Book Title: Indian Antiquary Vol 59
Author(s): Richard Carnac Temple, Charles E A W Oldham, S Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Devadatta Ramkrishna Bhandarka
Publisher: Swati Publications

Previous | Next

Page 221
________________ OCTOBER, 1930) THE VELAR ASPIRATE IN DRAVIDIAN 203 changes of h to s in the tense-forms of Kûi-Kuvi verbs with final h, e.g., meh (to see), mespee, eto. Compare also the change of h to 8 in Sanskrit nih+kama (=nixkama); nih cinta (=niścinta), etc., where the sibilant produced is assimilated to the character of the following plosive. In this change of h to 8, the influence of Indo-Aryan was probably direct. The prothetic aspirate of class (4) may be compared to the similar sounds which we have already noted in Tulu, Kannada and Kai-Kuvi above. (9) Kurukh.-The aspirate occurs (1) in aspirated consonants kh, gh; (2) as the emphatic' fricative (hh) which is transcribed in grammars as kl ; (3) as the development of an original k, as habka, to bite' (cf. Tam, kavvu); hákna, to keep watch'; (4) dialectally as a prothetic sound, e.g., halka (waves), hard (plough), horma (all), hů (that), etc. The presence of aspirate consonants and the development of the extra strong fricative point to the existence of strong foreign influence. Among the Dravidian dialects, Kurukh, along with Brahi, seems to display the greatest fondness for the aspirate sound. The extra strong velar fricative occurs in Kurukh in native words initially and intervocally. Initially it is developed in some cases from Dravidian k, e.g., khott (to pound); khoy (to reap), though in other cases the unaspirated k of Dravidian is also preserved, e.g., kirt (to return); ki? (to put to bed). The aspirate plosive kh seems tn be rare initially in native words. The rationale of the development in initial positions of the extra strong fricative from k appears, in a few cases, to be emphasis, e.g., cf. kod (to beat) and khott (to thrash). Intervocal kh [hh) is also from original k and is usually found as the formative ending of certain verbs, e.g., mokh (to eat); arkh (to dig); mutih (to sink), etc. Intervocal position easily favoured the production of the extra strong fricatives. (h) Brdhai.-The aspiration in Bråhûs, as is only to be expected in a dialect surrounded by languages abounding in aspirate sounds, is very high. The aspirate sound occurs : (1) In the emphatio enunciation of words with initial vowels, e.g., compare the prothetic h of Tuļu, Kannada, eto. (see above). The greater frequency of the sound in Bråhûi is due to foreign influence. (2) As extra strong fricatives transcribed in grammars as kh and gh occurring ini. tially as the development of Dravidian k, and intervocally as the development of the formatives as in tugh (to sleep, of. Tamil túngu); khal (stone); khakhar (fire, kay); khisum (red,< ke); khan (eye), etc. (3) In connection with final leven in native Dravidian words, e.g., telh (scorpion), palh (milk), etc., where, however, foreign influenoe has to be postulated. (4) as a prothetic sound before initial vowels of words, e.g., har (to tear, cf. adar); he (to rise, of. el); hogh (to weep). From the above discussion we can reasonably presume that the velar aspirate was originally absent in primitive Dravidian; but an examination of the dialects shows that, as a secondary development, the aspirate is a common feature in many dialoots. In the production of these secondary aspirate sounds, the influence of Indo-Aryan (and probably of Austric) may have been an accessory factor; in a few instances the foreign features may have been copied, while in many others foreign influence was only so far responsible as to give a new orientation to certain germinal Dravidian tendencies.

Loading...

Page Navigation
1 ... 219 220 221 222 223 224 225 226 227 228 229 230 231 232 233 234 235 236 237 238 239 240 241 242 243 244 245 246 247 248 249 250 251 252 253 254 255 256 257 258 259 260 261 262 263 264 265 266 267 268 269 270 271 272 273 274 275 276 277 278 279 280 281 282 283 284 285 286 287 288 289 290 291 292 293 294 295 296 297 298 299 300 301 302 303 304 305 306 307 308 309 310 311 312 313 314 315 316 317 318 319 320 321 322 323 324 325 326 327 328 329 330 331 332 333 334 335 336 337 338 339 340 341 342 343 344 345 346 347 348 349 350 351 352 353 354 355 356 357 358 359 360 361 362 363 364 365 366 367 368 369 370 371 372 373 374 375 376 377 378 379 380