spoken of in M.;26 and a reference to the former event is also made in the grant of Vijayaditya III. himself. The Kțishọa in question must be the Rashtrakata king Kfishņa II.; and the city must be Malkhod. There seems to be another reference to him in U.; which states that
n1 In L., line 16 f., an attempt is made to explain the prefix of his name, by saying that he was "skilled in fighting kali) with all weapons." But I consider that the prefir, which does not occur anywhere with the Drividian that is used in that passage, is in reality the Dravidian word kali, a courageous, valiant man; a hero.
* When I published this grant, I was doubtful whether the charter was issued by him, or by his grandfather. The use, however, of the epithet sarvalokairaya appears to stamp it as bis.
38 As noted above, J. gives the biruda of Chaloky-Arjuna to an earlier king, vix. Vijayhditya II. ; but that record is later in date than the present one.
** I owe this partial explanation of the contents to Dr. Haltasch's assistant, Mr. V. Venkayya. * Dr. Barnell quoted X. (of my series) as stating forty years. But it says distinctly forty-four.
» Dr. Haltzsch South Indian Inacriptione, Vol. I. p. 58, note 8) has already pointed out that the words kirania. pura-daham, which were not intelligble at the time, are a mistake for krishna-pura-dahang.

Page #117

MARCH, 1891.] THE EASTERN CHALUKYA CHRONOLOGY.
king Vallabha did honour to the arms of Vijayâditya III. And it is probably in connection with some earlier event of this reign, involving on this occasion a defeat of the Eastern Chalukyas, that we must understand the statement in the 'Sirûr inscription, that worship was done to the Rashtrakuta king Amoghavarsha I. by the lord of Vengt (ante, Vol. XII. p. 219). Mangi may have been a Chôla king; a Pittapuram inscription, of Saka-Samvat 1124, calls him Mangi-Rajendra, and states that Vijayâditya played the game of ball with his head.
108
Of this reign we have one record: -
J. A grant from an. unknown locality; not yet published. It gives the family-name as Chalukya. The genealogy commences with Vijayaditya II. The charter was issued by Vijayaditya III. himself. It records the grant of the village of Tundaparu or Tranḍaparu in the Gudravåra vishaya, to a person named Vinayadisarman, who appears to be either the actual slayer of Mangi, or the leader of the troops on the occasion of his being slain. The grant was made on the occasion of an eclipse of the moon. The Dútaka was Pandaranga (possibly for Pândurâja). The writer was Kaṭṭama, or Kaṭṭaya.
Vikramaditya I.
He was a younger brother of No. 13, Vijayâditya III. K., M., N., P., S., and U., mention him with the title of Yuvaraja; and T. speaks of him as "wearing round his throat a glittering necklet (kanthika)," which appears to have been the token of the dignity and rank connected with his name.27 But he evidently did not actually ascend the throne.
Yuddhamalla I.
He was a (younger) brother of the preceding, Vikramaditya I. His name occurs, as Yuddhamalla, in S., in which he is specified as a paternal uncle of Bhima I.,28 and in U.; in X. he is not mentioned by name, but is simply referred to as a brother of Vikramaditya. He apparently did not reign.
No. 14; Chalukya-Bhima I.
Thirty years; A. D. 888 to 918.
He was the son of the Yuvaraja Vikramaditya I.; and he succeeded Vijayaditya III. His name occurs as simply Bhima in S. and U.; and as Nripa-Bhima in K.; but he is usually mentioned as Chalukya-Bhima, in other places in K. and U., and in M. to R., and T. to X.; L. gives the prefix with the short a in the first syllable, Chalukya-Bhima. L. gives him the biruda of Droh-Arjuna; and S. seems to give him also the biruda of Saucha-Kandarpa. K. and all the following grants agree in stating that he reigned for thirty years.
From L. we learn that, after the time of Vijayâditya III., the land of Vengi was overrun by the Battas, and had to be reconquered by Bhima I.; and U. specifically states that his opponent, whom he conquered, was Krishnavallabha, i. e. Krishna II. K. mentions his general, named Mahakala, the son of his foster-sister Gâmakâmbâ, who was the daughter of his wet-nurse Nagapoți.
15. - Vijayaditya IV.; Kollabiganda. Six months; A. D. 918.
He was the eldest son of No. 14, Bhima I. His name occurs as simply Vijayaditya in K., L., M., N., O., T. and X.; as Kollabiganda- Vijayaditya in Q. and V.; and as KollabhigandaVijayaditya in P., R., and W.; while S. mentions him as simply Kollabiganda and Kollabiganḍabhaskara; U. states that he was Vijayaditya, who was also named king Kollabigands. L. also attaches the biruda of Kaliyartyanka29 to his name; and an unpublished inscription
27 See ante, Vol. VI. p. 70, note; and Vol. XI. p. 161, note 27.
In line 16, for chalukya-bhima-pitṛivyam yuddhamall-atmajas, read pitrivya yuddhamall.
anka seems to me to be used here in the sense of name, appallation, secondary title,'-"having the biruda of Kaliyarti" (see ante, Vol. XIX. p. 18, note 44).

Page #118

104
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MARCH, 1891.
gives another variety of this bir uda, in the form of apparently Kaligartiganda.30 His wife was Melamba; she is mentioned in M. and N. The length of his reign is not stated in L.; but K., M., and all the subsequent grants, give it as six months.
K. states that he ruled over the Vengi mandala, together with the forests of Trikalinga or the three Kalingas. M. says that he conquered the rulers of Kalinga. L. mentions a follower of his, Bhandanaditya, otherwise called Kuntaditya; he was the son of Pritiviyaraja, who was the son of Sômâditya, who, again, was a descendant of the Kalakampa, of the Pattavardhini family, mentioned above in connection with No. 1, Vishsuvardhana 1.
(To be continued.)
SANSKRIT AND OLD-KANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
BY J. F. FLEET, Bo.C.S., M.R.A.S., C.I.E. No. 195. - MADRAS MUSEUM COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF MANGI-YUVARAJA. This inscription was first brought to notice by Mr. R. Sewell, M.C.S., in 1884, in his Lists of Antiquities, Madras, Vol. II. p. 24, No. 176. It is now published in full for the first time. I edit it from the original plates, which belong to the Government Central Museum at Madras. I obtained them for examination in 1883, through the kindness of Dr. Bidie, who w then in charge of the Museum. I have no information as to where they were found. .
The plates, of which the first and last are inscribed on one side only, are three in number. The first and second plates are entire, and measure about 6%" by 21". The third plate is broken, towards the ends of the lines; the extant portion measures about 5 by 2". The second plate is in a state of very good preservation; but the first and third are a good deal corroded by rust, and the writing on them is rather difficult to read. The edges of the plates were fashioned slightly thicker than the inscribed surfaces; BO as to protect the writing. - The ring on which the plates are strong, and the holes for which are near the proper right-band end of each plate, is about " thick and 2}" in diameter. It had been cut, for the purpose of making impressions, before the time when the grant came into my hands; there seems, however, to be. no reason for thinking that it is not the proper ring belonging to the plates. The seal on it is circular, about 13" in diameter : in relief on a countersunk surface, it has, across the centre, the legend éri-Vijayasiddhi[ho] ; in the upper part, the moon; and in the lower part, a floral device. The weight of the three plates, which are rather thin, is 7 oz, and of the ring and seal, 7 oz. ; total, 14} oz.-The characters belong to the southern class of alphabets; and are of the regular type of the period and part of the country to which the record belongs. The average size of the letters is between !" and ". As is usual, the interiors of them shew marks of the working of the engraver's tool. The engraving is rather shallow; and the letters do not show through on the reverse sides of the plates. -The languago is Sanskrit ; and, except for the quotation of two of the customary benedictive and imprecatory verses, the whole record ia in prose. It is written rather carelessly; especially in respect of the number of cases in which a long vowel d, a visarga, or an anusvára, has been omitted. - In respect of orthography, the only points that call for special notice, are (1) the use of the Dravidian ! in the name of the family, line 5, and in yugalah, line 13; and (2) the use of ru for si in pitru, lines 11 and 13, though the proper vowel is used in mátri, line 2, and krita, lines 5 and 10.
The inscription is one of the Eastern Chalukya king Mangi-Yuvaraja. He is men. tioned, not by his name, but as "the Maharaja, who is the refrage of all mankind (sarralókáśraya)." But the genealogical details that are given, leave no doubt that it is he who is intended. The record is non-sectarian; the object of it being only to record the grant of some
30 This grant is No. 84 in Mr. Sewell's Lists of Antiquities, Madras, Vol. II. p. 13. It is so corroded and so difficult to read, that, not having the original plates to refer to, I cannot deal with it at present.

Page #119

MARCH, 1891.]
MADRAS MUSEUM GRANT OF MANGI-YUVARAJA.
105
land to a Brahman, at the village of Nutulaparu in the Karmarashtra country. The grant was made on the occasion of the Uttarayaņa-Sankranti or winter solstice, in the twentieth year of the reign; but no details are given that can be tested by calculation,
TEXT.2
First Plate. 1 Svasti Srimata sakala-jagad-abhishtûyamâna-Manavya(vya)-sagðtran[a*] Hari2 ti-putranam Kosiki-vara-prasada-labdha-rajyânâm
mâtsi-gana-paripå3 litânam Sv[ami-Mahasêna-pâd-ânudhyâtánar bhagava(va)n-Narayana-prasada4 samasádita-varahalañchhananan
aśvamêdh-avabhșithasnana-pavitri(tri). 5 krita-vapushan Chalukyanamh kula-jaladhi-samudit-Endôrænnaya-vinaya-vikram-0. 6 pârjita-châru-bhûri-ksrttêh é ri-Jayasinghe-vallabha-maharaja-priy-Anujasy-Endra7 samâna-vikramasya śr-I(1)n[dra)-Bhattarakasya su(su)nör=anêka-samara-sanghayOpalabdha
Second Plate; First Side. 8 yuddha-vijaya-yasah-prasůty-Âmôda-gandhadhiv â sit a-sakala-dig-mandalas ya 9 nm-sastr-Abhyas-pabri(bri)mhita-vimala-višala-buddhesh®) tyag-audiryya-dhairyya10 kî [n*]ty-adi-gun-alamkpitasyalı3 śri-Vishnuvarddhana-maharajasyah- priya-tanayah
sama11 tišai(śayi)ta-pitra(tại)-guņa-sakti-sampanna ânvi(nvi)kshiky-adi-vidya-pragêsha vijaya12 siddhish*] Bv-[a]si-dhâran-[&*]namita-ripan ripati-maka®ţa-taţa-ghatit-ânêka-maņi
kiraņa-ra. 13 ga-rajimta?-charana-yugaļal Paramabrahmanyô mấtậpitru(tri)-pad-anadhya ta 14 ári-sarvvalokasraya-maharajahe Kramja-v [4*]stavy[A*Jya Kábyâ(áya)pa-gôtr[&*]ya A(â)pa
Second Plate ; Second Side, 15 stamba-su(sd)tråya Taitri(ttiri)ya-sabrahmasa(chá)riņ[e*] Kuļišarmmaņa®[ho] paatrůya
Dôņaśarmmaņa16 ņa10[ho] putrậya Kuņdi-Dôņaśarmmaņê Kallrmarashtré Nulatulaparu-nama-grame
do(da)kshi17 na-disky [am®] padanta-kshetra[n] dattam13 Revadistane br[4]hmana
kshetra[m] [*] dakshinata[h*] tat[^®]18 ka[m®) paschimata[h*) Peņukaparabum-br[a]hmaņa-kshetra [ n*) uttarata[h*]
Nidubamrapa19 nta puvvatal Dåņavâdipanta-br[&*]hmaņa-kshetra[no] [lo] dakshinata Etakanda
nâma-brahmA-16 20 ņa-kshetra[m] paschimata[1] Velerakandi-nâma-br[a]hmaņa-kshetra[m*) uttarata
Etakanda-n[0]21 ma-br[A*]hmaņa-kshetra[mo] parvata16 Sramatata ka-br[A]hmaņa-kshetra [*]
paschimata[ho] br[a*]hmaņa-kshetra[*] From the original plates,
Rond kausikt. Read okritasya.
Rend Ordjasya. * Read, probably, praśnéshu. • First the ta was engraved here; and then it was corrected into ku.
Read ranjita.
• This word was first engraved as marajal; and then there was corrected into hd, and the jah into rd, and another ja was out.
• First the pau was engraved here, and then it was corrected into na.
16 The ha seems to have been repeated, because at the end of the preceding line it fell partly on the edge of the plate and is rather indistinct.
11 Firat ma was engraved here, and then it was corrected into ka. 11 Mr. Sewell read this akshara as ku; bat wrongly. 11 The construction is faulty. Either we ought to have dattavan here. Or, if we retain dattam, the nominative 10 priya-tandyal &o., in linea 10 to 14, must be altered into the instrumental. 1. Read puruvatah. 16 Read brdhma
is Read paruvatak,

Page #120

106
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MARC#, 1891.
Third Plate. 22 uttarata[h*) Veļukatatâ ka-br[a*]hmaņa-kshếtra[m*1 parvata17 Korinipa(P)18 .....
.....(brahma]23 na-kshetra[] dakshiņata[ho] cha tat-sator-avad hilo dv[4*]daśa-kandikak-odra 30
••••... [ksha]24 tra[m] uttarayana-nimitta udaka-purva sarvaal-kara-pariharta datta[m] [11]
[Pravarddhamana-vija)25 ya-rajya-samvatsara visaḥ[11] Atra Vy[A*]sa-gita[bo] sl6kAS "] Bah[ubhire 25
vvasudha datta) 26 bahubhis-ch-knupálitâ yasya yasya yad[a] bhůmi[h*] tasya (tasya tada
phalam] [11] 27 Sva-dattam para-dattam v[A*) yô harêti(ta) vasundharam shashthi(shți)-va[rsha
sahasrani) 28 vishthayam jayate krimih [11] Ajāapti[ho] Nissaramiji(P).............. [11]
ABSTRACT OF CONTENTS. Of Indra-Bhattaraka (line 7), -- who was a very moon, risen from the ocean which is the family of the Chalukyas (1.5), who belong to the Manavya götra (1. 1), (and) are HAritiputras; (and) who was the dear younger brother of the Mahárája Jayasingha (I.), the favourite (1.6); -- the son was the Mahdrája Vishnuvardhana (II.) (. 10).
His son, the Maharają, who is the asylum of all mankind (1. 14), - who has the success of victory in controversies (?) of metaphysics and other sciences, 27 — has given to Kuņdi-Dôņaśarman (1. 16), an inhabitant of Kranja (1. 14), & member of the Kasyapa gôtra, a follower of the Apastamba sútra, a student of the Taittiriya (bákhd) (1. 15), a son's son of Kulisarman, and a son of Dôņaśarman, a padantu-field2e in the southern quarter at the village of Nutulaparu2 in the Karmarashtra country (1. 16); and, apparently, also a Brahman's field in a site called Bevadistana (1. 17).
Lines 17 to 23 contain a specification of boundaries; but the application of them is not quite plain. And line 23 seems to record that the yield of one or other of the fields was twelve khandikas.30
From lines 24 and 25 we learn that the grant was made on account of the UttarayapaSamkranti, in the twentieth year of the augmenting victorious reign. And the record ends with the stutement that the Dutaka (denoted by the word ajñápti) was Nissaramiji .........(3)
11 Read pervvataḥ. 15 Four or five letters are broken away here.
Read tach-chatur-avadhi I. » Five or six letters are broken away hero. Probably the correct full reading was dvddala-khandikak.drau). brahmana-kahatrah. Compare dvddaša-khandikak-Odrava-blja-samathanach kshetrarh, which is the proper reading in line 21 f., ante, Vol. XIII. p. 56. 11 Read Opdruvash sarva.
11 Read pariharana.
35 so, virhaal, for viral, for vintes. 24 Read $16ka.
28 Metre, Sloks (Anushtabh); and in the following verse. If this line was fall one, six or seven letters bave been broken away here. 11 This passage introduces the biruda, Vijayasiddhi, which is on the seul of the grant.
* This word seems to be a corraption of bhadanta,' Buddhist priest or venerable man;' or else a mistake for adanta, as a corruption of bhadanta.
> This termination of village-names occurs with the single r. again in Peņukapara (p. 97 above), and Tuņdeparu or Trandapara (p. 108), it also occurs with the double 1, e. g. in Korr para (p. 101); other forms are, barru, ia Diggubarru, and varru, in Elavarra.
# For some remarks in connection with this word, see ante, Vol. XIX. p. 274, note 29.-It is probably identical with the khanda, which was the yield of one hundred pddas of land (ante, Vol. XVIII. p. 115, note 43).

Page #121

MARCR, 1891).
FOLKLORE IN WESTERN INDIA; No. 16.
107
FOLKLORE IN WESTERN INDIA.
BY PUTLIBAI D. H. WADIA.
No. 16. - The Charitable Faqir. Once upon a time two men were journeying together to a distant place. One of them, who was a water-carrier by trade, though very poor, was strictly honost. No privations, not even famine, over tempted him to sin. The other traveller, however, was quite the reverse. Though clever enough and strong enough to live by honest labour, he would not put his hand to anything but theft and plunder. He would roam about from place to place and rob unwary travellers for the sake of money.
After travelling several miles together, the two men halted near a well, and having refreshed themselves lay down to rest under a tree, hoping to resume their journey a little later in the day, when another traveller, who was passing by, stopped to drink at the well. He looked cautiously about him, but did not catch sight of the two men under the tree. So he put down & bundle that he carried on his head and stooped to draw water. The robber, who had been watching him all the while, crept stealthily up to him, put his foot upon the bundle, and catching hold of the poor fellow by the legs, was about to hurl him in, head foremost, when his companion, the honest water-carrier, suddenly coming up from behind, drew both the robber and his intended victim away from the well at immense risk to his own life. Thus the poor unoffending travellor was saved from certain death, and went his way rejoicing, after thanking his deliverer warmly, and suitably rewarding him for having saved his life.
The robber, in the meantime, had made himself scarce, and the water-carrier, therefore, regumed his journey alone. After a long time, however, he was again joined by the robber, who foamed with rage and cursed him all the way for having, as he said, obstracted him in following what he called his lawful profession, when all of a sudden he tripped against something, and stooping down to see what it was, found it to be a purge full of gold Asrafis. He picked it up eagerly, and showing it exultingly to his companion, said: -
"Here's luck indeed! I was destined to come by gold in some way or other, and I have ! Dare you now deprive me of this also P"
So saying, he ran away as fast as his legs could carry him, as if afraid that his companion might claim a share of the treasure.
The poor water-carrier was extremely surprised at this, and walked on, thinking how Allah could have seen fit to bestow so much favour opon such an unworthy individual as his late companion, when suddenly he happened to tread on some brambles, and a large sharp thorn pierodd the sole of one of his bare feet.
The poor man whined and groaned with pain, and was, moreover, sorely grieved at heart to think that he, who deserved so much better at the hands of Allah, should be made so very miserable, wbile he, to whom punishment should really be meted out, should be so miraculously favoured.
"Strange ! very strange" ! he cried out with indignation; "they are all false who uphold the justice and impartiality of Allah, for had he been just and impartial he would have shewn more consideration towards one who has never all his life so much as uttered a lie or harmed any living being. However severe have been my trials and privations, I have never once yielded to temptation, and still Allah, though he withholds from me all the good things of this earth, gives me my full share of misery. Surely it is of no use to be good or honest in this world."
While he was giving way to his lamentations in this manner, a tall majestic and hand. some man with a fine long beard came all unperceived and stood suddenly before him, and

Page #122

108
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MARCE, 1891.
asked him the cause of his grief. The poor man narrated to the stranger all that had happened since he set out on his journey, and then asked him whether or not he was justified in saying that Allah did not deal fairly by all his creatures.
"I cannot agree with you there, my friend," replied the stranger," though I fully sympa. thize with you in your sufferings. I am Gabriel, the Angel, deputed by Allah to visit the earth every day and take my own estimate of the good and evil that is wrought there, and am, therefore, in a position to say that Allah is always kind and just to every one, high or low."
But the unhappy water-carrier, who felt himself miserably wronged, was not to be convinced by this. So he said:
"If you are really the Angel Gabriel, I beseech you to go and ask Allah the reason why he should have thrown that purse of gold in the way of that cruel-hearted robber, while I, who am in every respect a much better man, should have been made miserable by having a thorn thrust into my foot."
The Angel consented, but just as he was about to depart, a faqir, who had come up while the foregoing conversation was going on, stopped him, and prevailed upon him by his entreaties to hear his talo also.
"I, too, am struck with the iniquity of Allah," he cried, "for do I not say my prayers regularly five times a day and exhort others to do likewise, and again, do I not beg only in the name of Allah P And still what does Allah give me? Nothing but a bit of bread and a draught of water, and that too not every day, while others, who scoff at prayers and religion, and who never so much as pronounce the name of Allah even once a day, have a merry time of it, and eat and drink and enjoy themselves all their lives. How am I to understand that P"
"Have patience, my friend," said Gabriel; “I shall state your case to Allah and give you his answer to-morrow." So saying he quickly disappeared,
The water-carrier and the mendicant then began to travel together. The next day as the two were walking side by side, Gabriel joined them and said : -
"Here I am again, my friends; I have seen Allah and given him your messages, and now listen to what he has to say to them :
"Firstly, you, my friend the water-carrier, thought it unjust of Allah that he should have given a purse of gold to that wicked man, and that, too, at a time when he least deseryed it; but listen to what Allah has to say to it:
“That same man who now so displeases him by his misbehaviour, does not, as you think, enjoy the favour of Allah, but on the contrary has incurred his deepest resentment as you will see. That man was born ander such happy auspices that, had he feared Allah and done his will, he would have come to be crowned a king by this time. But as he, from his childhood upwards, preferred a career of guilt and infamy, Allah in his rage held aloof every good thing from him, and gave him just enough to satisfy, only to a meagro extent, the demands of his destiny, which even he cannot avert,
“ Thus, yesterday, when he found that purse of gold, he was destined to come by endless wealth ; but Allah judges rightly, and he knew how little that wicked man deserved, so he in his wisdom gave him only a few coins of gold, just a semblance of what would have been his had he been honest and good, and still that fellow in his ignorance blesses his fortune, and does not know what he forfeita only for the pleasure of doing ill.
“And now as for yourself," continued Gabriel; “ Allah says, he has never been kind or unjust to you, but has, on the contrary, been very considerate in his dealings with you. You were, 88ys he, horn under such an evil star that you would have been much more miserable and unhappy in life than you have already been; but as you have always tried to be good and honest, Allah has helped you to pass through all your trials and troubles

Page #123

MARCH, 1891.]
FOLKLORE IN WESTERN INDIA; No. 16.
109
unscathed. You told me yesterday that Allah considered it fit to pat a thorn in your way and thus caused you to suffer pain, and you naturally enough thought Allah to be very unkind. What will you say, however, when Allah declares that that very thorn was the means of saving your life, as you will learn presently. At the exact minute that that thorn entered your foot, it was decreed that you should be accused of some great crime which you had never committed, and that your head should be cut off. But seeing that you had been good and dutiful all your life, and had, moreover, just then exerted yourself to save a human being from death, Allah was pleased with you, and he in his mercy substituted the thorn for the headsman's sword, since, as I told you before, it is not in his power to avert a man's destiny, and the few drops of blood that flowed from your foot compensated for the life-blood which, it was ordained, should flow in abundance that very same moment from your neck. Don't you now think that, by thus saving your life, Allah amply rewarded you for all your good acts ? Learn, therefore, always to bow to his will, however unintelligible his ways may appear to you at first sight."
The poor good-natured water-carrier was so struck with all that he had heard, and, WAS so overcome with grief and shame at the idea of ever having doubted the justice and wisdom of Allah, that he fell on his knees and prayed loudly to him to forgive him, and then, kissing the feet of Gabriel, he besought him to intercede on his behalf and obtain for him the pardon of Allah.
And now came the faqir's turn, for he too was impatient to hear why Allah had thought fit to keep him so very poor; so tarning to him, Gabriel said:
“My good man, I am really very sorry for you, as is also Allah himself, for he says you have been destined to remain most miserably poor. In fact, Allah says, he does not see how to keep your body and soul together for the rest of your life, for you have still a good many years to live, and there are only five rupees left now out of what you were destined to earn during the whole term of your existence. You will therefore have to pass the rest of your life in a much poorer and still more miserable condition, than you are in now."
“Is it indeed sop” cried the mendicant in a despairing tone, with tears in his eyes.
“Alas! it is but too true," replied the Angel ; "and now detain me no further; for I must go.”
But the faqêr caught hold of him by the hem of his garment, for an idea had entered his head just then, and said :
« Gabriel, good Angel, do hear me for a minute more. Wilt thou go once more and ask Allah to send the messenger of death to me at once, so that I may be spared the uneasinges and misery I am destined to suffer ? Do pray to him, however, to send me first the five rupees still reserved for me, so that, before I die, I may taste of some at least of the many good things: that I constantly see everywhere but have never been fortunate enough to partake of. If you tell Allah all this, good Angel, I am sure he will grant me what I ask."
Gabriel agreed to carry the message to Allah, and quickly disappeared.
The mendicant and the water-carrier soon afterwards parted company and went their respective ways. The faqir, in due course, arrived at his hut, and after saying his prayers with great devotion in the belief that he was soon to go to the other world, lay down to sleep.
The next day when he opened his eyes, what was his delight to see exactly five rupees lying by his side! He took them up eagerly and hurried with them to the bazár. There he saw ever so many nice things spread out before him. No end of sweetmeats and fruit and vegetables to eat and beautiful clothes to wear, such as he had never in his whole life dreamt even of touching ! But that day he thought himself rich enough to buy anything. As fine clothes, however, possessed no interest for a man who was about to die the next morning, he invested all the five rupees in buying toothsome eatables and delicious sharbats, and went back to his hat rejoicing:

Page #124

110
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MARCH, 1891.
There he cooked his food, and after duly saying his prayers, ate and drank till he could do so no more. He then again said his prayers, thanked Allah for the good things he had given him, and laid himself down on his bed with his eyes closed and his lips uttering the name of Allah, expecting every moment the messenger of death to come and bear his soul away.
Instead, however, of that grim visitor, two poor beggars like himself came to the faqir's door, and asked for alms.
"Come in, friends," said he; "I have no money to give you, but I have some food left in those pots yonder, of which you are welcome to partake in the name of Allah, for it is all his own."
The hungry wayfarers thereupon set to eat, and soon emptied the pots of all their contents. They then thanked the good man for his hospitality, and resumed their journey.
Evening came, and still there was no sign of the messenger of death; so the faqir got up said his prayers, and again quietly settled down to rest and soon fell fast asleep.
When he opened his eyes in the morning, the first thing they lighted upon was five bright new silver coins again! He was very much surprised at this, and could not for the life of him make out how they came to be there again. He, nevertheless, pocketed the money, and ran out of his hut to go in search of Gabriel, and learn from him the meaning of this mystery. The Angel, however, was invisible that day, so the mendicant again wended his. way to the bázár and purchased a good many nice things to eat and drink, thinking that Allah had seen fit to keep him on this earth for one day more.
Going home, he cooked the food as before, and after making a hearty meal of it, he called in the first beggar that happened to pass by his door at the time, and gave away to him, in the name of Allah, all that remained in his pots. Then saying his prayers as usual, he lay down in his bed, fully expecting every moment to be his last, and was soon wrapped in sleep. Strange to say, however, he not only found himself alive and well the next morning, but again saw five bright silver coins lying by his side in the same place as on the two previous days.
Things went on like this for about a week, when one day Gabriel suddenly appeared to the faqir. The latter's first words to the Angel were:
"Gabriel, you have made some strange mistake! Did you not tell me the other day that five rupees was all that was left for me to live upon for the rest of my life! How is it then that day after day I rise in the morning, and see five bright silver coins by my bedside! I spend them in buying the good things of this earth, and give away what remains to the poor, and go to bed in the belief that the angel of death will take me away from this world during the night. Nevertheless, I find myself alive and well every morning. Really, I cannot understand how Allah has been pleased to be so good and merciful to me ?"
"You are a fool," replied Gabriel, "not to see how that is, but you are mortal after all, and mortals are not expected to understand the ways of Allah. You say you give away the remains of your food every night in the name of Allah; well then, do you suppose that Allah is so mean as not to return to you whatever you give away in his name? Do you not know that whatever one gives away to the poor he lends to Allah, and Allah not only returns what has been thus lent to him, but returns it with interest. The five rupees that Allah gives you every morning, are credited back to you every evening when you feed the poor in his name, and thus is it that you see five fresh coins by your bed-side every morning. As long, therefore, as you continue to give to the poor in his name, so long will Allah bestow upon you the wherewithal to do such acts of charity.
The faqir was overjoyed at this, and went home fully determined to be generous and charitable all his life, so that he might for ever earn the favour and protection of Allah.

Page #125

MARCA, 1891.]
FOLKLORE IN SALSETTE; No. 7.
111
FOLKLORE IN SALSETTE.
BY GEO. FR. D'PENHA.
No. 7. - The Princess and the Lonse. In a certain country there lived a king who had an only daughter. When the princess was born the king engaged a Negress as a nurse for her, who tended her with all possible care, and the princess grew up to be strong and beautiful.
One day as the nurse was combing her hair, she caught a louse, and was about to kill it, but the princess prevented her from killing it, telling her she wanted it for some purpose. She then ordered the nurse to get her a large bottle with a wide mouth. The nurse fetched a bottle with a wide mouth, and the princess put the louse into it, and every time she took her tea or milk she always poured a spoonful or so in the bottle for the louse. Now drinking tea and milk made the louse attain an incredible size, so much yo that, with the exception of the princess and her nurse, no one could detect the louse in it.
A few years rolled away, and the princess, attaining the twelfth year of her age, was considered marriageable. Her parents, the king and the queen, began to think of disposing of her in marriage. When it came to the ears of the princess that her parents were looking out for a suitable husband for her, she objected, saying she would marry only him who would be able to recognise an animal she had. For this purpose she told her father to prepare a grand dinner to which princes and kings from far and near must be invited, when she would produce the animal, and accept in marriage whosoever could tell its proper name. The king, who was passionately fond of his daughter, consented to do as she had proposed.
The king now sent messages to different countries, to kings and princes and nobles, to the effect that any one, who was able to recognise an animal the princess had, would win ber in marriage, and that therefore they should come and dine with him on a certain day. Grand preparations were made for the dinner for several days, and on the appointed day, hundreds of kings and princes and nobles, and other persons of wealth and renown, came. Dinner was scarcely served when the princess asked her father to shew the animal to his guests; but the king said :
"Not ret, my dear daughter, let them first take their dinner, for otherwise, if they cannot recognise the animal, they may all leave the house without their dinner, and all the trouble and expense we have gone to will be wasted. Let them finish eating their dinner, and when we are serving them with pin sôpári (betol-leaf and nut) we will ask them to recogniso the animal just as they touch it."
The princess saw that this was a reasonable proposal, and so allowed him to do as he pleased, Dinner was soon served, and the guests did ample justice to the various dishes set before them. When dinner was over pán sópárt was brought out, but the king gave ordets that no one should take it up before they recognised the animal in the bottle, which was produced at the same time. The size the loase had attained was too prodigious for an animal of its kind, and no one had the remotest idea of what it was. Consequently the louse remained anrecognised, and all the king's guests left one by one with sorrow at having been foiled in their attempt to win the princess.
Now it happened that a few days before this the princess's nurse, who had, by this time, amassed a large fortune, expressed a desire to leave her service and go home. The king and the princess urged her very much to stay for a few years more, or at least till such time as the princess should be married, but her anxiety to go home was so great that nothing could persuade her to change her mind. The king, therefore, paid her her dues and dismissed her, giving her besides a few presents in the way of jewels, dresses, and wach' like other things.

Page #126

112
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MARCH, 1891.
The reason that the nurse was anxious to go home before the dinner came off, was that she had a son, whom she wished to be married to the princess if possible. So she went home, and on the day of the dinner told her son to go and stand near the king's palace, and say that he could make out the animal in the bottle, which, his mother told him, was a louse. On the appointed day, therefore, at the dinner hour the nurse's son came and stood near the palace, and, when he saw the kings and others going away one by one, he, pretending ignorance of what was going on in the palace, inquired why so many people had assembled there, and why they were going away one after another. Somebody told him that the people he saw were all princes and nobles, who were invited to guess an animal the princess had, and that the successful person would get the princess in marriage. Upon this the Negro lad said: "Oh, if that is all, I will recognise the animal; let me see it."
The king was duly informed that a Negro lad, who was waiting outside, offered to guess the animal in the bottle. The king then orderod him in, and, in the presence of all the guests, the boy, after one glance at the bottle, said : - “Oh, its only a louse." The princess' choice fell upon this Negro boy. Her parents and others tried hard to dissuade her from marrying him, but all their attempts were fruitless. She said :
"I had imposed a condition for the selection of a husband, and as this boy has successfully fulfilled it I am willing to take him for my husband."
The parents were, therefore, obliged to yield, and they appointed a day, a few months later, for the celebration of the marriage.
In due time the appointed day came, and the nurse's son, accompanied by some of his relatives, went to Church, and was there married to the princess. They then all went to the king's palace, where they were treated to a sumptuous dinner. Now, immediately after dinner, the bridegroom sent away all his relatives, saying he would follow them soon with his wife. His relatives therefore, went in advance to his house. When the bride and bridegroom left to go to his house late in the evening, the king wished to send some of his own servants, to escort them, but his son-in-law refused to take any one with him. The king wanted to give his daughter a lot of clothes and jewellery, and asked his son-in-law how it was to be taken without servants, but he said: "Oh, do not give anything to-day. You can send all that some other day."
Still the king pressed him to take some persons with him, and at last he agreed to take one man, who carried a box with a few clothes. After they had gone some distance the bridegroom sent away this servant also, offering to carry the box himself. The servant, of course, had no alternative but to obey, and he, therefore, went away. The princess already began to repent of her choice, and complained bitterly that she was tired of walking. So her husband told her to sit in the box, which she did, and was carried by her husband. Now when he had walked for some time he had to obey call of nature, so, putting down the box with its precious contents he went to some distance for that purpose.
In the meanwhile a prince, who had been out hunting, and who had captured two live tiger cubs, passed that way, and seeing a box with no one near it, his curiosity was roused, and, yoing up to the box saw the beautiful princess, of whom he asked what she was doing there at such a time. The princess related to him her whole story. Upon this the prince asked her if she was willing to go with him, to which she answered in the affirmative. So the prince, taking her out of the box, put in it the two young tigers, and they both went to his house. Meanwhile, the Negro lad retained, and little thinking of what had transpired in his absence, took up the box, and pursued his way. He, however, felt the box heavier, but, though he wondered at it, he paid no heed to it.
He now walked on and on till he reached his house, and, without waiting, went straight into his sleeping apartment, where he deposited his burden. His parents and all his guests and neighbours were all anxions to see the bride, and asked him to fetch her out; but he refused to

Page #127

MARCH, 1891.)
MISCELLANEA.
118
do so, on the pretence that she was tired, and also that she might get frightened at the sight of his relatives who, also, were, of course, Negroes. He then told his parents to treat the guests very sumptuously and to make merry, while he himself retired to sleep. He also told them repeatedly not to pay heed to any noise or to anything that might occur in his room. Thus saying, he went into his room, and closed it tightly from within.
Sapper was soon laid out, and the guests partook of it freely, after which they began to sing and dance, and made merry. Meanwhile the bridegroom, after he had entered his room, opened the box to take out his royal bride, but he saw instead two young-tigers, who, from being looked up so long, grew furious, and, pouncing upon our hero, tore him to pieces. Loud cries and shrieks emanated from the room, but as the bridegroom had given strict injunctions not to pay heed to what would occur therein, the guests all kept up singing till the small hours of the morning, after which each went to his own house.
The following morning the parents of the bridegroom were surprised that their son did not rise from sleep though it was so late; so they went and knocked at the door of the room, telling him to awake, but no answer came from inside. They thonght perhaps he was asleep now after the excitement of the previous day; so they let him alone for some time. Two or three hours later they went again and called bim out, but still no answer. They knocked and knocked, with all their might, for nearly an hour, but to no use. They, therefore, suspected something wrong, and broke open the door, when, horrors of horrors, they saw their son torn into a thousand pieces, and no bride, but two tigers, who would have made a meal of them also, had it not been for timely aid from their neighbours and a few guests, who were not yet gone. News of this affair was immediately sent to the king. Thus were the knots of happiness suddenly changed into those of sorrow and misery !
To return to our bride, the princess. She was safely escorted by the strange prince to his own house, where every comfort was provided for her. Next day she asked the prince to take her to her father's house. On reaching home, her parents, the king and queen, who were mourning for her, were surprised to see her, and could hardly believe their eyes. She then related to them, how her husband - the husband of her choice - after sending away the servant, pat her in the box and carried it himself, how, on the way, he had put the box down; and how the prince, who was now in their presence, rescued her, and protected her through the night.
When they were satisfied that their daughter was alive and safe, out of gratitude to the prince for rescuing her, they gave her to him in marriage, and, having no other children, for this daughter was their only child, the king handed over the reins of government to their son-in-law, who lived happily with his wife to a very old age, and governed the kingdom with benefit to himself and his subjects.
MISCELLANEA. A NOTE ON AMOGHAVARSHA I. manical cave, which is doubtless to be applied in From a verse quoted by Mr. Haridas Sastri, this connection, and probably proves that the king ante, Vol. XIX. p. 379, we learn that a king
whose name is connected with the book in quesnamed Amoghavarsha, to whom according to
tion, is the Rashtrakata king Amoghavarsha I. one recension the authorship of the Prainottara. The ingcription consists of four lines. The first Ratnamaid is attributed, "gave up his king- three, which are mostly illegible, mention the dom, owing to his discriminative knowledge." names of two persons, either as being priests of
Within the last few days, I have found a short the temple, or as having caused it to be built; one but interesting record at Aihole, engraved on
of them appears to be Saryakartárabhatára.' ' the outside of the south wall of a small temple, The fourth line is quite perfect, and very legiknown as the temple of Råvana, close to the Brah. ble; and it consists of the words ért-Amoghavar
1 The syllables karttára are puzzling; but I cannot twice with the single (80e ante, Vol. XIX. p. 306, read then otherwise. - In this record, bhaldra ooours note 7).

Page #128

114
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MARCH, 1891.
sham nava-rdjyam-geye, -- "while the glorious "Though, 0 Pabupati!, I am only running, Amoghavarsha is reigning again."
after folly, yet art thou, supreme lord, invoked The characters belong to the time of the first
by me who am subdued by great devotion,... Amoghavarsha of the Rashtrakata dynasty.
iz this hynn...." And this record indicates distinctly a definito And in a note Professor Bübler adds : -.." I break in his long reign.
translate lerem atidra on thy analogy of madhudra, Can anything be gatherer, from any literary
"a bee;" and explain it by kumatini drdti. Rama Brabasti, to whew plainly that he voluntarily
no doubt means to say that he has not yet reached abdicated for a time? Or is it possible that the
that stage of wisdom which a true devotee of werbe in the Prainottara-Ratnam ili is euphenis.
Siva ought to bave, but lives still in the world." Rio; and that, in reality, he was overthrown for a Now, as regards the general meaning of the timely the Kastern Chalukya king Vijayiditya verse, I believe that it really is identicul with the 11., is the course of the twelve years' war that meaning of verse 20; in other words, that tbe ha waged with the Rashtrakoças (sve page 101 poet, professing his ignorance, trusts to his above)?
devotion for inspiring him with the knowledge A certain date in the fifty-second year of Amo.
required to praise the god in due style. I also gbayaraha I. fell in A. D. 868, and so he began to
much doubt that the author, who possessed an reign in or about A. D. 815 (see ante, Vol. XVII.
excellent knowledge of Sanskrit, would have p. 14)." We have also a later date for hiun, in or
formed a word like kumatidra, simply on the About A. D. 877-78 (ante, Vol. XIII. p. 138).
analogy of madhudra. Apart, however, from my
own opinions, the facts presented by the rubbings 17th Pobruary 1891.
J. F. FLERT
beforu ine az ) -
(a) As regards the word read koumati dra) : -- RKUDINGI NON TI DAMNATH PRASA STIS. The sign ol he vowel 1 is struck out in four Among the rubbings, who were roceived by
rublings, and the rubbings appear to show Mr. Floet from Sir A. Canningham and sent to me
clourly that he akshara ti has been altered to ti: for final diaponal, are several copies, or portions
besides, the 13t alshara, it is true, dous contain sepins, of the thro Prasastis 1: the temple
the couson: its d and r, but its upper portion is at Biva-Vaidyanaths at Kiragrama, which
80 peculiurly formed as to justify our reading it have been edited by Professor Bühler in Epigra- ndra; - phi Indica, Vol. 1. pp. 97-118. Imperfect as (b). As regrds the word read viva60jna: - The hem rabbings ary, a careful study of them at third alshara, which is extant in two rubbinge, he hand of the printed texts has shown me, how can there be only real dha; and the second well, if I may be permitted to say no, Pifensor akéhara contains the sign for v, or possibly b, but Bühler le tourformod his very dificult to But with the lower part formed in such a nunner in the cas of inscriptions in which, owing to the to yuggest the reading wu, or bu. nature of tho characters or to other causes, Accordingly, I would read and translate the samething always is left to conjecture, opinions
verse thus :Aukionally may differ; and even an indiferent
Yady=npy=ahan Pasupato kumat-indra eva rubbing may suggest the correct reurling, where
pary&pta-bhakti-vibudhëna maya tath= tbe beat of impressions have failud to do so. I
Api noud, therefore, not apologise for venturing to
28 yiti ututau ... . . . . . . . . . trout here of several passages in thu two Prasastis,
..... Paramosa nimantritórsi 11 regurding the true reading of which I ditfor from my learned friend, and in one of which tho
Although, O Pasupati!, I am utterly wanting rewding adopted by him is avowedly uncertnin.
in intelligence, yet, rendered) wise by (my) intense devotion, I invite thee, O supremo lord, to
(listen to this hymn .. ." In verse 1 of the first Prasasti, the published
It is hardly neceseury to point out that the tuxt, so far as it is necessury to quote it bure, formation of the word kumatindra, the leader of together with its translation, runs thus: -
those who are of weak intellect,' is justified by Yaddy=apy=shar Pasupata kumati[dra) üva riprendra, wanindra, kuvindru, and similar ex. paryaptil - bhakti - viva[n]ns touya pressions. But, to bring out the full meaning of
tasth=rii the verse, I must add one or two remarks. The suryam stutau .........: poet invites Siva and his consort to listen to
...... Puramėsa niwautritô=si 11 his hymn; and it should be noted that, in
.

Page #129

MABOE, 1891.)
MISCELLANEA.
1
B.
BL
employing the term wimantrita, he distinotly grant a glorious, imperishable body to those who intimates that his invitation admite of no refusal.! are ever eager for battle." But how can he, an ignorant mortal, venture to "O Mridaní !, irradiated from afar by the three invite the two great deities to partake of the feast
eyes (of Siva) I, thou hast been able to destroy which he is about to provide for them! He can the pride, in their beauty of person, of those who do so, because he is a divine being himself. For
seek shelter with thee." he is Indra; and if it be objected that he is only a lunatindra, he certainly is a god (vibudha),
D. raised to the rank of the immortals by his intense
In verse 29 the poet relates that the merchant devotion to Siva.
Manyaka erected a temple of Siva; and the first
Pada of the verse is, in the published text, given In the published version, the second Pada of thus:verse 6 is -
Bhakti-[druvate] bhasalona tna] pureshu n=&sth&m=amardehu kurvatâm. by him" (i... Manyuka), a bee in the park of My rubbinga yield the reading
devotion," (has been erected this temple). Here sur shu n=&stham=aparéshu kurvatům.
druodtá, an otherwise unknown word, is pro
fessedly a conjecture and uncertain. Siva is able to fulfil the desires of warriors
I I confees, it has taken me a long time to find (randbhildshindm), who. having approached the hour of death, put not their trust in other gods. 1 the reading Bhavani is able to fulfil the desires of those who, Bhakti-trutal-lobha-malana tena having appro: ched the hour of death, not trust- by him, from whom the filth of avarice was ing to other gods, seek her protection.
breaking away by reason of his devotion." 0.
But, having found it, I can only wonder that I
should not have seen at once, that this is the Verso 14 is given thus:--
true reading of the original. For, in the rubbinga bhiltarnarn) tribhir=nnêtrair=Mpida). before me, the aksiaras truça and bhamalena
nisaranaishiņam [0] are clear at first sight, and a more careful exam. vapussrimadavidhvamsam vidhatun praja- ination of the remaining akshara sbows that it
galbhishð 11 undoubtedly contains the coujunetu, with the "Thou, Mrida, hast been able to grant a glori. sign of the vowel 8 (not é) above it. ous, imperishable body to those who, adorned
E. with three eyes, seek eternal bliss." "Thou, Mridani, hast been able to grant a glori.
In verse 37 we are told that the temple was
constructed, or that certain figures were carved ous, imperishable body to those who, adorned
on it, - with three eyes, seek thy protection."
[BA]mu-dpishtim=anussitya The two aksharas at the beginning of the vorec
" in acoordanoe with the opinion of Samu." are particularly difficult to read, and I doubt whether I should have made them out in the
My rubbinga farnish the reading, rubbing before me. But the fourth akshara ap
Astra-drishtim=annsritya pears to me to be rd (not ndr); and the upper ..
in accordance with the teaching of the Sastran." part of the fifth akshara looks as if the akshara were ttri (not tri). I accordingly would read the first half of the verge, -
The rubbings do not enable me to supply, with Sobhitarat:= tribhir=spotrair-Mridanisara
anything like certainty, tha ayllables missing in ņaishiņam.
verae 3 of the first Prasasti, and they are quite And I would translate : --
useless for restoriug the missing portion of the "O Mșida!, who art irradiated from close at ! first verso of the second Prasasti. But they do hand by (thy) three eyes !, thou hast been able to supply the three syllables wanted for the second
For tho cxaot moaning of nimantrai'a, seo thonimantrita, comparo, 6.9., Mana, III., 199: nimantrits Yahabhashya on P. III., 3, 101 : - Yan-niyôgutah kar dvijal pitry", "a Brahmans who has boun invited to a tayyan tan-nimantranam I Kiin punas-tat 1 Haryan (rito) in honour of the manos" (Buhler's Translation).
rah Al Brahmanns siddham buyutan i si... both #Ghita drát and Abhitt ár ut. Ardt means aktes dharmsh pratyAkhy&tuhl. - And for the employ.
both 'from a Dear place' and 'from a distunt place.' mont of the locative case arah atutuw in concection with

Page #130

116
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
verse of Prasasti II. In the published text that verse is given thus:
Ba phtu vô [Ma]hi dêvô
bhakti
chumbitah [1] Atmanam mu[hu]r-ikshanté yat-pada-nakhadarpané
From the two rubbings before me I would read the first half of the verse, -
Sa pâtu vô Mahadevô Brahm-adya bhakti[m=a]sthitah [1] "May that Mahadeva protect you, in the mirror of whose foot-nails Brahman and the other
(gods) repeatedly see themselves, when engaged in worshipping him!"
As regards the reading bhaktim=dsthitdḥ, I may add that the akshara tá is quite clear in at least one rubbing, and that the sign for sthi is like the sign for the first syllable of sthitvd in line 24. The consonant of the akshara preceding ethi may undoubtedly be read m, and I cannot recognize below it the sign for the vowel u. For the general idea contained in the verse, I may draw attention to the expression Hari-Brahm-ddi-dévastuta, applied to Siva in verse 2 of Prasasti I.
G.
In the place of the word kritajňau in verse 9 of Prasasti II., my two rubbings give kritarthau, which no doubt yields a better sense, and with which we may compare kritinau in verse 23. The akshara tá is clear in both rubbings, and the sign for rth is like the sign for the same conjunct in bhogartham in line 30.
н,
There are other passages in the two poems, where I should feel inclined to alter the text. Thus, for [ma]ládi- in verse 8 of Prasasti I., I would suggest the reading: anddi-; and for [bhuvámpa]tir in verse 35 of the same Prasasti, I would put gavámpatir, the sun,' an alteration which seems to me to be imperatively demanded by the particle cha after the word komalaruchis in the same line. But, unable to prove the correctness of these readings from the imperfect materials at my disposal, I would rather conclude these remarks by drawing attention to a difficulty which presents itself to me in verse 7 of the first
Prašasti.
-
3
In that verse the poet tells us that Siva surpasses even the god Vishnu, and that Parvati rides on a lion. Both Vishnu and the lion are denoted by the word harsh, which is qualified by a compound word, read in the published text,
[MARCH, 1891.
Yu[ddha]-kri[d]&-nikritt-âsura-sa[rma]
pa[sya]
"who drank the stream (of blood) from (the body of) the demon slain in a playful fight," or "who drinks the streams of the blood of those slain (by thee) in the battle-play."
I never like to see words within brackets which are not clearly suggested by the wording or idiom of the original text. And, in the present passage, I have the further difficulty that I know of no authority for translating sarma by 'the stream." For, according to Ujjvaladatta, sarma and that meaning appears appropriate in the only means gamana, 'the act of going (or flowing);" passage, in the Big-Vêda, in which the word seems to have been met with hitherto. Turning to my rubbings, I find that the akshara, read rma (in sarma-pasya), does certainly not look like the sign for rma, which we have elsewhere in this inscription. Had I to edit the inscription, I should probably read the end of the compound asurasanghapasya, and should explain this word to mean both the leader of the host of demons' and the leader of the herd of elephants' (= gajayathapasya); but I should not be surprised, if other scholars were to suggest an even more appropriate reading. Göttingen.
F. KIELHORN.
PROGRESS OF EUROPEAN SCHOLARSHIP. No. 23. Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft for 1889. (Vol. XLIII.)
Dr, Max Grünbaum commences the volume with notes on Firdûsi's Yusuf and Zulaikha. The article, extending over about thirty pages, and traces the various items to their sources in takes up the myth of Joseph as given by Firdhet, Talmudic and Koranio literature. The twelfth sura of the Quran, although its account differs from that of the Bible in important particulars, says really very little, and Firdast has evidently drawn his inspiration from the legends of the Talmud, and those embalmed in Arabic commentators such as Zamahéart, Baidawi and Tabart. The article, which is really a delightful collection of Joseph-folklore, will not bear compression. It must suffice to point out how the spirit of measure for measure runs through the whole. Jacob suffers through Leah imperson. ating Rachel on the wedding night, because he impersonated Esau to his father. He sells away the child of a female slave, so he is condemned to have his favourite son sold as a slave. Joseph was proud of his beauty and boasted

Page #131

MAROE, 1891.)
MISCELLANEA.
117
that if he were ever sold as a slave he would The same remark applies to an appendix by Dr. fetch a great price; as a consequence he is sold for Gottheil to his list of plants and their twenty beggarly silver pieces. He slandered his properties from the Mendrath Qudhshs of brethren to his father, and Potiphar's wife brought Gregorious Bar 'Ebraya. a false charge against him, and so on through
Dr. Bühler next gives us & valuable paper on other examples. In conclusion Dr. Grünbaum
the ShAhbasgarht version of Asoka's Edicts. quotes from an interesting Spanish-Arabic MS.
We have here a fresh edition of the text, translaexisting at Madrid, ptobably written in the second
tion and notes. Dr. Bühler has had the advantage half of the fourteenth century. This Poema de
of new and very excellent paper impressions of José closely follows the same legend.
several of the sets of edicte furnished to him by Dr. Paul Horn next contributes translations Dr. Burgess. These impressions enabled him to of the Pahlavi Vondidad. The text is given in make minor improvements in the versions of Roman characters, and is accompanied by very
Girnår and KhAlst, such as corrections in regard full critical notes and a literal translation.
to the quantities of vowels, the sign for ra in.
composition, anusvdras and the like. In the Prof. Böhtlingk gives us a solid contribution on
Northern versions the gain is much greater. the textual criticism of the Ramayana. The
It is now possible to give an almost complete article consists of a list of the epio grammatical
text of that of ShAhbåzgashi, and to read the first peculiarities in the first four books of the Bombay
eight edicts of Mansahra without any difficulty. Edition. This edition contains a considerably
The greatest interest attaches to Edict XIII. at greater number of ancient forms than the BangAli
Shahbazgashf, a portion of which has hitherto recension, which has previously been dealt with
been very doubtful. Dr. Bühler accordingly now similarly by Gorresio. At the same time it must
gives three versions of this edict, those of Girnar, not be concluded that all such forms were neces
Khálsi, and Shahbâzgashi, in parallel columns. sarily really ancient ones. All that is meant is
The article is preceded by an important dissertathat these forms disappeared in later times, and
tion as to the power of certain characters in the many are actually new ones made under the
North-Indian Alphabet. The following are the influence of analogy, and due to the necessities of
principal results arrived at :metre. The one really certain ancient form found in these books is the augmentless Imperfect, which
(1). Every letter can have at its lower left end occurs about eleven or twelve times in the four asbort stroke going to the left upwards. books. The seventh book, the Uttarakanda, of the or v ka, n ornya. This stroke has Ramdyana, is admitted to be a later addition to no phonetic meaning, and serves only to mark the original epic. Dr. Böhtlingk has accordingly the end of the line to which it is attached. submitted it to the same process as the first four (2) The usual form for the cerebral ta ist, books, in order to see if its later date is vouched i but the position of the horizontal strokes is not for by its language. The statistics of epic forms fized and we have also and 3. shew that no such conclusion is deducible. This book abounds in the same irregularities. There
(3 and 4) Dr. Bühler reads the sign as tha, are, for example, about thirty instances of ang.
and † as tha. mentless forms.
(5) The form 7,7 or 22, whiok Senart, The legend of Joseph secures another his
Hoernle and Bhagvån Al read as tha or tha torian in Dr. Houtema of Leyden, who describes
Dr. Baker reads as ata. an old Turkish poem on the subject. This work (6) Senart has already recognized as is of special interest, as helping to fill up the gap variant of ma. Other forms are and U. in the history of Turkish literature, which has hitherto existed between the fifth and eighth
(7) A variant of sa is the sign... centuries of the Hijra. It was written by one (8) Anusidra is usually represented by two 'All in A. H. 630 (1283 A. D.). Dr. Houtema, in short strokes meeting in an angle at the end of addition to his description, gives the text and the vertical line. If the vertical line has any translation of the portion referring to the sale of other appendage, the strokes are put in the middle. Joseph:
Thus 2 ham, and 3 an. San is. and yan Dr. Vellers gives a description of some his
. Kan is sometimes 7. Man is 0 torioul works in the Vloe-regal Library at
or (. Sometimes a straight horizontal line at Cairo. The works mentioned are of small interest the foot of # vertical one is tised, thua, 4 2 to Indian studente..
| athan.

Page #132

118
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(XARCH, 1891.
(9) Ra, in composition is represented by,
(a) a small ra appended, as in 7 p, saura (sarva);
(b) the same ra written cursively, as a curved line, .g., y o praja, (priya)drati. In both these words the sign has hitherto been read as anusvdra; and
(c) more commonly, a short stroke added straightly or obliquely to the base of the ver- tical line. When the stroke is oblique, and the vertical line has also the left-hand upwards stroke noted in No. 1, it is difficult to decide whether anusvdra or ra is intended to be read, e. g., s drafanan, which some have read dariéanam; 93 z prachanti. Sometimes the ra-stroke is curted, e. g., Pt7 athrasa; and sometimes it is appended to the right limb of ka and bha.
(10 and 11) These refer to compound and double consonants.
(12) It is not very difficult to distinguish between ta and ra, da, na and na. In the ShAbbaz. gashi inscription ta is much broader and lower than ra, and da is much shorter than na. Na is also shorter than pa, and the curvature of its head is much more pronounced.
Prof. J. Barth, of Berlin, opens Part II. of the same volume, with a study on the l-imperfeot in North Semitic. He is followed by Dr. P. Jensen on the noininal prefixes m (-a, -i, -u), and (-a, -i, -1) in Assyrian, and by Dr. Bacher on the scientific works of Elija Levita. None of these essays have connexion with Indian literature.
We have next a continuation of Dr. Bühler's Ossays on the Asoka Bock Ediots. In this paper he deals with the Mansahra version. As already eaid, he has had the advantage of consulting some new and very perfect rubbings from Dr. Hurgess. Text and translations of the first twelve edicts are given, preceded by a study of the Northern Alphabet, as exemplified in this version. The new points in the last (in addition to the re- marks about tha, tha, and sta, which have already been given for Shâbhâzgasbi) are:
(1) The letter ja has usually the horizontal base which we find in the coins, thus, Y. The form is especially common in the word raja.
(2) Ta is three times written and once y. (3) Dha several times appears as 7.
(4) The dental nasal, especially in the form me, closely resembles da, and is only distinguished
from it by the greater length of the vertical stroke.
(5) Sa has sometimes an abnormally large head, with a small vertical stroke, and in one instance the latter disappeats entirely, so that we have u. The form noticed at ShAbhazgashf also occurs.
(6) Annavdra is more frequently than in ShAbhêzgarht expressed by a straight stro reually at the foot of the vertical line, by which it is divided into two equal parts. Sometimes, e. g. in Tsagran, it is only on the left-hand side of the vertical stroke, and is then indistinguishable from u. If the line has another appendage, the anusodra stroke is asnally set above it, thus $ in athran : on the other hand, we have 7 in (Stay&Joan. Altogether abnormal is a yan in ya.
(7) Ra in composition is mostly represented by a curve turned to the right; all the other forms, however, which have been mentioned under the bead of ShAhbazgashi also occur. Mansabra is peculiar in sometimes representing the letter by a high-placed horizontal stroke, e. 9., in 7 ora.
(8) The following consonantal groups have peculiar forms in the Mansahrá version, - bhya, mya, rta, vra, spa.
Dr. Bühler's article is followed by two tales from the Rasavahint, edited and translated by Dr. Sten Konow. Spiegel published the first four tales in his Anecdota Palica. The present paper gives the fifth and sixth. The work is a collection of Buddhist legende, originally composed in Singhalese, and translated into PAli by the monk Rathapala, which translation was subsequently revised by one V6d6hattheru. It contains 103 stories, of which the first forty refer to India and the remaining 63 to Ceylon. The first story given, the Ahigunthikassa vatthun, should be especially interesting to Indian scholars. It narrates how the life of a heretic snake-charmer was saved by his involuntarily ejaculating the name of Buddha. The Hiada story of the wicked Ajamila, who called for hin Bon Nårdyana on his death-bed, and thereby obtained salvation, will be immediately recalled to the mind of the reader.
Prof. Hübschmann follows with a short article on kinship marriage amongat ancient Por. sans, in which he criticises and partly agrees with Dastur Peshotan Sanjana, who maintains, in his Next-of-kin Marriages in Old Iran, that the evidence of the Greeks as to the customis

Page #133

MARCH, 1891.)
BOOK NOTTOES.
119
Forthless, and that it is not ordered either by the Avesta or by the Pahlavi books.
Dr. Vollers sends a note concerning some unique M88. in the library of the Imprimerie Catholique in Bairat. Next Prof. Franz Pretorius gives a note on the Hamitio elements in Ethiopio, and Prof. Nöldeke on As-Sabti, the son of Haran ar-Rashid.
The number, concludes with Reviews of,
(1) Sachau's translation of Albêrani's India, by Dr. Sprenger.
(2) Kautzsch and Socin's Genesis, by Prof. Kamphausen.
(3) Dr. Bühler's Life of Hémachandra, by Prof. Leumann.
G. A. GRIERSON.
NOTES AND QUERIES. VISHNU COMPARED TO RAGS.
the holes in it; and owing to wear and tear अनन्तगुणसंयुक्तं सहस्राक्ष पुरातमम् ।
neither the beginning nor the end of the rag आद्यन्तरहितं वन्दे महस्वसदृशं हरिम् ॥
could be distinguished. A Pandit was once asked by a rich man to The story goes that the rich man rewarded praise Vishnu, and did it by the above verse, the poor Brahman for his wit. which means:- "I salute Vishnu, who resembles Compare with this, the following sloka from my cloth, in having many gunas, and in having a Mrichchhakatikd, Act II. : - . thousand eyes, in being old and in having neither
भवं पटः खुबहरिद्रतां गतो पर्व पश्छिद्रधरलंकृतः। beginning nor end." Gura means 'qualities' as applied to Vishnu, and also loose threads hanging
भवं पदः प्रावरितुं न शक्यते यवं पटः संत एव शोभते ॥ from a rag. The 'eyes' in the case of the rag are
S. M. NATESA SASTRI.
BOOK NOTICES. DUE IN DICHEN GENUSLRXREN, mit dem TexT DER shavardhana's treatise is a namesake of Sabara. LINGANUBABANAS DEB SAKATAYANA, HARBHAVAB
BV&min, the author of the Mindředbhashya. DHANA, VARARUCHI, etc. BY DR. R. OTTO
Besides the works now made accessible by Dr. FRANKE, Kiel, 1890. 8vo., 186 pages.
Franke, the great compiler, Hêmachandra, used The author, to whom we owe already an edition several other Lingdnuddpanas, two of which have and German translation of Hômachandra's been previously published, vie., one wrongly treatise on the gender of nouns, publishes in his ascribed to Paņini, and one by Vamana. new book the text of three similar, but earlier,
E. H. Sanskfit works, with copious notes, and with extracts from two native commentaries. In an
ANNUAL REPORT OF THE ROYAL CANADIAN INSTITUTE, able introduction (pages 1 to 63) he discusses
1888-89. Toronto, Watwick and Sons, 1889. in detail the intricate question of the relative age
This report is mainly taken up with a long of various Linganusasanas. One of the most
account of the archeological investigations under. interesting results of his researches is that the
taken during the past year, and is fresh evidence double or treble gender ascribed to many Sans
of the importanoe that they are assuming in the ksit nouns is only partially derived from the
New World language itself, but is for the most part a pure
A most interesting account is given of the fabrication of native grammarians and lexicogra. custom of communal burial among the Huron phers. Finding that words with double gender Indians, which led to the formation of those gradually become more numerous in later Ossuarios, that now form so important a subject compilations, he ingeniously uses the approxi- for investigation to North American archæolo. mate number of such cases as #oriterion for giste. determining the relative age of some Lingdnudd- The reason given for the formation of the 08sanas. The oldest of those now published goes suaries is that the soul of the departed was by the name of Vararuohi. It is followed by still supposed to inhabit the remains of the two others, the authore of which bear the well- corpse. The actual words may be quoted as known names of Harahavardhana and Baks- bearing an interest extending far beyond the tayana. Dr. Franke adduces good reasons for boundaries of North America. "The bones, after identifying Harshavardhana with the great being tenderly caressed with tears and lamenta. Harsha of Kanauj, who is the nominal author of tions, were wrapped in skins and adorned with other Sanskrit works. The commentator on Har. pendent robes of fur; in the belief of the mourners

Page #134

120
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(MABOK, 1891.
they were sentient and conscious. A soul was thought to still reside in them and to this notion, very general among the Indians, is in no small degree due that extravagant attachment to the remains of the dead which may be said to mark the race." JOURNAL OF THE CEYLON BRANCH OF THE ROYAL
ASTATIC Society, 1888, Vol. X. No. 36. Colombo. Government Printer, 1890.
This number contains two important articles on the Moors of Ceylon, one by the Hon. P. Ramanathan on the ethnology of the Moors of Ceylon, and one on the Marriage Custome of the Moors of Ceylon, by Ahamadu Bawa.
The first sets out to prove at great length and minuteness of argument that the Moors of Ceylon are really Tamil Muhammadans settled in the country, and got their name from the Portuguese, who gave them the vague name of Moros, simply because they were Muhammadans, and of this Moor is an English translation. The writer of the ethnological article regards the title Marakar or Marikar, so often found appended to Muhammadan names in Ceylon and South India, as merely the Tamil form of " a man of Marocóo," that is, a Moor.
The Moors are divided into Coast Moors and Ceylon Moors, both being of Tamil origin; and the claim of the latter, or more strictly of & portion of them, to be of Arab descent, 18 shewn to be shadowy.
Under these circumstances it is not surprising to find that their marriage customs are of Indian crigin, and for this reason peculiarly interesting and instructive to the readers of this Journal.
Briefly, the Moor marriage commonoes with overtures from the bride's family, the dowry to be given by the bride being so important a part of the subsequent ceremonies as to lead to the creation of "old maids," whose mode of life unpleasantly resembles that of high-caste Hindu widows. In this connection the terms "caste" and "equal caste" Bo constantly occur in the writer's detailed description of these marriages, as to lead one to wish that they had been precisely defined by him.
It is well worth noting that in secking a bridegroom sons of the proposed bride's mother's brother or father's sister have almost a right to marry her. The go-betweon is a notable and elderly person, which reverses Indian custom. The all-important portion of the dowry is the cash included in it, as that goes to the bride- groom in order to meet the cost of the wedding presents and purchase the bride's trousseau ; while
the real and personal property included in the dowry goes to the bride.
In concluding the betrothal, formerly the bride and bridegroom exchanged rings, but this custom has now died out. Presents are, however, still customary, including "king-kalf” jackets. King-kalt appears to be the familiar kinoob,und it would be interesting to trace the presence of the l in the Sinhalese variant of the word.
The months for marriage are Zu'lkada, Zu'lhijja and Rajab, and the days of the week are Monday, Wednesday and Friday. Ill-omened anniversaries in the Muhammadan calendar must, however, be avoided. The invitations to the wedding are delivered personally by the bride. groom in procession, at least ten days before it takes place.
The wedding commences by a conventional feasting of the male guests, followed by a similar feasting of the female. In the evening the bridegroom is presented with cash presents from the friends of the family, apparently with the idea of giving him a fair start in life, and after that he is bathed. A start is then made for the bride's house, on approaching which the groom is saluted with persons bearing three plates, con. taining respectively saffron water, cocoanutmilk, and betel with small copper coins. The saffron water and cocoanut milk are waved over the bridegroom's head three times, and be spits into the plate after each waving. The betel and the coppers are thrown over his head among the poor collected. The bride and bridegroom have to ncknowledge willingness to marry, and a document is drawn up to prove it, which is, however, left in the hands of the officiating priests, apparently without any safeguards as to its future custody.
The bridegroom is conducted to the bridalchamber by the bride's father or brother, and the marriage is concluded by clasping a tali, which is a necklace, round the brido's neck and in "clothing her," i. e. robing her in a veil. This the bridegroom has to do as best he can.
This is followed by a second feasting, and at about two in the morning the bridal pair retire. Early in the morning after daylight they are bathed by the female relatives of the bride : no males being present. They have now to feed each other with three handfuls of rice placed in the mouth,
On the third day, the bridegroom goes to market for the first time, and returns with presents for the bride's female relatives. He usually lives with his bride's family till the first child is born.

Page #135

APRIL, 1891.)
BUDDHIST CAVES AT NADSUR AND NENAVALI.
121
RECENTLY DISCOVERED BUDDHIST CAVES AT NADSUR AND NENAVALI
IN THE BHOR STATE, BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
BY THE REV. J. E. ABBOTT. THE portion of the Bhor State which lies in the Konkan is, I believe, seldom visited by
1 Europeans, and as a consequence two series of Buddhist caves have thus, till recently, remained undiscovered, in the mountains forming its eastern boundary, — the one near the village of Nå dsûr, Lat. 18° 34' and Long. 73° 21'; the other near the village of Nenavalî (or Kharsambla), Lat. 18° 30' and Long. 73° 23.
A study of the location of other known caves among the Western Ghauts drew my attention to the fact that they all seemed to be situated along what must have been, in ancient times, the highways from the Dekhan above to the sea-port towns of the Konkan below. These highways were doubtless then, as now, narrow foot-paths, descending the upper sources of the Konkan rivers, and following these streams to their outlets into the large creeks common along the coast. If Chanl, near the modern Rêvadanda, was the important city of ancient times it is supposed to have been, it seemed strange that the highway, along the Kundalika River to this sea-port, should not have, somewhere along its course, the extensive Buddhist monasteries common to many of the other highways to the north and south.
Believing in the possibility of their existence, I bad often inquired of the inhabitants of the Rôla Taluka, where my missionary operations largely lie, whether they knew of any such rock caves; but it was not until about a year ago that I received any hint that my conjectures were correct. In December 1889, I was informed that at Gomasi, a village in the Bhôr State, there was a small rock temple dedicated to Rishidáva. I visited this cave on the 10th December, and found it to be a plain single cell in the gorge of a hill about half a mile to the south of the village. The cell is about 15' x 7', with an image of Buddha in the bhúmisparía-mudrá, placed on a platform at its farther end. I here learned that there were extensive caves, a few miles further up the stream, near the village of Nenavali, which I immediately visited. While examining these caves, I was informed of still others about six miles to the north. Availing myself of an early opportunity to verify this information, I descended the mountains near Khaodala, and walked southward along the foot of the Sahyadris until I reached the village of Nadsar, making constant enquiries as I went along. Here my search was rewarded by the discovery of a series of twenty caves. I give below a brief description of these two Buddhist Vihdras.
The Nadsor Caves. The village of Nadsar, belonging to the Konkan portion of the Bhör State, is in Lat. 18° 34' and Long. 73° 21'; and the caves, which I first discovered on the 8th January 1890, are to be found to the east of the village about an hour and a half's climb up the mountain. The scarp of rock, in which the caves are cut, runs north and south, and the caves face the west. They are twenty in number, including a natural cave to the north. The caves are, on the whole, in good. preservation, although their front portions seem to have fallen away.
The arst cave of interest, commencing at the southernmost of the series, is No. III., measuring 34' x 20', and containing twelve dágobús. Six of these are of solid stone, varying from 4' to 6'6in diameter. Two small stone dágobás are placed in niches in the walls. Four dagobás are structural. Two of the solid stone dágobús have their Tees remaining on them, one resembling in shape the Tee on the dugohá of the Karla Chaitya cave. The rail pattern appears on the base of the stone dágobås. One of the niches in the wall is perfectly plain, the other is ornamented with the window facade and rail pattern resembling that found at Bedsa and Kärla. The structural dágobás are more or less ruined, and appear to have been at some time opened with the expectation of finding treasure within. One of these lies a little outside of the cave.
The next cave worthy of mention is No. VII., a large hall 48' 9" x 39' and 11' high, with cells on the three inner sides. Between each cell is a niche in the wall. The upper part of the

Page #136

122
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[APRIL, 1891.
doorways leading into the cells, and the niches between the cells, are ornamented with the façade pattern, including the semicircular bars, almost the exact reproduction of the façades tobe found at Bedsa and Kärla. In these façades, below the semicircular bars, and along the upper portion of the walls of nearly the entire cave, are small figures, in bas relief, of serpents, bulls, elephants, tigers, men and women, dagobús, and the rail and façade pattern. In the centre of the roof is a figure of the lotus. On the north wall is a short inscription in two lines in the ancient cave character and in the PAli language, which I have not been able to satisfactorily decipher, but which seems to give the name of the donor or excavator. The sculptures are in good preservation and are well executed. Separated from this hall by a thin wall is the dágood shrine, 23' by 16', with an arched roof. The base of the dogobá is 9' 6" in diameter.
The only other cave worthy of mention is No. XV., a room 20'6" x 14' with two cells. The upper part of the east wall and the doorways of the cells have the rail and façade pattern, similar to that found in the other caves. A narrow outside verandah has at its north end a similarly ornamented niche, now partly broken, a perforated screen window, and a small figure, in bas relief, of a man and woman standing upon what looks like a fish.
No. XX. is a large natnral cave, bat with benches running east and west. The cisterns are dry, but there is a spring of delicious water, a few rods to the south of the caves, which flows from the rainy season antil about the middle of January.
These caves seem to fall into the same group as those at Bhaja, Bedsa and Karla, and were probably excavated at about the same time, or about 100 B. O.
The Nenavali Caves. This Buddhist vihara, which I discovered on the 10th December 1889, is situated about a mile above the village of Nenavali, in Lat. 18° 30' and Long. 73° 23'. The caves are cut into a scarp of rock ranning north and south, and face the east. They are ten in number, excluding those that are now 80 ruined as to be undistinguishable, and also excluding the natural cave to the south of the series. The rock in which they are cut is friable; hence the caves are all more or less injured by age. Large portions of rock, forming the roof of some, have fallen, completely ruining many of the caves. The rock is not suited for sculpture; there are no inscriptions; and no ornamentation of even the simplest kind.
Commencing at the most southern of the series, No. I. appears at first sight to be a large cave, 56' x 28', but a restoration of its rained walls would shew that it was formerly divided into many rooms.
No. III. is the only cave of this series especially worthy of mention. It is a large hall, 67' 9' X 52', with seventeen cells on the three inner sides. Each cell has a stone bench, and & window opening into the hall. A verandah, 9' wide, surrounds the hall, leaving a central court. Square holes in the roof of the cave, over the edge of the verandah, shew where wooden posts were once placed at frequent intervals around the central court. The roof is unsupported by pillars. The dágobá sbrine is placed at the north-west corner of the hall, and consists of a rectangular room, 24' x 18', with a circular roof. The dagoba is 10% high and 9' in diameter, and has lost its Tee.
The remaining caves have nothing of special interest. Many of them are in complete ruin. The two cisterns which I noticed are filled with debris. In many of the cells, large patches of
Since the above was first written, Mr. Coueens of the Archeological Survey has visited these osves and found another inscription on the south wall of this Chaitya cave, which also has not yet been deciphered. --[This paper was originally received in February, 1890. It was held over, with the object of publishing plans of the caves with it. The necessary drawings, however, did not como to hand. And Mr. Cousens has since made more detailed measurements, for the publication of complete plans &c. elsewhere. - EDITORS.)
Mr. Consens, in his Government Report, has named them the Kharsambla Caves, from a nearer village of that, Dame.

Page #137

APRIL, 1891.]
LUCKNOW GRANT OF BALAVARMADEVA.
123
the original plaster, in which rice husks form a large portion, still adhere to the walls, with traces of paint.
The architectural features of these caves, from which their date must be determined, and their close proximity to the Nadsûr caves, lead me to the belief that they belong to the same date as the NAdsûr cares which with Bedsa and Bhaja, belong to a period a little prior to the Christian era.
LUCKNOW MUSEUM COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF THE MAHASAMANTA
BALAVARMADEVA.
BY PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN, C.I.E.; GÖTTINGEN. I edit this grant, which does not appear to have been publicly noticed before, from an excellent ink-impression, made and supplied to me by Mr. Fleet. The original plate is in the Lucknow Museum, but no information is available as to where it was found, or by whom it was presented.
The 'plate is inscribed on one side only. It measures about 13" broad by 8" high, not including a projection, about 14" broad by 21" high and with a square hole in it, on the proper right side of the plate. In a few places the writing has suffered slightly from corrosion; but, on the whole, the preservation of the plate is good, so that, with the exception of two aksharas of not much importance, in line 9, the actual reading of the text is not at all doubtful. - The size of toe letters is between is' and f". - The characters belong to the northern class of alphabets. Of essentially the same type as those of the Kaņaswa inscription of 'Sivagaña, published ante, Vol. XIX. p. 57, they show a further development of the northern alphabet in the direction of the ordinary Nagari, and may thus be assigned to about the 9th or 10th century A.D. They include a form of the numerical symbol for 20, in line 12, and, in the same line, the ordinary decimal figure for 2. -The language is Sanskrit; and, excepting the benedictive and imprecatory verses in lines 13-15, the inscription is in prose. Iu respect of orthography, I have only to note that, except, as it would seem, in the words parama-brahmanyas and Balavarmmadevah, in line 3, and in brahman- , in line 4, b has been written by the sign for v, and that the rales of sandhi have been occasionally neglected, as will be shown in the notes on the text, below.
The inscription is one of the Mahasamanta Balavarmadova, who had assumed the pañchamahúsabda, and who meditated on the feet of the Mahasamanta Panduvarmadeva, the latter being represented as having attained the pancha-mahasabda through the favour of the god Varêśvarasvâmin, i.e. Siva (lines 1-3). From (his residence at) Brihadgriha (line 1), Balavarmadeva in lines 4-9) makes known to present and future royal families (rájakula) and to the people concerned, that, at the request of the village of merchants (which from the context I understand to be the village granted) headed by the tréshļhin Dammuka, he, for their and their parents' spiritual benefit, granted the village of Bhujangika on the (river) Vogananda to certain religious students, enumerated by name, who followed the Vâjasaneyi-Madhyandina and Kauthuma-Chchhandoga éákhds and belonged to the Gautama, Aupamanyava, Sandilya, and Vasishtha gôtras. And (in lines 10-11) he exhorts both the rulers and the inhabitants of the village to make over to the donees all customary dues and taxes. Line 12 contains the date -
the year 20, the 2nd of the bright half of Chaitra,' the year of which appears to be a regnal year; and gives the name of the dátaka, Kelhata, and of the writer, the Saruhivigrahika Adityadatta; and lines 13-15 contain three of the customary benedictive and imprecatory verses.
I have not met the names of the Mahasamantas Panduvarmadáva and Balavarmadova in any other record ; and, not knowing where the plate may have been found, I have not attempted to identify the places and the river, mentioned in this inscription. But I may

Page #138

124
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[APRIL, 1891.
perhaps draw attention to the facts that the name Brihadgriha is by Hêmachandral given as a synonym of Kårusha, and that in a quite modern inscription, put up during the rule of the English, the name Kârusha-desa apparently is applied to the district of Shâhâbâd of the Patna Division of Bengal.
TEXT.3 . 1 Om svasti (1) Vri(bri)hadgrihad-bhagavató d&v-asura-sirô-mukuța-ratna-prabha
vichebhurita-pâdapadma-yugalasya tribhuvan-aikapatêr-anêka2 sat[t"]va-vara-pradasya (ári]-Varêśvarasvâminah påda-mûlâdeavâpta-panchamahâśa
vda(bda)-mahasamanta-sri-Panduvarmmadova-pidanu3 dhyâtaḥ parama-mâhểsvaraḥ parama-[bra]hmaṇyas-samapâttapachamahâsavda(bda)
mahâsâmanta-sri-[Ba]lavarmmadêvah kusali 15 4 Véganand-Ôpakanthê BhujangikA-grâmê samu pagatani varttamâna-bhavishyad-raja
kulany-êtad-grama-nivîsinasacha brahman-ttara5. nəyath-arham=mânayati v6(b)dhayati ch=&sta vô viditam-ayam-aparilikbita-gråmô=
smabhih śrêshthi-Damm ka-pramukha-vani6 g-grâma-prarthanaya [tad]iya-mata-pittrôs-tasya cha puny-abhivriddhayê | @bhyal Gau
tama-sagotra-Vaji Madhyandina7 Bhögasvâmi- 17 Aupamanyava-sagôtra-KauthamaChhafchchhá)ndôga-Narasvâmi- 18
Sandilya-sagôtra-KauthamaChhâ(chchhậndôga-Vila8 sasvâmi-
V[]sishtha-sagôtra-KauthamaChha(chchhAndôga [Bhjîmasvâmi- 18 Gautama-sagôtra-KauthumaChhâ(chchha)ndôga-Rudrasvâmibhyo savra (bra)hma9 chåribhyo mu[kta-s] 10ånga-kara-vishtir-s-châta-bhața-prave[sa]h" a-kiñchit-pragrâhyah
A-chandr-arka-kshiti-sama-kala-sthityå agrahara10 tvena pratipaditah (1) Matv-aivam-bhavadbhirwyathakal-adhyâsibhita râjakulais-samant
mantavyamêtad-gråma-nivåsibhirapyAjna11 śravaņa-vidhêyair-bhůtvå samuchita-dâya-bhagabhôga-kara-hirany-adayah pratyøyâs=
sarv vê yath-acharam-amisham samupa12 nētas vyA iti Samvatta 2016 Chaitra-sudi 21 Datako-tra sri-Kelhaftalb
Likhitar sândhivigrahik-Adityadattêna !! 13 Sva18.dattâm-para-dattâm1=và yê harêta vasundharam sva-vishthaya krimir-bhdtvå
pitsibhis-saha pacbyatê li Va(ba)hubhiruvasudha bhukta 14 râjabhis-Sagar-adibhiḥ yasya yasya yada bhůmisetasya tasya tada phalań
Shashțim17=varsha-sahasraşi svarge 15 môdati bhūmi-daḥ 1 achchhêtta ch=anamantà cha tiny=êva narakê vaset 11
.
EXAMINATION OF QUESTIONS CONNECTED WITH THE VIKRAMA ERA.
BY PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN, C.I.E., GÖTTINGEN.
(Continued from Vol. XIX. p. 374.) To facilitate the use of the preceding lists, I have compiled the following general list of Vikrama dates which gives all the calculated dates in their natural sequence, without
1 Hémachandra's Abhidhdna.chintamani, verse 959.
2 See Archæol. Swvey of India, Vol. III. p. 70, and Plate xxiv. 4, line 5:- Angaraja-rajya varttamdnd Karushadéia.
• From the ink impression. Expressed by a symbol. This sign of punctuation is unnecessary. 6 Rond riddhaya ebhyo.
Read avamy 4wpao.
Those signs of punctuation are unnecesary. . Read admibhyah.
10 The letters in these brackets are doubtful. 11 Here and at the end of the following words of this line, the rules of sardhi have not been observed. 13 This expression coours, e.g., in Gupta Inscriptions, p. 216, lind 14. 13 Read sarvat.
16 This sign of punctuation is unnecessary. 16 Metre of this and the following verses, Sióka (Anushtubh). 16 Read -dattar vå.
17 Read shashti mrsha..

Page #139

APRIL, 1891.)
THE VIKRAMA ERA.
125
reference to classification by results. But in this chronological list I have included also a number of other dates, - chiefly dates which do not admit of verification, - because it appeared desirable to collect in one place, especially for the more early times, all trustworthy Vikrama dates which have hitherto become known to us. Dates which have not been previously calculated will here be given in full; for the rest, the principal items of each date only will be repeated, sufficient for identification, together with a reference to the page of Vol. XIX. of this Journal, where the fall wording of the date may be found, together with the calculated results.
GENERAL CHRONOLOGICAL LIST OF VIKRAMA DATES. 1.- V. (P) 428. -- Gupta Inscriptions, p. 253. Bijayagadh (in Rajputana) stone pillar inscription of Vishnuvardhana: -
(Line 1)... Kritéshu chaturshu varsha-satéshv=ashtavinbeshu 400 20 8 Phálguna(na)bahulasya pañchadaśśyam=ētasyâm=purvvâyâm [i*]
2. - V. 480 (P).- 1b. p. 75. Gangdhåra stone inscription of Visvavarman : -
(Line 19)... Yåtêshu chatu[r]shu kri(kļi)téshu satêshu sausyaishva(Pshtha)śîta-sóttarapadêghy=iha vatsa[rêshu] 11 (1) suklé trayôdaśa-dinê bhuvi Kårttikasya masasya sarvva-janachitta-sukh-avahasya 11
3.- V. 493 and 529.-II. p. 83. Mandasör stone inscription of Kumaragupta and Bandhuvarman : -
(Line 19)... MAlavanam ganasthity& yat[6] sata-chatushtayê trinavaty-adhikebdânâmeri(ri)tan sôvya-ghana-stanê 11 Sahasya-masa-suklasya prasastêhni trayôdase I
(Line 21) ... Vatsara-satéshu pamchasu višamty-adhikeshu navasu ch=Abdêshu 1 yâtêshv=abhiramya-Tapasya-masa-sukla-dvitiyâya 11
4. - V. 689.- 1b. p. 154. Mandasôr stone inscription of Yasodharman-Vishņu. vardhang: -
(Line 21) ... Panchasu satêsha saradâm gâtêsh y=ekannanavati-sahitêshu Malavaganasthiti-vasat-kala-jñanêya likhitëshu 11
5. -- V. 746. - ante, Vol. V. p. 181. Jhâlrâpatan stone inscription of Durgagana : (Line 16)... Samvatsara-satêshu saptasu shatchatvarimsad-adhikeshu 7
6. – ante. Vol. XIX. p. 369, No. 190.- Vikrama 704, Karttika-vadi 15, Aditya-vâre, a solar eclipse. Dhiniki copper-plate inscription of Jaikadova.
7. - V. 795. - ante, Vol. XIX. p. 59. Kaņaswa stone inscription of Sivagana : -
(Line 14)... Samvatsara-batair-yataih sa-pamcha-navaty-arggalaih [18] saptabhirMmalav-kanam ...
8. - P. 373, No. 196.6 - V. 811 (P), Magha-sudi 5, Bțihaspati-vård. Inscription at Chitôr in Rajputânå.
9. – V. 879 (P). — ante, Vol. XIV. pp. 46 and 351, Köţa Buddhist inscription of the Sámanta Dovadatta :
(Line 20)... Samvat 800 70 9 Magha-śudi 20 (?).
The list will be found to contain all Vikrame dates of the inscriptions published in this Journal, in the Epigraphia Indica, and in Mr. Fleet's Gupta Inscriptions, and all important dates from the facsimiles in the Reports of the Archaol. Survey of India, and from such impressions and rubbings as are in my possession. Some early dates from inscriptions in the Jour. Beng. As. Soc. have not been included in the list, because their readings appeared to me uncertain. Such are, e. g., the dates in the Shekhavati inscription (V. 1018 and 1030) in Vol. IV. D. 382, and the dates of an inscription from a Baolee at Bussuntgarh' (V. 1099 and apparently the year Chitrabhanu) and of an inscription from the neighbourhood of Mount Aba (V. 1058 and 973 () ) in Vol. X. pp. 673 and 819.
According to Mr. Fleet, a village about 52 miles south-west of Jhalrapatan, the chief town of the Jhalawad State in the Western Malwa division of Central India. * In the Western Malwa division of Central India.
Read vinsaty.. 5 The references by page and number, here and in a similar manner under other dates, are all to Vol. XIX. of this Journal.

Page #140

126
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[APRIL, 1891.
-
10. – P. 35, No. 57. — Vikrama 898, Vaisakha-sudi 2, Ravi-vård. Dholpur stone inscription of the Chihumana Chandamahasena.
11. - P. 28, No. 30. - V. 919 ('Saka 784), Aśvayaja-sudi 14, Bțihaspati-dinê. Déogadh stone inscription of Bhojadova of Kananj.
12. - V. 932.- Epigraphia Indica, Vol. I. p. 157. Gwalior stone inscription of SrimadAdivaraha (Bhojadáva) of Kananj: -
(Line 7)... Navasu satêsh yravdanam dvâttrimnsat-samyatêshu Vaisakhê 13. - V. 999.- 1b. p. 159. Gwalior stone inscription of Bhojadeva of Kanauj:
(Line 1)... Samvatsara-satêshu navasu ttrayastrinsad-adhikeshu Magha-sukla-dvitîyayê saṁ 933 Magha-śudi 2 ady-êha éri-Gopagirau syâmini paramèśvara-bri-Bhôjadêvê ...
(Line 5)... asminn-dva samvatsarê Phâlgana-vab ula-paksha-pratipadi ... (Line 11) ... asminn-va samvatsarê Phålguna-vahala-paksha-navamyâm...,
14. – V. 938. – Archæol. Surv. of India, Vol. X. p. 33, and Plate xi. Fragmentary, stone inscription at Gyârispur: -
... MAlava-kalach-chharadan shattrimsat-sanyutéshy-atîtêshu navasu satéshu ...
15. - P. 173. No. 110. - V.980, Bhadrapada-vadi 4, 'Sanau. Terahi stone inscription of the Mahasamantúdhipatis Gunaraja and Undabhata.
16. - V. 960.-- Epigraphia Indica, Vol. I. p. 173. Siyadoņi stone inscription; date of the reign of Mahendrapaladdva of Kanauj: -
(Line 1)... [ma*]hárajadhiraja-para mêśvara-sri-[Ma*]hêndrapaladóva-pâdânên mahi-pravarddhamâna-kalyAnavijaya[ra]jyê samvatsa*]ra-satêshu nava-sata shashty-adhik@shu Sråva. ....... samvat 960 'Sravana ....
17. - P. 35, No. 58. - V.082, Jyêshtha-sudi 5, Guru-dinê. Date in a MS. of Siddharshi's Upαnitioλανα-μναφαλολά Καλά.
18. - V.084.- Epigraphia Indica, Vol. I. p. 173. Siyadoni stone inscription ; date of the reign of Mahendrapaladeva of Kanauj, and of the Mahásúmantadhipati Undabhata : -
(Line 4)... Paramabhattaraka-maharajadhiraja-paramôsvara-sri-Bhðjadêva-pådanudhyata-paramabhattarala-maharajadhiraja-paramêśvara-sri-Mahendrap ladêva-padanan mahl-pravarddhamâna-kaly[A]ņa vijayarajyê samvatsara-satêshu nava-sata [sba*]shty-adhikeshu chaturanvitêshu Mirggasira-masa-vahula-paksha-tsitiyâya samvat 964 Mârgga-vadi 3 ady=eha Siyadoņi- ...
19. - V.085.- Ib. p. 174. Date in the Siyadôņi stone inscription :
(Line 8)... samvatsara-satêshu nava-sata pañchashashty-adhikåshu Asvina-mêsê pratipadâyârn samvat 965 Aśvina-sudi 1...
20. - V. 987. -- Ib. p. 174. Date in the Siyađôņi stone inscription :
(Line 11)... samvatsara-satêshu nava-sata sapta[sha]shty-adhikeshu Phalguna masa amâvâsyar samvat 967 Phålguna-vadi 15...
21. – V. 969. – 1b. p. 175. Siyađôņi stone inscription; date of the Maharajadkirája Dharbhata :
(Line 18)... samvatsara-nava-satêshu êkônasaptaty-adhikeshu Magba-mas& pafchamyâm samvat 969 Magha-sudi 5 ady=eha srimat-Siyadó nyám mahârâjâdhiraja-sri-Dharbha]țaho-paribhujyamând ...
22. - V. 074. -- ante, Vol. XVI. p. 174. Asni stone inscription of Mahipaladeva of Kananj: -
(Line 1) ... Paramabhattâ raka-maharaj [*]dhiraja-prameśvara-śr[8]-Mahi(ndra]pålad [&*]va-pâdân udhyât[n* ]-paramabhattaraka-mahårâjâdhiraja-paramêśvara-sri-Mahip[4*] ladeva - pâda
. Read Dharbhata..

Page #141

APRIL, 1891.1
THE VIKRAMA ERA.
127
Am] mahi(ht)-pravarddhamina-kalyApavija(ja)yarajy[*] sammvatsara-satesa(shu) navasha(su) chata[h*]saptaty-adhikesu(shu) MÅgha-masa-sukla pakshya-saptamyammeeva sammvat 974 MÂgha-vadi 7...
23. - v. 981. - ante, Vol. XIII. p. 252; and a rabbing, supplied to me by Dr. Burgess. Date of a stone inscription in the British Museum :
(From the rubbing, line 9): Samvat 9818 Kárttika-badi 13 nihpanam-iti 1
24. - V. 988. - ante, Vol. XIII. p. 251; and a rubbing, supplied to me by Dr. Burgess. Date of another stone inscription in the British Museum :
(From the rubbing, line 16)... Samvat 9839 Chaittra-sudi-pamchamyah nihpanam=iti !
25. - V. 991. - Epigraphia Indica, Vol. I. p. 177. Date in the Siyađôņi stone inscriptinn:
(Line 33)... sa [invat] 991 Magha-budi 10.
26. - P. 181, No. 133. – V. 294, Vaisakha-vadi 5, samkråntau. Date in the Siyadôni stone inscription.
27. - V. 1005.- Epigraphia Indica, Vol. I. p. 177. Siyadoņi stone inscription ; date of the reign of Devapaladeva of Kanaaj, and of the Mahdrájddhiraja Nishkalanka : -
(Line 28) ... Paramabhatáraka-maharajadhiraja-paramêsvara-bri-Kshitipaladeva-pådAnudhyâtah 10.paramabhattara[ka]-mahárajadhiraja-paramèsvara-bri-Déva på la-padanên mahi-pravarddhamâna-kalyanavijayarajyê samvatsaranam sahasr-aikam pañch-ôttaran Magha-masaenklapaksha-panchamyan samvat 1005 Magha-sudi 5 ady-êha Srimat-Siyadoni-pattanê mahârâjâdhiraja-sri-Nishkalankahl-paribhujya[må*]ne...
28. - V. 1005 (?). - In the Asiatic Researches, Vol. I. p. 284, Charles Wilkins has pablished a translation of a Sanskrit inscription (copied by Mr. Wilmot in A. D. 1785 from a stone at Buddha-Gaya), the date of which he has rendered thus : -
“On Friday, the fourth day of the new moon in the month of Madhoo, when in the seventh or mansion of Ganisa, and in the year of the Era of Veekramddeetya 1005."12
29. - V. 1008.- Epigraphia Indica, Vol. I. p. 177. - Siyadóņi stone inscription; date of the Mahárdjadhiraja Nishkalanka :
(Line 30)... samvat 1008 Magha-sudi 11 ady=êha Siyaçôni-pattanê maharajadhiraja-briNishkalankas= ...
30. - P. 35, No. 59. - V. 1011, Vaibakha-áudi 7, Soma-dinê. Khajurahð Jain temple inscription of the Chandella Dhanga (P).
31.-P. 174, No. 111. - v. 1011, Bhadrapada-vadi 11, Sukra-dine. Stone inscription at Amber in Rajputânê.
32. — v. 1011. - Epigraphia Indica, Vol. I. p. 129. Khajurahð stone inscription of the Chandellas Yabovarman and Dhanga :
(Line 28) ... samvatsara-daśa-batêshu ekadas-adhikeshu samvat 1011...
33. - P. 22, No. 3. – V. 1016, Mâgba-budi 13, Sanau. Rajôrgadh copper-plate inseription of the Mahardjadhiraja Mathanadeva; of the reign of Vijayapaladeva, the successor of Kshitipaladeva.
34. - v. 1025.- Epigraphia Indica, Vol. I. p. 178. Siyadoņi stone inscription; date of the Mahardjddhiraja Nishkalanka: -
(Line 36) ... Samvat 1025 Magha-vadi 9 ady=éha Siyadoņi-pattanê maharajadhiraja-briNishkalanka-paribhujyamâne...
Read-mde-afuklapaksha-(P). The published version has 781. The published version has 783. 19 Rend -padanudhyata..
11 Read - Nishkalanka19 Supporing the date of the original to have been V. 1006, Chaitra-Judi 4, Sukr, the corresponding date, for northern V. 1005, expired, would be Friday, 17th March, A. D. 948.

Page #142

128
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[APRIL, 1891.
35. - V. 1081. - ante, Vol. VI. p. 51. Copper-plate inscription of the Paramara Vakpatiraja of Dharâ :
(Line 13)... @katřimsa-sâ hasrika-samvatsarê=smin Bhadrapada-sukla-chaturddasy&rin pavitraka-parvvaņi srimad-Ujjayani-samâvâsitail...
(Line 32)... sam 1031 Bhadrapada-sudi 14...
36. - P. 23, No. 4. - V. 1088, Kürttika-sadi 15, a lunar eclipse. Copper-plate inscription of the Paramâra Vakpatiraja of Dhårå.
37. – P. 29, No. 31. - v. 1042, Bhadrapada-áudi 15, Budhê. Date of Parsvanaga's Åtmánuśásana.
38. - P. 166, No. 83. - V. 1043, Migha-vadi 15, Ravau, a solar eclipse. Kadi copperplate inscription of the Chaulukya Malaraja.
39. - P. 364, No. 177. - V. 1049, Märga-yadi 7, Guru-dinê. Dewal stone inscription of Lalla the Chhinda.
40. - P. 361, No. 168. – Vikrama 1050, Pausha-sudi 5, (Budhe). Date of Amitagati's Subhashita-ratna-sandha, of the reign of the Paramara Munja of Dhara.
41. - P. 23, No. 5. - V. 1055, Karttika-sudi 15, Ravan, a lunar eclipse. Nanyaurâ copperplate inscription of the Chandella Dhangadova.
42. - V. 1058. - Epigraphia Indica, Vol. I. p. 150. Khajuraho stane inscription of Kókkala:
(Line 22)... Samvat 1058 Karttikyan.
43. - V. 1050.- 1b. p. 147. Khajurahð stone inscription of the Chandella Dhanga. deva:
(Line 32)... Samvat 1059 ári-Kharjjdravåha]kô rája-sri-[Dham]gadēva-rajye ...
44. - P. 361, No. 169. – V. 1078, Magha-vadi 3, Ravan, udagayana-parvaņi. Copperplate inscription of the Paramara Bhojadova of Dhara.
45. - V. 1083. - ante, Vol. XIV. p. 140. Sárnáth stone inscription of the Ganda Mahipala:
(Line 3) ... Samvat 1083 Pausha-dinê 11 [11].
46. - P. 174, No. 112. - V. 1084, Sråvaņa-vadi 4, dakshinyans-samkrantau. Copper-. plate-inscription of the Maharajadhirája Trilochanapaladeva.
47. - V. 1086. - ante, Vol. VI. p. 193. Radhanpur copper-plate inscription of the Chaulukya Bhimadova I. : -
(Line 1)... Vikrama-samvat 1086 Karttika-sadi 15 ady=ha órimad-Anahilapatake .., (Line 5) ... adya Kârttiki-parvvaņi ...
48. V. 1093. - Asiatic Researches, Vol. IX. p. 432; Jour. Beng. As. Soc., Vol. V. p. 731; Colebrooke's Misc. Essays, Vol. II. p. 278. Kurrah'stone inscription of the Maharajadhiraja Yasahpala : -
(Line 1). - Samvat 1093 Ashâdha-sodi 1 ady=éha śrîmat-Katê mahârâjâdhiraja-sri-Yasahpålal Kaaśâmba-mandale ...
49. – V. 1093. - ante, Vol. XIII. p. 185 (Vol. XIV. p. 352). Date in the Udayagiri Amrita cave inscription : -
(Line 4). - Samvat 1093.
50. — P. 181, No. 134. - V. 1100, (adhika-)Bhadra-vadi 2, Chandre. Byânâ stone inscription of Vijayadhiraja.
51. - P. 364, No. 178. – V. 1107, Vaisakha-vadi 3, Soma-dinê. Nanyaurâ copper-plate inscription of the Chandella Davavarmadeva.

Page #143

APRIL, 1891.]
THE VIKRAMA ERA.
129
52.- V. 1186. - From a rough copy, supplied to me by Dr. Hoernle. Arthûnå inscription of the Paramara Chamımdaraja (the son of Mandanadēva) :13 -
(Line 53)... Samvat 1136 Phâlgana-sudi 7 Sakrd...
53. - v. 1137. - From Sir A. Canningham's rubbing, supplied to me by Mr. Fleet. Udaypur (in Gwalior) stone inscription of the Paramâra Udayaditya of Málava :
(Line 5)... Samvat 1137 Vaisa() kha-sudi 7.
54. - P. 36, No. 60.- Vikrama 1199, Jyêshtha-sudi 3, S8mê. Date of Garuchandragaņi's Srivira-charitra.
55.-P. 361. No. 170. - V. 1148, Bhadrapada-sudi 3, Soma-dinê. Dubkund' (south-west: of Gwalior) stone inscription of the reign of the Mahárájádhirúja Vikramasimha (P).
56. V. 1145. — My Report on Sanskrit MSS. for 1880-81, p. 22. Date of a MS. of the Nisithasútra-churni of the time of the Chaulukya Karpadova:
Samvat 1145 Jyêshtha-vadi 14 ...... mahârâjâdhiraja-sri-Karna(rņa)deva-rajyê 11
57. - V. 1148.- Epigraphia Indica, Vol. I. p. 317. Sûnak copper-plate inscription of the Chaulukya Karnadeva:14
(Line 1)... Vikrama-samvat 1148 Vaisakha-sudi 15 Sôme ndyreba srimad-Apabilapatake.
(Line 6) ... Adya somagrahaņa-parvaņi ...
58. - V. 1150,- ante, Vol. XV. p. 41. Gwalior Sasbah temple inscription of Mahi. pale :
(Line 40)... Ekadaśasv=atîtêshu samvatsara-satêshu cha 1 ekona-panchâsa(ka)ti cha gatêshv=advá/bdê)shu Vikramat 1 Pañchâsê(se) ch=Asvi(évi)nê måsê kfishņa-pakshe:..... amkat6=pi 1150 11 Asvi(évi)na-va(ba)hula-panchamyan [11*]
59. – V. 1162.- Archæol. Surv. of India, Vol. XX. p. 102, and Plate xxii. Inscription on pillar of temple at Dubkund': -
(Line 1). - Samvat 1152 Vaiśâsha(kha),sudi-panchamyên
60. - P. 36, No. 61. – V. 1154, Chaitra-sudi 2, Ravau. Dêðgadh rock inscription of the Chandella Kirtivarmadáva.
61. - P. 371, No. 191. - v. 1164, Mâgha-sudi 9, Somê, uttarayaņa-samkrantaa. Copperplate inscription of Chandradeya and Madanapaladova of Kananj.
62. - P. 363, No. 176. - V.1181, Pausha sudi 5, Ravan, uttarayana-saṁkrantau. Basahi copper-plate inscription of the Mahárdja-putra) Govindachandradeva pf Kanauj.
63. – V. 1161. – ante, Vol. XV. p. 203. Gwalior stone inscription (of the successor of Mahipala, 58, above):
(Line 9)... Sri-Vikramarkkanfipa-kal-atita-samvatsarânámm=êkashashțy-adhikayâm= ekadasa-satyam Magha-sukla-shashthyam...
64. – V. 1161. - Zeitschrift für die Kunde des Morg., Vol. VII. p. 306. Nagpur stone inscription of the Paramâra Naravarmadova :
Samvat 116ļ.
65. - V. 1184. - In the Transactions of the Royal As. Soc., Vol. I. p. 226, Colonel Tod has given the substance of an inscription from Madhucara-ghar, in Haronta," apparently of
ni
1 The 7th of the bright half of Phalguna of V. 1136, expired, would correspond to Friday, 31 January, A.D. 1080.
1 The 15th of the bright half of Vailkha of northern V. 1148, expired, would correspond to Monday, 5 May, A. D. 1091, when there was lunar eclipse, 22 h. 23 m. Groenwich time, or, at Ujjain, 21 h. 26 m. after moss unrise.

Page #144

180
[APRIL, 1891.
the reign of the Paramara Naravarman, which is said to mention an eclipse of the sun (!), and the date of which is rendered :15
"On the full moon of Pausha, Samvat 1164."
66. P. 371, No. 192. V. 1166, Pausha-vadi 15,. Ravau, a solar eclipse. Copperplate inscription of Madanapala and Govindachandradeva of Kanauj.
67. P. 362, No. 171.-V. 1173, Vaisakha-śudi 3, 'Sakrê. Date of the renewal, by the Chandella Jayavarmadeva, of the Khajurâhô inscription of Dhangadéva (43, above).
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
68. P. 367, No. 188. V. 1174, Phalguna-vadi 3, Sukrê. Copper-plate inscription of Govindachandradeva of Kanauj.
-
—
69. P. 167, No. 84. - V. 1177, Karttika-vadi 15, Ravi-dinê. Copper-plate inscription, of the Mahárájádhirája Virasimh hadeva.
70. V. 1177. Jour. Beng. As. Soc., Vol. XXXI. p. 124. Copper-plate inscription of Govindachandradeva of Kanauj, regarding a transfer of land which had been previously granted by (the Kalachuri ?) Yabaḥkarnadeva: -
Samvat 1177 Kârttika-kukla-chaturdasyâṁ..
71. V. [117]9. My Report on Sanskrit MSS. for 1880-81, p. 25. Date of a MS. of the Panchavastuka, of the time of the Chaulukya Jayasimhadeva :
samasta-rijavall-virkjita-mahārājādhirkja
Samvat [117]916 Phaguna-vadi 12 Ravau rimat-Tribhuvanagamda-irl-Jayasingbadēva-ka[lykpa]vijayarkiyê...
72. P. 357, No. 160. v. 1181, Bhadrapada-sudi [4?], Gurau. Copper-plate inscription of Govindachandradeva of Kanauj.
-
73. P. 365, No. 179.-V. 1162, Magha-vadi 6, Sukrê. Copper-plate inscription of Govindachandradeva of Kanauj.
-
74. P. 362, No. 172. - V. 1185, Chaitra-indi 15, Sukrê, manvádau. Copper-plate inscription of Govindachandradeva of Kanauj.
75.-V. 1188. Archaeol. Surv. of India, Vol. XXI. p. 34, and Plate x., A. Kilañjar stone pillar inscription of the Chandella Madanavarmadeva: -
(Line 3)... Sam 1186 maharaja śri-Madanavarmmadeva II
76.-P. 372, No. 193. V. 1187, Marga-sudi 15, Sôma-diné, samkrântau. Copper-plate inscription of Govindachandradeva of Kananj.
77. V. 1187. Archaeol. Surv. of India, Vol. XXI. p. 34, and Plate x., B. Kalañjar stone pillar inscription of the Chandella Madanavarmadeva:
(Line 1)... Samvat 1187 Jyêshtha-sudi 9 árimad-Madanavarmmadeva II
-
78. P. 23, No. 6. V. 1188, Karttika-sudi 8, Sanan. Kalanjar rock inscription of the Chandella Madanavarmadeva.
79. V. 1188. ante, Vol. XIX. p. 252. Rên copper-plate inscription of Govindachandradeva of Kanauj :17.
Samvad-ashtasity-adhikê ekadasa (sa)-satê Kârtika-pauraṇamasyam tithan Sukra-diné nkato-pi sam 1188 Kârtika-sudi 15 Sukrê ||
80.-P. 368, No. 187. 1100, Magha-sudi 15, Sômê. Bândâ copper-plate inscription of the Chandella Madanavarmadeva.
15 Pausha-sudi 15 of V. 1164, expired, would correspond to the 31st December, A. D. 1107, when there was a lunar eclipse, 16 h. 21 m. Greenwich time, or, at Ujjain, 15 h. 24 m. after mean sunrise. And there was a solar eclipse, visible in India, on the 16th December, A. D. 1107, 6 h. 18 m. Greenwich time, or, at Ujjain, 5 h. 21 m. after mean sunrise, corresponding to the purnimanta Pausha-vadi 15 of V. 1164 expired.
10 A continuation of the same MS., ib. No. 42, is clearly dated in Samvat 1179.
"The date corresponds, for V. 1188 expired, to Friday, 6 November, A. D. 1181, when the full-moon tithi ended 15 h. 56 m. after mean sunrise.

Page #145

APRIL, 1891.]
81. V. 1190. - ante, Vol. VI. p. 55. Ingnôda stone inscription of the Mahárájádhirája Vijayapaladeva :—
(Line 1)... Samvatsara-satêshv-êkâdasasu navaty-adhikêshu Ashâḍha-suklapaksh-aikadaayam samvat 1190 Asâ(sha) dha-sudi 11 ady-êha Imgapapatê. . . . . -mahârâjâdhirajaparamlivara-iri-Vijayapůladěvčna...
-
(Line 6)... Asâ (shâ) dha-suklapaksh-ê(ai) kâdaśyâṁ parvvaņi. . .
82. V. 1191. ante, Vol. XIX. p. 353. Date of the Paramâra Yasóvarmadeva, in the copper-plate inscription of the Mahákumára Lakshmivarmadêva (89, below) :
(Line 6). śrimad-Dhârâyâm mahârâjâdhiraja-paramêsvara-ári-Yasôvarmmadêvêna Bri-Vikrama-kal-atita-samvatsar-aikanavaty-adhika-sat-aikâdaśêshu Kârttika-sudi ashṭamyam
-
samjata-maharaja-ári-Naravarmmadêva-samvatsarikê . . .
83. P. 178, No. 125. V. 1192, Jyêshtha-vadi 9, Ravau. Rock inscription at Kâlañjar. 84. V. 1192. ante, Vol. XIX. p. 349. Copper-plate inscription of the Paramara Yabovarmadeva :
(Line 12)... Samvat 1192 Mâ[rgga]-vadi 3 [11*1
85. P. 174, No. 113. Nilakantha temple at Kilaōjar.
THE VIKRAMA ERA.
181
-
—
86.V. 1196. - ante, Vol. X. p. 159. Dohad stone inscription of the Chaulukya Jayasimhadeva(?):
(Line 8)... Bri-nripa-Vikrama-samhvat 1196.
87. P. 23, No. 7.-V. 1199, Phâlguna-sudi 11, Sanau. Gagahâ' copper-plate inscription of Govindachandradeva and (the Maharaja-putra) Rajyapaladeva of Kananj.
V. 1194, Chaitra-vadi 5, Gurau. Inscription in cell near
88.V. 1199. Archaeol. Surv. of India, Vol. III. pp. 58-60, and Plate xxi. Inscriptions on temple pillars at Gadhwa, dated: - Samvat 1199; sam 1199; and 1199.
89.P. 40, No. 80. V. 1200, Sravana-sudi 15, a lunar eclipse. Ujjain copper-plate inscription of the Paramâra Mahákumára Lakshmivarmadeva.
—
90.-P. 172, No. 108. Vikrama 1202 (Simba 32), Aévina-vadi 13, Sôme. Mangrol stone inscription of the Chaulukya Kumarapaladeva.
91. P. 354, No. 151. V. 1207, Jyeshtha-vadi 11, Ravau. Inscription on pedestal of boar at Chândpur.
92.-V. 1207. Archaeol. Surv. of India, Vol. XX. p. 46, and Plate x.; Epigraphia Indica, Vol. I. p. 293. Mahâban stone inscription of the Mahárájádhirája [AP]jayapala
deva:
(Line 29)... Samvat 1207 Kâ.. paurṇnamasyam mahârâjâdhirâja-. . . jayapâladêvavijayarkiyo..
93. V. 1207. In Archeol. Surv. of India, Vol. I. p. 96, Sir A. Cunningham mentions an inscription at Hathiya-dah' of the time of 'Gosalladevi,' the queen of Govindachandradeva of Kanauj, which, he says, is dated:10
"on Thursday, the 5th of the waning moon of Ashadha, in Samvat 1207."
-
94. P. 167, No. 85. - V. 1208, Marga-vadi 15, Sanau. Ajaygadh inscription of the Chandella Madanavarmadeva.
95. P. 367, No. 184. V. 1208, Kârttika-sudi 15, Bhaumê. Copper-plate inscription of Govindachandradeva of Kanauj and the Mahdrájní Gôsaladėvi.
16 The 5th of the dark half of the amânta Ashadha of southern V. 1207, expired, would correspond to Thursday, July, A. D. 1151.

Page #146

182
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[APRIL, 189).
96. – V. 1208. - Epigraphia Indica, Vol. I. p. 300. Date of the Vadnagar Prasasti of the reign of the Chaulakya Kumarapaladdva :
(Line 43)... Sripala-nâmê kavi-chakravartti prasastim=étâp-akarôt=prasastâm 11 Samvata(t) 1208 varshế Âávina-sudi[52] Guran likhitam..,
97. - P. 166, No. 81. - V. 1209, Karttika-vadi 12, Sêmê. Date of a MS. of the Pindaniryukti.
98. -- V. 1210. - From Sir A. Cunningham's rubbings, supplied to me by Mr. Fleet. Date of the Ajmere stone-inscription containing Vigraharajadáva's Harakéli-nataka :19 -
Samvat 1210 Márgga-sudi 5 Aditya-dine Sravana-naksbatre | Makara-sthé chathdre Harshana-yôgê VA (b)lava-karane 11 Harakli-nataka samaptam 11
99. – V. 1211. - Archæol. Surv. of India, Vol. XXI. p. 73, and Plate xxiii., D. Mahoba image inscription of the Chandella Madanavarmadáva: -
(Line 2). -Sriman Madanavarmmadêva-rajyê sam 1211 Åshidha-endi 3 Sa(ba)nan (P). 100. - P. 29, No. 32. – V. 1215, Chaitra-sudi 8, Ravau. Girnar stone inscription.
101. - v. 1215.- Epigraphia Indica, Vol. I. p. 153. Khajuraho image inscription of the Chandella Madanavarmadova -
(Line 1)... Samvat 1215 Mågha-sudi 5 óriman-Madanavarmmaddva-pravarddhamana vijayarajye Il
102. - P. 29, No. 33. - v. 1218, Bhadra-sudi 1, Ravau. Alha-ghût stone inscription of the Kalachuri (Chêdi) Narasimhadeva.
103. - P. 29, No. 34. - V. 1218, dvi Åshadha-budi 5, Gurau. Date of a MS. of the Kalpachúrmi, of the time of the Chaulukya KumArapaladáva.
104. - P. 30. No. 35. - V. 1218, Sravana-sudi 14, Ravau, mahachaturdasi-pervani, Nadal copper-plate inscription of the Châhumâna Alhapadova.
105. - P. 36, No. 62. — Vikrama 1220, Vaisakha-sati 15, Gurau. Delhi Siwâlik pillar inscription of the Châhumâna Visaladáva of Sakambhari.
106. - P. 357, No. 161. - [V, 1220, Pan]sha-sudi 15, Garan, & lunar eclipse. Udaypur (in Gwalior) stone inscription of the Chaulukya Kumarapaladeva.
107, - P. 36, No. 63. - V. 1222, Vaisakha-áudi 3, Sômê, akshaya-tpitiyâ-parvaņi. Stone pillar inscription from Udaypur (in Gwalior).
108. - P. 36, No, 64. V, 1224, Ashagha-budi 2, Ravau, Mahoba image infcription of the Chandella ParamardidAve.
109. - V. 1224. - In the Asiatic Researches, Vol. XV. pp. 443-446, is a translation, by Captain E. Fell, of an inscription from Hânsi, apparently of the reign of the Chihumans) Prithviraja, the date of which is given thus :20 -
"In the year of Sumbut 1924 (A. D. 1168), on Saturday, the seventh of the white fort, night of the month Magha."
110. — P. 179, No. 126. - V. 1225, Vaisakha-vadi 12, Gurau. Phulwariya (P) stong inscription of the J&piliya Nayaka Pratapadhavala.
111. - P. 182, No. 135. – V. 1225, Chaitra-vadi 5, Bądhe, Jannpur stone pillar inscription of Vijayachandradeva of Kananj (?).
19 The 5th of the bright ball of Marge.bira of V. 1210, expired, would correspond to Sunday, 29 November, A.D. 1163. On that day, the 5th tithi of the bright half and the karana BAlays ended 9 h. 17 m., and the moon was in the nakshatra Sravana up to 3 h. 56 m., after mean sunrise; the väga Harahapa began 9 h. 47 m. after mean sunrise.
* Compare also Transactions, Roy. As. Soc., Vol. I. p. 154. - The above date does not work out satisfactorily for, Magha-budi 7 would correspond, for Y. 1224 ourrent, to Sunday, 20 January, A. D. 1167; and for V. 1234 expired, to Friday, 19 January, A. D. 1168.

Page #147

APRIL, 1891.)
THE VIKRAMA ERA.
133
112. - P. 184, No. 143. – V. 1225, Jyêshtha-vadi 3, Badhe. Tårachândi rock inscription of the Mahanayalea Pratápadhavaladeva, containing a reference to Vijayachandradáva of Kananj.
113. - V. 1225. - ante, Vol. XV. p. 8. Copper-plate inscription of Vijayachandradeva and Jayachchandradeva of Kananj -
(Line 17)... pamchavimšaty-adhika-dvadaśa-[éa*]ta-samvatsarê=nke=pi sam 1225 Maghipaurnnamäsyüm...
114. - V. 1228. - Jour. Beng. As. Soc., Vol. LV. Part I. p. 46. Bijh8lî rock inscription of the Châhumana som svars :21 -
(Line 27)... Prasiddhim-agamad-deva(!)kale Vikrama-bhasvatah shadvimsa-dvadasabatê Phâlgunê kệishņa-pakshake 11 91 11 Tritiyâyan tithau våre Gurau târe cha Hastaké Vriddhis nâmani yôgê cha karane Taitale tatha 11 92 | Samvat 1226 Phålguna-vadi 3...
115. – V. 1226. - 16. p. 46. Mênálgadh stone pillar inscription of the Chahumâna Prithviraja :
Malavka-gata-vatsara-sataih dvadaśais-cha shatvimsa-půrvakaih ....
116. - P. 357, No. 162. – V. 1227 (P), Ashâdha-sudi 2, Some. Stone inscription at Ajaygadh.
117. - P. 171, No. 103. - V. 1229, Marga-vadi 9, Somê. Date of a MS. of Dharmóttarâcharya's Nykyavindu-léká.
118. – P. 362, No. 173. - V. 1229, Vaisakha-sudi 3, Somê, akshayatşitîya-yugâdiparvaņi. Udaypur (in Gwalior) stone inscription of the Chaulukya Ajayapaladdva.
119. – P. 365, No. 180. – Vikrama 1231, Karttika-sadi 11, $me, Kârttikodyâpanaparvaņi; and Kårttika-sudi 13, Budhe. Copper-plate inscription of the Chaulukya Ajayapala deva.
120.–V. 1231.- Archæol. Surv. of India, Vol. VI. Plate xxi. Inscription in temple at VÍsalpar: -
(Line 7)... Sam 1231 Pausha-su 15.
121. - P. 30, No. 36.-Vikrama 1282, Chaitra-budi 1, Bhaume. Date of Narapati's Narapati-jayacharyd, of the time of the Chaulukya Ajayapaladeva.
122. - P. 30, No. 37. – V. 1232, Bhadra-sudi 13, Raven, Copper-plate inscription of Jayachchandradeva of Kananj.
123. - P. 358, No. 163. – V. 1292 (Vikári-samvatsare), Asvina-budi 5. Gayê image in scription of the Gauda Govindapaladeva.
124. - P. 37, No. 65. – V. 1233, Vaisakha-sadi 10, Sanan. Copper-plate inscription of Jayachchandraddva of Kananj.
125.-P. 363, No. 174. - V.1284, Pausha-sadi 4, Ravau, uttarayaņa-samkrantau. Copperplate inscription of Jayachchándradevs of Kanauj.
126. - V.1285 and 1296. - Jour. Beng. As. Soc., Vol. VII. p. 737. Copper-plate inscription of the Paramâra Mahákumára Harischandradeva:
Sri-Vikrama-kal-atita-1235-pachatrimáad-adhika-dvAdabasata-samvatsar-& ntah pâtir Pausha-vadi amâvâsyåyån sarjata-surya-parvani ... tathi 1236 shattrimsad-adhika dvadaśasata-samvatsar-ântahpâti-Vaisakha-mâsi paurņamâsyam.
127. – P. 37, No. 66. – V. 1236, Vaisakha-áudi 15, 'Sukrå. 'Copper-plate inscription of Jayachchandradeva of Kananj.
The 3rd of the dark half of the purnimanta Phalguna of V. 1226, expired, would correspond to Thursday, 5 February, A. D. 1170.
22 There was no solar eclipse on Patsha-vadi 15, porņiminta or aminta, of V. 1285, current or expired.

Page #148

134
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[APRIL, 1891.
128. - V. 1289.- Archæol. Surv. of India, Vol. X. Plate xxxii. 9 and 10, and Vol. XXI. pp. 173 and 174. Madanpur inscription on the defeat of the Chandella Paramardidáva by the Châhumâna Prithviraja : -
(10, line 4)... Sam 1239.
129. - P. 37, No. 67. - V. 1240, Vaisakha-sudi 14, Gurau. Kalaõjar rock inscription of the Chandella Paramardidáva.
130.-P. 179, No. 127. - Sahasanka 1240, Åshadha-vadi 9, Sômê. Stone inscription from Mahồba.
131. - P. 37, No. 68. - V. 1243, Jyêghtha-eudi 11, Budhê. Inscription at Ajaygadh.
132. – P. 37, No. 69. - V. 1243, Ashâdha-sadi 7, Ravau. Copper-plate inscription of Jayachohandradeva of Kanauj.
133. – P. 373, No. 197. - V. 1244, Jyêshtha-sudi 15, Gurau. Stone pillar inscription at Tahangadh.
134. - V. 1244. - Archæol. Suro. of India, Vol. VI. p. 156, and Plate xxi. Visalpur stone pillar inscription of the Châhumana Prithviraja : -
(Line 1)... Samasta-rájávalf-sa[ma]lamkțita-paramabhattaraka-mahârâjâdhirâja-parame[áva]ra-sri-Prithvirajadêva-râjyê tatra tasmin kalê samvat 1244 ...
135. – V. 1247 (P). – Epigraphia Indica, Vol. I. p. 49. Ratnapur stone inscription of the Kalachuri (Chôdi) Prithvideva: -
(Line 24) ... Saivat 1247 (?).
136. – P. 23, No. 8. – Vikrama 1251, Karttika-budi 12, 'Sukrė. Date of a MS. of Hômachandra's Yogasdstra, of the time of the Chaulukya Bhimadova II.
137. - P. 30, No. 38. – Vikrama 1252, Åsvina-áudi 5, vânare Våsarésita(Ravan). Batesvar stone inscription of the Chandella Paramardidova.
138..-P. 38, No. 70. – V. 1258, Vaisakha-sudi 11, Bhaume. Belkhara stone pillar inscription of one of the rulers of Kansuj (P).
139. — P. 171, No. 104. - V. 1263, Mârga-vadi 7, Sukré. Réwah copper-plate inscription of the Maharanaka Salakhanavarmadeva, of the time of the Kalachuri (Chêdi) Vijayadeva.
140. - P. 38, No. 71.- Vikrama 1256, Vaisakha-áudi 15, Ravan, Bhopal copper-plato inscription of the Paramâra Mahákum Gra Udayavarmadáve.
141. - P. 173, No. 109. – Vikrama 1256, Bhadrapada-vadi 15, Bhaume. Copper-plate inscription of the Chaulukya Bhimadeva II.
142. - P. 354, No. 152. — v. 1268, Kårttika-sudi 10, Sôm8. Kalaõjar stone inscription of the Chandella Paramardidėva. . 143. - P. 182, No. 136. - Vikrama 1260, Jyêshtha-vadi 5, (Guran). Date of Malayaprabhasûri's commentary on Manatangasâri's Siddhajayanti-charitra.
144. - P. 177, No. 122. - Vikrama 1261, Asvina-vadi 7, Ravau Date of a MS. of Mânatungasûri's Siddhajayanti-charitra, of the time of the Chaulukya Bhimadeva II.
145. - P. 30, No. 39. – Vikrama 1288, Srávana-budi 2, Ravan. vyatspåta-parvaņi. Kadi copper-plate inscription of the Chaulukya Bhimadeva II.
146. - P. 358, No. 164. - V. 1264, AshAdha-budi [2P], Sôme. Copper-plate inscription of the time of the Chaulukya Bhimadova II.
147.-P. 38, No. 72. - V. 1265, Vaidkha-áudi 15, Bhaume. Mount Abd stone inscription of the reign of the Chanlukya Bhimadeva II.

Page #149

APRIL, 1891.]
THE VIKRAMA ERA.
135
148. - P. 24, No. 9. - Vikrama 1266 (Simha 96), Mårga-sudi 14, Gurau.Copper-plate inscription of the Chaulukya Bhimadeva II.
149.-P. 24, No. 10. - V. 1267, Phålguna-budi 10, Gurau, abhisheka-parvaņi. Pipliánagar copper-plate inscription of the Paramâra Arjunavarmadova.
150. – V. 1289. - Archæol. Surv. of India, Vol. XXI. p. 50, and Plate xii., D. Ajaygadh stone inscription of the Chandella Trailokyavarmadova :
(Line 1)... Samvat 1269 Phalguna-vadi.... Sanau râja-sri-Trailokyavarmmadêvavijayarajye..
151. — P. 175, No. 114. – V. 1270, Vaisakha-vadi 15, Some, a solar eclipse. Bhôpál copper-plate inscription of the Paramara Arjunavarmadeva
152. – P. 31, No. 40. - V. 1272, Bhadrapada-sudi 15, Budhë, a lunar eclipse. Bhôpå copper-plate inscription of the Paramara Arjunavarmadáva.
153. – P. 24, No. 11. - V. 1976 (Chitrabhânu-samvatsare), MArga-sudi 5, Sanan. Hargaudi (or Chårwa) stone inscription of Devapaladeva of Dhara.
154,- V. 1970. - ante, Vol. XVII. p. 63. Buddhist stone inscription from Sråvasti, with references to the rulers of Karanj Gopala and Madana :
(Line 18). - Saṁvat 1276 [11]
155. – P. 25, No. 12. - V. 1280, Pausha-sudi 3, Bhaumé, uttarayana-parvaņi. Kadi copper-plate inscription of the Chaulukya Jayantasimha.
156. - P. 25. No. 13. — Vikrama 1288, Karttika-sudi 15, Gurau. Kadi copper-plate inscription of the Chaulukya Bhimadeve II.
157. - P. 167, No. 86. – V. 1284, Phålguna-vadi 15, Som. Date of a MS. of the Dasavaik dlika-sdtra, etc., of the reign of the Mahardjadhiraja Jaitrasith badova,
158. – V. 1288. - From Sir A. Cunningham's rubbing, supplied to me by Mr. Fleet. Udaypur (in Gwalior) stone inscription of Devapaladeva of Dhard :
(Line 1)... Samvat 1286 varsbê Kárttiska®]-budi.. Sasa)krê rii. éri-Dôvapala[dêva]-kalyanavijayarajyê ...
159. - P. 369, No. 188. – Vikrama 1287, Åshadha-sadi 8, Sukrė. Kadi copper-plate inscription of the Chaulakya Bhimadeva II.
160. – P. 25, No. 14. – Vikrama 1288, Phálgana-sadi 10, Badhé. Girnår stone inscription of Jayantasimha, the son of Vastupala.
161. - P. 366, No. 131. — Vikrama 1288, Bhadrapada-áudi 1, Some. Kadi copper-plate inscription of the Chaplukya Bhimadova II.
162. – P. 358. No. 165.- Vikrama 1288 or 1289 (P), Åsvina-vadi 15, Sôme. Stone inscription from Girnår.
163. - V. 128[9 PJ.-From Sir A. Cunningham's rubbing, supplied to me by Mr. Fleet. Udaypar (in Gwalior) stone inscription of the Maharájádhiraja Devapaladeva of Dhârâ :83 -
(Line 1). . . Samvat 128[9 P]varshe Märga-vadi 3 Gurào ...
164. - P. 25, No. 15. V. 1992, Karttika-sudi 8, Ravau. Date of a MS. of a Yogasástrabritti.
165. – P. 368, No. 185. – Vikrama 1295, Märga-ándi 14, Gurau. Kadi copper-plate inscription of the Chaulakya Bhimadova II.
166. — P. 166, No. 82. – Vikrama 1298, Mârga-vadi 14, Ravau. Kadi copper-plate inscription of the Chaulakya Bhimadeva II.
28 The 3rd of the dark half of the amanta Margasira of V. 1289, expired, would correspond to Thursday, December, A. D. 1282.

Page #150

136
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[APRIL, 1891.
167. – P. 167, No. 87. – V. 1296, Phalguna-vadi 5, Ravau. Inscription in the temple of Vaidyanatha at Kiragrâma.
168. - v. 1297, - ante, Vol. XVII. p. 233. Rêwah copper-plate inscription of the Maháránaka Kumarapaladeva, of the time of (the Chandella) Trailokyavarmadáva: -
(Line 35). . . saptanavaty-adhikê dvadasa-sata-samvatsarê amkê=pi 1297 Karttikyâ[m] ...
169. - P. 183, No. 137. - V. 1298, dvitiya-Bhadrapada-vadi 7, Guran. Date of a MS. of Hêmachandra's Sabdánusdsana.
170. - V. 1298. — ante, Vol. XVII. p. 236. Rêwah copper-plate inscription of the Maháránaka Harirajadáve, of the time of the Chandella) Trailokyamalla : -
(Line 36). . . Samvata(t) 1298 Mâghê mási ...
171. - P. 372, No. 194. - Vikrama 1299, Chaitra-sudi 6, Some, and a solar eclipse on the preceding Phålguna-vadi 15). Kadi copper-plate inscription of the Chaulakya Tribhuvanapaladeva.
172. - P. 170, No. 97. - V. 1303, Märga-vadi 12, Gurau. Date of a MS, of the Achdrángasútra, of the reign of the Vaghela Visaladova.
173.-P. 22, No. 1. - V. 1804, Pausha-sudi 15, Sasi-vâsarê. Date of Udayasagara's Sndtripañchábiká.
174. - P. 175, No. 115. - V. 1306, Bhadra-vadi 6, Ravau. Date of a MS. of Râmachandra's Nirbhayabhima-vyáyôga, of the reign of Udayasimhadeva.
175. - P. 28, No. 27. - V. 1311, Jyêghtha-sudi 15, Budhe. Dabhoi stone inscription of the time of the Vaghêla Visaladeva.
176. - V. 1812. - Arch@ol. Surv. of India, Vol. X. p. 31; and Sir A. Cunningham's rubbing, supplied to me by Mr. Fleet. Rahatgadh stone inscription of the Maharajadhirdja Jaya(simha]deva of Dhậra 24 -
(Line 1)... Samvat 1312 varshồ Bhadrapada-su 7 [S]ma . . Srimad-Dhåråyåm mahå-, râjâdhiraja-śrîmaj-Jaya(simba)-vijayarajyê...
177. – P. 170, No. 98. – V. 1315, Phalguna-vadi 7, Sanau. Stone inscription at Siyal. Bêt.
178. - P. 185, No. 145. - v. 1815, Chaitra-vadi 4, Budhê. Date of a MS. of Hêmachandra's Sabdánusásana-laghuvritti.
179. – P. 183, No. 138. – Vikrama 1317, Jyêshtha-vadi 4, Guraa. Kadi copper-plate inscription of the Vâghêla Visaladeva.
180. - P. 373, No. 198. – Vikrama 1317, Vaisakha-áudi 13,' Gurau. Ajaygadh rock inscription of the Chandêlla Viravarman.
181. — P. 179, No. 128. – V. 1918, 'Srâvaņa-vadi 2, Budha. Stone inscription from the fort of Jhansi.
182.-P. 180, No. 129.- Vikrama 1320 (Mahammada 662, Valabhi '945, Simha 151), Ashâdha-vadi 13, Ravan. Verival stone inscription of the Våghêla Arjunadeva.
183. - P. 170, No. 99. - V. 1922, Kärttika-vadi 8, Chandrå. Date of a MS. of Asada's Vivekamanjari.
184. - v. 1324. - Jour. Beng. As. Soc., Vol. LV. Part I. p. 46. Chitor stone inscription of the reign of Tējaħsimha of Mêwad :
Samvat 1324 varsh& ...
The 7th of the bright half of Bhadrapada of southern v. 1312, expired, would correspond to Monday, 28 Augast, A. D. 1256.

Page #151

APRIL, 1891.]
185. V. 1325. Archaeol. Surv. of India, Vol. XXI. p. 51, and Plate xiv., F. Ajaygadh stone inscription of the reign of the Chandella Viravarman :(Line 2)... Viravarma-[râjyê] samvat 1325.
—
186. V. 1325. - Archaeol. Surv. of India, Vol. III. p. 127, and Plate xxxviii., 23. Gaya stone inscription of Vanarajadeva (?) of the time of Giyas-ud-din Balban (?): 25.
(Line 1)... Samvat 1325 Phâlguna-sudi 1 Ravan ||
188. P. 185, No. 146, dhyayana-sútra.
187.-P. 183, No. 139. V. 1827, Bhadrapada-vadi 2, Ravau. Date of a MS. of the Sugadainga-vritti.
—
THE VIKRAMA ERA.
—
187
-
189. V. 1335. - Jour. Beng. As. Soc., Vol. LV. Part I. p. 48. Chitôrgadh stone inscription of the reign of Samarasimha of Mê wâḍ:26
Samvat 1335 varsnê Vaisakha-śudi 5 Gurau.
190. V. 1335. From a rubbing, supplied to me by Dr. Burgess. British Museum stone inscription of the Vaghela Sarangadêva:27
(Line 1). . . Samvat 1335 varshê Vaisasha (kha)-śudi 5 Sômê sdy-êha śrimad-Aṇahillavâṭakadhishthita.. . . -Sâramgadêva-kalyaṇa-vijayarajyê...
-
191. P. 25, No. 16. V. 1837, Mâgha-sudi 13, Sôme. Ajaygadh rock inscription of the reign of the Chandêlla Viravarmadeva (P).
-
-
V. 1332, Vaisakha-vadi 3, Sanau. Date of a MS. of the Uttará.
192. P. 186, No. 147. Vikrama 1337, Sravana-vadi 13, Budhê. Palam Baoli' stone inscription of the time of Giyas-ud-din Balban.
193. P. 31, No. 41. - V. 1840, Chaitra-udi 3, Budhê. Stone inscription at Kâlañjar. 194. V. 1342. ante, Vol. XVI. p. 351. Mount Abû stone inscription of Samarasimha of Mewâḍ:
(Line 48)... Sam 134[2] varshê Margga-sudi [1].
—
195. V. 1343. Epigraphia Indica, Vol. I. p. 287. Date of the Cintra Prasasti, of the reign of the Vaghêla Sarangadeva: 28
(Line 66)... Sri-nripa-Vikrama-sam 1343 varshê Mâgha-sudi 5 Sômê...
196. V. 1344. Jour. Beng. As. Soc., Vol. LV. Part I. p. 19. Udaypur stone pillar inscription of the reign of Samarasimha of Mêwåd:
(Line 1). Samvat 1344 Vaisakha-śudi 3 adya éri-Chitrakatê samasta-mahA-RAvala-(?) kula-sri-Samarasimhadêva-kalyâ[pa]vijayarajy [*]...
197. V. 1845. Ib. Vol. VI. p. 884. Ajaygadh stone inscription (apparently) of the time of the Chandella Bhojavarman :
-
Kshanad-êéêkshana-gata-śruti-bhûta-samanvitê samvatsarê subhê-lêkhi Vaisakha-masasad-dinê I aukê-pi 1345 samayê Vaiśâ[khê*].
198. P. 178, No. 123. V. 1850, Jyêshtha-vadi 3, Ravau. Date of Jayanta's Kávyaprakása-dipika, of the reign of the Vâghêla Sarangadeva.
199.-P. 31, No. 42. V. 1853 (Plava-vatsarê), Jyêshtha sudi 12, Budhê. Stone inscription at Jaunpur.
A. D. 1269.
The 1st of the bright half of Phalguna of V. 1325, expired, would correspond to Sunday, 3 February, The 5th of the bright half of Vaisakha of northern V. 1335, expired, would correspond to Thursday, 28 April, A. D. 1278.
The 5th of the bright half of Vaisakha of southern V. 1335, expired, would correspond to Monday, 17 April, A. D. 1279.
The 5th of the bright half of Magha of, V. 1343, expired, would correspond to Monday, 20 January,
A. D. 1387.

Page #152

188
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[APRIL, 1891.
200. – P. 172, No. 105. – V. 1359, Mârga-vadi 5, Sômê. Date of a MS. of Jinadasagaội's Visésanisiha-chunni.
201. - P. 26, No. 17. - Vikrama 1365, Pausha-sudi 9, Ravau. Date of Jinaprabha's Bhayaharastava-vritti.
202.-P. 354, No. 153. — Vikrama 1866, Pausha-vadi 2, Sômê. Date of Jinaprabha's Ajitasúntistava-vritti.
203. – V. 1966. - Sir A. Cunningham's rubbinge, supplied to me by Mr. Fleet, Udaypar (in Gwalior) stone inscription of the Mahárdjádhiraja Jayasim hadova [of Dhara ?] :
(Line 1)... [Sam] 1366 (Sråvaņa-vadi 12 [Sukrê P] Udayapa[re] samasta-râjâvali mahaTújadhiraja-sri-Jayasinghadêva-rajya ...
204. – P. 168, No. 88. – V. 1372, Pansha-vadi 10, 'Sanan. Inscription at Ajaygaļh.
205. - P. 28, No. 28. - V. 1380, Bhadra-sudi 3, Sôme. Stone inscription at Udaypar in Gwalior).
206. - P. 26, No. 18.- Vikrama 1984, Phålguna-sudi 5, Bhaume. Delhi Museum stone inscription of the time of Muhammad bin Tughlak.
207. -- V. 1984. - Proceedings, Beng. As. Soc., Vol. XLII. pp. 105-106. Another Delhi Muscum stono inscription of the time of Muhammad bin Tughlak :29 -
Kritir-Madanadêvasya turyy-Asht-agni-niśAkarê Vikram-abde ssité Bhadré tritiyaya Gurôrdinê 11 17 11
Samyat 1384 miti Bhûdra-vadi 3 Guru-dinê ... 208. – P. 359, No. 166. – V. 13[8]6 (Bhavê samvatsaré půrne), Asha dha 7, Sômê. Háthasni stone inscription of the Mihara chief Thepaka.
209. - P. 175, No. 116. - V. 1390, Bhadra-vadi 4, 'Sanau. Inscription on pillar at Kevati-Kund!
210. — P. 185, No. 144. – V. 1390, Bhadra-vadi 5, Garan. Stone inscription from the Fort of Chunar.
211. - P. 355, No. 154. - V. 1394, Magha-vadi 1, Budhê. Stone inscriptions at Udaypur (in Gwalior).
212. - P. 22, No. 2. – V. 1897, Magha-sadi 4, Sômê. Inscriptions on pillars at KevatiKund,' of the reign of the Maharaja Hamiradáva.
213. - P. 356, No. 159. – V. 1404, Kârttika-sadi 14, Garan. Stone inscription at the Fort of Marpha.
214. - v. 1412. - Archæol. Surv. of India, Vol. IX. Plate ii., 3. Kâri-Tâlai' stone inscription of the Maharaja Viraramadeva :
(Line 1)... Samvatu 1412 samaê | Uchahada-nagara-mahârâ [ja]-śr 1-Virarâmadêvarajyê...
215. - V. 1429.- From a rubbing, supplied to me by Mr. Fleet. Compare Archæol. Surv. of India, Vol. III. p. 128; and ante, Vol. X. p. 341. Gayà stone inscription of the reign of Sultan Firuz Shah : 30
(Line 6) ... Paramabhattarak-etyadi-rajavall purvvavat srimad-Vikramadityadevanripatēr-atît-avdo(bde) samvata(t) 1429 Mâgha-krishna-trayôdasyr tithau Sanivasarinvitayam ..... pâéchâtya-suratråņa-śrf-Piyarôjaskha-rajyo...
29 The 3rd of the dark hall of the pornimenta Bhadrapada of northern V. 1384, expired, would correspond to Thursday, 6 August, A, D. 1327
5. The 13th of the dark half of the parạimanta Magha of V. 1429, expired, would correspond to Saturday, 22 January A.D. 1878.

Page #153

APRIL, 1891.]
216. P. 172, No. 106.
-
nanda's Tattvalika-tiká.
220. P. 32, No. 44.
inscription at Boram-Deo.'
—
217. P. 186, No. 148.-V. 1437, Ashadha-vadi 6, Sanau. Stone inscription at Dhâmlej.
218. P. 31, No. 43. Vikrama 1439 (Saka 1304), Vaisakha-śudi 6, Ravau. Machadi (near Alwar) stone inscription of the reign of Sultan Firûz Shah.
V. 1445, Phalguna-sudi 5, Sômê. Stone inscription at Vanthali
219. P. 26, No. 19. in Junagadh.
221. P. 168, No. 89. Kammapayadi.
-
-
-
-
-
222. P. 355, No. 155. of the time of Nusrat Shah. 223. P. 26, No. 20. V. 1458 (Saka 1322, Sarvajit-samvatsarê), Phâlguna-sudi 8, Sukrê. Râypur stone inscription of Brahmadêva.
V. 1464 (Manmatha-samvatsarê), Ashadha-vadi 3, Budhê.
224. P. 186, No. 149. Date of a MS. of the Kásiká-Vritti. 225. P. 355, No. 156. 226. P. 168, No. 90. Durgasimha's Lingakariká-vritti.
227. P. 32, No. 45. stone inscription. 228..P. 183, No. 140.. sûri's Kriyakalapa.
229. P. 356, No. 157. V. 1489, dvitiya-Sravana-sudi 6. Date of a MS. of an Avachurni on Hêmachandra's Lingánusasana-vṛitti.
-
233. P. 32, No. 46. inscription of Bhairavendra.
-
V. 1432, Marga-vadi 9, Sômê. Date of a MS. of Prajñânâ
THE VIKRAMA ERA.
V. 1445 (Bhâva-samvatsarê), Âśvina-sudi 13, Sômê. Satî pillar
V. 1451, Phalguna-vadi 12, Budhê. Date of a MS. of the
—
- V. 1452, Vaisakha-vadi 15, Ravau. Mangrol stone inscription
139
—
-
-
-
235. P. 168, No. 91. Udaypur (in Gwalior).
236, P. 180, No. 131. Kalachakra-tantra.
—
- Vikrama 1481 (Saka 1346), Vaisakha-śudi 15, Gurau. Dêôgadh
230.-P. 26, No. 21. Vikrama 1490, Mâgha-sudi 14, Ravan. Date of Ramachandra's Panchadandátapachchhattrabandha.
V. 1466, Chaitra-śudi 7, Sanan. Stone inscription at Râsin. Vikrama 1479, Mârga-vadi 14, Sukrê. Date of a MS. of
231. P. 180, No. 130.-V. 1490, Vaisakha-vadi 9, Sanau. Date of a MS. of Halayudha's Abhidhanaratnamálá, of the reign of Sultan Ahmad.
232. P. 366, No. 182. Vikrama 1491, Chaitra-vadi 5, Budhê. Date of Silaratnasûri's commentary on Mêrutunga's Méghadúta.
Vikrama 1496, Vaisakha-kudi 3, Gurau. Umgâ (in Bihar) stone
V. 1485, Vaisâkha-vadi 9, Budhê. Date of a MS. of Jinadêva
234. P. 38, No. 73. Vikrama 1500 (Prajapati-samvatsare), Vaisakha-sudi 5, Gurau. Stone inscription at Mahuva in Barôda (?).
V. 1503, Phalguna-vadi 10, 'Sukrê.
Stone inscription at
-
- Vikrama 1503, Bhadra-vadi 13, Budhê. Date of a MS. of the
-
237. P. 184, No. 141.
V. 1510, Bhadra-vadi 14, Sanan. Date of a MS. of an Avachúriká on Hômachandra's Sabdánusasana-vṛitti.
238. P. 374, No. 199. V. 1510, Magha-éudi 8, Sômb. Gwalior stone inscription of the Makárájádhiraja Dungarêndradeva.

Page #154

140
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[APRIL, 1891.
239.-P. 368, No. 186. - V. 1512, Phålguna-sadi 1, Bhaume. Date of a MS. of a commentary on the Ashtangahridaya.
240. – P. 39, No. 74. – V. 1516, Chaitra-śndi 5, Garau, Mêsha-saņkrântau. Inscription in temple of Gayasuri Dêvi at Gaya.
241.-P. 184, No. 142.- V. 1626, Jydshţha-vadi 11, Sanau. Date of a MS. of Mókshê. śvara's Kridvritti.
242.-P. 27, No. 22. - V. 1681 (Saka 1396, Subhakrit-samvatsare), Karttika-budi 9, Badhê. Date of a MS. of the Satapatha-brahmana.
243. - P. 32, No. 47.- Ashadhadi V. 1584, Srâvana-budi 5, Bhaume. Date of a MS. of the Prabhásakshétra-tërthay átránukrama, of the time of Sultan Mahmud Bigarha.
244. - P. 39, No. 75. - V. 1694, prathama-'Sravana-budi 8, Bhaume. Date of a MS. of the Prakriya-kaumudi.
245. - P. 172, No. 107. - V. 1686, Pausha-vadi 13, Budhê. Date of a MS. of the Tándyabrahmana.
246.-P. 170, No. 100.-- V. 1686, Magha-vadi 11, Ravau. Date of a MS. of the commentary Prasádla on the Prakriya-kaumudi.
247. - P. 181, No. 132. - V. 1538, Sråvaņa-vadi 1, Somd. Date of a MS. of an Alchytáva. chari on the Haima-vyákarana.
248. — P. 178, No. 124. - V. 1659, Sravana-vadi 13, Ravau. Stone inscription at Borsad step-well, Kheda (Kaira).
249. - P. 27, No. 23. - Åshadhadi Vikrama . 1665 ('Saka 1420), Magha-sudi 5, Budhe, Stone inscription at Adålij well near Ahmadabad, of the time of Sultan Mahmad Bigarha.
250. - P. 33, No. 48. – V. 1555 (Saka 1420, Kshayakrit-samvatsare), Åsvina-sudi 5. Vakpati-vâre (Guran). Date of a MS, of the Viy dha-pannatti, of the time of Sultan GhiAsu'ddin of Målva.
251. — P. 187, No. 150. - V. 1570, Jyôshtha-vadi 7, Budhê. Date of a MS. of Amarasimha's Namalinganuśdsana.
252. – P. 33, No. 49. – V. 1680, Jyêshtha-áudi 15, Bhrigu-våre. Date of a MS. of the Prakriya-kaumudi.
253. – P. 176, No. 117.-V. 1881, Chaitra-vadi 13, Bhaumê. Inscription on pillar at Delhi.
254. - P. 360, No. 167. - Åshadhadi v. [16]88, Vaisakha-sudi 2, Bhaume. Date of a MS. of the Tandya-brdhmara.
255. – P. 28, No. 29. - V. 1687, Vaisakha-áudi 1, Sukrê. Date of a MS. of the Aranyagána.
256. - P. 373, No. 195.- Vikrama 1697, Phalguna sudi 13, Ravau. Date of Parávachandra's Värttika on Virabhadrasådhu's Chatu hóarana-prakírnaka.
257. – P. 33, No. 50. – V. 1890, prathama-Ash&dha-budi 3, Mangala-våre. Date of a MS. of the Ayarashgasutta.
258. - P. 39, No. 76. V. 1646, Madhu-(Chaitra-)kadi 10. Bhaskare (Ravaa). Date of Puṇyasagara's Jambüdvípaprajñapto-vritti.
259. - P. 33, No. 51. – V. 1680 (Sabhakit-samvatsard), Bhädrapada-sadi 15, Bhrigavhaard. Date of MS. of the Kandanukramanikd-vivarana.

Page #155

APRIL, 1891.]
THE VIKRAMA ERA.
141
260. - V. 1851. - Epigraphia Indica, Vol. I. p. 323. Date in the Prasasti of the temple of Vadipura-Parsvanatha at Aphilwad, of the reign of the emperor Akbar :91 -
(Line 3)... Pâtisihi-sri- Akabbara-râjyê | Sri-Vikrama-nfipa-samayat-samvati 1651 Marggasîrsha-rita-navami-dinê Soma-vîrê Pûrva-bhadrapada-nakshatret
261. – V. 1652.- 1b. p. 324. Another date in the same :32 -
(Line 47)... Kara-karana-kaya-ku-pramita-saħvat Allai 41 varsh Vaišasha(kha)-vadi dvadasi-vasarê Guru-vârê Rêvati nakshatrê
262.P. 176, No. 118. - V. 1852, Åsvina-vadi 10, Gurau. Date of Dêvavijayagani's Ráma.charitra, of the reign of the emperor Akbar.
263. - P. 39, No. 77. — Vikrama 1854, Åshadla-sadi 2, Gabhasti-vire (Ravau). Date of Jñanavimalagaņi's commentary on Maheśvara's Sabdaprabhéda.
261. - P. 34. No. 52. - v. 1884, Midhava-(Vaisikha-)sudi 7, Guran. Date of Râmarshi's Nalddaya-lika, of the time of Sultan Shah Salem (Johangir).
265. - P. 27, No. 24. – V. 1681, Kurttika-sudi 13, Jîvê (Guran). Date of fśvaraksishņa's Punyachandródaya-purána.
266. - P. 34, No. 53. - V. 1886 (Bahudhânya-samvatsarë), Srávaņa-sudi 7, Gurau. Date of a MS. of an Agnishtôma-paddhati.
257. – V. 1889. - Epigraphia Inilica, Vol. I., p. 301. Date of the renewal of the Vad. nagar Prasasti33 (96, above): -
(Line) 45) ... Chaitra-mûsê sabhrê pakshe pratipad-Guruvasarê | Naṁd-âshta-npipe 1689 varshê prasasti[r*]-likhitâ ponah 11
208. - P. 108, No. 92. - V. 1093, Mâgha-vadi 1, Ravau. Date of a MS. of the Praudhamansrama.
269. - P. 171, No. 101. - Åshadhadi V. 1699, Phâlguna-vadi 11, Sômê. Date of a M8. of a commentary on the Sobhana-stutayah.
270. – P. 27, No. 25. - V. 1707 ('Saka 1572, Vikari-samvatsare), Karttika-sudi 3, Garau. Date of a MS. of Sankara's Sárírakamimdrisá-bhdshya.
271. - P. 169, No. 93. - V. 1715, Karttika-vadi 4, Bhaumê. Date of a MS. of the Suparnddhyâya.
272. – P. 169, No. 94. – Vikrama 1717 (Saptarshi 36), Pausha-vati 3, Ravaa. Date of a MS. of the Kasikú-Vritti.
273. – P. 176, No. 119. – Vikrama 1717 (Saka 1582, Saptarshi 36), Vaisakha-vadi 13, Budhê, Mêsha-samkrantau. Stone inscription at Chambê.
274. - P. 40, No. 78. – V. 1724, prathama-AshAdha-sudi 7, 'Sanau. Date of a MS. of the Sankhayana-srautasitra.
275. - P. 369, No. 189. - V. 1724, Jyêshtha-sudi 11, Sukrė. Râmnagar stone inscription of the kings of Mandala..
276. – P. 28, No. 26. - V. 1729, Märga-sadi 9, Somê. Date of a MS, of Chandrakfrti's Sarasvata-dipikd.
81 The 9th of the bright half of MÅrgastraha of V. 1651, expired, would correspond to Monday, 11 November, A.D. 1594, when the 9th tithi of the bright half onded 12h. 15m., and the moon was in the nakshatra Parva-bhadra: pada up to 19h. after mean sunrise.
The 12th of the dark half of the amanta VaikAkha of southern V. 1652, expired, would correspond to Thursday, 18 May, A.D. 1596, when the 12th tithi of the dark half ended 19h. 8m., and the moon was in the nakshatra Ravati up to 2h. 88m. after mean sunrise.
# The date in all probability corresponds, for southern V. 1689 expired, to Thursday, 28 February, A.D. 1633, though by the Tables the lat tithi of the bright half ended 0 h. 17m. after mean sunrise of the following day.

Page #156

142
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(APRIL, 1891.
277. - P. 171, No. 102. - v. 1738, Phalguna-vadi 9, Sômê. Date of a MS. of the Rishi. brahmana.
278. - P. 40, No. 79. - V. 1746, prathama-Vaisakha-sadi 12, Gurau. Date of a MS. of Jinêndrabuddhi's Kásikdvivarana-panchika.
279.-P. 169, No. 95. - V. 1747, Phálguna-vadi 8, Kuja-våsard (Bhaumé). Date of a MS. of Vinayarama's commentary on the Kirdtarjuniya.
280. - P. 356, No. 158. – V. 1747, prathama-Vaisakha-vadi dvitiya-chaturthi-dina, Budhê. Date of a MS. of the Sarasvati-prakriya.
281. - P. 34, No. 54. - V. 1779, Madhu-(Chaitra-)sudi 13, Sôme. Date of Bhimasena's Sukhodadhi.
282. – P. 34, No. 55. – V. 1785 (Kalayakta-samvatsark), Åbvina-sudi 9, Sêmê. Date of Bhaskararîya's Saubhagya-bhaskara.
283. - P. 374, No. 200. - V. 1814 (Saka 1679, Isvara-samvatsarg), Karttika-sudi 6, Gurau. Date of a MS. of Chiramjiva-bhatta's Kávyavilása.
284. - P. 35, No. 56. – Vikrama 1874, Sachi-(AshAdha-)sudi 9. Somê. Nepil stone inscription of Lalitatripurasundarf.
285. - P. 176, No. 120. - V. 1874, Bhadra-vadi 9, Sakré. Népal stone inscription of Lalitatripurasundari.
286. - P. 169, No. 96. – V. 1875, Mârga-vadi 5, Badhé. Nepůl stone inscription of Lalitatripurasundari.
287. - P. 177, No. 121. - V. 1877, Jy@shtha-vadi 10, Ravaa. Népil stone inscription of Lalitatripurasundari.
288. - P. 363, No. 175. - V. 1877 (Khara-samvatsarê), adhika-Jyêshtha-sudi 7, Gura.. Date of a MS. of the Váráha-purana.
(To be continued.)
-
FOLKLORE IN SALSETTE.
BY GEO. FR. D'PENHA.
No. 8. - Bâpkhâdî, the Salsette Cinderella. There once lived a gosandil who had a wife and six daughters. He used to beg in his neighbourhood from house to house, but could not collect more than one sér of rice daily, on which be dragged on an existence with his family. One day he took it into his head to go and beg outside his own village, and it happened that a woman poured into his hands some rice boiling hot from the cauldron, which made a big blister on his thumb. So when he got home be asked his wife to take a needle and break the blister ; but as soon as she applied the needle to the blister, she heard a voice saying: -
"Bawd, phoribil ta asté phór, father, if you break, break it carefully."
The good couple were at a loss to understand what it could mean. The wife made two or three attempts to open the blister, but every time she tried she heard the same words repeated :
Baroa, phoribil te asté phôr, father, if you break, break it slowly."
At last she opened it with the utmost care, when lo! a little girl came out of it, and began to walk abont. The poor gôsánvi began to curse his fortune, thinking to himself :
"I have already six daughters, whom I am hardly able to maintain, and here there is a 1 An Anoetic who goes about begging, smeared with shea.
• Or " carefully."

Page #157

APRIL, 1891.]
FOLKLORE IN SALSETTE; No. 8.
143
seventh! Where shall I get the means wherewith to support her? However, I must submit to fate."
One day the gôsánvi said to his wife: - “Wife, make us some pôle.”3
The wife asked : - "How many pôlé will one sér of rice make ? At any rate, they will hardly be ready before our girls will eat them up."
Upon this the gôsdivi said: - "Shut them all up in a room while you make the pôle quietly, and then we can eat them together."
So saying to his wife he went away on his daily vocation of begging. The wife, as instructed, shut up all the girls in a room, ground the rice and methiá, and some time afterwards began to make the pôlé. As soon as the sound of the cooking of a pôlá reached the ears of the girls, one of them called out to her mother, saying she must come out for a certain purpose. The mother let her come out, but the girl made straight for the kitchen and ate up the first pola. The same thing occurred with the second and with the third, and in fact with all the pôlé, for the dough could only just make up seven p8l6.
Now the mother did not know what to say to her husband on his return, much less what to give him to eat. So she took some ashes and made two pole, one for herself and the other for her husband. Some time after this the gôsánvi returned after begging, and husband and - wife sat down to their meal. At the first morsel the gôsánví became enraged and asked his wife to explain what sort of pôlé she had made, and what it all meant. The poor wife told hiin everything: how she shut the girls up in the first place; how she made the seven pôlé ; how the girls came and ate them all; and how she was compelled to make two of ashes for themselves.
Upon this the gôsánvi said : -"This will never do. I will take the girls and leave them in a forest, whence they cannot return, and they shall no more be a burden upon us."
His wife had no alternative but to agree without saying a word. So the same evening be got the girls together, and said: - "Come girls, your maternal uncle has asked me to bring you to his house. Be sharp, and dress yourselves quickly."
On being told that they were called by their maternal uncle, though they had never before heard of him, much less seen him, the girls were in a hurry to be off, and got themselves dressed with what rags they could afford, and set out immediately with their father.
The father led them on throngh a forest for many hours, and, whenever the girls asked him how much further off their uncle's house was, he would answer :-"A long way further yet." And so they walked on and on for several hours, till the lord of darkness overtook them, and then their father said:
"Girls, your uncle's house is a long way off yet, and so we must sleep to-night in this forest.”
The poor girls little thought of their father's trick, and so went to sleep. Now it happened that the youngest daughter of the good ivi, the one that popped out of the blister, was in the habit of sucking her father's thumb when going to sleep, and as soon as the thumb was removed she would awake. Of course the object of the gótánví in bringing his daughters into the forest was to leave them there and go away, but the difficulty was how to manage the youngest daughter. He managed this, however, by cutting off his thumb, and leaving it in the little girl's mouth! In this way the gosanvi left them all asleep.
Pole, singular pola, are made in the following way: - Ordinary rice and a little quantity of another grain (mithf, plural méthis) are ground together. The flour is made into dough with toddy and water, and allowed to remain for a few hours. After this an earthen táma (platter) is placed on the oven, a little oil mbbed on it (usually with a stick of the plantain leaf after beating it into the shape of a brush), and a little of the dough poured on it, which in a sbort time wakes a pola,

Page #158

144
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[APRIL, 1891.
In the morning, when the girls awoke, they were surprised to see their father gone, or rather, they did not know what had become of him. They, however, soon observed the thumb in their youngest sister's month, and concluded that she had eaten their father, and hence. forth named her Bapkhadi. They pulled it out of her mouth and thus awoke her, and severely reprimanded her; and, telling her, at the same time, that they intended to leave her to herself, they started off for another country. But Bapkhadi followed them, till they found a large house with seven rooms in it, all vacant. Each of the seven sisters took to a room, and lived there, finding in it plenty of food and clothes and other necessities; but Bapkhadi's room was the best of all, for in it were found clothes and furniture of matchless beauty, and there was a stable attached to it. Bapkhadi, however, never said a word to her sisters about it, but always remained in the rage in which she had come.
On Sunday mornings the six sisters dressed in their best to go to Church to attend Mars. Before going they always called out to Bapkhadi, asking her if she was coming, but she answered never a word. Nevertheless, sbe quickly dressed up in rich silks with golden slippers and went to Church on horse-back, so that she got there before her sisters. So, too, after Mass she would get home before every one, and stand as usual at her door, clothed in rags. Her sisters, of course, saw a girl at Church in a very grand dress with golden slippers and saw her get on her horse, but it never occurred to them that sho was Bapkhadi, for did they not see her before and after Church clothed in rags at her own door
When they returned from Church, they used to say to her: "What have you been doing at home? If you had como to Church, you would have seen a beautiful girl, beautifully dressed, with golden slippers, on borse-back! Oh! you have lost a good chance!"
Now, one day, it happened that, while Bapkhadt was returning from Church, she lost one of her slippers, and it attracted the attention of the king's son, who happened to pass by. The prince took it up, and went and threw himself down in his father's stables, thinking of the owner of the slipper, and where and how he could find her; and then he gave up eating and drinking! The king searched for him throughout his palace and all through the village round it without success, but during the day the king's maid-servants went to the stables to feed the horses. Now they never expected that the prince would be there, and as usual, they ate the grain, and they threw the husks to the horses ! On seeing this the prince called out from his hiding place: “Oh ho ! is this how you feed the horses? No wonder they are getting leaner day by day, while I see you growing stouter."
As soon as the maid-servants heard the prince's voice they flew like lightning to the king and said: "Sire, what shall we say to thee? Shall we tell thee one, or shall we tell thee two?"
The king replied: - "Come, come; say what you have to say at once. You may tell me one, or you may tell me two."
So they told him what they had seen and heard in the stables, and he immediately went with them to the stables, and thus spoke to the prince: -
"Ka kartei tala? Ka khúflash túla ? sáng mala, konun hát tükilabdi, tiachd hát jhéin. Kónin páin túlvilasli, tidcha pdin jhéin. Kônki dold ké!aśél, tichá dóla jh&ino; What ails you, my son ? Tell me what you lack. Has any one lifted up his bands to strike you? Tell me, and I will take his hands. Has any one threatened to kick you ? Tell me, and I will take his legs. Has any one cast his eyes on you ? Tell me, and I will take his eyes."
Thus spoke the king, upon which the prince answered: - "Sire, nothing ails thy son, nor has any one done him any harm. He is grieved because he has found & golden slipper,
. i. e. As an ogress.
Bapthadi means literally eater of the father.' • The literal meaning of the original is What is becoming to you? What is wanting to yon P Tell me: if, any one hy lifted his hands, I will take his hands. If any one has lifted bis lege, I will take his legs. If any one bas cast his eyes, I will take his eyes.

Page #159

APRIL, 1891.]
FOLKLORE IN SALSETTE; No. 8.
145
and does not know how and where to find the owner in order to marry her; and unless this is accomplished he will not touch any food or drink, bat will kill himself through grief."
Upon this the king said: "Be of good cheer, my son, for what do we lack? I will at once send men in all directions and find the owner; and, in the meanwhile, you must come home, and take food."
The prince then went home with the king and took his food as usual. Meanwhile the king had at once sent messengers in all directions with the slipper to find the owner, and to arrange at once for her marriage with the prince. Now, in order to find the owner, the messengers agreed that the girl in whose foot the slipper fitted must be the owner, and none else. With this idea they went thronghout the country for several days, but with little success. At length they came to the house where Bapkhadi lived with her sisters. They tried the slipper on the feet of the six sisters, but it fitted none of them. The sisters for once thought of Bapkhadi, and told the men to try it on her feet, when lol it fitted exactly! Of course it did, for did it not belong to her ?
So arrangements were then and there made for her marriage with the prince, and a day was appointed for the celebration of the auspicious occasion. Grand preparations were made on both sides for several days, and on the appointed day Bapkhadi was duly married to the king's son with great rejoicings.
The sisters of Bapkhadi were also invited to come and live in the palace, but they were made to wait on her as her maids. This, of course, naturally awoke a spirit of jealousy in them, but they saw no alternative except to submit.
They continued to live in this way for some time, antil Bapkhâdi became pregnant. Meanwhile, her husband made up his mind to go on a distant voyage, and got a ship fitted out for the purpose; but before taking leave of Bâpkhadi, he called the sisters together, and said to them: -
"My wife is pregnant, and I shall soon be gone on a distant voyage. I recommend her to your care. Tend her carefully until she is confined. Should a son be born to me a shower of gold will fall on my ship, but if a daughter is born there will be a shower of silver."7
Thus saying he bid Bapkhadi a loving adieu. In due time Bapkhadt was oonfined of a son, but her sisters bound up her eyes and took the child and buried him alive under & Såyå tree, and substituted in his place an Oronta. Poor Båpkhâdi little knew of the trick her sisters had played, and remained silent.
About this time there foll a shower of gold on the prince's ship, apon which he made sure that a son was born to bim, and in his joy distributed sugar and other presents to the crew; and made all possible haste to return home. When he reached his palace he asked to be shewn the son that was born to him, but was highly disappointed when Bapkhâdi's sisters produced the ôrônga. Grieved to the heart he remained silent.
Two or three years afterwards Båpkhâdi again became pregnant; and again her husband, the prince, set out on a distant voyage. As before he called the six sisters and advised them to take more care this time of Bâpkhadi, and went away saying: - "If a son be born to me there will be a shower of gold, but if a daughter there will be a shower of silver." Her time of pregnancy over, Bâpkhadi was again confined of a second son, and this time too, her sisters bound her eyes, took away the child and buried it alive under an Anka tree, substituting for it a bovatra. The prince witnessed & second shower of gold, and again distributed sugar and other presents, and returned home with all possible speed, only to be disappointed
7 The literal meaning of the words used in the story are 'golden water and silver water." • A round stone used for grinding spices.
broom made out of the reeds of the cocoanut palm-leaf. It is ordinarily known as the " Gos broom."

Page #160

146
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[APRIL, 1891.
and disheartened; for, when he asked to see the child, he was shewn the bôvátrá. But as there was nothing to be done he remained silent.
Another two or three years elapsed, and Bapkhádi became pregnant for the third time; and for the third time her husband set out on a voyage. Before going he called together the six sisters and told them to exercise great care, and use every imaginable precaution to ensure a successful delivery. He then bade a loving adieu to Bapkhadi, and went away, saying for the third time :- "If a son be born there will be a shower of gold, but if a daughter there will be a shower of silver.” In due time Bapkhîdî was delivered of a daughter, and this child also her sisters took and buried alive in the Church, and put in its place a movali.10 This time there camo pouring a heavy shower of silver. The prince at once understood that a daughter was born to him, and for the third time he distributed sugar and other presents, and returned home. When he arrived and asked to see his daughter, the six sisters produced the inováli, and also told a lot of tales against Bapkhadi. On secing the mováli and hearing all the tales he was much ecraged, and, casting Bapkhadi in a dark dungeon, took to himself the six sisters as his wives. Bâpkhîdî was also deprived of all her clothes and jewellery. For her food she was thrown the remains of fishil and such things after every one else had eaten. Matters continued like this for several years.
Let us now turn to the children. The hand of the Almighty saved the three children of Bapkhadi, and they grew to be from ten to fifteen years old, and lived by begging. In their begging excursions they were wont to say:
“Sáydbúrchiá Sáyd dada, Ansáburchia Ansa dádá, déulánché go Déukú bayê, hid gánváchd rded verá, sátraní báiki kelia, tós ámchá bdp; Brother Sâyâ from under the saya tree, brother Ansa from under the disa tree, sister Dêukû from the Church, the king of this country is mad, he married seven wives; he is our father." From house to house they used to go repeating these words, and at last, reached the palace, and repeated the words there. When the prince heard them he could not understand what they meant, and asked them to repeat the words again. Upon this the children began :
"sdyábůrchid Saya duda, Ansáburchid Ansá dada, dê ulânché gô Deukt bayê, hiú gáivácha rázá vérá, sátraní bdikd kelia, tos ámchá búp ; Brother Såyå from under the sáya tree, brother Ansa from under the ansá tree, sister Dêukd from the Church, the king of this country is . mad, he married seven wives; he is our father."
The prince made them repeat the words over and over again several times, and then told one of the six sisters to give them something in alms. The six sisters, of course, at once concluded that these three children must be those that had been born of Båpkhadi and whom they had buried alive under the sáya and arśá trees, and in the Church. They, however, pretended not to know them, and one of them offered them alms, but the children refused to take any. Each one of the six sisters in turn offered alms, but the children refused to take anything from any one of them. The prince was pazzled at their behaviour, and asked them to explain why they did not take the alms. Upon this they said : -
"Let your seventh wife, who is in the dungeon, come out. Place seven curtains between her and us, then watch what occurs, after which you will come to know everything."
The prince did as directed. He ordered out Bapkhâdi from the dungeon, and placed seven curtains between her and the children, and eagerly watched the result, when lo! three streams of milk burst from Bapkhadi's breasts, and penetrating the seven curtains ran. into the mouths of the children. The prince was dumbfounded at this occurrence, and
10 A mávalt is another sort of broom made of the date palm-leaf.
11 It should be remembered that the Salsette Christians are fish-eaters. They very seldom eat meat, except perhaps on Sundays and feast-days.
" By "the king' is here mernt "the prince" of the tale.

Page #161

APRIL, 1891.]
NOTES AND QUERIES.
147
thought there must be some connection with Bapkhadi and the children, and ordered the six sisters to explain it. They at first hesitated to disclose the facts, but, when they saw that the prince was determined, they revealed the whole story :- How when the first son was born they shut Bapkhadi's eyes and took and buried the child alive under a súyá tree, and substituted in its place an Orônta; how when the second son was born they substituted a bõvátrú, and buried the child alive under an áiśá tree; and lastly, how when the daughter was born she was buried alive in the Church, and in her place a nóváli was put. Upon this the prince embraced the children and also Bapkhadi, and asked her why she did not tell this story long ago, even though she was thrown into a dungeon. Bapkhîdi said that as her eyes used to be bandaged at her confinernent she knew nothing and hence her silence. The prince acknowledged the three children as his own, ordered them at once to be bathed, and afterwards got them handsomely dressed. Bapkhadi, also, was restored to her former position, and was again clothed and covered with jewellery
For the six sisters of Bapkhadi the anger of the prince knew no buunds. Having dispossessed thom of all their handsome clothes and jewellery, he ordered their hair and noses to be cut off, and having seated them on donkeys, banished them from the country. The donkeys galloped on and on for several hours, when the sisters said: "Gártá, gáruci, konsi vál; Donkey, donkey, which way p" • The donkeys replied: -"Chalá athari, túmché kartun í mchi ilod!; On, on, for yoar wrongs we have to suffer!"
After this the prince and, Bapkhadi, and their children lived very happily to a very old age, even after he had succeeded his father as king.
NOTES AND QUERIES. COLD RICE.
the morning rice. Here is one comparing cold The children's breakfast in Southern India oon
rice to Vishnu :sists usually of cold rioo, being the remains of the
जले शयानं जगदेकवन्य supper overnight soaked by the lady of the house,
विशेषतः प्रातरुपासनीयं । er & servant, in good drinking-water. Rioe thus treated will keep good for three or four days.
अलभ्यदातारमनिन्द्यकीति
पुरातनं पुण्यकृती लभन्ते ।। The first thing the Hindu child does after getting up, is to wash its teeth and face, and, if a
This may be freely translated thus: "It is only
the meritorious that obtain the boon of PuraBrahman, to repeat the prdtah-sandhyd-vandana, or morning ablution prayer, and then to eat the
tana, who sleeps on the water, who is worshipped cold rice breakfast, rendered palatable with ginger,
by the whole world, who is specially to be attend. pepper, lime, oranges, green chillies and other
ed to in the early morning, who is the giver of the oondiments. This style of breakfast is said to
unobtainable, and who is of unspotted fame." tend to good health, and is kept up usually till 15 There are pans and allusions here. Puratana or 16 years of age;. but many continue through. means Vishnu (the ancient one) as well as cold out life the taste thus acquired:
rice, and he is specially worshipped in the Children generally sit round their mother or
morning. some female elder of the house, with palms stretch- Another runs as follows: - od out to receive the welcome ball of rice, and
विशालकदलीदले विलसमभागे स्थितं are not uncommonly joined by older members of
निरन्सरधिनुतं लिकुचनीरममाकम् । the family.
वरांगि तब केलिजश्रमनिवृत्तये कारण The morning noe is generally prepared in one vessel for soaking, and transferred to another
पुरातनमुपास्महे जलजबान्धवस्वोदये। before we, and then mixed with salt and some A free tranglation would be :times spices.
"O lady, I go to my cold rice, which is served Many verses exist in South India in praise of in the front half of the plantain-leaf, and mixed

Page #162

148
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[APRIL, 1891.
well with cards and with pickled ginger served in lemon juice."
In this case the cold rice has been served on a plantain-leaf, and not into the palm of the hand.
S. M. NATESA SASTRI.
SACRIFICES IN PERSIA. It is the custom, whenever a house, garden or kiln is constructed, to sacrifice & sheep, and to imprint on the door a right hand stooped in the blood. The sheep is distributed amongst the poor. This custom is said to be a propitiation of Fate, to avoid bloodshed within the building in future. For a bath, a cow is sacrificed, and the hand steeped in its blood is imprinted on the door.
There is a custom amongst the Persians of sacrificing and distributing the remains of a shoop to the poor, on the safe return home of any member of a household after a journey. The custom is that, just as you get down from your horse, the animal's neck is cut before you.
When any member of a household in Persia is very ill, it is the custom to kill a shoop in order to propitiate Fate and to avert danger from the sick person. Should a goat or any animal die during the illness of any member of a household, it is held as a sure sign of the recovery of the patient, as it is thought that Fate has been satisfied by the substitution of the goat or other animal in the place of the patient. Tehran.
S. J. A. CHURCHILL.
BOOK NOTICE. PROCEEDINGS OF THE AMERICAN ORIENTAL SOCIETY. I He also adds four notes on Avestan gramNew York, 30th and 31st October 1889.
mar: (1), on a genuine instance of a sish-aorist Prof. Whitney sets himself to answer the in the Avesta (Yasht iii. 2); (2), on a cas question whether roots in Sanskrit that contain Avestan 3rd dual middle in -aits ; (3) several ar in their weaker forms should be written and instances of difference in gonder between named as roots with or with ar. He thinks Avestan and Banskrit in the same word; (4), that the form is preferable and likely to in- on the rendering of the Avestan ereddo dor. crease in prevalence of usage.
hanem in Vendidad, v. 11. Prof. Bloomfield discourses on the etymology
An article by Dr. Cyrus Adler on the Shofar, of the particle om. He would divest it of all its use and origin is of general interest. This sanctity, and make it a mere introductory word like
word is rendered in the Bible by 'cornet,' though the Greek að (að-ri, au-tis, að-Aus) Lat. au-t, au-tem, it is usually made of a ram's horn, straightened Goth. au-k, and so on, with the meaning of now and flattened by leat. After a lengthy enquiry then, well now.' Then he would regard as due into the origin of the instrument, Dr. Adler to the utterance of the vowel with pluti.
concludes by saying that the following deduce He also discusses the Vedio instrumental tions would seem to be legitimate :padbhis. It occurs six times in the Rig Veda. (1) The oldest wind instrument used by'inland In these cases, RV. v. 64,7 cd, BV. 1. 99,12 and peoples was the horn of an animal with a natural RV. 1. 79,2, he would render it by quickly,
cavity, and a mouth-piece formed by cutting off the nimbly, briskly,' eto. In BV. iv. 2,12 and 14 he end. Horns which required hollowing came later. would render it with the eyes,' and in the remain- (2) These horns were originally used as signals ing passage RV. iv. 38,3 by with his feet.' This, in time of danger and for making announcements of course, gives two separate words from two in general. separate roota pdd and pat.
(3) Many of the more important announceMr. Hatfield of the Johns Hopkins University | mente had a religious character. The antiquity of follows with an attempt at the satisfactory the instrument caused ite permanent adoption for numberins of the Parisishtas of the Atharva sacred purposes. Veda, which he hopes may prove permanent. (6) The shofar, speaking especially of the
Prof. Hopkins gives an interpretation of Mand- instrument of that name, was originally a wind bharata iii. 42, 5, and a not very clear note on instrument, made of the horn of a wild goat. No "female divinities in India."
sacred character may be connected with the Dr. Williams Jackson sends an abetract of an sacrificial nae made of the goat. exceedingly interesting paper on the sense of (6) The etymology of the word is to be sought colour in the Avesta, and argues that we are in the Assyrian tappar, a species of wild goat: not justified in assuming any ignorance or lack Sapparta (fem.) meant originally the horn of a of the colour perception in the people whose fappar, and it may afterwards have been used civilization it represents:
for horn in general.

Page #163

SYSTEM OF TRANSLITERATION. The system of transliteration followed in this Journal for Sanskrit and Kanarese. (and, for the sake of uniformity, submitted for adoption, as far as possible, in the case of other languages),- except in respect of modern Hindu personal names, in which absolute purism is undesirable, and in respect of a few Anglicised corruptions of names of places, sanctioned by long usage, is this :Sanskrit. Kanarese. Transliteration. Sanskrit.
Kanarene.
Transliteration.
jha
au fill 3 Lidl d & 3
7523 3 3 3
tha da dha
4 831AA# # #A4 21 442 44 44
pha
bha ina
Viearga
1 saryo Jihrimalfya, or old • Visarga before a
aud & U pailh manfya, or old l'isarga be
fore and Anusvára
Anuovdia Anundaika
08&!
Ilia
el &
A4 A
13 KM 13
gha
el d
ha
ela
chha A single hyphen is used to separate words in con position, as far as it is desirable to divide them. It will readily be seen where the single hyphen is only need in the ordinary way, at the end of a line, as divided in the original Text, to indicate that the word rims on into the next line : intermediate divisions, rendered unavoidable here
Toidable here and there by printing hereesities, are made only where absolutely necessary for neatness in the arrangement of the Texts.
A double byphen is used to separate words in a sentence, which in the original are written as one word, being joined together by the euphonic rules of sardhi. Where tbis double hyphen is used, it is to be understood that a final consonant, and the following initial vowel or consonant-and-vowel, are in the original expressed by one complex sign. Where it is not used, it is to be understood of the orthography of the original, that, according to the stage of the alphabet, the final consonant either has the modified broken form, which, in the oldest stages of the alphabet, was need to indicate a consonant with no vowel attached to it, or bas the distinct sign of the virima attached to it; and that the following initial vowel or consonant has its full initial form. In the transcription of ordinary texts, the double hypben is probably unnecessary; except where there is the sandhi of final and initial vowels. Bat, in the transcription of epigraphical records, the use of tbis sign is unavoidable, for the purpose of indicating exactly the palaeographical standard of the original texts.
The avagraha, or sign which indicates the elision of an initial a, is but rarely to be met with in inscriptions. Where it does occnr, it is most conveniently represented by its own Devanagari sign.
So also practice has shewn that it is more convenient to use the ordinary Devanagari marks of punctuation than to substitute the English signs for them.
Ordinary brackets are used for corrections and doubtful points; and square brackets, for letters which are damaged and partially illegible in the original, or which, being wholly illegible, can be supplied with certainty. An asterisk attached to letters or marks of punctuntion in square brackets, indicates that those letters or marks of punctuation were omitted altogether in the original. As a rule, it is more convenient to use the brackets than to have recourse to footnotes; as the points to which attention is to be drawn attract notice far more readily. But notes are given instead, when there would be so many brackets, close together, as to encumber the text and render it inconvenient to read. When any letters in the original are wholly illegible and cannot be supplied, they are represented, in metrical passages, by the sign for a long or a short syllable, as the case may be ; and in prose passages, by points, at the rate, usually, of two for each akshar or syllable.

Page #164


Page #165

MAY, 1891.]
THE SAPTARSHI ERA.
149
A NOTE ON THE SAPTARSHI ERA.
BY PROFESSOR F, KIELHORN, C.I.E.; GÖTTINGEN. TN the Chambers Collection of MSS. of the Berlin Libraryl is a worm-eaten roll of paper, 1 about 9 3" long by 64 broad, which contains & calendar for the time from Wednesday, the 13th March, A. D. 1793, to Monday, the 31st March, A. D. 1794; or, to use the terms of the original, from Chaitra-sutis pra. Vu., i.e., Budhavára, the first of the bright half of Chaitra, to Chaitra-vati am. Chan, i.e., Chandravara, the new-moon day of the dark half of Chaitra, - of a year which will be described below. The characters employed in this MS. calendar are the peculiar Nagari of some of the MSS. purchased by Professor Bühler on his Kasmír tour, and shew therefore that the calendar was written in the very north of India, if not actually in Kabmir.
From the last day of the year, the new-moon day in the dark half of the month Chaitra, it will be seen that the year of this calendar is a so-called northern year, with the purnimanta scheme of the months. As in ordinary Pañchângas, the year is divided into lunar fortnights which here follow each other from the top to the bottom of the roll. And since, in the specified period, Vaisakha was an intercalary month, we have here altogether 26 lunar fortnights, headed -
Chaitra-suti, i. e., Chaitra-sukla-paksha) ; Vai vati, 1. e., Vaisakha-ksisbņa-pakshah ; Dvi! Vai suti, i. e., dvitiya-Vaisakha-sukla-pakshah ; Dvi Vai vati, i, e., dvitîya-Vaisakha-kțishņa-pakshaḥ; Vai suti, i. e., Vaišákba-sukla-pakshah;
Jyê vati; Jyê suti; Åsbadha-vati; Åshadha-buti; Srâ vati; 'Srâ suti; Bhavati; Bhâ suti; and so on up to -
Chaitra-vati, 1. e., Chaitra-ksishņa-pakshah. Under each lunar fortnight, we have from the left to the right four principal columns. The first column gives the name of the weekday (A., Cham., Bhau., etc.) and the nakshatra (A., Bha., Kri., Rô., etc.): the second the number of the day in the lunar half (pra., dvi., tři., cha., etc., up to either pů, or am.); the third the yôga (Vi., Pri., A., Sau., etc.); and the last contains remarks about festivals, etc. But, besides, the calendar also gives, before the first column of the lunar fortnight, the number of each day according to the Muhammadan calendar, sometimes preceded by the name of the Muhammadan month. Thus, in a line with Vai. suti Å. dvi. (i. e., Sunday, the 2nd of the bright half of Vaisakha, corresponding to the 12th May, A. D. 1793) we have Samvál 1; before Åshadha-suti Vu. dvi.(i. e., Wednesday, the 2nd of the bright half of Ash Adha, corresponding to the 10th July, A. D. 1793), Jyél hijya 1; before Sra. suti Su tri. i. e., Friday, the 3rd of the bright half of Sråvaņa, corresponding to the 9th August,
1 See Professor Weber's Catalogue, Vol. I. No. 846.
- From the above it will be seen that in this calendar the sakla-paksha or bright fortnight and the krishna-paksha or dark fortnight of a month are throughout denoted by the terms Suti and vati. On this usage, which is quite common in Sarada MSS., Bee ante, Vol. XIX., p. 217.
8 It will be observed that of the intercalary month Vaisakha the first and last of the four fortnights are called simply Vaisakha, while the second and third fortnights are described as dvitlya-Vaisakha, the second Vaisakha.' In a MS. calendar of the Berlin Library for the expired northern Vikrama year 1838, in which Bhadrapada was intercalary, and in another MS. calendar of the same Library for the expired northern Vikrama year 1855, in which Srävana was intercalary, the first and last fortnights of the intercalary months are likewise called simply Bhadrapada and Srovana, but the second and third fortnights are described as adhika-Bhadrapada and adhik-Sravana. And in a MS. calendar of the same Library, for the expired northern Vikrama year 1852 in which Bh&drapada was intercalary, the first and last fortnights are called Suddha-Bhadra, and the second and third adhika-Bhadra.
* It may be of some interest to state here that the results (as regards tithia, nakshatras, and yogas), obtained from Professor Jacobi's Tables in Vol XVIL of this Journal, for the large number of days for which I have made the Decemary calculations, entirely agree with the actual statements of this oalendar.

Page #166

150
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MAY, 1891.
A. D. 1793), Mahran 1 ; and before Bhi suti Ä. tři. (i. e., Sunday, the 3rd of the bright half of Bhadrapada, corresponding to the 8th September, A. D. 1793), Saphar 1.5
In the introductory remarks at the top of the roll, the year for which this calendar is intended is described thus :
Sri-Saptarshi-char-anumatona samvat 4869 tatha cha sam vat 69 Chaitra-suti 1 sri Sakah 1715 karana-gat-&vda(bda) h 1128 dina-ganah 412 010 Bri-Vikramaditya-samvat 1850 Kalpa-gat-âvdA (bda) h 1 972 948 8948 śésh-avda (bda)b 2 347 051 106 ....... Kalbregatavarshani 4894 śêsha-varshani 427 106.
Accordingly, the year with which we are here concerned is the luni-solar year 4894 of the Kaliyuga, distinctly described as an expired year, and, consequently, the expired northern Vikrama year 1850 and the expired Saka year 1715, called simply the Vikrama year 1850 and the Saka year 1715, respectively. The number of years, elapsed since the epoch of the Karaņa up to the commencement of the calendar-year, is stated to be 1128, which for the epoch of the Karaña gives us Saka 587 expired, the epoch-year of the Khandakhádya. And the number of days, elapsed since the same epoch, is put down as 412 010. By Dr. Schram's Tables the lani-solar Saka year 1715 current ended on the day of the Julian period 2376 011, and Saka 587 current ended on the day of the Julian period 1964 001; and deducting the latter set of figures from the former, we obtain a remainder of 412 010, being the number of days of the 1128 luni-solar years elapsed since the epoch of the Karana, exactly as given in the calendar. But for my present purpose the interesting part of the introductory statement is this, that the year of the calendar is primarily described as “the year 4869, in agreement with the course of the Saptarshayah, and therefore the year 69," as I take it, of ordinary usage. For this shews us that our calendar, in the first instance, was intended for people who followed the Saptarshi era.
The Saptarshi era has been treated of by Sir A. Cunningham in the Book of Indian Eras, and its epoch has been incidentally discussed by Professor Bühler in his Kasmir Reports and by Professor Bhâņdarkar in his Report on Sanskrit MSS. for 1883-84. But little attention has as yet been paid to date recorded in that era. Starting from the data which are furnished by the calendar described above, I propose therefore to collect here those Saptarshi dates of inscriptions and MSS. which have come hitherto under my observation. The number of these dates is small, and all belong to comparatively modern times. But I hope that, by publishing what has been ready for some time, I may induce scholars in India to make known other Saptarshi dates, or to furnish me with reliable materials for enlarging this list.
From our calendar, which makes the Saptarshi year 4869 equivalent to Kaliyuga 4894 expired, it is clear that, assuming the Saptarshi years to be current years, and to commence with the month Chaitra, Saptarshi 0 = Kaliyuga 25 expired, Saptarshi 1 current = Kaliyuga 26 expired, Saptarshi 2 current = Kaliyuga 27 expired, and so on; and generally, that by the addition of 25 a current Saptarshi year is converted into the corresponding expired year of the Kaliyuga. Thus the current Saptarshi year 4300 would be the expired year 4325 of
• According to Wüstenfeld's Vergleichungs-Tabellen der Muhammed. und Christl. Zeitrechnung, these equivalents are correct.
The original has 19729488 at the end of one line, and at the commencement of the next line 894, 1. e. 19 729 438 894, clearly a mistake of the writer.
"Long after the above was first written, I received, through the kindness of Dr. Stein, from Pandit Govinda Kaula MS. Pabchanga (or Nakshatrapattra) for the year which ended on the 20th Maroh, A. D. 1890, which is very similar to the calendar of the Berlin Library, but gives also (often wrongly) the day of the European calendar. In this calendar the year treated of is described thus: -Sri-Saptarshi-chår-Anumatêns sathyat 1965 (clearly a mistake for 4965) érl-rajadhirja-Prat&pasirnba-rajyabhishekat-sahvat 3 tathi che sphuţa-prakArena SriSubha-samvat 65 Chaitra-futi 1 6r1- SAkah 1811 karana-gat-AbdAh 1224 dina-ganah 447 003 (according to my calculations a mistak for 417 092) Art-Vikram Aditya-samvat 1946 Kalpagat-abdáb 1972 948 990 $ésh-AbdAh 2347 051 011 (wrongly for 2847 051 010) .... Kalêr-gata-varshini 4991 (wrongly for 1990) Sésha-varsb&pi 497 010. $ Page 60.
Page 84

Page #167

MAY, 1891.)
THE SAPTARSHI ERA.
151
the Kaliyuga, and Saptarshi 4951 corrent would be Kaliyuga 4976 expired. So far, matters would be simple enough. But writers who, in recording their dates, follow the Saptarshi era, generally omit the hundreds from the years of the date, and put down only the years within the century.10 To make up for this deficiency, they sometimes add the corresponding year of some other well-known era; but sometimes they neglect doing so. However this may be, it follows from the above, that, disregarding the hundreds, we must add to the Saptarshi year of a date -
25, to find the corresponding expired year within one of the centuries of the Kaliyuga ; 46, to find similarly the corresponding expired 'Saka year; 81, to find the corresponding expired northern Vikrama year; and 24/25, to find the corresponding year of one of the centuries of our own era.
Thus, a current Saptarshi year 36 would, disregarding the hundreds, correspond to an expired year (36 + 25 =) 61 of the Kaliyaga; to an expired 'Saka year (36 + 46=) 82 ; to an expired northern Vikrama year (36 +81=117 =) 17; and to a year (36 + 24 25 =) 60/61 of our own era.
All this is well known; and using the several equations for verifying individual dates, we obtain the following results : -
1.- Dr. Stein has informed me that a much damaged Bharjapattra MS. written in Sûrada characters, - apparently the oldest MS. of the kind hitherto discovered, is dated -
Samvat 4300 Aśva-vati 13 Sanau tra sê 6 44 cha sd 11 53 pra 11 3. ... 11
Referring the year of this date to the Saptarshi era, we find that the corresponding date, for Kaliyuga (4300 + 25 =) 4325 expired and the amánta Āśvina, is Saturday, the 12th October, A. D. 1224, when the 13th tithi of the dark half ended 8 h. 55 m. after mean sunrise (for Ujjain).
2. - The Deccan College MS. of the Dhvanyálôka is dated - Saptarshih-samvat12 4951 Aśvasyu]ja-krishna-saptami Mangalam vasaram.13
The corresponding date, for Kaliyuga (4951 + 25 =) 4976 expired and the párnimántu Akvina, is Tuesday, the 21st September, A. D. 1875, when the 7th tithi of the dark half ended 21 h. 14 m. after mean sunrise.
3. - According to Dr. Hultzsch in Zeitschrift Deutsch. Morg. Ges., Vol. XL. p. 9, a MS. of his collection is dated --
Samvat 24 Kartika-vati trayôdaśyam Budho | Sri-Sakaḥ 1570 11
Here a Saptarshi year 24 is put down as equivalent to a 'Saka year (24 + 46 =).70; and the corresponding date, for Saka 1570 expired and the purnimánta Kârttika, is Wednesday, the 4th October, A. D. 1648, when the 13th tithi of the dark half ended 16 h. 43 m, after mean sunrise.
4.- A Deccan College MS. of the Kátantra-vritti Bálabódhini is dated
Sri-Sakah 1591 samvatsarah 45 Bhâdrapada-mâsah pakshas=sitôtarah tithir-dvadasi varo(rah) Kavyasy-till
Here a Saptarshi year 45 is put down as equivalent to a 'Saka year (45 + 46 =) 91; and the corresponding date, for Saka 1591 expired and the purnimánta Bhadrapada, is Friday, the
10 As regards centenary years, I am informed by Pandit Govinda Kaul that, at the present day, some people would simply say sarh 100, but that it is more common to say samvat 4900, samivat 1900, etc.
"The reading of the above date has been carefally verified, and there can be no doubt as to its correctness. but I have not been able to obtain a satisfactory explanation of the terms tra $8 6 41 cha se 11 53 pra Il 3, whicl. follow the word Sanau. 12 Road Saptarshi-sanat.
13 Read Maingala-väsare.

Page #168

152
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MAY, 1891.
13th August, A. D. 1669, when the 12th tithi of the dark half ended 5 h. 15 m. after mean sunrise.
5. - The Deccan College Sârada MS. of the Kúsika-Vritti is dated
Sri-nfipa-Vikramaditya-rajyasya gat-abdâh 1717 sri-Saptarshi-mate samvat 36 Pau [va]ti 3 Ravau Tishya-nakshatre.
Here a Saptarshi year 36 is put down as equivalent to an expired Vikrama year (36 + 81 = 117 =) 17; and the corresponding date, for Vikrama 1717 expired and the půrnimánta Pausha, is Sunday, the 9th December, A.D. 1660, when the third tithi of the dark half ended 16 h. 52 m., and the nakshatra was Tishya up to 17 h. 44 m. after mean sunrise.
6. - The Chambå stone inscription, mentioned in Archæol. Surv. of India, Vol. XXI. p. 136, bears the date
Sriman-nfipati-Vikramaditya-samvatsare 1717 Bri-Salivahana-wake 1582 sri-Sastrasamvatsaré 36 Vaišasha(kha)-vadi trayôdaśyam Vu(bu)dha-vasard | Moshe=rka-samkr[4]ntau ...
The Saptarshi year (which in this date and in the dates under 8, below, is described as the Sastra-year) 36 is here put down as equivalent to a Vikrama year (36 + 81 = 117 =) 17, and to a Saka year (36 + 46 =) 82. And the corresponding date, for the expired northern Vikrama year 1717, or the expired 'Saka year 1582, and the purnimanta Vaisakha, is Wednesday, the 28th March, A. D. 1660, when the 13th tithi of the dark half ended 21 h. 37 m., and the Mosha-samkranti took place 13 h. 1 m. after mean sunrise.
7.- According to a communication received from Professor Bühler, the Sârada MS. of the Karmakanda (or Richaka) of the Vienna Library is dated -
Sri-Vikramadistya)-BA[ka]h 1732 brimach-Chhalivahana-bakah 1597 srimad-Aurangabaha-Akah14 18 sri-Saptarshi chara-matana Samvat 51 Vai suti 10 Sanau.
Here a Saptarshi year 51 is put down as equivalent to a Vikrama year (51 +81 = 132 =) 32, and to a Saka year (51 + 46 =) 97; and the corresponding date, for the expired northern Vikrama year 1732, or the expired Saka year 1597, is Saturday, the 24th April, A. D. 1675, when the 10th tithi of the bright half ended 21 h. after mean sunrise.
8. In connection with the preceding dates I may be permitted to give here also the dates contained in the Chambê copper-plate inscription which is mentioned in Archaol. Suru. of India, Vol. XXI, pp. 136 and 137, and of which Sir A. Cunningham's rubbings have been sent to me by Mr. Fleet. In that inscription we read :
(L. 1)... Brimad-VikramA[rka)-samvatsare 191[5] kri-Sastra-samvatsard 34; (L. 7)... Srimad-Vikramaditya-samvatsard 1917 Sastra-samvatsare 36; (L. 8)... Vikramaditya-samvat 1915 sri-Sastra-sanhvat 34; (L. 18)... Vikramaditya-samvat 1917 Sastra-samvat 36.
These dates, of course, do not admit of verification, but, disregarding the hundreds, the difference between the Saptarshi years and the corresponding Vikrama years is again, what we have found it to be elsewhere, 81.
In the case of Saptarshi dates, from which the corresponding years of other eras as well as the hundreds of the Saptarshi years have been omitted,.extraneots circumstances may sometimes enable us to calculate the proper European equivalents with certainty; in the absence of such circumstances to guide us, we must rest satisfied with a greater or less degree of probability. This may be seen from the two following dates :
14 Aurangalb caused himselt to be proclaimed emperor on the 20th August, A. D. 1658. See Elphinstone's History of India, ed. Cowell, p. 599.

Page #169

May, 1891.]
THE SAPTARSHI ERA.
153
9. - In Zeitschrift Deutsch. Morg. Ges., Vol. XL. p. 9, Dr. Hultzsch informs us that at Hariparvat there is an inscription, dated -
Sam 60 'Srâ vati pra Sukrê | Mahammada-waha-rajyen é. e., 'in the year 60, on the first of the dark half of Sravana, on a Friday; in the reign of Muhammad Shah.'
According to Dr. Holtzsch, Muhammad Shah is said to have ruled from A.D. 1487 to 1537. Assuming this to be approximately correct, the Saptarshi year 60 of this date should correspond to A. D. 1484-85, or 'Saka 1406 expired, and the presumption is that Saka 1406 is really the year of the date, and that Muhammad Shah reigned a few years before A. [D. 1487. And calculating for Saka 1406 expired, we find that the first of the dark half of the pirnimántic Sravana of that year corresponds to the Sth July, A.D. 1484, which was a Friday, 15 as required, and is undoubtedly the proper equivalent of the date of the inscription.
10.- Dr. Stein has kindly informed me that a Sarada MS. of the Ratnávali-nútika is dated -
Sath vat 69, Chaitra-vati ekadasyam Chandra-vasaro Sravana-nakshatro - i.e., in the year 69, on the eleventh (lunar day) of the dark half of Chaitra, on a Monday, (the moon being in the nakshatra Sravana.'
A Saptarshi year 69 should correspond to an expired Saka year (69 + 46 = 115=) 15, and, the MS, being apparently an old one, we shall probably find the proper equivalent of the date in one of the expired Saka years 1615, 1515, or 1415. Calculations for 1615 and 1515 yield no satisfactory results; but in Saka 1415 expired the 11th of the dark half of the purnimúnta Chaitra fell on Monday, the 3rd March, A. D. 1494, when the 11th tithi of the dark half ended 19 h. 33 m., and when the moon was in the nakshatra Sravana from 5 h. 16 m. after mean sunrise. Here it is highly probable that Monday, the 3rd March, A. D. 1494, is the proper equivalent of the date. But, if the MS. were urusually old, an equally good result would be obtained for Saka 1215 expired. For in that year the 11th of the dark half of the purnimánta Chaitra fell on Monday, the 22nd February, A. D. 1294, when the 11th tithi of the dark half ended 9 h. 13 m., and when the moon also was in the nakshatra Sravana from 7 h. 53 m. after mean sunrise. - I am indebted to Dr. Stein for several other dates of this description, which it would serve no purpose to examine here.
It is clear, then, that all the above dates work out satisfactorily with the equations with which we have started. Besides, the dates prove that, since Saptarshi 4300 = A.D. 1224, the Saptarshi year has always, like the Saka year, commenced with the month Chaitra. And from the dates 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, and 9, which fall within about the last four hundred years, we see that the scheme of the lunar months during that time has been invariably the purņimanta scheme. On the other hand, the date 1, which falls in A. D. 1224, works out properly only with the amanta scheme; and further research must show whether this is a solitary instance of the employment of the amanta scheme, or whether that arrangement of the lunar fortnights was followed generally in more remote times.
We have assumed above that the Saptarshi or, as they are more commonly called, laukika yeargle are current years. To us it would indeed seem only natural that in a popular mode of reckoning this should be so; but we are not left altogether to our own guidance. Professor Bhâņdirkarl7 has drawn attention to certain passages in a Sanskrit work connected with the Khandakhadya, in which a rule and examples are given for converting laukika into Saka years. The main part of the rule is, that 47 should be taken as a constant, to which the number of passed laukika years should be added, to find the Saka year corresponding to the
18 On that day, the first tithi of the dark half ended 11 b. 50 m. after mean sunrise. 16 See also the Rajatarangint, L. 59, and ante, Vol. XVII. p. 218. 17 Report on Sanskrit M88 for 1888-84, pp. 83 and 369.

Page #170

154
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MAY, 1891.
laukika year current. And one of the examples is, that, by patting down 'Saka 1547 and adding 17, the number of passed laukika years, we obtain 'Saka 1564, as the equivalent of the current laukika year 18. Here the writer distinetly intimates that in his time the laulika years were really regarded as current years; and, as the 'Saka year spoken of by him must in accordance with ordinary usage be an expired year, his rule is equivalent to our own, by which we take 46 as a constant and add the number of the current laukika year.
At the same time, I am not prepared to maintain a priori that, for a Hindu writer to quote a passed laukika year in a date, would be an utter impossibility. And in connection with this question I would draw attention to the following versele which occurs at the end of Kayyata's commentary on the Dévídataka :
Vasu-muni-gagan-Odad bi-sama-kale yato Kalds=tatha 10ko
dvåpanohabo varshe rachit-êyam Bhimagupta-nripe II The author here tells us that he composed his commentary under the king Bhimagupta, in Kaliyuga 4078 expired, tathd lóké dvåpanchasé varshé. Now Kaliyuga 4078 expired should correspond to a laukika year 53 carrent, and, assuming the statement contained in the verse to be correct, we cannot, it would seem, help assuming that the 52nd laukika year has really been quoted by the author as an expired year. Here, too, we want other old' dates to show us what the practice may have been in earlier times,
I have omitted from the above the difficult date of the first Baijnati Prasasti, which has been already commented on by Professor Bühler in Epigraphia Indica, Vol. I. p. 103. In my opinion, the most important question to be anywered in connection with that date is, whether the first figure of the Saka year in the date of the second Prasasti is 7 or not. Sir A. Cunning. ham and Professor Bühler say that it is; and if they are right, the laukika year 80 of the date of the first Prasasti should, according to what we know at present of the Saptarshi era, no doubt correspond to 'Saka 726 expired. But the first of the bright half of Jyaishtha did not fall on a Sunday, the week-day given in the date, in Saka 726 expired, 1° nor in fact in any of tho eight years from Saka 722 to 729 expired.20 If, on the other hand, we were not restricted by the date of the second Prasasti to any particular century of the Saka era, I would say that the laukika year 80 of the first Prasasti must correspond to Saka 1126 expired, because, of all the expired 26th years of the centuries of the "Saka era from Saka 626 to Saka 1426, only the year 1126 yields the desired Sanday (the 2nd May, A.D. 1204). And I should not be prevented by anything in the contents of the inscription and the language of the author, or in the alphabet employed, from assigning the inscription to so late a period.
THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI. BY E. SENART, MEMBRE DE L'INSTITUT DE FRANCE. Franslated by G. A. Grierson, B.C.S., and revised by the Authon.
(Continued from Vol. XIX. p. 102).
CHAPTER III.; continued.
THE DETACHED BOOK EDIOTS. 2. THE EDIOTS OF SAHASARAM, BUPNATE, AND BAIRAT. These inscriptions, without being identical, have too many points of analogy to allow of their interpretations being dealt with separately. Moreover, in certain difficult passages they throw light on one another, and hence their simultaneous consideration is specially necessary. It is well
18 This verse first became known to me through an extract from the work sent to me by Dr. Stein; it is published in the Kavyamala, in the note on the heading of the Vakroktipanchasika.
19 In Saka 726 expired the first of the bright half of Vaisakha did fall on a Sunday (the 14th April, A. D. 804), but there is no reason to assume that the writer put down a wrong month in the date.
w In Baka 780 expired the first of the bright half of Jysishtha was a Sunday, -the 80th April, A. D. 808.

Page #171

MAY, 1891.]
THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI.
155
known that, of all our ediets, these are those which have been most recently published. Discovered by different persons (cf. Corpus, p. 2), they owed their reproduction for the first time to the labours of General Canningham. The copies and rubbings were sent to Dr. Bühler, who published them, and was the first to interpret them, in 1877. The facsimiles which he has given of the first two, form as yet the best complement for their study which we possess, but, though superior to the reproductions of the Corpus, they are, unfortunately, still unsatisfactory. We now know too well how generally imperfect are the reproductions prepared for the Corpus. In the present case the numerous and serious divergencies to which Dr. Bühler calls attention, may perhaps be explained by the condition of the rock; but they at any rate justify a certain amount of distrast in the corrections which several passages demand. Fortunately, we may be almost sure that, however desirable it may be to have a revision of the text of these monuments undertaken by a competent hand, it will be of much more use from the point of view of philological detail, than from that of understanding the general sense of the whole.
I must express here my thanks to Dr. Bühler, who has been kind enough to furnish me with the photograph of the Sahasaram inscription, to which he refers in his first article as having been sent to him by General Cunningham. I refer to this photograph under the abbreviation Ph. B.
TEXT.
SAHABARAM. 1 Dévânampiyê hêvam à iyânil savachhalâniam apasakê sumi na cha badham
palakamtê [.] 2 savimchhalê sådkikê 1 an - tê êtêna cha amtalena | jambudipasi | ammisam dêva
P sam ta 3 munisâ misamdêva katas [.) pala — iyam phald, 0 yam mahatatâ va chakiyê
påvatavê [.] khudakồna pi pala4 kamamînênâ vipale pi suagakiyê Alå — v.1 (.) sê êtâyê athâye iyan sâvândo C.T
khudaka cha udalá châ pa5 lakamanta amtâ pi cham janamtu? | chilațhitîkê châ palakamồ hôta iyam cha at hê
vadhisati | vipulam pi cha vadhisati 6 diyadhiyam avaladhiyênå diyadhiyam vadhisati [.] iyam cha savané vivuthêna [.]
duvê sapamnálati 7 Bata vivuthứ tư 256 [1] ima cha athan pavatasu likhapayatha y8. và 88 thi hêta silåthambhå tata pi likhâpayatha yil [.]
Notes on Dr. Bühler's Readings. 1. 2. B. dêvå husar ta: 1. 4. B. snag[@] [sa]kiyê d-: Judging from the facsimile neither is there any trace of the character su, nor is there the necessary room for it. 1. 5. pi eham, I can discover no trace of the anusvåra in Ph. B. 1. 8. B. thi hếtê si-,
BUPNAPH. 1 Dévânampiyê hêvaṁ áhá [.) såti(le)kâni adhitiyâni vasa sumi pâkâ . . . kê nô cha
bâdhi pakatê såtilêkê chu chhavachharê ya' sumi haka pit8 2 bâąhiń cha pakatan [ ] yâ imâya kâlâya jambudipasi amisâdêvå hasa të dâni
misamkata [.] pakamasi hi esa phalê no cha és mahatata påpôtavë [.] khuda
kena hi ka 3 pil pakamamânênê sakiyê pipale pi svage drôdhêvê [.] êtiya athầya cha såvanê katê
khudakâu cha udala cha pakamantul ti amtâ pi cha janamtu [.] iyan pakara va 1 I give the text as it seems to me to appear in the facsimile in the Indian Antiquary, Vol. VI. p. 155. Dr. Bühler's variants are given in notes

Page #172

156
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MAY, 1891.
4 kiti chirathitikê siya14 iya hi athê vadhi vadhisiti vipula cha vadbisiti apaladhiyênâ
diyadhiya vadhisata ( . ) iya cha athê pavatisa lêkhâpêta va lata hadha16 cha atha 5 silíthabhê silátharabhasi lâkhâpêtavaya ta [.] etinale cha vayajanênå yå vataka tupaka
ahild savara vivasêtaviya ti vyathônå såvand kate [.] 256 sa6 tavivâsâ tal? [.]
Notes on Dr. Bühler's Readings. 1. 1. B. sâtirakêkâni adhitisâni; sumi påkå sa[va]ki nd; sumi haka samghapapite 1. 2. B. bidhi cha; yi imaya; dani masa kata; khadakênå hi, according to Dr. Bühler it is possible that there was a letter between hi and ka, but he is inclined to see only accidental scratches in the traces of the facsimile; 1. 3. B. pi paramaminênê; kródhavê; pakâre cha; 1. 4. B. diyadhiyam vadhisati; hadha cha athi; 1. 5. B. silâthubh8; vivasêtavaya ti vyuthênî.
BAIRAT.. 1 Dêvânampiyê kha [.] sati — 2 Vasanam ya paka apasakê b adha 3 ar mamaya samghê papaya atê . ahi cha 4 jambudipasi amisanam dēva hi - vi mâsi esa . le — 5 hihi ésê mapatanê vachakayê — ? maminênê ya pa 6 vipulệ pi svangikiyo Clôdhêtay – ký chê ngala cha palakamata tá 7 amta pi cha janamtu ti chilathiti - pulara pi vadhisati 8 diyadhiyam vadhisati [.] - 56
Notes on Dr. Bühler's Reading 1. 1. B. sti; 1. 2. B. ya haka apasakê n[0] cha bâdham cha ; 1. 3. B. sangh papayitê badham cha — ; 1. 4. B. — kamasi Osa . lê — ; 1. 5. B. [n]ô hi égê mahatanê; 1. 6. B. şvamgê [sa]kye aladhêtavê kâ cha udalA cha palakamatu ti; 1. 7. B. ante pi janamtu; 1. 8. 56. According to B., these figures do not appear in the rubbing, and he has doubts as to their existence.
Bühler, ante, Vol. VI. pp. 149 ff., Vol. VIII. pp. 141 ff.; Rhys Davids, Academy, 14th July 1877, p. 37; Marsden, Numismata Orientalia, New Ed., part 6, pp. 57 and ff.; Pischel, dcademy, 11th August 1877, p. 115; Oldenberg, Zeitschr. der Deutsch. Morg.. Ges. xxxv, pp. 470 and ff.
NOTES.
BAHASARAM 1. I cannot but agree with the decisive remarks of Dr. Oldenberg (Alahävagga, I. xxxviii., and Zeitschr. der Deutsch. Morg. Ges., loc. cit.), in favour of the reading (adha]tiyáni both here and at Râpnåth. It is true that at Rūpnath the apparent reading is adhitiyáni, but I have just now warned my readers as to the prudent mistrust with which our facsimiles are to be regarded. Even in this very passage we have savi[]chhalé, which, there can be no doubt, should certainly be Ravachhalé and at Rûpnath (1. 4) we have twice over vadhisiti, although the correct reading must be vadhisati. Again, in line 2 of that edict, with the same letter &, we read badhirn, where the original stone assuredly has, or had, bádhan. This reading must be translated two years and a half.' Judging from the facsimile, the lacuna represents only seven characters, and I would complete it by a[ha sádhikáni adha tiyari rather than by sátilekáni. It will be seen that, a little further on, our text gives us sapishchhalé sádhike, as against sátiléké chhavachhare at Rūpnåth. With regard to the other details there is nothing to add to the remarks of Dr. Bühler ; I may only observe that, if we translate literally 'I am an upásaka (Buddhist layman) for two years and a half, and have not made great efforts,' we shall give a wrong idea of the real mean

Page #173

MAY, 1891.]
THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI.
157
ing, as the remainder of the sentence clearly shews. What the king means is 'I have been an upasaka for two and a half years without making great efforts; and it is now more than a year since,' &c.
2. It is clear that we must complete the lacuna either by am[sumi báḍham palakam]té, or by am[sumi samghapapi]te (cf. the note to the corresponding passage in Rûpnâth). Dr. Bühler proposes the former restoration, and, as a matter of fact, the lacuna seems to be one of about seven characters. The meaning, in any case, would remain identical in substance. In dealing with the sixth Columnar Edict (note 1), I have had occasion to point out how the chronological data which we find here, combined with the indications which we find in the 10th Edict of Khalsi, put it beyond any doubt that the present text does actually emanate from the same author as he who engraved the columnar edicts. These data permit us to fix the time of our inscriptions, Piyadasi, according to his own statements, having been converted in the ninth year, say eight years and three months, after his coronation, we must first add to these figures two years and a half and a fraction, say two years and seven months, and again a year and a fraction, say a year and three months, which sum places these inscriptions, as well as those on the Barabar caves which we shall shortly examine, in the thirteenth year after his coronation. This is not the place to enter into the general historical question, and I shall content myself with one remark. The Mahávamsa (p. 22, 1. 2; p. 23, 1. 3) places the conversion of Aśoka in the fourth year following his coronation, which disagrees with the evidence of Khâlsi; but it places the king's coronation in the fifth year after his coming to the throne, which gives for his conversion the ninth year of his effective rule. There is, therefore, in this partial agreement between authentic documents, the trace of an exact tradition. We need not decide here as to what cause can be assigned for the mistake; whether the coronation has been arbitrarily separated from the coming to the throne, or whether the epoch from which the nine years were counted has been unduly moved back by the Sinhalese annals from the coronation to the coming to the throne of the king.
3. In my opinion this is one of the most difficult sentences of the ediet. In the first place, it presents a little uncertainty as to the reading of the character which follows dévé. Dr. Bühler reads hu, which gives husam, corresponding to the husu (Pâli ahumsu) of Rupnath. But Rupnâth gives a correlative ya to the pronoun té, which we could scarcely do without, and which is wanting here. Moreover, to judge from the traces of the facsimile, the character hu must have taken the form U instead of the of the ordinary method of writing. Under these conditions, I think that in the vertical mark we can only recognize the sign of separation, common both in our present text and in that of Khâlsi, and that the two horizontal marks are only two accidental scratches on the rock. Moreover, an inspection of Ph. B. appears to me to do away with all uncertainty on this point. I accordingly take santa for santé, as equivalent to santaḥ, the nominative plural of the participle sat. At the same time, it is clear that the choice between the two alternatives is not of a nature to influence the general interpretation of the phrase. It is the meaning, which it is most important to determine. Dr. Bühler translates: During this interval, the gods that were [held to be] true gods in Jambudvipa, have been made (to be regarded as) men and as false.' I should have been much surprised had not Dr. Bühler, with his vast experience of the turn of Hindu thought and expression, been himself taken aback by such a manner of speaking. He adds, in a note, this phrase probably alludes to the Buddhist belief that the Devas also have shorter or longer terms of existence, after which they die, and are born again in other stages of existence, according to their karma.' But this belief, as a whole, is quite as much Brahmanical as Buddhist, and Piyadasi, if he preached it, would have said nothing new. Besides, such an expression would be extremely inexact and insufficient: it is not only as men, but as animals, as dwellers in the infernal regions, &c., that the Dôvas, like other living beings, are liable to be born again. On the other hand, how could we admit that a Buddhist should characterise his conversion by saying that he had reduced the Brahmaṇical Dâvas to the rank of false gods. True gods' and

Page #174

158
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MAY, 1891.
False gods' are phrases not only strange to what we know of both Buddhist and Hindu phraseology, bat directly contradictory to all that we know of the Buddhist writings and teachings. We never find in them any polemics against the popular deities. They have their recognised place in the cosmological system, and in the legends are put into continual connexion with Buddha and his disciples. It was the Dêvas, Indra and Brahma, who received Buddha at his birth; it was to the fellowship of the Devas that the mother of Buddha was raised when she died; and it was from among the Dêvas Tushitas that, according to all schools of tradition, Sakyamuni descended to become incarnate; his future successor is, pending the hour of his mission, the very Chief of the Devas. Without doubt, these Dôvas play but a subordinate part in the general system of Buddhism ; but that is as much the case in those systems of philosophy reputed the most orthodox. I may add, with the reserve which an argument of this nature demands, that it would be singular for the king to thus pride himself on having waged a war of extermination against the Devas, while he thought it proper, in this same inscription to call himself dévánápriya. This is not a real name, a personal or family name, which could not be arbitrarily changed, and of which the exact meaning might have been obliterated or worn out by use; but a surname, a title chosen freely, and of which the meaning dear unto the Dêvas' was evident to every mind. Evidently Dr. Bühler's translation is but a last resource, and cannot be held to be satisfactory. So far, we can venture to be certain; but it is not so easy to shew what alternative explanation is to be given. We cannot turn to the parallel phrase at Rūpnåth, for it is less explicit than the present one, and it rather requires to borrow light from it, than is able to lend any of its own. I may add that I cannot but agree with Dr. Bühler so far as regards the analysis of each single word of the sentence, especially of the words misd (or misan) and amisá (or anisain), which are the only ones about which there can be any doubt. Like him, I consider them as equivalent to the Sanskrit mrishd and amrisha. An initial difficulty arises as to the syntactic part played by munisá, - whether we should take it as a subject or as an attribute. If I am right in reading saihte, the present participle, the mere position of the words places the matter beyond doubt, and we must take munisd as the subject : the reading husari té, although it would not make this conclusion so certain, would certainly not exclude it; even in that case it would be the more natural one. It is on the other hand, indirectly confirmed by the absence of the word at Rûpnåth. The king could not omit a word which was characteristic of the work which he boasts of having accomplished; while he could very easily do so, if the word were merely a general designation of the people to whom it is applied. I consider, therefore, that we must translate, the men who were really the Dêvas (or the gods) have been rendered falsely gods,' or in other words, have been dispossessed of their rank,'? The king, therefore, had here in view a category of men who, while they were all the time mere men, were in reality gods. Who are these men, gods of Jambudvipa ? It appears to me that we oan have no hesitation in recognising them as the Brahmaṇs. To call a witness who is beyond suspioion, I cite the St. Petersburg Dictionary, which, in the article déva, has a special paragraph for the case, in which the word means 'a god upon the earth,' who is, says Dr. Böhtlingk, properly the Brâhman. We meet, moreover, in a similar sense, the synonyms kshitidava, bhudeva, bhusura, all of which mean literally a 'terrestrial god,' and which commonly mean "Brahman.' I will only refer to that passage, quoted by Aufrecht,3 of the Sarkshépasarpkarajaya, in which the anthor refers to Brâhmans and Buddhists by the expression bhuleura-saugatah, "the terrestrial gods, and the disciples of the Sugata." That the expression is a very customary and very old one, may be seen from numerous passages. It will suffice to refer to Weber, Ind. Stud. X. pp. 35 and ff., and H. Zimmer, Altind. Leben, p. 205. But there is more than this, we have some historioal confirmation of the interpretation here
? We could, however, even with taking munist as subjeot, get a translation, not very different from that of Dr. Bühler's, provided we considered misadiva, and amisddvd a bah uurihis. But, besides this translation having against it the same objections as those which appear to me to condemn Dr. Buhler's rendering, it will sufioe, in order to exclude it from consideration, to point out that R. bas not amisddbud kata but amiadkata.
Catal. Bodl. p. 254, 3.

Page #175

MAY, 1891.]
THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI.
159
proposed. How does the Mahavarisa characterise the conversion of Asoka ? It is by the fact that he dismissed the sixty thousand Brahmaņs whom, according to the custom of his father, he had fed every day, and substituted for them sixty thousand Buddhist Sramanas. It characterises the conversion, therefore, by an evident manifestation of the disfavour with which he regarded Brahmans. By this conduct, by this example, he could indeed flatter himself with having inflicted a deep wound on their prestige. Tradition, therefore, comes positively to our aid, and has moreover the advantage of replying beforehand to an objection, feeble enough in itself, which we might be tempted to found upon the tone with which the king generally speaks of Brahmans, continually associating them with Sramanas. We must evidently see in this fact only the results of the spirit of tolerance which animates his edicts : but surely, it is not more difficult to reconcile this tolerance with our translation of the present sentence, than with the tradition handed down by the Sinhalese analist.
4. There is no doubt as to the characters required to complete the two lacunas ; pala[kamasi hi] iyan and phalé [n]ó [cha i]yan. The words which follow present greater difficulties. Dr. Bühler translates no cha iyori &c., by 'and it ought not to be said to be an effect of (my) greatness. It is quite possible that pávatavé shonld correspond to a Sanskrit pravaktavya, although it must at least be admitted that the á long is out of place. But it is a pity that Dr. Bühler has not been more explicit as to the supposed phrase mahatatávachakiye, the analysis of which is far from clear. He himself states his doubts as to the derivation of vachakiya, from vdchala + the guffix iya. I fancy that what has induced Dr. Bühler to adhere to this analysis of the text, is the apparently nearly concordant reading of Bairât, mahátane vachakayé ; but that inscription has snffered so greatly, and is so fragmentary, and the reproduction of it is so plainly incomplete, that it appears to me to be very unwise to take it as a point of departure : on the contrary, it is much more probable that the reading of Sahasaram has had an influence on its decipherment. Under these circumstances, I cannot but incline towards another analysis ; I read sakiyê for chakiyé, which gives us no cha iyak mahatatá va sakiye pávatavé. This closely approaches the turn of the sentence at Rûpnåth, abont which there can be no doubt. Dr. Bühler has correctly recognised the pápôtavé of that inscription as corresponding to the Sanskțit práptavyaḥ. We have the same root here in pávatavé, which, transcribed according to the rales of Sanskrit orthography, would be práptavé. The v stands for p as elsewhere, - e. g. lower down in this same inscription we have avaladhiyena for apaladhio: the substitution of the infinitive is rendered necessary to the sentence by the addition of sakyan, and this (fruit) cannot be obtained by mere power alone.'
5. We shall have exactly the same construction in this sentence as in the preseding one, if we (following Dr. Bühler's example) add the syllable sa after svage and before kiyé, both here and at Bairât. Judging from the facsimiles, it does not appear to be likely that the stone has really ever had the character; but, even if it has not been inadvertently omitted, Dr. Bühler, who has had more of the original documents in his hands than we have, is the best judge of these possibilities. Moreover, Räpnåth certainly confirms this conjecture, and I think that, for the present, it is best to adhere to it. As regards the form palakamaminéná, which also seems to occur at Bairât, and perhaps, too, at Rūpnåth, see above, note 19 to the first Dhauli detached edict. We know that vipulê is in antithesis to khudakéna, 'even the small can conquer svarga, however great it may be, that is to say, however great the recompense may be.
6. It is important to fix accurately, before we proceed further, the exact meaning of the word sávané. I do not here refer to the litoral meaning of proclamation, promulgation,' which need not form the subject of any discussion. We have already met it twice in the 7th
* I have indicated the reasons which appear to me to demand that munisa should be taken as a subject. It is almost useless to remark expressly that, if it is preferred to take it as an attribute, my explanation would not be essentially modibed. We should then translate the people who were in reality the gods in Jambudvipe. I have reduced to become simply) men, and usurpers of the title of Diva.'

Page #176

160
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MAY, 1891.
(1. 20) and in the 8th (1.1) Columnar Edicts. In both cases the word is expressly applied to the proclamations of the king, made by him or by bis order, and recorded in his inscriptions. Iyan is, moreover, the same pronoun by which Piyadasi, in all his monuments, alludes to the inscription in which it may be found, the present inscription. We have no reason for taking it here in any other sense, and a priori we can only translate the whole by it is with a view to this resalt that the present proclamation is made.' We shall shortly see if what follows is inconsistent with this interpretation,
7. Dr. Bübler is mistaken about arata ; it is a nominative plural, which refers to the frontier populations, - to the foreign countries. Comparison with J. ii. 6, with Dh. (det. ed.) ii. 4, &c., leaves room for no doubt. As for jánaktu, if we should not read tai for chain, which would give the verb an object, the meaning of the sentence is completed without effort, by supplying an equivalent object understood. Compare the final sentence of the edict of Bhabra.
8. It will be remembered that in the 13th (Rock) Edict (n. a.) we have already noticed an analogous use, in an indefinite sense, of the word diyadha, Pali diyaddha and divaddhu. We are reminded of the meaning in Sanskșit sanctioned for parardha, to express the highest possible number. I think that we may sufficiently accurately represent the analysis of the phrase by an equivalent such as 'a handred times, & hundred times a million times.'
9. This sentence is the one of the whole edict which presents most difficulties, and wbich leaves most room for discussion. It early attracted the attention of General Cunningham ; he read the figures correctly, and this point is now undisputed. The two doubtful points, the solution of each of which is connected with the other, are, on the one hand the translation of vivutha or vyutha, and, on the other hand, what it is to which the figures refer. Regarding the second point, Dr. Bühler shews no hesitation. On the supposition that they refer to years, and contain a date, he has been almost necessarily led to find in the vivutha, which thus becomes the initial point of an era, & name of Buddha. The great authority of Dr. Bühler has evidently accounted for the assent, expressed or tacit, with which his interpretation of the figures and their meaning was at first received. Since then, Dr. Oldenberg has reconsidered the matter, and has pointed out that in the two members of the phrase in question, at Sahasaram
at Bapnath duvê sapamnâlâti satâ vivatha ti 256.
256 satavivîså ta. the word signifying 'year' is wanting, and that there are on the other hand nominatives plural, vivutha, vivásá, such as might be expected beside a noun of number. As no other instance has. yet been quoted anthorising the omission of the word masa or saihvachhala, he concludes that we should translate <256 satas are vivuthas' and there are 256 vivásas of the sata.' We shall return to these outline-translations subsequently. It appears to me, however, that under any eircumstances Dr. Oldenberg is right in his criticism, and in his general analysis of the sentence. The omission of the word for 'year' might be explained if we had to deal with a simple number, but here we have before us a whole sentence, and, if we take Dr. Bühler's interpretation, we should have to admit that the king expresses himself thus, .256 are passed," which is barely credible. I may add that, on two or three occasions, our inscriptions employ numeral figures, for instance, in the first Edict at Kapar di Giri, in the enumeration of two peacocks, and one gazelle, or in the 13th Edict at Khálsi and at Kapar di Giri, à propos of the four Greek kings. From this it follows that there is no reason à priori for assuming that the figures here necessarily refer to years. Dr. Oldenberg makes another very just remark, that we cannot separate the satá vivuthá at Sabasarâm from the satavivásá at Räpnath. From this, there results a two-fold conclursion: first, that vivuthu, vyuthá, must be derived, as Messrs. Rhys Davids and Pischel have from the first pointed ont, from the root oi-vas, and corresponds to the Sanskrit uyushita. Dr, Bühler, who, not without hesitation, opposes this analysis, relies principally on the difficulties of translation, but these have little weight, being founded on the preconceived idea that we absolutely reqdire here the meaning of 'elspeed.' I doubt if at the present day this derivation would meet

Page #177

MAY, 1891.]
THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI.
161
with any opponent. I can offer a further confirmation in the future participle vivasétaviyé, which has not hitherto been recognised at Rûpnåth, and to which I shall come back again immediately. The second consequence is that sati at Sahasaram cannot be, as Dr. Bühler would have it, the noun of nunber hundred,' because that translation is, as all agree, inadmissible at Räpnåth; we must therefore give up the translation proposed by Dr. Bühler for the characters duvé saparindiati sata which he renders in Sansksit by dvé shatpanchasadadhisata, while at the same time recognising the difficulties of the explanation. Of these I see two principal ones: the first is phonetic; parnálati for panchasadadhi is without analogy or example in the phonetics of our inscriptions. In the second place, the intercalation of the number fifty-six between the number two and the number hundred, in order to express two hundred and fifty-six, would be opposed to all practice, and, it seems to me, contrary to the most elementary logic. Dr. Oldenberg accordingly reads e for
J a very simple correction (I must allow that Ph. E. is not very favourable to this reading, although the character u is by no means above all suspicion), and, admitting that, as often happens, the numbers are written in an abridged form, he transcribes duvé sa (i. e. sata) parina (i. e. puiindsa, Skr. pañchasat) chha (i. e. sha!) ti. I concur entirely with his conjecture, and do so the more easily because, in all particulars, I had previously independently arrived at the same conclusions. If I state this, it is certainly not to claim the honour of an hypothesis which I think to be a happy one. In the present case, the priority of the suggestion is not a matter of discussion, and unquestionably belongs to Dr. Oldenberg. I only lay stress upon the coincidence in order to add probability and credit to the explanations proposed. Dr. Oldenberg has again rightly perceived that it is impossible, in two short sentences closely connected like these, to attribute to one and the same word, vivutha, two applications so different as those which Dr. Bühler proposed. Having come so far, I am now obliged, as to the true meaning of this word, vivutha, to differ equally from both my learned predecessors. I have just above touched on its derivation; -- we have to deal with a participle of vi-vas. I have pointed out that Rûpnåth gives us a further proof in the word vivasétaviyd, Skr. vivasayitavyan, regarding which reference may be made to the commentary on that text (n. 6). It will there be seen that the king recommends vivasayitun, or, in other words, the being, the becoming viyatha. That ought at once to cause us to distrust the proposed interpretations. In the vyutha, both Drs. Bühler and Oldenberg search for the head, the one of the Buddhist doctrine, the other of a doctrine perhaps analogous but different, the word not being sanctioned as & technical term in Buddhism. We know now, from what I have said above (n. 1) that our inscription is certainly Buddhist. It is certain, on the other hand, that vyutha, meaning the Buddha, would be a name absolutely new to us. It remains to be seen if the conclusion to be drawn from these premises is not simply that vyutha in no way refers to the Buddha at all; and it is, in fact, this to which we are led by all the other indications. I have previously drawn attention to the fact that the 8th Columnar Edict presents, when compared with the present one, analogies of which I am astonished that advantage has not been taken: 'that men may make rapid progress in the Religion, it is for this reason that I have promulgatod religious exhortations, that I have given various directions in regard to the Religion. I have appointed numerous [officers] over the people .. .. that they may spread abroad my instructions, and develope (my wishes). I have also appointed rajjúkas over hundreds of thousands of living beings, and they have been ordered by me to instruct the faithful. Thus saith Piyaclasi, dear unto the Dêvas: it is with this object alone that I have erected columns [covered with] religious (inscriptions], instituted overseers of the Religion, and spread abroad religious exhortations. We are here in the presence of the same ideas, of the same stage of development as in our present edict in both cases the same terms are found, - especially the word sávana. At Delhi, as here we are informed about the instructions which the king promulgates, and the inscriptions which he scatters far and wide to insure that his teaching should be the more lasting. There we are told further about the officers who in this propaganda lend him an essential aid, who go forth spreading abroad and developing his intentions. I believe that, in this particular also, the agreement continues in our text. We have seen

Page #178

162
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MAY, 1891.
that, in line 4, there is no reason for seeking in sávané any thing other than the same instructions which are here recorded. It is exactly the same in the present passage. The exhortations of the text are purely and simply identical with those which the king, in many other passages, continually speaks of as emanating from him and in his own name, without ever invoking the authority of a sacred text of which we have no reason to expect the mention in the present case. But how then to understand vivutha ? The most experienced students of Hindu and of Buddhist literature, have hitherto discovered no proof of a technical use of the verb vi-vas. We can therefore only start from the ordinary sense of the word. This is well known, and gives rise to no doubt; it is that of 'to be absent,' 'to depart from one's country. The substantive vivása is used with the corresponding valae of absence, departure from home.' Under these conditions, nothing is simpler than to take viyutha as meaning these messengers, these, as it were, missi dominici, on the establishment of whom Piyadasi set so much value, the dutas or messengers of whom he speaks in the 13th Rock Edict. Subject, therefore, to these remarks, I would render the word by 'missionary.' Among the expressions which occur to me, it is the only one which allows me to retain for the participle vivutha, and for the verb vi-vas in its various applications, an equivalent which would give in the English translation the uniformity of expression used by the text. The word will have the advantage of directly reminding as of those missionaries of whom, as we know from the Mahavamsa, so great a number expatriated themselves during the reign of Asoka, to carry the teaching of Buddhism to all parts of his vast empire, and above all to the foreign nations, the antá, with whom our edict expressly deals a little higher up. The vyutha would be here, as is in the nature of things and in the essence of his role, only the representative, the substitute of the king. In this way the whole passage is perfectly consistent: the king, after having spoken of these instructions as coming from himself, returns to the subject saying that it is his messenger,' his 'missionary,' who is charged with spreading them abroad, with actually putting them into circulation, and he adds that there have been two hundred and fifty-six departures of similar messengers. It follows from this that sata can only be understood as corresponding to the Sanskrit sattva, living being, man,' as has been already recognized by Dr. Oldenberg. We could, if absolately necessary, follow Dr. Bübler in interpreting it as an equivalent of the Sansksit šástri, master, teacher.' This translation would, in no way, be incompatible with the meaning which I attribute to vivutha; but the phonetic difficulty, the presence of an unaspirated t, would render such an explanation only allowable as a last resource. There remains only one sligbt obscurity over a matter of detail. It is natural that, reduced as we are to a translation solely founded on etymology, we should not be in a position to determine the precise official signification of the title, and how far it corresponds with those mentioned in other inscriptions, dharmamahamátras, dútas, &c. We may, at the same time, remark that according to the 5th Girnâr Edict, the creation of the dharmamahámdtras belonged to the year following that from which our inscription takes its date. It is possible that, at the epoch at which we now are, Piyadasi had not yet conceived the idea of a regular organization, and that the somewhat vague term vyutha corresponds to this early stage of affairs, when, yielding to the first inspirations of his zeal, he sent abroad a large number of missionaries, without fixing their precise title, charging them to go as far as they could (cf. n. 6 of Rūpnåth) to spread abroad his teaching.
10. There can be hardly any doubt that the end of line 7 should read yata vd a-. It forms a correlative to the tata following. There remains therefore, for the verb which precedes, lilchápay áthá, and not lichápaya tháya, as Dr. Bühler writes. We thus escape the necessity of admitting with him a complication of forms and of constructions equally improbable. Likhápayátha is the second person plural. The king here directly addresses his officers (as we sball see that he does at Rapnath in another sentence) and says to them: 'cause to be engraved upon the mountains,' &c. It it clear that, according to this analogy, we must read at the end of the edict likhdpayatha ti. Ph. B. actually favours the reading, ti instead of yi. I have some hesitation regarding the analysis of the word hetų. The method which first suggestis itself, is, as Dr. Bühler has done, to seek in it the nominative plural of the pronoun; but the

Page #179

MAY, 1891.]
THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI.
163
presence of the pronoun is awkward, as the king wishes to say 'pillars' rather than these pillars.' On the other hand, it appears that at Rûpnath we have the adverb hidha, that is to say, down here, on the earth, in the world. It is perhaps proferable to admit that we have here its equivalent in hétú, i. e. atra, éttha. Cf. G. VIII. I. 3; Kb. VIII, 23 and the notes.
RUPNATH 11. We have seen that it is adhatiyáni which we must read (see above, note 1); so also kaká and not lúka, and, further on, bádhaw and not büdhim. Regarding the characters following sumi, I cannot agree with Dr. Bühler, who reads, or restores, så[valki. From his own facsimile it is clear that between the letter which he rends sá, and that which he reads ki, and which I read le, there are wanting two characters, and not one. The first sign, which he reads sa is by no means clear. It is rather su which should be read, if the traces visible on the facsimile were above all suspicion. But numerous examples bear witness that it is not so, and, under these conditions, I have little hesitation in maintaining that the stone had really, here as at Sahasarim, updeaké. Moreover, sivaké, meaning a layman, is a Jain expression, the presence of which here would surprise us. The reading sanghapápité, translated 'having reached the Samgha, being entered into the Samgha,' is a very ingenious conjecture of Dr. Bühler's. But, if I am inclined to accept this reading, I am not ready to concur in its interpretation as given by Dr. Bühler. The expression songham praptus, for the precise idea of 'entering into the monastic order,' is vague and not sanctioned by the ordinary terminology, necessarily fixed at an early date in such a matter; besides, this situation of a king, who, while preserving his royal prerogatives and his royal life, enters into a religions order, is far removed from the idea which we are accustomed to form with regard to Buddhist monachism in the ancient period. I shall later on come to this matter again, and shall explain why I prefer to take this 'entering' in a material, physical meaning, and the phrase as commemorating the first solemn visit paid by the king to the assembly of monks, after his conversion.
12. It is probable enough that the complete reading is that indicated by the facsimile of the Corpus, -kkudakéna hi pi ka-. Dr. Bühler corrects to kivipi palea, in which he is very probably right. I suspect that pipulé of the facsimile does not represent a variant orthography, but that the variation is only apparent, and that the stone had in reality vipulé. The reading árôdhave is also, I am persuaded, only apparent. Everywhere in this inscription, r is replaced by l, and it is álddhave which has been engraved on the rock. The inspection of the facsimile appears to me to greatly favour this correction, which, under any circumstances, would have to be made conjecturally.
13. I pass over evident rectifications such as étâya. It will be remarked that the absence of the pronoun iduin, or some such, giving an indeterminate shade to the substantive, tends to favour the interpretation which I have given for the corresponding sentence at Sahasaram.
14. The reading palaré, admitted by Dr. Bühler, appears to me to give little satisfaction as regards sense. Moreover, I can discover in the facsimile no trace of the d long. I think that there can be no doubt that the stone bore in reality pakamé, corresponding to the palakame of Sahasarâm, and I translate in conformity with this conjecture. For kiti read leiinto. As for vadhi I cannot recognise it as an accusative. We must either read athavadhi as a nominative, or admit that the two syllables vadhi have been repeated by an error of the engraver. I confess that the perfect agreement which it would establish with Sahasarâm causes me to lean to the second alternative.
15. Dr. Bühler has, I think, been led astray by his not recognising the two future participles passive which the sentence contains. At the end we must certainly read lékhápétaviyati. As for the exact form of the first one, the evident errors in the facsimile as regards the characters which follow, throw the matter into some uncertainty. For Tékhápétaválata, we inust certainly read the consonants: 1, kh, p, t, v, y, t. But, according to

Page #180

164
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MAY, 1891.
the vocalization, which, whether owing to the rock being worn away or to the imperfections of the facsimile, unfortunately escapes us, we must either understand lékhápita va yata (in which yatra commences the following sentence), or lékhápitaviyé ti. It is possible to adduce arguments in favour of either solution; but I do not venture to decide absolutely, and console myself with the small importance of the question, so far as regards the general meaning of the passage which is not affected. What is certain, is that the king, here as at Sahasarâm, gives an order, or at least a counsel, to the readers whom he addresses. We shall see that the following sentence throws still further light on this new construction. For hadha, I correct with Dr. Bühler, but not without some hesitation, hidha, equivalent to iha. It is unnecessary to point out the corrections athi, sílálhaibhé.
16. In the interpretation of this passage, I differ entirely from Dr. Bühler: the difficulties and improbabilities in the translation proposed by him are evident. I hope that the solution which I propose will recommend itself by its simplicity, and by its agreement with the general tone of the edicts of the king. Regarding the reading, I only differ from my eininent predecessor as regards two details : in the place of savara, I read savata; if the reader will take the trouble to refer to the facsimile, and to note, on the one hand the distance which séparates the so-called from the letter following, and on the other hand, the form , and not
which t has in this inscription, I do not think that he will have any further doubt as to this correction. The other reading is no less easy; it consists in reading tuphaka (more correctly tuphúkan) instead of tupaka, the L and the be being, as we know, very similar. I do not speak of additions of vowels which are necessary according to any hypothesis, and which the experience of all the rest of the inscription shews to be perfectly legitimate. This being settled it is sufficient to distribute the characters suitably, in order to obtain a natural, as well as an excellent, meaning. I read : étina cha viyanjanêná yavataké (cf. avataké in the edict of Bhabra) tuphákann dhale savata vivasétaviyê ti. Viyanjuna means 'sign,' and marks, as we have seen in the 3rd of the Fourteen (Rock) Edicts, the exterior and material form of the thought. We could, therefore, understand, 'and by the order here engraven.' If this turn of speech appear a little vague, it is justified by the existence of a pun. In fact, the continuation is clear, you must set out on your mission as far as you will find nourishment,' that is to say, as far as is humanly possible. Now vyminjana has also the meaning of condiment, relish,' and, by designating his written will by this word, Piyadasi represents it as in some sort a viaticum which should accompany and sustain his missionaries whom he exhorts to expatriate themselves. It is unnecessary to draw further attention to the corroboration which this sentence, as well as the one which I have cited in commenting on the text of Sahasaram, gives to my translation of vyutha. If this special exhortation is missing in the other texts, it will be noted that it is particularly appropriate here, at the frontier zone in which Rapnath is situated.
17. We must, of course, read ryuthéna, and civásá ti.
BAIRAT. The version of Bairat, very fragmentary, and very imperfectly reproduced as it is, does not lend itself, at present, to a detailed examination. There is only one passage, in line 3, where it can serve to fill up a lacuna in the other texts, and I have already said that there also the read. ing appears very doubtful. It would be useless to enamerate all the corrections which the comparison of the parallel versions authorises us to make in the text as we have it now. Any one can make them for himself. There are other doubtful passages, such as amisánain &c., where conjectures would be without interest, as being based on no serious authority. The only point which deserves notice, is that to which Dr. Bühler has drawn attention, that the figures represented in the facsimile of the Corpus, are wanting in the rabbing. I can only state my agreement with his opinion, when he adds that the position which they occupy renders him very sceptical as to their existence.

Page #181

MAY, 1391. ]
THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI.
165
TRANSLATION. (In translating, I neglect the peculiarities of Bairât. For Sahasaram and Råpnâth, I print the translations of the two texts in parallel columns, from the point where they diverge, too decidedly, from each other.)
Thus saith the [King] dear unto the Dêvas : – During two years and a half was I an upisala (Baddhist layman), and did not display great zeal. A year has passed since I visited the Samgha (the monastic community). (R adds : - and I displayed great zeal]. During this period, the men who were the real gods of Jambudvipa have been reduced to be no longer really the gods. [R. : - Those who at that time were the real gods of Jambudvipa, are now reduced to be really so no longer). Now that is the result of my zeal ; that result cannot be attained by might alone [R. omits this last word]. The most humble can, by displaying zeal, gain heaven, high though it be. It is with this aim that these instructions are delivered : that all, humble or great, should display zeal; that the foreign nations themselves should be taught (by my proclamations), and that this zeal should be lasting. Then will arise a [religious progress, a grand progress, an infinite progress. SAHASARAM.
RUPNATH. It is by the missionary that this teaching Have these things engraved on mountains ; is spread abroad. Two hundred and fifty-six and in that place where there may be found men have been sent forth on missions, 256. & pillar of stone, have them engraved upon Have ye these things engraved on mountains; the pillar. And with these instructions, which and in those places where there are pillars of will be to you as a viaticam, set ye forth on stone have them engraved there also.
your mission to all the world, so far as ye will find means of existence. It is through the missionary that my teaching is spread abroad. There have been 256 settings forth of missionaries.
3. THE EDICT OF BHABRA. We know that this edict was discovered in the same locality (Bairât) as that in which was found the third version of the preceding edict. If I adhere to the name of Bhabra, I do so because that name is already sanctioned by long use, and because it prevents any confusion arising regarding the two inscriptions found in the same neighbourhood. To avoid a useless multiplication of divisions, I include it in the present chapter, although, strictly speaking, it is not engraved on a rock in the same sense as the preceding ones. It is engraved on a small detached block of granite, which it was found easy to transport to Calcutta, where it is now preserved. The most trustworthy reproduction of the stone is that which has been given in the Journal Asiatique (1887, Vol. I. pp. 498 and ff.) from a rubbing of Dr. Burgess, together with some fragments of a rubbing previously sent to me by my learned friend and colleague, Dr. Hoernle. On this facsimile the following reading and commentary are based.
TEXT. Kittoe, J. A. S. B. 1840, pp. 616 and ff.; Burnouf, Lotus, pp. 710 and ff.; Kern, Jaartelling, &c. pp. 32 and ff.; Wilson, J.R.A.S. XVI pp. 357 and ff. 1 Piyadasi (a)ja magadhań sangha abhivadanam Ahá apabad hatař cha
phâsuvihálatam chå [.] 2 vidite vê bharatê avataké hama budhasi dhammasi sanghabiti galavê cham pasade
cha [1] ê kê chi bhaktê 3 bhagavata budhena bhasite savề sê sabhabitế và ê chu khô bhaintê hamiyaye digây
hêvam sedharme

Page #182

166
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MAY, 1891.
4 chilațhitikê hêsatîti alahâmi hakam tam vatavê [.) iinâni bhantê dhammapa
ligâyâni vinayasamukase 5 aliyavasảni anagatabhayẩni munigathủ mônryasatê upatisanaginê ê chi lagulô6 våde musâvâdam adhigichya bhagavatî budhêna bhasitê étâna bhamtê dhamma
paliyayani ich hâmi 7 kimti bahu ke bhikhupayê chỉ bhakhuniyê châ abhikhinam sunaya chå upadha
lêyêyu cha 8 hêvamın êvå upisakâ cha apåsika cha [.] êtêni bhamtê imam likhâpayâmi abhihetani ma janata ti?
NOTES. · 1. The third word of the inscription has long been read magadhé, and the question arose whether it was to be understood as an epithet of lája or as 'an irregular orthography for magadhai. From the last facsimile it may be seen that the supposed vowel-sign is by no means regularly cut, and is probably nothing more than an accidental scratch, - especially as the following annsvára seems to be quite clear. It is thus inégadhai which we must read, and which we must, of course, construe with sanghan. Hitherto, the word has been taken simply in its geographical signification : 'the samgha of Magadha. I have some doubts on this point. In the first place, saigha, as is proved by what follows, was from this epoch consecrated, in its generic and, so to say, abstract use, to designate the clergy in its most general terms. Hence its association with a local restrictive designation is no more likely here than it would be in the ordinary literary language of Buddhism. In the second place, it is difficult to explain the erection in Rajasth in of an inscription destined expressly for the clergy of Magadha. Ought we not to consider that magadha should be a synonym of 'Buddhist, based on the place of the origin of the doctrine? If such a use really existed, it would explain, for instance, how Pali ultimately received the name of mdgadhi bhdshá, although it had surely nothing to do with Magadha. This is a mere conjecture which I pat forth subject to all reserves. The old reading abhivadé mátpá)nan must be put aside together with the various conjectures to which it has induced the several interpreters. Neither má nortpá can be made out of what are really only incoherent scratches, whether the stone was from the first defective at that spot or the engraver intended to blot out some letter erroneously begun by himself. I consider that the vowel-sign é has no more reality here than in the above mágadhê. As to this point the fragmentary rabbing of Dr. Hoernle (photographed in the abovementioned paper) is especially decisive. We have consequently to read as I have transcribed abhivadanan áhu... This construction of áha or some equivalent with abhivádana and a double accusative is frequent enough in the phraseology of Buddhistic Sanskrit. I shall only quote one example (Mahavastu, II, 105): STT
TTT FUAT YOU, "and tell my husband my greeting. The meaning here is clear and perfectly satisfactory: the king tells the Sangha his greeting and his wishes.'
2. I find it, I confess, a little rash to have recourse to analogies borrowed from Hindi to explain the form humá. The meaning has, however, been recognised by Dr. Kern, and there can be no further doubt about it. Moreover, the form is not isolated here. Beside the genitive hama. we shall shortly find the instrumental hamiyáyé, which has not hitherto been recognised under the reading painiyayé. Humiyyé is to mamiye (Dh., det. ed., ii. 4), mamiyá (J., det. ed., ii. 6; Col. ed. vii. 7), as hama is to mamu. The two sets of forms are in complete correspondence. We could, strictly speaking, explain their origin, either by a metathesis of maha to hama, which has been afterwards continued in the declension, or by a false analogy with the nominative han. At any rate, we can be certain about the meaning in both cases.
3. The old copy has here the right reading kêchi. The rubbing, however, seems really to have the anuscára.

Page #183

MAY, 1891.]
THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI.
167
4. The facsimile of the Corpus, by giving the double reading hamiydyé and diséyana, has given a new meaning to this passage. The versions of Burnouf and of Dr. Kern were only ingenious makeshifts, on which it would be, I think, superfluons to dwell at length. As far as subhásité vú all is plain; for the remainder, it is of importance to explain the construction clearly. And first of all the particle chu khó, which, as I have had occasion to point out has a slight adversative shade, announces a proposition destined to complete, and, to a certain extent, to form an antithesis to what precedes. The relative & which commences the sentence, requires a correlative, which we find in tarit before vatave. So far as con. cerns the relative proposition, I have just stated my opinion regarding hamiyáyê which is the instrumental of the pronoun of the first person. Disêyan is simply the regular form of the first person of the potential. As for the meaning of the verb diś, it is determined by that of the substantive désa. I have shewn (Dh., ed. det., i. n. 7) that, in our inscriptions, it is everywhere the equivalent of the Sanskrit saruesa, and signifies, order,''commandment.' Dis will, therefore, mean not merely to shew,' but to direct,' to order. We shall thus obtain this translation; and so far as I may order myself,' that is to say, by my own authority, besides what has been positively said by the Buddha. The reading tan vatavé instead of tuivatavé, tavitavé, has put everything here in order. The construction, with the infinitive dependent on alahami is excellent. Only one slight doubt remains, viz. should we not tran.scribe vátave with an anomalous compensatory á long ? It would, however, alter nothing in the rendering of the word which is equivalent to Sanskrit vaktun. In furnishing us with the necessary antecedent tain to the relative é, this reading allows us to take, with Barnouf, sadhaimé as equivalent to the technical Buddhistic saddharma.
5. The reading vinayasamukasé, formerly given by Wilson on the authority of Capt. Bart is now confirmed, and the Sanskrit transcription would be vinaya-samutkarshah, the meaning of which it is difficult to determine. We cannot separate the word from the Pâli expression sámukkarisiká dhasamadésaná (cf. Childers, ..v.); but the bearing of this qualification is far from being established. The only point which is certain is the derivation, - sámukkannsika equivalent to simutkarshika ; that which the PAli commentaries propose is only a play upon words. Provisionally, it is perhaps safest to adhere to the established meaning of samutkarsha in Sanskrit, and to translate, subject to every reservation, the Excellence of Discipline.' We may compare the use of the verb samutkarshati in'a passage of the Maharastu (I. p. 178, 1, 1. of my edition, and the note). Under any circumstances, we are not as yet, in a position to identify this title with any of those which are known to us from literature. The conjecture of Dr. Oldenberg (Mahavagga, I. p. xi. note), who seeks for, in it, the pátimökkha, is the less probable, because he has, for several of the other titles here given, shewn their exact agreement with the titles which his consummate experience of the Pali Canon has enabled him to be the first to discover. He identifies the anagata-bhayani with the arafinaleandgatabhayasutta of the Angutaranikaya. That Sûtra 'describes how the Bhikshu, who leads a solitary life in the forests, should have always before him the dangers that might suddenly put an end to his life, serpents, savage animals. &c., and such thoughts should lead him to exercise all his energies in order to arrive at the goal of his religious strivings.' Here we have an example of how the literal translation of a title may easily become a source of error, and how these. Fears of the Future' do not treat of the fear of infernal punishment, as Burnouf had very naturally supposed. This lesson warns us not to presume to determine the exact meaning of aliyavashni (probably áryavasini), a title not identified, of the money asata, or of the upatisapasiné. About the last, we can only be certain so far as to transcribe it, with Dr. Kern, as upatishyapraína. As for the munigátha, Dr. Oldenberg recognises in it, with much probability, the same subject which is treated of in the twelfth Sûtra of the Suttanipata bearing the same title, and he compares the lághuldváda with the Sútra entitled Ambalajthikardhulóváda, the sixty-first of the Majjhimanikdya (Vol. I. pp. 414 and ff. of
My two rabbings read distyd without the anwevers. It is simply one example more of the equivalence, which has been previously mentioned, betweon a long and Dalised vowel.

Page #184

168
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MAY, 1891.
Trenckner's edition). It is certain that the king had some version or other of this in his mind. This is proved by the addition musávádani adhigichya. Burnouf was completely at sea in his commentary on this phrase, which Dr. Kern has perfectly correctly transcribed as mrishávádan adhikritya. The latter translates it as, 'on the subject of,'having reference to the falsehood.' At the most it would be possible, if we are permitted to base our translation absolutely on the Pali version, to propose a slight modification. It is not correct to say that it has the falsehood for its entire subject, but rather that it has it for its text or point de départ. We could translate our text in this way too, the meaning 'to set at the beginning' being sufficiently proved for adhiksi. I shall revert, on another occasion, to the orthography of adhigichya, equivalent to adhilesitya, which is both curious and instructive.
6. The readings étáni, and bhikhuniyé suggest themselves. The real difficulty consists in the words kimti bahuké bhikhupayé, although I have no hesitation regarding the two first. I can see no means of permitting us to give bahuka the value of a substantive, in the sense of 'increase.' The spelling of kinti being certain, the division of the words into kinti tahuké, seems to me to be beyond discussion. But bhikhupáyé (and this reading is certain) has hitherto resisted all efforts. The evidence of the adjective bahuke shews, as indeed is evident from the form itself, that bhikhupáyê is a nominative singular. The first member of the compound is as clear as the second is doubtful. It looks as if we required something like bhikhrsarighé. The only transliteration which I can see is bhikshupráyaḥ. It would be necessary to admit for práya, which is known in Sanskļit with the meaning of abundance,' a possible translation, collection, assembly. This is the least improbable expedient which I find myself able to suggest. I may remark, en passant, that there is no allusion here to written books: sunéyu would, on the contrary, appear to refer to a purely oral tradition.
7. Read étend. Wilson's facsimile confirms for these last words the reading of General Cunningham. I do not think that the corrections mé jana tu ti will appear doubtful to any one, and for this use of janaritu we may compare the analogous passage at Sahasarim and Råpnåth, annta cha jánantu. As for abhipéta, the new rubbing has brought documentary evidence which was hardly necessary. The last letters are not very clear, which explains the doubts which arise regarding the vowels. Upon the whole, this restoration appears to me a matter of certainty. I translate in the manner following: -
TRANSLATION The king Piyadasi bids the Mâgadha clergy his greetings and wishes of prosperity and good health. Ye know, Reverend Sirs, how great are my respect and my goodwill to the Bud. dha, to the Law, and to Clergy. Whatever has been said by the blessed Buddha, all that has been well said, and so far as I may, Reverend Sirs, pass orders of my own will, I consider it good to proclaim them, in order that the Good Law may long endure. Here are religious teachings: the Vinayasamukasa (the Instruction of Discipline), the Ariyavasas (the P Supernatural Powers of the Aryas), the Andgatabhayas (the Dangers to Come), the Munigdthás (the Verses relating to the Muni, or Religious Ascetic), the Upatisapasina (the Questions of Upatishya), the Minéya sulta (the sútra on Perfeetion), and the Sermon to Rahula prononnced by the Blessed Buddha. which takes its starting point from the falsehood. I desire that many Bhikshus and Bhikshunis should frequently hear these religious teachings and meditate on them. So also for lay devotees of both sexes. It is for this reason, Reverend Sirs, that I have had this engraved, that people may know my wish.
4. THE INSCRIPTIONS OF THE BARABAR CAVES, For the sake of completeness I add, in conclusion, the three inscriptions of the Barabar Caves in which the name of oor king Piyadasi is expressly mentioned. It is well known that they were discovered and published for the first time by Kittoe.

Page #185

MAY, 1891.)
THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI.
169
I combine in one the explanations of the two first, which only differ in the proper names used.
TEXT. Kittoe, J. A. S. B. 1847, pp. 412 and ff.; Burnouf, Lotus, pp. 779 and ff.
I.
(Sudamá Cave.) 1 LAjina piyadasinê duvadasavasabhisitênå 2 iyain nigohakub dinê adivikêmhi ()
II.
(Visra Cave.) 1 Lâjina piyadasina duva2 dasavasábhisitena iyam 3 kubbê khalatikapavatasi 4 dina Adivikémhi (.]
NOTES. I have only two brief observations to add to the remarks of Burnonf. The first refers to the year from which these inscriptions date. It is the thirteenth after the coronation of the king. These figures have their own interest. We have seen that, according to one of the Delhi Colomnar Edicts (cf. above, Sahasarâm, n. 2), this year was the first in which, according to his own evidence, the author of these inscriptions had religious teachings engraved; it is, to within a few months, the one which marks his active conversion to Buddhism. This coincidence, without being in itself decisive, affords at least one more presumption in favour of the conjecture, which at first attributed these inscriptions to our Asoka-Piyadasi.
The second remark concerns the word &diviké hr. I have no doubt that we should read, as in the better preserved inscriptions of Daśaratha, ddwikéhi. I take it, - not as an ablative, which would be unintelligible both here and in the other places where the word occurs, - not as representing a dative, we should in that case rather expect adivikúnarn, -- but as an instrumental, in the sense of the locative. In dealing with the Mahdoastu, I have had occasion to quote numerous instances of this peculiarity in the syntax of Buddhist Sanskrit (Mahávastu, I. 387, &c.) Burnouf has quite correctly recognised the base adivika as being the equivalent of djivika.
TRANSLATION This cave of the Nyagrôdha (II: - this cave situated on Mount Khalatika] has been given to religious mendicants by king Piyadasi, in the thirteenth year after his coronation.
III. (Karan Chaupár Cave.)
TEXT. 1 Laja piyadasi êkuneyim2 sativasâbhisitê nûmê thâ 3 adamathậtima iyam kubhâ 4 supiyê khalatipavata di. 5 nâ ()
NOTES. The new facsimile of the Corpus is a marked improvement on the first copy of Major Kittoe, which did not permit Burnouf to give a connected translation. Nevertheless, it must not be forgotten that, even according to General Cunningham, the rock is much defaced, and that

Page #186

170
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
MAY, 1891.
the reading is both difficult and doubtful. We are thus permitted to introduct, at need, new corrections into the text which is presented to us. The formula is here different from that which we find in the two preceding cases. Burnoaf clearly saw that the name of the king is this time in the nominative. It follows that we must divide the words after abhisite. The characters which follow present some uncertainty. I shall commence by considering those with which the next line commences. Basing my emendation on the analogy of the inscriptiong of Daśaratha, which have been also commented upon by Burnouf, I do not hesitate to read instead of H 8028 adamathátima several characters of which are expressly given as hypothetical, d 81vt chandamasuliyan. We must further, in order to complete the phrase, admit that the last letter of the preceding line is in reality Ha. There remain the characters IB námé which I read [8 náma, which thus concludes a sentence and separates it from what follows. The concluding words present two difficulties. The first is the form supiyé, which ought to contain the name of the cave, and should consequently be corrected to supiya, equivalent to supriya. The second concerns the word khalatipavata. As in No II. we should expect a locative. I only see two alternatives. One is to read, -pavate, but the locative is rarely formed in this fashion in inscriptions, such as the present one, in the Mâgadhỉ dialect. The other is to assume that a letter has been omitted, and to restore to -pavatasi. This is, in my opinion, the preferable course. To sum up, we may almost certainly translate as follows:
TRANSLATION. The king Piyadasi was crowned nineteen years ago. (This has been made) for as long as the moon and the san may endore. This cave, called Supiya, on Mount Khalati, has been given.
WEBER'S SACRED LITERATURE OF THE JAINS. TRANSLATED BY DR. HERBERT WEIR SMYTH.
(Continued from p. 29.) XII. The twelfth angam, ditthivaa, drishtivada, presentation of the different) views This title (342] corresponds to our information in reference to the contents of this text now ng longer extant; and we conjectured on page 248 that the character of its contents was the causa movens of its lose. On page 243 we saw that in all probability the digthivia is not further mentioned even in the argas with the exception of angas 4. This remark holds good merely of the name ditthivAa and not of the so-called 14 puvvas, which, according to the presentation of the subject in anga 4, form a principal part of the ditth. Tradition indeed appears to regard the puvvas as identical with the ditth. The 14 puovas are mentioned both in anga 10 (the redaction of which, as we have seen, p. 327 foll., is of secondary origin), where their division into páhudas is alluded to (see p. 333), and frequently in angas 6 and 8; and in fact in a very peculiar way. The detailed discussion, according to name and contents, of the 14 puvvas in anga 4 and Nandi and in the later tradition, cites the uppdyapuvva at their head. Twice in anga 6 and once in anga 8 (3, 1) are they characterized, just as are the eleven angas, or together with them, as sámáiyánGiydim. Leumann says: "Of special interest are three of the many instances in anga 6, where it is related that a man who has just become a member of the order studied the 14 puvuas or 11 angas." These three instances are found in p. 591 of the Calcutta edition, compared with p. 597, p. 1354, compared (343) with p. 1355 and p. 1454, compared with p. 1455. The second passages quoted, in which the 11 angas are mentioned, have reference to a period later by five to twenty years than the first, in which the 14 puvva are treated of."
I have seen this insoription many times, it being situated in this district (Gay). It would be useless to attempt to give a revised rubbing, except to shew how extremely hypothetical much of the Corpus rending inevitably in. The face of the insoription has been chiselled away by some Maalman fanatio... A. G.
Idrishtayo daríandni, vadunat deh, drishtin&ti vedo drishtina pato yatra.
· Letenn eitunga , 2, for the duvilaaaring ganipidage, or dyr fara aftthivaó, likewise birdanig in anga 84,1 The first passage is based in the last instance on anga

Page #187

MAY, 1891.)
SACRED LITERATURE OF THE JAINS.
171
How can this use of the attribute sámáiya-m-áiyáim of the 14 puvvas be explained ? This use is found in no other places with the exception of angas 6 and 8, and here only in the parallel ase of the epithet in reference to the 11 angas, and in po instance where there is an isolated mention of the 14 puvvas. Hence it is too bold an assumption if we assert that a sámáiya. puvvam, instead of the uppdyapuvvam, once actually stood at the head of the 14 puvvas. On the other hand, it is probable that in anga 6 this epithet has been transferred from the angas to the puvvas, and that the generio signification of the word sám dia, and the greater antiquity which the statements in anga 6 probably possess in contrast to those in angas 4, formed the means of transition. This assumption is however a mere make-shift, since there is no further criterion for such a special inter-relation of both groups of texts.
The upangas, too, attest in several particulars the existence of anga 12. In up. 8 - 12, probably the oldest of the upanga texts, it is true, only 11 angas are mentioned. But in up. 1, 26 (Lenmann, p. 36) we discover a reference to the choddasapuvvi together with the duválasangino; and in the introduction to up. 4, [344) in v. 5, the dithivâa, and in v. 3, the puvvasuyam, are mentioned by name as the source of information of the author. It is furthermore worthy of note that up. 5 and 7 agree with the puvvas in the division into páhudas. According to up. 6 . they both appear to have been divided into vatthus at the time of this updiga. The tradition is desirous of establishing a close connection between the upanga and the ange in the present order of succession of each. Hence we may conclude that, at the period in which the existing corpus of the twelve upaigas was established, - that is, at the date of the redaction of the present Siddhanta, - there were in reality 12 angas, and that the digthivda consequently still existed or was considered as extant.
The ditthivåa or, as the case may be, the dayâlasangam ganipidagam is frequently mentioned in the other parts of the Siddhanta, which are united to the upd nga. These portions of the Siddhanta are in reality the storehouse of information about the ditthivka or duvâlasargam gaạipidagam. See the citations on p. 246 frota Avagy. and Anwyðgadv. With these may be associated the corresponding statements in chhedas. 2 and Nandt, in which we find several direct citations (see below) from the pavvas; and in fact the chhedas 3-5 are repeatedly called an excerpt from puvva 9, 3, 30, which is referred back even to Bhadrabahu !
On p. 223, 224 we have seen from several old versus memoriales, the source of which is unfortunately no longer extant, that the ditthivaa at the period of the existence of these verses was highly esteemed, inasmuch as it was designed for the highest gradation of intelligence, and was held to be the object of the study of the nineteenth year. Here we must not suppress the thought that the reason for this relegation of the ditth. to a late period of study, was because it may have been considered (345) dangerons for an earlier and less mature stage of advancement. Finally, appearing as too dangerous, it may have been dropped altogether.
It is exceedingly peculiar that the puvvas, which are a principal part of the ditthivda and represent a preliminary stage of the unga both according to tradition and, in all probability, to their Dame itself, are said to have proceeded from the mouth of the tirthakara and to have been collected by his ganadharas before the angas. The puvvas are mentioned in angas 6 and 8 as texts independent of, or even previous to, the 11 angas, but in angas 4, &c., are represented as forming but one of the five sections of the last anga. It was to be expected that they should be partly independent texts, and partly should stand at the beginning of the entire Siddhanta.
The key furnished by tradition points to the fact (of p. 214) that the knowledge of the diţthivda (or of that of the puova here identified with the ditthivaa) was limited to Bhadrababu alone even at the time of the Council of Pâtalipatra, which instituted the first collection of the
$ The causes oitad above'p. 244, 245, where was mention made of sAmfism-li jkva biziduained, do not belong in this gamngatioid, since the flrnt afigam and not the frat prvum was there referred to
The same probably holds good of the other tests above mentioned, which immediately preceded the dittkivka, and which are no longer extant.

Page #188

172
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(MAY, 1891.
anga texts; and that recourse was had to Bhadrabahu when the collection of the 11 angas was perfected. To this circamstance then we must ascribe the fact that the "púrvar" are placed at the end and not at the beginning of the whole collection. But, (346) according to this very tradition, at that time, on the one hand, there were no longer 14 but 10 púrvas, the knowledge of which was further disseminated, and, on the other, the púrvas do not appear as a part of the ditthivaa but as the ditthivaa itself. Both of these statements of tradition are contradicted by & locus classicus which, in default of the text itself, affords, together with the detailed table of contents in anga 4 and Nandi, information concerning the ditthivaa. Anga 6 and the Nandi, our sources of information, are here in complete agreement, but in the table of contents of the other angas the Nandi is much briefer than anga 4. The contradiction is this : (1) there is not even the slightest difference made between pårvas 1-10 and 11-14 ; and (2) all the 14 púrvas are cited as a mere section-the third part-of the disthivda.
As regards the latter circumstance, it may be stated that in the Siddhanta itself, though in late texts, we find several times the peculiar fact, that, in case a collective enumeration of the angas is attempted, and the first member, whether it be sámáia or ayúra, and the last, are men. tioned, this last member does not appear as ditthiváa butas viilusára. See above, p. 244, 245. Vimdasara is the title of the last of the fourteen púrvas. It is certainly very remarkable that the title of a section (and vindusára must be considered to be sach in this connection as in others) is cäordinated with that of an independent text. As regards these passages it is impossible to assume [347] that the ditthivda at that time exceeded this seotion in extent. This constitutes an important divergence from the presentation of the subject in anga 4, or N., in which latter the vindusdra, as the last section of the third part, is followed by two additional parts, Hêmachandra, who in his treatment of the drishtivada (abhidh. v. 245, 246), cites the pirva (gata) as its fourth, and not as its third part, affords us only such assistance as confirms the divergence in question. Since the fifth part of the drishtivada consists of so-called chilikas, which are a secondary addition, the dirthivda, acoording to Hêmachandra's treatments too, actually concludes with the virdusdra section,
So much is clear :That that conception which limits the ditthivda to the 14 puvvas alone is too narrow. We find a recogaition of the other constituent parts of the ditthivaa also in those statements of the scholia, in which (cf. p. 258) "púrvdni sammaty-ddikas cha" (annyôgah) are mentioned instead of the ditthivía referred to in the text. See Av. nijj. 8, 54. By saimaty. adikah (anuy.) we are probably to understand the first parts of anga 12, though the order has been inverted,
[348] To the statements made, p. 212 foll., in reference to the gradual deoline of the knowledge of the puvvas, I add the following :-In the kAlasattari of Dhammaghôsa? verse 38 foll., Thûlabhadda is referred to the year Vira 215; and there still existed in the time of Vaïra 584 (Vis) 10, in that of Dubbalia 616 (Vira), 9) puvvas. In the scholiast on the passage and in KI. 2476 the latter name is cited as Durbalik-Pashpaloshya)mitra; in the Berlin scholiast on the Nandi, introduct. v. 32, as Darvalikapushpa (shya), he and his teacher Aryarakshita being called the two navapurvinau. In the year 1000 the entire puvvagayam was "gayam."
Let us now turn to the locus classicus itself. Its statements are unfortunately not clear and in fact were unintelligible to the scholiasts of both texts (Abhayadêva on anga 4, and Anon. on Nandi). They both assert with tolerable unanimity that, inasmuch as the text itself was
In Hemsohan lea's treatment of the subjeot there are other minute divergences from the statements in anga 4, or Nandl; on which see below.
Sammati 1) " opinion," "view," in the St. Petersb. Dict., i.e., synonymous with drishti. Leumann tells me that Slanka, too, on anga 1, 1, 8, refers to sammaty Adau a discussion on the 7 naya (800 below p. 352), and was in DORReRSion of text of that name before him: of. Also the eammatieritti, below p. 871.
Dhammaghosasuri, scholar (v. 74) of Davinde, died accord. to Kl. 265a Samvat 1857. This does not agree with Kalas. v. 4 foll, where in general the same prophetic statements are found as in Satrushj. Mah. 14, 390 foll. (See my Treatise, p. 47.) These statements contain the dates 1912 and 1850 Vira (1.6. Sazivat 142 and 1380).

Page #189

MAY, 1891.]
SACRED LITERATURE OF THE JAINS.
173
no longer extant, they merely report the few utterances of tradition. Abhayadeva has the foil. at the beginning of his remarks: sarvam idam prâyo vyavachhinnam tatha 'pi yathapishtam (! "dřishtam?) kimchit likhyatê; and the anonymous scholiast on N. has : s. i. pr. vy. tatha 'pi leśato yathậgatasampradayam kimchid vyakhyayatê. In explaining the first part Abhayadeva says : êtac ca sarvam samûlottarabhêdam sútrárthatô vyavachhinnam and the anon. schol.:tâni cha samülôttarabhêdâni sa kalany api sůtrato 'rtbatascha (319] ryavachhinnâni yathậgatasampradayataś cha darsitáni. Finally, Abhayadêva expresses himself in a similar manner concerning the second part : amůny api sutrarthato vyavachhinnani tatha 'pi drishtanusâ ratah kimchit likhyate, and the anon. schol. says êtâny api samprati sütrato'rthataś cha vyav., yathậgatasampradayatô vâchyani.
The ditchiváa is stated to have consisted of five parts. The first part is the parikammam, by which, the scholiast says, we are to understand those preparations necessary to grasp the meaning of the sútras correctly. These preparations are analogous to the 16 arithmetical operations parikarmáni, which must be understood in order to compute without assistance from others. They are divided into 7 groups, each one of which is again divided into various subdivisions, the total number of which is 83. The first two groups have each 14, the next five but 11 of these sabdivisions, which everywhere bear the same title. They begin, in the case of gronps 1 and 2 with the mauyápayáin, in the case of groups 3-7 with the pádho. Pâdha doubtless signifies "reading;” and the máuyápadáni, numbering 46 according to anga 4, 46,-see p. 281,-recall the 46 signs of the alphabet, and therefore deal with preliminary instrnction in reading and writing. The statement barnbhie mari lirie chháyálisan máuyakkharani, which follows immediately thereapon, tends however to invalidate (350) this assumption. Since this statement certainly, though strangely enough (see above, p. 281 note), refers to 46 sounds or signs of the alphabet, the 46 máuyapadani which are mentioned immediately before must refer to something else. 10 Furthermore since both scholia upon this occasion offer the second of the above-cited explanations of their ignorance, and consequently make no attempt to clear up the names of the 7 groups or of their 84 subdivisions, it cannot be demanded of us that we do more than follow their example.11
Following upon the enumeration of the seven groups is the significant statement that sit of this number (according to the schol. the first six) belong to the system kar goxhv (sasamažyáni) and that the number seven belongs to the ájiviyas. The six are then characterized as chaükkanaiyáni (chaturnayikâni); the seven as terâsiyaņi (yai nayâim N, trairášikảni). The scholia explain one of these two names of schools by [351] GôśâlapraVartitaji vikalotâ ajivikâh N)- pashandasiddhamta (pashandinaḥ N), the second by trairábi. kapashandasthâs. The mention of this second name leads us, so to speak, to the domain of history. The Têrêsiyas represent the sixth schism, which Avasy. 8, 66, 73 refers to the year 544
* Schol. on N. parikarma yogyatápådanam, taddhetuh Astram api parikarma; atra-porvagata-'nuyôgasů. trarthagrahanayogyatásampidanasamarthani parikarmkņi, yath gaạitablatré Bamkalitediny Ady&ni shodaba parikarmeņi Seshagamitastrarthagrahanê samarthinipidana(doubtless OrthatAsamplo Pramartheni.
The interesting fact becomes here apparent that the text of N is unconditionally older. See below.
2. It is greatly to be lamented that the MS. of Abhayadeva to which I have had access, is here so corrupt, that nothing definite can be gained from it. The passage reads :-(digthivayasan panohbkyklisari mfuyapay pan, baibhie nam live chhAyAllsanh mauakkbar pam): ditthiv&yassa tti dv&dahlrngaya, m&uy Apaya tti sakalatvahmayasys () akvAbadi (ak AradiP) metrikapadent 'va dfishţivadArthaprasartha (P)nigama I dhovya (?) lakshanfni tôi ya (tani cha) siddharini-manushyabrony-Adink, (1.8., names of the first two groups of the parikamma) vishayabhideva ("dena) katham api bhidyamanani sbatchatvárinsad gavatt (bhavahti 'ti P) sarbhAdhyati (vyate): tath baibhte pam livie tti lekhyavidhan 46 mitikAksharkņi, tani cha .. (see p. 281).
11 Some of these names are not certain since the MSS. vary. Agisspaykite, klubhyarh, riuibaddhat, kéubhayapadiggahô refer probably to the domain of astronomy.
12 In the Berlin MS. of the Nandi this passage is omitted in the text, though it is explained by the scholiast.
13 See above p. 275; scoord. to Abhayadeva, however :-ta dva o "jivikas trairilika bhanitAb, or, accord. to the schol. on the Nandi, which is identical-ta eva Gobalapravartita Ajivikah plahandinas trairtbika uchyante-the trairAfika are the same as the adherents of Goble! In § 6 of the Therkvart of the Kalpasttra Chhalua, the founder of the sixth schirm, is stated to have been the scholar of Mahsgiri, who was the successor of Tholabhadds (Vira 215, d. p. 348), and is placed about 800 years earlier than Vira 544. These are discrepancies not easily overcome. The

Page #190

174
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MAY, 1891.
after Vira ,24 and this name is perhaps attested by epigraphic testimony of the time of Götamiputra Satakarņi. If we suppose that the reading Têrêsika, proposed by Bühler (Archæolog. Survey of West. India, 1882, p. 104) for the inscription Nâsik No. 11, is conclusive, it is not improbable that it refers to the Teråsiyas quoted above. Bühler, it must be confessed, has adopted another explanation of the name in his Survey.
The explanations of the scholiasts have as yet not assisted me in the endeavour to discover what is referred to by the four nayas, 15 &c. [352] It is a significant fact that the twelfth anga, according to the above statements, treated not merely of the proper but also of heterodox doctrines, or, as the case may be, of hermeneutic methods; and the title of this anga seems to refer to this peculiarity in its contents, which was probably of great moment in determining the fate of the last of the augas. See pp. 248, 342.
The suttai are cited as constitating the second part of the diųhiráa. In all there are 88 suttai, & number ascribed to the second part in anga 4, 88. In reality, however, there are but 22, beginning with ujjuya (ujjusua N; rijuka), but conceived as divided into four parts. The proper orthodox (sasamaya) doctrines and the heterodox views are represented as being equally authoritative. The former are divided into two different forms which are also represented by the ajiviya (Gôšalakapravartitapåsharda Abh.), or têrasiya. The 22 names are not explained by the scholia. They refer17 the name sútra to the explanation of the meaning of the půrras, and consider this as well as the first part as an introduction to the third part of the ditthiva which follows.
(353) The third part is composed of puvva gaê, pûrvagatam, i.e.18 the 14 pûrvaņi, which the tirthakara (Mahavira) himself is said to have imparted to his scholars, the ganad haras- see above p. 216, 217-who then composed the angas (achârâdikam). Besides this explanation which represents the púrvas as older and earlier doctrines anticipating the augas, there is another which is possible. If our second conjecture is correct, we should have to understand by the purras that preliminary knowledge necessary to the comprehension of the doctrine. The titles of the 14 púrra:19 quoted here in the text and enumerated before in $ 14 are explained singly in the scholia, and the number of their padas is stated. The enormous size of these figures greatly
further explanation of the same trairilika in the schol. on N. iste sarvan vastu trayitmakam ichhathti, tad yath : jivo 'jivo jivajivaí cha, loko VykolókA.lokas cha, sat azt sal-asat: mayashimtiyim dravyłatikam paryâystikari ubhayastikar cha; tata: tribhi(h) raibhis charaiti 'ti trair bikas, tanmatena sapta 'pi pari karmíni uchyante. It is worthy of note that the triad form ascribed to the Trairisikas is made use of cf. p. 266 - in anya 4, where the statement of the contents of angas 2 -- 5 is given, and in fact with the citation of two of the examples quoted here. Accord. to the schol. on Kalpas, cf. Jacobi, p. 119, the Vaiseshikadarśanam took its rise from the Térssiyas.
14 Cf. Avaiy. 8, 37: Achim (@bhir paigamadibhir nayaih) dithivel paravan suttaatthakahap ya.
15 nayAb sapta naigamAdayah, Daigamo dvidha, sami.nyagribi viseshagrihi cha, tatra "dyah sangrahê dvitiyas tu sainvyavaharê pravishtah, tatd dvau sangrahavyavaharau, rijusutras chai' kab sabdadayas chn trayo'py eka eva nayah kalpaté, tata êvam chatvára éva naych, étais chaturbhir nayair E.dy ni shat parikarmiņi avasamayavaktavyata ya chimtgartê; on this see Braúka on asga 1, , 8, above p. 347n.
16 The ujjusuya and the pariņayApariraya are stated to be the first two in the series. As regards other names reference is made to the Nanai and not to the independent treatment of the subject further on in anga 4. See above p. 284.
17 Sarvasya parvagatasútrarthasya sdchanft gutriņi, tani cha sarvadravyno sarvaparyfy knih sarvanayanari BarvabhagavikalpAnim prakAsakani dvavir batih prajnaptini, tath Arijusatram iti adi.
18 Cf. Schol. Him. 245 : parvanath gatan jnanam asmin purvagatam. The anonymous author of the Vichiriimritasain graba which contains in 26 vich Aras a grouping of siddhinta passagos, (Apukas, states that the purvagatakrutadbaras were called vachaka, or, acoord, to the Nandivritti, cited by him, but which I have not seen, three other names vadi ya khamasamane divAyarl vâyaga tti égatta I pavvagayammi tu eutte sadda pauttanti. Can the Vicharamritasazhgraba be identical with the Siddhintalapakôddhira of Kulamadana, Sany. 1409 - 55 cited in Kl. 255b?
15 Thoy agree in general with those in Hêm. 247, 243. The explanation is likewise identical ; see the schol. ibid. The number of padas is the same as that stated in the introduction to the Kalpintarudchyuni. In this work the number of vaati (i vastu) of each purra is said to increase from 1 on by geometrical progression (8192 in the case of purva 16). Here however in the text itself-see p. 366 - we find entirely different figures which are quite credible. The figures in the case of 1. 3. 7. 10 vary somewbat in the enumeration of the pårvas in Némichandra's pravachanuskrôddhira $ 92, v. 719-25.

Page #191

MAY, 1891.)
SACRED LITERATURE OF THE JAINS.
175
exceeds as a rule that which the scholiasts-see above p. 288-state to be the number of the padas of the angus, each one of which was said to contain twice the number of padas of the preceding.
The names of the Parvas (354) are as follows:
1. uppáyapuvram,20 at pädapärram; 10 vastu and 4 chúliya vastu; eka padakoti, 10 millions.
2. aggêniyam (A B C), aggê-aniyam N (aggâniyni NED., according to Leumann); ngreniyam Abh.,21 and agriyayîyam Schol. on N ; 14 vastu (so also in § 14) and 12 chůliya vastu; shannavatih padalakshah (9,600,000). A direct citation from this is found in svašy. 10, 4293 and in Malayagiri on upanga 4 (nyriyaniyakhyê dvitiyapûrvê kurmaprakriti prabhçitë bardbavi. dhanê sthitibandhadhikarê chatvári annyôgad varani ... An anonymous avachûri ou Chandramahattara's saptatika (ms. or. fol. 690) calls this work an excerpt from the ditthivúa, especially from the fourth prabhritam (karmaprakritinamam) of the fifth vast w of the second pûrva ("agrâyaniya"). In the Vicharamțitasaingraha we find the following interesting statement taken from the “Nandivritti " :- Sivašarma-Sûryê dibhir ayrù 'uîyâdipůrvêbhyaḥ samuddhritiile śatakadi-karmagrainthih. There actually [355] exists a siddhupáhudam in 120 gâthâs, which is characterized as having taken its rise from the ayyéniyapuova; see p. 361. . 3. víriyam, viryapra vadam ; 8 vastu and 8 chůliya vastu; tasya 'pi (!) saptatih padasahasråại Abh., but in the schol. on N: 78 padalakshah 7,800,000.-Citation from this in Haribhadra on Arasy. 10, 49 (see p. 354, note 4).
4. atthinatthippavayam, astinîstipravâdam25; 18 vastu (also according to $18) and 10 chůliya v.; 60 padala kshåb, 6 millions.-Citation as above.
5. nållappaviyam, 24 jnanapravadam ; 12 vastus; eka padakoti ekapadóna (Abh., padênai 'kêna nyûvá schôl. on N), i.e., 9,999,999 (!); Malayagiri on N has, according to Leunann, 10,000,006.
6. sachchappavayam, satyapravîdam27; 2 vastus, êkii padakoti skadbhir adhika, 10,000,006 (1) 060 Malay., according to Leumann.
7. iyappavayam atmapravîdam": 16 vastus (also according to $ 16) ; 26 padakotayaḥ, 260 millions. Leumann says that a passage, which caused the second schism, is found in the schol. on anga 3, 7 (see above, p. 275). Uttarajjh. 3, 9. dcasy. 8, os.
20 sarvadravyiņai paryavanam (! paryayêñêm) cho 'tpadabhavam aingikțitya prajn&pand Abh., sarvadravy.. D&m utpAdam adhikritya prardpapa N.
21 tatra 'pi sarveshku dravyanar paryavinarin (!) jivaviseshinên cha 'gram parimaiņam varpynte ity agreniyam, Abh. ; Agram parimiņai tanya 'yanam parichhedas, tasmai hitam agriyaniyani sarvadravy Adiparimanakari Schol. on N.
22 The Schol. on Hêm. aud Kalpintarváchyani has the same.
23 agginiammi jahi Divayana jattha ega tattha sayam jattha sayam tatthe 'go haminaï va bhuijad vi vil Haribbadra says: jaha agripipie (1) virie atthinatthipavayapuvve ya padhü: jatthe 'gô Diviyano bhujai tattha Diviyanasayan bhurnjar, jattha DivAyanasayain bhumjai tuttha ego Divayaņó blumjai; évar hammai. According o this the similar passaga should be found also in puvvas 3 and 4. See the remarks on Ambada iu Aup. 6 89: Ambads is mentioned ibid. $ 76 together with Divêyana.
** padaikadebe padasamudi yopachärkt sakarmitaramjivânám ajivanlan cha Viryani pravadati'ti viryapravadam Echol. on N.
38 yat loke dharm AstikAyAdi vastu asti yach cha nA 'sti kharassimgadi tat pravadati'ty astino dam, Schol. on N. yal loke yathA và nA (del.P) 'sti athavasyadvadAbhiprayatas tad ēva na 'st 'ty Avain pravadati ti, Abh. The syadvida, which the Brahmins consider to be a distinguishing mark of the Jains, comes here for once into prominence.
26 matijnknidibh dabhinna saprapancharnvadati 'ti Schol. on N ; matijnAnadipahchakasya bhedasya prarupaņ& Abh.
37 satyath sathyamd vachanath cha, tat prakarahēma vadati, Sebol. on N; tad yatra sabhedam apratipak hain cha varpyatè Abh.
23 Atmanau jivam an kadha nayamatabhedena yat pravadati, Schol. on N.

Page #192

176
[MAY, 1891.
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[356] 8. kammappavâyam, karmapravâdam29; 30 vastus; êka padakôți 80 padasahasrâņi, 10,080,000 (!). A passage from this, which caused the Abaddhiâ or Gotthâmâhila to inaugurate the seventh schism is found in the extract just quoted, and in Haribhadra on Avasy., 8, es, where he remarks: aṭṭhamê kammappavâyapuvvê kammam parûvimti upon the following passage of the text: Gotthâmâhila navamaṭṭhamêsu puchchhâ ya Vimjhassa.
9. pachchakkhanappavâyam,30 pratyâkhyânapravâdam; 20 vastus (also in § 20); 84 padalakshâḥ, 8,400,000. For this purvam we have quite a number of references. The above cited passage of Avasy. 8, 80-91 and Haribhadra's scholion seem to prove that the Abaddhiâ stood in some relation to the ninth pûrva.31 The statement is frequently made that the kalpasútram, which forms the eighth adhyayanam of the daśâśrutaskandha, and the fourth chhêdasûtra, was "uddhṛita" by éri Bhadrabâhusvâfin from the ninth pûrva. Thus, for example in the introduction [357] to the Kalpântarvâchyâni.32 This appears to me to rest upon a misunderstanding (as will be developed further on) of the statement that is frequently met with elsewhere, e.g., in Dharmaghôsha in the Rishimandalasûtra v. 167 (see Jacobi, Kalpas. p. 11, 12), to the effect that Bhadr. extracted dasa33 kappavvavahárd from the 9th puvva. By these are meant the chhedasútras 3-5, and by kappa, not the kalpasútram, but the fifth chhédasútram is implied. Haribhadra, too, on Avasy. 6, 88, characterizes the ninth pûrvam in general as chhedasútra lakshanam and especially the twentieth prabhṛitam (by name oghapr.), the third rastu (by name âchâra) as the source of the óghaniryukti treating of the oghasámáchári. He says that the ôghaniryukti is nirvy úḍhá therefrom. In an avachuri (composed34 A.D. 1383) on Dronacharya's vritti of the ôghaniryukti, the chhedasutras, especially kalpa and vyavahára, are referred to the same source. See also the scholiast on Uttarajjh. 26.
10. vijjanuppavâyam, vidyânupravâdam35; 15 vastus (also in § 15); êka padakôṭih dasa cha padasahasrâni (daśa cha p. omitted in N) 10,010,000. The cause of the formation of the fourth schism is a passage from this puvva, cited in the passages quoted on purra 7, or Av. 8, 59 [358] nêuniâ 'nuppavâê, on which Haribhadra says: anupravâdapûrvê nêuṇiyam vachham [vatthu ?] padhati). Leumann compares the 9 nêuniya vatthus in anga 3, 9.
11. avamjham, avaṁdhyamse; kalyanam Hêm., abandhyam iti va Schol.: 12 vastus; 26. padakôṭayaḥ, 260 millions.
12. pâqium, pruniyus;37 prinâvâyam (!) Hêm.; 13 vastus (cf. § 13); 1 padakoti 56. padasatasahasrani, 15,600,000.
28 karma jnAnavarantyŝdikam ashṭaprakaram, tat prakarshena prakritisthity-anubhaga-pradesêdibhir bhêdaiḥ saprapancham vadati, Schol. on N, . . bhêdair anyais cho 'ttarottarabhêdair yatra varṇyatê, Abh.
30 tatra sarvapraty Akhy Anasvarûpam varṇyate, Abh., in the Schol. on N merely: atrâ 'pi padaikadêéê padasa. mudiyopachârất.
51 The text reads putthô jahA abaddho kamcuinah kamcuo samunnêiêvam puttham abaddham | jvd kammaṁ samannĉi || 90 || pachchakkharam seam | apartmanèna hoi kayavvam jêsim tu parimanam | tam datthum (dut ham B H) Asas& hôi || 91 || Haribh. has: pratyakhyanam érêyaḥ aparimanêna kalavadhim vihaya kartavyam, jam tassa avasêsam navama puvvassa tam sammattam; tato so abhinivesê na Pûsamittasay&sain chêva garatuna bhanai-Pasamitta's name is elsewhere brought into connection with the fourth schism. See schol. on up. 1, below p. 381. This name occurs frequently in the legends of the Brahmins and Buddhists.
32 This is the chief passage, which contains the statements in reference to the purvas.
38 Dasa is not to be connected with kappa, as is assumed by Jacobi (The ten kalpas), but denotes the dasâo, the fourth chhedasûtram itself, a part of which exists to-day under the title of the kalpasútram.
34 navamapârvâmtarvarti tritiyam sâmâchârîvastv asti, tatra 'pi vinéatitamåt pråbhritât sådhvanugrahårtham Bhadrabâhusvâmina nirvyûḍhâ. The following fact speaks decisively against Bh. as author of the ôghan. In v. 1 not only are the chauddasapuvvins praised, to which he himself belongs, but also the dasapuvvins which reach to Vajra; consequently the existing text must have been composed at a period considerably posterior to Vajra. tatra 'nêkavidyâtisaya varṇitaḥ, Abh., vidya anêkâtisayasampanna ânukûlyena siddhiprakarshêņa vadati'ti, Schol. on N. On sâtiéayatva in connection with vidyâ, cf. p. 251n.
36 vaidhyam nama niḥphalam, avaṁdhyam saphalam ity a., tatra hi sarvê jnânatapaḥsamyamayagâḥ subhaphaléna saphala varṇyamtê, aprašastáé cha pramâdâdikáḥ sarvê asubhaphala varṇyamte, Abh
57 pranah pance' thdriyani 5, triņi mânasâdîni valâni 3, uchvâsa-ni (b)6v Asd 1, Ayus cha, tâni yatra varṇyamtê tad upachârât pranayuḥ, schol. on N.

Page #193

MAY, 1891.)
SACRED LITERATURE. OF THE JAINS.
177
13. kiriyAvisalam, kriyâ(bhil) viśAlam 39 ; 30 vastus; 9 padakotayah, 90 millions.
14. gavinduskrarn (withont loga in $ 14), vimdur iva shram ;3 25-rastus (also in § 28); ardhatrayôdasa(sârdhao N) padakotayah 125 (135 N) millions. This prirvam is often mentioned as the conclusion of the angas or of the snanana. See above p. 245, 346.
It is now perfectly clear that the number of padas which has been handed down to us is purely a matter of fiction. The act figures in the case of 5 and 6 are simply amusing, It is easy to revel in details, when tus fancy is the only controlling agent.
The enumeration of the names in the text is followed by detailed statements in reference to the number of each of the vatthus, [359] vastus and chiliyez, or chúla-vatths, 40 i.e., sectiers into which each of the 14 purvas are divided. These numbers, in all 225 vatthus (milav.) and 34 chillav, are also mentioned in three kúrikás, which have been inserted; and cach of which haz boen quoted in its proper place.
The fourth part is called anuyóga; Hêm. calls it púrránuygul and places it (cf. p. 347) in the third position, the partagatam occupying, according to him, the fourth place. A contents of historical character is ascribed to this fourth part. The annwat is divided into two sections: (1) into the múlaprathamánnyoga, treating of the root of the tree of the sacrel doctrine), or. according to the scholiasts, of the tirthakaras, 43 i.e., the history of the beginning, of the preliminary birth, of the existence and of the final completion of the Thagarantoni aruhanitánar; and (2 into the gandikánuyóga, i.e., the doctrine of the "little knots," single knotted points, membere, spronts," of the sacred doctrine, i.c., the history of the numerous fignres of the Jaina hagiology which are stated to be - [310] kulakara, tirthakara, ganadhara, chakkahara, Dasåra, 65 Baladeva, Visudôva. The history of Harivamsa is added to this group and, strangely enough, that of Bhadrabahu himself, whom tradition represents to be the last teacher of the ditthivaa! Other "knots "are finally added, viz. tavôkammagandika, chittamtara(chitramtara)gandiká Osappiņio and ussappiņio, and also all sorts of stories illustrating the way how beings become gods, men, animals or hell-beings.
Abhayadeva is unfortunately very brief here, and to add to our difficulties the MS. is full of corruptions. Abh, refers especially to a Nanditika," composed probably in Prákerit, which is, however, not the same as the commentary on N, which I have before me. This too, is very brief and presumably contains a direct citation from one of the sections which belong here. See below p. 368 on chittamtarag.
The fifth part is composed of the chûliyâs - additions, which were referred to p. 358 in the discussion on part 3 to which they belong. They belong however to the first four puvvas alone. According to the schol. (and also to the schol. on Hêm. 246) by these chûliyâs we are to understand cûla-like (i.e., like excrescences) paddhatis, which embrace that which was not
* kriyabhih samyamakviy Adibhih vibalazh, schol. on N; tatra kåyiky Adayah kriyah sabhodah samyamakriyschhod Ab(chhaida PkriyavidhAnini cha var yamte, Abh. (Malay. has according to Leumann: Bato yamakriyl. chhamndakriyadayas cha). 19 Bøké jagati brutalóka va 'kaharany 'pari vimdur'iva sram, sarvAksharasamnipAtalabdhiheutvat, schol. on N.
N has chullavatthoni, which is explained by the schol. by kahullavastani, whereas chGIA is explained by tikharam! Abh. understands here, as in anga 1, chadd to be secondary additions. See p. 360n.
+1 of. Wilson Sel. W. 1, 35, purvan wyoga on the doctrines and practices of the Tirthankaras before attaining perfection, purtagata on the same after perfection ().
.? ana yogah, sutranya nijenA 'bhidheyens gårdham anu(rapah ) sarbamdhah ity a. Abh.
• iha dharmapranaya(na)mlar tvat tirthakaras, tésházn prathamaih samyaktvav&ptilaksbapaporva (bha) vadigouaro 'nuyôgê mdogah, Abh.
ikshy-Aatnim parvaparaparvapariohinnô madhyabhågő garndiki, gandike 'va gandika, karthAdhikari, grarnthapaddhatin tasya anuyogah, schol. on N; ihai 'kavaktavyatarth Adhikaranugataváky ("tav AkyAh P) paddhatayo guhdika nohyarhte, tAgam anayôgo 'rthakathanavidhir gagab Abh.
Soe Pet. Diot, 8. v. dasArha, attribute of every Buddha. ** Doubtless that of Haribhadra is meant. See schol. on Gapadharaufrdhmjata v. 66. This, too, is indicative of the fact (400 p. 284, 869) that the Nandi is strictly the proper place for that entire treatment of the 12 angas, wbici later on found a home within the fourth anga. See p. 349, 363.

Page #194

178
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
MAY, 1891.
treated of in all the four preceding parts of the drishtivada. [361] The text, however, takes pains to limit them to the first four puuras.
In the final remarks in reference to the complete extent of the diffhivaa, the following parts are ascribed to it, - l suyakkhandha, 14 provas, sarkheyya "computable" (perhaps ** innumerable," see above, p. 281) vatthu and chûla(chulla N)vatthu, 48 and páhuda (prabhạita), på hudapühuda, pahudiya and påhudiyapahudiya, to which the same epithet is attached. The payasa hassa, 19 akkhara, &c., are characterized by the same epithet, i.e., samkheyya.
Though the scholia fail to explain further the words påhuda, &c., they manifestly signify the same as chapter, paragraph, &c., and are actually se used50 in upångas 5, 7; and in anga 10 (see p. 333), the word páhuda is used in connection with the 14 puvvas. In the Anuyôgadvårasûtra (end of the pamâna section), the ditthiraa is said to be computed according to prihoda, pahudia, pâhudapähudia, and according to vatthu. This method of counting is said in the Anuyôgadvarasútra to be similar to the division of the káliu sua, i.e., into addesaga, ajjhayaņa, suak kandha, anga, which is there contrasted with the dirthivda. Vatthu appears in up. 6 as the name of the sections of up. 5 and 7, in which it no longer occurs in this signification.
If we now cast a glance at the entire field of information which we possess in regard to [362) the twelfth anga, it is manifest that, though this anga had a genuine existence, nerertheless the information at our command produces an impression of less weight than that concerning the previous eleven aigas. In the case of the latter we possess the texts themselves as a means of verification, but in the case of the twelfth aiga there is no such help upon which we can rely.
These statements, and especially those in reference to the 14 púrvas, are, however, not purely fictitions. This is clear from the citations adduced above in our consideration of each, and especially of 2- 47-10, and from traditions in reference either to the extracts from them or to their relations to the origin of some of the seven schisms. Another proof of the validity of these statements lies in the fact that the number of the vatthus, máuyápadáni and suttáni, contained in the dirthiv., which is mentioned in anga 4 $$ 13-16. 18. 20. 25. 46 and 88 is in direct agreement with the later statement of contents. Finally the name påhuda in anga 10 appears in direct connection with the 14 puvvas. At the period of the Avaśyakasůtra, especially, and at that of the Anuyôgadvarasútra these texts must still have existed, and perhaps even at the time of the older commentaries (cf, e.g., p. 347n.), if the statements of the latter are not mere reproductions of old traditions. See p. 225.
The statement of the contents of anga 12 is found in anga 4, or Nandi (N), and is as follows:
Se kim tam dithivad P ditthivað ņam savvabhavaparů vaņayâ61 aghavijjanti,62 sê samasad parchavih pam[363](natto), tamn: parikammam63 suttâim puvvagayam54 anuyôg666 chůliyâ; - sê kim tam parikammâ ? 2 sattavihê pam, tamn: siddha 58sêniyâparikamme,67 maņussase, buddhas8,58 uggahanasi,69 uvasampajjaņasê°, vippajahaņasê, chayâchuyaseo; -sê kim tam siddhasê °81 P
Tiha drishtivade parikarma-sâtra-půrvagntA-'nuyögöktånuktarthasamgrahapaddhatayah (sangrahapark granthapaddh. N Schol.) chulah.
4* The number of vatthu and chilav, for the 14 purta at least, was shortly before (cf. p. 389) stated with exactness in the text itself.
19 See abore for the fabulous accounts of the scholia.
50 The name pahuda is found in the Siddhapaichasika of Dêvêudrasûri in 50 gathas. The author, in v. 1, says that he has taken his material sirisiddhapahulas. See above p. 354. 41 ABC, Ovan& N.
52 ABC, ojjai N. 83 ABC, ommé N.
ABC, gaé N: when I henceforth cito N alone, ABC agroe. * BC, ugô A, ôgê N.
66 siddhi AN. betani siddhabronikâparikarmadi(dini) malabhêdatab saptavidhani, matrikåpadådy uttarabhédpékshay & tryasitividhåni, schol. on N. ** BC, patthaséAN.
59 BC, ugadha A, gidha N. * °ņ8 BC, Ona AN.
61 siddhi A.

Page #195

SACRED LITERATURE OF THE JAINS.
MAY, 1891.]
2 choddasavihê panuattô, tam jaha: mâuyâpayânica êgatthiyapayâim pâdho atthapayâni agasapayani kêubhûyam râsibaddham êgaganam dugunam tigunam kêubhûya-padiggahê samtharapaḍiggahê67 namdâvattam siddhâvattam, sê 'ttam siddhase°; sê kim tam manussasê? 2 choddasavihê pam, tam: táim cheva mâuyâpayaimes java namdavattam manussâvattam,69 se 'ttam mannssasê0,70 avasésáim parikammáim pádháiyáim ekkarasaviláni pam; - ichch [364] yaim2 satta parikammâim, chha73 sasamaïyani satta âjîviyâni, chha chaükkanaïyâni satta têrasiyani,75 êvâm êva76 sapuvvâvarêņam satta parikammâim têslim bhavamtî 'ti-m-akkhâyâim; se 'ttam' parikammâņi; sê kim tam sattâim? suttaim77 atthâsîî bhavamti 'ti-m-ak khayatim,7 tam:79 ujugam,80 paripayaparinayam, bahubhamgiyam, vinayapavvatiyam,81 anamtaram, 82 paramparam, sâmânam,83 samjûham, bhinnam, ahavvayam, sôvatthiyam,96 ghamṭam, namdâvattami, bahulam, putthaputtham,87 viyavattam,99 evambhayam, dayâvattam, vattamâṇuppayam, 9 samabhiruḍham,90 savvatôbhaddam,91 panasam92 dupaḍiggaham, ichch-êiyâim bâvisam suttaim chhinnachêyaṇaïyâni03 sasam[365]ayasuttaparivaḍie; ichch-êiyâim bâvîsam suttâim achhinnachhêyanaïyâni95 àjiviyasuttaparivadio; ichch-tiyâime bâvisam suttaim tika97nayâni99
2 A, dâņi BC, mâugâpaylin N.
64 BC, anasa A, âmâsa N.
6 ggah AN.
68 mâuydih pa BC, mâuyap. A, mâugâp. N.
10 In N this § is differently understood, since all the 14 names are again enumerated, and, in fact, just as above with the same variations:-mâuga', pâdhô after aṭṭhâpayâini, amâsa (sic!), kêubhùyappadiggaho, sainsarapajigguho.
71 It follows from this ekkårasavihani that the reading of N, which gives pâdho after aṭṭhâpayâim, is correct; otherwise there would be twelve species, not eleven. N consequently has preserved the original form of the text. N is also more exact in another point:- From the text we conjecture merely that the last member of each of the seven series (after namdâvattam) begins in each case with the first part of the name of the series. In N, however, where as in the case of mannssasé and in all the foll. series, the enumeration of the 14 members is in each case complete, the readings being the same as heretofore, the last member of each always varying, or it is expressly called putthavattam, ôgâdhavattam, uvasampajjanavattam, vippajahanAvattam, chuâchuâvattam. Further on N has frequently, sometimes in agreement with A, the better reading. Some omissions are due to the incorrectness of the Berlin MS.
63 BC, attha AN; in N before pâḍhô.
63 N, bhayê BC, bhûyah A.
67 BC, samsa h6 AN.
69 AN, sabaddham BC, incorrectly.
12 êyítim BC, êiyim AN.
13 chha s. s. Aj. omitted in N; the schol. however says: êteshâm cha saptanâm pari(karmana)m âdyâni (Abh. has: shat âdimâni parikarmâni) shat svasamayavaktavyatanugatâni svasiddhâintaprakisakant 'ty a., yê tu Gôsâlapra. vartitâ âjivikaḥ pashami linas tanmatêna saptâ 'pi (chyutâchyutasrnikaparikarmasahitâni Abh.) prajnâpyamte.
14 nayâin N; Adyâni shat chaturnayöpêtâni, schol. on N.
75 yaim N; trairâsikâni, trairâsikamatam avalambya sapta parikarmaņi trividhanayachimtayâ chintyamtê,
schol. on N.
76 Instead of Avam eva to akkhâyâim N has merely nayain parikammê.
77 Instead of su° to akkhâyâtim N has suttâim vâvisam pam.
78 BC, akkhayam A.
79 A omits.
1 C, pachch B; vijayavirayam A, vijayachariyain N. 82 ra BC.
179
ss BCN, năm® A.
85 BC, ec A, âyachchâyari N.
88 ovachcham N.
84 obů B, simply jahan A. 87 merely puttham A. 90 ruddham N. 2 AC, pannasaṁ BN.
91 BC, savvão N, savvaü A.
93 oyim N; iha yo nama nayah satram chhêdêna chhinnam êvà 'bhipraiti, na dvitîyêna sûtrêpa saha sambamdhayati; tatha hi: dhammo mangalam ukkiṭṭham iti slokam chhinnachhêdanayamatêna parvasûrayaḥ tatha vyakhyfiti sma yatha na dvitiyâdiálôkânâm apêksha syât, tatha dvitiyâdîn api tatha vyakhyâmti sma yatha na tesham Adyaślōkapeksha syât; tatha sûtrany api yatrayabhiḥprayêna (yan nayabhi) parasparam nirapêkskåņi vyskhyfiti sma, sa chhêdachhinnanayaḥ, tataḥ svasamayavaktavyatâm adhikritya chhinnachhê danayatvam, tatha yah satram strâmtarena saha 'chhinnam arthataḥ sambandham abhipraiti, sa achhinnachhedanayaḥ, yatha: dhammo mamgalara ukkiṭṭham ity ayam slôkô 'chhinnachhêdanayamatêna vyakhyayamânô dvitiyâdîn apêkshatê, 'py étain slokam, vam anyonya(m) dvávinsati(h) sûtrâni akabararachanam adhikritya parasparam vibhaktany apy dvittyadayo arthasam vamdham apekshya såpêkshani, schol. on N.
se såva N. 89 payam A.
80 BC, ujjayam A, ujjusuaṁ N.
AN, êtâini BC..
95 onayâim B C.
96 êyain A; atha nayavibhagântaram adhikritya bhêdam âha: trairâsikanayamatêna satraparipâtyâm vivakshitâyân trikanayikani, avasamayavaktavyatam adhikritya sú vi samgrahavyavahararijusûtrasabdarûpanayachatushkayo (! omission) schol. on N (Malay., accord. to Leumann, continues chatushṭayôpêtâni samgrahâdinayachatushtayêna chintyamta ity a.)
97 tikka A. tiga N.
38 yaim N.

Page #196

180
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MAY, 1891.
têrêsiyasuttaparivadi); ichch-êiyâim bavisam chaükkaņasyâội100 sasamayasutta parivadiel ; évam eva sapuvvâvarēnamo atthis is suttaim bhavanti 'tti-m-akkhAyamo; se 'ttam suttaim.
Sê kim tam puvvagae P7 puvvagaê choddasavihes par, tam: uppayapuvvar, aggêniyam, viriyam, atthinatthippavayan, nanappavayam, sachchappavayam, Ayapp., kammapp., pachchakkhâņapp., 10 vijjâņuppavâyam, avamjham, pânâum, kiriyâvisâlam, lôgabimdusâ ram; - uppaya[366] puvvassa nam12 dasa vatthû chattâri chûliya13 vatthú pamo, aggêniyassal na parvasso choddasa v. bâ rasa15 chůliya13 v. pam, vîriyapuvvassa attha v. attha chúliya13 v. p., atthinatthiparêyassalo atthârasa v. dasa chûliyals v. p, nåņappavậyassa ņam pavvassa bârasa v. p., sachchappavâyassa nam p. 8617 v. P., Kyapp. uam p. solasa v. p, kam mapp. nam p. tisam . p., pachchakkhâņassa nam p. visam v. p., vijjaņupp. nam p. pannarasa s.p., avamjhassa nam p. barasa v. p, påņâussa ņam p. têrasa v. p. kiriyâvisâlassa nam p. tisam v. p., lögavimdusârassa nam p. panavîsam v. pam; dasa choddas' atha atthårasêva (osa N) bârasa duvê ya vatthûņi28 | solasa tîsê visa pannariisa aņuppavayarmi bîrasa ekkirasamê bârasamê têrase 'va vatthûņi tisa puna terasam3 choddasama10 pannavisà al chattari duvâlasa attha chêva dasa chêva chúla 20 vatthûņi | killâņa chaüşham sôsâņam chůliya na 'tthi || ; se 'ttam puvvagayan.21
Sa kim tai aņuyôgê p23 aoge duvihê p., tam: mûlapadhamânuyôgê ya gaṁdiyâņuyôge ya; Så kim tam mûlapa ge ? ettha2 ņam arahantâņam bhagavamtâmam pavvabhavá25 dévalôgagamaņaima huma chavaņkimas jamma[367]ņåņi ya abhisêya rayavarasiri820 sîyâq30 pavvajjað 31 tavá ya bhattasa kêvalanâņuppaya titthappavattaņņi ya, samghayanam,34 samthâņam uchchattar aum35 vannaviblâgô,26 sisa ganganahara ya, ajjâ pavattiņio, 38 samghassa chaüvihassa jam châ
vi39 parimânam, jinasomaņapajjava'l ohiņiņi sammattasuyanaşiņô ya vâdi4 aņuttaragati yasi nttaravêuvvin 45 ya munino jattiyê 2 siddha, siddhapah046 jaha désið jachchiram kalam, påôvaga647 ya jô jahim jattiyaim bhattain chhêyaittaamtagades manivaruttamê51 tamaraó. ghavippamukkâ53 siddhipaham ayuttaraṁ cha patt8,6* ee anne ya êvam-4155 bhâvâ múla 66 padhamâņuôgê kahiya aghavijjamti57 pannavio parůvio; se 'ttam můlapadhamâņuyôgo; - se
» siin A. 100 ydim N, ņayliņi A.
IN adds suttfim. pårv¶samuddyardpena sarvagankhyay A, schol. on N. * B, ata o, si A, sat N.
ni A. titti A, ttti N, bhavatitt BC.
. ykini BC, iykņi A, "iyam N. * See Abhayadeva's scholion, above, p. 216. The anonym, schol. on Nandt has the foll. iha tirthakaras tirthapravartanakalê ganadharán adhiksitya purvam pårvagatastrarthani bhfshate, tatah párvány nohyante; ganadhara api tathai 'va rachayamti pascAd Ach radikan. chaüda' N.
ABC, agréaniyar N, agginto N ED. (accord. to Leamann). 20 BC, puppaviyam A, kkhkņa N.
11 BC, påņa A, PA 80 N. 11 N adds puvvassa.
18 chulla. N.
14 niassa N. 16 duvalasa N.
16 yapavvassa N.
17 donni N. 18 mülavatthanam N.
10 AN, chaüdao BC.
20 challan. 21 gac A; sê 'ttam p. omitted in N.
» BC, Oge N, age A; and so throughout. 23 N. omits.
24 ABC, mdoge N. 25 arhatár bhagavat&samynktvabhavad Arabhya půreabharab, dêvalókagaman ini, téshu pūrvabbavcebu cha 'yuh, ditvalókebhyas chyaranam, tirthakarabhavatveno 'tpadas, tato janmâni, tatah bailar je surfeurair vidhiyamkna abbisheka ity-adi pathasiddhan yavan nigamanan, iba sarvatra 'py apámtaralé vartibhyo vadvyah (vabo P) pratiniyataik Arthdbi. karas, tatvahuvachanam: schol. on N. 26 NA, onani BC. MN, Aam A, au BC.
» N, chayanAni BC, ebiyani A. » N, rito BC, ria A. (N ED. breaks off, Leamann says, at abhishy and is merely práthamabhaga.) 3* N omits. HN, ij&to BC, jjda A.
* ABO, ugg& N. 39 A, ppây&ta BC, ppágio N.
4 samghs to vibhago omitted in N. 38 & A. * vanavibhau A.
ABN, gantc. * N, pia ABC. ** vAvi ABC, cha N.
- jina BC. 11 & N.
17 nåņi N; hiņ&ņi to siddhi omitted in A. 45 BC, pav&i N.
# gala N
to utt. ya m. in N alone. 1$ siddhapsho to kalam in N alone.
4' N, påtvagato BC, plüvagaü A. ** AN, jetti BC. * ABC, chheittA N.
• N, a BC, lado A.H1 N, omo ABC. 12 N, kka ABC.
5 BC, sidha A, mukkhabar N. 4 N, patta ABC.
Adi A.
66 A omite. 07 Agb. p. p. omitted in N

Page #197

MAY, 1891.]
SACRED LITERATURE OF THE JAINS.
181
kimi tam gardiyâņuyôgê? 2 añêgavihê pannattê, tam jah&58 : kulagaragamdiyî850 titthayarag, ganadharag.60 chakkaharag. Dasårag. Baladêrag. Vâsudêvag. Harivamsag.62 Bhaddabáhug. [368] tavôkammag. chittatarag.83 Ôsappiņîg. 64 ussappiņig 65 amaranaratiriyaniraya66 gati67 gamaņa viviha pariyattaņaņuyôgê,69 êvam-adîya669 gatigamdiya070 aghavijjamti panna071 para071; sê 'ttam garodiyâņuyôgê.72
Sa kim tan chůliyâd P73 jan nam aillâņam chaünham puvvåņaṁ chủliyâ8,76 sôsâim puvvaim achûliyâim78; se 'ttam chůliyâô.
At the conclusion of this review of the 12 angas, I present the apostrophe to eternity, which is given in anga 4 and in Nandi, in entire agreement with each other, at the close of their statement of the contents of the anga. With all the unwavering firmness of this apostrophe it looks like a protest against all who might either doubt or attempt to undermine its validity (see p. 293) :
Ichch eiyam duvâlasamgam ganipidagam atîtô77 kalê anamtâ jiva AŅA878 virâhittâ châuramtasamsarakamtaram aqupariyattimsu ;79 ichch éiyam duo gao paduppannê [369] kalê (bis) aņu pariyattinti ;60 - ichch diyarn duo gao anagaê kalê (bis) aņupariyattissarti; - ichch éiyar doo gao atîtê kalê a. j. åņiê îrâhittà cháo vitivatimsa, 91 .. viivaimti, . . vsivažssaṁti; - ichch eiyaṁ duo gao na kayai na asi, 82 na kayâi na tthi, na kayâi na bhavissar, bhuvim83 cha bhavaṁti. .ya bhavissamti ya,85 dhuvê niaês6 sâsad akkha97 avvaêe avatthieso nichchê ; 90 sê jahâ namae pamca atthikâyâ na kayîi na asi na kayâi na tthi na kayai na bhavissamti,1 bhuvin cha bhavaṁti ya bhavissaṁti ya dhuvâ nitiya 2 java nichchê, êvám êva duogao na kaya na asi (bis) nichche; - etthao nam duo gê gao gê anamtâ bhâvâ a. abhâvâ, a. hêû a. abêů, a. kârank a. akâruņa, a. jivá a. ajîvâ, a. bhavasiddhiya a. abhavasiddhiya, a. siddhâ a. asiddhå âghavijjamti paruo pannao darisio nidamsio uvadamsi,° êyam duo gam gao gam.
Before I proceed further I should like to state that beside the Vidhiprapll of Jinaprabha (A.D. 1307) (see above p. 223) in the meantime two other samachari texts, unfortunately anonymous, have come to my knowledge. They are both written in Prálerit with an occasional intermingling of Sanskrit, and are in agreement throughout with the statements in the Vidhip. which they antedate. The first of these texts, Ayaravihi, in 21 dara, contains in its tenth daran, jógavihi, not merely the enumeration of the angabáhira texts, as Nandi (370), Pakshikas, and Vidhiprapa, especially in the form of the two latter, but also the same detailed exposition and examination of the single portions of the angas; upangas, &c., according to the period of time requisite for their study (measured according to dina and dyabila). The order of succession is the same as in the section of the Vidhiprapa which treats of this point. It is especially
65 jahi omitted in A; instead of 2 añdo jah& N has gaogè pari jahA.
69 Thus N, oyato BC, oyda A; 80 also fartber on; kulakaráŋam Vimalarkhanadinari purvabhavajanmanámadini saprapa rcham upavarnyatê, êvam tirthakaragamdikadishy abhidbAnavabatô bbávaniyam schol. on N. 6 In N after Vasudevag.
i BC, chakkaratti AN.
6a In N after Bhadda. 6 In N after Osapp. ; chitra anekArth amtare Rishabh&jitatirthakar&partar Alo RishabhavarnbasamudbhQtAnA bhApatinkin feebagatívyuddsboa fivagatiga maniputtarðpapatapratipAdika gaindike, tham cha prarapaņA Subuddhi. nampa Sagarachakravartinð mah AmAty na 'ahţApade Sagaraohakravartisutabhya Adityaynishprabhyitfoam Risbabba. vanbarkjanámi narapatinfri samkhyapradarsanens krita, al ch& "ibeh jaskinan Usablassê 'ty-Adind 'vaa@ya, schol, on N. N, usao BC, ussa A; ni BCN, nt A.
BN omit; usa A, pi C. & niraya omitted in A ; amaro 'ti vividbeshu parivarttisha bhavabhramansba jartanim iti gamyaté 'maratiryagaira. yagatigamanan, évatn Adhikå gårdikA vahav8 (!) Akhykyante, schol. on N. 67 gai N. # BC, ugé Attaņēsu N.
** yau A, atiyâtô BC, merely Al in N. 50 A omits. TIN omits.
72 AN, gô BC. 18 N yato BC, yau A. T4 BC, AN omit:
76 BC, yairn N, yau A. 76 N, has avasêsa puvvA achulig.
17 te N.
TS &jnaya, 19 anoparivšittavataḥ Jam Alivat. bhramanti. $1 yyati vrajitavantah.
32 nEst N (thus in every case). 83 bhílim N. (always).
* bhavai N always).
* bhavissaïa N (s.lways). 36 niyatam.
91 N omits; akshayam.
# ayyayam.
9 Avasthitam, * Instead of av, nicce N has here suparitthie. In the following repetition, however, it is the same as in the text. 1 ssai N. n niyayA N.
» The following is omitted in N.

Page #198

182
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MAY, 1891.
-
interesting that ten, and not five, ajjh. are here -see p. 332 ascribed to each of the first two vargas of the second part of anga 6: dusu dusu vaggêsu kama ajjhayana humti dasa ya chaüppanna | battîsà chau aṭṭha ya dhammakaha bia saakkhamdhê |. The text which we possess does not agree with this allotment of ajjh. The same holds good of the second of these two texts, which bears the name samayarivihi. We read in it the following concerning the first agga: tammi dasa ajjhayanâ, and immediately thereupon vîê dasa ajjhayana. Since this second text is twice at the conclusion of the jógavihi section and at the conclusion of the whole - expressly ascribed to Abhayadêva, or to his oral instruction of the author Paramânanda, it is very surprising that we find such differences between it and the present text, Abhayadêva himself in his commentary commenting upon that text which allots to both vagga only five ajjh. each. If the samáyárivihi appears to be more than two hundred years older than the Vidhiprapa on account of its pretended relation to Abhayadêva (A.D. 1064, above p. 277), [371] the ayaravihi must be regarded as of greater antiquity. Its author refers, at the conclusion of dára 21, "êtâni gurukṛityâni, śravakakṛityam punaḥ śrimad Umâsvâtivâchaka-śrî Haribhadrasûri pratishthakalpâdibhyô 'vasêyam" to two authors considerably before his time. In v. 50, 51 of the Ganadharasârdhasatakam composed by Jinadattasûri, the scholar of Jinavallabha who died A.D. 1112, (see Kl. 248 b), the former of the two authors is called the first teacher after the interval following upon Aryarakshita and Durbalikâpushpa (above p. 348).95 In Sarvarajagani's schol. on the Ganadharasârdhasatakam a érávakaprajnapti is cited among the 500 (or 105?) payaranas (prakarana), composed by him in Sanskrit according to the statement in the text. The title śrávakaprajnapti is in entire harmony with the statement of the yáravili just quoted. According to the Gurvivali of Tapâgacha Kl. 253a (28) there lived au Umâsvâtikara in 1190 Vira (= Samvat 720), who is, however, distinguished from the author of the śrávakaprajnapti (ptyúdi) (yataḥ sammativṛittau, cf. above p. 347, śri Umâsvâtivâchaka ity nktam). The latter is probably, as Klatt kindly informs me, the person of this name who appears in the Bombay MS. of a pattavali of the Vrihat-Kharataragachha, in the continuation of the old Sthaviravali immediately after its last member, Dûshagani, the teacher of Devarddhigani, and separated by one gradation alone from Haribhadra who is mentioned together with him in the úyáravihi. Since the date of Dêvarddhigani is 980 Vîra, and the death of Haribhadra is placed in [372] 1055 Vira, see Kl. 253a (27), tradition seems to place Umâsvâtikara, the author of the śravakaprajnapti, about 1000 Vira ( Samvat 530)! While it is true that the ayaravili does not claim to stand in direct connection with Umâsv. and Haribh., merely citing them, yet this citation is of such a character that it is calculated to afford ancient testimony concerning a treatise which mentions, not sources of information of later date, but merely these two names which are manifestly of tolerable antiquity. The statements contained in this work gain consequently in authority; and the same conclusion holds good of the information of a literary and other nature in harmony therewith, contained in both sâmâchârî texts (sa vihi and vihipavâ). In continuing from this point on to adduce the testimony of the Vidhiprapa (V) especially, I do so, partly because it has a fixed date, and partly because it contains the most detailed statements. I shall, however, not fail to state where Ayâravihi (Avi.) or Sâmâyârîvihi (Svi.), which takes an intermediate position between Avi. and V. as regards fullness, offer anything worthy of particular note.
94 siri Abhayadeva sûriguruvayana mayam maê êyam | Paramapaidena kayan éri Abhayadevasûrêr isyasaröruhavihâriņi (?) patrê | sâmâchâri rûmart (?) Paramânaindât padami chakrê ||
95 The very faulty MS. reproduces the Umâsâyi of the text by Umåsvami in the commentary! This form of the name is found elsewhere, e.g., in the Vicharâmṛitasaingraha as that of the author of the śrâ pti.

Page #199

MAY, 1891.]
FOLKLORE IN SALSETTE; No. 9.
183
FOLKLORE IN SALSETTE.
BY GEO. FR. D'PENHA.
No. 9. - The Patel's Youngest Danghter-in-law. The páļala of a certain country had seven sons, six of whom were married, the seventh being yet young. The wives of the six brothers brought with them little or no dowry, but when the youngest son married, bis wife brought several hundred rupees' worth of jewellery.
Now it happened that, with the exception of the youngest daughter-in-law, the whole of the pagel's family were an indolent lot, and thus had to dispose of what little property they owned, and also the few jewels that the daughters-in-law had, to bay provisions and other necessaries. But the youngest daughter-in-law, who was wise and the only industrious person in the family, saw to what a pass they had come, and hit upon a plan. She went to her father-in-law, and thus said to him:
"Father, we have already lost everything through oar la ziness. Let us do something to get out of this wretched way of living. I propose to dispose of the jewellery, which my father has given me in dowry, and see what we can do with the proceeds."
The old påtal, who could suggest no other alternative, agreed to the proposal of his youngest daughter-in-law. So they took a portion of her jewellery, and, going to a goldsmith yot it weighed, and sold it for what value the goldsmith set upon it. She next went to the lezer and bought some rice, spices, and such like other necessities, and then proceeded to wash the rice before grinding it into flour, and asked the other women to help her; but they all refused, sume on the plea that their children were crying, others that they had to attend to some other work, and so on. At last, with the help of her husband and father-in-law, she managed to wash the rice, to spread it out on mats in the sun to dry, and afterwards, when dry, to collect and bring in the house. She had now to grind the rice into flour, and so she again asked the others to help her, but met with the same refusal. The old man and her husband again lent tlieir help, and she did the grinding of the rice. In this way she made their food last theni for some days, while she had still a good sum of money left. Now, it struck her that, if they continued so idle, the provisions would soon be finished, and in a short time also the inoney that remained would have to be spent, and they would once more have nothing to eat. She, therefore, made the following suggestion to her father-in-law : -
"Come, father, we will take a few labourers, and, going to a jungle, we will fell some trees und sell them as firewood, and I'm sure it will well repay our trouble."
The father-in-law, who loved her more than any of the others for her kindness and industry, at once gave his consent. So one day, having Atted out a ship, taking with her her husband, father-in-law, and some labourers, she sailed through a river, and came to a large forest. There she got felled several trees, with which, after they were dried, she filled the ship, and came back home.
One day a great merchant was passing by the pátel's house and saw the great heap of firewood. Being in need of firewood, the merchant inquired to whom it belonged, and having been told that it belonged to the patsi, he went to his house and asked him if he would sell the firewood. The pájél, as previously instructed by his youngest daughter-in-law, said : -
"No, no; we are not going to sell the firewood. The rains are fast approaching, and we shall want it all to ourselves.”
1 I take this opportunity of stating that, in my contributions of Folklore in Salsette, I have, when alluding to the people, called them " Selette Christians," but they are not to be mistaken for the "Bombay Portuguese," by which term are understood the “Goanese," and these latter have no connection with the Polklore in Salsette. The Native Christians of Bombay and Salsette, including Bassein, now call themselves "Bombay East Indians," and in my future contributions I shall call them as such, 6. e." East Indians."
* Until lately the palal was considered a person of great importance, and was respected and feared by all.

Page #200

184
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MAY, 1891.
But the merchant urged and begged very much, saying: “Come, come, sell it to me at any price; my need is greater than yours, as I want it immediately, while you can wait for the rains, by which time you can collect another and bigger heap than this."
The páfél, however, said that he must consult his daughter-in-law before disposing of it. So he called her out, and told her that the merchart asked him to sell the firewood.
“No, no," answered the daughter-in-law, quick as lightning. "What are we going to burn during the rains, which will begin in a few days, if we sell the firewood now? If we buy is afterwards it will cost as twice or three times as much as we have paid for it now, and we could ill afford to pay even the present price !"
In this way she refused to sell the wood. But the merchant, who was in very great need of it, offered to give her even four times its value, and at last she consented, and sold the wood, which brought them near a thousand rapees. Thus, through the industry of the youngest daughter-in-law, the family now owned more money than it ever had before. Her next care was to take her father-in-law to a goldsmith's house, where she bought jewels for the pátél's other daughters-in-law. After this she bought more provisions. This time also, when she asked them to help her in the washing of the rice, grinding it, and so on, the ungrateful and lazy wretches refused to help her, and, again, she had to do it with the aid of the old párél and her husband.
With all this, she still had a large sum of money left; so she thought of using it in a way that would bring in still more. This time she suggested to her father-in-law to gather some stones into a large beap. The old pa!él, therefore, hired some labourers, and at once set to work, In a month or so they collected an enormous heap of stones.
It now happened that the king of that country was building a new palace, but, unfortanately, as one wall was erected and another was being built up, the first would give way and fall into rains. As soon as the first wall was rebuilt, the second wall gave way, because they were being built of mere earth. This went on for several months, and the king had already spent much time and a vast sum of money, bnt in vain. At last his kárbhárí thus advised him: -
"Your Majesty has already spent much time and money over this bailding, but apparently to little or no use. In my opinion it would be better to use stones for the building, which will ensure greater strength, and I feel confident that the work will not trouble you as it does now."
The king, who always abided by the council of his kárbhGri, agreed to the suggestion, and sent his men to seek for stones. The men chanced to pass by the págel's house, and, seeing the great beap of stones, asked him if he would sell them.
The pától, as instructed by his daughter-in-law, said :-No, these stones are not for sale ; we are about to rebuild our house, and so we shall want them ourselves."
The king's men, however, pressed him very much to part with the stones, telling him that as they were wanted by the king, he would pay him a high price for them.
Upon this the parel called out to his daughter-in-law, and said to her :- "Look here, here are the king's men, who want to buy up this heap of stones."
The daughter-in-law at once replied: - "Oh no, oh no! See, our house is in quite a dilapidated state, and it may tumble down at any moment. We must soon set about rebuilding it, and if you are going to sell these stones, what will you do? It will be difficult for us to get together such a heap in time. Do not talk of selling them."
But the king's people would not be quieted with this answer. They begged and urged very hard, till at last she yielded, and named the price of the stones at some thousands of rapees, which were paid, and the stones taken to build the king's palace, which was shortly completed to the great joy of the king.

Page #201

MAY, 1891.)
FOLKLORE IN SALSETTE; No. 9.
185
The pagel with his whole family were now well settled in life. At the instigation of the youngest daughter-in-law, their house was rebuilt and furnished handsomely. The old man now took his youngest daughter-in-law to heart, and loved her more than ever. In everything that had to be done he always consulted her, and gave everything in her charge. This of course naturally led the others to envy her. They, therefore, began to invent stories in order to prejudice the pátel and her husband against her.
Said they to the paral, the first time he called her: - "Oh yes, you have taken such a liking to her; but do you know what is going on behind your back? What people are coming and going, and sach like things ?”
In this way the old patol's mind was poisoned against his youngest daughter-in-law, and he in his turn told everything he had heard to her husband, who also took a dislike to her. Her husband then got her hair cut off, and, seating her on a donkey, drove her away from his house with strict injanctions never to return. The poor woman had no alternative but to submit to her fate, and went where the donkey carried her. She had, however, for some time past, sus. pected foul play, and had, therefore, put by a small sum of money for her private use, should she require it. This she took with her, and the donkey carried her to another distant country. Here our heroine laid aside her own clothes, and assumed the disguise of a man, and began to wander about the city. The king of that country saw her, and, taking her for a man, asked her if she would take employment. She offered to serve the king in any capacity, and was accordingly engaged as a police sipahi.
Now, it happened that that country was visited every night by a bhujang (monster), who used to eat up anything and any one that came in its way, - men and animals alike. Many attempts were made to capture it, but with no success. The king had set a reward on the bhujang's life. Whoever should kill it, would be rewarded by getting the king's only daughter in marriage, and half his kingdom.
Our heroine was apprised of this. So she went and bought a sword and concealed it in her house. That night, as she went about the town patrolling, she saw, by moonlight, the bhujang coming down from a hill, and marked well the road it took. The following day she went and dug a large ditch in the bhujang's way, and in the night lay concealed close to it, sword in hand.
At the usual time the bhujang descended, and fell in the ditch, upon which our heroine rushed from her hiding place, and cut off its head, which she wrapped in a cloth and carried home.
The king was every day in the habit of calling together the sipahís that were on patrol duty, and asking each of them in turn what they saw and what they did in connection with the bhujang. Unfortunately they never saw the monster, but, nevertheless, without knowing what it was, each invented a tale for the nonce.
Said one: -"I saw a large beast in the form of a cat which made its way towards the East."
Another would say: - "It was & monstrous tiger that I saw, and it went towards the stables of such and such a person."
A third said: “A hideous saitán (devil) passed me at a few yards' distance, and when I tried to capture it, it disappeared."
And in this way every one told the king some tale or other. Last of all the king asked the supposed new sipáha: -“Well, then, what did you see ?"
«Sire," replied our heroine; "at about ten o'clock, as I was looling towards a hill, I saw a large monster descending, upon which I ran and cut off its head, and then I found that it w a bhujang."

Page #202

186
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MAY, 1891.
The king got into a rage, and roared out: "Thou liest. One tells me he saw a cat, another saw a tiger, a third saw a saitán; and you say you saw a bhujang. How can it be possible? Should you again tell me such tales, I shall send you all to the gallows! Why not say that you all went to sleep at your posts? Or, at any rate, tell me the truth another time."
Our heroine, however, was confident of what she had seen and done, and said: "Sire, pardon me for interrupting you. What I have told you is nothing but the truth, and I will prove it to you by shewing you the bhujang's head, which I brought with me after I had killed it."
"Very well," said the king, and away went our heroine to her house, and in a short time came back in triumph carrying the bhujang's head, which she placed before the king, who, on seeing it, was amazed at the bravery of his sipáhs, and praised him in eulogistic terms, and at the same made overtures for marriage with his daughter, also offering him half of his kingdom as promised. Our heroine, who did not wish to betray herself, willingly accepted the offer, and the king at once fixed on a day for the celebration of the auspicious event.
First of all the king erected a large palace for his daughter and son-in-law to live in after their marriage, and furnished it very handsomely. He also attached to it a large establishment of servants, such as befitted a royal couple. Next, the king made preparations on a very grand scale, and in due time the wedding was celebrated with great pomp and show, after which the married couple went to reside in the newly built palace. A few days afterwards, on enquiry from her mother, the bride complained of her husband's backwardness regarding the consummation of the marriage, and the queen in her turn told about it to the king, who remonstrated with his son-in-law.
Our heroine replied: "Father, I have made a vow to that effect for twelve years, in consequence of which, I trust, you will pardon my backwardness."
This answer satisfied the king, who never afterwards touched upon the subject. A few years later, the king made over the reins of government to his supposed son-in-law, who, on his part, governed the kingdom with great justice and benefit to his subjects.
To return to the pâtél's house. As soon as the youngest daughter-in-law was turned out of the house in the manner related above, the money and property, acquired by her industry, was soon spent, and the family became again sunk in deep poverty, and this to such an extent, that at times they had to live without a meal for several days together. Then the patel and his youngest son began to repent of their folly in listening to the tales of the other daughters-in-law, and in turning out of the house the youngest daughter-in-law, and leaving their house, wandered from city to city and country to country, in search of the youngest daughter-in-law.
Now our heroine, when she assumed charge of the kingdom, had privately sent some men to the patel's country to bring her news as 'to how her family were faring; but all returned saying that they could not trace his house, and that all that they could hear was, that the family was in a very deplorable state, and had left the place, and gone no one knew where.
One day it happened, that, as the patel and his youngest son were wandering, they chanced to come to the country over which our heroine was reigning. They were reduced to mere skeletons, and of clothing they had none, save little rags about their loins. In this state, the son, who was fatigued, sat down to rest himself not very far from the palace, while the pátél went about begging. Our heroine saw the old man and recognized in him her father-in-law, in spite of the state he was in, and sending a servant, ordered him into the palace. As soon as he arrived, she had him bathed, then she gave him some clean clothes to wear, after which she served him with food in the manner she used to do when at his house. After doing ample justice to his appetite, he exclaimed:
"Ha! Yes! This is exactly how my youngest daughter-in-law used to treat me. Now she is gone, I don't know where."

Page #203

MAY, 1891.]
MISCELLANEA.
The pretended king was now quite sure that the old beggar was no other than her fatherin-law, and asked him what he meant by the above saying, upon which the patêl related the whole story, from the time his youngest and seventh son was married, to the moment he was speaking; and, concluding with many grateful expressions for the kindness shewn him by the supposed king, was about to go away. The king, however, stopped him, and told him to go and fetch his youngest son, who, he said, was resting himself not very far from the palace. The old man promised to do so. When he came to the spot where his son was, his son could hardly recognise his father, and asked him where he had got such nice clothes. The patel told his son how the king saw him and sent for him, and gave him meat and drink and all the clothes he saw. He then mentioned that he was ordered to bring his son also to the palace. The son was at first reluctant to go, but after much persuasion he consented. When he arrived his wife treated him in the way she used to do at home, and he too said: -
"Oh good king, you put me in mind of my wife, who always treated me in the kind way you did to-day."
The king asked him also to relate his story, which he did just as his father had done. At the conclusion of the story, both the father and the son burst into tears, and our heroine, too, could no longer control hers, and for two reasons, first, for the sufferings of her husband and father-in-law, and secondly, that she had seen them and that she was in a positi. to make them happy. At last she went to her room, and, having changed her clothes for those of a woman, she sent for her husband and father-in-law, who, on seeing her, at once recognized their lost wife and daughter-in-law, and fell on her neck and embraced and kissed her.
187
Our heroine then went with her husband, father-in-law, and the king's daughter, to the king's palace, where she told the king everything, and asked his pardon for thus imposing upon him so long. The king was astonished at the story and more so at the bravery of a woman, and not only pardoned her, but gave his daughter in marriage to the patel's son and made him heir to his throne. When the king was dead, the patel's son took upon himself the government of the country, and lived with his two wives in happiness.
MISCELLANEA.
AN HISTORICAL ALLUSION IN THE BHAGALPUR PLATE OF NARAYANAPALA.
-
Mr. Fleet has presented me with an excellent impression of the Bhagalpur plate of Narayapapala, an examination of which has shewn me, what indeed did not require such proof, how well that inscription has been edited by Dr. Hultzsch, ante, Vol. XV. p. 305. There is in fact, in the poetical portion of the inscription, only a single verse for which the impression suggests a better reading than the published one; and my reason for writing of this publicly is this, that the same verse contains an historical allusion, hitherto overlooked, to which attention should be drawn. In the published version the third verse, in lines 7-8, together with Dr. Hultzsch's translation, reads thus:
Jitv-Endraraja-prabhritin-aratin=
upârjjité yêna mahôdaya-ériḥ datta punah sâ valin=&rthayitrê Chakrayudhâyânati-vamanaya || "This mighty one (balin) again gave the sovereignty, which he had acquired by defeating
Indraraja and other enemies, to the begging Chakrayudha, who resembled a dwarf in bowing,
just as formerly Bali had given the sovereignty (of the three worlds), which he had acquired by defeating Indra and his other enemies (the gods), to the begging Chakrayudha (Vishnu), who had descended to earth as a dwarf."
I believe that most Sanskrit scholars who may read this verse will be puzzled by the compound anati-vámandya, with which the verse ends. For, admitting that this expression may convey the meaning who resembled a dwarf in bowing,' they will probably be slow to adopt the suggestion that the poet, in applying the compound to Vishnu, should have taken the liberty of using the word anati, the meaning of which is at once clear and transparent, in the sense of avatára which means quite a different thing. And referring to the impression, I find that the difficulty is removed in a much simpler way. For the impression shews that the sign for the vowel i of the word dnati has been struck out in the original, and that the intended reading therefore is anata-vamandya.

Page #204

188
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MAY, 1391.
Referred to the king Chakrayudha, this would of this kind the task of the critic is very much mean (as a Bahuvrihi) who bowed down to (or easier than that of the editor. The editor, unless worshipped) Vamana, i.e. Vishņu;' referred to the | he be ready to delay the publication of his work god Vishnu, (as a Karmadharaya). Våmana, who ad infinitum, must within a limited time make up bowed down to (Bali).'
his mind on whatever difficulties he may meet The verse eulogizes the king Dharmapala, and
with; while the critic may concentrate his atten
tion on certain selected passages, and trust to conhas been rightly understood to mean that the
tinued study and to accident for clearing away king conquered Indraraja and other enemies, but
the difficulties offered by them. This certainly is gave back the sovereignty which he had thus acquired to a certain Chakrayudha. But the verse
my own experience; and in this spirit I have tells more than this. It states distinctly that
written the following short notes on some of the the sovereignty which Dharmapåla gained for
inscriptions of Mr. Fleet's collection. If I should
have found the true readings or the right interhimself by defeating Indraraja and which he afterwards returned to Chakrůyudha, was the rule
pretation of a few doubtful passages, it will be so
only because Mr. Fleet has done all the hard work over Mahodaya or Kanauj; for there can be no
before me, work which few scholars would have doubt that the word mahodaya-srih, like the rest
been competent to undertake, and which fewer still of the verse, has two senses, and that, with reference to Dharınapala, it must be translated by
would have brought to so successful a conclusion. the sovereignty over Mahödaya.'
Mandagor Stone Pillar Inscription of I know neither a king Indrarija or Indra nor a
Y&sódharman. king Chakrayudha of Kanyakubja, and can only No. 33, Plate xxi. B., p. 142 ff.; and ante, form certain conjectures to which I would not
Vol. XV. p. 253 ff. attach too much value myself. Bali took the In line 8, the sentence chalati niyamitar nu sovereignty of the three worlds from Indra, and dmund loka-vrittan has been translated - "the gave it to that god's younger brother Vishņu (good) customs of mankind continue current, un(Upêndra). Similarly Dharmapala may have given impeded (in any way) by him." The construction to the younger brother (Chakrayudha) what he should rather be taken to be - amund niyami. had taken from his predecessor, the elder brother taralóka-vrittan na chalati, controlled by him, the Indraraja). Chakr&yudha is only another name conduct of mankind does not swerve (from the of Vishnu; and a third name of Vishnu is right course).' Adivardha. And Adiraráha is, as Dr. Hultzsch
Mandasôr Stone Inscription of has shewn, another name of Bhojadeva of Kanauj.
Yasodharman. For Bhojudôva we have the dates A. D. 862, 876, and 882 ; and, according to Sir A. Cunninghnm's No. 35, Plate xxii., p. 150 ff.; and ante, account, Dharmapala would have ruled from
Vol. XV. p. 222 ff. about A. D. 830 to 860. Bhojadeva and Dhar- In lines 11 and 12 of this inscription we have mapala may thus have been contemporaries, the verge - and it is at least possible that the former may
Sukriti-vishayi-tunga radha-molam dharayAm have owed his elevation to the throne to the latter. Other inscriptions may shew all this to
sthitim=apagata-bhangar athêyasin-adadh.
nam [1] be untenable, but it is curious that Bhôjadêva's
guru bikharam=iv=adrês=tat-kulan successors (Mahendrapala, Kshitipala, and Dêva.
ev-Atmapala) all should append to their names the word
raviraiva Ravikêrttiḥ su-prakasam vyadhatta 11 Pula, which would seem to connect them somehow or other with Dharmapala and his family. The difficulty offered by the verse is this, that,
F. KIELHORN. while the first half should be applicable to the Göttingen.
summit of a mountain bikharam) as well as to a
family (kulam), the word sukriti-vishayi-tungan CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM INDICARUM,
when referred to the former, yields no suitable VOL. III.
meaning. The word dhardyan, in the earth,' at Mr. Fleet has asked me to publish from time to the end of the first line, suggests the idea that the time in this Journal any suggestions regarding beginning of the line should contain some refer. the txts and translations of the inscriptions con- ence to the sky; and we obtain what we want, and tained in his Gupta volume, which migbt occur to remove every difficulty, by altering the reading of me in the course of my own studies. In comply. the text to sukriti-vishaya-tungan, 'high like the ing with his request, I can only say chat in work abode of those who have performed good actions,
1 See ante, Vol. XVIII. p. 219.
bhoty&

Page #205

MAY, 1891.]
MISCELLANEA.
189
or (applied to kulam) eminent in being the abode Here, again, I fancy I recognise in the photoof or in containing) men who perform good lithograph faint traces of the sign for v below the actions.' That heaven is acquired by good deeds, of játi-ratnair. is a common notion. Thus, in Mr. Fleet's own
In line 23 we read - volume, p. 147, 1.7, we have divah sukrit-Sparji.
Priyatama-kupitânâm råmayan=baddha-ragam tiyah, and in Raghuvaméa, xviii. 21, dyd i sukrit.
kisalayam=iva mugdham manasam manini. ôpalabdham. And in Sarngadhara's Paddhati,
Bản [*] 1072, we actually read vyóma mahat=padari sukri. tinám, where padai sukritinam is exactly equiva- The first two aksharas of ramayan are not clear lent to sukriti-vishaya. The true reading having in the photolithograph; and the word appears thus been established, I would, judging from the objectionable, because, when construed with kisuphotolithograph published, ante, Vol. XV.opposite layan it yields no suitable meaning, and because to p. 224, venture to say that the sign for the the ordinary causal form of ram is ramayan. My second i in vishayi has been struck out already in own reading would be kampayan, causing to the original.
shake,' or 'causing to tremble.' In line 18 I would read an-abhiváñchhan instead The text of this inscription has been reprinted of an-ativáñchhan, because 'not seeking his own in Kdvyamala, Prachinalêkhamâlâ, pp. 112-116, comfort' appears to me more appropriate than where the editor of the reprint has suggested the 'not being too eager about his own comfort;' and following alterations : - jitam for jiti, in line 5; I would translate the word a-sangdin (referring to médhyan for méghyam, in line 7; -dhúsaréna dhuram) by 'meeting with no obstruction,' = a. for-dhúmaréna, in line 9; Edhraslydn for pratibandhdm. Compare Mallinatha on Raghu- =vaslydn, in line 10; tara-mandras= for bhdravainsa, iii. 63.
mandrak, in line 22; and kirana-samudayIn lines 19 and 20 we read the verse
dsaiiga-leántari for kirana-samudayam sangaUpahita-hita-rakshi-mandano jati-ratnair= kantani, in line 24. Of these, I regard only the bhuja iva prithul-asas-tasya Dakshaḥ
alterations in lines 9 and 24 as improvements of the kaniyan [1]
text: in respect of line 9, note rosabha-dhdsarena, mahad-idam=udapânam khånayam-Asa bibhrach=
in the Kirdterjuniya, XVI. 7. But, differing from chhruti-hridaya-nitant-&nandi nirddôsha
Mr. Fleet, I would, in the first passage referred nama 11
to, take jiti to govern jagatin, and translate
victorious is (Vishnuvardhana), who in battle has the first half of which has been translated
conquered the earth;' although I know that it His younger brother, Daksha, - invested with
would be difficult to justify the formation and the decoration of the protection of friends, as if
construction of jitin by the rules of Pånini's he were (his) broad-shouldered (right) arm (de- grammar. It would be equally difficult to account corated) with choice jewels.'
by that grammar for the gerund vindmya in the Differing from Mr. Fleet, I take the proper same line, about the reading of which there can name of the man spoken of, to be Nirdosha; but be no doubt. my chief difficulty lies in the first line of the
As regards the translation, I would, besides, verse. There appears to be no authority for
take the words havirbhuja ivæddhvardn, in line 13, translating the word jdti-ratna by choice jewels;'
as an accusative plural, in the sense of 'like the and the word bhujah of the cecond line should
(three) sacrificial fires'; and would compare undoubtedly be qualified by the whole of the first
Raghuvamba, xv. 35, where the three brothers of line. The word rakshd-manda na, being synony
Rama are described as trêtagni-tejasuh. mous with raksha-bhushana, an ornament or amulet worn for protection (against evil spirits,
Nagarjunt Hill Cave Inscription of &c.),' rakshd-ratna, rakshd-mani, &o., I propose
Anantavarman. reading jñati-ratnair (with which we may compare
No. 49, Plate XXXI. A., p. 223 ff. jñati-vriddhaih in Raghuvansa, xvii. 12) instead In line 1 the actual reading of the stone, to of játi-ratnair, and would translate the first half judge by the photo-lithograph, is undoubtedly of the verse thus:
mahikshitám=Anur=iva, as given by Mr. Fleet; His dexterous younger brother, by excellent but I cannot help thinking that the poet after all relatives invested, as with a decoration, with the is really referring to Manu, the mahikshitamprotection of friends, - being as it were (Dhar- ddyah (Raghuvanda, i. 11), and that the reading madôsha's) broad-shouldered arm, to which excel. therefore must necessarily be altered to mahilent relatives had fastened a beneficial ornament kshitan Manurrida. The writer or engraver has to guard (against evil)-...'
been guilty of similar slight blunders.

Page #206

190
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MAY, 1891.
In line 3 we have on the stone para-hitah kind that is felt towards offspring, - for any éri-paurushal, benevolent to others (and) posses- distressed man who came to him for protection, sed of fortune and manliness. But, brf-paurushah and for any afflicted person whose fortitude had being an impossible compound, we are obliged to been destroyed by the continuous flight of the read para-hita-rt-paurushal, 'whose fortune and arrows of adversity, - extended, in conformity manliness are beneficial to others.' And in line with the disposition of a kinsman, (even) to any 8 we must alter vimathita-gaj-odbhranta-vdj| cruel man who might seek to do (him) harm; pravirs to vimathita-gaj-odbhranta-vaji-pravíro, (and) by whose fame, arising from good actions, because pravírd cannot by itself be taken as an the whole world was thus completely filled." adjective, qualifying vanah.
Here, with the actual reading which is on the As regards the interpretation of this inscription, stone, Mr. Fleet felt obliged to translate the I would translate drisht-ddyishta.vibhati vimvam, words bandhorwyathd-bhdvatal by 'in conformity in line 4, by an image, the great beauty of which with the disposition of a kinsman,' and to divide is only dimly seen' (on account of the image having the verse into two separate sentences, the first been placed in a cave), and would compare com- Bentence extending to the end of the third line, pounds like krit-akrita, 'done and not done,' i. e., and the second consisting of the fourth line, the
badly done,' the formation of which is taught two sentences being joined by anand,' which had by Pånini, ii. 1, 60. (See my Mahdbhashya, Vol. to be supplied. But yathd-bhavatah is an imposI. p. 401, Vårttika 4). Besides, the meaning of sible word; and the relative yasya towards the line 6 appears to me rather to be this, that the
end of the verse, referring to Upasénas in the does, when they see the king hunting, stand still
preceding verse, shews that the verse with which and gaze at him, only to be killed by him we are dealing is a single relative sentence. (antdya); for the words drishtah sthitvd mrigi.
What we want at the end of the third line, is bhih clearly show that it is the does who are the genitive singular of a present participle, represented by the poet as standing still, -not
qualifying yasya and governing vatsalyam and the Anantavarman.
other accusatives in the earlier part of the verse. I may add here, that in line 2
And I have no doubt that bhdvata) is a mistake Yasy=&hdta-Sahasranettra-viraha-kahams sada of the engraver for kurvata), a mistake which in
aiv=Adhvarait the alphabet employed by the writer is easily Paulômf chiram=aśru-pâta-malinam dbatte accounted for; and with the reading kurvatah, the
kapola-ériyam 11 - construction and the meaning of the verse leave the author clearly appears to have imitated Kali- nothing to be desired. Upaséna shewing con. dåsa's Raghuvamda, vi. 23,
tinuona affection .... towards cruel people, as Kriya-prabandhad-ayam-adhavaranám=
if they were his relatives, the fame arising from ajasram= Ahdta-Sahasrangtraḥ 1
such noble conduct filled the whole earth (yasya, Sachyfs-chiram pându-kapóla-lamban=
krúrasya bandhôr-yathd vdtsalyam kurvatah, Evan mandara-sanyan alakAms=chakara 11
sach-charit-6dbhavéna yafasd bhdtalam-dchitam).
Here I would add that, in the first half of the Bodh Gaya Inscription of Mahanaman.
verse No. 71, Plate XLI. A., p. 274 ff.; and ante, Vyapagata-vishaya-onêhô hata-timira-daśaḥ praVol. XV. p. 366 ff.
dipavad=asangaḥ of this inscription I possess a good impression
kusalên=&nëna janô bôdhi-sukham=anuttaram kindly presented to me by Dr. Hoernle, and I
bhajat&m II - am thus quite certain that Mr. Fleet's transcript in linea 11 and 12, the author, in my opinion has of the text, as given in the Gupta volume, is
imitated (with little success), or has had in his correct. Nevertheless, a serious difficulty is pre- mind, Raghuvansa, xii. 1sented by the following verse in lines 7-9:
Nirvishţa-vishaya-snéhaḥ sa das Antam=upêyiVAtsalyam saran-Agatasya satatam
vån dinasya vaibêshikam
Asid=hsanna-nirvanaḥ pradip-Archir-iva-Oshasi 11 vy&pat-syaka-santati-kshata-dhritêr-Arttasya (Dasaratha), when he had enjoyed the plea
ch-Apat yakam bures of life and had come to the end of his days, krdrasy=khita-kAriñaḥ pravitatath vaba)ndôr: was approaching unto eternal beatitude, being like
yatha-bhAvatah the flame of a lamp at dawn which is about to go évam sach-charit-odbhavêna yafasi yasy= out when it has consumed the oil of the stand and
Achitam bhatalam 11 has come to the end of the wick.' “Whose special characteristic of affection, of the Göttingen.
F. KIELHORN.

Page #207

MAY, 1891.]
MISCELLANEA.
191
CALCULATIONS OF HINDU DATES. Asvina sukla 8; but the nakshatra at sunrise was No. 48.
Uttara-Ashadh, No. 21, for the moon, and Chitra,
No. 14, for the sun. In the Chellar grant of the Eastern Chalu
Saka-Samvat 1058 current; - (A) the vernal kya king Kulottunga-Chodadêva II., published
equinox occurred on Sunday, 24th March, A.D. by me, with a lithograph, ante, Vol. XIV. p. 55 ff., it is recorded that the Dandadhindtha Kåta,
1135, at about 40 gh. 30 p. ; on this day there
ended the tithi Chaitra sukla 8; but the naksha. otherwise called Kolani-Katamanayaka, granted
tra at sunrise was Punarvasu, No. 7, for the the Mandadorru agrahdra, with the village of Ponduvagråma, in the Sávattili d&ea, to Brâhmans,
moon, and again Revati, No. 27, for the sun; -
and (B.) the autumnal equinox occurred on Friday, - (1. 49 ff.) SAK-Abdânår pramånê rasa-viśikha
27th September, at about 36 gh. 35 p. ; on this viyach-chandra-samkhyam prayate . . . .
day there ended the tithi Asvina krishna 3; and . . . . . . . . . -Ardr-arkshê pārvva
the nakshatra at sunrise was Kșittika, No. 3, for ma (pa )kahe vishuvati su tithf(thau), - "when the measure of the Saka years has advanced beyond
the moon, and again Chitra, No. 14, for the
sun. the number of the flavours (six), the arrows (five), the sky (nought), and the moon (one), .... In these three years, the only approximation ........ at the equinox, together with is in the case of the vernal equinox of the 24th the Ardri nakshatra, in the first fortnight, on an March, A.D. 1135; but it entails the supposition excellent tithi."
of a mistake in the year, as given in the record;
and also of a mistake in the computation of either Here, bearing in mind that for the period of this
the equinox or the nakshatra; for the Ardra nakgrånt the "first fortnight" is the bright fortnight,
shatra ended, at the latest, about 23 ghats before according to the amdnta scheme, we require a
the sunrise at the end of the day preceding that tithi of a bright fortnight, on which there
on which the equinox took place. oocurred either the vernal or the autumnal equinox, and when the moon wal in the For Saka-Samvat 1057 current, the vernal equiArdra nakshatra. And, apparently, the daynox can be accepted, if we alter 8- Ardr-arkshé into should be found in Saka-Samvat 1057 current.
Bhadr-arlshé, and if we also interpret purva-patThe results, however, are not satisfactory
shd us standing for apúrpa-pakshe," in the second
(i.e. dark) fortnight," which is permissible by the Saka-Samvat 1056 current :-(A) the vernal
rules of sandhi, though the use, in that cane, of equinox, as represented by the Maha-Sankranti,
80 ambiguous an expression, would speak very occurred on Friday, 24th March, A.D. 1133, at
badly for the skill of the composer. In these about 9 ghatis, 25 palas (for Bombay); on this
two respects, however, quite as much violence day there ended the tithi Chaitra krishna 2; and
has to be done to the original text, as in the the nakshatra for the moon at sunrise was, not
case of the vernal equinox of Saka-Samvat 1059 Ardra, No. 6, but either Svåti, No. 15, or Visakha,
current. No. 16; or, if the nakshatra should be intended for the sun, it was Rêvati, No. 27; and (B)
Mr. Sh. B. Dikshit has brought to my notice the autumnal equinox, as represented by the
that the only neighbouring year which furnishes a Tulch-Samkranti, occurred on Wednesday, 27th
correct result for the equinox, the fortnight, and September, at about 5 gh. 30 p. ; on this day there the nakshatra, is, Baka-Samvat 1055 current. ended the tithi Asvina kşishna 12; and the
In that year, the vernal equinox occurred on nakshatra at sunrise was Porv&-Phalguni, No. 11,
Wednesday, 23rd March, A.D. 1132, at about for the moon, or Chitra, No. 14, for the sun.
58 gh. 55 p., and, on account of the lateness of the
hour, would be celebrated on the Thursday, on. Saka-Samvat 1057 current; - (A) the vernal
which day there ended the tithi Chaitra sukla 6, equinox occurred on Saturday, 24th March, A.D.
and the moon entered the Ardra nakshatra at 1134, at about 25 ghatis; on this day there ended
about 12 gh. 40 p. the tithi Chaitra krishna 12; and the nakshatra at sunrise was either Satatêraka, No. 24, or Parva
Accordingly, this date, Thursday 24th March, Bhadrapada, No. 25, for the moon, and Revati,
A.D. 1192, seems very likely to be the real No. 27 for the sun; and (B) the autumnal equi
intended date. It entails a mistake in the nox occurred on Thursday, 27th September, at original, in respect of the given year. about 21 ghatis; on this day there ended the tithi
J. F. FLEET.

Page #208

192
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MAY, 1891.
NOTES AND QUERIES. HOW THE TIGER ATTAINED HIS GREAT
FOLK MEDICINE IN MADRAS. STRENGTH.
The gum of the acacia arabica is a 'delicacy A FOLK-TALE.
in Gujarat and a medicine in Maisdr, used espe One day Isvara called a man, and told him to cially with ghi by women during pregnancy. It ask for any favour he might wish to be conferred is supposed to be a strong tonic. on him. The man, after much consideration,
The favourite remedies among South Indian wisely asked for strength. “Very well," said
old-wives for a bad cough in children, are the Isvara," come here again on a certain day, when
punga-seed (pungamia glabra : Skr. ingudi, Hind. I will make you owner of the strength of seven
kuranj), and a copper medal or token engraved she-buffaloes." The man promised to come, but,
with the image of a dog on both sides. on the appointed day, he failed to attend. Now, a tiger, who had overheard the conversation When a bad cough sets in, a coin is taken to a between the man and Isvara on the previous
copper-smith, who alters the superscription to an occasion, came and presented himself, on that image of a dog on both sides. Or a dried seed of day, before Isvara. Isvara asked him what he the pungamia glabra is procured. In either case wanted, and the tiger said he had come to have a hole is bored, and the “charm" is hung round strength conferred upon him. Upon this, Isvara the loins or neck of the suffering child. bestowed upon the tiger the prodigious strength of The modern theory is that a cough is a nervous seven she-buffaloes, and thus, through sheer
affection, and that copper and punga-seeds act on carelessness, man lost his legal right to the
the nerves and so cure the ailment! I can vouch strength of seven she-buffaloes!
for the action being very slow! GEO. FE. D'PENHA.
To persons who have lost their nervous power A SONG ABOUT LORD LAKE.
by excess of debauchery, a preparation made out The following is an old song quoted in that of the seeds of the ndyurivi (Skr. apdmdrga) is curious book The wanderings of a Pilgrim in supposed to give an instant cure. The seeds search of the Beautiful, by Mrs. Fanny Parkes : (achyranthes aspera) are gathered, dried well in perhaps some one can give some more of it, or the sun, husked, and turned into a kind of rice. some information about the author, &o.
This rice is fried in a little ghi and is powdered. Mért jAn, kahin dekha Kumpant nisban?
A handful of the powder with a little sugar is to BAnkê Lék már leo Hindustân.
be taken in the morning on an empty stomach. Môrf jan, kahin dekha Kumpant nishan? Oure follows in a week. LAI A1 kartt, gavvê gavv8 jawan,
A certain oil is extracted from the seeds of the Hath môn patthar kala, pith par tôedan;
plants called kundumaņi (abrus precatorius), and Mért ján, kahin dekha Kumpani nishan P
araliraiofrai (amaranthus tristis.) Either kind Åge &gê paltan, pfchhê pfchhê sawar :
of oil is supposed to be the best of restorers for Top ki dankár sê bhige Hinda Musalman !
falling hair. When rubbed into the hair in a Mért jan, kahin dekhi Kumpant nishan
healthy state, they are supposed to promote its Das das kumpaņi jis mên göre göre Kaptan!
rapid growth. "Gudami phair" bolte, nikal j&vé ausan. Mêri jan; kahtá dékhá Kumpani nishan P
In addition to these two oils, the hot blood of
hares when rubbed into the hair of the head is I suppose it means - "My love, have you soen
supposed to promote its growth. The pride of the anywhere the Company's flag P The gallant
Marktha kings of Tanjore was that they daily Lake has conquered Hindustan. My love, have
killed a hare and smeared ita hot blood over you seen anywhere the Company's flag P With
their heads, and thus made their locks grow red red coats, sturdy sturdy young men, firelock in hand, and cartridge pouch on back! My love, have you seen anywhere the Company's flag The kdījar or tragia cannabina is a very Foot regiments in front; cavalry in the rear : irritating plant, and is supposed to have the same At the cannon's roar bulted Hinda and Musal. effect on dobilitated nerves as the ndyurivi. The män! My love, have you seen anywhere the root of the plant (generally half an anna in Company's flag P Companies ten by ten, and a
weight) is fried in ghi and the preparation is eaten white Captain over each! As they shout "Fire ! with the ordinary food. If it is taken for a week, God damn you!" we are stupified. My love, have the lost power is revived. you seen anywhere the Company's flag P"
8. M. NATESA SASTRI. W. CROOKE. Madras.
long.

Page #209

MAY, 1891.)
BOOK-NOTICE.
193
BOOK-NOTICE The GOLDEN BOUGR, a Study in Comparative Religion, King of the Calf at Pont-à-Mousson; and the by J. G. FRAZER. Two Vols. London: Macmillan naming of the last sheaf in various parts of France & Co. 1890.
and Germany as the Cow, the Buil, the Com-steer. SECOND NOTICE.
the Tresher Cow and so on. points to the spread of In our former notice of these interesting the same ideas. Crying the Mare in Hertfordshire. volumes we followed Mr. Frazer in his argu- the naming of the first whenf as the Cross of the ment so far as the killing of the Corn-spirit, and Horse at Liile, and the expression "seeing the were introduced to the conception of the Corn. horse" for the noonday sleep of harvesters at spirit as an animal. Now it can be shewn that Berry, prove the transfer of the Corn-spirit to the in the popular mind he can take the form of the horse. Similar customs prevail in Germany with wolf, dog, hare, cock, goose, cat, gcat, cow, ox, reference to the Rre-bour. Rye-sow. Corn-sow, anil bull, pig and horse.
to the Sow.driver, and Carrying the Pig in Bavaria. All throngh France, Germany, and the Slavonic
and burying a pig's tail or bone in Germany and countries, the Corn-spirit is often the Rye-wolf,
Russia in the fielil or with the seedl. And, lastly, Corn-wolf, Rye-dog, and is a common bugbear to
the well-known Scandinavian enstom of the Yulefrighton children with, whose fertilising power is
boar and mising the straw of it with the next in his tnit. In Germany the binder of the last
year's need to procnre a good harvest, is in interes. sheat is the Wheut-dog, Peas-pug, Rye-wolf,
ting addition to the evilence on this hend. So Bu
is the Swedislı ensto:n of throwing Yule-straws Potato.wolf, Wheat-wolf, Oats-wolf and so on, or simply the Wolf. In France the last shent is
to the ceiling and prognosticating the next year's the Bitch, and there are harvesting customs con.
sheaves from the number that stick there. Other nected with killing the Dog or the Wheat-dog,
manifestations of the Corn-spirit are to be Rye-dog, Potato-dog, Harvest-dog, as the case
found in inodern Enrope in the stag, roa, shoop, may be. At the threshing floor, too, in France the
bear, ass, fox, mouse, stork, swan and Dog or the Corn-pag. Rye-pug, Wheat-pug,
kite. is stuck down, to which there is an analogous
Now, Dionysus the tree-god appears as a goat German custom of killing the Corn-wolf in thresh.
and as a bull. As a goat he is hardly to be dising the last sheaf In France when a harvester tinguished from Pan, Silenus, the Satyrs, the is sick "the White Bitch has bitten him" or "the Fanns and the host of sylvan goat divinities, White Dog has passed him," and lastly, to com.
ancient forms of the modern Russian Ljeschie, plete the proof of the animal form of the Corn.
which are Wood and Oorn-spirits in human form, spirit, in the Vosges the Harvest-May is called
but with the horns, ears and legs of goats. As a the Harvest-dog.
bull, the Athenian ceremony in his honour of the
bouphonin, or murder of the ox, and the stuffing of Again, in Germany, Hungary, Poland and
the murdered ox and yoking him to a plough, shew Picardy a cock is sacrificed in one way or another
his close connection with agricultural divinitids. with the last corn cut, and its feathers mixed with
Further, the ceremonies of the bouphonia are the next year's seed. Cutting the Hare is in
partly paralleled by those of the Great Mortdard Ayrshire cutting the last oorn, and also in parte
at the apple harvest at Beauce in France. In of Germany, Sweden, Holland, France and Italy.
Guinea and in China also are customs directly In Norway the Hare's blood in the form of brandy is given to his comrades by the reaper who has
connecting the ox with the Corn-spirit. “killed the Hare." In Germany and France the
The pig was sacred to Demeter, and at the Cat takes the place of the Corn-dog and the Corn
great autumnal festival of the Thegmophoria in wolf above described. So also in Germany the
her honour pigs were thrown into the " chasme of Corn-goat, Rye-goat, Oats-Goat, Bean-goat or
Demeter and Proserpine," and their decayed flesh Harvest-goat plays the part of the Corn-wolf. So
afterwards recovered and sown with the seed corn. in Skye the Cripple-goat was the last sheat ont on
The connection of Demeter with the pig as the the last farm that finished reaping, every previous
Corn-spirit here comes out, and her connection last sheaf having been carefully transferred to a
with the horse as the Corn-spirit is visible in the neighbour who had not yet finished. At Grenoble
representation of the Black Demeter in the cave a gort is actually sacrificed at the harvest, and
of Phigalia in Arcadia as a long-robed woman with part of its flesh kept till the next barvest, and
the head and mane of a horse. a similar custom prevails among the Prussian Attis, Adonis and Osiris were all closely Flava. In several parts of France a bull or a calf is connected with the pig or the boar, and in killed in the same way, leading to the custom of the 'this connection Mr. Frazer cleverly brings out the
1 See page 45 81., above.

Page #210

194
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
(MAY, 1891
confusion between uncleanness and sacredness is baked into a louf in the form of a little girl, and in animals, and shews that the abhorrence of the divided amongst the whole household. Here this Syrians, the Jews, the Egyptians, and one may loaf is the Corn-spirit in the form of a inaidon, way of Orientals generally, to the pig, is due as just as it is represented in Scotland as the Maiden much to the animal having once been a god as to or last sheaf itself. Two hundred years ago the anything else. Abhorrence of eating, touching or Lithuanian peasants held a festival called injuring of totems, that is, sacred animals or Saburios every December, at which every kind of plants, is common to most savages, in the belief grain was eaten sacramentally with prayers, and a that the eating thereof will produce disease and
cock and hen sacrificed to procure a good harvest death through the displeasure of the gods they in the ensuing year. In modern Europe similar represent. This will account for the nausea a customs have dwindled into such habits as the Muhammadan will feel if he accidentally eats pig's tasting of all new potatoes in Sutherlandshire; flesh, and it would be of interest to see how far it and trsing the grain of the first corn cut for the may account for the aversion to horse and dog's communion bread in parts of Yorkshire. In flesh in most parts of Europe. To Mr. Frazer's the wilder East we have cating the soul of the collection of evidence on this head we may add rice" at harvest and so on, and among the more that in Upper Burma towns pigs are sacred, and civilized Hindus of South India the Pongal until the advent of the British it was a serious festival, at which the way the new rise boils is offence to interfere with a pig in Mandalay. This taken as a portens of the harvest of the coming was accomted for, partly by saying they were year. The Buske festival of the first fruits, the chief public scavengers, and partly by the Buddhist annual ceremony of the Creek and Cherokee custom of jivita-dina, or the granting of life; Indians, at which the new corn and the new fruits King Mindôn Min having been supposed to have
were eaten sacramentally, proses the prevalence turned the forefathers of these piga loose in the of similar ideas in North America. The sacr&town, " to live for ever," after which ceremony if
ment of bread as the body of a good is an an. would be sacrilege to destroy thein.
cient American and European rite, chiefly in Osiris was identified with the bull Apis or
or the form of making a bread or meal image of Memphis and the bull Mnevis of Heliopoliy, and
the god and killing" him before eating him: Iels with the cow, which latter was never killed.
witness the festival of Hintzilopochtli in Mexico A 1 granting this ancient and local identification
and the maniæ of Rome. to be genuine, which however is doubtful, the The notion at the bottom of these sacraments annual sacrifice of sacred cattle and the deter- is the common savage one that by eating the mination of the life of the Apis after a certain
ffosh of an antmal or man, the physical, moral, term of years, brings is back to Osiris the
and intellectual qualities of that animal or Corn-spirit.
man are acquired. For this reason the North
and South American Indian chiefs would not eat The annual sacrifice of an animal sacred to a god
the flesh of heavy or slow moving animals, or considered as his enemy, and its preservation or
Arabs aroint theinselves with lion's fat, Zulus seclusion from that god for the rest of the year,
take the bones of very old animals, the Miris of w in the case of Osiris and many other divinities
Assam will not allow women to eat tiger's flesh, the of the ancient world and the modern savages,
Dyaks of Borneo will not eat venison, and so on can b3 shewn to lead unerringly to the inference
ad infinitum. So the Chinese eat the gall-bladders that the animal and the god were originally iden
of tigers and bears, because the gall bladder is the tical, and this leads to a conjecture that the connec.
seat of couroge; and the people of Darfur in Cen. tion or rather the special dis.connection of Virbius
tral Africa eat the liver of animals, because the with horses at the Arician Grovo points to the
liver is the seat of the soul and they wish to original identification of Virbius as a Corn-spirit
enlarge it. From the lower animals to man is a in the form of a horse. In support of this there is the very ancient custom of the October Horse
small transition, and so we find savages everywhere
killing a brave prisoner of war in order to eat at Rome, in which in pre-Republic days a horse
him and gain bis qunlities. So Maori warriors was sacrificed to the corn in precisely the same fashion as is the modern mock borse, bull, boar,
strove to slay a chief and eat his eyes because divi. and what not, all over Europe.
nity lies in the eyes. Thus by drinking the blood
of the vine-god and eating the flesh of the ooreThe harvest-suppers of the European pensant god, or in other words wine and bread, the wor. offord unmistakable evidence of the custom of shipper partakes of the real body and blood of his the momental oattng of the god of the corn. god. In this view the Buochanatinax foutival be In this way in Sweden the grain of the last shenfcome a sacrament.

Page #211

BOOK NOTICE.
MAY, 1891.]
Just as the worstrippers of agricultural deities kill their god, the worshippers of animals kill theirs on the ground that the god is incarnate in the whole species and is multiplied by killing one of the individuals in which he is incarnate. In this belief the Acagchemen tribe of California annually kill the great buzzard, their chief god, and the Egyptian worshippers of the god-ram Aramon slew a ram annually. The Zuni Indians of New Mexico believe that the dead are transformed into turtles and annually kill them in order to send the departed souls back into spirit-land. The Ainos of Japan regularly sacrifice a bear, an animal which they regard with special reverence, as do the Goldi and Gilyak tribes of Siberia.
Now all these bear-worshipping tribes freely hunt the bear, but in their sacrifices and in their slaying they propitiate the animal dead or alive, and the reason for this is that he . might otherwise bring about the vengeance. of his class upon them.
It is this that makes savages, all the world over, reluctant to slay wild beasts who can revenge themselves, such as crocodiles, rattle-snakes and tigers; and makes the Sumatrans go into the jungle and explain to the tigers that the Earopeans, and not they, are setting traps for them. Similarly Kamtehatkans explain to dead seals, and Ostiaks to slain bears, that it was the Russians that slew them! Again, animals, which are not dangerous in themselves, are propitiated after slaughter in case their guardian spirits might injure the slaughterer. This is why Siberian sable hunters are particular as to the treatment of the bones of sables, the Alaskans and Canadian Indians as to the bones of beavers, and the North American Indians of those of elans, deer, and elk. If they did not, the take would be bad for the season, or some other misfortune would be inflicted by the incensed spirits. For exactly the same reason the Peruvian Indians adored the fish they chiefly caught, the Otawa Indians of Canada never burned fish bones because their souls passed into them, and the Hurons preached to the fish to induce them to come and be caught. Thence to the good treatment of the first fish caught in order that he may induce others to come into the net, is a small transition: leading to putting him back into the water among the Maoris, and to special ceremonies over him elsewhere.
The reason why so many savage hunters are particular about preserving bones is that they believe that they will be re-clothed with flesh, and so, if they destroyed them, the animal could
195
not be resurrected and the supply of game would step. Phis belief in resurrection is direct among the Indians of North America, the Lapps, and the Katchatkans, either in another world or in this one, and is probably at the bottom of the worldwide objection to breaking the bones of slain or sacrificed animals. It will also explain the curious custom of detaching parts of a slain animal from the carcass, as the sinew of the thigh in North America, and the tongue in other places, as being necessary to its reprodaction after death.
Vermin are treated much in the same way as the dangerous and the valuable animals. They are propitiated in various ways, and coaxed to keep out of the crops, but for the present purpose the most interesting custom with regard to them is treating favoured individuals with great distinction, while pursuing the rest with relentless severity. This is prevalent in Germany, Syria, and Russia. The special individuals are in fact turned into gods much in the same way as the larger animals, and in Syria the favoured caterpillar is given a human "mother" and then buried. Here, again, we have the killing of the god.
We have thus two kinds of sacramental killing and eating of the gods; one in which an animal is habitually spared and never eaten except sacramentally; and the other in which an animal is the habitual food of a tribe, but an individual is eaten sacramentally by way of warding off the revenge from its congeners.
The custom of sacramental eating of the god leads to a very interesting set of customs as to communion with the divinity. This is shewn strongly at the pastoral sacrament of the lamb among the Madi or Moru tribe of Central Africa. Here the lamb is sacrificed, and its blood is first sprinkled over the people and then smeared on them individually. Similarly the Gilyaks of Siberia promenade their sacramental bear before killing him, and the Mirasis of the Pañjab, who are snakeworshippers, send a dough snake about their houses and then bury it. In Europe until recent times a custom based on a similar idea was very prevalent. The wren has always been a sacred bird, and one which it is extremely unlucky to kill, and yet the annual Hunting of the Wren, in which it was killed, carried about and then buried; has been a common custom in the Isle of Man, Ireland, in various parts of England, and in France. In Sweden a magpie is substituted, and in. ancient Greece probably a swallow or a crow.
Connected with the killing of the god, is the idea that the dying god carries away with

Page #212

196
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MAY, 1891.
him the accumulated sins and misfortunes of the people. It is as natural to a savage to transfer his mental burdens to another person, animal, or thing, as it is to put a physical load off his own shoulders on to another's. Instances of this idea are innumerable all over the world, but perhaps the Malagasy faditra is the most striking, for it is anything that the diviners fix upon for the purpose of carrying off a hurtful disease or evil. The Sin-eating of Wales and purts of England was a deliberate taking of the responsibility of the sins of a deceased person by a living one upon himself. In the Himalayas poverty-stricken Brahmans will take upon them. selves the sins of deceased kâjâs, and in Southern India too, notwithstanding the loss of caste occa. sioned thereby,
From the necessity of transferring erils from individuals to that of transferring them from the community at large, the savage soon passes. Evil may be expelled directly or indirectly through & scapegoat. The former method accounts for the noisy driving away of devils common to all parts of the world, and familiar to us in India at eclipses and in Burma in times of cholera, when the people make as much noise as possible and thrash the roofs of heir houses. Among the Hurons the men rushed about from wigwan to wigwam, breaking everything and making a noise. They then retired to sleep and dreamt of something, and next morning went about asking for a present in the form of a riddle, rejecting everything except what they had dreamt of. To receive this was to escape the epide nie. This is an extremely interesting point in India, as it may explain a curious and obscure point in folktalos, where the hero can usually win the heroine only by successfully answering conventional riddles, and where such successful answers often avert evil. Riddles were originally probably a form of divination, and in the Celebes no riddle may be asked except when there is a corpse in the yıllage.
From the occasional expulsion of evile, we come to their periodio expulsion. In Australia, among the Eskimo, in North America, in Peru and among the African Negroes, this is done with many varying ceremonies in the direct manner. In Abyssinia it assumes a Christian form in the ceremony of Mascal or the Cross. In India among the Hos and Mundaris and the Khonds, and among the Hindu Kush tribes, the annual cere- mony takes place at seed-time or harvest. In Bali near Java, in Fiji, in Tongking and in Cambodia it is a great national festival. Driving out Satan among the Finng of Russia is another form of the same custom. Similarly all over Southern
Europe, in Albania, Italy, the Tyrol and Switzerland, witches are driven away with much noise in March, April or May. Driving out the But. terfly in Westpbalia is a pretty custom based on the same ideas.
The Seriptural scapegoat is the most familiar form of expelling devils by proxy, but the practice assumes many other shapes. Among the Californian and North American Indians and in Cambodia, the devils are represented by men, and are regularly driven away after a ceremonial fight, a custom which has a rural survival in Spain. These fights with the devils among the Khasias of Assam, the Burmese, the Sinhalese and the people of the Celebes, assume the form of "a tug of war " over a rope. In Burma this custom is common as a rain-charm, a fact worth mentioning in this connection.
The custom of assuming the devils to occupy a vehicle constructed for their departure, has led to the use of Disease Boats in the Indian Archipelago and in the Pacific Islands. A boat is pro. visioned for a voyage and the demon is either unrepresented at all or by an effigy. In India scapegoats are common enough with the idea of driving disease away altogether, or of transforing an ailment to the next neighbour. Fowls, goats, pigs, buffaloes, and even men are employed for the purpose. From the scapegoat which takes away a specific evil, to that which is employ. ed periodically for the purpose of removing sins and possible evils, - from cure to protection in fact,-is but a short step, and we accordingly find periodio scapegoats all over the world of a nature, similar to the above.
The use of human beings as scapegoats has led to much horrible cruelty in various parts of the earth, and in Tibet it would seem that the correctness of the choice of the victim is finally settled by a throw of dice. Survivals of the custom are to be traced in Europe, especially in the Driving out of Posterli in Switzerland.
Divine animals have been used as scapegoats both in India and in Egypt, where the Brahmans of Malabar use a cow and the ancient Egyptians a sacred bull for the purpose. Divine men have also been scape-goats in the same way among the Gônds of Central India and the ancient Albanians of Europe.
The periodic expulsion of scapegoats, and with them the accumulation of the sins of the past year, seems to have given rise to those periods of license so noticeable in India and among savages elsewhere, and of which many traces are to be found in the civilized world, notably in Boxing Day in England.

Page #213

MAY, 1891.)
BOOK NOTICE.
197
In classical antiquity the scapegoat was largely in marriage customs in more than one part of the used both in Rome and Greece, and took the form world. chiefly of the periodical sacrifice of beings who
The origin of all these customs is the intense were in some way or other divine, and this was
dresd excited in the savage by menstruous accompanied frequently with the beating of t!
blood, exhibited by his practices in all parts of the scapegoat. This last custom did not arise from
world, - Australia, North and South America, a desire to cause pain, but to drive away evil influences, and accounts for many survivals of the
Africa and North Europe; and amonget the
ancient civilized nations of Europe this dread customs of "beating out sickness and beating in health" observable all over modern Europe.
was quite as extravagant. Among morlein Euro
pean peasants, similar ideas are still strongly We are now once more brought back to the entertained. The object then of those who enmain argument of Mr. Frazer, that, even if it tertain these notions is to isolate or, so to speak, be shewn that the killing of the priest of insulate girls at puberty, so that they may do no Nemi as the representative of the spirit of harm to themselves or to those about them; they the grove stood alone 48 a custom in the may not touch the earth or see the sun. They classical world, it can be abundantly shewhare, in fact, kept between heaven and earth, and in answer that the divino man was there out of contact with either, so that the power for sacrificed periodically for other reasons. That mischief with which they are charged by nature customs on a large scale closely allied to the may be kept within bounds. "Rule of the Arician priesthood" existed in Now this uncleanna ag it is called of the Mexico among a people of considerable culture, girls at this period does not to the savago mind we have abundant evidence in the writings of
differ from the sanctity of holy men. They Spaniards at the time of its conquest.
are merely different manifestations of the same Having thus disposed of the questions of - why supernatural energy and the precautions to be had the priest of Nemi to slay his predecessor ?, adopted in both cases must be the same. Both and, why, before doing so, had he to pluck the must be kept between heaven and earth. This is Golden Bough P; we pass on to the questions of generally necessary in the case of all sacred or what was the Golden Bough P, and, why tabued things and beings. The sun must not had each candidate for the Arician priest- Bhine on the head of an Aino while mourning, the hood to pluck it before he could slay the Costa Rica Indian must not go out nor see the sun priest?
while fasting, the Swedish peasant before the Yule
tide pilgrimage must dwell awhile in a dark cellar. In this connection there are two rules of life
North Indian warriors on the war-path must not among the divine kings or priests, which are to
sit on the ground, and their holy ark must never be noticed, vis., they might not touch the
be rested on the earth ; in Loango newly-born ground nor allow the sun to shine on them.
infants must never be placed on the ground, in Both were true of the Mikado of Japan and of the
Aberdeenshire the last bit of standing corn w. ust lie supreme pontiffs of the Zapotecs of Mexico; the
in the "gueedman's” lap after being cut, in former of the King and Queen of Tahiti, the King
Scotland also water from sacred wells to cure the of Dosuma, and the very ancient Kings of Persia;
sick must be carried to them without touching and the latter of the Kings of Colombia in South
the ground, and lastly in the Pañjab things and America and of the Incas of Peru. Both rules
persons in a "sacred" condition can never be are also observed by girls at puberty in many
placed on or touch the earth. parts of the world, leading to cruel seclusions lasting one, four, and even seven years, and often
Now the myth of Balder, the Norse god accompanied by ceremonial beatings, which that was neither of heaven nor of earth, and amongst savages must be severe, - to drive away whom all things had sworn not to injure, the dangerous contagion with which the girl is sup- except the mistletoe, is a reflection of the posed to be infected. It existe almost universally ritual of the time which gave rise to it. The amung Hindus, though shortened to such reason- points of this myth are that Loki, the mischiefable periods as four days and the like. Traces maker, finding that the mistletoe had accidenof the idea are common in European folktales, tally not been sworn not to injure Balder, pulled especially in that class where the maiden becomes it and by its means procured his death, and impregnated by the sun or a sun-beam. The
that after death the god was ceremonially Story of Danaë probably belongs to this cycle, burned. with a Kirgis (Siberian) counterpart, and the From time immemorial fire festivals have been idea of impregnation by the sun is to be seen current in Europe, at which peasants kindle bon

Page #214

198
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[May, 1891.
fires and dance round them, or leap over them, or in Russia in the mock burning of Kupalo. In burn effizies or pretend to burn living persons in French Flanders they used to burn the figure of them. A review of these customs will bring out a woman at this festival. traces of hunan sacrifices, and the pulling of the mistletoe has often been connected with the
The proper explanation of the Fire Festivals is
that most likely they are Sun-charms for men, ceremonies observed at the fire festivals.
animals and plants, and probably originated in In different parts of German Europe, on the sympathetic magic to induce sunshine. The fact firat Sunday in Lent the ceremonies of burning that the fire required for these festivals has frethe hut, the castle, the witch, the old wife, or quently been kindled in the same way as need winter's granimother, and driving away the fire, viz., by the friction of wood or by the wicked sower, consist in one form or another of revolution of a wheel, is strong evidence of this; burning an effizy or a disc or wheel, with a view as it is pretty nearly certain that, at the kindling *) prvouring an abundant harvest or keeping of the need-fire, i. e., a magically curative fire vormin from the fields. These Quadragesima kindled in time of distress, the wheel represented Sanday customs are hardly to be distinguished the sun. At the Pongal Festival in South India from those of Carrying out Death observed about at the harvest, which is a fire-festival, fires are the same tima, in which Death, varied in the Tyrol everywhere lighted to wake up Sarya the Sun, or 119 the Old Woman, is frequently burot, and some Agni the Fire. In Yncatan a fire-festival is held times a particular personage must leap over the
on New Year's Day to rid the people of their burning ein bers.
troubles, and the Hottentots drive their sheep
periodically through ceremonial fires to preserve The Naw Fire customs and that of the Easter
them. These last two cases shew the universality Candle on Easter Eve kept up in Catholic
of the customs and of the ideas conveyed by countries, are observal with a view to the ferSili
them. antion of the fields and gardens and keeping off blizit anl huil. The ashes of the consecrated
That the effigies burnt in these fires are Easter Bonflro made from the "new fira" are
rapresentatives of the spirit of vegetation or Imixed with the sued at sowing, and sometimes
the tree-spirit, there can be little doubt; and wooden effigy of Judas is burnt in the bonfires.
thathu nan beinga representing the tree-spirit All over Germany unconsecrated Eastar Fires
were formerly sacrificed among the Celtic tre lighted in which the Easter Man or the Judas
nations, we have strong reason to believe from the 3 burnt with the object of averting hail. Parti
narrative of Julius Cæsar. He shews us that in anlur hills are sometim 33 used for the purpose
his time or bafore it colossal images of wickeryear after year, and called the Easter or Pascal
work or wood or grass were filled with living men Mountains. Dincing round and leaping through
and animals and burnt and the customs at the th399 firas is a caspicuous part of the ceremony.
Baltana Fires and so on seem to point emphatically while in some places squirrels and even bones
to the conclusion that these wicker-image3 represented the Judas. The Beltane Fires of
represented the traz-spirit. "Giants" at the Scotland kindled on the 1st of May, and which,
spring and summer festivals have been familiar in in the person of the Boltane Carlina, "devoted to
England, France, Balgium and Flanders, and in be sacrificed to Bial" in the fire, sbew clear
parts of France the giant was regularly burnt and signs of former human sacrifice, were burnt in
his ashes scattered among the people. At Luchon order to preserve th: flocsa and herds: while a
in th: Pyran 333 * hollow @lumn is still lightel similar festival in Swaden is held with a view to
and live anakas thrown into it and burnt on Midpredicting thu character of the coming Spring
sumner Eve, and live animals have been thrown
into the Lent, Easter and Midsummer fires in Midsumner Fires, accompanied with dancing
France, Germany and Russia. There is little and leaping, and with much the same curemonies doubt that these animals have played the same as those of Lent and Easter, have been, and are to part as the human victims. son extent still, current all over Europe from
The sum of the evidence as to these Fire West to East. Their object has always been
Festivals is, that they were originally held at to prosper the hards or the crops, or to keep off evil induences. The slaying and burning of
Midsummer, and consisted of human burnt effigies at the Midsummer Firez has existed in
sacrifloss, representing the tree-spirit or Würtemberg in the custom of “the Beheading of
spirit of vegetation, with a view to making the Angel-Man," in the Tyrol in that of burning
the sun to shine and the crops to grow. the Lötter now corrupted into the Luther, in They had another chief feature the gatherAustria in the burning of the Tattermann, anding of the mistletoe. Pliny tells us that the

Page #215

MAY, 1891.]
BOOK NOTICE.
199
Druids gathered it in June for their religious story the giant has no heart. In India, where purposes, and the fact that it is still gathered on the notion is very common, this life-index has Midsummer Eve in common with a large number been kept in a bird, an insect, a plant, a necklace, of other magical and healing plants all over in mother's milk, in a sword, in a bull, in a lamp, Europe, points to the antiquity of the con- and so on. It is always exceedingly difficult of nection of the mistletoe with the midsummer access : e. g. when it is in a green parrot, that bird fires.
18 in a cage under six pitchers of water in the centre We are thus brought back to the Balder myth,
of a circle of palm-trees in a thick forest in a far whose two chief features - the pulling of the
country guarded by 1,000 ogres. The same idea mistletoe and the burning of the god-belonged
is traceable in Siam, Cambodia, Kasmir, Gilgit, to the great midsummer festival of the Celts.
and ancient Greece. Hair is a common place of In Sweden, Norway, and Denmark, the home of
residence of the soul : e.g. the story of Nisus, kiny Balder, the connection of Balder with the
of Megara, of Poseidon and Pterelaus, and of the midsummer fires is seen in the name for the 1 -
Biblical Samson. Among the Russians, Saxons, Balder's Balo-fires: and assuming that the myth Scandinavians, Celts, the same idea and the same describes a common and important ritual, we must
tales are common. In Ancient Egypt, in a story arrive at the conclusion that " Balder must have
recorded in 1300 B. C., in the story of Saifu'l. been the Norse representative of the being who
mulak, in stories amongst the Kabyls, the was burnt in effigy or in the person of a living
Magyars, the Tatars, the Mughals, and the Malays, man at the fire festivals in question."
and in a tale from Nias near Sumatra, we have The oak is the tree most likely represented
samples of identical notions among peoples who by the victim at these festival fires. It was
are not of Aryan origin. the principal object of worship among Celts and Folk-customs from various parts of the world Slavs, and the most sacred tree of the Greeks and prove that these folk-tales are mere reflec. Latins, and generally of the nations of the Aryan tions of a real article of primitive belief. Thus stock. It was used by the Germans in kindling in the Celebes the priests collect the souls of the need-fire, in common with the Slave and Celts, the whole family in a bag, to keep them out of and for feeding the old sacred fires kept burning harm's way when entering a new house. There, at their sanctuaries.
too, the soul of a lying-in woman is given to If then we concede that the tree represented
the doctor to keep in a piece of iron until all danger by the human victim at the great festival was the
is past. In Amboina outting off the hair is more oak, we see from the Balder myth why the pulling
terrible than torture, because it destroys the of the mistletoe was mixed up with the ceremonies.
strength. Trees containing the lives of newly The inistletoe was the only thing that could kill
born children are planted or exist in Western Balder beoause the mistletoe was the external
Africa, in the Cameroons, and the Celebes, among soul of the oak, a notion probably arising from
the Papuans, the Maoris, and the Dyake. Families the observation that while the oak is deciduous the
in Russia, Germany, England and France plant mistletoe growing on it remains ever-green. So
trees on the birth of children. Something of the that nooording to savage ideas before the god
same custom obtains among the Royal family could be killed, i. e. the oak could be burnt, it
at Osborne. The custom of passing children
through trees seems to be connected with the was necessary to pluck away his soul, which was the mistletoe.
saine idea. The Karens believe that the life of a
new-born infant is bound up in the knife that This leads to an extreinely interesting enquiry
severs the naval string. The soul is transferred -- What is the external soul PNow, primitive
to an animal among Maltye, the Banka Islanders, man always concuives the soul as a concrete
the Zulus, the Zapotecs, and the Central Ameriobjost upon which life depends. The soul need
can Indians generally, where some animal is the non aces3sriy rəsido in the body, and it may,
second self of every human being. in fact, be safer els where hidden in a place of safo'y, for its long as the soul is uninjured The close connection between such an animal the life of the body remains intact. Many folk- and the human being whose life is bound up talus gathered from all parts of the world prove this, in it, has led to its sanctity, as among the Austra. and turn on this point. The villain usually, but lians. There owls represent women, and bats also frequently the hero or the heroine of a tale, men, and are looked upon as brothers and sisters has a soul or life-index which is kept somewhere to the human race: e. g. all owls are sisters to the under tremendous safe-guards, and until that soul women, and all women are owls; 80 all men is got at the owner is invulnerable. In the Norse are bats and all bats men's brothers. This is

Page #216

200
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MAY, 1891.
sex totemism, and leads to an interesting set of seed is clearly the golden blood of the sun. The phenomena.
power of the fern-seed was to procure gold for its Tribal totems can be explained in the above possessor. manner. When a savage names himself after
Now, mistletoe is gathered at the solstices in in animal, calls it his brother, and refuses to kill
the same way as the fern-seed, and in Sweden is it, the animal is said to be his totem." The
used as a divining rod for discovering gold, no reason for the belief is that he believes that the life
doubt in its character of the Golden Bough. of each individual of the tribe is bound up with
Like the fern-seed, is the Golden Bough an some one animal or plant of the species. This
emanation of the sun's fire P The midsummer is the caso even when the current belief is that
bonfires were sun-charms to give the sun new fire there is more than one soul to each individual, as annually. These fires were supplied by the oak amongst the Caribs, Hidatsa Indians, the Laos,
the home-fire, whose life was in the mistletoe, and so on. The Battas of Sumatra who believe in
which therefore contained the seed of the sun's seven souls per man, one of which is always
fire. So the sun's fire was an emanation of outside him, thinks that he dies the moment the
the Golden Bough. So also Virbius, as the outside soul dies.
spirit of the oak on which grew the Golden This view of totemism is confirmed by the Bough, would be the Sun - as he was, -- and initiatory rites of boys at puberty amongst many Balder would be "so fair of face and so shining savages, which consist chiefly in transferring his that a light went forth from him." soul to his totem, and thus causing his temporary denth (i. e. trance) and bringing him to life
The result of the whole argument is, that again. Such rites are observed among the
the Rule of the Arician priesthood at Nemi Australians, the Fijians, the Africans of the Congo
represented the original worship of the and elsewhere, the North American Indians, the
Aryans, and that the Rex Nemorensis lived
and died as an incarnation of the supreme inhabitants of Polynesia, and the Malays. The
Aryan god, whose life was in the mistletoe or idea perhaps survives in the expression "twiceborn" among the higher castes of India, and in
Golden Bough. some of the ceremonies of tying on the sacred We have thus followed Mr. Frazer through thread, and so on,
some 800 pages of most interesting discussion, The argument, then, is that Balder's life backed in his case by innumerable facts gathered was in the mistletoe, and that when the mistletoe with immense pains from an extraordinarily large struck him he died. Balder was the oak-spirit, number of sources, and the only fault we have to and the life of the oak was in the mistletoe which find with his book is the way in which it is was between heaven and earth, and to kill the printed. There is nothing from end to end in vak-spirit it was necessary to get at the mistletoe. the typography to enable us to distinguish his
That the Golden Bough was the mistletoe argument from a discussion on the value of data, may be inferred from Virgil, who describes it as or his main argnment from a side issue. The growing on an oak and compares it with the book, therefore, though pleasant and entertaining mistletoe. The priest of the Arician Grove - the throughout, is exceedingly difficult to follow; 80 King of the Wood - was the personification of difficult, indeed, that, if we have not been able to the tree on which grew the Golden Bongh, i. e. do so clearly, we claim that it is not our fault. the oak-spirit; so it was necessary to pluck the No doubt, in its present shape, the book is more Golden Bough in order to kill him. And it was saleable than perhaps in any other; but to the necessary to'kill him, to carry out the annual
scientific student, for whom it appears to be Are festival held at midgummer at the Arician primarily meant, the free use of numbered para. Grove, no doubt, for the benefit of the crops and graphs, thick type, upper and lower case, italics, herde.
and other devices for differentiating the com
ponents of an intricate argument, would have been Why was the mistletoe called the Golden
invaluable. So would a table in the form of a Bough P This is the last question to be answered. It is so in Welsh, and we have an analogy in the
paragraphed and suitably indexed list of congolden fern-bloom or
tents, or in the form fern-seed of folklore.
of a tree, have been an This is supposed to bloom like gold on Midsummer
important aid in following the argument, -had Eve or at Christmas, and in a German story it
either been given. was got by shooting at the sun on Midaammer With this one criticism we take leave of Mr. Day at noon. Three drops of blood fell down Frazer with feelings of gratitude for an unusually and were the fern-Beed. Thus, the golden fern. important and interesting work,

Page #217

JUNE, 1891.] SANSKRIT PLAYS IN INSCRIPTIONS AT AJMERE.
201
SANSKRIT PLAYS, PARTLY PRESERVED AS INSCRIPTIONS AT AJMERE.
BY PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN, C.I.E.; GÖTTINGEN.
A
MONG the papers of General Sir Alexander Cunningham, transmitted to me by Mr. Fleet, I have found rubbings of two unique insoriptions, of which even an imperfect account cannot fail to interest my fellow-students. For these inscriptions contain portions of two unknown plays, one of which, entitled Lalita-Vigraharaja-nataka, was composed in honour of the king Vigraharajadeva of akambhari, by the Mahakavi Somadeva, while the other, called Harakoli-nataka has for its author no less a personage than the king Vigraharajadeva himself. Actual and undoubted proof is here afforded to us of the fact that powerful Hindu rulers of the past were eager to compete with Kâlidâsa and Bhavabhuti for poetical fame. And it shews the strange vicissitudes of fortune, that the stones, on which a royal author, who could boast of having repeatedly exterminated the barbarians and conquered all the land between the Vindhya and the Himalaya, made known to his people the products of his Muse, should have been used as common building-material for a place of Muhammadan worship, by the conquerors of his descendants.
According to a note on the back of the rubbings, the two inscriptions, which I shall call A. and B., are at the Arhai-din-kâ Jhonpra, a mosque situated on the lower slope of the Târâgadh hill, at. Ajmere, the administrative head-quarters of the Ajmere-Mêrwârâ Division, Rajputânâ. The inscription A. consists of 37 lines of writing which cover a space of about 3' 5" broad by 1' 11" high. The writing of lines 1-18 and 21-32 apparently is in a state of perfect preservation, though in the rubbing the first line is very indistinct. Portions of the lines 19 and 20 have saffered by the peeling off of the surface of the stone; and at the commencement of lines 33-36 some aksharas are missing, owing to the lower proper right corner of the stone having broken away. The lines 1-36 cover the whole breadth of the inscribed surface; the line 37 measures only 9" in length, and is placed below the centre of the preceding line. The size of the letters is about. The characters are Nagari of the 12th century A. D. They were well and regularly written and carefully engraved by the learned Bhaskara, the son of Mahipati (line 37). The languages employed in the inscription are Sanskrit and several Prakrit dialects; and, as regards orthography, the only thing to note is that the consonant b is throughout written by the sign for v. The inscription bears no date.
The inscription B. consists of 40 lines of writing which originally covered a space of about 3' 3 broad by 1' 11" high. But at the upper proper left corner a piece of the stone, measuring about 7" broad by 13" high, is now broken away, causing the complete loss of the concluding portions of lines 1-23. Besides, the rubbing of part of these lines is very faint. The writing of lines 24-40, on the other hand, is well preserved, and may be read with certainty throughout. The size of the letters in lines 1-39 is about "; of those in the short line 40, which is placed below the centre of the preceding line, ". The characters are in every respect the same as those of the inscription A., and they were written by the same writer, Bhaskara, of whose descent we have here (in lines 37 and 38) a somewhat fuller account. Bhaskara's father Mahipati was a son of the learned Govinda, who was born in a family of Hana princes, and was, on account of his manifold excellencies, a favourite of a king Bhoja, The languages employed in this inscription are, again, Sanskrit and Prakrit; and in respect of orthography we have only to note the use of the sign for v to denote the consonant b, and the occasional employment of the sign for the jihvamaliya. The inscription is dated (in lines 38 and 39) in the year 1210, on Sunday the 5th of the bright half of Mârgaáirsha, while the moon was in the nakshatra Sravana and in the sign Makara, during the yoga Harshana and karana Bâlava. Referring this date to the Vikrama era, I find that the corresponding date, for Vikrama 1210 expired, is Sunday, the 22nd November A. D. 1158, which satisfies all the requirements of the case.
Below I shall give nearly the whole of the text of the inscription A., and the concluding.

Page #218

202
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JUNE, 1891.
(really importaut) portion of B. As the language of the originals is generally plain and easy to understand, my own remarks on these texts need not be many.
The inscription A. contains the end of the third act and a large portion of the fourth act of the Lalita-Vigrabaraja, a nataka composed, evidently in honour of the king Vigraharajadeva of Sakambhari, by the Mahákavi, the learned Somadeva. It opens with a conversation between Sasiprabha and the king (Vigraharaja), from which we may conclude that the king was in love with a daughter of a prince Vasantapala. The two lovers, one of whom apparently has seen the other in a dream, being separated, Saśiprabha, a confidant of the lady, is sent to ascertain the king's feelings; and, having attained her purpose, she is about to depart to gladden her friend with her tidings, when the king confesses that he cannot bear to part with Saśiprabhå, and proposes to send Kalyanavati to the princess instead. Accordingly Kalyanavati is despatched with a love-message, in which the king informs the lady that his march against the king of the Turushkas, a battle with whom appears to be impending, will soon give him an opportunity of joining her. Suitable preparations having been made for making Saśi. prabha's stay with the king comfortable, the latter goes to attend to his mid-day ceremonies Thus ends the third act.
At the opening of the fourth act two Turushka prisoners appear on the scene, which represents the camp of the king (Vigraharaja) of Sakambhari or a place close to it, in search of the royal residence. In their perplexity they lackily meet with a countryman, a spy, sent to the camp by the Turushka king. This man tells them how he has managed to enter the enemy's camp, in the guise of a beggar, together with a crowd of people who went to see the god Sômêsvara. He also informs them that the army of the Chahamana (Vigraharaja) consists of a thousand elephants, a hundred thousand horses, and a million of men; in fact, that by the side of it the ocean would appear dry. And having pointed out the king's residence, he departs. The two prisoners take their places near the royal quarters; they meet with the king, who is thinking of his beloved, address him (in verses which unfortunately are greatly daivaged in the text), and are sent away richly rewarded.
Vigraharaja now expresses his surprise that his own spy, whom he has sent to the camp of the Hammira, has not returned yet. But just then the spy comes back and informs his master of what he has been able to learn regarding the enemy's forces and his movements According to his account, the Hammira's army consists of countless elephants, chariots, horses and men, and his camp is well guarded. On the previous day it was three yojanas distant from Vavvêras, the place where Vigraharaja then is, but it is now located at a distance of only one yojana. There is also a rumour that the Hammira, having prepared his forces for battle, is about to send a messenger to the king.
The spy having been dismissed, Vigraharaja sends for his maternal uncle, the Raja Simhabala, and, having explained the state of affairs, consults with him and his chief minister Sridhara as to what should be done. The cautious minister advises not to risk a battle with the powerful adversary. But the king, intimating that it is his duty to protect his friends, is too proud to enter upon peaceful negotiations, and is encouraged by Simhabala to act according to his own views. While they are still consulting, the arrival of the Hammira's messenger is announced. The stranger is admitted into the royal presence, expresses his wonder at the
1 I know of no princa Vagantapala who lived in the 12th century A.D.; but the name looks as if it might balong to one of the Tômara princes of Delhi. See Archwol. Survey of India, Vol. I. p. 149.
1 SomAivaradeva, of course, might also be the name of a prince, and it should be noted that the ChAhumans Prithviraja was a son of Somtávara.
I give this name in ita Prikrit form, because I am not sure how to transcribe it in Sanskrit. An inscription published in Jour. Beng. As. Soc., Vol. LV. Part I. p. 42, apparently in line 12, mentions a place Vyaghréraka, which possibly might be th place intended by the Vavural of the play. If this were really the case, the place would be the modern BÁghêra, about 47 miles to the south-east of Ajmere. See Archæol. Survey of India, Vol. VI. p. 136.

Page #219

Jung, 1891.]
SANSKRIT PLAYS IN INSCRIPTIONS AT AJMERE.
203
splendour and the signs of power which surround the king, is struck with Vigraharaja's own appearance, and cannot conceal from himself that the task entrusted to him will be a difficult one to perform.
Here the inscription ends. It may be assumed that Vigraharaja and the Hammîra on the present occasion did not fight, and that the king eventually was united with his lady-love. From the Delhi Siwâlik pillar inscription we know that in reality Visaladêva-Vigrabarâja repeatedly and successfully made war against the Muhammadan invaders by whom, it may be added, a successor of his was utterly defeated and put to death in A. D. 1193.
The inscription B. contains the concluding portion of the fifth act, called Krauachavijaya, of the Harakoli-nataka, which in line 40, as well as in lines 32 and 35, is distinctly called the composition of the poet, the Malárújádhiraju and Paramésvara, the illustrious Vigraharajadêve of Sakambhari (line 37). It opens with a conversation, held by Siva, his wife Gauri, the Vidûshaka, and a Pratibâra, in which, so far as the fragmentary state of the inscription permits me to see, the worship rendered to Siva by Råvana is spoken of with approval. Siva and his attendants then, for reasons which are not apparent, turn into Sabaras or mountaineers. Noticing some fragrant smell, as of some oblation presented to him, the god despatches his attendant Muka to ascertain the cause of it. Mûka returns and reports that Arjana is preparing a sacrifice. He is told to assume the form of a Kirâta, to go near Arjuna, and there to await Siva. As soon as he has left, Siva perceives that Mûka and Arjuna, who were enemies before, begin fighting with one another. He therefore goes himself, as a Kirâta, to assist his attendant; and behind the scene a terrible battle ensues between the god and Arjuna, the progress of which is related to Lauri by the Pratîbâra, and which ends with the god's acknowledging the valour of his opponent, and bringing him onto the stage. - It is hardly necessary to say that the poet here has imitated the Kirátdrjunkya of Bharavi.
The remainder of the act is given in the original text below. The two deities, Siva and Gauri, reveal to Arjuna their real nature; and Arjuna asks their forgiveness for whatever he may have done to offend them, and praises Siva as the most supreme divine being. Siva, pleased with Arjuna's valour and piety, presents him with a mystical weapon and dismisses him. After Arjuna's departure, Siva tells Gauri that the poet Vigraharaja has so delighted him with his Harakeli-nataka that they must see him too. Vigraharaja then himself enters, and after a short conversation, in which he pleads in favour of his Harakali, and the god assures him of the pleasure which that play has afforded to him, and tells him that his fame as a poet is to last for ever, he is sent home to rule his kingdom of Sakambhari, while the god with his attendants is proceeding to Kailasa.
The inscriptions have been executed with such minute care and accuracy that, in writing out the following texts for publication, I have had little else to do than to follow the rubbings before me. In the Sanskrit passages, I have taken the liberty of writing the letter b for u, wherever it seemed necessary, and to use the nasal letters of the several classes instead of the sign for the anusvára which is employed in the originals, just as if I were editing a text from a MS. The Prakṣit passages I have considered it necessary to give exactly as they appear on the stone.
It will be seen that the Sanskrit of our authors is throughout correct and fluent; and the only phrase which strikes me as unusual and for which I cannot quote an analogous example, is the sentence sõdhu kathari yásyati how will it be borne ?,' in A., line .4, where the verb yd has apparently been employed simply to give to the infinitive sodhum a passive meaning. The metres of the 28 verses which my extracts contain are Sârdan lavikridita (in 10 verses), Vasantatilaků (in 7 verses), Sikhsriņi (in 4 verses), Sragdharà (twice), and Anushtubb, Arya, Pushpitágra,
tanto, Vol. XIX. p. 219. - It is very desirable that the various inscriptions relating to the history of the Chåhuminas should be pror arly re-edited.

Page #220

204
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JUNE, 1891.
Hariņi, and Mandåkrântâ (once each). None of these verses occurs in either Sârigadbara's Paddhati or Vallabhadeva's Subhashitávali, and my friend, Professor Pischel, informs me that none is quoted in any of the works on Alamkara, accessible to him.
The Prakṣit dialects employed in A. are, besides the ordinary Saurasêni, 'âhârâshtri, in the two Åryâ verses recited by the lady Saśiprabha, in lines 2 and 3, and Magadb}, spoken by the two Turushka prisoners and the Turushka spy, in lines 13-18. According to Professor Pischel, to whom I have submitted the Prakṣit passages with my Sanskrit translations and to whom I am indebted for several suggestions, the Prakrit furnished by this inscription is highly interesting, because it agrees more closely with the rules laid down by Hêmachandra, than is the case with the Prakrit of any of the known plays. As Sômadeva and Hêmachandra were contemporaries, the former, of course, may have been acquainted with the teaching of the industrious grammarian; but whether this was really the case, it is impossible to say. A few slight irregularities which the text contains will be pointed out in the notes.
Tradition has it that the Hanuman-nátaka originally was written on rocks. By a piece of good luck I am enabled to put before the reader portions of two plays which undoubtedly were ungraved on stone. And I feel sure, that the able officers of the Indian services, to whose disinterested help scholars in Europe never appeal in vain, will endeavour to advise us soon of the oxistence of many more stones, with similar inscriptions.
[The confident tone in which, little more than three months ago. I wrote the preceding paragraph, has been justified already. For, through the kind offices of Mr. Fleet, I have received from Mr. Ramchandra Dube at Ajmere, not only additional rubbings of the inscriptions here described which have enabled me to amend my readings in one or two places, but also impressions of two other inscriptions, one of which contains a new portion of the LalitaVigraharaja-nataka, while the other furnishes a new portion of the Harakéli-náļaka. And it is only from one of these new inscriptions that I have been able to insert in the above the proper title and the name of the author of the Lalita: Vigraharja-nálaka, which do not occur in the inscription marked A. The impressions of these new inscriptions are not sufficiently clear to edit from at once, and I have therefore applied to Mr. Ramchandra Dube for additional copies. In the meantime I must confine myself to the following remarks S
The new part of the Lalita-Vigraharaja-nAtaka.consists of 38 lines of writing which cover & space of about 3 broad by 1' 10" high, and contains a large portion of the first act and the beginning of the second act of the play. The writing appears to be well preseryed, but the stone has several oracks by which some aksharas may have been damaged or lost. In line 32 we have the words - iti mahîkavi-pandita-sri-gomadova-virhitê Lalita-Vigraharaj-Abhidhånd nåtaké pratham
mkah samậptaḥ; and from the commencement of the second act it appears that the name of Vasantapala's daughter, with whom Vigraharajadêva is represented to be in love, was Dosaladevi; and from line 20, that this princess resided in the north, near or at the town of Indrapura (P).
The new part of the Harakali-nataka consists of 41 lines of writing (written by Bhaskara) which cover a space of about 3 ly" broad by 2' 2'hig and contain portions of the second and third acts of the play. Of this inscription too the writing appears on the wbole to be well preserved. In line 23 we read - iti mahårája-sri-Vigrahardja-kavi-virachite Harakali-natake Limgodbhav6 nama dvitsiye
m]kalı 11]
6 The above romark equally applies to the fragmentary verses in that portion of B. which has not been edited here. In the Subhdahitdvali, the verse 1162 is stated to belong to Vigrabarkja, who now need no longer bo ponsidered to be prince of Kasmir.

Page #221

JUNE, 1891.]
SANSKRIT PLAYS IN INSCRIPTIONS AT AJMERE.
205
Pool
A. - Extracts from somadéva's Lalita-Vigraharaja-nataka. 2. Sabiprabha il sanandam 11 (a) Deva ditthiâ pasayņam bhaavada vihiņa va[la]htena al achchhariam achchharian Damsaņa-suhan pi apisan patthijjaï jena dullaham jassa
So vi hu jai tassa kae jhijjaï ta kiņņa pajjattar 11 Daņi 7 jam bhatidárike târisa-kilesaņala-samtiva-parari parie e. 3. risassa a ņia-ppaska-vilasidassa aņurûam tam aïrena jjeva kijjadu jado 1
Pavala-pavaņoha-duddhara-davaiņala-kavalaņam taru-vara vil
Na sahamti chchia kim una somålarn maladi-kusumam il Ahań to erisa deviyam-aņuriam-eârisaṁ cha siviņaa-samvihâộaaṁ ņiveiya ûsîsaemi sapa
4. riaņam bhattidariam 11 Raja 11 svagatam II
Sa praudha-prasaras priya-viraha-jô duḥkh-augha-dâvânalo
vishvag=våg-amritairemukh-àmbuda-tatair=yên=adya nirvapitah 1 Âu kashtam sudhay-êva nirmita-tanôs-tasy-dhunapasthitah
ko=pyrêtasya sumanushasya virahah sôdhum katham yisyati | prakúšam 11 Sakhi Sasiprabhê samprati pri
5. yatama-viraha-duḥkha-dâvânalas-tvad-viyoga-prabala-prabha jana-vega-satamukhikritah kavalayang=imam daha-vitapinam katham sa kansyah sôdhum tato yâvat-priyâ-samigamo bhavati tavad-atrwaiva tishthatu bhavatt tatra tu tvadiya-kalyana-pravșitty-upabpixhitÂm= âtmanah kućala-vårttâm nivêdayitum=åtmiyâm sakala-vibram
6. bha-bhuvam Kalyaņavatîm nâma prêshayishya mahal Sasiprabh 11 (6) Jan devo åņavedi Il Raja 11 Kah kotra bhôh kah kotra 11 Pravisya purushaḥ 11(c) Aņavedu bhatt 11
RAJA || Bhadra asmad-vachanad-abhidhiyatan mahậmatyo yathả samnidhâpit-aśêsha-sayan. îsana-bhand-Ady-upakaraṇam tâmbûla-kusuma-karpura-vilópana-vasa
7. n-adi-samast-Ôpabhôgya-vastu-sampannam sa-parijanîyâh Saśiprabhâyâh sthity-uchitam sampâday=&vâsa-bhavanam=itill
Purushah || (d) Jam devo anavedi ll iti nishkrántah 11 RAJA 11 Saśiprabhê
SA kalpadrama-mañjar-fra hi mama smêra-smarägni-jvara
jvåla-dhyamalitair=mandrathasatair-bhțin, air-ir=A lingita
Ali kashtamuu(u) Déva dishțył prasanna bhagavata vidhini vallabhêna cha! Ascharyan=Âścharyam
Darsana-sukhamwapy-anisam prarthyatê yêna durlabham yasya
Só-pi khalu yadi tasya ksitê kshiyatê tat=kim na pary&ptam II IdAnim yad=bhartridárikâyâsetadšiša-klēšanala-samtâpa-paramparâyâ idrisasya cha nijaprasada-vilasitasy-Anarůpam tad-achirêņ=aiva kriyatâm yatab
Prabala-pavanaugha-durdhara-tå pånala-kavalanam taru-vari api
Na sahanta dva kim punah sukumaran malati-kusumam | Aham tveidpisam dêvasy=Anuragamaêtad sisam cha svapna-sar vidhanań nivêdy=aśvâsayâmi. sa-parijanâlin bhartridárikâm #1 (6) Yad-dêva Ajñápayati 11
AjñApayatu bhartâ II (d) Yadedeva Aj Apayati II
• Metre, Åry; and of the following verse. * Bee Professor Pischel's note on Hémachandra IV. 277, according to which we should read id antiin. • Them has been retained through the influence of the Sanskrit. Read devraih amerdanh sdricar.
Metro, SÅrdalavikrajitaand of the next vero.

Page #222

206
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
8.
r-vidhêr-vilasitair-durvâta-vêgair=iva
krûrair-vyakulatâm balêna gamitâ tanvi kathain sthâsyati I Vidushakam prati 11 Vayasya samâhûyatâm Kaly âpavati || Vidushakaḥ (e) Hi hi jane vayassena vvavasidam 10 nia-vivaha-kajjena tâ amhâņam chira-vadḍhidâ dani phalaitu khamḍa-ladḍuâim manoraha-ddu[mâ] I
9.
ity-uks nickkramya Kalyanavatyá saka pravišati || Raja Kalyanavati ih-àsana upaviśyatim Kalyanavati tatha karôti |
Raja Kalyanavatyáḥ Sasiprabhá-svaripam-agamana-prayojanam cha sarvam nivedya [11] Kalyanavati vraja tvam-avanipatêr-Vasantapalasya putrim-asmad-vachanâd-anumôdayitum=â10. râdhayitum cha idam-ch-asmat-samdishtam rajaputri śrâvayitavyâ | Drutataram-itaḥ kântê visvaiḥ samam bahir-indriyaih
kvachid-api mano-smâkam nîtam tvaya prathamam haṭhat I Annjigamisbör jivasy-aitány-ath-isya Sakiprabhivachana vihitid=aśâ-tantôr-abhûd=avalambanam ||11
Idam ch=igrataḥ kartavyam-asmadiyam |
11. vijñapaniya rajaputri yatha Turushkêndra-vigraha-prasangê na drutataram-by-âgatya devi bhavatim prasâday ishyamô yatas-Turushkarajo-py-asmân-prati prachalitaḥ śrûyatê Kalyanavati | (f) Jam devo navedi ||
Raja Vayasya asmad-vachanid-uchyatâm mahamâtyo yath-dam-idam-upâyan-âdyachitopakarana
[JUNE, 1891.
12. sampanna kritva sa-tvaram prêshyatâm Kalyaṇavatî II
Vidushakaḥ (9) Jam vayasso bhanedi iti Kalyanavatya saha nishkrántaḥ || Raja Sasiprabhê âvisam gatvâ vyapagat-âdhva-śrama bhavatu bhavatî madhyahnikam vidhâtum-attishthâmah | iti sarvé nishkrántáḥ
|| Tritiyo-ǹkaḥ samaptaḥ || Tataḥ pra
višató vandinau ||
Tataḥ pravisati charaḥ \\\
13.
edaśśim alaśkiyyamâna-payyamde
Vandinau (h) Ese se Sayambhalisala-sivila-ņivese kadham [la]ulam yanidavvam I puro-valókya | Vayaśśa ese ke vi chale vva disadi 1 tâ imâdo -edassa sivilassa śśalûvam12 lâulam cha yaņiśśamha II
aho Viggahalaa
vayam-api
Charah (i) Aschaliyam aśchaliyam
14. palesala-Siliņam avayyamdada II purô-valokya amhadeślya vva kevi puliśâ peśkiyyamdi yâ[ue] vamdihim edehim huvidavvaṁ II
(e) Hi hi jênê vayasyêna vyavasitam nija-vivaha-karyêna(°ryam) i tad-asmakam chiravardhitâ idinim phalantu khanda-ladḍukâni manôratha-drumâḥ
10 Read vavasidam; the word is construed with a double instrumental case. 11 Metre, Haripl. 12 Read salúvam.
(f) Yad-dêva ajñâpayati II
(9) Yadavayasyô bhanati II
(1) Esha sa Sakambharisvara-sibira-nivêśaḥ | êtasminn-alakshyamina-paryantê katham rajakulam jõâtavyam | Vayasya èsha kô-pi chara iva driśyatê tad-asmid-êtasya sibirasya svarûpam rajakulam cha jñâsyavaḥ 11
(i) Ascharyam-âscharyam | aho Vigraharaja-narêsvara-érinâm-aparyantatâ | asmaddêsîjav-iva kav-api purushau prêkshyêtê jênê vandibhyâm-êtâbhyam bhavitavyam ||

Page #223

June, 1891.)
SANSKRIT PLAYS IN INSCRIPTIONS AT AJMERE.
207
Vandinau || () Bhadda amhâņam Tuluskanarh desiye vya tamam peśkiyyasi tâ kadhehi ChAhamana-sivila-salú vam lâulam cha II
Charah 11 (16) 'Sandha le vandino suņadha hago Tuluskaldena. • 15. Saambhalibala sa sivila peskidum peśide tam cha dûśanchala yado tatthastehim idale paschande vi ņi[liśkan]de vi a palakiye tti yâņiyyadi tadhavi mae kimpi kimpi pa[chcha] 15kkhikadan 11
Vandinau ll (1) Aschaliam aśchaliam kadham bhadda tattha uvastidanam chadulidelo aņuam pi tae laśkidam 11
Charah 11 (m) [Sa]ìâdha le vandiņo ya
16. dha mae tam sivilam ņilúvidam | hage khu sili-Somešalaevam peskidum vaññamdaśća bastaśća 17 milide milia & ettha payisiúņa bhiśkam pastidum18 lagge I tado yam yam yâņida tam tam tamhîņam yahastam kadhiyadul maa-vÂli-nijjhala-kalala-kadastalâņam kalimda pań dåva suhassami tulanganam -
17. na laska nalanan ana yujjha-skamânam daha laśkain ti kim vahanî yampidena taśśa kadaassa påsa-stide siale vi śaśke bhodi | bhum=utkshipya | edam cha tam lâulam 11 iti darśayati II
Vandinau ll (n) Sihule chalà sâhu 11 Charaḥ 11 ) Ale le vadiņo chilam khu me ņia-stîñado ņiśćalidaśía tâ ha18. ge važnâmi | Vandinau II (p) Gasoha le chali gaścha l iti charo nishkrántah Il
Vandinau | purato gatv-ávalokya 11 (9) Tań ņidam lâula-duvâlam tâ idha stidâ eva nia. lia-ppahavam payâsemha Il punar=avalólya sanandam II ese se Saambhallwale astaņa-stide pulado diśadi 11
Tatah pravisati rájá vibhavatas-cha pari19.
vdraḥ 11 Raja 11 svagatam 11 Ahô vaiobitryam
6 Bhadra avayos-Turushkayor-destyals iva tvam prêkshyasd | tat-kathaya Chahemana-sibira-svarûpam râjakulam cha 11
(k) Spiņutar rð vandinau áriņatam aham Turushkarajena Bakambharisvarasya sibiraṁ prêkshitum prêshitah tach=cha duheamcharam yatas-tatrasthair=itarah prichchhann-api nirikshamâņô=pi cha parakiya iti jõâyate i tathậpi maya kim=api kim-api pratyakshikṣitam
(1) Abobaryam=ischaryam | katham bhadra tatrpasthitânim chatura-svabhavê (?) pukam=api tvaya lakshitam 11
(m) Sriņutam rê vandinau yatha maya tach=chhibiram nirūpitam aham khala Sri-Somesvaradêvam prêkshitum vrajatah sârthasya militê militvå ch=îtra pravisya bhikshâm prarthayitan lagnah | tatổ yad-yaj-jfåtam tat-tad-yuvayor=yathartham kathyatâm | mada-väri-nirjharakarala-katasthalanan karindraņâm tâvat-sahasram1 turangâộara punar-laksham narkņân punar=yuddha-kshamânii daśa lakshân-ti 1 kim bahunâ jalpitôna tasya katakasya pâráva-sthitaḥ sigaró-pi sushk8 bhavati Il étach=cha tad=rájakulam 11
(n) Sadbu rê chara sådhu Il (0) Arê rê vandinau chiran khala me nija-sthånán-nihspitasya 1 tad-aham vrajámi (p) Gachchha rê chara gachchha 11
a) Tad-idam råjakula-dvåram tad-iha sthitây va nija-råjer prabhivan prakabayával Esha sa Bakambharisvara Asthậna-sthitah parato driyath 11
13 The above is not proper Sanskrit; the two men mean somad do flya iva. 14 Originally pulchashdo viwillik do, but the o has both times been altered to .. 18 Originally only single ch was engraved, but it appears to have been altered to choh. 3. Prof. Pisohel suggests to me that ohsulide may stand for shaturite, an abstract noun derived from chatura. 17 Originally bdstaffa, altered to tastassa.
11 Originally paftidur, altered to paftidur.

Page #224

208
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JUNE, 1891.
Adâv-amritamay-Âmbadhi-vigahana-pratimam-avanipati-duhitah Smaraṇam davadahan-dara-nipâta-nibhamragratô bhavati 1110
21. Vigraharajadávaḥ 11
22. pratíháram=äkirya || Pratibâra då pyatâm=ètayôr-yatha-diyamanah kanaka-vasan-adise tyagah 11
Pratiharaḥ 11 Yad=Adiśati devah || iti vandibhyári saha nishkrántah 11 Raja | Ahô n=ady=&py ... pyragatô Hammtra-katak-åvâsa-svarûpa ... kah li Pravisya charah 11 () Jayadu jayadu devo | Deva deveņa Hammira-kada23. a-vattartam jâọidum parassiṁ dişe pesido sampadam dado mhi 11 RAJA II Bhadra kathaya kiyatTurushkekvara-sibiram kutra chêti Il
Cheraḥ 11 (8) Deva agahida-gaa-raha-taraa-ppavira-samkham a[ņå]a-perantam amupidapavesa-niggama-maggam riaráiņo kadaan ûvîso una kalle ido Vavveraado joa
24. ņa-ttae asi 1 ajja aņa teņa ijeva sivireņa samam llachchhiûņa tam ido joaņekkeņa avisidam pekkhiana lado mhi 11 · Raja || Bhadra kidrisi punas-tatra kimvadanti 11
Charaḥ 11 (1) Deva jajjhatthań saalâim pi seqqkim saņņaddhaiṁ kariûņa ettomuham chalamteņa Hammirena tumhâņam påse keņa
25. vi vaaņena dado pesidavvo tti kehimpi jaņehim jampijjadi 11 RAJA | Bhadra gachchha tvam viśramiya 11 iti charð nishlorántah 11 Raja | Kalı kô=tra bhôh kah kô=tra II Pravidya purushaḥ 11 (u) Eso mhi Anavedu devo II Raja I Åhuyatam mâtulah Simhabaló raja 11 Purushah 11 (5) Jam devo ânavedi lliti nishlerantah 11
Tatah pra26.
vićati Sinhabalaḥ 11 Raja 11 sddaram=ásanan pradápya | sarvai vrittántain nivédya [11] Matula kim=idênir vidhéyam 11 Simhabalaḥ 11
Tair-matangair-haribhir api tais-tair-bhat-aughair-anikam
Hammtrasya prasarad-akhilâm medinim-Avriņotu! Virairmêtaisutad-api samarát=tvat-pratapa-pravriddhi
pript-tsähair-iba na hi bhave-tatávakaiḥ kṣityam-anyat 1122 27. RAJA Il mantrina Sridharain prati | Bhavatâm=atra kim pratibhati it Sridharaḥ | Deva
Viranim cha vipaśchitîm cha gananîsv=adyasətvam=@ymadhund
vid vadbhir-ganitorzi tê na bhavatah k vâpy=asti na dva paral, 1
() Jayatu jayatu dêvaḥ | Deva dêvê na Hammira-kata ka-vșittantam jõâtum parasmin=dinê prêshitah sampratam=agatô=smi II
(6) Dåva agrihîta-gaja-ratha-taraga-pravira-samkhyam-a[jñataP]paryantam-ajõâta-pravēšanirgama-margam ripurajasya katakam Avasaḥ punah kalya itô Vavvêraad 20-yojana-traya asiti adya punas-tênsaiva sibirêņa samam=&gamya tad-itô yojan-aikên=å våsitan prêkshy-âgató-smill
(t) Déva yaddharthan sakalány-api sainyâni samnaddhani karayitvaaitad-abhimukham chalata Hammtrêņa yushmakam parávê kên=&pi vachanêna dütah prêshayitavya iti kair-api janaih kathyatê 11
(1) Esh-smi Ajõậpayata devah 11
(v) Yad=dêva ajñåpayati 11 19 Metra, Åryd. ** See above, note 8.
1 Metre, MandAleranta.

Page #225

JUNE, 1891.]
SANSKRIT PLAYS IN INSCRIPTIONS AT AJMERE.
209
Kimtv=&tmiyataya vidhêyam=adhana yat=prishtam=asmádsióům
sva-prajñâm=anussitya tatukathayatârn 28. .
kshantavyam=iša tvaya 1123 Raja Il Mahamatê asmäkam tvam-êva mantriņam-agranis-tatkin=ēvamabhidhiyaté 11
Sridharah | Déva saty=apayantara-sambhavê yuddham-anupaya iti dharm-artha-sastravidim samayah 11
Raja ! Bhavêd=evam yady=upâyântaram=atra syật | kimcha durâtmânam Milchchharajam praty=upâyântar-anusaraņê ma
29. hati vrida 11
Sridharaḥ 11 Déva tathapi jagad-êkavîrêņa Hammiren-ksamkhya-sainya-svåmina saha yuddh-avataranaṁ katham anumanyánahe il R4j& 11
Akirtih kapy=uchohaih suhrid-abhayadâna-vrata-hatis
tatha dhvamsas=tîrtba-dvija-su manasâm virya-vigamal ! Mam=aitêshu vyastêshv-api [a]sabyėsbu sakalan
iman-angi30.
kartuh kathayata vidhêyan kimasubhih 1,23 Simhabalaḥ 11 Maharaja !
Svayain chéd-orvisnih samitishu mahA-sAhasa-rasaire
ajasram yoddhavyam tad-iha karaniyam kim-aparaih 1 Saśastrair=nihsam khyairevijita-bahu-samkhyais-cha subhagair
mad-andhair=matangaih pavana-javanair=vájibhir=api 11 Api (cha]
Kshatram dhûma tav=edám-adbhatatamam tva31.
t-samnidhiasthiyinań viráním tanushu dhruvam pariņatam yâsyaty=asam khyatatâm Dipid-êkata êva [bhajdra timira-pradhvamsa-dhîra masha]h
svikurvanr=iha hi pradipa-nivahô drishţântatâm-asritah 1124 Api cha Yudhyasê svayam-êva tvaṁ samnidhi-sthe-pi chên=mayil
11 dakshina-kuréna sra-bdhi ni[rdilsya 11 Tad-dôshôr-dhig-imam bhảram dhanushi śrân32.
tayôr-vrithi 1125 Pravidya protiharan | Déva Turushkarajena prahitah praśânta-vêshab kõ=pi visishța iva pumin-saparichcbhadô dvâri samagatas-tishthati 11
RAJA 11 Sinhabala-Sridharáv=uddisya | Kim-ih-api têna pravêshta vyam 11 .
Tau dv&v=api 11 Ko doshỏ raja-sadana h-idam tat-prayôjan-Anurodhatah sarvair api pravêshța vyamaeva 11
33. (Raja) 11 Pratíhára prati | Pravêśaya tarhi drutam II Pratiharaḥ 11 Yad-adiśati dêvah Il iti nirgatya ditëna saha pravisati 11
Dataḥ 11 samantati-valókyat sanandam 11 Ahô sarv-ânga-sundarabhir=vibhậtibhiḥ sampurnam raja-mandiram tatha hi
Tha kari-nikarairaih yndhidhyaib purusha-varaireiba viirasundaríbhib/
Tha vi. 34.
ou - bhir-narendra-pranayi-janair=iha râjatê nsipu-srih 1126 puro rájánamravalókya sanandádbhutam | Ahô sakala-jana-vilakshamnh kô=py=ayam=apůrva
11 Metre, Bard Olavikriita. » Metre, Skrilavikridita.
23 Metre, Bilchariņt; and of the next verse. 35 Metre, $10ka (Anushtabh). Metre, Pushpitigra.

Page #226

210
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JUNE, 1891.
36
26.
dveåsya nsipatêh samnivéśah | vimsiya | athavá 1 ayam tâvad-akhilam=api râja-mandalamstiśêta êva prabhåvêņa kimtv=aparêshâm=api rajñâ krité ....
35. ....... eva paurâņikah pravadaḥ kathum=aparathả têshûm=idari vaiśvarúpyam tatha hii
Charalı karya-vilôkana-sravaņayôś=chakshuh-śruti vag=vayam
vaktum sandhi-virôdha-karma samara-kridágu viral karab Krity-akritya-vivchana-vyatikarê san-mantriņð manasan hasty-aśvam kramitum payodhirasanám=etam mahi.
- 1127 .... vyâhata-vid hêya-dvay-pasthânêna paryAkulbagmi tath hi I Samarthyam yadi na prabhôr=abhidadhê yasyanti tad-vidvishah sandbêyatram=asadhvasaḥ katham-atha prakhyapayê 11 Vigrahardjam=uddiéya 11
syât=tada Åkrityraiva vibhavyamana kam] dhậmedam-Âvirbhavat
kopam kasya vidhêyameity=ubhaya37.
Mahipati-sutēna pandita-Bhaskarēna svayam=alikhy=ôtkirņâny-aksharaṇi 11 B. - The Conoluding Portion of Vigraharajadeva's Harakoli-nataka. 25.
Dévau svarúpén=ávirbhavatak !! Arjunaḥ | drishtvá 1 sa-bhakti-pranámam 1 Sarvartau tanu-chitta
vanmaya-malaircênd mayê yatkritam yach-ch=&chyåvi dhiya kshana kshanam=it8 yushmat-pad-Ambhôru hât Yan-n-adhyayi pada-dvayam bhagavatór-advaita-mudr-Ankita
tan-nathau trijagat-spijáv=asadpisam sarvam ksham@tham mama 1129 Api cha
Yat-kîyê niruji tvad-ahri-kamalań n=aradhita Tryambaka
svůntê såntatamê na bu27.
ddham-ahaha tvad-dhAma tatwtadpisam Vacham phalgu-vachah-prapa ncha-chaturám samyamya yan=na stutam
tan-mê salyamwiva sphuraty=aviratam mamantare Sarkara 11 Api cha 1
Dhâtuh kagetvaṁ Girisa pranavam-ajagavam tulyam-êtad-dadhậnas=
tisrð bhittvå paristå ravi-sasi-sikhinâm=antar=anyo bahis=cha
Nirvâņam bandha-vahnêr=Ditisuta. 28.
subhata-krôdha-vahnes-cha kurvajñân-Ajõânê vitanyams=Tripuraharatayå moksha-samsara-virah 1139 Api cha
Sva-pratyayiya jagatah parama-priyaya
pral@ya-bhânu-kalaya křita-sekharaya Dévâya durdama-temah-patal-apahiya
svasmai 'Sivaya nirupůdhi-mudê namasutê 1130 Api cha
Brahmâdi-Tiśva-guru-varga29.
niyamakaya svijA-vibhishita-sar-Âgura-narakaya ! YAvad-vidhayaka-nished haka-vigrahîya
tabhyam namas=Tahinaśaila-sutâ-priyâya 11 * Metre, Sardalavikridita ; and of the next verae. *Metre, Sardalavikridita ; and of the next verse. 19 Metre, Sragdhara. " Metre, Vasantatilak&; and of the two next verses.

Page #227

JUNE, 1891)
SANSKRIT PLAYS IN INSCRIPTIONS AT AJMERE.
211
Api cha
Tat-pabchakaraṇatayå jagatam vidhâtrê
tad-bhảva-karma-kriti-sâ kshitayû niyantre ! Bhâsvat-svachitta-nutayê sahaj-echchhayâ che
traigunya-tanmayataya nama 30.
fśvarâya 11 Api cha
Namð yôga-sthấya sva-vidita-pada-sthaya mahase
namah punya-sthấya prati-tanu sukha-sthaya bhavatê ! Namah papa-sthâya prabhavad-asukha-sthầya bhaving
namo jñâna-sthầya prasarad-amțita-sthầya kritind 1131 A pi cha
Namah kartrê dhâtre tanushu visatê samyamayatë
namồ hartrê bhartre chaturadhika31.
shashți-praņayine ! Namð vyakt-Avyakta-trijagad-agha-vidhvansa-patave
namah puny-apuqya-sthitishu mpida-ghor-aika-vapushe 11 Isaħ il Vatsa prito=smi tad-grihîņa pašapatan mantram 11 iti karné mantrasi dadáti It Vatsa anena mantrên-abhimantritam triņam=api pâsapatástrậyatê idam-aparan yâvad-astrahitam nija-gåņdivat gribà
32ņa 11 Arjunaḥ sa-vinayan grihnáti Il
Isah | Mrittika-ling-Aradhanasya yuddhèn=asmad-Aradhanasya cha phalam labdham tadyath-âgatam gachchha 11
Arjunah | Yath=Ajõâpayati devah | iti nishlerdntah #1
tsan | Gauria prati 11 Anena Harakeli-natakéna sådhu priğitongmi Vigraharajekaving tad-ênan paśyamastavat II
Ta
taḥ pravisati Vigraharajah 11 Vigraharajah 11 dsishtvd dévau pranamya krit-dnjalih 11 Smêr[Amu]khe prakața-sarva-rase=pi bald
samsaram-apyrampita-nirvitam-idadhand M-astám prabhô khala-durakshara-vahni-varshair
abhyarthayê malinatâ Harakali-kâyê u 32 ŵrdhwam-aralókya Svar-vâsinô Bharata-sishya-janas-chirêņa Sthânôh sirânsi nanr dhûna
gitun sa shah Pratyakshara-erata-raş-amrita-vahinînim
kallola-k@libhirit8 Harakolir-astâm Punara urdhvamzavalókya | Api cha
Stota guņin-abhidadhat=stutir Indu-maulih
stutya sa êva phalarų pataya sa eva Ittham chaturmayatayê Harakilir-âstâm=
A-chandram-a-ravi mudê yasasê śriyê vah 11 Isah !
Sarvam characharam-idam kha
33.
• 31 Metre, Bikharipl; and of the next verse.
* Metre, Vasantatilaka; and of the three next verses.

Page #228

212
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JUNE, 1891.
35.
| In mâm vidit và tvan-natya-darśana-sukh-otsava-nischalanam Maitrim sukhiny=asukhini pravarâm kripam cha
tanyâd=bhav-arti-hțitayê Harakelir-éshah 11 Vatsa Vigraharaja anena Harakeli-natakén=aradhito=ham kim te priyam=upa karomi 11 Vigraharajah anjalin baddhvá 11
Yishar nima na Samkaruêti vadanê na brahma panau dhanam
ha36. stè n=khar-ahar-nivapa-salilam n=askhņôh krip-imbhah-kayihi
N-ahimsa-ruchayo guniis-tanu-mano-vâņishu naisargikah
kârshir=ma 'Sasi-chůda tâms-tanu-bhși ta] samstra-katsa-spijali 1138 Isaḥ il Idam=apyrastu!
Yavad-Vishņur-bibharti pramada-chiti-rasê bhôga-nirvana-sakti
Lakshmir Brahmim cha távad-dhavalayatu jagat-tavaki kirtir=8sha
Prajza-dugdhi37.
bdhi-janma nova-rasa-lahari-datta-hastávalamb
vid vach-chêtas-chakôri-kulam-akhilam-api primati chandrik-eva 11 34 Vatsa tvan Sakambhari-rajyam pâlayitam gribam gachchha vayam=api sa-parivkråh Kailasam-êva vrajâmah | iti nishlerántúh sarve 11
1. Krauncha-vijayo nama panchamonkah 11 Asin=nirmala-Huņa-på
rthiva-kuld Govinda-nama sudhistaistaih kôvida-vandya-sadguna-ganair-yð Bhojaraja-priyah Taj-janma sukriti Mahipatir-abhût=tasysitmajo Bhaskaraḥ
sa sri-Vigraharaja-nirmitam-idam prajño-likhan-natakam 1135 Samvat 1210 Marga-sudi 5 Åditya-dind bravaņa-nakshatrê makara-sthê chandre harsha
na-yogê bâlava:karanê | Harakeli-natakam samaptam | Mangalam mahA-srih il 11 Kritir-iyam maharajadhiraja-paramesvara-bri-Vigraharajade vasya 11
38.
39.
40.
A NOTICE OF THE GULABNAMA.
BY E. REHATSEK.
(Concluded from p. 78.) After the English army had been thus victorious in the Pañjab, it encamped near Láhôr, and the Governor-General issued a proclamation. The purport of this proclamation was that the English had defeated the Sikhs in every engagement, and taken from them more than 220 pieces of artillery ; that they waged war because the Sikhs had infringed the treaty of 1809 A. D. ; and that they would not evacuate the Pañjáb before an indemnity was paid and the fulfilment of the arrangements to be agreed upon by the English and the Pañjab government was guaranteed. The English government did not desire to increase its possessions, but found it necessary for greater security to annex a portion of the territory now under the jurisdiction of Lahor, consisting of the zilas situated between the rivers Satlaj and Biyas, as well as of the Kohistan, the value of which would be deducted from the indemnity to be paid. Lastly, one of the song of the late Maharaja Ranjit Singh was to be made sovereign of the Panjab, but in case of fresh disturbances arising, the British government would again be under the necessity of quelling them.
The Maharja Gulab Singh at once presented the English prisoners with dresses of honour, placed them on elephants, and despatched them with an escort of sepoys to the camp at Qaşûr. The Maharaja then consulted the members of the court, viz., Bhai Ram Singh, Diwan Dinâ * Motro, Bard Clavikrita.
Metre, Sragdhara. 35 Metre, Sardilarikridita, i Mountain diatriote.

Page #229

June, 1891.)
NOTICE OF THE GULABNAMA.
213
Nath, and Faqir Näru'ddin Şahib, about the conclusion of peace, and they entrusted him with the negotiations. The Bibi şahiba, having been requested to give her opinion, not only approved of the decision arrived at by the above-named members of the darbár, but issued a parwána tu that effect under her special seal, with the signatures of all the Sardárs attached thereto. Accordingly the Mahârâjâ Gulab Singh started with several Sardars, vit., Diwan Dina Nath, Faqir Nûru'ddîn, Diwan Devi Sahaf and others, taking with them five paltans of Sikh troops, each private of which received five rupees. But as there were turbulent men among them, many had to be left behind, and only one company retained by the deputation arrived at Old Naushahra. The deputation continued its journey to the Governor-General's camp at Qaşûr, and when the members were at a distance of one kós from it, Sir Henry Lawrence, who was at that time Resident in Nepal (sic), came to invite them to proceed further. When they arrived, Sir Frederick Currie, Baronet, Chief Secretary, conducted them to the Governor-General's tent, who came out in person, shook hands, and took them in. When they were seated the Maharaja Gulab Singh explained how the Khalşa army had become so demoralised and insubordinate, as to venture upon hostilities, and expressed his hopes, that after what had taken place, tranquillity might again be restored, whereon the Governor-General declared that it would be necessary to pay - an indemnity of two karors of rapees, and to cede the Dôîb to the British government, but Gulab Singh rejoined that it would be impossible to raise such an enormous sum of money. Then Sir Frederick Currie and Sir Henry Lawrence took the Mahârâjâ aside, and politely reminded him, that as he had lost brothers and other dear relatives in these disturbances, there was no need of his espousing so warmly the cause of the Pañjab government, the more so as His Excellency the Governor-General desired to make him independent thereof, by constituting him sovereign of the Kohistan and Kasmir, with the title of Maharaja. Gulab Singh replied that the wish of His Excellency was a command to him, but that his relatives had been slain because they were cherished by the Pañjab government and had served it; that as the Maharaja Dalip Singh had not attained his majority, he had been deputed to treat with the Governor-General; and that if his lust for power and independence were to become injurious to the young sovereign, his own reputation and that of his descendants would be tarnished for ever. He begged His Excellency to keep in view the treaty of friendship with the late Maharaja Ranjit Siógh and to consider that Dalîp Singh was altogether guiltless of its infringement by the army. The said two gentlemen reported these words to the Governor-General, and after the negotiations had been protracted to a late hour of the night, an agreement was finally arrived at, that the Sikh government should pay one learôs and fifty lakhs of rupoes as an indemnity, and cede the Doab. Gulab Singh at last succeeded in getting his offer accepted, to pay fifty lákhs at once, and the remaining karór of rupees in three successive instalments, and the surrender of the Doâb. A desire for an interview with Dalip Singh having been expressed, Gulb Singh despatched a letter to that effect to the Bibi Şahiba, and accordingly the Maharaja Dalip Singh arrived the next day in a buggy, whereon a salate of artillery was fired, and the Governor-General presented both Dalip Singh and Gulab Singh with robes of honour.
Some difficulty arose concerning the entrance of English troops into LAhôr, to which Gulab Singh first demurred, but afterwards consented, the English having agreed to march again back to Firozpur after receiving the fifty lakhs of rupees promised to the Governor-General. The Bibi şahiba, however, made an arrangement with Lal Singh, and despatched a letter to the English authorities, informing them that he was her plenipotentiary, and that Gulab Singh had no power. Lal Singh accordingly became surety for the payment of the above sam, made arrangements for the stay of the English troops in Lahôr, and surrendered in lieu of the stipulated karór of rupees the districts on the other side of the Biyâs with Kangļâ, the Kōhistân, Kasmir, Hazara, and Chamba to remain for ever in the possession of the English, so that even Jammûn and other possessions of Guláb Singh fell into their power. Gulab Singh, not A little amazed at this transaction, immediately sent the Diwan JwAlA Sahai to Sir Henry
? i. e. on the British side.

Page #230

214
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JUNE, 1891.
Lawrence with whom he had become intimately acquainted on a former occasion at Pêshawar. Sir Henry after consulting with Sir Frederick Currie, Chief Secretary of the Foreign Department, sent a reply, that the British Government, having the interests of Gulab Singh at heart, had simply presented him with the said possessions, but would now grant them to him for money. The Governor-General then agreed to let Gulab Singh have the district between the Biyâs and the Indus, with Kângrå, Kaśmir, Hazara and the boundaries of the Kôhistan for one karór of rupees; but as Gulâb Singh had not at his disposal so large a sum, negotiations were begun for giving him a smaller portion of territory, excluding the district between the Biyâs and the Indus. Even this arrangement displeased the Bibî Şâhiba, who sent the Râjà Dînâ Nâth, Faqir Nuru'ddin, and Bhai Râm Singh to Sir H. Lawrence and Sir F. Currie, to dissuade them from the transaction, and threatening to go herself to London. But no attention was paid to her protest, and so she sent Khalsa troops to capture Gulab Singh. Major MacGregor arrived, however, in time with a rasala of European troops, and put an end to the strife by carrying him off to the British camp. The terms ultimately arrived at are embodied in the following document :
Treaty between the British Government on the one part and the Maharaja Gulab Singh of Jamman on the other, concluded on the part of the British Government by Frederick Carrie, Esquire, and Brevet Major Henry Montgomery Lawrence, acting under the orders of the Right Honourable Sir Henry Hardinge, G.C.B., one of Her Britannic Majesty's Most Honourable Privy Council, Governor-General, appointed by the Honourable Company to direct and control all their affairs in the East Indies, and by Maharaja Gulab Singh in person.
Art. 1. The British Government transfers and makes over for ever, as independent possessions, to Mahârâja Gulab Singh and the heirs male of his body, all the hilly or mountainous country with its dependencies, situated to th east of the River Indus and west of the River Ravi including Chambâ, and excluding Lâhaul, being part of the territories ceded to the British Government by the Lâhôr State according to the provisions of Article 4 of the treaty of Lâhôr, dated the 9th March 1846.
Art. 2. The eastern boundary of the tract transferred by the foregoing Article to Mahârâjâ Gulab Singh shall be laid down by Commissioners appointed by the British Government and Maharaja Galab Singh respectively for the purpose, and shall be defined in a separate engagement after survey.
Art. 3. In cons:1eration of the transfer made to him and his heirs by the provisions of the foregoing articles, the Mahârâjâ Gulab Singh will pay to the British Government the sum of 75 lakhs of Nanakshâhî rupees, 50 lakhs to be paid on ratification of this Treaty, and 25 lakhs on or before the 1st October of the current year A. D. 1846.
Art. 4. The limit of the territories of the Maharaja Gulab Singh shall not be at any time changed without the concurrence of the British Government.
Art. 5, The Mahârâja Gulab Singh will refer to the arbitration of the British Government any disputes on questions that may arise between himself and the Government of Lûhôr, or any other neighbouring State, and will abide by the decision of the British Government.
Art. 6. The Maharaja Gulab Singh engages for himself and his heirs to join the British troops with the whole of his military force when these are employed within the hills, or in the territories adjoining his possessions.
Art. 7. The Maharaja Gulab Singh engages never to take or retain in his service, any British subject, nor any subject of any other European or American State, without the consent of the British Government.
Art. 8. The Maharaja Gulab Singh engages to respect in reference to the territory transferred to him, the provisions of Articles 5, 6, and 7 of the separate engagement between the British Government and the Lâhôr darbár, dated March 11th, 1846,

Page #231

JUNE, 1891.]
NOTICE OF THE GULABNAMA.
215
Art. 9. The British Government will give its aid to the Maharaja Gulab Singh in protecting his territories from external enemies.
Art. 10. The Maharaja Gulab Singh acknowledges the supremacy of the British government, and will, in token of such supremacy, present annually to the British government one horse, twelve perfect shawl goats of approved breed (six male and six female), and three pairs of h aśmir shawls.
This treaty consisting of ten articles has been this day settled by Frederick Currie, Esq., and Brevet-Major Henry Montgomery Lawrence, acting under the direction of the Right Honourable Sir Henry Hardinge, G.C.B., Governor-General, and by the Maharaja Galậb Singh in person; and the said treaty has been this day ratified by the seal of the Right Honourable Sir Henry Hardinge, G.C.B., Governor-General.
Done at Amritsar on the 16th March 1846, corresponding to the 17th Rabi, the first A. H. 1262.
(Signed) H. Hardinge (seal). F. Currie. H. M. Lawrence. On this occasion the Governor-General sent his children on a pleasure trip to Kasmir, and enjoined the Maharaja Gulab Singh to care take of them as if they were his own. He was delighted with the proposal and started the same day to Jasrðtâ, and during his journey Utam Singh, with his troops, as also other chiefs, paid him allegiance. On his arrival at Jasrôtâ he presented the author's father with a jágír producing a revenue of Rs. 1,000 per annum, and conferred likewise other favours upon him. He also sent Diwan Hari Chand with Sikh and other troops to conquer the Hazara district. Shortly afterwards, the Maharani, spouse of Gulab Singh, who had been ailing for some time, died, and internal troubles arose in Kasmir among his own vassals, which were quelled and the rebels punished, but only with the aid of English troops. The zamindárs of the Hazara district being also very turbulent, Gulâb Singh desired to exchange it for that of Manawar and Ghari, which was in charge of Major Abbot on behalf of the Pañjab government. Accordingly the Hazara district was made over to it, and the two desired districts to Gulâb Singh, by a sanad, dated 5th May 1847.
When the English officials Ayrton and Anderson, who had gone to Multân in the early part of A. D. 1848, were both slain by the troops of Mûlraj, Major Edwardes marched with the Khalşa army in command of the Sardar Sher Singh Atariwala to conquer Multân, and encamped at Sürajkund. The Sardar Chhatar Singh Atariwall, who was in charge of the Hazara district, then made an alliance with Dost Muhammad Khan, Amir of Afghanistan, and attempted to conquer the Pañjab. Accordingly Lord Gough attacked him with the British forces, and defeated him at Ramnagar and ChiliAnwâlâ, although the Sikhs fought bravely. About this time also Maltan fell, and the Sikhs were routed at Gujrat after the English troops had been reinforced by those of the Maharaja Gulab Singh. After this the Khâlşa army submitted at Rawal Pişdi, and the Pañjâb was reduced to tranquillity.*
Multan under the Sikh government had been administered by the Diwan Sawan Mall who, having been slain by an assassin, was succeeded by his son, the Diwan Malraj. The latter failed to pay regularly the tribute due. Accordingly the darbár reported the matter to Sir John Lawrence, who had, after the overthrow of the Khâlşa power, been appointed Resident at Lâhôr. The Diwûn Malraj was summoned to Labôr, but excused himself by alleging that the province was disturbed, and that his brothers were contending for the supremacy with him, and he said that he would be glad if the British government would send officials to settle the accounts, exonerating him from all responsibility after the payment of the arrears due. Sir John Lawrence, however, procrastinated this business and allowed Mälraj to return, but
3 [The value of this version of the treaty is that it gives the socount ourrent in Kasmir.-R. C. T.).
• These and the following events are narrated also in the last Chapter of the Zafarnama, but the account differs in several respects from the above.

Page #232

216
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JUNE, 1891.
when Sir Frederick Currie took his place as Resident at Lâhôr, he sent Mr. Ayrton and Mr. Anderson to accompany the Sardar Kánh Singh Man, who had been appointed to supersede the Diwan Mulraj as Şabahdâr of Multán. When these officials paid their visit to Múlraj, requesting him to surrender the keys of the fort and his authority over the province, he replied in an abusive and cunning manner, and when they returned to the 'idgáh where they were lodged, some miscreants assailed them, pierced the breast of Mr. Ayrton with a lance, and killed Mr. Anderson with a sword. Then a great disturbance arose, the troops prepared for hostilities, and the Sikh escort of the English officials joined them, and the Sardar Kánh Siogh was taken prisoner and conveyed to Malraj. Sir Frederick Currie having been informed of what had taken place, at once despatched Sikh troops under the command of the Sardar Sher Singh to punish the rebels of Multân. The army of the Nawab of Bahawalpur and Major (Sir Herbert) Edwardes, who had arrived from the district of Bannů, swelled the number of the troops ; but the fort of Multan was taken only after some English troops sent from Bombay had arrived. At this time the Sardar Chhatar Singh Atariwala, who had been sent by the Lahôr government to take over the administration of the Hazara country, from which the author's father had withdrawn when Gulab Singh obtained the 'ildqa of Manawarin exchange for it, becoming afraid for his own safety, because the Sikh troops under his command had slain an English officer in the service of the Khâlşa government, conceived that he had no other remedy but to revolt. He persisted in this although Sir Frederick Currie had sent the Raja Dina Nath to dissuade him. He also repeatedly sent letters to his son Sher Singh with orders to join the troops of Mulraj, which he obeyed; whilst he himself prepared for hostilities, and was reinforced from every side by great numbers of Sikhs, who, vainly imagining that they would overthrow the government, began to plander the country in every direction, and burnt the bridge of boats across the Rêvî at Rajghat near Shahdara. Arjun Singh, son of the late Hâri Singh, occupied the country as far as Gujranwâlâ, whilst on the other side the graceless Ram Singh kicked up the dust of rebellion at Nûrpûr. Chhatar Singh, having arrived at Peshawar, despatched the Khalşa troops who had made common cause with him, to RÅwal Pişdi. Here Messrs. Lawrence and Boyd whom the Sardar Sultan Muhammad Khan Barukzais had caused to be captured, were sent to him. Dost Muhammad Khan, the Amir of Afghanistan, also came to the aid of Chhatar Singh, and intended to conquer Kasmir, Hazara and Rawal Pindi as far as the Jhêlam. Sardar Chhatar Singh surrendered the fort of Atak, which he had taken with his help, to the Amîr.
Gulab Singh having in former times been on friendly terms with Chhatar Singh, the latter now sent envoys to Srinagar, requesting his aid in this war, which would in that case, said they, terminate by Gulab Singh becoming the sovereign of the Pañjáb, to whom Chhatar Singh would be glad to pay homage. The Maharaja Gulab Singh replied with his natural shrewd: ness, that as the Khalşa government had sold him to the English, it is pow his bounden duty to remain loyal to the latter, and advised Chhatar Singh, through his own mediation, to crave pardon for what he had done, saying that he remembered well how often the late Mahârâjâ Ranjit Singh had said, that whoever opposes the English ensures only his own ruin. The Bakhshi Hiranand, who had come to Srinagar as envoy from Chhatar Singh was detained under surveillance, and the envoy of the Amir Dôst Muhammad Khan, who had arrived with letters and presents of horses and Persian swords to obtain the aid of the Maharaja Gulab Singh, was not admitted to his presence, or even permitted to enter Srinagar, and returned without effecting anything. Gulab Singh had offered the English to march with his troops to the Hazara distriot to quell the rebellion. Sir Frederiok Currie delayed his reply, but at last advised that the rebels should be prevented from entering the mountain districts. The Diwin Hari Chand then marched from Jammon to Manâ war, and another portion of the troops, commanded by Sayyid Ghulam 'Ali Shah and Zôrîwar Singh, was ordered to punish RÂm Singh. This force, operating under the direction of Sir John Lawrence, who was at that time
• This is the name of the author of the Trikh-i-Sultani.

Page #233

JUNE, 1891.]
NOTICE OF THE GULABNAMA.
217
Commissioner at Jalandhar, did good service, as did the forces of Nur Muhammad, commanded by Major Harrison. Orders were also issued to hold the families of all those responsible who might loave Jammun and enrol themselves among the Sikhs, or make common cause with the rebels. For this reason the houses of certain persons in the 'ilaqa of Jasrota were burnt down. This example was so effective, that henceforth none of the subjects of the Jammum government joined the Khalsa forces. On that occasion the English troops, commanded by General Nicholson, were encamped at Ramnagar, whilst the Sikh troops, who crossed the Chinab had taken up a position near Wazirabad. Some palgans of them, however, who were stationed at Jamman, desired to join their comrades there, but the government deprived them, by a stratagem, of their arms and accoutrements, and when they wanted to recover them by force, the palgan of Brajråj succeeded in foiling their intention. Dharm Singh was, for his bravery in this affair promoted to the rank of colonel.
Whilst the Mahârâjâ Gulab Singh was at Srinagar, Ranbir Singa governed the district of Jammun with ability ; but the whole of the Pañjab was disturbed. The Amir Dost Muḥammad Khan joined the Sikh army, while Major Abbot evacuated the Hazara district and retired to the mus'a of Bharkot, where Gulab Singh loyally sent him in leather bags a large sum of money by trustworthy merchants, as well as gunpowder and small pieces of artillery. Qazi Nadir 'Ali Khan was also sent, and remained in constant attendance upon him. In the same way the author's father attended upon Sir Frederick Currie at La hôr, in order to be of service whenever an opportunity presented itself.
The Sardar Sher Singh marched from Multan to avoid the British troops, which were besieging it, by order of his father Chhatar Singh, and after joining the rebels encountered the forces commanded by General Nicholson at Ramnagar, which crossed the Chinab and surprised him early in the morning. His troops fought bravely, but they had to yield at last. The next action took place at Chilianwala in which Lord Gough, the Commander-in-Chief, was present, and used his artillery with terrible effect, but the Sikhs, undaunted by it, followed the heroic example of Shêr Singh who led them, and the contest ceased only when darkness set in. The English remained on the battlefield, and the Khalşa army marched on about two kôs and encamped at the mús'a of Rasul, where, however, difficulties arose, provisions being scarce, whereas they were plentiful in Gujrat. Accordingly it marched there. Colonel Lawrence now informed the author's father that the English meant to strike a final blow at the Sikhs, and that therefore it would be proper to guard all the roads and passes leading to the country of Jamman and Kasmir, and to disarm any Sikhs who might attempt to enter, and to station detachments of troops at Manâwar, Bhimbar, Mirpur, and other localities near the mountains. Tahir Khân, agent for the Mahârâjâ Gulab Singh in attendance on Major Mackison, always communicated the orders of the English officers to the Diwan Hari Chand, who was stationed with the troops at Mîrpûr, from which 'iláqa also the commissariat of the British troops was supplied. At last the great battle at Gujrat took place. The English began the action with artillery, and the Sardar Chhatar Singh attacked one flank with Afghan Cavalry, whilst Shér Singh rushed upon the other. Here Ram Singh Chh&pawala, who firmly and valiantly stood his ground, lost his life. After the Sikhs had been defeated and dispersed, many of them purchased their safety from the officials of Gulab Singh in various localities, but were disarmed and deprived of their horses and elephants. A number of them were captured near the fort of Mangala, and rendered harmless by being deprived of their weapons. The Khålşa troops, who had intended to march to Peshawar, and were now encamped under the command of Chhatar Singh and Sher Singh, unanimously laid down their arms and sued for quarter. The disturbances in the whole of the Pañjab having thus been brought to a conclusion, Mr. (Sir Henry) Elliot, the Chief Secretary to the government in the Foreign Department, held with the consent of Colonel Sir Henry Lawrence a general darbár in the fort of Lahôr, where the Maharaja Dalip Singh was living with all the notables. The annexation of the Pañjab to the British dominions was published, and Dalip Singh deposed.

Page #234

218
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JUNE, 1891.
Some time afterwards Lord Dalhousie, the Governor-General in India, paid a visit to Lâhôr, and sent Dalip Singh to Karachi. Gulab Singh, having remained in Jammun, had no interview with the Viceroy, but when Lord [sic] Napier, the Commander-in-Chief, arrived, Sir John Lawrence went there and conveyed Gulab Singh to Sialkot, where a meeting with the Commander-in-Chief took place.
Mabáraja Gulab Singh, at the commencement of the year 1907,6 travelled via Râmpur to Kaśmir, and Colonel Sir Henry Lawrence and Lady Montgomery and Captain Hudson entered it by way of Nihâl. The Diwan and Ranbir Singh went to receive the party, And Gulab Singh went in a boat as far as Batwara, and lodged his guests in the Kothi Bagh, where he enjoyed their company till they departed on a tour to Skårdô and Ladakh. About this time the auspicious birth of Mian Partab Singh' took place. It was celebrated with great rejoicings, and when Colonel Lawrence departed from Kasmir, the author's father accompanied him as far as La hôr, and then returned to Jammún. Gulab Singh next proceeded in great state with Ranbir Singh, Jawahir Singh, Móti Singh, and other notables to Wazirâbâd. When the party arrived at Suchêtgarh, Mr. John Inglis, Deputy Commissioner of Wazirâbâd, with Mr. Prinsep, met it, and on reaching the cantonment the English troops fired a salute of artillery. At Shahdara, Colonel Sir Henry Lawrence came to meet Galab Singh with Sir Robert Montgomery, Commissioner of Lâhôr, and Lord Napier (of Magdala) who bore at that time the rank of colonel. When the cavalcade approached the cantonment of Wazirabad, Brigadier-General Horsey and other officers came to meet Gulab Singh, and escorted him to his residence. The regiment of infantry and the rasdla of cavalry stationed there were drawn up, and the artillery fired a salute. Mr. [Sir Henry) Elliot, Chief Secretary, with Colonel Sir Henry Lawrence, then paid a visit to Gulab Singh, but for a day or two no interview could take place between him and Lord Dalhousie, the latter having sent excuses through the Secretary that he was suffering from a boil on the leg. When, however, afterwards Gulab Singh proceeded to the tent of the Governor-General, accompanied by the Brigadier and other officials, the troops were drawn out, and a salute was fired. On Galáb Singh's entering the tent the Viceroy went as far as the edge of the carpet to meet him, shook hands with him cordially, and seated him on his right hand. A salute of artillery having again been fired, the distribu. tion of presents began, and the Viceroy spoke in a friendly manner, especially when he bestowed a robe of honour on Ranbir Singh. Then he said : " Your father has risen to his high station under the sway of the late Maharaja Ranjit Singh, whose image he is said to be still worshipping, and I hope that you will, in your turn, be likewise loyal to Her Majesty the Queen." At the same time he handed him her miniature set in a ring. Raņbir Singh replied, that as he had greatly profited by his father's services to Ragjit Singh, he had himself gained ten-fold more from the graciousness of Her Majesty whom he would loyally serve with body and soul. The Diwan received a robe of honour, and obtained, in addition, at the request of Sir Henry Law. rence, a horse with a golden saddle, the Viceroy observing that they were given to him as a reward for his loyalty to the government. When the robe of honour was bestowed upon the Diwan Hari. Chand, Major-General Sir Walter Gilbert, commanding officer of the forces in the Pañjáb, rose, and, addressing the Governor General, said that when the British forces parsned the rebels and crossed the Bhôt River, they could not have effected the crossing so easily nor obtained the aid of the Maharajá Gulab Singh's army without the help of the Diwan. Accordingly he received further presents. Various other officers also obtained dresses of honour, and among them the author of this book. Next day the Viceroy paid a return visit to the tent of the Maharajá Gulab Singh and was met half-way by the Mahârâja, who distributed on that occasion costly gifts and fleet horses. The next day & grand review of the troops took place, after witnessing which the Maharajá took leave and departed to Jammun.
A.D. 1850. * This is the present Maharają, whose father, the late Maharaja Ranbir Singh, died on the 12th September 1886.

Page #235

JUNE, 1891.)
NOTICE OF THE GULABNAMA.
219
In St. 1907,8 the Darda people, who possessed, on the north-western frontier of Kaśmir, the strong and inaccessible fort of Chilas in the mountains, made incursions and plundered the adjacent possessions of Galáb Singh. The severity of the winter prevented their punishment. So he despatched in the spring of the following year Diwan Hari Chand with sufficient forces and officers, including the Wazir Zoråwar, Colonel Bijai Singh, Colonel Jawahir Singh, Půjan Singh, and Diwan Thakurdâs to attack the fort. They accordingly besieged it in spite of its extreme height, expecting to starve the garrison into surrender, but did not succeed. The commissariat of the besieging force was defective, and no provisions were obtainable on the spot, whilst the male portion of the garrison was indefatigable during the night, and the women continued firing musketry during the day. A portion of the troops in command of Colonel Davi Singh Jandiwâlâ erected a stockade in a place called Sangal, but he was attacked in the night by the population of the surrounding district, and in the fight the commander barely escaped with life. Meanwhile the besiegers attempted to take the fort by storm, but the scaling ladders were too short. The garrison burled stones as well as fired upon the assailants and killed about 1,500 of them, among whom were also several brave officers. For all that, however, the besieging force did not lose heart, but subsisted on the leaves and bark of trees for food. During this campaign Gulab Singh's health declined, as he suffered from diabetes, and Ranbir Singh, being stationed at Sôpûr, carried on the administration of the district with the aid of the author of this work, who had been attached to his service. Mean. while the besiegers, who knew that the garrison of the fort of Chilâs would be compelled to surrender if it could be deprived of water, dug a mine, and caused all the water to flow out from the only tank in the fort, whereon the garrison drank oil for three days, and was from thirst ander the necessity of beginning negotiations for surrender. While these were going on the people of the fort began gradually to leave it, whereon most of them were slain or retained as prisoners. The grain stored in the fort relieved the troops from the miseries of hunger but before they departed they burnt the place, taking with them some chiefs of the district whom they had made prisoners, such as Düri Khan, Rahmatu'llah and others. They were however, set free on promising to pay tribute, bat their sons were retained as hostages.
As already noticed Gulab Singh became sick during this campaign, but when the information reached him that his troops were suffering from hunger, he averred that his malady had disappeared and insisted on marching in person to the scene of hostilities. His courtiers dissuaded him, and suggested that any one of them would gladly undertake the duty, whereon he appointed for that purpose Diwan Nihâl Chand and the Pandit Raja Khâk. On that occasion also Jotisht Brajlal, who was a perfect astrologer, came forward, and told him to be of good cheer because the fort of Chilâs had been, or would be taken on that day by his brave warriors, who would find in it boundless stores of grain. The Mahârâjâ was incredulous, but the prediction was nevertheless fulfilled, and he rewarded the astrologer amply.
Having partially recovered from his diabetes, Gulab Singh left Srinagar and went to Jammûn. He was joined during the march by Moti Singh, who had a grievance against the Raja Jawahir Singh and met him at a distance of one farsang from Jammûn. The two Râjâs, Môti and Jawahir, were brothers, and as their dispute could not be settled locally, it was submitted to the English authorities, for which purpose they departed to LÅhôr. From Jammûn Gulab Singh went to Riâsî, which is four farsangs to the north of it, and there he was informed that Santokh Singh, the Thanader of Gilgit, had left the fort with the garrison, trusting to the false promises of the Raja of Nagari, and was slain by the rebels. But Devi Dås commanding the fort of Manawar held out for some time, and at last sallied forth to be killed by his antagonists, who amounted to more than 4000. He had, however, taken the precaution of slaying all the women to save their honour, and then sacrified his own life, fighting bravely. The same fate overtook Bhep Singh who held the fort of Pari, for he too was compelled by hunger to come out and give battle to the Raja of Nagari, who had sworn that he
. A. D. 1850.

Page #236

220
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JUNE, 1891.
would spare the lives of the garrison, but treacherously attacked and slew it, as soon as it came out from the fort. The ring leader of the rebellion was one Gauhar Raḥman who had conquered Gilgit and sold his captives into slavery. He was ultimately subdued.
Jast at this period, when Gulîb Singh's troops were fully occupied at home, Colonel Lawrence sent him a kharita to the effect, that as the rebels of the Hazara district were again disturbing it, he ought as quickly as possible to despatch some forces there. Hesent four regiments which acquitted themselves so well that they earned the approbation of the British government. Meanwhile Jawahir Singh, who was of an ambitious turn of mind, had been reminded by some of his turbulent friends, that when the English authorities settled the government they had not increased his jdgir by adding to it Jasrote with other estates that had belonged to the late Raja Hira Singh, and that his journey to Lähôr had remained fruitless. Maulavi Mazbar 'Ali, who was in the service of Gulîb Singh and had become intimate with Jawahir Singh through 'Abdullah Khân the Afghån, also persuaded him that he might obtain one-half of the dominions of Gulab Singh. This man's intrigues, however, ended in his captare by the English when he was in Peshwar for the purpose of enlisting men in the Swat district and his deportation to the Pañjab, where he was imprisoned. Jawahir Singh then went again to LÂhôr in the hope of inducing Sir John Lawrence to make him independent of Gulab Singh, whose vassal he was, but could not succeed, and so he at last made preparations for hostilities which proved to be of no avail in consequence of the precautions taken by Galab Singh.
The Maharaja Gulab Singh had, on a former occasion, when suffering from his chronic malady, informed Colonel Lawrence of his wish to entrust Ranbir Singh with the entire administration of the government, and had met with the Colonel's acquiescence. Accordingly he placed, on the 6th of the month Phagun, St. 1912, his adopted son Ranbir Singh upon the throne of dominion, and pat with his own hand the saffron-mark on his forehead. The same day also the author of this book was elevated to the rank of Diwin, received a costly dress of honour, and a handsome inkstand from the Mahârâjâ Gulab Singh. The ceremony of installation, to which also the officers of the cantonment of Sialkot had been invited, took place at Mandi, where a darbár was hold, in which all the notables were present, and the father of the author delivered a speech, reminding the young sovereign of his duties towards his subjects, and recommending him to be loyal to the British government. After that day the Mahârâjâ Gulab Singh altogether retired from public affairs, and abandoning all worldly pursuits prepared himself for death. He departed to the delightful abode of Kasmir, and being troubled also by gout in the hip, fainted one day from weakness whilst bathing. Ranbir Singb, having been apprized of his condition, at once hastened from Jammun to pay him a visit. Just then the Parbia troops in the service of the English burnt the cantonments of Mérath10 (Meerut) and Dehli, killed their officers, and mutinies were spreading all over India. The Maharaja Gulab Singh immediately despatched his Diwân to Råwal Pindi, where Sir John Lawrence, the Chief Commissioner of the Pañjab, happened to be at that time, in order to place the whole of his army and treasure at the disposal of the British government as a proof of his loyalty. He also placed the forts in his possession, but more especially the stronghold of Mangala at the disposal of the English troops, and promised to give & cordial welcome to the ladies sojourning in the mountain retreat of Mahî (Murree), who were invited to Kaśmir to remain there in safety. Sir John Lawrence accepted the offer, desired the Diwan Hari Chand to tako command of the troops, and to send ten ldkhs of Srinagari rapees.
When the Maharaja Gulab Singh felt his end approaching, he one day gave instructions to the Paņdit Sib Sankar for the arrangements to be made for his funeral. He also reminded the author of this book that he had been ordered to write a biography of the Maharaja, but had not yet found time for the work, and hod that he would not fail to execute it after his demise. The condition of the Mahåråjâ gradually became worse, and a burning fever attacked
A. D. 1855.
1. On the 11th May 1867.

Page #237

JUNE, 1891.]
FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA; No. 36.
221
him repeatedly, which his physicians were unable to subdue; whereon he gave away as alms one ldlch and twenty-five thousand 'Srinagari rupees, a jágér with a revenue of Rs. 10,000, as well as beautiful gardens, fleet horses, mountain-like elephants, jewellery, and costly garments. He expired on the 20th of the month Sâwan in St. 1914,11 regretted and lamented by all.
FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA.
BY PANDIT NATESA SASTKI, M.F.L.S. No. 36. - The Wise Men of Panganûr ; the Madrasi Gotham.1 A generation or two before Mahamudha, there lived in the kingdom of Punganar a king named Nirbuddhi ('the witless'). Beyond eating, sleeping, and hunting wild beasts, he knew of no pleasures. He was extremely weak in intellect, and as usual was surrounded by equally stupid ministers. Stupidity was the sole possession of His Majesty and the officers of his court; stubbornness and ready execution of orders, their rule of life, and as to knowledge of any thing but what came before their eyes, they had none. One virtue of Nirbuddhi's court was - if it may be termed a virtue that, whatever the sovereign commanded, the court was ready to obey, and that too at the cost of life!
It is the custom at courts, in villages, and at bathing ghats in India, for a Brâhman to read out of a palm-leaf book, generally called the panchang, the asterism, lunar date, &c., of each day, so that people may know them and be careful to perform the prescribed rites so essential for a Brâhman and others of the twice-born caste. In accordance with this rule, a poor Brâhman of Punganûr used to proceed to the palace and read out the particnlars of each day from the panchdng. This he did of hereditary right, as his father and grandfather had done before him, and so there was nothing unusual about it.
On a certain day, just as the king had got out of his bed and sat outside his palace on a cot with a big vessel full of water to wash his face and teeth in, the pañchúng-reading Brahman appeared at his regular morning duty, and read out from a palm-leaf book which he carried under his left arm, thus:
"! This day is Sunday, the fifteenth day of the month of Magha in the year Khara. The lanar day (tithi) to-day is Ekadasi. Ekadast lasts up to the eleventh ghatika. Then Ekadasi goes out, and Dvadasi comes in. The rdhukála (evil time) to-day is at twenty-six and & quarter ghafikas. May there be prosperity to all!"
Having thus read out, the Brahmaņ was slowly closing his oblong book with a stealtby look at His Majesty's face to see how Nirbuddhi appreciated his remarks. But the storm had already began. The royal face changed colour,
"Stop, you mischievous Brahman!" he said.
The unfolded book dropped down, and the timid creature stood shivering with fear and confusion.
“What is the meaning of this stuff that you are daily muttering? You cannot deceive me as you deceive the public, by the holy ashes so profusely smeared over you and your rudraksha beads. You come to my court daily in the morning and mutter that Dvitî ya goes out, Tritiya comes in ; Ekadasit goes out, Dvadasit comes in ; and so on, and so on. I understand! Some one goes out daily and some one comes in without my knowledge; I do not like such a state of affairs in my kingdom. 80 I now order that ceither shall Ekadasi go out, nor shall Dvadasi come in. Will you see to it or not P” roared out the king.
11 A. D. 1857.
1 Relnted by a friend from North-Arcot who had spent a great part of his life at Panganur in the North-Arcot District, . See Tale No. 35, ante, Vol. XX. p. 78.
The eleventh day of a lunar fortnight. • The 2nd, 3rd, 11th and 12th days of a lanar fortnight.

Page #238

222
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
[JUNE, 1891.
The harsh tone of His Majesty made his numerous ministers assemble round him and wait with impatience for the Brahman's reply!
After bowing, he said respectfully :- "Most gracious sovereign !, permit this mean dog from your wide kingdom to say that Ekadasi and Dvadasi are tithis, not to be perceived by mortal eyes, and that it is altogether impossible to prevent the one from going out or the other from coming in."
"Stop your mouth! you vile Brahman," roared out many voices, and for very fear he had to do so.
"Neither shall Ekadasi go out, nor shall Dvadasi come in," roared out His Majesty, and when the Brahman again said that it was impossible, he was at once ordered to jail. A hundred hards wure at once at his throat, and he was pushed out of the palace and thrown into prison.
Then His Majesty thus addressed his chief minister: "Did you hear what that vile wretch said ? That Ekadasi and Dvadasi are tithis, not to be perceived by mortal eyes. Do you think that there is anything in this world which would escape our sight P"
“No, my most gracious sovereign !" said the chief minister.
" Then to business," continued the king; "you must set & strict watch over the town and guard every nook and corner, and see that no person goes out of the town at the eleventh ghaţika to-day, and that no person enters the town at that time.”
i Agreed," said the minister, "I shall keep so strict a guard that even the breeze will find it difficult to move in or out."
"Again," said the king : “Ekadasi and Dvadasi may be jugglers, and they may assu me some curious shapes, and thus, defeating our vigilance, may go out or come in: Take care that no object, either animate or inanimate, brute or mortal, comes in or goes out at the eleventh ghatika. Let the time-announcers be strictly warned to give out every second of each ghaţiká to-day, that you and your soldiers may have your eyes wide open at that exact time."
"All this shall be duly attended to," nodded the chief minister. And many voices were heard extolling the king to the skies at his sagacity in giving such very strict injunctions. His Majesty, not to take up any more of the precious time of his chief minister, ordered him off to his duty, and went into his palace.
The chief minister was entirely lost in admiration for some minutes at the forethought with which the king had given him so many valuable instructions, congratulated himself on his good fortune in having been placed under the benign rule of such an intelligent monarch, and, not to lose any more time in mere praises, got up from his seat. Every soldier in Punganûr was proud of his service that day, and of shewing his zeal and energy in guarding the kingdom, and swore an oath that he might be called a bastard if he allowed the Ekadasi to escape. The minister too was very proud to see so many faithful followers, and, assenabling all the soldiers, arranged them in a circle round the city. Every inch was thus most carefully guarded, and the minister, as he rode round and round, saw many a soldier stretching out his hands and swearing that he would break the head of Ekadasi just as he would a ripe cocoanut, if he would only pass his way. Thus was the town most carefully guarded. The minister went his rounds, and the time-announcers bawled out every second with all their might all day long, and there was only one second more for the eleventh ghatiká to be finished !
* Attention ! Care !" roared out the minister. There was no stir anywhere. Even the elements drended on that occasion the power of the minister and his zealous soldiers !
"Eleventh ghaļika," roared the time-announcer. Just at that moment a rat ran out close by the minister.

Page #239

June, 1891.)
FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA; No. 36.
223
"Ekadasi is going out in the disguise of a rat,” he shouted.
“Catch him, pull him to pieces," responded many voices. But alas ! the rat had already disappeared into his hole in the ground !
"Out upon you, fools! What will our sovereign say when he comes to know that so many of us were on guard to-day, and still allowed Ekadasi to escape ?” mourned the minister.
"No, my lord, let us bore holes and trace out the disguised Ekâdasi," said many voices, and at once the operation commenced.
The news, that, at the exact time declared by the Brâhman, Ekadast in the disguise of a rat had escaped and thus gone out, spread like wild-fire throughout the town. Cursing himself for not being on the spot, the king appeared on the scene, and it was a great consolation to him that Ekadasi had entered into a hole, for, wherever he might have gone, he would trace that hole to its very source and take Ekadasi prisoner. Thus consoled, after a volley of abuse, he told his minister to go and govern his kingdom in his stead, exercising paternal care over every one, until he came back bringing Ekadast prisoner, It might be the work of a few hours or weeks or months or years, but antil the return of the sovereign the minister was to reign over Panganûr. Thus was the matter settled. The minister cursed himself for his carelessness at the elevonth ghațiled and his failure to catch the runaway tithi. However, he consoled himself that he had yet ample opportunities of regaining his lord's favour by good government during his absence in pursuit of Ekadasi.
The king get to work with two hundred of his most faithful soldiers, and went on tracing the holes, for one led into another, and before the close of the day he was over five kôs away from his kingdom. First & rat, then a mouse, and then a bandicoot, would run out and hide itself in another and yet another hole.
"There goes Ekadasi disguised as a mouse, and now as a bandicoot," bawled out the soldiers.
Thus the search continued for several days. Every one worked hard from morn to evc, and rested his weary limbs all night, to begin work with renewed energy the next day. Still Ekadasi remained oncaught, and the soldiers undiminished in their zeal and energy as long as the runaway was yet at liberty and the king in the camp.
Meanwhile the minister, true to his master's orders, governed Punganur as a father would his family. The oppressors were punished, the weak were protected, and justice in the peculiar fashion of Punganûr was administered to every one who asked for it. The ladies in the seraglio of the king were carefully attended to. Orders were issued that the minister was keeping watch over the kingdom day and night, and that every soal might go to him freely at any time, day or night, and claim his attention and service. Thus was the government of Punganûr carried on in excellent fashion, and no one felt for a moment the absence of their gracious king who had gone out in pursuit of Ekadasi. In this way a full month passed, till there came the first night of the second month, and about the eleventh ghafika, when the minister was sitting on the outer verandah of his house, chewing betel-leaves after his supper all alone, and revolving in his mind certain new plans and methods of government to be adopted next day,
Suddenly there came running a maid-servant of the queen, gasping for breath."
" What is the matter? Is the Rani Ammâ well! Quick! Speak!" said the minister, changing colour at the sudden appearance of the woman, and his body perspiring profusely, partly at the fear excited by such an unexpected visit, and partly from the chewing of warm betel-leaves.
“Oh, great minister," gasped the maid, "God alone must protect us. Our Rani always sleeps soundly every night, and as usual went to bed at the fifth ghafika to-night and soon fell into a good snore. We stood round her, fanning her, as is our duty, when at tho seventh ghafiki her snoring stopped and she said hd,' and turning on her left side, began to snore again

Page #240

224
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JUNE, 1891.
as usual. We have never heard her say 'ha' before in her sleep; so I have come running to consult you as to the cause of it," gasped the maid,
The minister pondered a while and said: "The utterance of 'ha' usually succeeds a poisonous bite. I fear that some serpent has stung Her Majesty. But let us not be rash. You had better fly back to her again and continue your strict watch. If again you observe her say ha' in her sleep and turn on her side, report it at once to me. Be off at once to your duty."
The maid ran away, and the minister, thinking it unwise to sleep that night, kept wide awake. If a leaf was stirred by the breeze, he imagined it to be the maid coming in again. And at last even so it was, for she appeared again at the fifteenth ghatika, and reported that a second ha' was uttered in her sleep by the Rani,
"Be not confused! Patience is the motto of great men! Let us hear it a third time, and then we shall be certain that the poison is working. And it won't be too late to commence the cure. Go and watch over Her Majesty,"
Thus the minister again dismissed the maid, but two ghatikás were scarcely over before the maid appeared for the third time, with tears in her eyes and said: "Alas! minister, God is cruel! We are all undone! The Rani uttered ha ha; twice, this time! What shall we do ?"
The minister did not know what to do, and despatched a hasty messenger to fetch the serpent-doctor.
"Say that the minister requires his services to attend on the Râni, who has been bitten by a serpent," said the minister, and off the messenger flew with the swiftness of a kite.
The doctor's house was reached, but he was not at home, for he had gone out on the previous evening to a neighbouring village five kos off, and a messenger went in pursuit of him. Meanwhile the doctor's son, who was also a serpent-doctor on a smaller scale than his father came to the minister.
"Your father is not here then ?" said the minister.
"No, my lord; but he will be here early in the morning; but what does your lordship require? My services are at your disposal. I have been for the last ten years a regular student at the feet of my venerable father," replied the boy-doctor,
"Then," said the minister; "the Rânî is stung by a serpent, You must cure Her Majesty at once of the poison."
"Alas," continued the boy, "I have not yet come to that chapter of the book, but I have heard my father say often that the curing of poisonous bites is an extremely easy thing, provided that the poison has not ascended up to the head, So, as a precaution, I would advise that the head he separated from the body, so as to make sure that the venom has not ascended there. If this advice is followed, the cure may be commenced at any time."
"You are a clever doctor, though still a boy. It is most unfortunate that your studies have not yet reached the chapter on poisons, But let us not be wasting time. Well, maid, go back at once to the seraglio, and without the least disturbance sever the head of the queen from her body and keep it detached. We shall know if the poison has killed her, when the doctor arrives in the morning. Here is my signet-ring, which will stop any one who might want to prevent you from carrying out my orders."
Thus, giving his signet-ring to the maid-servant and sending the boy-doctor home, the minister retired for a short sleep.
The head of the Rânî was, alas!, in strict accordance with the orders of the minister, severed from her body, and in a second life went out of her, for no other cause but that of the

Page #241

JUNE, 1891.]
FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA; No. 36.
225
extreme stupidity of the Punganur State! Morning dawned, and the old doctor with the messenger returned home, bringing with him his bag containing the rare medicines. He was no doubt a clever man in his profession, but his son, who had reached the Punganar standard of wisdom, reported to him the advice he had given. The father cursod himself for having begotten such a son, and his only thought now was how to rescue himself and his son from the consequences of the murder of the Raņi. Luckily, nothing was impossible in the kingdom of Punganar. So, hiding his confusion, he stood before the minister, who took him without the loss of a moment to the seraglio. There the body of the queen lay in its blood, minus its head.
"What do you say now? Pat the head straight at once and begin your cure," cried the minister.
" Alas! most mighty minister ! The maids have been a little careless in placing the severed head. It should not have been placed exactly opposite the trunk. The poison has taken the opportunity to travel into the head by the direct road left open ! There is no hope of life now! If they had kept the head in any other direction but that exactly opposite, I could have opened my bag and ground my medicine. Now even Dhanvantaris himself would find it impossible."
Thus said the old doctor, and put on a mournfal face. The minister believed every word he had said, and so did the maids, and fell to quoting the fatalistic argument that the queen had lived out her destined life. So what was the use of mourning over the past P The dead body must be cremated.
“The dead close their eyes in peace: the living have to undergo all the trouble and expense of cromating the body," As the proverb has it, argued the minister to himself. "The queen is dead. The king is now absent in the pursuit of Ekadasi. He won't return till that wretched tithi is caught. The corpse cannot wait till then. I cannot oremate it in the ground reserved for that purpose ; for this is not an ordinary corpse. The king might think himself insulted. She was his queen, while living. I shall not diminish her honour in death, but will cremate her body in the palace, at the very spot where she died. If a portion of the palace is burnt down, I can easily have it repaired; but it is impossible to repair the displeasure of an enraged king."
Thus pondering and pondering over the subject, the Panganûr minister gave orders for the funeral pile to be heaped npon the very spot where the queen had died, Sandal-wood, blackwood and every costly wood were used : ghf was poured on the pyre in profusion; and none had the courage to gainsay the orders of the minister, or the sense to foresee the evils they would produce. The body was set on the pile, and the fire lighted, and not only the pyre but the whole palace was in flames!
Now, it is considered the greatest of insults in Hindu society, to put out the fire of the funeral pyre until the body is consumed. So, not withstanding that the whole palace was in flames, the minister never thought of putting out the fire.
Pondered he: - "What would the king think of me if I, his minister, - his servant, - put out the fire before the body of the queen was consumed P Let the palace, or even the wbole town, be burnt down; but let no one dare to quench the funeral fire. Thus did he order, and almost half of the town was in flames by the time the body of the queen was entirely burnt. By that time, the fire raged so severely that no one dared to approach it. No amount of ordinary water could quench it. What was to be done ?
Just then a thought came into the mind of the minister, that it would be the winest course to break open the embankment of a big lake five kos long and flve kos broad, situated at the western end of the town and on a higher level! The order was executed in a moment, and a huge volume of water rushed down in full force, and in the twinkling of an eye had carried
6 The god of medicines.

Page #242

226
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(June, 1891.
mer
away almost the whole town, and of course quenched the fire. The minister and other high officials of the State, guided by the instinct of self-preservation, had located themselves, with many others who were destined to live, on the embankment, and were thus saved.
When the body of the queen had been thus cremated, and the fire quenched, the minister thought it his duty to send a full report of his administration to the absent king. He filled several pages with a florid account of his good government, in terms which may be left to the imagination. He dwelt at length on his administration of the Paüganur kingdom since his master bad left it, on the queen's death from the poisonous bite, on the remedies he adopted, on the supremacy of fate, on his own ideas of cremating her body, on its successful accomplish. ment, on the iron band of fate that had set the town in flames, on the course he followed to quench the conflagration, and on the procedure he adopted to relieve the sufferers.
He had two very trustworthy peons under him: one a Nayak, named Kondal Nayakan, and another a Muhammadan damed Miran Ba. These two were jealous of each other, and each wanted to have the honour of carrying the report in person to His Majesty. The minister ohose Miran SA, and giving the document to him, ordered him to proceed to the king.
Great was the joy of Miran SA, not that he himself was chosen, but that Kondal N&yak was not chosen. He took the huge document, tied it in a kerchief round his loins, and marched off in haste. In his joy at the special honour conferred upon him, he walked fast the whole day and almost the whole night, till at last nature began to exert ber influence and overpower his zea). Just at the third ghafilca before the dawn of the second day of his journey, he lay down under a tree to rest a while, and fell into a profound sleep. The spot where he slept was near the kingdom of Kårvêtnagar, and in a neighbouring village there lived a barber, who used every morning to go to the palace of Kårvêtnagar to shave the king; but, however fine and sharp his razor might be, the king always found fault with him for being a bad hand at his work. Now the barber happened to pass by the spot where Mirån SA was asleep, and thought he to himself:
"The king always ACCUACS me of being bad hand at shaving, I shall just test the truth of his marks. Here is person asleep, and if I successfully shave him without rousing him, what doubt will there be then that I am a first-rate barber P"
Thos resolving, he placed his cup with water in it before the sleeping peon and set to work. Firat he shaved Miran SA's board clean off, and twisted up the Muhammadan's moustoobe into the form and out of a Nayak's. He then applied the Nayak casto mark to Miran SA's forehead, and setting a glass in front of the sleeper, replaced bis razor and cnp in his bag, and, glad at heart that he had shaved & sleeping person without disturbing him and that he was a very clever hand at his work, he proceeded to Kårvêțnagar.
A ghalikd or two after the barber bad left, Miran SA awoke from his sleep. He saw his face reflected in the glass in front of him. The Nayak cut of his moustaches, and the mark on his forehead, were prominently noticed by him.
Said he in amazement to himself: "What, after all, the minister has deceived me! I prided myself yesterday that the minister bad sent Miråd Så to the king. Now I see that the person that goes to the king is not Mirån Så, but Kondal Nayakan! Ah! vile minister You have deceived me. You have not sent Mirån Så, but Kondal Nayakan, to the king. However I shall noon have an opportunity of carrying tales to the king. I shall report to His Majesty how you dooolved me, by sending Miran sa first and Kondal Nayakan afterwards. • Thu' argued the transformed Miran Sa, and rose up and proceeded to the king and handed him the administration repert, The king read over the whole document with the greatest imaginable planeere, and was apparently satisfied with every act of his minister! What
The is an extremely fine specimen of Paoganor windom, where a person, forgetting his own identity, imagines to Nimelt that he is different person, and argues to himself as if he were sometimes himself and sometime other.

Page #243

JUNE, 1891.)
FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA ; No. 36.
227
else could the readers expect from a fool who was in pursuit of Ekadasi P At the last page His Majesty stopped and said :
“What a fool the minister is! He has filled so many pages with every possible information, but is silent on a most important point. There were several kinds of fish in the Punganar lake. He has not said a word about them. Where did they go when the embankment was out open P What became of them ? Why has the fool not put in a word about it P"
Just as the monarch finished his last sentence, the transformed Mfrîn SA said: -"Most gracious sovereign, I can give Your Majesty the information needed, for I was that day on the very spot. As soon as the embankment was cat open and the waters rushed out, all the flsh in the lake olimbed up the babal trees which are so numerous on the bank, and building their nests there, are living safe in them at this very momenti”
Thus said Miran Sả, or Kondal Nayakan, as you may choose to term him. The king was highly pleased, as he was sure to see his fish in their nests on the babuil trees on his return to his kingdom! For the great consolation thus given him in good time, he appointed Miran sa to the minister's post and ordered him to govern Punganar in his absence, and degraded the minister who had omitted to remark on the fish in his report. Thus Miran SA, withont any effort of his own, got the minister's place, and receiving the ordor, started back for Punganúr But all the way he was in great doubt as to who had been made minister - Mirau Sx or Kondal Nayakan! "God niust descend from his high place in heaven to clear up such a doubt!" said he, as he returned to Punganer, and took his seat as Viceroy of Panganur.
While all these changes were taking place, Ekadasi remained unoaught. The more they Bearched, the more distant seemed the hope of ever catching him. Sometimes he took the form of a bird and flew away, and sometimes he was transformed into a bare. Thus there was no end to his jugglery, transformations and transmigrations. The king had already been in pursuit of him for nearly a year, and there was still no hope of Ekadast being caught, and of the king returning to Punganûr.
In the Karvôțnagar State, there lived an intelligent Brâ hman who had long been witness of the mad acts of Nirbuddhi, and it seemed to him that there would be no end to them. He pitied the stupidity of the monarch, and wanted to convince him of his foolishness by a simple example. He hired a palanquin and half a dozen bearers. Seating himself in it, he ordered the bearers to carry him with a loud sing-song howl through Nirbuddhi's camp.
"If the king asks you who goes in the palanquin, tell him that Ekadaki, the Brahman, rides in it."
Thas instracting the bearers, the Brahmaş proceeded in his palanquin, and Nirbuddhi heard & great sing-song howl near his camp.
“Stop that palanquin! Who is he that dares to ride in it so boldly, notwithstanding that Our Majesty is encamped here P" Thus said the king, and the bearers replied as already instructed by the Brahman.
Thought the king :-“Blessed be my life to-day! I have been searching almost a whole year for Ekadast! This Brahman, who is named after him, must be able to give me some olge as to how to catch him.”
Tbus thinking, he saluted the Brahman, and requested him to help in catching Ekadasi:
The Brahman came down from the palanquin, and said: "Mont gracious monarch! We are all men. Rkadakt is a god. We cannot catch him. Sinop you have been in pursuit of him, he has been to Punganur twenty-four times, and returned back to his palace."
“What!" said the astonished king. “How can he go to Pungandr, whilo so many of us are pursuing him P I saw him last evening running away as a hare."
Quite true: there had been tapadle is the interval

Page #244

228
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JUNE, 1891.
“No, my supreme lord ! you are wrong. Can you prevent the sun from going to Punganûr by all your vigilance ? It must go and return every day : is it not so ? Even so Ekadasi travels with the sun, and appears once on every fifteenth day at Punganûr as the sun appears there every day."
This simple illustration at last convinced the king, that I his efforts to catch the Ekadasi were a mad-man's project after all! He returned to his kingdom, and, appointing Êkadabi, the Brahman, as his minister, reigned for a long time. Owing to the intelligence of this minister, the kingdom improved a little, but they say that it took several generations for it to reach the level of the intelligence of its neighbours !
10
18
:10
MISCELLANEA. THE SINES OF ARCS IN THE
Siddhanta it is made equal to 120' (or perhaps PANCHA-SIDDHANTIKA.
degrees). Now we find Ptolemy, in his table of I have just seen Prof. Thibaut's Panchasid- right-lines' or chords, divides the radius into 60 dhuintiku, and would call attention to ch. IV., parts (or degrees') and subdivides them sexagesi. translation, pp. 23, 24. In éll. 6-11 we are told that mally for the values of the chords of each arc. the 'sines' of the twenty-four aros are -'7 The Paulida Siddhanta had followed the same minutes 51 seconds, 15 minutes 40 seconds,'&c. system, if it did not derive the actual values Comparing these values with those given in the from Ptolemy, by the shortest and best way, Sarya-Siddhanta, we remark that, if wo read dividing the area by 2, while retaining the values degrees and minutes instead of minutes' and of the chords as the simplest method of presery.
seconds,' we have rather more than double the ing the exact values of these ratios without fracvalues giren for these sines in later astronomical tional parts of a minute. The agreement is shown works: in fact we find that the radiusor sine of 90° in the following table, where the arcs' are multiis in the Sarya.Siddhanta made 'equal to 3638' or ples of 3° 45' in the Hindu table of sines, and of -7° 18' or the chord of 60°; but in the Pauliba. 7° 30' in Ptolemy's table of Chords: No. of Pao-Siddh. Ptolemy's No. of Pa-Siddh. Ptolemy's No. of Pao-Siddho Ptolemy's arc. sines. chords. aro. Bines. chords. aro. sines.
chorde. 17° 51' 7° 50'54"
91
66° 40 66° 40'. 711 17 107° 38' 107° 37' 30 15° 40' 15° 39' 47"
73° 3 | 73° 3' 5" | 110° 53' 110° 51' 52 23° 23° 23° 24' 39" 79° 7 790 7" 18"
113° 33' 113° 37' 54" 41 31° 3' 30" 84° 51' 84° 51' 10"
115° 56' 115° 54' 40" 38° 34' 22" 90° 13' 90° 13' 15"
117° 43' 117° 41' 40 45° 56' 45° 55' 19" 14 95° 13' 95° 1291 22 119° 0 118° 58' 25"
53' 5' 5,3° 4' 29" | 15 99° 46' 99° 46' 35" 23 119° 45' 1190 44' 36" 8 60° 0' 60° 0
16 103° 56' 103° 55' 23" || 24 120° 1' 120° 0 0 From this it will be seen that most of them irregular they are, especially towards the end of agree to the nearest minute, and only a very few the series, - a proof of slight errors in the sines differ by a full minute; and in the case of the themselves. 4th we must suppose an error in the text, as it
From sl. 1 of this chapter IV., we find = V10 differs from the radius. The others may have
or 3-1623, and the circumference being 360° this arisen from errors of computation when fractions
gives the radius equal to the arc of 56° 55': are rejected, or from inaccuracies in the MS.
the Surya-Siddhanta makes this 57°18' or 3438', Whether the values are to be expressed in minutes
and employs this as the sine of 90°, which is a and seconds, as Prof. Thibaut has rendered his
distinct and important advance on the method of text, or in degrees and minutes, must depend on
the older Siddhanta. the manuscripts; all that is meant by these in Ptolemy and this Siddhanta is equal parts of the
Lastly, the ratio of 57° 18' to 120° being nearly radius or diameter, and nothing of the nature of
as 21 to 44, or, better, as 191 to 400, the Paulisa
Siddhanta values of the sines may be compared arcs. The differences too of these sines, given in áll.
with those of the Sarya-Siddhanta, by multiply.
ing the former by 21 and dividing by 44; or 12-15, are also included in Ptolemy's table, and he explains their nse for interpolation. No use more accurately, by multiplying by 191 and divid
J. BURGE98. is assigned to them in the Siddhanta: but if the icg by 400. second differences are noted it will be seen how Edinburgh, 24th March 1891.
001C"

Page #245

JULY, 1891.)
THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI.
229
THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI. BY E. SENART, MEMBRE DE L'INSTITUT DE FRANCE. Translated by G. A. Grierson, B.O.S., and revised by the Author.
(Continued from p. 170.)
CHAPTER IV. THE AUTHOR AND THE LANGUAGE OF THE INSCRIPTIONS. TT has been my intention, when undertaking this re-investigation into the epigraphical 1 monuments left by Piyadasi, that it should not be concluded without bringing together the Conclusions to which they lead or of which they furnish the essential elements, both from the point of view of history and chronology, and also from that of palæography and grammar. It is the varied problems which these curious inscriptions raise, and to the solution of which they contribute, that give them such inestimable value. We cannot well leave them aside. We shall have, in turn, not only to sum up results arrived at, but sometimes, also, to offer new remarks.
The task divides itself naturally into two parts; the first devoted to tho author of the inscriptions, his date, his character, his administration, his moral and religious ideas, - in short, his place in historical development, and the second dealing with paleographic and linguistic facts, and the information derived therefrom regarding the literary culture of ancient India.
I. - THE AUTHOR OF THE INSCRIPTIONS. A number of chronological and historical problems are connected, directly or indirectly, with our inscriptions and their author. The end which I have in view does not compel me to take up all, and I desire to limit myself as much as possible to summing up and classifying the items of information that the edicts, which we have passed in review, contain.
Three questions force themselves at first upon our attention as being of importance for further investigations. We must know if all the inscriptions, on which we have commented, belong certainly to the same author; who that author really is; and in what chronological order the epigraphic documents which he has left us range themselves.
Regarding the first point, doubts can only arise with respect to the inscriptions more lately discovered at Sahasaram, Rupnath, and Bairat. The author calls himself simply by the epithet of Devanampiya, and omits the proper name Piyadasi. No one can doubt that all the others emanate from one and the same person. Wilson has indeed put forward a singular theory on this subject. According to him, the different inscriptions were probably engraved by local sovereigns. or by influential religious personages, who, to give themselves more authority, have usurped the celebrated name of Piyadasi ; but this hypothesis depends upon so many errors of translation and apprehension, is so evidently contradicted by the unity of tone which reigns throughout all the edicts, by their perfect agreement and the natural way in which they complete each other, and has besides found so little echo, that it appears superfluous to pause for its consideration.
The same is not the case with regard to the doubts which have been raised by competent judges touching the origin of the Edict of Sahasaram and Rupnath. It is known already that I do not consider these doubts to be any better founded than the others. Dr. Bühler, when pablishing this edict for the first time, clearly shewed most of the reasons which lead us to refer
It is, of course, impossible in such a matter, when new contributions are frequently issuing from competent hands, to keep one's own particular work up to date. In these concluding chapters, however, I have tried to avail myself of auch new comments as have appeared since the conclusion of my own, whenever they bore upon some topic which necessarily came under consideration. I refer specially to the article, throughout at once learned and ingenious, which Dr. Pischel has devoted to my
Dr. Pischel has devoted to my first volume in the Göttinger Anzeigen, and to the Beiträge wur Erklärung der Afdka inschriften published by Dr. Bühler in the Zeitschrift der D. Morgenländischen Gesellschaft which are here quoted according to the continuous pagination of the reprints. J. R. A. 8. XII. pp. 249 and ff.
8 ante, Vol. VII. pp. 143.ff.

Page #246

280
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JULY, 1891.
this inscription to the same Piyadasi as he who was the author of all the others; and it is useless to go again over the considerations which he has so well put forward. I have in the examination just concluded, indicated a new reason, drawn from chronological considerations, which could not have struck Dr. Bühler, because it depended on an interpretation altogether different from that which he has proposed. I must here repeat and complete my demonstration, and this will be an opportunity for passing in review the dates, unhappily too rare, which the king furnishes for certain events of his reign.
According to the 13th Edict, the conversion of Piyadagi should date from the ninth year after his coronation. It was immediately after the conquest of Kalinga that there awoke in him, under the direct impression of war and its horrors, the intense desire for the dhanma. With this it is important to connect a piece of evidence in the 8th Edict, of which every one, myself as well as other interpreters, has hitherto misunderstood the bearing.
Since my commentary appeared, this passage has been the subject of two revisions, one by Pandit Bhagwânlal Indrajis and the other by Dr, Bühler. The important sentence is the third. It runs as follows at Girnar: 60 dévánaripriyo priyadasi roja dasavasábhisitó saihto ayáya sabodhi. The text is practically the same in the other versions, the only difference consisting in the substitution of nikhami (or nikhamithd) for the verb ay dya. The construction and translation of the Pandit cannot be sustained, but Dr. Bühler has made some very just objections against my interpretation, although in his turn he has missed the translation which I now consider to be the true one. It is impossible to credit Piyadasi (as I have indeed always carefully abstained from doing) with pretending to have attained to the Perfect Intelligence, and it would be hazardous to admit that a term so important as sambidhi could have been used, at the date of Piyadasi, in a sense so widely different from its technical employment, which is testified to by the whole range of Buddhist literature. It is also certain that the phrase sanbodhin nishkrántur could hardly be rendered as meaning 'to attain to the Intelligence.' I translate it, therefore, exactly as suggested by Dr. Bühler himself '(der König) zog auf die rabodhi aus,' - '(the king) put himself on the way, set out for the sarnbodhi.' But we must adhere to this translation, and not substitute for it, as my learned critic does immediately afterwards, another interpretation which spoils the sense, he put himself on the way, with a view to, on account of, the sarabodhi.' We recognize here a simple variation of an expression familiar to Buddhist phraseology, saibódhiri prastha tu, 'to set out for the Perfect Intelligence put oneself on the way for the bôdhi.' As is proved by the passages of the Lotus, the expression is commonly applied to men who, tearing themselves from lukewarmness and indifference, engage seriously in the practices of a religious life, or, as we should say, of devotion, the final aim of which is, in the eyes of every orthodox Buddhist, the conquest of the Perfect Intelligence. It is to this idiom that the king here refers ; he himself applies it to himself; and, if he has slightly modified it, it is to render more obvious the double meaning which he bad in view. He wishes to connect more clearly this ideal march towards perfection with the tours and excursions of former kings, by means of the very real tours and excursions to which he had been inspired by his religions zeal. It is, therefore, to his conversion that Piyadasi here alludes, and thus the fact is explained that he can give a positive date to 'tours' which he would often have to repeat.
I have only to make reservations concerning some of the details where my interpretation differs from that of my learned predecessor. For instance, the word ahala, which means simply, as I believe I have shown, nourishment, alimentation, cannot be quoted to establish the Buddhist inspiration of the passage, although that inspiration is incontertable and proved by more solid arguments. I do not now speak of the chronological question, with which I shall shortly deal.
5). R. 4. 8., Bo. Br., XV. pp. 982 and A.
I now believe that this is certainly the correct reading, and that the anusuára is only imaginary. This idea of reading aylya, which agreed badly with the nikhami of the other texts, contributed not a little to lead me astray at first as to the true sense of the passage.
1 Burnouf, Lotus de la Bonne Loi, pp. 316 and ff.

Page #247

JULY, 1891.]
THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI.
231
We henceforth find ourselves, so far as regards the conversion of the king, in the presence of two dates; the 13th Edict giving his ninth year, and the 8th his eleventh. Now, it is just the Edict of Sahasaram, the mearung of which we have already explained on purely philological grounds, which does away with and explains this apparent contradiction. We have seen that the king, after a first conversion, remained during more than two years and a half,' in a lukewarmness with which he subsequently bitterly reproached himself. If we admit that the conquest of Kalinga and the conversion which accompanied it ought to be placed eight years and three months (i. e, in the ninth year) after the coronation of Piyadasi, his actual and decisive conversion, being more than two and a half years later (say for example two years and seven months), would exactly fall in the eleventh year, as indicated by the 8th Edict. The agreement is so perfect, and accounts so completely, not only for dates, but even for the expressions (sambódhiri nishkrántur) designedly employed by the king, that I am persuaded that the verbal interpretation on which it rests is this time really definitive. We shall shortly deal again with other features which appear to me to furnish further verification of it, but at present we are entitled to draw one conclusion, - that it must be admitted that the 8th and the 13th Edicts refer to the same person as the Edict of Sabasaram-Rupnath, and that this édict certainly emanates from the same sovereign as all the others.
But as I have already shewn in explaining the 6th Columnar Edict of Dehli, this is not the only coincidence. The king declares that he only commenced having his religious edicts engraved in the thirteenth year after his coronation; as a matter of fact, none of the group of inscriptions formerly known either carries or implies an earlier date. The Sahasarúm tablet itself (cf. Sah. n. 2.), being written more than a year after the second conversion of the king, ought to belong just to the commencement of the thirteenth year. Now, it alone speaks of the religious edicts as in the future, and, as can be seen from my translation of its concluding words, it contemplates their execution. It directs the representatives of the king to engrave them both upon rocks and upon columns, and it is thus almost certain that this edict and its fellows were the first, — they are certainly among the first, which their author had engraved. They relate to his thirteenth year, and this is another strong reason for believing that this author is no other than that king, the author of the inscriptions of Dehli, who commenced in his thirtecuth year to have inscriptions of the same class engraved.
Regarding the two other dates with which the king supplies us, we have at present nothing to say, except that they agree very well with the preceding ones. He mentions the thirteenth year of his coronation (3rd Edict) as that in which he organized the anusarnyánu, which was thus one of the first manifestations of his religious zeal; and he tells us that he created in the fourteenth year the office of the dharmamahamátras.
These chronological indications are, it is true, too rare to satisfy our curiosity, but they at least suffice to allow us to answer with full confidence the first of the questions which we have just put. It is certuin that all the inscriptions which we have examined must be referred to one and the same author. Who was that author ?
He gives himself no other name than that of Piyadasi, Priyadarbin, usually accompanied by the adjective devånam priya, 'dear unto the devas.' Sometimes this epithet alone is used to designate him. Whether, daring the epoch of the Maaryas, this title had the extended application conjectured by Dr. Bühler® or not, it is certain that it is only an epithet, and
• vis., the 14 Edicts; the Columnar Edicts; those of Dhauli and Jaugada; of Sahnearám, Rūpnath and Bairat, and of Bhabra; and the inscriptions of Barabar.
Bühler, Beiträge, VIIIth Edict, n. 1. In the first line of this edict (at KhAlel, Dr. Bühler's new materials allow him to read atikamtaria antalan davanıthpiyd vihalayatas nama nikhamisu (at Kapur di Giri, also, the true reading is dtuananipriya instead of java jaraya). It looks as if devanartupiya corresponded here purely and simply to the rajano of GirnAr and Dhauli. Dr. Bühler, adopting the opinion of Pandit Bhagwanlal Indrajt (u. Bo. Br., R. 4. 8., Vol. XV. p. 286, and Ind. Ant. Vol. X. p. 108) considers that this epithet was a title which, at the epoch of the Mauryas, all kings bore without distinction.

Page #248

232
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JULY, 1891.
that the real name is Priyadarsin. This name, which does not appear in any known list of kings, naturally much embarrassed Prinsep. Since, however, Tarnouri shewed that Asoka, the grandson of Chandragupta, received sometimes, and specially in the Dípavarisa, the name of Piyadassi or Piyadassana, I do not believe that the identification proposed by him has ever been seriously doubted,11 The publication of the complete text of the Sinbalese chronicle has only given his proof a higher degree of certainty.12 Although all the reasons which he advances are not equally cogent, 13 still the conclusions of Lassend on this point remain in general impregnable.
Dr. Bühler has attempted to give him a precise date, by shewing that there existed a perfect agreement between the chronology of the Sinhalese books, and that of the inscriptions. These suggestions are founded upon an interpretation of the Edict of Sahasarâm-Rupnath, which, as has been seen, I consider inadmissible. Ingenious as they are, they fail in their foundations. Everything rests upon the translation of the text in question, to which I will not revert here: but I must add that, on the one hand, the interpretation of the 13th Edict which has become possible since the article of Dr. Bühler was written, and, on the other hand, the more exact interpretation of the 8th, oppose insurmountable difficulties to his attempts at chronological adjustment.
The only date which we are permitted to take as a starting point, the only really authentic date for the conversion of the king, is that which the king's own inscriptions give, that is to say, at the earliest, the ninth year of his coronation and not the fourth as given for the conversion of Asoka by the chronicles. This correction would place the Edict of Sahasarâm, if we accept as exact the date of 218 for the coronation of the king, at the earliest in the year 260, and not 256, of the nirvana.16 We must, therefore, at the very first give up this exact agreement between the traditional dates and the so-called monumental dates which Dr. Bühler has sought to deduce. I would add here, in opposition to the interpretation proposed by that eminent scholar for the first phrase of the edict, one last observation, which I should have fully developed in my commentary on the passage. Intent on establishing from a chronological point of view harmony between the sense which he draws from the inscriptions and the traditions given in the Sinhalese books, he has not considered the profound contradictions which he creates in other respects, not only between this ediet and the traditions concerning Asôka, but between the edict and our other inscriptions, which he nevertheless, like us, refers to the same anthor. How is he to reconcile the inscription which would shew the king remaining more than two and thirty years and a half without displaying his zeal,' and the chronicle which attributes to him, from his seventh year (see below), all the manifestations of the most indefatigable religions activity? What agreement can there be between such an inscription, and all those edicts according to which the most characteristic of his religious institutions, the anusarnyána, the dharmamahámátras, &c., belong invariably to a long anterior epoch of his reign, – to his thirteenth or his fourteenth year? Was he neither active nor a zealot, when he insisted with so much energy on the necessity of effort and of the most persevering zeal (VI, in fine; x, in fine, &c.) P; when he himself proclaimed his efforts (parákrama, parákránta, &c.) as incessant (Girnar, VI, 11 ; X, 3, &c.)?
10 J. A. S. B. 1837, pp. 790 and ff., 1054 and ff.
11 The paper of Latham (On the date and personality of Priyadarsi, J. R. A. 8., Vol. XVII. pp. 273 and ff.) and his whimsical attempt to identify Priyadarlin and Phrahate, deserve notice only as a curiosity.
12 Cf. Dipavamsa, ed. Oldenberg, VI. I, 14, &c.
13 It is not, for example, in any way oertain that the Ediot of Bhabra is necessarily addressed to the third commcil held, according to tradition, in the reign of Asoka. Cf, subter. On the other hand, certain new proofs can be added : for instance, that the tradition of numerous edicts of religion,' dharimaup., is indissolubly connected with the name of Abóka. See the Asoka-avadana in Burnouf, Introduction, p. 871, &c.
14. Ind. Alterth. Vol. II, p. 233.
18 Dr. Bühler, however, clearly recognized that, in the absence of specific statements, the years of Asoka are, in the Sinbalese chronicles, calculated from his coronation. Instances like Dipavamsa, VII. 31, not to cite othera leave the point in no doubt.

Page #249

JULY, 1891.)
THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI.
233
I should not dwell on this point at such great length, were I not confronted by so high an authority as that of Dr. Bühler. I believe that I have expressed myself sufficiently clearly to shew that the agreement put forward by him rests upon weak and crumbling foundations ; but should we, therefore, conclude that we must give up all hope of finding any points of contact, between the details furnished by the monuments concerning Piyadasi and the Sinhalese traditions about Asoka, which would be of such a nature as to confirm the identification of both forced upon us by so many other considerations? By no means. But we must give up the hope. of finding them in a date which is in my opinion imaginary. claiming to be expressed in the era of the nirvana. On the other hand, I believe that the chronicles have, in certain points of detail, under the name of Asoka, preserved memories of our Piyadasi sufficiently accurate, not only to allow an agreement to appear clearly, but even to contribute usefully to a more precise explanation of certain passages, in our monuments, which are a little vague. The Mahávansa and the Dipavainsa note the conversion of Asoka to Buddhism as an event of high importance. They attribute it to the intervention of his nephew Nyagródha, and surround it with circumstances which are not of a nature to inspire us with an implicit confidence in their account. But the general fact alone interests as here. The two chronicles agree in making it occur in the fourth year after the coronation of the king 18 That is, as we see from the monuments, an error of four years and a fraction : we shall deal with it immediately. To the same period they refer the conversion of the king's brother, Tishya, who held the position of uparája, and who betook himself to a religious life.17 What interests us more, is to find that the tradition, almost void of religious incidents in the interval, fixes at about three years from then, in the seventh year of the coronation,19 an important and significant event.
It is evident that the capital fact in their eyes, the very kernel of the story, the occurrence which gives it its character, is not the inauguration of the eighty-four thousand stúpas raised by order of the king, which is the part most loaded with miracles, and by itself the least credible. The moment is certainly decisive in the life of Asoka ; for from that day, according to the Maharashsa, he received the name of Dharmagoka:10 it is in short the first time that he
16 Dipavarsa, VI. 18, 24; Maharashsa, p. 23,1. 3.
17 Jahiv. p. 34, 1. 7. I may ada, en pissant, that the Dipavarra, it it does not enter into any detail regurdin this conversion, at least contains a reference to it in a passage of which Dr Oldenberg appears to me to have mis. understood the meaning. I refer to the mnemonic verse, VIL 81,
Tiņi vassamhi Nigródh chatuva seamhi bhataro
chhavassamhi pabbajito Mahind) A sokutrajo Dr. Oldenberg translatos and fills up the sense as follows:--"When (Asoka) had completed three years the story of Nigrodha (happened), after the fourth year (he put his) brothers (to death), after the sixth year Mahinda, the sou of Asöka, received the pabbuja ordination." There is nothing to object to in the first and third dates, but for the second his interpretation is inadmissible. The two chronicles agree iu plucing, as indeed is probable, the murder of Asoka's brothers immediately after his accession to the throne, and present itaeth principal method which he employed for assuring his power. We should have to understand 'four years before his coronation,' whilo the other datos, as is natural, take the coronation as a terminos d yuo. That is incredible. It is only necessary to take bhálarú for it invular, which is nothing extraordinary in the language of which this verse gives a specirnen, and to translate in the fourth your of his coronation, his brother (i. e. Tishya, the vic) untered a religious life.'
1 Aud not in th: sixth, as appears from a passage (Mah 20. p. 37, 1. 5), which would thereby contradict xblicit former statements. The same follows clearly from the same ntap adik? (loc. cit. p. 306), according to Whio! Asikit is in the tenth year of his coronation, three years after the ordination of Mahendra. The samu conclusio! follows on a comparison with the Dipava i 80, according to which Mahendra, who was ten years of age when his father came to the throne (VI, 21), had accomplished twenty at the moment when he renounced the world (VIT, 21) Dr. Oldenburk has wccordingly well translated the expression chha vassamhi Ashkassa (VII, 92), 'when Aboka bad completed wix years,' and it is perhaps this phrase, which would make everything agree in the tradition of the Mahi. was, which wo should substitute on p. 37, 1. 5, for the expression chhatthé vased, although the same reading reappears in the new edition of Sumangala (V, 21). As for the propriety of this translation for a phrase like chharas.
be seen from the Dipavanissa, VII, 31. which we have just been considering, that this idioin van be used both to mark a current year (e. g. in chatunassamhi, which must mean 'in the fourth yeur'), as well as to mark the number of yeara passed, as in tri () vassamhi, which can only mean ' after threo years hnd passed.
19 The same statement is also found in a verne cited by the Atka-aradana from the Dirya-avadhna (Burnout, Introduction, p. 374), which in the same passage remarks that 'the king had not long been favourably disposed to the law of Buddha,' a clear allusion to the first conversion.

Page #250

234
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JULY, 1891.
appears to us making a public profession of his religious belief ,20 it is then that he shews the genuineness of his devotion to Buddhism in the most decisive way, by making his son Mahêndra, and his daughter Samghamitra, enter into the religious order. Everything invites us to consider that here was really a serious evolution in the religious career of the king.
In the narration of these incidents, the principal fact, on which all the others, and in particular the ordination of the king's son, depend, which is described to us in all detail, and to which the chronicler evidently gives a particolar importance, is the State Visit which the king pays to the saingha in the midst of which he takes his seat: - samghamajhambi atthâsi vanditvå samgham uttamam.21
One cannot help here recalling to mind the passage in the Edict of Rūpnâth and Bairat (perhaps the same expression is also employed at Sahasaram, but a lacuna renders the point doubtful), in which Piyadasi refers to his second and definite conversion. It will be recollected that the reading proposed by Dr. Bühler is in the one ai sumi haka saighapapite, and in the other an mamaya sainghé papayité. I have already explained why I am unable to accept his translation, as involving the idea that the king entered into the community and became himself a monk. If we take the words, in the meaning I have proposed, as referring without metaphor to a real material entering into the Assembly Hall, then we have here an allusion to the very ceremony which the Mahávamsa describes to us. The king could well refer to it a year subsequently as a known event, for it had been solemn and striking enough for its memory to be preserved living for so long afterwards. All the difficulties which surrounded the first interpretation of the phrase fall together to the ground; and this agreement would be decisive, if the state of the preservation of the inscription permitted an entire certainty. As we have it at present, it appears to me to receive a remarkable confirmation from a comparison with the 8th Edict.
We have seen that the 8th Edict refers to the same moment of the life of the king, to the same date, and the same event. Now, there again, the idea of the conversion of the king is associated by him with the memory of 'setting out' from the palace, of an excursion' out of it. No doubt the expressions used by the king are before all inspired by the Buddhist phraseology about
setting out for the bodhi,' but this word-play, and the comparison with the pleasare excursions of his predecessors, only become really nathral if his conversion is connected by an intimate and close bond with the excursion' which he describes immediately. It is clear that this kind of 'excursions' must have become habitual to him.22 It is equally clear that the commencement of this practice, the first example of these excursions,' is closely associated in the king's mind with his active conversion to Buddhism, and in the expression by which he commemorates it, while admitting that the description does not refer exclusively to the visit narrated by the Mahdvarea, several traits (samanánari dasané, hirannapatividhané, dharmánusasti, dharmaparipuchhd) agree perfectly with it, and really appear to preserve its memory. These coincidences of detail between the Sinhalese chronicle and our edicts seen to me to be remarkable and instractive, but at the same time I do not pretend to exaggerate their certainty. What is sure is that tradition has more or less obscurely preserved the memory of two stages which were said to have been traversed in his religious life by the king whom it calls Asoka, the first corresponding
20 In the narrative of Buddhaghôaha (Samantapdaddila, in Suttavibhanga, ed. Oldenberg, I. 304), the miracle whtoh shows to the king the 84,000 stipae at once, has for its object to make him altogether believing (ativiya buddhasanand pastddyyati); at that period, therefore, his faith had great need of being stimulated.
21 Mahdv. p. 85, 1. 8.
n I am at present much inclined to believe that this idea is expressly contained in the last sentence of the edict that bhiyali ought to be taken in the sense of again,' and that it is necessary to understand: 'in the future this virtuous pleasure is again (i.e. has been, and will be on occasions) the portion of Piyadasi.' I should then prefer to take dhammaydird in the preceding sentence as a singular, as a kind of collective which should embrace probebly several series of excursions. It is true that the pronoun td of most of the versions seems to indicate the plural; but sd or end of Girnar, the most correct of all, requires the singular. In any case, and in either sense, it will be necessary, therefore, to admit an inaccuracy.

Page #251

JULY, 1891.]
THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI.
235
to his entry into the bosom of the Buddhist church (upásakatvani), and the second marked by his State Entry into the assembly of the clergy, by the ordination of his son Mahendra, and by the application to the king of a name at once new and significant. Tradition separates them by an interval which corresponds exactly with that (more than two years and a half) which is vouched for for Piyadasi by his epigraphic evidence. Such a coincidence could not be accidental, and it is perhaps the more striking because it rests after all upon a fact of secondary importance.
It is true that this agreement is not free from certain limitations. The Sinhalese chronicles attribute to the fourth year ( always couuting from the coronation ) the conversion which the 13th Edict attributes to the ninth; and they place in the seventh year, that which, according to Sahasaram and the 8th Edict, belongs to the eleventh. Here there is certainly an error, and the source is not difficult to discover. According to the chronicles, the coronation of Asoka falls in the fifth year, that is to say, four years and a fraction ( to us indeterminate ) after he took possession of the throne. It is evidently this period which, wrongly deducted, has troubled the figures of tradition. As I have previously remarked in dealing with the Sahasarâm inscription (n. 2), this error could be introduced in one of two ways. Either the coming to the throne and the coronation, which may have been in reality simultaneous, have been subsequently separated, or the writers have at some time or other erroneously taken the coming to the throne as the point from which to count the traditional dates, and not the coronation of the king. "Then in reducing tradition to a continuous system, with the coronation of the king as its initial point, they have been led to contract one or more of the periods given for the various events of the reign, by the space of time elapsed between his coming to the throne and his coronation. Several reasons lead me to incline to the second explanation.33 It is hardly probable that Buddhists would have invented in all their details the incidents which, according to them, marked the youth of a king whom they held in such high esteem. The agreement with our inscriptions which we shall prove subsequently, is rather of a nature to heighten in a general way the authority of the Sinhalese tradition. The manner in which Piyadasi dates his inscriptions from his coronation, seems to indicate that that date was not the same as that of his coming to the throne. Finally, if the intermediate period between his accession and his coronation wete an arbitrary invention, it would be surprising that there should be allotted to it, - instead of a period expressed in round numbers - A period evidently very precise, which we are in a position to ascertain with approximate accuracy. For, according to the inscriptions, the first conversion is referred to the first months of the ninth year, say 8 years and 2 months after the coronation, and the second to the last months of the eleventh, say 10 years and 10 months after the coronation. The common quantity which must be deducted from these figures to refer the first event to the fourth year, and the second to the seventh, can only vary between 4 years and 3 months at a minimum, and 4 years and 7 months at a maximum. If, therefore, we conjecturally place the coronation at 4 years and 5 months after the accession, there is a great chance that we shall not be very far wrong.
To sum up:- I believe I am entitled to draw from the preceding discussion a general conclusion ; vis., that, in spite of a certain error in the Sinhalese chronology, an error which is
23 Dr. Kern, in Geschied. van het buddh. II, 298, wishes, it is true, to set the Sinhalese tradition in contradiction with itself. From the passage of the Mahaviathaa (p. 28, 1. 2) in which it is said that the father of Abbks supported 60.000 Brahmans, and that he himself did the same for three years, be concludes that, in reality, the coming to the throne and the coronation occurred at the same time; as, otherwise, it would have been during seven years, and not three, that Asoka would have preserved his preference for Brahmans. But that is taking an unfair advantage of the chronicler. Everyone, I believe, has always considered that, taking all the dates as starting from the coronation of the king, be did just the same here, and the page has always been understood as meaning' during three years, after his abhisheka.' There is no reason for abandoning an interpretation, which every one has found sufficiently natural to accept at once, without even considering it necessary to stop on passant. It will be perfectly justified, if necessary, by comparing with the verse of the Mahavamad, the expressions of Buddhaghosha in the introduction to the Samantapdaddika (8uttavibhathga, ed. Oldenberg, I. p. 800).

Page #252

286
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JULY, 1891.
clearly explained by a mistake in the starting point of the calculation, there exists between the written tradition and the monumental data a striking coincidence ; 24 and this coincidence does not allow us to doubt that the events related on one side about Piyadasi, and on the other side about Asoka, concern in reality one and the same person, designated under different names.25
It is, therefore, correct to maintain, as has long been done, that the Piyadasi of the monuments, and the Asoka of literature, are really the same king. That is the second preliminary point which we had to establish.
It now remains to determine the chronological order of our inscriptions.
A fixed point from which to set out is given by the 6th (columnar) edict of Delhi. The king declares that it was in the 13th year from his coronation that he had the first dhammalipis engraved. It is not easy to decide the exact extension which the king gave in his own mind to this expression. It is allowable to doubt if Piyadasi had intended to include under this letter, as relating to religion, short inscriptions such as those of the caves of Barabar. All that we can say is that hitherto none, even of this class, has been discovered which belongs to an earlier date, the two most ancient dedications of Barabar dating exactly from this thirteenth year. It is also certain that all the edicts now actually known to us belong to the category of dhammalipis; and as a matter of fact none of them is earlier than this thirteenth year, which is referred to by so many different monuments.
The Edict of Sahasaram-Rupnath,27 later by more than a year' than the active conversion of Piyadasi, also belongs to the commencement of this thirteenth year. It should be the most ancient of all, because it speaks of inscriptions on rocks and on columns as a desideratum, as a project, and not as an already accomplished fact. The execution of this project, however, must have soon followed. The fourth of the fourteen edicts is expressly dated the thirteenth year; but the fifth speaks of the creation of dharmamahámátras as belonging to the fourteenthIt is the same with respect to the columnar edicts. The first six are dated in the 27th year, and the seventh (7--8) in the 28th. Now, this last is missing in most of the versions. It is only preserved on the Dehli column. It is, besides, less symmetrically engraved than the others and the greater portion runs round the shaft.
Under these conditions one is tempted to conclude that, on the same monuments, the edicts" have been engraved at various times, according as the king judged it opportune to promulgate new ones. This conjecture would appear to be confirmed, so far as regards the rock edicts, by the fact that Dhauli and Jaugada, which agree with the other versions as regards the first ten edicts, have not the corresponding readings for the eleventh, twelfth, and thirteenth. This absence of a portion of the edicts can be explained by the theory of successive additions.
I quote here only as curiosities one or two instances of agreement in spirit between certain passages of the chronicle and certain idioms of our inscriptions. For example, the question which the king addressed to the samgha (according to Dipar. vi. 87), although unfortunately obscured by the alteration of the text, causes us, by the word ganana, to think of the final sentence of the 3rd edict. When we read, at verse 28 of the same chapter,
Itobahiddhapasande titthiyê nfnfdiṭṭhikê sárásarah gavêsanto puthuladdhi nimantayi,
we cannot help thinking of the 12th edict, and we are tempted to translate, after this analogy (sárására, like phali phala), 'seeking the essence of each doctrine.' This would be a singularly precise remembrance of Piyadasi's manner of speech aud thought. It is again a phrase commonly used by the king which the Samantapásâdiká employs (apud Oldenberg, loc. cit. p. 305), when it represents that Moggaliputta, at the moment when he induces the king to cause his sou to enter a religious life, is penetrated by this thought, såsanassa ativiya vuddhi bhavissatiti.
25 The use of birudas appears to have been at this epoch particularly common. Cf. Jacobi, ZDMG, XXXV. 669. 2 The correct interpretation of this phrase shews theerror of the opinion expressed by Lassen (Ind. Alterth. 112. 227), according to which this edict would be dated from the 13th year of the king.
27 It may be noted that the Barabar caves possess those inscriptions which are nearest of all to Pâțaliputra and that the Sahasarâm inscriptions are the next nearest. Barkbar is about 40 miles due south of Patna, Sahasrâm is about 60 or 70 miles to the south-west of that city. Pitaliputra was situated on the banks of the old river Son on a narrow spit of land between the Son and the Ganges. Sahasaram is close to the upper reaches of the Son.-G. A. G.

Page #253

JULY, 1891.)
THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI.
297
But this idea is contradicted by several considerations. The most important is that which results from the presence of the 14th edict, in all the versions, and from its tenor. It snffices merely to allude to this. It is clear that, if the references contained in this edict could bave been added to the series of inscriptions which precode them, it is becanse the whole has been considered as forming one ensemble, and must have been engraved at the same time. The amplifications to which the king alludes, do not appear to refer to verbal differences in the text of any particular edict. The variations of this kind between the differen versions which we have noticed are not worthy of being pointed out in this manner. They can only refer to the number of edicts, greater or less, as the case may be, admitted into each series of inscriptions. This pre-supposes a deliberate choice, and excludes a gradual and successive growth of each whole. The presence of the 14th edict. moreover, implies that the inscription is considered as definitely closed. It leaves no opening for any future addition. There has been discovered at Sõpårå, - the ancient Surpâraka, a little to the north of Bombay, - a short fragment of the 8th of the fourteen edicts. We have no means of recognizing to which of the categories alluded to by the king, -amplified versions, abridged versions, and versions of moderate extent, the group of edicts of which this fragment made a part, belonged. But at any · rate, there is no appearance that the 8th edict engraved was separately in this locality; and the
conviction of the learned and ingenious Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji, a conviction based on various indications, is that this fragment has been detached from an extended whole, analogous to the other collections of eleven or fourteen edicts. I may add that in general tbe arrangements of the edicts is too symmetrical to raise the idea of accidental and successive additions. The changes of handwriting even are hardly apparent, or at least, where they can be allowed to exist, for example, at Khålsi from the 10th edict, they do not correspond to the grouping which would depend on internal arguments founded on dates (group composed of I-IV), or on comparison between different versions (group composed of XI-XIII).
There is, therefore, every reason to believe that, where a certain number of edicts are united in a series, the whole has been engraved at one and the same time, and that, as a consequence, the inscription cannot be older than the latest date mentioned in the whole. Thus the 3rd edict, which bears the date of the 13th year, was probably, in the versions which have come down to us, not engraved before the 14th, to which the 5th edict refers.
Whatever may be the result of this argument, it appears to be without practical importance. There is no reason for believing that the king ever ante-dated or committed an anachronism, 28 and we are, therefore, entitled to maintain that the edicts, supposing them to have been reproduced at any epoch of his reign, have beer faithfully given under their original form ; and that so far as their dates go, they have the force of documentary evidence for the date which each carries. I may add that the indications furnished both by the fourteen edicts and by the columnar edicts, entitle us to conclude that the different tablets follow each other in the exact order of their original promulgation.
This settled, we have little else to do than to record the dates which are given, directly or indirectly, for each of our inscriptions. The edict of Sahasaram-Rapnath is the most ancient of all, and goes back to the thirteenth year dating from the coronation. The 4th of the fourteen edicts being lated in the thirteenth year, edicts 1 to 3, which precede it, belong certainly to the same time, and, in the third, we have, in a manner, the deed of institution of the anusanyána, which this edict, therefore, refers to the thirteenth year. The conclusion is not without interest on account of the 2nd edict, so important as regards the foreign relations of Piyadasi.
23 Laasen (Ind. Alterth. II, 253 ff.) has justly remarked that the inscriptions in which Piyadasi congratulates himself on religious successes gained in foreign countries and above all in the Greek kingdoma, suppose a sufficient interval between the conversion of the king and the date of the inscription We shall shortly see what kind of influence it must have been that Piyadui exercised over the Greek kingdoms. It will suffice for the present to observe that as bin conversion, even if we take as the starting point his active conversion, dated from the end of the 11th year, there remains, between this time and the most ancient inscriptions (2nd ediet) which refer to bis foreign relations, an interval of two years, which is sufficient.

Page #254

238
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JULY, 1891.
If the 3rd edict constitutes this contemporary foundation charter of the anusarnyána, there is every reason to believe that it is the same with the 5th edict with respect to the
harmamahámátras, and that both the tablet and the office date from the fourteenth year. The following tablets up to the 14th contain no more chronological indications. They can all belong to the fourteenth year, and are certainly not of earlier date. The 12th, for example, mentions the dharmamahámátras. As for the 8th, which alludes to the second conversion of the king, and places it in the eleventh year, nothing compels us to consider it as contemporary with that fact, any more than the 13th is contemporary with the conquest of Kalinga : my corrected interpretation of the passage gives on the contrary, in the last sentence, a positive reason in favour of its later origin.
Taking it altogether, the date of the fourteenth year for the group of the 14 edicts appears to me to be very probable. The detached edicts of Dhauli furnish us in this respect, if not with a decisive proof, at least with a presumption of value. Towards the end of the tirst of these edicts, Piyadasi declares that he will cause the anusarnyána (see below) to be held every five years. This manner of speaking is only intelligible if the inscription is contemporary with, or at least very shortly posterior to the origin of this institution. Now the date of this, origin is fixed by the 3rd edict as the thirteenth year. The fourteenth year would, therefore, be a very probable date for the passage in which the king thus expresses himself, and this would necessarily imply that edicts 5 to 14 which precede it, are themselves not posterior
to it.
As for the columnar edicts, the six first belong certainly to the twenty-seventh year, because the first, the fourth, the fifth, and the sixth bear this date. The last (VII. – VIII.) belongs to the succeeding year. They give us the last expression which is accessible to us of the ideas and intentions of the king.
Between them and the series of the 16 edicts, we have nothing but the dedicatory inscription, No. 3 of Barabar, which is dated in the twentieth year. It is much to be regretted that there is no date given in the inscription of Bhabra. I know no means, as yet, of supplying this silence of the text. All that I dare to say is that, judging from some details of phraseology, it rives me the impression of being nearer to the rock edicts than to the columnar ones. If it is not contemporary with the 16 edicts and with the edict of Sahasaram-Rupnåth, I cannot think that it is much posterior. At any rate, it is altogether arbitrary to defer it to the later times of the reign of Piyadasi, and to place it, as Mr. Thomas has done, without any proof other than a pre-conceived theory to which we shall subsequently refer, after the edicts of the twentyeighth year.20
These facts, however incomplete, have a great value for us. It is important to bear them well in mind, in order to avoid more than one cause of confusion. They suffice to clear away, by unpregnable arguments, certain adventurous theories.
The ground now seems sufficiently cleared to allow us to pass to the examination of the historical questions which interest us.
The first is naturally the question of date. All literary sources, of whatever origin, agree m representing Asoka as the grandson of Chandragupta. The double identifcation, of Charidrayupta with the Sandrokottos of the Greeks, und of Asoka with our Piyadasi, only allows us to search towards the middle of the 3rd century for the poch of our inscriptions. So far as I can see, they themselves only offer us a single clue for arriving at a more precise date. I refer, as will be readily understood, to the synchronism furnished by the names of the Greek kings. Its exact value cannot be appreciated witliont forming a general opinion as to the relation entertained by Piyadasi towards foreigu nations, and as to the degree of authority which we should nccord to his evidence on this shinnt.
>> On the Early Faith of A süku, J. R. A S., X. X., IX, pp. 204, aud ff.

Page #255

JULY, 1891.)
THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI.
239
This evidence is scattered through the 2nd, 5th and 13th of the fourteen edicts, and in the second separate edict of Dhauli-Jaugada.
In this last passage, Piyadasi expresses himself in a general manner, and without specifying any nation; he describes to his officers the conduct which they should observe towards the frontier populations, not incorporated in his dominions:
These instructions are summed up in the expression of his will that his representatives should learn to inspire his neighbours with an entire confidence in his sentiments and his intentions, that they should persuade them that he only wishes for their welfare, that he desires, so far as he is concerned, to assure them happiness and peace, and that he is like a father to them; he wishes that this conviction may dispose them to observe the dharima, so that they may thus deserve happiness, both in this world and in the next.
Elsewhere, in the 13th edict, the king contrasts with his forcible conquests the peaceful conquests of the dhama, – of the Religion. It is on these last that he congratulates himself. They are possible, both in his own dominions and amongst all foreign nations (savésu antésu). "Among them are the Greek king named Antiochus, and to the north of (or beyond) that Antiochus, four kings, Ptolemy, Antigonus, Magas, Alexander; to the south, the Chodas and the Pandyas as far as Tambapaņņi; in the same way, Hidaraja (?). Amongst the Villas and the Vrijis, the Yavanas and the Kambojas, the Nabhakas and the Nabhapamtis, the Bhojas and the Petênikas, the Andhras and the Pulindas, everywhere are followed the teachings of the religion spread by Piyadasi. And wherever messengers have been sent, there also, after having heard the teaching of the dhanma, .... people practise the dharma ....."
In the 5th edict reference is made to a more direct action, to the duties of the newlycreated dhanmamahámátras. They must occupy themselves with all sects, for the establishment and progress of the dhashma, and for the advantage and benefit of the faithful of the (true) religion; amongst the Yavanas, the Kambojas and the Gandharas, the Rastikas and the Petonikas, and the other frontier populations (áparárhta), they should occupy themselves with the soldiers, with the Brahmans and with the rich, with the poor and with the old, for their advantage and their well-being, so as to put away obstacles from the faithful of the (true) religion.30
* I cannot join in the opinion of Dr. Bühler (p. 38), either as to the manner of dividing the sentence or as to the interpretation of the term dharmayuta. The word occurs three times in a few lines, and each time Dr. Bühler gives it a different application, or even a different meaning. At line 16 (of KbAlei) he understands hitasu khaye dharma. utasa as moaning for the happiness of my faithful subjects ;' in the same line, dharmayutaye apalibodhdyd, 'for suppression of obstacles referring to the law;' and in the following line, vijitasi mama dharmayutusi, 'in my faithful kingdom.' In itself this method is perplexing. There is no special information to be deduced from the 1st passage. The construction at least is perfectly clear. As for the 2nd, one should not forget that, instead of dharmayutaya, G. has the genitive plural, dharmayutanam, and K. the genitive singular dharmayutasa; the inevitable conclusion is that in kb. and in Dh. we must take the dative in the sense of the genitive (we know how these two casos have been confounded in the PrAkrita), and translate for the suppression of the obstacles for the faithful people. In the third passage we cannot construo together vijitasi and dharmayutasi. This is forbidden by the position of the two words separated by mama, by the certain reading of Dh., savapathaviyam dharmayutasi, and by the construction of the rest of the sentence, both members of which, being terminated by iti, refer certainly to persons and consequently suppose in dharmayuta a collective noun of person. (For the juxtaposition and, if I may use the expression, the super-position of two locatives, cf. higher up in Dh. 1. 26, a passage which will be shortly explained, and Col. Ed. IV, 8, baharu panasatasahaedou janari...). I confess that hesitation appears to me to be impossible. I would add that the above, joined to a comparison with Col. Ed. VII, 1-2, where the same construction occurs, confirme me in the explanation which I have given of Col. Ed. IV, 6. It remains to determine the exact sense of dharmayula. Dr. Bühler Bees in it a title of the people who lived 'under the law of Piyadasi, -of his subjecta in fact. The constant use of dharma in a different sense in the first place rendera this interpretation somewhat unlikely; but the expression of Dh., savapathi viyath dhashmayutasi, proves that the dharmayuta (he or they) did not belong only to the empire of Piyadasi; the same conclusion necessarily follows from the former passage which places the dharmayutas among the apardntas. I can hence only adhere to my translation. It appears to me to be borne out by the recommendation made on the columns to
exhort the dharmayutas,' and elsewhere,' to teach, to exhort, the yutas.' From the passage in Dh. 1. 26 (1.16 in kb.), it is clear that the dharmayulas comprise men zealous for the dharma, firmly established in the dharma, addicted to alms.

Page #256

240
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JULY, 1891
The name of Antiochus reappears in the second edict, Everywhere, in my empire and also among foreign peoples (práchaita) such as the Chôdas, the Pandyas, Satiyaputa and Kêtalaputa, as far as Tambapanņi, Antiochus, the king of the Yavanas, and the kings who are his neighbours, 31 every where has Piyadasi spread abroad remedies of two kinds33...... everywhere useful plants have been imported and planted. So also with regard to roots and trees. On the roads, wells have been sunk and trees have been planted, for the convenience of animals and men.'
The last passage is most vague of all. I mean that phrase in the edict of SahasarâmRûpnâth which declares that the proclamations (sávana) of the king have for their aim, that all great and small may display their zeal, and that foreign peoples (amta) themselves may be instructed.'
I have laid all these extracts before the eyes of the reader, as it is important to compare them carefully in order to decide what conclusions may follow from them.
—
In the first place, one cannot fail to observe two groups of peoples who are evidently intentionally distinguished. They comprise, on the one part :
2ND EDICT.
The Chôdas, the Pandyas, Satiyaputa, Kêtalaputa, Tambapanņi, Antiochus and his neighbouring kings.
And on the other part:
5TH EDICT.
The Yavanas, the Kambojas, the Gandharas the Râstikas, and the Pêtênikas.
13TH EDICT. Antiochus, the four kings who are to the north of (or beyond) Antiochus, Ptolemy, Antigonus, Magas, Alexander, and, to the south, the Chôdas, the Pandyas, Tambapanņi, and the Hida-king (?).
13TH EDICT.
The Visas, the Vajjis, the Yavanas, the Kambojas, the Nâbhakas, the Nâbhapamtis, the Bhôjas, the Pitinikas, the Andhras, and the Pulindas.
The members of the second set are distinguished by the epithet aparantas,33 that is to say 'westerns,' while those of the first set are called pratyantas or simply antas, and it is permissible to believe that it is particularly to these that the instructions given by the king, in the second detached edicts of Dhauli and Jangada, refer.
giving. The passage cited in the text shews an instructive shade of difference; among all the religions, the dhammamahêmátras must occupy themselves with the well-being of the dhammayutas. This refers to the dominions of Piyadasi: amongst aparântas, who were, as we shall just now see, less strictly dependent on the king, they had to watch that they met no obstacles, or in other words that they enjoyed complete religious liberty. This observation agrees exactly with the sense which I have maintained for dhammayuta. The punctuation which Dr. Bühler proposes after apolamt appears to me to be inadmissible. It is not possible to construe y/nakan: b jogadhalinam with hitasukhaye, because, in Dh., we have the locative gamdhalêsu. This locative shews clearly that the genitive has only been introduced in the other texts to avoid an accumulation of locatives in the same sentence. It becomes certain that yonakambijagaṁdhalanam depends on bambhanibhésu, etc. As for making it depend, as genitive or as locative, on dhammayutasa, that is repugnant both to the ordinary flow of the construction and to the analogy of parallel sentences: they all commence with the indication of the object or of the scene of action imposed upon the dhammamabamatras: savapásmḍêsu.... bamdhanabadhass.... hida cha... iyam dhammanisitati....
31 Dr. Bühler contests the reading såmipa in G., but his reading adminam cannot be admitted. After a new direct inspection of the stones I see no reading more probable than sdmtpd, so that I can but abide by my interpretation.
32 The sense of medicine' and not of hospital' (Bühler) is alone admissible here. Not only is there proof wanting of the equivalence of chikichha and of argyaidla, but the erection of hospitals by Piyadasi in Greek territories is hardly likely the analogy of the words following, viz. roots, medicinal plants, useful trees, is altogether in favour of the first translation. We should, I think, adhere to it.
88 It is impossible to take, with the learned Pandit Bhagwanlal Indrajt, áparâmta as an ethnic term designating some particular province (J. Bo. Br. R. A. 8., XV, p. 274); the expression ye vapi amñé parâmtå forbids this. It should not be forgotten that the spelling, at least at G. and at Dh., is aparata; by this long & the word is marked, just like prachamta, as a secondary derivative. It may be remarked, en passant, how well the special meaning attributed to aparanta (Cf. Lassen, I, 649; II, 932) agrees with the position which I assign, under the sceptre of Piyadasi, to the populations compressed under this term.

Page #257

JULY, 1891.]
THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI.
241
The two groups are nowhere mixed np in the same sentence, and the relations of the king with each appear to have been perceptibly different. Amongst the aparántas, the Yavanas, &c., Piyadasi expressly gives a positive protective mission to his dhaiman.ahámátias (5th Edict). He afirms that they (that is to say, without doubt, a number of individuals amongst them more or less considerable) conform to his teaching of the dhamma. Towards the antas, on the contrary, he only directs his representatives to show themselves as kindly neighbours (Dh. J. det. Ed. II.), or refers to them (XIII) as an object of religious conquests. He marks them sharply as exterior to his empire (antingri avijituna, Dh. J. det. ed. II. ; vijitamli..... évamari prácaratesu ... 2nd Ed.). The direct action, with reference to them. on which he congratulates himself, is limited to the communication of medicines and useful plants. This could be carried out by merchants or ambassadors, and does not argue, like the institution of dharmanahámatras, a tie of dependence, nor does it imply any very close connexion. It is evidently because the antas include the most distant populations that he says at Salasarim,-'that the antas thenselves should be instructed.' In short, I believe that this category, included in the first group, represents the foreign nations, completely independent of Piyadasi. The second, that of the áparántas, is made up of the tribes distributed along the western frontier of his empire and over which he exercised, not an absolute dominion (for he appears to dread obstacles to the free expansion of his co-religionists), but a suzerainty more or less effective. The best proof that the two sets of people were not in identical situations with respect to the king, is that he distinguishes between the Yönarâjas, i.e. the Greek kings, with their subjects, and the Yônas, whom he classes with the Kambojas. These last, not being included in the independent kingdoms, must necessarily have been more or less immediately dependent on the power of Piyadasi.
I hence conclude that, if the language of Piyadasi is not always sufficiently clear and explicit, it is at least exact and truthful. He does not seek to exaggerate the degree of his saccess. For example, regarding the Greek kings, in one passage he states simply that lie has distributed medicines and useful plants even over the dominions of Antiochus, which is in no way improbable; and in the other, he mentions the five kings amongst the lords of foreign countries in which he has endeavoured to spread the ilharima. Regarding them he affirms nothing as to the practical results which followed. This reserve induces us to be circumspect in the interpretation of his words, and to refuse to admit lightly hypotheses which are based on alleged inexactness or misunderstanding on his part.
We can then safely take, as a point of departure in the chronology of Piyada i, the synchronism which the enumeration of the five Creek kings offers to us. Only the most decisive arguments would authorise us to conjecture, as has been done by Lassen, 34 that the king has mixed ap different times in his inscriptions.
The texts are perfectly simple and distinct. In the 2nd Edict, he speaks of Antiochus and of kings his neighbours, in the 13th of Antiochus again, and of four Greck kings who are to the north of (or beyond) his kingdom, - Tuzamaya, Antêkina, Maka, and Alikasadara. It is impossible for us to decide whether the neighbours" of Antiochus are the same kings as those who are mentioned by name in the 13th Edict. In itself that is hardly probable, for, as we shall see, those would be very remote neighbours indeed, to whom it would have been by no means easy to despatch medicines and useful plants, and moreover it is not specified that Greek kings are intended. The reading alanıné of Khalsi, and arañe of Kapur di Giri, would do away with all hesitation; but it appears, according to the revision of Dr. Bühler, that Khálsi had not alaine but aine, and that the other reading depends only on an error of General Cunningham. The same is the case with regard to K. It nevertheless appears to me more probable that the neighbours' of Antiochus in the first passage are not the four kings specified in the second. However that may be, the transcription of their names has not been controverted;
* Ind. Alterth. II, 353 and ff.

Page #258

242
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JULY, 1891.
there has always been recognized, in them, a Ptolemy, an Antigonus, a Magas, and an Alexander. One is immediately tempted to seek for them, at least for the two last, in the countries which would not be too inaccessible to Hindis and to their sovereign, but the royal qualification, which is expressly attributed to them, forms an obstacle even if we could (which has not. been done) find these names as those of governor's or Satraps in a region somewhat in the neighbourbood of India. We have no knowledge of Greek kingdoms of which they could have been the sovereigns.
It is certain that the relations of Piyadasi with the Greek world were not posterior to the l'evolt of Diodotus, and to the creation of the Greek kingdom of Bactriana (about 255 B. C.); for he would have found this prince on his way, and would have mentioned him; and the proposed identifications, which have, hitherto been Duiversally accepted agree with this postulate. Antiochus II. of Syria (200-247), Ptolemy Philadelphus (285-247), Antigonus Gonatas of Macedonia (278-242), Magas of Cyrene (d. 258), and Alexander of Epirus (d, between 262 and 258),35 were all alive and reigning contemporaneously between 260 and 258 B.C. On the other hand, the efforts of Piyadasi, whatever may have been their exact extent, to spread abroad his mural and religious ideas, must, as Lassen (loc. cit.) justly remarks, have been posterior to his conversion, - we can now add, to his active conversion, that is to say, the second one at the end of the eleventh year after his coronation. As the 2nd Edict belongs to the thirteenth year, we are inevitably led to conclude that his twelfth year corresponds to one of the years 260-238 B, C., say, to take a mean, to the year 259. This calculation would fix his coronation at about 239, and his coming to the throne at about 273 B. C.
If we add to these figures the period given for the reigns of his predecessors, Bindusara and Chandragupta, even by the authorities which prolong them the most, i.e. 28 and 24 years, we come to the date 325 B. C., as that of the usurpation of pover by the latter. This date is in no way incompatible with the statements of classical writers : we do not know the precise year in which Chandragupta assumed the title of king, and if we accept the tradition related by Justin36 to be correct, he should have been in a position to do so from the moment when, having escaped from Alexander's camp, he commenced to collect bands of men around him. The statements of the Hindus regarding the two reigns agree too little amongst themselves, to counterbalance the anthority of the synchronism which we derive from the evidence of inscriptions. If we take as a basis of calculation the period of only 24 years given by several Puranas37 to the reign of Chandragupta, we come to 322 as the year in which he seized his power. At any rate, in my opinion, the calculation which would be the most arbitrary and the most venturons one, would be to suppress the interval of four years between Asôka's coming to the throne and his coronation, which is borne witness to by the Sinhalese chronicles. I have already shown my reasons for this. As for Lassen's procedure, which commences with giving, without any positive proof, the commencement of Chandragupta's reign in the year 315, in order to calculate the date of our inscriptions, and thereupon to charge Piyadasi with alleged inaccuracies, 38 - it is evidently the reverse of a sound method.
Unfortunately we get no information regarding the details of the relations which Piyadasi held with the kings of the Grecian world. It is probable that they were specially close with Antiochus, bis neighbour of Syria. The connection between the two kingdoms had been traditional since the time of Chandragupta and Seleucos. Although ancient evidence has preserved for is the name, Dionysius, of an ambassador, or at least of an explorer, sent to India by Ptolemy Philadelphus, - tbe Ptolemy to whom Piyadasi alludes, - it may be doubted if this allusion refers to direct relations, which appear hardly probable any more than with Magas, or with
# It may be romarked here that, as feeble exchange for the light which its history receives from Greece, fadis, by its monumenta, londs bere a useful indication to Greek chronology. It becomes, in fact, certain that the doubtful date of the death of Alexander, the son of Pyrrhus, is not anterior to 260. Justin, XV, 4.
# Wilson, Vishnupur., Ed. F. E. Hell, IV, 186, note & . Ind. Alterth, 1, 264

Page #259

JULY, 1891.)
THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI.
243
Antigonus and Alexander. It may be asked, whether it was not through Antiochus as an intermediary, that Piyadasi had knowledge of the other kings whom he enumerates. The time available for the journey of his emissaries, if they were specially despatched by him, - say about a year and a half. — would sarcely allow them to push so far forward into Hellenic soil, and just about the period to which our edict relates, between 260 and 258, Antiochus II. found himself, by his designs upon Thracia and by his struggles in the Mediterranean, brought into relations more or less anfriendly, but certainly very active, with the sovereigns of Egypt and Cyrene, and of Macedonia and Epirus. 39
Wbatever may have been the details, one point appears to be reasonably incontestible, - that the thirteenth year from the coronation of Piyadasi corresponds nearly to the year 258 or 257 B. C., and that consequently the coronation occurred in 289 or 270. This date, and the correlative dates of the conversions of Asoka, of his inscriptions, &c., are the only ones which appear to me to be legitimately deducible from our texts; for the alleged date in the era of the nirvana at Sahasaram-Rûpnith rests, in my opinion, on an illusion and a mistake.
To sum up: - It is now possible to assign to Piyadasi, with sufficient precision his chronological position. That is one of the principal reasons for the great interest which attaches to these monuments; but it is more especially to the history of religious ideas that they appear to promise valuable items of information. It is strange that documents, relatively of such extent, and in which the religious sentiment is so overruling, should not have long ago cut short all hesitation regarding the inspiration by which their author was guided. Yet not only has Wilsont ventured to dispute the Buddhist faith of Piyadasi, not only, in much later times, has Mr. Edward Thomas l endeavoured to prove that, before becoming a follower of Buddhism, Piyadasi had been subject to other convictions, that he had at first adhered to Jainism, - (these attempts partly rest on grossly inaccurate interpretations and are moreover anterior to the last discoveries at Khálsi, Sabasaram and Rapnåth, which have imported new elements into the debate), - but, which is much more serious, Dr. Kern has also, in spite of his greatly superior knowledge of the documents, and subsequently to the public cation of the last edicts, appeared to be dangerously near to allying himself to the opinion of Mr. Thomas. He has at any rate sought to prove, in the doctrinal evolutions of Piyadasi gradations, the last expression of which, in the Salasarâm edict, manifests, according to him, all the symptoms of a veritable madness. Here again the suggestion results from certain incomplete interpretations; for Dr. Kern too hurriedly adopted the first translation proposed for the text of Sahasaram-Räpnath. It must, nevertheless, be admitted that our monuments suggest a religious, as well as a chronological, question regarding which it is necessary for us to be explicit. This question appears to me to be susceptible of categorical answers.
I can only, in several respects, refer to the results arrived at in the foregoing, and to what I have already attempted to demonstrate, especially with regard to the chronological classification of our inscriptions. It is clear and uncontested that, at the period to which the edict of Bhabra refers, Piyadasi is a declared Buddhist. Unfortunately, as we have seen, this edict bears no expressed date, and contains in it no element of information, which would allow us to date it with certainty. It is nevertheless of essential importance for deciding the question with which we are now dealing. It is evident that, until reasons — positive objections — are discovered to the contrary, & piece of evidence so precise should be accepted. It would be conclusive even if the absence, elsewhere alleged, of documents, of categorical statements, awoke suspicion, Bat there is no room for even this uncertainty.
Oar inscriptions divide themselves into two principal gronps, the first, including the Edict of Sabasaram, and the fourteen edicte, belongs to the thirteenth or the fourteenth year; the second, consisting of the columnar edicts, refers to the twenty-seventh or the twenty-eighth. We
Droyson, Gesch, des Hellenisme, IT, p. 814 and 1. # JR. A. 3. N. 8., IX. p. 186 and f.
+ J. R. A. 8. p. 288 and
Kern, loc. cit. p. 809 note.

Page #260

244
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
have seen that the former group of these inscriptions alleges two successive evolutions in Piyadasi's religious life, the first in the ninth, and the second towards the end of the eleventh year after his coronation. We have now to determine the two poles, the point of departure, and the point of arrival. Regarding the former, I believe that no one has any hesitation; the leading statement in this respect, in the text of Sahasarâm-Rûpnath, has not perhaps all the clearness we should wish; but, whether the translation proposed by me, or that of Dr. Bühler is accepted, it cannot be doubted that, in this first period of his reign, previous to the prohibition of bloody sacrifices (1st edict), Piyadasi had, as the written traditions affirm, accepted the supremacy of the Brahmans. On the second point, there is no longer the same agreement. The king declanes that he has become an upúsaka; 43 this word can indicate a Jain layman, as well as a Buddhist one; nevertheless, the manner in which we find it used at Bhabra, where it is certainly applied to Buddhism, ought à priori to incline us towards the same interpretation here. Doubts have been inspired by the use of the word vivutha at Sahasarâmı, and by the idea that this inscription might not emanate from the Piyadasi who was author of the other edicts. The latter are dissipated by the certainty we have now acquired, that all our edicts must be referred to one and the same author; and the former must fall with the purely arbitrary interpretation proposed for vivutha. Whatever reserve may be advisable with regard to the expression sam he papayité, or whatever be its true reading, it is clear that the king mentions here certain relations which his conversion has established between him and the samgha; that word can designate nothing but the Buddhist clergy; the Edict of Bhabra shews moreover, that this application of it was well established from the time of Piyadasi. We have, however, another proof still more decisive, the passage of the 8th edict, in which Piyadasi speaks of his practical and active conversion. He defines it by saying that, in the eleventh year from his coronation, he set out for the sambodhi.'45 No doubt as to the meaning is here possible. The word sambodhi inevitably links Piyadasi with Buddhism. Before it was fully understood, the expression appeared to imply a usage of the word different from that which is authorised by literature; but the more exact interpretation, which I have given above, does away with all difficulties; it establishes, on the contrary, a curious agreement with the literary nse of the equivalent phrase sambodhi prast hátum, to which the passage refers.
[JULY, 1891.
It is, therefore, certainly to Buddhist ideas that Piyadasi was converted. But did he become unfaithful to them? Did he subsequently vary in his opinions? The second group, that of the columnar inscriptions, is very far from furnishing the slightest pretext for such a conjecture. The one which it was deemed possible to draw from the first phrase of the Cth edict, is quite illusory. Nay more; the passage in question, understood as I believe I have shewn If the that it should be understood, turns directly contrary to any hypothesis of this description. king referred expressly to his dhammalipis of his thirteenth year, it is certainly a proof that his ideas regarding the dhamma, his religious opinions; had not in the interval undergone any essential change. Besides, when the two scries of inscriptions are compared, the absolute identity of tone and style, the common allusions to the same deeds and the same institutions, the perfect resemblance between the moral exhortations, are such that only the strongest and
43 I do not speak of the word såvaka which Dr. Bühler restores at Rûpnâth. I have already explained why I do not consider this restoration as admissible.
One
4
It will be understood that I here refer to the translation of Dr. Oldenberg. I may be permitted to take this opportunity to add, with regard to that of Dr. Bihler, a remark which I had omitted in the proper place. of the arguments which he brings forward to uphold the meaning of the passed,' which he attributes to virutha, is the use of the phrase vivuth vas in the Khandagiri inscription (1. 5). This argument must be abandoned. It is to be feared that this important monument, which is in so bad a state of preservation, will never become perfectly intelligible to us. One thing is visible, that it contains, year by year, an enumeration of the actions of the In line 5 king dutiy rasd (1. 4), panchams ....... VIS (1. 6), satamê ras (1. 7), athame vase (ib.), &c. where the facsimile of Prinsep gives tatha vivuthe vast, that of the Corpus gives i-tath vise. It ought certainly to be read na tatha (?) chatuth visé, in the fourth year.' This indeed is the reading given by BALA RajendralAla Mites, Antig, of Orissa, II. p. 22.
45 See above, p. 234 and ff.

Page #261

JULY, 1891.)
THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI.
245
most convincing proof could lead us to consider as probablu a change of belief in the common author of both. All indications contradict such an idea.
But not only do certain columnar edicts form the natural development of the principles contained in the older tables, -(thus, the 5th Columnar edict is directed to the protection of animal life, and may be compared with the prohibition of bloody sacrifices and of samd jas46 ordained by the first of the fourteen edicts), - but the days set apart in this same 5th edict are consecrated as holidays amongst Buddhists, and the uposatha, to which he appeared to shew a special respect, is known to every one as their weekly festival. The 8th Columnar edict extends the supervision of the dharmamahamatras over every sect, from the Brâhmaņs to the Nirgranthas or Jainas; but, when he refers to the sangha, to the Buddhist clergy, the king changes his expression. He desires that his officers should watch the interests of the saragha' (samghaIhasi); it is evident that here, and here only, his sympathies are specially aroused. I will only allude to one more fact, which in the light of the preceding, takes a definite meaning, and becomes really instructive. It will be remembered that, at Khálsi, the second part of the 14th edict is accompanied by the figure of an elephant, between the legs of which one reads, in characters the same as those of the tables gajatame; I have proposed to translate this, the elephant par excellence. This inscription is in a fashion commented upon by that which we have referred to as at Girnar, in nearly the same place, and which probably accompanied also the figure of an elephant, which has been worn away from the surface of the rock ;- the white elephant who is in truth the benefactor of the entire world (or of all the worlds).' It is the less permitted to imagine an arbitrary and accidental addition, because, at Dhauli, we again find the same figure of an elephant beside the edicts. It is impossible to doubt that these images and these legends are contemporary with the inscriptions. Nor is the meaning doubtful. Not only are we here in the presence of a Buddhist symbol, but the accompanying legends contain a clear allusion to the history of the birth of Buddha descending in the form of a white elephant into the womb of his mother."
In conclusion; - It is certain that Piyadasi, at least during the entire portion of his reign to which our monuments refer, from the ninth year after his coronation and more particularly from the thirteenth, in which he began having inscriptions engraved) to the twenty-eighth, and very probably up to the end of his life, was a declared adherent to Buddhism. This is the fixed point, the necessary starting point, for all legitimate deductions. Doubtless a certain difference of tone may be suspected between the Edict of Bhabra, or even that of Sahasarâm, and all the
46 I content myself with transcribing the term used by Piyadasi. I am not convinced that a definitive translation of it has yet been discovered, in spite of various ingenious attempts. The meaning battue' (treibjogd) proposed by Dr. Pischel (Gött. Gel, Ans., 1881, p. 1324) has not the authority of the knows usage of the language. Dr. Bühler has clearly shews that samdja must have a meaning connected with festival, rejoicing,' but the meaning must be more precise and circumscribed than this. In the sentence in the 1st edict it cannot well be admitted that with the very positive and precise prohibition na.... prajuhitaviyah, should be closely connected one so different, so vague, as *ye mast hold no festivals. Besides, it is plain that the whole edict is entirely devoted to the protection of animal life. Samaja must refer directly to some act by which that life was compromised. The connexion of the details which the king gives soncerning his kitchen would, on any other hypothesis, be altogether inexplicable. It is this exact shade of the meaning of samdja,' sacrifice, fenet, or some other, which Dr. Buhler has failed to identify. Nor ean I accept bis translation of the sentence asti pi tu, &c.; for, if Piyadasi had meant to approve of certain samájas,' he would have specified to wbat samdjas he referred. He would at least have continued his sentence under the form of an antithesis, as he does under other circumstances, and would have spoken of dharmasamdjas, or of something of the kind.
67 Cf. Kern, loc. cit. IT, 205 and ff.
# I am afraid that I should injure conclusions, which I believe are firmly established, if I were to bring forward arguments of love value, so I content myself with reminding my readers of, for instance, the use of dainava, corresponding to the technical term derava of the Buddhists, and that of avavad to mean'to preach,' 'to teacb,' which was familiar to the Buddhists (Barnouf, Lotus, p. 804 and ff.), &e.
19 I can only withdraw, before the corrected readings and the new translation of Dr. Bühler, the conjecture which I hazarded with regard to the oth odiot (in Dh. n. 2.), in which I believed that I had discovered an allusion to a certain incident of the legend of 8Akyamuni. The explanation of Dr. Bühler establishes, with a natural sense, completo harmony among the different versions. It certainly deserves acceptance, in spite of the little difficulties of detail which oxiat, and of which a final revision of the texts will perhape reduce the number.

Page #262

246
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JULİ, 1891.
others. But between these two very unequal groups, there is no contradiction, there is only a mere difference of degree. It is explained by the difference of the persons whom the king addressed: at Bhabra, he spoke to the Buddhist clergy; elsewhere he speaks to his people at large, or at least to all his officers without distinction.50 Religious toleration is not an exceptional occurrence in India, but is the customary rule of her sovereigns. From the indications of coins down to the direct evidence of the chronicles, from the inscriptions down to the account of the Chinese travellers, there are abundant proofs of this. Piyadasi made no exception to the rule; he forms, on the contrary, one of its most illustrions examples, one of its most positive witnesses. It is therefore, very natural that, in addressing himself to the generality of his subjects, without regard to religion or sect, he should have avoided using too exclusive manifestations of his own private faith, and strictly dogmatical statements. We can at least be certain that none of his inscriptions contains anything contradictory to the Buddhist doctrine, and it is essential to remember this, if we would endeavour to picture to our selves from the monuments the condition of Buddhism at the time of Piyadasi.
Now that we have determined, both from a chronological and from a religious point of view, the ground on which our monuments lead us, it remains to consider the data which they supply regarding the administration, the history, and the religious ideas of PiyadasiAsoka; comparing them at the same time with those which have been preserved for us by the tradition of literature.
The epigraphical records do not in any way, give us the materials for a biographical sketch. even on the most meagre scale: All we can do is to group the various items of information which they contain under certain general heads, such as the empire and the family of the king, his administrative procedure and his relations with foreign countries, his life and his religious opinions.
Piyadasi gives us no information regarding his lineage. We only learn from a passage of the 5th (Rock) edict, in which the surveillance exercised by the dharmamahamdtras is under consideration, that he had brothers, sisters, and other relatives, settled both in his capital and in other towns. Moreover (Col. Ed. VIII) he pays attention to the distribution of the alms made by all his children who live, some near him, and others in the provinces (disásu), and in particular to those made by the princes, sons of the queen,' who are thus distinguished as holding a superior rank. It is to this last category that belong 'the Kumaras' who represent.
60 He exhibits now and then a particular care for his co-religionists, but he does so in order to direct special officers to devote themselves to them, and to give thom suitable instruction. It is in this way that I still understand the last sentence of the 3rd edict. Dr. Bühler, following Dr. Kern, combats the meaning which I still continue to attribute to yuta, and which is approved of by Dr. Pischel (p. 1825). I cannot accept his amendment. Dr. Bübler is compelled to admit a different meaning for the word in each of the two passages in which it occurs in the 9th edict. That is a first objection, but there are more serious ones. It will shortly appear in what close relationship the rojjakas generally appeared with the dharmayutas. This is a first reason for thinking, as has always been done, that yuta is only an abridged equivalent for dhash mayuta, 'sealota, ent for dharmayuta, zealota, equivalent to
equivalent to zealota for the dharma' nothing is more natural. What is true for the first yutd is not less so for the second yutani Associated with the parishad, which is nothing else than the assembly of the rajjilkar. But in the first passage it is wished to take yutd as an adjective applied to rajka and to paddsika (Dr. Bühler actually approve of my construction of the sentence and defenda it against Dr. Pischel). We must then omit the cha which, at G., follows yutd. This procedure is in itself violent and suspicions. but it is still insufficient. The turn of the phrase at Kh., yuta lajuka padleika, and the corresponding words at K. without cha, imply the co-ordination of the three terms, and not only of the two last; if this were not so, we must have As at Dh., yuta lajuki cha pådesik& cha. It is unnecessary to remark that, on the other band, this last mode speaking very well agrees with my interpretation. Yuth is therefore a substantive, or at least used substantively. Here we must oopolnde that it is the equivalent of dharmayuta. So also with yutd Or yutani in the last line. I hay given one reason, founded on its being associated with paried. The comparison with the sentence of the 8th Columnar edict (1. 1-2), lajaka ... paliyovadisariti janan dharmayutan, is very striking. There are also other reasons. First Ain Apavati is much more easily translated with a personal subject. It inust be admitted that the exprersion the assembly will teach suitable matters? is singularly feeble and vague, even for our inscriptions. Of course, the neater form yutani of several versions offers no difficulty; have we not, at Col. Ed. IV. 8, pulisdns equivalent to purushah; do. Perhaps yute of G. also reprosents the neuter; and we shall thus bave side by side a te of the singalar and of the plural, exactly as dharmayuta is by turns wed in the plural and in the singular without alteration in the sense.

Page #263

JULY, 1891.)
THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI.
247
the royal authority at Tosall (Dh, det. ed. II, 1), at Ujjayini, and at TakshasilA (Dh. J. det. Ed., I, 23, 24). We find an allusion to his wives in the fragment designated the Edict of the Queen. In it Piyadasi gives orders, the meaning of which, owing to the partial destruction of the stone, we are unable to grasp exactly, regarding the acts of liberality of the second queen (dutiyá dévi). Amongst these acts he mentions the granting of mango groves and gardens; it would seem, also, that he praises her religious zeal and her mercifal disposition; and she thus appears to us as sharing, as we have a right to expect, the ideas as well as the doctrines of the king.
The royal residence was at Pataliputra, as the chronicles say, and as follows from the Rock Edict, G. V, 7, compared with the other versions. With the exception of the four towns of Pataliputra, Ujjayini, Takshabila, and Tosali, which have just been referred to, and of Samapa (J. det. Ed. I, 1, and II, 1), Piyadasi mentions no name of any people or town expressly as being among those which were directly under his rule (vijita). The only exception is Kalinga, the conquest of which he mentions as having taken place in the ninth year after his coronation. The towns of Tôsal151 and of Samâpâ cannot be precisely identified. It is, however, almost certain that Tosali, which formed the residence of a prince of the blood royal, must have been a considerable centre, possibly the capital of the whole province. Samapa was probably a town of secondary importance, and cannot have been very far from Jangada, the site where the inscriptions which mention it were engraved.
Although Piyadasi gives us so few explicit geographical data, the indications regarding his neighbours on different sides, with which he supplies us, allow us to form some idea of the extent of his vast dominions. I believe that I have shewn above that the enumerations unfortunately both vague and brief, of the frontier populations, which are contained in the inscriptions, are of two kinds; one set refers to the provinces situated to the west and southwest of the empire over which Piyadasi was suzerain; the other includes the independent bordering nations. Both contain many names of which the identification is more or less hypothetical, and even with regard to those about whose identification we need not be in doubt, we have too incomplete information regarding the exact boundaries to which they extended in the time of Piyadasi, to arrive at very precise conclusions.
In the first category, that of populations subject to the suzerainty of the king, appear the Yavanas (V and XIII), the Kambojas (V and XIII), the Patêpikas (V and XII), the Gandhåras (V), the Ristikas or Rastikas (V), the Visas and the Vțijis (XIII), the Nâbhakas and the Nábhapamtis (XIII) and finally the Bbôjas (XIII), the Andhras and the Pulindas (XIII). The Gandharaga and the Kambojas53 certainly belonged to the tract of the river Kabul ; it is probable that these Yavanas, subjects of a Hindů power, formed a province still further off in the direction of the Greeks of the independent kingdoms, and that the list, commencing with them and continuing through the Kambojas and the Gandh&ras, follows a regular course from exterior to interior. We have, however, no certainty with regard to this, and this name Yavana could here, if necessary, designate not a particular country, but the elements of the population which were of western origin, and which were at this epoch scattered throughout this part of India. I may remind my readers of the Tashaspa, styled 'Yavanarkja of Asoka the Maurya,' i. e., probably, under the suzerainty of Aśôka the Maurya, whom the inscription of Rudradaman at Girnar mentions as having repaired an embankment in the neighbourhood, and who con. sequently held sway in the peninsula of Kathiwad. I would also remind them of the considerable number of dedications which, in the Buddhist caves of Western India, emanate from Yavanas, 56
Of. Korn, J. R. 4. 8., N. 8., XII, 384. - Lassen, Ind. Alterth., I, 509; II, 150.
* Lassen, Ind. Alterth., I, 591. # Cr, Laren, Ind. Alterth, II, 2018 and 1. One is reminded of the shatern territories of Gedroia and Arachosia. which Selecus ooded to Chandragupta (Droysen Gesch. des Hellenismus, II", 199 and L.)
- Cl. Bargon, Arohaol. Suru. West. India, 1874-1875, pp. 128 and if » CL, Bhagwo.Al Ladrajh, J. . A.S., Bo. Br., xv, pp. 874-975

Page #264

248
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
As regards the Ristikas, the very name is doubtful. The word has usually been read Râstikas (transcribed Rashtrikas), and understood as meaning 'the inhabitants of Surâshtra.' Dr. Bühler points out that the reading Ristika, which at G. appears to be certain, goes against this interpretation. The identification would, according to him, be in any way inadmissible, 'for the Ristika-Pêtêņikas must be amongst the independent neighbours of Asôka, whereas Sôrath and Lâța were incorporated in his kingdom.' This difficulty would not appear to us to be decisive, after what we have said regarding the position of the provinces in the enumeration of which the Rastikas find entry. If the king delegated officers to them, he could very well have also had inscriptions engraved among them. In fact, if we may attribute some authority to the tradition of which we notice an echo in the inscription of Rudradâman, we should find in it direct evidence in favour of the régime which, on other grounds, I believe to have been, under Asôka, that of Surâshtra. There remains the orthographical difficulty, but, as against the ristika of G. we find the lathika of Dh. and the rathika of K., that is not easy to solve. I cannot admit that the two last forms could represent rishtika as well as ráshtrika; the wearing away of the rock might certainly have caused the sign for i to have disappeared at Dh. and at K.; but the same sign at G. might equally well be only some accidental scratch in the rock. While, therefore, I cannot pronounce between the Rishțikas proposed by Dr. Bühler, and the Rashtrikas, I still do not think that, in the present state of our knowledge, the latter reading deserves as yet to be absolutely abandoned. We must, moreover, take into consideration the opinion lately expressed by Prof. Bhandarkar.57 In the 13th edict, the Râstikas or Ristikas are replaced by the Bhojas, who are similarly associated with the Pêtêņikas.59 Although the territory of this tribe cannot be exactly defined, and has certainly varied from time to time, the name of the Bhôjas, nevertheless, carries us either towards the Narmada, or towards the coast of the Konkana.59 If the two names are not simply equivalent, they agree in bringing us towards the same part of India. Prof. Bhandarkar reminds us that in several inscriptions of the Western caves there appears the name of the Mahâbhôjas; while others have similarly the name of the Maharathis. Our Râshtrikas would be to these Maharathis, as the Bhôjas are to the Mahâbhôjas, and the Rastikas of Piyadasi would in that case be simply the Maharashtris or Marathas of the Dekhan. The Pêtêņikas, being connected with the Bhôjas, should be sought for in the same direction; and, in this respect, their identification with the inhabitants of Paithana, i. e. Pratishthâna, towards the source of the Godavari, co is extremely tempting, so tempting indeed, that I am inclined to pass over the phonetic scruples which Dr. Bühler (p. 32) opposes to it. The Andhras of the 13th edict would well continue the line of enumeration towards the east. The name of the Pulindas is too widely spread, for it to be possible to localise it with precision in the present case. It is certainly met towards the centre of the Dekhan, in the very locality where the continuation of the enumeration would lead us to expect it.62 Regarding the Nabhakas and the Nabhapamtis of the 13th edict, supposing these names to be correct, which is still doubtful, Dr. Bühler (Ed. XIII, n. 8) has cited from the Vaivarttapurána the city Nabhikapura as belonging to the Uttarakurus. He thence concludes that these Nabhakas may have dwelt in the extreme north of India, in the Himalaya. He comes to an analogous conclusion regarding the Visas and the Vrijis, whom he supposes to have been the early predecessors of the Bais and Lichchhavis of Nêpâl. All that is, of course, extremely doubtful. If we take into account the general direction, as I consider it has been followed by our enumerations, it could well be admitted that the king begins with his northern frontiers before going westwards. But the position of the Nâbhakas, coming after the Gandhâras, should be sought for, not so much due north, as somewhere towards the north-west.
[JULY, 1891.
The peoples whom the king enumerates as his independent neighbours (amtá avijitá) are; together with the Greeks of the kingdom of Antiochus and his neighbours, the Chôdas
5 Early History of the Deccan, p. 9. (Extract from the Bombay Gazetteer).
Cf. Vishnu Pur., Wilson, Ed. F. E. Hall, II, 159-159.
61 Cf. Lassen, Ind. Alterth., I, 215 n. and 970.
Bühler, p. 14. 60 Cf. Lassen, Ind. Alterth., I, 216. 62 Cf. Vishnu Pur. Wilson, Ed. F. E. Hall, II, 159.

Page #265

JULY, 1891.]
THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI.
249
(II, XIII), the Pandyas (II, XIII), Satiyaputa, and Keralaputa (II.) I do not refer to Tambapaņņi (Ceylon), which is each time named at the conclusion, and as the extreme limit (ava taubapanniyá). The general situation of the Chodas and the Pandyas on the east coast and at the south extremity of the Dekhan, is sufficiently well known. As for the northern boundary, which divided the Chodas from Kalinga which was conquered by Piyadasi, it is difficult to fix it. Judging from the terms of the inscription, the territories acquired in this direction by the king would seem to have been of very great extent. They must have gone far to the south. On the other hand, the existence at Dhauli and at Jaugada of an edict specially referring to foreign nations, and to the duties in regard to them which are incumbent on the representatives of the king, leads us necessarily to the conclusion that these inscriptions cannot have been any great distance from the frontier of the empire. Satiyaputa and Koralaputa would appear to correspond in some way, on the west, with the Chôdas and Pandyas on the eastern side of the Dekhan. That at least would be the result, on the one hand, of the learned and ingenious conjecture of Dr. Bühler (pp. 12-14) regarding Satiyaputa, and, on the other hand, of the reading Keralapata - (according to Dr. Bühler the correct reading at Dh. is Kêlalaputa) - instead of Kếtalaputa at G. Such a conjecture is too convenient not to be a little subject to suspicion, but it has, nevertheless, since Benfey and Lassen, secured general acceptance, and it is difficult to make any other suggestion.63
To sun up; - The empire of Piyadasi is in its main features sufficiently delimited. It embraced the whole of Northern India, although his exact frontiers, both to the east and to the west, remain, more or less, undetermined. It is equally certain that the influence of the king, if not his full authority, extended to the central plateau of the Dekhan, and went even further to the south along the coasts. Moreover, we have proved that, at least towards the west, the south-west, and the south, his kingdom, properly so called, was bordered by provinces over which he exercised a suzerainty which was certainly active and effectual, but of which we cannot precisely measure the extent.
Piyadasi tells us on the whole but little regarding the system under which he administerai these vast dominions, his inscriptions being almost exclusively devoted to religious subjects. He only mentions his administration so far as it deals with religious and moral progress. It is merely in that direction that he would appear to have carried his personal reforms. These fall under two main classes ; according as he further extends the power and the duties of functionaries already existing; or as he creates new functionaries and new institutions.
The title purushas, men of the king,' would seem to be the most comprehensive term under which Piyadasi used to inclade all the representatives of his authority, 64 to whatever rank they belonged. He himself distingaishes them (Col. Ed. I) as superior, inferior, and of middle rank, and he evidently refers to them as officers, for they are mentioned together with the antamahámátras. He desires that they should conform to his instructions, and that they should direct the people in the good way. They are moreover, in one passage (Col. Ed. IV), contrasted in some degree with the rajjúkas. We shall shortly see by what characteristics these last require to be classified outside the category of functionaries properly so called.
Mahamatrg65 is also a generic term, analogous to amátya, though perhaps with a more extended signification. It should designate functionaries of every order, but of high rank, and was applied to bodies' (nikaya) of various officers (cf. XII, 9). Piyadasi, like his predecessors, was surrounded by them, and when he speaks of muhá mátras in general, it is impossible for us to specify what class of officers he had in view, or even to say for certain that he did not address
6 Rijaniyukta, as Kallaka explains the word in Manu, viii, 43.
64 Regarding the Kerala, cf. Lassen, I, 188 note. I do not refer to the HidarAja mentioned in the 13th edict. As he is separate from whe general list, we are without any index as to the direction in which we are to seek him, and the reading itself is still very doubtful.
65 Cf. Bühler, p. 37. Kern, J. R. A. S., N. 8., XII. p. 392.

Page #266

250
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JULY, 1891.
himself to all functionaries whose rank corresponded with this designation. In this sense there are inihandtras in all provinces (Edict of the Queen), whom the king represents as charged with the responsibility of conducting urgent matters (VI). At the commencement of the first detached edict at Dh, and J., he addresses the muhamátras who are at Tosali (or at Samapa), and who are charged with the administration (probably with the judicial administration in particular) of the town,-nagalaviyshalalus. It is to similar functionaries that the Edict of Kausâmbi is directed. But there were also other mahdmatras, each entrusted with the special superintendence of a religious sect, one with that of the Buddhist sanngha, another with that of the Brahmaņs, of the Ajivikas, or of the Nirgranthas (Col. Ed. VIII, 5). The word was thus naturally chosen to form, in composition with special determinatives, the title of functionaries of various orders; such are the ithjhakhamahdiátras, or officers charged with the surveillance over women of the harem (XII), the antamahámátras, the frontier officers, or more exactly, the officers appointed to communicate with the populations across the frontiers (Dh., J. det. Ed. II) ;) such, finally, are dharnmamahamitras. As regards these last Piyadasi expressly claims the credit of the institution of the office (IV), and it is natural to conclude that the others existed before his reign. The case is the same with the prative daka 388 (VI), whose reports he arranges to receive at all moments of the day,67 and with the vachabhimikas (XII), a class of overseers whose duties we have no means for precisely indicating. Bat in the case of all, the king has enlarged and in some way or other remodelled their duties, adding to the special functions of these officers those of a moral surveillance, of a sort of religious propaganda, on which alone he insists in his rescripts.
The same idea pervades all his new institutions, at least all those which are borne witness to by the inscriptions. As far as regards the dharmamah&matras, the name itself is significant Their creation goes back to the fourteenth year of Piyadasi's coronation (V). He also claims. the credit of tbe institution of the rajjúkas : hêvan mama lajúka kata janapadasa hitasukhaye (Col. Ed. IV, 12). The functions and the hierarchical grade of these officers are enveloped in some obscurity. It is probable that the true form of the word is rajjúka, and that Prof. Jacobi has rightly connected them with the rajjús of the Jain texts, whose title the commentators explain by lékhaka, 'scribe. The Kalpasútra appears to bear witness to their habitual presence, and to their importance at the courts of kings. Dr. Bühler (p. 20), while approving of this derivation and of this meaning, also asks whether we are to see, in these rajjúkas, clerks fulfilling the functions of scribes, or a caste of scribes from which the king may have specially recruited the personnel of his administration. The sentence of the 4th Col. edict which I have just quoted, hardly leaves any room for doubt; it is incompatible with the second hypothesis: but the nature of their functions, even taking as a foundation the translation of the word by lékhaka, is capable of diverse interpretations; and it is, therefore, the more necessary to examine our texts as closely as possible.
The rajjakas are mentioned on three occasions, - in the 3rd of the fourteen (Rock) edicts. and in the 4th and the 8th of the Colamnar edicts. Of the last passages, the first contrasts them with the whole range of royal functionaries, grouped collectively under the designation of men of the king. The second tends to the same conclusion; the king, after having stated, without specification, that he has appointed over his people a number of persons, evidently officials, to teach them, adds immediately, I have also appointed rajjúkas over hundreds of thousands of living beings, and they have been ordered by me to instruct the faithful in such and auch a manner.' In the 3rd edict, the rajjúkas, together with the prádésika and the faithful, are invited to proceed every five years to the anusarny ána. These rajjúkas must in short have had a position apart from all these functionaries, for the king, in the 4th of the
66 Bühler, p. 47.
67 The word vinila has been, I think, definitely explained by Dr. Bühler, who takes it in the sense of vinitaka, to mean litter or palanquin. This hypothesis antinfies the desideratum which I pointed out in my commentary on the passage, and on account of which I rejected various tentative interpretations : it furnishes a desiguation of place.

Page #267

JULY, 1891.]
THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI.
251
Colamnar edicts, stipulates for them, and for them alone, an altogether special privilege, that of being only subject to his direct jurisdiction. Although this edict does not, strictly speaking, make them superior in the hierarchy to the purushas, still it attributes at least an authority, a special importance, to the teaching conveyed by them. The king considers it their duty to stimulate the zeal of his functionaries properly so called, so as to make them in their turn active propagators of the good doctrine.
It will be remarked that, wherever the rajjikas are mentioned, they are put in close relationship on the one hand with the teaching of the dharma, and on the other hand with the yuta or the dharmayuta. It is for them alone that the king reserves the technical term for,
preaching' (vi-ava-vad, pari-ava-vad). They are to instruct specially the dharmayuta people, that is to say the faithful, but with them also all people (Col. Ed. IV and VIII); if they, proceed to the anusarnyána, it is in company with the yutas.68 In the last sentence of the 3rd edict, yutas are spoken of, without apparently any mention being made of rajjúkas; but, even here, nevertheless, I think that they are directly referred to. The parishad is charged with the duty of instructing the yutas or the faithful. I originally understood parishad as an equivalent of sanngha, and I was not, I think, much mistaken. The two Jain texts which mention the rajjis, refer to them in the compound rajjúsabha (Kalpasútra, I, 122, 147). Judging from the context, sabhá cannot mean specially the assembly itself, but rather the place of the assembly; it, however, supposes a meeting, a college, of rajjús, for the use of which the sabhá was set apart. I feel little hesitation in identifying the parishad of the 3rd Edict with this meeting of rajakas. It will be recognised that the position which the word occupies, beside an order given to the rajjúlas, is favourable to this opinion. The parishad reappears in the 6th edict. According to the division of the sentences which has been established by Dr. Bühler, the king says, -.With regard to all that I personally order to be given away or to be promulgated, or to everything that, in urgent cases, the mahdmdtras have to undertake on their own responsibility, every dissent or blame which may arise concerning that must be immediately reported in the parishad. It would be unreasonable to contend, à priori, that this parishad is different from that of the 3rd edict. This assembly of rajjakas thus appears to constitute a sort of council, of a more specially religious character, on which the care of the propaganda and of religious works specially devolved, and to which the piety of the king gave a considerable influence over his own actions. The expression of the 8th edict, according to which the rajjúkas were appointed over many thousands of men, and, still more, the indications of the 3rd edict, which applies to all parts of the vast empire of Piyadasi, go far to prove that there was not only one of these colleges, but that they existed in more or less number. The peculiar functions of these persons, perhaps also their religious character, clearly explain both the importance which Piyadasi'attaches to their creation and their actions, and the privileged position with which he endowed them, as compared with his other officers. It would be interesting if we could establish a palpable agreement between their name and their office, but unfortunately, though the form rajjika appears to be certain, the etymology of the word remains obscure. The very meaning which the Jain commentator attributes to it, even if we admit that he is right, cannot be the primitive one, and can be no authority for the time of Piyadasi. All that we can state positively is this, that between the meaning of 'scribe,' however it arose, and the application of the word to persons whose duties as teachers suppose a complete religious education, the distance is far from impassable.
It now remains to say a word regarding a last category of persons, the pradėsikas, According to Prof. Kern, they were probably local governors. This interpretation is conformable with the use of the word in the classical language, and, basing his inquiries on this use, Dr. Bühler (p. 20) seeks in them for the local princes, in whom India, with its feudal system
68 It is unnecessary to remark how this allusion favours my interpretation of the words yuta and dhammayuta. It proves at least that, in translating, we cannot separate the two terms from each other.
- J. R. A. S., N. 8., XII. p. 398.

Page #268

252
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JULY, 1891.
and its caste organization, has always been rich, the ancestors of the Thákurs, Raos, Rawals, &c., of the present day. In itself the explanation is very plausible. The only passage in which they are mentioned by name, associates them with the rajjúlas in their characteristic functions. If my conjecture of yathavisayápi in the 8th Col. Ed. (1. 1.) is well founded, it is probable that they are referred to in this sentence also, and yathávisaya would correspond with prádésiku. There also, they seem to be closely connected with the Tajjakas, and it is not surprising that the king should devolve upon functionaries of so high & rank, who were in a manner his direct representatives, a share in the mission of preaching 70
Piyadasi, while not expressing himself very clearly regarding the character and hierarchical position of his functionaries, is also not as explicit and precise as we could wish regarding their duties. He is more occupied with giving them counsels of humanity, of imparting to them moral exhortations, than with detailing their professional work.
So far as concerns the officers, probably of various kinds, grouped together under the generic title of mahamatras, we see clearly enough that they existed in all parts of his kingdom (Edict of the Queen), and that they were expected, in urgent matters, to come to the necessary decisions on their own responsibility (VI). Some of them, in towns such as Tosali and Samapa, acted as governors and judges (Dh. J., Det. Ed. I.): they had to prevent arbitrary prosecutions and imprisonments; but, as we have seen, it is, above all, the practice of the virtues most necessary to their positions which is recommended to them; they must flee envy, impatience, want of application. In the frontier provinces, the antamahamatras (Dh. J., Det. Ed. II) are only encouraged to convince the foreigners, beyond the border, of the pacific and benign intentions which Piyadasi holds in regard to them, and are charged to bring them gradually by these sympathetic feelings to the practice of those virtues, dear to the king, which inust assure their welfare both in this world and in the next. All this is very vague. From the 8th Col. edict, it appears that we must conclude, that to each sect, orthodox or dissenting, there was attached a mahamátra, specially entrusted with its superintendence.71
According to the same passage, the dhammahamatras, created by Piyadasi for the diffusion of the dharma, would appear to have had a more extended sphere of action. They were to busy themselves in a general way with all the sects. A reference may be made to the 5th and 12th Rock edicts and to the 8th Col. edict, where the king recapitulates more or less explicitly the services which he expects from them. It is a mission of mercy and charity, unfortunately without positive details, which is entrusted to them. Amongst the vassal populations (V) they appear to have been invested with particularly multifarious duties, amongst others, the special protection of the co-religionists of the king. They are readily confused with the mahámátras, named thus in a general fashion, for example, in what concerns the distribution of the alms of the king, his wives, and his children (Col. Ed. VIII and Ed. of the Queen). They are charged with a kind of oversight of the king's palace and of all his property, both at Pitaliputra, and in the provinces (V), but they evidently share this task with other functionaries, probably of inferior rank, such as the ithijhakamahámátras and the vachabhúmikas (XII). The king connects all his bodies of officers with each other, as all working together to aid, by mutual tolerance and religious preaching, the progress of the moral ideas which form the essential basis of all sects. We cannot draw many precise ideas from language so vague as this.
The duties of the prativodakas are a little better defined by their name alone. They are the officers whose duty it is to report everything to the king (V1), and Dr. Bühler (47) has
" I think that, in any case, Prof. Kern goes beyond bis authorities, when he fixes the creation of the rujjakas and the prádežikas as occurring in the 13th year (loc. cit. p. 392). The date given in the 3rd edict evidently refers to the foundation of the anusa yina, and not to the creation of the officials whom the king directs to participate in it.
11 In the edict of Kaubambi, the word 81hghasi, which is very distinct, seems to indicate that the mahamitras of the town received, in this instance, orders regarding the Buddhist community. This is an additional reason for regret. ting that the fragment is so damaged. Should we consider that we have a trace of the continged existence of this organisation in the inscription of Nasik (West, No. 6, Archæol. Sur. West. Ind. IV, p. 99):.... nisikakna sinanna mahamaténa la kirita? We might easily translate it 'the mahamitra of Ydeik, set over the Srananas.

Page #269

JULY, 1891.]
THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI.
253
certainly good grounds for comparing them with the charas (or chúras) whose employment is recommended to Hindú princes by the Dharanaśástras. So far as regards them, probably Piyadasi's only innovation was the zeal with which he required and beard their reports.
As for the rajjakas, we have seen that their principal, but not their only (yathá añáya pi kuimaya, Ed. III) duty, was the preaching of the dhaima, and that chiefly for the benefit of the
tharmayutas. Although, it is true, the text is not absolutely explicit, it appears likely that to them also was entrusted the execution of the will of the king with reference to those condemned to death (Col. Ed.' IV). Piyadasi determined to give these unhappy people a respite of three days before their execution, so that they might prepare themselves for the punishment by fasting and alms, and might practise meditation with a view to their salvation in the world to come. We have here an inspiration which is entirely religious; and the intervention of the rajjúkas would perfectly agree with what has been said above regarding the character of their office.
I would have little to add regarding them, did they not play an important part in an insti. tution peculiar to Piyadasi, the anusamyana, which is very characteristic, but the nature and ritual of which are unfortunately not explained with the accuracy which we should desire.
I desire to draw the attention of the reader to two decisive passages. Their translation is, I believe, certain as regards its general lines. We first read in the 3rd edict, - Everywhere in my empire let the faithful of the religion, the rajjika and the governor, set out every five years for the anusarnyána, for this reason for the teaching of the dharima, as well as for any other duty. The teaching of the dharima, that is to say, “It is good to obey one's mother and one's father, etc." The first detached edict of Dh. and J. concludes as follows:- It is also for this purpose that regularly every fifth year I shall summon [to the anusanyána) every72 mahámátra who will be mild, patient, and a respecter of life, in order that, hearing these things, he may act according to my instructions. The Prince (Governor) of Ujjayini also will for this purpose summon an assembly of the same nature, but he shall do so every three years without fail. So also at Takshasilâ. While repairing to the anusanyána, without at the same time neglecting their other particular duties, these mahamitras will learn these things. Let them. act in accordance therewith, following the instructions of the king.'
It is the exact meaning of the word anusarnyána which makes the difficulty. Instead of the assembly,' which I have songht for in it, Prof. Kern (loc. cit.), and after him Dr. Bühler (p. 21), understand it as a tour of inspection. Dr. Bühler relies on its etymological meaning, and also on the fact that the word is really used in Sanskrit to signify to visit in turn.' I willingly admit that, at first sight, this translation would appear to be the most natural one. At the same time, Prof. Kern himself admits73 that my interpretation is not impossible, and that as a matter of fact, as san-ya certainly does mean to meet together,' anusarnyána, could easily, with the addition of the distributive meaning contained in anu, express the idea of meeting, assembly.' On the other hand, the translation which my learned colleagues propose for the word seems to me to be irreconcilable with the passages which have just been cited.
In fact, it follows from the first detached edict at Dhauli, that the mahdmátras, whom the king intends, or orders, to set out for the anusanyána,' are supposed to go there to seek for them. selves, and not to carry to others, teaching and moral instraction. I believe that I have shown in my commentary, that the text can bear no dther interpretation. Moreover, that is the only one which logically fits into the general bearing of the whole edict. It is addressed to the mahámátras, and only contains exhortations, a kind of sermon, regarding their duties. Fail not,' concludes the king, 'to satisfy me by acting in this way. It is for this purpose (that is to say, quite clearly, to obtain every satisfaction from you that this inscription hath been engroven ... It is also for this purpose (that is to say, again evidently, to remind you of your dạtjes)
11 The ploral which follows, t4 mahaman, justifies this translation. TS Geschied. van het Buddhisme, II, 220 n.

Page #270

254
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JULY, 1891.
that regularly overy fifth year, etc. If we compare closely the two passages which relate to the anusarnyána, what do we find ? In the first, the yutas, the rajjúkas and the prádésikas are every five years, to set out for the anusanyána. In the second, it is only stated that the mahámátras are to set out for it. It has been rather hastily admitted that the two categories must necessarily be equivalent; I myself have fallen into the mistake. It was under this impression that, in order to establish a complete concordance between the two passages, I originally proposed to take,74 in the first, the phrase imaya dhaimánusasliya in a passive sense, but I should never have admitted this conjecture, which I have since withdrawn.75 Tt 18, indeed, an arbitrary supposition that there two recommendations, which are intended for different persons, should necessarily be identical. The second is addressed to the mahåmatra wlio are destined, in the anusamydna, to receive instruction and encouragement, while the first can very well be addressed to the functionaries charged with imparting them, - to the prádésika, the governor, as immediate and direct representative of the king, and to the rajjikas, of whom we know that the proper function was religious and moral teachingFrom this point of view the passage of the fourth columnar edict, which has been discussed several times, shows itselt under a new light. It becomes clear why the zeal of the officers is there considered as guaranteed by that of the rajjúkas, as these are specially charged with reminding them of their duties. Under these circumstances it is evident that the anusarnyána to which the king wishes the mahám atras to repair, can only have been an assembly. Perhaps, after all, both theories might be reconciled, if we suppose that reference is made to a series of meetings convoked by the rajjika and the prádésika on tour, for the king certainly supposes a considerable number of such assemblies. It will be admitted, at any rate, that a tour of inspection could hardly be changed into a tour of instruction, except with the convocation of numerous successive meetings. Is not also a special assembly necessarily implied by the king's command that his edict should be read (Dh., J., Ed det., I) on the day of the festival in honour of Tishya P I may add that the agreement, established by this explanation, with the custom mentioned for a more modern period by the Chinese pilgrims (and to which I have drawn attention in my commentary), does not appear to me, supposing it necessary, to be an argument by any means to be despised.
There is, too, another agreement which is even more to the point. The 3rd edict invites to the anusaiyana the yutas. I have stated above my opinion as to the meaning of this word. If I am right that we must consider it as equivalent, in a general sense, to all the faithful of the true religion, it is clear that the anusarnyána to which they are invited cannot be a . tour of administration. But, even supposing that my explanation of the word is not considered convincing, and that the translation is not admitted without some reserve, it appears to me that it is impossible to seriously contest the identity of the yuta of the 3rd edict with the janadhanizmayıta of the 8th colamnar edict. That name must designate at least a considerable category of people, and not merely officials, and would consequently exclude every kind of idea of a 'tour of inspection.'
These assemblies had therefore, in my opinion, the altogether special characteristic, that they were not meant for the entire population. Besides the snperior officials who were responsible for them, and who took an active part in them (rojjáka and prádézika), they comprised only the yntas, that is to say, the faithful Buddhists. This furnishes the key to difficulty which o.. urred to me in the first detached edict at Dhauli (n. 25), and of which I did not originally offer a sufficient solution. The reader will remember the phrase, I shall summon to the anusasnyána every mahámátni, who will be mild, patient, and a respecter of life.' It, 26 the reader can see from my revised commentary in this translation, appears to me that we must understand the phrase as having a shade of possibility', - every mahdmátra who may be endowed with these qualities; and in these qualities I only see à developinent of the idea
14 Dh., det. Ed. I, -. 28. 76 The constant use in our texts of dhamónneasti in the active sense, entirely condemns such an bypothesis.

Page #271

JULY, 1891.)
THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI.
255
which is expressed in an equivalent manner by the compound dharmayuta. In the 3rd edict, addressed to every one in general, Piyadasi convokes to the anusarnyána all the faithful without distinction; here, where he addresses himself specially to the mahámátras, he specifies those only among them who fall under the category of dharmayutas. The two passages agree in establishing that the anusanyána was reserved for Buddhists. It was one of the principal occasions when the rajjúkas were given the mission of exercising their ministry of teaching, which was specially conferred upon them over those of the people who believed (Col. Ed. VIII, 1). It will be remarked that this peculiarity agrees very well with the purely religious name of mókshaparishad, assemblies of deliverance,' given by Hiuen Tsiang to those quinquennial or annual assizes which we compare with our anusanyána.76
It is curious that these assemblies of the anusamyang should have been convoked at different periods, - every five years in the countries directly administered by the king, and every three years or less in the provinces governed by the princes who lived at Ujjayini and at Takshasila. For Tôsalî, which we see to have been also ruled by a kumdra (Dh. J., Det. Ed. II), we find no special instructions, and it is therefore probable that the convocation took place there only every five years. It is difficult to see the reasons of this variation. One conjecture only appears to me to present some probability, viz. that towards his west and south-west frontier the king wished to multiply the occasions of meeting and instruction, in the interests of his co-religionists belonging to the vassal populations surrounding his borders, and over whom his usual action would necessarily be less direct and less efficacious.
Of the other measures f which the initiation belongs to Piyadasi, some have already been noticed, - such, for instance, as the three days respite which he gives to the condemned, before their execution, that they may prepare for death; while others, such as the planting of trees along the roads, the construction of wells and tanks, -are common to most of the kings of India.
We have spoken of the suppression of bloody sacrifices (I). The 5th of the Columnar edicts states the restrictions imposed by the king upon the slaughter and mutilation of animals, and on the consumption of their flesh, and we know that in this respect, he practised in his palace what he preached (I). We have already discussed the honour which he claims of having spread abroad, in all places, medicines and useful plants (II). As for certain acts of an altogether religious character, such as the sending forth of missionaries, they will be considered in the concluding portion of these observations.
We learn that he entertained certain relations with foreign countries, and more especially with the Greek kings. It is unfortunate that he gives us no particulars concerning this subject. The employment of ambassadors (dútas), whom he mentions in the 13th edict, is to be expected and teaches us nothing. These relations with other lands, and the influences which resulted from them, were certainly no new thing, and our inscriptions, unless I am mistaken, preserve a piece of evidence regarding them, which, althongh indirect, is worth drawing attention to.
The rescripts of Piyadasi commence, all or nearly all, with this phrase, Thus saith the king Piyadasi, dear unto the Devas. Now, so far as I know, this formula is an absolutely isolated example in Indian epigraphy. It makes its appearance with our inscriptions, and, after them, appears no more, in spite of the influence which the example of so powerful a sovereign would be expected to exercise. The fact is curious, and is worthy of having its explanation sought for. Now we do find this formula elsewhere. In the entire series of the inscriptions of the Achæmenides, from Darius to Arta zerxes Ochus, the phrase thatiy Darayavaush kshayathiya, 'thus saith the king Darius,' or its equivalent, thaliy Kshayárshá, &c., inevitably forms the frame of each of the proclamations. In both cases, this phrase in the third person is immediately succeeded by the use of the first person, and we are still further justified in drawing attention to this curions
76 Beal ; Si-yu-ki, I, 52, &c.

Page #272

256
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JULY, 1891.
coincidence by the fact that, again in both cases, the same word (dipi, lipi) is used to designate the inscriptions, and that, as we have seen, we are led to admit, on altogether independent grounds, that the Indian form of the word was originally borrowed from Persia. The very idea of engraving long inscriptions upon rocks is neither so natural nor so universal that the coinci. dence in this respect between Piyadasi and Achæmenide kings should easily be considered to be fortuitous. I certainly do not pretend to discover here a direct and conscious imitation of the Achemenian inscriptions, but the protocol employed in both cases must have been consecrated by an older custom of the royal chanceries, and in this imitation I cannot refrain from noting a trace of the influence exercised by the Persian conquest and administration in north-west India. It was Darius who first carried thither his rule and his arms, and the organisation of the Satrapies, 77 which he instituted about the same time, was exactly of a nature to spread abroad the usages and formulas of administration peculiar to his empire. This remark naturally agrees with a conjecture which I have made elsewhere.78 It tends to confirm the influence which I thought myself jastified in attributing to the Persian administration over the palmographical history of India. It is a subject to which I shall have to return.
The literary traditions are strangely silent regarding the various governmental and administrative measures, which are known to us through the evidence of these monuments. We have, it is true, proved coincidences or points of agreement between the two classes of documents, which are characteristic enough, and from which we can be certain of the identity of the Piyadasi of the inscriptions, with the Asoka of the books; but it must be admitted that, beyond these valuable concordances, the two series of accounts diverge in a singular manner. It is seldom that they refer to the same facts, so as to render one a direct check upon the other. It is not that they are contradictory or incompatible with each other, but that, simply, they do not speak of the same things. The chronicles, for instance, do not even mention the conquest of Kalinga, or the relations of the king with foreign princes. This circumstance is capable of explanation. In the writings of the Northern Buddhists we only possess fragmentary acconnts of Asoka, a nd the Sinhalese chronicles do not profess to give his biography in detail. If this prince interests them, it is because he is considered as the principal author of the diffusion of Buddhism in Ceylon, and it is only the religious aspects of his life which are of importance in the eyes of the monkish writers.79 Moreover, it has long been recognized that these traditions, both those of the north and those of Ceylon, are deeply imbued with legendary elements, which are, at least in great part, apocryphal, and which were certainly composed long after the epoch the history of which they reflect. The sphere of religion is almost the only one with regard to which some comparisons are possible; and that which gives some interest to the comparisons, limited though they be, which we are able to institute, is, that from them we may hope to recognise in what direction, if not in what degree, tradition has gradually deviated from the truth.
According to the Sinhalese chronicles, the coronation of Aboka did not take place till four years after his coming to the throne, and we have no means for certainly checking this statement. There is nothing to show its improbability, and we might even say that the care with which the king, agreeing in this with the practice of the chroniclers, expressly dates from his abhisheka the facts about which he informs ne, appears rather to indicate that his coronation, as a matter of fact, could not have coincided with his taking possession of his power. The tradition is most liable to suspicion so far as it deals with the events which are said to have accompanied this act of taking possession, or at least which are said to have preceded the coronation. If we are to believe the Sinhalese, Asoka seized the throne after putting to death ninety-nine of his brothers, and is said to have spared one only, Tishya, who entered three years later into a monastic life. The commission of this crime is contradicted by the inscriptions, in wbich he speaks of his brothers, and of their residence in various towns of his empire ; indeed,
17 Cf. Spiegel, Eran. Alterth., II., pp. 328 and #f. 79 Cf. the remark of Tarantha, Germ. translat. p. 29.
78 Journ. Asiatique, 1879, I. p. 536

Page #273

SYSTEM OF TRANSLITERATION. The system of transliteration followed in this Journal for Sanskrit and Kanarese, and, for the sake of uniformity, submitted for adoption, as far as possible, in the case of other languages),-- except in respect of modern Hindu personal names, in which absolute purism is undesirable, and in respect of a tow Anglicised corruptions of names of places, sanctioned by long usage, - Is this :Sanskrit. Kanarese. Transliteration. Sanskrit.
Kanarese. Transliteration. ज
jha na
ja
भा
4
4
B 3 3 3
4
4
ņa
4
4
tha
4
2 2 & 3 63 63
dha
na
pa
&agd&Etlauado al 31 d & 2
Visarga
pha ba
bha
ma
Visarga Jihvámállya, or old)
Visarga before -
and ख् Upadhmaniya, or
old Visarga be
fore and Anusvira
Anusvára Anuncisika
444 834AA# 4 4 4 4 4
kha
Hoa KD 8 3 3
821
ga gha iia cha
sa chha
ha A single hyphen is used to separate words in composition, as far as it is desirable to divide them. It will readily be seen where the single hyphen is only used in the ordinary way, at the end of a line, as divided in the original Text, to indicate that the word runs on into the next line; intermediate divisions, rendered unavoidable here and there by printing necessities, are made only where absolutely necessary for neatness in the arrangement of the Texte.
A double hyphen is used to separate words in a sentence, which in the original are written as one word, being joined together by the euphonic rules of sandhi. Where this double hyphen is used, it is to be understood that a final consonant, and the following initial vowel or consonant-and-vowel, are in the original expressed by one complex sign. Where it is not used, it is to be understood of the orthography of the original, that, according to the stage of the alphabet, the final consonant either has the modified broken form, which, in the oldest stages of the alphabet, was used to indicate a consonant with no vowel attached to it, or has the distinct sign of the viráma attached to it; and that the following initial vowel or consonant has its full initial form. In the transcription of ordinary texts, the double hyphen is probably unnecessary; except where there is the samdhi of final and initial vowels. But, in the transcription of epigraphical records, the for the purpose of indicating exactly the-palæographical standard of the original texts.
The avagraha, or sign which indicates the elision of an initial a, is but rarely to be met with in inscriptions. Where it does occur, it is most conveniently represented by its own Devanagari sign.
So also practice has shewn that it is more convenient to use the ordinary Devanagari marks of punctuation than to substitute the English signs for them.
Ordinary brackets are used for corrections and doubtful points; and square brackets, for letters which are damaged and partially illegible in the original, or which, being wholly illegible, can be supplied with certainty. An asterisk attached to letters or marks of punctuation in square brackets, indicates that those letters or marks of punctuation were omitted altogether in the original. As a rule, it is more convenient to use the brackets than to have recourse to footnotes; as the points to which attention is to be drawn attract notice far more readily. But notes are given instead, when there would be so many brackets, close together, as to encumber the text and render it inconvenient to read. When any letters in the original are wholly illegible and cannot be supplied, they are represented, in metrical passages, by the sign for a long or a short syllable, as the case may be; and in prose passages, by points, at the rate, usually, of two for each akshar or syllable.

Page #274


Page #275

AUGUST, 1891.)
THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI.
257
agreement is far from existing amongst the different sources of the tradition, and according to Taranátha, so it was six brothers whom the king made away with. According to other authorities there was no murder at all, but it is replaced by other acts of cruelty. In the Asóka-avadána, s1 the prince slays his officers and his wives, and sets up a 'hell,' in which a number of innocent people are submitted to the most refined tortares.82 According to a Sinhalese account, 93 Asöka sends a minister to re-establish regular practices amongst the Buddhist clergy, who are troubled by the treacherous intrusion of a great number of false Brahmanical brethren. Infuriated against the monks who refused under these conditions to celebrate the upôsatha, the minister decapitates several with his own hand. He only stops, when the very brother of the king offers himself to receive the fatal blow. The king, being informed of what has occurred, falls a victim to cruel anguish of conscience. In the north, we are told how Asoka, to punish profanation committed by Brahmaņical mendicants upon a statue of the Buddha, sets a price upon their heads, and how he only desists from his executions when his brother, who is here called Vîtiśoka, is, in mistake, slain as one. All these accounts are at the same time very analogous, and vers different. It is equally impossible to accept any of the versions as good historical coin. We can recognise them, without difficulty, as more or less independent developments of two ideas common to both sets. The first is the antithesis between the criminal conduct of Asoka before his conversion, and his virtuous conduct subsequently to it. In this way the Asúku-avadóna's places the conversion of Asoka in direct relation with his 'hell,' by the intermediary of the pious Samudra. The other is the memory of a certain opposition between the king and the Brahmaņs. It reappears in the southern account of his conversion, and is there attributed to the comparisons, unfavourable to the Brâhmans, which arose in the heart of the king: between them and his nephew, Nigrôdha the sramilana.
In his inscriptions, Piyadasi himself enlightens us as to the origin of his conversion. He draws for us a mournful picture of the deeds of violence which accompanied the conquest of Kalinga, the thousands of deaths, the thousands of harmless people carried off into slavery, families decimated, Brâhmaņs themselves not escaping the miseries of the defeat. It is this spectacle which filled him with remorse, and which awakened in him a horror of war. Here we are upon a solid ground of history. It is very probable that the literary versions are only later amplifications of this kernel of simple and certain truth. The sentiments which Piyadasi explains to us in the 13th edict, would appear to exclude the idea of a career of craelties and of crimes pursued through several entire years. So much for the first point of view.
As for the second, Piyadasi himself, if I correctly translate the difficnlt passage at Sahasaram declares to us that, after his conversion, he proceeded to deprive the Brahmans of that almost divine prestige which they enjoyed throughout the whole of India. Without any doubt, he did not persecute them violently; at the same time he approves of the alms which were given to them ; but he must have marked his preference for the Buddhist religion by various means which it is not difficult to imagine. It is this proceeding, doubtless, which has been transformed in the literary tradition into an absolute banishment, - nay rather, a bloody persecution of the Brahmaņs.
In both cases, a comparison of the monuments with the legends and the chronicles tends to show, 1st, that the traditions are marked by grave exaggeration, and are full of arbitrary amplifications, and 2nd, that they are dominated by religious and specially by monastic prepossessions, - prepossessions which were infinitely more precise than any which ever existed in the mind and at the time of Piyadasi. All other observations lead to a similar conclusion
We know, from the 2nd edict, that Piyadasi claims the credit of having spread abroad
# Germ. translat. p. 28. n Tirso Atha, pp. 28 and f., contains yet other variations, # Afoka-avadana sp.Barneaf, pp. 428 and {.
31 Barnoaf, Introduction, pp. 864 and if *5 Mahávaniwa, pp. 39 and ff. *5 loc. cit., pp. 867, and fr.

Page #276

258
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY,
[AUGUET, 1891.
everywhere medicines and useful plants both for men and even for animals. According to the story of Buddhaghosha,86 Asoka, on learning that a bhikshu has died for want of medicine, has four tanks (poll: harani) dug out at the four gates of the city, which he fills with medicines, and offers to the monks. Here, on the one hand, the exaggeration is carried to an absurdity, and, on the other hand, the monkish prepossession stands clearly confessed. Piyadasi takes measures to give to those who are condemned to death, before their execution, a respite which will allow them to meditate with a view to their religious preparation for the event. We also see that, on several occasions, he exercises his prerogative of mercy with regard to criminals. If we now turn to the Asúla-avaulúna, 97 we learn that Asoka absolutely prohibited the putting of any one to death, and he takes this resolution owing to the death of a bhikshu who turns out to be no other than his own brother. Here, again, we see the exaggeration and the religious colouring.
The legends of the north, and the southern traditions, each represent Asoka as an adherent to what appeared respectively to each to be the only orthodox Buddhism. Nothing is more natural. But what we want to know, is, to what degree these pretentions were justified.
Since Kittoe's time, 99 it has been generally agreed, that the Bhabra inscription appears to reproduce a letter from the king to the council, which, according to the Sinhalese annalists, is said to have been held at Pâļalipatra in the reign of Asoka. I must except Prof. Kern, who, in his criticism of the data relative to this occurrence, comes to purely negative conclusions, and considers the alleged council as an invention.89 It is at least certain that the coincidence which has been accepted as self-evident, is met by more than one difficulty. The king explains with entire precision the aim which he has set himself in this letter: viz., that certain lessons should be spread abroad as much as possible, both among the monks and among the laity. He mentions neither a general collection of teachings current under the name of the Buddha, nor any of the circumstances which, in the southern tradition, characterized the council of Pataliputra. Can it be admitted that the king designated simply by the name of Mágadha-saingha a solemn meeting, assembled under exceptional circumstances, as is depicted by the Sinhalese books? The very manner, too, in which the king puts nearly on the same level the authority of his own orders and the authority of the words of the Buddha, renders it little likely, granting the piety and orthodoxy of which he boasts, that he should be addressing himself to a council assem. bled to codify those very words of the Buddha. The king, on so solemn an occasion, would assuredly not have employed language so even, so entirely devoid of all allusion to the circamstance which provoked his intervention. I think, therefore, that, in this letter, Piyadasi addresses simply the clergy of Magadha, or, as I have conjectured, the Buddhist clergy in general, in order to recommend to them the active dissemination of the lessons attributed to the Buddha. Moreover, far from admitting that the edict shews the historic reality of the council, I would be rather disposed to think that, in this case also, the memory of the efforts made by Aśôka to extend the Buddhist doctrines and to stimulate the zeal of their natural preachers, amplifying and acquiring definite form as time passed on in the traditions of the schools, has been either the origin or the foundation of the tradition regarding the alleged council.
One of the two chief works attributed by the Sinhalese to this synod, is the initiative which it is said to have taken in sending forth, in all directions, missionaries charged with propagating the Good Law. In this, again, everything points to the conclusion that the chronicle confiscates to the profit of the clergy an honour which, in reality, belongs to the king. The Edict of Sahasa riim-Rûpnath (antá pi cha janaitu) proves that, independently of any council, Piyadasi was devoted to the propaganda in foreign parts. If I have rightly interpreted the conclusion of the edict, he must have, within a little more than a year of religious zeal, sent forth missionaries (vivuthas) as far as possible in all directions. We see, in any case, from the 13th edict, that he sent forth envoy's (dútas) to spread his religious ideas, and that, from that period, he prided himself with having, in this respect, obtained a certain amount of success.
86 Samantapåsadika, ap. Oldenburg, p. 306. 88 Cf. Burnouf, Lotus, p. 325.
87 Burnouf, pp. 423-424. 89 Kern, II, 278 and ff.

Page #277

AUGUST, 1891.)
THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI.
259
There can hardly be any doubt that the monkish tradition, under the influence of its special pre possessions, has t:ansferred to the clergy, an action which, in truth, should be credited to the sovereign.co
According to legend, Asoka would appear as a fervent adorer of the relics of the Buddha, and as a great builder of stúpas. In this respect the monuments do not permit us to be affirmative. I can only adhere, in spite of the objections of Dr. Bühler, to my explanation of the 4th edict. Piyadasi there, in my opinion, describes religions festivals celebrated after his conversion. In connection with these processions, I applied the word vimana, in rimanailasana. to shrines filled with relics; but I confess that this interpretation, which was of necessity conjectural, appears less probable to me to-day. It would be hardly consonant with the zeal of a neophyte to put, if we take the word in this sense, the vimúnadasand, on the same level with the hastidasand, the agikhandháni, &c. I think then that in the monuments we have no proof that Piyadasi practised the cult of relics, though we have still less proof to the contrary
There is, on the other hand, one point with regard to which we are entitled to strongly charge the literary tradition with an anachronism. According to the Sinhalese, the canon of the sacred writings is said to have been fixed, as early as the time of Asoka, by two successive councils. This appears to me to be irreconcilable with the language which the king uses at Bhabra. No doubt, several of the titles which are quoted in this inscription, are to be found in the Pali scriptures, and the example of the ráhulóvádasutta is of a nature to lead 18 to maintain à priori, with respect to the other titles, that the king really did refer to lessons very similar to those of which the text has been preserved to us. Dr. Oldenberg,ol on the other hand, remarks that the king did not necessarily profess to cite all the lessons of the Buddha, the authority of which he recognised. Nevertheless, it must be confessed that, if there existed, besides them, a defined and consecrated body of scriptures, it would be quite extraordinary that Piyadasi should choose, in order to sum up the mass of Buddhist lessons, pieces so little characteristic, so short, and so devoid of dogmatic importance, as those which he cites appear to be, and that too, without even alluding to the great collection of which the title alone would have been infinitely more significant, and to which it would be so natural to appeal when addressing the highest representatives of the clergy and of the whole Buddhist church. It will be remarked, besides, that the terms employed by the text, - suneyu, upadhalay&yr, - refer only to oral transmission.
These remarks would be incomplete without an examination as to the degree to which they are confirmed by the doctrines which the author of the inscriptions professes.
In the special Edict of Bhabra, the language of Piyadasi is, in several characteristic points, in agreement with the terminology of literary Buddhism. Not only does the king address the clergy (sarigha), but he salutes it by a formula sanctioned on such occasions by the canonical writings. He commences with a confession of faithi (pasáda) in the Buddhist Trinity, - Buddha, dharma, and sarigha. He alludes to the four-fold division of the faithful into bhikshus and bhikshunis, updsakas and upásikás, and finally he refers to certain religions lessons of which, as we have seen, several at least are to be found in a more or less equivalent form in the Tripitaka.
In the other inscriptions the points of contact with the Buddhism of our books are less apparent.
On Ony important and interesting point, -I mean the introduction of Buddhism into Ceylon, our inscriptions do not assist us to come to any certain conclusion. Piyadasi never mentions Taubapapni, except as an extremo limit of his influence. It would appear, however, that we must include this great island amongst the countries evangelined undur his direction. It is altogether another thing to decide whether it was really converted then, or whether this was done by his son, &c.; and in this respect, the silenoe of the monuments seems hardly favourable to the authority of the traditions,
n Mahduagga, pref. p. xl. n.

Page #278

260
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[AUGUST, 1891.
The great aim of Piyadasi is to teach, to spread abroad, and to encourage the dhamma. This word appears to frequently in his inscriptions, and has so characteristic an importance, that it is indispensable to fix its exact meaning. From the definitions or descriptions which the king gives us, it follows that to him dhamma ordinarily implies what we call the sum of moral duties.
• According to the definition given in the 2nd Columnar edict, the dhanima consists in committing the least possible ill (úsinara); in doing much good, in practising mercy, charity, truth, and also purity of life.' The eighth adds gentleness. Several enumerations sum up the principal duties which constitute the essential points of the teaching of the dhasima: obedience to fathers, and mothers (Ed. III, IV, XI, Col. Ed. Vill), to the aged (Ed. IV, Col. Ed. VIII), to gurus (Col. Ed. VIII), respect to gurus (Ed. IX), to brahmanas and bramaņas (Ed. IV, Col. Ed. VIII), to relations (Ed. IV), and even to slaves and servants (Ed. IX, XI, Col. Ed. VIII), charity to bráhmanas and sramaņas (Ed, III, IX), to friends, to acquaintances and to relations (Ed. III, XI), and in one passage (Ed. III), - besides apavyayata (?), of which the meaning has not yet been satisfactorily determined, 69 - moderation in language ; above all, respect for the life of animals (Ed. III, IV, IX, XI).93
Here there is nothing exclusively Buddhist, and hence Piyadasi was able to say (Col. Ed. VII) that the kings who preceded him have laboured in order to cause the progress of the dharima.
The 13th edict contains an enumeration altogether similar to those which sum up elsewhere the teaching of the dharima, yet made in order to prove that the virtues which it records are often practised indifferently by adherents of all religious dogmas: -Everywhere,' says the king,
dwell brahmanas, sramanas or otber sects, ascetics or householders: among these men,.... there exist obedience to superiors, obedience to fathers and mothers, tenderness towards friends comrades and relations, respect to slaves and servants, fidelity in the affections. The dhanima is here attributed to all sects. It is that sára, that'essence,' which is common to all, as Piyadasi says in the 12th Edict, and the universal progress of which he desires. That is why harmony is to be desired. All should hear and learn to practise the dharma from the mouth of one another.'94
At the same time, the Edict of Bhabra shows that the special Buddhist use of dhamma was familiar to Piyadasi, and that the word was already in his time associated with the two other terms, - buddha and sargha, - to constitate the trinitary formula of the Buddhists. Nay, more than that, Piyadasi everywhere puts the idea of the dharima in direct relation with his positive conversion to Buddhism. His first conversion he defines in the 13th edict by the words dharmaváyé dharmakhmatá dhanmántasathi. As for the second, his "setting out for the sarnbödhi' is described by the words dharmayátrá. In the fourth edict, in the senterice, ..... piyadasino ráno dharmacharaména bhéríghóså aho dhariıniaghosó vimánadasana cha
The explanation proposed by Dr. Bühler satisfies me neither as regards the form (the locative would be unique in the inscriptions), nor as regards the suggested meaning which is entirely hypothetical. As for the translation modesty, proposed by Dr. Pischel, he has himself made the suggestion with the most express reservations.
75 The moral ideas which Piyadasi expresses elsewhere, as when he contends that virtue is difficult to practise (. V, VI, X, &c.), or when he declares that he considers it his duty to promote the happiness of the world
Ed. VI), and that in his eyes uo glory is equal to the practice of the dhamma (X), and no conquest to the conquesta made for the gain of the dhashma, and when he maintains (Col. Ed. III) that rage, cruelty, Anger, and pride are the sources of sin, all these observations are of a very general character, and add nothing to what we know from elsewhore.
Ed. XII. I now think that it is thus that we should understand this phrase (1.7). The king never distinguishee between different dhatimas, and does not take the word to express indifferently any belief wbatever, and it is difficult to maintain that he should do so in a solitary passage. I prefer therofore to make añamosiasa depend not on dhanman, but on srundyu and susuriaérault; the genitive thus taking a force equivalent to that which the ablative would have, an occurrence which is not unusual. In the concluding sentence of the ediot, I cannot but accept the correction of Dr. Bühler, and I take atpa pisarda as meaning, 'the belief peculiar to each person,' and not my own belief.'

Page #279

AUGUST, 1991.)
THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI.
261
...., dhaimacharana necessarily refers to the conversion of the king, and specially signifies his adhesion to the Buddhist dharma. It finds its expression in the ceremonies peculiar to the calt, though, almost immediately afterwards, dharmacharana signifies merely the practice of moral duties, in accordance with the ordinary value which the word dhaima has in the mouth of the king.
Ought we, therefore, to conclude that dhanma, in our inscriptions, takes successively two different meanings. They would, in that case, be brought together and confounded in such a manner that, à priori, such a theory is hardly probable. On the other hand, Piyadasi certainly does profess a large spirit of tolerance; ho desires that all religious sects may live overywhere in perfect liborty, because all of them aim at the subjection of the senses and at purity of soul (VII). Bit, however liberal his intentions may be, they do not reach to indifference. He does not kesitate to interdict bloody sacrifices, dear as they must have been to those very Brahmans to whom he boasts that he made alms, and he dissuades from, and ridicules, the rites and ceremonies consecrated by Brahmanical usage, which were celebrated at marriagos and births, in cases of sickness, and at the moment of setting out on a journey.
In the Edict of Sahasarâm, the sentence regarding the misantérd and the amisdiulévá, supposing that my translation is accepted as correct, certainly expresses an idea of polemics in regard to beliefs differing from that of the king.97 It is true that, as Dr. Bühler has remarked (p. 15), respect for the life of animals is a trait common in India to soveral religions, but it novertheless appears to me to be proved, by the very care with which the king limits and points out his desires in this respect (Col. Ed. V), that he did not obey a general feeling, but a dogma dear to his personal doctrines, and the practice of which he imposed even on people who did not consider themselves bound by it. The choice of days reserved is specially characteristic, referring as it does to the festivals of the religious calendar of the Buddhists.09
This conflict of opinions, or of expressions, is only apparent. There is a means, and I think onl; one means, of reconciling them. It is certain that the meaning of dharma or dhamma has been gradually circumscribed and brought within definite limits by the Buddhists as a techni. cal term. In place of 'law, moral law, virtue,' in general, the word, taking for them a special bearing, signified at first 'the law peouliar to Buddhists,' - the moral rules and the dogmatic principles as they understood them, and finally the writings themselves in which these principles and these rules are recorded But nothing compels us to assume that such an
# Dr. Bühler, who disputns certain details of my translation, is in substantial agroement with me on this point. Whether we translate with him, in Folge seiner (Bekehrung zur Erfüllung dor Gasetzes,' or, as I have done literally, thanks to the observance of the religion by Piyadagi,' the meaning is essentially tho same, and, in both casos, it is considered that the allusion is to the king's conversion to Buddhism, and that, consequently, the expres. sion dharmacharang is, in the eyes of the king, suficiently characteristic of tho practice of the Buddhist religion. It is in regard to the way in which we ought to understand the conjunctive participle dasayit, that Dr. Bühler and I cease to be at one. He lays stress on the past sense which tho form implies, and refora the allusion to the fosţivals given by the king before his conversion. The point is, indeed, of molerate importance, but I cannot refrain from adhering to my original interpretation. It seems to me to be indisputable that, if the king had intended to lay Stross on the distinction which is maintained between the actual bhrighisi and his formor religious feasts, he would have marked it more clearly by his latgange, and by the turn of the sentence. As for the use of tho conjunctive participle with a sense equivalent to that of a participle present, Dr. Bühler knows better than I do that it is of every day occurrence.
The new readings farnished by Pandit Bhagwanlal and Dr. Babler put boyond doubt the interpretation wbich they have given of prajdhitaviyath and its equivalents. In this respect, it is necessary to correct my translation.
OT Prof. Korn (pp. 312 and f.) considers that the terms in which Piyadasi expresses himself in regard to the BrAhmans, entitle us to rejoot the statement of the Sinhalesa chroniolo, according to which Asöka is said to have, at the moment of his conversion, ceased to feed brahmanas, and to have substituted in their place draman 18. This is, I think, going too far. It is one thing to tolerate the Brahmans and to give them alms, and another thing to surround oneself with them regularly and constantly, even in one's own palace. For my part I see no absolute incompatibility between the language of the king and the reminiscences of the Southern Buddhists. It is uale. cessary to add that I do not attach any grare importanoe to this matter of detail. The disfavour which I belie. the king himself admits to have shown to Brahmans, could evidently have been manifested in other ways.
» Cf. Kern, Geschied. tan het buddh., II., 206 and ff.

Page #280

262
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[AUGUST, 1891.
acceptation had become fixed in the time of Piyadasi, nor that, in those days, even in the formula buddha, dharma, sangha, the word had any other signification than the moral law.' From this point of view, the literature accepted as orthodox offers us, in a work recognised as one of the most ancient, instructive parallels, and I am surprised that writers have not before this thought of comparing our inscriptions with the language of the Pali Dhammapada.
Taking first the use of the word dhaima, the Dhammapada, like our texts, uses it in the entirely Buddhist formula of the trišarana (verse 190). At the same time, the epithets by which it is usually accompanied, - ariyappavedita (v. 79), sammadaklchata (v. 86), uttama (v. 115), summásaibuddhadé sita (v. 392), - clearly show that it is not yet crystallized into a narrow and technical acceptation. We may also form a judgment from verses 256 and ff., where the word is applied exactly as Piyadasi might have done, and from verse 393, which is so entirely in the tone of our monuments : - yamhi sachcham cha dhammo cha sổ sukhỉ số cha brâ hmaņô.
The meaning is still more generalised in passages like verses 167-169, and in the cases in which the word is employed in the plural, as in verses 1, 82, 273, 278-279, 384. Saddharma serves inore especially to designate the Buddhist law (verses 60,182); but, we may judge from verse 364 how far the two words dhainma and saddharima are mixed up and confounded : -
Dhammiramo, dhammarato, dhammar anuvichintayari
dhammam anussaram bhikkhu saddhamma na parihaya Verse 183,
Sabbapåpassa a karanam kusalassa upasampadå
sachittapariyôdapanam: êtam buddhana sâsanam, cannot fail to remind us of the passage in the 2nd Col. Ed., in which Piyadasi defines the dhamma, - apasinavé bahukayáné, &c.
The general tone and the main points of the moral teaching present in the two cases the most evident analogies. I can only quote a few examples. The king again and again dwells upon the necessity of persevering efforts to advance in moral life (Ed. VI, X, &c.), with an insistence which is quite equalled by that of the Dhammapada. It will suffice to refer to the chapter on appanáda (verses 21 and ff.). Compare (verses 7, 116, &c.). I cite again verse 23, in which the epithet da! haparakkama recalls the word parákrama employed by the king with such visible preference; also verses 24, 168, 280, to show a use of the base utthá parallel to that which we find in our inscriptions (G. VI, 9 and 10, and perhaps, J., Det. Ed., I, 7); finally verse 163, in which the remark sukaráni asádhúni is an exact fellow of the ideas expressed in our 5th edict. Both authorities incalcate the necessity of self-examination (Dhammap., verse 50 ; Col. Ed. III) regard for all, and in particular respect to the aged (Dhammap., verse 109; Ed. IV, V, IX, &c.) and moderation in language (Dhammap., verse 133, Ed. III., XII). Verse 234, which makes truthfulness, mercy, charity the three cardinal virtues, can be compared with the two passages of the 2nd, and of the 7th-8th Columnar edicts, which bring together the same triad of sache dayá, dáné. While the king recommends ahi sá and abolishes the use of animal flesh at his table, the Dhammapada exalts the ahinsalea muni (v. 225) and recommends a strict temperance (v. 7, al.)
The most striking coincidences are perhaps those which deal with details of form. The formula frequently used by the king, - sådhu dánaia, &c., - is found also in the Dhammapada, verse 35, chittassa damatho sadhu; verse 360, chakkhuná sainvari sádhu, &c. With the 9th and 11th edicts compare verse 354 sabbadánari dhammadána jináti, &c.; with the frequent use of the base árádh, the expression of verse 281, arddhayé maggan; with the phrase dhanman nuvaftati, the dhanmanuvatting of verse 86; with dhanmadhithànó at Dhauli (verse 26), dhainmatiha of verses 217, 256 and ff.; with dhaimarati at Kh. and K. (XIII. 16 and 12 cf. the end of the 8th edict), the recommendation of verse 88, tatrå(scil, dhammé)bhirati ichchhéya.
The verses 11-12, -asáré sdramatinô sáré cha asáradassing, 80., - at least bear witness to a use of the word sära extremely analogous to that which we find in the 12th edict, à propos of

Page #281

AUGUST, 1891.)
THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI.
208
the sáravadhi. Piyadasi aims at the teaching of the dharama, dharmasa dipand (12th Ed.), and according to verse 363, the duty of the bhikshu is the same, atthain dharmañcha dipeti; the only true glory which he sees lies in the diffusion of the dharama (10th Ed.), and according to the Dhammapada (verse 24),-..... dhanmajivinó appamattassa yasó bhivaddhati ; it is in the dharima that he fixes happiness (Col. Ed. I., 9, &c.), and according to the 393rd verge of the Dhammapada - yamhi sachchan cha dhammo cha só sukhi...
To the king, happiness is both happiness in this world and in the world to come. It is the very formula of reward which he anweariedly promises; it is found no less often in the Lhammapada, verses 16, 132, 168, 177.
The spirit of tolerance shown by the king is not itself altogether unknown to the canonical book. Not only does verge 5 in a general way recommend mercy and the forgetting of hatreds, but, far from treating the Brâhman and Brahmaņism as enemies, it puts the name in close connection with that of the bhikshu: -
Santô dantô niyatô brahmachari sabbêsa bhûtêsu nidhaya dandam
so brahmanô số samanô la Bhikkhu (verse 142). By the side of the Bhikkhuvagga, it devotes a whole chapter to exalting, under the name of • the brahmana, perfection such as it conceives it, while at the same time it does not forget that the
brúhmana is the representative of a different cult (verse 392). The author does not violently denounce this cult, bat, as Piyadasi does with regard to ceremonies (maingala), he proclaims its inutility (verses 106-107). Finally, he compares the sámaññata and the brahmaññatá, the quality of the éramana, and the quality of the brahmana (verses 332), just as the king himselt associates brahmanas and dramanas.
These comparisons are far from exhausting the number of possible points of contact, nor cau they give one that general impression which has also considerable value, and which can only result from a parallel study of the two texts. Such as they are, they appear to me to be of a nature to justify an important conclusion: that the ideas and the language which are brought to light, from a religious point of view, in our inscriptions, cannot be considered as an isolated expression of individual convictions or conceptions. A book of canonical repute lays before us an equivalent sufficiently exact to allow us to consider that they correspond to a certain state of Buddhism, earlier than that which has found expression in the majority of the books which have come down to us, - that they correspond to a certain stage in the chronological development of the religion of Säkya.
It thus happens that certain indications appear to be of a nature to connect Piyadasi and the Dhammapada.
We are so accustomed to see Indian kings carrying several different names, that the double nomenclature of Piyadasi and Aboka need not surprise us. It would still, however, be interesting to discover its reason; the more so as the word Aboka is not, either by its meaning or by frequent use, one of those which would appear suited to be used as a surname. We have seen, on the authority of the Sinhalese chronicle, that Asöka at the time of his conversion took the name of DhammasôkaIt is probable that his real name was Priyadarsin, for that is the only one which he applies to himself, and we are thus led to conclude that the king took only at his conversion the name of ABóka or Dharma soka, though he judged it to be inopportune to employ it in his monuments, as he would thus cause in the middle of his reign a very consider. able change in the protocols of his chancery. But, on the other hand, this name, naturally dear to the Buddhists whose triumph it commemorated and of which it was the sign, became so established in their memory, that it threw into the shade the one that the king bore in his first years before his conversion, which the literary tradition paints in such sombre colours. This conjectare, which appears to explain sufficiently the facts under consideration, 'has been suggested to me by two classes of passages which I quote from the Dhammapada. The word bóka, grief,' is

Page #282

264
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[AUGUST, 1891.
used by the Dhammapada with a certain amount of insistence, for instance in verses 212-216:
Piyatô jayatî sôkô piyatô jayati bhayam
piyatô vippamuttassa natthi soko kutô bhayam; etc... or again in verse 336 :
Yô vê tam sahati jammim tanhaṁ lôkê durachchayam sôka tamhâ papatanti udabindu va pôkkhara.
In verse 195, the Buddhas and the Srâvakas receive the epithet tingasskapariddava.
From this use of sóka is deduced the adjective asoka, as in verse 412: -
Yodha puññañ cha pâpañ cha ubhô samgam upachchagâ asôkam virajam suddhain tam aham brumi brâhmaņaṁ.
The word is again found in verse 28:
Pamâdam appamâdêna yada nudati panditô paññâрâsâdam âruyha asôkô sôkinim pajam pabbataṭṭhò va bhummaṭṭhê dhirô bâlê avêkkhati.
The same thought is expressed in verse 172:
Yô cha pubbê pamajjitva pachchhâ so nappamajjati so imam lokam pabhâsêti abbhâ muttô va chandima.
The last stanza but one contains six padas, which would lead one to suppose at first that there has been some interpolation; and, indeed, the middle double páda, - paññápásádam, &c., - could be suppressed without in any way altering the general sense; it would appear, moreover, to be wanting in the version which is reproduced by the Chinese translation. To tell the truth, it does not fit in well in meaning with the rest of the passage; we should at least expect a va or an iva. I cannot help thinking that this half-verse is an addition intended to explain and complete the general idea, by an allusion to our Aéôka-Piyadasi. Under these considerations, the use of pajs, which may signify the 'subjects' of the king, and the use of the rather rare metaphor, paññápásáda, the palace of wisdom,' take a new meaning. Although we are driven to admit that the half-verse in question is an addition, which did not originally form an integral portion of the stanza, I consider that it does not spoil the sense, and that perhaps the first author had, as à matter of fact, the allusion, which it expresses, in his mind's eye. The theory of a similar allusion in verse 172 explains well what would, under any other hypothesis, appear excessive and too emphatic in the words imam lokam pabháséti in this and in the following verse. I may add that the above seems to me to suggest, in regard to verses 212 ff., which have just been quoted, an analogous idea, and it may be asked whether in the first, which has served as a prototype for the others, the contrast between piya and soka has not similarly been inspired by a pun on the double name of Piyadasi and Asôka.
These passages are scattered almost throughout the work. Each confirms the other, and I think it may be inferred that the general composition of the book, I do not say its definite taking of shape, or, in any case, its form as we have it now, goes back to a time not far from that of Piyadasi, to an epoch when his memory was yet alive. This is not the place to seek if we can discover other grounds of a nature to confirm those which we have just suggested, and it will be sufficient to point out that, for entirely different reasons, it has been generally considered that the Dhammapada is one of the most ancient Buddhist texts.100 At the same time I do not presume to attribute to the hypothesis which I have been led to suggest, either more certainty, or more importance, than is due to it.
To return to my general conclusions regarding the Buddhism of Piyadasi: - In my opinion, our monuments are witnesses of a stage of Buddhism sensibly different from that to which 100 Cf. Fausböll, pref. pp. VI. and ff.
Cf. Beal, Dhammapada, p. 70.

Page #283

AUGUST, 1891.)
THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI.
265
it developed in later times. It appears to us as a purely moral doctrine, paying little attention to particular dogmas or to abstract theories, little embarrassed with scholastic or monkish elements having but little tendency to insist on the divergencies which separated it from neighbouring religions, ready to accept consecrated terms and forms when they did not offend its moral ideal, and as yet without texts fixed by writing, or, we may be sure, a regularly defined canon. As far as we are in a position to judge, the character of the texts enumerated by Piyadasi at Bhabra, entirely agrees with such a stage of Buddhism.
One other remark also has its value. Nowhere, amongst the rewards which he offers in the future for virtue, does Piyadasi make any allusion to nirvana. It is always svargs of which he speaks (Ed. VI, IX; Dh., Det. Ed., I). Doubtless the king may have deliberately preferred to choose a term familiar to all intellects, and more conveniently suited to all doctrines. But, in spite of all, this absolute silence appears to me to be significant, as clearly indicating an epoch anterior to the metaphysical and speculative developments of the Buddhist religion.
The history of Buddhism implies, if I am not mistaken, a period, still near its source, marked by a popular character, less determined in its dogmas, less isolated in its legends, in which the essential originality of the doctrine had room to manifest itself freely, an originality which is founded on the pre-eminence attributed to the due carrying out of moral duties over the execution of liturgical forms and practices. Such a period appears to me to be a kind of necessary historical postulate, and I think that the inscriptions of Piyadasi preserve for us not only & trace, but direct evidence of it.
Things soon changed their aspect; and the peculiar features of this ancient epoch were quickly lost by tradition. This follows from the few comparisons which we have been able to make, between the evidence of the monuments, and the data given by literature. The very character and person of Asoka have undergone, both in legend and in chronicle, alterations analogous to the evolution which followed his time.
Asoka became in them a type without individuality and without life, his history a subject for edifying legends, and his name & peg on which to hang theories of moral development. His early life has been extravagantly blackened, to serve as a counterfoil to the virtues which inspired him after his conversion. He has been depicted at the end of his career as entirely under the feet of the clergy, as a sort of maniac in almsgiving, and as an ideal of monkish perfection, which, however admirable it may appear to Hindús, cannot seduce us to similar applause. His inscriptions furnish no confirmation whatever of these statements. Prof. Kern, 101 influenced by the legends, considers that towards the end of his life Piyadasi showed himself to be intolerant and a bigot. He discovers in his last edicts the expression of an actual fanaticism, and maintains that the tone and course of ideas suggest that the intellect of the prince must have deteriorated, and that, while all the edicts bear more or less traces of a troubled mind, the last ones are specimens of insensate babbling, 102 This judgment is based on the false idea that the Edict of Sahasrâm belonged to the final period of the reign of Piyadasi, and I confess that, so far as I am concerned, I can discover no pretext for such vehement conclusions. But Prof. Kern is, in general, very hard on the poor Piyadasi. When he considers that the 13th edict, the one which deals with the conquest of Kalinga, leaves on the mind an impression of
hypocrisy',103 I cannot refrain from fearing that he is yielding to a bad opinion preconceived against a king whose clericalism annoyed him.
The character of Piyadasi has generally been more favourably appreciated. It cannot, I think, be denied, without injustice, that he exhibits, in his edicte, a spirit of moderation, a moral elevation, a care for the public good, which merit every praise. He possessed from his birth a taste for enterprise and energetic qualities, borne witness to by the conquest of Kalinga. Did his oonversion injure the native vigour of his temper? The thing is the more possible, as being the 102 Kern, II, p. 807, n.
202 Ibid. p. 319.
28 [bid. p. 816.

Page #284

266
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[AUGUST, 1891.
effect which Buddhism generally has produced, not only upon individuals, but upon entire nations; but that does not yet entitle as to view bim as the childish and helpless being he has been represented. It was the sentiment of religion which inspired him with the idea of engraving inscriptions throughout his empire. We usually only see him under this aspect, but the desire which he expresses in so great detail, to be kept continually informed regarding his affairs, and to expedite them without any delay, does not give us the idea of an idle prince.
I am afraid also that, in some respects, he bears, more than is justly due, the responsibility for the somewhat clumsy and awkward language which he uses in his inscriptions. It is plain that the style, at least the style of prose language, - had in his time not yet achieved that experience, that freedom of manner, which give to the thoughts a turn at once elegant and precise. His sentences are often short, even abrupt, and are always wanting in variety. His language is a 'prentice sailor, afraid to venture far from shore. When in an unlucky moment, he ventures on a period, he only makes his exit with great difficulty. The ill-fitting garment does injustice to the intellect whose movements it encumbers. That intellect was not, perhaps, very vast or very decided, but it was certainly animated with excellent intentions, and full of the idea of moral duty and of the sentiments of humanity. By the various efforts with which he was inspired in his religious zeal, by his relations with nations not subject to his empire, nay, with peoples the most distant from the Peninsula, and finally, by the monuments, epigraphic or otherwise, of which he was the creator, Piyadasi certainly rendered services to the general civilisation of India, and the credit of these merits we are in justice bound to render to him.
-
THE CHRONOLOGY OF THE EASTERN CHALUKYA KINGS.
BY J. P. FLEET, BO.C.S., M.R.A.S., C.I.E.
(Concluded from p. 104.) 16. - Amma I. ; Vishnuvardhana VI.
Seven years; A.D. 918 to 925. He was the eldest son of No. 15, Vijayaditya IV. In S. his name is given as Amba; In all the other grante, commencing with K., it is Amma. He had the epithet of sarvaldkabrays, 'refuge of all mankind;' the second name of Vishnuvardhana VI.; and the biruda of Raja-Mahondra; the latter occurs in one of his own grants (L.), and in U.; and it saggests that the oity of Rajamahendrapuram or Bajamandri was first occupied, by the Eastern Chalukyas, under him, and was renamed after him (see page 94 above). In his own granta, he uses the title of Maharaja. The seals of his granta bear the motto of krt-Tribhuvanankus (see page 100 above). M. and all the subsequent grants agree in stating that he reigned for seven years.
L. states that he used his sword against some feudatory relatives who had joined the party of his natural adversaries, and won over to himself the subjeots and the army of his father and his grandfather. This intimates that some of the members of his family had entered into an unsuccessful conspiracy with the Rashtrakatas, to prevent his accession.
Of his time we have two records :
K.- A grant from Magulipatam in the Kistna District; edited by Mr. Sewell, ante, Vol. VIII. p. 76; I have also my own reading of the original plates. - It gives the dynastic name as Ohalukya. This grant, or L., is the earliest record that gives the full historical genealogy, with the lengths of the reigns. It gives the opening passage in its final form,
prakriti-sapatna-paksha. Compare the description of the Pallava king, m the natural enemy (prakrity amitwa) of the Western Chalukya hing Vikramaditya II. (ante, Vol. VIII. p. 20, Platelia, last line)
. I have taken K. first, because it wwe published first.

Page #285

AUGUST, 1891.)
THE EASTERN CHALUKYA CHRONOLOGY.
267
which was followed, with only a few trifling differences, in all the later grants, and which runs thus: - "Of SatyÂśraya-(Pulikêśin II.), the favourite (vallabha), - who adorned the family of the Chalukyas, who are glorious ; who are of the Mânavya gôtra, which is praised throughout the whole world; who are Hûritiputras (i. e. descendants of an original ancestress of the Harita gótra); who have acquired sovereignty through the excellent favour of (the goddess) Kausiki ;3 who have been protected by the assemblage of (divine) Mothers; who meditate on the feet of (the god) Svâmi-Mabâsêna (Karttikêya); who have had the territories of (their) enemies made subject to them on the instant at the sight of the excellent crest of a boar which they acquired through the favour of the divine Narayana (Vishņu); (and) whose bodies are purified by ablutions performed after celebrating the asvamédha-sacrifice, the brother, KubjaVishnuvårdhana (I.), (reigned) for eighteen years." The only substantial difference in this passage, subsequently introduced, is the addition, e. g. in M., of the words Vergi-nandalam anvapalayat, or, in P., of the words Vengi-désam apalayat, - "the brother, Kabja-Vishnavardhana I., roigned for eighteen years over the Vergi country;" as bas been noted above, M. is the earliest grant that makes this specific statement. Minor differences are, the variations in the spelling of the dynastic name and of the word Haritiputra ;t and the fact that Satyaśraya-Palikêśin II., who here and in L. is called the favourite (vallabha)' is usually called the lord of favourites (vallabhándra).' The charter was issued by Amma I. himself. It records a grant of the village of Drujjaru in the Pennatavadi vishaya, to Mahakala, who had been a general of Bhima I. The Dataka was Katakaraja.
L. - A grant from Idara ' in the Kistna District; edited by Pandit S. M. Natesa Sastri, ante, Vol. XIII. p. 50, and by Dr. Hultzsch, South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. I. p. 36, No. 36; I have also my own reading of the original plates. - The dynastic name is given as Chalukya. The genealogy commences with Kubja-Vishņuvardhana I., the brother of Satyaśraya, 'the favourite.' The charter was issued by Amma I. himself. It records a grant of the village of Gonţuru in the Kanderuvadi vishaya,' to Bhandanaditya, otherwise called Kuntaditya, of the Pattavardhini family, who has been mentioned above in connection with Vijayâditya IV.
17. - Vijayaditya V.; Bete.
Fifteen days; A. D. 925. He was the eldest son of No. 16, Amma I. In T. and X. he is not mentioned at all; but, with these exceptions, M. and all the subsequent grants speak of him, and give his name as Vijayaditya; I take his other name of Bêta, which was probably the original appellation bestowed at the naming-ceremony after bis birth (see page 95 above, note 9 ), - from the two records noted in the next paragraph. M. and N. say that, having been anointed, as a child, by the binding on of the kanthika (see page 103 above, and note 27), he was ejected by TAÇapa. P., Q., R., U, V., and W., record his ejection by Tadapa; but make no mention of the kanthiká-pattabandh-ábhisheka. O. and S. allude to neither the installation nor the ejection; but S. states that Tidapa attacked and imprisoned him. The only records which speak of him as actually reigning, are O. and S.; they state that he reigned for one fortnight.
There is nothing in the records to indicate that he died as a child. And, on the contrary, two later inscriptions represent him as attaining to manhood, and as founding & separate line of descent, which subsequently came to hold the Vengi country again. One of them is a Pittậpuram stone inscription, dated Saka-Samyat 1124 (Telugu Sasanams, p. 501); the other . See page 90 above, note 16.
See pages 96, 96, above, notes 10, 11. # Whether this is a proper dame, or an official title = 'governor of the town or village'), is not apparent. The word oocurs again, just as it is here, in P., R., and 8. In U. we have Kațakidhika; apparently for metrical Teasons. In V. we bare Kataken; without any metrical necesity.
. See page 101 above, note 20.
* One would expect this Goptara to be Gantor in the Kintra District. But, from a note by Dr. Haltzsch (loc. cit. p. 88, note 6), it appears that this point is doubtful.

Page #286

263
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(AUGUST, 1891.
is a copper-plate grant from the Gôdâvari District (No. 77 in Mr. Sewell's Lists of Antiquities, Madras, Vol. II. p. 11). The copper-plate grant states, in the regular place, between Amma I. and Tadapa,- that Vijayaditya V. had the other name of Beta. Both the records continue the genealogy, in the usual manner, down to the time of Vikrama-Choda, who, they say, went to govern the Chôļa mandala, leaving Vengi without a ruler or king of its own (nayaka-rahita ; virojaka); and at that point they introduce this new line of descent. They record that the son of Amma I., ejected by Tadapa, was Bota. His son was Satyasraya. His son was Vijayaditya, who married Vijayamahadevi of the Solar Race. Their son was Vishnuvardhana. His son was Mallapadova, "an ornament of the Lunar Race (i.e. the Chalukya family);" he married Chandaladevi. Their son was Vijayaditya, who is described as "a very moon to cause the increase of the ocean which is the Chalukya lineage, and as “the king of the Vengt country (Vengi-désa-vasundharesa);" his wife was Lakshmidevi. And their son was Vishnuvardhana. The Pittaparam inscription stops here. The transcription of it is imperfect; it does not actually include the name of Vishnuvardhana, and it seems to call him by the second name of Malla; but it speaks of him as “a portion of Vishņa (Vishnv-ansa), and there seems to be no doubt that he is the person who is specifically called Vishņuvardhana in the Godavari grant; it states that he was anointed in Saka-Samvat 1124, on the tenth tithi in the dark fortnight of Jyêshtha, on Sunday, and under the Aśvini nak. shatra ; here the given Saka year has to be applied as an expired year, and the corresponding English date is Sunday, 16th June, A. D. 1202. The Godavari grant, also, does not continue the descent any further. At the above point, it introduces the mention of a king' named Bhima, of the Solar Race, whose wife was Chandaladevi, and who acquired the hereditary sovereignty of his grandfather and other ancestors, through the favour of the glorious Chalukya-Choda. His son was Vishnuvardhana, who married Ganga. And their son was Mahadeva. The charter, addressed to the officials of the Bengurunanţi vishaya, was issued by Mahadeva, who is described as "a Mahamandalesvara who had attained the pancha. mahdsabda; "as" born in the Solar Race;" as "& supporter of the Chalukya sovereignty;" and "as the refuge of all the Brahmans of the town of Vengt;" he was plainly a feudatory of the Vishộuvardhana, son of Vijayaditya and Lakshmidevi, who was descended from BêtaVijayaditya V., son of Amma I. This grant also contains a date; but the passage is partially destroyed, and I cannot make anything satisfactory out of it.10
18. – Tada pa.
One month ; A, D, 925. He was a son of Yuddhamalla I., mentioned above just before No. 14, Bhima I.; according to O. and S., he succeeded Vijayaditya V.; according to the other grants, he came immediately after Amma. I. His name occurs, - in M. and N., as Taha; in 0., as Talape; in P., R., T., and V., as Talapa; in Q. and S., As Tala; and in V., W., and X., as Tadapa. He attained the throne by ejecting the child Vijayâditya V., No. 17; and, in his turn, he was conquered and ejected,
The Pittåpuram inscription names six younger sons of Saty Abraya; but the names of some of them are not quite certain in the transcription. - It also names the wife of Satyábrays ; Apparently as Gangami-Gaurt.
The year is given in numerical words, -ak.6bde vida-nétra-kshiti-gati-ganith; and is sot distinctly speci. fied, either as current, or m expired. Taking it as an expired year, with Prof. K. L. Chhatre's Tables, the tithi ended on the Sunday, st about 52 ghatis, 5 palas, after mean sunrise (for Bombay). With Prof. Jacobi's Tables, it ended on the Sunday, at about 28 hrs, 16 min., 58 gh. 10 p., for Ujjain; but with reference to apparent sunrise, and at Rajamahendri, it would probably end on the Monday, and so we should have an instance of the use of the current tithi with the week-day on which it began, By all the three systems for the longitudes of the ending points of the nakshatras, the moon was in Afvint at sunrise on the Sunday, and up to about 11 hrs. 10 min., 27 gh. 55 p. - In Baka-Samvat 1124 current, the tithi began at about 57 gh. 46 p. on Sunday, 27th May, A. D. 1201, and onded at about 51 gh. 25 p. on the Monday. But this oannot be the real day; because the tithi did not include any hours of daylight on the Sunday moreover, the moon did not enter Asvin till about 10 hrs. min., = 47 gh. 40 p., on the Monday.
10 The extant words are ...... TA-Nayana-muni-gamita-Sakar farat. Phalguna-m...... which seem to point to Baka-Samvat 721. The syllables muni must be a mistake for something meaning'eleven.'

Page #287

AUGUST, 1891.]
THE EASTERN CHALUKYA CHRONOLOGY.
269
- and, M. says, slain, - by No. 19, Vikramaditya II. M. and the subsequent grants all state that he reigned for one month.
19. -- Vikramaditya II.
Eleven months; A. D. 925 to 928. He was another son of No. 14, Chalukya-Bhima I., and a (younger) brother of No.15, Vijayaditya IV. He succeeded No. 18, Tadapa. In M. and all the subsequent grants, his name occurs as simply Vikramaditya. They all agree that he acquired the sovereignty by conquering Tâdapa; M. adds that he slew Tadapa; and 0. states that he ruled over thg Vengi mandala and Trikalinga. U. states that he reigned for nine months; M., N., P. to R., and v. to X., 3ay eleven months; and O., S., and T., one year. We may take the statement of the majority, -eleven months.
20. - Bhima III.
Eight months; A. D. 926 to 927. He was another son of No. 16, Amma I., and a younger brother of No. 17, Vijayaditya V. He is mentioned only in M., which gives his name as simply Bhima; it states that he conquered No. 19, Vikramaditya II., in war; that he reigned for eight months; and that then le was slain by Yuddbamalla II., No. 21, son of Tadapn.
21. - Yuddhamalla II.
Soven years; A. D. 037 to 934. He was a son of No. 18, Tadapa ; M. and U. say that he was the eldest son ; but, with these exceptions, no reference is made to his having brothers. In M. his name appears as simply Malla, for metrical purposes; elsewhere he is always called Yuddhamalla. M. represents him as slaying and succeeding No. 20, Bhima III.; but P. and the subsequent grants represent him as the immediate successor of his father Tadapa ; N. and O. omit to mention him at all, the reason suggested by Dr. Hultzsch being, that his conqueror and successor, No. 22, ChalukyaBhima II., probably considered him as an usurper, and purposely ignored him. In his turn, he was conquered and expelled by Bhima II. M. and P. to X. all agree in stating that he reigned for seven years.
22. - Chalukya-Bhima II.; Vishnuvardhana VII.
Twelve years; A. D. 994 to 945. He was another son of No. 15, Vijayaditya IV., and a younger brother of No.16, Amma I.; 0. and U. say that he was a half-brother (dvaimatura).11 His name occurs as simply Bhima in M. line 32, and in P. to X.; U. further calls him Baja-Bhima (1. 41); M. also calls him Chalukya-Bhima, in line 45, and O., line 17, gives this name as Chalukya-Bhima; in N. his proper name is not given at all. He had the epithet of sarvalokasraya, 'refuge of all mankind;' and the second name of Vishnuvardhana VII. M. gives him the biruda of Ganda-Mahondra; and O., that of Raja MArtanda. S. also gives him another second name, or biruila, - Karayilladata ; and describes him as the lord of Vongi (vengi-náth).' In his first grant, M., he uses the paramount title of Maharajadhiraja ; in N. the title of Paramokvara is added; and in 0. he uses also the third title, Paramabhattaraka. The seals of his grants bear the motto of bri-Tribhuvanankuka. M. describes him as a paramanáhé. kvara, or most devout worshipper of the god Maheśvara.' His wife was Lokamahadevi; she is mentioned in six records, P. to U. He acquired the succession by expelling Yuddhamalla II., and, according to P., by also successfully resisting some other claimants, who will be referred to below. P. and the subsequent records all agree in stating that he reigned for twelve years.
11 R. describes him as a son of Yuddhamalla TT, AA wall as of Vijay 8tya Ty. Thitro tuetion of the worla Elt-putrah way. aa Dr. Haltsach has auggata 1, 59 intended to shew that he balanga ir bert generation after Yudlhamalla II. ; but it 1990; more likely that the insertinaf them is purely a mistaka.

Page #288

270
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[AUGUST, 1891.
U. tells us that he slew the glorious Rajamayya; the mighty Dhalaga, or Valaga; the fierce Tatabikki; Bijja, who was always ready for war; the very terrible Ayyapa; a great army that was sent by king Govinda; Lovabikki, the ruler of the Cholas; and Yuddhamalla, with his arrays of elephants. Here, Yuddhamalla must be his predecessor of that name, the son of Tadapa. Govinda is the Rashtrakata king Govinda V.; he and the others appear to be the "other claimants" spoken of in P. Tatabik ki is also mentioned in 0., by the name of Tatabikyans; and the same record seems to mention Dhalaga or Valaga. and one other opponent whose name does not occur in the passage in U. Ayyapa is very probably the Ayyapadêva of the Begûr inscription of the Western Ganga king Ereyapparasa (Epigraphia Indica, p. 347 ff.); from the Atakûr inscription, which I shall shortly publish, it is now known that his period was just before A, D. 950, and it becomes quite possible that he really was the Western Chalukya Ayyaņa I.
of this reign we have three records :
M. - A grant from Paganavaram in the Madras Presidency; edited by me, with a lithograph, ante, Vol. XIII. p. 213. - It gives the dynastic name as Chalukya. The genealogy commences with Kubja-Vishņuvardhana I., the brother of Satyaśraya, 'the lord of favourites' (vallabhêndra); and this record is the first to state that he reigned over the Vongi mandala. The charter was issued by Bhima II. himself; and it records a grant of the village of Diggubarru in the Pagunavara vishaya.
N.- A grant from apparently Masulipatam in the Kistna District; not yet published ; I quote from my reading of the original plates. - It gives the dynastic name as Chalukya. The genealogy commences with Kubja-Vishņuvardhana I., the brother of Satyasraya, the lord of favourites. The charter was issued by Bhima II. himself; and it records the grant of a field at the village of Akulamannaņdu in the Gudravåra vishaya, made on an occasion of the Uttarayaņa-Samkrinti.
0.- A grant from Kolavenna in the Kistna District ; edited by Dr. Holtzsch, SouthIndian Inscriptions, Vol. I. page 43, No. 37.-It gives the dynastic name as Chalukye. It commences with a verse in praise of the water-lily, which grew from the Davel of Vishnu, and was the birth-place of Brahman. Then follows the usual introductory passage, opening the genealogy with Kubja-Vishnu I., the brother of Satyasraya ;19 but the words which state that he reigned over the country of Vengi, are not included. The charter was issued by Bhîma II. himself; and it records a grant of the village of Kodhatalli in the Kanderuvati vishaya, made on an occasion of the Uttarayaņa-Sankranti. The grant was made at the reqäest of a prince named Vajjaye, of the Panara family, who had helped to protect the kingdom of Bhima II.
40
23. - Amma II. ; Vijayaditya VI.
Twenty-five years; A.D. 945 to 970. He was a younger son, and the successor, of No. 22, Bhima II.18 His name occurs thronghout as Amama. He had the epithet of samastabhavanabraya, 'asylum of the universe;' the other name of Vijayaditya VI.; and, like his uncle of the same name, the biruda of RajaMahendra (see Q., and S., lino 36, 37). In his grants P. and R. to U., he uses the titles of Maharajadhiraja, Paramokvara, and Paramabhattaraka; in Q., instead of Mahdrájádhiraja being used, Maharaja is attached to his name of Vijayaditya, and is followed by Rajadhirają, with the other two titles. The seals of his grants bear the motto of Sri-Tribhuvanankuba. There is a corrupt passage in V., line 46 f., which seems to hint that he had a struggle for the crown with Yuddhamalla II. ; bat. with this exception, it would appear that the family dissen
11 In this case no epithet, neither vallabha, nor ballabhåndra, -- is attached to Satyáraya's name.
18 The recorda with which I am dealing in Mall, mention only two sons, Danarnava and Amma II. But the Pit tApuram insoription of Bala-Sathvat 1124 states that he had three sons; and sooms to give their names 'Ne Bhima (IV.), Amm, and Di n'rraya,

Page #289

AUGUST, 1891.)
THE EASTERN CHALUKYA CHRONOLOGY.
271
sions, which had existed from the time of Vijayaditya V., were now at an end, and that henceforth the succession went peaceably. U. calls him "the lord of Vengi (vengi-átha)." V., W., and X., state that he reigned for twenty-five years. The actual date of his coronation is given in one of his own grants (P.); the details are, Saka-Samvat 867, the month Margasirsha, the thirteenth day in the dark fortnight, Bhriguvåra or Friday, when the moon was in the Ann. rådhå nalieha tra, when the sun was in Dhanus, and during the rising of the sign Kumbha ; and the corresponding English date is Friday, 5th December, A. D. 945 (sce unte, Vol. XIX. p. 102 f.); he was then in the twelfth year from his birth.
Of his time we have six records :
P.-- A grant from an unknown locality ; edited by me, with a lithograph, ante, Vol. VII. p. 15. - It gives the dynastic name as Chalukya. The genealogy commences with Kubja. Vishnuvardhana I., the brother of Satyaśrayn, 'the lord of favourites. The charter was issned by Amma II. himself. It records a grant of the village of Padamkalaru in tho Pennatavadi vishays, made on the occasion of an eclipse of the moon. The Datalca was Katakarāja. The charter was composed by Madhavabhatta, and written by Jontûcharya. This is the record that gives the date of the coronation of Amma II.
2.- A grant from Masulipatam in the Kistna District; edited by Mr. Sewell, anto, Vol. VIII. p. 73; I have also my own reading of the original plates. - It gives the dynastic name as Chalukya. The genealogy commences as in P. The charter was issued by Ammn II. himself. It records & grant of some fields at the village of Pambarru in the Gudravára vishaya, to the Yuvardja Ballaladeva-Volabhata, also called Boddiya, son of Pammava of the Pattavardhini family,
R.- A grant from Yelivarru' in the Kistna District; edited by me, with a lithograph, ante, Vol. XII. p. 91. - It gives the dynastic name as Chalukya. The genealogy commences as in P. The charter was issued by Amma II. himself. It records A grant of the village of Elavarru in the Velanandu vishaya, made on an occasion of the Uttarayana-Samkranti, The Dutaka was Katakaraja. The charter was composed by Potunabbatta, and written by. Jontichirya.
S. - A grant from an unknown locality ; edited by me, with a lithograph, ante, Vol. XIII. p. 248. - It gives the dynastic name as Chalukya. The genealogy commences as in P. ; but the words “reigned over the Vengi country" are not included. The charter was issued by Amma II. himself. It records a grant of a field at the village of Gundugolanu or Gunțugo. lanu in the Venginandu vishaya, made on an occasion of the Uttarîyaņa-Samkranti. The Datalca was Katakaraja. The charter was composed by Madhavablatta, and written by Kondachirya. Tho grant was made at the request of the prince Kama and his wife Nayamamba, who were the father- and mothor-in-law of Amma II.
T. - A grant from Mnsulipatam in the Kistna District; edited by Dr. Holtzsch, SouthIndian Inscriptions, Vol. I. p. 46, No. 38. - It gives the dynastic name as Chalukya. The genealogy commences as in P. The charter was issued by Amma II. himself. The order contained in it is issued to the officials of apparently tho Gudravára vishaya; but the other details are lost.
U. - A grant from an unknown locality; not yet published; I qnote from my own reaaling of the original plates. - It gives the dynastic name ng Chalukya. The gonealogy commences as in P., except that a verse is substituted for the usual prope ending of the passage. the verse gives the name of Kubja-Vishạn, for Kubjn-Vishạn vardhana I.; and it does not include the name of Veigi. The charter was issued by Amma II. himself. The order containe' in it is addressed to the officials of the Mattilinandu vishaya; and it recites that, on an occasion of the Uttariyana-Samkrinti, a Jain Srávaki named Chámeka, belonging to the Addakali or Addakali gachchha and the Valahari gam, and born in the Patta vardhika

Page #290

272
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[AUGUST, 1891.
lineage, 14 the members of which were servants of the Chalukya kings, gave the village of Kaluchumbarru to her Guru Arhanandi, for the purposes of the charitable dining-ball of the Jain templo named Sarvalókasraya-Jinabhavana. The Dataka was Katakadhiba; which name is apparently substituted, simply for metrical purposes, for the customary Katakarája 16 The charter was written, and apparently also composed, by Bhagadôva.
24. – Danarnava. .
Three years; A. D. 970 to 973. He was the elder brother by a different mother, and the successor, of Amma II. V. gives his name as Danarnava; and W., in the same way, and also in the form of Dånansipa ; and both of these records describe him as the dvaimátura or half-brother' of Amma II., without any statement as to seniority. X., which again gives his name as Danarnava, states specifically that he was the elder brother, but does not describe him as dvaimátura. The Pittapuram inscription of Saka-Samvat 1124 appears to give his wife's name as Aryadovi. V. and w. state that he reigned for three years; while X. says thirty years, Reckoning forward from the established actual date of the coronation of Amma I., tho accossion of Danarnava is to be placed in A. D. 870.
An Unexplained Interval of Thirty years.
A. D. 978 to 1003. What engued after the three years allotted by V. and W. to the reign of Dånarnava, has not as yet been made clear. X., indeed, states that he reigned for thirty years, and was succeeded immediately by Saktivarman. But V. tells us that, after him, "for twenty-seven years a feverish desire, to obtain a suitable lord, consumed the earth, which was without a leader (andyika);"16 and that then "her fever was assuaged by Chalukya-Chandra, i. e. Saktivarman." The same statement, in almost identical words, is made in the Godavari grunt which has been noticed above ander No. 17, Bêta-Vijayaditya V. W. says that "for twenty-seven years, through the spite of fate (daiva-durihaya), the land of Vengi was without a leader (anáyika)." And another record (Sir Walter Elliot's Telugu Sasanams, p. 777) says that the Andhra country, together with Kalinga, was without a master (asvá mika). In these passages, the period is twice distinctly specified as twenty-seven years; and the same implication is made in the passage in X. which, omitting this period, puts the reign of Dânârnava at thirty years. Nevertheless, as Dr. Hultzsch has pointed out (loc. cit. p. 32, note 10), if the lengths of the immediately preceding and following reigns, - two on either side, – are stated correctly, this period must have extended to thirty years. This is determined by the actual dates of coronation recorded for Amma II. and Rajarûja I. And the period can be limited to twenty-seven years, only if we assume that the coronation of RÂjarâja I. was deferred for three years after his actual accession; which does not appear very probable.
This period has been assumed to bave been a time of anarohy (Dr. Burnell's South Indian Palcography, pp. 22, note 6, and 53, note 4); with the suggestion that the anarchy may be fairly attributed to Chola invasions. I suspect that the country was in fact conquered and held for a timo by the Cholas; probably under the immediate predecessor of GangaikondaKô-Rajaraja-Rajakesarivarman. He himself claims a conquest of Vengi (South-Indian Inscriptions, Vol. I. p. 63); but, as his initial date was in A. D. 1003 or 1004 (ante, Vol. XIX. p. 72), that would not account for the period in question. Moreover, the people of Vengî then had a ruler of their own again, in the person of Chalukyachandra-Saktivarman. It would seem, therefore, that his claim is merely an honorary one, based on an event that really occurred before his
time.
1. Evidently identical with the Pattavardhini fainily, which has been mentioned in two or three places above. 15 See page 267 above, note 5. 16 Iu line 18, labrim is a mistako, of the original, for labdhum.

Page #291

AUGUST, 1891.]
THE EASTERN CHALUKYA CHRONOLOGY.
278
25. - Saktivarman.
Twelve years; A. D. 1003 to 1015. He was the eldest son of No. 24, Dânârnava ; and he succeeded to the throne of Veigi after the unexplained interval of the preceding paragraph. W. and X., and the Godavari grant, give his proper name of Saktivarman ; V. mentions him by his biruda of Chalukya. Chandra. The Pittapuram inscription appears to mention him by the name of Kirtivarman; but there is nothing to prevent this being a mistake on the part of Sir Walter Elliot's copyist. Some gold coins of his, obtained from Arakan and Siam, have been described by me, ante. Vol. XIX. p. 79 ff.; they are stamped with his biruda. V., W., and X., agree in stating that he reigned for twelve years.
28. – Vimaladitya.
Seven years; A. D. 1015 to 1022. He was the younger brother and successor of No. 25, Saktivarman. His name occurs as Vimaladitya in V., W., and X. ; in the Godavari grant it is given in the same way, and also in the form of Vimalarka. His wife was Kandavamahadevi, who is mentioned in the Eastern Chalukya records as the younger sister of Rajêndra-Choda, and the daughter of Rajaraja of the Solar Race. V. calls her specifically & Choda (ie. Chola) princess. And her father was plainly the Chola king Gangaikonda-K3-Rajaraja-Raja küsarivarman, with the initial date of A. D. 1003 or 1004 (ante, Vol. XIX. p. 72).17 V., W., and X., agree in stating that Vimaladitya roigned for seven years.
27. - Rajaraja I. ;19 Vishnuvardhana VIII.
Forty-one years; A. D. 1022 to 1063. He was the son and successor of No. 26, Vimaladitya. In V. and W. he is called Rajaraja ; X. gives his name as Rajarajadáva. His wife was Ammangadovi, the daughter of Rajendra-Choda, i. e, of his own maternal uncle.19 He had the epithet of sarvalokasraya,
refuge of all mankind;' and the other name of Vishņuvardhana VIII. His titles were Maharajadhiraja, Paramosvara, and Paramabhattaraka. The seal of his grant bears the. motto of bri-Tribhuvanankuba. The date of his coronation is given in his grant, (V.); the details are, Saka-Samvat 944, when the sun was in Simha, i, e. in the solar month Bhadrapada, the second tithi in the dark fortnight, Gara våra or Thursday, when the moon was in the UttaraBhadrapadi nakshatra, and during the rising of the sign Tolá; and the corresponding English date is Thursday, 18th August, A. D. 1022 (see ante, Vol. XIX. p. 129 f.). Some gold coins of his, obtained from Arakan and Siam, have been described by me, ante, Vol. XIX. p. 79 ff.; they are stamped with his name. The exact length of his reign is a little doubtful. X. states that he reigned for forty-one years. But w. states that he reigned for “forty years, and again for ons." While the Pittipuram inscription of Saka-Samvat 1124, and the Godavari grant, state that he reigned for forty years; and they add one year to the reign of his successor, Kulôttunga-Chôdadêva I. This looks somewhat as if there was a break in the full period assigned to him by X. Bat, for the present, we may assume that the duration of his reign was forty-one years.
11 Of his time we have insoriptions in Dr. Haltzsch's South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. I, pp. 63, No. 40: 66, No. 41, 94, No. 86; and 140, No. 146. As he reigned for at least twenty-six yours (No. 41), his final date cannot be placed before A. D. 1028.
18 When I edited his grant (anto, Vol. XIV. p. 49), I rather inconveniently onlled him Rajaraja the second by way of distinguishing him from his maternal grandfather of the same name, and I spoke of him in the same way in connection with his coins, and with the date of his coronation (ante, Vol. XIX. pp. 79, 129). But, as already pointed out (ante, Vol. XIX. p. 421, note 8), he was the first king of this namo in the Chalukya family; and it is more correct and expodiont to speak of him as Rajaraja I.
1. His full namo appears to be K0.Parakesarivarman, otherwise UlaiyAr Sri-Rajendra-Chladeva. Of his time we have inscriptions in Dr. Hultasch's South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. I, pp. 95, No. 67 100, No. 69. and two more poted on p. 97. As one of the latter is dated in his twenty-fourth year, and as his initial date cannot be placed before A. D. 1028 (800 noto 17 above), the end of his roigu was not earlier than A. D. 1061.

Page #292

274
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[AUGUST, 1891.:
The extant grant of this reign gives us, for the first time, the complete genealogy of the Eastern Chalukyas, mythical, legendary, and historical. It was probably devised in rivalry of the Solar genealogy of the Cholas, with whom the Eastern Chalukyas were now becoming very intimately connected. And it may be conveniently taken in the following divisions :
(1) The Puranio genealogy. This commences with the god Brahman, as born from the water-lily that grew from the navel of the god Vishņu, as a result of which the Chalukyas were comprised in the Vishnuvamsa or lineage of Vishnu ; 20 and it is taken through Soma or the Moon, so that they belonged also to the Sômavamsa or Lunar Race, as is expressly stated in lines 64 and 73 of this grant, and still more explicitly in W., line 49. As far as the name of Yayati, it agrees with the Puranic genealogy of the Gangas of Kalinga (ante, Vol. XVIII. p. 170); and the last specific name in it, is that of Udayana, the son of Satanika. Another Purâņic genealogy of the same style seems to be followed in some of the Kakatiya records (see Wilson's Mackenzie Collection, Introduction, p. 74). An earlier indication of the reference of the Eastern Chalukya family to the lineage of Vishņu, but one that is hardly pointed enough to lead to the supposition that the idea of the full Purâņio genealogy had been then contemplated, is to be found in the opening verse of O., of the time of No. 22, Chalukya-Bhima II., which is in praise of the water-lily that grew from the navel of Vishnu, and was the birthplace of Brahman, W., again, though not containing the Puranic genealogy, opens with a verse in praise of Vishnu under the name of Mukunda ; followed by another in laudation of the Lunar Race. Descent from Brahman is claimed for Pulikesin I. in the Mahâkuta pillar inscription (ante, Vol. XIX. p. 19). And in the grants of the Western Branch of the family an allusion to the traditional descent of the Chalukyas in the Lunar Race, is probably to be found in the passage which mentions Vikramaditya I. as “defeating the lord of the Pallavas, who had been the cause of the humiliation and destruction of the family which W&8 as pure as the rays of the moon" (e. g., ante, Vol. XIX. p. 151).
(2) The legendary connection of the Chalukyas with the preceding. Without any specification of names, we are told that, including Udayana, fifty-nine emperors sat on the throne at Ayodhyâ, in unbroken lineal succession. This statement is also preserved in some of the Western Châlukyà records (e. g., ante, Vol. V. p. 17; also Vol. VIII. p. 12, where, however, after the fifty-nine emperors of Ayodhyå, sixteen other unnamed kings, in the south, are introduced before the beginning of the real genealogy). And with it we may compare the statement in the Ganga grants, which connects their real with their Parânic genealogy, by saying that, after Kola hala had founded the city of Kolhalapora, his son and seventy-nine other kings reigned there, and then were followed by the historical members of the family, commencing with Virasimha. When the fifty-nine emperors had reigned at Ayodhya, a member of the family, named Vijayaditya, came to the south, from a desire for conquest, and attacked Trilochana-Pallava, but lost his life in the attempt. His queen, who was pregnant, escaped with some of her attendants, and, being preserved by a saint named VishộubhattaSômayajin, gave birth to a posthumous son named Vishņuvardhana. The young prince was nourished ; and, having done worship to the goddess Gauri on the mountain called Chalukya. giri, he at length assumed all the royal insignia of his family, conquered the Kaçamba, Ganga, and other kings, and established himself as emperor of all Southern India, from the Bridge of Råma, i.e. Adam's Bridge or the ridge of rocks connecting Ceylon with the Coromandel coast, up to the Narmada. His son, born of a queen of the Pallava lineage, was another Vijayaditya. With the mountain Chalukyagiri that is introduced here, we may compare the Nandagiri fort which, according to the Kakatiya legend, was founded by Nanda, the son of Uttungabhoja; Nanda's father, in a similar manner, came from Upper India, and settled to the south of the Gôdåvari (loc. cit.). And in very similar fashion, the mountain Mahendragiri, - in this case
20 This lineage is mentioned in some of the Devagiri-YAdava inscriptions ; 6. 9., Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. Vol. XII. pp. 9, 88.

Page #293

AUGUST, 1891.]
THE EASTERN CHALUKYA CHRONOLOGY.
275
a really existent mountain, — is introduced into the traditions of the Gangas of Kalinga. The foundations for this portion of the genealogy are plainly the facts, that the Chalukyas did come originally from the north, and found the Pallavas in possession of some of the territories afterwards acquired by themselves; coupled with a Kadamba tradition, that the founder of that family was Trinétra or Trilôchana.
(8) The historical Early and Western Chalukya genealogy, as far as it is given; being confined to three names, - those of Pulikêśin I., Kirtivarman I., and Satyasraya or Palikesin II. According to this account, Pulikesin I. was the son of the second Vijayaditya of the preceding paragraph. In reality, he was the son of Ranarâga, who was the son of Jayasimha I.
(4) The historical Eastern Chalukya genealogy, starting with Knkja-Vishņuvardhana I., and carried on to the time of the reigning king.
The second part of the above genealogy specifies the Eastern Chalukya insignia. They are enumerated as the white umbrella, the single conch-shell, the panchamahasabda, 21 the pálikétana, as the double drum, the boar-crest, the bunch of feathers of a peacock's tail, 23 the spear, the throne, the makaratorana,the golden sceptre, the Ganga and Yamuna, and others which are not particularised. Lithographs of the seals of this grant and of X, have been given, ante, Vol. VII. p. 253, Plate, Nos. 1 and 2. The seal of the present grant shews, across the *centre, the legend tri-Tribhuvanánkuća; above it, a boar, half standing and half conchant to the proper left, the sun and moon, an umbrella, a conch-shell, a double drum, and two objects which are usually interpreted as chaurís or fly-flaps made from the bushy tail of the Bos Grunniens, but which may perhaps be intended for fly-flaps made from the feathers of peacocks' tails; and in the lower part, an elephant- or ox-goad, an expanded water-lily, the bud of a water-lily on its stalk, and a device resembling the letter ga which may be intended either for the throne or for the makaratoraņa. The seal of X, omits the sun, the umbrella, the double drum, the bud of the water-lily, and the ga; and it adds two lamp-stands. A somewhat similar list of insignia is given in the case of the Gangas of Kalinganagara (ante, Vol. XVIII. pp. 164, 175). The terms Ganga and Yamuna probably denote the images of two goddesses, as personifications of the rivers. These were also Rashtrakůta insignia ; thus, Govinda III. is described as "taking from his enemies the Ganga and the Yamuna, charming with their waves, and acquiring at the same time that supreme position of lordship (which was indicated) by (those rivers in the form of a visible sign" (ante, Vol. XII. p. 163); and the rivers are spoken of again, as doing service to the palace of Govinda V. (id. pp. 248, 253). These two emblems must have been derived, by some means or another, from the Early Guptas, in the temples of whose period the Ganga and the Yamuna, as goddesses, constantly appear as an architectural embellishment (see Archool. Surv. Ind. Vol. IX. pp. 43, 70).
of this reign we have one record :
V. - A copper-plato grant from Korumelli in the Gôdêvari District; edited by me with a lithograph, ante, Vol. XIV. p. 48. – This grant gives the complete genealogy, commented on just above. The historical Eastern Chalukya genealogy commences with Kubja-Vishnuvardhana I., as the brother of Satyasraya, 'the lord of favourites ;' and this passage gives the name of the family as OhAlukya. The charter was issued by Rajaraja I. himself; and it records a grant of the village of Korumelli in the Guddavadi vishaya, 86 on the occasion of an eclipse of the moon. The Dataka was Katakoks, the son of Rachiya-Pedderi-Bhima, the composer was Ohôtanabhatta ; and the writer was Gandacharya.
31 6. e. the sounds of Aro hinds of musionl instrumenta; or perhaps, hero, Byo kinds of loud-sounding musical instruments (oompare page 98 above and see Gupta Inscriptions, p. 296, note 9).
An Arrangement of flags in roww (noe ante, VoL XIV. p. 104). pilichha, se ante, VoL XL p. 873, notel, and compare Vol. LVL p. 313, and noto 18. Probably an ornamental aroh (wante, Vol. IX. p. 2, note 8). As regarda the name of thia vichaya, page 97 mboro, note 18. Be pago 267 sboro, nato &

Page #294

276
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[AUGUST, 1891.
Vijayaditya VII. ; viceroy of Vengt.
A. D, 1083 to 1077. All that is known about this person is derived from w., which tells us that he was a paternal uncle of No. 28, Kulôttunga-Chodadêva I., and consequently a brother, - probably a younger brother, of No. 27, Râjarâja I.; and that he was & viceroy of Vengt, under his nephew, for fifteen years, - 4. D. 1063 to 1077 (see page 277 below), His name occurs as simply Vijayaditya.
To this period belongs the statement, in one of the Ganga grants (ante, Vol. XVIII. p. 171), that, "when Vijayaditya, beginning to grow old, left the country of Veng!, as if he were the sun leaving the sky, and was about to sink in the great ocean of the Chodas," Rajaraja of Kalinganagara (A. D. 1071 to 1078) “ caused him to enjoy prosperity for a long timo in the western region."27
28. - Kulottunga-Chopadeva I,
Forty-pine years; A. D. 1063 to 1112, He was the son of No. 27, Rajaraja I. From W. we learn that his original appellation was Rajendra-Choda; but that subsequently he received the name of Kulottungadeva, on being unointed to the Choda (i.e. Chola) sovereignty; also, that he had the biruda of Raja-Narayana. X. speaks of him by the name of Kulottunga-Choqadova; and this is the most expedient form to use. By the name of Rajondra-Châļa, he is mentioned in two of the Ganga inscriptions (ante, Vol. XVIII. pp. 164, 175). In the Vikrumánkadévacharita (seo pago 280 below), he is called Rajiga; which name is a colloquial form of the first part of his original appellation. And he is probably mentioned as Rajiga-Chola in two inscriptions at Chitaldurg and Harihar.38 According to W., his wife was Madhurantakidovi, the daughter of Rajánd radova of the Solar Race, i.e. apparently of the Chola king Kô-Parakesarivarman, otherwise called Udaiyar SriRajendradêra (Dr. Haltasch's South Indian Inscriptions, pp. 112, 134) ;39 and they had seven sons ;30 the eldest was Vikrama-Choda, who ultimately succeeded to the throne; the second was Rajaraja II., who was viceroy of Veigi for one year; the third was Vira-Chodadava, who also beenmo viceroy of Vengî; the others are not named. In addition, they appear also to have had a daughter, named Rajasundari, who became the wife of Rajaraja of Kalinganagara (ante, Vol. XVIII. pp. 164, 171, 175).31 According to X., Kulôttniga-Chodadêva I. reigned for forty-nine years. The Pittậpuram inscription, however, dated in 'Saka-Samvat 112+, states that he reigned for fifty years, and reduces his father's reign from forty-one years to forty (see anto, Vol. XIX. p. 427). In connection with this we may note, in the first place, that this same Pithapuram inscription appears to mention Kulôttuuga-Chôdadêva I. as being
27 i.e. in the west as rogarda Kulinganagara; not in the western part of Southern India.
» Pili, Sanskrit, anul Oul. Kanten Inscriptions, Xo. 1.16, line 8, and 119, lino 7.- They are inscriptions of . Nah Anun.aldiwira, named Vijaya-Pan-lyadeva, who was governing the Yoļambavali Thirty-two-thousand at Uchangi. The expression applied to Vijaya-Pån lyadeva is riiga-chianini-bhanga, 'who frustrated the wishes of Rájiga-Chöln; and, as the inscriptions are dated in A. D. 1123 and 1171, it appears to be an ancestral titlo, not indicative of any contemporaneous event.
99 Of his time we have one inscription, loc. cit. p. 134, No. 127. His earliest date cannot be placed before A. D. 1051 (seo note 19 above); and this inscription is dated in his fifth year; consequently he cannot be placed onrlier than A. D. 1051 to 1051. His connection with his predecessor has not yet been made clear.
50 Soe ante, Vol. XIX. p. 135, note 84.
01 It is, however, not quite certain that Rajasandari's father was the Eastern Chalukya king. Her father is mentioned na RAjēndro-Chola (pp. 164, 175), and as the Chôda king (p. 171). My assumption is that "the choda king" denotne, not a real Chon, but the Eastern Chalukys after the annexation of the Chola kingdom. A his predecessor reigned for at least twenty-six years, the accession of the Chola Rajendra-Chola cannot be placed hefore A.D. 1028 : nad ns he himself reigned for at least twenty-four years, the end of his reign cannot be placed heforo A. D. 1051, and it may approximato much more closely to the period of Räjarja of Kalibganagara. Still, I think the probabilitios are more in favour of the idenification that I have made; especially since a daughter of -he Chola Rajendra Cha was the wife of Rajarfja I. in the period A. D. 1022 to 1063.

Page #295

AUGUST, 1891.J
THE EASTERN CHALUKYA CHRONOLOGY.
at first a Yuvaraja; and in the second place, that W. does not say exactly that Rajaraja I. reigned for forty-one years, but that he reigned "for forty years and again for one." The passage in W. is in verse. Still, there is no apparent reason why forty-one years should not have been specified in it in a plain and ordinary manner, if that was the real unbroken length of his reign. And the facts are somewhat suggestive of a break in the full period. For the present, however, we may as well take it that Rajaraja I. reigned for forty-one years, and KulôttungaChôdadêva I. for forty-nine years; and so, reckoning forward from the established actual date of the coronation of Rajaraja I., the accession of Kulottunga-Chodadêva I. is to be placed in A. D. 1063.
277
We have as yet no inscriptions which can be with certainty allotted to this king. But W. belongs to his time; and from it we gather some facts of leading importance. We have seen that there was an intermarriage of the Eastern Chalukyas with the Cholas two generations earlier; when Vimalâditya took to wife Kûndavâmahâdêvî, the daughter of Rajaraja, and the younger sister of Râjêndra-Chôda. It is plainly from this, that his son was named Rajaraja I. The latter, again, found a Chôla wife, in Ammangadêvi, the daughter of Rajendra-Chôda; i. e. of his maternal uncle, just mentioned. And in a similar way, his son, Kulôttunga-Chôdadêva I., was first named Rajêndra-Chôda. He, again, did as his immediate ancestors had done, and married Madhurântakidôvi, the daughter of Râjêndradôva. As the result of these intermarriages, the members of this family were, from this time, plainly Cholas at heart, far more than Chalukyas. Not only is this indicated by their names; but it is proved by their personal history. Kulottunga-Chodadeva I. was first anointed, like his ancestors, to the sovereignty of Vengi, "which was the cause of the rising of his splendour;" and this, as we have just seen, is to be placed in A. D. 1083. But subsequently he assumed the Chôda crown, and had Vengî governed for him by viceroys. In W. no clear statement is made as to the circumstances under which this happened; it is simply said that "wishing for, being desirous of, or preferring, the Chola sovereignty (Ohôda-rajy-dbhilashin)," ho transferred the sovereignty of Veigi to his paternal uncle Vijayaditya. A more definite statement, however, is made in the grant of the twenty-third year of Vira-Chôdadêva, which states that he transferred the sovereignty of Vong to Vijayaditya because he himself was "desirous of subjugating various countries (dig-vijay-aishin)." Putting the two statements together, it seems clear that Kulottunga-Chodadeva I. acquired the Chola crown by hostile invasion and conquest; not, at any rate entirely, by a failure of the Chôla succession. And, as we shall seo further on, there are indications that what really gave him the opportunity, was the death of the Chôla king in a rebellion which entailed a state of anarchy. Now, W. names three viceroys of Voigt, appointed by Kulôttanga-Chôdadêva I.; one was Vira-Chodadêva, the actual date of whose installation was the 23rd August, A. D. 1078; his predecessor was Rajaraja II., for ono yoar only (A. D. 1077-78); and his predecessor was Vijayaditya VII., for fifteen years (A. D. 1063 to 1077). Therefore, as he assumed the Chôla crown at the time when he appointed Vijayaditya as viceroy of Vong, it follows that KulottungaChodadeva I. attacked and annexed the Chola kingdom in A. D. 1083, in the very first year of his reign. The statement quoted above, connecting Rajaraja of Kalinganagara with Vijayaditya VII., and another remark in the same passage to the effect that he was victorious in battle against the Dramilas, i. e. against the Chôlas properly so-called, and a further statement, in the same record, that Rajaraja's son and successor, Auantavarma-Chôdagaigadeva (A. D. 1078 to at least 1135) "replaced the waning lord of Vengî in the western region, and propped up his failing fortunes," - -seem to indicate that this annexation of the Chôla kingdom was not effected quite at once, and was not finally completed without extraneous assistance.
-
To this period belongs the only epigraphical evidence known to me, indicative of either a settlement of the Eastern Chalukyas in Western India, or an intermarriage between them and the Western Chalukyas. It is contained in an inscription at Davangere in Maisûr

Page #296

278
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[AUGUST, 1891.
(Páli, Sanskrit, and Ou-Kanarese Inscriptions, No. 136), which refers itself to the time of the Western Chilukya king Sômêśvara I., and is dated in A. D. 1066. Three sons of somêsvara I. are very well known; viz., Sômêśvara II., Vikramaditya VI., and Jayasimha IV. This inscription purports to give the name of a fourth son, called Vishnuvardhanamaharaja-Vijayadityadeva, who was governing the Nolambavadi Thirty-two-thousand, and by whose Dandanayaka and Mahasandhivigrahin, Dêvapayya, the grants recorded in the inscription were made. The inscription describes this Vishnuvardhana-Vijayaditya as "a ruby of the Chalukyas (Chalultyamanikya; 1. 8, 9);" and it gives him the epithet of sarvalókasraya, or refuge of all mankind' (1. 6), the birudas of Åhavamallan=Aikakara (1. 7) and Sahasamalla (1. 10), and the hereditary title of lord of the province of Vengi (Vengi-mandal-eśvara; 1. 11).” It is quite plain, therefore, that he was of Eastern Chalukya descent, on one side at least. Now, this person is mentioned in no other inscription as yet known; the sphere of his government lay south of the river Tungabhadrå, which is considered to have formed the boundary between the Western Chalukya kingdom and the Chola dominions, whether under the Cholas themselves or under the Eastern Chalukyas after them; and, though he is called the son of Somebvara (tan-nandana), yet no expression such as átange pntfida, 'born to him,' is used. And these points may indicate that he was simply called the son of Sômêśvara I. through courtesy ;32 being in reality a distant kinsman, in the next degree of descent, in the Eastern Chalukya family. On the other hand, the fact that, in an inscription at Dêùr in the Bijapur District, dated in A. D. 1064-65 (Sir Walter Elliot's Karnataka-Désa Inscriptions, Vol. I. p. 173), Jayasimha IV., while governing the Tardavadi Thousand for his elder brother Vikramaditya VI., is described as “born in the Pallava lineage," and as having the title of " lord of Kanchi, the best of cities," may be used as an argument that Vishņuvardhana-Vijayaditya was in reality a son of Sômêśvara I.
An account of this reign would be incomplete, without & somewhat detailed reference to two contemporaneous literary records of more than ordinary historical interest; one is the Sanskrit Vikra márkadávacharita or Vikra mánkakávya of Bilhaņa, of which an analysis has been given by Dr. Bühler in this Journal, Vol. V. page 317 ff.; the other is the Tamil Kalingattu Parani of Jayankoņda, extracts from which have been published by Mr. V. Kanakasabhai Pillai, in this Journal, Vol. XIX. p. 329 f. The Sanskpit poem gives an account of the events that occurred during the early career and the subsequent reign of the Western Chalukya king Vikramaditya VI., who, reigning apparently 33 from the early part of A. D. 1076 vp to about A. D. 1126, was contemporaneous, almost throughout, with his kinsman of the Eastern Branch. The Tamil poem refers to the reign of KulottungaChodadova I. himself.
The special subject of the Kalingattu Paraņi is an expedition to Kalinga, ending in the re-subjugation of that country. The ruler of North Kalinga 34 was olaimed as a vassal of the Eastern Chalukya crown. The cause of the war was his omission, for two years, to present
39 This is a very common custom in the Kanarose country. For an epigraphical instance of an analogous kind see Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts, p. 49, noto 1.
3) At first sight, nothing should be easier than to fix the exact commencement of this reign ; since one of the dates for this king purports to give, whether it refers to the actual day or to an anniversary, - the very tithi of his pattabandha or coronation, with full details for calculation. But all that I can say at present is that his first regnal year seems to have been Saka-Samvat 999 current. Of the forty-three dates given by me in this Journal, Vol. VIII. p. 187 ff., thirty-nine give that result. But two (Nos. 3 and 30) give the preceding year; one (No. 19) gives 8.-S. 1000; and one gives 8.-S. 1009. And the details for the pattabandha do not work ont correctly for the year for which they are given; but can be applied correctly for S.-S. 998. I shall go into this question more fully on a separato ocorsion.
4 The poem speaks several times of "the novon Kalingas" (loc. cit., pp. 834, 1. 16, 335, 1. 28, 336, 11. 6, 9, 39); but I have not been able to obtain the names of the seven divisions of that territory, or of the five divisions of the Pandya country, which also seem to be indicated here (p. 335, 1. 13), and a conquest of which is mentioned also in an inscription, at Chidambaram (Hultzsolt'South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. I. p. 168), of a Kulôttunga Chola who has not as yet beon identified with any certainty.

Page #297

AUGUST, 1891.)
TIIE EASTERN CHALUKYA CHRONOLOGY.
279
himself with tribute before tho king. And the expedition was led by a minister or general of Kulottunga-Chôdadêva I., named Karunakara, of the Pallava lineage, who had the titles of Tondaimân and king of Vandainagara, and the banner of a bull. Arguing on the grounds that it is not mentioned in inscriptions up to the twentieth year of the king's reign, whereas it is mentioned in thoso dated in the twenty-sixth year, Mr. V. K. Pillai has placed the date of this campaign between those years (loc. cil. p. 338, 1.23); 1. e. in the period A. D. 1082 to 1088. But I am not satisfied as to the correctness of this. The ruler of Kalinga at this time was Anantavarma-Chôdagangadêva of Kalinganagara, whose coronation took place on the 17th February, A.D. 1078 (ante, Vol. XVIII. p. 162). And, as the expedition was directed against a chief who was claimed as a vassal, I should think that it must be placed at least before the time when we find Anantavarma-Chodagangadóva in possession of the paramount titles; i. e. before April, A. D. 1081 (loc. cit.). A previous conquest of Kalinga, in A. D. 918, is claimed for Kollabiganda-Vijayaditya IV. (see page 101 above). And Vikramaditya II. is said to have ruled over Trikalinga or the threo Kalingas (pago 269 above).
The poem is extremely interesting, in a goneral way, on account of its graphic language, the full list that it gives of the chiefs who were claimed as vassals, the geographical and histo• rical details mentioned in connection with tho march of the army and in other passages, and
the spirited description of the battle. But it includes also somo special points, to which particular attention has to be directed,
Tho first is, that nowhere is any mention made of the Vonge country, of the Chalukya family, or even of the boar-crest of the Chalukyas ;35 Kulottunga-Chodadeva I. is treated throughout as purely a Chola king. The introductory genealogy (p. 330 f.) is that of the Chola family, traced through Sürya, the Sun, up to the gods Brahman and Vishņu; thus it is the pedigree of a branch of the Solar Race; and the first historical names in it are the names of Chôla kings of the Chola mandala. Kulottuuga-Chôdadêva I. is there introduced, under the title of Abhaya (the fearless'), as if he was the direct lineal descendant, on his father's side, of those kings; throughout, there is connocted with him the tiger-banner of the Cholas (e.g. pp. 329, last line; 332, line 3 from the bottom; 333, l. 28; 334, 1. 18), the origin of which seems to be attributed to the first of the two Rajakesarins (p. 331, 1. 8); and, where he is not referred to by the title of Abhaya, which is mostly used for him in this poom, or by his name of Kulottunga-Chola, which occurs twice (pp. 335, 1. 26; 337, 1. 4), ho is called the Chola (p. 332, 1. 29), the Chenni Chôļa; pp. 330, l. 17; 333, 1. 14), and Karikala-Chola (p. 337, 1. 15), which last appears to be peculiarly a Chola namo. The conclusion of the genealogy reads as if Kulôttunga-Chôdadôva I. succeeded naturally to a hereditary throne, - that of the Cholas. There seems, indeed, to be a hint of the truth somewhere else in the poem; viz. that there was a time of anarchy just before his accession (see p. 338, line 7 f. from the bottom). But, in the published extracts, his real identity and descent are indicated only in the passages which describe him as a prince of both the Lunar and the Solar Races, born from the wife, belonging to the Solar Race, of a king of the Lunar Race (p. 332, 1. 2 ff.). This shows plainly that by paternal descent he belonged to the Chalukya family, and though the names of his parents are not given, still, -taken in connection with the epigraphical passages which state the birth of Kulôttunga-Chôdadêva I. and describe how he first succeeded to the throne of Vengi and then assumed the empiro of the Chola kingdom, and with the occurrence of the name Kulôttunga-Chola in the poom, -the mention of the mother of the reigning king of this poem, as a daughter of RÂjarAja of the Solar Race, establishes conclusively the point that his parents were the Eastern Chalukya king Rajaraja I. and his wife Ammangadevi, daughter of Rajên
# Reference is made to a banner of a boar (p. 830, 11); but that is a different thing. - The practice appears to have boon uniform, of having one device for the crest (lañchhana) to be also used on coins, and another for the banner (Jhvqja); note, for instance, the elephant-crest and the Garuda-banner of the Rattas of Saandatti and Belgun; the lion-crest and tho monkey-banner of the Kadambas of Banaw&si; and the monkey-banner c? the Kadanbid of Goa, aud the lion on their cuius.

Page #298

280
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[Avaust, 1891.
dra-Choda, 36 and that he himself is the Eastern Chalukya Kulottunga-Chodadêva I., otherwise called Kulóttangadêva, Rajendra-Choda, and Raja-Narayana, of the inscriptions, From this same passage wo obtain Gangaikonda-Chola, as another name of his maternal grand. fathor, tho Chola Rajaraja, i.e. Rajaraja-Raja kôsarivarman. And elsewhere we find his father spoken of by the title of Pandita-Chôļa (p. 337, 1. 2).
Accurding to the poem, the capital of Kulottunga-Chodaddva I. was Gangapurt or Gangaikonda-Cholapuram (pp. 331, last line; 339, lino 7 from the bottom), which has now dwindled into a small village, still bearing the namo of Gangaikondnsôrapuram, in the northeast corner of the Trichinopoly District;37 and his court was held at Kanchi, i, e. Conjeeveram (pp. 331, last line ; 333, 1. 20). His wife's name is given as ThiyAkavalli (p. 333, 1. 13). Whether this is another name of the Madhurântakidêvi, danghter of Rajendradeva, of the inscription, is uncertain ; especially as the poem alludes to more wives than one, or perhaps to specifically two wives (p. 333, 1. 29 f.). Bat Thiyakavalli was plainly the Agramahishi, or
queen-consort;' being montioned as having "the right of exercising equal authority” with the king himself (p. 333, 1. 14).
We turn now to the Vikramankadávacharita, which, though it tells us but little actually About the Eastern Chalukyas themselves, gives very plain indications as to the circumstances which enabled them to seize the sovereignty of their most powerful neigbbours, the Cholas. The historical part opens with a short genealogy, which is brought down to the time of the Western Chalukya king Sômêsvara I., or, as he is called in the poem, Ahavamalla-Trailokyamalla (ante, Vol. V. p. 318 a, 1.5 f). His sons were Sôma, i. e. Somośvara II. (p. 318 , 1. 15), Vikrama or Vikramaditya VI. (p. 319 a, l. 5), and Jayasinha IV. (ibid. 1. 16). Sômêśvara II. was appointed by his father to the office of Yuvarája (ibid. 1. 30 f.); and Vikramaditya VI. was deputed on a series of warlike expeditions (ibid. 1. 37 f.). In a northerly direction, he is said to have conquered a place of some renown and importance, named Chakrakota (p. 319 7, 1. 10), - a point which seems worthy of note here, because I suspect that it is in imitation of this fact that another conquest of the same place is claimed on behalf of Kalôttunga-Chodadêva 1.,38 it is stated by Mr. V. K. Pillai (loc. cit. p. 340) that certain inscriptions enable him to say that this place was a fortress in the Dhari territory, and though I can find no evidence of KulottungaChodadêva I. having really sent any expedition in that direction, yet in the case of Vikramadityn VI. the alleged fact is likely to be true, because an inscription at Sitabaldi, near Jabalpur, refers itself to his reign, and shews that he not only attacked, but also held for a time, part at least of Central India. In connection, however, with what we have specially in view, the more important statements are, that he repeatedly defeated the Cholas (p. 319 a, I. 3 from the bottom), plundered Kanchi (ibid. last line), and conquered Gângakonda and Vengi (p. 319 b, II. 9, 10). Gangakunda is evidently the Gangaikouda-Cholapuram or Gangapuri of the preceding paragraph. Kancht is constantly spoken of in the poem as if it were the capital, or the city of next importance after the capital. And in support of the alleged conquest of Vengi, it may be noted that there are inscriptions, dated in the reign or era of
36 The author of the poom sooms to be guilty of a slip, in calling him Rajaraja. Still, we may obtain epigro phical evidence that this was a variant of his name. And anyhow the slip is excusable, considering how many persons there woro, bearing very similar names, in that period, and how complex were the relationships between them; thus, there were, at least, the Eastern Chalukyas Rajaraja I. and II. ; the Chola Rijardja (called, in the fullest form of his name, Ko-Rájarija-Rajakesarivarman, Haltzsch's South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. I. p. 65; his mcoession was in A.D. 1003 or 1006, id. p. 169, and ante, Vol. XIX. p. 78), whose daughter married the Eastern Chalukya Vimaladitya; the Chola Rajendra-Chhda, whose daughter married, the above-mentioned Rajaraja I.; and the Chola Rajendradêrs, whose danghter married Kulottanga-Chodadêya I.; and Rájéndra-Choda was also a name of Kulottunga-Chodadêva I. himself.
37 Sewell's Lists of Antiquitier, Madras, Vol. I. p. 264.
* In the Kalingattu Parani, loc. cit. p. 382, 1. 30; where the name is given in the Tamilised form of Chakkara koddam. In another Tamil insoription it is mentioned as Sakkarakoltam, and conquest of it is claimed by king Damed Rajendra-Chola (Hultasoh's South Indian Inseriptions, Vol. I. pp. 97, 90). - It is also mentioned, by the name of Chakragotta, in connection with the Hoynala king Vishnuvardhans, who, again, claims to have conquered it (Dynasties of the Kanarene Districts, p. 66).

Page #299

AUGUST, 1891.)
THE EASTERN CHALUKYA CHRONOLOGY
281
Vikramaditya VI., at Drakshârâm in the Godavari District.39 The wars with the Choļas had commenced, as a fact, before this time; for, the poem claims that Sômêśvara I. stormed Kanchi," the capital of the Cholas," driving its ruler into the jungles (p. 318 a, 11. 8, 18 f.); and certain inscriptions establish, on the one hand, that the Cholas successfully invaded the territory of Sômêśvara I. as far as Lakshmêsh war, and, on the other hand, that the Western Chalukya king repulsed them, and gave them a serious defeat in a battle in which the Chôļa leader apparently lost his life (see Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts, p. 46). And, though of course in the Vikramankadévacharita the victory is always claimed for the Châluk yas, it is doubtless to his time that we must refer the defeat of the people of Kalyana, and the defeat of the Kuntalas at Kûdal-Samgam, i.e., in both cases, of the Western Châlukyas, — which are claimed for the Cholas in the Kalingattu Parani.40 The most interesting, however, of the events between Vikramaditya VI. and the Chôļas, occurred, according to the poem, after the death of Sômêśvara I. (p. 319 6, line 6 from the bottom) and the accession of Sômêśvara II. (p. 320 a, 1. 9). Vikramaditya VI. was then contemplating another campaign against the Cholas (p. 320 a, 1. 3 from the bottom). The Chola king, feeling himself unable to resist, sent an ambassador, asking for friendship, and offering his daughter's hand in marriage to the Châlukya king (p. 320 6, 1. 12). By an amicable arrangement, Vikramaditya VI. retired to the Tungabhadra ; and there the marriage was celebrated (ibid. 1. 21 f.). Hardly was this done, when the Chola king died, and the kingdom fell into a state of Anarchy (ibid. l. 25 f.). Vikramaditya VI. proceeded at once to Kanchi, and subdued the rebels there ; next he visited Gangakunda again, and secured the Chôla succession for his wife's brother; and then, after a further stay of a month at Kanchi, he returned to the Tungabhadrâ. Within a few days, however, after his return, the news reached him that his brother-in-law had lost his life in a fresh rebellion (ibid. 1. 2 f. from the bottom), and that Bajige, the lord of Vengi, had taken possession of the throne of Kanchi (p. 321 a, l. 1).41 Vikramaditya VI. marched at once against Rajiga. The latter induced Sômêsvara II. to combine with him; and a battle was fought. But the victory rested with Vikramaditya VI.; and Räjiga fled, and Sômêśvara II. was taken prisoner (p. 321 6, 1. 4). This lost Somêśvara the throne ; and shortly afterwards, according to the poem, Vikramaditya VI. allowed himself to be proclaimed ruler of the Dekhan (ibid. 1. 11). Subsequently to this, the Cholas are mentioned again in a passage which says that, after a variety of wars against annamed enemies, Vikramaditya once more had to "extinguish" the Chola (ibid. 1.21). Whether this refers to the Eastern Chalukyas, es holders of the Chola crown, or to an attempt on the part of the real Chôļas to reassert themselves, is not apparent. But we may note that this event
See, e.g., Newell's Lists of Antiquities, Madras, Vol. I. p. 25 ff. - The fact of the existonco of the inscriptions Beeme certain. But what historical deductions may be drawn from them, is not clear, because the dates appear, in many instances, to be so capricious; thus Nos. 18, 100, and 155, which connect the fiftieth and forty-fifth years of the era with Baka-Samvat 1052 and 1045, are approximately correct; but it seems inexplicable how, in Nos. 34, 93, 94, and 157, the ninth year is connected with 8.-S. 1057, the fifth year with 8.-S. 1043. and the seventh year with 8.-8. 1054 and 1055
40 loc. cit. p. 331, 11. 16, 10, from the bottom. - Kadal-Sangam is the junction of the Krishna with the Tungabhadra (p. 340, 1. 7). -Mr. V. K. Pillai has referred this event, first to Kulottunga-Chôdadēva I. (p. 838, 1. 4 f.), and secondly to his maternal grandfather Gangaikonda-Rajendra-Choda (p. 339, 1. 31 ff.). But I think that the translation (p. 381, 1. 10 f. from the bottom) plainly refers it to the last real Chola king, the immediate predecessor of Kulôttunga-Chodadeva I. - The Tungabhadr seems to have formed part of the southern frontier of the Western ChAlukys kingdom, separating it there from the Chola territory (ante, Vol. V. p. 320, notes 11, 1).
41 It is unfortunate that the poem gives no indication as to the names of the Chôļa father-in-law and brotherin-law of Vikramaditya VI. But it is plain that they were real Chns; and also that they were the last two kings of that dynasty. For an identification of them which cannot be upheld, bee the next note. My own impression is that they were respectively Rajendra-Chôda (the father-in-law of RAjar ja I.) and Rajendradeva (the father-in-law of Kulottunga-Chodadêva I.). But, pending further elucidation of the Chola history, it is
seless to make any pretence to certainty on this point. - Among the wives of Vikram Aditya VI., one was Savaladevi, who is described as being born in the Solar Race (Sir Walter Elliot's Karnataka. Disa Inscriptions, Vol. I. p. 277). This is suggestive of a Chôļa intermarriage. But her father is mentioned as the Mahamandal. Svara Jogamarasa; and her mother was Taradevi (id. p. 449).

Page #300

282
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
August, 1891.
is placed just before the entrance of Vikramaditya VI. into his capital of Kalyano (ibid. l. 21). Subsequently to this, the Cholas were attacked only once more : after a long time of peace, they again became proud and insolent; Vikramaditya's army marched on Kanchi, and took the city; and Vikramaditya amused himself there for some time, before returning to his capital (p. 323 6, 1. 6 ff. from the bottom). Here the expression “the Cholas" seems to donote really "the Eastern Chalukyas."
Such is the story given in the poem. Doubtless, in its general outlines it is correct. But the inscriptions shew that it requires adjustment in several points, in order to bring it into accordance with the historical sequence of facts. And most notably is this the case in connection with Rajiga, who, fortunately, is a person of very definite identity. The poem stamps him upmistakably as an Eastern Chalukya, by calling him "the lord of Voigi." It also shews that he was the Eastern Chalukya who first seizeil the Chôla sovereignty. This, we know, was done by Kulottunga-Chodadova I. And the name by which he is mentioned in the poem is easily accounted for; because we know that he received the name of Kulôttungadêva only when he was anointed in the Chola sovereignty, — of course, after his seizure of it; consequently, at the time when he came in conflict with Vikramaditya VI., he was only known as Rajendra-Choda, of the first part of which name RÂjiga is plainly a more familiar form.2 Here, bowever, we are brought face to face with a very marked anachronism in the account given in the poem. We know (sce page 277 above) that Kulôttunga-Chôdadôva I. annexed the Chola empire in A. D. 1063. In the poem, on the other hand, this event is placed, pot only after the death of Snośvara I., for whom we have dates ranging up to A. D. 1068-69, but some considerable time after that occurrence, and apparently only just before the time when Vikramaditya VI. had himself proclaimed ruler of the Dekhan. Here there must be an error of at least five years, and probably of much more. The fact, however, remains clear, from the poem, that Kulottunga-Chôdadêva I. was enabled to seize the Chola crown through internal disturbances in the Chola kingdom, which culminated iu the death of the last Chôla king.
29. – Vikrama-Choda.
Fifteen years; A. D. 1112 to 1127. He was the eldest son, and the successor, of No. 28, Kulôttunga-Chodadêva I. X. states that he reigned for fifteen yoars. The Godavari grant and the Pittapuram inscription, which have been noticed above in connection with Bêta-Vijayaditya V., scem to imply that, like two at least of his brothers, he held at some time the office of viceroy of Vengi; for they state that he went to govern the Chola mandala, leaving Veigi without a ruler or king of its own. If this was really the case, his term of office as viceroy must doubtless be placed after the latest date that can be obtained for Vira-Chôdadêva. The point, however, requires further investigation.
We may compare Gojjiga' as a more familiar form of Govinda' (ante, Vol. XII. p. 249). - Dr. Bühler (ante Vol. V. p. 321, note t, identified Rajiga with Rajaraja II., son of Kulottuiga-Chodadeva I.; and, from that identification, he deduced that the brother-in-law of Vikramiditya VI. was a brother of Rajarfja II., and that his father. in-law was Kulôttunga-Chöjadova I. himself. But the grounds for this, quoted by Dr. Bühler from Sir Walter Elliot, are simply altogether wrong.
18 It is not apparent, from the poem, when tho pattabandha or coronation of VikramAclitya VI. took place; whether at the time whon he first had himself proclaimed ruler of the Dekhun; or at the later time when, after once more extinguishing the Cloola, he entered his capital of Kalyana. I should be inclined to connect the pattabandha with the ontranoe into Kalyana, which would then be referable to A. D. 1075 or 1076 (Heo pago 278 above, note 33 ). Dr. Bühler has said (ante, Vol. V. p. 331, note ) that, according to the inscriptions, the battle with Rajiga and Som ivara II. took place in A. D. 1076. This would make a discrepancy of thirteen years. But this dato can only have boen deduced from the assumption that the pattabandha took place at the timo of the proclamation as ruler of tho Dekhap. And, as a matter of fact, the presago in Sir Walter Elliot's writings, referred to by Dr. Bühler, does not mention the battle at all; simply because there is, as far as I counseertain, no mention of it in any of the Western Chalukya inscriptions.

Page #301

AUGUST, 1391]
THE EASTERN CHALUKYA CHRONOLOGY
283
Genealogy of the Eastern Chalukya Dynasty.
1; Kubja-Vishnuvardhana I. (18 years; A.D. 615 to 633)
2; Jayasinha I. (30 years; A.D. 133 to 663)
3; Indra-Bhattaraka.
(7 days; A.D. 663) +; Vishņuvardhana II. (9 years; A.D. 663 to 672)
5; Maigi-Yuvarāja. (25 years; A.D. 672 to 696)
6: Jayasinha II.
; Vishnuvardhana III. 7: Kokkili. (13 years: A.D, 690 to 709) (37 years; A.D. 709 to 746) (6 months : A.D. 709)
9; Bhattaraka-Vijayaditya I. (18 years; A.D. 746 to 764)
10; Vishnuvardhana IV. (36 years; A.D. 764 to 799)
Nripa-Rudru.
11; Narendramțigaraja-Vijayaditya II.
(44 years; A.D. 799 to 813) 19; Kali-Vishnuvardhana V. (18 months; A.D. 843 to 814)
13; Guņaka-Vijayaditya III. Vikramaditya I. (45 years; A.D. 81 to 551 4. Chelaksa-Bhima I.
(30 years; A.D. 888 to 918)
Yuddhamalla I.
18; Tidapa. (1 month; A.D. 925)
16; Kollabiganda-Vijayaditya IV.;
married to Melamba. (6 months; A D. 918)
19; Vikram Adityn II. (11 months : A.D. 925 to 926)
21; Yuddhamalla II. (7 years; A.D. 927 to 931)
16; Amma I., Vishņuvardhana VI.,
R&ja-Mahendra. (7 yeara, A.D. 918 to 925)
22 ; Chalukya-Bhimi II., Vishņuvardhana VII
Ganda-Mahendra : married to Lókamahadevi. (12 years; A.D. 934 to 945)
17; Béta-Vijayaditya V.
(15 days; A.D. 925)
20; Bhima III.
24; Dan krnava. 23; Amma II., Vijayaditya VI., (3 months; A.D. 920 to 927) (3 years; A.D. 970 to 973) Raja Mahendra.
(25 years; A D. 945 to 97) After an interval of 30 years;
26; Vimaladitya, 25; Saktivarman.
m. to Kundayâmahadevi. (12 years; A.D. 1009 to 2015) (7 years; A.D. 1015 to 1022)
Satyásraya, 10. to Gangama-Gauri (?)
Vijayaditya, m. to Vijayamahadevi.
27; Rajaraja I., Vishņuvardhana VIII., Vijaydaitya VII.,
m. to Ammangad vi . viceroy of Vengi. . (41 years; A.D. 1022 to 1063) (15 years; A.D. 1063 to 1077) 28; Rajendra-Choda, Kulottunga-Chodadêva I.,
m. to Madhurântaktdevi. (49 years; A.D. 1068 to 1112)
Vishņuvardhana.
Four other · Rajasundart, sons, not m. to Rajarkja of named. Kalinganagara.
Malla padeva, m. to 29; Vikrama-Choda. Rajarája II.; Vira-Chodadēva, Chandaladevi.
(15 years; viceroy of Vengt. Vishnuvardhana IX.: A.D. 1112 to 1127) (1 year;
vioeroy of Vengl.
A.D. 1077 to 1078.) (A.D. 1078 and 1100.) Vijayaditya. 80; Kulôttunga
Chodadiva II. Malla-Vishộuvardhana. (A.D. 1127 ff.)
(A.D. 1202 ff.)

Page #302

284
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[August, 1891.
Rajaraja II. ; viceroy of Vengi.
A, D. 1077-78. He was the second son of No. 28, Kulottunga-Chôdadêva I. From W. we learn that, after the death of Vijayaditya VII., his father appointed him as viceroy of Vengi. But the appointment was unwelcome to him; and he held the office for only one year, - A. D. 1077-78; then, being homesick, he threw it np and returned to his parents.
Vira-Chodaddva ; Vishnuvardhana IX. ;
viceroy of Vengi.
A. D. 1078 and 1100. He was the third son of No. 28, Kulottunga-Chôdadêva I. In addition to his proper name, which appears both as Vira-Choda and as Vira-Chodaddva, he had the second name of Vishņuvardhana IX., and the epithet of sarvalókabraya, 'refuge of all mankind.' In both his grants he uses the paramount titles, Maharajadhiraja, Raja-Param@svara, and Paramabhattaraka." And W. describes him as a paramamáhésvara, or most devont worshipper of the god Mahêśvara.' The seal of his grant hears the motto of Sri-Tribhuvanankuba. After the return of his brother Rajaraja II., he was appointed viceroy of Vengi; but, like his elder brother, he was not very willing to take the appointment, and only accepted it after some persuasion. The date of his installation is given in W.; the details are, Saka-Samvat 1001, when the sun was in Simba, i.e. in the solar month Bhadrapada, the thirteenth tithi of the bright fortnight, Guruvira or Thursday, when the moon was in the 'Sravaņa nakshatra, and during the rising of the sign Vrischika ; and, the given 'Saka year having to be applied in this case as a current year, and the tithi as a current tithi used with the week-day on which it began, the corresponding English date is Thursday, 23rd August, A. D. 1078 (see ante, Vol. XIX. p. 426). The duration of his term of office is not yet known; but we have a grant dated in his twentythird year, i. c. in or about A. D. 1100. We learn from his grants, that his seat of government was at the city of Jananathanagari, in the Vengi country; this place has not yet been identified.
Of his time we have one record at present available :16
W. - A grant from Chellari in the Godavari District ; first edited by Dr. Hultzsch in his South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. I. p. 49, No. 39, and subsequently, but from a prior reading of the original plates, by myself, ante, Vol. XIX. p. 423. - This grant gives again the complete Eastern Chalukya genealogy, mythical, legendary, and historical, which has already been noticed in connection with Rajaraja I. (pago 274 f. above). The historical portion commences with Kubja-Vishnuvardhana I., as the brother of Satyaśraya, 'the lord of favourites ;' and this passage gives the name of the family as Chalukya. The charter was issued by Vira-Choďadeva himself. It is addressed to the inhabitants of the Guddavadi vishaya (see page 97 above, note 13); and it records the grant of a village named Kolefu, by Vira-Chodadeva himself, to a temple of Vishnu which his Sénápati or General, a Vaishnava Brahman named Modemarya and otherwise called Gunaratnabhushana, had built at the Chellaru agrahAra. The Dátakas were the five Pradhanas or Ministers. The composer of the charter was Viddayabhatta; and the writer was Pennachâri. The grant is dated in the twenty-first year of the reign, i. e. of the government of Vira-Chôdadêva ; it should, therefore, be placed in A.D. 1098 ; but no details are given by which the exact English date can be determined. The Chellaru agrahara is, of
4 With this we may compare the fact that in an inscription at Dedr, dated in A. D. 1066 (Sir Walter Elliot's Karnataka-Ddia Inscriptions, Vol. I. p. 178), the Western Chalukya Jayasimha IV., while governing at Tardavadi in the time of his father the Maharojadhiroja, Paramebvara, and Paramabhattdraka, Séméivara 1., himself uses the titles of Maharajadhirlija, and Paramebrara.
Dr. Hultesch kindly placed the grant of his twenty-third year at my.disposal, for editing. But I have not bad leisure to deal with it fully.

Page #303

AUGUST, 1891.]
TIRUNELLI GRANT OF BHASKARA-RAVIVARMAN.
course, the modern village of Chellûr itself, the Chelloor' of the map, Indian Atlas, Sheet No. 94, in Lat. 16° 49', Long. 82° 3'. And Koleru appears to be the Kalairoo' of the map, two miles south-west of Chellûr; there is some room for doubt as to the exact vowel in the first syllable of the name that is given in the record.
30.
Kulottunga-Chodadêva II.
Date of Accession in A. D. 1127.
-
285
He was the son and successor of No. 29, Vikrama-Chôda; and, as far as our information goes at present, he was the last of the dynasty.46 His name is given both as KulottungaChoḍadova (X. line 21), and as simply Chôdadeva (id. line 47). The seal of the grant of his time bears the motto of Bri-Tribhuvanankusa.
Of this reign we have one record: -
X. Another grant from Chellûr in the Gôdâvari District; edited by me, with a lithograph, ante, Vol. XIV. p. 55. - It opens with a verse in praise of the god Vishnu under the name of Mukunda; followed by another in laudation of the Somavamsa or Lunar Race (see page 274 above). It then gives the historical Eastern Chalukya genealogy, commencing with Kubja-Vishnuvardhana I., the brother of Satyasraya, 'the lord of favourites;' this passage gives the name of the family as Chalukya. The formal wording of a charter is not used in this record. It states how the Dandádhinátha Kata, otherwise called Kolani-Katamanayaka, an officer of Kulôttunga-Chôdadêva II., bestowed the Mandadorru agrahara, together with the village of Ponduvagrama, in the Savattili dosa, upon a number of Brahmans. The writer was Pallacharya (?). The record is dated in Saka-Samvat 1056 expired, on a tithi on which an equinox occurred while the moon was in the Ardra nakshatra; but the details do not work out correctly for that year, and they seem to indicate that the year really intended is SakaSamvat 1055 current, with a date corresponding to the 23rd March A. D. 1132 (see page 191 above).
TIRUNELLI COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF BHASKARA-RAVIVARMAN.
BY E. HULTZSCH, PH.D.; BANGALORE.
For the loan of the original plates which contain the subjoined inscription, I am indebted to Mr. A. E. Castlestuart Stuart, M. C. S., who received them from their present owner, Colonel Wooldridge, of Manantoddy. After I had transcribed the text, Mr. Fleet kindly placed at my disposal a transcript, with a translation and short notes, which he received in 1885 from Dr. Gundert, and which had remained unpublished because Dr. Gundert considered it capable of improvement. As was to be expected, both the transcript and translation of Dr. Gundert proved of the greatest help. Wherever I have had to differ from him, it has been done only after careful consideration of his readings and renderings.
The plates belonged originally to the Tirunelli temple in the Vayanadu (Wynaad) taluka of the Malabar district. The Tirunelli temple, eight miles north of Manantavaḍi (Manantoddy), is dedicated to Perumal (Vishnu). It is placed on a branch of the Kâvêrî river at the foot of the Bramagiri plateau in Wynaad; the people of North Malabar used to resort to it for the performance of śráddha-ceremonies, until by the opening of the railway it became easier for them to visit Pêrûr on the Noyel river in Coimbatore for this purpose.' The temple is locally believed to have been dedicated by Brahmâ himself to the worship of Vishnu, whose image had appeared to him there on a nelli tree. Its walls are built of granite, and its roof is
46 With this concluding paper I give a genealogy of the family. Owing to the smaller space available, I have not been able to include quite all the details given by Dr. Hultzsch (South-Indian Inscriptions, Vol. I. p. 32); but I think that nothing of any leading importance has been excluded. 2 Ibid. p. 217.
1 Mr. R. Sewell's Lists of Antiquities, Vol. I. p. 245. Mr. W. Logan's Malabar, Vol. I. p. 190.

Page #304

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[AUGUST, 1891.
thatched. The present structure is merely the remains of a former building which was partially destroyed by fire during the invasions of Tipu Sultan. Pilgrimages to it are considered by the Malayâlis to be as efficacious as similar expeditions to the holy city of Banâras. Malayalis who cannot afford the time or money for longer journeys, go thither to perform the áráddhaceremonies and commit the ashes of their fathers to the stream which, as it eventually flows into the Kâvêrî, is one of the sacred streams.' The name Tirunelli is a compound of tiru, 'sacred,' and nelli, the emblic myrobalan tree (Phyllanthus emblica, L.).'5 The Sanskrit name of the temple is Amalakam" or Sahyamalaki," from amalaka or amalaki, the emblic myrobalan tree,' and Sahya, 'the Western Ghats.' According to Mr. Castlestuart Stuart, it is also called the Siddha temple.
286
The Tirunelli inscription occupies two thin copper-plates, which are strung on a plain ring. It is written in that ancient Tamil character, the modern Malayalam name of which is, according to Dr. Burnell, Vatteluttu or 'round hand,' and which, from the documents in which it is employed, might be best termed the Chêra-Pandya alphabet. A few Sanskrit words (svasti áriḥ, line 1, and sabh[a], lines 33 f. and 37) are, however, in the Grantha character. This co-existence of the Grantha and the Chêra-Pandya alphabets is also noticeable in the previously published ancient deeds from Malabar and in two Pandya copper-plate inscriptions which Mr. V. Venkayya is about to publish in the pages of this Journal. The language is Tamil. But, as in Malayalam, the double nasal appears in the words sinnam for tinha (line 2), sannaran for samkara (1. 5), vannu for vandu (1. 7), tánattinnu for taṇattininru (1. 14), áráññu and arinu for árúyndu and arindu (1. 16), kalainňu for kalanju (1. 19), and amúru for ainniru (1. 26). These peculiarities suggest that, like the deeds from Cochin and Kottayam,10 the inscription must belong to a period during which Malayalam had not yet branched off from Tamil, but was just beginning to develop a few distinguishing characteristics.
The contents of the Tirunelli plates are as obscure and difficult as those of the previously published ancient copper-plates from the Western Coast; and the translation which I am able to offer, is merely tentative. Of the concluding portion (from the middle of line 30 to the end) even the transcript must not be considered as final. The characters of this passage, which seems to be a later postscript, are smaller, more developed and less carefully executed than those in the preceding part. In particular, lines 31 to 33 are altogether unintelligible. But so much is certain, that the plates contain an order which regulated the income of the Tirunelli temple and which was issued by Samkara-Kodavarman of Puraigilanaḍu, the division of Palakkadu (Palghat), who must have been a vassal of the king, Bhaskara-Ravivarman, with whose name the document opens. The date of the order was the forty-sixth year (andu) opposite to the current year (yandu) of His Majesty king Bhaskara-Ravivarman, the month of Makara (of that year) during which Jupiter was standing in Simha, (and which was identical with) the above year (andu).' This date cannot be considered without a reference to the three ancient deeds from Malabar, which were so ably interpreted by Dr. Gundert.12 These are:
"
-
Abstract from an official report, kindly communicated by Mr. Castlestuart Stuart.
Yule and Burnell's Hobson-Jobson, s. v. Myrobalan. Dr. Gundert's Malayalam Dictionary, 8. v. ibid. a. v. Tirunelli. 8 South-Indian Palæography, 2nd edition, p. 52. Some of these changes are registered in Dr. Gundert's Malayalam Grammar, 2nd edition, p. 11. 10 Dr. Caldwell (Comparative Grammar, 2nd edition, p. 90 of the Introduction) remarks with reference to these deeds: Though words and forms which are peculiar to Malayalam may be detected in them, the general style of the language in which they are written is Tamil, the inflexions of the nouns and verbs are Tamil, and the idiom is mostly Tamil; and we are, therefore, led to infer that, at that period, Tamil was the language at least of the court and of the educated classes in the Malayalam country, and that, what is now called Malayalam, if it then existed at all, was probably nothing more than a patois current amongst the inhabitants of the hills and jungles in the interior.'
11 See note 39 on the translation.
12 Madras Journal of Literature and Science, Vol. XIII. Part I. pp. 115 ff. Kookel Keloo Nair has reprinted Dr. Gundert's translations, with the addition of some wild speculations of his own, in Vol. XXI. pp. 80 ff.

Page #305

AUGUST, 1891.]
TIRUNELLI GRANT OF BHASKARA-RAVIVARMAN
287
No. I., an inscription on two copper-plates in the possession of the Jews at Cochin ; 13 No. II., an inscription on a single copper-plate in possession of the Syrian Christians at Kottayam; No. III., art inscription on five copper-plates in possession of the same. I subjoin transcripts and translations of the opening sentences of these three documents :
No. I.
TEXT.16 1 Svasti śri - Kôgônmai kondân kở śrf-Pagkaran 2 Iravivanmar tiruvadi pala-nûrîyira. 3 ttmandum sengol nadattiy=aļa-ninra yân4 da irandâm-andaikkredir muppatt-arâm=andu.
TRANSLATION Hail! Prosperity! In the time (yandu) during which he who had assumed the title of king of kings (kógôn), His Majesty (tiruvadi) the king (ko), the illustrious BhaskaraRavivarman, who wielded the sceptre in many hundred-thousands of places (úndu), was reigning, - in the thirty-sixth year (dndu) opposite to the second year (andu).
No. II.
TEXT.15 1 Hari (11) Sri-Mahaganapat[ay*]e namaḥ [11"] 'Sri-Bhậpâlanarapati śrîVira
Kirala2 sakrava[r]tti Adiyayi mura-muraiyê pala-nurayiratt=îndu 3 bengol nadattayi-ninra sri-Vira-Raghava-Bakravarttikku tiruvira 4 jyam chellayi-ninra Magarattu! Viyalam Mina-ñâyaru irabatt-onra 5 sepra Sani Rohani-na!.
TRANSLATION. Hari ! Adoration to the blessed great Ganapati ! On the day of (the nakshatra) Rõhiņi, Saturday, the twenty-first of the month of Mina (of the year in which) Jupiter (was) in Makara, (within the time) during which the sacred rule of the illustrious Vira-Raghava-chakravartin – who wielded the sceptre in many hundred-thousands of places (andu) in regular succession from the illustrious king of kings ( pdla-narapati), the illustrious Vira-Kerala-chakravartin, - was current.
No. III.
TEXT.16 1 Svasti [11] KO-Ttan[u]17 Iravikkuttaa pala-n û råyiratt-indumm=aragu talai2 chchirand=adi-ppadutt-ala-ninra yându!=chchella-ninra ya3 ņd-aindu ivvåņdu.
TRANSLATION. Hail! In the fifth year (yándu) which was carrent within the time (yándu) during which king (8) Sthanu-Ravigupta who, gloriously trod under his feet the heads of tigers, was reigning in many hundred-thousands of places (andu), - in this year (andu).
18 A translation of this inscription by Mr. Ellia was published after his death, ibid. Vol. XIII. Part II. pp. 111. Dr. Burnell's translation (ante, Vol. III. p. 888 f.) is based on both Dr. Gundert's and Mr. Ellie' versions, which are independent of each other.
14 From the photolithograph, ante, Vol. III. p. 334, and Dr. Burnell's South Indian Paleography, 2nd edition, Plate xxxii.
15 From Dr. Gundert's Tamil transcript, Madras Journal, Vol. XIII. Part I. p. 117. 16 From Sir Walter Elliot's tracing, ibid. Plate iv. 11 The vowel , which is not visible in the tracing, is taken from Dr. Gundert's transcript.

Page #306

288
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[AUGUST, 1891.
A comparison of the commencement of the deed No. I. with that of the Tirunelli deed shews that the name of the king in whose reign each of them was issued, is the same in both inscriptions. The close agreement of the alphabet employed in both makes it very probable that they have to be referred to one and the same reign, and not to two different kings of the same name. Taking this point for granted, we must turn our attention to the curiously worded dates. That of the Tirunelli deed is the forty-sixth andu opposite to the current yándu' of the king, and that of No. I. the thirty-sixth ándu, opposite to the second andu.' Various attempts have already been made to explain the meaning of the two different andus and of the term 'opposite' (edir) in No. I. The word andu or yandu signifies 1, a place'; 2, 'time'; and 3, a year.' Through a play which is undoubtedly intentional, it has the first meaning in the compound pala-núrdyirattandum in Nos, I., II. and III., and the second meaning in No. I. (ala-ninra yandu) and No. III. (áļá-ninra yandu!). The words irandam-andaikk=edir muppatt-drámrandu in No. I were translated by Mr. Whish "the thirty-sixth year of the second cycle (of Parasurama)=139 B. C., and by Sir Walter Elliot the thirty-sixth year opposed to or in contradistinction to the second which would be the third cycle (of Parasurama)=861 A. D.18 Dr. Burnell suggested that the first andu might refer to the year of the reign, and the second to that of the king's age, 18 while Dr. Caldwell took the second andu for the year of the reign and the first for the year of the sixty-year cycle of Brihaspati,20 To all these theories the dates of certain Pandya inscriptions prove fatal, and they might have been done away with before if anybody had taken the trouble to closely examine the Tiruppavanam grant of Kulabekhara deva, a facsimile of the first five plates of which appeared in this Journal21 in 1877. This grant contains no less than five dates :
A. Plate i. , lines 18 to 18. Srt-kð-Chchadaivarmmarena Tribhuvanachchakravarttigal sri-Kulasekaradevarku vându 13 vadu nal nalayirattu-munnarr-arabadiñal.
The four-thonsand-three-hundred-and-sixtieth day of the 13th year of the illustrious king (ko) Jatavarman, alias the emperor of the three worlds, the illustrious Kulabbkharadêva."
B. Plate'i. a, lines 3 to 5. Svasti Sri-Sundarésid=avagata-samaya-svábhidhân-asrayasya
grâmasy=[bhôga]k-Aptim prati sapadi nije vatsaré pañchavińsê [1] chandâmáâv=Âtta-Châpé Kanakapati-tithau kļishņa-paksh-Arki-vira
Svâtf-y8g8 karêņum gamayitum=evadad=Râjagambhîradevah 11 " Hail ! In his twenty-fifth year, while the Sun was in Chåpa, on the lunar day of Kanakapati, 23 in the dark fortnight, on Saturday, at the Svati-yôga, - RAjagambhiradêva instantly ordered an elephant to be let loose, in order to fix the extent of the village, which received his pame in accordance with an injunction emanating from the god Sundaréśa."
C. Plate v. b, line 2 f. Padin-munråvadiņ=edir pengiraņdâm=ându Dhanu-Dâyartu nâlân=tiyadiyum2 aparapakshattu ê kAdabiyum Sanikkilamaiyum perra 'Sodi-na!.
The day of the nakshatra) Svått which corresponded to Saturday, the eleventh lunar day of the second fortnight, and the fourth solar day of the month of Dhanus in the twelfth year opposite to the thirteenth."
D. Plate i. b, line 8 f. Padin-mánråvadiņ=edir padin-onrûm-andu “The eleventh year opposite to the thirteenth."
15 Madras Journal, Vol. XIII. Part I. p. 144..
Comparatire Grammar, 2nd edition, p. 20 of the Introduction, note. 12 i. e. Vishna, the lord of Lakshmi, to whom the eleventh tithi is held sacred.
15 ante, Vol. I. p. 229. 11 ante, Vol. VI. p. 142.
» Read té diyum.

Page #307

AUGUST, 1891.]
TIRUNELLI GRANT OF BHASKARA-RAVIVARMAN.
E. Plate ii. a, line 10.
Padin-mûnrâvadin-edir pattâm=ânḍu.
"The tenth year opposite to the thirteenth."
-
289
The real date of the grant is the first of the five (A.). In his treatment of the Tirappûvanam grant, Mr. S. M. Națêsa Sâstrî had got so far as to recognize that the thirteenth year of this date must be taken as a year of the king's reign, as, dividing 4360 by 360 according to the usual rough calculation, the 4360th day is found to be the 40th day after the expiration of the twelfth year.25 The remaining four dates, which are incidentally referred to in the grant, were all anterior to the real date (A.). Three of them (C., D., E.) are the 12th, 11th and 10th ándu opposite to the 13th, and two other inscriptions of Kulasekharadêva are dated in the 10th opposite to the 13th year (yundu 13vadin-edir 10vadu), 26 and the 8th opposite to the 13th year (yandu 13vadin edir 8vadu).27 Among these five dates, the first (C.) gives the day on which an elephant was let loose, in order to mark the boundary of the village of Rajagambhira-chaturvêdimangalam, which Kulasekharadeva intended to bestow. Fortunately, this day is not only specified in Tamil in date C., but every detail of it is repeated in Sanskrit in date B., with the only difference that here the year is the twenty-fifth of Rajagambhiraḍêva, while in C. it is the twelfth year opposite to the thirteenth of Kulasekharadêva. The natural conclusion is that Râjagambhira, after whom the granted village was called, must be taken as a biruda of Kulasekharadêva, and that the twelfth year opposite to the thirteenth in C. is identical with the twenty-fifth in B. As 13+12 is 25, it further follows that, in those dates, where two different years are recorded, the word edir, 'opposite,' has to be translated by 'after,' and that the different years which occupy the second place (the 8th, 10th, 11th and 12th) are the years of the reign of Kulasekharadeva. The first-mentioned (thirteenth) year might be at first sight referred to his age at the time of his accession to the throne. As, however, the first figure is rather low, viz. 13 in the present case and only 2 in the Cochin deed, 28 it will be necessary to connect it with some event subsequent to the birth. This was most probably the date of the appointment as heir-apparent (yuvarája). The 25th year in date B. would accordingly be the year of the king's yauvarajya in the 12th year of his reign. In date A. we have the year of his reign without any reference to his yauvarajya.
Having thus determined the meaning of the double andu, we find that the Tirunelli deed is dated in the forty-sixth year after the year which was current (at the coronation) of Bhaskara-Ravivarman, and the Cochin Jews' deed in the thirty-sixth year (of the coronation, which took place) after the second year (of the yauvarajya) of the same king. Dr. Burnell has attempted to fix the date of the Cochin deed and of the two Kottayam deeds in the following manner: Dr. Haug had assigned No. III. to the early part of the ninth century A. D. on paleographical grounds. No. III. presupposes Nos. I. and II., as it mentions the Jewish and Christian principalities of Añjuvanṇam and Manigramam, which had been established by Nos. I. and II. Accordingly Dr. Burnell assigned these two deeds to the eighth century A. D. Further, he placed No. II. in A. D. 774 as the only year in which the astronomical details of the date29 are possible. Though this statement rests on the authority of the ablest native astronomer of Southern India, '30 it will perhaps be unsafe to accept it before the calculation has been verified by a competent scholar, to whose consideration I would also recommend the double (Tamil and Sanskrit) date of the Tiruppavanam grant.
24 Compare Hultssch's South-Indian Inscriptions, Vol. II. p. 75, note 5, and page 76, note 1.
25 Dr. Burgess' Arch. Survey of S. India, Vol. IV. p. 30, note 4. Mr. Natêéa misreads arubadinál as aruba. dinálu, which he further seems to have mistaken for arubattu-nilu, as he translates it by 64.
25 Ibid. pp. 10, 11, 12.
27 Ibid. pp. 16 and 17.
28 A further double year is contained in an inscription of the Kerala king Râma, which is dated in the fourth opposite to the fourth year. See Dr. Gundert's translation in Mr. Logan's Malabar, Vol. II. p. cxxii. 30 ante, Vol. I. p. 229.
29 See page 287, above.

Page #308

290
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[AUGUST, 1891.
TEXT.31
First Plate; First Side. 1 Svasti sih 4.32 Kô Pakkaran-Iravivarmmar tiruvadikku=chchella-ninra 2 yaņdaikk=edir nâlppatt-åråmrandu avvându Siniattil Viyalan=pi3 nra Magara-ñáyirra! Tirunelli-Pperumaļidaiya sirikáriyamm-ava4 du (1) Tirunollik kollum udanpådu Tirunelli-Pperumalkku 25 ttiekkoduttân Sannaran=Kodavarmmanrayina adiga! Puraigild6 rum [1] nilalum paniyum kûdiy atti koduttâr [*). Puraigila7 naợu muduguru vâlumavar vannu ti[ru]vadiy=ttoludâl munná. 8 niliyal ayira-Aliy ariy koduttu iraiyppi3-kkada9 var [1] Tirunelli-Pperumalidaiya sirikáriyam kuda34=kkadaviyava10 ga! kudiy=allåda oruttan ekkaiykam oru-suvâmiyôļu kodi de
First Plate; Second Side. 11 vakariyam kedukkum ûrâlan ul?idu udaiyadu 12 suvâmi kolla=kkadavar [1] ûrâlanum öröttarai oli dévakariya13 m šeyil ayiratt-ettu kanam pon dandam pada=kkadavan (*) i14 ttînattinnu tan-bâtigalum yêgigalum unnininru35 15 selutti kollaækkadavar [1*] ipperumalidaiya sirikari16 y araññu ariñõu seluttichchu kollakkadavar [1] i17 vvûr=agattu úralarraga küyil manulachchêr=aga sedu18 m3e seyyum vilakkummavaga! ûrâļan vilakkil i. 19 rubattu-nálækkalaiñou pon dandam pada=kkadavar (1*] kôyi
Second Plate; First Side. 20 1 manalachchêr vilakkil nilal=vvagaiyra koyi91 Ikku pôm ] attai-ttiśai kodattavaga! danda-ppada= 22 kkadavar [19] ippannina sanketam adiga! Puraigi
3 Jarum nilalum paniyum murrårra-kkûại Tirune. 2 lli mukkalvattattu ninru tan=ñĐâtigaļu[m] yê20 gigalum úralar kaiyyilum attiekkodut26 tar 1 Puraigilanattu Afñurruvarkkum Aiya27 yiravarkkum kil=ida [*] ichchankêtam alikku
Second Plate ; Second Side. 28 mavaga! Malik kasattu kachcham [1*] i-sirikâriya29 m unninru seyyichchôn Malaiyampalli 30 Ariyan-Kuttan II 37 Il vilakku nûttalsk*]ku madavan 31 nadiyadikkuļawnadiyadikkulam kuļam kuļattin itânagan. 32 da kôlokkulai mukkôņam vannina vali karandam tunagaiyu33 igamintina nanaganda kalattâru odadaru Karainnantr SA34 bha vitta půmi nurru-aiymbatt-êl-arai kašu ponni.
From the original plates and Mr. Fleet's impression. 12 Thin mark of punctuation is now called Pillaiyar-suli, i. e. 'the curve of Ganba,' and ounsidered by the Vaishnavas as a representation of the holy monosyllable Om. The same sign occurs in line 30 of this inscription, und in line 1 of the Cochin Jews' deed. 23 Read ipai-ppada ?
34 Read kada. » Read yogigalum unintu.
» Read sedam ? 37 Instead of the two vertical lines, the original has a sign which resembles the visarga of the word srih in line 1. Between the Pillaiyar.suli (see note 32) and the second mark of punctuation, it has representations of two Vaishnava symbole, the discus and the conch. These symbols are even now represented on the coins of the Dative states on the Western Court.

Page #309

amonురుం
22300WRw
LOCA
-
-
సంతులనం
seenwr-31 10
30 3 vaipe.
|
Tirunelli Plates of Bhaskara-Ravivarman.
-
-
-
l
e chann గుండaaTa
వారు Nowశిశు
Devaro
2039
)
లు
.
J. F. FLEET, BO. C.S.
W. ORIGGS, PHOTO-LITH.
FULL-SIZE,

Page #310

iia.
* ดง คร่ -835 % qpg) 203 สxล)***
8 95494%)33) 8*338 39p2/2) 8 เน 5 9 269im88 189937 3 %ES 04338%). 33,232358 59 เวลา
35
ช้ ก,089-424-
88622%320A
-
( 28:28 * * *33%%889,98% 22%3ล) ,
381
382 บาะ เอ 35J2ry : 40ขน3x3,6v;8y/Nm6w2o/S-10
ไ;8-?, taxy s6 4802) 552 X 432g5NS ) #653627,29533%23a 2- ญ : 2013 กันตนมง”-%8278 279 2) 2-441 SAN( 1 )
20 21 52 53 5N16) 0 "
120/SL1e, d ez558 11 (2 2130 2N; 2 ) ร.WIN
- 1 : X8 2 2
32 223งงy8 09

Page #311

AUGUST, 1891.]
35 nnu anubavikkinra púmi [1] ippû[mi*]yâl kâla-kur[ai]36 ya mûnra nanda-villa]kku seluttikka kadavar Karaiñña37 [nur sabha] [*]
TIRUNELLI GRANT OF BHASKARA-RAVIVARMAN.
Second Plate; Right Margin.
[1] Ti [2] rune [3] [4] i [5] A. [6] [7] vanu.
291
TRANSLATION.
--
Hail! Prosperity! In the forty-sixth year after the year which was current (at the coronation) of His Majesty (tiruvadi) king (ko) Bhaskara-Ravivarman, in the month of Makara (of that year) during which Jupiter was standing in Simha, (and which was identical with) the above (forty-sixth) year, the worship (śrikárya) of Tirunelli-Peruma138 (was regulated) as follows: An agreement referring to Tirunelli was given with libations (of water) to Tirunelli-Perumal by His Highness (adiga!) the Puraigilar,30 called Samkara-Kodavarman;40 and, having joined together, (his) followers and servants13 gave (it) with libations (of water). If the ruler of the old branch of Puraigilanadu comes to worship the feet of the god, he shall give and pay as tribute one thousand nali of rice (measured) with a (measure containing) three times four (i. e. twelve) náli. If those who are bound to join (in) the worship of Tirunelli-Perumal, do not join, the whole property of each patron, who damages the worship of the god (dévakarya) by singly joining some (other) temple (svámin), shall be taken by the temple. And if a patron performs the worship of the god without (employing) a priest, he shall pay a fine of one thousand and eight kunams of gold. Those of his 7 relations and connexions, 48 who stand under this temple, 40 shall (also) make payments (to the temple). The worshipping priest (érikúrin) of this Perumal shall cause the payments to be made after having enquired into and ascertained them. Those (among) the patrons within this town (and among) those belonging to the servants of the palace (koyil), who destroy (and) obstruct (this agreement), — if a patron obstructs (it), he shall pay a fine of twenty-four kalanju of gold; if one belonging to the servants of the palace obstructs (it), the followers and so forth50 shall go to the palace (and complain). Those who do not give.... every year, shall pay a fine. His Highness
51
-
Perumal is the Tamil name of Vishnu.
39 The second part of this compound is the honorific plural of kilán, which generally means 'an owner, proprietor, headman,' and seems to signify a chief' in the present case. Among the princes who signed the Cochin Jews' deed appears Kodai-Ravi of Neḍum-Puraiyur-nadu, i. e. the division of Palakkadu (Palghat). Taking Purai as a shorter form of Nedum-Paraiyûr, this prince may be supposed to have belonged to the same family as Sankara-Kodavarman. Paraigilânâdu, which occurs in the next sentence, has to be dissolved into Purai-kilan-nadu, the country of the chief of Purai,' and seems to be another name of Neḍum-Paraiyur-nâḍu.
40 The first part of the compound Kôdavarman is identical with Kodai which is, according to the Tamil dictionaries, an epithet of the Chera kings. The same word forms part of the names of two of the princes, who #igned the Cochin Jews' deed, vis, Kodai-Srikantha (line 22) and Kodai-Ravi (line 25).
1 This translation of nilul, shade,' is conjectural. According to Dr. Gundert, the shade are the penates or Brühmaṇas.'
2 The literal meaning of pand is sorvice.' Dr. Gundert translates ministry.' With nilalum paniyum compare prakritiyum adigûrarum, the ministers and officers' in the deed No. III.
4
43 The Malayala Rajas have different branches (kugu) in their families. The first prince is called ruler of the eld branch.'-H. GUNDERT.
44 According to Dr. Gundert's Malayalam Dictionary, aralan means 'patrons or founders of temples, proprietors or managers of fanes, representatives of village temples.'
The Tirunelli temple seems to be meant.
According to Dr. Gundert's Malayalam Dictionary, a kânam is the weight of 3 kalañju, and the latter is, according to the Dictionnaire Tumoul-Français, equal to the weight of 2) pagodas or 3 ounce or 12 fanams. 47 This pronoun seems to refer to Samkara-Kodavarman,
48 This translation of yêgin is conjectural. Dr. Gundert translates 'councillors.'
49 i. e. who acknowledge Tirunelli-Perumal as their patron saint. Vagaira is the Arabic-Persian
.
51 Tisai is used in Tamil for the Sanskrit dié and sometimes for dad. Its meaning in the present instance is not apparent.

Page #312

292
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[AUGUST, 1891.
the Pursigilar, (his) followers and servants, who had all joined together, and those of his relations and connexions, who were under the Tirunelli temple,62 gave the agreement thus made with libations of water) into the hands of the patrons. (This agreement) is placed under (the control of the Five-hundred and the Five-thousands of Puraigilanadu. Those who destroy this agreement, (shall incur the sin of those who commit) a murder at Malik kalam.55 Årya-Kutfan of Malaiyampalli, who was engaged in the worship of this (god), caused (this agreement) to be drawn up.
POSTSCRIPT. The land given for establishing lamps . .. ....... 56 by the assembly (sabhá) of (the village of) Karainfantir is (a piece of) land which enjoys (ie, which is valued at) one hundred and fifty-seven and a half kásu of gold. With the proceeds of this land, the assembly of Karainfanar shall maintain three perpetual lamps, without failing to supply them with oil) at the proper times.
On the right margin of Plate ii. b:
Tirunelli-Alv&n.57
MISCELLANEA. THE MEANINGS OF VYATIPATA.
this term in two different ways. And Hêmadri While discussing certain dates which contain similarly cites three verses from different works, the term vyatipdta, and which do not appear to one of which adds one more meaning of vyatipata work out satisfactorily, Mr. Fleet suggested that to the meanings given by Madhava. The result vyatipáta, in addition to being a name for one of of the discussions of the two scholars is as the yôgas, may perhaps indicate also other astro- follows: - Vyatipata has three meanings, in logical conditions which the writers of the dates addition to denoting the yoga Vyatipata. in question probably were referring to. The sug.
1.- According to Vriddha-Manu, as quoted by gestion thus thrown out by Mr. Fleet induces me
Hêmadri, to draw attention to some passages in Hêmådri's
Sravan-&svi-dhanishth-Ardrd-någadaivataChaturvarga-chintamani and Madhava's com
mastako i mentary on the Parabara-smriti, in which the term vyattpdta has been fully explained,' and
yady-am Ravi-värêņa vyatipatan sa from which it becomes quite clear that vyatipata
uchyate 11 does indeed denote several astrological conditions To this verse Hem&dri appends the notes, that other than the well-known yoga Vyatipâta. naga-daivata = Aflashd; that mastaka, 'the head,
Both writers, in commenting on the verse I. beginning,' must be construed with each of the 218 of the Ydjħavalkya-dharmaldatra, in which the preceding words, but that others take it to be vyat påta is enumerated among the times pre
equivalent to Mrigasirah ; and that amd = amd. scribed for the performance of a Braddha, are
väsya, the new-moon tithi. Madhava quotes the agreed that vyatipdta in the first instance is the 1
same verse, but reads mastakaih, and explains the yoga Vyatfpata (yoga-viléshah, or Vishkambh. word only by Mrigafirah. The meaning of the ddishu yogethu saptadas6 yogah). But Madhava
verse accordingly is :adds that vyatipata may also denote & mahd- When the new-moon tithi, at the commencevyatipdta, and he quotes two verses which explain ment of one of the nakshatras) Sravana, Asvini,
** Bee Dr. Gandert's Malayalam Dictionary, 8. v. makkAlvattam.
88. The 500 and 6,000 are divisions of the Nayar or landowners in each principality: higher and lower noblemon.'-H. GUNDERT. Compare the six-hundred (Arunarrwvar) in the dood No. III. and in Mr. Logan's Malabar, Vol. II. p. ornii. f.
* Kachcham seems to stand for the Sanskrit hatyam, which is another form of haty.
* Compare Mashikakulam, one of the villages referred to in the Kerapatti; Mr. Logan's Malabar, Vol. I. pp. 222 and 227.
* Here three lines, which I do not understand, are left untranslated. 07 This colophon may be a synonym of Tirunelli-Perumal or the signature of a private person, 1 ante, Vol. XVIII. Pp. 128 and 72. 1 Chaturv., Parifahakhande Sraddhakalpah, pp. 241-244; and Pardfaramddhara, p.-656.

Page #313

AUGUST, 1891.]
MISCELLANEA.
293
Dhanishtha, Ardri or Aslesha, [or, under (one It is clear that the vyatipata here described by of the nakshatras) Sravank, Abvint, Dhanishth&, Hêmádri (together with vaidhriti, with which Ardra, Aslesha or Mrigasiras,) is joined with a have no concern) is the same vyatipata which in Sunday, this (combination) is called vyatipata." the Sarya-Siddhdnta XI. 2, is defined thus :2.-From another Sastra Hômadri quotes the When the moon and the sun are upon opposite verses
sides of either solstice, and their minutes of Panchanana-sthau Guru-Bhomiputrau declination are the same, it is vystipata, the sum
Mêahê raviḥ syâd=yadi sukla-pakshei of their longitudes being a half-circle.' pas-AbhidhAna Karabhêna yukta
Vyatípáta, then, is here the time at which the sun tithir=vyatipeta it=iha yôgah ||
and the moon, standing in different ayanas, have Asmin=hi gô-bhami-hiranya-vastra
the same declination (kránti-sdmya). It would be dânêna sarvar parihâya papam !
easy to shew that, were it not for certain attendédratvam=Indratvam=anamayatvam
ing circumstances, the sum of the longitudes of marty-Adhipatyam labhatên manushyah 11 the sun and the moon at that time would be 180°, Here Hêmadri adds that pañchanana = sinha, and the yoga Harshana (No. 14): but I am not and Guru-Bhumiputrau Brihaspaty-Angdrakau, myself sufficiently versed in astronomy to pursue • Jupiter and Mars;' and that pds dbhidhdnd is this matter further. According to Hômadri, it the 12th tithi, and karabha the nakakatra Hasta. is possible that in reality the yoga at the time Madhava, on the other hand, quotes from Vriddha
may be any one from the second half of Ganda Manu a verse of the same import with Hêmadri's (No. 10) up to Vajra (No. 15); but it can never be first verse, but worded thus:
the yôga Vyatîpåta (No. 17). Sinha-sthau Guru-Bhanmau chên=Mesha- If I may venture a remark about the two dates
sthé cha ravau hi va which have induced me to write these lines, I dvadasi Hasta-samyukta vyatipâtô mabån= would say that the date given ante, Vol. XVIII.
hi saḥ 11 p. 127, may perhaps, to a certain extent, furnish With Hemadri's wording of the definition, its an example for vyatipata in the first sense here meaning would be :
explained, and the date ib. p. 274 an example for When in the bright half of the month the 12th vyatipata used in the third sertae. But this I lon ve tithi is joined with the nakshatra Hasta, while
Mr. Fleet to settle. Jupiter and Mars stand in the sign of the Lion
F. KIELHORN.
Göttingon. and the Sun in Aries, the combination is termed vyatipata.'
PROGRESS OF EUROPEAN SCHOLARSHIP, 3.-Finally, Hemadri quotes from Bhrigu the
No. 24. verse
Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Krantisamya-samayan samiritaḥ Baryaparva-sadfiső mun-isvaraih
Gesellschaft for 1889 (Vol. XLIII.) tatra datta-huta-japta-pajanam
Dr. K. Jacob commences the third part of the yAga-kôţi.gunamáha Bhargavaḥlt;
volume with a paper on the Caspian-Baltio to which he adds the following explanation :- trade in the middle ages, with special reference Sarya-chandramasdh kranti-amye punyakáladvayam bhavati 6ko vyatipat-Akhyahi aparê He is followed by Signor Guidi on East Syrian vaidhșity-Akhyah | Tatra krantisamya-laksha Bishops and Bishops' sees in the fifth, sixth nasya vyatipAtasya Gand-ottarardh&d=rabhya and seventh centuries. kramát=s&rdhôshu paboha-yôgôshu sambhavo-still An article of more general interest, continued vaidbriti-sarjllasya tu Suklu-yôgad-arabhya kia- in the following number, is by Herr K. Himly. mát sârdboahu pasicha-yogeshu sambhavaḥ 1 Tat- on the Eastern or Western origin of certain parva-kala-samkhya cha dasa-ghaçikâbhyah games. After giving Rome additional information samarabhy-aikasaptatyadhikasata-paryan tam
regarding chess, his former article on which sambhavyatê | Tatha cha vêdange Jyotishe I has been already noticed in the Indian AntiGand-ottarardhAd-vyatipata-sambhavaḥ quary, vie., that he has at length succeeded in
sukl-Aditô vaidhșiti-samjữako bhavêt) tracing the name chaturanga as far east as ardhéshu pañchase parôshu tath=eahyatê sa Cambodia where it becomes chhoeutrang, he takes
évam dvayath tat-suksit-aika-s&dhakam || up the question of playing cards. In two most * The verse was well-known to Colebrooke ; see . It has been fully explained to me by Professor Misc. Easays, Vol. II. p. 284. It also occurs in the Jacobi. Nirnayasindhu, p. 87.

Page #314

294
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[AUGUST, 1891.
interesting papers the author materially adds to our knowledge regarding the origin of the latter, and the games played with them. The subject, however, hardly concerns the object of this Journal, beyond the fact that a theory which gives an Indian origin to playing cards is shewn to be unfounded. Briefly stated the main result arrived at is to take away the credit of the invention from the French. As far back as 1303 cards were known in Spain as a Moorish game, and playing with them was known as “lo joch de naibs.' The army of Bertrand du Guesclin probably brought them from Spain to France in 1369 or thereabouts. Herr Himly considers that the most probable derivation of the word naibs is from the Arabic nchib, 'a robber. Other proposed derivations are from näib, 'a representative,' and from nabi, 'a prophet.' It is unnecessary here to trace the further steps, by which the author shews that, most probably, cards had their origin in China, where mention of playing implements resembling them occurs as far back as the year 1071.
Prof. Hermann Jacobi contributes a short article on the Udgata metre, which is found in its oldest form in the Kirátárjunkya, and in the Sibupalabadha. An analysis of the verses in these works enables the author to add to Pingala's rule. He defines the Udgata as a system, in three unequal members, of 14 ganas and one syllable. In each even gana there is an am. phibrachys ( -U), except in 4th and 8th, which have each a proceleusmaticus, with a cæsura after the first short syllable (Ivy ), and in the 10th, which has an anapast, followed by a cæsura (VU-I). In the uneven ganas there are anapasta (v v), except in the 7th, which has a spondee with cæsura after the first syllable (-1-). The last cæsura is always marked by the end of a complete word and not by the ending of the first member of a compound, and divides the verse into two nearly equal portions. It is to be noted that the first syllable of the 7th gana which ends the second pada, thus, 2
5
with a simple short vowel, in which case the first word of the third pada must commence with two consonants. In later authors, however, in whose time a living knowledge of the metre was lost, such as Mankha, the author of the Srikanthacharita, and Parimala, the author of the Sahasdukacharita, both of whom lived at least five hundred years after M&gha, the last syllable of the second pada is common, as would be expected from the analogy of other metres.
This is followed by a paper by the present writer, entitled selected specimens of the Bihari Language, which gives the Bhojpuri poem entitled Git Naika Banijar'wa, together with grammatical introduction, notes, and translation.
Next comes an essay on the Achæmenian inscriptions by Dr. W. Bang. It consists of short notes on readings and translations of disputed passages.
The number concludes with two Reviews, one by Prof. Nöldeke on Mani's Researches into the Manichæan Religion, the other by Prof. Ed. Meyer, on Nöldeke's Essays on Persian History.
Part IV. commences with the continuation of Herr K. Himly's article on playing cards already referred to.
It is followed by Dr. Geiger, who gives us some most valuable Balachi texts with translations. Better still, he promises us a Balochi dictionary at an early date. Three texts illustrate the North Baldchi dialect, and are taken from Hittû Ram's Biluchindma. The fourth text illustrates South Balachi, and is taken from an unpublished MS. in the British Museum. The extracts are valuable alike to the student of Iranian languages, and to the student of folklore, and the author expresses
hope, in which I cordially join, that his essay will encourage local students to dig into the rich, but hitherto unexplored mine of the folktales. fables, songs and historical traditions of the Balachis.
Prof. von Roth follows with a short, but most interesting essay on Indian fire implements. Kåtyâyana's account of the Manthana-yantraka is well-known, if not well understood, but he describes a comparatively modern machine, in which metal is employed. The two friction pieces, arani, are made of asvattha (ficus religiosa) wood, and are two boards, one cubit, i.e., 24 inches (angulas) long, six inches broad, and four inches thiok. A special variety of the asvattha is recommended when obtainable. The boards are carefully prepared beforehand and dried. The under (adhard) board is laid on the ground and hence the first and second padas are really only one pada.
viu,
7
8 ' 9 10 -, uuuu, UU-UU11
12 -
13 vu-u-u, v-, - ,-1!
in the poems already referred to always long. That is to say, it is long by nature, or ends with a short vowel plus a consonant or visarga, in which case the first word of the third pada must commence with & consonant, or ende
1 In the 4th and 8th ganas, the casura is not a verse-sura, but only due to the nature of the gana,

Page #315

AUGUST, 1891.)
MISCELLANEA.
295
directed towards the north. From the upper nribhi," the fire that comes to life, rubbed out (uttara) a piece eight inches long, and two inches with energy by men." This friction process was broad is split off. This latter forms the friction- naturally only used for producing fire when no staff pramantha). The lower end is cut to a blunt other method was available. Usually, no doubt, point, and the upper end is made four-cornered fire was carefully preserved from day to day, and to fit the corresponding aquare hollow of the spin- when it went out, was borrowed from a neighbour. dle (chátra). This spindle is made of the hard The use of the cowdung cakes in India of the wood of the Acacia catechu (khadira), twelve present day, which remain aglow for several inches long, with iron ferules at each end. At the hours, need not be described to the reader of the lower end is the square hollow for the friction Indian Antiquary. staff, above is fixed an iron pin (kilaka). It The burning-glass, and the burning-mirror, is round or nearly so, and has running round appear to have been known in very early times it an oblique groove to receive the driving string in India. The Nirukta mentions how dried cow(nétra). The latter has three strands and is dung takes fire when the rays of the sun are made of cow-hair and hemp. It is wound three thrown upon it by means of a mani (i. e., a pre. times, from right to left, round the spindle. In cious stone or glass) or by means of a metal vessel. the lower friction-piece, a space of four inches is In later times the burning-glass is frequently measured off, twelve inches from the head
nised by poets in similes, but neither it nor the and eight from the foot, in which a furrow burning-mirror appears to have been in frequent (tirtha) is cut out; and a smaller cross channel household use. (v.ihint) is cut from this towards the east side to
No mention of flint and steel, or simpler flint form an exit for the fire. Above the machine
against fint, has been noticed by Prof. Roth in goes a cross piece (ovili or audiil) which keeps
his reading the agniprastara, of the Sabdakal. the whole together. It is half as long as the
padruma, is a modern coined word, and the flint lower board, and probably half as broad. It is
appears to have been unknown. Pyrites were also of Acacia wood, and is flat below, and fur.
known, being mentioned in the Nighantu under nished with an iron plate. Above, it is round to
the name of makshika, but apparently not their allow it to be held easily by the hands. A hollow
use as a means for producing fire. At the same in the iron plate receives the iron pin of the top
time it must have been known in the most of the spindle. When all is ready, the holder of
ancient times that sparks issued also from stone, the sacrifice (yajamana) sits by the apparatus
for the Vedas say that fire dwells not only in facing the east, by the west side of the lower
wood, but also in water and stones (Ri. V. 2, 1, 1; friction piece, places the cross piece, in the same
Ath. V. 3, 21, 1:12, 1, 19). direction as the lower piece, on the pin, presses it down as hard as he can, and endeavours to keep
Another old man eloquent,' Dr. Roth's great the whole as steady as possible, while his wife fellow-worker, Prof. O. Bohtlingk, next contri. puts the string on the spindle, and commences to
butes four short pithy articles. He first deals drill. The priest (adhvaryu) subsequently oon
with the question, "Who is the author of the tinues the work begun by the wife. The sparks
Hitopadosa P' Professor Peterson maintains, on produced are received in a dish filled with dried the authority of a concluding verse found in triturated cowdung, and are blown upon and
three old MSS., that that work was composed cherished till the fire can be placed upon the
( a) by Nárayaņa, and blames Lassen and hearth. In the above description, Beveral minor Schlegel for not giving this verse, which is found details have been omitted to save space. Note in the St. Petersburg MS., in their editions. As that both the friction boards, the upper as well a matter of fact the St. Petersburg MS. does not as the lower, are called arani. From the upper is contain the word रचितः but चरितः, 80 the two split off the friction staff, which in the machine scholars are freed from the reproach. Dr. takes the place of the upper arani, which keeps Böhtlingk views the verse with great suspicion ; its name only because it provides the wood for it is added in a very awkward way, being the former. Originally the upper arani cannot introduced with the words anyachchdstu. It is have been a board, and must have been made awkward, in this position, immediately after a of hard wood, which was applied to the lower benediction commencing with tathdpyaparamsoft wood and worked by hand. This must idamastu, to put this verse into the mouth of have been a business requiring a considerable Vishnuvarman, and if it is meant for an addition expenditure of labour and strength, and in fact by Narayana, or some one else, then the anyach. numerous passages in the Vedas refer to fire as chdatu is not required. He prefers, as the the child of energy: e.., sahasd yo mathito jdyate three MSS., which have the verse, all agree closely

Page #316

296
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[AUGUST, 1891.
with each other, and at the same time widely work or of the division, or for certain components differ from other codioes, to consider Nårîyana of the class. Thus, names of works, msichchhakanot as the author of the work, but as the arranger tikarh ndma prakaranam, abhijndnakakuntalam of a certain recension; just as Sivadasavirachita nama ndtakam, gftagovindam (80. kdvyam). A påtalapanchavinnsatika, means the Vatalapancha- feminine in does not appear to suffer attraction, minsatikd, in the recension of Sivadåsa. In e.g., vikramorvasi nama trátakam. Names of acts conclusion he considers that we have still to seek of play, madanikdarvilako (dvandva) nama for the name of the author of the Hitópadeta. chaturtho 'rkah, sakuntalaprasthand (but v. 1.
The next article is a critical one dealing with -prasthanam) nama panchamo 'kah. Titles of alleged irregularities in the language of the chapters in the Raghuvamba and Kumdrasambhava; Grihyasutra of Hiranyakésin. The paper dealsvasishthdéramagamano nama prathamaḥ sargah, with details, and cannot be reproduced here.
umdpradáno nama shashthah sargah. This The main conclusion arrived at is that most of attraction does not seem to occur in the Mahabhathe alleged irregularities are non-existent.
rata, the Ramayana, or the Purdnas. Thus in In explaining the puzzling sasah kshuram pra
the second book of the Mahabharata we have tyanchań jagdra, of Rig Veda 10, 28, 9, Prof. Pis.
bakrasabhdvarnanan ndma saptamó 'dhydyah, in chel, in his Vedische Studien, quotes the following
the first book of the Rimdyana brahmagamanan
ndma dvitlyah sargah. An example of a noun of verse of the Mahdbharata (Ed. Bomb. 2, 66, 8):
class occurs in the PAli dukkhaniridham ariya. Ajô hi sastramagilatkilaikah
εαελολατή. sastre vipannê sirasasya bhdmau niksintanamh svasya kanthasya ghôram
Dr. Paul Horn follows with a paper on the tadvadvairar má krithah Panduputraiḥ.
Pahlavi papyrus, Dr. Franz Prætorius with one
on the prolongation of certain short final vowels This passage is almost as puzzling as the Vedic
in Arabic, and Dr. Kuhn with a short note on one. Nilakantba in his commentary illustrates it
Dr. Hübschmann's article on kinship marriages with two kathds, and Dr. Pischel, closely follow.
amongst the ancient Persians, already referred to. ing his explanation, translates it as follows:
None of these are of a character to interest Indian A goat, they say, swallowed a knife, and as
scholars. 'the knife stuck (crossways) (in his throat), he cast | it (asya, gerund of Vas) on the ground with his
Next, Dr. Zubaty gives us an article on the
Trishfubh and Jagati metres in the Mahahead, and (thus experienced) a terrible cutting of the throat. Make thou not thus enmity with
bharata. In this paper the various irregularities the sons of Pandu.'
in these metres are minutely examined, and com.
pared with the corresponding irregularities ocDr. Böhtlingk in his third paper combate
curring in the Rig Veda as summarised by this translation, preferring to take asya as the
Prof. Oldenberg pronominal genitive, and disputing the meaning given to vipanne. He paraphrases the passage
Prof. Fritz Hommel follows with a paper on as follows: A goat attempted to swallow &
the word for wine in South Semitic, with bite by the pointed end. The knite stuck in special reference to Glaser's Sabwan Inscriphis throat, as the broad handle prevented his tion No. 12. Next comes a series of short notes swallowing it; moreover it was so firmly stuck on Aryan Philology by Prof. Bartholomae. in his throat that he could not get it out. In The first relates to Rig Veda 3, 33, 10od. Taking order to free himself he butted with his head bafvachái as 1 sg. pres. conj. and pipyand against the ground, whereby the knife was dis- as a dative singular, he establishes a complete abled (vipannt), i.e. broken. Then all that parallelism between the two lines. Pipyand he Yemained for the goat to do was to swallow the identifies as a present participle of Vpd, to drink, blade, and thereby to cut bis throat.' Besides the and means 'drinking,' hence 'a suckling child," above, in the first kathá, Dr. Böhtlingk proposes and translates the whole couplet, low will I to correct the phrase tatastadaśaknuvanbhúmau bow to thee as a mother to her sucking child. dsyarn, to tatastadataknuvanbhimau kastran. As a maiden before her beloved will I open The fourth paper is on a peculiar attraction of
myself to thee (cf. R.-V. 10, 8, 5, 37c.).' gonder in Sanskrit. The attracting words are The second deals with Rig Veda, 6, 71, 2ed. general terms for literary works of various kinds Nive'sané prasave' cha'si, is equivalent to nivétá. or their divisions, also for certain ideas of class; yasi prasuvási cha,' thou giveat rest, and again while the attracted word is the name of a specified awakest to life.' The writer does not know another
2. Compare the use of pâyamind (for piyamana) in the Asöka Inscriptions, Col. Ed. 7.8, giving suck.'- G.A.G.

Page #317

AUGUST, 1891.]
BOOK-XOTICES:
297
instance of this kind of circumlocution in the The two last notes refer to points of criticism Vada, but there is a parallel example in old in the Avesta. Persian to which he draws attention.
Dr. Von Stackelberg follows with notes on Rig Veda, 1, 92, 4ab. Benfey and Gra38- Ossetio, which are followed by short notes by Mr. man translate the second line she uncovers Rehatsek on Dr. Jacob's article on the Caspio. her bosom, as a cow her udders' (usré'va bárjaham). Baltic trade in the Middle Ages already referred Dr. Bartholomæ connects bárjaha with brihant, to, and by Dr. W. Bang on former articles on the and the Zend berezo, barezahi, barezata &c., ! religion of the Achæmenians. Three Reviews on * projecting, high.' He takes it as an adjective Semitic subjects, and one on a Chinese subject qualifying váksha, the breast. Usra' also does not come next, and the volume concludes with an mean cow.' It should be read ubrd', equivalent obituary notice, by Prof. A. Socin, of the late to ubatt', 'a girl desiring her lover.' He trans- Dr. Thorbecke, the eminent Semitic scholar, lates the couplet coloured garments casts she whose regretted death on the 3rd of January, round herself, like a dancing-girl. Like a damsel 1890, has left a void which it will be difficult to enticing her beloved, she uncovers her swelling fill. breast.'
G. A. GRIERSOX.
NOTES AND QUERIES. A VERSE ON TOBACCO.
"Once Indra asked Brahman, what is the best • Tobacco is greatly used in Southern India, thing in the world? And he replied, by his four sometimes in chewing with betel-leaves, some mouths: tabaku, pogaku, hogêsoppu, and times in smoking, and greatly in the shape of pogêle, meaning “tobacco, tobacco, tobacco, snuff. The following is a witty extollation of it tobacoo," in Hindustani, Telugu, Kanarese and hy an admirer :
Tamil respectively. The point consists in the
words from several languages being so arranged पुरा पृष्टवानब्जयोनि विडोजाः
in the last line, as not to break the rhythm of धरामंडले वस्तुसारं किमस्ति ।
the metre; otherwise there is nothing special in चतुर्भिर्मुखैहत्तरं तेन दत्त
the verse. * Ars: Ging Nu
S. M. NATESA SASTRI.
BOOK-NOTICES. TRE MAHABHARATA OY KRISHNA-DVAIPATANA-VYABA; A DICTIONARY OF THE CENTRAL NICOBAKESE LAN translated into English Prose. Published by PROTAP GUAGE, PRECEDED BY NOTES ON THE GRAMMAR CHANDRA Roy; the Bharata Press; Caloutta.
OF THE CENTRAL Form, by E. H. MAN. London,
W. H. Allen & Co. 1889. We are glad to find that Protop Chandra
We have before us another of Mr. Man's careful Roy's translation of the Mahabharata, which
publications, the contents of which have become we noticed first five years ago, ante, Vol. XV. | all the more valnable owing to the withdrawal of p. 216, is still being successfully carried on. The
ng successfully carried on. The an English Resident from the Nicobar Islands. last instalment that we have before us is Part For linguistio purposes the Nicobar Islands LXIV, which carries us into the commencement may be divided into six groups, viz. Car Nicobar, of Section 67 of the Sånti-Parva; and this and
Chowra, Teressa with Bompoka, the Central
embracing Carrorta, Nancowry, Trinkut and Katthe intervening parts shew that the work is being
obal, the Southern Group comprising Great and continued with the same fidelity and careful
Little Nioobar, Condul and Milo, and the inland attention to details. About three-fourths of the tribe or Shom Pen of Great Nicobar. The book whole translation have now been issued; and as, under consideration deals with the Central Group. from a notice on the wrapper, it appears that the
The total population is about 6,000, of which earlier parts are becoming scarce, scholars will
something over 1,090 live in the Central Group. do well to complete their sets before it becomes
The custom of tabu has had a peculiar offect
on the Nioobarese dialects, and is in some too late to do so. The same gentleman bae pub
measure responsible for the complete diversity lished also a Sanskrit Text of the epio, which
of tongues now existing between the different presumably gives the recension followed in this
groups. Any person may adopt any word of the translation.
language as his or her name, and after death that

Page #318

299
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
word is tabued for a generation for fear of raising a ghost. Consequently a new word has to be invented to take its place, and this process is naturally perpetually going on. This embarrassing custom is common to several semi-savage peoples.
The Nicobarese dialects belong to the languages of Further India, or what Mr. Man calls the Tibeto-Assam family. They are agglutinative in development, and similar in structure to Malay, Peguan and Burmese, differing from Burmese and the allied tongues in the absence of homonyms differentiated only by intonation.
Very few words are borrowed from other tougues, although the men (but not the women) of the various groups can converse in Burmese, Hindustani, English and Malay.
Mr. Man, in writing the language, has adopted the system he pursued in his former well-known work The Aboriginal Inhabitants of the Andaman Islands, and the point of speech that chiefly comes out therein is the great variety of nasal vowels and diphthongs. The stopped sound of many Burmese final consonants shewn in the Burmese character by, and which makes such a word as let-hmat (sign manual) sound like lemmá to Europeans, is also common to Nicobarese. The consonants specially liable to it are ch, j, and k, but Mr. Man's remarks shew that partially, as in Burmese, t, d, p, b, g, 8, sh, and may probably be added to the category.
As is the case with all rude forms of speech, the Nicobarese languages are rich, within certain limits, in specific, and poor in generic terms: but in expression by gesture the Nicobarese have no prescribed methods.
Their structure may be roughly described as follows: The roots of the languages are easily traceable. The explanatory parts of speech (prepositions, postpositions, adverbs, etc.) stand separately, and are not combined with other words in the sentence. Words can be used as adjectives, which properly belong to verbs, substantives, adverbs, and so on. Prefixes, suffixes and particles are freely used. Compound words are very common, composition being attained by simple agglutination without any mutilation of the components.
As regards the Grammar, the following remarks will be found to indicate its outlines. Substantives do not undergo grammatical alteration to denote number, gender or case. If the nomina
[AUGUST, 1891.
tive does not commence the sentence, en or pan is prefixed to denote it. Possession is shewn by making the possessor follow the thing possessed. What is called "case" in ordinary Grammars is denoted by prepositions.
Derivative nouns are formed thus: - Firstly from Verbs: -
(1) okngók, to eat: hokngók, food. homkwom, to give: omkwòm, gift.
(2) hoheat, to hook: henheat, a hook.
het, to chisel: henet, a chisel. kapáh, to die: takapdh, a carcase. tomkák, to lance: tenkák, a lancet.
(3) pahóa, to fear: pamahóa, coward.
enlúana, to exorcise: menlúana, a shaman. dáha, to whet: danáha, a whetstone. pem, to drink: pomem, a drunkard.
(4) pöya, to sit: enpöya, a bench. lop, to cover: oplop, a shawl. top, to drink: topa, beverage
(5)
(6)
Irregular derivatives on the above principles,
ofoak, to open: foàng, a window. Secondly from Adjectives: - (1) huyoie, drunk: mahuyòie, a drunkard. karú, large: kamarú, an adult. shi-tashe, old: shanitashe, age. (2) Irregular additions, as, - höi, far: kalahöiya, the sky.
Thirdly from Substantives: - (1) Irregular additions, -
hentain, a basket: mentainya, a basketful. kahe, moon: kamaheiwa, a lunation.
Fourthly, Compounds: -
(1) These are agglutinated as above explained. A peculiar class of grammatical derivatives of a similar structure to those already noticed exists, which is worth noticing:
enkòiña, a man: menkòiña, a man of a particular race.
enkána, a woman: menkána, a woman of a particular race.
kenyám, a child: kamenydma, a child of a particular community.
Paiyúh, a Nicobarese: Pamenyah, a Nicobares? of a particular community.
kaling, a foreigner: kamalenga, a foreigner of a particular community.
nót, a pig: memnita, a pig of a particular village.
1 The Myit-nge, lit. Little River, in Upper Burmah was always known to the engineers building the Railway bridge over it as "the Mingy."

Page #319

AUGUST, 1891.]
ching, a ship: chinminga, a ship of a particular rig.
mattai, a village; mentai, a village of a particular community.
kentúka, a dance: kamentóka, a dance of a particular kind.
BOOK-NOTICES.
kandishe, a song: kamenndishe, a song of a particular kind.
The way in which these remarkable words are used may be thus illustrated,
heang yuang enkòiña, one man.
heang yang menkòiña, one man (or several men) of the same (one) race.
án yuang mônkòiña, two (or several) men of two races.
And again -
héang yuang kaling, one foreigner.
heang yang kamalenga, one (or more) foreigner of the same country.
tafual yang kamalénga, six (or more) foreigners of six different countries.
And in the phrase:
héang kammennòishe takòisha, di kamentóka takatoka (tai chua wahe); one kind of song was sung, two kinds of dances were danced (by me last night).
To turn to the adjectives: These, like the nouns, are uninflected for grammatical purposes, and may be preposed or postponed, but in the latter case the prefix ta is necessary, e. g. lapá kaling, a good foreigner: but kaling talapa.
Derivative adjectives are formed on the same principle as the nouns. The following are exampies:
leap, to be able: lamiap, expect. karan, iron: takaran, of iron.
puyél, hair: pamayôl, hairy. fp, the side: fapo, fat.
iteak, to sleep: iteakla, sleepy. pahóa fear: pahóapare, timorous.
lapá; good: lenpda, better: lenpdaka, best.
chòng, high: chinònga, higher: chinòngaka, highest.
placing the pronoun after the thing possessed, as in the case of nouns above-mentioned, or by turning it into a derivative adjective, after the manner already explained. Thus, due chia, my canoe, or due tachüa. Honorific forms are unknown, owing to the communistic condition of the social relations of the people. Relation is expressed as in the Indo-European languages: thus, following the English order, paiyúh ka leät-chuh, the man who went home. Reflexive action is also expressed by dêde or rére: e. g. an ofino ta-dede, he is beating (to)-himself.
As regards the pronouns there is no inflection as usual, but there is a form to express the dual' number. The possessive is expressed by simply
299
Like the other parts of speech, many verbs are formed out of nouns, &c., by a process of alteration in form, by simple compounding, or by the addition of syllables. Examples are:
shomyo, to fill a sack, from shayo, a sack. ché-kaleták (shiver-tongue), to stammer. hawan, to net fish, from wan, a net.
The prefixes ha and ka are those most commonly used in thus forming verbs; the prefix wi expresses causation, as yom, a garden, wiyom, to cultivate: yo expresses tendency, as tòng, pus, yotong to fester; alde expresses completion, as aldebeät, to become healed: hen expresses action, as toknga, to break, v. n., but hentoknga to break,
v. a.
The prefix kaha is peculiar and may be compared with the form of the class-nouns already explained. It may be best illustrated by an example:loij, to meet by the arrival of one of the parties, kaha-lòij, to meet by the arrival of both parties.
Continuative action is expressed by alteration in form and the suffixing of yande, as top, to drink, tennopayande, to continue drinking.
For comparison, adjectives undergo changes auxiliaries. of form which are peculiar, thus:
In many cases the passive is the more primitive form of the verbs, as haròkhata, to burn, haruka, to be burnt; but the passive form is often expressed by prefixing ta as mandya, to inherit, tamanaya, to be inherited.
There is no inflection of the verb whatever, the grammatical relations being expressed by
Of the minor parts of speech, the adverbs, prepositions and postpositions call for few remarks, and the language is poor in conjunctions and interjections.
mitanto, short: entanta, shorter: entántaka, shortest.
The formation of many prepositions shews the same peculiarities as that of the other parts of
thickest.
fuòi, thick: fenndiyo, thicker: fennòiyoka, speech: e. g. we have ki, head, taksi, on, lakói, above: fap, side, tafáp, beside, kòltafáp. at the side of, yétafáp, to the side.
The Nicobarese reckon by the pair, score, and score of scores, and the only puzzle is that

Page #320

300
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[AUGUST, 1891.
are expressed by auxiliaries which are worth recording here :
y8 (to wish) = future intention intend going). alde (just now) = immediate future (just going
to).
the words used in counting cocoanuts (the staple product) and money, differ from those used in counting other objects. From the simple numerals, derivatives, formed on the principles already largely illustrated, are in use to denote a limit in enumeration, e. g. heang, one, heméang, only one i8edt, seven, missat, only seven.
Numeral co-efficients are used as fully as in Burmese and other Further Indian tongues, but with the difference that, as in Persian, the co-effi, cient is between the numeral and the article epumerated, instead of the article preceding numeral and co-efficient, e. g. Persian, chuhar ranjfri fi, four chain of elephants : Nicobarese, løe koi koan, three head (of) children; but Burmese la hna yauk, men two human beings; ngwé lé jat, silver four flat-pieces (= 4 rupees). In the rare instances of the use of numeral co-efficients in English the Nicobarese system is followed : four head of cattle; two and half couple of snipe;. two leash of grey-hounds.
Concrete expressions are used to denote time in the manner common to all barbarous and semiharbarous people : e. g."you could reach that place in three betel-quids (chews) time."
As regards suffixes, prefixes and inflxes, their use has been mostly illustrated already, and we need not specially notice any here except an interesting olass which refers to the human body and its parts, and which bear a remarkable analogy to a like peculiarity in the Andamanese languages. The system appears to be to attach the actual words for hand, foot, leg, head, ear, face, voipe and surface to other words to modify the sense of the base and form fresh expressions for ideas from the compound, e. 9., tni, hand; kwapta-tai, clutch (through fear or rage): Idh, foot, leg, ongelah, depart : koi, head; kaòpekoi, capsize : nong, ear; himdnganang, CAUtion: chakd, face ; yachaka, intend: ngd, voice; pawangé, echo : mat, surface ; et-lat-mat, wipe.
The collocation of words is similar to that of English, except that the adjective usually follows the noun and that in assertive sentences the verb "to be" is generally onitted.
Simple interrogation is expressed by the inflection of the voice, or by prefixing ka, kd. kan to the subject of the sentence, or when an affirmative reply is expected, by so prefixing an. Nogation is expressed by the insertion of particles of negation indioating it under the various circum. stances of life, like the English "not, none, not any, nothing, don't, isn't, never, never more, and
enyah (afterwards) = simple future (will) eat (already) = simple past (was). leät-ngare (entirely) = long past (dead and
gone). yanga (from) immediate past (just finished). yudng-shit (busy) = imperfect, (having, being) ytang-shits-yanga = pluperfect (had). leap and dóh (ability) = ability (can). d6h (ability) =unknown intention (may). dohta (obligation) - pbligation (should). ka (indeed) = obligation (must). oklalongató, (permission) = permission (let. kaiyah toshe (power) = power (you may). dth (ability) = power (you may). hargh-ta-yando unknown intention (might). lak and shók = invitation (let us). root = negative precaution (don't).
Finally there is a curious class of intensive particles in use which are best explained by illustrations thus:ka (indeed): an, he, anka, he himself; ane, that,
ane ka, the very same; chud, silver, chud ka, real silver ; halak, a ladder, kalák ka, a proper ladder; chaling, long, chaling ka,
very long. ondah, pendah, with adjectives, verbs and
adverbs has the same force as ka. pait (much), takard (very), taur thatohe (exces.
sively), ka kq, indeed, can also intensify ad.
jectives and adverbs. We have thus dwelt at length upon Mr. Man's explanation of the Nicobarese tongue, for two reasons, vis., the remarkably clear exposition given by him of a most interesting tongue, and because it is not likely that we shall ever be favoured in this generation at least with any further light on it.
Mr. Man's energy and clear grasp of grammar as a science have given us an insight into a class of languages of the greatest value to philology as & etudy, for we have now had an exposition of a group of tongues that is agglutinative in verbal structure and analytical in its syntax, and which expresses cognate ideas by the expansion of its simple radices by means of a series of regularly used prefixes, suffixes and infxos, and occasionally even by pure intromutation after the fashion of the Semitic languages. Could a series of facts of greater interest be placed before the philological student ?
DO."
The various moods and tonses of the vorb

Page #321

SYSTEM OF TRANSLITERATION.
The system of transliteration followed in this Journal for Sanskrit and Kanarese, and, for the sake of uniformity, submitted for adoption, as far as possible, in the case of other languages), except in respect of modern Hindu personal names, in which absolute purism is undesirable, and in respect of a few Anglicised corruptions of names of places, sanctioned by long usage, is this:Sanskrit.
Kanarese.
Transliteration.
ST
a
आ
â
इ
i
î
44|44|3##.
ओ
भी
Visarga
Jihrámulya, or old
Visarga before and व् Upaditya,
or
old Visarga be
foreand
Anusvára Anunásika
*
ख
ग
32
E's
3
535
200
101.6
&
B
Visarga
Anusvára
a
û
rî
lri
e
ê
ai
Q
ô
8.11
h
li
ཙ ཝཱ དྭཱ ;
kha
ga
gha
na
clin
chha
Sanskrit. ज
झ
37
ट
可
म
ळ
स
Kanarese.
H
Id α z E
ધૃ દ 9 છ સ સ ચ વ ાત્ર 1 3 -
Transliteration. ja
jha
ña
fa
8441.dedilarated.
SKL
छ
&
ha
A single hyphen is used to separate words in composition, as far as it is desirable to divide them. It will readily be seen where the single hyphen is only used in the ordinary way, at the end of a line, as divided in the original Text, to indicate that the word runs on into the next line; intermediate divisions, rendered unavoidable here and there by printing necessities, are made only where absolutely necessary for neatness in the arrangement of the Texts.
A double hyphen is used to separate words in a sentence, which in the original are written as one word, being joined together by the euphonic rules of sandhi. Where this double hyphen is used. it is to be understood that a final consonant, and the following initial vowel or consonant-and-vowel, are in the original expressed by one complex sign. Where it is not used, it is to be understood of the orthography of the original, that, according to the stage of the alphabet, the final consonant either has the modified broken form, which, in the oldest stages of the alphabet, was used to indicate a consonant with no vowel attached to it, or has the distinct sign of the virama attached to it; and that the following initial vowel or consonant has its full initial form. In the transcription of ordinary texts, the double hyphen is probably unnecessary; except where there is the samdhi of final and initial vowels. But, in the transcription of epigraphical records, the use of this sign is unavoidable. for the purpose of indicating exactly the palæographical standard of the original texts.
The avagraha, or sign which indicates the elision of an initial a, is but rarely to be met with in inscriptions. Where it does occur, it is most conveniently represented by its own Dêvanagari sign.
So also practice has shewn that it is more convenient to use the ordinary Dêvanâgarî marks of punctuation than to substitute the English signs for them.
Ordinary brackets are used for corrections and doubtful points; and square brackets, for letters which are damaged and partially illegible in the original, or which, being wholly illegible, can be supplied with certainty. An asterisk attached to letters or marks of punctuation in square brackets, indicates that those letters or marks of punctuation were omitted altogether in the original. As a rule, it is more convenient to use the brackets than to have recourse to footnotes; as the points to which attention is to be drawn attract notice far more readily. But notes are given instead, when there would be so many brackets, close together, as to encumber the text and render it inconvenient to read. When any letters in the original are wholly illegible and cannot be supplied, they are represented, in metrical passages, by the sign for a long or a short syllable, as the case may be; and in prose passages, by points, at the rate, usually, of two for each akshar or syllable.

Page #322


Page #323

SEPTEMBER, 1891.]
COINS OF THE KINGS OF VIJAYANAGARA.
301
THE COINS OF THE KINGS OF VIJAYANAGARA.
BY E. HULTZSCH, PH.D.; BANGALORE. The subjoined list comprises such inscribed South Indian coins as, judging from their
1 legends, may be referred with some degree of probability to the princes of the last great Hindu kingdom of the South. A considerable number of coins with unintelligible, imperfect or debased legends are excluded. The desirability of attempting a list of Vijayanagara coins was first suggested to me by Captain R. H. C. Tufnell, M.S.C., who courteously placed his extensive collection at my disposal. The same was kindly done by Mr. R. Sewell, M.C.s., and Surgeon D. S. E. Bain, I.M.S. To Mr. E. Thurston I am indebted for the loan of some coins of the Government Central Museum, Madras. The collections, which I have used, are referred to in the list by the following abbreviations : -
B = Dr. Bain; M = Madras Museum; S = Mr. Sewell; T = Captain Tufnell ; H = self.
Mr. B. Santappah, Curator of the Mysore Government Museum at Bangalore, kindly andertook the preparation of the plaster casts, from which the accompanying Plates were prepared.
The following numismatical publications are quoted in the list by the simple names of their authors:
Surgeon-General G. Bidie, The Pagoda or Varáha Coins of Southern India ; Jour. As. Soc. Bengal, Vol. LI. Part I. 1883, pp. 33 ff.
Sir Walter Elliot, Coins of Southern India; London, 1886.
Lientenant (Colonel) H. P. Hawkes, A brief sketch of the Gold, Silver and Copper Coinage of Mysore; Bangalore, 1856.
William Marsden, Numismata Orientalia Illustrata, Part II. London, 1825. - Maior Edward Moor. Plates illustrating the Hindu Pantheon, reprinted from the work of; London and Edinburgh, 1861. The quotations refer to Plate 103.
H. H. Wilson, Description of Select Coins in the possession of the Asiatic Society; Asiatic Researches, Vol. XVII. 1832, pp. 559 ff.
A list of the first dynasty of Vijayanagara is found in my South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. I. p. 161, and lists of the second and third dynasty, ante, Vol. XIII. p. 154 and p. 155, respectively.
Regarding the coinage of one of the kings of the first dynasty we possess & contemporary report by 'Abdu-r-razzâq, an ambassador of Saltan Shah Rukh of Samarkand, a son of the great Tîmûr. 'Abdu-r-razzâq stayed at Bijanagar (Vijayanagara), the capital of Deð Raf (Devaraya II.), from the close of Za-1-hijja, A. H. 846, = end of April, A. D. 1443, to the 12th Sha'bân, A. H. 847, = 5th December, A. D. 1443. He informs us that Dêvaraya II. issued the following coins :- 1. Gold: (1) varáha; (2) partáb = varáha ; (3) fanam = to partáb. II. Silver: tár = fanam. III. Copper : jital = tár. Pagodas or varáh as of Devaraya are described ander Nos. 4 and 5. The name partáb, which 'Abda-r-razzaq attributes to the half pagoda, is probably connected with the surname Pratápa, which occurs before the names of Vijayanagara kings both on coins and in inscriptions; this surname is also found on No. 6, a half pagoda of Dêvarêya. No fanam with Devaraya's name, nor any Vijayanagara silver coin, has been hitherto discovered. But there is a considerable number of varieties of the copper issues of Dêvarêya (Nos. 9 to 23). The name jital, which 'Abdu-r-razzaq attributes to these coins, is the Hindústå ni equivalent of the modern pice.'
180Yule and Burnell's Hobson-Jobson, p. 349.

Page #324

302
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(SEPTEMBER, 1891.
(ರಾಯು
FIRST DYNASTY.
I. Bukkaraya. No. 1. MH. Gold, Pagoda.
(Bidie, No. 9.) Oby. A rude kneeling figure of Garuda, which faces the right.
(dies Sri-Vi. Rev. Jau
[ra]-Buka-
[r]âya. Two pagodas of similar type, but with different legends, are figured by Elliot, Nos. 87 and 88. Moor's No. 8 appears to be an imperfect drawing of Elliot's No. 87.
II. Harihara. No. 2. MSTH. Gold. Half pagoda.
(Elliot, Nos. 96 and 97.) Obv. God and goddess, seated. श्रिीप
Sri-PraRev. areeft tâpa-Hari
hara. On some specimens of this coin, the attributes of the two sitting figures are distinctly Vaishnava; on others it is doubtful, if they are meant for Saiva or Vaishṇava oncs,
No. 3. T. Copper. Obv. Bull, facing the right; above it, the moon.
Pratâpa
रहरीहर Harihara.3 There is a ring in the centre between the two lines of the legend.
III. Devaraya. No. 4. MTH. Gold. Pagoda. Obv. Same as No. 2.
"Sri-PraRev. Zato
tâpa-Dêva(राय
røya. On some specimens of this and the next following coin, the attributes of the two sitting figures are 'Saiva, on others Vaishnava. The pagoda figured by Elliot under No. 106 belongs to Chik[k]& Devaraya of Maisûr (A.D. 1672 to 1704).
No. 5. MH. Gold. Paguda.
(Bidie, No. 11.) Obv. Same as No. 4. ( 11
Sri-PraRev. 3 army tâ pa-Dôva-6 राय
rây8.
Rey. Stara
श्रीम
? Read Bukka.
Read Harihara. • Hawkes, p. 3, mentions a fanam with the Kanarese legend " Chicca Deo Raj." In a valuable Memorandum on the Coinage of Maieur by Mr. D. Buick, M.C.S. (retired), the MS. of which was lent to me by Captain Tufnell, the following copper coin of the same king is figured and described : Obv. Seated bull, facing the right; above it, the sun and the moon. Rev. [ile307 [2] code, Chil[k]ardyaru.
• Read Deva,

Page #325

SEPTEMBER, 1891.]
COINS OF THE KINGS OF VIJAYANAGARA.
303
Rev.
fra
No. 6. BH. Gold. Half pagoda. Obv. Same as Nos. 4 and 5.
Rev. Same as No. 5. No. 7. BTH. Gold. Quarter pagoda. Obv. Elephant, facing the left; above it. the sun and the moon.
Sri-Dêva
raya. No. 8. BMH. Gold. Quarter pagoda.
Obv. Same as No. 7. Rey. Sfr
Sri-Deखराब
varậya.
No. 9. TH. Copper. Obv. Elephant, facing the right; above it, the Kanarese letter A.
( 3
PrataRev. de
pa-Dévaರಾಯ
raya.
No. 10. MH. Copper. Obv. Same as No. 9, with the addition of a conch to the left, and of a discus to the right of the letter A.
Rev. Same as No. 9.
No. 11. T. Copper. Obv. Elephant, facing the right. Rev.
D3033 Śri-Déva
" (coc rây8. Between the two lines of the legend is an apright sceptre, with a discus on its left and a conch on its right.
No. 12. T. Copper. Obv. Elephant, facing the right; above it, the sun and the moon, and the Kanarese syllable De, which I take to be an abbreviation for Devaraya. The same abbreviation occurs on Nos. 13, 14, and 23.
RayaRev. TT gajaganda
bhêrunda. Raya-gaja-gaņda-bhêruņda, the double-headed eagle, which splits the temples of the elephants of kings,' must be taken as a biruda of the king. The synonyms Gajaughagandabhêrunda and Aribhagandabhêrunda occur in copper-plate grants as birudas of Vijayanagara kings; see line 45 of Mr. Fleet's grant of Krishnaraya, J. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. Vol. XII. p. 384, and ante, Vol. XIII. p. 131, Plate iv. &, line 10.6
No. 13. MSTH. Copper. Obv. Elephant, facing the right; above it, a conch and the inverted Nagari syllable Dé.
RayaRev. Tirta
gajaganda(763
bhêramda. Underneath the legend is a sceptre, the top of which faces the right.
राय
. In Mr. Buick's Memorandum (800 note 4, above) the following similar copper coin is figured and described Obv. Elephant, trotting to the right, with an attendant carrying a spear and running before him; above the elephant, the Någari syllable D. Rev. The same legend as No. 12; underneath it, sun, conch, and moon.

Page #326

304
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[SEPTEMBER, 1891.
No. 14. ST. Copper. Oby. Elephant, facing the right; above it, the sun and the moon, and the Nagari syllable Dé.
RiyagaRev. Tis* jagamdabhe
rumda. Above the legend is a sceptre, the top of which faces the right.
No. 15. STH. Copper. Obv. Elephant, facing the right.
(trum RayagaRev. Mit jagamdabhêlos
ruída. Sir W. Elliot's No. 92, a copper coin of frequent occurrence, is connected by type with the preceding Nos. 9 to 15. It has, on the obverse, an elephant which faces the right (or, more rarely, the left), with the Kanarese syllable Ni above. The reverse bears the following legend :
(sur
Mana(?)Rev. 90 dağayaol
karu. Danayakarw is the honorific Kanarese plural of dandyaka,” which is perhaps a corruption of dandanayaka, the title of the Hoysala chiefs of Tonnur near Srirangapattanam ; see Elliot, p. 81.9
No. 16. S. Copper. Obv. Bull, facing the left; above it, the sun and the moon. Rey. Saf
SriDéva
try . raya. Above the legend is a sceptre, the top of which faces the right.
No. 17. STH. Copper.
Oby. Same as No, 16. • Rev. Same as No. 11.
No. 18. STH. Copper. (Prinsep's Essays, Vol. I. Plate xxxv. No. 21.)
Obv. Same as No. 16. Rev. Same as Nos. 11 and 17, but the conch on the left and the discus on the right of the sceptre.
No. 19. T. Copper. Obv. Bull, facing the right, with the moon above and a conch in front. Rev. (4619
Pratâ pa-De. "lara
Våraya. Above the legend is a sceptre, the top of which faces the right.
* The slightly different form dan dyaka (or, in Tamil, dandyakka) appears in Dankyakkan-kottai, the name of fort in the Satyamangalam TAlukA of the Coimbatore District, and in Dandyakana-katte, mentioned in Mr. Rice's Gaxetteer of Mysore, Vol. II. Appendix I. p. 5.
The Madrns Museum possesses an unpublished Hoyaala gold coin. Its obverse bears the figures of two lions, like Elliot's Nos. 90 and 91. The legend on the reverse is [1]), [2] 20 [3] , Srl-Malaparouganda, 'the glorious hero among the bill-chiefs. Malaparol ganda or Malaparoļu ganda was a surname of the Hoya la kinga Vinay Aditya (Mr. Rice's Mysore Inscriptions, pp. 307 and 829) and Vishnuvardhana( bid. p. 263, and Inscriptions at Sravana Belgola. No. 58, 1. 18 f.), and of their successors.
• Read Devardya

Page #327

COINS OF THE KINGS OF VIJAYANAGARA.
8
14
17 a
19
FULL-SIZE.
12
176
20
From Casts made by Mr. B. SANTAPPAH, Curator, Bangalore Museum.
Plate i.

Page #328


Page #329

SEPTEMBER, 1891.)
COINS OF THE KINGS OF VIJAYANAGARA.
305
No. 20. ST. Copper. Obv. Same as No. 19. (
Sri-Deva. Rev.
raya. Sceptre as on No. 19.
No. 21. BMSTH. Copper. (Prinsep's Essays, Vol. I. Plate III. No. 20.) Obv. Bull, facing the right; above it, the sun and the moon.
Rev. Same as Nog. 11 and 17.
No. 22. STH. Copper. Obv. Same as No. 21.
Rev. Same as No. 18.
No. 23. MSTH. Copper. - Obv. Bull, facing the right, with sun and moon above. In front of the bull is the Vágarf syllable Dé, which seems to be an abbreviation for Dêvarîya, as on Nos. 12 to 14
SriRev. 3 ates
Ntlakam.
raft
13
tha.
Nila kantha, the blue-necked,' is a name of the god 'Siva.
SECOND DYNASTY.10
IV. Krishnaraya. No. 24. Gold, Double pagoda.
(Elliot, No. 112.) Obv. Vishņu, standing under an arch. at
Sri. Rev. 159
Krishộara
ya. The omission of the surname Pratapa, which is found on the two smalfor gold coins, Nos. 26 and 27, makes this coin doubtful. The same obverse occurs on coins of the third dynasty; see No. 35.
No. 25. M. Gold. Pagoda. Obv. 'Siva and Parvati, seated.
fra
'Sri-PreRev. T op tâpa-Krishņa[रावा
råyå. u This unique coin is also doubtful, and may have been an earlier issue of the pagod Krishnaraja of Maistr (No. 32,c).
No. 26. MTH. Gold. Pagoda. (llarsden, Nos. 1070 and 1071. Wilson, No. 88 and 89. Prindep'Besayt, Vol. 11, Plate xlv. No, 13: Bidie, Nos. 12, & and b. Elliot, Nos. 186 to 188.)"...
* Wilson's No. 90 is an oyo-oopy of gold coin with the Kanarene logond Depardy-work T his oil must be attributed to Narasimha, the elder brother and predecessor of Krishnariya.
11 Rond raya.

Page #330

306
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
[SEPTEMBER, 1891.
(
Obv. Vishņu scated, with the discus and the conch.
Sri-PraRev.
5T tapa-Krisliņa(राय
raya. The ruder varieties of this coin are probably re-coinages of one of the Nayakas of ChitraHurga (Chitaldroog) in Maisar; see Hawkes, p. 13.
No. 27. MST. Gold. Half pagoda.
(Moor, Nos. 18 to 21. Elliot, No. 175.) Same type as No. 26. On some specimens of Nos: 26 and 27, the sitting figuru looks like a female and might be intended for Lakshmi. Marsden, p. 737, mentions a quarter pagodu of the same type.
No. 28. STH. Copper. Obv. A kneeling figure of Garuda, which faces the left.
Rev. Same as Nos. 26 and 27.
V. Achyutaraya.
No. 29. TH. Gold. Pagoda. Oby. A double-headed eagle (gandabhérunda), holding elephants in its beaks and claws.
BAT
Sri-PraRev. area tâpâchyuta(राब
rậya.
No. 30. BT. Gold. Half pagoda. (Wilson, Nos. 92 and 93. Moor, No. 3. Bidie, No. 10, a. Elliot, No. 99.)
Same type as No. 27.
No. 31. SH. Gold. Half pagoda. (Wilson, Nos. 94 and 95. Moor, Nos. 1, 2, 4. Elliot, No. 98.)
Oby. A gandabherunda, which is walking to the left. rafa
Sri-PraRev. area tâpachyuta 12 . .. R
raya. The name of the king on Nos. 30 and 31 has been read as Pratápavira, Pratápa déva, Pratápachatura and Pratápáchatuta. These misreadings were caused by the Nandinâgari group chyu differing considerably from the corresponding group in northern Nagari.
VI. Sadasivar&ya.
No. 32. Gold. Pagoda. (Hawkes, Plate iii. No. 13. Elliot, No. 100.) Obv. Vishņu and Lakshmi, seated. af
Sri-PrataRev. Therfer pa-Sadasi
varêya. The two sitting figures with Vaishṇava or Saiva emblems are common to this coin with Nos. 2, 4 to 6, and 25. They were subsequently adopted on three pagodas of later date, on which they have distinct Saiva attributes and are accordingly intended for Siva and Parvati :
13 Read Pratap Achyuta.

Page #331

SEPTEMBER, 1891.)
COINS OF THE KINGS OF VIJAYANAGARA.
307
a. The Ikkêri pagoda. (Marsden, No. 1074. Hawkes, pp. 4 and 19. Bidie, No. 13. Elliot, No. 114.)
ft
Sri. Rev. ETET Sadasi
lova. This is the spelling on two copies in the Madras Museum, one of which is figured by Dr. Bidie. On Marsden's and Elliot's copies the legend is corrupted into Sri-Saclásivá, Sir W. Elliot attributes this coin to Sadasiva, the first Nayaka of Ikkeri.13 The omission of the surname Pratapa may be adduced in favour of this supposition.
b. - Haidar's Bahadurî pagoda. (Marsden, No. 1082. Hawkes, p. 4. Moor, No. 16. Bidic, No. 27.)
Rov. Haidar's initial on a granulated surface.
c. The pagoda of Krishnaraja of Maisûr (A.D. 1799 to 18tit). (Marsden, No. 1072. Hawkes, p. 9. Bidic, No. 30. Elliot, No. 115.)
SriRev. 157 Kộishiņaराजा
raja. 14 There exists also an Ikkêrils and a Bahaduri fanam; see, respectively, J. 18. Soc. Dengul, Vol. LV. Part I. Plate vi. No. 10, and Mr. Thurston's Catalogue of Mysore Coins in the Madrus Museum, Plate i, No. 7. Dr. Bain possesses i Bahadurî half pagoda and a half pagoda of Krishnaraja of Maisûr.
THIRD DYNASTY.
VII. Tirumalaraya. No. 33. BT. Gold. Pagoda.
(Elliot, No. 182.) Oby. Lakshmaņa standing, Râma and Sitâ seated. (श्रीति
Sri-TiRev. ETT runalara
yulu. Riyulni is the honoritic Teluga plural of ruya. No. 34. MTH. Gold. Half pagoda.
(Bidie, No. 14.)
Same type as No. 33. In the Madras Journal, New Series, Vol. IV. Plate i. Nos. 12 to 17, Sir W. Elliot has tigared eye-copies of copper coins with a boar on the obverse and with the legend [S][/uraTir[u]malar[aya) on the reverse. Sâļuva, 'the bawk,' occurs as a birula of kings of the third and second dynasty of Vijayanagara; see my South-Indian Inscriptions, Vol. I. pr. 86, 131, 132.
VIII. Venkata.
No. 35. T. Gold. Pagoda. (Marsden, No. 2073. Wilson, No. 96. Bidie, No. 15. Elliot, No. 105.)
13 In the Sagar Taluka of the Shimoga District in Maisûr.
14 Read rija. 10 This fanam bears the corrupt legond Sri-Sud isivi; scotbo remark on the Ik keri pagod

Page #332

308
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
Obv. Vishnu, standing under an arch. श्रीर्वेक 'Sri-Vemka. टेश्वरा têśvarâya namaḥ.
य नमः
'Adoration to the blessed Venkatêsvara.'
Rev.
Venkatesvarale is the deity of Venkatâdri or Tirumalai, the sacred hill of Tirupati in the North Arcot District. As Chandragiri, the last capital of the third Vijayanagara dynasty, is situated near Tirupati, and as the copper-plate grants of the third dynasty (ante, Vol. XIII. pp. 128 and 156) open with the invocation Sri-Venkatesaya namaḥ, it is very probable that the coin belongs to one of these princes, or even specially to one of the Venkatas among them, who might have selected the legend, because it reminded of his own name.17 Wilson's No. 97, Moor's Nos. 12 and 14, Bidie's No. 16, and Elliot's No. 176, a half pagoda, seem to be a later imitation of this coin; the legend has degenerated into a scrawl.
Rev.
. جلال الدین and اکبر
No. 37. MSTH. Copper.
(Elliot, No. 177.)
Obv. Vishnu, standing; on his right, a fish. ವೆಂಕ 82
Rev.
Vemkatapa.
Venkatappa was the name of the sixth Nayaka of Ikkêri; see Mr. Sewell's Lists of Antiquities, Vol. II. p. 177. As, however, this coin is frequently met with in the Madura bâzâr, and as the fish is the emblem of the Pandya country, I believe that it belongs to one of the Madura Nayakas, who issued it in the name of his nominal sovereign Venkata, the pageant king of Vijayanagara.19
Obv.
No. 36. S. Copper.
Obv. Same as No. 35. बैंक [Ve]mka
टप
tapa
राय
raya.
Rev.
No. 38. MH. Copper.
Tiru-Ve
mga [la].
S
ತಿರುವೆ
Ayo
The holy (mountain of) Venkata.'
MuduKrishna.19
This is another coin of the Nâyakas of Madura. To Mr. T. Varada Rao, Head Assistant Collector of Tinnevelly, I am indebted for the loan of an inscription on seven copper-plates, which records that the village of Kûniyûr (in the Ambasamudram Taluk of the Tinnevelly District) was granted in Saka 1556 (expired), the cyclic year Bhava (A. D. 1634-35), by Vira
[SEPTEMBER. 1891
5 ಮುದು * ಕ್ರಿ
300
16 The vowel of the first syllable of the word Venkata is long in Tamil, but shortened in Kanarese.
17 Thus some coins of Akbar bear the inscription &
deal, which alludes to his names
18 Mr. Buick (see note 4, above) figures a similar copper coin:- Obv. Krishna, playing the flute and attended by two cows. Rev. Same as No. 87.
19. Read Muddu-Krishna.

Page #333

COINS OF THE KINGS OF VIJAYANAGARA.
26:
.
27 (
271)
21
30
34
All
35
36
37
38
FULL-SIZE.
From Casts made by Mr. B. S.4.
17.4 PPAH, C'urator, Bungalure.
.serom.

Page #334


Page #335

SEPTEMBER, 1891.]
COINS OF THE KINGS OF VIJAYANAGARA.
309
Venkatapati-mahârâya (of Chandragiri) at the request of Tirumala (Nayaka of Madura), whose pedigree is given as follows:
Någa of the Kiśyapa (gộtra).
Viśvanátha.
Krishṇapa Nayaka.
Virapa.
Viśvapa Nayaka.
Muddu-Krishna.
Muddu-Vira.
Tiruinala. According to Mr. Sewell, 20 Muddu-Krishna, whose name occupies the reverse of the coin, reigned from A. D. 1602 to 1609. The obverse of the coin corresponds to the colophon of the copper-plate inscription, Sri Venkatesa, the name of the patron saint of the princes of the third dynasty of Vijayanagara, whose sovereignty was nominally acknowledged by the Madura Nayakas.
No. 39. Copper.
(Elliot, No. 89.)
Obv. Same as No. 28.
Rev. SUB Vemkata. In conclusion, I avail myself of this opportunity for correcting Mr. Thomas' remarks on Elliot's Nos. 101 and 102. On the obverse of this half pagoda are, not Siva and Parvati, bat Narasimha and Lakshmi, and the legend on the reverse has been successfully deciphered by my assistant, Mr. V. Venkayya, M. A., as follows:
श्रीकंठी ['Srij-Komh[1]. रवनर
[ra]va-Naraसराय
[sa]r[âya). Colonel Wilks 31 states that Kanthirava-Narasaraya (A.D. 1638 to 1658) was the first ruler of Maisûr who established a mint. Hawkes, p. 2 f. attributes to him the first issue of the Kanthirava fanam, which bears on the obverse a seated figure of Narasimha. The legend of the half pagoda and its Narasimha type leave no doubt that it is an issue of the same Mairúr sovereign. At the beginning of the present century, accounts were still kept in Kanthirars pagodas, though these coins themselves had entirely disappeared and were considered by Dr. Buchanana2 as "an imaginary money." The Kanthirava fanam was, according to Hawkes, pp. 3 and 8 f. re-coined by Diyan Purnaiya during the minority of Krishnaraja. An examination of a number of picked specimens enables me to add, that the reverse of the fanan reads :
Sriकठी Kanth[i]
råva.
3o Lists of Antiquities, Vol. II. p. 200.
11 History of Myagor, Madras reprint, Vol. I. p 32 11 Journey through Mysore, Madras reprint, Vol. I. pp. 89 and 134.

Page #336

310
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(SEPTEMBER, 1891.
HARSAUDA STONE INSCRIPTION OF DEVAPALADEVA OF DHARA;
THE (VIKRAMA) YEAR 1275.
BY PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN, C.I.E. GÖTTINGEN. The stone which bears this inscription was dug from the ruins of a temple in the village of Harsauda, about 10 miles from the town of Chårwâ, in the district of Hoshangabad in the Central Provinces. It measures "13 in height by 13' in breadth, besides a raised and rounded "margin. It is thick and heavy, and shaped upon the back into some form of which the intent “is not now recognizable. Its material is greenstone," hard and tough in quality. In 1857 the stone was in the possession of Dr. F. E. Hall, who subsequently presented it to the American Oriental Society; and it is now in the Cabinet of that Society, at New Haven. The inscription was first edited, with a translation, by Dr. Hall in the Journal Beng. As. Soc., Vol. XXVIII. pp. 1-8, and the text was afterwards republished, with & photozincograph, in Archæol. Survey of Western India, No. 10, pp. 111-12. Besides, a valuable note on his text and translation was published by Dr. Hall in the Journal Am. Or. Soc., Vol. VI. pp. 536-7. As the text of the inscription, even after this note, is capable of improvement, I now re-edit it from two excellent impressions which, at Professor Lanman's request, were kindly prepared for me by Mr. Herbert c. Tohwen, of Yale University, New Haven.
The inscription contains eighteen lines of writing which cover a space of about 11 broad by 10% high. Beneath it are eight figures, about 14' high, - a central figare representing probably Siva, and on his right three and on the left four figures of males and females, engaged in worshipping the god. With the exception of three or four aksharas which are slightly damaged, the writing is well preserved. The size of the letters is about Ts'. The characters are Nagarî; and the.language is Sanskrit. Lines 4-6 are in prose; the rest of the inscription, excepting the words on namah Sivaya at the commencement of the first line and some words of auspicious import at the end of the last, is in verse. Some of the verses are irregular, and altogether the inscription, which is styled a prasamsá, shows that its author Dêvašarman (line 18) was neither a great poet nor an exact scholar. As regards orthography, the letter b is throughout denoted by the sign for u, and the dental sibilant is several times used instead of the palatal; ś is employed instead of sin áślt, line 11, and sh instead of kh in the word léshaka, line 18.
The inscription, after the words "ôm, adoration to Siva," has three verses in honour of, or invoking the blessings of, Héramba (Gaņēša), the goddess of eloquence Bharati, and the three gods Brahman, Vishņu, and Sive. It then records, in the prose lines 4-6, the date, - Saturday, the 5th of the bright half of Margastreha of the year 1275, while there was reigning at Dhard the Paramabhattáraka Mahárájádhiraja and Paramésvara, the devout worshipper of Mahesvara (Siva), Dévepaladdva, endowed with everything auspicious (samastaprasastópéta), resplendent with the decoration of the pańchamahásabda obtained by him, and possessed of majesty through a boon bestowed upon him by the favour of the holy Limbâryâ; and it repeats in faller detail the astronomical part of the date, in verses 4 and 5. The rest is mainly devoted to the proper object for which the inscription was put up, vis. to record that on the north-eastern side of Harshapura the merchant Kéśava built a temple of Sambhu, together with a tank, and that near it he put up figures of Hanumat, a deity called Kshetrapala, the guardian of fields,' Ganêsa, Krishna and other divine beings, Nakulisa, and Ambika. Kêśava, who did all this, was the younger brother of the merchant Dhala, a son of Bilhaņa, who was a son of Dôsi (or Dðsin), & resident of Undapura.
The really important part of the inscription is its date, and the statement that the inscription was put op when Devapaladevi was ruling at Dhard. The date has been already fully
1 See Journal Beng. Ar. Boc., Vol. XXVIII. p. 1; Journal Am. Or. Soc., Vol. VI. p. 536; and O. Grant's Gantteor of the Central Provinces, seo. Ed., p. 151.
Literally, in that direction which is presided over by Ils (or Siva).

Page #337

SEPTEMBER, 1891.)
HARSAUDA INSCRIPTION OF DEVAPALADEVA.
311
discussed by me, ante, Vol. XIX. p. 24, No. 11, and I therefore need only repeat here that the corresponding date is Saturday, the 24th November, A. D. 1218. As regards Dévapaladiva, I have shown above, p. 83, that at Udaypur in Gwalior there are two inscriptions from which we know this king to have ruled in the Vikrama years 1286 and 128[9?]. But only the present inscription connects him distinctly with Dhara, and our inscription is valuable besides for the epithets samastaprasastópéta-samadhigatapanchamahásabdálankáravirájamána by which Dêvapå ladêva is here qualified. For by using these epithets, which may seem to be somewbat out of place in an independent sovereign, Dévapaiadeva distinctly shows his connection with the Mahákumárus Lakshmivarmadêva, Harischandradêva, and Udayavarmadêva, who use exactly the same epithets and who were ruling at Dhârâ before Dêva påladêva.3 Another epithet, applied to Dêvápå ladeva in this inscription, is árf-Limbáryá-pirasáda-vara-labdha-pratápa, 'who had obtained majesty through a boon bestowed upon him by the favour of ... Limbarya.' That the word Limbâryâ of this phrase must be taken to denote some local deity is highly probable in itself, and is proved with certainty by the words Limbáryádévi-palapadm-úrádhana-prasádalabdhavara-Malaváchipati-, or words to the same effect, in line 2 of the Udaypur inscription of Jayasimha, last mentioned by me above, p. 84, note 3. I have no doubt that the rulers of Dhârâ adopted the phrase in imitation of a similar phrase employed by the Chaulukya kings of Anhilwad, with whose inscriptions they had reason to be familiar.
Of the places mentioned in this inscription, Dhard is well known ; and Harshapura no doubt is the present Harsaudî where the inscription was found. Undapura I am unable to identify ; in all probability it is mentioned also in the Udaypur inscription of which I have given the date ante, Vol. XIX. p. 28, No. 28.
TEXT.6
1 Om namah Sivaya || Sarvvas-karmma-samarambhe gîrvvâņair=yo namaskritah 11(1)
sa maya Parvvati-putr[0] Héramva(ba)h staya2 tê-nisam | 1 [11] Bharati bhavatam bhûyâd=vâg-ullasa-vika[sa]9-da (1)
jagaj-jadya10. tamórdhastât=kurvvatî bhả ravêr=iva 11 2 [11] 3 K[ai]usah kainj-ali-kas-abha humkår-åri-pinâkinah vi-vi-gô-gatayo dadyuh sam
vô=mvuj-amdu12-nag-aukasah 11 3 11 4 Samvat panchasaptaty-adhika-dvádababat-ark[@]13 1275 Margga-sudi 5
Sa(sa)nau [1*] svasti [1] śrimad-Dharayam samastapraśastôpêta5 samadhigata pamchamahaśavd(bd)-ala[m]14kara-vira jamâna - paramabhattaraka-maharaja*).
dhiraja-paramêsva(sva)ra-paramamahêsva (sva)ra-sri6 Limvâ(mbâ)rya-prasada - vara - lavdha(bdha)- pratậpa - śrimad - Davapaladeva-charañanam
mahi-pravarddhamana-kalyana-vijayardjyé sati
* See ante, Vol. XVI. p. 254, and Vol. XIX. pp. 346 and 352. 4 The rubbing at my disposal being very faint, I am not absolutely certain nbout every akshara of the above phrase. 6 See the Udaypur inscription of the Chaalukya Kumarapaladva, ante, Vol. XVIII. p. 343, line 3. 6 From the impressions. 7 At the commencement of the line, before this word, is an ornamental device which looks like a flower. * Metre of verses 1-3, Sioka (Anushțubh). 9 This akshara might be read ka.
10 Originally dyan, but the sign of an undra is atrack out. 11 The superscript line which turns into ai is very faint, but it is undoubtedly there ; Kaisah = Ka-A-IR.
nt in engraved and I cannot see that anything has been struck out or altered ; read 28-mbuj-Ambr., though this offenda agaiost the metre. - This difficult verse has been first explained by Dr. F. E. Hall in the Journal Ain. Or. Soc., Vol. VI. p. 537. Dr. Hall's translation is: -"May Brahma, Visbņu and Siva - in color resembling, severally, the water-lily, the black bee, and kasa grass; having, respectively, for weapone, menacing utterances, a discus, and the pindla; moving, in order as enumerated, with birds, a bird, and a bull; and whose abode is on the jambu-bearing mountain - bestow on you prosperity." I would only substitute for the translation of the last compound - 'whose abode is, respectively, a lotus, the water, and the mountains. 15 One would have expected saterike.
14 This sign of anusvira was originally omitted.

Page #338

312
10
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
7 || Adhikė15 pamchasaptatyå dvâdas-avda(bda)-Batô sakė [*] vatsarê Chitrabhanau tu Marggasirshê sitê dalê | 4 | Pamchamy-amtaka-sam
8 yogê
nakshatrê Vishnu-daivatė 11(1) yogêle Harshana-samjñê tu tithyarddhê Dhatṛi-daivate | 5 | Srimad-Umdapurê sa(pû)rvvam=âsîd=Dôs=iti 9 pûrushaḥ (1) khyâtaḥ sarvva-gunair-llôkê vi(tri)lókê17 sammataḥ satama || 6 || Tad18-aurasaḥ śuddha-matir-vva(bba)bhûva śrî: Vi(bi)lhapô-namga-samâna-mûrtiḥ (1) tasy-âtmajô-bhud-vanijam mahâtmâ
śrî-Dhala-nâmi
mahaniya-kirtiḥ 117 11
11 Tasy-ânujaḥ Kêśava-namadhêyo vanik-pathê śuddha-matir-jjanê ratiḥ 19 11(1 âśi(si)t-tadâ dharmma-nikêtanaḥ sadâ
12 bhûdêva-bhaktaḥ sva-janê-tiraktal 11 8 11 Tên20=dkari man dbarmmê Kêśavêna sujanmanâ (1) nalini-dala-nîrêņa
13 pasyata sadrisam vapuh II 9 || Harsha-pûrvvat-purad-aiś[ê]
vibhāg lôka
namdanam chakâr-âyatanam Sambhôr-ambhônidhi
[SEPTEMBER, 1891.
14 sama[m] sarah 1 10. I Tat-sannidhânê Han[a]mat-[Ksh]êtrapâla-Ganêśvarân sthâpayâm-âsa Krishn-âdin-Nakulisam=a[th=Â]
15 mvi(mbi)kâm || 11 || Lôk-ânurâgatas-tyâgâd-vipra-samtarpanât-sadâ | dêvârchchanâgnihômâbhyâm-arjjitam sumaha-21
16 d=yaśaḥ || 12 || Lôkê22 vrû (brû)tê Kêśavaḥ satya-vakyam mat-prâsâdam yô naralı pasyat-îmam (1) tad-dâsam23 mâm bhû-talê supra17 siddham jânamtv-êtê saj-ja[n]âh sarvvad-aiva || 13 ||
mama vitanvatâ [m] (1) kritâ sa18 stâ prasams-êyam25 dhimatâ Dêvaśarmmanâ | 14 |
pathakayoh savvê(rvva) d=aiva II Sivam astu I(11)
GAYA STONE INSCRIPTION OF THE REIGN OF SULTAN FIRUZ SHAH; THE VIKRAMA YEAR 1429.
―
Mahajan-ânurâgêņa [śr]êyô
Subham bhavatu lêsha (kha)ka
BY PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN, C.I.E.; GOTTINGEN.
This inscription was discovered by General Sir A. Cunningham, and its contents were. referred to by the late Dr. Bhagvânlâl Indrâjî, ante, Vol. X. p. 341. I now edit it from two excellent impressions, supplied to me by Mr. Fleet.
According to the information available, the inscription is at the side of the doorway, or in the sanctum, of a temple which stands on the west side of a masonry tank called Dakshinamânasa, near the Vishnupada at Gaya in Bihar. And from the inscription itself it appears that the temple, where it is, was dedicated to the Sun, worshipped under the name of Dakshinárka or Dakshinaditya, 'Sun of the South.'- The writing covers a space of 2′ 94" broad by 5" high, and is throughout well preserved, so that, with the exception of two or three aksharas of little importance, everything may be read with certainty. The size of the letters is between "and". The characters are Nâgarî, slightly influenced by the Bengâlî style of writing; and the language is Sanskrit. Excepting the words om Ganapatayé namaḥ and śri-Suryaya
15 Metre of verses 4-6, Sloka (Anushțubh).
16 Originally yogs, altered to yige.
17 The first akshara, vi, of this word is so peculiarly formed, as to render it highly probable that the engraver had tri before him in the text from which he was copying or which he was engraving.
18 Metre of verses 7 and 8, Upajâti; in both the metre is irregular.
19 This appears to have been altered to ratal, which it should be. In the following read -niketanam.
20 Metre of verses 9-12, Sloka (Anushtubh).
24 Metre, Sloka (Anushtubh).
1 See Archæol. Survey of India, Vol. III. p. 128.
21 This akshara originally was hd, but the sign for & has been struck out.
22 Metre, Saint.
25 The upper portion of the three aksharas taddasath is somewhat damaged, but I consider the reading to be certain.
26 Originally prasastaiyam, but clearly altered to prasamatyam.

Page #339

SEPTEMBER, 1891.] GAYA INSCRIPTION OF VIKRAMA-SAMVAT 1429
-313
ramah, lines 1-5 are in verse; the greater portion of lines 6-8 is in prose; and the remainder. excepting the concluding words sidulkir=astu láryé satám=iti, is again in verse. In respect of grammar and orthography it may be noted that two of the verses do not admit of a proper construction, and that the letter bis denoted by the sign for v. As regards lexicographs, the word kirti is used in the now well-known sense of a temple,' in lines 5 and 8; and line furnishes the word śásanika, apparently denoting an official who had to do with sásanas, or charters.
The inscription, after two verses in honour of Ganapati and the Sun, records (in lines 2-5) that, in the Vikrama year denoted by the (nine) planets, a pair, the (four) ages and the moor, i.e., in Vikrama 1429, while Piyarója-saha, the lord of Dhili, was ruling the land, Kulachanda, then governor (adhikúrin) of Gaya, built (or rather, repaired) the temple of Dakshinárka, at Gaya. And it relates that Kulachanda was a son of Hémaraja, a descendant of the Kshatriya Dala who lived in the western country and was born in the family of a prince Vyaghra, or Vyaghraraja. This part of the inscription which is called a prasasti, composed by Sir[i]sêna, closes with two verses which invoke the divine blessing on the family of Kulachanda, the prince (nripa) descended from Vyâghra.
What is stated before in verse, is repeated in a plainer and more businesslike manner in prose, in lines 6-8. Here we are told that on a certain date which will be given below, in the reign of the western Sultan Piyardja-saha, conspicuous by his birudas Asimapaurusha and so forth, the Thakura Kulachandaka, - who held the post of governor of Gaya, who followed in the footsteps of the prince Vyaghra, and was a son of the Thakura Hómaraja and a son's son of the Kshatriya, the Thakura Dala, a devont worshipper of Vishņu, - at the sacred place of Gaya, belonging to Dakshinag&ra in the country of Udandapura, restored the temple of the holy Dakshiņditya which had fallen into disrepair. The prose portion states besides that this inscription was written by the Sasanila of Gaya 'Srisêna (whom I take to be the person named Sir[i]sêna above a son of the Kayastha, the ?'hakura Karnasena ; and that the architect employed on the reps of the temple was Haridasa.
Lines 9 and 10 contain two benedictive and imprecatory verses, and the inscription ends with a short prose passage of similar import.
The date, referred to above, is Sani-vasara or Saturday, the 13th lunar day of the dark half of Mâgha, of the Vikrama year 1429; and corresponds, as I have shown above, p. 138, - for Vikrama 1429 expired and the purnimánta Magha, — to Saturday, the 22nd January, A.D. 1373. For the peculiar way in which the supposed founder of the Vikrama era is spoken of in line 6, we may compare the date of a Bengali MS. of the Vikrama year 1503, which I have given in full ante, Vol. XIX. p. 180, No. 131.
The localities mentioned in the inscription are, besides Dhili (i.e. Delhi), Gaya, Dakshinagara, and the country of Udandapura. Of these, Delhi and Gaya are well-kuown. The word Dakshinagara, denoting the district in which Gayî was situated, I have not met with elsewhere. Udandapura should perhaps have been spelt Uddandapura, and so the name apparently occurs in another Gayà inscription, ante, Vol. IX. p. 143. Sir A. Cunningham who has recognised the same na under the form of Otantapura, in Târânâtha's account of the Magadha kings, at first was c. opinion that the town intended might be the present Tandwa or Bishenpur Tandwa, about fifteen miles east of Gayà. Later, however, he has adopted Mr. Beglar's suggestion that up to the time of the Muhammadan conquest Udandapura was the proper name of the town of Bihar in the Patná District of Bengal, which is said to be still known as Dand-Bihar.
? i.e. Firuz Shah, A.D. 1951-1888.
3 Compare Archæol. Survey of India, Vol. III. p. 129, and Plate xi; Vol. VIII. p. 75: and Vol. XI. p. 185: ante, Vol. IV. p. 866; Kero's Buddhismus, German Ed., Vol. II. p. 545; and Sachau, Alberuni's India, Vol. II. p. 314.

Page #340

314
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[SEPTEMBER, 1891.
TEXT. 1 Om Ganapatayê namaḥ !! Abhiprêt 6-A[r]tha-siddhy-a[r]tham půjito yah surair-api 17
sarvva-vighnam-apaharata tasmai Ganadhipatayê namaḥ 11 Srî-Sûryâya namaḥ 11 Prasadatô8 yasya ghan-åndhakârair=vviyakta-nâtham kila chakravâki i vyapêta-boka
labhatê din-adau sad â sa vah pâtu 2 Sahasrabhånuḥ | Asima-rajye nfipa-Vikrama[r]kke gate grah(air ? 119]=yugma-yug
Ondu-kale | Philipati-sri-Piyardjasahe bhuvam samâsâsati vairi-dAhê II Gay-êti vitt-Atmabhuvâ prithivyâm yad-akhyayî yra(bra)hma-puri manojñal nivåsa-hêtôh
khalu nirjjaranám=&p[odha]1o-vidhvamsa-pa3 [th]i [na]ráņâm | 11 Khyâtahl kshitau kshatriya-vira-[dh îraḥ śri-Vyaghra-råj.&nvaya
[yata?]-śůrah Dal=eti namni diśi paśchimâyâm=aśrânta-rajanya-gan-âsritîyam 11 Tasyrånvayê játa udára-kirttiḥ Sriranga-pâd-A[rchcha]na-punya-mürttiḥ pajyaḥ sada
mûna-bhřitâm yaśasvî śri-Henerajaḥ sa4 dayð vivêki | Tasy12-âtmajo nîti-vichara-dakshah sad-aiva púryn-arthijan-abhilashahi
Gay-adhikari suksiti manishi kul-âvalamvi(mbi) Kulachanda êshah | Gay19-êti [evar-dvâral-kapâta-bhêdî amoksha-bhâjâm=api môksha-dâyî sa Dakshiņárkkasya
visuddha-vu(buddhiś=chakâra 5 kîrttim vaba)hu-kirtti-nâ[thah ?]15 11 Surâlayam yah kurutê praśastam chiraya bhuktv=
êba sukhań naréśaḥ samam sad=aiva tridas-anganâbhir-apapa-dêhô divi môdatê sal 11 Karôtu kalyâņam=alam Dinêśaś=chiram sa Vaiyaghra-nra(ori)pasya vamśêie 1
batam tamô yêna sahasra-dhâmna 6 k[ri]ta prasastih Sirsi?]i7sêna-nâmnâ 11 Sarala-likhanam yatha Il Paramabhattarak
etyadi-rajavall purvvavat Srimad-Vikramadityadova-nripatēr-atit-dvdo(bde) samvata(t) 1429 Magha-krishna-trayodabyam tithau Sanivasar-an vitayam 118
punar- asîmapaurush-ê7 tyâdi-sakala-viruda-raji-virâjamâna-pasch&tya-suratråņa-bri.Piyarbjas&ha-rajye 118
śrimad-Udandapura-dése 18 Dakshinagara-samva(mba)ndhi- 18 -ýrimad-Gay&. kshetrele paramavaishṇava-kshatriya-thakura-sri-Dala-pautrêņa thakura-bri-Hemaraja-putréņa Vyaghra-raja
• From impressions supplied to me by Mr. Fleet.
o Expressed by a symbol. • Metre, Blóka (Anushtubh). The third Pada of this verse is quite incorrect. Probably, the intended reading was earra-righna-haras-tasmai.
In the original, this sign of punctuation is here and in several places below denoted by a small circular line. • Metre of this and the two next verses, Upêndravajra.
. At first graha-yugma appears to bave been engraved, which would offend against the metre. But the signs for ai and r seem to have been added afterwards. I would translate the time expressed by a pair, the (four) ages, and the (one) moon, sooompanied by the (nine) planets,' i. e. 1429 ; see below, line 6.
10 At first pau was engraved, but it appears to have been altered to po; the following akshara may have been originally dhá or dhya. Instead of -pathi, one would have expected path. The general meaning of the verse I take to be that Gay, which by Brahman was judged to be a fit place of residence for the gods, also bars the ways to perdition for men. Metre, Indravajrá; and of the next verse.
12 Metre, Upajậti. 13 Metre of this and the two next verses, Upendravajra. There is an hiatus between the first and second Padas of this verse; the first half of the verse, besides, is grammatically incorrect; and the verse, taken as a whole, does not admit of a proper construction.
1 This, though it offends against the metre, appears to be the intended reading the engraver actually put xurdrůra.
16 Originally -nûka was engraved, but the last akshara has been somehow altered. It is not absolutely certain that athal is the true reading intended.
16 Originally puvuse was engraved.
IT Originally Sirasena. was engraved, but the impressions look as if the second akshara had been altered to ri, I take the name to be equivalent to Srisena, line 9, below.
IN These signs of punctuation are superfluous. 10 Here there is what looks like a sign of the avagraha which has been struck out again.

Page #341

SEPTEMBER, 1891.]
FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA; No. 37.
315
8 paddhati-6Alina thakura-sri-Kulachamdakéna grihîta-Gay-Adhikarêņa punyavatâ sakala
puny-Abhivsiddhayê mâtřipitrôr20=âtmanaś=cha srimad-bhattaraka21-sri-Dakshiņādityasya patitâ kirttir=uddhřitâ II Likhitam=idam Gaya-śâsanikêna kayastha-tha22-érî.
Karņņas[]na-sûnung srimatâ 9 Srisênên=eti || Sutradhârô Søya Haridasa-nama | Subham -astu sarvva-jagatah para
hita-niratá bhavantu bhůta-ganaḥ 1 dôshah prayântu nâśam sarvvatra sukbi bhavatu lokah | Arthih24 pâda-raj-pama girinadi-veg-ôpamam yauvanam manushyam jala
lôla-vindu-chapalan phon-opama ji10 vitaṁ dharmmañ yê na karoti niśchala-matih svargg-ârggal-dghÀ[ta*]nam
paśchâttâpa-ható jara-pariņataḥ śok-agnini dahyatê 11 Siddhir=aptu(stu) karye satam=iti 11
FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA. BY PANDIT NATESA SASTRI, M. F. L. S.
No. 37. - The Story of Atirupa. In the country of the Setupatis there lived a famous astrologer named Satyavák. All through the country he was known as the greatest astrologer living, and it was said that whatever he foretold never proved untrue. Many came from the remotest parts of the earth to consult him, and to every one he imparted his advice gratis, never taking even a kaudi from any one who came to him. Nor was Satyavâk rich. He was almost a pauper, although he was, at that time, the greatest authority on astrology. His only means of livelihood was begging for alms. He would take a bowl in his hand exactly at the tenth ghafika of the day, and go about from house to house collecting rice. As soon as there was enough in his bowl to feed two people for the day, he would return home and hand over the rice to his wife. His only relative in this world was his wife. All the others he had lost. She was an extremely polite, contented and educated woman, and whatever her husband gave her she received with a cheerful countenance.
The pair led a happy life, notwithstanding their poverty, till, one day, the wife thought to herself :-“My lord is the greatest authority in a department of knowledge, which is most eagerly sought after by high and low. From the Setupati to the meanest subject dwelling in this country all consult him. Daily from early morning to the tenth ghalikd of the day he spends his time in giving advice. From the tenth to the fifteenth ghaxiká he goes ont begging, and returns home only with enough to feed him and myself for the day. Again in the evening he spends his time in giving advice. What is his object in thus freely giving away his hard-earned knowledge for nothing? Here we are, husband and wife, and do we not want some money to make ourselves comfortable ? When there is every opportunity for his earning a good income and even amassing great wealth, why should he be thus careless of utilizing it and thereby make himself rich P There must be some reason for it. I have been thus patiently bearing op till now. To-night I shall ask him." Thus thought she, and, reserving her curiosity till night should fall, she calmly waited for its approach,
Now, as soon as the heavy work of the day was over, Satyavák used to retire for the night with his wife, but this night he missed the usual cheerfulness from her face. She seemed a little sad, and he knew very well that he had done nothing during the day, or indeed at any time, to displease her, for they were a most affectionate couple. So, being unable to guess the cause of her sadness, he thus spoke to her:
“My dear wife! What is the matter with you to-night! We are leading such a holy and innocent life that even the higher powers should dread us! Suoh being the case, can any
# The proper form would be matapitror. n The akshara ka wwe originally omitted, and is engraved above the line. * i.e. thakura» Metre, &ryl.
» Metre, Bardalavikridita.

Page #342

316
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[SEPTEMBER, 1891.
human being have dared to offend us? Who has done you harm? What is the reason of your downcast-looks P Speak out, my love, and the offender, whoever he may be, shall cease to live! For, however poor we may be, our influence is so great, that we can soon bring the culprit to justice."
Thus spoke her husband, and ashamed of the weakness which had displeased her lord, who spoke so nobly, notwithstanding their poverty, and who, as she knew, valued wealth as nothing, she thus answered: -
"Most mighty husband, I know very well that, as long as I have the honour of being your wife, no being either on earth or heaven would dare to offend me. Your virtue ever stands by me as my guardian spirit. Your very name enables me to roam over the whole world chaste and pure. Even fire would fear to touch me! Such are the powers conferred on you by your virtue and good conduct; but, for all my happiness in this world in having you for my lord, I was made a little sad to-day from pondering over in my mind as to why my lord should choose to be so very poor, when there is ample opportunity to make himself rich. I could not understand why my husband, while he could afford to live like a king, should go begging every day. It was only this that made me sad and nothing else, and I respectfully request you now to dispel this confusion from my mind."
Thus ended the wife, and Satyavák, smiling at her womanish simplicity, thus began :
"My dearest wife! After all, you have shewn yourself to be a very woman! I took you to be much above that kind of thing. Having spent the whole of my life in astrology, do you think that I have been so careless as not to cast our own horoscopes and to foresee our future ? If I had known that the acquisition of wealth would have made us happy, and would put us in a better condition hereafter, I should have been the greatest of fools to have disregarded it. What is wealth after all? It is an empty bauble, never steady for even a single moment. The acquisition of a small quantity of it fires the soul with the ambition to acquire more, till life is lost in the pursuit and all other duties forgotten. The last rung of that ladder has never been reached yet by any one. All who have been thus engaged, have given up their lives without ever having attained the full height of their ambition. People amass wealth, - hoard after hoard, and still they sigh because farther hoards are wanting. Wealth is the worst demon that ever lived in this world. In his porsuit sins are committed, to wash away which even the holy waters of the Ganges or of the sacred Samudra Raja, (ocean) have no power. Even wealth honestly got, if minutely examined, would be found to have, here and there, some Haws in it. It is to save ourselves from sins incident to the acquisition of wealth that I have been leading this simple and innocent life. As I have already told you, you are only a woman after all, and have fallen into the weakness of your sex in imagining that it is money that makes one happy, and not other and better things. I have to tell you now that we are to have no children in this world to be of service to us in our old age. Our horoscopes say that. How then would any amount of wealth make you happy? Foreseeing all this, and, not wishing to make our already unfortunate life in this birth (janma) still more unfortunate at our next birth, I have chosen my present mode of life. These are my reasons. As a sensible woman you must agree with me. What have we to care for in this world ? Our own name and fame! I see that my remark, that we are to have no children, has already changed the colour of your face. You need not be so very sorry. I qualified that statement with the remark 'to be of service to us in our old age.' We shall have a boy in our sixtieth year, but he will not be of much use to us! And you must not ask me any more questions !”
Thus said Satyavâk, and his wife, who was all the while listening most eagerly to him, blamed herself for her imprudence in having shewn her weakness to her husband, and, being a good and educated lady, she readily perceived all the varions points and arguments which made her lord adhere to the life he was then leading. Notwithstanding her extreme anxiety to know something more about her future son, she did not like to speak a word on that subject to Satyavák,

Page #343

SEPTEMBER, 1891.]
FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA; No. 37.
as he had strictly forbidden her. So with a cheerful face she begged pardon, and in a moment became thoroughly reconciled to him. Ever after that memorable night she continued his most faithful and affectionate wife.
317
Just as he had foretold, Satyavak had a boy in his sixtieth year. The child was very beautiful, and the parents named him Atirûpa, and in his fifth year his father commenced the onerous task of educating him. After giving him a general training for some years, he educated him in his own art of astrology, and of this Atirupa soon became a master; so much so that before he had completed his sixteenth year he was much ahead of his own father. So famous became Atirûpa that people took a greater delight in consulting the son than the father about horoscopes and such things. Satyavâk never grudged the honour that was thus being shewn to his son. He was growing very old, and liked to be relieved of trouble in the decline of life. Thus, as the son grew more and more famous, the father allowed himself to be eclipsed in reputation.
The same mode of life was continued by the family. At the tenth ghatiká old Satyavak went out to beg, and returned with just enough rice to feed three.
One day the father went out as usual, and his old wife busied herself in getting things ready for the morning meal. Their son was, meanwhile, sitting outside the house reading a chapter of the Brihajjataka, when suddenly there stood before him the king Setupati.
"Is your father at home ?" asked the sovereign.
"No, my lord! He has just gone out. But I see from Your Majesty's face that some enemy has invaded your country, and you are come to consult my old father as to whether it would be advisable for Your Majesty to march against the invader. In other words, whether the attempt would be successful. I say 'no.' Saturn must now be in the eighth mansion of your horoscope, and so all your attempts must prove unsuccessful. You had better calmly retire into a forest with your family and children, and at the close of the third year from this date you may get back your kingdom without any direct attempt. There is no time to waste. The enemy, half a ghatiká ago, entered the town by the East Gate. So run off."
Thus said the boy, and, before the king could open his lips, there came a hasty messenger panting for breath, and said: "The enemy has entered by the East Gate. We are all undone. There was a most sudden and unexpected attack!"
The king ran in haste to look after his family, and, just as he was hastening away, Satyavåk returned, and his son related to him everything.
On hearing the story even the contented and philosophic disposition of Satyavak gave way. He placed his bowl on the verandah, and wept profusely. Never, in the whole course of his life before had he let fall a tear from his eyes. But now they fell in profusion.
"Why do you weep, my most holy father ?" cried out the son.
This brought his mother running out of the house, and when she saw her lord in tears, even without knowing the cause, she began to weep out of sympathy. The son's eyes, too, began to moisten, and, thus, in a moment, all three began to weep without exactly knowing why. This continued for a time, till the mother, sobbing, said :
"Why is the face of the donor of prosperity to the whole world wet with tears to-day? Will my lord explain ?"
Said he :-"I bore with my misery calmly till to-day without disclosing it to you and making you a sharer in it; but to-day's misfortunes have been too much for me! I could no longer bear it, and so I wept. Did I not tell you a long time agò that our son would be of no
1 A work on astrology.

Page #344

318
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(SEPTEMBER, 1691.
service to us in our old age P That was a mild way of saying that his life would be a short one! I did not like to wound a mother's heart with so terrible a statement. Only eighteen years are given to our Atirûpa in his horoscope ; and, already, the sixteenth year is drawing to a close. He has only two years more to live, and then we shall lose him. The thought of this and of the vast amount of rare knowledge that he has acquired brought this sorrow upon me. What child of an astrologer has ever before, in his sixteenth year, so clearly foreseen the fortunes of the king of the country? Is it because the life of our Atirupa was made so short that God gave him such superior intellectual powers ? O ye gods, how cruel you are towards your own creatures !"
Thus ended the old man, unable to proceed further, and choking with his sorrow. His wife fell to the ground, like a tree cut at the root, and the boy perceived that he was the cause of all this misery of his parents. He consoled them by degrees, and cheered them up, asking his father for his horoscope. He then began to examine it minutely before his anxious parents, and at last pronounced it to have been wrongly cast, for certain reasons. His arguments were so cogent and persuasive that Satyavâk, too, began to waver in his opinion. Atirupa, seizing the opportunity, clearly proved to his father that he would live for a full century; that the horoscope must say so if it had been rigbtly cast; and that all this trouble had occurred owing to its having been wrongly cast. He then corrected and re-wrote his horoscope with very sound arguments for such corrections, and made his father believe beyond doubt that his son was to live for a hundred years, and not to meet his death in his eighteenth year. His mother, too, was pretty nearly satisfied, and, thus, in a few ghafikás, after a great deal of trouble on the part of Atirûpa, peace was restored to the minds of his parents, and everything went on as usual.
Now this was all a trick of Atirapa. Finding that his parents were dispirited on his account, he had, for the nonce, invented a lie; for the moment that Atirupa saw his horoscope he was more than convinced that death was inevitable in his eighteenth year. But, fresh from his studies, and actuated with the motive of calming the feelings of his parents, he had boldly, by reason of his minute knowledge, brought forth arguments to falsify his horoscope, and his doting father, who had wavered in his belief, readily took in what he had said.
Although his parents fully believed in what Atirûpa had said, he was ill at ease in his mind. He had really the greatest regard for his father, and extreme confidence in bis predictions and state. ments. Knowledge is one for all. The same principles which had told Satyavâk that Atirupa was not to live for more than eighteen years, indicated to his son also tbat his life current ran only up to that point.
His life, then, in the world, was only to be for two years more, but meanwhile he had a strong desire to perform a pilgrimage to Banaras to perform the prescribed religious rites for his parents, and he knew very well that, if he spoke about it to his father, he would be the last person to give him permission. He hardly knew how to act, and, in order not to arouse any suspicions by doing things hastily, he waited for six months more, and spent that period most happily with his old and affectionate parents.
One day, as Atirûpa was sitting in the verandah of the house, he thought to himself as follows: “Ever since I expounded my horoscope, my old father believes that I shall live fully a hundred years. But I know for certain, if astrology is a science at all, that I shall die in a year and a half. Wherever I go this must happen. I cannot avoid it. If I remain at home and die here, my parents must also die broken-hearted, but if I run away from home they, who are still under the illusion that I shall live for a hundred years, will anxiously await my return, and die & natural death. For I am certain that I shall soon depart to a place from which no one has ever returned. It is much better to put them to a little trouble and anxiety now and fly from home, than to stay behind and die in their presence, and thus be the cause of their death for grief for me. I shall not run away in pain either, for I shall proceed to Banaras, and there

Page #345

SEPTEMBER, 1891.]
FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA; No. 37.
819
before my end approaches, I shall have performed all the rites necessary for the salvation of my parents and myself."
Thus thought Atirûpa and made up his mind to be off the next morning before dawn, and, as that was to be the last day in his life under his parents' roof, he was unusually cheerful. But instead of retiring to rest at the usual appointed time, Atirúpa kept his father engaged in conversation to a late hour of the night. At length the aged couple retired to rest, and Atirupu did so, too, with tears in his eyes at the thought of the morrow's parting. But sleep he could not. He walked round and round the house ; handled each palm-leaf volume on astrology, wept over it, and replaced it in its original position; went to the spot where his father used to take his seat while teaching his son; stood there for a short time and wept over it, and thus paid his last visit to every familiar part of his humble dwelling. When the night had almost drawn to # close "sball I run away or not p" thought Atirupa. Sometimes he thought it best to go, sometimes that he would stay at home and take his chance. At last the original resolve prevailed, and, packing up a small bundle of clothes and with nothing in hand, he left his home!
" The launch is always difficult and afterwards everything becomes smooth," runs the proverb. Even so Atira pa found it in his case. He who had had so much difficulty in quitting his home, found his mind soon made easy. The thought consoled him that in a year and a half he would be alive no mure, while his parents would still be expecting his return, and be thus spending their days in less grief than if he had remained and died in their presence. He walked on as fast as he could, He begged his meals on his way, and without showing that he knew anything of astrology, lest he should give a clue as to where he had gone, he went onwards like an ordinary beggar, walking all day and sleeping at night.
After travelling thus for nearly two months he reached the city of Chandragiri. Now Atirûpa was from the south, and the people there did not understand his language, and though he begged in several places, no one would feed him. For the first time in his journey he found it difficult to live. “My difficulties have commenced in earnest now; God knows where they will end," thought he.
The day was almost drawing to a close, and our hero had not yet had his meal and rest. He wandered about the streets in the evening twilight, when a grand pandál met his eyes. The place had the appearance of marriage festivities, and he thought that if he went there he would be fed along with the rest, and he was not wrong in his expectation. It was the minister's house, and grand preparations were going on for the marriage of his son with the beautiful princess of Chandragiri. There were yet a couple of days before that happy event would take place; but the preparations had been going on for some weeks. The feastiny of poor Brahmans had also begut, and so Atirûpa, after some difficulty in explaining himself, discovered that the feeding would begin at the tenth ghalika of the night, and that until then be might rest where he liked. Constant walking had made him thoroughly weary, and, though he might lose his food, he did not like to lose the opportunity of resting his wearied limhs. Near the pandál there was a big mansion, -evidently belonging to a rich person. No one was vutside the house, and it had a big verandah. Atirûpa got on to this, and, retiring to a corner, covered his body with his cloth and fell asleep. The night had just set in, and sleep soon overtook our hero.
Leaving him for a while to rest, let us return to his parents. They got up as usual, and missed their son. At first they thought that he must have gone out early that day to the river to bathe, and as he had not returned after the tenth ghatiká, they thought he must have gone to the adjacent village to see a friend. But even on the third day their son had not returned. Thus one day after another passed, and Atirûpa never returned! As the days passed the anxiety of the parents became greater. They searched the whole country to the best of their ability, and obtained here and there slight hints that their son had gone on

Page #346

320
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[SEPTEMBER, 1891.
a pilgrimage to the holy Ganges, and that he would return in the course of three or four years. These hints had purposely been dropped on his way by the clever Atirûpa, and he had managed so well that he gave hope and yet no hope. So his aged parents, after a good deal of searching, gave up their pursuit as hopeless. Sometimes they thought that Atirûpa had gone to the north on a pilgrimage ; at other times that he had gone to some unknown place.
“I told you, wife, that we are so unfortunate in this world that our son would be of no service to us. First I thought that it meant his death, at the age of eighteen, according to my calculations. Atirûpa cleverly proved this to be false, but what of that after all? He may live for a hundred years, but he has left us! Let him prosper somewhere or other happily. Enough if he returns before we die and consoles us. But I do not think that such happiness will ever occur to us."
Thus Satyavák continued to console his poor wife, and little by little the pair ceased to sorrow for their lost son.
To return to Chandragiri, where we left our hero asleep. Chandragiri was governed by a king, who had a very beautiful and educated daughter. He searched for a suitable match for a long time, and, confiding in his minister, one day he called him to his side, and said to him :
"My good minister, my daughter, the princess, is growing older day by day, and still you have secured no suitable match for her. How long are we to be kept in anxiety ?
The minister replied: - "My lord ! Give me leave for a month, and I will go down to the southern countries, and get yon portraits of all the princes in that direction. Your Majesty can choose the most beautiful face from among them."
"Very well," said the king, and granted him leave. But the minister was a treacherous rogue, and never utilized his leave for any journey to the south. He spent the whole of it quietly in some distant corner of the king's dominions, drawing from pare imagination balf a dozen awkward pictures of several supposed princes of the south. On the expiry of his leave the minister produced these piotures and said:
“My most gracious sovereign, with the nimble feet of a deer I have roamed over all the southern countries, and bring you these pictures. This picture represents the face of the Påndyan Prince, than whom no handsomer man ever existed in the south. That picture represents the Chêra Yuvarâja. That one represents the Chôļa Prince."
"Throw them all away," said the king, "I do not like even a single face from among them." How could be, when they had been purposely made awkward by the canning minister ?
Again after one or two months the minister took leave for a journey to the north to tetch suitable bridegroomis, and this time, also, the same trick was played. Thus did the minister deceive the Chandragiri sovereign several times, till the old king was entirely disappointed, believing that all his minister had said was truth, and nothing but the truth.
Now, besides his daughter, the king had no child, and so, after her father, the whole kingdom of Chandragiri would devolve upon her; and he who married her would become the King of Chandragiri. The minister of Chandragiri had a fair son, but he was not educated, and his father determined to get him married to the princess, and thus place him on the throne. So he made the king think there was no prince, whom he could choose as a fit bridegroom for his only daughter. The king was lost in meditation, and did not know what to do. But one evening the minister suddenly appeared with another picture in his hand, and with a joyful face.
• What! Have you, after all, succeeded in finding a suitable match ?" asked the king.

Page #347

SEPTEMBER, 1891.)
FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA: No. 37.
321
"I think I have, my lord; but that is what I say every time that I approach Your Majesty I cannot be certain of my success till Your Majesty has given your own opinion," answered the minister politely.
In his eagerness the king snatched the picture, and for the first time in his examination of pictures his face smiled, and he said replied, “Whose picture is this?"
The minister replied, “I will tell you, my lord; but are you, in any way, satisfied with it ?” “Most assuredly," said the king. "Tell me whose picture it is P" “It is my son, my lord," replied the minister.
“Then," said the king, "we are like the old woman in the fable, who went in search of ghi when she had a great quantity of butter in her house. Why didn't you tell me that you had such a fair son ? I would have gladly given him my daughter in marriage long ago, and saved you all the trouble of going now to the north, now to the south, and now to other directions."
The minister then explained that he did not like to be so selfish; that he had tried his best to find the best bridegroom; and that, when all his efforts proved vain, he had resolved to shew to his master his own son's picture !
Now, the minister's son was, no doubt, fair, but his father had purposely made the portrait more heautiful than the original, and at last his object was gained; for the king, not to lose any more time, at once fixed upon the fifteenth day of the approaching fortnight as the marriage day of his daughter. It was for this marriage that so many grand preparations were going on at Chandragiri when Atirûpa arrived there, and it chanced that the place in which he slept was the minister's own house.
Every one in the town of Chandragiri was rejoicing at the approaching festivity, except the minister. He had, it is true, after so many stratagems, succeeded in his great ambition, and the grand day was approaching fast. There were now only two days more, or rather two nights and one day, - for, on the morning of the third day, the happy marriage for which he had been working so hard was to come on, and still he was sad. For, alas! the day fixed for the wedding was that on which the epileptic fits, to which his son was liable, came upon him. The boy had epileptic attacks every alternate day, of a most virulent type. They began early in the morning, and lasted till late in the afternoon. Every other day the boy was in a most horrible plight from the fifth to the twentieth ghalika of the day. This was why his education had never been cared for. The minister, however, took such care, that no one in the town knew anything of his malady besides the inmates of his house, on whom he had imposed such strict penalties, should they reveal it, that no one ever dared to open his lips on the subject.
* Let the marriage rites pass off successfully, and then it does not matter much if the king finds out that my son is an epileptic," thought the minister,
But, anfortunately for him, the day fixed for the marriage was that on which the epileptic attack returned, and he did not know how to get over the difficulty. If he proposed a change of day it might lead to some suspicion or other, and the match might be broken off, and his highest ambition baulked.
After pondering the matter over in his mind for a few days he resolved upon celebrating the marriage on the day fixed.
“What if it is the day my boy is attacked? I shall not let him go through the marriage at all but will put some one disguised in his place. This person shall perform the rites in my son's, stead, and thus the formal marriage will take place. I shall so arrange as to send away the substitute next day, and I shall amply reward the priests, who will be my tools in this affair. Even among them it is only a few that have seen my boy."

Page #348

322
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(SEPTEMBER, 1891.
Thus thought the minister, and for a moment care fled from his face. He imagined that he had already successfully accomplished his object; when, suddenly, his face again changed colour, as he thought he had landed himself upon new ditficulties.
“Where to find the substitute ?" thought he. “First of all, he must be young and beautiful, and he must be a perfect stranger to this place, and he must be entirely at our mercy."
But how to find him and where P For the time was fast approaching ! In this state of mind the minister came out of his house on the night on which our hero went to sleep on his verandah.
The minister was so ferocious a personage, that no one dared to approach him or speak to him when he was moody or occupied with his own thoughts. His servants knew him very well, and avoided him always on such occasions. So on the night in question, he was standing all alone in front of his house, near the tenth ghatiká, just as people from several directions were walking to the dining-place behind the pandál, bent on feeding at another's expense. By and by the bustle of the hastening crowd calmed down, and eating commenced ; but the minister's mind still continued agitated. He still saw no hope of his getting out of his difficulties. This brought on such a feeling of disappointment over his mind, that he was almost weeping as he stood there alone. While thus lost in sorrow and misery, he thought he heard some one snoring in a corner of his long verandab.
“Who could it be, sleeping there so soundly? What must be the audacity of the fool, who had chosen this house to sleep in ? Bạt let me see. It may be a poor Brâhman, who has lingered here for a meal and fallen asleep. I will awake him, and send him to the dining-hall."
Thus thinking, the minister slowly walked up to the spot. There was a light in the verandah, but the face of the sleeper was covered with a cloth.
Ab, I see. It must be one of my servants, who has thus fallen asleep at his duty of watching the house. I have caught the wretch now, and will dismiss him."
Thinking thus, the minister removed the cloth from the face. The exhausted Atirûpa never stirred an inch. He slept on, and what did the minister see? A beautiful face, fairer than his own son's, and thus approaching almost the representation he had given to the king. Again, the age of the boy, who was asleep, was almost equal to that of his son. So perfect a duplicate was be, as the minister thought, of his own son, that he was charmed at the discovery. To crown his great success, the boy appeared to be a stranger to Chandragiri.
" Has fortune conducted me to this boy to-night?” thought the minister, and at once roused him from his sloop."
" Who are you, Sir ?" asked the minister, and the boy did not reply.
“Do you know Telugu ?” asked the minister. The boy nodded his head to indicate that he did not know it.
" Sanskrit ? " asked the lord of the house. "Yes," said the boy.
The minister was overjoyed to find that the person was a perfect stranger, and, without wasting any time, the minister secretly took the boy inside, and told him that he would help him in every way, if he only promised to obey his orders. All that Atirûpa wanted was a sum of money large enough to enable him to continue his journey to Banaras, and perform the intended ceremonies there. That the minister promised, and Atirupa was well fed and left to rest for the night.
Next morning the minister explained to him his plan, and asked Atirapa to take the place of his son and celebrate the marriage with the princess. But he must not reveal the secret to anyone, and as soon as the marriage was over he was to proceed on his journey to

Page #349

SEPTEMBER, 1891.]
FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA; No. 37.
823
Bank ras, for which the minister would arrange and amply supply him with fands. Never, again, in his life was Atirapa ever to turn towards that direction. The arrangements were thus successfully made, and to the repeated questions of the minister as to his parentage, &c., Atirupa kept silent, and only gave out that he was a poor Brahman.
Thus, on his pilgrimage towards the north, our hero was detained for a day or two on account of a sham marriage! Refusal would only have endangered his head, for his keen sense told him that he was in the hands of the minister. And our hero also thought to himself:
“Why should I chide prosperity that throws itself in my way? I am now a wandering beggar, travelling over strange countries, with not a kaudi in my hand. There is this minister, who promises to arrange conveniently for my journey, if I oblige him. In addition to my obliging him and getting myself obliged, there is another object attained by this my sham marriage. As long as I remain a bachelor I am debarred from celebrating certain ceremonies at Banaras, Gaya, and other places. Fortunately, without my ever expecting it, my bachelorhood will also be removed. I can, with full liberty, then perform all the rites at those holy places. So I am, in no way, a loser."
Atirûpa thought thus, and freely gave his consent to all the projects of the minister, and at last the marriage day came. Grand preparations went on over the whole town. A great pandál had already been erected between the minister's mansion and the royal palace, along which the bridegroom had to be conducted from his house to the bride's house, where the rites were to be performed, and during the whole of that day the boy could not leave the girl's house. Agreeably to all these rules, Atirûpa was cleverly transformed into the minister's son by being profusely decorated from head to foot, whereby only a portion of his face was visible. In this guise he was conducted to the marriage-hall in the royal palace. The princess, who was an intelligent and beautiful girl, was waiting with the greatest eagerness to get a secret glance at her future husband, and was delighted at heart to see that her chosen lord was fair to see and intelligent withal. The marriage ceremonies were gone through, and were very long, tedious and tiresome. Several oblations were offered to the sacred fire, and Atirûpa performed them all. Every one there assembled thought him the minister's son, and one or two that knew the secret never opened their lips. They were not only largely bribed, but were threatened with the loss of their heads, if they broke their trust. Thus the marriage was celebrated, and the formal oord of the completion of the marriage ceremony was tied round the neck of the princess by Atirapa — the sapposed minister's son-towards the close of the day, amidst the beat of drums and sound of music. The remaining rites were hastily gone through, and the auspicious hour for the entry into the decorated hall to spend the night was fast approaching.
This is a business loft entirely to the management of the elder ladies of the household Neither the priests nor the males of the household have any voice in it. As soon as the 'ladies appear they must retire from the scene, and according to this custom, and before the minister or the priest had any notice of it, the ladies walked in, and amidst their sweet songs and blessings conducted the newly married oouple into the decorated hall. As soon as that was reached and the couple walked in, the queen, who was the mother of the bride, locked the door and carried away the key, as is the custom in Hindu society on the first day of the marriage.
Then, alone in a spacious hall, decorated on all sides, Atirapa had the fortune of meeting a princess! He flung his heavy ornaments down on the ground, and sat silent. The princess, vexed to see her lord so sad, placed before him all kinds of fruits, sweetmeats and other dishes that were in the hall.? On seeing them and tasting a little, Atirûpa felt his hanger anappeased and sang a Sanskrit verse, the meaning of which the princess, though a highly educated lady, was not able to understand. The sweet voice and the majestic tone with which Atirûpa had
1 On the first day of the marriage and in the decorated hall meant for the couple to sleep in, all these eatables are left previously by the elder Ladies of the house.

Page #350

324
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[SEPTEMBER, 1891.
sung it delighted her, and so did the thought that her lord was no ordinary person, and that he was as fair in mind as in body. She tried her best to arrive at the meaning, but could not. She fell at ber lord's feet, and requested him respectfully to expound the meaning of the verse he had just sung; and with a clear and silvery tone Atirûpa began the exposition, and after two hours' commentary concluded it thus:
“Sweetmeats, fruits, &c., to a hungry stomach are like beauty to unchaste women. Rice alone is the food I now most need to satisfy my hunger, as it is chastity alone which & woman needs to be called beautiful."
The princess rose up, and without saying a word arranged upside down on the floor in the form of a hearth, three silver cups, in which scented sandalwood, paste, rose water and other things had been placed. There was akshata3 in abundance standing in a platter at the side of the room. She took it, washed & portion of it in milk, which had been placed in the room, and, putting it in a silver milk jug with milk in it, set the pot over the overturned silver cups. Below these she placed scented sticks and sandal wood, which she found in the room, and in a minute lighted a fire. In less than a ghafiká the washed akshata and the inilk were cooked into boiled rice. The princess emptied the rice into a silver platter, and placed it before her lord. Atirûpa was lost in admiration at the readiness of the princese. Glad at heart that he was fortunate enough to term that intelligent lady his wife, for a short time at least (for he was sure to be sent out of the city by the minister the next morning), he dragged the platter before him. He eyed the princess with joy in his face, and politely requested her to sit by his side and partake of the meal with him, as she, too, must be hungry.
Now, during Hindu marriage ceremonies, the ritual takes up so much time, that brides and bridegiooms have scarcely any leisure for a convenient and hearty meal. The princess, proud of the company of such a beautiful and intelligent husband, sat by his side, but she ate little. She was so delighted with the verse that she requested her husband to repeat it again, and carefully copied it on the wall of the hall. After a long conversation about the various departments of knowledge with which each were acquainted, they retired to rest. Each was overjoyed, and thanked God, who, in His superior judgment, had brought them together in this world as husband and wife. Never was there a happier pair in the world than Atirûpa and the princess.
Leaving our hero to his hard-earned repose after an adventurous day and night, let us - return to the minister. Before he could arrange to snbstitute his son in the place of the poor Brahman boy, the ladies of the palace and Her Majesty the queen herself had outwitted him. He did not like to display any of his awkward blanders, and returned home a little sad no doubt, but glad that the marriage had gone off successfully, that throughout the whole ceremony the people assembled there thought that it was his son, who sat as the bridegroom, and that no suspicion had arisen on that head. He would fetch his supposed son in the early morning from the decorated chamber, and send the poor Brahman boy away :“The secret will be hetween myself and that fool of a Brahman. From to-morrow my son will be the husband of the princess, and the heir-apparent to the throne of Chandragiri."
In this way the minister consoled himself, and before sun-rise sent his palanquin to the palace to bring home his supposed son, the bridegroom. In accordance with custom the palanquin from the minister's mansion waited near the princess's bed-chamber. The queen opened the door, and, seeing her son-in-law enter the palanquin, she entered her daughter's chamber and conducted her to her own room. Now, though the happy couple had retired to rest the previous night, they had never a wink of sleep, for one conversation led to another, and each found the company of the other so sweet, that time flew away without their noticing it, till the palanquin was announced. To the credit of our hero be it said that he never told
. Rice grain mixed with turmeric used in auspicious ceremonies.

Page #351

SEPTEMBER, 1891.)
FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA; No. 37.
325
the princess that he was not the minister's son, nor did he give her any information about his parentage. He had, however, in a careless moment, let out that he was bent upon a pilgrimage to Banaras. At the same time the princess never doubted her lord to be any other than the son of the minister. Thus, each trusted the other, and expecting to open their hearts more freely the next time they met, they parted reluctantly in the morning.
The second day's rites must commence soon, and so the princess retired in baste to prepare herself for them, and expected to meet her lord, though not to speak with him, in the midst of an assembly.
Let us now follow our hero in the palanquin. As soon as it was set down, the minister conducted his supposed son Atirûpa into his chamber, the doors of which were closed behind them. Our hero imagined for a moment that after all he was not destined to live to his eighteenth year, as the hand of some assassin could now put an end to his life : but it was not so. The fortune that gave him the princess gave him also his life. The minister was the first to speak :
“Poor wretch ! I meant fo use you for my purpose only; but circumstances have carried yon further than I intended. It is no blame of yours. Get into the same palanquin. I have left in it six bags, each containing 500 mohars. I have posted bearers on the way, and they will conduct you for two days and nights to the boundary of our empire. Take the coins with you, and fly to any country you like. If you turn back and place your feet in our dominions, your head shall be cut off. I have issued orders to this effect. I have a mind to do so now, but the thought that I had placed you for a day at least in the position of my son, softens my temper. Fly."
Atirûpa was not allowed even & minute to reply. He was neither dissatisfied nor murmured. He was glad he was no more a bachelor, and as such had the full privilege of performing all the religious rites, prescribed by the sacred books of his religion, for his parents. There was the money promised for his expenses, and what more did he need ? If he was ever destined to live in the world he was sure that the lady, who had given him her company on the previous night, would still own him as her lord. While these thoughts were passing and repassing through his mind, the Minister suddenly put him into the palanquin and gave the orders. The bearers, who had been previously instructed, started off on their journey. Without moving a muscle Atirapa sat in the palanquin, and continued his journey; but now and then his mind flew back to the princess and her excellent accomplishments in everything.
While our hero was riding in a palanquin instead of walking on foot, the minister -- glad at heart that the occasion, on which he would observe his son seated by the side of the princess, had at last come - conducted him joyfully to the sacred place. The priests had already assembled there, and began their preliminary rites. The princess was seated in a corner of the hall with her lady friends to give her lord her company in the oblations to the sacred fire. The beauty, the learning, the magnanimous conduct in everything of her lord was so prominent in her mind that she was pondering over all the conversation of the previous night.
Just at the fifth ghafikd it was announced that the bridegroom was entering the marriageball. Every eye was turned towards him. Only one person there knew that it was a different person, who was now approaching the hall. The same dress, the same ornaments and decorations, the same stature, the same colour; but one in that hall knew that now her life was hopeless. With more than the curiosity of the rest, she, too, turned her eyes in the direction of her approaching lord, but her eyes failed to catch the intelligent face that had expounded, with such nicety, the intricate Sanskrit verse of the previous night. Her confusion and dismay, were immense. But weakness might bring slame on her whole family; - might, perhaps, even endanger the very life of her real lord ! So she resumed her composure, and, going up to the minister's son, sat beside him, as she had done the previous day by the side of Atirûpa. The rites proceeded, and she freely lent her help. The minister was highly

Page #352

326
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[SEPTEMBER, 1891.
elated at the thorough success of his tricks, and that he had won a princess for a daughter in-law and an empire for his son.
Meanwhile the princess swore in her heart to be virtuous, if the great god would give her back her real husband. She sat now with a sham husband merely to preserve her family dignity. Her heart was not in the affair, and she would rather murder the substituted husband with her own hands than prove false to the true one. The second day also drew to a close, and, in accordance with the custom, in the early part of the night, the minister's son and the princess were conducted to the bridal-chamber and the door was locked. But now that the princess was alone with her sham husband her anger knew no bounds. She was the first to speak :
"Stand there at the door, and don't stir one step and sully my room ! Tell me the honest truth. Who are you? If you are & mean wretch, placed in this position by others, I shall pity and release you."
The minister's son replied :-"I am your husband."
Before he had closed his mouth she had unsheathed a sword, and at the very sight of it an epileptic fit began. Seeing the poor wretch in such a helpless plight she put the sword back into its sheath, and raised an alarm. The door was immediately opened.
"There, take away your son-in-law. He has got epilepay," said the princess, standing at the remotest corner of the room, to her mother.
Now no one knew the cause of this but the minister, who was still there, for the whole thing bad happened so quickly that none of the party outside the hall had had time to go home. Cursing his fate, which had brought on the attack so quickly, the minister carried the bridegroom home.
« What is the matter, daughter P" said the queen.
"Mother, dear; if you wish me to live in this world, do not, please, talk upon this subject till I tell you everything," replied the daughter.
There was now confusion and dismay throughout the palace, but still no one knew the cause of the strange occurrence on the second day of the marriage.
Still, the ceremonials could not be neglected, and those of the third day were continued. The princess and the minister's son, again sat together in the hall, and, again entered the bed chamber : the third time for the princess, the second time for the minister's son.
Said the princess to him just as the door was being shut :- "Fool that you are, that dare to approach again the bridal-chamber! I have allowed you'admittance to-night, as I wanted to give you certain advice. Stand there in the place you stood last night, and hear what I have to say. You are not fit even to be the dust on my lord's feet. How did you dare, then, to 298ume this position P Tell me the whole truth, or you shall soon know the consequences of refusal !"
The minister's son, seeing that his life was in danger, and, giving up all hope of ever winning the princess for his wife, related, with fear and agitation, everything, except that about her real husband he could give the princess no more information than that he was a poor Brahman hoy, picked up for the occasion by the minister, and that he had been safely conducted out of the Chandragiri dominions by the orders of his father.
This news gave the greatest consolation to the princess. She was glad to hear that her lord was still alive, and that there was no fear for his life for the present. So great a soul would, of course, prosper wherever he might go.
Then, turning to the minister's son, she said :-“Never, again, set your feet in my room. You may attend my father's court as the king's son-in-law, and receive the
.

Page #353

SEPTEMBER, 1891.]
customary presents, and do all that you like as regards the outer world. But if you ever dare to call me your wife, or approach my room, or write to me, or send messengers to me, I'll have you beaten to death !"
FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA; No. 37.
327
The minister's son received the order, and called to his father, who was waiting outside, for fear that something might happen that night also. The door was soon opened, and the minister's son left that chamber for ever.
Ever after that day, the princess kept to her own room, and only came out for her meals. That her real lord should return and claim her was her one desire. To her he was everything. Her parents observed the great change that had come over her. She gave up her usual ornaments and decorations, and clad herself in the meanest of her attire. She renounced flowers and scents, which had been her special taste. She had always slept on the softest of silken cushions, but now curled herself up on the bare ground when sleep overpowered her. Regular sleep she had none, and she always awoke with a start. She, who had always dwelt in summer-houses made cool by a thousand and one artifices, now she took her seat between five sacrificial fires (pañchágni), and did penance. To no one did she explain the mystery of her sorrow, and no one dared to ask her, for so great was the awe she was held in by all, even by her. very parents.
The minister's son was so much ashamed of the treatment he had received from the princess, that he never opened his mouth about it to any one. He often frequented the palace as the king's son-in-law, and had due regard paid to him on that account, but even to his father he never said a word, notwithstanding repeated questions, threats and solicitations; and in this way days and months and years passed.
The object of the princess's penance was to regain her original lord, but no one except herself knew of this. Meanwhile the minister's son, as the royal son-in-law, received due honours and presents, and as he was a fair boy, and no one knew the secret of his disease, all expected that, sooner or later, the husband and wife would be reconciled. No one, however, dared to suggest a reconciliation and as to the minister's son, the very name of the princess sometimes brought on the fear of the unsheathed sword, and a visit of his disease. So he never dared to approach her, and, at the slightest hint that she was moving at a distance, he would glide away unobserved. He was content to be called the son-in-law of His Majesty, and his father, the minister, too, was glad, in a way, that some day or other the empire of Chandragiri would devolve upon his son.
Thus, a full year and a couple of months passed, and the princess was still engaged in her severe penance. Her life was so pure, so chaste and so simple, that no one had the heart to stay her. But, one day, her old father said: -
"My dearest daughter, you are my only child; I had a great desire to see you, in my old age, married and happy with a husband. But ever since your wedding day you have become thoroughly changed. Is this ascetic's life the life which a princess should lead? Speak out, my dear, and let me know the misery that so affects you."
Replied the princess: "My most noble father; all that I do now is for the good of my husband. Don't ask me any more questions, till I tell you everything after my desires are accomplished. Till then leave me to myself. I may soon want some money, and please let me have it."
The determined air with which the princess spoke, her simple and innocent look, and the pleasure with which she evidently led her ascetic life for the time being, kept the king dumb, and he ordered his treasurer to give the princess whatever she required. She now began to order travellers' rest-houses to be erected at every tenth kos from her city to Banaras, and pat servants in each with instructions to entertain the pilgrims that might pass and repass to and from Banaras. Every convenience of the pilgrims was to be attended to.

Page #354

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
Meanwhile, as soon as Atirupa had reached the borders of the Chandragiri dominions, he got down from the palanquin, thanked the bearers for not having murdered him on the way, took possession of the wealth the minister had left, and proceeded towards Banaras. Now that he was amply provided with funds, he found his journey very convenient, and reached that holy city in a couple of months. As he was sure of never living beyond his eighteenth year, he never thought again of his wife, the princess. What hope was there in him of his ever regaining her? The minister's plans he knew well enough, and the care with which he watched for him he could well imagine! So Atirûpa never looked back upon Chandragiri, nor did he ever think of returning back.
328
He spent a few months at Banâras in performing the holy rites, and then proceeded to Prayaga. Here our hero went to an old woman, and, giving her all the money he had in hand, requested her to regard him as her own son, and feed him. She was a goodnatured dame, and treated Atirûpa very kindly. In order not to be idle he let his knowledge of astrology be known, and thousands flocked to him to profit by his art. So, our hero thus led a good life, performing rites, distributing his knowledge, and engaged in devotion. The close of his eighteenth year was now fast approaching. The thought made him sad, but he always kept the secret to himself. Even to the kind old lady, who every day became more and more attached to him, he never said a word about it. As his end drew nearer he avoided public paths, and proceeded to the Ganges for his bath by a lonely footpath through an unfrequented jungle. He adopted this precaution so that people might not observe him at the time of his death. All this time, at Chandragiri, the princess was still at her penance, and his poor parents, at Sêtupati's capital, were anxiously expecting the return of their son.
[SEPTEMBER, 1891.
At last the fatal day arrived, and while Atirûpa, after his morning bath, was returning home by his lonely path to his adopted mother, his foot slipped while going up a step, made slippery by some rain that had fallen, and he fell down dead! His body lay unnoticed, for very few people passed by that lonely path.
Now, the moment of Atirûpa's death was exactly the moment when the princess's austerity and penance fructified. The god Mahesa appeared before her, and requested to know the object of her austere devotions.
"O most holy god," said she, falling at his feet; "I want to gain back my husband."
"We have granted this boon to you, overcome by your sincere devotion; your lord will soon return back to you," said Mahêśa, and disappeared.
From that moment the princess's face changed, and for the first time, since that fatal second day of her marriage, when she missed her husband's face, she felt happy.
"Mahesa has granted my boon; my noble husband will return to me soon now. Let it be days, weeks, months, or years! I shall wait patiently," thought she. But though this thought consoled her greatly, still she did not care to shew to others that she was happy, so long as her husband's whereabouts remained unknown. Meanwhile, she issued strict orders to the several agents in her rest-houses between Banâras and Chandragiri, that every pilgrim, who passed or repassed that way, was to be carefully entertained and attended to.
Meanwhile, the old woman at Prayaga missed Atirupa, and did not know how to account for it.
"Our boy has never been irregular, even for a single day, since he came to live with me. Perhaps he has gone out somewhere to-day."
Thus thought she till noon came, and still Atirûpa did not return. She then went here and there, but all her search was in vain. That whole day passed away. Night came on. Who will feed him to-night? Will he have enough to eat p❞
Atirûpa was always shy. thought she.
61

Page #355

SEPTEMBER, 1891.)
FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA; No. 37.
329
On the second day the old woman's anxiety increased, but what could she do ? All her search proved useless.
Now, after thus conferring the boon upon the princess, Mahesvara returned to his place in the heavens, and the sage Narada came to visit him. On meeting the god, he asked him as to what the news was. Mahéśa told of the boon he had granted to the princess.
"Her husband is Atirupa, who has died at Prayaga this morning. We fixed his life at eighteen years, and his term was over this morning. How will he return to the princess P" said the sage.
Then the great god saw the mistake he had committed, but, as he had power to alter things, he said : -
“Our word to the princess shall never prove untrue. Her austerities, also, must never remain unrewarded. If Atirupa is already dead, let him remain so for three days only. Let him regain his life on the fourth day, and let this mystery be unknown oven to himself."
Thus said Mahesa, and cleared himself from a world of confusion!!
Jast as the great god had said, Atirûpa came back to life on the fourth day after his death. He did not know what day it was, and rose up as one rising from a deep slumber. His clothes were all miry, and his body dirty, with the accumulated dirt of several days. He did not know what could have occurred to him. He only had a hazy recollection that the fatal day had come and passed away, and that he had fallen down in the struggles of death. Everything was an enigma. He rose up, went again to the river, bathed and dried his clothes, and, like a madman, returned slowly to his house without understanding what had happened. The good woman, as she welcomed him, said :
“Where have you been to, my good boy, for the last three days P We all missed you, and all my search after you was in vain !"
It now became perfectly clear to Atirûpa that he must have been asleep on the path for three days; or was it a three days' death P The fatal day had anyhow come and passed away, and whether it was sleep or death that had come to him he did not care to puzzle his head about. He invented an excuse for the occasion, and lived under that good dame's kind roof for a few days more, being now of one thing perfectly certain, that the fatal day had passed away, and that he was to live for many more years in the world.
The main object that now stood before him, was the misery which his poor old parents must be in. He had spent nearly two years from them. He had had good reason to fly from them, and now, he thought, he had equally good reason to return.
" Are they likely to be still living ? Shall I ever have the happiness of meeting them again ? If once I can rejoin them, never more will I quit my happy home. I will go and beg a thousand pardons from my father, who, I am sure, will readily grant them."
With his mind thus made up, he spoke to the kind old lady about his intended departure. Though exceedingly sorry to lose him, she allowed him his wish to return to his home, and gave back to him all that he had given her, saying that she had been already rewarded by his good acts and kindness towards her. Our hero received his money back, as he would much need it on his journey, and requested the old lady to come to him, as soon as she heard from him. He would have taken her along with him, but he wanted to know first whether his parents were alive. Hiding the money in his rags, like a true pilgrim from Banaras, he now took the road, and, with the sacred water of the holy Ganges on his shoulders, went his way homewards.
Now every step that he took on his way homewards, oonduoted him unawares to his wife. At the very first rest-house an officer of the princess entertained him sumptuously, and when he was about to resume his journey, pat e palm-leaf mazusoript in his hand, and asked

Page #356

330
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[SEPTEMBER, 1891.
him if he could read it and explain the meaning of what was written. Atirapa received it, glanced over it, and at once his face changed colour. Checking himself he thus replied :
"I know the meaning of it; but I cannot tell you what I know. Permit me, please, to depart."
As soon as this was said, the master of the rest-house rose up and fell at the pilgrim's feet, and requested him to stay awhile, as his journey was not to be on foot any longer. Atirûpa was astonished.
"Am I dreaming, or is this reality ?" thought he; "what is the meaning of all this? This is the verse that I recited to the princess of Chandragiri on my way here. Is this a trick to find me out ? Am I likely to see her again P"
While he was thus musing, the words, — "The palanqain is ready : will your holiness be pleased to go into it?" fell upon his ears. It was the master of the rest-house who had thus spoken to him.
"What is the meaning of this ? Why shonld a poor pilgrim returning home to his country ride in a palanquin ?" asked Atirpa.
Then the master of the rest house explained to our astonished hero the charity of the princess of Chandragiri, who had raised one thousand and one choultries on the way between Banâras and her town, with instructions to feed and entertain every pilgrim, to give to every pilgrim the manuscript he had just seen, to request him to explain the meaning, and to conduct to her that person, who could read it and explain its meaning. He further told the still astonished Atirúpa that several months had passed, that many had received and returned the manuscript unread, and that the only person, who had given him any hope, was the present pilgrim.
Everything was now plain to our hero : the verse was his own which he had repeated to his wife on the night he saw her: her name was connected with the charities. What more proof could he need? He was now perfectly sure that all these contrivances were his wife's plans to bring him back to her. He thanked God for his good fortune, and was sure that he was to be taken back to his wife's country. But what could have become of the minister's son ? He did not like to enquire about this, lest it should lead him into danger.
Meanwhile, in accordance with instructions received, the messengers flew to the princess with the news that, at last, a pilgrim was coming in a palanquin, who was able to expound the writing on the palm-leaf. The princess's joy knew no bounds. Maheśa's boon has been granted after all, and yet she was not quite sure till she actually saw her lord. She sent for her father, aud he, ever ready to obey his virtuous daughter, came at once.
"Most loving father. I have attained the object of my penance, and we have to wait only for a couple of days more. There is a pilgrin coming here from Banaras the day after to-morrow, who must be entertained in our palace and perform his pújá in our great hall, and after receiving blessings from his holy hands I shall be rejoined to my husband. Let all the yreat men of the city attend the pújá to bless me on the occasion. Let my husband, too, be invited. But you must not give notice of this, until we see the pilgrim actually settled in his pújá in our palace. There will still be ample time. Meanwhile you should yourself go on in advance and welcome the pilgrim, and conduct him to our hall. He is no ordinary personage. I will **xplain everything to you after his arrival."
Thus spoke the danghter, and her father had no other course but to obey. She was l.is only laughter, and had brought him the happiest of news. So he hastened out, and proceedou to welcome the approaching pilgrim. The palanquin was placed on the ground as soon as the bearers saw the king, and notice was given to the rider inside that the lord of Chandragiri was approaching. The old king himself, too, when he was informed that the palau

Page #357

SEPTEMBER, 1891.]
FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA; No. 37.
331
quin had been put down, got down from his vehicle and proceeded on foot to welcome the pilgrim. And for the first time in their lives the father-in-law and son-in-law saw each other face to face without the former knowing the relationship that existed between them. He was lost in admiration. The beauty, the noble bearing, and the holy appearance of the pilgrim were enough for any man to bow to. The monarch, also, on putting the ascetic life of his own daughter and the approaching pilgrim together, thought that there must be some spiritual relationship between them, or that the pilgrim was a real god in human form, and shewed him the greatest respect.
The pilgrim did not like to commit himself by saying anything till he was sure that it was his wife who was at the bottom of all these adventures. There was, therefore, more silence than talk after the meeting, and the little there was of talk was so neutral that it cleared none of the doubts of either party.
Chandragiri was reached at last, and the pilgrim with the holy Ganges water safely in his hand alighted at the royal mansion, and the vessel containing it was placed in the hall. As soon as the palanquin was announced the princess took up a convenient position in her balcony to observe her lord, and when her eyes roamed over him she breathed deep for joy.
"May Mahêsvara be praised! He has brought me back my natha - my true lord !" thought she; " I shall never again lose him now."
From that very moment everything about her and in her began to change. She decorated herself with her choicest ornaments and put on the best of her apparel, and, while the pilgrim was engaged in his ablutions, came down herself from the upper story, and decorated the hall with her own fair hands for the performance of the pújá.
Every one noticed the sudden change that came over the princess, and took it to be her joy at the approaching reunion with her husband, the minister's son.
The time for the worship of the holy water of the Ganges drew on, and almost all the great people of the city were assembled for it. The holy water of the Ganges was not a thing to be had daily, so they were fully sensible of the grandeur of this occasion.
The minister and his son, too, were in the assembly, and, as the son-in-law of the king, the son had taken a prominent seat. His father was seated near him overjoyed at heart that, after all, the princess was compelled by time to choose to be reconciled to his boy. The ceremonies over, every one stood up with outspread palms to receive the holy water, and our hero opened the vessel containing it and, holding it in his left hand, proceeded to distribute the contents with a small spoon (uddharini) in his right hand.
“Shall I assist you, my dearest husband, in carrying that water? I am bound to do so on this occasion by the rules," cried out a female voice, and suddenly the princess stood by the left side of our hero with her hand on the holy Vessel.
“What! what !" cried the king. "I am the wife of this pilgrim! Let the minister be secured at once," was the reply.
The minister was soon so bound that he could not escape, and all the assembly stood in wonder, astounded and astonished. There was no time to be lost now, and the princess explained in detail the whole mystery to the listening crowd : how she had been married to Atirupa; the Sanskrit verse; the substitution of the minister's son in his place, the disappearance of her true lord ; the commencement of her misery; her penance and plans to discover the lost-husband; and her success. She had carefully preserved the cups and the platter, in which she had served. the food on the first night to her husband, and produced them now in proof. The minister
• This is a ceremony, in which worship is performed to the vessel containing the holy water of the Ganges, after which the Ganges water itself is distributed to the people assembled from the vessel containing it.

Page #358

332
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[SEPTEMBER, 1891.
confessed his guilt, and his son attested the truth of the princess's statements as far as he knew it.
Thus everything became plain, and Atirapa, by his good fortune, regained his life and his lost wife, the former by the latter, though he never knew it.
The minister was committed to the stake, and his son given leave to go to his house and never more to approach the palace. The marriage of Atirapa with the princess was again celebrated with all due grandeur, and he succeeded to the throne of Chandragiri as Yuvaraja. He did not forget his parents in the time of his prosperity, nor the old lady at Prayaga. He proceeded in a royal progress to the south, met his parents, assured them that he was their son, explained to them his whole history from the day of his separation, and brought them to Chandragiri to live in his palace. The aged couple were delighted to have found their child after all, and lived in prosperity.
A word as to the prophecy of the boy-astrologer to the setupati. That king and his wife and children hid themselves in a wood adjacent to his capital. It was now two years ago since the son of Satyavák had assured him that, without trying for it, he would, after a certain period, get back his lost kingdom, and that prophecy was now fulfilled.
Chandragiri was the empire of which the kingdom of the Setupatis was a petty tributary State, and because the Setupati had failed to send in his tribute regularly, his dominions had been invaded and he had had to fly for his life. The boy-astrologer was now himself the emperor, and he, out of kindness to his old king, gave him back his State. Thus was the propheoy duly fulfilled by the astrologer who had made it, and, as Emperor of Chandragiri, Atirûpa reigned over his vast empire for many a long year in peace and prosperity.
FOLKLORE IN SALSETTE.
BY GEO. FR. D'PENHA.
No. 10. - Båladada and Bayobai. In a certain country there once lived a king, who had one son. The prince was sent to school, where he proved himself worthy of the schoolmaster, and when he had attained maturity the king, his father, thought it high time to get him married. The prince said to him: "Malá báikó karal té aść kará gê bápáschi dání ani dischi sási rákhil aśí báikó kará; náhin tê mála bdiko nako;! If you wish to get me married, I shall want a wife that will keep up the dignity of my father and the honour of my mother; else I do not want a wife."
“Very well," the king replied; "we want for nothing, and I will send my messengers to all parts of the country and even to foreign lands, and get you just such a wife as you desire."
Accordingly, he at once despatched people to all parts of the country, and also to foreign coarts, with the message : - "Kônáchí sôkri aéél gå båpaschi dari ani dischi sari rákhil, así té tisisi amáish sôirik ; If any one has a daughter that will keep up the dignity of the father and the honour of the mother, we wish to enter into an alliance with him."
The messengers went from village to village and from town to town, and penetrated into foreign oountries, but with little success; for who was there that would guarantee to keep up thie dignity of the father and the honour of the mother? At length the king of a distant Burmy had an only daughter, and he too received this message, but also refused the proposal. The princess, however, asked her father what the letter contained, but the king refused to tell her. However, after much entreaty she was told what it was about, and exclaimed: - "Hó,
1 Lät." if you wish to get me a wife, get me such an one as will take care of my father's beard and mother's sarf, such a wife I want, or I do not want a wife."

Page #359

SEPTEMBER, 1891.]
FOLKLORE IN SALSETTE: No. 10.
333
búpá, diás mánzá zabáb, mii rákhín bápaschi dari ani dischi sari; Yes, father, give them my answer, I will keep up the dignity of the father and the honour of the mother."
The king, thereu pon, sent his own men with another message to the effect that he was willing to enter into the alliance, and that his daughter was willing to fulfill the conditions imposed by the prince. The messengers were also authorized to settle a day for the celebration of the marriage. The messengers reached the prince's dominions, and made all the arrangements necessary, and appointed a day for the auspicious occasion.
Preparations were now made on both sides on a grand scale. Nothing was spared to make the occasion a great event. In due time, on the appointed day, the marriage took place with all possible éclat. The bride was still very young and consequently had to remain at her parents' honse till she should attain puberty.
A year or two after the marriage the prince thought of paying a visit to his wife, and expressed his desire to his father. The king, of course, had no objection, and gave his consent, giving him money for his expenses on the way. The prince, however, disguised himself as & poverty-stricken person, and went to his wife's country. When he had arrived there he cut a bundle of grass, and, carrying it on his head, passed by his father-in-law's house. His wife saw him with the grass and called out to him: -"Eh, mólkid, mõlkaii vikités ká? Hi ! grasscutter, will you sell your grass P"
Our hero answered in the affirmative, upon which the princess struck a bargain and bought the bundle of grass. After this she said to him: -"Molisia, m3lkiá, chakar huis kuni békár háis ? Grasscutter, grasscutter, are you employed or without employment ?”
The pretended grasscatter replied: - "Békár háin; I am without employment."
The princess then said :-“ Mlliá, ámchê ghará chákrila rêtés ? Grasscutter, will yor ta ke employment at our bouse P"
The prince said he was willing to take employment, and was engaged as a servant by his own wife, who, of course, was unaware of the real state of affairs. But the prince knew her, and thought it a fitting opportunity of testing, by observing her behaviour, whether she could fulfl the conditions imposed by him.
This state of things went on for a few years, when one day the parents of the princess called the sapposed servant and said to him :-“ Mallia, amin zátaun benché gántán máini dón máiné, tús ámché sókríchá samal kar; Grasscutter, we are going to a distant country for a month or two, during which time you must take care of our daughter."
The servant having promised to take care of the princess, her parents, the king and queen, left for the distant country, and after they were gone the princess one day said to her servant : - "Molkia, msikia, túzari náun ká? Grasscutter, grasscutter, what is your name?
The prince replied: -“Balûdada," and asked her in return what her name was, and she answered: - "Bayôbâi."
And then she said to him ! " Bálidada, mi kain kám sángên té karsil náhin ? Bâlûdâdâ, would you do anything for me if I were to tell you to?"
Balddådå replied: - "HỐ, Bayóbái, jémi kám sángéil têm karin; Yes, Bayôbâi, I will do whatever work you may want me to do."
And then he said to her :-"Bayoldi, málá rándúnbinh khávdlá désil náhin ? Bayôbai, you will cook and give me to eat, wont you!"
And Bayôbài said : -"Hó, dén; Yes, I will give."
And they lived together like a brother and sister; Baludâdâ doing whatever he was asked to do, and Bayôbai doing the cooking for him.
? From this point the story runs as that of ordinary persons, and not that of a prince and princess, for they are now called Baladada and Bayobai respectively throughout, and the kings and queens are mentioned merely as parents.

Page #360

334
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
SEPTEMBER, 1891.
About this time Bayôbâi attained to puberty, that is she was twelve years old, and was one day walking on the sea-beach, when a great merchant arrived with a ship full of mộtin pôunlin, pearls and rabies. The merchant spied Baybai walking on the sea-beach, and was so enamoured of her beauty that he determined at any cost to get hold of her. So he began to enquire in the neighbourhood if it were possible, but the neighbours said, that they could not tell, that her parents were not at home, and that she was left under the care of a servant. So he sent for Bal@dada, and asked him, too, if he thought whether his mistress would allow his advances, and promised to give Baladada five hundred rupees, and Bayôbâi whatever she asked for. Baladâdê thought this the best opportunity possible of testing her, and went, therefore, running to Bayôbài, said to her : - "Bayőbdi, ék vártá sångtain te diktais ? Bayôbài will you listen to what I have to say ?"
Bayôbâi said she would, but Baladada again said to her : - "Vártá sángén té karsil te sángtain ; If you agree to what I say, I will tell you."
Bayôbâi, little stuspecting what the nature of the talk was to be, agreed to do as he should say. Then Bâlûd adá told her that a great merchant, who had arrived with a ship full of mótin póunlin, pearls and rubies, had told him to ask her whether she would admit his advances and to tell her that if she would, he would give her whatever she asked for.
Bayôbâi, upon this, said: "Ká re, Balidádá, mánza lis bápús gharan ndhin, ani túm aiši vártá kartes ? What, Bâlûdâda, my parents are not at home, and you tell me such a thing as this!"
Bâlûdada then said that if she did not agree he would leave her service and go away. Upon this Bayôbki said ::- “Baran, barani, kabúl hdin, z& tidlá sáng gé tráché hatchar kágal páije aisasin gé ratchani át ráztain tidlá gharan jhéin ani bárá vázliá ků lát márin báir kárin, ani tiáchain motion põunliancham tárin jhéin; Very well, very well, go and tell him that he must give me his word in writing that if I admit him at eight o'clock to-night, and turn him out again as soon as it strikes twelve, I may take his vessel of pearls and rubies."
Bâlâdâdâ immediately went and informed the merchant, and got a document prepared then and there. Then Bayôbâi sent Bâlûdâdâ to the bázár to purchase a lot of vegetables, fish, ghi, and such like things, and he went and brought them home. Punctually at eight o'clock that evening the merchant arrived, and Bayôbâi offered him a seat; and preliminaries being over, she began to cook in order to entertain her guest. She gave Balúdâda his meal as usual, and asked him to sleep in her house for the night; but he refused to do so, and leaving the house went and hid himself near & window, whence he could watch everything that passed. Now as Bayôbâi was cooking she wanted a cocoannt, in searching for which she spent nearly an hour and then another half hour in finding the klitá to break the cocoanut with, and in this way kept on spinning out the time. It was past eleven o'clock by the time she had finished cooking, and then she laid out the supper for the merchant. At supper the merchant was told that he must eat of everything that she might bring, and not rise from the table. Now Bayôbti had prepared so many dishes and so many kinds of sweets, which she brought on the table one by one, that before supper was over the clock struck twelve. Upon this Bayewê called ont to Baludâdâ in a loud voice, thinking he was asleep in his own hut. Our hero, who was close by, ran off at the first call, and came back running from the direction of his hut, growling, or rather pretending to growl, for having been aroused from sleep: - "KA tháilani, ká shúilan, kalá hänkävités ? What is the matter? What is the matter ? Why are you calling me
• Twelve years is generally supposed to be the time when a girl attains her puberty, and not many years ago girls in Salsette Were Varried at that age. The consummation of the marriage, however, did not take place for fow months, say six, and very often for the period of a whole year afterwards, though the wife lived in her husband's house.

Page #361

SEPTEMBER, 1891.]
FOLKLORE IN SALSETTE; No. 20.
335
Bayôbâi then told Bâlûdâda to kick the merchant out of the house and appropriate the ship full of pearls and rubies. The poor merchant was compelled to yield, for had he not given a written agreement ? He had also, as he had promised, to give five hundred rupees to Balûdada.
A month or go after this Bayôbâi's parents returned from the distant country. Not a word, however, was told them of what had happened in their absence. Balûdîdê was now perfectly satisfied with Bayobâi, for he had tested her under the most trying circumstances, and he thought to himself: - "Bayóbái rákhil mánjé bápáschi dari ani dischi sárí; Bâyêbûi will keep up the dignity of my father and the honour of my mother."
He had been in his father-in-law's employment for nearly five years, and he now told him that he wished to go home to his parents. So he asked to be paid off for the time he had served, as he had not drawn his pay. Bayôbài and her parents had taken such a liking to him that they were very reluctant to let him go, but as he was determined to do so they paid him off and gave him a lot of money over and above what was due to him. Balddadå had now plenty of money besides the five hundred rupees he had got from the merchant. He took leave of his friends and returned to his own house.
. When he reached home his parents enquired after his wife, but he stontly denied his having gone to her, and said he had gone to seek employment, and had returned with a large fortune. "How could he have got so much money as he had brought with him, but for the work he had done in all these years ?"
A few months after this Bâlûdâdâ asked his father to let him go and fetch his wife home, but his father said he would go and bring her himself. So the old man set out one day for his daughter-in-law's (Bayôbâi's) house, where he was cordially received. After a few days' stay there he told Bayôbâi's parents that, as she had now attained maturity, he wished to take her home. Her parents said they had no objection, sad that they were very happy that he should have come to take her away. Bayôbâi, therefore, after taking a tender farewell of her parents, set out with her father-in-law, taking with her all the rabies and pearls she had got from the merchant. When they reached home it was late at night and Bålåda då had by that time gone to sleep, and accordingly Bayobai did not see him. But, for the next few days, Baladada took to his bed and covered himself up from head to foot, so that Bayôbài had no chance of seeing him. One day, however, Balûdâda knowing that Bayôbâi would go to the well to fetch water, went out and climbed a bort tree, and placking a few ripe bórain, waited for her on her way to the well. He had not long waited, when Bayôbûi came up to him, and bappy at having seen her servant (for so at least she thought him) after such a long time, addressed him:-“Ka rê Bálidádá, túi athild ká kartes ? Os led tiza gaun? Bará huis karia? Hallo, Bâlûdâdâ, what are you doing here? Is this your natire country? Are you well ?
Bâlûdâdâ replied: - "Ho go Bayóbái, ós mánzá gáni, ani minn bará háin; Yes, Bayôbai; this is my country, and I am well." Bilûdâdî then asked Bayôbâi : -"Kü gó, Bayóbái, teria athila kú kartes ? Buri háis kan? Nauriaché ghará ailéis ká? Naura bará hái lan ? Sású sasrd kasi hán? Bayôbâi, what are you doing here? Are you well? Have you come to your husband's house? Is your husband well ? How are your mother-in-law and father-in-law ?"
To these questions Bayôbài replied: "Ho ré Báládádá, larí háin, nauriaché ghará ailáui; sárin barin han, pún nauriachan tând náhin bagilan azúls; Yes, Bâlûdâdâ, I am well enough, and I am come to my husband's house. All are well, but I have not yet seen my husband's face."
Upon this Balûdada said: “Thauria bôraz né ani nauriala dés, manje tidchai tônd kalel; Take a few bôrain and give them to your husband, and then you will have a chance of seeing
• Biran (singular, 63r) are fruits which ripen about the months of January, February and March. They are both aweet and sour. The tree is also known by the name of bir.

Page #362

336
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[SEPTEMBER, 1891.
his face." And Bayôbâi answered: -"Ká, rê Bálúdádá, naurá té bálé náhin, chalé náhin, ani márlai té? But, Balûdada, my husband won't speak or do anything, and perhaps he would beat me !"
Said Baladada : - “ Nahin, náhin máráváchá; No, he won't beat you."
Bayobai took the bóraxi and went home, and Balûdada, going home before her, went to sleep as before.
A few days more passed, and Balûdêdê again went, and climbing a mango tree plucked a few ripe mangoes and waited for the arrival of Bayôbâi. She soon came and Balûdâdå asked her : -“Ka gó, Bayóbái, bórari dilins kari naurialú? Well, Bayôbâi, did you give the bórain to your husband ?"
Bayôbâi answered: - "Nahin, rê Bálúdada, maril karil tê min bitain; No, Bâlûdâda, I was afraid he might beat me."
Bâlûdâ då then gave her the mangoes, saying:-"Miri sángtain aisar kar. Eh ambe jhé, ani ratchani ka karsil: ek katar jhe ani tidché ondávarchar kápar khand ani té ámbé tidché fôndávar tálch, manjé tilchain fond kalel ani tô ápáir bölel; Do as I tell you. Take these mangoes, and do you know what to do in the night ? Take a pair of scissors and cat the cloth off his face and throw him these mangoes. Thus you will see his face and he will be obliged to speak."
Bayôbâi again asked: - "Maril kearil té ? But suppose he beats me ?"
Baladada then said: "Nahin máráváchá, súngtain aisaris kar. No, he won't beat you, only do as I tell you."
And away went Bâlûdîda and slept as before.
When she had drawn the water Bayôbâi went home, and in the night she took a pair of scissors and, as advised by Bâlûdada, cut a piece off the sheet covering him and threw the mangoes on his face. This was too much for Balûdâda, who could not stifle his laughter, and revealed himself to Bayôbài. Bayôbài was quite surprised, and asked Bâlûdâdâ why he had played so many tricks. BAludâdå answered: - "Túlá viád hái gé varádáché púrari min botlari gé bápaschi dari ani dischi sari rdkhil tisin miri varaden; tiá kartani mnazún aurin dhôngarn kelin bagává gå lcharéchárásirn tâm bápdschi dari ani dischi sdri rákhitês ká; Do you remember that, before the wedding, I said that I would marry only her, who would keep ap the dignity of my father and the honour of my mother; and it was to find out whether you could really keep the dignity of my father and the honour of my mother, that I played so many tricks."
They then lived together happily to a green old age.
MISCELLANEA. THE ANCIENT CAPITAL OF URASA, THE capital in the seventh century, Hiuen Tsiang writes MODERN HAZARA.
thus:-- "The capital is 7 or 8 li in circuit, the air The site of the old capital of Urasa has never
is soft and agreeable, there is very little ice or been determined. Hiuen Tsiang mentions it as
snow. To the south-west of the capital 4 or 5 lying either 300 or 500 li, that is, 50 or 83 miles,
li is a stúpa about 200 feet or so in height, which from Taxila. The serious discrepancy in the
was built by Aśôka-raja. By its side is a pilgrim's itinerary renders his statement useless.
sangharama." The country of Urasa corresponded pretty nearly It so happens that near Haripur there are the with that of the modern Hazara, if we include in remains of an ancient city of Buddhistic that term the whole tract up to the Indus, now held times, which exactly answers to this description. by the Tanaolis, the Hassarzais, the Akazais and It stands on rising ground under a range of hills, others. Naturally the capital of the region would two miles from Haripur, being on the right or stand rather in the fertile neighbourhood of Hari- west bank of the Dôr, a stream which, flowing pur than elsewhere. Now with reference to the through the Haripur plain, falls into the Sirin

Page #363

SEPTEMBER, 1891.
BOOK-NOTICE.
337
close to the junction of that river with the Indus. with Manikyala is suggestive. The climatic It stands too, close to the "Road of the Great conditions are exactly fulfilled. Kings" leading from Taxila to Kasmir. The
It is curious that the existence of this beautifully containing walls of the city can be traced all
situated and strongly constructed place should round. Some of them still rise eighteen feet in height and they are beautifully built in the
have been apparently unknown to Sir Alexander
Cunningham. I discovered the place quite by chequered style of the ancient stúpas of Gandhåra
accident, having been directed to it by a Native, and Kophene. Within the city, which in size
who told me that I should find there an old answers probably exactly to the dimensions given
inscription. by Hiuen Tsiang, there was a citadel to the west looking down on the stream, and at least three
The tope to the south-west is crowned by a stapas, two of which have been rifled probably
modern Muhammadan tomb. by the Sikhs, together with a fortified peak tower. Mánaka or Mânika, as Cunningham informs us, ing over the ruins to the east. Within a mile of was a prince living in the time of Kanishka and the city to the south-west, but on the opposite the probable founder of the great tope Manakyala. bank of the shallow river, are the remains of an The Muhammadana have appropriated this prince old stúpa, and in connection with it there are and raised him to the dignity of a Pir. May I indications of buildings of considerable extent. venture to suggest that Pir-Manaka is probably
The Muhammadans have a little shrine (sidrat) the city which was visited by Hiuen Tsiang, close under the citadel hill, which they call and which he described as the capital of Urass ? Pir-Manaka, and the ancient name is preserved
CHARLES SWYNNERTON, F.S.A., also in Manakrai, which is applied to the modern Potosi, Black Mountains ;
Chaplain. village close by. The coincidence of these names' March, 1891.
NOTES AND QUERIES. LUCK AND ILL-LUCK.
on any important business. Hindus should mark (a) In Telingana.
their foreheads on such occasions, and a MusalWith reference to Indian Notes and Queries mån should wear rings inscribed with texte, or Vol. 1. note 218,- in the Northern Circars red
silver armlets containing texts from the Quran is not objected to by the Musalmans during
or other holy book beneath his sleeves. He must the Muharram, but is on the contrary much
break in half the piece of wood, through which affected by them.
he passes the girdle that ties his trousers, and Masulipatam. H.G. PRENDERGAST. should not put on his trousers standing but sit
ting, at any rate while he draws the pdochas (6) In Bihar.
over his legs. It is advisable to put on clothes, proved to have
SAYYID KHAIRAYAT AEMAD. been prosperous, on going to visit a hakim or Gaya.
BOOK-NOTICE. CRANTS POPULAIRES DES APORANS, recueillis par JAMES what gives rise to the envy which I referred to DARYBSTETER. Paris; Leroux ; 1890.
in my opening sentence. Here we are beaten on I received this volume with pleasant expecta- our own ground. If there has been hitherto tions, I opened it with surprise, and I closed it one domain of science which Anglo-Indians have with envy. Any work by M. Darmesteter was made peculiarly their own, it has been the study certain to be both original and scholarly, and of Indian dialects and Indian folk-lore. But readers of his Lettres sur l'Inde were justified in even on this ground of study, the ever-increasing looking forward with interest to his promised demands of official work have given little leisure collection of Afghan song and folklore. But for the complete and thorough exploitation of the result has surpassed the expectations. We
any particular tract, and few facilities are afforded have here a portly volume of some 700 pages, con- by a Government, which, however sympathetic, taining not only a selection of Afghan songs finds itself unable to spare either the men or the with text, translation, vocabulary and commen. money for research by specialists. What the Gov. tary, but three admirable essays on the language, ernment of India cannot do, a foreign Government the literature, and the history of that nation. has done. It has enabled a scholar of the The work is the direct result of the liberality of the highest eminence to come to India and to thoroughFrench Government, which deputed M.Darmesteter ly survey an area, of which but the outlines to India on a mission d'études :" and this is have been hitherto known. Let it not be

Page #364

338
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[SEPTEMBER, 1891.
thought that I am forgetting the names of
Zend, which has hitherto been sought for in vain, Trumpy, of Raverty, of Bellew, of Plowden or of and the wild tibes of the Khaibar and the fanatiThorburn. These authors would themselves be cal Musalmans of the Sulaiman range, have preamongst the first to admit the great addition to served the language of the old time Magi and of our knowledge which has been made by M. Zoroaster, better than the Parsis of Bombay. Darmesteter. Let us now take heed to the
In its morphology, Afghan occupies an interlaurels we have hitherto won, and let the book
mediate position between the synthetic Iranian under notice spur us to fresh efforts, and impel us
languages and the extremely analytic Peraian. to fresh conquesta. Above all, let our rulere note
In conjugation it is almost as analytio as the that work, which should be peculiarly their own,
latter, but for nouns it retains the idea not las been elsewhere thought sufficiently impor.
only of gran matical gender, but also of declension. tant to induce a foreign nation to send a specialist,
It has a direct and an oblique cabe. As in India, to India to carry it out.
the latter appears to be derived from an ancient It is difficult to give a complete account of i
genitive. The numerals show remarkable agree. Prof. Darmesteter's book within the limits of as
ment with Zend, as will appear from the following single article. A mere sketch, and an extract or
table: - two, must suffice. Chapter I. of the Introduction Afghán Zend Persian Hindistúni. (pp. iii --- clii) deals with the language of the 1 yan
aêvayak
ek Afghans, in its two dialects, -the Pukhtu of the 2 dva
dva do
de north and the Pushtů of the south. Save for a 3 dré (or têr) thri
tîn few varieties of pronunciation, these dialects 4 tsalór chathwärochuhâr, chår char have few points of difference. The language 6 pindza pancha panj på nch hus borrowed largely from Persian and from the 6 sbgazh khshvash shash chha Indian dialects, and also, through the Persian, 7 ova
haptan haft
sát from Arabic. In borrowing Persian words, it, as a
8 ata
ashtan hasht ath general rule, retains the original sounds, except 9 no
navan nó
nau that off, which it does not possess and replaces by 10 las
dasan dah
das p. The characteristic Arabic letters (vo, &c.)
In the vert, Afglån has, like the Pehlavi-Perit abandons, substituting the nearest indigenous
sian, substituted a passive construction in the ones. As regards Indian sounds, the aspirated
past tenses. While, however, this substitution has letters drop their uspiration, and is represented
become obscured in Persian, Afyhân retains the by . Thus khard, pure, becomes kard; chhup,
evidence of it with perfect clearness. Just us printed, chap; and jhutha, false, jutá. As a rule,
Hindustani, so Afghán, says this has been done cerebral letters only appear in Indian words,
by me' (main ne yah kiyi hai), and not 'I did this.' the exceptions being the appearance of an !
The second chapter of the Introduction deals ur nr in certain pure Afghan words, represent
with the history and origin of the Afghans. M. ing etymologically in the one case an earlier rd, rt,
Darmesteter traces their history from the first and in the other an earlier ron.
recorded mention of the nation by Albiruni (1030 A minute discussion of the phonetics of the A.D.), as inhabiting the Sulaiman Range, down language leads the author to the following con. to the present time. Tradition makes them clusions :-(1) Afghûn is not an Indian dialect; (2) servants of Pharaoh, who emigrated thither after It is an Iranian dialect; (3) it is not a dialect of his destruction, and they must, at any rate, have moderu Persian or derived from Pehlavi; and, most been converted to Islâm at an early period, their probably, (4) It is derived from Zend or from some country having been conquered by Muhallab, son very similar dialect. In short, the phonetics and of Abu Safra, about the year 660 A.D.' Since the vocabulary of the Afghân language induce us then, history relates little except internecine to consider it as bearing the same relation to Zend quarrels, varied by invasions of India. The latter that modern Persian does to the ancient language
are well-known to students of Indian history, of Persia. We have, bowever, no proof of a cor. and for the former the reader is referred to M. responding Pehlavi. But such a Peblavi is less Darmesteter's interesting account. Babar's (1526) necessary, for phonetic and morphological corrup- conquest of Afghanistan is told in his own tion is less advanced in Afghân than in Persian. words. We learn how when the Afgháns saw the Afghan bears that modern witness to the ancient impossibility of resisting, they presented them
1 The North has kh (c) and g (3) where the South Musulmin conquest of Afghinistán was the result of a has rh ( ) and zh ).
long struggle extending over the 7th, 8th, 9th and 10th 2 (Would it not be more correct to say that the centuries 4. D.-R.C.T.

Page #365

SEPTEMBER, 1891.]
BOOK-NOTICE.
899
selves holding grass between their teeth, as much as to say "I am your oz."'A footnote refers us to Major Temple's Legends of the Punjab (II., 101, 103, I. 37), who quotes this as a conventional phruse, the cow being the most sacred of all things in the Hinda's eyes; to be treated as his cows is to be well treated by him. A much older authority on this point is the Dehli Siwalik Pillar inscription of Visala Dêra, dated 1164 A.D.,' where we read pratyarthi-dant-untare pratya-kshrini trindni. After the death of Båbar the Afghans regained their power temporarily in India to be finally ex. pelled by Akbar in 1556. It was not till 1761 that Ahmad Shah, the Durrani, held the Grand Mughal
prisoner at Dehli, and destroyed the Marathå power at Panipat. He thus left the way open to the European conquest of India, while giving rise at the same time to the Afghan Principalities of Farrukhâbâd and Bundelkhand. The Durrani dynasty was succeeded (1818) by that of the Bârukzais, which now occupies the throne of Kabul.
The Afghán race is, at the present day, divided into three main branches, those of Afghanistan, under the dominion of the Amir: the indepen. dent tribes of Yaghistân (şvât, Buner, Bajaus, &c.), which, being absolutely free of all foreign influence, have best preserved their national characteristics : and those of British India, in the six districts of the North-West frontier.
It is doubtful whether the classical writers have mentioned the Afgbên nation by name. Arrian and Quintus Curtius, mention Indian mountaineers whose country was traversed by Alexander on his way to the Hinda Kush from Arachosia (Qandahår). Herodotus mentions the LIákTues, Paktyes, who inhabited the country about Kabul. Are these the Afgháns (Pakhtúns)? The details which he gives of their dress are not inconsistent with the theory, and, while he treats them as Indians, he says that their customs resemble those of the Bactrians, which would refer us to an Iranian type. There is, however, one serious difficulty. Of the two forms, Pushton and Pukhtûn (or more anciently Pashton and Pakhtan), the latter is a derivative one. The original was Pashton, which would lead us to expect in Greek Táorues, Pastyes, not IISKTLES, Paktyes. Pashton is derived from pusht, a mountain, and means inountaineer, highlander, and the original form of the latter word was parshti or "parshtu. If, therefore, the Paktyes are our Afgháns, we must assume that laktves is an imperfect transcription
See ante, Vol. XIX. p. 218, and note.
See Irvine, J. A. S. B. 1878 and 1879, the Bangash Nawabs of Farrukhabad.
. (I fanoy there are several YAghistans (independent territories) in AfghanistAn. I came across one in the country of the Kakais; Bee my "Account of the Country
for II potues, Parstyes, or rather ITapahtves, Parshtyes, and that the kt of the Greeks, represents the exotic sound reht.
We do not meet the Paktyes after Herodotus, but Ptolemy, in his description of Arachosia, mentions the "mountains of the Parsyêtai" (8à TÔ Tlaporuntûv pôv), and says that the lapovitas, Par. syétui, are the most northern of the four tribes of Arachosia. These may be the same as the lapotues, Paratyes, whom we should expect to find in this very neighbourhood.
The third chapter of the Introduction (pp. clxxxiv. - nesviii.) describes the Afghán literature. This is of two kinds, written and oral. The former dates, according to tradition, from the Yosuízai conquest (1413-1424), but the first writer whom we know directly by his works was Akhon Darvéza (A. 1685), the author of more than fifty volumes, most of which are unpublished. His principal writings consist of theological abuse, directed against the mystic heresiarch Bayazid Angåri ; but one of them, the Makhzani Afghuni, possesses real historical value.
The most ancient poet, whose works have been preserved, is Mirza Anşåri, grandson of the BA yazid above mentioned. His poems, which are permeated with Persian Sufism have been more than once published and translated. He was fol. lowed (1631-1691) by the warrior poet Khuwahal Khan, who 'not only succeeded in throwing all his predecessors, with the exception of Mirza, into the shade of oblivion, but who retains his popularity to the present day.' Whenever M. Darmesteter asked a dum to recite a song to him, he commenced by asking, 'Do you want one of KhushḥAl Khan Khaçak P' The divan of this poet has been published by Dr. Bellew, but he was as prolific a writer as Akhûn Darvéza. Both Khushḥ&l and Mirza derived their inspiration from Persian, and their nume. rous followers have done the same, the ambition of each being to leave behind him a divdn. In the last few years Peshwar has become an active centre from which issue translations into Pushta of the best known Persian and Indian works, and these, together with the works of the above mentioned poets and their successors, form the bulk of the written literature of the Afghans.
All this is a foreign and learned literature, and, with the exception of the works of Khushḥál, tells us very little about the Afghêng, their customs or their national genius. But the true literature of this nation, the only one which is understood and traverned by the Second, Column of the Tel-ChôtiAli Field Force, in the spring of 1879; " J. R. G. 8., Vol. L.-R. C. T.)
Since M. Darmesteter's book was written, Mr. Biddulph has published selections from this Poet's works (Kegan Paul and Co.)

Page #366

340
TIE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[SEPTEMBER, 1891.
appreciated by the people, and which in its turn to quote here. Passing over the religious and gives us a true picture of them, is that which is the romantic legends, both of which sections are oral and which takes the form of songs.
full of interest, we come to the Love-songs. In These songs are the work of illiterate poets. Afghanistan these are innumerable, and a dum The dum, or poet-minstrel, plays in Afghan life when told to sing, cannot comprehend his being a part analogous to that taken by the bard asked to sing anything else. A perusal of the speamongst the Gauls. These poets form regular
cimens given by M. Darmesteter shows that the schools. A beginner goes to a celebrated dum,
imagery womes almost entirely from India. We and becomes his shugird, or disciple. The
inect all the same graces and the same comparimaster, or ustad, teaches him his own songs,
sons which we find in the poems of Sar Däs or and those of other popular poets, and intro.
Bidyâpati. Here is a translation of a portion of duces him at the festivals, public and private, to
the well-known Zakhmai, the most popular of all which he is invited. When the pupil feels himself
Afghan songs, written by the poet Mira. strong enough to fly upon his own wings, he
"1. I am sitting in woe, pierced with the dagleaves his master, composes under his own name, gers of separation. and sets up for an ustad in his turn. An ustad
She came to-day, the maind, and hath borne takes half the fees paid by his host for himself,
away my heart: sweet, so sweet. and divides the other half amongst his shdgirds.
2. I am ever engaged in contest : red am I with A good dum dies a rich man. The famous Mira
my blood: I am a beggar before thee. would not open his lips under fifty rupees, and
My life is one anguish. My mistress is my received a fee of Rs. 500 at the wedding of the
physician; I long for the medicine; sweet, so sweet. son of the Navab of Peshấwar.
3. Her bobom bath the apple, her lips the sugar, This Mirá is almost the only celebrated dum of
her teeth the pearl ; all that hath she, my well. Afghản birth. They are nearly all Afghanized beloved; she hath wounded me in the heart, and Indians, recruited principally from the Dôm caste.
therefore am I plunged in tears ; sweet, so sweet. Caste rules not being so strict in Afghanistan a
4. To thee is my service due; dream of me, O in India, other Indians also follow the same pro
my love, for ever and a day. fession, but they are always of low-caste, such as
Morning and eve make I my bed at thy sanc. tális, bhatiyards, malís or dhúis. They are usually, though not always, Musalmane, but are
tuary: I am the first of thy knights; sweet, so indifferent as to the subject of their songs. A good Hinda thinks it no shame to earn an honest livelihood by singing the triumphs of the Prophet. Some of the specimens given of Afghán proverbs This generalization of the caste-term Dôm, should are excellent. Here are a few :be noted by historians of the Gypsies. The "She came to borrow fire, and is become the Lūris, from whom our modern Romanis are mistress of the house. descended, were singers and musicians imported
Do not stick your finger into every hole. into Persia from India by Bahram Gaur.
If you offer only an onion, do it politely. M. Darmesteter's collection of songs is divided
Gram pottage and no teeth; teeth, and no gram into five main divisions, historic songs, religious ones, romances, love-songs, and songs illustrating
pottage (gram requires good teeth.) Customs and Folklore. With the last are given
Who owns elephants, should have big doorways. a number of proverbs and riddles.
A black cow has white milk. The interest of the historical songs is that many i The cock may crow or not, but still the dawn of them were written contemporaneouely with the breaks. facts. The collection commences with a modern The work concludes with a Lexicographic poem describing the Afghan victory at Panipat in Index, which contains all the words in the songs 1761, and is followed by others carrying the history not to be found in Raverty's dictionary, and down to the time of the last Afghan war. Nearly all other useful indexes of proper names. A word these songs are, it is needless to say, written from of praise must be given to the typography and the point of view of our enemies, and the light in paper which are in every way worthy of the tradiwhich they view our actions is not flattering to tions of the Paris Imprimerie Nationale. our vanity. The best of them are too long
G. A. GRIERBON.
sweet."
+ Taken from M. Darmesteter's French version, and not from the original. . [The whole of the proverbs quoted are well known
over all North India in much the same terms. See my Ed. of Fallon's Dict. of Hindostani Proverbs.-R.C.T.]

Page #367

OCTOBER, 1891.)
TWO PATTAVALIS OF THE SARASVATI GACHCHHA.
541
TWO PATTAVALIS OF THE SARASVATI GACHCHHA OF THE
DIGAMBARA JAINS.
BY PROFESSOR A. F. RUDOLF HOERNLE, PH.D. TN respect of the two MSS., which form the basis of the present paper, Mr. Cecil Bendall
1 writes that they were copies made for me by Pandit Chimanlal of Jaipur in Rajputana, when I visited that city in January 1885. Enquiring as I did at every opportunity throughout my Indian wanderings as to the doings of the Jain sect, I was much interested to find that Pandit Chimanlal was not only a Jain, but a member of the more retiring and less known branch of the faith. Dr. Klatt's publication of 'Svêtîmbara pattivalis in this Journal (Vol. XI. p. 245) had rendered me keenly alive to the possible historical importance of these lists. For some time, however, I put these copies aside, under a suspicion that, as I had not seen the MSS. from which they were taken, they might be modern fabrications. On comparing them, however, with the list published in Prof. Peterson's Second Report, of which I must own I had never taken much account (probably owing to the fact that it is in verse and is printed in ordinary Nagarf type without distinction for the proper names or any tabular statement to facilitate reference), I found that the tradition was the same. I accordingly commenced preparing my MSS. for publication, intending to print off MS. B as it stood, noting the main variants, &c., of A and of the list (P) published by Prof. Peterson. I also made the alphabetical table of pontiffs which is printed in the following paper. My studies were, however, impeded by the circumstance that the first part of MS. A is chiefly in a modern language, of which I had no knowledge. This being so, I showed the MSS. to my friend Dr. Hoernle, who most opportunely happened to be visiting England at the time, and it is due to his knowledge of the ancient and modern Jain languages and institutions that the full exposition which here follows is due."
The two manuscripts are referred to in the following remarks, by the letters A and B. MS. A comprises an introduction and the pattavali proper. The introduction gives an account of the early pontiffs from Mahavira down to Bhadrabáhu JI. and his four disciples, the first among whom was Maghanandin, the founder of the Nandisangha. This account is in the form of Gatha verses, quoted from an earlier source, and accompanied by an exposition in a variety of the Bajpatani dialect. The introduction is followed by the pattávali proper, i. e., by a nominal list of the successive pontiffs of the Nandi Sangha or the Sarasvati Gachchha. It commences with Bhadrabahu II., and ends with Bhuvana Kirti, the 108th pontiff, who ascended the chair in Samvat 1840 (A. D. 1783), and was still reigning at the time the original manuscript was written, MS. A, unfortunately, is defective in two places. The pontificates, Nog. 66 - 78 and Nos. 92-104 (both inclusive), are missing. The first lacuna (Nos. 66-78) is, in the following table, filled up from MS. B; but the second lacuna (Nos. 92-104) could not be supplied from that source, as the two manuscripts begin to diverge with Nos. 88.
MS. B contains only the pattavali proper, but it has the advantage of being complete. It also commences with Bhadrabâhu II. in Samvat 4 (B. C.53),and brings the succession down to the 102nd Pontiff, Mahendra Kirti, who ascended the chair in Samvat 1938 (A. D. 1881), and
1 The Digambaras are, I think, the only religious body in India that possess an extensive literature, and yet preserve the old-world Pandits' hostility to printing, once so general. [C. BENDALL)
1 The modern religious literature of Jainism is, of course, much more difficult, to the European student at least, than the ancient. For the Praksit there are at loast a fair number of glossaries, &c.; but for Marwari and the forms of Western Hindt in niso in Jain commentaries and original works, ordinary Hindt dictionaries and grammars are of little avail: and their Gujarati literature (which, we will be seen from the forthcoming ostalogue of Gujarati Books in the British Museum, is extensive) is often such as an ordinary educated Parsi, or even Hindi, cannot understand. [C. BENDALL.]
SAs MS. B only gives the dates of Moceanion, I have filled in the particulars, relating to the length of the different periods of the lives, from another pattayall in my possession which I hope to publish hereafter.
See, however, the first note at the end of the paper, Bhadrabahu may have to be placed 8 years earlier, or in 61 B. C.

Page #368

342
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[Остовев, 1891.
who was living in Jaipur when Mr. Bendall visited that town in 1885. The entries Nos. 101 and 102, however, are in a different handwriting; and the original manuscript appears to have closed with No. 100, Naina Kirti, who ascended in Samvat 1879 (A. D. 1822), and accordingly must have been written some time between Samvat 1879 and Samvat 1883 (A. D. 1826) when the 101st Pontiff, Dêvêndra Kirti, succeeded to the chair. The original of MS. A, on the other hand, must have been written some time soon after Samvat 1840 (A. D. 1783).
The two manuscripts do not cover quite the same ground. They give the pattâvalis of two different sections of the same main line. The two sections separated after the 87th pontiff of the common line. According to a remark in MS. A, the actual separation would seem to have taken place in Samvat 1572 (A. D. 1515), when one section appears to have removed to Någor, while the other continued to reside in Chitôr, the seat of pontificate of the 87th common pontiff. The latter, according to MS. A, was Jinachandra, the successor of Prabhâchandra; while, according to MS. B, it was the latter under whom the separation took place, and whose predecessor was Jinachandra. Whatever the true case may have been, it seems, according to both manuscripts, that the two sections continued their allegiance to the 87th pontiff till the latter's death in Samvat 1581 (A. D. 1524), when each section elected its own separate head, and henceforth the two sections carried on their own separate paṭṭâvalls. Of these, MS. A probably gives the patta vall of the Nâgôr section, while MS. B seems to give that of the Chîtôr section. This attribution, however, is, for the present, only inferential. It is certain that the two patțâvalis of MSS. A and B diverge after the 87th pontiff, ander whom the separation is said by MS. A to have taken place. I presume that the line of pontiffs given by MS. A migrated to Någôr, until they removed their residence to Ajmir, where they are found to be at the time of the 106th pontiff. The line, given in MS. B, would then be the section, which continued to reside in Chîtôr, the seat of the 87th pontiff, until later on they removed to Jaipur, which is their present place of residence. The point is, perhaps, not one of any great importance, and may be cleared up hereafter.
The common line (anvaya) of both sections is that of Kundakunda, the fifth pontiff of the Sarasvati Gachohha. Hence that Gachchha is known also as the Kundakundanvaya.. The reason of this appellation is not quite clear. Kundakunda is stated to have had four other names, Padmanandin, Vakragriva, Gridhrapichchha and Elâchârya. In Professor Peterson's list his principal name is given as Padmanandin. Perhaps there was some circumstance of sufficient importance connected with his eponym Kundakunda, which caused the latter to be perpetuated in an appellation of the Gachchha which he had adorned. The founder of this Gachchha was Maghanandin, one of the four disciples of Guptigupta, each of whom founded a separate Gachchha. From him are derived two names of the Gachchha; viz., Nandi Sangha and Nandi Amnaya. The word ámnáya," according to Hemachandra's Anêkârtha Sangraha, is a synonym of kula (or kulakrama), and the appellation, accordingly, means "the generations" or successions" of Nandi. A fourth name by which the Gachchha is known is Balatkara Gana." The reason of this name is not known. I would venture to suggest, however, the following explanation. The second pontiff of the Gachchha was Guptigupta. He is stated to have had two other names, Arhadbalin or "he who possesses the power of an Arhat," and Visâkhâcharya. I would suggest that the Gachchha may have derived its name of Balâtkâra or "the powerful" Gana from its ancestor Arhadbalin. The origin of the name would then be analogous to that of Kundakundânvaya. As a Gachchha, the line of pontiffs is distinguished by the term Sarasvati; this name it seems to have received from the miracle of the pontiff Padmanandin, who is said to have made a stone figure of Sarasvati to speak (see below No. 83 of
Ce
The MS. has the term abhava for 'name' (P. su-nama), which I do not understand. Is it perhaps a clerical
error for prabhava?
Another synonymous Jain term is santana, which occurs in the paṭṭavall of the Upakééa Gachchha, published se, Vol. XIX, p. 233.
The words gana and gachchha, as Muni Atmár&mjt informs me, are synonymous.

Page #369

OCTOBER, 1891.)
TWO PATTAVALIS OF THE SARASVATI GACHCHHA.
343
the Tables. This miracle is also pointedly referred to at the end of the pattávali published by Professor Peterson.) It is, further, also called the Parijata Gachchha, apparently after the celestial tree of that name. But the reason of the name I do not know. Párijáta is also the name of the coral tree (Erythrina Indica); and as Maghanandin, the founder of the Gachchha, is said to have kept his "retreats" (vása) at the foot of a Nandi tree, the thought suggests itself, whether párijáta may not also be a synonym of that tree, so that the Gachchha would take its name from the tree of the retreat of its founder. The parallel character of all these terms as names of one Gachchha is clearly indicated towards the end of the introduction of pattâ vali A.
Though the Sarasvati Gachchha, as a distinct line of pontiffs, was really founded by Maghanandin, this pontiff, in all the pattávalis that I have seen, is always enumerated in the third place, and the Gachchha is made to begin with Bhadrabâhu II., who is the first pontiff of the line. Then follows Guptigapta, as the second pontiff, from whom, as I suppose, the line took its name of Balâtkâra Gaņa. Then comes Maghanandin himself as the third pontiff, after whom the line is called the Nandi Sangha or the Nandi Amnâya. Then comes the fourth pontiff Jinachandra ; and he is followed by Kundakunda as the fifth pontiff, from whom the line derives its name of Kundakunda Anvaya.
Lastly, the Gachchha is declared to be a branch of the Mala Sangha, that is the Original Community, founded by Mahavira himself. . The principal value of the pattåvalis, now published, is that they give complete series of dates. MS. B gives the dates of the succession of each pontiff. MS. A is even more comprehensive. It not only states the dates of saccession; bat adds, in the case of each pontiff, the number of his years before he took the vows (griha-varsha or grihastha-varsha), the number of years he lived as a simple monk (diksha-oarsha), the number of years he held the pontificate (patta-varsha or pat! astha-varsha), and lastly the number of years of his whole life (sarva-varsha or sarváyu-varsha). Professor Peterson has published a pattávali of the Sarasvati Gachchha in his Report for 1883-1884,8 but it supplies no dates whatever. Moreover it carries the succession list only down to the 92nd pontiff, Narendra Kirti, while the pattâvali now published brings it down to the 102nd. It appears to be a pattavali of what I have called the Chitôr section of the Gachchha; for though it omits Nos. 88 and 89, it agrees with the paţtâvali of MS. B in Nos. 9C-92. How the omission of Nos. 88 and 89 is to be accounted for, I do not know. This as well as all other minor divergences from Professor Peterson's list (markeủ P) are noted in the following tables.
Professor Bhandarkar has also published a portion of a Digambara patřåvall in his Report on the Search of Sanskrit MSS. for 1883-1884, p. 124, 125 (published 1887). He states that he has taken his information from a pattávali, noted as No. 629 in the Report for 1875-1876.° The portion, published by him, covers the same ground as the introduction of pattávali A now published; that is, it only goes as far as the actual commencement of the Sarasvati Gachchha. But, in some respects, his information differs from that now given, in others it is fuller. His pattÂvali must, therefore, be a different one from that of the present MS. A; if so, its fall publication would be desirable.
A Digambara pastávali is also referred to by Professor Jacobi, in the Introduction to his edition of the Text of the Kalpa Sâtre, p. 30.10 He states that it was written in Jaipur, and that it carries the succession down to Samvat 1840; from this, and the other brief particulars mentioned by him, it would seem probable that it did not materially differ from the pattávali of MS. A. Professor Bühler, indeed, informs me that it is the identical No. 629, cited by Prof. Bhandarkar, which he had temporarily brought with him from India and lent to Professor Jacobi.
* See Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Extra Number: No. XLIV. Vol. XVII. p. 168.
• See Prof. Bühler's Detailed Report of a tour in Search of Sanskrit M88., Extra Number of Journal, Bombay Branch, Royal Asiatic Society, 1877, No. XXXIV. A, Vol. XII.
19 See Abhandlungen für die Kunde des Morgenlandes, published by the German Oriental Society; Vol. VII.

Page #370

344
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[OCTOBER, 1891.
As the Text of the Introduction in MS. A gives a large number of dates, in some ways conflicting with one another, it is now published in extenso with a translation. A note on the discrepancies of the dates is added at the conclusion of the paper. The pattá vált proper, however, which is given in both MSS. A and B, is published, in abstract, in a tabular form, in which it will probably be found more convenient for study and reference. As a specimen of the full text, the first entry is here quoted :-१ संवत् ४ चैत्र सुदि३४ भद्रबाह जी गृहस्थवर्ष २४ दिक्षावर्ष 3. TERTTORRATE
ROETE
TYTO ET 33 Ti art ; “(1) In Samvat 4, Chaitra Sudi 14, Bhadrabihu Ji (succeeded); for 24 years he lived as a householder, for 30 years as a (simple) monk, for 22 years 10 months and 27 days as pontiff. The days intervening (between his death and the accession of his successor) were 3. The total period of his life was 76 years and 11 months. By caste he was a Brahman."
This will sufficiently explain the form of the entries of the tables. Regarding the abbreviations in the second column, S. stands for sudi, and V. for vadi; Ch. Chaitra ; Ph=Phagun (Phâlguna); A or A. = Ásôj or Asâ (Aśvayuja or Asvina); P.=P8sa (Pôshadha); K. = Káti (Kartika); J. = Jeshtha ; As. = Asaph; Bh. = Bhadavå (Bhadrapada); M. = Mâha (Magha); S. = Sravan; Mr. = Margasir; V. = Vaisakh. If the numbers of any entry show & discrepancy, they are shown in round brackets. In some cases (e. g., in No. 24) the discrepancy may be due to a mere error in summation; but I have thought it better to leave the numbers as given in the M.S. If any number is wanting in the MS., it is indicated by a query (?). The bracketed remarks in the last column are additions of my own; P, refers to Professor Peter. son's List. All other remarks are translated from the manuscript.
As to the exact meaning of the term viraha (see the quotation above), I am uncertain. I have taken it to mean the time which intervened between the death of one pontiff and the enthronisation of his successor; this time varies from a few days to upwards of one month. It occurs in the first 24 entries; from the 25th entry onwards the synonymous term antara is used.
Both patta valis are written in a rather rugged form of the Rajputani dialect, with the exception of the Prakrit Gâthâs which are quoted in the introduction of MS. A, and the beginning and concluding portions of that introduction which are written ina wretched attempt at Sanskțit verse and prose.
The method of the introduction is to quote Prâksit Gâthâs from an authoritative work, . and to accompany it with explanatory glosses in the vernacular dialect. These glosses are modern; the Fråkřit Gâthâs appear to be old. How old they are, and from what work they may be quoted, I do not know. It would be important to determine this, and thus perhaps be able to restore the true text of the Gathås. As they stand at present, their roadings are often corrupt and in some places inconsistent with one another. I have made no attempt to render them correct or consistent; only a few obyious clerical errors have been corrected. From the manner of the vernacular commentary it is clear, that its writer found the Gâthâs already in their present confused state, and knew not how to harmonise their statements.
TEXT. Introduetion of Pattavali A.
९९०॥ अथ पहावली लिख्यते ।। श्रीत्रैलोक्याधिपं नत्वा स्मृत्वा सद्गुरुभारतीं। वक्ष्ये पहावली रम्यां मूलसगणाधिपं ॥१॥ श्रीमूलसङ्कवरे नन्द्याम्नाये मनोहरे । बलात्कारगणोत्तंसे गच्छे सारस्वतीयके ॥२॥ कुन्दकुन्दान्वये श्रेष्ठं उत्पन्नं श्रीगणाधिपं ।
स एवात्र प्रवक्ष्यति श्रूयतां सजनाः जनाः ॥३॥ 11 From another MS. pattávali, which I also hope shortly to publish, I see that they are referred to a work called Vikrama Prabandha. Of this work, however, I know nothing further.

Page #371

OCTOBER, 1891.] TWO PATTAVALIS OF THE SARASVATI GACHCHHA.
(1) अथ वंशाधिकार प्रथम पट्टावली विषे युगादि चौदा कुलकर हूवा ॥। १४ नाम छै । ती पाछै युग ल्या धर्मनिवारक संसारतारक आदिनाथ जी १ इतेि २४ वीर अन्तिम हूवा ॥ सैा वर्ष ६२ ताई केवली रो ।। गाथा ॥
अन्तिमजिणणिष्वाणे केवलणाणी व गोयम मुणीन्दो । बारह वासे" य गये सुधम्मसामी य संजाते ॥ १ ॥ तह बारह वासे पुण संजादो जम्बुसामि मुणिरायो । अडतीस वास रहियो केवलणाणी य उक्किहो || २ ॥ बास केवलवासे तिन्ह मुणि गोयम सुधम्म जम्बू अ । बारह बारह दो जण तिय दुगहीणं" व चालीसं ॥ ३ ॥
( 2 ) और पाछे गोतम स्वामी वर्ष १२ केवली रह्यो । तैडा पाछै जम्बू स्वामी ३८ केवली रह्यो । एवं वर्ष ६२ मै केवली रह्या ।।
तरै पाछे ५ श्रुतकेवली लिखिते ॥ गाथा |
सुकेवलि पञ्च जणा बासा वासे गये सु संजादा । पढमं चउदह वासं विण्ड कुमारं " मुणेयब्वं ॥ ४ ॥
दिमित्त वास सोलह तीय अपराजिय वास" बावीसं । इगहीणवीस वासं गोवजूण भहबाहु गुणतीसं ॥ ५ ॥ सद" सुयकेवलणाणी पञ्च जणा विण्हु नन्दिमित्तो य । अपराजिय गावडूण [ तह" ] भद्दबाहु य संजादा ॥ ६ ॥
345
वर्ष १०० मै ए पाँच श्रुतकेवली हुवा विष्णुनान्द १४ नन्दिभित्र १६ वर्ष अपराजित वर्ष २२ गोवरधन (sic) वर्ष १९ भद्रबाहुजी वर्ष २९ ।। ए पाँच आचार्य श्रुतकेवली वर्ष १०० मै हूवा ॥
( 3 ) तैा पाछैय्या नै ग्यारा अङ्ग चौदा पूर्व को पाठ कण्ठि आवैतो अर पुस्तक न छाजै ॥ द्वादशाङ्ग का पद एक सो बारा कोडि तियासी लाख अठावन हजार पाँच पद छै ११२८३५८००० ।। ५ ।।
एक पद का श्लोक बतीस अक्षय एता होय । इक्यावन कोडि आठ लाख चौरासी हजार छ से साठ अकवीस ५१०८८४६२१ श्लोक हुवा ।।
सो बारा अङ्ग नै लिखताँ स्याही पैतीस हजार नो से अवधाणवे कोडिमण भर तेतीस लाखमण एक सो साटा अाईसमण टङ्क सवा लागे ३२९९८३३००१२८ टङ्क ॥
सहस्र लोक लिखताँ पइसा १ भरी स्याही लागे । ते को लिखे तोल चालीस की एती लागे ॥
(4) तैा पाछै महावीर स्युं वरष १६२ पाछै इसपूर्वधारी हुवा ११ मुनि ॥ [ गाथा ॥]
सद बासहि सु वासे गये सु उप्पण्ण दह सु पुश्वधरा ।। सद तिरासि वासाणि य एगादह मुणिवरा जादा ॥ ७ ॥ . आयरिय" विसाख पोडल खत्तिय जयसेन नागसेन मुणी ॥ सिद्धत्य धित्ति-विजयं बुहिलिङ्ग-देव धमसेणं ॥ ८ ॥ दह उगणीस य" सत्तर इकवीस अठारह सत्तर ।
अठारह 22 तेरह वीस चउदह चोदह कमे पेयं ।। ९ ।।
श्री वीरात् वर्ष १६२ विशाखाचार्य वर्ष १० । श्रीवीरात् वर्ष १७२ प्रोष्ठिलाचार्य वर्ष १९ । श्रीवीरात् वर्ष १९१ क्षत्रियाचार्य वर्ष १७ । श्रीवीरात् वर्ष २०८ जयसेनाचार्य वर्ष २१ । श्रीवीरात् वर्ष २२९ नागसेनाचार्य वर्ष १८ । श्रीवीरात् वर्ष २४७ सिद्धार्थाचार्य वर्ष १७ | श्रीवीरात् वर्ष २६४ धृतिसेनाचार्य वर्ष १८ | श्रीवीरात् वर्ष २८२ विजयाचार्य वर्ष १३ | श्रीवीरान् वर्ष २९५ बुद्धिलिङ्गाचार्य वर्ष २० | श्रीवीरात् वर्ष ३१५ देवाचार्य वर्ष १४ | श्रीवीरात् वर्ष ३२९ धर्मसेनाचार्य ॥ वर्ष १८३ पर्यन्त दशपूर्व का धारी हुवा | १८३ वर्ष एक सो तियासी मै ।
(5) सो दश पूर्व के लिखदै स्याही तोल चालीस के ग्यारा हजार एक सो पैसा कोडिमण भर दोय लाखमण अठावन हजारमण तीनि से तिराणवैमण सेर पटरा लागे ॥
"
सो यो एतो पाठयाँ ११ आचार्या नै कण्ठ आवैतो भर पुस्तक न छौं ।
19 Read
12 MS. metre nor sense.
वासी । 15 Skr. द्विकहीनं । 14 [MS. विष्णु । 10 MS. वरक्ख. 16 MS. मुद्ध which agrees with neither 17 Not in MS., but some such addition required by the metre. 18_MS. ५२८८४६२२ । अयरिय metri causa. 20 This line is not orthographically correct. 21MS. उगणीसह ; the metre is upagiti. अठारह and वीसह.
22 MS.
2 MS. पदरा ।

Page #372

846
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[OCTOBER, 1891.
(6) इह स्थिति पाछै एकादशाङ्गधारी उपना वर्ष २२० ।। तिह मै वर्ष १२३ ताई तो एकादशाज पाट ५ हुवा।। गाथा॥
अन्तिमजिणणिव्याणे तियसय पणचाल वास जादे सु । एगादहङ्गधारिय पञ्चजणा मुणिवरा जादा ।। १०॥ नक्खत्ती जयपालग-पण्डव-धुवसेण-कंस आयरिया । अठारह वीस वासं गुणचालं चोर बत्तीसं ॥ ११ ॥
सद तेवीस य वासे एगादह अङ्गधर जादा । श्रीवीरात् वर्ष ३४५ नक्षत्राचार्य वर्ष १८ । श्रीवीरात वर्ष ३६३ जयपालाचार्य वर्ष २० । श्रीवीरात् वर्ष ३८३ पाण्डवाचार्य वर्ष ३९ | श्रीवीरात वर्ष ४२२ धुवसेनाचार्य वर्ष १४॥ श्रीवीरात् वर्ष ४३६ कंसाचार्य वर्ष ३२॥ (7) वर्ष १२३ पाछै वर्ष ९७ मै दशाङ्गधारी उतरा । १२३ ता उतरता हुवा पाट४॥ गाथा ।।
वासं सत्ताणवदि[य] सङनव अह अनन्धरा ॥ १२॥ सुभई च जसोभई भदबाहु कमेण य । लोहाचज्ज मुणीसं च काहयं च जिणागमे ।।१३।। छह अहारह वासे तेवीस बावण वास मुणिणाहं ।
दस-नव-अहङ्गधरा वास तुसद वीस सब्वेसु ।। १४ ।। वर्ष ९७ मै पाट ४ हुवा ।। श्रीवीरात् वर्ष ४६८ सुभद्राचार्य वर्ष ६। श्रीवीरान् वर्ष ४७४ यशोभद्राचार्य वर्ष १८ श्रीवीरात वर्ष ४९२ भद्रवाह जी वर्ष २३ । श्रीवीरात् वर्ष ५१५ । लोहाचार्य जी वर्ष १०॥ एव वर्ष ९७ ।। अङ्ग घटता घटता रह्या वर्ष २२० ता॥
18) ग्यारा अडकैलिखवै स्याही तो गैसे को व्यारो एक हजार दोय से एक्यासी कोडिमण अर छ लाख गुणचास हजार छ से चोसठिमण पावडो टङ्क । सवा लागे तोल चालीस कै १२८१०६४९६६४ टड पाव ॥
एतो पाठय्याँ आचार्या नै कण्ठि आवतो भर पुस्तक न छा ।। (9) से पाछै वर्ष ११८ ताँई एकाङ्गधारी रह्या ।। [गाया।]
पञ्च सए पण्णसटे अन्तिमजिणसमय" जादे स। उप्पण्णा पञ्च जणा इयजधारी मुणेयब्वा ॥ १५॥ अहिवलि माघणन्दि य धरसेणं पुष्फयन्त भूत्वली)
अडवीसे इगवीसं उगणीसं तीस वीस वास पुणी" ॥ १६ ॥ (10) एकाङधारी ५ पाँच पाट हुवा ॥ श्रीवीरात् ५६५ अहिव्हिलाचार्य वर्ष २८ ।। श्रीवीरात् ९९३ माघनन्याचार्य वर्ष २१ । श्रीवीरात वर्ष ६१४ धरसेनाचार्य वषे १९ श्रीराम वर्ष ६३३ पुष्पदन्ताचार्य वर्ष . श्रीवीराम वर्ष ६६३१ भूतवन्यिचार्य वर्ष २०॥ ११८ वर्षे" ॥ वर्ष ११८ तौई एकाधारी घटता घटता श्रुतिग्यानी हुवा ।। महावीर स्यु १८३ वर्ष ताई अङ्गकी स्थिति रही। पाछै श्रुतिज्ञानी हुवा ।। गाथा ।।
गसय अठार वासे गजधारी य मुणिवरा जाता।
छ सय तिरासि य वासे णिव्वाणा अङ्गछित्ति कहिय जिणं ॥ १७ ॥ एक अङ्गका पाठी हुवा वरस एक सो अठारा मैं ।। एक अङ्गका पद अठारा हजार ल्या नै लिखता स्याही तील चालीस कैमण । ५७००४७४५२३8 सतावन कौडि संतालीस हजार च्यारि सै बावनमण लालै ॥
एते पाठया आचार्य नै कण्ठि आवतो अर पुस्तक न छा॥
(11) तैठा पाछै अवै श्रीमूलस का पाट वर्णन कीजे छै । श्रीमहावीर स्यु वर्ष ६८३ पाछै । विक्रमादित्य को जन्म हुवी । सुभद्राचार्य स्यु वर्ष २विक्रम जन्म अर राज्य विक्रम की म्यू वर्ष ४ भद्रबाहु जी पाटि बैठा । भद्रबाहु शिष्य गुप्तिगुप्त | तस्य नामत्रयं । गुप्तिगुप्त०१ अर्हदलि २ विशाखाचार्य ३ ॥ तस्य चत्वारि शिष्य | नन्दिवृक्षमूलेना वर्षायोगोध्रतः सह+3 माघनन्दि तेन नन्दिसड स्थापितः।१॥ जिनसेननामतणतले वर्षायोगो धृतः सह वृषभ तेन वृषभसङ्ग स्थापितः। २॥ येन सिंहगुहायां वर्षायोगो स्थापितः सह सिंहसई स्थापितश्चन् । ३ ॥ यो देवदना वेश्यागृहे वर्षायोग स्थापितवान् सह देवसङ्कुश्चकार । ४॥
.
24 MS. qiga I 26 Metre: pngiti. WMS. CIC 1 27 MS. om. 4, contra metrum. 28 Metre : slika. 20 MS. समय ०. m.: tho metre in upaatti. 20 Ms. भितवहो। Metrespiti. Read हिवालयाचार्य । MS. ६८३ s Read भूतवल्याचार्य | Ms. वीरात for वर्ष | Ms. इकूड़धारी e. m. Metre: giti I 8 Ms. ५७४७४५२ ॥
So also in P., MS. गुप्ति गुप्ति | 0MS. गुप्तगति । MS. नंदिवृष्यमलेन । MS. वृषायोगो। For सः; but ead सो। - Ms. only वृष । 6 Ms. तेन सिंह।

Page #373

OCTOBER, 1891.)
TWO PATTAVALIS OF THE SARASVATI GACHCHHA.
847
। (12) तद्यथा ॥ नन्दिसङ्के पारिजातगच्छे बलात्कारगणे चत्वारि मुनिनामानि । नन्दि । ३। चन्द्र ।। कीर्ति। ३ । भूषण । ४ पुनरपि नदिसड़े सरस्वतीगच्छे बलात्कारगणे । तथा च श्रीमूलसड़े नन्द्यामाये सरस्वती'गच्छे बलात्कारगणे चत्वारि मुनिनामानि । नन्दि । १। चन्द्र । २। कीति | ३ | भूषण । ४॥ इत्यादि ।
(13) तत्र प्रथमं वीरात् वर्ष ४९२" सुभद्राचार्यात् वर्ष २४ विक्रमजन्मान्त वर्ष २२ राज्यान्त वर्ष ४ भद्रबाहु जातः॥गाथा ॥
सत्तरि चतुसबजुत्तो" तिण काला विक्रमी हवह जम्मो । अठ वरस वाललीला सोडस वासहि भम्मिए देस ॥२८।। पणरस" वासे जज्जं कुणन्ति मिच्छोवदेससंजुत्तो।
चालीस वरस जिणवरधम्म' पालीय सुरपयं लहियं ॥ १९ ।। सो याँ आचार्या बुद्धि घटती जाणी । क्यों । जत्काल का दोष सेती । तदि भुजवलि मुनि पुष्पदन्त मुनि श्रुतज्ञान सर्व पुस्तका मै थाप्यो । मिति जेष्ठ सुदि पञ्चमी के दिन ।। ,
TRANSLATION. (1) Having bowed to the glorious Lord of the three worlds, and called to mind Bharati (i.e. Sarasvati), the true Guru, I declare the charming pattavali of the pontiffs of the Mala Saigha.
(2) In the noble glorious Mûla Sangha, in the heart-ravishing succes sion of Nandin, in the pearl of a Balatkâra Gana, in the Sarasvatiya Gachchha ;
(3) In the line of Kundakunda there arose excellent glorious pontiffs. Even these are here set forth. Listen, oh ye men of worth !
$ 1. First in this pattîvali are to be mentioned the 14 Kulakaras who were in the beginning of the Yuga.
Next come the Establishers of the Faith and the Saviours of the world, of whom Adinátha - is the first and Virathe 24th and last..
Afterwards there were Kevalins for 62 years (as related in the following three) Gathas:
(1) « After the Nirvana of the last Jina, (there arose) Gôyama, the great Muni, a Kêvalin, and after the lapse of twelve years there arose the lord Sudhamma.
(2) " Then again after twelve years there arose the lord Jambu, a king of Minis; and he, the grand Kêvalin, abode for thirty-eight years.
(3) "There were sixty-two years of Kevalins, and three Munis, Goyama, Sudhamma and Jamb; two men for twelve years each, the third for forty years less two." (1-3.)
82. After Vira, Gotama was a Kevalin for 12 years [and after him Sudharman for another 12 years] ;54 after this Jambu Swimin was a Kevalin for 38 years. Thus there were 62 years of Kêvalins.
After this we now write down the 5 'Srata-Kêvalins (as related in the following three) Gathas:
(1) « Of 'Sruta-Kêvalins there were five after the lapse of (those) sixty-two years; as the first, for fourteen years, Viņhukumara is to be reckoned.
(2) · Then Nandimitta for sixteen years ; as the third, Aparajiya for twenty-two years ; Gövaddhana for twenty years less one, Bhaddabahu for thirty less one.
(3) - For one hundred years, there arose five men as 'Sruta-Kêvalins, Viņhu and Nandimitta, also Aparajiya, Govaddhana and Bhaddavihu." (4-6.)
MS. ४९३ | Ms चतु°। BMS. °षोडस वासे भम्मयदेस c. m.; the metro in giti. Cf. Hom. VI, 161. MS. रसपण.MMS. यज्जInMs. मिछायदेश"; Ms.जिणधम्म ०. m. the metre is giti. 1 Road भूतवाल ।
54 The bracketed passage appears to have dropped out of the original text. The portions within round brackets are added to bring out more clearly the meaning of the text.

Page #374

348
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(OCTOBER, 1891.
In the space of 100 years there arose five Sruta-Kêvalips: vis. Vishņunandin for 14, Nandimitra for 16 years, Aparajita for 22, Govardhana for 19, and Bhadrabahu (I.) for 29 years. These five Acharyas were 'Sruta-Kêvalins within the space of 100 years.
$ 3. Up to this time the text of the eleven Angas and the fourteen Pârvas was known by memory, and books did not exist. The words of the Twelve Augas55 amounted to one hundred and twelve krôr, eighty-three läkh, fifty-eight thousand and five (i.e. 1,128358,005).56
One slika of words consists of thirty-two aksharas. Accordingly there are fifty-one kror, eight lakh, eighty-four thousand, six hundred and twenty-one slökas (.e. 510 884,621).57
In the writing of these twelve Angas there was employed a total of thirty-five thousand nine hundred and ninety-eight krôç, thirty-three lakh, one hundred and twenty-eight ankas of ink (i. e, 359,983'300,128).
In the writing of one thousand slökas there is spent one paisá worth of ink ; (hence) in the writing of all of them was spent as much as forty tólás.
6 4. After this, i. e., 162 years after Mabavira, there arose 11 Munis who knew (only) ten Parvas; (as related in the following three Gâthâs :) -
(1) “One hundred and sixty-two years having passed, there arose eleven great Munis, for one hundred and eighty-three years, who knew (only) ten Angas; viz.,
(2) "The Acharyas Visakha, Porthala, Khattiya, Jayasuņa, Nagasèņa, Siddhattha, Dhitti, Vijaya, Buhilinga, Deva and Dhamasena;
(3) " (For whom) years ten, nineteen, seventeen, twenty-one, eighteen, seventeen, righteen, thirteen, twenty, fourteen, fourteen are to be counted respectively." (7-9.)
From the year 162 after Mahavira there lived the Acharya Visakha for 10 years; from 172 after Vira, the Acharya Proshthila, for 19 years; from 191 after Vira, the Acharya Kshatriya, for 17 years; from 208 after Vîra, the Acharya Jayasêna, for 21 years; from 229 after Vira, the Acharya Nagasena, for 18 years; from 247 after Vira, the Acharya Siddhartha, for 17 years; from 264 after Vira, the Acharya Dhritisêna, for 18 years; from 282 after Vira, the Acharya Vijaya, for 13 years; from 295 after Vira, the Acharya Buddhilinga, for 20 years; from 315 after Vira, the Acharya Deva (L.), for 14 years ; from 329 after Vira, the Acharya Dharmasúna. For the space of 183 years there existed men who knew (only) ten Pârvas, 1. e., for one hundred and eighty-three years.
$5. In the writing of these ten Púrvas were used forty tslás of ink, (and) eleven thousand, one hundred and thirty-five krôs, and two likh, fifty-eight thousand, three hundred and ninety-three sérs of leaves [i. e., 111,350%258,393].
Now these texts were in the memory of the 11 Âchiryas, and there were not yet any books.
$ 6. After these events these arose men who knew (only) eleven (or less) Aigas, for 220 years.69 Among these men, for 123 years, there were five successions of men who knew (only) eleven Augis ; (nus related in the following two and one-half) Gathis:
86 The fourtoen Pârvas being counted together as the twelfth Anga. 66 The same number will be found given in Prof. Bhandarkar's Report for 1897, p. 107-110.
67 This number, multiplied by 32, gives a total of 16,349 307.872 ukwhuras. Prof. Bhandarkar, ibid., does tot state the number of slikar, but gives the total of the aksharan as 16,319,307,888. This, divided by 32, gives the number of blokas as 510,884,621 and . His pattávali, therefore, must have counted one-half slaku more thau the present pattavall.
58 The text is here not clearly expressed. It reads as if the period of 220 years referred to the Eleven-Aig. dharins only. But from what follows later on, it is clear, that that period is understood to be made up of the two periods of 123 years and 97 years of all the Angins of diminishing knowledge.

Page #375

OCTOBER, 1891.)
TWO PATTAVALIS OF THE SARASVATI GACHCHHA.
349
(1) “Three hundred and forty-five years having passed after the nirvana of the last Jina, five great Munis arose, men who knew eleven Augas; vis.,
(2) “The Achâryas Nakkhatta, Jayapalaga, Pandava, Dhuvasêņa, Kamsa, for years eighteen, twenty, thirty-nine, fourteen, thirty-two (respectively).
(3) "For the space of one hundred and twenty-three years there existed men who knew eleven Angas." (10—12).
From the year 345 after Virs there lived the Acharya Nakshatra, for 18 years; from 363 after Vira, the Âchârga Jayapala, for 20 years; from 383 after Vira, the Acharya Pândava, for 39 years; from 422 after Vira, the Acharya Dhruvasêna, for 14 years; from 436 after Vira, the Acharya Kamsa for 32 years.
$ 7. After (those) 123 years, within the space of 97 years, there arose men who knew (only) ten Angas. From after 123 years there arose 4 successions; (as related in the following two and one-half) Gáthâs: -
(1). “For the space of ninety-seven years there were men who knew ten Aigas or nine or eight Angas; vis.,
(2) “Subhadda and Jasôbhadda, Bhaddabâhu and Lôbâchajja, the lord of Munis, who spake the doctrine of the Jina.
(3) "Six, eighteen, twenty-three, fifty-two (respectively) were the years of these lordly Manis ; two hundred and twenty were the years of all (these) men who knew ten or nine or eight Angas." (12—14.)
Within the space of 97 years, there were 4 successions. From the year 468 after Vira there was the Acharya Subhadra, for 6 years ; from 474 after Vira, the Acharya Yasôbhadra, for 18 years; from 492 after Vira, the Acharya Bhadrabahu-jf (II.)for 23 years; from 515 after Vîra, Lôhâchárya-ji, for 50 years,59 Thus there were 97 years. The number of Augas went on diminishing through the space of 220 years.
$ 8. In the writing of the eleven Angas the expenditure of ink was one thousand, two hundred and eighty-one krôr, and six lakh, forty-nine thousand, six hundred and sixty-four and one quarter ļanka (i.e, 12, 810 649,664}). In all there were used forty tólás.
These texts were in the memory of the Acharyns, and books did not yet exist.
$ 9. After this, for the space of 118 years, there lived men who knew (only) one Anga; (as related in the following two) Gaths :
(1) "Five hundred and sixty-five years having passed after the nirvana of the last Jina, there arose five men who should be understood to have known one Anga; viz.,
(2) “Ahivalli and Maghanandin, Dharasêņa, Papphayanta, Bhůdavali. Twenty-eighty twenty-one, nineteen, thirty, and twenty, were their years (respectively)." (15, 16.)
$ 10. There were 5 successions of men who knew (only) one Anga. From the year 565 after Vira there was the Acharya Ahivalli60 for 28 years; from 593 after Vira, the Acharya Maghanandin, for 21 years; from 614 after Vira, the Acharya Dharasêna, for 19 years; from 633 after Vira, the Acharya Pushpadanta, for 30 years; from 663 after Vira, the Achârya Bhůtavali, for 20 years; altogether 118 years. For the space of 118 years there were men who knew (only) one Anga; (the knowledge of it) went on declining, till there were only the
# The Gath has 52 years, the change to 50 is an alteration made by the commentator purposely, to barmonino the account of the gathA. See the first note at the end of this paper.
• This would seem to be the same person who is afterwards called Arhadvali or Gaptigupta.

Page #376

350
TER INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(OCTOBER, 1891.
"Sratajñanins. Up to the year 683 after Mahavira (the knowledge of), the Angas was conserved, Afterwards arose the 'Srutajñanins; (as related in the following) Gatha:
(1) "For the space of one hundred and eighteen years there existed great Manis who knew one Anga. In the year six hundred and eighty-three after the Nirvana of the Jina, the loss of the Angas is said to have been complete." (17.)
Successions of men who know (only) one Anga there were for the space of one hundred and eighteen years. In the writing of the eighteen thousand words of this one Anga there were nsed forty tölds of ink, or 570 047,452, i.e., fifty-seven krør, forty-seven thousand, four hundred and fifty-two tankas.
So much of the sacred) text was in the memory of the Acharyas, and books did not exist.
$11. Further, there shall now be related an account of the successions of the glorious Mula Sangha, (beginning) from the year 683 after the glorious Mahavira. There bad occurred the birth of Vikramaditya. In the year 2 after the Acharya Subhadra's (accession to the pontificate) the birth of Vikrama took place; and in the year 4 of Vikrama's reign Bhadrabâhu-ji (II.) took his seat on the pontifical chair. Bhadrabåhu's disciple was Guptigupta. The latter had three names: 1, Guptigupta, 2, Arhadbalin, 3, Visakhacharya. He had four disciples: 1, Maghaṇandin who at the foot of a Nandi treell kept his rainy seasons, and who established the Nandi Sangha; 2, Vsishabha, who kept his rainy seasons under the tree called Jinasena, and who established the Vțishabha Sangha; 3, Simha, who kept his rainy seasons in the cave of a lion (sinha), and who established the Simha Sangha ; 4, Déva (II.) who kept his rainy seasons in the house of the courtesan Dêvadatta, and who established the Dôva Sangha.
$ 12. The detail is as follows:
In the Nandi Sangha, or the Pârijata Gachchha, or the Baltkara Gama, there are in use four surnames for the Munis, vis., Nandin, Chandra, Kirti and BhAshaņa, or (in other worde) in the Nandi Sangha which is the Sarasvati Gachchha or the Balktkâra Gana; or again in other words) in the Nandi Amnîya which is the Sarasvati Gachchha or the Balatkára Gaņa, of the glorious Mala Sangha, there are in use four names for the Munis, vis., Nandin, Chandra, Kirti and Bhashaņa; and so forth.
$ 13. Here, first of all, there was Bhadrabaho in the year 492 after Vira, 24 after Subhadra, 22 after Vikrama's birth, 4 after Vikrama's accession; (a related in the following two) Gâthâs :
(1). "It was the year four hundred and seventy when the birth of Vikrams took place. For eight years he played as a child, for sixteen he roamed over the country ;(2), for fifteen years he performed sacrifices, being given over to false doctrine; for forty years he was devoted to the religion of the Jina and then obtained heaven." (18, 19).
The knowledge of these Munis went on diminishing. The cause of this was the badness of those times. Then the Muni Bhatavalies and the Muni Pashpadanta collected all the sacred lore in books.
Dated on the fifth day of the bright half of the month Jydehths.
a Tho tree Oedrala Toona, according to Sir M. Williams' Sanskrit Dictionary. It is the well-known Indian mabogany tree, very large and tall troo; see Watt's Economic Products of India, Part VII. p. 68. Nandi appears to be its South Indian (Telugu) name; see ibid., Part VI., p. 37, No. 188.
& The MS. reading is not quite distinot; originally the namber seems to have been 492, but afterward altered to 403. The former is the correct number, we may be seen from the scheme in the first note at the end of thin paper.
The name of this Muní is spelt variously and corruptly throughout, Bhujawali, Bhitavalki, oto. Prof. Bha darbas MS. No. 620, appear also to read Bhatavale.

Page #377

OCTOBER, 1891.]
TWO PATTAVALIS OF THE SARASVATI GACHCHHA.
351
Tables of the Kundekunda line, or the Sarasvati Gachohha, called the Nandt
Åmnaya, or Balatkara Gang, of the Mula Sangha. (From MSS. A and B.)
Dates of accession.
Householder,
Monk.
Pontif.
Total
Serial Namber.
NAMES
REMARKS.
days Months. Days. Intercalary
Sativat.
Samvat.
Years
Months.
Days.
Years.
Months.
Days.
Years.
Years.
Months.
Days.
B.O
Bhadrabaho II ..
Ch. S. 14
30 ... ... 22 10 27 3 76 11 ... He was a Bremse
by caste. 8 25 565 7 ... A Pawår by caste.
Gaptigapta .........
3 Mághanandin I ...
.
..
4
26
468 5 ... A 8Ah by caste.
Jinachandra I ...
6
3 65 9
9
Kundakunda ......
11 ... ... 38 ... ... 51 10 10 6 95 10 15 He had 4 other names
| (abhava); vis. Padma.
nandin, Viragrts, Gridhrapichchha, els
charya. 40 8 10 8 84 8 6 The Kashth Sangha
arose in his time. (P.
5, Umisvati.) ... 10 10 20 6 0 10 26
Umdev&min .........
Lóhacharya II ...
8
Yasabktrti .......
A JAyalwal by oaste.
9
Yasónandin .....
479 418
10
Devanandin I ......
101 K. S. 8
142 A. 8. 14
163 J. S. 10
311 Ph. V. 11
258 As. 8. 8
808 J. 8. 10
353 J. 8. 9
364 Bh. S. 14
388 Ph. V. 4
11
2 A Paurwal by caste.
u
PajyapAda .........
18 Gananandin I....
13
Vajranandin........
22 5 11 467 ... 40 2 2008
Komdranandin ...
Lôkachandra I ...
836 (P. 9, Lokendu.)
J. V.3
Prabhachandra I..
6 26 (The MS. adds "pra.
bhava 1.") 9 101
Bh. 8. 14
478 Ph. S. 10
17 Némichandra I ...
18 BhAnnnandin ......
Harinandin
15 14 40 7 20 (Both M88, give Sath
508. P. 10 has Simba.
| Landin). 2 22 0 48 8 il
Vasunandin...
P. V.5
(508) M. 8. 11
525 À . 10
581 P. 3.11
661 M. 8.5
21
Virapandin ......
... 14 10 62 ... 24 (MS. B givee Porn 8.
12.) 4 7 11 43 4 18 (P. 10, Rataspandin.)
22
Ratnakirti ........
...... 28

Page #378

352
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[OCTOBER, 1891.
Dates of Bccession.
Householder.
Pontiff.
Total.
Serial Number
NAMES.
Intercalary days,
Years. Months
S.
Samvat.
Years.
Months.
Days.
Days
Years.
Months.
Manikanandin......
o
25 (P. 11, Manikyanandin.)
24 Méghachandra ...
CO
n
(2)(P. 11, Meghendu.)
SAntikirti I...
555 As. V. 8
60) P. V. 3
637 As. 7.5
612 8. 8.5
25
20
32
1 15
o
Merakirti ...
87
Mahâkirti......
633 Mr. S. 4
6296
....
816) 13 63 3 20 These 28 pontificates
took place in Bhad. dalpur in Malwa. (MS.
B gives S. radi 6.) 11 5 15 35 11 20. He was made pontiff in
Bhaddalpur, but trang ferred his sent to
Ujaini. 42 4 15 (Ms. B calls him Viras
Dandin.) 31 ... 26
Vishnunandin..
29 Sribhushana I......
Srichandra .........
32
4
3 (P. 12, Silachandra.)
Nandikirti .........
50
6 17 (P. 12, Srinandin.)
Desabhůshana ...
13(MS. B gives Sam. 764).
Anantakirti .........
Dharmanandin
704 Mr. V.9
726 Ch. S. 9
733 V. S. 5
749 Bh. S. 10
765 Ch. V. 12
765 Å S. 10
783 8. S. 15
803 J. S. 15
840 As. V. 12
857 V. S. 3
878 A. S. 10
(897) K. S. 7
.... (P. 12, DharmAdinan
din.) ... 12 (P. 13, Vidy Anandin.).
Virschandra......
Ramachandra ....
10
6 (MS. B calls him
Virachandra.)
also
Ramaktrti............
38 Abhayachandra ...
45
1
1 (P. 13, Abhayendu.)
39
Narapandin .......
64 90 (MS. B and P. 13 call
him Narachandra : MS. | Bhas K. S. 11; it also
gives Sam. 895.) 3 1057 ... 18
40
Nagachandrs ......
-
41 Nayananandin.....
911
9 25
916 Bh. 7.5
939 Bh. S. 9
948 As. V.8
974 S. S. 9
9 20 (MS. B gives Bh. S. 3.
Il P. 14 has Nayanandin.) 1 16
42
Harichandra ......
40
43 Mahichandra I. ...
91714......
6 ...
5| 41
5
6|| (MS. B gives Sam. 972
and consequently deducts 2 from each date down to No. 52, where it also gives
1140.) 8 (P. 14 bas Maghavenda.)
4
Maghachandra I...
933
18 ... ... 20 ... ... | 32
2 24
9 65
3
990 M. S. 14

Page #379

Serial Number,
OCTOBER, 1891.]
NAMES.
45 Lakshmichandra...
46 Gunanandin II ...
47 Gunachandra
48 Lokachandra II...
49 Brutakirti.......
50 Bhavachandra......
51 Mahlohandra II...
52 Maghachandra II..
53 Vrishabhanandin. 54 Sivanandin
55 Vasuchandra
56 Sanghanandin......
57 Bhavanandin
58 Dêvanandin II......
59 Vidyachandra
60 Sarachandra
61 Mâghanandiu II...
62 Jñanakirti
63 Gangakirti
64 Simbakirti
65 Hêmakirti
66 Sundarakirti
......
TWO PATTAVALIS OF THE SARASVATI GACHCHHA.
Dates of accession.
Samvat.
1023
J. V. 2
1037 A. S. 1
1048
Bh. S. 14 1066 J. S. 1 1079 Bh. S. 8 1094 Ch. V. 5 1115 Ch. V. 5
1140 Bh. S. 5 1144 P. V. 14 1148 V. S. 4 1155 Mr. S. 5 1156 8. 8.6 1160Bh. S. 5 1167 K. S. 8 1170 Ph. V. 5 1176 8. S. 9
1184
Â. S. 10 1188 Mr. S. 1 1199 Mr. S. 11
1206 Ph. V. 14 1209 J. V. 3
1216
A. S. 3
A.D.
986
991
1009
970 18
1022
1037
1058
1083
1087
1091
1098
1099
1103
1110
1113
1119
1127
1131
1142
1149
1152
1159
Years.
11
10
15
13
12
10.
14.
9
11
Householder.
7
11
11
14
101-1
11 3
10...
13
8
13
...
6 9
www
Days.
Years.
Months.
Days.
Years.
25
20
22
80
32
25
26
13
37
39
40
32
80
30
38
35
32
34
Monk.
38
37
24
...
2
19 3
14 4
17
13
10 8 10
15
25
4
10 10 29 14 48 11 18 (MS. B adds marginally Gunakirti, which is also given by P. 14.) 8 17 (P. 15 inserts Vasavêndu between Nos. 47 & 48.)
8 7 10 49
7
7
8
20 11 25
5
Pontiff.
8
8 4 1
11
7
2
~
6
6
Days.
8 8 4 58
5 10
8 17
2
co
6 6 60
7 28
8
4 1 16
0
21
8 11 50 4 14
Years.
6 17 14 55
5 58
8
5 61
7 31
4 47
8 51
5 43
2 10 44
5 5 14 57
8 48
1 29 2 53
5 50
10 70
138
7 55
2 8 10 58
Total.
2 15 16 47
7 8 [27 6 44
6 20 10 32
3 7
6 12
7
5 15 Down to here the seat of the Pontificate was in Ujain. (P. 16 has Mahachandra.)
8 24 He pontificated in Ward. (See remark under No. 44.)
5 In WArA. (P. 16 has Brahmanandin.)
8
REMARKS.
1 In Ward.
2 3 In Ward.
358
1 In Ward. (P. 16 has Viśvachandra).
41
29 In Ward. (MS. B calls him Sishanandin; P.
17, Harinandin.
3 12 In Ward. (P. 17, Surakirti.)
5 19 In Wârâ.
2 1 In Wârâ.
7
6 21 In WarA.
2 18 Down to here the pontificates took place in Ward. (MS. B adds from here 14 pontificates took place in Gwaler, down to Abhayakirti, No. 77").
8 1 In Gwalêr (Gwaliyar).
10 In Ward. (P. 18, Jiananandin.)
3 (From the middle of No. 65 MS. A breaks off down to the middle of No. 79. The lacuna is supplied from MS. B.) (P. 18, has Charanandin.)

Page #380

354
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[OCTOBER, 1891.
Dates of accession.
Householder.
Monk.
Pontiff.
Serial Number.
NAMES.
Intercalary days.
REMARKS.
Sauvat.
A.D.
Years.
Days.
Months.
Days.
Yean.
Months.
Days.
Years.
Montbs.
Days.
3
9
8 (P. 19 has Néminan
din.)
1173
1175
1 ...(P. 19, Narêndradiya
1 lab.)
1185
1191
1196
...
ill (Perhaps wrong for
Varddhamana, as given by P. 19).
1199
1200
1204
Nêmichundra II ...
1223
V. S. 3 68 NAbhikirti ........ 1230
M. S. 11 69 Narendrakirti I ..
1232
M. S. 11. 70 Srichandra II .... 1241
Ph. S. 11 Padmakirti
1248
A. S. 12 (Varaddhachandra) 1253
A. S. 13 Akalankachandra. 1956
A. S. 11 Lalitakirti ......... 1257
K. S. 15 Késavachandra ... 1261
Mr. V. 5 Charukirti
1282
J. S. 11 Abhayakirti....... 1236
A. V. 3 Vasantakirti...... 1234
M. S. 5 Prakshatakirti.... 1256
Ag. S. 5 Santikirti II......... 1269
K. V.8 81 Dharmachandra 1. 1271
8. S. 15 82 Ratnakirti II ...... 1298
Bh. V. 13 83 Prabhachandra II. 1310
P. S. 14
1205
136 45 27 47 11 7 41 11 18 In Gwaler (GwAliyar.)
1207
1207
5 ... In Ajmer.
323 In Ajmer. (Perhaps
wrong for Prakhyâta
kirti, as in P. 22.). 9 15 In Ajmer. (P. 23, Vibd
lakirti.) ... 13 In Ajmer.
1214
1239
6 58
4 16 In Ajmer.
1253
11 15 898 11 23 In Ajmer. There was
an Acharya of Prabhachandra in Gujarat. A certain Sråvak called Prabhachandra for the purpose of performing a consecration; but he could not come. Then after giving the strimantra to the Acharya, the Bravak conferred on him the title of Bhat
Araka. Thus Padmanandin became a Bhattáraka. (MS. B adds the date Sam. 1875 - A. D. 1318.) He carved & stone figure of Sarasvati and caused it to
speak (800 P. 41.) ... 65 ... 18 10 99 ... 28 In Dillt (Delhi).
84 Padmanandin ......
1328
10
7 ... 23
5
85 Subhachandra......
1385 P. 9.7
1450 M. S. 5
1993
... 56 34 1196
3 15 In Dilll

Page #381

OCTOBER, 1891.)
TWO PATTAVALIS OF THE SARASVATI GACHCHHA.
355
Dates of Hooession.
Householder.
Monk.
Pontiff.
To
Serial Number.
NANES.
Intercalary days Years.
REMARKS.
Sat.
Years.
Months.
Days.
Years.
Months.
Days.
Years. Months.
Days.
Montbe.
Days.
12.
9
86 Prabhachandra II 15071 1440
7 In Dilli. (MS. B and
P. 90 call him JinaJ. V.5
chandra, and the next,
Prabh&chandra). 87 Jinachandra II ... 1571 1514 15 ... ...35 ...... 9 4 25 8 59 5 In Chitor. In Sam. 1579 Ph. V. 2
the Gachchba split up into two.; one section residing in Chitor, the
other in Någor. A. - The Nagor Line. From M8. A. 88 Ratnakirti III......|| 1581 1524
...] 211 81 131 51 61 8, 18(All these particulars, B.V. 5
(5 only)
exc. date of accession, really belong to No. 88 of the Chitor line, 9.0. Ratnakirti reigned
only about 5 years). 89 Bhuvanakirti I ... 1686 1529
......4 9 26,2-1| 42 0 0 He was by caste a ChhM. V. 3
vada. (Intercalary 3
months 4 days.) 90 Dharmaktrti ...... 1590 1533
10 (10) 2071-1055 (1) () By caste a seght. (In. Ch. V.7
tercalary, 1 month 10
days.) 01 VisAlakfrti .......... 1601 154
... ... ... ... ... (From the middle of
No. 91 the MS. again V. S. 1
breaks off down to the
beginning of No. 105). 105 Bhavanabhubanal 1797 1740
1 2 4 6 12 -10 41 0 0 By caste & Chhavada,
in KAlaidahar. (Inter. 1) A. S. 10
calary 4 months 16 dars; the period of
monkhood is missing 106 Vijayakarti .........
in the MS.). 1802 1745 || 9 | 28 | 27 oll lpl P P BY
Paranin A. S. 1
Ajmer. (The intercacalary and total periods
are missing.) 107 Lokendrakirti ..... 1830 1773
28 ... ... 10 o 08 PP
Of a high caste (Vad ja
tyd). His seat of ponK.?
tificate wae in Ajmer. His death (fanti) took place in Malak&pur in
Vaibakha Sudi 5. 108 Bhavanakirti II ... 1840 1783 12 - - 27 -- - Ch. V.11
- B. - The Chitor Line. From M8. B. Dates of
Dates of accession. NAMES.
Accession.
NAMES. San. A. D.
A.D. Sam.
11 ...
the present pontiff.
Serial1 Number.
Serial Namber.
1524
98
Ph.VP
88 Dharmachandra II... 1581 (He reigned 21 Mahendrakrti I... 1792 1735
s.v.s years, see remark
P.S.10 to No. 88 of the 97 Khêmêndrakirti ... 1815 1758 Nigor Line. P. 35
A.S.11 omita him. 98 Surendrakirti ..... 1822 1765 80 Lalitakirti II..... 1603 1546 (P. 85 omits him.)
V. V. Ch.8.8
99 Sukhêadraktrti..... 18.52 1796 He was . house90 Chandrakleti ........ 16221565
holder for 4 years; V. V.PH
(i. e., he was 4 91 Devendraktrti ..... 1662 1605
years old when he
took the vows.) Narindraldeti ........ 1691 1684 (P. pattavalt closes ||100 Nainakirti............. 1879 1822
K.V.8 here.)
JA. V. 10 98 Surendrakrti .......... 1722 1665
101 Devendrakrti III. 1883 1826 9.V.8
A. 8.10 94 Jagatkirti ............... 1783 1676
102 Mahendrakirti II.. 1998 1881 18. V.5 96 Devendrakerti II. ... 1770
Ph.8.3 1718
Im.v.nl This date is obscure; the separation may have taken place in that year (1678), but separate beads were not appointed till 1581, when Jinachandra died.

Page #382

356
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[OCTOBER, 1891..
INDEX TO THE PROPER NAMES. [Ch. - Chitör section, N. Någor section. The numbers refer to the Tables; the paragraphs refer to the Introduction.] Abhaya Chandra, 38.
Hari Chandra, 42. Abhaya Kirti, 77.
Hari Nandin, 19, see also 56. Abhayêndu, see 38.
Hêma Kirti, 65. Ahivalli, $ 9, 10. Akalanka Chandra, 73.
Jagat Kirti, 94 (N.). Ananta Kirti, 33.
Jamba, 1, 2. Aparajita, & 2
Jayapålaka, $ 6. Arhadbalin, § 11.
Jayasêna, $ 4.
Jina Chandra, (I.) 4, (II.) 87. Balatkára Gana, $ 12.
Jinasena, $ 11. Bhadrabahu, (I.) 2, (II.) $7, 11; 1.
Jõâna Kirti, 62. Bhanu Nandin, 18.
JiAna Nandin, see 62. Bhattaraka, see 83. Bhäva Chandra, 50.
Kansa, $ 6. Bhava Nandin, 57.
K&shthi Sangha, see 6. Bhůtavali, $ 9, 10, 13.
Kêbava Chandra, 75. Bhuvana Bhashana, 105 (Ch.)
Kshatriya, $ 4. Bhuvana Kirti, (1.) 89 (Ch.), (II.) 108 (Ch.). Kshêmêndra Kirti, 97 (N.). Brahma Nandin, Bee 53,
Kumara Nandin, 14. Buddhilinga, $ 4.
Kundakunda, 5. Buhilinga, $ 4.
Lakshmi Chandra, 45 Chandra Kirti, 90 (N.).
Lalita Kirti, (I.) 74, (II.) 89 (N.). Chåru Kirti, 76.
Lôhâcharya, (I.) § 7, (II.) 7. Chåru Nandin, see 66.
Löka Chandra, (I.) 15, (IL.) 48.
Lökêndra Kirti, 107( (Ch.). Desa Bhoshana, 32.
Lôkêndu, see 15. Déva (I.) § 4, (II.) & 11. Diva Nandin, (I)10, (II.) 58.
Maglia Chandra, (I.) 44. (II.) 52, Deva Sangha, & 11.
Megha Nandin,(I) 3, (II) 61. Dôvêndra Kirti, (I.) 91 (N.), (II.) 95 (N.), (III.) Maghavendu, see 44. 101 (N.).
Maha Chandra, see 51. Dharasêna, & 9, 10.
Maha Kirti, 27. Dharma Chandra, (I.) 81, (II.) 88 (N.).
Mahendra Kirti, (I.) 96 (N.), (II.) 102 (N). Dharmadi Nandin, see 34.
Maht Chandra, (I.) 43, (II.) 51, Dharma Kirti, 90 (Ch.).
Manika Nandin, 23. Dharma Nandin, 34.
Manikya Nandin, see 23. Dharmasena, & 4.
Mégha Chandra, 24. Dhșitisêna, 64.
Méghênda, see 24. Dhruvasêna, $ 6.
Mêru Kirti, 26.
Mola Sangha, $ 11, 12. Elécharya, see 4.
Nábhi Kirti, 68. Ganga Kirti, 63.
Någa Chandra, 40. Götama, § 1, 2.
Någasêna, $ 4. Govardhana, & 2.
Naiņa Kirti, 100 (N.). Gridhrapichchha, see 4.
Nakshatra, $ 6. Guna Chandra, 47.
Nandi Amniya, $ 12. Guna Kirtti, see 46.
Nandi Kirti, 31. Guna Nandin, (I) 12, (II) 46.
Nandimitra, 62. Guptigupta, $11; 2.
Nandi Sangha, $ 11, 12.
8 The index was drawn up by Mr. Bendall. For the arrangement in the order of the Roman alphabet and for BOB additions I am responsible.

Page #383

OCTOBER, 1891.)
TWO PATTAVALIS OF THE SARASVATI GACHCHHA.
357
Nara Chandra, see 39. Nara Nandin, 39. Narendrådi Yasah, see 69. Narendra Kirti, (I.) 69, (II.) 92 (N.). Nayana Nandin, 41. Naya Nandin, Bee 41. Némi Chandra (I.) 17, (II.) 67. Nămi Nandin, see 67.
Padma Kirti, 71. Padme Nandin, (II) see 4, (II.) 84. Pandava, $ 6. Parijata Gachohha, $ 12. Prabha Chandra, (I.) 16, (II.) 83, (111.) 86. Prakhyata Kirti, see 79. Prakshanta Kirti, 79. Proshthila, $ 4. Pajyapada, 11. Pushpadanta, $ 9, 10, 13.
Sruta Kirti, 49. Subha Chandra, 85. Subhadra, $ 7. Sudharman, $ 1,2. Sukhôndra Kirti, 99 (N.). Sundara Kirti, 66. Sara Chandra, 60, Sura Kirti, see 59. Surendra Kirti, (I.) 93 (N.), (II.) 98 (N.). Umásvåmin, 6. Vajra Nandin, 13. Vakragriva, see 4. Varaddha Chandra, 72. Vardhamina, Bee 72. Vasanta Kirti, 78. Vasavèndu, see 47. Vasu Ohandra, 55. Vau Nandin, 20. Vidy& Chandra, 59. Vidya Nandin, see 35. Vijaya, § 4. Vijaya Kirti, 106 (Ch.). Vira Chandra, 35, see also 36. Vira Nandin, 21, see also 28. Viếakha, $ 4. Vi88kháchêry8, 8 11. Visakha Kirti, 91 (Ch.). Viskla Kirti, see 80. Vishṇukum&ra, $ 2. Vishnu Nandin, $ 2; 28. Viúva Char dra, see 55. Vrishabba Nandin, 17. Vrishabha Sangha, $ 11. Yasaḥ Kirti, 8. Yafobhadra, $7. Yabo Nandin, 9.
· Rama Chandra, 36.
Rêma Kirti, 37 Ratna Kirti (I.) 22, (II.) 82, (III.) 88 (Oh.). Ratna Nandin, Bee 22. ŠAnti Kirti, (I.) 25, (II.) 80. Sarasvati Gachchha, $ 22. Siddhårtha, $ 4. Sila Chandra, see 30. Siriha, & 11. Simha Kirti, 64. Singha Nandin, Bee 19. Simha Sangha, $ 11. Siva Nandin, 54. Sisha Nandin, see 56. Sri Bhashana, 29. Sri Chandra (I.) 30, (II.) 70. Sri Nandin, see 31.
NOTES. 1. Chronological. There are several inconsistencies in the chronology, presented in the GÅthâs. Gåthå 7 gives a total of 183 years; but the summation of the several items, given in Gåthå 9 as constituting the total, only yields a total of 181. Either the total or one of the items may be wrong. That the text of the GÂthis is here corrapt, is also shown by the fact that the lines do not properly scan and that the Prakrit names do not properly spell; thus the Prâkțit names Dhitti and Buhilinga, as given by the M8., do not represent the Sanskrit names Dhțiti and Buddhilinga which in all probability are correct.
Similarly Gatha 12 gives a total of 97 years; bat the summation of the items yields a total of 99. Here, too, the text of the Gathas is corrupt; and one of the verses is a slöka, instead of an áryd. In this case, the vernacular commentator attempted to remove the difficulty by simply altering one of the items and reading 50 instead of 52.
It is to be observed that these two errors neutralise one another; and this fact would seem to point to a manipulation of the text of the Gathas with a view to harmonizing their statementa. Thus the given items (in Gâthâs 9, 11, 14) 10 + 19 + 17 + 21 + 18 + 17 + 18 + 13 + 20 + 14 + 14 + 18 + 20 + 39 + 14 + 32 + 6 + 18 + 23 + 52 (i.e., the real totals

Page #384

358
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[OCTOBER, 1891.
»
24
(14) (16)
208
(17)
181 + 123 + 99) = 403 years. The given totals (in Gâthâs 7, 12) 183 + 123 + 97 also = 403. Similarly the given totals (in Gâthâs 7, 14) 183 + 220 also = 403.
The following table exhibits the state of the matter: - I. Kêvalins : 1, Götama (12)
up to A. V. 12 2, Sudharman (12) 3, Jambů (38)
> > (62) Total...... 62 or (62) II. Sruta-Kêvalins : 1, Vishņu
up to A. V. 76 2, Nandi
» 92 3, Aparajita (22)
114 4, Govardhana (19)
» » 133 5, Bhadrabahu 1.CC (29)
» (162) Total...... 100 or (100) 111. Ten-Purvins : 1, Visakha (10)
to A. V. 172 2, Proshțila (19)
191 3, Kshatriya (17) 4, Jayasena (21)
229 5, Nagasôna (18)
247 6, Siddhartha
264 7, Dhritisena (18)
282 8, Vijaya (13)
. 29.5 9, Buddhiliiga (20)
315 10, Déva I. (14)
329 11, Dharaşêna
» 343 or (345) Total...... 181 or (183) IV. Eleven-Angins : 1, Nakshatra (18)
up to A. V. 361 or 363 2, Jayapalaka (20)
» » 381 383 3, Pândava (39)
» » 420, 422 4, Dhruvasena (14)
» » 434 , 436 5, Kansa (32)
» » 466., 468 Total...... 123 or (123) V. Minor-Angins : 1, Subhadra (6)
up to A. V. 472 or 474 2, Yasôbhadra (18)
» » 490, 492 3, Bhadrabâhu II. (23)
222-(220),
513 ,, 515 4, Lôhâcharya I. (52)
» (565) ,, 567 Total...... 99 or (97) VI. One-Augins : 1, Arhad balin (28)
up to A. V. 593 or 595 2, Maghanandin (21)
614 , 616 3, Dharasêna (19)
633, 635 4, Pushpadanta (30)
663,665 5, BhQtavalin (20)
» (683) ,, 685 Total ...... 118 or (118) Total of 6 periods op to A. V. 683 or (683)
(14)
According to the Svêtâmbara tradition, BhadrabAhu's death took place in 170 A. V., 1.c. 8 years later.

Page #385

OCTOBER, 1891.]
TWO PATTAVALIS OF THE SARASVATI GACHCHHA.
359
The bracketed numbers are those actually given in the Gaths. It will be seen that the final date, i.e., 683 A. V., results equally from the summation of the several single successions as well as from the summation of the totals of the six periods. Yet the two series of mainbers. as given in the Gâthâs, do not agree with one another; and this in two respects. First, the given total of the II Ird period (183) does not agree with the real total (181) of the several successions ; so again the given total of the Vth period (97) does not ngree with its real total (99); nor does the given total of the two periods IV and V (220) ngieo with their real total (222). Yet if the three periods (Nos. III, IV, and V), are totalled, the result (103) comes out correctly, because the errors in the totals of periods III and V (being 2 in each) neutralise one another. Secondly, all the actual dates, given in the Gatlas (vis, 62, 162, 565, 083 A. V.). agree with the numbers given for the several successions, except the date 3:45 A. V. which agrees with the given total (i.e. 183 of the II Iril period), and which produces it wrony final date 685 A. V. This would seem to show that that date (i., 35 A, V.) as well as the given totals for the periods III and V are wrong. Another significant fact is to be observed. This versos, in their present state, do not give the date of the IV th period. It is the only date which is omitted : and the verse in which one would expect it, is the only verse which is not a gátlá but a álóka. The occurrence of a slska in the midst of a series of Gáthis is an extraordinary thing; and one cannot help suspecting that the verse as it originally stood was a Gåtha containing the missing date ; that the date was either accidentally or intentionally omitted ; and that the remnant of the mutilated Gatha was then turned into a élóka, the latter being of shorter dimensions than a Gatha.
As to the cause of the confusion, I will give my own conjecture, for what it may be worth. I believe it arose from an attempt at reconciling two conflicting traditions. One of these traditions is contained in the Gâthâs, which the pattivali quotes. This tradition gives four items of information : 1, the duration of each pontificate down to 983 A. V.; 2, the daration of each of the six periods, down to the same date; 3, the date of the termination of each period; 4, certain dates of Vikrama's life, especially those of his birth and accession. Side by side with this older tradition there appears to bave been another, much later one, for which tho authority of no Gâthå is quoted and which is only given in the vernacular commentary. This later tradition enumerates a set of four synchronisms, referring to Bhadrabahu's accession, with whom the pastavalt proper of the Sarasvati Gachchha commences ;07 vis , :1, that the year of Bhadrabahu's accession is the 24th after Sabhadra's accession; 2, that it is the 22nd after Vikrama's birth; 3, that it is also the 4th after Vikrama's accession; and 4, that the year of Vikrama's birth is the 2nd after Subhadra's accession. The calcalation starts with the year of Vikrama's birth as a fixed point. He was born in 470 A. V. ; this year is the 2nd after Subhadra's accession ; accordingly the latter took place in 468 (i.e. 463-69 A. V.). Bhadrabahu's accession took place 24 years after Subhadra's accession; accordingly Bhadraba ha succeeded to the pontificate in 492 (i.e., 492-93) A. V. The latter year accordingly is the 22nd after Vikrama's birth i.e., 470 + 22 = 492); it is also the 4th year after Vikrama's accession to the throne; accordingly Vikrama's accession took place in 488 (i.e., 488-89) A. V. or in the 18th year of Vikrama's life (i.e. 470 +18=488). Having thus calculated 492 A. V. to be the year of Bhadrabahu's, and 468 A. V. to be the year of Subhadra's accession, this result was found to collide with the older tradition of the Gåthås. For calculating backwards from the year 468 A. V., and subtracting 123 years i.e. the daration of the IV th period), the year 345 A. V. was obtained as the terminal year of the IIIrd period. On the other hand, calculating forward, from the data supplied by the Gâthâs, the year 313 A. V. resulted as the terminal year. To avoid this discrepancy, I sappose, the original text of the Gåthis was tampered with, and the duration of the third period changed from 181 to 183, and its terminal year changed from 343 A. V. to 34.5 A. V., forgetting, however, that thus the dates given by the Gathås were rendered inconsistent
07 It may be that this later tradition is peculiar to that Gachchha alone. Whether or not this is so, would be interesting to know. At present, however, I believe, no pattávali of any other Digambara Gachchha is known.

Page #386

860
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[OCTOBER, 1891.
with one another. That change having once been made, and the lower terminal dates (565 A. V. of the Vth period, and 683 A. V. of the VIth period) being unalterable, it was further necessary to change the duration of the Vth period from 99 to 97, in order to harmonize the whole chronology. The question may be asked, why should the first change have been made in the duration and terminal date of the IIIrd period, instead of in the IVth period. For, Subhadra's accession having been fixed in the year 468 A. V., it must at once have been found to be incompatible with the Gâthâs, the calculation from which must have shown that 466 A. V. was the real date of his accession. The nearest remedy, it would seem, was to change, in the IVth period, the date 466 A. V. to 468 A. V. and the duration of 123 years to 125. Why this was not done, is not apparent, except on the supposition that the Gâthâ which gave the date 466 A. V. was at that time already mutilated; and that the date of the IVth period being missing, recourse was had to altering the date of the next preceding (i. e., the IIIrd) period.
This is, however, not the only discrepancy between the later and the older traditions. It has been shown that the calculation from the later tradition places the accession of Vikrama in 488 A. V., that is, in the 18th year of Vikrama's life. But the Gâthâs 18 and 19 seem to show clearly that he ascended the throne in his 24th year, i. e., in 494 A. V.
Accepting the statements of the Gâthâs to be correct, the real synchronisms would stand thus:-Vikrama was born in 470 A. V. and ascended the throne in 494 A. V. Subhadra succeeded to the pontificate in 466 A. V., and Bhadrabâhu II. in 490 A. V. Accordingly the accession of the latter was 24 years later than that of Sabhadra (herein both traditions agree); but it was 20-years after Vikrama's birth (not 22, as the later tradition says); and it was four years before Vikrama's accession (not 4 years after it, as the later tradition says); further, Vikrama's birth was 4 years after Subhadra's accession (not 2 years, as the later tradition says).
The most important point herein is, that Bhadrabahu II.'s accession really took place 4 years before Vikrama, because this affects the whole of the dates of the patțâvali proper. All those dates must be set back for exactly eight years.
Or, if those dates are correct, the date of either the birth or the accession of Vikrama must be placed eight years earlier.
In the former alternative, we have the year 494 A. V. for the accession of Vikrama, which would make the nirvana of Mahavira to fall in (494+57) 551 B. C. In the latter alternative, we should have the year 462 A. V. for the birth and (462 +24) 486 A. V. for the accession of Vikrama, and accordingly (486 + 57 =) 543 B. C. for the nirvana of Mahavira, that is, the very year given for Buddha's nirvána by the chronology of Ceylon. But as the year 470 A. V. is such a prominently fixed date in the Digambara tradition for the birth of Vikrama, 68 it seems preferable to ante-date the accession of Vikrama by eight years and to place it in (494-8) 486 A. V. This would place Mahivira's nirvana, again, in 543 B. C., but would put Vikrama's accession in the 16th year of his life. The question is, whether Gâthâs 18 and 19 admit his accession in that year. It appears to me possible to interpret the second line of Gâthâ 18 to mean, that Vikrama was at child's play up to his eighth and wandered about up to his sixteenth year. He then ascended the throne at 16, and followed the Brahmanic religion for 15 and the Jain religion for 40 years. The advantage of this view is that it fully agrees with the older tradition of the Crâthâs, and only corrects two of the synchronisms of the later tradition. In any case, the coincidence of the years of Mahavira's and Baddha's nirvána is a curious result.
2. On the history of Vikrama. Gåthâs 18 and 19, which refer to the history of Vikrama, are in a somewhat corrupt state. The reading rasapana makes no sense. I conjecture it to stand for panarasa (or pannarasa), "fifteen." The meaning of the verses I take to be, that Vikrama was born in 470 A. V., that he lived 8 years at home and then wandered about for
Also in the Svetambara tradition, where, however, it is the date of Vikrama's accession.

Page #387

OCTOBER, 1891.] BARABAR AND NAGARJUNI HILL CAVE INSCRIPTIONS.
361
16 years (1 suppose in quest of adventures); that he lived 15 years as an adherent of the orthodox Brahmanic religion, and then 40 years as a follower of Jainism. If these periods are to be taken as successive ones, the verses would seem to indicate that Vikrama ascended the throne in his 24th year (ie., 494 A. V.), and that he died at the age of 79 years (i.e., in 549 A. V.). Possibly some of the periods may be overlapping; but as, in that case, the verses would give no certain indication as to the years when Vikrama ascended and when he died, such an interpretation has not much probability. As to the possible meaning of the 16 years of wandering, see the preceding note.
Professor Jacobi's remarks on the subject, in the Introduction to his Kalpa-Sûtra, p. 30, I do not understand. The readings of his manuscript (No. 629, see above) may have differed from those of mine. Bat I am inclined to think that his statement, "the year of his (Pushpadanta's) death (683 A. V.) is also given for the birth of Vikrama," is merely the result of a misunderstanding of the vernacular commentary.70 The passage, in § 11, Sri-Mahavir syum varsha 683 páchhai; Vikramaditya ko janma huvau, must be interpunctuated after páchhai, and the date (683 A. V.) must be constructed with what has gone before, not with Vikrama's birth. The latter is clearly stated to have taken place in 470 A. V. Again, in the passage (in § 10): Sri Virát varsha 633 Pushpadantáchárya varsha 30; Sri-Virát varsha 683 Bhútavalyáchárya varsha 20, the number 683 is clearly a mere clerical error for 663, as Pushpadanta is said to have pontificated for 30 years and to have commenced his pontificate in 633 A. V. On the other hand, Bhutavali's pontificate, which lasted 20 years, ended in 683 A. V. Accordingly Pushpadanta's death was in 663 A. V., and not in 683 A. V., the latter is the date of Bhûtavali's death.
3. On the title of Bhattaraka. With regard to the notice in the patțâvali of MS. A, that the title of Bhattaraka was conferred on the pontiff Padmanandin (No. 84) by a Gujarati 'Sravak, in Samvat 1375, I may add a statement made to Mr. Bendall by his Jaipur informant, that it was the wife of Muhammad Gori who desired to see the chief of the Digambaras; and on his being clothed for the ceremony, the title of Bhattaraka was conferred on him. This tradition, if it be a tradition, does not quite agree with that of the patțâvali; and I only give it here for what it may be worth.
THE BARABAR AND NAGARJUNI HILL CAVE INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA AND DASARATHA.
BY G. BÜHLER, PH.D., LL.D., C.I.E.
The transcripts of the subjoined six inscriptions from the Barabar and Nagarjunî Hill Caves have been made according to Mr. Fleet's impressions, from which the accompanying facsimiles have been prepared. These documents have been repeatedly transcribed and translated, and the impressions of the five well preserved ones offer very few new readings. With respect to the third, which appears to be in a very bad state, it must be noted that in the defaced portions the impressions do not agree with the distinct readings of Sir A. Cunningham's. facsimiles, Arch. Surv. India, Vol. I. Plate xx. and Corp. Inser. Ind., Vol. I. Plate xvi.
Short as these inscriptions are, they yet possess a very great value for the history of the Indian religions and of Indian art. Five of them state explicitly that the caves, in which they are incised, were presented to the venerable Ajivikas" (ájivikéhi bhadamtéhi). Who these Ajivikas were, has been first recognised by Professor Kern. In his account of the history of Indian Buddhism1 he identifies them with the Ajivikas of Asôka's seventh Pillar-edict, with
Accordingly Vikrama's reign extended to (15+40=) 55 years, and his life to 79 years. According to the Svêtêmbaras he reigned for 86 years.
70 That statement has also puzzled Prof. A. Weber, see his Indische Studien, Vol. XVII, p. 219.
1 Der Buddhismus und seine Geschichte in Indien, Vom Verfasser autorisirte Uebersetzung von H. Jacobi, Leipzig, 1883-84, 2 Vols. The passages regarding the Ajivikas will be found collected in the index, sub voce Ajtvika.

Page #388

362
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[OCTOBER, 1891.
the Ajiviyas of the Jaina scriptures, with the Ajivakas of the Buddhist canon, and with the Ajivikas or Ajivins of Varahamihira's Jậtakas, and he declares them to be an ancient ascetic order, worshipping Narayana, or, in other words, a subdivision of the Vaishṇavas. As Professor Kern's work will not be accessible to the majority of Indian readers, I shall try to give a brief exposition of his arguments, regarding which he has kindly furnished me some fuller information. Assuming, as must be done, that the Ajivikas of our inscriptions are the same as those named in Ashka's seventh Pillar-edict, he translates the words: 1. 4-5: hém-éva bábhanésu Ajivilé su-pi-mê kaļé imê viyapatd hóhanhti-ti by "Likewise I have arranged it that these (Dharmamahámátras) will be occupied also with the Brahmaņical Âjivikas." With the information thus elicited from the Pillar-edict, he combines the statements of Utpala regarding the Âjivi. kas, who are mentioned in Varahamihira's Brihat-Játaka, xv. 1, together with the Vriddhaśrâvakas, the Nirgranthas or Jainas, and other ascetics. Utpala says in his commentary: djivika. gruhanain cha Náráyan-ásritánám, "and the use of the term) Âjivika refers to those who have taken refuge with Narayana," and in support of this explanation, brings forward two Praksit passages, introducing them with the words: tatha cha vam[read tathả ch=aiva]Kalakúcháryah, "and thus (says) also Kalakâchârya." In the first of these passages the term éadandia, i.e. ékadandin, 6 "(an ascetic) carrying one staff" (instead of the usual triple staff) is used for ajirika and in the secondo a longer explanation is given, which Utpala renders by Késava-márgadikshitah Kesavabhaktah Bhagavata ity=arthah. Accepting as correct this explanation of the term, which agrees remarkably well with his translation of the passage from the seventh Pillar-edict, Professor Kern further identifies Asôka's and Varâhimihira's Ajivikas, with the Ajivakas of the Buddhist canon7 and with the Ajiviyas of the Jaina Ágamas, who in the time of Sakyamuni Gautama and Vardhamâna were a numerous and influential order of naked monks, acknowledging as their teachers Nanda Vachchha (Nanda Vatsya), Kisa Samkichcha (Krisa(?) Sárksitya) and above all Makkhali Gôsålı (maskarin Gósála) or Gosala Mamkhaliputta. The accounts given by the Jainas and the Bauddhas of the transcendental doctrines of the last named show him to have been a fatalist.
Though it is of course possible to interpret the sentence from the seventh Pillar-ediet differently and to take the words h&m=éva bábhanésu as an appendix to the preceding sentence, and though no proof is furnished that the Ajivakas or Âjiviyas of the Buddhist and Jaina scriptures were worshippers of Narayaņa, it must be conceded that Professor Kern's views are greatly preferable to those of other translators of Asoka's edicts who take djivika to mean religious mendicant' in general and to refer in the cave-inscription to the Buddhists. The latter renderings and interpretations are antenable. For wherever the word Ajivika or Ajivaka occurs, it always denotes & member of a particular order of ascetics, and it is in no case applied to Buddhist monks. Irrespective of the fact that
* Se Dar Baddhisman, Vol. II. p. 55.
Seu ante, Vol. XIII p. 350 and the facsimile opposite. • See Der Buddhismus, Vol. II. p. 386.
* The same explanation is also given by Utpala on the parallel pasange, Laghu-Jitaki, IX. 12, (Soe Prof. A. Weber's Indische Studien, Vol. II. p. 287 note) in explanation of the term agivin.
& Prof. Kern reads this passage as follows: Julana-Hara-Sugaa Kinara-Sui-Bamhanaggamagg&su, dikkhanan ndavud sariig cha kavennuthagal. The passage refers, like Varahamihira's, to the influence of the planets on the production of various ascetics. Compare also Prof. Leumann's version of the same passage in the Actes du Sixième Congrès int. des Or. III. 2, p. 554, and his remarks thereon.
1 Regarding the Ajivakas of the Buddhists nee the indices, Vol. II, p. 350 and Vol. V. p. 254, in Professor Oldenberg's odition of the Vinayapitaka, Dr. Wenzel's index of names in the Journal of the PAli Text Society of 1889, p. 63 sub roce Makkhaligoslla, and Dr. Hoornle's second Appendix to his edition of the Uvdeagadasdo. Iu addition to the passages collected in the works quoted, I may point out that, according to the commentator, it curious custom of the Ajivakas is mentioned in the last line of verse 113 of the Tittira-Jitaka (Fausböll, Jatakan Vol. II, p. 541). It appears that, on entering the order, the novices were burnt in the hand with a heated ball (of inetal P). It looks as if the Ajivakas, like some modern Vaishnava secta, had used the taptamvudri.
• Regarding the Ajiviyas of the Jainas, see especially Dr. Hoernle's translation of the Uvisigadasdo, note 253.
. See o. g. M. Senart's translations of the Pillar-edicta, ante, Vol. XVIII. p. 307, and of the Cave inscriptions in his Inscriptions de Piyadasi, Vol. II. p. 210, 11. and ante, Vol xx. p. 169. M. Senart follows Burnouf and others.

Page #389

OCTOBER, 1891.] BARABAR AND NAGARJUNI HILL CAVE INSCRIPTIONS.
863
Professor Kern steers clear of these old errors, and that his interpretation of all the passages is self-consistent, his confidence in the statements of Utpala appears justifiable, because the latter are supported by so ancient a writer as Kalakâchârya. The Kalakacharya, quoted by him, is in all probability the famous Jaina teacher, who is said to have changed the date of the Pajjusan festival in the year 993 after Vira, 10 or A. D. 466. The identification is suggested by the fact that Utpala's Kålakâchârya is the author of a work on astrology and that the Jainas ascribe to their latest Kalakacharys an innovation which presupposes the study of astronomy. If thus the author, quoted by Utpala, belongs to the fifth century, his statements deserve to be treated with all due respect.
Under the circumstances stated, it appears to be certain that the monks, for whom Asoka and his grandson Dasaratha provided cave-dwellings were not Buddhists, but members of some other sect, and it is probable that they were Vaishṇavas. As Asöka himself says in the twelfth Rock-edict that he honoured men of all creeds with gifts and various honours, it is no matter of surprise that he excavated cavesll for others than Buddhists. But the interesting point is that he did so as late as his thirteenth year, and possibly, if the Âjivikas were named also in the third inscription, 12 even as late as his twentieth year. The first fact alone is sufficient to upset the usual theories regarding his conversion to Buddhism, but it agrees with the correct interpretation of the hints contained in the Sahasrâm and Rupnåth edicts, which will be given on another occasion.
For the present I will only state that Asoka became really & zealous Buddhist in the twenty-ninth year of his reign.
Of equal importance is the second lesson which these inscriptions teach. Their correct interpretation helps to upset a very generally received, but completely erroneous doctrine in Indian archæology. For a long time it was almost an article of faith with Indian archeologists that the Buddhists invented and first developed the cave-architecture, and that the Brahmaņical sects and the Jainas adopted this style at a very late period. Even the newest and standard work on this subject, Dr. Fergasson's and Dr. Burgess' Cave Temples of India, gives repeatedly expression to very similar views. It no doubt somewhat pushes back the remoter limit for the beginning of the excavation of caves by the Brahmaņs. But the Buddhists are still represented as the inventors of the cave temples, and, according to the concluding remarks, p. 510, "the Jainas only awakened to the idea that they, too, might share in the spoils" at a late period, "when Buddhism was tottering to its fall, and the Brahmans were stripping them (sic) of their sapremacy and power." Such utterances were only natural ten years ago, when the early activity, which the adherents of Vardhamâna displayed in this direction, had not been recognised. At present the case is far different. Dr. Bhagvânlal has shown, independently from Professor Kern (Der Buddhismus, Vol. II., pp. 239-40), that a most important groap of caves of the pre-Christian period, that at Udayagiri in Katak, belongs not to the Buddhists, but to the Jainas. If we now have to admit farther, that at least five of the oldest caves are certainly not Buddhistic, and probably Brahmanical, it becomes evident that the adherents of all sects have equally contributed to the development of the cave-architecture.
They all used caves for housing their ascetics who wished to live in retirement, and Es places of worship or at least for the protection of images of their gods. The full realisation of this principle will, I think, not merely have a theoretical value, but possess also a practical importance. It will probably indace the Indian archæologists to reconsider their views regarding some excavations which have been assigned to the Buddhists on very weak evidence or even
10 Regarding the several Kalaklob Aryns of the Jainas, see Prof. Jacobi, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenliin. dischen Gesellschaft, Vol. XXXIV. p. 253 ff. I may mention as a curiosity that in late South Indian inscriptions the term djivika denotes the Digambara Jainas, see Hultzsch, South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. I, p. 88, and passim.
11 Caves may be well included under the head of gifts.
12 The position of the cave in the immediate vicinity of the other two, where the name occurs, makes this very probable.

Page #390

864
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[OCTOBER, 1891.
against evidence pointing in a different direction. The most important case of this kind is that of the Junagadh caves. Bavê Pyara's Math and the monastery in the Upar Ko have invariably been declared to be Buddhistic, though the inscription, found in the former, does not agree with this view. As I have pointed out when first editing it, 13 the word lc&valijnanasampraptánain, "of those or to those who have obtained the knowledge of Kêvalins," which seems to be applied either to the donees or to the prophets worshipped by them, is clearly not a Buddhist but a Jaina term. The only possible conclusion is, therefore, that this large establishment was a Jaina monastery. The authors of the Indian Ouve Templesli seem to have disregarded this important evidence, because they felt convinced that the caves belong to an early period, antecedent to the reign of Rudrasimha who must have been named in the inscription, and because they trusted to the symbols over the door of cave K. as well as to the "chaitys-window ornament." Dr. Bhagvânlal's remarks on the symbols and on his Jaina slab from Mathura, attached to the Hathigumphå inscriptions, as well as Dr. Führer's discoveries in the Kankalt Tila show that all the marks and ornaments, formerly believed to be exclusively Buddhistic, were used by the Jainas. Even the wheel and the Stupa are no longer safe guides for the archæologist. With this state of things I believe that certainly BÂvá Pyârâ's Math and probably also the caves in the Upar Kot will have to be stråck off the list of Buddhist establishments. Another case, which looks to me suspi. cious, is that of the Phänk caves, where Dr. Burgess has noticed an image of Parávanátha,15
I. BARABAR HILL CAVE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI.
B.
1. Lajina Piyadasini duvadasa-(vas=Abhi id ..10 2. isya]mh (nig]ha-kubh& di[nå å . [vi]kehil7 [1]
0. 1. Lajina Piyadasina duvi.
1. LA[ja]Piyadasi e[ku]n[a-(vi)2. dasa-vas-Abhisitônå iyan
2. sati-vas-A[bh]isi[tje ... 3. kubh Khalatika-pavatasi18
3. . . utbå ta . . . . . . 4. dina . (jivi]kéhile [19]
4. supi . ê kha . . . . . . 5. .0720
. . i
II. NAGARJUNI HILL CAVE INSCRIPTIONS OF DASHALATHA..
D. 1. Vahiyak[aja kubha Dashalathêna dêvînan piyênâ 2. anaṁtaliyam abhishitênê [Âjivikehi] 3. bhadantêhi v&sha-nishidiyâyê nishithê23 4. A-chamdama-shâliyam [1°)
18 Arch. Rep. West. Ind. Vol. II. p. 140 f.
16 See the discussion of this point at p. 196. 16 Arch. Rep. West. Ind. Vol. II. p. 150.
16 Restore bhisitEnd. 31 Restore Ulvik hf. The second letter cannot have been dl, as others have read it. But the remnants agree well with the suggestion that it was jf. And we have Ajfvikshi, us plain as possible in Dasharatha's second inscription.
This is in Sanskrit khalatika, bala, bare,' and a khalatika parvata is mentioned in the Bhabys on Varttila 4 to Panini I, 2,52 (Kielhorn, Vol. I. p. 929), bee also the larger Petersburg Diotionary sub voce khalatika.
» Restore Ajfvikthi. The first letter is not recognisable. The outlines of the blot, representing the second, agree with the supposition that it was jt.
* I do not dare to propose any restoration of the badly defaced portion of this inscription.
31 Vahiyaka, not vapiyakd as the earlier transcripts have, is the plain reading of the impression. Vahiyaka corresponds to Sanskrit vahyed, which is mentioned as a feminine name in the gana tikadi of Papini. Here it is probably the feminine of an adjective which may be derived from valya, 'palankoon' or 'sopha,' and qualifier kubha.
19 Those who believe the second sign of this word to be merely # variety of sa, not the old sign for the lingual aha, will read Dusalathena, and in the sequel abhisitand and so forth.
13 This is a clerical mistake for nishitha, as the corresponding forms in B. And O. show.

Page #391

ASOKA INSCRIPTIONS.
A.-Barabar Hill Cave Inscription of Piyadasi.
SEIC&12 57 *****
SCALE .25
B.Barabar Hill Cave Inscription of Piyadasi.
V&LdUstazo
نل :: منم که به م
td ป ++L6A
SCALE .25
C.--Barabar Hill Cave Inscription of Piyadasi.
..
:
AR
L.
Wy
J. F. FLEET, BO. C.S.
W. GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITH.
SCALE .26

Page #392

2
4
D.-Nagarjuni Hill Cave Inscription of Devanampiya-Dasalatha.
¿CÚPLɗS£404764825 Avwxy Exa ###66LZEscaze
·A·$84√2
SCALE .33
E-Nagarjuni Hill Cave Inscription of Devanampiya-Dasalatha.
SCALE .33
F-Nagarjuni Hill Cave Inscription of Devanampiya-Dasalatha.
SCALE .33

Page #393

OCTOBER, 1891.)
SACRED LITERATURE OF THE JAINS.
865
pi
E. 1. Gôpika kubhî Dashalathênå dêva[na]ın 2. gêna Anamtaliyam abhishitêna Aji3. vike[hi bhadam]têbi vîsha-ni(shi]diyye 4. nishitha a-chandama-shûliyam [1*]
1. Vadathikâ kabhi Dashalathênå de vânam 2. piyênâ inamtaliyan abhi[shi]tên 3. [Ajivi]kê bi24 bhadamtehi vâ[sha-ni]shidiyâyê 4. nishithi &-chamdama-shûliyam [*].
WEBER'S SACRED LITERATURE OF THE JAINS. TRANSLATED BY DR. HERBERT WEIR SMYTH.
(Continued from page 182). The second part of the Siddhanta is formed by the 12 uvamgas, upangas. This title is applied in the angas to the Brahmanical upangas alone. In anga 3, three of the existing vvargas are apparently mentioned, but under the title anga bâhira and not under that of uvanga. In the uvamgas themselves this appellation occurs at the beginning of the eighth alone, but there, according to all probability, it is a special designation of uy. 8 - 12 alone, and had consequently [373] not yet acquired its present signification. The Nandi, too, does not accept it in its present meaning. It enumerates all the texta in question, which now bear this name, but enumerates them among the anangapavittha (for which term the PÅkshikasūtram &c. present augabâhira) and in an order different from the usual one at present in vogae. The solitary passage, in which I have been able to discover this title used in the Siddhanta in its general signification, is in the Mahånisiha, Book 3 (angovanga..).
At the present day there are 12 texts bearing this name, corresponding to the number of the angas. This arrangement is probably intentional and dates from a period (see p. 344), in which the twelfth auga either really existed or at least was counted in with the others. There is an allegedl inter-relation between the 12 augas and the 12 uvaigas, avanga 1 being placed in connection with aiga 1, avanga 2 with anga 2, and so on. In the three samayåri texts, uv. 8 - 12 are called nirayâvaliyâsuakkhandhô utangam (Avi., Svi.), in the Vidhipr. egamuvumgam; each of the five vaggas of which respectively corresponds to angas 8 to 12. It is not improbable that [374] the existing order of the 12 texts may have been the result of such considerations; and the similarity in extent of each of the different members of both series renders this assumption the more worthy of credence. There are, however, so far as I can see,
24 The fir: letter has been added afterwards and stands above the jt. It has run together with the double i-strokes and is somewl:at blurred.
1 cf. Abbayadsva on uv. 1, Malayagiri on uv. 2. 4. SAnticbandra on uv. 6.
· The order of succession adopted there, and which I follow from this point on, varies so far as the position of uv. 5-7 is concerned from that of Bithler --- see above p. 223 - where these appear as Nos. 6, 7, 5.
In the Vidhiprapa we read: Some, however, regard both uv. 7 and uv. 5 as belonging to anga 5, and according to their view, the uvamngan belonging to angas 7-11 is the frutaskandha formed by uv. 8 - 12: anné para chandapannattin sûrapannattin cba bhagaval-uvarhge bhanarti, tesir malpa uvlangadastiņa pamcapham angånarn uvangari nirayávalidsuyakkhandhô. This is manifestly an arrangement of those who no longer count the diffhiva as belonging to the angs, and is in entire harmony with the actual facts of the case. The statement in V. that follows is a riddle: Oriji annavapi sajamoham vikakapapphavanhidasa AyArdi-uvamgA ndyavva Anupavvie (this is the close of the uvarigavihi).. The same remarkable statements are repeated in the Jogavihana in v. 60: vachchaï satta-dinebim niraykvaliy Asuyak kbaındho | 59 | Ör&jt panravaņa saja mcharnikakapuppbavanhidas | Ayerli-u vang & nêyavva Anupuvvf | 60 || A solution of this riddle is, however, not far to seek, if we read 6° rajtado jarho chamonio kao kao. By this means we have the beginning syllables of uvagn 1-3, 5-10 in their present order; and here again there is reference to 18 uvargas and to 12 añgas.
• The last mombors in both series have the least, those in the middle the greatest, extent.

Page #394

366
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(OCTOBER, 1891.
no instances of real inner connection between the angas and the avangas having the same position in the series. I say this, despite the fact that the scholia are only too zealous in attempting to establish such an inter-relation.
Definite groups are recognizable here as in the case of the angas. Though all the uvamgas with the exception of av. 3 begin with the legendary introductory formula têņam kåléņam.. , yet in the case of uv. 2.4 the pamchanamukkâra, which we have met with already in anga 5, is placed before this introduction. In av. 4 a verse, designed to glorify this pamchanamukkâra, follows upon it, and then come several other verses of an introductory character. In the case of uv. 5 there is a larger number of introductory verses or of verses descriptive of the contents of the whole, before the legendary beginning; in the case of av. 7 these are placed after the legendary beginning. Both of these uv. (5 and 7) differ from the others in the following particular, - [375] they make use of the title pâhuda for their sections, a title which we have met with in the case of the 14 púrvas. In the introduction of av. 7 and in uy. 4 there is a direct reference to the purvas. These two uv. are peculiar in being identical or at least in representing two recensions of one and the same text. Uv. 5, 7 and 6 are mentioned together in anga 3, and share an introduction that is completely identical, mutual references in the text to each other, and above all in the concluding part of their titles, the common factor pannatti, prajvapti. A part of uvariga 3, the divasagarapannatti, belongs to the same category with them, since it has on the one hand the same termination in its title, and on the other is mentioned in anga 3 with them. At the period of the Nandi and of that of anga 3 it appears to have enjoyed a separate existence. Finally the title of upånga 4, pannavaņâ, is to be brought into this connection, so that upangas 8 - 7 may be regarded as & group which is bound together by external criteria. The word pannatti which is here the link between them, was found in the title of anga 5. The words pannatta (prajñapta) and pannatti (prajñapti) and the finite verb prajñapay have such a special use in the Bhagavati and, as was discovered later, in the entire Jaina-Siddhânta, that (Bhag. I. 368) I called attention to the [376] Pannattivada, or Prajñaptivậdins, who are mentioned by the northern and southern Buddhists: among the 18 chief sects of Buddhism at the time of the second council of Asoka. According to Wassiljew, pp. 228, 244 (German transl. pp. 251, 268), this sect dates from the second century after Buddha's nirvana.
Upangas 8-12 form a second group closely connected with each other (see .above). They form, as tradition itself asserts, in reality but five chapters of a single árutaskandho and are counted as five special texts merely to complete the parallel with the twelve angas. The title of uv. 8 is later on, e. g. in the Vidhiprapa, regarded also as the collective title of all five; and a special name, kappiya o, kalpikas, is allotted to uv. 8. In the Nandi all the 6 titles are placed together.
According to the introduction of the avachârņi to the Oghaniryukti (see above, p. 217) the daśapurvins gained especial honour in performing the meritorions service of composing sangrahaņi to the uvamgas (or of composing the uv. and the samgr. 2), and therefore had just claim to the salutation (namukkâra) in the first verse of that Niryakti. Tradition calls Ajja Sama the author of the fourth uvamga, the Pannavanå; see verse 4 of the introduction to that uvamga. There is, however, another, who in this passage characterizes himself as the real promulgator, and introduces himself with the word “1."
1377] In the case of the first nvanga, secondary additions are, according to Leumann, clearly demonstrable. The second avamga appears, however, to have suffered more, and the present text may, in fact, be a different one from the original. The reader is further referred to my remarks made on angas 8-10 and especially on anga 10...
In the remarks of the redactor scattered here and there in the angas, there were many
6 pannatti is found in PAli as the title of a work. See Childers 8. v. pannatti (Abhidhammap) Works of the mume were produced by the later Jains. See (above p. 371) my remarks on the brávakaprajñapti of the Umaavati(mi)vkohaks.

Page #395

OCTODER, 1891.)
SACRED LITERATURE OF THE JAINS.
867
references to the upângas, their titles being directly mentioned or the names of particular divisions cited. In the upångas vice versé there is no lack of references both to the angas and to other upangas. Apparently we must recognize in these remarks of the redactor a hand aiming at unity (see above, p. 228), - a band which has dealt uniformly with the angas and upangas in that form of the text which both at present possess.
The varying statements in the MSS. in reference to the extent of each of the apângas are as follows: up. I has 1320 granthas,& - 2. 2079, - 3. 4750,- 4. 7785, - 5. (2000?),? - 6. 4454, – 7. 1600,8 - 8 - 12. 1109.
XIII. The first upangam, uvavaiyam, aupapatikam, of renewed births. The explanation of the name by supapåtika is (see above, p. 323, Leumann, p. 2) an incorrect Sanskrit rendering, since the formation is from Vpad + spa and not from pat + upa. The work is divided into two parts, which are, however, not separated by any recognized dividing line. The first, which is greater in extent than the second (378), treats in great detail of the appearance and sermon of MabÂvira in Champà under king Kuniya Bambhaskraputte, and of the pilgrimage of the king to Mahavira. The many varņakas, which, on such occasions as this, are found in the legendary introductions to the angas, uvangas, &c., occur in this instance in their full form. They are consequently cited elsewhere merely by their 'introductory words; and for anything beyond this, reference is generally made to our text.
The law proclaimed by Mahavira is here ($ 57) designated partly as âgârad hamme and partly as aga rasami tê. See my remarks on page 244 ad anga 1. The second part, which contains the essence of the work, is in extent scarcely more than a third of the whole, and looks, as Lenmann says, like a more detailed treatment of Bhag. I, 1,77 (see Bhag. 1, 162 ) It is divided into divisions of tolerably small compass, which all possess a form equally solemn. These small divisions are not equal in extent nor are they counted on to the end. At the end there are 22 karikas, which describe the abode &c. of the Siddhas, vis, of those that have escaped migration of souls We find the teaching of Imdabhūti by Mabavira treated of, partly in a general way, partly in reference to 16 definite categories of men as regards their uvavaya among the nêraïyas, &c., up to the heavenly worlds, and to the final perfection and residence of the blessed in the Isipabbhârâ pudhavi. Dr. Ernst Leumann has given a detailed account of its contents in the introduction to his edition of the text ("the aupapatikasutra," Leipzig, 1883), accompanied by an excellent glossary.
Among the interesting facts contained in the middle part of the work, the following is of especial importance. In $ 76 there is an enumeration of alien sects, [379] parivvâyâ, viz. : the Sankhê Jogi Kivila 10 Bhiuchchall haṁsala paramahamsa bahuudaga kulivvayê13 Kaņhaparivvâyâ.14 In immediate connection with this is an enumeration of the 8 representatives of each class16 from the Brahmana caste : tattha khalu imê att ha mahaņa parivvâyâ bhavamti : Kannê16 ya Karakamțê ya Ambadé ya Parâsarê | Kanhê Divậyanê chêva Dêvaguttê ya Narah@47 11, and from the warrior caste : tattha khalu imê astha khattiyaparivvâyâ bhavanti, tam : Silai Masihåre18
* The statements vary here o. g. between 1167 (Kielhorn's Report, 1880-81, p. 50) 1200, 1267, 1820 and 1500. Leumann counts 1220. T The statement is here omitted ; cf. av. 7.
• Other statements are: 1854, 2000. of. chhedasútra, 4. 10.
10 Kapilô dêvatA yeshån, Sankhya eva nirisvarah. n Bhrigur lok& prasiddha rishiviseshas, tasyai' va fishyah BhargavAh (!). 12 In referenoe to the following names see Wilson Sel. works 1,231 (ed. Rost). 13 kutlvratih: kuttohars in Wilson, also in the Aruņikop. Ind. Stud. 2, 170.
Nrkyanabh: ktika iti kechit. 16 Kart (Karidv-AP) Kanné refers, it is true, to Kanva as Leamann affirme in his glossary) dayah shodaba parivr&jakah lokatô 'vasey Ah.
16 Kanhê var. 1.
* These Jains, possessed by the desire of changing everything, hayo not allowed even the name of the old Narada to remain unaltered. Some MSS. have even Nerabhe.
18 var. Masito, Masauno, Mauah, also "hard. The Maahạára name of country in the Ait. Br. may perhaps be compared.

Page #396

368
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
[OCTOBER, 1891.
Naggai Bhaggal Tiya (Tika ?) Vidêhê râyâ Râmê Balè 'ti ya. After this follows an enameration of the works of Brahmanical literature, which is identical in every particular with that in the fifth anga 19 See above p. 304.
The sage Ambada, 20 who is enumerated among the 8 mahanaparivvayas, must have played no unimportant role in the opinion of his Jain colleagues or enemies, either at the time of the composition of this apinga or at that of those who interpolated the statements in reference to him. There have been inserted two detailed legends concerning him, the first of which deals especially with his [380) scholars, 21 the second with himself, with his second birth in the person of the boy Dadhapažnna, and with his final perfection. Here occurs an enumeration of the ($ 107) 72 kalks, which are in fact essentially the eame as those in anga 3, and ($ 105) of the foreign peoples from whom the female attendants of the boy (as in anga 6) came. These names are in general identical with those enumerated in angas 5 and 6, and are also mentioned in a previous passage ( 53) where the maid-servants of the queen are treated of. The list is as follows :bahû him khujjihim Chillihim vamanihim vadabhihim Babbarihim Paüsiyahim (baiio) Jôniyâhim Palhaviyâhim Isiņiyâhim Châruiniyâhim (Varuo Thâruo) Lâsiyahim Lausiya him Damilihim Simhalihim Ârabihim Palimdihim Pakkaņihim Bahalihim Maramdihim Sabarihim Pârasihim nanadesihin. For v. I. see Leumann, p. 60.
The 18 dësibhasa s22 unfortunately are merely mentioned here ($ 109) and not enamerated by name. We might readily conjecture that the 18 foreign peoples, just mentioned, were here referred to, though the expression desi is not in harmony with such an assumption. For the expression desibhâsivisaraê, which we meet with here, we find a fuller form in anga 6 (cf. abové, p. 313), attharasavihipagåradesibhâsîvisâ raê. Dr. Leumann has had the kindness to inform me that the commentary has at least the appearance of referring this to the 18 modifications of one dêsibhisi and not to 18 special languages; ashtadaśa vidhiprakârâl [381] pravrittiprakarah ashtadaśabhir va vidhibhir bhêdaih prachârah pravşittir yasyaih så, tatha tasyam dêśibhashiyain sabhêdêna varnivalirupayam visaradah pamital. By the annaütthiya (SS 26, 99) of the text, i. e. according to the scholia anyayûthika (see p. 299), which are opposed to the niggantha pavayaņa ($ 16) of the genuine doctrine of the Jains, we are to understand the sakyadayalı. By the chêiyas ($ 99) we must understand the arhachchaityäni jinapratimah, and by the Ajiviyas (S 120). the adherents of Gosila,33 Tho soven pavayananinhagas (S 122), i. e. representatives of the seven schisms, which, to use the expression of Abhayadeva, Jinagamam nihnůyat8 (! nihnu vatê ?) apalapamti cha, are enumerated one by one in the text. They are as follows:- baburaya, jivapadèsiya, avvattiya, samochchheiya, dôkiriya, têrasiya (see p. 351), abaddhiya (avvatthiya var. 1.). Abhayadova characterizes them according to their order as Jamâlimatânusariņah, Tishyaguptâchåryamatávisamvadinal, Åshidhacharyaśishyamatamtahpâtinal), Pushpa(shya)mitramatánusariņah,24 Gamgâchâryamatanuvartinalı, Rohaguptas matanuskriņah, Goshthimihilamatávalambinah ; on this see p. 275 on auga 3, p. 355-6 on purvas 7-9, and below my remarks on À vaấy. Nijj. 8, Uttarajjh. 3, 9.
19 salangavi is here too explained by : shalargavidah and satthitaintavieAral by : KApiliyatamtrapanditah. · *20 Also Ammada, Ammattha. - This name must bo derived from Amrata, short form of Amrabhata.-L.
31 Who once wandered jet ham ulamasainmi along the Ganga from Kampillapura to PurimatAlar nagaram. The name of the month is explained as follows: jyoshthå mQlam vA (!) nakshatrath paurņamday Ana yatra sykt sa jy beatha. mulô misah, jyaishthah.
33 Saa bolow pp. 309, 400 for the 18 different mothods of writing.
23 On this point of tho interesting statements in Nêmichandra's pravachanasiroddhara, 694 v. 739-41. Loumann tells me that the statements are found earlier, viz., in Sillókn on anga 1, 2.2 and in Abhayadevs on aga 3. 9. Thoy are as follows:- niggartha-Sakka-tAvasa-geruya(gairukah)-Ajiva pamchahi saman | tammiya niggatha to je Jiņashabhava muniņo | Sakka ya Sugayasiga, jê jadili to u tivasa giya jê dhkurattavattb tidarndiq g@ruyA t'u l ja G salagu-mnyamaņusararti bhannannti & u Ajivil samaņattêņa bhuvanê pamoha vi patta pasiddhim ima | Here then all the five kinds of framanas are represented as possessing equal authority: geruA is doubtless for gairikis "rudalos," nooording to their dhaurattavattha, of. Bhag. 1, 255, 273, where, "metale and jewels," is an error. - The first line of the above quotation (niggo.... samaņi is drawn from Nisftha-bh&ahy XIII. 163a.-L. 24 Or Afvamitra ! ; on Pashyamitra, see pp. 849, 356.
26 Or Chhalua.

Page #397

SYSTEM OF TRANSLITERATION. The system of transliteration followed in this Journal for Sanskrit and Kanarese, (and, for tho sake of uniformity, submitted for adoption, as far as possible, in the case of other languages),- except in respect of modern Hindu personal names, in which absolute purism is undesirable, and in respect of a few Anglicised corruptions of names of places, sanctioned by long usage, - is this :Sansksit. Kanarese. Transliteration. | Sanskrit.
Kanarese. Transliteration,
ja
jha
ña
24 # # 4 aut opp en
3 S B
4 4 4 4 4 4 4 al al 44444
Da
da
9
12.32 8 3 63
dha
ng
$
औ
8L 21ste & CC && a&tuua ada 3 aad & 3.
% 4
ра pha ba bha ma
Visarga
Visarga Jihdimiltya, or old)
Visarga before an
and ख् Upadhmaniya, or old Visarga bo
fore and Anusvára
Anusodra Anundsiku
4
& 34A
I
kla
ED HO
1 8 KR 8 3 13
gla
ila
44.4
la
cha
sa chha
ha A single hyphen is used to separate words in composition, as far as it is desirable to divide them. It will readily be seen where the single hyphen is only used in the ordinary way, at the end of a line, as divided in the original Text, to indicate that the word runs on into the next line; intermediate divisions, rendered unavoidable here and there by printing neceesities, are made only where absolutely necessary for neatness in the arrangement of the Texts.
A double hyphen is used to separate words in a sentence, which in the original are written as one word, being joined together by the euphonic rules of samdhi. Where this double hyphen is used. it is to be understood that a final consonant, and the following initial vowel or consonant-and-vowel, are in the original expressed by one complex sign. Where it is not used, it is to be understood of the orthography of the original, that, according to the stage of the alphabet, the final consonant either has the modified broken form, which, in the oldest stages of the alphabet. was used to indicate & consonant with no vowel attached to it, or has the distinct sign of the viráma attached to it; and that the following initial vowel or consonant has its full initial form. In the transcription of ordinary texts, the double hyphen is probably unnecessary; except where there is the saindhi of final und initial vowels. But, in the transcription of epigraphical records, the use of this sign is unavoidable, for the purpose of indicating exactly the palæographical standard of the original texts.
The avagraha, or sign which indicates the elision of an initial a, is but rarely to be met with in inscriptions. Where it does occnr, it is most conveniently represented by its own Devanagari sign.
So also practice has shewn that it is more convenient to use the ordinary Devanagari marks of punctuation than to substitute the English signs for them.
Ordinary brackets are used for corrections and doubtful points; and square brackets, for letters which are much damaged and nearly illegible in the original, or which, being wholly illegible, can be supplied with certainty. An asterisk attached to letters or marks of punctuation in square brackets, indicates that those letters or marks of punctuation were omitted altogether in the original. As a rule, it is more convenient to use the brackets than to have recourse to footnotes; as the points to which attention is to be drawn attract notice far more readily. But notes are given instead, when there would be so many brnckets, close together, as to encumber the text and render it inconvenient to read. When any letters in the original are wholly illegible and cannot be supplied, they are represented, in metrical passages, by the sign for a long or a short syllable, as the case may be ; and in prose passages, by points, at the rate, usually, of two for each akshara or syllable.

Page #398


Page #399

NOVEMBER, 1891.]
SACRED LITERATURE OF THE JAINS.
869
(382) There is a commentary by Abhayadêva, a vârttikam or avachûri by Parsvachandra. In reference to the difference of the constituent paris which were united to form this uvamgam, the reader is referred to Leumann, p. 20, who has made some pertinent remarks upon the subject.
XIV. The second upangam, rêya pasénaïyyam, which is always translated by rajapraśniyam. This is perhaps to be explained as a complete misunderstanding of the Prakrit title by which this text is always cited in those passages from the hand of the redactor which refer to our text in the aigas, etc. For pasêụaïyyam cannot properly be praśniyam, since the latter word rather pre-supposes a Praksit form paņhiyam. Pasêņaïyyam seems, according to the conclusion at which I arrived ad Bhag. 1, 32, to refer to the name of king Prasênajit who is well-known in the legends of the Jains.24 There is, however, one important objection to this conclusion, there is no mention of this king in our text, which mentions a king Puêsi but no Pasênai. Inasmuch as the authenticity of the form of the name pasêņaïyyam cannot be gainsaid, 27 there remains but one possibility open: that the original title of the text has been preserved and either the name of Paesi has been substituted for that of Pasêņa 128 (see p. 384) in the text, or there has been substituted an entirely different text for the whole of the old one. [333] Though the latter conjecture savours of boldness, we are not without analogous examples us we have seen in the case of argas 8 - 10. Our first means of explanation appeals much more to our sympathy, especially as we have a perfect parallel in a later legend. We possess two recensions of the Samyaktvakaumudikatha, in the first of which the scene is laid at the time of " Srêņika, son of Prasênajit," in whose place Uditódaya, son of Padmodbhava appears in the second. This is, however, brought about in such fashion that 'Sreņika is referred to in a two-fold introduction. The legend in question appears to be old and to antedate the two existing recensions of the Samyaktvakaumudikath.
The Sanskrit translation of the title Rayapasê naiyyam by rajaprafniyam is very far from being in harmony with the contents of the work. The burden of the very smallest portion of its extent is in our text the questions of a king. The questions play here no greater röle than in any other of the legends similar to this in which a king requests instruction. The irreconcilability of this Sanskrit title with the contents of the work itself makes eo ipso for the conclusion that this title is nothing but a mere makeshift to conceal the original contents.
It is, therefore, of no little significance that a beautiful conjecture elaborated into an investigation by Dr. Leumann has shown that one of the Pali texts of the Buddhistio Tipitaka,
- viz. the Pay Asi-suttam (Dighanikaya 1, 2), - is especially closely connected (384) with that part of our upanga which treats of king Paêsi. It is apparent, then, that we must assume either a common foundation for both or the use of a special Buddhistic work as a ground-work. That the original text of the RÂyapasénaïyyam might easily, have suffered a transformation, is indicated by the irreconcilability of this title with the Sansksit translation and with the contents. Thus the old name Prasénajit gave placo to that of our text Paĉsi (Pâyâsi in Pali).
It is noteworthy that at the conclusion of the work there is an exclamation of reverence addressed to the Jinas, to the sayadevayî (sruta) blagavai, to the pannatti bhagavai, and to the bhagavat arahat Påsa. Joined to this exclamation are some very corrupt words, which are perhaps to be restored as follows, 20 Passasayassa vânie. It is at least certain that Pisa, and not Mahavira, is glorified in this paragraph. Could this not be a residuom of the original text,
26 See e. 9. arga 8, p. 320.
* In Nandi, Pakshikas, and Avi. the name is rayapa(pprla niya; Svi. and V. have słņays; the passages in the toxta showing the hand of the redactor always have the forri Halyya.
Loumann is of the opinion (Aupap. p. 9) that the 1 R yapaalnalyys arose by "connection with Raja Prasenajit by popular otymology." It seems to me, however, that Rayapasēņaïyya is the prius and rfjapraśniyam the posterius.
* .. nambhagavad) arabad, Plaassa, passé supasse, posavpl namd A, arahanto para suposal passavapł4 pam) E, arabatto paand aupassa vapie namo E, arabartó paus suyassa všple damo G.

Page #400

370
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[NOVEMBER, 1891.
which had a right to the title raya Pasênaïyya and which perhaps treated of the relations of king Prasônajit and Pasa? Pasa, it should be noticed, appears as a teacher in up. 10, 11. The seer glorified in our present text is at least called Pasivachchiyya, i. e. scholar of Pisa; and appears in a recital put in the mouth of Mahavira as the teacher of king Paêsi. In the other legends, in which [385] any such Pasâvachchiyyas occur, they are invariably characterized as converts to the teachings of Mahavira. See above, p. 300. Malayagiri attempts to find in this reference to the Pâsâvachchiyyas a special proof of the connection of upâiga 2 with auga 2 which, he maintains, treats of the views of the foreign pashaudas.
We were for some time left in doubt whether the references in the aigas to the Rayapasê naïyyam were in reality all contained in the Rayapasênaiyyam (cf. Jacobi Kalpas. p. 107); but Leumann has shewn that this doubt is without foundation. See above, p. 299. But, granted the actual occurrence of all these citations, this fact only makes for the conclusion, that, at the period of these remarks by the redactor, the substitution, which I assume, was already a fait accompli. Nor does this exclude the assumption that our text originally possessed a contents that was really in harmony with its title.
The subject of the largest portion (almost two-thirds) of the existing text, which after the pamchanamukkara begins with the customary legendary introduction tênam kalênam, is as follows: The god Sûriyabha, who has his throne in the Sôhammakappa, makes a pilgrimage with a numerous retinue to Amalakappa, the city of king Sêa (Sveta), in order to offer his reverence to Mahavira (who is abiding in that city), especially by means of music, dancing and singing.30 Furthermore, the information is treated of which, in long spun-out details, is imparted in reference to Sûriyabha, his synonymous vimâna and all his splendour, by Mahavira to Goyama (Imdabhûti), who questions him on these points. [386] The discussion of the subject consists in reality of a mere heaping together of compounds; and the sentences often extend over several pages. It is idle to talk of this as style, since it exceeds even the widely extended license which is customary in these sacred texts. We recall. Bana's Kidambari in this connection, though the latter possess a wealth of poetic thoughts and images which elevates it above this dreary and insipid hodge-podge. We have however, the right to propound the question whether there may not be a genetic connection between works like the Kadambari and this species of Jain literature, since at least the con-fased style of the Indian novel may have been influenced by Jain legends of this sort.31
On page 205 of the edition39 (of the text of 296 pages printed in India), Mahivira finally comes to the point and informs us how Sûriyabha reached this glory of his, and of his first birth as king Paesi (Pradesi) in Sêyaviya. The latter sent his charioteer Chitta [387] with presents to his vassal Jiyasattu at Savatthi in the land of Knuli.33 At that place Chitta heard the sermon of the "Pasávachchijjê Kêst nimam kumare," and was so much edified thereby that after his return hame he induced his master Paêsi to let him drive him to the sanctuary, where Kêst happened to be preaching at that very timo. Chitta brought about that conversation between Paesi and Kosito which the translation of the name Rayapasêaïyyam by Rajaprasiyam refers. This
30 32 nattavihi, 4 väitta, 4 g'ya, again 4 nattavihi and 4 nattabhinaya are given commentator, Malayagiri, however, offers scarcely any explanation on this point.
in great detail. The
81 It is certain at Indian fables are greatly under the influones of the simple fataka tales of the Buddhists." Likewise, the modern stories as Sinhasanadvitriis ka eto, are without donbt influenced by the kathanakas which were gradually cultivated more and more by the Jains. It is noteworthy, that in Bina as in tho Dasakumfra, the style of which is much better than that of Bêna, the same persons are frequently born thrige. This three-fold birth is the special delight of the Jain legends. Our text, in this very place, affords an example of this fact. Cf the verse quoted, Ind. Stud. 16, page 156 from the Anuyogav. in referencs to the abbhuarasa.
32 This quarto edition contains the commentary of Malayagiri and a gloss in Bhasha. The text gives the year Samvat 1732 (!), the gloss 2732 (1). Iavagrathna is mentioned in the latter as being the scene of the events narrated. ts Reference to this point is found in upinga 8.
54 See Uttarajjh. Cap. 23. See the statements of Dharmaghosha in his Kupakshakausikaditya (1, 7), in my treatise on this subject, page 22, Journal of the Berlin Acad. of Sciences, 1882, p. 812, in reference to modern descen lauts of this Kêsikumara, who themselves claim this title until the end of the XVI century.

Page #401

NOVEMBER, 1891.)
SACRED LITERATURE OF THE JAINS.
371
conversation, which starts with the question in reference to the relation of the jiva to the salira, reaches in the printed text from page 242 to page 279, and contains, therefore, about an eighth part of the whole. In reality, however, there is more than an eighth, since the beginning contains a good deal of commentary.
With the relation of the former birth of Suriyabha as Padsi, Mahavira. connects liis prophecy in reference to his future birth as Dadhapažnna. This prophecy is in all essentials completely identical (though somewhat more detailed) with that form of the history of this person, which we met with in up. 1 and in up. 8 (cf. also Bhag. 11, 11.)35 We have then disa covered here a fact that is likely to cast a somewhat suspicious light upon the history of the text of ap. 2. The enumeration of the 72 kalis (p. 290) varies here but inconsiderably; and Malayagiri does not help us by giving any explanation of the names. The enumeration of tho foreign peoples is in essential agreement with Bhag. 3, 33 (above p. 302), with the single exception [388) that here, too, the Cheüsiya (Vaüo, Paü) and the Jöniya have been included in the list. There are, however, some few variations in the names and in the order of their succession. See Leumann, Aap. p. 60. On page 52 chînapittharasi is adduced among the red stuffs, and likewise in ap. 3; cf. chinapata in anga 10, p. 333.
The commentary of Malayagiri dates, according to Aufrecht, Catalogus, p. 396b, from the year (Vira ?) 1772; according to Leumann this is merely the date of the tabà based upon Malayagiri.
xv. The third upangam, jivabhigamasutram, = instruction, in dialogue form, of Göyama (Imdablûti) in reference to the different forms and groups of animated nature. This ingtraction is not placed in the mouth of Mahavira, bat ir that of a person who is not designated. The introductio is composed without any legendary ballast, and reads as follows:- Tha36 khalu Jiqamayi... Jiņaạn mayam Jiņânulôman Jiņa ppanitam Jiyaparůviya Jinakkhiyam Jiņinuchinnam Jiwapannattam Jinadesiyam Jinapasattham aņuvitiyain (P) tan saddahamiņa tan pattiyamâņi tan rồêmânâ thêrî blagavamtê ji vâjivabhigamam nama 'jjhayanaṁ pannavaïmsu. In up. 10 these thêrà blagavaitô are adduced by Mahåvira himself - cf. chlêdasútra 4. The introduction then proceeds to give, in response to the question sê kim tam jivabhigame?, a species of division of the entire work. No smaller sections, except some,37 are marked off in the text. [389] The various views of those38 are here enumerated 39 wlio characterize the jiva either as duviha (to 17a of the MS. - ms. or. fol. 1081 -- consisting of 212 leaves) or as follows, -as tiviha (to 34a ), as chaüvviha (to 1848 ; this is the chief part, almost of the wholeto), as pamchaviha (to 1864 ), as chhavviha (to 1932 ), sattaviha (to 1936), a!thao (to 1952 ), navao (to 1951), and dasaviha (to 1976). Then the same pndivatti, follow in the same order, but according to another guiding principle. Within this system there are innumerable groups, species and sub-species of each of the jivas according to their properties and relations. The contents is remarkably dry and offers but little of genuine interest. Very frequent are the references to tho fourth a paig., which is quite similar to it in contents and forin. At present it is impossible to decide which text has the better claim to priority. Many single verses and sometimes whole series of gathås, or karika-like verses are inserted
Tho section which trents of the divas (and samuddas) (i. e. 890 to 1674 ) appears at the date of aiga 3 and of the Nandill to have had a separate existence under the naine divas igarapan natti which is mentioned twice in anga 3. See p. 203. This section unfortunately contains
55 s. Leumann, Aap. p. 75 fg.
* This is preceded by a reverential exclamation nami Usa5bf-liyana:n, chauviske titthagar:non, an unusoal forul, which appear to belong to tho toxt itself and not to emanatfrom the copyistu. In the MS. ohiofly used by me the conclusion of an ulda is given thron tim 4.
Vidhipropi), intro luced in a way that is quit) Idlantical in each soprat, case. 40 We find t:oated here the division into noraiya to 52b. tirikkhajóniya to 596, mapussa to 745, deva to 1894, ead then a few further remarks to 1941.
1 In the Vihiprapt there is a sangrahaņl on it citada nong tha pa onayas.

Page #402

372
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(NOVEMBER, 1891.
almost nothing of real geographical value, [390] and nothing but fantastic conceptions concern. ing mythology. This holds good in reference to the astronomical (if we may use the expression) remarks concerning the different numbers (!) of the suns, moons and stars in each of the dvipas, which appear to harmonize completely with the statements of the fifth (or seventh) apäiga. See Ind. Stud. 10, 835. The 28 nakshatras consequently begin with Abhijit and not with Krittika. There are no legends whatsoever. Dr. Leumann sends me the following detailed statement of the contents of this upangam :
1. Introduction : - II. Two-fold division of crentures. 1-10. thivara : 1-5. padhavikkaiyâ êgimdiya, 6 - 7. Aakkiya eg., 8 - 10. vaassaïkkaiya eg; -11 - 26. tasi : 11. têukkaiya eg., 12. vậukkaiya eg., 13. bởimdiya, 14. têimdiya, 15. chaürindiga, - 16 - 26. pam. chimdiya, 16. nô raïya, 17 - 20. sammuchchhima-tirik khajôniya, 21 - 24. gabbhavakkantiyatir, 23. maņussa, 26. dévà ; - 27. tasi and thi varů (in general). – III. Three-fold division of creatures: 1 - 6. itthiyâð, 7 - 12. purisa, 13-18. napamsaga, 19 - 24. the three together and among thamsolves. - IV. Four-fold division of creatures. A geographical text is inserted called the divasamadda. 1. padhamð nêraiya-uddésô, 2. bitiyanêraïya-uddesaô, 3. taīð nárayauddêsaô, 4. tirikkhajôņiya-padh, udd., 5. tirikkh. add bid., 6. maņussi, 7. 31 - 33. dévå. 8 - 23. divasamuddl. 8 - 16. the Jambnddiva, the inmost part of the world, of circular form. 8. Description of the above, in general the same as that of SûriyAbhavimâna in Rajapr.
- 9. the gate of the east, Vijaya dara-10. The residence rûyahâțl of the god Vijaya who rules there. 11. [391] The walk of reverence of Vijaya within his vimiņa, - 12. The duration of the existence of Vijaya, - 13. The gates of the three remaining regions of the world : Vêjayam ta dara, Jayanta dåra and Aparâiya dara, and the distance of the daras from each other. - 14. Jambuddiva as bounded by the Lavaņa bes which surrounds it on all sides like a ring, - 15. Explanation of the name Jambuddiva, - 16. Number of the constellations moving over Jamb., - 17. The Lavana sea, the first ocean surrounding Jambuddiva like a ring; the description here corresponds to that of Jamb. and from this point on is in the same strain, - 18. The Chanda-divå and Sara-divå of the different parts of the earth and oceans,
- 19. Appendix to 17: Ebb and flow eto., - 20. The second part of the globe, Dhîyažbanda, that in circular form is contigaons to the Lavana ses; then the second ocean Kaloda which, in the form of a ring, is adjacent to Dhây.; and finally the third part of the globe, Pakkharavara, contiguous to Kiloda, -21. The Samaya- or Maņussa-Khetta, consisting of the above mentioned two first parts of the globe and the first two oceans together with the inner half of the ring of the third part of the globe, which is separated from the outer half by the circular mountain, Maņasgattara. - 22. The following parts of the globe and oceans which are connected with one another as rings: Pakkharðda, Vârunavara diva, Våruyðda, Khiravara diva, Khirðda, Ghatavara diva, Ghatoda, Khôdavara diva, Khôdôda. - 23. The following world-ring, Nandisara vara diva. - 24. The following oceans and world-rings; Nandisarôda, Aruņa diva, etc., to Hiravárobhísôda. - 25. The remaining oceans and world-rings up to Sayambhuramaņa diva and Sayambhuramaņôda. - 26. The names of all these parts of the globe and oceans, -27. The (392] waters and aquatio animals of the different oceans. - 28. In reference to the divasamudda in general (nâmadhejja, uddhårasamaya, pariņams and uvavậya). – 29. 30. A brief insertion, perhaps an appendix to the divasamuddll. - 29. About pariņima. - 30. Concerning the ability of gods to catch an object that has been thrown, to split hair (P gadhittaê), to lengthen or to shorten one. - 81 - 33. deva continuation ; (see 7). - 31. jðisa-uddêsaô. — 32. - padham Vêmâniya-udd. - 33. bið Vêmeniya-udd. - 31. Final collective statements (duration of existence, etc.) in reference to the four divisions of creatures. - V. -X. Five-fold to the ten-fold division of creatures. - XI. Introduction to the following analogous divisions of all oreatures. - XII. to xx. Two-fold to ton-fold division of all creatures.
41 This oonoluding titlo, says Leumann, is incorrectly placed after Chapter 84 instead of after 88 in the Berlin 89, and in those of Prof. Monier Williams.

Page #403

NOVEMBER, 1891.)
SACRED LITERATURE OF THE JAINS.
873
XVI. The fourth upangam, pannavana (prajpapana) bhagaval, likewise treats of the different forms, conditions of life, etc., of the jiva.43 It is divided into 36 payas, (padas), of which several (15. 17. 23, 38) consist of from two to six uddēšakas. According to the fourth of the nine verses of the introduction, it is the work of Ayya Sama (Arya Syâma, also 'Syâmîrya), who at the same time is called the “twenty-third dhirapurisa" i. e. after Vira (after Sadharmasvamin, according to Malayagiri). (393] This statement causes no little difficulty. According to Klatt, l. I. p. 2476 and 251b (9, 23) and in the Journal of the German Oriental Society 33, 470, the modern Jain lists of teachers place, with some few differences, Syama in the fourth century after Vira; but the "twenty-third” successor of Vîra is placed by one list immediately before Dêvarddhigani, 980 after Vìra, and is regarded by the other as contemporaneous with the destruction of Valabbi (Valabbibbaiga), 845 after Vira. The Gurvávali of the Tapagachla expressly enumerates Syâmarya as a contemporary of the ninth patriarch; and in both of the old Thêrávalis of the Nandi (or Avaśyaka) and of Mêrutunga he is enumerated as the 13th (not the 23rd) successor of Vira. This apparent contradiction is done away with by the explanation of Bhân Dâji, referred to p. 2170, according to which the eleven gañadbaras of Vira are regarded as being included in the designation of Syáma a3 “23rd” successor. This method of including the ganadharas has however not been traced elsewhere.
The text begins with the pamchanamukkara, followed by the following glorification : esố panchanamukkirô 88vv.pavapan ganô | mangalaga ở cha savvegim Padbama hôi mangalam . This glorification is to be ascribed to the last daśapûrvin, sri Vajra (584 Vira), according to modern tradition. See Kup. 811 (21) on this point and also the same passage in reference to the question whether in the last pâda we must read hỏi or havai, about which there is fierce contention among the Jain theologians.
1394) Then follows46 in nine verses the real introduction, of which Jacobi (Journ. Germ. Orient. Soo. 34, 951) saya "it is manifestly the production of Dêvarddhiganin, the redactor of the Siddhanta." The first verse praises Mahavira ; the second characterizes the pannavan savvabhavâņam as uvadamsiya by him (bhagavaya); the third and fourth pwy rover ence to that saint, Ajja Sâma, the “23rd dhîrapurisa," whose wisdom, perfected by listening to the pûrvas, gave to his scholars this śruta-jewel after he had brought it up from the bruta-sea : vậyagavaravamsað tê vîsatimêņa dhîraparisêņa duddharadharêņa7 muņiņå puvvasuyasamiddhabaddhiêu || 3 || suyasayarå viņêů a jêņa sayarayaņam attamam dinna sisaganassa, bhagavató tassa namô Ajja Samassa | 4 ||
In verse 5 an "I" promises to describe (or proclaim) the work in the same way as the “bhagavant" has described it; and the work is obaracterized as "dripping with dsishtivada :" ajjhayanam iņam chittam suyarayanam dițhivậyanisamdam" | jaha vanuiyam bhagavaya aham avi taha vannaisgami || 5 | It is, of course, clear50 that some one else than the previous speaker is to be understood by this “I;" and Jacobi's (395] conjecture, mentioned above, must
. or. in the Sohol on the Nandt: jividta padarthánAm prajnapanath yatra si prajnApan A, asi 'va vpihattard mahaprajnapan A. Two texts of tbis name are referred to there, & simple panno anda mahapanno. The latter is adduced as the sixth upAngam by Kashinath Kunto (p. 327) p. 5 and p. 7, who calls it, however, "obsoleto and extinot." He does not montion the chandapannatti.
Tbo Past(Avalt of Kharataragnohha) dates ais birth 876 (or 396) after Vira; in the same your the Gurvival of Tapegaohbs) Maumes his death to bavo ooourred. He was also called KAlaka and was one of the three celebrated teachers of this name. See Jacobi, Journ. Germ. Orient. Soo. 84, 281ff.
. Thus in the beginning of the Kalpasutra, see Jacobi, p. 83, and Avaky. 9, 183. * The preceding is omitted by Malayagiri, whose commentary begins here.
*T Jacobi translates "undergoing severe test," I propose "holding that (in his head) which is diffloult of retention"; of the use of dharae p. 3040 (Bhag. 2, 2462 ).
*buddhiņam var. 1., construed by Jacobi with vdyagaver, as if we had ovárkpa.
4* dvAdanya 'shguya nishyarhdam iva. The expression diontsardar recurs in the words "aggloiy-puvvanis sandA" at the end of the siddhapAhuda. See above, pago 885.
Malayagiri refors bhagavay" to MahAvers and not to Ayya Elms m the one who in the text carries on the dialogue with Goyama. According to bis conception then the work of Ayya Bima begins with this verse and this is probably oorroot.

Page #404

3.74
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[NOVEMBER, 1891.
be referred and indeed limited to v. 1 - 4 alone in so far as these verses appear as a prelude of secondary origin. In the four verses which then follow are contained the titles of the 36 sections :
1. Pantavana, 2. thayin, 3. babavattavvaṁ, 4. thit, 5. visési ya 6. vukkamti, 7 usgâ88, 8. sannî,51 9. joni ya, 10. charimAim ile il, 11. Ehasa, 12. sarira-, 13. pariņâma, 14. kaske-, 15. 'mdiya-, 16. ( -is wanting) ppago ya | 17. lêså, 18. kayathii ya, 19. sammatté (samyaktva), 20. antakiriya ya Il 7 II, 21. ngânanilsamthinê,52 22. kiriyâ, 23. kamme i yêvarê (?), 24. kammassa baridhać, 25. vedassa bandhaê, 26. kam massa vêdal, 69 27. vê gavêyae || 8 64 ||, 28. Ahâre, 29. uvaôgê, 30. påsaņaya (darśanati), 31. sanni56 (samjnin), 32. saṁjumê cheva | 33. Ohi (avadhi), 34. paviyaraņā7 (read oraņi ya), 35. vêyaņi (vêdana), 36. tattó samugghé il 9 ll.
Then comes the text kar' toxów which begins with the question sê kim tam ajivapannavaņa ?. It consists furthermore of the questions of Go(yama) and the answers probably of Mahavira, though it is ancertain whether Mahêvîra be meant or not, since there is absolutely no addition of a legendary colouring. These questions and answers are couched in the style and manner of the dialogues in the Bhagavatî, and though there is here a connecting thread (which we do not find in the Bhagavati), every padam forming a connected whole, nevertheless, there is, as a rule, (396] no genetic succession of the padas, despite the fact that Malayagiri makes every effort at the beginning of every padanı to restore57 the connection with what has gone before. Many gâhâs are found in the middle of the text, and many of the padas begin with a short statement of contents clothed in gâthi form - dâragåhå (dvåragatha). There are no legends whatsoever. The "contents" is as dreary as that (cf. above p. 389) of the third uvamga, which is closely connected with it, is dogmatic, speculative or even fantastic, and contains but little of general interest. There is much, however, that is important in the first book in the section on Man, who is divided into two classes : milikkha and ariya. First there is an enumeration of 53 Mlâchha peoples, secondly an enumeration of 25% (1) Aryan peoples with their chief cities, and lastly an enumeration of 18 manners of writing. All this possesses some chronological valde which would be more apparent if the names had not been so corruptly handed down to us. Malayagiri offers us no assistance in the case of the first and third enumeration.
In the list of the Milikkhas (Milakkbas) the names are frequently the same as those cited, p. 332 from anga 10, and are arranged in the same order of succession. Various differences of detail are, however, not wanting, and in fact the names here make a less favourable impression upon us and seem to be of less antiquity.58 They are :50 - Saga (397] Javans Chiliya Savara Pappara (Babbars BO) Kiya (only ya BC) Murumdo 'dda (ddha C) Bhadaga Ninnaga Pakkauiya Kulakkhâ Komdaco (Gonda C) Sihara 60 (Sihala) Pârasa 6o Godbova (Gadhô
61 fhårli dasasappApayar, Yidbipraps (V).
62 ôgahan&payam V. A3 25 and 26 are transposed in BCV in V we read kammavéyagapayam 25, véyagabandhagapayam 26, vêyaga payam 27. The metre is faulty in v. 8. A manivinnamanna payar 31, v.
paviy ranApaya 84, V. 57 Malayagiri claims in the beginning of his discussion of the subject that there is a special connection between this upanga and arga 4.
6 The China have disappearod or their name is concealed under that of another people. The name of the Arava has received another form-AravkyA -- and its position has been changed.
09 Malayagiri hus merely bakad banivAsinab Sakah, Yavandabani AsinYavanal), vam sarvatra, Dayaram un nAnAden lokati) vijnêyah. The names are found partly in the thematic form and partly in the Nom. Plur.In Nemichandra's pravachanashroddhara $ 874 v. 1594-7 we find 38 namos, among which only 20 agree with those piren horo; and there are important varintions. His enameration docked out in a modern dress is as follows:Saga Jarana Sabara Vavvara Kiya (K Aykh) Marumda 'dda (Muruxdah Uarab) Göda Pakkapay Aravaga (Aukhaga C, Akshagah!) Hina Ramaya Purasa Khana Khásiy& cheva || 94 || Duravilaya Lalisa (Lakubah) Bhokkasa Bhillindha (Bhilla Athdhrab) Paljuda Kuricha Bhameraruya (!! BbramararachAh) Kodya (Korpakah) ChinaCharchuya (Chinab Charchukah) Melava Damila (Dravid61.) Kulagghå (Kulirghih!) ya || 95 || Kikaya Kirkya Hayamuha Kharimuha Gaya-Taraya-MindbayamubA (Mindhakamukbab) ya Hayakanna Gayakanna enne vi Andriya babave || 86 . It is of interest that the name Aravaga has been completely misunderstood.
" B. omite.

Page #405

SACRED LITERATURE OF THE JAINS.
375
NOVEMBER. 1891,]
damba B, Godhâi C) Damila Vilala (Villana B, Chillala C) Pulimda Hârôsâ Domva (Tôva B, Docha C) Botthakâna (Vokkâna BC) Gamdhahira vâ (hâraga B) Pahaliliya (Babayaliya B, Pahaliya C) Ayyala Rama Pâsa Pausâ Nalaya (Navaya C) ya Bamdhuya ya Sûyali Komkana gå Mêya (Môpamya B) Palhava Málava Maggari (ra BC) Abbasiya Nakvavina (Kanavira B) Lhasiya (Lha B) Khagga (Kkhasa B) Ghasiya (Khâsiya B) Noha (Nêdû B, Naddu C) Ramadha (tha B) Dombilaga (Dô° C) Lausa (°ôsa C) Paôsa Kvokvata (! Kakkvêya B, Kakvêya C) Arakaga (Aravaga BC) Hûna Rômaga Bharu Maruya Visâlâpavâsî (Chilâyavisavâsî ya B, Viliyavisayavâsi ya C) êvamâdî, sê 'ttam Milakkha.
The ariyas are divided into nine groups, the first of which is formed by the khettâriya, and is in gåthâ form. It is as follows:
Rayagiha Magaha, Champå Amga taha, Tâmalitti Vamga ya Kamchanapuram Kalimga, Banarasi (!) chêva Kâsî ya ||
[398] Siêya Kôsala, Gayapuram cha Kuru, Sôriyam Kusaṭṭhâ (dda B, ttà) ya Kampillam Pamchâlâ, Ahichhattâ Jamgala chêva ||
Baravai Sôraṭṭhâ, Mihila Vidêhâ ya, Vattha (chchha B) Kosambi | Nandipuram Samḍibbha (Hâ BC), Bhaddilapuram êva Malaya ya ||
Vairada Vattha (chchha B), Varanâ Atthâ (chchha BC), taha Mattiyâvai Dasanna | Sotti yamai (vai C) ya Chêdi, Viibhayam (Viya) Simdhu-Sôvirâ ||
Mahuri ya Sarasêná, Pava Gambhi (! Bhamgi BC) ya Mâsapuri Vaddha (Vatti BC) | Sâvatthi ya Kunâlâ, Kôdivarisam va (sim cha B) Lât (dha C) ya
Sêyaviyâ vi ya nayart Kêaï-addham cha âriyam bhaniyam | pachch' (pachchh' C, ichch B, etth' Datra) uppatti jinupam chakkipam Rama-Kanhaṇam |
These names represent a later stage than the 13 names in añga 5 (p. 304), but date back in all probability to a remote period. Pâtaliputra is omitted here but found in anga 11 (p. 337, 338). [399] It appears to be an old reminiscence (or perhaps is a trace of the influence of the Ramayana) that one half of Kekaya is called Aryan. The other half is concealed under the name of the Kakvêya (C, where anga 10 has Kêkaya), cited among the Milakkhas. Bânárast is modern cf. Bhag. 2, 222 - but is found in this form also in anga 5.
The second group of the ariyas, the jati-ariya, deserves alsc to be noted here: sê kim tam jatiariya ? chhavviha pannattâ, tam, Ambattha ya Kalimda Vidêha Vêdamâiya (gaiya BC) Hariya Vamchunâ (Chamch° C) chêva chha êya ibbhâ jâtito, sê jâtiâriya. What is the meaning of the last three names ?
The sixth group of the ariyas is formed by the bhasariya. We find here again the enumeration of the 18 manners of writing, which we met with (p. 280) in auga 4, 18, where, however, the form in which they were cited is not so correct as here. The names in this very interesting passage are as follows (together with the variants from ABC), sê kim tam bhâsâriya? je nam addha-Magahâê bhâsâê bhûsemti, jattha ya pam bambhi livi ("the sacred
61 An acceptable reading instead of Marahattha (1) in anga 10.
es Kusartheshu Sauriyam, Malayagiri. In Nêmichandra who, l. 1. § 275 v. 1598-1608 quotes the above verses directly, the name is Kusattâ, or Kusajja; in the scholiast Saurikanagaram Kusarthô désab.
6 Sandibly Sâmdilyô và diśah, Nem. schol.
6 Vatseshu Vairâtapuram (the Vatsa were already mentioned once in conjunction with Kosambl), Varaneshu Achchhapuri, Chêdishu Soktikavati; Vitabhayam Simdhushu, Sauvfreshu (! by this separation of the Sauvira from the Sindhu the next three cities are displaced) Mathura (!), Sarasêneshu PAPA (1), Bhamgeshu Masaivatta (! by means of this compound the copyist hopes to extricate himself from his dilemma). Kundleshu Bravesti, Latásu Kotivarsham, Svêtambika (1) nagari Keks yajanapadasya 'rdham, etavad ardhashaḍviñíatijanapadatmakam kshetram aryam bhanitam, Malayagiri. Instead of the second Vachchha Nêmichandra has the correct reading Machchha; instead of Varana he reads Varuna and explains as follows:- Varuno nagaram Aohohha désah, anyê tu Varane. Achchhapur! 'ty Ahub; for No. 23 he has: Masapuri Vatti (Vaddha C), and in the schol:: Varttô désab, anyê tu.. Vadha iti; at the end: jatth' uppatti.

Page #406

376
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[NOVEMBER, 1891.
writing") pavattai; bambhse nam livie atthirasavihalikkhavihanês pappatte, tâm, bambhi Javaạiliya DasapuriyaKharotthi Puklch arasâriyâ67 Bhôgavarya Pahârâiyâu (Pahao B, Ehao C) ya amtarakariya (amtakkbar B) akkharaputthiya 68 vêqaïyao niņhaïya arkalivizo ganitalivin gamdhavvalivi72 dyúsalivis mahesari74 Dámili75 Polimda,76 sê 'ttam bhísâriyâ. Malayagiri has on this merely :-[400] bråhmi-Yavanani (!) 'ty adayê lipibhedis tu sampradayad avasêyah. It is evident that here too we have to deal with an ancient enamteration, since we find five of these names among the 65 names of writing mentioned in Lalitavistara, Chap. 10, p. 143 fg. (ed. Rajendra Lala Mitra, see also Foucaux, Transl. p. 123). These names are as follows, - brâhmi (at the head in the Lalavist.), Kharôshti,77 Pushkarasari,78 Dravidalipi, gamdharvalipi, and a few other names as gañanavartalipi, antarikshadevalipi, madhyaksharavistâralipi are not far removed from the names enumerated here. The antiquity of these names becomes at once apparent if we compare them with similar enumerations of kinds of writing which comprise quite different names (though they hold fast to the number 18). In the Kalpåntarváchyâni we find (on Kalpas. $ 209) the following peculiar verse in reference to acquiring a knowledge of writing through the help of Jina :
Lebam lihîvihậņam jiņôna bambhii dAhiņakarêņam gasiam samkhâņam sumdarii vâmêņa uvaittham II. then an enumeration of the 72 kalâs, which is followed by the following statements in reference to writing, the first of the 72: lekhunam lipayah 18, tad yathå: hamsalipi bhàtalipi yaksha r kshasa Uddi Yavant Turashki kari (?) Dravidi Saindhavi Malavi nådi nagari Lite Parasi animittalipi (ichhîsam kêtâdir&på gloss) Chanakki Mauladêvi. A second and more modern enumeration ibid. reads : - [401] desidiviśêshad anyathi và 18: Lidi Chôdi Dahali Kinhadi Gujart Sôrathi Marahathi Kauṁkaņi Khurasapi (!) Sasi (?) Simhali Hadi Kiri Hammiri (!) Paratiri Magadhi Malavi Mabiyodhi. In this enumeration the introduction is of especial interest, since it calls the addha-Magahî bhilsa, the language of the bambhî livi. - See p. 221. - No weight is to be laid upon the statement, which the text evidently intends to make, that all the 19 methods of writing mentioned above were brought into use for the bambh? livi.. This passage and that of the Lalitavistara must be regarded as of paramount importance for the history of Indian writing, though these acounts contain much that can be recognized as purely fictitious.
THE GUPTA-VALABHI ERA.
BY J. F. FLEET, Bo.C.S., M.R.A.S., C.I.E. The Introduction to my Gupta Inscriptions, Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, Vol. III., published in 1888 (see also ante, Vol. XV. pp. 189-194, Vol. XVI. pp. 141-154, and Vol. XVII. pp. 243-246, 331-339, 359-369), contains some matter that would have been stated more concisely, and some that would have been omitted altogether, if I had known then as much as I have learned since, about the conversion of Hindu dates into their European equivalents. I now take the opportunity of recasting my remarks on the classification of the dates and the exact epoch of the era, with some subsidiary points. For a long time past, I have intended to do this; but I have only lately had leisure to carry out my intention.
65 ovihê léba(A, kha BC)vio 4. 66 dasturiy (uri BC) 4. 67 kharotthiy kharasdhiya 4. a in 4 in another order: pahardiyA (rdio BO) avvattariya akkharapuţthiya bhögavaitta (vayata BC). vēņapiya BC in 4.
70 amkilavt A in 4.
11 4 is omitted. 19 4 then adds bhūyalivt,
T5 Adarasalivt 4.
74 mhasaralivi A, mAhdaarilivi BC in 4. T8 damilivi livi A, dAsilalivi B, dAmilalivi C in 4.
76 vôlimde A, lindirlivi B, lidimlivi C in 4. 77 Is Kharðshtha who, according to Wassiljew, is called by the Chinese Buddhists the first astronomer, honoured here under this name P Sohiofner long ago referred to the Kharoshtht lipi of the Lalitavistira in this connection, Wassiljew attempts to find in Kharoshti the name ot a Xarustr mentioned in an Armenian chronicles who together with Zoroaster is said to have invented astronomy in Chaldæa. See Ind. Streifen 3, 8.9, or another conjecture on this subject.
76 The grammarian Paushkarasidi may be recalled in this connection.

Page #407

NOVEMBER, 1891.)
THE GUPTA-VALABHI ERA.
877
I.- THE ORIGINAL GUFTA ERA IN CENTRAL INDIA.
1.- The Nature and Initial Day of the Years. The dates that naturally require to be first considered, are those which, belonging to the Early Gupta period itself, also contain details that can be actually tested by calculation. Of these, we have five. One is the date in the Eraņ pillar inscription of Budhagupta. The other are the dates in the copper-plate grants of the Parivrâjaka Maharajas.
A.- The Eran inscription of the year 165. A. Here the details (Gupta Inscriptions, Introduction, p. 80) are: - The year 165; Åsbadha śukla 12 ; Thursday. From the Mandasör inscription written in Málava-Samyat 529 expired, with Albêrûni's statements, we know that the English equivalent must lie in, or just before or after, A. D. 484. And by actual trials it is found that the exact day, for the tithi as an ended tithi, is Thursday, 21st June, A. D. 484; on which day the tithi ended, according to Professor Kero Lakshmap Chhatre's Tables, with Mr. Sh. B. Dikshit's corrections for the abdapa, &c., at about 48 ghatis, 55 palas, = 19 hours, 14 minutes, after mean sunrise for Bombay, and 30.palas or 12 minutes later for Ujjain.
In A. D. 485, the tithi ended on Tuesday, 11th Jane ; and thus in that year it cannot be connected with a Thursday in any way.
In A. D. 483, the tithi, ending, according to the same Tables, at about 56 gh. 45 p. (for Bombay), on Friday, 3rd June, began at about 58 gh. 45 p. on the Thursday; and thus it might be connected with the Thursday for the space of 1 gh. 15 p., = 30 minutes, just before the sunrise at the end of that day. This is, however, an altogether improbable time for the completion of the work which is recorded in the inscription ; viz. the erection of the pillar. Moreover, even this result is not obtainable from Professor Jacobi's Tables ; according to which the tithi, ending at about 23 hrs. 22 min., = 58 gh. 25 p., (for Ujjain), on the Friday, began at 26 minutes, = 1 gh. 5 p., on the same day, and cannot be connected with the Thursday at all. The possible result for A. D. 483, therefore, must undoubtedly be rejected on its own merits; to say nothing of the fact that it would not fit in uniformly with the results for the other dates.
The English equivalent, accordingly, is Thursday, 21st June, A. D. 484. This day corresponds to Åshadha bukla 12 of Baka-Samvat 407 current. And, putting aside for the present the question of current or expired Gupta years, Gupta-Saṁvat 165 may have commenced with any day from Ashûdha sukla 13 of 'Saka-Samvat 406 current, up to Ashảdha sukla 12 of S.-S. 407 current.
This, however, leaves the initial day of the year altogether indefinite, within the range of twelve entire lanations. And the next step is to see what can be done to locate it within closer limits.
B. and C. - The Khoh and Majhgawan grants of the years 168 and 191. This can be done, to a very reasonable extent, by means of the dates in two of the grants of the Parivrâjaka Maharaja Hastin.1
B. Here the details (loc. cit. p. 110) are: - The year 163 in the enjoyment of sovereignty by the Gupta kings; the Maha-Asvayaja samvatsara ; Chaitra sukla 2. The MahA-Åsvayuja sasivatsara is one of the years of the twelve-year cycle of Japiter. With the result for the Erañ date as a gaide, it is found that the samvatsaras in this and the other similar dates can be determined, on uniform principles, by nothing but the system which is regulated by the heliacal risings of the planet. And by that system, the Maha-Asvayuja sarivatsara in question
1 In respect of the other two dates in the Parivrfjaka grants, of the years 150 and 209, it is unnecessary on this occasion to say more than that the results for them answer exactly to the conditions established for the two which are now treated of. For the present purpose, we have to choose only the two datos which are the earliest And the latest with referenco solely to the months of the Hindu luni-solar year.

Page #408

378
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[NOVEMBER, 1891.
began on the 5th April A. D. 481, and ended on the 11th May, A. D. 482. These days correspond to the purnimánta Vaisakha kļishịa 6 of Saka-Samvat 404 current, and Jyêshtha sukla 8 of S.-S. 465 current. The intermediate Chaitra sukla 2 (ending on the 7th March, A. D. 482) was the Chaitra sukla 2 of Saka-Samvat 405 current. Accordingly, Chaitra sukla 2, Gapta-Samvat 163, is Chaitra sukla 2 of 'Saka-Samvat 405 current; and Gupta-Samvat 163 may have commenced on any day from Chaitra sukla 3 of Saka-Samvat 404 current, up to Chaitra sukla 2 of S.-S. 405 current,
C. Here the details (loc. cit. p. 114) are:- The year 191 in the enjoyment of sovereignty by the Gupta kings; the Maha-Chaitra samvatsara ; Magha krishna 3. Determined in the same way as in the preceding instance, the Maha-Chaitra saivatsara began on the 29th September, A. D. 510, and ended on the 28th October, A. D. 511. These days correspond to Åśvina śukla 11 of Saka-Samrat 433 current, and the púrnimánta Mârgasîrsha krishna 7 of S.-S. 434 current. The intermediate půrnimánta Magha kļishņa 3 (ending on the 3rd Jangary, A. D. 511) was the purnimánta Miigha krishna 3 of Saka-Saivat 433 current. Accordingly, the purnimúnta Magha krishna 3, Gupta-Saivat 191, is the piirnimanta Magha krishna 3 of Saka Samvat 433 current; Gupta-Samvat 191 may have commenced on any day from the púrnimánta Magha kļishna 4 of Saka-Sarvat 432 current, up to the pirnimanta Magha krishna 3 of S.-S. 433 corrent; and, for direct comparison with the result deduced under B., Gupta-Samvat 163 may have commenced on any day from the pirnimánta Mágba krishna 4 of Saka-Samvat 404 current, up to the purnimanta Magha krishņa 3 of 'S.-S. 405 current.
Now, the period from Chaitra sukla 3 to the párnimánta Mâgha krishņa 3 of Saka-Samvat 404 current, which is adın issible by the result under B., is excluded by the result under C., which fixes the purnimanta Magha krishna 4 of that year as the earliest possible initial day.
And, on the other hand, tho period from Chaitra sukla 3 up to the pirnimánta Magha krishna 3 of Saka-Samvat 405 carrent, which is admissible by the result under C., is excluded by the result under B., which fixes Chaitra sukla 2 of that year as the latest possible initial day.
Accordingly, it follows that, by the practice of the time when these two records were drawn up, Gupta-Samvat 163 began with some day from the parņimanta Magha krishna 4 of Saka-Samvat 404 current, up to Chaitra sukla 2 of S.-S. 405 current; the possible range. boing soventy-three tithis, or roughly seventy-two days.
A reference back will shew that these limits suit the result under A., just as well as the results for the two dates from which they are deduced. For, Gupta-Samvat 165 would commence on some day from the purnimánta Magba krishọa 4 of 'Saka-Samvat 406 current, ap to Chaitra sukla 2 of S.-S. 407 current; which period is well within the wider limits which are admissible by A., if taken alone.
And it may be noted here, that the limited range for the initial day which has been thus established, excludes, for this period and locality, the possibility of a year commencing either with the month Karttika or with the month Margabirsha.
Now, with the exception of Chaitra sukla 1 for the luni-solar year, or the MêshaSamkranti for the solar year, in the interval established above there is no particular day which naturally suggests itself for the initial day of the year; unless the era originated in a coronation.day, the date of which, falling in that interval, had been preserved, and was still used as the initial day of each year. Of course, such a date may have been preserved ; and such an initial day may have been used. But we have no evidence at present in support of such an assumption. And, the luni-solar year being probably more used than the solar year for the practical and popular purposes of everyday life, I think that we may accept it as almost certain that, whatever may have been the real historical initial point of the era, by the time when these records were written, the scheme of the Gupta year had become in all respects identical with the scheme of the luni-solar Saka year, with Chaitra sukla 1 as

Page #409

NOVEMBER, 1891.]
THE GUPTA-VALABHI ERA.
379
the initial day of each year, At any rate, in the dates hitherto obtained there is nothing opposed to this view.
The initial day of Gapta-Samvat 163, therefore, is to be taken as Chaitra sukla 1 of SakaSamvat 405 current. And, if we go back on the analogy of this, the initial day of GuptaSamvat 1, not yet determined either as current or as expired, would be Chaitra sukla 1 of Saka-Samvat 243 current.
2.- The Arrangement of the Lunar Fortnights. This point is determined by means of the date in another of the Parivrajaka grants, of the Maharaja Samikshóla, in which the details (loc. cit. p. 117) are: - The year 209 in the enjoyment of sovereignty by the Gupta kings; the Mahi- Ašvayaja suvatsara; Chaitra sukla 13: and, at the end of the record, (the month) Chaitra, the (civil) day 28.2
This double record is explicable only on the understanding that, in the months of the Gupta year, the dark fortnights stood first, according to the púrminánta arrangement, by which each month ends with the day on which the full-moon occurs. By this means only can the thirteenth tithi of the bright fortnight be the twenty-eighth tithi, and answer to the twenty-eighth civil day, in the entire month.
A double record of the same kind is, as a matter of fact, contained in the grant referred to above as C. ; in which, in addition to the full date as given above, we have at the end the words "the month) Migha, the (civil) day 3." But this instance is not conclusive; as the tithi and the civil day, being under fifteen, might possibly be the tithi and day of the fortnight and not of the entire month.
To prove the point definitely, what is required is a tithi and day the number of which, exceeding fifteen, shows itself to be referred to the entire month, and not to the fortnight only. This we have in the grant of the year 269. And this record proves for certain that, for practical purposes, the purnimanta arrangement of the lunar fortnights is the one that was used for the Gupta years during the period in which those records were written; and probably that this is the original system, from the commencement of the era.
II. - THE ERA AS USED IN NEPAL.
D.- The Khatmandu inscription of the year 986. This date comes from Nepal, and is contained in an inscription of Månadeva, of the Lichchhavi family of Managriha, on a pillar at the temple of the god Chângu-Narayana, about five miles to the north-cast of Khatmandu.
D. The details (loc. cit. p. 95) are: - The year 386; Jyêshtha sukla 1; when the moon was in the Rohini nakshatra ; in the Abhijit muhúrta. By actual trial it is found that the exact day is tho 28th April, A. D. 705; on which day the tithi ended at 59 gharís, 12 palas, after sunrise (for Khatmandu); the moon entered the Rohiņi nakshatra at 11 gh. 3 p., and continued in it during the whole of the remainder of both the tithi and the day; and the Abhijit muhúrta, being the eighth among the thirty muhúrtas into which the sixty ghalis of the day are divided, and beginning after the fourteenth ghali, occurred both while the moon was in Rôhiņi and while the given tithi was current. The same conditions of the nakshatra and the muhúrta, with the tithi, did not oocur either in the preceding or in the following year.
1 read the day, first as 29 (upta Inscriptions, Texts and Translations, p. 110, and afterwards as 27 (id. Introduction, pp. 73 and note 3, and 117).- Accepting Prof. Jacobi's rulo that the abbreviation di, either with or without and ba or ra, denotes the civil day on which usually there ends (or occasionally there begins) the Rithi the numeral of which stands in connection with it (ante, Vol. XVII. p. 145), and finding that the thirteenth tithi endod, and the fourteonth began, a considerable time after sunset, - and, in fact, even after midnight, - vis. at about 46 gh. 55 p., 18 hrs. 46 min., aftor mean sunrise (for Bombay). I think that the value of the second numeriosl symbol must be corrected once more, and, no matter what may be suggested at first sight by the value of similar aymbols elsewhere, must be finally fixed at 8; i.e. "the (civil) day 28," (on which there ended the tithi 15 + 19 = 28.)

Page #410

330
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[NOVEMBER, 1891.
The English equivalent, therefore, is the 28th April, A. D. 705. This day corresponds to Jyêshtha sukla 1 of Saka-Samvat 628 current. And the result answers to the Assumption that, on the analogy of what has been established under B. and C., Gupta-Samvat 386 began with Chaitra sukla 1 of Saka-Samvat 628 current.
It is to be noted, however, that we have as yet no other dates from Nepal, which can be used for purposes of detailed comparison with the present one. Consequently, if this date is taken by itself, and without any comparison with B. and C., there are the possibilities, (1) that Gapta-Samvat 385 may have commenced, in Nepal, with any day from Jyêshtha Bukla 2 of Saka-Samvat 627 current, up to Jyêshtha sukla 1 of S.-S. 628 current; and (2) that, therefore, the year used in Nepal with the Gupta era may have commenced either with the month Kirttika (or with the month Margasirsha) preceding the Chaitra sukla 1 with which, we are to understand, the year used in Central India commenced. This point is one that cannot be decided, until we obtain further dates from Nepal, with details that can be actually tested by calculation. And in the same way it is impossible to say for certain, at present, whether the purnimánta or the amanta arrangement of the lunar fortnights was used with the era in Nepal. But in A. D. 879 the Gupta era (and with it the Harsha era) was superseded in Nepal by a new era, known as the Newâr era, with Kirttika sukla 1 as the initial day of each year, and with the amanta arrangement of the fortnights (see Prof. Kielhorn's paper on “The Epoch of the Newâr Era," ante, Vol. XVII. p. 246 ff.). And by the statement in the Nepal Varníávali, that "in the time of Jayadêvamalla, who esta"blished the Nêwar era, there came from the South, on Sråvana śukla 7, Saka-Samvat 811, & “certain Nânyadêva, who conquered the whole of Nepál, and introduced the Karnataka "dynasty" (ante, Vol. XIII. p. 414, and loc. cit. p. 74), the years of this new era are connected so closely with the Vikrama era in its southern or Kårttikidi variety, and are contrasted so pointedly with those of the eras which preceded it, that I think it must be admitted that, in all probability, the years of the so-called Gupta era, as used in Nepal also, were Chaitrådi years, with the purnimanta arrangement of the lunar fortnights. III.- THE VALABHI ERA OF KATHIAWAD AND THE
NEIGHBOURING PARTS. In the time of Albêrunt, the era with which we are dealing was known both as the Gupta era, and as the Valabhi era; the reason for this being plainly that, after the cessation of the Early Gupta power in Kathiâwâd and the neighbourhood, the use of the era of the kings of that dynasty was continued for about three hundred years by the Mahárájas and kings of the city of Valabht. The reasons for which I now nominally separate this era from the original Gupta era, with which it is practically identical, will become fully apparent further on.
E.- The Kaira grant of the year 880. The first date in the Valabht ern that can be tested, is contained in a copper-plate grant of Dharagêna IV. of Valabhi, obtained at Kaira in Gujarat.
E. The details (loc. cit. p. 93) are: - The year 330; the second Margasira (=Mirgasîrsha); ühe tithi śukla 2. Here, our only definite guide is the intercalary nature of the month Margadirsha, which is shewn by the record. If the year is applied in exactly uniform accordance with the results obtained under B. and C., this intercalary Margasirsha ought to fall in A. D. 649. In that year, however, there was no intercalary month at all. And Dr. Schram's calculations, as well as those made by Mr. Sh. B. Dikshit, shew that the intercalary month fell in A. D. 848 ; when the intercalated fortnights would receive the name of Mârgasirsha, according to the role for mean intercalation.
Accordingly, the (second) MÁrgaáfrsha of Valabhl-Samvat 330, falling in A. D. 648, was the (Second) Margasirsha of Saka-Samvat 571 corrent. And, if we go back on the analogy of this,

Page #411

NOVEMBER, 1891.]
THE GUPTA-VALABHI ERA.
381
the month MArgasiraha of Valabhi-Samvat 1, not yet determined either as current or as expired, would be the Margasirsha of Saka-Samvat 242 current, and would fall four months before the initial day of Gupta-Samvat 1 as established under B. and C. above, and as applicable also to A. and D. An inference which might, at first sight, be drawn from this fact, is sufficiently obvious; viz. that we have here a current year, and in A. to D. expired years: with the construction that I put upon the fact, it will be considered further on.
F.- The Morbi grant of the year 585 expired. The date to be next considered is contained in the copper-plate grant of Jaipka, from Morbi in Kathiâwâą.
F. Here the details (loc. cit. p. 97) are: - For the making of the grant, the year 585, expressly specified as expired; on the occasion of an eclipse of the sun :) and for the writing of the charter, tho year 505, not specified either as current or as expired; the month Phålguna; the bright fortnight; and the (civil) day 2.
A certain amount of vagueness attends this date, because it includes no details as to the month, &c, of the occurrence of the solar eclipse, and as to the week-day of the writing of the charter. Three eclipses were put before me by Mr. Sh. B. Dikshit, of which one occurred on the 16th June, A. D. 904, corresponding to the new-moon day of the amánta Jy@shtha (or the púrnimanta Ashadha) of Saka-Samvat 827 current; another occurred on the 10th November, A. D. 904, corresponding to the new-moon day of the amanta Karttika (or the púrnimánta Mårgasîrsha) of the same Saka year; and the third occurred on the 7th May, A. D. 905, corresponding to the new-moon day of the amánta Vaisakha (or the purnimánta Jyêshtha) of Saka-Samvat 828 current. And, in order to bring this date into exact accordance with the conditions established for the dates that have been dealt with ander A. to D. above, I selected the last of these three, as being the eclipse intended in the record.
Now, for the period somewhere within which the date of this grant must be placed, von Oppolzer's Canon der Finsternisse, pp. 202, 203, and Plato 101, gives us the following solar eclipses :On the 27th June, A. D. 903, corresponding to the amanta Åshi dha new-moon of Saka
Samvat 826 current; a total eclipse; the central line of the eclipse ended at sunset in Lat. 33° N., Long. 1° W.;
and the eclipse was not visible anywhere in India. On the 21st December, A. D. 903, corresponding to the amanta Margasirsha new-moon of
Saka-Samvat 826 current; & partial eclipse; the central line of the eclipse was nowhere north of Lat. 30° S.; and
so the eclipse was probably not visible anywhere in India. On the 18th May, A. D. 904, corresponding to the amanta Vaisakha new-moon of
Saka-Samvat 827 current; a partial eclipse; the central
line of the eclipse was nowhere north of Lat. 30° s. On the 16th June, A. D. 904, corresponding to the amanta Jyêshtha new-moon of Saka
Samvat 827 corrent ; & partial eclipse ; tbe central line of the eclipse was nowhere north of Lat. 30° S.
. In the passage which contains this date, there is a word which in the published lithograph reads gópte. Dr. R. G. Bhandarkar has stated in 1889 (Jour. Bo. Br. R. As, Soc. Vol. XVII. p. 97) that he found among his papers two impressions by Dr. Burgess which shew that the reading of the original is gauptd; and that he asked Dr. Peterson to take charge of these impressions, as Secretary to the Bombay Asiatic Society, and deposit them in the Society's Museum, where they would be available for inspection. I have not been able to obtain them for inspection, either from Dr. Peterson, or from the Museum. But the point is of importance, only as regards the nomenclature of the era. Even if the era is here specifically called the Gupta era, still the date belongs to the Valabht variety of the era.

Page #412

382
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[NOVEMBER, 1891.
On the 10th November, A. D. 904, corresponding to the amânta Karttika new-moon of Saka-Samvat 827 current; a partial eclipse; the central line of the eclipse was nowhere north of Lat. 30° S. Mr. Sh. B. Dikshit, however, found (loc. cit. p. 100) that this eclipse was visible at Môrbf, though only to a very limited extent; one twenty-fifth part of the sun's disc was eclipsed there; and the middle of the eclipse was at 11 54 a. m. of the Môrbi mean civil time.
On the 7th May, A. D. 905, corresponding to the amanta Vaisakha new-moon of SakaSamvat 828 current; an annular eclipse; the central line of the eclipse was at noon in Lat. 17° S., Long. 51° E., and it ended at sunset in Lat. 11° S., and Long. 107° E.; and the eclipse must have been visible over almost the whole of Southern India. Mr. Sh. B. Dikshit found (loc. cit. p. 99) that this eclipse was very distinctly visible at Môrbi; one ninth part of the sun's disc was eclipsed there; and the middle of the eclipse was at 12.9 midday of the Môrbi mean-civil time.
On the 30th October, A. D. 905, corresponding to the amanta Kârttika new-moon of 'Saka
Samvat 828 current; a total eclipse; the central line of the eclipse ended at sunset in Lat. 1° N., Long. 73° W.; and this eclipse was not visible anywhere in India.
On the 26th April, A. D. 906, corresponding to the amânta Vaisâkha new-moon of SakaSamvat 829 current; an annular total eclipse; the central line of the eclipse was at noon in Lat. 29° N., Long. 23° E., and it ended at sunset in Lat. 36° N., Long. 98° E.; and this eclipse must have been visible all over India.
On the 20th October, A. D. 906, corresponding to the amúnta Âśvina new-moon of Saka
Samvat 829 current; a total eclipse; the central line of the eclipse ended at sunset in Lat. 40° S., Long. 57° E.; and this eclipse was not visible anywhere in India.
In selecting the eclipse of the 7th May, A. D. 905, I was guided, partly by the fact that it was distinctly visible at Môrbî, even if it was not known beforehand from calculations; and partly by the fact that, on the supposition, based on the way in which I then applied the result for the date H. below, that the original nature of the Gupta year was preserved in Kâțhiâwâḍ up to considerably later than this time, this eclipse fitted in exactly with the results that had been established and have now been re-stated and affirmed under dates A. to C. above, whereas the eclipse of the 10th November, A. D. 904, did not so fit in.
Further experience, however, has shewn that, whatever may be the strict custom of later times, instances are beginning to accumplate, in which eclipses, of the sun at any rate, which we know to have been not visible in India, are quoted in genuine early records as occasions of ceremonies (compare page 2 above, and note 2).
So far, therefore, as visibility or invisibility is concerned, we might select any of the above eclipses; without inquiring whether it was actually visible at Môrbi or not. And for this reason, and also, taking the year at the end of the grant to be similarly the expired year 585,- in order to bring the making of the grant as close as possible to the date on which the charter was written, and further in order to place this date in precisely the same category with E. above, the eclipse which I now select is that of the 10th November, A. D. 904.
On this view, the month Kârttika of Valabhi-Samvat 585 expired or 586 current, was the Kârttika of Saka-Samvat 827 current. And the month Kârttika of Valabhi-Samvat 1 current

Page #413

NOVEMBER, 1891.)
THE GUPTA-VALABHI ERA.
383
would be the Karttika of Saka-Samvat 242 current; and it would thus fall five months before the initial day that has boon established in the case of B. and c. above. This brings the present date into the same catagory with E.; and that is all that it is necessary to say at present.
G. - The Verdwal inscription of Valabhi-Samvat 927. The next date is contained in an inscription on the pedestal of an image built into a wall of the temple of the goddess Harsatadêvi at Verawal in Kathiawad.
G. Here the details (loc. cit. p. 90) are: - The Valabhî year 927; the month Phálguna; the bright fortnight; the (civil) day 2; and (as I took it originally, and take it now) on Monday.
When I first dealt with this date, there was some doubt about the word that gives the name of the week-day. In the cloth rubbing placed at my disposal by the late Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji, the vowel au was discernible in the first syllable, and the consonant seemed to be bh. This would give bhaume," on Tuesday." Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji, however, stated, from personal inspection of the original, that the consonant was certainly s. This gave saumé, which is no real word. And Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji considered that what was really intended was bhaumé, " on Tuesday." While my own opinion, based on the fact that the top stroke which changes the ô of that period into au was partially filled up in the rubbing, was that the intended reading was simé," on Monday."
All doubt as to the actual reading of the original has now been removed, by un-inked paper estampages, for which I am indebted to the kindness of Mr. Haridas Viharidas, Diwan of Junagadh. The estampages establish, beyond the possibility of argument, the fact that the consonant is distinctly s, and the vowel, au. The reading, therefore, is saume. But, as stated above, this is no real word. And the question is, out of three possible corrections, bhaumé, " on Tuesday;" sôme, "on Monday ;" and saumye, "on Wednesday," - which may be most wisely adopted ? I decide, now as before, in favour of somé," on Monday.”
If we adopt the correction bhaumé," on Tuesday," then the equivalent English date must be Tuesday, 31st January, A.D. 1245, on which day there ended the tithi Pbâlguna śukla 2 of Saka-Samvat 1167 current, at about 24 ghalis. There is, indeed, the possibility of connecting the given tithi with a Tuesday, three years later; for Phålguna sukla 2 of Saka Samvat 1170 current began at about 30 gh. 35 p. on Tuesday, 28th January, A. D. 1248. But the tithi thus began 14 minutes after mean sunset, and some three quarters of an hour after actual sunset; and I think that even for this reason this result must be rejected. Moreover, this result is incompatible with that obtained under E. above; for if Mârgaśirsha (and consequently also Phâlguna) of Valabhi-Samvat 1, which, to give the best chance, we will take as the current year, fell in 'Sa ka-Samvat 242 current, then Phâlgana of Va.-S. 927 current fell in S.-S. 1168 current, and, here taking the expired year in order to give the best chance, Phalguna of Va.-S. 927 expired fell in 'S.-S. 1168 expired or 1169 current, which is still one year short of the year arrived at above.
If we adopt the correction saumye, "on Wednesday," the tithi is coupled quite naturally with Wednesday, 29th January, A. D. 1248, on which day it ended at about 32 gh. 5p.; commencing, as has been stated just above, at about 30 gh. 35 p. on the Tuesday. But here again, aa shewn in the preceding paragraph, the result cannot be reconciled with that obtained under E.
And finally, if we adopt the correction sômé,“ on Monday," the tithi is coupled quite naturally with Monday, 19th February, A. D. 1246, on which day it ended at about 30 gh. 5 p.
It is unsatisfactory, especially when so free & selection is available, that, in order to interpret this date intelligibly at all, a correction must be made in a point of leading importance.
4 This result was overlooked, when I first wrote on this subject. I owe it now to Prof. Kielhorn.

Page #414

384
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[NOVEMBER, 1891.
And, for reasons which will shortly become evident, I should be glad enough if I could see iny way to adopting definitely Tuesday as the intended week-day, with the result of Tuesday, 31st January, A. D. 1245. But my opinion is, as before, that the writer really did intend some, " on Monday. And it will be seen that this view places this date on, in all respects, absolutely the same footing with the other dates of this class.
I adopt, then, the correction sme, "on Monday ;” and, now as before, I take the equivalent English date to be Monday, 19th February, A. D. 1248. Then, Phâlgana sakla 2 of Valabhi-Samvat 927, falling in A. D. 1246, was Phålguna śukla 2 of 'Saka-Samvat 1168 current. And Phålguna śukla 2 of Valabb1-Samvat I would be Phålguna śukla 2 of Saka-Samvat 242 current; and, as is the case under E. above, it would fall one month before the initial day that applies in the case of A., B., and C. above.
H. - The Verawal inscription of Valabhi-Samvat 945. The last available date that we have, is contained in a stone inscription, at the same temple of Harsataddvi, which refers itself to the reign of the Chaulukya king Arjunadeva.5
H. Here the details (loc. cit. p. 84) are :- The year of the prophet Muhammad, i.e. the Hijra year, 662; Vikrama-Samvat 1320; Valabhi-Samvat 945; Simha-Samvat 151; the month Åshadha; the dark fortnight; the (civil) day 13, (and with it the thirteenth tithi); Sunday.
Irrespective of the results obtained from the other Gupta and Valabhi dates, the exact period in which the equivalent of this date must be found, is fixed by the quotation of the Hijra year 662, which commenced on the 4th November, A. D. 1263, and ended on the 23rd October, A. D. 1264. The month Åshidha corresponding ordinarily to June-July, it can here lie only in A. D. 1264 ; and the equivalent of the given date can be found only in that year. In that year, the month Ashâdha was intercalary; and, taking both the pirnimánta and the amánta scheme, it spread over five fortnights, extending from the 13th May (=the first purnimanta Åshidha krishna 1) to the 24th July (= the second amánta Ashadha krishna 30). And there are two cases in which the tithi Ashidha kşishna 13 can be connected with a Sunday; (1) the first prirņimanta Åshadha krishga 13 ended at about 13 gh. 5 p. (for Bombay) on Sunday, 25th May; and (2) the second piirņimánta and the first amánta Ashadba kļishna 13, ending at abont 30 gh. 10 p. on Monday, 23rd June, began at about 35 gh. 50 p. on Sunday, 22nd June.
The result of Sunday, 22nd June, however, is distinctly inadmissible. In the first place, the Sunday can here be coupled with the given tithi, only if the latter is used as a current tithi,. with the week dny on which it began; and even from the Hindu point of view there would be a difficulty about this, as it began appreciably after actual sunset on that day. But further, the inscription, though written in Sanskrit, and though now standing in, I presume, & Hindu temple, is a purely Muhammadan record. "The purpose of the inscription" as epitomised by Dr. Hultzsch (ante, Vol. XI. p. 242), “is to grant the income from a piece of land covered with "houses, from an oil-mill, and from two shops, to a Masjid built by the donor, & Muhammadan “shipowner from Hurmaz, the small island after which the straits leading out of the Persian “Gulf are called, and which was then under the sway of the Amîr Ruknu'd-dîn. The grant "provides also for the expenses of particular religious festivals to be celebrated by the Shiite "Sailors of Sômanatha Pâthay. The eventual surplus is to be made over to the holy district " of Makka and Madina. The Musalmîn congregations of Sômanatha Pathaņ are appointed " trustees." And under these circumstances it cannot well be questioned that any particular use of the Hindu tithi, as a current tithi, cannot be concerned in the matter at all. The tithi was plainly simply the ordinary ended tithi of the day, according to common everyday use.
Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji obtained two other dates in the Valahbi era; but the details are not available. Of one of them a hand-copy was shewn by him to me; it consists of one line, beginning Sarh 843; the remaining eloven or twelve letters are not very intelligible; but they certainly do not contain any further details of the date. of the other he shewed me a pencil-rubbing; it is a Sanskrit inscription, in Devanagart characters, of the time of Vira-Kumârapala, consisting of Afty-four lines, each of about fifty-eight letters, the date is in the last line, and all of it that is extant, consists of the syllables Valabhathuat 850 Scha.....

Page #415

NOVEMBER, 1891.]
THE GUPTA-VALABHI ERA.
385
It follows therefore that, as previously announced, the correct English equivalent is Sunday, 25th May, A. D. 1264, for the first půrnimánta Äshadha kļishna 13 as the ended tithi of ordinary use. As far as the given Vikramaa year is concerned, this day fell in VikramaSamvat 1320 only as the expired southern year (see ante, Vol. XIX. p. 180, No. 129). And as regards the "Saka era, it fell in 'Saka-Samvat 1187 current. Thus, then, the purnimúnta AshAdha krishna 13 of Valabhi-Samvat 945, was the purnimánta Ashidha kşishwa 13 of SakaSamvat 1187 corrent. And the piirnimánta Ashadha krishna 13 of Valabhi-Samvat 1 would be the purnimanta Äshidha krishņa 13 of 'Saka-Samvat 243 current. This agrees exactly, either with the results established under B. and C., or with the result established under E. This date, however, because of the period and locality to which it belongs, is to be classified with E., and not with A., B., C., and D.
I have here only one other point to mention. From the circumstances of this date, I held it to be proved (Gupta Inscriptions, Introd. p. 90) that the original use of the purnimanta arrangement of the lunar fortnights with the years of the Gupta era was preserved in Kathiếwad, - irregularly, it is true; but still occasionally, - up to at any rate A. D. 1264, In reality, however, this record farnishes no such absolute proof; for, Prof. Kielhorn has been able to adduce eight other instances, ranging from A. D. 1136 to 1482 (ante, Vol. XIX. pp. 178-81, 354), in which, for certain, the púrpimanta arrangement of the fortnights is used with southern expired Vikrama years. On this point, therefore, I now withdraw the conclusion at which I arrived in my original treatment of the Gupta era. This, and the result for the Môrbi date, are the only matters in which I have to modify my views, - in the first case, in respect of the arrangement of the fortnights in Kathiawad, and in the second case, in respect of the English equivalent: in other respects my original views are simply re-stated, in, I hope, a more correct and lacid form.
IV. - CURRENT AND EXPIRED YEARS; THE EXACT EPOCH OF THE ERA IN EACH VARIETY ; AND THE CLASSIFICATION OF THE DATES.
So far we have simply taken the evident results for the dates, whether Gupta of Central India, Nepalese, or Valabhi of Kathiâwâd, without any attempt to decide whether the unqualifled years quoted in the original passages are to be applied as current or as expired. This point has now to be considered ; since on it depends the exact commencement of the era, with the other points that are now in view.
The Môrbi grant (F.) is the only one in which the year is not left unqualified. In it we have distinctly " the year 585, expired." But, unfortunately, no information is given as to the month and week-day of the eclipse, or as to the week-day on which the charter was written; and there is a very wide choice available in the selection of the eclipse. Consequently, the quotation of the expired year here helps us in no way at all in respect of the other dates. All that can be done is to select for this date such a result as will place it on terms exactly analogous to the others; and this is done by the result chosen by me above.
Now, the result deduced under B. and C. is that the initial day of Gupta-Samvat 1 still to be determined as current or as expired, was Chaitra sukla 1 of Saka-Samvat 243 current.
And, on the other hand, we have found under E. that the month Margasirsha of Valabhi-Samvat 1, still to be determined as current or as expired, must have fallen in Saka-Samvat 242 current, four months before the initial day of Gupta-Samvat 1.
If we assume that the Gupta year and the Valabhi year both had Chaitra sukla 1 as the initial day, the inference suggests itself, at first sight, that Valabhi-Samvat 1 was equivalent as a current year to Saka-Samvat 242 current; and that it is as an expired year that Gupta-Samvat 1 was equivalent to Saka-Samvat 243 current.

Page #416

386
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[NOVEMBER, 1891.
This assumption, however, would be rendered impossible if we were to accept, under G., the correction of bhaumé, with the result of Tuesday, 31st January, A. D. 1245. For, this date corresponds to Phalguna sukla 2 of 'Saka-Samvat 1167 current. And so, Phalguna sukla 2 of Valabhi-Samvat 1 would be Phâlguna śukla 2 of 'Saka-Samvat 241 current; in the Saka year before that obtained just above for Valabhi-Samvat 1 current.
To reconcile this discrepancy, we must of necessity then assume that Valabhi-Samvat 1 current began before Gupta-Samvat 1 current; and we must find a suitable initial day for it, other than the preceding Chaitra śukla 1, which goes back too far. Kârttika sukla 1 naturally suggests itself, and is found to answer. And then we might say :
(1) The year in G. is a current year, answering to the equation Kârttikâdi-ValabhiSamvat 1 current (Saka-Samvat 241-42 current =) Karttikâdi-Vikrama-Samvat 376
current.8
(2) The years in E. and H. are expired years, answering to precisely the same equation. (3) The years in A., B., and C., are expired years, answering to the equation ChaitrâdiGupta-Samvat 1 current Saka-Samvat 242 current.
(4) The year in D. is an expired year, which may answer to either of the above equations.
To this, however, there is the objection, that unqualified years may consequently be capriciously interpreted as current or as expired, on no uniform rule, but just as seems to suit best the requirements of individual cases. And we are in no way bound to adopt in G. the correction of bhaumé, "on Tuesday :" the stroke that distinguishes & from hh is far too regular, distinct, and perfect, to be the mere result of a slip of the engraver's tool; and though it may be said that the writer would not have formed the vowel au, unless he intended to write bhaumé, still it may be urged, with equal force, that he would not have formed the consonant s, unless he intended to write some.
My object is to deal with all the dates on uniform principles; taking either all the unqualified years as current, or else all of them as expired. The only assumption that is necessary, if, indeed, it is an assumption, and not an obvious fact, is that which has to be made above also; viz. that the Valabhî years were Kârttikâdi, each beginning with the Kârttika sukla 1 before the initial Chaitra sakla 1 of the Gupta year bearing the same number. To this no objection need be taken; if we note that the Kârttikadi variety of the Vikrama era was the standard one in the part of the country from which the Valabhi dates come; and that, when the Vikrama era was introduced into Northern India where the Chaitrâdi 'Saka years were in use, the standard variety there was established by turning the Kârttikâdi years into Chaitradi years, each beginning with the Chaitra śukla 1 before the initial Karttika śukla 1 of
6 I disregard the assumption that in G. there is a mistake in the year (927 instead of 928). My object is to deal with the dates as they stand, without any alterations, except in the reading of saume in G.
Here, and further on in what I submit are the real results, a year commencing with Margasirsha would auswer just as well for the Valabhl variety of the era; we should only have then to select, for the Morbi eclipse, that of the 30th October, A. D. 905. But the year commencing with Margasirsha is apparently connected by Albêrûni only with a variety of the Lokakâla reckoning; and therefor it does not commend itself for present purposes, as the well-known, and undoubtedly original, Karttika li Vikrama year does.
In corroboration of this, we might possibly quote a point to which Prof. Kielhorn has drawn my attention; ris. that the real historical fact embodiel in the tradition that Valabhi was destroyed 375 years after the commencement of the Vikrama era, is that 375 should be added to a Valabhi year to convert it into a (Karttikadi) Vikram year. I apparently fix the difference, below, at 376 years. But it comes in reality to just the same thing; because the end of what is technically called "Vikrama-Saivat 375 expired" is the end of VikramaSamvat 376 current. It may be noted here that Alberûut gives, as will be seen, Valabhi-Samvat 712 Vikrama Samvat 1088, with a difference of 376, and with the assertion, which I accept, that they are both expired years. Whereas, H. gives Valbhi-Saivat 945 (unqualified) Vikrama-Saihvat 1320 (unqualified, but known from the result to be expired), with a difference of 375. The discrepancy is easily reconciled if the Valabhi year in H. is taken, as I take it to be, as the current year: because then, substituting the expired year 944, we have the same difference, 376, that is given by Alb rùni's statement.

Page #417

NOVEMBER, 1891.)
THE GUPTA-VALABHI ERA.
387
the southern Vikrama year bearing the same number. And all that now remains, is, to determine whether the unqualified years quoted in the records are to be applied as current, or as expired.
Our first impulse is to try to discover what may have been the contemporaneous practice in neighbouring parts of the country. Nothing definite, however, can be established in this way. On the one hand, with the Kalachuri or Chedi era, which belongs to that part of India from which have come all the dates of the Early Gupta period that include details that can be tested by calculation, the preference appears to have been for the use of current years; thus, out of the fourteen dates examined by Prof. Kielhorn in each of which the year is not distinctly qualified either as current or as expired (see bis “Epoch of the Kalachuri or Chedi Era," ante, Vol. XVII. p. 215 ff.), eleven have been found to be recorded in current years; two, in expired years; and one, in a year which is to be understood as expired if the first day of each year was Bhadrapada sukla 1, but as current if the first day of each year is taken as Asvina sukla 1, which may be done without in any way affecting the results for the other dates. But, on the other hand, with the Newâr era, which superseded the Gupta era (and the Harsba era) in Népal, the preference appears to have been for the use of expired years; thus, out of twentyone instances of unqualified years, in nineteen the years must be applied as expired, and in only two as current (see Prof. Kielhorn's "Epoch of the Newâr Era," ante, Vol. XVII. p. 246 ff.).
This process failing us, we turn next to the only other available source of information, the writings of Albêrani. Here two things are to be noted; (1) the "gauge-year” selected by him, which (Sachau's Translation, Vol. II. pp. 2,7) is the year 400 of the era of Yazdajird. as corresponding to Vikraina-Samvat 1088, 'Saka-Samvat 953, and Gupta-Sainvat and ValabhiSamvat 712 ; and (2) his statement (id. p. 3) that “in all chronological dates which we have "mentioned already and shall still mention, we only reckon with complete years, for the "Hindus are in the habit of disregarding fractions of a year."
The era of Yazdajird dates from the accession of Yazdajird III., a Sassanian king of Persia, in A. D. 632 (see Prinsep's Essays, Vol. II., Useful Tables, p. 302 and note). Consequently, the “gauge-year," the year 400 of this era, was A. D. 1031-32; and according to Mr. Cowasjee Patell's Chronology, pp. 139, 141, it began on the 9th March, A. D. 1031, and ended on the 7th March, A. D. 1032. Thus, we know that the year Saka-Samvat 953 quoted by Albêrůni is the expired year, which began on the 25th February, A. D. 1031, and ended on the 15th March, A. D. 1032. And the question is, whether, as would appear at first sight from his explicit statement (2), we really have to interpret also the Gupta and Valabhî year 712 as the expired year, and as coinciding with Saka-Samvat 953 expired.
It is to be noted that Albêrûnî gives Vikrama-Samvat 1088 as one of the equivalents of the gange-year; and that elsewhere he makes another statement in support of this, in telling us (id. p. 6) that “the epoch of the era of 'Saka or 'Sakakila falls 135 years later than that of "Vikramiditya." Tbese statements are both quite correct for the northern Chaitrådi-VikramaSamvat 1088 as an expired year; as which it extended, with Saka-Samvat 953 expired, from the 25th February, A. D. 1031, to the 15th March, A. D. 1032. But they are not correct for the Karttikadi variety of the Vikrama era, in which each year begins seven months later than the Chaitradi year that bears the same number ;'so that the Kârttikadi-Vikrama-Samvat 1088 expired coincided, not with Saka-Samvat 953 expired, but with part of that year and with part of the following, - extending from the 19th October, A. D. 1031, to the 7th October, A. D. 1032. And, even if Albêrûni's statement (id. p. 5), that "those who ase the era of Vikramaditya live in the southern and western parts of India," is not sufficient to shew that he knew the Kârttikadi variety of the era, still the existence of it is established for his time and before it. Hence, in fact, Albêrûnî has given an equation for converting Vikrama years into 'Saka years, wbich is applicable strictly to only one class of the Vikrama years; and his gauge-year is not specifically correct for the Karttikadi variety of the Vikrama era. In respect then,

Page #418

888
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[NOVEMBER, 1891.
of another era coming from just the same part of the country, it is at least possible that he gives only a rough equation, when he tells as (id. p. 7) that the epoch of the Valabhi era and of the Gupta era) falls 241 years later than the epoch of the 'Saka era; and that his gauge-year may be similarly incorrect for the expired Valabhi year which he quotes in connection with it. I myself entertain no doubt that this is the case
Now, I think that this much, at any rate, is plain; that the Valabhî years were Kirttikadi, each beginning before the Chaitrâdi Gupta year bearing the same number. And the question now is, how Albêrûni's statements may be best alapted to these two differing years. The adjustment may be made in two ways. Valabhî-Survat 712, taken according to Albêrûni's statement as an expired year, may be treated as beginning either with the Kürttika sukla 1 before the Chaitra sukla 1 with which commenced 'Saka-Samvat 953 expired, or with the Kârttika śukla 1 after that same Chaitra sukla 1. By the first means, Gupta-Samvat 712, beginning with the Chaitra sukla 1 after the initial Kirttika sukla 1 of Valabhî-Samvat 712, would coincide as an expired year with Saka-Samvat 953 expired; but then Valabhi-Samvat 712 expired, which, from Albêrûnî's statements and the other considerations put forward by myself, is evidently to coincide with the Karttikadi-Vikrama-Samvat 1088 expired, would fall one year too early, and would coincide with Karttikadi Vikrama-Samvat 1087 expired. By the latter means, Valabhi-Samvat 712 expired would coincide with Kärttikadi-Vikrama-Samvat 1088 expired; but then it would be as a current year that Gupta-Samvat 712 coincided with 'Saka-Samvat 953 expired.
In short, there is an incompleteness or an inaccuracy somewhere in Alborani's statements. In my opinion, it is more likely to have occurred in connection with the original Gupta era, than with the secondary Valabhi era which was in use even until after Albêrûni's time. In remedying it, I follow what appears to be the true probability in the case; vis. that the statement regarding the Valabhî year is wrong in precisely the same manner with the statement regarding the Vikrama year as a Kárttikadi year : and I make exactly the same adjustment that is unavoidable in the case of the Vikrama year given by him. And I consider, in brief, that it is plainly deducible from Albêrûnî's own statements that he made a mistake in giving Gupta-Samvat 712 expired, instead of current, as the equivalent of Saka-Sam vat 953 expired; that Valabhi-Samvat 712 expired was correctly indicated by him as the equivalent of (the southern Karttikadi) - Vikrama-Samvat 1088 expired; that consequently the month Kârttika of Valabhi-Samvat 713 current was the Kirttika of Vikrama-Samvat 1089 current, falling in Saka-Sainvat 954 current in A. D. 1031 ; and that therefore the month Karttika of Valabhi. Samvat l carrent was the Karttika of Vikrama-Samvat 377 current, falling in Saka-Samvat 242 current, in A. D. 319.
If any definite proof is obtained hereafter, leading to any different conclusion, I shall be glad enough to accept it, and to modify my views accordingly. Or if, such proof being unattainable, there should come to be a general consensus of opinion, among those who are entitled to speak with authority, that the unqualified years of all Hindu eras must be à priori treated as expired years, I shall be glad enough to concur in so disposing of a point which is not one of any particularly vital importance. Meanwhile, on the above grounds, I stamp the unqualified years, determine the initial years and the epochs, and classify the dates, as follows:
I.-The Original Gupta Era in Central India. A., B., and C.- The years are current years, answering to the equations,
(1) for the first current year, Chaitradi-Gupta-Samvat l current = Sakn-Samvat 243 current, = the period from the 26th February, A. D. 320, to the 15th March, A. D. 321;
(2) for the epoch or year 0, Chaitradi-Gupta-Samvat 0 = Saka-Samvat 242 current, a the period from the 9th March, A. D. 319, tel. 25th February, A. D. 320.

Page #419

NOVEMBER, 1891.)
THE GUPTA VALABHI ERA.
380
-
-
-
Thus:
A. -- The date in the year 165 current, in the month Ashâdha, the equivalent of which lies in June, A. D. 484, falls in Saka-Samvat 242 + 165 = 407 current, = the period from the 14th March, A. D. 484, to the 2nd March, A. D. 485.
B. - The date in the year 163 current, in the month Chaitra, and in the Maha-Asvayuja sainvatsara which was current from the 5th April, A. D. 481, to the 11th May, A. D. 482, falls in Saka-Samvat 242 + 163 = 405 current, = the period from the 6th March, A. D. 482, to the 22nd February, A.D. 483.
C. -The date in the year 191 current, in the month Mágba, and in the Mahá-Chaitra saritvatsara which was current from the 29th September, A. D. 510, to the 28th October, A. D. 511, falls in Saka-Samvat 242 + 191 = 433 corrent, the period from the 25th February, A.D. 510, to the 15th March, A.D. 511.
II.- The Era as used in Nepal. D. — The year is a current year, answering most probably to precisely the equations given above.
Thus:
D. - The date in the year 386 current, in the month Jyêshtba, the equivalent of which lies in April, A. D. 705, falls in Saka-Samyat 242 + 386 = 628 current, = the period from the 1st March, A. D. 705, to the 20th March, A. D. 706.
III. - The Valabhi Era of Kathiawad and the Neighbouring Parts. E., G. (with the correction of some, and the result of Monday, 19th Febuary, A. D. 1246), and H. - The years are current years, answering to the equations, -
(1) for the first current year, Kärttikadi-Valabhi-Sarivat 1 current = southern VikramaSamvat 377 current, = the period from the 1st October, A. D. 319, to the 18th October, A. D. 320;
(2) for the epoch or year 0, Karttikadi-Valabhi-Samvat 0 = southern Vikrama-Samvat 376 current, = the period from the 11th October, A. D. 318, to the 30th September, A. D. 319.
E. - The date in the year 33 surrent, in the second month Mårgasirsba, the equivalent of which month is November December, A. D. 648, falls in southern Vikrama-Samvat 376 + 330 = 706 current, = the period from the 24th September, A. D. 648, to the 12th October, A. D. 649.
F. - [Here, all that can be done is to select an eclipse in Valabki-Samvat 585 expired or 586 current, which shall answer to the same equations. It must be found in southern VikramaSamvat 376 + 586 = 962 current, = the period from the 13th October, A. D. 904, to the 2rd October, A. D. 905. And the eclipse which I have now selected is that of the 10th November, A. D. 904, because it occurred before the date, in the same year, on which the charter W88 written, and is therefore.to be preferred to the previously chosen eclipse of the 7th May, A. D. 905, which occurred later on in the same Valabhi and Vikrama year.]
G. - The date in the year 927 current, in the month Pbálguna, the equivalent of which is in February, A. D. 1246, falls in southern Vikrama-Samvat 376 + 927 = 1303 current, = the period from the 23rd October, A. D. 1245, to the 12th October, A. D. 12 46.
1.- The date in the year 945 current, in the month Åshadba, the equivalent of which lies in May, A. D. 1264, falls in southern Vikrama-Samvat 376 + $45 = 1321 current, = the period from the 5th October, A. D. 1263, to the 22nd October, A. D. 1264.
. See note 8 abo.c.

Page #420

390
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
A COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF GANADEVA OF KONDAVIDU,
DATED SAKA-SAMVAT 1377.
[NOVEMBER, 1891.
BY E. HULTZSCH, PH.D.; BANGALORE.
The original of this inscription was kindly sent to me for examination by Mr. W. H. Michael, M.C.S., Assistant Collector of the Kistna District. It consists of three copper-plates, the second sides of which are marked on the left margin with the Telugu numbers 1, 2 and 3 respectively. Both the ring with the seal, and the fourth plate together with any other plate that may have followed it, are lost. The alphabet is Telugu and the language Sanskrit, verse (lines 1 to 32) and prose (lines 32 to 58). The plates are not very easily read, as they are somewhat worn and as the text, though on the whole orthographically correct, appears to have been copied from a draught written in current-hand characters.
After two benedictory verses, which are addressed to Ganesa and to the Boar-incarnation of Vishnu, the inscription turns to the praise of king Kapila, surnamed Gajapati (verses 3 and 6) or Kumbhiraja (verse 4), who belonged to the race of the Sun (verse 4). He was a worshipper of Jagannatha (Juggernaut), the famous shrine at Purt in Orissa (verse 6). His capital was Kataka (Cuttack) on the Mahanadi river (verse 7). A descendant of his race was Chandradeva, whose son was Guhidêvapatra (verse 8). The son of the latter was Ganadeva, who assumed the surname Rautaraya (verses 9, 11, 12) or Rahuttaraya (verse 10), i. e. the king of horsemen', on account of a victory over two Turushka princes (verse 9). 2 These may have been two generals of the Bahmani king 'Alâ'u-d-din Ahmad Shah II., who reigned from A. D. 1435 to 1457. Gagadêva's capital was Kondaviḍu (verse 12) in the Narasarâvupêta Taluka of the Kistna District. While residing there, he granted to a number of Brahmanas the village of Chavali (verse 13) in the Repalle Taluka of the Kistna District. The date of the grant was the day of a lunar eclipse in the month of Bhadrapada of 'Saka 1377 (in numerical words), the cyclic year Yuvan. The remainder of the preserved part of the inscription consists of a list of the donees. The name of the cyclic year shews that the 'Saka year is an expired year; and the eclipse should therefore have occurred in August-September, A. D. 1455. For that year, however, von Oppolzer's Canon der Finsternisse shews only one lunar eclipse, on the 1st May; and though Sir A. Cunningham's Inlian Eras shews another, on the 25th October, still that also does not answer to the record. The nearest lunar eclipse on the full-moon of Bhadrapada was that of the 3rd September, A. D. 1457, in 'Saka-Saivat 1379 expired, the Isvara samvatsara.
In the above abstract I have followed the text of the inscription in representing KapilaGajapati as the ancestor of Ganadêva. It is however very probable that Kapila is identical with Kapilêsvara-Gajapati who, according to a chronicle of Kondavidu, 5 ruled from A. D. 1454 to 1461, and with Kapilêndradêva, who, according to Dr. Hunter's Orissa, ruled from A. D. 1452 to 1479. If this supposition is correct, it will be necessary either to translate the compound tad-vamia in verse 8 by the same race as he,' viz. Kapila, or to refer the pronoun tad to the noun bhásvat, the Sun,' which occurs in verse 4. In support of this explanation, which at first sight appears somewhat arbitrary and artificial, it may be adduced that the inscription names Kataka as the capital cf Kapila (verse 7), while Gânadêva resided at Kondavida (verse 12), and that it speaks of Kapila as a living person in the present tense. Especially in verse 3, the present tense cannot be explained as the historical present, as it is accompanied by the adverb adhund, 'now.' I would accordingly consider Kapila, the Gajapati king of Orissa, as a contemporary of Ganadeva of Kondavidu, who appears to have been a tributary of his.
1 According to Brown's Telugu Dictionary, råhuttu or rautu means a horseman.' Rayardhuttaminda occurs among the birudas of Venkata II. of the third dynasty of Vijayanagara; ante, Vol. XIII. p. 131, verse 40. 2 It may perhaps be further concluded from verse 9 that he bore the surname of Srivallabha, and his father the surname of Mahir allabha.
Mr. Sewell's Lists of Antiquities, Vol. I. p. 70. Mr. Sewell's Lists of Antiquities, Vol. II. p. 189.
4 ibid. p. 78.
⚫ ibid. p. 207.

Page #421

NOVEMBER, 1891.] GRANT OF GANADEVA OF KONDAVIDU.
TEXT.
First Plute; First Side.
1 श्रीगणाधिपतये नमः । अस्तु हस्तिमुखं वस्तु स्वस्ति []
2 व पूर्णविग्रहं । भाति यत्कटभृंगालिरेंद्रनीलीव मा
3
4
5
लिका । [१* ] स पायादादिपोत्री य[ई] ट्रोढा सरसा रसा [*] केतकी दलतुंगा प्रसंगा भृंगीव राजते । [२*] बलिः प्रादा
त् पथ्वी' कपटवदुषाय हरये शिबिमसं कर्णस्त्व
6
चमपि दधीचिप्रभृतयः । वदान्याः संत्वन्ये वितरणरताः
7 पूर्वमधुना महावीरो राजा जेर्यति' कपिलेंद्रों गजपतिः [11३*] यद्वं [शी] लोकभर्तुः कमलवनपतेर्भास्वतोभूमोघो यत्कीर्त्ति 9 स्फूर्तिरुद्याद्वेधुकर निकरोज्वला भाति भूमौ । यत्ते जोभा
8
First Plate; Second Side.
10 गुरुवपरिधिगिरिमतिक्रम्य चाभाति पश्चात् सोयं निर्धूतशत्रुविलसति काकुंन[][४]
11
विधान
12 नी पंकिलायते । [वि]लायंते समुद्रा यद्वाटीपोडकरेणुभिः [ ॥ ५* ]
13 त्रैलोक्याधिपतिः सिरेतरगि] [२] चूडा [मणि] [: *] श्री जगन्नाधो" वै[भ]वचर्चितः स भग
14 वान् श्रुत्युक्त दशवाकृतिः । पारावारगभीरतीरनिलयो येनाचि
15 तः सवदा जिय्यात्॥" श्रीक [पि ]लेश्वरी गजपतिः सोयं प्रतापी
16 अवल | [६] कडकाख्या पुरी यस्य राजधानी विराजते । महानदीप
17 रिसरे शक्रस्येवामरावती । [७*] तशसिंधा 2 किल चंद्रदेवो जातः कळा
18 वानिव शुभ्रमूर्तिः । ततः प्रभूतो गुहिदेवपात्री गृहों महे
19 शादिव कीर्तिगाली । [८* ] राजा गाणमहीपतिः समुदभूत्त
Second Plate; First Side.
20 स्माम्मही
21
राबाहय [1] दानेनागुण (भाग22 [[["] [९] स पापी विष्णु 123 गाणराहुतयस्तु भाति संपूर्ण पौरुषं । [२०*] राजद्राजकिरीट24 कोटिमणिरुङ्गी [र][जितांत्रिद्वयं कीर्त्तिस्फूत्तिविनिर्जितामरस
25 रिस्कललhaच्छ [] | तेजोभानुविजूभिता [वधि] गिरिप्रत्यदृष[स्सं ].15 20 10 तं मन्येयपरौतरायमपरं लक्ष्मीपति [भू]पर्ति । [११] स [r]
27 कोंडवीडुनगरी [वि]पणिस्थपण्या नदीतराय परिपालितराजधा
28 नी । देवालया [च]लभिशे नगरीव भाति शश्वत क्षेत्ररथवाजिपदाति
29 रम्या । [ १२* ] शाके शैलतुरंगमाभिशशि संख्याते युवाब्दे शुभे प्राशत्
शिवस्वपीरुषः ।
Second Plate; Second Side.
30 भाद्रपदे विधोर्महारेने श्रीगणदेवी नृपः । मानं चावलिनाम31 कं जलयुतं भूदेवताभ्यः कृती सैश्वमष्टभोगस
32 हितं श्रीकोंडवीडो [: *] स्थळे [1] [९३*] अत्र प्रतिमहीतृविप्र गोत्रनाम शाखा
33 भागक्रमादेव भाषया लिख्यते । [अ] तत्र यजुःशाखाध्या
34 यी काश्यपगोत्रस्तात नारायण यज्वपुत्रो यज्ञेश्वर
ॐ यज्वा दिमागी । यजुःशाखाध्यायी श्रीवत्सगोत्रो मा[धव]
36 भट्टपुत्रो वल्ल [भा] चाय द्विभागी। यजुःशाखाध्यायी
37 [भा]रद्वाज गोत्रो यलयपुत्रो व[m] भोझ एकभागी । य38 जुःशाखाध्यायी भारद्वाज गोत्रोप्यलवधानिपुत्री [र]मायोझ[झ] एकभागी । हरितगोत्रो वि[श्वे ]श्वरथ [ज्य] पुत्र
39
• Real सितंतर 2. 15 Read शाली.
Read. पृथ्वी
• Read जयति.
11 Road सर्वदा जीयाची
12 Road सिन्बी.
15 The anuseara is engraved at the beginning of the next line..
391
10 Read नाथ.
14 Read पौरुषः.
16 Read दृषत्संचयं, ie शिलोषयं ?

Page #422

392
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[NOVEMBER, 1891.
Third Plate; First Side. 40 [:] शिंगाभा एकभागी । यजुःशाखाध्यायी गार्ग्य गोषो] गंग41 मोम्झपुत्रः कॉमनोम्झ एकभागी। यजुःशाखाध्यायी 42 भारद्वाजगोनोग्यलवधानिपुवस्सोमाभा एकभागी ] य43 जु:शाखा यावी कौडिन्यगोत्रः पेड़ोझझपुत्रः शिंगायोज्ज 44 एकभागीयजःशाखाध्यायी हरितगोत्रः पेदि45 भहपुत्रो बिंगाभा एकभागी। यजुःशाखाध्याय्या46 श्रेयगोत्रोप्पलेभा[स्तु] पुत्री नागायोझ एकभागी। य47 शुःशाखाध्याबी भारद्वाजगोत्रोयलवधानिपुत्रः सर्वा48 भह एकभागी। यजःशाखाध्यायी भारद्वाजगांवोनंतो
Third Plate; Second Side. 49 मुझपुत्रो माधवभह एकभागी। यजुःशाखाध्यायी भार50 दाजगोत्रो नहोम्झपुत्रो ब[]योम्झ एकभागी। य51 जुःशाखाध्यायी भारद्वाजगोत्रः कुमारस्वामिपुत्रः कू. 52 नायोझ एकभागी। यजःशाखाध्यायी श्रीवत्सगोत्रो 53 माधवभरपत्र भीचळभर एकभागी। यजुःशाखाध्यायीक[]54 इयपगोत्रः पेहोमसपुत्रो मल्लायोझझ ऐकभागी। यजुःशा55 खाध्यायी भारद्वाजगोत्रोनंतोझझपुत्रो बहाभा एकभागी। य56 जुःशाखाध्यायी आत्रेयगोत्रोनंतभडिपुषो माधवभह एक57 भागी। यजुःशाखाध्यायी भारद्वाजगोत्रः कुमारस्वामिपुत्र 58 अप्पलेभह एकभागी। यजुःशाखाध्यायी हरितगोत्रः कोम्मा
TRANSLATION.
Adoration to the blessed Ganadhipati ! Verse 1. Let the being (Ganesa), which has the face of an elephant, whose body is stoui, and the bevy of bees on whose temples resembles a garland of sapphires - produce prosperity!
2. Let that primeval boar (Vishnu), borne on whose tasks the lovely earth resembles a bee clinging to the high (!) tip of the petal of a kétali (flower) - protect (us) !
3. Bali gave the earth to Hari (Vishnu) disguised as a young Brahmana, Sibi (his) meat, and Karna (his) skin. There may have formerly been other munificent donors like Dadhichi. Now the great hero, king Kapilendra-Gajapati, surpasses (all of them).
4. Resplendent is that conqueror of foes, king Kapila-Kumbhiraja (i. e. Gajapati), whose powerful race was descended from the Sun, the lord of the world and husband of the gronp of lotuses, whose bright fame glitters on earth like the cluster of the rays of the rising moon, and the sun of whose valour, having passed beyond the mountain which surrounds the earth, shines in the west.
5. Through the streams of the rutting-juice of his elephants, the earth is made muddy; the oceans are transformed into (dry) holes through the dust of his war-horses.
6. Let him be ever victorious, the brave and illustrious Kapilesvara-Gajapati, who has worshipped the lord of the three worlds, the crest-jewel of the black mountain (P), the blessed god Jagannatha, who is full of splendour, who resembles the burning forest20 spoken of in the Sruti (!), and who abides on the deep (!) shore of the ocean !
7. His capital, the city called Kataka, on the bank of the Mahanadi, resembles Amaravati (the city) of Sakra (Indra).
_11 Read भट्टस्य. Read पुत्रोप्पले. This e.pression Beems to refer to the eastern mountain, as avadhigiri in verse 11. ___20 This seems to refer to the fire at the end of the kalpa. The face of the idol Jagannatha is of gola ; see ante, Vol. I. p. 36. Another possible reading iadare.akritil, 'consisting of wood.'

Page #423

Plates of Ganadeva of Kondavidu.—Saka-Samvat 1377.
-
అసమస్తులు అందస్తు అను 2 | పదరహం బారియతం బంగారం దీనిలినను
త్వరం వదలని - చందిం చలేయం వదాయ అసమరం సంతకం అలా కురము లసనవిరబోసం | సంకలు గుదు ర జ లు మోయరాజు,
16.
ఈడు
2016
గణనయన్నారు
న 18 యంజ తన SS ఆదివరాలు తెగులు
రాజగ్గాని ఎరాజు మైసూరిన
R
L
20 పరుపు
అని అతడి
2007
a
20
.
"ఉండు
ను
అత్యంత నా నా సంఖ్య నాలుగు ఎడా
SCALE -66.
W. GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITH.

Page #424

iil.
-
:
At
ముడిపదోగ chc
న
M
apan
Koraa
ము
A
5.Aa
A
S
PM
.
...A
am
S
M
-1
Aa..
TTE
CAL
inta
0.
Ay.cg
.
KOC
R
బాగ యజు ఇంద్యమంటారణజనంలో
16.
in
Here మnalP2 02
సరావుందంజగోలు చేస్తారు
అనుక

Page #425

NOVEMBER, 1891.)
GRANT OF GANADEVA OF KONDAVIDU.
393
8. Just as the full-moon from the ocean, the glorious Chandradeva was produced in his race. From him sprang the famous Guhidēvapatra, as Guha from Mahêsa ('Siva).
9. From this favourite of the earth (mahivallabha) came the victorious king Ganamahipati, who, (because he vanquished with his arms two Turushka princes, was therefore called Ra utaraya, who perfumed the circle of the horizon with his fame, who taught (others) the initiation into the exclusive (practice) of liberality, who was the fortune of temples and Brahmaņas, and another 'Srivallabha (Vishņu).
20. Vishņu (as Narasimha) was a man only as far as his legs (or, only a quarter of a man) and Siva (as Ardhandrisvara) only half a man. But resplendent is Gana-Bahuttaraya, who is a whole man (or hero).
11. As another (Vishnu) lord of Lakshmi, I consider that king Ayapa-Rautaraya, whose feet are resplendent with the lustre of the jewels on the tops of the glittering diadems of kings, whose bright fame surpasses the splendour of the foam of the waves of the stream of the immortals (the Ganga), and the sun of whose valoar ascends both the mountain which forms the boundary of the earth) 21 and the western mountain (P).22
12. The city of Kondavidu, the capital of this Rautaraya, the bazars of which are full of merchandise, and which is continually crowded with mighty elephants, chariots, horses and pedestrians, resembles the city of Balabhid (Indra), which is inhabited by gods.
13. In the sake (year) reckoned by the mountains (7), the horses (7), the fires (3), and the moon (1) (i. e. 1377), in the auspicious year (called) Yuvan, in (the month of) Bhadrapada, on the day of an eclipse of the moon, at the city of Kondavidu - the illustrious and victorious king Ganadáva gave to Brihmaņas the village named Chavali, together with the water, with the eight powors (aišvarya), and with the eight enjoyments (bhoga).
Here the gótras, names and súkhús of the Brahmapa donees are written in the order of the shares (bhaga) in prose (bhasha): - Sakhd. Götra. Father's name.
Donee's name.
Number of
shares. Yajuh. КАбуара.
Tita-Narayana-Yajvan. Yajbėávara-Yajvan. Do. Sriratea. MAdhava-Bhatta.
Vallabhacharya. Do. Bharadvája. Yallaya.
Vallabhôjjha. Do. do. Ayyalavadhåni.
Ramayojjha. Harita.
Visvešvara-Yajvan, Siúge-Bhatta. Yajuh. Gárgya.
Ganganôjjha.
Kommanôjjha. Do. Bharadvája. Ayyalavadhâni.
Soma-Bhatta. Kaundinya. Peddôjjha.
Singâyôjja. Harita. Peddi-Bhatta.
Vingå-Bhatta. Åtrêya. Appale-Bhatta.
Ngâyôjjha. Bharadvája. Ayyalavadh&ni.
Sarva-Bhatta. do. Anantôjjha.
Madhava-Bhatta. Nandôjjha.
Yarayôjjha. do. Kumara-Svâmin.
Kanâyöjjha. Srivatsa. Madhava-Bhatta.
Auchaļa-Bhatta. кавуара. Peddôjjha.
Mallâyöjjha: Bharadvája. Anantôjjha.
B[r]ahma-Bhatta. Atrêya. Ananta-Bhatti.
Madhava-Bhatta. Do. Bharadvája. Kumara-Svåmin.
Appale-Bhatta. Do. Harita.
Komma .....
Do.
do.
Do.
11 See note 19 above.
n see note 16 above. * According to Brown's Telugu Dictionary, ojja, Bjja or Ojjha means 's priest, tutor, master. Compare the Kanarese ojjanu or 6janu, which, socording to Sanderson's Canarese Dictionary, is a tadbhava of the Sanskrit acharya. The intermediate PAli form upajjha protes, however, that the word must be derived from the Sanskrit upadhyaya.

Page #426

394
-
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
THE DATE OF THE GRECO-BUDDHIST PEDESTAL FROM HASHTNAGAR. Mr. V. A. Smith has published, ante, Vol. XVIII. p. 257, a facsimile of a so-called Arian, recté Kharoshtri inscription on the pedestal of a Græco-Buddhist sculpture, found by Mr. King at Hashtnagar, and in the Journal of the Bengal Asiatic Society, Vol. LVIII. Pt. I. Plate x., an excellent photo-etching of the sculpture together with the inscription. In the articles accompanying the two reproductions of the document, he has given Sir A. Cunningham's reading: Sam 274 emborasmasa masasa me panchami 5.
MISCELLANEA.
Though the great archeologist, to whom we owe the correct determination of many Kharôshtri signs, has undoubtedly succeeded in reading the figures, and thereby in settling the most important point, every student of Prâkrit will agree with me that his rendering of the words is open to improvement, because several of them are linguistically impossible. On comparing the facsimile and the photo-etching, I find that the line has to be read s follows:
Sam II C xx xx xx x iv Pôstavadasa masasa diva]sammi par[cha]mi 5 [11]1.
—
This is in Sanskrit:
सं २७४ प्रोष्ठपदस्य मासस्य दिवसे पञ्चमे ५ [ ॥ *] and in English:
"The year 274, on the fifth, 5, day of the month of Praushṭhapada (i. e., Bhadrapada or AugustSeptember)."
With respect to the characters of the inscription, I have to add that the right limb of the syllable po has run together with the left portion of the figure 4, the lower part of which latter touches the foot of the vertical stroke of p. In the photoetching the upper part of the vertical stroke of p is not visible, though it is unmistakable in the facsimile of the impression. The vowel-stroke of the syllable po is attached rather low down to the vertical, and is nearly horizontal instead of slanting. In the Asôka Edicts such a stroke would denote not ó, but u. Here it must be 6, because in the later Kharôshtri inscriptions u is expressed by a loop at the foot of the consonantal sign.
The second sign of the first word sta consists of a vertical line, with one very short and one
1 The representation of the Kharoshtri figures in Roman figures has been taken over from Mr. A. V. Smith.
2 The reading pothavadasa is linguistically possible,
[NOVEMBER, 1891.
somewhat longer horizontal, attached to its left. Some scholars have read it tha or tha. In the Asoka Edicts its most elaborate form is 7. I have given my reasons for accepting Sir A. Cunningham's explanation in the Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenländischen Gesellschaft, Vol. XLIII. P. 154 f. The va of divasammi has been almost effaced, and the cha of panchami has been injured. All the anusváras stand below the line and are visible in the photo-etching alone. The last is injured and indistinct.
With respect to the difficult question to which era the year has to be referred, I can only say that Mr. Smith's alternative proposal to take Samh. 274 as a Saka year, and as equivalent to 352 A. D., seems to me improbable. For, the letters of the inscriptions look very like those of Kanishka's and Huvishka's Kharôshtri.inscriptions. Moreover, it is doubtful whether the Kharoshorf writing was still used in the fourth century, A. D.
G. BÜHLER.
PROGRESS OF EUROPEAN SCHOLARSHIP. No. 25.
The Revue Critique for 1889.
In the number for May 19th, M. Barth contributes a critique on M J. Grosset's contribution to the study of Hindu music, already noticed in these pages. M. Barth is of opinion that Hindu music must continue to remain. unintelligible to European scholars until it is taken in hand by a master of both the Hinda and European systems of the art. In default of this, M. Grosset has done his best with the very inadequate materials at his command.
The same author deals, in the number for May 27th, with Dr. Fick's edition of a Jaina version3 of the legend of Sagara. The Jains have taken this saga and turned it into a stupid story for the edification of the faithful. The Prakrit text is taken from the Kathánakas inserted by Dêvêndra Gani into his commentary on the UttaradhyayanaSútra, on which Prof. Jacobi has already drawn for his well-known Prakrit grammar and readingbook. To this is added a translation, notes and glossary.
In the number for the 18th and 26th August M. V. Henry reviews Prof. Johannes Schmidt's
and the form would likewise be correct Prakrit for praushthapadasya.
B. Fick, Eine Jainistiche Bearbeitung der SagaraSage. Kiel, C. F. Heseler, 1889.

Page #427

NOVEMBER, 1891.]
work on the formation of the plural of IndoGermanic neuters, in which it is contended that the Indo-European neuter plural, so far as we can judge from the scanty remains available, is not a single but a multiple category, and that its prinoipal peculiarities must be referred, not to a true plural, but to a singular collective noun of the feminine gender. Thus *yugd, the yokes'(Vedic yuga, Gr. (vyá, Lat. juga, &c.), was primitively a substantive feminine, declined *yuga, #yugas, and the inflexion #yuga, #yugam, is only due to false analogy. M. Henry combats. this conclusion at some length. The points are too technical to be reproduced here.
MISCELLANEA.
The following number contains another review, by the same writer, on Dr. Otto Hoffman's treatise on the Flexion and Stem-formation of the Presont in the Original Indo-Germanic Language. The work is designed to be suffi ciently clear to be intelligible to a beginner in the newer paths of linguistic study, and at the same time sufficiently complete to be useful to the specialist who wishes to find quickly any detail which may have escaped his memory. The author has well succeeded, though the excessive brevity rendered necessary by the scale of the work is sometimes misleading.
In the number for October 7th, we have a criticism of Van den Gheyn's European Origin of the Aryana, by M. S. Reinach. The author is one of those who combat the theory referred to in the title of his work. The book is a very complete résumé of all the arguments for and against this theory. The argument based on language, viz., that Lithuanian is more nearly related to the original language than Sanskrit, is far from conclusive, even if the foundation were solid in all points, (which it is not). The Canadians speak a more archaic dialect of French than the Parisians, and the Jews of Salonica speak that dialect of Spanish which is nearest to the language of! Cervantes. Similarly are disposed of the Palæontologico-linguistic arguments, founded on the alleged flora and fauna of the Primitive Aryans; the anthropological argument, founded on the equation, Aryana Fair-complexioned Dolichocephalic; the archæological argument, dealing with the Swiss lacustrine cities; and the geographical one, founded on the theory that the Aryans would not have had sufficient pasture in Central Asia. In conclusion, the reviewer,
Die Pluralbildungen der Indogermanischen Neutra. Weimar, Herman Bölau, 1889.
5 Das Præsens der Indogermanischen Grundsprache in seiner Flexion und Stammbildung. Vandenhæck & Ruprecht, 1889.
Göttingen,
395
agreeing with M. Van den Gheyn, adheres to the Asiatic theory, and maintains that it is still better to say nothing about the cradle of the Aryans, and to talk only of the centre of dispersion of Indo-European languages. As Prof. Max Müller remarks, when an ethnographist speaks of an Aryan race, or of Aryan blood, he is committing an error as great as if he spoke of a dolichocephalic dictionary, or a brachycephalic grammar.
Passing over a review by M. S. Lévi of Prof. Darmesteter's Letters on India, which are directed more to the general reader than to the Indian student, and a short but favourable notice by Mr. G. Drouin on Mr. V. Smith's Coinage of the Early Guptas, (in which the reviewer regrets that the author has not added a Plate giving facsimiles of the coin legends, with a comparative alphabet), we come to the last article which will interest readers of the Antiquary - a review by M. V. Henry of Dr. Otto Franke's treatise on Indian Genders. The work contains texts of the
Lingánusasanas of Sakaṭayana, Harshavardhana and Vararuchi, together with extracts from the commentaries of Yakshavarman and Sabarasvamin, and an appendix on Hindû proper names. Each stanza in the text, which is not perfectly clear, has been translated, the portions of the commentaries are well selected, and a copious index enables the reader to find each word wherever it occurs. The introduction occupies half the volume, and in it Dr. Franke describes, amongst other matters, certain Lingdnuédsanas hitherto unknown, and the chronology of the various Lingdnusdsanas, Sakațâyana and Vararuchi. The appendix deals with the principle of the formation of Indo-European proper names, with special reference to those of Greek and Sanskrit-India.
Académie des inscriptions et Belles-Lettres. The Proceedings for 1889 possess few features of interest to Indian scholars. At the meeting of the 4th October, Dr. Leitner described the language, religion and customs of the Hunzas. This wild tribe nominally professes Islamism, but is in reality very far from it. Their religion is connected with that of the famous Hashishin or Assassins, and recognizes a prince, now resident in Bombay, as an incarnation of the deity. Their language is composed of words, each of which expresses an entire group of ideas, and
6
L'origine Européene des Aryas. Paris, Bureaux des Annales de l'hilosophie chrétienne, 1889.
7 Number for October 21st.
8 November 11th.
9 Die Indischen Genuslehren. Kiel, Hæseler, 1890.

Page #428

396
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(NOVEMBER, 1891.
which cannot be translated by single words into of the Vendidad describes separately two differEuropean languages.
ent methods of disposing of the dead. One At the meeting of 30th October, a communi- consisted in laying the corpse on the summit of cation was read from Jivanji Jamshedji Modi, the
a mountain, exposed to the rays of the sun, and P&rs High Priest at Bombay, regarding the the other in collecting the bones after the flesh receptacles for human bones, brought from
has been devoured. The Dadistan-i-dint, a Pah. Persin by M. Dieulafoy, and deposited in the
lavi work, describes the olsuaries, called astoddns, Museum of the Louvre. While the modern
in which these remains were kept. The preserPârsis deposit their dead in Towers of Silence,
vation of the bones had for its object to render where the flesh is devoured by birds, and the
possible the future resurrection of the dead, who bones are accumulated, the ancient Persians must, according to the Parsi doctrine, "rise from appear to have had the custom of depositing the
their bones." bones in isolated receptacles. The sixth chapter
G. A. GBIERBON.
NOTES AND QUERIES. CUSTOMARY OFFERINGS TO PRIESTS IN course, contained a corresponding diminutive BENGAL.
quantity of food. Is this is a breaking down of At Raniganj and elsewhere I found miniature the custom of dan P or is it an old established brass plates and oups, etc., made and sold in custom by which the poor man could ostensibly large quantities for the purpose of being used in gain as much merit by ddn as the rich man P the customary offerings to purihits. These, of
R. O. TEMPLE
BOOK-NOTICE. THE VEDANTASUTRAS, WITH THE COMMENTARY BY portant conclusion that a number of Ramanuja's
SAXKARACHARYA, translated by GEORGE THIBAUT. explanations seem to be in better accordance with Part I. (SACRED Boox® OF THE EABT; Vol.
the real tenets of Badar yana, while Sarkara's XXXIV.). Oxford, 1890. Pp. cxxviii, 443.
explanations are often forced and artificial. "If, This stately volume contains the first half of now, I am shortly to sum up the results of the the standard work of the Advaita school. preceding enquiry as to the teaching of the Those who have tried to study any of the philoso- Satras, I must give it as my opinion that they do phical systems of the Hindus from the original not set forth the distinction of a higher and text-books, can form an estimate of the difficulties lower knowledge of Brahman ; that they do not which Dr. Thibaut had to overcome in the task acknowledge the distinction of Brahman and of rendering the actual words of one of the deepest Isvara in Samkara's sense ; that they do not hold philosophers of ancient India into plain and the doctrine of the unreality of the world; and elegant English, and of thus enabling the general | that they do not, with Samkara, proclaim the reader to acquaint himself with the metaphysics absolute identity of the individual and the highest of Sarkara as easily as with those of Spinoza. Sell" (p. c). Samkara's great work breathes the spirit of a In connection with the present short notice of noble and independent thinker. The bold and Dr. Thibaut's new volume, it may not be out of consequent manner in which he tries to solve the place to draw attention to his translation of highest problems, ensures him a prominent place an elementary treatise on the Parva-Memarnsd among the philosophers of all nations and ages. system, the Arthasangraha by Laug&kshi. The perasal of his work will modify the views of Bhaskara, which appeared in 1882 as No. 4 of the the editor of a European hand-book which states Benares Sanskrit Series. This difficult little in full earnest that KAlidasa's Salcuntald is one book treate of the general maxime, according to of the chief sources of our knowledge of Hinda which the kalpasutras or rules for sacrifices are philosophy. In the masterly introduction which built up on the Sanhitds and Brdhmanas. Thus Dr. Thibaut has prefixed to his translation, he the Parva-Memdusd is a half-sister of the Uttaracontraste Samkara's commentary on Badarêyana's Mindrsd or Vedanta, which is based on the sátras with that of Ramanuja, the head of the Aranyaka portions of the Veda, and the chief VisishtAdvaita school; and arrives at the im representative of which is Sarkara's Bhdshya.
10 [All this is according to Dr. Leitner, be it under be noted in this connection.-R.C.T.) stood.-R.O.T.)
1 Ueberweg's Geschichte der Philosophie, 5th edition, 11 [The customs of the North American Indians may | Vol. I. p. 16.

Page #429

DECEMBER, 1891.)
THE VIRANA EBA.
397
EXAMINATION OF QUESTIONS CONNECTED WITH THE VIKRAMA ERA.
BY PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN, C. L. E.; GÖTTINGEN,
(Concluded from page 142.) T TRUST that my lists of dates will show, in a fairly accurate manner, the practice of dating 1 followed in connection with the Vikrama era from the earliest to the most modern times, and that the materials brought together will be regarded a sufficiently full and trustworthy, to warrant their being used in an attempt to answer some of the questions which have been indicated in an earlier part of these notes.
In the following I shall first endeavour to show what conclusions are suggested by the dates, regarding the questions of current and expired years, of northern and sonthern years, and of the purriminta and amunta schemes of the lunar months. I shall then indicate in what part of India we find the Vikrama era first employed, and where and by which dynasties it was used during the millennium suoceeding the earliest known date. I shall examine and try to account for the names under which the era has been known at varions times. And I shall conclude these notes with some matters of detail which either concern the Vikrama era only or have reference to the practice of dating generally. Current and Expired Years; Northern and Southern Years; Parnimanta and
Amante Schemes, As any conclusions under these heads should, in the first instance, be drawn only from regular dates, I would here summarize the results of my calculations of the 150 dates, the details of which have been given ante, Vol. XIX. pp. 22-40 and 166-187, as follows: Total number of dates examined : 150.
A.-Dates in bright fortnights. Number of dates : 80 (from V. 898 to V. 1874).
1.---Dates in the months Karttika to Phalguna. Number of dates: 26 (from V. 1016 to V. 1729).
Results: (a).--Dates in current years: 2 (V. 1304 and V. 1397); i.e. 7.7 % (b).-Dates in expired years: 24 (V. 1016 to V. 1729); 1.e. 92.3 %
2.-Dates in the months Chaitra to Åbvina. Number of dates : 54 (from V. 898 to V. 1874).
Results: (a).-Dates in northern current years: 3 (V. 1311, 1380, and 1587); i.e. 5.6°/ (b).-Dates in north. exp. (or south. curr.) years: 27 (V. 919 to V. 1874); i.e. 50°/.. ©).-Dates in southern expired years: 23 (V. 898 to V. 1746); i.e. 42.6°. (d).-Uncertain, but probably in south. exp. year: 1 (V. 1200); 1.e. 1.8°%.
B.-Dates in dark fortnights. Number of dates : 70 (from V. 960 to V. 1877).
1.-Dates in the months Karttika to Phalguna. Namber of dates: 27 (from V. 1043 to V. 1875).
Results: (a).-Dates in current years: 2 (V. 1209 and V. 1296); vie. 7.4 %
(půrņimanta: 2; amânta : 0.]

Page #430

398
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DECEMBER, 1891.
(6).-Dates in expired years: 20 (V. 1043 to V. 1875); i.e. 74.1°%.
[parnimânta: 14; amânta: 6.) ().-Půrņimanta dates of current years or amânta dates of expired years : 5 (V. 1229 to
V. 1535); 1.e. 18.5°%. 2.-Dates in the months Chaitra to Åbvina. Number of dates : 43 (from V. 960 to V. 1877).
Results: (a). - Dates in northern current years: 2 (V. 1202 and V. 1256); i.e. 4.7%.
. (půrņimânta: 2; amânta : 0.] (6). - Dates in north. exp. (or south. curr.) years: 15 (V. 960 to V. 1877); i.e. 34.99%
(pürņimânta : 12; amânta : 3.) (). - Dates in southern expired years : 18 (V. 994 to V. 1538); i.e. 41.99%
Epurņimanta: 8; amântà :10.) Uncertain : 8; i.e. 18.6°l.; viz. -
(d). — North. curr. amânta, or south. exp. púrņimânta : 2 (V. 1225 and V. 1390); (e). - North. curr, amânta, or north, exp. or south, exp. půrnimânta : 1(V. 1315); ().- North. exp. pûrņimânta, or south. exp. amânta : 5 (V. 1332 to V. 1570).
Current and Expired Years. The result obtained under A. 1, by which the years of only two dates out of 26 are current years, shows at once that it has been at all times the rule to quote the Vikrama years as expired years, and that current years were quoted only exceptionally. And this conclusion is supported by the combined results under A. 1 and 2, and B. 1 and 2, which show that only nine dates out of the total number of 150 mast necessarily be regarded as dates in current years. Now this result, though it would not permit us to speak with confidence about any one individual date, may certainly be used, for statistical purposes, to pronounce an opinion on the nature of a whole set of dates, the years of which our calculations would permit us to regard as eithe current or expired.
Thus, the five dates under B. 1, c, which in accordance with our calculations might be regarded as either purnimánta dates of current years, or amanta dates of expired years, may with little chance of error all be put down as amánta dates of expired years. And similarly may the two dates under B. 2, d, be safely regarded as púrnimánta dates of southern expired years, and the date under B. 2, e, as a púrnimánta date of either a northern or southern expired year. Occasionally our proceeding in this manner may indeed be shown to be correct by independent arguments. This is the case e.g. with the date of the year V. 1225 in an inscription of the Mahanayaka Pratápadhavaladeva, which by the result of the calculation falls under B. 2, d, (No. 243); for this date cannot be separated from another date of the same year V. 1225 in an inscription of the same chief (No. 126), which we know for certain to be a púrņimánta date of a southern expired year.
As regards the 27 dates under A. 2, 6, and the 15 dates under B. 2, 6, the years of which theoretically might be regarded as either northern expired or southern current years, it may safely be assumed that nearly all are dates in northern expired years, and they will all be classed as such below. But it cannot be denied that one or two of their number may really be dates in southern current years, and I mention this here at once to show that, in treating these dates as I do, I am not showing any undue favour to the southern year. The year of the single date under A. 2, d, may be taken to be the southern expired year, because the eclipse mentioned in the date was visible in India in that year only. As to the five dates under B. 2, f,

Page #431

DECEMBER, 1891.]
THE VIKRAMA ERA.
399
it is impossible to say from general considerations, whether their years should be regarded as northern or southern expired years.
Since current years are quoted only exceptionally, it may be questioned whether we should, in every case, at once accept as correct the result of the calculation of a date, where such calculation would lead us to regard the year of the date as a current year. As to the dates treated of under A. 1, a and 2, , and B. 1, a, no choice is left to us. But the case may well seem to be different with the dates No. 108 and No. 109, under B. 2, a. By the strict results of our calculations these dates would indeed be purnimánta dates of northern carrent years. But in regard to both, good reasons, - partly connected with the Simha era on which we expect Mr. Fleet to enlighten us, and partly based on a consideration of the exact ending-time of the tithi, - might probably be adduced for rejecting the seemingly correct results and taking the two dates as amánta dates of northern expired years.
Northern and Southern Years. In accordance with preceding remarks, and disregarding as exceptional the dates in current years, we may count as dates in northern (expired) years the dates under A. 2, 6 (with the exception of No. 47 which professes to belong to an Ashadhádi year), and those under B. 2, b; i.e., altogether 41 dates; and as dates in southern (expired) years the dates under A. 2, c, and B. 2, c, the date under A. 2, d, and the two dates under B. 2, d; i.e., altogether 44 dates.
For reasons given above, and because the two dates No. 113 and No. 117 under B. 2, b. might equally well be considered as dates in southern years, this classification perhaps hardly dous full justice to the southern year; but taking it to be approximately correct, I find that the numbers of dates of either kind were :
up to V. 1200 : 6 in northern years; 9 in southern years;
, V. 1300: 17 „ V. 1400: 22
. : 31 „ V. 1500: 26
» ; 34 , V. 1600: 30
» ; 40 „ V. 1877: 41 Accordingly, the total number of dates in southern years for all times slightly exceeds the total number of dates in northern years. In the earliest centuries of which we possess dates which admit of verification, the dates in southern years are decidedly more numerous than those in northern years'; but in later times the northern year has been gaining considerably on the southern year. In fact, it may be said that, while even down to V. 1400 the proportion of northern to southern years remained about 2:3, this proportion has just been inverted afterwards. The general conclusion to which these figures would seem to point, is, that the reckoning by southern (Karttikadi) years was from the beginning intimately connected with the Vikrama era, just as the reckoning by northern (Chaitrádi) years has always been characteristic of the Saka era; and it may fairly be assumed that the change, which has gradually taken place towards a more general employment of the northern year in connection with the Vikrama era, is owing to the influence of the Saka era.
»
; 26
1 The year of one of the five datos (No. 149) is shown to be a southern expirod year by the Jupiter year which is quoted along with it.
2 A week after the proof of this paper was returned by me to Mr. Fleet, I was informed by Dr. Klatt, that the reading of my date No. 1, as taken from Professor Peterson's Report, must be wrong, because, according to the Anchalapaffivali, Udayasagara was Sári from V. 1797 to V. 1826; and that the correct reading therefore would probably Le abdhi-kh-ah-indu=1804, not 1304. And calculating for V. 1804, oxpired, 1 find that the corresponding European dato, as required, is Monday, the 4th January, A. D. 1749, when the full-moon tithi ended 15 h. after moan sunrise. Accordingly, of the 26 dates treated of under A. 1, the year of only a single date was really 4 current year.
It is hardly necessary to remind the reader that the following remarks on northern and southern years are Decessarily confined to dates in the months Chaitra to Advina.

Page #432

400
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DECEMBER, 1891.
Here again, if from this point of view we look at the results of onr calculations of some of the early dates, it may perhaps seem doubtful whether our calculation has yielded in every case the only possible or the true equivalent of the original date. The year 898 of our earliest regular date (No. 57) undoubtedly is a southern year. The year 919 of the second date (No. 30) is a northern expired year, but here it may be noted that this year is also described as the Saka year 784, a fact which will appear the more remarkable, when I say that down to V. 1439 this is the only instance in which the corresponding Saka year is mentioned by the side of the. Vikrama year in any date of my lists, and which might well be taken to account somehow or, other for the employment of the northern year. The third date, of the year 960 (No. 110) wouid by the strict results of my calculations be a purnimánta date of a northern expired year; but when we consider that in the southern expired year, with the amunta scheme, the tithi of the date commenced exactly at sunrise of the weekday mentioned by the date and ended only 51 min. after mean sunrise of the next day, we may well ask whether such a result, for the southern expired year, should not be regarded as satisfying the requirements of the case equally well. The 4th, 5th and 6th dates, of the years 962, 994 and 1011 (Nos. 58, 133 and 59), are all dates in southern years. The 7th date, again of the year 1011 (No. 111), is by the results of my calculations a púrnimánta date of a northern expired year; but here too the tithi of the date, with the amanta scheme, ended in the southern expired year only 26 minutes after sunrise of the day following the weekday of the date, so that what has been said above of the third date, would here also be applicable. The 8th and 9th dates, of the years 1042 and 1084 (Nos, 31 and 112), are dates in northern expired years; and the 10th 11th, 12th and 13th dates, of the years 1100, 1139, 1154 and 1192 (Nos. 134, 60, 61 and 125), all belong again to southern expired years, I need not continue this enumeration further; enough has been said to show that the number of early dates in northern years is perhaps even smaller than appears at first sight. Besides, it must not be forgotten that, so far as the present question is concerned, the northern expired year is really equivalent to the southern current year, and that there is no stringent reason why, in one or other of the above dates which are here taken as dates in northern expired years, the writer should not be considered to have quoted, exceptionally, a current southern year.
The terms southern and northern ' years, which are usually employed to denote years commencing with the months Kârttika and Chaitra, would naturally lead one to suppose that the Kárttikddi reckoning had always been prevalent in the south and the Chaitrádi reckoning in the north of India. To show how entirely wrong such a supposition would be, and to prove that, whatever may be the practice of quite modern times, down to about the 14th century of the Vikrama era both kinds of years have been used over exactly the same tracts of country, I put before the reader all regular dates, the nature of whose years we are able to determine, from rocks and stones, most of which undoubtedly have always remained at the places where the dates were first engraved on them. What I would conclude from these lists, is, that the use of the so-called southern year was indeed discontinued in northern India about the end of the 14th century, but that before that time the southern year was used in the north much more frequently than the northern year. In my opinion it would be well to discard the terms southern' and 'northern' years altogether, and to call the years, what they really are, Kárttikádi and Chaitrádi years.
Dates on rocks and stones, in southern (Karttiddi) years :
in northern (Chaitrddi) years : V. 898 (No. 57) Dholpur, Northern Rajputång. v. 919 (No. 30) Déôgadh, Gwalior ; [Saka 7847. V. 994 (No. 133) Siyadoni, N. W. Provinces. V. 960 (No. 110) Têrahi, Gwalior; V. 1011 (No. 59) Khajuraho, Bundelkhand.
[perhaps southern]. V. 1100 (No. 134) Byånd, Northern Rajputâna. y. 1011 (No. 111) Amber, North. Räjputana; V. 1154 (No. 61) Déôgadh, Gwalior.
[perhaps southern). V. 1192 (No. 125) Kalanjar, Bundelkhand. V. 1194 (No. 113) Kalasjar, Bundelkhand.

Page #433

DECEMBER, 1891.]
THE VIKRAMA ERA.
401
V. 1220 (No. 62) Delhi Siwalik pillar.
V. 1215 (No. 32) Girnar, Kathiâvâą. Y. 1222 (No. 63) Udaypur, Gwalior.
V. 1216 (No. 33) Alha-ghat, Central India. V. 1224 (No. 64) Mahoba, Bundelkhand.
V. 1252 (No. 38) Batesvar, N. W. Provinces. V. 1225 (No. 126) Phulwariya, Bilar (P).
V. 1310 (No. 41) Kalañjar, Bundelkhand. V. 1225 (No. 135) Jaunpur, N. W. Provinces. V. 1333 (No. 42) Jaunpur, N. W. Provinces. V. 1225 (No. 143) Tarachåndi, Bihår.
V. 1390 (No. 116) Kevati-kund,' Bundelkhand. V. 1240 (No. 67) Kalafijar, Bundelkhand.
V. 1439 (No. 43) Machadi, Northern Rajputana. V. 1240 (No. 127) Mahoba, Bundelkhand.
V. 1445 (No. 44) 'Boram Deo, Central Provinces. V. 1243 (No. 68) Ajaygadh, Bundelkhand. V. 1181 (No. 45) Déogadh, Gwilior. V. 1253 (No. 70) Belkhara, N. W. Provinces. V. 1496 (No. 46) Umgi, Bihår. V. 1265 (No. 72) Mount Aba, Southera Rajputând. V. 1553 (No. 124) Kaira, Gujarat. V. 1318 (No. 128) Jhansi, N. W. Provinces.
V. 1581 (No. 117) Delhi, Panjab. V. 1320 (No. 129) Verával, KathiAvåd. -
V. 1717 (No. 119) Chamba, Panjab. V. 1390 (No. 141) Chunar, N. W. Provinces.
V. 1874 (No. 56) Nepal. V. 1500 (No. 73) Mahuva, Baroda.
V. 1874 (No. 120) Nepal. V. 1516 (No. 74) Gaya, Bihar.
V. 1874 (No. 121) Nepal.
The Parnimanta and Amanta Sohomes. Proceeding as before, and omitting as doubtful whether they should be considered as párnimanta or amanta the dates under B. 2, a and f, and the dates No. 110 and No. 111 under B. 2, 6, I find that of 61 dates 37 may be regarded as parnimanta and 24 as amántu dates; and that the numbers of either kind of dates were:
up to V. 1200: 5 pilrnimanta; 2 anunta;
V. 1300 : 14 , V. 1400 : 21
15 , V. 1500: 24
; 17 . V. 1600: 28
» ; 22 . V. 1877: 37 » ; 24 , . Accordingly, the percentage of putrnimúnta dates up to V. 1200 was about 71, between V. 1200 and 1400 about 55, between V. 1400 and 1600 about 50, und between V. 1600 and 1877 about 82. This may be taken to show that in early times the parmimanta scheme of the lunar months was more commonly followed in connection with the Vikrama era than the améntu scheme, that afterwards the amanta scheme has been gaining considerably on the purnimanta scheme, and that a change in favour of a more general employment of the purnimánta scheme has again taken place in quite modern times.
Of the 61 dates to which these remarks refer, 20 can be shown to be antes in southern (Kerttiladi) and 13 in northern (Chaitrádi) expired years. Of the former, 10 are amánta, and undoubtedly and two others most probably půrnimánta dates; of the latter, 10 are primanta, and 3 amánta dates. These figures show that, while the southern (Kárttiludi) year has been joined with the parniminta as often as with the anánta scheme, the northern (Chaitrát) year is more commonly joined with the piirnimánta scheme only; and they prove with certainty that neither scheme of the lunar months is necessarily and exclusivoly connected with either the southern (Karttikadi) or the northern (Chaitradi) year.
Locality and Names of the Era. In order to ascertain where the era has been principally used and what names have been applied to it, it will probably be considered sufficient to examine the first 200 dates in the chronological list which I have given above, pp. 125 to 142, down to about A. D. 1300. The more recent dates are naturally of loss importance and many of them are from MSS. and literary works regarding the locality of which I possess ao exact information. Such is the case, tou, with a few of the earlier datos, chiefly dates taken from MSS., which therefore will also be omitted in the following.

Page #434

402
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
In my chronological list I have put queries against four of the earliest dates (Nos. 1, 2, 8, and 9), to show that doubts may possibly be entertained regarding their reading or exact interpretation. As these dates in no way affect my conclusions, I shall here take them to have been correctly given and explained by others. But I shall omit the date No. 6, of the Dhiniki copperplate inscription of Jaikadêva, which apparently is a forged document.*
[DECEMBER, 1891.
Where and by which Dynasties was the Era used up to about A. D. 1300 ?
The date No. 1 (V. 428) is from Bijayagadh, in north-eastern Rajputânâ;
No. 2 (V. 480) from Gangdhâr, in south-eastern Rajputânâ;
Nos. 3 and 4 (V. 529 and 589) are from Mandasôr, on the borders of south-eastern Rajputânâ ;
No. 5 (V. 746) is from Jhalrâpâṭan, in south-eastern Rajputânâ;
No. 7 (V. 795) from Kanaswa, in south-eastern Râjputânâ;
No. 8 (V. 811) from Chitôr, in southern Râjputânâ ;
No.
(V. 879) from Kôt, in south-eastern Rajputânâ ; and No. 10 (V. 898) from Dholpur, in north-eastern Rajputânâ.
The earliest known dates, from V. 428 to 898, are therefore all from eastern Rajputana, chiefly from that part of eastern Râjputânâ which borders on, or is included in, Malava. From the same part of India, and from Rajputânâ generally, we also have the following later dates : No. 17 (V. 962) from Bhillamâla (Bhinmal); No. 31 (V. 1011) from Ambêr; No. 33 (V. 1016) from Râjórgadh; No. 50 (V. 1100) from Byânâ; No. 52 (V. 1136) from Arthûnâ; No. 120 (V. 1231) from Visalpur; No. 133 (V. 1244) from Tahangadh; Nos. 184 and 189 (V. 1324 and 1335) from Chitôr; No. 194 (V. 1342) from Mount Abu; and No. 196 (V. 1344) from Udaypur.
The last of the above early dates, No. 10, is from an inscription of the Châhumana Chandamahâsêna; and later dates of Châhumana princes are: No. 98 (V. 1210) of Vigraharajadêva; No. 104 (V. 1218) of Alhaṇadêva; No. 105 (V. 1220) of Visaladêva; No. 109 (V. 1224) of Prithviraja; No. 114 (V. 1226) of Sômêsvara; and Nos. 115, 128, and 134 (V. 1226, 1239, and 1244) of Prithviraja.
From Rajputânâ the list takes us in an eastern direction, first to the neighbouring State of Gwalior, and afterwards through Bundelkhand and Rêwah as far as Gaya in Bihar.
No. 11 (V. 919), from an inscription of Bhôjadêva of Kanauj, is from Dêôgadh in the Gwalior State; Nos. 12 and 13 (V. 932 and 933), are from inscriptions of the same king in the Fort of Gwalior; No. 14 (V. 936) is from Gyârispur, and No. 15 (V. 960) from Têrahi, both in the Gwalior State; and No. 16, 18-21, 25-27, 29, and 34 (V. 960, 964, 965, 967, 969, 991, 994, 1005, 1008, and 1025), of the reigns of Mahendrapâladêva and Dêvapâladêva of Kanauj, are from Siyaḍônî in Bundelkhand.
No. 30 (V. 1011), from an inscription of the Chandella Dhanga, is the first of a long series of dates of the Chandellas of Bundelkhand, to which also belong: No. 32 (V. 1011) of Yasòvarman and Dhanga; Nos. 41 and 43 (V. 1055 and 1059) of Dhangadêva; No. 51 (V. 1107) of Dêvavarmadêva; No. 60 (V. 1154) of Kirtivarmadêva; No. 67 (V. 1173) of Jayavarmadêva Nos. 75, 77, 78, 80, 94, 99, and 101 (V. 1186, 1187, 1188, 1190, 1208, 1211, and 1215) of Madana varmadêva; Nos. 108, 129, 137, and 142 (V. 1224, 1240, 1252, and 1258) of Paramardidêva; Nos. 150, 168, and 170 (V. 1269, 1297, and 1298) of Trailôkyavarmadèva; Nos. 180, 185, and 191 (V. 1317, 1325, and 1337) of Viravarman; and No. 197 (V. 1345) of Bhôjavarman.
"
Other dates from Gwalior and Bundelkhand are: No. 42 (V. 1058) from Khajurâhô; No. 49 (V. 1093) from Udayagiri; Nos. 55 and 59 (V. 1145 and 1152) from Dubkund'; Nos. 58 and 63 (V. 1150 and 1161) from Gwalior; Nos. 83, 85, and 193 (V. 1192, 1194, and 1340) from Kalañjar; No. 91 (V. 1207) from Chândpur; No. 107 (V. 1222) from Udaypur in Gwalior; Nos.
See ante, Vol. XIX. p. 371. I would now also say that in V. 794 the Vikrama era was not used yet in the locality to which the inscription belongs.

Page #435

DECEMBER, 1891.]
THE VIKRAMA ERA.
403
116 and 131 (V. 1227 and 1243) from Ajaygadh ; No. 130 (V. 1240) from Mahoba; and No. 181 (V. 1318) from Jhansi.
From the tracts of country east of Bandelkhand as far as Gayà, and those north of Bundelkhand and Rêwah up to the Jumna and the Ganges, and north of these rivers as far as Jaunpar, we have the following dates : No. 102 (V. 1216) from Alha-ghất; No. 139 (V. 1253) from Rêwah; No. 110 (V. 1225) from Phulwariya (?); No. 112 (V. 1225) from the Târâchindi rock ; Nos. 28, 123, and 186 (V. 1005, 1232 and 1325) from Gayâ; No. 22 (V. 974) from the Asni inscription of Mahipaladeva of Kananj; No. 48 (V. 1093), from. Kurrah'; No. 88 (V. 1199) from Gadhwâ; No. 45 (V. 1083) from Sarnath ; and No. 199 (V. 1353) from Jaunpur.
To the south-east of Rajputânâ, and adjoining it, is Malava. Of the Paramara princes of this country and their successors we have the following dates : Nos. 35, 36, and 40 (V. 1031, 1036, and 1050) of Vâkpatirâja-Muñja ; No. 44 (V. 1078) of Bhojadêva; No. 53 (V. 1137) of Udayaditya ; Nos 64 and 65 (V. 1161 and 1164) of Nara varmadêva; Nos. 82 and 84 (V. 1191 and 1192) of Yaśôvarmadêva : No. 89 (V. 1200) of Lakshmivarmadêva ; No. 126 (V. 1235 and 1236) of Harischandradêva ; No. 140 (V. 1256) of Udayavarmadêva; Nos. 149, 151 and 152 (V. 1267, 1270, and 1272) of Arjunavarmadêva ; Nos. 153, 158, and 163, (V. 1275, 1286, and 1289) of Dêrapaladêva ; and No. 176 (V. 1312) of Jayasimhadêva. To Malava also belongs No. 81 (V. 1190) from Ingnôda.
Adjoining Rajputânâ on the south, and west of MAlava, was the kingdom of Anhilvad (including Kathiavad), the Chaulukya and Vaghela rulers of which furnish us with the following long list of dates : No. 38 (V. 1043) of Mûlarāja ; No. 47 (V. 1086) of Bhimadêva I.; Nos. 56 and 57 (V. 1145 and 1148) of Karnadêva; Nos. 71 and 86 (V. 1179 and 1196) of Jayasimha dêva ; Nos. 90, 96, 103 and 106 (V. 1202, 1208, 1218, and 1220) of Kumâra påladeva; Nos. 118, 119, and 121 (V. 1229, 1231, and 1232) of Ajaya påladeva; Nos. 136, 141, 144-148, 156, 159, 161, 165, and 166 (V. 1251, 1256, 1261, 1263, 1264, 1265, 1266, 1283, 1287, 1288, 1295, and 1296) of Bhimadêva II.; No. 155 (V. 1280) of Jayantasimha; No. 171 (V. 1299) of Tribhuvanapaladeva ; Nos. 172, 175, and 179 (V. 1303, 1311, and 1317) of Vîsaladêva; No. 182 (V. 1320) of Arjunadeva; and Nos. 190, 195, and 198 (V. 1335, 1343, and 1350) of Sarangadêva.-From Kaphiâvad we have, besides, the dates Nos. 100, 160, and 162 (V. 1215, 1288, and 1288 or 89) from Girnir; and No. 177 (V. 1315) from Siyâl Bêt.
A few early dates of some of the rulers of Kanauj, north-east of Rajputana, have been already given above. Of the later Rathor princes of Kanauj we have the following dates : No. 61 (V. 1154) of Chandradêva and Madanapaladêva ; Nos. 62 and 66 (V. 1161 and 1166) of Madana pâla and Govindachandradeva; Nos. 68, 70, 72-74, 76 and 79 (V. 1174, 1177, 1181, 1182, 1185. 1187, and 1188) of Govindachandradêva; No. 87 (V. 1199) of Govindachandradêva and Rajyapkladêya ; Nos. 93 and 95 (V. 1207 and 1208) of Govindachandra's queen Gôsaladêvî: Nos. 111 and 113 (V. 1225) of Vijayachandradêva ; and Nos. 122, 124, 125, 127, and 132 (V. 1232, 1233, 1234, 1236, ard 1243) of Jayachchandradêva.-To some of the later chiefs of Kananj apparently belong Nos. 138 and 154 (V. 1253 and 1276). And from places north-east of Rajputâ nå we have, besides, the dates No. 39 (V. 1049) from Dewal; No. 92 (V. 1207) from Mahâban; and No. 192 (V. 1337) from Rôhtak.
With the exception of two or three dates from inscriptions and about a dozen dates from MSS. about the locality of which I am not certain, the above are all the dates in my chronological list down to the year V. 1359 or about A.D. 1300; and the refult of this examination may be stated thus :
Our earliest known dates, to about V. 900, are all from eastern Rajputânâ, especially from that part of eastern Rajputank which borders on, or is included in, MÁlava. From there, if we may judge by the dates collected, the era spread first towards the north-east and east, to Kananj and to Gwalior and Bundelkhand, and afterwards towards the south-east and south, to Malava

Page #436

404
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DECEMBER, 1891.
proper and Anhilvâd (including Kathiâvad). And, speaking generally, down to about A.D. 1300 the use of the era was confined to that comparatively small portion of India which would be included by straight lines drawn from the mouth of the Narbadâ to Gaya, from Gayâ to Delhi, and from Delhi to the Runn of Cutch, and by the line of coast from the Runn of Cutch back to the mouth of the Narbadâ. Within these limits and down to the time mentioned the era was officially employed especially by the Chaulukya and Vâghêla princes of Anhilvâd, the Paramaras of Malava, the Chandellas of Bundelkhand, the earlier and later dynasties of Kanauj, and the chiefs of Rajputânâ.
Names of the Era.
By far the greater number of dates contain nothing to show what era was followed by the writer. It is true that from early times the word 'year,' in dates of this era, has been mostly expressed either by the full word samvatsara or by the abbreviated terms samvat or sami, and that in consequence the term samvat has been supposed to denote exclusively a year of this particular era, and that the era itself has been described as the Samvat-era.' But in reality samvat and sam may be used of the years of any era, and only in quite modern times are those terms by the Hindus themselves employed to distinguish Vikrama from Saka years.5
Irrespectively of this modern usage, the years of only 63 dates of my chronological list are qualified by certain words or phrases which were intended to specify .the era used; and it is in consequence of the employment of such words or phrases that the era is spoken of as either the Malava or the Vikrama era. The number of dates which have given rise to the former designation is only five; 58 dates of my list are expressly referred to the Vikrama era.
The Malava Era.
The five dates (Nos. 3, 4, 7, 14, and 115), the years of which are qualified by phrases containing the word Málava, occur all in inscriptions which are in verse, and are from places close to, or included in, Malava. The expressions actually used by the poets are three in the Mandasôr inscriptions of V. 493-529 and V. 589, Málavánám ganasthitya and Málava-gana sthiti-vasút, years according to the reckoning of the Malavas'; in the Kapaswa inscription of V. 795 and the Menalgaḍh inscription of V. 1226, Málav-éśánám samvatsara- and Málavésa-gata-vatsara-, 'years of the Mâlava lords' or 'years elapsed of the Malava (lord. or) lords'; and in the Gyârispur inscription of V. 936, Málava-kálách chharadám, 'years (elapsed from (the commencement of) the Mâlava time (or era).' As regards these phrases, the poet who recorded the late date of V. 1226 probably took the expression which he employed from some earlier poem; and altogether the phrases need not necessarily be considered to contain an indication regarding the origin of the era; but they show that from about the 5th to the 9th century this era was by poets believed to be especially used by the princes and people of Mâlava, while another era or other eras were known to be current in other parts of India. At the same time, considering that our earliest dates are actually from south-eastern Râjputânâ and the parts of Malava adjoining it, the employment of the word Múlava in connection with the era may be taken to point out fairly accurately the locality in which the era was first employed. What special circumstances may have given rise to its establishment, I am unable to determine at present.
The Vikrama Era.
When we examine the dates of my list to about V. 1400, the first thing to strike us is that while among the first fifty dates (down to V. 1100) we find only three which the writers expressly refer to the Vikrama era, there are seven such dates among the dates 51-100 (from V. 1100 to V. 1215), fourteen among the dates 101-150 (from V. 1215 to V. 1269), and seventeen among the dates 151-207 (from V. 1269 to V. 1384). For these figures would seem to indicate that the
5 See Professor Bhandarkar's Report for 1883-84, pp. 158-160.

Page #437

DECEMBER, 1891.]
THE VIKRAMA ERA.
connection of Vikrama with the era grew up gradually, or was an innovation which took centuries to become generally adopted. And here it may be stated at once that the earliest date (of the year V. 898) which contains the word vikrama at all, describes the era somewhat vaguely as 'the time called vikrama,' and that only about 150 years later, in a poen composed in V. 1050, we hear for the first time of a prince or king Vikrama, in connection with the era.
405
The next point to arrest our attention is that, with one slight exception which would rather prove the rule, down to V. 1400 the only princes who used expressions containing the word vikrama in the dates of their documents, were the Chaulukya and Vaghela rulers of Anhilvåd, and that the phraseology employed in the inscriptions of these princes clearly shows a gradual advance from the simple 'year' to 'the year (of the era) established by the illustrious Vikramaditya.' The earliest Chaulukya copper-plate (date No. 38), a grant of the king Mûlaraja, is dated samvat, 'in the year,' 1043. In the copper-plates of Mûlarâja's successors, and in other inscriptions and MSS. the dates of which are referred to the reign of one or other of them, we find in the place of the simple saivat the following phrases :
vikrama-samvat, in a copper-plate of Bhimadêva I. of the year 1086, and in a copper-plate of Karpadêva of the year 1148 (dates No. 47 and 57);
Sri-nripa-Vikrama-samvat, in a stone inscription of Jayasimhadeva of the year 1196
(No. 86);
Srimad-Vikrama-samvat, in a stone inscription of the reign of Kumârapâladêva of the year 1202 (No. 90);
Nripa-Vikrama-kálád-arvák, in a copper-plate of the reign of Ajayapâladeva of the year 1231 (No. 119);
Sri-Vikrama-nripatéḥ samvat and ri-Vikrama-narendra-sahvat, in MSS. of the reign of Bhimadêva II. of the years 1251 and 1261 (Nos. 136 and 144);
Srimad-Vikramadity-ôtpádita-samvatsara- in copper-plates of Bhimadêva II. of the years 1256, 1263, 1283, 1287, 1288, 1295, 1296, and in a copper-plate of Tribhuvanapâladêva of the year 1299 (Nos. 141, 145, 156, 159, 161, 165, 166, and 171);
Srimad-Vikrama-nripa-kál-átíta-samvatsara- and śri-Vikrama-samvat, in a copper-plate of Bhimadêva II. of the year 1266 (No. 148);
Srimad-Vikrama-kal-atita-samvatsaré, in a copper-plate of the Vighêla Visaladeva of the year 1317 (No. 179);
Sri-nripa-Vikrama-sam, in stone inscriptions of the reigns of Arjunadêva and Sarangadêva of the years 1320 and 1343 (Nos. 182 and 195),
Besides, ári-Vikrama-saivat also occurs in two inscriptions of the years 1288 and 1288 or 89 (Nos. 160 and 162) at Girnâr in Kathiâvâd which belonged to Aphilvâd; and we find ári Vikrama-kál-átíta-samvatsara- exceptionally in three copper-plates, of the years 1191, 1235, and 1256 (Nos. 82, 126, and 140), of the later Paramâras of Malava who, in employing a phrase of this kind, may well be supposed to have imitated their neighbours, the kings of Anhilvâd, who more than once had conquered portions of Malava.
Now, what I would lay particular stress on in regard to the above expressions, is the gradual change which may be observed in the phraseology of the dates from the time of Malaraja to that of Bhimadêva II. In the copper-plate of Mûlarâja the year of the date is simply called samhvat, the year.' In the grants of Bhimadêva I. and Karnadêva the year becomes the vikrama-year.' This expression, under Jayasimhadêva, Kumârapâladêva and Ajayapâladêva, is changed to the year of the illustrious Vikrama,' or 'the year of the illustrious prince Vikrama,' or 'the year reckoned from the time of the prince Vikrama.' And finally, under Bhimadeva II., about A. D. 1200, we have the year (of the era) established by the illustrious Vikramaditya.' In fact, that phrase which, supposing the era to have been established by or

Page #438

406
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DECEMBER, 1891.
invented in memory of a king Vikramaditya, we should have expected to find in the very earliest dates, we actually meet with only in some of the latest dates.
In addition to the dates enumerated we have, down to V. 1400, altogether seventeen dates which are expressly referred to the Vikrama era; and these seventeen dates again have this in common, that (exactly like the dates which are referred to the Mâlava era), all occur in inscrip. tions or literary works which are in verse. And in fourteen out of these seventeen dates the date itself is in verse and forms part of the poem, while in three instances it is in prose and has been added at the end of a poem. The exact terms in which the poets refer to the era in these dates, are as follows:
No. 10 (V. 898), from a Châhumâna inscription at Dhôlpar: gatasya kálasya vikramákhyasya, 898 years of the time called vikrama, gone by ';
No. 40 (V. 1050), from Amitagati's Subhashita-ratna-samdôha: samárúḍhé púta-tridaśavasatim Vikrama-nṛipé, after king Vikrama had ascended to the pure dwelling of the immortals;'
No. 54 (V. 1139), from a prasasti by Guruchandragani: Vikkamáu kalammi 'in the time from Vikrama';
No. 58 (V. 1149), from an inscription at Gwalior: gateshv-abdéshu Vikramát, 'years gone by from Vikrama';
No. 114 (V. 1226), from a Châhumâna inscription at Bijhôli: kálé Vikramabhásvataḥ, in the time of Vikramaditya';
No. 121 (V. 1232), from the Narapati-jayacharya: Vikramárka-gaté kálé, 'in the time gone by from Vikramarka';
No. 130 (V. 1240), from an inscription at Mahoba: Sáhasáňkasya vatsaré, 'in the year of Sahasanka (i. e. Vikramaditya)';
Nos. 137 (V. 1252) and 180 (V. 1317), from Chandella inscriptions at Batêévar and Ajaygadh: Vikrama-vatsaré, 'in the Vikrama year ';
No. 143 (V. 1260), from a prasasti by Malayaprabhasûri: ári. Vikramatô gateshu, years 'gone by since the illustrious Vikrama ';
Nos. 201 and 202 (V. 1365), from Jinaprabha's Bhayaharastava-vritti and Ajitasantistavavritti: samvad-Vikrama-bhupatéḥ, 'in the year of the king Vikrama ';
Nos. 206 and 207 (V. 1384), from Delhi Museum inscriptions: abdé Vikramárkataḥ and Vikram-ábdé, 'in the year from Vikramârka,' or ' of Vikrama.'
The above are all from verses; the following are from dates in prose, added at the end of poems:
No. 63 (V. 1161), from an inscription at Gwalior éri-Vikramárka-nṛipa-kál-útítasamvatsara-;
No. 105 (V. 1220), from the Delhi Siwâlik pillar inscription: samvat éri-Vikramúdityé; and No. 192 (V. 1337), from the 'Pilam Bâoli' inscription: samvatsaré-smin=Vaikramadity-. Now, considering that eleven of these seventeen dates are from inscriptions in Rajputânà and districts north of Rajputânâ, and in Gwalior and Bundelkhand, the result of our examination may be stated thus:
The earliest known instance of the word vikrama occurring in a date we find in au inscription in verse, by which the year 898 is referred to the time called vikrama;' a prince or a king Vikrama is for the first time spoken of in connection with the era in a poer. composed in V. 1050; and over the largest part of the territories in which the era was used
• In verse 276 of Dhanapala's Paiyalachchht the year 1029 also is referred to the vikrama-kála. This date I had overlooked when compiling my chronological list.

Page #439

DECEMBER, 1891.]
THE VIKRAMA ERA.
407
it was, down to V. 1400, styled the Vikrama era by poets only. In official documents the description of the era as Vikrama era is practically confined to the kingdom of Aṇhilvâd, and the inscriptions of the rulers of that kingdom show how the original expression sarvat, the year,' (in V. 1086) first became the vikrama-samvat, and was afterwards further amplified until about A. D. 1200, it had become the year of the era) established by the illustrious Vikramaditya.' In the language of both poetry and prose, what we may call the technical expressions Vikrama era' and 'year of the king Vikrauna' were preceded by the simpler or vaguer terms 'vikrama-time' and vikrama-year;' and my chronological list shows that, the later the dates, the more frequently were their years expressly referred to the Vikrama era.
This state of the case, in my opinion, certainly tends to show that the era was neither established by, nor designedly invented in memory, of, a king Vikramaditya. Had it been founded by a king Vikramaditya in 58 B. C., or had there existed any tradition to that effect, it would indeed be more than strange that no allusion should ever have been made to this for more than a thousand years afterwards. And had it been invented in memory of some great king, the name of that king would surely have been prominently mentioned in the earliest dates, and would not have been brought to our notice gradually and, as it were, hesitatingly, when the era had already been in use for at least five hundred years. Besides, it must be borne in mind (though on this I would lay little stress) that, independently of the fact that this era commences in 58 B, C., nothing has yet been brought forward to prove the existence of a king Vikramaditya in the century preceding the birth of Christ. And as regards the late Mr. Fergusson's theory, according to which the Brahmans, during the tenth or eleventh century A D., in memory of a king Vikramaditya, invented this era which they made to commence in A. D. 544, bnt for convenience of reckoning antedated 600 years, that theory, highly artificial as it was in itself, can no longer be upheld, because we now possess at least two (contemporaneous) dates which are anterior to A. D. 544.7
The reason why the era in later times was joined with the name of a king Vikrama, has therefore still to be sought; and, as suggested by the dates, the question in the first instance would appear to be, how and in which sense the word vikrama originally came to be connected with the years of the era.
We have seen above that the greater number of early dates which admit of verification belong to southern (Karttikadi) years, and have arrived at the conclusion that this reckoning by Kárttikadi years was a distinguishing feature of the Vikrama era. While the "Saka year began with the month Chaitra (March-April), the Vikrama year originally commenced with the month Kirttika (October-November); the former began in spring, the Vikrama year began in autumn.
Now autumn (sarad) in India was the season when kings went out to war; autumn was pre-eminently the Vikrama-kala. This the poets knew as well as the authors of the Niti- and Dharma-sástras, and are never tired of impressing on us. In the Rámáyana Rama says to Sagriva :10 -
This is the month of Sråvan, first Of those that see the rait-clouds burst.
See Professor Max Miller's India, what can it teach us?, p. 284: "The whole theory would collapse if one single coin or stone could be produced dated (contemporaneously) A. D. 043."
See Mr. Fleet's Gupta Inscriptions, Introduction, P. 66, note 2: "It can hardly be doubted that the original scheme of the Vikrams yours is the one commencing with the first day of the bright fortnight of Karttika." I cannot quite concur in the remark of Mr. Fleet that the counting of the era by autumna is worth noting "as being one of the points which identify the MAlava era with the Vikrama era;" for the word larad also occurs in dates of other eras, and its employment is due to the fact that the writers of the dates
Professor Geldner draws my attention to the fact that already in the Rigveda Indra destroys the strongholda of the demons in autumn. Compare Rigveda, i, 131, 4; 174, 2; ii, 12, 11 ; vi, 20, 10. - According to Varahamihira's Brihatsamhita, xliv, 1 and 2, the lastration of horses, elephants, and troops (preparatory to going out to war), is to take place on the eighth, twelfth, or fifteenth of the bright half of Karttika or Asvayuja...
10 See the Kishkindhakanda, xxvi, 14-17, and XXI, 60-61. I quote above from Mr. Griffith's Translation

Page #440

408
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DECEMBER, 1891.
Four months, thou knowest well, extends The season when the rain descends. No time for deeds of war is this: Seek thon thy fair metropolis, And I with Lakshmaņ, O my friend, The time npon this hill will spend.
When Karttik's month shall clear the skies,
Then tempt the mighty enterprise. And later on he thus laments over the inactivity of his ally :
Lord Indra thousand-eyed has sent The sweet rain from the firmament, Sees the rich promise of the grain, And turns him to his rest again. The clouds with voices loud and deep, Veiling each tree upon the steep, Upou the thirsty earth have shed Their precions burden, and are fled. Now in kings' hearts ambition glows: They rush to battle with their foes; But in Sugriva's sloth I see
No care for deeds of chivalry 11 In the Raghuvamsa Raghu undertakes his digvijaya in autumn. Antamn, decorated with lotus-flowers, approaches him like a second Rajalakshmi, and invites him to set out before Raghu himself is resolved ; in autumn the balls even seek to equal him in vikrama.13 Similarly Bharavi speaks of autumn at the marching out of Arjuna 13 In the Rávanavahô and in the Bhattidvya Râma sets out in autumn to slay Råvana and regain Sitâ.14 In the Gaüdavaho Yasovarma starts at the end of the rainy season, in autumn, to subject the whole earth to his sway.16 In the Harshacharita, Bâņa speaks of the grey beard of an aged warrior as the beginning of autumn (sarad-drambha), white with fowering grasses, ejected again from the mouth after it had been drunk at war-time (vikrama-kdlé).16 In the third act of the Mudrárdhshasa the poet devotes several stanzas to the description of autumn, solely to intimate to the audience
11 The original text, in the Bombay edition, is :
Anyonya-baddha-vairņ& jigtehunan nripAtmaja! adyôga-samayaḥ saumya párthivandm upasthitaḥ 11 Iyam så prathamå yAtrå pårtLivandí nripAtmaja!
na cha pabyAmi Sugrivam adyôgam cha tath vidham 11 11. See Raghuvarsa, iv, 14, 22, and 24. 13 See Kirdtarjuniya, iv. 14 See Råvanavaho, ed. by S. Goldschmidt, i, 14 and 18:
"With diffculty passed for DAarathi the rainy season, the evening twilight for the sun of his energy, the strong fetter for the elephant of his anger, the cage of the lion of victory.
" Then there came,- for the monkey chief the path of glory, the prime support of the life of Raghava, for SitA the stoppage of her tears, for the Ten-headed the day of death, there came the autumn." And compare also i, 34, where the commentary has the noto : karat-samay& bhafanam ymaana
: farat-samayd bhatandth yuddha udyBg6 bhavati. Soo also Bhattikavya, vii, 14; and compare particularly ii, 1, with the remarks of the commentators.
18 Soe Gaüd avaho, verse 192.
16 The passage of the Harshacharita, referred to in the abovo, ooonrs in the 6th uchchhudaa (on p. 166 of the Caloutta edition), and has been already cited by Mr. S. P. Pandit in the Introduction of his edition of the Gaudavaho, p. 102, but explained altogether differently, probably because Mr. Pandit's text was oorrupt and yields Do sense at all. My own reading of the text is : vamann iva vilrama-kala-pftam akale-pi vikasi-da-lamand-Visadam sarad-Arambham. In my opinion B&ns would never have used the preseion vikrama-kala in the way he doel, if it had been already in his time a technical term denoting an era.

Page #441

DECEMBER, 1891.)
THE VIKRAMA ERA.
409
that, as Chanakya puts it, the time is one for warlike exertion, not for festivities.17 In the prologue of a play which treats of war, it is the season of autumn that must be sung about 18
From autumn, the true vikrama-kála, it is but a short step to the year being called vikramakála, and in my opinion the Hindas did take this step, and the vikrama-kala of the dates origi. nally is nothing else than the poets''war-time,' from autumn transferred to the year. Since poets were accustomed to speak of sarad as vikrama-kála, it was but natural that this expression should have become connected also with sarad in the sense of year,' especially as sarad has always been with poets a most common word for year; and to describe the year as vikrama-kala must have seemed the more appropriate as suggesting that which was the characteristic feature of the year which people were using, namely the fact that that year commenced in autumn, the season of war. Thus the usage of the poets would first have led to the employment, in connection with the years of the era, of the terms vikrama-kála and vikrama-sainvatsara or vikramasash vat, the very terms which we meet with in the earliest dates that contain the word vikrama.
Afterwards, when the origin and the true meaning of the terms vikrama-kala and vikramayear had been forgotten, people would seek to interpret those terms after the manner of their time, and, Vikrama being a well-known name of famous kings, they would naturally connect the ern with a king of that name who would be supposed, either, like their own kings, to have counted the years from his accession, or to have otherwise given occasion for the establishment of the era. The manner in which the change actually took place, is clearly indicated by the dates which we have examined. The vikrama-time and tbe vikrama-year became the time of the illustrious Vikrama' and 'the year of the illustrious Vikrama.'
The name thus created for the era could not of course at once have been used every. where, but would only have been adopted gradually; and accordingly, when we see it occur rarely in the earlier and more and more frequently in the later dates, this is exactly what, in conformity with my views, might have been expected. And curiously enough we find that even down to V. 1400, in general only poeta described the era by the new name, just as the usage of poets had first suggested its invention, and just as it is the poets who, at an earlier stage, had described the same era as the Mâlavs era, - a name whose direct connection with the later name appears to be only this, that both are essentially poetical names of the era with which we are dealing.
Others have intimated that the Vikrama era was invented by the Brahmane to get rid of the Saka era, supposed to have been obnoxious as being the era of the Buddhists. I have not been able to discover anything which would support such a theory. What an examination of the dates teaches, would rather appear to be this, that the (Karttikádi) Vikrama year was peculiarly the year of the warriors or Rajaputras, while the Brâhmans who were responsible for the making of the calendars would naturally have been reckoning by Chaitrádi ('Saka) years, as we most do now when calculating or verifying a Hinda date. And it is at any rate a fact that the Vikrama era has been adopted, more than by others, by the non-Brâhmanical Jainas, just as the official description of it as Vikrama era, in early times, is especially peculiar to the kingdom of Anhilvâd, the stronghold of the Jaina religion.
Some matters of detail regarding the calculated dates. Irregular dates: - Returning now to the list of calculated dates, I would first obviate a misunderstanding for which my own classification of the dates might possibly, to some extent, be held responsible. I have sometimes heard it stated that the Hindus in recording their dates hare never been very accurate, and anybody holding such views would probably, in support of them,
IT See Mr. Telang's Edition, p. 116, line 3 of the commentary: an na sardagur
of the commentary: anena saradgura-kathandna yatro-samnha-samaya iti dhvanitam vakshyati cha Chanakyah suyan yayama-kol n-trava-kala iti Compare p. 188, 1. 3.
18 Professor S. Lévi's Théatre Indien, Appendix, p. 27.-Allusions to the fact that autumn (sorad) is the senson of war are also met with in inscriptions : see e. g. M. Barth's Inscr. Barucrites du Cambodge. p. 13, 6, and p. 16, 4.

Page #442

410
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DECEMBER, 1891.
point to my lists in which, out of 200 dates, no less than 45 (Nos. 151-195) have been put down as irregular. But a more careful examination will show that the case is not as bad as it appears, at first sight. For of what I have called irregular dates, two (Nos. 158 and 159) are really regular, 10 and seven others (Nos. 151-157) are shown to be regular, when calculated by the proper Siddhanta which the writer of the date must be supposed to have followed; and in the case of eight other dates (Nos. 160-167) the irregularity is simply owing to the facts that the dates either are partly illegible or that they were misread by those who first deciphered them. Thus the number of irregular dates would already be reduced from 45 to 28. And, out of these again eight (Nos. 168-175) are termed irregular solely because the tithi apparently is joined in them, not with the day on which it ended, but with the day on which it commenced. Now we know that a tithi often must be joined with the day on which it commences, and in the case of some of these so-called irregular dates we can already now point out the exact rule by which it has actually been so treated. The whole subject of what may be called current tithis is indeed so intricate and offers to the Hindus themselves so great difficulties that it cannot be treated here incidentally and for the Vikrama dates alone; but what I have seen of it would certainly for the present make me suspend my judgment in cases where the civil day would seem to have been joined with the tithi commencing on it, and I would therefore not venture to say that any of the dates 168-175 are really incorrect.
Accordingly there remain altogether 20 dates (Nos. 176-195) which there seem to be good reasons for considering as wholly or partly faulty. Out of this number no less than fifteen dates occur in copper-plate inscriptions, two (Nos. 177 and 189) are dates of stone inscriptions, two (Nos. 182 and 195) are in verses recording the times when certain literary works were composed, and one (No. 186) is a date of a MS. Here the comparatively large number of apparently incorrect dates met with in copper-plate grants 15 out of 45 dates of copper-plate inscriptions which my list contains- must strike us as very remarkable and, considering the general correctness of other dates, one cannot help suspecting that some at least of the documents which contain those incorrect dates must be forgeries.
Years of other eras, quoted along with the Vikrama years :--In addition to the Vikrama year, ten of the calculated dates (Nos. 20, 22, 23, 25, 30, 43, 45, 48, 119, and 200) also quote the corresponding Saka year, once (in No. 20) incorrectly. I have already mentioned that the earliest and only ancient date of this description occurs in the Dêôgadh stone inscription of Bhôjadê va of Kanauj of V. 919 (No. 30), and that after that time the Saka year is not quoted again along with the Vikrama year till V. 1439 (No. 43). One of the ten dates (No. 119 of V. 1717) quotes, besides the 'Saka year, also the corresponding Saptarshi year, here described as the Sastra year; and the same Saptarshi year is quoted also with the Vikrama year only, in the date No. 94. Two dates, of V. 1202 and 1266 (No. 108 and No. 9) quote the Simha year; and the well-known Veraval date of V. 1320 (No. 129) quotes not only the Simha, but also the Muhammadan (Hijra) and Valabhi years. Besides, the date No. 261 of the chronological list, of V. 1652, quotes the Allai (or Ilâhi) year to which the day of the date belcaged. As regards the Vikrama year itself, it may be mentioned here that the four dates Nos. 23, 47, 101, and 167 of the list of calculated dates are expressly referred to the Ashadhadi Vikrama year, of which I have treated separately ante, Vol. XVIII. p. 251.20
Jupiter years quoted along with the Vikrama years: - Jupiter years are quoted in only sixteen dates of my list, and it is a remarkable fact and one which well accords with the original practical character of the Vikrama era, that none of these dates is earlier than V. 1232 (No. 163). With the exception of one quite modern date from the Kanarese country (No. 200 of V. 1841), the systems followed are the so-called northern systems. In three dates, of V.
10 On the dates Nos. 158 and 159 see my remarks on 'repeated tithis,' below.
20 The Ashaḍhâdi Vikrama year 1574 is quoted in the date of a MS., described by Professor A. A. Macdonell in the preface of his edition of Katyfyana's Sarvánukramant, p. xiii.

Page #443

THE VIKRAMA ERA.
—
411
DECEMBER, 1891.]
1464, 1531, and 1555 (Nos. 149, 22, and 48) the Jovian year was actually current on the day of the date, but had not begun at the commencement of the solar year (mean-sign system). In six dates, of V. 1275, 1386, 1445, 1458, 1707, and 1785 (Nos. 11, 166, 44, 20, 25, and 55) the Jovian year was no longer current on the day of the date, but was current at the commencement of the solar year (northern luni-solar system). And in six other dates, of V. 1232, 1353, 1500, 1650, 1686 and 1877 (Nos. 163, 42, 73, 51, 53, and 175) the Jovian year was current both on the day of the date and also at the commencement of the solar year (either mean-sign system or northern luni-solar system). Regarding the wording of the dates attention may be drawn to the phrase Bhavé samvatsaré púrne in the date No. 166, by which the year Bhâva is distinctly described as, what it really was, an expired year. And in general it may be observed that in no less than five out of the above sixteen dates (Nos. 20, 22, 25, 48, and 200) the 'Saka year is quoted along with the Vikrama year.
Intercalary months: Turning now from the years to the months, we find that intercalary months are distinctly quoted as such in ten dates. With a single exception, all these dates are dates of MSS. In five of them, of V. 1534, 1630, 1724, southern V. 1746 and northern V. 1747 (Nos. 75, 50, 78, 79, and 158), the name of the month is qualified by the word prathama-; in three, of V. 1218, 1298, and 1489 (Nos. 34, 137, and 157), by the word dvitiya- or the abbreviated term dei; and in only one quite modern date (No. 175 of northern V. 1877) by adhika-, which in this instance has reference to the first of the two bright fortnights of the intercalary month. The exception mentioned is the date of a stone inscription of V. 1100 (No. 134) in which the month is poetically described as maya-Bhadrapada, 'the false Bhadrapada,' an expression which my calculation of the date shows to denote the first of the two amanta months Bhadrapada. It may be added that one of the ten dates (No. 157 of V. 1489) furnishes an instance for the well-known fact that calculations by several Siddhantas do not always yield the same intercalary month.
Under the date No. 79 I have shown that the writer has called the same month, which in one place he describes as prathama-Vaisakha, in another place simply Vaisakha, though referring both times to the same lunar fortnight. And my list contains several other dates the months of which were intercalary, though this is not indicated by the wording of the dates. Thus Chaitra was intercalary in the date No. 36 of V. 1232, and Vaisakha in No. 62 of V. 1220, and the bright half of the first date was the second bright half (of the proper Chaitra), and the bright half of the second date the first bright half (of the intercalated Vaisakha). Similarly Jyêshtha was intercalary in the date No. 121 of V. 1877, and Ashâḍha in No. 129 of V. 1320, and the dark halves of both months were the first dark halves (of the purnimanta proper Jyeshtha and Ashâḍha). Of the two dates No. 110 of V. 960 and No. 145 of V. 1315 it is impossible to speak with confidence; and the date No. 166 of V. 1386 is altogether so peculiarly worded that the absence of any reference to the fact that the month of it was intercalary possesses little significance.
Laukika months: In seven dates of copper-plate inscriptions of the Chaulukyas of Anhilvâd, the earliest of which is of the year V. 1256 and the latest of V. 1317, the word laukika- and the abbreviated terms lauks and lau° are prefixed to the names of the months. Thus, in the dates Nos. 9, 13, 39, and 109, of V. 1266, 1283, 1263, and 1256, where the date is first given in words and afterwards repeated in figures, we find laukika Márgga- and lauki Márgga-, laukika-Kárttika- and lauki Karttika-, lau° Sravana- and Srávana-, Bhadrapada. and lau Bhadrapada-. Besides we have in No. 138 of V. 1317 laukika-Jyeshtha-, in No. 164 of V. 1264 lau Ashadha-, and in No. 194 of V. 1299 lau Phaguna. Here the circumstance that the simple Sravana is in the same date employed in the place of lau° Sravana and lau° Bhadrapada in the place of the simple Bhadrapada, as well as the manner in which the dates work out, would almost suffice to prove that the laukika months are nothing else than the ordinary lunar months. But the matter is placed beyond all doubt by certain passages in Jaina literary

Page #444

412
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(DECEMBER, 1891.
works21 which tell us that the Jainas bad two kinds of names for the months, the laukika or ordinary names, 'Srâvaņa, Bhadrapada, etc., and the lókóttara namos abhinandita (or abhinanda), pratishthita (or supratishtha), vijaya, prîtivardhana, srêyah, biva, sisira, hinnavat, Vasantamasa, kusumasambhava, nidâgha, and vanavirôha (or vanavirodhin). Laukika-Srávana would thus mean the month which is ordinarily called Srâvaņa (but whose 18köttara zame is abhinandita),' and this Jaina usage has been followed in the above dates; and it is plain now why the word laukika, which some scholars have erroneously taken as qualifying the year, occurs in this manner just in inscriptions from Anhilvậd. - In the place of laukika and in the same sense the word sádhárana appears to be used in the date No. 186 of V. 15:2, which is from a MS. of which I do not know where it was written.
Nakshatras, Karanas, and Yogas: - If we now turn to the days of the dates, it must strike as that, compared with the dates of the 'Saka era, the Vikrama dates, especially in more early times, rarely furnish any data besides the tithi and weekday. Thus, down to V. 1250, out of seventy dates of my list of calculated dates only one (No. 57 of V. 898) gives the nakshatra and yôga, and four (Nos. 190, 30, 58, and 31, of V. 794, 919, 962, and 1042), two of which are from literary works and the earliest of which is from a forged copper-plate, give the nakshatra. And altogether, of the 200 calculated dates, three (N08. 11, 22, and 23) give the nakshatru, karana, and yôga, five (Nos. 8, 57, 71, 122, and 136) the nakshatra and yoga; 20 the nakshatra only, and one (No. 39) gives the yôga (Vyatipata) only. Of these 29 dates ten are from stone inscriptions, ten from literary works, biz are dates of M88., and three of copper-plates. All the items thus furnisbed are correct, except those given in the dates Nos. 190 and 195.
Lunar and solar eclipses : - Five dates from copper-plate inscriptions mention lunar eclipses, and five, also from copper-plates, solar eclipses. The lunar eclipses all work out satisfactorily. Two of them in Nos. 5 and 40, of v. 1055 and 1272) were total eclipses, visible in India, and two (in No8. 4 and 161, of v. 1036 and 1220) partial eclipses, also visible in India. Of the eclipse mentioned in No. 80 of V. 1200 it is imposeible to speak quite positively, because it so happens that there were lunar eclipses on each of the three possible European equivalents of the Hindu date, but as only one of these eclipses was visible in India, it is highly probable that this is the eclipse referred to by the inscription - Of the five solar eclipses only two work out satisfactorily. One of these (in No. 83 of V. 1043) was a total eclipse, which was not visible in India, and the other in No. 114 of V. 1270) a total eclipse, visible in India. The three other solar eclipses are mentioned in the daien Nos. 190, 192, and 194; of V. 794, 1166, and 1299, which do not work out properly. - What deserves to be drawn special attention to here, is, that one of the solar eclipses, as already remarked, was not visible in India, • Samkrantis :-The date No. 139 of V. 994 quotes an unspecified sarnkránti (really the Vrisha-sankranti) which took place during the tithi of the date, 3 h. 30 m. after mean sunset : and another unspecified sankranti is quoted, wrongly, as it appears, in the date No. 193 of V. 1187.-Two dates, No. 74 of V. 1516 and No. 119 of V. 1717, mention the Mosha-samkranti, which in both cases took place during the tithi of the date, in the one date sh 1 m. before mean sunrise, and in the other 1 h. 1 m. after mean sunset.-A Dakshiņayana-samkranti which also took place during the tithi of the date, 4 h. 32 m. after mean sunset, is quoted in connection with the date No. 112 of V. 1084.-Besides, the Uttarayana-saṁkrinti is mentioned in five dates. In two of them, No. 12 of v. 1280 and No. 174 of V. 1234, the sankranti took place during the tithi of the date, in day-time, but the dates differ from each other in this that in the second date the tithi is joined with the week-day on which it commenced. In the date No. 169 of V. 1078 (assuming the reading of it to be correct) the sankranti took place 3 b. 29 m. before the commencement of the day on which the tithi commenced 3 h. 24 m. after mean sunrise ; and in No. 176 of V. 1161 it took place 7 h. 58 m. after mean sunrise, between
- Compare ... Indische Studion, Vol. X. p. 298, and Professor Weber Catalogue, Vol. II. p. 592.

Page #445

DECEMBER, 1891.)
THE VIKRAMA ERA.
413
three to four hours after the end of the tithi of the date. Finally, in No. 191 of V. 1154 the Uttarayana-samkranti is wrongly quoted, because it cannot possibly take place on the third of the bright half of the month Magha, the day given by the date.--The general result is, that in six out of eight cases in which a sankranti may be supposed to have been correctly quoted, it took place during the actual tithi of the date; and taking this to be the rule, I have little doubt that the same was the case in the date No. 169, and that the reading of that date should be altered in the way already suggested by me under the date.22
Other holy or festive times : - Occasions, other than eclipses and sankrantis, on which donations were made, are mentioned in connection with the dates in the following terms :manvádau, in connection with Chaitra-sudi 15, in the date No. 172 of y. 1185 ; akshayatritiya - parvani and akshayatritiyd-yugádi-parvani, with Vaisakha-śudi 3, in No. 63 of V. 1222 and No. 173 of v. 1229; mahá-Vaisakhyári parvani, with Vaisakha-sudi 15, in No. 71 of V. 1256 ; maháchaturdasi-parvani, with 'Sravana-śudi 14, in No. 35 of v. 1218; Karttikôdyapana-parvani, with Karttika-sudi 11, in No. 180 of V. 1231; am dvūsyd-parvani in No. 109 of V. 1256; vyatípåta-parvaņi (denoting here the yôga Vyatipata) in No. 39 of V. 1263 ; abhisheka. parvani in No. 10 of V. 1263; and átmiya-mátuh súrvatsarike in No. 178 of V. 1107. Among these dates special attention may be drawn to Nos, 63, 172, and 173, which quote the manvadi, yugadi, and akshaya-tritiya festivals.
Repeated tithis:-An instance of a repeated tithi is distinctly furnished by the date No. 158 of V. 1747 in which the day is described as dvitiya-chaturthi-dira; and I would here draw particular attention to that date because my previous remarks on it are not quite correct. When they were written, I had been misled to believe that a day on which no tithi ends receives the number of the tithi which ends on the preceding day, and I accordingly stated that in the date under discussion we should by Professor Jacobi's Tables have two days numbered 3, and only one fourth day. But as in reality, and most naturally, a day on which no tithi ends receives the number of the tithi which is current during the whole of that day and ends on the following day, the result obtained from Professor Jacobi's Tables quite accords with the wording of the date No. 158, and Wednesday, 19th March, A.D. 1690, was by those Tables really a dvitiya-chaturthidina. A proper understanding of the rule regarding adhika tithis also shows the date No. 159 of v. 1404 to be quite correct by the Tables. For since in that case the 14th tithi of the bright half commenced I h. 4 m. before mean sunrise of Thursday, 18 October, and ended 0 h. 45 m. after mean sunrise of Friday, 19 October, A. D. 1347, both the Thursday and the Friday must have been numbered 14 in the calendar, and the Thursday, which more fully might be described as prathama-chaturdasi-dina, is properly denoted in the date by sudi 14.
Suggestions for Calculating Datos. The above are about all the remarks of more general interest that are suggested to me by the lists of dates, and I would therefore for the presenta conclude these notes with a few practical hints which may save trouble to others.
So far as my own experience goes, a tithi of the bright fortnight never ends on the same weekday more than once in three consecutive years, and accordingly, when, by calculating a tithi of the bright fortnight for one of the two or three) possible years, the proper weekday has been found, such a result may generally be considered as satisfactory, and no further calculation need be made for the remaining possible year or years. In the case of a date of the bright fortnight of the months Karttiką to Phâlguna (e.g., No. 3), the calculation should first be made for the expired Vikrama year, because mostly this will at once furnish the desired result. In dates of the bright fortnight of the months Chaitra to Âśvina (e. g., No. 30 or 57), the calcula
2 Attention may be drawn here to the occurrence of the term shadastika, denoting one of tha solar months, in No. 166 of V. 1396.
» Some intorasting dates collected since the publiontion of my lists will be published hereafter.

Page #446

414
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DECEMBER, 1891.
tion should first be made for either the northern or the southern expired year, and the northern current year should be tried only when neither of the two other years has yielded a satisfactory equivalent of the original date.
A tithi of the dark fortnight never ends on the same weekday more than once in three con. secutive years for the same scheme of a lunar month, i.e., either the amánta scheme, or the púrnimánta scheme. But not infrequently such a tithi in the amanta month of one year may end on the same weekday on which it ended in the pirnimánta month of the same name of the preceding year. Accordingly, in verifying a date of the dark fortnight of the months Karttika to Phålguna, one should begin by calculating for the purnimanta month of the expired year. If thereby the desired weekday is found (as, e. g., in No. 83), the result may be regarded as final, and no further calculations are necessary. On the other hand, if the púrņimánta month yields no satisfactory result, the amanta month of the expired year should be tried (as, e. g., in No. 97); and here it should be remembered that, even when the proper weekday has thus been obtained, the result is not necessarily the only one possible, because the púrnimánta month of the current year may perhaps yield the same weekday (as, e. g., in No. 103). The verification of dates in dark fortnights of the months Chaitra to Asvina is more troublesome still, and it seems impossible to suggest any particular line of procedure beyond saying that the necessary calculations should here too always first be made for the expired (northern or southern) years. But in addition to what has been already stated concerning the weekdays of the púrnimánta month of one year and the amánta month of the same name of the following year, it may finally be mentioned here that sometimes the amánta,month of the northern current year, too, yields the same weekday for the end of a tithi as the purnimánta month of the same name of the southern expired year (as, e.g., in No. 143).
SANSKRIT AND OLD-KANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
BY J. F. FLEET, BO.C.S., M.R.A.S., C.I.E. No. 196.- COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF NARENDRAM RIGABAJA-VIJAYADITYA II. I edit this inscription from the original plates, which belonged to Sir Walter Elliot, and are now, I understand, in the British Museum. I had them for examination in 1878. I have no information as to where they were obtained. The inscription has recently been edited by Dr. Hultzsch, in his South-Indian Inscriptions, Vol. I. p. 31 ff., No. 35; his version of the text, however, being given in Dêvanîgarî, I bave now to give my own reading in Roman characters.
The plates, of which the first and last are inscribed on one side only, are five in number, each measuring about 9" by 3". The edges of them were raised into rims; and the writing is mostly in a state of fairly good preservation: the surfaces of the plates are a good deal corroded, and in a few places they are quite eaten through by rust; but even there only a very few letters are entirely obliterated. The ring on which the plates are strung is about " thick and 41" in diameter; it has not been cut; but one end of it is loose in the socket, and advantage was evidently taken of this to detach the plates, in order to make the impressions which are in the Elliot collection; they were afterwards secured by a thickening of the ring at the same end. The seal on the ring is circular, about 21" in diameter. In relief on a countersunk sarface, it has, - across the centre, the legend ári-Tribhuvanamluía; in the upper part, the sun and moon; and in the lower part, a floral device. - The characters belong to the southern class of alphabets ; and are of the regular type of the period and part of the country to which the record belongs. The average size of the letters is about ". Many of them are filled in with a hard incrustation of rust; but in the others there are discernible, as usual, marks of the working of the engraver's tool. They do not show through on the reverse sides of the plates. — The language is Sanskțit; and, except in the quotation of four of the customary benedictive and imprecatory verses and in the use of a verse to give the name of the Dátaka, the whole record is in prose. - In respect of orthography, the only points that call for notice are

Page #447

DECEMBER, 1891.) GRANT OF NARENDRAMRIGARAJA.VIJAYADITYA II. 415
(1) the use of krs and kri for kri, in sankriti and sankriti, lines 21, 23; (2) the use of the Dravidian Į in the dynastic name, line 5, and in karaokļa, line 7, nala, line 8, lalita, line 9, dhavala, line 10, and gardasthala, line 11; and (3) the doubling of á after r in darksi, line 15.
The insoription is one of the Eastern Chalukya king Narendramrigaraja. Vijayaditya II. It is non-sectarian; the object of it being only to record the grant, to twenty-four Brahmans, of the village of Korraparru in a vishaya the principal part of the name of which is illegible. The grant was made on the occasion of an eolipso of the moon; but the date is not specified by any further details. It may be noted how the grantees are groaped together, not by their birth-places or their gôtras, but by their sutra..
With the exception of Vijayavada, the birth-place or residence of the writer, which must be the modern Baswada in the Kistna District, I cannot identify, with any certainty, any of the places that are mentioned in this record.
The Dútaka of the grant was the prince Nripa-Rudra, who is described as a brother (bhrátri) of Vijayaditya IL, but as a descendant of the Haihaya race.' He appears, therefore, to have been half-brother, born from a different mother belonging by birth to the lineago of the Kalachuris of Tripura.
TEXT.
First Plate. 1 Svasti 'Srimatâm sakala-bhavana-samstâyamâna-Manavya-sagðtranAm Hariti-putranam
Kansiki-vara-prasada-labdha-rajyanam mâtsi-gana-paripálitânam Svami-Mahásê na-på3. d-Anudhyâtânâm bhagavan-Narayana-prasada-samásâdita-vara-varahalañchhan-êkshana4 kahana-Vabikțit-Aráti-mandalå nâ[m] dávamêdh-avabbrita(tha)snana-pavitrikrita-vapa5 sham Chalukyanan kulam-alamkarisbņôhraneka-samara-sainghatta-labdha-nija-bhuja
vija6 ya-éri(eri)yah nira vady-odara-guna-gan-alan kitasya sri-Vijayaditya-mahârâjasya 7 pautral sphurita-karaváļa-dhårå-vabikritârâti-bhûmapdalasya 'sva-charita-nyak[k*]rita
Second Plate; First Side. 8 Nriga-Naļa-Nabush-Ambarisha-Yayate[h*] Vishọôr=iva sva-chakra-nandakasya Vishnu
varddhana-maba9 râjasya priya-tanayah prata[p-A*Jaurág-ávanata-samasta-sâmanta-mauli-lAlita-sasanah 10 kshatr-Bohita-akti-trays-pâtribhůtah aneka-sangrå ma-vijay-Asâdita-vikrama-dhavalah Ya11 mai-danda-chanda-dörddanda-mandal-&gra-nakha-khandita-ripu-keri-gandastha!e (16)
Narendramriga12 rajet arkti-shadvargge-nigraha-keraḥ samadhigata-rajálja) vidyâ-chatashțayah chatur.
upya-pra13 yoga-chaturaḥ dashtå(shta)-nigraha-sisht-anugraha-karaḥ Madhumathana iva sva
vikram-akranta-bhûchak[rjah 14 Yudhishthira iva Bhim-Aján(rjju)na-paråkrama-sabây[] Dasaratha-sata iva Sitanandana-karab Mandrei
Second Plate ; Second Side. va san-märgga-darási padmáka(ka)ra iva ari(ri)-timira-nikara-vidhvamsan-aditya[h*]
parame-brahmanya[bo] parama-mahd16 svarah samastabha(blu)vankáraya-érl-Vijayaditya-mahårájádhiraja-paramêsvara-Whatta
rakah 6......
? From the original plates.
Read karishnor. • I take this word, which I had misread, from Dr. Hultasoh's text • Three, or possibly four, letters are quito illegible here.
* Read Prdjah.

Page #448

416
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DECEMBER, 1891.
17 vadi-vishaya-nivåsing râshțrakûtfa(ta)-pramnkha-ka(ku)țumbinah sarvvânoitthame
ajõ&payati [1] Viditam=astu 18 vôgmâbhih Penpanduru-vástavyâya Kausika-gôtrêya Hiranyâ(nya)kêśi-sûtrêya vêda19 vedamga-p[A]ragâya Veṇamasarmmaņê Valacheri7-vâstavyâya Kausika-gêtrå[ya] Hi20 raṇyakåsi(si)-sâtrâya Chatisarmmaņê Podemgu-vastavyâya Gautama-gôtrêya Hiranya]21 kesi-sâtrâya Vidaśarmmaņa Pod[e*]ngu-vâstavyâya Sankri(kļi)ti-gôtrâya Hiraoyâ(nya) kési-sû
Third Plate; First Side. 22 trậya Mavişdiśarmmaņ& Poqergu-våsta vy[&]ya A(ha)rita-gótrâya Hiraṇy&(oya)kézi).
sûtrêya YA23 jõakarmmaņê Podengu-v[A]stavyîya Samkri(kri)ti-gotrậya Hiraṇya(nya)kesi-sútra
(ya] ....[sa]rmma24 ņê Krovakiri®-v[A*]stavyâya Asha)rita-gótraya A(A)pastamba-sútrůya Kanda (? kuņda).
sarmma25 ne Urputaru.v[]stavyâya
Bhâradvaja-gðtriya
A(A)pastalomba-sůtrya 26 Vishņuśarmmanê Vangiparru-v[a]stavyys Kaundinya-gotriya A()pastamba-stra27 ya Guõjadêvasarmmaņê Vangiparru-v[â®]stavyâya 'Såņdilyâ(lya)-gôtrîya A(@)pa28 stamba-sútråsya) Bhadraśarmmaņê Vangiparru-v[AR]stavyâya Kauņdinya-gotrầya Aapa
Third Plate ; Second Side. 29 stamba-sútrâya Vishnasarmmaņš Vangiparru-v[do]stavyâya Kauņdinyâ(nya)-gôtrậya
A(a). 30 pastamba-sútrậya Narayaņaśarmmane Chanturu-v[&*]stavyâya Bhâradvâja-gotra31 ya Aa)pastamba-sâtrêya Drôņaśarmmane Chanturu-v[A]stavyâya Bhåradvá32 ja-gðtriya Å pastamball-gütrêya Narayanaśarmmanê Krovabiri12-v[4*]stavyâ33 ya Harita-gôtråya. Åpastamba-sútrâya Madhavasarmmanê Krovabiri13-v[&*]sta
Fourth Plate; First Side. 34 vyâya Parasara!--gôtrêya A(á)pastamba-sůtrâye Vennamaśarmmaņê Krovasiri.15.
r[a]stavyâya Vatsa-gô. 35 trậya A(@)pastamba-sâtrậya Arudisarmmaņê Urputuru-v[á]stavyâya Bharadvája
gôtrîya 36 A(1)pastamba-sûtråya Nandišarmmaņê Karañchedule-v[AR]stavyâya Bhâradvåja-gôtraya
A(a)pa37 stamba-sûtrậya Vishņuśarmamaņê Karañchedu-v[AR]stavgåya Bharadvâja-gôtraya
A(@)pastam ba-sutra38 ya Bhâramasarmmaņê Karañchedu-v[A]stavyâya Bharadvája-gôtrâya A (A)pastambs
sûtrâya Yañija(jña)śa
6 Dr. Hultzsch has read nda in the second syllable of this word; but the end stroke of the subscript oonsonant is continued upward so pointedly, that it can only be p. He has also taken the name of the village as Abhipendenduru
1 Dr. Hultzsch has read the first syllable of this word as ra; but, in my opinion, wrongly.
In the second syllable of this word, the d, as distinguished from d, is marked clearly in lines 21, 22, and 23, though not here. In lines 32, 83, and 34, this word appears with the short a in the second syllable. It is difficult to say which
t be more likely to write us for ud and has in various instances used a instead of a), than ut for va; but there are several cases in which he has written & by mistake for a.
1. This letter, sta, was omitted here, and was inserted between the pa and the ata of the same word in the next line. 11 Here, and in lines 33 and 51, this word occurs properly, with the long d in the first syllable. 13, 13 See note 9 above.
14 Read pardjora.
16 See note 9 above. 16 Here, and in lines 37 and 88, Dr. Hultzsch has read the third syllable of this word as hai; but, in my opinion, wrongly.

Page #449

DECEMBER, 1891.) GRANT OF NARENDRAMRIGARAJA-VIJAYADITYA II.
417
Fourth Plate; Second Side. 39 rmmaņê Chantu[ru*]- [A*]stavyâya Bharadvaja-gôtråya A(a)pastamba-sútriya
Badadisarmmaņê Krajam40 v[&*]stavyâya Kauņdinya-gôtrâya A(a)pastamba-sútrậya Vennasarmmaņ& R&yuru
V[A]stavyA41 ya Agnivaisya-gotrầya A(Q)pastamba-sůtrậya Rompayaśarmmanê vêda-vêdanga
ratêbhyah 42 shat-karmma-niratêbhya[h*] chatru-vimśâti-brâhmâņēbhyam chandru(ndra)-grahaņa
nimitte udaka-pû. 43 rvva[m*) Korraparru-nâma-grâmas-sarvvårvva)-kara-pariharam kļitvå dattal [11*]
Asy=å vadbi-vibhêdah18 [1*] pûrvvata[ho] A44 taguparru dakshiņataḥ Vana(Pma)parru paschimatah Vandrupedaya uttaratah
Gani( na)yyara45 bumbu) [1] êtëshâm=apy=ava(?)tta [11*]1o Asy=ôpari na kênachid=bådhå karaniya karôti yas=sa pa
Fifth Plate. 46 acha-mahâpâtaka-[san]yaktô bhavati [11*] Vyâsên=ậpy=uktan (1*] Babubhir20=yvasu
dh dattâ bahubhis-cheanu47 pålitá yasya yasya yada bhumis-tasya tasya tada phala [11] Sve-da(da)ttår
para-dattam vil [y] harêta 48 vasundharâm shashti-varusha 21-sahasrâņi vishthâyâm jûyatê krimiḥ [11*] Kalpa
[ko]:[i]-sahasråņi 49 svargge [tishtha]ti bhūmi-da[bo] (A)kshêpta ch=anumantâ cha tany=ēva narake
vaset [11] Râmên=&py=u. 50 ktam [18] Sarvvân22-évam bhậvinah pârtthivêndrån bhūyo-bhayo yâchat& Ráma
bhadrah sama nyô=yan dharmma-sê51 tar-nripiņain kale-kâle pålaniyo bhayadbhiḥ [11] Narendramrigarajasya bhrát[&*]
Haihaya-vamba-jah ûjāapti52 r=asya dharmmasya rafi(nri)pa-Rudrt6*] nțip-óttama[h*] [11*] Vijayavačavastavyâya Aksharelalit-acharyyêņa likhitam [11]
ABSTRACT OF CONTENTS. The son's son of the Maharaja Vijayaditya (I.) (line 6), who adorned the family of the Chaļukyas (1. 5), who are of the Manavya götra (1. 1), and who are Haritiputras :
The dear son of the Maharaja Vishnuvardhana (IV.) (1. 8), who by his achievements put to shame Nriga, Nala, Nahusha, Ambarisha, and Yayati :
Narendramrigaraja-(Vijayaditya II.) (1.11), (a very lion of a king) who has cleft open the temples of the elephants of his foes with the claw that is the scimitar in his arm which is as firm as the rod of Yama, - he, the most devout worshipper of the god Mabêsvara (1. 15), the asylum of the universe (1. 16), the illustrious Vijayaditya (II.), the Mahúrájádhiraja, the Paramésvara, the Bhattáraka, thus issues a command to all the cultivators, headed by the Ráshtraklas, dwelling in the ......vadi vishaya (1. 17);
"Be it known to you! On the occasion of an eclipse of the moon (1. 42), the village named Korraparru (1. 43) has been given by Us, with exemption from all taxes, to twenty-four Brahmaņs ; viz., Venamašarman (1. 19), a resident (by birth) of Penpanduru, belonging to the 11 Read chatur-vim sati-brdhmanabhyah.
15 Dr. Hultasch has given the reading vich[Arah). 19 Dr. Hultzsch has here read cha(turvitsatyai] datta[b 1]. * Metre, Blóka (Anushţubh); and in the next two verses.. 91 Read varsha. n Metro, 8Alint. 28 Metre, Slóka (Anushtubh).
# Read vdstavyena.

Page #450

418
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DECEMBER, 1891.
Kaubika götra and the Hiranyakësin sútra ; Chatibarman (1. 20), a resident of Valdoberi, belonging to the Kaubika gótra and the Hiraṇyakésin sútra ; Vidaśarman (1. 21), a resident of Podengu, belonging to the Gantams gôtra and the Hiranyakêśin sútra ; Maviņdisarman (1. 22), s resident of Podengu, belonging to the Sanksiti gotra and the Hiranyak dáin sitra; Yajñaśar. man (1. 22-23), a resident of Podengu, belonging to the Harita gôtra and the Hiranyakêśin sitra; .... sarman (1. 23), a resident of Podengu, belonging to the Samkriti gôtra and the Hiranyak@sin sútra ; Kandaśarman (P) (1. 24), a resident of Krov biri, belonging to the Harita gotra and the Åpastamba stra; Vishņuśarman (1. 26), a resident of Urputaru, belonging to the Bharad vâja gôtra and the A pastamba sútra ; Guñjadêvasarman (1. 27), a resident of Vangiparru, belonging to the Kanndinya gôtra and the A pastamba sutra; Bhadra arman (1. 28), a resident of Vangiparru, belonging to the "Sandilya gåra and the A pastamba sitra ; Vishnubarman (1. 29), a resident of Vangiparru, belonging to the Kauņdinya gôtra and the A pastam ba sátra ; Nariyanabarman (1. 30), a resident of Vangiparru, belonging to the Kauņdinya gôtra and the  pastamba sútra ; Drôņaśarman (1. 31), a resident of ChAntury, belonging to the Bharadvaja gôtra and the A pastamba sutra ; Narayapašarman (1. 32), a resident of Chanturu, belonging to the Bharadvaja gótra and the Åpastam ba sútra ; MÂdhavašarman (I. 83), a resident of Krovabiri, belonging to the Harita gôtra and the Apastamba sitra; Vennamašarman (1. 34), a resident of Krovabiri, belonging to the Parabara gôtra and the Apostamba stitra ; Arudisarman (1. 35), a resident of Krovagiri, belonging to the Vatsa gôtra and the A pastamba sitra; Nandišarman (1. 36), a resident of Urputaru, belonging to the Bharad våja gôtra and the Apostamba altra ; Vishnbarman (1. 37), a resident of Karanichedu, belonging to the Bharad vaja gótra and the Apastam. ba stra; Bhârsmåsarman (1. 38), a resident of Karańchody, belonging to the Bharadvája gótra and the A pastambe sktra; Yajñaśarman (1. 38-39), & resident of Karanohedy, belonging to the Bhâradvája gótra and the Apastamba sutra; Badadisarman (1. 39), & resident of Chanturu, belonging to the Bharadvája gofra and the Apastamba stra; Vepnabarman (1. 40), a resident of Krajam, belonging to the Kaundinya gôtra and the Apagtamba sitra ; and Rompayasarman (1. 41), a resident of Bayarn, belonging to the Agnivaisya gôtra and the A pastamba sitra.
Lines 43 to 45 give the boundaries of the village ; viz., on the east, Atagupartu; on the south, Vanaparty, or Vamaparru; on the west, Vandrapeday; and on the north, Ganiyyarabu (?).
Lines 45 to 51 contain a sentence prohibiting obstruction to the enjoyment of the grant followed by four of the cnptomary benedictive and imprecatory verses.
Line 51 f. tells us that the Dataka (denoted by the word ajñapti) was a prince named Nripa-Rudra, born in the Haihaya lineage, a brother (bhráts) of Narendramrigaraja. And the record ends with the statement that the charter was written by Aksharalalitâcharya, a resident of Vijayavada.
GEOGRAPHY OF INDIA, WITH EXTRACT FROM A PAPER BY THE
LATE PROF. H. H. WILSON,
BY J. BUBGES8, LL.D., C.I.E. In this Journal (Vol. XIV., pp. 319 ff.) I last called attention to the information that might be derived from Sanskrit literature on the ancient and mediæval geography of India, suggesting that some effort might be made to colleot and arrange it. In 1882 I had indexed the Brihat. Sashhitá and made other geographical notes, some of which were engrossed in the footnotes which I contributed to the late Rev. S. Beal's Buddhist Records of the Western World, but I have not found time since to do much more. Lately, however, in writing on an allied sabject, my attention was direoted to Colonel Wilford's last paper in the Asiatic Researches (Vol. XIV., pp. 373-470), intended as the first of a series on the geography of India, which, Prof. H. H. Wilson said, “would have established she learned anthor's reputation on a firmer basis, than any of his preceding erudite, but often fallacions, investigations." In the introduction to this paper he gives

Page #451

DECEMBER, 1891.)
GEOGRAPHY OF INDIA.
419
BN account of the works he had consulted, which were apparently valuable, but not very widely circulated. Some of these are the Kshetra-samásas, - one purely mythological, another (written by order of Raja Bijjala of Patna, who died A.D. 1648) is entirely geographical and "a most valuable work;" the Muñija-pratidéia-vyavasthá, by Raja Muñja, and its redaction the Bhoja-pratidésa-vyavasthá, - both large works; a work written by order of Bukkaraya of Vijayanagar Vik.-Sam. 1341, which Wilford supposes is the same as the Bhuvana-ságara; a commentary on the geography of the Mahábhárata, written in Bengal by order of a Raja Panlastya, in the time of Husain Shah (A.D. 1493-1518); the Vikrama-ságara, considered a valuable work; and the Bhuvana-kisa, - said to be a section of the Bhavishya-Purana, but revised and greatly angmented, - probably subsequent to 1550.
In the Search for Sanskrit MSS., it might be well to make enquiry for these and similar treatises and tracta. Among them may be found much that would be of great importance for the elucidation of the mediæval, as well as the earlier, geography of India.
In 1824 Professor H. H. Wilson found some fragments of a geographical work, which formed the subject of a paper he contributed to the Oriental Magazine for that year (Vol. II., pp. 186 ff). As this paper has not been republished in his collected works, and the Oriental Magasine is now practically inaccessible to most, I venture to submit his version of the fragments, with so much of his prefatory remarks and footnotes as is of interest :
· The work," he says, "from which they are taken, is professedly a section of the Bhavishyat Purána : it is not, however, found in the entire copies of that Purana, and is, no doubt, & distinct composition. Much of the work is either of some antiquity, or is made op of ancient materials; but there is a very large proportion that is clearly quite modern, mention being made of several Muhammadan cities. The style of the description, in conformity to the prophetic character of the Purana, of which it pretends to be a section, is also prophetic, and annonces what countries and towns will exist in the Kali age. We shall take the liberty however, to substitute the present or the past, for the future tense.
"Divisions of Pundre-Dets, from the Bramanda Section of the Bhavishyat Purana.
“That part of Bharada or India known by the name of Pundra, consists of seven principal divisions, Gaur, Varondra, Nivritti, near the country of Sambha, the forest tract called NArikhands, Varahabhumi, Varddhamana, and Vindhya-Parswa or the country along the foot of the Vindbya monntains. These we shall severally describe.
"Gaura, in which Gaureba is situated, lies to the north of Varddhamana, and south of the Padma. The Ganges here assumes a southerly direction. The country is populous, abounds with villages, and contains several considerable towns, the principal of which are the following:
" Gaureka, situated on the borders, Ramakeli, Maulapattan on the Bhagirathi or Hugli river. In the vicinity of Kiritebwari is MorasudAhad, founded by a Yavana; Kanthakakhya and Santipura on the banks of the river. The cities of Gaura have been often destroyed.
- The inhabitants of Gaura are, in general, worshippers of Vishņu, and assiduons in repeating his name. They are, however, immoral, licentious, and dishonest, and no man may call
1 "From the following description it appears, that Pandra is the collective name of a country, following a curiously circuitous direction. It is bounded on the north-east chiefly by the Barhamputra, north of Daoca, and the eastern portion of the HimAlaya. It then follows a course south-west across the Ganges, paupes to the south of Bihar; and again comes to the Ganges about Mirsapar, being bounded on the west by Rewa and Dandelkhand. Gondwana, Chutia Nagpur, Orissa, and Lower Bengal, therefore, are the limits of its southern com P consequently comprises the following districts: in Bengal, Rajshahi, Murshid Abad, Dindjpur, Rap pert of Nadiys, Birbhum, Bardwen, part of Midnapur, and the Jungle Mahals. In Bihor, part of Ramgir, Bukit, and Palaman; and in Allahabad (P N.-W. Provinces), part of Chunar." -[Allowance must be made for the less accurate method of transliteration that prevailed at the time when the paper, from which these extracts are given, W46 written, - EDITORS.)
: The PeddA or main stream of the Ganges after giving off the Hugli.

Page #452

420
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(DECEMBER, 1891.
his house or his wife his own. The learned amongst them have allowed their legal and ceremonial observances to fall into diguse. The natives are generally feeble and short-lived.
“Varendra is a tract abounding in water, and very fertile, lying east of the Padmavati. The chief cities are, Pudila near the Nárada river; Natari, famous for dancers, mimes, and jugglers, the capital of a large district in the centre of Varendra, called Natara ;* Chapala, on the banks of the Varala river; Kakamari, a city full of the writer-caste; and Syamataka on the Chalana Bil. The people of Varendra are the ready servants of the Mlechhas, or foreign barbarians. They are worshippers of 'Siva, eat meat and drink wine. They are weak and contemptible. The country abounds with beggars, and the Brahmans follow heterodox and unrighteous doctrines.
“Nivrittis lies on the north of Varendra, and on the west of Banga, near the country of Viratha. ' It abounds in pasture grounds, and dogs, goats, buffaloes, and kine. Another name for it is Matsyaka, derived from its plentiful supply of fish; but this nante is specially applied to the parts which lie along the skirts of the track occupied by Pulindas (foresters and mountaineers). The chief towns are Varddhana-kuta, governed by a Yavana; Kachhapa on the banks of the Gura7 river; and Sriranga, or Viharika, where the women are remarkable for flat noses.
"The inhabitants of Nivritti are of short stature, very dirty and ignorant. Under the dominion of the Yavanas all distinction of caste was confounded, and the people are sank in meanness and immorality.
“Narikhanda is a district abounding in thickets. It lies west of the Bhagirathi; north of the Dwarikeswari river. It extends along the Panchakata hills on its west, and approaches Kikntalo on the north. The forests are very extensive, chiefly of sákhota, arjuna, and sál trees, with plentiful addition of brushwood. The district is celebrated for the shrine of Vaidyanath.11 The deity is worshipped by people from all quarters, and is the source of every good in the present age. In the division of Virabhômi, the no less eminent form of the same divinity, named Bakrebwara, 12 is present in the world. Three-fourths of the district are jungle, the remaining fourth is cultivated. The soil of a small part of it is very fertile ; but far the greater portion is saline and unproductive. There is no want of water, and numerous small streams run through the forest : the principal of these is the Ajaya.13 in many places there are iron mines. The people are in general small, black, and of immoral propensities and ignorant of religions duties, & few only are attached to the name of Vishna. They are dexterous bowmen and industrious cultivators.
“In that part of the district called Viradebs is the city of Nagara ;also Sipulya, and other towns. On the western borders are the villages Mayanpur, Chabagrams, and Suvernadi. On the southern confines towards the Odrs country, is Kindavishna. Suvarnamukhya is in the forest, and Panchala in the stony and gravelly tract. In the eastern parts are Mandaravani and Kasganj, and on the west of the jungle near Vaidyanath are Patrakola and Bharawani.
: Varendra or Barendra appears to include RAjashAhi and part of Maimansingh.
Now Nator. ." This seems to include Dinajpur, Rangpur, and Kuch Bihar; but we are not aware what country is intended by Viratha."
• "These seem intended for the Mech tribe, a race once occupying the tracts in Rangpur on the south of the Brahmaputra."
The Tista or Tri-arota, the river of three streams. # "Thin comprimes the north portion of Bishanpur, part of Birbham, and part of Bhagalpur and Manger." . "Corrupted into Dalkisore; Wilford says it is named from Darikesvara Mahadeva." ** Synonymous with Magadha.
11 At Devagadh. 19 Probably the same place as Bucolesore' in Hamilton's Gazetteer, called 'Bhdm BAkoswar' Imp. Gas. Vol. I. P. 449.-J. B.
18 « The Aji, called also Ajavatt and Ajamatt according to Wilford." 14 Nagar, the capital of Birbhum till the 13th century.

Page #453

DECEMBER, 1891.)
MISCELLANEA.
421
4 Varahabhumils is the next division of Pundra. The central portion is a forest : along the skirt of it is Dhavalabhumi. In one direction it is contiguous to Tungabhumi, and another to the Sekhara mountain; and it comprises Varabhumi, samanta-bhumi, and Man-bhumi. This country is overspread with impenetrable forests of sal and other trees. On the borders of Vara-bhumi runs the Darikebi river. In the same district are numerous mountains, containing mines of copper, iron, and tin. The men are mostly Rajaputs, robbers by profession, irreligious, and savage. They eat snakes, and all sorts of flesh; drink spirituous liquors, and live chiefly by plunder, or the chase. As to the women, they are, in garb, manners, and appearance, more like Rakshasis than human beings. The only objects of veneration in these countries are rude village divinities. The principal towns are Pushpapattan, Kusumapattan, Chatranagar, Raghunathpur, Dhavalapura, Sivullapala, and Barahanagar. The chief villages are Chakraveshtana, Kichandra, Suvernatapanna, Nandala, Kesara, Bayapur, two Sarangas, Virabandhana, Suvarnarikki, Patri, Kadali, Trapushabad, near the Sitavati, and Vakamtotheka.
“Varddhamins16 is the next division of Pandradeśa. The country is highly populous, and the people are pious and cultivated, obedient to the laws, and diligent in their religious duties. The chief object of worship is the bálágrám, which is to be found in every respectable house. Amongst the principal cities are Hataka, near a forest; Vilwapattan, west of the Bhagirathi, noar the Saraswati river; and Samantapattan on the borders.
u Vindhyaparswa17 is the last division of Paindradeśa. It lies north of Ranastambha, south of the Ganges, west of Kikata, and east of Tîrtharâja. It comprehends a population of a very miscellaneous character. The greater namber are addicted to the worship of Devi, eat flesh, and drink spirituous liquors. In the early part of the Kali age, this country was the residence of a Kshatriya prince, who assumed the garb, the attributes, and name of Vasudeva, and passed himself off for the real Krishna. The divine lord of Dwaraka, however, vindicated his rights, and a war ensued, in which the impostor was slain.
«The principal towns and villages are Sudarsana, near the mountains ; inhabited chiefly by hunters and fowlers and people of low caste. Pushpagrama within the hills near the Son. Dhararaksha, near the hills on the GAliká river. Guragram, on the side of the hills near the Son. Mudgalapur, amongst the hills near the Chandraprabhâ river. Shahpur, Marjarapur, 18 Sivapur, and Majapapur, on the banks of the Ganges, Barada on the Son; and Manigram on the Parnâ river. In the south-west quarter, about three yojans from the Bhagirathi, is Maraha-Nagar, which is the residence of the governor of the province, amidst forests and and mountains. Kantita-patan is situated upon the Ujjalê river, near the Ganges, and Burapatan on the Chandraprabhi.
“Besides these, Yavanas have many cities and villages in these parts, as Janahabad, Nemaj-Ganj, Sher-ganj, Sikandarpur, &o., &c."
MISCELLANEA. THE DATE OF ONE OF THE KANHERI and I now find that the European equivalent for
INSCRIPTIONS OF AMOGHAVARSHA I. the date of the inscription referred to, which I At the time when I edited the Kaphori ins- have given, ib. note 9, is altogether wrong. cription of the Rashtrakata Amoghavarsha The inscription is dated, in words, and again I., which is published ante, VoL XIII. p. 134, I partly in figures, in the Saka year 775, and the was not able to calculate Indian dates for myself; Prajapati samvatsara, on the second lunar day
18 " Probably part of Midnapur, Pachit, and perhaps part of Ramgarh. The Sekhara mountain is probably Paravanath hill near Madhuvan."
16 "Bardhwan : but how far the limits of the district coincide with those here intended, cannot be conjectured ; for our text is but a small part of the original, several pages of the Ms. being here defective."
11 Side of the Vindhya,' a tract about Chunkr and Mirsapur; for Rans-stamba is Chandel and Bhagelkhand; and Tirtha-rája is a synonym of Prayag.
15 "This may be meant for Mirzapur."

Page #454

422
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(DECEMBER, 1891.
of the dark half of Asvina, on Budha-dina or Wednonday. By the Southern System of the cycle the Prajapati sarh vatsara coincided with Saka 778 expired; and by the Northern System it commenoed, according to the Sarya-Siddhanta rule without bija, in Saka 772 expired, on the 26th November, A. D. 850, and ended in Saka 773 expired, on the 22nd November, A. D. 851. And accordingly, either the year 775 has been put wrongly in the date for 773, or the samvatsar Prajapati has been quoted incorrectly. Calcula. tion shews that we have to decide in favour of the former alternative. For, the second of the dark half of Asvina, parnimanta or amanta, did not fall on a Wednesday in either Saka 775 current or Saka 775 expired; bat by the amdnta scheme it did fall on a Wednesday, - the 16th September A. D. 851, -in Baka 778 expired. And Wednesday, the 18th September A. D. 881, is therefore the proper equivalent of the date, and this date fell in the Prajapati samvatsara by both the Southern and the Northern Systems of the Cycle."
Dates in which the year of the Cycle is quoted correctly, and the Saka year incorrectly, are not uncommon.
Thus, the Afíjanëri stone inscription of Sêuņadêva, ante, Vol. XII. p. 126, is dated in the Saka yenr 1063, and the Dundubhi sath vatsara, on the 16th lunar day of the bright half of Jyêshtha, on Boma or Monday, under the nakshatra Anu.
radha and the yoga Siddha. By the Southern System of the Cycle the Dundubhi samvatsara coincided with Saka 1064 expired, not with Saka 1063; and calculation shews that the year of the date was really Saka 1064 expired. For, the date corresponds, for Saka 1064 expired, to Monday, the 11th May A. D. 1142, when the 15th tithi of the bright half ended 13 h. 32 m., and when the nakshatra was Anuradha up to 13 h. 47 m, and the yoga Siddha commenced 2 h. 98 m., after mean sunrise.
Again, to quote only one other example, the Pâ¢nå stone inscription of the Yadava Simghana and his feudatories Sõidêva and Hêmâdidêva, which I have re-edited in Epigraphia Indica, is dated in the Saka year 1128 and the Prabhava samvatsara, on the full-moon tithi of Brävana, at the time of a lunar eclipse. By the Southern System of the Cycle the Prabhava sam vatear coincided with Saka 1129 expired, not with Saka 1128; and besides, if the year of the date were really Saka 1128 expired, the corresponding date would fall in A. D. 1906, and in that year there was no lunar eclipse at all. On the other hand, taking the year of the date to be Saka 1129 expired, which was the Prabhava samvatsara, the corresponding date will be the 9th August A. D. 1207, when there was a lunar eclipse which would have been just visible in Khånd66.
F. KIELWORK. Göttingen.
NOTES AND QUERIES. A PECULIAR CUSTOM OF SUCCESSION. I was succeeded by his younger brother, the From a debate in the House of Lords on the Mahdrdja Drönasimha; the latter, by his younger Manipar matter (800 the Times of the 23rd June, brother, tho Mahdrája Dhruvasóns I. ; and tho 1891), it appears that “th. Fuocession to the latter, again, by his younger brother, the Mahd"&addi, or as we should say to the throne, is rdja Dharapatta : and the succession was then " based upon peculiar system. Where there is continued by Dharapatta's son Guhasena, and " series of brothers, they succeed one after his descendants. "another, and so the succession goes on until the Again, in the Chalukya family we may note "last of the brothers is exhausted, and then it is specially, in the Eastern Branch, the succession "his son, and not the son of the elder brother, after Jayasitha I. and Jayasimha II. (see page “who succeeds."
283 above); and in the Western Branch, the The Manipur Stato is one of recent origin. But succession after Satyasraya II., and again after #peculiar custom woh as this, - if it really Vikramaditya V. (see Mr. Fleet's Dynasties of exists, - must probably have some basis in the Kanarese Districts, p. 18-19). antiquity. And there are not wanting instances Instances oould, of course, be brought forward within the limits of India proper, which suggest to ghew that such a rule, if it existed, was at any that it may have been an occasional rule there in rate not invariably observed. But the cases early times.
quoted above are at least peculiar coincidenThus: - Among the Rulers of Valabhi (see ces. And they, and many other points in early ante, Vol. XV. p. 273), the Senapati Dharagêna Indian history, suggest that there may have
1 On that day, the second with of the dark hall Compare a similar date, of Baku 788 expired, disonded 10 h. 29 m. After mond sunrise.
nissea by Mr. Fleet, ante, Vol. XVII. p. 142, No. 10.

Page #455

DECEMBER, 1891.]
NOTES AND QUERIES.
423
been an early practice, more or less binding, of friendship or fraternity. If the blood is that of the kind which appears to exist now in Manipur. a human being, it is generally obtained from a
The matter seems worth looking into further; puncture in the arm; and if that of an animal, it is especially with a view to ascertaining whether the obtained by killing a fowl, as among the Chinese Dharmasastras prescribe any such rule of in- and Karens, a buffalo, as among the Kachins,' or heritance and succession for the warrior and a dog, as among the Chins. It is believed that regal caste.
this drinking of blood effects, as it were, the
amalgamation of the natures, both material and SOCIAL CUSTOMS; MARRIAGE.
moral, of the parties contracting friendship, and
that this would cause a feeling of reciprocity in In Telingana.
each other's breast. (1) The custom of sending a sword to re
This custom obtains among the Chinese and present an unavoidably absent bridegroom at
Indo-Chinese nations. Among Chinamen, the a wedding, is not uncommon among Rajus and
ceremony is performed in a temple, and the gods Velamas. It is considered allowable among other
are called upon to witness the compact. The tie Hindus also. See Indian Notes and Queries,
existing between two 'blood-drunk' brothers is Vol. I. note 669.
even stronger than that between brothers born of (2) With reference to Indian Notes and
the same parents. In the case of the latter, the Queries, Vol. I. note 678, Khônds, Sauras, Ga
motive power is natural fraternal affection, which dabas, Jâtapas, Pános, Dóms (Gañjám and may sometimes be made subservient to private Vizagapatam Hills), Paidis, Rellis, Yerukalas, interests, but in the case of the former, the tio is Dönmaras, Påmulavanda, Mandulavandlu, Gan.
surrounded by a halo of honour and religious gir dlavândlu, Mondvândlu, Jalagadugulavandlu,
sanction, which every Chinaman is taught to Baitakummaras (wandering smiths), Yanadis,
respect. Oddi Upparas (Oddars), Upparas, Chachchudis
Among the Karens, Kachins, Chins, and (Mehtars), Malas, and Madigas, permit the re- !
| other wild tribes of Burma, the custom is still in marriage of deserted or divorced women and
force and is as punctiliously observed as ever. widows. If a superseded woman means in this
But among the Burmans, it has died out through connection a woman who has declared herself
the influence of Buddhism, the humanitarian divorced before a panchayat because her husband
doctrines of which discountenance the shedding married again without her consent, such a
of blood and the placing of reliance in the superwoman is permitted by any of these castes
natural powers, whose presence is invoked in the to re-marry. A man of any of these castes may
ceremony. Still the Burmese language possesses marry a woman outcasted on his account from
certain words, which attest to the fact that, in his a caste higher than his own.
pre-Buddhistic days, the Burman was not loath Masulipatam. H.G. PRENDERGAST.
to contract friendship or fraternity by blood
drinking.' A petty officer in the Burman THWE-THAUK.
army was called a Thwe-thauk, and when King Thwe-thauk in Burmese means 'one who bas Mindôn invited all the scions of royalty to live at drunk blood,' .e., one who has drunk the blood the capital, he placed them under thwe-thauks, who of either an animal or a human being, infused were to keep watch and ward over them. In in water or spirit, as a mark of exchange of Upper Burma, an upper menial servant is called
See my paper on Modern Panjabi Coins, ante, has always been a common practice with all Chinese Yol XVIII. pp. 329-330, The Muslman State of Maler secret societies. - Rangoon Gazette of 2nd October, Kit was founded by a Sufi snint, Sarwini Afghân 1891. by descent, in the Panjab, in tho middle of the 15th Cen. A small quantity of the blood of the slaughtered tury A. D. Ho merried a daughter of Sultan Bahlol animal has been caught, and is now mixed in a large vessel LAI, and also a drughter of a local, magnate. His with an abundant supply of raw native spirits. The whole despondants by the latter are the present Nawabs of is stirred up with the points of swords and shears. which MAlèr Kötla, and their rule of succession was that are dipped into the liquor; and each chicf, as he comes up obtaining in Manipur until the British Government in the supposed presence of the attendant deitics and takes interfered in 1871 nnd made primogeniture the rule of his draught from the sacred bowl, swears his oath of fide. descont. - R. C. T.)
lity in muttered prayers, which imply the most foarfal ? The Koldc Hui, the secret society to which the recent results as a certain consequence of infidelity. The dipping
toreign outrages in the rangtse Valley are attributed, i of the spears and swords in the liquor, in which the oath is at present the most powerful of these troublesome is drank, is said to be typical of the violent death which organizations in China... . It is believed that the would, of a certainty, be incurred by a departure from the coreony of initiation consists in killing a cock and drink. engagements contained in the oath. Fytobe's Burma: ing the blood, either alone or mixed with wine. This Past and Present, Vol. II. p. 111.

Page #456

424
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
a thwé-thauk, and according to Judson's Burmese Dictionary, a band of fifty men is also called a thwé-thauk.
No doubt the origin of the custom may be traced to a society, whose government and domestic relations were loosely organized, and which naturally, in all matters affecting life and property, gave preference to might rather than to right. In such a society, the sacred ties of affection, due to consanguinity, required to be strengthened and supplemented by an external ceremony, based on
BOOK-NOTICE.
THE MINOR LAW-Books, translated by JULIUS JOLLY. Part I. Narada and Brihaspati. (Sacred Books of the East, Vol. XXXIII.) Oxford, 1889. 8vo. pp. xxiv., 391.
Though in the series advertised to the public as "Sacred Books of the East" the sacred books
of India have hitherto been conspicuous by their absence, the knowledge of Hindu law has been advanced to a large extent by the translations of Smriti-texts that were contributed by the two leading authorities, Professors Bühler and Jolly. The new volume which the latter scholar has brought out, contains annotated translations of two very important law-books. Both are professedly based on Manu, but anterior to his commentator
✓
Mêdhâtithi. Professor Jolly assigns Narada to the fifth or sixth, and Brihaspati to the sixth or seventh centuries A. D. Narada's is the only Smriti, completely preserved in MSS., in which law, properly so-called, is treated by itself, without any reference to rules of penance, diet, and other religious subjects.' Of special value to Hindu reformers is the following text of Narada (p. 184 f. of Professor Jolly's translation):
"When her husband is lost (i. e. gone no one knows whither) or dead, when he has become a religious ascetic, when he is impotent, and when he has been expelled from caste: these are the five cases of legal necessity, in which a woman may be justified in taking another husband."
[DECEMBER, 1891.
superstition, for the purpose of defending or advancing the interests of the commonwealth. In primitive man the amount of self-control is not
sufficient to keep the rising passions in check, and hence a banding together or an agglomeration of buman units is required to resist aggression or to invade the rights of others. Nowhere is the motto Union is strength more rigidly followed than in a state of society, where moral force is powerless against physical force.
TAW SEIN Ko.
Unlike Narada's, the Smriti of Brihaspati appears. to have treated of the whole sacred law, but is not preserved in MSS. Professor Jolly has collected from quotations in later law-books, and arranged under their proper headings, all those fragments of Brihaspati which refer to law in its proper sense, a laborious and difficult task, which few could have performed so well. If the footnotes did not draw attention to the sources
1 The reading matapitror atmanas cha punyoya (Dr. Burnell's 8.-I. Palæography, p. 97), for the merit of my parents and of myself,' is in better accordance with the wording of the grants themselves.
1 It seems preferable to explain samdhivigraha
from which the single passages are taken, the reader might feel inclined to consider the text as a complete treatise on Hindu law. The chapter on documents (VIII.) contains the subjoined interesting note on royal edicts, which is quoted from Brihaspati in the Viramitródaya (p. 305 f. of
Professor Jolly's translation):
"12. Having given a tract of land or the like, the king should cause a formal grant (éâsana) to be executed on a copper-plate or a piece of cloth, stating the place (of issue), the ancestors (of the king), and other particulars,
66
13. And the names of (the king's) mother and father, and of the king himself, (and containing the statement that) This grant has been made by me to-day to N. N., the son of N. N., who belongs to the Vedic school N. N.,
.
"14. As being endurable while the moon and sun last, and as descending by right of inheritance to the son, grandson, and more remote descendants, and as a gift which must never be cut down or taken away, and is entirely exempt from diminution (by the allotment of shares to the king's attendants, and so forth),
15. Conveying paradise on the giver and preserver, and hell on the taker, for a period of sixty thousand years, as the (respective) recompense for giving and taking (the land).'
"16. (Thus the king should declare in the grant), the secretaries for peace and war signing the grant with the remark: I know this (jñdtam mayd).'
"17. (The grant) should be provided with (the king's) own seal (mudrá), and with a precise statement of the year, month and so forth, of the value (of the donation), and of the magistrate." Such a document issued by the king is called a royal edict (éasana)."
Wkhakaiḥ as an inaccurate expression, caused by the metre, instead of samdhirigrahika-khakabhyam.
The term adhyaksha appears to correspond to the dataka or djñapti of the grants.

Page #457

DECEMBER, 1891.]
MISCELLANEA.
MISCELLANEA.
PROGRESS OF EUROPEAN SCHOLARSHIP. No. 26.
Journal of the Eastern Section of the Russian Archeological Society, Vol. V. (Parts 1-4). (4) PROCEEDINGS.
Papers read: (I) V. A. Shukofsky: on the Persian versions of the old Russian tale, "Shemjaka's Judgment." (11) D. Th. Kobeko: on the expedition of Karelin to the south-eastern coast of the Caspian. (III) Baron V. R. Rosen: on M. Snouck Hurgronje's "Mekka." (IV) Baron V. R. Rosen: Some notes on the Musalmân versions of "Barlaam and Joasaph." (V) S. F. Oldenburg on the Pâli version of "Shemjaka's Judgment." (VI) Baron V. R. Rosen: on the oldest Grammars of the Turkish and Mongol Languages written in Arabic. (VII) V. V. Radlof: on the Turkish titles given to Uigur Khâns between 764 A.D. and 849 A.D., from the history of the Tan Dynasty. (VIII) A. J. Harkavy: on MSS. materials for a biography of Sayyid al-Fayûmî in the Imperial Public Library. (IX.) Baron V. R.
کتاب اختراع .Bosen : on an Arabic satirical work
(X) N. P. Likhatchef: on some caldrons found in Bulgar. (XI) N. S. Golenishef: on an inscription of Darius found in Egypt. (XII) A. G. Toumansky: on the Bâbîs in Askhâbåd. (XIII) A. Th. Shebounin on the Kufic Kurån from Samarkand now in the (Russian) Imperial Public Library. (XIV) S. F. Oldenburg on the Persian versions of the Kitab-iSindbad. (XV) Baron V. R. Rosen: on a passage in the History of al-Meraghi relating to the translation of the "Book of Kalilah and Dimnah" into Arabic. (XVI) V. A. Shukofsky on his archæological excursion to the Transcaspian Provinces. (XVII) V. V. Radlof: on an Uigur stone inscription brought by N. M. Jadrintzef from the ruins of Karakorum.
(B) ARTICLES.
I.-Central Asia and the Further East.
1. The expedition of Karelin to the South-Eastern Coast of the Caspian in 1836, by D. Kobeko. Karelin, for some time an officer in the Artillery, afterwards in the service of Khân Jangêr, and finally in the (Russian) Home Office, died in 1872. He made three journeys to different points of the Caspian coasts and one to the Altai. He left accounts of his travels, some of which are published; and a set of drawings, relat
1 This expedition has been most successful. A large quantity of inscriptions has been found. M. Radlof is
425
ing to his expedition in 1836, is now in the library of the Scientific Committee of the Treasury Office. The scientific results of his travels are interesting and important, and his diaries may even now be consulted with profit. As to political results, there were none; since all the different measures he proposed with a view to consolidate Russian influence on the Caspian were rejected by the Foreign Office.
2. On two stones with Chinese inscriptions, by E. Koch (with one plate and two lithographs). In the summer 1889, M. N. Jadrintzef brought home with him two inscribed stones found in the ruins now called Khara Balgasun on the upper part of the Orkhon River. According to M. Koch they bear inscriptions belonging to the time of the Uigur rulers of Mongolia, between 761 A.D. and 840 A.D. Unfortunately the stones are in such a damaged state as to defy a complete decipherment. One of them bears, besides the Chinese inscription, some lines in Uigur characters, and these lines are now the oldest known Turki document.
3. Titles and names of the Uigur Khdns, by M. Radlof. In this article the author supplies us, from the Chinese history of the Tan Dynasty, with the names and titles of 12 Uigur Khane, which he completely restores from the corrupt Chinese transliteration. These Turki words, bearing a close resemblance to the language of the Kudatku-Bilik (composed some 300 years later), corroborate most happily the stone documents just mentioned. In an additional note M. Radlof gives a transcript and translation of what is left of the Uigur inscriptions. His conclusions are: (1) The Uigurs spoke a Turki dialect closely allied to the language preserved in the Kudatku-Bilik. (2) Indications from Chinese writers, informing us of an Uigur alphabet in the VIIIth Century, A. D., are quite trustworthy. This alphabet of the Northern Uigurs is identical with the alphabet of the Uigurs of Eastern Turkistán, propagated by the Nestorians and adopted in the XIIIth Century by the Mongols. The existence of Uigur stone documents of the VIIIth Century in Northern Mongolia is deemed to be so important a fact, that the Imperial Academy of Sciences has decided upon sending an expedition with a view of exploring the ruins, which are supposed to belong to the once famous Karakorum. The expedition started from St. Petersburg in April 1891.1
going to publish shortly a detailed account of the work done by the expedition.-15th Dec. 1891; S. d'o.

Page #458

426
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
DECEMBER, 1891.
4. On some Witty Etymologies of the Sarts, by N. Ostroumof. The article gives some instances of alterations by the common folk in the names and titles of Russian officials in Turkist&n. The name of the late Governor-General, Tchernjajef, the Sarte pronounced as Shir-naib (the Lion's Representative): the title “Procuror" (Attorney General) they pronounce " Birkurar" and explain it as the title of a person who at once sees and decides," (Bir-Kurar). General (Jandaral) they explain as alash, Jandar Ali, &c."
5. A stone document of the Conquest of Korea by the Manjúrs, by A. Pozdnejef. This is a text and translation of an inscription in Manja and Mongol relating to the conquest of Korea by the Manjurs. The text was published in the September Number (1889) of the Journal of the China Branch, R. A. S., with a note promising an edition of the Chinese text and asking persons acquainted with Manja to give explanations on this part of the text. In answer to this Prof. Pozdnejef undertook a translation, and found out that, besides the Manja, there is also a Mongol text, in some points differing from the Manjů. The inscription is interest. ing from two points of view; (1) as furnishing us with some new facts on the relations between Korea and China, and (2) as offering us the hitherto oldest known specimen of Manja writing, the inscription being only seven years posterior to the introduction of the Manja alphabet, which took place definitively in 1632. To the last point we may now add that Prof. Pozdnejef has since found in the Paris National Library a very interesting MS. relating the udaptation of the Mongol Alphabet to the Manja Language. A detailed account of this MS. will shortly be published.
6. Contribution to the bibliography of the Kalmuck folktales. N. Vesselofsky. In a short note the author points to a translation of the popular poem of Jangar, by M. Bobrovnikof in the Imp. Russ. Geographical Society's Messenger for 1354, omitted by Prof. Pozdnejef in his last article, and to the Kalmuck (Qalmaq) tales collected by Lehr in Russian and published at Moscow in 1873.
II.-Persia. 1. Some notes on the Parsi Schools in Persia. 4. Orlof. - This is a translation, with some ex.
planatory notes, of an article, signed by four Persian Parsis and dated 19th September, 1884, in an Ispahận newspaper, called Farhang. Accord ing to the article, there were then in Yezd 6,737 Parsis, showing some increase as compared with the 6,483 in 1879 (according to Houtum-Schindler). There were 7 schools with 402 pupils, and in one of these schools the Avesta and Pahlavi were taught. " It would be very interesting to know how this teaching is going on," remarks M. Orlof, and he quotes an article of M. Shukofsky (Journal of the Public Instruction Office for 1885), to show that, so early as in the reign of Muhammad Shah, a beginning had been made of teaching these languages, which was, however, unfortunately unsuccessful. So far as one can judge from the scanty information we have as to the position of the Parsis in Persia, the teaching is improving, chiefly through the help of their Indian brethren.
2. Persian versions of the old Russian tale called "Shemjaka's Judgment," by V. Shukofsky. This is a tale, which once had a wide circulation both in the East and West. It relates the story of a man, who, by a series of accidents, gets accused of many crimes and is liberated by a wise judge, who, in some versions, pronounces his judgment from a sense of justice, and in others in expectation of a bribe. The oldest known version is in the Jatakas. M. Shukofsky gives two Persian versions, one in verse, from a chap-book (text and translation), and the other in prose (translation only, as the text was published in a Persian lithographed Reading-book in St. Peters. burg in 1869).
(3). Indo-Persian humour, by V. Shukofsky. In this article are quoted some satirical verses from an Indo-Persian Tazkira called
. The verses relating the wonderful feats of a sham hero, are ascribed to a certain Ja'fir, the jester.' This little poem is a delightful pendant to the Persian folksong treating of the same subject, published by M. Shukofsky in Vol. I. of the Zapisky.
III.-India. 1. Popular dramatic entertainments at the Holi festival in Almôrá. I. P. Minayef. - This account of twelve dramatic entertainments was found in the papers of the late Prof. Minayef, who wrote them down most probably from the mouth
[It is interesting to note that precisely the same process goes on in Burma, among the joke-loving population there, as regards British officials. Mr. Lightning is a title common to one or two quick-tempered officials. As to folk-etymologies of European names and words in India, they are simply innumerable.-ED.]
• Prof. Pozdnejef is printing an account of the wars
between the Manja and Korea.
* See ante, Vol. XX. p. 87a.
o Gamanichandajafaha, translated by the Rev. R. Morris in the Folklore Journal, and analysed and partly translated by Mr. C. Tawney in the Journal of Philology. A list of the different versions of this tale has been published by the present writer.

Page #459

DECEMBER, 1891.]
MISCELLANEA.
427
of one Hari Lal, a baniyd in Almôrå (Kumfun), who communicated to him some fine folktales, which are to be found in Minayef's Indian Tales collected in Kamdon in 1875, published in St. Petersburg, in 1877. The somewhat plain language of these pieces of real folklore was probably the cause why the late Professor did not put them in the account of his journey to India (St. Petersburg,-1878;.2 Vols.) Nearly all the pieces are of a satirical character, some of them being directed against false devotees, some against the European rulers of the country, some against Missionaries, some against unfaithful wives.
IV.-Semitic. 1. On a fragment of a Hebrew papyrus from the collection of W. S. Golenishef, by A. Harkavy. This short fragment bears on ritual. It is chiefly remarkable for its age, as it belongs to a date between the VIIIth and Xth Centuries. • 2. Contributions to the biography and works of Sayyid-al-Fayúní from the MSS. in the Imperial Public Library by A. Harkavy. Sayyid. al. Fayhmi (892-942 A. D.) the first Hebrew grammarian, belongs to the time of the revival of Hebrew science, in the IXth and Xth Centuries, A.D., in Egypt. Some of his works are known and published, but many important facts relating to his literary career can be gathered from this Hebrew-Arabic MSS. in the Imperial Public Library at St. Petersburg. Dr. Harkavy gives extracts from the following works of AlFayúmi. (1) From the "Book of Poetry” (a manual), and (2) from the Book of the Exiled " (a controversial work). To this last are appended some extracts from works directed against the Sayyid
3. On an inedited MS. of the Arabian Nights, by Baron D. Gunzburg. The MS. under notice belongs to the private library of Baron Gunzburg, and of all the MSS. of the Arabian Nights that have been as yet examined, it is the most closely allied to the MS. of Michel Sabbagh (Paris National Library, Nos. 2522 and 2523), and con. sequently to the Baghdad MS. This MS. is complete, unusually correct, and written in a very elegant style. It seems to be one of the best of the MSS. of the Arabian Nights. A remarkable feature of it is the high esteem in which women are held throughout the whole text, against the usual oriental way of treating women.
The article gives a comparative table of the tales, and a detailed comparison of the tale of Aladdin's Lamp in Zotenberg's text. This story
is somewhat short in Baron Gunzburg's MS., but it is given in a more elegant and refined style than in the printed version. We may add that it is most desirable that Dr. Zotenberg, who is preparing a work on the Arabian Nights, should get access to this fine MS.
V.- Armenian and Georgian. 1. 4 summer journey to Armenia. Notes and extracts from Armenian MSS., by N. J. Marr. This is the result of a journey to Armenia in the summer of 1890. M. Marr went to Armenia cbiefly to collect materials for his work (shortly to be published) on the Armenian fables ascribed to Vardan. He found, however, time enough to peruse also other MSS. of the rich Etchmiadzin Library, and to make a catalogue of the Armenian MSS. in the monastery on Lake Sevan (Gokcha). Besides some emendations to the text of Moses of Khoren, the article gives :-(1) a note on Asath, the translator of the Armenian " Barlaam and Joasaph," who is named in two MSS. of the Sevan Monastery, and one MS. of Etchmiadzin, written in 1441: (2) a passage from the " Answers and Questions of Vardan" bearing on the legend of king Artavazd: (3) a passage of Vardan the Great (XIIIth Century) on a translation of the Bible into Syriac by the king Abgar, which telle us that at that time there was no Armenian alphabet ; M. Marr points out the importance of collecting all possible data bearing on the history of the Armenian alphabet and on works in Armenian prior to the invention of the Mesro. pian alphabet : (5) on the Oskiphoriks, a sort of collection of pious legends and apocryphas: (6) a note on the Armenian text of the Georgian Chronicle: the original of all hitherto known copies is the MS. No. 1722 of the Etchmiadzin Library : (7) the Book of Adam and Eve; copious extracts of the Armenian text of which apocrypha are given with a Russian translation, and the text seems to go back to the Greek version : (8) Joseph and Asseneth ; some notes on this in. teresting apocrypha, edited by Prof. Carrière; M. Marr gives from the Etchmiadzin MSS. two texts (with translation) bearing on the same history; vix,—"The Prayer of Asseneth” and the "Testament of Joseph," which last he identifies with the “ Prayer of Joseph" in the list of apocryphas of Mekhitar (XIIIth Century).
The article is to be continued, and will deal with some more apocryphas and other Armenian texts.
2. Sophron, son of Isaac, or Isaac, son of Sophron ? by N. J. Marr. The existing MSS. of
• A facsimile is given on pl. 1. 4.

Page #460

428
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DECEMBER, 1891.
the Georgian “Barlaam" are insufficient to and the second with the name of Mangu Kaan. decide the question whether the author of this More such finds would be most desirable, as they version was called Sophron, son of Isaac, or would help to give a certain date to all such Isaac, son of Sophron.
sepultures in Bulgar. 3. The Etymology of the Armenian Sepouh
VIII.-Miscellanea. and the Georgian Sepé, by N. J. Marr. These
1. Translations from Persian, Turkish and titles, according to M. Marr, go back through a
Arabic; Imitations of Oriental Poets. by M. G. series of transformations to the Avestic
Delightful poems, faithful renderings of orienVisputhra. The argumentation is very able, tal ideas and feelings; translations from Sadi, but not definitively persuading.
Hafiz, Firdosi, &c. VI.-Egypt.
2. Kerope Petrovitch Patkanof (with portrait), 1. Archeological results of a journey to Egypt
by N. Vesselofsky. A short biography of the wellin the winter of 1888-89 (with five plates), by W.
known Armenian scholar. Prof. Patkanof, who S. Golenishef. The author during a stay of more
was born in 1833, was the son of an Armenian priest. than half-a-year in Egypt succeeded in making
He began his studies in the College of Stavropol, some important and interesting acquisitions, some
passed later into the Lazaref Institution in Moscow, of which were exhibited at a meeting of the
remained some time in the University of Dorpat, Oriental Section of the (Russian) Archæological
and finished his studies in the chief Teaching Society, where the author gave explanations, which,
Institution in St. Petersburg. He was later for in a somewhat revised and enlarged shape, are
some time teacher in a Female College in Tiflis, embodied in the present article. As most of these
and afterwards, till his death in 1889, he was objects have already been described in special a professor at the University of St. Petersburg. reviews, we have only to say a few words on some
His first scientific work (as a student he wrote of the most interesting : a collection of papyri,
many poems, which are still very popular in some of which are in Pahlavi, Hebrew and Armenia) was the Catalogue de la Littérature Greek; portraits from Tel-al-Amarna; some in-1
.. some in. | Arménienne. He also edited and translated many scriptions: a real with a Phoenician inscription "in of the Armenian historians, wrote on Armenian honor of Jeremias", some interesting pieces of geography, on the inscriptions of Van, etc. A Koptic embroidery. The article gives also some
list of his works is appended to the article. interesting notes on the Bulag Museum, on the 3. Musalmen books printed in Russia during acquisition of antiquities in Egypt, and short the year 1889, by W. D. Smirnof.--This is a list diary notes of a journey from Edfu to the Red with a bibliographical description; the number of Sea (chiefly topographical).
copies printed of each book is also given. VII.-Archæology and Numismatics.
IX.-Reviews, 1. The Elizabethpol Find, by Baron W. Tiesen. 1. The Kirghiz and Karakirghiz of the Syrdaryhausen. The Imperial Archeological Commission insky District. Vol. I., Common Law (Russian), by received last year from Tiflis a silver buckle and N. T. Grodekof.This book shows clearly that the 236 Persian coins, chiefly of the XVIIth administration is carefully studying the coun. to XIXth Centuries A. D. (1122-1220 A. H.), try it has to deal with. A clearer distinction found in the province of Elizabethpol. A descrip- between 'udat and shari'at is most desirable, as the tion of this buckle is given in the article.
shari'at is often only a powerful means of oppres2. New Find in Bulgar (in the Province of
sion in the hands of the upper classes directed
against the masses. General Grodekof's book Kasan) by N. Likhatchef. In September, 1889, a peasant in the village of Uapenakoje, Bulgary, dug
will be of great use to the Orientalist and to the up in his courtyard some brass caldrons, two of
administrator, which had on them Arabic inscriptions (benedic- 2. Ethnographical Notes on Tibetan Medicine, tions to the possessor). M. Likhatchef's opinion (Russian), by W. Ptizyn.-This is a list of 101 is that these objects most probably belong to the maladies, 429 names of drugs, and a description end of the XIV th Century.
of surgical instruments. All the names are given
in Tibetan with Russian translations. The whole 3. On two fuls found near the village Balymer
is compiled from communications from Lamas in the Government of Kasan, by N. Likhatchef.
from the Transbaikal District. In the autumn of 1889, near Balymer, were dug up a skeleton and near it two copper coins :
1 3. History of the Town of Kassimof (Russian), one with the name of An-Nasir-li-din-Allah, 1 by N. Shishkin. This is a short history of the

Page #461

MISCELLANEA.
DECEMBER, 1891.]
town, founded chiefly on the large work of Weljaminof-Zernof, entitled The Tsars and Tearéviches of Kassimof.
4. Persian, Arabic and Turkish MSS. in the Tashkent Library (Russian), by E. Kahl.-A description of 87 MSS. The chief interest lies in the historical part of the Persian MSS., where some good and old copies of interesting works are to
be found.
5. Journal of the East-Siberian Section of the Geographical Society, Ethnographical Section, Vol. I., p. I., Buriat Folktales (Russian). A very carefully made collection of 51 folktales, with interesting notes and excellent indices.
6. Catalogue of Oriental Coins in the British Museum, Vol. IX., by Stanley Lane Poole. An excellent catalogue of a splendid collection; in this volume we find more than 200 inedited coins. On pp. 312-313 the reviewer proposes to read
as the b is clearly to be ايش instead of ايش
seen on two dindre in the Museum of Baron Stieglitz. Other different readings are proposed.
7. Modern Persian Comedies, etc., edited by Dr. A. Wahrmund. No. I, Monsieur Jourdan, with German translation, notes and glossary. These comedies, which first appeared in a Russian shape (Tiflis, 1853), were translated into Turkish (ib. 1860) and lastly into Persian (1874). They are very bad representatives of modern Persian, and in many passages are only adaptations of the Turkish, and even of the Russian, original. From this point of view they can be hardly welcome, and are not to be put in the hands of beginners. The reviewer gives some corrections to text, translation and glossary.
8. Glossary of Iberian and Latin words used by the Mozarabes, etc. (Spanish,) by D. F. J. Simonet. The first part of the book is an ardent panegyric of the Mozarabes (Mosarabs), who, according to the author, have created the so-called Arabic civilisation in Spain. The somewhat too passionate argument does not always sufficiently reason out many other facts, which indeed do not quite corroborate the fundamental idea of the author.
The second part is the Glossary, which is quite on a par with the first part. It is not everybody that will agree with D. Simonet's conclusions, but to all Arabic scholars, interested in the history of Spain, it will give much useful information.
9. The Tale of a certain Old Man (Russian), by Ch. Loparef. This is a diary of a voyage to the Holy Land in the XVIth Century, by a Russian. M. Loparef has edited the text with
429
copious notes. Two postscripts on the MS. are interesting, as giving some facts of the intercourse between Russia and Turkey at that time. Appended to the Review is a notice by Baron Rosen on the word Tchelebi, which occurs in one of the postscripts. From different explanations he adopts that of Aḥmed-Vefik-Pasha in his Lehjehi-Othmanich. Cheleb goes back to Persian Chelipd, which goes back to the Syriac Tslíbá (the Cross). Cf. Arab. The learned Pâsha is wrong only in referring its origin to the time of Christian influence in the reign of Changêz Khân. We know now that this influence is to be dated much earlier, from the time of the first Nestorian missionaries. In this way we have, as the oldest meaning of the word, "Man of the Cross," Christian. As the first who adopted the Christian faith were persons of high and even of royal descent, it was afterwards applied to them, and still later, as a designation of all educated people. The oldest hitherto known mention of this interesting word is from 1313. More facts will enable us to decide the question definitively.
10. A Historical Grammar of the Modern Armenian language of Tiflis (Russian), by A. Thomson. This is a perfectly worthless, unscientific compilation, written without any knowledge of the most elementary principles of philology. The painful impression produced by M. Thomson's book is greatly relieved by a series of most interesting philological notes by the reviewer (M. Marr).
11. Journal of the East-Siberian Section of the Geographical Society, Vol. I. Parts 2 and 3. Vol. II. p. 1. (a) Buriat legends, Yakut folktales, songs, riddles and proverbs (collected by T. A. Khudjakaf) (b) New materials bearing on the Shamanism of the Buriats (by M. Khangalof in Russian); copious materials, carefully collected.
12. Journal of the Society of Investigation of the Amûr Country, Vol. I. (Russian). This recently founded Society has started a periodical. The contents of its first number are interesting. We may point out an article of the President, M. Busse, "On Archæological remains in the valleys of Lefû, Daubikhe and Oulakhe." The report of the Society tells us that it has an Archæological Museum with 285 objects.
13. The Sarts, Ethnographical Notes. Vol. I., by N. Ostroumof. A series of articles.(1) Historical and Ethnographical notes on the Sarts. (2) Characteristics of the Sarts; (3) Russian Influence; (4) Reminiscences of Sattar Khân 'Abdul-ghafarof; (5)A description of the journey of the
7 It is adopted from the same source by M. Barbier de Meynard in his Dictionary.

Page #462

430
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
merchant, Mirza Bukhari to Kharkof, Moscow and St. Petersburg; (6) The Turkistan Gazette; (7) Conclusion.
14. A Chinese-Russian Dictionary, by the Rev. Father Palladius and P. S. Popof. A very rich dictionary containing 11,668 hieroglyphs. The best parts are those relating to Buddhism, Taoisin and the Confucian philosophy. The pronunciation is that of Peking. It is to be regretted that the accents are omitted.
15. Minor works of A. von Gutschmid, Vols. I and II. (German). A most important publication both for the Orientalist and for the historical student. The first volume gives articles on Egyptology and Greek Chronography; the second volume relates entirely to the Semites and to early church history. Two more volumes will be pub. lished on the history of the non-Semitic nations of Asia and on Roman-Greek medieval history.
NOTES AND NOTES ON SOUTH-INDIAN FESTIVALS. I.-PONGAL.
The Pongal is one of the chief Hindu festivals in Southern India and generally takes place about 12th January. It is celebrated with much delight and amusement by all classes of the Hindus, as being held on the day on which the sun leaves the sign of Capricorn and proceeds towards the Equator.
All houses are neatly whitewashed and repaired. Relations are invited from a distance, and alms are given to the poor. New rice, mixed with milk, green gram, sugar and other edibles are boiled in a new vessel in an open yard in the centre of the house and offered to the sun-god. Every one in the house partakes of this food with great eagerness, for, if the rice has boiled well it is a good Pongal, promising future happiness. Relatives, friends and acquaintances all salute the master and inquire whether it has boited. On the third day is the cattle feast, when all the cattle are bathed and adorned and their horus painted in various colours. Rice and milk are boiled and given to the cattle.
I-VARUSHAPPIRAPU, OR NEW YEAR'S DAY.
This falls about the 12th of April, and is a very important festival. Early in the morning every one takes a bath in cold water, in a river if possible or at home. During the day there are great public rejoicings. Relatives are invited and the holy water mixed with margosa (nim) flowers, while molasses and young tama
[DECEMBER, 1891.
16. Handbook of Arabic as spoken in Egypt (German) by Dr. K. Vollers. A most excellent hand-book for Arabists, who wish to get acquainted with modern Arabic. To persons who are not trained in literary Arabic, the book will be probably somewhat difficult.
17. Transactions of the Egyptian Institute, 2nd Series, No. 10 (French). Among articles bearing on Oriental subjects, that of Yakub-ArtynPasha may be noted, which deals with Koptic methods of fractional configurations, now quite antiquated, though in circulation for a long time.
18. Arabic Authors by J. J. Arbuthnot. The reviewer pronounces this book to be " a failure."
19. Bibliographical Appendix.-Notices some of the latest Oriental publications in Russia. SERGIUS D'OLDENBURG.
QUERIES.
rind are presented by the family priest and freely passed round. This is done to secure good health during the coming year. Towards evening the family priest produces the new Almanac and reads out the more striking passages, explaining them at the same time, while the whole family sits round him eagerly gathering their fortune during that year.
III.-DIPAVALI.
A social festival held about the 23rd of October in commemoration of the auspicious day when the Asuras Bâlâchakravarti and NarakAsura were slain by Vishnu. As this event is said to have taken place in the evening, the people express their joy at the event by illuminating their houses with lights arranged in artistic lines and letting off fireworks and crackers. The Hindus of all classes get up as early in the morning as two o'clock, anoint their bodies with gingelly oil and bathe in hot water, put on new clothes and ornaments, and gaily decorate their children. Sweetmeats of all kinds are prepared, of which everybody in the house partakes after the bath.
K. SRIKANTALIYAR.
MEDICAL LORE IN MADRAS.
If fever comes on a person on a Saturday, the fever will last till the next Saturday. Medicines are generally not administered on a Saturday, as it is an inauspicious day. They would only be given on the next day.
K. SRIKANTALIYAR.

Page #463

Achyutaraya of Vijayanagara; his coins. Addakali-Gachchha, of the Jains .... ............... 271 addition, the Burmese system of, explained 55 ff.
123
*********.
adhyaksha, dataka or ajñapti...... ..424 n. Adityadatta, Samdhivigrahika, an officer of Balavarmadêva Afghân language, the components of the, 338; is an Iranian tongue probably derived from Zend, 338; literature, a note on, 339, 340;-love-songs, 340;- proverbs... 340 Afghân Race, discussion on the origin of the
338, 339
361
INDEX.
Ajivikas, the Ajmere, Sanskrit plays by Sômadêva and Vigraharaja, partly preserved in inscriptions at 201 djnapti, used to denote the Dataka of a grant ............................................................................................ 106, 418 Akaltara inscription, noticed
84 339
***********
********....
Akhûn Darveza, the Afghan writer..... Akulamannaṇḍu, a village in the Gudravåra
270
************...
vishaya...... Alandatirtha, a village in the Srinilaya bhoga 96 Alexander of Epirus was a contemporary of Aśoka ********...
************
306 Afjanêri inscription of Sêunadêva, of SakaSamvat 1063 (for 1064); examination of the date ....................................................... 422 anka, as a termination of proper names, in Gupaganka, 102; and in Kaliyartyanka
117, 118
242 Alikasadara, Alexander ........................ 241 alphabet, the North-Indian; the powers of certain characters in it Amma I., Vishnuvardhana VI. (Eastern Chalukya)..................... 12, 13, 95 n., 266, 288 Amma II., Vijayâditya VI. (Eastern Chalukya........ .........................................................12, 13, 270, 283 Ammangadôvi, wife of Rajaraja I. ....... 273 ámnáya is a synonym of kula or kulakrama, and means 'generations, successions' Amôghavarsha I. (Rashtrakuta), 101, 103; - distinct evidence of a break in his reign, 113, 114;-the English equivalent of the date of his Kanheri inscription of SakaSamvat 775 (for 773)............ 421 Anderson, his murder at Multan ......... 215, 216 Andhra or Andhra country Andhras mentioned in the Asôka inscriptions ****************** 239, 240, 247 andu, the meanings of, in certain dates. 287 to 289 Angins; names of the Eleven-Angins, according to the pattávals of the SarasvatiGachchha, 348, 349;-of the Minor-Angins, 349; and of the One-Angins 349, 350 Aphilwaḍ prasasti of Vikrama-Samvat 1651; English equivalent of the dates 141 and n. animals, grateful, in folktales, 30 ff; - the object of propitiating slain, among savages. 195
93
******
*********************
*********
342
103 and n. Antêkina, Antigonus ................................................... 241 Antigonus Gonatas of Macedonia was a contemporary of Aśoka............... 242 Antiochus II. of Syria was a contemporary of Asoka anusamyana, a religious institution of Aéôka's
242
***********.. ***********
***************
time
253
*************
-
Aparajita, Aparajiya, the third Brute Kévalin 347, 348, 358 Arabian Nights, an Indian origin for the, noted, 185; inedited MS. of the... 427 Arabic-Persian word vagaira used in the Tirunelli grant............... 291 and n. arani, Prof. von Roth on the... 294, 295 arcs, the sines of, in the Pañchasiddhantika. 228 Arhadbalin, a name of Guptigupta ****** 342, 350 Arician grove, the 45 Arician, priesthood, rule of the, 45; - priests, their story explained arithmetic, as preached by Burmese astrolo. gers, 53: the correspondence between the Burmese and Hindu astrological system of, 53; the use of Indian (Pâli) terms by the Burmese in their, 53; the correspondence between the Burmese and Tibetan systems of, 53; origin of the Tibetan system of, 53; Burmese and Tibetans not taught to multiply by rote beyond nine times nine, 54: Burmese, is a mental system, 54; Burmese process of calculation in writing, 54; illiterate Burmese system of notation, 54; Burmese system of, the result of working with a natural (= spoken) notation, 68; - antiquity of the Burmese system of, 54; - Burmese standard works on, 54;-Burmese system of, limitation of the, 57, not adapted to fractions, 57; Burmese system of an explanation of the origin of, 67, 68: Hindu astrological system of; method of addition, 58 n.; - method of subtraction 59 n. ; - method of multiplication, 60 n; Hindus taught to multiply by rote up to high figures, 63; - method of division, 63 n.:-note on Koptic ........... 430 Arjun Singh, his rebellion at Gujranwâlâ 216
―
****************
************
-
-
**********************
-
www
46

Page #464

432
INDEX
.....
.......
evolutions in his religious life, 244; - in his early years, he accepted the supremacy of the Brahmans, 244; -- in the ninth year after his coronation, he becaine a Bud. dhist Updsaka, 234, 235; - and proceeded to deprive the Brahmans of their divine prestige, 257; - and in the eleventh year, he made a State entry into the Buddhist church, 235; - the origin of his conversion was the deeds of violence which accompanied the conquest of Kalinga, 257; - he was a declared adherent to Buddhism from the ninth year, 2-45 ; - the doctrines which he professed, 259; - his
personul character ................................. 265 Asoka's edicts, Dr. Bühler on the epigraphy
of ........................ ............... 117, 118 A&Ricad inamil, the, noted .................. 85 n. dsraya, a subdivision of a vishaya .................. 98 Atavidurjaya, an officer of Vishnuvar. dhana I..........
................ 18, 96 Atharva-Voda (sce Kausiksitre), 90; - the
numbering of the parisiratas of the ......... 148 Atayuparru, an ancient town or village ...... 418 Arestu, notes on the grammar of the............ 148 A yapa-Rautariya, another name of Ganadova 393 Ayrton, his murder at Multan ...............215, 216
American, Apocrypha, notes on, 427: -date
of the alphabet ................................ Arthuna inscription of Chamundaraja, of
Vikrama-Sarıvat 1136: English equivalent of the date......
............. 129 and n. Arutaúkarcáriya, a subdivision of the Gudra
hirl vishay ........................................ 98 Aryadevi. apparently the name of the wife of Dinârnava ...........
.............. 272 Aryans, European origin of; criticisin of Van den Gheyn's work on the ......
393 A sökitthe great Buddhist king; inentioned
by the name or title of Piyadasi (= Priyadarsin), 168, 170, 231, 232, 263, 364; - and by the pithet of Dorciumipiye, 165. 231; - he had also the name of Dharmasokat, 233, 263 :- probably Priyadaréin was his original name, and he took the name Asoka or Dharmaśôka at his conversion to Bud"Thism, 263; – his rock edicts at Sabasaram, Rupnaith, Bairât, and Bhabra, and the inscriptions in the Baribar caves; M. Senart's texts and translations, rendered into English by Mr. Grierson, 154, 165, 168 ; - Dr. Bühler's rendering of the Barabar cave inscriptions (and of the Nagarjuni cave inscriptions of Asoka's grandson, Dasaratha), 361; -discussion 18 to the author and language of the inscriptions, 229; - I., the author, 229; - the Piyadasi of the inscriptions is the Asoka of the literary records, 232; -his coronation is to be placed four years and five months after his accession, 235; - the chronological order of the inscriptions, 236; - the period of them is fixed by the mention of certain contemporaneous Greek kings, 238 ; his accession is to be placed about B. C. 273, and his coronation in B. C. 270. or 269, . . 242, 243; - members of his fanıily, 246 ; - his royal residence was at Påfaliputra, 247; - the extent of his dominions, 247; the synchronous Greek kings, and Indian and other tribes, mentioned in his inscriptions, 238; - his empire em braced the whole of Northern India, ex. tended to the central plateau of the Dekhan, and was bordered by provinces over which he exercised suzerainty, 249; - his relations with foreign countries, 255; - the opening phrase of his edicts is a trace of the influence exercised by the Persian conquest and administration in north-western India, 255; - the classes of his functionaries, and their duties, 249; - the amusanyina, a religious institution, 253; -literary traditions about Abôka, 256; -the successive
***... 216
86
Bacchus, see Dionysus .............. ............... 51 Bå ghêra, perhaps mentioned as Vav. voraa.....................
............... 202 and n. Bahậwalpur, Nawab of, bis share in the cap
ture of Multan ......... Baijnath Prasastis, the; improvements in
the reading. 114; - remarks on the date
of one of them................. ....................... 15+ Bairất rock edict of Asoka, edited ............... 15+ Balâtkára-Cana, another name of the Saras
vati.Gachchha......... Balavar, the Wisdom of, a note on the Geor.
gian romance of ........ Balavarmadova, Mahasamanta, 123:- his grant, edited ..........
............ 123 Balder, the myth of, discussed, 199, 200;
- Balder's Bale-fires discussed ................ 199 Balláladova-Velabhata .............................. 271 banners and creats, differences between the devices on ..............
......... 279 n. Barabar Hill mentioned by the ancient name
of Khalati or Khalatika, 169, 170, 364 and n.; - the cave inscriptions of Asoka, edited; M. Senart's renderings, 168 ; -
Dr. Bühler's........................................ 361 Barlaam and Joasaf, authorship discus. sed, 86, 427, 428; -a Persian version of, 88; -non-Christian versions of, noted, 86; - a note on the geography of .................... 67

Page #465

INDEX
435
..............
69
.
....
.......
er, (see also parru and varru), a terminasion of village-names, in Diggubarru, 270;
- Påmbarra, 271; - and Kaluchumbarru. 272 Bå yazid Angari, the Afghân writer ............ 839 Belgaum District, an inscription from the,
edited ........... Bengal Presidency, an inscription from the, lited
......................... Bengurunânţi vishaya, an ancient territorial division................................................ 268 tu-Vijayaditya V. (Eastern Chalukya) 12,
13, 95 n, 267, 283 Bezwa in the Kistaa District, mentioned
at Vijayavada ............ ....... 101, 415, 418 Bhabra rock edict of Asóka, edited ........... 165 Bhudda bahu, Bhadrabahu I., the fifth
Sint-Kralin .......................... 347, 348, 358 Bhralabu II., one of the Minor-Angins
349, 350, 351, 358, 359 Bhí galper grant of Narayanapala; an histori.
al ullusion in it .................................... 187 Bhandlanåditya, a follower of Kollabiganda.
Vijayaditya IV. ............................... 101, 267 Bhaskara-Ravivarman, a king, 286, 287, 291;
--the Tiranelli grant of bis time, edited... 285 Bhattarako, a paramount title ; earliest ins. tance of its use by the Eastern Chalukyas 100; - conferred on the pontiff Padma.
nandin of the Sarasviti-Gachchha............ 361 Bhattaraka-Vijayaditya I. (East. Chal) 12,13,
99, 283 Bhima, of the Solar Race ...... Bhima I., Chlukya-Bhima I. (Eastern Cha
lukya)............ ................ 12, 13, 103, 283 Bhima II. Chalukya-Bhima II. (East. Cha
lukya) ......................... 12, 13, 95 n., 269, 283 Bhima III. (East. Chal.)................ 12, 13, 269, 283 Bhimagupta, a king (see Kayyata) ............. 154 Bhimarathi, an ancient name of the river
Bhima ................................................ 96 Bhoja, name of a people mentioned in the
A Sôka inscriptions ...............239, 240, 247, Bhojadêva of Kanauj ............ Bhør State, Buddhist caves in the ............... 121 bhujang = ogre ............ Bhujangiki, an ancient village ............... Bibi Chandan, her share in the destruction of
Pandit Jalla, 73; - her claims to Hire Siúgh's estates, 73, 7+; - stirs úp Lahôr against the English, 76; - interferes in Gulab Siågh's arrangements with the British Government, 215; agrees to the annexation of the Cis-Satluj States ......... 213 Bihar, an inscription from, edited ............... 312 Bijholt inscription of Sômeávara, of Vikrams
Sarvat 1226; English equivalent of the date.......
............138 and n.
Bijja, a king slain by Châlukyabhima.Vishnu
vardhana VII........................................ 270 Bilachendma, a notice of the ..................... 294 Bittarasa, Prakrit name of Vishnuvardhana I. 9 blister, girl born from a, in folktales .......... 1421 blood, origin of the tabu of, 49:- of tabued
persons very dangerous, 49; - consequent customs, 49; - contains the 'soul, 19; - red juice in plants, especially in the vinc, 19:
- consequent cnsioms, 19; - the savage dread of menstrueus, 197; - an origin for the objection to shedding or spilling, 49,drinking, a forn of initiation, 423; - a form of cath, 423; - as a pledge of friendship, 423; - is still a custom among Karens, Kachins, Chins and Burmese wild tribes, 423; - survives amongst the
Burmese only in their language ............4 blood-drunk brother'............ Bobyó, a Burmese book on astrological move. m ents ....................
51 Boddiya, another name of BallAlodeva-Vela bhata .......................
...................... 271 Bidhicharyevatúra of Santideva, the, noticed.
85, Sr Bodh Gaya inscription of Vikrama-Sunnvat
1005 (P); English equivalent of the date ... 127 Bolana, an officer of Narendramrigaraja
Vijayaditya II. ..................................... 101 Bilingi, Burineze rules of astrology ............ • Bombay East Indian,' defined ............... 183n
Bombay Portuguese,' defined.................. 18än. Bombay Presidency, an inscription from the edited...........
............ 6 bones, of dead ancestors, object of preserving among North American Indians, 120; -ot slain animals, object of preserving, among savages.......................
*1 ....... Book of Adam and Eve, note on the Armenian
Apocrypha called the ...........................427 bride's feet, the, bringing ill-luck to her hus.
band's house .................................... Brihadgriha, the residence of Bala varmadêva,
123; Hêmachandra gives it as a syng. nym of Karusha............ Brihaj-Jataka, mention of the, in folktales ... 31 Brihaspati, the law-book of; notice of Dr.
Jolly's translation ............. British Museum ; a grant of Narindrampi.
garája-Vijayaditya II., edited, 414; -- the inscription of Sarangadêva; English equi.
valent of the date ........................ 137 and n. Buddhilinga, the ninth Dase Parvin ......318, 3:16 Buddhist caves recently discovered, at
Nadear and Nenavali ............ ............ 121 Buddhist inseriptions ............154, 165, 163, 361 Buhilinga, = Buddhilinga ........
...... 268
.
..
.......
188
.......
......
185 123
****
.. 424

Page #466

434
INDEX
the
Bukkaraya of Vijayanagara; his coins ......... 302 of Malkhed, 101, 102, 103, 114, 266, 270;bull, the, represents Dionysus, 199; -Osiris... 194 and the Western ChAlukyas ............... 281, 282 burial, communal custaus of, in Nortla Chalukyas, Western ; wars with the Cholas Avaerica, 119; -ancient communul, among
and the Eastern Chalukyas ..........280, 281, 282 the Parsis...................... ...... .......... 396 Chamun larůja (Paramara); see Arthma...... 129 Burma, the Frencia in, in the 18th Century, Chandaladevi, wife of Bhima ............ ...... 268 u rotice of .......................
.......... 91
Chaudaladevi, wife of Mullapadeva .........268, 283 burning-glass, the use of, in ancient India ... 295 Clandradôva of Orissa ......................... 390, 393 .burying the Carnival'; origin of the custom. 51 Chandrayopin, Chandragümin................85 D.
Chandrehe inscription of Kalachuri-Samvat
724, noticed .................. alumninted person in folktalus ... 146 ff., 185 ff. Changez Khan, notes on the chronology of, ards, the origin of playing................... 293, 294 -87; - an origin of the name ................. 87 aste, an origin for many ceremouies and chaturanga, the spread of the game ............. 293
custoine connected with........................ 48, 49 Chântuu, an ancient village ..................... 418 Caspian, Kaselin's journeys on the, notes on... 425 Châvali, a village in the Kista District... 390, 393 Cancasus, notice of works on the
charana, the Taittiriya .............. ............. 17 Central Provinous, an inscription from the CheHar; see Kulttunga-Chodadêva II. ...... 191 . edited ................................................ 310
Chellaru agraheira............ ............... 284, 285 Chihuminas .......................................... 202 Chera-Panya alphabet ............... 286 and Plate Chulomes, see Seung ................................ 92 | Cherupara, a town in the (P) Poki vishaya, 17, Chakrakota, an ancient place............ 280 and n. 96;-probably it is the modern Chipurupalle. 15 Chakrayadhu, a king to whom Dharmapala Chhatar Singh Aţáriwala, his alliance with the gave the rule over Kanauj; he is perhape
Amir, Dost Muhammad .................. 215, 216 Bhöjadeva ........
................. 188 Chills, conquered by Gulab Singh ................ 213 Canlukyu chieftaius unđer the Rashtraktas. 69 childbirth, superstitions connected with; the Chalukyu-Arjuna, a biruda of Narendramriya.
origin of May-day and the May-pole, 47: - " 'rdja-Vijayaditya II. ........... ................ 100 vows to procuro, 80 :- cult of Roman Chalukya-Bhima I. (Eastern Chalukya) 12, goddess to procure, 46 : - the function of
13, 103, 283 Diana Nemorensis.................................. 47 Chalukya-Bhima II., Vishnuvardhana VII. children.,custom of passing,' discussed ...... 192
(East. Chal.).................... 12, 13, 95 n., 269, 283 Cbillones, see Selungs ................. ChAlukya-Chardra, a biruda of Saktivarman 273
Chinghiz, see Changez ............................ Chalukya-Châla, a king .......
Chipurupalle, a village in the Vizagapatam Chalukyas, Eastern, 1 to 15, 93 to 104, 191, District; probably mentioned by the anci.
266 to 285, 414 ; - their chronological list, ent name of Chepupara, 15; - the grant 12, 13; - their complete genealogy, in four
of Vishņuvardhana I., edited .................. 15 parts, 27+; - their genealogical table, 283; Chitùr line, the, of the Sarasvati - Gachchha... 365 - a branch line of descent in later times,
Chitorgadh inscription of Samarasimha; Eng. 287, 268, 283 ; - variants of the form of
lish equivalent of the date ............ 137 and n. the family-name, 95 n. ;-their insignia, Chodadêva, = Kulottunga-Chôdadêva II....... 285 275; - their original capital was Veng.
Cholas mandala, the .................................. 268 93, 267, 269; - and they were called dis- Chõlas mentioned in the Aboka inscriptions, tinctively "the lords of Vergi," 93, 101.
239, 240, 249 ; - they perhaps held the 102, 103, 269, 271; - they perhaps lost
Vengi country for twenty-seven years, Vengi to the Cholas for twenty-seven years, 272 ; - their intermarriages with the Eas. 272; - the capital was afterwards trans.
tern Chalukyas, 273, 277; - and their wars ferred to Rajamahendrapuram, 94, 266; -
with them ........................... 270, 272, 276, 277 their intermarriages with the Cholas, 273, church, the use of the, in Indian Christian 277; - and the Haibayas, 101; - they
folklore .............. ......... 32, 80 ff, 144 ff latterly became Choļas at heart, 277; -a Cinderella, a version of, in Salsette ......... 142 ff. settlement in Western India, or an inter- Cintra prasasti; see Sarangadêva ................ 137 marriage with the Western Chalukyas, 277; Cis-Satluj States, annexation of the ...... 212, 213
- they conquered the Kalinga country, clothes, prosperous,' in Bihar .................. 337 104; -and re-subjugated it, 278; - their Coast Moors, see Moors of Ceylon................. 120 wars with the Cholas, 270, 272, 276, 277; - coins, notes of Parthian, 86 ;-Saffavi, 87;the Gangas, 101, 102: - the Rashtrakatas Samani, 87;--Sassanian, 86, 87; used as
....
....
... 268

Page #467

INDEX
435
charms, and altered for the purpose, in Madras, 219; - coins of the kings of Vija. yanagara, 301 :- of An-Nasir-li-din-Allah,
128:- of Mangu Kaan ........................ 428 colour-sense as exhibited in the Avesta ......... 148 communion with the divinity, an origin of the belief in ........
................. 195 consonants, the 'stop' sound of, in Nicobarese 298 corn, an examination of various customs
connected with the cultivation of ........... 52 Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, Vol. III.,
the Gupta Inscriptions; improvements in
the readings............................................. 188 coughs, medicine and charms for, in Madras 192 cow, as a sacred Hindu metaphor ............... 339 crests; the boar-crest of the Eastern Chalu
kyas, 96, 275; - differences between the
devices on crests and those on banners ... 279 n. crying the neck, an origin of the custom ...... 52 current and expired years; a case in which a
year of the sixty-year cycle of Jupiter 18 distinctly quoted as the expired year, 411; - years of erns; unqualified years of the Vikrama era are only exceptionally to be applied as current, 398; the unqualified years of the Saptarshi era and the Lôkakala
reckoning are to be applied as current 151 to 153 Currie, Sir Frederick, his share in the sale of Kasmir .....
....... 213, 214
Dasaratha, grandson of Asoka; he had the
epithet of Devanampiye, 364, 365; -his
Nagarjunt hill cave inscriptions, edited ... 361 dates (see also eras); [here, and under all con.
nected entries, the details of such Vikrama dates as were fully indexed in Vol. XIX., are not repeated); dates in which the Saka year is quoted incorrectly, 191, 422;
- a date which does not give satisfactory results in respect of an eclipse, 390 ; dates recorded in - decimal figures ... 83, 84, 85, 126 to 141,
151, 152, 153, 212, 311, 314, 421 decimal figures combined with numerical
Bymbols....................... ................ 125 numerical symbols...........................17, 123 numerical words......... 35, 154, 191, 314, 393
words ...... 125 to 141, 154, 311, 312, 314, 421 daughter, adventures of the only, in folktales,
332 ff. days, civil, of the fortnight, or month, denot
ed by budi and buti, and badi or vadi and vati, and mentioned in recorded dates :bright fortnight :
first ............ .............................. 137 second .................
............ 124 fifth ............
..............85, 137, 212, 311 seventh .............. ................83, 84, 1: tenth
............... '152 fifteenth
.............. 129, 130 dark fortnight :
third ...........................83, 132, 138, 152 twelfth ................................81, 130, 141
thirteenti ................................ 151, 314 days, lunar, i. e., tithis, of the fortnight or
month, denoted by the number or name of the tithi, and mentioned in recorded dates: bright fortnight :
first fifth ............ rinth
....... .................... . . fifteenth ............ dark fortnight:
first ................ second ................ third ............
............ 132, 13; seventh ..........
............. 131 cighth ............ eleventh.................................... 155, 284 twelfth .........
.............. 151 thirteenth.......... ...........138, 151, 152 fortnight not specified :full-moon ...............
............. 130 days of the week; names of them, as used in recorded dates :
Aditya (Sunday).............. ............... 212
...
Daddara, a king conquered by Vishņuvardhana I.............................
............... 95 Dakshinagara, an ancient name of the dis.
trict round Gaya.................................... 313 Dakshinarka, a form of the Sun, as a god,
at Gaya ................ ...............312, 313 Dalà, grandfather of Kulachanda ................ 313 Dalhousie, Lord, his interview with Gulab Singh ......
............ 218 Dalip Singh of Lahôr placed on the throne
by Suchét Singh and Hirå Singh, 71;reriews his troops on Guláb Singh's visit to Láhôr, 75; visits the Governor-General
at the Qaşûr camp, 213 ;-his deposition... 217 din, a custom of, in Bengal ...................... 396 Dinansipa, # variant of the name of Dånår
nava ............................... ................ 272 Dânârnava (Eastern Chalukya). ... 12, 13, 272, 283 dandyaka, a corruption of dandaniyaka 304 and n. dangerous things, their origin in the doctrine
of tabu ............. Darda, conquered by Gulab Singh................ 219 Darila, a commentator on the Kaubikusátra. 91 Dasa-Parvins, names of the eleven, according to the pallavali of the Sarasvati.Gachchha
348, 353
.....
49

Page #468

436
288 .151, 152, 421 153
Arki (Saturday). Budha (Wednesday) Chandra (Monday).... Guru (Thursday)......83, 132, 137, 138, 141 Kavya (Friday) 151 Mangala (Tuesday) Ravi (Sunday) Sani (Saturday)
**********
************
********....
..........
**************
**********.
151 130, 137, 152 138, 151, 152, 287,
288, 311, 314 Sôma (Monday)...35, 81, 129, 136, 137, 141, 153, 422
4
Sukra (Friday).83, 84, (P), 129, 130 death' to the savage absence of the soul,' 48;- may be permanent or temporary, being dependent on the absence of the soul,' 48; temporary, in folktales, 329;- a mode of revivifying after, in folktales, 82, 83; slaying, and the revival of the slain death, 51; carrying out, origin of the custom
*******..
decimal figures combined with numerical symbols
INDEX.
*************** ************
Delhi Museum inscription of Vikrama-Samvat 1384; English equivalent of the date 138 and n. 51 48
Demeter, see Proserpine
31
demons, an origin of the belief in deus ex machind in folktales Dêva, the tenth Dasa-Parvin ...... ................................... .348, 358 Devanaṁpiye, dear unto the Devas,' an
epithet of Asôka, 165, 231; - and of his grandson, Dasaratha 364, 365 Dêvapaladeva of Dhârâ; his Harsaud& inscription, edited, 310;-inscriptions of his, at Udaypur, noticed. Dêvaraya of Vijayanagara; his coins, 302
83
to 305
270
*****.....
Dhalaga, or Valaga, a king slain by Chalukyabhima-Vishnuvardhana VII. Dhara, Jayasimhadêva of, 84;-) - Dévapâladêva ...........310, 311 dharma-mahámátra, title of a class of Asoka's officials 250, 252 Dharmapâla acquired the rule over Mahodaya by defeating Indrarâja... 188 Dharmasêna, the eleventh Dasa-Púrvin... 348, 358 Dharmasoka, another name of Asoka......233, 263 Dhili, Dehli ..... ....... 313 Dhritisêna, the seventh Dasa-Púrvin......348, 358 Diana Nemorensis, explained, 45; the object of her cult, 46; - a spirit of the wood ***************
*****...............
*********...
***********..
Diggubarru, a village in the Pâgunavara vishaya.......... Dimila vishaya, an ancient territorial division, the name of which is preserved in that of Dimile 15, 16, 17, 96
*******.
*************
51
**********
123
47
270
Dionysus as the god of vegetation, 51; represented by an animal, 193;Dionysus, as the god of the animal kingdom, slain periodically. Dipâvali Festival, note on the disguise as a man by heroine of folktale, 185; - of prince hero as a poor man........
**********........
71
******** ******
division, the Burmese system of, explained..56 ff. Diwan Jawahir Singh aids Suchêt Singh. dog, the image of a, as a charm for coughs in Madras........ 1:2 donkey, riding on a, a punishment in India.. 17 Dôst Muḥammad Khân, Amir of Afghanistan; his defeat by the British, 215, 216;- helps the Sikhs against the English. drinking, an origin of the custom of exclusive..... .................................................. 48, 1 drishtâdrishta, dimly seen' ........................... 1 Drôh-Arjuna, a biruda of Chalukya-Bhima I. 10 Drujjûru, a village in the Pennâtavâḍi vishaya.... *************** 207 dum, the bard of Afghanistan, described ...... 340
217
"
*********..
**********
51
Easter; bonfires, reason for the custom, 198;
-Eve, customs connected with...... 19 eating, an origin of the custom of exclusive 48, -19 eclipses, lunar, mentioned in recorded dates, 17, 393, 417, 422; a lunar eclipse quoted for a day on which there was not one, 390;
412
******....
46
- solar eclipses quoted, which were not visible in India, 2, 9, 372, 412; solar eclipses which do not work out satisfactorily.......... Edwardes, Major (Sir Herbert) takes Multân 215, 216 effigies, burning of, as a religious or periodical custom, survival of human sacrifices......... 198 Egeria, a notice of the nymph Ekadasi, the catching of, a tale of noodles in Madras......... 221 ff. Elavarru, a village in the Velanânḍu vishaya 271 Elliot, Sir Henry, at the darbar held at Lahor deposing Dulip Singh ....... 217 English, corruptions of, in Bombay, 89;- in Burma, 89; in the Pañjâb, 89;- in Telugu ............................................ ........................................... eras; comparative statement of years of the Saptarshi era and Lôkakâla reckoning with expired years of the Kaliyuga, Vikrama, and Saka eras, and of the Kalpa, 150 and n.; -eras used in recorded dates:
********
89
Kalachuri ...................
84, 85 Kaliyuga ................................................... 154 Lokakâla 151 to 154 Saka... 35, 151, 152, 191, 393, 421, 422 Saptarshi .........151 to 154

Page #469

Vikrama.... 83, 124 to 142, 152, 212, 311, 312, 314 expired years; see current and expired years.
Faqir Aziza'ddin, his retirement from public life.......
71
*********.....
fate, the power of, over the deity, in Indian belief........ 108 ff. fire, self-immolation by; an epigraphical instance, 69; customs connected with the kindling of, 198; implements for making, in India, discussed by Prof. von Roth...294, 295 fire festivals discussed, 197, 200; - survivals
of human sacrifice, 197, 198; - originally held at midsummer... first-born, origin of the custom of sacrificing the... Firuz Shah Sultân; the Gayâ inscription of his reign, edited. 'five-hundred,' the, and the five thousand,' .........292 and n. 49
812
430
*********..
-
of Puraigilânâdu......... flesh, raw, origin of the tabu of folk-etymology among the Sarts, notes on...... 426 folk-medicine in Madras folksongs, Afghân, a notice of Darmesteter's book on....... ...................337 ff. folktales, as the reflections of primitive beliefs, 199; - notes on, Kalmuck (Qalmaq), Armenian, 88; 87, 426; - Buriat, 429; - Yakut, 249;-in Salsette, 29, 80, 111, 142, 183, 332; in Southern India 79, 221, 315; in Western India, 107; - Prof. Minayef's collection from Kumâun... 427 forfeit, an origin for some customs of paying...... fortune; its effects on life, in folktales, 315; - unavoidable, in folktales, 328; the power
******************
****************
********
—
************
INDEX.
***************
198
50
*********...
of the Hindu gods over fox in folk-tales... Frazer, Mr. J. G., his method of studying comparative religion .................45, 46
************
52
329 29ff.
Gabriel, the angel, in Indian folktales......108 ff. Gachchhas of the Jains; the Sarasvati, 341; 343 -it is also called Parijata ................ Gajapati king of Orissa, a..................... 390 Gâmakamba, foster sister of ChalukyaBhima I. ............ 103 games, the origin of, discussed.......... 293, 294 Ganadeva of Kondavidu; his grant, of SakaSamvat 1377, edited Ganaratnabhushana, another name of Mêda
390
mårya
Ganda-Mahendra, a biruda of Chalukyabhima-Vishnuvardhana VII. ....269, 283
284
Gandhâras mentioned in the Asôka inscriptions ********** ....239, 240, 247 Ganiyyârabu (P), an ancient town or village. 418 Ganga, wife of Vishnuvardhana......... 268 Ganga and Yamuna, among the insignia of the Eastern Chalukyas and the Râshtrakūtas
************
275
Gangaikonda Cholapuram was the capital of Kulôttunga-Chôdadeva I. ..................... 280 Gângakunda, Gangaikonda-Cholapuram. 280 Gangapuri, another name of GangaikondaCholapuram....
Gangas, wars of the, with the Eastern Chalukyas......... .101, 102 Gauda, a division of Pundradêsa 419 Gauhar Rahman of Gilgit, his doings ......... 296 (Gautama or) Gôtama, the first Kêvalin...347, 358 Gayâ in Bihar; the surrounding district mentioned by the name of Dakshinagara, 313; the inscription of Vanarajadeva of Vikrama-Samvat 1325; English equivalent of the date, 137 and n.; the inscription of Vikrama Samvat 1429; English equivalent of the date, 138 and n.;-an inscription of the reign of Sultan Firuz 312 Shah, edited......... gender in Sanskrit, a peculiar attraction of... 296 geographical notes; the divisions of Pundradeśa, 418; - Ajmere, 202 n.; Gaya District, 313; Godavari District, 93, 28, 285; Hôshangâbâd District, 311; Kistna District, 101, 390, 415; - Malabar, 286;- Sâtârâ District, 96; Shânhân bàd District, 124; Trichinopoly District. 280; Vizagapatam District 15, 16 48 ghosts, an origin of the belief in........ Gilbert, Sir Walter, his speech on behalf of 218 Gulab Singh
1
**********...
-
-
-
...........
**********
437
***************
poem
193
......................................
—
Git Naika Banijarwá, notice of the Bihâri .................... 293 'Goanese,' defined ................................. 183 n. goat, the, represents Dionysus gods, human, among savages; enquiry into the belief, 46 ff.; mortality of, enquired into, 50;- immortality of, inconceivable by the savage, 50; Hindu belief in the temporary incarnation of, 331; object of killing the animal, among savages.. ............ gold, a shower of, indicates birth of a son, in folktales.... .145 ff. Golden Bough, the, explained 46; is the mistletoe, 197 ff.; - an original for the name, 200; the, represented the soul' of the Rex Nemorensis, 49; life-index of the king of the wood, 47; - enquiry into the reason for plucking the, before murdering priestly predecessor
195
-
-
**********
280
46

Page #470

438
INDEX.
K
ausika
..............
.....................
..
418
102
Gontaru, a village in the Kanderuvadi from power temporarily by Lal Singh, 213, vishaya ......
............... 267 and n. 214; - terms of his Treaty with the Gösalladôvi ; see .Hathiya-dah'.................. 131 British Government, 214, 215; - reGôtama, the first Kavalin .....................347, 368 linquishes Hazara for Manawar and gotra, 'a family or clan;' the Mänavya gátra Ghari, 215; - offers to help the English included the Chalukyas, 96, 106, 417; -
to put down Chhatar Singh Atariwala, names of gótras mentioned in records :
216, 217; -aids in the subjugation of the Agnivaisya .................... ................. 418 Paljáb, 217; - interviews Lord Dalhousie, Atröya .................... ............. ..... 398 218; - interview with Sir Charles Napier, Aupamanyava................................ 123 218; - takes Dårda and Childs, 219; - Bharad våja .............................. 398, 418 is attacked with diabetes, 219; - sends Gârgya .........****
.............. 393
help to Hazara, 220; helps the British Gautama.............
..........17, 123, 418 in the Mutiny, 220 ; - his death ..... 220, 221 Harita ..............
......893, 418
Gunaga, a variant of the first part of the Kåsyapa.................
****** ... ... 106, 393
name of Gunaka-Vijayaditya III. ............ 102 Kaundinya ...................................393, 418 Gunagånka, a variant of the first part of the
name of Gunaka-Vijayaditya III. ............. Para sala. .................. ..... .... ....... ..
413 Gunaka-Vijayaditya III. (Eastern Chalukya) Sarikriti ........................*.*.******.... 418
12, 13, 102, 283 Sandilya .......................................... 123 Gunakenalla, a variant of the first part of the Srivatsa
393 name of Gunaka-Vijayaditya III. ............ 102 VÄsishtha............................ ........... 123 Gundugolanı, or Gunțugolanu, a village in Vatsa .......
.............. 418 the Verginipdu vishaya ......................... 271 Göraddhana, = Govardhana, the fourth Gunţugolanu; see Gundugolanu ................. 271
Sruta-Kévalin ........... ......... 347, 348, 358 Gupta Inscriptions, the; improvements in the Govinda III. (Rashtrakata).............
........ 101 readings ...........
......... 188 to 190 Govinda V. (Rashtrakata) .....
......... 270 Gupta- Valabhi era, the, 376 to 389; - I., the Govindachandradeva of Kanauj; see Rên ... 130 original Gupta era in Central India; 1, the Goyama, the first Kévalin ........................ 347 nature and initial day of the years, 377;grammar, note on Franke's treatise on Indian
A., the Eran inscription of the year 165,.. genders, 395; the formation of the plural
377; - B. and C., the Khôh and Majhgawan of Indo-Germanic neuter, 395; the
grants of the years 163 and 191,..377; -2, flexion and stem-formation of the present
the arrangement of the lunar fortnights, in the original Indo-Germanic language ... 395 379; -- II., the era as used in Nêpål; D., grave, kneeling on the, as a mode of re-vivi
the Khåtmåndu inscription of the year 386, fying the dead, in folktales .................. 82, 83
. . 379; - III., the Valabhi era of KâțhiaGrihyasútra of Hiraṇyakésin; irregularities wad and the neighbouring parts; E., the in its language ............
Kaira grant of the year 330, . . 380; -F., ground, not touching the, the rule of ......... 197 the Mörbi grant of the year 585 expired, 381; groves; sacred, origin of, 47; -as spirit
-G., the Verawal inscription of Valabhihaunts, origin of ................................
Samvat 927,..383; -H., the Verawal ins. Guddavidi vishaya, an ancient territorial cription of Valabhi-Saravat 945,.. 384; division .........
......97 n., 275, 284 - IV., current and expired years; the Gudrahara vishaya, an ancient territorial exact epoch of the era in each variety; and division, 97, 98; - it is apparently identical
the classification of the dates, 385, -Guptawith Gudravåra and Gud råvåra, 97 n.;
Samvat 1 current began with the Chaitra of and perhaps also with Guddavbài ............ 97 Saka-Sarvat 243 current, in A. D. 320, .. Gudravåra vishaya, an ancient territorial 888;- and Valabhi-Samvat I current began division, 97 n., 103, 270, 271; - also Gudra
with the Karttika of Vikrama-Samvat 377 våra ........................................ 97 n., 271 current, in A. D. 319............................... 389 Guhidêvapatra of Orissa .....................390, 393! Guptigupta, also named Arhadbalin and Gulab Singh of Jamman adopts Kaņbir Singh, Visakhacharya, a disciple of Bhadrabahu 71; his troubles as to Bibi Chandan's
............. 342, 350, 351 claims, 74, 75; - attempt to poison him, 75; - conquers Kishwar, 76; - his conduct during the Sikh war, 77, 78; - the 'sale' of Kasmir to him, 213, 214; - ousted Haidar's Bahaduri pagoda coin ............. 307
...... 296
II.

Page #471

Haihayas, Kalachuris of Tripura; an intermarriage with the Eastern Chalukyas, 101,
415, 418
-
*************
hair, origin of the sanctity of the, 49; - -consequent customs, 49; methods of promoting the growth of the, in Madras. 192 halim, observances when visiting a, in Bihar 337 hand, the bloody, in Persia 148 H&nsi inscription of Prithviraja; examination of the date ....132 and n. Harakili-nataka, a play by Vigraharaja, partly preserved in an inseription at Ajmere, 203; English equivalent of the date of the composition of it..................... 132 and n. Harigana (Kalachuri of Ratnapur)............ 94 Harihara of Vijayanagara; his coins 302 336
******************
133
****************
*********
..............................
Haripur in the Hazara country Harirajadeva, an inseription of, at Udaypur, noticed... Harischandradeva (Paramâra); examination of the date of a grant of his time, of Vikrama-Samvat 1235 Háritiputra, an epithet of the Eastern Chalukyas, 96, 106, 417;- variants of the word....... 96 n. Harsaudâ, a village in the Hoshangabad District; mentioned by the ancient name of Harshapura. 310, 311; the inscription of Dêvapaladêva, edited 310 Harshapura, ancient name of Harsaud&...... 311 Harshavardhana, of Kanauj; his Lingánusásuna is later than that of Vararuchi..... harvest, sacrifices at the harvest-dog, Harvest-May Harvest-May, its origin and meaning Hashtnagar Græco-Buddhist pedestal; revised reading of the date by Dr. Bühler...... 394 'Hathiya-dah' inscription of the time of
*******..
*********...
Gosalladôvi, of Vikrama-Samvat 1207; English equivalent of the date 131 and n. Hazara country, the, answers pretty nearly to the ancient Urasa 336 head, the, contains the 'soul,' hence its sanctity........ Hêmaraja, father of Kulachanda heroes, monumental slabs of; an inscrip
*****************
**********.....
tion on one, edited...........
***********
**********
73
Hida, aame of a people mentioned in the Asôka inscriptions ......239, 240 Hira Singh raises Dalip Singh to the throne, 71; his claims to various territories, 72; - his death Hitopadesa, the; who is the author of it P.... 295 Hôli Festival, Prof. Minayef's folktales collected during the, notes on ....... 426, 427 Hoshangabad District, an inscription from the, edited
310
************
****......
...
********...
***********
***************
.........
..........................................
......
...........................................................
INDEX.
*********
84
119 193 193 47
49 313
69
439
human sacrifice; various reasons for the custom, 50, 51;-shown in the fire festivals 197, 198 Hunzas, Dr. Leitner on the. ............... 895, 306
9
*************
Ibn Khordådhbeh, a new edition of, noted... 85 Ikkeri pagoda coin..................... 307 'incarnation permanent or temporary endowment with divinity Indra, Adhiraja, possibly Indra, Mahdrája, of the Ganga family of Kalinganagara. 97 Indra-Bhattaraka (Eastern Chalukya) 12, 13, 97, 106, 283. Indraråja, a king of Mahodaya, defeated by Dharmapê la ............................................................... 188 Indraraja, Indra-Bhattaraka.......... Indraraja (Rashtrakuta); the date of his death....... ................................................. 35 .................................................. 428 n.
97
...............................
initiation by drinking blood inscriptions on copper, edited: Balavarmadêva, Mahdsdmanta 123 Bhaskara-Ravivarman
285
Ganadeva (of Kondaviḍu); Saka-Samvat
1377
.............................................. 390
104 414
46
15
Mangi-Yuvaraja (Eastern Chalukya) Vijayaditya II. (Eastern Chalukya) Vishnuvardhana I. (Eastern Chalukya); of his eighteenth year inscriptions on stone, edited :Asoka; his rock edicts at Sahasaram, Rapnath, and Bairât, 154; and at Bhabra, 165; his cave inscriptions at the Barâbar Hill; M. Senart's renderings, 168; -Dr. Bühler's renderings ............................ 361 Dasaratha (grandson of Aéôka); his cave inscriptions at the Någårjuni Hill... 361 Dêvapâladeva (of Dhârâ); his Harsaud& in
scription of Vikrama-Samvat 1275, edited 310 Firaz Shah Sultân; Vikrama-Samvat 1429. 312 Kotar inscription recording the self-im
molation by fire of a Saiva ascetic......... 69 Vigraharajadêva (of Sakambharf); parts of
a Sanskrit play by him, dated VikramaSamvat 1210, and of another of his time. 201 inscriptions, notes of; Achæmenian, 293; on an Aramean vase, 85;- Sabæan, 296; in Siberia, 88; Chinese, 425; -the oldest known Mangu, 426; Mongol in the Korea, 426; the oldest known Turki, 425; - the oldest known Uigur, 425; Russian expedition in 1891 to Kârâkôrum in search of Uigur ..... 425 intercalary months; how indicated in
********..
Vikrama dates....... invocations of Bharati, 310; Brahman, 310; Ganesa, 310, 313, 392; - Siva, 310; the Sun, 313; - and Vishnu.........310, 392
......
*********
411

Page #472

440
INDEX.
iron, origin of many customs connected with. 49 ispeh.bed preserves the word pati in modern
Persian ..................************ Isvara, as deus ex machind in folktales ......31 ff.
........
45
names of the years as used in recorded dates :
Chitrabhanu ...................................... 35 Dundubhi......................................... 422 Prabhava ........................................ 422 Yuyan.......................................... 893
Jagannatha, the famous shrine at Puri in Orissa...............
..............390, 392 Jagati metre in the Mahdbhurata ................ 296 Jahr-i-Qadiri, a Musalmûn sect in Tashkand. 88 Jainka; see Môrbi .................................. 381 Jains, Weber's Sacred Literature of the; trans
lated by Dr. Smyth; continuation...18, 170, 365 Jâjalladêva (Kalachuri of Ratnapur) ............ 85 Jarnba, the third Kevelin ..................... 347, 358 Jananathanagari, a city in the Vengi country. 284 játakas, noted ................... ................87, 118 Jațåvarman, another name of Kulasekhara
dôva ............. ...................... ......" jauhar, a late instance of the ceremony, at
Manâ war in the Kaśmir Territory ............ 219 Jawahir Singh kills Peshüri Singh, 76; -his
dispute with Móti Singb, 219; -his attempts
to get possession of Jasróta ..................... 220 Jayasena, the fourth Dasa-Parvin .........348, 358 Jayasinha I. (Eastern Chalukya)... 12, 13, 97,
106, 283 Jayasimha II. (East. Chal.) ......... 12, 13, 99, 283 Jayasimhadova (Chaulukya); date of a MS.
of his time ............................................ 130 Jayasinhadova of Dhåra ; an inscription of
his, at Rahatgadh, noticed, 83, 84; -- En
glish equivalent of the date..................... 136 Jayasiri hadôva, another king; an inscription
of his, at Udaypur, noticed ....................... 84 Jayasimhadeva (Kalachuri of Ratnapur) ...... 84 John of Damascus was not the author of
Barlaam and Joasaf .............................. 86 Joseph, the Legend of; a Turkish version, noted 117 Joseph and Asseneth, notes on the Armenian
Apocrypha, known as ....... ................ 427 Jõtishi Brajlál, the perfect astrologer' of Kasmir ............
.......... 219 journey, an origin of purificatory ceremonies before and after a .............................
48 Jupiter, the planet; mentioned as standing
in Makara, 287 ; - use of years of his sixtyyear cycle according to the mean-sign and northern luni-solar systems, 410, 411 ; - quotation of an expired year of this cycle, by the mean-sign system, 411; - cases in which the given years may belong either to the mean-sign system, or to the
southern luni.solar system................422 and n. Jupiter, the planets hin sixty-year cycle
according to the southern luni-solar system;
Kalacharis of Ratnapur
.... 84, 85 Kalachuris of Tripura ; see Haihayas...... 101, 415 Kalakampa, a follower of Vishņuvardhana I.
93, 104 Kalasankalita, Warren's; examination of
some errors in it ...............................35 to 45 Kali-Vishņuvardhana V. (Eastern Chalukya)
12, 13, 102 and n., 285 Kalinga mentioned in the Asöka inscriptions,
247 ; - the three Kalingas conquered by the Eastern Chalukyas, 104; - Kalinga
re-subjugated by the same ..................... 278 Kalingattu-Parani, the, of Jayańkonda; his.
torical matters in it .............................. 278 Kaliyartiganda, apparently a variant of Kaliyartyanka ..............
............... 104 Kaliyartyanka, a biruda of Kollabiganda
Vijayaditya IV. ............................. 103 and n. Kaluchumbarru, an ancient village ............. 272 Kalvakonda, a village in the Dimila vishaya
15, 17, 96 Kama, father-in-law of Amma-Vijayaditya
VI. ..................................................... 271 Kambojas mentioned in the Asoka inscrip
tions................. .................. 239, 240, 247 Kanakapati (Vishnu), the lunar day of. 288 and n.. Kátichi, 102; - the court of Kulottunga
Chodadova I. was held here ............ 280, 281 Kandaruvadi vishaya, an ancient territorial
division ( probably=Kanderuvadi) ......... 101 Kanderuvadi vishaya, an ancient territorial
division..................... .................. 267 Kanderuvâți vishaya (probably-Kanderuvadi]...............
......... 270 Kênh Singh Mân, his share in the capture of
Multân ..................................... Kaņheri inscription of Amôghavarsha I., of
Saka-Samvat 775 (for 773 ); English
equivalent of the date ............................ 421 Kanthirava-Narasaraya of Maisar; his coins. 309 Kapila, a Gajapati king of Orissa, of the
Solar Race ...................................390, 392 Karainagar, an ancient village .................. 292 Karakorum, note un a Russian expedition to,
in search of Uigur Inscriptions............... 425 karana, an astrological term 'for half a tithi;
names of the karunas as used in recorded dates :Balava ..........
............... 212
............ 216

Page #473

INDEX
441
...
........
90
Dhâtsidaivata ( = Bålava) .................. 312 Kolani-Katamanayaka, another name of Kata 285 Taitala ..........
133 Koldo-fiu, a Chinese secret society .........423 n. Kårañchedu, an ancient town or village ..... 418 Koleru, a village in the Guddav&ļi vishaya Karayilladata, a biruda of Chalukyabhima
284, 285 Vishnuvardhana VII. .........
Kollabhiganda, a variant of the first part of Karelin's journeys on the Caspian, notes on... 424 the name of Kollabiganda-Vijayaditya IV. 103 Karmarashtra vishaya, an ancient territorial Kollabiganda-Vijayaditya IV. (East. Chal.) division .......................................98, 99, 106
12, 13, 103, 283 Karnadeva (Chaulukya); see Sonak ............ 129 Komatti caste of Madras, folktales concerning Karusha, apparently the ancient name of the
the ......................................................79 fr. Shâhâbâd District ................. ............... 124 Kondakunda ; see Kundakunda ............342, 351 Kasmir, the sale of, to Gulab Singh ...213, 214 Kondavidu, in the Kistna District; it was the Kåta, Dandddhinatha, an officer of Kulot. capital of Gåpadeva ........................390, 393
tunga-Chôdadêva II. ... ...... ............. 285 Korraparru, an ancient town or village...101, 417 Kataka was the capital of Kapila .........390, 392 Korumelli, a village in the Guddavadi vishaya 275 Katakadhisa, the name or title of an officer Kötür, a village in the Belgaum District; an
of Amma-Vijayaditya VI. ............267 n., 272 insoription, edited .................................. 69 Katakaraja, the name or title of an official of Krájam, an ancient town or village .............. 419 Amma-Vishnuvardhana VI., 267 and n.;
Kralija, an ancient town or village ............ 106 and of Amma-Vijay&ditya VI.................. 271 Krishna II. (Rashtrakata) defeated by Katakéśa, the name or title of an official of
Gunaka-Vijayaditya 111. .................. 102, 103 Rajaraja I. ................ ........................... 275 Krishnaraja of Maisar, the pagoda coin of ... 307 Kausikasútra of the Atharva-Vêda, edited by Krishnaraya of Vijayanagara; his coins. 305, 306 Bloomfield, noticed ..............
Krovasiri, or Krovâsiri, an ancient town or kausiks-vara-prasuda, “the excellent favour village ..........
.............416 n., 419 of the goddess Kausiki (Durga)" ......99 and n. Kshatriya, the third Dala-Parvin .........349, 358 Kayyata composed his commentary on the Kubja-Vishnu, and Kubja-Vishnuvardhana, Devídataka in the time of king Bhimagupta,
= Vishnuvardhana I. ..................... 95,271 in Kaliyuga-Saihvat 4078 expired ............ 154 Kagda inscription of Prithvidêva II. of Kelhata, an official of Balavarmadeva ......... 123 Ratnapur, noticed .................................. 84 Kétalaputa, a king or prince mentioned in Kulachanda, governor of Gayà under Sultan
the Asôka inscriptions ..................... 240, 249 Firuz Shah ........................................... 313 Kevalins, names of the three, according to the Kulasekharadêva; see Tiruppůvanam ... 288, 28.
pattoivall of the Sarasvati-Gachchha ... 347, 358 Kulôttunga-Chodadêva I. (Eastern Chalukya) Khalati, or Khalatika, the ancient name of
12, 13, 95 n., 276.288 the Barkbar Hill................ 169, 170, 364 and n. | Kulottunga-Chồdadêva II.(East. Chal.), 12, 13, khandika, a grain-measure ................. 106 and n. 283, 285; - examination of the date of his Khattiya, Kshatriya............................... 348 Chellar grant ....................................... 11 Khilafat, the accounts of the ....................... 85 kumalindra, 'a leader of those of weak intel. KhushbAl Khan Khatak, the Afghan poet ... 339 lect; utterly wanting in intelligence' ...... 114 king = priest among savages, 46 ff: - origin Kumbhiraja, another name of Kapiln ......... 390
of the custom of sacrificing the son of Kundukunda, a pontiff in the Sarasvati.Gach. thie ...................................... 50
chha ..........
................. 312, 351 king-lealf kincob...............
**** .............. 120
Kundakundanvaya, another name of the king-priest inan-god among savages, 46 ff.;
Sarasvati-Gachchha .............................. 342 - endowed permanently with divinity, 46; Kündava mahadevi, wife of Vimaladitya ...... 273 - his power to compel nature to conform Kuntaditya, another name of Bhandanaditya to his will, 46 : - endowed temporarily with
104, 267 divinity, 46; - origin of the custom of Kurumarathi, a town of Vishnuvardhana I... 96 fixing the term of his reign, 50; - origin of temporary substitute for the, 50: 'kings'
of departments of nature, explained ...... 47! Kistna District, an inscription from the, edited 390 I and n, interchange of, in North-Indian Lari. Kodhatalli, a village in the Kanderuvati guages............
................. 270 Lâchalladêri, queen Kalachuri of Ratnapur) 84 kigyaung. the Burmese multiplication table.. 54 Lake, Lori, a folk song about ...................... 19 Kokkili ( East. Chal. )......... 12, 13. 96 n., 99, 283 Lakshinieri, wife of Vijayaditya .........258, 393
islava..............................................
ZIU

Page #474

442
INDEX
****... ... 218
..
. 285
Lalita-Vigrahardja, a play by Somadeva, Mahadeva, son of Vishņuvardhana of the
partly preserved in an inscription at Ajmere. 202 Solar Race .......................................... 268 LAI Singh, his share in the destruction of MahAkála, a general of Chalukya-Bhima I. Pandit Jalla, 73; - joins in campaign
103, 267 against the English, 76; -his conduct at mahimdtra, title of a class of Asbka's Madki, 77 ; - temporarily ouste Gulab
officials ..........
............... 249, 252 Singh from power ........................... 213, 214 Mahardja, the first title used by the Eastern law, an abbreviation used in certain dates;
Chalukyas, 95, 97, 98, 99, 100, 102, 266, also laukio, laukika', and laukika without 270; - also used by Pulikêbin II. ............ 95 the sign of abbreviation; it denotes the Mahdrájddhirdja, a paramount title ; earliest ordinary names of the months, as distin.
instance of its use by the Eastern Chalukyas 100 guished from the Lokottara names ...... 411, 412 Mahodaya, a name of Kanauj.............. Lawrence, Sir Henry, his share in the sale of Maka, = Magas ............ ........................ 241
Kasmir, 213, 214 ; - his share in the de- Makara ( = Capricornus), Jupiter in, 287 ;position of Dallp Singh, 217; -his visit to
the moon in ......................................132, 212 Kasmir ...............
Makhwani Afghani, a note on the ............... 339 lioense, periods of religious; an origin of the Makundpur, mention of an inscription at, ap
custom ............................................... 196 parently dated Chêdi-Samvat 772 ............ 85 life,' its meaning to a savage..................... 18 Malabar District, an inscription from the, life-index, the, its connection with the exter
edited ........... nal soil ............
..................... 199
Malaiyampalli, an ancient place ................... 292 Limbarya, a goddess.............. .... .... 811
Malaparol-ganda, a legend on a Hoysala Lingdnuédsanas, the relative age of some ... 119 coin...................................................804 n. Lityerses, an enquiry into the myth of......... 52 MAlkhed burnt by Gunaka-Vijayaditya III... 102 Lôkakala reckoning, the, an adaptation of Mallapadêva, a descendant of Bêta-Vijaya.
the Saptarshi era, by omitting the cen. ditya V...........................................268, 283 turies; the unqualified years are to be Mandadorru agrahara ............................. 285 taken as current years, 150, 151 to 164; - Mangi, a king, perhaps Chôļa, conquered by an instance of the quotation of an expired Guyaka-Vijayaditya III. .................. 102, 103 year ..***. ..
...................... 154 Mangi-Yuvardja (East. Chal.), 12, 13, 96 n., Lokamahadert, wife of Chalukyabhima
98, 104, 288; - a grant of his, edited ...... 104 Vishnuvardhang VII. .................... 269, 283 man-god-king-priest among savages, 46 ff.; Lôvabikki, « Chôļa king slain by ChAlukya
- his power to compel nature to conform bhima-Vishnuvardhana VII. ............. 970 to his will, 46, 47; - partial power only over luck, bad, the bride's feet bringing ............ 32 departments of nature, 47; his powers = Ladhiên, the burning of, by the Sikh ....... 77 those of spirit of wood, 47; - is the original Lucknow Museum grant of Balavarmadáva, form of the spirit of the wood, 47, -pro. edited ............
* ........... 123
tected by tabu, 47 ff.; - mortality of, 50; Lunar Race, the, included the Chalukyas. 268, - origin of the custom of killing the, 50; -
274, 279, 285 universality and antiquity of the custom,
50; - various forms of it.......................
mani, a burning-glass ............................... 295 • Madhucara-ghar' inscription of Naravar- manthana-yantraka, a fire-implement ......... 294
man, of Vikrama-Samvat 1164; English marriage amongst the ancient Persians, notes
equivalent of the date ................... 129, 130 n. on, 118, 119; - a necessary preliminary to Madhuråntakidéri, wife of Kulôttunga
performance of full Hindu rites, 323, 324; - Ohôdadova I. ........................... 276, 280, 283 the impossible task, a preliminary in folk. Madras Museum, an inscription in the, edited 104 tales to, 332, 333; - conditions of, in folk. Madras Presidency, inscriptions from the,
tales, 111; - postponement of, in folktales 186 edited............................. 15, 104, 285, 390, 414 marriage customs, among the Moors of Magas of Oyrene was a contemporary of Ceylon, 120;- rice throwing, 90; -the
Asoka ........... . . .. ....... ......... 242 use of the sword in Indian ..................... 423 Maghanandin, & pontiff in the Sarasvatt. marabán preserves the old Persian pdvan ... 45
Gachchha ................. ...........342, 350, 351 Matsya (P) family.......... .............. 18, 96 magic, sympathetio, explained .................. 46 Mattamayora family ............................... Mahabharata, Trishţubh and Jaguti metres Mattilinandu vishaya, an ancient territorial in the... ...... 296 division...........
.............. 271

Page #475

INDEX
443
...
47
**.. 394
May-day, origin of..........
mother of the corn, barley, rye, &c., enquiry May-pole, origin of ...........
into the cult of the ............ ...............51, 52 Médamarya, a general of Vira-Chodadova ... 284 mothers of mankind, the........................96 and n. medicine, folk, in Madras......... ............... 192 Móti Singh, his dispute with Jaw&hir Singh.. 219 Melamba, wife of Kollabiganda-Vijayaditya Madki, the battle of ................................. 77
IV. ................................................104, 283 Muhammadpur inscription, noticed ............ 84 Merv, a rich field for numismatic research. 86, 87 Mala-Samgha, the Original Community, metempsychosis, its effect on conduct, in
founded by Mahavira; it included the Sarasfolktales ............................................. 316 vati-Gachchha ................ ................ 343, 347 midsummer fires ; reasons for the custom ... 198 Malikkalam; an ancient place
.................... 292 Mira, the celebrated Afghån bard ............... 340 Malraj of Multan, his rebellion ............ 215, 216 miracles, the power to perform, indicates per- multiplication, the Burmese system explained,
manent endowment with divinity in mnn... 46 50 ff.; - a method of checking Burmese 66, 67 Mirza Aņsäri, the Afghan poet .................. 339 murder of predecessor, a rule of priestly mistletoe = the 'soul' of the oak, 199; - con
succession.......................................... 45, 46 nection with fire-festivals.......................... 199 music, a note on Grosset's contributions to miti used in a date of the fourteenth century
Hindu ......... A. D............
................ 138 months, Hindu lunar (see also intercalary,
and lau"); names of them as used in recorded dates :
n and i, interchange of in North Indian LanAýva, = Akvayuja (Sept.- Oct.) ............ 161 guages ..............................................89 n. Agvayuja (Sept.-Oct.)
151 Nábhaka, name of a people mentioned in the Aśvina (Sept.-Oct.) .........
421 Asoka inscriptions ............... 239, 240, 247, 248 Bhadra (Aug.- Sept.) ............
138 Nábhapanti, name of a people mentioned in Bhadrapada (Aug.-Sept.) ... 84, 136, 151, 393 the Abóka inscriptions ......... 239, 240, 247, 248 Chaitra (March-April).........13, 124, 141, 153 Nadear in the Bhör State, Buddhist caves
Nader in the Bhôr Stata. B Jyêshtha (May-June) ........................ 422
.................................................... 121 Kårttika (Oct.-Nov.) ............... 83, 130, 151 | Nagapoti, mother of Gamakamba ............... 103 Madhu,= Chaitra (March-April) ......... 127 Någårjunt hill cave-inscriptions of Dasaratha, Mâgha (Jan-Feb.) ...................137, 138, 314 edited ................................................. 361 Mârga (Nov.-Dec.) ...................89, 212, 311 Någas, possibly mentioned as defeated by Märgadirsha (Nov.-Dec.) ...............141, 312 Narendramrigaraja-Vijayaditya II. .......... 101 Pau, Pausha (Dec.-Jan.) .................... 152 Någagêna, the fifth Dasa-Purvin............348, 358 Pausha (Dec.-Jan.) ......................... 133 Någor line, the, of the Sarasvati-Gachchha... 355 Phaguna (Feb.-March) ........................ 130 nails, origin of the sanctity of the, 49: -- Phálguna (Feb. March) ......85, 129, 132, 137 consequent customs ............ .................. 49 Srt, Sravana (July-Aug.) ............... 153 nakshatra, 'a lunar mansion;' names of the Sravana (July-Aug.) ................... 16, 84, 422 nakshatras, as used in recorded dates :Vai,= Vaisakha (April-May) ............... 152 Anuradh&............. Vaisakha (April-May)... 83, 129, 133, 137,
Ardra ........................ .....................
191 141, 152 Hastaka months, Hindu solar; Chaitra indicated by
Parva-Bhadrapada ......
141 the sun being in Mina (Pisces), 287; - and
Rêvati .......... Pausha, by the sun being in Ch&pa or
Rôhini ................****** Dhanus (Sagittarius)............................... 288 Sravana.........................................153, 212 monumental slabs of heroes ; an inscription
Svati ................................................... 288 on one, edited......................................
Tishya ................................................ 152 moon, the, mentioned as being in Makara Vishņudaivata ( Sravana)...................... 312
(Caprieornus) ............ ............... 132, 212 names, personal, as contrasted with dynastio Moors of Ceylon, origin of the, 120 ; - origin
titles ..............
................95 and n. of the name, 120 ; - divisions of the......... 120 Nandi-Amnaya and Nandi-Samgha, other Mörbi grant of Jainka; the final determina
names of the Sarasvati-Gachchha ............ 342 tion of the English equivalent of the date.. 381 Nandimitra, the second Sruta-Kévalin ... 347, Moros, see Moore of Ceylon........................ 120
348, 358 Mosarabs, Dr. Simonet on the...................... 429 | Napier, Sir Charles, has an interview with Moses, an oriental story of ...... ................. 89 Gulab Singh ..................
................... 218
422
132
............
........
141

Page #476

INDEX
.
.......................
Nárada and Bșihaspati, the law.books of; packet, the inexhaustible, in folktales ......81, 82
notice of Dr. Jolly's translation............... 424 Padamkaldru, a village in the Pennatavadi Narasimha of Vijayanagara; a coin of his. 805 n. vishaya...............
............... 271 Naravarman (Paramâra); see 'Madhucara- padanta-field............. ...............106 and n.
ghar .............................................. 129 padbhis, Prof. Bloomfield on the Vedic inNarayanapala, the Bhagalpur grant of; an
strumental
.............. 149 historical allusion in it ......
*** ......... 187
pddishdh preserves the word pati in modern Narendramrigara ja-Vijayaditya II. (Eastern
Persia ............
45 Chalukya)............... 12, 13, 100, 283, 417, 418 Pågunavara vishaya, an ancient territorial Näriklaņda, a division of Pundradeśa ......... 420 division.................
................ 270 Nayamamba, wife of Kama ........................
Pahlavi papyri found in Egypt, notes on ...... 428 Nayihii, a Burmese work on the revolution of Pakhtans, = Afghans, derivation of the term. 339
the hours ............................................. 54 Paktyes, = (P) Parsyêtai, 339; - derivation Nenavali in the Bhôr State, Buddhist caves at of the word ...........
................... 339 121, 122 Palghâţ, i.e. Palakkadu, mentioned by the Nepalese MSS. in the St. Petersburg Libraries, ancient name of Puraigilânådu. 286, 291 and n. a list of, noted............
.................................. 87 Paļļivada, a village in the Arutankar asraya. 98 . new-fire' customs................................. 198
| Pambarru, a village in the Gudra vara vishaya. 271 New Year's Day, Tamil ceremonies on......... 430 Pammavá, mother of Balláladêva-Vêlabhata. 271 Nicholson, his share in the conquest of the Pånara family............................................ 270 Panjab ...........
............ 217 panchamahdlabda mentioned among the inNicobarese; grammar of, 298 ff.;- notes on
signia of the Eastern Chalukyas, 275 and the dialects of, 297 ff.; - a Malayan tongue
n.; - connected with paramount sove. 298 ff.
reigns .................****
** * *********........................98, 310 rimantrana,' an invitation which admits of Panchasiddhantika, the sines of arcs in the... 228
no refusal' ............ .................. 114 and n. Panchavastuka, the; English equivalent of nirvana is not alluded to by Aboka in his ins
the date of a MS. of it, of the time of Jayacriptions; be always speaks of svarga .........265 sirihadeva .................................... 130 and n. Nissaramiji ......, an officer of Mangi. Pandit Charan Das, his mission to Lähôr ... 72
Yuvarija ................ ............... 99, 106 Pandit Jalla, Minister to Dalip Singh, his Nivritti, a division of Pundradéka ................ 420 unpopularity, 71; - his intrigues with Bibi nodding the head to express negation in Sou
Chandan, 73; -- his death........................ 73 thern India ............
................... 322 Panduranga (perhaps for Pândur&ja), an offiNripu-Bhima, = Chalukya-Bhima I. .......... 103 cer of Gunaka-Vijayaditya III. ................ 103 Nripa-Rudra, a half-brother of Narendramri- Panduvarmadêva, Mahdsdmanta, predecessor
yaraja-Vijayaditya II. .........101, 283, 415, 418 of Balavarmadêva ................................ 125 numerul co-efficients in Nicobarese ............ 300 Pandyas mentioned in the Asoka inscripnumerical symbols combined with decimal
tions ....................... ............... 239, 240, 249 figures ............
................... 123 Parahitardja, a Chalukya chieftain ............ 69, 70 Nutulaparu, a village in the Karmarashtra paramabhattarak-éty-ddi-rdjdvalt ............... 814 rishay ..........
..........99, 106 Paramabhattaraka, a paramount title; earliest
instance of its use by the Eastern Chalukyas 269
Paramèsvara, a parannount title; earliest in. oak, the, the victim at the fire festivals....... 199 stance of its use by the Eastern Chalukyas. 100 oath by drinking blood ............................ 423 n. Pårbatf as dea en machind in folktales ...... 31 ff. ojja, dija, or ojjha, a Kanarese and Telugu PArijâta-Gachchha, another name of the word, meaning' a priest, tutor, master,' is
Sarasvati-Gachchha ............ ................ 343 a corruption of the Sanskrit upadhydya, parru (see also paru, barru, and varru), a through the Påli form upajjha ...............393 n. termination of village-names, in Ataguold man,' an enquiry into customs connect
parru, 418; - Korraparru, 101, 417; - Or. Prof. Bloomfield on the etymology of ... 148
Våmaparru, or Vanaparru, 418; - and *****................. 52
Vangiparru .......................................... 418 Orissa, a Gajapati king of ........................ 390 Parsis still living in Persia, note on the ...... 426 Oakiphoriks, note on the Armenian Apocry. Parsyêtai, = (?) Paktyes ............................ 339 pha known as the ........
Partåb Singh of Kasmir, his birth................ 218 Oude Province, an inscription from the, edited 123 paru (see also parru): a termination of village. ox, the, as a sacred Hindu metaphor ......... 399 names in Penukaparu, 97; -- Nutulaparu,
.............
427

Page #477

******************
99, 106 and n.;- and Trandaparu, or Tundaparu 103 Pâtaliputra was the royal residence of Asôka. 247 pati, lord,' traces of, in modern Persian 45 Patna inscription of Singhayadeva II., of Saka-Samvat 1128 (for 1129); examination of the date
422 paṭṭávalis, two, of the Sarasvati-Gachchha... 341 Patṭavardhika lineage ************ 271 Pattavardhini family...... 95, 104, 267, 271, 272 n. pávan, old Persian lord,' traces of in
modern Persian
***********
Pedda-Vêgi, a village in the Godavari District, the representative of the ancient Vengi Pegu, a French description of, in the 18th Century Pennatavâdi vishaya, an ancient territorial division ********** ...........267, 271 Penpanduru, an ancient town or village 417 Penukaparu, a village in the Gudrahâra
vishaya..... Perumâl, a god at Tirunelli, a form of Vishnu.
***********
76
Pêshora Singh rebels and is captured, 71; - his death Pêtêņika, name of a people mentioned in the Asoka inscriptions, 239, 240, 247;- - they are the inhabitants of Pratishthâna or Paithan
*********
pig, the, as representing the spirit of the 193, 194 94
*******
*****************
INDEX.
........................
-
...............
45
93
91
97
corn .................***
......
Ping-ki-lo, supposed to represent Vengi Piyadasi, a name or title of Asôka... 168, 170, 231, 232, 263, 364 Piyaroja-saha, Sultán Firüz Shah............ 313 Podengu, an ancient town or village. 418 Ponduvagrâma, a village in the Sâvattili désa 285 Pongal Festival, notes on the,......... .............. 430 possession' indicates temporary endowment with divinity in man....... 46 Pôtthala, Proshṭhila 348 pot, the inexhaustible, in folktales 109, 110 pradėsika, title of a class of Aśoka's officials. 251, Prakrit dialects employed in a Sanskrit play. 204 Prasantasiva, a sage 85 prasasti applied to an inscription on stone 313 prativédaka, title of a class of Asôka's offi
**************
...
cials
291
248
252
pregnancy. folk medicine during, in Madras... 192 priest king in many cases among savages..46 ff. priesthood, murder an authorized means
of succeeding to the, 45, 46; enquiry into preliminaries necessary to make the murder authorized, 46; rule of the Arician...... 45 Prithivipallavapaṭṭana, an ancient town...... 102 Prithvidêva II. of Ratnapur; an inscription ............84, 85
of his, at Kugda, noticed
Prithviraja (Châhumana); see Hânsi Pritiviyaraja, father of Bhandanâditya prophesy in folktales. ************.... Proserpine and Demeter, explanation of the myth......
51
Prôshthila, the second Dasa-Púrvin ......348, 358 Ptolemy Philadelphus was a contemporary of Aśoka ********.. ******..... puberty, initiatory rites of boys at, explained 200; the age of, among girls, in Salsette 333 n. Pukhta, the dialect of North Afghanistan... 338 Paki(?) vishaya, an ancient territorial division 15, 17, 96
445
Quadragesima Sunday, customs connected with....
Pulikêsin II. (Western Chalukya) commenced to reign in A.D. 609 or 610........ Pulindas mentioned in the Asôka inscriptions 239, 240, 247 Pundradêśa, the divisions of, according to the Brahmânda section of the BhavishyatPurâna
.79 ff.
Punganur, the Madrasi Gotham, tales of, 78. 221ff.;- folktales about Puraigilânáu, ancient name of Pâlakkâḍu, i. e. Palghat ..286, 291 and n., purusha, title of a class of Asôka's officials... 249 Pushtů, the dialect of South Afghanistan...... 338
292
*********
********..
-
132 104
31
***********...
***********...
242
, Prof. Whitney on the writing of Sanskrit roots containing
148
....390, 393
Râhatgadh inscription of Jayasimhadêva, of Vikrama-Samvat 1312; noticed, 83, 84; - English equivalent of the date ......136 and n. rahutta or rauta means a horseman' ...... 390 n. Râhuttarâya, or Rautarâya, a surname of Gâṇadêva Raja-Bhima, Châlukyabhima-Vishnuvardhana VII. Raja-Mahendra, a biruda of Amma-Vishnuvardhana VI., 266, 283; and of AmmaVijayaditya VI. ......270, 283 Raja-Martanda, a biruda of ChalukyabhimaVishnuvardhana VII........
276
Raja-Narayana, a biruda of KulôttungaChôdadêva I. Rája-Paraméévara, a paramount title 284 Rajadhiraja, a paramount title .................................... 270 rájakula, a royal family' Rajamahendrapuram, the later capital of the Eastern Chalukyas Rajamayya, a king slain by ChalukyabhimaVishnuvardhana VII.
123
**********
94, 266
3
419
198
269
269
270

Page #478

446
INDEX.
***.896
98
.
....
**.... 102
........ 148
RAjarkja of Kalinganagara (Ganga) ............. 276 re-marriage of widows in Madras ................ 423 Rajaraja I., Vishņuvardhana VIII. (Eastern Rên grant of Govindachandradeva; English
Obalukya).............................................. 273 equivalent of the date...................... 130 and n. Pájarája II. (East. Chal.), viceroy of Vengi.. resurrection, an origin of the belief in the,
283, 284 195; - Pârsi belief in the ............... R&jasundarf, wife of Rajaraja of Kalinga- Revadistana, an ancient site ....................... 106
nagara............. ........................ 276 and n. Rex Nemorensis, explained, 46; - his soul' Rajendra-Choda, the original appellation of
lay in the Golden Bough...... Kulôttunga-Chôdadêva I. ..................276, 281 Reyðru, & village in the Karmarashtra R&jiga, = Rajendra-Chôda, = Kulottunga
vishaya............................. .... Chodadêva I. ................... 276, 281, 282 and n. rice, cold, the custom of eating, in Madras Råjiga-Chola, probably=Kulôttunga-Choda.
147, 148 dêva I. .............
................. 276 rice-throwing at marriages, a Chinese oustom 90 rajjúka, title of a class of Asöka's officials. 250, 253 riddles, a form of divination, 196; - Anex. Randyana, Prof. Böhtlingk on the textual planation of the use of, in folktales ......... 196 criticism of the ............
Ristika; see Rastika.................................... 248 RAmêsvara ............. Râm Singh, his rebellion at Närpar ............ 916 Ram Singh Chhapêw&là, his deeds at the battle
of Gujrat .............................................. 217 sacrament, object of, among savages, 194 ; - Ranbir Singh of Jammas adopted by Gulab of eating the god, an origin of, 194; - of
Singh, 71; - his first appearınce under bread, an origin of................................. 194 arms, 73; - governs Jammún, 217; - sacrifices in Persia........... granted a robe of honour by Lord Dalhousie, Sadasivaraya of Vijayanagara ; his coins. 306, 307 48; - administers Kasmir during laat sddhdrana used in the sense of larkika ...... 412 illness of Gulab Singh, 219; - proclaimed Sagara, a Jaina version of the legend of ...... 394 successor to Gulab Singh, 220 ; - helps the Sahabaram rock edict of Asoka, edited ......... 154 British in the Mutiny ........................... 220
................. 220 Sákathbhari ....................................... 202, 203 Randhir Singh of Jammqu sent to Lahor, Sakattiyana ; his Linganubásana is later than 73; his death .........
that of Vararuchi ................................... 119 Rasardhini, the; a collection of Buddhist sülhd, 'a Vedic school;' names of sakhas tales ............
............ 118 mentioned in records - rusi, a sign of the zodine;' reference to
Kautbumu.Chchhändûga ....................... 123 Jupiter being in Makara (Capricornus).
Taittiriya.... 287; - and to the moon being in the
Vajasaneyi-Madhyamdina ..................... 123 same ........... ......................... 132, 212
Yajus ............ Rashtrakatas of Malkhed. 95:-wars of Saktivarman (East. Chal.) ......... 12, 13, 273, 283 the, with the Eustern Chalukyas... 101, 102, Salones, see Selungs ................................. 92
103, 114, 206, 270 Salsette Christian,' defined .................. 183 n. Rastika (sometimes read Ristika), a people saris, an abbreviation; used in composition mentioned in the Asöka inscriptions, 239,
with Vikrama, 137; - used withont any 240, 247; --they may be the Maharashtris appellative in composition, to denote years or Marathis of the Dekhan ........
of the Saptarshi era, 153; and of the rathi, a termination of names, in Bhima
Vikrama era ............
84 rathi and Kurumarathi................................ 96 | Samapa, a town mentioned in the Asoka Ratnndêra (Kalachuri of Ratnapur) ......... 84, 85 inscriptions ............... ................ 247 Ratnapur, Kalachuris of ........................ 84, 85 Sumarasinha of Mêwad: see Chitorgadḥ...... 137 Ratta-Kandarpa, a biruda of Indraraja samustabhuvandsraya, an epithet of Narên. (Rashtrakata) .....................
dramsigaraja.Vijayaditya II., 100, 415; - Rafbas, = Rashtrukūtas ........................... 101 of Gunaka- Vijayaditya III., 102; - and Rêyaru, an ancient village ...... .........
of Amma II.
.................... 270 red, a lucky colour among the Musalmans in Sambu, Sambhu, a Saiva ascetic............69, 70 Northern Madras ............
Sarıkara-Kodavarman of Puraigilânâdu, a reflection, the human, contains the soul ...... 48 feudatory of Bhåskara-Ravivarman ...286, 291 regnal years; instances of the use of them sathkrdnti, the passage of the sun into
17, 106, 123, 287, 288, 289, 291 sign of the zodiac;' the current tithi is religion, comparative, a study of ............ 45 fr. usually quoted with a sumkrinti, 413;
***........ 393
.................
.
.
..........
85
418
...... 337

Page #479

INDEX
447
...... 424
..............
103
- names of the savikrántis, as used in recorded dates :Mêsha (Aries) ..........
..... 152 Uttarayana (winter solstice).................... 106 sa viwat, an abbreviation ; used as a declinable
base, 141; - used in composition with Saptarshi, 151 ; -with. Sastra, to denote the Saptarshi era, 152; - and with Vikrama, 129; - used without any appellative in composition, to denote years of the Kalachuri era, 85; -- of the Saptarshi era, 151, 153; - and of the Vikrama cra, 83, 84, 125 to 142, 212, 311, 314; - used in the same
way to denote a tegnal year .................. 124 Sanhö, a Burmese book for calculating for.
tunes................................................... 51 santana, dmnya...................................342 n. Santidôra, notices of ............................ 85, 86 Santokh Singh, Thånadâr of Gilgit,
rebels.................. Saptarshi era, examination of dates in the, by
Prof. Kielhorn, 149 to 154; - the equations for converting Saptarshi yenrs into Kaliyuga, Suka, Vikrama, and Christian years, 151; — the era called the Sastrasanvatsara and Sastra-samvat, 152; - the years are to be taken as commencing with Chaitra, 150; and, when unqualified, as
current years ........................... 150, 153, 154 Saraj, the capital of tbe Golden Horde, a
geographical note on ......... Sárangadêva (Vaghela); English equivalent
of the date of his inscription of VikramaSauvat 1335, . . 137 and n.; - and of the
Cintra prasasti of his time ............ 137 and n. Barang, = sarhang, = serhang, = sarshang,
a leader'............................................. 45 Sarasvati Gachchha of the Digambara Jains,
two pattdvalls of the, 341 ; -- other names of it are, Kundakundánvaya, NandiSamgha, Nandi-Amnaya, Balatkara-Gana, and Parijâta-Gachchha, 312, 343; - it is a branch of the Mola-Sangha, 343; - the Tables of it, 351 to 355 ; - chronological notes on it .............
................ 357 Sardar Jawâbir Singh, his acts against Gulab Singh .............
.................... 74, 75, 76 Sardar Lahna Singh, his retirement from
public life......................... ............... 71 sarjag, sarjiigi, modern Persian, a corporal 45 Sarts, ethnographical notes on the ........... 429 430 satrap, derivation of ............ sarvalókásraya, 'asylum or refuge of all man
kind,' an epithet of, apparently, Vishouvardhana II., 98; - of Mangi-Yuvara ja, 98, 104, 106; -of Vishgurardhan, V., 102; - of Amma I., 266; -of Chalukya-Bhima
II, 269; -- of Rajaraja I., 273; - and of Vira-Chôdadêva ......
........... 284 Sarvasiddhi, a biruda of Jayasimha I. ......... 97 busana, 'a royal edict,' defined in the law.
book of Brihaspati ........... S&stra-sauvat, and Sastra-samvatsara, names
for the Saptarshi era ............................ 152 Satiyaputa, a king or prince mentioned in the
A soka inscriptions ...........................240, 249 Saturday, an unlucky day for fever in Madras 430 Satyasraya, son of Bêta-Vijayaditya V.... 268, 283
Satyaśraya, Mahardja,= Pulikešin II.......... 17 | Saucha Kandarpa, apparently a birudy of
Chalukya-Bhima I.............. Savattili desa, an ancient territorial division. 285 Sawan Mall of Multan ............................... 215
sawing the old woman,' origin of the custom 57 Sayyid-al-Fayůmi, Dr. Harkavy on the bio
graphy of ................. .................. 427 scape-goat, an origin of the, 195, 196, the
origin of the custom of transferring disease ......
............. 196 seals of grants, emblems and legends on... 101, 414 seclusion at puberty, the origin of............... Seelongs, see Selungs......... self-immolation by burning: an epigraphical
instance .................. Selung Language Primer, 1846, a note on the 92 Selunga, of the Mergui Archipelago, a notice of the ..............................
... 92 Seunadeva; see Anjaneri........................... 422 sertip, the modern use of the word, 45;
=sar + tip, 45 ; not derived from satrapés 45 i seventh son, adventures of the, in folktales 183 ff.
shadow, the human, contains the soul ......... 48 Shahbazgashi version of Asoka's Edicts, Dr.
Bühler on the epigraphy of the ......... 117, 118 shahr.bid - kshathrapati ....................... 45 shahrib in preserves the old Persian pdvan ... 45 Shamanism among the Buriats, note on ...... 429 sheep, sacrificing, in Persia averts danger ... Shemjaka's Judgment, a Persian version of the
old Russian tale of, 426: its origin in the
Jatakas ............. Sher Singh Atâriwald, his share in the capture
of Multan, 215; – deserts to the rebels at Maltan, 217; - defeated by General Nicholson ..
............... 217 shofar, notes on the musical instrument
known as the ..................................... 148 Siddhartha, the sixth Daga-Purvin....... 348. 358 Sikshdsamuchchaya, the, of Santidéve, noted
85 n., 86 silver, a shower of, indicates birth of a daughter in folktales ............
............ 45 ff. Simhabala, maternal uncle of Vigraharaja ... 202 Sit hapuri, an ancient town........ ........... 85
.... 426
45

Page #480

448
INDEX.
sines of arcs in the Panchasiddhantikd ...... 228 Suchet Singh raises Dalip Singh to the throne, Singhana II. (Yadava of Dêvagiri); see Påtna 422 71 ; - his various intrigues, 71; - his Siyasarman, an officer of Jayasimha I.......... 97 death ..................
............... 72 Sndtripanchalikd ; see Udayasagara......... 399 n. Sudhamma, Sudharman, the second Képalin. Solar Rase, the, 268; - it included the
347, 358 Chôļas, 276, 279; - and the Gajapati kings suffixes, a peculiar class of, in Nicobarese, reof Orissa ............
ferring to parts of the human body ......... 300 Somadêva (see Lalita-Vigrahardja) ............ 202 | sun, warding off the light of, the rule of, 197; Somaditya, father of Pritiviyaraja ............ 104 - impregnation by the, the belief in......... 197 Sôinavamsa, the; (see Lunar Race), 268, 274, Sûnak grant of Karnadêva, of Vikrama
279, 285 Samvat 1148; English equivalent of the date Sömêsvara (Châhumana); see Bijhôli ......... 133
129 and n. son, in old age, in folktales ................. 316, 317 Soryavaria, the ; see Solar Race ... 268, 276, sorcerers, an origin of the belief in ............ 48
279, 390, 392 * soul as understood by the savage, 48; -- futi (see also vati), used to denote the bright contained in the human shadow, 48; - in
fortnight? ........... ............. 149 and n., 152 the human reflection, 48; - in the blood, sutra, 'a manual of religious ritual, &c.;' 49; - in the head, 49; - its presence
names of sútras mentioned in recorde :means 'life', its absence death,' in savage
A pastamba ........................ 106, 416 n., 418 belief, 48; -- its temporary absence from
Hiranya kesin .................................... 418 the body, 48; - the spiritual and physical Sútrasamuchchaya, the, of Santidêva, noted 89 dangers to which it is exposed, 48; - in. svarga, and not nirudna, is always spoken of jured by food, 49 ; - by the remains of by Asoka in his inscriptions.... ................ 265 food after eating, 49, — notions of the, in evayamvara, in folktales, 111 ff.;-a reversal North America, 119, 120 ; - transferring
of the custom, in folktales..................... 332 ff. the, 199; -- the external soul discussed, sword, the use of the, to represent the bride199; - of the oak = the mistletoe, 199; -
groom at marriages ......... ............. 123 of trees ..................
........... 47 spirits, capable of being wounded by sharp
instruments ........................................ 3 tabu, doctrine of, explained, 47 ff.;- its effects spirits, the, of trees, 47; -- of woods, their
on customs, 48 ; -object of, to protect the power and nature, 47; - of groves, 47; --
man-god. +7; -- the object of ustablishing it of the corn, 52; - as an animal, 193; --
generally, 48; - is set up generally to provarious animal forms of the .................. 103 tect the soul,' 48; - various methods of, spurious copper-plate grants, a general remark
48; - origin of the tabued person, 49; - in connection with ......
origin of tabued things, 49; -- its effect on śri-Tribhuvandikusa, a legend on the seals
the Nicobarese language .................. 297, 298 of the Eastern Chalukya grants... 100, 206, Tadapa (Eastern Chalukya) ......... 12, 13, 268, 283
269, 270, 273, 284, 285, 414 Täha, a variant of the name of Tallapa ......... 269 śrf-Vijayasiddhi, a legend on a seal ............ 104 Takshasila mentioned in the Asoka inscripSriniiaya bhoga, an ancient territorial divi.
tions ..........................
......... 247 sion .....................
..................
Tala, a variant of the name of Tadapa ......... 268 fríprithivivallabha, an epithet of Vishņu- Talapa, Talapa, variants of the name of vardhana I. ...
Tadapa ............. Srutu- Kevaline names of the five, according Tåmra parni river mentioned in the Asöka insto the pattávali of the Sarasvati-Gachchha
criptions .............
........ 239, 240 347, 358 task, the impossible, in folktales, a variant Sthânu-Ravigupta, a king ........................... 287 of ................................................... 111 ff. strangers, dread of, amongst savages, explain. Tatabikki, a king slain by Châlukyabhima. ed ....................
............ 48 Vishnuvardhana VII. ... ... .. ............ 270 ów, an abbreviation, used with the number of Tatabikyana, a variant of the name of Tâtaa tithi ora civil day, and without di or ti 84, 136 bikki .........
270 substituted persons in folktales; the bride- Tchelebi = Christian : Baron V. Rosen on groom, 112, 113, 321 ff.;- children, variants
the word of the idea ......... .................45 ff. Têwar inscription, noticed
.......... subtraction, the Burmese system of, explained 56 ff. Thiyakavalli, wife of Kulóttunga-Chôdadêra I. 280 succession, a peculiar custom of .................. 422 thre-thauk, a Burmese custom, explained. 423, 124
... 410
...................
95
.... 268
...
.....
429
85

Page #481

INDEX.
449
......310
..... 413
V
1
tiger, folklore origin of the strength of the... 192 Uigure, the, their probable dialect............... 125 tip 'assembly,'troops,' in modern Persian, Ujjayini mentioned in the Asöka inscriptions 247
origin uncertain...................................... 45 uncleanness' a form of sanctity ............... 197 Tirumalaraya of Vijayanagara; his coins...... 307 Undapura, an ancient town ..... Tirunelli, a village in the Malabar District; upajjha, an intermediate form between upd.
the grant of Bhaskara-Ravivarman, edited, dhyaya and ojja ............. .........393 n.
285; - explanation of the date ...... 286 to 289 Uparahadla (+) mandala, an ancient territorial Tirunelli-Alvå [?='the governor of Tiru
division...... . * ***** nelli') ............................................. 292 Urasa, an ancient country; it corresponded Tirimelli-Perumal, a god, a form of Vishnu... 291 pretty nearly with the modern llazarat ..... 336 Tiruppavanam grant of Kulasokharadêva; Urman Bek, a note of an elegy on ............... 86
examination of the date.....................288, 289 Urpuțūru, an ancient village .................... 418 rithi, 'a lunar day ;' the tithi of Kanakapati
(Vishnu), 288 and n.; - repeated tithis, 413; - the current tithi is usually quoted vadi used to denote' the dark fortnight'...... 1.82 with a sarialeránti ...........
Vadnagar prasasti, the date of the renewal tobacco, some South Indian verses on ......... 297 of it; English equivalent................. 1.11 in . Tômaras of Dehli ........... ............ 202 n.
vagaira,' and so forth,' used in the Tirunelli Tosali, a place mentioned in the Agoka in
grant............................................ 291 and 1. scriptions ........................ .................. 247 Vajjaya, of the Pånara family .................. 270 totemien, an origin for sex ................199, 200
Valabhi era, the (see Gupta-Valabhi ern): tree-spirits, 47; - their power to make the
two miscellaneous dates in it ............... 384 n. crops grow ...............
....... 47 Valaga, see Dhalaga.....
........ 270 tree.worship, enquired into ........................ 47 Valahari-Gana, of the Jains...
......... 271 Trikalinga country (see also Kalinga), con- Vallabharaja (Kalachuri of Ratnapur)...... 84, 85 quered and held by the Eastern Chalukyas Valacheri, an ancient town or village ......... 418
104, 269 V&maparra, or Vånaparru, an ancient town Tripuriya-chatukpatha ............... .......... 85 or village ................. ............................ 418 Trishubh and Jagati metres in the Maha- Vamrupireyu, or Vamrupileyu, a village in bharata..........
296 the Kandaruvadi vishaya........................ 101 tug-of-war' as a ceremonial custom, origin Vanarâjadêva (P); see Gaya ..................... 137 ot, 196; - as a rain charm .......
196 Vandrûpedayu, an ancient town or village ... 418 Taghlaqs, a proverb illustrating the cruelty Vangiparru, an ancient town or village......... 418 of the ...........
Vararuchi, his Lingánusdsana is earlier than Tummana desa, an ancient territorial division 85 those of Harshavardhana and Sakațâyana.. 119 Tundaparu, or Trandaparu, a village in the Vardhabhúmi, a division of Pundradéša ....... 421 Gudra vâra vishaya...............
Vardan, notes on the American author ...... 427 Turamaya, = Ptolemy ...........
241 Vardhamana, a division of Pundradesa ...... 421 twice-born,' an explanation of the phrase ... 200 Varendra, a division of Pundradeśa ........... 420
Varêávarasvamin, a form of Siva ................ 123
varru (see also barru and parru), a terminaUdaleávara, a god ..................................... 83 tion of village-names, in Elavarru ......... 271 Udandapura, an ancient town ..................... 313 Varushappirapu, the Tamil New Year's Day. 430 UdayAditya of Mâlava; an inscription of his, Vasantapala, a prince; perhaps one of the at Udaypur, noticed ..........
Tômaras of Dehli...........................202 and n. Udayapura, a town of Jayasimha I. ............ 97 vati (see also buti), used to denote the dark Udayapura, = Udaypur in Gwalior .........83, 841 fortnight'.................. 149 and n., 151, 152, 153 Udayasagara really composed his Sndtripan. Vatteluttu characters .................286 and Plate
chakika in A. D. 1748 ..............................399 n. Vavvêraa, a place; perhaps = Vyaghrêraka, Udaypur, inscriptions at, noticed; of Déva
the modern Baghêra ...................... 202 and n. påladêva, 83; - English equivalent of the Védántastras, the, with the commentary by date, 135 and n.; - of Harirjadêva, 84;
Samkaracharya ; notice of Dr. Thibaut's - of Jayasimhadêva, 84; -and of Uda
edition ............... ............................... 396 yAditya ..................................................
................. 83 Vogananda, an ancient river ..................... 123 Uigur; a note on the alphabet of the 8th veiling of men ; an origin for the custom...... 49
Century, 425: - Khåns, Chinese titles of Velanandu, vishaya, an ancient territorial the ......
.... 425 division..........
.....
79
***.
83
........ 272

Page #482

450
INDEX.
......
V
Vendidad, Dr. Horn's translation of the, noted 117 Venyi, the country of the Eastern Chalukyas,
93, 94, 95, 101, 102, 103, 104, 267, 268, 269, 270, 271, 276, 277, 278, 281, 282, 283; - the earliest connection of it with them, 94;
the country described as being without a ruler for twenty-seven years, 272; - viceroys of Vengi, 276, 284; - its capital is supposed to be mentioned by Hiuen Tsiang, as Ping-ki-lo..........
.... 94 Venginându vishaya, an ancient territorial
division .......................................93, 271 Vengipura, an ancient town ..................... 94 Vengonishtra, an ancient territorial division. 94 Venkata of Vijayanagara; bis coins ... 307 to 309 vermin, the object of propitiating, among the illiterate ...........
........ 195 Vigraharaja of Sakarnbhari (see also Hara. kelindtaka)............
............... 202, 203 Vijaya, the eighth Daba-Púrvin............. 348, 358 Vijayaditya, grandson of Béta-Vijayaditya
V..................................................... 268, 283 Vijayaditya, a descendant of Bêta-Vijayaditya
...........................268, 283 Vijayaditya I, Bhattdraka (Eastern Cha.
lukya) ... ................. 12, 13, 99, 283, 417 Vijayaditya II., Narendramrigaraja (East. Chal.), 12, 13, 100, 283, 417; - a grant of his, edited........
................. 414 Vijayaditya III., Gunaka (East. Chal) 12, 13,
102, 283 Vijayâditya IV., Kollabiganda (East. Chal.)..
12, 13, 103, 283 Vijayaditya V., Beta (East. Chal.) ...... 12, 13,
95 n., 267, 283 Vijayaditya VI., Amma II. (East. Chal.)...12,
13, 270, 283 Vijayaditya VII. (East. Chal.), viceroy of Vengi............
.................. 276 Vijayuwahadevi, wife of Vijayaditya ...268, 283 Vijayanagara, coins of the kings of ............ 301 Vijayasiddhi, a biruda of Mangi-Yuvarkja,
98: - and apparently of BhattarakaVijayaditya I...................
.............. 99 Vijayaradir, ancient form of the name of Bezwada ...........
.......... 101, 415, 418 Vikrama, the traditional founder of the Vik
rama er notes on his history, as repreSented in the puttuvalls of the Sarasvati -
Gitchchha ............ ............................. 361 Vikrama era ; continuation of Prof. Kiellorn's
examination of questions connected with this era, 124:-. general chronological list of Vikrana dates, 125:- summary of results, 397; - percentages of dates examined, 397 ; - current and expired years; current years are quoted only exceptionally.
398; - northern and southern years; the reckoning by southern (Karttikadi) years was from the beginning intimately connec. ted with the era, 399; - down to about the fourteenth century of the era, both kinds of years were tused over exactly the same tracts of country, 400 ; - the purgiminta and amanta schemes of the lunar months ; neither scheme is necessarily and exclusively connected with either the southern (Karttikadi) or the northern (Chaitradi) year, 401; - locality and names of the era, 401;where and by which dynasties the era was used up to about A. D. 1300, . 402; - names of the era; the Malava era, and the Vikrama era, 404; - the latter name means the autumn as the poets' war-time,' and was simply transferred from the autumn to the year, 409; - some matters of detail regarding the calculated dates, 409; - irregular dates, 409; - years of other eras, quoted along with the Vikrama years, 410; - Jupiter years quoted along with the Vikrama years, 410; - intercalary months, 411;- laukika months, 411;- nakshatras. karanas, and yogas, 412; - lunar and solar eclipses, 412; - savikrantis, 412; - other holy or festive times, 413; - repeated tithis,
413; - suggestions for calculating dates... 413 Vikrama-Chôda (East. Chal.) ...... 12, 13, 282, 283 Vikra-Raina, a biruda of apparently Bhat
taraka- Vijayaditya I............................... 99 Vikramaditya I. (Enst. Chal.) ............... 103, 283 Vikramaditya II. (East. Ohal........ 12, 13, 269, 283 Vikramaditya VI. (West. Chål.); his wars with the Cholas and the Eastern Chalukyas, 280, 281, 282; - doubt about the
exact date of his pattabandha............... 282 : Vikramasikadevacharita, the, of Bilhaņa;
historical matters in it ..................... 278, 280 Vimaladitya (East. Chal.) ......... 12, 13, 273, 283 Vimalarka, a variant of the name of Vimala
ditya .................................................. 273 Vinayadisarman, an officer of Gunaka-Vija
yaditya III................................. Vindhyaparáva, a division of Pundradesa....... 421 Viņhukumara, = Vishnunandin............347, 318 Vira-Choladêva, Vishnuvardhana IX. (East.
Chal.), viceroy of Vengi.....................283, 284 Vira-Raghavachakravartin, a king............... 287 viraha, a Jain technical word ..................... 344 Virbius, the cult of, 46; - represented by the horse ...........
......... 194 vfrgals or vira-kallus, monumental slabs of
heroes ;' an inscription on one, edited ...... 60 Viba, name of a people mentioned in the
Asöka inscriptions ...............239, 240, 247, 249

Page #483

**********
Visakha, the first Duéu-Púrvin...348, 358 Visakhacharya, a name of Guptigupta......342, 350 Vishamasiddhi, a biruda of Vishnuvardhana I., 15, 17, 95; and of Vishnuvardhana II., 98; and apparently of Vishnuvardhana V. 102 vishayas were subdivided into dérayas 93 Vishnu, the god, compared to rags, 119; and to cold rice 147 Vishnunandin, the first Sruta-Kévalin ...348, 358 Vishnurâja, = Vishnuvardhana II., 98; also Vishnuvardhana III., 99; also Vishnuvardhana IV. Vishnuvardhana, great-grandson of BêtaVijayâditya V.... ...268, 288 Vishnuvardhana, a descendant of Béta-Vijayuditya V... Vishnuvardhana, son of Bhima of the Solar Race
*******
268, 288
268
**************
*********
**********..
INDEX.
-
Vishnuvardhana I., Kubja-Vishnuvardhana (East. Chal.), 12, 13, 15, 94, 95, 96, 283; - determination of the initial point of his years, in A. D. 615,.. 8 to 5; - his Chi. purupalle grant, edited. Vishnuvardhana II. (East. Chal.), 12, 13, 98, 106, 283; - determination of the initial point of his years, in A. D. 663 Vishnuvardhana III. (East. Chal.)..12, 13, 97, 283 Vishnuvard..na IV. (East. Chal.) 12, 18,
15
-
10
***************
100, 283, 417 Vishnuvardhana V., Kali-Vishnuvardhana (East. Chal.) 12, 13, 102 and n., 283 Vishnuvardhana VI., Amma I. (East. Chal.)
***************
12, 13, 95 n., 266, 283 Vishnuvardhana VII., Chalukya-Bhima II. (East. Chal.)........ .12, 13, 95 n., 269, 283 Vishnuvardhana VIII., Rajaraja I. (East. Chal.) Vishnuvardhana IX., Vira-Chôḍadeva (East. Chal), viceroy of Vengi ..283, 284
100
273
******
result of
Vishnuvardhana-Vijayâditya, Maharaja 278 Vizagapatam District, an inscription from the, edited *******............................... vow to obtain children, 80ff.; violation of, 82;-effect of a, in folktales 326 ft Vriji, name of a people mentioned in the Asoka inscriptions .239, 240, 247, 248 Vyâghra, a prince........ ... 313 Vyaghrêraka, a place; the modern Bâghéra 202 n. vyatípáta, the different meanings of, in addition to denoting the yoga of that name 292, 293
********..
Warren's Kalasankalita, examination of some errors in...... ............35 to 45 Weber's Sacred Literature of the Jains; trans. lated by Dr. Smyth; continuation...18, 170, 365 Women, position of in medieval Arabia 427
************
451
***********...
Yaghistan, a note on the term.339 and n. Yamuna; see Ganga....... 275 Yavanas mentioned in the Asôka inscriptions 239, 240, 247 Yavanas, i. e. Musalmans, cities of the, in Pundradêéa..... ..................................................... 421 yoga, an astrological element; names of yogas used in recorded dates:
Harshana...............................................
15
*********.***.
..212, 312 Siddha .......... 422 Vriddhi..... 132 youngest daughter-in-law, in folktales ..183. Yuddhamalla I. (Eastern Chalukya) 103, 28: Yuddhamalla II. (East. Chal.) 12, 13, 269, 270, 283 Yunnan, notice of French journeys to, from
......
Tongking...................
...........
91
Yusuf and Zulaikhan, notes on Firdosi's. 116, 117

Page #484


Page #485

ERRATA IN VOL. XX.
p. 170, lines 10, 11, for 4 A, and concludes a p. 288, line 7 from the bottom, for Sanikkiļamai.
sentence, read y d, and concludes a sentence. yum, read Sapi-kkilamaiyum. D. 208, lines 33. 34. the words tetivakaih krity. p. 311, text line 2, for jadya'. tamo, rend am-anyat 112 should lie in line 34 opposite
jådya-tamô. the numeral 27.
p. 314, text line 2, for gra[hair Pil']; read p. 287, No. II., Text, line 1, for sri-Vira, read gra[hair Pe].
éri-Víra- ; and Translation, line 3, insert a p. 344, line 3, for pattåvali, read pattávali. comma at the end of the line.
I p. 379, line 9, for Maharaja, read Mahardja.

Page #486
_