Book Title: Jain Society Houston TX 1995 11 Pratistha
Author(s): Jain Society Houston TX
Publisher: USA Jain Society Houston TX

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Page 137
________________ Celebrating Jain Society of Houston Pratishtha Mahotsav 1995 Although arithi can refer to any medicant, it is ordinarily understood by the Jain laity to indicate only those of their own faith, who are held to be the holiest of ascetic and therefore most worthy to receive gifts. Whereas non-Jain medicants may accept invitations, ask for specific foods, or eat that which has been prepared especially for them, the Jain monk or nun must eschew all such "lax" practices, arriving only "by surprise" and taking only "Surplus" food. Jains claim superior status for their ascetic partly on the basis of these differences; even So, there is no doubt that many Jain households do in fact set food aside to be given as alms. This is justified by saying that the laymen can not know in advance which monk or nun will come to his door; hence the food has not been made for anyone in particular, and the medicant's vows are not violated. This is called suddhi, purity, and entails the declaration that the layman's mind, speech and body are pure in other words, that he is a proper donor) and that the food being offered is similarly "faultless". The medicant is then invited into the house, where he is reverenced by a ritual footbathing (pada-udaka) and by having flowers placed before him (arcana). Ksullakas or ailakas may next be seated on a low wooden stool and given food on a plate belonging to the householder. A monk, however must remain standing and take the offering in his palms, fingers interlaced. Upon finishing, he will be given additional water with which to wash his hands; thereafter, he may sit for a few moments before departing in order to deliver a short religious discourse and to confer a blessing upon the family. (Prior to this time he has uttered no sound whatsoever). The actual presentation of alms is a rather simple matter. Shvetambar medicants, as we have seen in an earlier chapter, carry begging bowls and may not eat in the home of the donor. They are received at the door with respect, brought into the house (but not the kitchen), and offered suitable food and water by the householder and his wife together. The couple makes obseisance both before and after the actual offering is given. Finally the monks, who invariably go on their begging rounds in pairs, are escorted to the door. They proceed to other houses until their bowls are filled, then return to the monastery to eat. Digambar monks, ksullakas, and the ailakas, on the other hand, carry no bowls and visit only a single house each day. As one of them approaches, the householder (who knows that the medicant in his neighborhood will pass by his residence) stands outside his door, takes a few steps in the holy man's direction, bows, and says: "Salutations to you, sir. Please stop." This offer may or may not be accepted, since Jain monks make it a point to avoid visiting the same house too often (which would deprive other families of the great privilege of alms-giving). It is also common for them to make some arbitrary decision, prior to setting out on begging rounds, that aims not only to ensure impartiality but also to maintain the "surprise" or "uninvited" element in their appearance at a particularly man's door. This involves such resolutions (abhigraha) as "I will stop only at the fifth house pass" or "I will stop only for a householder dressed in red"; hence it is not at all unusual for one or more invitations to be refused. In any case, when a Digambar medicant does respond affirmatively to someone's performance of While atithi-samvibhaga is the most important form of dana, members of the laity are encouraged to perform other acts of charity as well. These should involve the "proper items, proper time, proper recipient(s), and proper cause... in other words, contributions should go towards one of the seven punya-kshetras (field of merit) designated by Jain teachers. These fields, some of which we have seen earlier, are: (1) Jina-bimba, setting up Jina images; (2) Jina-bhavana, building a temple or hall to house an image; (3) Jain-agama, causing the Jain scriptures to be copied and circulated; (4) giving alms to monks; (5) giving alms to nuns: (6) providing spiritual assistance to male members of the lay community-for example, offering alms to those advanced on the pratima ladder, encouraging various religious activities, building schools and fasting halls, distributing clothes to the poor; (7) identical to the sixth, but with reference to women. By donating his wealth and energy to as many of these meritorious pursuits as possible, the Jain layman may hope to gain rebirth in a heaven or a bhoga-bhumi. As for charity to non-Jains, such practice is considered somewhat beneficial but not really conducive to meaningful spiritual progress. Saamaayika: The Attainment of Equanimity The actions associated with guru-upasti and dana bring the layman into continuous contact with a teacher, who serves as both example and counselor. But performance of what is perhaps the most highly regarded as Jain rituals is by nature rather more solitary. This is Saamaayika (seen earlier as the first sthapana (the ritual greeting quoted above), indicating his assent by silence, that person proceeds to the second phase of the foodsharing ceremony. siksavrata and the fourth pratima), a practice of great antiquity wherein the layman's religious activities are integrated with the yogic methods of the ascetic path. "Think not once, not twice, but three times before you speak, it is hard to take spoken words back" (Anwar el-Sadat) Page 121 Jain Education International For Private & Personal Use Only www.jainelibrary.org

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