Reviews Of Different Books

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REVIEWS 207 Dayanand Bhargava, Jaina Ethics. Delhi-Varanasi-Patna, Motilal Banarsidass, 1968. xvi + 296 pp. Rs. 20. This work, a thesis approved for the degree of Ph.D. by the University of Delhi, is an attempt to describe and explain the ethical principles and practices of the Jainas. The book presents itself as a series of eight chapters (I-VIII) but in fact comprises two different sections. The first four chapters (pp. 1-99) discuss a number of general questions concerning ethics (I), the metaphysical background of ethics (II), the conception of morality (III) and the relative values of right knowledge, faith and conduct (IV). In these chapters the attitude of Jainism has been continuously confronted with that of Buddhism and other Indian doctrines, esp. the six darsanas. The second section, chapters V-VIII (pp. 100-224), is almost exclusively devoted to the description of the Jaina ethical praxis, viz. to the conduct of a Jaina householder (V) and a Jaina monk (VI), the 'penances' scil. twelvefold tapas (VII) and the fourteen 'stages of spiritual development' (gunasthana, VIII). "The Jaina acaryas", as the author says (p. 73), "have a tendency to go on enumerating the varieties and subvarieties of a single fact" and indeed chapters II (pp. 39-73 on the seven tattvas, see Umasvati's Tattvarthadhigamasutra 1, 4) and V-VIII, in the main, consist of such enumerations. As a rule Bhargava quotes them from comparatively young treatises and commentaries, although many of these categories are found already in the Svetambara canon. (Among several hundreds of quotations less than forty refer to the canonical works, esp. Uttaradhyayana and Dasavaikalika.) It is, in my opinion, rather a pity that the author did not take more advantage of such western works as (for the later literature) R. Williams, Jaina Yoga and (for the canon) W. Schubring, Die Lehre der Jainas. He only twice or thrice refers to them for some minor point. With their help he would probably have been able to approach his subject from a more historical point of view. In an appendix (pp. 225-255) we are given a synopsis of the ethical literature of the Jainas, both Svetambara and Digambara, starting with a survey of the complete Svetambara canon and including such late commentators as Yasovijaya (seventeenth century). The author added a substantial bibliography (pp. 256-265) in which, however, the western reader will miss important German and French works as H. von Glasenapp, Die Lehre vom Karman in der Philosophie der Jainas (Leipzig, 1915) and C. Caillat, Les Expiations dans le rituel ancien des religieux jaina (Paris, 1965), and three indices, one of them a very useful index of technical terms and the like. Although the work, or at least part of it, does not lay claim to originality (p. vii), it certainly may be profitable for the general reader who wants to get acquainted with the lofty ethical ideals of Jainism, the more so as the author, in his 'Conclusions' at the end of each chapter, has endeavoured to expound what one might call 'the answer of the Jainas' to the ethical problems of society. Gent J. Deleu Ludwig Alsdorf, Les etudes jaina. Etat present et taches futures. Paris, College de France, 1965. iv +96 pp. 10 N.F. Ludwig Alsdorf, Die Arya-Strophen des Pali-Kanons metrisch hergestellt und textgeschichtlich untersucht (= Akademie der Wissenschaften und der Literatur, Abh. d. Geistes- u. sozialw. Kl., Jahrgang 1967, Nr. 4). 89 pp. DM 14, Les conferences, faites par M. Ludwig Alsdorf au printemps 1965 au College de France, sont d'un tres grand interet, non seulement pour le cercle restreint des specialistes du

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208 REVIEWS jainisme qui lisent le francais mais aussi pour tous les indianistes. En particulier, les specialistes du bouddhisme ont beaucoup a apprendre de cet expose lucide ou il est souvent question de problemes de la philologie bouddhique. M. Alsdorf commence par souligner l'importance de la comparaison du bouddhisme et du jainisme, deux religions nees dans les memes conditions et a la meme epoque. Il montre a l'aide de quelques exemples - phasu(ya), asaya, malavihara, tai - que la meme terminologie se retrouve dans les textes jainas et bouddhiques. Apres avoir brievement caracterise la litterature jaina et sa contribution a la religion, la philosophie et la litterature de l'Inde, M. Alsdorf esquisse son importance pour l'etude du prakrit, de l'apabhramsa et des langues dravidiennes. Ensuite il examine le probleme que pose la langue des textes anciens du canon et la possibilite de deceler les traces d'une langue pre-canonique, la veritable ardhamagadhi qui se caracterise par l's occidental comme seule sifflante, I oriental pour r et e au lieu de -o a partir de -as. Selon lui, la traduction ou l'adaptation linguistique des textes jainas en prakrit canonique a du avoir lieu longtemps avant le poncile de Valabhi au cinquieme siecle, probablement a l'epoque meme ou le canon bouddhique primitif etait traduit en pali. Le parallelisme avec les travaux de Luders sur la langue du canon bouddhique primitif est evident. Comme Luders, M. Alsdorf fait appel au temoignage des inscriptions d'Asoka pour determiner les caracteristiques des dialectes occidental et oriental. De meme que Luders avait decouvert un abl. sing. en -am en pali, M. Alsdorf en demontre l'existence dans un texte canonique jaina: Uttaradhyayana 23,46.1 Esperons que M. Alsdorf entreprendra lui-meme d'ecrire "Les considerations sur la langue du canon jaina primitif" qu'il considere comme une des taches les plus importantes des etudes jaina. En passant ensuite en revue les editions des textes canoniques jainas dont on dispose a present M. Alsdorf constate que, pour 21 des 48 textes canoniques, il existe des editions de style europeen mais que la plupart devraient etre refaites. M. Alsdorf attire l'attention sur les editions du canon publiees par les Sthanakvasin, une secte reformatrice du debut du dix-huitieme siecle, et l'interet que presente le nombre et l'ordre des textes dans ces editions. Il examine ensuite la valeur des commentaires en prakrit (niryukti et curni) et en sanskrit (tika) pour l'etablissement d'editions critiques. M. Alsdorf montre que des fautes metriques et des fausses sanskritisations temoignent du fait que, malgre une tradition orale et ecrite ininterrompue, les textes canoniques n'ont pas ete preserves de la deformation et de la corruption. Selon lui, il faudrait manifester encore plus d'independance a leur egard que l'on a fait jusqu'a present. M. Alsdorf s'etend plus en detail sur l'importance de la metrique pour l'etude de la chronologie du canon jaina. C'est surtout l'arya qui permet de determiner l'age relatif d'un texte ou d'un passage d'un texte: "les textes en arya sont ipso facto recents, des aryas a l'interieur de textes en metres anciens, ou bien en vieille prose, sont des adjonc 1 M. John Brough fait remarquer que l'on peut aussi expliquer des formes palies en -am comme dues a une erreur graphique, le scribe ayant ecrit -am au lieu de -a (The Gandhari Dharmapada, London, 1962, pp. 79-80). M. Alsdorf ne discute pas cette possibilite et s'appuie sur la tradition pour maintenir la forme visabhakkhanam (Uttaradhyayana 23,46). Pourtant il n'hesite pas pour corriger ailleurs le texte de l'Uttaradhyayana a l'encontre de la tradition (cf. p. 41 ou, dans Utt. 25,7, il propose de lire janna-jattha au lieu de jannattha). 2 A propos du pali bhunaha ou bhunahu M. Alsdorf remarque que Baburam Saksena a indique la bonne etymologie en 1936 (BSOS, VIII, p. 713). Deja H. Kern avait propose la meme etymologie, cf. Bijdrage tot de verklaring van eenige woorden in Pali-geschriften voorkomende (Amsterdam, 1886), pp. 52-53; Toevoegselen op 't woordenboek van Childers, I (Amsterdam, 1916), pp. 5-6. Kern avait aussi deja propose de lire muncantu au lieu de pamuncantu dans Jataka III, p. 179 (Bijdrage, p. 79; cf. L. Alsdorf, Die Arya-Strophen des Pali-Kanons, p. 24).

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REVIEWS 209 tions plus recentes ou des citations". M. Alsdorf decrit la forme classique de l'arya ainsi qu'une forme archaique qui ne se rencontre que dans trois chapitres des textes canoniques et une variante semi-prosaique, le vedha. Avant d'etudier l'arya dans le canon jaina et, en particulier, dans l'Uttaradhyayana, M. Alsdorf examine l'emploi de l'arya dans les textes palis. L'arya archaique s'y rencontre surtout dans le Suttanipata ou elle avait ete signalee deja par Jacobi en 1895 (Jaina Sutras, Part 2, SBE, 45, p. 271, n. 2) et dans quelques autres textes. L'arya classique se trouve dans six jataka (Nos. 542, 525, 485, 479,358 et 301). En etudiant ces jataka M. Alsdorf montre que leur contenu confirme leur caractere recent par rapport a des jataka dont les vers sont en sloka ou en tristubh. Cette conclusion est corroboree par l'examen des arya dans les jataka du Mahavastu et dans les Therigatha. Apres les jataka et les Therigatha c'est le debut du Mahavagga qui contient le plus grand nombre d'arya. M. Alsdorf constate que "l'utilisation relativement frequente et visiblement originale de l'arya eloigne considerablement ce texte dans le temps du deuxieme fragment ancien de biographie de Bouddha, le Mahaparinibbanasutta". Quelques arya se trouvent encore dans les Theragatha, le Sagathavagga, le Vimanavatthu, le Petavatthu et l'Apadana. Le nombre total des arya archaiques s'eleve a 46, celui des arya classiques a environ 450. Alors que chez les jainas l'arya predomine dans la litterature postcanonique, le metre normal de la litterature postcanonique en pali est le sloka. M. Alsdorf constate deux exceptions: le Nettipakarana et le Petakopadesa et les prefaces et les epilogues des commentaires de Buddhaghosa. Selon M. Alsdorf, ces exceptions s'expliquent par le fait que l'emigration du pali au Ceylan a arrete l'emploi de l'arya dans la litterature palie. Le Nettipakarana a du etre ecrit par un indien du nord de l'Inde dont Buddhaghosa est aussi originaire. Le Petakopadesa est une suite du Nettipakarana et son auteur l'a pille largement. Apres avoir etudie l'arya dans la litterature palie M. Alsdorf revient au canon jaina. Il demontre que l'Uttaradhyayana contient environ 129 arya dont 109 se trouvent dans six chapitres du dernier tiers du texte. Plusieurs passages, ecrits dans ce metre, contiennent des developpements scholastiques et dogmatiques d'origine plus recente. En outre, 45 de ces 109 arya se retrouvent dans des textes canoniques recents. D'un interet particulier est un passage, redige en arya, relatif au gout, a l'odeur et au toucher des lesya. Ce passage temoigne d'une elaboration scholastique de la theorie karmanique des lesya "couleurs de l'ame". Dans la derniere partie de ce petit livre l'auteur mentionne comme une des taches futures des etudes jaina la reprise du travail sur l'Avasyaka par Ernst Leumann et, en premier lieu, une edition critique de l'Avasyakaniryukti. Pour terminer M. Alsdorf attire l'attention sur la litterature des digambara et, en particulier, sur les problemes que suscite la publication recente de textes anciens, le Satkhandagama et le Kasayaprabhrta avec les commentaires qui s'y rattachent. M. Alsdorf montre que ces textes contiennent des passages qui se retrouvent dans des textes des svetambara. Le phenomene s'obscrve en plus grande mesure dans d'autres textes des svetambara: le Mulacara de Vattakera et la Mularadhana de Sivarya. J'espere avoir reussi a montrer l'interet que presente l'ouvrage de M. Alsdorf pour tous ceux qui s'interessent de loin ou de pres aux etudes jaina. Esperons que de jeunes indianistes seront inspires par les perspectives tracees, de maniere magistrale, par l'auteur. Il constate avec regret une certaine recession des etudes jaina dans l'indologie du present. Peut-etre ce phenomene s'explique par le fait que les etudes jaina sont d'un acces assez difficile et se sont developpees dans un certain isolement. M. Alsdorf montre bien que les difficultes ne sont pas insurmontables et que l'isolement doit etre rompu dans l'interet aussi bien des etudes jaina memes, que d'autres branches de l'indianisme et surtout des etudes bouddhiques. Sur un seul point l'argumentation de M. Alsdorf ne me parait pas tout a fait convaincante. Il est hors de doute que l'arya est un indice qui permet de dater un texte par rapport a d'autres textes. M. Alsdorf effectue le passage d'une chronologie a une

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210 REVIEWS chronologie absolue en adoptant comme terminus ante quem le milieu ou la deuxieme moitie du troisieme siecle avant J.-Chr.: "la suite de l'evolution de l'arya en pali est evidemment arretee par son emigration vers Ceylan, qui date du milieu ou de la deuxieme moitie du IIIe siecle avant J.-Chr. Tout ce qu'il y a en fait d'aryas dans le canon pali doit etre plus ancien" (p. 70). C'est le meme terminus ante quem que M. Alsdorf propose pour la traduction du canon bouddhique primitif en pali: "Pour cette derniere, le sur terminus ante quem est l'introduction de textes palis au Ceylan, c'est-a-dire selon l'opinion courante au milieu du IIIe siecle avant J.-Chr." Je ne sais pas si c'est l'opinion courante mais, en tout cas, cette opinion doit se baser surtout sur la tradition singhalaise selon laquelle Mahinda, le fils d'Asoka, a introduit a Ceylan le canon pali. M. Et. Lamotte a bien montre l'invraisemblance de cette tradition (Histoire du Bouddhisme Indien, I, Louvain, 1958, p. 339). Un autre probleme qui se pose est le suivant. Est-ce que des passages plus recents, rediges en arya, se sont deja adjoints au canon primitif ou est-ce qu'ils se sont produits seulement apres sa transposition en pali? En ce qui concerne l'arya archaique la conclusion de M. Alsdorf est la suivante: "Que l'arya ancienne n'apparait nettement que dans des textes anciens du canon pali, que la plupart des exemples se rencontrent dans un texte comme le Suttanipata - cela correspond tout a fait au role qu'elle joue dans le canon jaina." Il y a dans le canon pali aussi de nombreuses arya qu'il faut considerer comme des formes de transition entre l'arya archaique et l'arya classique (cf. p. 68). Malheureusement, M. Alsdorf ne donne pas un inventaire des passages qui contiennent de telles arya. Ces formes de transition qui semblent etre bien plus rares chez les jainas compliquent les problemes chronologiques. Je ne peux que signaler ici ces problemes qui meritent d'etre etudies plus en detail. Dans Die Arya-Strophen des Pali-Kanons metrisch hergestellt und textgeschichtlich untersucht M. Alsdorf etablit un texte correct du point de vue metrique pour toutes les arya du canon pali a l'exception de celles qui se trouvent dans les Thera- et Therigatha. La premiere partie donne les textes en arya archaiques. En ce qui concerne la louange du Buddha par Upali (MNI 386,3-32) on s'etonne que l'auteur ne fasse pas mention du fragment de la recension sanskrite publiee par Hoernle (Manuscript Remains, pp. 27-35). La publication de Hoernle contient aussi une etude de la version chinoise par Watanabe. Ce dernier travail n'est pas exempt d'erreurs et il y aurait lieu d'etudier de nouveau les differentes recensions de ce texte en tenant compte des corrections que M. Alsdorf propose pour le texte pali. Parmi les textes en arya classique le plus interessant est sans doute le debut du Mahavagga dans lequel M. Alsdorf a retrouve dix-neuf strophes ecrites dans ce metre. 3 Cf. The Thera- and Theri-Gatha, ed. H. Oldenberg and R. Pischel. Second edition with Appendices by K. R. Norman and L. Alsdorf (London, Pali Text Society, 1966), pp. 233-250. 4 Selon M. Alsdorf le grand nombre de strophes arya dans ce texte n'a pas ete pris en consideration jusqu'a maintenant. Toutefois il faut faire remarquer que ces strophes ont retenu l'attention de plusieurs savants. Deja Jacobi avait reconnu que la celebre strophe ye dhamma hetuppabhava ... (Vin. I, p. 40) etait une arya (ZDMG, 38, 1884, p. 602). M. Alsdorf rejette les corrections proposees par Jacobi (cf. p. 66) comme l'avait fait avant lui Helmer Smith dans un travail que M. Alsdorf ne mentionne pas (Analecta Rhytmica, Studia Orientalia XIX:7, Helsinki, 1954, p. 13). Remarquons en passant que Jacobi est le premier a avoir trouve des strophes en arya dans le Suttanipata (Jaina Sutras, SBE, vol. 45, Oxford, 1895, p. 271, n. 2). En ce qui concerne les neuf strophes qui decrivent la victoire du Buddha sur le naga (Vin. I, p. 25, 18-34) Oldenberg a bien reconnu que ce passage est ecrit en vers, bien qu'il n'ait pas pu en determiner le metre (cf. le passage de "Zur Geschichte der indischen Prosa" cite par M. Alsdorf, pp. 56-57; plus loin M. Alsdorf dit: "Nur weil er die Verse nicht als solche erkannte,

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REVIEWS 211 M. Alsdorf ne se contente pas de retablir un texte correct pour ces strophes mais il discute aussi en detail les problemes qui resultent de la comparaison avec des textes paralleles en sanskrit et, avant tout, avec le Catusparisatsutra (CPS). Il nous avertit que la relation de la version palie avec les autres versions (M. Alsdorf parle de versions plus tardives) et, en premier lieu, le CPS ne peut etre definitivement determinee qu'apres une comparaison detaillee des textes entiers. Toutefois, il lui semble vraisemblable que la version palie est la plus ancienne qui soit conservee et aussi la source la plus importante des autres versions. Que la version palie soit plus authentique que celle, representee par le CPS, n'a pas de quoi nous surprendre, car celui-ci appartient au Vinaya des Mulasarvastivadin qui est "clos a une epoque tardive" (Lamotte, op. cit., p. 187). Il est regrettable que M. Alsdorf n'ait pas consulte les textes paralleles, traduits du chinois, par Ebbe Tuneld (Recherches sur la valeur des traditions bouddhiques palie et non-palie, Lund, 1915), M. Andre Migot, ("Un grand disciple du Buddha, Sariputra", BEFEO, XLVI, 1954, pp. 405-554) et M. Andre Bareau (Recherches sur la biographie du Buddha dans les Sutrapitaka et les Vinayapitaka anciens, Paris, 1963). Surtout ce dernier travail est de la plus haute importance pour l'etude du debut du Mahavagga car M. Bareau a traduit les passages paralleles des Vinaya des Mahisasaka et des Dharmaguptaka, Vinaya plus anciens que celui des Mulasarvastivadin. Pour terminer qu'il me soit permis d'ajouter quelques remarques de detail a propos du Mahavagga. M. Alsdorf constate que la phrase anupahacca .... (Vin. I, pp. 24-25) est empruntee au Payasi-suttanta (corriger en D II 326.2 326 en 336). Il signale aussi que A. P. Buddhadatta a corrige la traduction fautive de ce passage par Rhys Davids. Deja Leumann avait bien interprete ce passage ("Beziehungen der Jaina-Literatur zu anderen Literaturkreisen", Actes du sixieme congres international des orientalistes tenu en 1883 a Leide, III, 2, Leide, 1885, p. 479) comme, apres lui, Neumann (Die Reden Gotamo Buddhos, II, Zurich-Wien, 1957, pp. 760-761) et le Critical Pali Dictionary (p. 198b). La strophe appam va bahum.... (Vin. I, p. 40, 24-25) se retrouve dans le Mahavastu III, p. 60, 20-21) et le CPS (ed. E. Waldschmidt, p. 378). Dans ce dernier le texte sanskrit est tres fragmentaire. D'apres la traduction tibetaine, le premier pada est retabli par M. Waldschmidt comme mahyam eva arthena karyam. M. Alsdorf remarque: "Das Tibetische hat in der Tat kho bo la ni don dgos kyi, aber allein sinnvoll ware doch mayham arthenaiva karyam! Irrtum oder Nachlassigkeit des tibetischen Ubersetzers?" Remarquons que le tibetain ne traduit pas eva et que l'ordre des mots en tibetain n'est pas necessairement le meme qu'en sanskrit. C'est pourquoi je propose de retablir: arthena mahyam karyam (cf. Mahavastu: arthena mahyam kariyam). Les trois autres pada du CPS correspondent etroitement au texte pali mais dans un ordre different (les pada a,b et d du pali correspondent aux pada c, d et b du CPS). On ne peut donc pas dire que la strophe du CPS correspond a la strophe du Mahavastu ou les pada c et d sont tout a fait differents (cf. Alsdorf, p. 66). Dans une strophe qui se retrouve deux fois dans le CPS M. Waldschmidt a retabli a(mara)m (cf. Alsdorf, p. 67; CPS, pp. 380 et 384). Cette reconstruction ne repose pas sur la traduction tibetaine qui a rjes-su rtogs (anugatam?). Dans deux strophes, corrigees par M. Alsdorf, il garde la forme anupatte a l'encontre konnte Oldenberg..."!). Deux autres strophes en arya (Vin. I, p. 40, 24-25 et 33-34; cf. Alsdorf, pp. 64-71) ont ete signalees par E. J. Thomas (The Life of Buddha, London, 1927, p. 94, n. 1). C'est surtout Helmer Smith qui, a plusiers reprises, a etudie les strophes en arya du Mahavagga (Saddaniti, vol. IV, Lund, 1949, pp. 1161-1165; Les deux prosodies du vers bouddhique, Lund, 1950, pp. 38-40; Analecta Rhytmica, Helsinki, 1954, pp. 13-15). M. Alsdorf ne cite que le deuxieme de ces trois travaux. Dans une note (p. 52, n. 2), il declare que, a bien des egards, il ne partage pas les idees de Helmer Smith sur la metrique palie et moyen-indienne. Esperons que M. Alsdorf trouvera l'occasion de les soumettre a un examen systematique.

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212 REVIEWS de la tradition orientale et de la traduction tibetaine (Vin. I. p. 42. 33-37: Alsdorf. p. 69. n.2; p. 70, n. 2). M. Alsdorf traduit ces deux strophes de la maniere suivante: "Als die beiden im Veluvana angekommen waren ... da prophezeite der Meister von ihnen: 'Hier kommen zwei Gefahrten"". J'ai mis en italique les mots "angekommen" et "kommen" pour faire ressortir que la lecon appatte doit etre preferee. Dans la traduction de la version tibetaine il vaudra mieux traduire 'gyur par le futur: "Ces deux-la seront la meilleure paire de mes Auditeurs" (Alsdorf p. 70: "sind diese beiden das beste Paar meiner Horer"). Australian National University J. W. de Jong Lalmani Joshi, Studies in the Buddhistic Culture of India (During the 7th and 8th Centuries A.D.). Delhi-Patna-Varanasi, Motilal Banarsidass, 1967. xii + 538 pp. Rs. 30/ The seventh and eighth centuries constitute an important period in the history of Buddhism in India. Great monasteries as Nalanda were centres of Buddhist learning. Several famous authors and philosophers were living at that time and many of their works have been preserved in Sanskrit. During the seventh century two Chinese Buddhists, Hsuan-tsang and I-ching, visited China. From their extensive records much information can be obtained on many aspects of Buddhism. Many other sources, archaeological, epigraphical, literary, philosophical, etc. are available for the study of Buddhism during this period, which is certainly better documented than any other in the history of Indian Buddhism. Surprisingly enough, Dr. Lalmani Joshi is the first scholar to have attempted a comprehensive survey of Buddhist culture in India during the seventh and eighth centuries. Dr. Joshi's book bears witness to the growing interest in Buddhism among Indian scholars. He rightly protests against all attempts to consider Buddhism as a variant of Hinduism (cf. especially notes 144, 178 and 185 on pages 415-418). Undoubtedly, this increasing awareness of the nature of Buddhism will contribute greatly towards a better appreciation of Buddhism in India. Dr. Joshi states that "in no other country. of the world today Buddhist studies receive so negligible and scant a treatment as in the homeland of Buddhism" (p. xii). Perhaps this picture is a little too pessimistic, as. much excellent work has been done by Indian scholars. However, it is true that Buddhism has not yet received the attention it merits. Apart from an imperfect appreciation of Buddhism, this is perhaps also due to the fact that for the study of Indian Buddhism, Indian sources alone are not adequate. More Indian Buddhist texts are transmitted in Tibetan and Chinese translation than in Sanskrit. Moreover, Tibetan and Chinese sources provide much information on Indian Buddhism. Lastly, many important studies on Indian Buddhism have been written in German, French and Japanese. The author honestly confesses his ignorance of these languages. As to Tibetan and Chinese sources, he has been able to avail himself of existing translations. Even without knowing Chinese, however, it would have been possible to find out that Hsuan-tsang is the proper form of the name of the famous Chinese pilgrim and not Yuan Chwang, the form used by Thomas Watters. The author studies many aspects of Buddhist culture without pretending to an exhaustive treatment. In his preface he notes several subjects which he has not been able to study: such as the inter-relations between Brahmanism and Buddhism; Buddhism in contemporary Nepal, Tibet, Burma and Ceylon; a more detailed treatment of Buddhist art and iconography; a fuller evaluation of the thought of Dharmakirti; a comparative study of Brahmanical and Buddhist Tantras. These subjects are better suited for monographic treatment, and I believe the author is justified in not

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REVIEWS 213 attempting to include them in this book. Dr. Joshi has certainly been successful in showing the richness and variety of Buddhism in India during these two centuries. Many aspects of Buddhism are studied in the twelve chapters and five appendices of his book. A detailed table of contents (pp. XXV-xxxvii) shows clearly the great number of topics treated by the author. Dr. Joshi has made use of a very wide range of publications in English and Hindi and has quoted the most important literary and epigraphical sources in Sanskrit. One of the welcome features of the book is its extensive annotation. More than 2500 notes give exact references to the publications and sources used by the author. For this reason the book will be of great value for reference purposes. As is inevitable in a work of this kind, for the greater part it summarizes and synthesizes the results of research by many scholars. On several subjects, however, the author has brought forward new points of view, which are briefly discussed in his foreword (pp. xvi-xviii); but I am afraid he has not been very successful in this respect. For instance, his attempts to show that a king Vikramaditya of Sravasti, identifiable with Skandagupta, was instrumental in causing Manoratha, the Sarvastivada teacher, to commit suicide (pp. 402-403), and that a Satavahana prince, identifiable with Gautamiputra Satakarni, was responsible for the murder of the Madhyamika philosopher Nagarjuna (p. 414, n. 93), are far from convincing. A more critical attitude towards legends of this kind, narrated by Hsuan-tsang, is certainly required. The author adduces five considerations in order to support his suggestion that Siddha Nagarjuna, who lived in the eighth century, is the author of the Guhyasamaja (pp. 333-334). However, his arguments are entirely inadequate to show that a Siddha Nagarjuna lived in the eighth century, that the Guhyasamaja was written at that time, and finally, that it was composed by Siddha Nagarjuna. Characteristic of the author's uncritical attitude towards his sources is the fact that in this voluminous book there is no separate chapter discussing the sources available for the study of the seventh and eighth centuries and their usefulness for the reconstruction of the history of Buddhism during that period. The author quotes many Sanskrit texts, but his own translations are often far from precise. For example: p. 349 "it [i.e. bodhicitta] is beginningless, of void nature, like all objects which are devoid of substance" is a rendering of the following text: dharmanairatmyasamataya svacittam adyanutpannam sunyatabhavam. This translation does not render anutpannam and misinterprets samataya. The Sanskrit quotations in the notes are disfigured by many errors. Also the entire book teems with misprints of which only a small selection has been corrected in the list of errata at the end of the book (pp. 535-538). Dr. Joshi's book is certainly not without its merits, for it contains a mass of material which is not to be found conveniently brought together in any other publication. The author has a sympathetic attitude towards Buddhism and he is keenly aware of its importance as an essential element of Indian culture and as a religion of universal value. It is to be hoped that he will develop a more critical approach towards his sources and concentrate his efforts upon a more thorough investigation of the many problems which confront the historian of Buddhism, and then attempt a new and entirely rewritten version of this book. One must appreciate his courage for having written the first comprehensive work on Indian Buddhism in the seventh and eighth centuries, although he has failed to achieve entire success. Australian National University J. W. de Jong

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214 REVIEWS Tilak Raj Chopra, The Kusa-jataka, A critical and comparative study (= Alt- und Neu-Indische Studien, Bd. 13). Hamburg, Cram, de Gruyter & Co., 1966. 210 pp. DM 25, The Kusajataka is undoubtedly one of the most interesting Buddhist tales but up to now no detailed study had been made of its various versions. Dr. T. R. Chopra has undertaken a critical and comparative study of the three earliest versions, two of them in the Mahavastu (one predominantly in prose, Mahavastu II, 419.16-496.18, and one predominantly in verse, id. III, 1.1-27.21) and one in the Pali Jataka (no. 531; ed. V. Fausboll, vol. 5, pp. 278-312). Although Chopra is mainly concerned with the three earliest versions, he briefly examines twelve later versions and adaptations and presents a survey of the research work done with regard to the versions of the Kusajataka. The only omission in this survey seems to be J. Przyluski's theory according to which the Kusajataka originally was part of an ancient Rajavamsa (cf. IHQ, XV, 1939, p. 290). As to the version in the mDsans-blun, it would be more appropriate to consider it as a Chinese version because the Tibetan text is translated from the Chinese. The greater part of the book is devoted to a study of the Mahavastu versions (pp. 34153). Chopra critically examines the text as edited by Senart and suggest many corrections. As the Kusajataka in its two versions occupies more than a hundred pages in Senart's edition, Chopra's study is an important contribution towards the textual criticism of the Mahavastu. According to Chopra a new critical edition of the Mahavastu is long overdue. Undoubtedly nobody would question the fact that Senart's edition, excellent though it is and certainly one of the major works in the field of Indology, does not meet the exacting standards to be expected today from an edition of a text in Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit. The publication of Edgerton's Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit Grammar and Dictionary has rendered obsolete most of the existing editions of Buddhist Sanskrit texts. Both Edgerton's work and, to a lesser extent, Jones's translation of the Mahavastu have already contributed much towards a future new edition. However a satisfactory edition of the Mahavastu would still be a very difficult undertaking even though much progress has been made since the last quarter of the last century when Senart was working on his edition. By subjecting the text of the Kusajataka to a close examination, which he has carried out with great critical acumen, Chopra has been able to suggest many new readings, especially in the metrical parts of the text. The readings which he proposes are in many instances excellent, and they deserve to be taken seriously into consideration in reading the Kusajataka. Nevertheless it is obvious that the extremely corrupt nature of the two manuscripts, of which the readings have been recorded in the critical apparatus of Senart's edition, make it very difficult to solve the many problems which arise. Chopra tends to favour the manuscript readings to a much greater extent than Senart who, in the first place, tried to establish a text which makes sense. As Jones's translation shows, Senart's efforts have not been entirely in vain. A future editor would have to consult again all the manuscripts, used by Senart, and also others which were not available to him (a manuscript in the Tokyo University Library has been recently described by Seiren Matsunami in A Catalogue of the Sanskrit Manuscripts in the Tokyo University Library, Tokyo, 1965, p. 108: no. 297). However, it is doubtful whether the materials available at present would be of much assistance in establishing a significantly better text. Probably the time is not yet ripe for an undertaking of this nature. Much more work needs first to be done with regard to the comparative study of parts of the Mahavastu before it will be possible 1 For some bibliographical references see my Buddha's Word in China (Canberra, 1968), p. 23. 2 For the manuscripts of the Mahavastu see A. Yuyama, "A Bibliography of the Mahavastu-Avadana", IIJ, XI (1968), pp. 11-14.

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REVIEWS 215 to embark upon a new edition with any degree of confidence. Although Edgerton has taken great pains to examine the grammar and the vocabulary of the Mahavastu, a more detailed grammatical analysis and a word index would also be extremely welcome. The importance of Chopra's work is not at all limited to his critical remarks upon the text of the Mahavastu. Mention must also be made of his corrections of the text of the Pali Jataka and of the existing translations of all three versions of the Kusajataka. As a comparative study Chopra's work is a model of careful and judicious investigation comparable to the work done in this field by Luders. One cannot but hope that Dr. T. R. Chopra will not abandon the study of Buddhist narrative literature, a field from which many a rich harvest is still to be gathered. Australian National University J. W. de Jong Klaus Sagaster, Subud Erike. Ein Rosenkranz aus Perlen. Die Biographie des 1. Pekinger Ican skya Khutukhtu Nag dban blo bzan cos Idan, verfasst von Nag dban c os ldan alias Ses rab dar rgyas. Herausgegeben, ubersetzt und kommentiert von K.S. (= Asiatische Forschungen, Band 20). Wiesbaden, Otto Harrassowitz, 1967. 433 pp., 164 pl. DM 96, Le Subud Erike est une biographie du premier 1Can-skya Khutukhtu (1642-1714), ecrite par son eleve dKa'-bcu Nag-dban chos-ldan ou Ses-rab dar-rgyas. Le premier iCan-skya Khutukhtu ainsi que sa reincarnation, le celebre Rol-pa'i rdo-rje (17171786), ont joue un role important dans les relations des empereurs mandchous avec les mongols. En 1693 il fut convoque a Pekin et, depuis lors, son sort etait intimement lie avec la politique chinoise envers l'eglise lamaiste en Mongolie. M. Klaus Sagaster a pris pour but l'etude de la vie et l'importance historique du premier Khutukhtu, releguant au second plan sa place dans l'eglise lamaiste de l'epoque et ses euvres. Le travail de M. Sagaster consiste en deux parties. La premiere est consacree a l'etude de la vie du Can-skya Khutukhtu (pp. 17-139), la deuxieme contient une traduction annotee du Subud Erike (pp. 141-336). Le livre se termine par plusieurs appendices, une bibliographie et des index (pp. 337-433). Le texte du Subud Erike est reproduit sur 164 planches. La reproduction est excellente mais il est regrettable que le texte n'ait pas ete publie separement car il n'est guere possible de consulter en meme temps la traduction et le texte. Une des sources les plus importantes du Subud Erike est l'autobiographie du premier Can-skya Khutukhtu. M. Sagaster l'a etudiee dans la premiere partie de son travail (pp. 28-36) et l'a citee souvent dans les notes de sa traduction du Subud Erike. Cette autobiographie se trouve dans le Gsun-'bum du premier 1Can-skya Khutukhtu. M. Sagaster signale deux editions de la version originale tibetaine du Gsun-'bum. Le volume ra du Gsun-'bum du Klon-rdol bla-ma Nag-dban blo-bzan (1719-1794; cf. Ariane Macdonald, BEFEO, LVII, p. 169) contient une liste des ouvrages du premier 1Can-skya Khutukhtu (cf. Tibetan Buddhist Studies of Klon-rdol bla-ma, vol. 2, Mussoorie, 1964, pp. 420-424). Klon-rdol s'est servi d'une edition imprimee au monastere 'Bras-spuns (cf. p. 424: 'Bras-spuns par-ma ltar-du'o). Cette edition se compose de cinq volumes et est peut-etre identique a l'edition rapportee par Cybikov en 1902, cf. No. 35 de la liste de Cybikov: 1Can-skya Nag-dban chos-ldan-gyi gsun-'bum, I-401, II-396, III-399, IV-400, V-393, Izvestija imp. Ak. Nauk, 5e ser., XXI, 1904, p. 04.1 1 Comme le releve M. Sagaster, selon Vostrikov l'autobiographie se trouve dans le cinquieme volume du Gsun-'bum rapporte par Cybikov. Toutefois, Klon-rdol ne la mentionne pas dans son enumeration des ouvrages qui constituent le cinquieme volume du Gsur-'bum. Seule une comparaison, de la liste de Klon-rdol avec le Gsun'bum, rapporte par Cybikov, peut resoudre ce probleme.

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216 REVIEWS Selon M. Sagaster, la plus grande partie de l'autobiographie fut terminee en automne 1710. Le texte de l'autobiographie dit: 'tshams-'dir nas le-tshan 'ga'-zig chad'dug-pa dpar-brko-skabs slob-tu khri-zur nag-rgyam-pas bsabs-pa yin; ene jabsar-tur nigen kedun tasuraysan asuyu keb-tur seyilekui ucir-tur tidsi qayucin siregetu vagindr-a samudr-a selbigsen bui. M. Sagaster traduit ce passage ainsi: "Hier (wortlich: in diesem Zwischenraum) waren einige Kapitel (mo. nur: einige) abgeschlossen. Fur den Blockschnitt hat sie (mein) Schuler, der ehemalige Siregetu Nag rgyam (d.h. Nag dban rgya mc'o, in Ca Vagindra samudra) vorbereitet." (p. 36). Il me semble que cette traduction ne rend pas correctement chad (mo. tasuraysan) et bsabs (selbigsen). Je ne sais pas tres bien comment interpreter la premiere partie de cette phrase. Faut-il lire 'tshams-'dir .ici', et omettre nas ou lire 'tshams-'di-nas a partir d'ici'? La version mongole s'accorde avec 'tshams-'dir. On peut interpreter chad comme 'interrompu' ou comme "coupe, enleve'. En tout cas, il est evident que ce passage veut dire que Nag-dban rgya-mtsho a comble des lacunes au moment de la gravure des planches (cf. Jaschke s.v. gsob-pa: 'to fill out or up, to supply, complete, make up'). Dans l'exemplaire du Subud Erike que M. Sagaster a utilise, une moitie des deux derniers feuillets manque. On ne peut donc savoir si le colophon donne des renseignements sur la traduction du texte mongol d'une version originale en tibetain. Selon M. Sagaster, le colophon a probablement contenu un passage qui se rapporte a la traduction du tibetain en mongol. D'autre part, le Hor-chos-'byun semble avoir cite une version tibetaine de l'autobiographie. Toutefois, M. Sagaster ajoute que ces remarques ne suffisent pas pour arriver a une decision definitive (cf. p. 48). Il est interessant de voir que M. Sagaster declare que le texte meme ne permet pas de tirer une conclusion a cet egard. Faut-il admettre que, dans la litterature lamaiste mongole, il n'y a pas de differences entre des textes, traduits du tibetain, et des textes originaux? Bien que la langue mongole soit mieux connue que la langue tibetaine, la terminologie lamaiste mongole n'est pas encore bien etudiee. Il faudra soigneusement comparer des textes tibetains, traduits en mongol avec l'original pour etablir un dictionnaire de la terminologie lamaiste. En meme temps, il faudra etudier les methodes de traduction, employees par les traducteurs mongols. C'est alors seulement que l'on pourra comparer des textes, traduits du tibetain, avec des textes originaux mongols du meme genre afin de determiner si ces derniers comportent autant de 'tibetanismes" que les premiers. En comparant quelques textes, traduits du tibetain, avec les originaux je ne puis me soustraire a l'impression que les mongols n'ont pas ete d'aussi savants traducteurs que les tibetains. Souvent le texte mongol ne se comprend qu'a la lumiere du texte tibetain original. D'autre part, les traducteurs mongols ont une tendance a omettre des expressions difficiles. Mon impression est corroboree par ce que M. J. E. Bosson dit de la traduction du rNam-thar de Milarepa par Siregetu Guusi Corjiva: "a number of places where the Tibetan text is extremely difficult and even incomprehensible have been either simplified or entirely passed over in the Mongolian version" (Mila-yin Namtar, Taipei, 1967, p. 23)... Le probleme se complique par le fait que, souvent, on ne peut guere comprendre un texte mongol, meme s'il rend correctement l'original tibetain, sans avoir recours au texte original. Pour citer un exemple. Le Subud Erike cite le passage suivant du Dad-pa'i 'jug-rogs: bcom-ldan-'das-kyi gsun-rab dag-las / gan-gi rgyud-la mthon-ba'i lam skyes-pa dan / dgra-bcom-pa mnon-du byas-pa la-sogs-pa'i sgo-nas bdud-rtsi thob-par gyur-pa na / dban-po yons-su gsal-zin / bzin-gyi mdog ni dag-la / pags-pa'i mdog ni dkar-pa la-sogs-pa lus-kyi mdans snar-las gnas gyur-pa 'byun-ba du-ma zig gsuns-te (The Biography of Tsong-kha-pa by the Ven. Lama Kha-dub-je, Varanasi, 1966, p. 149). M. Sagaster traduit ainsi le debut de la version mongole de ce passage: "In den vortrefflichen Lehrworten des Siegreich vollig Dahingegangenen heisst es: "Wer die Heiligkeit eines (solchen Menschen), der auf dem Weg der Einsicht in die Wurzel geboren ist und die Feinde uberwunden hat', erreicht hat usw., hat hiermit

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REVIEWS 217 den Gottertrank erlangt" (p. 319). Aussi bien le texte tibetain que le texte mongol doivent etre interpretes ainsi: "Dans la predication (pravacana) du Tathagata il a ete declare souvent: 'Quand quelqu'un a obtenu l'ambroisie (amsta) au moyen de la naissance du chemin de la vision (darsanamarga) dans sa serie (samtana) et par l'obtention (saksatkarana) de l'etat d'Arhat..." Le tib. rgyud (mo. undusun) rend skt. samtana ou samtati 'la serie', cf. Edgerton, Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit Dictionary ss.vv. samtati et samtana. Pour darsanamarga il faut consulter la traduction du Kosa par de La Vallee Poussin. Il est evident que, quand on ne sait pas le sens technique de undusun - rgyud - samtati et de ujeku yin mor - mthor-ba'i lam - darsanamarga, la traduction du texte mongol, cite ci-dessus, presente des difficultes insurmontables. Le Subud erike contient plusieurs citations de l'autobiographie. Ces citations ne sont pas empruntees a la traduction mongole de l'autobiographie, mais a l'original tibetain comme il ressort de la comparaison des textes reproduits par M. Sagaster dans les notes. Dans un passage du Subud erike se rencontre les expressions ejileju ab- et ejeleju jala- (cf. p. 180, n. 381). M. Sagaster rend esileku par 'in Obhut nehmen', mais des passages tibetains de l'autobiographie qu'il cite ici en note, il est evident que mo. ejileku est un calque du tib. bdag-rkyen (bdag - ejen; bdag-rkyen - ejeleku), cf. Subud erike 17r: efileju abubasu jokiqu, autobiographie 190v5: bdag-rkyen byas-pa 'gab que M. Sagaster rend par "Es ist recht, (ihm) Gute zu beweisen." La traduction mongole de l'autobiographie a qayiralan ceberleku jokistai, "Es ist recht, (ihn) gutig zu reinigen (?)". Je suppose que le traducteur mongol a lu byan-ba 'purifier' au lieu de byas-pa. La version mongole de l'autobiographie rend bdag-rkyen byed-pa par qayiralaqu (cf. Kowalewski, p. 713: qayiralaqu, tib. gce-ba, bdag-rkyen byed-pa 'aimer, etre bien dispose, etre attache a qc., faire grace, gratifier, etc.'; Sumatiratna: bdagrkyen, qayira, kesig). L'auteur du Subud erike a ici rendu bdag-rkyen par ejileju / ejeleju alors que qayiralan aurait ete l'equivalent correct. Dans un autre passage du Subud-erike ejelen est employe dans le contexte suivant: ene keyid-i ejelen tedkun qayiralaqu keregtei, "er musse unbedingt diesen Kloster gnadigst leiten und in seine Obhut nehmen" (p. 216). Ici le texte correspondant de l'autobiographie (197b4) a phan-dogs au lieu des trois verbes en mongol. Je suppose qu'ici aussi ejelen a du traduire bdag-rkyen byed-pa. L'emploi ici de ejelen suggere l'existence d'une version tibetaine du Subud erike. Pour arriver a une conclusion definitive il faudrait examiner si ejeleku au sens de qayiralaqu est employe exclusivement dans des textes traduits ou l'original a bdag-rkyen byed-pa, ou si cet emploi s'est etendu a des textes originaux. Dans un autre passage du Subud erike (102r3) tayalaysan-dur probablement correspond a bdag-rkyen qui se trouve dans le passage correspondant de l'autobiographie (208a34). M. Sagaster traduit gegen ten-e tayalaysan-dur par "nahm sich so des Verehrungswurdigsten (wieder) an (?)" (p. 264). Ici tayalaqu doit signifier 'montrer son affection'. Pour remplacer les deux premiers feuillets manquants du Subud erike M. Sagaster cite les textes tibetain et mongol du debut de l'autobiographie. Ici aussi la terminologie bouddhique a cause des difficultes au traducteur. Ces difficultes s'expliquent en partie par les erreurs de la traduction mongole. Dans 1 tib. 'dren-mchog go-'phan 'la place (pada) du guide excellent' est rendu en mongol par qocorli ugei uduriycid-un degedu-yin qutuy, "die Wurde des besten unter den alles leitenden (Buddhas)". Mo. degedu sedkil-i eguskeged, tib. thugs-mchog bskyed ne peut se traduire par "seine erhabene Gesinnung bewiesen" mais se rapporte a la pensee de bodhi: "il a produit la pensee (de bodhi) excellente". Dans 2'die Zwei Ansammlungen' (goyar ciyulyan, tib. tshogs-gnis) ne sont pas le dvivarga mais les deux sambhara, jnanasambhara et punya-. Dans 3 qolical ugei kucun (tib. ma-dres stobs) ne signifie pas 'Einbildungs 2 Selon le dictionnaire de Das bdag-rkyen s'emploie seulement pour la reconnaissance d'un service par un superieur. Le passage de l'autobiographie, cite ici, montre que cette definition est trop etroite.

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218 REVIEWS kraft' mais "la force propre (au Buddha)'; qolical ugei, tib. ma-'dres rend sanskrit avenika, cf. Edgerton, op. cit., s.v. Dans 10 M. Sagaster explique jiruken-i yuliduysan comme 'die im Herzen zusammengeflossen' alors que cette expression traduit litteralement tib. snin-po dril-ba 'reunir l'essence, resumer'. Le texte tibetain mentionne les enseignements qui reunissent l'essence des pratiques (nams-len snin-po dril-ba'i mannag). Dans 11 il faut comprendre: "les sutra, les dharani et les classes de Tantra" (cf. Das, p. 318b). Tib. sde, mo. ayimay ne se rapporte qu'a rgyud, mo. dandaris. Un long passage du Dad-pa'i 'jyg-rogs est cite par le Subud erike au feuillet 5. Pour faciliter la comparaison du texte tibetain avec le texte mongol je reproduis ci-dessous ce passage d'apres l'edition du Dad-pa'i 'jug-rogs, citee ci-dessus (pp. 3,1.16-5,1.2):3 de-yan bdag-cag-gi dpal-ldan bla-ma dam-pa sans-rgyas bcom-dan-das-kyi rin-lugspa chen-po / 'jig-rten thams-cad-la rgyu med-par yan gcig-tu mnes-gsin-pa'i nantshul-can / rin-mo zig-nas byan-chub-sems-dpa'i spyod-pa rlabs-po che-dag-gi pharol-tu byon-pa / rje-btsun 'Jam-pa'i dbyans-kyi thugs-kyi 'od-zer-gyis blo-gros-kyi padmo kha-phye-bas ses-bya'i dkyil-'khor mtha'-dag la gzigs-pa dag-pa'i spyan danIdan-pa / thun-mon dan thun-mon ma-yin-pa'i mnon-par rtogs-pa'i yon-tan rin-poche'i tshogs-kyis thugs-kyi ban-mdzod yons-su gtams-pa'i bdag-nid chen-po mtshan brjod-par dka'-ba 'di ni bskal-pa dpag-tu med-pa'i sna-rol-nas sa-bcu yons-su rdzogspar mdzad-de / ma-dag-pa'i 'jig-rten-gyi khams rnams-su yan la-lar ni 'khor-los sgyurba dan / la-lar ni khams-gyi rgyal-po dan / 'ga'-zig-tu ni brgya-byin dan tshans-pa'i gzugs dan / de-bzin-du byan-chub-sems-dpa' khyim-pa dan rab-tu byun-ba'i tshul la-sogs-pa gdul-bya dan 'tsham-pa'i sku'i rnam-par 'phrul-pa dpag-tu med-pa ji-ltar nam-mkha'i lam-la (les deux textes: las) zla-ba'i dkyil-khor gcig-nid-kyis sa'i-sten-du chu-snod tha-dad-pa sna-tshogs-pa zig-gi-nan-du cig-car ran-gi gzugs-brnan ston-pa de-bzin-du 'bad-rtsol med-par ne-bar bstan-pa las / bdag-cag rnams-la ni 'u-bu-cag ran dan 'gro-ba rigs-mthun-par skye-ba bzes-pa'i dge-ba'i baes-gnen nid-kyi rnampar bstan-pas don mdzad-do //. La traduction mongole rend rgyu med-par 'sans cause, spontanement par ucir siltayan 'ugei. M. Sagaster traduit 'ohne Verhaftung'. Le Buddha se manifeste dans d'innombrables manifestations conformement aux capacites spirituelles des etres a convertir (vaineya) de meme que le cercle de la lune se reflete simultanement (cig-car; qamtu nigen-e) dans des eaux differentes. La traduction de M. Sagaster ne rend pas tout a fait justice a ce passage. Dans une citation de l'autobiographie le texte mongol traduit bien le texte tibetain: chos-sbyin ci-rigs byed khul-byas na yan, "bien que je feignis de faire toutes sortes de dons religieux (dharmadana)". M. Sagaster traduit ainsi le texte mongol correspondant: "obwohl ich das Beispiel der Gabenspendung verschiedener Lehrschriften gab" (p. 280). Pour durimleku voir Kowalewski, p. 1938: 'dissimuler, prendre l'aspect de qc.'; voir aussi Lessing p. 282: durim ujegulku, 'to feign, simulate, pretend, sham, to threaten'. A quelques endroits le texte mongol ne peut etre interprete qu'a la lumiere du texte tibetain original. Le fait que ce texte n'est pas a notre disposition nous empeche de bien comprendre un passage tel que le suivant, traduit par M. Sagaster a la page 229 (Subud erike 69v): "geschmuckt mit der Lehre uber das richtige Zuteilen der WeiheZeichen fur jeden einzelnen und in der Weise, dass sowohl Lesungen und Regeln nicht leicht gemacht wurden und, abgesehen davon, dass die Bucherwunsche jedes einzelnen berucksichtigt wurden, auch tatsachlich noch die Handregeln der erhabenen Heiligen grundlich studiert worden." Je ne sais pas comment interpreter correctement ce passage. Certainement sudur bicig-un tayalal ne signifie pas 'Bucherwunsche' mais 'les theories des sutra et des textes'. M. Sagaster traduit mutur-un qouli par 'Handregeln mais probablement cette expression traduit tib. phyag-len 'pratique' bien que, dans 3 Le meme passage est cite par Blo-bzan phrin-las rnam-rgyal dans le Rje rnam-thar chen-mo (Sarnath, 1967), pp. 21-22, auquel j'ai emprunte quelques variantes.

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REVIEWS 219 le texte correspondant de l'autobiographie on trouve 'don-pa phyag-len ou la traduction mongole a ungsilya yosun qouli. Dans 94r7 et 18 jarliy joblel est rendu par M. Sagaster par "Ubereinstimmung' (pp. 255-256). Probablement il faut comprendre discussion' (cf. Kowalewski, p. 2411: 'deliberer, consulter') mais l'expression tibetaine, employee dans le texte original, m'echappe. P. 302, n. 1343: M. Sagaster etudie le mot phyag-mtshan. Le sens en est 'attribut', par exemple: vajra, clochette, etc. (cf. Chos-grags s.v. phyag-mtshan). P. 307, n. 1388: mthun-rkyen legs sbyar-te signifie 'reunissant tout le necessaire' (cf. Das s.v. mthun-pa'i rkyen). Il ne s'agit pas d'une 'gunstige Gelegenheit. Le Subud erike mentionne un grand nombre de textes qui sont souvent difficiles a identifier puisque le titre n'est donne qu'en abrege. Il faudrait de longues recherches pour arriver a une identification de tous ces textes. Pour completer quelque peu les indications, donnees par M. Sagaster, j'ajoute quelques remarques. Dans 24 v le texte ne mentionne pas le Bodhimargapradipa (note 409) mais le Lam-rim (Bodhi mor) de Tson-kha-pa et des guides pour le grand et petit Lam-rim (cf. note 1141). P. 187, n. 431: les seize vacuites sont expliquees dans la troisieme partie du sixieme chapitre du Madhyamakavatara. P. 188, n. 435: probablement il s'agit d'un commentaire (spyi-don) du premier sujet (padartha; skabs; uye) de l'Abhisamayalamkara. P. 192, n. 479: pour le bka'-gdams glegs-bam voir J. Bacot, "Titres et colophons d'ouvrages non canoniques tibetains", BEFEO, XLIV (1954), pp. 284-286. P. 197: le "Veranderungs-Leitfaden" est un ouvrage de Tson-kha-pa, cf. Tohoku, II, No. 5359: Rnam-ses gon-du 'pho-ba'i rgya-cher-bsad-pa, Gser-gyi sgo-'byed-pa. P. 202: pour le commentaire du vinaya Erdeni erike et l'ouvrage suivant voir Tohoku, II, nos. 5523 et 5525, P. 203: "Desgleichen disputierte er uber (die Werke des) Aryadeva und des Sems dpa' c'en po." Le texte correspondant de l'autobiographie a: 'phags-pa Lha dan Chab-mdo rje-drun dan // Sems-dpa' chen-po rnams la chos-'brel zus, "il demanda des enseignements religieux a Aryadeva, au seigneur Cham-mdo et a Sems-dpa' chenpo"; tib. chos-'brel est rendu en mongol par nom-un barildulya; 128v3 olan nom-i soyuryaluy-a correspond a chos-'brel byas dans l'autobiographie (215b2). C'est pourquoi je traduits chos-'brel (litteralement connection de Dharma') par 'enseignements religieux'. L'expression ne se trouve pas dans les dictionnaires tibetains a ma disposition. Aryadeva peut designer une de ses incarnations. Elles sont enumerees par Klon-rdol (op. cit., pp. 310-311). P. 206, n. 592: pour le Zus-lan nor-bu'i phren-ba voir Bacot, op. cit., p. 285; T'oung Pao, XLIII (1955), p. 312. P. 273, n. 1106: le Drimed'grel-ba est la Vimalaprabha, cf. P. Cordier, Catalogue du fonds tibetain, Ile partie (1909), p. 15. P. 299, n. 1315: il s'agit de l'Avadanakalpalata, un ouvrage dont les peintres tibetains se sont souvent inspires, cf. G. Tucci, Tibetan Painted Scrolls (Roma, 1949). Dans les textes, tibetains, cites dans les notes, il faut corriger les fautes suivantes : p. 29, n. 18, 1.4: kyen - gyen; p. 218, n. 679, 1.4: gan ba - gan bab, 1.5: ma'n-ma'an; p. 256, n. 990, 1.2: dnas - dans; p. 271, n. 1097, 1.2: na'n - na'an; p. 272, n. 1097, 1.1: ba'on - ba'an; 1.3: ran go - ran gi; 1.6: da la - na la; 1.12: sped - sbed; p. 280, n. 1156: ni sgrob - ni sgrol; p. 294, n. 1273, derniere ligne: 'Joms - 'joms; p. 298, n. 1307: gSun 'dus - gSan 'dus; p. 303, n. 1351, 1.2: gsal bo - gsal po; 1.3: gnad - gnad; p. 312, n. 1433: bu'n - bu'an. A propos des pre-incarnations du Can-skya khutukhtu, etudiees par M. Sagaster dans le premier appendice (pp. 337-342), il faut signaler qu'une liste se trouve aussi dans les oeuvres de Klon-rdol (op. cit., pp. 308-309). L'ouvrage de M. Sagaster est destine en premier lieu aux historiens comme il le souligne dans sa preface. Neanmoins, le bouddhologue y trouvera beaucoup a apprendre. C'est pourquoi il m'a paru interessant de l'etudier du point de vue des etudes bouddhiques. Il reste encore beaucoup a faire pour l'etude du lamaisme. Les mongolisants ne peuvent rendre de plus grands services a cet egard que, par l'etude et la

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220 REVIEWS traduction de textes aussi interessants que le Subud erike. C'est surtout de l'etude des textes que l'on peut esperer de precieux renseignements sur la terminologie, les doctrines et l'organisation du lamaisme. On doit etre reconnaissant a M. Sagaster d'avoir apporte une si importante contribution a l'etude du lamaisme. Australian National University J. W. de Jong D. L. Snellgrove, The Nine Ways of Bon. Excerpts from gZi-brid edited and translated (= London Oriental Series, Volume 18). London, Oxford University Press, 1967. vii + 312 pp. PS5.5s. Of the voluminous Bon-po literature only very few texts have been studied. The excerpts of the gZi-brjid, which are edited and translated by Dr. D. L: Snellgrove, are taken from a legendary biography of gsen-rab, the founder of the Bon religion. Of this biography three different versions exist: one long, one of medium length, and one short. The gZi-brjid comprising twelve volumes is the long version. Dr. Snellgrove enumerates the titles of its sixty-one chapters in English and Tibetan in order to give an idea of the contents of this work (pp. 5-8). The medium version in two volumes, called gZer-m(y)ig, has been partly edited and translated by A. H. Francke. The text of the first seven chapters, and an English translation of the first six chapters, were published in volumes 1, 3, 4, 5 and 6 of Asia Major (1924, 1926, 1927, 1930). A further instalment appeared in Volume I, part 2 of Asia Major, New Series (1949, pp. 163-188). The work consists of eighteen chapters, of which a survey has been given by Professor Helmut Hoffmann in his Die Religionen Tibets (Freiburg/Munchen, 1956), pp. 77-90. A complete edition and translation have been announced by him (cf. op. cit., p. 186, n. 106; Quellen zur Geschichte der tibetischen Bon-Religion, Wiesbaden, 1950, p. 216). Finally, the short version, in one volume, called mDo-'dus, seems to be unknown outside Tibet. According to oral information, obtained by Dr. Snellgrove from his Bon-po assistants, the gZi-brjid was compiled in its present form by Blo-ldan snin-po, who was born about A.D. 1360. This date is based upon a chronological work, the bsTan-rtsis of Ni-ma bstan-'dzin, published in 1964 at the Lahore Press (p. 3, n. 2). In his preface Dr. Snellgrove states that "the present work is an attempt to provide a survey of the whole range of their teachings, as formulated certainly not later than the twelfth century and may be even two or three centuries earlier". Judging from the excerpts of the gZi-brjid, presented in this book, the text must certainly have been compiled at a time when Indian Buddhism had been absorbed by the Bon-pos; but this does not allow us to say, as Dr. Snellgrove does, that the contents of the gZi-brjid bear out the tradition of its compilation towards the end of the fourteenth century. With the help of the geneaology of the lamas of Samling, from where comes the manuscript of the gZi-brjid, Dr. Snellgrove calculates its age at about four hundred years. If this calculation is correct, the gZi-brjid must have been composed sometimes between the tenth and sixteenth centuries. Perhaps Bon-po tradition is correct in connecting the name of Blo-ldan snin-po with this work, but one need not necessarily assume that he compiled it in its present form. Probably such a voluminous work as the gZi-brjid is an amalgamation of texts composed at different times by different authors. 1 It contains the translation of chapters seven and eight and the text of the eighth chapter. It is not stated here if Francke has left behind an edition and translation of other chapters. Dr. Snellgrove wrongly remarks that Francke has edited and translated the first seven chapters. In referring to Asia Major, 1939 for the last part of Francke's work, he probably repeats a misprint in Hoffman's Die Religionen Tibets (p. 191) where 1939 should be corrected to 1949.

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REVIEWS 221 The introduction gives a short survey of the 'Nine Ways' of Bon (pp. 9-11), but the greater part of it is devoted to some reflections on the history and nature of the Bon religion. Dr. Snellgrove believes that Indian teachings and practices had penetrated western Tibet from north-western India before Buddhism was formally introduced by the Tibetan kings. Both the Bon-pos and the rNin-ma-pas adopted Buddhist doctrines, though the former without acknowledging the fact. Dr. Snellgrove points out that in early Tibetan works the word bon only designates one class of priests. The word Bon as referring to a whole set of religious practices would seem to have come into use at a later stage. Dr. Snellgrove concludes: "Thus there is probably no such thing as pre-Buddhist Bon, for from the start the followers of Bon were anxious to accept and readapt religious teachings and practices of all kinds, whether indigenous or foreign." It is quite likely that before the introduction of Buddhism there was no organised Bon religion, but the real problem is to discover which religious practices and beliefs existed in Tibet at the time of the introduction of Buddhism and to what degree they were incorporated later in Bon and Buddhism. If Bon adopted and systematized the essential part of the pre-Buddhist practices and beliefs, but Buddhism only some elements, it would not be improper to consider pre-Buddhist Tibetan religion as the old Bon religion. According to Dr. Snellgrove the Bon-po literature contains much information on the whole range of pre-Buddhist Tibetan religion. It can therefore be expected that further study of the Bon-po literature will help to throw light on the history of Bon and on its relations with Buddhism. The manuscript is written in dbu-med. In editing the text Dr. Snellgrove has made emendations and has noted the original spellings of the 'main words' but not of the 'particles'. Moreover, he has retained certain incorrect spellings which occur regularly. However, emendations are not always noted. For example p. 212.22: zad-pa med-cin hgrib-pa med-pa yi is rendered by "infinite and immaculate", translating sgrib-pa instead of hgrib-pa. On p. 230.2, zad-pa med-cin "bri-ba med is correctly translated by "it cannot be exhausted and it does not lessen". The parallelism of these two passages shows that it would have been better to maintain hgrib-pa and to render zad-pa med-cin by "inexhaustible". Although Tibetan texts, especially manuscripts, usually contain many mistakes, the number of emendations is not very great. As far as one can judge, the text has been very carefully edited. I have noted only a few misprints: p. 92.8: read hbyun for ubuyn; p. 92.32: read pahi for pani; p. 136.10: read dpan for dpan; p. 218.13: read sdan for ldan; p. 228.25: read chad for ched; p. 244.20: read nbras bu for nbras by. The text is almost completely in verse, a fact which makes interpretation even more difficult. Dr. Snellgrove has been greatly helped by the explanations given him by two Bon-po monks. As he states in his preface, it has been his intention to let the texts speak for themselves as much as possible. Some explanations are given in eight pages of notes but one would have welcomed a more detailed commentary. The text abounds in concepts derived from Buddhism. Only some of them are explained in the notes or the glossary. The information given is usually very brief, and probably not very helpful to those not acquainted with Tibetan Buddhist terminology. In some cases, also, Dr. Snellgrove translates a term, known from Buddhist texts, in a different way, without any further explanation. For instance khams is several times mentioned together with rtsa and chu, cf. p. 38.29: dpyad la rtsa dan chu dan khams. Dr. Snellgrove translates: "In diagnosis we have the connecting channels, the urine and the general appearance." In Buddhist medical texts khams always translates dhatu, "the elements of the body." In his extremely useful and detailed glossary Dr. Snellgrove notes the terms and meanings which are not given in Jaschke's dictionary. In some instances, these meanings are to be found in the Mahavyutpatti, which is not listed among the works consulted in compiling the glossary. For example, nes-dmigs is translated as 'disadvantage with the remark "deduced from the context". However, nes-dmigs

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222 REVIEWS usually renders Sanskrit adinava (cf. Mahavyutpatti 7309) for which see Edgerton's Dictionary. The meaning 'gentle' for des-pa is also from its use as equivalent for Sanskrit surata (Mahavyutpatti 2360; cf. Edgerton's dictionary) and pesala (Mahavyutpatti 2361). The fact that the gZi-brjid is so saturated with Buddhist terms justifies us in inquiring as to the Sanskrit terms which correspond with those Tibetan words whose meaning is not clearly defined in Jaschke's dictionary. Also, more information about Bon ritual would have been welcome. For instance, the text mentions in connection with the four actions of pacifying, prospering, empowerment and destroying which are well-known from Buddhist texts, a fifth action, called rgyun, 'Flow'. It would have been interesting to hear what Dr. Snellgrove's informants know about this rite. If they did not know about it, it would have been helpful to be told so, for it is also useful to know what can not be explained by a well-informed Bon-po priest. For the reviewer, who has no special knowledge of Bon-po texts, it would be presumptuous to try to find errors in the translation; though here and there one has the impression that a different interpretation could have been given. For instance, p.230.16-18: ma-g.yos dbyins-chen hbyams-yas la / cir-yan snan-bahi rlabs g.yos-pas ! ston-pahi bcud las rig-pa hbyun. Dr. Snellgrove translates: "and in this infinite unmoving expanse waves appear somehow and by their movement knowledge arises from this essence of emptiness." As often, the void (ston-pa) and the appearance (snan-ba) are opposed, and I wonder whether this pair of antonyms is not referred to here: "and in this infinite unmoving expanse somehow the waves of appearance are moving and knowledge arises from the essence of the void." In some rare instances Dr. Snellgrove's translation is incomprehensible. Why is ran-grol dug-lnahi gdan-thabs (p. 206.16) rendered as "the five animal thrones"? However, almost everywhere one is impressed by the fluency and clarity of his translation. We are greatly indebted to Dr. Snellgrove for having undertaken the translation of such a difficult Bon-po text. As this is only one of the many texts which he has studied with the Bon-po monk Tenzin Namdak, we may be confident that the veil which still covers the Bon-po literature will soon be lifted. Let us above all express the wish that Dr. Snellgrove may give us a survey of Bon-po literature, for at present our knowledge is almost entirely limited to the list of titles enumerated in the chapter on Bon in the Grub-mtha' sel-gyi me-lon (cf. Hoffmann, Quellen zur Geschichte der tibetischen BonReligion, pp. 207-209). Australian National University J. W. de Jong R. E. Emmerick, Tibetan Texts concerning Khotan (= London Oriental Series, volume 19). London, Oxford University Press, 1967. xiii + 160 pp. PS 4. 4s. The "Prophecy of the Li country" (Li-yul lun-bstan-pa) has been translated by F. W. Thomas in Tibetan Literary Texts and Documents concerning Chinese Turkestan, Part I: Literary texts (London, 1935), pp. 89-136. F. W. Thomas referred to it as "The annals of the Li country" (Li-yul-gyi lo-rgyus) but Dr. Emmerick follows H. W Bailey (BSOAS, XIII, 2, 1950, p. 392) in adopting the title which is given to the work in the colophon. Thomas's translation is based on the version in the Narthang Tanjur. In editing the text Emmerick has collated the Narthang, Peking, Cone and Derge editions. In his preface he remarks that there is a close agreement between the Narthang 2 Probably in the course of retyping the manuscript, several lines of the translation have been dropped. The following lines of the text are left untranslated: 82.2, 88.23, 132.13 (sgrib-gnis byan-zin tshogs-gnis rdzogs-pa), 212.10-13, 226.29..,

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REVIEWS 223 and the Peking versions on the one hand and the Cone and the Derge on the other. The agreement between the Cone and Derge editions of the Tanjur has been pointed out before and is probably to be explained by the fact that the Cone edition is based on the Derge edition (see IIJ, X, 4, 1968, p. 296). As to the other two editions, the Peking Tanjur is certainly older than the Narthang Tanjur but the exact relation between them is still obscure (loc. cit.). Emmerick's edition of the "Prophecy of the Li country" confirms once again the excellence of the Derge edition of the Tanjur. The text is accompanied by a new translation on facing pages. It contains a great number of proper names in Khotanese, Chinese, Sanskrit and other languages. A detailed index provides full information on all the proper names occurring in the text (pp. 93-107). Except for a few common particles, all the words of the text are listed and explained in a word index (pp. 108-160). The translation is not annotated, but the index discusses at length all words of which the meaning is uncertain or unknown. Both indexes include also the proper names and words of a second text relating to Khotan, "The religious annals of the Li country" (Li-yul chos-kyi lo-rgyus), which has also been translated by F. W. Thomas (op. cit., pp. 303-325). The manuscript of this text belongs to the "Fonds Pelliot tibetain" in the Bibliotheque Nationale: see M. Lalou, Inventaire des Manuscrits tibetains de Touen-houang conserves a la Bibliotheque Nationale, vol. ii, 1950, no. 960. Emmerick's edition of this text is a welcome addition to the slowly growing corpus of editions of Tibetan Tun-huang manuscripts. Although the text is relatively short (114 lines) Emmerick has refrained from adding a new translation, referring to the word index for differences in interpretation from that of F. W. Thomas. In this case, too, it would have been preferable to have both an edition and a translation of the text. Emmerick's translation of the "Prophecy of the Li country" marks a great improvement on that by F. W. Thomas. It is at the same time more correct and more precise in its wording. It is obvious from the index or glossary that not all difficulties have been solved, but Emmerick has taken great care to point out precisely where the translation must remain hypothetical since the meaning of a number of words has not been definitely ascertained. In reviewing recently an edition and translation of a Tibetan Tun-huang manuscript I expressed the wish that future publications would apply much more rigorous methods than those used in the book under review (see IIJ, IX, 3, 1966, pp. 234-235). The present work comes up to the highest expectations which can be formulated for the publication of a Tibetan text. Emmerick, who is primarily a specialist in Khotanese, has done an excellent service to Tibetan studies in treating Tibetan texts in the same way as Khotanese texts. This publication sets an example for future editions of difficult Tibetan texts. I believe that in a few places the text admits of an interpretation different from that given by Dr. Emmerick, and the following remarks are intended as a tribute to his scholarly work, which I have read with great interest and benefit. 172 b 3: gzun-la brten-te lugs-su scal-nas, "It being according to a custom supported by the book"; perhaps better "In accordance with the book it was made a custom". 173 b 2-3: bcom-ldan-hdas ... padmahi gdan-la bzugs-nas phyogs bcuhi sans-rgyas-kyi zin so-so-nas de-bzin-gsegs-pa-rnams-kyis li yul byin-gyis brlab-pahi slad-du bskul-bahi hod-zer phyogs-su khyab-par btan, "The Lord... sat on a lotus-throne. From the various Buddha-fields in the ten directions, the Tathagatas, in order to take control over the Li country, sent forth, filling the quarters, rays of admonition." - It is certainly the Lord who sent forth the rays of admonition: "The Lord... sat on a lotus-throne and in all directions he sent forth rays of admonition in order that from the various Buddhafields in the ten directions the Tathagatas take control over the Li country." 174 a 4: rajagramahi sars-rgyas-kyi sku-gzugs ras candan-gyi nan-du skuhi grib ma-nub-par byin-gyis brlabs-te byas-pa zig, "an image of the Buddha of Rajagrama, made with my controlling that bodily defilement should not sink into the sandal". -

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224 REVIEWS was born originally ory. Since (according to the place." - "The child smoke Perhaps one must understand grib-ma nub-par:"... with my controlling that the shadow of the image should sink into the sandal." 175 a 7 - 61: khyehu... mi gzan-dag-la yan lo-rgyus smras-na yan de-Itar gyur-nas / rgya-rje-la bdag thog-ma skyes-pahi yul chol/ sa chol-du mchi-bar ci gnan zes gsol-ba-las, "The child ... spoke to other people about his history. Since this had so happened, he besought the Chinese king: 'Let me seek the country where I was born originally. Permit me to go and seek out the place'." - "The child spoke to other people about his history. Since (according to them) it was so, he besought the Chinese king: 'Permit me to go and seek out the country, to seek out the place where I was born originally'." 177 a 6: bairocanas nam-mkhah-la de-bzin-gsegs-par sprul-te / nan-thos chen-po bcudrug dan thabs cig-tu car-mar de-bzin-gsegs-pahi chul bstan-nas, "Vairocana appeared in the air as the Tathagata. When the sixteen great disciples, being all together in Car-ma, had expounded the way of the Tathagata." - "Vairocana appeared in the air as the Tathagata. When together with the sixteen great disciples he had expounded the way of the Tathagata." 179 a 4: dehi slad-du, "Therefore". - In this context it is better to translate "thereafter", not only with verbs but also with nouns slad-du can mean both "after" and "because of". 181 a 3-4: sum-cu-rca gsum gnam-du gsegs-nas / ... nole zes bgyi-ba dan / zlos-chos li yul-du mi-bgyir mi-run zes lha-rnams-la gsol-nas, "He (i.e. the abbot Arya Samantasiddhi) besought the gods: '... it would be fitting that the thirty-three should come in the sky and perform in the Li country plays and dramatic shows.'" - "He went to the heaven of the thirty-three and he besought the gods: ... it would be fitting to perform in the Li country plays and dramatic shows."" 181 b 2: gcug-lag-khan reig-pa-la rjes-su yi-ran-nas yon phul, "Afterwards, being glad, he gave gifts for the building of the vihara." - "Approving of the building of the vihara he gave gifts." Tib. rjes-su yi-ran-ba renders Sanskrit anu-mud- ; In two places the text has perhaps to be corrected: 173 a 6 read chab phyun-nas instead of chab byun-nas; 175 a 1 read sul byun-nas instead of sul phyun-nas (E.: "having removed the empty space"); the expression sul byun occurs several times in the Li-yul chos-kyi lo-rgyus (see word index s.v. sul). In 180a occurs twice the word pha-bi which Emmerick considers as part of a proper name: 180 a 1 ljons pha-bi-na "the province of Pha-bi-na"; 180a3 chal chun-nu pha-bi-na "the small wood Pha-bi-na". It is surprising to have Pha-bi-na as name of a province and of a small wood. I suppose that pha-bi is equivalent to pha-gi "yonder". The word dku (175 b 2), translated with "wiles" by Emmerick, occurs in a Tibetan version of the Ramayana (Thomas' document A; see F. W. Thomas, "A Ramayana Story in Tibetan from Chinese Turkestan", Indian Studies in Honor of Charles Rockwell Lanman, Cambridge, Mass., 1929, pp. 193-212) lines 196-197: mGrin-bzans rgyal-po Ra-ma-na la / 'khan-ste || khyod-ko bdag-la mtshotsham mam | dku' byed-pa 'dra-ste ). Here it probably has the same meaning. In the Li-yul chos-kyi lo-rgyus a few difficult expressions are to be found. In 24 rgya-rjehi gnan-cen hihal-zin mchis-mchis-pa-las the meaning of gnan-cen is not clear. In the Tibetan version of the Ramayana, edited and translated by J. K. Balbir (L'histoire de Rama en tibetain, Paris, 1963), btsun-mo gnan-cen is used several times as a designation of the chief queen (see lines 98, 103, 106 and 108). This gnan-cen has probably to be connected with Jaschke's gnans-che which he renders with "rather (too) large". In rgya-rjehi gnan-cen it means perhaps "greatness" ("desiring the greatness of the king of China"). In 87-88 one must keep the readings of the manuscript: nor-phyugs dan bral-kol yan bas-nas; bas is equivalent to zad, see Divyavadana 295.27 pariksina, Tib. yonis-su bas-so. According to Emmerick in 91-92 de-Ita-bu se-dag la skyo-ma ses-nas / rgyun-chad

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REVIEWS 225 ma-myon-ste, the expression se-dag is to be explained as sed-bdag "oneself", skyo-ma means "blame, slander" and rgyun-chad "interruption of progress". I prefer to explain se-dag with the Dictionnaire thibetain-latin-francais (Hongkong, 1899), p. 992 as sa-stag, sa-dag "plerique, tantummodo, purus; la plupart, seulement, sans melange". See Ramayana, document A line 18 yul-'di-na srin-po se-dag gnas-te / 'di 'i rgyal po ... As to skyo-ma ses one must certainly read skyo ma-ses, see Jaschke s.v. skyo-ba: skyo mi-ses-par "without being tired". Skyo-ba is used to render Sanskrit nirveda or for this word Johnston's translation of the Buddhacarita, Calcutta, 1936, p. 32, n. 4). Finally rgyun-chad here means 'interruption of transmigration'. In 102 Emmerick explains bslans as "to raise" but it means of course "to ask for": klu-las gcug-lag-khan-gi sa-gzi bslars-nas "having from the Naga requested a site for a vihara". Australian National University J. W. de Jong Buddhist Yearly 1966. Jahrbuch fur Buddhistische Forschungen. Halle, Buddhist Centre, 1966; 68 pp.; Buddhist Yearly 1967, Jahrbuch fur Buddhistische Forschungen. ibid., 1967; 126 pp., Bibliography of Literature on Buddhist topics published on the territory of the G.D.R. since 1945 (=Supplement to "Buddhist Yearly" 1966). ibid.; 71 pp., Studia Asiae. Festschrift fur Johannes Schubert, Part I (=Supplement to "Buddhist Yearly 1968", ibid. 1969; 334 pp. A Buddhist Centre (Arbeitsgemeinschaft fur Buddhistische Forschungen in der DDR) was inaugurated at Halle on March 10th 1966. Director is Professor Heinz Mode. From this newly founded Buddhist Centre (Universitatsplatz 12, 402 Halle, Saale) we received two volumes of the Buddhist Yearly and two supplements (for the contents of these volumes see "Publications received", IIJ, XIII, pp. 67-68). The Bibliography of Literature on Buddhist Topics is divided into two parts, the first listing books and articles (nos. 1-229), the second reviews (nos. 230-543). It is a very valuable bibliography; it lists also several items which are not' Buddhist in the strict sense of the word. Both volumes of the Buddhist Yearly contain interesting articles. We can mention only a few of them. In Buddhist Yearly 1966 Heinz Mode discusses "German Studies on Indian Buddhist Art" (pp. 19-34). Johannes Mehlig examines some aspects of Friedrich Weller's work: "Friedrich Weller - ein Leben fur die buddhistische Forschung" (pp. 35-58). The article deals mainly with Weller's work on the Buddhacarita and the Brahmajalasutra. In Buddhist Yearly 1967 we find an article by H. Plaeschke: "Hadda und die spate Ornamentik der Gandhara-Schule" (pp. 59-73). Usefui bibliographies are to be found in the following two articles: T. Thilo, "Die Bearbeitung der buddhistischen Texte der Berliner Turfan-Sammlung" (pp. 74-85); A. N. Kotschetow, "Die buddhistische Forschung in der UdSSR" (pp. 86-118). The volume in honour of Johannes Schubert contains several important articles in the field of Tibetan studies. We are looking forward to the future publications of this active Buddhist Centre. Australian National University J. W. de Jong Punya Sloka Ray, Muhammad Abdul Hai, Lila Ray, Bengali Language Handbook (= Language Handbookseries ed. by F. A. Rice). Washington, Center for Applied Linguistics, 1966. XIII + 137 pp. At a time when students of modern Indian languages have not yet given up the hope that a revised and enlarged edition of S. K. Chatterjee's monumental work on 'The

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226 REVIEWS Origin and Development of the Bengali Language' (Calcutta, 1926) would bestow upon the interested readers new and recent informations, the linguistics of Bengali 'as a discipline' (iii) is busy with reformulating and rearranging the already known facts in order to achieve a synchronic grammar. Thus, in place of a phonetic transcription P. S. Ray, in the book under review, speaks about 'segmental phonems' (p. 4 sq.), but he differs from Chatterjee's description (p. XX sqq. and p. 267'sqq.) only in one but very noteworthy detail, namely, that he does not mention the existence of a voiced h in Bengali. His new arrangements, however, do not always necessarily result in a greater clarity, as can be observed e.g. in chapter 4 on 'verb words'. Although Chatterjee brings forward a very useful classification of Bengali verbs (p. 893), P. S. Ray starts with a mere enumeration of twenty-nine traditional 'stem classes', but instead of explaining the criteria which are at the basis of this table, he continues with a representation of the Bengali verb arranged according to verbal sufixes. A cumbersome repetition of rules of vowel mutation under the headings of the various suffixes and constant cross references are the results of such a procedure. Into this tangled scheme he squeezes also remarks about function and meaning of suffixes and tenses. So the basic principles of 'Umlaut' and mutations of vowels - clearly represented in terms of a synchronic grammar by E. C. Dimock (Dimock, S. Bhattacharji, S. Chatterjee, Introduction to Bengali, I, Honolulu, 1964), p. 76 sqq. -- have to be found out by the reader of this handbook by painstaking comparisons of the verbal suffixes and the specific rules connected with them and by setting up general rules and restrictions. But even the result of such an effort is far from satisfying. E.g. verbal suffix 14 (VS) |-en/ is, according to the author to be used by following the rules of VS 12. This would result in a form daen, in place of the actually used /daen/. - The rules for Vs-16 produce a form h@bi), which should be /hobi/ (cf. Dimock, p. 167). - Vs-7/-0) (imperative present) is connected with rules which would result in a form /boSo/. This, however, is imperative future. There is no provision made for the actual 2nd pers. imp. present /b@Sol, covered by the rules for Vs-12 (2nd. pers. present). -- Chatterjee states on p. 393, "the native speakers of Standard Colloquial say .. korbar .. instead of *[korbar..]", whereas Ray has for Vs-2 (/ba/) a rule just in the opposite sense: "/O/ before consonant changes to /o/.../..korba/". - ross reference under Vs-2: "the meanings are the same as of Vs-1" (/-a/) would give the suffix /ba/ among other the meaning of a "completed action attributed to an object". But such a meaning never occurs with forms like /dekhiba/ (cf. Chatterjee, p. 1017). This misleading statement is due to the fact that Ray does not make a difference between verbal nouns in -a and (passive) verbal adjectives in -a under Vs-1 (1-a/). An incorrect meaning is also attributed to Vs-5 (/e/), the 'conjunctive', if Ray states "the meaning is that of a past" and at the same time identifies the suffix with that of the first member in compound verbs like die de Wa) (p. 25). Wrongly represented is also the meaning of the imperative future ("imp. with attention on the state after completion of the action" p. 27), although Dimock has already more appropriately expressed it ("The future imperative is used to indicate that a command or wish is to be carried out at some future time". p. 346) and has given examples which show that this imperative is used after the conjunctive in -e. Among the suffixes of verb words (4.3.) one does not come across the -i of the imperative present, the -ben of imperative future and the -lem which, according to Chatterjee (p. 400), is the "Standard Colloquial pronunciation of -lam". On p. 24 under V-3 (last para) one has to read: /e/ before semivowel /W/ changes to /i/ in place of "/e/ before consonant...". In chapters 5 and 6 ("Noun words" and "Auxiliary words") I missed the determiner suffix' -dig and noted the restriction that /-der/ "cannot occur before any further case suffix", although Chatterjee (p. 728) has a manuS-der-te and other forms. The description of "Aspectives" (i.e. auxiliary verbs) under 6.5. shows clearly how much the

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REVIEWS 227 studies of Bengali syntax lag behind the researches in the field of compound verbs of Hindi carried out in the last ten years. The chapters 7 (phrase structure) and 8 (sentences and clauses) confront the reader with a mass of well known constructions in a purely descriptive, but rather sophisticated, representation; nothing, however, is said about the pattern of correlative sentences, a very characteristic construction in Bengali. In chapters 9-13 one gets summarised descriptions of contrasts of Bengali with American English (9), of Sadhu Standard (10), of the Dacca Dialect (12, written by M. A. Hai) and of the Chittagong Dialect (13). The chapters 14-17 on Bengali literature by Lila Ray, the mother of P. S. Ray, form, on account of the traditional method that is followed in them, a striking contrast with the appearance of scientific approach in the chapters 4-18. For the older periods the authoress follows rather faithfully the outlines given by S. K. Sen (History of Bengali Literature, New Dehli, 1960); for the latest developments she only enumerates some names of writers together with a few remarks at random about the contents of their books. The absence of an index is felt as an obstacle, because the unconventional representation and a rather indistinct form of printing hide the information from readers of this handbook "who wish to have a concise and condensed general picture of the language" (iii) in place of making it more easily accessible. The very short bibliography does not refer to any publication other than in English. * Utrecht P. Gaeffke