Indian Antiquary Vol 51

Author(s): Richard Carnac Temple, Devadatta Ramkrishna Bhandarkar
Publisher: Swati Publications
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/032543/1

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INDIAN ANTIQUARY A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH
IN
ARCHÆOLOGY, EPIGRAPHY, ETHNOLOGY, GEOGRAPHY, HISTORY, FOLKLORE, LANGUAGES,
LITERATURE, NUMISMATICS, PHILOSOPHY, RELIGION, &c. &c.
EDITED BY
SIR RICHARD CARNAC TEMPLE, BART., C.B., C.I.E., F.S.A.;
HON. FELLOW, TRIN. HALL, CAMBRIDGE, FORMERLY LIEUT.-COLONEL, INDIAN ARMY,
AND
PROF. DEVADATTA RAMKRISHNA BHANDARKAR, M.A.
VOL. LI.-1922.
Swati Publications
Delhi 1985

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Published by Swati Publications, 34, Central Market, Ashok Vihar, Delhi-110052 Ph. 7113395 and Printed by S.K. Mehra at Mehra Offset Press, Delhi...,

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ANTANI, V. J., M.A.
THE DATE OF THE MUDRA-RAKSHASA BHANDARKAR, PROF. D. R., M.A.The Decline and Fall of the Hindus, by S. B. Mukerjee, Bar.-at-law... COTTON, H. E. A., C.I.E.
204
PRATHAMASAKHA BRAHMANS OB MID-DAY PARAIYANS CRESWELL, K. A. C., M.R.A.S., HON. A.R.I.B.A.A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE MUHAMMADAN ARCHITECTURE OF INDIA
Origin of the Swelling Dome.. DINESH CHANDRA BHATTACHARYYA, M.A.DATE OF LAKSHMANASENA AND HIS PREDE145, 153
CESSORS
**
..
CONTENTS
LALIPADA MITRA, M.A.
ABOUT BUDDHIST NUNS
M. J. B.
Djawa
..
PAGE.
..
FOSTER, WILLIAM, C.I.E.
SIVAJI'S RAID UPON SURAT IN 1664 GRIERSON, SIR GEORGE A., K.C.I.E.THE APABHRAMSA STABAKAS OF RAMA SARMAN (TARKAVAGISA)
**
RAMANUJASWAMI, P. V., M.A.HEMACANDRA AND PAICACIPRAKRTA
81, 165 79
GUPTA, KISHORI MOHAN, M.A.LAW SYSTEM IN ACCORDANCE WITH EPIGRAPHIC EVIDENCE WITH NOTES ON SOME OF THE INSCRIPTIONS AND ON SOME TERMS USED IN THEM
GUPTE, RAO BAHADUR, B.A.
ORIGIN OF THE GODDESS PARNASABARI SOME BURMESE PROVERBS HAIG, LIEUT.-COL. SIR WOLSELEY, K.C.I.E.,
C.S.I., C.M.G., C.B.E.
THE HISTORY OF THE NIZAM SHAHI KINGS OF AHMADNAGAR 29, 66, 125, 198, 235 HALKATTI, RAO SAHIB, P. G.
VACHANAS ATTRIBUTED TO BASAVA, 7, 36, 54 HOSKYN, LIEUT.-COL. JOHN, .C.B.E., D.8.0.THE ORIGIN AND EARLY HISTORY OF THE MERS OF MERWARA
..
..
49
..
KRISHNAMACHARLU, C. R., B.A.THE ORIGIN, GROWTH AND DECLINE OF THE VIJAYANAGAR EMPIRE
158
..
TEMPLE, SIR R. C., BT.
A FACTOR'S COMPLAINT FROM PORAKAD IN 1665
109
A NEW VIEW OF SHER SHAR SUR, 160, 179, 183 THE ADVENT OF ISLAM INTO SOUTHERN INDIA..
Note on one of the Amaravati Sculptures 13, 21 in the Colombo Museum, by the late E. K. Ayrton, Archaeological Commissioner, Anuradhapura
Epigraphia Birmanica, vol. II, pt. I, by Chas, Duroiselle Epigraphia Birmanica, vol. II, pt. II, by Chas, Duroiselle Annals of the Bhandarkar Institute, vol. II, pt. 2..
1
73
143 227
113
225
229
..243
MAN, E. H., C.L.E.
DICTIONARY
or SOUTH ANDAMAN LAN
..
GUAGE.. Sup. 165, 173 MUNSHI, KANAIYALAL M., B.A., LL.B.THE MAXISHMATI OF KARTAVIRYA NUNDOLAL DEY, M.A., B.L.
GEOGRAPHICAL DICTIONARY OF ANCIENT AND MEDIEVAL INDIA.. Sup. 79, 87, 95, 103, 111
217
51
RAMASWAMI, P. N., B.A. (HONS.)
THE EVOLUTION OF INDIAN COINAGE BEFORE THE CHRISTIAN ERA
SANKARA, K. G.
****
MR. D. BANERJI'S DATE FOR KALIDASA THE VELVI-KUDI PLATES AND THE SANGHAM AGE SAYCE, THE REV. PROF. A. H., M.A., D.LITT. NEW LIGHT FROM WESTERN ASIA 119, 133 SITA NATH PRADHAN
On some passages in the Harsacarita of Bana
242
..
PAGE.
A Chant of Mystics and other Poems, by Ameen Rihani
139
M.A.SUDRA
192
211
..
..
205
111
401
132
80
..
An Arabic History of Gujarat, vol. II, bySir E. Denison Ross Lost historical papers relating to Ceylon 131 Astronomical Instruments in the Delhi Museum, by G. R. Kaya 132 Ancient India, by Prof. U. N. Ball, M.A. 148 List of Inscriptions found in Burma, by C. Duroiselle 164
Report on the Terminology and Classifica.
tions of Grammar
40
57
221
Multiple Origin of Technical and Commercial Terms Linguistic Studies from the Himalayas, by the Revd. T. Grahame Bailey Studies in Parsi History, by Shahpurshah Hormasji Hodivala
222
201
60, Notes from the Old Factory Records, 132, 152, 184, 204, 224
TURNER, R. L.
FURTHER SPECIMENS OF NEPALI 41, 61 USBORNE, C. F.THE STORY OF HIR AND RANJHA, Sup. 33, 41, 49, 57 VIDHUSHEKARA BHATTACHARYA SASTRI,
241
137

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iv
CONTENTS
MISCELLANEA.
Origin of the Swelling Dome, by K. A. C. Creswell ..
Note on one of the Amaravati Sculptures in the Colombo Museum, by the late E. K. Ayrton, Archæo.
logical Commissioner, Anuradhapura, by Sir R. C. Temple Lost historical papers relating to Ceylon, by Sir R. C. Temple Multiple Origin of Technical and Commercial terms, by Sir R. C. Temple On some passages in the Harsacarita of Bana, by Sita Nath Pradhan
NOTES AND QUERIES. Notes from Old Factory Records, by Sir R. C. Temple
SUPPLEMENTS.
Geographical Dictionary of Ancient and Medieval India, by Nundolal Dey, M.A., B.L...
The Story of Hir and Ranjha, by Waris Shah, 1776 A.D., by C. F. Usborne Dictionary of the South Andaman Languages, by Edward Horace Man, C.I.E.
PAGE.
79
BOOK-NOTICES.
40
.. 132
Epigraphia Birmanica, vol. II, pt, I, by Chas. Duroiselle, by Sir R. C. Temple Epigraphia Birmanica, vol. II, pt. II, by Chas. Duroiselle, by Sir R. C. Temple Annals of the Bhandarkar Institute, vol. II, pt. 2, by Sir R. C. Temple .. A Chant of Mystics and Other Poems, by Ameen Rihani, by Sir R. C.. Temple An Arabic History of Gujarat, vol. II, by Sir E. Denison Ross, by Sir R. C. Temple Astronomical Instruments in the Delhi Museum, by G. R. Kaye, by Sir R. C. Temple Ancient India, by Prof. U. N. Ball, M.A., by Sir R. C. Temple
40
57 80
.. 132
List of Inscriptions found in Burma, by Chas, Duroiselle, by Sir R. C. Temple
148 ..164 .. 204
The Decline and Fall of the Hindus, by S. B. Mukerjee, Bar.-at-law, by Prof. D. R. Bhandarkar Report on the Terminology and Classifications of Grammar, by Sir R. C. Temple Linguistic Studies from the Himalayas, by the Revd. T. Grahame Bailey, by Sir R. C. Temple.. 222 Djawa, by M. J. B.
.. 204
Studies in Parsi History, by Shahpurshah Hormasji Hodivala, by Sir R. C. Temple
.. 243
244
PLATES.
Plate-India Office Sanskrit MS. No. 1106, 13-A, Plates 1 and 2 Plates VIII, IX, X, XI, XII and XIII in South Andaman Dictionary
60, 132, 152, 184, 204, 224
.. 111 .. 131 221 242
..
..
79, 87,
95, 103, 111
33, 41, 49, 57 165, 173
to face pp. 16, 21 Appendices, facing pp.
168, 172, 174, 188, 189

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH
VOLUME LI-1922
SIVAJI'S RAID UPON SURAT IN 1664.
BY WILLIAM FOSTER, C.I.E. ( Continued from Vol. L, p. 321.)
II. The Dutch factory was in the southern part of the city, not far from the castle. They had occupied it since 1616, previous to which it had been rented by the English (Factory Records, Surat, Vol. 84, Part I, fol. 69). The Directeur, Dirck van Adrichem, had at his disposal a far smaller number of Europeans than Oxenden and was compelled therefore to adopt a more cautious policy, standing strictly on the defensive. He and his companions had, however, a very anxious time, mainly owing to the danger to their building from the conflagration that raged around them. A fairly long account of their experiences will be found in the Dagh-Register, Batavia, 1664-(p. 195), based upon advices from Surat, written in the middle of March ; and a still fuller one is contained in Hague Transcripts at the India Office), series I, Vol. XXVII, No. 719.8 This is a copy of the Surat Factory Diary for those eventful days; and, as it has not hitherto appeared in English, a translation (somewhat condensed) is given below, the original spelling in the case of names of persons and places being adhered to, but the dates being altered from New to Old Stylo, to correspond with those in the English narratives.
«5 January (Tuesday). About nine o'clock in the morning, while we were busy over the unloading of the Haarlem, came tidings that the Governor, Anaietchan, had been advised from Gandivie that last night had suddenly arrived there a great commander, who refused to disclose his name but declared that he was the Emperor's servant and was bound for Amadabath. He had with him a force of eight to ten thousand soldiers, horse and foot, and from the talk of his own men it was gleaned that he was the redoubtable Sivagie. We paid little attention to the rumour ; but soon the intelligence was confirmed, and many of the inhabitants began to flee, after hastily collecting their belongings.
"The Directeur was told that the English President had asked the Governor's permission to withdraw to Swally, but the latter had angrily refused, saying that if the English and the Dutch forsook the city at this crisis no one would remain. This continuance of bad news made us anxious, especially as the
Leerdam's cargo Was for the most part in the Company's Warehouse. The
'In the centre of this division (the Barah Khan challo), behind the Dondipol street, is the Walandan kothi, or Dutch building. This is the site of the Dutch lodge or factory, for long the best built and healthi ant house in Surat. Even the ruins of the old house bave been carried ofl. The only relies of its former uplondour aro an underground chamber and the basin of the fountain.'-(Bombay Gazetteer. vol. II.
e loo the account given by Valentyn in his Oud en Nieuwe Oost-Indien (Book IV, Part II, p. 368). which is obviously derived from the same source.
• There sooms to bave been so foundation for this rumour,
P, 307.)

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
[ JANUARY, 1922
Directeur dispatched the junior merchant Vollert to the customhouse, with orders to reship in the Haarlem the goods not yet brought to the factory and to bring up two small guns from that vessel. He also considered it advisable
to ask permission from the Governor to send his wife and children on board for * Bafety; but on going to the house of that functionary, accompanied by the Benior merchant Abraham Hartman, he found him absent, engaged in placing scouts round the city, breaking down bridges (though the water channels were mostly dry), and placing cannon in various places ; Bo the message was entrusted to the broker Kissendas [Kisun Dâs]. Meanwhile the Directeur visited the house of the [English] President, where he found everyone busily engaged in putting the place in a condition for defence.
"On his return Kissendas communicated to him the Governor's answer, which was similar to that given to the English President, except that the Governor had said in a desponding manner that we and the English ought to assist him in this extremity. Since it was his duty to protect both his own people and strangers, his reasons for refusing so moderate a request seemed trivial. As the danger appeared to be increasing, we engaged from 50 to 60 Moor soldiers to assist in the defence of the Company's property. We were lucky to be able to secure these, though at more than the usual rates. With the ordinary house servants they made up a body of about 80 men, well armed with bows and arrows, swords, and pikes. For greater security an express was sent to Conraedt Roermondt, directing him to furnish from the Leerdam 15 seamen, with cutlasses and muskets. Eight free Europeans offered their services; and, with these we mustered about 40 Europeans.
"As the day wore on, the enemy drew nearer and the number of fugitives increased. The Directeur decided, in spite of the Governor's prohibition, to send all the women on board the Macassar, which, with the little Amsterdam, had embarked the goods, and had gone, together with the Haarlem, to lie off the castle landing stairs. This was effected before dark, and the Captain, Pieter Willemsz, was ordered to lie in the middle of the river and watch for signals from the factory, to direct his departure for Swally. The Directeur now divided his force into three watches, and dispatched letters to Amada bath acquainting the Dutch there with what had occurred.
“6 (Wednesday). In the early morning the mate of the Leerdam arrived to report that his boat with 15 sailors was in the river. News came that Siewagie and his army were approaching Oudena (Udhna), about 41 Dutch miles from Surat. We understood that the Governor, Enajetchan, had sent one of his chief servants thither to demand of the stranger, since he gave out that he was a servant of the Emperor and had been summoned by Mobetchan [Mahabat Khan) to put down a rising in Pattan, 10 but had been delayed on the way, that he should not approach any nearer to Surat, as suspicion of his intentions had already dispeopled the city. This message so irritated the rebel that he sent no reply, but kept the
bringer of it a prisoner. Two servants of the Dutch, sent to glean intelligence, 10 In the Dagh-Register (ut supra) the rising is stated to have been headed by Prince Supper Socour,' .., Sipihr Shikoh, son of Dars Shikoh. Professor Jadunath Sarkar, in his History of Aurangtib (Vol. III, P. 28), say that a false Dara Shukoh appeared in Gujrat in August, 1663': but the Dutch story is the more probable, soping that Dara was known to be dead, whilst his son was still alive, although prisoner.

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JANUARY, 1922)
SIVAJI'S RAID UPON SURAT IN 1664.
were likewise seized, but they were released towards evening and returned, bringing news that the invader was certainly Siwagie, for one of them had seen him before at Ragiapoer.
"About seven o'clock the sailors from the Leerdam were brought into the factory, and two guns from the Macassar were placed in position. Some piece-goods from Broach, which were lying on the maidan, were also carried in, without waiting for permission from the Governor. Messages were sent to the weavers and dyers to bring to the factory any cloth they had belonging to the Company and this they did in great haste and confusion.
"Whilst we were thus engaged, the English President Oxenden about ten o'clock came marching over the green, past the castle, and then by our factory. He had with him a goodly number of Englishmen, as, fortunately for him, there were two ships from England lying at Swally, besides four or five smaller vesseis for local trade. He took the pocasion to pay a visit to the Directeur, and showed himself so full of spirit and so confident, because of his 200 Englishmen (in addition to the Moor sailors), that he declared himself ready to attack Sivagie, should he approach the English factory.
"Our Directeur replied that on his part he meant to stand on the defensive and do nothing unless attacked, in which case he and his companions would resist to the death. At the close of the interview a report came that the enemy was approaching the gates of the city; and shortly after the President's departure (about midday) this was confirmed. Thereupon the Directeur signalled to the ships to depart for Swally Hole.
"No sooner had we closed the gates of the factory and repaired to the roof than we saw flames burst out with great fury in the middle of the city. Some of the robber's troops made their way, quite unopposed, to the custom house and there found plenty of booty. The Governor, though the commander of 1000 horse and charged with the duty of defending the city, took refuge in the castle, with his suite and 100 horsemen all that he had of the aforesaid numbert) as the principal inhabitants had already done, though, if they had had the presence of mind to do so, they might, by hiring a few Moor soldiers, have defended their houses and saved their goods. Thus the whole city was left 29 a prey to burning and pillage. The robbers, finding themselves nowhere opposed, had the boldness this evening to come close up to the castle, the guns of which did them no harm, while inflicting considerable damage on the city itself. During the first watch of the night the firing continued' very briskly. The thieves could be heard all round the factory, calling to one another and breaking into the houses ; but the conflagration did not seem to increase perceptibly.
"7 (Thursday). Early in the day came an emissary from Sievagie, in the person of Nicolaes Calostra, & Greek merchant who lived in Surat, accompanied by & horseman. The Greek was admitted and told us in Portuguese that he had been dragged out of his house and had been ordered to tell the Dutch and English Chiefs that Surat had been given to Sivaji by Prince Siasousa (Shah Shuja), who was now living with him : that he needed money to maintain his army: and that unless they gave him some (the amount not being specified), the whole city would be burnt. This pretext was obviously false, it being well known that the Prince had died three years ago in Arracan,

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
( JANUARY, 1992
"The Directeur sent in reply a message that we were merchants and did not keep our money idle; therefore we had but little in hand, and could not place any At his service ; if, however, a little broadcloth or spices would be acceptable, we should be pleased to make him a present of some. The Greek was further charged to tell Siwagie that, since he had never injured our Company at Wingurla, but on the contrary had treated our factors there very well, we trusted that we should receive equal consideration from him here, and that we were merely endeavouring to protect our property against any who might, without his knowledge, have designs against us. All this the Greek undertook to deliver in the most persuasive way and to let the Directeur know the result; and after drinking a glass of wine he took his departure.
"No sooner had we finished our midday meal than an alarm was given; but our two guns placed at the door of the factory, intimidated the would-be marauders. About one o'clock the conflagration burst out afresh, principally in the northern and eastern parts of the city, and the flames spread so rapidly that our destruction appeared imminent; but God was merciful, and a change of the wind from east to north stopped the fire about a musketshot from our factory. Understanding that the English had made sorties in various directions, we sent a few lines to their President, inquiring as to the truth of this and asking what reply had been made to Siwagie's demands, at the same time stating what we had done in the matter, and adding that what we most feared was the fire. The bearer was the Company's waterman, who, looking like a beggar, had no difficulty in passing through the enemy. He brought a reply that the President meant to hold out till the last : that two or three sorties had been made, in which two of the rogues and a horse had been killed and two more taken prisoners. As the conflagration seemed to be increasing again, it was determined to pull down the thatch of part of the factory; and as a precaution against attack we built barricades of goods inside the gates.
"The king's wakiah navís (intelligencer), who had taken refuge in the castle, wrote to the Directeur, asking that certain chests in his house (hard by ours) might be fetched into our factory for safety; but this was refused, it being his business to look after his own property, and moreover, if we complied with his wishes, he might hold us responsible for their loss, should the factory be burnt. Our anxiety was increased by the fact that the Macassar and her consort had been delayed in their departure by having to wait for the tide to turn, and there were strong rumours that forty of Siwangie's frigates were in the river and were seizing all shipping.
"Happily, however, before dark our fears were allayed by the arrival of & pote from Signor Roermont, announcing that our vessels had reached Swally Hole in safety. We were still uneasy because the Greek had not returned with an account of Souwagie's reception of our answer; and the more so because Signor Roermont had sent us word that he was dispatching the Macassar to us again with four or five seamen and a supply of lead and hand grenades.
"During the first watch of the night the fires continued burning fiercely round us in a semicircle and there was a great noise of musketry and drums, mingled with yells and groans. We were thankful, however, to find that the rascals appeared to be Bo much afraid of us that they kept as far as possible out of our sight,

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TANUARY, 1922 1
SIVAJI'S RAID UPON SURAT IN 1884.
"&Jamiary. About six o'clock in the morning came an alarm, but as before, it proved false. While we were at dinner, the Captain of the castlo sent as ervant with an offer of ammunition, which was gladly accepted. At this time the conflagration seemed to be abating, and, as the tumult was also dying down, we ooncluded that the robbers were preparing for departure. Rumour said that an order to this effect had been issued by Suagie, who was encamped about two kos outside Surat, having for his own use merely a semiaen [awning), while none of his officers possessed a tent. The camp was crowded with mazúra (carriers) and oxen to carry away the plunder; and every rider had a spare horse. In short it was evidently but a temporary camp.
"To ascertain the truth, the Directeur sent out a peon, who had volunteered his ser. vices, entrusting to him also a note for the English President, acquainting him how things went with us, and giving him the news received from Swally. Later in the day a reply was received, in which it was suggested that, should Swagie make another demand upon us, we should answer that we and the English were pledged to stand by one another. To this proposal we returned no reply, not wishing to bind ourselves. We also learnt that Antony Smidth had been captured by the marauders and carried to Swagie, but had had the good fortune to be taken for a menial servant (being badly dressed) and so released for a ransom, carrying a message to the English threatening an attack if they did not give satisfaction. The French Capuchin Fathers had taken refuge in the English factory. They sent word that Mons. Duguede had been with Swagie and had reported on his return that the nswers by us and the English to the rebel's demands had much enraged him,
"The reason why the Greek had brought us no reply was that on his way back he had been wounded by some of the rascals and had sought refuge in the English house, which was nearer than ours. Our spy on his return reported that he had been through the whole of the city and had seen several parties of robbers, five or six in each. In the house of the Company's broker Kissendas and in that of his neighbour, the Banian Zom Zom, standing about a musket shot from our factory, he found 50 to 60 marauders pulling down everything. The dwelling of the famous merchant Wiergewora (Virji Vora) was in ashes, and the same fate had befallen that of Suwadrae and innumerable others, few of the great houses having escaped spoliation. He had been outside the city to the camp and had seen Siwagie sitting there with only a 'pael'pdl, tent-sheet) over his head and no 'canaets '[kandts, side walls of a tent], his men continually arriving with booty, which they laid before him. He put by the gold and silver and the best of the goods, and distributed the rest among the bystanders. The peon was unable, owing to the crowd, to find out whether the camp was about to be moved. It extended from the 'Pemsische 11 graven '[tombs] to the Princess Saha Begem's18 garden, and contained not a single tent.
"The Macassar having now arrived from Swally and anchored close to the castle the four sailors and the ammunition she brought came safely to our house. Towards evening the Marauders were busy again, and the fires burst out
into fresh violence. 11 Ponibly the original had. Perzische '= Persian.
17 The Sahib-Bogam, s.c. the Princess Jah&ndra. The position of her garden is indicated by the suburb know Begampura, on the eastern side of the city,

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
[JANUARY, 1922
"9 (Saturday). We kept vigilantly on guard all night, as the uproar continued and thieves were prowling round the factory. However, all we could see in the moonlight were the miserable inhabitants fleeing before the flames. The Kowal's brother came out of the castle with 40 soldiers, and a trumpeter sent from the Captain to the Directeur, proposing that we should send out some of our men, as the English had done, to assist in driving away the marauders. Reply was made that we had no men to spare, that it was the Governor's busi. ness to clear the city, and that we were determined to remain on the defensive.
"About eleven o'clock came a rumour that the 'Bielpaars Raadja '13 and the Governor of Broach were marching to the relief of the city with a strong force. The conflagration was now very violent around us, and we gave up hope of our factory escaping destruction, concluding that our only course was to take refuge in one of our small vessels. We had collected our books and papers for this purpose, when God was pleased to send again a change of wind, which saved us.
"The English President being unable, owing to the smoke, to see from his house whether our flag was still flying, and fearing we were in extremities, sent his servant to the Directeur to offer assistance. We thanked him heartily, but said we hoped by God's help to save ourselves. All through the day and the night we watched vigilantly.
"10 (Sunday). In the morning it was reported that Swagie's forces, with their booty, had left the town and marched away. This was confirmed by a peon who was sent out to report, and also by some servants dispatched by the English President with his greetings to the Directeur, who returned a suitable reply.
“The goods from the Leerdam, which had been stored in a warehouse near the custom house and on which no duty had yet been paid were removed to our factory, with the intention of disputing the payment of any customs for them, seeing that the Governor had so shamefully failed to protect us. A letter from Signor Wagensvelt at Brotschia Broach), dated the 8th instant, apprised us that many fugitives had arrived there : that the Duke 'Suberdescham',14 with a large force, was marching to the relief of Surat: and that Mirfetta' [Mîr Fateh] was to follow. Had they started earlier, they might have prevented much of the destruction that has taken place.
"11 (Monday). It was now evident that Swagie had really departed, is for the inhabitants were coming out of their hiding places, only to find in most cases that their houses had been burnt to the ground. Half of this important city has been laid in ashes. Besides the English and Dutch factories, and the new sardi (in which some Armenian and Turkish merchants were lodging), there were not ten houses which offered any resistance and thus escaped spoliation.
"Had Hagia Sjasbeecq (Haji Zahid Beg) and Virgia Wora been willing to spend three or four thousand rupees on peons, they might have been able to save their dwellings and thus have avoided an immense loss. The house of the Company's broker, Kistendaes, with all its contents, was destroyed. The Ethiopian ambassador, who, according to report, was lodging in the old sardi and was about to start for Delhi. was taken prisoner and carried to Swagie, but was released on giving up the presents
he had brought for the Emperor, these being the only things of value he possessed." 18 In the Bombay Gazetteer (Vol. I, pt. I, p. 284), the Chief of Belpár is mentioned as one of those who marched to the relief of Surat. Belpar' appears to be Bhildpar, about 12 miles south of Baroda.
14 Sabed&r Khan Mahabat Khân, the Subadar of Gujarat, is evidently intended.
16 The Dagh-Register (loc. cit.) says that he left a rearguard of four to five hundred horse, who soon after departed as well.

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JANUARY, 1922]
VACHANAS ATTRIBUTED TO BASAVA
VACHANAS ATTRIBUTED TO BASAVA. TRANSLATED BY RAO SAHIB P. G. HALKATTI, M.L.C.
[BASAVA was a leader of the Vira Saiva or Lingayat sect in the middle of the twelfth century, and probably was its founder. The sect has produced a large and varied literature, chiefly in Sanskrit, Kanarese and Telugu. The Vachanas are brief practical utterances in Kanarese prose, some expository, many hortatory, written by the early leaders. Rao Sahib P. G. Halkatti has translated a large number of those attributed to Basava into English. From these Dr. J. N. Farquhar has made a selection, and has prepared the MS. for the press. The sect is noteworthy in several respects. They are called Vira Saivas, because they are staunch Saivas, recognizing no god but Siva. They are called Lingayats, because each member of the sect wears a small linga in a reliquary hung from his neck, and uses this linga in his daily worship. The Jangama guru and the monastery play a great part in Lingayat life. Bhakti and morality are deeply emphasized in the practice of the sect. progress has six stages:
Spiritual
1. Bhakti
2. Mahesa
3. Prasâda
4. Prânalinga
5. Barana
6. Aikya
The Vachanas here translated, expounding, as they do, each of these stages in turn throw a good deal of light on the beliefs of the sect.
.. Devotion.
.. Divine Power.
.. Grace.
7
.. The Linga in the Life.
.. Self-surrender.
.. Oneness with Siva.
The question whether these Vachanas are actually the work of Basava or not has never been settled; and certainty can scarcely be attained until all the utterances attributed to him have been critically examined from the point of view of language as well as history. But there is one passage in these selections of special interest in relation to the question; for we can scarcely believe it to have been written by any one but Basava: see number 5, under Prasada. Further, the vigorous good sense and the fresh moral outlook of many of these utterances give the impression of a mind of originality and power such as the founder's must have been.]
State I: Bhakti: Devotion. A. Seek Liberation from Worldliness.
1. I appear in all the splendour of a full moon, but alas ! this Rahu of wordliness has encompassed and swallowed me up completely. To-day there has been an eclipse of my body. Oh, when shall I be released, O Kudalasangama Deva1?
2. Oh, when shall these worldly troubles cease? Oh, when shall I have realization? Oh, when will it be? When will it be, O Kudalasangama Deva? When shall I be in the highest joy? Oh, when shall I be?
3. Alas, like an oyster-shell in the sea, I am lying with my mouth opened. Oh, see there is no one but Thou that can'st know me. Behold, there is none else; only Thou can'st take me within Thee, O Kudalasangama Deva.
1 Sangama is the Sanskrit word for the point where two rivers meet. At Kudalasangama, in the Southern Maratha country, there is a temple to Siva. The author of these utterances addresses Biva as the God of this temple.

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B. Destroy Egoism. 1. My life is bearing the burden of a hungry stomach, and says, "How is it to-day? How will it be to-morrow?" It feels no disgust that it has come through so many births already, nor has it planned how to obtain liberation hereafter. Alas, this egoism never allows me to meditate upon God with constancy, and has killed me, O Kudalasangama Deva.
2. When I try to meditate upon one thing, egoism makes me meditate upon another. If I turn this way, it turns me that way. It makes me weep, and torments me. It makes me weary, and torments me. If I say, I will join with Kudalasaigama Deva, it confounds my way, this my egoism.
3. Alas! you all go riding an elephant. Alas! you go anointing yourselves with saffron and musk. Alas! you go riding a horse. But alas ! you do not understand the place of truth. Alas! you turn aside from sowing and reaping the fruits of virtue. Alas ! you are entangled in the three states, and go riding an elephant in rut called pride, and so spoil yourselves. Alas, through not knowing our Kudalasangama Deva, you become subjeot to hell.
4. When egoism has occupied your mind, where will the Linga be? Hence you should not give room to egoism, but should be Liiga-bodied. If you be without egoism, Kudalasangama Devs will remain within you
0. Seek the Protection of God. 1. The sea swells up at the rise of the full moon; but it ebbs when the moon wanes. When Rahu tries to swallow the moon, does the sea shout and rush up ? Or, when the sage was drinking up the sea, did the moon stop him? There is no helper for any one ; there is no friend for the distressed. Only Thou, O God, art the friend of the world, O Kudalasangama Deva.
2. When the fire is burning on the hearth, there is standing-room left; but if the whole earth catches fire, one can find no standing-room. If the dam drinks up the water in the tank; if the hedge eats up the crops in the garden; if the woman steals in her own house; if the mother poisons the milk and kills the child; alas, to whom shall I complain, O Kudalasangana Deva ?
3. Alas, it has happened to me as to a frog that seeks protection from a serpent. Alas! alas ! this life is false, and is passing fruitlessly away. O Creator, Kudalasangams Devs, free me from this state, and protect me, O Lord.
4. What is comparable with devotion towards God? O, how shall I obtain godly behaviour? I am tied down with the bonds of lust, anger, greed, passion, pride and jealousy. I am boiling in thirst, hunger and passions. The five senses and the seven fluids have made me a frying pan, and are tormenting me. Hear my cry, O Kudalasangama Deva.
6. Take from me and cast away my covetousness, lust, fierceness, falseness, sensuality. cunning, dissimulation, anger, meanness and lying; for they hinder me from approaching Thee, O Kadalasangama Deva.
6. Destructive weeds have grown in uncultivated soil. They do not allow me to understand, nor do they allow me to awake. Root out these weeds of wickedness and protect me, O Father Linga. There I shall plough and cultivate, O Kadalasangama Deva.
7. Oh, do not spread before me the green leaves of temptation. What does the heart know of them! It is tempted to them as being green leaves. But, O Kudalassigama Deva, make me void of temptation ; feed me to the full with the food of faith; pour wate of good knowledge upon me; and thus care for me and protect me,

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VACHANAS ATTRIBUTED TO RABAVA
8. Make me an insignificant parrot in this human forest, and then make me repeat 'God,' "God,' and so protect me. Place me in & cage of faith, and so protect me, o Kudalasangama Deva.
9. O Father, make me a lame man, that I may not walk hither and thither. O Father, make me a blind man, that I may not see how to wander and turn away. O Father, make me a deaf man, that I may not hear anything. So keep me that I may not be drawn to any other temptation than the feet of Thy servants, O Kudalasangama Deva.
10. Ah, do not say, "Who are you !" "Who are you?" "Who are you?" but say, "You are mine," "You are mine," "You are mine." Regard me as a son in Thy house, O Kudalasaigama Deva.
11. If. after creating me in this world, saying, "Be born," Thou wert to thrust me aside, how the people would laugh at Thee! O keep me in the path of God. O God, I am purposeless! Ah, show me the way. I keep crying and crying. O faithful companions of God, hear me : Kudalasangama Deva is tormenting me.
12. Alas! alas ! O God, Thou hast not the slightest pity for me. Alas! alas 1 0 God, Thou hast not the slightest mercy for me. Why did'st Thou create me, who am far away from the other world? Why did'st Thou create me, O Kudalasangama Deva ? O hear me : were there no trees and shrubs for me?
13. Thou wast pleased with Arjuna who drove the sharp arrow into Thee; but Thou did'st burn Cupid who shot the flowery arrow at Thee. Thou did'st take that Viradha to Kailas who slew Day and Night. Then why dost Thou not want me, 0 Kudalasaügama Deva ?
14. If Thou art angry with me, will it not suffice if Thou dost once scold me ? Alas alas ! Should'st Thou sell me to Cupid? Is it proper that Thou should'st sell Thine own people to Thine enemies and surrender them, O Kudalasangama Deva ?
15. If Thou art pleased, even dry wood will sprcut. If Thou art pleased, the barren cow will yield milk. If Thou art pleased, poison will become nectar. If Thou art pleased, all that is desired will come, O Kudalasangama Deva.
16. Does Mount Meru consider the qualities of a crow? Does Parusha: consider the qualities of iron ? Does a fragrant flower consider the qualities of the wicked man that wears it? Does a sandalwood tree consider the qualities of the neighbouring trees!
O Lings, replete with all excellent virtues, should'st Thou mind my evil qualities, , Kadalasangama Deva ?
17. Oh, my faults are crores innumerable, but Thy patience is immeasurable. If I err, only Thy feet are my salvation. To this, Kinnari Brahmayyad is witness before Thy Pramathas, O Kadalasaigama Deva.
D. Be Virtuous. 1. O consider, if iron cannot remain iron after contact with Parusha, then one should not have mean qualities after contact with Linga; for the servants of our Kudala. sangama Deva should posseas no other qualities than His.
2. You can see Langa in the mirror of a devotee's face. That Kudalasangama Deva, who has as His body the body of His devotee, that all-pervading One is lying in heaps in the midst of the words of the devotee.
3. Why do you propose to mend the crookedness of the world ? First, correct your own body. First, correct your own mind. Our Kudalasaigama Deva is not pleased with those who shout about the errors of their neighbours. * The philosopher's stono.
3 One of the companions of Basava. There are so gols or ministers attendent on Siva.

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4. Desire for wealth cannot ease, and anger cannot subside. As long as you cannot give up cruelty, insincerity and evil words, where are you, and where is Liiga ! Get you hence, madman! So long as you cannot get rid of this darkness, this disease of worldliness, where is Kudalasangama Deva, and where are you, O madman ?
5. Is there, or is there no Lord of the house within ! Grass has grown over the threshold, and dust has filled the house ; is there, or is there no Lord of the house within ! Falsehood has filled the body, and sensual passions have filled the mind. The Lord of the house is not there, O Kudalasangama Deva.
6. Are what we call God's world and the mortal world to be found anywhere else? There are innumerable worlds in this very world! Yes, godly conduct is God's world, the spot where God's devotee lives is verily God's world; ay, God's devotee's yard is verily Benares ; his very body itself is Kailas! That is true, O Kudalasangama Deva.
7. Do not steal. Do not kill. Do not lie. Be not angry. Have no contempt for others. This is internal purity. This is external purity. This is the way to please our Kudalasangama Deva.
E. Speak the Truth. 1. My brothers, behold, what are called the divine world and the mortal world are not far away. To speak the truth is the divine world, and to utter a lie is the mortal world. Good conduct is the divine world, and bad conduct is hell. For this Thou Thyself art our authority, O Kudalasaðgama Deva.
2. What can a sword do, when its edge is gone? What can a serpent do, when its poison is gone? What can a devotee do, when he has broken his word ? When he has broken his word, if he loves his life, consider : it is like sacred food touched by a dog.
3. If you inquire what the true path of a servant is, it is to speak the truth and to behave as he speaks. Kudalasangama Deva desires not that worldly man who lies in speech and erts in behaviour.
F. Be Merciful. 1. What is that religion wherein there is no meroy? It is mercy that is wanted for all creatures. It is mercy that is the root of religion. Kudalasangama Deva wants not that which is unmerciful.
2. You should look upon all creatures as yourself. If there be difference in this, even to the smallest extent, will God fail to see it and to throw you away? If I make a difference as between high and low, how can God be pleased ?. If you look upon all lives and souls as equals, will not God make Himself one with you! If you show mercy to all living creatures, believing that wherever there is life there is God, will not Kudalasangama Deva come down from Kailas and carry you up ?
3. Ah, I cannot kill animals, nor can I eat their flesh as a titbit for my tongue 6; for I know I should have difficulties hereafter, O Kudalasangama Deva.
G. Be not Angry. 1. If people condemn you behind your back, rejoice when you hear of it. Why so ? Because they find pleasure without taking anything from you and without giving anything to you. O Kudalasangama Deva, crush hatred of others out of my heart, and favour me, so that I may constantly say to Thy servants : "I submit, I submit." Siva'. heaven.
• Vira Saivas are strict vegetarians.

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VACHANAS ATTRIBUTED TO BASAVA
2. Why should you be angry with those who are angry with you? What do they gain, or what do you lose? Anger in the body causes you loss of dignity. Anger in the mind causes you loss of knowledge. Will fire in a house burn the neighbouring house without first burning its own house, O Kudalasangama Deva ?
3. Some of us were stabbed and yet became devotees; others were reviled, and yet became • devotees. But I got angry with the servants of Kudalasangama Deva and lost half my faith.
4. If I see people talking sixteen to the dozen, glaring with their eyes, tearing their hair and clenching their fists, I am afraid of them and run away. Let me be called coward for running away from them! I will not touch the boundary of the fields of those that have no knowledge of the servants of Kudalasangama Deva.
H. Be Chaste. 1. I am not afraid of the darting serpent; I am not afraid of tongues of flames; I am not afraid of the edge of the sword; but one thing I am afraid of; one thing I do fear : I am afraid of other men's wives. What fate did Råvana meet who had not that fear? I am afraid, O Kudalasangama Deva.
2. You pass her by, you look back at her, and you feel you ought to have her. That is adultery, and you will not escape a terrible hell. What they call other men's wives is in truth Thy harem ; it belongs to heaven, O Kudalasangama Deva.
3. If my mind becomes attached to what it sees, I swear; I swear in Thy name; I swear in the name of Thy Pramathas, that I regard every woman as a great goddess, O Kudalasangama Deva.
1. Be Charitable. 1. You hoard wealth, thinking that you will live and not die; but, when your life ends, and death comes upon you, you will not enjoy that wealth. Hence, do not dig and bury it. If it is lost in the earth, will the earth throw it out again? Do not mix it with dust, gaze at it with your eyes and then go away without enjoying it. If you say, 'Let it remain for my wife', your wife may have crooked designs of a different character. When your body drops away, will she fail to give it to somebody else? So do not, like a silly sheep, throw your wealth to others and so be deprived. You ought to spend it on the servants of Kudalasangama Deva.
2. When a crow sees one grain of corn, does he not call all his kindred? When a cock sees one morsel of food, does he not call all his family? If a man who is God's' devotee shows no partiality in his faith, he is worse than a crow or a cock, O Kudalasangama Deva.
3. It is said: “The gift of him who offers a gift that is not in accordance with the faith of Siva will be fruitless, and he will go to a terrible hell." Since such is the saying, alas! that man's wealth who spends money to win fame and name, not recognising the servants of Kudalasangama, goes all for nothing.
4. I say, “My body is Thine"; I say, "My mind is Thine"; I say, “My wealth is Thine"; yet deceit leaves me not. I do not realize that the things that I have and the wealth that I have are all Thine; and so I am ruined all for nothing, O Kudalasangama Deva.
J. Be Gentle. 1. He is a devotee that folds his hands before a devotee when he sees him. Yes, gentle words themselves are penances. That excellent modesty itself brings love of God Kudalasangama Deva wants not those who are not so.
2. When devotees affectionately call you near, saying, “Please come here, please come here," if you go sideways to them and fold your hands over your mouth; if you are humble and speak as a servant; if you are modest and attentive to them; then Kudalasaigama Deva will take you up to His Pramathas.
3. If you speak, your words should be like a string of pearls, your speech should have the lustre of jewels, should be like a bar of crystal. The Liiga within you, pleased, should be saying, “Yes, yes." Otherwise, how will Kudalasangama Deva be pleased with you

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K. Be Humble. 1. Instead of making me a golden crown over a temple tower, on which crows sit and drop dirt, make me a leather-shoe to be trod on by the masters. It is said, "Some are followers of karma, and some of knowledge, but we are followers of the shoes of God's devotees." O Kudalasangama Deva, I spread out the ends of my garment8: this is the only boon that I crave from Thee, "O have meroy."
2. I do not want the place of Brahmâ; I do not want the place of Vishnu; I do not want the place of Rudra ; I do not want any such place. O Kudalasangama Deva, favour me with the high place that knows the feet of Thine excellent devotees.
L. Keep Good Company. 1. You are to keep company with the excellent and the good. But ah, do not seek the company of the wicked and the bad. The company of those whose inner heart is impure is like the terrible poison of Singi Kalakața”, O Kudalasangama Deva.
2. Be not a neighbour to lukewarm devotees. Do not go with them. Do not accompany them on the road. Do not talk to them even from a distance. It is far better to be the sláve of him who is dissolved in the Lióga, who is the servant of Kudalasangama Deva.
3. If a blasphemer offer you a whole kingdom, do not desire it, and do not live near him. But if a Mahâr10 be a devotee of God, it is far better to be his slave. The servants of Kudalasangama Deva fetch leaves from the forest fry them in a pan and live upon them.
4. The husband is a devotee of God, but his wife is a devotee of the cholera-goddess and spirits. What the husband takes is the water of his guru's feet and food offered to Sivall, but what the wife takes is wine and flesh. The faith of those who have such an impure receptacle is like washing the outside of a toddy pot, O Kudalasangama Deva.
M. Be Pure in Mind. 1. O my mind, be not like a monkey that has tasted jaggery (i.e., brown sugar) thinking only of what is sweet. Mind, be not like a fox that has tasted sugar cane: do not think of what you have enjoyed. Mind, do not-like a crow that has flown high in the airdo not cry in every direction. But, when you have seen the servants of Kudalasangama Deva, O my mind, do believe them to be the Linga.
2. When you see the masters, O my mind, act not as a thief to them. If you wish to avoid worldly troubles, be strict, be full of fear, be not proud, and then say, 'I submit.' If you wish to show your faith to the servants of Kudalasangama Deva, O mind. be to them as a servant, and so live.
3. O my mind, do not hurt others in speech. Do not be reluctant when you do good. Do not speak unwisely in company. Take care not to say 'No' to those who ask of you. Use no vulgar words, but humbly offer prayers to the servants of Kudalasangama Deva, spreading out the ends of your garment.
4. My skin is clean, but I am not pure in mind. If I wish to worship Thee, touching Thee with my hands, alas, my hands are not clean If I wish to worship Thee, approaching thee with my mind, alas, my mind is not clean! But if my heart is truly clean, then Kudalasangama Deva will certainly take me up, saying, Come here.
5. Alas I my wicked mind torments me. I am like a pot broken upon a stone. I am a madman without sense. I am a poor man with no faith. I am an unlucky man with no thought of Thee. O Kudalasangama Deva, have meroy upon me.
(To be continued.) 7 Servants of Siva' and Masters are used for Vira Saiva asceties.
A gesture of humility, • KAlakata is the name of a dark blue poison produced at the churning of the ocean. 10 Mahars are a class of untouchables found in the Marathe country, 11 That is vegetarian food.

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THE APABHRAMGA STABAKAS OF RAMA-SARJAS
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THE APABHRANSA STABAKAS OF RĀMA-ŠARMAN (TARKAVĀGTSA).
BY SIR GEORGE A. GRIERSON, K.C.I.E.
(With three plates.) THE welcome edition by Professor Jacobi of the Bhavisatta Kaha (Munich, 1910) has again drawn attention to the importance of Apabhramsa in the linguistic history of India. Its appearance has suggested to me the propriety of offering for publication a text and translation,-so far as I am capable of preparing either,--of the Apabhramsa sections of Rāma-sarman (Tarkavägisa)'s Prakrit grammar, known as the Präkrta-kalpataru. This exists, so far as is known, only in one MS. now in the India Office Library, which is very incorrect, and which can be read only with considerable difficulty and hesitation. I have been studying it for some time, and have, I hope, succeeded in restoring the text to something like what it was when it left its author's hands. The section dealing with the Vibhāsās partly appeared in the JRAS. for 1918. That dealing with Paiśäci will I hope soon appear in the Sir Ashutosh Mookherjee Commemoration Volume, and that dealing with Apa bhranía forms the subject of the present paper.
It is, I think, certain that there were two distinct schools of Prakrit philology in India. The first, or Eastern Schooll, was derived from Vararuci (himself an Easterner), and descended from him, through Laokêśvara and Kramadióvara, to Rāma-sarman and Märkandēya. The second, or Western School, is based on the so-called Vālmīki sūtras, now extant only in a much expanded form. From this teaching are descended tho grammar of Hēmacandra, who used a technical terminology of his own, and the works of Trivikrama, Lakşmidhara, Simharāja, and others, who followed the whole system of terminology found in the expanded Valmiki sūtras. Even when dealing with standard Prakrit the two schools not unoften contradict or supplement each other, but their main difference consists in their respective treatments of the Vibhāşūs, of Apabhramsa, and of Paišācī. For instance, the Paisāci described by Vararuci and his successors, who in their accounts actually give a quotation from the Brhatkathā, is not the same language as that described by Hēmacandra and Trivikrama? It is unnecessary to go into further detail on this point. I mention it here merely to show the importance of Rüma-sarman's work.
The Prakrta-kalpataru, or. Wishing-tree of Prakrit', is, according to its author, based on the Präkrta-kāmadhēnu of Laikêśvara, a work described by Rajendra-lüla Mitra in Nos. 3157 and 3158 of Vol. IX of his Notices of Sanskrit MSS., but which has since, to my great regret, disappeared. The Kalpataru is divided into three Sakhas, or Branches.' Each Sakhā is divided into so many Stabakas or Clusters,' and each Stabaka into so many Kusumas or Flowers, each consisting of a single verse, with, in the earlier Sākhās, a full prose commentary. The first Sakhā deals with Mahārāştri Prakrit, in nine Stabakas. The second Sakha (three Stabakas) deals with Sauragēni, Māgadhi, and their sub-dialects. and the third describes (1) the Vibhāṣās (one Stabaka), Apabhramsa (two Stabakas), and
1 It is a mistake to suppose that Prakrit was not employed for literature in Eastern India. As oXamples of Apabhrama I may quote the Kirti-latā, a historical work by the famous Vidyāpati Thakur of Mithila, and the Döha-kona of the Bengali Kroyacaryapida.
3 The only writer referred to by both schools as authoritative is Bhämaha, who was a Kashmiri and belonged to neither.
3 I would draw the attention of Indian scholars, especially those of Bengal, to the importance of this work, and to the urgent need of a further senrch being made for it. I have dono all that I could by correspondence, but have failed.

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Paisācika (one Stabaka). In the present paper, we therefore have to do with the second and third Stabakas of the third Sakha. The second Stabaka contains thirty-one, and the third thirteen Kusumas or verses.
For further particulars regarding Rama-sarman's grammar, the reader is referred to pp. 19 ff. of Lassen's Institutiones Linguee Pracritice. In the first Excursus to that work, Lassen has added a summary of Rama-sarman's account of the Vibhāṣās and of Apabhramśa. Unfortunately Lassen did not recognize that several pages of the MS. are misplaced, and this has vitiated much of his remarks. On p. 5 of this Excursus he attempts a transcription of the passage in the third Stabaka which deals with the minor varieties of Apabhrama. The materials the available were insufficient for a correct interpretation of the text, as a comparison between his edition and mine of stabaka jii, 6-13 below will show. I claim no credit for my more accurate text. In Lassen's time no edition of Märkandēya's grammar was available, and, without that as a guide, it would have been almost impossible to solve the difficulties that crop up in almost every line.
The manuscript is full of gross blunders, and is often very difficult to read. I am fully aware that some of my emendations are uncertain, and a few of them are desperately rash. I therefore do not presume to imagine that I have throughout given a correct text. But I do believe that I have in the main represented what Rama-sarman intended to be understood, and that, as I have given it, the text is fairly intelligible. That other students may here and there be able to suggest better emendations is my earnest hope, and I shall be the first to welcome them.
Before proceeding further, I must here record my indebtedness to several kind friends who have assisted me in doubtful points, and especially to Professor Jacobi and to Professor Suniti Kumar Chatterji. The latter gentleman's familiarity with ancient Bengali scripts has been exceptionally helpful in suggesting possible and plausible readings.
In reading the text so as to make sense, I have been aided by many years experience in deciphering illegible Bengali legal documents in India. I have also been greatly helped by Markaņdēya's Prākta-sarvasva, the 17th and 18th chapters of which deal with the same subjects, much in the same manner, and often algo in almost the same words. Markandēya must bave been acquainted with the present work or with some of its predecessors, for ho quotes almost verbatim the long passage, at the end of the chapters here given, which deals with the minor varieties of Apabhrasa.
It will be remembered that the MS. of the Prākyta-kalpataru is written in the Bengali character. The scribe was by no means particular as to correct formation of his letters, and in writing some he had his own way of representing them. The following are some of his poculiarities wbich I have gleaned during a somewhat minute study of what he no doubt considered to be caligraphy.
1. He makes little or no distinction between non-initial ä(t) and non-initial ë (t). Thus, * may be read either kāka or kake (***) and ate may be read either kākā or kabo (Ct).
2. The two charactersti (initial) and ha are frequently confused. We have to decide from the context which is intended.
3. Similarly, t u (initial) and 5 da are confounded. Only the context can show which is meant.
4. Similarly, 9 e (initial) is confounded with tra. We are here again driven to the context

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TAE APABARANSA STABAKAS OF RAMA-SARMAN
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5. Similarly, 9 7 (initial) is confounded with lta. Morcover, both are commonly used to indicato tu, and again both are often confounded with e a. Iu cach case our only guide is the context.
6. When r is subjoined to a consonant in Bengali, it takes the form . But in the MS. this sign is also often employed to indicate a non-initial u, so that may be either pra or pu.
7. The letters #kha and tha are habitually confounded. It is generally im. possible to tell from the form of the letter which is meant. A typical example is khoda in verse 5 of the Nagara section. It should probably be read thoda. Cf. the Hindi thorā, a little.
8. The letter is used indiscriminately for na, na, and la. Sometimes 9 na is also used. For la, the writer sometimes makes a slight distinction in the form of the 7, by bringing the left-band end of the essential part of the character a little lower down than usual. Wben this is the case, I have transliterated it by la, but otherwise I transliterate it by na, whatever it is intended to represent.
9. The letters 9 pa and da are frequently 80 written that it is impossible to distinguish between them. We may take it as a general rule that every may be read either as da or as pa.
10. The character is employed indiscriminately for ba, va, and ra. It is also often indistinguishable from 5 ca. Thus, 6 may always be read as ca, ba, va, or ra.
11. The compound o tra is invariably written ştra, and I therefore so transliterate it.
12. The character stha is also used for hu. Only the context can indicate what is intended. The syllable hu is also often represented by ha, the only distinction being that when hu is intended the tail at the bottom is made a little longer, and more horizontal. But this distinction is commonly neglected, and only the context can decide whicb cbaracter is intended.
13. The character dru seems generally to be used for its proper purpose. But the character drū is also used to indicate hra. Only the context can tell what is meant. Similarly, is used for hü, but, as written, it strongly resembles .
In the following text, I have given for each verse, first, & strict transliteration of the MS. as I read it, and then my version of the text as emended after allowing for the above and other irregularities, and after comparison with the corresponding text of Mārkandēva. The transliteration is slavishly literal. Thus, I have transliterated by va, whether it represents ba, va, or ra, and I have transliterated by stha, even when hu is clearly meant. Only in this way will my readers be able to check my emended text and to criticize it. I have divided words as they are divided in the MS., and have indicated the beginning of each folio, and of each line within & folio. The whole passage begins near tbe end of the fifth line of Folio 42a.
On plates I, II, and III will be found photographic reproductions of those pages of the Original Manuscript on which the verses occur, with these my transcription and emended version can be compared by those familiar with the Bengali character.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
(JANUARY, 1922
Fol. 42a, part of I. 5. nirūoyatēsampratinägavädi (6) kramādupabhramsaihaprasiddhyām sarvvisvabhramsabhidāpusiddhirmatäpuvodivita bhäsayõstu Metre, Upajāti, -- --
-- nirucyatē samprati Nāgaradi.
kramăd Apabhramsa, iha prasiddhyā 1 sarvāsv a[pa]bhramsa bhidāsu siddhir matā purðdirita-bhāgayös tu.
||1|| Mk. xvii, 1. We now proceed to describe in order, beginning with Nāgara, the forms of Apabhramśa. It is generally considered that the basis of all the different varieties is to be found in the two preceding bhāşās [i.e., apparently, Saurasēni and Magadhi“). Fol. 42a. ayujikakhayūraēnādaugaghau(7)tathayördadhautadihapunānākēnagubruvantisukhēsughu patidu patitēšothēsõdhukramåttasakanādikepunavapimahāvāętrim(Fol. 426)samsādhayēt
saanădikam
|| 2 || Metre, Harini,
---- ------ ayuji ka-khayör atrânādau ga-ghau, ta-thayor da-dhau,
tad iha ca punar 'lõke' lögu bruvanti, sukhē' sughu, padidu 'patitë', söthö' södhu kramāt, 'sakaládikē'.
punar api Mahārästrim samsādhayēt saalâdikam 21 Mk, 2. Non-conjunct, non-initial ka, kha, ta, and tha, become respectively ga, gha, da and dha. Thus:
lokah beoomes lögu. sulham , sughu. patitam padidu.
föthah , södhu. On the other hand words such as sakala- and the like follow the Mahārāştri rule, and become saala- and so on. Fol. 42b. kah kaskayõrbhavatipuskavamaskavādauksasyāpi vākşasa mukhēsaihopadişah sipā (2)nitë nijagaduh kavayaschasabdaḥ suşundakēpiviruantumatarviruddhë 13
5 or sidā, or nipā, nidā. Metre, Vasantatilakā, -- - -- --- kah gks-skayor bhavati 'puşkara'-maskaradau',
kpasy&pi 'rākşasamukhë' sa ibôpadiştah si pradikê' nijagaduh kavayas cha-sabdan,
chuh kundakē' 'pi, viruan tu mata 'viruddhë' ||3|| Not in Mk. Cf. Pischel, $$ 302, 306. The emendations in the last two lines are conjectural. By i, 23 of this work, the Prakrit form of Saundika- is rundio. The word sipa in the third line of the verse is squeezed in at the end of a line of the MS., and is capable of being read in several ways. Sipā is, I think, most
like what is written.
In pukara-, maskara-, and similar words, ska and ska become k, (so that we have pukkara- and makkara-). In räksasa nuitha kesa also becomes ik, [Bo that we have rakkasamugha-). Poets pronounce siprā and similar words with the sound of cha, and there is also a chu- sound in bundaka-, [so that we have chappa and chundago), but viruddham becomes viisain.
The section of the Präksta-kalpataru immediately preceding that devoted to Apabhramla is that dealing with the Vibhape. Before that comes the account of the Māgadhi BhiA and its varieties, And before that the account of the Sauraseni Bhasa and its varieties.

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Indian Antiquary
Plate I.
INDIA OFFICE SANSKRIT MS. No. 1106, 13A. The Präkrta-Kalpataru of Rāma-sarman (Tarkavägisa).
C
(
মহামহেna-ফেসবুজাতীমাহভতজ্ঞ। হকথিংএwনাজিমমােজাহঃখবে বখন্ধিরসনায়ত•োজদেমাল দেযগুযোগানোঙ্কফজলসেনাবশংস কাবামশজগঞেৰকাশগামিকা। নকলাবত' কমলনগ-প্রতমবুকমানবধবেuকশােনো। এখযােগ্ধেতাহাকামুণপণতশাখোশধুমকোণময়।
Folio 4aa
দুখ-সমাদক:মোবাবাবাজী'রকমখসহজ:
16 এরমুজকালকাতুলপ্রসাদেকতে জডএনএন।দেশপদমর্থনা
। নন:তফলকোভাতমে যেতে মা: কনককাশবিদর্যালোবাসি শরবতীয়াগোনগুঠেaখবহকামোের্শ্বপ্রথম গ্রহতারানাম ও সতেশুদীর্ঘavদাগানিয়া
দীঃ Folio 42b
লোকদাহরখাফাজতৎকণ্ডমমােইদুকীমাত্রিক গেধীদেবােদলাওযwখবেমহধহমমমহননেমেগাহীন . ওজুখানুপুঙ্গমালহেমন্তকোষে
দার্থগণহংবহমদো:বষযথমােলও সুহবধূ এনানিমুণপহারএকাহিতিহহীদৰীৰহেথাও ইদ:খে দুহাতংকাণহইকাণঘণকোণহমু কথক নকএবাধহযশহঋতকেএম
Folio 43a
G. WHITTINGHAM & GRIGOS.LTD., COLL

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JANUARY, 1922]
Fol. 42b.
THE APABHRAMSA STABAKAS OF RAMA-SARMAN
vyasavy&prabhṛtiņipadõdvaěvalayadadhastāta
1
(3)vrieripriyasüṇisamēayātaprakṛtyä vapeca delcäviädaya ihanatäsvarvvanadyarthakästä
vastraprāptēnaghu nica tatha(4)nasthaliḥ syat kavinam ||4|!
6 The aksara sva is doubtful. It may also be read nna, lla, nva or nu. Metre, Mandakrānta,
'vyasa'-' vyaḍi'-prabhṛtisu padeṣv atra raḥ syad adhastat
vrāsu vrādi, 'priya '-' mrga '-same syāt prakṛtya ra-re ca| desya rinddaya iha na va syur vanâdyarthakas' tē
||4||
'vastraprâpte' laghuni' ca tatha lähuliḥ syat kavinām The emendations in the last two lines are conjectural. There is nothing like them in Mk. As regards the word lahuli, it will be remembered that the character for stha may also represent hu. With rina, cf. the Prakrit-Sanskrit āriņā, a dried up place, in Bhatti, xiii, 4; Sindhi rinu, a desert; and Skr., irina. For vastraprâple, perhaps we may read vastrâprapte, if some altogether different word is not intended. For lahuliḥ, we should probably read gähuliḥ. Cf. gahuly-adir gäthâder alpâdau (so to be read), of Kramadiévara 14.
In the words vyāsa-, vyaḍi- and others, the letter r is inserted after [the initial consonant], so that we have vrasu, vrādi, and so on. In words like priya- and mrga- the original r and remain unchanged. The Desya words rina- and the like are optionally used in the sense of 'forest' and so on. And poets use the word lähuli- in the sense of (?) vastraprapta-' as well as in that of 'laghu'.
Fol. 42b.
stōkekhöjayaccabhadrětrabhallam tegamevamcatvadiyèmadiyê tasminnivarthēhavikehi(5)tyädyäḥ kidṛśityadikēsu
Metre, Silini,
'stōke' khōdam [? thōdan], syac ca 'bhadre' 'tra bhallah teram mēram ca "tvadiye' 'madiye,'
I
tasminn arthe [tōharam mo]haram [vā],
Fol. 42b.
syātkiddyä vihakëhaādi iriyäṁalāk vīpigurðrllaghutvaṁ atōetriyähähi(6)aḍāpasandaṇḍitustriyam gülaḍi laggu ka thë
Metre, Upajati,
syat 'kidṛśādāv' iha keha-ādi
'ariyam' sia, kvapi gurōr laghutvam,
kehityādāḥ kid♫ityādīkēņu'
|| 5 ||
Mk. has nothing corresponding to the above. According to Mk. iv. 64, the Prakrit adeta for stökam is thōam or thōka (irreg.). The analogy of the Hindi thora makes me inclined to emend khodam to thodam, see the remarks under No. 7 on p. 15. For kehi, cf. Kramadisvara 9 (Lassen, p. 449).
For stōkam, we have khodam (? thōdash); for bhadram we have bhallamh; for tvadiyam and madiyam, we have, respectively, terash or (?) toharam and mêrash or (?) moharam; and for the feminine kidṛéi, we have kěhi.
ato 'striyam da, hiada pasannam,
1
i tu stryk, gõladi laggu kanth
||5||
I
1
|| 6 ||
Mk. 3.
Mk. 4.
|| 6 ||
17
Mk. 8.
Mk. 5.
Mk. 6.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
(JANUARY, 1922
Mk. does not mention kēha or siā. For the former, cf. Kramadiśvara 9. The words kēhu-, and so on, are substituted for kid,sa- and similar forms; and siū is substituted for frih. A long vowel is sometimes shortened. The syllable da is added to a bases (in the masculine and neuter, but] not in the feminine. Thus, hiadā pasannah [hrdayanh prasannam). In the feminine, it is di that is added, as in goladi laggu kanthē (gauri lagna kan thē).
The change of r to l in gõladi is a Magadhism. Cf. verse 1. Fol. 42b. sarvvatradurjāvahakāminādu avastrargrāmyapadānibhūmnā striyamstapõlu(7)kprakstaiscahrasvah syadvūna våvåna drūmēvadrüca? #7 |
The last group of aksaras is doubtful. The më is partly obliterated. The character which I represent by drü is probably intended for hū, see No. 13 above, on p. 15.
Metre, Upajāti, as before. sarvatra dur, jāraha kāmiņidu.
Mk. 7. arāştraka-grämya-padāni bhümnă, striyām supo luk, prakrtēs ca hrasvah. Cf. Mk. 9.
syād vä na vā bāladu mēradi oa 11 711 In the second line, arăstraka is very doubtful, but I can suggest nothing better. The cmendation of the fourth line is doubtful. In the MS. it can be read in several ways owing to the indefinite character of the signs here transliterated va and na. Although the MS. appears to read bälahu mērahu, the metre requires that the final vowel of balahū should be short, and the preceding lines of the verse seem to require the termination du. I have therefore conjecturally emended to bāladu mēradū.
In all three genders, the syllable du may be added, as in jāraha kaminidu jārasya kāmini). Irregular and boorish words are frequently met with [s0 expanded). [With this termination in the feminine, declensional terminations are elided, and the final vowel of the base is shortened ; and (thus] we have optionally baladu mēradu (for bālā madiya]. Fol. 42b. sarvvatra saklukaprakstēécadirghab syādaggiaggivaņaďarvaņādam (Fol. 43a) karmmadikēpyēvasupā havantivaibhāşikahsyādataütsamöstu || 8 |
or sudahavanti.
Metre, Upajāti, as before. sarvatra sup-luk prakstēs ca dirghah, - Mk. 9.
syad aggi aggi, vanadan vanādan, karmadikē 'py ēva supo haranti,
vaibhāşikah syād ata ut sv-amos tu 181 Mk. 10. In all three genders in the nominative singular), the declensional termination is elided, and the termination of the base (optionally] lengthened. Thus, we have aggi or aggi ( agnih ] ; vanadan or vanādan. So also in the accusative and following cases they merely elide the declensional terminations, but in the nominative and accusative singular, a-bases may also after this elision) optionally substitute the termination u (for the final vowel of the base).
[That is to say, the nominative singular takes no termination, but may optionally lengthen its final vowel, after which, whether lengthened or not, the pleonastic da may be added. Moreover, in the regard to a-bases, the nominative and accusative singular may optionally substitute u for the final vowel of the base. In other

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JANUARY, 1922]
THE APABIIRAMA STABAKAS OF RAMA-SARMAN
19
cases, and also in the accusative singular, the declensional terminations may be elided, but without provision for the lengthening of the final vowel, or for the
substitution of anything else.) Fol. 43a. kilaðmarmōhaskavhaēsukilantuāliūgaïkaņha(2)gūvi sūvõdapisyāņpavaõnavõtra bhavēnmahāvā tramamā rayona
Metre, Upajāti, as before. kilantu man möhai Kanha esu,
kilantu ūlingai Kanha gori, sõr od api syān, narao naro 'tra
Mk. 12, 13. bhavēn Mahārā tra-samasrayēņa | 9 | [As examples of the rules in the preceding verse, we have) kilantu man möhai Kanha Esu [keridan māsas möhayali Krana @yah] and kilantu alingai Kanha göri [kridandi alingali Kynasil gauri). The nominative singular may also end in 7, as in narao (narakah], "aro [narah], in this particular following the rules of Mahārās tri. Fol. 43a. ihanatopikvacinnaõprayõjyo vāhiuvānū(3)ujuāņukaņhu sthah syāt kaņõrukkhasthaēpuunhuhaisyājjasõņāanahēcavanti || 10 ||
Metre, Upajāti, as before. ihânyato 'pi kvacid u prayõjyo,
Mk. 10. rāhiu bālāu juāņu karhu huh syat (?) kvacid, rukkhahu (?)ēthu (?)uccu, Mk. 11, hö.
hè syāj jaso ņāalahē caranti | 10 | Mk. 14. The text of the third line is very doubtful so far as regards the example. What I have marked with queries is conjectural. In the fourth line, I do not know what Sanskrit word is represented by nūalahē unless, perhaps, it is nagarāh,
with the Magadhí change of r to l. Cf. verse 1.
Here [i.e., in this form of Apab hram a) u may sometimes be employed otherwise [than as laid down in verse 8, according to which u is only used in the nominati.e and accusative singular as a substitute for the final vowel of a base ending in a). Thus, Rahiu balāu, juāņu Karhu (Radha bālā, yuvā Kysnah]. Sometimes we have hu [in this case), as-in: rukthahu ethu uccu ( vrkso 'trôccah]. The termination of the nomi. ativo plural is hë, as in ņāalahi caranti [ ? nāgaras caranti]. Fol. 43a. . napumsakë syūdihajassa (4) vimdirgha tathāvavanaham vanail väjassasõh striviçayēbhavanudvabūumānäpaiuöcca
Metre, Upajāti, as before. napuṁsakê syād iha jas-sasör id
Mk. 16. dirgham tathā vă, vanaish vaņāinit, vā jas-sasőh stri-visayē bhavőd ud, Mk. 15.
vahữu, mālāu, naiu, öc ca . 1111 Here (in this form of Apabhramsa) the termination of the neuter nominative and accusative plural is i before which the final vowel of the base is optionally lengthened, so that we have vanaim or vaņāim ( vanāni). In the feminine, the termination of these cases is optionally #, as in vahiu (vadhvah, vadhúh), mālāu (mālāh), and raiu [nadyah, nadih). And we may also have 7 [instead of u).

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
(JANUARY, 1923
Fol. 43a. ēcastrisusyādupaēvahū (5) ēpunāniēbhisttisupäpunahim sarvvatravinähivabūhitēhim hēhovasēdvaugha vahetathānyata |12!
Metre, Upajāti, as before. ē țag triķu syad, vanae, vahüē,
Mk. 17, ēvit panālië; bhis-ni-supām punar hin
Mk. 18. sarvatra, bātāki, vahūhi, tēhis;
hē ho rasēr dvau, gharahé, táthânyat || 12 il Mk. 19. In all three genders, the termination of the instrumental Singular is ē, as in vanue [vanēna), vahuê [vadhva], and paņālie (pranālyā). Moreover, the termination of the instrumental plural, the locative singular, and the locative plural is hin (or hij in all three gonders, as in bälahi (bālābhih, bālāyāni, bālāsu), vahūhi (vadhabhiḥ, vadhvām, vadhuşu), lēhi (taih, tābhik ; tasmin, tasyāns ; tēşu, tasu]. There are two__terminations of the ablative singular, namely he and hö, as in gharahë (grhat) (for the tormination hé), and similarly (gharahõ] for the other. Fol. 43a. iibhyasahkaņē (6) nahamņaiham pakşematam kāņanasthan vahūhami höhēnisah kananahõnaïhahamsthañcakēcidvanahamvahüsthan
|| 13 |. Metre, Upajāti, as before. ham bus bhyasah, kānanahan, naihanit,
Mk. 20. paksē matam, kānanahu, vahūhurit ho hē vasah, kāņaşaho, naihe
Mk. 21. ham hum ca köcid, vunahan, vahühui || 13 | The terminations of the ablative plural are han and hul as in kananahan [kānanëbhyah), naihah (nadibhyah), or, on the other hand kananahusi and vahuhu svadhubhuah] are considered (correct). The terminations of the genitive singular are hô and hê, as in kāyanaho kānanasya), naihe (nadyah). Some authorities also give the terminations as hain and hun, as in vaņahani [vanasya), and vahuhuri vadhväh].
Mk. 21 and 22, which deal with the genitive singular and plural, are missing in all MSS. of that work. The terminations han and hun for the genitive singular are unexpected. They are perfectly clear in the MSS. Other authorities give them to
the genitive plural, as our author himself does in the next verse. Fol. 43a. sussé (7) tathūrukathasurukathahassaidutaēvästhavibhāzitohe amantuhampuvanahavabūham prayujyatēkēpyabhaēvasthamstham
Metre, Upajāti, as before. su-ssau tathā, rukkhasu, rukkhahassa
id-ūta ē vā hu, vibhāşito hē, amas tu hаin nu, vamahaй, сайһай,
prayujyatē, kē 'py (?)aparē vakuuhumo || 14 || Other [terminations of the genitive singular) are su and ssa, as in rukkhasu, rukkhahassa 10 [Urhisasya). After (nouns ending in) i or ū, the termination is ē or hu, with he as an optional form. But the termination of the genitive plural is has, as in vanahan (vanānām), vahūhann [vadhūnām), while certain other writers have (?) vahūhun.
(To be continued.) 9 (1)vahahun.
10 Cf. ruke khaku of verse 10. As already stated, we do not know what Mk. wrote about the genitive singular or plural.
14 |

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Plate II.
INDIA OFFICE SANSKRIT MS. No. 1106, 13A. The Prākrta-Kalpataru of Rama sarman (Tarkavägisa).
মহাযাজকাহনীর মামীনাক্ষী এই দলকানা'। এ অ্যাভিন নিও দেখতি যার সর্বারকা পুষিষেধ দাবি দশটি নাদিরা আসমিত্ৰনৰ সাৰবিগত ক কর প্যাশন। এই বিস: স্বাদরিত্রাই পার কর হিএস ১৬। এক প্রিয়া কোন ইএর দূত সম্বোধনে হেৰাহেবপুত্র। মুখীই জামাদি নিক কর
renat
কা। নিম্নপ্রাযলিজান হোকনী হানই হোক বাহার চেদে হামি দাগকরে শাদিক। কেরালা প্রম তীযামগুরু লহে সবহ ট সমাক্সযোগে ॥১৮ ৭ কোথেকে কেকইং কেমণি ভবতি পদং যজাদা তাৰ নাৰা পমাহ জিইহকালও এ প্রকাশ্য দীর্ঘঃ কৃতদ্রপ কাজ করাদৰ মণিমতংকা ঘাগু প্রিয়াম পাব ব্যাথাও দেশে। অতি মধতি তথাবা নিতাই বীমাত্তামার্থবিনিদয়ঃ রোধি বামপ্রিয়াং
Folio 43b
Indian Antiquary
গুজে সুমি সুনাম এলজি এ বীমা
পদক্রেমার
যোত কবি এর হোমা বাহর ঐক মাং
মৌজার ওম্ম হয় জামোয়াৎ ইংটারিয়া দাহ মালিনি তোমাদেকে পএমং মেনিকে ও মুখশে ওইখাও চওঠিত (২০ মবেক্ত হাম্মাদাজানি শাল গাদে টানি ভোড়, ম্যানাই আহি তে মিনতং শেছেহি না এবং । মিস্ত্রি, মিম বাপি এত দ
শরা প্রহার না মানলে দিনে কবির প্রতিপাদযামিতা বত, খ২ ।। মোপা দিহ করতে থাকা কথাদোভাগমঃ ম্যাদোই এই হোজাই কখু মুগ্ধ
Folio 44a
বোদাই বৰাহাৰদৰ ৰাহা 1 বানাথই বো মব নাত তথা বানাও ইনাদিকে কালক পরিভ্রমঃ এনামুক্তা বিশেষ ধা কারিনাহার নদী বদিহান কম। মোহামদি তার বির তার ভাই হাসিছে হেফা
তন্ত্রমণিকান
তুমি
দিগিতো
জাদিকাং এটি মাি ডঃ পুনাশিয়ে গোছাদের প্রসারপিন বদন্তি পযাত: পুন নেগণিতমটা বোথ ৰঞ্চদ্ৰাজ (২৯৭ গৃহুেগ্রে হোবই মুগদু শ্বেৰক মেনৰোবাদৰ গুণৰঃ কবশ দে
Folio 44b
C. WHITTINGHAM & GRIGGS, LTD, COLL

Page #29

THE APABHRAMSA STABAKAS OF RAMA-SARMAN
FEBRUARY, 1922]
THE APABHRAMSA STABAKAS OF RAMA-SARMAN (TARKAVAGISA).
BY SIR GEORGE A. GRIERSON, K.C.I.E. (Continued from p. 20.)
Fol. 43b.
(1)rüpaṁ mahāvāştriksyöhaniya mamihanahau mainadantakānāṁ easyatabhistamsiuasinabhiḥ syat sarvvatrarupaṁ purişēva (2)danti Matre, Upajati, as before.. rupam Maharastrikayôhaniyam amiha na-nhau (?) id-ud-antakānām; easya la-bhir-uasi-ias-nibhiḥ syat, sarvatra rūpaṁ purisē vadanti
I
Cf. Mk. 29 (om. nas). 15||
In this dialect, the Maharastri terminations of the genitive plural, na and pha, are to be mentioned as used with nouns whose bases end in i or u; and the letter e may be substituted for the final vowel of an a-base in the instrumental singular, instrumental plural, ablative singular, genitive singular, and locative singular in all genders, so that for all these we have such a form as purisē [purusēņa, purusaiḥ, purusat, purusasya, or purusë]. Fol. 43b.
jaināstviduttyām asumitrananvasmavakithaōrukakhupavāsuēna shibhiash syādasiëhinjeņņa viṣṇagga saccalus(3)hitrasu
Metre, Upajati, as before. saistvid-udby, (1)uničṇa, (1)yad-vi
samrakkhiō [? sankappio] rukkku parāsuēņa; ehim bhisah syad, asiēhī jēņa
(?)viinna macca isuēki (?)āsu
||16||
|16||
Mk. 24.
T Mk. 25.
t
16
As regards the emendment to asiena, attention may be called to No. 4 on p. 14 above.
In regard to bases in i and x, the suffix of the instrumental singular is ēna, as in asična [arinā], or as in aaaappio rukkhu parāēņa (saudário vykṇaḥ parajumd]. [With these nouns], the termination of the instrumental plural is this, as in asiekim jena viinna, macca isučkim tāsu [asibhir yēna vidirṇaḥ, mytyur iṣubhis tasya].
Fol. 43b.
gocastriyamjaunaiēvahütr sambodhanë hëvaṇahëvahūtra supihakrasvōpi niruktaidut parvattathōdähṛtamva(4)sarvvaṁ
Metre, Upajati, as before. oc ca striyamh iau, ņaïē, vakūē,
sambodhanë hë, vaṇahē, vahukē supîha hrasvo 'pi nirukta id-ūt, purvam tathodahṛtam öva sarvam
17 8
The syllable é is also used in the feminine as the termination of the locative singular as in ṇaïë [nadyām], vahūë [vadhvām]. In the vocative, the termination is he, as in vaṇahë [vana], vabuke [vadhu]. In this dialect it is explained that the final vowel of bases in i and u is also shortened in the locative plural. In other respects these nouns are declined as explained above.
21
#17 #.
Mk. 26.
Mk. 27.
Not in Mk.
As we are at present dealing with nouns in i and, the insertion of vaṇahë in this verse seems out of place.
Fol. 43b.
ligatrayēpijasihövaṇahöṇalhögandhavvahōkvacidih#pidapirukakhaidika kimyndastu bhavatipra thamadvi(5)tiysaptam yapihasa vohaijaaamaprayogë
1
18

Page #30

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
(FEBRUARY, 1922
Metre, Vasantatilakā, --- - - -- linga-trayē 'pi jasi ho, vanaho, naiho
Mk. 28. gandhauroho, kvacid ihîpi ca rukkha ādi | Not in Mk. Cf. Hc. iv, 344. 'kish-yat-tadam' tu bhavati prathamā-dvitiya- Mk. 30.
saptamy apiha marahatta-samā prayogē 18|| In all three genders the syllable ho may be added in the nominative plural finstead of the he. i. and u prescribed in verses 10 and 11), as in vanaho [vanāni), naiho snadyah 1. and gandhavvaho (gandharvän). In this dialect we also have forms such as rukkha and the like. The pronouns kein, yad, and tad form their nominative, accusative, and locative es in Mahārāsfri.
It will be observed that, apparently, for the sake of metre, our author uses the Prakrit form marahatta for mahārāstra. Similarly, in verse 10 of the
Vrācada chapter, he uses 8õrafta for saurāxtra, but without the same excuse. Fol. 43b. kökökamkēkainkēsvapibhavatipadam yattadõhkrlivanāryyövapyēvazhrū(6)pamāhurjaga. ihakathitahsu prakrtyascadirghah
! tadrüpath kasukasvapyadavamapimatamkassasandēstriyāmapyēvarh syādyattadāscā (7) pyabhidadhati tathāvāmijabhrumtadruń 11 || 19 || Metre, Sragd harā, ---- - -
- - -- -- kö, kē, kami, kē, kaïri, kēsv api bhavati padam yat-tadoh kliva-nāryõr Mk. 30.
apy ēvam rūpam āhur, nasa iba kathitaḥ su, praktyās ca dirghah Mk, 31. tad-räpa kāsu, kasv apy, aparam api matam kassu, kandē striyām apy
ēvam syād yat-tados câpy ahhidadhati tathā cAmi[vā] jadrū tadrā || 19 || The readings jadri and ladrã are justified by the first line of the next verse, in which tadru is quite clear. The corresponding rule is missing in all MSS. of Mk. Kramadfávara, 47, gives, according to Lassen's reading, jrusk, run for the acc. sg., and jatru, latru for the loc. sg. Mitra's text gives jruri dru[n]; yadru, tadru. He. iv, 360, gives dhrui, tram for the nom. and acc. sg. Cf. Pischel, $$ 268. 427. All my MSS. of Mk. 33 apparently give jana taia, but are difficult to
read. This, in the printed edition, is emended to jattina tattini.
The following (masculine) forms are accordingly used (for kish), ......Nom. sg.kö, nom. pl. ke, acc. sg. kas, acc. pl. lē, loc. sg. kaïm, loc. pl. kësu. Similarly for yad and. tad. They teach that the same forms are employed for the feminine and the neuter. In this dialect [the termination of) the genitive singular is su, with the vowel of the base lengthened. Its form is therefore käsu. Another form is kasu, and another opinion gives kas8u. So also the feminine and neuter. Similar are the forms of yad and tad. Furthermore they explain jadrun and tadrum as optional forms of the accusative singular. Fol. 43b. ibajasrutadruvasõsta yõrbhavēdidamab, suyovimuvayantunastriyam adas (Fol. 44a)ptayõb supinirddisantyamumatammētadastripucaēhadhimatām || 20 ||
Metre, Maxjubhāgini, - -- - - --- iha jainu tadru (ni-Jaah tayõr bhavēd . Mk. 34 (jaitha, tattha).
idamah sy-amor imur, ayah tu da striyām Mk. 36. adasas tayoḥ supi (ca) nirdisanty amu
Mk. 37. matam ētadas tri,u ca iha dhimatām , 20 Mk. 38. . In this dialect jadru ard tadru may respectively be the corresponding locative singular and genitive singular of these two words. The nominative and accurative singular of idam is imu, but this is not used in the feminine. The same two cases of 11 drämh may also be read hrani, see No. 13 on p. 16 above.
.

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FEBRUARY, 1922] THE APABHRAMSA STABAKAS OF RAMA SARMAN
adas are amu, and they teach that the same word is used as the declensional base, to which the case terminations are added. It is the opinion of the learned that the declensional base of etad, in all three genders, is eha-.
According to the corresponding passage in Mk. 37, the word sup, in, the third line, does not mean the suffix of the locative plural, but has its other meaning of case-suffixes generally.
Fol. 448.
1
ehōsumobhavati êttucahasyaghōtaehecat cesakakhamanti(2)rupam sauyattadoḥ pada manukramatõëjë(?)të13ēēttadōbhabhavati pūrvvamadiharupam ||21|| 12 In the above, the aksara u is imperfect in the MS., but, as it is, can only be read u. What is wanted is so, but it
13 The aksara te marked with a query is very doubtful.
cannot be so read, whatever else it may be.
Metre, Vasantatilaka,
eho sv-amor bhavati, ehu oa, (3)ēha côktam
ēhe ca iau ca, sakallam ka]thayanti rupam | sau yat-tadoh padam anukramato 'tra je, (1)së bē ētado bhavati purvam aptha rupam
The last two words of the first line are a conjectural emendation.
For the nominative and accusative singular [of etad], they describe the entire set of forms as eho, ehu, eha, and ehe; and he is also used in the locative singular. The nominatives singular of yad and tad are respectively je and të [1 së]. In addition to the set of forms given above, [the nominative singular] of etad is also ē.
Fol. 440.
yuşmadabeautuhaṁtumbhahaja (3)piash systpalmjämiső(1)mha14himsyidbhimi | japsasōrupa ayammēnivētumhatumhetuhasyatta catumbhaskacita
14 The mha marked with a query is not clear in the MS. It may be stha (or hu).
Mk 39, eho, Ehu.
Mk. 40.
||21|| Mk. 40. ésa.
Metre, Bragvini,
yuşmadaḥ sau tuham, tumbhaïm jaś-sasõḥ
syat pain tâmi hau, [tu]mhahim syad bhisi bas-iasav [atra] rupa-trayam manirễ
|| 22 || Mk. 46.
tumha, tumhe, tuha, syac ca tumbha [ tujjha] kvacit As regards the emendation of tumbhaha to tumbhain, see No. 2 on p. 14. The emendation of the corrupt japéaso to nas-nasäv is, I think certain. Mk. gives for the abl, and gen. eg. tuha, tujjha, tumbha, tubbha.
23
amhēhiamheeaam
The nominative singular of yumad- is tuham, and the nominative and accusative plural is tumbha. The instrumental and accusative and locative singular all take the form pain. The instrumental plural is tumhahim. There are considered to be three forms of the ablative and genitive singular, viz., tumha, tumhe, tuha, and in addition to these we sometimes find tumbha [? tujjha].
nirddi(5)ja
All my MSS. of Mk. in the above forms substitute mbh for mh throughout, which the printed edition corrects regularly to mh. It may be noted that Mk. was an inhabitant of Orissa, and that in that country, at the present day, mh is regularly pronounced as mbh. What is written is always mh, even when mbh is etymologically required. In the MSS. of his grammar, the reverse is the case, and what is written is mbh.
Fol. 44. (4)ñaktamhapu
asmadojasiianiny&daamalṁ jämiöötasyasyanmahama(1)mhabibhisimatan
matam amhasuvaamhasu
Mk. 41, 42.
Mk. 44 ( tat), 45 (lumbhāhim).
||23||
T
sahumajajhaeajajhujaaliasyapyamhadasy Amiensydväqöbhyasiamhavipu

Page #32

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
[ FEBRUARY, 1922
Metre, śārdülavikridita, --- ---
------- sav ukta hamu asmado, jasi sasi syat amhain, tâmi iau
Mk. 48, 49. tanya syan mai, amhahir bhisi matam, amhēhi, amne, trayam . Mk, 51, 52. nirdistath maha, majjha, majjhu, nasi-tasy, apy amha iasy, ami os M k. 53. syād vā no, bhyasi amka vå [ amhahan), supi matam amhāsu vă amharu || 23 ||
(Mk. 54, 55. The nominative singular of asmad is said to be hamu, and the nominative and accusative plural is amhaish. Its instrumental, acousative, and looative singular is maïna. Three forms are recorded for the instrumental plural, viz., amhahish, amhëhi [? amhēhē} and amhe. The ablative and genitive singular are described as maha, majjha, or majjhu, in the genitive singular (in addition to these three) we also have amha. In the genitive plural we optionally have no. In the ablative plural we optionally have amha [? amhahan), and in the locative plural we have amhäsu or amhasu.
As explained above, Mk. substitutes mbh for mk throughout. Mk. 52 gives ambhajm, ambhahin, ambhe, ambhdhart, and ambhëhis for the instrumental plural. Mk. 53 gives majjha, mahusis, and maka for the ablative and genitive angular. He
gives neither no nor am(b)ha. Fol. 4-left
: (6) ikäkämacam lagaitivihopālprabhști çatyayasandhiņupadiyyah tadudāhavaqadinilaknyadrsty.katici(7) tt samprati på dayāmis tävat | 241
15 Or prādayāmi, the r of prā° is very faint and does not appear on the photograph.
iha kām[am] acāṁ (tu) lug-vibēşāh Mk. 58. prakti-pratyaya-sandhişúpadieţāh I
tad-udáharapadi laksya-dro tyā
katicit samprati pådayāmi tävat || 24 || In this dialect there are at will peculiar elisions of vowels in the union of bases with suffixes. As examples of this, I now proceed to give a few specimens. Fol. 444 lopascēdiha růkakhuütathārükökhayadrogamah syadvõijjalhöjjaikakhusu(1) 16 (Pol. 446)
vůdčivavahodovavaho viláõivvavónurvanädatathāvānäüityädikêrūpērüpavipraryyayab pranavacämuktavibēka savu (2)dhaih
1 251 18 The aksara a marked with a query is doubtful.
. . marked wilh a query is doubtful. Metre, Sārdālavikridita, --- - -
- -- - lopas cd iha rukkhu [rukkha tatha ruckho, yadâj-agamah Mk. 56.
syäd höjjai hojjai kkhu swaro deivvaho devvaho, balão (litarah nu bälai, tatha bälās ityadikë
rupo rapaviparyayab punar, acām ukts visēra budhail | 26 | If there is elision (of the final vowel of the base), we have rukkhu or rukkho for mutkhat (vykpakah]. When we have the addition of vowel we have [sentences maoh as kõijjai (for hojjai) kkhu suarò deivvaho (for devvaho) [bhavēt Khalu sukaro daival]. Or there may be interchange of forms, as in balai or balau, etc. for bålão (balah, see rene 11). Such are the peculiarities of vowels as described by the learned.

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FEBRUARY, 1922)
THE APABHRAMSA STABAKAS OF RÅMA-ŠARMAN
25
Sing.
(The following, therefore are the declensional forms for nouns in Apabhramsa according to Rāma-barman. After each form, I give the number of the verse in which it occurs. First of all I give the terminations which he says are applicable to all nouns.
Plur. Nom. du (7), hu (10),
ho (18) Acc. Instrē (12),
hisi (12) Abl. hē (12), ho (12),
ham (13), huni (13) Gen. he (13), ho (13), hari (13), hun (13), ham (14) Loc. hin (12),
hin (12) Voc. he (17), The bare base may optionally be used for the Accusative Singular and all subsequent cases (8).
The above terminations will not necessarily be repeated in the su beequent paradigms.
Bases in a Nom. Marc. naro (9), narao (9), rukkho (25), qaalahi (10), gand havvaho (18), sairakkhiö (16) ;
rukkha (18) rukkhu (16, 25), kilantu (9), juāņu (10) ; rukkhaü (25); kanha (9), macoa (16) ; (rukkhada) (6), (rukkhādā) (8); (rukkhadu) (7) ;
rukkhahu (10) Neut. (vanu) (8), hiadā (6), (hiadu) (7), vanais (11), vaņāin (11), vanadai (8), vanādai (8)
vanaho (18) Aoc. Masc. (rukkhu) (8), kanha (9) Neut. (ranu) (8), (vana) (8)
vanaží (11), vañain (11) Instr. purisē (15), vanaz (12)
purisē (15), (vanahim) (12) Abl. purisē (15); gharahē (12);
kānanahan (13), (kāñanahun) (13) (gharaho) (12), devvaho (25) Gen. jāraha (7); fkānanahē) (13), vanahan (14)
kānanaho (13); vanahani (13), (vanahun) (13); rukkhasu (14),
rukkchahassu (14); purisē (15) Loc. purisë (15), (vanahin) (12) (vanahi) (12) Yoo. varahē (17)
Feminine bases in a. Nom sia (6); bālāu (10) ;
mälau (11), bäläu (25), (mälão) (11), göladi (6); bāladu (7)
bālāo (25), (bālāho (18), bālai (25).
(bālāhē) (10) Aco. (bāla) (8)
mälāu (11), (mälão) (11) Instr. (bālāë) (12)
bālāhiṁ (12) Loo, balāhi (12)
balahin (12)

Page #34

26
Nom.
Acc.
Instr.
Abl.
Gen.
Loc.
Nom.
Acc.
Instr.
Abl.
Gen.
Loo.
Voc.
Nom.
Instr.
Gen.
Nom.
Acc.
Instr.
Abl.
Gen.
Loc.
Nom.
Acc.
Instr.
Abl. 2
Loc.
Nom.
Acc.
Instr.
Gen.
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
Feminine bases in i. göri (9); rahiu (10), kilantu (9); gēlaḍi (8); kāmiņīdu (7) (nai) (8)
paṇālië (12)
(sale) (12), (ai) (12) (paid)(14), aihe (13, 14), (pailu)(14) naië (17)
Feminine bases in u.
vahuē (12)
(va) (12), (vah) (12) (vahue) (14), (vahuhe) (13, 14), (vahüham) (13), vahuhum (13), (vahuhu) (14)
vahue (17), vahuhim (12) vahuhe (17)
Bases in i,u, masc.
aggi (8), aggi (8)
asiēna (16), parāsuēņa (16)
ammad-(23).
hamu
maïm, man(9), mō (31)
maini
maha, majka, majjhu
maha, majjha, majjhu, amha
maïm
yumad-(22).
tuham
païm, tō (31)
païm
tumbha (?tujjha)
[ FEBRUARY, 1922
naiu (11), (naio) (11), naihō (18) naiu (11), (naio) (11)
...
naihaṁ (13), (ņaihum) (13) (paikari) (14)
(naihim) (12), (naïhim) (17)
vahuu (11), (vahuō) (11), ⚫ (vahuhō) (18)
vahuu (11), (vahūō) (11) vahühim (12)
(vahūham) (13), vahuhuṁ (13) vahūham (14), vahūṁhuṁ (14)
vahūhim (12), vahuhim (17)
asiēhim (16), isuēhim (16) -na (15), -nha (15)
tumha, tumhe, tuha,
pain
kish, yad, tad.
ko (19), je (21), te (se) (21), 'so (26)
kam (19), jadrum (19), tadrum (19)
amhaïm
amhaïm
amhahim, amhêhi(?), amhe amha (? amhaham)
ṇā
amhasu, amhāsu
tumbhaïm, tumhe (27) tumbhaïm tumhahim
ki (19)
kë (19) të him (12)
tanna (? tenni) (31)
käsu (19), kassu (19), kasu (19),
Loc.
kesu (19)
täsu (27), jadru (20), tadru (20) kaïm (19), jadru (20), tadru (20), tēhim (12) The above are masculine, but most of them may also be used for the feminine and neuter (19).
For idam, the nom.-acc, sing. m. and n. is imu (20).

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FEBRUARY, 1922)
THE APABHRAMSA STABAKAS OF RĂMA-SARMAN
27
For adas, the same cases are amu, which is also used for the declensional base (20). By 31, ēhin=amibhih (? ēbhih).
For ētad, the nominative and accusative singular are è, chu, zho, ha, or ēhē. ēhē being also used for the locative singular (21). Cf. ēsu (9), nom. sg. m. The declensional base is ēha (20).
It will be observed that the above schemes of declension differ widely from those given by Hēmacandra, and reproduced by Pischel in his grammar. But it must not be therefore assumed that the differences are due to blunders of the copyist. They are borne out in a remarkable manner by Mārkandēya, and, as a whole, may be taken as indicating the doctrine of the eastern school in regard to Apabhramsa.
It will also be observed that in the declension of nouns substantive, no form is laid down for the accusative singular. It is evidently assumed that this case is the same in form as the nominative singular. Compare Hēmacandra, iv, 341, 344. In verse 9, our author tells us that the acc. sing. may optionally drop its termination,
but he does not give any alternative form except for a-bases (8).] Fol. 44b. dbātutöbhavatināt manēpadam tipamasõstudihamaukramanmitaul sõhasēdihasaham aamhaïm tadvidhipraksti(3)kēşutipsapaucya17 | 26 |
17 The aksara cya at the end of the second line is superfluous. Throughout this verse ha may also be read as hu.
Metre, Rathôddhatā, ---- - - - dhātu-to bhavati nâtmanēpadam
Mk. 57. tip-masõs tu di-humau kramān matau
Mk.58. 87 hasēdi hasahuń na amhaží
tad-vidhi praktikau tu ()mip-sipau | 26 | Not in Mk. The atmanēpada voice of verbs is not used. The terminations of the third person singular and of the first person plural are di and hun, respectively, as in 8ő hasēdi, hasahur na amhain [sa hasati, hasāmo na vayam]. The first and second persons singular are the same as the original [Sanskrit].
The syllable di for the 3rd singular is quite clear in the MS. It is, further, authorized by the rule in verse 2. The last line is difficult, but I think that I have given the meaning intended. I take tad-vidhi as practically equivalent to tat-sama. The change from prakrtikēsu to praktikau tu is easy in the Bengali character. I have altered tip to mip; because the latter is nowhere else provided for in this or the following verse. It is worth noting that, in the corresponding passage, Mk. gives the form for the first person plural only, and does not touch upon the other
persons. Fol. 44b. pikaciēpenniju(?)du 18 mathikanhõmchacha(?)nnu19dētāaa(?)*30hidēsu hirvvāsipä(?)hē31hidhanāíntāsu(4)(?)hussthasyatambētuna(?)ktuppa ādu 27 il
18 The aksara du may also be read as dva or ha. .19 The aksara nnu may also be read as ndu. 30 The aknara á is doubtful. It is not clear. Perhaps the scribe meant dma, dator gha. $1 The akgara hë is clear, but perhaps do is meant. * The ak ara hu may also be read as initial F, and is, indeed, more like that letter.
13 The aksara ktu is pretty clear, bud, with a litle forcing can also be read as hu, which is probably intended.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
(PSBRUARY, 1922
Metre, Upajāti, as before. tip c&tra, pellë judu hatthi kanha
Not in Mk. jhēr him nu, dēvă a gähi dēsu
Not in Mk. hir va sipo, dēhi dhanai tāsu;
Not in Mk. hus thasya, tumhë (?)tulahu pparisu 27 || Not in Mk. The emendations in the first line are very doubtful. They are made on the assumption that the Prakrit = pātayati yulam hastinasi Kranah. The metre shows that pelli is certainly wrong, and, in the Bengali character, the change to pellē is very easy. The second line is pure conjecture. We should expect something to the effect that the termination of the third person plural Ghi) is him, I assume that the last syllable of the preceding lipe was originally nha, and the first syllable of this line was shē. The scribe, in copying, made a conflux of the two into whë. Ho mis-read him as cha, and then, to eke out the metre, repeated the cha. In this way kanhajhêrhininu became kanhēschachannu. In bad Bengali writing himb might easily be mistaken for cha ( for ). The Prakrit of the fourth line is doubtful. I can think of no better emendation of tunahu than tulaku
( = tõlayatha). Ppaāsu may be prayāsam or pravāsam or prakasam.
The third person singular also has [the termination é ), as in pelle judu hakthi Kapha ( pātayali yulan hastinasi Krsnah). The termination of the third person plural is him, as in dēva a aāhi dēsu [ devās ca āyānti dēíam). The termination of the second person singular is also optionally hi, as in dēhi dhaņai tasu [dadāsi dhanāni tasya]. The termination of the second person plural is hu, as in tumhe tulahu ppaāsu (yuyash tölayatha prayasam (or prakasam, or pravā sam) ).
If my above emendations of these two verses are correct, we have the following as our author's account of Apabhramsa conjugation -- Singular.
Plural. 1. hasāmi (26, d)
hasa huu (26, b) 2. hasasi, hasahi (26, d; 27, c)
hasahu (27, d) 3. hasadi (hasēdi), hasē (26, b; 27, a) hasahin (27, b) Fol. 44b. nuţiihiisacavāladahasihijēdvahasiskikaphatapuppita kvacidapihõ(5)ssaityadirüpar laţimasikäpunavatrakļñahayāta || 28 ||
The aksaras tapuppita at the end of the first line, evidently do not belong to this verse. They have been taken from somewhere else, by a blunder of the copyist. Metre, Tāmarasa, v
vluţi ihi isa ca, bālai [ēhu]
Mk. 59, 60 hasihii, ēhu hasisai Kanha ; kvacid api hossai ityapi rupan;
Not in Mk. luți masi kā [ikān] punar atra krah syät | 28 Mk. 61. The suffix of the future is ihi or isa, as in bälail Zhu hasihii, ehu hasisai Kanha balaka ēga hasistati, ēra hasisyati Kysnah). Sometimes we also have such a form as hossai (bhavisyati), and, for the root kr-, in the first person plural, the base of the future is kā [1kāvi), [so that we get Ikämahusn).
It will be observed that here the future is called lug, i. e., the periphrastic future not hat, the simple future. So also Mk. Mk, makes käm-, not ka-, the base of the 1st pl. fut. of ky, and, gives, as an example, kamahun.
(To be continued.)
oito

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THE HISTORY OF THE NIZAM SHAHI KINGS OF AHMADNAGAR BY LIEUT.-COLONEL T. W. HAIG, C.S.I., C.M.G., C.B.E.
(Continued from Vol. L, p. 328.) After the dismissal of Qazî Beg, the wise, prudent, and brave Asad Khân was appointed vakil and pishvd.215
At this time the vile wretch şahib Khân, some account of whom has already been given, was prompted by his base nature and disposition to vex the people, and to shed innocent blood and outrage the honour of the poor. To such an extent did he slay and plunder the king's subjects, that the tyranny and injustice of Shaddad the son of Ad appeared like the justice of Naushirvan beside the enormities which he committed. As the king had retired altogether from the business of the state and had left all power in the hands of this wretch, & gang of low-born and low-bred ruffians, the fellows and companions of that scoundrel, gathered round him and incited him to further acts of tyranny and injustice, sc that the greatest sages of the time were unable to find a remedy for the state of affairs brought about by his atrocities, or the tyranny of him and his associates, under which the people and the army alike were groaning.
When the tyranny and injustice of Şahib Khân towards all men, but especially towards, the foreigners, who believed that they were specially chosen as the subjects of his oppression, passed human endurance and the slaying and plundering of foreigners both in the city and in the country became a common occurrence, and wben at last Mir Mahdi, a Şafavî Sayyid, became a martyr by Şahib Khan's orders, 316 Adil Khân, Bâng Khân, and other officers and sila dars went in a body and unanimously complained of the favourite's tyranny. But Sahib Khân was now the only person who had access to the king and he represented that the foreigners were traitors to their salt, and were rising in rebellion. The cries and shouts of those who sought but justice lent colour to şahib Khân's storyalt and the king without any inquiry into the truth of the matter, issued an order for the slaughter of these oppressed people, and şahib Khan and his satellites, who were prepared for the success of their designs, attacked the foreigners. The Dakani mob favoured the oppressors and the signal for the slaughter and plunder of the foreigners went forth on all sides and the mob rose to plunder and slay, so that the blood of the foreigners ran in rivers through the city and their dead lay piled in heaps, the mob slaying every foreigner whom they met. 'Adil Khân and Bânů Khân, with some of the bravest of the foreign troops, fled to Bijâpûr, leaving the weaker foreigners, mendicants and traders, in the hands of the mob.
216- Firishta says (ii, 276), that Asad Khân bad nothing but the name of valil and pishod, and that all power in the state was wieldod by Salabat Khan.
316 Firishta says (ii, 274) that Sahib Khan attempted to abduct Mir Mahdi's daughter and, on meeting with resistance, attacked his house with two or three thousand men. Mir Mehdi's sons, who were in the service of Bahib Khan, guided the assailants to the back of the house, where sahib Khan's clephants destroyed the wall. Ahib Khan's men then entered the house and slow the Sayyid.
911 According to Firishta it was immediately after the defeat of Bahib Khân by Husain Nhân Tarshizi that he raised the Dakanis and Africans against the foreigners. Sahib Khan, covered with dust, Appeared before the king and falsely Bocused the foreigners of having risen in rebellion with the object of deposing him and raising to the throne his son, Husain. The king appeared at the head of the Dekani troops and the foreigners, seeing that he had taken the field against them, retired to the kingdoms of Bijapur and Golconda. Those who remained in the city were slaughtered, and Q&z Beg and Sayyid Murtaza, who had not taken part in the strife, informed Salibat Khan that he must somehow contrive to bring the facts of the case to the king's knowledge. SalAbat Khin suoceeded in presenting & petition to the king without Bahib Khân's knowledge and received orders to prevent Sahib Khan from re-entering the city. Sahib Khan prepared to attack Salábat Khan who, not having force suftoient to oppose him, withdrew to Manikdaund, twenty-eight miles east of the city.

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By this atrocious outrage the whole of the foreigners in Ahmadnagar were dispersed. Most of them took refuge with 'Ali 'Adil Shâh; some joined Sayyid Murtazâ, the amir-ulUmrd of Berar, while a few, who could neither fight nor flee, hid in lanes and byways.
After the event the king took up his residence in Sahib Khân's house and stayed there for a long while. As nobody was allowed access to him, men began to doubt whether he was still alive and to give utterance to vain imaginings, but Şâhib Khân who greatly feared the remnant of the foreigners, which had taken refuge with Sayyid Murtaza in Berar, and who found that the king's fondness for himself was greater than ever, endeavoured to obtain an order for a general massacre of them, in order that they might be entirely rooted out and that he might be relieved from anxiety regarding them. He told the king that blood lay between him and the foreigners and that they were planning vengeance against him, wherefore he went in great fear. He implored the king to order a general massacre of them in order that his heart might be set at rest, but the king revolted from an action so base, and endeavoured in other ways to set at rest Şâhib Khân's fears and to soothe him; but in spite of all these endeavours, Sâhib Khân's burning hatred of the foreigners would not be quenched, and one night in his rage he let himself down from the wall of his house and fled with a small number of his followers towards Bîjâpûr. As soon as the flight of this wicked wretch was made known to the king, who could not endure the absence of his beloved, he started in pursuit of him, by forced marches, came up with him near Parenda, and delighted him by promising to carry out his will, and, having thus rendered himself obedient to his desires, sojourned with him where he had found him.218
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But Sahib Khan was not to be put off by fair words, and was ever insistent on the fulfilment of his object, which was the slaughter of Sayyid Murtazâ and all the foreigners. The king, in order once more to set this wretch's mind at rest, decreed that the army should march from Parenda to Bidar and should capture that fortress, in order that Şâhib Khân might be appointed to the government of Bidar with the title of Barid-ul-Mulk, and that as soon as Sayyid Murtazâ joined the royal army in its expedition against Bidar he might be overthrown. The foolish Sahib Khân was pacified by this means and the royal army marched from Parenda towards Bidar. When the army reached the Makûna tank and encamped there, Şâhib Khân exerted himself to the utmost to open the siege, and the royal army prepared to invest the fortress.219
When 'Alf 'Adil Shâh heard of the expedition of the army of Ahmadnagar against Bidar he sent the Rizavi Sayyid, Mir Muhammad Rizâ, as an envoy to Murtaza Nizâm Shâh in order that he might ascertain whether the latter had any grievance against 'Ali Adil Shah and might strive to remove it and to promote peace and goodwill between the two kingdoms. The Sayyid reached the royal camp on the banks of the Bidar tank, had an audience of the king, and acquitted himself of his mission. As long as 'Ali Adil Shâh lived, Mir Muhammad Rizâ remained at the court of Ahmadnagar as the Bijapur ambassador.
318 According to Firishta, Sahib Khan was disgraced by Salabat Khan and fled to Bidar with two or three thousand horse and many elephants. There is no mention of his having gone to ParendaF. ii, 276, 277.
319 On the arrival of Sahib Khan and Murtaza Nizam Shah before Bidar, 'All Barid Shah, here unceremoniously called Malik Barid, shut himself up in the fortress and appealed to 'Alf 'Adil Shah I for help. Ali Adil Shah sent him 1,000 horse on condition that he gave up to him two handsome eunuchs whom he possessed. The condition was fulfilled and one of the eunuchs slew All Adil Shah.F. ii, 88, 277, 348.

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When Malik Barid saw the determination with which the royal army pressed on prepa. rations for the siege, he secretly sent a messenger to Murtaza Nizâm Shâh to make professions of humble submission and service, and the king's already existing disinclination to the siege of Bidar was thus confirmed. The king then visited Şâhib Khân's tents in order to appease him and compensate him for the disapppointment which the abandonment of the siege would cause, but Sahib Khân, who had heard of the king's approach, escaped from the back of his pavilion and would not appear before the king. The next day the king summoned Asad Khân and gave to him, for delivery to Şâhib Khân, a jewelled belt, each jewel in which was. worth the tribute of Bîdar, with a message to the effect that if Şâhîb Khân coveted anything from Malik Barid he might take this belt in lieu of what he coveted.
31
Şâbib Khân accepted the belt and became outwardly reconciled to marching from Bidar. On the following day the army marched from Bidar towards Udgîr, and Sahib Khân, on the pretext that he had now entered his jagir, left the royal camp with his havâldars and with the troops which his friends had placed at his disposal, and marched through the country laying waste and devastating both cities and districts by his tyranny and oppression whereever he went. Royal commands were issued for his recall, but he paid no heed to them and pursued his obstinate and contumacious course. He even aspired to royal power, hankered after the royal umbrella and aftabgir, and began to issue to the chiefs of the army farmans such as those issued by kings and to endeavour to attract the officers to his cause by means of deceitful promises, until at last by the agency of Jamshid Khân, Khudavand Khân and Bahrî Khân he met his death in the village of Ranjani220 as will soon be related.
The king halted one day in Udgîr and on the following day marched thence towards Kandhar. When the royal army entered the districts of Kandhâr, spies and informers reported to the king that owing to his retirement and to the domination and the supremacy of Şâhib Khân, the army and the cultivators, nay all the inhabitants, both of the city and of the country, were firmly persuaded that he was dead and that the throne was vacant, and that a great body of them had therefore gone to the fort of Lohogarh where the kotwal Jujar Khân had given his daughter in marriage to the pious prince Burhân, had released that prince from confinement and had left him free to depart with a strong force, consisting largely of Foreigners who went in fear of Şâhib Khân, and that as Ahmadnagar was depleted of troops, it was possible that it might fall into the possession of Burhân.221
When the king heard this news he was much perplexed and perturbed, fearing lest fate should now play him a scurvy trick, and he therefore sent Asad Khân to quell the prince's rebellion. Asad Khân with his troop left the royal camp and marched with all speed to
220 The name of this place is left blank in the India Office MS. I have supplied it from Firishta (ii, 278). Ranjani is situated in 19° 39' N. and 76° 11' E.
331 Burhan-ud-din, brother of Murtaza Nizam Shah I. He ascended the throne of Ahmadnagar on May 7, 1591, as Burhan Nizam Shah II, and it was after him that this work was named. He was detained by his brother as a state prisoner in the fortress of Lohogarh, where he had a jágir assigned to him and lived in ease and comfort. When Murtaza went in pursuit of Sahib Khan to Bidar, many of the amira wrote to Burhan informing him that his brother was mad and unfit to reign and inviting him to seize the throne. Burhan persuaded the commandant of Lohogarh to release him and hastened to Junnar, where he raised a force of five or six thousand horse. He then assumed the royal title and advanced on Ahmad. nagar. Murtaza, on receiving the news, hastened back from Bidar and reached Ahmadnagar a day before Burhan. On his return he mounted an elephant, and with a view to silencing persistent rumours of his death, rode through the city. Stopping at a druggist's shop he asked the druggist whether he had any medicine for madness. The druggist said that he had, and the king said that he did not know whether it was he, who had retained the crown and royal title while living the life of a recluse, or his brother, who was attacking him without a cause, that was mad. The druggist replied that the king might set his mind at rest. He was not mad, for the affairs of the kingdom had been very well managed, The madman was Burhan, who had left a life of ease and comfort to attack a kind and generous brother. The king was much pleased, and gave the druggist a purse of a hundred hans.-F. ii, 298, 299,

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Ahmadnagar. The king then, without paying further heed to the affair of Sahib Khân. marched from Kandhår towards the capital, and when he reached the bank of the Godavari he decided that it would be better to turn thence into Berar and to summon the amirs of that province around him in order that they might march against Burhan with him. When some of the offers of the state and courtiers who were in attendance understood the king's design from what he said, they were unanimous in dissuading him from it and pointed out that to turn aside towards Berar would be far from wise and could but lead others to despise him (as one who shunned the fray). The king hearkened to their advice and marched on Ahmadnagar.
Asad Khân, who had started for Ahmadnagar before the king and had marched with the greatest speed, found, when he eached the city, a number of Foreigners, who for fear of Şahib Khár, were hiding in holes and corners. He armed and drilled them and encouraged them with hopes of the royal favour and he now wrote to the king saying that Burhân, with an army eager for the fray, had left the town of Junnâr and was now marching on the capital, and he urged the king to advance rapidly on Ahmadnagar in order to save the state.
When the royal army entered Ahmadnagar district, the king, with a view to pleasing' and satisfying his subjects, who until now had heard nothing of him but his name, mounted an elephant and rode about through the city and the bazars, and all the Foreigners who had been lurking in holes and corners came forward and once more entered the royal service.
The next day, at sunrise, soouts reported that prince Burhan, with nearly 3,000 horse and five or six thousand infantry had advanced to the village of Kânûr, two gâu distant from Ahmadnagar, and was encamped there before the garden of the old water course. The king appointed Asad Khân to the command of the advanced guard and placed all the Foreigners under him, and then himself came forth from the city. Asad Khân marched to meet Lurhan's army and a battle ensued, in the course of which some were slain and others wounded on both sides. It was now reported to the prince that the king was marching against him in person. The prince had hitherto had no intimation that the king was living 222 and had marched on Ahmadnagar in the belief that he was the rightful successor to a vacant throne, but now that he was aware that the king was living he paid him the respect due to him and rode off the field. Jūjar Khan and some others were killed in the fight and Bahadur Khân lost an eye by an arrow. A soldier severed Jâjâr Khan's head from his body and took it to the king.
The king then commanded that Asad Khân should hasten in pursuit of the prince, but should be careful that nobody was slain. The prince made for the fort of Ahmadnagar. This affair took place on Rabi-us-sani 11, and it is a strange coincidence that the words will be proj! 223 give the date of the year, which was 988 (May 27, A.D. 1580).
Asad Khân in obedience to the royal orders rode a short distance in pursuit of the prince but could find no trace of him $24. As these matters will be fully dealt with in the account of the reign of Burhân NizâmShah, this brief record of them will suffice here.
LXXXV.-THE QUELLING OF THE BEBELLION OF SĦIB KHAN. When the royal army returned from Kandhår to the capital, the wretch şahib Khân did not join it,225 but occupied himself in oppressing the people and devastating both town and country in his jagir, and although farmáns for his recall were issued repeatedly he, blinded by perversity and foredoomed, declined to obey them. Asad Khan and many other courtiers and officers who had suffered from the overbearing and tyrannical conduct of this wretch, now represented to the king that this low-born scoundrel had transgressed
222 Burhan's followers were under the impression that the king was dead, and it was in this belief that they were supporting him, but Burhan himself seems to have been well aware that his brother was plive. Sayyid 'Ali could not, however, describe his patron as a rebel.
323 The chronogram gives the date 987, which is a year short.
224 Burhan, on this occasion, fled to Bijâpur, but returned to Ahmadnagar two years later in the guise of a darvish-F. ii, 299,
335 According to Firishta (ii. 277) he went to Paithan.

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all bounds, and in the extremity of his folly, ignorance, pride, and arrogance aimed at royal power, and had gone forth into the land oppressing the people and raising strife everywhere until the people, the army, the amirs and the officers of state could endure his tyranny no longer and had left their land and hereditary homes in a body, while tumults arose everywhere and on all sides. They said that unless the king took the field in person against this rebel he might soon become so strong that it would not be possible to overthrow him. They so plied the king with arguments of this nature that orders were at length issued to the effect that Sayyid Murtaza and the amirs of Berar should march against şahib Khân, and either bring him to Ahmadnagar or drive him forth of the kingdom, and thus free the people from his tyranny.
Sayyid Murtazâ, who had for years been anxious for permission to act thus, seized his opportunity and sent Jamshid Khân, Khudavand Khân, and Bahri Khan with other officers and a body of troops as an advanced guard to act against gâhib Khan, while he followed them. These amírs, marching with the rapidity of the wind, came up with Şahib Khan at the village of Ranjani.
Sahib Khân was quite ready to fight and began to prepare for battle, but the amirs sent a message to him to say that they had come not to fight, but to pay their respects to him. The fool believed them and hastened forth to meet his death. When the amirs met that prince of evil-doers they at once slew him and quenched the fire of strife and tyranny with the water of the sword, freeing the people of the country and of the towns from his oppression.226
When the news of Şahib Khân's death was brought to the king he was much grieved and vexed, and conceived a hatred for all the amírs and officers of state. He withdrew entirely from all public business and formed the intention of abdicating and of retiring entirely from the world. He frequently told his more intimate courtiers that he devoutly and sincerely wished to repair what was past and to atone for his past errors, to which end he proposed to retire altogether from the world and to devote the rest of his life to an attempt to secure eternal happiness. He said that he had a desire to travel and to make pilgrimage to Makkah, Madinah, and to other holy places, to spend the rest of his life in acquiring merit for the world to come, and after life's worldly disputes to attend to his own welfare. He said that he knew that the affairs of the state could not go on without a just ruler, that in this matter reference should be made to the Sayyids, who were the true rulers of men, and that they should select one of them, who should seem to be most fitted for the office, to manage the affairs of the state in order that he himself might abdicate. The courtiers would not assent to the king's proposal, and said that they were unable to find anybody who would be equal to this great task. But the king had become weary of his crown and, with a few of his confidants, passed over secretly, in the guise of a darvish, into Humayunpar. When the amirs, the officere of state, and the officers of the army became aware of the king's
336 According to Firishta, sahib Khan sent to Bahri Khan, the Qizilbåsh in Ranjant, demanding his daughter in marriage and Bahri Khan replied that it was not fitting that a fowl-seller should mate with tho sisters and daughters of amira. Sahib Khån marched on Ranjant, and Bahri Khan, who had not sufficient force to oppose him, fled to JAlna, where he joined Jamshid Khan Shirazi, Meanwhilo Sayyid Murta A Sabzavari, in obedience to the royal command, sent Khudavand Khan and other amers to Sahib Khan to advise him to return at once to Ahmadnagar, but secretly instructed Khudavand Khân to kill şahib Khan if he could. The mission was joined at Jalna by Jamahid Khan and Bahri Khan and then went on to Sahib Khan's camp, where they sarcastically begged that they might be admitted to the honour of an interviow. Şahib Khan, who was drinking wine and apparently intended to receive them with scant respeot, failed to perceive the sarcasm and gave orders for their admission. On perceiving that they were armod, he rose to receive them with proper ceremony. Khudavand Khan, while embracing hino, criod out that gåhib Khan was trying to crush him, and suddenly putting forth his strength crushed gahib Khan's ribs, throw him to the ground, and finished him with his dagger. Sahib Khan's force then dispersed. Sayyid Murtaz reported to the king that he had obeyed his commands with regard to sahib Khan, but that when his messengers had reached his camp şahib Khan had foolishly attacked them, and had lost his life in consequence. The king was much grioved by his favourite's death, but the satisfaction was so general that he could not venture to take any steps in the matter. F ii, 278.

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design, they hastened after him and had an audience of him near Humayunpur. Here they, with the Sayyids and learned men, saluted him and implored him to resume the reins of government, saying that God had created him to rule the kingdom, that the regulation of the affairs of all its inhabitants depended on him, that to forego so great a task was repre. hensible in the eyes both of God and of the people, and that as the happiness of the world depended on the due exercise of authority, no greater act of worship that this could be conceived. The king replied that he was sick of worldly affairs, that he was firmly resolved to make a pilgrimage to the tomb of 'Ali, and that they might elect whom they would to the throne, and leave him in peace. The Sayyids, the learned men, the amirs and vazirs, chief among them Sayyid Shâh Haidar, bowed their heads to the ground and earnestly told the king that his design was neither wise nor permissible by the sacred law, as its fulfilment would lead to strife and disturbances and the ruin of the country and its people ; and especially of the Sayyids and learned men from Khurâsân and 'Irâq who had lived in peace and happiness under the protection of the king and who, by his removal of himself from the head of affairs, would be plunged into grief, trouble, and annoyance, a state of affairs which could not be but displeasing both to God and to His prophet. The arguments of the Sayyids and learned men convinced the king and he desisted from his purpose of abdicating, and appointed Shah Haidar vakil and pishvá, at the same time saying that as God had entrusted the government of His people to himself, so he in like manner handed the care of them and their affairs to Shah Haidar, whom he enjoined so to deal with the people thus placed under his care that he might earn their gratitude and God's reward, by promulgating the divine commands and insisting on the observance of the sacred law.
When the king had concluded his counsels to Shah Haidar, he returned to the capital and passed his time in ease and enjoyment in the?ort of Ahmadnagar, entrusting the whole administration to Shah Haidar, before whom all the amirs and officers of state used to assemble and transact the business of the kingdom.
When Shâh Haidar had acquired the supreme power in the state, he forgot the king's counsels and decided questions in accordance with his own personal predilections so that in & short time not only the great officers of state, but all the army, were loud in their complaints of him, for they feared and abhorred his violent behaviour and his easily excited wrath, and Maulana Vâlihî, one of the most witty and versatile men of the time, satirized him in the speech of Khurâsân as follows:
The king's mind in his cups was not so distraught As the people were dissatisfied with Asad Khan's pishva.'
چنان شے دماغ پریشان نر : کر خلق راضی بر بیشوایل اسد خان نے
بوقت کیف
Although Asad Khân had made great endeavours to bring about Shâh Haidar's eleva. tion to the office of pishvd, Shah Haidar was very suspicious of him, and was ever compassing his overthrow. At this time he made a pretext that some amírs should be sent to the bor. ders of Burhanpûr in order that they might guard the kingdom from the inroads of enemies. Asad Khân, with a number of other amfrs, was appointed and was dispatched to Daulatâbâd.
One affair which alienated all, both gentle and simple, from Shah Haidar, was his conduct in the matter of the jágirs, which had originally been granted to the late Shah Tahir. Some four hundred parganas had been thus allotted and these were now all held in in'am by various amirs in close attendance on the court. Shah Haidar, without any farmán from the king, transferred the whole to his own name and thus transferred from their holdings many who were not willing to leave them, even when receiving compensation. This matter distressed the king greatly and although he endeavoured to prevail on the dispossessed amire to accept other jagirs in lieu of those which they had lost, he failed to do so.
At this time the king gave orders for the preparation of a great banquet, and the officers and servants of the household set to work to prepare it, and on this occasion Shah Haidar ignored the orders which he had received from the king in the matter of prohibiting forbidden

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things and removed all prohibitions from them. When the king was informed of this removal of prohibitions, he wrote to Shah Haidar asking how he, a Sayyid, could thus Eet at nought the commands of the Sacred Law and how he could justify his breach of the royal commands. Shah Haidar made many excuses and endeavoured to appease the king, but all to no purpose, and one day in the course of the feasting, the king, on the pretext that he desired to walk in the garden of the watercourse, parted from all the amirs and vazirs, who were enjoying themselves, and made off to Daulatâbåd. The first person to discover his absence, and to follow him and pay his respects, was Şalábat Khân. When Shah Haidar and the other officers of state and courtiers discovered that the king had left for Daulatâbâd, they followed him with all haste and paid their respects to him, some, while he was on the way, and some in Daulatâbâd itself. When the king reached Daulatâbâd, he summoned Asad Khân, who was encamped with his troops in that neighbourhood, and addressed them in open darbar, saying that he was tired of the business of the state and of worldly affairs and purposed to make a pilgrimage to Makkah. All present implored the king not to abandon the ship of state, pointing out that he alone had been chosen by God to guide it and that his desertion of it would be displeasing to God and would lead to the ruin of the kingdom and its inhabitants. Before all the rest, Sayyid Mir Muhammad Muqim Rizavi uttered affecting words in the endeavour to turn the king from his purpose, and all the learned men delivered fatvas in accordance with the scriptures and traditions, and with tears implored the king not to leave them, until at length the king, taking compassion on his subjects, abandoned his project. He then called Asad Khân to him in private and again requested him to undertake the office of vakil and pishud. Asad Khân declared that he was unable alone to undertake the duties of so responsible a post, and requested that Şalábat Khân might be associated with him in the office and might relieve him of some of its duties. Salábat Khân was a Circassian slave whom Shah Tahmâsb, Shâh of Persia, had sent as a gift to the late king. His wit, readiness and knowledge had advanced him in the royal service and he daily advanced in dignity until at length he ascended the seat of the vakil and pishvd, as will be set forth. The king tried hard to persuade Asad Khân to accept office without a colleague, but Asad Khân persisted in his refusal to accept it unless Salábat Khân were associated with him. At length the king said, 'You are now making Şalábat Khân your colleague of your own free will, but the day will come when you will repent it and will taste the bitterness of collaboration with him.' And the king's words came true, for Salábat Khân mastered Asad Khân, and day by day deprived him of some power in public business until at length he brought about his dismissal and threw him into prison, as will be seen.
Asad Khan then, in accordance with the royal command, introduced Salábat Khân to the presence and caused him to be invested with the sar-u-på of the office of vakal, just as he himself was invested, and the two then undertook the duties of their office and settled all matters of state. After Asad Khan and Salábat Khân had been inducted into the office of vakil, the king ordered that Shah Haidar should move to the town of Daulatâbâd and reside there until he received further orders. He was afterwards transferred from the town to the fortress of Daulatâbâd and remained there for a time unemployed and in retirement. He was then recalled by the royal command to Ahmadnagar and was sent thence to the port of Rajpuri which was appointed to him as his muqasd.
Some days later the king returned from Daulatâbåd to Ahmadnagar, where he took up his dwelling in the old garden of the watercourse and there remained for twelve years in seclusion and retirement, in no way concerning himself directly with the affairs of stato,

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FEBRUARY, 1922 - while Asad Khân and Şal&bat Khân repaired daily to the neighbourhood of that garden and decided causes there, and if a case demanded the royal orders, they approached the king through a young eunuch who had access to him and carried out such orders as they received through the same source. Occasionally the king would issue written orders to one of the officers of state or courtiers. Those in the royal service and those who had petitions to make approached and attached themselves to Asad Khân and sometimes to Salábat Khân, while there were some who used to pay equal court to both. Thus the learned and accomplished Mîrzâ şâdiq, Urdûbâdi, who was from 'Iraq and was a great wit, and was at this time in the royal service, wrote the following two couplets on the state of affairs
In my perplexity, bewilderment and confusion I am by night a partisan of Asad
Khân, and by day & follower of Salábat Khan, That is to say, by the tyranny of fate, which cherishes the base,
I, poor wretch that I am, am by turns & Gabr, and a Christian."227
The king passed most of his time in seclusion in reading books, and when he came across any difficult or knotty points he would lay them before the learned men of the court for 80lution, and the learned men, having resolved them, would write their replies and submit them for the king's perusal. I shall now record some of these questions and answers, but I would here remark that as all the learned men of the court wrote treatises on the questions laid before them by the king, I cannot reproduce all these without interfering with the continuity of this history. I shall therefore content myself with reproducing some of the replies given to the king's questions by the learned Shah Fathullah Shirâzi, the most learned and deeply road man of the age. It was at this time that I came from 'Iraq to Ahmadnagar, and learnt something of these disquisitions, but if at any time I am in doubt regarding any matter, I shall mention the fact.228
(To be continued.)
VACHANAS ATTRIBUTED TO BASAVA. TRANSLATED BY RAO SAHIB P. G. HALKATTI, M.L.C.
(Continued from p. 12.)
N. Have Faith. 1. They say, 'God is fond of sound.' Nay, God is not fond of sound. They say, God is fond of the Vedas.' Nay, God is not fond of the Vedas. The life of Râvana who knew the sound was cut short to one half. The head of Brahmå who knew the Vedas was cut off. Hence, He is neither fond of sound, nor is He fond of the Vedas. But our Kudalasangama Deva is fond of faith.
2. If you wish to acquire this treasure called Faith, you should first anoint your eye with the ointment called love of God. The knowledge of the servants of our Kudalasangama Deva is itself & sovereign medicine.
3. It destroyed the five Brahmâs. It hurled away the Pranava 1: Mantra. It drove away karmas. It stood above actions. It broke the teeth of the Agamas.13 Such is the elephant of faith, belonging to Kudalasangama Deva.
w This is a hit at Balabat Khan's Christian origin. It is not clear why Asad Khan should be referred to as a Gabr or Zoroastrian. He was a Georgian by origin and therefore, probably a Christian before ho was captured by Muslims.
28 I have not reproduced any of the trivial questions which perplexed the disordered mind of Murtaza Nizam Shah.
11 The sacred syllable Om. 19 These are manuals of teaching and practice wod in certain Baiva boots

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4. They cannot believe, they cannot trust, and they call in vain. These worldly men know not how to believe. If they believe and call, will not Siva answer them? But if they call without believing and trusting it is all useless. Our Kndalasangama Deva says, "Let them shout from the top of a tree!"
37
5. I am not one to ask like Dâs for imperishable treasure. I am not one to ask like Chola that it should rain gold. Be not afraid, be not afraid. I am not one like these. O my Father, Kudalasangama Deva, favour me always only with that excellent faith in Thee. O. Worship with a Pure Heart.
1. You bring cart-loads of flowers and bathe the Liuga whereever you please. But do worship without taking such trouble. For God does not want you to take such trouble. Does Kudalasangama Deva become soft merely by the use of water?
2. If an angry man bathes the Linga with water, that water is a stream of blood. If a sinful man offers a flower, that flower is a wound from a sharp blade. I see none that loves God, except Channayya the Mahâr. I see none that loves, except Kakkayya the tanner. It is Machayya the washerman who is all-pervading. Ah, they are Thy relatives, O Kudalasangama Deva.
3. You worship the Linge and do what ought not to be done. This is like letting fly an arrow at a deer under cover of a white ox. Our Kudalasangama Deva does not receive worship from the hands of a thief or an adulterer.
P. Meditation upon the Linga.
1. Ah, my bodily connections are severed, and I know no other connection whatsoever. I am strongly drawn towards Thee; I cannot part from thee. O thou smiling-faced king, give me attention. I am in haste to pierce Thy mind and enter, O Kudalasaugama Deva. 2. I will not allow greed, anger, or joy to touch my senses, and so I shall make my conduct divine. I will act with fear and faith. With no deceit in my mind, I will worship with a pure heart, and so join myself to Kudalasaugama Deva with all the force of my life.
3. O when shall I gaze at the Linge in my palm with my eyes showering down limitless tears? O when shall the sight of the Liiga be my life? O when shall union with the Linga be my life? When shall I lose all connection with my bodily disorders, O Kudalasangama Deva, and say continuously, "Liiga, Linga, Linga"?
Stage II: Mahesa: Divine Power. A. Be Firm.
1. Does a servant, having laid hold, let go? Does a servant, having et go, still hold? Does a servant fail in courtesy? Does a servant tell lies? If he fails in natural goodness, Kudalasangama Deva will slit his nose, so that his teeth may fall out.
2. There is an obstinacy wanted in a servant, viz., that he should not covet other people's wealth; that he should not desire other man's wives; that he should not seek other gods; that he should crush adverse critics; that he should believe God's grace is real. Our Kudalasangama Deva is not pleased with those that are not obstinate.
3. You should be like a weapon in the hands of a warrior. You should endure even though they plague you. When your head is struck off, and your body falls upon the ground, if you still shout, our Kudalasangama Deva will be pleased with you.
4. I am severe in justice; I have no pity nor mercy; I oppose the whole world. I am not to be afraid even of other servants, because I live in the royal lustre of Kudalasangama Deva.
B. Face Difficulties.
1. If you, being a devotee of God, approach Him, thinking that He will take you up to heaven, He will first pound you; He will crush you; He will make you dust; He will make you ink. But if you still firmly believe in Kudalasangama Deva, He will at last make you Himself.

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2. If I say 'I believe Thee,' if I say 'I love Thee,' if I say 'I offer myself to Thee,' Thou wilt first shake my body; Thou wilt shake my wealth ; Thou wilt shake my mind, and so examine me. If I fear not, our Kudalasa igama Deva will then tremble at my faith.
3. Do not expect, because God is good, that you will get only good from Him. Is one that torments you fearfully good? Is one that makes you cry and laugh good ? But if you work as a slave without being alarmed and frightened, Kudalasangama Deva will surely offer Himself to you.
C. Be Fearless. 1. I will not lose courage, how much so ever it may cost me. Even though my bones protrude, my blood-vessels be torn, and my bowels drop out, I will not lose courage. Even though my head be torn off and my trunk falls to the ground, still my tongue shall say, "O Kudalasangama, I submit myself to Thee, I submit myself to Thee."
2. Look at his house : it is the house of & poor man. Look at his mind : it is great. He is pure in his touch, and courageous in all his limbs. He has nothing for his necessities ; yet he has everything when the need arises. The servants of Kudalasaigama Deva are independent and courageous.
3. One that runs away is not a soldier, and one that begs is not a devotee. Hence. I will not ran, nor will I beg, O Kudalasangama Deva.
4. I am not a soldier who is all hollow within. I am a soldier who is watching for Thy time. I am not a soldier who would break and fly. For hear, O Kudalasangama Deva, to me death itself is the great festival of Maha Navami!
D. There is One God. 1. Thou art the only Lord and Thou art eternal: this is Thy title. I proclaim it so that the whole world may know. There is no word beyond the Almighty God, the Almighty Gol. Pasupati is the only God in the whole universe. In all the heavenly world, the mortal world and the nether world, there is only one God, o Kudalasangama Deva.
2. I did not see those so-called gods alive, when the four yugas and the eighteen cyclas of those yugas ware being destroyed; nor do I see them now. I did not see them, when all was burning ; nor do I see them now. Neither that day nor this day, do I see those gods, exoept Kudalasangama Deya.
3. There are some gods that always watch by the doors of the houses of men. They do not depart, although told to depart. They are worse than dogs, these same gods. There are some gods that live by begging from men. What can they give ? But our Kudalasangama Deva will give you whatever you ask.
4. How can I say that the god that, filled with lac, melts down, or the god that being touched with fire, twists itself, is equal to Him? How can I say that the God that is sold, when the time oomes, is equal to Him? How can I say that the god that is buried, when there is fear, is equal to Him! Kudalasangama Deva is the only one God whose state is natural, who is in union with truth, eternal, pure and chaste.
5. O think : there is only one husband to a wife that loves. So there is only one God to the devotee that believes. Oh, do not seek the company of other gods. To speak of other gods is adultery. If Kudalasangama Deva sees it, He will cut your nose.
E. God is Universal. 1. Ah, wherever I look, there Thou art, O God! Thou Thyself art one with . universal oye. Thou Thyself art one with a universal mouth. Thou Thyself art one with aniversal arms. Thou Thyself art one with universal feet, O Kudalasangama Dova.

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2. Thy width is a wide as the universe, wide as the sky, wide as the widest. Thy auspicious feet are far beyond the nether world, and Thy auspicious crown far far above the globe of the Universe. O Linga, thou art unknowable, immeasurable, impalpable, and incomparable, O Kudalasangama Deva.
F. Do not Believe in Expiatory Ceremonies. 1. A Brahman by caste incurs great sins. For, he holds forth his hands for sins committed by anybody. Is such an one equal to the devotee of God? What shall I call him who, saying that he will transform Máchala-devi, a woman of the carpenter class, into & woman of high caste, makes her pass through the gold image of a cow, cooks food in milk and eats it on castor oil leaves, O Kudalasangama Deva ?
2. O you who have committed sinful deeds! O you who have killed a Brâhman ! Say only once, "I yield myself to God.” If you say once, "I submit,” all sins break and fly away. Even mountains of gold will not suffice for expiations. Hence, say only once "I submit," to that only one, our Kudalasangama Deva.
G. Do not Sacrifice. 1. Leave it alone, that Horse-sacrifice, leave it alone, that Initiation into the Ajapa Mantra. Leave it alone, that offering in fire, and those countings of the Gayatri 14 spell. Leave them alone, those charms and incantations for bewitching people. But the company and the words of the servants of Kudalasaógama Deva, mark, are greater than any of these.
2. Your destiny does not allow you to look forward. You are like an ox that turns ceaselessly round and round the block of wood in the oil mill. O mortals, be not ruined in vain, but worship the Linga ceaselessly. Our Kadalasangama Deva is not pleased with those thread-bearers that repeat the 'mantra' of cutting the necks of other creatures.15
H. Do not believe in Astrology, Devils and Omens. 1. O Liiga, whence comes the auspicious junction of the stars, whence the obstacles of the stars? Whence come the ill aspect of the stars, and the unpropitiousness of the day? O Liiga, to one who unceasingly meditates upon Thee, whence is their karma ?
2. Do not say that day, this day' or any other day. There is only one day to him who says, "O Siva, I submit." There is only one day to him who unceasingly meditates upon Kudalasangama Deva.
3. With one who knows not the subtle path of God, the time of the eclipse is far superior to the twenty-four tithis. The fast day is far superior to 'Sankranta.'16 Sacrificial offerings, and the daily rites are far superior to Vyatipâta 16 ! But to one who constantly meditates on Kudalasaigama Deva, such meditation is far superior to innumerable countinga of mantras and the pertormance of severe penances.
4. Oh seo, devils and ghosts are not far away! What in reality are devils? It is a devil if your eyes see amise. It is a devil if your tongue speaks amiss. It is a devil if you forget meditation on Kudalasangama Deva.
8. There is a snake-charmer who is going out with a snake in his hand to ascertain, with his noseless wife, an auspicious time for his son's marriage. Then he sees on his way another snake-charmer with a snake in his hand, coming before him, accompanied by his • 26 The most sacred prayer in the Rigveda, found in III, Ixii, 10.
16 Those Brahman priests who wear the sacred thread and repeat the liturgy which accompanine animal sacrifice.
16 Those are astronomical terms used in determinmg lucky and unlucky days.

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noveless wife. At that he says he has had a bad omen, and returns. Do look at this wise man! His own wife is : & noseless woman, and he himself holds a snake in his hand. O Kudalasangama Deva, what am I to call this dog who, not realizing his own noseloss wohnan and his own meanness, speaks ill of others!
1. Do not believe in Caste. 1. Do they look for beauty in an enthroned king! Should they look for caste, when one is a worshipper of God, Linga? Why, it is the word of God that the devotee's body is His body.
2. None but the ancients can know it. 0 stop, stop! Only the devotee of God is of the highest caste. Hence no distinction of caste should be observed. He is neither born nor unborn. The servant of Kudalasangama Deva is limitless.
3. When a devotee comes to my house, with the symbol of God 17 on his person, if I then ask him what his caste is, I adjure Thee by Thy name, I adjure Thee by the name of Thy Pramathas, let my head be a fine, let my head be a fine, O Kudalasangama Deva!
4. What if he has read the four Vedas? He that has no Linga is a Mahar-What if he is a Mahar-He that has the Linga is Benares. His clusters of words are good. He is holy in all the worlds. His prasdd 18 is nectar to me. It is said, "My devotee is dear to me, even though he is a Mahår. He is acceptable to me. He should be worshipped even as I am." Since it is so said, then he that worships Kudalasangama Deva, and knows Him, is greater than the six philosophies and is pure in all the worlds.
5. The Vedas trembled and trembled; the Sastras retired and stood aside; Logic became dumb; the Agamas went out and withdrew ; for our Kudalasangama Deva dined in the house of Channayya, the Mahår,
6. What does it matter what caste he belongs to! He that wears the symbol of God is of the highest caste. It has been said "The caste of him who is born from God is sacred and he is free from births. His mother is Uma and his father is Rudra, and certainly his caste is Isvara." Since it is so said, I will accept the remains of their food and will give them my child in marriage. O Kudalasaigama Deva, I place my trust in thy servants.
(To be continued.)
BOOK-NOTICES. EPIGRAPHIA BIRMANICA, vol. II, pt. I. The Ta of this volume of the Epigraphvia Birmanica lice
laing Plaques of the Ananda Text. Ed. CHAS. in the contribution it contains towards an adeDUROISELLE, Archeological Survey of Burma. quate Talaing Dictionary Rangoon, Govt. Press, 1921.
R. C. TEMPLE The glazed plaques on the Ananda temple at Pagan, Upper Burma, have long interested stu- ANNALS OF THE BEANDARKAR INSTITUTE, Vol., dents, but as the legends are all in Talaing, the II, pt. 2, 1921, Poona City. actual information about them has always been At pp. 201 If, is "the First Report on the Search meagre. There are 389 of these plaques on this for Avesta, Persian and Arabic 'Manuscripts by sito whioh illustrate in series (and hence their Professor Nadirshah Dorabji Minocher-Homji. I importance) the stories contained in the last ten wish to draw attention to this very valuable work Jatakas. The plaques are, of course, old and have which I feel sure all those interested in Indian becomo much damaged by time and the band research will heartily welcome. It is specially of ignorant man wishing to preserve the temple interesting to know that many invaluable docuby annual doses of whitewash. It is therefore ments will in this way find a home in the Bhanimportant to have these legenda adequately darkar Institute. decipheted, read and explained. The lasting value
R. C. TRIPLE 17 That is the linga.
18 Food from a god's table is called Prasad, a grace gift: the writer says that food from Mahar devotee's plate will be Prasad to him.

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FURTHER SPECIMENS OF NEPALf.
BY R. L. TURNER. Of the following passages the first three continue the story begun in the Specimens of Nepali ' which have already appeared, ante., Vol. Lpp. 84-92. It is the story of the first phase of the British advance in Palestine which, beginning with the capture of Gaza in November of 1917, ended with the seizing of the pass leading from the plains to Jerusalem and the capture of the commanding height of Nebi Samwil. In these operations one Indian and two Gurkha battalions played a not unimportant part. They were the 58th Vaughan's Rifles F.F and the 2nd and 3rd battalions of the 3rd Queen Alexandra's Own Gurkha Rifles. There were at that time only four regular Indian Infantry battalions in the attacking army; and, when on the 10th of November the 21st Corps was swung round into the Judæan Hills, these battalions found themselves in the familiar environment of hill-fighting. Entirely without artillery support, in the face of powerful enemy artillery, as advance guard to the 75th Division, they drove the Turk from ridge to ridge, until a panting charge through dense mist and rain and the gathering darkness of the evening of the 20th won them the village of Kuryet-el-Enab (the ancient Kirjath Jearim), at the very summit of the pass.
Afterwards on the 21st, 22nd, and 23rd the two Gurkha battalions and the 123rd Outram's Rifles played a leading part in the attempt of the 21st Corps, reduced by more than a fortnight's continuous fighting, to cut off Jerusalem from the north. The attempt failed, and Jerusalem did not fall for another month ; but the many graves beneath the terraces of El Jib (Gibeon) and on the slopes of Nebi Samwil (Mizpah) give witness to the gallantry of the attempt. Nebi Samwil itself was seized and held ; and though attack after attack surged up its slopes, while Turkish guns west and north of Jerusalem pounded its summit and destroyed the mosque (for it was the scene of some of the bloodiest fighting of the campaign), it never left our hands. Englishmen and Scots, Gurkhas and Indians fought over its blood-stained stones. At one time all that we held was the courtyard of the old Crusaders' Church, into which the remnants of the 3/3rd Gurkhas closed, to hold it to the last. But the Scots of the 52nd Division came to their aid ; and the hill was held, to the doom of all Turkish hopes of retaining Jerusalem.
The fourth passage is a song composed and sung by men of the 2/3rd Gurkhas on the day on which the conclusion of the armistice with Turkey was announced. The English reader will recognise the language of the chorus. The effect is curiously pathetic. This battalion was mobilised with the Meerut Division for France in August 1914, and landed again in India on the 31st March 1919, only almost at once to supply drafts for the fighting in Afghanistan.
The last passage is written in standard spelling, since it was copied by a Gurkha, not by myself. Often have I heard these and similar songs sung, now, it may be, by a solitary little figure sitting on the bank of the Suez Canal or under a fig-tree on the Plain of Sharon, now to an admiring audience of his fellows sheltered in some Cave of Adullam from the rainstorms drivirg over the bleak stony hills of Judæa or Galilee. They may not be great poetry, but they are real; and a line such as this:
Dasai ra târikh unis sau pandra marca ka mainå må
OT
Pacisai târikh unis sau pandra Sitambar mainå mã cannot be denied the having a certain Homeric flavour. The English looks and sounds so much more prosaic.
10th March 1915'

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I.
A BOMB ACCIDENT.
Tea bâți câ biskut khaiere agari beryũ. Jânda janda ê kampani le (tyô caur mã bhâgne no sakerǝ Turki ka tinota sipai bam phâlne manche lugi baseka rêchan) tiniheru lai pakrero pachi pathaí diu. Tyô din mã kêi larai bhaiene. Râli mã Turki kâ rêlwe ma pikat basyo. Tyô rát bhari (Turkiheru kâ ghora bhaisi khacareru lai Turki le âphe marero gâka rêchan) ganaiera basi saknu bhaiene. Thûla kathin le rât katyo. Ujelo bhoiere dêkta thiu: yô ghora khacareru mareka sari raka rêchan Aru Turki ka gâriheru bam ko samán tise latha line phâli râkheko rêche Aru bameru bam ka ditanêter rêl . hinne bâta ka taltirǝ phâli râkheka rêchan. Tyô thau mã hamra sipaíheru le tâma ko sâno sâno dhugro jasto dêkhera Kê hô? bhani hât ma linda yôta le erka lai dekhaunda orka manche le bhanyo: "Is ka bhitra kyd cha?" bhani dhuña mâ taktak hånda tyo dhugro phat goio. Phat goiere (tyô dhugra khelaune tinota manche thie) jo manche le to lai taktak gArya thiu dhuia ma tyo manche lai to lathaline banaio; kha pani phuţâli diu; duitai hâto ka âúla urai diu; âphnu jiu bhari dule dulo pâri diu: yôta khuta pani bhaci diu; aru duita manche lai ghail banaio.
Translation.
From there, having eaten biscuits and tea, we advanced. As we were marching (on that plain, being unable to escape, three Turkish soldiers, bomb-throwing men, are hiding). A company seizing them sent them to the rear. On that day there was no fighting. At night a picquet was set on the Turkish railway. All that night (the Turks had gone after having themselves killed their own horses, buffaloes and mules) from their stink it was impossible to rest. With great difficulty the night was passed. When dawn came, we saw that these dead horses and mules remain here decaying and the Turks' waggons and bombing apparatus have been thrown away anyhow and bombs and bomb-detonators have been thrown away below the railway. In that place our men seeing something like a small copper tube, saying What is this?' and taking it in their hands, one showing it to another, the other man said: "What is there inside this?" So saying he struck it with a tap on a stone that tube burst. As it burst (the men playing with that tube were three) it scattered in pieces the man who had tapped it on a stone; it blew out his eyes: it blew off the fingers of both hands; all over his body it made hole after hole; one leg too it broke. The other two men it wounded.
C
Notes.
jânda: as far as I can tell this is correctly represented and should not be jada. It does not seem to differ in sound from jándâ pres. part. fr. jánnu 'know'. In all probability this full nasal is a not the direct descendant of the Skt. n (janda: Skt. yant) but is developed from the nasalised vowel before d: thus yânt- > jäd-> jând. What is essentially the same change is found when g or b (final or intervocalic) preceded by a nasalised vowel become i or m: e.g., lâma < taba, dhuno< dhugo. A similar problem arises with the present-future tense: e.g., janchu or jachu I am going' or 'I shall go'. In any case this appears to be a contraction of two separate forms: (1) jane chu 'I shall go'; (2) jánda or jada chu I am going'. Possibly jânchu represents jane chu and jachu jada chu. But the two are undoubtedly confused in speech, as in writing.
lugi luki. As so often, a breathed intervocalic stop has become voiced. Cf. pugnu < puknu (cf. kâs. pakun). The change appears to be more general in the case of preceded by a nasalised vowel: e.g., karo < kato (kantaka-), bānu bānu (vanja-). Without

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FURTHER SPECIMENS OF NEPALI
preceding nasalisation in the numeral ending -rd beside -ota. The enclitic cai also appears as daai. Cf. alsu garnu < karnu (karôti), where I belonging to what has been treated as an auxiliary word has not kept its force as an initial. Cf. Pkt. hôi < bharali.
rati is properly a locative < Pkt. rattia rattian (Pa. rattia), while ral is the direct case < ratti rattin. In actual use rati means 'at night', but is also frequently used with the postposition me, as here. Cf. in the next line työ rdt bhari.
khacareru < khaccarharu.
basi : apparently here stands for barna. Normally saknu be able 'is preceded by the oblique infinitive in -na, and saknu 'be finished with' by the indeclinable participle in -i. But the latter is frequently heard with saknu' be able ', and its use here is perhaps due to the desire to avoid two consecutive infinitives. There is moreover in these verbs a certain overlapping of meaning : e.g., garna sakė 'I have been able to do and yari sake I have finished doing 'both refer to a completed action.
kathin : adjective used as substantive = 'difficulty', as so commonly in Nepali. The dividing line between adjective and substantive is very ill-defined. Cf. the substantival; use of the past participle, as in gare pachi ' after having done'.
katyo katiyo: passive.
ujelo < ujyalo, where y is apparently due to the preceding palatal : < Pkt. ujjála(ujjvála-). Cf. the frequent writing of j as jy; and the form syano 'little 'beside sâno (with palatal 8) < Pkt. sanha- (Slaksna-).
dékta < dekhda.
sari raka réchan s sari raheka rahechan: emphatic for sari rahechan, rahechan here being practically equivalent to an emphatic chan.
ke hô: note the difference between this question asking about the quality of something already known to exist and is ka bhitra kya cha below, which asks a question as to the exis. tence of something not definitely known to exist. Cf. the sentences pâní ho ? is it water (or something else) ?' and pani cha? is there water ?' ke < kya : there does not seem to be any difference in the meaning of the two forms, both of which are used.
II.
ON THE EDGE OF THE JUDÆAN HILLS. Tin din same têi dara mã basyữ Aru Turki ka bhêraheru lai, jo hamra daktər sâp le leaka thie, tin din basno samo sabe bhêraheru khai sakyū. Aru tyo dara mã bastakheri aphnu sâre balio khâlto khanya, kine bhane dekhin râti mã Turki le kaile hamiheru lai dhoka diera châpa hânlan ki bhanero. Diūso bhari dhuia ka kopoyâra mă bersati tallers basthiū ; dusman ka bhêra ko sikar jijha khôjere pôlere khanthiữ câpâni biskut jâm khajur bêru bêsari dagai jaste sabe manche le âpas mã kura garthiū : " Turki haraio: sad!ai bhari istei Turki ka bhêraheru paia hunde bês hune thiu." Isto ramailo gari khaiers phêri khai sakya pachi sigret tamâku khaiera têi bərsâti bhitrə dhuia ka kopcyâra bhitra din bhari suti ranthiū. Rât bhoiero Aghi jânthiū j& hamiheru le dusman lai mârna lai khalta bhitra pani basthių. Pailo larai hamro Gâza bâțo ty8 dara samə ganyo. Jun jun mancheheru le ramro kam gareka larai mâ, tini mancheheru ka nam hamra kamândii apgor såp le kågat mã chåpero sabe kampani mã yota yota hukum ko kâgat bãri dic. Jo manche le pare, sabe le aphna man mă isto šte: "Phêri larai bhaia hunde hamiheru le pani istei naū kamaune thiū." ;

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Translation. For three days we remained on that same hill; and as for the Turkish sheep which our Doctor Sahib had brought, in the three days stay we ate up all of them. And remaining on that hill we dug each his own strong trench, because we thought that in the night the Turks deceiving us might attack. Throughout the day-time stretching our waterproof-sheets over the hollows between the stones we rested. Looking for thorns and roasting the flesh of the Turkish sheep we would eat tea-water, biscuits, jam, dates, figs; and all the men resting as though it were Dasehra we would eat most pleasantly. And all the men would say among themselves : "The Turk is defeated; if we always got Turkish sheep like this, it would be splendid." Thus happily eating, when we had finished eating, smoking cigarettes and tobacco we would remain lying all day in the hollows between the rocks underneath our waterproof-sheets. When night came, we would go forward, where we sat also in trenches to kill the enemy. Our first battle was counted from Gaza to that hill. Our Commanding Officer Sahib, writing down on a paper the names of those men who had done good work in the fighting, distributed one order-paper to each company. The men who read it all thought thus in their minds: "If there were fighting again, we too should earn such a name."
Notes.
basyữ : the preterite expresses continuous action in the past where the verb itself implies continuous action, otherwise, with instantaneous verbal roots, the past imperfect must be used : e.g., below khanthiū......khanthit...... kuru garthiū 'we kept on eating...... compared with khanyű we dug (once for all).'
III
CAPTURE OF THE PASS. Athâro târik ko biânə Astêlyan bhanne gāra paltan ka sawareru le (hamra gâmune mã yota gaữ thiu) tes mathi ai lâge : tara kêi phal milena. Turki le bôs gari aphna masingan le gôli häne : hamra sawareru lai agari berno dienan.
Bholi palta unis târik ko biána dwi baje mã birget bâte hukum ayo: "Sikin terd gar. kha paltan le tyð gaữ linu parse", bhani. Kərnal sâp le kampaniheru lai båre : “E kampani ro si kampani Agari ko lain hunan ; bi kampni rə di kampani tini ko sapot hunan." Iso gari agari beryû.
Taro Turki le unis târik ko biáne hami bərda bhanne pani aghi biếnə câr baje tyd gaữ mã thólo âgo baleka thie. Turkiheru ko isara têi ago rêche pachari bhägna lai. Jab hamro ê kampani tyô gaũ mã pugyo, kêi gola goli kêi pani calene.
Teã bâți ali aghi goiera gaū ka chêu mã thâmera ali chin teã basyũ. Tyð gaū ka daine baiě Turki le aphna gañ basneheru ka kůkhra sabe lûtera khaiera gaie chan. Butle butla matri tyô bâto bhari dhuna ka kopcera pūro pani butla mâtri dekhinthe.
Tyô gaữ bâtə ali aghi kôi dwi mail same bâto bâto goiū. Tyő bâto kasto thiu? daine pati thulo pár dêbre pati pani thûlo pâr thiu. Môj mã nâlo thiu. Bâto hinnu parne lai sâre Aptero sâuuro båto thiu. Tyo bâțo pani Turki le thaữ thaữ mã bhatkaiera chorera vaieka thie. Hamiheru ko bhârbərdari tôpkhânaheru ka gâri nə auna sa kun bhani bâto lai surun hâlera bhatkaii rakheka thie.
Susto Susto hameru Agari borde thiū. Daine pati bâți Athaun nambar gareko desi paltan ai pugyo. Hameru Ali chin thâmi basyữ: tyô dêsi palan aghi ber yo.

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45
Phêri hamra palt.n lai ghi barna bhani hukum bhoio. kornal sâp le Araic : “E kampani tôpkhâna ko racha gərne bagla; aru tîn kampani dèbre pati ka d&ța mâthi carers Agari bornan :" bhani Araie. Hamiheru le testo agya paunda mã kampani kamándər såperu le aphna aphna bandabasta le hêrcâ gərne tôli lai agari pathaic. Aru bâki mancheru yota yoța gari tyo dara ka tupa mã pugya pachi daine pați Agari bəryữ. Susto susto jánde jânde hamiheru lai kêi thả thiena dusman kā nire baseko cha bhani.
Tyô daro katere paltirə orálo lâyo. Phêri orko dãệo bhétyo; phêri ukálo layo. Yota yota manche gari tyô d&ra mâthi niklaūla bhani jande thiū. Tyo dara māthi Alikati manche nikli sakta mă Turki le tôp ka gola pani masingan ka gôli pani besari bækle Asina jasto hamra mathi bərsaie. Hameru le pani aphna luisgan le dhuna ka ar bâțə jas samo huna sakcho båkle gôli phərkaiū. Aile pani Andhero huna lagyo. Turki le pani phair gorde thie. Hamro di kampani Aghi bəryo : bi kampani tes ka sapot mã basyo. Têi bêla mà di kampani kamander Girêsmit såp lai tôp ko gola lagyo ra têi dăra mã swarge bås bhoio.
Pâni pani parna lagyo. Hamiheru ka sau mă brne bhani pani bichause bhani pani yote yôte bersáti thiu. kamal pani thiena ; brandi pani thiena ; khâli khâki luga måtri thiu. Pâni pani musaldhare âyo. Testa duk mã pani mancheheru le kéi citaunne thie.
Työ rât mã di kampani têi dara mā basyo. Bi kampani lai liukum âyo : "Timiheru aphna hetkötor mā jau," bhani. Bi kampani båta mã goio. Dwi tîn ghanta też basna same rasan päni aieko thiena.
Tyo rât bhari pâni perthiu. Hami lai pani tirkha têste lâgyo : hami le tirkha bujhauna lai pâni le bhigo b haieka luga mukha mã cüsthia.
Teã dêkhin hamiheru bâța mă pugda basera sutyū. Tyô rất mã tyô bâto kasto hô bhane. Hamra pura dubijin ko bharbardari ro tôpkhana dvita dãya ka mãi mã bhaieka bata mã pugeka thie. Ghora khacəreru sabe milaierə apstə mã låta le hirkaunthe. Samcar lyaune mancheru le aphno aphno hetköter khôzda khôzda ita uta jânthe. Kaidiheru ghaileheru pachari tira hinthe. Goár gerne sieko tard tard Gorkha paltan dhuiro huna le Agari pani bərne sakene, pachari pani phərkərə jâna sakene. Bâta ka dwîta pati tire hamra di kampani re Athaun nambər gareko dêsi paltan ra êk gora paltan bageka daļa mã masingan ka goli taktak gari dhuửa mã hirkaunda jhilka niskaunthe.
Tes bêla mã hamra kõtmaster såp ragan pâni liere aie : Aru kôi paltan lai ragan pâni milena. Testa råmra kôtm&stor-sâp thie.
Dára mâthi ujelo bhaikanə birget bâtə hukum âyo: "Phêri dira mã carere Turki lai dha paiere Agari bernu pərse."
. Tyo din bhari hamiheru le dățe dăro carera orála ukála mã goiera Turki lai aphna thaữ thaữ bâti dha paiera Agari baryū. Madheni din mã kuiro lâgyo : pâni pani perne lâyo. Kuiro lågna le kêi pani dekhinna thiu.. Phêri Andhero lågda mã (hamra sâmune mã yota gairo kholo thiu: pallo pati thulo dățo thiu ; tyo dara ma Turki le balio thaữ banaieko yota gaữ thiu) tyô khôlo pâri goierə ukála mã carera phik-85t garera hami le tyø gaữ Turki ka hâte bâta liyū.
Tyo rât bhari pâni pərthiu. Tara hamiheru pikat lagaiera bâki mancheheru sabe yota thûla makán mã pasera basera âgo bålerə câ pakaiera khaiere sy&the khusi bhoiũ. Mancheru le kura gərde : "merne manche mare chan; ghaile manche ghaile bhaie chan ; hameru lai ta yê bhâgyə milya che; hamra paltan le pani thalo naū kamaia cho": bhani kura garera tyô rất bhari khusi bhaikano sute.

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Phêri ujelo bhoiero hamra thậla jornal sâp le sawari bhoiero hameru lai bhannu bhbio: "Hê Gorkhâli bîro hô ! timra båduri le Jirusalam naū gareka gaer mã hinne båto khólyo; timro naữ thầlo bhai gyu. Téi Jirusalam saor lina lai âze pani timi phêri Agari barna pərsə : " bhanera bhannu bhoio.
Tes bêla mã Turki ka gola hamra mâthi hanno lâge ; baute nuksân bhio. Phêri phâlin ko hukum milero hamiheru Agari borgū.
Translation.. On the morning of the 18th the troopers of a white regiment called Australians (in front of us there was a village) attacked this village. But there was no success. The Turks shot machine-gun bullets out finely; they did not let' our cavalry advance.
The next day on the morning of the 19th at two o'clock an order came from the Brigade, saying: The Second Third Gurkhas must iake that village." - The Cotonel Sahib apportioned the companies: "A company and C company will be firing line; B company and Doom. pany will be their support.” So doing we advanced.
But the Turks on the morning of the 19th even before we advanced at 4 o'clock in the morning had lit a great fire in that village. That same fire is a signal of the Turks to retire. When our A company reached the village, neither shell nor bullet nor anything at all was fired.
From there going forward a little and halting on the edge of the village we remained there for a little while. Right and left of the village the Turks, having stolen the fowls of their own villagers, had eaten them and gone away. Feathers only over the wole road, in the hollow between the stones also only feathers were to be seen.
From that village we went forward a little for about two miles along the road. What was that road like ? On the right hand there was a great mountain, and on the left hand a great mountain. In the middle was the valley. For one who had to go along it the road was exceedingly difficult and narrow. That road too in several places the Turks had left blown up. Saying that our baggage and gun-carriages should not be able to come, putting in mines, they had blown it right up.
Very slowly we continued to advance. From the right an Indian regiment, numbered 58 (58th Vaughan's Rifles), had come up. We remained halted for a while : the Indian regiment advanced.
Again to our regiment came the order to advance. The Colonel Sahib commanded, saying: "A company will remain to protect the guns; the other three companies climbing the hill on the left will advance." So saying he commanded. On our receiving such order, the company commander Sahibs, each by his own arrangement, sent forward parties to scout. We remaining men, reaching the top of that hill one at a time, advanced by the right. Going slowly on, we had no information, as to near where the enemy was.
Having crossed that hill, on the further side there was a descent. Again another hill was met ; again there was an ascent. One by one, saying: "We will come out on the top of that hill," we went on. As soon as a few men had come out on the top of the hill, the Turks rained down on us very thickly both shells and machine gun bullets just like hail. We, too, with our Lewis guns from the shelter of the rocks, wherever possible, returned the bullets thickly. Now also darkness began to fall. The Turks too continued to fire. Our D company advanced : B company remained in its support. At that time a cannon shell struck D company commander, Grey-Smith Sahib (Captain M, Grey-Smith, I.A.R.O), and on that hill he entered the heavenly dwelling.

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Rain also began to fall. With us, both for covering and for lying on, there was only one waterproof-sheet each. There was no blanket; there was no great-coat; there were only our cotton clothes. The rain also came in torrents. The men were in such distress that they could not feel anything.
That night D company remained on the hill. To B company came the order, saying: "Come to your headquarters." B company went down to the road. Till they had been there two or three hours, rations and water did not come.
All that night the rain fell. Also we had such thirst that in order to quench our thirst we sucked in our mouths the clothes that were wet with rain.
After that, stopping when we reached the road, we lay down. On that night what was the road like? The baggage and artillery of our whole division had reached the road between the two hills. Horses and mules, all mingled, were kicking each other. Men bringing news, searching for their own headquarters, were going this way and that. Prisoners and wounded were making for the rear. The 3/3rd Gurkhas, come to bring help, on account of the crowd could not advance, nor turning round could they go back. On both sides of the road on the hills, where were our D company and the 58th Indian regiment and a white regiment, machine-gun bullets striking the rocks were shooting out sparks.
At this time our Quartermaster Sahib came bringing rations and water. No other regi. ment got its rations and water. So good was our Quartermaster Sahib.
When it dawned on the hill, from the Brigade came an order, saying: " Again climbing the hill and driving off the Turks it is necessary to advance.'
All that day climbing hill after hill, going up hill and down hill driving the Turks from position after position, we advanced. At midday a fog came on; rain too began to fall. On account of the fog nothing was to be seen. Again as darkness was descending, (in front of us was a deep valley; across the valley a great hill ; on the hill a village made by the Turks into a strong place) crossing the valley, climbing up the hill, having fixed bayonets we took that village from the hands of the Turks.
All that night the rain fell. But when we had set picquets, the rest of us men all en. tering one great building, sitting down, lighting fires, boiling and drinking tea, were exceedingly happy. The men said: “Those who were to die have died, the wounded have been wounded; but to us this great fortune has fallen.. Our regiment also has earned a great name.” So talking, remaining happy all that night, they went to sleep.
Again at dawn our great General Sahib coming said to us :“O Gurkha heroes, by your bravery the road leading to the city called Jerusalem has been opened. Your name has become great. To take that city of Jerusalem, to-day also it is necessary to advance." So saying he spoke.
At that time the Turkish shells began to fall upon us ; there was great loss. Again receiving the order to fall in, we went forward.
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dekhinthe : the passive seems to be dying ont. More and more it loses its distinctively passive sense to become a simple intransitive verb: e.g., dêlhinu 'appear', arinu "halt", salkinu 'burn intr.', ubhinu stand up. On this a new causative formation has been built, ending in -ydunu : e.g., arydunu' cause to halt,' salkyaunu 'burn tr.', ubhyaunu 'set upright'.
Sakun : an example of the beginnings of Oratio obliqua. Hamiheru refers to the narrator, not to the subject of bhani. These beginnings of the oblique construction are fairly common in Nepali : e.9., (1) Dhandatta le "Ghar jdu : ' mã sana (i.e., Dhandatta sana) gai bêpár gari aa' bhannu " bhanyo. (Birsikka, p. 67, 1. 5). (2) dokân må bärtà garthyau rê bhani sunē 'I heard that you were doing......' instead of the direct N. garcha bhani...... Probably too the very frequent use of the oblique infinitive in una with bhani to express purpose clauses is oblique in origin : e.g., ma lái mârna bhani jukti gareko hô he must have made a plan to kill me.' This has replaced the direct tes ldi marchu bhani......
barna bhani < barhna bhani. This oblique infinitive used with bhani in clauses of pur. pose, order, promise, etc., is directly governed by the verb bhani. Barhnu, infinitive used as imperative, becomes barhna as object to bhani. Although in nouns the old nominative and accusative cases have fallen together in the more general direct case embracing both nomi. sative and accusative, in the infinitive the oblique case is that used for the direct object (see my note on the infinitive in the first series of 'specimens '). Similarly too the direct case as accusative has in nouns been replaced by the oblique case followed by ldi (cf. H. oblique with kó); the direct case is retained generally only for inanimate objects. E.g., ma lai jánu parchn, lit. the going is necessary for me (subject), but ma jana lagë, lit. I began the going' (object). These are parallel with the equivalent noun constructions : (a) animate: chôro âyo 'the boy came' (subject), but chord ldi hånē 'I struck the boy (object); (6) inanimate : rukh dhalyo 'the tree.fell ' (subject), and ruhk dhálafell the tree' (object).
Madheni : semitatsama < madhyahna- with adjectival suffix -.
idyo : either < lagyo or past participle of launu (Skt. lagayati). Lagnu < Skt. lagyati. The same confusion is found in Hindi and Panjabi.
balio 'strong', a formation from *bali (Skt. balin.). phiksāt=Fix swords !
pasera < pasera: pasnu < *paianu (pravisati, cf. H. paisná G. pê svü) by analogy with basnu (vasati).
jarnal = General : probably for janral through influence of karnal = Colonel. 8anári bhoio : honorific for ayo.
IV.
AN ARMISTICE SONG. Pandaro maina Phrase mà ləryû dhér hilo khaiero : Unis sau sôlə må gerizan diuti Misər mä aiera.
Ai redi gô hôm Agen; ai reli gô hôm Agen,
Tû si mai phâdər, tu si mai mâdər, tû si mai phemili Agên. Hindustan bâțe cithi ai pugche kâgat ka lipha mã : Sikin tord Gorkha phêr larnu pəryo Misor ka muluk mã. Khai mă basta larai ləryü; banduk le tâkaták. Dwi sau batís le Atake gəryo; Turki ko bhaga bhag. Sawar ra paidal pâkha mã khêdchan, manowar pâni mã. Poilo din lari bis din mã pugyû Turki raddhani mã. Turki le héryo : Angrez le ghêryo yo pala rane ma. Abə to pugne asa cho mo lai ghare ka jane ma. Gôrkhâli juwân Agari bare châti ko dhâl gari : Turki ka phauz lai hât uthaun pâryû rane må bydl gari.
Ai redi gô hôm Agân ; ai redi gô hôm Agen, Tû si mai phảdor, tû si mai mâdər, tû sî mai phemili Agên.

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MABOX, 1922)
THE DATE OF THE MUDRA-RAKSHASA
Translation. For fifteen months we fought in France, eating much mud ; in 1916 there was garrison duty, having come to Egypt.
From India a letter comes in an envelope of paper : the 2/3rd Gurkhas must again fight in the land of Egypt.
Sitting in the trenches we fought, taking aim with the rifle. The 232 (Brigade) attacked; the Turks ran away.
Horse and foot move along the shore, men-of-war on the sea. On the first day fighting, in twenty days we reached the Turkish capital.
The Turk saw: the British surrounded them at this moment in the battle. Now is there hope for me of arriving among the people of my home.
The Gurkha soldiers advanced, having courage in their breasts; the Turkish army wo made to lift up their hands, distressing them in battle.
Notes. As opposed to the artificial metres in Nepali (e.g., the translation of the Mahabharat) which are made to depend on a system of quantity no longer existing, this popular metre depends on stress accent. The normal scansion here (supposing to represent a stressed syllable and an unstressed) is :
- - - - - - |- - - - - This shows very plainly the initial stregs of Nepali words. The English choras evidently oould not be quite fitted into the metre by its composers !
lipha : loanword from H. lifafa with haplology.
raddhani < råjdhani : here Aleppo, not Constantinople, Cf. below khodda kheri thoj. dakheri.
uprawn < uthauna. bydl< behdi.
(To be continued.)
THE DATE OF THE MUDRA-RAKSHASA.
.. BY V. J. ANTANI, M.A. Mr. K. P. Jayaswal has, ante, Vol. XLII, pp. 265-267, proposed the time of Chandragupta II for the date of the Mudrd-Rakshasa. His grounds for thus fixing the date in the fifth century A.D. Was his discovery in the bharata-udkya of that drama. This for the present purpose I quote in full :
वाराहीमात्मयोनेस्तनुमवनविधावस्थितस्यानुरूपां. * i waraftar Perform मलेच्छेहरिचमाना अजबुगमधुना संश्रिता पममूः
स श्रीमन्मभूत्याधिरमवतु महीं पार्थिवचन्द्रगुप्तः॥ The expressions in the above quotation on which Mr. Jayaswal bases his proposition, and lays his greatest stress, are adhund and Chandragupta. They suggest to him that the Mudrd-Rakshasa must have been written in the fifth century A.D. He says: “ The bharaiaodbye to the play names the reigning monarch at present (adhund) .... may long reign king Chandragupta."
He then essays to find out which Chandragupta is meant, and comes to the conclusion that he could have been no other than Chandragupta II. He is aware that there are difficulties in assuming the term Mléchchha to mean HQņa, and as to the meaning of the terns udvijya. mand. The first he endeavours to overcome by ascertaining that the Hanas, though they POBBessed no territory in India at the time, were well-known to the Indians ; that they had had no prominent position in the minds of the Indians previously, as proved by the fact that

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[MAROH, 1922
they are mentioned only once in the drama, i.e. in Act V, v. 11 ; and that as associates of the Chinese they are named Chinahaņaih. Here we must however, bear in mind that another reading Chedihûnaiḥ is available. Further, he remarks, as worthy of note, that they do not figure at all in the army mentioned in Act II.
In order to make out that the Hðņas are meant by the term Mléchchha and that they were contemporaneous with Chandragupta II, he is forced to interpret udvijyamand in a future sense, because of the fact of the Hûnas having no territory in India at the time, or to suggest that these particular Mlêchchhas represented the Saka power in Western India which Chandragupta had suppressed; or in the alternative to suggest that the drama might refer to the annoyance caused by the Kushanas, " or possibly to the new element of the Hôņas, also might have already made some incursions, possibly in league with Kushanas, during the last years of Chandragupta II's reign."
It will be seen that the above interpretation of the term Mlêchchha, which is indeed wide enough to comprise all foreigners, whether Sakas, Yavanas or Hûnas, is necessary only if the Chandragupta of the bharata-udkya of the Mudrd-Rakshasa is to be identified with Chandragupta II. But in that king's time, as already pointed out, the Hûņas had no territory in India, much less could they have been in a position to harass the land, as is said in the sloka above quoted. It is true that the term Mléchchha could have referred to the Hàņas, because their conduct shows that they were greater harassers than the Kushanas or Sakas. This is amply proved by general history and the inscriptions ; e.g., in the Jônagadh Inscription of Skandagupta we have direct evidence in the line रिपवोऽपि आमलभन्न निर्वचना
tug that by Mléchchha the Hûņas are meant. The incidents of the latter days of his father and his own Inscription at Bhitêrî leave no doubt whatever that the Hanas did vex both father and son, till the latter put them down after much labour. They were, however, only scotched, and after a while occupied territory in India which they greatly afflicted till the people threw themselves into the arms of Yasodharman (Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, Vol. III, pp. 146-7). This would infer that the Mlêchchhas were HQņas whose history was known to the poet, and that he was playing on two senses of the name Mléchchha, viz. the Yavanas as they were known in the days of Chandragupta Maurya and defeated by him, and the HQņas who were suppressed either by Narasimha-Bâladitya or Yasodharman. Butit cannot be said with any certainty that the poet meant to allude to these things or not, and in any case it seems to be going too far to see so much history in the simple word adhund, and in consequence to identify the Chandragupta of the Mudrd-Rakshasa with Chandragupta II.
The plain fact is that the king has been made by the poet to narrate all that had already come to pass in the bloka just before the bharata-udkya, which runs as follows:
रामसेन सम मैची राज्ये चारोपिता ववम्
नन्दाचीन्मूलिताः सर्वे किं कर्तब्धमतः प्रियम् । And in contrast to the past tense his minister says, "now" let the king rule, etc. So the force of "now" is only with reference to the events of the past. There does not seem to be anything in it but that, and so the poet's Chandragupta must remain Chandragupta Maurya, according to the conventional method of interpretation.
Further, I may add that the very word adhuna has also been used in the sloka preceding the bharata-vákya in his Msichchhakatika, the play on which the poet arranged and developed the plot of the Mudrd-Rakshasa. Besides all bharata-vákyas refer to the present time, whether the word adhuna is actually used or not. It is evident, too, from Act IV, v. 3. that the poet had to labour a good deal at his task, and he is at pains to observe the strict rules of dramaturgy. Consequently we may assume that he set the Mrichchhakatika as a model before him in arranging his plot.

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Again, one cannot but notice the striking similarity both in idea and wording of some of the verses of the Mudrd-Rakshast to those of the Mand asor Pillar Inscription of Yasodharman, already referred to. E.g., between the bharata-vákya quoted above and the last two lines of the second stanza of the Inscription :
आविर्भूतावलेपैरविमयपटुभिल्लड्डिताचारमार्गमोहायुगीनरपशुभरतिभिः पीज्यमाना नरेन्द्रः । बस्य मा शापाणेरिव कठिनधनुयाकिणांकप्रकोष्ठं
बाई लोकोपकारवतसफलपरिस्पन्नधीरं प्रपन्ना॥ Again, the following stanza in Act III has a marked similarity to the fifth verse of the Inscription, thus:
Mudrd-Rakshasa. भाशैलेन्द्राच्छिलान्तः स्खलितसुरनदीशीकरासारशीतातीरान्तानकरागस्फुरितमणिरुची दक्षिणस्यार्णवस्थ । आगत्यागस्य भीतिप्रणसमृपतेः शश्वदेव कियन्तां चूनारत्नांशुगर्भास्तव चरणबुगस्याउलीरन्ध्रभागाः॥
Mandasor Pillar. आलौहित्योपकण्ठानलवनगहनोपस्वकाशमहेन्द्राबागंगालिष्टसानोस्तुहिनशिखरिणः पचिमाशपयोधेः। सामन्तैयस्थ बाहद्रविणहतमः पादयोरानमदिभूगरलांशुराभिव्यतिकरधवला भूमिभागः क्रियन्ते ।।
Mandasor Pillar. (last two lines of the next verse.) नीचैस्तेमापि यस्य प्रणतिभुजबलावज्जेमकिष्टमूर्धा
चूडापुष्पोपहारमिहिरकुलनृपेणार्चितं पादयुग्मम् ।। Lastly, the Mudra-Rakshasa is referred to in the Dasa-rupaka, which was written in the 10th century A.D., and it must therefore have been written at least a century previously, or, as K. T. Telang hus it, its date cannot be later than the 8th century. The Hüņas are mentioned in Act V, though not in Act II for the simple reason that both parties are opposed to each other, and we find that none of the tribes mentioned in Act II are repeated in Act V except the Sakas and Yavanas : so we can assert positively that the Mudrd-Rakshasa must have been written at least after the time of Skandagupta. And in addition to all there is the striking similarity in the ideas of the above-quoted stanzas in the play and inscription. I am therefore compelled to think that the play must have been written, at the earliest, after the time of Yasodharman, for whom we have the date 589 Málava Era, or 645 A.D.: in other words the seventh century. This brings us to the end of Harsha's reign, in whose time Buddhism had a great hold over the people, a fact which has been referred to by the poet in his drama
HEMACANDRA AND PAIGĀCIPRĀKRTA.
By P. V. RAMANUJASWAMI, M. A. I have read with interest the short note written by Sir George Grierson about "Paisloh in the Kalpataru " in answer to the paper on Paiçact dialects written by my brother, Mr. Ranganathasvamin of blessed memory and published ante, Vol. XLIX, p. 114. The history of the Pråkpit dialects affords a striking parallel to the development of the Romance languages in Europe, but we must admit the sad truth that their philology has not been thoroughly investigated by any scholar in India or elsewhere. One chief catuite of this

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drawback is the want of proper material for such an investigation. Only a small portion of Prakrit literature has been as yet made accessible to the public. This consists mostly of grammare such as Vararuci's Prakrila-prabdga, the Prakrit portion of Hemacandra's Grammar and a few other kauyas. There are a number of other Prakrit works which when published will prove to be of much use for the philological study of the dialects. It is, I think, time to direct our attention to them and I am glad to note that they are receiving the attention of such a distinguished linguist as Sir G. Grierson, and we may confidently look forward for some of the Praksit works edited by him in a critical manner.
I shall, however, draw attention to a particular remark of his in the short note referred to above. In conceding what my brother said about Paiçaci as treated in the Kalpa. taru, he repeats his remark, first made in the Bhandarkar Commemoration Volume, p. 120, that Hemacandra in his grammar trests of three varieties of Paiçacika, one Paiçacika and two varieties of Calika.paiçacika. But we shall see from the following quotations from . Hema candra and his followers, that the former knows of only two varieties of Paiçaci, as was pointed out by my brother. Hemacandra has four sutras about Calike-paiçaci and they are given below with his own gloss thereon
चुलिका पैशाचिके तृतीय-तुर्ययोगद्य-द्वितीयौ ॥ ३२५ ॥ चूलिकापैशाचिके वर्माणां हतीयोः स्थाने बथासंस्बमाचरितीवी भवतः।। नगरम् | नकर । मार्गणः मनमो । गिरि-सटम् । किरि-नटं । ......कचित्रामाणकस्थापि । पडिमा इत्यस्य स्थाने पटिमा । बाबाल्यस्व स्थानेवाग ।।
रस्य लो वा ॥ ३२६ ॥ चलिकोपशाचिके रस्व स्थानेलो वा भवति । पनमय पनव-पकुष्पित-गोली चलनग्ग-लग्ग-पति-बिंबं सससु मख-सप्पनेसु एकातस-तनु-थलं लु। ................................................
नादि-युज्योरन्येषाम् ॥ ३२७ ॥ चूलिकापैशाचिकेपि अन्येषामाचार्वाणां मतेन तृतीयतुर्वयोरादौ वर्तमानयोर्बुज धातो च भावदितीया न भवतः ॥ गतिः। गती ॥ धर्मः । पम्मी ।। ...... नियोजितम् । । नियोजित॥
शेष प्राग्वत् ।। ३२८॥ . धूलिकापैशाचिके सृतीयतुर्थयोरित्यादि यदुकं सतोन्यच्छेषं प्राक्तनपैशाचिकवनवति ॥
मकर । महना अनबोर्नो पत्वं न भवति ॥ षस्व च नत्वं स्यात् । एवमन्यदपि ॥ It will be evident from the above that there is no reason to suppose that Hemacandra is treating of two varieties of Calikå-paiçaci. He, however, calls it Coliki-paiçacikam while other Prakțit grammarians call it Calikå-paiçaci simply. Sir George, probably, was led away by this difference in the name. Calik&-paiçacikam being neuter, its nom. du, as well
its loc. sg. will be Calik&-paigácike. But in the gloss of Hemacandra, it is to be taken as the loc. ag. and not as nom. du. Even if the word is taken as a feminine in d (which it is not as can be seen from the author's own gloss oneitra. 328 quoted above), the form Calika-paiçâcike will be nom. du. and not loc. o., which latter alone will make any sense in the glos. Trivikrama and Crutasågara, two Jain Prakrit grammarians who closely follow Hemacandra, avoid the ambiguity (if at all it can be called ambiguity) by adding the word bharaudm in their gloss after Calika paiçacyâm, thus leaving no room for any doubt as to the number of the dialects. As Trivikrama and Crutasagara follow Hemacandra very closely, the opinion of the latter may be known clearly from their works. I, therefore, grote below the portions of the grammars of Trivikrama and Frutas&gara dealing with Câlik-pmaçáci.

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Trivikrama has
रो लस्तु चूलिकापैशाच्याम् ॥ ३।२।६४ ॥ • बालिकापैशाच्यां भापायां रेफस्व लकारी भवति तु ।
पनमथ पनव-पकुपित-कोली-चलनक-रिक-पतिपिपं । - तससु नखतप्पनेसुं एकातस-सनु-थलं लुत्तं !! नलो | नरो ।। सलो । सरो॥
गजडदबघझवधा कचटतपखछठथफाल् ॥ ३॥२॥६५॥ चूलिकापैशाच्या गजडदबपझवधन इत्येतेषां बयासंख्यं कचटतपखछठयफ इस्येते लिसो भवति || नगरम् । नकरं। मार्गणः। मकनो।। मेघः। मेखो। घनः । खनो ।। ......... कपिलाक्षणिकस्यापि | प्रतिमा । पडिमा | पटिमा || दंष्ट्रा । बाबा । ताग ॥
अन्येषामादि युजिन ॥३२॥६६॥ चूलिकापैशाच्या अन्यषामाचार्याणां मतेन गजडदबघसधभामादौ स्थितानां अभिधातीच कचटतपलछठयफा न भवति । गति । धम्मो । ......... नियोजितं । भन्येषामिति किम् | कति । नियोचितं ।।
शेषं प्राग्वत् ॥३।२।६७॥ चूलिकापशाच्यां रोलस्वित्यादि यदु ततोन्यत्याग्वस्त्राक्तनपैशाचीवववति ।।
मो पनीः । नबने । फनी। एवमन्यपि ॥ . Çrutasagara, in his Audaryacintamani, has
वर्गाणां तृतीयचतुर्थयोः प्रथमद्वितीयौ चूलिकापैशाचिके॥ चूलिकापैशाचिक भाषाविशेषे वर्गाणां तृतीयचतुर्थयोः पदेनुक्रमेण प्रयमद्वितीयौ स्थाताम् ।। सगरः | सकरी | सागरः | साकरो ॥ ......... लाक्षाणिकस्यापि कचित् । पडिमा । पटिमा ।। बा । ताग | उः प्रत्यादि इत्यनेन तस्वः । संस्कृतेपितुराग । ट्राया रडावेशः॥ - वालोरकारस्य ।
लिकापचाचिके रकारस्थ स्थान लकारो भवति। The two stanzas given in Hemacandra's grammar are reproduced here with their translation into Sanskrit
आदि युजो नेति केचित् ॥ केचिदाचार्या एवं वदति । चूलिकापैशाचिकेपि वर्गाणां तृतीबचतुर्थच यश .. आयो न भवति तदा प्रथमहितीबी न भवतः । इनिधासोश्च तीयांताप
वर्तमान प्रथमो म स्वात् । बथा गंधः | गंधी । गतिः । गती।......... मियोभितम् । नियोजितं । उभवमतमपि प्रमाणमस्माकं । मोमवमपि सिद्धम् ॥
पूर्ववादिह शेषम् ॥ इह अस्मिन् चूलिकापैशाचिके तृतीवचतुर्यबोरित्यायुतं सतोम्बच्छेपमुच्यते । तत्पूर्ववत् प्राक्तनपैशाचिकवरवति । नगरं । नकर । मार्गणः । मकानो । एतबोनस्व
पो न स्यात् । षस्व तु नत्वं स्वादेव । एकमिसरपिशासम्बनिति भवम् ।। Here Çrutasagara, though he calls the dialect Colika-paiçaoikam, adds the words bhd dviçere which clearly shows that he is dealing with only one dialect. How closely the two latter gram. mariana follow Hemacandra may be seen from the quotations from their works given above. It is, therefore, but reasonable to suppose that Hemacandra also knows only two Paiçacikas.
There is another grammar of the Prakrit dialects by Lakemidhara called şadbhandicandrika (published in the Bombay Sanskrit and Prakrit Series No. 71). It is to Trivikrama's work what the Siddhanta-kaumudi of Bhattojidtknita is to Panini's Grammar. He too treats of only one dialect under the name of Calikd-paiçaoi; for he says in the introductory verses to his grammar.

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पडिधा सा प्राकृती च शौरसेनीच मागधी।
पैशाची चुलिकापशाच्यपभ्रंश इति क्रमात् ॥ and further on he says, in connection with the localities in which these languages are spoken
पिशाचदेशनियतं पैशाचीहिसयं भवेत् ॥ In fact the name Şadbhasacandrika itself loses its significance if it treats of three Paiçacikas in which case it will have to treat of seven dialects. And in the chapter devoted to this particular Paicâcikâ (pp. 262, 263) he invariably says in the gloss fe r i .
It thus appears that none of the grammarians who follow Hemacandra treat of more than two Paiçacikâs. And all these treat of six dialects. Hemacandra too treats of the saine six dialects and so we are not justified in saying that he has three Paiçacikás, thus making his dialects seven.
VACHANAS ATTRIBUTED TO BASAVA. TRANSLATED BY RAO SABIB P. C. HALKATTI, M. L. C.
(Continued from p. 40.)
Stage III : Prasada : Grace.
A. Work without Desiring Anything in Return. 1. I labour in my fields for the sake of my master. I trade for the sake of God. I accept service with others for the sake of the servants. For, I know that whatever Karma I form, Thou dost subject me to the enjoyment of the fruit of that Karma. Hence I spend for none besides Thee the wealth Thou hast given me. I give back Thy wealth to Thee. This is my oath, O Kudalasaigama Deva.
2. Mere strings of words such as God is the soul of all created beings' will never do instead of the work which is your duty. You ought to use up your body, mind and soul for Guru, Liuga and Jangama. You ought to work for the servants of Kudalasangama Deva.
3. If it flashes into your mind that you did do your work, you will be rebuked and troubled. This is the word of God. Do not say that you worked for God. Do not say that you worked for his servants. If there be no sense in your mind that you worked for God, Kudalasangama Deva will offer you whatever you ask.
4. I perform at their proper times those several rites, namely the eight kinds of worship and the sixteen kinds of services, and so I become pure. But therein I have no ulterior desire or object. Hence there is no production of fruit, and so I work and become pure, O Kudalasa ugama Deva.
5. It is said " They will walk in a terrible hell for time imperishable, if they eat, sleep, rise, touch and dine with the worldly.” Basava reads these words. But my brothers say that Basava sits below the throne of the worldly Bijjala and serves him. I shall answer them, and am able to answer them. Even though I enter the house of the Mahars of Mahârs and work for them as a day.labourer, I am always burning to attain thy position. But if I, on the other hand, burn for the pleasure of my stomach, O Kudalasa ugama Deva, let my head be a fine for it, let my head be a fine for it!
6. Is there anybody in this world who says to another: "Eat for my body, and enjoy my wife for me"? Hence you yourself ought to work with an eager mind. You yourself ought to work, labouring with your body. If you do not work with your body, how will Kudalasangana Deva bo pleased with you !

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VACHANAS ATTRIBUTED TO BASAVA.
B. Submit Yourself to God. 1. Whether it be a learned man or a dull man, he will not be free unless he eats the fruit of his previous Karma ; he will not be free unless he eats the fruit of his present Karma. Mark, so Sruti proclaims aloud : in whatever world you may be, you cannot escape the fruit of Karma. Hence submission of one's soul to Kudalasaigama Deva brings blessedness and freedom.
2. They say that the dining plate is the right receptacle for the Linga. But the dining plate is not the right receptacle. For the Liiga one's own mind is the right receptacle. If you know how to offer your own soul without indifference, with a pure heart, Kudalasangama Deva will remain in you.
3. Oh ! I fear not to be in the mind wherein Thou hast placed me : for that mind has submitted itself to the limitless great One. I fear not to live in that wealth wherein Thou hast placed me ; for that wealth will not be spent for my wife, son, mother, father. I fear not to live in that body.wherein Thou hast placed me; for that body having submitted its all is in the constant enjoyment of Prasad.' Hence my whole being is courageous and strong, and I fear not even Thee, O Kudalasangama Deva.
C. Do not Mortify the Body. 1. If you quell the senses you are guilty. The five senses will hereafter come and will torment you. Did Siriyala and Changale abandon the pleasures of life and that enjoyment of happiness as husband and wife? It is only if after having touched Thee, they be tempted to other's wealth and women, that they will be away from Thy feet. Oh Kudalasangama Deva.
Stage IV : Prăņalinga : Siva in the Life.
A. The Nature of the Prána-Lingi.19 1. There is an eye within the eye: why do you not know how to see with it? So, there is life within the life : why do you not know it? There is a body within the body, and it is inseparable. O Kudalasaigama Deva, no one knows the nature of the body Thou hast given.
2. Some take care of their body, others of their life, others of their mind and others of their words. But none take care of the Linga within their own life, except Marayya of Tangaturu, the true servant of Kudalasangama Deva.
3. The worship of other Lingas cannot stand firm : they merely deceive the mind. For Kudalasangama Deva stands in the interior of your own mind.
4. Those that are rich build temples for God. But alas I what can I do? I am a poor man. To me my legs themselves are pillars, my body itself is the temple, and my head itself is the golden crown.
B. The Behaviour of the Prana-Lingi. 1. When one has the Linga in his life, then what are we to say about walking without the Linga and of speaking without the Linga? One should not taste the pleasures of the five senses without the Linga; one should not swallow even saliva without the Liiga. This is the word of Kudalasangama Deva
2. In this body life is the food to be cooked, calmness is the water and the senses are the fuel. I light the fire of knowledge; I stir the food with the ladle of reason; I boil it well, and, having seated myself on the inner soul, I offer to God that food of complete satisfaction. Then it becomes acceptable to Kudalasangama Deva.
19 The man who knows and feel that Siva dwells within him w the Linge.

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C. The Prana-Lingi's Realization of God. 1. I assume the posture, Paschima Padmdsana 20: I straighten my back, poise my shoulders and move not my lips. I gaze steadfastly, with my eye-brows bent low. So I build a temple in the Brahma-randhra21 and catch Kudalasangama Deva in my hands.
2. When my eyes are full, I cannot see. When my ears are full, I cannot hear. When my hands are full, I cannot worship. When my mind is full, I cannot contemplate, O mighty Kudalasangama Deva.
3. What if a snake's hole has many openings !--the snake stays in one place. Behold, the mind, by means of contemplation removes its own delusion. Mark how it is cleansed from phenomenal states, when it meditates, 0 Kudalasangama Deva.
4. O Thou God, that art pure and pervadest the whole earth, water, light, air and sky, no one can behold Thy greatness save the man whose form has become pranava '22 itself. By meditation on that jewel of knowledge the passage of my veins becomes pure, and so I worship, and see Kudalasangama Deva.
6. When that Linga, by the favour of the Guru, enters your mind, if you say that you have come to know it by regulating the vital airs of the body, you are surely guilty of ingratitude. If you say you have realized it by controlling the nerves called Idå, Pingala and Sushumna, will Kudalasangama Deva fail to cut your nose ?
Stage V: Barana : Self-Surrender.
A. Knowledge of God. 1. By knowledge of Thee my bodily passions have been destroyed; by knowledge of Thee my mental passions have been destroyed; by knowledge of Thee my Karma has been cut through. Thy servants have given me constant advice and have showed me faith in its reality, 0 Kudalasangama Deva.
2. What good will reading and listening do you who have no knowledge of the path of God? Why even the parrot reads ! But it does not know the path of God, O Kudalasaigama Deva. It was Channayya the Mahar who had the fruits of reading.
3. A flock of sheep enter a garden of sugarcane and nibble only the leaves of the cane. Hence they cannot taste the sweet juice that is inside. It is only the elephant in rut that can know Thee. How can these sheep know Thee?
4. Faith mixed with pride breeds Karma. Acting without knowing brings loss to one's own calmness. If you act without knowing what is proper for the occasion, Kudalasangama Deva refuses to stay in you.
B. The State of Sarana. 1. Do not compare things that are incomparable. They are devoid of time and action, devoid of worldliness, Thy servants, O Kudalasangama Deva.
2. Is the sea great? It is bounded by the earth. Is the earth great ? It stands on the head-jewel of the lord of serpents. Is the lord of serpents great ? He is only & signet-ring on the little finger of Parvati. Is Parvati great ? She is only one half of the body of Paramesvara. Is Paramesvara great ? He is confined on the edge of the top of the inind of the servants of our Kudalasangama Deva.
20 One of the bodily postures recommended in the Yoga Philosopby. • 21 An orifice, believed to oxist in the skull on the crown of the head, through which the soul escapes at death.
33 A name for the sacred syllable Om.

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3. His origin is not like that of the creatures of the air. Thy servant is a creation of Linga. He sticks to one. His heart does not vacillate. He penetrates the mind. He forgets his bodily qualities and worships Thee. He is, as it were, Thine oun reflection, Kudalasangama Deva.
4. If the waters of tanks, wells and rivers dry up, you will see fishes in their dry beds. You will see jewels if the ocean dries up. So, you will see the Liiga in the servants of Kudalasangama Deva, when they open their minds and speak.
C. The Environment of the Servant is Holy. 1. Lo, at his every step, there are clusters of sacred places ; at his cvery step, there are treasures and wealth. If a servant walks about, the place becomes Benares. Where he stays is a sacred place that gives salvation.
2. If a servant sleeps, it is meditation. If a servant wakes up, it is Siva-råtri. The place where he treads is holy, and what he says is divine truth. Lo, the very body of the Servant of Kudalasangama Deva is Kailas.
Stage VI : Alkya : Oneness.
A. State of Final Absorption. 1. Ah, what can I say about the bliss I feel, when my body melts, like a hailstone in water, or an image of lac in fire? The waters of my eyes have overflowed their boundaries. Oh, to whom shall I speak of the happiness of uniting with Kudalasangama Deva in oneness of mind ?
2. I know not the earth, the sky or the ten quarters. I do not understand them. They say, 'The whole universe is contained in the centre of the Linga,' but, like a hailstone, I fell into the midst of the ocean; I am overwhelmed in the happiness of the touch of the Linga; and am saying only, God,' knowing nothing whatever of duality.
BOOK-NOVICE. A CHANT OF MYSTICS AND OTHER POEMS, byl to his native land in terms that leave us in no AMEEN RIHANI. Jamos T. White & Co., New doubt as to his feeling for it. He speaks of himself York, 1921.
as the Wanderer:
I wander among the hills of alien lands In this second volume of verse by the author of
Where Nature her prerogative resigns the admirably adapted translations from the To Man; where Comfort in her shack reclines Luzumiydt of Abd'l-Ald, the title poem is placed And all the arts and sciences commands last, all the other poems" preceding it. This is . But in my soul an unusual procedure, but a perusal of the volume
The eastern billow's rollwill show the reader that the Chant of Myatics I hear the voices of my native strands. is the climax and natural ending of all that has gone My lingering eyes, a lonely hemlock Alla
With grace and splendour rising manifold; before.
Beneath her boughs the maples spread their gol.] Internal evidence shows the poem to be the work
And at her feet the silver of the rills. of a Syrian Christian who has a thorough-oven en
But in my heart intimate-knowledge of the Arab Muhammadanism
A peasant void of art of his native land, and of Islam generally, as under. Echoes the voices of my native hills. stood also in Persis and amongst the Süfts.
Land of my birth! a handful of thy nad Although his dwelling is in the United States and
Resuscitates the flower of my faith; his command of English-shall we whisper Ameri
For whatsoever the seer of science sayth, can English--perfect, he cannot get away from his
Thou art the cradle and the tomb of God; beginnings in the Near East. Perhaps he has no
And forever I behold desire to do so, for again and agaia he returns in
A vision old the beautiful lines which so distinguish this volume 1 of Beauty wooping where He once hath trod
•

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And again, in a poem of noble blank verse, there is a varied refrain running through it in rhyme which speaks with no uncertain voice. Its title is Lebanus to B.C.R.
O my Love, how long wilt thou continue
Fondly nursing every dreaming Hour? Our Lebanus, O my Love, is calling.. Yea, and waiting in his ancient Tower.
O my Love, how long wilt hither tarry, Making toys of Time's discarded hours? Fair Lebanus, O my Love, is calling,
Yea, and waiting in his House of Flowers.
O my Love, how long wilt hit her tarry,
Wilt dally with the web of Time, how long?" Lone Lebanus, O my Love, is calling,
Yea, and waiting in his House of Song.
O my Love, how long wilt hit her tarry Weaving gossamer of day and night? Sad Lebanus, O my Love, is calling,
Yea, and waiting in his House of Light. Despite its English form and its author's mastery of English versification, the book is Oriental from end to end in feeling and spirit.
SHE WENT OUT SINGING.
She went out singing, and the poppies still Crowd round her door awaiting her return; She went out dancing, and the doleful rill Lingers beneath her walls hor news to learn. Their love is but a seed of what she has sown; Their grief is but a shadow of my own.
O Tomb, O Tomb! did Zahra's beauty fade, Or dost thou still preserve it in thy gloom? O Tomb, thou art not firmament nor glade, Yet in thee shines the moon and lilies bloom. And the poem "Hanem" reads like a clever translation, so thoroughly Eastern is the whole idea and expression:
Hanem, we must have met before, Perhaps a thousand years ago;
I still remember when I tore Your virgin veil of lunar snow. By Allah, I remember, too,
When, sousing in my mortal bain, You bit my lip and said, "Adieu,
When shall we, Syrian, meet again?"
It will have been discovered that in the lines quoted from" She went out singing," the line, "Their love is but a seed of what she has sown,"
[ MARCH, 1922
does not scan correctly with the rest of the lines. Herein lies my one criticism of form. There is too much of this false rhythm in the book, and Mr. Rihani is such a master of rhyme and rhythm and language that one cannot put the fact down to anything but the evil effect of modern taste in verse which, like the discords so much affected by the modern composers of music, is but "the union of inharmonious sounds."
Apart from what I may call the purely poetical experience of emotion in this book, Mr. Kihani has much serious purpose in what he has writtenmuch that helps the Western to understand the Eastern mind. That this is his object is clearly expressed in many places: notably in the last of four fine sonnets to Andalusia, where Moor and Christ fan-East and West-fought so hard a fight:--
AL-ZAHRA.
Not with the Orient glamor of her pleasures, Nor with fond rhapsodies of prayer or song Could she her sovereign reign a day prolong: Not in the things of beauty that man measures By the variable humor of his leisures,
Or by the credibilities that change
From faith to fantasy to rumor strange, Was she the mistress of immortal treasures. But when the holy shrine Europa sought, Herself of sin and witchcraft to assoil, The sovereigns of Al-Zahra maxims wrought And Averroes burned his midnight oil;Arabia, the bearer of the light, Still sparkles in the diadem of Night.
Again, in a poem entitled "The Two Brothers," he definitely tells us in a footnote, "I have tried to embody in these stanzas the idea shared partly by the Sufi, that God and the Universe are one." This is of such interest to Oriental scholars that I do not hesitate to quote it in full:
In the grotto the forest designed,
Where the fire-fly first dreamed of the sun And the cricket first chirped to the blind Zoophyte, in the cave of the mind We were born and our cradle is one. We are brothers: together we dwelt Unknown and unheard and unseen For aeons; together we felt The urge of the forces that melt
The rocks into willowy green. For aeons together we drifted
In the molten abysses of flame, While the Cycles our heritage sifted From the vapor and ooze, and uplifted
The image that now bears our name.

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I am God : thou art Man: but the light
That mothers the planets, the sea Of star-dust that roofs every height Of the Universe, the gulfs of the night,
They are surging in thee as in me. But out of the Chaos to lead us,
The Giants that borrow our eyes And lend us their shoulders, must heed us : They yield us their purposo, they deed us
Forever the worlds and the skies. Now the eclectie Muhammadan Sofis borrowed from any sourco open to them, including early Hinduism, and the sentiment in the fourth stanza quoted above is eminently Hindu. In the 14th century there arose in Kashmir a great mystic poetese, Lal Ded, Granny Lal, as she is now called with affectionate familiarity by the people, Lalls Yogishwari or Lalleshwari as she is known to the educated. She was a Shaiva Yogini, by
profession as it were, but she was imbued with the eclectic spirit of her time and was to a certain extent acquainted with Sufi doctrines. Again and again she reverts to the old Indian philosophy of the absorption of the individual in the universal Soul, and being a follower of the Shaiva Yoga, this meant that she taught the absorption of Man in Shiva, as the representative of the Supreme the One Cod. At times she becomes more mystical stiil and merges both Man and Shiva in the One God, the Nothing.
I venture to render one of her poems in English verse, in her own metre, as follows:
Lord, myself not always have I known;
Nay, nor any other self than mine. Care for this vile body have I shown,
Mortified by me to make me Thine. Lord, that I am Thou Ldid not know,
Nor that Thou art I, that.One be Twain, Who ain I ?' is Doubt of doubts, and so
Who art Thou 1' shall lead to birth again. In another illuminating poem she sings : Who shall be the rider, if for steed
Shiv the Self-Intelligence shall be ? . What though Keshav shall attend his need,
Helped by Brahma of the Mystic Three. If the Self-Intelligence be I,
I the Self-Intelligence must be. Needing Twain in One to know him by
What rider but the Supreme is he?
What the cold doth part, the sun combines : What the sun doth part, doth Shiv make
whole ; What Shiv doth part, the Supreme confinns
In one Shiv and Universe and Soul. Perhaps the whole attitude is best seen in the following poem--the Oneness of all observable things, earthly and divine--the absorption of the individual soul of all things, terrestrial and celestial, in the Universal Boul :
Thou art the Heavens, and Thou art the Earth:
Thou alone art day and night and sir : Thou Thyself art all things that have birth,
Even the offerings of flowers fair. Thou art, too, the sacrificial meal:
Thou the water that is poured on Thee : Thou art uinction of the things that heal:
Dost, then, need an offering froni ine ? Here then we have the Shaiva conception of the essential Oneness of the soul of all things conceiv. able, in tho poems addressed by a native of the Himalayan mountains to Shiva, the God of the Himalayas, as the highest representation of the Supreme possible to the mind of Man. In the " Song of Siva" Mr. Rihani gives a very different view of him, which is obviously a clever rendering of the Saff view: Hindu in substance, eclectic Muhammadan and Persian in form.
'Tis Night; all the Sirens are silent,
All the Vultures asleep; And the horns of the Tempest are stirring
Under the Deep; 'Tis Night; all the snow-burdened Mountains
Dream of the Sea, And down in the Wadi the River
Is calling to me. 'Tis Night; all the Caves of the Spirit
Shake with desire, And the Orient Heaven's essaying
Its lances of fire; They hear, in the stillness that covers
The land and the sea, The River, in the heart of the Wadi,
Calling to me. "Tis night, but a night of great joyance,
A night of unrent;The night of the birth of the spirit
Of the East and the West : And the Caves and the Mountains are dancing
On the foam of the Soe, For the River inundant is calling,
Calling to me.
And again : Ice and snow and water. these be three
That to thy vision separate seem : But they are one to the eyes that see
By light of the Consciousness Supreme.

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In the following verses I venture to sum up Lal Ded's spiritual hopes in quatrains in her own style, based on well known stories about her end and her own actual expressions.
Lo ! asVision is before mine eyes,
Framed in a halo of thoughts that burn : Up into the Heights, lo ! I arise
Far above the cries of them that spurn. Lo! upon the wings of Thought, my steed,
Into the mists of the evening gold, High, and higher, and higher I speed
Unto the Man, the Self I behold. Truth hath covered the nude that is I;
Girt me about with a flaming sword; Clad me in the ethereal sky,
Garment of the glory of the Lord. In the same way, Mr. Rihani's final, and as has been remarked, 'title' poem, "A Chant of Mystics" sums up the Safi philosophy, by a quotation from which I close this review of a remarkable work:
Nor Crescent nor Cross we adore ; Nor Budha nor Christ we implore; Nor Muslem nor Jew we abhor :
We are free.
We are not of Iran nor of Ind, We are not of Arabia or Sind :
We are free. We are not of the East or the West, No boundaries exist in our breast :
We are free. We are not made of dust or of dew; We are not of the earth or the blue : • We are free. We are not wrought of fire or of foam; Nor the sun nor the sea is our home; Nor the angel our kin nor the gnome:
We are free. Lal Ded would have heartily endorsed the clos. ing lines :
Whirl, whirl, whirl, Till, the world is the size of a pearl. Dance, dance, dance, Till the world's like the point of a lance. Soar, soar, soar, Till the world is no more.
R. C. TEMPLE
NOTES AND QUERIES. NOTES FROM OLD FACTORY RECORDS. Rt. Honble. Company and from them derived to 27. A wound and service pension.
us, that Francis Hopkins have a pardon for his 9 March 1754. Abstract of letter from Fort St. life but that he receives a punishment as the rest George to the Court of Directors. Para. 33. Pension did, to be whipt and after be branded aboard the Pagodas 15 ( Rs. 523] Per Month allowd Clemente Princess, and that the other offender be repreived Poverio, Captain of Topesses [Portuguese balf-caste till Wednesday next, then to be executed aboard
oldiers), Per Consultation 5th Novr. he having the Defence according to sentence of said Coart and eigpalizd himself on many occasions and lost a their execution warrant to the Provost Martiall. Leg in the Service. (Coast and Bay Abstracts, 26 April 1689. Coppy of a Pardon granted vol. 5, pp. 458-462.)
R.C.T. Charles Hopkins. Whereas you Charles Hopkins 28. Mortar for Buildings.
have by evidence and lott the 12th Instant being 16 February 1689. Consultation at Fort St.
ustly condemned by a Coart Martiall to suffer George. Chinam or Lime being so very scarce that
death for your great and horrid Crime of Piracy, we cannot procure sufficient for the reparation of
notwithstanding which we being inclin'd to mercy
from the scence of your true repentance and hope the Garrison and being also very necessary to send some to the West Coast to carry on their building
of your future Reformation, Wee doe by the
authority His gracious Majesty the King of England there, It is orderd that 20 Tons of chaulk and a plasterer by trade be sent aboard the Williamson,
has granted by his Charter to his Rt. Hon ble.
East India Company and from them derived to who understands the makeing lime, there being. plenty of wood at Bencoolen. (Records of Fort St.
us, their President and Council of Fort St. George, George, Diary and Consultation Book, 1689, p. 15.)
doe hereby, remitt and Pardon you from the said
sentence and execution of death for your said R.C.T.
Crime of Pyracy and that you now only suffer the 29. Punishment by Court Martial for Piracy.
punishment ordered to be inflicted upon you, 18 April 1689. Consultation at Fort St. George, which we hope will terrifie others and warn you The two condemned Persons one of whom being from the like crime for the future which the Alla young man, forced or drawn in that bad Company mighty grant. Given under our hands and the in India, being a Prentice servant was commanded Rt. Honble. Companys Seale at Fort St. George by his Master thereto, the sentence falling upon
in the Citty of Madrass this 26 April Anno Domini him by the lott of dye (dioe,) and being the generall 1689. ELIHU YALE, JOHN LITTLETON, THOMAS opinion of the Court Martiall that he was the least WAVELL, JOHN CHENEY, WILLIAM FRASER, Criminall of all and considering that Justice in WILLIAM CAWLEY, THOMAS GREY. (Records of clines to meroy. Tie agreed and orderd that Fort St. George, Diary and Consultation Book, according to His Majesties Charter granted to the 1989, pp. 40, 44. )
R.C.T.

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APRIL, 1922)
FURTHER SPECIMENS OF NEPALI
FURTHER SPECIMENS OF NEPALI.
BY R. L TURNER. (Continued from p. 49.)
V.
A CLEVER JUDGE. Wile ek bâwan ko tsora dwi bhai thiu. Ab us ko tsāra dwi bhai aphnu alag bhai gaiu. Patsi aphau bastubhau Me banna layo. Te aphnu ddzi tsai le tsalak bhaiǝro &phu le gôru gôru lia tge. Bhai tsat lai gai ko maumale dio tso. Tab waã båto ek dzaga mã gót tsari rêtsa. Dai teai ko dil muni got råkhya tso : bhai dzai ko dil mathi got råkhye tsa. Tap patsi bhai tsat ko gai le bâtsi pây tee. Ty8 bâtsi dil muni khagere dai tsai ko gôt mã pugya tse. To aphnu bhai tsai le tyo gai ko bâtsi khôdzera hinnakheri dazi dzai ko gôru site dêkhya tsa. Ta aphnu bhai tsai le aphnud azi lai bhanyu : "Dai, miro båtsi biaioro tiro goru sita ai pugye tee : lo! mo lai dinwôs": bhanere bhanyu. Te dai dzai le bhanyu : " Tiro gai le biAko rêtsa bhane dêkhin, tiro gôt mā bagne thiu, Miro gồru le biâko bâtsi dinno." Dwi bhai âpasto mã dzAgorá bhoio. To dai tsai le bhanyo: "Tiro gai le biako rêtse bhane dêkhin, panzabhaladmi dzama gara."
Phiri aphnu dai zai le gab panzabhaladmi dzamma garyo; bhai dzai le panzabhaladmi khoddakheri kôi pani paiona. To us ko bhai dzai ko man må birðk lâyera khôla tira goio. Tap us ko bhai tsai le yôta syål utə bâtə ako dekhyo. Tə â le bhanyu: "Edzamamantri, timi lai yota nis&p Odgū." Syal le bhanyo: "kyê nisâp hô ?" To us le bhanyo: “Miro gai le biâko båtsi lai miro dâdzu le us ko gôru le biâko bhani sêr gərnu lâyo. Tab mai le:
Miro gaile biâko bâtsi ho: molai dêu.' Tomo lai diena. Yô nisap kayo hungo ?" bhanera dzamemantri lai sôdhyo. DzamanAntri le bhanya: "Aile timi dzau : mo patsi auntsu Yð nisap gari de ūla."
Ago salgira gako dzaigal må gaiara aphnu muk mã sab kalo ghasira ayo. Tab us ko dâzu dzai le : "Koi tira panzebhaladmi ?" bhanera bhai thai lai sódhyo. Bhai dzai lo bhanyo: "Mero panzabhaladmi patsi aunde tsa : " bhanera bhanyu. Teã bâto Ali kher ma dzamamantri iyo. Ta us ko dai dzai ko panzabhaladmi le bhanyo: "E dzamamantri, kinə awela garyo?" Tab dzaməmantri le bhanya : "Ohô khóla mà darelo salkira goiə tse; to mâtsa ţipte khande tipte khande gardekheri awela bhờio." Tab us lai dai dzai ko man. driheru le bhanye: "Thet ullu ! khôla má kailei darelo Balkintsa ?” DzAməmantri le bhanyo: "Thet ullu ! gôru le kailei bâtsi pani biauntsa.” Bhanera dzaməmantri aphnu ghər må goio. TAP patsi aphnu dwi bhai salla garera dâzi dzai ko bhaladmiberu le dwi bhai jai milaiora us ko bâtui bhai dzai lai diyu. Sa bei panza bhaladmi le: "Khôla mà darelo kaitei dzanna: goru le bâtsi kailei biaunno : khâaa khâs tiro bhai ko gai lo biako bâtsi ho": bhanera milaiara råkhyo.
Translation Once there were two brothers, sons of a brâhman. Now his two sons, the two brothers, went apart. Afterwards they began to divide their cattle. Then the elder brother, being cunning, himself took the balls. To his younger brother he gave the cows. Then after that they are pasturing their herds in one place. The elder brother's herd is placed on the lower terrace; the younger brother's herd is placed on the upper terrace. After that the younger brother's cow bore a calf. That calf falling on to the lower terrace came into the elder brother's herd. Then his younger brother, looking for his cow's calf, walking about, saw it with his elder brother's bulls. Then the younger brother said to his elder brother: “O elder brother, my calf having been born has come among your bulls : come, give it me, please."

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So saying he spoke. Then the elder brother said: "If it had been born from your cow, it would have been in your herd. I will not give up the calf born from my bull." There arose a quarrel between the two brothers. The elder brother said: "If it was born from your cow, collect assessors."
Again, the elder brother collected all his assessors; the younger brother seeking assessors could not find any. Then grief coming into the mind of the younger brother, he went into the valley. Then the younger brother saw a jackal coming from there. Then he said: "O jackal, I will ask from you a judgment." The jackal said: "What is the judgment?" Then he said: "My elder brother has laid claim to the calf born from my cow, saying it is born from his bull. Then I: It is a calf born from my cow: give it me.' But he did not give it. How will this case be?" So saying he asked the jackal. The jackal said: "Do you now go; I will come after. I will settle this case."
Going to a forest where a fire had gone burning, and having rubbed the black on his face, he came. Then the elder brother asked the younger brother, saying: "Have you any assessors?" The younger brother said: "My assessor is coming behind." So saying he spoke. After that in a little while the jackal came. Then the elder brother's assessors said: "O jackal, why are you late?" Then the jackal said: "Oho! A fire has come burning in the river: so keeping on picking up the fish and eating them, I became late.' Then the elder brother's assessors said to him: " You fool! does a fire ever burn in the river?" The jackal said: "You fools! does a bull ever bear a calf either?" So saying the jackal went to his home. After that, the two brothers having taken counsel, the elder brother's assessors, having reconciled the two brothers, gave his calf to the younger brother. All the assessors completely reconciled them, saying: "A fire never goes in the river; a bull never bears a calf. Most certainly the calf was born from your younger brother's cow."
Notes.
The speaker was a Gurung, whose native language was Gurungkurâ, not Nepali. His Nepali, like that of most native Mongolian speakers, is chiefly remarkable for the following points :
1. Tendency to turn unaccented a, and unaccented e before r into a e.g., bhanya < bhanya, pugye tsa < pugyá cha, etc.
ê>i in miro tiro phiri < mêro téro phêri.
Unaccented é > i in ghansira < ghasera (influence of 8 ?); elsewhere >e or a. cj>t8-8-, dz -z- without palatalisation of the sibilant. ch jhts -8-, dz -z- with loss of aspiration.
2. Fluctuation of pronunciation: a remains in tsura < chôrâ, but becomes a in bhanyǝ pugya tsa etc. hinnacheri (< hirdâkheri). Tsai beside dzai zai; dázi beside dádzi. This should perhaps largely be ascribed to the hesitation of my ear.
3. Simplification of grammatical forms:
(a) The noun has one form only for direct and oblique case, singular and plural: e.g., baran ko tsora; tyo gai ko bâtsi; û le (but also us le); tiro gai le, etc.
(b) There is one form only, that of the 3rd sing., for both numbers of the 3rd person: e.g., thiu (Page #71

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FURTHER SPECIMENS OF NEPALI
hanno < barna: of, hinnu < hirnu.
taar: a deictic particle with some adversative force, especially used with two or moro nouns which are contrasted; so here throughout dai cai and bhai cai.
dazi < ddjyu : the form dai also occurs under the influence of bhai. maumate < málmatai emphatic form of loanword mdlmatd. dinwós Page #72

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Tôpai ko dhaa kuiro jhai parda tharkanchan pâpi man Dasai ra târikh unis sau pandra marca kâ mainá m& Sikin ard Gôrkhà bahaduri bhayo Lestar kâ bâd må. Titarai câkorai banai mi mare pic nambar charrå lo: Påcai ra lainai Jarmani pare masingan parrå le. Tôpai ko phaira dan danai bhayo Phrisi kâ phatak mã ; Sikin Tard Gørkhå bahaduri bhayo Nyosepal atek m&. Tôpai kâ góla jhimjhimi kundâ râmârâm bhanda chan: Ghôpto ra cepto sathi bhậi marda kasai le ganda chan! Sathi bhai bhôkdå jîu mêro bhijyo ragat kâ thôpå le; Phrasi mã teso din dinai marthe bairi kâ tôpå le. Nirbali jîu le haresai khândâ âyôni bukhårai : Phrasi kì ghar mã gôli ko darai paina uchârai. Patrólai ghumne hawâi jaháj akåsai ghumaune; Pâni ko jahâj Jarman kâ âundâ Angrêj le dubaune. Kali ko pâp ragat ka dabba ; chimâ dêu, Débi mai ! Jarman ko jahâj urdå må ayo; luki jâu, dâji bhai ! Rimi ra jhimi pâni ra âyo; barandi örhåūlà: Topai kâ gôla aundai chan baklo; kah& lukna má jâûlá? Hê pâpi Jarman batas ko jahâj akåsai ghumâune, Nisanai dine sirista line duniyâ ruwaune ! Pacisai târikh unis sau pandra sitambar mainå må Kulbir Thâpå le pâyoni bisi ghaile lidundâ nå. Sirai mã ghumâi mârúlà mai le samâti rîsai mia. Jarmani dhâwî må gari ke Misar ka desai m. Dinai ra dinai carkine ghamai Misar kê jillâ må; Jarman ko phaujai bhusukai bbayo Biljam kâ killâ mă. Allur ko rasai Phrisi ko raksi kinūlå damai le : Misar ka dês inX rêti cha dherai ; má marü ghamai le. Débi kêu bận le bhai sakyo juddha; duniya sakiyo. "Bfcula " bhani as man m lâgoba; satte jug th&piyo. Kaphar na hunu ; ranai m& marnu; na khånu baresai. Man gara yestai. Kah& rahecha pahår? kab& rahocha mådesai?
Translation. Gurkha soldiers to slay the enemy was the Master's order. A song of the war will I make. Have pity, 0 Káli.
They meet together on such a day. “Make not friendship with the soldiers. There is my younger brother: with him I leave thee soon. Be not grieved nor troubled; I shall return in time of peace." "Alas, brothers !” Thus in the lines the children began to make lament.
"O my lover, thou wilt leave me and go. How can I remain ? How shall I bear the immeasurable grief of parting from my husband ?"
The see-wind blew away the hats from our heads. From year fourteen to year eighteen the fighting did not cease.
When I reach Marseilles I cannot count the ships of the sea. Shall we live to return to India ? That I cannot say.

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FURTHER SPECIMENS OF NEPALI
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Terrible was the German attack through the shafts of Debi. For three years my soul exulted in the fight.
The English soldiers came hot-foot to the land of France The rain of bullets Breeding night and day, our hearts weep bitterly.
English soldiers and French soldiers made fast friends. In the German attack through machire-gun fire they died in one spot.
My body was cooled by the beer of France : the English soldiers died in battle through hurt of bullets.
The draft from the let battalion were in difficulty because of the rucksacks from their cantonment; and a German shell carried away one whole section.
The regiment in contonments, although war comes, will not cross the sea; sitting in c.untonments, squatting on their hams, they will not die untimely.
In the land of France in the month of December fell snow. Falling in battle my brothers died by the curse of Kali.
The land of France is cold and biting : I put on my great-coat. Obeying the order I uttacked and slew the Germans.
In the land of France are fields of hay; ripe are the apricots. One falling in blood is buried in the mud. Have pity, O Bhawani.
The white regiment of the Leicesters made an attack and captured a machine gun. When the smoke of the guns falls like a mist, then tremble the hearts of the wicked.
On the tenth day of the month of March in the year 1915 were gallant deeds done by the Second-Third Gurkhas on the left of the Leicesters.
Black partridge and red partridge have been killed in the jungle by number five shot ; and five lines of Germans have fallen by the fire of our machine guns.
The fire of the guns rumbled in the gateways of France. Gallant deeds were done by the Second - Third Gurkhas in the Battle of Neuve-Chapelle.
The gholls of the guns coming like fine rain give greeting : on their backs unit on their faces my friends and brothers dying-shall any count them?
Carrying my friend and brother my body bas been wetted with drops of his blood. In France thus daily they were killed by the guns of the enemy.
When my body was weak and despaired, then came fever. In the houses of France I found no refuge from the peril of bullets.
An aeroplane on patrol is sailing round the sky : the ships of the Germans the English sink as they coine.
Gouts of blood through the sin of Kali ! Have pity, Mother Debi! A German aeroplane has come flying ; hide you, my brothers
The rain bag come pouring ; I will put on my great-coat. The shells of the guns come thickly : where shall I go to hide ?
O wicked German aeroplane, that sailest the sky, giving mark and taking aim and making the people lament.
On the 25th day of the month of September in the year 1915 Kulbir Thâpå wom the V.C. bringing in wounded.
Turning him on his head I will slay him, seizing him in my wrath : thus having fought ayainst the Germans, I came to the land of Egypt.
Day after day the sunshine glares in the country of Egypt. Overwhelming was the German army in the forts of Belgium.

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The juice of the grape, the spirit of France, will I buy with a price. In the land of Egypt is much sand; I shall die of the heat.
By sthe shaft of Débi has the war been finished; the people are no more. Hope comes to my mind, saying: 'I shall live. The golden age has been established.
Be not a coward; die in battle; do not despair. Thus do you determine. How great is the difference between the Plains and the Hills!
THE HISTORY OF THE NIZAM SHAHI KINGS OF AĦMADNAGAR BY LIEUT.-COLONEL SIR T. W. HAIG, K.C.L.E. C.B.E.S
I (Continued from p. 36.) LXXXVI.-AN ACCOUNT OF THE QUARREL WHICH AROSE BETWEEN SĀLABAT KHAN AND
SAYYID MURTAZA AND OF ITS CAUSE AND ORIGIN. The quarrel which arose between Sayyid Murtaza and Salábat Khân was in truth the cause of the ruin of both of them, as well as a host of others.
When Salábat Khân found his power firmly established and, as has already been indi. cated, had overpowered Asad Khân, who had striven so hard to ensure his collaboration in the office of vakil and pishvd, he formed the design of reducing Sayyid Murtaza, like the rest of the amirs to a state of absolute obedience to all his commands and prohibitions. He therefore issued to Sayyid Murtaza, under the royal seal, insolent and demineering farmáns, full of impertinence. These orders naturally inflamed the wrath of Sayyid Murtara, and led to strife. Sayyid Murtaza and Salabat Khan had formerly been firm friends and had confirmed their friendship by means of oaths and agreements. Such orders 2 these were therefore most distasteful to Sayyid Murtaza and as he was, partly in consequence of his former friendship with the vakil, no whit inferior in power and influence to Şalábat Khân, he returned to them such answers as were far from being acceptable to Sal&bat Khân, and when the strife rose high between them, turbulent fellows did their best to increase it and strove day and night to ruin both, until there happened to them what happened, as will be related hereafter.
When the friendship between Sayyid Murtaza and Salábat Khân was changed to enmity, all the amirs of Berar ranged themselves on the side of Sayyid Murtaza and opposed Şalábat Khan. As Şalábat Khan had so closed all avenues of access to the king that by no device whatever could any person, or even any letter, obtain admission to the royal presence, all power in the state remained in his hands, and Asad Khan had no longer any influence in public business. This led to ill-feeling on the part of Asad Khân against Salábat Khân. and he secretly allied himself with Sayyid Murtagâ and the amire of Berar, and several times succeeded in bringing Sayyid Murtaza to the capital with a force of 20,000 horse. şalábat Khan had no chance of successfully opposing this force, for the greater part of the army in Ahmadnagar was ill-disposed towards him, so on each occasion on which Sayyid Murtaga came, he patched up a peace with Asad Khân, treating him courteously, and obtained
his intervention for the purpose of inducing Sayyid Murtaza to retun, so that the quarrel - was healed for a time; but as soon as Sayyid Murtazâ returned, şalábat Khan again ignored
Asad Khan and seized all power in the state until at length he became so powerful that he removed Asad Khân not only from the office of vakil but also from the rank of amir, as will shortly be related.

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HISTORY OF THE NIZAM SHAHI KINGS OF AHMADNAGAR.
LXXXVII. AN ACCOUNT OF THE DEATH OF 'ALI ADIL SHAH I, AND OF THE ACCESSION
OF IBRAHIM 'ADIL SHAH II AND OF THE WAR WHICH BROKE OUT BETWEEN BIJAPUR AND ARMADNAGAR, AND OF ITS RESULT.
A. D. 1579. As the king, on whose government depended all the affairs of Hindustân, was ever desirous of extending his dominions until he should have brought the whole globe under his control, he now formed the design of conquering Bidar, and informed Salabat Khân and Asad Khân of his project in writing, ordering that an envoy should first be sent to Ibrâhîm Qutb Shâh to renew the alliance with him, for the purpose of ensuring his support against Bidar, and that when this mission had succeeded, steps should be taken to conquer Bidar. The vakils carried out these orders and sent an envoy to Ibrâhîm Qutb Shâh to inform him of the matter, and as enmity always existed between the Barid Shâhs and the Qutb Shâhs, Ibrâhîm Qutb Shâh regarded the policy of Murtaza Nizâm Shâh as his own229 and concurred in it without the slightest hesitation. After this Asad Khân and Salâbat Khân assembled the bravest amirs and officers of the army, such as Mirzâ Yâdgâr, entitled Khânjahân, Muhammad Khân the Turkmân, Shâhvardi Khân, and Chaghatâi Khân, and of the Hindû amirs, Chandar Râi, Lamtya and Sâtya, and many siláḥdars of the royal guards, and sent them with a force of 20,000 horse against Bidar. The amirs with this army marched to Bidar, encamped before the place and reduced Malik Barîd, 230 the ruler of Bidar, to a state of terror.
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Malik Barid, being unable to withstand the army of Ahmadnagar, shut himself up in the fortress, which he strengthened, in order that it might be able to resist the attacks of the besiegers. The army of Ahmadnagar meanwhile invested the fortress, set to work on the trenches, and opened fire against the place.
The fortress of Bidar is a byword in Hind and Sind for strength, being second only to the fort of Khaibar for strength, and it could not, therefore, be captured at once; and the siege dragged on. Barid and the garrison were reduced to great straits by the long continuance of the siege, and he appealed to 'Ali 'Adil Shâh for help, sending to him a eunuch of whose beauty 'Alî 'Adil Shâh had long heard and whom he burned to possess, and other gifts, entreating him to help him in repulsing the army of Ahmadnagar.
When informers brought to 'Alî 'Adil Shâh the news of Barid's difficulties and of the approach of the beautiful eunuch whom he desired, he was so delighted that before he even met the eunuch he sent several of his amirs and chief officers, with about 10,000 horse, 231 to Bidar to the assistance of Malik Barid, and himself marched on to Sholâpûr, at which place Barid's envoy and the eunuch had arrived, burning with desire to meet the eunuch. After he had met the envoy and the eunuch, he sent the former to the dwelling which had been prepared for him, and the latter to his own private apartments. When all the attendants and servants of the bedchamber had departed and gone to their own quarters, the king approached the eunuch, and that wretched slave, who with the object of avenging his honour had concealed a naked dagger about his person, seized his opportunity and stabbed the king with his dagger scindens jecur ejus quod ardebat amore sui. Since the wretched and bold slave struck well home, the good king heaved one sigh of agony and fell to the earth, while
339 The Qutb Shahi and Barid Shahi kings were usually on bad terms, partly owing to religious differences, but it was never part of the policy of the former to acquiesce in the annexation of Bidar, either by Ahmadnagar or by Bijapur. It may be added that this account of the siege of Bidar is a mere repetition and amplification of the account already given of the siege of the city by Murtaza Nizam Shah and Sahib Khan. Murtaza did not besiege the city twice, but only once.
330 All Barid Shah.
331 This is a gross exaggeration. 'Ali 'Adil Shah sent only one thousand horse.

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his soul at that moment left his body and flew on the wings of martyrdom to heaven. A lamp-tender who was on duty heard the king's cry and went to see what had happened, and the base slave slew him with the same dagger. The guard now became aware of what had happened and carried off the slave and put him to a shameful death.
This event happened on the night of Thursday, Safar 23, A.H. 988 (April 9, A.D. 1580), the words giving the date. 239
On the death of 'Ali 'Adil Shâh the affairs of the kingdom of Bîjâpûr fell into great confusion; the army plundered the country and its inhabitants, and violence and injustice succeeded the reign of justice which 'Ali Adil Shâh had established.
'Ali 'Adil Shah was in truth a just, generous and beneficent king, a darvish of pure faith, good-natured and of angelic qualities. He was a lover who knew love's joys and ever consorted with the beautiful and had intercourse with them. During his reign the doors of his treasures were open to afflicted darvishes, and he was a miracle of high spirit and generosity. His humility and hatred of pomp were such that he usually slept on the ground without a bed or covering, and he would often in his meekness, say, If God in His mercy had not made me a king what should I have done in my fecklessness and how should I, in my unworthiness, have gained a living?' Although most of his time was spent in sensuality and pleasure, his dominions were much extended during his reign, and he surpassed in power and majesty both his father and grandfather. His court was the resort of the learned and accomplished men of the age, and he was so instant in encouraging wise and learned men that when he heard, the fame of Shâh Fathullâh Shîrâzî he was at once anxious to meet him, sent a large sum as a present to that sage, and thereby induced him to leave his native land and come to his court, and, as long as 'Ali 'Adil Shah was on the throne, Fathullâh held the place of honour among the learned men at his court.
After the death of 'Ali 'Adil Shah, the amirs and the chief officers of his army put the wretched slave to death as a punishment for the murder which he had committed, and as 'Ali 'Adil Shah had left no son, they unanimously raised Ibrâhîm 'Adil Shah II, the son of his brother, to the throne, he being then a youth, made their offerings to him, and tendered their congratulations.
LXXXVIII. AN ACCOUNT OF THE QUARREL WHICH TOOK PLACE BETWEEN MURTAZA NIZAM SHAH, AND IBRAHIM 'ADIL SHAH, AND OF ITS CONSEQUENCES.
A. D. 1580. It has already been mentioned that Malik Barid had applied to 'Ali 'Adil Shâh for assistance against the army of Murtaza Nizâm Shâh, and that 'Ali Adil Shâh had sent some of his amirs and officers with nearly 10,000 horse to his assistance. This act of hostility greatly annoyed Murtaza Nizâm Shâh and he began to revolve schemes of revenge. Immediately afterwards news of the death of 'Ali Adil Shâh and of the great confusion among the amirs of the kingdom of Bijapur reached the king.
The circumstances of this affair were as follows:-When 'Ali 'Adil Shâh died, Kâmil Khân, one of the chief amirs of Bîjâpûr, raised to the throne, owing to his extreme youth, Ibrâhîm 'Adil Shâh, one of the sons of Tahmâsb Shah, the brother of 'Ali 'Adil Shâh, and blinded Ismail Shah, Ibrâhîm's elder brother who had come to years of discretion, and then seized all power in the state, allowing nobody to share it with him.233
333 This date agrees with that given by Firishta (ii, 88).
233 According to Firishta all the amirs of Bijapur concurred in placing the young Ibrahim 'Adil Shah II on the throne. He does not mention that Ibrahim had an elder brother, Ismail, who was blinded, and his silence is probably due to the fact that Ibrahim was his patron. Ibrahim was only nine years of age at the time of his accession-F. ii, 90.

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In a short time, however, the officers of the army found that they could not endure the domination of Kâmil Khân and allied themselves with Kishvar Khân in order to overthrow. him.234 They gucceeded in their design, and, having removed Kâmil Khân from the control of affairs, left the coast clear for Kishvar Khân who now assumed supreme power in the state. Kish var Khân was apprehensive of Sayyid Mustafa Khân, one of the greatest, wisest, and most politic and resourceful of the amirs of Hindústân, who was then engaged in a holy war against the infidels of Vijayanagar, and he therefore sent the Sayyid Mirza, Nûr-ud-dîn Muhammad Nishâbûrî, with some amirs, havaldars, and officers of the army with orders to seize and slay him. This infamous force slew Sayyid Mustafa Khân, who was, in truth, the chief pillar of the Bijapur state 236
When Murtaza Nizâm Shâh heard of the plight to which the kingdom of Bijapur was reduced, Owing to the quarrels between the amits, he ordered the vakils of his kingdom to send an envoy to Golconda to confirm and renew his treaties with Ibrahim Qutb Shah and to make an offensive and defensive alliance between the two states in order that Ibråhim Qutb Shâh might join him in attacking Bijâpûr.
SalAbat Khan and Asad Khân sent an envoy to Golconda to make the alliance and then jointly appointed Malik Bihzâd-ul-Mulk, the Turk 236, the sar-i-naubat of the right wing of the army, commander-in-chief of the army of invasion, associating with him & number of the most famous amirs, such as 'Adil Khân and niost of the silahdars, Foreigners, Da kanis, and Africans.
Malik Bihzâd-ul-Mulk, after he had assembled and equipped the army, marched with it towards Sholâpûr, and when the army, which was very numerous, entered the kingdom of Bijapur, the lot of the inhabitants of that state was indeed hard. The troops plundered and laid waste the country for a considerable distance on each side of the line of march, destroying many towns and villages, while the garrisons of the posts on the road and the civil governors scattered and fled on the approach of the royal army, some of them fleeing as far as the capital, where they spread the news of the invasion.
When Kighvar Khân heard of the approach of the army of Abmadnagar, he ordered the assembly of the army of Btjâpûr to the number of some 20,000 horse and sent some of the amirs, such as Afzal Khân, Mughul Khân, and Miyan Budh û with 10,000 horse, to the ageistance of the other army of Bijapur, ordering the officers first to effect a junction with the army which had been sent to the relief of Bidar, and, acting in conjunction with that army, to attempt to drive out the army of Ahmadnagar. 987
234 Kamil Khan's offence was that he treated Chand Bibi Sultan, sister of Murtaza Nizâm ShAh I. widow of 'All Adil Shah I, and guardian of the young king with disrespect; and it was at her request, that Haji Kishvar Khan removed and beheaded him-F. ii, 93, 94.
336 Kishyar Khan had enraged the officers serving in the field against the army of Ahmednagar by demanding from them all the elephants which they had captured. They conspired to depose him from the poet of all and plahud and to reinstate the Sayyid, Mustafa hân. Kishvar Khan forestalled their plans by causing Mustafa Khan to be put to death. He was strangled by a man named Muhamman Amin-F. ii, 98.
336 Firiahta says that Malik Bihzad-ul-Mulk was a Circassian. He was thus & follow-countryman of SalAbat Khan, and this will explain his advancement. The army of Borar under the veteran Sayyid Murtal Babzavar was ordered to accompany the army sent from Ahmednagar, and Sayyid Murtaza thus found himpell, to his dingust, subordinate to BihzAd-ul-Mulk, Whether this humiliation of Sayyid Murtaza was the cause or an effect of the bitter enmity between him and PalAbat Khan cannot be dotormined, but it is improbable that SalAbat Khan would have put this slight on Sayyid Murtaza unless they had already been on bed terms.-F. ii, 280.
337 According to Firishta, Muhammad Aqd the Turkman was in command of tho frontier fortrone of Naldrug or Shahdrug, and the force sent to his assistance was commanded by 'Ain-ul-Mulk Kan'Anl, with whom were associated Jund Mir, Ankas Khan, and the African amire Ikhla Khan and Dil@var Who F. ii, 04, 101, 281.

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This army of 10,000 horse marched from Bijâpar and came up with the army which had been sent to the assistance of the ruler of Bidar on the banks of the Beora. Here the amirs of Bijapur reviewed their united forces and found that they numbered nearly 30,000.
At this juncture spies brought the news that 8,000 Qutb Shahi horse, which were marching by way of Sirol and Serâm to the aid of the Nigam Shahi army, had entered Bijapur territory. The amirs of the 'Adil Shahi army considered the repulse of this force to be more urgent than any other operation, and decided to intercept and disperse this force before it could effect & junction with the Nigam Shahf army and then attack the latter. The Bijapur amirs then marched to meet the Qutb Shahi army, but before they could come up with them the news of their movement reached the latter, and the Qutb Shahi troops, overcome with terror, fled before they were face to face with the enemy. They were pursued for three stages by the 'Adil Shâhi troops and many of them were slain. The 'Adil Shâhi troops, having pursued them as far as the village of Tåndar, near Firuzábad, returned in triumph, their courage and confidence and their eagerness to meet the Nizam Shahi army, being much increased by the successful issue of their expedition against the Qutb Shahi army. LXXXIX-AN ACCOUNT OF THE DEI LAT WHICH, OWING TO THE NEGLIGENCE AND OVER
WEENING CONFIDENCE OF BIHZAD-UL-MULK, BEFEL THE NIXAM SHAH ARMY.
It has already been mentioned that the quarrel between Balábat Khan and Sayyid Murtaza had reached an acute stage and that each was constantly employed in endeavouring to overthrow the other. It was at this time that Salábat Khan, owing to his quarrel with Sayyid Murtard, took from him the command-in-chief with which he had been so long 24sociated that it was, as it were, & garment sewn upon his body, and bestowed it on Bihzad-ul-Mulk, who was both young and inexperienced, placing most of the great amits under his orders, seeking only his own interests and disregarding those of his master. In obedience to the royal farmáns, the amits of necessity submitted openly to Bih zâd-ul-Mulk, but rendered unwilling service and were exceedingly slack in the performance of their duties in the field. At length Şalábat Khan realized how disgraceful was the state of affairs 238 and repented of having appointed Bibzâd-ul-Mulk to the command. He now, therefore, appointed Sayyid Murtaza, who was then in Ahmadnagar, to the command of the army in the field, and Sayyid Murtazh, in obedience to the royal command, set out with his own personal troops from Abmadnagar towards the army in the field and at the same time sent messenger to the amirs of Berar, ordering them to assemble their forces and follow him.
When Sayyid Murtaza was within two stages of the army commanded by Bih zâd-ulMolk, he was informed by spies that the 'Adil Shebi army was marching to attack Bihzad ul-Mulk, who bad neglected the most ordirary precautions of warfare.920 The new commander-in-chief therefore sent a message to Bihmid-ul-mulk ordering him to march with the army and join him, legt the 'Adil ShAhf army should attack bim when he was unprepared. Bihzad-ul-Mulk retreated one stage but would retreat no further towards Sayyid Murtaga and halted and passed his time in sensual enjoyment and frivolity. His youthful pride prevented him from taking any precautions until & heavy defeat befell the royal army. This
238 The armies of Aḥmadnagar and Btj&pôr remained enos mped within five or six burda of one another for nearly month or, according to another account, " for some daya."-F. ii. 94, 980. • Firishta mys that Sayyid Martazd was camped at some distance from Bihadd-ul-Mulk, and that the amire of Bljâpår were encouraged to attack the latter by their knowledge that Sayyid Murtaza, owing to resentment at his supersension, would not be likely to rapport him.-F. ii, 280.

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defeat was entirely due to Bihzâd-ul-Mulk's having been appointed commander-in-chief, or although it could not be denied that of bravery, generosity, personal beauty and good nature Bihzâd-ul-Mulk had a large share, he was utterly inexperienced in war, and the amirs, knowing that Sayyid Murtaza was available for the command, paid a very unwilling obedience to such a youth.
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Bihzâd-ul-Mulk was now encamped at the village of Dhârâseo, between Naldrug and Sholapur, engaged in nothing but enjoyment and self indulgence when, at about the breakfast hour, his camp was suddenly rushed by the army of Bijapûr with such suddenness that the troops had not time to arm themselves, and could make no attempt at resistance.240 The greater part of the royal army fled, and although Malik Bihaâd-ul-Mulk, with a small force, most gallantly charged the enemy's centre yet, as most of the army had fled, this effort was of little avail, and Bihzâd-ul-Mulk, shedding tears of regret, was at length forced to flee from the field. All the baggage, property, horses, elephants, 241 tents, and camp equipage of Bihzâd-ul-Mulk and his army, fell into the hands of the 'Adil Shahi troops, and thus a strong and well appointed army was scattered in a moment, like a girl's locks by the morning breeze, and wandered over plains and deserts.
The Adil Shahi army thus attained both its objects, and gained large quantities of spoil. The Bijapûrîs in their pride then marched towards Bidar for the purpose of aidin! Barid-ul-Mulk.
When the news of this disgraceful defeat was brought to ṣalâbat Khân, he bitterly regretted having appointed Bihzâd-ul-Mulk who had proved himself to be utterly without foresight and prudence, commander-in-chief. It was all owing to Salabat Khân's enmity against Sayyid Murtaga, that this defeat befell the royal army.
When Bihzâd-ul-Mulk's broken army reached the army of Sayyid Murtaza, he mount ed his horse and rode to some rising ground to one side of his camp and ordered his whole army to arm themselves and to come forth from their camp, and he secretly sent one of his confidential servants to his own tent with orders to remove everything of value, pack it up, and send it to Ahmadnagar and to burn everything else that could not be carried away. It was at nightfall that news of the defeat was brought to Sayyid Murtaşâ, and darkness had fallen by the time that his army came forth from its camp and the sauve qui peut began. Sayyid Murtaza also was compelled to take flight and the whole army fled through the night, resting nowhere till daybreak, so that the hardships endured by the army of Sayyid Murtazâ in their nocturnal flight were not less than those endured by the camp of Bihzad-ul-Mulk in their defeat by day.
The next day, when the Nigâm Shahi army were halted on the bank of a river, spies brought word that the 'Adil Shahi army, after ita victory, had marched at once in the direction of Bidar, 142 without attempting to pursue the fugitives, and Sayyid Murtaza, ashamed of his unreasonable panic and flight, at once set to work to remedy the state of affairs. At
240 Firishta gives two different accounts of his affair. In his chronicles of Bijapur he makes it appear that the army of Bijapur attacked that of Ahmadnagar in daylight, and that the latter was well prepared, but was defeated after a pitched battle. In his chronicles of Ahmadnagar he says that the army of Bijapur fell on that of Ahmadnagar before dawn, when Biheid-ul-Mulk was engaged in a drinking bout, and took it completely by surprise, so that it was able to make no stand.-F. ii. 94, 289.
241 About 150, or, according to another account, about 100 elephants were captured.-F. ii. 95, 280. 243 This passage refers to the siege of Bidar (see above) which is not mentioned by Firishta. It may well be doubted whether Murtaza Nizam Shah, or rather Salabat hin, was attempting simultaneously the annexation of Bijapur and Bidar.

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this juncture, the amirs of Berar, Jamshid Khân, Khudåvand Khân, Bahri Khân, Tir Andaz Khân, Shir Khân, Dastûr Khân, Chanda Khân and Rustam Khân, arrived with a numerous army, and Bihzâd-ul-Mulk, with the amirs subordinate to him, joined the army of Sayyid Murtaza
When the amirs of the Niyam Shahi army which was besieging Bidar heard that the Adil Shahi army had defeated the forces under Bih zâd-ul-Mulk and was marching on Bidar, they retreated from Bidar into the Nizam Shahi dominions, and when the 'Adil Shahi army heard of their retreat, they turned aside and encamped before Naldrug, which is one of the most important fortresses in the 'Adil Shabi dominions.
Meanwhile the royal command reached the amirs of the army which had been besieging Bidar, that they should at once join the army under Sayyid Murtaza, and since they were quite ready to place themselves under his orders, being convinced that he had the best interests of the kingdom at heart, Mirza Yadgår and the other amirs, with their troops,, at once obeyed the order and marched rapidly to join the amir-ul-umard, who was thus in a very short time joined by troops from all sides as the scattered forces reassembled, and their perplexity was changed to content. The amir-ul-umara and the amirs with him then resolved to avenge the recent defeat, and marched, with their great host, against the 'Adil Shâhî army.
On the way Sayyid Shah Mir with nearly 10,000 Qutb Shahi horse, who had been detached to aid the army of Ahmadnagar, joined the army, and Sayyid Murtaza and Sayyid Suau Mir met with joy. The two armies then marched on Naldrug, resolved on avenging themselves on the Bijapuris.
The allies arrived before Naldrug and spread fear among the army of Bijapûr, which, however, relying on the strength of the fortress, prepared to oppose the invaders. That night, there being nothing but the fortress between the opposing armies, each army lay under arms in case of a night attack from the other. The next day at daybreak the armies took the field and the marshals drew up the forces in battle array. The two armies then advanced simultaneously against each other and joined battle. The fight was fierce and taged without advantage to either side from daybreak until noon, when a body of Nizam Shâhî horse made a dashing attack on the enemy's front. This was followed by an attack by a thousand picked horsemen on the enemy's centre. A number of war elephants preceded the cavalry attack, and the whole attacking force advanced with the impetuosity of
mountain torrent. This attack broke the enemy's centre, and his right and left wings, seeing that the centre had been broken, also broke, and the attack thus swept the enemy from the field. 243
The army of Ahmadnagar at once pursued the enemy with such vigour as not even to give them time to look back, and drove them to take refuge in the fort of Naldrug, where they had some respite from the pitilegs sword. So headlong was the flight of the enemy towards the fortress that many threw themselves into the ditch which encloses two of its sides, and were drowned. Those who escaped into the fortress at once opened from its walls a heavy fire of artillery and musketry on the attacking force which caused it to retire from under the walls. After this daily combats were fought between the Nizam Shahi and the Adil Shâhi troops, victory usually declaring for the former, when the latter would flee again into the fortress.
248 Firishta does not mention this defeat of the amfrs of Bijapur and it is very improbable that the army of Ahmadnagar gained any important success at Naldrug, or they would not have been so easily discouraged. As a matter of fact they suffered very heavy losses before the fortress,

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When at length the amirs saw that there could be no end to warfare of this nature and that little was to be gained by tarrying before Naldrug, they assembled before the amir-ulumard, and in the council of war all agreed that as the army in Naldrug was the greater part of the whole army of Bijapur, and that hardly any troops remained in Bijâpûr, the wisest course to pursue was that half of the army should make a forced march to Bijâpûr, marching at night in order that the enemy might not be aware of the movement, and besiege that place before any more troops could enter it, leaving half the army to shut up the 'Adil Shahi army in Naldrug. This plan was agreed upon, and half of the besieging army set out for Bijâpûr in the depth of a winter's night.244
(To be continued.)
LAND SYSTEM IN ACCORDANCE WITH EPIGRAPHIC EVIDENCE WITH NOTES ON SOME OF THE INSCRIPTIONS AND ON SOME TERMS USED IN THEM.
BY KISHORI MOHAN GUPTA, M.A. From a careful examination of the Inscriptions it will appear that the grants made by kings or their ministers and other high officials usually consisted of:
A. The village proper or the habitat (gráma). In some cases the village was smaller than the normal type (padraka); and in a few cases these were attached to big villages or to cities or towns.
Padraka has been wrongly translated by Dr. Fleet as “common land.” Antaratrdyam Sivaka padrake of the Mâliyâ Copperplate Ins. (line 22), had better be translated : in the (bhukti, visaya, mandala or city, and not village of) Antarâtrâ in the village (suburban or small) called Sivaka. Padra means, according to the lexicons, a village : the taddhita "ka" (*) is added to imply "smallness." There is absolutely no necessity to refer to "padr" or "padar" to seek for its meaning. That padraka means a village is explicitly clear from the following:
Aikottaka-chaturasity-antargata-Vada padrak-abhidhana-grdma in the Ins. of Karkarája?; Sami padraka-grama in the Insc. of Jayabhatta; akrûreśvara-visay-antargata-firi apadrakam eşa gramah in the Insc. of Dadda Mahârâja.
B. The low lands (tala) and the high lands(uddesa), the market place (hartika).. plain land and water-reservoirs (jala-sthala) which were situated within the village or formed the boundaries. Compare for example, Mexikågrama..satalah soddeća sdmramadha ka sajalasthala etc. in the Mongyr cop. pl. Inso. of Devepaladeva, 8 talopeta in the Insc. of Narayana pâladeva.
244 The fact was that the amirs of Ahmadnagar despaired of effecting anything against Naldrug. On the death of Ibrahim Qutb Shah of Golconda on June 6, 1580, the contingent sent by him to aid the army of Ahmadnagar dispersed. Şal@bat Khan had succeeded in pursuading Shah Mirza IsfahAni now vakil and pishva of Goloonda, to furnish another contingent and to bring with it the young king of Goloonda, Muhammad Qult Qutb Shah, Ibråhim's successor, but Muhammad Qull grow weary of the apparently interminable siege, and Sayyid Murtaxi and BihzAd-ul-Mulk, seeing that Muhammad Aqa the Turkmén, com. mandant of Naldrug, was incorruptible, and fearing lest Muhammad Quli should desert them, proposed the advance to Bijapur, to which Muḥammad Qull readily agreed. The enterprise was reah, but the troubles at Bijapur oncouraged the allies to hope that a coup de main might succeed. They could muster 40,000 horse, and there were only two or three thousand horse in Bijápûr when they arrived before it-F. ii. 101, 337.
The inscription have been studied from the Prdchfnalekhamdla (Nirnaya Sagar Pross), 3 vols. (references have also been given to the Indian Antiquary); Gaudalekhamdid (Varendra Research Society, RAjsâhi, Bengal) : Fleet's Gupta Inscriptions.
9 Gupta Ins., p. 170, f. n. 3. 9 Prach. Lekha., vol. I, 21 ; 1.A., XII, 158-82.
Prac. Lek. II, 40 : 1.A., XIII, 77-79. 5 Pra. Lek. II, 43 : 1.A., XIII, 82-84.
6 KhAlimpur Insc. (GadalekhamAIA): the Insc. of Seunadeva records the grant of a market place (hatta) with some houses only (Prac. Lek. II, 16; 1.A., XII, 127-8).
7 Compare Manu VIII, 248 : Tad igdnyudapdnini vápyal prasravandni ca. Simdsandhin kdryydyi devy yatandni ca. In the Khalimpur Inso. a temple forms a boundary-mark (line 32). & Gaudalekhamdia, pege 33 : 1.A., XXI, 254.
Line 29; Gaudalekh, 80.

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I may point out here that Mr. A. K. Maitra of the Varendra Research Society has failed to comprehend the real meaning of talapataka and uddeia of the Khâlimpur Cop. Pl. Insc., lines 52, 530 Talapaşaka or talapadraka (as in the Insc. of Trilochanapâla of the Chalukya dynasty): tala 11 means simply the lower part of a village or the low lands of a village. That pataka implies a village is clear from the expressions "Mûlavarmapâtakagrâma and Visalapâtakagrama" in the Ins. of Siladitya.12 It thus necessarily implies from the expression talapataka that the villages to which they were attached were situated on water's edge. Thus the village referred to in the Khâlimpur Insc. stands on such a site. 13 During the rainy season a part of the village would go under water, which in other times would be made use of in various ways. There is no doubt that such villages are of the same type as that referred to in the Arthasdstra of Kautilya.14 Uddesa in contrast to tala implies high lands (utdesa), meaning thereby embankments, earthen mounds around a village, 16 ridges between cultivable fields, etc. Uddesa might therefore include an ali as referred to in the Khalimpur Insc., line 32, and in the Kamauli Inscription of Vaidyadeva, line 59.16
Jala-sthala may be explained as including vapikupataḍága (tataka)17 and kaccharama (garden on banks of water-reservoirs) 18; bhristt or bhristika (cottage or garden 12), samadhikAmra-vanavatika 20, and puspavatika21 and vata (orchard or simply an enclosure) 22. In mountainous regions water-reservoirs were of nature's creation (hsada-prasravana 23.)
C. The Pasture land (go-cara, gô-vâța)24. From a very early time the pasture land was set apart around the village proper. Thus according to Kautilya and enclosure (for pasturage) at a distance of 100 dhanus (400 cubits) should be made around a village. In the Dharmasastras too we come across the same injunction. In the inscriptions we not only find references to this enclosed pasture but also to other varieties, namely, grassy plot of land frequented by cattle (trinayûti) as distinct from gocara or govâța. The Insc. of Vijayachandra"", for instance, records the grant of a village with gocara and the trinayûti (trinayûti-gocarasahitaḥ svasima-sahitaḥ). Many other insc. do the same, but the expression used in the majority of cases is slightly different; trinayûti is used with síma as in svasimd-triņayûtigocara-paryania.28 A third variety namely, natural pastures, seem to be referred to in an inscription found in the Himalaya regions (prakriti-parihara-yukta 29.)
10 Gaudalek, 27.
11 Prách. Lek. I, 31; I. A., XII, 201 13 line, 38.
12 Prách. Lek. III, 38.
11 Varsárátram anûpagrámá pûravelâyâm uts rijya vaseyuh (page 207). Cf. also haraṇiparyantáṛ (p. 177) on which the commentary says: tapákade riktibhütddra pradesah harini.
15 Compare Manu VIII, 247: gulmán venumsca vividhin samivallisthalani ca saran kubjakagulmaméca tathd simd na palyati. Cf. Kulluka: athalini krittrim-ennatabhabhágán.
18 Ali has been generally translated as "an embankment." I may point out here that in the districts of Tippera and Sylhet if not also in other parts of Eastern Bengal di or dlia implies "ridges separating cultivable fields." In the 16th century the word is used in this sense. Cf. Kasiramdas, Mahabharat: dhanyakṣetrer jal yaya vahir haiya yatna kare eli bandhi jal rokha giyd (Adiparva, uddalaka-upd-khydn).
17 Insc. of Laksivarmadeva, Prac. Lek. I, 223: Ins. of Ranga II, Prac. Lek. II, 6.
18 Insc. of Ranga II, Prac. Lek. II, 6 (I.A., XIII, 156).
19 Insc. of Dharasena, Prac. Lek. I, 124. (I.A., XV, 335). 20 Insc. of Jayachandra, Prac. Lek. I, 102. 21 Insc. of Siladitya I of Valabhi, Prac. Lek. I., 236 (I.A., XIV, 229).
22 Kamaripus, line 63 (Gauda Lek. 135), of Kaulitya: Anddake kapasel@vandhotsanstha payet pusha. phaladtamaca (page 141).
23 Prac. Lek. 1, 217: the Pundakesvara temple Inso. of Vadarikaárama.
24 Inso, of Devapal, Gauda Lekh. 39 (line 38): Kamauli Insc. line 63 (Gauda Lekh. 135).
25 Arthasástra, 172.
26 CI. Manu, VIII, 237 and Yajnavalkya, II, 187.
27 Prac. Lek. I, 98; I.A., XV, 788.
28 Insc. of Vakpatirâja (Prac. Lek., I, 2-3); Insc. of Mathanadeva (Prac. Lek., I, 54) In the Inso. of king Bhoja of Dhara (Frac. Lek., I, 4) and in the Insc. of Jayasimha of Dhara (Prac. Lek., HII, 84) the expres sion used is avasimán trinagocarayutiparyyantah." I have no doubt that the two different places are referred to also here.
39 Pundakesvara temple Insc. of Vadarikarama (Prac. Lek. I, 217). The word parihara is generally used in the Inse. to imply remission of taxes e.g., Prac. Lek. III, 143; III, 158, ete. (Cf. Kautilya: anugrahaparihdrau kosavriddhikarau dadyát, page 47). But in this inscription this meaning does not seem to be applicable. It would be better to take it in the sense of pasture land after Manu (VIII, 237) and Yagnavalkya (II, 167).

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75
LINE
tritt
1
yūtii
-
We Aranya
mitrinak
Khilo
BOUNDARY
11
Govåta
Vrina II
1/ 1 iksetra
RivER
W
Ksetra
An idea about the exact situation of the enclosed pasture and the natural pastures can easily be formed from what has been said already. But what can be the position of the trinayúti ? It may firstly imply the grassy plot of land which partly formed the boundaries of a village30; and secondly, the cultivable fields lying fallow after the last harvest and serving as pasture land temporarily. From the second case it is evident that the Two-field or the Three-field systems were still in vogue31; and, in fact, in a work of the eleventh century A.D. we are distinctly told that "land loses fertility owing to annual cultivation ; and one plot of land losing fertility cultivation should be done elsewhere"35. In making grant of & village,
it will be observed, the
111! donor precisely mentions a lotrani trina
the nature of the land alienated and the rights conceded in favour of the donee ; and it is no
wonder therefore that the Village
grants also make mention of two boundaries of the village in question, firstly, the boundary upto the
gocare which was very uddes
clearly marked with a fencing and probably &
ditch and which was village
therefore beyond dispute; and secondly, the general
boundary, separating a Govata
village from the surround. ing villages, which was not always undisputed (Cf., e.g., the reference to Vivddabhúmi in the Kam
auli Insc., line 59). The Ideal plan of the Land System.' trinayúli must have extended upto this general boundary. The annexed diagram will further illustrate the point.
D. Ditches, trenches or drains (gartta) as distinct from water-reservoirs (jala). The distinction is noticeable in the mention of both (sajalasthala and sagartiosara) in the same inscription e.g., Monholi Cop. pl. Insc. of Madanapaladeva, 83 line 40; the Insc. of Karnadera. 34 These might have been situated in three different places in the village, namely, just around the habitat, around the pasture or around the whole village, forming its boundaries. We may
tata pataka
Dewa kuliko
tika
( 3d village
2 ro
RDST Ksetra
Irina
R VE
yuti
30 la rome Inso. only trina is mentioned, e.g., Prac. Lek. II, 22, 73.
31 Sec Wyres Land systems in Vedic India. (Art. 30. Sir Askutosh Mookarjes Commemoration Volowe, to be shortly published by the follows of the University of Calcutta, when the two-fighe wed the Three-fold systems have been fully expounded.
33 Yobtikal palaru (edited by Lavarachandra Sastri, Calcutta), page 8: tahdoarer rarosu larganda bhd wakaya ekasydm gunahind ydm kripimanyatra kedraget. Of the term bhdmigundwitan in the toplo Insc. of Amaranath (Prac. Lekh. III, 167). 33 Gaudalekha, 154.
34 Prac. Lekh. II, 232.

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remember in this connection the evidence of Manu36 and also what Kullûka says on Manu, VIII, 248 36. In the Insc. of Devendra Maharaja 37 we are told that on one side of the village there was the ditch demarcating the division or district (viayagartta) and there were also ditches on tyvo other sides. In the Insc. of Anantavarma38 too, a ditch forms the boundary of a village.
E. Sterile lands (unara)39. The expression ů vara på saņa in the Inse. of Govinda påla 40 seems to indicate the rocky nature of the soil. Khila of the Kamauli Insc. of Vaidyadava 41 should not be confused with usara. In very early times khila very possibly meant the land lying fallow in alternate years between two cultivable fields. In the period we are speaking of it means a tract of land which is cultivable but not cultivated. Compare e.g., the evidence of & lexicon of the eleventh century A.D. Says Yadavaprakasa in his Vaijayanti : khilam tvaprahatam sthanamusavatyûsurerinau 43.
F. Forest lands (aranya) 44. In the Vedic age these were no doubt regarded as "no man's land" and every householder exercised the right of Common or Estover :- and served the pur. pose of natural pastures, burial places, cremation grounds etc.46. With the rise of an autocracy during the Mauryan period forest tracts appear to have been regarded as State. property and were organised under a Superintendent of Forests 46. The injunction of Kautilya was that forest tracts should be granted to Brahmins for religious purposes 47. The Kamauli Inscription proves that such grants continued in later times as well.
G. Cultivable lands. According to the Dharmaśdstras a gift of cultivable lands conferred great spiritual benefit on the donor 48. The majority of inscriptions record grants of villages with cultivable fields. There are some grants which relate only to cultivable lands e.g., the Insc. of Vişnugopavarman 49, the Insc. of Dharasena 50 etc. The expressions generally used to imply such lands are knetra61, halakşetra 69 and kerisatah karsayata 63. A distinction seems to be drawn between kşetra and halaksetra, the former implying not only the land under cultivation but also the cultivable lands lying fallow temporarily to recover fertility, and the latter only the land under cultivation 54. That such classifications of cultivable lands were recognised, would be further apparent from what prevailed as late as the time of Akbar. That famous emperor classified such lands into (a) polaj, land continuously cultivated, (6) parauti, land left fallow for a year or two in order to recover its strength, (c) chachar, the land that has lain fallow for three or four years, and (d) banjar, land uncultivated for five years or more66.
36 IX, 289 : prákdrasya ca bhettdram parikhdnanca purakam duordnancaiva bhanktáram ksiprameva pravdaayat.
30 Taddgdnyudapdnani odpyah prasravandni ca simdsandhisu kūryydni devaidyatandni ca. Saya Kullaka : laddgaldpadirghikojalanirgamamdrga-devagrihani ca simard pesu grdmadvayasandhisthanesu karttavyani..... 37 Prac. Lek. III, 103 (Epi. Ind.. III, 131).
88 Ibid. III: 71. (Ep. Ind, 111, 19). 39 Mongoli Ine, line 40 (Gaudalekh, 154): Insc. of Jayachandra (Prac. Lek. I, 102) : Insc. of Mahabha vaguptadeva (Prac. Lek. I, 68) etc.
40 Prac. Lek. III, 10. 41 line 63 (Gaudalek, 135). 43 Land system in Vedic India. 43 Page 124.
44 Kamauli Inso., line 63. 45 Land system in Vedic India. 46 Arthaddatra, 49, 100. 47 Ibid, 49.
49 Cf. Vrihaspati : ph 11dk rintdm mdhim datud saujam dastydidlinin ydvalauryyakard lokedstvat margo mahfyake, 6, (Caloutta edition); cf. also Agni-purdna, CCXI. 34-35. 49 Prac. Lek. I, 78. 50 Prac. Lek. I, 24.
61 e.g., Prac. Lek. I, 124. 53 e.g., Prac. Lek. I, 78. 63 e.g., Prac. Lek. I, 339 : II, 37: II, 85 etc.
64 The distinction is further clear from the expression : ndjataldkakastre halasya bhd.ched kritya (i.., partitioning the cultivablo arena in the land lying about the royal tank) in the Ins. of Indravarman (Prac. Lek. III, 101). In Kautilya (page 340) kşetra is also used to indicato a wider region : tasydm himavat samuddntaramudicinam yojanana hasraparimdnatiryakca kravarti-katram tatrdanyo grdmyah pdta (parvala) audaibo bhaumasedmo Visama iti Videaah.
36 Ami-Akbari, Book II, aini, 6, quoted in V. Smith's Akbar, 374.

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No satisfactory explanation of the words bhúmicchidra and bhumicchidranydya which apparently relate to land and which are of frequent occurrence in the inscriptions, has yet been offered by any scholar. According to Yådava prakåsa chidra impliesland which is not fit for cultivation' 66. Dr. Fleet, if not Dr. Bühler as well, has evidently confused bhúmicchidra of the inscriptions with bhůmischidra of Yådavaprakåsa, and wrongly interprets it as "land fit to be ploughed or cultivated."'67 If, however, bhumicchidra be rendered as 'uncultivable tract', the sense appears to be inconsistent with bhúcchidram of the Kamauli Insc. of Vaidyadeva, lines 51 and 62,69 where it evidently implies cultivated lands, for the simple reason that the inscription in recording the grant of a village with lands described in points B, C, D, E, and F, (jalasthalakhilára nyava tagoválasamyutam) leaves out cultivable tracts to be implied by this term (thúcchidra). In this sense or at least in the sense of land other than the habitat this word seems to be closely connected with bhúmiccheda or bhúscheda 69. We may also note in this connection the word danaccheda of Yâjñavalkya and the Mitâkşarâ of Vijñâneśvara on it60. The word pariccheda in the Khoh Copper Plate Ins. of Hastin also appears to be connected with land and probably cultivable land61. I do not see my way to accept the translation of Valugartto ndma gramah purvághataparicchedamaryyâdayd in the Majhgawam Insc. of Mahahastino? by Fleet; I would like to offer the following translation : "with the village named Valugartta with the land (possibly, cultivable tracte) lying to the east side (of the village) as its (new) boundary."
As to the expression bhúmicchidranyaya it may be pointed out that there is a chapter in Kautilya's Arthasdstra, titled bhumicchidnavidhanam63. It treats mainly of unculti. vable tracts which are to be utilised as pasture land (akrisyâyam bhûman paśubhyo vivitâni prayacchet), as forests for Soma plantation for religious purposes and which were to be made over to Brahmans (pradintábhayasthavarajangamani ca brâhmanebhyo brahmasomdranyáni ta povanâni ca) and as game forests, elephant-forests and timber.forests. The king is also enjoined to fix the boundaries of each of these. Kautilya seems to differentiate between the settled parts (grama or nagara) including cultivable areas, which he treats in a separate chapter (janapadaniveśa64), and the bhumicchidra or land of other varieties. But the donors of the post-Buddhist period do not seem to have used the expression on such a strictly differentiating principle. It is used
(a) where only cultivable fields are granted, e.g., the Insc. of Dharasena66, the Insc. of Jayabha:66.
56 bhúmidchidram krisyayogyd (see Vaijayanti, edited by G. Oppert, page 124). This expression seems to stand in contrast to kietramurvard sarvadasyabhús in: keddrah kedarah kgetramurvard sarvakasyabha bhumidcidram krisyayogyd prahatam ndlamutthitam khilam tua prahatam athdnamdavalydsarerindu. 57 Gupta Inscriptions, page 138, foot-note 2.
58 Gaud alekhamall, 134-135. 52. raino bhdmicchedam kurvatah in the Insc. of Pravardena (Prac. Lek. II, 62 : LA XII, 243) : cf. bhúsichedikitya of the Inso. of Indravarman (Prac. Lek. III, 101).
60 Yajnavalkys : rdjadharmaprakaranam, 320 : pratigrahaparimanam danacchedopavarnanam sahaslakálasampannam daanam karayet sthiram. Mitdknar ... diyata iki ddram kaelridi taryaccheda chidyate neneti cheda nadydvd au nivarttanam tatparimdnam ca tasyopavarganam, amuka nadyd dak inato'yam gramah ksetram vd, purvagato mukagramasyaitd vanni-uarttanamityadinivarlanaparimdyum ca lekhyam....... But Aparårka (AnandAsrama edition) gives a different meaning to danaccheda According to him .... diyata iti danabhumirnivandhasca, tasya cchedah apahdraetc (page 579).
61 line 9, dakpinena valavarmapariccheda (Gupta Inscriptions, 103).
62 line 6 (Gupta Inscriptions, 107): the village named Valugarta, in accordance with the usago of the specification of (its) ancient boundaries.
63 Sastri's revised edition, page 49. 64 Arthaddatra, 45. But this chapter also treats of forest-lands and refers to "Brahmadeya" land. 65 Prac. Lek. I. 124 : 1.A., XV, 335; Prac. Lek. II, 174. • Ibid., II, 40 : 1.A., XHI, 77.

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(6) where water-reservoirs (odpi) with lands are granted, e.g., the Insc. of. Siladitya67, che Insc. of Dharasena68, the Insc. of Silâditya69, etc.
(c) In Inse. which record grants of villages without specifying the nature of the land alienated, e... Inso. of Dhruvaraja7o, Insc of Karkarája?!, Insc. of Dadda7, Insc. of Sri-Harya73, Insc. of Dhruvasena?4, the Insc. of Govindaraja76 etc. In some of these inscriptions the expression tri sata kar ayatah occurs, which shows that these villages also included cultivable fields.
(d) In Inscriptions which specify the nature of the land alienated, e.g., the Khâlimpur Insc., the Mongyr Copper Plate Insc.79, the Bhâgalpur Cop. Pl. Insc?, the Bângad Ins., 78 the Monholi Insc.79
It should also be noted that the expression is not used in many inscriptions which record one or other kinds of grants mentioned above.
It thus follows from the above that the expression bhimicchidranyaya is loosely used in the inscriptions between 400 A. D. and 1200 A. D. In earlier times the expression seems to have involved a special meaning, namely, "concerning lands other than the habitat with cultivable tracts," but in course of time its import must have undergone a change ; and it might have been, as well, used as an "inscriptional cant," having no particular meaning. With these reservations the expression may be thus translated : "according to the custom or rule pertaining to (i) alienation of, or (ii) settlement of boundaries of, land in general (usually, other than the habitat)."
As to the custom or rule" we should bear in mind the injunctions of the Dharmasastras relating to donation of lands to Brahmans, as well as the injunction of Kautilya relating to organisation of uncultivable tracts. As to "settlement " of boundaries of land we should remember that it was not easy to define the limits of villages where such natural objects as rivers, pools, etc., were wanting. According to the Dharmasastras these were to be fixed by trees, shrubs, bamboos, tanks, wells, stones and bones in places where there was no river or any such clearly defined limit 80. It is highly interesting to note that the boundaries of villages of the inscriptions were exactly like those described in the Dharmasastras. We may take some examples: in the Insc. of Yadava king Seunachandra, 81 a vata tree and a water-reservoir 82 form boundary marks. In the Insc. of Vişnugopavarman stones serve the same purpose 83. In some cases the lands of one village are described as the boundaries of another 84. Such being the character of boundary-marks it is but natural that disputes concerning them should not 67 Prac, Lek. III, 38 : Ep. Ind., V, 76.
ug Ibid. III, 174 : 1.A., VIL, 69. co Ibid. II, 236 : 1.A., XIV, 229.
70 Ibid. I, 15 : 1.A., XII, 181. 71 Ibid. 1, 21: 1.A., XII, 158.
72 Ibid. II, 46 : 1.A., XIII, 88. 73 Ibid. II, 76.
74 Ibid. II, 81. 76 Ibid. III, 123: Ep. Ind., III, 54.
76 Gaudalekhamdia, 39. 77 Ibid. 61.
78 Ibid. 97. 79 Ibid. 153.
80 Mona, VIII, 246-251. 11 Prdchina Lekhandla 11, 14.
13 cr. Manu, VIII, 246, 247 : Nimduikerar la lumita nyagrodhuattha bir fuldn ilmalfriedlandlaska koirişascaiva pidapdgulmán ventrica vividhan tomalliathalani ca faran kubabagulador da tad lima Na nadyati.
A3 Cf. Manu, VIII, 250 : afındnaathini gobalam sturdn bhasmaka pdlikda Karipamietaktingar Hicharkard volwhdatatha.
* Prach Lek. II, 40.

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MISCELLANEA
79
only be alluded to in Manu 86 and Yajñavalkya86, but also in an inscription 87. It is thus that the Hindu codes of law lay down elaborate rules for settlement of disputes concerning boundaries of villages 88. The term bhúmicchidranyaya might refer to these laws and particularly to .wanu, VIII, 255, where the king is enjoined to put down in black and white the boundary limite settled in the presence of witnesses.89 In the inscriptions all the assembled officials are the witnesses as well as the inhabitants of the villages concerned. The expression matam-astu bhavatám or astu vah samviditam signifies consent to the settlement.
Bhumicchidranyciyena may also be rendered into : “ according to the laws or customs pertaining to villages including the cultivable areas as well as other kinds of land, namely, uncultivable tracts" (ohúmi meaning village and cultivable tracts, and chidia uncultivable areas).
MISCELLANEA. ORIGIN OF THE SWELLING DOME. ! it is that they never bear the mark of their
supposed Indian origin in the form of an inverted SIR,
lotus finial; and (d) if the inverted lotus finial is As you were kind enough to publish my
not a very late invention, as I believe, why is it memoir on The History and Evolution of the Dome
never found on Indian domes until the middle of in Pernia in the Indian Antiquary in 1915
the sixteenth century ? - (Vol. XLIV. pp. 133 f.), may I be gran tud some of!
I will now refer to the carvings alleged by your valuable space to answer an objection to one
Mr. Havell to represent domes. The stupa is of the theories put forth therein, an objection
admitted by Mr. Havell to have been a solid which has buen raised by Mr. Havell in his Hand
dome-shaped mound and not a structural dome. book of Indian Art.
We have a good example at Sånchi of en As your readers may remember, I derived the i
8pcient stupa, the oldest in India, with its double slightly swelling Persian dome from the
encircling palisade and gates. At Kärlê (1st cen wooden dome of the Great Mosque at Damasous, tury B.C.), Beds, and Bhaja (his plates IXA, Lu a dome probably built in the 12th century A.D.
and Ib respectively) we have the next stage, a (not in the 8th as Mr. Havell says), The double
model of a stupa in which the encircling palisade har dom, first appears after this in two buildings
beon, so to speak, shrunk on to the stupa itaelf by orected at Samarkand by Timur on his return artistio licence, for the sake of compactness. Mr. from the sack of Damascus in 1401, viz., the Havell himself says, when speaking of the model at mausoleum of his wife Bibi Khamuín and his own Bhaja- here the rail enclosing the processional mausoleum known as the Gur Amir. This type of path is only carved as an ornamental band " (p. 22) dome is next geen in the mosque built at Meshed In these models the stupa is placed on a high by Gauhar Shad, the wife of Shah Rukh, in 1418, cylindrical drum. But there is a third and later in the Blue Mosque built by her nephew Jahan stage-the model stupas in stupa homes No. 19 Shah at Tabriz between 1437 and 1468, and in the (2nd-- 5th century) and No. 26 (7th century or Múmulla at Herat, built between 1487-1606. This
later) at Ajanta. In these the Buddha is repre. type of dome is not known in India until the
sented as standing in the gateway of the palisade Hecond half of the 16th century, and it is not
and in front of the stupa. Mr. Havell would have accompanied by an inverted lotus finial until å
it that the Buddha is meant to be, under the dome centary later. If Mr. Havell's theory of its Indian
of the stupa, although hitherto this has alwaye origin is to be accepted, will be explain (a) how been a solid structure and not a structural dome. it is that early Muhammadan domes in India,
My interpretation, however, receives decisive although so many have survived, and although
support from an examination of the model stupe built, according to him, in the true country of the in stupa house No. XXVI, where the gateway and double dome, and by Indian masons, are never the Buddha are clearly in front of the stupa (Mr. found constructed in this way; (b) how it is that Havell's plate XIb). Incidentally I would call they are found in Persia and Central Asia, one attention to the fact that neither of these supposed and a half centuries earlier than in India ; (c) how domes have the inverted lotus finial.
85 Manu, VIII, 249 : upacchanndni cânydni simålingdni Idrayet simaj dne norindon okya nityam loke viparyayam.
$ 11, 153: simno viodde kyetraaya admanidh athavirddayah gopd simikrisna ye sarve ca vanagocardk. 87 Kamauli inscription, line 59, (vivddabhumerudyardham). 88 Mann, VIII, 246-265; Y djavolleya, II, 163-161; Arthaldistra, 168.
80 te pridatu yatha bruyub sama tdk mos niscayam nibadhinydeath amdm grudmaldindcaina namalah. Says Kuljica: te priedh adik ipak samostd na doaidhena afmdoisayo yena prakdrena nidcitam br. yw tena prakarena viomarandrtham patre imam lihat iam ce sarvaneva adino ndmavibhagalo likhei.

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Again, if those carvings really represent wooden I, at Cairo, 1266-1269 A. D.; Madrass of an-Nasir domes, and if other wooden domes were copied Muhammad, 1303 (lasted till 1870), and his mosque by Timur, is it not at least strang that one in the Citadol of Cairo, 1318, foll 1468; also the have ever been found in India, although many
domo of his Palace in the Citadel, fell in 1522. wooden comes have managed to survive for
Against all there wooden domes we have for centuries elsewhere, e.g., Dome of the Rock and
India, il! I must now say & word about the Mosque of al-A488, Jerusalem: dome of Meyda in
technion aspect, Mr. Havoll speaks of the radiating Madrasa of Sultan Hasan. Cairo. dated" year 764" (1362-3 A.D.), dome of Mausoleum of Imam
tie-bare used in the case of bulbous domes of brick ash-Shafey, Cairo. end of 15th century, dome of
and stone, and suggests a symbolic connection Convent Tomb of Sheykhủ, Cairo, probably 10954.
between his system and the chakra or Wheel of the (1684): small wooden dome in Coptic Museum,
Law. I would emphasize the fact that none of the Cairo : etc. In addition to this we have accounts
wooden domes in existence to-day have this device, of many other wooden domes which have not
for the simple reason that in wooden construction survived, c.9. the Marneion of Gaza, 2nd century:
the tonsilo strength of the outer rim of the dome it. the wooden dome which replaced the ston, dom,
self suffices to hold the whole together. All the of Constantine's Octagon at Antioch after the
dornos named above as still standing are slightly damage caused by the great earthquake of 526 :
bulbous (with ono exception), yet they have clear Church of the Holy Sepulchre, Jerusalem, at
interiors, and if Mr. Havell's supposed little bamboo restoration after the ruin caused by the Perstatie
domes over existnd in India, no doubt their interiors in 614 ; Church of the Ascension, 7th century: were clear also, a9 thore could be no possible raison wooden dome placed by Hârůn arRashid over
d'aire for radiating tie-bars. Tie-bars only become Mausoleum of Imam Reza at Meshed, 8th century: necessary when a bulbous dome is constructed in wooden dome in Palace at Baghdad, 8th century i brick or stone. This was first done at Samarkand, wooden dome placed by Ibn Talûn on the summit and it is there that these radiating tie-bars of the Pharos : wooden dome over marble basin in
first make their appearance. But, be it spehis mosque, 876-879 A. D., burnt in 376 (986): | cially noted, they are not set in one plane like the wonden dome of Shrine of Husseyn at Kerbela, pro spolos of a wheel, but on the contrary radiate in bably due to Adud ad-Dawlah in 368 (979). burnt
all directions to hold the brick shell together. in 107 (1016): first dome of Mausoleum of Imásn
Yours faithfully, ash-Shaf ey at Cairo, 1911 A. D.: Mosque of Bibars
K. A. C. CRESWELL BOOK NOTICE AN ARABIC HISTORY OF GUJARAT, by 'ABDULLAH duly grateful to him. The author was twice in MUHAMMAD BIN OMAR AL MAKKI ALASAT Miekko and wo have somo entertaining notes on ULUGH-KHANI. Ed. by SIR E. DEXISOX Ross happenings there from the Editor, one of which Vol. 11. London, John Murray, 1921.
shows that the whole world is kin after all : "This The second volune of this valuable publication last book I lont to Shaykh 'AbdulFattah, but he brings the History of Gujarat from the murder has never returnert it." When we consider of Mahmud Shah III in 1537 to the conquest of the that in those days books were all treasured wellcountry by Akbar in 1572, which completes Daftar this one was "in the writing of my father's sunt, I of the original. Daftar II gives a general history with a cominentary in various bands "-one can of Muhammalan rule in Northern India down to perceive what such a statement meant. Further 1556. and of this. half is given in the volume. The notes are givon on the identification of Husam Editor has an elaborate and valuable introduction Khin with the author of the Ta'rikh-i-Bahadur. about the author and his ways. The date of the shahi, on the Gujarat Waqfs for Mekka and Medina work he fixes as probably 1607, and he explains under Akbar, and on the settlement of foreigners the author's confused method of relating contem. in Ciujarat. In the course of this last it is stated porary or recent history, largely brought about that foreigners were not numerous until the con. by his referring to leading men by their titles only
quest of the country in 1297 by 'Ald-ud-Din notwithstanding the well known Muhammadan
Khill, which is noteworthy. The introduction custom of giving the same title to several notables
ends with an important and informing note on of the same period. We have, however, no reason
the Habet.is of India, who were clearly mamlako to complain of this method, not by any means con fined to the work of this particular author, because
of the well-known Turkish and Mediterranean it has induced Sir Denison Ross to identify 26 of
Europonn type and came into existence in much these title-holders, for which work of no amall the same way, though the clan has now labour all who are familiar with the trouble await- degenerated into the familiar" Seedee Boy." ing those diving into Muhammadan history will be
R. C. TEMPLE

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MAY, 1922) BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE MUHAMMADAN ARCHITECTURE OF INDIA 81
A PROVISIONAL BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE MUHAMMADAN
ARCHITECTURE OF INDIA.
BY K. A. C. CRESWELL, M.B.A.S., HON. A.R.L.B.A. The following bibliography forms one section of a Bibliography of the Architecture, Arts and Crafts of Islam, the completion of which was stopped by the war. In its present state it comprises about 4,500 different entries under "AUTHORS," and about 6,500 under “SUBJECTS." It is not possible to publish it now in the form of a book, but thinking that some of the sections, although unfinished, may nevertheless be useful to students, I am endeavouring to publish them as opportunity offers. I hope to publish other sections in tho near future. I may add that I have personally seen and examined every item in the following list, either in the libraries of the British Museum, the India Office, the Royal Asiatic Society, or elsewhere. I shall be extremely grateful to those readers who are kind enough to notify me of omissions. GUIDE BOOKS.
EASTWICK, E. B. Handbook of the MadBAEDEKER, KARL. Indien, Handbuch für ras Presidency. With a notice of the overReisende. Mit 22 Karten, 33 Plänen und 8 land route to India. Second edition. With Grundrissen. 8vo., pp. lxxiv and 358. maps and plans. 8vo., xx and 415. Baedeker, Leipzig, 1914
Murray, London, 1879 No English edition.
One of Murray's Handbooks. BEG, M. A. Hand Book of the Lucknow Kulbarga, Haidarábåd, Bidar, etc. sight, especially intended for visitors to Luok.
Handbook of the Bombay now. 12mo., pp. 28, with large folding plan. Presidency. With an account of Bombay Royal Printing Press, Lucknow, [1891] City. Second edition. Most carefully re
The Hard Book of the Sights vised on the spot, and for the most part of Lacknow, Benares, Allahabad, Cawnpore, rewritten. With maps and plans. 8vo., pp. Agra, Ajmere & Delhi. Containing popu.
viii and 405. Murray, London, 1881 lar places and buildings worthy of a visit,
One of Murray's Handbooks with historical notes on Mutiny of 1857.
- Handbook of the Bengal Intended for Visitors and Tourists. Second Presidency. With an account of Calcutta edition, revised and enlarged. 8vo., pp. city. With maps and plans. 8vo., pp. viii [iv] and 46.
and 396. - Royal Printing Press, Lucknow, 1891
Murray, London, 1882 BUCKLAND, C. E. A Handbook for Tra
One of Murray's Handbooks. vellers in India, Burma and Ceylon. Includ
- Handbook of the Punjab, ing the provinces of Bengal, Bombay, Western Rajpútáná, Kashmír, and Upper Madras, the United Provinces of Agra and Sindh. With a map. 8vo., pp. xii and 334. Oudh, the Punjab, Bihar and Orissa, Assam,
Murray, London, 1883 the North-Western Frontier Province, Balu- One of Murray's Handbooks. chistan, and the Central Provinces ; and the KEENE. Keene's Handbook for Visitors. Native States of Rajputana, Central India, Allahabad, Cawnpore and Lucknow. Seeond Kashmir, Hyderabad, Mysore, etc. Ninth edition, revised, to which is added a chapter edition, with seventy-nine maps and plans. on Benares. 12mo., PP. viii and 97, with 8vo., pp. elxviii and 664.
5 maps. Murray, London, 1913 | Thaeker, Spink and Co., Calcutta, 1806

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NEVE. ARTHUR. The Tourist's Guide to MARKHAM, CLEMENTS. A Memoir on the Kashmir, Ladakh, Skardo, &c. Ninth edi- Indian Surveys. Printed by order of Her tion. Sm. 8vo., pp. xi, xi and 225, with 5 maps. Majesty's Secretary of State for India in
"Civil and Military Gazette” Press, Council. (Second edition). 4to., pp. xxix and Lahore.
1913 481, with 5 folding maps. Allen, London, 1878 Previous editions : 1899 (4th), 1902 (5th), 1905 Chap. XV.-The Archæological Survey of (6th), and 1910 (8th).
India, pp. 236-274 (or 1st ed., pp. 170-203). PARKER, REY. ARTHUR. A Handbook of
GIBBS, JAMES, C.S.I., C.I.E. The His. Benares, with a map and views of the city tory of Archæology in India. Journal of the and neighbourhood. Sm. 8vo., pp. iii and Society of Arts. Vol. XXXIV, pp. 555-668, 88, with 4 plates and folding map.
with 1 plate, (to face p. 629).
1886 Lazarus, Benares, 1895 See also Black (C. E. D.). Four mosques.
BLACK, CHARLES, E.D. A Memoir on the REYNOLDS-BALL, EUSTACE. The Tourists
Indian Surveys, 1875-1890. Large 8vo., India. With twenty-eight full page illus
pp. vi and 412, with 1 coloured plate and trations and new map of "Tourist India."
1 folding map. 8vo., pp. xii and 364.
Arnold : Constable : etc., London, 1891 Sonnenschein, London, 1907
Indian Archæological Surveys, pp. 320-372. CONSERVATION
In continuation of Markham's account-see
Preface, p. v. ANON. The Restoration of Indian Build
M., A. H. H. The Preservation of Indian ings. The Architect, Vol. XIV, p. 204. 1875
monuments. The Athenaeum, No. 3385, A letter to the Standard.
Sept. 10, pp. 360-61.
1892 CECIL, GEORGE. Vandalism in India :
Suggesting the formation of a society similar Letter Concerning the Preservation of Objects to the Comité de Conservation des Monuments de of Interest. Magazine of Fine Arts, Vol. l'Art arahe, Cairo, for the care and cataloguing
of Indian mouumonts. I, p. 55.
1905
C., J. S. The Archeological Survey of Chiefly at Delhi and Lahore.
India. Academy, Vol. XLV, p. 521. 1894 CURZON OF KEDLESTON, BARON. Ancient
À propos of the death of Sir Alexander Monuments in India, Proceedings of the
Cunningham Asiatic Society of Bengal," pp. 56-65. 1900 [MEMORIAL from the Royal Institute of
On the vandalism of the past, and his firm British Architects to the Earl of Kimberley resolve to inaugurate a new era in this respect.
(Secretary of State for India) regarding the RIVETT-CARNAC, H. Administrative Rules
present condition of historical monumente, for the Protection of Antiquarian Remains in India. Memorandum. 8vo., pp. 8. [1879]
and Reply.) Jour. of the Roy. Inst. of Brit.
Architects, Vol. I, Third Series, pp. 449-450. Read before the Asiatic Society of Bengal. "The subject was referred to the Government
1894 of India by the Asiatic Society of Bengal, and MEMORIAL from the Royal Institute of subsequently a Conservator of Archeological
British Architects to Lord George Hamilton remains was appointed," (p. 8, note).
(Secretary of State ); on the Archæological ARCHÆOLOGICAL SURVEY OF
Survey of India, and Acknowledgment.] INDIA : HISTORY OF.
Journ. of the Roy. Inst. of Brit. Architects, MARKHAM, CLEMENTS R. A Memoir on Vol. III, Third Series, pp. 392-393. 1896. the Indian Surveys. Printed by order of ROUFFAER, G. P. DE “Archaeological Her Majesty's Secretary of State for India Survey” in British Indië. Tijdschrift voor in Council. Large 8vo., pp. xxv and 303, Indische taal-, land- en volkenkunde, deel with 4 folding maps. Allen, London, 1871 XLIV, pp. 373-386.
1901

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BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE MUHAMMADAN ARCHITECTURE OF INDIA
83
1905
BURGESS, JAMES, C.I.E. Sketch of Arch- Muhammadan buildings at Sarhind, pp. 81-84; æological Research in India during Half a at Thinesar, pp. 87-88.
Reprinted in Vol. II of the Archaeological Century. Journ., Bombay Branch, Royal
Survey, [q. v.), pp. 1–239, with 21 plates. 1871 Asiatic Society. Centenary Memorial Vol
CUNNINGHAM, MAJ.-GENL. A. Report of ume, pp. 131-148.
the Proceedings of the Archæological ARCHÆOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA. [Pro
Surveyor to the Government of India tests against the proposed abolition of the
for the Season of 1864-65. 4to., pp. 88, Central Department, quoted from “The
with 3 plates (2 coloured). No title page. Times."] Journ. of the Roy. Inst. of Brit.
(1866) Architects, Vol. XVIII, Third Series, pp. Muhammadan buildings at Ajmir, pp. 8-9; 774-6.
1911 at Ranod or Narod, pp. 26-27; at Gwalior,
Pp. 37-38, 44 and 51 ; at Mahoba or Mahotsava, MARSHALL, SIB JOHN. Note on Archæo
p. 81. logy. Bombay Government Gazette, Nov. 4,
Reprinted in Vol. II of the Archeological pp. 26782688.
1915
Survey, [q. v. pp. 241-459, with 27 plates An account of the Department, 1 st
1871 present constituted, and its work during the last five years or so.
ARCHÆOLOGICAL SURVEY REPORTS:
OLD SERIES. ARCHÆOLOGICAL SURVEY:
CUNNINGHAM, MAJ.-GENL. ALEXANDER. EARLY REPORTS.
Four Reports made during the years CUNNINGHAM, MAJ.-GENL. A. Report
1862-63-64-65. 8vo., 2 vols., pp. vü, xlili, of the Proceedings of the Archæological
359 and xlix, with 5l plates; v, 459 and liti, Surveyor to the Government of India for
with 48 plates. the Season of 1862-63. 4to., pp. 50, with 3 Government Central Press, Simla, 1871 plates (2 plans of Old Delhi). No title page.
Archaeological Survey of India, Vols. I and II.
Delhi, Vol. I, pp. 131-231, and plates XIXY(1864]
Xxxviii; mosque at Mathuca, pp. 236-237; This Report is entirely devoted to Delhi.
Muhammadan buildings at Kanauj, pp. 286-290, Reprinted, minus the plates, in the Journ. with map; at Sarhind, Vol. II, pp. 205-212; Asiatic Society of Bengal, VoL XXXIII, Supplo- at ThAncear, pp. 222-223; at Ajmir, pp. 258-263, mentary Number, pp. i- svii.
1864 with 2 plates ; at Ranod or Narod, pp. 306Reprinted in VoL I of the Archcological
307; at Gwalior, pp. 334-335, 351, 369-370. Survey, (q. v.), pp. 131-231, with 4 plates. 1871
with 1 plato ; at Mahoba or Mahotsave, p. 415. - Continuation of Report of the
- Report for the year 1871-72. Proceedings of the Archæological Surveyor
8vo., pp. xiii, 164 and v, with 47 plates. to the Government of India for the Season
Supdt., Govt. Printing, Calcutta, 1873 of 1862-63. 4to., pp. 50. No title page.
Archaeological Survey of India, Vol. III. (1865)
On the clarification of Muhammadan ArchiMoeque at Mathura, pp. 2-3. Muhammadan tecture in India, pp. 7-13; reference to work buildings at Kanaaj, pp. 21-23.
at Gaur and Pandw, p. 184. Reprinted in the Joum. Asiatic Society of
BEOLAR AND CARLLEYLE. Report for the Bengal, Vol. XXXIV, pp. 159-278 1866.
year 1871-72. Delhi, by J. D. Beglar, AssisReprinted in VoL I of the Archeological Survey (q. v.) pp. 231-339, with several plates. tant. Agra, by A. C. L. Carlleyle, Assistant.
1871 Under the superintendence of Major General - Report of the Archæological A. Cunningham, C.S.I. 8vo., pp. xvii and Surveyor to the Government of India, 265, with 18 plates. for the Season 1863-64. 4to., pp. 94, Supdt., Govt. Printing, Calcutta, 1874 with 3 plates. No title page. (1865] Archaeological Survey of India, Vol. IV.

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CUNNINGHAM, MAJ.-GENL. ALEXANDER. Report for the year 1872-73. 8vo., PP. viii and 205, with 50 plates (1 coloured).
Supdt., Govt. Printing, Calcutta, 1875 [Archacological Survey of India, Vol. V. Harapa, reference to 'fdgåh, p. 106; Dipalpur, mosque of Firuz Shah, p. 111; Multan, plan, plate XXXVI, reference to destruction of JåmiMasjid in 1843, p. 119; discovery of glazed tiles at a depth of 10-12 feet, p. 128 ; tombs pp. 130-131 ; Mausoleum of Bahåwal Haq, pp. 131-132, and plate. XXXIX (tile moeaics) : tomb of Rukn-ud-Din, pp. 132-134, and plates XXXVIII (plan and section) and XXXIX (tile mosaics); tomb of Shams-i-Tabriz, pp. 119 and 134-135; Kot Kangra, gates attributed to NawAb Alif Khân, Governor under Jahangir, p. 163.
CARLLEYLE, A. C. L. Report of a Tour in Eastern Rajputana in 1871-72 and 1872-73. Under the Superintendence of Major-General A. Cunningham. 8vo., pp. iv and 256, with 24 plates.
Supdt., Govt. Printing, Calcutta, 1878 Archaeological Survey of India, Vol. VI.
Baiana or Bånåsur, Ukha Mandar, converted into a mosque, with considerable alterations, PP. 50-51 and plates IV and V; unfinished mindir, p. 51: Santipûr, very curious mindr dated A. K. 861 (1156), p. 56 and plate VII, algo pp. 65-69; Sikandra, gateway, p. 75; Menginakà Bara, fort, p. 90; Shiv-Dungr, remains of small mosque, p. 123 ; Thoda, slab referring to the erection of a building, A. L. 1046 (1636).
BEGLAR, J. D. Report of a Tour in Bun. delkhand and Malwa, 1871-72; and in the Central Provinces, 1873-74. Under the superintendence of Major-General A. Cunningham, C.S.I., C.I.E. 8vo., pp. vii and 252, with folding map and 21 plates.
Supdt., Govt. Printing, Calcutta, 1878 Archaeological Survey of India, Vol. VIL
Ballabgarh, Palwal, Hodal, DotAnAh, Kotwan and Chotah, all near Delhi, pp. 1-3; Nowadah, lato palace, p. 12; Mahoba, pp. 25-26; Mau, 2 mausoleums, p. 27; Kulpahår, mausoleum, p. 28; Irich, interesting mosque, etc., pp. 32-35 and plate IV; Sirewågarh, remains of mosque, P. 37; Kunch, p. 39; Ajaygarh, dargah altered by "Hindus, pp. 48-49; Garhákota, very tall minar, Pp. 59-60 ; Rahatgarh, mausoleums, pp. 60-61; Pathåri, ruins, p. 66; Udaypar, walls and gates, p. 81, and mosque, p. 85 and plato VI; Sipri,
(9 miles from,) hall known A Chaunaath Khamba, p. 94. Also short references to Charkheri, modern mosque, p. 23: Mahiyar, p. 51; Teonda, P. 63; Ramtek, mosque, p. 110, and Wairagarh, Idgah, p. 129.
BEGLAR, J. D. Report on a Tour through the Bengal Provinces of Patna, Gaya, Mongir, and Bhagalpur; the Santal Parganas, Manbhum, Singbhum, and Birbhum ; Bankura, Raniganj, Bardwan and Hughli ; in 1872-73. Under the superintendence of Major-General A. Cunningham, C.S.L., C.I.E. 8vo., pp. xxi and 213, with 22 plates.
Supdt., Govt. Printing, Calcutta, 1878 Archaeological Survey of India, Vol. VIII.
Patna, 3 mosques, pp. 28-32, and 34 ; Tillára, mosque, dargah, etc., pp. 34-35; Jaru, moeque ascribed to Shir Shah, pp. 44-45; Mirpur Nadera, dargâh and mosque, p. 45; Hasanpar Kako, dargih, pp. 64-65; Silão, early moeyuo, pp. 83-84; Sitamarhi, early mausoleum, p. 107; Parvati, dargah, pp. 110-111; Shaikhpura, dargAh, p. 116. Also short references to Dhardwat, dargah, p. 39; Bhimgarh, darg Ah, p. 150; Hugli and Jaunpur, p. 206.
CUNNINGHAM, MAJ.-GENL. ALEXANDER, C.S.L., C.I.E. Report of a Tour in the Central Provinces in 1873-74 and 1874-75. 8vo., pp. ix and 165, with 30 plates.
Supdt., Govt. Printing, Calcutta, 1879 Archaeological Survey of India, Vol. IX.
Burbånpur, Bibi Masjid and Jåmi' Masjid, pp. 116-118 and plates XVII and XVIII; Asirgarh, p. 120.
- - Report of Tours in Bundelkhand and Malwa in 1874-75 and 1876-77. 8vo., pp. viii and 132, with 36 plates,
Supdt., Govt. Printing, Calcutta, 1880 Archaeological Survey of India, Vol. X.
Garh-pahra, KAnch-mahal, pp. 29-30; Rahat. garh, fort, p. 30; Bhilsa, "Alamgirt Masjid, p. 35.
- Report of Tours in the Gangetic Provinces from Badaon to Bihar, in 1875-76 and 1877-78. 8vo., pp. viii and 197, with 44 plates.
Supdt., Govt. Printing, Calcutta, 1880 Archaeological Survey of India, Vol. XI.
BadAdn,'Idgåh and Jami' Masjid of fltutmish, 8 mausoleums dated A.E. 860 (1456)—A.H. 967 (1550), some later ones and mosque of Aurangzib, A.H. 1071(1660), pp. 1-11 and plates II-IV; Newal, 2 mausoleums, one dated 4... 784 (1382-3)

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BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE MUHAMMADAN ARCHITECTURE OF INDIA 85
p.49; Pâtan Bihar, mausoleum and 'Idgåh, p. 55; Dalmau, mosque of Shah Jahan's time, and tomb, probably of Muḥammad Shah Sharqi, pp. 59-60; Jaunpûr, pp. 102-126 and plates XXXI. XXXVII; Sahsaram, mausoleums (5) of Shir Shah and his family, pp. 132-139 and plate XXXIX; Hilsa, mausoleum of Jaman Madari, A.E. 950 (1543-4), p. 164; Telâra, mosque and dargah (with inscription A.H. 951), pp. 168-169. CARLLEYLE, A. C. L. Report of Tours in the Central Doab and Gorakhpur in 1874-75 and 1875-76. Under the superintendence of Major-General A. Cunningham, C.S.I., C.I.E. 8vo., pp. viii and 230, with 14 plates.
Supdt., Govt. Printing, Calcutta, 1879 Archaeological Survey of India, Vol. XII.
Jalalt, some interesting early mosques and mausoleums, pp. 13-14; Sambhal, Jami' Masjid with inscription of Babur, by abjad A.H. 933 (1526-7), pp. 24-27 and plates III and IV.
BEGLAR, J. D. Report of Tours in the South-Eastern Provinces in 1874-75 and 1875-76. Under the superintendence of Major-General A. Cunningham, C.S.I., C.I.E. 8vo., pp. [iv] and 165, with 20 plates.
Supdt., Govt. Printing, Calcutta, 1882 Archaeological Survey of India, Vol. XIII. Makundpûr (near to), dargâhs, p. 3; Ramgarh, gateway in Fort, p. 34; Chandarpûr, Muhammadan ruins, p. 145; Kosgain, tower and gateway in walls, p. 155.
CUNNINGHAM, MAJOR-GENERAL ALEXANDER. Report of a Tour in the Punjab in 1878-79. 8vo., pp. viii and 155, with 31 plates.
Supdt., Govt. Printing, Calcutta, 1882 Archaeological Survey of India, Vol. XIV. Vân Bachrân, baoli of Akbar, with 2 minårs and small mosque, pp. 32-33; Bhera, Shir Shah's mosque and shrine of Ptr Kayanath, pp. 39-40; Sohdara, reference to minår described by Abul Fazl (which fell in 1864), pp. 43-44; Ransi, shrine of Shah Abdal, p. 48; Sultanpûr, Badshah Sarai and two bridges, pp. 56-57 and plate XIX; Nakodar, two fine tile-faced tombs, dated A.H. 1021 (1612) and A.H. 1069 (1657), pp. 59-62 and plate XX; Normahah, Badshahi Sarai, A.H. 1028-30, pp. 62-65 and plate XXI; Panjor, mosque, p. 71; Sadhora, Pathariya masjid, Patharwala masjid (very neat and well proportioned), Jami' Masjid (tile-faced), private dwelling (tile-faced) dated A.H. 1029 (1619-20), Kâzion-ka Masjid, with inscription dated A.H. 1054 (1644-5), brick mosque (tilefaced), with inscription dated A. H. 1080 (1669)
and tomb of Sayyi Shah 'Abdul Wahhab A.. 1137 (1724-5), pp. 73-75 and plate XXIII. CUNNINGHAM, MAJOR-GENERAL ALEXANDER. Report of a Tour in Bihar and Bengal in 1879-80, from Patna to Sunargaon. 8vo., pp. viii and 186, with 35 plates,
Supdt., Govt. Printing, Calcutta, 1882 Archaeological Survey of India, Vol. XV. Parbatt, dargah of Hindu materials, p. 9; Gaur a long account with plans supplementary to Ravenshaw's Gaur, [q.v.], which does not contain any, pp. iv-v, 39-76 and plates XIIIXXIII; Maldah, Jami' Masjid, dated A.H. 1004 (1595-6), seven inscriptions referring to the building of mosques, etc. dated from A.H. 859 (1455) to 938 (1531), and remains of minår, 60 feet high, pp. 77-79; Hazrat Pandua, (supplementary to Ravenshaw's Gaur), with plans etc., pp. 79-94 and plates XXIV-XXVI; Devthala, shrine of Jalal Shah and small mosque, pp. 94-95; Devikot, shrine of Sultan Shah in Citadel, shrine of Shah Bukhari, and shrine of Maulana 'Atâ, with four inscriptions, dated A.H. 697 (1297) to A.H. 918 (1512), pp. 95-100 and plate XXVIII; Mustangarh (Mahasthan), shrine of Shah Sultan and of Mahi-sawar, pp. 105-108 and plate XXX; Châtnagar, tomb, p. 122; [Chhota] Pandwa, mosque built A.H. 882 (1477-8), tomb of Shah Safi-ud-Din, mînår 125 feet high and a second mosque, pp. 123-127; Dhakka, tomb of Bibi Peri (d. A. D. 1684) and small mosque, Palace of Lal Bagh, commenced c. 1670, pp. 127-131 and plate XXXIV; Bikrampûr, mosque and tomb of Bâbâ Adam, pp. 132-135; Sunargaon,ten Muhammadan buildings and dating elab, pp. 135-145 and plate XXXV.
CUNNINGHAM, MAJOR-GENERAL ALEXANDER and H. B. W. GARRICK. Report of Tours in North and South Bihar, in 1880-81. 8vo., pp. xii and 143, and 31 plates.
Supdt., Govt. Printing, Calcutta, 1883 Archaeological Survey of India, Vol. XVI. Hajipur, Jami' Masjid, pp. 5-6; Sagar-Dih, tomb of Ghulam Husain Shah, p. 20; Sita-kund, tomb, p. 24; Subhegarh, 2 domed tombs, p. 30 and plate IX; Kako, dargah of Bibf Kamalo, pp. 37-39 and plate X; Kauwa-dol, reference to small dargah, p. 48; Khairagarh, (?), pp. 131-132; Amarpur ruins of imposing mosque, p. 132.
CUNNINGHAM, MAJ.-GENL. ALEXANDER. Report of a Tour in the Central Provinces and Lower Gangetic Doab in 1881.82. 8vo., pp. viii and 169, with 34 plates.
Supdt., Govt. Printing, Calcutta, 1884

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Archaeological Survey of India, Vol. XVII.
Archaeological Survey of India, Vol. XXI.Arvi, tomb of Telang Rao-wali, p. 56; Karra,
Parte I and II. tomb of Kamal Khân, pp. 93-94 ; Hathgaon, Jay
Kalanjar Fort, parts of which are MuhamChandi Masjid (Hindu temple converted), pp.
madan work, see pp. 28-31; Mahoba, mosque 97-98 anil plate XXIX; Makanpur, tomb of
with inscription of Taghlaq Shah, p. 90; Bhiuli, Shaikh Madár, ascribed to Ibråhim Shab of
mosque, p. 130; KAlpi, tombs of Madar Sahib, of Jaunpor, who died A. H. 844 (1440), pp. 103-107.
Ghafür ZinjAni, of Chol Bibt, of Bahadur Sh&hid, GARRICK, H. B. W. Report of a Tour and the great enclosure called Chaurasi Gumbaz, through Behar, Central India, Peshawar, and or "eighty-four domes," pp. 132-133 ; Sultanpur, Yusufzai, 1881-82. Under the superintendence
pp. 133-134 ; Damoh, shrine of Chåzi Mtan, pp. of Major-General A. Cunningham, C.8.I.,
168-169; Lalitpûr, mosque built of Hindu
materials, pp. 175-176. C.I.E. 8vo., pp. vi and 140, with 22 plates.
CARLLEYLE, A. C. L. Report of Tours in Supdt., Govt. Printing, Calcutta, 1885 Archaeological Survey of India, Vol. XIX.
Gorakhpur, Saran, and Ghazipur in 1877Two references only (1) to a fine mosque at
78-79 and 80.80., PP. vi and 122, with Garhani, p. 21; (2) to small shrine of Pir Ghazt. 14 plates. Mir at Gürgi, p. 89.
Supdt., Govt. Printing, Calcutta, 1885 CUNNINGHAM, MAJ.-GENL. A. Report of Archaeological Survey of India, Vol. XXIL. Tour in Eastern Rajputana in 1882-83.
Cherán (Saran District), mosque of Hinda
materials, with inscription, apparently of Husain 8vo., pp. X and 165, with 38 plates.
Shah (A. D. 1498-1520), p. 74; Hingtar, fort Supdt., Govt. Printing, Calcutta, 1885
added to by Muhammadans, with ruins of Archaeological Survey of India, Vol. XX.
mosque, pp. 118-119. Mahâban, “ Asst-khamba " Mosque, pp. 42-44
GABRICK, H. B. W. Report of a Tour in and plates VII-IX, Kaman, "Chaunsath khamba" Mosque, pp. 55-57 and plate XI; Bayana, 11 the Panjab and Rajpâtåna in 1883-84. Muhammadan buildings, pp. 60-79 and plates Under the superintendence of General A. XIII-XVII and XXXVII: Sikandara (3 miles 8. of Cunningham, R.E., C.8.I., C.I.E. 8vo., Bayana), 3 mosyues, pp. 79-81 and plate XVI;
Pp. vi and 142, with 28 plates. Vijayamandargarb, Taleti Masjid, Mazinu and baoli, pp. 82-88; Tahangarb, mosque dated A. . Supdt., Govt. Printing, Calcutta, 1887 953 (1646), pp. 91-92 and plate XIX ; Khånwa, Archaeological Survey of India, Vol. XXIII. baoli, p. 94; Kutwal, reference to modern mosque, Muhammadan buildings at Fathabad, Hansi, p. 112; Dholpur, tomb of Bib Zarina, A... 942 or Ajmir, Nagpûr, Nagor, ete. 944, and mosque A.H. 044 (1537), pp. 112-114 and
SMITH, VINCENT ARTHUR. General Index plate XXXVII; Tojára, fine tomb of AIA-ud-Din Alam Lodi, another tomb and 2 mosques, pp.115.
to the Reports of The Archæological 117 and plato XXVII ; Sarhata, mosque (XVth Survey of India, Vols. I to XXIII. century), pp. 118-119 and plate XXVIII ; Alwar, Published under the superintendence of an early manive tomb and one built A. D.Maior-General Sir A. Cunningham, C.8.1., 1647, p. 121; Kotila(Mowati capital), fine mosque
K.C.I.E., with a Glossary and General A. H. 803 (1400), pp. 130-132 and plates XXX
Table of Contents. Roy. 8vo., pp. xix and XXXI, also p. 16; Indor (6 miles N. of Kotila), tomb of Jalal Khân, p. 134; Palah, and 216. shrine of Khwajah Mus, A. H. 734 (1333), p. Bupdt., Govt. Printing, Calcutta, 1887 135 ; Sohna, mosque and tomb of Hazrat Shah Najm-ul-Haq and 2 other mosques, pp. 135-137;
BURGESS, J. Memorandum on the AntiBhonsi, substantial mosque, pp. 137.138 ; addiquities at Dabhol, Ahmedabad, Than, Jungtional notes on Delhi and its neighbourhood, pp. gadh, Girnar, and Dhank. 4to., pp. 38 and 139-160 and plates XXXI-XXXVIII.
xvü, with 10 plates (facsimiles of inscrip- Reports of a Tour in Bundel- tions). khand and Rewa in 1883-84 ; and of & Government Central Press, Bombay, 1875 Tour in Rewa, Bundelkhand, Malwa and
Archaeological Survey of Western India, [Old Gwalior, in 1884-85. 8vo., pp. viï and 183,
Series), No. 2. with 42 plates.
Ahmedabad, pp. 3-4 ; Uparkot-mosque, Supdt., Govt. Printing, Calcutta, 1885 pp. 13-14.

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-
pp. 27.
BURGESS, J. Memorandum on the Remains COUSENS, HENRY. Notes on the Buildat Gumli, Gop, and in Kachh, etc. 4to., ings and other Antiquarian Remains at
Bijapur. With translations of the inscripGovernment Central Press, Bombay. 1875
tions by E. Rehatsek. 4to., pp. ii and 109, Archaeological Survey of Western India, [Old
with 2 folding maps. Scries], No. 3. Bhadresvar-remains of a large musque, and
Government Central Press, Bombay, 1890 another, pp. 18-19; Bhuj-mosque remarkable Selections from the Records of the Bombay for the thickness and closeness of its piere, p. 21; Government, No. CCXLV.- New Series, and Keda-2 dargâhs, pp. 21-22.
Archaeological Survey of Western India [Old Provisional Lists of Architectural
Series), XIa. and other Archæological Remains in Western India, including the Bombay
ARCHÆOLOGICAL SURVEY: Presidency, Sindh, Berar, Central Provinces and Haidarabad. 4to., pp. 60.
NEW IMPERIAL SERIES. Government Central Press, Bombay, 1875
Archaeoloyical Survey of Western India, [Old The above series now unites the New Series Series), No. 4.
of Reports of the Archæological Surveys of SINCLAIR, W. F., and J. BURGESS. Notes Northern, Southern and Western India in on the Antiquities of the Talukas of Parner, one Imperial collection. As the decision Sangamner, Ankole and Kopargaum, by W. was not arrived at until after the publice E. Sinclair ; with revised lists of remains tion of Vols. I–V of the Western Survey, in the Ahmadnagar, Nasik, Puna, Thana Vols. 1-y of the Southern Survey, and and Kaládgi Zillas, by J. Burgess. 4to., Vols. 1-II of the Northern Survey, the pp. 27.
Imperial Series numbering does not appear Government Central Press, Bombay, 1877 on the title-pages of these works. Archaeological Survey of Western Indiu, [Old
BURGESS, JAMES. Report on the AntiSeries), No. 6. Lists, pp. 17-27.
quities of Kathiåwåd and Kachh, being the REPORTS regarding the Archæological
result of the second season's operations of Remains in the Kurrachee, Hyderabad and
the Archæological Survey of Western India,
1874-75. Folio, pp. X and 243, with Shikárpur Collectorates, in Sindh, with
74
plates, 11 figures (coins), and a map. plans of tombs. 4to., pp. 38, with 4 folding
India Museum, London, 1876; plates (2 coloured)... -
also
Allen, Trübner, King and Stanford. Government Central Press, Bombay, 1879
Archaeological Survey of Western India, [VOL Archaeological Survey of Western India, [Old
II, and New Imperial Series, Vol. II). Series), No. 8. BURGESS, JAMES. Lists of the Antiqua
Report on the Antiquities of rian Remains in the Bombay Presidency,
the Bidar and Aurangabad Districte, in with an Appendix of Inscriptions from
the territories of His Highness the Nizam Gujarat. Compiled from information supplied
of Haidarabad, being the result of the by the Revenue, Educational, and other
third season's operations of the ArchæoGovernment Officers. 4to., PP. ix and 340,
logical Survey of Western India, 1875-76. with 2 plates.
Impl. 4to., pp. viii and 138, with 66 plates. Government Central Press, Bombay, 1885 | Allen : Trübner : Stanford, London, 1878 Archaeological Survey of Western India, No. 11. Archaeological Survey of Western India, Vol. A revised edition was issued in 1897.
1 III, (and Now Imperial Series, Vol. IIT)

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SEWELL, ROBERT. Lists of Antiquarian | 38, with 120 plates (10 coloured); pp. [i], v Remains in the Presidency of Madras. and 84, with 104 plates (3 coloured): pp. X Compiled under the Orders of Government and 61, with 96 plates (12 coloured); pp. 4to., 2 vols., pp. xii, 325 and lxii; xi and [i], vi and 47, with 89 plates (11 coloured). 297. Government Press, Madras, 1882-84 Supdt., Govt. Press, Allahabad, 1894-1898
Archaeological Survey of Southern India, Vol. Archaeological Survey of India, New Imperial II (and New Imperial Series, Vols. VII and Vlil). Series, Vol. XVIII, and N.-W. Provinces and
For index to Muhammadan references, see II, Oudh, Vol. III. pp. 113-114.
COUSENS, HENRY. Lists of Antiquarian FÜHRER, A. The Sharqi Architecture of
Remains in the Central Provinces and Berår. Jaunpur ; with notes on Zafarabad, Sahet
Impl. 4to., pp. vii and 105, with 25 maps of Mahet and other places in the North-Western
districts. Provinces and Oudh. By A. Führer. With
Supdt., Govt. Printing, Calcutta, 1897 drawings and architectural descriptions, by
Archaeological Survey of India, New (Imperial), Ed. W. Smith. Edited by Jas. Burgess,
Series, Vol. XIX. LL.D., C.I.E., Impl. 4to, pp. viii and 76, Muhammadan Buildings at Burhanpur and with 74 plates.
Fatehkhelda. Supdt., Govt. Printing, Calcutta, 1889
BURGESS, JAMES. On the Muhammadan Archaeological Survey of India (New Series) :
Architecture of Bharoch, Cambay, Dholka, North-Western Provinces and Oudh, Vol. I (and Nere Imperial Series, Vol. XI).
Champanir, and Mahmudabad in Gujarat. In connection with the above :
Impl., 4to., pp. 1), ii and 47, with 77 plates. DEWHURST, R. P. The Metres of the Jaunpur
Griggs : Quaritch : Luzac : London, 1896. Persian Inscriptions. Joum. Royal Asiatic Society, pp. 749-751.
1909.
Thacker, Bombay: Thacker, Spink & Co., A polemic criticism,
Calcutta. --- The Monumental Antiquities Archaeological Survey of India, New Imperial and Inscriptions, in the North-Western Pro
Series, Vol. XXIII and Western India, Vol. VI. vinces and Oudh, described and arranged. -
The Muhammadan Architecture Impl., 4to., pp. iv. and 425.
of Ahmadabad. Part I.-A.D. 1412 to 1620. Supdt.. Govt. Press, N.-W.P. and Oudh With 112 Photographic and Lithographic Allahabad.
1891 Plates. Part II.-With Muslim and Hindu Archaeological Survey of India (New Series):
Remains in the vicinity. Dllustrated by 85 North-Western Provinces and Oudh, Vol. II, and
Photographic and Lithographic Plates, &c. New Imperial Series, Vol. XII).
Impl. 4to., 2 vols., pp. x and 87; i and 109. COUSENS, HENRY. Revised Lists of Anti- 1 Griggs : Quaritch : Kegan Paul, London ; quarian Remains in the Bombay Presidency. Thacker Spink & Co., Bombay; Thacker, Impl. 4to., pp. vii and 398, with map of
Calcutta, 1900-1906. Ahmedabad, a large folding one of Bijapur
Architectural Survey of India, [New Imperial and several of districts.
1897
Series) Vols. XXIV and XXXIII, or Architectural Archaeological Survey of India, New Imperial Survey of Western India, Vol. VII and VIII. Series, Vol. XVI.
Includes: "Inscriptions from Gujarat," trans- SMITH, EDMUND W. Moghul Colour cribed and translated by E. Rehatsek, Appendix, Decoration of Agra : described and illuspp. 289-313; and from Cambay, Sojali, Dholka
trated. Part I. Roy. 4to., pp. 3, [3], ü, vand and Broach, pp. 313-327.
28, with 103 plates (53 coloured). . SMITH, EDMUND W. The Moghul Archi
Supdt., Govt. Press, Allahabad, 1901 tecture of Fathpur-Sikri : described and
Archaeological Survey of India; [New Imperial illustrated. Roy. 4to., 4 parts, pp. xix and I Series, Vol. XXX).

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89
COUSENS, HENRY. List of Antiquarian | PROGRESS REPORT of the Archeological Remains in His Highness the Nizam's Terri. Survey of Western India, for the months May tories. Impl. 4to., pp. vii and 91, with 1 map. 1894 to August 1895. Signed: Henry Cousens. Supdt., Government Printing, Calcutta, 4to. pp. 15, with 1 folding map. 8.1., (1895)
1900 Aurangabad, Jalna, Partur, Bayvantnagar, Archaeological Survey of India, (New Imperial
Nirmal, Elyandal, Warangal, Hyderabad, Gol. Series, Vol. XXXI).
conda, Raichur and Gulbarga. BURGESS, JAS., & HENRY COUSENS. The
for the months September 1895 Architectural Antiquities of Northern to April 1896. Signed : Henry Cougeng. Gujarat, more especially of the Districts 4to., pp. 14, with 1 folding map. included in the Baroda State. Impl., 4to.,
8.1., [1896) pp. x and 118, with map, 111 plates and 10
Hyderabad (Sind), HAIA, Khudabad, Sehwan,
Tatta, Châmpânir and Bijapur. illustrations in the text. Quaritch, London, 1903
for the year ending 30th June Archasological Survey of India, (New Imperial 1897. Signed: Henry Cousens. 4to., pp. 21, Series) Vol. XXXII, and Western India, Vol. IX.
with 1 folding map.
8.1., [1897) Muhammadan Buildings at Patan and Mun.
Tatta, Samui, Sukkur, Sarkhina, Multan, japûr.
Vijnot, Rohri, Alor, Brahmanabad Manşura (with ARCHÆOLOGICAL SURVEY
map), Satâra, Champânir, Ahmedabad, Bijapur
and KhudAbad. OF INDIA: PROGRESS REPORTS: WESTERN CIRCLE.
for the year ending 30th June PROGRESS REPORT of the Archäological 1898. Signed : Henry Cousens. 4to., pp. Survey of Western India for the months | 12, with 1 map.
8.1., [1898] December 1899 to April 1890. Signed : Bassein, Ahmedabad, Champnir, Bijapur and Henry Couseng. 4to., pp. 16, with 1 folding Hukeri. map. Government Central Press, Bombay, - for the year ending 30th June
[1890] 1899. Signed: Henry Cousens. 4to., PP. Ahmedabad, Pagan, Munjpur and Mandal.
22, with 1 map.
8.1., [1899] - for the months May 1890 to April Jasdan, Sonnêtha-Pattan. Veravel, Mangrol 1891. Signed : Henry Cousens. 4to., pp. 7
| Ahmedabad, Champenir, Ahmednagar and Moro. with 1 map.
8.1., 8.d.
for the year ending 30th June Pedgaon and Ahmadnagar.
1900. Signed : Henry Cousens. 4to., pp. for the months May 1891 to April 8, with 2 plates.
al., [1900] 1892. Signed : Henry Cousens. 4to., pp. 22, Ahmedabad, Bijapur, Moro, Tatta and Ajiner. with 1 folding map. . .l., [1892]
for the year ending 30th June Erandol, Taulai, Kalyan, Châmpanir, Bijapur 1901. Signed: Henry Cousens. 4to., PP. and Dabhol.
19, with 1 map folding plate and I map. -- for the months May 1892 to
8.1., [1901] April 1893. Signed : Henry Cousens. 4to.,
Ahmedabad, Bij&par, Ahmednagar, Ajmer, pp. 19, with 1 folding map.
Tatta, Midni and Moro. Government Central Press, Bombay, [1893)
for the year ending 30th June Bhatkal.
1902. Signed: Henry Cousens. 4to., pp. for the months May 1893 (i) and 20..
8.1 (1902) to April 1894. Signed: Henry Couseng.
Darva, Rohinkhed, Fatehkhelda, Anjani Khurd, 4to., pp. 17, with 1 map.
Devalgaon Raja, Ahmedabad, Champanir, Burhanpur, Narsinghgad, Garhakota, Bijapur. Ahmednagar, ThАlner, Bijapur and Hyderabad Chimpanir, Tatts and Moro.
(Sind).

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PROGRESS REPORT of the Archeological Report of the Assistant Superintendent. Survey of Western India for the year ending Signed: D. R. Bhandarkar.] 4to., pp. ii and 30th June, 1903. Signed : Henry Cousons. 83, with 1 plate and 1 illustration. 4to., pp. 9.
8. [1903] Government Central Press, Bombay, [1908] Ahmedabad, Bijapar, Hyderlibad (Sind), Broach, Châmpânir, Sojali, Ahmedabad, Champânir, Ahmednager, ThАlner, Khed, Dabhol,
Dholka, Sarkhej, Ahmednagar, Bijapur, Dabhol Rohinkhed, DhAr and Mandu.
Hyderabad (Sind), Khudabad, Halol, Thalner for the year ending 30th June
Sanchor, Dhêr and Mandu. 1904. Signed: Henry Cousens. 4to., pp. 60. PROGRESS REPORT of the Archæological
8.1., [1904]
Survey of India, Western Circle, for the year Bijapur, Ahmedabad, Dholka, Watwa, Cham
ending 31st March 1909. Signed: Henry pânir, Kalyan, Ahmednagar, Thalner, Belgaum, Badêmi, Hyderabad, Dhår and Mandu.
Cousens. [With Report of the Assistant for the year ending June 1906. Superintendent. Signed : D.R. Bhandarkar.] Signed: Henry Cousens. [With Report of the
4to., pp. ii and 62, with 1 map. Assistant Archæological Surveyor. Signed: Government Central Press, Bombay, (1909) D. R. Bhandarkar. ] 4to. pp. [i] and 60.
Champânir, Halol, Ahmedabad, Batws, Bar
khej, Broach, Thalner, Bij&pur, Dabhol, Hydert Government Central Press, Bombay, (1905)
båd (Sind), Tatta, Dher and Mandu, BrahminAhmedabad, Sarkhej, Dholke, Watwil,
Abad-Mangūra, Ajmer, and Jalor. ChAmpânir, Belgaum, Bijapur, Dabhol, Tatta, Hyderbad, Moro, KhudAbed, Sukkur, Burhanpur, Dh&r and Mandu, Dholpur, Mau, Narnals
- for the year ending 31st March Fort, Gawilgarh and Afzalpura.
1910. Signed: Henry Cousens [With PROGRESS REPORT of the Archeological Report of the Assistant Superintendent. Survey of India, Western Circle, for the
Signed : D. R. Bhandarkar.) 4to., pp. ii months July 1905 to March 1906, inclusive.
and 67. Signed: Henry Cousons. With Report of
Government Central Press, Bombay, [1910) the Assistant Superintendent. Signed: D. R.
Btjápur, Champânir, Broach, Ahmedabad,
Dabhol, Hyderabad (Sind), Moro, Tatta, Kuba, Bhandarkar.] 4to. pp. [i] and 67, with
Dhar and Mandu, Ajmer, Aurangabad, Doulat3 plates.
Abad, Gulbarga and Medta. Government Central Press, Bombay, (1906)
Chimpanir, MehmadAbad, Ahmedabad, Sar - - for the year ending 31st March khoj, Batwa, Dholka, ThAlnor, Bijapur, Belgaum, 1911. Signed : A. H. Longhurst. With Dabhol, Hyderabad (Sind), Moro, Tatta, Khuda
Report of the Assistant Superintendent. bad, Halol, Burhanpur, Robinkhed, Dher and Mandu, Gwalior, Mau, ShahAbad, Alwar and
Signed: D. R. Bhandarkar.] 4to., pp. (i) Nagar.
and 50. for the year ending 318t March Government Central Press, Bombay, (1911) 1907. Signed: Henry Cousens. (With Bijapur, Ahmedåbåd, Sarkhej, Broach, ChamReport of the Assistant Superintendent.
pânir, Sojali, Ahmednagar, Thaler, Tatta, Signed: D. R
KhudAbad, Kuba, Hyderabad (Sind), and PAL Bhandarkar. ] 4to., pp. ii and 47.
for the year ending 31st March Government Central Press, Bombay, (1907] 1912. Signed : D. R. Bhandarkar. 4to.,
Kalyan, Châmpánir, Halol, Ahmedabad, Batwa, Dholka, Sarkhej, Bijapur, Tatta, Khuda.
pp. ii and 64. bad, Miani, Dabbol, Ahmednagar, Broach,
Government Central Press, Bombay, (1912) Dhar and Mandu, Nagar and Kapadvanj.
Ahmedabad, Sarkhej, Champánir, Bij&par,
Dhår and Mandu, Kuba, Kalyan, Bojan, Jufor the year ending 31st March
DAT, Ahmednagar, Pal, Tatta, Khudabad, 1906. Signed : Henry Coueens. With Hyderabad (Sind) and Bharatput.

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MAY, 1922) BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE MUHAMMADAN ARCHITECTURE OF INDIA 91
PROGRESS REPORT of the Archæological Survey of India, Western Circle, for the year ending 31st March 1913. Signed : D. R. Bhandarkar. 4to., pp. ii and 66. Government Central Press, Bombay,
[1913) Chêmpânir, Ahmednagar, BjiApār, Dhår, and Mandu, Ahmedabad, Sarkhej, Pratapgad Dabhoi, Tatta, Dadu, Hyderabad (Sind), Bharatpur, Aurangabad, Gulbarga, Pattancheru, Kuba and Bhodesar.
- for the years ending 31st March 1914. Signed : D. R. Bhandarkar. [With Report of Assistant Superintendent. Signed: J. A. Page.) 4to., pp. [i] and 88.
Yeravda Prison Press, Poona, [1914) Broach, Ahmedabad, Chêmpânir, Sojali, Ahmednagar, Pratapgad, Bijâpâr, Dabhol, Tatta, Rohri, Hyderabad (Sind), Bhodesar Dbar and Mandu, Bharatpur, Medhak., Gulburga, Bedar, Aurangabad, Nagar, Thana, Bhodesar, Chotiari, Bhilsar, Udaypur.
ARCHÆOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA:
ANNUAL REPORTS. ANNUAL REPORT, 1902-03. Impl. 4to., pp. [i), iv and 293, with 51 plates and 47 illustrations.
Supt., Govt. Printing, Calcutta, 1904 MARSHALL, J.H. Introduction : object and scope of the Annual Report ; past history of the Depart. ment; functions of the Archwological Survey :
the Mughal Period. These are the Dargah of Bakhtiyar Khan near Chainpur; and the Jum'a Masjid, Palace, and the Mosque of Habah Khan, at Rohtasgarh).
MARSHALL, J. H. Conservation of Monuments at Agra, pp. 60-76, with 5 plates and 2 illustrations. [In the Agra Fort: Jahangiri Mahall, Salimgarh, Diwan-i-'Amm, Anguri-Bagh and Macchf Bhawan, Motf Masjid. The Taj and adjacent buildings. Tomb of I'timádu-d-daulah. Mausoleum of Akbar at Sikandarah. ]
VOGEL, J. PE. The Qil's-i-kuhna Masjid at Delhi, pp. 77-79, with 1 plate.
TUCKER, A.L.P. Restoration Work in Ajmir, pp. 80-84, with 2 plates and 1 illustration, [(a) The Mosque; (b) The Marble Pavilions erected by Shah Jahån in 1637 A.D.]
MARSHALL, J. H. Exploration and Research, pp. 104-110. [Includes notes on the Hinidan tombs, on the Hab river, Baluchistan; and on Nur Bakh sb's researches on the Lahore Fort.]
- and J. PH. VOGEL. Excavations at Chårsada in the Frontier Province, pp. 141-184, with many plates and illustrations. [Soe “Muhammadan Remains on the Bald Higår, Pp. 150-151 and fig. 6.]
VOGEL, J. Ph. Tombs at Hinidan in Las Bela, pp. 213-217, with 7 illustrations on 1 plate, and 1 figure.
BAKHSH, NOR. Historical Notes on the Lahore Fort and its Buildings, PP. 218-224, with 1 plate (plan).
MARSHALL, J. H. Epigraphy, pp. 225-231. [See pp. 230-231, Bengal-dating inscriptions of mosques at Gaur, Bagha, Kusumbha and Kalna.)
ANNUAL REPORT, 1903-04. Impl. 4to., pp. x and 314, with 72 plates and 48 illustrations.
Supdt., Govt. Printing, Calcutta, 1906 MARSHALL, J. H. Conservation, pp. 1-12. [The Ancient Monuments Act; Principles of Conservation; in the Punjab-review of work done, for which see Nicholls, infra; PanduahAdina Masjid ; Ramkel-the BAradwari; GaurDakbil Darwaza and Lattari Masjid ; Bijapur ; Ahmedabad ; Dhår and Manda-survey of work done, for which see Barnes, infra; Rohtasgarh -Fort; Delhi-Mosque of Altamsh: BahraichShrine of Sayyid Salar Mas'ud; Lucknow JAmi' Masjid ; W&tw-Rauza; ther Jami Masjids at Burhånpur and Etawah, and a mosque at Rohinkhed.]
NICHOLLS, W. H. Conservation of Muhammadan Monuments in the United Provinces and Punjab, pp. 13-29, with 13 plates (1 coloured) and 3 illustrations. [The Taj Mahall; the Fort, Agr;
Pp. 1-13.
Conservation, pp. 14. 30. [Ahmedbad-Mosque of Sidi Sayyad; Bijapur-Gol Gumbaz and Ibrahim Rauza; Dhår and Manda (5 pp.): Gaur and Panduah ; Rohtasgarh; Agrasynopsis of full report, for which see below; Lucknow ; Allahabad-Tomb of Sultan Khusrau; Jaunpur-enclosure of the Sharqi Kings' Tomba; Delhi-Mosque of Sher Shah, Zinatu-l-masajid, recovery (from the South Kensington Museum) and restoration of the mosaic panels belonging to the throne of Shah Jahan, restoration of pietra dura of Jahanårå Begam's tombstone; Ajmir-ArhAl-din-ke-jhompré Mosque and marble embankment of lake.)
COUSENS, HEXBY. Midi Sayyad's Mosque, Ahmedabad, pp. 31-33, with 1 plate.
- The Mosque at the Gol Gumbaz, Bijápor, pp. 34-36, with 2 plates.
BLOCH, T. Conservation in Bengal, pp. 37-59, with 6 plates and 1 illustration. (See Sect. III.Gaur and Panduah ; and Sect. IV-Remains of

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şikandarah; Fathpur Sikri: Delhi---partial laying bare of the Hayat Bakhsh garden in the Fort, and restoration of buildings surrounding it ; small repairs to Moti Masjid ;. Tomb of Iga Khân ; 'Tomb of Tagah Khân; Mausoleum of Humayun ; Khairu-l-manazil ; Qutb Mosquo; Lahore-Moti Masjid, Mosque of Wazir Khân; Shahdars-baradars in the Huzuri Bagh Mausoleumg of Jahangir, of Nur Jahan, and of Aqaf Khân; Lucknow-Jami' Masjid, Sikander Bagh; Bahraich-Shrine of Sayyid Salir.)
BARNES, CAPT. E. Couservation of Ancient buildings at Måndû and Dhår, pp. 30-45, with 8 plates and 8 'illustrations. [Manda-the Hindola Mahall; the Tower of Victory and the Khalji Mausoleum ; Hushang's Tomb; the Jámi, Masjid ; Jahaz Mahall; Dhar—the Lat Masjid and Kamal Maula Mosque.)
BLOCH, T. Progress of Conservation in Bengal, pp. 46-53, with I plate and 2 illustrations. [See “The ruins of Bagerhat Deer Khulna," pp. 52-53 -Tomb of Khan Jahan, Sah Gumbaz.)
COUSENS, HENRY. Conservation in the Central Provinces, pp. 54-60. Burhânpur-buildings, of the Faruki kings, mosques, mausoleums, baths, etc., p. 56.]
- BrahmanabAd-Mansura in Sind, pp. 132-144, with 7 plates and 5 illustrations [Foundations of three mosques discovered, p. 136 And fig. 3.)
BAKHSH, NOR -The Agra Fort and its Buildings, pp. 164-193, with 1 plate (plan) and 1 figure..
ANNUAL REPORT, 1904-5. Impl. 4to., pp. [i], v and 169, with 40 plates and 35 illustrations.
Supdt., Govt. Printing, Calcutta, 1908 MARSHALL, J. H. Conservation, pp. 1-9. [Agra - adverse comments on the theory that the Tâj was designed by Goronimo Verroneo: Munshiganj, Dacca District-old Fort; Monghyr -Dargâh of Shah Nafah; Ahmedabad-tombs of Shah Alam, Achyut Bibi, and the queens of Ahmad Shah; Bijapur-Gol Gumbaz-repair of great cornice (& difficult and troublesome operation); Wat wa-Tomb of Burhanu-d-din Qutbu-1. Alam; Khudabid-Tomb of Yår Muhammad; Hyderabad-Tombs of the Kalhorå kings; Burhånpur-fine and little known buildings of the Faruqi Dynasty of Khandesh.]
NICHOLLA, W. H. Conservation of Muham. 'madan Monuments in the United Provinces and Punjab, and at Ajmer, pp. 10-23, with 5 plates and 13 illustrations. [The Taj: Agra FortDiwan-i. Amm, Jahangirt Mahall, Moti Masjid, Tomb of I'timadu-d-daulah, Zohra Bagh Kiosk;
Sikandarah; Fathpur Sikri-city wall, Salim Chishti's tomb; Delhi-Hayat Bakhsh garden and Zafar Mahall, Shah Burj, `Aqab-i-Hammam Tughlaqâbâd--Mausoleum of Tughlaq Shah, Mausoleum of Humayun, Jama'at Khanah, mosque, parapet round tomb of Jahan Ara Begam: Lahore-Mosque of Dai Angah, Chhota Khwabgah and Shish Mahall in the Fort, Ajmer-Tahşil of Akbar in the Fort.)
ANNUAL REPORT, 1905-6. Impl. 4to., pp. vi and 208, with 54 plates and 43 illustrations.
Supdt., Govt. Printing, Calcutta, 1909
MARSHALL, J. H. Conservation, pp. 1-9 [Serious damage done by the earthquake of April 4th. Lahore-Chhoți Khwabgåh (completion of work), ceiling of Shiah Mahall, Diwan-i-Amm; DelhiRang Mahall, Naubat Khâna, Hayat Bakhsh garden; Agra—the Táj, Diwan-i. Amm; Fathpur Sikri-Daftar kbâna, "Mariam's Kothi," house of Birbal, purchase of Rang Mahall; QanaujMosque of Jahåniên, also tombs of Kabir Bala and Shaikh Mahdi; Gwalior-Tomb of Muhammad Ghauth; Bijapur-Gol Gumbaz, Ibrahim Rauza; Firozpur-Sona Masjid.]
VOGEL, J. Pr. Ancient Monuments of Kangra ruined in the Earthquake, pp. 10-27, with 7 plates and 5 illustrations. (Ahani, Amiri, and Jahangiri Darwaza in Fort.]
NICHOLLS, W. H. Some Conservation Works in the Northern Circle during 1905-06, pp. 28-32, with 8 plates. (Sikandarah-restoration of minarets on south gateway of Akbar's Tomb, Delhi-some photographs of the Fort, taken shortly after 1857:- Muthamioan Burj-Rang Mahall, north-west corner of the Salîmgarh connecting bridge of same; Ajmir--the Tahsil.]
REA, A. Progress of Conservation in Madras, pp. 50-56, with 2 plates and 3 illustrations. [Includes fine Mosque in Gandikota Fort.]
- 1906-7. Impl 4to., PP. X and 267, with 74 plates (1 coloured) and 52 illustrations.
Supdt., Govt. Printing, Calcutta, 1909
MARSHALL, J. H. Conservation, pp. 1-11, with 3 plates. [Policy of the Department with regard to the preservation of ancient monumente. Jaunpur-JAmi Masjid, LAI Darwaza Masjid and Atala Masjid; Agrathe Táj, JahÅngiri Mahal and Hathya Paul; Lahore Naulakhả Pavilion, Shish Mahal and Hazûri Bagh Pavilion; Shahdart-garden of Akbar's Mausoleum and quadrangle of the Akbari Sarai ; Delhi-ħayat Bakhsh garden and 'tomb of "Is Khan ; Kashmir-Shalimar Bagh; references to work at Panduah-kakhi Tomb,

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MAY, 1922]
Adina and Qutbshahi mosques; Firozpur Sona Masjid; Gaur-Lattan and Tântipârâ Mosques, Firoz Minar, Dakhil Darwaza; Bagerhat-Sat Gumbaz; tomb of Khân Jahân 'Ali; Chainpurtomb of Bakhtiyar Khân.]
BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE MUHAMMADAN ARCHITECTURE OF INDIA 93
NICHOLLS, W. H. Jahangir's Tomb at Shahdara, pp. 12-14, with 1 plate and I figure. [Removal of skylight; literary and structural evidence regarding original form of tomb.]
-Railing in the Anguri Bagh at Agra, pp. 15-16, with 1 illustration
MARSHALL, J. H. Exploration and Research, pp. 34-43. [Reference to Nicholl's Report, infra, and a criticism of his remarks on the tomb of Madani near Srinagar.]
NICHOLLS, W. H. Muhammadan Architecture in Kashmir, pp. 161-170, with 16 plates (1 coloured) and 10 figures. [Classification of Muhammadan Architecture in Srinagar; Tomb of Zainu-l-'Abidin's mother; Tomb of Madani; History of wooden style; Mosques of Madani, Shah Hamadân, etc., buildings in the Mughal style.]
SAHNI, DAYA RAM. Notes in the Gorakpur and Saran Districts, pp. 193-205, with 1 plate. [Salempur-mosque dated A. H. 1065 (1654); Siwanmosque dated A. H. 1165 (1751); Tajpur Basahi -inscribed slab on grave of a Muhammadan Saint named Khwaja Badshah.]
ANNUAL REPORT, 1907-8. Impl. 4to., pp. x and 304, with 86 plates (1 coloured) and 52 illustrations.
Supdt., Govt. Printing, Calcutta, 1911 MARSHALL, J. H. Conservation, pp. 1-7. [The Society for the protection of Ancient Buildings and its policy; survey of work at Agra and Delhi, for which see Tucker, infra; Fatehpur Sikri-Rang Mahali; Lahore Fort; Agra-the Taj; Sikandarah -Tomb of Akbar, Kânch Mahall; ShahdaraMausoleum of Jahangir, additional references confirming Nicholl's view on opening in vaulted roof; Bijapur-Ibrahim Rauza and Gol Gumbaz; Bagerhat Dargâh of Khân Jahân 'Ali, Satgumbaz mosque; Panduah-mindr and mosques.]
TUCKER, R. FROUDE. The Akbari Mahall in Agra Fort, pp. 8-22, with 6 plates and 2 illustrations. The Rang Mahall in Delhi Palace, pp. 23-30, with 2 plates (I coloured) and 2 illustrations.
—
Takht-i-Akbari at Kalânûr, pp. 31-32
with 1 illustration.
-, 1908-9. Impl. 4to., pp. vi and 231, with 57 plates (2 coloured) and 49 illustrations.
Supdt., Govt. Printing, Calcutta, 1912 Vogel, J. Ph. Conservation, pp. 1-4. [Buildings in Delhi Fort-Shah Burj, Nagar Khana, Mumtaz
Mahall, Hayat Bakhsh garden, etc.; Sikandarah -eastern false gate of Akbar's Tomb; Fatehpur Sikri-Rang Mahall; Allahabad-Mughal buildings in Fort; Bijapur-Göl Gumbaz, completion of cornice.]
VOGEL, J. PH. Exploration and Research, pp. 33-37. [Remarks on work at BrahmanâbâdManşúra, for which see Cousens, infra.
COUSENS, HENRY. Excavations at Brahmanâbâd -Manşûra, Sind, pp. 79-87, with 7 plates (2 coloured) and 7 illustrations. [Foundations of large mosque discovered.]
WASI-UD-DIN. A Persian Inscription in Pêshâwar City, [with postcript by W. Irvine], pp. 203. 206, with 1 plate and 1 illustration. [Dating inscription from a bridge over the Båra stream, built A.H. 1039 (1629), now built into a mosque at Peshawar.]
ANNUAL REPORT, 1909-10. Impl. 4to., pp. [i], vi and 187, with 54 plates and 33 illustrations.
Supdt., Govt. Printing, Calcutta, 1914 VOGEL, J. PH. Conservation, pp. 1-10. [DelhiHayat Bakhsh garden and Shah Burj in Fort; Agra-Akbar's palace in Fort; Lahore-Diwan-iAmm, Chhoti Khwabgah and Shish Mahall in Fort, Shalimar Bagh; in neighbourhood of DelhiKhirki Masjid, Moth-ki-Masjid, Tomb of Safdar Jang: Bijapur-Ibrâhîm Rauza, Jal Mandir: Ahmedâbâd district-mosque of Imâdu-l-Mulk at Iḥsanpur, mosque and tomb of Sayyid 'Usman at 'Usmanpur; Sarkhej-Palace; Broach-Jami' Masjid; Champaner-Jâmi Masjid; Aurangabad--Bibi ka Maqbarah; Gulburgah-Mosque ; Manêr (Patna District)-Makhdûm Daulat; Kusumbha--mosque; Burhanpur-Jami' Masjid, Bibi Masjid; also Mausoleumns of Shah Nawaz Khan, Shah Shuja and 'Adil Khân.]
SANDERSON, GORDON. The Shah Burj, Delhi Fort, pp. 25-32, with 1 plate and 4 illustrations. The Diwan-i-Amin, Lahore Fort, pp. 33-39, with 2 plates and 3 illustrations.
-, 1910-11. Impl. 4to., pp. v and 103, with 53 plates.
Supdt., Govt. Printing, Calcutta, 1914
SANDERSON, GORDON. Conservation Works at Agra and Neighbourhood, pp. 94-103, with 6 plates. [Tomb of Maryam at Sikandarah ; Jaswant Singh Ki Chattri, Agra; Akbari Mahall, Agra Fort.]
1911-12. Impl. 4to., 2 parts, PP. 54; viii and 226, with 76 plates.
Supdt., Govt. Printing, Calcutta, 1914-15

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[MAY, 1922
GENERAL
ANON. Ziyarât al-'Arab. 4to., 22 litho'ABD AL-HAQQ, Dihlaví. Gharabat-nigar. graphic illustrations, no text. 4to., pp. 180, with 19 plates (mounted pho
Mahmud ul Matabi', Delhi, 1883 tographs), Lith.
Illustrations of 22 Muhammadan shrines in Akmal ul Matabi, Delhi, 1876
India, Mesopotamis and Arabia. Descriptions of famous buildings in India.
- Indian Art. Calcutta Revier, ABDUL WALI, Maulavi. On some Archæo. Vol. LXXVIII, pp. 50-56.
1884 logical remains in the District of Raj A short review of all periode. shāhi. Journ., Asiatic Society of Bengal,
[Muhammadan Architecture at Vol. LXXIII, Pt. I, pp. 108-117. 1904
Aurangabad.] Gazetteer of Aurangabad, pp.
583-604. On the old Bagha Mosque, A.. 930 (1623-4)
Bombay, 1884 and the mosque at Kusamba, A.x. 966 (1668-9).
- Government of Bengal, Public Abstract: Proceedings, p. 100.
Works Department. Revised List of Ancient - On the antiquity and tradi- Monuments in Bengal, 1886. Oblong 4to., tions of the Jāmi' Masjid and the Rauza of pp. fil and 232. Hazrat Maulānā Muhammad 'Arab, at Bengal Secretariat Press, Calcutta, 1887 Sailkūpā, Sub-Division Jhenidah, District With short descriptions, present condition, Jessore. Journ., Asiatic Society of Bengal, and other remarks. Prepared with the assistance Vol. LXX, Pt. I, pp. 15-28.
1901 of J. D. Beglar.
Technical Art Series. "IlustraOn the Antiquity and Tradi
ditions of Indian Industrial Art, 4to. tions of Shāhzādpur. Journ., Asiatic Society of
Survey of India Offices, Calcutta, Bengal, Vol. LXXIII, Pt. I, pp. 262-271. 1904.
1897-1910 Abstract: Proceedings, p. 2.
Architectural details from Fatehpur Sikri,
Bijapur, Kalpi and Sind, 1896, plates I–XI, ABDUS SALAM, Maulvi. A Short Note on
1897, platos V-XIII; 1898, plates I–VIII. the Qadam Rasul Building at Balasore,
- A list of the Photographic NegaJourn., Asiatic Society of Bengal, New
tives of Indian Antiquities in the Collection Series, Vol. IV, pp. 31-32.
1008
of the India Museum : with which is incorANDERSON, JOHN. Catalogue and Hand porated the List of similar negatives in the book of the Archæological Collections in the possession of the India Office. Published by Indian Museum. 8vo., 2 parts. Calcutta, 1883 Authority of the Government of India,
Door-jambe, friezes, bricks and tiles from Department of Revenue and Agriculture. Muhammadan buildings, Part II, pp. 365-391. 4to., pp. viii and 218. ANON, Gour, Mandoo, and Bejapore.
Supdt., Govt. Printing, Calcutta, 1900 Asiatic Journal and Monthly Register, Vol.
With references to descriptions in the Archwo
logical Survey Reports and other works. Chiefly XVI, New Series, pp. 178-189. 1835
the work of Dr. T. Bloch. The second list List of Ancient Architectural
is a reprint, with slight alterations and additions, Structures or their Remains in the N.-W.
of Dr. Burgess' List, published in 1894. P. Report of the Administration of the N.-W.
Government of Bengal. Public Provinces, 1869-70. Appendix, pp. 131-166. Works Department. List of Ancient Monu
Allahabad, 1871 ments in Bengal. Revised and corrected up- A List of the Objects of Anti- to 31st August 1895. Published by Authoquarian Interest in the Lower Provinces of rity. 4to., pp. [v], 571, xii and xii, with 9 Bengal. Compiled at the Bengal Seoretariat maps of the Divisions. under the orders of tho Government of India, Bengal Secretariat Press, Calcutta, 1896 1879. 8vo., pp. 267.
This was shortly afterwards issued in the form
of 9 lista (one for each Division) with separate Dengal Secretariat Press, Calcutta, 1879
pagination. With short notes on the locality, condition, With notes on locality, condition, importance, importance, etc., of each building.
eto., of each building.

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MAY, 1922) BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE MUHAMMADAN ARCHITECTURE OF INDIA
98
BALL, V. On the Building and Ornamental Inscriptions on buildings at Triboni, Mulla Stones of India. Records of the Geological
Sim14, SAtgaon, Pandwa and DinanAth. Three Survey of India, Vol. VII, pp. 98-122.
of the plates illustrate the mosque of Pandwa. Calcutta, 1874
BLOCHMANN, H.-Notes on several Arabic
and Persian Inscriptions. Journ., Asiatic BAES. JOHN. The Alti Hills in Outtack Society of Bengal, Vol. XL, Pt. I, pp. 251-281, Jonn., Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. with 4 plates (2 coloured).
1871 XLIV, Pt. I, pp. 19-23, with 4 plates. 1875 Inscriptions on buildings at Bardwan, Gaur,
Plato IV, "Mosque of Pir Sulaiman on the Attock, Majherah and Bareilly. top of the Alamgfr Hill." Dated A.H. 1132
- (1719-20), p. 21.
- Notes on several Arabio and
Persian inscriptions received from Members BELLASIS, A. F. Old Tombs in the Ceme
of the Society. Proceedings of the Asiatic teries of Surat. Journ., Bombay Branch,
Society of Bengal, pp. 126-128. 1871 Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. VI, pp. 146-156,
Merely an abstract of the article in the Journal 1861
From Sikandarpur, Attock, Bareilly, Majherah, Tombs of the Bohras, a Shiah seot, pp. 155-156.
Agra and Bardwen. Two large domed mausoleums with gilded spires, o. 1800.
Note on three Arabic Inscrip An Account of the Old Tombgtions by early Muhammadan Kings of Bengal, in the Cemeteries of Surat. 8vo., pp. 19.
received from A. Broadley. Proceedings of Education Society's Press, Bombay, 1861
the Asiatic Society of Bengal, pp. 245-247. 1871
Bihar. A Reprint of the preceding. BENOIT,
Notes on Arabic and Persian FRANCOIS. L'Architecture. L'Orient : médiéval et r.8deom, voe.n pp. iv
inscriptions, No. II. Journ., Asiatic Society
of Bengal, Vol. XLI, Pt. I, pp. 102-113, and 543. Renouard, Paris, 1912 with 1 plate.
1872 BEVERIDGE, HENRY. An inscription in Dating inscriptions on mosque oto, the Tughrá character. Proceedings of the Dinájpar, Dacca, Dhamrai, BadAdn, Alapar. Asiatic Society of Bengal, p. 55. 1893
- [Translations and notes on Recording the erection of a mosque by Saif-ud.
inscriptions at Badaon.] Proceedings of the Din Abul Muzaffar Firds ShAh, A.H, 896 (1490), at Chuakhali,
Asiatic Society of Bengal, pp. 47-49. 1872
One dating inscription. BEVERIDGE, H. Visit to Umarkot, &c.
-- Note on & new King of Bengal Calcutta Review, Vol. CX, pp. 61-69. 1900
Proceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Abul Fazl's grave and Andrkali's tomb.
pp. 131-132. BLOCHMANN, H. Notes on places of his
Dating inscriptions on a mosque at Kalnah, torical interest in the District of Hugli. A.X. 939 (1632), and Shah Nafah's Dargah at - Proceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Monghir. A. H. 902 (1496). 109-127.
1870
- [Translations and notes on inNotes on Madaran and Pandwa
scriptions at Sambhalher and Kol.) Pro- Notes on the Arabic and Pergien ceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal Inscriptions in the Húgli District. Joum.; pp. 166-168.
1872 Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. XXXIX, Pt.
Contributions to the Gloography L pp. 280-303, with 5 plates, (architectural). and History of Bengal (Muhammadan
1870 soonloo the Proceedings, pp. 187-190. A sequel
Period.) Part I., Geographical.- Part II., 10 Not on place of historical interest in the
Historical, based on Inscriptions received District of Hupli [q. v.).
from General A. Cunningham, etc. Journ.,
1872

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1873
Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. XLII, Pt. 1, BLOCHMANN, H. [Translations of inscrippp. 209-310, with map and 6 plates (3 of tions from Agrah, Sikandrah, Kachparwâ, inscriptions).
1873 Sarzipůr, and Nårnaul.] Proceedings of the Inscriptions on buildings at Bihar, Kagol, Asiatic Society of Bengal, pp. 209-227. 1874 Pandwa, Satgaon, Dinajpur, Silbat, Bandar, Sonårgaon, Azimnagar, Bikråmpur, Malda, Gaur, -
Persian inscriptions from Mangalkot, Sikandarpur, Machain.
Belgâm, Sâmpgâm, Gulbarga, and Siddhapur. See also the Proceedings, pp. 17-22.
Indian Antiquary, Vol. IV, pp. 6-8. 1875 BLOCHMANN, H. [Translations and notes on inscriptions at Dihli, Sonpat, Pânîpat, - Contribution to the History and Sambhal, Muradabad, and Amrohah.) Pro- Geography of Bengal (Muhammadan ceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal,
of Bengul. Period). No. III. Journ., Asiatic Society of pp. 94-102.
1873 Bengal, Vol. XLIV, Pt. I, pp. 275-306, - [Translations and notes on in- with 1 plate fof coins).
. 1875 scriptions at Jaunpûr, Pânipat, and Muzaffar
Dating inscriptions from buildings at Gaur,
Dinajpur, Daoca, Sherpûr, Murcha, Rajmahal, nagar.) Proceedings of the Asiatic Society
Sonargaon, Bihar. of Bengal, pp. 138-142.
- [Readings and translations of [Translations and notes on
inscriptions from Srinagar, Agrah and inscriptions at Râpri, Mahoba, Dihli, Biânah
Nûrâbâd.) Proceedings of the Asiatic Society Ajmir, and Agrah.) Proceedings of the Asiatic
of Bengal, pp. 113-117.
1875 Society of Bengal, pp. 166-160. 1873
- [Readings and translations of - [Translations and notes on in Arabic and Persian inscriptions from Dinli, scriptions at Dihli, Badâon and Kanauj.)
Rohtâs and Sahasram.] Proceedings of the Proceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal,
Asiatic Society of Bengal, pp. 4-12. 1876 pp. 197-202.
1873 Contributions to the Geography - [Readings and translations of and History of Bengal (Muhammadan Arabic and Persian inscriptions from Hisar Period). 1 No. II. Journ Asiatic Society of Firuzah and Azamgarh.) Proceedings of the Bengal, Vol. XLIII, Pt. I, pp. 280-309, with Asiatic Society of Bengal, pp. 92-101. 1877 1 plate (of coins).
1874 - - [Readings and translations of Dating inscriptions from buildings at Malda,
Arabic and Persian inscriptions from Hansa, Goimalti, Garh, Jaripé (Sherpur), Gaur, Bholaht.
with historical notes on the town.) Pro-- [Rubbings, received from
ceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, General Cunningham and Mr. Delmerick, of inscriptions at I'rich or Erich, Piparai
pp. 117-124. near sågarh, Abu'har and Sirsâ.]
[Readings and translations of Proceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal,
Persian inscriptions from Munger.) Proceedpp. 69-73.
1874
ings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, pp. 256 - [Translations and notes on in.
257.
1877 scriptions at Badaon, Dehli, Agrah, Sujân BORRMANN, RICHARD. Die Keramik in Deo, Banâras and Sakit.] Proceedings of der Baukunst. Zweiter Auflage. 8vo. the Asiatic Society of Bengal, pp. 100-106.
Kronör, Leipzig, 1908 1874 See pp. 95-97. [Translations and notes on in
Briggs, H. G. The Cities of Gujoráshtra : scriptions at Ågrah, Fathpur Sikri, Ujjain, their topography and history illustrated in · Firüzâbâd, east of Agra, and Gwâliâr.] a journal of a recent tour; with accom
Proceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, panying documents. 4to., pp. 408 and xxiv. Pp. 160-180.
1874
Times' Press, Bombay, 1849
1877

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MAY, 1922] BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE MUHAMMADAN ARCHITECTURE OF INDIA
97
BROWN, PERCY. Lahore Museum, Punjab. CAMPBELL, JAMES M. Thána : places of A descriptive Guide to the Department of interest. 8vo., pp. [i] and 433, with 5 maps Archæology & Antiquities. 8vo., pp. [i] and 3 plates. ii, vii, 57 and x, with 15 plates.
Government Central Press, Bombay, 1882 “Civil and Military Gazette " Press, Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency, Vol. XIV.
Lahore, 1908 Places arranged in alphabetical order. See p. 25 and plate X, for bi-lingual inscription
CHISHOLM, R. F., F.R.I.B.A. The Old (Arabic and Hindi), dated" 1566 A.D." found during the dismantling of a gateway at Khokra
Palace of Chandragiri. Indian Antiquary, Kot.
Vol. XII, pp. 295-296, with 4 plates. 1883 BUCHANAN-HAMILTON. Account of the Mixed Hindu-Muhammadan style. District or Tila of Dinajpur. MS. 4to.,
Essays on Indian Art, Industry, 2 vols. Transmitted to the Governor General and Education. Asiatic Quarterly Review, in Council, 27th April 1809.
3rd Series, Vol. XXXII, pp. 315-320. 1911 Preserved in the Library of the India Office.
An article on Havell's Essays on Indian Art, Book 1: Topography and Antiquities, pp. 222.
elo., with special reference to his article BURGESS, JAMES. Notes on & Visit to The Taj and its Designers, reprinted there, Gujarat in December 1869. (Reprinted from
attacking tho "Verroneo" theory. the Times of India ".) 12mo., pp. 120.
CLARKE, C. PURDON, C.I.E. The Exam. "Times of India " Office, Bombay, 1870
ples of Moghul Art in the India Museum. Ahmadabad, etc.
Transactions of the Roy. Inst. of Brit. ArchiPhotographs of Architects, Vol. IV, New Series, pp. 122-132, tecture and Scenery in Gujarat and with 4 plates (2 double).
1888 Rajputana. Photographed by Bourne Chiefly on inlaid stone, and carved house fronta and Shepherd, With historical and (3 plates) in the India Museum. descriptive letterpress by James Burgess.
Synopsis : The Architect, Vol. XXXIX, pp.
343-345. Folio, pp. 47, with 30- mounted photographs.
CLARKE, C. STANLEY. [List of existing Bourne and Shepherd, Calcutta, Bombay, monuments in India upon which tile de
and Simla. 1874 coration still appears.] Contributed to Includes AhmadAbad (2), Ajmir (2), Amber Furnival's Leadless Decorative Tiles pp. 121(1), etc.
126 with 1 plate.
1904 - Indian Architectural Details.
The plato shows the principal entrance to the
mosque of Wazir Khan, Lahore, from a waterJourn. Ind. Art., Vol. HI, pp. 49-58, with
colour drawing. 15 plates (6 coloured).
An article on Col. S. S. Jacob's Jeypore Port- COLE, LIEUT. (later Major) HENRY HARDY, folio of Architectural Details (9. v.), from which R.E. Illustrations of Buildings near Muttra the plates are taken.
and Agra, showing the mixed Hindu
Mahomedan Style of Upper India. Prepared Indian Architecture. Article
at the India Museum under the authority of in the Imperial Gazetteer of India, New Edi
the Secretary of State for India in Council, tion, Vol. II, pp. 155-205.
from photographs, plans, and drawings taken Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1908
by order of the Government of India. Impl. B[urges]8, J. Indian Architecture. Article 4to., pp. 8, with 53 plates, (plans, mounted in the Encyclopædia Britannica, 11th Edition, photographs, etc.) with explanatory text Vol. XIV, pp. 428-434, with 4 plates and interleaved.
Allen, London, 1873 illustrations.
1910 21 platos are devoted to Fathpor Sket.
1890

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98
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
[MAY, 1922
COLE, H. H. Preservation of National COLE, H. H. Preservation of National Monuments. First Report of the Curator Monuments, Bombay Presidency. Ahmedabad. of Ancient Monuments in India for the year Poona. Karli. Ambarnath. Elephanta. 5th 1881-82. 8v6., pp. iii, 20 and ccxxi, with July 1881. Preliminary Report. (Illustrated 1 folding plate. Signed H. H. Cole. by two diagrams and eight rough Government Central Branch Press, Simla, sketches.) 4to., pp. 17, with 10 plates.
1882 Title on wrapper. - Preservation of National Monu- Government Central Branch Press, Simla, mente. Second Report of the Curator of
1881 Ancient Monuments in India for the year COLE. H. H. Preservation of National 1882-83. 8vo., pp. 13 and clv, with large Monuments. India. Golden Temple at Amritfolding "Map of India showing some of the Bar, Punjab. Folio, pp. 2, with 5 plates (4 localities rich in Ancient Monuments" and coloured). Title on cover - 8.1. [1884) 33 plates (sketches and plans). Signed H. H. It is stated that the design of the temple
repaired by Ranjit Singh was borrowed from the Cole.
shrine of the Muhammadan Saint Mian Mir, near Supt., Government. Printing, Calcutta, 1883
Lahore (1635 A.D.)." The plates illustrate the - Preservation of National Monu
doors. ments. Third Report of the Curator of Reprinted in the Journal of Indian Art, VOL.III, Ancient Monuments in India for the year p. 40, with 5 plates, and, with slightly contract
od text, in Grigga Photographs and Drawings 1883-84. 8vo., pp. iv, 28 and clxxiii. Signed
of Historical Buildings, [q. v.), plates 82-86. H. H. Cole.
Preservation of National MonuSupt., Government Printing, Calcutta, 1885 ments. India. Tomb of Jahangir at Shahdara Contains much miscellaneous information
near Lahore. Folio, pp. 5, with 9 plates lists of principal monuments in various districts, etc. Last published.
(7 coloured). Title on cover. 8.1.(1884]
The 9 plates above are also to be found Preservation of National Monu
reprinted in Griggs' Photographs and Drawings of ments, Bombay Presidency. Bijapur. Historical Buildings. [q. v.), plates 68-76, with 26th May 1881. (Illustrated by two plans and six sketches). Preliminary Report. 4to.,
- Preservation of National Monu. pp. 15, with 8 folding plates. Title on mente. India. Delhi. Folio, pp. [1], [1]and wrapper.
3, with 5 plates (4 coloured). Title on cover. Government Central Branch Press, Simla,
8. 1. (1884] 1881
Details of decoration of the Diwan-i-Am and Preservation of National Monu.
Diwan-i-Khig, and plan of the buildings at
the Qutub. ments. Nizam's Territory. Kalburgah. 25th
- Preservation of National Monu. June 1881, Preliminary Report. 4to., pp. 3, ments. India. Buildings in the Punjab. with 1 plate. Title on wrapper.
Folio, pp. [1], 2 and 3, with 7 plates (3 Government Central Branch Press, Simla,
coloured). Title on cover. 8. 1. (1884)
1881 "Badshahi Sarai at Nurmahal near Jalandhar," - Preservation of National Monu- 2 plates; Plan of Lahore Fort, showing the ments, Rajputana. Mount Abu. Ajmir.
original buildings, 1 double plate; "Shalimar Jaipur. Ulwar. 5th July 1881. Preliminary
Bagh, Lahore," 4 plates (3 double).
The 7 plates above are also to be found reReport. Illustrated by eight rough sketches. printed in Griggs' Photographs and Drawings of 4to., pp. 9, with 8 folding plates. Title Historical Buildings, [q. v.], plates 77-81, 87 and on wrapper.
88, with contracted and somewhat different Government Central Branch Press, Simla,
text; also, reduced to 3 plates, but with the
same text as the latter, in the Journ. Ind. Art., 1881
Vol. VI, pp. 94-96.

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MAY. 1922) BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE MUHAMMADAN ARCHITECTURE OF INDIA
99
COLE, MAJOR H.H Preservation of National DEAKIN ALFRED. The Archit:cture of Monuments. India. Agra and Gwalior. Folio, the Mughals. The Architect, Vol. XLVII. pp. 1) and 3, with 9 plates (3 coloured). pp. 215-217.
1892 Title on cover
8. 7. (1885) DE FOREST, LOCKWOOD. Indian Domestic Includes plate of the Jâmi' Masjid, Gwalior.
Architecture. Impl. 4to., (pp. iii], with and 3 coloured plates of the paintoci fresco
20 plates.
[New York ?]. 1885 decoration of I'timad ud-Dawla's Mausoleun, Agra. The plate of the Jåmi' Masjid, Gwalier,
Includes some examples of Muhammadan was reprinted in the Journal of Indian Art, Vol. architecture : Lattice window and wall surface VIII, plate 86.
of tomb covered with glazed tiles, Multan; Tomb
of 'Alå-ud-Din Khilji, Delhi, etc.. COUSENS, H. List of Photographic
- EASTWICK, Lr. E. B. Note on Allore and Negatives of Ancient Buildings and Anti-Rohri. Journ
Rohri. Journ., Bombay Branch, Royal Asia.
Bor quities of the Bombay Presidency. Title
tic Society, Vol. I, pp. 203-209. 1844 on wrapper. 4to., pp. 41. Poona, 1888
On some very early mosques, one dated A.H. - Conservation of Ancient Monu
341 (952). Dr. Horovitz, however, says that this
date is not to be taken seriously. See Epiyraphia ments in the Bombay Presidency. Journ.,
Indo-Moslemica, 1909-10, p. 31, note. Bombay Branch, Royal Asiatic Society.
FALKE, JAKOB VON. Aus dem weiten Centenary Memorial Volume, pp. 149-162. 1905 Reiche der Kunst. Sm. 8vo., pp. 387.
Berlin, 1889 Portfolio of Illustrations of Sind See pp. 112-135. Also "Wohnung und Palast Tiles. Photo-Chromo-Lithographed by W. im Orient,” pp. 137-166. Griggs and Sons. Folio, pp. [ii] with 51 FERGUSSON, JAMES. One Hundred Stereoplates (50 coloured).
London, 1906 scopic Illustrations of Architecture and Plate 1, "Tatta : Section of the Jami Masjid".
Natural History in Western India. Photo29 and 30,"Sukkur : coloured tile decoration on
graphed by Major Gill and described by back wall of mosque near tomb of M. Abul Baki Purani,"
James Fergusson. 8vo., pp. xii, with short
note under each photograph. COWLEY, J. Rough Notes on Sonah, and its Hot Sulphur Springs. Journal of the
Cundall, Downes & Co., London, 1864
Aurangabad, pl. 63-77 and 79-86. Tombs of Archaeological Society of Dehli, pp. 78-84. 1850
Rabi'ah Duráni and Muzaffar Şafi, Jam Masjid, Contains notes on the buildings there. -
Mosque in Old Palace at Rauzah, Shah Gang CRESWELL, K. A. C. Indian Domes of
and Tomb of Pir Isma'il. Persian Origin. Asiatic Review, Vol. V, - On the Study of Indian New Series, pp. 475-489, with 6 illustrations Architecture. Journal of the Society of Arts. on 1 plate, and 5 figures.
1914 Vol. XV, pp. 70-80, with 3 illustrations and & map.
1866 CROSTHWAITE, H.S. Monograph on Stone Published separately, sm. 8vo., PP. 35, Carving in the United Provinces. 4to., PP.) with 5 illustrations and a map. [vii] and 33, with 12 plates.
Murray, London, 1867 Supdt., Government Press, United Provin
Science and Art Department of Committee of ces,
Allahabad, 1906 Council on Education. Includes jali work, stone inlay at Agra, etc. --- Illustrations of various styles CUNNINGHAM, GENERAL A., C.S.I. Chûha of Indian Architecture. A series of Shah Daulah. Indian Antiquary. Vol. VIII, fifteen photographs of some of the most “Notes and Queries," p. 234.
1879 important buildings in India. erected Notes on a shrine in answer to a query in Vol.
between B.C. 250 and A.D. 1830i With & VIII, p. 176.
lecture on the study of Indian Architecture,

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והן
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
MAY, 1942
read at a cting of the Society of Arts, GANAPATI Ray. The Khanja Ali Mosque on 19th Durember, 1866, and a report of the at Khulna. Indian Antiquary, Vol. XXXIX discussion which ensued. 8vo., pp. vii, "Notes and Queries," p. 287. 1910 35 and a leat of text to each plate, with map CERSON DA CUNHA, J. Notes on the History and 5 illustrations in text.
and Antiquities of Chaul. Journ., Bombay London, 1869
Branch, Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. XII, pp. Ahmadabad, Fathpur Sikri, Agra, Delhi, etc.
51-162, with 8 folding plates.
1876 FERGUSSON, JAMES. History of Indian and Muhammadan antiquities, pp. 161-162 (no
illustrations). Eastern Architecture. 8vo., pp. xviii and 756,
GODWIN-AUSTEN, MAJOR H. H. On the wish 1 plate, 394 illustrations and 2 maps.
Ruins at Dímápúr on the Dunsirí River, Murray, London, 1876
Ásám. Journ., Asiatic Society of Bengal, This edition was reprinted (without the
Vol. XLIII, Pt. I, pp. 1-6, with 6 plates. author's consent) by Dodd, Mead & Co., at Boston in 1886, and again in 1891.
1874
See plate IV. Do. Revised and edited, with GRIGGS, W. India. Photographs and additions. Indian Architecture by James Drawings of Historical Buildings. 100 plates Burgess, and Eastern Architecture by R. reproduced by W. Griggs. From the Col. Phené Spiers: 8vo., 2 vols., pp. xxiii and lection of the late Office of Curator of Ancient 450; xvi and 521. With 50 plates and Monuments in India. Folio, 100 plates 512 illustrations. Murray, London, 1910 (50 coloured), with explanatory text inter"Book VII: Indian Saracenic Architecture," leaved.
London, 1896 Vol. II, pp. 186-335.
The greater part of the above consists of re
prints from H. H. Cole's Preservation of National FIODOR, KARL. Indische Architektur.
Monuments Series, and from the Journal of Dic Kunstwelt, Jahrg. I, Band II, pp. 455-466,
Indian Art. with 2 plates and 16 illustrations (5 full- GROWSE, F. s. C.I.E. The town of page).
1912 Bulandshahr. Journ. Asiatic Society of Cood photographs of Architecture at Delhi, Bengal, Vol. LII, pp. 270-288, with 2 plates. Agra and Fathpur Sikri.
1883
Notes on the Muhammadan monuments, pp. FORREST, G. W. Cities of India. 8vo.,
286-287. pp. xvi and 354, with 60 illustrations and a
- Notes on the Fatehpur District, map.
Constable, London, 1903 N.-W. P: Journ., Asiatic Society of Bengal, FRANCKLIN. MAJOR WILLLALT. Journal Vol. LIV, Pt. I, pp. 145-162.
1885
Muhammadan buildings, pp. 149-153. of a Route from Rajemehul to Gour, A.D.
A Supplement to the Fatehpur 1810-11. MS. 4to., pp. 87.
Gazetteer. 8vo., pp. [3] and 43, with 1 Note on flyleaf: "The map and drawings plate. which Major Francklin prepared are not North-Western Provinces and Oudh to be found, and were never contained in
Government Press, Allahabad., 1887 the Geographical Collection of the India Written to supplement its scanty architecOffice."
tural and topographical information. Airawa
Sadat, mosque, p. 7; Fathpur, tomb and In the map Room of the India Office.
mosque of 'Abdus Samad Khan, A.H. 1121 See Beveridge (H.).
(1709), pp. 13-14; Garhi Jár, pp. 17 and 36; FÜHRER, A. List of Photographic Hathgånw, temple rearranged as mosque, pp.
20-21; Khajuha, Barai and mosque, PP. Negatives of the Monumental Antiquities
22-23; Mughal bridge, p. 24; Kora, pp. in the North-Western Provinces and Oudh.
24-25 and 36; Malwa, mosque, imambers, 4 to , pp. 13. Title from wrapper. 8.l., 1889. etc., p. 26.

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MAY, 1922] BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE MUHAMMADAN ARCHITECTURE OF INDIA
101
GUPTA, ASUTOSH. Ruins and Antiquities HENDLEY, THOMAS HOLBEIN. Ulwar and of Rámpál. Journ., Asiatic Society of Bengal, its Art Treasures, Sm. folio. Vol. LVIII, Pt. I, pp. 12-27, with 1 plate.
Griggs, London, 1888 1889
Plate XIX : Mausoleum at Tejara. See also
plates XXVI and XXVII. GURLITT, CORNELIUS. Geschichte der
HODGSON, COL. J. A. Memoir on the Kunst. Large 8vo., 2 vols. eu
Length of the Illahee Guz, or Imperial Bergsträsser, Stuttgart, 1902
Land Measure of Hindostan. Jour., Roy. See Band I, pp. 403-405, with 1 plate; Die
Asiatic Society, Vol. VII, pp. 42-63, with mohammedaner Indiens, pp. 643-646; Die mohammedanische Kunst in Osten, pp. 677.685.
1 large folding plate.
1843
With a view to determine this he carefully HAIG, MAJOR T. W. Inscriptions in
measured the Taj and its garden, & plan of Gulbarga. Epigraphia Indo-Moslemica, 1907.
which is given on the plate. There are two 8, pp. 1-10.
[1908) tables of measurements of different parts of the
Jami' Masjid, Moti Masjid, Taj Mahal, and the - Some Inscriptions in Berar.
Fort, for the purpose of deducing the relative Epigraphia Indo-Moslemica, 1907-8, pp. 10-21,
proportions of each. Also extracts from the with 1 plate.
[1908] Shahjahan Nama, by Muhammad Salih Kumbo. I. GAwilgash. II. Narnâla, with plate of the HOPE, T. C. Surat, Broach, and other Muhammadi or Mahakali gateway of the fort. old cities of Goojerat, photographed by III. Akola. IV. Bâlâpûr. V. Patar Shaikh
Lindley and Warren ; with brief descriptive Baba. VI. Malkapur. VII. Mehkar. VIII,
and architectural notes. Sm. folio, pp. [i] Shakerkhelda or Fathkelda. IX. Rohankhed. X. Bårsi Takti. XI. Sirpûr.
and 8, with 23 plates (20 of which are An Inscription in the Fort of mounted photograp 18) and 6 figures (plans).
The Oriental Press, Bombay, 1868 Daulatâbâd. Epigraphia Indo-Moslemica, 1907-8, pp. 21-23.
[1908]
HORN, PAUL. Muhammadan Inscriptions
from the Sûba of Dihli. Epigraphia Indica, - Inscriptions in Hyderabad and
Vol. II, pp. 130-159, with 3 plates. 1894 Golconda. Epigraphia Indo-Moslemica,
Dating inscriptions of mosques, etc., at Jhaj1907-8, pp. 23-29.
[1908] har, Pânipat, Sewah, Sonpat, Rohtak and HAVELL, E. B. Indian Architecture : its
Mahim, Khokarakot, Bohm, Higår Firoza,
Barwala, Fathâbâd, and Hånsi. Psychology, Structure, and History, from the first Muhammadan Invasion to the
- Muhammadan Inscriptions from present day. 8vo., pp. XX and - 260, with Bengal. Epigraphia Indica, Vol. II, pp. 129 plates and 49 figures..
280-296, with 2 plates.
1894 Murray, London, 1913
Dating inscriptions on mosques, etc., at
Bhagalpur, Hazrat Pandwa, Gaur, Mahdipur, HENDLEY, THOMAS HOLBEIN. The Jey-1 Khandkartola (Sherp Úr), Bihår, and Munêr. pore Guide. 12mo., pp. vii, 146, xi and 6,
Muhammadan Inscriptions from with 18 plates (line drawings).
the Saba of Dihli. No. II. Epigraphia Jeypore, 1876 Indica, Vol. II, pp. 424-437.
1894 Architecture at Jaipur and Amber.
Dating inscriptions on mosques, etc., at - Memorials of the Jeypore Exhi
Fathåbåd, Hisar, Hansi, Bhatinda, and Rohtak. bition. Impl. 4to., 4 vols.
HORNE, C. Notes on the Jumma Masjid Griggs, London, 1884 of Etawah. Journ., Asiatic Society of Bengal, See Vol. I, pp. 68-70, and Vol. III, plates
Vol XXXVI, Pt. 1, pp. 74-75, with 1 folding CLXXXVI, CLXXXVII and CXCIV.
plate.
1867 Decorative Art in Rajputana.
HOROVITZ, J. HOROVITZ, J.
A list of the published Journ. Ind. Art, Vol. II, pp. 43-50, with 10 Mohamedan Inscriptions of India. Epigraplates (7 coloured).
1888phia Indo-Moslemica, 1909-10, pp. 30-144. On the palaces of Jaipur and Amber.
1912

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102
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
[MAY, 1922
HOROVITZ, The Inscriptions of Muhammad JACOB, COL. S. S. Jeypore Portfolio of ibn Sâm, Qutbuddin Aibeg, and Iltutmish. Architectural Details. Issued under the Epigraphia Indo-Moslemica, 1911-12, PP.patronage of His Highness Maharaja Sawai 12-34, with 28 plates.
1914 | Madhu Singh of Jeypore. Large folio, 6 vols. Quwwat ul Islam Mosque and Qutb Minar,
and folio, 6 vols., as under Delhi; tomb of Shah Ni'matullah Shahid in fort at Hånsi; Arhai din kå jhonpra Mosque Part I, Copings and Plinths, pp. [6], at Ajmir; Jâmi Masjid, Budaôn ; mosque at with 52 plates (1 col.). Hânsi; mosque at Bilgrâm; tomb at Malikpůr ;
Part II, Pillars-Caps and Bases, pp. [6], 'Idgâh at Hånsi.
with 79 plates (1 col.). HOUGHTON, CAPT. [Photographs of Tomb Part III, Carved Doors, pp. [4], with at Tatta.] Oblong 4to., 11 plates, no text. 66 plates (11 col.).
[1859)
Part IV, Brackets, pp. [4] with 68
plates (2 col.). HUGHES, A. W. A Gazetteer of the Pro
Part V, Arches, pp. [4), with 58 plates vince of Sindh. 8vo., pp. viii and 898,
(10 col.). with 13 plates and folding map in pocket.
Part VI, Balustrades, pp. [4], with 50 Bell, London, 1874.
plates (1 col.). - Do. Second edition. 8vo., pp. Part VII, String and Band Patterns, zi and 946, with 13 plates and map. pp. [8], with 64 plates (13 col.). Bell, London, 1876
Part VIII, Wall and Surface Decora
tions, pp. [7], with 61 plates (2 col.). d'HUMIÈRES, ROBERT, L'Islam monu
Part IX, Dados, pp. [8], with 61 plates mental dans l'Inde du Nord. Gazette des
(37 col.). Beaux Arts, 3e période, tome XXV, pp.
Part X, Parapets, pp. [8], with 49 277-291, with 6 illustrations;tome XXVI, pp.
plates (17 col.). 123-138, with 7 illustrations ; pp. 299-317,
Part XI, Chatris and Domed Roofs, with 9 illustrations.
1901
pp. [3]. with 56 plates (1 col.). Delhi, Fathpur Sikri and Agra.
Part XII, Jharokas or Balcony WinIMPEY, CAPT. E. C. Delhi, Agra, and dows, pp. [3], with 48 plates. Rajpootana, illustrated by eighty photo- Griggs : Quaritch: London, 1890-1913 graphs. Folio, pp. [i] with explanatory Includes large scale details of a great number note under each photograph.
of Muhammadan buildings at Agra, Ahmedabad,
Ajmir, Amber, Bijapur, Bunnur, Burhanpur, Cundall, Downes, and Co., London, 1865
Broach, Delhi, Fathpur Sikri, Gwalior, Jaunpur, Delhi, 18 photographs ; Agra, 9; Sikandra, Jhavindwada, Kalpi and Lahore. 4; Amber, 4.
JAMES, H. E. M. Sind as a Field for the IRVINE, WILLIAM. Note on an Inscrip- Naturalist and Antiquarian. A lecture delition from Shamsābād, Fārrukhābād District, vered at the Dayaram Jethmal College, KaraN-W. P. Proceedings of the Asiatic Society chi, on the 19th July 1893. 8vo., pp. [i]and 27. of Bengal, 1894, pp. 76-77.
1894
“Mercantile” Press, Karachi, 1893 Inscription from a mosque, dating it by abjad A. . 702 (1302-3).
JARRET, H. S. Note on an Inscription
on an ancient Mosque in Koh Inám, Zillah JACOB, COL. S. S. Trellis Work in Allahabad, sent by A. M. Markham. ProChunam. Professional Papers on Indian ceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, pp. Engineering, Vol. V, pp. 303-304, with 2 72-73.
1880 plates and 1 figure. Roorkee, 1868 Dated A.H. 786 (1384).

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KITTOE, MARKHAM. Illustrations of Indian | héliogravures d'aprés les photographies, Architecture from the Muhammadan Con- aquarelles et documents de l'auteur, 4to., " quest downwards, selected from a portfolio pp. vii and 743. Firmin-Didot, Paris, 1887 of architectural drawings, prepared with much care, and principally by regular measurements, from buildings at Agra, Delhi, Juanpur, Benares, Chunar and numerous other places in Upper India.
Oblong folio, pp. [i], with 47 lithographic plates and explanatory text to the first 12.
Thacker, Calcutta, 1838
KUHN, DR. P. ALBERT. Geschichte der Baukunst. 4to. 1909 See pp. 368-374, with 1 coloured plate, and figs. 632-638.
L., M. The Early History of Multan. Calcutta Review, Vol. XCI, pp. 389-400; XCII, pp. 229-261.
1890-91 Contains a considerable amount of architectural information, especially XCII, pp. 245-259.
LANGLES, L. Monuments anciens et modernes de l'Hindoustan. Folio, 2 vols. Didot, Paris, 1821
LA TOUCHE, T. D. [Letter on an ancient plan of Bhakar with parts of Rohri and Sukkur.] Proceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, pp. 69-74. 1895 Gives a list of 99 buildings marked on the plan. *LA ROCHE, EMANUEL. Indische Baukunst. Herausgegeben unter Mitwirkung von Alfred Sarasin. Mit einem Geleitwort von Heinrich Wölfflin und einem Literatur Verzeichniss von Emil Gratzl. Folio, 3 vols.,
with 125 plates (12 coloured) and 555 figures, and atlas folio, 3 vols., with 40 plates (3) coloured). Bruckmann, München, 1921
Limited to 226 numbered copies.
Architecture hindo-musulmane, pp. 532-546, figs. 218-276 and 1 coloured plate.
LE BON, DR. GUSTAVE. Les Civilisations de l'Inde. Ouvrage illustré de 7 chromolithographies, 2 cartes et 350 gravures et
LE BON, DR. GUSTAVE. Les Monuments de l'Inde. Ouvrage illustré d'environ 400 figures héliotypies, dessins, cartes et plans, exécutées d'aprés les photographies et les documents de l'auteur. Impl. 4to., pp. 254. Firmin-Didot, Paris, 1893
Includes Agra, Ahmadâbâd, Ajmîr, Bijapûr, Delhi, Fathpur Sikri, Gaur, Golconda, Lahore and Sikandra, all well illustrated.
accompany a
LYON, CAPT. Notes to series of photographs designed to illustrate the Ancient Architecture of Western India. Taken for Government, and described by Capt. Lyon. 4to., pp. 19. Carey, Geneva, 1871
Bijapur, Karli, Ambernath, Surat, Ahmadâbâd and Palitana.
Mosque built by Aurangzib at Aurangabad tome II, pp. 146, with plate; Mausoleum of
the Muhammadan dynasty at Mysore, II, pp. Vol. XXXIII, pp. 402-406.
43-47, with 1 plate.
I have never met with the set of photographs referred to, although I have seen it once in a bookseller's catalogue. The text-volume above is extremely rare.
MACKENZIE, CAPT. H. On the Antiquities of Guzerat. Journ., Asiatic Society of Bengal,
1864
[Supplementary to the above.] Inscription on the Maqbara at Hailan. Ibid., pp. 549-551, 1864. A transliteration without translation. MACKINTOSH, CAPTAIN. On an Indian method of constructing Arches. Asiatick Researches, Vol. XIV, pp. 476-479, with 1 folding plate.
1822
With practically no centreing, but different from the Mesopotamian method.
MACLAGAN, GENERAL ROBERT, R.E. The Building Arts of India. Journal of the Society of Arts, Vol. XXIX, pp. 516-525. 1881
A general survey of all periods and styles. Reprinted in the Architect, Vol. XXV, pp. 325-327, 355-356.
MAINDRON, MAURICE. L'Art indien. 8vo. PP. ix and 314, with 153 illustrations. May, Paris, [1898] L'architecture musulmane, pp. 99-109, with 5 illustrations.
* P have only seen the prospectus of this work.

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[MAY, 1922
MAISEY, LIEUT. F. Description of the Muhammadan Monumento at Chanderi Antiquities of Kálinjar. Journ., Asiatic
Hajira Darwaza, Jami' Masjid, Katti Ghatti,
Koshuk Mahal and Madrasa, pp. 15-16 and plates Society of Bengal, Vol. XVII, Pt. I, pp.
53-59. 171-2014 with 18 plates.
1848 Alam Darwaza, built by Aurangzib, A.H.
MURRAY, A. H. HALLAM. The High-Road 1084 (1673-4), pp. 173-174, no illustration. of Empire: water-colour and pen-and-ink
MEGHARAJA, Kanungo of Rotâs. Tarikh i sketches in India. 8vo., pp. xxix and 453, Rotâs. 8vo., pp. 112, with 1 folding map and with 47 coloured plates and 106 illustrations, 1 folding plate. Lith. Jamil Press, Jehlam, 1861 (mostly architectural). An account of the fort of Rotas, and of the
Murray, London, 1905 Ghakkar and other tribes residing in the Bijapūr, Allahabad, Agra, Fathpur Sikri, neighbourhood..
Delhi, Lahore, Ajmir, etc. MOHAMMED DJINGUIZ. L'Islam dans NAIRNE, A. K. Musalman Remains in l'Inde. Revue du Monde musulman, tome the South Konkan. 1.-Dabhol. II.VI, pp. 85-118, with 23 illustrations. 1908
Ports south of Ratnagiri. III.-Chaul. Includes illustrations of mosques at Colombo
IV.-The Fort of Korlê. Indian Antiquary, and Rangoon.
Vol. II, pp. 278-283, pp. 317-322 ; Vol. III, MONMOHAN CHAKRAVARTI. Bengali Tem
pp. 100-102, pp. 181-182.
1873-4 ples and their General Characteristics. Journ. Asiatic Society of Bengal, New Series, Vol. V, NAPIER AND ETTRICK, LORD. The Fine pp. 141-164, with 13 illustrations. 1909 Arts in India. Part I.-Architecture. A Includes notes on Muhammadan buildings. Lecture delivered before the Native Christian
- Pre-Mughal Mosques of Bengal. Literary Society, November 25, 1869. 8vo.. Journ., Asiatic Society of Bengal, New pp. 25. Foster Press, Madras [1869) Series, Vol. VI, pp. 23-38, with 5 illustra
Do. With introduction and notes tions.
1910 by K. Deighton. 8vo. pp. [iii], 29 and 23. MUHAMMAD ABD AL-GHAFOR, Dinlari,
Thompson, Madras, [1894) Dürbin i 'alam. 8vo., pp. 54 and 124 pp. of
OERTEL, F. O., F.R.I.B.4. Indian Archiillustrations. Lith.
tecture and its Suitability for Modern ReStar of India Press, Delhi, 1883
quirements. Asiatic Quarterly Review, New A list of 800 important buildings, mosques and places of interest to Muhammadans in India, with
Series, Vol. II, pp. 376-406. (Proceedings a brief description and an illustration of each of the East India Association.) 1913 MUNAMAD 'ALI, Kazi. The History of a ORLICH, LEOPOLD VON. Reise in Ostindien deserted town. (Sultanpur, Oudh]. 8vo., in Briefen an Alexander von Humboldt und pp. 42.
Carl Ritter. 4to., pp. xvi and 298, with 22 Rohilkhund Printing Press, Bareilly, 1894
plates (10 coloured) and many illustrations. MUXAMMAD SHUAIB, Maulvi. Inscriptions
Mayer und Wigand, Leipzig, 1845 from Palwal. Epigraphia Indo-Moslemica, 1911-12, pp. 1-4, with 2 plates.
1914
The 10 coloured plates are reproductions of
native drawings of the Taj, Great Mosque at MUKHERJI, POORNO CHANDER. • Report on
Delhi, etc., and are similar in style to the plates the Antiquities in the District of Lalitpur,
in Sleeman's Rambles and Recollections. N. W. Provinces, India, Illustrated by 13 diagrams and 98 plates. Vol. I., Text and
- Travels in India, including Sinde diagrams. Vol. II., Plates. Impl. 4to., and the Punjab. Translated from the pp. vii and 39 with 13 plates of diagrams: 1 German by H. Evans Lloyd. 8vo., 2 vols., pp. iii with 97 plates and a folding map. pp. xv and 278; vii and 314. With 2 plates Thomason Engineering College Press, (1 coloured) and many illustrations. Roorkee, 1899!
Longmans, London, 1845

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MAY, 1922] BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE MUHAMMADAN ARCHITECTURE OF INDIA 105
OUSELEY, G., and CAPT. W. G. DAVIES. REHATSEK, E. Three Inscriptions from Report on the Revised Settlement of the Raichor. Indian Antiquary, Vol. XI, PR. Shahpoor District in the Rawulpindee 129-131.
1882 Division. 8vo., pp. ix, 129, xxxvii and 23, Dating inscriptions on various bastions of the
fort of Raichor, A.H. 978 with 1 large folding plate and 4 large folding
(1570), A.H. 1018
(1609), and A.x. 1029 (1619). maps. Punjab Printing Co., Lahore, 1866
RICHARDSON, A. Description of the Fort "Lists of Objects of Antiquarian Interest in the Shahpoor District," Appendix, pp. 8-9.
of Galna, in Khandeish. Journ., Bombay
Branch, Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. VI, PEPPE, T. F. [Notes on a gift of photo- pp. 143-145.
1851 graphs of the Antiquities of Bihar.) Proc.
| RIVETT-CARNAC, H., C.1.E., F.S.A. Asiatic Society of Bengal, pp. 251-276. 1871
Archæological Notes on a March between Shahabad (Sasseram), pp. 272-276.
Cawnpore and Mainpuri, N.-W. Provinces, PORTFOLIO OF INDIAN ART. 4to., 28 during the Camping Season of 1879. Indian parts, 47 coloured or tinted plates (9 double), Antiquary, Vol. VIII, pp. 100-104. 1879 no text. London, [1881-1886) Remains at Kanauj, etc.
ROBERTS, A. A. An account of the Great Part 11, 2 plates : Arch of screen, Arhai-din-ka Jhonpra Mosque, Ajmer; Blind trellis window, Mosque at Khirkee together with some Ahmedabad. Part 13 : Fresco decoration, Mosque mention of the other Mosques built by of Wazir Khân, Lahore. Parts 14-22:
Khan Jehan, son of Khan Jehan, in the reign Details of inlay, Taj Mahal, Agra. Part 28 : Carved and pierced sandstone window, Sidi
of Feroze Shah. Journal of the Archaeological Sayid's Mosque, Ahmedabad.
Society of Delhi, pp. 60-63.
1850 RAKHAL DAS BANDYOPADHYAYA. Sapta
ROBIE, JEAN. Une ville abandonnée. grāma or Satgānw. With a note on a new Fragment d'un voyage dans l'Inde. Bulinscription of Alauddin Husain Shāh by Dr. letins de l'Acad. Royale de Belgique, 3me T. Bloch, Ph.D. Journ., Asiatic Society of
série, tome XXI, pp: 59-73. Bengal, New Series, Vol. y, pp. 245-262,
Also published in L'Art, tome L, pp. 72-75. with 9 plates.
1909
An account of Amber. Dating inscriptions of mosques, etc., at Pandwa
RODGERS, CHAS. J. Revised List of and Triveni.
Objects of Archæological Interest in the RANSOME, JAMES, F.R.I.B.A. European
Punjab. Compiled from Returns sent in Architecture in India. Journ. of the Roy. by Deputy Commissioners of Districts, from Inst. of Brit. Architects, Vol. XII, Third
Old Lists of the Public Works Department Series, yp. 185-204, with 17 illustrations. 1905
and from Reports of the Archæological Contains notes on Muhammadan buildings. Survey. 4to., pp. [iii], 95 and vi.
Ball, Lahore, (1904) RASHBIHARI BOSE. An Account of Copilmoonee, Jessore, and its Antiquities. ROSE, H. A. Muhammadan Shrines in in connection with the Fair held there in Kurram. Indian Antiquary, Vol. XXXIV. March, 1868. Proc. Asiatic Society of Bengal. 1 "Miscellanea," pp. 268-271.
1905 pp. 297-298.
1870 ROUSSELET, LOUIS. L'Inde des Rajahs, Dating inscription on the Bonhara Mosque voyage dans l'Inde centrale et dans les A.H. 908 (1502).
Présidences de Bombay et du Bengale. REHATSEK, E. Sangamner Inscriptions.
Ouvrage contenant 317 gravures sur bois Indian Antiquary, Vol. IV, pp. 349-350. 1875
dessinées par nos plus célèbres artistes et six On the Gumbaz of Khwajah Muhammad
cartes. Impl. 4to., pp. 807. şådiq, 4.H. 1070 (1659-60).
Hachette, Paris, 1875
1891

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106
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
(MAY, 1922
ROUSSELET, LOUIS. India and its Native SLEEMANN, LT.-COL. W. H. Do. Revised Princes. Travels in Central India and in annotated edition by Vincent A. Smith. the Presidencies of Bombay and Bengal. 8vo., pp. xxxix and 667, with folding map. Carefully revised and edited by Lieut.-Col.
Milford, London, 1915 Buckle. Containing 317 illustrations and Only the first edition containe the native 6 maps. Impl. 4to., pp. xviii and 579. Architectural drawings, but the last is of import
ance, on account of the valuable archeological Chapman and Hall, London, 1876
notes of the late Vincent Smith on Delhi, Agra
and Fathpur Sikri. SALADIN, H. Manuel d'art musulman, I.-L'Architecture. 8vo. Picard, Paris, 1907 SMITH, EDMUND W. Detail Drawings Chap. VI.— "Ecole indoue," pp. 545-579, with
by the Archæological Survey of N. W. 21 illustrations.
Provinces and Oudh. Journ. Ind. Art., SCHERMAN, L. Zur spätindischen Kunst
Vol. IV., pp. 13-14, with 4 plates. 1891
Door of fort at Urcha, of shisham wood studded geschichte. Allgemeine Zeitung, 12. Juni,
with iron spikes, (2 pl.); red sandstone screen Beilage 133, pp. 476-479. , 1902
at Fathpur Sikri, (1 pl.). An article on E. W. Smith's Moghul Architecture of Fathpur Sikri and Moghul Colour Decora
-- Chaurasi Gumbaz, Kalpi, N.W. tion of Agra, [9. v.].
Provinces. Journ. Ind. Art., Vol. V, pp. 49-50, with 8 plates.
1893 SCHOENFELD, DAGOBERT. Die Mongolen und ihre Paläste und Gärten im mitteleren
- Portfolio of Indian Architectural Gangestale. Zeitschr. d. Deutschen morgen- Drawings. Part I. [All published.] Prepar. ländischen Gesellschaft, Band LXVI. 1912ed by Edmund W. Smith. Lssued by the
Government, North-West Provinces and STEVERG. JOHANNES. Bilder aus Indien. Oudh. Photo-lithographed by W. Griggs. 65 photographische Originalaufnahmen mit Folio, pp. [iii], with 52 plates (2 coloured). einer Einführung. Square 8vo., pp. 66, with
Supdt., Govt. Press, Allahabad, 1897 65 plates. Cassirer, Berlin, 1911
-- Akbar's Tomb, Sikandarah, "Muhammedanische Baukunst," pp. 37-66.
near Agra, described and illustrated. Roy. SIMPSON. WILLIAM. On the Architecture 4to., pp. ii and 35, with 64 plates (27 of India. Papers read at the Roy. Inst. of coloured). Brit. Architects, Vol. XII, pp. 165-178. 1862
Supdt.. Govt. Press, Allahabad, 1909 SLEEMANN, LT.-COL. (afterwards Maj.
SMITH, VINCENT A. A History of Fine Genl.) W. H. Rambles and Recollections of
Art in India and Ceylon from the earliest an Indian Official. 8vo., 2 vols., pp. xii and
times to the present day. 4to., pp. xx and 478, with 7 coloured plates; pp. viii and 459, 516. with 5 coloured plates and 381 illustrawith 25 coloured plates.
tions. Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1911 Hatchard, London, 1844 The Indo-Muhammadan Styles of Architecture,
pp. 391-420, with 20 illustrations. - Do. Republished by A. C. MAjumdar. 8vo., 2 vols., pp. xi and 351 ; pp. v
STAPLETON, H. E. Note on Seven Sixand 339. Mufid-i-am Press, Lahore, 1888
teenth Century Cannon recently disoovered A roughly executed reprint, with many mis.
in the Dacca District. Journ., Asiatic Society prints. Very scarce.
of Bengal, New Series, Vol. V, pp. 367-376, with 3 plates.
1909 - Do. A new edition. Edited by
Addenda : Notes and dating inscriptions of Vincent Arthur Smith. 8vo., 2 vols.,
mosques, one at Egåro Sindhu, dated A. H. 1062 pp. xxxvi and 447, with folding map; pp. ix
(1651), another at Paralia (Daoca District), dated and 368. Constable, London, 1893 A. 1. 1126 (1714).

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MAY, 1922] BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE MUHAMMADAN ARCHITECTURE OF INDIA 107
SUMMERS, A. Statistical Report of Cam- bay. 8vo., pp. 36, with 2 figures and a double-page facsimile of an inscription.
Bombay Education Society's Press, 1854 Sclections from the Records of the Bombay Government. No. IV.-New Series.
Jâmi' Masjid, dated A. 1. 725 (1308), p. 21, with facsimile of the inscription of 16 lines.
T., T. N. The Antiquities of the Kurnool District. Calcutta Review, Vol. CIX, pp. 45-53.
1899 Mosques and tombs, p. 52. TEMPLE, SIR RICHARD, Bart., G.C.S.I. Picturesqueness in Reference to Architecture. Transactions of the Roy. Inst. of Brit. Architects, Vol. V, New Series, pp. 53-76, with 5 plates and 10 illustrations. 1889
Synopsis : The Architect, Vol. XLI, PP. 85-87. For verbatim report of disouasion, see the Journal of Proceedings, Vol. V, pp. 144-147.
VILLIERS-STUABT, CONSTANCE M. Indian Garden-Palaces. The Garden-Palaces of Nishat Bagh and Shalimar Bagh (H. H. the Maharaja of Kashmir), and Deeg (H. H. the Maharaja of Bharatpur). Country Life,
ue, Vol. XXXVH, pp. 827-832, with 9 illustrations.
1915 VOGEL, DR. The Jahazi Mahal at Shuja- bad. Journ. Ind. Art., Vol. X, pp. 37-41, with 6 double plates (5 coloured). I 1904
Built A. D. 1808.'. - -- WATERHOUSE, COL. J. [Dating inscriptions of Ghiyas-ud-Din Balban, one from a
“ fort at Manglaur.) Proceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, pp. 2-4.
1891 WATSON, COL. J. W. Translation of the twenty-four Persian Inscriptions of Panhala. Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency, Vol. XXIV, pp. 422-425. Bombay, 1886
Mostly dating inscriptions, ranging from A.. 806 (1403-4) to A.H. 1088 (1677-8).
Architectural stono-work-baloonios, lattices, etc., pp. 65-71, with 3 plates. Inlay, pp. 76-79, with 2 plates. Plaster-of-Paris and cement work, pp. 96-97. Architectural wood-work, doors, tympanums, eto., p. 102 ff., with several plates.
WESTLAND, J. A Report on the District of Jessore : its antiquities, its history, and its commerce. 8vo., pp. iii, ii, 293 and v, with 3 folding plates (architectural) and a map. Bengal Secretariat Office, Calcutta, 1871
Antiquities : pp. 14-63. WESTMAQOTT, CAPT. G. E. A short account of Khyrpoor and the Fortress of Bukur, in North Sind. Journ., Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. IX, pp. 1090-1113, 1187-1210. 1840
On the fort, pp. 1200-1203. WETZEL, FRIEDRICH. Islamische Grabbau. ten in Indien aus der Zeit der Soldaten. kaiser, 1320-1540. Mit ein Kartenskizze von Alt-Delhi und 350 Abbildungen auf 83 Tafeln und im Text. Sm. folio, pp. iv and 112.
Hinrichs, Leipzig, 1918 Wissenschaftliche Veröffentlichungen der Deut. schen Ogient-Gesellschaft, Bd. XXXIII.
WISE, DR. J. Notes on Sunárgáon, Eastern Bengal. Journ., Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. XLIII, Pt. I, pp. 82-96, with 1 folding plan and 1 plate.
2 1874. YAZDANI, G. Narnaul and its Buildings. Journ. Asiatic Society of Bengal, New Series. Vol. III, pp. 581-586; 639-644. 1907
VIEWS. PANORAMA OF THE CITY OF DAOCA. Oblong 8vo., & folding coloured lithograph about 17 feet long. Dickenson, London, [1847 ?]
COLEBROOK, LT. R. H. Twelve Views of Places in the Kingdom of Mysore, the Country of Tippoo Sultan, from drawings taken on the spot. Folio, 12 double plates (coloured), explanatory text interleaved. Second edition. Orme, London, [1805)
1st edition, London, 1794. “ The Mausoleum of Hyder Aly Khan at Laulbaug," plate 10.
WATT, SIB GEOBCE. Indian Art at Delhi, 1903. Large 8vo. Murray, London, 1904

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DANIELL, THOMAS. Oriental Scenery. ELLIOT, CAPTAIN ROBERT, R.N. Views First Series.] Twenty-four Views in Hin- m the East ; comprising India, Canton, doostan, taken in the years 1789 and 1790 ; and the shores of the Red Sea. With his. drawn and engraved by Thomas Daniell.
torical and descriptive illustrations. Folio, Text : 8vo., pp. 47; Plates : atlas folio, 24
2 vols., with 60 fine steel engravings, 4 pages aqua-tints.
London, 1795[-97]
of text to each plate. Fisher, London, 1833 See I.-Eastern Gate of the Jumma Musjed, at Delhi. III.--The Cotses Bhaug, on the
Delhi, Agra, Fathpur, Sikri, Bijapur, etc. River Jumna, at Delhi. IV.-Ruins of the Ancient City of Gour. VI.-The Chaloos Satoon, 1 FORREST, Lr.-COL. A Picturesque Tour on the Jumns side of the Fort of Allahabad. Lalong the River
along the Rivers Ganges and Jumna, in VII.- Remains of an ancient building near Firoz Shah's Cotillah, at Delhi. VIII.- Part of
India,: consisting of twenty-four highly the Palace in the Fort of Allahabad. IX.-The finished and coloured views, a map, and Gate leading to the Mausoleum of the Emperor
vignettes, from original drawings made on Akbar, at Secundra, near Agra. XII.The Mausoleum of Mucdoom Shah Dowlut, at
the spot; with illustrations, historical and Moneah, on the river Soane (XVIth century). descriptive. Impl. 4to., pp. V and 191. XIII.- Part of the Fort built by the Emperor
Ackermann, London, 1824 Shere Shah, at Delhi. XVII.--Mausoleum of Sultan Chubero, near Allahabad (died A.D. 1621). See plate XXI.--Palace of the King of Delhi; XVIII.-The principal gate leading to the Taje XXII. --The Cuttub Minar in the Ruins of Mah'l, at Agra. XXII.—Mausoleum of Sultan Ancient Delhi; XXIII.-Grand Gateway and Purveiz, Dear Allaha bad. XXIII.-The Jummah Tomb of the Emperor Acber at Secundra. Musjed, at Delhi. XXIV.-Gate leading to XXIV.-The Taj Mahal. a Musjed, at Chunar Gur.
GRINDLAY, CAPT. ROBERT MELVILLE. - Oriental Scenery. (Third
Scenery, Costumes and Architecture, chiefly Series.] Twenty-four Views in Hindoostan,
on the Western Side of India. Folio, pp. [v], drawn and engraved by Thomas & William Daniell, Text: 8vo., pp. 28; Plates : atlas
with 36 aqua-tints, explanatory text interfolio, 24 aqua-tints. London, 1801 (-1803]
leaved.
Ackermann, London, 1826 Sve III.-Gate of the Loll Bhaug, at Fyzabad. Muhammadan monuments at Ahmadabad, IV.---Mausoleum of the Ranee, wife of the Em- Golconda, Mahmûdâlâd in Gujarat, Aurangabad, peror Jehangire, near Allahabad. V.-The Punj
eto. Mahalla Gate, Lucknow. VI.--Mausoleum of Amir Khusero, at the ancient city of Delhi.
HARDINGE, HON. CHARLES STEWART. ReVII.-Ruins (of a mosque ) at Cannouge. VIII. -The entrance to the Mausoleums in Sultaun
collections of India. Drawn on stone by J. D. Khusero's garden, near Allahabad. IX.--A Harding, from the original drawings by mosque at Juanpore X.-Gate of a mosque,
the Honourable Charles Stewart Hardinge. built by Hafez Ramut, at Pillibeat. XVI.-Palace
Part I.-British India and the Punjab. of Nawaub Sujah Dowla, St Lucknow. XIX.View ... [showing mausoleums near that of
Part II.-Kashmir and the Alpine Punjab. Humayun). XXIII.-Mausoleum of Kausim Elephant folio, pp. [iv], with 26 plates, Solemanee at Chunar Gur. XXIV.-Mausoleum of Nawaub Asoph Khan, at Raje Mahel.
explanatory text interleaved.
M'Lean, London, 1847 - Antiquities of India. Twelve
Includes a view of the Palace at Delhi; a [24] Views from the drawings of Thomas
view of the Palace at Agra ; Jami' Masjid, Agra ; Daniell, R.A., F.S.A., engraved by himself Tomb of Jahangir at Shahdara; Hazari Bagh, and William Daniell. Taken in the years Lahore ; and the Mosque of Shah Hamadan, 1790 and 1793. Text : 8vo., pp. 46; Plate: Kashmir. 24 aqua-tints. Bensley, London, 1800 HILDEBRANDT, E. Benares. Flussufer. Fac. See XV.-Exterior of an Eed-Gah near Chaynpore, Babar. XXIII.-A Minar at Gour.
simile-Chromo. 27 x 36 cm. XXIV.-The Cuttub Minar.
Hamburg, c. 1870 (To be continued.)

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A FACTOR'S COMPLAINT FROM PORAKAD IN 1665.
109
A FACTOR'S COMPLAINT FROM PORAKAD IN 1665. BY SIR R. C. TEMPLE, BT.
[MR. WILLIAM FOSTER has drawn my attention to the accompanying, rather amusing complaint about a cat and some pigeons belonging to a couple of English factors stationed at the little isolated factory of "Porqua," that is, Porakâd on the Travancore Coast, near Alleppey, in 1665. It was addressed to the President at Surat at that date, Sir George Oxenden and it is of value as showing the condition under which the servants of the East India Company had to pass their lives in India in the early pioneer days. Something of the kind prevailed in Upper Burma in our own time, in the first years of its occupation during the Third Burmese War in 1885-9, for I well recollect a petition to myself in Mandalay about 1888, which began-" Whereas my hen has a habit of laying its eggs on other people's gardens, and whereas X has kept my hen's eggs and refuses to deliver them up, I pray the Court to order X to give up my eggs to me."
As Mr. Foster's forthcoming volume of English Factories in India contains full details of the factories mentioned in the letter now reproduced, as well as accounts of the individuals who figure in the story, I have only added such brief notes as are necessary to elucidate the text.]
RIGHT WORSHIPFULL &CA., MY HONOURED FRIENDS.
Our last unto you was dated the 9th November last Per the Royall Charles, since whose dispeed wee have nothing of generall businesse worth your notice, and if there were, this con veyance is not very convenient to write any such matter, nay, am heartily sorry that I am forced to make use thereof, and allso that I must trouble you with so unseemly a matter, which you will find in these insuing lines, allthough there hath been no want in me to present the same, but now to my great greife am able to hold no longer.
The letter I sent you last yeare to the President was occasion'd upon the like story that this now is, the sending whereof Mr. Harrington knew very well, and might, if he had been minded to have written likewise. Therefore, whereas you say in your last to this factory you wonder that Alexander Grigbie mentioned nothing of Mr. Harrington, the reason was because he was well and would not write himselfe, vizt. upon the 29th May last, being the Kings Coronation day, at which time I was extreame ill. Yet, about 4 a clock in the afternoon I went out into our Balcony, where wee commonly dine, at which time I found said Mr. Harring,ton looking upon a Silver hilted sword that he had newly made, and sitting down, I called to my servant for a boule of Congee (rice and water boiled together), which to this instant is my cheifest lickuor, and seeing them merry, had a desire to participate of their mirth, and began to drink to a Portugall that was in the company in my said liquor. Mr. Harrington, turning towards me, falsely accuses me that in those words I dishonoured him, he imagining that whereas I spake to the aforesaid Portugall, I had asked him to sell his sword, allthough all they that stood by knew and testified that there was no such word spoken; yet there was no perswading him.
To be short, he said I was what he pleased to call me, and strikes at my beare head with his naked sword, I having nothing to defend my selfe but my boule of Congee. Yet, by Gods mercy I had no hurt, only a small cutt' upon the backside of the finger on the left hand,
1 John Harrington, who had been put in charge of Porakad factory c. 1661. He and Grigsby had been previously stationed at Old Kâyal, near Tuticorin. (Information from Mr. Wm. Foster).
2 Hind. kanji, Tam. kanji, water in which rice has been boiled, invalid 'slops,' gruel-used by sick Europeans in India.

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the standers by preventing him from doing me any further mischiefé. Mr. Wade 3 can testifie the thing, being present, and the same evening finding ditto Wade asleep, cuts him over the Nose, because I had desired him to take notice of the aforementioned passages, who besides that, hath received (pooré man) severall' base usages at ditto Harringtons hands in the time he was with us. Yet, allthough this was not the first by many, I was contented to passé it with the rest, not so much as mentioning the same in the aforesaid letter to the President, expecting that your Worshipp &ca. would have fully granted me my petition without any restriction, for as long as there is life there is hope. Besides I was so farre from remem. bring those hare-brain'd stories, that considering that wee had lived 6 yeares (unfortunately) together, I was loth to leave him here alone.
But now he hath me all alone and sick, domineers worse then ever, allthough I have indeavoured all the wayes that possible I can to shunne these occasions by retiring my selfe, and at all times giving him his owne way and saying ; yet all this will not suffice him.
For being extreamely troubled with rate, in so much besides the damage they did my things, they also bit my fingers, that I was not able to rest for them; to remedy which I procured a cat. But first please to take notice that he brings up pigeons in our dwelling house, nay, they are commonly in the very place I lie, and, as he saith, my cat killed two of them. And a few dayes after this, spies the cat upon the house and shoots her. Whereupon I told him if I would, could put as much shot into something else of his that was then sitting by me, and that in killing ing my cat for going aloft upon our house he cleared his old malice, being naturall for all such creatures so to doe, who were farte more profitable and wholesome in a house then pigeons. Upon this he rises up and begins to spurne me maliciously in the belly (the effect of which I felt for some dayes after) with his foot, knowing the cheifest of my infirmity lay there, and having used me farther at his pleasure in like manner, then sets him down againe. If I would I was not able to resist him, for I had resolved before hand if any thing should happen againe not to doe any thing but wholly to referre my selfe and cause to your Worshipp &ca., who I am confident will not faile to doe me Justice herein. And if I were not certaine of that, allthough I have not at present sufficient strength, there wants not other waves which I beseech God to withhold me from and replenish me with patience, seeing its my lot to have such a comforter in this my so tedious aflictions, though some times when these things comes in my mind, together with the force of my infirmity, were it not but that I am confident that you will order me satisfaction, I should sink down under this so heavy a burden, I being so ill fitted to beare it.
He is continually ubraiding both me and my relations in a most vile manner, both in publique and private, saying the other day I was but Mr. Travers butler at Caile, and what am I more here, and who am I to bring cats into the house, and that I was good for nothing but to ........, and that he had as absolute power as any prince. And thus he lords it over a poore Sick man, that the very people and servants cry out shame againe at him.
And because he doth assume to himselfe such power and to govern after such & rate, please to accept of a small peice thereof, and by that you may guesse what the rest is, for by the manner of it, it seems as if he were not to be accomptable to none but God for any actions done here. (He would faine be Royall but cannot indure a Royallist.)
Mr. Foster tells me he has only found one mention of Henry Wade, as a witness to a protest to the Dutch in 1664.
* Walter Travers was head of the factory at Old Kdyal, established in 1668, and Harrington and Grigsby were his subordinates. Foster, English Factories, 1656-1660, pp. 218, 220.

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First, es concerning the exercise of his religion. Wee have used it with such secrecy that there is none to this time knowes that we professe any, yea or no. Secondly, to this houre no accompts calculated or passed. Thirdly, orders or good houres here is none, for he sleeps not one night in 3 monthes in the factory. He hath also entertained the Portugall that came from Surat upon the Royall Charles for his companion, at the Companys cost.
As for me, he hath severall times told me if I were not contented, I might walk upon't, which now I hope you will not take amisse if I goe without bidding to winter in Caile Velha, [Old Kâyal], first, because this discontented life doth much augment my distemper. Secondly, this our factory is but as a choutry, not for a sick than to winter in, being within a stones cast of the Sea, so that I intend, God willing, in Aprill for that place, and in August will not faile to be here againe, before which time I hope wee shall heare from your Worshipp I may be fully ordered to imbarque for Surat upon the first shipp that shall touch at this port; for my flux is now turned to another disease common to many in these parts, and for want of good meanes, leaves very few untill they goe to their grave. The Portugall calls it Almeerama,7 or piles in the guts. Be it what God pleases, I feare it hath been so long upon me that I shall never recover my health perfectly againe, and that for want of meanes in time.
If I live untill September next, I shall have served the Honble. Company Seaven yeares, having hitherto received but 20 li., therefore intreat you to order me to receive what you shal think fitting. For the rest, I will not trouble you here againe with repe[ti]tions of our hard fortunes and losses, because it hath been formerly done, only say that our hap cannot be paralelled, intreating you to have that in remembrance.
And now craving pardon, allthough I could not make my greifes known unto you in fewer lines, not doubting but that your Worshipp &ca., will seriously consider this my case, so with presentation of my best service,
I rest Porqua (Porikâd]
Your Worshipps &ca., most humble servant, the 21th february,
to my power, 1664-5.
ALEXANDER GRIGBIE.
MISCELLANEA, NOTE ON ONE OF THE AMARAVATI have already been published with Mr. Sowell's SCULPTURES IN THE COLOMBO MUSEUM. paper and the reader can refer to it. But the notes BY THE LATE E. K. AYRTON, ARCHÆOLOGICAL
are published now for the first time-ED.) COMMISBION ER, ANURADHAPURA. Prefatory Note.
Mr. R. Sewell in a paper published in 1907, The late Mr. E. R. Ayrton, Archæological
entitled Antiquarian Notes on Burma and Ceylon
(ante, XXXV, 293-299), pointed out the probable Commissioner, Ceylon, wrote some time ago, &
provenance of three pieces, two sculptures and few valuable notes on a paper by Mr. R. Sewell,
one octagonal pillar, of light grey closely grained in Vol. XXXI of this Journal, showing that certain
quartzite stone, which are in the Colombo Museum. Buddhist sculptures now in the Colombo Museum
He showed, on good grounds, that these three must have come from Amaravati. These notes
stones must have been carried off from the which support Mr. Sewell's contention, were for
Amaravati Tope in the Madras Presidency some reason never published, and a duplicate of them was found amongst Mr. Ayrton's papers. The
In this note I only propose to try and show what duplicato noe been forwarded to me by his successor, the subject of the sculptures on one of these stones Mr. A. M. Trocart, together with three photographs (Plate II, fig. 4, in the article referred to above) of the sculptures concerned. These photographs represente.
6 An interesting South Indian term : & rest-house at four cross-roads : & public building. Tamil sh dvadi; Malayal, chavati, Can chavadi; Southern Hindustani, chdwar: old Anglo-Indian choutry, choultry, through Northern Indian influence : Hindi, chautri, a Court.
6 Grigaby did not get to Old Kayal, as Harrington had to go there hurriedly on the death of Travers, in April 1664, to maintain the co.'s position. In July the unfortunate Grigsby was seized by the Dutch, who raided Porakad, and carried him off to Cochin. (Information from Mr. Wm. Foster
7 Port : almorreimas, hæmorrhoids

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As Mr. Sewell has pointed out, this particular the four men are standing at the four corners of the stone is carved in the cruder style of the older couch instead of behind it. Only one of the four is sculptures of the Amaravati Tope.
Armed; the queen lies on her right side as on our slab Unfortunately, the slab lacks a. corner, but and the four women slumber in the foreground. It otherwise it is well preserved. In the foreground is interesting to contrast the carving and grouping crouch three women in attitudes suggestive of on this slab, which is of the later Amaravati style, deep sloep, and the arm of the fourth is just visible with that of the Colombo example. near the edge of the stone. Facing these, and | Writing of it, Dr. Burgess says: "Scene very lying on her right side on a couch, is a woman. frequently represented. It reveals the bedchamber Behind the couch stand four men, one of whom is of Maha M&ya, the mother of Gautama the Buddha, armed with a long spear; two are unarmed, and on the night of her conception, with four femalo of the fourth only the left shoulder is visible. slaves in the foreground. She is represented asleep
There can be little doubt that this represents on her couch, and with four male figures at the the bedroom of Queen Mâyâ on the night of the corners of it who are the guardian Devas of the four conception of the Buddha.
quarters.—Vaiéråvana of the North, Virupaksha of According to the Jatuka, Mâyå, on the night of the West, Dhritarashtra of the East and Virudhaka Buddha's conception, saw in a dream the four of the South-whom she saw in her dream take up Gods of the cardinal points raise her couch and her couch and bear it to the Himalayas, where carry it to the Anawatapta lake where she bathed. I their queens bathed her at the Anâwatapta lake." She was then carried back again, and as she lay It is undoubtedly this scene which is portrayed on her couch, the Bodhisattva, descending in the
on our slab-the bedchamber of Queen Mahå Måyå form of an elephant, entered her right side.
just before her visit to the lake Anâwatapta. The traditional attitude of repose for Måyå at this
Other representations of the conception of moment was on her left side. So much so that in
Buddha which throw light on this subject are the the Candlare sculptures "in sculpture No. 251 in
following the Rawlinson Collection at Peshawar....the
(1) In Cunningham's Bharhut Stupa, Plate sculptor having placed the head to the left, has
XXVIII is representative of Mây Devi's been forood to draw the queen with her back to
Dream. She lies on her right side and an elethe spectator to avoid breaking the tradition"
phant is hovering above. Behind her head a (Spooner, Handbook to the Sculptures in the Peshawar
female attendant stands with hands raised in Museum, p. 6). And this case is not unique, since
prayer. Before her couch are two seated there is a small sculpture of the same period in
females, one with a chauri; both are apparently the Lahoro Museum which shows the quoen lying
asleep. On p. 83, paragraph 2, Cunningham on her left side with her back to the spectator.
says: "A white elephant of the Chhadanta The only exception to this rule which I have been
breed approached the princess in her sleep and ablo to find is on an old relief at Sânchi (Fergusson, appeared to enter into her womb by her right I'rec and Serpent Worship, Pl. XXXIII) where Mâyâ side." At p. 89 he says: "In Bharhut sculplies on her right side, the elephant hovering above. ture the princess is represented in the centre Possibly the tradition had not crystallised at that of the medallion sleeping quietly on her couch, early period.
with her right hand under her head, and her Tho Amarůvati sculptures, which show the scene left hand by her side. The position leaves her with the elephant, all show the queen in the same right side exposed." The Princess was obvi. traditional position, that is to say, lying on her
ously meant to be lying on her back. left side. Seo Forgusson, Tree and Serpent Worship, (2) In Tree and Serpent Worship. Pl. XXXIII, Pl. LXXIV, and Pl. XCI, 4, p. 232, which represents Right hand pillar of E. Gateway (p. 145), Suddhodana and his friends.
** Maya (is) asleep on the terrace of the palace, It is extremely unfortunate that our stone should
dreaming that a white elephant appeared to be broken at the top left hand corner, since had it
her and entered her womb." been perfect and shown no elephant, the identifi
(3) In Tree and Serpent Worship, Pl. LXXIV cation of the scene would have been simple.
Amaravati: Mâyâ is on her left side on a couch An Amaravati slab figured by Burgess (Amaravati the elephant far above her. Behind her a and Jaggayyapetta Stupas, Pl. XXVIII) resembles two women, and in front of her are five women the Colombo sculpture. The chief exception is that 4 gods are at each corner." i
1 [When preparing "India" for Hutchinson's illustrated History of the Nations, 1914, I drew Mr. R. B. Ogle's attention to the ancient sculptured representations of Maya's Dream as reproduced in the above books, and this caused him to draw the spirited illustration shown at p. 118 of that work, which to my mind adequately represents the scene as it presented itself to the imagination of the ancient artists.-ED.)

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THE ORIGIN AND EARLY HISTORY OF THE MERS OF MERWARA.1
BY LIEUT-COL. JOHN HOSKYN, C.B.E., D.8.O. THE Mers of Merwara are the Highlanders of Rajputana. Inhabiting a narrow strip of hilly country in the heart of that province, they have always maintained their independence against the attacks of the powerful Rajput States by which they are surrounded ; and a fres and manly carriage, the hereditary badge of liberty, distinguishes them from the neighbouring tribes of bondsmen and tillers of the soil. For centuries before the coming of the British, the Mers not only held their own in the rocky fastnesses of the Arâvali Hills, but made active reprisals on the enemies who sought to subdue them.
Issuing from their narrow glens, parties of these lean caterans would speed North and East and West ; avoiding beaten roads and travelling by desert bye paths; one or two of them mounted on small ponies, and leading other ponies with capacious sacks for the receipt of booty, but nost of them on foot, each armed with a spear, a leather shield on his shoulder, and a short curved sword slung at his side. Thus they held on their way to some distant town or village, drowsing in the stagnant security of the plains ; where, that night, would be heard the shout of the startled watchmen, quickly stifled; the cries of terrified bunnias, dragged from their beds and persuaded, without loss of words to produce their hoards; the shrieks of women, and the hoarse cries of the plunderers ranging swiftly through the streets. The city of Ajmer, lying amongst their own hills, was a milch-cow to these wiry little marauders. They knew the secret paths by which they could swarm like bees into the Fort of Târâgaph, and they took toll of the marches of Bûndi, Shahpura, Jodhpur and Udaipur up to the very walls of those cities.
Naturally, the proud Rajput States looked on these reivers with contempt, considerably tempered by exasperation. The small chiefs and Thâkurs whose lands lay at the foot of the hills, paid blackmail to the hillmen, and even sought to gain their friendship by giving them assistance and shelter when they needed it; but the larger states scorned such terms as these. Jaipur, Jodhpur and Udaipur each claimed the over-lordship over different portions of the Mer country; and several expeditions were sent by the Princes of those States to punish the “Crows," as they called the hillmen, and destroy their nests in the glens. But the Rajput warrior, brave as a lion in a galloping, sword and lance encounter in the open was never a hill-fighter ; his horse was useless to him in the narrow, rocky ravines and thick scrub-jungle of the mountains ; his lance could not reach the active enemies who swarmed on the hill-sides shooting arrows, hurling down boulders and charging home, sword in hand, when they saw an opening. The Rajput Armies were forced to retire ; the “Crows," squatting on the ridges above them, croaked cheerfully at the retreating cavalcades, and not many nights passed before the villages of the plains were again paying the penalty of their Prince's failure.
It was not until about a hundred years ago that these wild mountaineers were subdued by a British force, and in due time a British Officer, a subaltern in the Bengal Artillery, Dixon by name came to rule over them. How this Gunner subaltern devoted himself to the service of this "new-caught sullen people"; how he exorcised the "devil" in them, and taught the "child" that remained the elementary lessons of civilisation and discipline; how with firm hand and kindly heart he won their devotion, once for all, to the British ; how he fought for them against political intrigue, when the Rajput Princes, seeing them tamed and, as they thought, broken, revived their old claims to their land; how he lived among them, and how, finally,
1 Reprinted from the Journal of the United Service Institution of India, Vol. L, April 1921.

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he died among them, having seen the fruit of his work, when the Mers stood firm as a rock in the flood of the mutiny of 1857, and a loyal Mer Regiment marched into Ajmer, and defied the mutineers of Nasirabad to lower the British Flag in the chief city of Rajputana: all this is written, no mean page of it, in the Book of the Chronicles of the British Empire. But our business at present lies not with the modern history of the Mers, strangely interesting though it be, but with their origin and early history.
The Mers themselves have no historical records ; all connection with the past, written or oral, except what exists in names and customs, was effaced during the centuries of anarchy which preceded the British occupation, and when the tribe returned once more to the paths of civilization they found it necessary to give an account of themselves which, in that country of exclusive castes and prehistoric genealogies, would fix the conditions of social intereourse with their neighbours. The hereditary Bards of the tribe rose to the occasion and produced a legend that the tribe was descended from a Chauhan prince, a grandson of Prithvi Raj, the last king of Ajmer. The legend says that this prince carried off a Mina girl of Bûndi, and married her, believing that she was a Râjpûtni. When this mistake was discovered, she was expelled from her husband's home with her two sons Anhel and Anûp, and wandered into the Arâvali hills, where she found a refuge; and her sons became ancestors respectively of the Chitâs and Barars, the two chief clans of the Mers. But the legend takes no account of the facts that the stock names of the Nâks or branches of the Mers are, not Chauhan alone, but Panwar, Gahlot and Pariâr as well, and if any further proof is needed of the incorrectness, or at any rate incompleteness of the legend of the Bards, it is contained in the Bardic chronicles of the Chauhậns themselves, which mention the Mers as a powerful fighting tribe long before the times of Prithvi Raj.
The accounts given by modern historians of the origin of the Mers do not as a rule go much beyond this legend of the Bards. Colonel Dixon in his sketch of Merwârâ accepts the legend, which he gives at great length, and traces the genealogy downwards through various mythical descendants of Anhel and Anûp; and this genealogy, on the strength of Dixon's acceptance of it, is to-day implicitly believed in by the Mers themselves.
Colonel Tod in the Annals of Rajasthan derives the name of the tribe from meru, a hill; and states, in one place, that the Mers are a branch of the Minâ tribe, and in another, that they are descended from the Bhattis of Jaisalmer. A Muhammadan historian of Ajmer mentions a vague legend from the Bardic chronicles of an ancient Mer Kingdom of Tanor, in Merwâr, from which the Mers were driven by the Rathors, when the latter took possession of the country. A native Christian missionary named Manawar Khan, who lived for 40 years in Todgash carrying on missionary work among the Mers, and who therefore should have known better, published, about 1900, a small History of the Mers of Merward in Hindi, in which he says that they are aborigines like the Bhils and Minâs, from whom they are distinguished by the fact that they have made more progress, socially, under the British, than those tribes have done under native rule. This theory, unfortunately, did not commend itself to the Mers, who solemnly burnt the book in a public assembly of the representatives of the tribe, and called the reverend author names which I should be sorry to repeat. Finally, Sir William Hunter in the Imperial Gazetteer of India dismisses the ancestors of the Mers with the remark that they were half-naked aborigines, careless of agriculture, and engaged in constant plundering expeditions into the surrounding States. "Up to 1818," he says, "the history of Merwara is a blank". It is necessary to go further afield to find the clue which connects this tribe of "halfnaked aborigines" with an ancestry at least as ancient and as renowned as that of any other race in India.

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The principal authorities on which I have based the following account are :- Elliott's. History of India, Volume 1, Professor Dowson's notes to the same ; Pandit Bhagvanlal's Early History of Gujrat, and the account of the Gujars given in Volume IX of the Bombay Gazetteer. The Rajput annals of Rajpûtânâ and Kathiâwâr also furnish several references to the Mers, which complete and elucidate these accounts, and specially throw light on the subject of the connection of the Mers with the Rajputs.
At some period during the 5th century of the Christian era, when the Persian empire of the Sasanids was being attacked by the White Huns or Ephthalites, and the great hordes of Central Asia were in a state of volcanic flux and turmoil, an upheaval took place in the regions of Northern Persia, on the confines of the ancient kingdoms of Georgia and Media, which resulted in a huge tidal wave of humanity being propelled Eastwards and Southwards toward the Frontiers of India. This Army or horde (urda) was composed mainly of two tribes, the Gurjeras from Gurjistan (Georgia) and the Mihiras from Mihiristân, the land of the Sun, Media. Through the passes of the mountains this flood poured into the Panjab, and its further progress to the South-East being stemmed by the strength of the Hindu Kingdom of the Gupta dynasty established there, it followed the line of least resistance, turned South by the Indus valley, and spread over the deserts of Sind and Western Rajputana. In Sind it encoun. tered the opposition of the great tribe of the Jats, themselves the jetsam of a former horde of Getae, or Goths, who had flooded the country in the same way some three centuries earlier, and were then settled on both sides of the river. The newcomers moved down the Eastern bank, driving the Jats across the river ; and, leaving a large colony of Mihiras to occupy the valley, they passed on into Käthiâwâr. Here the Mihiras appear to have remained, while the Gurjaras moved on and settled in the adjacent province, now know as Gujarât. The name of the former tribe is variously written as Maitraka (belonging to Mitra=Mihira), Mihira, Med or Mand. This varied nomenclature has led to some confusion, and historians have not always recognised the tribe under the various names by which they are mentioned, but the arguments of Pandit Bhagvanlal Indraji have placed it beyond reasonable doubt that the modern Mhairs or Mers of Merwârâ and Kathiâwâr are identical with the Maitrakas or Mihiras of the great migration.
The period of the arrival of the horde of Mers and Gujars (to give them at once the names by which they are now known) was a critical one in the history of Hinduism. The ancient religion of the Brahmans had suffered from centuries of corruption, and had fallen into disrepute; the doctrines of the Reformer Gautama, the Buddha, backed by the authority of the Mauryan emperor Asoka, had swept the country from North to South. But with the Mauryan empire long fallen, and the elevation of the Gupta dynasty, the Brahmans saw an opportunity for recovering their lost supremacy. In the civilised regions of the North and East they were successful ; but in the West they encountered the vigorous opposition of the Jains, who had established themselves in great strength in the Western Kingdoms. By the active proselytism of the Jains on the one side, and the more carnal arguments of slings and arrows employed by the aboriginal Bhils on the other, the ranks of the Rajput Kshatriyas, on whom the Brahmang relied to defend their temporal power, were getting perilously thinned ; and the opportunity of recruiting these ranks, by admitting the warlike strangers from the North to the privileges and responsibilities of the Kshatriya caste, was too obvious to be missed by the astute Brahmans.
3 Early history of Gujrat, Bcm. Gazetteer, Vol. I, Part I, p. 135.

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There was nothing revolutionary in this proceeding, for many times in the history of Hinduism the same expedient has been resorted to. According to the strict law of Manu the higher caste of Hindus cannot be entered by foreigners or men of lower caste, except by the drastic process of re-birth. But has any human law-maker yet succeeded in defeating the ingenuity of his disciples ! The acumen of the Pandits was not unequal to the twisting of this rule to suit the dictates of policy or of necessity. First of all, there was the discreet fiction, that the warlike neighbours were descendants of an original Kshatriya stock, who might regain their ancestral caste rights by returning to a devout observance of their religious duties, more especially those which enjoined the protection of Brahmans. Then again, according to Manu, a king is composed of particles drawn from the essence of the gods, and this applies not only to Hindu kings, but to all kings. The ruler even of a tribe of foreign invaders could therefore claim to be an emanation of divinity, and could hardly be denied the right, should he claim it, to rank as a Brahman or at the least a Kshatriya ; and once admitted in his case, this right might quite logically be extended to his clan, whose origin was the same as his own. Under successive applications the letter of the law was finally broadened into the general rule, that "who acts as a Kshatriya, him you must consider & Kshatriya"4 Two well-known examples of the application of this rule in Western India, besides the Mers and Gujars, are the Chitpå van Brahmans, who are said to be descended from a crew of foreigners shipwrecked on the Konkan coast ; and the chiefs of the old Marathå families, who have been admitted to the Kshatriya caste, although the Brahmans of Northern India still believe them to be of Persian origin.6
But was there anything to induce the chiefs of the invading tribes to put themselves and their followers beneath the Brahman yoke ? Admission to the exclusive and jealously guarded caste of king-born warriors, over which hung the glamour of Rajput tradition and chivalry. was undoubtedly an inducement to the warlike barbarians; and the subtle Brahman well knew how to turn to account the common weakness of human nature, to desire most that which is most difficult to attain, without regard to its intrinsic value. But there was another powerful bond which attached the Mers to the Brahman cause and alienated them from their opponents. The Mers brought with them from Persia the worship of fire and of the Sun. Mihir in the ancient language of Persia, and Mitra, in Sanskrit, are names for the sun ; and the names Maitraka and Mihira by which the Mers are known in the Hindu accounts of the great invasion, seem to connect this tribe in a particular manner with Sun-worship. They would therefore be naturally attracted to the side of the Brahmans (Chitpavan), who were also Fire and Sun. worshippers, in opposition to the Jains and Buddhists, who had not only abandoned this wor ship themselves, but had forbidden its continuance in the territories where they held sway. 8
In order to lend especial emphasis and eclat to the admission of this powerful reinforcement to the ranks of their defenders, the Brahmans determined to signalise it by performing the sacred rite of Initiation by Fire. This rite would appeal especially to the newcomers
3 Bom. Gazetteer, Vol. IX, Part I, pp. 434-152. 4 Wilford in Asiatic Researches, X, 91.
5 [There is this much to be said in favour of the "Brahmans." The Mers were probably quite as much "Kshatriyas" as the other "Rajpût Kshatriyas" of the 5th century.ED.)
• See below for an account of the connection of the Magha Brahmans with the Magi.
7 Cf. Mihirakula, Child of the Sun, the title of the great White Hun ruler in Northern India in the early 6th century.
Gladwin's Ain-i-Akbari, II, 43.

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38 sacrament of their own religion, and would emphasise their antagonism to the Jains, who had tried to stamp out fire-worship. Apparently it was reserved for the most solemn occasions only, and was seldom employed, except for the initiation of the Brahmans themselves. Something resembling it is said to have been employed at the initiation of the Chitpå van Brahmans above referred to. Actual details of the rite are not known. Legend describes the scene on the sacred mountain of Aba, where the gods assembled in open Lodge round the great Agni-kund, or Fire-pit, which is still to be seen there. First Indra made an image of grass, sprinkled it with the water of life and threw it into the fire-fountain, muttering the Charm of Life slowly. From the flame arose & mace-bearing figure shouting “Mar, Mar". He was called the Parmar or Foe-slayer. Next Brahmå framed an image of his own essence and threw it into the fire-pit, repeating the Life-charm. A figure rose with the sacred thread round his neck, a sword in one hand and a copy of the Veda in the other. He was called Chalukhya or Solanki. The third champion was the Pariår, who was created by Radra, and rose from the flame, black and ill-favoured, bearing a bow. Last of all came Vishnu's image, the four-armed Chauhan.
According to the legend, the Parmar or Panwar received Dhår and Ujjain as his heritage, to the Solanki was assigned Anhilpura, to the Pariår the desert regions West of Abu, and the North was given to the Chauhân. Of the thirty-six royal races of Rajputs it is said the fire-born are the greatest, the rest were born of women, while these owe their origin to the gods themselves. 10
There can be very little doubt that these four fire-born races were originally Mers and Gujars, and date their origin from the fifth century.11 Unless we are prepared to accept the legend of their miraculous creation, we must conclude that they originated from a nonHindn warrior race. The fact that their appearance synchronised closely with the arrival in Rajputana of the conquering tribes of fire-worshipping Mers and Gujars, points at once to a probable source from which this new accession to the fighting force of the Kshatriyas was drawn.
In an old Rajput inscription, a prince of the Pariâr race is referred to as a Gujar. 13 The principal division of the Gujars in the Panjab bears the name of Chauhan. 13 The Solanki Oswâls, the leading class of Western Indian Jains, are Gujars. In poems, Bhîm Solanki, the great king of Anbilvádå is called the Gujar. 14
The nature of the connection between the Mers and the Gujars is not quite clear, but in view of their common country, common religion and customs and their combined invasion of India it is fair to assume that it was very close. It has been suggested that the Mers were not regarded as a separate tribe, but as a ruling class of the Gujars; the later still refer to their head-men as "Mir." In any case the fact that Mer kingdoms were established in the countries first over-run by the invaders, as Kashmir, the Indus valley, and Kathiâ war, while the Gujars either went further afield or remained in the Mer kingdoms in a subordinate position, seems to show that of the two tribes the Mers predominated in power and influence. It is in the last degree unlikely, therefore, that if Gujars were admitted to the caste of Kshatriyas, Mers should have been excluded. 16 Moreover, of the four stock-names of the Mers given above,
• Chitpavan signifies "pyre purifier."
10 Tod, Annals, II, 407. 11 Bom. Gazetteer, Vol. X, Part I, p. 486.
13 Prachinalekha-mala, Vol. I, pp. 63-54. 13 Gujarat Gazetteer, pp. 50-51.
11 Ras Mald, I, 222. 16 The only semi-independent Gurjara Kingdom of which we have records was that at Nandod in Southern Gujarat, but the kings of Nandod acknowledged the Mer kings of Vallabhipura as their overlords. -Bom. Gazetteer, Vol. I, Part I, p. 113.

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three correspond with names of the fire-born tribes. The fourth stock-name, Gahlot, refers to a different origin, which will presently be explained. 16 I conclude therefore, that of the four fire-born tribes of Rajputs, three, viz., the Chauhan, Pariâr and Parmår were composed of both Mers and Gujars; the fourth Solanki, may have been composed of Gujars alone.
In the early 19th century, the Bards of the Mers, greatly daring, ventured to ascribe the origin of their race to the debased off spring of a Chauhan prince. A strain of Chauhan blood, even though blended with disgrace, was the highest genealogical pinnacle to which they could aspire, and even this claim was not admitted without derision by their neighbours. The strange truth appears to be, that instead of the Mers being descended from the Chauhậns, the Chauhåns themselves are descendants of the ancient nation of Mers.
Besides those who were specially distinguished by the fire initiation, other clans of the invaders attained the dignity of inclusion among the Rajput royal races without undergoing this ordeal. Probably most of the Rajput Chiefs of Kathiâwâr are descended from the Mer conquerors of that province. The Jethvâ Chiefs of Porbandar for instance, who were formerly powerful rulers, are almost certainly of the Mer 17 tribe. They are still called Mer Kings, and the Mers of Porbandar regard them as the head of their clan. But the most noteworthy case is that of the kings of Vallabhipur in Eastern Kâthiâwâr. About the end of the fifth century, a chief named Bhatarka, a Mer of the Gahlot clan, conquered the city of Vallabhipur, the last stronghold in Kâthiâwâr of the decaying Gupta monarchy, and founded a kingdom there which included the greater part of Kathfåwår, Gujarât, and Southern Rajputana. A scion of this dynasty in A. D. 720 conquered Chitor18 from the Mori or Maurya Chief who held it. His descendants are the present ruling family of Udaipur. This origin of the Sisodias perhaps accounts for the curious blend of Sun-worship with orthodox Hinduism which exists in Udaipur ; and it throws an interesting light on the claim of the Mahârânâs to a descent from Nûshîrwân, the great Sasanian emperor of Persia. 19
Not only were the warriors of the Mers admitted to the Kshatriya caste, but their priests were recognised as Brahmans. The horde of fighting men was accompained by a hereditary tribe of priests, called Maghs, who were under the special favour of the great conqueror Mihirakula.20 In India the Maghs seem in general to have worshipped a combination of the Sun and Siva under the title Mihir-eswar (Sun-god). This was the established religion in the Vallabhi kingdom of Bhatarka and his successors.
But a pure form of sun-worship was maintained at Multân, Dwarka, Somnath and other holy places, probably by the priests of the sect.31 The descendants of the Maghs under the name of Maghå Brahmans now form one of the leading priestly classes of South Mârwâr.
16 These names are probably adaptations of tribal stock-names of the Mers and Gujars, which have been given Indian meanings. Bom. Gazetteer, Vol. IX, Part I, p. 483. Tod's Annals, 2nd edition, II, 407. The Gablote for instance are probably identical with the Getæ mentioned by Herodotus as a principal tribe of Medes (Encyc. Brittanica, Art. "Media").
17 Bom. Gazetteer, Vol. I, Part I, p. 87. 18 Tod's Annal, I, 229-231. 19 Bom. Gazetteer, Vol. IX, Part I, p. 102. Tod's Annals, I, 235. Gladwin's Ain-i-Akbari, I, 181. 20 Troyer's Rajatarangini, 307-309.
21 Herodotus mentions the Magoi (Magi) as the hereditary priests of the Medee. Modern (postIslamic) Persian poetry is full of references to the Maghs, the priests of the ancient religion. Reinand' Mmoire sur L'Inde, 93-99. Muir's Sanskrit Texta, 1, 497.

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Neither the date nor the circumstances of the fall of Vallabhipura are clearly known. The most probable account is that preserved by the Portuguese traveller Alberuni, who says. that the Arab chief of Mansûra, in the Indus valley, sent a naval expedition against Vallabhipura. In a night attack the king was killed and his peopie and town were destroyed. Alberuni gives no date to this event ; but it must have occurred between A.D. 750 and 770.22 After the destruction of Vallabhipura, the Mer power seems to have moved inland, probably to avoid another encounter with those terrible raiders, and to have centred in the hilly country West of Chitor, where a large tract of country received the name of Medwår23, the country of the Meds (Mers).
The subsequent history of the Gahlots of Mewâr, as well as that of the main branches of the Chauhans, Panwârs, and the Pariârs is sufficiently well known from the Annals of the Rajputs among whom these tribes are now included. But besides those who by achievement, or Brahman initiation, were cleansed from the dust of their ignorance and obtained a place among the Kshatriyas, a proportion of the Mers held to their ancient faith, and either from choice or from necessity, remained outside the pale.
Among these were the Mers of Sind, of Kathîâwâr and of Merwârâ. In proportion as the fire-born Rajputs grew in reputation, in power, and in pride, their brethren of these tribes sank into oblivion, and finally after a lapse of nearly a thousand years, they emerge into the light of modern history as despised barbarians, stripped of every vestige and even every memory of their former greatness. One can only darkly surmise the causes and circumstances of this strange discrimination of fate.
One curious tradition has been handed down in the tribe from ancient times and survives to this present day. According to this tradition the kings of the Mers in ancient times were white men, and it is decreed that the Mers shall never be ruled or led by any other than a white race. I like to think that the old Mers who did not become Kshatriyas were sturdy independents of the tribe, who held to the legend of the white king and refused to be tempted to bow the knee to the dark-skinned races of Hindustan. With the coming of the British in the early years of the ninteenth century the riddle seemed to be solved. The Mers accepted the white officers as their destined rulers, and have followed them ever since with ungwerving loyalty. It is true that their faith received a shock by the substitution of a Hindu District Officer for the 'Chhota Sahib" a few years ago, but the tradition clings, and the Mers are still inclined to hold themselves as a race apart, to regard the seething politics of India with complete unconcern, and to speak of their district as "a piece of Britain," and themselves as the peouliar servants and soldiers of the British King-Emperor.
NEW LIGHT FROM WESTERN ASIA. (A Lecture delivered to The Royal Asiatic Society, London,
on Tuesday the 8th November 1921.).
BY THE REV. PROF. A. H. SAYCE, M.A., D.LITT. The other day I was looking into a book on Ancient History published less than a century ago. It has itself become ancient history. It is like nothing so much as the maps of central Africa which were current in my childhood and in which there was little else but a blank space. What was not a blank space was for the most part erroneous. So it was 22 Bom. Gazetteer, Vol. I; Part I, pp. 94-95.
28 The modern Mewa Of Udaipur.

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with the Ancient History of our immediate forefathers so far as Asia and Europe were concerned. Behind the classical age of Greece and Rome there was either thick darkness, or assertions and guesses which we now know to have been wide of the truth. Apart from what co#ld be gleaned from the pages of the Old Testament, (not unfrequently misinterpreted or misunderstood), nothing practically was known of the earlier history of Europe and Western Asia.
When I went to school light was beginning to dawn. Champollion had lifted the curtain which so long covered the script and records of Egypt, and the catlines of early Egyptian history were beginning to be sketched, while the ancient life of the Egyptians, their crafts and arts and theology, were being recovered from the painted walls of tombs and temples. The Persian cuneiform inscriptions had just been deciphered, and through them the inscriptions of Assyria and Babylonia were at last revealing their secrets. Among my first recollections are the discoveries that were being made in Assyria and Babylonia, the bulls that Layard was sending from the ruins of Nineveh, the names of Sennacherib and Sargon that the decipherers were finding in the inscriptions, the new world of art and history that was being opened up on the banks of the Tigris and Euphrates. The story of it all had penetrated into the remotest country places, the daily papers were filled with accounts of what had been found, and the theological public, which was a large one in those days, was intensely interested in discoveries which explained or supplemented the familiar stories of the Bible.
Then came the reaction. The canons of a sceptical criticism were introduced from Germany and eagerly assimilated by our classical scholars. The Homeric Poems were dissected into small morsels, assigned to a late age, and denied all historical credence, while Niebuhr's rejection of early Roman history became a fashion. Sir George Cornewail Lewis proved to his own satisfaction and that of his readers that Roman history so-called, before the capture of the city by the Gauls, was entirely devoid of truth; Grote made it clear to an acquiescent world that Greek tradition was valueless and that we might as well look for history in the rainbow as in Greek myth and legend; and finally, the philological theory of mythology became the vogue, which derived a myth from a misunderstood word or phrase and resolved most of the figures of early legend into forms of the Sun-god. Except perhaps in Palestine and Egypt, it was assumed that writing for literary purposes was unknown to the ancient world until a few centuries before the Christian era, and that consequently, as there were no contemporaneous records, there could be no reliable history. Archæology still meant discussions about the age and authority of Greek statuary and the like ; scientific excavation, and examination of the materials found in the course of it, were left to the stu. dents of the prehistoric ages, more especially in Scandinavia. The application of the methods and results of the Scandinavian scholars to the lands of the Eastern Mediterranean was not dreamed of, or if dreamed of, dismissed as a dream. The old sites of the East were explored for the sake of the great monuments and smaller antiquities which they yielded and which were coveted by the Museums, as well as for the inscriptions which were to be discovered in them. That the history of the pre-Hellenic past could be recovered, except through the help of written records, had not as yet dawned upon the world of students. As for Assyriology, the Semitic scholars of Germany still regarded it as unworthy of their attention.
It was an outsider, Dr. Schliemann, who was the revolutionist, and it is needless to say that the first announcements of his work and discoveries were received with violent opposition, unbelief and contempt. He was not a Professor ; he had not even received a University

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education ; a self-educated man, what did he know about the classics, much less about their interpretation? The Trojan War had been proved to be a solar myth; how then could be have discovered the city of Priam and established the historical credibility of the Iliad ?
It was worse when his enthusiasm led him to excavate Mykenae and find there the tombs of the royal heroes for whom he was looking, filled as they were with gold and other treasures which displayed the features of a hitherto unknown art. Some scholars maintained that they were Byzantine ; there were others who were equally assured that they were Gothic loot. That they could not be what their discoverer maintained they were, was agreed on all sides; Homer had been shown to be a medley of late date, and Agamemnon and his colleagues were creatures of myth.
I was one of the first advocates of Schliemann's beliefs, and an article of mine in The Academy brought me his acquaintance and friendship. It was not long before discoveries similar to those at Mykenae and Tiryns were announced from other parts of the old Greek world : little by little the opposition to the conclusions to be drawn from them died away. and it came to be admitted on all sides that the spade had disproved the confident convictions of scholarship, had revealed to us the prehistoric past of Greece, and had shown that the old traditions were founded on historic truth. It was the first blow delivered against the historical scepticism of the middle of the nineteenth century.
As an excavator Schliemann had to seek his evidence in the material objects which he diginterred. How to interpret this evidence had already been made clear by the prehistoric students of northern and western Europe. Among the material objects, the most important part was played by the pottery. Pottery is indestructible except by the hand of man; it is the most common of objects wherever civilised or semi-civilised man has existed, and the potter is almost as much subject to the dictates of fashion as the milliner. Successive periods of history can thus be traced through varying styles of pottery, as well as the relations of various forms of culture one to another.
Now a new excavator appeared upon the scene in the person of Mr. Flinders Petrie, and the scene of his work was no longer the ancient Greek world, but Egypt. Under him the study and classification of pottery became an elaborate branch of science, and brought with it the scientific study and arrangement of other objects of social life. Upper Egypt is a land where nothing perishes except by the hand of man; where the relics of early civilisation seem hardly to grow old, and where accordingly it is easier than elsewhere to unravel their history and arrange them in chronological order. The archaeological science of to-day is largely the creation of Petrie and his followers in the lands of the Nile..
Meanwhile Assyriology had overcome opposition and suspicion, and had forced the older Semitic scholars to accept its statements and conclusions. Even Germany had at last yielded; the enthusiasm of the Swiss scholar Schrader silenced all opposition, and a Chair of Assyriology was established for him at Berlin. But Assyriology itself had widened its domain. It was no longer only the Semitic language of Assyria and Babylonia and the Iranian language of ancient Persia, which the cuneiform scholar was called upon to decipher; the cuneiform soript had once extended over the greater part of Western Asia and had been used by the various languages that were spoken there. It was discovered that AssyroBabylonian had been the pupil and heir of an earlier culture and an earlier language which was agglutinative, but unlike any other known form of speech. The earlier Assyriologists called it Akkadian ; we now know that its name was Sumerian, the language of Sumer,

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and Akkadian properly denoted the Semitic language spoken in the northern half of Babylonia. The first attempt at a grammar and analysis of the language had been made by my. self in 1870, and was developed by my friend, François Lenormant-a name ever to be honoured-three years later. The Sumerians were the founders of Babylonian civilisation, the builders of its cities, and the originators of its theology. The larger part of Babylonian literature was due to their initiative.
Another agglutinative language, unrelated, however, to Sumerian, was spoken in the highlands of Elam and is now known as Susian. In its later form it is represented by what in the early days of Assyriology wus termed the Scythian version of the Achæmenian inscriptions. It was, in fact, the language of Susa, the third capital of the Persian kings, and we owe most of our present knowledge of it to the numberless inscriptions disinterred by de Morgan among the ruins of Susa and brilliantly deciphered by Dr. Scheil.
There was yet another language embodied in the cuneiform characters, which was spoken in the north of Assyria in what is now Armenia. This I succeeded in deciphering in 1882, my Memoir appearing in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, and so brought to light the history, geography and theology of a power which once contended on equal terms with the Assyrian Empire, and was for a while the mistress of the nations of the north. To this language I gave the name of Vannic, the capital of the kingdom having been the city of Bianas, the modern form of which is Van. The language belonged to what is called the Caucasian or Asianic group, that is to say, to the numerous languages spoken to-day in the Caucasus and formerly in Asia Minor, and divided into several groups unrelated to one another.
In 1888 came a discovery which revolutionised our ideas of ancient Oriental history and had a far-reaching effect. This was the discovery of cuneiform tablets at Tel.el-Amarna in Upper Egypt. By a stroke of ill-luck they were found by the peasants in the winter of 1886-7, the one winter that I did not happen to be in Upper Egypt. Both before that and afterwards I spent my winters on the Nite, and always visited Tel-el-Amarna, sometimes twice during the same season, where I was accordingly well-known to the natives from whom I purchased small antiquities. Had I been there that winter, the whole collection of tablets would have passed into my hands intact. As it was, there was no one in Egypt, much less among the antica-dealers, who knew anything about cuneiform or cuneiform tablets. A tablet sent to Paris was pronounced by Oppert to be a forgery, and the result was that the precious documents were packed un donkey-back and carried more than once up and down the two banks of the Nile, so that a considerable number of them were lost altogether, and a large number broken and rendered more or less illegible. When I arrived in Cairo in the spring of 1888, a few had made their way there, and I was able to assure the authorities at the Museum, that whatever their date might be, they were genuine.
The following winter I was again at Tel-el-Amarna where the fellahin showed me the house in which the tablets had been discovered. The bricks of the house, some of which I carried away with me, proved that it was the Foreign Office of the later Kings of the 18th dynasty. Most of the bricks were inscribed with the words : "Rerord Office of Aten."
The discovery, as I have said, had far-reaching consequences. For one thing, it dealt a second blow at the destructive criticism of the soeptical school of the historians of the ancient East. That criticism was based on the assumption that literature and the use of writing for literary or epistolary purposes had no existence before the classical ago, and that consequently no contemporaneous history of an earlier period could have come down to us, the

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further conclusion being that as there was no contemporaneous history, there could have been little or no history at all. The Tel-el-Amarna tablets showed, on the contrary, that already in the pre-Mosaic age there was almost as much diplomatic and literary correspondence going on from one end of the civilised world to the other, as in our own day; that schools must have been plentiful, and knowledge of writing widespread. They completed what the discoveries of Schliemann had begun; as the excavations at Troy and Mykenæ had restored our confidence in the traditional history of the ancient Orient, so the tablets restored our confidence in its literary character.
It was not long before another shock was given to the complacent scepticism of the older school of historians. Professor Erman had stated in a lecture at Berlin that the age of archaeological discovery in Egypt was over, and that henceforward the Egyptologist must devote himself to the philological analysis of his texts. Hardly had he made the pronouncement, when de Morgan revealed to the world, not only the pre-historic age of Egypt, but the earliest historical dynasties as well. So far from belonging to the domain of mythology, as had been confidently assumed, they turned out to be as fully historical as the dynas. ties of a Ramses or a Psammetichus, and the Egypt they governed was an Egypt which had already enjoyed a long preceding period of culture and civilisation. Menes, the founder of the united monarchy, was suddenly transformed from a creature of fable into a historical personage whose palace we can reconstruct with its ornate furniture, its vases of glass or obsidian brought from distant Melos, its gold-work and jewellery, and its hierarchy of officials.
Then came Sir Arthur Evans' discovery of ancient Krete. One morning he came into my rooms at Oxford with copies of some Kretan gems on which he had found what seemed to him the indubitable symbols of a picture-writing. They reminded me of a sealing-wax impression I had taken many years before at Athens of a Kretan seal which I had seen in the possession of Professor Rhousopoulos. When we examined it we found that the characters upon it were those of the same unknown script which Sir Arthur Evans had just detected.
Sir Arthur started for Krete as soon afterwards as he could ; there he came across clear evidences of an early civilisation which made him determine to excavate in the island whenever political circumstances would allow him to do so; the result was the excavation of the palace of Knossos, as well as the Italian excavations at Ploestos and Agia Triada and of other explorers elsewhere, which have restored to us the early history of the Ægean and brought to light a civilisation and an art which in many respects was a precursor of that of classical Greece. In fact it is not too much to say that we now know that what we call the classical art of Greece was but a Renaissance; the seeds of the older culture, which had been overwhelmed by the northern barbarians, had been lying under the soil, ready to burst into life whenever outward conditions favoured them.
Meanwhile, a forgotten people, who had much to do with shaping the history of the Nearer East and with carrying the culture of Babylonia to Greek lands, had sprung again into existence. These were the people known to the Babylonians and Egyptians, as well as to the Old Testament, under the name of the Hittites. It was in 1879 that I first endeavoured to establish the fact of a Hittite empire, the capital of which was at Boghaz Keui in Cappadocia, and to show that the curious hieroglyphic texts that had been found in Syria and Asia Minor, were the work of a Hittite people. In a letter to the Academy I declared, to what was then an unbelieving world, that the hieroglyphics attached to the figure carved on the rocks Bar Smyrna, in which Herodotus had seen the Egyptian conqueror Sesostris, were not Egyptian as was supposed, but would prove on examination to be Hittite, and similar to

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those attached to the figures of various deities at Boghaz Keui. A few weeks later I was standing by the side of the figures and taking a squeeze of the inscription. My prophecy was fulfilled; the characters were Hittite like the figure itself, and bore witness to the march of Hittite conquerors as far westward as the shores of the Ægean.
The Tel-el-Amarna tablets brought the Hittites once more to the fore. They showed that in the age of the Exodus, when Palestine was nominally under Egyptian dominion, it was to a large extent actually governed by Hittite chieftains from Asia Minor, whose troops garrisoned the cities of Canaan. It is with good reason that the writer of Genesis describes Heth as the second-born of Canaan. Even the King of Jerusalem bears a Hittite name, and the Khabiri whose attacks he fears, and in whom some scholars have seen the Hebrews, in spite of historical improbability, now turn out to be the mercenary bodyguard of the Hittite Kings. If they eventually captured Jerusalem, as is generally supposed, they would have been the Jebusites of Scripture.
In 1893-4 M. Chantre made some excavations at Boghaz Keui, one result of which was the discovery of fragments of cuneiform tablets. It then became clear that the Hittities employ. ed the cuneiform script as well as their native hieroglyphs and that if excavations could be made on a sufficient scale at Boghaz Keui, a library of cuneiform tablets might be found there similar to those of Assyria and Babylonia. In 1905 I was at Constantinople with Dr. Pinches, and there we obtained a tablet, said to come from Yurghat, near Boghaz Keui, and inscribed with cuneiform characters in the same language as the fragments discovered by Chantre. It was the first tablet of the kind that had come to light which was not only of large size, but also fairly perfect, and an edition of it was published by the Royal Asiatic Society as one of its special monographs.
The discovery had the effect of making the German Oriental Society keenly anxious to excavate at Boghaz Keui, as Dr. Belok and others had already urged them to do. I too, on my side, was equally anxious that British excavations should be undertaken there, more especially as Professor Garstang, the most capable of excavators, was as much interested in the Hittites as I was myself, and was ready to give up his work in Egypt for the purpose. Hamdi Bey had promised me to do all he could to further my plans. But the funds for exca. vating were slow in being provided ; Germany was omnipotent in Constantinople, and the ex-Kaiser instructed his ambassador there to demand a firmån for the work, to the expenses of which he himself contributed. Eventually I received a letter from Hamdi Bey stating that he could hold out no longer, and that the firmân would be given to Germany. Accordingly, in the summer of 1906, Winckler, the Assyriologist, started for Boghaz Keui with money supplied by the Vorderasiatische Gesellschaft, and there took possession of the site, and the following year a regular expedition was sent out under the auspices of the German Oriental Society and the conduct of Winckler and one or two architects. Unfortunately, no archæologist was attached to the expedition, so that had it not been for the fortunate accident that Professor Garstang happened to visit Boghaz Kaui while the excavations were going on, its archæological record would have been entirely lost; as it is we are still in the dark as to the historical sequence of its pottery.
Winckler was a good Assyriologist, and he devoted himself to copying and deciphering the tablets, of which a very large number was found. Indeed, I hear from Berlin that there are now about 20,000 tablets or fragments of tablets there, those which had been kept at Constantinople having been removed to Berlin during the war. The result of his researches was published in December 1907 in a provisional Report, and opened up a new chapter in

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ancient history. For one thing, we now heard the Hittite side of some of the political ques. tions of which the Tel-el-Amarna tablets had given us the Egyptian version; it is needless to say that the facts were placed in a new light. Most of the documents relating to contemporaneous history were fortunately in Assyrian, that being the language of diplomacy, as French is to-day.
It was not only in Cappadocia, however, that the German Oriental Society was at work. Excavations extending over several years, were being made at its expense at Babylon and Aggur, the primitive capital of Assyria. Those at Babylon did not add much to our previous knowledge ; it was different at Assur. There the history of the great temple of Assur was traced through its successive rebuildings and enlargements; the earlier history of the city was carried back to pre-historic times, the stately tombs of the later kings of Assyria were discovered, and above all, the royal library was disinterred, the existence of which was divined years ago by George Smith. Of all this we had meagre reports, which only indicated the riches of the promised land ; and then came the war.
(To be continued.) THE HISTORY OF THE NIZAM SHAH KINGS OF AHMADNAGAR. BY LIEUT.-COLONEL SIR WOLSELEY HAIG, K.C.I.E., C.B.I., C.M.G., C.B.E.
(Continued from p. 73.) It so happened, however, that the 'Adil Shâbi army had been informed by spies of the design, and on the night on which half of the besieging army marched the 'Adil Shâhî army aleo marched for Bijapur by another road, and before the army of Ahmadnagar could reach that place, had entered Bijapur and taken refuge behind its walls. Just at thie time 246 the force which had been sent by Kish var Khân to slay Mustafa Khân, having slain that great man, returned, and joined the rest of the 'Adil Shâhî army in Bijâpůr, so that the strength of the army of Bijâpûr was greatly increased. The amirs of Bijapur had, however recently expelled Kishvar Khân from the country246 and had not yet raised any other to the head of
346 From Firishta's narrative it would appear that the force sent to deal with Mustafa Khan had rotumed to Bij&pûr some time before the arrival of the allies before the city.-F. ii, 96.
** This is a very imperfect account of Haji Kishvar Khan's downfall. Chånd Bibf became estranged from him owing to his murder of the Sayyid, Mustafa Khan, and the quarrel between them reached such lengths that Kishvar Khan caused ChAnd Bibi to be arrested and sent as a prisoner to Satars. He then sent Miyên Buddhù the Dakani to threaten the amire at Naldrug with imprisonment unless they opposed the enemy more vigorously. The African amira, Ikhlas Khan, Dilâvar Khan, and Hemid Khan, put the envoy in irons and marched on Bijapur with the object of deposing Kishvar Khan, while 'Ain-ul-Mulk Kan &ni. Ankas Khân, and other amfra retired to their estates. The murder of Mustafa Khan and the im. prisonment of Chand Bibi had rendered Kishvar Khån extremely unpopular in Bijapur, and he was openly abused as he passed through the streets. When he heard that the African amirs were marching on the capital he took the young king out hunting but, realizing the futility of opposing the Africans, allowed him to return from the first stage and obtained leave of abeence. He fled with 400 hore to Ahmadnagar but, being ill received there, fled to Golconda, where he was slajn by an Ardistani in revenge for the murder of Muptaf& Khân. Ikhlas Khan was then inade vakit and plahod, and ChAnd Bibi was recalled from Setårn. Sho dismissed Ikhlas Khan, and appointed Afzal Khan Shirkal in his stead. Ikhlas Khan caused Afzal Khan to be put to death, and, resenting Chand Bibi's partiality for the foreign amirs, expelled Shah Fathullah Shirazi, Shah Abdul Qasim, Murtaza Khân Injů, and other Foreigners from the city. The African amere then summoned 'Ain-ul-Mulk Kanazî from his estate and, as he approached the city, went out to meet him. He seized them, put them in irons, and carried them towards the city on elephante, but on learning that the royal guards were prepared to oppose him fled to his estate, leaving his prisoners bahind They wore released and restored to power.-F. ii, 07, 98

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affairs. The African amirs, such as Ikhlâs Khân, Dilâvar Khân, and Hamid Khân, had conspired together and had succeeded in getting into their own hands most of the power in the state and the former concord between them and 'Ain-ul-Mulk, who was the greatest and most powerful of the amirs of Bijâ pûr, was changed to enmity. One day, when all the African amirs had gone to 'Ain-ul-Mulk's house, he had them arrested and on the following day, having drawn up his troops and placed the Africans under arrest with them, he marched to the citadel of Bijapûr, intending to gain possession of the person of Ibrâhîm 'Adil Shâh, to assume the chief power in the state, and to imprison the Africans in the fortress. On his way one of his friends met him and told him that the slaves of Ibrahim 'Adil Shah had entered into a conspiracy with the Kotwal of Bijapûr and the troops in attendance on the young king to release the Africans as soon as the cavalcade entered the fortress and to arrest their captor: The suspicious 'Ain-ul-Mulk, on receiving this false information, left the African amirs in the midst of the bâzâr at Bijapur and fled to his own estates.
The 'Adil Shâhî army was much demoralized by the flight of-'Ain-ul-Mulk, but the power of the African amirs, who had thus been released from imprisonment, was greater than ever. As the army of Bijapur was demoralized by the quarrels between the amirs, so the Nigâm Shâhî army became more powerful and advanced and encamped before Shahpûr. On the following day at daybreak the Nizâm Shâhî and Qutb Shâhî armies were drawn up in battle array against the enemy, and marched on Bijâpûr. The 'Adil Shâhî army also streamed out of the gates of the town and was drawn up for battle. The infantry, the rocketeers, the spearmen and the halberdiers, the war elephants, and the cavalry advanced to the attack. The light cavalry first joined battle but the fight soon became general, and the two armies crashed together like contending seas.247
The Qutb Shahi warriors performed great feats of valour on that day, made frequent attacks which broke the enemy's line, and then, as before, when the battle was at its height, nearly a thousand picked horsemen of the Nizâm Shâhî army charged the centre of the 'Adil Shâhî army, doing great execution. The centre broke and the wings followed its example, When the allied armies saw the effect of this bold charge on the enemy, they charged at once and blew so many of the enemy, that the corpses lay in heaps. They then pressed on in pursuit of the disorganized forces of the enemy, which fled in all directions. Some, with great difficulty, succeeded in reaching the fortress of Bijapur, while large numbers fled in all directions over the country. Those who made for Bijapur were pursued to the gates by the allies, who captured from them seven of Ibrahim's best elephants, Atashpâra, Kühpara, Chanchal and others, and drove them back to their camp. The allies having reached tbeir camp, relaxed no whit of their vigilance, but prepared to resist any fresh attack and to capture the fortress.
On the day following, the 'Adil Shâhi army was again formed up for battle but their spirit was so broken by their defeat that they would not leave the fortress.
At this juncture spies informed the 'Adil Shâhî army that Sayyid Mir Zainal Astaribådi, who had been sent by Ibrahim Qutb Shah to besiege the fortress of Gulgur, 248 had taken that fortress and was hagtening to the aid of the Nigam Shâhi army. The commanders of the 'Adil ShAhi foroes decided that the wisest course would be to detach the force against this reinforcement, to attack it by night before it effected a junction with Sayyid Murtaza's army and to disperse it. They therefore sent Sayyid Mirza Nor-ud-din Muhammad Nishâbûri and some other amirs with their troops to attack Mir Zainal. Mirza Nor-ud-din
#47 These battles before Bij&par are not mentioned by Firishta and the army of Aḥmadnagar appears to have gained no success of any importance there.
241 Gollaguda.

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HISTORY OF THE NIZAM SHAHI KINGS OF AHMADNAGAR
Muhammad with a fresh 'Adil Shâhî force marched from Bijâpûr at night and on the second night he met the Qutb Shâhî force and in the darkness of that night a fierce conflict between these two armies took place. The fight lasted until the morning, but when the sun rose the 'Adil Shâhî's left the field and retired towards Bijâpûr, while the Qutb Shâhî army encamped on the field.
When the Qutb Shâhî army found that the Bîjâpûrîs had fled and would not renew the fight they resumed their march, plundering and ravaging the 'Adil Shâhî country as they advanced to a distance of four or five leagues on either side of their line of their march, until they approached the amir-ul-umara's army. Here they were received with honour, and as this reinforcement greatly increased the strength of the besieging army, renewed efforts were made to capture Bîjâpûr.
At this time Kishvar Khân 'Adilshâhî, 249 of whom it has already been mentioned that he fled from the amirs of Bîjâpûr and took refuge in Ahmadnagar arrived, by the royal command, with fresh troops at the camp of the amir-ul-umarâ, and the news of the arrival of these two fresh reinforcements utterly demoralized the army of Bîjâpûr, and 'Ain-ul-Mulk, who was the commander-in-chief of the enemy, found that the strength of the allies was overwhelming, and that in the absence of any sound statesman the kingdom was rapidly falling into decay. Thus Sankal Nâik, commandant of the fortress of Chari and of its dependencies rose in rebellion, and asserted his sway over most of the villages and towns (with their districts) which 'Alî 'Adil Shâh had, in the course of his reign, added to the 'Adil Shahi kingdom, and was oppressing and plundering the inhabitants. The African amirs, who had acquired all power in the city of Bijapûr, now exerted themselves to the utmost to avert the overthrow of the kingdom and, as a first step to this end they sent for 'Ain-ul-Mulk, who had now been for eight days in the camp of the allies, assuring him of his safety and imploring him to return to Bîjâpûr. He responded to the appeal and, leaving his pavilion standing, fled from the royal camp with his troops by night towards Bîjâpûr, and entered the city by the Allâhpûr gate,350
When the allies heard of the flight of 'Ain-ul-Mulk they pursued him even to the gate of the city, slaying all whom they overtook and capturing all his baggage and treasure, so that the pursuers were enriched by the quantity of gold and jewels which fell into their hands. The 'Adil Shahi army was, however, much strengthened by the return of 'Ain-ul-Mulk, and farmans were issued to all parts of the kingdom ordering the assembly of the infantry, musketeers and archers, and in a short time 8,000 foot (joined the army in Bîjâpâr).
XC.-AN ACCOUNT OF THE THIRD BATTLE BETWEEN THE BIJAPURIS AND THE ALLIES, 261
The allies, having recently been strengthened by two reinforcements, were now overconfident on their strength, and on the next day at sunrise, were drawn up and advanced against the city in full force. When the 'Adil Shahî army were aware of the advance of the allies, they were drawn up, and a number of their bravest amirs, such as Mirza Nûr-ud-din
249 Firishta makes no mention of the dispatch of Kishwar Khan from Ahmadnagar against Bijapur. He appears to have fled directly from Ahmadnagar to Golconda.
350 The African amirs had by this time resigned office, and Shah Abul Hasan had been appointed vabil and plshed. He begged Sayyid Murtaza, who held him in great respect, to persuade Bihzad-ul-Mulk and Muhammad Quli Qutb Shah to raise the siege and Sayyid Murtaza, who was still at enmity with Bihzad-ul-Mulk and Salabat Khân very readily exerted himself to ensure the failure of the siege. He reproached 'Ain-ul-Mulk and Ankas Khan, who had taken refuge with him, with their treason, and persuaded them to return to their allegiance to Ibrahim Adil Shah II. They accordingly returned to Bijapur. Firishta says nothing about the attack made on them as they were returning, which Sayyid Murtas& would not have been likely to permit.-F. ii, 102, 103.
251 This battle is not mentioned by Firishte.

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Muhammad Nishâbûri, Mustafa Khân Astarâbâdî, Shîr Khân Barâqi, Muzaffar Khân Barâqi, Ankas Khan Dakani and Ikhlas Khân, Dilâvar Khân, and Hamid Khân, the Africans, led the numerous army of Bijapur out by one of the gates of the city and drew it up over against the armies of the allies.
The two armies then joined battle and a fiercely fought battle ensued, which raged from early morn until the sun was past the zenith, when a division of about 1,500 cavalry with several war elephants charged the centre of the 'Adil Shâhi army, broke it, and dispersed it. When the rest of the 'Adil Shâhî army saw that all their efforts were in vain they broke and fled, pursued by the Nizâm Shâhî army. Many of the fugitives fled so precipitately from fear of the avenging swords of the pursuers that they fell into the ditch of the fortress.
When those in Bijâpûr saw that the battle was not going in accordance with their hopes, they shut the gates and prevented the entry, not only of the victors, but also of their own men, and rained from the bastions and curtains showers of arrows on the allies. The allies having thus gained the victory over their enemy, retired from before the walls to their own camp.
After this heavy defeat, the army of Bijapur remained shut up in the city and had neither strength nor courage to arm themselves, nor to come out again to the fight. Then, having found that they could effect nothing by force, they had recourse to fraud. Having regard to the friendship which had existed between Sayyid Murtaza and Sayyid Shah Abul-Hasan, son of Shâh Tâhir, who was imprisoned in a fortress in the Bijapur kingdom, they sent for the latter and appointed him vakil and pishvd of the kingdom, 252 knowing that the amir-ul-umard had always made the release of Abd-l-Hasan and his elevation to the office of valiland pishvd his object in life, and that this appointment would open the door to friendly communications. When these communications were firmly established the Bijâpüris, who were craftily seeking to sow discord between the allies, sent a message to Sayyid Murtaxå saying that friendship would be restored if the army of Ibrâhîm Qutb Shah 263, who was the prime mover of discord and whose troops were the cause of it, were removed. Sayyid Murtaza, who did not at once fathom the enemy's guile, accepted this advice and began to scheme to get rid of the Qutb Shâhi troops. A common friend, who by chance became aware of the design of the enemy, disclosed it to Sayyid Shah Mir, who was the commanderin-chief of the Qutb Shahi troops, and who, on being acquainted with the guile of the Bijâpûris wrote a letter to them, warning of them of the danger of liberating Shah Abd-l-Hasan and of making friends with Sayyid Murtaza. Sayyid Shah Mir then hastened to Sayyid Murtaza's quarters and, finding him alone, questioned him closely and with great persistence regarding the communications which he had received from the sowers of discord, scil. the amirs of Bijâpûr. Sayyid Murtaza was thus compelled to disclose all the circumstances, and Sayyid Shah Mir, who was well known for his persuasive eloquence, tactfully exposed the guile of the enemy to Sayyid Murtaza and proved to him that he would have cause to regret any alliance with the Bijâpäris. Sayyid Murtaza was now ashamed of his traffick ings with the Bijapuris and once more devoted himself to conoslidating the alliance with Ibrahim Qutb Shah and with Sayyid Shah Mir.
352 Abul Hasan had already been sppointed rakl and pishta before the return of 'Ain-ul-Mulk and Ankas Khan from Sayyid Murtazi's camp to Bijapur.-F. ii, 102.
263 This is a mistake. ldhim Quit Ehål had died during the first siege of Naldrug and Muhammad Quli Qutb Shôh was with the army of Ahmadnagar before Bijapur.

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The Bîjâpûrîs, on their side, repented of having released Shah Abu-i-Hasan and, having again imprisoned him,354 once more prepared for war. They employed a force of Bargis 256 who, for their valour and endurance, are known as the Uzbaks of Hindustan, to prevent supplies from reaching the besiegers, and thus caused a famine in the camp of the allies. The allies, reduced to great straits owing to the scarcity of food, took counsel as to the course to be followed and it was agreed that they should not confine themselves to the siege of Bîjâpûr, but should disperse and ravage the country 256.
XCI. AN ACCOUNT OF THE MARCH OF THE ALLIES FROM BEFORE BIJAPUR
WITH THE OBJECT OF PLUNDERING THE CROPS OF THE ADIL SHAHÎ KINGDOM AND DESTROYING ITS BUILDINGS.
All the amirs and the officers of the army agreed that the neighbourhood of Bîjâpûr should be abandoned, and they began operations by plundering and laying waste the suburb of Shahpûr which contained palaces and gardens full of fruit and flowers. Having levelled its palaces with the ground and uprooted all its fruit trees, the army marched, in the latter days of Muharram A.H. 988 (March A.D. 1580), 257 from Bîjâpûr through the Adil Shâhî kingdom, which was populous and well cultivated. As they went they plundered and ravaged, levelling huts of the poor and the palaces of rich with the ground, and destroying the crops, until they reached the city of Kalhar, which is one of the most famous cities of the Dakan for its populousness and its fine architecture. This city they plundered and burnt, obtaining such spoil that the whole army, both small and great, was made wealthy by the plunder of this city alone. When they had done with Kalhar, of which they left no stone standing on another, they marched towards Rai Bâgh Dihgirî a populous city noted for its fruits, and especially for its grapes. This place they so devastated that of the city no trace remained, and no remnant of its vines, which were all destroyed. Thence the army marched through the country plundering all, both rich and poor, and slaying all.
JUNE, 1922]
On this march the army plundered and destroyed all the cities, villages and forts, such as Miskiri, which lay on their way, and ravaged and wasted all the towns and districts, until they came to the fortress of Miraj. The garrison of Miraj was thrown into great confusion by the news of the approach of the allies, but as the fortress was exceedingly strong, a few of the bravest of the garrison, relying on its strength, came forth, and there was a fight between them and the advanced guard of the Nigâm Shâhî army. Owing, however, to the great strength of the fort, the allies did not tarry to besiege it, but marched on to besiege Naldrug.
254 This is a mistake. Shah Abul Hasan remained in power throughout the siege of Bijapur. 355 Marathas.
25 This is a very partial account of what happened. The allies, completely demoralized by their failure before Bîjâpår, and harassed by the Marathas, sued for peace, which Ibrahim Adil Shah refused to grant. They then agreed that Muḥammad Quli Qutb Shah snould march on Gulbarga, which was on the way to his own capital and attempt to reduce it, and that the army of Ahmadnagar should renew the siege of Naldrug. They left Bijapur depressed and humiliated by their failure, and Muhammad Quli Qutb Shah returned to Golconda, leaving a force under Sayyid Zainal Astarabadi, whom he entitled Mustafa Khan, to besiege Gulbarga. The army of Ahmadnagar according to Firishta did not venture within striking distance of Naldrug, but retired to Ahmadnagar by way of Kolhar and Miraj, plundering as it went. A force under Dilâvar Khan utterly defeated Sayyid Zainul at Gulbarga and captured from him 150 elephants.-F. ii, 103, 104.
257 This date is wrong. The siege of Bijapur was not raised until A.D. 1581.
4

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XCII.--THE DEATH OF IBRÎHÎM QUTB SHE AND THE ACCESSION OF
MUĦAMMAD QULI QUTB SHH. Ibrâhîm Qutb Shâh, who had reigned over the whole of Telingana for thirty years, died in this year, viz -A.H. 989 (A.D. 1581), 258 and Muhammad Quli Qutb Shâh, the most able, generous and valiant of his sons, was summoned to his father's death bed to receive his dying advice and to be designated heir to the kingdom. After this the amirs and the chiefs of the army were summoned and were enjoined to be loyal to the new king, and Ibrahim Qutb Shâh then expired.
Ibrâhim Qutb Shâh was a king plentifully endowed with praise worthy qualities, of boundless generosity, and great administrative ability. For these qualities he was famed as far as Arabia and Persia, and in his reign oppression and tyranny were unknown.
Although the people of Telingâns are famed for their expertness as thieves, and can, as the proverb says, steal the nose from between the eyes, justice was so executed in his reign that the name of thief was not heard, and no one lost anything by fraud. The king was kept so well aware of all the affairs, doings and conversation of his subjects, whether in town or in the country, that the very smallest matters were reported to him every day. He was, however, very harsh and severe in the administration of justice and the smallest offences were heavily punished. The lightest punishments which he inflicted were the draw ing of the finger nails and the toe nails and the cutting off of ears, noses and other members.
A witty fellow once travelled through his country, and, as ustial, his arrival was reported to the king and a man was sent to ask him whence he came and what goods he had. He replied that he had brought with him finger nails, toe nails, ears, nose and all other members and parts of the body which were usually taken from the subjects of that kingdom with stick and mallet, but before this reply could be carried to Ibrahim Qutb Shâh the wit had absconded and when sought for could not be found.
When the amîrs and officers of state had finished the obsequies of Ibrâhim Qutb Shah they waited on the new king, enthroned him in an auspicious hour and arranged a great feast such as is usual on the accession of a king. They appeared before Muhammad Quli Qutb Shah to congratulate him and scattered offerings. The festivities lasted for some days and then a farman was issued, informing Sayyid Shâh Mir of the death of Ibrahim and the accession of Muhammad Quli. The news reached the army at Nandgaon, near Naldrug, and was the means of increasing Shâh Mir's uneasiness, for he already feared lest the Nizâm Shâhi commanders should listen again to the wiles of the enemy and break their treaty with him. He therefore refrained from publishing the news and hastened to Sayyid Murtara's tent259. It had recently been decided by the amirs of the allied armies that Sayyid Shah Mir should leave the army and return to Goloonda and there use his utmost
ndeavours to persuade his king to join his army in the field. Shâh Mir now told Sayyid Murtaza that he was prepared to start for Golconda with this object, but that he was not at case in his mind regarding the guile of the enemy, for he feared lest they, to gain their own ends, should again endeavour to foment strife and make mischief between the allies, the effect of which would be that the Sultan of Golconda would be annoyed and that he himself would be disgraced and ruined. He therefore asked Sayyid Murtard to set his mind at rest by renewing the agreements and covenants between them, in order that he might go without anxiety to Goloonda and endeavour to persuade the Sultân to the take the field.
356 This' date is wrong. Ibrahim Qutb Shah died on June 6, 1680, as is clear from the epitaph on his tomb.
356 These events happened before, not after, the siege of Bijapur.

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MISCELLANEA
131
At that time the greatest friendship existed between Shah Mîr and Sayyid Murtaza, and Sayyid Murtaza therefore, in order to set Shâh Mir's mind at rest, formally renewed the agreements and covenants between them, calling up the principal amírs, such as Jamshid Khân, Khudavand Khân, Bahri Khân, Bihzad-ul-Mulk, and others, in order that they might associate themselves with him in an undertaking to listen to nothing from the enemy that might tend to prejudice them against their Qutb Shâhî allies, always to deal with these allies in a spirit of friendliness and courtesy, and in no manner to inflict any damage on them.
When Sayyid Shah Mir's mind had been set at rest by this agreement he unfolded the news which he had to tell, of the death of Ibråhim Qutb Shah and the accession of his son, Muhammad Quli Qutb Shah. The amirs all with one accord avowed their intention to abide by their former convenant and that into which they had just entered It was then decided that Mirak Mu'în Sabzavári, one of the most ready witted men of the age, should be sent to Golconda on the part of Sayyid Murtaza and that Khyaja Muhammad Samnânî should accompany him in behalf of Shâh Mir for the purpose of offering condolences, on the death of the late, and congratulations on the accession of the new king, and that Sayyid Shah Mir should, in a short time, himself return to Golconda and use his best endeavours to induce Muhammad Quli Qutb Shah to join the army in the field. Mirak Mu'in and Khyâja Muhammad then went to Golconda and, having been received by Muhammad Quli Qutb Shah, discharged the mission on which they had been sent, and then Sayyid Shâh Mir returned to Golconda. Muḥammad Quli Qutb Shâh came forth from the city with all his troops and elephants to receive the Sayyid, and the Sultan, in consideration both of his Sayyidship and of his former services, honoured him by alighting from his horse and embracing him. After they had entered the city the king invested Shah Mir with a special robe of honour and entrusted him with all the whole administration of the kingdom.
Savvid Shah Mir then convinced the king that it was necessary in the interests of the kingdom, that he should take the field with his army and join the Nizam Shahi army, and Muhammad Quli Qutb Shah, acting on this advice marched from Goloonds at the head of "his army to join the Nizâm Shâhî army.
When the army of Golconda approached the camp of the army of Ahmadnagar the amir-ul-umard and all the vazirs and amirs came forth to meet the king, and were honoured by being permitted to pay their respects to him. The next day the two arinies marched towards Naldrug.
(To be continued.)
MISCELLANEA. LOST HISTORICAL PAPERS RELATING TO of rebela, Lieut. Tulloch came upon the family CEYLON,
of the "Aroh Rebel" Koppitipola " in a jungle PREFATORY NOTE.
near Narangammo" on 16 October, 1818. His (This is roprinted from the Ceylon Antiquary, Vol.
mother, wifo,' two sons, and a brother were taken VII, P. I, p. 44, in the hope that some reader of with the baggage" of Keppitipola, who was himselt the Indian Antiquary may be able to help in the taken and executed a month later. In the baggage Neovory of the valuable lost papers.--ED.) weresovoral carious papers," among them CURIOUS PAPERS.
1. "Th Treaty of Alliance proposed by Mr. BY S. G. P.
Robert Andrews to the King of Kandy. - During the Uva Rebellion of 1817-18, when the British troops were scouring the country in pursuit. l. 2. A lotter from the xrench Admiral Huftrein, and

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3. The original letter from Lord Macartney sent by Andrews, on his second journey, to be signed
from Madras by Mr. Hugh Boyd and dated by the King of Kandy. It is given in Andrews' October 13, 1781."--Ceylon Gazette, 24 Journal recently published (Journal CBRAS. 70, pt. October, 1818.
3, pp. 115-117). Keppitipola had other things also besides papers. The letter of Suffrein has, I think, never come to He had the deposed King's crown and sword and light. But the letter of Lord Macartney has been wearing apparel; and his brother-in-law Ehelópola preserved by the Dutch. Among the Dutch Records "handed over to the English the late King's crown, of the Government was found a copy of this letter sword, and wearing apparel which he found conceal. I along with a Dutch translation. Mr. H.C. P. Bell ed in the possession of Keppitipolo Dissa va and a published it in the Ceylon Literary Register, IV, pp. villager." (Pohath-Kehelpannala, Ehalapola, p. 34.) 132-3. It was there supposed "probable that on
Does any body know whether these "curious the capture of Mr. Boyd by the French these papers papers" are still extant? Such interesting documents fell into the hands of the Dutch Government." falling into the hands of a British officer on a (ib., p. 125). But Boyd was captured on the high military expedition are, if anything, likely to be seas. A packet, which he throw overboard, was preserved : unless perhaps some high official with a rescued by the Frenchman, and sent to Amsterdam historical turn of mind took them with him for all Ariatic Annual Register. 1799). The Diaries of bot keepsake on retirement or presented them to the Boyd and Andrews are now published, the latter so British Museum. Such a case "involving the far back as 1799. A French Ambassade de M. Hughes honour of a whilom Chief Justice and a Colonial
Boyd (Paris, 1803) was published from a German Secretary " is on record. (Cf. Journal OBRAS. 62,
translation, to a second hand copy of which we might pp. 260, 271). Have these curious papers suffered
hers give a free advertisement: " Boyd H. a like fate? If they did they are sure to be better Gesandtschaftsreise nack Ceylan, M. histor statistipreserved than by the local Government and chen Nachricten v. dieser Insel w. dem Leben des certainly more accessible.
Verfaas, hrag. v. L. D. Campbell. Aus d. Engl. The Trenty of Alliance referred to is probably the Hambura 1802" 2 m. Katalog 490, No. 398, Hierse. one signed at Fort St. George and brought back mann, Leipzig, 1921.
BOOK-NOTICES. EPIGRAPHIA BIRMANICA, Vol. II, Pt. II. edited by ASTRONOMICAL INSTRUMENTS IN THE DELEL MUSEUM
OHAS. DUROISXLL. Archaeological Survey of by G. R. KAYE. Archeological Survey of India, Burma, Rangoon. 1921.
Memoirs, No. 12. Calcutta. 1921. This is an appendix to the Talaing Plaques on This is a very valuablo scoount of three the Ananda Plates at Pagan, described and edited astrolabes recently purchased for the Delhi in full in Vol. II, Part I, of this invaluable series, Museum from a member of family of astrolabe and already reviewed, anto, Vol. L. p. 246. In makers in Lahore, a fact which places the genuineit are given illustrations of the 389 plaques with nese of the instruments beyond doubt, despite a full description of each. The identification of so I their known history. Their dates are respectively many plates relating to the stories in the last ten | 13th and 15th cents. A.D. and 1676. It is needless Jalakas is of first-rate importance to archeological to say that the monograph describes the astrolabes students of many kinds, and its appearance is in minute detail and in a manner that is beyond matter of no small note. R. O. TOPLE.
RC. TEMPLE.
praise.
NOTES AND QUERIES. NOTES FROM OLD FACTORY RECORDS.
which upon nsoonsity being consented to, they 30. Court Martial for desertion.
rere returned to us and now under confinement, 5 August 1689. Consultation at Port 8. George but these troublesome times requireing more There being three fugitive Soldiers that lately severity then formerly, and tho we spare their ran away with their Armes, intending to serve lives, yet tis held absolutely necessary to make the Moores [Muhammadans) in the Mogulls them otherwise exemplary, to deterr others from [Aurangzeb'a] Camp, were by our Peons sent in the like crimes. Tis therefore orderd that a Coart persuit of them, apprehended some dayes Journey Martiall be held by the President &ca. in the fort on their way, and scoured by the Poligar Tam. hall on Wednesday next for their tryall. (Reoorde pdjaiyalokdran, Mahr. pdlagdr, 'subordinate feudal of Fort St. George, Diary and Consultation Book, chief] in those parte, who would not deliver them, 1689, p. 67.) but upon Conditsion) of a Perdon for their lives,
R. C. TEMPLE, 1 The circumstances that led to the French and English correspondence with the king of Kandy are well known. See Ooylon Antiquary and Literary Register, V, 180 and 199.

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NEW LIGHT FROM WESTERN ASIA. . (A Lecture delivered to The Royal Asiatic Society, London,
on Tuesday the 8th November 1921.) BY THE REV. PROF. A. H. SAY CE, M.A., D.LITT,
(Continued from p. 125.) Two years ago we once more began to hear something about the stores of cuneiform tablete from Boghaz Keui, which are at Berlin. A few German Assyriologists had been working at them fitfully; a small number of texts had been published ; and it was rumoured that an Austrian Assyriologist had made out Hittite to be an Indo-European language. Fortunately there was one small country in the centre of Europe which had remained neutral, and a young Swiss Assyriologist, Dr. Forrer, had taken advantage of the fact to establish himself at Berlin and there copy the Hittite and Assur tablets. It is largely to his labours that some of the most startling of our recent discoveries are due.
A considerable number of the tablets from Boghaz Keui have now been published, and we thus háve sufficient materials, not only for reconstructing the history of the Hittite empire in the Mosaic age, but also for determining the nature and character of the Hittite language employed in them. Among the tablets are comparative vocabularies-or dictionaries, if it is preferred so to call them of Sumerian, Assyrian and Hittite, to which the pronun. ciation of the Sumerian word is often added ; and the numerous ideographs which are sprinkled over the Hittite texts have greatly facilitated our reading of them. One thing is now clear ; the official Hittite of Boghaz Keui was not an Indo-European language as Hroziny supposed, though it contains a large admixture of Indo-European words and grammatical forms, along with a similar admixture of Assyrian and even Sumerian words and expressions. It was, in fact, an artificial literary language, and is accordingly called in the native texts" the language of the scribes." To the comparative philologist, however, it is of very great interest and value, and throws light on the philology of Greek and other Indo-European languages. We have learnt that, in strict accordance with the statement of Genesis, Javan was the brother of Meshech and Tubal, that Indo-European languages existed and developed in Asia Minor side by side with those which we term Asianic, and that contact between them produced its inevitable consequences, loans and borrowings on both sides. Light has already been thrown, in consequence of this, on some of the elements of Indo-European grammar.
One of the unexpected facts that has emerged on the linguistic side, is that the ancestors of the Aryan tribes of north-western India were still living in eastern Asia Minor, in the 15th century before our era. There they plied the trade of horse breeders and trainers, and supplied the Hittite language with words relating to it. There is a long work on the subject by a certain Kikkuli who hailed from Mitanni or Northern Mesopotamia, in which the most minute directions are given with regard to the horses, their treatment, harness, and exercising.
Another linguistic fact which has emerged, is that the language of the hieroglyphic Hittite texts is not that of Boghaz Keui. It belonged to the Kaskians and Moschians who lived to the east of Cappadocia, and the texts themselves are the records, not of the older Hittite empire of Boghaz Keui, but of a second and later empire, called that of the Cilicians by the Latin writer Solinus, which started into existence about B.O. 1200, and seems to have had its contre at Tyana. The hieroglyphs themselves, however, were of Asianic origin, and had long bben in use in eastern Asia Minor. Examples of them are found at Boghas Keui itself, where the phonetio values attached to the characters were naturally as different from those

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which they had in the later inscriptions as the values attached to the cuneiform signs by the Assyro-Babylonians are different from those which they had in the Sumerian script.
Like the Caucasus to-day, Asia Minor in those early times was the honte and meeting-place of a very large number of unrelated languages. In the tablets of Boghaz Keui Dr. Forrer finds no less than eight different languages represented, to which I have been able to add a ninth. One of these languages is what he calls Proto-Hittite, which was the real language of the country and is as unlike the official "language of the scribes" as Chinese is unlike Latin. There was, in fact, no relationship between them except in the matter of borrowed words, and it therefore becomes a question whether the official language, which we have hitherto termed Hittite, has any real right to the name. Since it was used, however, at Boghaz Keui, which bore the name of Kattusas "the Hittite" or "Silver lily," the word khattu signifying "silver," I think we are justified in retaining the old term and distinguishing the earlier language of the country as Proto-Hittite.
Another language which has been brought to light is that of the Kharri or Murri-the pronunciation of the name is still doubtful-who were emigrants from Mitanni or Northern Mesopotamia. One of the texts in the Kharrian language is a long epic in no less than fourteen tablets, by a certain poet Kesse, about the Babylonian hero Gilgames. The people of Mitanni -that is, "the land of Midas," afterwards famous in Phrygian legend-originally came from the Caucasus and preceded the Semitic Assyrians in the possession of Assur. The earliest High-Priests of Assur known to us bear Mitannian names, and the attributes assigned by the Assyrians to their god Assur were many of them of Mitannian origin, while the chief goddess of Assyria continued to be invoked by her Mitannian name of Sala, "the Lady."
The Mitannian Kharri were at one time employed as mercenaries by the Hittite Kings, but their place was afterwards supplied by the Khabiri, whose name is translated "Execu tioners." The Khabiri, once erroneously identified with the Hebrews of the Old Testament, formed the chief part of the royal body-guard; 600 of them, we are told, protected one part of the city and 600 the other part of it. I believe I have evidence showing that they were the original of the Greek Kabeiri, who consequently had nothing to do with the Phoenicians or a Phoenician word. The Khabiri were an old institution in Babylonia; Rim-Agum, the Arioch of Genesis and contemporary of Khammurabi, mentions them as among the mercenary troops who formed his body-guard. The Khabiri of the Tel-cl-Amarna tablets were the picked soldiers of the Hittite King.
The Hittite King was deified. His supreme title was "the Sun-god," not "the son of the Sun-god" as in Egypt, and he was regarded as the manifestation of the Sun-god here on earth. The belief survived into the later religions of Asia Minor; at Pessinus, for instance, as Sir W. M. Ramsay has shown, the High Priest of Athys was himself Athys and was accordingly addressed under that name. Whether religious worship was paid to the deified king during his lifetime we do not yet know: it was at any rate paid to him after his death in many cases. Most of the older Hittite Kings who reigned before the foundation of the Empire and when Boghaz Keui had not as yet become the capital, were included among the gods; one of the most popular gods indeed was Telibinus who reigned 2000 B.C., and a special cult was paid to Khasa-milis "the Swordsman," another king of the same period, in whom I see the Kabirite Kasmilos of Greek mythology.
Eastern Asia Minor had been at an early date the object of attack on the part of the Babylonian Kings, who were attracted to it by its metal-mines. Already, in the time of the 3rd dynasty of Ur, that is to say, B.C. 2400, a flourishing Babylonian colony was established

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at a city called Ganis, now represented by the ruins of Kara Eyuk a few miles from Kaisari. yeh. The country was garrisoned by Assyrian soldiers who formed the best part of the Babylonian army : the mines were worked by Assyro-Babylonian firms whose agents lived at Ganig, and good roads were constructed throughout Cappadocia along which the postmen travelled with letters and even a species of cheque. A large number of cuneiform tab. lets have come from Ganis, the greater part of them having been discovered by the peasants just before the war ; from one of them which I have published in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society we have learned that there was a city not far off in which there was a Ladies' University where the higher instruction was divided into the two branches of "science" and "art." It was through colonies like that of Ganis that Babylonian culture, art and theology were introduced into Asia Minor, and that the tribes of the north became acquainted with the ouneiform script.
The earliest Babylonian campaign against Asia Minor, of which we know, was conducted by Sargon, the founder of the dynasty of Akkad, though he refers to & still earlier invasion on the part of an otherwise unknown Adamu or Adam. The discovery of the missing portion of the dynastic tablets from Nippur, made last winter by Mr. Legrain in the Philadelphia Museum, has at last fixed the date of Sargon at B.O. 2800, with a few years' margin of error more or less. At that early date the Babylonian army crossed the Gulf of Antioch, made its way through Cilicia, and brought back from the northern slopes of the Taurus various trees, including vines, two species of fig, walnuts (?), terebinths and roses, which were planted in the gardens of Babylonia. The account of the campaign, written in Hittite Assyrian, was found in the house of the Hittite ambassador to Egypt, at Tel-el-Amarna, by the German excavators, during the winter before the war, and was translated by myself in the Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archæology in 1915. At the time I naturally regarded the whole story as a legend, but Dr. Forrer has now found among the Boghaz Keui tablets the contemporaneous Hittite official version of it, from which we learn that the invader was successfully driven out of the country by the combined forces of the Hittites and the people of Garsaura and Ganis. It would seem that Ganis had not yet become an Assyro. Babylonian settlement.
I must now turn to the revelations that have been made to us by the tablets from the Library of Aggur. In the first place we have a continuous list of Assyrian High-Priests and Kings, reaching back some way beyond the age of Khammurabi. This is matter of rejoicing for the chronologists who ocoupy themselves with the skeleton of history. Then, secondly, we have learned a good deal about the geography of Western Asia in the days of Sargon of Akkad. There is a copy of geographical survey of Sargon's empire, in which the length and breadth of the various provinces are given in double miles as well as their res. pective distances from his capital. The most important part of the document, however, relates to what extended beyond the empire. "To the Tin-land and Kaphtor (Kaptara)." we read,"countries which are beyond the Upper sea for Mediterranean), Dilmun and Magan, countries which are beyond the Lower Sea (or Persian Gulf], that is from the lands of the rising sun to the lands of the setting sun... his hand has conquered." We know from the Old Testament that the island of Kaphtor was Krete.
Six hundred years after Sargon, or more exactly, B.C. 2180, there was another Sargon, who was not king, but High-Priest of Assur under Babylonian supremacy. He has left us a stelo engraved with a long inscription, not yet published, in which he recounts the conquest of the Assyrian army in the lands of the West. Among other conquesta was that of Egyp

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then under an Ethiopian dynasty from the south-a statement which explains my discovery at Ed-der, opposite Esna, of Sudanese or Nubian pottery in graves that were intermediate between those of the 13th and 17th dynasties. But this was not all. The High Priest also states that he conquered the island of Kaphtor, and there received tribute from the "Tinland" beyond the Western Sea. Dr. Forrer asks me: "Does this mean Britain?" At any rate it pushes back the beginning of the Bronze Age and opens up a new vista for the historian of early Europe.
Another remarkable document found at Assur transports us into the controversial domain of theology. It has been published and annotated by Professor Zimmern, and is likely to occasion a good deal of discussion in circles which are not Assyriological. We learn from it that once a year, on the Babylonian New Year's Day, a miracle-play was performed in the great temple of Bel-Merodach at Babylon, in which the death and resurrection of the god were portrayed. The document gives in detail the stage-directions of the play, and the parallelism between them and the Gospel narrative is striking and extraordinary. Bel, the divine lord of Babylon, we are told, was bound and brought before the tribunal which awaits mankind on the bank of the river of death. Here he was wounded and scourged and condemned to death, and then led away to the prison-house of the other world. Along with him another malefacter was put to death, while a second malefactor, if Professor Zimmern's translation is correct, was released. After the god had thus "descended into the prison-house away from the sun and the light," the city was plunged in confusion, and the clothes of the slain god were laid before the divine queen of Erech. After this a goddess washed away the blood of the god's heart which had flowed from a wound in his side. The tomb of Bel was now watched by a "son of Assur," while his priestly followers wept and lamented for him. But eventually he rose again from the dead and thus became the saviour who, in the language of the early Sumerian hymns, "raises the dead to life."
Thus far the stage-directions discovered in the Library of Assur. They explain the fragment of another tablet published by Dr. Pinches some years ago, and which we now see contained the words of the miracle-play. In this it is stated that after he had "descended into hell" this is a literal rendering of the Assyrian text-"the spirits who were in prison"-another literal rendering-" rejoiced to see him," and he then proceeded to address or preach to the lords of Hades. It is evident that we have here the cuneiform original of the apocryphal book which is quoted by St. Peter in his First Epistle, and the fact is made still more certain by the connection of the deluge with the descent into hell, "the days of Noah " being referred to in the Epistle, since the weapon with which Bel-Merodach overthrew the powers of evil is expressly stated to have been "the deluge." If ever the apocryphal book turns up among the papyri of Egypt, like other lost works of the kind, we shall doubtless find that it is modelled throughout on the old Babylonian miracle-play.
I will now briefly allude to the new light that has come to us from a wholly different part of the world, the land of "the blameless Ethiopians" of classical literature. The excavations of Professor Garstang at Meroe before the war had brought to light the great temple of Ammon in which the Ethiopian kings were crowned, and even the pedestal on which they stood after their coronation, and had shown that in the very heart of Africa a great city had once existed, where an exquisite form of pottery was made and an active trade was carried on. Meroe was, in fact, at one time a centre of the iron-industry; the smoke of its smelting-furnaces went up to heaven like that of a modern Birmingham, and magnificent quays were constructed for exporting the products of the industry up and down the Nile.

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Since the beginning of the war the excavations in the Soudan have been continued by the American Scholar Dr. Reisner, who has succeeded in recreating the history of Ethiopia. He has excavated and explored the pyramids and burial-places of the Ethiopian kings and queens, and a page of history which was practically a blank has now been filled in. He has found the pyramid of Sabako, the founder of the Ethiopian dynasty of Egypt and the antagonist of Sennacherib, and has traced his predecessors and successors, reign by reign and dynasty by dynasty, down to the age of Alexander the Great. It would seem that Sabako's ancestor had originally come from Libya, and so had belonged to that blond Libyan race of which the Berbers are the modern representatives. At first Napata near Dongola was their capital ; subsequently, after the Assyrian conquest of Egypt, they moved to Meroe, 120 miles north of Khartum, which henco-forth remained the capital of the kingdom down to its last days. Some of the royal tombs have yielded jewellery and other precious objects which present a blending of Egyptian and Sudanese art. Among them are massive vases and other objects of solid gold, as well as inlaid brooches and pectorals.
It is not only on the later history of Ethiopia, however, that light has been cast. At Kerma, at the northern extremity of the Dongola province, Dr. Reisner has found remains which reach back to the days of the old Egyptian empire. There was a temple of the 6th dynasty there, and in the age of the 12th Egyptian dynasty, the place was an important Egyptian fortress and settlement. Exquisite enamelled bricks and Vases of turquoise blue were manu. factured there, as well as elaborate bowls and vases of Egyptian pattern. The Egyptian governor married Sudanese wives, and adopted to & certain extent the customs of the country. Human sacrifices were permitted ; the tomb was a tumulus of Sudanese form, and the skull and horns of the sacred ram of Amon was buried with the dead. It was in this age that the city of Napata was founded, partly as the centre of the Egyptian administration, partly as the terminus of the trade-routes to the southern Sudan. When Egypt was conquered by the Hyksos, the Theban princes retreated to the south, and the Hyksos scrabs found at Kenna by Dr. Reisner, show that if the foreign rule did not extend so far to the south, the Egyptians who had taken refuge there were, at all events, in commercial contact with the ancestral home.'
At Napata, Dr. Reisner has cleared the temples which stood under the shadow of Gebel Barkal, and discovered among them remains of the 18th and 19th dynasties. On the opposite bank of the river he has also indentified the city of Ethiopia built by the Heretic King Akhenaten, and his next campaign is likely to be devoted to its excavation. In short, the history of Ethiopia has been at last recovered, and we can trace it almost continuously from the age of the Old Empire of Egypt to the period when it became the prey of negro hordes, and finally vanished from the pages of history
Such are some of the chief additions which have been made to historical and archæo. logical knowledge, during the years of the great world-war.
SÚDRA. BY PANDIT VIDHUSHEKHARA BHATTACHARYA. The derivation of this word which occurs only once in the Rgveda (X. 90. 12) is not yet certain. In Badarayana's Vedanta-Sätra (I. 3. 34)1 the word is divided into two parts, bule 'grief'and dra from V dru' to rush,' and the commentator, Sankara, explains it (with reference to Jánasruti, Chandogya Up., IV, 2. 3) in three ways, viz. (a) as he rushed into grief' (" bucam
1 " aparecer aquel".

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abhidudráva"), (B) or as 'grief rushed on him' ("sucd vd abhi-dudruve "), (y) or again, as 'he in his grief rushed to one Raikva' ("ouca vd Railuam abhidudräva"), he was called Sadra. The derivation given by the author of the Uñadi Sútras (V duc or buk tra, "tucer dasca," II. 19) throws a little better light as regards the last part or the suffix of the word; but on the whole it is not satisfactory and is as fanciful and far-fetched as the former ones.
It seems to me that the word is not a pure Sanskrit one, and is derived from Skt. ksudra. As in comparison with the other three higher classes of people (viz. the Brahmanas, the Ksatri. yas, and the Vaiấyas) the Sadras were inferior in their work and quality they were called Sadras, i.e.. "the inferior ones.' The following few lines quoted from the Ageafina Sruttanta. 25 (Digha nikdya, XXVII. 25, = PTS., Vol. III, p. 95), will support this view very clearly -
“Tesam Beva kho Vásettha sattanam ye te satta avases& te luddåcårå (Skt. rudrdcdrah) ahesum. Luddâcâra khuddåcårå (Skt. ksudracara”) ti' kho Vasettha suddå sudd& tveva akkharam upanibbattam."
Among those people the remaining ones, O Vasettha, were of dreadful conduct, of mean conduct, so they are called Suddas, and thus the word Sudda has come into existence.'
Again, in giving the names of the different classes of mankind the author of the Mahdvyutpatti (ASB., Part 1. p. 35) mentions the Sadras as follows "Sadra or Knidra." It appears from this that according to him these two words are in reality one and tho same, though they differ in forms.
Furthermore, in the vocabulary of the Tirhai dialect in the province of Niganhar (JASB, 1838, p. 783) the word for 'little' is sudd which is undoubtedly derived from Skt. kpudra. It is to be noted here that the Tirhai dialect contains a very large number of words of Sanskritio origin.
Now, it remains to prove philologically how the word Sadra may come from kpudra. And in doing so let me say at the very outset that Prakritism has played not an insignificant part in the formation of words, even in the language of the Rgveda. It is a fact so well-known to scholars that it is not necessary to dilate upon it here. A few examples may, however, be given for the sake of illustration.
Take the word vikaga (RV. X. 166. 1.). It is derived through Prakritism from vikrla (RV. I. 164. 15. II. 38. 6). And similarly, hithira (RV. VI. 68.2, etc.) is from sthira from Virath. to become loose or black.'
Now instances of the change of k into a sibilant (viz. 6,,, and s) abound in Indo-Iranian languages. The river called Siprd in Ujjayin is a famous one in Sanskrit works. Even Kalidasa refers to it in his Meghaduta, I. 31 (“Siprdodtah priyatama iva"). There is not the least doubt that this sprd is derived from ksiprd' & speedy one. A large number of MSS. of the Brahatsamhita (Bibliotheca Indica, XVI. 9; Various Readings, p. 14) read here kaiprd instead of siprd. It is to be noted that the sibilant of the word is palatal in some works while in others it is dental. As regards this point I shall speak later on.
Let me cite here a few more examples. Skt. iko 'sugar cane,' Marathi to or ws®; Skt. aksi or akşa 'eye,' Simhali qs (pronounce e as a in 'cat'); Skt. ykya'a bear,' Mar. Her or noe; Skt. makul 'a fly,' Mar. mabi; Skt. kpetra 's field,' Mar. bel® ; Skt. kuna 'feeble,' Mar. am:
1 BitMila is its later form.
• It is to be observed here that with reference to the Marathi language becomes i only when it is followed by a simple or diphthong palatal vowel, 1.6, 16 and al.

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As regards the Iranian languages, the following words may be cited in this connection :
Skt. V. kşip 'to throw,' Avesta V. sip (65or ds.) to turn upside down'; Skt. V kşi 'to dwell,' Av. V i ( prode; Skt. maksu (later Skt. mankyu) "quickly,' Av. mošu ( 6); Skt. daksina ‘right', Av. daina (bung)
Again, Skt. kşîra 'milk,' Persian tir (th); Skt. keapå ‘night,' Av. bažp ( Que ) Pers. gab ( ).
Now, the interchange of the three sibilante, 6, 7, and s, in Vedic language, even at the time of the Samhithe, is found not unfrequently. As for example, vási 'a kind of axe' or 'a pointed knife '(RV. I. 88.3), and vást (Av. X. 6.3); kéba 'hair' (RV. X. 105.5), and késa-ra 'the hair of the brow' (VS. XIX. 91); kütma (18.) besides kümma 'a kind of demon';V sru beside Váru 'to flow' 'to go,' as in órůvat (RV. I. 127. 3) ; svátrya (RV. X. 49.10) dainty' from V svad 'to test.'4
Thus we have no difficulty in accounting for á in Südra from k udra.
For the long vowell in Sadra instead of a short one, ă, as in the original word compare tiksnd and tigma (RV.), 'sharp,' from V tij 'to be sharp'; hálikaila (TS.) beside haliksna (V8.) 'a kind of animal'; and biked beside &iksa (Taitti. Up.) 'one of the six Vedårgas'. THE EVOLUTION OF INDIAN COINAGE BEFORE THE CHRISTIAN ERA.
BY P. N. RAMASWAMI, B.A. (Hons.). For more than seventy years the varied coinages of India, which extend over a period of 2,500 years have been diligently studied by a multitude of collectors and scholars, whose labours have had a great share in the gradual recovery of the long lost history of ancient Indian coinage. The history of the evolution of Indian coinage before the Christian era is however admittedly obscure. And, although much has been done, the numismatic field is so vast, and the difficulties of its thorough exploration are so great, that ample scope remains for further researches. In the following sketch an attempt is made, so far as the prescribed limits of space permit, to give a general view of the evolution of Indian Coinage before the Christian era.
The early history of Indian coinage cannot be traced back further than the Vedio period (B.C. 2000—1400). References to precious metals in the Vedas are financial and industrial: we get a good idea of working in precious metals in Vedic times from the description of various gold ornaments, utensils and implements of war which is to be found throughout the Rig-veda. Gold, which was variously called, Candra, Jātarūpa, (" possessing native beauty ") Suvarna (" beautiful ) Harita and Hiranya was widely used. Goldsmiths melted gold and fashioned bright jewels (angi) such as necklets (nishka) ear-rings (larna-sobhana) and even cups. They made anklets (khadi) girdles, chains, water-ewers, and images of kings. The smith sought." after the man who possessed plenty of gold, with well dried wood, with anvil, and bellows to kindle the flame” (Rig-veda). The word Hiranya-kasipu of the Brāhmanas, frequently met with in the Vedas denotes & "golden seat " probably one covered with a cloth of gold; and Dr. Macdonell guesses that the word Hiranya. dant (gold-toothed) refers to the use of gold to stop the teeth. We have also referenges in the Rig-veda to golden helmets, breast-plates for the breast and crowns for the head.
"It is hardly possible " says Dr. Macdonell (Vedic Index, Vol. I, pp. 504) “to exaggerate the value attached to gold by the Vedic Indians. The metal was, it is clear, won from the bed of rivers. Hence the Indus is called "golden " and of "golden stream." Apparently
• 80o Macdonell's Vedic Grammar, 63, and the Introduction to my Paliprakåda, p. 81-9 6 Maodonell's Vedic Grammar, p. 6.

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the extraction of gold from the earth was known and washing for gold is also recorded. Gold is the object of the wishes of the Vedic singer and golden treasures are mentioned as given by patrons along with cows and horses. It was also put to a variety of industrial uses." Such widespread use of gold undoubtedly paved the way for a gold currency.
A gold currency,' to quote again Dr. Macdonell (Ibid., p. 504) was evidently beginning to be known, in so far as definite weights of gold are mentioned. Thus a weight astaprud occurs in the Sanhitās and the golden satamāna "weights of a hundred " kronalas is found in the same texts. In several passages Moreover hiranya and hiranyāni may mean pieces of gold. Geldner is inclined to think that a gold unit is alluded to in the Rigveda.
Silver is rarely mentioned ; but find references here and there in the Atharva-veda, to ornaments (rukma) dishes (patra) and coins (niska) made of silver (Vedic Index, Vol. II, p. 197). Next to gold and silver, the word ayas is often referred to ; and since in the Atharva-veda syamam ayas and lohitam ayas (black metal, red metal) are both mentioned, we may infer that smiths worked in copper too, & conclusion strengthened by the fact that copper vessels alone were allowed to be used for holding consecrated water in all ceremonial. It is unlikely that coins were manufactured out of the "holy "metal.
In time, there are some passages in the Rig-veda which would indicate the existence of current money for the purposes of buying and selling. We have instances of Rishis acknowl. edging the gift of a hundred pieces of gold and there can be no doubt, pieces of gold of a certain fixed value were used as money, as indicated in these passages. Mr. P. T. Srinivas Aiyangar (Age of the Mantras, p. 41) finds a reference in the Rig-veda to the golden mana, an old semitic measure or coin. At the same time it must be frankly admitted that there is no distinct allusion to coined money in the Rig-veda. The word nishka is often used in a dubious sense. In some passages it means money, in others it means a golden ornament for the neck. The two interpretations, as an eminent writer points out, are not necessarily contradictory, for in India pieces of gold have habitually been used as ornaments for the neck since times immemorial (Dutt, Civilisation of Ancient India, Vol. I, p. 39).
Next, comes the epic period (1400–800 B.C.). The question what coin was then in use is, as Mr. C. V. Vaidya remarks (Epic India, pp. 222, 223), very difficult to decide. "The rupee was certainly not in use," says Mr. C. V. Vaidya (ibid.)" as it is not mentioned in any ancient work but the silver karshapana must have been in existence, as mentioned in the Buddhist works. The word however does not occur so far as we remember either in the Mahabhārata or Rāmāyana. The word used is Nishka which was clearly a gold coin. The value of the nishka seems to have been considerable for in one place it is said that the Brahmans were glad when they were given a nishka each in gift cried, "you have got a nishka, you have got a nishka ! "
This evidence is further strengthened by the fact that in the epic period the wealth of rich men is said to have chiefly consisted in gold and silver. Gold was considered a proper gift at sacrifice, the gift of silver being strictly prohibited. The reason is sufficiently grotesque, as the reasons generally given are: When the gods claimed back the goods deposited with Agni, he wept and the tears he shed became silver; and hence if silver is given as dakshinā there will be weeping in the house ! The reason scarcely veils the cupidity of the priests ; but at the same time it evidences the fillip given by the Brahmans to the circulation of a gold currency.
In the Buddhistic period (B.O. 800-320) we come to a well-marked stage in the evolution of Indian coinage before the Christian era. According to Mr. V. A. Smith (Imp. Gazetteer,

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vol. II. ch. IV. p. 135), the introduction into India of the use of coins, that is to say, metallic pieces authenticated as currency by marks recognised as a guarantee of value should be ascribed to the seventh century B.C. There is reason to believe that the increasing neces. sities of commeroe with foreign merchants were the immediate occasion for the adoption by the Indian peoples of a metallic currency. The old system of barter, as Dr. Rhys Davids points out (Buddhist India, p. 100), had entirely passed away, never to return. The latter system of a currency of standard and token coins issued and regulated by government authority had not yet arisen. Coinage as Mr. James Kennedy justly observes, was according to Oriental ideas, "the business not of the state but of the banker and merchant” (JRAS., 1898, p. 281). In accordance with this principle, the earliest Indian currency was struck by private persons, not by governments. Transactions were carried on; values estimated and bargains struck on terms of the kaha paņa, a square copper coin, weighing about 146 grains, and guaranteed as to weight and fineness by punch marks made by private individuals. Whether these punch marks are the token of merchants or simply the bullion dealers is not certain.
"The most archaic looking coins " says Mr. Vincent Smith (1.G., vol. II, p. 136), "are punch-marked copper pieces, found at extremely ancient sites near Benares. These rare copper pieces are possibly older than any silver coin, and may be a memento of Babylonian trade by overland routes."
Silver coins were not unknown. Some of the silver coing, known to have circulated at this time, have been discovered by modern numismatists. The greater number of these silver coins are roughly square or oblong bits of metal cut out of a strip and containing about 20 per cent. of alloy. The circular pieces are scarce. The marks on the punch-marked coins whether circular or square are extremely numerous and varied. They comprise rude outlines of men, animals, trees, the sun, and a variety of miscellaneous objects. Legends are always absent. The Laws of Manu denote coins of this kind as puranas and Southern writers call them salakas or "dominoes.”
Silver, however, was never produced to any considerable extent in India, but has always been, as it still is, one of the chief items in the list of imports. “The Phoenicians before the time of authentic history "-writes Prof. H. D. Macleod (Bi-Metallism, seo. 6, p. 63) brought silver from Tartessus and exchanged it for the gold dust of the Indus, which Sir Alexander "Cunningham, the first authority on the subject, holds to be Ophír." Even in the Vedio times silver is very rarely mentioned (P. T. S. Aiyangar, Age of the Mantras. p. 29). Silver coins consequently cannot have been very considerably minted in ancient India.
The references to gold coins are late and doubtful and no such coins have been found. (Rhys David's Buddhist India, p. 100). Some thin gold films with punch-marks upon them were found in the Sakiya Tope, but these are too flimsy to have been used in ciroulation as coins. It is said that gold was not coined at this time, but was kept as dust tied up in little bags, which passed current as equivalent to money. History records that the Persian King Darius, who invaded India about 500 B.O., exacted 360 talents of gold dust from a king of Northern India as tribute. This gold dust Darius got coined into darios.
Besides these coins there was a very considerable use of instruments of credit. Th great merchants in the few large towns gave letters of credit to one another. And there is constant reference in Buddhistio works to promissory notes. There were no banking facilities. Money was hoarded either in the house or buried in Jarsunder-ground, or deposited with a friend, a written record of the transaction being kept.

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Alexander's victorious progress through the Panjab and Sind in 325 B.C. produced little effect on the Indian coinage. A few cast coins usually of copper or bronze, inscribed with characters dating from about 300 B.C., are found in Northern India. Though our information of coinage in the Mauryan India is imperfect, we have some references to Mauryan coinage in the Arthasāstra.1 The bulk of the payments seems to have been made in the copper kārsha and silver pana. No specimen of a silver pana is known, but it was presumably of the same weight as a copper karsha, namely about 146 grains. The "punch-marked " pieces impure silver (purāņa or dharana), which are known to have been in ordinary use in the author's time, were struck to a standard of about 56 grains. Possibly this silver paņa may have been only a money of account. The value of a silver paņa, which presumably was much alloyed, like the "punch-marked " coins, may be taken as not far from a shilling. Gold coins were not unknown. We have no other information of the coinage of Mauryan India.
The history of Indian coinage during the post-Mauryan period—which ends for us with the beginning of the Christian era-can be conveniently dealt with under the two heads, viz., (i) indigenous and (ii) foreign.
(i) For the history of the indigenous coinage we must go to the Sukraniti. Several references in Sukraniti point to gold and silver, specially the former being the "measure" or standard of value. Their function as the medium of exchange is also frequently indicated. The use of gold in both the functions of money as the standard of value as well as the medium of exchange is referred to in the following lines :
(1) That man is to be in charge of jewels, gold, silver and coins, who can distinguish their values by the weight, shape, lustre, colour and resemblances.
(2) Houses are meant for gold, jewels, silver nishkas or coins, etc. (3) Dravya (lit., goods) is silver, gold and copper coined for commercial purposes.
Like the sun and moon, gold and silver have been mentioned in Sukraniti almost as twins. References to the two metals have been made together both explicitly as well as implicitly. Thus our information about silver is nearly the same as about gold, whether as regards (1) the uses as money, i.e., standard of value and medium of exchange, (2) or as regards the circulation as legal tender. The Sukra statesmen have supplied us with parallel facts on all these points.
It may be noticed here that both gold and silver seem to be mediums of exchange and "legal tender" in the Sukraniti. Prices are mentioned sometimes in terms of gold, often in terms of silver. "Eight ratis make one māsa, ten māsas make one suvarna. Five times that suvarna make eighty silver kärshakas." The suvarna and kärshaka are gold and silver coins respectively and one suvarna is equivalent to sixteen kärshakas." The same rates are also noted by Sukra as determining the comparative value of gold and silver as bullion or ingot. Thus "the value of gold " was sixteen times that of silver.
“It would be thus evident," says Benoy-kumar Sarkar," that both nominal or 'face' value and intrinsic or 'real' value of the coins were the same. There was no law artificially regulating the price of the coins and the precious metals. The market value of the metals (as indicated in the relation between gold and silver as bullion) was maintained in the currency.
Copper coins were also extensively used. A pana was a piece of copper coined by the king weighing ten māsas. Excluding gold and silver, copper had the lowest value in the realm. "The value of silver was 80 times that of copper." 1 Trans. R. Shama Sastri.
2 Trans. B. K. Sarkar.

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ORIGIN OF THE GODDESS PARŅASABARI
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(ü) The history of the foreign coinage—which was introduced into India at this timebroadly resolves itself into a history of the Bactrian coins. We cannot do better than quoteMr. V. A. Smith, who has suocinctly described the Bactrian coinage in the following words:
"In the middle of the third century B.C. the independent Bactrian kingdom was separated from the Seleucid empire of Syria, and in the following century several Bactrian monarchs, notably Eucratides and Menander, made incursions into India, where their coins are now found. Scions and connexions of the Bactrian royal family established themselves ag rulers of principalities in the countries now known as Afghanistan, Baluchistan and the Punjab which became Hellenized to a considerable extent.
Thege princes issued an abundant currency chiefly in silver and copper, modelled on Greek lines, and up to about 150 B.C. exhibiting a high degree of artistic merit. Some of the foreign kings on the border adopted the characteristio Indian square form for their coins, which in other respecte also indicate the influence of Indian ideas. Bilingual legends were adopted to meet the convenience of a mixed population, and the devices reproduced familiar Indian objects. The later Indo-Greek issues are semi-barbarous in style. The Punjab ex. cepted, India was little affected by ideas of the west, and the vast populations of the interior continued their purchases and sales through the medium of the indigenous private currency. For this reason no coins are known bearing the name of Asoka or any other member of the Maurya dynasty founded by his grandfather Chandragupta
The working of Greek influence may perhaps be traced in the faot that the coins erro. neously attributed by some authors to the Suiga dynasty bear the names of kings Agni-mitra and others. The coins of the later Andhrabhțitya (or Andhra) dynasty which are Northern in type although geographically belonging to the South, also frequently record the name of the reigning sovereign. But the old system of private coinage continued." (Imp. Gazetteer, vol. II, ch. IV, p. 138.)
ORIGIN OF THE GODDESS PARŅASABARI.
BY RA BAHADUR B. A. GUPTE. The goddess Parnaśabari described by the Curator of the Dacca Museum in the Statesman of 29th February 1920, seems to have been evolved out of the accepted figure of the Orion. That constellation is called Kalapurusha in Bengal and Mriga in Bombay. The three stars in the belt of Orion, the mighty hunter of the west, represent the three heads of the goddess. Long before the importance of the study of the stars was recognised, says R. A. Proctor in his Myths and Marvels of Astronomy, men had began to associate with certain star. groups the names of familiar objects. They are figured with innumerable combinations which a fanciful eye can recognise among the orbs of heaven. They show that the first observers of the heavens were shepherds, huntsmen and husbandmen. These primitive folks depended for their subsistence on a familiarity with the progress and vicissitudes of the season. Their observations are full of interest to the student of Ethnology, inasmuch as they depict the unwritten early history of man, as if in a hieroglyphic script. If we could but learn with certainty the names assigned to certain star-groups we could deduce lessons of extreme importance, throwing side lights on the evolution of the religious beliefs of the different races. When in long past ages a star-group really resembles a known object, we have, in the present resemblance of that group to the same object, evidence of the general constancy of stellar lustre. When we see that the figures assigned to certain star-gropps are named after some mythological incidents, we feel sure of its origin from the myth, or vice versa. In the latter use the mythological story has its origin from the shape of the star. group. Such is the case with the shape of the goddess Parņakabari. Chronologically this figure shows its connection with the struggle between Hinduism and Buddhism.
Orion, Lepus and the dogs have been grouped together to imagine the figure of Datte treya, the three-headed god, his cow and his dogs, as I have described in my book on Hindu Holidays and Ceremonials. Similarly, Orion is in this case utilized for sketching mentally the

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main figure of Parnaśabari and the constellation Karka (Crab) has been shown as Ganesa, while the Centaur has been made use of in depicting the man on horse back. Homer records that Orion was the "more refulgent” of the constellations. This mighty hunter Orion is turned, in this case, into the equally mighty Parnasabari. But Orion is called Mriga in the Indian astronomies. The three stars in the head of the antelope represent here the three heads of the goddess. The flames on the head or group of heads possibly refer to the following circumstance recorded by Proctor. He says that there was an apparition of Hailley's comet in the year 66 A.D. That approximately is the time of the struggle of the Saivas with Buddhists. Pope, who makes frequent references to heavenly bodies, introduces a comet in Book IV:
As the red cometWith weeping glories glides along the air And shakes the sparkles from its blazing hair, Between two armies thus in open sight
Shot the bright goddess in a trail of light. It must be admitted that poets succeed better with fiction than with truth. It is therefore not difficult to suppose that the fire shown on the combined head of the goddess Parnasa bari was suggested by the simultaneous appearance of Hailley's comet. It has been proved from the study of Assyrian sculptures that representations of the constellations were common among the Babylonians, as Sabaeanism or star worship was the prevailing form of religion in olden days.
Proctor tells us, in his essay on the Origin of the Constellation Figures, that men imagined certain gures in the heavens, pictured these figures in their astronomical temples and made stories to fit the pictures. I am inclined to add, as I have done in my book just mentioned, that these figures and the stories about them were intelligently coined for fixing into the memory, before the art of writing was invented, the position of the stars in relation to the apparent progress of the sun and the moon through the celestial vault. In fact, these are the hieroglyphics which were invented to fix in memory the old astronomical discoveries and researches and supplemented by suitable stories to further help the memory. These hieroglyphics of the original astronomers have been appropriated by subsequent composers of religious myths or mytholigies each in his own way. For instance, Orion itself is turned into Trimôrti or Dattatreya by the Vaishnavas and mixed up into the Saivite antelope story of the Mahâśivarâtra. Similarly, Buddhists, the rivals of the Hindus, shaped the same constellation into Parnaśabari and her enemies, Indra, Chandra, Ganesa and Mártanda
If we examine these star-groups to-day, we may not be able to reproduce the exact shape of the original figure, because the earth, besides whirling once a day on its axis, and rushing on its mighty orbit around the sun (spanning some 184,000,000 of miles), reels like a gigantic top, with a motion so slow that 25,868 years are required for a single circuit of the sway. ing-axis round an imaginary line up right to the plane in which the earth travels. In consequence of this reeling motion the points of the heaven opposite the earth's poles necessarily change, and thus the position of the star-groups changes, causing a distorted view of the original. In spite of this variation, it is quite possible to imagine a figure resembling Parnasabari.
The following description of Hecate, or Triformis or Tergenina, that is, the triple goddess of the ancient Grecians may be compared with advantage :
Alcamenes, who flourished about four hundred and forty years before the Christian era, was the first, according to Pausanias, who thought of making & statue of this goddess, with three faces and three bodies back to back. In the six hands were placed a sword, poniards, whips, corde, torches, a crown of laurel, and a key."

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DATE OF LAKSHMANASENA AND HIS PREDECESSORS.
BY DINESH CENDRA BHATTACHARYYA, M.A. It is a curious fact that, with the great progress of historical research in our country, the date of the last independent Hindu ruler of Bengal has been thrown out of a definite certainty into a confusion of conflicting evidence. For the synchronism of Lakshmanasena and Bakhtiyar Khilji, which has long been & household tale in Bengal, has recently been assailed by a band of scholars headed by Mr. R. D. Banerjea, who seem to have derived their inspiration from an abandoned theory of the late Dr. Kielhorn. The latest contribution to the subject is from the pen of Mr. N. G. Mazumdar, who, in deciding the question under cover of a modest and partial discussion of the "Lakshmanasena Era," seems, like an orthodox" spigraphist, to ignore, if not to fight shy, of the numerous literary and historical evidences bearing on the question. Before examining the views of Mr. Mazumdar, it is we think necessary to put forth and discuss all the evidence, which would furnish strong reasons for throwing doubts on the apparently convincing arguments of Mr. Mazumdar and which have not hitherto been fully and clearly stated in their latest developments.
VallAlasena is reputed to be the author of the Danasdgara and the Adbhutasdgara and as far as we know his authorship has aot yet been, as it clearly cannot be, questioned. At the end of at least two MSS. of the Danasdgara occurs the following verse.
Parera (79) at fremmedagot
अधिनवदधामिते शकवर्षे दानसागरी रचितः॥ This is followed in a single MS.3 ky two other verses referring to the same date, 109-1 Saka (1169-70 A.D.), when clearly the work was finished. Mr. R. D. Banerjea and his supporters can only pronounce these verses to be an interpolation-"clever and ingenious interpolation by shrewd and unscrupulous Brahmins"4,-because they are not to be found in several other MSS. of the work discovered up to date, and the copies in which they occur are only 2 or 3 centuries old. It is however difficult to comprehend what purpose can be served by a simple statement of a false date of composition and what cleverness, ingenuity or shrewdness was displayed in niaking the interpolation. Anyone acquainted with MS. literature in Sanskrit knows that the introductory or concluding verses and colophons, which have no direct bearing on the subject of a book, are very often omitted in copies. And if we onoe accept the charge of interpolation put forward by Mr. Banerjea, we shall have to question many a statement that has found general acceptance in the history of Sanskrit literature. Thus, the concluding verse of the Bhattikavya connecting its author with Valabhi is omitted in most Bengal MSS. and the full colophon to the same work is found only in extremely rare copies. The well known concluding verses in the Sisupalavadha relating to the personal history of Magha are omitted even by Mallinåtha. The dates of Ramanatha, the famous grammarian of the KalSpa School and of Gopāla Nyâyapanchanana, the
i Ante, Vol. XLVIII, p. 151 ff. Mr. Banerjea still clings to his own views in his latest utterance on the subject in E. I., Vol. XV., p. 281.
? JASB., 1896, pt. I, p. 23. Also Ind. Office Cat. (Eggeling), p. 545. * Notices of Sans. MSS. (H. P. Sastri), vol. I, p. 170. Also JASB., 1913, p. 276.
4 Ante, Vol. XLIV, p. 216. For Mr. Banerjoa's arguments, vide JASB., 1913, pp. 274-77. The Plaas of Bengal, p. 105.
6 H. P. Sastri : JASB., 1912, p. 289.
& For Ramánátha, vide Eggeling: 1.0. Cat., p. 205. For Gopala, vide Notices o ane. MSS. (R.L. Mitra), No. 3188.

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celebrated Smriti writer of Bengal, are found in single copies of their respective works, which are nevertheless available in any number throughout Bengal. Far from regarding such verses as interpolations, scholars have hitherto hailed them as extremely fortunate and rare discoveries, without waiting till the Doomsday to verify them from never-to-be-recovered contemporary copies. Moreover, in the case of the Dânasagara, the argument based on the lateness of the MS. copies loses much of its force from the important discovery made by the late Mr. Chakravarti, that the celebrated Smriti writer Srinatha Acharyachtḍâmani (fl. circa, 1500 A.D.), who was Raghunandana's guru, not only cites, without the least suspicion, the above date of the Dânasagara, but vouches for the genuineness even of the very two verses that follow in a single MS."
The date of the Dânasagara, moreover, agrees remarkably with that of its sister-work, the Adbhulasagara, and even if we yield by admitting the date of the former to be an interpolation, we have no way to do the same with regard to the latter. The work was published fifteen years ago in 1905 by Prabhâkarî and Co., Benares, but curiously remained inac cessible to most scholars, who kept on referring to still more inaccessible MS. copies in their discussions. The publication disposes of all questions of rejecting the date of the work as contained in the following introductory stanza:
थाकेनन् भनेऽनुतसागरम् ।
गोदना कुञ्जरालास्तम्भयाइहीपतिः॥ (p. 4)
For this date of its commencement, 1090 Saka (1168-69 A.D.) has been repeated at least thrice in the body of the book, where no question of interpolation can reasonably be raised. Thus on p. 125, we have अथाद्भुतसागरारम्भशकाद्वात पष्टघइयुगगणनम् खनवदशोनश्चकाद्दात् षड्गुणितात् etc. On p. 235 again, we have भवस्तम्भतेने तस्यन्यारम्भचकाइर्षाभिपयन सनवरपाके
On p. 236 occurs the following verse referring to the same date:
खनववियदिन्दुहीना व्येकाः चकवत्सराः शरैस्तष्टाः । क्रमशीऽवसं परशिन्विन्ह्याचा वत्सराः पच ॥
This verse seems to echo the sense of the two verses at the end of the Dânasagara. It is a significant fact that in their campaign for interpolation, Mr. Banerjea and his supporters confined themselves to the introductory verses only, ignoring the passages in the body of the book, to some of which the late Mr. Chakravarti had already drawn attention.8
This date of Vallâlasena bears independent corroboration from other literary evidence of the period. In the introduction to his Dânasågara, Vallâla refers to his guru Bhatta Aniruddha "of Varendri" (ata), who helped him in the compilation of the book. This man has been happily identified with Aniruddha, author of the Háralata and the Karmopadesini paddhati, whose title Champåhittiya marks him out as belonging to a clan of Vârendra Brahmans. Aniruddha refers to the Kalpataru of the famous Lakshmidharabhatta, who flourished under Govindachandra of Kanauj (1114-1156 A.D.). Aniruddha and his patron Vallâla cannot therefore be placed before the third quarter of the 12th century A.D.
Similarly, in the introduction to his Adbhutasagara, Vallala records his indebtedness to one Srinivasa in a glowing verse, which however appears in a corrupt form in Bhandarkar's Report and worse still in the printed edition. With a slight emendation in Bhandarkar's reading we can easily get the following correct version 10.
7 JASB., 1915, p. 347.
8 Ibid., 1906, pp. 17 and 171.
Eggeling's Cat., pp. 474-5. Chakravarti: JASB., 1912; p. 344. Also 1915, p. 360. 10 Bhandarkar's Report, 1894, p. lxxxv: for Srinivasa of the Buddhidi piks, vide Chakravarti, JASB., 1915, p. 334.

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मीमांसानवमातलस्मृतिपरामर्शकर
वेदांगागमतत्वनिस्वपमतिं मन्येऽत्रपृथ्वीपतिः ॥ gragrafta num fæst sitear afteargeftवंशोत्तंसमहार्षरत्नमनश्रीः श्रीनिवासं व्यधात् ||
So this Srinivasa "a priceless jewel of the ornament of the Mahintapant family" can easily be identified with the celebrated author of the Suddhidipika, who is also styled in colophons as affa. His date can be definitely fixed by the following quotation in Sarvânanda's farade (Triv. Sans. Series, Pt. I, p. 91):
afemarargate (194) war
इदानीचैकाशीतिवर्षाधिकसहसैक्रपर्यन्तेन शकाइकालेन ( १०८२ ) षष्टिवर्षाधिकद्विचत्वारिंशच्छतानि förarnait-sikarar: "afkumarar: Gazanıyanaity" || The famous commentator Râyamukuta, who was himself of the Mahintapani family, leaves us in no doubt as to the identity of the author of the lost Ganitachûddmani by thus improving on the gloss of Sarvânanda 12:
तथा च गणितचूडामणी महिन्तापनीय - राजपंडित श्रीनिवासः " कलिसन्ध्यायाः
Srinivasa, therefore, wrote in 1081 Saka (1159-60 A. D.) and his patron Vallâla cannot be placed half-a-century earlier.
Lastly, Sridharadasa, author of the Saduktikarṇamrita, which was written in 1206 A.D., was the son of Vatudâsa, a friend and feudatory of Lakshmanasena. 12 This points to the latter half of the 12th century A.D. as the probable date of Lakshmanasena. The cumulative effect of these numerous literary references is, we think, enough to rebut the almost absurd position taken by Mr. R. D. Banerjea, when he remarked-"If on later enquiry these verses can be found in all the MSS. discovered, even then they cannot be accepted as basis for the construction of a chronology, so long as they are to be found in modern MSS." (The Palas of Bengal, p. 105.)
The literary evidence is definitely supported by historical evidence. In the Deopâdâ inscription there are two verses (20 and 21) recording the conquests of Vijayasena. The manner of the verses seems to indicate that Vijayasena considered himself glorious by defeating several kings, presumably of long-established reputation, especially Nânya (deva) of Mithila; who is mentioned first of all in both the verses and it may be fairly assumed that it was Vijayasena, and not Nânyadeva, who must have survived the other. The traditional date of Nanyadeva of Mithila is 1089-1125 A.D., which is remarkably verified by a known date (1097 A.D.) and the following stanza recording the date of an erection 13:
wegingewaan ayah fan graferfl
स्वाति (?) रहने करिवेरिन श्रीमान्यदेवनृपतिर्विदधीत वास्तुम् ॥
Though we are unable to trace this verse to any authoritative work, it looks like a genuine record, which quite regularly works out to be July 18, 1097 A.D., morning Sudi 7, Saturday, and Svati. On the other hand the date of Vijayasena, according to Mr. Banerjea, would be 1076-1108 A.D. at the latest, and from the recently published Barrackpur plate of Vijayasena, dated, according to Mr. Banerjea, in his 32nd year, we gather that Vallâlasena had already taken over charge (in 1108 A.D. at the latest) of royal affairs, as he finds honorable place in the metrical portion of the inscription in the right royal fashion with his viruda far: attached
11 Eggeling: I. O. Cat., p. 271.
12 Chakravarti: JASB., 1906, p. 174.
13 Vanglár Purdvritta by P. C. Banerjea, pp. 255-56 (foot-note). Also The Brahmans and Kayasthas of Bengal, by G. N. Dutt (Madras, 1906), p. 76, for the length of Nanyadeva's reign. The verse quoted is found in several other vernacular works in Bengal, none of which cite the original source. For the known date, vide Ep. Ind., Vol. I., p. 309.

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to his name. So the conquests of Vijayasena must have been effected much earlier in his reign, at a time when Vijayasena, far from being a younger or even a true contemporary of Nanyadeva, becomes in Mr. Banerjea's chronological scheme decidedly elderly.
Vijayagena, moreover, is described in the Deopârâ inscription as having "attacked the king of Gauda" (). Who was this Gaudendra? Scholars have been almost unanimous in their opinion that it was Madanapala, who was defeated by Vijayasena. Already Mr. Banerjea is at great pains to synchronise Vijayasena and Madanapâla. In one place he states that Madanapâla must have been defeated "sometime after the year 1108." In another place he places Vijayasena's death" about the year 1108."14 But in my paper on a "Chronology of the Pâla Dynasty," I have shown that Madanapala usurped the throne in 1115 A.D., so that, the reign of Vijayasena in Mr. Banerjea's scheme falls entirely within that of the great Râmapâla, who is not at all likely to have been the Gauḍendra put to flight by Vijayasena. In the legendary work Sekhasubhodaya, Bâmapâla is said to have been succeed. ed in his kingdom by Vijayasena. Moreover, Vijayasena merely put the king of Gauda to flight. The destruction of the Pâla kingdom must then have been effected by one of his suc. cessors. Lakshmanasena on the other hand is credited in the inscriptions with having defeat. ed the kings of Kasi (and Prayaga), Orissa and Kâmarûpa, 16 indicating that Gauḍa and Magadha had already come completely under the sway of the Sena dynasty, evidently by the conquests of his predecessor Vallâlasena. This is supported by the fact that Vallâla describes himself in the introduction of the Adbhutaságara as "endowed with arms that served as tying posts for the elephant viz., the king of Gauda” (गोडेन्द्रकुञ्जरालानस्तम्भवातुर्महीपतिः ) This eonquest of Gauḍa (and Magadha) by Vallâla becomes impossible in the chronological scheme of Mr. Banerjea, according to which Vallala died in 1119 A.D., when, as we have shown, Mada. napala was just 4 years on the throne. The destruction of the Påla kingdom is, for all we know, referred to the reign of Govindapâla, and most certainly not to the beginning of Madanapala's reign.
(To be continued.);
BOOK-NOTICE.
ANCIENT INDIA, by PROFESSOR U. N. BALL, M.A. | Professor Ball has therefore set out to write. Kamala Book Depôt, Calcutta and Patna, 1921. University text book of the history of Ancient India, and it is from this standpoint that the book must be viewed. It is in sixteen chapters and takes us up to Harshavardhana, i.e., to 647 A.D., the last two chapters dealing with the "Smalier Kingdoms of Northern India" and the "Kingdoms of Southern India" as far as the Muhammadan supremacy (1192 A.D.).
I must commence my notice of this book with an apology. It is a year ago since I promised Professor Ball that I would review it in this Journal, but one thing and another has prevented me from giving it attention.
"The object of writing the book is to provide a suitable compendium for University students."
14 The Palas of Bengal, p. 103 and p. 105.
15 Ante, Vol. XLIX, p. 189 ff.
18 In the Madanapada plate of his son Visvarapa (JASB., 1896, pt. I, p. 11) Lakshmanasena is described (verse 12) as having installed victory pillars in the three holy cities of Puri, Benares and Allahabad. In his Madhâinagar plate Lakshmanasena is called a and a conqueror of Kamarupa (line 32), as well as of Kâsi and Kalinga (11. 19-20), vide JASB., 1909, p. 473. But in line 19 we have an interesting passage which has escaped the notice of scholars: it runs (slightly emended) as follows: "Treft affedean zerari: "—" whose youthful (when he was a prince) sport consisted in forcibly taking away the lady, viz., the Royalty of the king of Gauge," We have thus epigraphic evidence to show that the final defeat of the king of Gauda was the work of Vallala, who was largely helped therein by his son, then a prince.
〃

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The first chapter on the physical features is a by the "advanced" popuiations in any given fair summary of the situation, viewed from the millenium, B.O. Or A.D., wherever they happened point of giving the student a general idea, and the to be situated. It should be remembered, too, only statement with which I cannot agree is that that the Aryan invaders found a Dravidian popu. on p. 8, which says that "Burma is a very low land." lation established in India quite as advanced as As a resident in Burma off and on for many themselves. To teach that one's own civilisation years, my idea of that country is that it is is the oldest may be "patriotio," but it is not mainly a hilly land. Also I suggest that in any history, future edition of the book the closing paragraph There are several instances of this propensity of the first chapter on "unity " be modified (p. 9). in the book. "The belief in one Supreme God The deeper one goes into the matter the more was searched by the Aryans, but it did not attain certain it becomes that the population of India the fixity and uncompromising firmness of the is not more united nor more diverse than any other Vedantio Theism" (pp. 25-26). This is, to say large community of human beings—than the popu- the least of it, a controversial statement. "The tation of the European continent for instance. Hindus and the Parsis still worship the Sun: the Hinduism in India and Christianity in Europe former made so much progress in the knowledge exhibit the same unity, the same continuity, of the universe that they denied that the sun ever the same diversity, the same powers of assimila- rose or set (Aitareya Brahmana)". This is reading tion and influence. In fact, Christianity, Hin- modern science into an ancient statement : not a duism, Islam and what one may call "China ism" safe proceeding (p. 26). show on close study the essential unity of one There are however points on which I heartily thing only-the mind of man as a whole. They agree, &g., (p. 17) "We have now an almost ac. are all phases of it. All the continuity there is curate chronological table starting with the time in any one of them lies in the consideration that of Buddha," but I hope the young student will in their respective developments they have obeyed not think in consequence that no more research the natural law of following each its main prin. is worth while in chronology. (P. 15) "The gaps ciple chiefly and borrowing and absorbing all that between the Old Stone Age and between the New has come its way from the others.
Stone Age and the historic period have not been This is a text-book for the younger generation, sufficiently surveyed," and to this fact the attenand as such, and as tringing to their notice the tion of students may well be drawn. I also heartily results of the latest research, I am in agreement endorse the teaching (p. 20) that "no serious with most of the statements therein. It io to my scholar supports the idea that Negroes are kin mind fair and well-informed summary of the to the Indian aborigines and that the Andamanese historical knowledge of the day. In many ways are "a group of that family," though I am not it is of use for the purpose of a memoria technical yet satisfied that the ancient forbears of the reco even for the advanced student and teacher. But from which the Andamanese spring did not once being a text-book it is important that it should dwell in parts of India. On the other hand Proteach correctly, and hence it is important to point fessor Ball's teaching as to the main immigration out where it appears to err.
of early Aryan invaders is clear and very useful The remarks on the Vedas (p. 12) that "they to students (p. 22), and his remark that "soma are the earliest literary records of man's manners (fermented liquor) was their principal beverage" and customs," and again, "The Vedas have been (p. 24) is not only true but courageous in a Hindu. recognised as the oldest literature of mankind | Professor Ball teaches sound doctrine (p. 21) (p. 29), and yet again, "The Rig Veda is the oldest as to the relationship of the Aryan to the Dravi. literature in the world" (p. 30), ignore many dian civilisation, and he would do well to point things: 6.9., the history of Egypt, Babylonia, out in a future edition even more forcibly how Judaism, Greece, Persia and China. It is not much modern India owes to Dravidian influence therefore a safe axiom to implant in the younger even up to modern times. His remark (p. 22) Indian student that his is the oldest civilisation, that the “Tantric form of worship in Bengal is It would be better to teach him to think that the considered result of Mongolian influence is mind of civilisable man has advanced to much worth every student's observation the same level in successive ages everywhere. Sometimes Professor Ball has boon misled by There is not much to choose in the advance made European authorities, as when be quotes (pp. 30-31)

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Professor Rapson that the accuracy of the Vedic time and the ziggurat of the Babylonians, and to texts handed down by word of mouth for genera similar ancient buildings in Ceylon. The palace tions is something marvellous and unique. It is in Mandalay in 1885 when the British took it, in fact a common phenomenon, where writing does was a far-off echo of the old palaces of Nineveh not exist or is rare. The Hebrews could repeat and Babylon-pillared court, high plinth and all. their Scriptures with absolute accuracy; a hafiz The high plinth of many Muhammadan tombs will repeat the Qurdn from end to end without a and masjids in India, where it has no meaning, fault. The same is true of the Buddhist texts is due to the same very ancient style of building in Burma and elsewhere. Some thirty years ago in a country like Meer potamia liable to high floods, the broken fragments of the Kalyani Stones at where it had a meaning. There is another analogy Pegu containing the Pali text of the upasan pada with Persia worth pointing out. Professor Ball form of ordination of Buddhist monks were get notes (p. 109) that Chandragupta Maurya was
p again in proper order by Tay Sein Ko under served by a highly organised staff of news-carriers, my directions, because the text of the 15th century who reported to him about the doing of his officers." wes word for word that which had been printed More than 200 years earlier, Cyrus the Great estab. from word of mouth. At the very end of the 19th lished & corps of mounted official messengers, century AD.. Sir George Grierson could recon. who travelled from end to end of the empire struct the unwritten text of the verses of the Kash- "more swiftly than the crane," to quote the ancient miri saiva Yogini, Lal Ded, with complete accu- picturesque record. One wonders if this was one racy after 600 years of "tradition," from the of the arts of government Chandragupta Maurya mouths of many writers unknown to each other. learnt from Alexander, just as he learnt his mili. Instances of such memory have always been tary administration (p. 115), though Professor numerous in Europe.
Ball does not seem to acknowledge this. If I have thus found something to criticise in Passing on to the early perioda A.D., I am glad Professor Ball's general principles, his chapter of to see (p. 163) that as regards the legend of Gondo. the Vedio Age, and those that follow it seems to
phares and St. Thomas, Professor Ball does not me to teach the outlines of early Indian History altogether dismiss it as a fable. There is some. with accuracy and insight, and I have only & remark thing to be said for it (see ante, vol. XLVI, pp. here and there to make. The struggle between 268-269), but I cannot bring myself to hold with the Vedic Aryans and the aborigines is sympathe- him that "the invasions of Alexander, Seleukos tically described and Professor Ball migħt well and Antiochos were mere raids" and left no prac. draw attention to the analogy between the people tical effect. Personally I should like to see pp. who were "called Dasyus and their battle-cries... 153-155 much modified, though Professor Ball described as yells" (p. 34) and the Irish who were has the great support of Dr. Vincent Smith. If my called Tories and their "hullaballoo." I may also old friend were still alivo I would willingly break mention, as a matter of common interest, that a lance with him as to this subject. It does not the thrice eleven gods of the Vedio literature still follow that because national historians and chro. survive as the Thirty-Seven Nats of the Burmese niclers have ignored a fact or situation that it did world of ghosts, s.e. the subjects of the thirty-three not exist. The result of the first and second rulers of the Buddhist Tawâtimss Heaven, plus Burmese Wars was the loss of the best parts of four extra ghosts of recent date. But as in the their Kingdom to the Burmese, but their official Vedas more names than thirty-three are found chroniclers recorded that some Western barbarians (p. 43), so there are more than thirty-seven in the applied for permission to occupy the territories complete list of the partioular Nats to whom the and were graciously allowed to do so by a kind. Thirty-Seven belong.
hearted king. I am not sure, however, that it is right to ascribe The strength of Professor Ball 'as a fair-minded republicanism to the tribal states of the time historian comes out well in the latter part of his of Buddha in N. India (p. 82). Republicanism work (pp. 166-236), where he deals with compais not a very safe word to use to students in des-ratively more recent and most difficult times. It cribing a state of ancient society, where in all appears to me that he disentangles the confused
probability the independent clan's chief acted history of the first sight centuries A.D. with much . very much as a king. On the other hand, Pro- success, considering the extreme difficulties of the fessor Ball does very well to draw attention (pp. subject. He is conspicuously successful with the 94-95) to the analogy between the Sapta-bhumaka Kushans and shows a knowledge of the research pa sada, or seven-storied building of Buddha's of quite recent date, though he clearly indicates

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151
that his summary cannot bo hold to be final. It Professor Ball's account of the very confused is, nevertheless, well caloulated to lead the young story of the rise of Harsha's short-lived Empire is. in the right way. On p. 106, however, his refer- clear and useful, especially as he points out (p. 188) ence to Hinduism in the Far East, and it may be that it was a personal rule, and hence liable to added in the Malay Archipelago, is too slight for collapse when the commanding hand was with 80 remarkable a fact.
drawn. I may point out here that we have to His account of the Indian Renaissance of the Haraha a fair parallel in Sher Shah Sür, another 3rd to 5th centuries A.D. is good, though he seems really great man of similar type. On p. 189, how. to me to attribute a rather higher character to ever, the statement, “Ordeal by water, fire, the people than is humanly-speaking likely during weighment or poison was an effective method of the century of small local States between the ascertaining the truth," wants reconsideration. Kushans and the Guptas. I am very glad, how-On . 194, the printer has served Professor Ball ever, to note that he fully brings out the services badly by printing the same line twice and obviously of my old colleague, Dr. J. F. Fleet, the epigra leaving out one containing a useful piece of informaphist, in elucidating this and much subsequent tion at present lost. Indian history. The account of the Gupta Euro Professor Ball's account of the mediavel Rajput peans is good and he does well to point out how States is quite good as & well-informed summary great a man Samudra Gupta (o. 330—376 AD.) leading students to enter on a course of useful was in every respect. One remark of his here study: indeed & monograph on Rajputa is badly is good “teaching." "A combination of States wanted, if it be thought the time has come for one. under the hegemony of powerful kingdom has On p. 209 he alludes to the cause of the fatal quarnowhere endured. India has not been an excep-rel between Jaichand of Kanauj and Prithivi Raj tion in the mattor.... The empire [of of Ajmer owing to the latter's abduction of the Samudra Gupta) lasted so long as it was guided Kanauj princess in 1176. But I think he hardly by & strong monarch, but it fell to pieces whon makes enough of this incident. To my mind it the Central Government became weak" (pp. constituted a turning point in Indian History, as 167-168). But I would again warn him about the foud thus generated between the two great revising the idea of ancient Indian republica." Rajput rulers of the Hindu frontier of that day If the Lichchavis were a "republican" clan, they enabled Muhammad Chori to overcome Hindu could not have had "princesses" to give to Chandra
opposition and found the Sultanatu of Delhi (1193). apta in marriage (p. 100) and so help him by Professor Ball turns lastly to Southern India, marriage relations and inheritanoo to establish
16 and here again he is clear and well-informed on & "Kingdom" and thence an "Empire."
& confused subject. If he reprints his book I In the 6th century AD, the White Huns (Eph-suggest, however, that he brings out more clearly thalitee) swept down on Persis and India and during the enormous effect of pre-Hindu Southern Indis the 6th put an end to the great Gupta Empire. on Hindu ritual, even of modern times. A conThe description of these Huns is fair and well-sideration of this subject will do more than perhaps informed, and the accounts of Toramana and
anything else to explain the great divergence Mihirakula, the Hun leaders, and of their oppo between Hindu philosophical religion and Hindu ponta Pura Gupte, Baladitya, and Yabodharman, ritual observable everywhere. The reflex action are as clear as is possible at present.
of Southern Hinduism on Northern as exhibited My own idea of the division of dated Indian His. by Sankaracharys and Ramanuja and the Bhatory is: Ancient from the foundation of the Sai- gavatas generally is another and later consideration Bunga Dynasty, c. 664 B.O., to the Arab conquest altogether. of Gujarat, 766 A.D., 1.e, to the end of the Valabhi
The accounts of early 8. India and the 8. Deccan Dynasty. Medieval Hindus from the foundation will be useful to students, but I suggest that the of the Rashtrakuta Dynasty of the Deccan, 747
statement, p. 218, that Pulikasin II “sent an A.D., to Muhammad Ghori's establishment of power at Delhi in 1193. Medieval Muhammadans
embassy to the Court of Khusru II (Parvez), from 1193 to the accession of Akbar in 1666.
King of Persia, in 625-6 A.D." should be put Modern from Akbar onwards. Professor Belll the other way round. The great disturbers of closes his Ancient History with Harahavardhana's the peace of 8. India for about seven centuries Empire, 606-647 A.D., but continues the history of were the Pallavas, of whom one would like to see minor States in the north, and of Southern History, much more discovered, as they were evidently up to the days of Muhammadan supremacy at the no mean rulers. The latest research seems to show end of the 12th century.
that they were originally really a local "Rajpat "

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tribe in the Eastern Deccan and not from the Andamans and Nicobars, but I doubt his having North, as Professor Ball thinks, or from beyond conquered them-certainly not the Andamans che North-west frontier as I have thought. One (p. 232). would likg also to see even in such a summary as My last remark is to regret that Professor Ball's the present, more about the Andhras. evidently scope does not enable him to call to the student's an important people of the far oft Indian days. mind the profound effect on S. Indian History of
On p. 227 Professor Ball says, "The Dravidians the raids of Alau'ddin Khilji and Malik Kafür visited Babylonia and Persis." My own impres (pp. 233-234), and their successors of the fourteenth sion is that they did much more and that their century onwards. cradle is to be sought in that region and not beyond. With this I close this review of a University the North-eastern borders of India. I have often Text Book which I have made long because of its wished that some Indian scholars would investi-impprtance as a source of authoritative information gate such a thesis of the Cholas and what Pro-to the rising generation at its most impressionable fessor Ball calls the Chalukya-Cholas, he has a age. If I have ventured on criticisme here and fair summary : and I wonder if it has ever occurred there, it is because of a desire to help in seouring to him that Kulottunga Chola's "Domesday accuracy in future editions of a book oonceived on Book " was put together in the very same year the right lines. 88 was the famous English one of William the Con- Alas! there is no index. When will Indian queror, 1086 A.D. The great Tanjore Inscriptior writers grasp the value of an index to students ? of Rajendra Choladeva (1007-1042) mentions the
R. C. TEMPLE NOTES AND QUERIES. NOTES FROM OLD FACTORY RECORDS. the other four to be whipt aboard all the shippe
31. The Cost of Attempted Suicide. in the road with 15 stripes a peice. (Records of 2 September 1689. Consultation at Fort St.
st. Fort St. George. Diary and Consultation Book of George. Francis Bett haveing by distemper and
1690, p. 3.)
34. A Lunatio Civil Servant sent to England. distraction lately wounded himself at Porto Novo factory, where for want of a Surgeon, they were
22 February 1690. Consultation of Fort St. necessitated to call the Dutch Surgeon to his
George. Mr. Bryan, one of the Honble. Comrelief and cure, which being chargeable to him,
panys writer[s], haveing been long time distracted,
to the great trouble and charge of this place. where he requests that as being the Companys Servants,
all endeavours and remedies have been used, and it may be allow'd by the Rt. Honble. Company
there being no hopes of recovery here. It is ordered which being consider'd of and that twas his own
that he be return'd home for England by Ship rash aot, Tis orderd that he bear the half oharge thereof, and that the Cheif doe allow the other
Chandos, where he may possibly find a Oure, being half. (Records of Fort St. George. Diary and Con
& Colder Countrey. The Captain is therefore
orderd to receive him aboard and give him good sultation Book, 1689, p. 72.)
usage and accomad[at]ion and the Paymaster 32. Volunteer Training.
to disburse 20 Pags. [Rs. 70] for cloaths &os. neces1 January 1690. Fort St. George Diary. AO
saryes for him and advise it home. (Records of cording to the Governour and Councillo order, the Fort St. George. Diary and Consultation Ren Citty Trainbands, containing all the Christian of 1690, p. 14.) Inhabitants, also the Garrison Soldiers mett at
35. Native objection to taking oath. the Generall place of Randevouz, which were divided 13 April 1891. Consultation at Fort St. George. into two Partyes and the methods of the millatary The Custome house oath upon Masters for the exercise Shewn them round the garrison, after manifost of their Ladeings create so great trouble, warde march't over the river to the Campaigne dispute and disaatisfaction, partioularly from Conan country, plain), where they did form and Moores and Gentuee (Hindus) who are averet order them in a Batalion, and then treated them to and forbidden swearing, and it being of no grest with a handsome dinner. (Records of Fort St.
importance, each makeing Entryes or forfeiture George. Diary and Consultation Book of 1000, of their goods, the Customer is therefore orderd p. 1.)
to desist pressing the said Oaths from any of them, 33. Punishment for Desertion at sea. but that he be strict in the Collection of the Customs
January 1690. Fort St. George Diary. The and watch that all goods be duly enterd both as ship Chandos fugitive seamen were this day ox to importing, exporting and traversing [transamined and tryed by the President, Councill and porting across the country! (Records of Fort St. some officers and were sentenced that four of them George, Diary and Consultation Book of 1691, should run the Gentlett and ride the wood on horso, p. 20.)
R. C. TEMPLE

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DATE OF LAKSHMANASENA AND HIS PREDECESSORS. BY DINESH CHANDRA BHATTACHARYYA, M.A. (Continued from p. 148.)
Vijayasena's Barrackpur plate was issued from Vikramapura. In order to comprehend the full force of this bit of historical truth we have to discuss at some length the chronology of the dynasties of Vikramapura. Before the Sena Kings had sway over Vikramapura there is epigraphic evidence of two dynasties having reigned there one after another. The Chandra dynasty is represented by the copperplates of Srichandra 17 which from palæographic considerations are referred to circa 1000 A.D. Śrichandra was probably succeeded early in the 11th cent. by Govindachandra who fled before Rajendra Chola in 1023 A.D. comes the Varman dynasty represented by the copperplates of Bhojavarmâ and Harivarmâ. 18 Bhojavarmâ's date can be approximately fixed by the following synchronistic table :Nayapala (1030-1053) Karnachedi (1041-circ. 1100) Vajravarma
Then
Vigrahapala (1053-1067)- Vijayaśrî
I
Ramapâla (1069-1111)
Vîrasri Jâtavarmâ Sâmalavarmâ I
Bhojavarmâ
19
Jâtavarma was a true contemporary of Vigrahapâla III. and his son Sâmalavarmâ's traditional date of accession to the throne, 994 Saka (1072-3 A.D.) seems to be a genuine record. The date of the first king of the dynasty falls therefore about 1040 A.D. if not earlier, when probably Vajravarma usurped the kingdom of the Chandras. Let us now see if Harivarmâ with his long reign of at least 42 years can be adjusted in the 11th cent. A.D. in the scheme of Mr. Banerjea. Supposing Harivarmâ's father Maharajadhiraja Jyotirvarmâ immediately followed Govindachandra, we have approximately the following succession list: Govindachandra (1023 A.D.). Jyotirvarmâ (1023-25 A.D.) Harivarmâ (1025-1067). His son (1067-70). Vijayasena on the other hand must be taken to have usurped Vikramapura, defeating Bhojavarma sometime before his 32nd year, say in 1105. We have thus to impact four generations of kings in the remaining period, which by the greatest possible stretch barely counts to be 35 years. This is on the face of it improbable, and there is, moreover, strong literary évidence which goes against placing Harivarmâ in the 11th cent. A.D. Bhatta Bhavadeva, the celebrated Smriti writer of Bengal, was a minister of this long-lived king as well as of his son 20. In his Prayaschittaprakaraṇam21 Bhavadeva quotes Viśvarûpa, who again flourished sometime after Bhoja of Dhâra-say in 1060 A.D. at the earliest. At least a few decades must be allowed to have elapsed before Visvarûpa could have been quoted by Bhavadeva. Thus
17 Ep. Ind., Vol. XII, p. 136. ff. Dacca Review, 1912, pp. 250-51.
18 For Bhojavarma's plate of his 5th regnal year vide Ep. Ind., Vol. XII. p. 37. Harivarma's plate is dated in his 42nd year-Vangera Jatiya Itihasa: Brahmanakânda: Vol. II., pt. I., p. 216. Colophons of two Mss. refer to his reign, one copied in his 19th year and the other in his 39th year (Vángálára Itihasa by R. D. Banerjea, Vol. I., p. 275).
19 "eftà
20 Ep.Ind., Vol. VI, p. 205 ff. 31 JASB., 1912, p. 345. JASB., 1915, p. 323, note 1. deva has been alluded to in the Prabodhachandrodaya: the fact however is that a commentator of the 16th
"Vangera Jatiya Itihasa: Brahmanakânda, Vol. II., Pt. II., p. 18. Cf. यन्मन्त्रशक्तिसचिवः सुचिरं चकार, राज्यं स धर्मविजयी हरिवर्मदेवः । For Visvarapa's posteriority to Bhoja, vide Cat. Catalog. II., p. 58 and According to the late Mr. Chakravarti (JASB., 1912, p. 346). Bhava
Cent. in his gloss on a well-known verse of the drama merely adds the name of Bhavadova (Fury लिखितमपि अस्माभिरुक्तं ) as popular in his own time ( इदानीं ).

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we cannot reasonably place Bhavadeva and his patron Harivarmå before the last quarter of the Ilth cent. A.D., when, undoubtedly, Bhojavarma and his immediate predecessors had gway over Vikramapura. Harivarma has, therefore, to be shifted to the first half of the 12th cent. A.D. and Vijayasena must have subjugated the country towards the end of his own reign in the middle of the century from Harivarma or his son .
Against all this crowd of literary and historical evidenoe has been brought the consideration of three inscriptions dated in the much-discussed atita-rajya Samvat of Lakshmanasena. I confess I am unable to appreciate the palæographic discussion of these inscriptions, but I think palæography has not at all proved a sure guide in the determination of the age of the records within a century. Mr. Mazumdar seems to gain his point by proving only the futility of a procedure, viz., examination of test letters, because a mixture of Nagari and later Bengali forms characterised the palæography of the period. But he adduces no proof that such a mixture did not continue in Bihar for 80 years more. As an evidence of a more definite character, Mr. Mazumdar introduces astronomical calculation, which, I am afraid is not fully done and has played him false. For according to the Purnimanta scheme. which seems to have been unfortunately overlooked by Dewan Bahadur Pillai, the data « Vaisakha vadi 12 guran" do yield two dates between the years 1272 and 1277 A.D.one in the very year of contention 1274 A.D. (April 5) and another in 1277 (April 1). In this connection Mr. Mazumdar seems cleverly to ignore the astronomical calculation of another important record of the same period and locality, which he has not forgotten to refer to in his palæographic discussion-the famous Bodh-Gayā inscription dated in the Nirvana Era, 1813. Dr. Fleet had already shown that the data given in the inscription quite regularly work out in the Pärnimanta system to be October 1, 1270 A.D., with 544 B.C., as the starting point of the Era. The late Dr. Indraji suggested October 20, 1176 A.D. as a possible date of the record, referring to a 80-called Peguan reckoning of the era from 638 B.C. It does not however require a Dr. Fleet to guide us which to choose of the two dates-the long established 544 B.C. era so extensively used in Coylon and Burma or the 638 B.C. era, which, if it ever existed at all, was apparently never used in a single inscription even in Pegu itself. Thus astronomical calculation rather goes against Mr. Mazumdar's own theory than against the other theory.
We now come to the last and practically the only so-called evidence against the established view of Lakshmanasena's date, viz., the interpretation of the word atita-rajya used in the said inscriptions and the identity of the era there referred to with the Lakshmana Samvat of 1119 A.D. Mr. R. D. Banerjea and his supporters have fastened themselves with a desperate grip as it were upon an interpretation of the late Dr. Kielhorn, which they have quoted ever so many times in their discussion on the question, though the late Doctor himself did not hesitate to abandon his former views apparently upon a mere glimpee at one or two of the literary evidences discussed above. In his famous monograph on the Palas of Bengal (pp. 109-110) Mr. Banerjea discusses three interpretations as alto. gether possible of a similar epithet gata-rajya. But among them we curiously miss the
13 The following succession list of the king of Vikramapura may now bo tentatively drawn friahandes loiro, 1000 A.D.): Govindachandra (1023 A.D.) Vajravarma (circ. 1040) Jatavarma (circ. 1060—1072 4.p.) 8Amalavarma (1072-1079 A.D.) Bhojavarma: Jyotirvarma (circ. 1100 A.D.) Harivarme (cire. 1100-1150 A.D.). His son: Vijayasena : Vallalasena : Lakshmanasena.
> JRAS., 1009, p. 347 : regarding the time when the new reckoning (from 544 B.C.) was established, vide p. 333, also ibid, 1911, p. 212.
# Vide Ep. Ind., Vol. VIII, App. (Synchronistic Tables).

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interpretation accepted among others by Mesars. H. P. Sastri, Chanda and N. N. Vasa. Mr. Banerjea himself has drawn very strange conclusions from the date-wordings in Ms. colophons. A wholly unjustifiable difference has been drawn between the words gata, atita and vinasta, which are, for all we know, synonymous. Even if they were not so, it is unthinkable that atitardjya can ever mean, as Mr. Banerjea holds, a kingdom which is lost somewhere but flourishing (pravardhamana) elsewhere. According to Mr. Banerjea, more over, atitardjya indicates that the king was still alive and the "special" word vinasta shows that he was dead. But by no stretch of grammatical construction can the words atita and vinasta, used clearly as qualifying adjectives of rajya, determine the life and death of the king himself 26. The word atitarajya (or its synonyms gatarajya, etc.), wherever it occurs must mean everywhere the same thing that the kingdom was at an end (no question whether the king was alive or not, as a king has no civil existence without the kingdom) and the year is reckoned either (1) from the date of the accession of the king to the throne; or (2) from the date of the loss of the kingdom. Two objections have been raised against the 2nd interpretation : firstly, it is grammatically wrong, for we do not get a samasa अतीतराज्ये in the sense of राज्ये अतीते सति and we would expect the ablative and not the locative in the sense of since. This is wholly beside the mark, as the locative can be justified equally in pravardhamdnaivijayarajye and attardjya as a t it. Aitardjya would exactly mean-" of the time during which the kingdom was lost," i.e., remained unrecovered by a lineal successor 27. The second objection that no era is known to start from a mrityu-samvat (except that of Buddha) is not of much consequence as the origin of many of the eras is yet unknown. It appears that the epithet atitarajya has been used with full significance only with the names of Govindapâla and Lakshmanasena and it is a significant fact that they witnessed the destruction of the Påla and Sena kingdoms respectively. The devoted subjects of each only expressed their hatred for the usurpers by referring their dates to an imaginary "reign of anarchy." Thus the destruction of the Pâla dynasty (which was Buddhist by religion) after a glorious reign of full four centuries was ill digested by the Buddhist subjects, who monopolised the use of the attardjya Samvat of Govinda pâla. We can easily see that the second interpretation fits in better with the literary and historical bearings of Lakshmanasena and should therefore be preferred in the inscriptions under discussion. That the atta-rajya Samvat of Lakshmanasena has nothing to do with the Lakshmana Samvat is prima facie evident from the fact that among the innumerable Ms. colophons with dates in La-sam, there is not a single one which connects the word alitarajya therewith, though that misleading epithet is attached even to the Vikrama Era in Mss. of the same locality, as cited by Mr. Mazumdar himself. In connection with Govindapâla also, the epithet gatarajya (of the Gaya ins. of 1175 A.D.) bears the second
35 Ramacharita : Itrod., p. 16, Gaudardjamdla, p. 55, etc.
26 The colophons numbered 4, 5 and 6 in Mr. Banerjea's monograph (pp. 110-111) are of Mss. belonging to the same collection and written by the same man, who could never have used the word vinduta in a special sense in the midst of two other Mss., one dated in the previous year (No. 4.) and another in the following year (No. 6).
37 How the epithet atitardjya used in the Sonpur plates of Somekváradeva (Ep. Ind., Vol. XII, p. 240) certainly supports the first interpretation we do not at all see. The use of the opithet may very well be justibed by asuming that the coronation had not yet taken place of the successor of Abhimanyudova in the first year of his reign, when the inscription is dated. This is supported by the fact that there is no mention of samoat after aftardjya, the end (and not the beginning) of the last reign having, just taken place.

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interpretation better. Govindapâla had at least 4 years' reign and under the first interpretation he would be reigning still in 1165 A.D. We had shown before that it was probably Vallâlasena, who destroyed the last remnants of the Pala kingdom, and the work of destruction was completed presumably several years before Vallala sat down securely with the pandits "like & swan among lotus beds," (F errafas
e Introd. to the Danasågara, v. 54) to write several encyclopædic works. The Adbhutaságara was begun in 1168 A.D.; the Danaságara was completed in 1169 A.D., and before that he had written at least two other encyclopædias, Pratişthdsågara and Achârasdgara. So it is probable that Vallåla defeated Govinda påla earlier in his reign, before and not after 1165 A. D., i.e., 1161 A.D. marks the end and not the beginning of Govindapâla's reign.
Two minor objections must now be discussed. How can two eras connected with the same king Lakshmanasena run simultaneously? There is no evidence, however, that the atitardjya Samvat of Lakshmanasena did develop into a regular era as such, and if it did, it changed its name. Moreover, the co-existence of the two eras cannot be proved by a single entry in a Ms. colophon, which looks extremely doubtful. Then, what is the origin of the La-sam? Though there is nothing authentic or reliable to guide us in the matter we should, at the present state of our knowledge, prefer the traditional origin in the birth of Lakshmanasena28 to mere conjectures. What really happened with regard to the two eras is probably this: with the establishment of Muhammadan supremacy, when independent Hindu rulers ceaged to exist, people supplied their want of citing regnal years by creating a local era connected naturally with the name of the last independent Hindu monarch of the region. Some started it with the date of the loss of the kingdom, perhaps by analogy with the Govindapálíya Samvat, and others with the birth of the king. The former did not survive or changed its name before the popularity of the latter. The evidence from a Ms. colophon brought forth by Mr. Mazumdar to show that the La-sam was "started " by Lakshmanasena is a most amusing piece of research. According to the late Dr. Kielhorn, wbom Mr. Mazumdar quotes with the greatest deference, even the epithet atita-rajya “is apt to become meaningless phrase," but according to Mr. Mazumdar himself, phrases like "Lakshmanasena-bhd patimati," evidently used through exigencies of metre, are all the same pregnant with meaning and a very plausible meaning too : for mate means, according to him, “ approved, i.e., started" though approval and starting are two quite distinct ideas.
We admit that all literary and historical evidence may be smashed by a strong epi. graphic record, but we hope we have been able to show that Mr. Banerjea's theory is not the only possible one on the age and interpretation of the epigraphic records under discussion, which equally admit of another theory that is certainly strengthened by being in agreement with all other evidence.
The chronology of the Sena kings can now be determined in fuller detail. A passage in the Adbhutaságara (p. 203) runs as follows: "**aufa ara ATEITÀATIFUATI" This admits of two interpretations, viz.: (1) Vallála came to the throne exactly in the vear 1082 Saka (1160-61 A.D.), or (2) that year only fell "in the beginning ” (adau) of his reign. We should like to prefer the second interpretation, which will leave a margin of a year or two to the minimum length (11 years) of his reign, otherwise falling to his lot. The Naihâti plate of Vallâla, recording a land-grant on the occasion of a solar eclipse, is dated_Samvat 11 Vaisakha dine 16 29. Assuming that the date of the record coincides
16 JASB., 1896, Pt. I, p. 23.
29 Ep. Ind., Vol. XIV, p. 162.

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with that of the eclipse, we get April 9, 1168 A.D., corresponding to Vaisakha 16, when there was a solar eclipse, which was, however, invisible in India. But records have been discovered referring to invisible eclipses 30 and on that theory, meagre and doubtful though it is, April, 1158, falls in the first year of Vallâlasena. On the indirect evidence of the Adbhutasdgara, Vallala died shortly after 1169 A.D. Mr. R D. Banerjee, while blindly attacking the views of the late Mr. Chakravarti, who also arrived at the above date of Vallala, commits himself, in his latest pronouncement,31 to the most unexpected statement that "it cannot be asserted upon the data available at present that Vallâlasena did not reign for more than eleven years"-little suspecting that he is thereby caught in his own net. For, the death of Vijayasena in his own chronology is dated about or after 1108 A.D., hardly allowing even just the 11 years' reign to Vallala.
The newly published Barrackpur Plate of Vijayasena records a land-grant on the occasion of a lunar eclipse. The date of the record is open to question. Mr. Banerjea at first read it as “ Sam. 37" and then as “Sam. 31." 32 Finally he puts it down as " Sam. 32." The printed plate, however, shows that even this final reading is doubtful. The numerical figures in the palæography of Bengal and Magadha have not at all been properly studied yet and Bühler's chart (or any other similar work) will often mislead us, as it seems to have misled even & veteran like Mr. Banerjea in the present instance. Had the two figures after Sam. been joined together, they would almost exactly resemble the figure 5 of the Belabo Inscription of Bhojavarmå.33 But Mr. Banerjea, who examined the original plate twice. did not apparently suspect a single figure, and the original plate, like the printed one, must have shown two separated figures. We have examined in this connection all available numerical figures in the records of Bengal and Magadha and we are positive that the first figure, being in the form of a single curve without any angle, does not at all tally with any of the known figures representing 3, most of which show two distinct arcs forming an angle, besides the lower curve. Like the main figure of 5, stripped of the curve in the right, the first figure quite regularly corresponds to the known figures of 6, only it has a slight bend at the top towards the left, almost exactly like the figure 6 inscribed in a metal image of Vajratard and in a Ms. colophon.34 The second figure also corresponds better with the figure 1 of the Sarnath inscription of Mahipala, dated 1083 Saka 35 than any of the known figures of 2. Then again the date of the month is read as 7, but the form at the upper end shows two distinct_arcs forming an angle, which possibly cannot represent the singlecurved 7, which shows no other variants in the records hitherto discovered in Bengal. Wo propose to read it as 3. Then the date of the record would be Sam. 6 Vaisakha dine 3.
30 Ante, 1919, p. 6, footnote 32, referring to Dr. Venkatasubbiah: Somo la Dates in Inscriptions, pp. 21-22.
31 Barrackpur Plate of Vijayasena : ed. by Mr. Benerjea in Ep. Ind., Vol. XV, vide p. 281. 32 The Palas of Bengal, p. 105. Vangaldra Itihdea, Vol. I, p. 292 33 Ep. Ind., Vol. XII, p. 39 (Plate) : JASB., 1914, p. 121 ff. (Plate XX).
34 Vide an account of the image (belonging to the Dacca Museum) in the Modern Review, Jan. 1921, p. 60. All the figures from 1 to 8 are inscribed on the petals of the lotus seat in due order leaving us in no doubt. For the Ms. colophon, see The Palas of Bengal, p. 75 with Plate XXXVI, Colophon of Prajña paramitA: ASB. Collection : 6th year of Mahipala.
36 Arch. Survey Report, 1903-4, p. 222 Also Gaudalokhamdia, p. 104 (Plato).

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Assuming here also that the date coincides with that of the eclipse, we arrive at the extremely suitable year 1157 A.D., when there was & visible lunar eclipse on March 27, corresponding to 3rd Vaisakha. March, 1097 A.D., falls therefore in the first year of Vijayasena's reign. 5
If our reading and verification of the date of the Barrackpur plate be accepted, it will be seen that Vijayasena died at a very advanced age in 1157 A.D. after a glorious reign of 61 years, which is already too long to create any necessity of making it longer by further pushing back Vallala's date of accession (to 1160 A.D.). This great length of Vijayasena's reign explains on the one hand the shortness of his successor's reign and on the other, the unique feature of the Barrackpur plate, which honours Vallala in all the glory of a fullfledged monarch before he actually came to the throne. Vallala must have been practically the ruler of the land in the last years of Vijayasena and was himself verging on old age when he came to the throne in 1157 A.D. It becomes quite possible, therefore, to place the birth of Lakshmanasena in 1119 A.D., as supported both by tradition and by the account of the Tabaqâl-i-Nasiri (Raverty, pp. 554-55). The following chronology of the independent Sena kings may thus be placed before scholars :
Vijayasena (1096—1157 A.D.) Vallalasena (1157—circa 1170 A.D.) Lakshmanasena (born 1119 A.D., reign circa 1170-1200 A.D.)
PRATHAMASÅKHA BRAHMANS OR "MID-DAY PARAIYANS.”
BY J. E. A. COTTON, C.L.E. The following extract is taken from Thurston's "Castes and Tribes of Southern India” (Vol. VI, p. 223), 8.0. Prathamasákha Brâhmans :
“This class of Brahmans is known in the Tanjore District as "Madhyana Paraiyans" or "Mid-day Paraiyans.” According to the District Gazetteer, "the god of the Tiruvâlûr Temple was entreated by a pujarf of Koiltirumalam or Tiruambamahalam to be present in the village at a sacrifice in his (the god's) honour. The deity consented at length, but gave warning that he would come in a very unwelcome shape. He appeared as a Paraiyan with beef on his back, and followed by the four Vedas in the form of dogs, and took his part in the sacrifice thus accoutred and attended. The Brâhmans who were present ran away, and the god was so incensed that he condemned them to be Paraiyans for one hour in the day, from noon till one p.m., ever afterwards. There is a class of Brahmans called "Mid-day Paraiyans," who are found in several districts, and a colony of them reside at Sēdanipuram, five miles from Nannilam. It is believed throughout the Tanjore District that the “Mid-day Paraiyans " are the descendants of the Brahmans thus cursed by the god. They are supposed to expiate their defilement by staying outside their houses for an hour and a half every day at mid-day, and if they do this, they are much respected. Few of them, however, observe this rule, and orthodox persons will not eat with them because of their omission to remove the defilement. They call themselves Prathamasåkhas."

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The story struck me as so curious that I communicated with my brother, Mr. J. J. Cotton, L.C.S., now Judge of Coimbatore. When he informed me, in reply, that one of the copyists in his office was a "Mid-day Paraiyan," and that he had requested him to furnish his account of the tradition, I felt that I was on the track of an explanation. The response, however, took the form of a transcript of a petition presented in 1912 to Mr. F. R. Hemingway, I.C.S., then Collector of Coimbatore, by a number of “ Prathamasagai Brâhmans of Mannargudi, Tanjore District." The petition is in these terms:
" When your honour was the head assistant collector in the Tanjore District, we were designated as "Prathamasagai Madhyana Paraiyans" in the District Gazetteer, which was then being published once in five years, and now once in ten. We do not belong to such a class of Brahmans, but to the first class among Brahmans of the world. The other class of Brâhmans are called Thithari Brâhmans, who form the major portion of them. Our “ Yajar-veda Guru "is one Yakyavalkiyar, a rishi, who learned our veda from the sun and applied it to us. In Tamil we used to be styled as "Brâhmans of the first class," and in Sanskrit "Prathama-sagai Brahmans." The guru of the other classes of Brâhmans is one Vaisampayanar. Our above-named guru vomited all the vedas which he had learned in former days. Vaisampayanar took the form of a thithari bird, fed on the vomited matter, and thus learned the
vedas. So this class of Brahmans are called " Thitharisagai Brahmans." Those who have learned these details in books ( are ) used to respect us : while others ignorant
of these matters [are used to scorn us by calling us " Madhyana Paraiyans." The petition concludes by stating that false information was given while the gazetteei was in course of preparation, and that it was not verified by calling upon the informants to produce their authority. A request is made that the names may be furnished of the persons responsible for the publication of the scandal," and proceedings taken against them.
Endorsed upon the petition is a note to the following effect, signed by Mr. K. C. Manavedan Raja, on behalf of the Collector and dated April 25, 1912:
"Mr. Hemingway regrets he cannot now give the names of his informants. He assures petitioners that he was not aware that the passage they refer to would hurt
their feelings, and he regrets that it should have done so." Can any reader of the "Indian Antiquary” throw any further light upon this eccentric development of the caste-system? The "explanation," it will be seen, does not help the enquirer in any way to understand why the designation of “ Mid-day Paraiyans "should have been applied to this class of Brahmans. It may be that the story told to the compiler of the Tanjore District Gazetteeris a malicious invention: but the version offered for acceptance by the petitioners is hardly more credible.
[The petition confirms the story given to Thurston in a most interesting manner. Prima facie both story and petition is a fresh instance of a very old habit amongst castes or tribes seeking to better ' their social position by a "tale of origin". It is to be found everywhere in Rajputâna and wherever Rajpûts abound, usually in the form of a 'birth-story'. The hero is generally a foundling, who turns out to be of very high birth by caste or other social position, or he is the son of such a person by a foundling girl. Another common form is the commission of a 'caste ''fault by the eponymous ancestor. This story belongs to the latter class. The earliest instance I know of such a story being given to a European enquirer is that quoted by Barbosa (early 16th century) and given in Dames ed. (Hak. Soc.) vol. II, p. 57, about the Kasavans or Kuyavans, potters of Malabar. They told Barbosa that they did not differ from Nayars, " yet by reason of a fault they committed, they remain separate from them."-ED.)

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A NEW VIEW OF SHER SHAH SUR. BY SIR RICHARD C. TEMPLE, BT.
[ AUGUST, 1922
I set out to write a review of Professor Qanungo's recent monograph on Sher Shah Sûr (c. 1485-1545), but the interest that his career has long roused in myself, its very great importance to modern Indian History, the excellence of Professor Qanungo's examination thereof, and the quantity of new light he has been able to throw on the life and doings of Sher Shâh from his researches into original sources of information, have tempted me to compose a fresh résumé of what is known of that remarkable man.
The difference between Sher Shah and the other great rulers of Upper India was that he was capable of doing all his work himself, with the requisite personal knowledge of the details of both civil and military administration-a knowledge he deliberately acquired in his youth. He was never obliged to trust to, or lean upon, others for details, and was his own Commanderin-Chief, his own Prime Minister, his own Controller of Customs and Revenue, his own Treasurer, his own Minister of Agriculture and Public Works, his own Master of the Mint and his own And his capacity in Provincial Governor of the very manyiniature districts he set up. every such position is shown by the fact that he raised himself from the status of the son of an ordinary fief-holder or country gentleman of recent standing to that of true monarch of an empire stretching from Afghanistan to Assam, from the Himalayas to the confines of Râjputânâ. This vast territory he ruled and organised on lines of his own, so sound that they formed, and still are, the basis of all subsequent government-Muslim and British. This extraordinary genuis, however, had the misfortune to run out his career just before the European commercial invasion of India had any practical effect, and also to be succeeded by the very interests he had combated all his life. So until the recent advent of dispassionate critical research into Indian History, his life and doings had no chance of being appreciated in their true proportion. It has therefore happened that the quality of the work and character of one of the very greatest men of the past in India has been known only to a few investigators and has been practically ignored by all others.
I find I have myself described Sher Shâh Sûr in a short general résumé of Indian History as "the father of modern Indian Administration, following the lead of his great predecessor, Firôz Shah Tughlaq of Delhi (1351-1388), and giving it to his successors, Akbar the Great (1556-1605), Warren Hastings (1774-1785) and Lord Dalhousie (1848-1856)." The points I drew into prominence in Firôz Shâh's administration were soundness of principle, light taxation, canals and roads. To Sher Shâh himself we still owe the Great North Road as part of the Grand Trunk Road of Northern India. In making these remarks I did not in fact do justice to the extraordinary achievements of Sher Shâh Sûr; and in this I was not alone. Writers of history have not properly appreciated his worth.
Such a man as this, to whom nearly four centuries after his time India still owes so much, deserves all the research that can be bestowed upon his career and methods. Professor Qanungo has bravely undertaken some of the task in the right way, i.e., from critical study of the original sources of information, whatever they are-Indian, British, Portuguese The key to Sher Shâh's success lies in the fact that his early self-training was entirely in civil administration, so that when his outstanding military capacities gave him the power necessary to all rulers in his day, he could use it with an intimate personal knowledge of the principles of successful civil government, which was not available to any of his Indian predecessors, contemporaries or successors. He was never in the hands of Ministers, as he knew
1 Sher Shah, by Kalikaranjan Qanungo, M.A., Professor, Ramjas College, Delhi. Calcutta: Kar Majumder and Co., 1921.

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too much of the subject of dealing with his people to require their guidance. The defect of these remarkable qualities was the natural tendency to concentrate all authority in himself, with the inevitable consequence of the apparent disappearance of his system on his death and the destruction of the short-lived Dynasty he founded, largely owing to the enmity his autocratic methods roused in his opponents on their succeeding to the Empire he created. But what they could not altogether destroy was the system itself; he had applied it on too large a scale for that. So the good he did for his people survived him, and much of it remains still. As a ruler in India he is therefore in some senses unique. I propose now to outline his career from the information provided by Professor Qanungo's researches for the benefit of myself and others who may perhaps desire to carry on the study of a man well worth studying by all who would understand modern India.
Farid (afterwards the great Sher Shah), the eldest son of Hasan, was the grandson of Ibrâhîm of the Sûr section of the Mâti clan of Afghâns from Surgurgai, "a detached ridge of the Takht-i-Sulaiman mountains on the southern bank of the upper course of the Gâmal river" on "one of the oldest and most frequented trade-routes between Southern Afghânistân and the Indus Valley". Ibrâhîm Sûr was almost naturally in such circumstances a horse-dealer, like very many of his countrymen before and since. In the reign of the Afghân Bahlôl Lodi (1451-1488) Ibrâhîm migrated to Bijwârâ in the Jalandhar Doâb (Panjab) to the fief of Mahâbat Khân Sûr of the Dâûd Shâh khel (sept), and entered the service of Jamâl Khân Sârangkhânî as a soldier at Hissâr Firôza (Delhi District). He finally obtained for himself a fief in Nârnol "to maintain 40 horsemen," and there he settled and died. His son Hasan Sûr was confirmed in the fief and there were born his eight sons, of whom four came into history, viz., Farid (Sher Shah) and Nizâm, sons of the "first" wife, and Sulaimân and Ahmad, sons of a slave-girl raised to the status of a wife. Farid was born somewhere about 1486 or perhaps earlier, as Mr. Qanungo's authorities seem to be doubtful here (see pp. 3 and 344), and the date will probably never be fixed exactly.
Farid, like Sivaji, was reared in his early days in a hard school, and for the same reason -the practical desertion of an older legitimate wife and her children in favour of a younger woman and her progeny. In both cases the situation did much to mould character. However badly Hasan Sûr treated Farid and his mother, he was a capable man, and when Jamâl Khân Sârangkhânî was transferred to the Eastern Provinces, he took Hasan with him and 'conferred on him Sâsarâm and Khawâspûr (in the Shâhâbâd district of Bihår) in fief and promoted him to the command of 500. This fief afterwards played a great part in Farid's life.
Farid, annoyed at the continual ill-treatment of himself and his mother, went in 1501 to Jamal Khân Sârangkhânî at Jaunpur. This was a turning point in his career. He was then about fifteen, and like Napoleon, he became at that age a deep and earnest literary student in a curiously similar manner. He began at that time, and continued for the next ten years, to study civil administration, so that he acquired" a first hand knowledge of revenue affairs, the distress of the cultivators, the oppression of the Muslim soldiery and the corruption of the Hindu revenue-collectors:" a knowledge that not only secured for him a high reputation among his kinsfolk but stood him in good stead when he became powerful, colouring his whole life. It also reconciled him to his father. Farid at this period was about twenty-five.
We now have clearly before us the makings of a great ruler. Capable scion of a middleclass military family rising to local importance, brought up in a hard school, self-trained to scholarship and civil administration, and known personally to the great political men of his time.

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Reconciled to his father and armed by him with the necessary powers, Farid took over charge of his father's considerable fief, comprising an extensive portion of the modern Shâhâbåd District. His neighbour to the West was Muhammad Khân Súr, afterwards a great enemy. It was not an inviting country to hold-mostly dense jungle sheltersay robbers and rebels-inhabited partly by respectable Hindus, Rajputs, Ahfrs, and so on, and partly by Cheros and Savars (non-Aryans of considerable civilisation), all classes being inclined to be rebellious, predatory, unruly and uncivil, a condition largely induced by the violence of the Muhammadan soldiery that had long ill-treated them. That was one source of the state of virtually chronio insubordination. Another was the endless exactions of the Hindu taxgatherers (muqadaum and patrodrt), taking advantage of the ignorant peasantry and careless and greedy fief-holders alike.
To set about curing this state of affairs was Farid's object, and he used the wide knowledge he had gained by study to effect this end by far-reaching and wise regulations. His main object was to foster agriculture as the natural source of all wealth. Maxims attributed to him on this subject show his attitude clearly “The cultivators are the source of property :" "If they are badly off they will produce nothing, but if prosperous they will produce much :" -"If a ruler cannot protect the humble peasantry from the lawless, it is tyranny to exact revenue from them." He called the soldiers, the civil officials and the peasants to a meeting together, and told them all exactly and plainly what he meant to do. He made it quite clear that "if a little favour is shown to the peasantry, the ruler benefits by it." He enforced his doctrines by unmistakable practical steps : dealing directly with the peasants himself by agreements, fixing rents and collecting fees in cash or kind at their choice, and thus abolishing the old tax-gatherer system. He had accounts taken in his presence, and encouraged personal communication of grievances and requests.
All this created a contented peasantry but a discontented soldiery and officialdom. In putting down discontent, he first showed his inherited military capacity. He had neither men nor horses, nor even saddlery; but he collected them all. First he made the officials find the saddlery. Then he promised maintenance to Afghan soldiers and kinsmen and found them horses, and then, in the true Oriental style of the time (which was the Tudor period of England be it remembered), he added : “Whatever booty, cash, goods and gold, falls into your hands is yours : I shall never claim a share of it.”
He naturally soon overcame the officials, and then he did a characteristic and wise, but unoriental thing. He seized the wives and children, and kept them in his own custody to prevent their being violated by the soldiers. The booty he gave to his men, as he had promised. The rebel soldiers were more difficult to deal with, but in his treatment of them he adopted novel methods which stood in him great stead in his later career. He had only a small force of irregular cavalry, but he supplemented it with a yeomanry and militia from his now willing peasantry. Every man who had a horse was to ride it; the rest were to come on foot. Half the force were to go with him, and half to carry on and guard the cultivation.
The method he evolved for this jungle campaign was more suo, and was followed in principle all his life. He proceeded cautiously into the jungle and always surrounded his camps by a trench and parapet, and thus made it safe from attack. His cavalry then patrolled the rebels' villagės near, killed every male met with in the jungle, captured the cattle, women and children found in it, and destroyed the crops. Meanwhile, his foot soldiers cleared off the jungle. Deprived of their natural shelter, the rebels became helpless, and then Farid showed

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A NEW VIEW OF SHER SHAH SUR
163
himgelf as the grim Pathån: refused submission, killed all the men and sold the wives and children into slavery. He repeopled the devastated villages with his own peasantry. It was medieval and oriental and very severe, but he had hereditary cattle-lifters and savage robbers to deal with.
His administration of his father's fief went on till 1518 when he was about 33 years of age, gaining for him a great reputation for wise management, but he threw it up, owing to trouble raised by his stepmother on behalf of her son Sulaiman Sør, on the eve of the rebellion in the Eastern Provinces of Daria Khân Lohani against Ibrahim Lodi, now of Agra. Such is the etory of Farid Sur, or Sher Shah, in the days of his apprenticeship at Såsarêm.
In Sher Shah's case the boy was eminently the father of the man, and the rest of his life was the result of the principles he evolved for himself during his strenuous youth and eariy manhood for the ordering of affairs, civil and military. On his way to Agra he became the guest of the Sarwani Afghans at Cawnpore, where he secured two companions, Shekh Isma'il Sur and his brother-in-law Habib Khân Kakar, who were destined to become famous in his subsequent reign as Shuja'at Khan and Sarmast Khán respectively. At Agra he attached himself to Daulat Khân ; and then his father died. Through Daulat Khan's influence he succeeded to his father's fief, meeting with much opposition on arrival from his stepmother and her son Sulaiman Sur, backed by his old enemy and neighbour, Muhammad Khan Sar.
Ibrahim Lodi was an injudicious and treacherous monarch, who set his nobles against him and drove Dariya Khân Lohani (or Nuhani), Governor of Bihar, and others into rebellion for self-protection. Dariya Khân died and was succeeded by his son, Bahar Khân Lohânî (Bahadur Khân according to some authorities, but erroneously).
Feeling himself in necessity for protection against Muhammad Khân Sâr, Farid Sør, as he still was, joined Bahar Khân Lohani (afterwards Sultan Muhammad) in 1522, and did him his usual excellent service. From Bahir Khân Lohani he received his famous title of Sher Khân, the Tiger :- according to story, from slaying a tiger, but it may well have been a recog. nition of his qualities, as in the case of the great Frenchman, Clemenceau. .
Sher Khân, as he now became, was made valil or deputy in Bibâr for Babár Khân's minor son, Jalal Khân Lohani, and also his 'atalig or tutor. His methods of civil government soon had effect throughout Bihår, but his old enemy, Muhammad Khân Sur, took advantage of the general confusion which reigned after the crucial battle which was fought in 1526 at Panipat between the Lodis and the great Mughal Babur, to set Bahar Khan Lobani (i.e., Sultan Muhammad) against his protégé, Sher Khan, who defended himself with his ueaal independence, though his troops were defeated at KhawAspur.
This threw Sher Khân into the arms of the Mughal, Juned Barlaa (i.e., of the same tribe as Babur himself), then Governor of Jaunpur. So in 1527 we find Sher Khân at Agra in the Mughal military service under B&bur, recovering his fief in 1628, as the result of Babur's Eastern Campaign which commenced in 934 A... This preferment, however, put him in a weak position as regards his Afghan neighbours, and so he made peace with them, even with his arch-enemy, Muhammad Khân Sûr, in the true Afghan fashion, though it involved his sending away his Mughal soldiery. But he had to go further in deserting his Mughal friends, as Mahmud Lodi, who had remained in Rajputând during Babur's Eastern Campaign, managed to oust Jalal Khan Lohânî, Sher Khan's former pupil, from Bihår. On this Sher Khan, in sheer -self-preservation, had again to turn his coat and join Mahmad Lodi, and by 1529 he was concerned in an attack on the Mughal forces, capturing Benares from Sultan Jalalu'ddin Sharqi,

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( AUGUST, 1922
Babur's Governor and a descendant of the old Sharqi Dynasty (Turki mamlaks) of Jaunpur. Meanwhile, however, Babur had Mahmud Lodi on the run, and Sher Khan's star was once more in the descendant. In 1629. he made his submission and became again the "faithful Vassal" of the Mughals. In the end, Jalal Khân Lohånf recovered most of his possessions in Bihar and Sher Khân his old fief at Sasarâm, resuming his charge of Bihår as the deputy of Jalal Khân.
He worked on his old lines, centralising everything in his own hands, with the old result, the envy and enmity of the nobility, to whom he was an upstart, and popularity with the peasantry. He was about forty-three years of age when he obtained the control of Bihar for the second time, and he retained it for four years, during which period he performed two important acts. He acquired the great fortress of Chunâr and he entered into an alliance with Makhdum 'Alam, Governor of Hajipur (opposite Patna) for Nusrat Shah, the Hussain-Shâht King of Bengal.
The first act was truly in the spirit of the times. Chunar was held for Babur by Taj Khân Sárangkhânî (Afghan), who was suddenly killed in what appears to have been a family quarrel in 1530, and Sher Khân took advantage of the situation thus created to wrest the fortress from his widow, LAd Malika. Just then Bâbur died, and the Afghans in the Eastern Provinces, as a body, rebelled against his successor, Humâyûn. Eventually, Humâyûn gained the day and Sher Khân made his peace with the new Mughal monarch, but a peace that was of the nature of the lull before the storm. The defeat of the Afghan rebels had one result of great importance to Sher Khan in inducing Fath Malika, widow of Shekh Mustafa' Farmali, elder brother of the Afghan hero, Bayazid, an enormously wealthy woman, to place herself in his hands for protection. Unfortunately for her, as the sequel showed, the acquisition of Chunâr made him aggressive.
(To be continued.)
BOOK NOTICE. LIST OY INSCRIPTIONS FOUND IN BURMA, Pt. 1.) and Ava Inscriptions in 1892 with the help of the
Arranged according to dates. Compiled and Edited staff of Mr. Regan, then the capable and energetic by C. DUROISILLE, Rangoon. ABOX.XOLOGICAL Superintendent of the Government Press, Rangoon, SURVEY OF BURMA, 1921.
was Major R. C. Temple, then President of the This is a most welcome addition to the work of Rangoon Municipality. The work of printing the this vigorous Department and will be of watold Inscriptions was carried on by his personal friend, use to the earnest student of Burmese history and
Mr. Taw Sein Ko, after his departure from Burma archeology, even if it does nothing more than draw
in 1897. This all happened so long ago that perhape attention to the vast wealth of epigraphic rooord
it is not surprising that the present Archæological existing in Burma. There is a slip in the Preface Office has lost sight of the facts. It was decided to which may as well be noticed. The Archeological
print copies of the Inscriptions as they stood, errors Ofloor who brought King Bodawphaya's collection of
and all, rather than lose sight of them, there being oopies to the serious notice of the Government, and
at the time no one with the knowledge and the induoed it to collect and house them suitably, and
able and leisure to edit them adequately. afterwards began the printing of the Pagan, Pinya
RC. TEMPLE.

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SEPTEMBER, 1922] BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE MUHAMMADAN ARCHITECTURE OF INDIA 165
A PROVISIONAL BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE MUHAMMADAN
ARCHITECTURE OF INDIA. BY K. A. O. CRESWELL, M.B.A.S., HON. A.R.I.B.A.
(Continued from page 108.) HODGES, W. Choix de vues de l'Inde, ORME, WILLIAM. 24 views in Windostan, dessinées sur les lieux, pendant les années drawn by William Orme from the original 1780. 1781. 1782, et 1783, et exécutées en pictures painted by Mr. Daniell & Colonel aqua-tinta. Select views in India, etc. Ward : now in the possession of Richard Large folio, pp. [iii], with 48 coloured plates, Chase.. Large oblong folio, pp. [i] and 4, explanatory text, in French and English, with 24 coloured plates. interleaved. Edwards, London, 1786
Orme, (London, 1800 ?) See plates !1, Ruins at Futehpur Sikri ; 12,
See plates 11, West Gate of the Kotilah of mosque at Futehpur Sikri; 13, mosque at Jaunpur:
Firoz Shah, Delhi; 18, Bridge at Jaunpur: 24,
Kutb Minar, Delhi, with surrounding buildings. 14, mosque at Rajmahal; 15, Agra Fort from the river; 17 and 18, mosque at Mungheir ; 19,
SALT, HENRY. Twenty-four views, in mosque at Chunar Gur; 21, mosque of St. Helena, the Cape, India, Ceylon, the Aurangzeb at Benares ; 29, Fort at Mungheir;
Red Red Sea
Sea, Abyssinia, and Egypt. From 31, mosque at Ghazipur ; 34, Bridge ut Jaunpur ;
drawings by Henry Salt. Atlas folio, 24 37 and 38, Palace of Suja ul Dowleh at Faizabad; 39, mausoleum of Akbar at Sikandra.
coloured plates, and 24 leaves of text, 4to., in pocket.
M'Lean, London, 1822 HOME. Select Views of Mysore, the Coun
See plate 7- Mosque at Lucknow. try of Tippoo Sultan; from drawings taken
SIMPSON, WILLIAM. India, ancient and on the spot, with historical descriptions.
modern. A series of illustrations of the 4to., pp. vii and 48, with 29 plates and
country and people of India and adjacent 4 folding maps. Bowyer, London, 1794
territories. Executed in chromo-lithography "The Tomb of Hyder Ali Khan," pp. 47-48, with plate. Died A.D. 1782.
from drawings by William Simpson. With
descriptive literature by John William Kaye. HUNTER, JAMES. Picturesque Scenery in
Atlas folio, pp. iv and 100, with 50 coloured the Kingdom of Mysore, from forty drawings
plates.
Day, London, 1867 taken on the spot. Engraved under the
See plate X-a good view of the Palace at Amber. direction of Edward Orme. Large oblong WILSON, HORACE H. The Oriental folio, pp. [i], with 41 coloured plates. Portfolio: picturesque illustrations of the
Orme, London, 1805 scenery and architecture of India. Drawn See plates 3, Mausoleum of Hyder Ali, Seringa. on stone from the delineations of the most patam; 4, Mosque at Seringapatam; 5, Musio
eminent artists, Thomas Bacon, with the Gallery, Seringapatam; 7, Hyder Ali's own
exception of one by Capt. Grindlay] taken family mausoleum at Kolar ; 9, 10, 12 and 13, Tippoo's Palace, Bangalore; 26, Idgah, Ous
from original designs and accompanied by cottah : 27, Killader's mausoleum, Ouscottah. descriptive notices. Folio, pp. [i], with
11 plates, explanatory text interleaved. LUARD, MAJOR JOHN. Views in India,
Smith, Elder & Co., London, 1841 Saint Helena and Car Nicobar, drawn from II.–Pavilion at the Tomb of Sufdur Jung,
Delhi; VI and VII.-Deeg; VIII.-The Fort nature and on stone. Impl. 4to., pp. [iii),
of Mongir; IX.-Mausoleum of Sufdur Jung: with 60 plates, explanatory text interleaved. XI.—Tomb of Humayun's Vizier, Delhi Graf, London, [1838]
AGRA AND FATHPOR SIKRI. Includes : Delhi-View of Kutb Minar, Tomb of Shams-ud-Din Altamah, Selim Garh, Mosque
A.-M., G. R. The Restoration of the Moghul of Sher Shah and Alai Darwaza ; Agra-Taj Buildings at Agra. Fraser's Magazine, New Mahal (entrance gateway, general view, angle Series, Vol. IX, pp. 112-115.
1874 tower on river, and interior).
See White, (William H.).

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ANDERSON, COL. R. P. The Táj. A Translation from the Persian. The Calcutta Review, Vol. LVII, pp. 233-237.
1873
From MS., Or. 2030 British Museum. See V. A. Smith, History of Fine Art in India, p. 419 n.
Includes a description of the stones used in the mosaic work, with places of origin; also a list of the chief craftsmen, with their salaries.
ANON. [Twenty-five large coloured plates, being elevations of the Taj Mahal, Moti Masjid, Mausoleum of Itimedu-d-Doulah, and other monuments at Agra, of the mausoleum of Akbar at Sikandarah, and of the Buland Darwazah at Futehpore Sikri, with facsimiles of the detail of their ornamentation and of their inscriptions, drawn by native artists about A. D. 1812, and bound up in a volume 3' 5" x 2' 6".] MS., Stowe, Or. 17A, British Museum. [1812] Title page: "This contains a faithful Copy of the Inscriptions on the Outside of & within the Mausoleum, or Taaje, at Agra, in India, taken by a Moonshee who was employed by the Bengal Government to superintend and shew the Place to Visitors, and which were carefully translated under the Inspection of the Adjutant-General of the Bengal Army, in the year 1812-13. G. Nugent." MS. Stowe, Or. 17B. Brit. Museum. 1812-13.
Includes also inscriptions on the tomb of Shah Jahan, and on the Moti Masjid and Diwan-i-Khas. The Rozah of Eatimad-ulDowlah, at Agra. [From the Calcutta Journal.] Asiatic Journal and Monthly Register, Vol. XVII, pp. 638-639.
1824
Mofussil Stations, No. II.
Agra. Asiatic Journal and Monthly Register, Vol. X, New Series, pp. 58-66. 1833. The Emperor Akber's Palace. Asiatic Journal and Monthly Register, Vol. II Third Series, pp. 82-84. 1844 Pictorial Agra (Abridged). Contains 26 Half-tone photographs of its most principal buildings with letterpress description of all. Sm. oblong 8vo., pp. 27.
1912
Priya Lall & Co., Agra, A selection from Pictorial Agra.
[SEPTEMBER, 1922
ANON. Buildings of Archaeological Interest in the Fort of Agra. Selections from the Records of Govt. N.-W. Prov., Second Series, Vol. III, pp. 58-72, with 2 folding plans. Allahabad, 1870 Reports by Lieut. H. H. Cole and Sir Edward Leeds. Buildings of Interest in the Fort of Agra. The Architect, Archeological Vol. V, pp. 99-100.
1871
"From a document recently published by the Government of the Western Provinces." Transactions of the Archaeological Society of Inscription in Nai-ki-Mandi Agra, p. xvii. 1875,
On the mausoleum of Nawab Muḥammad Mujahid Khân, erected during the reign of
Akbar.
Akbar's Tomb at Sikandra. Journ., Ind. Art., Vol. VI, pp. 75-80, with 11 coloured plates illustrating the frescoes.
1895
Reprinted in Griggs' Photograph and Drawings of Historical Buildings [q. v.]
The Saman Burj, or Jasmine Tower, at Agra. The House Beautiful, Vol. I, p. 187, with 1 plate.
1904 BIRDWOOD, GEORGE. The Decorations of the Taj at Agra. Journ. Ind. Art., Vol. I, pp. 61-62, with 1 folding coloured plate.
1885
2nd plate, ibid, supplement to Vol. I, No. 10. BROOKS, T. ARCHIBALD. The Taj Mahal: a descriptive essay. 12mo. pp. [i] and 44.
Anglo-Indian Publishing Co., Delhi, 1904. BUTENSCHÖN, ANDREA. Taj Mahal. Dikt af Andrea Butenschön, illustrerad af Julius Wengel. Impl. 4to., pp. 24, with 7 plates. Norstedt, Stockholm, 1894
CHISHOLM, ROBERT F. The Taj Mahal, Agra, and its relations to Indian Architecture. Journal of the Royal Society of Arts, Vol. LIX, pp. 170-180. Correspondence with Mr. Somers Clarke, pp. 393-394.
1911 Synopsis; The Architect, Vol. LXXXV [title page misprinted LXXXVI], pp. 20-23. CHITAR MAL, Munshi. 'Imârât ul-Akbar, A Persian MS. "The best work we possess on the buildings in Agrah from Akbar's time." See note in the Proceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1875, pp. 117-118..

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SEPTXMRRR, 1922) BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE MUHAMMADAN ARCHITECTURE OF INDIA 167
1870
pp. 71-79.
Written about 1829-80, by Munshi Chitar Mal, 1 KERNE, H. G. Keene's Handbook for a student of Agra Government College, at the
visitors to Agra and its Neighbourhood, muggestion of Dr. James Duncan.
re-written and broaght up-to-date by E. A. CRAIK, Sie HXBY. The Taj Mehal. The Donoan. Seventh edition. 12mo., PP. is Architect, Vol. LXXIX, p. 63.
1908 and 296, with 4 plans. Extracted from Impressions of India by Sir
Thacker, Spink & Co., Calcutta, 1909 Henry Craik, M.P., then appaaring in the Scotsman.
Provious editions in 1864, 1862, 1869, 1873, ELLIS, FEKD. A Guide to the Historical 1874, and 1878. Buildings of Agra Square Svo., pp. 5 and
KRISHNA BAHADUR, RAJAH BIKAYA. Re57, with 2 plates.
flections on Agra, in a letter addressed to a The "People's Herald" Press, Agra, 1906 | friend. Sooond edition. Sm. 8vo., pp. 18. EXIBSON, W. On the Taj Mahal at
Mookerjee, Calcutta, 1903 Agra. Sessional Papers of the Roy. Inst.
I LALL AND Co., PRIYA. Pictorial Agra : of Brit. Architects, Vol. XX, ep. 195-203, illustrated by a series of photographs of its with 2 plates.
principal baildings, ancient and modern,
with descriptive letterpress of each. ComH. MAJOR J. Four Letters from Major
piled by Priya Lall and Co., Oblong 8vo., 5 J. H.-, containing a minute description of
parte, pp. [i], 34 ; [i], 55; [i], 64; [i], 56;[i], the celebrated City and Fortress of Agra,
19; with 240 illustrations. Lall, Agra, 1911 the Mausoleum of Shah Jehaun, and the Tomb of Akbar at Seoandre. Asiatic Annual
MEAD, MAJOR C. Note on Tomb of Sadik Register, Vol. V, “Miscellaneous Tracts," Mahomed Khan ; with plan and drawings.
1803 Transactions of the Archaeological Society of
Agra, pp. i-iv., with 10 drawings on 1 large HAVELL, E. B. The Taj and its Designers.
folding plate, and inscriptions.
1875 The Nineteenth Century, Vol. LIII, pp. 1039
Sadiq Muhammad Khan was a Mansabdar of 1049.
1903 Akbar's, and it is here suggested that his tomb Reprinted in his Essays on Indian Art, pp.
had considerable influence on the design of the 1–23.
Natesan, Madras, (1910) latter's mausoleum. - A Handbook to Agra and MURAMMAD MU'IN AL-DIN, Albarabddy. the Taj, Sikandra, Fatehpur-sikri and Mu'in al-agar, 8vo., pp. 3, 134 and 3, with the neighbourhood. With 14 illustrations 3 plates and 1 figure. Lith. from photographs and 4 plans. Sm. 8vo.
'Uthmani Press, Agra, 1904 pp. and 139. Longmans, London, 1904
Also called the Tarikh i Agra. An account of
Agra, with a description of the Taj Mahal and - Do. Second edition, revised, with other mausoleums and edifices, and short bioAppendix [The Designers of the Taj].
graphical accounts. 8m. 8vo., pp. xii and 147. :
The History of the Taj and Longmans, London, 1912 the Buildings in its Vicinity. With 3 illus
trations from photographs and 2 plans. 8vo., HỌSTEN, Rev. H., 8.J. Who Planned
pp. iv and 122. Moon Press, Agra, 1908 the Táj ? Journ., Asiatic Society of Bengal. A translation of Mu'-at-apar (1894) by the New Series, Vol. VI, pp. 281-288. 1910 samo writer.
KARE ARIA, R. P. Akbar's Tomb at MURANOMAD SAID AHMAD, Marahrawi. Secundra. Calcutta Review, Vol. CXXVI Ågår i Akbari, 8vo., pp. 10 and 218, with 14 [title page numbered CXXV in error], plates and 1 illustration. Lith. pp. 44-59.
1908
Akbari Press, Agra, 1906 A development of Fergusson's theory that an account of Fathpur Sikri and of the it is unfinished and that it lacks the central dome buildings founded by Akbar.

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168
INDIAN ANTIQUARY
( SEPTEMBRR, 1922
MUHALIMAD LATIF, Sayyid, Khân Bahadur. ROWLATT, Lr.-Col. E. A. Report on the Agrs Historical and Descriptive, with an Taj at Agra. Selections from the Records account of Akbar and his Court and of the of Govt, N.-W. Prov., Second Series, Vol. I. moderneity of Agra. Illustrated with pp. 70-74.
Allahabad, 1869 Portraits of the Moghul Emperors and Renewing and repairing the mosaics, Drawings of the Principal Architectural
"repainting of domes, and replacement of the Monuments of that City and its Suburbs,
earthenware pipes of the garden fountains by
iron ones. and a map of Agra. 8vo., PP. X and 308,
SHARMAN, G. S. A Comprehensive Guide with 47 plates and folding map.
Calcutta Central Press, Calcutta. 1896 to Agra and its Historical Buildings. 12mo. Includes Fathpur Sikri and Sikandra.
pp. [vi] 91 and xii, with 8 plates. - MUKERJI, SATYA CHANDRA. The Travell
Sham Lall, Agra, 1907 er's Guide to Agra containing an account SMITH, EDMUND W. Wall Paintings of the past history, the antiquities, and the recently found in the Khwabgah, Fathpur principal sights of Agra, together with some Sikri, near Agra. Journ. Ind. Art., Vol. VI. information about Agra as it is. 12mo., Pp. 65-68, with 11 Mates (10 coloured). 1894 pp. iii and 176.
Sen, Delhi, 1892 - - Decorative Paintings from the Agra in Pictures, containing an
Tomb of Itmad-ud-Daulah at Agra. Journ. account of the past history, the antiquities,
Ind. Art., Vol. VI, pp. 91-94, with 8 coloured and the principal sights of Agra, together plates.
1895 with some information about Agra as it
Reprinted in Griggs' Photographs and Drawing
of Historical Buildings, [q. v.], with the addition is. Oblong 8vo., pp. [v], iii and 85, with
of 11 coloured plates. 35 plates. The Indian Press, Allahabad, 1910
- Wall Paintings from Salim N., J. T. Guide to the Taj at Agra, Chisti's Tomb, Fathpur Sikri, near Agra. Fort of Agra : Akbar's Tomb at Secundra, Journ. Ind. Art., Vol. VIII, pp. 41-44, with and Ruins of Futeh pore Sikree. Translated 12 coloured plates.
1898 from a Persian M.S.S. with an English
Condensed from The Moghul Architecture of version of the poetry inscribed on the walls,
Fathpur Sikri, Part III. tombs, etc.; description of the Taj, and
- Wall Paintings from the Jami extracts from several notices on the subject.
Masjid, Fathpur Sikri, near Agra. Journ., [Third edition). 8vo., pp. 81.
Ind. Art., Vol. VIII, pp. 55-57, with 10 olour. Victoria Press, Lahore, 1869 ed plates.
1899 Previous editions : 1854, 1862.
Condensed from The Moghul, Architecture of
Fathpur Sikrt, Part VI. NATH, Pundit JAGGAN. Description of
- Moghul Colour Decoration of some Buildings in the Environs of Agra
Agra. Illustrated by examples from the Chîni. with notes on the history of the city before
K&-Rauza, Itmad-ud-Daulah's Tomb, and the the time of the Emperor Akbar. Transac
Kânch Mahal. Journ., Ind. Art., Vol. IX, pp. tions of the Archaeological Society of Agra,
71-73, with 19 illustrations (18 coloured); pp. pp. iv-xv.
1875
75-76, with 20 coloured plates ; pp. 77-79, NEWELL, MAJOR H. A. Three Days at with 17 plates (15 coloured).
1902 Agra. A Complete Guide, which includes! THACKERAY, COL. SIE EDWARD. The Fatehpur-Sikri, and Map. Sm. 8vo., PP. (i) Repairer of the Taj Manal. Asiatic Review, and 44.
Vol. VIII, pp. 19-21. Higginbothams La., Madras and Bangalore.
On repairs carried out by Lieut. (afterwards (1913] Lt. Col.) Josoph Taylor, in 1810.
1916

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SEPTEMBER, 1022 ) BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE MUHAMMADAN ARCHITECTURE OF INDIA 169
VOYSEY, H. [W.] On the Building Stones GRIFFITHS, JOHN. Principal, Bombay and Mosaic of Akberabad or Agra. Asiatick School of Art. Drawings by Students of the Researches, Vol. XV, pp. 429-435. 1825 Bombay School of Art. Journ. Ind. Art., WAINWRIGHT (JOEL). The Taj Mahal
Vol. VI, pp. 63-64, with 13 plates (1 double).
1894 at Agra). Journ. Manchester Geographical Rani Sipri's Mosque and Tomb, and Pigeon Society, Vol. XIV, pp. 307-310, with 1 illus- House, Aḥmadabad. tration.
1898
- Dada Hari's Well, Mosque and An emotional description.
Tomb, Ahmedabad. Journ. Ind. Art., Vol. WHITE, WILLIAM H. On the Repairs at VI, pp. 97-98, with 14 plates (3 double).
1895 Agra Fort. The Architect, Vol. XI, pp. 17-18.
1874
AJMIR. Apropos of an article in Fraser's Magazine, HENDLEY, SURG. MAJ. T. HOLBEIN. The signed G. R. A.-M. [9...]
Arts and Manufactures of Ajmere-Merwarra. AHMADABAD. Journ. Ind. Art., Vol. III.
1889 ANON. Restorations at Ahmedabad. The
General notes, pp. 1-2. Appendix, Notes on
the Durgah at Ajmere, p. 8a and plates 26-32. Architect, Vol. V, p. 186.
1871
Also plate 24, Gate of the Ajmere Fort, and Partial restoration of the Harem and Sluice
plate 4 (coloured) specimens of coloured marble at Surkhej.
found near Ajmere. BIGGS, COL., THEODORE C. HOPE AND SARDA, HAR BILAS. Ajmer: Historical JAMES FERGUSSON. Architecture at Ahmed. and Descriptive. 8vo., pp. x and 174, with abad, the Capital of Goozerat, photo- 27 plates and folding map. graphed by Col. Biggs, with an historical
Soottish Mission Industries Co., Ajmer,
1911 and descriptive sketch, by Theodore C.
SIYANATH, son of Jodlandth. Sair i Ajmer, Hope and architectural notes by James
Guide to Ajmere-Merwaca. 8vo., pp. 24. Fergusson. 4to., pp. xv and 100, with 120
Printing Co. Press, Ajmer, 1892 plates (mounted photographs), 2 maps and numerous woodcuts. Murray, London, 1866
ALLAHABAD.
BEVERIDGE, H. Sultan Khusrau. Journ., BLOOHMANN, H. Eight Arabic and Persian Roy. Asiatic Society, pp. 597-609. 1907 Inscriptions from Ahmadabad. Indian Inscriptions on tombs of Shah Begam, Khusrau, Antiquary, Vol. IV, pp. 289-293, with 8
and Bultanun-nisi Bagam.
Supplementary note by author, ibid., p. 184. illustrations (facsimiles).
1875 Two Inscriptions from Ahmed
In connection with above :
Dewhurst, R. P. The Inscriptions in the åbåd. Indian Antiquary, Vol. IV, pp. Khusrau Bagh at Allahabad. Ibid., pp. 746-9. 1909 367-368.
1875
Variant readings. CRAWLEY-BOEVEY, A. W. A Scheme for
[CHATTERJEE, R.] Prayag or Aallahabad.
A handbook. Sm. 8vo., pp. xii and 190 the protection and conservation of ancient
with 57 plates (1 coloured). buildings in and around the city of Ahmed
The "Modern Review" Office, Calcutta, abad. 4to., pp. 71 and xcv.
1910 Education Society's Press, Bombay 1886 MUKERJI, SATYA CHANDRA. Allahabad
Suggestions, correspondence 10 vandalism, in Pictures, containing an account of the eto., pp. 1-71; Appendix B: "Classified List of past history, the antiquities and the prin. Ancient Publio Buildings in and around the cipal sights of Allahabad, with some inforCity of Ahmedabad..," pp. - vii; Appendix C: "Statement describing the Mosques and
mation about Allahabad as it is. Ilustrated Rosas in the City. ..." pp. xix-lix; Appendix
by Major Baman Das Basu. Oblong 8vo., D:" Statement describing Mosques and Rozas pp. [i], [i], ii and 67, with 53 plates, in the Suburbs ....," pp. lai-lxxxi; etc.
The Indian Press, Allahabad, 1910
1908

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170
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
( SEPTEMBER, 1922
BENARES.
FERGUSSON, JAMES. On the ArchitecBROMCHARY, B. G. Views of Benares,
tural Splendour of the City of Beejapore. from the River Side. Oblong folio, 23
Papers read at the Roy. Inst. of Brit. Architects,
Vol. V, pp. 5-20, with 1 plate. 1855 mounted photographs, with descriptive note
Special section on the dome of Mahmad's under each. Bromchary, Benares, 1869
tomb, and discussion thereon. See sixth plate, for the Mosque of Aurangzfb.
HART, CAPTAIN PAILIP D., ALEXANDER SHERRING, REV. M. A. The Sacred City
CUMMING AND JAMES FERGUSSON. Archiof the Hindus : an account of Benares in
tectural mlustrations of the Principal ancient and modern times. With an In
Mahometan Buildings of Beejapore. troduction by Fitzedward Hall. 8vo., PP.
Executed under the direetion of Bartle xxxvi and 388, with 10 plates.
Frere, Resident at Satara, by Captain Trubner, London, 1868
Philip D. Hart, assisted by Alexander Several mosques, etc., are described. See pp.
Cumming, and native draftsmen. Edited, 298 299, 304-305, 307-321.
by James Fergusson. Folio, pp. [i], with
73 plates and 6 pages of text interleaved. BIJĀPOR.
Cundall and Downes, London, 1859 Extracts from the Proceedings of the Se Taylor and Fergusson. Bombay Government in connection with NASH. L. A. Nineteen drawings of Bija. the old public buildings of Mahomedan pûr, made in 1845 and preserved in the India Architecture at Beejapoor, in the Satara Office Library.)
1845 Districts; .. Bombay Govt. Records,
SYDENHAM, CAPT. G. An Account of No. XLI.-New Series, pp. 209-253. Bijapúr in 1811, by Capt. G. Sydenham
Bombay, 1857 of the Madras Establishment. CommuniRough Estimate of the probable Expense oi
cated, by Col. C. Mackenzie. Asiatick Repairing the undermentioned Old Mahomedan Buildings at Beejapoor", signed P. L. Hart, pp. Researches. Vol. XIII, pp. 433-456. 1820 247-250
SYKES, CAPT. W. H. Notes respecting BIRD, JAMES. On the ruined city of the principal remains in the ruined city Bijapúr, its Persian inscriptions, and tran- of Bejapoor, with traditional accounts of slations of the latter into English. Journ.,
their origin, etc. Transactions of the Literary Bombay Branch, Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. I, Society of
Y, Vol. Society of Bombay, Vol. III, pp. 55-63. 1823 pp. 367-390, with 2 folding plates. 1844.
TAYLOR, MEADOWS, AND JAMES FERGUSCANTRELL, ALEXANDER, M. An Account
SON. Architecture at Beejapoor, an ancient of the Ruins of Beejapoor. 8vo., pp. [i] and Mahometan Capital in the Bombay Presi. 16, with 4 plates.
dency, photographed from drawings by Education Society's Press, Bombay, 1872
Capt. P. D. Hart, A. Cumming, and Native COUSENS, HENRY. Bijapur, the old capi- draftsmen; and on the spot by Col. tal of the Adil Shahi Kings. A guide to Biggs, and the late Major Loch. With an its ruins with historical outline. Published Historical and Descriptive Memoir by Capt. with the sanction of Government. 8vo., pp. Meadows Taylor, and Architectural Notes viii and 145, with 2 folding maps.
by James Fergusson. Large folio, pp. xii Orphanage Press, Poona, 1889 and 93, with 2 maps, 78 plates (mounted ELLISON, W. Some Relics of Bejapur
photographs), and 12 woodcuts. The Malik-i-Maidan, or Lord of the Plain.
Murray, London, 1866
Published for the Committee of Architectural Calcutta Review, Vol. XO, pp. 141-149. 1890
Antiquities of Western India under the patronage Architecture, pp. 142 to end.
of Kursondas Madhowdas.

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SEPTEMBER, 1922] BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE MUHAMMADAN ARCHITECTURE OF INDIA 171
This work may be described as a second edition of the work by Hart, Cumming and Fergusson [q. v.], with the addition of a text, which the former work lacked. The plates are
the same, except for about a dozen omissions, which are compensated for by other plates, showing buildings not illustrated in the earlier work.
AHMAD KHAN Sayid, C.S.I. Description des monuments de Dehli en 1852, d'après le texte hindoustani de Saiyid Ahmad Khan, par M. Garcin de Tassy, membre de l'Institut. Journal Asiatique, Ve série, tome XV, pp. 508536; tome XVI. pp. 190-254; 392-451; 521543; tome XVII, pp. 77-97. 1860-61
DACCA.
AULAD HASAN, Sayid. Notes on the Antiquities of Dacca. 8vo., pp. viii and 71. Printed by M. M. Bysak, Calcutta, 1904. With numerous transliterations and translations of inscriptions.
Extracts from Notes on the Antiquities of Dacca. 8vo., pp. 24. 1903
BRADLEY-BIRT, F. B. The Romance of an Eastern Capital [Dacca]. 8vo., pp. x and 349, with 19 plates and folding map. Smith, Elder & Co., London, 1906 [D'OYLY, SIR CHARLES.] Antiquities of Dacca, Parts 1-4. Folio, pp. 20, with 16 plates, explanatory text interleaved, and 4 illustrations. Landseer, London, [1814-1827]
The letterpress ends on p. 20 in the middle of a sentence. Apparently no more than four parts were published, but there were to have been six.
TAYLOR, JAMES. A Sketch of the Topography & Statistics of Dacca. Printed by order of Government. 8vo., pp. vi and 371, with folding map.
Huttmann, Calcutta, 1840 On the city and chief towns of the Province, pp. 86-118.
DELHI.
AHMAD KHAN, Sayid, C. S. I. Aşâr ag. sanâdid. 8vo., 4 parts, pp. 238, 44, 72, and 246, with 134 illustrations. Lith.
Delhi, 1263 [1847]. Do. 8vo., 3 parts, preface (in English), pp. i, ii and 4; pp. 6, 48, 53, 10, 108; and 62 pp. of inscriptions. No illustrations. Lith. Delhi, 1270 [1854]. A second edition of the preceding with much
additional matter.
Do. 8vo., pp. 98, 23, 32, and 132, with 152 illustrations. Lith. Nawal Kishore Press, Lucknow, 1273 [1876]. Other editions in 1900 (Lucknow) and 1904 (1 Cawnpår).
ANON. Description of Delhi and its Environs. [From the Calcutta Journal.] Asiatic Journal and Monthly Register, Vol. XV, pp. 551-560.
1823
Report to Government, and Correspondence regarding the Repairs of the Kootub Minar, near Delhi. Journal of the Archaeological Society of Delhi, pp. 41-59. 1850 Correspondence dated 1829. Repairs carrico out by Major R. Smith.
The Delhi Guide or Journal, with a summary narrative of the siege and conquest of Delhi in the Mutiny Year 1857 A.D., with a list of the Delhi Sovereigns. By a Traveller of 1887 A.D. First Edition, 8vo., pp. ix and 68.
Jubilee Press, Dehra Dun, [1889] The Delhi Durbar Souvenir, 1903. Oblong 8vo., pp. [i], with 25 plates. Delhi Durbar Photographic Gallery, Madras, [1903] Contains 6 good architectural photographs. BLOCHMANN. [Readings and translations of several Arabic and Persian Inscriptions from Delhi, and its neighbourhood.] Proceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, PP. 212-214.
1875
BLUNT, JAMES, T. A Description of the Cuttub Minar. Asiatick Researches, Vol. IV, pp. 313-316, with 1 plate. 1795 BURFORD, ROBERT. Description of a View of the City of Delhi with an action between Her Majesty's troops and the revolted Sepoys. Now exhibiting at the Panorama, Leicester Square. Painted by the proprietor, Robert Burford, and Henry C. Selous and assistants, From Drawings by Captain Robert Smith, R.E. 8vo., pp. 16 with 1 folding plate.
Golbourn, London, 1858

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[ SEPTEMBER, 1922
1850
CAMPBELL, C. J. Notes on the History COPE, HENRY; AND HENRY LEWIS. Some and Topography of the Ancient Cities of account of the Town and Palace of Feerozabad. Delhi. Journ., Asiatic Society of Bengal, in the neighbourhood of Delhi. Journal Vol. XXXy, Pt. I, pp. 199-218, with 4 fold of the Archaeological Society of Delhi, pp. ing plates, and 4 figures in the text. 1866 72-77.
Includes detail drawings of the Great Screen EWER, WALTER. An account of the Insof Arches, and of the columns of the Qutb criptions on the Cootub Minar, and on the Mosque. Also a plan of the cities of Delhi, and of Ruins in its Vicinity. Asiatick Researches, the Qutb Mosque.
Vol. XIV, pp. 480-489, with 1 folding plan COLE. LT. HENRY HARDY. The Archi of minar and mosque.
1822 tecture of Ancient Delhi, especially the FANSHAWE, H. C., C.S.I. Delhi: Past and buildings around the Kutb Minar. Folio, Present, 8vo., pp. xxiii and 337, with 49 pp. Vi and 131, with 26 plates (mounted
plates and 10 maps and plans. photographs) and 2 plans.
Murray, London, 1902 Arundel Society, London, 1872
Dihli. Article in the Encyclo Under the sanction of the Science and Art Depaedia of Islam, Vol. Lpp. 971-973. 1912 partment of the Committee of Council on Edu- FRANKLIN, LT. WILLIAM. An Account cation.
of the present state of Delhi. Asiatick This scarce book is, for the buildings round the Qutb Minar, the best illustrated work on the Researches, Vol. IV, pp. 419-432. 1796 subject, the photographs being exceptionally FRENCH, C. J. Delhi and its Environs. large and clear.
A Pocket Companion for Visitors to that COOPER, FREDERICK. The Handbook for city and its suburbs. 8vo., pp. 21 and 6. Delhi. With large additional matter, illus
[Delhi), 1876 trative notes, descriptions and extracts
HAFIZ UD-DIN ANMAD. (No title. Inscripfrom scientific travellers, archæologists and
tions on the principal buildings of Shah other authors, on the historic remains and Jahânâbâd and Old Delhi, transcribed in points of modern interest in Delhi, with
imitation of the original characters.] 4to., original contributions from D. B. Smith, 119 folios.
A.H. 1232 (1817) and Lieut. De Kantzow. Sm. 8vo., pp. [vi], M8. Or. 4595. Brit. Museum. vi and 186, with 2 folding maps.
HAROOURT, LT. A. The New Guide to Delhi Press, Delhi, 1863. Delhi. 8vo., pp. ix and 142, with 3 plans. A new edition of Beresford's Delhi, with
"Pioneer Press," Allahabad, 1866 additional matter.
- Do. Second edition, Revised - [Second edition.) The Hand- and enlarged. 8vo., pp. ix and 140, with 3 book for Delhi, with index and two plans.
David, Meerut, 1870 maps, illustrating the historic remains of
- Do. Third edition. 8vo., pp. ix Old Delhi, and the position of the British and 143. with 3 plans. Army before the assault in 1857, &c., &c.,
Victoria Press, Lahore, 1873 8vo., pp. [i], v and 168.
HEARN, G. R. The Seven Cities of Delhi. Lahore Chronicle Press, Lahore, 1865. 8vo., pp. xiv and 319, with 20 plates and 5 Copx, HENRY; AND HENRY LEWIS. Some folding plans. Thacker, London, 1906 Account of the Town and Palace of Feeroz- | JOSHI, 8. N. Delhi in Pictures, Large 8vo., abad, in the vicinity of Delhi, with Intro
pp. 40, with 46 illustrations. ductory Remarks on the sites of other Chitrashala Steam Press, Poona, 1912 Towns. Journ., Asiatic Society of Bengal, KEENE, H.G. Keene's Handbook for Vol. XVI, pp. 971-986.
1847 | Visitors to Delhi, re-written and brought up

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SEPTEMBER, 1922] BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE MUHAMMADAN ARCHITECTURE OF INDIA 173
to date by E. A. Duncan. Sixth edition. A topographical account of the principal 12mo., pp. viii and 155, with map and 6 plans. buildings of Shahjahanábad and Old Delhi,
with copies of their inscriptions. Written at Thacker, Spink & Co., Calcutta, 1906
the desire of Mr. (afterwards Sir) Charles Previous editions in 1874 (2nd), 1882 (4th)
Theophilus Metcalfe, Resident at Delhi. Sangin and 1899 (5th).
Bog says that he had himself carefully taken LEWIS, H. Report of the Committee down the inscriptions. This copy lacks the appointed on the 4th October, 1847, on the
drawings, for which blank spaces have been
loft, and breaks off at the description of the Qutb Jumma Musjeed (of Feerozeabad). Journal
Minar. Another copy contains a continuation of the Archaeological Society of Dehli, pp. which, treats of the Tomb of Iltutmish and other 64-71.
1850 monuments near the Masjid-i-Quwwat ul-Islam. LEWIB, HENRY; AND HENRY COPE. Some
MS. Add. 19430 is another copy of the above
13'x9, ff. 71. The descriptive portion is fuller, account of the "Kalán Musjeed," commonly
and the copies of inscriptions more perfect called the “Kalee Musjeed," within the than in the preceding copy; a few drawings have new town of Delhi. Journ., Asiatic Society
been introduced. See Rieu, B. Mwa. Cal. I, 431-432. of Bengal, Vol. XVI, pp. 577-689, with 5 Another copy Persian MS. No. 351 in the
Roy. Asiatic Society's Collection, ff. 73. It is plates, (plans, section and elevation). 1847
in Urdd and according to Wm. Irvine (Journal MANUEL, G. S. Rah-numă'i Dilhí, 8vo., R.A.S., 1903, p. 384), it is probable that Sayyid
Ahmad Khan was very largely indebted to it pp. iv and 488, with 11 lithographic plates.
when writing his Apar-tap-Sanddid (q. v.] Lith.
Phoenix Press, Delhi, 1874 A guide to Delhi, with descriptions of the
S[OUZE), J. C. A Brief History of Delhi, principal places of note.
specially written for the Delhi Capital NEWELL, MAJOR H. A. Three Days at Directory. 8vo., pp. iv, 246 and xxxv, with Delhi. A complete guide with map. Second 19 plates. (The Printing and Publishing Co., Edition, Sm. 8vo., pp. 25.
Delhi, 1913.) Higginbothams Ld., Madras and
STEPHEN, CABR. A Handbook for Delhi.
Bangalore [1913] Second edition, 12mo., pp. 36. RENTON-DENNING, J. Delhi, the Impe. Mission Press, Laddhiána ; Thacker, Calrial City. 8vo., pp. 110, with 2 folding plans cutta, 1876. and 20 illustrations.
STEPHEN, CARR. The Archaeology and Times Press, Bombay, 1911 Monumental Remains of Delhi. Roy., 8vo., A guide book. Partly the work of 8. Sen.
pp. vi and 284, with 46 mounted photographs. RUSTAMJI NASARVANJI, Munshi. The
Simla, Ludhiana and Calcutta, [1876) History of the Kutb Minar (Delhi). Being
Copios are frequently found which lack the an inquiry into its origin, its authorship, its photographs, and were apparently issued in that appellation and the motives that led to its condition. erection, from the testimony of Mohmedan STEWART, Wm. Inscription on a minar Chroniclers and the inscriptions on the
at Kootub ke Dirga, near the Usht Daht Minar. 12mo. Pp. (vi), vii and 94.
or Metal Pillar. The Minar measures 2421 Fort Printing Press, Bombay, 1911
feet in height and 140 in circumference at SANDERSON, GORDON. Delhi Fort. A Guide
the base. MS. Brit. Museum, Add. 8896, to the Buildings and Gardens. Square 8vo.,
Art. I, No. 6.
A single sheet, 23" x 18", with the abova pp. viji and 47, with 2 large folding plates.
heading, signed Wm. Stewart. The inscription Supdt., Govt. Printing, Calcutta, 1914 (6 lines) records the repairs executed by Fath
Archaeoloyical Survey of India publication. Khån, in the reign of Iskandar Shah Lodi, and SANGIN BX B. 'ALI AKBAR BEG. Sair
is dated A.H. 909 (1503-4). This is the inscripal-Manazil. M8. 11'61', ff. 92. Brit.
tion transcribed with facsimile in Sayyid Ahmed
Khan's A dr ap-Sanadid, appendix, p. 26, No. 14 Museum. Add. 24063. [c. 1811-1819) and p. 68. See Rieu, B. M18. Oat., L., p. 432.

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THOMAS, EDWARD. The Chronicles of the Pathan Kings of Delhi, illustrated by Coins, Inscriptions, and other Antiquarian Remains. 8vo., pp. xxv and 467, with 6 plates, map and several woodcuts. Trübner, London, 1871 Includes several inscriptions on buildings of the period.
TREMLETT, J. D. Notes on Old Delhi. Journ., Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. XXXIX, Pt. I, pp. 70-88.
1870
VOGEL, J. PH. Catalogue of the Delhi Museum of Archæology, (Founded in January, 1909). 8vo., pp. xi and 71.
Baptist Mission Press, Calcutta, 1908 See "Appendix II.-The Sultans of Delhi and their existing monuments with approximate dates," pp. 60-71.
DHAR AND MANDU.
BARNES, CAPT. ERNEST. Dhar and Mandu. Journ., Bombay Branch, Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. XXI, pp. 339-391, with 25 plates and folding map.
1904
CAMPBELL, J. M. Mándú. Journ., Bombay Branch, R. A. S., Vol. XIX, pp. 154-201. 1896
Contains considerable archæological information.
CRESWELL, K. A. C. The Vaulting System of the Hindola Mahal at Mandü. Journ. Roy. Inst. of Brit. Architects, Vol. XXV, pp. 237-245, with 14 illustrations.
1918.
Reprinted in the Indian Antiquary, Vol. XLVII, pp. 169-177, with 3 plates and 6 figures. HARRIS, CAPTAIN CLAUDIUS. The Ruins of Mandoo, the ancient Mahommedan capital of Malwa, in Central India. By J. Guiard, of Nice, from the original sketches of Captain Claudius Harris, with descriptive and historical notices, [chiefly founded on Sir John Malcolm's History of Central India,] and an Appendix. Folio, pp. [ii] and 20, with 6 coloured plates. Day, London, 1860 Do. A Reprint. 8vo., with 7 photographs. Dhar, 1892 SUBALTERN. A Description of the Ruined City of Mandu, the ancient capital of Malwa; with a sketch of its history during the period of its independence, under the
[SEPTEMBER, 1922
Muhammadan Kings; and explanatory notes. Also an account of the Buddhist Cave Temples of Ajanta, in Khandes. With ground-plan illustrations. By a Subaltern. 8vo., pp. iii and 140, with 2 folding plates,
Printed at the Bombay Times Press, 1854
YAZDANI, G. The Inscription on the Tomb of 'Abdullah Sheh Ghangal at Dhir. Epigraphia Indo-Moslemica, 1909-10, pp.
-1912
1-5, with 1 folding plate. Dated A.H. 859 (1455).
YAZDANI, G. Remarks on the Inscriptions of Dhar and Mandu. Epigraphia IndoMoslemica, 1911-12, pp. 8-11. 1914
ZAFAR HASAN. The Inscriptions of Dhar and Manḍu. Epigraphia Indo-Moslemica, 1909-10, pp. 6-29, with 17 plates. 1912
GAUR AND PANDWA.
ANON. Ruins of Gour. [ From the "Friend of India," No. VIII.] Asiatic Journal and Monthly Register, Vol. VIII, PP. 559-560; IX, pp. 30-33.
1819-20
BEVERIDGE, H. [Notes on an inscription on a piece of black basalt in the Magistrate's compound at Maldah, referring to the building of a mosque at Gaur, A. H. 898 (1492).] Proceedings of the Asiatic Society 1890 of Bengal, p. 242. Note on Major Francklin's Manuscript Description of Gaur. Journ., Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. LXIII, Pt. 1, pp. 85-93.
1894
Abstract: Proceedings, pp. 42-44. A short Notice of a Persian MS. on Gaur. Journ., Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. LXXI, Pt. 1, p. 44. 1902
On a MS. of 32 pp. in the India Office Library, p. 1541, No. 2841 of Dr. Ethé's catalogue. It is a report drawn up for Franklin by Shyam Parshad [q. v.] in 1810.
BOLTON, C. W. Annual Address. Proceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal.
1903. See pp. 22-27 for notes on Gaur and Pandwa.

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SEPTEMBER, 1922 ) BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE MUHAMMADAN ARCHITECTURE OF INDIA 175
CREIGHTON, H. The Ruins of Gour de- ' YAZDANI, G. A New Inscription of scribed, and represented in eighteen views ; Sultan Nusrat Shah of Bengal [at Gaur). with a topographical map. Compiled from Epigraphia Indo-Moslemica, 1911-12, pp. 5-7, the manuscripts and drawings of the late with 1 plate.
1914. H. Creighton. 4to., pp. 12, with 19 plates Recording the erection of a gate, probably (15 coloured), and explanatory text inter
of the Dakhil Darwazê at Gaur, by Nusrat
Shah, in A., 926 (1519-20). leaved.
GWALIOR. Black, Parbury and Allen, London, 1817 KING. L. B. B. (Letter containing Notes of Central India. Illustrated by a series
GRIFFIN, SIR LEPEL. Famous Monuments on Buildings at Gaur.] Proceedings of the
of eighty-nine photographs in permanent Asiatic Society of Bengal, pp. 93-95. 1875
autotype. With descriptive letterpress. MONMOHAN CHAKRAVARTI. Notes on
Oblong folio, pp. xx and 105, with 89 plates. Gour and other old Places in Bengal. Journ.,
Sutheran, London, [1886) Asiatic Society of Bengal, New Series, Vol. V,
Gwalior : pp. 46-89 and plates XXVIIIpp. 199-234, with map of “The Tract round
XLVII. Gour" (after Rennell, 1779-81 A.D.). 1909. Work was done here under Jahangir and RAVENSHAW, JOHN HENRY. Gaur : its
Shah Jahan. Tomb of Muhammad Ghaus, pp. Ruins and Inscriptions. Edited, with con
87-89, and plate XLVII.
JOHNSTONE, J. W. D. Gwalior, 1905. 4to., siderable additions and alterations by his
pp. X and 138, with 48 plates (11 coloured). Widow. Impl. 4to., pp. xii and 102, with
Bumpus, London, [1907) 59 plates and large folding map.
Includes a plan of the fortress. Kegan Paul & Co., London, 1878.
KEITH, MAJOR J. B. Preservation of The first 45 plates are mounted photographs,
National Monuments : Fortress Gwalior. the remaining 14 are photozincographs of 25 inscriptions. The latter were also issued August 1882. 8vo., pp. 79 with 4 plates separately, without title-page, in volume and 2 figures in the text. lettered: Survey of India Department, Photo
Supdt., Govt. Printing, Calcutta, 1883 graphic Office, Calcutta, Photozincographs of Ins
Three Mosques, Tombs of Muhammad Ghaus, criptions from Gaur and Maldak.
Khandowla Khân, Nuzeri Khan, etc., pp. 47-52. See Cunningham, Reports, Vol. XV, pp. iv.v.
'Appendix A: Arts, Industries, &c., pp. 61-74 39-78, 79-94, and plates XIII-XXVI. Supple
Stone Carving, Coloured Tiles, Metal-ware etc. mentary to the above.
NEWALL, COL. Gwalior. Transactions of SHIYÀM PARSHID, Munshi. [Persian MS. in India Office Library, No. 2841.] Topo
the Archaeological Society of Agra. 1874.
N., D. J. F. Note to Col. Newall's graphy and history of the fortress of Gaur (or Gaush, as it is spelt here, the ancient
Paper on Gwalior (Trans. A. 8. A. P.) capital of Bangalah, also called Lakhnauti)
Transactions of the Archaeological Society of and the township of Pandwah, compiled
Agra, pp. xix.xx.
1875 by Shiyim Parshad Munshi in November
Dating inscriptions on Great Mosque, and over and December, 1810, at the request of
the Alamgirt Gate of Gwalior. Major William Franklin. 4to.
SHRIMANT BALWANT Row BHAYASAHAB, See Beveridge, (H.).
SCINDIA. History of the Fortress of WATERHOUSE, COL. J. [Dating inscrip
Gwalior. 8vo., pp. [i] and 55, with plan.
Education Society's Press, Bombay, tion on a piece of black basalt, recording
1892 the building of a mosque, probably at With liste of buildings raised at each period. Gaur, A.H. 898 (1492)]. Proceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, p. 242. 1890.
JAUNPOR. WESTMACOTT, E: VESEY. Ravenshaw's ANON. An article on (i) Jounporenámah “Gaur." Calcutta Review, Vol. LXIX, pp. by Fuqueer Khairooddeen Mahomed Allah. 68-83.
1979. abadi Persian MS., (i) Ferishta's History

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[ SEPTEMBER, 1922
of Kings of Jaunpore, translated by Briggs. ZO AL-FAQIR 'Alt. Jugh råfiyah i JaunCalcutta Review, Vol. XLI, pp. 114-158. 1865 par. 8vo., pp. 100. Lith. Lucknow, (1874) Contains architectural notes.
See Part I: History and topography of JaunBLOCHMANN. [Reading and translation pur. of inscription on a pillar in front of the
KASHMIR. Masjid in Jaunpur Fort, commemorating
COLE, HENRY HARDY. Illustrations of the erection of a mosque in A.H. 778 (1377).] Proceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal,
Ancient Buildings in Kashmir. Prepared pp. 14-15.
1875 under the authority of the Secretary of
State for India in Council, from photographs, HORNE, CHARLES. Notes on the age of
plans, and drawings taken-by order of the the ruins chiefly situate at Banáras and
Government of India. Impl. 4to., pp. 31, Jaunpir. Journ., Asiatic Society of Bengal,
with 57 piates and map. Allen, London, 1869 Vol. XLII, Pt. I, pp. 160-164. 1873
Enclosure round Zain-ul-Abidin's Tomb Suggesting that some of the mosques, e.g., (Hindu Temple modified), p. 15, with 4 plates. the Atala Masjid, were built with Hindu mate. JARRETT, MAJOR H. S. Note on an rials on a Hindu substructure.
Inscription found upon & stone lying near KHAIR AD DIN MUŅAMMAD, Ilahabadi. the ruins of a Masjid on Lanka Island, A Translation of the History of Jounpoor; Wular Lake, Kashmír, Journ., Asiatic Society from the Persian of Fuqeer Khyr õõd deen of Bengal, Vol. XLIX, Pt. I, pp. 16-20. 1880 Mõõhummud. By an Officer of the Bengal Recording the construction of an edifice A.. Army IR. W. Pogson.1 8vo. pp. vi and 847 (1443-4). by Zayn Ibad [Zain ul-Abidin). 75. India Gazette Press, Calcutta, 1814
LOEWENTHAL, Rev. I. Some Persian Ins
criptions found in Srinagar, Kashmir. Journ., Part II; “Containing an Account of the
Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. XXXIII, pp. foundation of the Ancient Buildings of the City; including the Fort, Mosques, Tanks, Mausoleums,
278-290.
1864 &c.," pp. 36 to end.
On (i) Mosque of Shahi Hamadan; (2) Tomb (Written for Mr. Abraham Willard. See E.D.,
of Zain ul Abidin ; (3) On and near the Great Ross, in J.A.S.B., LXXI, Pt. I, p. 136.]
Mosque. TREGEAR, V. Notice of an Ancient Mahal
MURRAY-AYNSLEY, Mrs. H. G. M. Notes
on some remarkable remains in Kashmir. or Palace near Jaunpúr, in which some
Proceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Hindu Coins were lately dug up. Journ., Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. III, pp. 617.
pp. 2-3.
1895 1834
Remains of two Ziyarats, etc.
- [Letter on Muhammadan tombInctades short notes on Muhammadan build. ings. Compiled chiefly from the History of
stones in Kashmir, with the Greek cross as Jaunpur by Maulavi Khair-ud-Din Muham.
ornament. Also on four designs from a band mad.
of carving in the old wooden Habbakhorten Vost, MAJOR W., Jaunpur and
Masjid, near Pandrekhan, Kashmir.] Proceed Zafarabad Inscriptions. Journ., Roy. Asiatic
ings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, pp. Society, pp. 131-142.
1905
54-55, with 2 plates.
Said to have been built in the time of JahAngfr. Short note on above by H. Beveridge, ibid., p. 364.
1906
LAHORE. Short note on above by R. P. Dewhurst, "Inscription on the Atāla Mosque," (variant
ANDREWS, FRED. H. Wazir Khan's Mosreading], ibid., pp. 366-367.
1905
que, Lahore. Journ. Ind. Art., Vol. X, pp. Short note on above by H. Beveridge, "The Jaunpur Iriscription," (variant readings), ibid.,
27-30, with 6 double plates and 2 singlo p. 165. 1909 (coloured).
1903
620.
1897

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ANON. Welcome. Honoured Guests this CRISHOLM, R. F. Tiroomal Naik's Palace, is for you. 8vo., pp. 8.
Madura. Sessional Papers of the Roy. Inst..
of Brit. Architects, Vol. XXVI, pp. 159-178, Punjab Economical Press, Lahore, 1893 A Guide to Lahore: worthless.
with 2 plates.
1876 Fortresses et palais indiens. La
In mixed Hindu-Muhammadan stylo ; finisbed
o. 1834. Construction Moderne, tome XHI, pp. 6-7,
GROWSE, F. S. Mathurs: a Distriot Memoir. with 1 illustration (“Porte du Palais de
8vo., 2 vols., pp. vii,182, iii and vii, with Lahore."]
1897
2 maps and 5 plans; pp. iii and 183. A brief note.
North-Western Provinces Government COPE, HENRY. Public Inscriptions at
Press.
(Benares 3] 1874 Lahore. Journ., Asiatic Society of Bengal,
- - Do. Second edition. IllusVol. XXVII, pp. 308-313.
1858
trated, revised and enlarged. 4to., pp. vii, Dating inscriptions on the Moti Mandir, Hati.
v, 3, 2, 520 and iv, with 33 plates and por Gate, BadshAhi Mosque, Mosque of Wazir
folding map. Khân, Tilai Mosque, eto.
Kipling, J. L. The Mosque of Wazir N.-W.P. and Oudh Govt. Press, (Benares ?] Khan, Lahore. Journ., Ind. Art., Vol. II,
1880 pp. 17-18, with 5 coloured plates, (3 double).
MURSHIDABAD.
1887 BEVERIDGE, H. Old Places in MurshiMUHAMMAD AD-DIN, called FAUQ. Shâlå- dabad. Calcutta Review, Vols. XCIV, pp. 322. mårbågh ki sair. Second edition. 8vo., pp. 345 ; XCV, pp. 195-216; XCVI, pp. 233-249. 78. Lith. Bhawal Press, Lahore, 1901
1892-93 An account of the ShAlAmér Gardens at Includes an account of the mosques and Lahore, with a biographical sketch of Madho
tombs there. LAI Husain of Lahore.
BLOCHMANN, H. Notes on Sirajuddaulah THOMPSON, J. P. The Tomb of the and the town of Murshidabad, taken from Emperor Jahangir. Jour., Punjab Histori. & Persian Manuscript of the Tarikh i cal Society, Vol. I, pp. 12-30 with 1 plan. 1911 Mançuri. Journ., Asiatic Society of Bengal,
MUHAMMAD LATIF, Sayid. Lahore: its Vol. XXXVI, Pt. 1, pp. 85-104. 1867 History, Arohiteotural Remains and Anti- Includes an account of the old Imambaran quities, with an 80count of its modern
burnt A... 1253 (1836).
LAYARD, CAPT. F. P. The Mausoleum institutions, inhabitants, their trade, cus
of the Nuwabs Ali-Verdi Khan and Sooraj. toms, &o. Illustrated with more than 100
ood-Dowlah, at Khoosh bagh, near Moorshedengravings and a map of Lahore. 8vo. pp.
abad. Journ., Asiatic Society of Bengal, xiii, v, iii, 426 and xii. -
Vol. XXI, pp. 504-511, with 2 plates. 1852 "New Imperial Press," Lahore, 1892
With semi-circular arches and " little of VOGEL, J: PE. Historical Notes on tủe oriental architecture in its form." Completed Lahore Fort. Journ., Punjab Historical by Suraj-ud-Daulah of " Black Hole" notoriety. Society, Vol. I, pp. 38-55.
1911
PÅKPATTAN. Tilo-Mosaics of the Lahore Fort. IRVING, M. The Shrine of Baba Farid Journ. Ind. Art., Vol. XIV, pp. 1-26, with Shakarganj at Pakpattan. Journ., Panjab 76 plates (35 coloured).
1911-1912 Historical Society, Vol. I, pp. 70-76. 1911 Forms the whole of Vol. XIV.
MOHAN LAL, Munshi. A brief account. MATHURA.
of Masú'd, known by the name of Farid BLOCHMANN. [Translations and notes on
Shakarganj or Shakarbár. Journ., asiatio
Society of Bengal, Vol. V, pp. 635-638. 1836 inscriptions at Mathura.) Proceedings of
Includes a denoription of his tomb at PAL the Asiatic Society of Bengal, pp. 12-17. 1873 Patan.

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1901
MODERN. PRESENT POSITION, ETC. HAVELL, E. B. Art Education in India.
CHISHOLM, R. FELLOWES. New College Calcutta Review, Vol. CXI, pp. 306-319. 1900 for the Gaekwar of Baroda, with Notes
- Do. Ibid. Vol. CXII, pp. on Style and Domical Construction in India. 146-152. Transactions of the Roy. Inst. of Brit.
Reply to critics.
- Modern Native Indian ArchitecArchitects, Vol. XXXIII, pp. 141-146, with 4 plates and 1 diagram.
1883
ture. [Report of Lecture.) The Architect, Vol. LXXXIX, pp. 119-120.
1913 CLARKE, C. PURDON, C.I.E. Some Notes upon the Domestio Architecture of India.
ISHWAR. Modern Indian Architecture, Journal of the Society of Arts, Vol. XXXI, adapted to the use of Artisans, Students, pp. 731-746, with 3 plans and l elevation,
Builders, and Architecte. (With thirty-two
1883 plates.) Impl. 4to., pp. ii and 52. Synopsis : The Architect, Vol. XXIX, p. 368.
Education Society's Steam Press, Chiefly, but not entirely, on Hindu work.
. Bombay, 1892 Street Architecture of India.
KIPLING, J. L. Indian Architecture of Journal of the Society of Arts, Vol. XXXII,
To-Day. Journ., Ind. Art., Vol. I, No. 3, pp. 779-788, with 16 plates.
1884 pp. 1-5, with 12 plates.
1884 CROOKE, WILLIAM. A Note on the Art,
SANDERSON, GORDON. Types of Modern Industries of Mirzapur. Journ., Ind. Art.
Indian Buildings at Delhi, Agra, Allahabad, Vol. V, pp. 55-56, with 4 plates. 1893
Lucknow, Ajmer, Bhopal, Bikanir, Gwalior, GHOSE, HEMENDRA PRASAD. Indian Art.
Jaipur, Jodhpur and Udaipur, with notes Calcutta Review, Vol. CXVI, pp. 98-107. 1903
on the craftsmen employed on their design GROWSE, F. S. O.I.E. The Rebuilding of
and execution. 4to., pp. [iii), ii, 22 and 3, Bulandshahr. Calcutta Review, Vol. LXXIX, with 47 plates. pp. 128-157.
Supdt., Govt. Press, Allahabad, 1913 - Bulandshahr: or Sketches of
TEMPLE, CAPT. R. C. A Study of Modern an Indian District; social, historical and Indian Architecture, as displayed in a architectural. 4to., pp. viii, 88 and 10, with
British Cantonment. Journ., Ind. Art., Vol. 8 plates (3 folding).
I, pp. 57-60, with 7 plates.
1885 Medical Hall Press, Benares, 1884 See Chap. III: The rebuilding of Bulandshahr, pp. 51-84. Also pp. 48-49-Idgth and mau
FRESCO PAINTING.
PORTFOLIO OF INDIAN ART. 4to., 28 parte, - Indian Architecture of To-Day, 47 coloured or tinted plates (9 double), no as exemplified in new buildings in the text.
London, [1881-1886) Bulandshahr District. 4to., 2 parts, pp. vi,
Part 13, 2 plates: Fresco decoration, Mosque
of Wazir Khân, Lahore. with 14 plates, explanatory text inter leaved; pp. vi and 11, with 38 plates, ANON. Akbar's Tomb at Sikandra. Journ., explanatory text interleaved.
Ind. Art., Vol. VI, pp. 75-80, with Il coloured N.-W. Prov. and Oudh Govt. Press, Alla- plates.
1895 habad, 1885; and Medical Hall Press, The plates illustrate the fresco-paintings.
Reprinted in Griggs' Photographs and Draw Benares, 1886
ings of Historical Buildings, [9. v.]. HAMILTON, IVI.. Modern Indo-Saracenio, (Sandeman Hall, Quetta.) Journ., Ind. Art.
COLE, H. H. Preservation of National · Vol. IX, pp. 64-65, with 3 plates. 1901
Monuments. Tomb of Jahangir at Shahdara Designed by Col. Jacob in Indo-Muhammadan
near Lahore. Folio.
8.1., [1884) Style.
Fresco painting, plate 5.
1884
soleum.

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COLE, H. H. Preservation of National Monuments. Delhi. Folio. 8.l., [1884] Coloured double-plate showing original design of painted ceiling in the Diwân-i-Khâs before being repainted in 1876.
The above plate is also to be found reprinted in Griggs' Photographs and Drawings of Historical Buildings, plate 33.
Monuments.
Preservation of National Agra and Gwalior. Folio. 8.l., [1885] Fresco painting, Tomb of I'timâd ud-Daulah, Agra, plates 1-3 (coloured). HENDLEY, THOMAS HOLBEIN. Decorative Art in Rajputana. Journ., Ind. Art., Vol. II. 1888 pp. 43-50, with 9 plates (7 coloured).
See p. 47, and the plates.
JACOB, MAJOR S. S. Fresco painting [as practised in Jeypore]. Professional Papers on Indian Engineering, No. 360, pp. 203207, with 1 folding coloured plate.
Thomason College Press, Roorkee, 1881 JACOB, COL. S. S. Jeypore Portfolio of Architectural Details. Folio, 12 vols.
London, 1890-1913 See Part IX.-Dados: with a note on the process of Fresco-Painting in Jeypore. Examples are shown on plates 49-58, and also in Part VII, plates 16, 23-28, and Part X, plates 1, 2 and 10. All coloured.
179
KIPLING, J. S. The Mosque of Wazir Khan, Lahore. Journ. Ind. Art., Vol. II, pp. 17-18, with 5 coloured plates (3 double). 1887
Partly decorated with fresco painting.
SMITH, EDMUND W. Wall Paintings recently found in the Khwabgah, Fathpur Sikri, near Agra. Journ. Ind. Art., Vol. VI, pp. 65-68, with 11 plates (10 coloured). 1894
Decorative Paintings from the Tomb of Itmad-ud-Daulah at Agra. Journ. Ind. Art., Vol. VI. pp. 91-94, with 8 coloured plates.
1895
Reprinted in Griggs' Photographs and Drawings of Historical Buildings, [q, v.], with the addition of 11 coloured plates.
Wall Paintings from Salim Chisti's Tomb, Fathpur Sikri, near Agra. Journ, Ind. Art., Vol. VIII. pp. 41-44, with 12 coloured plates. 1898 Condensed from The Moghul Architecture of Fathpur Sikri, Part III.
Wall Paintings from the Jami' Masjid, Fathpur Sikri, near Agra. Journ. Ind. Art., Vol. VIII, pp. 55-57, with 10 coloured plates. 1899 Condensed from The Mogul Architecture of Fathpar Sikri, Part IV.
A NEW VIEW OF SHER SHAH SUR. BY SIR RICHARD C. TEMPLE, BT.
(Continued from page 164.)
Makhdum 'Alam of Hajipur, a strong partizan of Nusrat Shâh of Bengal against the latter's younger brother, Mahmûd, and Sher Khân had been friends from the time of Bâbur's Eastern Campaign, and when Nusrat Shâh died in 1532 and Mahmud Shah soon afterwards seined the throne, Makhdum 'Alam was glad of Sher Khân's assistance. Mahmûd's generals attacked Bihar and Sher Khân exhibited Parthian tactics, i.e., he declined battle before superior forces, raided, harassed, and judiciously retreated, inspired false confidence, and then suddenly attacked. This first success in direct battle gave Sher Khân that military ambition which was to make him eventually a great monarch.
Soon afterwards Makhdûm 'Alam was killed in another action, and the Lohânîs, to whom Sher Khan was still an upstart, succeeded in enlisting the sympathies of his whilom pupil, Jalal Khân Lohânî, in a conspiracy against him, which ended ineffectively in the anexpected flight of Jalal Khan and his Lohânî friends to Mahmûd Shâh of Bengal for protection. Sher Khan was accordingly relieved from an embarrassing position and became substantive ruler in Bihar, but he was by no means safe with the Mughals to the West and Bengal to the East.

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The first thing he did was to invade Bengal, adopting on a larger scale his old plan of oampaign when proceeding against his father's rebels around Sasaram; and whenever he met with the enemy he entrenched himself. The enemy this time was Ibrahim Khân, Mahmud Sh&h's general, and the result of Sher Khan's tactics was that Ibrahim Khân's much superior forces, reinforced by elephants and a then famous artillery park, were never able to get to grips with Sher Khan's very inferior force, whilst he was able to sally out of his entrenchments and worry them. He thus managed to keep them on the retreat. This went on until Sher Khân came up with. Ibrahim Khân at a strategic point-Sarajgarh on the Kidl river, where there was a narrow plain about five miles wide, between the Ganges to the North and the Kharagpur Hills to the South. Neither side could surprise the other. Ibrahim Khan's right flank was protected by the Ganges, his left by the Kharagpůr Hills and his rear closed by the fort of Mungêr. Sher Khan's entrenched camp was only assailable by an overwhelming force. Ibrahim Khâu asked for reinforcements.
This forced Sher Khân into action and he acted with his usual acuteness. He gave out, that he intended a pitched battle in the open field on the morrow. He then placed his infantry in ambush and sent picked Cavalry forward at dawn to feign an attack and retreat. This manoeuvre drew the enemy's cavalry away from the rest of his forces, and Sher Khân fell on the latter from his ambush, while his own retreating cavalry turned and charged, stirrup to stirrup, Afghan fashion. In the result Ibråhim Khan was himself killed and his army routed. Sher Khân had now shown himself to be a consummate general-in organisation, plan of campaign and tactics. The battle of Sarajgarh transformed the former J&girdar of Sâsarâm into a personage to be reckoned with in all the Indian politics of the day. Among his nota ble military performances up to this time must be mentioned his organisation of the armed peasantry, which he had created for the consolidation of his father's fief, into a peasant militia armed with matchlocks, the precursor of the baksariyas of Surâ ju'ddaula and Clive."
Sher Khân was now looked on as the deliverer and actual ruler of Bihar, since his liegelord Jalal Khân Lohânî had deserted his kingdom, and as has been already seen, he knew how to keep his subjects contented. He governed in the old way, superintending everything himself, suppressing oppression of all kinds, especially of the peasantry, fixing all salaries himself, and paying them in full.
But he was not an Afghan for nothing, and he soon exhibited all the guile of his race. His attitude was studiously unassuming, though his ambition was now boundless. Ostensibly he held Chunar as a military subordinate of Humayun and laid no claim to sovereignty in Bihar, thus lulling both Humayan and Mahmud Shah of Bengal into a false security. Meanwhile, he unobtrusively consolidated his forces, collecting and equipping a formidable army with his accustomed skill and foresight. He had discovered the uses of infantry. which was an unusual idea in his day, and raised them in large numbers; but while he enter. tained elephants, he discarded the field artillery, then made famous by Bâbur (with immense effect be it said), because it was in his day too immobile. This shows that he was no copyist but a thinker for himself. Still, his military expenditure was necessarily very high, and to meet it he was driven to seizing the gold that his ward, Fath Malika, had placed under his care and repaying it by a fief. This act is not defensible and shows him to be a man of his time.
In 1535 Bahadur Shâh of Gujarât had refused to deliver up Muhammad Zaman Mirza, the rebel brother-in-law of Humayun, and thus began the great war between the two rulers. Here was Sher Khan's opportunity. Safe from Humayun, fully occupied in the West, he

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turned on Mahmûd Shâh in the East. He did nothing much in that year, but in 1536, finding himself held up on the then only route to Gaur at Teliagarhi, he led his army by another way, at that time entirely unknown, through the hilly jungle tract of the Jharkhand. It was a great feat, showing fine leadership and enterprise and imagination, performed again later on in 1659 by Mir Jumla, but with infinitely more resources at his disposal. Sher Khân had his reward and appeared unexpectedly before Gaur, but without siege artillery. Mahmud Shah, however, still held the cards-he could easily have withstood a long siege; his allies, the Portuguese, now landed on the coast in force, held the Ganges, and the rains were approaching in three or four months, making a return through the Jharkhand impossible at that season. Sher Khân on the whole was not in a favourable position after all, but the moral effect of his two victories over the Bengali forces and his sudden appearance before Gaur overawed Mahmûd Shâh, who, discarding Martim Affonso de Mello's advice, bought off Sher Khân for a very large sum, used the very following year to raise a new army against him, and also a valuable tract of land useful for future attack on him. Sher Khân was now no longer a 'new man,' but the most powerful Afghân chief in India-the Hazrat-i-'âlî. He was about fifty years of age.
The campaign against Bahadur Shah of Gujarât went well for Humâyân, and the situation thus created not only kept Sher Khân quiet in 1536 in regard to Bengal, but made him successfully conciliate Humâyân through the kind offices of Hindû Bêg, the successor of his old friend Junêd Barlas of Jaunpur.
Early in 1537 Bahadur Shah was drowned at sea and Humâyûn returned to Agra. Meanwhile, Mahmûd Shâh had been negotiating for help from the Portuguese. All this placed Sher Khân in a difficulty. He felt obliged to proceed against Mahmûd Shâh before effective help could reach him, and he had to be careful of himself in Bihâr with Humâyân at Agra. He decided to attack Mahmûd Shâh in the autumn of 1537 on the pretext of an impossible demand for tribute, but this was no worse than Mahmûd Shah's simultaneous action in securing aggressive help from the Portuguese. Both sides in fact tore up their treaty. The campaign, however, was a barren one, as Humâyân had now become hostile to Sher Khân and Bihar was in danger. So Sher Khân did not get further than an investment of Gaur and the frustrating of the Portuguese assistance. Also, he now had Humâyân not only as an active enemy, but as a formidable one, because he had acquired the service of Rûmî Khân, the famous commander of Bahadur Shah's artillery, together with his guns.
Sher Khân was consequently in a critical position. Humâyûn had started for Chunar and might join Mahmûd Shâh, and the Portuguese were in force at Chittagong. He had also to leave his son, Jalâl Khân Sûr, with Khawas Khân to look after Gaur. He met the situation with his accustomed foresight and skill. He laid a trap for Humâyân by an obstinate though useless defence of Chunâr under Ghâzî Sûr and Sultan Sarwânî, to gain time to conquer Bengal. Humâyûn duly fell into the trap of sitting down in front of Chunâr, the reduction of which could not really hurt Sher Khân, and wasted his time over it, which his wily opponent left him in peace to do.
Sher Khân's proceedings, as reported by the chroniclers, now became thoroughly Oriental, and indeed Indian. He wanted to capture the great fortress of Rohtâs as a city of refuge for the wives and families of the Afghans, and is said to have got it, firstly by bribing Churamân, the Brahman Deputy of the Raja, to influence his master to let the families in, which he did

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by the familiar Hindu trick of threatening suicide by a Brahman (dharna) unless he agreed. This act of treachery was followed up by filling litters, supposed to contain "secluded" women and therefore inviolable, with armed men, who then seized the fortress. The whole proceeding was an act of sheer treachery. This is not an uncommon tale in Northern India and both the stories of Chûramân and of the deceptive litters have been denied by Indian writers. Whatever be the truth, Sher Khân got possession of the great strategic fortress of Rohtâs from its Hindu owner.
Rûmî Khân was now seriously threatening Chunâr and the capture of Gaur became important, but Sher Khân's general there, Khawâs Khân, was accidentally drowned in the fort ditch, and so he appointed his own younger brother, with the same title, in his place, and sent him very urgent instructions. The new commander was a most capable man, and by April 1538 Gaur fell to Sher Khân, and with it the independence of Bengal. The younger Khawas Khân subsequently became Sher Khân's right hand man and ablest general. Sher Khân thus became de facto ruler of Bengal in his fifty-second year.
The next move in the game was the fall of Chunâr, owing to a Mughal stratagem, so Oriental that the Afghans should not have been simple-minded enough to have been taken in by it. But simplicity, side by side with cunning, has always been a characteristic of that people. The fort surrendered under promise of safety from Humayun, which was disregarded by Rumi Khân, who cut off both hands of its 300 gunners: a deed which Sher Khân remembered.
Humâyûn was at last free-but too late-to march against Sher Khân, for whom he was no match either in diplomacy or generalship, though the latter was still inclined to be overawed by the reputation of Mughal majesty and military power. Sher Khân's strategic position, however, remained advantageous, as he could retreat indefinitely into the hilly regions reaching to Central India and leave strong, and in those days almost impregnable, fortresses en route to worry the Mughals until he wore them out. His diplomatic skill is shown in his offering to give up Bihâr and rule in Bengal as Humâyûn's vassal, so that he appeared, not as a rebel against his liege lord, but as one who was defending what he had won for himself. The pair were now obvious enemies.
Thus began the "Race for Bengal." Now comes into play the question of comparative generalship. Sher Khân sent the bulk of his troops towards Rohtâs and slipped away himself towards Gaur with a few cavalry. Humâyûn followed in pursuit; but Sher Khân, making a detour, managed to place himself behind his pursuers in the hills about Sâsarâm. Humâyûn reached Munêr on the Sôn in complete ignorance of Sher Khân's whereabouts. Here he met Mahmûd Shâh as a fugitive, to the latter's transitory comfort.
Sher Khân let Humâyûn go on to Patna in peace, following him up in concealment, and as it now became urgent for him to reach Bengal before Humâyûn, he used his knowledge of the country to get ahead of the Mughal forces unperceived, till a few miles east of Patna the Mughal scouts found him on the road to Mungêr. After a somewhat narrow escape, Sher Khân got away in boats down the Ganges to Gaur in about two days. Arrived at Gaur, he sent his son Jalal Khân Sûr to block Humâyûn's passage at Teliâghari at all costs without engaging the Mughals in the open. Jalâl Khân Sûr, however, did give them battle and defeated them with immense moral effect, for thus the Afghâns of Sher Khân had actually defeated the Mughals of Humâyân in open fight.

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This check of the Mughals gave Sher Khân time to clear out of Gaur with an immense booty for Rohtâs, by the now familiar route through the Jharkhand, directing his son to. evacuate Teliâgharî and join him, which he did. Humâyân now marched in fancied triumph to Gaur, while Sher Khân had got in safety between him and the provinces of his Agra dominions.
Sher Khân's journey through the Jharkhand jungles in the rains was as great a feat as any he had previously performed, and he at once proceeded to shake the foundations of Humâyûn's rule in order to draw him off from Bengal. His conduct towards the Mughals was now ferocious. As has been said already, he was not an Afghân for nothing. He neither forgot nor forgave injuries and he remembered the fate of the gunners of Chunâr. He soon captured Benares, and scoured the country to Jaunpur and Kanauj, acting as a sovereign prince and collecting the revenue. He plundered the towns, but characteristically spared the peasantry. Sher Khân was marching on Agra when he heard of Humâyân's departure from Gaur, where he and his officers had been living in false security and luxurious idleness for nine months, while the Mughals in Agra were quarrelling with each other and Sher Khân was occupying his provinces. Sher Khân did not hesitate. He abandoned his tour of conquest and returned to South Bihâr and the neighbourhood of Rohtâs, thus leaving the way open to Humâyân to reach Agra by the Northern bank of the Ganges undisturbed. His object was apparently that the strife should stop, and that Humâyûn in Agra and himself in Bihar and Bengal should rule, side by side, in peace. Humâyûn did not seize the opportunities thus offered but crossed the river to march on Munêr on the Sôn right into the Tiger's maw as it were. Sher Khân had placed a division under Khawâs Khân in the hills, ostensibly to keep the troublesome Mahârathâ Cheros in order, but really to get behind the Mughal force-an old trick of his.
Humâyân's army arrived at Munêr in a somewhat disorganised condition, which tempted Sher Khân to attack it with the general assent of his Afghân officers. This he proceeded to do in his own inimitable way. By leaving Rohtâs with his main force, he put himself, as well as Khawas Khân, behind Humâyûn and let him be aware of it. And then he made a wide detour in the hills and marched past Humâyân, so that he could surprise him from the front, and did so by entrenching himself more suo opposite him on the bank of the Thorâ Nadi, a swampy little stream running into the southern bank of the Ganges between Chaunsa and Buxar. Here Sher Khân effectively checked Humâyân, who could neither attack him 'nor march past him without exposing his flank. The armies sat opposite each other till the rains, when Sher Khân was flooded out and retreated to the Karmanâshâ river, where the armies repeated at Chaunsâ the situation of the Thorâ Nadi.
Humâyûn was now in distress and short of supplies, and without help from the quarrelling factions at Agra. He made overtures for peace, but they came to nothing.
Then Sher Khân let it be known that Khawas Khân had lost touch with the Cheros and made public preparations to go after him, which entirely misled the Mughals. Finally he marched some miles up the Karmanâshâ at night in the direction of the Cheros, crossed the river safely unperceived, and was joined by Khawas Khân. He now had the Mughals between him and the Ganges, with the Karmanâshâ in front of them, and could fall on their left flank in full force at daybreak. The situation was parallel with that in 1871, when the French General, Bourbaki was surprised in flank, with consummate skill, by Manteufel, who had walked round the younger Garibaldi at Dijon, which was supposed to protect Bourbaki's left flank, and fell upon him when he had the Swiss frontier on his right flank and the

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reinforced German army of communication in front. There can be only one result in such & situation. The Mughal Army fled and Humayun barely escaped across the Ganges with his life, while his harem fell into Sher Khan's hands. Sher Khan, however, never fought with the hotpless--peasants, women and children--but protected them all.
The effect of the battle of Chaunsê was to make Sher Khan de facto king of Benga). Bihar and Jaunpar. Even now he acted with his habitual prudence and foresight, and made no serious attempt to follow up Humâyon or to march on Agra. He was specially severe to Mughal and lenient to non-Mughal prisoners, and he recognised that in many respecte, for all bis victories, he was still an upstart in the eyes of such Afghân families as the Lodis, Far. mális, Sarwanis, and their like. So he proceeded with caution until his unquestioned position with the people was such as to induce the old nobles, on the proposition of Masnad-i-âlâ'Isê Khan Sarwanf, to proclaim him at Gaur as sovereign of the territories stretching from Kansuj to the Bay of Bengal, under the style of Sher Shah As-Sultan-al-'Adil, in December 1539, when he was 53 years of age.
Sher Shah now found, like other conquerors, that when he had reached to more than his ambition he had to act with greater vigour than ever to keep the position he had attained. His course was not easy. He made overtures for support to the rulers of Gujarat and Malwa. which were abortive because they did not properly appreciate the consequences of his achievements; and then he had to go after Humayun still in active defence at Agra. In this pursuit his son, Quli Khân Sûr, met his death at the hands of Humâyûn's forces in an attempt to capture Kalpi for his father, owing to want of support from Qadir Shah (Malla Khân) of Milwa, on which Sher Shah had confidently calculated. This shows that even he at times made mistakes.
(To be continued.)
NOTES AND QUERIES. NOTES FROM OLD FACTORY RECORDS. be disperat to Severall parts of the Countrey, 36. A Civil Servant's Dismissal for Negloot
which we hope will be an effectuall means for their
returne, when we may devide them to our Soverall of Duty. 13 April 1691. Consultation at Fort St George.
fortifyed Settlements, especially to Bombay, where
they are in great want of Europeans. Op. cit., loc. Mr. James Johnson the Essaymaster, continuing
cit. hia Nogligont idle life, and being little or noe wayes
38. Proclamation relating to Counterfeit Serviceable in the Mint, Tis orderd he be dismist
Gold Coins. the Right Honble. Companyes Service and that what due to him to this time for sallary and
16 May 1891. Consultation at Fort St George. dyett money be paid him by the Paymaster
PaymasterThere being of late great complaints of many after his delivery the Mint Stores to the Mint
counterfeit faloe Pagodes of the Same Stamp as master. (Records of Fort St. George. Diary and
our but not half their finess or Vallue, a strange Consultation Book of 1691.)
instance whereof appeard to us this day in a Summ
of about 1000 Pagodas now brought by Mr Fraser 37. Amnesty for fugitive Europeans.
and Mr Gray to be paid into the Right Honble. 13 April 1691. Consultation at Fort St George.
Companyes Caab upon Mr. Moge deceased his The President haveing notice of many English
Accompt, whereof were found 86 of these base fugitives, at least 100, Scatterd about the Countrey,
Pagodan, but cannot tell of whom they received and haveing used all possible means to recall them.
them; wherefore by threats and perswasions, but not being able
Tis orderd that Proclamation
be made by boat of drum and affixt upon the Gate to provaile, they being fearfull of Justice; there.
to cry down these counterfeit Pagodas and their fóre to recover them, as also to prevent their apostateing from the Christian to the Moors (Muham-Payude "P
payments upon Seveer penaltyes. Op. cib, loc. cil meden) zeligion, Tis orderd that a Generall pardon .
R. C. TEMPLE

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A NEW VIEW OF SHER SHAH SUR. BY SIR RICEARD C. TEMPLE, Br.
(Continued from p. 184.) Humkyūn on his part was as dilatory as ever, hesitating and quarrelling with his brother and nobles, and he allowed Sher Shah to reach Allahabad and far up the Ganges. But despite his difficulties, the army and artillery he could still get together was larger and more formidable than Sher Shah's. Desertions induced him to cross the Ganges north of Qanauj and there the two armies entrenched much as at Chaunad, opposite each other, across & small stream running into the Ganges, until the Mughals moved, on the 17th May 1620, to higher ground near Bilgram in the Hardof district in front of Sher ShAh, and brought on a general battle in the open field.
The Mughal army was well deployed in the approved and successful plan of the day and was a truly formidable object for an inferior force to attack, but though this was the first time that Sher Shah had met Humâyân in pitched battle where surprise was impossible, he showed himself a good tactician, as well as strategist, by the way he took advantage of the fighting constitution of a Mughal army of the time. He kept about a third of his force in support and divided the rest into three positions, with his son, Jalal Khan Sar, and Khawle Khân on the wings, and himself opposite Humayun's powerful centre. He did no more than keep Humayun in check, and sent his wings to attack the Mughal flanks. Jalal Khân Sär failed, but Khawas Khân succeeded in driving back his opponent. Meanwhile, the Mughal centre not being seriously opposed, started to advance. This enabled Khawas Khân to get behind the Mughal forces. It was here that Sher Shah showed his judgment in tactics. Every Mughal commander of the time, great or small, was accompanied in the field everywhere in action by numerous unarmed slaves, who were an uncontrollable incumbrance in defeat. It was through these that Khawas Khân's cavalry rode, with the result that they rushed in amongst the artillery and troops of Humâyûn's centre in a panic for protection, before either could deploy for action, and threw them into hopeless confusion. Sher Shah was then able not only to retrieve his son's failure, but to attack Humâyûn's centre when in confusion. Humayun was completely routed and the battle of Bilgram cost him his throne.
Sher Shah then sent some of his lieutenants to frighten Humâyûn out of Hindustan and pursue him to Lahor, while he followed more at leisure vid Agra and Delhi, characteristically reprimanding unnecessary cruelty and punishing oppression of peasantry. Humayun always hesitating. always unable to unite his family or adherents, was powerless to present a real front to Sher Shah, and retired in a vacillating way towards Tattâ and Bhakkar in Sind, accompanied by a general exodus of Mughals from Lahor, only a small portion of whom followed him beyond Khushåb on the Jhulam. Khawas Khân pursued him as far as the old Panjab frontier, where the Five Rivers are merged in the Panjnad on their way to join the Indus beyond the Uch, and then left him. It was during his sixteen years of wanderings in exile that Humayun's son, the great Akbar, was born in 1542 at Amarkot, in the desert between Sind and Rajputânâ.
The mountainous country in the Northern Panjab in the upper courses of the Indus and Jhelam, occupied at that time by the warlike tribe of the Gakkhars, was always d great strategic value, from the days of Alexander onwards, for an invader from the North-west. and yet though no throne at Lahor or Delhi was safe while it remained independent, no previous Muhammadan Dynasty had thoroughly subdued it. Sher Shah was not the man to

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negoct such a precaution and he set to work to gain possession of the country, building inci. dentally a fortress which he named after his Bihar stronghold of Rohtas. But he could not complete his design, because Khizr Khan, his Governor in Bengal, showed obvious signs of claiming independence, and had married the daughter of the dispossessed Mahmud Shah, whose influence was by no means dead there. So Sher Shâh made one of his rapid surprise journeys in force from the northern Panjab to Gaur, arriving in March after a journey of about two months, and dealt effectively with Khizr Khân.
Bengal, owing to its distance from the Mughal centre, had always been under practically independent Governors, and nothing beyond an occasional gift, extorted or given out of friendship, had ever reached Delhi from the outlying province by way of imperial revenue. But Sher Shâh in his own inimitable manner, in the words of Professor Qanungo, "changed the military character of the provincial administration and substituted a completely new mechanism, at once original in principle and efficient in working." He proceeded to reduce its unwieldy size by splitting it up into several smaller governorships, mutually independent and all appointed directly by him-hence the 19 sarkárs of the Ain-Akbarf. And over them all he put an Amin-i-Bengala, a sort of referee in all local difficulties, but without executive authority. The system stopped rebellion, secured uniformity of administration so far as that was possible, and prevented Bengal from troubling Sher Shâh thereafter.
After settling Bengal, Sher Shâh had, in 1542, to turn his attention to Malwå in Central India, as an independent Malwå meant a serious menace to any power ruling from Delhi or Agra. It had come under Musalman rule in the days of the Mamlak or “Slave" King. Altamish (1234 A.D.), and thence through the Tughlaqs. After the sack of Delhi by Timur (1398 A.D.), it became independent under Turkî rulers of Ghori and Khilji origin until it reverted to Rajput rule under Rånå Sangå of Mêwår for a short time, till Bâbur overthrew him at the great battle of Kanwâ in 1527, only to place it under the dominance of Bahadur Shah of Gujarat. On his death in 1637 most of it passed under the sway of Mallu Khân, a local noble, as Qâdir Shah, one part of it under a Rajpat chief, Paran Mal Chauhan of Raisin, and another portion across the Narmadå under Mu'ayyin Khân of Hindiâ. All these chiefs had been hostile to Sher Shah for a long while. The situation was therefore specially dangerous for him in view of Humayun's presence in their comparative neighbourhood.
Sher Shah no doubt had old scores to settle with all the Malwa chiefs, and probably was not sorry to take action against them. But we need not follow the chroniclers in laying stress on this aspect of the question, as the political conditions were obviously cause enough for go astute a man. This is shown in his despatch of Shuja'at Khân, his Governor in Bihar. immediately after his victory at Bilgram in 1540, to take possession of Gwalior, so as to secure the southern frontiers of Delhi. This serious quest took Shuja'at Khân nearly two years to accomplish, just in time for Sher Shâh to start for Malwa in 1542. Päran Mal of Raisin submitted without trouble and was left in subordinate possession of his territory. Qâdir Shah also came in to submit, was well received and was offered the Sarkar of Gaur in exchange for Malwa, a policy in treating dethroned sovereigns which was copied by Akbar with success. This caused Qadir Shah to fly to Gujarat. Mu'ayyin Khân of Hindia also submitted voluntarily, but was under suspicion nevertheless, and his territory was annexed. Thus Sher Shah came into peaceful possession of Mâlwê and returned to Agra, but his lieutenante had to fight to retain it, before Qadir Shah and his allies were finally defeated under Shuja'at Khân and Haji Khân, Jâgîrdâr of Dhår, the latter being rewarded for his services by the Governorship of Malwâ from Mánda.

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Soon after his return to Agra, Sher Shah found himself seriously faced by Maldev of Mârwâr, who had been intriguing with Humâyûn, then at Bhakkar in Sind, more or less under the protection of Shâh Hussain of Tattâ.
Maldey Rathor, a man of great parts, had recently raised Marwar from an insignificant principality into the greatest centralised state in Rajputânå. He had been a friend of Sher Shah, but the latter's acquisition of Humâyûn's territories had so threatened his own State as to turn him into an implacable enemy. So he represented to Humayûn his chance of recovering his throne. Humayún, as hesitating and inept as ever, did not, however, get further than quarrelling with his family and supporters as to the action to be taken. Finally he decided to try the aid of Mâldev, but far too late. This gave time to Sher Shâh to take active steps--very active steps—to protect himself from a combination of Maldev and Humâyûn, and as it suited neither Sher Shâh nor Maldev to join issue in actual war, the net result of Humâyûn's efforts was his retreat back to Amarkot in the desert, where, as formerly stated, his son, the great Akbar, was born.
Safe from Humayun, Sher Shah set to work to organise Bihår, where he did some notable things. He found Bihar to consist of the old Magadha Kingdom, and he added to it the Rohtas and Mungêr Districts, and also Tirhût to the North of the Ganges, creating the large province which afterwards was Akbar's Sabah of Bihår. He then rebuilt Patna, making it the capital of the new Province, in supersession of Bihar town, and constructing a fort at the strategical point it possessed on the Ganges.
He next, in 1543, returned to Malwa in order to oust Paran Mal from Raisin, where he had left him in the previous year. In the whirligig of the fortune of war between Muslim and Hindu, the great fortress of Raisin had of comparatively recent years played so prominent a part, and had been the scene of so many conflicts, rousing the fiercest animosity, that Sher Shah's desire to possess it has been put down to religious motives. The real reason, however, was political, viz., to protect his frontiers by removing the Rajpût chiefs from power in so menacing a spot. Päran Mał had never been in any doubt as to the temporary nature of Sher Shah's clemency during his previous invasion of Malwa.
Sher Shah sat down to invest Raisin for six months, casting cannon in his camp on so large a scale as to oblige him to seize all the copper and similar metal he could lay hands on,
proceeding adopted on the European Continent in the late Great War for the same reason. In the end Paran Mal made overtures for leave to evacuate the fort with all his Hindu following and their belongings. Sher Shah, always careful of the lives of his own troops, agreed to all the terms proposed, even to moving his forces out of the route of the evacuating population. But he reckoned without his people and their long ruffled feelings against the Rajputs of Mâlwâ, and there was more than serious grumbling in his army, led by the great saint, Shekh Rafi'u'ddin Safavi. Matters were not in his hands, and the Afghâns by a forced march overtook the retiring Rajputs, and then was carried out the awful jauhar (holocaust of wives and children) of Raisin, and the last stand, without hope, of the Rajputs was made. We need not attribute to Sher Shâh an incapacity for treachery in order to acquit him of voluntarily performing so stupid a slaughter as this, and one so certain to recoil adversely on himself in the future. There are many instances in history of strong and sågacious leaders of men being forced into action against their own better judgment. A parallel to this particular incident in Sher Shah's career is Cromwell's action in the matter of the trial

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and execution, or judicial murder, of Charles I. He was much too clear-headed not to appreciate the political folly of such & proceeding, but, strong as he was, he was helpless in the face of the fanaticism of his followers.
The next item in the career of Sher Sh&h well exhibits the commanding capacity of the man and his strength of character. When he left the Northern Panjab for Bengal early in 1541, he made the serious mistake of leaving two able soldiers behind to carry on the reduotion of the Gakkhar Chiefs, who held out well. The result was that they quarrelled hope lessly, and Sher Shah had to decide between Haibat Khan Niazi, the better born and inore influential, and Khawas Khan of the lesser influence but of the greater military capacity and also his own particular protége. He had to recall one or the other. He acted strictly on the principle of the best service to the country and recalled Khawas Khân, leaving Haibat Khân Niazi as Governor of the Panjab, who soon had his hands full with the question of Multân, which had become independent of Delhi after Tîmůr's invasion in 1398. Multan came subsequently under several local rulers-Langås, Mughals, Baloches-but its general condition may be described as anarchical. The particular trouble before Haibat Khan was caused by the depredations of Fath Khân Jât of Kot Kabala, a very troublesome robber chief. Haibat Khân Niazi with much skill got rid of Fath Khan Jat and took possession of Multân for Sher Shah, who dealt with the people with his usual sagacity. He caused Multân to be re populated and treated with such benevolence that it soon flourished more than it had ever done.
Sher Shâh went further, and through some lieutenant, perhaps Haibat Khân Niâzî, took possession of Sind, issuing his coins from "Shergadh or Sakkar-Bakkar," the ancient ferry over the Indus. By this performance Sher Shah secured a firm hold over the Rajputânâ desert, and as Humâyûn had by this time fled towards Kandahar vid Sibi and the Bolån Pass, he closed that route by strengthening Bakkar under its new (and temporary) name of Shergadh, should that Mughal ruler be inclined to make another effort to recover his throne with Rajput assistance. We owe the whole of this information to the researches of Professor Qanungo.
Sher Shâh now went to Delhi, in 1543, and began his buildings there, but he did not neglect his favourite occupation of revenue and administrative reforms in newly acquired territory. Multan revenue was to be collected in kind, and not partly in kind and partly in cash as elsewhere. But after all, his chief occupation was preparation for an expedition against his dangerous neighbour Mâldev of Mârwâr, now that he had separated from the Mughals and was partially surrounded by the lately conquered Imperial territories. Mâldev was quite aware of his danger and fortified the usual and most vulnerable gateways into his kingdom. But Sher Shâh was equal to the occasion. In 1544 he invaded Mârwâr by the Jodhpur route, vid Någor and Mêrta, i.e., by the desert route, with the largest army he had ever com. manded, say 80,000 men- an immense force in contemporary estimation. He proceeded in his habitual manner, marching and entrenching-trenches in cultivated land, sandbags in the desert. He was checked near Ajmer by difficulties of food supply, and sat looking behind his trenches at Mâldev in his fortress, and on the whole Maldev was master of the military situation. Surprise was not possible, so Sher Shah resorted to a stratagem (afterwards performed with great success by Aurangzeb), relying on the simplicity and highly-strung nature of the true Rajpût. He caused letters, purporting to be written by Mâldev's nobles and containing offers to betray Mâldevinto his hands, to be forged and dropped in a bundle where

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they could be picked up and delivered to MÅldev. This was done by an agent and MAlder could not be persuaded that there had been no treachery, and consequently fled to Jodhpur.
Sher Shah entered Ajmer and overran Mârwar to Mt. Abu (a fact discovered by Professor Qanungo), manoeuvred Maldev out of Jodhpur at last, and left him in peace safely at Siwand. He then returned to Agra for a short while for a peculiarly Indian reason, viz., to show that he was alive, as owing to the incurable credulity of the Indian public, rumours as to his death in the Rajputana deserta had become current and were gaining too much ground. He then returned to Rajputând, took Chitor and overran Mewar in the course of a sort of triumphant march. He upset no local chiefs and reduod none to real subjection, but satisfied himself with proving his irrosistible might, and so kept them in order by holding all the strategical positions and the lines of communication, and thus incidentally isolating the chiefs and preventing combinations.
He next turned his attention to Bundelkhand and the freebooting Bundela Rajputs, commencing a siege of their great fortress of Kalinjar. With his accustomed energy, Sher Shah was taking a personal share in the investment, when be was severely burnt by an accident arising out of the throwing of hand-grenades (huqqa) and was carried to his camp mortally injured. The Afghåns stormed the fort the same day and Sher Shah died in the evening of the 22nd May 1545, in the very hour of victory over the infidels, "the most coveted death of a good Musalman," as Professor Qanungo puts it. He must have been then in his sixtieth year at least.
He left two surviving sons-neither worthy of their father-'Adil Khan Sür, indolent and indifferent and a poor soldier, and Jalal Khân Sür, active, fierce and vindictive, but a good soldier. Jalal Khân naturally succeeded and was soon in Kalinjar. Sher Shah was buried in the magnificent mausoleum he had built in his old home, Sasarâm.
Such is an outline of the career of Sher Shâh Sûr according to the latest research. Now let us see what India owes to him as a monarch. His empire extended over all North India, on the West from the Afghân hills beyond the Indus south of the Himalayas to the hills of Assam on the East, and his main civil achievement was the creation of a definitely organised administration built up in recognised grades of authority from the bottom upwards, which kept even provincial governors-let alone all below them-directly subordinate to the central authority. It also effectually prevented any local personage from independently controlling the life of the villager-from being in fact his "Providence" (ma-båp)-a relation between peasant and official which has lasted so long in India that the feeling is still de great force in the countryside. Sher Shah did not, of course, invent his system out of his inner consciousness. His merit lay in consolidating and making practical what was in embryo in the systems, or rather methods, of various previous rulers.
Sher Shah started his civil administration with the smallest unit he could-the pargana (district). Each pargana consisted of dihi (villages, or perhaps more accurately, townships or parishes) and was a part of a sarkar (division or minor government), which in its turn was under a titular governorship. Each of these units, great or small, was as small as it could be made. Thus he created in the area he ruled 8 titular governorships, 86 divisions and 2467 districts of about 15 townships each. A comparison with the modern administrative divisions and sub-divisions of the same area will show how comparatively small these were. The result was to connect the remotest village by & chain of regular links with the central authority.

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The pargana officials were the shiqdar, a military police officer with limited powers, to support the amin or civil head and arbitrator in revenue disputes between the State and the payer of taxes. The amin had for civil subordinates the fotaddr or treasurer and two kärkuns or clerks, one each for Hindi and Persian correspondence. The civil officials were collectively and individually responsible to the Central Government. This requirement prevented corruption and embezzlement.
The Sarkâr was administered by a Chief Shiqdar (the Farjdar of later times) and a Chief Munsif. The Chief Shiqdar was a local grandee with a large military following, whose duty was to keep order, but he was, nevertheless, essentially a superior officer of a civil police. The Chief Munsif looked after the subordinate civil offices and acted as a circuit judge to settle civil suits and redress local grievances. He had no revenue office, all revenue correspondence going direct from the pargana to the Imperial Secretariat.
Beyond the Sarkar, Sher Shâh created no higher administrative unit. He would have no military governors, and as a matter of fact the familiar subahs and súbaddrs of history came later. The nearest he got to the provincial governor of later times was the Qazi Fazihat of Bengal, who was a general referee to weld the administration of the officials of the Bengal sarkárs into a homogeneous whole, without the possession of any military, and with the possession of but little administrative, authority. But like all other rulers, Sher Shah could not always do as he pleased, and the local situation obliged him reluctantly to appoint Haibat Khân Niâzi, Shuja'at Khân and Khawas Khân supreme military governors Iospectively of the Panjab and parts of Malwâ, with an obvious intention to make the appointments temporary.
The upshot of his system of government was the centralisation of all supreme authority in himself, even in details. His ministers were but secretaries, but he heard reports by departments and so laid the foundation of the British Secretariat Departments. He was also his own Finance Minister and superintended his treasury and its accounts himself. His general system was at the bottom of the whole Mughal administrative structure and to this day the District Magistrate and the tahsildar are the lineal descendants of the Chief Shiqdar and his amin. The personal work he performed must have been enormous, but he made it run so smoothly and mechanically, that it did not interfere with his immense military and even architectural and engineering activities. Truly a wonderful man.
In his military administration the trend of Sher Shâh's mind and capacity came out clearly. He followed and improved on 'Alâ'u'ddin Khilji's system (1296-1316), though it had long been lost sight of under his successors, until it disappeared in the clan system of the Lodi Afghans (1451-1526). 'Alâ'u'ddin Khilji recruited his army directly, paid them in cash through his own treasury, officered them himself and branded the horses. His army was an organised imperial foroe and not a mere collection of feudal units. Sher Shah, too, was his own Commander-in-Chief and Paymaster General, and always aimed at putting the soldier into as close touch as possible with himself, keeping recruiting, promotion and salary in his own hands. His Army.Commander was & purely military official with no civil authority except on the frontier; and like all successful Muslim rulers in India, Sher Shah from the beginning gave important military and civil posts to selected Hindus.
It will have been seen from Sher Shah's management of his father's fief, that he had made himself an expert in the collection of revenue. The theory, still in vogue, of all land outside the towns being the property of the monarch had existed at the outset of Muslim rule in India, and it was 'Ala'u'ddin Khilji that introduced the idea of survey and assessment, though his innovation did not remain long in effect and degenerated to guess work at the

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Caprice of the ruler under the Taghlaqs, until the beneficent Firôz Shah Tughlaq (1351-1388) ravived it. Nevertheless, the pernicious system of granting fiefs, as a reward, to the military following of the Muslim invaders, which lasted on to Humayun's day, prevented the efforts of Firoz Shah Tughlaq from effectually protecting the peasantry against oppression.
Sher Shah swept it away and reverted to the land measurements of 'Alâ'u'ddin Khilji and improved on them, and everywhere he took a fourth, instead of 'All'u'ddin's half, of the assessed produce, allowing the peasant the choice between paying in cash or kind. He also gave title-deeds stating the revenue demanded in each case, according to an agreement duly signed and sealed ; and he fixed the collection fees himself. His Assessments were light and his cfficials found favour by realising them in full. Finally, he abolished new grants of fiefs for good service by soldiers, rewarding them in cash. His system was rigorously carried out, and had his life been spared, the long-established plundering superior landlord would have disappeared. As it was, he succeeded in establishing a system which was the model for Akbar, through Todar Mal, and formed the basis of the modern British system of revenue settlement.
Sher Shah's revenue management demanded the existence of regular coinage, and practically he had to create it. Sweeping away all the indefinite metal currencies he found, he introduced a new dam ox copper unit and divided it up into sixteenths for cash revenue purposes, and his gold and silver coins were good, having a fixed relation to each other and to the dam. He further developed the plan of establishing mints at the more important centres of his ever-increasing empire, which have been since so important for tracing histori. cal facts. Truly was he the father of the existing British Indian coinage.
Sher Shah made another clean sweep of old established pernicious habits. Except perhaps as to corn under 'Alá'u'ddin Khilji, there had never been freedom of trade between petty governments within the Muslim Empire. Sher Shâh abolished all customs, except on the frontier and an octroi at the markets. He thus encouraged trade in a manner unknown to Europe or elsewhere in his day.
He showed his administrative genius by his extensive road-building everywhere, and in all directions from Agra. His great roads, Agra to Burhanpur, Agra to Jodhpur and Chitor, Lahor to Multân, and the greatest of all, Dacca (Sunargaon) to the Indus, were well shaded and extraordinarily well supplied with rest-houses. Improved by the work of generations, they are there to this day. The rest houses were an old institution, but Sher Shah's merit was that in his time they were deliberately designed to entertain Hindu and Muslim alike. His system of posts was inherited and so was his method of espionage.
Sher Shah's police system was effective, though mediæval in its severity and methods, but his regulations as to responsibility of village officials for crime committed within their jurisdiction and for fugitive criminals traced to their villages remind one of the existing Track Law of the Panjab, and are therefore interesting.
Within his opportunities, Sher Shah was a noble builder. His splendid mausoleum. at the family fief of Sasaram is the finest specimen as a matter of architecture, but he built much else, and was a past master in the art of the construction of strong forts in the right strategical positions- & great though minor point in his many outstanding capacities. He found Todar Mal Khatri for the building of his Rohtas Fort to overawe the Gakkharsthe Todar Mal, who was to do so much for Akbar later on.
I shall not attempt to write a character of Sher Shah. His life shows hing to have had all the qualities that go to make a great ruler of men--one who had the genius to be a great pioneer: a man ahead of his time, and therefore a man whose career deserves the closest study in its every aspect by all Indian administrators who would profit in their day by the doings and ideals of one of the very greatest of their predecessors.

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MR. D. BANERJI'S DATE FOR KALIDASA.
BY K. G. BANKARA. MB. D. BANERJI's article, in the Journal of the Mythic Society, Vol. X, pp. 75–96 and 384–71, in which he sets out to prove that Kalidasa lived in the first century B.o., has been brought to my notice. So many of his statements and arguments seem to me to be ofen to criticism that I propose to take them seriatim and point out where to my mind they are in error or untensble.
1. Statement.-KAlid&ea's date settles that of his patron Vikrama also. Remark. --This involves the assumption that Vikrama was his patron.
2. Statement.-ŠAlivậhana ruled from 78 A.D. i.e., from the foundation of the Saka era. Remark.-The Saka era was probably founded by Kanishka in the next centary and it was never used by the Andhras.
3. Statement.-If his second and third principal theories are refuted the first alone remains and there can be no others. Remark. There are however others.
4. Statement.-There was not time for Kalidea to become a classic in Båna's day. Remark.-Kalidasa was very widely known and 100 years is time enough.
6. Statement.-Mr. Banerji speaks of Bateavatti and Dharma-vardhana. Remark.Surely he means Vateabhatti and Vishņu-vardhana.
6. Statement.-KAlidAsa does not directly refer to himself or his patron, and therefore lived before the first century A.D., when such references became a practice, and inscriptions of the 3rd and 4th centuries A.D. prove the existence of the practice. Remark.-KAlidata does refer to himself in his dramas (see Introd.) Bhåravi, Viéêkhadatta and Bhavabhoti, who came after him, do not mention their patrons. And it may be argued that no analogy can properly be drawn between the practice of the poets and that of the hireling who composed the inscriptions.
7. Argument.-By describing the Avantf king in the Raghuvariéa as long-armed, broadhested, narrow-waisted and comparable to the sun, Kálidâea is hinting that his name was Vikramaditya. Remark.-If the poet wanted to do so, why should he not have done so more clearly? 2.g., by using aditya for ushna-tejáh, which by suitable change he could easily have managed without breach of metre.
8. Argument.-Indumati rejects the Avanti king because she, as the water-lily, cannot bear him, as the sun. This relegates Aja to the position of a moon (Ragh. VI, 36). Also Raghu omits to conquer Målva. Therefore the Avanti king was Kálidêea's patron.
Remark. --Both the Avanti king and Aja were but stars or planets before the moon, i.e., the Magadha king, whom alone the Earth owned as her lord, though there were thousands of other kings (Ragh. VI, 22). Raghu also omits to conquer Magadha as well as Mâlva. Magadha was therefore the greatest of Kalidasa's possible patrons.
9. Argument.-On this last point Mr. Banerji conterds thet Magadha being on Raghu's route must be included in his conquests and that the fact was omitted out of respect to the Magadha king. Remark.-Avanti was also on Raghu's route from Trikota to Pârasika by the land-route (Ragh. VI, 59, 60); and if the Magadha king was not Kaid&ea's patron, why should his defeat be omitted out of respect? Even suppoeing the Avanti king was Kalidasa's patron, it does not follow that he was Vikramaditya, who was not the only kirg of Målva.

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10. Argument.-In the words Babandha 88 n-ottama-Saukumdryd kumudvati bhanumat-fva bhavam (Ragh. VI, 36) there is a reference to Vikrama's traditional queen Bhånumati by construing the text as kumudvali ad Bhanumatt iva. Remark.-Bhanumatt iva would naturally mean that “Bhânumatí, like Indumati, rejected the Avanti king” and not that "Indumati, unlike Bhânumati, rejected him." Also Kumudvali, taken with uttama-saukumdryd and applied to 8d, is redundant, and if Kumudvalt be applied to Bhanumat it is meaningless. It may be remarked also that the commentators, who saw a reference in st. 14 of the Meghadata to Dingnåga and Nicula, could not see any allusion to Bhånumati in the text under discussion.
11. Argument.-The tradition as to Bhânumati can be carried as far back as the Gathasapta-sall. Remark.-There is no reference in the Gathd-sapta-salt to Bhanumati.
12. Argument.-Buddhist kings from Asoka's time used to praise their own acts in pillar-inscriptions. Kalidtea condemns such self-praise in the words ding-någánam sthalahast-dvalepan, the Buddhist missionaries being called Ding-nagas. Remark.-In Apte's Dictionary "writing" is not found as a sense of lêpa. Excepting perhaps Asoka himself, no Buddhist king is guilty of self-praise in inscriptions. Even Asoka's inscriptions were cut to emphasize his teaching by personal example rather than in self-praise. If, too, ding-ndgândm refers to Buddhist missionaries, 8thula-hast-dvalepán must refer to their acts and not to the Asoka pillars, nor does Mr. Banerji say why the poet should ask the cloud to avoid the pillars.
13. Argument.-The Asoka pillars being inscribed in the Four Quarters can be them. selves termed ding-ndgas. Remark. --The Asoka pillars were set up not in the Four Quarters only, but in every part of his Empire.
14. Argument. The secondary meaning attributed by Mallinatha to Megha-dútd, st. 14, cannot be credited for want of corroboration. If Kalidasa wanted to cast a slur on Dingnåga, he would not have used the honorifio plural and would not have asked the cloud to avoid Dingnåga's writings. Remark.-The Sabd-arnava gives Nicula as a poet's name, and both Mallinåtha and Dakshiņåvarta, whom Mallinåtha mentions as a previous commentator (Ragh. Introd.), quote a verse by Nicula. Dingnaga was a famous Buddhist Scholar, who, according to Mallinâtha criticised Kalidasa, and it was Nicula, a co-pupil of Kalidasa, who defended him. Dakshiņåvarta confirms this and adds that Dingnåga acoused Kalidasa of plagiarism. Kalidasa, in fact, had no desire to cast a slur on Dingnaga, but only defended himself against his criticism by citing Nicula's opinion. The plural form Dingnágånám, though respectful, was not necessarily used to express mere respeot, as it would imply that the criticism of any number of such scholars as Dingnânga could not weigh against the taste of Nicula. In the allegorical sense of the words the poet addresses not the cloud (megha) but the poem with that title (Megha). All this goes to show that Kalidasa was a contemporary of Dingnaga, c. 500 A.D., thus upsetting the theory of his date as before the first century B.C. 1 15. Argument.-When Kalidasa speaks of the Magadha king pleasing his subjects and performing sacrifices, he has Pushyamitra in mind, and when he speaks of Raghu's forbearing to annex Kalinga he is referring to Asoka of that country. Remark.-The references in the first case fit Aditya-varman of the seventh century A.D. equally well, and in the second case Kulottunga's conquest of Kalinga, in spite of Mr. Banerji's objection that their very
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dates preclude them, and of his use of them to show that tho Magadha king was not Kalidasa's patron. Incidentally he states that Båna lived in the sixth oentury A.D., a clear error for the seventh century A.D.
16. Argument.When Kalidasa refers to Raghu as a dharma-vijayt, mentions his for bearing to annex Kalinga, and lays stress on the Magadha king's sacrifices, he is thinking of Asoka. Remark.–Kalidasa's hero was Rama and Raghu was his ancestor. So the safest inference is that he says that Raghu was chivalrous, even to his fiercest enemy the Kalinga king, and lays stress on the Magadha king's sacrifices, because he is alluding to the emperor and his own patron of the sixth century A.D.
17. Argument.-The Magadha king's name Paran-tapa is significant in view of Adoka's effeminate title of Priyadarst. Remark.--Parantapa is a title properly applied to any Emperor.
18. Statement.-Gunadhya lived in the first century A.D. Remark. --This is true, but he was not the author of the Brhat-katha. He was only its mythical spokesman, just as the Rohis were of Smrtia. Somadeva says he has only summarised it. We can hence fix its date with the help of the Kathd-sarit-sågara. It relates miracles attributed to Satavahana and Nagarjuna (c. 200 A.D.) as having happened formerly (purd), and mentions the Hanas (Hung) unknown to Hindus before c. 450 A.D. while Ganga Durvinita translated itinto Sanskrit in c. 550 A.D. (Epigraphia Carnation XII, Tumkur, 23). This makes its date, 450-550 A.D. Bana (c.-630 A.D., mentions in the following order Satavahana, Pravarasena, Bhâsa, Káli. dåse, and the Brhat-katha (Harsha-carita, Introd. st. 13-7). This order must be by date not merit, for then Bhâss and Kalidasa would precede the others. This makes both Kálidasa and the Brhat-katha later than Satavahana (first century A.D.) and Pravarasena. Ramadása says that Kálidas a composed the Setu-bandha for Pravarasena by order of Vikrama. This at any rate shows that they were contemporaries. The author Pravarasena was a Kuntala king (Bharata carita). That is, he was Vakataka Pravarasena II, and Bhoja says that Vikrama sent Kalidasa to the Kuntala king (Songdra-prakdóa). All this means that in reality Kalidasa lived o. 500 A.D., and that the Brhat-katha must be later still. There fore Guņådhya was not its author. Båna and Dandin confirm this by omitting the name of the author of the Brhat-batha, even when the former mentions the names of all the other poets he refers to except the unknown author of the Akhydyika Vasavadalıd that Patanjali mentions (Mahabhdshya; IV, iii, 87; IV, ii, 60).
19. Statement.-The Gathå-sapta-sati distinguishes Vikrama's indiscriminate liberality from Salivahana's discriminate charity (VI, 64, 67). Remark.--There is in fact no such distinction drawn, as the two rulers are mentioned in different contexts. Thus, the story about Vikrama is connected with a reward to a servant for services rendered which does not imply indiscriminate liberality. Salivahana is referred to as the "living" refuge of declining families; and the statement does not attribute the limitation to his liberality to them alone or make his charity discriminate. Further, the Gathd only proves that there was a ruler named Vikrama before the first oentury A.D., and does not go to prove that this Vikrama was Kalidasa's patron.
20. Statement. The pun on dvanndym must have been suggested by Kalidasa's aparna. Remark. -Mr. Banerji does not show that this was necessarily the case.
21. Statement.--The Gatha (I. 43) gives an exception to a generalisation of Kálid Asa (Megh.9) and casts ridicule (I, 11) on Kalidasa's picture of the meeting of Sakuntalå and Dushyanta. Remark.--As a matter of fact the Gatha in the text quoted (I, 43) is not referring

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to Kalidasa or his work. The only idea common to the two passages (Gatha T, 43 and Megh. 9) is the sustaining power of hope (âsábandha), too commonplace to allow of analogy.. In the second instance quoted the only common feature is that of a husband trying to pacify his wife; too common an idea to prove or infer anything. Moreover the Gatha does not mention Dushyanta or Sakuntala.
22. Argument.-Kalidasa refers to the old men of Avanti as versed in the Udayana legend, and therefore he must have lived before the Brhat-kaiha was composed. Remark.--The fact of Kalidasa's reference does not prove anything as regards his date. In the first place he does not say that the Udayana legend lived in the old men's mouths only, and even after the B.hat-katha, the legend might well have been still in old men's mouths.
23. Statement.-The Vikrama legend is to be relied on for fixing the date of Kalidasa. Remark. --The name of Vikrama and the fame of his charity were no doubt known in the first century A.D. but the legend of Vikrama is to be found only in late works, which so closely interweave fact and fiction that it is now impossible to separate the one from the other.
24. Statement.- Vikrama and Bharts-hari were brothers. Remark.-Yet Mr. Banerji does not date Vikrama in the seventh century A.D., in spite of I-tsing's record, made in India between 673 and 695 A.D., that Bhatr-hari died in 650 A.D.
25. Statement.--Vikrama started an observatory and rebuilt Ayodhyâ. Remark. No evidence of these facts is produced.
26. Statement.-Vikrama's valour and liberality find support in the life of Raghu. Remark.-This is to assume that the two heroes were identical.
27. Statement.-Kalidasa adopts a strange device in the garbhabhisheka of Vikrama's queen. Remark.-It is mentioned by Kautilya (V, vi).
28. Statement.--Kalidasa wrote an astronomical work, the Jyotir-vid-abharana. Remark. --This is more than doubtful, as though the work in question claims to date from 34 B.C., it mentions the Saka - Era, commencing 111 years later and must therefore be a forgery.
29. Statement.-Kalidasa's astronomical references are important and reliable. Remark.Kumdra-sambhava VII, 1 (not VI, 1, as quoted), relates to Umâ's marriage, not to her birth.
30. Argument.-Vikrama's sudden death, his queen's garbhabhisheka, her regency for an unborn son, Vikrama's observatory and revival of astronomy, his rebuilding of Ayodhyâ, his claim to solar origin, his locating of the incidents in the Ramayana, his helping the weak and the oppressed in disguise and the conflicting feelings of the queen-mother on her son's anointment--all find support in (1) “Agnivarna's sudden death, his queen's garbhabhisheka, and her regency for an unborn son; in (2) Kalidasa's writing an astronomical work and his astronomical references; in (3) Kuśa's rebuilding of Ayodhyâ and his solar origin; in (4) Kalidasa's references to the incidents in the Ramayana ; in (5) Dushyanta's helping the hermits in disguise ; in (6) Purúrava's rescue of Urvasi from the Daityas ; in (7) Siva's going to Pârvati in disguise ; in (8) the conflicting feelings of Urvasi on regaining her son. Remark.-Apart from the remarks on some of the above details already made, references to several personages that do not bear on the story of Vikrama are here mixed up.
31. Argument.-Tradition cannot be invented in a day and that relating to Vikrama could have imitated the best of Kalidasa's writings. Remark.-Traditions might, however, grow up in time in imitation of them, each adding a detail or two, and had they been

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reasonable, they would not, as now, abound in miracles. Besides, they would not imitate the best of Kalidasa's work, but only such portions as would finish off the story.
32. Argument.-Why should we disbelieve Todd's and Dayananda's genealogies? Remark.--When modern writers do not indicate the sources of their genealogies the burden of proof lies on them.
33. Argument.-If Kalidasa had borrowed from Ašvaghosha, he would not have repeated the same description twice. Remark.-Why not? Suppose we hold that Kalidasa did borrow them, developed them and made them his own. .
34. Argument.-The damsels' glances at Aja (a mistake for Siva, see Kum. VII, 56) were immoral, and that is why Aśvaghosha says that the hearts of his own damsels were pure (Buddha-carita,. III, 23). Remark.--Ašvaghosha nowhere refers to the damsels who looked at Siva.
35. Statement.--Moral as he was, Ašvaghosha in one instance at any rate is obscene, why then did he lay such stress on his damsels' purity of heart? Remark.- This is an argument against his alleged morality, as a man really pure in thought, word and deed, would not use obscene expressions. Apart from this, Mr. H. A. Shâh points out that the use of na to modify his ideas is a peculiarity of Asvaghosha (cf. Buddha V, 23;1, 23; VI, 31, 67, etc.), and that hence we should not see a reference to a person or a book when he thus qualifies a statement.
36. Argument.-When Asvaghosha mentions Mâra's wonder at Buddha's resistance, he is really having a fling at Kalidasa's reference to Siva's yielding to Madana's influences, and Bhâravi in revenge makes Arjuna tempt the very tempters. These facts settle finally the order of these poets, although, in the original stories, Buddha and Arjuna were not overcome by temptation. The points to bear in mind are Mâra's wonder and the tempting of Arjuna's tempters. Remark.--Mâra, however, might well have wondered that his wiles, irresistible to gods and sages, should have failed with Buddha without thinking of siva. And Bhâravi might, without thinking of Asvaghosha, well have remarked that the sensual apsaras were charmed with Arjuna's beauty, but that strong-minded Arjuna did not yield to their temptation.
37. Argument.--Buddhist writers from Asvaghosha's time in dropping the old Påli language and taking to Samskrt, did so under the influence of Kalidasa. Remark,--This means that Asvaghosha followed Hindu models. If so, why not the Ramayana or the Mahabharata? And why Kalidasa especially? But the fact is that the aim of the Buddhist writers was to reach the people and so they first adopted Pâli which was the people's language, and when about 100 B.c. it ceased to be generally spoken, and the language of poetry could only be Sanskrit, the common tongue of scholarly Hindus, they dropped Pali and adopted Samskrt. Further, by that time Buddhism itself had ceased to be popular and was becoming assimilated to Hinduism in philosophy, ritual and language. This is confirmed by the fact that all inscriptions from that period, Buddhist and Hindu, were composed in Samskrt in place of Prakrt.
38. Argument.--It is absurd to assert that the great Kalidasa borrowed from Asvaghosha. Remarks.-Great poets however have borrowed from predecessors : e.g., Shakespeare, Goethe.
39. Argument.-Kâlidêsa mentions Pushyamitra's aśvamedha, and depicts Agnivarna Ag & sensualist. Remark.-The mention of Pushyamitra's asvamedha proves nothing more than that Kalidasa was later than Pushyamitra. Sensual kings are not uncommon, and Kalidasa's statement as to Agnivar a proves nothing.

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40. Argument.-The dignity of Dhåriņi's character proves that Kalidasa lived while she was still remembered. Remark.-Dharini might well have been remembered long after her death, even supposing that Kalidasa had no model in mind in conceiving such a character.
41. Argument.-The present Smytis make out Sakuntala to be a varna-sankara, and Kalidasa goes against the Smytis and makes her marry Dushyanta. He therefore lived before their compilation. Remark.-Kalidasa did not invent the story. He took it from the Mahabharata. Again no Smrti fixes the caste of a Kshatriya father and an apsara. Also, if the Smrtis prohibit Asavarna-vivdha, how is it they mention mixed castes ?
42. Statement.-Kalidasa, like Kautilya, denies a widow's right to inherit. Remark.Is there any proof that such a rule was not still prevalent up to c. 500 A.D. ?
43. Argument.-Style, metre, yamaka, alankára, grammar, double-meanings and apparent contradictions all go to prove the limits of Kalidasa's date. Remark.--Such arguments can never fix definite limite.
44. Statement.-Kálidasa does not mention the Buddhists nor Rådhå. Remark. Buddhism dates from at least c. 520 B.C. and the Gatha (I, 89) speaks of Radhikâ. There is no context in his poems where Rådhå should have been brought in and is not.
45. Argument.--Kalidasa did not know of the Kamasdstra. Remark.--He quotes Sak. IV, 18: Ragh., XIX, 31) Vâtsyâyana of the first century A.D., or later (IV, i, 39-40 : VI, 3, 34).
46. Statement.-Kalidasa influenced Sudraká, Bhatti, Bharthari, Subandhu and Dandin. Remark. He adduces no evidence for the statement, and assuming there is evidence, their known dates are consistent with placing Kálidaea's date as c. 500 A.D., except perhaps as to Sadraka.
47. Argument.-If it is true that Kálidâsa was at Yasodharman's Court, why was Vagula chosen for the text of his inscription? Remark.-The Court poets Kamba and Oftakkûtta did not compose Kulottunga's inscriptions.
48. Statement.-All the Samskrt poets have imitated Kalidasa's ætu-samhdra. Remark.--No evidence of so strong a statement is adduced.
49. Statement.--The Rtu-samhara and the Snydra-tilaka are the principal works of Kalidasa. Remark.-No evidence is adduced in support.
50. Argument.--Vatsabhatti's Mandasor Inscription of 473 A.D. goes to show that Kalidasa lived before that date. Remark.-This raises a number of points of detail to be taken separately."
51. Argument.-Vatsabhatti, like Kalidasa, is fond of subhaga, used prasdda-mala (cf. Fleet, G.I., No. 18, line 7; and Kum. VII, 56), and plays on personal names (cf. Floet, G.I. No. 18, 11, 14, 15, and Ragh., XVIII). Remark.-This argument does not of itself prore anything.
52. Argument.--Vatsabhatti admits that he wrote prayatnena (Fleet, G.I., No. 18, 1. 23). Remark.--Prayatnena, however, can mean "with great care” as well as "with difficulty." It does not indicate any borrowing on Vatsabhatti's part, much less does it prove that he imitated Kalidasa.
53. Argument.--Compare Vatsabhatti's ll. 6, 7, and 17, 18, and 18, 19, with Megh. (Pathak : st. 66) and Rtu. (V, 2, 3, 9). Remark.-Comparison does not support any borrowing by Vatsabhatti from Kálidasa or vice versd. Thus, the only words common to Vatsabhatti's 11. 6,7 and Megh., 66, are citra,abhra, tulya, yatra and tunga : the only ideas common to both

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are that houses had women, music and pictures, and were high. The only words common to Vatsabhatti's ll. 17, 18, and Ṛtu. V, 2, 3, are udara, candra, harmya and candana : and the only common ideas are that the inside of a house, the fireside, sunshine, women's company, but not sandal, the moon's rays, terraces, or breezes are agreeable in winter. And there are differences: e.g., Vatsabhatti adds that in the winter fans and garlands are unpleasant, that lotuses are nipped by the frost and fish lie low in the water, while the Ṛtu adds that at the same season barred windows, thick clothes and young women are agreeable, and also that terraces are clear in the autumn moon (an inept idea) and that breezes are cold in the snow. Not a word is common to Vatsabhatti's 11. 18, 19 and Ṛtu. V, 9, and the only common idea is that young men and women defy the cold by close embrace. Such analogies as these cannot go to prove that Kâlidâsa must have lived before 473 A.D.
54.
Statement. The Yavanas of the Ragh. are the Greeks. Remark.-The Yavanas of the Ragh, are identical with the Pâścâtyas and Pârasikas (Journal, Mythic Society IX, 46, 47). 55. Statement. The Hûnas (Huns) destroyed the Roman Empire in the first century A.D. Remark. For first, read close of the fourth.
56. Statement. The Huns attacked India on the decline of the Mauryas and Pushyamitra checked their invasion. Remark.-For Huns, read Greeks.
57. Statement.-Vikrama defeated the Huns. Remark.-For Huns, read Sakas. 58. Statement. In Indian Literature Sakas (Scythians), Hunes (Huns) and Yavanas (Greeks) are mixed up. Remark.-As a matter of fact they are always clearly distinguished. 59. Argument. The location of the Huns in the Ragh. on the banks of the Sindhu i.e., of the Caspian Sea, is consistent with its date. Remark. The Sindhu is the Indus and not the Caspian Sea, and the variant term Vankshû gives the same location, viz., Bactria, to which the Huns first came in c. 420 A.D. They became known, however, to the Hindus only after their invasion of India and defeat by Skandagupta in 455 A.D. Hence the Ragh.. is later than 455 A.D.
60. Statement.-Akshobhya means untarnished. Remark.-It means immovable, but never untarnished in the sense of unblemished.
61. Argument. The Colas and Pândyas fought each other from the earliest times, and because the Colas were prominent in the second century A.D., Kâlidâsa lived before that. Remark. The Colas were prominent long after the second century A.D., and the Sangham Age in South India is now placed in c. 600 A.D. not in 200 A.D.
62. Statement.-Bhâravi borrowed from the Kumara-sambhava. Remark.--No proof is adduced.
THE HISTORY OF THE NIZAM SHAHI KINGS OF AHMADNAGAR. BY LIEUT.-COLONEL SIR WOLSELEY HAIG, K.C.I.E., C.S.I., C.M.G., C.B.E. (Continued from p. 131.)
XCIII. AN ACCOUNT OF THE FRESH SIEGE OF NALDRUG AND OF THE MATTERS WHICH CAMÉ TO LIGHT IN THE COURSE THEREOF.2 260
The fortress of Naldrug is famed as one of the strongest fortresses in Hind or Sind. It is built on the slopes of a lofty mountain, rising from a well watered valley, and is reputed to be impregnable. The fortress is encircled on three sides by the valley, which is wide and
260 Firishta does not mention the third siege of Naldrug formed after the retirement of the armies of Ahmadnagar and Golconda from before Bîjâpûr in A.D. 1581. Sayyid 'Ali says that he was himself present at it, but, as he does not explain how Muḥammad Quli Qutb Shah, who had retired to Golconda, came to be with the besieging force, he seems to be serving up a rechauffe's of the second siege.

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deep, and on the fourth side on which it is approached, by a ditch 40 şar' wide, and 40 par long, cut out of the hard and solid rock. The slope between the wall and the edge of the ditch measures about 100 şar' but has been so steeply scarped that a bird or an ant, much less a man, could hardly scale it.
Towards the end of the month of Ramzan A.H. 989 (October A.D. 1681) the allies encamped before the fortrees. On the following day the amir-ul-umard 261 in person reconnoitred the fortress and inspected it with a view to ascertaining on which side it could be best attacked. He ordered the batteries to be thrown up on that side of the fort which was not surrounded by water. The armies then encamped over against that face of the fort, and straitly blockaded it. In the meantime the heavy Nizâm Shâhî guns, such as the Nuhgazi Túp, the Laild va Majnün Tüp, the Havdi Tüp and others, which had been sent to the army in the field by Asad Khân, arrived and were set up in the position selected by Sayyid Murtaza. The Qutb Shahi guns, such as the Túp-i-Paidari and others also arrived and were set up in the same place, and the gunners, having ascertained the range, opened fire on the fortress and maintained it daily doing much execution on the walls.
Vazîr-ul-Mulk, 262 who was the commandant of the fortress, had great confidenos in its strength, in his treasures, and in the garrison, and therefore prepared to stand a siege and to attack and harass the besiegers whenever possible, being assiduous, day and night, in the pursuit of military glory. The ground around the fortress was apportioned to the several amfrs and the trenches were pushed forward ; mines were sunk and the sap was carried to the edge of the ditch, and the infantry, elephants, camels, and bullocks of the army were employed in transporting stones, wood and rubbish to the ditch, in order to fill it, while the gunners brought the guns up to the counterscarp and from that point opened fire against the fortrese.
The armies lay in the trenches for nearly two months, during the whole of which time there was constant fighting and the troops had hardly a moment's rest. Sometimes the defenders would make a sortie and attack the droops in the trenches, slaying many, and fierce conflicts took place. Whenever the wall was breached the defenders would make another wall, stronger than the first, behind the breach.
At this time it occurred to the amir-ul-umard that it would be well to write a letter to Vazir-ul-Mulk, the kotwal of the fortress, setting before him the advantages of submitting and entering the service of Ahmadnagar, and the ill results of persisting in his resistance, so that haply he might be induced to make peace and to avoid further strife, which could only lead to bloodshed and to the destruction of the honour of the servants of God. He therefore wrote to him a letter to this effect, adding that the powerful king Muhammad Quli Qutb Shah, aided by the army of Murtaza Nizam Shah, was resolved on taking the fortress and would not abandon the task.
When Vazîr-ul-Mulk had read this letter he sent an answer to the amir-ul-umard saying that he had read the letter from beginning to end and was surprised that the amir-ul-umard sbould advise him to commit an act so base. Forts were as the houses of kings, and when a king entrusted his house to a servant that servant would indeed be vile who should sur. render it to an enemy at his summons. He pointed out that so far as any blame for the outbreak of war went the amir-ul-umara was the aggressor, and that he should remember, in the midst of his threats, that strife had long arms and that a stick had two ends, and that it was possible that fate might play him a trick, while even if the fort were taken its defender would
241 Sayyid Murtara Sabua väri. 363 Muhammad Aga the Turkman had probably received this titlo.

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still be praiseworthy in so far as he had made every effort on behalf of his master and benefactor, and for not having been dismayed even by a king so great and an army so powerful as those which had against him.
When the amir-ul-umard and the rest of the amirs had read Vazir-ul-Mulk's reproachful letter they gave up all idea of a peaceful termination to the siege and determined to reduce the place by force. The artillery maintained a steady fire against the place, rolling large masses of the wall down on to the berm and into the ditch, while the whole army was employed day and night in filling up the ditch and thus making an approach to the fortress. In a short time a breach 40 şar' in length had been made in the wall, and the ditch opposite to the beach had been filled in.
At this time a force of nearly 1,500 horse and 1,000 foot which had come from Bijapur to reinforce the garrison boldly attacked one flank of the besieging army in the last third of the night and large numbers of them were killed and 300 were made prisoners. Others of them fought so bravely that they succeeded in making their way into the fortress the defenders of which were so much cheered and strengthened by their arrival that they presented & bolder front than ever to the besiegers. XCIV.-AN ACCOUNT OF THE BATTLE FOUGHT BY MUŅAMMAD QULI QUTB SAH AGAINST
THE GARRISON, AND OF THE KING'S LACK OF SUCCESS. On the following day, before sunrise, the allied armies armed themselves and prepared for battle waiting for the dawn to attack. Muhammad Quli Qutb Shah in person led his army while the army of Ahmadnagar with its elephants was led by the amir-ul-umard and both armies advanced as far as the counterscarp with trumpets sounding and drums beating. The commandant and the garrison of the fortress, on hearing the peparations for the attack and seeing the allied armies drawn up, lined the walls and then, advancing, repulsed the allies from the edge of the ditch. The allies replied with flights of arrows, volleys of musketry. and a hot artillery fire, which drove the enemy back, and so the fight continued, with much slaughter on both sides.
The writer had then but recently come from 'Iraq and was in the Qutb Shahî service, being on that day in attendance on Muhammad Quli Qutb Shâh on some rising ground close to the fight, and witnessed this dreadful battle with his own eyes. The garrison of Naldrug displayed the greatest bravery but as the sloping berm from the edge of the ditch to the foot of the wall was nearly 100 yards wide and high and was very steep, and the artillery fire had brought the greater part of the wall down on it, its ascent was very difficult, and although the attacking force climbed with great determination to the foot of the wall using their fingers and even their nails, the defender threw hand grenades among them, which hurled them back into the ditch and when they would have fled from the ditch they had the greatest difficulty in climbing the counterscarp and when one slipped he would clutch at the others and thus bring them headlong back into the ditch with him. In this way many were killed. many were scorched and burnt by the hand grenades and many were siain by musketry fire and arrows so that a hundred picked-foreigners were slain, and of the Dakanis and others the game proportion. The battle lasted from before sunrise until the afternoon and was still in progress when some spies brought news that a force of Hindus had halted in the neighbourhood of the besiegers' camp and had prepared for battle with the object of plundering the camp. Muhammad Quli Qutb Shah therefore drew off his army, without having gained any advantage and returned to camp, and the amir-ul-umard followed his example. After this a council of war was held, at which it was agreed by all the amars that it would be best

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for the army to march to Bijâpâr and besiege that city. The armies therefore marched from before Naldrug and encamped on the Beora where they remained for nearly twenty days. Here Muhammad Quli Qutb Shâh grew weary of campaigning and, prompted by some of the older officers of the army sent to the amir-ul-umard to say that he was tired of the field.
The amir-ul-umard, with the example of Muhammad Quli Qutb Shah before him, was also weary of the long campaign and the two agreed to return. Of the Nizam Shahi army Sayyid Mîrza Yådgår, Shir Khân, and other anirs and of the Qutb Shahi army Sayyid Mîr Zainal and other officers, with the troops under their command, were left to guard the frontier of the territory which had been taken from Bijâpûr, and in the middle of Muharram, A.1. 991 (Feb. A.D. 1583) the two armies separated, each marching towards its own country.
When Muhammad Quli Qutb Shah arrived in Goloonda he took his ease and married the daughter of Sayyid Shah Mir, who had been betrothed to his elder brother, giving & great feast and shewing boundless hospitality to all comers.
The amir-ul-umard, owing to the quarrel which he had with Şalábat Khân, would not return to court, but marched straight to Berar.
The amirs of the 'Adil Shâhî army, on hearing of the departure of Muhammad Quli Qutb Shâh and of the Nizam Shahi amirs, collected their forces for the purpose of reconquering those districts which had been annexed by Muhammad Quli Qutb Shah. Mîr Zainal then sent'a messenger to Golconda to represent to the king how great was the force which was advancing against him and how small was his own force. Muhammad Quli Qutb Shah sent to support Mir Zainal a picked force which marched to join him with all speed.
Meanwhile some of Mir Shah Mir's enemies at Golconda, taking advantage of this opportunity to injure him, produced a forged letter, purporting to have been written by him to the 'Adil Shâhî amirs, instigating them to fight with determination and promising them the support of the Foreigners of Golconda, and showed it to the king. This device did not fail of success and Muhammad Quli Qutb Shah, on seeing the letter, was at once estranged from Mir Shâh Mir, the principal pillar of his kingdom, and ordered his immediate arrest with. out any enquiry into the rights and wrongs of the matter. This action led to the greatest confusion in his kingdom and especially in the army, which was so disorganized by it that most of the elephants and cavalry horses of the army in the field were captured by the 'Adil Shâhî amirs.
When the news of Shâh Mir's arrest became known to the army the Foreigners who were the flower of the Qutb Shâhî troops, became utterly disorganized and lost heart altogether, so that the 'Adil Shahi army, on hearing of their condition, were greatly enoouraged and attacked the Qutb Shâhî army with great valour. As most of the bravest of the Qutb Shahi army were foreigners who were utterly confounded by Shâh Mîr's arrest, they made no effort to repulse the enemy, and, when the forces met, fled without striking a blow. The 'Adil Shahi army thus utterly defeated the Qutb Shahi army and, slaying large numbers of them, dispersed them, capturing most of the elephants and baggage. They took 216 elephants, and from this statement the amount of the rest of the plunder can be estimated.
The whole of the Qutb Shaht army having thus taken to flight with no regard either for honour or for shame, Mirza Yadgâr and the other Nizam Shahi amira, in spite of their utmost efferts, could do nothing and were compelled to foo.

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XCV. AN ACCOUNT OF THE MARCH OF SAYYID MURTAZA, AMIR-UL-UMARA FROM BERAR TO AḤMADNAGAR WITH HIS ARMY, FOR THE PURPOSE OF HUMBLING THE POWER
OF SALIBAT KHAN, AND OF THE RENEWAL OF PEACE BY THE EFFORTS OF
ASAD KHAN.
It has already been mentioned that Sayyid Murtagâ, when he returned with his army from the expedition to Bîjâpûr, would not enter the capital, owing to his quarrel with Salâbat Khân, which was sedulously promoted by the ill-wishers of both, but turned aside and entered Berar by way of the town of Ausa. Meanwhile the power and influence of Salabat Khân had been constantly growing greater until he began to decide all affairs of state without in any way consulting Asad Khin, and used not even to submit Asad Khin's peti tions on affairs to the king, and even when a farman issued to Asad Khân by name it was not, for fear of Salâbat Khân, carried to him. Asad Khan therefore proposed to summon Sayyid Murtazâ, with the army of Berar, to Ahmadnagar, in order to overthrow SalâbatKhân. The amir-ul-umara Sayyid Murtaza and his officers, such as Jamshid Khan, Khudâvand Khân Bahri Khân, Chanda Khân, Tir Andaz Khân, Rustam Khan, Shir Khan Dastur Khân and others, having renewed their compact to support Asad Khân, marched with their troops from the capital of Berar towards Ahmadnagar. When they reached the capital they encamped without the city, and Salabat Khân, who feared the strength of the army of Berar and was, moreover, suspicious of the fidelity of the greater part of the troops under his own command, began to make overtures to Asad Khan and so succeeded in pacifying him that Asad Khan went to the Amir-ul-umard and used his utmost endeavours to persuade him to refrain from any act of warfare, which could not fail to lead to the ruin and desolation of the great part of the kingdom. Asad Khan succeeded in making peace between the amirs of Berar and Șalábat Khân, and the amir-ul-umard with all his, amirs returned with great pomp and honour to the capital of Berar. 263
At this time Khvâjagî Fathullâh Khâshi264 arrived at the royal court as ambassador from Jalâl-ud-din Muhammad Akbar Shâh, and, after having been honourably received by the amirs and the principal officers of the army, was honoured with an audience of Murtaza Nizam Shah. According to the royal command a suitable palace was placed at his disposal and many of the courtiers, amirs, and officers of state entertained him at choice banquets in pavilions erected for the purpose.
The Bagh-i-Farah Bakhsh, laid out by the command of Murtaza Nizam Shah, had at this time just been completed, and was one of the most beautiful gardens that the world has seen. The king now held his court in this garden and gave a great banquet there. Here
303 According to Firishta it was in 1584 that the quarrel between Sayyid Murtaza and Salabat Khân developed into open hostility. In that year Salabat Khân sent Qasim Beg and Mirza Muḥammad Taqi Shirazi on a mission to Bijapur to arrange a marriage between the sister of Ibrahim Adil Shah II and the young prince Husain of Ahmadnagar. He ordered Jamshid Khan Shirâzî, one of the amire of Berar, to accompany the mission with his contingent as an escort. Jamshid Khanreplied that he was subordinate to Sayyid Murtaza, and would take orders from him only. He sent the order to Sayyid Murtaza, who informed him that he had been instructed to obey no orders but those bearing the king's own signature and that as this order had not been signed by the king it should not be obeyed. Jamshid Khan passed on this reply to Salabat Khan, and the ill-feeling between Sayyid Murtaza and Salabat Khan became so acute that the former marched on Aḥmadnagar, as described-F. ii, 281, 282.
264 Khvajagi Fathullah, son of Haji Habibullah of Kashân, not to be confounded with Mir Fathullah of Shiraz, was serving under the Khan i-A'zam in Malwa in the 30th year of Akbar's reign (1585) and was sent as an envoy to Ahmadnagar when his namesake, the Shirazi Sayyid, was sent to the court of Raja Alf Khan of Khandesh. Sayyid 'All seems to be a year out in the date of Khvajagi Fathullah's mission, unless Fathullah had been sent from Agra and joined Khan-i-A'zam in Malwa after returning from Ahmadnagar.

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the court poets attended and sang the praises of the building and its builder. Among those Was Maulana Malik Qumi, some of whose verses on this occasion are here recorded.
It is said that some dispute arose in this assembly among the poets who were present regarding the order of precedence in which they should recite their poems and that Maulåna Sairafi SÅwaji, who was one of the poets present would not recite his poem, although he had a copy of it with him. This matter was reported to $al&bat Khân, who called Şairaff to him and asked him about his poem. The Maulana related to Şal&bat Khan the story of the dispute regarding precedenoe. Salábat Khân said to Sairafi, who was a will looking man, 'Wash your face, for it is best that this matter be washed out. XOVI.-SHAK SILIH OBTAINS ACCESS TO THE KING, AND IS HANDED OVER TO SALIBAT KHAN.
When SalAbat Khân had got all power in the state into his own hands, and was acting as though he were in truth the king, he took greater care than ever to keep the king well guarded and had the garden and all the approaches to it so closely watched by sentries and confidential officers that it might almost be said that neither the birds nor the air could obtain acoess to the garden. Nobody had access from without to the king save a young eunuch who was in Şal&bat Khan's confidence.
But Shah Şalih, son of Maulana Shah Muhammad Nishâbûri, who had been one of the closest attendants on the king and was much annoyed by his inability to attend, as heretofore, on the king's person, determined at all costs to see his master and in his anger regarded not at all what was likely to be his fate. On the first of the month when, in accordance with the practice in the Dakan, all the army assembled to congratulate the king and to wish him good fortune, Shah Salih, putting his trust in heaven alone, succeeded in approaching the wall of the garden, scaled it, and dropped down into the garden. He knew not where the king's lodging was, and the darkness of the night prevented him from distinguishing it. The king, however, was walking in the garden and Shah Salih happened to meet him. It was a long time since any stranger had had access to the garden, and the king, perceiving that somebody had now gained access, advanced with his sword drawn to find out who it was and why he had come. Shah Şalih, when he saw the king, threw himself at his feet and began to pray for his long life and prosperity. The king recognized him and spoke kindly to him, bidding him have no fear and encouraging him to make his petition. Shah Şalih explained his grievances and told the king how hardly Salabat dealt with his subiccts and how he quarrelled with Sayyid Murtaza. The king did not go to bed that night but spent the whole night in inquiring into the condition of his kingdom and his subjects. When the day broke the king issued an order summoning Şal&bat Khan to him and Şal&bat Khån entered the garden in fear and terror and, having made his obeisance afar off, stood before the king. The king called him up and asked about Shah alih. Salábat Khân replied that Shah Salih had left the country some time ago. The king then called up Shâh Salih and showed him to $albat Khan. Salábat Khan was overcome with shame and confusion and prostrated himself to ask for forgiveness. The king in his clemency pardoned him and ordered ShAh Salih to embrace bim. He then confided Shậh zalih to Şal&bat Khan's care and gave him strict injunctions to treat him with all kindness and consideration. SalAbat KLån took Shah Salih by the band and led him out of the garden. He then had a tent pitched for him in the neighbourhood of the garden and set a guard over him. He then put to death, as an example to others, the sentries through whose negligence Shah Şalih had been enabled to obtain access to the garden.
(To be continued.)

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BOOK-NOTICES. THE DECLINE AND FALL OF THE HINDUS, by S. B. way round. Such mistakes will, it is hoped, be MOOKERJEE, BAR.-AT-LAW. "The Book on corrected when a second edition of the book is
published.
D. R. B. India's Regeneration ", Foreword by SIR P. C. RAY, D.Sc. Price Re. I nett.
REPORT ON THE TERMINOLOGY AND CLASSIFICATIONS
OF GRAMMAR. Oriental Advisory Committee, This is a publication of the Indian Rationalistic
Oxford. Clarendon Press. 1920. Society : a non-political body " for the propagation
The origin of the Report and of the Committee of knowledge on the basis of science and truth."
that framed it is set out in the first paragraph of In the foreword, the book has been called by Sir
the Introduction : "Encouraged by the success P. O. Ray as "the look on India's Regeneration"
of the movement in favour of uniformity of Gramand ho further commends "this thesis" to the
matical terminology as applied to English, Latin. maturo consideration of his countrymen. The
Greek, French and German, and the recent (1918) author tries to trace the history of India from the
endorsement of the principle by the Government , Vedio times downwards, which, according to him,
Committee on Modern Languages, the Standing is but the history of its gradual decay and stag.
Committue on Grammatical Reform decided in nation. He tries to analyse its possiblo causes
1919 to extend the field of its operation and to and suggests remedies. He makes a passionate and
invite the co-operation of Orientalists in the work touching appeal for social reform, and advocates
of applying the scheme to Sanskrit and the modern the education and uplift of the womanhood and
vernaculars of Sanskritic origin. The present the depressed classes of India. He speaks rather
Advisory Committee came into being in November warmly against the custom of early marriage,
1918, and it has held fifteen meetings since that which the author characterises as "love-less lust".
date." The Chairman was Emeritus-Professor Obviously, this is a book written by a layman, E. A. Sonnenschein of Birmingham University. but he is a layman who has tried to acquaint him. The members were, in alphabetical order of names : self intimately with the ancient history and culture J. D. Anderson, L. D. Barnett, W. Doderet, George of India. On the whole, it is very interesting | A. Grierson, A. A. Macdonnell, J. W. Neill, D. C. and odifying reading, though here and there it is Phillott, E. Denison Rose, R. O. Temple, F. W. interspersed with bold conclusions. Of course,
Thomas and M. de Z. Wickeremasinghe. when he says that there was no pardd system in The object of the Committee was to devise a the Mahabharata times (p. 46) and that a general terminology which should as far as possible be persecution of the Buddhists took place with the common to all the languages to which it could be rise of the Sunga power (p. 71), he may perhaps applied, and thus to greatly facilitate the teaching find some scholars agreeing with him. But when of them. In carrying out their task the Committee he says that Chanakya was thoroughly pro-Bud- selected six typical Indian Languages: Vedio, dhistic even though he was a Brahmana by caste Sanskrit, Hindostani, Gujarati, Marathi and Bengali, (p. 89) or that 200 B.. to 600 A.D. was a record And they illustrated by example the common of chaos in India (p. 70), I am afraid he will not grammatical terminology they recommended. find any scholar agreeing with him. There are, The experiment is well worth a practical trial again, some statements which are evidently wrong. on a large scale by those who would teach these Thus he makes Bimbisára, son of AjAtabatru and the allied languages in Indian Schools and who murdered him (p. 53). The truth is the other Colleges.
R. O. Tecla.
NOTES AND QUERIES. NOTES FROM OLD FACTORY RECORDS.
factorys and save the use and loss of plates. Its 89. Pewtor Table Plato.
therefore orderd that Six peice of Ordinary ** June 1891. Consultation Ford 86. Goorge.
Perpetuan os durable woollen fabrio] bo want A gort of Metall platos (ial made in China of Tin
thither for a quantity of plates and diabes by Ms.
John Biggs on the Ouriana now bound for Canton. and Tatonague (utenaga, spelter, very hard and
(Recorde of Port St. George.- Diary and Consul. M Bllver, which will be very handsome and useful
tation Book, 1691, p. 91) for the Honblo. Companyes table here &oa.
R. O. TEELE

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THE ADVENT OF ISLAM INTO SOUTHERN INDIA.
(4 Recent Investigation.)
BY SIR RICHARD TEMPLE, BT. Tre appearance of another of Professor Krishnaswami Aiyangar's valuable and wel. some historical works has induced me to construct an article out of what I had intended to be a review, in order to draw general attention to the importance of investigating the history of South India, which has only to be better and more widely known to prove it to be as interesting and notable as that of the North, Indeed, the modern investigator is, I observe, Beginning to grasp that it is not possible to understand India as a whole, in any aspect of its history, without an adequate knowledge of the part played in it by the South. This parti. cular book deals with South India and her Muhammadan invadersi-a period and a subject about which too much authentic detail cannot for the present be forthcoming, as so much is still required before anything like a reliable general history can be written. The volume consists of the reprint of six lectures, together with what are really five appendices on certain details, all valuable.
The first two lectures deal with the conditions of Hindu South India in and before the thirteenth century A.D., from original sources, and the last four with the Muhammadan incursions of the Dakhan and further South under the Khiljis (Prof. Krishnaswami writes both Khaljis and Khiljis) and the Tughlaks, and also with the fourteenth century Muhammadan Kingdoms in the Dakhan and South India. These are followed by a series of geographioal notes of extraordinary importance, as they concern identifications of the very obscure placenames used by contemporary or early Musalman writers and are the product of a widely. read general scholar, possessing an intimate knowledge of the archaic forms of his own language and of the geography of his own country acquired by personal travel. These notes can never be neglected by anyone examining the historical geography of the Extreme South of the Indian Peninsula. Of the Appendices, that which deals with the Travels of Ibn Batuta is a translation by Miss Ida Gunther, B.A., Lecturer in Queen Mary's College for Women, Madras, from vol. IV of the French edition of Ibn Batuta by Messrs. C. Defrémery and B.L. Sanguinetti. It is a useful appendix to such a volume as this, but it is marred by an irregular transliteration or transcription of the Arabic names of men and places. There is also an "additional special note" on the nationality of th3 Khiljis, who, it has been claimed, were more Afghans than Turks. I am glad to see that Professor Krishnaswami comes practically to the conclusion that they were of Turki origin from people settled in Afghanistan. I have always personally held them to be Turki.
Having thus generally described the book, I propose to look into the principal part of it--the Mubammadan invasions. The first point to notice is that the earliest were of the peaceful variety, owing to an enlightened polioy pursued by the Hindu Rulers of both coasts to the Southward, which gave special protection to overseas traders and settlers, so that by the end of the thirteenth century A.D. flourishing Arab and Musulman communi. ties arose on the East Coromandel Coast from Motu palli at the mouth of the Krishna to Kayal at the mouth of Tamraparni, whence the name of Ma'abar, the Passage' for that Coast. Kayal became the chief port for the great trade in horses established by the celebrated Arab chief Jamaluddin of Kish, farmer-general of Fårs (Persia proper), known to fame as the Maliku'l-Islam, working through his brother Takîu'ddin'Abdu'r Rahman, bin Muhammadu'thThaibt, generally known as the Marzabån. But Ma'abar extended as an appellation 4
1 South India and her Muhammadan Invadors, by Prof. 8. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, M.A., Univor nity of Madrma. Humphrey Milford: Oxford University Press, 1991

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far round to the West (Malabar) as Kolam (Quiton). Ma'abar was to these eerly Muhammadın sailors and settlers 'the Key of Hind,' from which they extended their communications further to the Eastward, sending thence an ambassador to China as early as 1297, in the person of the Fakhru'ddin Ahmad, bin Ibråhimu'th-Thaibi, and so a relative of the Marzabân. When not long afterwards the notorious Malik Kafür swept down on Ma'abor, ho found there Muhammadan settlers "half Hindus," just as were, in a sense, the Navůyats of the N.-W. Indian Coast, and the Mâpillas (Moplahs) of Malabar. Is it possible that here we have the origin of the Labbais (Lubbays) of to-day in modern Mo'o bar and Ceylon? But the interesting point here, as brought out by Professor Krishnoswami, is that Malik Kâfår found a Musal. man settlement at Kandur - Kannanûr near Srirangam, who were not of North Indian origin, in the army of Vira BallAla ("the yellow-faced Bir" of the Muslim chroniclers), his opponent. Taking these as the bare historical facts, it would be well worth while to explore in detail the history of the mixed Arab-Tamil inhabitants, or shall we say Musalmân families and even castes, of the Coast, from say Calicut to say Nellore, and try and ascertain how far they owe their origin to direct overseas trade settlements. However, so much were these people foreigners to the followers of Melik Kafar and the like from the North, that there was not much to choose between the sufferings inflicted on them and those that the "infidel " Hindus themselves had to endure.
It is necessary to bear the above facts in mind in considering the Muhammadan warlike incursions into the South. In the course of one of the frequent Court revolutions in the days of the Slave-Kings of Delhi, whom I am very pleased to find Professor Krishnaswami is not afraid to call by their right name of Mamlak (I should like to see Slave-King disappear from Indian History), Jalalu'ddin Khiljî, a Turki mamldk of Afghanistan, succeeded to the throne at Delhi occupied by the feeble successor of the mamlak Ghiyåsu'ddîn Balban. He had as nephew and son-in-law 'Alau'ddin Khilji, who, according to Professor Krishnaswami, was goaded into seeking independence, owing to the irritation caused by the lofty and contemptuous ways of his wife, who never let him forget that she was Sultan Jalâlu'ddin's daughter. In order to find ways and means for undermining the position of the Sultân, his uncle and father-in-law, he sought them in the wealth offered him in the sack of the Hindu States of the Dakhan, which adjoined the Government of Allahabad conferred on him by his trusting uncle. Gratitude towards the man who had made bim fell, as the Professor remarks, before the anxiety to be even with his wife. Thus it was that the 01.g.nal invason of the South from the North was more the result of accidental circunstances than of mere lust of conquest, the whole object being plunder of the safest type of victim in Muslim eyes, i.e., a Hindu kingdom.
The first objective across the mountains was Deogiri, then a wealthy Hindu State, the army of which had gone southwards under Sankar Deo, the son of the ruler, Ramachandra or Ram Deo. By dint of real military capacity combined with a series of ruses and deceptive proclamations, at which a man of 'Alâu'ddin Khilji's training would be an adept, he managed to surround Deogiri and defeat Sankar Deo on his return to the resoue of his father. and finally to secure what he went for, an immense ransom from the unfortunate Ramachandra.
Aldu'ddin was true to his racial origin and his training in the adopted country of his family, and no atrocity wes too great to stand in the way of his now high ambitions. His unolo, in spite of reasonable suspicion, trusted him and was induced to visit him at the seat of his Government at Karra. There he was murdered. The gold acquired from Deogiri not stood 'Alau'ddin in good stead, and he was soon on the throne of Delhi. He was a

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munificent prince, and that pleased the people and also belped to keep the burghers of the day, the Mughals of the North-West frontiers, at bay. But the real checks on them were. his great personal capacity, strength of character, and energy. The situation meant also the maintenance of a great army in addition to his calculated civil munificence, and that in its turn meant a great expenditure and the necessity for a large revenue. 'Alâu'ddin always wanted money. Incidentally, this made his reign of the highest importance to Inciian History, as it obliged him to be a great administrator, both cival and military, to the benefit of India, in some respects, to the present day.
His success at Deogiri showed him what could be done in the way of acqu r'ng wealth from the South, and his next proceedings in that direction showed that he had the post cal foresight to see that exacting tribute was a safer method of sccur.ng t than conquist. Ramachandra of Deogiri took advantage of 'Alau'ddin's early troubles with the Mughals and rebel vassal States, such as Gujarat, to cease paying his tribute. This brought to notorious renegad: eunuch and military commander, Malik Kâfur, on the scene in 'Alâu'ddin's behalf. Malik Kafür soon made Ramachandra sue for terms, sent him to Delhi and secured tribute for the future. This was between 1306--1308 A.D.
'Alau'ddîn's object being money for his civil and military establishments, he treated Ramachandra with much leniency, and the success of this policy guided him for the future. His next objective was Warangal, now in the Nizâm's Dominions, but then the capital of Telingana, and his instructions to Malik Kâfür were in effect to defeat the ruler, Rudra or Laddar Deo, frighten him thoroughly, let him remain on as a ruler and fleece him of everything possible. In 1309 Malik Kafar commenced a march from Delhi, via Agra to Chanderi and Hoshangabad, and thence over the Vindhyas to Elichpur, which, if we could get at the details, could not but prove a considerable military achievement, and after perpetrating at least one massacre en route, at Sarbar, he arrived before Warangal.
It was there that Malik Kåfør further showed himself to be a really capable commander, for be" entrenched " each of the ten divisions of his besieging army by means of a strong stockade, with the result that a night attack from the fortress failed altogether and brought Rudra Deo to terms. The "terms" were practically his entire accumulated wealth and an annual tribute.
In 1310 Malik Kâfür returned in triumph to Delhi. His inethod of "entrenching" was the forerunner of Sher Shah Sûr's entrenchments two centuries later.
Emboldened by his own and Malik Käfûr's successes at Deogiri and Warangal, 'Alâu'ddin started on a further plundering expedition, aimed ultimately against Ma'a bar, i.e., the extreme South, with the Melik as his general, at the end of 1310. Again he executed a march showing consummate leadership, via the right bank of the Jumna to Tânkal, Kanhun, Gurgaon, to Deogiri, where bo enlisted the good offices of that now "faithful" State. This enabled Malik Kafür to frighten Vira Ballala III, Hoysala of Dwâcasamudro into "coming to terms," involving practically all his property, which he had to accompany to Delhi, being himself allowed by 'Alâu 'ddin to return to his capital.
Thence an expedition was planned for Ma'a bar or the extrenic South itself, which had been recently under the powerful Pandya ruler from Madura, Mâravarman Kulasekhara I. He had two sons, Vira Påndya, illegitimate, and Sundara Pandya, legitimate. Vira Pândya was much the better man of the two, but in the fratricidal struggle which took place for supremacy during the old king's lifetime, Sundara Pandya murdered their joint father,

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about 1311 A.D. Soon afterwards Vira Pandya drove him out of Madura, and he is said to have sought refuge with the Delhi monarch, 'Alâu'ddin Khilji. More probably he joined the advancing Muslim army. Anyhow, this civil war was Malik Kâfûr's opportunity.
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Still in 1310, Malik Kâfûr started for Ma'abar with his usual skill in conducting a march, Vira Pandya fleeing before him. Malik Kâfür committed all kinds of atrocities en route to Madura and devastated the country in a manner still remembered after 600 years, making his rendezvous for a time at Kannanûr, near Srirangam, whence he sought and utterly des troyed the rich temple of Brahmastpuri, which Professor Krishnaswami cleverly shows to have been Chidambaram. Srirangam and other temples naturally suffered. At Kannanûr Malik Kâfûr found some of the local mixed Musulmâns already alluded to, whom he spared because they could repeat the Kalima. Madura was found empty and sacked, and the raid continued as far as Râmeśvaram itself. In 1311, or early in 1312, Malik Kâfûr returned with all his booty to Delhi. From that time till 1316, when 'Alâu'ddîn died, the land had peace.
In this great raid Malik Kâfür's route is not easy to follow, owing to the almost unlimited corruption of Dravidian place-names by Muhammadan authors, but Professor Krishnaswami's identifications, actual or probable, are scholarly and admirably thorough and painstaking.
On his return to Delhi, Malik Kâfûr became all powerful under 'Alâu'ddin Khilji for the short and disastrous remainder of that monarch's reign, and at his death in 1316, he became so atrocious a tyrant that he was assassinated in less than two-months. Then followed an unstable government in Delhi, and the Southern provinces acquired by Malik Kâfûr's generalship naturally fell away. Deogiri and Warangal ceased to send tribute; the Keralas of Travancore and the Pandyas of Madura struggled for supremacy in Ma'abar, regardless of any garrison Malik Kâfûr may have left behind him in Madura, while Dwârasamudra was actually rebuilt by the Hoysalas. Apparently all that Malik Kâfûr had achieved was only a raid of no political effect.
The real successor of 'Alâu'ddin Khilji was Kutbu'ddîn Mubarak Shâh, who began well but soon neglected his administration and, just as 'Alâu'ddîn had done before him, put himself into the hands of another renegade eunuch slave, this time from Gujarât, to whom he gave the title of Khusra Khân and raised him to the office of wazir with, in the confusing Muhammadan fashion, the title of Malik Naib Kâfûr. This new Imperial favourite largely repeated the acts of Malik Kâfür till his own assassination in 1320, and so it will be convenient to distinguish him, as I have done before, by the title of Malik Khusra.
In the circumstances, it became necessary to reconquer the South. In 1318 Mubarak Shah marched on Deogiri, defeated Harapâla Deo, then ruler, and flayed him alive. This was the first real conquest in the Dakhan, ending in the appointment of Musalmân feudatories in Mahârâshtra. It seems that the real fighting commander of this expedition was Malik Khusrû, and after it he was sent to invest Rudra Deo in Warangal. Here he faithfully repeated the proceedings of Malik Kâfûr, plundered the Chief of everything, and left him to rule as a vassal of Delhi. He had then to return to Delhi to help to put down rebellion, which he did with such savagery and so much for his own advancement that one Muhammadan chronicler dubbed him "a low designing schemer."
Returning to the South, he repeated Malik Kâfûr's raid in Ma'abar without much opposition, showing his want of scruple in one instance by robbing Taki Khân, a rich Sunni (? Labbai) and putting him to death. Returning once more to Delhi, he requited bis master's infatuation for him by assassinating him, with the help of his own countrymen from Gujarat, and proclaiming himself Sultan with the title of Nasiru'ddin Shah. Malik Khusra's next

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policy was to destroy the hereditary nobles and replace them by promoted slaves and rene.. gade Hindus, which has led some Musalman historians to say that he was aiming at a movement to restore Hindus to power. As this has also been said of a movement later on in the days of Muhammad Tughlak (ond no wonder), the proceedings of Malik Khusrû need examination in greater detail than they have yet received
All this led naturally to rebellion, and it found a leader in Ghazi Malik, Governor of Deobalpûr, whose son, Muhammad Fakhru'ddin Jûnå ( afterwards known as Ulugh Khân and later as the notorious Muhammad Tughlak), Malik Khusrð had tried in vain to conciliato by high office. The end of Malik Khusrû came in two months, and in 1320 Ghânzi. Malik became Saltân Ghyasu 'ddin Tughlak Shâh by general acclamation, and thus founded yet another Dynasty at Delhi.
Ghyâsu'ddin Tughlak was a wise and generous ruler, but all that we are at present concerned with is that Deogiri remained loyal to Delhi, while at Warangal Rudra Deo again became restive, and Ulugh Khân (i.e., the later Muhammad Tughlak) was sent to reduce him to obedience. This was achieved with difficulty, owing probably to dissension in the Muslim camp, and Rudra Deo and his family found their way to Delhi. The fall of Warangal naturally led to the overrunning of Telingana.
The rest of Ghyâsu'ddin's short reign was occupied by repelling Mughal inroads and an invasion of Bengal, which was overrun and handed over to a representative of the Balban Dynasty of Bengal (1282-1388). On his victorious return, Ghyåsu'ddin Tughlak was killed outside Delhi by the fall of a specially constructed pavilion during a feast. The catastrophe may or may not have been accidental. Anyhow, Ulugh Khan, who had been left behind as administrator at Delhi during the expedition, profited by it, and in 1325 ascended the Delhi throne as Sultan Abů'l-Mujahid Muhammad Shah, usually known as Muhammad Tughlak.
Professor Krishnaswami is gentle in his description of this great monarch, but I have not yet read anything to upset a brief summary of him which I had occasion to write some years ago :" A remarkably capable but unbalanced ruler, whoreigned for 20 years (1325-1351) and has been described as learned, merciless, religious and mad.' He certainly tried some wonderful schemes. Without any adequate cause and for a time only, he moved the capital 700 miles from Delhi to Deogiri in the Dakhan, to which he gave the name of Daulatâbâd, forcing the people of Delhi to migrate first there and then back again. He grossly misapplied his armies on vainglorious expeditions, where they suffered unspeakable hardships and accomplished nothing. He tried to oblige his people to accept copper and brass tokens as silver coins, and issued & stamped leather note ourrency without any bullion support behind itschemes which not even his vengeance when opposed could make to succeed. He committed wholesale massacre on altogether insufficient provocation, and finally he ruined his kingdom. All the while his own opinion of himself was that he was a perfectly just ruler and that 'to obey him was to obey God.' But the most remarkable thing about him is that he died undisturbed in his bed, from natural disease, thus proving the awe in which his mad abilities kept those about him. This man of contradictions was eloquent of speech, sober and moral in his life, an acoomplished scholar in Arabic, Persian and Greek philosophy, and lóarning of all kinds, and conspicuously brave." Inter alia be created within India the largest, Empire, nominally at least, ever achieved by a Muhammadan ruler dividing it into twenty-three provinoes stretching from Sunargaon (Dacca) to Gujarat and from Lehor to Ma'abar. It was, however, an Empire always in rebellion, and the life of people of mark must under him have often been a nightmare.

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Muhammad Tughlak had the enterprise and spirit to create this huge Empire, but owing to faults of character he could not maintain it. As regards the South, his efforts to do so entailed expeditions to Warangaland Dwarasamudra in 1327-1328, the campaign involving a jauhar, or holocaust of women, at Kampti on the Tungabhadra. Like other provinces, Ma'abar rebelled, but as had happened already in Bengol, the army did not return, and its commander, Jalâlu'ddin Ahsan Khân set up there independently about 1335. Then, in 1329, came successively the cruel move from Delhi to Deogiri, an abortive attempt to reduce Ma'abar to obedience, and the move back from Deogiri to Delhi, Revolts, Hindu and Musalman, were chronic, including Hindu at Warangal and Musalman at Kulbarga in 1343, which were put down. Having stirred up rebellion in Gujarat by an "enquiry into arreare of revenue" and having put it down savagely, Muhammad Tughlak proceeded, about 1346, to do the same thing in Deogiri, and while there yet another revolt was raised in Gujarat by a mamluk named Taghi, who was however easily defeated, though only scotched and able to give yet more trouble. The consequent absence of Muhammad Tughlak in Gujarat, practically to the remainder of his astonishing career, meant another rebellion, this time under Hasan Khangû, which was successful, Hasan Khangû becoming Sultan in Deogiri about 1318. Three years of wanderings in Gujarat and the western frontier brought Muhammad Tughlak's strenuous career to an end in 1351 from "fever", the account of which reads like fish-poisoning.
His ill-conduct of Imperial affairs had reduced his Empire practically to India north of the Vindhyas, minus Bengal. Deogiri, that is the Dakhan, had defied him for at least three years; Warangal's allegiance was only in name; the Hoysalas of Devarasamudra could hardly be called his vassals, and Ma'abar had been actually independent for at least fifteen years. A careful chronology of this last fact is to be found at pp. 152–4 of Professor Krishnaswami's book.
In this way, from the days of Alâu'ddin Khilji to those of Muhammad Tughlak, the first half of the fourteenth century A.D. was a time of continuous strife between Muslim and Hindu in the South of India. There was invasion after invasion, rebellion after rebellion, conqucst and reconquest at times of practically the whole South, and at times of unfortunato portions of it. In the end all the obivious signs that remained of the struggle was the estab. lishment of locally independent Muslim rule in Ma'abar for a while (till 1378); and thus the Muhammadan incursions took the form apparently of mere raids. But in the conditions of mediæval life it was not possible for large armies to march to and fro through all the South, year after year, for something like half a century, without leaving pockets of themselves about the country, and the descendants of these must have remained on here and there, just as in the case of the Hans, Greeks, Parthians, Baktrians, and a host of other immigrant in. vaders of far earlier date in the North-West, and of the Shans, MÔns and other Indo-Chinese races in the North-East. It would be of interest, by dint of examination into local family histories, to ascertain how far the Khilji and Tughlak incursions still affect the population in places, for we have thus in the true South three sources of Muslim population : Firstly, the peaceful penetration of Arab and quasi-Arab mercantile invaders producing an old mixed trading population-Mâpillas, Navê yats, Labbâis, and the like ; secondly, the remnants of the military raiders of the fourteenth century; lastly, the followors of the Dakhani Muhammadan rulers who constantly raided to the southward, and finally overthrew the Vijaya. nagar Empire, a Hindu Empire that rose out of the chaos ensuing on the death of Muhammad Tughlak, in the middle of the seventeenth century. Even an enquiry into the history of the Dakhani idiom of Urdd might throw light on the influence of Islam on the Soutbern Dravidian population and vice versa.

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The rulers of Ma'abar from Madura carried on a precarious and sanguinary struggle with the surrounding Hindus, cut off from the Dakhan by the power of Vijayanagar; but the Southern Dakhan its olf fell first under the rule of the Bah manis of Kulbarga, and then under the Five Shâhî Dynastics of Borâr, Ahmadnagar, Bijapur, Bidar and Golkonda. There was always a quarrel betwe in these States and their Hindu neighbours further South.
The story, briefly told, reads like one horrible tale of war, rapine, murder and atrocious cruelty. This is, however, a misleading view, and I will repeat here what I have had occasion to say of another part of India during the same centuries : "Though, on the whole, the years of the thirteenth to the seventeenth centuries make up a period of perpetual war with indiscriminate merciless fighting, it does not follow that individual towns and villages saw a great deal of it. What happened from the personal point of view of the ordinary citizen who lived under it was much this. He and his were left along to do largely as they pleased socially, with recurring intervals, not necessarily close together, of sheer nightmare, times of overwhelming horror, which they regarded much in the light of the epidemics and famines to which they were also always liable. As each bad period passed by, life recovered its ordinary routine more or less completely. Sometimes, of course, there was no recovery, and what was left of the villages and towns departed miserably elsewhere, but this was by no means commonly the case." In the South, as elsewhere, Hindu and Muhammadan have had to find a modus vivendi in respect of each other. How the admixture originally came about, Professor Krishnaswami's researches admirably illustrate, and show the way to a more complete investigation. THE VELVI-KUDI PLATES AND THE SANGHAM AGE.
BY K. G. SANKARA. IN 1893 Mr. Venkayya intended to publish these plates (1.A., XXII, 64 ), but produced only a summary in 1908 (A.R.E., Madras, 1908, pp. 62--9). As this is in places misleading, I here give a full and correct account, from a photo-copy that I got for study.
The ten plates have 155 lines, Ul. 1-30 and 142-150 being in Sanskrit verses, and II. 30141 and 151-155 in Tamil prose and verse, and not, as Mr. Venkayya says, in ornate prose with frequent alliteration. The Sanskrit words are in Grantha, and the Tamil ones in Vatteluttu script, older than that of the Madras Museum plates of the same king's seventeenth year,
The plates invoke Siva (u. 1, 2), and then mention the Pandyavamsa with its priest Agastya, who stopped the growing Vindhya and drank up the ocean (I. 3-5). Pândya, the sole survivor of the close of the Kalpa, was born as Budha to protect the world (U.5-7). This refers to the Påndya claim to lunar origin. His son was Purgravâs, who destroyed the daityas (1. 8).
Of his family came Mâravarman, who ruled long, performed tula-bhara (weighing against gold), and am ta-garbha (passing through & golden cow), and favoured learned men (U. 12-15). His son was famed (pratitah) as firm in battle (rana-dhira) (l. 16). His son was named (abhidhah) Mâravarman, the lord of Bhû-sundari. Sundarf indicates that this was the queen's name, and not the earth (U. 17-19). Rajasimha (lion of kings) forced Pallava-malla to retreat (II. 19-22), performed kanaka-garbha and tulábhara (1. 23), and married the daughter of the Malava king. The Mala vas-Mazhavas were a South Indian tribe defeated by Simhavishņu (S.I.I., II, 356) and Vinayaditya (1.A., VII, 303). From her was born the king named Jaţila (Tam. Sadaiyan) (U. 24—26). He is also called Parântaka, the son of Rajasimha, and was ruling when this prasasti was composed by Varodaya Bhatta (ll. 29-31).

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Then comes the Tamil passage. The Pandya adhiraja pal-ydga (of many sacrifices)mudu (old)-Kudumi-peru-vazhudi (the great king) granted Velvikuļi (sacrificial village) in Påhanûr-kútram to Narr-kôtran of Korrkai to completo his sacrifice (II. 32–38). This king is mentioned in the Sangham works. The Maduraik-landt (1. 759—760) refers to his many sacrifices, makes him an ancestor of its hero Talai-Alankanam Nôdun-cêzhiyan, and calls him pal-salal (sacrificial halls)-mudu-Kudumi. Purra-nánørru dedicates to him 5 lyrics. Kåri-kizhâr mentions him as a Saiva (P.N., 6). Nêttimaiyâr refers to his many halls (ib. 9, 12 and 15), and to the Pahrruļi river (Parrali in Nânjinad) dug by his ancestor Nêçiyon, i.e., vadimb-alambre ninrra (of feet washed by the sea)-Pandya (ib., and comm.). Nê. dum-palliyatta når mentions him as king Kudumi (ib., 64). The foot-notes to these lyrics. by their original cditor, call him pal-yaga-salai-mudu-Kudumi-peru-vazhudi.
Then the village was in long (nidu) enjoyment. Since a gift is completed by handing over the dead, length of possession is not needed, only acceptance. So th9 mention of long enjoyment is a statement of fact, not a proof of possession. Then the Pandyas were displaced by the Kalabhra, who was later expelled by adhiraja Kadunkon (U. 39–41, 45). The Kalabhra occupation was thus only short-lived.
The Kalabhras were so prominent from c. 600 to c. 750 A.D., that Simhavishnu (8.1.1.. II, 356), Narasimha I (ib. I, 152), Vikramadityas I and II (I.A. IX, 129; E.I., V, 204). and Vinayâditya (I.A., VII, 303) claim victories over them. But Varâ ha-mihira (c. 500 A.D.) omits them among South Indian tribes. So they were prominent only after c. 500 A.D.
The Sangham works nowhere refer to the Kalabhras or their Påndya occupation. So they date before c. 600 or after 750 A.D. But the larger Cinnamanwr plates make the hero of Talai-alan-kånam, (a later Påndy of the Sangham age), and the founder of the Madura Sangham, ancestors of the hero of Nêlveli (u. 101-106). The present plates make the latter the 3rd ancestor of its donor (acc. 707 A.D.); and none of his 3 ancestors, the earliest of whom was Kadunkon, is called the hero of Talai-alankânam, though their exploits are related in detail. Neither was the battle petty, as it is proudly mentioned in Sangham works and the Cinnamanûr plates. The Sangham age must hence date not after 750, but before 767-27 x (3+3)=C. 600 A.D.
The average for a generation is here assumed to be 27 years, as it is the interval between successive generations of fathers and sons, i.e., the age when the eldest son is born to an Indian king; unless the known dates indicate a different average for any group of kings.
The passuge relating to the Kalabhra occupation runs thus :-nidu bhukti tu(x)tta pin. alav-ariya adhi-rajarai ahala nikki ahal-idattai Kalabhran ennum kali araiban kaikkóniadanai irrakkiya pin, padu-kadan=mulaitta (parudi pol Pandyadhi-rajan vélirrpattu,.... vitri-rundu...... kovum kurrumbum påv-udan murukki.... | Kalunkon (3945).
We can split up kaikkôndadanai into kaikkôn lu referring to the Kalabhra's act, and adanai referring to the grant. But a relative pronoun must be construed with the next previous noun, here ahalidattai. Thus construed, the passage becomes meaningless. If adanai irrakkiyapin means ' after the grant was resumed ', we have no word to express the recovery of the kingdom, before Kadunkon can rule. So irrakkiya must mean such recovery.
Thus, if we split up kaikkóndadanai, we must construe kaikkónu with Kalabhran, and adanai irrakkiyapin with Kadunkon, when both should, by grammar, have a common subject. So kaikkón:ladanai must be one word. It then refers to the Kalabhra occupation and Kadunkon's recovery, as irrakkiya means 'to lower,' i.e., undo another's act,

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If the kingdom was recovered by an ancestor of Kadunkon, be must have been the next one, as nothing indicates other kings in the interval. But then we have no subject for irrakiya and nothing hints at an implied one. The context also indicates that Kadunkon himself recovered the kingdom, as, before his accession, he appeared like tho sun springing from the ocean. The Påndyas seem to have been submerged by a disaster, from which Kadunkon was the first to spring up. The phrase 'appearing like the sun is used later on (1. 52) in prefacing Mârra varman's exploits. The analogy shows that Kaçlunkon also became prominent by recovering the kingdom. Vēļirrpallu is used in the same sense later on (11.49, 52, 88-9). So Kadunkon himself recovered the kingdom; and the Kalabhra occupation was the act only of a single Kalabhra, himself expelled by Kadunkon (11. 40, 111-2).
Then ohalijattai, literally, means 'wide space'. The Kalabhra first annexed it; then it was recovered by Kaclunkon. Only after accession, the latter bubdued other kings and chiefs. So the ahalidam, that he recovered before accession, can only be the Pandya country.
Adhirajarai can mean that the Kaļabhra deprived others, besides the Pândya, of their lands. But ahalidam means only the Pandya kingdom. So, why should the victories of an alien over other aliens be mentioned in a Pandya grant ? Adhirajarai cannot hence include other kings. Neither can we construe both nikki and irrakkiyapin with Kadunkon, as he defeated other kings only after accession. Also, such conquest must come after the recovery of his own kingdom. Adhirajarai thus applies only to Pandyas. Elsewhere also (1. 32, 41, 47), it applies only to Pandyas.
But, in the latter lines, it is in the singular, here in the plural. So the plural means at least 2 Påndyas. But, since there was only one Kalabhra, they must all be referred to his time, if they were all displaced. But there was no need to displace them all, unless the kingdom had been recovered by a succeeding king, of which there is no indication. So only the last of them was displaced; but, as ho came of a long line of adhirdjas, they may all be said to have been displaced through him.
Lastly, alavariya means 'countless', not incomparable', as nothing in it expresses comparison, or greatness. Alavariya adhirajarai, hence, means 'countless Pândyas through their last representative. But there may have been many adhirajas both before and after Kudumi. These plates thus fix the close of the Sangbam age as not later than c. 600 A.C.
Mr. Venkayya equates the Kalabhra with the Karnata of the Martindya nûr-puranam, who occupied Madura. But tho Kalabhra was himself expelled, whilo the Karnata died in possession and issueless. The Kalabhra was succeeded by the Pandya, but the Karnata by Mürti for want of a Påndya, and the Kalabhras and Karnațas were distinct tribes. Mr. Venkayya says Nêdun-cêzhiyan expelled the Kalabhras; but the platos ascribe the feat to Kadunkon.
His son was the earth's crest-gem (avani-cúla-manl) Marravarman (II. 46-48). His son was the Cera (perhaps through his mother) Sendan (Ul. 48–51). Mr. Venkayya, not seeing tbat Sendan is partêd from Śèzhiyan by Vânavan and bênkol, takes Sézhiyan Sendan as the king's name.
Then comes a king, whom Mr. Venkayya calls Sendan's son. But the plates, which always state the relationships, have here only avarrku pazhipp-Inrri, vazhit tonrri (l. 51). So ho was only a descendant of Sendan. As other kings are not indicated between them, he directly followed Sendan. He was not Sendan's son's son, as it is nowhere so stated, the Volarpalaiyam plates saying that Narasimha II was the putra-sûnu of Parameśvara I (JRAS., 1911; p. 522), and the larger Cinnamandr plates saying that Râjasimha I was the pautra of Paränkusa (l. 107). So Sendun's successor was his daughter's son, as the terms without

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discredit indicate birth in another family. He is called Arikesari (lion to foes), Asaniisama (condescending), Marravarman (8. 62). Mr. Vênkayya says that he appeared on the Udayagiri. But the plates say only that he came out like the sun that rests on the middle of the Udayagirt (11.51-52).
He won at Pazhi and Nêlvsli (ul. 53-54). In the latter, Mr. Venkayya says he fought with Vilveli. Mr. K. V. Subrahmanya Ayyar thinks that the Pallavas from Vilveli (Villivalam in Chingleput district) over-ran the Pandyas (Hist. Sketches, Anc. Dekh., pp. 123–5). But why should the plates, which claim victories over Colas, Ceras and even Kurrunadas, men tion the Pallavas only through a village? The passage only means "the army fenced in (veli) by bowmen (vil)" (7.53), and all guesses as to whether Vilveli was a person or place are needless.
Then Mârra destroyed the Kurrunâdas, won Sênnilam, many times defeated the Kerala “ who ruled the whole earth unrivalled " and thus was then most powerful in S. India, cap. tured the capital Kozhi (Urraiyûr) of the Coļas, and performed many hiranya-garbhas and tuabharas (U. 55-60).
His son was king (ko) Sadaiyan, who won at Marudûr, destroyed thc Ây-vel, and at the great city Mangala-pura (Mangalore), the Maharatha, and-was called Cera, Cola was Karnata and Kongas' king (U 62-70).
The Ay-veļ are the Ay kings of Nânjinâd in S. Travancore, whose inscriptions were published in Trav. Arch. Ser. Mr. Venkayya read the name as Aya Val, but, riming with ey (U. 63-4) and tiváy (U. 94-5), it must be Ay-ve!, and even the dot is seen in the latter lines, though its use is not uniform in these plates. The Sangbam works also have only Ay. Andiran and Ay-Eyinan, and we have a place Aykkuçi, even to-day.
Maharatha indicates a Calukya, but Dr. Dubreuil's equation with Vikramaditya I (Pallavas, p. 68) is untonable, as the latter fought at Pêravaļanallar, not Mangalapura. His guesses as to the relations of the Pallava and Pandya Rajasimhas are based only on their identical titles.
Sadaiyan's son was Marran (11.71, 88). Mr. Venkayya, mistaking winter Mårrun (Må rran of the horse-chariot), thought the name was Ter-Marran. But this ignores mán. Hy also construes manter Varodayan (Irraiyanår : Ahappôrul-st. 31, 42, 59, 169, 298, 326) to hint at a king Ter-Varodayan, when Varodayan was only a title of Nêdu-märran.
This Mårran fought at Neduvayal, Kurrumadai, Manni-kuricci, Tiru-mangai, Pavalar, Kodum-pâlûr, the Pallava at Kuzhumbûr, and at Pêriyalôr, crossed tho Kavori apd subdued Köngu of the Mazhavas (Mazha-kôngam) (11. 72–81). At Pandik-Kodumuçi, be wor. shipped Pasupati (1. 82) with gold-heaps and gems (l. 83). He then allied himself by marriage (sambandham) with Ganga-raja of the Kôngas (Kôngaravan) (U. 83-4). This refers to his marrying the Mazhava princess. So she was the daughter of Ganga-raja, the Mazhava king of tho Kongas. Then he performed countless gosahasras (1000 cows), hiranyagarbhas and tuldbhdras, and renewed the walls named (@nnum) Kädal, Vanci, and Kozhi (1. 84-7).
Mr. Venkayya, ignoring ennum, mistook the walls for those of the Pandya, Cola and Cera capitals. But all the walls might have been in Madura and only named after the other capitals in memory of a previous conquest of the Colas and Ceras. But renewed indiostes the oonquest as this Mårran's grandfather's. It is more natural for a king to have renewed his own and not other's walls.

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His son Nedan-jadaiyan defeated the Polleva at Pênsa hadam, south of the Kaveri, and the Ay-rel and the Kurrumbas at Náttukurrumbu (11. 88, 92-96). His titles were Tênna.. vânava (Påndya and Cera), Srivara (lord of fortune), Srimanohara (charming with for tuno), Sinaccozba (angry Cola), Punap-puzhiya (of dry-land Ceras), Vitakalmasha (rid of impurities), Vinaya-visruta (famed for humility), Vikrama-paraga (of unbounded valou:), Vira-puroga (first of heroes), Marut-bala (strong as wind), Mânya-såsana (of honoured commands), Manupama (like to Manu), Mardita-vîra (of trampled heroes), Giri-sthira (mountain-firm), Giti-kinnara (a centaur in song), Krp-alaya (home of mercy), Krt-âpadâna (of finished works), Kalip-pahai (foe of Kali), Kanţaka-nishthura (merciless to the evil-minded), Kârya-dakshiņa (skilled in works), Kårmuka-Pârtha (Arjuna-like bowman), Parântaka (destroyer of foes), Pandita-vatsala (patron of learned men). Pari půrna (contented), Pâpabhîru (fearing sin), Guna-grâhya (appreciating merit), Gadh-anirnaya (secret in counsel) (11.97.-102).
In his 3rd year, a citizen, fallen in fortune (padu-nittavar), and not, as Mr. Venkayya says, the palace-singer, of Madura complained to the king that Veļvikudi, granted to his family by the king's ancestor Paramesvara Kudumi, had been resumed by the Kalabhras. The king smiled unbelieving (nanrru-nanrrênrru), and asked him to prove the old grant by evidence (nantai). When it was so proved, the king renewed the grant to Kamak-kani Távaran Singan of. Korrkai (11. 103—118, 134).
Mr. L. D. Sramikannu Pillai is puzzled that the king agreed to accept as evidence of the grant the oral testimony of the villagers, though more than 7 generations had passed, since possession was lost. But the plates only say that the king wanted the grant to be proved by evidence, as nattal is from nattu, 'to establish', and that it was so proved. So the gift must have been proved by producing the deed, which remained, even after poses. sion was lost.
The Ajnapti, i.e., the executor, who is usually the grantor himself, or, if it is a king's grant, the yuvaraja, uttara-mantri (premier), or district officer, is here Mârran's son Kari, of Vaidya caste, and title lavenda-mangalap-per-araiyan, a descendant of the Karavandapura (Kalakkâd in Tinnevelli District) family (Karavanda-purattavar-kulat-tonrral), settled there by the previous king (půrva-rája) Mârran for services in defeating Gangarâja of the Kongas and, at Venbai, the Vallabha, and negotiating Mârran's marriage with Gangaraja's daughter (II. 126-9, 132-3). The title Valla bha is normal to the Calukyas, and, as this battle was fought about the time of Vikramaditya II's invasion in c. 740 A.D., and he claims conquest of the Pandyas alsoin that invasion (E.I., IX, 205), this Vallabha must be Vikramditya II. The Kôngas' king here mentioned as having married Gangaraja's daughter must be Mârran, who won that titlo by conquest.
Then a donee Marti Eyinan (l. 136), and Sattan Sattan, or, Senâ pati Enadi, who wrote this Tamil eulogy aro mentioned (11. 139-40). Next follow Sanskrit verses, which mention the Ajnapti as Mangala-raja (the auspicious chief), Madhura-tara (of sweet manners), Sastra. vit (versed in sciences), Kavi (poet), Vagmi (eloquent), a Vaidya, resident of Karavandapura, and the usual imprecatory stanzas about the making, protecting, and violating of grants, cited from Vaish nava-dharma (perhaps the Vishnu dharmottara-purana, (u. 141-50). The engraver was Yuddha Kesari (lion in battle) Pêrum-panai-kâran (the great drummert (1. 155.)
I now fix the date of these plates. The last kings of the Sanskrit and Tamil parts are identical, as they were both sons of the Mârran, who married the Malava princess, named Jatila and Parântaka, and ruling at the time of the grant. The Ajnapti was the builder

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of the Anaimalai temple (E.I., VIII, 317--21), as both were Kâris, sons of Mårran, Vaidyas, residents of Karavandapura or Kalakkudi, Madhurataras, Kavis, and Mavenda-mangalarper-araiyans. So they served the same king Marranjadaiyan (naimalai Insc., Tam. part), named Jatila (Ve!vikudi plates, Skt. part), and Parantaka (Anaimalai Insc. Skt. part). So the king's name was Jaţila Parântaka, and nedum in Nêdunjadaiyan is only an epithet.
The Sanskrit part of the Anaimalai inscription says that Mârran-Kâri built the rock. temple to Vishnu (Narasimha) as the man-lion, and consecrated the image (krta-pratishthah) on a Pashan day (Sunday and Revati) of Kârttika in Kali 3871 expired=4th Nov. 770 A.D., and gave grants to Brahmans, as usual on such occasions. But, says the Tamil part, he clied before he could perform nirttalittal, and so his younger brother Marran Eyinan, who succeeded him as wtara-mantri, built the outer hall and performed the ceremony. This Eyinan had the title Pandi-mangala visai-araiyan, Mr. G. Venkoba Rao thought nir. ttalittal was the consecration ceremony. But it had been performed by Kári himself. Mr. T. A. Gopinatha Rao read the word as nirattalittu to mean "completed the outworks and gifted them.". But then we should have nirappi, not nirattu, as niratti can only mean
levelled,' never completed. Even nirappi means 'filled,' not completed'. The vowel also in ni is long. So we must read nirttalittal, i.e., samprokshana (Skt.) --' sprinkling'. The omission of the dot is not unusual. Mr. Rao objects that we should then have télittal, not talittal. But ta/itta is used for sprinkling' in Ainkurru-núrru (1, 328). So the ceremony was again performed to consecrate the outworks, which took time to complete.
Mârran-Kâri, thus, died in a month or two of the image.consecration and before the outworks were completed, i.e., about the close of 770 A.D. The Veļvikudi plates, of which he was Ajnapti, must date before this event. In Parantaka's third year, Mårran-Kâri was uttaramantri, as he was chosen Ajnapti. Early in 771 A.D., he was succeeded by his brother Mårtan Evinan. But, in the sixth year, the mahd-8dmanta (great feudatory) was the Vaidya Sâttan Ganapati Pandi-amta-mangala-araiyan of Karavandapura (1.A., XXII, 67). As the title mahd-samanta was applied only to the premier (cf. its application to Amsuvarman) (1.A., IX, 163-94. Nos. 5 and 6; S. Levi: Nepál, III, Nos. 9, 12--5), Sattan Ganapati seems to have displaced Mårran Eyinan. Allowing the latter at least 2 years, the close of the third year falls in 770 A.D., and the king's accession dates 767 A.D.
I now discuss the sixth year inscription referred to. Mr. Venkayya took the Nakkan-kôtri, builder of the temples to Durga and Jyeshthâ, for the wife of Sattan Ganapati. Mr. Gopinátha Rao objects that the plural avartku makes her the queen. Here, he confuses the plural avarkku (avar+ku) with the singular avarrku (avan+ku), and the king also is mentioned only in the singular (of. Sadaiyarrku and avarrku). So Nakkan-kôtri was the wife, not of the king, mentioned early, but of Sattan Ganapati, mentioned just before. If she were a queen, her usual titles should have been mentioned. It is also more natural for a wife than the queen to add her gifts to the temple and tank that Ganapati had repaired, and if the queen were the donor, she should have been mentioned before the mahd-8dmanta. So Nakkan-kôtri was the wife of Sattan Ganapati.
Mr. Venkayya equates MArran-Kâri and Madhura-kavi đļvár. But tho latter war a Brahmap of Tiruk-kosur, while the former was a Vaidya and descendant of a family settled in Karavandapura by the previous king. So it cannot be argued that the alvdr, though born at Thirukkolar, lived at Karavandapura, after entering the Pandya servioe. Besides, he toured in N. India till be fust met Nammâ vâr after the latter's sixteenth year. So Nammalvår was not named after Madhurakavi's son; and Nammalvår had been named long

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..
....
.
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before he met Madhurakavi. Mr. Gopinat ha Rao makes Mârran-Kâri the father of Nammâlvâr=Kari-Mårran. But Marran-Kâri's father was Mârran, whilo Nammalvâr's father's father was Pôrrkari; and Nammâ vâr was a Velâla of Kuruhûr, not a Vaidya of Kalakkad. As the Anaimalai templo had to be completed by Matran-Kâri's younger brother, perhaps he had no son. If Nummâlvar had been Marran-Kâri's son, he would not have omitted to sing his father's Anaimalai temple, when he sings the Tiru-Mohur temple hard by (Tiruvay-mozhi, X, i).
Mr. Venkayya says that Tirumangai-âvâr came a decade or two after Nammâ vâr. But Tirumangai, who mentions Vairamegha (a title of Rashtrakota Dantidurga, who defeated the captor of Kanci before 754 A.D.) (E.C., Gb. 61, XI, Tk.: E.I.,IX, No. 4) as being bowed down to (vanangum) by the Tôndai king of Kânci, and as having besieged (tan vali sûzhnda) Kênci (Périya-tiru-môzhi, II, viii, 10), wrote before 754 A.D., as Dantidurga was followed soon after by his uncle Krshna I ; while Nammâlvår singa about Sri-vara-mangalam (Tiruvdy-mózhi, V, vii), th> name . given to Velankuţi by Jatila Parântaka, when granting it to Sujjata-bhatta in his seventeenth year=783 A.D. (1.4., XXII, 71), and so wrote at least thirty years after Tirumangai.
THE MÄHISHMATI OF KARTAVIRYA.
BY KANAIYALAL M. MUNSHI, B.A., LLB. DIFFERENT scholars have claimed different places as being the site of the ancient capital of the Haihaya king Arjuna, Kärtavirya, but no final and incontrovertible conclusion has been reached yet. It will therefore be useful to suggest a few considerations in support of the view which has been put forward by Sirisha Chandra Vidyârnava in his appendix to the English translation of the Matsya Purana published by the Panini Office. According to that view the Mahishmati of Kårtavirya was situate at the place where now stands the town of Broach (Bhrigu-Kachha) in Gujarat.
It is easy to ascertain the characteristics of this Mâhishmati, originally a capital of Naga, son of Karkotaka. Kartavirya captured it and founded MAhishmats. It is adanitted by all authorities that this city stood on the Narmada. In referring to it all authorities further agree in indicating its proximity to the ses; and in distinctly mentioning that the tidal waves of the sea came right up to the city and that it was a base for naval power.' " When he (Kartavlryo) agitated the waters of the river in his gambols, the Narmada trembling with fear at bis sight and becoming highly astonished surrendered herself to bin. He alone with his thousand arms swelled it by putting the water of the sea into it; and increased it as it increases in the monsoon. And the ocean being thus agitated by his thousand arms became subdued by him, and he extended his seapower so that the residents in the Patala became inoffensive and quiet."
Somehow this peculiarity appears to have been lost sight of by those who have tried to loonto this city; but it is so clearly given in the Puranas that it admits of no doubt on this point.
| Published by Sudhindra Nath Vasu, Panini Omoe, Bahadurganj, Allahabad.
Matuya P., XLIII, 29-80; Vayu P., XXXII, 26Harivania I, XXXIII, 98. Ibid., XLIII, 81; ibid., XXXII, 28; ibid., XXXII, 28.

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None of the cities on the Normada which have been heretofore identified as Mahishmati stands where the tidal waves could conceivably have reached. The only place on the Normads which could bave been possibly described in this manner must have stood somewhere near the site of the present city of Broach, which according to Hieun-Theang stood very near the sea in his time.*
Being the capital of Kartaviryn's kingdom it must have occupied an important position in the portion of the country over which he held sway. Kårtavirya is called the lord of Antipa.5
Anûpn literally means a place near the sea or a marshy place, and was applied to various tracts near the sca. In the Mahabharata times the word Anûpa was applied to a kingdom apparently insignificant, on the west coast. It also appears that Surashtra, Anûps and Anarta were contiguous countries and that Anûpa lay to the south of Surashtra.
These references show that the only portion which could be called Anapa and which could have a capital situate on the Narmada must be the portion of Gujarat between the Mahi and the Tapti.
The extent of Kartavirya's dominions can also be ascertained by the names of his im. mediate desóendants, which are in reality either the names of the provinces which formed part of his empire, or the names of the different tribes which went to make up the Haihaya and Talajanga races of which he was the chief. These names are given as Sarasena, Sûra,
TAlainnga. Avanti, Vitihotra, Shâryâta, Bhoja, Tundikera, and Anarta. Sarasena is Mathura. Sora appears to be the tribe which gave its name to the peninsula of Kathiâ war the name of Sarashtra. Avanti is Mâlwa. Anarta is old Gujarat with its old capital KusUsthali (Dwarka). Vitihotra or Vitihavya is a country to the west of the Vindhyas10. Kundikera or better Tundikera is also a name of a tribe near the Vindhyag. 11 Bhojas appear to hav) settled to the cast of Arravali and their kingdom was known as Shâlva in the Mahabharata times.12 The dominiorts of Kårtavirya therefore appear to be bounded by Yamuna on the north-east; Vetravati or Betwa on the east ; Narmada on the south and the sea and tho desert of Rajputana on the west. The extent of this empire clearly shows that its most important portion was Anûpa, 1.e., Gujarat and Kathiawar. And neither Mandala 13 nor Maheswar14 nor Måndhâtâ 16 occupies a central position with regard to this country. It would therefore bo more natural to expect the capital of this empire somewhere nearer the seg. and being on the Narmadâ, it must be somewhere near Broach.
During the Mahabharata times Kartavirya's country and its capitel Mahishmati appear to have censed to exist except as a mere tradition. In those times Aryavarta except for the kingdom of Vidarbha was bounded on the south by NarmadA for all practical purposes and
Cunningham's Ancient Geography. 5 Mbh., Vana p., cxvii, 19. u Mon., Udyoga p., xix, 0; Vayu P., xxvi, 86; Hari II, xxxvii, 29. 7 Mbh., Sabha, p. iv, 24-35; Udyoga, p. iv, 13-24. 9 Hari I1, xxxvii, 29-40.
Matsya P., xliii, 48—49; Hari I, xxxiv, 49. 10 Mateya P., cxiv, 62—38. 11 Pargiter's Markandeya P., 344. 12 Moh. Vano p., xiv, xx, xvi, ccliii; Hari I, xxxviii. 13 (1837) JASB., 622; Cunningham's Ancient Geography, 488. 14 (1807) 9 As. Res., 105: Imp. Cass., sub-nom. Mah heswar. 16 (1910) JRAS., 428 : Pargiter's Markandeya P., 333 n.

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consisted of well defined kingdoms. Except for stray references to some insignificant Anûparaja, the kingdom of Anûpa had disappeared.16 None of Kärta virya's line over appears to bave reigned in Mahishinati after him. The only king of MAhishmati spokon of being Nila, who is referred to hereafter. Jayadhvaja, a doscendant of Kartavirys, is a king of Avanti.17
Kalidasa in the Raghuvamsa mentions a king Pratîpa in Kårtavirya's line holding sway at Mahishmati.18 But neither the epics nor the Puraņas inention any such name in his line and the poet seems to have given a local habitation, name and a traditional lineage to an imaginary king with a view merely to heighten the literary effect of the situation by & recital of the glorious deeds of Kärtavîrya.
On the contrary, it is quite clear that in Kalidasa's time no city of the name of Mâhishmatî with the memories of Kârtavîrya attached to it was known to exist on the Northern bank of Narmada. Because had there been any such city, Meghadůta on his way from Amarakantaka to Vidisâ and Ujjain would not have failed to halt over the town where once the thousand armed Haihaya ruled and thus to give to the poet an opportunity for an eulogistic outburst.
The Mâhishmati of the Mahabharata and the Puranas is the city where lived a tribe designated as Mahisha, Mahishaka, Mahishika or Mahishmaka.19 There is also a river Mahishika neor this city.20
The position of this city could easily be ascertained on a reference to the Epics and the Puranas, all of which ageso in considering it a country of the Dakhsinapatha. Sahadova comes to it not only after crossing the Narmada, but after conquering Avanti, Bhojakata, Kosala and Prakkosala -perhaps the same as Mahakosala of Hieun Thsang, ai the kings on the banks of tho Vonyo (Vainganga), the Pulindas (Pulmadai of Ptolemy) and Kishkindha.? The Asvumedha Parva puts Mâhishaka between Andhra and Kollagiri, 23 the Bhishma Parva with the southern countries like Karnataka.24 In the Ramayana, Kish. ķ., it is placed between Vidarbha and Rstakia on the one hand, and Kalinga and Dandakâranya on the other.36
In the Mutsya Puruņa it is placed between Pandya, Kerala, Chola on the one hand and Kalinga, Vidarbha, Dandaka and countries on the Narmada on tho other.97 Further it is not mentioned as one of the countries on the western extremity (as a matter of fact, surroun. ding) the Vindhyas though Kishkindhaka which is to the north of Mahishaka is placed there.38 The Märkandeya Purana places it between Mahârâshtra and Kalinga 29
From a careful perusal of these lists the following conclusions can be deduced :
(1) That Kishkindhaka was near the Vindhya but Mâhishaka, which was to the south of it, was not.
(2) That Mahashika was to the south of Narmada and not quite on its southern bank.
10 Mbh., SabbA, iv, 24-35; Udyoga, iv, 13-24. 17 Maloya P., xliil, 46. Vayu P., xxxü, 50.
18 Canto. vi, 43. 19 Brihat Samhita, 9-10, 17-20; Mon., Bhishma, ix, 366; Vishnu P., iv, 24; Markandeya, Ivii, 46. 20 Rdm., Kishk., xli, 16.
31. Cunningham's Ancient Geography, 33 Moh., Sabba, xxiv.
33 Chap. xxciii, 11.
24 Chap. ix. 26 MahArtehtra, according to Bhandarkar's Bom. Gaz., V, ii, 143. * Ram., Kishk. xoi, 10.
27 Matsya P., oxiv, 46-51. 21 Ibid., oxiv, 62—35.
29 Markand. P., Ivii, 16.

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(3) That it was further to the south of Vidurbha and between Kalinga, Andhra, Kollaviri and Dandaka. These countries are now identified beyond controversy.
(4) that at that time the town known as Mâhishmati was neither on the north bank of the Narmadá, nor anywhere near the sea, nor within that portion of the country which could be identified with Anûpadeśa.
These conclusions leave no doubt whatsoever that the Mahishmati of king Nila was not the Mâhishmati of king Kartavirya.
But if anything more was required the description of Mahishmati of Nila, as given in the Mahabharata, Sabha P., would be sufficient to make its identification with the city of the Great Haihaya king impossible.
King Nila though at one place called king of Anupa (a clear case of transfer of traditional epithet) is neither a Haihaya nor a Yadava nor one reputed to have descended from some eminent founder of the families of Aryan kings. His people are not Aryans of any well known stock but Nilayudha's or Lilayudha's.10 They are a degraded people who have given up the sacred rites, 31 and whose easy morals have nothing in common with the high standard imposed by Aryan civilization.39 And therefore Mahishmati of Nils was a city of a non-Aryan people and could not be the city of the king whose righteous deeds and famous sacrifices were the admiration of posterity.
There was also a third city by name Mâhish mati founded by Muchkunda, the son of Mândhâtå, at a place where the Vindhyâ and the nksha mountains meet.33 That city appears to have disappeared altogether.
There is also no doubt that during the post-Mahâbhârata and Buddhistic times there was a town somewhere to the south of the Vindhya which was called by the name of Mahishmati or Mahêshmati. It also appears that on account of the identity of names those who have sought to locate Mahishmati have naturally found great difficulty in finding out a suitable place which can answer the description of the Mahishmati of Kartavirya, of Nila and the one mentioned in Mahávanso. Whether the two cities last mentioned were situated on the site of Mandla or of Chauli-Maheshwar or of Mandhata does not affect the question as to where Kartavîrya's capital lay.
A close examination of the events which followed the destruction of Kartavirya's power cliscloses the reason why Mâhishmati and Anûpadesa of that king disappeared. Jamadagnya Rama appears to have destroyed the power of Haihaya king, and under his lead the Bhrigus appear to have taken possession of the most important part of the dominions vanquished. The Surpâraka which Parasurama called into existence was the country which stretched from the north of Narmadá to Sopara near Bombay.34 There appears to be no doubt that the banks of the Narmadá from Broach up to the very mouth of the river : were considered sacred to Bhrigu and Jámadagnya.35 Of course we do not find the name of Bhrigukachha applied to any tract on the banks of the Narmada in the Mahdbhdrata times; brut looking to the extent of Sürp kraka it is quite clear that the tract which was
30 Min., Udyoga P., xix, 24; Bhishma P., lvi, 13.
31 Ibig., Anushåsan, xxxiii, 22. 19 Ibid., Sabha P., xxxiv.
33 Hari IT, xxxviii, 19. 31 Mh., Sabha P., XXX ; Vana P., Ixxxviii, cxviii; sånti P., xlix; An ushasan P., xxv,50; Hari II, xxxix, 28. Arch. Survey of W. India, No. 10, p. 31.
$6 Matsya P., xciii, 33–34.

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subsequently known as Bhrigukachha was included in Sarpåraka. A part of Anûpadesa therefcre appears to have been included in Sürpâraka and only a small kingdom on the west coast known as Andpa survived in the times of the Pandavas.
All these facts leave no doabt in my mind that the wrath of Râma was not only carried to the extent of destroying Karta virya's capital but even of obliterating its very existence by including it in Sûrparaka ; and that it was at some place near Brcach.
MISCELLANEA.
MULTIPLE ORIGIN OF TECHNICAL AND vertisement in the Postboy, Jan. 2-4, 1711: "Peter COMMERCIAL TERMS.
Duncombe and Saunders Dancer, who lived at The question of the origin of Anglo-Indian terms the Naked Boy in Great Russell-street, Coventhas frequently been raised in this Journal and in garden (London) removed to the Naked Boy and discussing those used in the days of the Scatter. Mitre near Somerset House, Strand (London)." goods, Vol. L, Supplement, pp. 7, 11, it was Such incongruous double names became comshown that such words as "dimity," "taffeta," mon and familiar, and led to interesting instances and the hike had at least a double and sometimes of folk-etymology. Boulogne Mouth, 1.6., Boua multiple origin. That is to say, the Oriental logne Harbour in France, was a very familiar name term dimyati was applied to a certain fabrio of in England in the eighteenth century and became European origin, which was known in Europe . common Inn sign as the Bull and Mouth. Here as "dimity," though dimyati really meant a fabric we can see the effect of commercial custom on exported to the East through Dimyat (Damietta folke-etymology very clearly. Quite as good an in Egypt) and had no etymological connection example is the turning of Catherine Wheel into with "dimity." Later on English merchants Cat and Wheel (Cat being a familiar shortening in India bought and sent to England a fabric, of Catherine). And so Goat and Compasses arose called dimyati, or "dimity," because of its general out of God encompasseth [us), a familiar expresresemblance to the familiar "dimity" of Europe. sion of the English Piritan times. Bago Nails "Dimity" as a term has thus come to have a out of Bacchanals is due to the same influence.
puble origin, European and Asiatic. The history But perhaps the best of all is Pig and Whistle out of "taffeta "as & commercial and technical term i of Piga Wassail, Anglo-Saxon for Virgin, Hail" is much the same, as it came to be used for fabrics an ancient pious ejaculation, which may however of both European (taffeta) and Asiatic tafta) origin. he rendered more humanly by "a lase and a glass !"
The object of the present note is to show that i We are here, however, in the presence of a general the origin of technical commercial terms generally tendency of the human mind in commerce, which may have a twofold source in folk-etymology urges it to maintain the continuity of familiar and commercial custom respectively. This by things during a change of circumstances. Thus, way of warning to the searcher.
the early Muslim Pathån Kings in India found In former days an Inn in England was known it necessary to preserve the appearance of the solely by its sign, saya bult, a gate, a goose, a grid coins of their Hindu predecessors in their own, iron, a rose, 'crown, a shoulder of mutton, a cucum. and to use Devanagiri characters ber, and so on. The name of the sign was commer- instead of Arabie in describing their titles and cially far more important than that of the pro- names. Just as the Kushåns had had to use Greek prietor of the Inn. Travellers went to stay at characters on theirs before them, and after them the Bull, or the Gato, or the Goose, or the Grid: the East India Company the form and Persian iron, or the Elephant, or the Castle, without trou- characters of Shah Alam of Delhi on theirs. bling to know who the owner was. When, however, A minute difference between the Australian and it became necessary or convenient to a proprietor English sovereign long acted to the detriment to transfer his premises to, say, the Bull from the of the former, though the intrinsic value of the Gate, or to the Goose from the Gridiron, he sought i two sovereigns was identical, and the Maria Theto entico both his old customers and those of the resa dollar was the only coin recognised in parts former proprietor of his new premises to the new of Africa very long after that Austria monarch's combined Inn, which he therefore named the Bull death, who, indeed, never reigned there. Many and Gate, the Goose and Gridiron, the Elephant other instances could be given. and Castle, without reference to the incongruity: A very familiar example of the same tendency of the names they coupled. Messrs. Larwood is in the names of commercial firme: Messrs. Smith, and Hotten, History of Signboards, quoto an ad. Jones and Robinson will remain an important

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firm after there has been no Smith or Jones or Robinson in it for more than a generation. In India we have the instance of Sri Jamsetjee Jijibhoy, Bart, in perpetuo as a personal name, let alone old established firms.
That the mental tendency above indicated is universal is shown in the fact that in a Swiss town in which this note is written, I find such Hotel names as follows: Palace et du Cygne (Palace and Swan); Grand et des Alpes (Grand and the Alpes) not Grand Hotel des Alpes which has a different sense altogether; Parc et Lac (Park and Lake);
BOOK-NOTICE.
LINGUISTIC STUDIES FROM THE HIMALAYAS, being studies in the grammar of Fifteen Himalayan Dialects. By the REV. T. GRAHAME BAILEY, Asiatic Society's Monographs. Vol. XVII, pp. xv, 275. London R. A. S., 1920.
This is another of Mr. Grahame Bailey's invaluable records of Himalayan speech, bearing date 1920 on the cover and 1915 on the title page. The War no doubt is responsible for what looks like a long delay in publishing. It is in fact a supplement or continuation of his Languages of the Northern Himalayas, Vol. XII of the same series, and between the two books Mr. Bailey has now given us an account of 41 of the Hill Dialects. Indeed, so closely are the two accounts connected and interwoven that the student must use them together.
The dialects examined in this volume belong to the Tibeto-Burman, 2; Lahinda, 2; Western Pahari, 9; Panjab. 2. In addition are notes on the secret vocabulary of the Qalandars, Qasais and the Panjabi gamblers. A notable collection.
Mr. Bailey goes into his subject with a thoroughness and a detail that is delightful to the student, but at the same time rather alarming to the helpers he would so like to encourage. Transliteration, or rather transcription, and the attempt to reproduce sounds with exactitude on paper can be so complicated as to defeat their own end to a greater extent than scholars perhaps realise. One reason is that hardly two people speak quite alike. The pronunciation of words and sounds varies in a remarkable degree even amongst the recognised educated masters of a language. Witness the efforts of the compilers of the Oxford English Dictionary to get at the "true" pronunciation of many English words. Then again any form of writing must be at bottom a question of conventional signs (like speech itself for that matter), which, as long as they are understood, answer their purpose. Just as any approach to the conventional sound and use of words answers eo long as it is understood. So does any conventional method of reproducing them on paper also answer-so long as it is understood, whether it be a recognised alphabet, syllabary or ideogram, or
[NOVEMBER, 1922
Belmont et Chateau (Belmont and Castle); Excelsior et Bon Port, and so on. In a French Provincial town I came across a delightful incongruous Inn sign, Du soleil et de L'Ecosse (the Sun and Scotland); and there is the well-known Hotel at Marseilles, Du Louvre et de la Paix (the Louvre and Rest). In each of these cases there has been an amalgamation of the old proprietaries into one concern.
The moral of all this is that searchers in tracing the history of international terms must be on the lookout for folk-etymology arising out of R. C. TEMPLE,
custom.
combination of signs that can be so explained as to be intelligible. But to any except very special students, there is a limit to the number of these signs which is quite quickly reached in practice. Philologists and phonologists are apt to forget this and to put so many special signs on paper to express their meaning that they do not actually succeed in doing so. Witness the official monographs on the North American languages.
Mr. Bailey makes an appeal at p. vii of his Preface: Here I could turn to those whose business or pleasure takes them to places where unknown or little-known languages are spoken and appeal to them to make an attempt to elicit from the people facts of grammar and pronuncia. tion, and to add to the sum of human knowledge by giving these facts to the public." I hope he may be successful in his appeal. I made a similar appeal as to the collection of legends and stories nearly 30 years ago in my Legends of the Panjab. It has borne some fruit; but not a satisfactory crop. Perhaps the cause has been that I asked for the ipsissima verba of the native tellers of tales as well as a translation, and that may have frightened would-be helpers So the danger I perceive in getting people to follow Mr. Bailey and those like him is that the detail of the approved method of record may frighten them. It is not every one that has the ear to follow the niceties of the sounds produced by speakers of vernaculars, or the special knowledge of the conventions by which they are recorded with pen and ink. Then again, years ago I put on paper my efforts to record dialects and languages spoken in Burma and the neighbouring countries, and still more years ago I tried to do the same for the Panjab and for the speech of some of the very people exploited by Mr. Bailey, only to find as time went on that the approved method of record had become changed in both cases. So my records, though given to the public, cannot apparently be used by it. I do not make these remarks to detract from the great value of Mr. Bailey's work to advanced scholars and students, but to show the

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BOOK-NOTICE.
223
unlikelihood of many following in his stops unless such things, and his ideas might well be studied there is a fair prospect of their efforts becoming even by the latest scholars. He used an inverted useful to others.
stop to express an accontuated syllable, thus : ) Having dwelt for years among peoples who " pronounced by many Englighmen and Educated used tones as & principal element in speech, Il Scotchmen." I feel that this device is not only could not help observing the importance of being better but easier to print than (*) to express the able to distinguish them on paper, and also the glottal stop: thus, “what 'on earth is the matdifficulty thereof. I also observed the immense ter?", and "wha' you want is no what we want." difficulty that strangers, with whom the use of I fancy Sir George Grierson's strokes to represent tones was a minor matter (for speakers of all
tones have come to stay, as in pa, pa, pa, pa, but languages use them colloquially), had in both leaming and using them. Englishmen in Burma
novertheless I am not sure whether pa, pa, pa, pad, have to get along without any or at best a limited would not be as easy to grasp and give the printer use of them, and yet their use of the language is less trouble. understood by the educated and more intelligent ! Putting Mr. Bailey's actual method of reprepeople they have to deal with. Speaking to a sentation to the test, I would note his remarks on yokel is another matter. The Chinese have got the pronunciation (governing his transcription) of over the difficulty in a fashion by expressing them
Pürik (a Tibetan dialect). Onp. 2 he talks of sounds on paper under a system of undisguised ideo not represented in the [R. A.] Society's alphabet grams, and the Burmese, Talaings and so on ! One of these is unvoiced (i.e., surd or hard) 1, like by anyatem of "aocents," and then we have the ll in Welsh, which is not a khl or lh or W: it is Sir George Grierson's idea of diacritical strokes. simply l unvoiced." He says : " it is heard in Other methods have been tried: 6.g., special Madpce." I cannot help wondering how his readers spelling, as in Panjabi. But whatever the method,
will pronounce this word to themselves as a result it has to be specially leernt on paper, and when of the explanation. It also makes one wonder if one learnt, the difficulty of the student recorder still has a right appreciation of such Welsh words as Han remains in the accuracy of his own car. So great and of such names as Lloyd, Llanolly, or Llwchwe is this difficulty and the consequent uncertainty
(Anglicised .8 Loughor) : also of such sounds in the of accurate, and therefore scientific, record, that
allied (to Púrik) Burmese language as that of the
common word which the English usually spell hia it is quite a moot point whether, except in cases where tone is an essential feature in a language, it
and the Burmese by the ligature representing Ind. is advisable to ask any but a specially qualified
Let us take another instance which Mr. Bailey observer to note tones on paper at all.
gives on p. 3. He writes :-" If one asks a native In such hands as Mr. Bailey's the record of tones
to say the word very deliberately in two syllables
he will say Ilyaq-mo, but if he says it quickly he is of the greatest importance in explaining linguistic
will say Uyag-mo or possibly llyag-mo, where the changes in the history of words. On p. xi. of his
gor are pronounced in the same part of the Prefaco occurs the following important passage:
throat as q. The numerals give other examples; "The average Panjabi appears quite unable to
thus, we have angnyis or sognyis or sognyia, thirtysay a pure h (other than a kh, etc.), and will
two. This holds for any q which is immediately always substitute for it either the deep or the
followed by a sonant consonant. In fact, we may high tone, yet in daily conversation he frequently uses a pure instead of after a vowel. Thus
state generally that any surd (unvoiced) letter is
liable to be changed to the corresponding sonant if a for the sentence mai těnu dăsnå dis paise ditte
sonant consonant follows, and a may become , as in sāsu, I thee to telling-am-ten pice given were
nyis or nyiz, two, t may become a, and so on." by-him, i.e., I tell you he gave ten pice, he will
To my mind this kind of change from surd to Bay mai unit dahna děh paihe dite hāha, where
sonant is inevitable, and is it worth while to disall the aspirates are pure and non-sonant." Here
tinguish it on paper ? Does it help etymology we have it seems to me an acceptablo explanation
to do so! Take the English sentences: "I missed of the well-known change of a to h in the Indian
seeing him" and "A mist arose." Is there any languages, and even of the use of hin other langua
difference in sound in these sentences as spoken ges to express the , of borrowed Indian words. between missed' and 'mist' ? Should we gain
Mr. Bailey's reinarks (p. xii) on the glottal stop, anything by writing both as miat? So do I ask: 80 very observable in German and common in
is anything gained by writing Ilyagmo for Ayaqmo ? much other speech, are worth reading, but I greatly Or by distinguishing between sognyie, sognyia and doubt whether it is best represented by (*) as
sognyis on paper ? in the sentence: " what on earth 'is the matter ?" Take an expression, such as one may find, as The late Mr. A. J. Ellie (now long doad, alas!) written, in an American book on olence; bad fertile brain in devising means to express Ther wer six words." Does the spelling here

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indicate anything more than that educated Americans do not pronounce the English language as do educated Englishmen ? Is anything else really gained by it? Take again an analogous case of reproducing vowel sounds on paper. There is a distinct difference to the ear between the English boot and brood, white and wide, mare and made, corresponding to what I think Sir George Grierson has somewhere defined as 'long' and short long vowels. But ought the distinction to be made on paper? Are not the above quoted precisely the same vowels as sounded respectively before surds and sonants? Are not the distinctions inevitable and therefore not worth recording? Would it be worth while to teach that there is in English a plural ins and a plural in z, and then to write huts and budz, or jumps and crumbz?
What I am driving at in these remarks is that there seems to me to be a tendency nowadays towards over-refinement in linguistic representation liable to defeat its own end. Speaking is one method of communicating a language with its own conventions; writing is another with its special conventions. It is not possible to exactly represent the one by the other, especially in view of the fact that the conventions in speaking are always inconstant, not only among living speakers, but also among successive generations of speakers; and I am not at all sure that the same is not true of writing. Is it really worth while going further in representing sounds on paper than the accuracy essential to correct reasoning in philology and etymology? No two things in Nature are ever quite alike. So no two observers ever hear exactly in the same way and no two people can ever convey exactly the same sound te each other on paper. That is why I am pleading against over-refinement, and for not going beyond the point that leads to a fair mutual understanding between scholars.
These observations are true of other senses. No two persons see exactly alike. I know a colour other people call 'red,' and so I call it 'red.' We then understand each other, but whether the shades of colour called 'red' that all our eyes see are the
NOTES AND QUERIES.
NOTES FROM OLD FACTORY RECORDS. 40. Commission as Captain of Chuliars. 9 July 1691. Consultation at Fort St. George. Maucudum [? Mukkadam] Nina (an Eminent Chuliar [Chalia, East Coast Muhammadan] Merchant, late of Porto Novo, haveing now brought his family and Shipping to Settle at Cuddaloor (Cuddalore, Kadalar], and haveing been very industruous and Serviceable in promoteing the Right Honble. Company's Interest there in drawing many rich Manhante and others to inhabit there to the
[NOVEMBER, 1922
same is another matter. Those who know. Upper India are aware that there is a wide range of shades or even colours which the natives call nild, but when a man tells us that the colour of indigo is nild, and then proceeds to talk of his nild ghord, we know that he does not mean that he has a dark blue horse. Scientific observers have tried to get over the difficulty by creating books of shades and talking of Broca's No. 63 or of Somebody-else's Red 15. This involves the possession of certain books of printed colours and referring to them each time a colour is described, and I am not sure that in order to really grasp a phonologist's reversed e and so on one ought not to have a dictophone. The fair sex, to which descriptions of colour are so important, has faced the difficulty in its own practical and to it satisfactory way by deseribing shades by adjectives of reference and have produced the glorious uncertainties of 'olive green,' 'grass green,' 'peacock blue' and so on. The moral which I would plead is attached to this is: Don't go so far as to frighten away those who have the opportunity of recording the speech of the dwellers in remote places difficult of access.
Having made my little grumble, I wish to express a whole-hearted gratitude to Mr. Bailey for the care and conscientiousness, obviously involving long and very great labour, with which he has introduced us to a most difficult and philologically important series of dialects, and for the hints he has given as to the directions in which further study will be useful, though any one following his footsteps worthily will have to be very well equipped for the purpose.
In addition, he has given us some most useful notes on the argot of the Qalandars, and the secret words of the Qasai and the Panjabi gamblers. I agree with Mr. Bailey in believing secret words and slang to be of linguistic value, even though they be merely disguised forms of the speakers' vernacular, and have acted on the belief when opportunity has occurred. When such words, are borrowed from other languages not ordinarily in the way of the speakers, they may well be of ethnological value also.
R. C. TEMPLE.
encrease of the Customes and revenues of the place, as alsoe the fortifying the town with severall bastians and now about walling it, and much at his own charge; Soe to encourage his proceedings, Tis orderd that He be a Commissioned Captaine of the Chuliars, Moors and Gentues, and that a present of a Scarlett [English broadcloth] coat, Sword blade, Gunn and rundell [official umbrella] be sent him in respect of his good Services and to oblige their continuance. (Records of Fort St. George, Diary and Consultation Book of 1691, p. 30.) R. C. TEMPLE.

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ABOUT BUDDHIST NUNS
226
ABOUT BUDDHIST NUNS.
BY KALIPADA MITRA, M.A. In the March issue of the Indian Antiquary (1921) Mr. K. V. Lakshman Rao, M.A., has written (p. 83): “It is Buddha who first founded the system of samnyása for women and consequently references to bhikkhunis, samanis, pabbajitds and nunneries are found in Buddhistic literature........ It is no wonder then that these young female ascetics were called kumara-dramaņas which necessitated a separate rule in Pâņini", and later on (p. 84) "I therefore consider the framand and pravrajita mentioned in the Satra and Ganapatha of Pånini as reforring to the Buddhist samanis and pabbajitas."
It appears therefore from the above that Mr. Lakshman Rao holds that (1) Pånini knew the Buddhist Nuns and that (2) it is Buddha who first founded the Order of the sisters (nuns) by ordaining them sanyasinis.
Since the Order of the female ascetics, in some cases girls of seven years of age and therefore very young (callod kumdra-sramands) was founded by Buddha, it could not exist earlier than when Buddha flourished. To have been acquainted with it Pâņini must either be the contemporary of Buddha or must succeed him--in any case, he could not have precoded him in point of time. Pånini's knowledge or non-knowledge of the nuns therefore primarily depends upon his date. I believe many authorities hold Pånini to have belonged to the middle of the eighth century or simply the eighth century B.C. Vincent Smith believes his date to have been the seventh century B.C. The date of Buddha's death was formerly supposed by him to have been 487 B.C., but after the new reading of the Khâravela inscription ho is disposed to take it to be 544 B.C., if of course it has been correctly interpreted. The Buddhist order of bhikkhunis could not hava been founded carlier than the sixth century B.C. If these findings of the dates be correct, Panini preceded Buddha and could not therefore have known the Order of nuns founded by him. Tho solution of the first question depends on how the respective dates are ascertained. If Panini preceded Buddha the word óramaņā would imply the existence of Hindu female ascetics before Buddha's appearance.
The second point that it is Buddha who first founded the system of samnyása for women is open to contention. Pandit Vidhuhekhara Sastri of Santiniketana has examined this point at some length in the introduction of his work, Palimokkham (written in Bengali). I here give a summary of his arguments for supposing that female ascetics existed even before the time of Buddha..
In the Vedic times there were some women poets, such as Visvavård, Ghosha, Lopemudra, who composed hymns. They were called brahmavádinis. In the Brihadaranyaka Mai. treyi, wife of Yajñavalkya, was a brahmavddini. But brahmavadini does not necessarily signify one who has renounced the world and become a sanyasini'. There is no proof of the existence of saninydea in the period of the Samhita. But it might be that some of the brahmavddinís were, like Maitreyi, married and of the world, others were celibate and were brahmacárinis even from youth. The instance of the brahmavddini Vâcaknavi Gargi may be taken. She disputed boldly in an assembly of the brahmavide-an unusual thing for a girl to do so, for even in the Vedio times, a daughter-in-law would be ashamed to appear before her father-in-law (inusha sva fund lajjamând niliyamând-Aitareya Brahmana, 3-12-11). This is suggestive of her being unmarried and a brahmacárini. Samkarâcârya says (Vedanta, 3. 4. 36 et seg) that she was unmarried and was not in the gårhasthyderama; she was andera mini.

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From the Dharmaídstras and Gyhyasutras it appears that brahmavddini was understood in the sense of kumara-brahmacárini. Harita says (21, 23): "Women are of two kinds—brahmavadini and sadyobadkú. For the former (are enjoined) upanayanam, agnindhanam #keeping the sacred fire alive), the reading of the Vedas, and bhikshâcaryyd (begging) in one's own home. The latter are to be invested with sacrificial thread (upanayanam) at the time of marriage."
The Ramayana and the Mahabharata abound in instances of women who remained unmarried, and without entering the world took a life-long vow of brahmacarya and begging. Take the instance of the Sramani Savari. Pandit V. Såstri has pointed out that she did not belong to the caste of the Savaras (as Mr. Rao holds), her name only was Savari (Sramani śavari nama-Aranya kandam sarga, 73, 26). The daughter of Sandilya was kau. mdra-brahmacarini (Mbh., Salya, 55–6, 7); so also was the daughter of Maharshi Gârgya (Mbh. Salva, 56-7, 9). Then is oited the conversation of the bhikshuki-SulabhA with king Janaka (Mb., Santi, 325). She was a Kshatriya and wandered about the world singly, (mahin anucacáraikd Sulabhd nama bhikshuka).
It is clear from what has been said of the cases at least of Gärgi of the B hadaranyaka and Sulabha of the Mahabharata, that certainly amongst the Vedapantnia, females became ascetics from early youth (kumára-brahmacâriņi) and wandered about from country to country. This point has been very clearly put forth in the Harita Dharmasastra.
The words bhikkhu and bhikkhuni have been expressly reserved for Buddhist monks and nung. Parivrdjaka and parivrăjika signify monks and nuns of other Orders (aññatitthiyd). That bhikkhus and parivrâjakas were not the same, but were distinguished appears from the Cullavagga (5. 23. 2) where a Buddhist lay Updsaka says, "Sir, theee are not bhikkhus but paribbajakas", and from the Bhikkhupâtimokkham (Pacittiya, 41). The Sutta Vibhanga lays down-Paribbajika nama bhikkhunim ca sikkhamanam ca sâmanerim ca thapetva ya kâci paribbájika samd pannd, i.e., paribbdjikå means any female who has taken pabbaijd excepting bhikkhunis, sikkhamands and sdmaneris.
Pandit Vidhusekhara Sastri has moreover shown that at the time when Buddhism was preached and when the Suttas and Vinaya were composed, the existing religious sects, such as djivakas, acelakas, nigan hus, ja pilas, etc., were so named (salta ca ja tilâ, satta ca nigan. tha, satta ca aceld, satta ca ekandjakd, satta ca paribbájakd-Samyutta 3. 2. 13, vol. I, p. 74). The word bhikkhu was applied solely to Buddhist monks. The Mahavagga (2. 1. 1) says, añña Litthiya paribbdjald. Thus the paribbájakas were monks other than Buddhist, and, according to Pandit V. Sastri, were none but the Vedapanthi Sanyasis.
From the above it is evident that there were sanyasinis of other orders even before the sakya-bhikkhuņi order was founded. This is suggested from the Bhikkhunipatimokkham Samghadisesa, 10 :--kimnu bhdva samaniyo yd samaņiyo sakyadhitaro santañña pi samaniyo. Thus Buddha was not the first to create bhiklohunis, nor does it appear that the order of the female ascetics was altogether a new thing. It further appears from Suttaviðhaiga and the Bhikkhupdtimokkham that the paribbdjikás dined together. So they had an order of a sort, though perhaps not properly organ sed. There were sanyasinis amongst the Jains. Candana, daughter of Râjâ Cetaka was a disciple of Mahâvîra. She was unmarried and took annyisa. She was ganini (head) of 36 thousand dryds (S.B.E., Kalpasútra).
Very reluctantly did Buddha accord permission to ordain females, saying in that case brahmacarya would not last long. Perhaps he expressed himself thus after considering the evil effects of the many existing orders of sanydsinis at the time.

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SOME BURMESE PROVERBS
227
From all these considerations the Pandit concludes that neither the bhikkunis nor their Order were new creations of Buddha.
It has been said that Buddha was very much averse to the creation of the Order. But when he had ultimately to accede to the request of Ananda (Cullavagga, 10. 10. 6) very sadly did he say that it was like a blight and would jeopardise the existence of brahmacarya in the Samgha. To prevent possible harm he laid down eight garudhammas for discipline. But they were unavailing. The Patimokkham, Suttavibhanga and Cullavagga record instances of abuse. He had to ordain special roles in the Bhikkunfpatimolkham to check these abuses, in some cases running to the length of wilful miscarriage in latrines, killing of foetus, etc., and to prevent a free mingling with the bhikkhus. So he was not wrong in saying that if the order would otherwise have lasted for & thousand years, with the creation of the order of bhikkhunis it would not last for five hundred.
The later Sanskrit literature bears testimony to the depth of immorality to which the bhikkunis had descended. In the Sahityadarpana (3, 157, datyah Sakhi nal.... pravna. jita), and Kamasitra (Sakhi-bhikshuk-ksha panikd-ta pasi-bhavaneshu sukhopdya), they are represented to act as go-betweens between the hero and heroine. In the Malati-Madhava Saugata-jarat-pravrdjika Kamandaki, her antevdsini Avalokita, and priya-sakhe Buddharakshita were engaged in effecting a clandestine union between the lovers. This shows that Buddha was only too true & prophet. Such paribbdjilds were subsequently engaged as spies. In such circumstances how could they command respect! It is but natural that they should be contemptuously regarded. I think that the Hindus began to hate these Buddhist nuns, not because the institution was unknown to them as Mr. Rao holds, "but because the nuns, at least some of them, must have led a life of doubtful morality." Hindu or non-Hindu, Buddhist or non-Buddhist, such characters would in any circumstanoes be contemptuously treated. The contempt was hurled not at the Buddhist Order so much as at the immoral peraons. Perhaps it would not be a difficult matter to detect corruption in nunneries of mediæval Europe, or for the matter of that in any ordinary nunnery of a by-gone age.
SOME BURMESE PROVERBS. COLLECTED BY RAO BAHADUR B. A. GUPTE,
AND EDITED BY A. L. HOUGH.
1. Kyet hmä ayo: tuhma amyo:-With fowls it is the hereditary strain, with men it is lineage.
2. Ein shé pu: ein nauk mă chan: tha.Should the front of the house be hot, the back part will not be comfortable. The meaning applicable is :-It the head of a family is in trouble the other members will also suffer.'
3. Let-thè : heseik : ka lel-hteik nā.-If you pinch at the nail the finger tips will also feel the pain. The meaning is 'If you try to injure a person, be careful of his relations who will try to do the same to you.'
4. Bū :bin-hmā hpă-yon mă thi : bū:-A pumpkin will not bear fruit on a gourd-tree. It means : A good man will have a good son ;'or, put in another way, 'A good man begets good progeny."
5. Hpongyi : yu : hnin hlē lē :-A mad priest and an unstable boat. Meaning : When two persons of bad character meet they are apt to do evil deeds,'

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6. 0: ywe go sa-laung : ywe hnin hpon :-or-0 : ywè sa-laung : ywe hnin peik ya myi A crooked mouthed cooking-pot should be covered with a crooked lid ; or, one should close a crooked mouthed cooking-pot with a crooked lid. The meaning may be given in the following ways Pay him out in his own coin ;'or' Treat him as he treats yon: 'or. A vicious person cannot be friendly with a good man; ' or 'One should adapt one's self to circum. stances.'
7. Mo: kon hma htun cha.-To use the plough when the rains are over. The meaning is - It is not much use doing a thing when it is too late.' It may suggest the English proverbs ; To hoist the sail while the gale lasts ; ' and 'Time and tide wait for no man.
8. Pyin lun: hpin chun :-If anything is repaired too much its shape will he spoilt. The meaning is :-Don't try to improve on the shape of a pot that is perfect or it will he made ngeless ; ' or 'If too great care is bestowed on a thing it will be spoilt."
9. Myet-si-gan : tă-hse mă kyauk : A blind-man is not afraid of ghosts.
10. Taw milaung taw-gyoung let-hkū-maung-hkat.-When the jungle is on fire a wild-cat will show fight. Meaning :- When there is no escape a wild-cat will attack in self. defence;'or. When a man is in a tight place he will show fight, docile though he may be.'
11. Text not legible. A tiger rushed headlong at a stone in his fury and split up his head : i.e., If you want to fight with a man who is stronger than yourself you will be the sufferer.'
12. Text not legible. When the thin crust of a hill falls Nga Mvat Min's pepper garden will be destroyed. That is, 'When a hill-side slips down, Myat Min's pepper cultivation, if it is there, is sure to be destroyed. Otherwise, When great things fall the little ones will follow.'
13. Kyu-bin hkok kyū-ngot hmya mă kyan ze hnin.-When cutting down the Kyu-reed do not let so much as a stump remain. Meaning : 'When you come into power remove your enemies entirely, or they will get you into trouble.'
14. Text not legible. Pearls from one and the same bed will be similar, i.e., 'A chip of the old block;'or, One knows the character of a nan from his family ;'or, 'A man is known by the company he keeps.'
15. Taung-deik kyā yauk anauk ka ne dwet, Myin : mö pyö-et, shi-lo-ya shi ze. - Lilies grow on the tops of mountains; the sun rises from the west : Mount Meru has split up : let it be whatever you wish!' In other words, 'Do not contradict those in authority nor offend them as there is nothing to be gained thereby. Listen to them and acquiesce in everything they say, and, when your turn comes to obtain some advantage make the best of the opportunity.'
I give here the note made by Rao Bahadur B. A. Gupte in his own words as follows: This proverb records a tradition. "Once upon a time a Burmese king said to his amaccho (page) Look here, amaccho ! By my glory and power, does the sun not rise in the west ? Do not lilies grow on top of the hill instead of in the lake? Did not the great Mount Meru (centre of the universe) split up when I ascended the throne ?' In answer to such questions, the page replied: Yes Sire! Sire! the sun rose from the west ; lilies grew on the hill top, and Mount Meru split up. It is moreover about to fall into pieces. He was obliged to say 40. As if he did not, he would have been punished. From this story oomes the proverb, which is interpreted to mean: 'I shall not go against any person in power nor shall I contradict him for fear of offending him. It is a custom in Burma for the Burmese not to contradiot the man in power, but, as a rule, silently, to pay attention to him."

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THE ORIGIN, GROWTH AND DECLINE OF THE VIJAYANAGARA EMPIRE.
BY C. R. KRISHNAMACHARLU. B.A. This empire, justly called 'A Forgotten Empire' by Mr. Sewell, on account of the neglect it has suffered in the historic literatuce of India till recently, and equally justly called 'A Never-to-be-forgotten Empire' by Mr. Suryanarayana Row, because of its political greatness and its vastness in extent and influence on the shaping of South India, in its later politics, economics, religion and society is one of the greatest Hindu empires that India has witnessed. Its origin was about the end of the first quarter of the fourteenth century, and its end came about the end of the seventeenth century A.D. Though the fatal battle of Talikota gave a blow to the carlior magnificence of this empire, its effects were damaging mainly to the glory and position of the capital town Vijayanagara. The dominion of the empire lasted in South India for nearly a century after this battle. For the first two-hundred-and-fifty years of its existence the history of the empire is one of steady growth and expansion. On the one hand it consolidated the whole of Southern India into one Hindu State and on the other it checked the influx of Muhammadan conquests and civilisation into the south.
The importance of the history of the Vijayanagara Empire for the student of history lies in the fact that it was tho first all-South-India Hindu dominion with a strong link of relationship established between the ruler and the ruled, and felt in the every-day life of the people. The names of no rulers of mediaval South India have become such house. hold words as those of the rulers of this line: e.g., that of Krishnaraya. His name has gathered no less an amount of heroic and romantic tradition in the south than the names of Vikramaditya and Bhoja have done in the north and south as well.
The old Aryan saying : Raja kalasya karanam i.e., 'the king is the cause, that is, the maker of time 'holds true with rulers and ruling dynasties of every grade and duration. And that ruler or dynasty that figures as the greatest past 'cause of the condition of the country commands the most earnest and regardful study and treatment in the hands of scholars. More than that, their lives live in that unwearying stream of folk-history viz., tradition. The domination of this house over the destinies of South India postponed its Islamization for three centuries. But for the opposition presented by this ruling family to the advance of Muhammadan invasion Dravidian India should have begun to yield to Islamic ways of life and institutions much earlier than it actually did, if at all it did so fully as the north. During the period of its rule the south retained all its ancient national lite, of which the north was then being robbed and deprived, through the advent and expansion of an alien rute and civilisation. The south was then not only enjoying its political and religious liberty but was also making adjustments and improvements in these respects.
The ancient dynasties of South India had gradually disappeared as the result of time At the dawn of the sixth century A.D. we find it parcelled out into a number of principalities gome dominating over others. The Western Chalukyas, whose capital was at Vatâpi (the modern Badami in the Bombay Presidency) came into prominence about this time and constantly measured swords with the rulers of the south, and mostly with the Pallavas of Klochi, who were no less war-like and no lesb successful. The sucoesses of each were sig. nalised by the capture, though temporary, of the capital of the other. The Pallavas were settled in the country between the Krishna and Kanchi, nay even the Kaveri. The latter town was their stronghold even from about A.D. 320 when Samudragupta extended his marches thereto from the north.
1 This paper was prepared in the year 1918 at the request of some students appearing for the B.A. Degree examination of the Madrus University and we subsequently sent to the press at their suggestion, Discussions, therefore, of all controversial points have been avoided in it.

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At the end of the sixth century A.D. a branch of the Chalukyan house established itself independently in the east as the house of Vengi, having ousted from its sovereignty the Pal. lava line ruling about there. For nearly five centuries thereafter the Eastern Chalukyan house ruled over the Andhra country almost uninterruptedly. But the Western Châlukyas began to wane in glory about the middle of the eighth century A.D., when the Rashtrakūtas entered into competition with them. The power of these began to assert itself strongly, and for nearly two centuries there existed a state of continued warfare for the Rashtra katas with the Western Chalukyas on the one side and the Eastern Chalukyas on the other. And about the beginning of th, ninth century, the Rashtrakata conquests spread as far down as the lands of the Pallava king Dantivarman of Ka chi. Govinda III, of this family defeated & coalition of 12 princes of the south and even reduced the Western Châlukya sovereign of the time to the position of a feudatory. With the passing away of the tenth century, the RAshtrakata power faded away and the Yådavas of Devagiri stepped into their place in the north. Originally followers and relations of the Rashtrakatas, they gradually grew in power and assumed independence about the beginning of the twelfth century, with the Mauryas of the Konkan, the Nikumbhas of Khandesh and the Guttas of Ujjaini as their Vassals, till they came to be one of theforemost royal houses in the south about the beginning of the fourteenth century, -80 rich in prosperity as to make the greedy hands of 'Alau'd-din and his general itch for & plundering oonquest.
In the farther south, after the Pallava decline, which came about in the ninth century A.D., the Cholas rose end expanded in their dominion. For three centuries, i.e., from the tenth to the thirteenth, they remained masters of this part of the country. Rajaraja I had conquered almost the whole of the west of South India, establishing Chola suzerainty over the Gangas of Mysore, the Nolambas of Anantapur, Bellary and Mysore, the southern part of the Vengi country, the Kollam country (the modern Travancore), Kudamalai (Coorg) and llam (Ceylon). His son, Rajendra-Chola I, reduced to Chola supremacy all the eastern country up to Ganjam. In the generation next to Rajendra Chola I, who ruled from A.D. 1012 to about 1043 -A.D., and Rajadhiraja I whose reign ended somewhere about 1053 A.D., the Chola house ran short of a legitimate successor. The Cholas and the Vengi Châlukyas had become relations by marriage and Rajendra Chola, the son of the Eastern Châļukya Rajaraja I, the kritibharta (patron) of Nannaya's Andhra Mahabharatam, was chosen for the Chola throne with the title of Kulottunga-Chola I. This combination of sovereignties brought and kept the most part of South India under one crown, like England and Scotland uniting under James I who came from the north. This Chola-Chaļukya sovereignty continued in prosperity till about the beginning of the thirteenth century, when it broke down and gave occasion and opportunities for the growth of the minor kingdoms into prominence and power. The Kakatiyas of Anumkonda and Orangal, who were originally feudatories of the Western Chalukyas of Kalyan, had asserted independence about the middle of the eleventh century and gradually grew to be a powerful Andhra kingdom about 1230 A.D.
About 1235 A.D. Kalinga was lost to the Cholas. In the south-west the Hoysalas had consolidated themselves into a strong power with two branches ruling at two capitals, viz., Dvarasamudra in the north, and Vikramapuram near Sriraigam in the Trichinopoly district in the south. They had established their dominion in this district and engraved their inscriptions in the Ranganatha temple at Srirangam. These kings were on hostile terms with the Cholas about the beginning of the thirteenth century. It was about then that they founded their second capital at Kannanûr near Srfrangam, calling it Vikramapura, their

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conquest being signalised by the foundation of a temple, called Hoysalesvara, there. The Chola sovereignty had lost by this time its integrity and suffered disruption. Its chief seats were two, Tanjore and Kaichi. The first was under the weak king Rajaraja III. The second was under the rule of that family of the Chôļas who called themselves Siddhis, under one of whom, Manmasiddhi, Tikkana the Telugu poet was a minister. Sometime between A.D. 1230 and 1250 Sundara Pandya II of Madura had invaded the Chola capital Tanjore and burnt it. Rajaraja III subsequently prostrated at his feet and at the cost of his independence regained the capital. In the neighbourhood of this disintegrating Chola dominion, the Sengeni chiefs, calling themselves Sambuvarayas throughout their political career as the feudatories of the Cholas, gradually rose into independence, which they achieved in about 1339 A.D. just about the time of the dawn of the Vijayanagara House.
The years 1253 and 1254 A.D. were very eventful for the history of South India. The weak Chôļa was yielding before the advancing Påndya. Sundara Pandya established his superiority over the Hoysalas of Dvårasamudra and over the Cholas both of Tanjore and Kânchi. He had taken Srîrangam from the Hoyrala. In the hostilities between the Hoy. sala and the Påndya, the Chola king Rajaraja III managed to recoup and get the upper hand, and eventually ousted the Hoysala from his ancestral dominion by defeating Somesvara about 1254 A.D. 1253 A.D. saw the Pandya rise, and 1254 A.D. saw the Chola riso. The ascendencies of both were temporary only. The balance of ascendency was now very unsteady and easily and quickly tilting. Though in the south the Hoysala was now defeated by the Pandya and now by the Chola, he had the most substantial dominion and power of the three ; for when the torrent of Muhammadan invasion from the north rush down in 1306 A.D. and later, the Hoysala was in a condition to contribute much to the check of the stream. At this period there were other potent kingdoms in Peninsular India. The Yadavas and the Kakatiyas were in no less prosperous and powerful condition than the Hoysalas. In the latter half of the thirteenth century the extreme south was & whirlpool of discords, fights and captures; the Chola house divided into many branches and passing through the last convulsive stages of a shattered and lingering sovereignty; the Pandya house trying to absorb it, but corroded inwardly by the cancer of domestio dissension; the Hoysala strong, but yet weak hare owing to remoteness from the northern branch and capital.
While this was the political condition of the south, a small rocket of discord Aies up from Madura and falls as a signal at Delhi. Mr. Sewell informs us, on the authority of the Muhammadan historian Wasaf, that Sundara the son and murderer of Kalês Devar (i.e., Kulasekhara) gained the throne of the Pån lya in 1310 A.D. by defeating his brother Vîra, and being defeated by him later, fled to Delhi, to bring in Muhammadan intercession on his behalf'. It is to be noted that none of the other powerful kings of the south undertook to fight for this discontented Påndya prince. The capture and sack of Madura ip 1311 A.D. was thus but the outcome of family dissensions in the Pandya house, a phenomenon similar to the intervention of Baber in the affairs of the Lodis of Delhi.
The Pa dyes and the Hoysalas succumbed to the ravages of the Muhammadans. The Chola dominion was but lingering. The Kakatiyas had also bent under these same waves of alien conquest. As Mahmud of Ghazni's conquests of 'infidel' India were only series of plunders in the name of Islam and the Prophet, the southern invasions of Malik Kafar too were but sallies of greedy militaryism. It was not the legitimate and natural ontoome of the expansion of a people into foreign lands through the pressure of population at home or of adventures in quest of settlement, as was the expansion of the English into America, India

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and Australia. The conqueror was only a wayward and self-willed accomplice of an unscrupulous offspring of the Imperial family of Delhi, who was casting his wistful eyes on the Imperial throne, and for it was even aiming his ungrateful and treacherous sword at the neck of his old, loving, benevolent and unsuspecting uncle the Emporor Jalalu'd-din. The results of a conquest pressed on under such auspices to such distant parts were bound not to be permanent or far-reaching. The cyclone comes, sweeps over the earth's bosom, but does not stay on. Trees fall. Buildings shake and crumble. And villagos perish. The cyclone is off before the next hour ends. But the dire effects of its rudo play last for a long period. Such also were the effects of this Muhammadan conquest on the peninsular portion of India. Out of the conqueror's vanity an attempt at setting up a viceroyalty in the Pånlyan country was actually made. The lifeless bija for an abortive dominion was thus sown vainly. For nearly a quarter of a century from A.D. 1310 this alien viceroyalty lived on with a great deal of strain on itself and not a little discontent of the subjected native dynasties and people. The contact with Delhi at its great distance was for some years a difficult thing to maintain. Without the imperial patronage and reinforcement so small a military settlement at such a distant place could not live for a longer time. The fact that this viceroyalty, consistently with the spirit of the original conquest, persisted even after becoming a local government in a religious policy very offensive to the people which hastened its doom. In 1327 A.D., that is within two decades of the establishment of the Pandyan viceroyalty, the viceroy revolted against Delhi and sought refuge with the Hoysa la king. To squeeze more tribute from the South Indian royal houses an expedition was organised against these. But this time the Hindu dynasties of the south formed themselves into a national military confederacy and effectively resisted the expedition. Though it was carried out almost under the very nosa of the Tughlak emperor who had just then held his fickle capital at Devagiri (Daulatâbâd) in preference to Delhi, it failed in the face of such an opposition. This was in A.D. 1344. In A.D. 1347 the Bahmani viceroyalty of the Dekhan declared its independence of Delhi. Though the Pandyan viceroyalty had failed, the Bahmani viceroyalty lived long enough to measure swords with the opposing south. The ambitious, premature and more distant viceroyalty had failed, while the more opportune and less distant viceroyalty lived on.
Till now the ascendency of a particalar ruling house in Dravidian India wae but the manifestation of the martial superiority of one over the rest of the Hindu kingdoms. His. tory, like agricultura, presents to us the truth of the law of 'rotatory fertility.' As new lands give profuse crops, new communities give powerful heroes and rulers. So far as Dravidian India could yield, it had yielded powerful dynasties with magnificent capitals in all its parts, except where Vijayanagara was now to rise. The Eastern Châļukyas had run out their glorious career in the north of the eastern country. The Pallavas had shone and set still earlier in the mid-east districts. The Cholas had held their supremaoy over most of the Peninsula with Kanchi and Tanjore as their later centres. The Pandyas had by their brilliant history raised Madura into the star-like cluster of the classic capitals of the south. The Hoysalas had grown, ripened and withered. The Cheras being only a cornered dynasty could never naturally become a representative and strong military power in the south. Thus it seems as though the turn came to a feudatory family, as has almost always been the case in the history of the south, to rise to prominence, on the ground of natural causes and historio relevanoy, viz., (1) its connection with the part of the country which was rich and civilised and hence exposed to the greedy expeditions of the Muhammadans then in the ascendant in

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almost all parts of Upper India, and (2) the natural law in history that the strongest feudatory of the last ruling family must step into its place when that family retires from power, much like the retiring man in advanced age.
The Hoysala power gave place to the Udayar rule in the south of Mysore and in tho country round about Sriraugam: Udayar being the title of the chiefs of the first Vijayanagara dynasty, taken after the Chôļa kings, under which they rose into military prominence at Penugonda (modern Ananthapur district), in the South Arcot, Chingleput, Cuddapah and Nellore Districts. We find the earliest of their inscriptions even so far north as Badami (the historie Vacapi, Bombay Presidency), which after the downfall of the Western Chåļuk. yan dynasty in course of time became part of the northern dominions of the Hoysa ļa8, (directly under the Vijayanagara Urlayars who were their local governois).
The five sons of Sangama I of this family ruled over almost the whole of the Peninsula between the Krishna and Kaveri rivers. About A.D. 1336, the traditionary date given for the foundation of this house, Harihara I, the first of the five song, held the position of the lord of the whole country between the eastern and western oceans. His brothers were lords of the other parts of the country, Kampa (Kampaņa I) being the Lord of Nellore and Cuddapah districts, and Bukka in charge of the Muluvâyi country, i.e., the country around the Mulbagal district of Maisur. Mârapa, the fourth of Sangama's sons, had control of the Shimoga and the North Canara districts. Thus almost the central belt of the Peninsula had passed into the direct though vassal rule of this rising dynasty, when it thought of starting anindependent line. In A.D. 1337, the capital of the crest-fallen Hoysaļa was shifted from Dvarasamudra to Tonnûr near Srirangapatam. Towards the last days of the Hoysa la rule, the former had come to be the seat of a viceroy of this line, a chief of the later Vijaya. nagara family. It was one of the thre South-Indian capitals devastated by the Muhammadan conquerors, the other two being Devagiri the capital of the Yadavas and Orugallu, the capital of the Kåkatiyas. Thus both by the possession of its territory and the assumption of its capital the Vijayanagara house was practically a political descendant of the Hoysala line, destined to be a wider-felt and more enduring government for South India. When a new Kannada dynasty took the place of a Kannada sovereignty in the same ancient spirit of rule, there was not so much a revolution as a necessary continuative substitute of the fallen dynasty after the circumstance of a crushing foreign conquest. The rieing Sangama dynasty had no external difficulties in the way of its establishment and growth. Not only had it no political obstacles from outside but internally also the ruling family was well rooted in the strength of its position, nobility of ideal and morality of outlook. The five brothers that started the glorious career of the dynasty were like the Pândava brothers, to whom they compare themselves in their copper-plate records—the comparison is really justifiable--ruled with the single mind of true Hindu brothers. Four of these were established as provincial rulers under Harihara I, the eldest. They acknowledged him as sovereign and all acted with one mind, as it were, of a Hindu joint family. Fraternal co-operation and regard were manifested through joint grants and joint orders. The five brothers made a common grant to the Sringeri-pitha. Harihara and his last brother Muddapa issued a joint order in a certain instance. This unanimity of the brothers started the family on a career of steady and sure progress in the acquisition of dominion and glory.
At such an ascendant tide of time for this dynasty, Providence procured for it the advice and guidance of a great scholar and saint-probably the greatest scholar and thinker in the South India of the fourteenth century. Vidyaranya became the minister and on his almost prophetic advioe was built the new capital at Vijayanagara, called also Vidyanagara, after

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this minister-founder. This gave the dynasty its first existence as a really new ruling house. It was no longer the successor to an extinct sovereign in his ancient capital, but a new royal line with a new seat attached to an epic-celebrated and time-honoured spot, namely tha. Pampa (the modern Hampe). The location of the capital, in association with one of the most revered Saiva centres in Southern India, brought the new ruling house all the respect and allegiance that such an association would engender in a religiously inclined people, like the Hindus and especially the Hindus of the inediæval times. Its location also on the Hindu bank of the Tungabhadra, as the guarding post of the Hindu part of the Peninsula against the Mussalinan part of it, was strategically very important. Proximity to the alien kingdoms on the north of the river naturally led to the raising of fortifications, which are probably the strongest and on the grandest scale that Dravidian India has witnessed within historic times. It is notable that this city could succesfully resist the constant attacks of the Muhammadan invaders for no less a period than two centuries. -- -
To these advantages the ruling house added also a line of conquerors, who were no less faithful to the crown than war-like in the battle-field. The Kadamba country had been brought under Vijayanagara rule by Mârapa, brother of Harihara, with a viceregal capital at Chandragutti. The Santalige country, i.e., parts of the modern South Canara district and of Shimoga in Maisur, acknowledged its supremacy, though it was in the immediate charge of the Pånlya-chakravartin-a relic of time. Chåmeya-Nayaka had built the fort at Badami under orders of Harihara I for the strength of his northern dominions. About Saka 1290 (A.D. 1368) Bhaskara, the younger brother of Harihara, who ruled from about A.D. 1379 to 1401, was viceroy over the country surrounding the modern Cuddapah district. Ten years later Adoni was attacked by the Muhammadans, but these were repulsed by Channappa Odaya, who captured and presented it to Harihara II. About A.D. 1380 Udayagiri, which was the premier province in the Vijayanagara Empire was under Devaraya I, the first son of Harihara II. This province was, during the time of the first kings almost always under the rule of the crown princes of the Vijayanagara line. During the reign of Harihara II, who started his reign with the imperial titles of Maharajadhiraja and Råja parame. vara, the Tulu country, comprising the Haive and the Konkana in the western part of the Peninsula, passed into the rule of the Vijayanagara crown and formed a viceroyalty bordering on the western sea, just like Udayagiri on the eastern sea. Gove (i.e., Goa), about A.D. 1395, became a dependency of this crown. Virâpâksha, the second son of Harihara I, conquered the Tundira country, (i.e., Tondamandalam)--the country covered by the two modern Aroot districts and the Chingleput district, which had formerly been the dominion of the Palla vas and the Chôļas successively, and presented them to his father. He was also the governor of the Penugonda province. Harihara II's reign was a brilliant one for the Vijayanagara house. Its dominions had expanded considerably and its authority over the conquered territories was maintained well by the dutiful governors of royal as well as nonroyal descent.
One of the incidental dangers to the stability of a ruling family is domestic dissension. Luckz is that house which is not divided in itself. Such a danger was upon the royal house after the death of Harihara II. Disputes delayed actual succession. Deva. rêya the legitimate heir secured it. Still attempt was made on his life. Fortunately his ubiquitious minister Lakshmidhara, one of the type and capabilities of Timma-Arasu the minister and parent-like councillor of the later king Krishnaraya, warded off the conspirator's stab from the royal person and averted an early stain of blood-shed on the successions of the dynasty. The fidelity of the minister was an asset to Devaraya II,

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There was for him also the other asset, viz., the fidelity of the provincials. Generally, important viceroyalties were held, in the Vijayanagara times by members of the royal family. This. was the custom under the first dynasty especially. Sons of the king held the important forts. Udayagiri had been under Bhaskara a younger brother of Harihara II. In the time of Devaraya I, Vijayarâya had the charge of the Muļuvâyi province, while Ramachandra Odaya, the eldest son of Devaraya I, ruled the Udayagiri province. No conquests were made during the reign of Vijayaraya. But in Deveraya II's time the Vijayanagara dominion was almost at its zenith. Accounts of foreign travellers, like Abdu'r-Razak, inform us that the kings of 'Pallecoto (Palemcottah), Coullao (Kollam i.e., Travancore). Ceyllao (Ceylon), Peggu (Pegu), Tennaserim and many other countries paid him tribute'. His inscriptions are found almost throughout the Dravidian part of the Peninsula.
(To be continued.)
THE HISTORY OF THE NIZAM SHAHI KINGS OF AHMADNAGAR. BY LIEUT.-COLONEL SIR WOLSELEY HAIG, K.C.I.E., C.S.I., C.M.G., C.B.E.
( Continued from p. 203.) XCVII.-THE RENEWAL OF STRIFE BETWEEN SALABAT KAN AND SAYYID MURTAZA,
AND THE BUIN OF THE LATTER. When Salabat Khân had obtained all power in the state he sent revenue collectors into Berar to collect revenue from all the khalifa lands in that province. Sayyid Murtaza, who could not endure şalábat Khân's tenure of the office of valil, refused to assist or recognize the collectors in any way and returned nothing but reproaches to all their requests. Salabat Khan of courge showed Sayyid Murtazâ's contumacy to the king in its darkest light and obtained an order for the arrest of Sayyid Murtazâ, but since all the amire of Berar, and especially Khudavand Khan, Tir Andaz Khan and Shîr Khan, who were among the greatest of the amtra of the kingdom, were devoted to the interests of Sayyid Murtaza, and Asad Khân also, who held the titular office of vakill and pishvd, was secretly in correspondence with him, to arrest him was no easy matter. But Şal&bat Khån was considering day and night how it could be compassed.
As Asad Khan was in league with the amits of Berar, Salábat Khân, in the petition which he sent to the king in this case, represented him as a partner in their guilt, and as there was nobody to carry petitions from Asad Khân, or present his case to the king, SalAbat Khan's statements naturally carried great weight and so enraged the king with Asad Khan that he gave Şalábat Khan full authority to depose him from his office.
Just now Şalâbat Khân bethought him of a device whereby he could sow disoord between the amirs of Berar. It had been customary to send all the yearly khal'ats for Berar to Sayyid Murtaza, leaving the distribution of them to him, but this year Şalâbat Khân caused a separate khal'at to be sent to each amír, each by & separate messenger, and each amir was bep rately encouraged to hope for advancement and for the royal favour. When the amirs of Berar appeared wearing their khal'ats without having consulted Sayyid Murtaza in the matter. Sayyid Murtard grow suspicious of them, and the concord that had previously reigned among them was changed into discord.
Khudávand Khan was more intimate with, and more devoted to Sayyid Murtaza than were any of the other amire, and he suspected that the khal at and the message which he had received with it, were a devioe to sow discord, and did not wear his khal at but hastened to Sayyid Murtaza and placed his services at his disposal. When the other amire heard

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that Khudavand Khin gone to Sayyid Murtaza and placed his services at his disposal they all hastened to follow his example, and assembled before the town of Balapúr where they were invested with the royal Khal'ats by Sayyid Murtaza and, at the instigation of Khudávand Khan, renesed their engagements with Sayyid Murtaza, agreeing to join him in opposing Salâbat Khan and to consider how the latter could best be overthrown before he could perfcet plans against which they would be unable to contend.
It was now the rainy season, and it rained heavily daily, from morning until evening, so that movements of troops were not to be thought of. The amirs therefore, after consulting together, decided to disperse to their own districts and there to employ themselves in pre. paring their forces for war, so that when Canopus should rise and the rains should cease they might march with one accord against those who starred up strife in the kingdom.
When Şalábat Khân heard of the confederacy of the amirs and of the renewal of the bond between them he was much perturbed and took counsel with his intimates as to the best means of meeting this difficulty.
At this time the king expressed a desire to visit the palace and garden of Abmadnagar, which was known as Baghdad, and on Safar 2, A.. 992 (Feb. 14, 1584) he left the old garden of the watercourse in which he had lived in complete retirement for nearly twelve years, as some say, for the citadel of Ahmadnagar and inspected the palace and buildings of the city. The king had never seen the beautiful garden known as the watercourse of Ni'mat Khân, since its completion, and he therefore turned to it, to inspect it. It so happened that the water channel which conveyed water to that garden and garden house had burst and flooded the whole garden and the king remained no longer than one night in that d.elling, but went on to the garden of the 'Ibadatkhâna, which was one of the buildings of his reign. There he stayed for nearly a week, and thence he went on to the village of Manjaresna situate in a valley full of beautiful springs and covered with verdure, with fountains springing from the green hill side. Salábat Khân had artificial tanks formed both in the valley and on the hill tops, and in them fountains played, and the tanks were surrounded by beautiful buildings. Without exaggeration the village is one of the best worthseeing in the world and there can be few so pleasant in the world.265
The king, after enjoying himself both bodily and spiritually in this place, returned to Ahmadnagar and having completed his tour of all the fine buildings and gardens around the capital, turned his attention to sensual pleasures and inquired after several of the atten. dants of the haram. He then ordered the dancing girls of the city to be sent for, and some were selected for the royal service; among them one named Tulji, who was one of the most beautiful women in the world, and bold and alluring, and who was distinguished above her fellows by the receipt of special marks of the royal favour.
At this time Şalábat Khân entirely deprived Asad Khân of all power in the administration and became absolute. When the royal command that the prince of the age 266 should remain in the village of Patori was issued, Sal&bat Khân placed Nasira, one of his own trusted servanta, in charge of the gate of Ahmadnagar and used occasionally to travel backwards and forwards between the city and Patori.
365 According to Firishta it was on receipt of the news that Sayyid Murtad was again marching to attack him, early in 1584, that BalAbat Khan removed the king from the Bdgh-i-Hashs Bihisht first to the Bagh-1-Fara, Bakhah and afterwards to the Bagledad palace, where he provided him with a companion to amuse him and keep him oooupied.-F. ii. 282.
366 Burban-ud-din, afterwards Burhan Nigm Shah II.

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XCVIII. THE CONCLUSION OF PEACE BETWEEN THE NIZAM SHAHI AND 'ADIL SHAHÎ DYNASTIES, AND THE MARRIAGE BETWEEN SHAHZADA MIRAN SHAH HUSAIN AND THE SISTER OF IBRAHIM 'ADIL SHAH II.
Before Asad Khan was deposed from the office of vakil and pishvá, a sister of Muhammad Quli Qutb Shâh had been selected as the bride of Mîrân Husain, but after the deposition of Asad Khan, who had always cultivated the alliance with Telingâna, Salâbat Khân, making the approach of the army of Telingana his pretext,267 reproached Muhammad Quli Qutb Shah, and set about preparing the way for a marriage between the prince and the sister of Ibrâhîm 'Adil Shah I, and, having obtained the king's consent thereto, he opened negotiations for the marriage. It was necessary to send an embassy to Bîjâpûr for the purpose, and the officers selected were Hakim Qasim Beg, Mîrzâ Muhammad Taqi Vazir-ul-Hukûmah, and Jamshid Khân, one of the amirs of Berar. A farman was sent to summon Jamshid Khân from Berar, but as he feared artifice on the part of Salâbat Khân and regarded this farmân as part of a plot for his undoing he hesitated to obey the summons.268 Salâbat Khân, in order to reassure Jamshid Khân, wrote to him and told him that he might proceed direct from Chîtâpûr to Bîjâpûr, and need not appear at the capital, but Jamshid Khân was still suspicious and wrote to Sayyid Murtaza and all the amirs of Berar, instigating them to rise against Salâbat Khân. The amirs, in accordance with their former bond, marched from their districts with all their troops and assembled at Chîtâpûr, which was the jagir of Jamshid Khân. Sayyid Murtazâ also marched from Bâlâpûr, which was his capital, in the middle of Shawwâl, 263 with all his troops and encamped before Chîtâpûr. The amirs of Berar, being now all net together at Chîtâpûr, with a large and united army, renewed their engagements each with the others, and Sayyid Murtaza, with the assent of the rest, raised the vazir Mîrza Husain Isfahânî, who had been appointed by the king vazir of the whole of Berar, to the rank of amîr, assigned the Elichpur district to him in jagîr and entrusted the protection of Berar to him and Chaghatâî Khân, who both marched from Chitâpûr back to Berar and entered upon their duties. The rest of the amirs then marched with their armies towards the capital.
237
When the news of the advance of the amirs of Berar was received in Ahmadnagar, Şalâbat Khân set about preparing the royal army for the field, and calling upon the amirs and the officers of the army to swear fidelity to him. Many of the principal men of the army, who were outwardly partisans of Salâbat Khân secretly sent messages to Sayyid Murtazâ, promising that when the amirs were face to face they would desert Salâbat Khân and join the army of Berar, and so co-operate with it in the attempt.to overthrow Salâbat Khân. Some even, such as Mirzâ Yâdgâr and Shâhvardî Khân, openly broke with Salabat Khân before the near approach of the army of Berar and left Ahmadnagar to join Sayyid Murtazâ. But since it had been eternally decreed that the army of Berar, which was in truth in rebellion against its lord and master, should be defeated and flee, their strength and numbers availed them nothing, for victory depends on the will of God and not on numbers.
The amîrs of Berar, with their great army, reached the pass of Jeûr, 270 which is two leagues from the city of Ahmadnagar, on Zi-l-Hijjah 5, in the year above mentioned, (Dec. 8, A.D. 1584) and encamped there for that night. On the next day, Zi-l-Hijjah 6, they lay
267 It is not quite clear how this can have been made a pretext for breaking off negotiations with Golconda, unless the army of that State were menacing the frontier. No such movement is recorded,
368 Firishta gives a slightly different account of this affair. See note 263.
269 October, 1584.
370 Jeur, in 19° 18′ N. and 74° 49′ E. about thirteen miles north-east of Ahmadnagar.

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in their camp, expecting no attack and utterly unprepared for battle, having neglected all ordinary military precautions, when Şalábat Khân suddenly surrounded the hills on which they were encamped with the royal army, elephants and artillery. The amirs of Berar,completely surprised, hurriedly armed themselves and mounted their horses in great confusion and drew up their troops as best they might to meet the royal army.271 The conflict then began with artillery fire. Khudavand Khân, who commanded the left wing of the army of Berar, boldly charged the right wing of the royal army, which was commanded by Bihzâd-ul-Mulk, and at the first onslaught threw it into confusion. Bihzad-ul-Mulk was wounded and his troops were dispersed. The household troops, who had agreed to support Sayyid Murtazâ against Salábat Khân made the defeat of Bihzâd-ul-Mulk's wing a pretext for flight, and carried off prince Miran Husain with them. Jamshid Khan, who eommanded the advanced guard of the army of Berar, when he saw Khudåvand Khân's success against Bihzâd-ul-Mulk, led his troops on to attack the advanced guard of the royal army, which was commanded by Salábat Khân, but he had scarcely reached the enemy when his horse was shot under him. He tried to reach another horse in order to mount it, but a swordsman so wounded him in both legs that he could not move and was made a prisoner by the royal army. The advanced guard under Salábat Khân then charged and drove back Jamshid's troops and fell on the corps commanded by Tîr Andaz Khan and Shîr Khan and dispersed them. The left wing of the royal army and the right wing of the army of Berar had now closed and were so intermingled that friend could not be distinguished from foe. Salábat Khân now, with a picked force and several elephants, attacked the troops under the immediate command of Sayyid Murtaza, and threw them into confusion. Sayyid Murtaza made every attempt to rally his men, but they could not respond and Sayyid Murtata was compelled to Ace. When Khudavand Khan returned from his successful attack on the right wing of the royal army, he found the army of Berar dispersed and was himself compelled to flee.
The army of Berar, overconfident in its great strength, made no account of Salábat Khân and at length their treachery to their king and their own foolish pride led to their defeat and overthrow, and they were driven into exile.
The royal army pursued the army of Berar and took much spoil, including horses, ele. phants, beautiful maidservants and slave boys, gold, jewels, and all sorts of valuable property and stuffs. Salábat Khan, having been granted by God so great & victory, returned thanks to the giver of victory and ordered the troops under his command to interfere in no way with the property or women of the inhabitants of Berar, and to slay none, but to send any who might be captured to a place of safety.
In this dreadful battle no famous man of valour was slain, save Shahvardi Khan, who had deserted from the royal army to Sayyid Murtaza and Bahrâm Khân, who was wounded with a spear by one of the elephants of his own army. The army of Berar having dispersed and fled. Salábat Khân did not pursue th'm in person, but told off a body of Kolis for that purpose, and himself returned to court with the prince Miran Husain.
Mirak Mu'in, who was at that time Sayyid Murtaza's agent and representative at court, on theday on which the battle was fought took every precaution to ensure his own safety and having promised the body of infantry placed at his disposal by Sayyid Murtaza, large pay and rewards, persuaded them that the amir-ul-umard was victorious and had defeated the army of SalAbat Khân. He ordered them to protect their own quarters from the mob until
311 This is a much more detailed account of the battle of Jour than that given by Firishta (ii. 282).

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the army of Berar arrived, when they would be rewarded. The soldiers believed what Mirak Mu'in told them and armed themselves for battle. Nasir Khân, with a large force of cavalry and infantry surrounded their quarters and a fight ensued. The Berar infantry, ignorant of the flight of the amirs, bravely defended their quarters, keeping off the attacking force with spears and arrows. While the combat was at its height, Mirak Mu în fled by a secret way to the house of one of his friends who lived near, then changed his clothes and fled, in the guise of a faqir, and joined Sayyid Murtaza's arm
Mirza Husain and Chaghatâi Khân had been left to protect the country and Mîrza Husain had not yet heard of the defeat and flight of the amirs, when Chaghatâî Khân, on the pretext of bringing his family, left him at Elichpûr and went to his own jagtr. Meanwhile. news of the flight of the amirs had reached the kotwal of the fort of Gawil, who, assembling the whole garrison of the fortress to oppose Mirza Husain came forth from the fort. In the morning, while Mîrzâ Husain and his army tad still no inkling of the enemy's design, the defeated army of Berar appeared and Mirza Husain and his immediate companions mounted in great confusion and prepared for battle.
239
A body of the amirs of the Dakan who had been told off to assist Mirza Ḥusain came up in the rear and thus surrounded Mirza Husain, whom they put to death. Mirza Husain's brother, Mirza Hasan, extricated himself from his perilous position with great difficulty and joined Chaghatâî Khân. The two men fled together to Burhânpûr, believing that they would thus save themselves from impending calamity, forgetting that all things are ordered by fate. When they arrived at the environs of Burhanpûr they were met by a force which had been sent by the ruler of Khandesh to seize them, and these men arrested Chaghatâî Khân and Mîrzâ Ḥasan and plundered all their property.
Sayyid Murtaza and the rest of the amirs of Berar, after fleeing from the field, reached the town of Paithan where they were joined by about 10,000 horse, who came in from all sides, so that they were numerically a strong army but they were so disorganized and demoralized by fear and panic that they halted nowhere, and could not make a stand even against the contemptible force (of Kolis) which had been sent off to pursue them, but fled straight on to Burhanpûr. When they reached Burhânpûr they placed reliance on the friendship of its ruler for them and considered themselves safe from their enemies and halted in that country in all confidence, but the Sulțân of Khandesh, altogether forgetting his former friendship with them, sent a force to attack them. The amirs of Berar were halted and were carelessly taking their ease when they discerned the approaching army of Burhanpår afar off. Sayyid Murtaza, who over eighty years of age and had suffered much in his flight through Berar had no longer the power to flee and resolved to remain where he was and surrender himself to the attacking force, and gave his army leave to disperge. Khundâvand Khan's brave spirit could not endure this and he therefore compelled Sayyid Murtazâ, against his will, to mount, and with the help of Shir Khân, Tîr Andâz-Khân, Chandâ Khin, and several soldiers, carried him away from his position of peril. The rest of the property of the army of Berar, horses, and elephants, which had escaped Salâbat Khân's army, now fell into the hands of the army of Burhanpûr.
After this Babri Khân, having obtained a safe conduct from Salibat Khân, hastened to 'the capital.
Sayyid Murtaza and the other amirs fled from Burhanpûr towards Karkawan, which is a dependency of the dominions of Akbar Pâdshah, halting not for three days in their fear of the army of Burhanpûr. They suffered much before they reached Karkawan, but, having arrived there, took some rest and proceeded towards Akbar's capital, which they reached in due course,

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After this signal victory SalAbat Khan's power and influenoe in the office of valiti wag greatly increased, and when he had disposed of the amfrs of Berar, he deposed Asad Khân altogether both from the office of vakil and the rank of amirs, and imprisoned him in the fortress of Jond. He then took into his own hands all power in the state. He appointed Mirzâ şâdiq Urdâbâdi Râi, one of his faithful friends, as his deputy for the settlement of certain civil and revenue questions.
At this time the king issued an order for the execution of the prince Mirza Husain, 272 for the astrologers had represented to the king that the prince would be the cause of his ruin and would even attack the royal person. For this reason the king was ever endesvouring to compass the prince's death, and issuing farmans ordering his execution. Salabat Khân, however, hesitated to carry out these orders and she wed great negligence in the matter of bringing the prince to execution.
In the end the prophecies of the astrologers were verified and this prince was the cause of the ruin of his dynasty, as will shortly be shown.
When the royal order for the execution of the prince was issued, Salábat Khân represented that the prince was so unwell that it was possible that his sickness would be fatal, and that the king would thus be relieved of all anxiety. This answer so enraged the king that he came near to dismissing Salábat Khân, and this was the first breach in the foundation of Salábat Khân's power and influence.
Sayyid Murtard and the other amirs, when they reached Akbar's capital, were admitted to an audience, 973 and Akbar, who had long been cogitating the conquest of the Dakan, regarded the arrival of Sayyid Murtaza and the other amirs, who were among the greatest men of that country, as an evidence of good fortune and prestige, and his ambition of conquest was renewed. He now appointed the pillar of his kingdom, Mirza 'Aziz Kaka, 214 who was at that time governor of the province of Malwa, to the command of this great expe. dition and having bestowed honours and favours on Murtaza and the other amirs, appointed them and other highly placed amirs and khâns of his own court to an army to be placed under the orders of Mirza Aziz Kaka. This army marched from the capital to Målwa and joined Mirzê 'Aziz Kaka. The imperial forces then marched to the town of Hindiya which s at the junction of the frontiers of Mâlwa, Burhanpûr, and the Dakan and encamped there. The victorious sahib Qirán (Burhan Nizam Shah) was at that time one of the amirs of Akbar's court and was sent to the assistance of this army.
When Şalábat Khan heard of the approach of the imperial army, he reported the matter to the king, and the king ordered that the army of Berar, strengthened and reinforced by other amirs with their contingents, should march to oppose the imperial army. The Sayyid, Agaf Jáh Mirza Muhammad Taqi, vazir of the kingdom (province) was appointed to the command of this army, and was sent to Berar, and the prince, Mirza Husain, was allowed to depart,
373 Firishta doos not mention this sentence of death passed on prince Husain.
373 Sayyid Murtaza and the anirs of Borar were presented at Albar's court on the Nawaz festival (March 21, 1585).
374 Khan-i-A'zam, Akbar's foster brother. This proposed invasion of the Dakan dwindled into an abortivo raid into Borar, whence the invaders were compelled to retreat in haate, almost to flee, into Gujarat. The failure of the expodition was largely due to the insubordination of the amirs of Malwa, and especially of Shihab-ud-din Ahmad Khan, jdzirddr of Ujjain, who had formerly been governor of MAlws and had been implicated in the murder of Khân-i-A'zam's father, Shams-ud-din Muhammad Atgah Khan. Nothing would induce Shihab-ud-din Ahmad Khan to co-operate with the Khân.1-A'zam. He with drow to Ujjain and was with difficulty prevailed upon to refrain from marching against the governor. -AN, A.A., T.A., Bud., F.

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2 41
with a body of troops, to Daulatâbâd. Mirza Muhammad Taqi hastened to join the army to which he had been appointed and then busied himself in preparing it for battle. He then, having brought the army to a high degree of discipline, marched to the borders of Burhanpur.
The army of the Dakan then encamped on the banks of the Tápts, which flows by the city of Burhanpar. The ruler of Khandesh, who had agreed to oppose the advance of Akbar's army, sent several of his amirs to see the amirs of the Dakan and to renew his treaties and engagements with them.,
In the meantime the learned Shah Fathullah Shîrâzi, who was Akbar's vakil. arrived at Asir with a royal robe of honour. The ruler of Khåndesh, who was openly obedient to Akbar, received him with all honour and treated him with all courtesy, but the next day he sent a messenger to tell him that the army of the Dakan had arrived in Khandesh for the purpose of making a night attack on Shâh Fathullah's escort, and that he was not strong enough to prevent them from doing so. Shâh Fathullâh was much perturbed by this news and fled that night. By daylight he had reached Gondwara, 276 and thence he fled in all haste and joined the army of Mirza Aziz Kaka. Mîrzà 'Aziz Kûka was much displeased with Shah Fathullah for having fled,-so much so that Shah Fatbullâh found it impossible to remain with his army and therefore fled, with the troops which had been told off as his, to Gujarat.
When the army of the Dakan heard of the flight of Shah Fathullah and of his quarrel with Mirza Aziz Kaka, they regarded these events as earnest of victory and marched on Hindiya.276
When spies informed Mirza 'Aziz Kûka of the approach of the army of the Dakan, he called a council of his amirs, and the conclusion at which they arrived was that the army of the Dakan was so strong that a battle with it should be avoided. The imperial army then, under the advice and guidance of Sayyid Murtaza and the amirs of Berar, made for Elich půr, which is the capital of Berar, by way of Gondwara, and on their arrival in the environs of Elichpûr, turned the day of the inhabitants of that city into night. They reached the environs of the city on a market day, when the inhabitants of the country round were bringing in their merchandise, and they plundered everything and burnt the place, levelling to the ground in the twinkling of an eye a city which had just before excelled Cairo and Damascus in populatich and prosperity:977 They seized women and children and made prisoners of all whom they caught and bound them, making no distinction between Musalman and misbeliever. After plundering and wasting Elichpûr, the imperial army marched on to Balapur. Thence Khudavand Khân went on to Malkapûr and Rohankhed, which had been his jagir, and collected thence all the treasures which had been stored up in the period of his governorship, and then rejoined the imperial army.
When the army of the Dakan arrived at Hindiya, they learnt that the imperial army had invaded Berar. They therefore plundered and burnt Hindiya and then hastened back in all haste on the trail of the enemy. It was breakfast time when the Nizâm Shahf army was sighted by the imperial army and the latter were so overcome with fear that there was no
378 The Satpora Hills, 8.o., the country of the Korkus, not of the Gouda.
370 Khan-i-A'sam had already left Hindiye. He had captured the fort of Bavollpaph from Nihar Rho, refractory Hindu, and had undertaken an expedition to Kherle, which was dicastrous to the bene of bis cavalry.
311 The imperial troopa saoked Elichpor on March 20, 168–A.N.

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question of their withstanding the Dakanis, 378 and Mirza 'Aziz Kaka, who had been led into this trouble by the amirs of Berar, gave up all thought of fighting and acquiring honor, and fled. He fled in such haste and confusion that he was forced to blind and leave behind him some elephants which had accompanied him on his forced march, and were now unfit to take the road. He then fled towards Sultanpur and Nandarbar. The Nigam Shahi army closely pursued the imperial army, halting daily where the imperial army had halted the day before, but not venturing to engage them, until they reached the confines of Sultan Dûr and Nandârbår. 979 When these were reached Mirza 'Aziz Kûka left his army on the borders of Sultânpûr, while he marched rapidly in light order to Gujarat. The imperial
army and the Nizâm Shâhî army lay over against one another on the Sultanpûr border until • Mirza 'Aziz Kůka returned from Gujarat and retreated with his army to Ujjain, and the army of the Dakan then left the frontier and returned to the capital. It was in truth by God's blessing that the Nizâm Shâhî army was enabled, in the king's absence, successfully to oppose the imperial army of Dihli, which had overrun so many countries and ruined so many kings.
(To be continued.)
MISCELLANEA. ON SOME PASSAGES IN THE HARŞACARITAL A reference to the original Sanskrit will make it · OF BÁŅA.
clear that Skanda gupta, the commandant of the
paragrap In the sixth chaptor, nineteenth paragrap of
of elephant troops of Harsa W98 relating to his young
master, instances of disasters to kings, caused by BAna's Harsacarita, there is a sentence whic stands
their own follies, giving one instance in each sepe. thus :
rato sentence. Hence Messrs. Cowell and Thomas 34 OT T O JU10 have erred in treating Kakavarna and the son of यवननिर्मितेन नमस्तलयायिना यन्त्रयायेनानीयत कापि sisunaga as different persons. We are sure that
they had before them an edition of Harracarita काकाः शनागि नंगरोपकाडे कण्ठबास्य निचकृत which had the passage in question in the followनिस्विंसेन
ing wrong form: Monurs. Cowell and Thomas have translated this माश्चये कुतहजी च दंडोपनतयवनानिमितेन नमस्तpassage thus (page 193) :
जयायिना यन्त्रयायिनानीयत कापि काकवर्षः। खनागिन "Kakavarna being curious of marvels was car.
नगरोपकंठे कंठे निवकृते निस्विंशेन । ried away, no one knows whither on an artificial
This is the reading in Gajendragadkar's edition, aerial or made by a Yavana condemned to death.
whereas the Niroayasagar edition has the full stop The son of Bifunga had a dagger thrust into his
after कापि. throat in the vicinity of his city".
Here it is to be noticed that there is a full stop They have treated it as two separate sentences under the impression that Kakavarna and son of
between Tu: and game with the letter
I fitunago were two different persons. The Nirnaya
joined to the latter. This is the roman of their
confusion. It is a well known fact to the historian sagan Prome adition of 1897 (page 199), and the
of India that KALAVADA was the son of Sifupage, edition of 8. D. Gajendragadkar and A. B. Gajendra
and the second king of the dynasty founded by him. gadkar of 1919 (1) also divide the passage into two
A reference to the Purapie list of kings of the sentences, introducing one o f who is not men
Sibunaga dynasty, as given in Pargiter's toxt, will tioned in any of Fahrer's manuscripta. Thon again
remove all doubt. Compare also Bhagabata Puran tyuft is the reading of all the threo oditions.
(XII, 1, 4), and Vincent Smith's early History of Moon Cowell and Thomas rightly take it to be India on the chronology of the Sisunaga and Nanda to reading which is found in three of Dynasties given in a tabular from Page 14, woond Fohrer's manuscripts A,B, and D, (page 289). edition. Hence the correct translation should be
to During the retrest of the Khan-1-A'sam an action was fought at Chandur (20° 63' N. and 76° 26' E) in which the imperial troops engaged took some plunder, but their leader, 'Abdullah Sulta Kl ar, was slain.-A. N.
To Tho Khan-1-A'ram reached Nandarbar on April 10, 1686. On reaching Ahmadabad ho nearly spoondod in persuading his brother-in-law, the Khan khanan, to join him in an expedition to Ahmadnagar, but the approach of the rainy season and troubles in Malwa prevented the enterprise-A. N.

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Kakavarna, the son of Sisunaga, being curious | vardhana for starting out to conquer the whole of of marvels was carried away, no one knows northern India and especially to wreak vengeance whither, on an artificial aerial car made by a Yavana on Sasanka the king of Gauda. Here also Messrs. condemned to death, and his throat was cut in the Cowell and Thomas have given us a meaningless vicinity of his city. translation by attempting to render a corrupt reading of a passage. The corrupt reading is:
The next sentence in Harsacarita runs thus:
अतिसंगमनगरवासुदेव देव मूर्ति (म) दासी हिला देवी व्यंजनयतीतिमकारयत् ।
This has been translated as follows: In a
frenzy of passion, the over-libidinous Sunga was, at the instance of his minister Vasudeva, reft of his life by a daughter of Devabhûti's slave woman disguised as his queen."
It is a well-known fact to the historian that Devabhuti or Devabhúmi, the last of the Sunga kings was put to death by his minister Vasudeva of the Kanva family. cf. Bhagavata Purana (XII. 1. 18).
शुंगं हत्वा देवभूर्ति करावोऽमात्यस्तु कामिनम् । af dagat aaa: 11 of. also
करबो
Vishnu Purana (IV. 24. 12.)
देवभूतिन्तु शुंगराजानं व्यसनिनं तस्यैवामात्यः वसुदेवनामा निपात्य स्वयमन मोका । Mataya Purana, 272, 32, 33.
cf.
व्यस
आमात्यो वसुदेवस्तु वात्यात् ( वनात् ? ) निनं नृपम् । देवभूमिमथोत्सार्य्यं शीर्गस्तु ( शुंगंतु ) सीदद्दाजिबात्यसादिनि भविता नृपः ॥
also
Hence arrelgic is apparently a copyist's blunder for (4) refigfeur. In the fourth paragraph of the seventh chapter are described the gigantic preparations of Harsa
243
werknefodafedicofaanaanka
mean
This has been rendered into "The Dekkan riders disconsolately contended with fallen This has mules." very little meaning. cannot 'fallen, especially when this qualifies a mule. वस्त means परिगलित, क्षरित i.e., disjoined, separated, etc., it may mean 'fallen' when this qualifies a lump of matter. So reader has no meaning or very little meaning. Even though we admit for the sake of argument that it may mean a 'fallen mule' the question naturally suggests itself as to why should mules fall prostrate on the ground in their preparations for departure.
Then we come to विसंवारि in the above passage. The root with the prefix means 'to contend' generally; but here विसंवादि means परिशीलन as sug
gested by the commentator Sanker Mitra, and परिशीलन means "to touch, contact, treating well, patting with caressing;" that is, "breaking in "
is the real meaning here.
DJAWA: Driemaandelijksch Tijdschrift uitgegeven door het Java-Instituut bij G. Kolff and Co. Wel. tevreden. Onder Redactie van Dr. Raden Ario Hossein Djajadiningrat, J. Kats, S. Koperberg, Raden Ngabei Parbatjaraka en J. W. Teillers. Secretariaat der redactie: Kanarilaan 13, te Weltevreden, No. 1 Januari-April, 1921. 82 pp. PROGRAMMA Voor het Congres van het Java-Instituut te houden te Bandoeng van 17-19 Juni, 1921. 57 pp. COMORES JAVA INSTITUUT. Catalogus van de Houtani jwerk Tentoonstelling te houden te Bandoeng van 18 tot en met 26 Juni, 1921. 36 pp. The Java Institute, which has its seat in Sura. karta, was founded in 1919. Its object is to promote the development of the native culture, in the widest sense of the word, of Java, Madura and Bali by:
The correct reading would be त्रस्तवेसर विसंवाद
BOOK-NOTICES.
and the correct translation should be "The Dekken riders were getting tired of breaking in the frightened mules." The above the reading of the manuscripts A, B, and T, collated by Führer.
SITA NATH PRADHAN.
(1) collecting and making accessible manifestations of Javanese culture both past and present; (2) promoting a knowledge of and an insight into Javanese culture by congresses, exhibitions, lectures, etc.; (3) supporting all serious attempts made by others in the same direction; (4) all other means available to the Institute, capable of advancing its objects.
The Society consists of ordinary members, honorary members, corresponding members and patrons. Societies and Institutions are eligible as members or patrons. Various activities are parried on by the Institute in furtherance of its aims. It issues a quarterly, Djawd [ Java), with the object of bring. ing to the notice of as large a number as possible of the Javanese themselves, and of foreigners interested in the subject, hitherto unknown or not generally

Page #252

244
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
known data on Javanese culture, reviews of resear ches on that subject published in other journals and in books, and efforts to add to the knowledge of it.
The first number, January-April, 1921, has appeared, published for the Java Institute by G. Kolff and Co., Weltevreden. It is admirably illustrated and contains articles of much interest. The first deals with a stone figure of great antiquity found in South Sumatra, the date and origin of which the author, L. C. Westenenk, endeavours to fix with the aid of legend and history. He includes in his article an account and a reproduction of an ⚫ inscription found in Palembang. Other original articles are concerned with the customs of the Sundanese, the drama of Java and the form of theatre best suited to its representation, various Javanese legends, the language of the school children, new lines of development for Javanese art, the songs and games of Sundanese children, and secret language in Javanese. A very full notice is given of Prof. Hazeu's inaugural lecture at Leyden on Javanese literature, ancient and modern. There are bosides short notices of articles in other publications on Javanese subjects and a very full classified list of books and articles on the language, geography and ethnography of Java.
The Institute has also issued a beautifully produced and illustrated programme of the Congress at Bandung, June 17-19 and a catalogue of the exhibition of wood carving held in connection with the Congress. Besides the customary speeches and debates, performances of Javanese music, dancing and drama are included in the programme,
M.J.B. STUDIES IN PARSI HISTORY, by SHAHPURSHAH HORMASJI HODIVALA, Principal, Bahauddin College, Junagadh. Bombay, 1920.
This stout volume of 349 pages contains a series of lectures or papers read before the Society for the Promotion of Zoroastrian Research during the last 10 years by a well-known Professor of - History. It need hardly be said that they are invaluable for their purpose, the "throwing of fresh light on some dark corners of Parsi antiquities, by offering new solutions of old difficulties or unearthing facts that have hitherto escaped discovery."
Professor Hodivala's methods are after my own heart. He goes to the root of things: examines his dates from original sources, both Musalman chronicles and Hindu inscriptions bearing on his subject: studies the colophons of medieval AvestaPahlavi MSS. for the history they may reveal; and finally he addresses himself to the very im. portant subject of the true dates of the Persian Reedysts or Epistles of the 16th and 17th centuries, The historical importance of ascertaining the dates of these documents accurately will become obvious
[DECEMBER, 1922
to the student from the fact that the Revdyels were "the replies and information collected by some special messenger who had been sent, by some of the chief Parsis in India, to obtain the opinions of the Parsis in Persia, regarding certain particulars of religious practice which were duly specified in writing, or to apply for copies of MSS. which were either unknown or scarce in India." A Reviyet, to the modern Parsi must therefore be very like what an Epistle in the New Testament is to the modern European Christian.
The question of transliteration is again becoming acute, owing to the great increase of scholarship among Orientals of various races, pronouncing the classical languages, Semitic, Aryan and Dravidian, in various ways, and to the fact that Orientalists are not even yet agreed on the subject. Practically every modern book that comes my way raises it for me. It troubles every Indian student and professor apparently, and excuses for not adhering to "uniformity" crop up in nearly every Indian scholar's writings. Each European writer goes his own way without making an excuse. This book, too, says: "It has not been possible to observe a strict uniformity in the transliteration of Oriental words and names." Alas, it never is, and yet the importance of uniformity is paramount to the makers and users of indexes, even though the Indian books are still usually lacking in that valuable addition.
Within the limits of a book-notice it is impossible to examine this important book in detail.. Suffice it to say that Professor Hodivala explores his sources thoroughly wherever he finds them-Parsi, Persian, Hindu, Portuguese, English-with 8 fairness and a candour that makes his book one that no student of Parsi History and Chronology will be able to pass by undigested. So careful is he to sift tradition in the matter of chronology that he makes it clear that up to quite recent times the Parsi Dastur propounded the dates of the main facts of the history of his religion with the same confidence and the same amount of accuracy as did the Anglican Bishop of the present writer's boyhood. It is more than interesting to find that the traditional date of 716 A.D. for the landing of the first Parsi refugees from Muslim tyranny at Sanjân (the St. John of Lord and other early English writers in India) and of 1475 A.D. for the bringing of the holy fire to the Parsi temple at Navsari are on a par with the 4004 B.c. for the date of Adam in the annotated Bible still in my possession from the time when I was a small boy, and won "the Bible Prize," because I could remember such dates better than the other little boys in a typically Mid-Victorian School.
R. C. TEMPLE.

Page #253

INDEX.
8.A.L. standa for the Supplement, Dictionary of the South Andaman Language, Appendices --XII,
pp. 165.-188. G.D. stands for the Supplement, Geographical Dictionary of Ancient and Medieval India, pp. 79—118.
H.R. stands for the Supplement, the Story of Her and Ranjha, pp. 33-64.
:
:::::
.. 218
Abu, Mt., rite of initiation by fire on .. 117 Amadabeth, Ahmadabad Abd'l-Mujahid Muhammad Shah, Sultan,
Amaravati Sculptures in the Colombo Museum, better known as Muhammad Tughlak .. 209 note on one of tho .. .. .. .. 111 Achdrasagara, an encyclopedia by VallAlasena, 156 Amarkot, birthplace of Akbar ..... 188, 187 Adbhutaadgana, a work by VallAlasena, 145, 146, amin, offlolal under Sher Shah Sur .. 186, 190
148, 166, 167 Amir-ul-Umara, of Berar. See Murtaza Sayyid. adhuna, suggested signification of the term, 49, 50 Ammon, temple of, at Meroe .. ' . 136 Adil Khan Sur, son of Sher Shah Sur .. .. 189 | Amnesty for European fugitives .. .. 184
Adil ShAhi and Nigam Shahi dynastion .. 237 amta-ga-bha, ceremony . . . . . . 211 Adrichem, Direk van, director of Barat, in 1864, Amsterdam, the ship .. ..
1, 2 Anaietchan. See Adrichem. Advaiti, Malw& .. .. .. .. .. 218 Anaimalai temple inscription .. Afzal Khin Shirazi, valil and pfahod of Bija.
Ananda, connection with the Bhikkunts .. 227 por .. .. . . . . . 69, 126 n. Ananda Temple, Pagan Agamas, manuals of teaching, wed by certain Anantavarma, inscription of .. ..
Saiva Sesto .. . .. . ... 36 Anarta, identification of Agni-kupd, the, o Mt. Abu .... .. 117 Anathapur, Penugonda ..
.. 233 Andraadgara, an encyclopædia by Vallela
Ancient India, by Professor U. N. Ball, M.A., sena .. .. . . . . . . . 186 (book-notice) .. .. .. .. 148–152 Ahmadnagar, History of the Nigam Shahi Andaman Language. See South Andaman Kings of. See “History of the Nizam
Language. Shahi Kings of Ahmadnagar."
Andhra, co., under the E. Chalukyas, 230; un. Aikya, stage VI in the Vira Saiva system, 7, 67 der the Kakatiyas of Orangal .. .. 232 Ajmer, raided by the Mers ... .. . 113 Andrews, Mr. Robort, proposed a treaty with Akbar, classification of cultivable lands undor,
the king of Kandy .. .. ... .. 131 - 76, 191; conquest of Gujarat by. 80 ; Anhel; legendary ancestor of the Mers of birthplace of, 186, 187; connection, of,
Merwera .. ... .. .. .. 114 with Ahmadnagar, in the reign of Murtaga Aniruddha, author of the Haralatd, and of - Nigam Shah I .. .. .. 202, 239-241 the Karmopadedinipaddhati, identified with Akhenaten, K., built Ethiopia .. .. .. 137 Bhatta Aniruddha " of Varendi" .. .. 146 Akkadian language. .. .. .. 121, 122 Annals of the Bhandarkar Institute, Vol. II, AIA'uddin Khilji, 80; military administration pt. 2, (book-notice) .. .. .. .. 40
of, 190, 191; in 8. India, 162, 200-208, 230 Anúp, logendary ancestor of the Mors of MerAlcamenea, statue of Hocate by .. .. .. 144 wara .. .. .. .. .. .. 114 Alexander the Great, effect on coinage of India, 142
Anapa, territory of Kartavîrya "... 218-221 'All Adil Shah I, of Bijapur, connection of, Apabhramis Slabaka's of Rama-Šarman
with Ahmadnagar in the reign of Murtara (Tarkavagisa) .. .. .. 19-20, 21-28
Nigam Shah I .. .. .. 30, 67, 68, 127 Arabic History of Gujarat, Vol. II, edited by 'Ali Barid Shah of Bidår, relations of, with ! Sir E. Denison Rose, (book-notice) .. .. 80 Ahmadnagar in the reign of Murtaş& Nix&
m A rabs, early trading communities of, on E. Shah I .. . . .. 30, 31, 67, 68. Coast of India .. .. .. .. 208, 210 almorreimas, Port., hemorrhoids .. .. 111 Aravali Hills, home of the Mers of Merwera. Al-Sultan-al-Adil, a title of Sher Shah Sar .. 184
113, 114

Page #254

246
INDEX
Arjuna, Kartavirya, king of the Haihaya .. 217 Barars, Mor Clan
. .. 114 Aryann, of N. W. India, ancestors of tho .. 133 Bargis, Marathas..
.. .. 129 Arykvarta, in the Mahabharata time .. 218 Barrackpur plate of Vijayasena, reference to
Vallasena in the .. 147, 153, 167, 168 Asad Khan, Gafaráti, of Georgian origin, in
Basave, leader and probably foundor of the the service of Murtaza Nizam Shah I, 29-32,
Saiva or Lingayat Sect, Vachanas attri. 34-36, 66, 67, 69, 202, 236, 237-240
buted to .. .. .. 7-12, 36-40, 64-87 ancetics, femalo .. .. .. .. 225, 226
Boilpaars Readja. See Bhilapar. Asia Minor, evidence of the Hittites in, 123,
Belabo inscription of Bhojavarma .. .. 167 124, 133; metal mines of, attract Baby
Bell, Francia, attempts suicide at Porto lonian kinga, 134; Sargon's campaign againat, 136
Novo .. .. .. .. .. .. 162 Asia, Western, New Light from, 119-125, 133-137
Bel-Merodach temple, Babylon, early miro: - Assur, excavations and discoveries in, 125,
cle play in .. ..
.. .. 133-136
Belpar. See Bhilapar. Assyria, inscriptions, etc., from, 120, 124, 125 ;
Benarda, captured by Sher Shah Sor.. 163, 183 conquest of Egypt by .. .. .. 136, 137
Bencoolen ..
.. .. .. .. 00 Assyriology, early idea of, 120 ; Berlin Chair of,
Bengal, invaded by Sher Shah Sur, 180; oon 121, 122
quered, 182—184 ; and administered, 186, asta prud, & weight .. ... .. .. 140
190; invaded by Bultán Ghiyleu'ddin .. 209 Astronomical Instrumente in the Delhi MW
Berar, connection of Ahmadnagar with, in the seum, by G. R. Kaye, (book-notice)... . 132
reign of Murtapa Niyam Shah I, 30, 202, 236-238 Alvaghosha, evidence for, and against, KAL- Bhagalpur copperplate insoription .. ... 78 dasa's imitation of ..
.. ... 196 Bhakkar. See Bakkar. afted-rdjya, interpretation of the term, and Bhakti, stage I in the Vira Saiva system, 7-12, 36
the date of Lakshmanasena, 154, 155 ; sug- Bhamaha, recognised as an authority by both gested synonyms for . .. . 155, 156
schools of Prakrit philology .. .. .. 13 Avanti, 192, 195; identified .. .. 218, 219
Bhaskara, Udayar, territory of .. 234, 235 ayon, meaning of .. .. .. .. .. 140
Bhatarka, Mor chief, Oonquered Vallabhipur.. 118 Ay-vel, the Ay kings of Nanjinad, referred
Bhatta Aniruddha "of Varendi," guru to to in the Velvi-Kudi plates .. ... 214, 215 VallAlasena ... .. .. .. .. 146
Bhatta Bhåvadeva, Smriti writer, minister
to Harivarm .. .. .. . 188, 184 bhikkunla, Buddhist order of nuns .. 225-227 Bhflapar, 8. of Baroda, chief of .. .. . 6 Bhim Solanki, k. of Anhilvada, possibly A .
Gujar . . . . . . . . . . . . 117 Bhitari inscription .. ..
Bhojas, early home of the .. .. .. 218 Babur, Emperor, Sher Shah 80r's conneo
Bhojavarma, copper-plates of, 183 ; defented tion with, 163; death of .. . 164, 179, 180
by Vijayasena, 153, 154,- Belabo inscription Babylonia, inscriptions of, 120, 124 ; language,
of .. .. .. .. .. .. 157 etc., 121, 122, 128; attacks Asia Minor, 194, 135 Bhrigu-Kachha, Broach, suggested site of the Badêmi, Vatapi, 229; Udayar inscriptions Mahishmati of Karta virya, 217, 218, 220, 221
at .. .. .. . .. .. .. 233 Bhrigus, tribe, home of .. .. .. .. 220 Bahadur Shah of Gujarat, Humayun's cam
bhimicchidra, and bhdmischidna, confusion paign against, 180; death of .. .. . 181
between the terms, 77; various uses of, 78, 79 Bahar Khan Lohani, Governor of Bihar, Bibliography, A Provisional, of the Muham.
afterwards Sultan Muhammad, protector of madan Architecture of India, 81--108, 165-179
Sher Shah Sur .. .. .. .. .. 163 Bidar, connection of Ahmadnagar with, in BAhmanis, of Kulbarga, 211; independence of, 232 the reign of Murtar Nighm Shah 1, 30, 31, 67-72 Bakhtiyar Khilji, and Lakshmanasena, dates Bihar, Sher Shah Sûr's connection with, 103, .. .. .. 145
164, 179-184 Bakkar, Sind, Sher Shah Sur's issue of coins Bijâpûr, connection of Ahmednagar with,
at, 188; flight of Humâyün to 185, 187 in the reign of Murte 4 Nigam Shah I, 29n., Balban dynasty of Bengal .. .. .. 209
30, 32 n., 67-73, 125-128, 200-202. 237-242 Bang's Harsacarita, notes on some passages in, 242 Bilgram, Sher Shah Sur's victory over Hu. Baogad inscription
mâyân at .. .. .. .. 185, 186 Sanjar, rignification of ..
.. .. 78 | Bodh Gaya inscription ... .. .. 154, 158
dation
..
..
78

Page #255

INDEX
247
.. 114
295
the
Boghax Keui, Hittite capital, cuneiform tableta Chant of Mystica, and Other Poems, by Ameen
from, 123, 124, 133-135 ; another name of, 134 Rihani (book-notice) .. .. .. 57-60 bomb accident in the Great War .. .. 42 Chauhan, a stock name of the Mers of Mer. Boyu, Mr. Hugh, of Madras, captured by the ward, 114, 117, 118; now a Rajput tribe, 119
French .. .. .. .. .. .. 13 Chaunsa, Sher Shah Sur's victory at .. 183-185 bral mulcarinis, the .. .. .. 225, 226 Cheron, Sher Shah Sur's relations with the .. 183 Brahmans, forest lands granted to, 77, 78; Chidambaram temple, destroyed by Malik aclmit Mers and Gujars to their caste,
Kafür .. .. .. . .. . 208 115-119; the Maga sect of, 116 n., 118; chidra, signification of the term .. .. .. 77 the Chitpavan, 117; tho PrathamasAkhas
Chinahamaih, signification of the term .. .. 50 or Mid-day Paraiyans, 158, 159; the chinam, lime . . . *
... 60 Thitharimagais .. .. .. .. 169 Chitas, a Mer clan Brahma-randhra, meaning of .. ..
Chitor, Mer conquest of, 118, 119; taken by Brahmastpuri temple, identification of
Sher Shah Sur .. .. .. .. 189, 191 brahmauddinis, female writers of hymns .. Chitpå vans, Brahman sept . .. 116, 117 Britain, and the 'Tin-land' of the Assur Cholas, expansion of the, 230 ; later seats of tablets ..
.. .. .. 136
.. .. .. .. .. 231, 232 Broach, site of the Mahishmati of Kartavirya, choultry, meaning of .. .. .. .. 111
217, 218, 220, 221 Chachak, a Syal of Rangpur, father of Hir, Bryan, Mr., of Fort St. George, lunatic .. 162
H. R., 35, 53, 59, 62-64 Buddha Gautama, representations of the Chuliars, E. Coast Muhammadans .. .. 224
conception of, 112; suggested founder of Chunar, acquired by Sher Shah Sur, 164,
the Sannyasa system for women .. 225, 226 180 ; besieged by Humayun .. .. 181-183 Buddhism, 51 ; and Hinduism, struggle be- Charaman, Brahman governor of Rohtas, 181, 182 tween .. .
143, 144 Cinpamanur inscriptions .. .
.. .. 212, 213 Buddhist Nuns .. .. ..
225-227 Coinage Indian, evolution of, before the ChrisBukka, Udayar Chief .. .. .. .. 233 tian Era .. .. .. .. 139-143 Bundi, Mer raids on .. .. .. 113, 114 coinage, regular, Sher Shah Sar's plan of .. 191 Burhan Nigam Shah II, claims the throne of coins, issued by Sher Shah Sar at Bakkar,
Ahmadnagar, 31; flight of .. 32, 236, 240 188 ; gold and silver and copper, 191; methods Burhan-ud-din. Sou Burhan Nizam Shah II. of adapting previous issues of, 221; Burma, insoriptions found in .. .. .. 164 counterfeit .. .. .. .. .. 184 Burmese Proverbe, some .. .. .. 227 congue. See lodnji.
copper, a holy metal, 140 ; relative value of,
142 ; in Bactrian coinage .. .. .. 143 Copper-plate Inscriptions. See Inscriptions
Copper-plate. "Coromandel Coast, E., early trading com
munities on the .. .. .. .. 205
counterfeit gold coins, measures for the suppres. Cailo. 8oo Old Kayal.
sion of .. ..
" Calostra, Nicolaes, emissary from Sivaji in court-martiel, punishment by ..
132. 162
.. 132, 162 1684 .. .
Çrutasigara, Jain Prakrit grammarian.. 52, 53 Candan, disciple of Mahavira .. ..
.226
cultivatori. See peasantry. candra. See gold.
cuneiform tablets, Persian, 120-122 ; from caste, in the Vir Baiva system
Boghas Koui, 133, 134; from Ganis .. .. 135 Coylon, lost historical papers relating to . 131 currency, in India, in early times, 140; & prichachar, meaning of .. ..
vate enterprise, 141, 143; Bactrian, 142, chakra, suggested symbolic connection
143 ; indefinito, abolished by Sher Shah Sur, 191 the dome .. .. .. .. .. 80 Chalukya. Soo Solanki. Chalukyas, E., 230, 232; W. .. .. 220, 233 Champollion, Egyptologist .. .. .. 120 Chand Biof, of Bijapur.. .. 69 n, 126 n. Chandos, the ship, desertion from .. .. 162 Chandra dynasty, in Vikramapura .. .. 163 Chandragupta II, attempted identification of, Dakhshinkpatha, position of .. .. .. 219 with the Chandragupta of the Mudr. Dakban, Muhammadan incursions into the
Kanded .. .. .. .. 49-51 206211 : Muhammadan viceroyalties in Chandragupta Maurya, in the Mudrd-Rakshana, 60° the, 232; Akbar's invasicn cf . 240, 241
76

Page #256

248
INDEX
.. 191 .. 79
dam, coin introduced by Sher Shah Sur Damascus, the great mosque of .. .. Damietto, dimity' derived from danaccheda, signification of .. . Danaadgara, the, a work by VallAlasena,
Dvada Maharaja, inscriptions of .. 73, 78 Dvarasamudra, subdued by the Muhammadana,
207, 210, 230 : by Sundara Papdya.. 231, 233 Dwerk, Kufesthalt
.. .. 218
... 221
Dantivarman, k. of Kanchi, defent of .. .. Darius, receives gold dust as tributo .. Dattatreya, three-headed god .. .. Daulatabad. See Deogiri.
Decline and Fall of the Hindu, by 8. B. • Moolerjoe, (book-notice) . Defence, the ship, execution for piracy on Egypt, dincoveries relating to the early bio. board .. .. . . ..
tory of, by Champollion, 120 : by Flinders Delhi, relations of Sher Shah Sor with, 186, Patrie, 121; the Ethiopian dynasty of,
188, 188, 207; under Muhammad Tughlak, 137 Assyrian, and other conquesta of, 135, 137 200, 210, 231, 232 ; sack of .. H.R., 61, 03 Elichpär, destroyed .
.. .. 241 Deogiri (Dovagiri) attacked by Alau'ddin
Enajetchen. Soe Adrichem. Khilis. 208208 : renamed Daulatabad, 209, paraphia Birmanica, vol. II, pt., 1., edited
210, 230, 232 241 210, 230, 232, 241
by Chas. Duroiselle, (book-notice) .. .. 40 Deopada Inscription .. .. .. 147, 148 Epimaphia Birmanica, vol. II, pt. II, edited by desertion, court-martial for, in 1689, 132; de
Chu Duroinello, (book-notice) . i. 132 sertion at sen, punishment for in 1689 162 Ethiopia, early history of .. .. 136, 137 Doyabhau. Sunga k., murdered .. 248, 244 letymology. folk etymology. M á source of DayagiriYAdava capital . 230, 232, 233| the origin of toohnical and commercial Devardy, I. of Udayagiri, 234, 288) II, 284;
mer . .. .. .. 221, 222 insoriptions of ... .. . .. 286Evans, Sir Arthur, discoveries in Creto by .. 123 Devendra Maharaja, Inscription of . .. 76 Devapkladova, Mongyr copper-plate 08, 79, 78 Dhanantar Vaid, celebrated Hindu physician,
H.R., 34 Dhar, allotted to the Paowar More .. dharana. Bee purna. Dhee in deption of Dhida, theo tujhe Dhurparkja, inscription of
.. 78 Factor's complaint from Porakad in 1866, 109-111 Dhurvame, insoription of.. .. 74, 77, 78 Fakhruddin Ahmad bin Ibrahima'th Thaibh, Dictiopary of the South Andaman Language. 18th century Arab ambassador to China .. 208 Seo Booth Andaman Language
Farid, Sher Shah Sdr .. ... .. .. 161 Dolory, Geographical, of Ancient and Mo- Fin, Persis proper .. .. .. .. 808
diwvw Intis See Geographical Dictionary. Fath Khan Jat, of Kot Kabola, robber chiet, dimity, double origth of the torm .. .. 221 defeated by Sher Shah Sdr .. .. .. 188 dimaydi, fabrio .. .. .. .. .. 221 Fath Malike, Afghan widow, Sher Shah Str's Dingnaga, olgnificance of the term discussed .. 193
relations with .. .. .. .. 164, 180 Dixon, Colonel .. .. .. .. 113, 114 Faujdar. police officer .. .. .. .. 190 Djurd (book-notice) .. .. .. .. 243 Feringhool, reference to .. .. .. H.R., 13 Domo, thn swelling, origin of .. .. 79, 80 Fire-worship, among the Mers .. .. 116, 117 Lomonday Books, two .. .. .. .. 182 Firishta, historian, favourite of Ibrahim Dravidian India, 232, 234; inscriptions of "Adil Shah II of Bijapur, on Asad Khan,
Dovarkya II in .. .. .. .. 235 290.; on sahib Khan, 29n., 30n., 3in.-33n; Dravya, meaning of .. .. .. .. 142 on Burban Nigam Shah II., 32n.; on Bijapur, Dagoude Mons., French priest in Surat in 88n--72n.; on Mustafa Khan, 126n.; on Jet4
.. .. .. .. .. 5 Murtara Sayyid and Salbat Ran, 202n., Dukh Bhajan Nath, name adopted by Ranjha,
23in.-238n HR., 34 Viroz Shah Tughlak , date of .. .. 160, 191 Datah, the, in Surat in 1864, 1, 2; raid Porakad, 111 Folk etymology. See etymology.
76

Page #257

Foreigners, treatment of, in Ahmadnagar, 29-32, 125n., 201 133, 134, 136
Forrer, Dr., Swiss Assyriologist... Fort St. George, domestic government at, in 1691..
Jotaddr, civil official
France, songs of, in Nepali
Fraser, Wm., E.I.Co's. servant
::::
INDEX
Gaza, captured in the Great War Genesis, and the Boghaz Keui tablets Gentues, Hindus
184 190
63-66 60, 184
Gahlot, a stock name of the Mers, 114, 118; now included among the Rajputs Gakkars, of the Northern Panjab, Sher Shah Sûr's campaign against 185, 188, 191 gamblers, Panjabi, reference to the secret Vocabulary of
222, 224 135
Gania, E. Asia Minor, discoveries at Garstang, Prof., discoveries relating to Ethiopia by
gartta, meaning of
gata-rajya, interpretations of the term..
Gauda, conquest of
Gaur, attacked by Sher Shah Sar, Gayatri, the
..
136 75 154, 155 148 181-183, 186 39 41, 44 133 152
..
..
119
Geographical Dictionary of Ancient and Mediseval India G.D., 78-118 .. 115 118n.
Georgia, Gurjistân Gete, a Mede sub-section Ghast Malik, early name of Sultan Ghiyasu'd din Tughlak Shah
Ghiy&au'ddin Balban, mamlak k. of Delhi Ghiyasu'ddin Tughlak Shah, Sultan
Ghosha, Vedic poetess
Gilgames, Babylonian bero Goa, Gove
go-cara, go-vafa, meaning of
Golcondah, relations with Ahmadnagar in the reign of Murtaza Nizam Shah I, 29, 67,
68, 70, 125, 126, 130, 131, 200, 201, 237 gold, widely used in Vedic times, 139; various names of, 139; whence obtained, 139; coins of, 140-141; a standard of value Gollaguda fort, seige of Goths, the Get.se
Gove, province of Vijayanagar Govinda III, Rashtrakute, defeats the W. Chalukyas
Govindachandra, suggested date of
230 153-155
Govindapala, inscription of, 76; date of, 155;
defeated
Govindaraja, Junagadh Inscription of
.. 209 ..206 .. 209 225
134
234
74
..
.
142 126 115 234
156 78
gráma, signification of the term Grantha script
grants of land. See land system. Greece, Dr. Schlieman's discoveries, in Grigsby, (Grigbie), Alex., factor at Porakâd, latter of complaint from Gujarât, history of, 80; Gurjara settlements in, 115; ancient name of Gujars, Gurjaras .. Gulbarga, neige of
Gulgur, Gollaguda
Gupta kingdom, relations with the early Mihi
ras
249
73, 77 211
**
121
109-111
.. 115
Gurjistân
.. 115
Gurkhas, in Palestine, during the Great War, 41-49, 64-66
Haarlem, the ship, at Surat, in 1664 Habib Khan Kakar, later known as Sarinast Khân, Sher Shah Sur's relations with
Habshis of India, mamlaka hæmorrhoids
:::
.. 218 .. 115 .. 129 126
. 1, 2
Haibat Khan Niazi, governor of the Panjab, under Sher Shah Sür
188, 190 Hailley's Comet.. 144 Hajt Khan, Jagirdar of Dhar, under Sher Shah Sûr
halakeetra, meaning of Hampe. See Pamps.
208
Harapala Deo of Deogiri, flayed alive Harihara, I, territory held by, 233, 234; II, titles and importance of, 234; inscriptions of..
Harita. See Gold. Harivarma, copper-plates of, suggested date of,
163
.. 80 .. 111
..235
186 76
153, 154 109, 110 .242 8 ..161
Harrington, John, chief at Porakad Harsacarita of Bana, some passages in the Hartman, Abraham, merchant of Surat Hasan Str, f. of Sher Shah Sür Hastin, copper-plates of
haffika, signification of
Hazara. See Takht Hazara. Hazrat-i-'Ali, applied to Sher Shah Sür Hecate, goddess, described Hemachandra, and Palçacipråkrta Hemachandra, the Paisaci used by
181 144 61-54
13, 27
Hiuen Thsang, on the position, of Broach.. 218 Hindiya, plundered
241
Hindu Empires of India. See Vijayanagara,
Hindu ascetics, female.
Hindu Beg, befriends Sher Shah Sür
..
.. 77 .. 73
..
..225
181

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250
Hinduism, position of the king in, 116; and Buddhism, struggle between
Hindus, object to taking the oath, 152; employed by Sher Shah Sûr, 190; history of the, 204; of South India, policy of, towards early Muhammadan settlers, 205; plundered by Muhammadans 206-211 Hir and Ranjha, the story of. See Story of Hir and Ranjha.
Hira Nath, guru
H.R., 34
..
INDEX
143
hiranya. See gold, hiranya-garbha, ceremony History of the Nigam Shahi kings of Ahmadnagar, (contd. from Vol. L, p. 328), the reign of Murtaza Nizam Shah I, (continued), 29-36, 66-73, 125-131, 198-203, 235-242 Hittites, discoveries relating to the, 123-125,
Hoysalesvara temple, at Vikramapura. heada-prasravana, meaning of
Humayan; Sher Shah Sur's relations with, 164,
214
133-135 Hopkins, Francis, condemned for piracy, 60; copy of pardon granted to
60
horse trade, ancient, two centres of, the, 133, 205 Hoysalas, of Dwarasamudra, plundered, by
Malik KAfür, 207; by Muhammad Tughlak, 210, 232; fall of the, 231, 232; succeeded by the Udayars ..
233 230
74
180-188
Humayunpûr
Húnas, references to the
33, 34 49-51 189
hugga, meaning of
Husain, son of Murtaza Nizam Shah I, 29n., 202n. Hussin Khan Tarshizi, tutor to Murtara Nizam Shah I
Hyksos, the, conquer Egypt
. 29n. 137
Ibrahim 'Adil Shah I, of Bijapur, relations of, with Ahmadnagar in the reign of Murta Nizam Shah I, 237; II, patron of Firishta, relations of, with Aḥmadnagar, in the reign of Murtaza Nizam Shah I.: ..67, 68, 126-129 Ibrahim Khân, general, campaign against Sher
Shah Sûr Ibrahim Lodi, character of Ibrahim Qutb Shah I, of Golcondah, relations
of, with Ahmadnagar in the reign of Murtaza -Nizam Shah I., 67, 68, 70, 73, 128: death of, 130, 131 161
180 163
Ibrahim Sûr, grandfather of Sher Shah Sûr, Ikhlas Khan, African, Amir of Ahmadnagar, 69n., 125, 126, 128
India, introduction of the double dome into, 79; entered by the Gurjaras and the Mihiras, 115; provisional bibliography of the Muham. madan Architecture of, 81-108, 165-179; importance of Sher Shah Sur's system in, 160, 161, 189-191; Dravidian, 232, 234, 235; South, the Advent of Islam into, 205-211; the Vijayanagara Empire in India, Ancient. See Ancient India. Indian Coinage. See Coinage, Indian. Indian history, dated, divisions of Indus, river, gold from the Inscriptions
..
Bhitart of Skandagupta
of Bhojavarma
Bodh Gaya
Achaemenian
122 216, 217 120, 124, 135, 137 of Babylonia 120, 124 Barrackpur plate of Vijayasena, 147, 153,
Anaimalai Temple of Assyria
..
157, 158 50 153, 157 154 120-124, 133-135 212 147, 148 235
155
235
230 50, 78 225
1480. 148n. 50, 51
156 244 117
Cuneiform
Cinnamanur
Deôpada
of Devaraja II Gaya..
of Harihara I Hoysala
Junagadh, of Skandagupta of Kharavela
Madanapada, of Visvarupa
Madhainagar, of Lakshmanasena Mandasor Pillar Naihati ..
from Palembang Rajput..
Sarnath of Mahipala
near Smyrna
Sonpur, of Somesvarade va
Susian
of Bhojavarma
of Harivarma
of Srichandra
referring to land grants
Islam, The advent of, into South India, Islam, in South India, the progress of, Ismail Shah, of Bijapur, blinded
229-235
jala, signification of Jalal of Bukhara, Sayyid, Pir
151 139, 141
::
Udayar
Velvi-kudi plates and the Sangam Age, 211-217 Copper-plate
..
157 123 .. 158 .. 122 233
..
153 153, 154 153 73-79 205-211 229, 231 68
75
H
H.R., 62

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INDEX
251
Jalal Khan Loh&nf, Sher BhAh Sar's relations with ..
163, 164, 179, 180 Jalal Khan Sur, s. of Sher Shah Sur, campaign
against the Mughals .. 181, 182, 185, 189 JJAlu'ddin Ahsan Khan, general, becomes in. dependent ..
"
.. . ..
.. 210
. Jalaluddin Khilji, Turkl momkák, k. of
Delbi, murdered .. .. .. .. Jalal-ud-din Muhammad Akhar Shah. See
Akbar. Jalalu'ud-din Sharqi, Sultan, Sher Shah Sür's
relations with .. .. .. . jala-thala, signification of .. .. 73, 74 Jamal Khan Sarangkhani, patron of Sher Shah 8ôr .. .. ..
.. .. 161 Jamaluddin of Kish, Arab chief and horne trader .. .. ..
.. .. 205 Jangama guru, the, in the Lingyat sect . 7 JAtarpe. See gold. Jatila, Parantaka, k., in the Velvi-kudi plate Inecription
.. .. 211, 216–217 Jate, meeting of the Mihiran and Gurjaras
with the ... .. . .. 115, 118 Jats, character of the, H.R., 34, 59, 60; of
Thatta Zahid, expel Waris Shah .. H.R., 60 jauhar, of Rajputs, under Sher Shah Sur, 187;
at Kampti, under Muhammad Tughlak . 210 Jaunpur, under Sher Shah Sur .. .. ... Java, DjAw .. .. .. .. Javan, brother of Tubal Jayabhatta, inscription of Jayadhvaja, k. of Avanti
. .. 219 Jerusalem, stormed in the Great War .. 41, 47 Jhang, Jhang Sial, home of Hir, H.R., 36, 37, 56 Jodhpur, raided by the Mers . .. .. 113 Jog philosophy, planes in
... H.R., 33 Jogia, of Tilla, described by Waris Shah, H.R., 59 Johnson, J., of Fort St. George, dismissed .. 184 Judæan Hills. .. .. .. .. 41, 42 JonAgadh inscription of Skandagupta .. .. 50 Jmed Barlas, Mughal Governor of Jaunpur,
Sher Shah Sûr's relations with . 163, 181 Jyotirvarma, suggested date of .. 163, 164n.
2013
k., in the Harsacarita of Band,
242, 243 Kalabhras, the, in the Velvi-kudi plates, 212,
213, 215 KAlaküte, meaning of .. .. .. .. KAlapurusha, Orion .. Kalea Dever, Kulasekhara KAlidAsa, date of, discussed, 102-108 ;
the Mahishmati of Kartavirya .. Kalinga, lost by the Cholas . .. Kalinjar, Sher Shah Sür's death at .. Kamak-khpi Isvaran singan of Korrkai,
newal of the Velvi-kudi grant to .. .. 215 Kamauli Inscription of Vaidyadeva .. Kampana I, territory of . .. .. .. 233 kanala-garbha, ceremony .. .. .. 211 kanats, meaning of .. . Kanchi, Pallava capital, 229, 230; later Chola
capital .. .. .. .. .. 231, 232 kand, meaning of .. .. .. .. H.R., 37 Kandy, treaty of alliance with, now lost, 131, 132 kanji, meaning of .. .. .. .. 109 Kappanar, early Muhammadan settlers at,
206 ; attacked by Malik KAfûr, 208; Hoy. sala capital, called Vikramapuram .. Kaphtor, Krete .. ..
. . . . . . 136 Kara Eyuk, Ganis
.. .. .. 135 Karka, a constellation ..
.. .. .. 144 karkans, clerks .. ..
.. .. .. 190 Karkaraja, inscription of Karpadeva, inscription of
.. 76 kdraha, a copper coin .. .. .. .. 142 kärshd pana, & silver coin
.. ... .. 140 Kártavirys, The Mahishmatf of Kasan Khangu, of Deogiri, rebel, under
hammad Tughlak .. .. .. Kasavans, potters of Malabar .. .. .. Kaskians, home of the .. .. .. .. 133 Kaamilos, Khasa inilis .. . Kathiawar, Mihiras settle in, 115; portion of
the ancient Anupa .. .. .. 218-221 Kattusas, Boghat Keui .. .. .. .. 134 Kayal, port, seat of early horse trade .. .. 206 Keppitipolo, leader in the Uva rebellion of
1817-18, executed .. .. .. .. 131 Korma, in N. Dongole, ancient Egyptian
fort .. .. .. .. .. .. 137 Kessi, Kharrian poet .. .. .. .. 134 Khabiri, the Hittite body-guard .. .. 134 Khalimpur Inscription .. .. 73, 74, 78 Khan-i-A'ram, title of Mirza Aziz Kaks ..202n. Kharavela, Inscription of, and the date of Bud. d ha's death ..... ..
40 Kharri, tho, emigrants from Mitanni .. 134
Kabeiri, Khabiri.. .. .. .. .. 134 kaccharima, signification of .. .. .. 74 Kadamba, Udayar conquest of... .. .. Kadunkon, k. in the Velvi-kudi plates .. 212, 213 kahapana, coin ., Kakatiyas, of Orangal, rise of the, 280; fall of
20. al the .. .. .. .. .. 231, 233

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252
Khasa-milas, deified Hittite, k. Khawas Khan, general under Sher Shah Sûr, 181; drowned, 182; a second of the name, 182, 183, 185, 188, 190 Khawaspur, in Shahâbâd, fief, held by Sher Shah Sar's family
161-163
khila, meaning of Khiljis, the, land system of, 190, 191; inour
sions into S. India, 80, 152, 205, 206, 210, 230 Khizr Khan, plundered by Sher Shah Sûr 186 Khusra Khân. See Malik Khusrû. Khvajaji Fathullah Khashi, Mughal ambassador to Ahmadnagar
Khwaja Khizar, god of the waters
202 H.R., 62 kilhari, a game H.R., 39 Kirjath Jearim, captured in the Great War .. 41 Kishvar Khân, of Bijapûr, relations with Ahmadnagar 69, 125n., 127 Kisun Dâs, broker of Surat, plundered by Sivaji
2, 5, 6 123
Knossos, palace of, excavated Körrkai, village named in the
grant
..
INDEX
134
Velvi-kudi 212, 214, 215 123, 135, 136
76,.78 229, 234
140 76
Kulasekhara, murdered.. Kulbar Thapa, Gurkha, awarded the V.C. Kulottunga-Chola I, the E. Chalukya Rajendra
Chola
Kumdra-Bramanas, female ascetics
76
Krete, in the Assur tablets
krisalah karṣayataḥ, signification of Krishnaraya, k.
krenalas, meaning of
keetra, meaning of
Kahatriya caste, admission of Gurjaras of Mers into the
Kgudra, suggested derivation of Sûdra from Kudalasangama, in 8. Maratha co., Siva temple at
Kudumi, k., grantor of the Velvi-kud plates,
212, 215 231 65
and
115, 116
138
..
7
152, 230 225 218
Kundikera, Tundikera
Kuryet-el-Enab. See Kirjath Jearim. Kusasthali, old capital of Gujarat Kutbu'ddin Mubarak Shah, conquest of 8.
218
India by Kuyavans, the Kasavans
208 159
Labbais, of modern Ma'abar, suggestion as to the origin of the
206, 208, 210
Laddar Deo. See Rudra Deo.
Lad Malika, widow, of Chunar, Sher Shah Sûr's treatment of
Lakshmaga Samvat, the
.. 164 155, 156
Lakshmanasena and his predecessors, date of, 145-148, 153-158 Lakshmidhara, minister of Devaraya II Lak midhara, Prakrit grammarian Lal Ded. See Lalleshwari.
Lalla Yogishwarf. See Lalléshwari. Lalleshwari, poetess of Kashmir Land system in epigraphic grants La-sam era
Layard, discoveries in Nineveh, by Leerdam, the ship, at Surat in 1664 lime for building, in 1689
234 13, 53
59, 60 73-79 155, 156 120 1, 2, 3, 6 60
Linguistic Studies from the Himalayas, by the. Revd. T. Grahame Bailey, (book notice), 222-224 List of Inscriptions Found in Burma, t. I, by C. Duroiselle, (book-notice)
164
Lodis, the, Sher Shah Sur's relations with, 161, 163, 164, 184 Lohanis, the, Sher Shah Sar's relations with, 163, 164, 179, 180 Lohogarh, fort, prison of Prince Burhan 31 Lopamudra, Vedic poetess 225 Lubbays. See Labbaig. lunar origin of the Fandyas
.. 211
Ma'abar, meaning and origin of the name, 205; "half Hindu " Muhammadan settlements in, 206; Malik Kafor's campaign in, 206, 208, 209; rebellion of, under Muhammad Tughlak 210, 211 189 132 ..2-5 148
Md-bdp, signification of
Macartney, Lord, letter to the King of Kandy Macassar, the ship, at Surat, in 1664 Madanapada plate, of Visvarûpâ Madanapaladeva, inscriptions of, 73, 78: defeat of sens,
Madhainagar plate of Lakshmanase
Madhura-Kavi Alwar
..
..
..148 1480. 216
Madhyana Paraiyans, the Prathamasakha
Brahmans
158 .. 231 110., 118
118
Madura, 211; sack of
Magha Brahmans, and the Mers
Maghs, Mer priests
Magi, suggested connection with the Magha Brahmans 116., 118n. Mahabat Khan, Sübadar of Gujarat, aids Surat, in 1664 .. 2, 8n. Mahabharata, the, on the Mahishmati of Kartavirya Mahahastin the Majhgawam Inscription of Mahakosala, of Hiuen Thsang .. Maharashtra, Musalman feudatories in Mahara, low caste sect.. .. 12
..218 77 219 .. 208
37, 40, 54

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INDEX
283
Mahoda, mocond stage, in the Vira Baiva sya- Mauryan coinage in India ..
.. 142 tom .. ..
. .. .. 7, 37-40 Maya, m. of Buddha, in the Amaravati soulpMahishe, Mahishaka, and other forms. See tures . . . . . . . MAhishmati of Kartavirya.
Mazhavas, tribe of 8. India .. .. 211, 214 MAhishmats, tho, of Kartavirya .. .. 217-221 mazdra, carrier .. .. .. Mahmud Lodl, Sher Shah Sür's relations Media. See Mihiristan. with .. .. .. .. 163, 164 Medwar .. ..
.. .. 115 Mahmad Shah of Bengal, campaign against
Mello, Martim Affonso de, ally of Mahmud Shah, 181 Shorbah Sur .. .. .. 179–182, 186 Meroe, sest of an ancient iron industry, 136; Maitralcas, identification of .. .. .. 115 later Ethiopian capital .. .. .. 137 Maitreyi, a Brahmaodding
.. .. 225 Mers of Merwära, origin and early history of Makhdam 'Alam of Hajspår, ally of Sher Shah
the
.. .. .. .. .. 113--119 Str . . . . 164, 179
meru, hill, suggested connection with the Malavas, the Mazhavas ..
.. .. 211 Mers .. .. . .. .. .. 114 Maldev Rathor of Marwår, relations with Sher Merwâra. See Mers.
ShAh Sur .. .. .. .. 187, 188 metal mines of Asia Minor .. .. .. 134 Malik Barid. See 'Alt Rarid Shab.
Metanni, N. Mesopotamia. home of the Kharri, 134 Malik Kafar, campaign in S. India, 152,
Mewar, taken by Sher Shôh sår 189. See . 206—208, 231
Udaipur. Malik Khusra, entitled Malik Naib Kafür, Mhairs, Mira
.. .. .. .. 113 Gujarati favourite of Kutbu'ddin Muharak
Mid-day Paraiyans. See Prathamasa kha BrahShah, campaign in the Dakkan .. 208, 209 mans. Malik Naib Kafar. See Malik Khusra.
Mihir, the sun .. .. .. .. .. 116 Malik Qumi, court poet of Murtaza Nizam Mihirakula, meaning of the name . 116n., 118
ShAh I .. .. .. .. .. .. 203 Mihiras, the Maitrakas .. .. .. .. 115 Maliko 7-Islâm, Jamaluddin of Kish..
Mihiraswar, the sun-god .. .. .. 118 Maliyê, copper-plate Inscription.. .. .. 73
Mihiristân, connection of the Mers with i. 115 Mallu Khan of MAlwa, Sher Shah Sor's' re
Milki, m. of Hir . .. . H.R., 59, 62, 64 lations with .. .. .. 184, 186, 187
Mir, a Gujar title .
. . . . . . 117 Malwa, 184; Sher Shah Sur's work in, 186, Miracle play in Babylon, montioned in St.
187 ; history of, 186; or Avanti .. .. 218 Peter's first Epistle .. .. .. .. 136 mamláks, the Habsbis of India, 80; dynasty Miran Shah Husain, 9. of Murgapa Nizâm of Delhi
.. .. .. .. 206 Shah I .. .. .. .. .. 237, 238 Mana, meaning of .. .. ..
Mir Madhi, Şafavi Sayyid, martyre.] .. .. 29 Manawar Khân, Missionary, Buthor of a History Mirrà 'Aziz Köks foster brother of Akbar, of the Mers of Merward . ..
202n., 240--242 Mandasor Pillar Inscription .. . 50, 51 Mirza Husain, s. of Murtaza Nizam Shah 1, Mangala-råja, in the Velvi-kudi grant .. .. 215 sentenced to death .. .. .. .. 240 Manja, of Takht Hazara, f. of Ranjha, H.R., 60 Mirza Sadiq, Urdabâdi, wit of 'Iraq, at the Manmasiddhi, Siddhi-Chola k. .. .. .. 231
court of Murtaza Nizam Shah I . 36, 240 Måpillahs of Malabar,"half. Hindus".. 206, 210
Mitra, g. of the Mers . ..
.. 116 Marathas, admitted to the Kshatriya caste, 116; Mizpah, captured in the Great War .. .. 41 valour of the . .
.. .. 129 Mochchhn, suggester interpretation of, 49, 60 MAravarman, several of the name, in the Velvi- Mohiuddin, Pir, patron of Waris Shah, H.R., 60
kudi grant ..-- .. 211, 213, 214 Monastery, the place of, in the Lingayat sects, 7 MATAVArmanı Kulakekhara I, murdered .. .. 207
money, current in the Rig-veda .. .. .. 140 Markandeya, author of the Prakrta-narusut .. 14 Mongyr copper-plate Inscription of Devapila, 73, 78 Marra, name in the Velvi-kudi grant. . 214 Monholi copper plate Inscription of Madana. MArran, MArran kari, k., in the Velvi-kudi
palaclova
.. .. .. .. .. 75 grant .. .. .. .. .. '214--217 Moore objoct to taking the oath .. .. 152 MArranjadaiyan, k., in the Ve vi-kudi grant .. 216 Mopians, the Mâpillabs .. Marupa, Udayar, 233 : conquest of Kadamba Morgan, do, Susian Inscription found by 122; by .. .. .. ..
.. .. 2341 other discoveries by . Marwar, in Rajputana, Sher Shah Sår's cam. mortar, for buildings, in 1689 .. paign in..
. .. .. 187-189 Moschians, tribe, home of the .. .. .. 133 Marzabån. See Takfu'ddin 'Abdu'r-Rahman, 205 Mrichohhahafika, the play, connection with the Masnad-1-418-'Is Khan, Sarwani. supporter Mudrd-Rakshasa .. .. .. .. 50
of Sher Shah Sur .. .. .. .. 184 Mriga, Orion .. .. .. .. 143, 144 matam-astu bhavatam, signification of .. .. 79 Muayyin Khan of Hindia, submits to Sher Mathura, identification of
.. 218 Shah Sur
.. 114
.
..
..
206, 210

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254
INDEX
Muchkunda, founder of a third city called Nakkan-korri, name in the Velvi-kudi grant .. 216
Mahishmati .. .. .. .. .. 220 Naldrug, fort, siege of, 69n., 71-73, 129--131, Mudpada, Sangama Chief .. .. 233
198-200 Mudra-Rakshasa, dato of the .
494-51 Nammalwar
. .. .. 216, 217 Mughals, Sher Shah Sur's relations with the, Nandod, Gurjara kingdom .. .. .. 117
179, 182-185; invasions of the .. 207, 209 Nânyadova of Mithila, conquered by VijayaMuhammad Sultan, Sher Shah Sûr's relations
sena .. . .. .. .. .. 147 with .. . .. . . . . . . 163 Muhammad of Ghazni, conquest of S. India by, 231
Napata, near Dongola, early Ethiopian capital, 137 Muhammad Fakhruddin Jûn. See Muham.
Narayanapaladeva, inscriptions of .. . 73 mad Tughlak.
Narmada, on which stood the Mahishmatt of Muhammad Khân Sâr, neighbour and enemy
Kartavirya. .. .. .. .. 217, 218 of Sher Shah Sur .. .. .. 162, 163!
Narr-koran of Korrkai, Velvi.kudi granted to, 212 Muhammad Quli Qutb Shah of Goloondab.
NasirAbad, loyal during the mutiny . .. 114 See Golcondah.
Nasiru'ddin Shah, Sultan, Malik Khasra .. 208 Muhammad Tughlok, character and history of, i Navêyats, of N.-W. Indian coast .. OG, 210
209, 210, 232 Navsari temple, sacred fire brought to .. .. 244 Muhammadan Architecture of India, A pro. Nebi Samwil, Mizpah .. .. .. .. 41 >
visional bibliography of, 81108, 165-179 Nedun-jadaiyan. k., in the Velvi-kudi grant, 215 Muhammadan invasions of S. India, 205-211;
Nelveli, battle .. .. .. .. 212, 214 231-284
Nopalt, specimens of, in tales of the Great mul, narcotic preparation
.. H.R., 37
War .. .. .. .. 41-49, 61-66 Mullah, description of the
..H.R., 80
Neuve-Chapelle, battle, in the Great War .. 65 Multan, under Sher Shah Sur
.. 188
Nila, k. of Mahishmati .. .. .. 219, 220 munois, civil official under Sher Shah Sär ..
nirttaittal, ceremony .. .. .. .. 216 muqaddam, tax gatherer Murri, tribe, the Kharri .. ..
nishka, interpretations of .. .. .. 140 Murtaza Nigam Shah I of Ahmadnagar, reign
Niyam Shabt Kings of Ahmadnagar, history of of, (continued), 29-36, 66---73, 126--131,
See History of the Nizam Shahf of Aḥmad198—203, 235-242; dominated by Sahib
nagar. Khân, 29-33; desires to retire from
Nune, Baddhist .. .. ... 225-227
the world, 33–36; the quarrel between Alabat Nushirwan, Sassanian Emperor, suggested an Khan and Sayyid Murtaza, 68, 201—203, 235, cestor of the Maharange of Udaipur .. 118 236 : relations with Bijậpár, 29, 30, 82, 67 Nusrat Shah of Bengal, relations with Sher 73, 125-128, 200--202, 237-242; relations
Shih Sur .. .. .. .. 164, 179 with Bidar, 30, 31, 67-72; Naldrug besieged,
690., 71, 72, 129-181, 198.-200 Murtaza Babesvári, Sayyid, of Berar, in the reign of Murtapa Nisam Shah I, 33n., 69,
70, 199-200 Murtaza Bayyid, Amir-ul-Mulk, of Berar, in the reign of Martapa Nigam Shah I., 80 ; Oath, objection to taking the .. .. .. 152 quarrel between Sahib Khan and, 30-33;
Old Kayal, factory .. .. .. 109-111 quarrel between Salábat Khan and, 66-73n., 127n., 128, 130-131, 2014-203, 235-242
Om, sacred syllable. .. .. .. 36n., 58n. Muslim Pathan kings, coins used by the .. 221
Orangal (Orugallu), Kakatiya capital .. 230, 233 Mussalman. See Muhammadan.
Orion, suggested connection of, with ParnaMuttra, Ahmad Shah's invasion of .. H.R., 63 Sabari .. .. .. .. .. .. 143 Mykonao, Dr. Schlieman's discoveries in .. 121
Orugallu. Soe Orangal. Oxenden, Sir Gloo., at Surat, in 1864 .. 1, 3, 109
.
.. 134
Nadir Shah, Delhi sacked by .. . nagara, signification of .. .. .. Naihati plate Inscription of Vallalasena
H.R., 61
.. 77 .. 156
Pabbajilda, meaning of .. .. Pagan, Ananda Temple at .. Paiçacipraksta, and Bemachandra
.. ... .
.. 225 .. 40 61-64

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INDEX
255
.
.
131
Povorio, Capt. Clemente, wound and servier
pension granted to .. .. .. .. 00. Prálkosala, possibly Mahakosala .. .. 219 Prakrit philology, two schools of .. .. 13 Prakpit dialosta .. .. .. .. 51, 32 prak piti-parihara-yukla, suggested signification of, 71 Prdk sla-kalpataru, Prakrit grammar by Rama.
sarman (Tarkavagisa) .. .. .. 13, 14, 16n. Prdkerta-Kamadhenu, a lost work by Lankesvara, 13 Praņaljúga, (the Linga in the Life) stage IV
in the Vira Saiva system .. .. 7, 55, 58 pratava, Om .. .. .. .. .. 56 praedd, signification of .. ... .. .. 40n. Prasada, (Grace), stage III in the Vira Saiva system .. ..
. 7, 54 Prathamasákba Brahmans, or Mid-day Parai. yans . ..
.. . 158, 159 Pratipa, k., possibly of Kartavirya's line .. 219 Pratiqphdadgara, an encyclopædia by Vallála.
sena .. .. prevardhamana, suggested signification of .. 155 Princess, the ship Prithvi Raj, legendary ancestor of the Mers .. 114 Proverbs, Burmese Pulindas, the Pulindai, of Ptolemy .. .. 219 Pundakevara Temple Inscription of Vadari.
kasrama .. .. .. .. Purdņas, the, on the site of Mahishmati of Kartâ virya
.. .. .. .. 218, 219 purdņas, ancient coins . . . 141, 142 Puran Mal Chauhân of Raisia, Rajput chief,
Sher Shah Sür'a relations with .. 188, 187 Purüravas, name in the Velvi-kudi grant . .. 211 puspavdlikd, signification of
..
.
Paisaol PAla kingdom, destroyed .. 148, 155, 156 Pallava-malla, k., in the Velvi-kudi grant .. 211 Pallavas, defeated, 215; of Kanchi, 229;
ousted by the Véngi dynasty .. 230, 232 Pampa, seat of Vijayanagara power .. .. 234 pana, a silver coin ... .. .. .. 142 Pandya, name in the Volvi-kudi grant, 211-214, 216 Pandyas and Cholas, in 8. India . 231, 232 Panini, date of, connection with Buddhist
.. . .. .. .. .. 225 Panjab, village life in the .. .. H.R., 59 Panjab, N., Sher Shah Sür's campaign against
the Gakkars of the .. .. .. 185, 189 Panjabi gamblers, reference to secret voca
bulary of .. .. .. .. 222, 224 Panwar, a stock name of the Mers, 114 ; symbolio
figure of .. .. .. .. .. 119 Paramesvara Kudumi, in the Velvi-kudi grant, 215 Parantaks, Jatila Parantaks, in the Velvi.
kudi grant .. .. .. .. 211, 215 paranti, signification of .. .. .. .. 76 Paraburma, founder of Sarparaka .. .. 220 parpana, unit of Administration in Sher ShAh Bur's system ..
. 189, 190 Pariar, a stock name of the Mers, 114, 117-119 paribodjikds, ascetics .. .. .. 226, 227 pariocheda, not satisfactorily explained : 77 parindra, suggested signification of . ..74n. Pari Vrdjaka, Pari Vrdjika, signification of .. 226 Parmar, symbolic figure of, 117. See Panwar. Parpatabari, goddess, origin of . .. 143--144 Parni history . ..
. . .. 244 Parusha, signification of Patna, rebuilt by Sher Shah Sûr .. .. 187 patwdrl, meaning of ..
162 pównantry, Sher Shah Sur's treatment of tho,
162-164, 180, 183-185; Under Firoz Shah Tughlak
. .. 191 pension for wound and service .. .. .. BO Penugonda, rise of Udayâr power in .. .. 233 perpetuanos, English picco-goods .. .. 204 Persia, early home of the Mers, 116; sun worship
from, 118; cuneiform inscriptions of, 120 ;
home of the Parsis .. .. .. .. 244 powter table plate philology, Prakrit, two schools of .. . 13 piracy, punishment for, in 1689 .. .. .. 60 polaj, meaning of .. .. .. .. 76 Porakad, on the Travancore coast, a factor's
complaints from .. .. .. 109-111 Porqua. See Porakad. Portuguese, Mahmad Shah helped by the .. 181 pottery, as historioal evidence, in Egypt, 121, 136
.227
the
Qadir Shah, title of Mallu Khân .. . 184 Qalandars, reference to the secret vocabulary of
.. . .. .. .. 222, 224 Qaskis, reference to the secret vocabulary of the
222, 224 Qasim Bog, hakim to Burhan Nizam Shah I,
in the reign of Murtaza Nizâm Shah I, 202n., 237 Q&zi Bog, vakil and plshud, of Ahmadnagar .. 29 Quli Khân Sur, s. of Sher Shah Sur .. .. 184
. 204
.
Raf'a'ddin Safavi, Saint, and enemy to the
Rajpats ... .. .. .. .. 187

Page #264

256
INDEX
Rainin, fort, siogo of .. .. .. 186, 187 | Şahib Khan, favourite of Murter Night Rajadhiraja I, Chola k., date of .. .. 230 Shah I., 29; rebellion of, 80; murdered, 31-33 Rajaraja I, Chola k., ounquests of, 230; TIL, sahib Qiram, Burhan Nigam Shah II.. .. 240 defeated .. .. ..
.. 231 Saida, husband of Hir, H.R., 83-86, 43-48, Rajasimha, Pandya k., in the Velvi-kudi grant, 211
17, 50, 64 Rajendra-Chola T, dato of, 153; power of .. 230 Şairaft Sêwaji, Maulana, poot .. .. .. 203 Rajputâna, home of the Mers, 113; entered Sakiya Topo, gold films from the .. .. 141
by immigrants from Persia, 115; Sher Shah Sakkar-Bakkar. See Bakkar.
Sur's campaign in i ... .. 187, 189 | SalAbat Khan, favourite of Murtaza Nigam Shah Rajput inseription . .. .. .. .. 117
I, quarrels between Murtar Sayyid and, Rajputa, connection of the Mers of Morward 29—33, 66–73, 127, 128, 130, 131, 201, with the, 113—119; of Raisin, relations of
202, 235-242 Sher Shah Sor with the .. .. 187–189
Salabha, a female ascetic ..... 225 Ramachandra of Doogiri, attacked by Alau'd saldkds, ancient coins .. .. .. .. 141 din Khilji .. .. .. 206, 207
samadhrukámra-vanavdfika, signification of .. 74 Ramachandra Udayar .. .. .. .. 235
Såmalavarma, traditional date of .. .. 163 Ramapala, date of .. .. .. .. 153
ascetica .. .. .. 225, 226 Rama-Sarman (Tarkavägisa) the Apabhramsa Sambuvardyas, Sengini chiefs .. .. .. 231
Stabakas of .. .. 13-20, 21-28 samni, a game .. .. .. .. H.R., 39 Ram Deo, Ramachandra of Dedgiri .. .. 206 Samnyâss system for women .. .. 226, 226 Raiganatha Temple, near Srirangam, Hoy. Sangama I, Udayar, of Vijayanagara.. .. 233
sala inscription in the .. ... .. 230 sangama, moaning of .. Rangpar, birthplace of Hir .. .H.R. 34, 35
Saugham Age, the, and the Velvi-Kudi Plates. Ranjha. See Story of Hir and Ranjha
See Velvi-kudi plates. RAshtrakutas and Chalukyan, at war .. .. 230
Sanjan, first Parsi refugees at .. .. .. 244 Reisnor, Dr., discoveries in Egypt by .. .. 137 Sankar Deo, of Deogiri, defeated .. .. 206 Report on the l'erminology and Classification of
Sanskrit, in the Velvi-kudi grant . 211, 216 Grammar (Oriental Advisory Committee, Ox
sanyasinis, female ascetics .. ford), (book-notice) .. .. .. .. 204
.. 225, 226 Reddyala, Persian epistles .. .. .. 244 Sarapa, Self-surrender, stage V, in the ViraRovenue, Sher Shah Sur's system of .. 190,-191
saiva system
.... . 7, 56 Rig-veda, reference to precious metals in the
Sargon, R., campaign in Asia Minor .. .. 136 139, 140
Sargon, Babylonian high priest . .. 138 ring, a musical instrument .. H.R., 36
sarkdr, a division, in Sher Shah Sar's systern, rivers, gold from .. .. .. .. .. 139
186, 189, 190 Roemondt, Conraedt, of the Leerdam .. .. 2, 4 Sarmast Khân, Habib Khan Kakar .. .. 163 Rohtas, fort in Bihår, captured by Sher Shah Sarnath Inscription of Mahipala .. .. 187.
Sur, 181-183; another of the name, in the SåsarAm, in Shahabad, Bihar lief, held by the
Panjab .. .. .. .. .. 186, 191 Sär family, 161, 163, 164, 180, 182; burial Royal Charles, the ship .. .. .. 109, 111 place of Sher Shah Sdr .. .. "180, 191 Rudra Doo, of Warangal, Malik Kafar's cam- datamdna krnalas, gold coins .. .. .. 140
paigns against .. .. .. .. 207–209 Sayyid Ali, coinments on his statements Romi Khan, campaign against Sher Shah Sar, regarding, Burhan Nizam Shah, II, 32n.;
181, 182 Naldrug, 198n.; Akbar's embassy.. 2020.
Scheil, Dr., Susian Inscription deciphered by, 122 Schliemann, Dr., disooveries in Groooo by, 121, 123 Schrader, first professor of Assyriology in
Berlin .. .. .. .. .. .. 121 Secretariat, the, established by Sher Shah Sar, 190
Seedee Boy .. .. .. .. .. 80 Babuniam, in Babylon .. .. .. .. 144 Sona, kings, of Vikramapura, 163, destruction Sabako, founder of the Ethiopian dynasty of of, 155 ; chronology of .. .. .. 166, 168
Krypt .. .. .. .. .. .. 137 Sendan, R., in the Velvi-kudi grant .. .. 213 Sacrifico, in the Lingayet system . .. 39 Seunadova, inscription of .. .. 73, 78 Sadaiyan, L., in the Velvi-kudi grant ..
Shah Abu-l-Hasain, Sayyid, s. of Shah Tahir, dadyobadha, femalo ascetic
127-129 .. ..

Page #265

Shahbas Kalandar of Uch, Pir.. Shah Haidar, s. of Shah Tahir, vakil and pishvi
H.R., 62
of Ahmadnagar
Shah Tahir, Saint
Shahi dynasties, five, in the S. Dakkan Shahpura, Mer raids on
Shakar Ganj, Saint of Pak Pattan, Shalva, kingdom of the Bhojas Shekh Isma'il Sûr, later Shuja'at Khân Shergadh. See Bakkar.
Sher Khan, Tiger, title of Sher Shah Sûr Sher Shah Sûr, A New View of, 160-164, 179-184, 185-191
..
.. 211 113 H.R., 60, 62 218 163
INDEX
34, 35 34
..
..
shiqdar, military police-officer Shiva, two views of
Shuja'at Khan, Sher Shah Sür's relations with, 163, 186, 190
Sials. See Syals.
Siddhis, of Kanchi, Chôja family silver, in Vedic India, 140; coins of, 141, 142; importation of, 141; as a standard of value, 142; as legal tender, 142; in Bactrian currency.. .. 143 211
Simhavishnu, k., in the Velvi-kudi grant Sind, Mihira settlements in, 115; Sher Shah Sar in
Sivaji's Raid on Surat
Skandagupta, the Bhitari Inscription of, 50; the
Junagadh Inscription of
Slave kings of Delhi, correct name of the
Smith, Antony, captured by Sivaji in 1664 Smyrna, Hittite rock inscription near Solanki, a sub-section of the Mers, symbolic
figure of, 117; possibly a Gujar tribe Solinus, later Hittite empire mentioned by soma, early Aryan use of Somesvara, the Sonpur plates of, 155n.; defeat of
..
163
..
188 ..1-6
..
..
50 .. 206
5 123
Sultan Muhammad, Bahar Khan Lohant Sultan Sarwani, relations of Sher Shah Sür with
.. 180 Sumatra, S., stone figure found in 244 Sumerian, the language of Sumer, 121, 122, 133, 134 Sun-god, vague ideas regarding the, 120; title of the deified Hittite kings.. Sun-worship, by the Mers, 116; centres of Suidara Pandya, murders Maravarman Kula.. 59
190
sekhara I
207, 208, 231
.. 231 180 243
.. 218 .. 218 ..1-8
231
231 63-66
Songs of France, in Nepalf
Sonpur plate Inscription of Someévara, signi fication of the term attla rajya in the, 155n. South Andaman Language, a Dictionary of the, Appendices V-XII .. S.A.L., 165-188 225
Śramani Savari, a female ascetic Śrichandra, copper-plate inscription of.. 153, 154n. Sri Harga, inscription of
Sringeri-pilha, joint Sangama grant to the stae-worship
78 233 144
Story of Hir and Ranjha, H.R., 33-56; EpiH.R., 58-64 Studies in Parsi History, by Shahpurshah Hor
logue, H.R., 57; Appendix
.. 244
79
masji Hodivala, (book-notice).. stupa, and dome, connection between Suberdeacham. See Mahabat Khân. Sudra, derivation of
118
133
149
Suffrein, French Admiral, lost letter to the King of Kandy from Sufis, influence, of the
131, 132 57-60 152
suicide, attempted in 1689, the cost of Sulaiman Sûr, step-brother to Sher Sûr
257
Shah 161, 163 163
Sundara Pandya II, defeats the Cholas Sarajgarh, Sher Shah Sûr's victory at Surakarta, seat of the Java Institute Surasena, identification of
Surashtra, suggested origin of the name Surat, Sivaji's raid on, in 1664.. Sürpâraka, kingdom, founded by Parafurâme, 220; included Bhrigu-Kachha.. suvárna. See gold. Suwadrae, of Surat, house of, destroyed in 1664, Swally
..
134 118
Swally Hole
5 1, 2, 3, 5 .. 3, 4 79
swelling dome, origin of the Syals, a Rajput Tribe, H.R., 47, 48, 55, 56, 62, 64
Tamizh, in the Velvi-kudi grant, 137-139 Tanjore, later Chola capital
.. 221
Tabagat-i-Natiri, date of Lakshmanasena in
.. 158
221
the
taffeta, origin of the term
tafta. See taffeta.
Taghi, a mamlak, in Gujarat, rebellion of .. 210 Taj Khan, Afghan governor of Chunar, killed, 164 Takht Hazare, in Gujranwala, home of Ranjha H.R., 36, 37, 64 Taki Khân, (a Labbâi ?) killed by Malik... Khusrú .. 208 Takiu'ddin-Abdu'r-Rahmân Muham. madu'th-Thaibi, early Arab horse trade in India .. 205 tala, signification of 73, 74 Talaing plaques, in Ananda temple, Pagan, 40, 152 talapátaka, signification of Talikota, battle of
bin
74 .. 229 211, 212, 215 231, 238

Page #266

268
INDEX
'zbake, Mar Athle
..
..
..
.. 120
Taragarh, fort, Mer raids on .. .. .. 113 tafaka, signification of .. .. .. .. 74 Tatta, in Sind, Humayun at .. .. 185, 187 Technical and Commercial Terms, multiple origin of .. ..
.. .. .. 211 Tel-el-Amarna, cuneiform tablets of, 122: re
ferences to the Hittites in, 124, 134 ; on Sar.
gon's campaign in Asia Minor .. .. 135 Telibinus, deified Hittite k. .. ..
.. 134 Tolingana overrun by Muhammad Tughlak,
207, 209 Tergenina. See Hecate. Thitharinagai Brahmans .. .. .. .. 159 Tikkana, Telugu poet, Siddhi-chola Minis.
... .. .. .. .. .. 231 Tin-land, the, of the Assur plates, 134; suggest
ed identification of .. .. .. .. 136 Tirumangai Aļw&c .. .. .. .. 217 Todar Mal, trained by Sher Shah Sur .. .. 191 Tonnor, near Srirangapatam, later Hoysala capi. tal
. .. .. .. .. 233 topasses, meaning of .. .. Travers, Walter, chief at Old Kayal .. 110, 111 Triformis. See Hecate. Trilochanapala, Chalukya k., inscription of .. 74 Trim Orti. See Dattatreya. Erimaydi, signification of .. .. 74, 76 Trivikrama, Jain Prakrit grammarian .. 13, 52, 53 Taghlaks, the, in S. India.. .. 208, 209, 210, 232 tulbhúra, ceremony . .. .. .. 211, 214 Tulji, dancing girl, favourite of Murtaza Nizam
ShAh I .. .. .. Tapdikers, tribe .. .. .. .. tutongja, spelter .. .. . Tyana, later Hittite or Cicilian capital .. .. 133
Vacaknavi Gargi, a Brahmavadini, .. .. 225 Vachanas, of the Vira Saiva or Lingayat sect,
attributed to Basava, 7-12, 36-40, 54-57VadarikAkrama, temple inscription of .. .. 74n. Vaidyadeva, Kamauli Inscription of .. 74477 Vajravarma, k., suggested date of .. .. 163 Vallabhipur, in E. KAthiâwâr, conquered by
Bbatarka .. .. .. 117n., 118, 119 VallAlasena, k., literary works attributed to, 145,
146, 156, 157 ; in the Barrackpur Inscription of Vijayasena, 147; the Naihati Inscription
of, 157; dates of .. .. Valmiki, and the & School of Prakrit philo
logy .. .. .. .. .. .. 13 Vdpi, udptkapaladdga, signification of .. 74, 78 Vararuci, founder of the E. School of Prakrit
philology .. .. .. .. .. 13 Varman dynasty, in Vikramapura .. .. 163 Varodaya Bhatta, composer of the Velvi-kudi grant .. ..
. . . . . . . . 211 Vasudeva, Mmister of Devabhota .. .. 243 påta, signification of .. .. .. .. 74 Vâtâpi, W. Chlukya capital .. .. 229, 233 Vattēluttu, script, in the Velvi-kudi grant .. 211 vegetarianiem, Vira Saiva practice .. 10, 12 Velvi-kudi platoe, the, and the Sangham
Age .. .. .. .. .. 211-217 Vengi, a Chalukya family Vidyanagara. See Vijayanagara. Vidyaranya, founder of Vijayanagara .. .. 235 Vigrahapala III, date of ... .. .. Vijayachandra, inscription of .. .. .. Vijayaditya, R., in the Veļvi-kudi grant .. 211 Vijayanagar, 69; overthrow of .. .. 210, 211 Vijayanagara Empire, origin, growth and de.
cline of the .. .. .. .. 229-235 Vijayasena, the Barrackpur plates of, 147,
148, 153 ; conquests of, 147; and Vikrama
pura, 153, 154n.; death of .. .. .. 158 Vijayaki .. .. .. .. .. .. 183 Vikrama, patron of Kalidasa .. .. 1924-198 Vikramaditya, I, suggested identification of
214; II, identified .. .. .. .. 216 Vikramapura, the Barrackpur plates from, 153,
154, 157 Vikramapuram, 8. Hoysala capital .. .. Dimarta, signification of .. ... .. ..
Udaipur, Mer raida on, 113; royal donuent of the
Mohdrápis of, 118 ; or Medwar .. .. 119 Udayagiri, in the Velvi.kudi grant, 214; a Vijaya .
nagara province .. .. . 234, 235 Udayars, title of the first Vijayanagara
dynasty. 233; inscriptions of .. .. .. 233 udde ta, signification of .. .. .. 73, 74 udvigyamand, signification of the term, 49, 50 Ujjain, allotted to the Panwar Mers .. .. 117 Ulugh Khan. See Muhammad Tughlak. University, for ladies, in Asia Minor .. .. 135 dgara, signification of .. .. .. .. 76

Page #267

INDEX
259
.
..
..
..
.. 207
Waris Shah, composer of the Story of Hir
and Ranjh& . .. .. .. H.R. 40 wolan, a game .. .. .. .. H.R, 39 Wiergewora. See Virji Vora. Williamson, the ship .. .. .. .. 80 Willemsz, Pieter, of the Macassar .. wound- and service pension, in 1754 ..
Vira Bal|Alo III, Hoysala k., subdued by 'Aldu
'ddin Khilji .. .. .. Vira Pandya, 207; attacked by Malik Kafar, 208, 231 Vira Saiva, or Lingayat sect, probably founded by Baseva . ..
.. .. 7 Virasi .. .. ..
.. .. 153 Virji Vora, merchant of Surat, plundered by
Sivaji in 1664 .. .. .. .. .., Virupaksba, conquesta of .. .. .. visayayartta. See yartia. Vianugopavarman, insoriptions o .. 78, 78 Visvara pa, the Madanapad a plate of, 148; sug.
gested date of .. .. Visvavåra, Vedic poetess .. .. .. 225 Vitihayya. See Vitihotra. Vitihotra, co., position of Vollert, merchant in Surat, in 1864 volunteer training, in Fort St. George .. .. 182
.. 280
Y&davas, of Devagiri, rise of the Yabodharman, k., the Mandasor Pillar Inscrip
tion of . . . . . . . . 60, 61
ZAbid.
waliahmaris, intelligencer
.. .. 4 Warangal, Malik Kafür's campaign in, 207;
Malik Khusrü in, 207, 209; Muhammad Tughlak in. .. .. .. .. .. 209
Zahid Bog, lajt, of Surat, plundered by Sivaji
in 1684 .. .. .. .. .. .. 8 Zakaria of Multan
.. H.R., 62 Zom Zom, Badian in Surat plundered by Sivaji
in 1684 .. .. .. .. .. .. &

Page #268


Page #269

JUNE, 1922]
DICTIONARY OF THE SOUTH ANDAMAN LANGUAGE.
165
APPENDIX V.
SPECIMEN OF THE SOUTH ANDAMAN LANGUAGE.
(Recorded in 1879, since when the race has been gradually dying out.) Wai dol akd-júuai érem-taga-, dia beraij 1't ting tölo-bôicho,
Indeed I (name of tribe) jungle-dweller, my village of name name of village), jůru tek elarpdla-, môda ela-wanga-ya búd tek tôl-göra lenn aunga-bedig sea from far, if day-break-at home from coast to walking while
tilik Ala len dalag ke. m'ar-árdáru ogar jibaba ekan báraijlen perhaps evening in reach-will. We all months Neveral own villages in
büduke, nigd (tar-blo-len) jeg l'edate dryoto lót-paicha-len lirke. ona dwell-do, then (afterwards) dance for coast-people among g o-do. When kichi.kan jeg ikke öko-järanga igal l'edåre min
katik-ikke, like this go for a dance-do habitually barter for something (thither) take-do, kichikan reg-dama, edte reg-kõiob, eáte ráta, bate job, édte namely pork, also red-pigment, also wooden-arrows, also baskets, also cha panga, tate kedd, date
ráb - éâte tala-og, eate reticules, also hand-nets, also netting (see App. XIII), also white pigment, also tálag, sâte pärepa, sate kåpa jdinga, d-wth. hones, also sleeping-mats, also leaf-screens, et oetera.
m'akat--doinga-bêdig ekara( -tek) olo-là rdmil-toyuke ôl-bêdig kõike,
We arriving on according-to-custom first sing-do and dance-do, tar-olo-len ardaru min i galke, nga med flepör ddinga len ig-bddig-nga afterwards all things barter-do, then some of us spearing to seeing l'edare dryöto l'ôt-paicha-lat odam len akan-gaike, marat-dilu
for coast-people with bottom of boat in go in canoe)-do, the rest of us dry oto ngiji m itiknga
êrem-deleke. coast-kinsfolk accompanying hunt-pige-in-jungle-do.
Arla l'ékpör tar-blo-len meda min ardúru kichi-kan elu, ela-la, cho,
Days a few after we things all such-as pig arrow, iron, knives, soolo, bijma,
yádi-kõiob, yadi-dama, odo,
chidi, adzes, bottles, turtle-unguent (see pigment), turtle-flesh, Nautilus shells, Pinna shells, garen,
rêketo-tâ,
-wih, igalnga len õ rok- yâte Dentalium octogonum, Hemicardium unedo, et cetera, bartering in obtained which
eninga bedig chélepike, nga m'ar-drdúru w ijke. having-taken take-leave-do, then we all return-home-do.
ignarum dryoto lenydt-taijnga -tek, ôl-bédig pänenga -tek, 62-bedig
Just as const people to shooting fish from, and netting-fish from, and yadi-zôbinga tek, öl-bédig öko-delenga
-tek, il-bêdig yal-dilu turtle-hunting from, and hunting pigs along coast from, and other means -tek, eba-káchya ika-welab yāba-, cha é rem-lâga l en bedig wdblen-wdblen from, ever f ood-difficult not, 80 jungle-dwellers to also every season
yat übaba wai-. food plenty indeed.
m'ar erem-tåge-l'Ardúru gúmul-ya elan bild- len arat-titegike, ôgun
We jungle-dwellers all rainy season during own homes in remain-do, only rap-wdb lenyam pitainga
ledare e r.tälke, m'at-ngiji fruit-season in rain absence of (without) because of pay-visits-do, our kinsfolk drdiru igbidignga l'edare, ôgar úba-tilan kpor len meda wijke,
all seeing because of, moon one or two in we return-home-do, at-pagi
baila wab . len kai-ita-ban jiranga l'eb búd again (name of tree)-season (see App. IX) in jack-fruit-seed burying for homes

Page #270

166
tek meda
from
we
lat
one
APPENDIX V-contd. jālake. ôgar ûbatallen kan báraij shift-our-quarters-do. Moon in own villages to m'anglji len âryōto tek êremtâga at-ababa. bár-l'akaOur tribesfolk among coast-people from (than) jungle-men numerous. (name of vilbil tek tolo-boicho bôdia-, dona érem koktár len tolo-boicho lage-see Map) than (name of village) large, but jungle interior in (name of village) tek bâraij jibaba bôdia. méta búd aryōto l'ia bad tek chânag-, than villages several large. Our huts coast-people of huts than large, talik jibaba meda years several we
lat
to
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
wijke. return-do.
gôi fresh (new) talik ima len m'ar-ardáru skan ekan baratj lagiba yât dôgaya ōroke. Year whole in we all own own villages near food plenty obtain-do. tê pnga ñgátek-ngatek yat kbike l'eb met at dûruma-. med ji-lôinga for us Now-and-then food getting for sufficient. We frequently dance-do ôl-bêdig râmit-tôyuke. and sing-do.
yoblake yaba.. thatch-do not.
êr
oko-like gå m'ar-ardúru ōna mêta baraij len úchin-ôl l'arlúa len we-all When our village in any-one die-does then place vacant to káto châng-tornga an jälake, daranga len ekára naikan ôgar l'ikpör hut or (see hut) like migrate-do, there in custom moons few polike, tár-olo-len ōroknga l'eb tolo-boicho stay-do, afterwards bones obtaining on tears-shedding (dance) for (name of village)
tâ
bédig
t't-tölainga
barmike. night-away-from-home-do.
gúmul -len reg-delenga l'edare med bala iji-lôinga ârla Rainy-season in pig-hunting for we men often days
[JUNE, 1922
môda oko-linga yabalen
l'ia med'êremtåga
baraij len at-jang'gi ligala If dead without we jungle-dwellers of villages in old-persons children bêdig ârlalen búduke. ögun rap-wáb len m'ôtot-paichalen métat (4) pail us-with always reside-do. Only fruit-season jeg-inga
also
in l'êdare arat-barmike; paying-entertainment-visits for pass-night-away-from-home-do; dáru at-jang'gi ligala naikan ekan baraj len baduke. all old people children like own villages in reside-do.
our women òl-l'arthey
ke. quarters-do.
wtjke. return-do.
öko-järanga jalake habitually migrate-do
mêtat áryöto len bédig Our coast-people among also tōba-tek jibaba baduke, ranga égar ually moons several dwelt-do,
knig otherwise
bêra
körke ôl-bêdig
akà-kichal lagiba
yaba-, kancha
med' éremtâga, aryoto iglā, We jungle-dwellers, coast-people unlike, med'ârlalen mêta and food-refuse near cast-aside-do not, therefore we always our rubbish mêta baraij len ôt-àu jābag yāba.. our villages in smell bad not.
l'ikpor few
yāba
not
m'aratspend
l'edâre because-of
baraj l'ikpor, káto ed öko-jävillages (permanent) few, there they habitarat-dilu iji-lôinga jalashift-theirwhile the rest (of them) frequently

Page #271

JUNE, 1922]
mad-eremtága Us jungle-dwellers búd-l'artám diga. járu kitchen-middens large sea
DICTIONARY OF THE SOUTH ANDAMAN LANGUAGE.
ekára makat - pâra; customs similar;
our
érem-taga jungle-people
APPENDIX V-contd.
yabā-. few.
bâraij
ôl-bédig âryōto l'ia and coast-dwellers of villages (permanent)
Pông phân-len vicinity in
tobo yaba. dense not.
êrem-len dilu-réa-tek chauga-tábangu Jungle in everywhere ancestors (post-diluvial)
din
dona len but interior of jungle in aka-kede l'la érem (Name of tribe) of jungle at-úbaba ig-bådigre. meda see-did. We consider-do that there
numerous
dôl achitik
I
lirnga- bédig wai do 4rem-lága inside (interior) going on indeed I jungle-dwellers lúake aña káto mat-dúru tek al-úbaba-. us-all than numerous. l'idal tek tinga-ba beringa. wai time since paths good. Indeed ákà-béa l'ardiru ig-bádigre, akat-bira-búdya ka-wai-ârlalen yabā.. all inhabitants seen-have, now (name of tribe) few. now-a-days aka-kōl med' ardúru akà-bojig-yah ôl-bêdig l'ia ekára ti-daike, ont' We all (name of tribe) and (name of tribe) of customs know-do, their bédig m'akat-júwai naikan also like as of the aka juwai tribe ôl-bêdig érem-taga- káto bedig aryōto érem-tága ôgar there as well as jungle-dwellers, coast-people jungle-dwellers moons jibaba din len öko-järanga bûduke, êkan skan báraij len bêdig several heart-of-jungle habitually dwell-do, own own village in also l'ia aka-bôjig-yab l'edare Arti-tegike. because-of remain-do. (Name of tribe)
also
in
of
koktár-len
el-tek them-among
167
lagya
near
arla-dilu-réatek êrem tōbofrom time immemorial jungle dense,
din
kêtia
jungle-interior small
káto there
Free Translation.
I belong to the inland section of the akd-jûwai tribe (see Map, I.4., 1919, facing p. 24). The name of my village is tolo-boicho. It is far from the sea. If one were to start for the coast at daybreak one might perhaps by walking all day reach it in the evening.
We all live for several months at a time in our own villages, and then we visit the coast people for a dance. On such occasions it is customary to take with us articles for barter, such as :-pork, red pigment mixed with pig's fat, wooden-headed arrows, baskets, reticules, hand-nets, ornamental netting, white clay for personal adornment, hones, sleeping-mats, leaf-screens, etc.
On our arrival we first, according to custom, sing and dance, after which we barter all our things, and then some of us accompany parties of coastmen in their canoes in order to witness their skill in the use of the harpoon, we meanwhile squatting in the bottom of the canoes. The rest of our party join their coast-friends at pig-hunting.
After a few days we pack up all the articles we have received in exchange from the coast people, such as iron-headed pig-arrows, scrap-iron, knife-blades, adzes, glass-bottles and red-pigments mixed with turtle-fat, turtle-flesh, Nautilus shells, Pinna shells, Dentalium octogonum. shells, Hemicardium unedo shells, etc., and then taking leave we return to our

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168
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JUNE, 1922
APPENDIX V-contd. Just as the coast-people by shooting and netting fish, by harpooning turtles and hunting pigs along the coast and by other means experience no difficulty in regard to food, so also do we who live in the jungle find plenty to eat in every season.
All who live in the jungle remain in their villages during the rainy season. We go our rounds of visits only during the fruit-season when there is no rain. It is then we go to see our kinsfolk at a distance. After an absence of a month or 80 we retum. We again leave our homes towards the close of the dry-season in order to collect and bury jack-fruit seeds (Artocarpus chaplasha) for subsequent consumption. In about a month we return to our homes.
In our tribe those living in the heart of the jungles are more numerous than those living on the coast. tolo-bồicho is larger than bårlâka-bil, but there are several villages in our jungle larger than tölo-boicho. Our huts are also larger than those of the people on the coast, and last several years without renewal.
During the whole year we find plenty of food near our villages. We find it sufficient to go only now and then to get food. We frequently spend our time in dancing and singing.
When any death occurs in our villages we all unigrate to some vacant camping-ground, where we provide ourselves with temporary huts, in which we live according to custom for a few months; after which we recover the bones of the deceased, and return to thlo-bồicho in order to perform the prescribed "tear-shedding " dance. Only under such circumstances is an established village vacated entirely for a certain time.
Women pass the night away from homes only when they accompany us (men) in the fruit-season for the purpose of paying our (annual) visits to our friends; otherwise, they. like the old people and young children, always remain in their own villages.
When engaged in a pig-hunting expédition during the rains, we men pften spend two or more days away from our homes.
As we who live in the jungle, unlike the coast-dwellers, are not in the habit of migrating from one camping-ground to another, we deposit all our rubbish and refuge-matter at a distance from our villages, so that we are not troubled with offensive odours.
There are a few permanent villages among the coast-people, where some of the inmates usually dwell continuously for many months, while the rest of the community are constantly shifting their quarters.
There are large kitchen-middens near our villages as well as those of the permanent coast-dwellers. In the vicinity of the coast the jungle is denser than in the interior.
I have visited the interior of the dka-kede territory, where I observed that there were & considerable number of people. We believe that they are more numerous than ourselves. We have had good jungle paths from remote times. I have now seen all the members of the South Andaman tribe; their number is small.
We are acquainted with the habits and customs of the aka-bôjig-yab and áka kot tribes, they resemble ours. As with us so among them there are both coast-dwellers and jungle-dwellers. There also the latter are in the habit of living for months together in the heart of the jungle, and remaining each one at his own village. As only a small portion of the aka-bôjio-ydb territory is any distance from the sea there are but few jungle-dwellers. in that tribe.

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JONE, 1922]
DICTIONARY OF THE SOUTH ANDAMAN LANGUAGE.
169
APPENDIX VI.*
COMPARATIVE LIST OF WORDS IN CERTAIN ANDAMAN DIALECTS AS RECORDED IN 1876-79. WORDS INDICATING VARIOUS ORGANS
AND PORTIONS OF THE HUMAN BODY.
a ka-bea
-bea-
dka-balara
dka-bójig.
gabe
akajuwai.
âkà-köl. | âkà-yére
(che)
abdominal Jab-apa-chain- loab-opa. Jab-kò icha ra-mail la múla(che) le-pilu walls
chôàu ankle
lông-tôgar- ; lôơng-poa-tal ông-tagar- Công-tôgar: bôgar(che) ong-bremo
1 ông-tát arm ig-gud- lig-gûd ir-kad
Kat(che) ir kit arm, fore. ig- köpa. ig-kopa ir-påla- s-pdlak pelak(che) ir-bala arm, fore. ab-köpa. ab-köpa- ab-pála a-pálak-toma palak-tâma long-bila(fleshy i dama dôamo
thôma
(che) ihomo portion) arm, upper ig-karup. fig.groarab ir-kúrpi- t-kurûpi krúpische) arm, upper Jablůrupi. ab-gwarab. lab. kurpi. 3-kuripi. krûpi-tama (fleshy dama
thông | tô mai portion) arm, biceps of fig-gora- ig-görka ir. kúma- r- iro kúroi(che) arm-pit Tab-ava- õab-kàukan ab- karan- a-koran ab-kiran(che) ong-pong back
ab-gudur; Joab-qudur lab-kitar kitar Klar(che) t-ba
ab-idrbeard (jaw- Jaka-ekib paj. 16-aka-ekib. 6-teib-paij. öka-têib-paij ueb-pailche) kir-tap-bé
hair) beard (chin aka-adał pij- 16-aka-darêka-6-têrya-paij- ka-trêya- riya-pai. hair)
pit
1 paij (che) bladder (lit. lar-ilu-l'la er löar-filo-l'oge- ar-chale-l'fya-rd-chala Schäla-liyaurine-of
er
tiwa. idiya-tiwatiwa(che) place) blood (if of long-ti. 6-eng-lei ông-teua. Jong-têwa leuri(che)
hand) body ab-chàn. " loab-chôàu ab - kilak- a-kelik
ab-Icélil che) bone (if of ar-ld- Joarto lar-to- ra-to tõsche)
leg) bowels (intes- ab-jodo- bab-jóado ab-chůta la chita
chüta(che) ljeka-kät tines) brain lột-me- lôat moun ota-mina- ota-mina õta-mina(che)
pit
• As it is found that the material available for Appendix VI would, if incorporated in its entirety in this place, not only entail delay in preparation consisting as it does of notes written more than 40 year ago-but also incronse to an unreasonable extent the space occupied by the appendices, it is considered desirable to furnish here one only of the many sections or parts pertaining thereto, reserving the remaining comparative tables for sabeequent consideration. They relate to the following ubjects Terms indicating degrees of relationship : Articles made and used by the Andamaneso: Their various occupations; Living objecta known to tbein: Minoallaneous natural objects; Vocabulary of words in common uue : Tables of pronominal forms: Tables illustrating pronominal declension and the conjugation of verbe.

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170
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
(JUN, 1022
APPENDIX VI-contd.
aka-bed
Ald-balawa
aka-bójig
ydb
Aka-jůsoai
dled-leol
Aka-yère
lash
paij.
paij
breast lig-kim- ig-koam fr-loma- t-koma kami (che)
(mamma) breast, nipplelig-kam-Pol- ig-koam-l'oat-ir-kòma-t'oto- i.koma-l'öta- kami-to-pät of chêta- | chektôm | tỏ
to
(che) buttocks ar-dama- bar-dóamo ar-thoma- rd-tóma tômua(che) tra-thôm2. calf of leg jub-challa- bab-chôalto- ab-chòlto chõlto- |char-lôma
dama. dôamo thôma. tóma (che) cheek Jig-ab- ig-ko-ormo Sr-káb- kap - kaptche) ir-noko chest ol-chalma Joal-chôalam ota-chälam- õla-chalam lola-pok(che) e-barongo chin Jaka-ddal 6-aka-daréka 6-têrya- Côka-trêya trtya(che) cocoys lar-güdwin- bar-güdain ar-güdin- ra-põlal gudin(che) collar-bone Jaka-gôdla- 6-aka-gódla 6-kútal- Göka-kútal kútal(che) ear
ig-pidu- fig-piku Y-66- c-bôka bóka (che) -bô eye igor 1)-dal- ig-dôal ar-kodak- 8-tól kddik(che) fr-el »-brow fig-pânyur. ig-pũngu ir-bêng. l-bla-kain bla-kaift(che) ir-la-be
iglor :)-dal-fig-dôal-pit fir-ködak-l'ota- t-tól-L'ola kddik-pai(che) fr-che-tu-bê
rol-pij „-lid liglor i)-dal. lig.doal-kait ir-lödak- 6-161-Töta-kait kadik-kait 781-4f. Põla-kait
(che) face
ig-mugu ig-mûgu ir-mika- s-mika mika(che) ir-miko finger Jong-koro- ô-ong-vatar ông- 6chap ông-mal púta-toka- ông-köra
dong(che) , middle ong-koro• ông-Micap- ông-mat
nồichap-mili
mika-chal. mika-chol chaliche) , little ong-iti-pil- -ong-kelepi long-kātap- ng-kät-tap pata-tô kätap
(che) foot fông-pag- Joong-påag lông-påg- lông-tok kök(che) ong-md-lo foot, sole of long-elma Joong-kalma Jong-kälam. ông-kala . balam(che) long-lölra forehead ót-migra ôal-múgu ota-míka. õta-mika õla-mba(che) fr-miko. gall-bladder ab-nema- bab-lodkar lab-tam- a-dlam tam(che) gullet aka-delta baka-görgam 6-koldta
o-oka-koltátat lolata(che) hair (of head) (6-)plj. (oat.) pit ota-Apaij. (old-)paij (ota-paische) (tr-)be hand | lông-böro- Joong boro ông-köra ông. köra kõnai(che) ing-köra head @t-cheta- bal-cheldoa ota-to- R-10
r-Lösche) Br-cho heart (seat of 6-Tong- loat-kag ota-po- ola-põk ola-pok(che) r-char
affections, . eto.)
migu-chat

Page #275

Plate Vill.
INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
A "chang-tornga" (see Hut p. 74) with Andamanese, showing (a) attitude when sleeping.
(b) sharpening arrow-head, and (c) greeting after long separation. (See Weep).

Page #276


Page #277

Plate ix.
INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
Types at Port Blair "Home". (cir. 1883).

Page #278


Page #279

JUNE, 1922)
DICTIONARY OF THE SOUTH ANDAMAN LANGUAGE.
171
APPENDIX VI-contd.
akd-bla
akà-balawa
ako aká-bôjig.
aka-juwai
dka-köl
dka-yere
heart (the 60-ak-td- bat-big-to- ota-ko-póna- ota-pok-to ota-ko-pôna organ), bana boana |
(che) heel ông-gocvl. Hodgo ông-beta. ông Patel Metel(che) hip ar-chorog- Sar-chooro ar-bot- ra båt
bot(che) jaw-bone oled ekib-td- baka-llib-to 6-tib-to. 0-oka-leib-tó ka leb-tóka(che) r-tap kidney Jong-chåg. dong-choag 6g-cho- ông-chok chog(che) knoe ab.16.
bab-16 ab-lê- a-la la(che) knuckle ông-kútur
ông-pour- 8mg-đoan. kütar(che) ong-bide; ong lap
ab-paicha- bab-poaicho ab-baicha- dbdcha baicha(che) 2-cho-thomo leg
far-chag- dar-chông ar-chog- ra-chòk chòg(che) lip akd-pai- haka-pd lópaia
paiaka(che) - miku liver ab-mug- bab-mong ab-mig. a-mike mik(che) loin
ar-ete- bar-kodto lar-käla- ra-kütus käta(che) lung lot awa- Wat-kduko lota-kdran- ja koran õla-koran(che) marrow (also (6.)mün- (Gal.)môun (öla-mina- |la-)mina (ota-)mina brain, pus)
(che) di marrow, spi- lab-múrudi.
lo.ab-mirudi lab-maratild-marttil o-ab-marudi kab-mfratil
martil (che) nal milk fig-hdmi-rail- lig-hoam-roty ir-kòma-räj. - kima-räj moustache akà pai-la-pljoaka-pd-pit -paja-paijooka.pdkd-pais paiaka-td-pas mouth
aka-bang- baka-buang 16-pong- oka-pongpong(che) t-boa muscle
(ab-) silnga. Abab-Syringa (ab-Hyblang. 12-jiling lyrlang(che) nail (of fingerlong-bó'doh. Joong-bodo long-pata- Jong-pila pata(che) long-kana
or too) navel a b-ér: Joab.dlar ab-lär. a-lákar vakar(che) Sing-it neck at-lungola- oat-youu ota-longa- lota-longa bra-lökar che) -Longo пове fig-choronga- ig-chornga - kata- 6-kota
8r-kūka(che) r- kdto akd-deliya- Jaka-dodr 6-Wriya- boka-barêya väriya(che) palm
onglor ig)-ema-loong-kalma long-kälam- Jong-kalam Külam(che) ling-kötra pus (see mar
row) rib
Jab-pári-te- bab-pôram-to sal-boranga- 4-baronga baronga(che) le-buròngo-14 saliva (spittle)ata-cabal- oaka-tibal 6-läp- 0-ika-klap wap(che) shin lab-chalia. bab-choalto ab-cholto- 4-chöltő karubiche) shoulder big-logo
ig-logo
fir-ndra-lo. e-parak-la parab-Ika(che) - Lim
(che)
kok
palato

Page #280

172
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
[ June, 1922
APPENDIX VI—contd.
aka-bea
aka-balawa.
nig:
âka-júwaie
aka-köl
www.
aka-yére
yab
he..
thigh
shoulder-blade lab-põdikma- bab-po-õdikmo ab-ben- la-bend ben(che) side aka-chaga- baka-choago 6-choka- o-óka-chaka chaka(che) skin (of body) (ab-)j- bab-lait ab-kait-s a-kait kait(che) spine ab-gorob. bab-chôanoma ah-kûrab- a-kirup kirup(che) in rap spinal-mar
row (see
marrow) spleen jab-pilma. 5ab-pilmo ab-påren- d-pären pären(che) stomach ab-úpla- 6ab-kSupla ab-kaptu- a-la pló käplo(che) supra-renal Jab-jiri bab-jiri
bab-jiri ab-chirt- a-chira chiri(che) fat and
omentum sweat (of 'Kab-grimar. Joab-grimareb-Limar. -kfmar mar(che)
body) tear (of eye) fg-t'í. ig-t'i ir-wer. rcär war(che) temple ig-timar. ig-timar fr-tänga- s-langa t anga(che) testicle ar-õta- bar-ola ar tota ra-tak t ai(che)
Jab-paicha- bab.poaicho lab-baicha- la-bacha baichalche) le-cho-thomo throat aka-orma- baka-lör 10-naran -öka-16kar nûram(che) aka-noro throttle aka-orma-ba- baka-lor. ó-núran. 0-oka-lokar. nuram-käta100 (windpipe).
kinabkalya. fidu
(che) thumb "long-koro- Joong-gich ul. Sng-nôchap- long-mil. chi-noichup.
dúrnga- kok
dúrnga(che) toe Jong-pag- ... ông-rêpa- lông-rặpi reapala(che) | toe, large ng-ltichab. Joong-koadgo ông-repa- bony-tok-chikók réapala. .!!
darnga
Túrnga(che) toe, middle long-rókoma- .... long-répa- long-tok-mika réapala-mil-1
mika-chal- chöl
chal(che) toe, small Jong-ilam. ôong-kitap ong-ropa- no-rapi. Jokala
kälan... chalai tongue akd-étel oaka-Atal 6-tätai 0-oka-tatal tátal(che) aka-lde tooth ig-thing kg-tông 6-pôla- -pelak pelak(che) r-plle urine
bar-lo Jur-chäle ra-chala chala(che) Sard-ket uvula akd-led'imo- baka-dar -täd-dem- o-öka-tada- ladäkam(che)
| kam waist ölo-kinab. 6-oto-Kinab foto-kodang- o-oka- kodang(che)
kaddahk whiskers lig-Ab-pij. ig-ko-ormo. fr-kab (lar) K-kap-paij käp-ta-pas lir-noko-bé
(che) windpipe (see
throttle) Wrist t ong-logo. song-togo ongató- fong-to tolche) ong-tő
1 đôga
lår-üls.
pat
par

Page #281

AUGUST, 1922)
DICTIONARY OF THE SOUTH ANDAMAN LANGUAGE
173
.
ota-(6)
(0)-0001-90
(lit. child-not)
APPENDIX VII. LIST OF TERMS APPLIED TO MALES AND FEMALES FROM BIRTH TO OLD AGE IN ORDER TO INDICATE THEIR AGE, CONDITION, ETC.
Males. During the first year .. ab-ddreka.
The term ab-lapanga-(long) is
applied to a boy who is tall » » second year ..ab-kétia
for his age. „ „ next year or two. ab-doga. From about four tiil about 2 d-walaganga
Until the commencement of the ten years of age. Sor a-walagare")
probationary fast, which mere
ly entails abstention from aka-kadaka
certain favorite articles of food, During the next year or two. or abliga-ba
and again for some months
after its termination, he is From about twelve till
styled "botiga-". attaining puberty (the
During his novitiate he is styled usual "fasting" period). Saka-kadaka-doga
“aka-yb-" [i.e."(certain) foodSee fast.
abstainer") or "aka-yāba."
[i.e."(certain) food-not"]. After termination of his
aka-goinovitiate (during first
ab-tra-gôi - few weeks). From then till he becomes a father, or is still in his Saka-gúmul
He is now a "güma' as well as early prime.
"mar" (see master) and is so bachelor . .. ab-wira
regarded and addressed until Single whether bachelor.. 2
he is about to become a parent 1 kaga-tógoor widower ...
or, if childless, is no longer
young, when he is addressed Adult, married or single, a-bala
or referred to as "maig." lit. man.
See sir. Bridegroom (before thesab-ddrebil.
ceremony). Ditto (after the cere- lar-wered-; mony and for a few days öng-täg-gôi-(c)
after). Husband (newly married). Jik-yate(-bdla).
Ditto (after a few months). ab-bulaNewly married (during first anati-gôi.
This term is applied to young few months only).
persons only. Married (while still without
While his wife is enceinte he is & child). ông-tig-(c) :
styled pij-jābag-(lit. hair-bad). Married (having had a ab-chabil:
Lit., a father. During the first child). Schabil-chau
few months after the death of Married more than once
his child he is addressed or (not applied during Slar-waki
referred to as maia.oko-lingawidowhood) Widower .. mai-arlába
The survivor of an old couple
united since their youth is Old .. .. .. .. ab-jang'gi-; ab-chöroga- styled ab-rai-gối
White-haired
..
.. ab-tól
(u) Signifies child.
(6) In reference to the testes.
(c) Their jungle-bed of leaves is called hig

Page #282

174
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
(AUGUST, 1922
APPENDIX VII-contd.
Females.
kata-(6)
The term Akd-iang-(tree) is
applied to a girl who is tall for her age.
ab-liga-(c)
As in the c... of males both be.
fore and after the probationary period she is a botiga-, s.c., not restricted as to diet.
pôt
During the first year .. ab-déreka-(a)
Ditto second year .. ab-kétia-(a) Ditto next year or two. ab-dôga-(a) From about four till la-walaganga-(a)
about ten years of age. S or a-walagare. J During the next year or ar-yôngi
two. From about twelve till about
sixteen years of age (her Sar-yôngi-pôi
usual term of probation). After termination of her áka-gôi-(a)
novitiate, for first few weeks. Spinster
ab-jadi-jogAdult (married or single) ? -pail
lit. woman. Bride (before the cere-ab-dérebil-(a) Bride (after the ceremonylar-wered-(a)
and for a few days). Công-tig-gô-(a) Newly-married (during first an-jati-gôi-(a)
few months). Wife (newly-married) .. ek-yåte-(a) Wife (after some months).. ab-pailMarried (while still with-ong-täg-(a)
out a child).
During her novitiate she is also
styled akd-ydb. or akd-yāba-. As soon as she attains maturity she is called an (or akd)Tawi and then receives her "flower " name (see App. IX), after which for a year or more she is ab-jadi-3g-gôi
mony)...
Applied to young persons only.
While enceinte she is called pij.
jābag
Ditto (or with no survi-ab-liga
During the first few months after ving child).
the death of her child she is addressed and referred to as
chana-oko-UngaDitto (after becoming a ab-chanre.
See madam and mother, mother). Ditto more than once.. tar-wki-(a)
Not applied during widowhood. Widow .. .. .. chan-arlebaOld .. .. .. .. ab-jang'gi-(a); ab-chöroga-(a)| White-haired
.. ab-tól-(a) Twins (whether of the same ab-didinga
sex or not).
(a) In those cases in which the term is common to both sexes and ambiguity would otherwiso exist the word pail-(female) is added when that sex is referred to ; 6.9., ông-lag-pail-; ab-tól-pail. (b) Signifies the genitals of a female.
(c) A child.

Page #283

Plate X
INDIAN ANTIQUAR
Photo by C. B. Kloss, fig. 1. Native of Little Andaman
fig. 2. Loyal and influential Chief, died shooting fish
during epidemic of measles, 1877. [Note the striking dissimilarity between the Little and South Andaman bows].
fig. 3. Carrying skull of husband as
memento.

Page #284


Page #285

Augurt, 1922)
DICTIONARY OF THE SOUTH ANDAMAN LANGUAGE
175
APPENDIX VIII.
TERMS INDICATING VARIOUS DEGREES OF RELATIONSHIP.
ulo)
My father (male or female speaking) . 1 d'ab-maiola ; d'ab-chabil- ; d'ar-Odinga-. My step father (ditto)
..d'ab-chábilMy mother
(ditto). .. d'ab-chanola; d'ab-Stinga-; d'ab-wejinga- ;
2 d'ab-réjeringa-. My step-mother (ditto)
d'ab-chanola. My son (if under 3 years of age, either dia ota-. See App. II and VII.
parent speaking). My son (it over 3 years of age), father d'ar-dire; d'ar-di-ydte.
speaking. My son (if over 3 years of age), mother d'ab-etire ; d'ab-eti-ydle-: d'ab-wėjite; speaking
d'ab-wéji-yote-; d'ab-wijerire ; d'ab-wejeri
lydte. My daughter (if under 3 years of age, either dia kata-.
parent speaking). My daughter (if over 3 years of age, either dia bā-.
parent speaking). My daughter (if over 3 years of age, father d'ar-dire (or d'ar-odi-yate)-pail.
speaking). My daughter (if over 3 years of age, mother d'ab-etire (or d'ab-eti-yate)-pail.. speaking).
3 d'ab-wijire (or d'ab-wji-ydte)-pail.
(d'ab-udjerire (or d'ab-wejeri-yate)-pail. My grandson (either grand-parent speaking). My brother's (or sister's) grandson (m. or fem.
dia bālola [for grand-daughter " pail." speaking)
is added] My elder brother (m. or fem. speaking) .. Sad entobare (or ad entobanga-).
ad entökare (or ad entõkanga-).
(am-ettóbare (or am ettóbanga-); My elder brothers (m. or fem, speaking) .. am ettökare (or am ettõkanga.)
[for elder sister (or sisters)“ pas."
is added). My younger brother (m. or fem. Speaking).. § d'ar-dôatinga-; d'ar-wajinga-.
d'ar-waferinga-; d'akà-kâm-. My younger brothers (m. or fem, speaking).
I m'arat-dôatinga-; m'akat-kam- elc.
ffor younger sister (or sisters) "pail."
is added]. My uncle, whether my father's (or mother's)
elder or younger brother, or aunt's hus
band; My husband's (or wife's) grand-father;
dia maia. My husband's (or wife's) sister's husband
(if elder). My aunt, whether my father's (or mother's)
elder or younger sister, or uncle's wife; My grand-mother or grand-aunt; My husband's (or wife's) grand-mother;
dia chânola. My husband's sister (if senior and a mother); My elder brother's wife (if a mother).

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
(AUGUST, 1922
176
APPENDIX VIII-contd. My grand-father or grand-uncle (m. or fem. 17 speaking).
dia maiola. My elder sister's husband (m. or fem. I speaking).
S (recently married) ad tk-ydte. My husband .. .. .. ..
(after a few weeks or months) d'ab-bela-.
S(recently married) dai tk-ydte. My wife
(after a few weeks or months) d'ab-pail. My husband's (or wife's) father or mother.
brother (if older). brother-in-law
(if older). sister-in-law
dja má mola. (if older). sister (if older
and & mother). brother (if of
equal standing) sister's husband (if
? dia mama.
of equal standing). My
sister or sister-in-1 I dia tn (if not a mother her name law (if younger).
would be used). My daughter-in-law (m. or fem. speaking). My son-in-law
ditto. ). My younger sister's husband (m. or fem. día otoniya.
speaking). My husband's brother (if younger) .. d'aka-ba-bdla-. My younger brother's wife (m. or fem. speak
ing).
a'aka-bā-pail. My foster-father
ditto ). d'ab-mai-ôt-chatnga.. My foster-mother
ditto
d'ab-chan-ôt-chatnga-. My parents
ditto
d'ab-maiol-chanol. My adopted son
ditto
d'ôt-chainga-.. My adopted daughter ( ditto
d'ôt-chainga-pail. My step-son
ditto
d'eb-adenire. My step-daughter
ditto
d'eb-adenire-pail. My nephew (brother's or sister's son) (m. or
fem. speaking). My half-brother's (or half-sister's) son d'ar-ba-.
(m. or fem, speaking). - My first cousin's son ditto My niece (brother's or sister's daughter)
(m. or fem. speaking). My half-brother's (or half-sister's) daughter
I d'ar-ba-pail. (m. or fem. speaking). My first cousin's daughter (m; or fem.
speaking). My nephew's wife (m. or fem. speaking) .. My first cousin's daughter-in-law
d'ar-ba-l'ai-ik-yate. (m. or fem, speaking). My niece's husband ditto . My first cousin's son-in-law (m. or fem. d'ar-ba-l'A-lk-ydle..
speaking).
.
s

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AUGUST, 1928)
DICTIONARY OF THE SOUTH ANDAMAN LANGUAGE
177
APPENDIX VIII-contd.
d'ar-chab il-entóbare.
d'ar-doatinga-. d'aka-kam-.. d'ar-dôatinga-; d'ar-wajinga-.
d'ar-chabil-entõbare-l'ai-tk-yote-.
My male first cousin (if older) (m. or fom.
speaking). Ny elder half-brother (whether ditto ).
uterine or consanguine) 3 My male first-cousin (if younger) ( ditto ). My younger half-brother (if uterine) (ditto). My „ (if consanguine) ( ditto ). My first-cousin's wife (if older) (ditto ). My elder half-brother's wife
(whether uterine or con- (ditto ).
sanguine) My first-cousin's wife (if younger) (ditto ). My younger (uterine) half
brother's wife My younger (consanguine) ditto (ditto ). My female first cousin (if older) (ditto ). My elder half-sister (whether 2
} (ditto ). uterine or consanguine) My female first cousin (if younger) ( ditto ). My younger half-sister (if uterine) (ditto ).
d'ar-dôatinga-Pai-ik-yate-. d'aká-kam-l'ai-ik-yáte-.
d'ar-dóatinga (or d'ar-wajinga)-V'ai-fk-ydle.
dia chanol-dentoba-ydte.
d'ar-dôatinga-pail.. d'Aka-kam-pail. sd'ar-doatinga-pail. l d'ar-wejinga-pail
My
»
» (if consanguine) ( ditto).
dia chanol-dentóba-yåte-'d-ik-yate..
d'ar-doatinga-pail-l'a-fk-ydte-.
My first cousin's husband (if older) ( ditto ). My elder half-sister's husband
(whether uterine or consan- ( ditto ).
guine) My first cousin's husband (if younger) (ditto). My younger (uterine) half-sister's
husband My younger (consanguine) ditto (ditto :). The relationship subsisting between a
married couple's parents.
d'aka-kam-pail-la-fk-ydte-.
ar-dôatinga (or d'ar-wajinga)-pail-1'a-fk-ydte
11
aka-ya-kåt

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178
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
[ August, 1922.
czekerd
lipa
moda
jör.
bira
oro
APPENDIX IX. LIST OF PROPER NAMES, TOGETHER WITH A LIST OF THE "FLOWER” NAMES BORNE BY YOUNG WOMEN DURING MAIDENHOOD AND EARLY
MARRIED LIFE, AND A LIST OF THE VARIOUS SEASONS. Proper names
" Flower Name of tree Names of the Names of the
name. 1 (common to both sexes).*
various minor (or insect)
principal 1 in season. seasons.
Beasons. balea kätiola
lekera-wi-8 | ehtlipa
n påpar 4 berebi
chilip- chilip-wab.
S (-web). bra lo kola
| pa
pd-udb. biala lora
jör-wdb méba ora
Öro-wdbbirola mébola jedya. jidga-wáb.
yere-bodo , bora Ngôngala talib. tâtib udb.
also
rap-db.& balbula
yere
yère-wab
yere burla pärila
baja- baja-uab. büriga pôtya
pataka palak- patak-wab. chetla
pówiola balya baila baila wab. chörmila punga
récheCreche
rêche-wal dora ia
chadak- chaduk-wahgolat riala
chagara chalanga- chalanga-wab. totol
bih 10 tāpnga-wdbirola tura
chdrap- charap-wab. uฟวีร์
diyum.11
diyum-kopngachenra
w&bjó plola woichola
chenara. chenara-wdbkala wóloga
rar. râr-uabkätya yega
Lyulu
yilu-udb.
nidli
17
charapa
järo
• The following remarks may serve to illustrate the use of these names --When & woman is enceinte she and her husband decide what name the child shall bear; 88 & compliment, they often select that of a relative, friend or chief. Supposing the name selected to be bra, should the infant prove to be v. he is called bla-Jta, or, if & girl, bla-kdta (see App. VII, footnoteb)
100 App. VII, footnote b). These only during the first two or three years, after which, until the period of puberty, the lad would be known as bfa-ddla, and the girl as bla-poi-lola until she arrived at womanhood, when she is said to be an (or dka)-Idwi and receives a "flower" name, as a prefix to her proper, or birth, name. By this method it becomes known when their young women are marriageable. There being eighteen prescribed trees which blossom in succession throughout the year, the "flower " name bestowed in each case depends on which of these trees happens to be in season when the girl attains maturity. If, for instance, this should be about the end of August, when the chalanga. (Pterocarpus dalbergioides) is in flower bla-pôilola would become chågara-bia, and this compound name would be borne by her until she married and was a mother, when the "flower" name would give place to the term chana (or chana), answering to Madam, which she retains unaltered for the rest of her life. If, however, she remain child. less a woman has to pass some years of married life before being addressed as chana. As it rarely, if over, happens that in any of their small communities two young women are found bearing the same "flower and birth names, the possibility of confusion arising in this respect is very remote.
Since no corresponding custom exists in regard to the other sex, nick names are frequently given to young men in allusion to some personal peculiarity, as for example, bla.pdg (bia-foot), he having big feet; balla-jobo (balta-snake), he having lost a hand from a snake bite; fra-jodo (fra- entrails), he having had a protuberant belly in his youth. These nick names cling to the bearer through lifn, especially if they refer to some physical defect or deformity. Further details on this subject will be found in the Journ. Roy. Anthrop. Inst. (1883), Vol. XII, pp. 127-9.)

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August, 1922)
DICTIONARY OF THE SOUTH ANDAMAN LANGUAGE
179
APPENDIX IX-contd.
Explanatory Remarks. 1. Bestowed on girls on attaining maturity. 2. For the botanical names of trees, see App. XI. 3. wab- signifies " season.”
4. The "påpar-"commences about the middle of November and terminates about the middle of February. It comprises the "cool season ".
5. This embraces the Summer and Autumn of the year. Honey is abundant at the commencement of the season, during the course of which the principal fruit trees are in bearing. It lasts about three months, viz., till about the middle of May.
6. Lit., season of abundance.
7. This period is called lada-chau (dirt-body) owing to their practice of smearing their persons with the gap of a plant of the Alpinia sp. (called jini) when engaged in removing a honey-comb, swarming with bees, from a tree.
8. Is known ag tala-tong-déreka- [lit. (fruit)tree leaflet ) in allusion to the fregh foljage of Spring, and lasts about 3 months, i.e., till about the close of August, more than half “the rains."
9. Is known as gumul-wab- and lasts about 21 months, viz., till about the middle of November, and comprises the latter portion of the rainy season.
10. The butu- is a slug found in rotten logs of gurjon wood (see drain- App. XI). It. is wrapped in a leaf and cooked before it is eaten. Prior to this its tail is broken off and thrown away (hence topnga-).
11. The diyum- is the larva of the great capricornis beetle (Cerambyx heros), and is found in newly-fallen logs, whence it is scooped out (hence kôpnga-), and then cooked and eaten.
12. This embraces the six months of the rainy season.

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180
APPENDIX X.
TERMS INDICATING CERTAIN PERIODS OF THE DAY AND NIGHT, THE PHASES OF EACH LUNATION, VARIOUS TIDES, WINDS, CLOUDS, ETC.
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
Though the Andamanese are naturally content with a rough method of reckoning time-diurnal as well as nocturnal-the terms in use amply serve to meet all requirements. They are as follow:
First appearance of dawn Between dawn and sunrise Sunrise ..
From sunrise to about 7 a. m. (rising sun
Forenoon
big sun
Noon
(from noon till 3 p. m.
from 3 p. m. till about 5 p. m.
Afternoon
From 5 p. m. till sunset
Sunset
Twilight
After dark till near midnight
Midnight
The waxing moon
The waning moon
::::::
High-tide
Low-tide
High-tide at full-moon
[AUGUST, 1922
wangalaela-duga bódo-la-doatingalili-; dima
bido-la-kág (al)- nga
bodo-chânag
bôdo-chaubodo-la-löringa
Owing to their inability to count they have no means of denoting the number of lunations occurring during a solar year which, with them, consists of three main divisions, viz: papar, the cool season; yêre-bodo-, the hot season; and gamul, the rainy season. These again are sub-divided into twenty minor seasons (see App. IX), named for the most part after various trees which, flowering at successive periods, afford the necessary sources of supply to honey-bees.
The lunar periods recognised are:
Sbodo-l'ar-diyanga-; el-dr-diyanga
6gar-chauSgar-knab
bodo-la-lotingael-dka-dauyael-dr-getinga girug-chi
while the four phases of each lunation are indicated as follows:
66
ôgar-la-walaganga (lit. moon-growing "). ôgar-lar-ôdowânga (lit. moon diminishing").
66
New moon
First quarter
Full moon
Last quarter
That they, moreover, recognise the influence of this luminary upon the tides (bala-) is manifest from their terms denoting high and low tide at full-moon in the following list of recognised tidal phases :
ôgar-déreka-yaba (lit. "moon-baby-small").
Ôngar-chânag.
(lit. "moon-big "). (lit. "moon-body"). "moon-thin "). (lit.
kála-chânag-;
er-l'ar-to-tépare
bila-ba6gar-bila

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DICTIONARY OF THE SOUTH ANDAMAN LANGUAGE
181
APPENDIX X.--contd.
Low-tide at fall-moon
..ogar.pddiHigh-tide at new-moon
yechar-bilaLow-tide at ditto
yêchar-padi. Ditto at day-break ..
toya.1 Flood-tide (generic) . ..
la (or bila)-bungaDitto at full- and new-moon (forenoon)
gamul-kala Ditto E ditto (afternoon) .. .. tar-bôrong-kala-3
Ditto between sunget and rising of waning moon .. aka-tig-pdla4 Ebb-tide (generic) .. .. .. ..
ela (or bila)-érngaDitto st full- and new-moon (forenoon) .. gúmul-padis Ditto
ditto (afternoon) .. Adr-bôrong-pddi. Neap-tide .. .. .. .. .. .. .. noro
The four cardinal points of the compass are distinguished. The terms used are not derived from prevalent winds, bat, in the cases of east and west, have reference to the sun; the word for the former (el-dr-mago) signifying " appearing-face-place," and for the latter (tdr-miga) indicating " disappearing-face-place." The term for south (el-iglā-) is the "sepapate (distinct) place," while the meaning and derivation of that denoting north (el-dr-jana-) remain doubtful.
The winde aro distinguished as follows:.N.E. wind
1 paluga-td-; pdpar-to8.W. wind i
deria-td-; gemul-tdN.W. wind ..
chdl-jótamaS.E. wind ..
.. chila-tdThe second names of the first two refer to the seasons in which these winds are respectively prevalent (100 App. IX). The reason assigned for the name of the N.E. wind (“God's wind ") is that it blows from that region in which is situated the invisible legendary bridge (pidga-Dar-changa-) which connects their world with paradise (see paradiso).
They recognise three forms of clouds indicating there thus :-cumulus ......toja; stratu......and-mga-barnga- and nimbus....yam-li-diya
- the store and constellations "Orion's belt " alone is found to bear a name (olla.): this is due to the fact that they never venture out of sight of land, and experience no necessity for studying the bearing of the various planets at different seasons, or for distinguishing them by name. They, however, identify the " Milky way," which they name ig-ydores, and portionlly donoribe as "the path used by the angels" (mörowin-).
1 Doeurs 3 or 4 days after now and full-moon aad is favorite time for collecting shell-flah. 1 Between 3 and lum. 3 Between 3 and 9p.m. 4 Perenite time for tertio hunting
ar jonappoons to come in only one other word, vis. dr jana, 20App. III.

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182
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
(AUGUST 1982
APPENDIX XI.*
LIST OF SOME OF THE TREES AND PLANTS IN THE ANDAMAN JUNGLES.
Andamanese name.
Botanical name.
Remarks
bela
abnga- (a) 1
Dillenis pilosa aiñaDipterocarpus alatus.
(Burm.) Kanyin ngi. alabaMelochia velutina.
(See App. XIII, item 66). dm- (a) (e)
Calamus, sp. No. 1. dparu- (d) (k) also abad. 3 Ptychosperma Kuhlii.
Sl(Hindi) Palawa. draga
(Burm.) Bebia. drain- (m) Dipterocarpus laevis
(Burm.) Kanyin byr Gurjon-oil
tree.
(Burm.) Byüma. (See App. XNI, bada- (o) Rhizophora conjugata
item 1.) badamabadar- (a)
Sometia tomentosa (?) baila- (a) (6) Terminalia procera
(Burm.) Bambway byu. baja- (y) Stercalia (1 villosa)
(Burm.) Sabu-bani.
(See Journ. R.Anthrop. Inst., balak
vol. XII, p. 161). balyabdrata- (c)
Caryota sobolifera båtaga- (a) Ceriops Candolleana
(Burm.) Madama. Natsatium herpestes bemaAlbizzia Lebbek ()
(Burm.) Kukko. bêrekad
Glycosinis pentaphylls bérewi
Claoxylon affine (3) bibi
Terminalia ( citrina) birigaPlanchonia valida
(Burm.) Bambway ngi. birtätbitim
Sophora sp. ból (o) Calsmus sp.
Ground Rattan. bômaClaoxylon sp.
S (Hindi) Jaiphal.. bórowa- (u) Myristica longifolia
2(Burm.) Zadipho. botokölco- (P)
Sabia (1) bab
Ancistrocladus extensus (1) bukura (6) Diospyros (?) nigricans
Bastard ebony, or marble wood
(superior variety). See picha-.
Extensively used in making arrows. chdb(a)
(Hindi) Badam. chadak
Rubiaceae chage
Paratropia venulosa chai
Bows are generally made from
this tree. chaij- (a) (6) Semecarpus anacardium
(Hindi) Bildwa. chakan (0)
Entada pursoetha chalanga- (a) Pterocarpus dalbergioides
S|(Hindi) Sisu.
(Burm.) Padauk. 'It was chiefly owing to the kind aneistance afforded by the late Bir George King. wbon Superintendent of the Botanic Gardens at Howrah (Caloutta), that I have been ablo to Acertain tho scientibe names of many of the trece in this list.
1 Sne Notes at and of this Appendix
bar

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AUGU», 1922)
DICTIONARY OF THE SOUTH ANDAMAN LANGUAGE
183
APPENDIX XI-contd.
Andamanese name.
Botanical name.
Remarks.
cham- 6) chamtichangta
chilip
châp- . . chatochauga-ylangan chenir- (or chenara-) chồadchobal . chóngara- (a) chôpa- @) chöb- (a) cholenger chöljchor- (1) choramdakar-talodedebladoddôgota- (a) dômto- (p) damladúra.
Areca laxa of Hamilton (a variety
of Areca triandra) Cynometra polyandra Calamus sp.
Leaves used in thatching huts,
and for making the warning wreaths round a grave or desert
ed encampment. Terminalia sp
S (Hindi) Siris. Albizzia Lebbek (?)
(Burm.) Teit. Hopea odorata
(Burm.) Thingam-byu. Leea sambucina Diospyros densiflora ()
(Burm.) Maukaraung. Atalantia sp. Leguminosae
Is The fruit somewhat resembles Calamus sp. No. 2
& medlar in flavour. Goniothalamus Griffithii . Hypolytrum trinervium Celtis cinnamonea Scolymus cornigerus
S (Hindi) ? Lal chini. Hydnocarpus
(Burm.) ? Chandu. Xanthophyllum glaucum Myristics Irya
Sometimes used for paddle making.
S (Hindi) Mówa. Mimusops Indica (or ? littoralis)
2 (Burm.) Kapáli thit. Guettarda speciosa
(Burm.) Fishum. Barringtonia racemosa
Wild plantain.
elètålaêmej. (6) engara- (a) erepaid-tal. gdcho gadgeldim- (a) gereng- (*) gugma Bil (6) ja- (a) jalajangma- (a) jidga
Terminalia bialata Muss sp. Strychnos nuc vomia Calophyllum spectabile Leguminosae sp. Bombax malabaricum . Trigonostemon longifolius Pandanus (1) Chluta longipetiolata Rubiaceae Stephania hernandifolia Alpinis sp. Odina Wodier
S (Hindi) Sembal. (Burm.) Didu. Its leaves are crushed and appli
ed to malarial fever patients. (Burm.) Thip-pyl.
See Journ. R. Anttiro
vol. 12, p. 353. (Burm.) Nubbhe.
jor.

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184
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
(Autor, 1922
APPENDIX XI.contd.
Andamanete name.
Botanical nama.
Remarks
jalaij. (6) jumu- (a)
Dendrolobium umbellatum ? Bruguiera gymnorhisa, or Rhin
phora mucronata.
(Burm.) Byübo.
Fious hispids
loddala. les-(a)
Mangifera sylvatica Artocarpus chaplasha Liouala (probably peltata)
Wild mango. S (Hindi) Kathar. (Burm.) Toung-peng. ----
kas-ita- (a) (6) kapa- (a) (h)
läred. (a)
? Sterculia (or Sanaders Indien)
1 Sterculis (or Sanadera Indien) R
The fruit contains a nut which
After being smoked is broken when the shell is eaten and the kerpel is thrown away.
kdrega- (a) kökan (T) kön- (a) körtdia
Diospyros sp. Pajanelia multijuga Diовругов вр Griffithia longiflora One of the Rubiaceae Dracontomelum sylvestre
kotidngabanna
Teche
Lactaria salubris
The fruit being large and round
is often used as # moving target by being rolled along the ground or down # slope and shot at while in motion.
Leguminosa sp. Angiopteris evecta
Ikera. lógaj- (a) 1.komamachal maii-(s)
mång- (a) (b) )
mõnagmotmutwin. (a) figdtya- (a) Nigéber (6) faraimo6dagodorma- (a) oli-(a) olma oro .
Atalantis sp.Sterculis (4)
(Burm.) Auk yenza. Pandanus Andamanensium (Hindi) keora. . .
Silindi) 841. Mesua ferrea
(Burm.) Gangtia. Heritiera littoralis Anacardiacos Bruguiera sp. Cycas Bumphii Ficus sp. No. 1 Eugenia sp. Ficus (probably macrophylla)
(Burm.) Thisun tue. Chickrassia tabularis
(Burm.) Ngázu. Baccaurea sa pida
s (Hindi) Khatta phal.
(Burm.) Kanazo. Uvaria micrantha Semecarpus (0)
(Burm.) Thikadoe, Clausena (probably Walich Lagerstroemia regina (t hypoleuca) (Burm.) Pima. Leguminosa sp.
örope- (a) (b)) örta-tät- (a) (b) pa- (6) райтаpaitlan )
Semecarpus hably Wallichii)
pdbpdr.

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AUGUST, 1823]
Andamanese name.
párapárad
pdiab
palla
pédag péli- (a) plining
picha- (i)
pliga- (w)
pilita
pirij. pili
pō- (t)
pōr- (a)
porud.
pia.
pélain. (b) palia. (b)
pilta. (b) rd.
rab
rår.
rau
réckereg-l'aba-chal
ridi
rim- (8) rotointálanga-tät
idlapa
DICTIONARY OF THE SOUTH ANDAMAN LANGUAGE
APPENDIX XI-conid.
Botanical name,
Graminen
Meliosma simplicifolia
Asplenium nidus
Gnetum scandens Memecylon varians
Diospyros
Gnetum edule
Afzelia bijuga
Derris scandens
Bambusa Andamanica
Korthalsia (or Calamosagus) sca
phigera.
probably Schmeidelia glabra
Bambuss
Mucuna sp.
Memeoylon (probably capitella
tum). Nipa fruticans
Dendrobium secundum
Phoenix sp.
Eugenia (1)
Ficus laccifera
Eugenia sp. Polyalthia Jenkinsii
Bambusa (3) nana
Celtis (or Gironniera) Syzygium Jambolanum Antitaxis calocarpa
Terminalia trilata (1)
Corypha macropoda
Remarks.
185
(Leaves sometimes used as "aprons" by women. Seedogota and . The kernel of the seed is eaten.
See
Journ. Roy. Anthrop. Inst., Vol. 12, p. 151.
Bastard ebony or marble wood (inferior variety). See bakura(ante). Common cane.
Fibre extensively used, vide Journ. Roy. Anthrop. Inst., Vol. 12, pp. 383-5.
(Female)
(Burm.) Kimberlin.
Male variety, used for making the shaft of the turtle-spear and for poling canoes. (Burm.) Ngâzu sp. No. 1..
Dhunny leaf palm.
(Hindi) Kajur. S (Hindi) Chandan. (Burm.) Tau-ngim. (Hindi) Bargat. (Burm.) Ngiau. (Burm.) Mai-ambu.
Used for making the shafts of the rata-, tirlej-, and tolbód
arrows.
(Burm.) Tingam.
(Burm.) Gangua ngee.
(Burm.)? Ngázu sp. No. 2. Kyu na lin. (Hindi) Chugiam.
or

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186
Andamanese name.
tâpar
tátib- (a) (i)
tî
tökal
tōl
tôp
tôta
ûd- (b) údalaúj- (a) ûl
ûtara
waiña
wânga.
wai'unga.
wilima.
yârlayâtigiyêre
yolba
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
APPENDIX XI-contd.
Botanical name.
Erycibe coriacae
Croton argyratus (Blyth)
Amomum dealbatum (or serieeum) Barringtonia Asiatica
Menispermaceae
Pandanus verus Tetranthera lancoefolia Carapa obovata
Maranta grandis (or Phrynium grande)
Pterospernum acerifolium
Podocarpus polystachia.
Rubiaceae Sterculia sp.
Anodendron paniculatum
[AUGUST, 1922
Remarks.
(Burm.) Chaunu.
(Burm.) Kidsalung.
(Burm.) Pyu.
See App. XIII, item 76. (Burm.) Penleong.
S (Hindi) Jungli saigon. (Burm.) Pânu. (Burm.) Thit min.
See App. XIII, item 64.
(a) Fruit is eaten.
(b) Seed is eaten.
(c) Heart of the tree is eaten.
(d) Pulpy portion of spathe is eaten.
(e) Leaf stems used in manufacture of sleeping-mats. (App. XIII, item 23.) Leaves used for thatching purposes.
(f) Rotten logs used as fuel; leaves used by women as " aprons" (obunga-) (see Journ. Roy. Anthrop. Inst., Vol. 12, pp. 330-1 and App. XIII, item 79.)
(g) Stem of this plant used for the frame and handle of the hand-net (kúd-), see App. XIII, item 20. (h) Leaves used for thatching, for screens (see App. XIII, item 74), for bedding, for wrapping round corpse, for packing focd for journey, prior to cooking, etc.
(i) Rotten logs used as fuel.
(3) Used in manufacture of the fore-shaft of the rata-, tirlej-, tölbod-, and cham- arrows (vide App. XIII, items 2, 3, 4, and 8) and sometimes also the skewer (item 77).
(k) Leaves used for thatching and for bedding.
(7) Leaves used in the manufacture of articles of personal attire (see App. XIII, items 25, 27, 28,
31).
(m) The middle portion of rotten logs used for torches.
(n) Rarely used for making canoes.
(0) Used for adzes, sometimes for foreshafts of arrows and for making children's bows.
(x) Used for making canoes; the resin is employed in making torches.
(y) Used for making canoes, pails, and eating-trays.
(p) Leaves used for the flooring of huts.
(9) Buttress-like slab roots used for making the sounding-boards employed when dancing.
(r) Used for making canoes.
(a) Resin used in manufacture of kanga-ta-baj- (see App. XIII, item 62).
(t) Used in making the gob-, kai-, and sometimes the tog. (see App. XIII, items 82, 80 and 10).
(u) Generally used for making paddles and the leaves for bedding.
(v) Used for making shaft of hog-spear.
(to) Used for making baskets, fastenings of adzes, turtle-spears, torches, (toug-) and of bundles ; also for suspending buckets, for stitching cracks in canoes and in thatching.

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August, 1922)
DICTIONARY OF THE SOUTH ANDAMAN LANGUAGE
187
APPENDIX XII. LIST OF SHELL-FISH COMMONLY KNOWN TO THE ANDAMANESE.
Andamanese name.
Scientific name.
Remarks.
Large edible crab. See Dict.
Scallop. Scorpion shell.
Bouquet-holder shell.
bad-(a) bada-ola- (a) 1 badgi-ola- (a) be chapata (6) chauga-lot-chilul chej- (also chola) chidi. (6) chökotachorom- (a) chowai- (a) che- (a) elagarengaren-ola- (a na-ola- (a) järara-ola- (a) jirka-1jorol- (6) jaruvin-Paka-bang. keamruj. kdradaletta- (a) konop- (a) kai- (a) kaibij. (a) lidolita- (a) mälto- (a) märed. (a) mareno- (a)
Monodonta (1 la beo) Delphinula laciniata Pecten () Indica Pteroceras chiragra Murex tribulus Pinna ( squamosa) Pinna (?) ? Conus eburneus Scolymus cornigerus Tridacna crocea Murex ( palma-roske) Perna ephippium Dentalium octogonum Turbo (?) Nassa (? toenia) Purpura Persica Oyrena () Cerithidea telescopium Solen vagina Trochus ( obeliscus) Arca granosa
Rose-bud shell.
Top-shell. Dog-whelk.
Razor-fish.
Small edible crab. See Dict.
Tridacna squamosa
Prawn. See Diot. Shrimp. See Dict. Is eaten by the Balasoa tribe only. Helmet-shell. King-conch.
Turbo marmoratus Cassis glauca Venus (!) Venus meros Patella variabilis
Pattern-shot Venus Rock-limpet.
1 (a) denotee those that are cooked and eaten by all, while (b) indicates those that are cooked sad eaten by married pommons Only.

Page #298

188
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
(August, 1922
APPENDIX XII-contd.
Andamanete name.
Scientifio name.
Remarks.
nered Mitra adusta
Mitre-shell. odo
Nautilus pompilius ola- (a):
Cerithium ( ? nodulosum) ola-l'ig-wód
Hermit-crab. See Dict. olog.
Strombus (? pugilis) paidek- (a)
Arca () pail. (6) Mytilus smaragdinus
Sea-mussel, pailta. (6)
Pharus (3) pap-ola- (a)
Turbo porphyreticus pete- (a)
Circe (?) pārma- (a)
Arca (?) puluga-l'ar-alang. Dolium latelabris (1 galea) réketo
Hemicardium unedo rökta- (6)
| Сутера (1) lara-ola- (a) Natica albumen tailig-punur.
Conus (? nobilis) teb- (a) Bulla naucum
Bubble-shell. Cypraea Arabica
Cowry.
Mauritiana telim
Talpa
Tigris
, Vitellus til.
Cassis Madagascariensis (? also Queen-conch.
tuberosa) tòiñaOstrea (3)
Eaten many years ago but not
now. tua- (a)
Trochus Niloticus Cyrena (?)
See App. XIII, item 51 (-ta
lit., u-shell). uchupConus textile
Cone shell. dyo7 Turbinella pyrum
Chank (or shank)-shell. wal. (6) Spondylus (?)
Thorny oyster. waka- (a)
Lobster, also craw(or cray)-fish. wangata- (a)
Arca ( granosa) wop- (6) Ostrea (?)
Oyster. yádi-Per-ete- (a) Haliotis glabra (also H. asininus) Ear-shell.
1(a) den otos those that are cooked and eaten by all, while (6) indicates those that are cooked and eaten by married persons only.

Page #299

Plate Xi.
INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
fig. a Natives of Great Andaman at
Port Blair "Home".
fig. b. Back-tattooing, as practised by the
Yerewa tribes. (See Dict'y. p. 24.]
fig. c. Natives of Little Andaman.

Page #300

Plate Xii.
INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
fig, a. Some Inmates of the "Home" at Port Blair. (cir. 1890).
in centre with clay head-covering).
[Note woman-mourner
Ione
fig. b. Port Blair "Home" inmates, 1901.

Page #301

Plate Xiit.
INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
Photo by Bourne & Shepherd. Calcutta fig. a. Types of the early inmates of the "Home" at Port Blair, teir. 1880)
fiy b iroup taken in 1875-6 at Port Blair. The majority are smeared with either
clay or red oxide of iron pigments. (See Paint, items 4 & 5. p. 99 and App. XI).

Page #302


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IND
779
JAH
Indrašila-guhs Mr. Laidlay has identified it with the Giriyek bill, six miles from Rajgir, which is evidently & corruption of Gairik-giri, a large portion of the stones of this hill being of red (gairik) colour. It is a spur of the Bipula range. It is the most easterly of the range of hills in which Rajgir was situated (JASB., XVII, p. 500). The Panchan or Panchanan river flows by its side, and just across the river is situated the ancient Buddhist village called Giriyek. It has two peaks : on the lower peak on the bast is situated the celebrated brick-tower called Jardsindhu-ka-Baithak which was the Hansa-stôpa of the Buddhists. In some portions the moulding of sand and plaster in niches are well preserved. It is said to be the only building in India that has any pretention to be dated before Asoka's reign (Fergusson's Cave Temples of India, p. 33). In front of it there are the remains of a monastery (Safighdráma), & dry well, two tanks and a garden. The western peak which is connected with the Hamsa-stúpa by & pavement is the higher of two : to this peak the name of Giriyek properly belongs : it contains the remains of a vihâra. It is the "Hill of the isolated rook" of Fa Hian. It was on this hill that Indra brought the heavenly musician Pascha Sikhs to play on his lute before Buddha, and questioned the latter on forty-two points, which questions he traced with hie finger on the ground (Legge's Fa Hian, p. 80). According to the Buddhist account, the cave was situated in the rook Vedi, at the north side of the Brahman village Ambasanda,
on the east of Rajagriha (Spence Hardy's Manual of Buddhism, p. 298). Iran-Persia, which was so-called from its colonisation by the ancient Aryans, the
ancestors of the modern Parsis, who settled there after they left the Punjab: see Ariana
(JASB., 1838, p. 420). Irana-The Runn of Cutch, the word Runn or Ran is evidently a corruption of
Irana, which means a salt land (Amara-kosha): It is the Eirinon of the Periplus of the
Erythraean Sea. Iravati-1. The Ravi (Hydraotes of the Greeks). 2. The Rapti in Oudh (Garuda P.,
oh. 81). Rapti is also said to be a corruption of Revati. Isalla-Kesariya, in the district of Champaran, where Buddha in a former birth appeared
as a Chakravartti monarch. A stúpa was raised at this place to commemorate the gift of the Alms-bowl by Buddha to the Lichchhavis when he parted with them (Fa Hian, and Arch. S. Rep. XVI, p. 16). The ruins of this stôpa are known to the people by the name of Raja Ben-ka-deord, Raja Bena being one of the Chakravartti kings of ancient time.
Jahnavi-Same as Ganga (Harivamia, I, ch. 27). See Jahng-Asrama. Jahnu-Asrama The hermitage of Jahnu Muni is at Sultangunj (E. I. Railway) on
the west of Bhagalpur. The temple of Gaibinatha Mahadeva, which is on the site of the hermitage of Jahnu Muni, is situated on a rock which comes out from the bed of the Ganges in front of Sultanganj. The river Ganges (Ganga) on her way to the ocean, was quaffed down in a draught by the Muni when interrupted in his meditation by the rush of the water, and was let out by an incision on his thigh at the interession by Bhagiratha: hence the Ganges is called Jahnavi or the daughter of Jahnu Rishi. It is the Zanghera of Martin (Indian Empire, vol. III, p. 37 and Eastern India, VOL. II, p. 37), or Jahngira which is a contraction of Jahnu-giri according to Dr. R. L. Mitra (JASB., vol. XXXIII, p. 360), and of Jahnu-griha according to General Cunningham (Arch. 8. Rep., VOL. XV, p. 21). The Pagdas of Gaibinâtha Mahadeva live in the village of Jahngira whtoh is at a short distance from the temple. The hermitage of Jahnu Muni is

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JAJ
•
80
JAN
also pointed out at Bhairavaghati below Gangotri in Garwal at the junction of the Bhagirathi and the Jahnavi, where the Ganges is said to have been quaffed by the ishi (Fraser's Himala Mountains, p. 476). For other places which are pointed out as the hermitage of Jahnu (soe Gau gå and my Notes on Ancient Anga in JASB., vol. X (1914), p. 340). There was a Buddhist Monastery at Sultanganj itself which contained
& colossal copper statue of Buddha constructed in the 5th century A.D. Jajahuti-Same as Jejabhukti. Its capital was Kajuraha at the time of Alberuni in
the eleventh century (Alberuni's India, vol. I, p. 202). Jajatipura-Jajpur (see Yajñapura and Yay&tipura). Jalandhara-Jalandhar, a town near the western bank of the Sutlej in the Punjab : same
as Trigartta. (Hemakoska). The name is derived from its founder, the Asura Jalandhara, the son of the Ganges by the Ocean (Padma P., Uttara, ch. 51). It is the head-quarters of the district called Jalandhara Doab or Jalandharapitha lying between the Bias and
the Sutlej. It is the Kulindrina of Ptolemy; but see Kulinda-desa. Jalpisa-See Japyesvara. It is situated on the west of the river Tists in the district
of Jalpaiguri in Bengal (Kalika P., 77). The name of Jalpaiguri is evidently
derived from this Tîrtha. Jamadagni-Asrama-1. Zamania, in the district of Ghazipur, the hermitage of Rishi
Jamadagni. Zamánia is & corruption of Jamadagniya. 2. The hermitage of the Rishi is also pointed out at Khaira Dih in the Ghazipur district opposite to Bhagalpur. 3. At Mahasthanagad, seven miles north of Bogra in Bengal (Katha-sarit-ságara, II, 1;
Skanda P., Brahma Kh., ch. 5, vs. 147, 150). It is also called Parasurama-Agrams. Jambodvipa-India. The ancient name of India as known to the Chinese wes Shin-tup
or Sindhu (Legge's Fa Hian, p. 26). See Sindhu and Bharatavarsha. Jambukesvara.-Tiruvanaikaval between Trichinopoly and Srirangam (Devi P., ch. 102):
see Srirangam, Jambumârga-Kalinjar (Prof. H. Wilson's Vishnu P., Bk. II, ch. XIII note). But this identification does not appear to be correct (see Mbh. Vana, chs. 87 and 89). The Agni P., (ch. 109) places Jambumárga between Pushkara and Mount Abu, and mentions Kalajara separately as a place of pilgrimage in the same chapter. Jambu is placed
in Mount Abu (Skanda P., Arbbuda Kh., ch. 60). Jamunotri-See Yamunotrl. A sacred spot in the Bandarpuchchha range of the Himalaya
considered to be the source of the river Yamuna (Jamuna) near the junction of three streams. The particular spot which obtains the name of Jamunotri is a little below the place where the various small streams, formed on the mountain-brow by the melting of sow, unite and fall into a basin below. Jamunotri is eight miles from Kursali. At a short distance from the latter is a celebrated hot spring, issuing from the bed of a torrent which falls into the Jamund at a place called Banass: it is considered by the Hindus to be exceedingly holy (Martin's Indian Empire IUustrated, vol. II, pp. 11-20;
Fraser's Tour through the Himala Mountains, oh. 26). Janasthana-Aurangabad and the country between the Godavari and the Krishņâ : it was
& part of the Dandakâranya of the Ramayana (Arapya, ch. 49). Paschavati or Nasik was included in Janasthana (Ibid, Uttara, ch. 81). According to Mr. Pargiter, it is the region on both banks of the Godavari, probably the country around the junction of that river with the Pranhita or Waingaiga (JRAS., 1894., p. 247).

Page #305

JAP
81
JHA
Japyeśvara–Japyesvara of the Linga P. (Pt. I, ch. 43), and Japyesvara of the Siva P.,
(Pt. IV, ch. 47) are the Jalpisa (q. v.) of the Kalikå P., (ch. 77). Nandî, the principal attendant of Siva, performed anceticism at this place. In the Kalikd P. (ch. 77), it has been placed to the north-west of Kamarpa in Asgam with the five rivers called Panchanada (q. v.) in the Linga P. (Pt. I, ch. 43). But the Karma P. (Uttara, ch. 42) places it near the Ocean (agara). Soe, however, Shadaranya and Nandigiri, The Vardha
P., ch. 214 appears to place Japye vara near Sleshmätaka or Gokarna. Jasnaul-Bara-Banki in Oudh. Jas, a Raja of the Bhar tribe is said to have founded it
in the tenth century (Führer's MAI.). Jaţa parvata-The Jataphatka mountain in Dancakaranya, in which the Godêvarî has
its source. See Godavari (Devi P., ch. 43). Jatodbhara-The river Jatoda, a tributary of the Brahmaputra, which flows through the
district of Jalpaiguri and Kuch Bihar (Kalika P., ch. 77). Jangada-The fort of Jaugada, eighteen miles to the north-west of Ganjam, contains an
edict of Asoka inscribed upon a rock ( Arch. 8. Rep., vol. XIII; Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, vol. I). The rock which bears the edict of Asoka (dating about 250 B.C.), is four miles to the west of Purushottapur in the district of Ganjam, Madras Presidency, on the north bank of the Rishikulya (Ind. Ant., I, 219). JAVALI-par-Jabbalpur (Bhagavanlal Indraji's Early History of Gujarat, p. 203; Prabandha
chintamani, Tawney's Trans., p. 161). Jayant-1. Jyntia in Assam (Tantrachudamani). 2. Same as Baijayanti (JRAS., 1911,
p. 810). See Banavasi. Jolabhukti-The ancient name of Bundelkhand, the kingdom of the Chandratreyas or the
Chandels. Its capitals were Mahoba and Kharjuraha (Ep. Ind., vol. I, p. 218). Kaliñjara was the capital of the Chandels after it had been conquered by Yasovarman. The name was corrupted into Jajahuti (Alberuni's India, Vol. I, p. 202) and Jajhoti (Cunningham's
Anc. Geo., p. 481). Jotavana-vihara Joginibhariya mound, one mile to the south of Sravasti. Buddha
rosided and proached here for some time. The Vihara was erected in & garden by Sudatta, a rich merchant of Sravasti, who for his charity was called Anathapindika: he gave it to Buddha and his disciples for their residence. It was a favourite residence of Buddha (Chullavagga, Pt. VI, chs. 4 and 9). The garden formerly belonged to Jeta, son of king Prasenajit, who sold it to Anathapindika for gold masurans sufficient to cover the whole area (amounting to 18 Kogis of masurans). It contained two temples called Gandhakuți and Kosamba-kuți and a sacred mango-tree planted by Ananda at the request of Buddha (Cunningham's Stúpa of Bharahut, p. 86).
See grävasti. Jotattara-Nagari, 11 miles north of Chitore. It was the capital of Sivi or Mewar (Jatakas,
vi, 246; Arch. 8. Rep., vi, 196). Jetuttara is evidently the Jattaraur of Alberuni, the
capital of Mewar (Alberuni's India, I, p. 202). See Sivi. Jharakhanda-Chota or Chutia Nagpur: Kokra of the Muhammadan historians, Madhu Sing, Raja of Chutia Nagpur, was conquered, and the country was annexed to the Mughal dominion by Akbar in A.D. 1585. According to Dr. Buchanan, all the hilly region between Birbhum (anciently called Vira-desa, the capital of which was Nagara) and Bonardo www.called Jharakhapda (Martin's Lantern India, I, p. 32). It also included the

Page #306

JIR
82
ΚΑΙ
Santal Pargana (Maha-Lingewara Tantra). Chutia, now an insignificant village two mileg to the east of Ranchi, was, according to tradition, the earliest capital of the Nagavamsi Râjâs of Chota Nagpur, the descendants of the Naga (snake) Puņdarika (Bradloy.Birt's Chota Nagpur, chs. I, III). Jirşanagara-Juner in the district of Poona. Acoording to Dr. Bhandarkar (Hist.
of the Dekkan, sec. viii), it was the capital of the Kshatrapa king Nahapana whose
dynasty was subverted by Pulamayi, king of Paithan. Jushkapura-Zukur in Kasmira. . Jvalamukhi-A celebrated place of pilgrimage (Devi-Bhagavata, vii, 38), 22 miles south
of Kangra and 10 miles north-west of Nadaun in the Kohistan of the Jalandhara Doab in the Dehra sub-division of the Kangra district, being one of the Pithas where Sati's tongue is said to have fallen Tantra-chudamani. The town is thus desoribed by W. H. Parish in JASB., vol. XVIII: "The town of Jválâmukhf is large and straggling, and is built at the base of the western slope of the Jvalamukhi or Chungar-ki-dbar. The town with the wooded slopes of Chungar forming the background, and the valley spread out before it, has a very picturesque appearance from a distance." The celebrated temple has been cut out of the volcanio rook. It possesses no aro bitectural beauty, nor anything worthy of notioo exoopt natural jets of gas whioh are ton in number, five being within the temple and five on its walls. The temple contains the image of Ambika or Matesvari, but General Cunningham says that there is no idol of any kind, the flaming figure being considered as the fiery mouth of the goddess whose headless body is in the temple of Bhawan (Arch. S. Rep., vol. V, p. 171). According to an ancient tradition, the flame issued from the mouth of the Daitya Jalandhara. It is evidently the Bačava of the Mahabharata (Vana, oh. 82). The Jvalamukhi mountain is 3,284 feet high, the temple
being at a height of 1,882 feet. Jyotiratha-A tributary of tho river Sona (Mbh., Vana P., oh. 85). It has been identified with
the Johila, the southern of the two sources of the Sons (Pargiter's Markandeya P., P. 296). Jyotirlingas-For the twelve Jyotir-liógas of Mahadeva, see Amarosvara. Jyotirmasha-One of the four Machas established by Sarkarkohäryya, at Badrinath
(see Sriógagirl). It is now oallod Joshimath on the Alskinandå in Kumaun. Jyotisha-Same as Jyotiratha (Vishnu Samhita, ch. 85).
K Kabandha-The territory of Sarik-kul and its capital Tashkurghan in the Tagdambash Pamir. It is the Kie-pan-to of Hiuen Tsiang (Sir Henry Yule's Marco Polo, vol. I, pp.
164, 163, 166 ; Dr. Stein's Sand-buried Ruins of Khotan, p. 72). Bee Kupatha. Kachchha.-1. Cutch: it was called Marukachchha (By ihat-samhita, ch. XIV) in contra
distinction to Kaasik Kachchha. 2. Kaira (Kheda) in Gujarat, a large town between Ahmadabad and Cambay (Sambày), on the river Betravati (present Båtrak). 3. Ferhaps
Uch (see ŚOdraka). 4. Kachar in Assam. Kallasa.-The Kailasa mountain : it is the Kangrinpoche of the Tibetans, situated about
25 miles to the north of Manas-sarovara beyond Gangri which is also called Darchin. and to the east of the Niti Pass. (Batten's Ntti Pass in J ASB., 1838, p. 314.) It is & spur of the Gangri range, and is said to be the abode of Mahadeva and Parvati. "In pioturesque beauty" says H. Strachoy in JASB., 1848, p. 168, “Kailass far surpasses the big Gurla or any other of the Indian Himalaya that I have ever seen : it is full of majestyking of mountains." Through the ravines on either side of the mountain is the passage

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83
KAL
by which the pilgrims perform their perambulation in two days. The identification of the Kiunlun range with Kailasa is a mistake (see Map of Tibet in Dr. Waddell's Lhasa and its Mysteries, p. 40). The Mahabharata, Vana (chs. 144, 156) and the Brahmâṇḍa P., (ch, 51) include the mountains of the Kumaun and Garwal in the Kailasa range (see Vikra. morvait, Act IV; Fraser's Himala Mountains, p. 470). Badrikâ-âsrama is said to be situated on the Kailasa mountain (Mbh., Vana P., ch. 157). The Kailasa mountain is also called Hemakûta (Mbh., Bhishma P., ch. 6). Four rivers are said to rise from Gangri, from the mountain or the lakes; the Indus on the north is fabled to spring from the mouth of the Lion, the Satadru on the west from the Ox, the Karnali on the south from the Peacock, and the Brahmaputra on the east from the Horse [JASB. (1848), p. 329]. Sven Hedin says, "The spring at Dolchu is called Langchenkabat, or the mouth out of which the Elephant river (i.e., the river Sutlej as called by the Tibetans) comes, just as Brahmaputra's source is the Singi-kabab, or the mouth from which the Lion river issues. The fourth in the series is the Mapcha-Kamba, the Peacock river or Karnali (Sven Hedin's Trans-Himalaya, vol. II, p. 103). For the description of the Kailasa mountain [see Sven Hedin's Trans-Himalaya, vol. II, ch. 51, and H. Strachey's Narrative of a Journey to Cho Lagan (Râkhas Tâl) in JASB., 1848, pp. 157, 158]. Kailasa mountain is the Ashţâ pada mountain of the Jainas. According to Mr. Sherring, the actual circuit round the holy mountain occupies, on an average, three days, the distance being about 25 miles. The water of the Gauri-kunda, which is a sacred lake that remains frozen all the year round, has to be touched during the circuit. Darchan is the spot where the circuit usually begins and ends (Sherring's Western Tibet, p. 279). But it is strange that none of the travellers mention anything about the temple of Hara and Pârvatî who are said to reside in the mountain.
Kaira Mall-The Kaimur range, which is situated in the name of a mountain [JASB., (1877), p. 16]. evidently a corruption of Kairamâli. Kajinghara-Same as Kajughira. Kajughira-Kajeri, ninety-two miles from Champå (Beal's R. W.C., Vol. II, p. 193n.). Cunningham identifies it with Kankjol, sixty-seven miles to the east of Champå or Bhagalpur. Kajughira is a contraction of Kubjâgriha. It may be identified with Kajra, one of the stations of E.I. Railway in the district of Monghyr. Three miles to the south are many remains of the Buddhist period, and many hot springs. Kakanada-Sanchi in the Bhopal territory, celebrated for its Buddhist topes. Bhagavanlal Indraji first pointed out that the ancient name of Sâñchi was Kâkanâda (Corp. Ins. Ind., vol. III, p. 31). Kakautha-The small stream Barhi which falls into the Chhota Gandak, eight miles below Kasia (Cunningham's Anc. Geo., p. 435). Carlleyle has identified it with the river Ghâgî, one and half miles to the west of Chitiyaon in the Gorakhpur district. See Kakushta (Mahaparinibbana Sutta, ch. IV and Arch. S. Rep., vol. XXII.) Lassen identifies Kakauthis of Arrian with the Bagmati of Nepal (McCrindle's Megasthenes and Arrian, p. 189 n.). Kalachampå Same as Champâpuri (Maha-Janaka Jataka in the Jatakas, vi, 20, 28; 127). Kaladi-Kaladi or Kalati in Kerala, where, according to the Sankaravijaya, Sankaracharyya
the ancient Kaira-desa, máli being Same as Kimmritya. Kaimur is
was born in the seventh century of the Christian era. See Kerala. His father's name was Sivaguru. Guru Govinda Ganda Padyacharya Vedantist initiated him into Sannyasihood on the banks of the Nerbada. Govindanatha was himself the disciple of Gouḍapada (Ibid., ch. V, v. 105).

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84
KAL
Kalahagrâma-Kahalgaon or Colgong in the district of Bhagalpur in Bengal. The
name is said to be derived from the pugnacious character of Rishi Durvâsâ, who lived in the neighbouring hill called the Khalli-påhâd. Kalahasti-In the North Arcot district (Ep. Ind., vol. I, p. 368; vol. III, pp. 116, 240), one mile from the Renugunta railway station. It was a celebrated place of pilgrimage (Sankara vijaya, ch. 14) on the river Suvarnamukhari. The great temple contains the Vayu (Wind) image of Mahadeva, which is one of the Bhautika or elementary images. The lamp over the head of this phallic image which is called Urnanâbha Mahadeva is conti. nually oscillating on account of the wind blowing from below, while the lamps in other
parts of the temple do not oscillate at all. See Chidambaram, KAlakavana.-The Rajmahal bills in the Province of Bihar (Patañjali's Mahabhdehya. II, 4.
10: Baudhayana, I, 1,2 ; Kunte's Vicissitudes of Aryan Civilization, p. 380). See Aryavartta Kala-Kunga.-Golkanda in the Nizam's territory, formerly celebrated for its diamond mines. Gowâl-kunda is a corruption of Kalakunda. It was the birthplace of Madhava
chârya, the author of the Sarwadarianasdra-samgraha and other works. Kalañjara.–Kalinjar, in the Badausa sub-division of the Banda district in Bundelkhand
(Padma P. Svarga, ch. 19, v. 130 and Siva P., IV, ch. 16). It was the capital of Jejabhakti (Bundelkhand) at the time of the Chandelas after it was conquered by Yagovarman (Ep. Ind., vol. I, p. 218). It contains the temple of Nilakantha Mahadeva (Vamana P., ch. 84) and lso that celebrated place of pilgrimage called Kota-tirtha within the fort, the erectio of which is attributed to Chandra Barmmah, the traditional founder of the Chandel family, though the inscriptions mention Nannuks as the founder of the dynasty; see, however, Mahotsavanagara. There is also a colossal figure of Kala Bhairava with eighteen arms and garlands of skull and snake armlets within the fort (Arch. 8. Rep., vol. XXI). The tirtha called Hiranya-Vinda is also situated at this place (Mbh., Vana, ch. 87). The hill of Kalinjar is also called Rabichitra (JASB., XVII, (1848), p. 171). For
the inscriptions of Kalinjar, see p. 313 of the Journal Kalapa-grama.-A village where Maru and Devâpi, the last kings of the Solar and Lunar
races respectively, performed asceticism to re-appear again as kings of Ayodhya and Hastinapurs after the subversions of the Mechchha kingdoms by Kalki, the tenth incar. nation of Vishnu (Kalli P., Pt. III, ch. 4). According to the Mahabhidrata, Maushals, (ch. 7); Bhagavata P.,(X, ch.87, v. 7), and the Brihal-Naradiye P., (Uttara, sh. 66), Kalapa grâms appears to have been situated on the Himalaya near Badarile arama. In the Vayu P., ch. 91, Kalápa is placed among the Himalayan countries where Urvm passed sometime with Purtravå. According to Capt. Raper, Kalapegrims is near the source of the Sarasvati, a tributary of the AlakAnandA, in Badrinath in Garwal (Asia. Res., vol.
XI, p. 524). Kan—The Kalt Nadi (west), a tributary of the Hindan: it flows through the Saharanpur
and Muzaffarnagar districts, United Provinces (Matsya P., ch. 22). Kalighata.-Near Calcutta. It is one of the Pithas where the four toes of Sati's right foot
are said to have fallen. The name of Calcutta is derived from KAligbåt. Golam Husain in his Riyaz-us-Salatin says that the name of Calcutta has been derived from KA-kartta as the profit of the village was devoted to the worship of the goddess Kalf. In the Mahdlingarchana Tantra, it is mentioned as Kali-pftha, and as the pilgrims bathed in the Ghat before worshipping the goddess, the place became oelebrated by the name of Kaligh& . Some derive the name of Calcutta from Kilkild of the Parkņas. See kiikta.

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Kalika-Sangama-The confluence of the Kaasiki and the Arupá (Padma P., Svarga,
ch. 19). KAli-Nadi (East)-A river which rising in Kumaun joins the Ganges (Vamana P., ch. 13).
The town of Sankhaya stood on the east bank of this river. It is also called Kalinf or Kalindi. Kanauj stands on the western bank of the eastern Kalf-Nadi, 3 or 4 miles from its junction with the Ganges. From its source to its junction with the Dhaval&-ganga, Gouri and Chandrabhågå, it is called Kali-gaiga, and after its junction, it is known by the
name of Kali-nadi. Kallnda-Desa-A mountainous country situated in the Bandarapuchchha range of the
Himalaya, where the Jamuna has got its source; hence the river is called Kalindi. Same as Kulinda-dea. The Kalinda-giri is also called Yamuna Parvata (Ramdyana, Kishkindhå
K., ch. 40). Kalindi—The river Jamana. See Kalinda-desa. Kalliga The Northern Circars : a country lying on the south of Orissa and north of Dravida
on the border of the sea. According to General Cunningham, it was between the Godavari river on the south-west and the Gaolya branch of the Indråvati river on the north-west (Cunningham's Anc. Geo., p. 515). It was between the Mahanadi and the Godavari (according to Rapson's Ancient India, p. 164). Its chief towns were Manipura, Rajapura or Rajamahendri (Mbh., Adi, ch. 215; Sânti, ch. 4). At the time of the Mahabharata, a large portion of Orissa was included in Kalinga, its northern boundary being the river Baitarani (Vana, ch. 113). At the time of Kalidasa, however, Utkala (Orissa) and Kalinga were separate kingdoms (Raghwania, IV). It became independent of Magadha shortly after the death of Asoka in the third oentury B.O., and retained its independence at least ap to the time of Kanishka, Kaluga-Nagara-The ancient name of Bhuvanesvara in Orissa. The name was changed
into Bhuvanesvars at the time of Lalatendu Kesari in the seventh century A. C. It was the capital of Orissa from the sixth century B.o. to the middle of the fifth century A.o. (Dr. R. L. Mitra's Antiquities of Orissa, vol. II, p. 62 and Dadakumaracharita, ch. 7.) But it has now been identified with Mukhalingam, a place of pilgrimage 20 miles from Parlakimedi in the Ganjam district (Ep. Ind., vol. III, p. 220). It contains many Buddhist and Hindu remains. The temple of Madhukesvara Mahadeva is the oldest, and that of Somebyara Mabadeva the prettiest. These old temples still bear numerous inscriptions and excellent soulptures. The adjoining Nagarakatakam also contains some interesting remains and a statue of Buddha. But according to the Parlakimedi inscriptions of Indravarman, king of Kalinga, Kalinga-nagata is Kalingapetam at the mouth of the Bam. gadhârå river in the Ganjam district (Ind. Ant., XVI, 1887, p. 132). The K.Ch. (composed in 1577 A.D.), places it on the river Kampsa which is different from the Kasai. Kalinganagara, however, appears to have been the general name of "he capitals of Kaliiga which were different at different periods, as Manipura, Rajapura, Bhuvanesvara, Pishtapura,
Jayantapura, Simhapura, Mukhalinga, etc. Kaunjara-Kalinjar in Bundelkhand. The fort was built by the Chandel king Kirát
Brahma : it contains the shrine of Mahadeva Nilakantha and the Tirtha called Rotatirtha (Matsya P., ch. 180; Lieut. Maisey's Description of the Antiquities of Kalinjar
in JASB., XVII, p. 171). See Kålañjara. KAK-Pitha-Same as Kalighafa (Tantrachudamani).

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Kalkl-Tutikorin at the mouth of the river Tamraparni in Tinnevelly : it is the Sesikourai
of Ptolemy (McCrindle's Ptolemy, p. 67). It was formerly the capital of Pandya
(sce Kolkai). Kalyanapura-Kaliani or Kalyana, thirty six miles west of Bidar in the Nizam's territory.
It was the capital of Kuntala-desa (aee Kantala-desa). In the beginning of the seventh century A.D., the Chalukyas were divided into two main branches,--the Western Chalukyas in the Western Deccan and the Eastern Chalukyas in that part of the Pallava country which lies between the Krishņd and the Godåvari (Rapson's Indian Coins, p. 37). Ahavamalla or Somebyara, one of the latter Chalukya kings of the Deccan, founded this city in the eleventh century and removed his seat of government from Manyakheta (Malkhet) to this place (Dr. Bhandarkar's History of the Dekkan, see. xii; but - 866 Indian Antiquary, vol. I, p. 209). Vijñanebvara, the author of the Mitakshard, flourished in the court of Tribhuvanamalla Vikramaditya II, the second son of Somesvara I, who reigned from 1076 to 1126 A.D., and who was the most powerful monarch of the Chalukya dynasty (Dr. Burnell's South Indian Palæography, p. 56). Bilhana also flourished in the court of this king in the eleventh century. He was the author of the Vikramdi kadeva-charita which was written about 1085 A.D. (Dr. Bahler's Introduction to the work, p. 23). The kings of Kalyana were also called kings of Karnata. According to the Vdeava Puriņa, Bijala Raya, the last king of Kalyana, was a Jaina. Ho persecuted the followers of Vasava, who was his minister, and was the founder of the Lingait or Jangams sect of Saivas. Bijala was assassinated in his own palace by Jagaddeva, a Lingait, at the insti. gation of Vasava. After the death of the king, Kalyana was destroyed by internal dissension (see Garrett's Classical Dictionary of India, 8. v. Vasava Purana ; Wilson's Mackenzie Collection, pp. 311-320). But it appears that Kalyana ceased to be the capital on
the fall of the Kalachuris. Kama-Asrama-Karon, eight miles to the north of Korantedi in the district of Balia
Mahadeva is said to have destroyed Madana, the god of love, at this place with the fire of his third eye in the forehead (Ramdyana, Bala, ch. 23). It was situated at the confluence of the Sarayu and the Ganges, but the Sarayu has now receded far to the east of this place, and joins the Ganges Dear Singhi, eight miles to the east of Chapra in Saran. The place contains a temple of Kamesvaranatha or Kauleivaranatha Mahadeva. It is the same as Madana-tapovana of the Raghuvanda (ch. II, v. 18). But according to the Standa P., (Avanti Kh., Avanti-kshetramáhatmya, ch. 34), the incident took place at Deva
daruvana in the Himalaya. Kama-Girl-See Kamakhya (Deut-Bhagavala, viii, 11). Kåmåkhyl-1. In Assam (Brihat-Dharma P., I, 14): see Kamarapa. 2. In the Punjab :
a place of pilgrimage (Padma P., Svarga, ch. 11) on the river Devika. 3. Same as
Mayapurt (Brihat-Siva P., I, ch. 16). Kåmakoshthi (Kamakoshņi)-1. Kumbhaconum in the province of Madras. It was the ancient capital of Chola (Bhagavata, Bk. X, ch. 79; Chaitanya charitamrita, Madhya, ch.9 : Life of Chaitanya, p. 43 published by the Buddhist Text Society). But this identification
is doubtful. 2. Same as Kamdlhyd (Brihad-Dharmma P., Parva, ch. 14). Kamalanka-Comilla : it was the capital of Tipard in the sixth century. Most probably
it is the Komalê of the Vayu P., (II, ch. 37, v. 369) and Kiamolongkia of Hiuen
Tsiang.

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Kamarupa-Assam: on the north, it included Bhutan, on the south it was bounded by the confluence of the Brahmaputra and the Lakhya and Banga, and included Manipur, Jayantiya, Kachhar, and parts of Mymensingh and Sylhet (Buchanan's Account of Rangpur in JASB., 1838, p. 1). It included also Rangpur which contained the country-residence of Bhagadatta, king of Kâmarûpa (Ibid., p. 2). The modern district of Kâmrup extends from Goâlpârâ to Gauhati. Its capital is called in the Puranas Prâgjyotisha (Kalika P., ch. 38) which has been identified with Kamakhya, or Gauhâti (JRAS., 1900, p. 25). Kâmâkhya is one of the Pithas, containing the temple of the celebrated Kâmâkhyâ Devi on the Nila hill or Nilakûta-parvata (Kalika P., ch. 62); it is two miles from Gauhâti. Râjâ Nîladhvaja founded another capital Komotapura (the modern Kamatapur in Cooch-Behar, Imp. Gaz., s. v. Rangpur District). On the opposite or north side of the river Brahmaputra is situated a hill called Asva-krântâ-parvata where Krishna is said to have fought with Narakasura (Brihat-Dharma P., Madhya Kh., ch. 10 and Brahma P., ch. 51; JRAS., 1900, p. 25). Bhagadatta, son of Naraka, was an ally of Duryodhana (Mahabharata, Udyoga, ch. 4). The Yogini-Tantra (Pârva Kh., ch. 12) has preserved some legends about the successors of Naraka. For the stories of Mayanâvati's son Gopichandra and his son Gavachandra, see JASB., 1838, p. 5. The Ahom kings came into Assam from the east at the beginning of the thirteenth century. The immediate cause of their emigration was the breaking up of the Chinese Empire by the Moguls, for at the time when Chukapha fixed himself in Assam, Kublai had just established himself in China (JASB., 1837, p. 17). The word "Ahom " is perhaps a corruption of Bhauma, as the descendants of Narakasura were called (Kalika P., ch. 39). For the later history of Kâmarûpa under the Muhammadans, see Asiatic Researches, Vol. II. The temple of Tâmresvari Devi or the copper temple, called by Buchanan the eastern Kâmâkhyâ, on the river Dalpani, is situated near the north-eastern boundary of the ancient Kâmarûpa (JASB., XVII, p. 462).
Kamberikhon-According to Ptolemy, it is the third mouth of the Ganges; it is a transcription of Kumbhirakhatam or the Crocodile-channel. It is now represented by the Bangara estuary in the district of Khulna in Bengal (see my Early Course of the Ganges in the Indian Antiquary, 1921).
Kamboja-Afghanistan: at least its northern part (Márkandeya P., ch. 57 and Manu, ch. X). According to Dr. Stein (Rajatarangini, Vol. I, p. 136), the eastern part of Afghanistan was called Kamboja. The name of " Afghan," however, Iras evidently been derived from Asvakan, the Assakenoi of Arrian (McCrindle's Megasthenes and Arrian, p. 180). It was celebrated for its horses (Mbh., Sabhâ P., chs. 26 and 51). Its capital was Dvårakâ, which should not be confounded with Dwarka in Gujarât (Dr. Rhys Davids' Buddhist India, p. 28). See Loha. Th Shiaposh tribe, which now resides on the Hindukush mountain is said to have descended from the Kâmbojas.. In the Girnar and Dhauli inscriptions of Asoka, Kamboja is mentioned as Kambocha, and according to Wilford, Kamboja was classed with the mountain of Ghazni (JASB., 1838, pp. 252, 267).
Kambyson-According to Ptolemy, it is the name of the westernmost mouth of the Ganges. It is evidently a corruption of Kapilasrama (see my Early Course of the Ganges in Ind. Ant. 1921.)
Kankali-1. One of the fifty-two Pithas situated on a burning ground near the river Kopai, where it takes a northernly course, in the district of Birbhum in Bengal. The name of the goddess is Kankali. 2. For Kankali Tila, see Mathura,

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ΚΑΝ
Kampilya-Kampil, twenty-eight miles north-east of Fathgad in the Farrakhabad district,
United Provinces. It is situated on the old Ganges, between Budaon and Farrakhabad. It was the capital of Raja Drupada, who was king of South Pafchala, and was the scene of Draupadi's Svayamvara (Mbh., Adi P., ch. 138; Ramayana, Adi, ch. 23). Drupada's palace is pointed out as the most easterly of the isolated mounds on the bank of the Buda-Ganga. . Its identification with Kampil by General Cunningham (Arch. S. Rep., I,
p. 255) and by Führer (MAI.) appears to be correct and reasonable. Kamasvatt-The river Kasai in Bengal. But see Kapisa (river). It is perhaps the Koså of
the Mahabharata (Bhishma, ch. 9). Kamsâvati and Kasai are separately mentioned in
K.Ch., p. 197. Kamyakavana-The Kâmyaka-vana of the Mahabharata was situated on the bank of the
Sarasvati (Vana P., ch.5; Vamana P., ch. 34), and is not identical with Kâmyavana in the district of Mathura. Kamyaka-vana was then a romantic wilderness in Kurukshetra (Vamana P., ch. 34, v. 4), where at Kamoda, six miles to the south-east of Thânesvar, Draupadi-ka-bhåndár is pointed out as the place where Draupadi cooked food for her husbands, the Pandavas, during their sojourn at that place after Yudhishthira lost his
kingdom by gambling with the Kurus (Arch. 8. Rep., vol. XIV). Kanaka-Travancore. Same as Mushika (Padma P., Svarga, Adi, ch. 3; Garrett's Class.
Dic.). Kanakavati --Kankotah or Kanakkot, sixteen miles west of Kosam on the southern bank
of the Yamuna near its junction with the river Baisuni. (Dr. Hoey's Identification of
Kusindra, dc. in J ASB., 1900, p. 85; Ava. Kalp., ch. 106). Kanakhala-It is now a small village two miles to the east of Hurdwar at the junction
of the Ganges and Niladhara. It was the scene of Daksha-yajla of the Puranas (Karma P., Uparibhaga, ch. 36; Vamana P., chs. 4 and 34). The Mahabharata (Vana P., ch. 84) describes it as a place of pilgrimage, but states that the sacrifice was performed at Harid våra (Mbh., Salya, ch. 281). The Linga P., says that Kanakhala is near Gange
dvdra, and Daksha performed his sacrifice at this place (Linga P., Pt. I, ch. 100). Kanchipura-Konjeveram (Mbh., Bhishma, ch. IX), the capital of Dravida or Chola
(Padma P., Uttara, ch. 74), on the river Palar, forty-three miles south-west of Madras. The portion of Drâvida, in which it is situated, was called Tonda-mandala. The eastern portion of the town is called Vishnu-Kanchi and the western portion Siva-Kanchi, inhabi. ted by the worshippers of Vishnu Varada Raja and Siva called Ekâmranatha (with his consort Kamakshi Devi) respectively (Padma P., Uttara, ch. 70; Wilson's Mackenzie Collection, pp. 146, 191). See Chidambaram. Sankaracharya constructed the temple of Vishnu called Vishnu-KAñchi at Kanchi (Ananda Giri's Sarkaravijaya, ch. 67). At Biva-Kafiobi exista his tomb or Samadhi with his statue upon it within the precincts of the temple of KamAkshf Devi. The town contains the celebrated Tirtha called SivaGanga. It possessed & University (see Nalanda). The Pallava dynasty reigned at Conjeveram from the fifth to the ninth century of the Christian era, when they were overthrown by the Chola kings of Tanjore, which was also the capital of Chola or Drâvida. Kanchipura is said to have been founded by Kulottunga Cholan on the site of a forest called Kurumbar-bhumi (Mackenzie Manuscripts in JASB., vii, Pt. I, pp. 399, 403), which was afterwards called Tonda-mandala.

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Kanhagiri - Kanheri in the Province of Bombay. It is the Krishna-gaila of the Kanheri
inscription (Rapson's Catalogue of Coins of the Andhra Dynasty, Intro., p. xxxiii). Kanishkapura-Kanikhpur or Kampur, ten miles to the south of Srinagar. It was founded
by Kanishka, who in 78 A.D., convened the last Buddhist synod, which gave rise to the Saka era. Kantaka-Dvipa-See Katadvipa. Kanţaka-Nagara-Katwa in the district of Burdwan in Bengal. It was visited by
Chaitanya (Chailanya-Bhagavata, Madhya, ch. 26). See Katadvipa. Kantaraka-See Aranyaka. Kantipuri --1. Identified by Cunningham with Kotwal, twenty-niles north of Gwalior
(Skanda P., Nagara Kh., ch. 47; Arch. s. Rep., Vol. II, p. 308). 2. According to Wright (Hist. of Nepal, pp. 9, 154), Kantipura or Kåntipuri is one of the ancient names of Kat. mandu in Nepal. 3. The Vishnu P. (Pt. IV, ch. 24) places it on the Ganges near
Allahabad. Kanva-Asrama-1. On the bank of the river Malini (the river Chuka) which flows
through the districts of Shaharanpur and Oudh; it was the hermitage of Kanva Muni who adopted the celebrated Sakuntala as his daughter (Kalidasa's Sakuntala). The hermitage of Kanva Muni was situated 30 miles to the west of Hurdwar, which is called Nadapit in the Satapatha-Brdhmana, xii, 5, 4, 13 (SBE., xliv, p. 399). 2. On the river Chambal, four miles to the south-east of Kota in Rajputana (Mbh., Vana, ch. 82; Agni P., ch. 109). This Kaņva-âsrama was also called Dharmmâranya. 3. On the banks
of the Narbada (Padma P., Uttara, ch. 94). Kanyakubja-1. Kanauj, on the west bank of the Kalinadi, about six miles above its
junction with the Ganges in the Farrakhabad district, United Provinces. It was the capital of the second or Southern Pañchâla during the Buddhist period (Dr. Rhys Davids' Buddhist India, p. 27) and also in the tenth century (Rajasekhara's Karpúramañjari, Act III). It was the capital of Gadhi Râjâ and birth-place of Visvâmitra (Ramayana, Bala K.). Buddha preached here on the instability of human existence. It was visited by Fa Hian and Hiuen Tsiang in the beginning of the fifth and the middle of the seventh centuries reg. pectively. Harshavardhana or Siladitya II was the reigning sovereign, when it was visited by Hiuen Tsiang in 636 A.D.; he inaugurated the Varsha era in 606 A.D., but according to Max Müller, Harshavardhana reigned from 610 to 650 A.D. He was the contemporary of Muhammad, whose flight from Medina in 622 A.D. gave rise to the Hijira era. In his Court flourished Banabhatta, the author of the Kadamvari and Harshacharita, Dhavaka, the real author of the Nagdnanda, and Chandraditya, the versifier of the Vessantara-Jataka. The celebrated Bhavabûti was in the court of Yasovar. mana of Kanauj (Stein's Rajatarangini, I, p. 134); he went to Kasmira with Lalitâditya (672 to 728 A.D.) after the conquest of Kanauj by the latter. Sriharsha wrote the Naishadha-charita at the request of Jayachandra. For the ancestors of Jayachandra, see copperplate grant in JASB., 1841, p. 98. Kanouj had been the capital of the Maukhari kings before Harshavardhana transferred his seat of government from Thêne vara to this place. The three great monasteries, in one of the chapels of which was enshrined a tooth relic of Buddha, were situated to the south-west of the town in what is now called LAIA Misar Tola (Cunningham: Arch. 8. Rep. I, p. 292). A celebrated temple of Vamana existed at Kanyakubja (Padma P., Srishti, ch: 35; Uttara, ch. 63). The Reng-mahal of the ancient Hindu palace is situated in the south-west angle of the triangular shaped

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fort, the remains of which still exist; the palace is said to have been built by Ajaya Pala who was killed in 1021 A.D., and it was perhaps from this palace that Přithvi Raj carried off Sa oyukta (Bhavishya P., Pratisarga P., Pt., III, ch. 6). 2. That part of the Kaveri, on which Uragapura (Uraiyur), the capital of Påndya, was situated (see Mallinâtha's commen
tary on Raghuvamia, canto vi, v. 59) was called Kanyakubjanadi. Kanya-Tirtha-1. In Kurukshetra. 2. On the Kaveri. 3. Same as Kumari. Kapala-Mochana-Tirtha.-1. In Bârânasi or Benares (Siva P., I, ch. 49). 2. In Mâyâpura (Padma P., Uttara, ch. 51). 3. In Tâmralipta or Tamluk. 4. In the river Sabarmati in Gujarat (Padma P., Uttara, ch. 53). 5. On the river Sarasvati called also Ausanasa Tirtha in Kurukshetra (Mbh., Salya, ch. 40). General Cunningham places the holy tank of Kapala-Mochana on the east bank of Sarasvati river, ten miles to the
south-east of Sadhora (Arch. 8. Rep., vol. XIV, pp. 75, 77). Kapild-1. The portion of the river Narbada near its source which issues from the western
portion of the sacred Kunda, and running for about two miles falls over the descent of seventy feet into what is known as the Kapiladhârâ (Cousen's Archæological Survey List of the Central Provinces, p. 59; Padma P., Svarga, ch. 22). 2. A river in Mysore (Matsya P.,
ch. 22, v. 27). Kapiladh Ar4-1. Twenty-four miles to the south-west of Nasik : it was the hermitage of
Kapila. 2. The first fall of the river Narbada from the Amarakantaka mountains. The Kapild-eangama is near the shrine of Amareswara on the south bank of the Narbada.
See Kapila. Kapilagrama-1. The hermitage of Kapila Rishi in the island of Sågara near the mouth
of the Ganges (Brihat-Dharmma P., Madhya, Kh., ch. 22). The ruins of a temple dedicated to him are situated on the south-east corner of one of the minor islands into which the island of Sågara is divided by creeks and rivers. See Sågara-sangama. 2. Same as
Siddha-pura (2). Kapllavastu-The birth-place of Buddha. It has been identified by Carlleyle with
Bhuila in the North-western part of the Basti district, about twenty five miles north-east of Fyzabad. He places Kapilavastu between the Ghagra and the Gandak, from Fyzabad to the confluence of these rivers (Arch. 8. Rep., Vol. XII, p. 108). General Cunningham identifies it with Nagarkhes on the eastern bank of the Chando Tal near a large stream named Kohậna, a tributary of the Râpti, and in the northern division of Oudh beyond the Ghagrå river; and he supposes that Mokson is the site of the Lumbini garden, where Buddha was born. But Dr. Führer, on the suggestion of Dr. Waddell, has discovered that Kapilavastu lies in the immediate neighbourhood of the Nepalese village called Nigliva, north of Gorakpur, situated in the Nepalese Terai, thirty-eight miles north-west of the Uska station of the Bengal and North-Western Railway. The Lumbini garden has been identified with the village Paderia, two miles north of Bhagabanpur. The birth of Buddha occurred under a Sal tree (Shorea robusta) in the Lumbini garden when Maya Devi, his mother, was travelling from Kapilavastu to Koli. He was born according to Prof. Max Müller (History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature, p. 298) in 557 B.O., during the reign of Bimbisara of the Sisunaga dynasty of Magadha, and died in 477 B.O., but according to Prof. Lessen, and the Ceylonese chronology, he was born in 623 and died in 543 B.O., The ruins of Kapilavastu, according to Dr. Führer, lie eight miles north-west of Paderia. P. C. Mukherji has explored the region and identified Kapilavastu with Tilaura, two miles north of Tauliva which is the head

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quarters of the provincial government of the Tarai, and three and half miles to the southwest of Nigliva. The town of Kapilavastu comprised the present villages of Chitra-dei Ramghat, Sandwa and Tilaura, of which the last mentioned place contained the fort and the palace within it. It is situated on the east bank of the Bangauga, which has been identified with the Bhagirathi, on the bank of which, according to some authorities, Kapilavastu was situated. He has identified Lumbini-vana with Rummin-dei which is a corruption of Lumiini-devi, ten miles to the east of Kapilavastu and two miles north of Bhagabanpur, and about a mile to the north of Paderia. The inscription found there on the pillar of Asoka leaves no doubt as to the accuracy of the identification. It distinctly mentions the name as "Lummini-gama" and contains a temple of Maya Devi. He has identified also Sarakäpa (Arrow-well) with Piprava, which also contains the stupa in which the Sakyas of Kapilavastu enshrined the one-eighth share of Buddha's relics obtained by them after his death. He identifies Kanaka-muni or Kanagamana-Buddha's birth-place Sobhâvatînagara with Araura, a yojana to the east of Tilaura, and Krakuchandra's birth-place Kheniavatinagara with Gutiva, four miles to the south of Tilaura. He has identified the Nyagrodha monastery with the largest mound to the south of Lori. Kudan, which is one milo to the cast of Gutiva, and one and a half miles west of Tauliva, and has also identified the place of massacre of the Säkyas by Virudhaka with Sagarwa, two miles to the north of Tilaura-kot (Mukherji's Antiquities in the Terai, Nepal, ch. 6). Buddha, when ho rovisited Kapilavastu at the request of his father Suddhodana who had sent Udâyi callod also Kaludâ to invite him, dwelt in the Nigrodha garden, where he converted his son Rahula and his step-brother Nanda. It was also in this Nyagrodhårâma Vihara that he refused to convert to Buddhism his step-mother Prajapati and other Sakya princesses, though at the request of Ananda, he converted them afterwards in Vaisali. The names of the twenty-four Buddhas who preceded Gautama Buddha are to be found in the Introduction to the Mahavamsa by Turnour. The Sakyas, including the Koliyans, had republican form of government like the Vajjians including the 8 clans, the Lichchhavis of Vaigali and others, and the Mallas of Kusinara and Pava. They elected a chief who was called Raja and who presided over the state. They carried on their business in a public hall called Mote Hall (Santhâgâra). Suddhodana, Buddha's father, was an elected president (Dr. Rhys Davids' Buddhist India, p. 19). The contemporaries of Buddha outside India were the prophet Ezekiel and king Josiah in Jerusalem, Crosus in Lydia, Cyrus in Persia, Anacreon, Sappho, Simonides, Epimenides, Draco, Solon, Asop, Pythagoras, Anaximander, Anaximenes, and Pisistratus in Greece, Psammeticus in Egypt and Servius Tullius in Rome. 'Ahasuerus reigned thirty years after Buddha's
death (Spence Hardy's Legends and Theories of the Buddhists, Introduction, p. xxx). Kaplás 1. Kushan, ten miles west of Opian, on the declivity of the Hindu-kush: in
short, the country to the north of the Kabul river was Kapiśâ, the Kipin of the Chinese travellers. Julian supposes the district to have occupied the Panjshir and Tagao valleys in tho north border of Kohistan (Beal's R.W.C., I, p. 55n). It is tho Kapist of Panini. Ptolomy places Kapiba two and half degrees northwards from Kabura or Kabul (JASB., 1840, p. 484). According to Sir R. G. Bhandarkar, Kapiśd was North Afghanistan : the country to the north of the Kabul river (Ind. Ant., I, 22). According to Prof. Lassen, Kapisa is the valley of the Gurbad river (JASB., 1839, p. 146). The town of Kapisi was once the capital of Gandhâra (Rapson's Anc. Ind., p. 141). It has been identified with Afghanistan (Ind. Ant.,, I, 1872, p. 22). 2 The river Subarnarekha in Orissa

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(Raghuvamsa, C. IV, v. 38; Lassen's Ind. Al., Map), but Mr. Pargiter correctly identifics Kapisa with the river Kasai which flows through the district of Midnapur in Bengal (Ancient Countries in Eastern India in JASB., Vol. LXVI, Pt. I, 1897, p. 85; K. Ch.,
p. 197) Kapisthala-It is called Kavital by Alberuni (Alberuni's India, I, p. 206) which has
been corrupted into Kaithal. Kapishthala of the Brihal-samhita (xiv, v. 4) is the Kambistholoi of Arrian, Kaithal is situated in the Karnal district, Panjab. It is said to have been founded by Yudhishthira. In the centre of the town is an
extensive lake. Kapistbala-Same as Kapishthala. Kapitha-Identified by General Cunningham (Anc. Geo., p. 369), according to Hiuen
Tsiang's description, with Sankisa or Såükâsya, forty miles south-east of Atranji and fifty miles north-west of Kanauj. See Sankasya. Kapivati-The Bhaigu, a branch of the Râmganga (Lassen's Ind. Alt., II, p. 524 ; Ramayana,
Bk. II, ch. 71). Kard--The hermitage of Agastya, said to be situated in the Southern Ocean; it may be
identified with Kolkai, the Kael of Marco Polo on the mouth of the Tâmbraparni in
Tinnevelly (Speyer's Játakamald—the story of Agastya). Karahâţaka--Karada, in the district of Satara in the Province of Bombay on the confluence
of the Krishna and the Koinâ, about forty miles north of Kolhapur; it was conquered by Sahadeva, one of the Pandavas (Mbh., Sabha, ch. 31 ; Ep. Ind., Vol. III, p. 232 ; Bhandarkar's Early History of the Dekkan, sec. III). It was the capital of the Silahára kings and the residence of the Sinda family who claimed to belong to the Nâga-vamsa, being the descendants of Vasuki; for their history, see Ep. Ind., Vol. III, p. 231. Vikramaditya II, king of Kalyana, married Chandralekha, the daughter of a Silhåra prince of Karahataka (Vikramaikadeva-charita, vii). Karahataka was the capital of the country called
Kárashtra (Skanda P., Sahyadri kh.). Karakalla-Karachi, in Sindh : Krokala of Megasthenes. Karapatha-Karabagh, or Kalabagh, or Båghan, as it is now called, on the right or west
bank of the Indus, at the foot of the Salt range locally called Nili hill in the Bannu district. It is mentioned in the Raghuvamsa (XV, v. 90) as the place where Lakshmana's son Aigada was placed as king by his uncle Ramachandra when he made a division of his empire before his death. It is the “Carabat” of Travernier. But the distance he gives from Kandahar does not tally with its actual distance from that place (Travernier's Travels, Ball's Ed., Vol. I, p. 91). But it should be observed that there is a town called Karibagh on the route from Kandahar to Ghazni, 35 miles south-west from the latter place. The surrounding district called also Karabagh is remarkably fertile (Thornton's Gazetteer of the Countries Adjacent to India). It is called Kårupatha in the Ramayana (Uttara K., ch. 115). The Padma P., (Uttara, ch. 93), however, says the Lakshmana's sons were placed in the country of Madra, which is evidently a mistake for Malla of the Ramayana (Uttara, ch. 116). It is perhaps Kailavata of the Brihatsamhita (ch. 14).
For description of Kalabagh or Bâghân, see JASB., 1838, p. 25. Kerashtra-The country was situated between the Vedavati on the south and the
Koina or Koyana on the north (Skanda P., Sahyadri Kh.). It included the district of Satârs : its capital was Karahâtaka (Ind. Ant., V, 1876, p. 25).

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Karaskara-The country of the Karaskaras is in the south of India (Mbh., Karna,
44; Baudhayana, I, 1, 2; Matsya P., 113). Perhaps it is Karakal in South Kanara, Madras Presidency, famous for the Jaina and Buddhist pilgrims, which accounts for its
being condemned as a place of pilgrimage. Karatoya-1. A sacred river which flows through the districts of Rangpur, Dinajpur,
and Bogra. It formed the boundary between the kingdoms of Bengal and Kamarupa at the time of the Mahabharata (Vana, ch. 85): see Sadantīra. It flowed through the ancient Pundra (Skanda P.). It is called Karatoya and Kurati. 2. A river near the
Candhamådana mountain (Mbh. Anus., ch. 25). Karavana-Karvan in the territory of the Gaikwar, 15 miles south of Baroda and 8 miles
north-east of Miyagam railway station. Nakulisa, the founder of the Pasupata sect of Saivism, flourished between the 2nd and 5th century A.D. His chief shrine of Siva called Nakulisa or Nakulesvara (see Devi P., ch. 63) was at Kårvån. The special holiness attached to the Narbada and its pebbles as Lingas is probably due to the neighbourhood of this shrine of Kårvân (Bhagavanlal Indraji's Early History of Gujarat, pp.
83, 84). Same as KAYAvarohana. Karavirspurs-1.' It has been identified with Kolhapur in the Province of Bombay
(Madhura Kavisarma's Archavatarasthala-vaibhava-darpanam; Padma P., Uttara Kh., ch. 74; Ramdas Sen's Aitihasika Rahasya, 3rd ed., Pt. II, p. 276). It is locally called Kârvir. Krishna met here Parasurama, and killed its king named Srigala. Same as Padmavati on the river Veņva, a branch of the Krishna (Harivamsa, ch. 9). The temple of Maha Lakshmi is situated at this place (Devi Bhagavata, vii, chs. 30, 38; Matsya P.. ch. 13). In the eleventh century it was the capital of the Silahara chiefs. For the genealogy of the Silahâra dynasty of Kolhapur, see Ep. Ind., vol. III, pp. 208, 211, 213. It appears from an inscription that Ksbullakapura is another name for Kolhapur. (Ep. Ind.. Vol. III, p. 209). 2. The capital of Brahmavartta : it was situated on the river
Dțishadvati (Kalika P., chs, 48, 49). Karddama-Asrama.--Sitpur or Sidhpur (Siddhapura) in Gujarat, the hermitage of Rishi
Karddama and birth-place of Kapila. The hermitage of the Rishi was situated on the bank of the Bindusarovara caused by the tears of Vishnu (Bhagavata P., Bk. III, ch. 21). The town itself is situated on the north bank of the river Sarasvati in the Kadi
district of the Baroda State, sixty-four miles north of Ahmadabad. Karkotaka-Nagara-1. Karra, forty-one miles north-west of Allahabad, It is one of
the Pithas where Sati's hand is said to have fallen (Führer's MAI.). 2. Perhaps Arakan (Rakia) on the opposite side of Tamralipta across the eastern sea," i.e., the Bay
of Bengal (Katha-sarit-sågara, Pt. I, ch. 18 ; Tawney's trans., Vol. I, p. 136). Karmanåså--1. The cursed river, the water of which is considered by the Hindus to be
pollated, being associated with the sins of Trisaiku, the protégé of Rishi Visvamitra (Vayú P., ch. 88, v. 113). The river is on the western limit of the district of Shahabad in the former province of Bengal and forms the boundary of Bihar and the United Provinces: It issues from a spring situated in a village called Sarodak (Martin's Eastern India, Vol.
I, p. 400). 2. A small rill in Baidyanatha (see Chitabhuml). Karmamanta-Kamta, near Comilla, in the district of Tipära, Bengal, It was the
capital of Samatata at the time of the Khadga kings (JASB., 1914, p. 87). Karna-Ganga.--The river Pendar, a tributary of the Alakananda in Garwal.

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Karnaki-A town on the Narbada. It is mentioned as Karņika in the Byihat-Siva P.,
I, ch. 75. It is perhaps the modern Karnali near the junction of the Narbada and the
Uri; see Erandi and Bhadrakarna (1). Karnakubja-Junagad in Kathiawâd; it is situated in Antargraha-kshetra (Skanda P.,
Prabhasa Kh.). Karnapura-Near Bhagalpur, now called Karnågad (see Champapuri). According to
Yule, Karnagad is the Kartinagar of Ptolemy (JASB., Vol. XVIII, p. 395). Karna-Suvarna-Kánsona, now called Rângâmâtt in the district of Murshidabad, on the
right bank of the Bhagirathi, six miles south of Berhampur, in Bengal (Kubjika Tantra, ch.7; JASB., XXII, 281). It was the former capital of Bengal at the time of Adisura. It was at the request of Adisura that Bîra Simha, king of Kanauj, sent five Brahmanas, Bhattanarayana, Daksha, Sriharsha (the author of the Naishadha-charita), Chhậndada, and Vedagarbha, to Bengal to perform his sacrifice according to the Vedas. Bhattanârâ yana, the author of the drama Veni-samhdra, is considered by some to have flourished at the court of Dharma Pala of the Pala dynasty. Even the name of KansonA has become antiquated, and the town is now known by the name of Rangamati. Captain Layard says that R&igâmâți was anciently called Känsonâpurî, and the remains of the greater part of the palace with its gate and towers are distinctly traccable, although the site is now under cultivation (JASB., Vol. XXII, 1853, p. 281). Karna-suvarna was also the capital of Sasaka or Narendra, the last of the Gupta kings and tho great persecutor of the Buddhists, who reigned in Bengal at the latter part of the sixth century, and it was he who treacherously killed Rajyavarddhana, elder brother of Harsha Deva or SilAditya II of Kanauj, as related in the Harsha-charita. The kingdom of Karnasuvarna was situated to the west of the Bhagirathi and included Murshidabad, Bankura, Burdwan, and Hugli. The earth of Rangamati is red, and the tradition is that Bibhishana, brother of Ravana, being invited to a feast by a poor Brahman at Rangamati, rained down gold on the ground as a token of gratitude and hence the earth is red (On the Banks of the Bhagirathi by Rev. J. Long in Cal. Review, Vol. VI). This is a figurative way of stating the immense profit which Bengal derived from its trade with Ceylon in precious stones, pearls, &c. (K. Ch., pp. 189, 223). Dr. Waddell identifies Karna-suvarna with Kañchannagar (Kånson-nagara) near Burdwan in Bengal (Dr. Waddell's Discovery
of the Exact Site of Asoka's Classic Capital of Pataliputra, p. 27). KarnataPart of the Carnatic between Ramnad and Seringapatam. It is another name
for Kuntaladoja, the capital of which was Kalyanapura : see Kuntala-dosa. According to the Tard Tantra, it was the same as Maharashtra, and extended from Båmanatha to Srirangam. Dvåra-samudra was & capital of Karnata. The kingdom of Vijayanagar was also called Karnata (Imperial Gazetteer of India, Vol. IV). But see Imperial Gazetteer, Vol. VII, p. 377 (1886), in which Kanara is said to be Karnata-desa, including Mysore, Coorg, and part of the Coded Districts. The Mysore State was called Karnataka (JRAS.,
1912, p. 482). Karneval-1. The river Kane in Bundelkhand (Arch. 8. Rep., Vols. II and XXI). But this
name does not appear in any Purana. See syoni and Suktimati. 2. Ahmadabad in Gujarat. It was built by Raja Karna Deva of the Solanki race of Anahillapattana or Pattana in Gujarat in the eleventh century (Tawney : Merutunga's Prabandhachintamani, pp. 80, 97n). Ahmad Shah made it his capital after conquering it. It was also called Srinagar. It is the R&janagara of the Jainas (Antiguities of Kathiawad and Kachh by Bur. gess; H, Cousen's Revised Lists of Antiquarian Remains in the Bombay Presidency, Vol. III).

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Karniks-The Coleroon, a branch of the Kavert. Both these rivers surround Srirangam
(Padma P., Uttara, ch. 62). Kartripura-The kingdom of Kartripura included Kumaun, Almorah, Garwal and Kangra
(JRAS., 1898, p. 198). It was conquered by Samudra Gupta. Mr. Prinsep supposes
it to be Tripura or Tippera (JASB., 1837, p. 973). Same as Katripura. Karttikasvami-See Kumarasvsml. Karttikoya-Para-Baijnath or Baidyanath, in the district of Kumaun, about 80 miles
from Almora. It is also called Kârttikapura (Deuf P., ch. 9; also Dr. Führer's Monumental Antiquities and Inscriptions). Karupatha Same as Karapatha. Karura-See Korura. Karusha-Two countries by the name of Karusha are mentioned, one in the east and the
other in the west. 1. Same as Adhiraja, the kingdom of Dantavakra (Harivanja, ch. 106). In the Mahabharata it has been named between Matsya and Bhoja (Bhishma P., ch. 9). In the Puranas, it is mentioned as a country on the back of the Vindhyâ range. Acoording to Mr. Pargiter, Karusha lay south of Kasi and Vatea between Chedi on the west and Magadha on the east, enclosing the Kaimur hills : in short, the country of Rewa (JASB., 1895, p. 255; JRAS., 1914, p. 271 ; Panini's Satra, IV, I, 178). Same as Karusha. 2. A, portion of the district of Shahabad in Bihar (Ramdyana, I., ch. 24). According to tradition, the southern portion of the distriot of Shahabad between the river gona and Karmanasa was called Karukh-dess or Karushadega (Martin's Eastern India, Vol. I, p. 405). Vedagarbhapuri or modern Buxar was situated in Karusha (Brahmånda P., Parva Kh., ch. 5). 3. It was another name for Puņdra (Bhagavata,
X, ch. 66). Karusha Same as Karusha: Rewa. Kashtha Mandapa-Kâtmându, the capital of Nepal, founded by Rajá Gunakamadeva in 723 A.D. at the junction of the Bagmati and Vishnumati rivers. It was anciently called Maju-Patan (see Mabupatan), after Maõjuari, who is said to have founded it. Manjusri was esteemed by the northern Buddhists as their Visvakarma or celestial architect (Hodgson's Literature and Religion of the Buddhists, p. 62). According to the Svyambhu Purana, he was an historical personage who introduced Buddhism into Nepal.
Katmandu is also called Kante pura (Wright's History of Nepal, p. 9). Kaal--Benares. Kasi was properly the name of the country, of which Benares was the capi.
tal (Fa Hian; also Apannaka Jataka in the Jatakas (Fausboll's ad.) p. 98; Mbl., Bhishma, ch. 9; Ramayana, Uttara, ch. 48). At the time of Buddha, the kingdom of Kad was incorporated with the kingdom of Kobala (Lohiaboha Sutta in the Dialogues of the
Buddha, pp. 291, 292). See Baranasi. Kasmira-Kasmir (Brahma P., ch. 54). It is said to have been originally colonised by
Kâgyapa, and the hermitage of the Rishi is still pointed out in the Hari mountain near Srinagar. But see Kogyapapura. He gave his name to Kasgar and Kasmir, and to the people originally called Kaeas or Kassias. Vishnu is said to have incarnated in Kimira as the fish (Mataya-avatara), and bound the ship (Nau) (into which form Durga had oohver ted herself to save the creatures from destruction in the great deluge) to the westernmost and highest peak of the three snowy peaks situated on the west of Banhal Pass in the eastern portion of the Pir Pantsal range : hence this peak is called Nawbandhana. tirtha. It is the Navaprabhrambana of the Atharva-Veda and the Manoravagarpena

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of the Satapatha-Brahmana (Macdonell's Hist. of Sanskrit Literature, p. 144). At the foot of this peak is the Kramasara lake (now called Konsarnâg) which marks a foot-step (Krama) of Vishnu (Satapatha-Brahmana in SBE., XII; Mbh., Vana, ch. 186; Dr. Stein's Rajatarangini, II, p. 392). Vishnu is also said to have incarnated as the boar (Varaha-avatara) at Baramula, thirty-two miles from Srinagar on the right bank of the Vitastâ (see Sakara-kshetra). Asoka sent here a Buddhist missionary named Majjhantika in 245 B.C. (Mahavamsa, ch. XII). For the history of Kaşmir, see Kalhana's Rajataringint. It appears from the Jâtaka stories that Kasmir once formed a part of the kingdom of Gândhâra (Jatakas, Cam. Ed., Vol. III, pp. 222, 229). Kasyapapura-Wilson supposes that the name of Kasmir is derived from Kasyapapura, the town of Rishi Kasyapa, the Kaspapyros of Herodotos. Dr. Stein, however, is of opinion that Kâsmîr was never called Kasyapapura, but it was always called Kâsmira (Dr. Stein's Ancient Geography of Kasmir, pp. 11, 62). Kaspairia of Ptolemy has been identified with Multan. For the legend how the lake Satisara was desecrated and Kâmîra was created by Kasyapa, see Rajatarangini (Dr. Stein's Rajatarangini, Vol. I, p. 5). 1. The hermit. age of Rishi Kasyapa was on the Hari mountain, three miles from Srinagar. 2. Multan was also called Kasyapapura, the Kaspeira of Ptolemy, being founded by Kasyapa, the father of Hiranyakasipu (Alberuni's India, I, p. 298).
Kasyapî-Ganga-The river Sabarmati in Guzerat (Padma Purana, Uttara, ch. 52). Katadvipa Kâtwa in the district of Burdwan in Bengal (McCrindle's Ancient India as described by Megasthenes and Arrian, p. 187; Wilford in Asia. Rev., V., p. 278). It is a sacred place of pilgrimage to the Vaishnavas, where Chaitanya at the age of 24 embraced Danḍism after leaving his father's home, being initiated into its rites by a Gossain named Kesava Bharati. The hairs cut off from his head on the occasion have been preserved in a little temple. Kâtwa was called Murshidganj after the name of Murshid Kuli Khan, Nawab of Murshidabad. The old fort of Katwa where Ali Verdi Khan defeated the Mahrattas, was situated on a tongue of land between the Ajai and the Bhagirathi (Bholanauth Chunder's Travels of a Hindoo, Vol. I; Chaitanya-Bhagavata, Madhya Kh.). Chaitanya's autograph is preserved in a village called Dadur, 14 miles to the south of Katwa. Same as Kantakanagara and Kantaka-ditpa, the gradual corruptions of which are Kata-dvipa, Kâtâdia, and Kâtwâ. Krishnadas Kaviraj, the author of the Chaitanyacharitamrita lived at Jhâmatpur, 4 miles to the north of Katw&; Nannur, 16 miles to the south-west of Katwâ in the district of Birbhum, was the birth-place of the Vaishnava poet Chanḍidâs.
Katripura Tripura or Tipara (Allahabad Inscription); but Mr. Oldham supposes that the kingdom of Katripura included Kumaun, Almora, Garwal, and Kangra (JRAS., 1898, p. 198). Same as Kartripura.
Kaulam-Quilon in Travancore, once a great port on the Malabar coast (Yule's Marco Polo, Vol. II, p. 313, note).
Kauninda-See Kuninda.
Kausâmbl-Kosambi-nagar or Kosam, an old village on the left bank of the Jamuna, about thirty miles to the west of Allahabad. It was the capital of Vamsadesa or Vatayadesa, the kingdom of Udayana, whose life is given in the Brihat-Katha and Katha-sarit-sågara, II, ch. I. The Ratndvall, a drama by Harsha Deva, places its scene at Kaus&mbi (see Hastinapura). Buddha dwelt in the Ghosita-Arama of Kausâmbi (Chullavagga, pt. I, ch. 25). Udayana or Udena, as he was called by the Buddhists, was the son of King Parantapa: he married Vasuladatta or Vasava-datta, daughter of Chanda Prajjota,

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called also Mahasena (Sriharsha's Priyadarsikd, Acts I, III), king of Ujjayinî. He was converted to Buddhism by Pindola (Dr. Rhys Davids' Buddhist India, p. 7), and it was Udayana who first made an image of Buddha who was his contemporary. The image was of sandal-wood, five feet in height. The second image was made by Prasenajit, king of Kosala, who was also a contemporary of Buddha. It was made of gold (Dr. Edkin's Chinese Buddhism, p. 49), but according to Fa Hian, Prasenjit's image was also made of Gosirsha Chandana (sandal-wood). The Vasavadattá by Subhandu, probably written at the beginning of the 9th century A. D., relates the story of Vasavadatta and Udayana. Vararuchi, called also Katyayana, the author of the Varttikas, is said to have been born at Kausâmbi and became the minister of Nanda, king of Pataliputra (Katha-sarit-sågara, I, ch. 3).
Kauaki-1. The river Kusi (Râmâyana, Adi, ch. 34; Bardha P., ch. 140). According to tradition, the Kusi in remote ages passed south-east by the place where Tajpur is now situated, and thence towards the east until it joined the Brahmaputra, having no com. municatian with the Ganges. When the Kust joined the Ganges, the united mass of water opened the passage now called the Padmâ, and the old channel of the Bhagirathi from Songli (Suti) to Nadia was then left comparatively dry (Martin's Eastern India, III, p. 15). This junction must have taken place at some period between the third century A.D., when the Sultanganj Jahnu was established, and the 7th century A.D. At Jot-narahari, the Kusi joins the Ganges, and the junction is a place of pilgrimage (Martin's Eastern India, III, p. 84). 2. A branch of the Drish advati (Chitang) in Kurukshetra (Vamana P., ch. 34).
Kausik-Kachchha-The district of Purnea. Kausiki-Sangama-1. The confluence of the Kusi and the Ganges on the opposite side of Kahalgaon and to the north of Pâtharghâțâ in the district of Bhagalpur in Bengal. 2. The confluence of the rivers Drishadvatî and the Kausiki (Padma P., Svarga Kh., ch. 12). The confluence is near the village of Balu on the Rakshi river, 17 miles to the south of Thanesvara. (Arch. 8. Rep., Vol. XIV, p. 88.) Kautalakapura Same as Kuntalakapura (Jaimini-Bharata, ch. 53). KAver-1. The Kaveri, a river in southern India which rises from a spring called Chandra. tirtha (Kurma P., II, ch. 37) in the Brahmagiri mountain in Coorg (Skanda P., Kaveri Mâhât., chs. 11-14; Rice's Mysore and Coorg, III, pp. 8 and 85). The Kaverifall at Sivasamudra is one of the most picturesque sights in southern India. 2. The northern branch of the Nerbuds near Mandhâtâ (Omkaranatha) mentioned in the Purdṇas (Padma P., Svarga Kh., ch. 8; Matsya P., ch. 188). The junction of the Nerbuda and the Kaveri is considered to be a sacred place. Kayabarohana-Same as Karavana (Skanda P., Prabhâsa Kh., I, ch. 79). Kedara Kedaranatha, situated on the southern side of the junction of the Mandakini and the Dudhgangâ. The temple of the Kedâranâtha, one of the twelve great Lingas of Mahadeva, is built on a ridge jutting out at right angle from the snowy range of the Rudra Himalaya below the peak of the Mahâpanthâ in the district of Garwal, United Provinces (see Amareivara). A sacred stream called Mandakini or the Kali-gadgå has its rise about two days' journey from Kedârnâtha from a lake which is said to produce blue lotus, and it joins the Alakananda at Rudraprayaga. It requires eight days to go from Kedâra to Badrinath, although the distance along a straight line between them is short. It is 15 or 16 days' journey from Haridvåra to Kedarnaths.

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The peak of Kedarnatha is said in the Sisa Purana (Pt. I. ch. 47), to be situated at Badarika-drama. The worship of Kedaranátha is said to have been established by the Pandavas (see Pancha-kedåra). Close to the temple is a precipice called Bhairab Jhamp, where devotees committed suicide by Ainging themselves from the summit. (Dr. Führer's MAI., Imperial Gazetteer. Vol. VIII. s.v. Kedarnath). Saikarâchârya died at this place (Madhavacharya's Sankaravijaya, ch. 16). Near the temple is a Kunda called Reta-Kunda where Karttika is said to have been born. (Skanda P., Mahesvara Kh., I, 27; II, 29). Ughi-math is 32 miles lower; it contains
the images of Mândhâtâ and the five Pandavas. Kekaya-A country between the Bias and the Sutlej. It was the kingdom of the
father of Kaikeyi, one of the wives of Dasaratha, king of Ayodhyâ (Ramayana,
Ayodhyâ, ch. 68). See Girivrajapura (II). Kerala-The Malabar coast (Wilson's Malati and Madhava). It comprised Malabar,
Travancore, and Kanara (Ramdyana, Kishk., ch. 41) terminating at Cape Comorin on the south and Goa on the north. It is the country of the Nairs. It is sometimes used as synonymous with Chera (Rapson's Ancient India, p. 164 and Indian Coins, p. 36; Dr. Bhandarkar's Hist. of the Dekkan, sec. III). In fact Kerala is the Kanarese dialectal form of the more ancient name of Chera (Hunter's Imperial Gazetteer of India, 8.v. Chera). Sankaracharya, the celebrated reformer, was born at Kaladi on the bank of the river Purņa at tho foot of the mountain called Brisha in Kanara (Kerala); his father was Şivaguru and his grandfather was Vidyâdiraja. See Chittambalam. In the Mackenzie Manuscripts, the capital of Keraladesa is said to be Ananta-Sayanam. Parasurama is said to have caused Brâhmaņas to inhabit this country (JASB., 1838, pp. 183, 128). Gibbon says "Every year about the summer solstice, a fleet of 120 vessels sailed from Myas Hormas, a port of Egypt on the Red Sea. The coast of Malabar or the island of Ceylon was the usual term of their navigation, and it was in those markets, that the merchants from the more remote parts of Asia expected their arrival. This fleet traversed the ocean in about forty days by the periodical assistance of the monsoons." The Kollam era which is in use in Travancore and Malabar, and which commenced in 824 A.D., is a modification of the Saptarshi era
(Ind. Ant., Vol. XXVI, p. 118). Korala putra-See Kotalaputra. Kesavati--The Vishnumati river in Nepal, a tributary of the Bagmati (Wright's Hist.
of Nepal, pp. 81, 89). It forms four out of the fourteen great Tirthas of Nepal by its junction with four rivers. The names of the four Tirthas are Kâma, Nirmala, Akara, and Jugana. But according to the Svayambhu Purana (ch. iv), its junction with the rivers Bimalâvati Bhadranadi, Svarnavati, Pâpanâsini, and Kanakavati form the sacred Tirthas called Manoratha, Nirmala (or Triveni), Nidhana, Jõâna and Chintamaņi respec
tively. Ketakivana--Baidyanath in the Santal Parganas in Bengal (Dr. R. L. Mitra's On the Tem.
ples of Deoghar in JASB., 1883, p. 172). Kotalaputra Same as Kerala or Chera (Asoka's Girnar Inscription ; Bhandarkar's Early
History of the Dekkan, sec. III, p. 10). It comprised the Malabar Coast, south of the Chandragiri river (V. A. Smith's Early History of India, p. 164); it was also called Keralaputra

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Ketumala-Varsha-Turkestan and the lands watered by the river Chaksu or Oxus (Vishnu
P., ch. 2; Markandeya P., ch. 59). In oriental history, Turkestan is called Deshti Kiptchak from the Kiptchaks who are the primitive Turkish race. It comprises Kharezın (called also Urgendj) as the Khanat of Khiva is called, the Khanat of Bokhara, and the Khanat of Khokand called algo Fergana. Up to the time of Zenghis Khan's conquest in 1225, Bokhara, Samarkhand, Merv, Karshi (Naksheb), and Balkh (Um-ul-Bilad, the mother of cities) were regarded as belonging to Persia, although the government of Khorasan (the district of the sun as it was then called) was under Bagdad (Vambery's
Travels in Central Asia, ch. XII, and pp. 339, 367). Khajjurapura - Khajraha, the capital of the Chandels, in Bundelkhand. Khalatika-Parvata - The Barabar hill in the Jahanabad sub-division of the district of Gaya, containing the Satghara and Nagarjuni caves of the time of Asoka and his grandson Dagaratha. It is about 7 miles east of the Bela station of the Patna-Gaya Railway. Khalatika is evidently a corruption of Skhalatika or Slippery (Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, Vol. I, p. 32). Some of the inscriptions on the cave show that Dasaratha gave certain cave-hermitages to the Ajivakas (a sect of naked ascetics). The Ajfvakas are also mentioned in the seventh pillar-edict of Asoka issued in the twenty-ninth year of his reign (Bühler's Indian Sect of the Jainas, p. 39). For a description of the Barabar Hill Caves, see JASB., 1847, pp. 401 and 594 (Nagarjuni cavo). To the south and near the foot of the hill are the seven rock-cut caves called the Satghara. Out of these seven caves, three are on the Nagarjuni hill. There is also a sacred spring called Patålgangå.
Not far from it, is the Kawadol hill (see gilabhadra Monastery). Khandava-Prastha-Same as Indraprastha : old Delhi (Mbh., Adi P., ch. 207). Khandava-Vana-Mozuffarnagar, at & short distance to the north of Mirat included in
ancient Kurukshetra. It is one of the stations of the North-Western Railway. Arjuna, one of the Påndavas, appeased the hunger of Agni, the god of Fire, at this place (Mbh., Adi, ch. 225). The name was applied to & great portion of the Mirat division from Bulandshahar to Saharanpur (Hardroar in the Cal. Review of 1877, p. 67). Khåndavavana was situated on a river called Asvaratha (Mbh., Vana, ch. 160). According to the Padma P., (Uttara, ch. 64), Khåndava-vana was situated on the Jamuna, and Indra
prastha, called also Khándava-prastha, was a part of it. Kharkt-Aurangabad. Kharosthra-Kashgar (Dr. Stein's Sand-buried Ruins of Khotan, p. 404). The ancient
alphabets called Kharosthi were introduced from this country into India. It is situated in that part of Turkestan whioh is called Lesser Bucharia. It was conquered by Jengiz Khan, and upon the division of his empire, it fell to the share of his son Jagatai; it Was then conquered by Tamerlane, and in 1718 by the Chinese (Wright's Marco Polo). Khasa-The country of the Khasas was on the south of Kasmir, and extended from
"Kastvar in the south-east to the Vitastå in the west ", and it included the hill states of Rajapuri and Lobars. The Khasas are identical with the present Khakha (Dr. Stein's Rajatarangini, Vol. II; Ancient Geography of Kasmir, p. 430; and Märkandeya P.,
ch. 57). Khattana-PrapataThe celebrated water-fall of the river Sarasvati in Kanars near
Hunabar, not far from Mangalore. The sound of the fall is terrible. Khomavatinagara-The birth-place of the Buddha Krakuchchhanda or Krakuchandra
(Svayambha P., ch. 4). It was also called Khems (Dipavamia in JASB, 1838, p. 793). It has been identified with Gutiva, four miles to the south of Tilaura in the Nepalese Tarai (P. C. Mukherji's Antiqusties of Terai, Nepal, pp. 49; 08). According to Fa Hian, Krakuchandra's birth-place was Napeikea or Nabhiga.

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Khetaka-Kaira, 20 miles south of Ahmedabad, on the river Vetravati (present Vatrak)
in Guzerat, described in the Padma P., (Uttara Kh., ch. 51; Daiakumdracharita, ch. 6 and Cunningham's Anc. Geo., p. 492). See Kaebehha. For a description of the town, see Bishop Heber's Narrative of a Journey, Vol. II, p. 156. It contains a Jaina
temple. Khiragráma-Twenty miles north of Burdwan in Bengal. It is one of the Pithas, where
a toe of Sati's right foot is said to have fallen. The name of the goddess is Jogadhyâ. Khurasa Khorasan in Central Asia ; it was celebrated for its fine breed of horses
(Aivachikitsitam, ch. 2, by Nakula ; see also Ward's History of the Hindoos, 2nd ed., Vol.
I, p. 558). Kikata -Magadha (Vāyu P., ch. 105; Rig Vedo, III, 53, 14). According to the (Tand
Tantra, the name of Kikata was applied to the southern part of Magadha from Mount Varaņa to Gșidhrakuta (Ward's History of the Hindoos, Vol. I, p. 558). Kukila-kilagila, the capital of Kookana (Garrett's Classical Dictionary s. v. Kailakila).
See Bakataka and Kalighata. Kimmfitya-The Kaimur range, between the rivers Sone and Tons. This range is part
of the Vindhya hills (Hooker's Himalayan Journals, Vol. I, p. 28). It commences near Katâugi in the Jubbulpore district and runs through the state of Rewa and the district of Shahabad in Bihar. Same as Kaira-mali. Perhaps the names of Kimmoritya and Kaimur are derived from Kumâra-rajya, a kingdom which was close to Chedi (Mbh.,
Sabha, ch. 30). Kimpurusha-DudaNepal. Kiragrams-Baijnath in the Punjab; it contains the temple of Baidyanatha, a celebrated
place of pilgrimage (Siva P., cited in the Arch. 8. Rep., vol. V, pp. 178, 180)-80 miles to the east of Kot Kangra (Ep. Ind., I, p. 97). Twelve miles to the south-west of
Baijnath is the temple of Asapuri Devi, situated on the top of a lofty hill. Kirata-Dela-Tipara. The temple of Tripuresvart at Udalpur in Hal Tipara is one of the Pithas (Mbh., Bhishma, ch. 9; Brahma P., ch, 27; Vishnu P., Pt. 2, ch. 3). It was the Kirrhadia of Ptolemy, and included Sylhet and Atem (see Rajamaid or Ceronicles of Tripura in JASB., XIX, 1850, p. 536, which contains the history of the "Tipârâ Raj). The title of Manikya was conferred upon the Raja named "Ratnatah by the king of Gaud, shortly after 1297 A.D., which title they have retained ever since. The kirats also lived in the Morung, west of Sikkim (Sohoff, Periplus of he Erythracan Sea, p. 243). They lived in the region from Nepal to the extreme east JRAS., 1908,
p. 326). Kiritakona -One of the Píthas, situated four miles from Dahapada in the district of
Murshidabad. Sati's crown (kinita) is said to have fallen at this place (Tantrachudamani; P. C. Muzumdar's Musnud of Murshidabad). Mr. Beveridge says that it is three miles
from Murshidabad (Old Places in Murshidabad in the Calcutta Review, 1892, p. 208). Kishkindhå --" About a mile easterly from Nimbapur, & small hamlet in the suburb of
Bijanugger, lies an oval-shaped heap of calcareous scoria, partially covered by grass and other vegetation. The Brahmins aver it to be the ashes of the bones of giant Walli or Bali, an impious tyrant slain here by Râma on his expedition to Lanka (Ceylon)."JASB., vol. XIV, p. 519. It appears from the accounts of pilgrims that the ancient Kishkindhân is still called by that name and also by the name of Anagandi. It is a small hamlet situated in Dharwad on the south bank of the river Tuigabhadrâ near Anagandi,

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three miles from Bijayanagara (Sewell's Arch. Surv. of Southern India, I, p. 322) and close to Bellary (JRAS., 1894, p. 257). About two miles to the south west of Kishkindhå is the Pampe-sarovara, and to the north-west of Pampa-sarovara is the Añjana hill, where Hanumâna was born ; Savari's hermitage was 60 miles to the west of Kishkindha. Rama killed Bali, the brother of Sugriva, and gave the kingdom of Kishkindhå to the latter (Ramdyana, Kishk., ch. 26). Kishkindh comprises the hills on the opposite side of the valley that separate it from Humpi, which are wild congeries of fantastic naked granite rocks with narrow valleys between. In one of these is shown the place where the body of Raja BALI was burned; it is a bed of very white carbonate of lime
(Meadows Taylor's Architecture in Dharwar and Mysore, p. 70). Klyana-The river Kane or Ken in Bundelkhand (Laseen). It runs through the country held by the Chandel kings from south to north dividing it into two nearly equal portions with the capital cities Mahoba and Khajuraha in the western half and the great forts of Kalinjar and Ajayagadh in the eastern half (Arch. S. Rep., Vol. XXI, p. 78). See gyoni, Kamâvati and Suktimati. The name of Kiyana is not mentioned in any of the
Puranas. Klisoboru (of the Greeks) Growse identifies it with Mahâvana, six miles to the south of Mathura on the opposite bank of the Jamuna (Growse's Mathurd, p. 279). General Cunningham identifies it with Brindāvana (Cunningham's Anc. Geo., p. 375). Vajra founded many towns after the name of his grandfather Krishna, e.g., Kộishňapura. Wilkins restores the name to Kalisapura, .now called Mugu-nagar by the Musalmans (Asia. Res., Vol. V, p. 270). See Ind. Ant., VI, p. 240 note. It is the Caresobara of
Megasthenes. Kodagu-Coorg : a country on the Malabar Coast (Caldwell's Drav. Comp. Gram., p. 32).
Same as Kolagiri [Koragiri of the Vishnu P., (ch. 57)). KodanaturaCranganore, a town of Malabar : it is practically identical with Mouziris
of Marco Polo, once & seaport of Malabar. Koll-Aligarh in the United Provinces. Balarama is said to have killed here the demon Kol. Koka shotra-The tract of land to the west of the river Kausiki, or Kusi, including the
western portion of the district of Purnea in Bengal (Vardha P., ch. 140, vs. 53 and 72). It included the Baråha-kshetra at Nathpur below the Triveni formed by the junction of
the three rivers TÂmbar, Aruna, and Suna Kusi. Kokamukha-Bardha-kshetra in the district of Purnea in Bengal on the Triveni above
Nathpur, where the united Kosis (the Tambar, the Aruņa, and Suna) issue into the plains.
See Mahakausika and Barkhakshetra (Vardha P., ch. 140; Nrisinha P., ch. 65). KoldThe river Koil which rises in Chota Nagpur and flows through the district of Shaha
bad in Bihar (As. Res., XIV, p. 405). Kolchale-It has been identified with the Brahmayoni hill in Gaya. It is considered
to be the same as Kolabala-parvata. But it appears that Koláchala and Kolâhala are two distinct mountains, and Kolachala may be identified with the Kaluhå-påhâd (see
Makula-parvata).. Kolagir-Same as Kodlaga (Mbh., Sabha, ch. 30 ; Pargiter's Markand. P., p. 384). Kolahala-Parvata-1. The Brahmayoni hill in Gaya (Vāyu P., I, ch. 45; Dr. R. L. Mitra's
Buddha Gayd, pp. 14, 15), including the hill called Munda-prishtha which contains the impression of Gadadhara's foet (Ibid., II, ch. 50, v. 24). 2. A range of hill in Chedi (Mbh., Adi, ch. 63). It has been identified by Mr. Beglar with the Kawa-kol range in Bibar

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(Arch. 8. Rep., Vol. VIII, p. 124). But this identification does not appear to be correot : it is the Bandair range on the south-west of Bundelkhand in which the river Ken
the ancient Saktimati) has its source (Mbh., Adi, ch. 63). Kolalalapura-Kolar, in the east of Mysore where Kartyavfry&rjuna was killed by Paragu
råma. It was also called Kolalapira, evidently a contraction of Kolkhalapura (Rice's
Mysore Inscriptions : Intro. xxviii). Kola-parystapur- Its contraction is Kolapura, at present called Kulis-P&hadapura or simply Påhådapura (Kavikaikana Chandi; p. 228) in the district of Nadia in Bengal. It is the Polours of Ptolemy situated near the Kambyson mouth of the Ganges. It is not far from Samudragari (ancient Samudragati or 'Entrance into the Sea '), which socording to tradition as preserved in the Navadupa-Parikramd (p. 40) of the Vaishnava poet Narahari Chakravartti, was the place where Gang (the Ganges) united with Samudra
(the Ocean) in ancient time. Kolapura-See Karavirapura (Chaitanya-charitampita, II, ch. 9). Kolhapura-Same as Kolapura (Padma P., Uttara, ch. 62). Koll—The country of Koli was situated on the opposite side of Kapilavastu across the river
Rohini; its capital was Devadaha. Koli was the kingdom of Suprabuddha or Asjanârâja, whose two daughters Maya Devi and Prajapati alias Gautam were married to Buddha's father Suddhodana. It was also the kingdom of Dandapâni, the brother of Buddha's mother Mâyâ Devi, whose daughter Gopâ or Yasodharâ was married by Buddha. The kingdom of Koli has been identified with a portion of the district of Basti in Oudh, comprising a sacred place called Bardhachhatra (Upham's Mahavamsa, ch. I). P. C. Mukherji has identified the Robini with the rivulet Rohin between Rummindei and Koli
in the Nepalese Terai (The Antiquities in the Tarai, Nepal, p. 48). Same as Vy ghrapura. Kolkat—The capital of Påndya at the mouth of the river Tâmbraparņi in Tinnevelli, now
five miles inland : it is the Kael of Marco Polo. It is identified also with Tuticorin (see Kalkl). It is evidently the Kara of the Buddhist Birth-Story Agastya Jataka. It is the Kolkhoi of Ptolemy. For an account of Kolkhoi (see Yule's Marco Polo, Vol. II, p. 309,
n., and Dr. Caldwell's Dravidian Comparative Grammar, 3rd ed., p. 12). Kollaga—A suburb of Vaisali (Besar) in the district of Mozaffarpur (Tirhut) in which the
Nâya-kula Kshatriyas resided : Mahåvira, the Jaina Tirthaikara, belonged to this class
of Kshatriyas. See Kum dagama. Koluka-Same as Kulata. Kolvagiri-Same as Kolagiri (Agni P., ch. 109): Coorg. Komala-Same as Kamlanka (Vayu P., II, 37, v. 369). Konaditya-Kanarak (Konarka) or Chandrabhågå in Orissa (Brahma P., ch. 27). See
Padmaksbetra. Same as Konarka. Konarka-Same as Padmakshetra and Komaditya. Konga desa---The modern Coimbatore and Salem (Mackenzie Manuscripts in JASB.,
1838, p 105 ; Rice's Mysore Inscriptions, Intro : p. xli) with some parts of Tinnevelly
and Travancore Wilson's Mackenzie Collection, p. 209). Kongama-dosa.-Konkan (JASB., 1838, p. 187). Kongu-desa-Same as Konga-desa.

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Kookane Same as Parasurama-kshetra (Brihataamhita, ch. 14). Its capital was Tapa
(Alberuni's India, Vol. I, p. 203). It denotes properly the whole strip of land between
the Western Ghâts and the Arabian Sea (Bomb. Gaz., Vol. I, Pt. II, p. 283 note). Kankanapura-Anagandi on the northern bank of the Tungabhadra. It was the capital
of the Koukana (Cunningham's Anc. Geo., p. 552). Da Cunha identifies it with Bassein
(Da Cunha's Hist. of Chaul and Bassein, p. 129). Kori-Same as Urlyur (Caldwell's Drau. Comp. Gram., p. 13). Korkal See Kolkal. Koruna1. Between Multan and Loni in the district of Multan, where the celebrated
Vikramaditya, king of Ujjain completely defeated the Sakas in a decisive battle in 533 A.D.-the date of this battle is supposed to have given rise to the Samvat era (Alberuni's India, Vol. II, p. 6). It is also written Karur. According to Mr. Vincent Smith, it was Chandra Gupta II of the Gupta dynasty who assumed the title of Vikramaditys and became king of Ujjain, but according to others, Yakodharman, the Gupta General usurped the sovereign power and assumed the title of Vikramaditya after defeating the Scythians at Karur. 2. Karur, the ancient capital of Chers, in the Kaimbatur district situated Doar Cranganore on the left bank of the river Amaravati, a tributary of the Kaveri (Caldwell's Introduction to Drav. Comp. Grammar). It is the Karours of Ptolemy who says that it was the capital of Kerobothras (Keralaputra). It was also called Vabji, and it
is the Tâmra-chůda-krora of the Mall.kd-máruta of Dandi. Kos See kaupsavati. Kosala-Oudh (gee AyodhyA): it was divided into two kingdoms called North Kosala
(Bahraich district) and Koala (Ramdyana, Uttara K., ch. 107: Padma P.. Uttara, ch. 68: Avadana Sataka in the Sanskrit Buddhist Literature of Nepal by Dr. R. L. Mitra). The capi al of the latter was Kusavati founded by Kuga, and the capital of the former was Sråvasti. At the time of Buddha, that is, in the fifth and sixth centuries B.C., Kogala was a powerful kingdom which included Benares and Kapilavastu : its capital was then Srâvasti. But about 300 B.O. it was absorbed into the Magadha kingdom, the
capital of which was Pâtaliputra (Patna). Kosala-(Dakshiņa) Gondwana, including the eastern portion of the Central Provinces
(Brahma P., ch. 27). Same as Maha-Košala. At times, its boundaries extended much to the south and west. Its capital was Ratanpura in the eleventh or twelfth century. Its former capital was Chirayu (see Kath-saritsagara (Tawney's trans., Vol. I, p. 376) in which the story of Nagarjuna and king Sadvaha, called also Chirayu, is given; of Hiuen Tsiang : Beal's R.W.C., II, p. 210). Någârjuna's Sukrillekha (letter to a friend) was dedicated to his old friend Dânapati hamed Jin-in-ta-ka (Jetaka), a king in a great country in southern India, who was styled Sadyâhans or S&tavkhana (I-tsing's Record of the Buddhist Religion, p. 159, translated by Takakusu). As the Satavahanas were the Andhrabhritya kings of Dhanakataka, and as there was no particular person by the name of Såtavahana, the king referred to must be a king of Dhanakataks (Jin-in-ta-ka); the name of the capital was perhaps mistaken for the name of the king, and the king must have been either Gotamiputra Satakarņi or his son PulamAyi, most probably the former, who reigned in the second century of the Christian era when Nagarjuna is said to have flourished (see Dhanakataka). It is, however, possible that Yajna Satakarņi, was meant, as he made a gift of the Srisaila mountain to Nagarjuna containing a Buddhist library. Nagarjuna was the founder of the Mahayana sobool and editor of the original Swiruta. According to Prof. Wilson, Satavahana is a synonym of Salivahene. The Saka era which

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begins in 78 A.D. is also called the Salivahana era, but this is a mistake (see Panchanada). Bidarbha or Berar was called, in the Buddhist period, Dakshina Kosala (Cunningham's Arch. 8. Rep., XVII, p. 68). Dakshina Kosala is mentioned in the Raindvalt (Act IV) as hawing been conquered by Udayana, king of Vatea. Gondwana is the Gad Katanga of the Muhammadan historians; it was governed by Durgavati, the queen of Dalpat Shah, and heroine of Central India. Dakshiņa-Košala is the Tosalf of Asoka's Inscription at Dhauli (see Tosali). The ancient name of Lahnji was Champanattu, that of Ratanpur Manipur, that of Mandala Mahikamati, which towns were the capitals of the Haihayas of Gada-Mandala. For the history of Gada-Mandala, see the History of the Garha-Mandala
Rajas in JASB., 1837, p. 621. Kotesvara-A celebrated place of pilgrimage near the mouth of the Kori river on the
western shore of Cutch (Bomb. Gaz., V, p. 229). It is the Kie-tsi-shi-fa-lo of Hiuen Tsiang. Kota-tirtha-A holy tank situated in the fort of Kalinjar (Arch. 8. Rep., Vol. XXI, p. 32;
Lieut. Maisey's Description of the Antiquities of Kalinjar in JASB., 1848). It is now
called Karod-tirtha. Kotig ma-Same as Kundagama (Mahd-parinibbanasutta, ch. II, 6). Koti-tirtha-1. In Mathura. 2. A sacred tank in Gokarna. 3. In Kurukshetra (Vamana P.,
ch. 36). 4. A sacred Kunda in the court-yard of Mahakala at Ujjayin [Skanda P., Avanti Kh., ch. 22; Padma P., Swarga (Adi), ch. 6). 5. Same as Dhanushkoti-tirtha
(8 kanda P., Brahma Kh., Setu-mah&t., ch. 27). 6. On the Narmada (Matsya P., ch. 190). Krathakalsika-Same as Payoshni : the river Porņå in Berar. 2. Same as Bidarbha
from Kratha and Kaisika, two sons of king Vidarbha (Mbh., Sabha, ch. 13). Krauscha-Parvata-That part of the Kailasa mountain on which the lake Månasa-Barovara
is situated (Ramdyana, Kishk., ch. 44). It included Krauficha-randhra. Kraufichapura-Same as Bana ASI (Harivamia, ch. 94), which has been placed by Dr. Burnell
in his Map in the South Indian Palaeography in North Kanars on the river Barada, an
affluent of the Tungabhadra. It was founded by Raja Sarasa. See BalJayanti. Kranicha-randhra-The Niti Pass in the district of Kumaun, which affords a passage to
Tibet from India (Meghadata, Pt. I, v. 58). The passage is said to have been opened
with an arrow by Parasurama in the Krauñcha Mountain. Krishna See Krishnaveni (Padma P., Svarga Kh., ch. 3, v. 29). Krishna-girl-The Karakorum mountain or the Black Mountain (Vayu P., ch. 36 ; Brets
cheider's Mediaeval Researches, Vol. I, p. 256). It is also called Mus-tagh. Krishnaveni-1. The united stream of the Krishn and Venk rivers. Bilvamangala,
the author of the Krishnakarndmrita, lived on the western bank of this river (Krishna Das's Saranga-rangada, a commentary on the work, MS., Sansk. Col., Calcutta). 2. The river Krishna (Agni P., ch. 118; Ramdyana, Kishk., ch. 4). It rises at Mahabalesvara in the Western Ghata, and its source, which is enclosed within a temple of Mahadeva. is considered to be a sacred spot visited by numerous pilgrims. It falls into the Bay
of Bengal at Sippelar, a little to the south of Masulipatam. Kritamala-The river Vaiga, on which Madura (Dakshina Mathura) is situated : it has its source in the Malaya mountain. (Chaitanya Charitamrita ; Markandeya P., ch. 57
Vishnu P., Pt. II, ch. 3). Keltavati --The river Sabarmati in Gajarát (Padma P., Uttara, ch. 62). Krlvl—The old name of PanchAla (Mbh., Adi P., ch. 138). Kroda-desa-Coorg : same as Kodagu (Skanda P., Kaveri Mahât., ch. 11; Rice's Mysore
and Coorg, Vol. III, pp. 88, 91, 92).

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Krokala-Same as Karakalla.
Krumu-The river Kunar or the Choaspes of the Greeks, which joins the Kabul river at some distance below Jalalabad (Rig Veda, X, 75-the Hymn called Nadistuti); it is also called the Kamah river. It has been identified also with the Koram river (McCrindle's Ptolemy, p. 95). See Kuramu. According to Drs. Macdonell and Keith, it is the river Kurum (Vedic Index, Vol. II) which joins the Indus near Isakhel.
Kshatri The country of the Kathaidi who lived between the Hydraotes (Ravi) and the Hyphasis (Bias), their capital being Saigala (McCrindle's Ptolemy, p. 157). Kshatriya-Kunda-Same as Kundapura (Sabdakalpadruma, s. v. Tirthankara). Kshemavati-The birth place of Krakuchandra, a former Buddha. It has been identified by P. C. Mukherji with Guțiva in the Nepalese Terai (P. C. Mukherji's Antiquities in the Tarai, Nepal, p. 55). See Kapilavastu.
Kshetra-Upanivesa-In its contracted form Upaniveša. See Hupian. Kshipra-Same as Sipra (Brahma P., ch. 43; Vamana P., ch. 83, v. 19). Kshira-Bhavani-12 miles from Srinagar in Kasmir. The goddess is within a Kundu or
reservoir of water which assumes different colours in different parts of the day.
Kshiragrama See Khiragrama.
Kshudraka Same as Sadraka; called also Kshudra (Padma P., Svarga Kh., ch. 3) and Kshaudraka (Pânini's Ashtadhyayî).
Kubha-1. The Kabul river, the Kophen or Kophes of the Greeks, which rises at the foot of the Kohi Baba from a spring called Sir-i-Chusma, 37 miles to the east of Kabul, and flowing through Kabul falls into the Indus just above Attock (Rig Veda, X, 75). It is the Nilah of the Muhammadan historian Abdul Qadir (JASB., 1842, p. 125). 2. The district through which the Kophes (Kophen) or the Kabul river flows. The name of Kabul is derived from the Vedic name of Kubha. It is the Koa of Ptolemy (McCrindle's Ptolemy, VII, ch. I, sec. 27) and Kophen of Arrian (McCrindle's Megasthenes and Arrian, p. 191.) The valley of the Kabul river is generally called Ningrahar or Nungnihar, the former being the corruption of the latter word which signifies nine rivers and they are the Surkhrud, the Gandamak, the Kurrussa, the Chiprial, the Hisaruk, the Kote, the Momunddurrah, the Koshkote, and the Kabul river (JASB., 1842, p. 117). Kubja-A tributary of the Narbada (Padma P., Bhûmi, ch. 63).
Kubjagriha-Same as Kalughira.
Kubjamraka-It has been identified by some with Hrishîkesa but the identification is not correct. It is a celebrated place of pilgrimage at some distance to the north of Hrishikesa, sacred to Vishnu. The Mahatmya of Kubjâmraka and Hrishikesa has been treated separately in the Vardha P., chs. 126 and 146 (Archivatára-sthala-vaibhavadarpanam, p. 108). It was the hermitage of Raibhya Rishi. It is also called Kubjâmra. According to the Kûrma P., Kubjâsrama or Kubjâmra is identical with Kanakhala (cf. Kurma P., Upari, ch. 34, v. 34, and ch. 36, v. 10).
uhe The Kabul river. The Vedic Kubha appears to have been corrupted into Kuhu during the Pauranic period. The river Sindhu (Indus) is said to pass through the country of the Kuhus, who are mentioned just after the people of Gândhâra and Urasâ in the Matsya P. (ch. CXX, v. 46 and ch. CXIII, v. 21). It is evidently the Koa of Ptolemy which has been identified by McCrindle with Kophen (McCrindle's Invasion of India by Alexander, p. 61). Bat according to Prof. Lassen, Koa or Koas of Ptolemy is not the Kophen or Kabul river. Ptolemy says that Koas is the most western river of India, but the westernmost part of India was the country of the Lampakas, who lived near the sources at the Koas. (JASB., 1840, p. 474).

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Kukkutapada-Girl-Kurkihar, about three miles north-east of Wazirganj, which is fifteen miles east of Gays (Grierson's Notes on the District of Gaya and Cunningham's Anc. Geo., p. 461). Dr. Stein has identified it with Sobhnáth Peak, the highest point of the Moher Hill in Hasra Kol (Ind. Ant., 1901, p. 88). The three peaks situated about a mile to the north of Kurkihar are said to have been the scene of some of the miracles of the Buddhist saint Mahâ Kâsyapa, the celebrated disciple of Buddha, and eventually of his death, and not of Kâsyapa Buddha who preceded Buddha Såkyasimha (Rockhill's Life of Buddha, p. 161). But Gurupâda-giri of Fa Hian has been considered to be the same as Kukkutapads-giri, so called from its three peaks resembling the foot of a chicken (Legge's Travels of Fa Hian, ch. XXXIII; JASB., 1906, p. 77). Hence Kukkutapâda-giri is not Kurkihar but Gurpå hill (see Gurupada-giri ; for a description of the place, see JASB.,
XVII, 235).
Kukubha-A mountain in Orissa (Dert-Bhagavata, VIII, ch. 11 : Garrett's Class. Dic., 8.v.
Kukubha). Kukura-A portion of Rajputana, of which the capital was Balmer, the Pi-lo-mi-lo of Hiuen
Tsiang. Kukura is the Kiu-chi-lo of the Chinese traveller (Brihat-samhita, ch. xiv, v. 4; Burgess' Antiquities of Kathiawad and Kachh, p. 131 ; Dr. Bhandarkar's Early History of the Dekkan, p. 14 n.). East Rajputana (Bomb. Gaz., Vol. I, Pt. I, p. 36, note; Padma P., Svarga, ch. 3). Same as Dasarha (Trikándaiesha, II). The Kukuras were & tribe of
Yadavas (Visvanath Deva-Varma's Rukminipariņaya, VI, 30). Kukushta-Same as Kakoutha or Kakuttha of the Maha parinibbana Sutta. Buddha
crossed this river on his way from Pava to Kusinagara (Mahaparinibbana Sutla in SBE., XI, p. 74). Kukushtha has been identified with a small stream called Barhi, which flows
to the Chhota-Gandak, 8 miles below Kasia (see Cunningham's Anc. Geo., p. 435). Kulinda-dega-Garwal including the district of Shaharanpur, north of Delhi (Mahabharata,
Sabha, ch. 26). The entire tract of land lying between the upper portion of the Ganges and the Sutlej was called Kulinda, the Kulindrini of Ptolemy. Cunningham places Kulinda-desa between the Bias and the Tons, including Kulu, the Kuninda of the coins (Cunningham's Arch. S. Rep., Vol. XIV). Same as Kalinda-desa. According to McCrindle, the region of lofty mountains, wherein the Vipava, the Satadru, the Jamuna. and the Ganges have their sources, was the Kylindrine of Ptolemy (p. 109). The Kulindas lived on the southern slope of the Himalaya from Kulu eastward to Nepal
(JRAS., 1908, p. 326). Kulta-The sub-division of Kulu in the Kangra district in the upper valley of the Bias
river, Punjab, to the north-east of Kangra, (Bihat-samhita, ch. XIV; Arch. S. Rep., 1907-8, p. 260). It formed a part of Kulinda-desa. Its capital was Nagarkot. Its present head-quarters is Sultanpur called also Stanpur and Raghunathpur from the chief temple dedicated to Raghunath, situated at the confluence of the Serbulli or Serbari, a small stream, with the Bias river (JASB., 1841, p. 3; Fraser's Himala Mountains. p. 291). There is a celebrated place of pilgrimage in this sub-division called Trilokanath (Trailok yanath), situated on a hill in the village of Tanda on the left bank of the Chandrabhågå (Chenab) river, some 32 miles below the junction of the rivers Chandra and Bhaga. It contains an image of Avalokitesvara with six hands, worshipped as an image of
Mahadeva (JASB., 1841, p. 105; 1902, p. 35). Kumara-Perhaps the corruption of Kumâra is Kaira (see Kaira-mall) which was situated
very close to Rewa (Mbh., Sabha, ch. 29).

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Kumarasvami-1. This is a celebrated place of pilgrimage in Tuluva, 26 miles from Hospet,
8. M. Railway, on the river Kumaradhârâ which rises in the Bisli Ghat below the Pushpagiri or Subrahmanya range of the Western Ghats. 2. The temple of Kumârasvâmî or Kárttikasvami is situated about a mile from Tiruttani, a station of the Madras and S. M. Railway, on a hill called Krauicha-parvata. See Subrahmanya. It was visited by Sankaracharya (Apanda Giri's Sankaravijaya, ch. II, p. 67 ; Skanda P., Kumârika
Kb., Kumarasvâmi-mâhât., ch. 14). It is briefly called Svâmi-tirtha. Kumaravana-Same as Kurmavana or Karmachala: Kumaun (Vikramorvaši, Act IV).
See Kedara. Kamart--1. Cape Comorin (Mbh., Vana, ch. 88). It contains the celebrated teniple
of Kumari Devi (Ziegenbalg's Genealogy of South Indian Gods, Rev. Metzger's trans., p. 39. note). 2. The river Kaorhari which rises in the Suktimat range in the Bihar subdivision near Rajgir. (Vishnu P., II, ch. 3, and Arch. 8. Rep., Vol. VIII, p. 125). 3. The Kukri-nadi of Tavernier (Travels in India, Ball's Ed., p. 64) which joins the river
Sindh, a tributary of the river Jamuna, 12 miles from Dholpur. Same as Sukumari. Kumbhaghona-Kumbhaconum in the Tanjore district. It was one of the capitals
of the Chola kingdom and was a celebrated place of learning. The temple of Siva in Kumbhaconum is one of the most celebrated temples in the Presidency. There is a sacred tank called Kumbhakarna-kapala in the Chaitanya-charitam,ita (II, ch. 9) or Mahâ-magam, where pilgrims from all parts of southern India go to bathe in Magh of
every twelfth year. Kumbhakarna-Same as Kumbbaghona (Chaitanya-charitam ita, II, 9). Kumbhakona Same as Kumbhaghona. Kundagams-It is another name for Vaibali (modern Besarh) in the district of Mozaffarpur
(Tirhut); in fact, Kundagama (Kundagráma) now called Bast kuņda was a part of the suburb of the ancient town of Vaisali, the latter comprising three districts or quarters: Vaisali proper (Besarh), Kundapura (Basukund), and Vâniagama (Bania), inhabited by the Brahman, Kshatriya, and Bania castes respectively. Under the name of Kundagama, the city of Vaišali is mentioned as the birth-place of Mahavira, the Jaina Tirthai kara, who was also called Vegali or the man of Vesali. It is the Koțiggâma of the Buddhists (Prof. Jacobi's Jaina Sutras, Introduction ; in SBE., XXII, p. xi). It is also said that he was born at Kollaga, a suburb of Vaišáli, where the Naya or Nåta clan of Kshatriyas resided, and in which was a temple called Chaitya Duipalâsa. (Dr. Hoernle, Uvasagadasao, p. 4; and his Jainism and Buddhism). Mahavira is said to have been conceived at first in the womb of the Brahmanî Devananda, but Indra caused the embryo to be transferred to the womb of the Kshatriyâ Trisalâ who was also with child, through the agency of his deer-headed general Harineyameshi, who is no doubt the same as Naigamesha or goatheaded god of the Brâhmanas (Ep. Ind., Vol. II, pp. 316, 317; Kalpasútra in SBE., Vol. XXII, p. 227). Mahavira or Varddhamâna was the son of Siddhartha, a chief or "king" of Kundapura, by his wife Trigalâ, who was sister of Chetaka, king of Vaisâli; Chetaka's daughter, Chellanå, or the Videha Devî as she was called, was married to Bimbisåra, king of Magadha, and she was the mother of Ajátasatru or Kuņika, who married Vajira, the daughter of king Prasenajit of Sravastî, the brother of his step-mother, the Kosala Devi, but according to other accounts Ajátagatru was the son of Kosala Devi. Mahavira died at Pâpå (Pâvâpuri) at the age of 72 in B.C. 527, or according to Mr. Prinsep in 569 B.O., at the age of 70 (Prinsep's Useful Tables, Pt. II, p. 33), i.e., 26 years

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before the death of Buddha (800 Papa). According to Dr. Hoernle, Mahavira was born in 599 B.C., and he died in 527 B.O. at the age of seventy-two (Jainism and Buddhism). Mahậvira had a daughter named Anojjå or Priyadarsana by his wife Yagoda (Jacobi's Jaina" útras in SBE., XXII, p. 193; Dr. Bühler's Indian Sect of the Jainas, pp. 25-29). Nigranthi Jhátiputra or Jõâtaputra or Nataputta, one of the celebrated sages who lived at Rajagriha at the time of Buddha, has been identified with Mahavira of the Jainas; he also resided at Sråvasti when Buddha lived there (see also Mahavagga, VI, 31). Hence Buddhism and Jainism were two contemporary systems. Mahavira wandered more than 12 years in Lâda in Vajjabhumi and Subhabhumi, the Rådha of to-day in Bengal. In the thirteenth year of his wandering life, he attained Jinahood and taught the Nigrantha doctrines, a modification of the religion of Pårå venâtha (Bahler's Indian Sect of the Jainas, p. 26). The Nigranthas are mentioned in a pillar edict of Asoka issued in the 29th year of his reign. During the famine which lasted for twelve years in the reign of Chandragupta, king of Magadha, Bhadrabahu, who was then at the head of the Jaina Community, emigrated into Karnata (or Canarese) country with a portion of the people, and Sthûlabhadra became the head of the portion that remained in Magadha. At the council held at Pataliputre towards the end of the famine, the Jains books consisting of eleven Angas and fourteen Púrvas (which latter are collectively called the twelfth Anga) were collected. All the Jainas wore no clothes before, but during the famine, the Pataliputra Jainas commenced wearing clothes. Hence Bhadrabâhu's followers after their return refused to hold fellowship with them and to acknowledge the Sacred Books collected by them, that is the Augas and the Parvas. The final separation between the two sects as Svetâmvara and Digamvara took place in 79 or 82 A.D. At a council held at Ballabhî in Gujarât under the presidency of Devarddhi, the sacred books were again settled ; this took place in 154 A.D. (Hoernle's Jainism and Buddhism). Kundapura-Same as Kundagam.. . Kundilyapura Same as Kundinapura. Kudinapura The ancient capital of Vidarbha. Dowson identifies it with Kundapura,
about forty miles east of Amaravati (Dowson's Classical Dic., 4th ed., p. 171 and Wilson's Mdlas and Madhara, Act I). It existed at the time of Bhavabhûti (Málati Madhava, Aot I). Devalavård, eleven miles south of Wartora, on the river Wardha (Vidarbha) in the district of Chanda in the Central Provinces, is traditionally known as the ancient Kundinapura (Cunningham's Archaeological Survey Report, IX, p. 133). A fair is held here every year near the temple of Rukmiņi. Ancient Kundinapura is said to have extended from the river Wardha to Amaravati (Amraoti) where the identical temple of Bhavanf, from which she was carried away by Krishna, is still said to exist. Kundinapura was the birth-place of Rukmini, the consort of Krishna. It has been identified with Kondåvir in Berar (Dr. Führer's Monumental Antiquities and Inscriptions). Kundinapura was also called Vidarbhapura (Harivomša, II; Mbl., Vana, ch. 73). It appears, however, that Vidarbhapura or Kundinapura was on the site of Bedar (see Bidarbba.) Rukmiņi was formerly married by Krishna, after she was carried away from Bidarbhs. at Madhavapur, forty miles to the north-west of Prabhåss or Somanatha (Archduatema). The Anarghardghavam, (Act VII, 101) places Kandinanagara in Maharashtra which,
saya, included Bidarbha. Kuninda Same as Kullada-deda. It is the Kauninda of Brihat-Samhitd, ch. XIV, v. 30.

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Kuntala-des-At the time of the Chalukyas, Kuntala-desa was bounded on the north by,
the Narbada, on the south by the Tungabhadrâ, on the west by the Arabian Sea, and on the east by the Godavari and the Eastern Ghats. Its capitals were Nasik and Kalyana at different periods (Ind. Ant., XXII, 1893, p. 182; Antiquities of Bidar and Aurangabad Districts, by Burgess). In later times, the Southern Mahratta country was called Kuntala (Dr. Bhandarkar's Hist. of the Dekkan, sec. xii; Vâmana P., ch. 13). It included the north of the present Mysore country (JRAS., 1911, p. 812). In the Dasakumdracharita (ch. 8), it is placed among the dependent kingdoms of Bidarbha. But in the tenth century, the town of Bidarbha is mentioned as being situated in Kuntaladesa (Rajasekhara's Karpûra-mañ jari, Act I). The later inscriptions called it Karnâțakadesa (The Literary Remains of Dr. Bhau Daji by Ramchandra Ghosh, Preface, p. xxxiv), Kuntala was also called Karnata (see Bühler's note at pp. 27, 28 of the Introduction to the Vikramdi kadevacharita by Bilhana). The Tara Tantra also says that Karnața was the name of Maharashtra (see Ward's History, Literature, and Religion of the Hindus, Vol. I, p. 558). The Markandeya P., ch. 57, mentions two countries by the name of
Kuntala, one in Madhyadesa and the other in Dakshinâtya ; see Kuntalapura. Kuntalakapura-Kubattur in Sorab in the Shemoga district of Mysore. It was the capital
of Kuntaladesa. It was, according to tradition, the capital of king Chandrahasa (Jaimini-Bharata, ch. 53 ; Rice's Mysore and Coorg, Vol. !I, p. 351). It was situated in Kerala. Chandravati was six yojanas or 42 miles from Kuntalakapura. Sarnal, in the Kaira District with which Kuntalakapura is identified (Cousen's Antiquarian Remains in the Bombay Presidency, VIII, p. 94) is too far off from Kerala. It was also called
Kautalakapura. See Surabhi. Kuntalapura-1. Same as Kuntalakapura. 2. General Cunningham places it in the
territory of Gwalior (Cunningham's Arch. S. Rep., XX, p. 112). 3. Sarnal in the Kaira
district is said to be Kuntalapura. Kunti-Bhoja-It was also called Bhoja, an ancient town of Malwâ, where Kuntî, the mother
of Yudhishthira and his brothers, was brought up by her adoptive father Kunti-Bhoja, king of Bhoja (Mbh., Adi, chs. 111, 112). It was situated on the bank of a small river called Asvanadi or Asvarathanadi which falls into the river Chambal (Mbh., Vana, ch. 306; Bihat-Samhita, ch. 10, v. 15). It was also called Kunti (Mbh., Bhishma P., ch. 9; Viråta
P., ch. I). Kapatha---Hiuen Triang's Kie-pan-to should perhaps be restored to Kupatha, mentioned
among the mountainous countries in the north-west of India (Matsya P., ch. 113, v. 55),
and not to Kabandha (q. v.). Kuramu-The river Koram, a tributary of the Indus (Rig Veda, X, 75). Same as Krumu. Kurangapura-Koringa, near the mouth of the Godávarf. KarmachalaKumaun (JASB., XVII, 580, quoting Skanda P., Manushkhanda) [sic
for Mâhegvara khanda (Kedâra kh.)]. It was also called by the names of Kurmavana and Kumaravana, the corruption of which is Kumaun. Its former capital was Champauti which was also called Karmachala (Conder's Modern Traveller, X, 343), and its present capital is Almora. On the western border is the Tribal Mountain as its peaks have the appearance of a trident. The celebrated temple of Parņ& Devi or Annapurņa at Purnagiri, visited by pilgrims from all parts of the country, is situated in Kumaun (JASB., XVII. 573). Vishnu is said to have incarnated here near Lobâghât as Karma to support the Mandara mountain (Ibid., p. 580); see Mandara-girl. The Doonagiri mountain is the

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Dronachala of the Puranas; the Lodh Moona forest was the hermitage of Garga Rishi, and the Gagas river rises in the forest (p. 617) and falls into the Dhauli. The Kûrmâchali Brahmans who reside in Kumaun have evidently derived this name from the country (Sherring's Hindu Tribes and Castes, pp. 21, 106). See Kartripura Karttikeyapura and Umavana. For the five Prayâgas, see Pañcha-Prayaga. The province of Kumaun is situated in the tract of hills lying between the western branch of the Gagra known as Kâlî-nadi and the river Râm-Gangå which divides Garwal from Kumaun (Fraser's Himala Mountains, pp. 54, 537). For the history of the kings of Kumaun, see JASB., 1844, p. 887.
Karmakshetra-Eight miles to the east of Chikakol on the sea-coast in the district of Ganjam. It was visited by Chaitanya (Shyamlal Goswami's Gaurasundara, p. 188). It is now called. Šrîkûrma.
Karmavana-Same as Kurmachala.
Kurujangala-A forest country situated in Sirhind, north-west of Hastinapura. It was called Srikanthadesa during the Buddhist period; its capital was Bilaspur. It was included in Kurukshetra. In the sixth century, its capital was Thânesvara. The seat of Government was removed by Harsha Deva (Siladitya II) to Kanauj (see Shrikantha). The entire Kurudesa was called by this name in the Mbh. (Adi P., ch. 201) and Vamana P. (ch. 32). Hastinapura, the capital of the Kurus, was situated in Kurujângala (Mbh., Adi, ch. 126). Kurukshetra-Thaneswar. The district formerly included Sonepat, Amin, Karnal, and Panipat, and was situated between the Sarasvati on the north and the Drishadvatî on the south (Mbh., Vana, ch. 83), but see Pratap Chandra Roy's edition of the Mahabharata. The war between the Kurus and the Pândavas took place not only at Thanes war but also inthe country around it. The Dvaipâyana Hrada is situated in Thaneswar. Vyasasthali (Modern Basthali) is seventeen miles to the south-west of Thaneswar. At Amin, five miles south of Thaneswar, Abhimanyu, the son of Arjuna, was killed, and Asvatthâmâ was defeated by Arjuna, and his skull severed. Amin, according to Cunningham, is the contraction of Abhimanyukshetra. At Amin, Aditi gave birth to Surya; at Bhore, eight miles to the west of Thaneswar, Bhuriśravâ was killed; at Chakra-tîrtha, Krishna took up his discus to kill Bhishma; at Nagdu, eleven miles to the south-west of Thâneswar, Bhishma died; at Asthipura [Padma P., Srishti (Adi), ch. 13], on the west of Thâneswar and south of Aujas-ghât, the dead bodies of the warriors who were killed in the war, were collected and burned (Arch. 8. Rep., Vol. XIV, pp. 86-106). Sonepat and Panipat are the corruptions of Sonaprastha and Pâniprastha, which were two of the five villages demanded by Yudhishthira from Duryodhana. Kurukshetra was also called Sthânutîrtha and Sâmantapanchaka (Mbh., Šalya, ch. 54; Vana, ch. 83); the temple of the Mahadeva Sthânu was situated half a mile to the north of Thaneswar. It was visited by people as a place of pilgrimage at the time of Alberuni in the eleventh century A.D., especially at the time of eclipse (Alberuni's India, Vol. II, p. 147; Matsya P., ch. 191). Kusabhavanapura-Sultanpur on the Gumti in Oudh (Thornton's Gazetteer). It was visited by Hiuen Tsiang. Same as Kusapura. It was the capital of Kuša, son of Ramachandra. It is called Kusasthali in the Vayu P., (Uttara, ch. 26). The capital was removed from Ayodhya by Kusa when he succeeded his father Ramachandra, king of Oudh (Raghuvamia, XV, v. 97; xvi, v. 25).

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Kusagarapura--- Rajgir, the ancient capital of Magadha. Samo as Girivrajapura (Beal's
R.W.C., II, p. 149). Kusamapura-1. Properly Kusumapura which is the same as Pataliputra (Mahavamsa,
ch. 5). Kumhrâr, the southern quarter of Patna, is evidently a corruption of Kusamapura (Kusumapura), where the royal palace was situated. It was part of
Påtaliputra (Upham's Mahavamia, ch. V, p. 46). 2. Kanyakubja. Kusapura-Same as Kusabhavanapura (Cunningham's Anc. Geo., p. 398). Kugasthala-Kanouj (Hemakosha). Kusasthali-1. Dwaraka, the capital of Anartta, in Gujarat. Dwaraka was founded on
the deserted site of Kuwasthali by Krishna (Harivamia, ch. 112). 2. Ujjayini (Skanda P.,
Avanti Kh., chs. 24, 31). Kusavartta-1. A sacred tank in Tryamvaka, twenty-one miles from Nasik, near
the source of the Godåvari2. A sacred ghat in Hardwar. Kusavati-1. Dwaraka in Gujarat (Nilakantha's Commentary on v. 54, ch. 160. Vana P.
of the Mbh.) It was founded by Auartta, the nephew of Ikshâku. It was also called Kugasthali and was the capital of Anartta-desa (Siva P., pt. vi, ch. 60). 2. Kušavati, which was situated on the border of the Vindhya hills (Ramdyana, Uttara K., eh. 121), was perhaps the ancient Darbhavatî (modern Dabhoi), thirty-eight miles north-east of Baroach in Gujarat. It was the capital of Kusa, son of Ramachandra. 3. Kasur in the Panjab, thirty-two miles to the south-east of Lahore. 4. Same as Kusabhavanapura and Kusapura the capital of Kusa, son of Ramachandra (Raghuvania, C. 15, v. 97): Sultanpur in Oudh. 5. Ancient name of Kusinâra or Kusinagara, where Buddha died (Mahdparinibbana Sutta in SBE, XI, p. 100; Jataka, Cam. Ed., vol. V, p. 141-(KusaJataka). 6. A place on the bank of the Venâ or Wain-Gangå which was given by Aryaka, the founder of the Abhîra dynasty, to Chârudatta after killing Pålaka, the tyrant
king of Ujjayini (Michchhakatika, Act X, 51). Kusinagara - The place where Buddha died in 477 B.C., according to Prof. Max Müller,
but according to the Ceylonese chronology and Prof. Lassen, he died in 543 B.C., (see Goldstücker's Panini, pp. 231-233), at the age of eighty in the eighth year of the reign of Ajậtasatru. It has been identified by Prof. Wilson with the present village of Kasia, thirty-seven miles to the cast of Gorakhpur and to the north-west of Bettia. Buddha died in the upavattana of Kusinara in the Sala grove of the Mallians, between the twin šala trees in the third watch of the night, resting on his right side with his head to the north (Mahd parinibbutna Sulla in SBE., Vol. XI, pp. 103, 116). Asoka erected three stūpas on the scene of his death. It was anciently called Kusâvati (Jataka, Cam. Ed., V, 141-Kusa-Jataka). The charcoal ashes of Buddha's funeral pyre wete enshrined in a stúpa at Barhi now called Moriyanagara in the Nyagrodha forest, visited by Hiuen Tsiang. The ruins of Aniruddwa near Kasia in the district of Gorakhpur have been identified with the palaces of the Malla nobles of the Buddhist records. The relics (bones) of Buddha were divided by the Brahmin Drona into eight parts among the Lichchhavis of Vaigali, Säkyas of Kapilavastu, Bulayas of Allakappaka, Koliyas of Râmagrâma, Brahmanas of Bethadvipa (perhaps Bethiâ), Mallas of Påvå, Mallas of Kusinara (Kusinagara), and Ajâtaintru, king of Pataliputra, who all erected stupas upon them. The Brahmis Drona built a stúpa upon the pitcher with which he had measured the relics, and the Mauryas of Pippalavati built another on the charcoal from Buddha's funeral pyre (Mahd. parinibbana Sutla, ch. 6). Dr. Hooy, identifies Kasia with the place where Buddha

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received the kashaya or the mendicant robe after he had left his home (JASB., Vol. LXIX, p. 83). Though Mr. Vincent A. Smith doubts the identification of Kusinagara with Kasia, yet the recent exploration by the Archæological Department has set the question at rest. The stapa adjoining the main temple containing an image of the dying Buddha was opened and a copperplate was discovered showing the following words at
the end "Copperplate in the Stupa of Nirvana." Kusinara-Same as Kusinagara. Kustana-The kingdom of Khotan in Eastern or Chinese Turkestan, famous for the stone
called Jade; hence it is called by the Chinese Yu (Jade)-lien. It was called by the Chinese Ka-sa-tan-na (Bretscheider's Mediaval Researches, II, p. 48). It was visited by Fa Hian and Hiuen Tsiang. Its old capital was Yotkan, a little to the west of the modern town of Khotan, which in the ancient manuscripts discovered by Dr. Stein is called Khotana and Kustanaka. The territory of Khotan was conquered and colonised by Indian immigrants from Takshasila (Taxila) about the second century before the Christian era. Dr. Stein identified the Buddhist stúpa and the Sa-mo-joh monastery of Hiuen Tsiang with the Döbe in the cemetery of Somiya, a mile to the west of Yotkan. Dr. Stein discovered many Buddhist shrines, stâpas, relievos and statues of Buddha and Bodhisattvas in stucco at Dandan-Ulig (ancient Li-sieh), Niya, Endere and Rawak buried in the sand of the desert of Taklamakan in the territory of Khotan, and exhamed from the ruins many painted panels and documents written in Brahmi and Kharoshți characters on wooden tablets (Takhtas), and papers ranging from the third to the eighth century of the Christian era (Dr. Stein's Sand-buried Ruins of Kholan, p. 402). Fa Hian saw at Khotan in the fourth century the drawing of cars of the Buddhist Tri-ratnas, Buddha, Dharma, and Sangha, which are the prototypes of the modern Jagannath, Balarama, and Subhadra. At Ujjayini, at the time of Samprati, Asoka's successor, the Jainas used to draw a car on which Jivantaswami's image was placed (Sthavirdvalt, Jacobi's ed., XI). The name of Kustana has also been mentioned by It-sing (800 Records of the Buddhist Religion by
Takakusu, p. 20). Same as Stana Kusumapura-Same as Kusamapura (Mudrdrikshasa, Act II). Kutaka-Gadak, an ancient town oontaining many old temples in Dharwar district, Bombay
Presidency (Bhagavata P., V, ch. 6). Katiks-The river Kosila, the eastern tributary of the Râmgangâ in Rohilkhand and Oudh
(Lassen's Ind. Alt., II, p. 524, and Ramdyana, Ayodhya K., ch. 71). Kutija-Same as Kutika. Kutikoshtika-The Koh, a small affluent of the Ramgangê in Oudh (Lassen's Ind. AU..
Vol. II, p. 524 and Ramayana, Ayodhya K., ch. 71). Kuva-Same as Goparashtra and GovarAshtra : Southern Koukaņa.
L Lada-Same as Lata (Southern Gujarat) and Radha (o portion of Bengal). Lahada-It is a border-land between Kåsmîr and Dardistan (Brihat-Samhita, ch. XIV.
v. 22; Ind. Ant., XXII, 1893, p. 182–Topographical List of the Brihat-Samhita by Dr.
Fleet.) Lakragad-The fort of Lakragad was situated on the Rajmahal hills in Bengal; it was an
old fort. It is the Lakhnor of Menhajuddin and other Muhammadan historians
(Beveridge's Buchanan Records in C. R., 1894). Lakshmanavati-1. Lakhnauti is the corruption of Lakshmanavati. It was another
name for Gauda (town), the ruins of which lie near Mald. It was the capital of the

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country of Gauda (Tawney : Merutunga's Prabandhachintamani, p. 181). It stood on the left bank of the Ganges. It was the capital of Bengal in 730 A.C. (Rennell's Memoir - of a Map of Hindoostan, p. 55), which date, however, does not appear to be correct. Lakshmana Sena, the son and successor of Ballála Sena and grandson of Vijaya Sena, and great-grandson of Hemanta Sena, the son of Samanta Sena (Deopåra inscription: Ep. Ind., 1, 3), is said to have greatly embellished the city of Gaud with temples and other public buildings, and called it after his own name, Laknauti or Lakshmaņåvati (Martin's East. Ind., III, p. 68). He was a great patron of Sanskrit literature. Jaya Deva of Kenduli,—the author of the celebrated lyric Gita Govinda (Bhavishya P., Pratisarga, Pt. IV, ch. IX), Umâpatidhara, the commentator of the Kalapa grammar and minister of Lakshmana Sena (Prabandha-chintamani, p. 181), Govarddhana Acharya, the spiritual guide of Lakshmana Sena and author of the Arya-sa ptajati, Sarana, and Dhoyi (who is called Kavi Kshamapati-srutidhara by Jaya Deva in his Gita-Govinda), the author of the Pavana-data, were called the Pancharatna or five gems of Lakshmana Sena's court in imitation of the Nava-ratna or nine gems of Vikramaditya (Ind. Ant., Vol. XIV, p. 183 n.) Haláyudha, the author of a dictionary and the spiritual adviser of the monarch, and Sridharadása, the author of the Sadukti Karnámrita also flourished in his court. Lakshmana Sena founded the Lakshmana Samvat (era) in 1108 A.D. (Dr. R. L. Mitra's Buddha Gaya, p. 201), but according to Dr. Bühler, in 1119 A.D. (Deopárd Inscription of Vijayasena : Ep. Ind., Vol. I, p. 307). Hunter considers that the name of Gauda was more applicable to the kingdom than to the city (Hunter's Statistical Account of Bengal, Vol. VII, p. 51; Bhavishya P., Pratisarga P., Pt. II, ch. 11). For the destruction of Gauda and the transfer of Muhammadan capital to Rajmahal in 1592, (see Bradley-Birt's Story of an Indian Upland, ch. 2). 2. Lucknow in Oudh. It is said to have been founded by Lakshmana, brother of Ramachandra, king of Oudh. It was repaired by Vikramaditya, king of Ujjayini. The town was first made the seat of government by Asaf-ud. Daulah in 1775 (Conder's Modern Traveller, Vol. IX, p. 296). See Lucknow in Pt. II,
of this work. Lakuliss-See Nakulisa. Lampaka-Lamghan, on the northern bank of the Kabul river near Peshawar (Hemakosha;
Lassen's History traced from Bactrian and Indo-Scythian Coins in JASB., 1840, P. 486; Brahmanda P., Parva, ch. 48). It is also called Muranda. It is 20 miles north-west
of Jalalabad. Lampaka-Same as Lampaka (Markdnd. P., ch. 67). Länguli-Same as Largulini. (Mbh., Sabha, ch. 9). Lan gulini-The river Länguliya on which Chicacole is situated, between Vizianagram and
Kalinga patam (Pargiter's Markandeya P., ch. 67, p. 305). It is also called Naglandi
river (Thornton's Gazetteer, 8. v. Ganjam). Lanka-1. Ceylon. 2. The town of Laukå or Laikapataram is said to be a mountain on the south-east corner of Ceylon; it is described as Trikata or three-peaked in the Ramdyana (Sundara K., ch. I) and was the abode of Râvana (Lanka Kånda, ch. 125). It is believed by some to be the present Mantotte in Ceylon, others think is to be a town submerged (Mutu Coomara Swamy's Da thavansa, p. 97). There is a place called Nikumbhild, about 40 miles from Colombo, where Indrajita performed his sacrifice (Buddhist Text Society's Journal, Vol. III, Pt. I, Appendix). There are some very good reasons to suppose that Lanků and Ceylon are not identical islands ; (1) the Ramayana (Kishk. K., ch. 41) says that one must cross the river Tamraparni and go to the south

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of the Mahendra rango which abuts into the ocean and cross it to reach Loka, or in other words, the island of Lanka, according to the Ramayana, was situated to the south of the Cardamum Mountains which form the southern portion of the Mahendra range, while if Ceylou be the ancient Lanka, one is not required to cross the Tanniaparvi river to go to the southern extremity of the Mahendra Mountain in order to reach that island by the Adam's Bridge (or Setubandha Râmegvara); 2. Bardha-mihira, the celebrated astronomer, says that Ujjayini and Lankan are situated on the same meridian, while Ceylon lies far to the east of this meridian ; 3. Some of the works of the Pauranic times mention Lanka and Sinhala (the corruption of which is Ceylon) as distinct islands (Brihat-Samhita, ch. 14 and Devi P., chs. 42, 46). On the other hand, the Mahavamsa, the most ancient history of Ceylon composed in the 5th century A.D., distinctly mentions that the island of Laika was called Siil hala by Vijaya after his conquest, and calls Dutthagamani and Paråkrama bâ hu kings of Laika or Simphala (Geiger's Mahdvania, chs. VII, XXXI). The Rajávali also mentions, the tradition of the war of Råvana in the island of Ceylon (Uphan's Rajavali, Pt. I). Dhammakitti, the author of the Dathavainya, who lived in the twelfth century A.D., in the reign of ParakramabAhu I, king of Ceylon, states that Simhala and Lankâ are the same island. It is called Zeilan or Silan (Ceylon) by Marco Polo, who visited it in the thirteenth century A.D. (Wright's Marco Polo). For other derivations of the name of Silan, sce Col. Yule's
Travels of Marco Polo, Vol. II, p. 254, sote. Lata-1. Southern Gujarat including Khandesh situated between the river Mahi and
the lower Tapti : the Larike of Ptolemy (Garuda P., ch. 55; Dowson's Classical Dictionary of Hindu Mythology ; Dr. Bhandarkar's Hist. of the Dekkan, sec. XI, p. 42). It is mentioned in the Kamasutra of Vâtsyâyana. It comprised the collectorates of Surat, Bharoch, Kheda and parts of Baroda territory (Antiquities of Kathiawad and Kachh by Burgess). According to Col. -Yule, Låda was the ancient name of Gujarat and Northern Konkan (Marco Polo, Vol. II, p. 302 n). It is the Lathikâ of the Dhauli inscription and Rästika (Ristika) of the Girnar inscription of Asoka. According to Prof. Bühler, Lata is Central Gujarat, the district between the Mahi and Kim rivers, and its chief city was Broach (see Additional Notes, It-sing's Records of the Buddhist Religion, by Takakusu, p. 217; Alberuni's India, I, p. 205). In the Copperplate Inscription found at Baroda, the capital of Låta or the kingdom of Latesvara is said to be Elapur (v. II). The inscription also gives the genealogy of the kings of Lâtesvara (JASB., vol. VIII, 1839, p. 292). But it is doubtfal whether Låta and Latesvara are identical kingdoms. Laja was also called Lada in the Biddhasdlabhaji jika: Olladesa appears to be identical with Lâța (see olla). The Nâgara Brahmins of Lâta (Gujarat) are said to have invented the Nagri character. The Devanagari character, however, is said to have been derived from the Brahmi alphabet. 2. Radha : the Låda of Upham's
Mahd pamia is a corruption of Radha in Bengal (see Radha). Latthivans-Same as Yashtivana (Jataka, Cam. ed., IV, p. 179; Mahavagga, I, 22). Lavan —The Lun (Looni) or Nun Nadi which rises near Paniar and falls into the Sind at
Chandpursonari in Malwa (Malati-madhava, Act IX ; Arch. 9. Rep., Vol. II, p. 308). Lavapard-Called also Lavakota or Lavavarâ afterwards called Lohawar : Lahore, founded
by Lava, the son of Ramachandra (Tod's Rajasthan, I, p. 224). The ruins of the ancient city still exist near the present city of Lahore. In the Jaina Inscriptions at Satruñjaya,
it is called Labhapura (Ep. Ind., Vol. II, pp. 38, 54). Lilajand-The river Phalgu : but, in fact, the western branch of the river Phalgu, which
joins the Mohâná few miles above Gaya, is called by that name. See Nilajana.
me)

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Lodhra-Kanana - The Loll-moona forest in Kumaun (Ramayana, Kishk., ch. 43): sec
Kurmaebala. It was the liermitage of Carga Rishi. Loha-Afghanistan (l/bh., Sabha, ch. 26). In the tenth century of the Christian era, the
last Hindu king was defeated by the Muhammadans, and Afghanistan became a Muhammadan kingdom. See Kamboja. Lohargala- A sacred place in the Himalaya (Varaha P., ch. 15). It is perhaps Lohaghat
in Kumaun, three miles to the north of Champawat, on the river Lohn, as the place is sacred to Vishņu (see Karmachala). Lohite-Sarovara-Tho lake Râwanhrad, which is the source of the river Lohitya or
Brahmaputra (Brahmanda P., ch. 51). Lohitys-1. The river Brahmaputra (Mbh., Bhishma P., ch. 9; Raghuvamia, c. IV, v. 81;
Medini). For the birth of Lohitya, the son of Brahma, see Kalika P., ch. 82. Paragurâma's axe fell from his hand when he bathed in this river, owing to the sin of killing his mother. According to Kálidasa, the river was the boundary of Pragjyotisha or Gauhati in Assam (Raghuvamia, IV, v. 81). For a description of the source of the Brahmaputra,
See Sven Hedin's Trans-Himalaya, Vol. II, ch. 43. Lohltya-Barovara-The source of the river Chandrabhågå or Chinab in Lahoul or Middle
Tibet (Kalika P., ch. 82). It is a small lake now called Chandrabhågå. Lokapura Chanda in the Central Provinces. It contained the temples of Mahakalt and
her son Achalesvara who was formerly called Jharpatesvara (Skanda P.). Lomas Asrama The Lomasgir-hill, four miles north-east of Rajauli in the sub-division
of Nowadah, in the district of Gaya; it was the hermitage of Lomasa Rishi (Grierson's
Notes on the District of Gaya, p. 27). Loņra-See Vishnu-Gaya (Padma P., Uttara, ch. 62 ; Cousen's Antiquarian Remains in the
Central Provinces and Berar, p. 77). Lumbini-Vana-Rummen dei in the Nepalese Terai, two miles to the north of BhagavAnpar
and about a mile to the north of Paderia. See Kapllavastu. The eight Chaityas or sacred places which are visited by Buddhist pilgrims are (1) The Lumbini Garden in Kapilavastu where Buddha was born ; (2) Bodhi tree in Bodh Gaya where he attained Buddhahood; (3) Mrigadâva in Benares where he preached his law for the first time ; (4) Jetavana in Srâvasti where he displayed miraculous powers ; (5) Saúkâsya in the district of Kanauj where he descended from the Trayatrimsa heaven ; (6) Rajagriha in Magadha where he taught his disciples ; (7) Vaisali where he spoke to Ananda about the length of his life ; (8) Kusinagara where he died in a Sala grove (Mald-parimibbdna Sutta, VI, 61-62; in SBE., Vol. XI).
Machehha-Same as Matsya (Aiguttara Nikaya, Tika Nipata, ch. 70, para. 17). Yachher --Alwar, which formerly appertained to the territory of Jaipur (ree Matsya-deda). Madana-Taporan. Same as Kamalrama (Raghuvamia, xi, 13). Madgurak-Same as Modagiri (Maloya P., ch. 113). Madhumanta-Same as Dandakaranya (Ramdyana, Uttara, chs. 92, 94). Kadhamati-The Mohwar or Modhwar river which rises near Ranod and falls into the Sind, about eight miles above Sonari in Malwa (Malas-Madhava, Act IX, and Arch.
8. Rep., II, 308). Madhapari-Mathura : it was founded by Satrughna, the youngest brother of Rama, by
killing the Rakshasa Lavana, son of Madhu. The town of the demon Madhu has been

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identified by Growse with Maholi, five miles to the south-west of the present town of Mathura. In Maholi is situated Madhuvana (or forest of Madhu), a place of pilgrimage
(Growse's Mathurd, pp. 32, 54). Madhura, Same as Mathura (see Ghafa-Jataka in the Jalakas (Cam. ed.) IV, p. 50, which
is a distortion of the story of Krishna). Madhu vana-See Mathura. Madhyadesa-The country bounded by the river Sarasvati in Kurukshetra, Allahabad,
the Himalaya, and the Vindhya ; the Antarveda was included in Madhyadesa (Manu Samhita, ch. II, v. 21). The boundaries of Majjhimadesa of the Buddhists are to the east the town Kajangala and beyond it MahasAla ; south-east the river Salâvati ; south the town Setakannika ; west the town and district, Thuna; north Usiradhvaja Mountain (Mahavagga, V, 12, 13). Kampilya was originally the eastern limit of Madhyadeta (Weber's History of Indian Literature, p. 115, note). The countries of Panchala, Kuru, Matsya, Yaudheya, Patachchara, Kunti and Sarasena were included in Madhyadeta (Garuda P., I, ch. 65). Madhyadesa inoludes Brahmarshi-desa which again includes
Brahmåvartta (Max Möller's Rig Veda, Vol. I, 45). Madhyamarashtra-Same as Mahakosala or Dakshiņa-Kosala (Bhatta Svåmin's Commen.
tary on Kautilya's Arthasástra, Bk. II, Koshadhyaksha). Madhyamesvara-A place sacred to give on the bank of the Mandakint (KQrma P., Pärva,
ch. 33). See Pafcha-Kedara. Madhyamika-Nagari near Chitore in Rajputana, which was attacked by Menander; he
was defeated by Vasumitra, grandson of Pushyamitra and son of Agnimitra of the Surga dynasty, Agnimitra being the vioeroy of Vidisa (Kalidasa's Malavikagnimitra, Act V; Vincent A. Smith's Early History of India, p. 199)Same as Bibl. "But according to the Mahabharata (Sabha P., ch. 32), Madhyamika and Sibi are two different countries, though their names are mentioned together.. Madhyarjuna-Tiruvidaimarudar, six miles east of Kumbhaconum and 29 miles from Tan
jore, Madras Presidency; it was visited by Sajkaracharya (Ananda Giri's Šai karavijaya,
ch. 4, p. 16; Arch. 8. Rep., 1907-8, p. 231). It is celebrated for its temple. Madra-A country in the Panjab between the Ravi and the Chinab. Its capital.was Sakala.
Madra was the kingdom of Raja Salya of the Mahabharata (Udyoga, ch. 8), and also of Raja Advapati, father of the celebrated Såvitri, the wife of Satyavana (Matsya P., ch. 206, v, 6; Moh., Vana P., ch. 292). Some suppose that Madra was also called Vahika. VAhika, however, appears to be a part of the kingdom of Madra (Mbh., Karna P., ch., 45).
Madra was also called Takkadeta (Hemachandra's Abhidhana-chintamani). Magadha-The province of Bihar or properly South Bihar (Ramayara, Adi, ch. 32; Moh.,
Sabha P., ch. 24). Its western boundary was the river Sona. The name of Magadha first appears in the Atharva-aamhita, v, 22, 14 ; xv, 2. The ancient capital of Magadha was Girivrajapura (modern Rajgir) at the time of Jar Asandha, who was killed by Bhima, one of the five Pandavas. The capital was subsequently removed to Pataliputra, which was formerly an insignificant village called by the name of Påtaligråma, enlarged and strengthened by Ajátasatru, king of Magadha and contemporary of Buddha, to repel the advance of the Vrijjis of Vais<. Udayadva, the grandson of Ajátasatru, is said to have removed the capital from Rajagriha to Påtaliputra (Vayu P., II, ch. 37, 369)., The country of Magadha extended once south of the Ganges from Benares to Monghyr, and southwards as far as Singhbhum. The people of the neighbouring districts still call the distriots

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of Patna and Gaya by the name of Magd, which is a corruption of Magadha. In the Lalita vislara (ch. 17) Gayasîrsha is placed in Magadha. It was originally inhabited by the Cherus and the Kols, who were considered Asuras by the Aryans. After the Andhrabhrityas of Pataliputra (see Patna), the Guptas reigned in Magadha. According to Cun. ningham the Gupta era commenced in 319 A.D., when Maharaja Gupta ascended the throne, whereas according to Dr. Fleet (Corp. Inscrip. Ind., Vol. III, p. 26), it commenced in 320 A.D., when Chandra Gupta I ascended the throne of Magadha. The Guptas were destroyed by the Epthalites known in India as the Huns whose leader Laclih (Lakhan Udayaditya of the coins) had wrested Gåndhâra from the Kushans and established his capital at Såkala. His descendants gradually conquered the Gupta territories and subverted their kingdom. The capital of the Guptas was at first Pataliputra, and though after Samudra Gupta's conquest it was still regarded officially as the capital, yet, in fact
the seat of government was removed to different places at different times. Magadhi-The river Sone (Ram., I, 32). See Sumagadhi. Mahabalipura Same as Banapura. Mahabodhi-See Uravilwa (Matsya P., ch. 22). Mahachina-China was so called during the medieval period (see China). Maha-Ganga--The river Alakânandå in the Himalaya (Vishnu Samhita, ch. 85; SBE.,
Vol. VII, p. 257 note). Mahakauslk It is formed by the seven Kosis of Nepal, which are the Milamchi. the Sun
Kosi (Sona Kosi) or the Bhotea Kosi, the Tamba Kosi, the Likhu Kosi the Dudha Kosi, the Aruna (Padma P., Svarga, ch. 19; Mbh., Vana, ch. 84) and the Tamor (Tamra of the Mbh., Vana, ch. 84). The union of the Tamor, the Aruna and the Sun Kosi forms the Triveni, a holy place of pilgrimage. The Trivent is immediately above Varaha-kshetra in Purnea above Nathpur, at the point where or close to which the united Kosis issue into the plains (JA8B., XVII, pp. 638, 647, map at p. 761). See Baraha-kshetra. Of the seven Kosis, the Tamba or Tamar, and Likhu are lost in the Sun Kosi and the Barun in
the Arun (Ibid., p. 644 note). Mahl-Kosala-Maha-Kosala comprised the whole country from the source of the Narbada
at Amarakantaka on the north to the Mahanadi on the south, and from the river Wain. Gangå on the west to the Harda and Jonk rivers on the east, and it comprised also the eastern portion of the Central Provinces including the districts of Chhatisgar and Rayapur (see Tivara Deva's Inscription found at Rajim in the Asiatic Researches, XV, 508). Same as Dakshina-Kosala (Consen's Antiquarian Remains in the Central Provinces and Berar, p. 59; Cunningham's Arch. 8. Rep., Vol. XVII, p. 68). It was the kingdom of the Kala
churis (Rapeon's Indian Coins, p. 33). Mahalay. 1. Same as Onhkaranatha or Amare vara (Karma P., Pt. II, ch. 3). 2. In
Benares (Agni P., ch. 112). Mahanadi-1. The Phalgu river in the district of Gaya (Mbh., Adi P., ch. 215, v. 7–Nila
kantha's Commentary; Vana, ohs. 87, 96). 2. A river in Orissa (Padma P., Svarga,
oh. 3). Mahanal-Same as Mahanadi (K. Ch., p. 83, Vangavåsi ed.). Mahapandi- A place of pilgrimage in the Karnul district (Ep. Ind., Vol. I, p. 368). Mahapadma-Saras-Same as Aravalo; the lake derives its name from the Naga Mahapadma
The Wular or Valur lake in Kasmir (Dr. Stein's Rajalarangint, Vol. I, p. 174, note).

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Maharashtra The Maratha country (Vamana P., ch. 13): the country watered by the Upper Godavari and that lying between that river and the Krishna. At one time it was synonymous with the Deccan. At the time of Asoka, the country was called Mahârattha; he sent here the Buddhist missionary named Mahâdhammarakkhita in 245 B.C. (Dr. Geiger's Mahavamsa, ch. XII, p. 85 note). Its ancient name was Asmaka or Assaka at the time of Buddha (see Asmaka). Its ancient capital was Pratishthâna (Paithân) on the Godâvari. It was the capital of the junior princes of the Andhrabhṛitya dynasty of the Purâņas, who were also called Satakarnis or in the corrupted form of the word Sâlivâhanas (see Dhanakataka). The most powerful of the Andhrabhritya kings was Pulu. mâyi, who reigned from 130 to 154 A.C. He overthrew the dynasty of Nahapâna who probably reigned at Jirnanagara (Juner). After the Andhrabhṛityas, the Kshatrapa dynasty was in possession of a portion of the Deccan from 218 to 232 A.D., and after them the Abhiras reigned for 67 years, that is up to 399 A.D.; then the Rashtrakutas (modern Râthols) called also Ratthis or Râshtrikas, from whom the names of Mahâ-rattis (Mahrâţţâ) and Mahâ-râshtrika (Mahârâshtra) are derived, reigned from the third to the sixth century A.D. Then the Chalukyas reigned from the beginning of the sixth century to 753 A.D. Pulakesi I, who performed the asvamedha sacrifice, removed his capital from Paithan to Bâtâpipura (now called Bâdâmi). His grandson Pulakesi II was the most powerful king of this dynasty. He was the contemporary of Khusrau II of Persia. He defeated Harshavarddhana or Silâditya II of Kanauj. During his reign Hiuen Tsiang visited Mahârâshtra (Mo-ho-la-cha). Dantidurga of the later Rashtrakuta dynasty ascended the throne in 748 A.C., by defeating Kirttivarman II of the Chalukya dynasty. Govinda III was the most powerful prince of the later Râshtrakuta dynasty. His son Amoghavarsha or Sarva made Mânyakheta (modern Malkhed) his capital. The Râshtrakûta dynasty was subverted in 973 A.C., by Tailapa of the later Chalukya dynasty. Aha. vamalla or Someśvara I, who reigned from 1040 to 1069, removed his capital from Manyakheta to Kalyâna in Kuntala-desa. His son Tribhuvanamalla Vikramaditya II was the most powerful king who reigned from 1076 to 1126 A.C. In his court flourished Vijñânesvara, the author of the Mitakshard, and Bilhana, the author of the Vikramankadeva-charita. The throne was usurped by Vijjala of the Kalachuri dynasty, who had been a minister of Tailapa II, in 1162 A.C., but the dynasty became extinct in 1192, and the Yadavas became the sovereigns of the Deccan. Bhillama of this dynasty founded the city of Devagiri, modern Daulatabad, and made it his capital in 1187 A.C. Singhana was the most powerful king of this dynasty. In his court flourished Changadeva, the grandson of Bhashkaracharya (born in Saka 1036A.D. 1114), and son of Lakshmidhara, who was his chief astrologer. In the reign of Ramachandra, Hemâdri, who was probably called Hemadpant and who was the author of the Chaturvarga-chintamani, was his minister. He is said to have constructed in the Deccan most of the temples of a certain style called Hemadpanti temples. Vopadeva, the author of the Mugdhabodha Vyakarana, flourished also in the court of Ramachandra. Dr. Bhau Daji, however, is of opinion that there were many persons of the name of Vopadeva: one the author of the Mugdhabodha, another the author of the Dhâtupátha or Kavikalpadruma, and a third the commentator of Bhâshkarâchârya's Lilavati, who was the son of Bhimadeva, while Kesava was the father of the author of the grammatical treatise. According to Bhau Daji, the last flourished in the court of Ramachandra (Ramachandra Ghosha's Literary Remains of Dr. Bhau Daji, ch. viii, pp. 149, 150). Ramachandra or Ramadeva was the last of the independent Hindu sovereigns of the Deccan. 'Alâuddin Khilji defeated Ramachandra, killed his son Saukara and absorbed his dominions into the Muhammadan empire in 1318 A.0. (Dr. Bhandarkar's Early History of the Dekkan, sec. xv).

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HIR AND RANJHA
But Ranjha was insistent and would not be refused. He said to Balnath: "Seeing your face has lifted the burden from my soul. By putting all the pleasures of the world behind me I have calmed my sorrows. I have now reached the degree of Jog called Chit Akas after passing through the stages of Bhut Kas and Juda Kas [the three different planes of Jog philosophy]. I will die as a Jogi on your threshold and my blood will be on your head." And when the Chelas (pupils of Balnath] saw that his heart was wavering towards Ranjha, they began to taunt their master, and their tongues were as sharp as daggers that had been sharpened on a whet-stone.
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"You are opening your arms to this goodlooking Jat," they said, "and yet you do not give Jog to those who have undergone much trouble for many years. Verily Jogis have become enamoured of comely boys.' And Ranjha tried to pacify them saying: "I look upon you all as equals of Balnath and you are all my brothers. With your help I may hope to get salvation in the day of Judgment."
And the Chelas replied: "Boy, listen to us. For eighteen years we have been serving him. We have given up all and live by begging. All day and night we remember God. Yet he does not give us Jog. He is sometimes like fire and sometimes like water. We cannot discover his secret."
And the Chelas in their anger intrigued with each other and rebelled against Balnath. They left the Jogi's house and kitchen. They pierced the Guru (Holy man) with their shameless taunts.
Whereupon the Guru rebuked them and his anger blazed from his eyes. The Chelas instantly obeyed him, so powerful was the enchantment that the Guru laid upon them. All ill feeling vanished from their minds. They obeyed the orders of their Guru and brought Balnath the earrings as he had told them, and the razor wherewith to shave Ranjha. And the Guru took off Ranjha's clothes and having rubbed him in ashes and embraced him, made him sit by his side. Then he took the razor of separation and shaved him completely. Then he bored his ears and put earrings on him. He gave him the beggars' bowl, the rosary, the horn and the shell in his hands, and made him learn the word Alakh [God]. He taught him the way of God and the Gurus from the beginning, saying: "Your heart should be far from other men's women. That is the way of Jog. An old woman should be treated as your mother and a young woman as your sister."
But Ranjha having achieved his desire and having been granted Jog, shook off the disguise of penitence and replied boldly to Balanth: "Cease vexing me any longer. Even though you force your advice down my throat, I will not follow it. Who has taught you to captivate young men and to ensnare them in your net?"
Hearing this Balnath reproved Ranjha, saying: "Remember you have adopted the creed of humiliation and beggary and you should banish all impure thoughts from your mind and not disgrace the creed of a fakir."
Ranjha replied: "Had I been only a lover of God I should have sought only Him. If I had been silent before the love of women, would I have deserted my family and ruined myself. Hir has captivated my heart. That is why I have become a Jogi. I have become a Fakir only that I might keep my Love in remembrance. Had I known that you would try to keep me from my Love, I would never have set foot on your hill of Tilla. Had I known that you would bore my ears, I would have put these earrings in the fire. Set my ears right or I will bring the sepoy of the Sirkar [Government] here."
And Balnath was sad and hung his head on hearing these wild words, and he said: "Verily I repent and am sorry for having given Jog to this youth. He has got the treasures of Jog without spending a single farthing." And he entreated Ranjha to give up his wilful and evil

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ways and to become a true Fokir. But Ranjha laughed him to scorn saying: "We Jats are cunning strategists and we use all means to compass our hearts desire. I will invoke the name of my Pir, my Guru and of God and pitch my flag in Rangpur where I will cut off the nose oßthe Kheras and spite the Sials. Do not think I can ever give up Hir. Gurus who try to keep their disciples from women are as foolish as driven cattle. I will open my heart frankly to you. What can a Jat do with a beggar's bowl or horn, whose heart is set only on ploughing? What is the good of teaching him to tell his beads when all he can do is to tell the tale of his cattle? I will be frank with you. I must search for my beloved. She belongs to me. And I am pursuing nobody else's property. The snake of Love has coiled itself round my heart and is sucking my life blood from me. My bones and my flesh melt when I am separated from Hir. Love fell on us when we were both young. Hîr had her hair in long plaits and I had & 'small beard. We passed the Spring and Summer of our love together.
Then evil days came ard Hir's parents preferred to marry her elsewhere ; and they betrothed her to the Kheras. When the storm wird of calamity fell upon me I became a Fakir and embraced the labours of austerity. You are the only true Guru in the world, and it is only through your kindness that a poor traveller can gulde his boat ashore. Give me Hir. That is all I ask. My heart begs for Hir and for Hir alone.”
At lost the Guru understood that Ranjha had been wounded sore by the arrow of love ard that he would never give up the search for his beloved. So he prayed and poured ashes over his body and plunged his soul into the deep waters of meditation. He closed his eyes in the Darbar of God and uttered this prayer.
"Oh God, the Lord of earth and sky, Ranjha the Jat has given up kith and kin and all that he possesses and has become a Fakir for the love of the eyes of Hir, who has slain him with the arrow of Love. Grant, Oh Lord, that he may get his heart's desire."
The Five Pirs also prayed in the Court of God that Ranjha might, receive that which his heart desired. Then there came a reply from the Darbar of God. “Hir has been bestowed on Ranjha and his boat has been taken ashore." So Balnath opened his eyes and said to Ranjha : "My son, your prayer has been granted. The True God has bestowed Hir upon you. The pearl and the ruby have been strung together. Go and invade the Kheras &nd utterly subdue them.”
CHAPTER 21. (Ranjha leaves Tilla for Rangpur disguised as a Jogi.) So Ranjha made haste to leave Tilla and he collected strange herbs and potent roots from the woods and put them in his wallet, that he might appear as one skilled in medicine. And be determined to learn spells and enchantments and sorceries so that he might capture his beloved. He was determined that if necessary he would wear bangles like Mian Lal Hosain Shahbeg and kiss the feet of a dog like Majnun had done. So Ranjha set out from Tilla having bidden farewell to Balnath. The destroyer of the Kheras started like the stormcloud that moves to the place where it has fallen once before.
As he passed from village to village the people said to themselves : "This boy does not look like's Jogi. His wooden carrings and beggar's clothes do not suit him. His build is not that of a Jogi. His bones and feet are hard. Surely some proud woman has made him turn Fakir."
And Ranjha replied: "I am the perfect Nath descended from seven generations of Naths. I have never handled a plough. My name is Dukh Bhajan Nath and I am the grandson of Dhanantar Vaid.1 My Guru is Hira Nath and I am going to worship at his shrine.
1 Dhanantar Vaid was a celebrated Hindu Physician. Dukh Bhajan Nath is a play upon worde meaning the Nath weighed down by sorrow. Hira Nath refers to his worship of Hir.

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Any one who opposes me gues sonless from this world."
And he strode off with swinging steps as one intoxicated, even as camel-men swing riding on a camel's back. He made straight for the Kheras a bode even as a stream in flood Sweeps down the bed of the river or as a lion springs on its victim. A partridge sang on the right as he started and he took this as a good omen.
He was filled with love even as rain pours down in the darkness of a pitch black night. As Ranjha entered the neighbourhood of Rangpur he met a shepherd grazing his sheep, and the shepherd looked at the Jogi as a lover looks into the eyes of his beloved, and said: "Tell me without disguise what country have you come from?"
The Jogi replied: "I come from the river Ganges. I am a bird of passage from the other side of the river. We Jogis stay in one place for twelve years and then wander for twelve years and we bring success to those who meet us."
The shepherd replied: "Real Fakirs do not tell lies. You claim to be a Fakir and you are telling a lie. You cannot deceive a shepherd. They are the inost cunning of all mankind. You are the Sials shepherd, and your name is Ranjha. You used to graze the buffalocs of Chuchak. You and Hir used to spend your time in the forest. You are the famous lover of Hir. The Sials were always taunted about you and Hir. All the world know your story. You should flee from the Kheras or they will kill you."
And the Jogi replied to the shepherd : "Surely you will be punished for telling such lies. I and mine have been Fakirs from seven generations. I have nothing to do with the world. I deal with beads of penitence and beggar bowls and live by asking alms. If you wish well for yourself do not call me a servant, for I am without doubt a holy man. I fear the very name of women. Who is Ranjha and who is Hir? If you call me a servant I will tear you in pieces." The Jogi shook with anger. The water of wrath gleamed in his angry eves. And the shepherd afraid of the wrath of the Jogi fell at his feet and folded his hands in supplication, saying: "Pir [ie., Holy man), forgive my sin. The grazer of buffaloes that I knew closely resembled you and such mistakes are pardonable. I will tell you all the story."
And he told the Jogi the story of Rânjha and Hir, spread his blanket before him and treat. ed him kindly. Meanwhile a wolf fell on the sheep, and the shepherd in his distress called to the Jogi to attaek the wolf, for he had counted his flock and found the wolf had slain seven lambs and one sheep. The Jogi did as the shepherd besought him and confronted the wolf in battle. The Jogi called upon the Five Pirs who supported him in the encounter. He smote the wolf with his beggar's bowl and the wolf fell to the ground like a log. Then the
Jogi pierced him with his Fakir's tongs and brought the body to the shepherd who was amazed at the sight. So the shepherd was convinced that the Jogi was a perfect saint and endowed with miraculous power and he fell at his feet in supplication.
And Ranjha said: “ Brother, let us sit down and talk together. We must take care hat our secret does not leak out."
The shepherd replied: "You have disgraced the name of Love. Having won her love you should have run away with her. Either you sbould have never fallen in love with her, or having once loved her, you should have killed her rather than let another have her. When the Kheras took her away in marriage you should have shaved your beard in the assembly. You should have died rather than be disgraced as you have been disgraced."
Ranjha replied: "Your speech breaks my heart but we Jogis have patience even when we are trampled on."
The shepherd replied: "You fool. Take the girl away if you can. Saida is no friend of ours. You have got your ears bored and you have grazed buffaloes for twelve years and Ne you still afraid of what the world will say! When you go to Rangpur to beg through the

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city, go carefully. The girls of the city will tease you but you should leave them severely alone and not tarnish the name of a Fakir. Sehti the sister of Saida is a clever woman and you should beware of her. She is certain to be your enemy. She is not afraid of any Fakir. She is in love with a Baluch camel-driver. You should let her understand that you know this. May God help you in your task. Fortune favours you. Your star is in the ascendant Rânjha; you are about to ascend the throne of Akbar. The jackal of Hazara is. going to try and capture the lioness of Jhang. You, a fox of the jungle of Takht Hazara, will become as favoured as a delicate musk deer of Khotan. You have heaped disgrace on the Sials and now you are going to humiliate the Kheras.
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CHAPTER 22.
(Ranjha arrives at Rangpur.)
So it came to pass that Ranjha came to the yillage of the Kheras. The girls of the village were taking water from the well when Rânjha addressed them. Some suspected he was the lover of Hîr but they said nothing. A woman told him the name of the village, and Ranjha rejoiced when he heard the name. 'Ajju," she said, "is the headman of the village and Saida is his son who stole away Hîr the bride of Rânjha." And Ranjha rejoiced when he heard the name of Hir. The children of the village followed him about as he begged from house to house and the young men asked him what he thought of the place when he had inspected all the girls.
And Ranjha replied: "How can I fix my attention on the Kheras with all these girls about? Their bright eyes slay their lovers as with a sharp sword. The scent of their flowers and the black of their eyelashes have dealt death and destruction in the bazaar."
The beauties of Rangpur thronged round the Jogi like moths round a lamp. They overwhelmed him with their surpassing beauty. His eyes shone in amazememt. When the women of the village saw the beauty of the Jogi they surrounded him in multitudes, old and young, fat and thin, married and unmarried. They poured out all their woes to the Fakir and many wept as they told their stories. Some complained of their poverty: others yearned for children: others complained of their father-in-law or mother-in-law. Some complained that their husbands beat them; others that their neighbours were unkind. Others said: "Our sons have gone to a distant country. When will they return?" Some said: "For God's sake deliver me from the pains of Love. Its flame has scorched me ever since I was born."
Ranjha made all the girls sit close to him and told them to fetch freshly broken potsherds from the kiln. On them he drew mysterious lines and signs. Some he told to wear them round their necks. Others to bind them round their loins. Others he told to put them in pitchers of water and to make all the family drink them. "Thus fathers-in-law, mothersin-law, husbands, brothers and everybody will become kind". To others he said: "Be composed; God has fulfilled all your hopes."
The girls came trooping out of their houses when they heard of the Jogi, saying: "Mother, a Jogi has come to our village with rings in his ears. He has a beggar's bowl in his hand and a necklace of beads round his neck. He has long hair like a juggler. His eyes are red and shine with the brilliancy of fire. Sometimes he plays on the King [a musical instrument] and weeps. At other times he plays on the Nad [another musical instrument] and laughs. He calls on God day and night. He is the chela [pupil] of Balnath and the love of someone has pierced his heart."
And Saida's sister said to Hir: "Sister, this Jogi is as beautiful as the moon and as alender as a cypress tree. He is the son of some lucky mother. He is searching about as if he had lost some valuable pearl. He is more beautiful even than you. He cries, "God be with you" as if he had lost some beloved friend. Did not Mirza and Sahiba lose their lives

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for Love? Did not Joseph suffer imprisonment for twelve years for the love of Zuleika? Was not Kama ground to powder for Love's sake? Surely this Jogi is a very thief of beauty and that is why he has had his ears bored. Some say he has come from Jhang Sial. Others say he has come from Hazara. Some say he is in love with somebody and that is why he has had his head shaved. Some say he is not a Jogi at all but has got his ears bored for the sake of Hir."
HIR AND RANJHA
And Hir replied: "I entreat you not to touch on this subject. It appears to me that this is a true message from God, and that it is Rânjha. My love for him has already ruined my life. Why has he come to destroy me again? He has lost his beloved and has also got his ears bored. What benefit has he received from Love? He became a shepherd and then cast dust and ashes on his body and relinquished all hope of name or fame."
And Hir wept secretly and tears poured like rain from her eyes. And she said to the girls: "Bring him somehow to me that we may find out where he comes from and who he is, who is his Guru and who bored his ears."
The girls drawing water at the well made merry with the Jogi, saying: "This is what becomes of the man who runs after girls. It is only those who have lost their hearts that bore their ears". And they tantalised him by displaying their charms. They burnt his heart sorely by saying: "Hir is very happy with the Kheras. " They sidled up to him and touched him with their hands. They said: "You have shown us your gracious presence. Now come and let your sun shine in the courtyard of Hir. Be kind to us and walk down with us to the house of Ajju and look at Pretty Sehti. Come into her courtyard and look at Hir." And they laughingly said: "Sir, Fakir, we stand before you with folded hands. Please accede to our request and lay us poor women under a debt of gratitude."
To which Rânjha replied haughtily: "My family have been Fakirs for seven generations and we do not know the ways of the world. I eat kand and mul [narcotic preparations of opium] in desolate places and enjoy the hermit life of the jungle. I know all about wolves, deer, lions and tigers. You are all mines of beauty, but what concern has a Jogi with beauty? I know all about medicines and healing herbs. The haunts of people and populous cities I avoid. I only know the ways of hermits, recluses, pilgrimages, Gurus, Jogis, and Bairagis. Other people pound and sift bhang and sherbet. I sift men at a glance. I can banish fairies, jinns, women and Satan himself. By my spells and incantations, I can compel men to submit to me."
And the girls encircled round the handsome Jogi and asked him ceaseless questions about himself.
Ranjha replied: "Do not ask vain questions. A snake, a lion and a Fakir have no country. We are dervishes and have no kith and kin. What care we for bed or board, for the headman of a village or his women folk? You are all fairy queens and wise and witty women. I am a God-intoxicated Fakir who have left the world and the things of the world behind me. I pray you leave me alone. Why pick up a quarrel with a poor Fakir? I am helpless in your presence. Why, did not you women put Harut and Marut in the well. You defeated even Plato and Esop. You would tease the very angels themselves. Go and look for some youth of your own age and leave the poor Fakir alone. Why do you seek to ensnare me in the entanglement of your beauty? Women verily are faithless. I will never take their advice."
So the girls went and told Hir: "Hir, we have entreated the Jogi but he will not listen to us. We have praised the Kheras but he takes no notice. Hir, why do you lie weary and sad on your bed all day and no one speaks to you for fear of your displeasure,"

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Hir replies :"Girls, you may pierce me with a thousand taunts, but who can withstand the decree of God? I do not blame you. God does what he wishes. What was to be has been. All the miseries of the world have fallen on my head and yet I have not quarrelled with you."
And the girls replied: "You have only just been married. What can you know of misery? You have shared no secrets with us. So keep your tongue under control. You yourself told us to go and fetch the Jogi and now you deny it."
And Hîr replied: "Girls, you try and fix the responsibility on others for what you have done yourselves. I was destined for evil and God has drowned me in sorrow. It was a bad day when I was given to the Kheras in marriage."
The girls replied: "Daughters-in-law are usually afraid of their fathers and brothersin-law, but your father-in-law is afraid of you. Other brides milk the cows, knead the bread and grind the corn, but you never lift a straw. Women like you are afraid of witches in the day time but swim across broad rivers at night."
Hir replied: "You taunt other people's daughters but you have never been entrapped in the net of Love."
The girls answered : "Why do you quarrel with us? We never stood between you and your lover."
Hir said: "You bad wicked girls, destroyers of your own parents. What do you mean by your rash words? What you have said has burnt my heart. Verily I have a long and weery road to travel. I would that Ranjha would come and embrace me or that even in my dreams I might meet him."
The girls replied: "What we have said has been out of kindness for you, and we bear no iil will towards you. If the subject was grievous to you, to whom but you should we have mentioned it ? If you wished to hide your secret in your father-in-law's house, you should not have blazoned it a broad when you were living with your parents. Why do you cry out when the truth has been told you ? - You should not have engaged in the game of Love without deep forethought. Now you turn round and a buse us. What object had we in calling the Jogi? Was it not you who asked us to do it? The whole world knows about your love. Why do you make yourself an object of disdain ?"
And Hir replied angrily and sarcastically: “From your childhood upwards you have been learning unseemly tricks. You are the sort of girls who set aside the blanket of shame and dance in public. Verily you will be the salvation of your relatives, and the people into whose houses you marry will be exceedingly fortunate."
Meanwhile Hir's heart was rent with the pangs of separation from her lover and she was devising some way of seeing Ranjha. The Jogi at the same time decided to visit the house of Mehr Ajju. So Ranjha took up his beggar's bowl and get off begging from door to door, playing on his shell and crying: "Ye mistresses of the courtyard, give alms, give alms." Some gave him flour, others bread, others dishes of food. They asked for his blessings and he invoked blessings upon them.
Some said: "We shall acquire holiness through the power of his intercession." Others said: "He is a thief spying after brides. He will seduce our women." Said one: "He pretends to be a Fakir and pours ashes on his body. But he looks like Ranjha and has a love secret in his eyes." Said another : " See, he takes wheat flour and butter, but will not touch millet or bread crusts. He is chaffing the women and is no real Fakir."
But Ranjha went on his way unperturbed. He joked with some and scolded others and made fine scenes. He set up as a conjurer and gave some of them charmed threads and lucky knots. And Ranjha looked up and said to those round him: "We have entered

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a ruined village. Not a girl sings at her spinning wheel. No one plays Kilhari [a game something like 'Here we go round the mulberry bush'] or Samni [a similar game] and makes the earth dance. No one hunts for needles or plays "Welan". No one plays Maya or makes crows or peacocks fly. No one sings Choratori or plays Garidda in the street. Let us up and leave this dull village."
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And the boys replied to Ranjha: "We will show you the place where the girls sit and sing." And they took Rânjha to the place where the girls sat in their spinning parties and he saw them laughing and chaffing and breaking each other's threads for fun. And they sang sweet songs as they turned their spinning wheels, and one said mischievously to Ranjha : "The loves of one's childhood do not last longer than four days." And another said: "What do you want, Jogi ?" And Sehti, to cajole him, took off his necklace. And the Jogi turned and said: "Who is this hussy?" Somebody replied: "She is Ajju's daughter." The Jogi replied: "Who is Ajju and why is she making mischief? Ajju has got a bad bargain. She is very rude to Fakirs and does not kiss their beads. She is a good-for-nothing hussy who can neither card nor spin."
And Sehti replied: "Jogi your words are harsh. If you touch me I will throw you down and then you will know who I am. Your disguise is a trick. If you enter my courtyard, I will have your legs broken and pull out your hair. I will thrash you like a donkey and then you will remember God and learn wisdom."
And Ranjha exclaimed: "Why does this snake hiss at me and why does this tigress want to drink my blood? I suppose she is tired of her husband and is hunting for lovers. And the Jogi passed on into the courtyard of a Jat who was milking his cow. He blew his horn and played on his shell and roared like an intoxicated bull. The cow alarmed by this extraordinary noise kicked over the rope and spilt the milk. And the Jat in fury exclaimed: "Fancy giving alms to this poisonous snake."
And the Jogi's eyes became red with anger and he lifted his beggar's bowl to strike the Jat. Meanwhile the Jat's wife flew at him and abused him and all his kith and kin, his grandfathers and great-grandfathers for spoiling the milk. She pushed him away and tore his shirt and flung taunts at him. The Jogi in his wrath kicked her and knocked out all her teeth. She lay on the ground like a log. And the Jat seeing his wife on the ground raised a hue and cry and shouted. "The bear has killed the fairy. He has killed my wife. Friends, bring your sticks and come to my aid."
And the men cried: "We are coming, we are coming." And the Jogi in alarm took to his heels. And as he passed by one of the houses he saw a beautiful girl sitting all alone like a princess in a jewelled chamber of the king. The Jogi was hunting for his prey like a hawk. He was as bold as a dacoit robbing a banker. He was as handsome as the Subadar of Lahore. He knocked at the door and said: "Hir, bride of the Kheras are you well? Give me alms, give me alms." And as soon as Sehti saw him, she opposed him fiercely and said to Hir: "He is a wicked man and nobody curbs his evil ways. I will break his bones and teach him to cast love-eyes in my courtyard." What do you mean by saying: "Are you well, Hir? You are flaunting your beauty like an enamoured peacock. You are hunting for your beloved and yet you call on the name of Pirs and Fakirs. You sing Alakh, Alakh and beg with a strange mien in your eyes. You are like a camel without a nosestring and no one dares drive you away."
And the Jogi replied: "Do not try and cajole me with your charms. Its you with your clinking jewellery that look like a vain peacock. I said 'Pir' which you mistook for 'Hir' and nobody dares set you right. Why are you speaking harshly to wayfarers and strangers? You are oppressing poor Fakirs and causing trouble in the houses of fathers-in-law. You are like an amourous cow sparring with bulls "

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And Sehti said: "Listen, sisters, to what he says. He is a Jat and no Jogi. He is a liar and a lewd fellow, wheedling his shameless fat paunch into this village. He is noway. farer and stranger, for he knows Hir's name and then immediately says he never heard it. He wit get his beggar's bowl and his beaded necklaces broken and his hair pulled, if he comes near me. Who will save him from my wrath ? He is not a headman of the village. He is a wandering minstrel, or a leather worker, or a sweeper of some serai.”
The Jogi replied: "You miserable hussy, you squat snubnosed village flirt, you loincloth of Satan, beware. If a Jatti (Jat woman) quarrels with a Fakir, her lot will be one of hardship and sorrow."
The women of the village hearing the noise of voices and bickering, said to Sehti: "Why do you quarrel with the Jogi! He sings as sweetly as Jan Sen, and he knows songs by sixties and hundreds; he spends all his time singing songs and wearing charms. It is not meet to quarrel with such folk."
And Sekti replied: "It is only fat-bellied rascals that live by begging. He is obstinate and as unbending as a beam in the roof. He is as sour as an unripe sugar-cane. His lips utter pious words but his heart is set on his beloved. When he sees Hir he sighs and his eyes melt with Love.” And Sehti turned to the Jogi and said: “You quarrel monger, you have spoilt your ears. I will spoil the rest of you. If you sing your Jogi songs I'll make the Jats sing ribald songs about you. I'll send for a couple more young rascals like you and order them to thrash you. I'll make you dance round our courtyard like a juggler's bear. I will tear open the fresh wounds of your heart and in the day of Judgment I will get redress from your taunts ".
And the Jogi replied: "Verily you are the mother of wisdom and the grandmother of understanding. Your wit has cancelled the decrees of Fate and your words are as mysterious as an Arabic verb. Surely there is no country like Kashmir, no lustre like that of the moon, nought so sweet as the sound of a distant drum, nothing so terrifying as the earthquake in the day of Judgment and..... There is nothing so quarrelsome as Sehti. Aye, there is nothing so bitter as anger and there is nothing so sweet as the kisses from the lips of the beloved. There is no book like the Koran and no silence like that of death. There are none so fortunate as the Kheras, no one so full of sin as the Poet Waris and there is no spell like that of his poetry."
And Sehti replied: "Why quarrel with women and bandy words with small girls? What are the things that can never keep still? Water, wayfarer's dogs, lads given to debauchery and Fakirs. You are no Jogi. Tell us from where came Jog. From whence came Shinas and Bairag? From whence came the beggar's horn and beggar's bowl and the praying beads ? Who gave you the commandment to wear long hairs? Who ordered you to smear your bodies with dust and ashes?"
The Jogi replied: “Solomon is the Pir of Jinns and evil spirits. Self-interest is the Pir of all Jate and Love is the Pir of all lovers. Listen, Sehti, and I will tell you the way of Jog. We Fakirs are like black snakes and we acquire power and virtue by reading spells. We get up at midnight and pore over sacred books by the banks of untrodden streams. We expel all impurities from our speech by using the toothbrush of repentance and we sit on the carpet of true belief. We become deaf and dumb by holding our breath in the tenth position. We can ward off deceit and burn evil spirits. We can cast spells and destroy those whom we want to destroy. We can make absent lovers smell the fragrance of their beloved's presence. Women who revile us we can make ride in penance on an ass with a shaved head, Let virgins beware who oppose our power or it will fare ill with their virginity,"

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CHAPTER 23.
(Ranjha meets Hir.) And Sehti replied: " Jogi if you have all these powers, perhaps you can cure our bride Hir. Every day she is getting weaker."
And Ranjha replied: "Sehti, beguile me not with vain words. Bring your bride here that I may see her and inspect the colour of her eyes and face. I will see her veins and feel her pulse. Then I will prescribe & remedy. But she must tell me when the disease began and tell me the taste in her mouth. Through the blessing of my Pir and teacher, I can tell the names of all diseases. I can whisper the call to prayer in the ears of a newly-born babe. I can weave spells and put children to sleep with lollabies. I can dry up the womb of women and slay liars, adulterers and infidels. With cunning oils and potent herbs I can cure pains and paralysis and the eighteen kinds of leprosy. With the spleen of a roasted goat I can oure blindness. With boiled Ghaghar herbe I can bring about miscarriage. I can make a perfect cure of a barren woman by letting out blood from her ankle vein. I can assuage the pain of wounds with an ointment of soap and soda. If a man has toothache I can pluck out his tooth with my pinoers. Those who cannot see in the dark, I can restore to sight by giving them hot roasted oil-seeds. I can cure & withered arm or a benumbed leg by rabbing in oil of a pelican. If a man is attacked by epilepsy, I apply the leather of my shoe to his nostril. If a man's face is awry, I show him the looking-glass of Aleppo and he is cured. I cure stomach-ache with the milk of a she-camel. With cooling draughts of Dhannia, I can assuage the fires of passion. When a man is at the point of death and gasping with his last breath, I put honey and milk in his mouth. At his last hour, when the expiring life sticks fast in the gullet of the dying man, I recite the Holy Koran and his soul passes away in peace. But you must tell me what disease your bride has got or else all your talk will be vain and all my spells and power will be of no avail. Also, my beautiful one, you should not be proud of your beauty or hold your head so high, for what cares & Fakir for your beauty or for your beautiful sister-in-law Hir? Your Hir is a crane and she has been mated to an owl. Your fairy has been yoked to an ass. Like to like. You should not mate a high-bred Arab mare to an ass."
About this time Hîr came into the courtyard and from one of the inner chambers she overheard the words of the Jogi. And she wondered who the speaker might be and she said to herself: "He calls me a docile mare and the Khera an ass. Perhaps he will sympathise with me. Perhaps God has sent my cowherd back. Perhaps he has obeyed my word and got his ears bored. Who else can speak in such dark riddles. The girls bint mysteriously, he is a Jogi, but perhaps he is my king Ranjha. Nobody but Ranjha could know my name. I will stand up to him and answer him face to face."
And Hir said to the Jogi : “Jogi, go away from here. Those who are unhappy cannot laugh. Why should one disclose the secrets of one's heart to Jogis, strangers and fools ?”
The Jogi replied to Hir: “We are the perfect Fakir of God. Ask anything from us, fair beauty, and we can bring it about. If a lover parts from his beloved one, with spells of magic numbers we can unite them. We can reconcile friends who have fallen out. We can cure all pain and disease and avert the onslaught of calamity. Do not be obstinate but give alms to a poor fakir."

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And Hir replied: "It is not true, Jogi; parted friends cannot be reunited. I have searched far and wide but have found no one who can accomplish that. Tell me when will the true God bring back the lover I have lost. If anybody can remove the pain in my heart he may make shoes of my flesh. Oh Poet Waris Shah ! if I hear that my lover is returning, I will offer sweet cakes and light my lamps with rich butter for oil.”
And the Jogi replied: "I know all the secrets of the universe. On the resurrection day everything will be revealed. On that day the sky and clouds will cleave asunder. When Israfil blows his trumpet all the habitations of men will fall down. The supports of heaven will be rent asunder. The snake and the bull. (who according to tradition support the earth) will be filled with fear on that day. The mountains will fly into small pieces. All that will remain will be the seven last things: the chair and the throne of God, the tablet oi destiny, and the pen, paradise, the soul, and hell. Everything will vanish in an instant. Only lovers and fakirs will remain constant." Then turning to Hîr he said : " If you will sit near me I will open the Holy book and by casting magic lots, I will tell your horoscope.
You were a little girl and your hair was hanging down your back. He was a boy with the early down of manhood on his lips. He played on a flute. Your eyes clashed in love and two hearts were captivated by each other. He was sold at the very shop of love and he grazed Bomebody's buffaloes in hopes of his reward, but you married and his hopes were drowned in the deep waters of despair. The five Pirs had married you to him and this second marriage was not lawful. Love has ruined him and now he is roaming about disconsolate in forests and desolate places. He went to Tilla and got his ears bored and became a Jogi. He has to-day entered your village. He is not far from you. All this I have found in the book of the signs of the stars."
And Hir stood up and said: “The Jogi h28 read the signs of the stars correctly. He is a true pandit and jotshi. Tell me Jogi, where is my lover who stole my heart away and brought ruin on himself ?"
The Jogi replied: "Why are you searching outside ? Your lover is in your own house. Put off your veil my beautiful bride and look if you cannot see your lost lover."
And Hîr said: "Jogi it oannot be true. He cannot be in the house." Then she decided to draw aside her veil. She glanced at the Jogi and behold it was her lost lover. And she said to him softly: "Our secret must be hidden from the eyes of Sehti."
The Jogi replied: "Bride of the Kheras, do not teach wisdom to the wise. Be not proud of your beauty but be kind to old friends."
CHAPTER 24. (Sehti quarrels with the Jogi and turns him out of the house.) When Sehti saw that the hearts of Hir and the Jogi had become one and that Air had fallen under his spell, she began a busing the Jogi to her. "Sigter, all Jogis are liars. This snubnosed squat dirty-faced wicked Jogi cannot be trusted."
The Jogi replied: "You should catch hold of the feet of the Fakir in humility and with supplication instead of quartelling with him. You are a lucky woman to be so fond of camels and suchlike. Ah ! by the grace of God, my Pir tells me everything."
Sehti flared up in wrath : " You are a lewd slippery-tongued person. What do you mean with your pointed remarks about camels. Are you charging 'me with theft. Your shoulders seem itching for a beating. Fat fellows like you should be sent to look after ploughs and buffaloes."

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The Jogi : "A Jat woman is only good for four things : pressing wool, scaring sparrow, grazing lambs and nursing a baby. She loves quarrels and beats fakirs. She looks after her own family and abuses others."
ant) Sehti : "I will beat you with cudgels and knock your teeth out."
Jogi : " You are going the way to feel my stick round your legs. Girls with fringes over their foreheads should not quarrel with holy fakirs. I can ruin you utterly, as I have saintly power in each finger tip."
Hir glanced at the Jogi and made signs to him to stop quarrelling and she urged Sehti not to quarrel with the Jogi.
And Sehti replied: "See, what has happened. The fakir has ensnared the bride of Saida. You have drunk grey buffaloes milk and make eyes at your lover."
Hir flashed back at Sehti: "Girls who quarrel with fakirs like this must be wanting husbands very badly. You are always interfering when grown-up boys come in sight. You are as obstinate ag & negress.”
Sehti: Friends, "My sister-in-law is murdering me. She is siding with the fakir. Either the Jogi is her lover or he has brought some message from her lover."
Hir: "My sister-in-law ever claims to be washed in milk and virtue, and now she calls me a leader of thieves. In very truth loose women have become grand ladies and ugly women are flaunting themselves as if they were peacocks in the garden of beauty. Look at this loosetonguod seductive darling of the Belooches. A crawling deceitful reptile who devours men's hearts. Look at her showing off her airs and graces like a prostitute of Lahore."
Then Sehti lost her temper and said to her maidservant Rabel: “Let us give this fakir alms and turn him out. Give him a handful of millet and tell him to go away."
So Rabel gave him a handful of millet and bade him angrily begone. Sehti had first charmed him with her blandishments. Then she turned him out and sent him packing. She entered the garden of the Feringhees and set the well machinery going. She disturbed the sleeping snake.
The Jogi was furious at being treated in this scurvy manner and burst forth in anger: “You are shaving my beard in giving me mere birds' food. You have defiled my beggar's bowl and I shall have to wash my rosary."
And Rabel replied: "Why do you find fault with millet. All Jats eat it. It is the food of the hungry and poverty-stricken. It is the father and mother of the poor."
And Sehti threw some millet into his cup and the cup fell to the ground and broke.
And the Jogi cried. "A great tyranny has been committed. You have ruined the fakic by breaking his cup. May your lover die, you tyrant of a woman. You taunted your sister-in-law with her lover. Why did you fall in love with Murad the camel man? You fell into the hand of the Belooches like & stolen camel. He looted you of your boasted virginity."
And Sehti replied: "What do we Jats know about cups ? Go and spend a farthing and ask a potter to make you a new one."
And the Jogi wept when he saw the broken cup, and he said: "My Pir gave it to me and it was very precious. And he tried to pick the broken pieces up and in so doing be caught Hir's eyes and he said to Sehti: "You have broken my cup and tell me to get another made by a potter. Have you no fear of Almighty God. If I tell my Pir he will ruin your family."
7 Europeans. The only reference to them in the poem,

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And Sehti replied: "Your cup got broken by fate. You can buy a tub at my expense if you like. Who can resist God's fate? Fate expelled Adam and Eve from paradise and drove them down to earth. Fate overthrew Pharoah in the river and fate put a prince and a prophet like Joseph in the well. Fate has shaved your beard and bored your ears. No one can escape from Fate."
66
And Hir said to Sehti: What strange perverseness is this? Why quarrel with holy fakirs whose only support is God? Why do you break his cup and ill-treat him at my door? Why bring down ruin on happy homes and why burn those who have already been scorched by the fire of love?"
And Sehti replied: "O virtuous one whose sheet is as stainless as a praying mat. The whole house is yours and who are we. You are as important as if you had brought a shipload of clothes from your father's house. You flirting hussy and milker of buffaloes! You are still running after men. You never speak a word to your husband Saida, but you are hand and glove with the Jogi."
Hir replied: "You have picked up a quarrel with the fakir. You are sure to run away with somebody. You won't stay long in your husband's house and you will be defamed in all the streets and bazaars of the town. Beware! The Fakir is dangerous. Do not tease him or he will cause trouble. He is simply and quietly worshipping his Guru. Take care that he does not invoke his aid. Otherwise his wrath will descend on us like a sudden invasion of Ahmed Shah and God save Jandiala.8 Remember Alexander touched the feet of a fakir and then he conquered the fort of Daz. A fakir gave his blessing to Timurlane and sovereignty remained in his family for several generations. Go and fall at the feet of the fakir or his curse will fall on you."
Sehti replied: "Sister, I have been scorched by your taunts and bitter words. I will take poison. I will either die or kill him or get you beaten. As sure as I am a woman I will tell my brother of your disgraceful conduct with the shepherd."
Finally, after many hot words on both sides, Sehti got so enraged that she and her maid snatched up the long pestle with which they grind rice and rushed on the Jogi. They broke his beggar's bowl and rosary. They felled him to the ground. They broke his head with milk pots and crushed him even as Abu Samand fell on Nawab Hosain Khan at
Chunian.
Then the Jogi was wrath. He remembered his Pîr. He girded up his loins and he smote his assailants even as the Pathan of Kasur looted the camp of the Bakhshi. He caught them by the hair and dragged them round the courtyard. He slapped them, beat them, and pinched them.
And Hit cried out from inside: "For God's sake Jogi stay your hand." And the women of the neighbourhood hearing the altercation assembled like a flock of Cabul dogs and they thrust the Jogi out of the courtyard.
And Ranjha complained bitterly to Hir of the way he had been used, and he entreated God, saying: "Why hast thou separated me from my beloved after bringing us together? What sin have I committed that I have been given a glimpse of Paradise and then turned out in the wilderness? What can I do? I have no money to give to the officers and no tribute to enable me to reach to the darbar." And the Jogi wept bitterly and he said to himself: "I will fast forty days and forty nights and I will recite a powerful enchantment which will overcome all difficulties and will unite me to my beloved." And he swore to take vengeance on Sehti, if the five Pirs would help him.
8 The birthplace of the poet.

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CHAPTER 25.
(Ranjha retires to Kalabagh.) And Ranjha meditated deeply in his heart, and he collected ashes from the hearth and sat down on a hillock in the garden of Kalabagh. And he kindled fire and meditated on God, and sparks came from his body. He stopped his breath and meditated like a holy mahant, and under the shadow of the tree he was absorbed in deep meditation. Then he recited spells and incantations. And a voice came from the five Pirs saying: "Go to, My child, your grief is gone. You will meet your beloved in the morning." And Ranjha was pleased when he heard the voice of the five Pirs, and he said to himself: "Now I shall meet my beloved."
And it came to pass that on Friday all the girls of the village assembled to pay a visit to the garden in Kalabagh. They descended on the garden in their battalions of beauty As a flook of slender cranes. The earth trembled at the onset of these fairies. And they fell on the hut of the Jogi. They put out his fire, threw away his beggar's bowl and wallet and scattered his bhang. They broke his pestle and mortar. They threw away his turban, his chain and his tongs, his cup and his horn. They destroyed his possessions and looted him as armies have looted the Panjab. Then the Jogi gave a loud roar from inside the garden and with a stick in his hand advanced to attack them even as a garrison of a fort makes a night attack on its besiegers. And he cried in his wrath : “Where is the caravan of these female devils." The girls hearing the terrible roar of the Jogi, all ran away, all save one beautiful sparrow whom he caught.
She cried : "help, help," and threw off all her clothes and ornaments to save her life. " You are a deinon," she cried," and we are helpless fairies. If you touch us we shall die. What have you to tell me? What message have you to send. My aunt Hic has been your friend from the beginning. We all know she is your beloved. I will take her any message you give me."
The Jogi sighed when he heard the name of Hîr and he sent a message through the girl to Hir complaining how badly she had treated him; and the girl ran off and told Hîr, saying: "I had gone to play with my girl friends and he told me his secret. All day he fixes his eyes on the path leading to the village and all night he girds up his loins and counts the stars in despair. Tears flow from his eyes like the rains in summer. When you got into your Dooli and hid yourself from your lover, all the world mocked at you. Your cruel treatment of Ranjha has pierced the heart of the whole world. Everybody says you belong to the shepherd. He is being tortured and taunted about you every day."
And Hir replied to the girl : “Ranjha has been foolish to babble the secret of his heart to a woman. Did not Mansur get crucified for telling his secret? Did not Joseph get put in the well for telling his dream? Have not parrots been put in cages for chattering? True lovers conceal the insanity of their love. Those who digclose their secret are the losers on the battlefield of love. What has happened to Ranjha's wits that he has spoilt the whole affair ?, Why should not I be proud of my beauty? I will darken my eyelashes and with the power of my eyes make Ranjha and Saida fight over me. I will subdue the garden of Kalabagh and levy tribute on Jog."
The next day in order to compass the object of her desire, Hir went to Sehti and clasped her feet and tried to win her over with soft words saying: "Sister, forgive me, I entreat you for all my faults and for having quarrelled with you. You may abuse me twice over for all I have abused you. If you will accomplish my desire and bring my lover back to me, I will be your slave for ever. My house and property, my gold and silver, all my cows and my buffaloes will be yours. Ranjha has been my lover from the beginning, when we were boy

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and girl together. He has humbled himself for my sake. He has renounced home and fortune and has tended buffaloes. He has bored his ears and has become a Jogi for my
sake."
And Sehti tossed her head and said: “You clasp my feet to achieve your own object. You turned me out of the house and now you come and beseech me with folded hands. Verily selfishness rules the actions of all people in this world."
And Hir still further besought Sehti with honeyed words saying: "Sister, speak kindlly to me. You should sympathize with those who are in trouble. Let us go into the garden and become reconciled with the Jogi. Bhag bhari,o help me to meet my Ranjha. Those who do good actions will be rewarded in Paradise. If you restore Hîr to her lover, you will meet your own lover Murad."
CHAPTER 26.
(Sehti and Hir make friends.) And Sehti's heart leapt with joy even as Satan dances with delight when a sinner forgets to say his morning prayers. And she said to Hir: "Go, I have forgiven your fault, as you have been faithful in love from the beginning. Let us go and bring about a reconciliation of the lovers."
So Sehti filled a big dish with sugar and cream and covered it with a cloth and put five rupees therein. Then she went to the garden of Kalabagh and stood with her offering near the Jogi.
And the Jogi when he saw her coming muttered : "Why does a blast from hell blow on holy men? We asked for rain and a hot wind has sprung up to scorch us."
And Sehti salaamed with folded hands, but Ranjha gave no reply. The heart of the lover bowever softened on seeing Sehti in a mood of entreaty.
And the Jogi said to Sehti: "Women were created as the origin of discord from the very beginning of the world. Those who wedded them were ruined while those who held aloof from women became saints and acceptable to God. It was women who got Adam expelled from Paradise."
And Sehti replied: "It was not women but the greed of men that expelled Adam from Paradise. The angel told him not to eat the grain of wheat and not to go near the forbidden tree and the same order was given to the peacock and the snake. But the lust of the belly prevailed. He ate wheat and he was expelled from Paradise."
The Jogi replied: "Why do you speak ill of men ? Women have been bad from the beginning. Has not God said: 'Verily, women, your deceit is great.' Their deceitfulness is mentioned in the Koran. When have they ever been faithful to any one ?"
And Sehti replied: "Why abuse women? It is men who are bad. They are not content with their lawful wives but go hunting for the petticoats belonging to other men. It is men who are shameless and black faced. They come to their senses when they lose their wives and then they say: 'It is Destiny.' They sit at the feet of Mullahs and listen to the doctrines of Hypocrisy. How goes the well-known saying: To have a wife is equivalent to being in possession of Half Religion. Only he who is married can have prayers lawfully said over him when he dies. God has said in the Koran," MARRY."
A home looks well with a wife even as lamps look well on a dark night. Why do you find · fault with those who gave you birth and why do you declare them to be the sisters of Satan?
9 This is an apostrophe to the woman with whom the poet Waris Shah fell in love

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If there were no women in the world the universe would come to an end. Did not God Create all things in couples. The earth and the sky, day and night, man and woman. Is it not said in the Koran, We have created every living thing in pairs' Tell me, Jogi, why do you claim to be a great Saint? You fill your belly and you gorge your appetite like a donkey and you forget to thank God. You send messages by little girls. Your ways are full of deceit. You call yourself a wise man and boast of your knowledge. Tell me what is in the basket underneath this sheet? How much money is there and what is the vessel made of ?"
And Ranjha replied: "The dish is filled with sugar and rice and you have put five farthings on the top of it. Go and see, if you have any doubt in your mind."
So Sehti uncovered the dish and looked at it, and behold, it was full of sugar and rice. And when Sehti beheld the miracle which the Fakir had performed, she besought him with folded hands saying: "I have been your slave from the beginning with all my heart and soul. I will follow your footsteps and serve you with devotion as your maid servant. My heart, my property, all my girl friends and Hîr herself belong to you. I now put all my trust in God's Fakir."
And Ranjha said to Sehti: "I have grazed buffaloes for many years for the sake of Hir. Tell her that the grazer of buffaloes is calling her. Bring Hir the Stal to me, and then you will obtain your lover Murad. Say to her: Take off your veil, my beloved, and come.' Tell me, for God's sake, what fault I have committed and show me your moonlike face. The long snakes of your locks have entangled me. The arrows of your eyelashes have pierced my heart. Love has swept the curtain of shame. I am being pounded incessantly by the heavy artillery of love. You walk as beautifully as a partridge. Very lovely is the walking of my beloved. O sweet is the redness of your lips. Show them to me. I have given up the world and become a fakir for your sake. Either come yourself into the garden or take me into your house my beloved."
And Sehti replied: "I can live only if I meet Murad. I can only go with your message if you will bring me my lover. If you bring Murad I will fall at your feet. His love has ruined me and I am like roasted meat day and night."
And Rånjha replied: "Sehti, be sure that God will bring your lover to you. I will recite such a powerful spell that he will come at once. God by his grace will bring him hundreds of miles in an instant."
CHAPTER 27. (Sehti takes Ranjha's message to Hit and Hir meets Ranjha in the garden.) So Sehti went to Hir and gave her the message of the Jogi, saying: “You got him to tend your buffaloes by deeeit and now you have broken your promise and married Saida. He has turned Fakir and covered his body with dust and ashes. He has ruined his name and honour. By the practice of great austerities, he has obtained the help of the five Pirs, and he has shown me his power by a miracle. Go to him at once as a submissive subject with a present in your hand, for a new governor (Faujdar) has been appointed to rule over us. I have seen each miracle of his more wonderful than the last. It is as if Christ had come down from Heaven to earth."
Hir replied to Behti: "I will go and unveil myself to Ranjha and dispel his sorrow, for my life is the dust of his feet and my heart and soul belong to him. Ranjha is lying stricken sore with the pains of separation from bis beloved. I will go like Jesus and bring him to life.”
So Hir took a bath and clothed herself in silk and scented her hair with attar of roses and all manner of sweet scents. She painted her eyes with antimony and rubbed 'watna and dandasa' on her lips, and the beauty of them was doubled. She put handfuls of earrings in her ears and anklets on her feet. Jewels shone on her forehead. She was as beautiful as a peacock.

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And when Ranjha saw her coming, he said: "This is either a fairy that I see or it is Hir the Sial."
And Hir salaamed with folded hands and caught Ranjha's feet, saying: “Embrace me, Ranjha, for the fire of separation is burning me. My heart has been burnt to a cindër. I return your deposit untouched. Since I plighted my troth to you I have embraced no other man. Let us go away together my beloved wherever you will. I obey your orders." And Hir threw herself round his neck.
The moth was burnt in the flame. Out of the smoke the fire was kindled. Like mad things they swung together in the intoxication of Love. The poison of Love ran fire through their blood. The news of their meeting spread through all the world where the drums of Love were beaten.
Then Hir left Ranjha and consulted Sehti how she might arrange to meet him again: "You will get Murad," said she," and I will get my lover. Let us make some plan to meet our lovers, so that I may spend the rest of my life with Ranjha ; for youth and beauty are but the guests of a few days. Let us enjoy them while we can."
Now when Hir came back to her house after seeing Ranjha in the garden, her girl friends Raeban and Saifan saw her heightened colour and they said to her : "Sister, what has befallen you that your forehead shines like a rose. Your complexion is like the down on a golden oriole. When you get out you were as one dead and now your beauty is ravishingly alive. Your eyes gleam with happiness like the leaping water of a stream. Somebody has set the well of beauty in motion. Your breast is heaving under your red shirt. Somebody has kissed the lamp-black off your eyes. Somebody has been celebrating the high festival of Id in the garden of Kalabagh. The hungry have been filled and fakins have fed to their hearts content. Pearls that Saida never touched have been polished by others to-day. Per. haps Ranjha has looted your garden of all its fruit."
And Hir replied to her girl friends : "Why are you teasing a poor girl like me! I have a touch of asthma and that is why the colour comes into my cheeks. I ran after a runaway calf and that is why the strings of my skirt are loose on both sides. My sides are red because I was lying face downwards looking over the top of my house. I was sucking at my lips and that is why the colour has come off them. I was looking down the path leading to my home and a calf came down the lane and pressed me against the side of the house. That is why I have scratches on my body. I swear nothing else has happened. Why do you tease me and say what is unseemly?”
The girls replied: "Sister, the colour of your eyes is red like blood. Your beauty is like the flowers in spring. The Kheras have been put to confusion to-day."
Hir replied: "Some spell has come over my mind to-day. And I do not feel inclined to work. I must have walked over some magic plant by mistake or some wizard has cast his enchantment over me. The red cloths of the Kheras soem to me like flames of fire today."
The girls replied: "Ho, Ho! To-day the Panjab has fallen into the hand of Kandharis. Some one has looted your beauty to-day."
Hir replied: "Sisters, why do you teaze me with your taunts ? I was knocked over by a buffalo in the way and he tore off all my bangles and earrings : he chased me with loud ruars. I was going to run away in fright just as girls run away when they see their intended husbands. Thanks to my good fortune I met a fakir who took me safely back to the village."
And the girls replied: "Sigter, this bull has been pursuing you for a very long time. It is curious he tramples on nobody's fields but yours and only steals your grapes. This ball has bome from Hazara and is at the present moment lying distraught in the garden crying "HÍR, HIR."
And Hir said: "Sisters, I am not happy among the Kheras. God and the prophet are my witness."

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CHAPTER 28.
(Sehti and Hir plan a strategem.)
And Sehti and Hir consulted together how Hir might leave the Kheras and be united to Ranjha. Sehti invented a cunning strategem. She forsook all the traditions of the Faith. She consulted the book of the curses of God, and deceits in the volume of Satan.
Sehti went to her mother and spoke to her about Hir saying: "Mother, Hiris not well. She is becoming thinner every day. She lies on her couch all day and looks miserable. She will not touch her spinning wheel or her wool basket. She neither eats nor drinks and her body withers away with grief. As elephants are the pride of armies and cows and buffaloes are the pride of the farm-yard, so sons' wives are the pride of the house. But this bride whom we purchased with so much difficulty is the beginning of our misfortune. She takes fire when she sees Saida her lawful husband, and he runs away from her as from an evil spirit. We never see her happy or laughing. We have consulted Mullahs and physicians and Hakims and they cost much money. Let us conquer the obstinacy of this wilful bride. Saida should chide her and beat her and we will not interfere."
And Hir came before her mother-in-law like Umar the trickster [Umar was a famous trickster mentioned in the stories of Faizi, brother of Abu Fazl, minister of Akbar] and wove a cunning web of deceit saying: "Mother, I am weary of staying indoors. May I go iuto the fields with Sehti? Let me see green gardens. My heart is weary sitting in the house."
And her mother-in-law was silent and pondered the matter in her heart. And Sehti broke in saying: "Sister, come into the fields with me. Mother, she is wasting away because she never leaves her house; we are spoiling the health of this rosebud bride by keeping her indoors,"
And Sehti's mother replied: "Hir may go and walk about, and maybe she will recover her health and strength. At present she lies day and night like a sick woman. Let her rid care from her mind and laugh with her lips, and let the bud of my hope blossom again. She can go with you if she wishes and you may take her into the fields where she may enjoy the company of her girl friends. But remember, Hir, be prudent, and when you leave this house do not do what is unbecoming to a bride. Take God and the Prophet to witness."
Having thus obtained her mother's permission, Sehti assembled her girl friends together. "Friends," said Sehti, "You must all get up early, before daybreak, without telling your parents beforehand. To please the bride Hîr, she is to be taken into the garden and she will also pick cotton in the fields."
The girls sat up half the night weaving their plans. They were as beautiful as princesses and as wicked as the grandmother of Satan. They challenged each other to wrestle the next morning on the well. There was Kammoo the sadler's wife, Sammi the baker's wife, Bakhtawar the wife of the blacksmith, Tajo the wife of the watchman, and the wife of the barber; there was Nando the water carrier's wife and Daulati the girl with seven brothers, and many others. It was agreed that they should all go to the fields in the early morning.
So in the morning they all assembled together. Not a girl remained in the village. It was as if the Turks had drawn up their armies to invade Hindustan. There were Amir Khatun, Salamati, Bholan and Imam Khatun Gujari, Rahmatia Daulta and Bhagi the minstrel's wife, and Miran the singing girl, and Chand Kaur the beautiful Jatti with Miman her pretty friend. There were Suhkdei, and Mangti, and Sahiba, and Jhando, the wicked girl, who teased

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her friends, and Hiro with her dark painted eyes, and Darshani and Daropti from the hills with their “Achna Gachna ” and queer hill jargon. There was Nur Begum from Kandahar who spoke Persian, and Kammoo from Baghdad who spoke Arabic, and Nur Bibi and Thakur Bibi who sang ravishing songs..
They laughed and sang and played games together, and one of them took a sharp thorn from an acacia bush and pricked Hir's foot. Sehti bit it with her teeth and caused blood to flow, and they pretended Hir had been bitten by a snake. And Hir wept and cried and rolled on the ground saying: "I am dying; call somebody to cure me." Her face grew yellow and her eyes became pale, she clenched hex teeth and fainted.
And Sehti raised a cry: "The bride has been bitten by a black snake." So the girls put her on a bed and brought her home and all the people of the village left their work and gather. ed together to see her. Never was such a crafty swindle found in any book. They shaved the very beard of Plato. Satan came and salaamed and said: "I have been outmatched by these girls."
The people of the village when they saw Hir said: "A venemous snake has bitten her. Her breath comes quick; the poison has run into every vein of her body.” Some said: "Give her butter and milk;" others said: “ Search out an enchanter who knows powerful spells.”
And the Kheras brought hundreds of Fakirs and Hakims and enchanters and they gave her cunning drugs. They brought Tiriak snakes from Hazara and amulets and incense. They applied milk of "AK" to the wound, powdered metals and ourds of milk which no woman or man had ever cast eyes upon. They spent bags of money trying to cure the bride.
And Hir's mother-in-law beat her breast and said: "These cures do no good. His is going to die. Hir's fate will soon be accomplished."
And Sehti said: “This snake will not be subdued by ordinary spells. There is a very cunning Jogi in the Kalabagh garden in whose flute there are thousands of spells. Cobras and Krites bow down before him and hooded snakes and crested snakes stand in awe of him. All evil spirits and Jinns fly away at his word "
So Ajju said to Saida : "Son, brides are precious things. Go to the Fakir and salaam him with folded hands."
So Saida got ready his shoes and girt up his loins and took a stick in his hand and walked rapidly to the garden where the Jogi was. He was as yellow as astraw from anxiety about Hir. And he caught the feet of the Jogi and implored him saying: "My wife went into a cotton field to pick cotton and a black snake bit her. She is writhing with pain day and night. We have tried all the physicians and enchanters but to no purpose. Sehti has told us of you and the whole family has sent me to call you."
When the Jogi heard Saida's voice his heart leapt within him and he suspected that Sehti and Her had invented some cunning strategem.
And the Jogi spake to Saida and said: "Who can avoid destiny ? Snakes bite according to the decree of destiny. Holy men who live like hermits in the jungle have no concern with the affairs of this world and shrink from the company of women. The snakes of Jhang Sial oboy no one's enchantment. What if the Jatti die? Then the fakir will be happy. Fakins should not go near women. Why should we treat your Jatti ! We have ruined our own family. Why should we concern ourselves with yours, you whore's son ?"
And Saids fell at his feet and implored him to come and heal Hilt, saying: "She wept when she got out of the marriage palanquin. She would have nothing to say to me or to any of my family. If I touch her she raises & cry. I cannot come near her bed as she shrinks from me in feat. She is always weeping."

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Whereupon the Jogi drew a square on the ground and thrust a knife therein and said: "Sit down Jat, and swear on the Koran that you have never touched Hfr." He put the knife to his throat and made him swear and Saida swore saying: "May I be a leper if I ever touched Hir."
Then suddenly the Jogi blazed with anger and roared at Saida: "You have come into my holy hut with your shoes on. You have profaned this holy place. And he thrust him out and beat him even as cattle are thrust out of the cattle pen. He dealt so severely with Saida that he was covered with blood, and Saida ran to his house weeping and told his story to his father saying: "He is not a Jogi but a robber and a dacoit." And Ajju was wroth and said: "As he has treated my son so will I treat him. I will have a speedy vengeance upon him."
Thereupon Sehti said: "Father, you should go yourself to the Jogi. Perhaps Saida stood with pride before him and not with proper humility."
CHAPTER 29.
(Ranjha is called in to cure Hir's snakebite.)
So Ajju said: "I will go if all of you wish it." So Ajju went and stood before the Jogi with folded hands and besought him to come and cure Hir. And the Jogi at last consented, and as he went to the house of Ajju a partridge sang on the right for good luck. Thus the Kheras themselves worked their own destruction and shaved their own heads. The wolf had been called in to guard the flock. Ajju thought himself a great man as he had brought the Fakir.
"Sister," said the women: "Let us rejoice that Hir's life has been saved. The physician she longed for has now come. All her pain and trouble has gone. The perfect Saint has come, even he that deserted his home and became a cowherd and then a jogi. The man whose name was abhorred by the Kheras has been brought by Hir's owr father-in-law."
Meanwhile Sehti took charge of the Jogi and lodged him in the hut belonging to the village minstrel. And the Jogi gave his orders that bread must be cooked for the holy man. "No man or woman must come near or cast their shadow on it. A separate place must be prepared and Hir's couch placed on it. I will burn incense at night. I will read enchantments over het. None must be allowed to come near her as the snake is a powerful one and his bite is difficult to cure. Only Sehti may come; only a virgin girl must be allowed to cross the threshold. "
And the Kheras did as the Jogi bade them and put Hir in the cottage with the Jogi. and Sehti was with them.
But Ranjha's heart was heavy within him as he sat in the hut, and at midnight he remembered the Five Pirs. He kissed the handkerchief of Shakerganj and took the ring of Lal Shahbaz; he smelt the sweet savour that came from the cudgel of Sayyad Jalal of Bokhara, and he grasped the dagger given him by Makdum Jahanian. And Ranjha prayed: "May the Five Pirs bless my enterprise and make my way easy. And Pir Bahaudin shook the earth, and the way was opened unto Ranjha, and a voice spake: "Jat, arise, go on your way. Why are you sleeping? The way has been opened for you."
And Ranjha went outside the house and made ready to depart, and Sehti came to him and salaamed to him saying: "For the love of God, take my poor boat ashore. I have set all the plans of the Kheras at naught and tarnished the reputation of the whole family. For the sake of your love I have given Hir into your hand. Now give me my lover Murad. This is the only request I have to make to you."

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And Ranjha lifted his hands and prayed to God: "O God restore this Jatti's lover to her. She has brought to accomplishment my desire. She has brought about the union of lovers and for the sake of love has become of ill-fame throughout all the world."
And the Five Pirs prayed: "O God unite the girl to her lover." So God showed his kindness and Murad her lover stood before her. And Murad spake and said: "Girl, make haste and see this fairy-like camel." And the camel of Murad grunted as her master epoke. And Murad said :" Some spell or enchantment fell on me; some one caught the nose string of my camel and brought me to your door. I was riding in the long line of camels half asleep. Then a voice from heaven came into my ear; my camel heard it and grunted. She sped as quick as an arrow or a stormwind. My string of camels has been lost. You have exercised some sorcery over me. My camel is the grand-daughter of the best camel in the world. Come up, my bride, and mount on my camel. Is not her mouth soft ? Her back is as firm as a mountain. She has been moulded by angels."
So Murad took Sehti on his camel and Ranjha took Hir. Thus the bridegrooms set forth with their brides.
CHAPTER 30.
(The discovery of Hir's escape with Ranjha.) The next morning the ploughmen yoked their oxen and went forth to plough, and lo! the house of the sick bride was empty. They looked inside and outside and they woke up the watchman who was asleep near the door. There was a great stir in the town and every body said: “Those wicked girls Hir and Sehti have brought disgrace on the whole village. They have cut off our nose and we shall be defamed through the whole world."
So the Kheras drew up their armies on hearing the news. The soldiers took spears and daggers and set out to pursue them. The people said to Ajju: “Your house has been ruined to-day. The stain will not be washed away for many generations." And the women beat their sides and wept. Now the armies of the Kheras succeeded in overtaking Murad. But the Balooches drew up their forces and drove back the Kheras. They rushed on them with spears and arrows and routed them, even as Alexander routed Darius.
Now there was a man-eating lion in the jungle through which Hîr and Ranjha had to pass. He smelt them and came towards them with a roar. And Hir said: "Ranjha, the lion is coming : remember the Pirs for God's sake." And Ranjha remembered the Five Pirs and they came in the twinkling of an eye. They said: "Go to, my son, and you will be victorious. Abandon all pride and beseech the lion with entreaty. And if he will not listen to your entreaty, slay him."
And Ranjha said: “Gallant lion, I beseech you by Pir and Fakir, do not kill us who are helpless. In the name of Hazrat Pir Dastgir (the lord of Pirs) I beseech you go away."
And the lion replied: "Ranjha listen to me. For the last seven days, I have not had food. I have been much troubled by hunger and thirst. Now God has sent me a victim." The lion roared: "I will eat both of you." And he leapt towards Ranjha. · And Ranjha said to Hir: "You stay here, beloved. I will go and kill the lion and will then come back to you."
The lion ground his teeth hearing the words of Ranjha. And he said: "What does this mortal say?" And he made another spring at Ranjha.
Then Ranjha took the cuc gel of Jahanian, and thrust it into the side of the lion, and he drove the dagger of Sayyad Jalal Bokhari into his belly. And then Ranjha skinned the

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lion and put his nails and flesh in his wallet. And they set forth and came into the country of Raja Adali, and slumber overoame Ranjha, and despite the warnings of Hîr he fell asleep. And sleep overcame Hir also.
Destiny overwhelmed both the lovers. For the Kheras came in pursuit and found Ranjha asleep, bis head resting on Hîr. They took Hir away and beat Ranjha unmercifully with whips until his body was swollen.
And Hîr advised Ranjha to seek for justice from Raja Adali. And Ranjha cried out aloud, and the Raja heard it and said: “What is this noise ?" And the Raja's servants said: "A jogi has come asking for justice."
CHAPTER 31.
(Ranjha and Her before the Raja.) Ranjha came before the Raja and his body was sore with the blows of the Kheras' whipe and he said: “May you and your kingdom live long. The fame of your justice has spread even to Turkey and Syria. I have been besten in your kingdom and have committed no fault.”
So the Raja issued orders to his armies and they overtook the Kheras and brought them before the Darbar of the Raja.
And Ranjba said: "I am a poor fakir and these dacoits and robbers have taken away my wife from me."
And the Kheras replied: "This Thug 10 of the Manjha is very clever; he knows all kinds of powerful enchantments. One day our daughter-in-law was bitten by a snake, and Sehti told us there was a Jogi in the garden of Kalabagh who was cunning in spells and could cure her; and O Rajah, this saint and fakir of God decamped with both of the women one night. He is a thief and should be killed. You should not be deceived by his rosaries and beads. He is a cunning rogue and clever in disguises."
And Ranjha said: “They saw she was beautiful and they took her away. Hir is mine? and I am Hir's. The five Pirs gave us in marriage. I have been dealt with in a tyrannous fashion and ask for justice."
And the Raja was angry with the Kheras and said: “You have committed & great sin in troubling this holy fakir. I will cut your nose and ears off and hang you all, if the Kazi says you are liars. I will crucify you on the stake".
So they came before the Kati, and the Kazi said: "Lot each side make a statement on oath and I will administer the Justice of Amar Khatib".
So the Kheras spake saying : "Hîr was the daughter of Chuchak the Sial. Many were the suitors for her hand, but her father betrothed her to the son of Ajju. We took & marriage procession and brought back our bride and spent much money. Thousands of people, Hindus and Muhammadans, were present at the marriage ceremony. The proper rites were performed. The Mullah read the Koran and witnesses were present. The whole country side knows she was given to us in marriage. This swindler took her away as Raman ran away with Sita. He came when there was a great famine and grain was very dear. He grazed Chuchak's buffaloes and then claimed the hand of his daughter. His hom and beggar's bowl are all lies. He is & swindler who can bring down the very stalls with spells. .
10 Robber.

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Then the Kazi turned to Ranjha and said : " Fakir, have you got any witnesses ? Without witnesses to the marriage she can be no wife."
• AnđRâniha replied: "Listen to my words, you who know the law and the principles of religion. On the day our souls said yes, I was betrothed to Hir. In the Tablet of Destiny. God has written the union of our souls. What need have we of earthly love when our souls have attained the Divine Love ?"
The Kazi replied: "Speak the truth, and have done with these falsehoods. You have brought shame on the Sials and the Kheras. Give up your evil ways or you will taste my whip."
And Ranjha replied: "See what harm these Kazis do in the world. They preach the doctrine of the wicked and live on stolen property. If you sympathise so much with the Kheras, Kazi, give them your own daughter."
And the Kazi was angered and snatched Hir from Ranjha and gave her to the Kheras saying: "This fakir is a swindler and a pious fraud.”
Whereat Hir was sore perplexed and her countenance became pale and lifeless.
And Rånjha said: "Go away. Separation is worse than death. These dacoits have looted me. What do people know of the pain I suffer? I am a poor fakir and have no money to give to the officers in whose hands the decision lies. He has Hir and I have the pain."
And Hir sighed with grief and said: "O God, see how we are consumed as with fire. Fire is before us and snakes and tigers behind us and our power is of no avail. O Master, either unite me with Ranjha or slay both of us. The people of this country have exercised tyranny against us. O God, consume this city with fire. Let your wrath fall on this city even as it fell on Pharoah whom you drowned, even as it fell on Solomon and caused him to be dethroned."
Thus did Hir invoke curses on the city. And Ranjha lifted up his hands likewise and invoked curses on the city saying: "O God, all powerful and mighty, give these tyrants their reward at once. Put the city to fire. Burn the whole city, save only the herde and the cattle."
See the power of God. Owing to the sighs of the lovers, the city canght fire. Fire broke out in all four quarters of the city. It destroyed houses both small and great. The news spread all over the country. Then the Raja said: "What act of oppression has been done ?"
So the astrologers cast their lots and said to the Raja : "The pens of your officials are free from sin. But God has listened to the sighs of the lovers. Hence this misfortune has overwhelmed us. Fire has descended from Heaven and it has burnt the palaces, forts and ditches of the city. If you will call up and conciliate the lovers, perhaps God will forgive all those who have sinned."
So the Raja sent out his soldiers and they caught the Kheras and brought them in to. his presence. And the Raja took Hir from the Kheras saying: "I will hang you all. Hir the Jatti belongs to Ranjha. Why do you oppress strangers ?”
And the Kheras went away disappointed.
So Rania and Hir stood before the Raja, and he said to them: "God's curse on those who tell lies. I will kill those who oppress the poor. I will cut off the nose of those who take bribes. You may go to your rightful husband. Grasp the skirts of his clothing and the arm of him that belongs by right to you and see that you never desert the true faith.."

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(The poisoning of Hir and the death of Ranjha.) Thus God showed His mercy and the Raja caused the two lovers to meet again. And Ranjha called down blessings on the Raja saying: "God be praised and may weal and wealth come to your kingdom. May all troubles flee away and may you rule over horses, camels, elephants, batteries, Hindustan and Scinde."
So Ranjha set off towards his home taking Hir with him, and he said to her: “Girl, you have been bestowed by God and the five Pirs on me.”
And Hir replied: "If I enter the country like this, people will say I am a runaway woman, and that you have been the ruin of the houses of fathers and father-in-laws. Of what avail will such a victory be? The women will say I have not been properly married. My aunts will taunt me and ask me why I have come back in this way."
And after they had gone some distance on their way Hir said: “This is the valley where we met. This is where we beat Kaido, bound him with ropes and dragged him along the ground. This is where we used to talk together and this is where destiny overcame us. When the marriage procession of the Kheras came up it was as if the flood of Noah had overwhelmed us."
Now the shepherds were grazing their buffaloes in the jungle and they espiod Hir and Ranjha, and when they drew close they recognised them, and the shepherds said to Ranjha : "Who has bored your ears?"
And they went and told the Sials: "Behold the shepherd has brought the girl Hir back. He has shaved the beard of the Kheras without water."
And the Sials said: "Do not let them go away. Bring Hir to her aunts and tell Ranjha to bring a marriage procession in order to wed Hir." And they brought Hir and Ranjha to the Sials.
Now at the same time a barber came up on an embassy from the Kheras to demand back Hir, and the Sials said to the barber: "You must make some good excuse to the Kheras for us and give this message and say: 'We gave you Hir in marriage. After that she was dead to us. You never showed us the face of our daughter afterwards. She and you are both dead to us. Why are you now asking us about her ? From of old time you were mean. You are publishing your own disgrace by making these inquiries. The army of the enemy has looted you. Why are you now beating your drums | The conquerors have already divided the spoils of victory. You have ruined our daughter. We will take in exchange a girl from you by way of satisfaction." And they sent back the barber with taunts saying: "Do not come again on an embassy to us."
Then the brotherhood brought Hîr and Ranjha to their home and laid a rich couch for them to sit on and all the family were happy. They took the Jogi's rings out of his ears. They shaved him and put a rich turban on his head, they gave him a silk shirt and sat him on the throne, even as Joseph was placed on the throne after having been brought out of the pit. They ensnared the heart of Ranjha with their cunning, for they were communing in their heart how they might kill Hir. Kaido was for ever plotting evil against them. Thus they became responsible for the murder and they themselves caused the blot on their own fame.
Meanwhile, Ranjha at the suggestion of the Sials had gone to his home, and he told his brethren to prepare a marriage procession so that he might go and marry Hir. Many baskets of fruit and sweets were put on the heads of the barbers. They prepared bands of minstrels and fireworks, and Ranjha's brothers' wives danoed with happines8 and sang songs.

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Ah, put not your trust in life. Man is even as a goat in the hands of the butchers.
Meanwhile somebody whispered into Hir's ear that her parents were going to send her back to the Kheras and that they had already sent a message to have her fetched away. And Kaido chided Hir saying: "If the Kheras come there will be trouble, many quarrels and much disturbance. The witnesses of the marriage will come and they will confound your mad tales."
And Kaido and the Sials held counsel together, and Kaido said: “Brethren of the Sials, such things have never before been said of our tribe as will be said now. For men will say: Go and look at the faithfulness of these Sials. They marry their daughters to one man and then contemplate giving her in marriage to another."
And the brethren made answer : "Brother, you are right. Our honour and your honour are one. All over the world we are taunted with the story of HIr. We shall lose fame and gain great disgrace if we send the girl off with the shepherd. Let us poison Hir, even if we become sinful in the sight of God. Does not Hir always remain sickly and in poor health ?"
So Kaido in his evil cunning came and sat down beside Hir and said : “My daughter, you must be brave and patient."
Hir replied: "Uncle, what need have I of patience."
And Kaido replied: "Ranjha has been killed. Death with glittering sword has overtaken him."
And hearing Kaido's word Hfr sighed deeply and fainted away. And the Sials gave her sherbet and mixed poison with it and thus brought ruin and disgrace on their name. The parents of Hir killed her. This was the doing of God. When the fever of death was upon Hir, she cried out for Ranjha saying, "Bring Ranjha here that I may see him once again."
And Kaido said: "Ranjha has been killed. Keep quiet or it will go ill with you." 80 Hfr breathed her last crying "Ranjha, Ranjha."
And they buried her and sent a message to Ranjha saying: “The hour of destiny has arrived. We had hoped otherwise but no one can escape the destiny of death. Even as it is written in the Holy Koran: "Everything is mortal save only God.'”
And they sent'a messenger with the letter and he left Jhang and arrived at Hazara, and. he entered the house of Ranjha and wept as he handed the letter.
Ranjha asked him : "Why this dejected air? Why are you sobbing? Is my beloved ill? Is my property safe?"
And the messenger sighed and said: "That dacoit death from whom no one can escape has looted your property. Hir has been dead for the last eight watches. They bathed her body and buried her yesterday and as soon as they began the last funeral rites, they sent me to give you the news."
On hearing these words Ranjha heaved a sigh and the breath of life forsook him.
Thus both lovers passed away from this mortal world and entered into the halls of eternity. Both remained firm in love and passed away steadfast in true love.
Death oomes to all. Even Noah the father of many children, the master of the storm, the king of religion and the world, died at the last of a good old age and was buried.
The world is but a play and fields and forests all will melt away in the final day of dissolution. Only the poet's poetry remains in everlasting remembrance, for no one has written such a beautiful Hir.

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EPILOGUE. 11 Fools and sinners offer counsel in the world. The counsel of the wise is held of no account. No one speaks the truth. Lying has become the custom of the world. With gangs of ruffians men commit iniquity. Tyrants have sharp swords in their hands. There is no Governor, Ruler or Emperor.
The country and the people have all been reduced to ruin. There is great disturbance throughout the country. Everybody carries a sword in his hand. The curtain of all modesty has been lifted. People commit deeds of shame in the open bazaar. Thieves have become headmen and harlots have become mistress of the household. Bands of devils have multiplieł exceedingly all over the land. The nobles have fallen in their estate. Men of menial rank flourish. The peasantry are waxen fat.
The Jats have become rulers in the country. Everybody has become lord of his own oastle. When love came to me I felt a desire to write this story in verse. I wrote it in the year 1180 Hijri in the southern country. Lamman Des is the present Montgomery district of the Panjab.1 It was the vear 1820 of the Birkramaiit era. [These two dates do not exactly correspond, but the poem was written in A.D. 1766.)
When I produced the tale among learned men it became known to the world. Waris. those who have recited the Holy Kalma hava attained salvation. Kharral Hans is a wellknown place. Here I composed this story. Poets, you should determine the worth of my poem. I have let my horse loose in the arená. Other poets have wasted their efforts in writing on petty themes [ lil., ground in an handmill). I have composed a grand roem [ lit, ground my grain in a bullock-driven mill).
O wise man, you should note that there is a secret under the guise of my words. I have written this Hîr with care and meditation. Young people read it with pleasure. I have planted a flower to give a sweet savour. Thank God my purpose is achieved. I have worked at it anxiously day and night. I have no capital of good works. Of what can I be proud ? I have no hope without Thy grace. I am only a poor sinner. Without the favour of the Prophet I am helpless. I am ashamed of my unworthiness. The sinner trembles at the thought of the last trump even as the faithful are afraid for the faith and as pilgrims long for the sight of the Kaaba, even as the General thinks about the state of his army and as servants are afraid of their pay being cut for neglect of duty.
Of all the wretched Panjab I am most concerned for Kasur. I am concerned for mv faith and conscience even 29 Moses was frightened on Holy Sinai. Ghazis will get paradise and martyrs claim their houris. The world is outwardly fair but inwardly it is bad even as the sound of a drum is beautiful from afar. O God' grant me faith and dignity and honour. Our hope is only on God the Bountiful. Waris Shah, I have no capital of good works. God grant me Thy presence.
Waris Shah lives at Jandiala and is the pupil of the Saint of Kasur. Having finished the story I presented it to my master for his acceptance. (He elevates whom he will and throws down whom he will. God alone is great. All excellences and dignity are in God alone. I am helpless.)
.11 (This interesting but somewhat rambling Epilogue is translated at full length without any attempt at excision or condensation. The rest of the poem has been considerably condensed but nothing important has been omitted-C. F. US BORNE.)

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With the aid of Shakerganj I have conferred this benefit on the world. Waris Shah, your name will be famous, if God be kind. O Lord I accept my humility. Dispel all my infirmities. Waris Shah has shed the light of his genius over all the faithful in the world. O God! this is always my prayer that I may lean always on Thy support. Let me depart from this world in peace and give me Thy grace in the end. Keep me in Thy love and take the load of trouble off my shoulders.
May he who reads or copies my poor efforts derive pleasure. May the Prophet be your intercessor and watch over you, past, present and future. O Almighty God I overlook the fault of poor Waris Shah. By the grace of God I have fulfilled the request of my dear friends. The story of true lovers is like the scent of a rose in a garden. He who reads it with love in his heart will be able to separate the trath from the false.
I have written a poem of much pith even as a string of royal pearls. I have written it at length and embellished it with various beauties. I have written it as a parable. It is as beautiful as a necklace of rubies. He who reads it will be much pleased and the people will praise it.
Waris ShAh is anxious to see God's face even as Hir longed for her lover. I make my request before the Holy Court of God, who is the Lord of Mercy. If I have let fall & word in ignorance may God forgive me. Without Thy justice I have no shelter. My safety depends on Thy grace. May my anxieties about my faith and the world vanish. This is my only prayer. May God pardon him who copies these words and give his bounty to those who recite it. May its readers enjoy the book. O God I preserve the honour of all men. Let every man depart from this world with his shortcomings hidden from the public. God give all the faithful faith, conscience and a sight of His presence in the Day of Judgment.
APPENDIX.
HR AND RANJHA OF WARIS SHAH, 1776 A.D.
(A Critical Analysis.)
BY MULTANI (C. F. USBORNE ). [This analysis is based on Piran Ditta's edition printed for Mian Muhammad Din. The moet oomplete edition of this poem is probably that lately published by the Newal Kishore Printing Works, Lahore, by L. Kashi Ram, 1332 A.H.=1915 A.D. (1000 copies). It profenges to be Muhammad Din's edition of Piran Ditta's text.]
The love story of Hîr and Ranjha is the most famous of all Panjabi tales. There have been at least twenty different versions of the story printed in the vernacular written at different times by different poets. As far as the European publio is ooncerned, the story WMA first bronght to their notice by Garoin de Tassy, the French scholar, who published in Pronoh a translation of Makbul's version. Next came Captain (now Sir Richard) Temple, who printed in his "Legends of the Panjab" two other versions, one from Jhang, the other from Patiala. Last came the Rev. Mr. Swyanerton, who gave an Abbottabad version of the story in his "Romantic Legends of the Panjab."

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Temple in his book alludes to the version by Waris Shah and says he has been told that it is the most popular of all and that it has the reputation of having been written in the most idiomatic Panjabi. Temple is right in both of these criticisms.
There are many reasons why an English translation of Waris Shah's poem would be welcome. In the first place it is the most popular and best written book in the Panjabi language. The language of the dialogues-and the book is made up principally of dialogue -corresponds almost exactly with the vernacular spoken in the Central and West Central parts of the Panjab. There could be no better text book for students of the language.
The Central dramatic situation-a girl in love with a man whom she is not allowed to marry, hurriedly married elsewhere against her will-is a good one and it must strike a sympathetic chord in the heart of every man and woman in the Panjab.
But the chief merit of Waris Shah's poem is that round this interesting central problem, he has woven an excellent description of Panjab village life. I doubt if there is any other book which gives such a good picture of the village life of this province.
We are told that Bullah Shah, a Sufi poet and contemporary of Waris Shah was a great friend of Darshani Nath. The latter from his name appears to have been a Jogi. Possibly Waris Shah too was personally acquainted with some of the Jogis. From internal evidence of the poem I should gather this was the case. His description of the Jogis on Tilla, of their jealousy of Ranjha and of their quarrels with Balnath, gives the impression of a picture drawn from personal experience.
Perhaps the most interesting part of the whole poem is the light it throws on the Jat character. It is admitted, I think, by everybody that Waris Shah has drawn the Jat to the life. The Jat is a rough and violent person. His chief weapon of offence is cunning or brute force. Rânjha overcomes the scruples of the Mullah by the mere violence of his abuse and one is rather surprised that the Mullah gives way so tamely. Hir does not hesitate to thrash her lame uncle Kaido most unmercifully; Kaido retaliates later on in the story by an equally savage onslaught on Hir's girl friends. Both sides indulge in a lot of very rough horse play. Chuchak remarks with pride that Jats are crafty swindlers.
When Chuchak finds that his buffaloes refuse to eat after Ranjha's dismissal, he at once recalls him, being apparently more concerned with the welfare of his cattle than with the reputation of his daughter. This attitude of Hir's parents is a little puzzling, because shortly before this Chuchak has been declaring that Hir ought to be poisoned and killed for her outrageous conduct, and her mother Milki had been equally emphatic, and yet they ask Ranjha to come back, thus inviting a repetition of the scandal.
Their whole attitude towards their daughter is interesting. Their anger seems mainly prompted by personal pride; what they are chiefly concerned about is not that Hir has done what is wrong, but that they will get taunted about it by other people in the village. When Kaido proposes to poison Hir, the chief argument he uses is that if the Sials let Ranjha marry Hir, the Sials in future will incur the reproach of double dealing. They poison Hir not to punish Hir or Rânjha but to save themselves from the sarcasms of their neighbours.
The interview between Rânjha and Balnath throws an interesting light on the characters of both sides. When once Rânjha has been initiated as a Jogi by Balnath, he throws off all disguise and admits that his real object in becoming a Jogi was to obtain in that disguise an interview with Hir. Balnath is naturally angry at having been thus deceived, and yet at the end of a very few minutes Rânjha wins him round to such an extent that he induces him to offer a solemn prayer for the success of his adventure.

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Is it to Ranjha's merit to have taken in a holy man, or the holy inan's morit to have perceived a real case of true love, or is the holy man a bit of a muff and easily swindled ? It may be that Waris Shah is intentionally painting the Jats in rather black colours, for he goes out of his way on two occasions to indulge in a violent tirade against them.
Logend relates that the Dogar Jats of Thatta Zahid turned the poet out of their village, because thoy thought he was on too friendly terms with a woman callod Bhag Bhari. This is probably true. There is a reference to Bhag Bhari once in the poem and it is not unlikely that the poet's love affair with Bhag Bhari inspired him to write his Hır. I have no doubt, that ho drew freely on his own experiences in describing many of the episodes. • I will now give a brief analysis of the story. As far as I know, Waris Shah has never
been translated into English before. Piran Ditta's text is not very accurate and it contains many obvious repetitions and interpolations. I have unfortunately not had time to chock the translation as carefully as I could wish, and if it is in places inaccurate I should be very glad if any mistakos could be communicated to mo.
Thu poem opens with a typical Muhammadan preface, the praise of God in somewhat Sufiistic phrasoology. "Praise be to God who made Love the foundation of the world." "God was th: first lovor; he loved the Prophet Muhammad." Next comes an invocation to the Four Friends of the Prophet, Abu Bakr, Umar, Usman and Ali followed by an invocation to Pirs and more especially to Mohiuddin, the special Pir of the Poet and to Shakar Gunj the famous saint of Pak Pattan. "When Shakar Gunj made his abodo at Pak Pattan the Punjab was delivered of all its troubles." Thon como a few lines explaining how the book came to be written. "My friends came to me and said rewrito for us the forgotten story of the love of Hir and Ranjha.'” The poet explains the pains he has taken in writing the poom." I have bridlo:1 the steed of raro genius, sot love on his back and let him loose in the fioll."
The style thon drops to a more suber narrative, a description of Takht Hazaru and the Ranjha Jats. We are then introduced to the family of Mauju headman (Chaudhri) of the village and Dhido his youngest and favourite son known later in the story as Ranjha. Mauju dies. Ranjha quarrels with his brothers and their wives. The dialogue between Ranjba and his sisters-in-law is most vivacious and natural. The Kazi is called in to partition the family land and, being suitably bribed, he gives the worst land to Ranjha. Ranjha on account of these family disagreements decides to leave his home and seck his fortunos olsowbere. His first adventure is at a mosque where he wishes to put up for the night. Hu has a battle of words with the Mullah.
The incident is interesting partly for the satirical description of tho Mullah and partly for the light it throws on tho free-thinking attitude of the Jats. "Tell me," says Ranjha, thu difference between what is holy and what is unholy; what is prayer made of? Who ordainou prayer?" It is noticeable that the Mullah is unable to answer any of these questions and the interview ends in a typical exchange of abuse, Ranjba is ultimately allowed to spend the night in the mosque. The next incident is Ranjha's adventure at the ferry where he comes into collision with Luddan the boatman. We are introduced bore for the first time to the fascination which Ranjha's musical powers and his beauty exercise over tho peoplo he meets. The character of Luddan the ferryman is treated on the same broad humourous lines as that of the Mullah. The next scene is at this same ferry and the first meeting of Ranjha and Hir is described.

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The beauty of Hir and her girl friends is detailed in a somewhat high town language, but a good deal of the imagery is interesting and some of it is worth quoting. Hir's beauty slays Khatris and Khojas in the bazaar" like a murderous Kazilbash trooper riding out of the military camp. Wo meet here the word which gave its name to tho Urdu language "urd bazaar." Incidentally this gives us an interesting glimpse of the terror inspired by the Kaziibash horseman and perhaps recalls the sack of Delhi by Nadir Shah. "The eyes of Hir's girl friends were pencilled with the collyrium of Ceylon and Kandahar." "Their eye-brows are like the bows of Lahore." " The ring in Hir's nose shone liko thu polar star." "Her beauty was as mighty as the onset of a storin." "Her featuros woro as lovely as the curves of a manuscript " and "her tooth wore as boautiful as the soods of pomegranate." "Hor locks are like black cobras sitting on the treasuros of the Bar." (The belief is fairly widespread that cobras sit guarding buriod treasuro). "The onset of her beauty was as if armies from Kandahar had swept over thu Punjab." This simile givos us an interesting picture of the recurrent invasions of India by the Muhammadans of Afghanistan and Contral Asia. It is a simile that often recurs in the poem. Hîr thon abuses the boatmon for letting Ranjha sloop on her couch." They-Hir and her girl friends-descended on the boatman like a hailstorm sweeps over a field." Hir then addresses Ranjha and tho intorviuw onds in both falling in love with each other.
The conversation of the two lovers is particularly interesting to English realers as the position of womon in the east and the west is quite different. Hance the love scenes are cast in a different mould and the whole atmosphere of the love-making is quite different from that to which we are accustomed in the romantic literature of Europe. In the west the man is the lover and the woman the beloved. It is the inan who falls in love with the woman and tries to win her affection. Man is the hunter, the pursuer, and woniau the object of his pursuit. In the Panjab, and possibly in the east generally, the situation seems somewhat reversed. In nearly all Panjab literature the woman is the lover. More emphasis is laid on the woman's affection for the man than on the man's for the woman. It is she who makes love to the man. It is the woman who takes the initiative in all the strategeins and escapade incident in the adventure of love. The wivos of Luddan fall in love with Ranjha, not Ranjha with them. They start off making love to him with alacrity long before he has ever noticed thair existence. When Hîr and Ranjha first meet, it is Hir who first falls in love with Rånjha. The affection of course rapidly becomes mutual, but the dialogue clearly shows that Hir is the lover and that the first advances come from her. It is Hir not Ranjha who suggests Ranjha shall become Chuchak's cowherd. In any European story the initiative in this respect would surely have been taken by the man. Then, later op in his story, it is Hir who suggests that Ranjha should turn Jogi and meet her in this disguise. It is the woman who suggests the ruse by which Hir shall feigo snake bite and Ranjha shall be called in as a physician to oure hor. Throughout the story indeed the whole initiative lies with Hîr, and as far as the love story is concerned Ranjha is a very poor spirited creature compared with Hir. The hero of the love story is certainly Hir not Ranjha.
If this is typical of Panjabi love affairs at the present day, it is doubtful whether the framers of the Indian Penal Code were well advised when, on matters of abdygtion and running away with other peoples' wives they decided not to punish the woman. If the woman is the lover and author of all the initiative in such affairs, she certainly ought not to get off scot free. This is I believe and has been for a long time the opinion of the Indian public. But this is a digression and I will return to the story.

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From the English point of view it is, as I have said, interesting to note that the principal advances come from Hir and that Ranjha somewhat condescendingly agrees to accept them. It is Ranjha who is doubtful about Hîr's fidelity and he has no hesitation in informing the lady of this fact.
Hir thon goes to her parents and persuades her father and mother to take on Ranjha as their cowherd.
“My father", urges Hîr," he is as learned as Solomon and he can shave the very beard of Plato. He has cunning to trace out thefts and he speaks with wisdon in the assembly of the elders. He can decide thousands of disputes and is learned in the wisdom of the Dogar Jats. He can swim buffaloes across the river and recover stolen cattle. He stands steadfast in his duty as a wrestler stands firm in the midst of the arena."
Hîr is successful in her endeavours and Ranjha is taken on as cowherd.
We then get a picture of Ranjha looking after the cattle in the Bar. In the forest he meets the Five Pirs-Khwaja Khizar, the God of waters; Shakr Gunj, the saint of Pak Pattan; Shahbaz Kalandar of Uoh ; Zakaria of Multan, and Sayyad Jalal of Bukhara, also known as Makhdum Jahanian. The Pirs console Ranjha and promise that he shall be successful in his pursuit of Hîr, "Hir has been bestowed on you by the Darbar of God."
Each of the Pirs then gives him a present, Khwaja Khizar a turban tuft, Sayyad Jalal a dagger, Zakaria & stick and blanket, Lal Shahbaz Kalandar a ring, and Shakar Ganj a handkerchief.
Then comes a passage in praise of buffaloes, "They swim in the deep waters; their soft eyes were like lotus buds and their teeth like rows of pearls." After this Hîr comes to visit Ranjha in the forest.
These frequent visits of Hir to Ranjha in the forest start scandal among the village gossips and Hir's mother Milki gives her a severe lecture.
"The taunts of the village folk have burnt me up utterly. Would to God no daugther like Hir had ever been born to me." Hir, however, will not listen to her mother and refuses to give up Ranjha.
Next, Hîr's crippled uncle Kaidu, the villain of the piece, comes on the scene. He has hoard rumours of the love affair and he determines to see for himself if it is true. Disguised 18 & fakir, he gets into the forest and begs food from Ranjha. Ranjha unsuspectingly gives him part of the food Hir has brought him from her home. When Hir comes back from the river, Ranjha tells her of the visit of the fakir. Hîr rounds on him for being such a fool as to be taken in by Kaidu, and she runs off and catches Kaidu on the way to the village and gives him a severe thrashing.
Kaidu, however, escapes with a piece of the food which Ranjha gave him and he shows it to the village olders as ovidence of the shame wbich Hir is bringing on the village; he advices Hîr's parents to get her married at once.
There is another scene between Hîr and her mother. Her throughout is unrepentant.
The scandal is 80 pronounced that Chuchak decides to send Ranjha away. "Tell me, brothers of the Sials", he ways reflectively," what use bave we for a cowherd like this? I did not engage him to be a bull among my cows. I meant him to take my buffaloes and not girls into the forest !"

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Ranjha then leaves Chuokak's service exclaiming, "May thieves take your buffaloes and dacoits run away with your calves! What do I care for your buffaloes or your daughter, for twelve years I have grazed your buffaloes and now you turn me out without wages."
When Ranjha leaves, the buffaloes refuse to graze and many of them get lost, so Chuchak decides to ask Ranjha to come back. Ranjha agrees to come back and is installed again as oowherd. The Five Pirs again appear to Hir and Ranjha and assure them of their ultimate happiness.
The Kazi then appears and scolds Hir for her conduct. Her argues with the Kazi and her parents and flatly refuses to give up Rânjha. Hîr sends a message to Ranjha that she is unhappy with her parents. Ranjha again has an interview with the Five Pirs; he sings before them and gains their further approval. Ranjha's skill in music is explained at some length. If the passage is not an interpolation, it is rather an unnecessary display of musical learning on the part of the author.
This appears to be rather typical of Waris Shah. On several occasions he is rather fond of displaying his learning. For instance in his description of the different kinds of grasses and buffaloes in the Bar and in his description of Ranjha's medical skill. Indian readers of the poet are greatly impressed by this and they regard his learning as little less than miraculous.
After this musical interlude Ranjha discusses the nature of love with Mithi the barber woman. Mithi professes to explain the differing nature of woman of various castes in love affairs, Sikh women, Bengali women, Hill women, etc. This passage is rather an insipid tour de force and probably a good deal of it is interpolated.
Rånjha and Hîr then take Mithi into their confidence and arrange to meet in her house.
Then comes rather an interesting description of Hir and her friends and Ranjha bathing in the Chenab. Kaido again hears that Ranjha and Hì are meeting in the forest and he tells Hir's parents. Hir and her mother have angry words. Hir's mother indulges in some very pointed criticism of her daughter's conduct.
The author shows himself completely acquainted with the more pointed features of the feminine vocabulary. This passage is probably the most completo dictionary of Panjabi feminine abuse that has yet appeared in print. For obvious reasons I do not venture to translate it.
The wicked uncle Kaido again distinguishes himself by discussing Hir's escapades with the elders of the village. Hir's girl friends tell her Kaido has been spreading scandal about her. They catch him and give him a thorough thrashing. The violence of the Jat girls is well brought out in this and other passages. "The girls encircled him even as police guards encircle Lahore. They burnt his hut and let dogs and chickens loose all over his things."
This passage perhaps refers to the police-guards put round Lahore by Adina Beg to watch over the Sikhs.
The return of the girls after wrecking Kaido's hut is described in another historical simile. "It was as if the royal armies had returned to Lahore after subduing Muttra." This probably refers to the invasion of Muttra by Ahmad Shah in 1758.11 .
13 See Elliot, Vol. VIII, page 168, quoting from Farhat-un-
N arin written by Mohammad Islam, a contemporary writer. "Najibu taula, having found means of moretly communioating with the Abdali, invited him to come to Hindustan. Accordingly, in the beginning of the fourth your of the reign (8.C. of Alamgir IT), he came to Delhi, and, having ravaged to proceeded to Muttre, where he massored the inhabitanta. broke the temples and having plundered the town of immense wealth in property and onsh, he cut the very none of Hindustan, and returned to Lahore, where he gave hle youngest son the title of Timur Shah, and loft Jahan Khan there with the dealgnation of Minister."

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ DECEMBER, 1922 Kaido then complains to the panchayat who try and forth his wounded feelings. They call up the girls and ask them why they have treated Kaido in this way. The girls make a spirited but ohviously untrue defence. They put their fingers into their mouths with smatement and replied, " He is a lowd and wiokod fellow, he pinches our cheeks and handles as in A mighty unbecoming fashion." The girls then go and complahiho Miki. Tey exclaim sarcastically, "You are kind to a quarrekome knave like this cripple, and make your daughters stand before the village clders. This is a new kind of justice." "Kaido is discontented with his treatment at the hands of the panchayat and accuses them of partiality. Chuchak rebukes Kaido saying, "Ours is not a panchayat of men without shame or fear of God. We do the thing that is just and hate the thing that is evil. Let me See with my own eyes that your story is true and I will cut the throat of this wicked hussy and turn the shepherd out of this country." Raido then lies in ambush in the forcat and secing one day Mirand Ranjha together he runs off and tells Chuchak. Chuchak saddles his horre and surprises the lovers in each other's company. Mir with admirable commonsense and presence of mind suggests that her father had better overlook and pardon this escapade and that the less he talks about it the better it will be for the family honour and peace of mind. Chuchek with equat oommonsense comes to the conclusion that the sooner he gets Hir sally married the better. The scene then shifts to Ranjha's home at Takht Hazara. His brothers and their wives exchange letters with #ir and her father suggesting they shall Wet Ranjha come back to his home. Chuchak replies with spirit, "We will not turn him out hut if he wants to go and seo his brothers nobody will provent him." Ranjha's sister-in-law has a distinctly feminine slap at Hir: "If you want boys to debauch we can supply you with plenty." She then adds with an admirable-touch of feminine jealousy, " If you wish to compete with us on the score of beauty we are quite ready to accept the challenge." Mir is quite ready with her retort : "Did Ranjha's sisters-in-law love him so much that they turned him out of his father's house"? Hir firmly refuses to give up Ranjha, saying maliciously, He refuses to go however muoh you may exert yourselves." I have quoted some of the remarks in the letters to show that Waris Shah is not without some skin in draw. ing characters. Chuchak next discusses to whom he shall marry Hlr. It is pointed out to him by the hrotherhood that the Bials have never given their daughters to Ranjha Jats ; hence marrying her to Ranjha is vetoed as out of the question. Chuchak is advised by his friends and relations to marry HIT to Saidara Khera. The Kheras had suggested the alliance, and as it was a good match, Chushak decides to give Hiriin marriage to Saida. Hir upraids her mother when she hears of these matrimonial arrangements being made behind her haok. The Sial girls oome and sympathize with Ranjha on his bad luck and they upraid Air for being faithless to Ranjha. Hihr tells the girls to bring Ranjha to see her in the digguise of a girl and the defends horolt saying, "I have been telling my lover to man away with me, but the silly fellow missed his chance. Why does he turn round now and blame his beat fortone ?" Then follows the description of the preparations made by Chuchok for the marriage.