Indian Antiquary Vol 45

Author(s): Richard Carnac Temple, Devadatta Ramkrishna Bhandarkar
Publisher: Swati Publications
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/032537/1

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THE
INDIAN ANTIQUARY
A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH
IN
ARCHÆOLOGY, EPIGRAPHY, ETANOLOGY, GEOGRAPHY, HISTORY, FOLKLORE, LANGUAGES,
LITERATURE, NUMISMATICS, PHILOSOPHY, RELIGION, &c. &c.
EDITED BY
SIR RICHARD CARNAC TEMPLE, BART., C.B., C.I.E.,
HON. FELLOW, TRIN, HALL, CAMBRIDGE,
FORMERLY LIEUT.-COLONEL, INDIAN ARMY,
AND
PROF. DEVADATTA RAMKRISHNA BHANDARKAR. M.A.
VOL. XLV.-1916.
Swati Publications
Delhi 1985

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Published by Swati Publications, 34, Central Market, Ashok Vihar, Delhi-110052 Ph. 7113395 and Printed by S.K. Mehra at Mehra Offset Press, Delhi.

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CONTENTS
PAGE Viss LAVINIA MARY ANSTEY:SME ANGLO-INDIAN WORTHIES OF THE
SEVENTEENTH CENTURY .. .. .. 57 L. 1). BARNETT:ilainiparinaya-Natakam by Mandikal ?
Rama Sastri .. .. .. .. .. 92 LPHABETICAL GUIDE TO SINHALESE FOLK LORE FROM BALLAD SOURCES.. .. (Supplerent) 1, 13, 21, 33, 45, 57, 69,
81, 93, 105 D. R. BHANDARKAR, M.A.:EPIGRAPHIC NOTES AND QUESTIONS
PAGE LEWIS RICE, C.I.E. -
MULLUR .. .. .. .. .. .. 141 KAMRITA ROW, M.A. :A Note on the Non-Aryan Element in Hindi Speech . .. .
16 HIRALAL AMRITLAL SHAH THE MANUSMRITI IN THE LIGHT OF SOME RECENTLY PUBLISHED TEXTS .. 112, 125
..
.. 171
BRIXDAVAN C. BHATTACHARYA :Some Literary References to the Isipatan
Migadaya (Sarnath). . . . . . .. 76 BUIATTANATHA SVAMIN :THIRTEEN NEWLY DISCOVERED DRAMAS
ATTRIBUTED TO BHASA ... .. .. 189 R. E. EXTHOVEN, C.I.E., I.C.S. - FOLKLORE OF THE GUJARAT .... ..
(Supplement) 109, 117 Prof. P. D. GUXE, M.A., PH.D. —
SOME NOTES ON YASKA S NIRUKTA .. 157, 173 MAJOR C. ECKFORD LUARD, M.A., I.A. -
GAZETTEER CLEANINGS IN CENTRAL INDIA.. 47 RAO BAHADUR R. NARASIMHACHAR, M.A. - MADHAVACHARYA AND HIS YOUNGER
BROTHERS .. .. .. .. 1, 17 PROF. K. B. PATHAK - THE NYASAKARA AND THE JAINA
SAKATAYANA .. .. .. .. .. 25 PROT. V. RANGACHARI, M.A., L.T. - THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA . .. 32, 54, 81, 100, 116, 130,
147, 161. 178, 196
VINCENT A. SMITH -
An Embassy from Vijayanagar to China .. 140 A Little Known Chapter of Vijayanagar
History by Professor S. Krishnaswami
Aiyangar .. SIR R. C. TEMPLE, BART,
OUTLINES OF INDO-CHINESE HISTORY .. 37 APPENDIX TO THE ACCOUNT OF THE WRECK
OF THE DODDINGTON IN 1756 .. .. 109 Some Hobson-Jobsons in Early Travellers,
1545-1645 .. .. .. .. .. 155 DR. L. P. TESSITORI: NOTES ON THE GRAMMAR OF THE OLD WESTERN RAJASTHANI WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE to APABHRAMÇA AND TO GUJARATI AND MARWARI . .. 6,93
RAO BAHADUR K. P. TRIVEDI, B.A. - THE AUTHOR OF THE SUTRAS ATTRIBUTED TO VALMIEI . .. .. .. .. 142
s. V. VENKATESWARA AYYAR, M.A., L.T. -
THE ANCIENT HISTORY OF MAGADHA ..8, 28 SAHITYACHARYA PT. VISVESVAR NATH SASTRI : PATANARAYANA STONE INSCRIPTION OF PARMARA PRATAPASINHA (VIXRAXA SAMVAT 1344 (1287 A. D.) .. .. .. 77

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CONTENTS
MISCELLANEA. A Note on the Non-Aryan Element in Hindi Speech, by K. Amrita Row, M.A. .. .. Some Literary References to the Isipata a Migadaya (Sarnath), by Brindavan C. Bhattacharya An Embassy from Vijayanagar to China, by Vincent A. Smith.. .. .. .. ..
PAGE .. 16 .. 76 .. 141)
NOTES AND QUERIES. Some Hobson-Jobsons in Early Travellers, 1545-1645, by R. C. Temple
..
..
..
.. 15.1
BOOK NOTICES. The Bhaimiparinaya-Natakam (by Mandikal Rama Sastri ), by L. D. Barnett A Little known Chapter of Vijayanagar History (by Professor S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar). by
Vincent A. Smith .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 17!
SUPPLEMENTS. Alphabetical Guide to Sinhalese Folklore from Ballad Sources, L. D. Barnett ..1, 13, 21, 33, 45, 57,
69, 81, 93, 10.7 Folkloro of the Gujarat, by R. E. Enthoven, C.I.E., I.C.S. .. .. .. .. .. 109, 117
PLATES. .. ..
Dates of Indo-Chinose History, 1 to 111
..
..
..
..
..
facing 1. +

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY,
A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH.
VOLUME XLV-1916,
MADHAVACHARYA AND HIS YOUNGER BROTHERS.
BY RAO BAHADUR R. NARASIMHACHAR, M. A.; BANGALORE.
SEVERAL years ago I made, incidentally, a few remarks in my Archaeological Reports1 with regard to Madhavacharya, the great Advaita teacher, author and commentator of the 14th century, who was also known as Madhavamatya or Madhava-mantri by reason of his having been the minister of the Vijayanagar king Bukka I. I also gave briefly some grounds for the supposition that there flourished at about the same period another Madhava-mantri who was likewise a scholar, an author and a minister of the same king. My discovery of a work on rhetoric, styled Alankara-sudhanidhi, by Sâyaṇa, also enabled me to give a few hitherto unknown details about Sayana and Bhoganatha, younger brothers of Madhavâchârya. Finally, it was stated that Madhava, the author of the Sarvadarśanasan graha, was quite a different person from Madhavâchârya to whom the authorship of the work is generally attributed. On a perusal of my remarks in the above Reports, Dr. L. D. Barnett of the British Museum, in a kind letter dated the 21st October, 1909, wrote to me thus:
"The argument for the differentiation of Sâyana-Mâdhava is very important," and I hope that you will put together your results soon in the form of an article in the J.R.A.S. For many years we have followed Burnell's conclusions in identifying Sâyana, Madhava and Vidyaranya, in what is, I fear, an s; and I should be glad to have the facts readjusted."
But one circumstance or another has till now prevented me from giving the requisite attention to this work and satisfying Dr. Barnett's desire. Though late, I now address myself to this task and shall try to put together the results of my researches with regard to the subject. It is, however, necessary to remark at the outset that some of the facts that follow may not be quite new.
Madhavacharya.
Madhavâchârya was a Brahman of the Bharadvaja-gôtra, Bödhayana-sûtra and Yajus. Sakha. His father was Mâyana, and his mother Srimati. He had two younger brothers named Sâyana and Bhôganâtha, the last being the youngest of the three. I give below
+ Report for 1908, paras. 55 and 83; and Report for 1909, para. 91.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
(JANUARY, 1916
a few extracts from the works of Madhavacharya and Sayaņa in support of the above statements:
श्रीमती जननी यस्य सुकीर्तिर्मायण: पिता। सायणो भोगनाथश्च मनोबुद्धी सहोदरौ॥ यस्य बौधायनं सर्व शाखा यस्य च याजुषी। भारद्वाजकुलं यस्य सर्वज्ञः स हि माधवः ॥
Parasara-Madhaviya. महेंद्रवन्माननीयो मंत्री मायणसायणः। मंडलेषु कृतचारमंडलः सायणो जयति मावणात्मजः ।
मंत्री मायणसायणस्विजगतीमान्यापदानोदयः । इति श्रीमत्पूर्वपश्चिमदक्षिणोत्तरसमुद्राधिपतिबुक्कराजप्रथमदेशिकमाधवाचार्यानुजन्मनः श्रीभत्संगमराजसकलराज्यधुरंधरस्य सकल विद्यानिधानभूतस्य भोगनाथामजन्मनः श्रीमत्सायणाचार्थस्य कृतावलकारसुधानिधी
___Sayaga's Alaikara-sudhānidhi. भारद्वाजान्वयभुवा तेन सायणमंत्रिणा।
व्यरच्यत विशिष्टार्थः सुभाषितसुधानिधिः ॥ राति पूर्वपश्चिमसमद्राधीवरारिरायविभाल श्रीकपराजमहाप्रधानभरद्वाजवंशमौक्तिकमायणरत्नाकरसुधाकर माधवकल्पतरुसहोदर सायणार्यविरचिते सुभाषितसुधानिधौ
Sâyana's Subhâshita-sudhanidhi तस्थ (संगमस्य) मंत्रिशिरोरलमास्ति मायणसायणः । तेन मायणपुत्रेण सायणेन मनीषिणा।
ग्रंथ कर्मविपाकाख्य: क्रियते करुणावता ।। इति माधवभोगनाथसहोदरस्य मायणनंदनस्य सायणाचार्यस्य कृती प्रायश्चित्तसुधानिधी
Sayana's Prayaschitta-sudhanidhi. तस्या (संगमस्या) भूवन्वयगुरुस्तत्त्वसिद्धांतदर्शकः । सर्वज्ञः सायणाचार्यो मायणार्यसनुद्भवः। उपेंद्रस्येव यस्यासीर्दिद्रः सुमनसां प्रियः। महाऋतूनामाहर्ता माधवार्यः सहोदरः॥ .
Sâyana's Yajñatantra-sudhanidhi. अस्ति श्रीसंगमक्ष्माप: पृथ्वीतलपुरंदरः।' तस्य मंत्रिशिरीरवमस्ति मायणसायणः ॥ तेन मायणपुत्रेण सायणेन मनीषिणा। आख्यया माधवीयेयं धातुवृत्तिविरच्यते ॥
Sayana's Madhaviya-Dhatuvritti. A mutilated inscription of the Arulala-perumal temple at Conjeeveram, which consists of a Sanskrit verse addressed to Sâyana, also corroborates the details given above about Madhavacharya's gotra, sitra, parents and brothers; only it has the name Mayana where we should expect Madhava and mentions Srikanthanatha as the guru of Sâyana.
Madhavacharya appears to have had a sister named Singale, whose son Lakshmana or Lakshmidhara was a minister of the Vijayanagar king Dêva-Râya 1.3 In the introduction to his commentary on the Parasara-smriti and in a few other works, Madhavacharya names three of his gurus, Vidyatirtha, Bharatitirtha and Srikantha, in a verse which runs thus:
सोहं प्राप्य विवेकवीर्थपदवीमानायतीय परं मज्जन् सज्जनतीर्थसंगिनि पुनः सहक्तितीर्थे परं । लब्धामाकलबन् ममावलहरीं श्रीमारतीतीर्थतो
विचातीर्थमुपाया हरि भजेश्रीकंडमध्याहतं ।। * Epigraphia Indica, III, 118. SAnnual Report of the Archaeological Survey of India for 1907-8, page 245.

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JANUARY, 1916)
MADHAVACHARYA AND HIS YOUNGER BROTHERS
Of these, Vidyâtîrtha was considered by Madhavacharya and Sayaņa as an incarnation of Maheśvara, as is indicated by the invocatory verse (Try farasi :) in most of their works. An image of this guru was set up by Madhavacharya at Sringeri under the name of Vidyasankara ; and two inscriptions, of A. D. 1389 and 1392, register grants for the worship of this image. The above invocatory verse is also quoted at the beginning of the inscriptions, Epigraphia Carnatica, VI, Sringeri 5, 12, 14, 24 and 28, and several of the copper grants issued by the Spingêri ma ha bear the signature Vidydsankara at the end. Vidyâtirtha was both the temporal and spiritual guide of Bukka 1.6 An inscription, of A. D. 1376, seems to lead to the inference that by the favour of this guru Bukka I. was able to bring the kingdom with ease under his control :
क्षोणी सागरमेखलां स कलयन् भूक्षेपमात्रे स्थितां
विचातीर्थमुने कृपांबुधिशशी भोगावतारोऽभवत् । The following verse from Madhavacharya's Anubhűtiprakasa shows that he looked upon Vidyatirtha as his chief guru :
X E: grafa sifayalfta: 1
सोऽस्मान् मुख्यगुरु पातु विद्यातीर्थमहेन्धरः ॥ From the colophon of his Rudrapraśna-bhashya, which is incorrectly attributed to Midhavâchârya, we learn that Vidyatîrtha was a disciple of Paramâtmatîrtha. The colophon runs thus :
इति श्रीमत्परमहंसपरिव्राजकाचार्यपरमात्मतीर्थशिष्यविद्यातीर्यविरचितं रुद्रप्रभभाष्यं समाप्त. The second guru Bharatîtîrtha is also referred to by Madhavacharya in the introduction to his Jaiminiya-Nyâyamálävistara in a verse which runs
स भव्याट्रारतीतीर्थवींद्रचतुराननात् ।
कृपामव्याहतां लब्या परायेप्रतिमोऽभवत् ॥ This guru is said to have written a work called Drigdriya-viveka, as well as a portion of the Panchadasi-prakarana. An inscription at 'Sringeri, of A. D. 1346, records a grant to him by Harihara I and his brothers Kampaņa, Bukka I, Marapa and Muddapa.
The third guru Srikantha is evidently identical with the Srikanthanatha mentioned as the guru of Sayaņa in the Conjeeveram inscription referred to above. In the Bitragunta copperplate inscription, which records a grant to him in A. D. 1356 by Sangama II, he is referred to as the guru of the latter. The composer of this inscription was Bhôganatha, younger brother of Madhavacharya and Sayana, who styles himself the art or boon companion of Sangama IL. From the high praise given incidentally to Srikantha in one of the verses of his hitherto unknown poem called Mahdganapati-stava by Bhôganatha, we may infer that he also looked upon him as his own guru. I give the verse below:
मंदारच तरु४ परेऽपि तरषो मेहश्च शैल: परेड प्याःशैला कमलागृहस्थशवनं चाब्धि: परेऽम्बन्धयः । श्रीकंठश्व गुरु परेऽपि गुरवो लोकत्रयेऽन्यदुवं भक्ताधीनभवांव देवतमहो सर्वेऽप्यमी देवताः ॥
* Epigraphia Carnatioa, X, Mulbågal 11 ; Ibid., VI, Sringeri 22. 5 Soo introduction to the Commentaries on the Vedas and to Jaiminiya-Vydyamaldvistara. 6 Epi. Car., IV, Yedatore 46.
1 Ibid., VI, Sringeri 1. 8 Epi. Ind. III, 23.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
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!
It is thus interesting to learn that all the three brothers-Madhavâcharya, Sâyana and Bhôganatha---looked upon Srikantha as their guru.
We may now proceed to say a few words about another minister of Bukka I, who was also known as Madhavâmâtya or Madhava-mantri, and whose works and military exploits have therefore been ignorantly attributed to Madhavâchârya kimself. We may call this minister Madhava-mantri to distinguish him from Madhavacharya. He was also a great scholar and author. An inscription, of A. D. 1368, tells us that he was the son of the Brahman Châvunda of the Angîrasa-gôtra, that he was both a Vodic scholar and a great warrior, that he cleared and made plain the ruined path of the Upanishads and was hence known as Upanishanmárga-pratish higuru, that he conquered the country on the West Coast, that he was the minister of Bukka I. and was entrusted by him with the government of the province bordering on the Western Ocean, that through the favour of the teacher Kasivilása he attained celebrity as a Saiva and that he worshipped Tryambakanatha (Siva) as enshrined in his own favourite liiga according to the tenets of pure Saivism as directed by the Saiva teacher Kâcivilâsa-Kriyâsakti. I append a few extracts from the above inscription in support of the details noted above :
गोत्रे योऽगिरसा प्रचंडतपसचावूडपृथ्वीसुरप्रष्ठानद्भवमेत्य नीतिसरणी दत्तां धियं धैषी। सूरिस्सन्नपि सर्वदानवमन :महाददानोचितां यय: कवितां व्यनक्ति तनुते नो कस्य तेनाद्भुतं ।। य कृत्वा खिलभूतमोपनिषदं तुर्वावतूकोन्मदब्यालातंकरपुर्नयोगहनोत्सादेन वर्मोज्वलं । माझं धाम मुतूरमप्यविरतं प्रस्थापयन्नप्लवा वायर्यास्तेन नुती बुधैरुपनिषन्मार्गप्रतिष्ठागुरुः॥ यस्साक्षाङ्गिरिशावतारवपुष काशीविलासेशितु: सोडास तया कटाक्षकलया नीत प्रथां शांभवीं ।
जेता शक्तिभिरीशतात्मभिरिमं चामुं च लोकं जवादाजैषीस्कियतोऽपरांतविषयान् यत्सास्तु कास्य स्तुतिः ॥ तस्या(बकराजस्था)स्ति शस्तयशसो नयशीर्यमुख्य ४ ख्यातो गुर्जगति माधव इत्यमात्यः । यो ब्रह्म जिम्मदमनाधिकृत: पवित्र
क्षत्रं च जैत्रमभयाय भुवो बिभर्ति ॥ श्रीवीरघुबराजस्य विक्रम इव जगदक्षायै साक्षात्परिगृहीतपवित्रपुरुषाकारः सोऽयं श्रीमन्माधवामात्यस्तस्यैव श्रीवीरबुक्कभूपतेरादेशात् पश्चिमसरिनाथपर्यंत राज्याधिप रंगीकृत्य सवाध्ययोगक्षेमान्वीक्षणानुपरोधेन श्रीमत्काशीविलासक्रियाशक्तिशिवदेशिकाविष्टेन मुद्धशेवानायवर्मना निजष्टलिंगकृताधिष्ठानं देवदेवं श्रीमरूयंबकनाथं नित्यनैमित्तिकात्मभि: क्रियानियमकलांपर्यथाकालं यजन्.........
A copperplate grant from God noticed by Bhau Dâjilc states that during the reign of Harihara II Madhava-mantri, son of Dvivêdi Chaundi-bhatta and Mâchámbika, a fait). observer of the Srauta and smarta religious law, establisher of the linga of Saptanatha, Upanishanmirga pravarta kachórya, being stationed at Goa, made a grant of a village in the name of.his-mother, naming it Michalapura. The following verses from an earlier record,11 dated A. D. 1347, inform us that Marapa, younger brother of Harihara I, who was govern
Epi. Car., VII, Shikarpar 281.
10 J. B. Br. R.A.S.,IX,228.
1 Epi.Car., VIII, So... 375.

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JANUARY, 1918)
MADHAVACHARYA AND HIS YOUNGER BROTHERS
ing the province on the West Coast from his capital Chandragupti, had Madhava, disciple of Kriyâsakti, for his minister :
कलासनान्मारपभूमिपालः संप्राप्य राज्य विशि पश्चिमावां । गोमतशेले वरचंद्रगुप्तो स्थिस्वा सुखं सम्यगपालवस्प्रजाः ॥ धर्मेण तस्व परिपालबम प्रजानां राहोऽधिराज्यगहनांबुधिकर्षधारः। प्रज्ञावलेन गुरुमप्यतिसंवधानी मंत्री महानजानि माधवनामधेवः॥ क्रियाशक्किगुरुः साक्षात् तेजसा श्रीत्रियंबकः।
परंजवस्य संधामी भार्गवस्येव कांकरः। Another inscription at the Madhukesvara temple at Banavasi,12 dated A. D. 1368, records a grant while Madhava-mantri was governing the Banavase 12,000 under Bukka 1.13 Another 1. dated A. D. 1384, registers a grant by Madhava-mantri, the great houseminister of Harihara II, while in the Male-rajya or the mountainous province on the west. The last record that we have to notice in connection with Madhava-mantri is one in which he seems to have made a grant while on his death-bed. 15 From it we learn, as shown by the extracts given below, that by the order of Harihara II Madhava-mantri became the ruler of the Jayantipura or Banavase province; that, having defeated the Turushkas, he wrested the Konkaņa capital Goa from them and reestablished the worship of Saptanatha and other gods there ; that in the year A. D. 1391 he made a grant of the village Kuchara, naming it MAdhavapura after himself, to 24 learned Brahmans; and that on his death another Brahman named Narahari, who was a favourite disciple of Vidyasankara (i.e., Vidyâtirtha), was sent out to Goa by Harihara II as the governor of the Jayantîpura province.
तस्या(हरिहरस्या )ज्ञया माधव मंत्रिवर्य: प्रशाज्जयंतीपुरराज्य? मह्यं । यन्मंत्रालया पुरुत्सृजंतोऽप्यरातयः स्वास्थ्यमही भजते । आशांतविश्रांतवशाः स मंत्री दियो भिगीधुमेहता बलेन । गोवामिदा कोंकणराजधानीमन्येन मन्येऽझणवर्णवेन ॥ प्रतिष्ठितांस्तत्र तुरुष्कसंघानुपास्य दीष्णा भुवनकवीरः। उन्मूलितानामकरोत्पतिष्ठां श्रीसप्तनाथादिसुधाभुजां यः ।। तस्मिन् गते क्षितितले सति कीतिशेष सन्मांत्रभिहरिहरी नृपतिर्विचार्य। गोवापुरे महरिमंविषमावरेण राध्ये पदे समभिषिच्य पुरी जयस्याः।। विद्याशंकरसत्कृपामृतरसासारेण संवर्धिती
विस्कल्पमहीरुहो नरहरिक्षोणीपतिर्भासते । शके त्रयोदशाधिकत्रिशतीत्तरसहने गते वर्तमानप्रजापतिसंवत्सरे श्रीमन्महामंत्रीश्वर उपनिषन्मार्गप्रवर्तकाचार्यः श्रीमन्माधवराजः कुचरनामानं माम माधवपुरामिति प्रथितनामधेयं कृत्वा चतुर्विशतिम्राह्मणेभ्यो [दत्तवान् ].
.. This record, too, applies the title Upanishanmarga-pravartakacharya to Madhavamantri, whom it also designates Madhavarâja. The epithet bhuvanaikavira applied to him shows that he was a great warrior. Another inscription,10 of A. D. 1368, styles him. " Mâdarasa Odeyar, the great minister of Bukka I."
" Indian Antiquary, IV, 2063J. B. Br. B.A.S.,XII, 340. 13Cp. Shikarpur 281, noticed above. 15J. B. Br. K.A.S., IV, 107 and 115.
14. Epi. Car., VIII, Tirthahalli 147. 16 Epi. Car., VII, Shikarpur 282.

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From what has been said above it is perfectly clear that Madhava-mantri of the Angirasagotra, son of Chavunda or Chaundi-bhatta and Machambika, disciple of the Saiva teacher Kasivilasa-Kriyasakti, governor of Banavase under Bukka I and Harihara II, and vanquisher of the Turushkas at Goa, is a different person from Madhavacharya of the Bharadvajagotra, son of Mayana and Srimati, and disciple of Vidyatirtha, Bharatitirtha and Srikantha. Madhavâcharya does not appear to have ever been a warrior, though his younger brother Sâyana was, as will be shown further on. He had nothing to do with the conquest of the Turushkas and the capture of Goa. So, the following statement of some scholars about his valour in war have no ground to stand upon
"Vidyaranya was not only a ripe scholar but also a valourous and tactful soldier who successfully fought against the Muhammadans and wrested the fort of Goa from their hands."
(To be continued.)
NOTES ON THE GRAMMAR OF THE OLD WESTERN RAJASTHANI WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO APABHRAMÇA AND
TO GUJARATI AND MARWARI. BY DR. L. P. TESSITORI, UDINE, ITALY. (Continued from Vol. XLIV. p. 163.)
§ 146. The suffix -dau, from Apabhramça -da pleonastically, like in the Apabhra ça. Examples are:
kâgadi "A female crow" (P. 374)
gathali "A knot, a bundle" (P. 283)
Skt. *-takaḥ, is always used
camaḍau "Skin" (P. 202)
bâpuḍai "Wretched, poor" (P.. 201) [< Ap. bappuḍai)
madi "Mother" (Rs. 126)
vatadi "Speech, question" (F 728, 12)
suminada "Dreams" (Rs. 53)
mailaḍaii "Dirty" (F 596, 4)
ruda "Good" (See § 19).
Not unfrequently -dai is combined with the equivalent pleonastic suffix -alai, thereby giving either lalaii or alaḍaii. Cf. the Apabhramça form báhubahullaḍâ, occurring Siddhahem, iv, 430, 3.
Examples:
kukhaḍali "Womb" (Rs. 67)
mâdali "Mother" (Çâl. 10) bagalaḍaii "Crow" (F 596, 4).
In the following instance, the suffix daii is used in the formation of an adverbial present participle: bhamantada (F 694). With the element of dai I connect the pleonastic element d, which is euphonically inserted after the a of the causals (See § 141, (3)).
§ 147. A suffix which has not yet been noticed in the dialects of the Old Western Rajasthani group, is the suffix -haii, which is used after adverbial bases to derive locative adjectives. No instances of it occur in the Apabhramça, but it is no doubt congener with the Sindhi suffix -ho, which is used in exactly the same way (See Trumpp, Sindhi Grammar, p. 384-5), the only difference being in that before the latter suffix the terminal vowel of

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7
the base is lengthened. I am inclined to explain -haü as derived from Sanskrit -sthakah, through Apabhrança -tthai, whence Old Western Rajasthani *-thai > -hai; or possibly from Sanskrit * -thakaḥ, a suffix which could well be appended to adverbs to form adjectives with a locative meaning, as is shown by the Sanskrit example : yavati-thah (Paņini, v, 2, 53; Manu, i, 20). From this suffix the following locative adjectives are derived in Old Western Rajasthani :
aghai « Anterior" (P. 584) < *agahaü < Ap, agga- < Skt, agraaraha i "Near" (P. 479) < urahaü (Adi C.) < Ap. ora-, avăra- < Skt. aparápahraii "Remote, far" (Up. 149, 265) < parahaii (Up. 54) Ap. a (?), through substitution of the feminine termination i for a. Ex: tamati “Sport, hunting" (P. 134, 135) Page #12

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THE ANCIENT HISTORY OF MAGADHA. BY S. V. VENKATESWARA AYYAR, M. A., L. T., LECTURER, GOVT. COLLEGE,
KUMBAKONAM. (Continued from Vol. XLIV. p. 52.)
II.
1. Prehistoric Magadha. The first distinct mention of Magadha, or rather the Magadhas, is in the Atharva Veda. Men of Magadha are referred to in the Yajur Veda. These references show that the land had not yet been aryanised in that period. The settlement of respectable Brahmans in Mogadha began only in the later Aranyaka period. The early sútras seem to have looked on the country as the abode of fallen Brahmans (Vråtyas) who sought readmission to the Brahmanical order by performing purificatory ceremonies. According to the Puranas the kingdom of Magadha was older than the Mahabharata War Brihadratha, the founder of the earliest dynasty of Magadha, was a son of Vasu Uparichara, the same as is mentioned in the Naraya niya section of the Mahabharata Uparichara seems to be a historical personage as he is mentioned in various works-in the Mâtsy, l'ishnu, Vayu, and Bhagavata Puranas, and in the Harivarisa. He is styled king of Chedi in the last mentioned work. His son Bțihadratha is named Maharatha in the Vayu Purana and styled king of Magadha. The foundation of the Bårhadratha dynasty of Magadha by a younger son of a king of Chedi seems likely to be the historical background of these traditions.
Three generations from Brihadratha bring us to tho Mahâbhârata War, and there were twenty three generations from the War to the times of Gautama Buddha. It is true that the Puranus mention 32 kings from Brihadratha to the end of the dynasty. But the names of rulers after Sahadeva actually given is only 23.2 Adding to this list the seven other rulers of the Bârhadratha line, who were not of the same line as Sahadeva, but were descended from another'son of Brihadratha, we get 30 names, Including Jarasandha and Sahadeva we get 32 names of rulers-all of whom were descended from Brihadratha by the evidence of the Purâ nas, and 23 of whom reigned in Magadha after Sahadeva the contemporary of the Great War.
The Purâ nic story that the last of the Bârhadrathas" was succeeded by Chanda Pradyota of Avanti, or by his father, implies that the Brihadratha dynasty continued to rule down to the time of Gautama Buddha. But in the meantime Siśunaga usurped the throne of Magadha. It may therefore be supposed that the Bârhadrathas still remained as local chieftains of Magadha until the kings of Giriraja encroached on their territory and finally extinguished the line.
1 See Macdonell and Keith: Vedic Index. II. 116. for the references.
2 In the l'iyu Purana. Other Puranas differ-the Brahmanda has 22 names, the Bhagavata 21, and the Vishnu 21 only. The Matsya has 22 names.
• Brihadratha; Kusågra or Kus&grya ; Rishabha or Vishabha ; Pushpavat, Putravat or Pushya ; Satyadhrita or Satyajita; Sudhanwan; and Jantu or Orja. The brother of Kusagra was Jarasandha father of Sahadeva. The Puranas may have added these names together, although they were the names of contemporary, not of consecutive dynasties, thus getting 32 rulers in all.
4 This is the total number given in the Vayu and Matsya Puranas : TTI TUT T O TRvra. The Brahmånda has another reading: Tiara : rarit gazar: 1.
5 So the Vishnu and Bhigavata Puranas. The former names him Ripunjaya (Book IV, Chap. 24), and the latter Purajaya (Book XII. Chap. 1, verse 2). But the Matsya, Vayu and Brahmanda simply say that the Brihadratha dynasty had ended when the Pradyota dynasty was founded.

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2. Magadha and other lands. In the 7th Cent. B.c. there were several famous kingdoms in Hindustan. The Puranas give the lists of the dynasties of Kabi, Kosala, Kaulambi, Avanti, and Mageha. Of these Kasi seems to have been the most flourishing kingdom. It is mentioned 428 times in the A titavattu, admittedly the oldest portion of the Buddhist Jataka literature. Many kings of Kasi mentioned in the Jatakas could be discovered in the Purânic lists. One may mention Brahmadatta, Vish vaksena, Udaksena, and Bhallata. Of the most famous of these, Brahmadatta and his followers, the Harivasikat says, there were different transmigrations as Brahmans, foresters, deer, water-fowl, swans and Brâhmans again. We have similar beliefs in the Jâta ka tales, where Brahmudatta's reign is mostly referred to, he being an incarnation of the Buddha in some of his former births. Thus then, in the 7th Cent. B.c. Kasi under Brahmadatta and his descendants seems to have been the most important of the kingdoms of Hindustan. Next in importance to Kâbî was Takkha ile (Taxila), mentioned twenty-five times in the Atitavattu, and the Kuru-Panchâlas mentioned nine times. Then comcs, Magadha presumably under the last kings of the Purânic Bårhadratha dynasty. It is mentioned seven times. Of other kingdoms, the Buddhist records have only faint notices of the Kösalas, Avantis, Vatsas, Mallas, Vidêhas, and of the frontier kingdoms of Sibi, Bharucha, Kalinga, Sovira, Mahishmaka, and Tâmraparņi.
Towards the end of the 7th Cent. B.c. the centre of importance and interest is shifted from the Western to the Eastern kingdoms of Hindustan. The Paccuppanna-Vattu mentions Kasi only once, and the western kingdoms of Gândhara, Kuru, Sivi, etc., not at all. Kösala finds mention in 428 places, and there is mostly laid the scene of the Buddha's .former births.' Some of the kings of Kosala are prominent characters, e. g., Mahakösala, probably an elder contemporary of the Buddha. It is clear from the Buddhist records that part of the Kasi kingdom was absorbed by Kôsola in the best period of its existence. This is also indicated by the compound name Kasi-Kausalyâs in the Gópatha Brahmana." The other part was apparently held as a viceroyaltylo by the younger members of the House of Magadha after Sisunaga. But the triumph of Kògala was short lived. The early Puranas mention only three rulers after the Buddha's death and the Bhagavata Purana has only one. In tho Vâsavadatta of Bhâsa, Kosala is not at all referred to, though Avanti, Kausâmbi, the Vatsa country and Magadha figure in the political relationships. Chanda Pradyota of Avanti, the father-in-law of Udayana and contemporary of Ajátasatru, Udaya and Darkaka, was the most distinguished king of his time. But the power of Magadha was rapidly gaining ground over Kosala and Avanti.
3. Rajas of Girlvraja. The founder of the dynasty, Sisunaga took up his abode' at Girivsaja after stationing his son at Benares. The Purâņas add that Sisunaga "annihilated the renown of the Pradyotas." But, as shown in the last article, their version of the Siśunåga as succeeding the Pradyotas of Avanti cannot be accepted as historical. Sisunâga must 6 Vishnu, P. IV, Chap. 19.
1 Harivamsa, Chap. XXI. 8 Brahmadatta king of Bonarea is the Bodhisattva in Jatakas 14, 67, 228, 248 and 469 in Failsboll's edition. The J átakas state that Brahmadatta is the name of a family and not of any particular king. The Purd as have only one Brahmadatta.
9 1. 2, 9.
10 Sisunåga, for instance,"stationed his son at Benares" (as viceroy). This son Kákavarna afterwards became king of Magadha. (Malaya and Vayu Purds). That part of the Kasi kingdom was incorporated into Kogala is seen from the Mathivagga (VIII, 2)

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therefore have been ruling in Benares before he became master of Girivraja, presumably then the capital of Magadha. It is difficult to tell who was the ruler of Kabi displaced by the Saibunagas. Very possibly, it was one of the successors of Brahmadatta, the last of whom was Bhallata of the Pura mic list. Corresponding to him or his son we have Bhalla tiyall in the Jatakas. The other things we know about Sibunaga depend on scattered notices in the Buddhist legends. The Burmese legend of Gaudamai2 makes Siśunåga the protege of a Nâga, when a child, apparently hinting at the fact that the king was of Nâga extraotion.
The Nâgas were a prominent non-Aryan race in India. We have their name preserved in various parts of the country : Nagarjuni hills, Nagpur, Nagaur, Nagarkot, Nägapatnam and Nagarkovil. Någa princes find mention in historical records. The Buddhist records speak of Nâga rulers in Kâmpilya and elsewhere, and the early Chôla traditions speak of Chôla kings marrying Nâga princesses in the south of India, Nagadatta, and Nagasena are among the names of kings mentioned in the Allahabad pillar inscription of Samudragupta. There is a Nâgârjuna in the dynastic lists of the Silahâras of Nepal and of Kashmir. Någavardhana was a nephew of the Châļukya king Pulikesin II and Nagabhata was king of the Gurjaras about 800 A, D. It is possible that these princes could be affiliated ethnically to the primitive tribes of the Näga hills.
Like the Dravidian princes with whom they intermarried the Någas were adopted into the Aryan fold, and their position gradually improved in the social scale. The Saisunaga princes are styled Kshatrabandhavah in the Puranas. Mr. V. A. Smith 13 translates this epithet by 'kings with Kshatriya kinsfolk.' But the real meaning of the word is Kshatriyadhamâh Kshatriyas of a very low order.' In modern times the Rêyas of Udaipur claim descent from Nagar Brahmans, and their ancestors are known as Brahma Kshatris.14
Of the second king, Kakavarya, all that we know is that Bâna 15 has preserved a tradition to the effect that, curious of marvels, he was carried away by a condemned man to an unknown place in an aerial car, and that a dagger was thrust into his throat in the vicinity of the city. These traditions, combined with the appellation given to the king (Kâkavar a means 'black as a crow'), seem to imply that the king was fond of new views and daring innovations, and that he was murdered by the orthodox party on account of his patronage of reformed views in religion, which were so much in the air in that century. The third and fourth kings seem to have been able warriors, as they are styled Kshêmadharman16 and Kshatrajit by the Brahmans, and Prasenajit and Mahâpadma by the Buddhist and Jainas. That they were making gradual conquests appears from the Mahavagga, 17 which says that Bimbisâra had the sovereignty of 80,000 villages and called an assembly of their 80,000 overseers. The only conquest mentioned of Bimbisâra is that of the Anga country. So these villages of Magadha must have been acquired under the predecessors of Bimbigâra, who also appear to have made frequent attempts at the conquest of the Auga kingdom as well.18
11 The Buddha in one of his previous births'-in the Bhallafiya J dlaka. 12 Bigandet; Legend of Gaudama; Vol. II, page 115. 13 Early history of India, 3rd Edition, page 45. 1 D. R. Bhandarkar in J. A. S. B. 1909.
15 Harsha Charita : Uchchisa VI, page 223. 16 This may easily be considered a variant of Kshatradharman. For the next king Kshatrajit or Kshatraujas the Mütnya P. has Kshemavit or Kshemirchis. For Mahapadma, father of Bimbishra, see Rockhill : Life of the Buddha (Dulva XI, f. 99). Prasenajit appears in the Divyúvadina list, (Cowell's Edition, page 369.) 17 Mahávagga V, 1:
15 The Campeyya Jataka.

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4. Beginnings of Empire-Bimbisara. The probable patronage of new religions and the expansion of Magadha dominion under the Rajas of Girivraja bore full fruit in the reign of Bimbisâra. He is named Srêniya (guildsman) in the Jaina records, and is designated a Vaisya in the Buddhist Mahavagga 10 Srêniya was a common epithet of the king and not his proper name, as it is used only by the Jainas. He married a Vaisali princess according to both the accounts, though the name of the prinoegs is given differently by the Buddhists and Jainas. The latter name her Chellanå, daughter of Chêtaka, Raja of Vaišali, while the former identify her with Vâsavi, niece of Gôpâla, The Vaisâli marriage is probably significant in this connection, Vaišali was a great commorcial centre, as shown by the clay-seals20 bearing inscriptions recently discovered there. We may naturally infer the expansion of commerce and growth of material prosperity in Magadha.
The Vaisali marriage may have been as much of political as of commercial significance. It was the seat of the Lichohhavi federation, whoso power was so great and so little curbed in the distant isolation of the doab of the Ganges and the Brahmaputra, that we find connection with it giving prominence to the founder of the Gupta dynasty in later times. Bim bisira had in his father-in-law a neighbour and ally, who could secure him immunity from disturbance on the North-Eastern frontier. By a second marriage with a Kosala princess, Bimbiså ra probably sought to disarm enmity in the west and he got a substantial cession of territory as dowry. The latter yielded a lakh a year and was given to the Queen as " bath and perfume money.21” After having strengthened his frontiers and secured allies oast and west, Bim bisâra set seriously to work at completing the conquest of the Auga kingdom, attempted unsuccessfully by his immediate predecessors. This conquest is referred to in the Champeyya Jataka. It says that the Raja of Magadha was helped in this conquest by the Nagaraja of Kampilya 2 in the Panchala country. But the details of the conquest, or the occasion therefor, cannot be made out from the records available to us. All that could be said for certain is that the Magadha kingdom extended eastwards so as to comprise also Anga, e., the modern Bhagalpur and Junger. The expansion of Magadha and its growing importance led Bimbigâra to give up the unpretentious capital of Girivraja and build the stately one of Rajagriha at the base of the hill.23
The religious movements of the time had their culmination in the reign of Bimbisâra. Magadha could not have been free at this time from the influence of the spreading religion of Vasudeva24 among the Sûrasênas in the far west. For there is mention of Baladeva and Vasudeva in the Kamsa Jalaka and of Krishna, son of Devaki, in the Brihadâranyaka Upanishad, where the scene is mostly laid in eastern Hindustan. So too the religion of the Buddhas, or men of revealed learning, had made an impression at that time, the very cousin of Buddha, Devadatta being one of their devout followers.25 To this period, also belongs the establishment of Buddhism, as the result of the systematis&tion of earlier doctrines by Siddhartha Sakya-muni, a contemporary of Bimbisara, The Mahavagga says that the king was once rebuked by the Buddha, and that he assigned the bamboo-garden to the Buddha and his disciples. According to Asvaghosa, 20
19 Mahavagga I, 50.20 Discovered by Dr. Bloch. See Arch. Sur. Rep. Eastern Circle) for 1912. 21 See the Vaddhaki-Sakara Jataka (No. 283) and the Tachchha-Sukara Jataka (No. 492).
The Panchâla kingdom must have existed in Bimbisara's time, as the Purdnas promise its extinction only in Mahapadma's reign. ( MT: Terrora-Matsya P.)
23 See Jacobi : Introduction to Vol. XXII of the S. B. E.
24 Sir R. G. Bhandarkar has shown that the religion of Vasudeva was contemporaneous with the rise of Buddhism and Jainism. It is, referred to in the Niddera, Panini and Patanjali, and in the Indike of Magasthenes. Vai navism, Saiviam and minor Religious Systems (Strassburg, 1913), pp. 3-13.
% On the Adi Buddhas, see Col. Waddell's article in the J. R. A. S., 1914. 25 Buddha-Charita XV, 100

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Bimbisâra abolished the ferry fee for ascetics. He was aslo a friend and relation of Vardhamana Mahavira. Jaina tradition 27 of Bihar represents Bimbisara as a devout Jain and credits him with the construction of many buildings in Bhagalpur and other places. In the same period we have the formation of other sects, the most remarkable of which was that of the Ajivikas founded by Gosala.
Traditions differ as to the last years of Bimbisâra. There is a story in the B. gha28 Nikdya to the effect that the king was murdered by his son Ajátaśatru. It was developed into an impressive legend by the fertile imagination of later Buddhists. In the introduction to one of the Jatakás, for instance, we have a fanciful derivation given to the name. Even in his womb Ajätabatru conceived a Jonging for his father's blood. Hence his name—"one who was a foe (to his father) while yet unborn !" The Burmese legend of Gaudama20 rounds off the story by saying that Ajâtaśatru killed his father by starving him in prison. But there is some doubt as to the authenticity of the Samaññaphala Sutta, wherein the story is embodied. The origin of the Sutta is given in the introduction to the Sanjiva Jataka, which says that the Sutta was in two sections, whereas the Sutta now found in the Nikaya has no such division. Perhaps, the sentence which refers to the parricide, was added to the Sutta later on, another addition, evidently spurious, being made by the author of the Jataka.30 Further, the Kullavagga31 distinctly states that Bimbisára handed over the kingdom to Ajátaśatru. Jaina tradition of Magadha ignores the accusation of parricide, and the popular Sanskrit derivation of the name is "one who had no enemy born in the world." The parricide seems therefore to be as false as Kalaśôka of the Vaišali Council, who likewise is not mentioned in the oldest account of the council in the Kullavagga. There is no reason for disbelieving that Bimbisâra lived 80 years, and resigned the throne to Ajátasatru a few years before his death. Deliberate resignation of the throne to a son is by no means a strange phenomenon in Indian History. Jainas believe that Chandragupta Maurya resigned the throne to Bindusara and went south with Bhadrabâh u.32
5. Aja tabatru and the foundation of the empire. Ajátaśatru was the most famous king of the dynasty. The Brihad- Aranyaka and Kaushitaki Upanishads have an Ajậtaśatru, king of Kasi, whom they speak of as a great king and as a patron of the Vedânta philosophy. The Brihad- Aranyaka is one of the oldest among the Upanishads. This king, therefore, should not be identified with Ajâtaśatru of Magadha who came several generations after him. Further, the Upanishads speak of him as king of Kasi and of Videha, but they do not mention Magadha. The Ajâtašatru of Kaši, belongs, in fact, to a time when Kåśi was the most prominent kingdom in Hindustan, The Buddhist records have vague traditions of such a time, The Guttila Jâtaka says, for instance, that Benares was "the chief city in all India."
Though our Ajátasatru cannot be identified with his celebrated namesake of Kasi, it must be remembered that both were kings of Kabi. The Purâņas are careful enough to state that Sisunaga was king of Kâği before he became king of Magadha, and there is no evidence of Káśî having been lost by the Magadhas at any later time before Ajâtaśatru. It is possible that members of the Saisunaga dynasty adopted some of the names of their
97 Ante, Vol. XXXI, p. 71.
28 In the Samanna phala Sutta. It had become an accepted tradision when the Jatakas were edited In the existing form.
9 Bigandet : op. cit. Vol. I, p. 261.
30 Mr. Chalmers, the translator of the Jataka, has these remarks: "The interpolation is interesting 88 suggesting the license with which words were put into the Master's mouth by Buddhist authors." (See Camb. Trans. Vol. I, p. 231 note). 31 Kullavagga VII. 3, 6.
32 Rice : Mysore and Coorg from Inscriptions, (1909). Sec. 1.

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predecessors on the throne of Kåói. The Satâpatha Brahmaņa mentions Bhadrasena Âjatasatrava i. e, as a son of Ajátasatru. A variant of the latter name is Bhadra Srênya mentioned in the Vayu P. as king of Benares. The name Bhadra Srenya occurs also in the Kurma, Linga and Brahma Puranas and in the Harivainsa. Srenya is a name for Bim bisâra in Jaina works. The name Bhadra occurs in Udayibhadra the founder of Pâtalîputra and in Bhadramukha one of the epithets of Darsaka in Bhâsa's Vasavadatta.
That Ajatasatru was a 6th Cent. (B o.) Harsha or Akbar is evident even from Buddhist records. He was a follower of the “ previous Buddhas" and built a hall for Devadatta at Gayâsisa 33 He was a devout Jaina, according to Behar tradition, who ruled the country for 80 years according to the laws of his father."34 One of his queens, Mallika, was a follower of the Buddha. The king himself is credited with building a hall at Rajagriha
for the Buddhists. In the light of the general attitude of this king towards Buddhists we may interpret this to mean a hall of religious discussion rather than an abode of peace. But the later Buddhists could not conceive of such a king, except as coming to the Buddha as a penitent sinner, though they do not definitely say that he gave up Devadatta and became a follower of the Buddha. The legend to the last effect is probably not more than a few centuries old. It is found in the Malálankira Vattu translated by Bigandet. It says that the first Buddhist Council was held with his consent, that he prepared a hall for holding it, that he clamoured for a share of the relics of the Buddha after the Nirvana, and that he inaugurated the Buddhist era.35 Even the latest addition to the Jataka literature says of the king, that but for his joining Dêvadatta "he would have won the Arhat's clear vision of the Truth ere he rose from his seat."36
Under Ajatasatru the territorial expansion of Magadha went on apace. His first war was probably with his uncle Pasenadi of Kosala, who resumed the village of Kasi given by Mahâkôsala for his daughter when she married Bimbisâra. The opposing armies met and the Kösala had the worst of it, when he was advised to change his tactics and feign a retreat. Posting his main army on a hill, and having his flank dominated by two hill forts which contained picked garrisons, Pasenadi allowed his enemy to pursue his retreat. Then Ajâtaśatru was caught by the retreating army turning right about, taken in front and rear, and compelled to give up his claim. But Pasenadi subsequently gave his sister's stepson his own daughter Vajirà in marriage with the same village as dowry as had been given to her aunt. For some years peaceful relations appear to have been maintained between the two kingdoms. But some unmentioned cause, perhaps the death of Pasenadi or Vajira, led to a breach between the two kingdoms, and Ajatasatru expanded his dominion at the expense of Kôgala.37
The next act of Ajátasatru was the war with Vaiśáli. He had been on terms of friendship with the Lichchhavi princes who were his relations on his mother's side, and constructed a hall at Patna for receiving them. Soon, however, he developed designs of conquering his grandfather's kingdom. It was with this intent that later in the reign he fortified Pataligrama3s on the northern bank of the Sôn near its confluence with the Ganges, and connected it by road with Kusinagara. This was planned by his ministers Sunidha and Vašsakâra 30 We hear of it as a frontier village of Magadha in the 33 Mahilamukha-Jataka. (No. 26).
* Ante. Vol. XXXI, p. 71. 35 Bigandet : Vol. II, pp. 97, 113.
36 Sanjiva-Jdtaka (Introduction). 37 The details have been made up from the Harita-Mata-Jataka (No. 239), the Vaddhaid-Salara J Ataka (No. 283), the Tachchha Sakara Jataka (No. 492.) The defeat of the Kosals is mentioned in the Kummara pinda-Jataka (No. 415).
> See S. B. E. XI, pp. 18-21. - Compare Fo Sho IV. 22 in Beal, S, B. E. XIX 249. Sep also Rockhill,
39 «To repel the Vajjians" (Mahdvagga VI. 28). But Hemachandra (Sthavirdvaļi-Charita) attributes the building of the fort to Udaya,
P. 127.

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penultimate year of the Buddha's life. 40 The Buddhist Suttas and the Burmese legend mention his fortification, and as the city of Patnâ quickly grew round the fort, we may assume that it had been the royal residence in the last years of Aja tasatru. In the fight with the Lichchhavis also Magadha won the day. But it is not to be supposed that (Kösala) and Vaišâli became at once part and parcel of the Magadha empire. Their princes existed for two or three generations more, doubtless as vassals of the Magadha emperors. The last of the Puranic list of Kösala kings is Sumitra, a great-grandson of Kshudraka ( Virudhaka).41 There is no evidence that Vesali +2 was considered part of Magadha before about 100 B. C., when one of the Magadha kings is said to have made it his capital. If this tradition is worth anything, it may be taken to indicate that Vaisâli was then made the base of operations for further campaigns in the Lichchhavi country. The Magacha empire in the reign of Ajâta atru must have extended north of the Ganges at least as far east as the Gandak, for we are told he constructed a road along that river, and provided it with resthouses at intervals. This road probably served as the eastern line of defence north of the Ganges.
6. Expansion of the Empire. The next king was Udaya whom Buddhist traditions consider a favourite son of Ajậtasutru, + In the fourth year of his reign he is said to have built the city of Kusumapura on the southern bank of the Ganges.45 This implies that the king abandoned Rajagriha for this more northerly seat on the Ganges, as a strategic measure for watching the Lichchhavis on the north. It is hardly likely that the expansion of Magadha went on far under this king, who had such able rivals as Chanda Pradyota of Avanti and Yaugandharayana the minister at Kausâmbî. The campaigns with the Lichchhavis probably continued during the reign, but they could have hardly led to any appreciable results. The Jainas have a tradition that he was assassinated, and it is therefore likely that he ruled for 16 years as given in the Dipavamia, and not 33 as in the Vishnu-Puråņa.
When the king was cut off, the court apparently moved back to Rajagriha, giving up for the time the campaigns against the Lichchhavis. Darsaka quietly succeeded and he seems to have been a very young man at the time.46 But the political atmosphere of Hindustan was charged with electricity. Uda yana of Kausâmbi, a gay and light-hearted ruler, stood in imminent danger of losing his ancestral kingdom, where the discontent of the Vatsas was coming to a head under the arch-rebel Aruni.47 The river Ganges was
40 Kshudraka, the successor of Prasenajit in the Puranic list must certainly be identified with Virudhaka the successor of Pasenadi according to the Buddhist works.
11 Asvaghosha : Buddha Charita (S. B. E. XIX, p. 249 )
42 Represented by Basarh and Bakhira about 27 miles N. W. of Pâtna (Arch. Sur. Ann. Rep. 1903-4 pp. 81-122.)
13 Bigandet: op. cit. Vol. II, p. 95. The mention in the same work of Ajátasatru having destroyed VosAli (II. 113) means therefore little more than a temporary victory over the Lichchhavis.
" Jain traditions also agree with this. They further add that Udaya himself was childless. The Puranas distinctly declare that Dariaka was a son of Ajátasatru and that Udaya ruled after him. The Puranic order of rulers is, as we have seen elsewhere, not always correct. Putting all the traditions together, it appears highly probable that Udaya succeeded AjAtasatru, and was succeeded by Dariaka, & younger brother of his, he being childless.
46 स वै पुरवरं राजा पृथिव्यां कुसुमाइयं
' Fra: A Taifa witoare 11-(Vayu P.) 46 This may be inferred from soveral passages in Bhlsa's Vasavadatid : (Trivandrum, 1912). Waruf a a EU TEHT HET haft. (page 4).
ATT HEHere forfaran (page 6). It is noteworthy that Dariaka is not one of the Dramatis Personae.. # Ibid, page 60.

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at this time the boundary between the Vatsas and Magadha, and there may have been a danger of the revolt being fomented by the latter power. Udayana had an able minister, by name Yaugandhara yana, who appreciated the difficulties of the situation. Procuring the half-hearted consent of the Queen, Vasavadatta, daughter of Pradyota, he gave out that she was consumed by the flames in a general conflagration at Lâvânika, where 500 women of the harem actually perished. Then he arranged the marriage of Udayana with Padmavati, sister of Darsaka. The marriage was of political significance to Udayana, as it meant not only Darsaka's abstention from actively helping the insurgents of tho Vatsa country, but prompt aid in putting the rebellion down.50 It is also of some social significance. Originally Nâgas by race, the kings had come to be looked upon as Vaisyas, or at best as inferior Kshatriyas, in Bimbisåra's time. The Magadha princess was taken as the crowned queen of Udayana, & high class Kshatriya. Thus the Saišunâgas were rising gradually in the social scale.
Nandivardhana and Mahậnandin were the next two rulers of the dynasty. The Puranas know nothing more of them than their names, but the Buddhist records, which mention the names wrongly, em body traditions of some historical value. The first ruler they call Susunaga and say of him that he transferred his capital to Vaišali "not unmindful of his mother's origin." 51 This vague statement perhaps implies that king Darsaka of Magadha (whom the Buddhists call Nâga Dasaka) married & Vaisali princess. There is nothing impossible in this. The silenoe of the Purâņas and Buddhist records about Darsaka, who is allowed a fairly long reign, combined with the fact that he was free to send his forces across the Ganges to help Udayana in putting down the Vatsa revolt, go to show that Magadha was free from disturbance on the eastern frontier. In keeping with the usual practice the war with the Lichchhavis under Udaya may have ended in peace on the death of that king followed by a marriage relations, between the two kingdoms. The son of Darsaka, to have his capital at Vaišali, must have inherited that kingdom from his mother, or have conquered it by war. Vesali is mentioned as a city of Magadha in the Paraya navagga.52
Mahậnandin was probably the ruler whom the Buddhists name Kalásoka. The chronological results lead us to this conclusion. Kâlâśôka is said to have reigned a century after the Buddha, and the Buddhist council is said to have been held in the 10th year of his reign. The date for Mahậnandin is 88-116 A.B. The second Buddhist council should therefore have been held in this reign. This result is confirmed by the Tibetan Buddhist tradition of a council being convened by king Nanda and Mahậpadmass Mr. Rookhill wonders why we have the singular number while we should expect the
18 tarih T HEZ (Page 3) says Yaugandharayana to Våsavadatta. 19 When Udayana had been out a bunting.
..afen ITS Turfora 91 Tor" (page 11). The same story is preserved in the Divyavadana where 500 women of the harem are said to have perished. (Chap. XXXVI.) 50 Ibid, p. 60.
51 Bigandet : Vol. II, p. 115. 52 Páriyažavagga I, 38.
5) Rockhill : Life of the Buddha, p. 186.

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plural, since there are two kings mentioned. According to my theory this objection vanishes. If the Nanda referred to is Mahanandin, Mahâpadma was only the crown prince, who helped his father in feeding the assembled brethren. Târânâth also believes in the story that the brethren were fed by Nanda. We have one more statement made of Kalâ soka, which should therefore be applied to. Mahânandin. It is to the effect that he made Pâtaliputra his capital,55 As the Purânic list of Kôsala comes to an end with the contemporary of Nandivardhana, it has to be presumed that that kingdom was absorbed into Magadha in Mahânandin's reign.
(To be continued.
MISCELLANEA.
A NOTE ON THE NON-ARYAN ELEMENT IN HINDI SPEECH.
IN his article On the non-Aryan Element in Hindi Speech' (ante. Vol. I, P. 103), Mr. Growse says that the proportion of words in the Hindi Vocabulary not connected with Sanskrit is exceedingly inconsiderable. In support of his theory, he derives from Sanskrit, five out of 26 Hindi words, which, Muir says, have no resemblance to any vocables in Sanskrit books, and says that the remaining words can also be derived from Sanskrit. I do not wish to discuss the accuracy of his derivations, but I should like to point out that five of the remaining words viz. 1. jhagra, a dispute; 2. 4d, flour; 3. ghungna to gulp; 4 khonta peg; 5. sip a shell, can be traced back to the Dravidian Languages.
1. jhagra, a dispute. Platts in his Hindustani Dictionary does not give the derivation of the word at all. He does not even attempt to connect it with Skt. jagara, armour, which is derived by Bhanuji Dikshit in his commentary on the Amara. kosha from the root jagr, to be awake. I am inclined to think that jhagrd is derived from Can. jagala, Tel. dzaga damu, a quarrel, a dispute. Can. jagala is considered by Dr. Kittel to be a purely Dravidian word. Tel. dzaga damu is also considered by Telugu Lexicographers to be a Desi word. But Bhaṭṭakalanka's Sabdánusâsana gives Can. jagala as the Tadbhava of Skt. jhakata, which, however, I have not been able to find in any Sanskrit Lexicon. It is not improbable that Can. jagala is connected with Skt. chagala, a he-goat, which, as Fred Smith says, in his World of Animal Life, "is sometimes very quarrelsome, and will butt with his horns at any stranger."
2. ita fiour, may be derived from Pkt. aṭṭa, (Skt. kvath) to boil. Pkt. affa, can be traced back
to Can. affu (adu) to cook Tu. affil, cooking. Tel. attu, a flat thin cake (roasted on an iron pan).
Cf. Skt. bhakta, 1. boiled rice; 2. any eatable grain boiled with water.
3. Ghuntni, to gulp, may be derived from Pkt. ghunta. (Skt. pd), to drink, which can be traced back to Can. and Tel. guțuku, a gulp (perhaps an onomatopoetic word).
Cf. Brahui gut, throat, Guj. ghanti, Sindhi gau also Can. gotta, a bamboo tube for administering food or medicine to animals.
4. Khonta, peg. Platts says the word may perhaps be derived from khutta thus:
Khana khat or khof Pkt. khuṭṭa (i) = Skt. kehotya (te) pass. (used actively) of root kahot, v. t to pick, pluck, pull out. (vide. Platts. Hindustani Dictionary).
But I think the word may be derived from Tain. Mal. Tulu. kutti, stake, peg. We thus have the interesting analogy.
Kutti; khonta: gut; ghont, a gulp.
5. Sip, a shell is evidently derived from Pkt. sippi, which can be traced back to Can. cippu, sippu. Tam. sippi, an oyster-shell. Cf. Tel. cippa a shell,
In this connection, I may also point out that Hind. Guj., P. la M. id. B.'êdi in the sense of heel, which is derived from Skt. amhri (anghri ?), foot by Mr. Beames in his Comparative Grammar of the Modern Aryan Languages of India, Vol. I, can be derived from Tam. Mal. Can. adi, a foot, Tel. adugu, without violating the law enunciated by him, viz., "when a syllable having a for its vowel is followed by one having i or u, these latter sometimes exercise an influence over the former, either by entirely superseding it or by combining with it into the Guna vowel."
K. AMRITA Row, M A., Reader in Philology, University of Madras.
54 S. B. E, XI, page XIX note
55 Yuan Chwang (see Beal's Buddhist Records, Vol. II, p. 85).

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MADHAVACHARYA AND HIS YOUNGER BROTHERS. By RAO BAHADUR R. NARASIMHACHAR, M. A.; BANGALORE.
(Continued from p. 6.) « Vidyâragya's great literary fame has so completely eclipsed his career as a soldier that no writer dealing with his life has hitherto taken any notice of it."
It is unthinkable that Vidyaranya, a sanyási and a writer on the Dharmaśdstra, could ever have exchanged the mendicant's staff for the sword.
There is a Smärta matha of the Bhagavata-sampradaya at Talkad in the Mysore State, which is known as the Balakrishnananda matha. It is also sometimes called the Koppala matha from a village of the name of Koppala which belongs to it. The guru of the matha is said to be descended in spiritual succession from Padma pâdâcharya, the immediate disciple of Sankaracharya, the three gurus that came after Padmapadacharya being Vishnusvâmi. Kshîragvâmi and Kțish Anandasvami. The god worshipped in the malha is Gôpala. krishna. A palm leaf manuscript in the matha contains a copy of an inscription17 which registers a grant to the matha by Madhava-mantri in Saka 819. There is an anikat or dam across the Cauvery near Talkad which is known as Madhava-mantri's katle or dam. The above manuscript has likewise the following verse giving Saka 816 as the date of the construction of the dam by Madhava-mantri.
शाके पोरशमिश्रिताष्टशतकेयानवसंवत्सरे वेशाखे सितसप्तमीभृगुदिने लग्नेच सिंहोदये। सेतुं माधवमंत्रिराट् करिवने ऽबभास्करात्मजां
प्रत्युस्थामुदधि दशास्यरिपुववद्विजानां कृते ।। Kari-vana in the verse is a synonym of Gajaranya, the Puranic name of Talkad. A channel drawn off from the Cauvery near the Mâdhava-mantri dam, which is known as Madhavarîya channel, is also said to have been built by Madhava-mantri. This Madhava
gantri is in all probability identical with his namesake of whom we have spoken above, and the dates Saka 816 and 819 are no doubt pious mistakes for Saka 1296 and 1299 corresponding to A. D. 1374 and 1377.
Just as the military exploits of Madhava-mantri have been ignorantly attributed to Madhavacharya, some of his literary works also have been fathered on the latter. As an instance, the commentary called Tatparyadipiká on the Sútasamhita may be mentioned. The following extracts from the commentary unmistakably prove that Mâdha va-mantri, the disciple of Käsivilâsa-Kriyâsakti, was its author.
xhereftfraroui karanterari श्रीमत्र्यंबकपादाब्जसेवानिष्णासचेतसा ।। वेदशास्त्रप्रतिष्ठात्रा श्रीमन्माधवमंत्रिणा।
तात्पर्वदीपिका सूतसंहिताया विधीयते ॥ इति श्रीमस्काशीविलासक्रिवाशक्तिपरमभक्तश्रीमत्तबंबकपादाब्जसेवापरायणेन उपनिषन्मार्गप्रवर्तकेन माधवाचार्येण विरचितायां सूतसंहितासात्पर्यदीपिकायां । Still, the following verse shows the blind belief that promoz was its author.
freceifarsarear four O T TATTI And in the Poona and Bangalore editions of this work the name of Sankarananda is substituted for that of Kriyasakti !
17 Epi. Car., III, Tirumakud lu-Narsipu:
7.

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Kriyâsakti appears to have been a prominent Saiva teacher of the 14th century. Though Madhavâchârya, in the introduction to his commentary on the Parâiara-smṛiti, calls himself the kula guru of Bukka I. ( तस्य विभोरभूत्कुलगुरुमंत्री तथा माधवः ) and Sáyana, in the introduction to his Yajñatantra-sudhanidhi, styles himself the anvaya-guru of Sangama II, an inscription, 18 of A. D. 1378, mentions Kriyâśakti as the kula-guru of Harihara II.
विरूपाक्षः पाशास्कुलर कुलगुरु क्रियाशक्त्याचार्य: कलिकलभकंडीरवयशाः ।
Two more inscriptions1" of Harihara II, dated A. D. 1398 and 1399, describe him as the worshipper of the lotus feet of Kriyâsakti.
राजराज गुरुपितामह श्रीमत्स्व यंभुत्रियंबक देवदिव्य श्रीपादपद्माराधकश्रीक्रियाशक्ति देवदिव्यश्रीपादपद्माराधक श्रीवीर हरिहरमहाराजः ।
I have hitherto purposely avoided the name Vidyaranya when speaking of Madhavacharya, because, though the tradition that Madhavacharya acquired the title of Vidyaranya after he renounced the world and became a sanyasi is generally accepted, some scholars seem to doubt their identity, owing to the absence of epigraphical or literary evidence to prove it conclusively. For myself, I do not remember having come across any inscription which states explicitly that Madhavâchârya and Vidyâranya were one and the same indivilual. But a few references to Vidyaranya in inscriptions and literary works seem to point to the identity of the two. I give below a few of these references.-
( 1 ) In a work called Tithi-pradipika by Nrisimhasâri, 20 the author says in the introductory verses, which are given below, that Kalanirnaya has been treated of by Vidyaranya and other authors.
अनंताचार्यवर्येण मंत्रिणा मचिगुळ ना । विद्यारण्यवतीद्वायेनिगत कालनिर्णयः ॥
अनिशेषीकृतस्य मम दिया कियान् कियान् । तमहं सुस्फुटं वक्ष्ये ध्यात्वा गुरुपदांबुजं ॥
Now, it is well known that Kalanirnaya was a work of Madhavâchârya.
(2) In his Vyüsasutra-vritti, Ranganatha says that his work is based on Vidyaranya's verses, in a stanza which runs thus :
विचारण्य कृते लोकनृसिंहाश्रम सूक्तिभिः । संस्था व्यायसूत्राणां वृत्तिर्माध्यानुसारिणी ॥
The reference here is clearly to Madhavâchârya's Vaiyisika-Nyayamâlâvistara.
(3) Ahôbala-paita, the author of a large grammar in Sanskrit on the Telugu language, who is said to have been Madhaváchārya's sister's son, mentions Madhavacharya's Dhâtuvṛitti as a work of Vidyaranya.
वेदानां भाष्यकर्ता ि
प्रौद्यविद्यानगय हरिहरनृप से स्सार्वभौमत्वदायी । वाणी नीलाहिवेणी सरसिजनिलया किंकरीति प्रसिद्धा विद्यारण्योऽप्रगण्योऽभवदखिल गुरुः शंकरो वीतशंकः ॥
18 Epi. Car., V, Channarayapatna 256.
19 Mysore Archaeological Report for 1912, para. 99.
20 Madras Oriental Manuscripts Library Catalogue, VI, p. 2341.

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(4) It is said that the Panchadasi-prabara za was composed partly by Bhiratîtîrtha and partly by Madhavacharya. Ramakrishna, who has written a commentary on the work, begins and ends his commentary with obeisance to Bhâratîtîrtha and Vidyara;ya thus:
नस्वा श्रीभारतीतीर्थविद्यारण्यमुनीश्वरौ ।
मयाद्वैतविवेकस्य क्रियते पदयोजना ॥ इति श्रीपरमहंसपरित्राजकाचार्यश्रीभारतीतीर्थविद्यारण्यमुनिवर्यकिंकरेण श्रीरामकृष्णविनुषा विरचिता पददीपिका.
We may therefore presume that Madhavacharya and Vidyara ya are identical. We have already seen that Bharatîtîrtha was one of the gurus of Madhavacharya and the juxtaposition of his and Vidyâraya's names in the above extract may be taken to trengthen the above presumption.
(5) A copparplats insoriptio2,21 dated A. D. 1386, gives the interesting information that Harihara II, described as the establisher of the path of the Vedas (aftfafag ) and a traveller in the path of dharma and Brahma (Anura ), gave in the presence of Vidyaranya-ripada, a copper grant to the three scholars-Nârâ yana-vâjapêyayâji, Naraharisomayaji and Pandari-dîkshita--who were the promotere (pravartaka) of the commenaries on the four Vedas. We know that Madhavacharya had a great deal to do with the
omposition of the commentaries on the Vedas, and it is very likely that the grant was made at his instance to the above scholars for their co-operation in writing those monumental works. If Vidyâra ya had been a different person altogether, there would have been no necessity to make the grant in his presence.
As far as I can remember, this is the only inscription that furnishes the important information that several scholars helped Madhavâch Irya and Sayana in the composition of the commentaries on the Vedas. The three scholars mentioned above may be the provenitors of the three families which receive special honours even now at the Sringeri matha. An inscription, 22 of about A. D. 1380, records another grant to Narayana-vajapêyayaji, one of the above three scholars; and another, 23 of A. D. 1416, registers a grant to Vidya . bhatta, son of Pandari-deva who is most probably identical with the Pandari-dikshita men tioned above. It is to be regretted that only one plate of the inscription referred to in the previous paragraph is available. It is, however, interesting to note that this plate
Jludes to a former grant made in A.D. 1381 to the same three scholars by Harihara II's son ( 'hikka Raya while he was the governor of Araga. This grant consisted of lands yielding in annual income of 60, 40 and 50 varahas respectively.
This inscription makes it quite clear that Madhavâcharya was a sanyúsi under the name of Vidyaranya in A. D. 1386. Another inscription, 21 dated A. D. 1378, tells us that he was a sanyasi in that year, the grant recorded in it having been made by order of Vidvara uya. In the light of these facts the following statements, which are based on the wrong identification of Madhavacharya with Madhava-mantri, are clearly untenable :
" Madhavacharya acquired the title of Vidyaranya after he retired from worldly affairs and became a Sanyasi. This event took place after the year a. D. 1391."25
“The exact date at which Mâdhavacharya's tenure of ministership came to an end cannot be ascertained. Judging from epigraphical evidence it must have terminated after the year A. D. 1391."2u 21 Mysore Archæological Report for 1908. para: 54.
22 Epi. Car., VI, Sringeri 23. 3 Ibid., Sringeri 34.
21 Epi. Car., VI, Koppa 30. 25 J. B. Br. R. A. S., XXII, 370.
26 Ibid., p. 376.

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I may also add here that another inscription, 27 which appears to be dated in A. D. 1377, also mentions Vidy:Iranya. We are therefore led to the conclusion that Madhavacharya must have been a minister sometime before A. D. 1377. According to tradition he died in A. D. 1386 at the ripe age of ninety. That he lived more than eighty-five years is made evident in the following verse from the Devya paradhastólra, a work said to have been composed by him:
परित्यक्ता देवा विविधपरिसेवाकुलतया मया पंचाशतिराधिकमपनीते तु वयसि । इदानीं चेन्मातस्तव यदि कृपा नापि भविता
निरालंबो लंबोदरजननिक यामि शरणं ॥ Before taking leave of Madhavacharya, it is necessary to say a few words about the authorship of the Sarvadarsun isangraha, which is generally believed to be one of his works.
The quotations given on page 2 make it abundantly clear that Mayara was the father of Midhavacharya and Sayana. Sâyana styles himself Mâyana-Sâyaņa in accordance with the well-known practice of giving the father's name first. What do we find in the Sarvadarśanasangraha / The following extracts from this work plainly indicate that Madhava, its author, was the son of Sayana :
श्रीमत्सायणदुग्धाब्धिकौस्तुभेन महौजसा। क्रियते माधवार्येण सर्वदर्शनसंग्रहः॥ श्रीमस्सायणमाधव , प्रभुरुपन्यास्यत्सतां प्रीतये.
इति श्रीमत्सायणमाधवीये सर्वदर्शनसंग्रहे. If Madhavâcharya had been the author of the work, he would certainly have styled himself ATT TETT and ArYTAN; and, as far as we know, there is no other work of his in which he styles himself
. It is therefore reasonable to conclude that Madhava, the author of the Sarvadarbanasangraha, is a different person altogether from Madhavacharya.
Who may this Mâdhava be? I venture to think that he is the son of Sayana, the younger brother of Madhavacharya. From Sayana's Alankdra-sudhanidhi, which was referred to on pages 1 and 2 and which will be noticed in detail further on, we learn that he had a son named Mayata who was skilful in writing poetry and prose (HOT TOYOTA Tisch IT). And the Conjeeveram inscription alluded to on page 2 is said to have the name Mâyana in the place where one would expect the name Mâdhava. It may there fore be supposed that Mayara is a corrupt form of Midhava and that the Madhava of the Sarvadarianasangraha is identical with the Mayana of the Alinkdrasudhanidhi.
Nor are other grounds wanting to support this conclusion:
(1) In the manuscripts of the Sarvadarsanasangraha, the following sentence, which states that Sankara-darsana, having been treated of elsewhere, has been omitted here. occurs at the end of Patañjala-dariana :
इत परं सर्वदर्शनशिरोमविभूतं शांकरदर्शनमन्यव निरूपितमित्यत्रोपेक्षितं. And the colophon at the end of Sánkara-darsana, which runs :
इति श्रीसायणार्यविरचिते सकलदर्शनशिरोलंकाररत्न श्रीमच्छांकरवर्शन परिसमाप्त. attributes its authorship to Sâyaņa. From this we have to infer that Sankara-darsana having been treated of elsewhere by his father Sâyana, Madhava omitted to write on it in his work.
27 Epi. Car., VI, Koppa 19.

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(2) It is believed that the Sarvadarkanasangraha was one of the carliest works of Madhavacharya, but there is internal evidence to show that it must have been written at least a generation after the time of Machavacharya. Madhava quotes two versesT EUTAT and T r ea-from the Tattomuklálili pr29 of Venkatanatha
Vedantâchârva who died in A. 1). 1370. He also refers to the commentary on Anandatirtha's bhashy in the sentence fara carcaram tesz..29 Here the reference is evidently to the commentary of the great commentator (Tikacharya) Jayatirtha, who succeeded Akshobhyatirtha. The latter, who was the fourth in apostolic succession to Anandatirtha or Madhvacharya, is said to have died in A. . 1367.) Jayatirtha is said to have been the guru of the malha for 22 years. So he must have died in A. 1). 1389) or 1390. The following verse embodies a tradition that in a philosophical debate between Vidy ranya and Akshobhyatirtha, the latter vanquished the former :
असिना तस्वमसिना परजीवप्रभेदिना ।
विद्यारण्यमहारण्यमक्षोभ्यमुनिराच्छिनत् ।। It is also stated that Vedantacharya acted the part of an umpire in connection with the above debate. It is therefore clear that Madhavacharya, Akshộbhyatirtha and Védantacharya were contemporaries; and Jayatîrtha, the successor of Akshôbhyatîrtha, may have been a younger contemporary of Madhavacharya, as he is stated in the Jayatirt
jam to have come in contact with Vidyaranya. It is not unreas inable to suppose that at least a generation would be required for the works of Vedantacharya and Jayatirtha to get currency so as to be quoted by others. In these circumstances the Sarvadarbanasangraha cannot be the work of Madhavacharya, but of some one who lived at least a generation after him,
(3) Madhava begins his work with obeisance to a quru named Sarvajña-Vishņu, who was the son of Sáriga pani. In no work of either Madhavacharya or Sâyana do we meet with the praise of this guru. From the colophon to the Tarkubháshú vyakhya, we learn that its author Chennubhata was the son of Sarvajna-Vishnu, that he had an elder brother named Sarvajña and that he was patronised by Harihara II. It runs thus. -
इति श्रीहरिहररायपालितेन सहजसर्वज्ञविष्णुदेवाराध्यतनूजेन सर्वज्ञानुजेन त्रुभहन विरचितावां तर्कभाषाव्याख्यायां
An inscription, 3 of A.D. 1380, which refers itself to the reign of Harihara II, mentions Sarvaiña-Vishnu-pura as another name of the village Homma. In his Sankara-darsana Sayaņa quotes from Sarvajña-Vishnu's Vivaranavivarana.
तदुक्तं विवरणविवरणे सहजसर्वज्ञविष्णुमहोपाध्यायः From these references Sarvajña-Vishņu appears to have been a contemporary of Harihara II and Sayana. Some would have us believe on the authority of the Punyaslókamaijari that Sarvajña-Vishņu was the name by which Vidyâtîrtha was known before he became a sanyasi. But this is not likely, as Vidyatîrtha must have died before Harihara came to the throne. In his Catalogus Catalogorum, under Sâyana, Aufrecht says that Vishuu-Sarvajña was Sayana's teacher, but it is not clear on what authority this statement is based. If this is true, Madhava's guru was probably the son of Sâyana's teacher Vishnu-Sarvajña, who may have had another name Sariga pàņi. This supposition derives
29 Ibid., p. 60.
28 Anandaśrama Series, p. 44. 30 Padmanabhachar's Life and Teachings of Madhvúcharya. 31 Epi. Car., IV, Chamarajanagar 64.

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some support from the fact that Sarvajña-Vishņu (i. e., Sarvajña's son Vishnu), as stated by Chennubhaa, had a son Sarvajña, evidently so named after his own father VishnuSarvajia (i. e., Vishnu's son Sarvajña).
I would close the account of Madhavâchârya with a verse in praise of him from the Alaikäru-sulhandhi of Siyana. This verse, by a pim on the words, likens him to Vishnu.
अनंतभोगसंसको द्विजपंगवसेवितः। सचिवः सर्वलोकानां बाता जयति माधवः ॥
Sayaņa. Sâyana was the minister of four Vijayanagar kings, namely, Bukka I, Kampana, Sangama II and Harihara II. This is made evident in the colophons of his various works. Thus, in some of his commentaries on the Vedas he styles himself the minister of Bukka I (6919 T T UTT); in his Subhashita-sudhânidhi he calls himself the minister of Kampa-Raja (see page 2); in his Dhituvritli, Prayaschitta-sudhanidhi, Yajñatantraxudha nidhi and Alankára-sudhânidhi he styles himself the minister of Sangama II; and in his commentaries on the Satapatha, Taittiriya and Yajurvéda Brahmanas he calls himself the minister of Harihara II. Purushartha-sudhanidhi and Ayurveda-sudhanidhi are two more of his works. The latter, a medical work, is referred to in Sâyana's Alankára-sudhanidhi (oryt
e fa ftatimia 9 ), and in a later medical work called Prain Attaramála written under the patronage of Venkatâdri-vibhu by Srisailanatha, who says that an ancestor of his wrote a compendium of the Ayurvedanwithanidhi at the instance of the minister Sâyaņa.
एकामनाथो यत्तातः सायणामात्यचोदितः ।
समग्रहीत्सुबोधार्थमायुर्वेदसुधानिधि ॥ The Alankara-sudhanidhi of Sáyana is interesting in several ways. It gives a few hitherto unknown details about Sâyana and his brother Bhôganatha, which are of considerable interest and importance. Before proceeding to notice these details, it may not be out of place here to give some account of the work itself. As may be inferred from the name, it is a treatise on rhetoric. Unfortunately the manuscript in my possession is fragmentary, containing only two unméshas or chapters and a portion of the third. The whole work appears to contain ten unmêshas. One remarkable peculiarity of the work consists in the majority of the illustrative examples being in praise of the author himself. This peculiarity is not met with in any other Sanskrit work on rhetoric. When the rules as well as the illustrations are composed by the same author, the illustrations are, as a rule, in praise of soare deity, or of some king or chief who was the patron of the author. The authors and works referred to or quoted from in the course of the fragment are the following:
Authors-Abhinavagupta, Anandavardhana, Udbhata, Kuntaka, Gôpalasvami, Bbartrihari, Bhastanayaka, Bhâmaha, Bhåsa, Bhöganatha, Bhoja, Mahima, Rudraţa, Vamana, Vidyadhara and Sankuka.
Works-Udaharanamala, Gaurinathashaka, Brihatkatha, Mahaganapatistótra, Mahaviracharita, Mahimnastiitra, Malatimadhara, Ramollasa, Lôchana, Vákyapadiya, Vênisamhára, Vyaktiviveka, Sringaraprakása, Sringaramañjari, Tripuravijaya and Vishamaba nalila.
Of the above works, sis are by Bhôganâtba, the younger brother of Sâyaņa. These will be noticed later on when speaking of Bhôganatha. One of these, the Udaharana mâlâ. appears to have been specially written in praise of his elder brother Sayava.

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We may now proceed to give the few new items of information about Sîyana which can be gathered from the stanzas given as illustrative examples in the Ala akára-sudhanidhi. From the following stanza we learn that Sayapa had three sons named Kampana, Mâyana and Singana, and that the first son was a musician, the second a poet and the third a Velio student. -
तत्संव्यंजय कंपण व्यसनिनः संगीतशास्त्रे तव प्रीढि मायण गयपद्यरचनापांडित्यमुन्मुद्रय। शिक्षा दर्शय शिंगण क्रमजात्रचर्चासु वेदेष्ठिति
स्वान् पुत्रानुपलाल यन् गृहगतः सम्मोदते सायण: ॥ Kampana was apparently so named after Sliyapa's patron Kampapa, father of Sangama II. Mayana was already referred to and identified with Madhava, the author of the Sarvadarśanasangraha. That the king Kampara died either before Sangama II was born or when he was a mere child, and that Sayada administered the kingdom as regent during the minority of Sangama II, may be inferred from these verses.
संगमेंद्रनरेंद्र त्वय्यकृतास्वपरिमहे । विधायो धुरमगात् स्वाराज्यं कपण, कथं। सत्यं महीं भवति शासति सायणायें संप्राप्तभोगसुखिनः सकलाश्च लोकाः॥ शौर्योच्छृखलसंगमेश्वरमहासाम्राज्यसंपादनप्रोत्सावणमंत्रिवर्वरभसभुण्णक्षमासंपदा।
गूढ काननगरेषु चरतामस्माकमाननेभिक घनगर्जितैर्मदनकिंवा सहतेहथैः ।।
साबणसचिवायत्तं संगमराजस्य पश्य राज्यमिदं । The following verses show that Siyana himself taught Sangama II from his childbood and gave him a liberal education befitting his position. -
बाल्येऽपि प्रतिबोधयस्यवहितं श्रीसंगमक्ष्मापति बोधैकास्पद सायणार्य भगवचासावतार...॥ आन्वीक्षिक्यामधिकविहतो हर्षशोकव्युदासे मागोल्लेखं विश्धति नृणां मानवे धर्मशास्त्र। सम्यकशिक्षा सचिवगमितः पेशवे सायणार्य
पौर्दि गावां प्रकटयति ते संगमेंद्र प्रयोगे ।। The epithet भगवतपासावतार, an incarnation of Vy.sa, applied to Siyana, is noteworthy. His martial valour and conquests are referred to in the following extracts.
अमुं शमितशाअवस्थिरभुजावलेपोदय समीक्ष्य युधि सावणं समधिको भवहिस्मयः। नखामहतवैरिणो नरहरेहरस्थाथवा नवांबुजवळोलसन्नबनमात्रदग्धादिषः॥ . जगवीरस्य जागति कृपाणः सावनप्रभोः। किमित्येते वृधाटोपा गति परिपंधिनः॥ भाकर्ण्य यात्रापटहप्रणादानपोडनिस्तव साबणाई । अरण्यसिंहररिभूपतीमामाहन्यते चित्रगतोऽपि हस्ती ।। समरे सपत्नसैन्य सायण तव बिंबितं वहन् खजः। क्रीडति कैटभरिपुरिव बिभ्रत कोडे जगच जलधौ ॥ दिष्टषा दैटिकभावसंभृतमहासंपविशेषोदय
जिस्वा चंपनमर्जितवशा प्रत्यागतः सावणः॥ The last verse refers to a victory gained by Sayaņa over a king named Champa. A king called Vira-Champa, the son of a Chôļa king, is mentioned in an inscription, of Saka
32 In a recently discovered copper grant of Harihara II, dated A. D. 1377, SAyana and his son Singana figure na the donees. Mysore Archa elogical Report for 1915, para. 89.

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1236, at Tiruvallam in the North Arcot District.33 Champa conquered by Sayana may perhaps be the grandson of the above.
There is also a mutilated verse referring to an attack on Garudanagara by Sangama Il and Sayana and the defeat of the chief of that place. According to Aufrecht,34 Sayaņa died in A. D. 1387.
Bhoganatha. Bhoganitha, the younger brother of Siyana, was already referred to (page 3) as the composer of the Bifragunta grant, in which he styles himself the narma-sachiva of Sangama II. The following verses from the Alank dra-sudhanidhi bear evidence to the intimacy between Sangama II and Bhôganatha and thus substantiate Bhôganatha's statement that he was an intimate companion of Sangama II.
अन्योन्यप्रणयापराधनिभृतव्यापारदीनात्मनोः देवीसंगमयो ४ पराङ्मुखतयाप्येकासने तस्थुषोः। मध्ये सायणमंत्रिणा न भणितं श्रीभोगनायेन वा नोक्तं नर्मसखीजनेन च तदप्यन्योन्यमुदीक्षितं !! भूभृतः संगमेंद्रस्य भोगनाथस्य वा कवेः।
वारणां वारणी वाथ बारि प्रविशतां हि ये॥ Though Bhöganatha was known to be a poet by reason of his having composed the Bitragunta grant, no information was available as to any of his works. It is therefore gratifying to note that the Alankara-sudhanidhi names and quotes from six of his works. Their names are (1) Ramóllasa, (2) Tripura-vijaya, (3) Udaharana-mala, (4) Mahaganapati-stava, (5) Sringara-mañjari, and (6) Gaurinathashtaka. In one place Sîyana says, " Examples of the rules have to be sought for in Bhoganatha's works (तेषामदाहरणानि भोगनाथकाव्येषु द्रष्टव्यानि), thus indicating the regard in which he held his brother's works. A verse from (4) was quoted on page 3 when speaking of the Guru Srikantha. Several of the verses quoted above in praise of Sâyana's valour are from (3). A few verses will be viven below from his other works, namely, (1), (2), (6) and (6). (1)
शिशिरेषु शिलातलेषु रामस्तरुमलेषु तलीहरी दरीषु ।
सरसीषु च विश्रमय्य मुग्धां पथि पाषाणिनि तां शनैरनैषीत् ।। (2) उपर्यधोरचितमयश्च राजतं तयोईयो कनकमयं च मध्यतः।
परत्रयं दहनविधेपुरोऽप्यगात् सधमतां स वहनसां सभस्मतां ॥ पौलोम्या : करयुगयंत्रवारिधारा दीर्घा या दशशतलोचने पपात ।
सा पक्ष्मण्यतिकरचंचरीकञ्चन्नेबाडजस्तबकभृदेकनाळमासीत् ।। (5) ईषन्मृष्टकुरंगनाभितिलकैरिजांबुधर्मोदय
यकीभूतरदक्षतव्यतिकराकीर्णचूर्णालकैः। शाम्यकुंडलतांडवैशशिमुखीवलेस्तदा श्रीळितै
रंभीविभ्रमदर्पणैनिजगदे संभोगलीलाश्रमः ।। The verse beginning अन्योन्य, quoted above, is also from this work. (6)
कष्टाय प्रसवाय पानपदवीशिष्टाय कांक्षानल गुप्टाय प्रथमानमत्सरगुणाविष्टाय पुष्टात्मने ।। रुष्टाय प्रतिषिद्धकार्यघटनातुष्टाय सृष्टागसे
गौरीनाथ गुणाधिनाथ जनक प्राणासु मयं भवान् ।। (1) and (2) appear to be kâvyas based on the Ramayana and the Puranas. The quotations prove that Bhôganatha was no mean poet. He was a worthy brother of Midha vicharya and Sayaņa. 33 Epi. Ind., III, 70.
31 Catalogus Catalogorum, p. 711.

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THE NYASAKARA AND THE JAINA SAKATAYANA.
BY K, B. PATHAK, CHITRASHALA, POONA.
(Continued from Vol. XLIT. p. 279.) The remark in the Kasikâ runs thus :
समानस्येति योगविभाग इष्टप्रसिध्वर्य क्रियते । तेन सपक्षः साधम्य सजातीय इत्येवमादयः Egrafa Kasika, Benares Ed., Part II, p. 283.
The words any and arata being provided for it. Chandra's Sitra (6), we are forced to look to Pânini's Sitra (b), in order to find out what words constitute the fata mentioned in Chandra-sutra (a). So Chandra-rya karana must be pronounced defective. Probably Chandra must have mentioned the words of his qurftor in the Chandravritti and in that case, the brilli must have been composed by Chandra himself. The course followed by Sakatayana is decidedly superior. He ways:
#FATTET ailag II, 2, 109. समान इत्येतस्य वृक् दृश् दक्ष इत्येतेषु धर्मादिषु चोत्तरपवेषु स इत्ययमादेशो भवत्यत्वापवादः । AYI : 1 : Taifter I HI E at (*) I THI : : : !
VATTINI TI I ra( a[] variate I 79 I I AT HI 1171 59 [1] Fura i Tofi T I 7741 VI e AIT: 1 77991Tha toirill
Amoghavritti II, 2, 109 The water is as peculiar to Sakatayana as the rurfer is to Chandra. Yakshavarman has this Sittrå but without the 7t, because his Chintamawi is an abridgment of the heat : "the extensive commentary ", which is no other than the Amoghavritti containing the t re peculiar to Sakata yana's Saldanuśdsana. Chandra has the following Satru.
ET TA 1, 2, 4. and in the extract from the Chandravritti given under this Sútra, we read of 57031
*args I qrar: efter fra....... The inference from this is that one Sútra teaching T ry in greitt, &c., which cannot come under arra, has dropped out of the text of Chandra's Sútras as they appear in the German edition. This is plain from the Sabdanukisana of Sakata yana, where we have the following two Sátras instead of one :
aire: argigart Amogh. II, 2, 40.
Forefroray Amogh. II, 2, 47. The source of the Chandra-sdtra is not given in the German edition. It can be traced to the Vartika ar
an: in the Mahâbhashya (Páyini II, 2, 26) and मृगक्षीरादिषु is taken from another Vartika. कुक्कुटादीनामण्डाविषु पंवद्भाववचनम् in the Mahābhashya (I'anini 1.3, 42).
It is thus manifest that the internal evidence supplied by this Sabdanusasana is so trong that it entirely agrees with the external evidence derived from epigraphic and literary references in supporting the conclusion that Sakatayana himself wrote the A moghavritli as well as the Sûtras.
The word Vakya padiya is mentioned as the name of a literary work in the Kåsika on Panini (IV, 3, 88). This work of Bhartrihari is also mentioned by Sakata yana in his moghar ritti (III, 1, 189) and by Hemachandra in his Brihadurilli (VI, 3, 20). Såkarayana
By the expression fera sakatayana alludes to many authors whose works are now lost to the world.

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has laid under contribution Patañjali's Mahâbhâshya, Chandravyákarana, JainendraVyâ karana and the Nyása of Jinendrabuddhi. We also read :
अष्टावध्यायाः परिमाणमस्थ अष्टकं पाणिनीयसूत्रं । दशकं वैय्या(या)प्रपदीय Amogh. III. 2. 161. Katika IV.2.66. श्रुतपालस्तु महणं मन्यते Amogh. IV, 1,252. ध्यणर्थस्य तो नास्ति भाषाबामिति श्रुतपालः ॥ Amogh. IV,1,263.
दशका उमास्था( स्वा )तीयाः Amogh. II, 4, 182. Umânvâti's Tattvartha-sútra has ten chapters and is accepted as an authority by both the Digambara and Svetâmbara communities. The following remarks are most interesting :
विशाखाषाढामंधवंडे III, 2, 120. Cf. Panini v,1, 110. विशाखा आषाढ इत्येताभ्यां तदस्य प्रयोजनमित्यास्मिन्विषये अण् प्रत्ययो भवति । ठणोपवादः 1 मंथे संडे चाभिधेये मंथनं मंथः विलोडनं । विशाखाः( खा) प्रयोजनमस्य वैशाखो मंथः । वैशाखाभ्यां (वैशाख्यां) पौर्णमास्यां सर्वे गोमतः सर्वे गोदोहं दधि(धी भूतं शांतमभिवृध्य(जुधार्थ मध्नति मथित्वा गृहदेवताभ्यो बलिमुपहत्या(त्य) अतिथिभ्यः प्रदायावशिष्टं स्वयमुपयुंजते स मंथो वैशाखः । अस्य हि विशाखा प्रयोजनं । आषाढाः प्रयोजनमस्य आषाढो दंडः। आषाठ्यां पौर्णमास्यां वेणुं छित्त्वा सर्वगंधैरनुलिप्य स्वयमनुलिप्ताः सृ(स्रग्विणालंकृताः कुमारकाः तेनागाराण्याभिनति स दंड भाषाढः । तस्य ह्याषाढाः प्रयोजनं ॥ Amogh. III, 2,120. Yakshavarman says: वैशाखी मंथः वैशाख्यां पौर्न()मास्यां मंथः पूजाविशेषः । ............ आषाडी(ढो) वंडः । आषाड्यां(व्यां) पीन( पास्यां क्रीडाविशेषः । Chintamani III.2.120.
In my paper entitled Bhâmaha's Attacks on the Buddhist Grammarian Jinendra. buddhi. I have shown that Kumarila has severely attacked the authors of the Kasika for defending Påņini's terms afare and art and that the Nyâsakâra has not heard of Kumarila's criticism, while it is well-known to Haradatta, the later commentator of the Kasika. It is interesting to note here that the Jaina Sakatayana, who has obviously heard of Kumarila's criticism, goes out of his way to defend these irregular compounds जनिक: and सत्प्रयोजक by admitting them into his Amoghavritti, though he is careful to avoid their use in his own Sútras, as will be seen from the following passages :
कर्मणि बा च II,1, 48. .....................................अपां स्रष्टा । पुरा भेत्ता । कर्मणीति किं। जानकर्ता। गुणो गणिविशेषकः । Amogh and Chintamani II,1,48. याजकादिभिः II,1,44.
.....................आकसिगणोयं । तेन तत्प्रयोजकहेतुस्वेस्वादि सिद्धं भवति || Amogh. II,1,44. The chronological relations between the authors whose works we are speaking of may be indicated thus :
Bhartrihari, the author of the Vakyapadiya
died A. D. 650. Jayaditya, one of the authors of the Karika
died A. D. 661. The Nyasakāra Jinendrabuddhi
A.D. 700. Kumârila
A. D. '750. Jaina sakatayana, contemporary with Amogha___varsha I.
A.D. 814 sJourn. Bom.A..Soo., Vol.XXIIL P-18.

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In my paper entitled Bhâmaha's Attacks on Jinendrabuddhi referral to above, I have isted that, according to an anonymous verse current among the Jainas in Southern India and a reference in the Ep. Carn. Vol. VIII, p. 268, Prabhachandra is credited with the allithorship of a Nyása on Sakațâyana's Sabdanusagana Can this be reconciled with the ciate which we have assigned to Sâkațâyana ? This question can be answered in the it itirmative, since Prabhachandra, in his second work entitled Nya yakumullachandroilaya, i lar MS. p. 249a cites the following verse from Gunabhadra's Atmánu asana :
अंधादयं महानंधी विषयांधीकृतेक्षणः। THT srufer U
1 1 .Itmánu ásaina, verse 35. Gunabhadra was the teacher of Krishnarâja II, while the latter was Yuvaraja. It 1 thus clear that Prabhachandra lived on into the first half of the ninth century. It is
ssible that he may have written a commentary called Nyâsit on the Sandinusasunnot Sikatậyana, whose literary activity must be placed between Saka 735-789. But to be able to pronounce a definite opinion on this point, we must wait till we have discovered at least one manuscript of the Sakafayana-nyása. At the same time we must remember the interesting fact that in his first work entitled Prameya-kamala-martanla Prabhachandra very frequently quotes Sûtras from the Jainendra-vylikarana.
#TRA I, 4, 37. Pramey. Benares Ed. p. 2 (a).
For I, 4, 1. Pramey. Benares El. p. 2 (b). G T I, 4, 35. Pramey. Benares Ed. p. 26 (1).
art II, 1, 44. Pramey. Benares Ecl. p. 209 (a).
TUTTE I, 2, 175. Pramey. Benares Ed. p. 219 (a). The fact that Jainendra-sútras are often quoted in the Prameyri-ku mala-mariu wa may nly indicate that the first work of Prabhachandra was composed before the accession to the throne of Amoghavarsha I.
Another commentary on the Sútras of Sakațâyana, which deserves to be noticed here, - the Prakriya-saingraha of Abhayachandrasûri, who is also well-known as the author a Sanskrit commentary on the tomatasara, a work written in Magadhî by Nemichandra
instruct his patron" Châmun larája. At the end of each chapter of his Sanskrit mnientary Abhayachandra calls himself Abhayachandrasuri, Abhavasûri or Suriin Ilie concluding verses of the Prakriya-sa sigraha we are told that :
are farrei this is the work of Sûri, i.e., Abhayachandrasûri. His pupil Ko-avavarni or Keavannt, who His rendered into Canarese the Sanskrit commentary on the Gomasin alluded to above.
ys that he finished his work in Saka 1281. From this fact it may be conclude that the Sikatayina-prakriyâsa igrah of Abhayachandra was composed shortly before Saka 1281.
As I have already said, the Jaina Saka ayana has been undeserveelly forgotten among i Svetambara Jaina community, being supersccled by the more celebrated Homa
andra. But among the Digambara Jainas the belief is current that this author is entical with his celebrated namesake of antiquity. The elder Sükatavana also enjoyed
stinction as a great grammarian, being quoted by Kitya vana in his Vájasaneya - l'rátikákhya IV, 127 and 189, by Panini in his Ashadhyâ . 4, 11 & VIII, 3, 18, by Yáska in his Virukta I, 4. Patañjali says :--
coprai TRT 378 VIA TH Mahâbhâshy 11, 3, 3.
mai h at ter sreta: izarrara Jahabhåskyu III, 2, 15 The latest reference to the elder Sakatayana is the following:
WEST TTTT: käsiki I, 4, 86. After the middle of the seventh century the elder Sa kativana's work must have been ist beyond recovery. In the twelfth century Vardhamana, the author of the Ganaratnamahodadhi, knows only the Jaina Sakatayana, whom he frequently quotes, Bopadeva and Thattojidikshita, who also often refer to the Jaina grammarinn, speak of him an Abhinara
akutayanau. Prof. Macdonell's description of him, as the seco-Saka-ayana,' is hardly Lair, considering the high place which this eminent Jaina author Occupies in the history of Sanskrit literature.
Colobooke's Essays, Vol. II, p. +4, Prau thamanorami. Benares El. Part II, p. 625. 7 Hist. of Sans. Lit. p. 432.

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THE ANCIENT HISTORY OF MAGADHA. KY S. 1. VENKATESWARA AIYAR, M.A., L. T.; KUMBAKONAM.
IL.
(Continued from p. 16.)
7. The First Emperors of Hindustan. Mahapadma was the first emperor of Hindustan. He was the son of Mahanandin by a Sûdra concubine. Dr. Bhau Daji and Mr. V. A. Smith have said that he was the son of the queen by a barber paramour, but there is no evidence to this effect. The Purinas say that himself of servile origin, "he caused the destruction of Kshatriyas like a second Parasurama," that "urged on by prospective fortune he uprooted all Kshatriya families " and that he brought the whole of Hindustan under his umbrella and reigned sole emperor there.55 This is no mere boast, as the several dynasties of North India come to an end about this period. Taking only the most important dynasties we get the synchronistic tablete from the Puraus Mugadha
Avanti Kosambi
Kosala. Ajátasatru = Chanla
Kshudraka Pradyota Udayana =
(Virudhaka) Udaya
Palaka Ahinara
Kundaka Darsaka Visa khayâpa Khandapani
Suratha Nandivardhana Janaka
Niramitra
Sumitra
NandiMahậnandlin
Kshemaka
Vardhana Consistently with their statement that Mahapadma was the sole ruler of Hindustan, all the Purdyas agree in winding up the dynastic lists of all other kingdoms-Kurus. Pânchalâs, Aiksh vakavas, Kalakas, Haihayas, Kalingas, Sakas, Maithilas, Vitihôtras and Sûrasenas. Perhaps, most of these kingdoms had lost their independence even before and had become tributary to the rising power of Magadha. Mahapadma probably made them integral parts of the Magadha empire.
The Arthasastra of Kautilya furnishes us with complete information as to the polity of Hindustan under the first of its emperors. That it describes a condition of things prior to the formation of the Maurya empire is clear from the fact that it assumes the existence throughout of small kingdoms independent of each other and makes no reference to an empire. Most of these arrangements and institutions were adopted by the Mauryas, as the Indike of Megasthenes confirms in many respects the data of the Arthasastra. A few points of importance may be noted in which pre-Mauryan conditions, as revealed in the Arthasastra differ from Mauryan conditions as observed by Megasthenes and preserved in the well known fragments of his work. The admiralty and commissariat departments
55 The expression is significant :
एकराट् स महापयः एकच्छचो भविष्यति । 56 There are, of course, variant readings of the proper names. But the number of generations given is sufficient for our purpose, as is clear from the extracts given from the Vishnu-Purana Book IV.

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of the army were non-existent in the earlier period. In civil government a Privy Council of 12 or 36 members (or of a smaller number according to exigencies)57 is found working in the early period, but it is not mentioned by Megasthenes. The military and municipal boards mentioned by Megasthenes are not found in the Arthaiastra, which assumes that these departments were presided over by single officials. Certain forms of torture, not existing under the Mauryas, existed before their time.50 Lastly during the period before us there were independent tribal communitiesco within the Magadha empire, implying that the emperors did not interfere with the constitutions of conquered cities.
Legend has largely gathered round the person of the last of the Nandas, who is named Sahalya by the Puranas and Sahalin by the Buddhists. During his reign there was such an extraordinary growth of material prosperity that he became a by-word for avaricious hoarding of wealth, and his treasuries were spoken of centuries after his death. They were pointed out to Yuan ('hwang as contained in five stúpas near Påtaliputra. The parsimony and avariciousness of Nanda the last are confirmed by the Mudrârâkshasa tradition.
8. The Revolutions. All this time the extreme west of India, the plains of the Panjab, were little affected by the events in the east, cut off as they were from that region by the deserts of Rajputânâ. Taxila was, however, an eminent place of learning, whither went for education youths from distant Anga and Magacha. Between 516 and 485 B. C, Darius Hystaspes had an Indian province in his Persian Empire and Indian soldiers were fighting at Marathon side by side with the Imperial army against the Greeks. Soon after, however, Western India seems to have broken away from l'ersia. When Alexander invaded India there were numerous Indian Princes in the Panjab and Sindh, Porus and Amphi being the chief. These were not in a position to beat the Greek monarch single handed and the civil war in Magadha made Magadhan designs impossible in this region. The withdrawal of Alexander coincided with the efforts of Chandragupta Maurya to usurp the throne of Sahâlya.c2 Chandragupta found that the strategems of Chanakya placed the whole of Hindustan like ripe fruit into his hands. He was, therefore, in a position to bring the extreme west of Hindustan also within the limits of the Empire.
How these revolutions were accomplished we can learn from the traditions that have been preserved. That the opposition to Chandragupta was by no means weak stands clearly in the evidence. The Puranas say that Chanakya took twelve or sixteen years to conquer Magadha for Chandragupta and himself remained minister for several years more. The Mudrdrakshasa tradition implies that the Nandas had strong partisans, who would fight to the death on behalf of their master. It is difficult to believe that any minister, however 57 " GUTER "fa fera:
Artha sastra, (Mysore, 1909) page 29. 5 Lists of officials are given ibid, in pp. 20-22
59 See punishments given on pages 221, 222. Among others onafha t I the crime being A petty theft of less than two panas. 0 कुलस्य वा भवेद्राज्यं कुलसवो हिदुर्जयः।।
(p. 35 ibid). 61 Beal Buddhist Records, Vol. II. p. 94.
62 The Puranas say that Kautilya took 12 or 16 years to make an end of the (Saigunåga) dynasty. Allowing for exaggeration, it may have taken a few years at least. Hence the statement in the text.

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great a master of statecraft, as Chânakya was, could have supplanted a reigning emperor on the throne, an emperor whose army was doubtless extensive and efficient.63 According to the Jatakas and the Arthasastra of Kautilya, the army was no mere rabble, but was splendidly organised in various arrays-- in the form of a lotus, or of a waggon, or of a circle. Nor have we clear evidence that any part of the army deserted to the Maurya, nor that he had anything like the means required to raise forces equally strong. There could have been no national (liscontent in any of the provinces of the empire, for each conquered tract was apparently allowed to retain its old institutions. When Kautilya says tu ar HITS and cites the Lichchhavis as an instance, we presume that the tribal republics of the clans were not stamped out by the autocracy of the Saisunagas. So too the rules of international law given by the author of the Arthasastra indicate that the kiagdoms of the empire enjoyed a large measure of autonomy within the imperial jurisdiction. Only one explanation seems possible of the Maurya usurpation-that Chandragupta had the assis. tance of some foroign powers to back up the diplomatic efforts of Kautilya.
We have to rely mostly on the Greek writers as to how Chandragupta conquered Magadha, as Chanakya never drops a hint on the subject. A curious story is given by Justin.st Chandragupta became king in a miraculous fashion with the help of a lion and an elephant which came to him. This is a legendary way of representing the fact that he received substantial aid from kings, whose emblems were the lion and the elephant. The kings of Kalinga had the elephant as their emblem. There is even now an important town there named Gajapatinagaram. As late as Kalidasa's time the kings of Kalinga were famous for their clephant force.65 Ancient dynasties of Kalinga are mentioned in the Puranas, and we find that the Kalingas were an independent kingdom in the account of Megasthenes. If then the ruler of Kalinga helpedco Chandragupta Maurya in effecting the dynastic revolution at Magadha, we could easily explain why it remained unconquered under the first two Maurya's. A breach in the relations of the two kingdoms in Asoka's reign led to his conquest of Kalinga.
The other kingdom which assisted Chandragupta may be identified with Simhapura or Salt Range, where was a kingdom of as ancient fame as Taxila. The chief of that region Saubhauti was one of those who readily submitted to Alexander. It is possible that when the death of the conqueror became known, he gave up the cause of the Greeks and allied himself with the rising Maurya power, taking advantage of the general Hindu rebellion that was set up against Macedonian rule in India, 5s
Having expelled the Macedonian garrisons, Chandragupta won from Seleucus the cession of Ariana, including Kabul, Herat, Kandahar and Makran. On the western side the empire now extended as far as the Hindu Kush. On the east, probably the river Brahmaputra formed likewise a scientific frontier. On the south, there is no clear evi. dence that the empire extended beyond the Vindhyas. The Aśöka inscriptions in Mysore
According to Greek writers it amounted to 80,000 horses, 200.000 foot, 8,000 chariots and 6,000 elephants
TG Justin's Historiae Philippicae Book XV, Translated by McCrindle (Invasion of Alexander the Great. See pp. 327, 328).
6 Rayhuraniša, Canto. IV verse 10, where Kalinga Raja is styled TSATU:
Co The passage in Justin is to the effect that the elephant " fought vigorously in front of the army of Chandragupta and the lion "first inspired him with the hope of winning the throne." McCrindle. Ibid, p. 328.
V... Smith; Early History of India (1914) page 80.
I am unable to accept Mr. Jayaswal's conjecture (See ante) as to Chandragupta receiving help from the Aratta robbor-tribe. That view is based on the torturing of a text which is easily explained as it is foref: is simply in twice eight 'ie., 16 (years). One VAyu Ms. has recent: 'in 12 years.) This agrees with the Matsya version : TTT Teard. It is beyond doubt that the passage refers to years (12 or 16) and not to any tribe.

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should be interpreted as representing those regions rather as friendly states than as integral parts of the empire. The expansion southwards was along the east and it did not proceed farther than Kalinga, which was conquered by Asôka in the 9th year of his reiga.
9. Summary of results. 1. Sisunaga. c. 608—590 B. C.
Probably of Nâga extraction. Established his son at Benares after supplanting the Brahmadatta dynasty, and himself at Girivraja in Magadha.
2. Kakavarna. c. 590—564 B. C.
Viceroy at Benares under his father Fond of Marvels.' Tolerated dissent in religious matters. Assassinated.
3. Kshêmavarman. c. 564-544 r. c. Alias Prasênajit (Buddhist and Jaina tradition). A great conqueror. 4. Kshatrajit. c 544–520 B. C.
Alias Mahapadma (Buddhist tradition). The first of the Nandas. Expansion of the Magadha kingdom : "80,000 villages." Attempts at the conquest of Aiga.
5. Bimbigura. 4. 520 492 B. C.
Alias Srênîya (Jaina). Marriage with princesses of Vaisali and Kosala. Growth of material prosperity under the Vaišya king.' Conquest of Aiga effected with the aid of the Raja of Kampilaya (the Pânchâlas). Patron of Buddhism and Jainism. Contemporary of the Buddha Foundation of Rajagriha. Handed over the kingdom to Ajatasatru.
6. Ajatasatru. c. 492—460 B. C.
Alias Kavika (Jaina). Contemporary of Vardhamina Mahavira,?o Patron of religious controversies Adi-Buddhism, Buddhism, and Jainism. Successful wars with Kosala and Vaisali. Fortification of Påtaligrama by his ministers.
7. Udaya. c. 460—444 B. C.
Growth of P& aligrama into the city of Pataliputra. War with the Lichchhavis of Vaišálî continued. Assassination of Udaya.
8. Darsaka. c. 444–420 B. c. alias Nagadasaka (Buddhist).
At Rajagriha. Marriage of his sister Padmavati to Udayana of Kausainbî, followed by an alliance, offensive and defensive, with Kausâmbi.
9. Nandivardhana. c. 420-398 B. C. and 10. Mahậnandin. c. 398—370 B. C.
Incorporation of Vaišali. Capital for a time at Vaibali. Buddhist Counoil at Vaisali. Capital again moved to Pâtaliputra.
11. Mahapadma. c. 370342 B. O.
First Emperor of Hindustan. Other ancient kingdoms of Hindustan-Avanti, KauAmbi and Kosala- are absorbed into Magadhe.
12. Sahalya. c. 342-32071 B. C.
Avarioious. Civil War in the last years of his reign. Usurpation of the throne by Chandragupta Maurya, with the aid of the kings of Kalinga and Simhapura.
On this point I am unable to agree with Mr. Smith and Prof. Rapson. (Ancioni India, 1914). 70 That Mahavira was a younger contemporary of the Buddha.
T1 Tho dato according to Prof. Hultzach of the beginning of Chandragupta's reign. (J. R. 4.. 1914.)

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THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA. BY V. RANGACHARI, M.A., L.T., MADRAS.
CHAPTER III. SECTION VII.
The Naik Finance.
(Continued from p. 118.)
In spite of the defects which I have pointed out in the Naik administrative machinery, central and local, which Viśvanâtha and his minister established or perfected, there is no doubt whatever that it was eminently suited to the people and the times. It was this eminent suitability that enabled the dynasty of which Viśvanâtha was the founder to be in power for nearly two centuries. But it is not in the field of politics alone that we see the organizing and systematising genius of Viśvanâtha (or his minister). His statesmanship and skill is seen in the financial administration also, which he placed on a comparatively sound and healthy basis. It is indeed true that, so far as he himself was concerned, he was more a sacrificer than a gainer. The difficulties of conquest and settlement and the shortness of his rule did not enable him to reap the harvest of his reforms. They went only to impoverish him, as he expended all the gigantic accumulation of property, which his father had made, and which he of course inherited. But what he gave his successors got. By freely placing his private resources at the disposal of the State, he weathered it through a time of stress and trouble, organised in the meantime an elaborate financial system, and thus placed the crown of his successors on the rock of security. The use of his private wealth was thus more or less an investment, and eloquently proves to us that he was not only an eminently wise man, but a good man.
Nelson's view of the total Revenue of the kingdom.
In the description of the Nâik financial system, which, we may believes, was shaped after the model of the Vijayanagar system, we have naturally to devote our attention to three questions closely connected with each other, namely the total revenue that was collected by the State, the various sources of taxation, and the comparative heaviness or lightness of the financial burden, when compared with the burden of later days. As regards the total revenue of the Karta, one way of finding it out is by ascertaining what he paid as annual tribute to his Vijayanagar suzerain. We find nowhere a definite statement of the tribute in the chronicles. But a Jesuit father who lived in the first decade of the 17th century, i. e., half a century after Viśvanâtha and a decade or so before Tirumal Naik, says that " The great Nayakers of Madura, like those of Tanjore and Gingee, are themselves tributaries of Vijayanagar, to whom they pay, or ought to pay, each one an annual tribute of from six to ten million of franks." In English money this would range from £240,000 to 400,000. And as the tribute was a third of the total revenue,59 it is plain that the income of the Naik State should have been from £720,000 to
57 The Chronicle Hist. Carna. Dynas. clearly shews this.
58 See Mys. Gazr., I., 578-88, for the most complete and detailed discussion of the Vijayanagar system. Rice points out how in the time of Krishnadéva Raya and Achyuta, the revenues "were first reduced to a regular form, checked by ordinances, and a system of accounts and management introduced, calculated to improve the revenue of the empire..." These regulations or rayarê khas fixed the revenues, duties and customs, etc. and were transmitted to all the local officers in villages, towns, and Naḍus.
59 Nuniz, however, writing in the time Achyuta Raya, says that out of the total revenue of 120 lakhs of pardaos, presumably, throughout the provinces, 60 lakhs had to be given to the Emperor (Forg. Empe. 373). But when he describes individual cases (Ibid. 384-9), he almost always gives the proportion of one-third. Rice gives 81 crores of Avakôți chakrams or pagodas as the total revenue on the authority of some MSS. It is evidently an exaggeration. See Mys. Gazr., I., p. 578.

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THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA
33
£1,200,000. Mr. Nelson assumed the latter amount as the normal income, on the ground that Madura was the richest of the imperial divisions. The Karnataka Rajas-Savistáracharitra says that each of the three provinces of Tanjore, Jingi and Madura had an equal revenue of one crore, but a crore of what it does not specify, and is therefore useless for our purpose. One of the Mirtanjiya MSS. gives the valuable information that Tirumal Naik gave a grant of 1,000 pons out of every lakh of his revenues to the Madura temple, and that in this way he endowed lands to the annual value of 44,000 pons.co This clearly proves that his whole revenue amounted to 44 lakhs of gold pons, i. e. 22 lakhs of pagodas, as a pon was half-a-pagoda. In terms of English money this would amount, according to the then value of the pagoda (7s. 6d.) to £825,000. Mr. Nelson equated it to £880,000. At the same time he held that this amount did not include the whole revenue, but only the income from the crown lands, that is, from the provinces which were under the direct rule of the Karta or his representative. "The lands granted," he says, "must have been crown lands, under the king's own management and altogether at his disposal, or they could not have been granted, and therefore the revenue yielded by them amounted, as stated, to one per cent., on the total revenues derived from the king's lands, the inference is that the lands intended were the crown lands, and that they yielded no less than 44 lakhs of pons or £889,000 per annum." The attribution of the whole of the 44 lakhs of pons to the department of the land revenue from the crown lands, necessarily made Mr. Nelson inquire into the other great sources of revenue; and he concluded that these other sources can be brought under two heads, the tribute paid by the Polygars, and the taxes other than the tax on land. What was the total amount of the tribute that came to the Karta's treasury? And what was the total income from the other taxes? Mr. Nelson acknowledges that there are no materials from which we can directly arrive at an approximation of the former. But he points out that in the year 1742, the palayams of the Dindigul district, twenty in number, brought a total tribute of Rs. 350,000. Each palayam, in other words,
"102
60 The exact value of the pon is uncertain. Elliot points out that it is the name of the earliest gold coins of India, derived from Karanju and weighing about 52 grains. It is identical with the Kanarese hon and the Muhummadan hun. In the medieval period, it became general under the name of varaha or pagoda, containing the normal weight of 52 grains. (See Elliot's Coins of S. India. p. 54). But the majority of numismatic scholars agree that the pon was half-pagoda. As Moor says, the Hindustani name for pagoda, hun, is only derived from the Canarese honnu (Tamil pon) "the designation of the half-pagoda." See Hindu Pantheon, 1864, p. 310-11; Thurston's coins of E. Ind. Co., p. 7; J. A. S. B., 1883, p. 35. "That the Muhummadans should have adopted this corruption of the Canarese term saw the for the coin is explained by the fact that, when they invaded the Carnatic, they first pagoda or half-pagoda in the hands of a Canarese-speaking people. According to Sir Walter Elliot, the term Va: Aha is never used in ancient Tamil records in connection with money, but the word pon which was a piece equal to the modern half-pagoda the pagoda itself being the double pon, which ultimately became the Varâha." (The italics are mine). See Thurston's Coins of E. 1. Co. p. 12. Rice says: "A half-pagoda, was called pon or hon, and at a later period, under Vijayanagar, also Pratapa." Mysore, I, 801.
61 That the pagoda was exchanged in Masulipat am and in the Coromandel coast for 78. 6d. is amply proved by the E. I. Co. Factory Records, 1618-21, p. 158, 152, etc. The pagoda was indeed of various types containing different degrees of pure gold; but the differences were not very great, and we may take its weight roughly at 521 grains. The Mysore pagodas, for example, had the weights of 52-7625 grs., 52.8, 51-32, 51-9125, 52-5, 52-7125, 52-825, etc. The Madras pagodas, 53-62 grs.; Portonovo pagoda, 52-2 grs.: star pagoda of Madras 51-65 to 52-6625 grs.; Caramutty pagoda (Masulipatam, Cocanada, etc.) 52.55 grs. The Madura pagoda must have been thus approximately of the same weight. see Bidie's Coin Collections of Madras Museum, pp. 41-9 for the different types of pagodas current in the mediaval period. It is unnecessary to quote other authorities for the sterling value of a pagoda. Nevertheless we may note that Wilks says that 5000 pagodas were equal to £1,840 (see Mysore, I, 23), which makes the pagoda equal to 7s. 4d.
62 Madura Manual, p. 153.

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brought an average of Rs. 17,500. And as the Nâik kingdom had 72 palayams, he calculated that the total tribute they paid to the central government amounted to Rs. 72X 17,500 or Rs. 12,60,000. But in 1742 affairs were unsettled, and the revenues in consequence low. Mr. Nelson allowed an addition of 50 per cent. for the more secure government of the Naik age, and so arrived at the figure of Rs. 18,90,000, i. e. £189,000 in English money.c9 His conclusion in other words is that, while the crown lands brought in a revenue of £880,000, the tributes of Polygars contributed only £189,000. With regard to the taxes of non-agricultural nature, Mr. Nelson surmised that the income from them must have been about one-eighth of the total income of the State, and fixed it at £131,000. So his calculations of the Naik's revenue came to the grand total of £1,200,000. And this he, points out, tallied with his supposition that the Naik of Madura should have contributed £100,000 to the imperial treasury at Penukonda or Chandragiri, every year.
His views criticised. The conclusions of Mr. Nelson, however, seem to me to be open to criticism. He has, in the first place, no sound reason to suppose that the Madura province was the richest of the imperial provinces and contributed more than every other province to the imperial treasury. It is true that it was the most extensive province; but it does not follow from this that it was the richest province. The chronicles clearly tell us that there were more forests, waste lands, and uncultivated lands there, than perhaps in any other province It would be therefore more correct to fix the amount of the tribute of Madura at about £250.000 than at £400,000. A most interesting and corroborative proof of the correctness of this more moderate estimation is afforded by the statement of the Portuguese traveller Barradoss in 1616, that the Madura Naik's tribute was 600,000 pagodas, i. e. £225,000. Even supposing, for argument's sake, that Barrados's statement is too moderate, we can have no justification whatever for pushing the amount higher up than by £50,000, that is to say, for fixing it at about £275,000. And if this is accepted, it will naturally have also to be accepted that the total revenue of Madura should be thrice £275,000 or £825,000, And that was exactly what the Mirtanjiya MSS. say, as I have already pointed out. If, however, Mr. Nelson's equation of values is taken it will be £880,000. Now the point to be remembered is this sum of £825,000 (or £880,000, according to Nelson) is the whole revenue of Madura and not the land revenue from crown lands alone. The MS. chronicle does not say that it was a section of land revenue alone. On the contrary it distinotly says that it was the total revenue of the State. Mr. Neleon is not justified in swelling the revenues by attributing the whole to a part. The sum of £880,000 in short-I shall just for argument's sake take the sum as given by Mr. Nelson-included the rent from the crown lands, the tribute from Polygars and feudatories, and nonagricultural taxes.
The real total revenue and its three divisions. The total revenue of Madura, then, was £880,000, to take the most exaggerated view, and not £1,200,000 as Nelson thought. This sum of £880,000 should have been derived from the three sources, from the land directly under the crown, from the tributes of vassal chiefs, and from various taxes. Now, what proportion did the land revenue bring? Here I agree with Nelson in thinking that the crown lands brought far more to the treesury than the palayam8.66 I agree with him in his statements that, though less extensive, the crown lands were more fertile, better situated, and better cultivated, and that the revenues from them were more than four times the tributes collected from the Polygars. 63 Madura Manual, p. 153.
64 Ibid.
65 See Forgotten Enupire, p. 230. 66 As Nelson says that the income from crown lands was £880,000 and that from tributes £189,000, he evidently thought that the former was 4-6 times the latter. His theory seems to be a sound one.

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Mr. Nelson's estimate of £131,000 for other sources of revenue seems to be equally plausible. It can be inferred then that out of the sum of £880,000, the minor taxes brought £130,000 roughly; and of the remaining £750,000, about two-ninths of it, i. e., £166,000, came from tribute, and the balance, £584,000 ought to be allotted to the income from crown lands. Expressing this, for purposes of comparison, in terms of silver money, we have to remember that the relative value of gold and silver was not the same throughout the period ranging from 1560, when the Nâik dynasty was established, to 1740 when it practically ended, and that the silver value could not be the same throughout this period. Before 1600 the relation between gold and silver was 1 to 10; after that date the value of gold increased. In 1605 it was 1 to 12; 1 to 13 in 1610; 1 to 133 in 1619; 1 to 145 in 1663; 1 to 15 in 1700; 1 to 15-27 in 1710; 1 to 15 15 in 1720; and 1 to 15'07 in 1740, after which there was a gradual diminution. The sum of £600,000 which we may roughly take as the Naik revenue from crown lands was therefore equivalent to 60 lakhs of Rupees in 1560, 72 lakhs in 1605, 78 lakhs in 1610, 79-8 lakhs in 1619, 87 lakhs in 1663 and 90 lakhs in 1700 and after.
35
The Land Revenue assessment in the Empire and in Madura.
Passing on to details, the land revenue was, of course, as in every other kingdom of ancient or mediæval India, the mainstay of public exchequer. We cannot enter here into the vexed question whether the land was the property of the king or the people, whether the income from it to the State was in the nature of a rent or tax. It is sufficient for our purpose if we note that all land was either under the crown or under the Polygar or vassal king, and the people had to pay to their respective rulers to the crown in case they were in crown land, to the Polygar in case they were in a Palayam, to the Râja in case they were in a tributary kingdom-a certain percentage of the produce as revenue. And what percentage had they to pay? The theory from immemorial times was that the State was entitled to collect one-sixth of the produce from land. The Ryot was to give one-sixth of the crops or their money equivalent to the State, one-twentieth to Brahmans, and onethirtieth to temple. One-fourth he retained as his share. The remaining half went to meet the expenses of agriculture, in which was included the maintenance of his family. To express the whole in concrete language after Wilks, we may suppose that the total production from land was 30. Of these 15 went for the expenses of agriculture. Out of the remaining 5 went to the State, 1 to the Brahmans (Brahmadayam), 1 to the Gods (Devadayam) and 7 to the proprietor. "The share payable to the Brahmans and the Gods was received by the sovereign, and by him distributed; so that the sum actually received by the sovereign and by the proprietor were equal."6s This was the system prescribed by the law, as expounded by the great statesman and saint Vidyaranya in his Parâsaramâdhariyam. and evidently in force throughout the Vijayanagar Empire in the beginning of the 14th century. The Emperor Harihara introduced certain changes in this system. He first abolished the options of paying the government share in money or in kind, and enacted that in future it should be paid in money alone (at the rate of 33 seers for the rupee). He was
67 See Palgrave's Dict. Pol. Ecy. III. The ratio between gold and silver was almost the same in India. "The Pathan kings of Delhi coined both gold and silver in equal weights, both being as pure as they could make them; but relative values had dearly to be rejected as altered circumstances demanded. At first the scale appears to have been 1 to 8. In Akbar's time it was 1 to 9.4, in Aurangazeb's reign, 1 to 14. And at this rate of 1 to 14 our own E. I. Co., in 1766, coined gold as 149-72 fine to the Rupee containing 175 92 of pure silver." Ante. 1882, p. 318.
68 Wilks' Mysore, I. p 95; S. Canara Manual, 94-6; Buchanan, II, p. 287.
69 Ibid, p. 126. Wilks points out that as rice was scld at the rate of 35 seers per rupee in his day, there was not much difference in prices between the 14th and early 19th centuries. The conversion of the grain payment to monetary payment was "pounded on the quantity of land, the requisite seed, th average increase, and the value of grain." (p. 94).

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further put to the necessity of increasing his finances by various means ; for the numerous foreign wars of the day, the expensive character of court life and other circumstances necessitated a larger income to the State. Too orthodox and tactful, however, to incur the odium of popular displeasure by an open breach with the old customary proportion of one sixth, Harihara resorted to indirect and ingenious means for gaining the end he had in view. He had, in the language of Wilks,"recourse to the law of the Sasters,To which authorised him, by no very forced construction, to attack the husbandman by a variety of Vexatious taxes, which should compel him to seek relief by desiring to compound for their abolition by a voluntary increase of the landed assessment."71 He thus introduced, says Wilks, a house-tax, a tax on straw, on the defective coins paid to the State, on transport of grain, on ploughs and ploughsharos, on bullocks and sheep, on the alienation of grain, on planki2 doors (c. f. the Western window tax), etc. The result of all these was that, ils Wilks says,73 there was an increase of 20 per cent in the land tax. “From 1336 until 1618, when the hereditary governors of the province (Mysore) began to aim at independence, this rate continued unaltered, but soon after this latter period an additional assessment of fifty per cent was levied on the whole revenue." It is difficult, owing to the paucity of materials, to say how far the Nâik rulers of Maduras followed the imperial system, and how much they collected from the people; but one of the Jesuit missionaries, Father Vico, writing in 1611, says that they levied " contributions which comprised at least the half of the produce of the lands." At least this was the case in the palayams, and the same thing must have taken place in the territory ruled directly by the Governors. A number of Tamil inscriptions at Dêvikapuram's and elsewhere in North Arcot, discovered in 1913, give a long list of the obligations and taxes which a lessee or landlord of those days was subject to; and these, we can hardly doubt, prevailed in Madura. In return for the right (ulavu-kani or kâ ni-yakshi) of growing any crops, wet or dry, including plantain, sugar-cane, turmeric, ginger, areca and cocoanut, he was bound, we are informed, to pay "the taxes in gold and in grain, such as vasalkadamai, pêr-kadamai, tarikkadamai, sekkóttu, eruttu-sammádam, malarikkum, talayârikkam, aíuvakkadamai, pattadainulayam, idatturai, vettivari, palavari, and puduvari (that may be enforced by the palace), nallerudu (good bull), narpasu (good cow), nallerumai (good buffalo), narkida (good ewe), Kinigai, virimuttu, edakkattayam, viruttupadu, udugarai, and mugamparvai. To this list the other cognate inscriptions add palatali, kanikkai, sandai, ériminvilai, malai-amañji, madil amañji, eduttalavu, viruttumadu, šáttukkadamai, and virarai." It should be acknowledged that the exact meaning of many of these is not known. Some of them are plainly non-agricultural in character, and have yet been included among the burdens of cultivation.
(To be continued.)
70 Wilks I, p. 95 and 127.
71 Ibid, p. 127. T2 It is curious that Wilke mentions about a dozen taxes of non-agricultural character in this list and yet maintains that agriculturists were compelled to compound them for a higher tax. The fact is Wilks here is very confused and inconsistent. See Ibid, pp. 127-8.
73 The result was "he received one ghetsi pagoda for two kauties and a half of land, the same sum only having formerly been paid for three kauties." p. 95. Bellary Gazr. . 50.
14 “Under the Nayakans the same proportion was apparently held in theory to be the revenue duo to the State." (Trichi. Gazt. p. 210). i. e., 60 % of th> gross produce. See also Madu. Manual, 149-50; Caldwell's Tinnevelly; eto. “The established practice throughout this part of the peninsula," says Caldwell, "has for ages been to allow the farmer one-half of the produce of his crop for the maintenance of his family and the re-cultivation of the land, while the other is appropriated to the circar."
75 See Madras Ep. Rep. 1913, p. 122. For the tax on sheep, Cows, and buffaloes in the time of the Hoysala:, Ibid, p. 129.

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OUTLINES OF INDO-CHINESE HISTORY
OUTLINES OF INDO-CHINESE HISTORY
BY SIR R. C. TEMPLE
Introductory Remarks. THE following pages are reprinted here from a contribution by the present writer to
Hutchinson's History of the Nations (1914-1916), pp. 1810-1830, with the kind permission of the publisher and editor, because it is believed that no general view of the history of Indo-China exists elsewhere, and that such a view will be useful to the readers of this Journal. The influence of Indian thought, religious and philosophica), has been so great on the nations further to the eastwards, and has existed for so long a time, that a general knowledge of them must always be of interest to the student of things Indian. It is to be regretted that it is not possible to include in this article a similar account of the Malays to the south of Indo-China, where Indian influence has been equally pervading for as long a period. Such an account has been prepared, but one hesitate to publish it, as though accurate knowledge on the subject is being steadily accumulated, it is not in such a condition yet as to make a general survey based on what has hitherto been acquired other than perchance misleading.
1.---THE INDO-CHINESE RACES. THERE are at the present day three seperate nations occupying the land commonly called Indo-China, or Further India (L'extreme Orient), either of which terms is fully applicablo to the country. These nations are the Burmese, under British domination, on the west, the Siamese, who are independent, in the centre, and the Annamese, under French protection, on the east. The territories they occupy lie east of India and south of China. But closely connected with the Burmese are the Tibetans in the Himalayan regions across the whole northern border of India. For the present purpose, therefore, they are classed with the Indo-Chinese to the east of India, making a fourth nation in that category. In addition, right across the centre of Indo-China, west to east, are to be found yet another race—the Mons-now being submerged by the others; but until quite recently they controlled great independent historical kingdoms, under the difforing national names of Talaings in Pegu (Burma), Khmers in Cambodia (Siam), and Chams in Champa (Southern Annam and Cochin-China).
The whole of these peoples have three salient characteristics in common. They are Chinese by descent and habit, but Indián (Hindu and Buddhist) by culture, and have all & striking civilization of great antiquity. Though, owing to geographical situation in a remote corner of South-eastern Asia, they were practically unknown to Europe until modern times, they have long occupied & place midway between Indian and Chinese civilizations; and as a meeting-point of ancient antagonistic religious and ästhetic ideals and of those mentalities which produce definite styles of art, architecture and literature, all in Indo-China old and extensive, they form the subject of instructive ethnological and historical studies of great interest. The Tibetans have for some centuries established a wide religious ascendancy over all the Mid-Asiatic populations, from Mongolia to Japan.
Looking back into the ages, one finds the true aborigines of the lands east of India to be Negritos, small black pigmies with woolly hair, of whom traces still abound in the population. To these gucceeded tribes still primitive in nature but of a fairer (Caucasio complexion, from the west or perhaps the south, who, in their turn, have been overwhelmed and assimilated by immigrants of yellow Mongolian race from the highlands of

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Western China, always moving southwards till they spread over the whole land. The effects of all these waves of population are to this day visible in the people in places everywhere. But for praotical purposes the great variety of local tribes that have emerged from the medley of ages of immigration and internecine struggle may be separated into four main groups: the Tibeto-Burman race of Tibet and Burma; the Siamesa-Shan race (Thais, Laos, Karens); the Mon race of Southern Burma (Talaings), Cambodia (Khmers), and Cochin-China (Chams); and the Annamese of Annam and Tong-king (Giâos, Giaochi).
Until the masterful intervention of the English in Burmese affairs (1824), and of the French in those of Annam (1787), these peoples have struggled for supremacy over the Mons and each other through all time without reference politically to any part of the world other than China ; and the main facts to bear in mind about them are that they are of Mongolian stock, and that their mental attitude is Far Eastern and Chinese, and not Indian nor Mid-Asiatic. At the same time, their civilization has been strongly tinged for a very long period with Hinduism and Buddhism from India. Their future will be closely bound up with Western civilization, and in this view the present situation of Siam is of particular interest. Hedged in between two powerful Empires, the English to the west and the French to the east, independent only by virtue of their joint guarantees, and led by an energetic and enlightened ruling family, she bids fair to be the Belgium of Eastern Asia as to agriculture, industrial enterprise, commerce and wealth.
II.-THE TIBET ANS. It is not usual to class the Tibetans with the nations of Indo-China, but their relationship to them is so close, and their general historical and ethnical situation so similar, that it will be convenient to do so here. None the less so, because, as in the case of the Indo-Chinese peoples proper, so much of their civilization as has not been borrowed from India has come from China. The name Tibet is a corruption of the native term Tö-bhöt (Stod-bod), or High Bod, for the uplands of the loftiest country in the world, through which travellers found their way into it.
Into this land of Bod, predestined by its configuration to isolation from the rest of the world -unless, indeed, improved communications will some day induce a large a lien population to develop its almost universal distribution of gold-there wandered eastwards from their home in Western China the earliest of the same description of Mongolian emigrants as those who, in successive swarms, found their way into the lands east of India, i.e., into Indo-China proper. Eventually, with an inevitable admixture from surrounding lands, they formed the strong, hardy, light-brown, but popularly red, race of the Bhö-pä (Bod-pa), or Tibetan people. The language which they have gradually developed belongs to the Tibeto-Burman group, and was reduced to writing by Thonmi Sambhotâ in the seventh century A.D., who, with the aid of Buddhist monks, introduced a variety of the Indian script of the period.
To Europeans Tibet, as a mysterious land, unapproachable except by the most intrepid or religiously inclined, has for centuries been the natural goal of explorers and missionaries, including many famous names, onwards from the days of the Frenchman, Guillaume Bouchier, in search of gold in 1253.
The Tibetans are known historically in the Chinese annals from the eleventh century B.C., as Kiang, or " Shepherds," with whom, nevertheless, the Chinese had but a superficial acquaintance, while their own legendary history commences in the late sixth century B.C., with a king, Gnya-Khri-Btsanpo, who is directly connected with India

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as the fifth son of Prasenajit of Kösala, or Oudh (B.C. C. 530-500). The first personage, however, to come out of legendary obscurity is Fanni Tubat, of the Southern Liang dynasty of Caina (A.D. 397-415), who fled before the Northern Liangs in 433, and founded an extensive kingdom among the Kiang tribes. In the days of his successor, Gayan-tsan, the Tibetans first came into contact with the Northern Buddhism of Nepal, and under a great descendant, Srong-tsan Gampo (Srongtsa mpo, 600-663), conqueror of Nepal and all the Indian Himalayas, who was able to make matrimonial alliances with royal and imperial houses in India and China, Tibet became an important Oriental state. He founded Lhasa (Lha-ldan) in 639, and with his active encouragement Buddhism and its writings and literature were introduced into the country. At this period Tibetan rule must have spread widely, northwards into Asia and south wards for into Bengal, as is shown by the Chinese anuals and other evidence, though Indian recortis are silent on the subject. Srong.tsan Gampo was followed by some vigourous successors, dangerous to China, of whom Khri-srong Lde-tsan (743-789) has become famous in the Tibetan Buddhist chronicles as the most strenuous of all the royal supporters of the faith. His son, Muni-tsampo, tried, with great persistence, but, nevertheless, with complete want of success, an interesting general socialistio experiment in an endeavour to equalize the relative position, socially and economically, of all classes of his subjects. In the days of another descendant, Ralpachen (808-845), who was an ardent Buddhist and warrior, still existing bilingual tablets were set up at Lhasa in 821 to celebrate a peace with China. He was assassinated and succeeded by Langdharma, the black sheep of the monkish chronicles, a violent opponent and persecutor of Buddhism, who, in his turn, was soon put out of the way in 850, when the country was divided into the Western and Eastern Kingdoms by his two sons. This gave rise to much internecine struggle and intricate history, the Eastern Kingdom getting the worst of it. The Western dynasty, however, split up into several petty local chiefships, out of which emerge the lines of Khorrè of Shantung and Thich'ung of U (Central Tibet). A member of the former dynasty invited Atisa, the great Indian Buddhist teacher, to rule the important monastery of Thoding in Nâri (Western Tibet), and the latter largely patronized his successors in office. Atîsa was the first of the chief priests, who were subsequently to establish that paramount sacerdotal authority throughout the country, for which it has since become world-famous. In 1246-48 Sakya Pandita, a celebratad successor of Atisa, paid a visitby request to the Court of Kuyuk, the successor of the Mongol conqueror, Ogdai Khân.
In 1243 Kublai Khân conquered Eastern Tibet, and in his capacity of Mongol Emperor of China, invited Sakya Pandita's nephew and successor, Phagepa Lodoi Gyaltahan, to the Court, became a convert to Tibetan Buddhism, and later on invested him, as suzerain, with the sovereignty over the whole Tibetan territory-in return for his services. From that time onwards, for seventy years, the Sakyapa Lamas ruled in Tibet (1270-1340) through appointed agents, from the Sakyapa monastery, until rival priests undermined their influence and enabled Phågmôdu (Chyang Chub Gyaltshan) to set up, with the approval of the Court of Peking, a prosperous lay kingdom, which ended, however, in civil srife, and gave an opportunity to the Mongols to again intervene in Tibetan affairs.
In 1447 the Buddhist Abbot Gedundub (1447-1475) founded the important Tasbilhundo monastery, and his third successor, Sodnam Rgyamteo, was electou to the still more was important position of head of the Guldan monastery near Lhasa. With the help of the Mongal

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Khâns and the acquiescence of the Ming dynasty of China, he was proclaimed Vajra Dalai Lama in 1576, and was thus the first to use a title afterwards to become of great renown. At the same time the Mongols interfered actively in the civil government. Later on, baey were paid to withdraw, and the first Manchu Emperor (1644-1661) was applied to for help. This caused the Mongols to return, subjugate the whole country, and in 1645 to make the fifth Dalai Lama monarch of all Tibet, in which position he was confirmed by the Chinese Government in 1653. In 1706 and 1717 there was further interference by the Mongol Khâns in the affairs of Tibet, but the Chinese finally. conquered the Country in 1720 and established the present temporal power of the Dalai Lamas under the supervision of Chinese ambans (residents), with its sacerdotally-inspired isolation from the outer world, which possibly has been encouraged by the Chinese with the idea of creating a buffer State between themselves and European aggression from India and Central Asia.
After 1872 there was some rivalry between the British and Russian governments as to relations, chiefly commercial, with Tibet, in which the Dalai Lama played a part unsatisfactory to the former, leading eventually in 1904 to the occupation of Lhasa by & British force, the flight of the Dalai Lama, and a commercial treaty. This was followed by an Anglo-Russian Convention in 1907, recognizing the Chinese suzerainty and maintaining the isolation of the country. The Dalai Lama was restored in 1908, but was soon in trouble with the Chinese, and was deposed in 1910 ; but he returned in 1912, when the British Government secured the territorial and administrative integrity of the native rulers.
Tibet is necessarily, in the political conditions above indioated, the most priest-ridden country in the world, and not only that, the influence of its priesthood is spread far beyond its northern and eastern borders. No account, therefore, of the country can pass over its religious organization. Fundamentally, for all his Buddhism and the wide ascendancy of his sacerdotal heirarchy over a large part of Asia, the Tibetan has nover depariod from the primitive Animism, which his remote ancestors brought with them from the Western Chinese highlands. It has saturated even the highly debased and animistic form of Buddhism he received in the seventh century from Northern India, until nowadays his religion may be said to have largely reverted back to that original dread of spirits which is the basis of all Animism.
Curiously enough, Srongtoan Gampo began the introduction of North Indian Buddhism in 622, the year of the traditional rise of Islâm, with the help of his minister, Thonmi Sambhota, and of his queens, now all regarded as divine incarnations, a doctrine borrowed from the Vaishnava Hindus by Northern Buddhism before it was adopted by the Tibetans. Later on his descendant, Khri-srong Ldetsan (743-789), actively encouraged it, and had the enormous collection of the Kanjur scriptures compiled. The arrival of Atisa in 1208 greatly raised the position of the monastic priesthood, and then for two hundred years civil strife weakened the power of the king and his barons, while the power of the abbots steadily increased. So that when Kublai Khân (1216-1294), on his con version, sat up in 1270 the Sakyapa Lê ma abbot as civil and ecclesiastical monarch of the whole country, the times were ripe for the temporal sovereignty of the Lâmas of Tibet--for that LÂmâism which is of such interest to Europeans, owing to the instructive parallel its history presents to that of the Church of Rome and the temporal power of the Popes. In 1390 arose the reformer, Tsongkapa (1357-1419), with a strong attempt at a return to original simplicity and purity of religion. His preaching had a considerable effect, still to be seen in the ceremonials and yellow robes of his

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followers, who are now in the ascendant over the red-robed a herents of the previous priesthood. In 1576 the Chinese Emperor recognized the two great contemporary abbots of the yellow-robe, the Dalai Lama of Gedundubpa noar Lhasa, and the Tashi Lama (Pantachen) of Tashilhunpo, as sovereigns of Tibet, the Dalai Lama being from the first the real political chief. These great abbots are, of course, incarnations of divinities, and on the death of either, the successor, who mast be a newly-born infant, is chosen under certain rules by the Chatuktus, heads of monasteries, occupying much the position of Roman cardinals. It will be perceived that this practice means that the government of Tibet is in the hands of a perpetual ecclesiastioal camarilla, with all its attendant evils. The Dalai Lama's political authority extends only to Tibet, but he is the acknowledged head of the Buddhist Church throughout Mongolia and China, but not in Japan.
III.--THE BURMESE. The people of Indo-China most nearly related to the Tibetans are the Burmese, Burma and Burmese being English corruptions of Bama (spelt Mramma), the native torm for tribes, which the Chinese called Min. For ages they disputed the mastery of the country they now oocupy, the basins and deltas of the Irrawaddy, Sittang and Salween rivers, with the Shans, of whom the Siamese form part, the Maghs or Arakanese, who are Burmese with an admixture of Bengali blood, and the Talaings of Pegu, related to the Khmers and Mons of Cambodia and Annam, further eastwards. They at last took complete possession of it in 1757, shortly before the advent of the British. As in the case of the Tibetans, their civilization is Indian, with strong influences from China.
All the peoples of Burma have old traditional histories and chronicles, which profess to go very far back. But, so far as actual chronology can be trusted, there was a Shan (Ailao, afterwards Nanohao and Pong) kingdom with Chinese tendencies in Yunnan, Upper Burma, and the modern Shan States in A.D. 90-230, with an overflow westwards into Assam. The chronicles of Burma themselves all point to the formation of an Indian Hindu settlement at Tagaung on the Irrawaddy in Upper Burma, which spread itself southwards as far as Prome and Arakan, and of another at Thatôn in Lower Burma. The kingdoms the settlers set up can be taken as starting at some period B.c. with an animistic religion, known in Burma as nat (spirit) worship, and nowadays often also referr. ed to as naga (serpent) worship. This became overshadowed in the fifth century A.D. by Buddhism of both the northern and southern branches, which fought for supremacy for centuries until the southern (Hinayana) completely ousted the other (Mahayana) in the fifteenth century.
Genuine history commences with the foundation of the Burmese era dating from 638 A.D., at Pagân, in Upper Burma, by Thêngå (Singha) Raja, a usurper and perhaps a Cambodian prince of the time of the great Kamboja King Isanavarman I. (610-650). According to the Chinese annals, Pagân, though overshadowed by Pegu, became a fine civilized city as early as the ninth century A.D. In 1010 a Burmese hero king and religious reformer, Anawratâ (Anuruddha, 1010-1052), ascended the throne of Pagân, broke the power of the Shans, invaded Arakan, and destroyed the Talaing capital Thatôn, thus bringing the whole country under his sway. The Talaings, however, had their revenge in controlling the Buddhism (Hinayana) of the Burmans (1057), and in teaching them all the sacred architecture (pagodas) they know. Anawrata's successors were great builders, as the immense ruins of Pagan show to the present day, and some of them were purists in religion, Narabadîsîtha (1167-1204) sending an expedition in 1170-1181

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to Ceylon and establishing Southern Buddhism for a while. They continued to embellish their capital until Kublai Khân (1260-1294) fell on them in 1286, bringing about in 1298 the collapse of the empire that Anawrati had founded.
The Talaings naturally now became independent under Wareru of Martaban, a Shan ohief (1287-1306), and set up a kingdom at Pegu that lasted until 1540. Other Shans began to rule Burmese States on the Irrawaddy at Pinya (1298-1364) and Sagaing (13151364), until a more celebrated capital was founded by yet another Shan at Ava (1364-1554). So that from the thirteenth century to the days of Elizabeth of England Burma was under Shan rulers.
All through this period there was perpetual fighting, both internal and external. Shans, Burmans, Siamese, Arakanese and Bengalis all joining in it. Out of the medley arose a local Burman-Shan kingdom at Taungû (1470-1530), which gave birth to another great hero of the past, Tabin Shwêdî (1530-1548). With the aid of his general, a still greater historical name, Bayin Naung, known to the Portuguese, established in Martaban under Antonio Correa in 1519, as Branginoco (for Burangnongchau = Bayin Naungzaw), Tabîn Shwêdî started to capture Pegu anu Martaban. After several attempts he succeeded in doing so in 1540. His operations are remarkable for the defence of Pegu by Indian Muhammadans and a Portuguese naval commander, Ferdinando de Mortales, the first of many Europeans to take part in Burmese local wars. Tabin Shwêdî now became King of Pegu and in 1542 took Prome, Portuguese gunners under Diego Soares assisting his army. In 1548 he was assassinated and Bayin Naung (1548-1581) succeeded him after a struggle. In 1555 Bayin Naung captured Ava and became ruler of all Burma for the Talaings in 1558. He then attacked Siam, and in 1564 entered Ayuthia, carrying away as captives the King and his family. But in 1569, when the famous Venetian traveller, Cæsar Frederick, was in Pegu, he had to retake Ayuthia, and finally he died in 1581 during an expedition to Aracan. And then, after all this effort, the great kingdom he had erected suddenly collapsed in 1599 through the incapacity of his son, Nanda Bayin (1581-1599). Bayin Naung was a remarkable personality, a mighty builder, and extraordinarily energetic in all he undertook : war, religion, civil administration, architecture, trade. Amongst other things he created a navy, and secured a "holy tooth" of Buddha from Colombo in 1576. He made Pegu into a splendid city of great wealth, and even after his death Ralph Fitch, the first English traveller in Burma, testified to its magnificence in 1586. One outcome of this period of lasting effect on the country was the deliberate re-introduction, in its purest form, in 1476, of Southern (Hinayâna, Buddhism from Colombo in Ceylon by a Talaing monk turned king, Dhammâchêti (Ramadhipati) of Pogu (1458-1489.)
On the collapse of Bayîn Naung's empire there followed the usual Oriental chaos, which gave a Portuguese adventurer, Philip the Brito, the opportunity of rising in three years (1600-1602) from cabin-boy and palace menial to the governorship of Syriam, near Rangoon, for the A akanese, and finally to the throne of Pegu itself, with the daughter of the Portuguese Viceroy of Goa for wife. But he was an aggressive, headstrong man, with no idea of ingratiating himself with his people and neighbours, and by 1613 he was ousted by Mahadhammaraja (1605-1628), a grandson of Bayin Naung, established in Ava; and was impaled alive, while his unfortunate queen was sent as a slave to Ava. Help from Goa arrived just too late.
Mahadhammarája now created an extensive Burmese kingdom, and was active in suppressing the Portuguese pirates along the coasts, as by this time they had become a

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general scourge in the Bay of Bengal. Of these, a great ruffian named Sebastian Gonzales was a successful specimen as the temporary ruler of Chittagong (1612-1619) in Bengal. Mahâdhammarâja's dynasty hung on till 1740, when it was in its turn ousted by Binyà Dalå of Pegu (1746-1757), a Shan, who burned Ava in 1752 and placel Burma once more under the rule of Pegu for the Talaings.
Then arone a great Burmese Warrior of the official class at Shwebo, with the title of Alaungphayâ, turned by Europeans into Alompra (1712-1700), who founded the dynasty
(1753-1885) which the English found ruling on their appearance on the scene as conquerors. . In 1753 he took Aya from the Talaings; in 1753 he seized Prome and founder the now great port of Rangoon by the shrine of the Shwedagon Pagodla, a famous place of pilgrimage throughout the Far East. In 1757 he was in Pegu. when the Talaing government was efinitely overthrown.
All these proceedings brought Alompra into contact with the French at Syriam and the more important British settlements in Burma, which had been established in Negrais Island in 1709, and also at Bassein and Syriam. Finally, Alompra clied in 1760 during an expedition to Siam, which took him to the gates of Ayuthia, at the age of forty-eight, and only eight years after his first appearance on the public stage. He founded a notable dynasty, and caused the Ta laings, in a fashion not uncommon in the Far East, largely to disappear as a separate race. His successors reigned variously at Sagaing, Ava, Amarapura (Amayapûya) and Mandalay, with that frequent change of capital characteristic of the Far East, and so disconcerting to the stranger. Wherever they went they built lavishly, and in some respects with a truly beautiful architectural sense in their own style.
Of this dynasty, Sinbyâshin (1763-1776) again attacked Ayuthia, and haul much trouble with the Chinese (1765-1769). Later on, Bódawphayà (1781-1819), a powerful king. overran Arakan and was a thorn in the side of the British Indian government in the difficult days of the early nineteenth century. Later on still, under Bagyidaw (1819-1837), there was a violent collision with the British, brought about by the conceit and arrogance habitual to Burmese rulers through all time, resulting in the First Burmese War (1824-1826) and the loss of the Arakan and Tenasserim provinces. Bâgyidaw felt the disgrace keenly, and subsequently became insane.
Not long afterwards a successor, Pagan Min (1846-1852), was in trouble with English traders at Rangoon, and there occurred the Second Burmese War (1852), which added the Pegu province to the British Empire. He was succeeded by a really capable ruler, Mindôn Min (1853-1878), who governed his country well and in peace with his neighbours for twenty-five years, when he was succeeded by a thoroughly incompetent hen-pecked son, Thibaw (1878-1885), whose wilful but unwise Queen, Suphayâlât, brought about the Third Burmese War, and the final annexation of all Burma to the British Empire in 1886. Since then the history of the country has been one of steady material improvement under British rule.
IV-THE SIAMESE HISTORICALLY, Siam is the halitation of the Shans in the basins and deltas of the Menam and Mekong rivers, and includes Cambodia and Cochin-China. It is the central country of Indo-China, with Burma on the west and Annam on the east. The Shans, tho Siamese and the Laos to the eastwards all call themselves Thai, though the modern Siamese are partly fused with the ancient Khmers of Cambodia, whose own tradition is that they are Mons from Pegu. Siam is an English form of an old name, Sayam, for the

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country adopted by the Malays, through whom it came to the Europeans. This, in itsturn, is identical with Shan. French Indo-China now includes Cambodia, Cochin-China and the country of the Laos east of the Mekong, all taken from the Siamese in quite recent times.
Definite history in this land begins with Cambodia (Kambaja; French, Cambodge), the deltaic country dominated by the great lake of Tonlesap, in exactly the same way as in Tibet and Burma. From the twelfth century B.C. Cambodia was known to the Chinese chroniclers as Funan, and much later on, in the seventh century A.D., as Chinla, and was long tributary to China. But several centuries B.C. Indian emigrants found their way into it, just as they did into Burma, Arakan and Pegu. They Hinduized the people, getting a firm hold of them as early as the fourth century B.C. In the fifth century A.D. Kaundinya (Kondanno), a Hindu, founded among the Khmers of Cambodia a famous dynasty, bearing the distinctive title of Varman. As the Kambja King Srutavarman (435-495), he brought the Khmer State into prominence; but by 705 internal troubles split the country into two mutually independent portions. In the ninth century Jayavarman III. (802-869) united the kingdom and started the splendid Brahmanical monuments that still remain, Yasovarman (889-910) completing the magnificent capital at Angkor Thom in 900. This was the commencement of the greatest era of architecture (Brahmanical) known in the Far East, which culminated in the splendid structure of Angkor Wat by the Brahman architect, Divakara (c. 1090-1140). In the same century Jayavarman VIII (1162-1201), the last of the great Kambaja kings, conquered the rival Indian dynasty of Châmpâ in Annam and Cocain-China. But this war and others, with his neighbours, east and west, the Annamese the and Siamese Shans, now growing strong, exhausted the country. The Siamese became aggressive in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, and Angkor was destroyed in 1385, Cambodia ceasing to be of general importance, and in time becoming a vassal State, though it still boasts a "royal" dynasty.
Northern Buddhism came into Siam as early as 250 B.C. and Southern Buddhism was introduced in the fifth century A.D., traditionally in 422 by Buddha ghosha (c. 390-450). By the tenth century it had become a powerful rival to Hinduism, to which it succeeded as the general national religion, much as in Burma, on the extinction of the Cambodian power, the Khmers, like the Talaings, of Burma, largely becoming absorbed by their conquerors.
In 1280, Kublai Khân, the great ruler of China (1260-1294), drove the Shans out of Southern China, and thereby weakened the Lao-Shan States. This gave an opportunity in 1284 to a Siamese Shan chief, Rama Kâmheng, to turn his people into the ruling race of the country. In 1350 another Siamese Shan chieftain, Chio Uthong, set up a kingdom with Ayuthia (Sia Yuthia) on the Menam as his capital, and became by his conquests Phra Ramathibadi, the first Siamese king of all Siam (1350-1369). His grandson, Phrâ Râmasuên II. (1382-1385), was attacked by the Cambodians in 1384. But in revenge he took Angkor Thom from them in 1385, and this was the cause of the ultimate removal of the Cambodian capital to Pnompenh on the Mekong, where it now is. Then followed centuries of war with varying success with Pegu, Burma and Cambodia, during which arose a great national hero and conqueror, Phra Narêt (Narêsva, 1558-1593), who for a while made his country a formidable power in Central Indo-China and the Malay Peninsula.
The seventeenth century was remarkable for Western intercourse with Siam, though the great Portuguese Viceroy, D'Albuquerque, by establishing himself in Malacca in

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1511, wins the first important European to come in contact with the Siamese. The first English ship on the Menam appeared in 1612, the first Portuguese mission was settled in 1620, and the French arrived with an embassy in 1685, the record of whose voyage gives the first approximately correct geographical description of those regions. In 1657 there reached Siam Constantine Phauloon, a Cephalonian Greek adventurer, who rose to high position under Phra Narayu (1656-1688), with the title of Chaophayá Vijayêndra His policy was to foster commerce with Europe, and he thus received the Ambassador of Louis XIV, in 1685, with a view to a French trade, and erected & fort ar Bangkok with the same object, but he was murdered in 1687 by the Siamese nobles from jealousy on the death of his patron. At the same time (1688) the English lost their trade with Siam through sheer mismanagement.
In the middle of the eighteenth century the Burmans once more backed Ayuthia and destroyed the Siainese kingdom that Châo Uthong had founded in 1350. Ayuthia, under these kings, was a wealthy city, adorned with many buildings of great size and merit in the Indo-Chinese style of architeoture. On the fall of Ayuthia a capable general of mixed Chinese-Siamese parentage, Châophayâ Tâksin (Tåk, 1767-1782), took the army in hand, set himself up at Bangkok, and drove out the Burmans in 1771. But he became insane and was put to death in 1782, when another successful general, a Chinese noble named Chaophayâ phaya Chakri (1782-1809), established the present reigning dynasty, which has made Bangkok into a fine architectural capital. He has come down to posterity as Phrå Budhyot Fa (Yod Fa), and has had a remarkable series of successors, of whom the best known is Phrâ Paramêndra Mahâmongkut (1851-1868), an enlightened man of science, who initiated many reforms. He was succeeded by Phra Chulalongkorn (1868-1910), an administrator of the highest capacity, and there were hopes then that Siam, the middle territory of the Far East, and destined by geographical position to be the natural home of war, had at last under such a ruler & chance of peaceful internal development. Trouble, however, did not cease until the boundaries between the British Empire on the west and the French Empire on the east were settled finally in 1908, and Siam, though restricted in territory, came at a long last to be in a fair way of permanent peace under the guarantee of strong powers on either side, and to be able to develop a great commerce as an independent kingdom, under yet another capable ruler, Phrâ Mongkut Klâo, whose brilliant coronation in 1911 collected together the largest number of European princes ever seen in the East.
V.-THE ANNAMESE. ALL along the coast there runs a long stretch of territory, now in the hands of the French, and divided by them into Tongking on the north, Annam and Cochin-China on the south, with their respective capitals at Hanôi, He and Saigon. Cochin-China (Chinese, Cheng Chin and Ko Cheng Chin) is a name which has frequently changed its significance. It has meant the whole coast, and has been restricted to modern Cochin-China and Annam, and, lastly, to the area in the south now so called. This land of the farthest eastern seaboard is inhabited by many tribes, which may be generically divided into two categories : the Chams of Mon relationship in the south, and the Annamese or Giâog, known historically to the Chinese as Giaoohi, and popularly as Juâks or Yuôn', and to the Annamese as Nguyêns or Ngwins. Its history up to 1470 is one long confused fight between Giâos and Chams, and is diffioult, being dependent on Chinese annals, Cham inscriptions and Annamese chronicles, which are not to be readily reconciled.

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The most interesting fact is that for many centuries (B.C. c. 150-A.D. 470) the Chams were ruled by Hindu dynasties under the name of Kings of Champå. Buddhism came in chiefly from China, and is now of the degraded Tibetan type ; but there are signs that the purer Southern Buddhism was once in the ascendant. Islâm was introduced generally abaut A.D. 1300, and a large number of the Chams are Muhammadans. As in Burma and elsewhere in Indo-China, primitive Animism has never died out. The Annamese Giâos have always been true to their Chinese origin.
History may be said to commence in the last days of the Tsin dynasty of China (B.C. 249-206), when the first universal conqueror, Shi Hwangti, became suzerain of the Giaochi country (Tongking and Annam), which then and for long afterwards had to struggle with its powerful Shan neighbours on the west. In the troubled days of the “Three Kingdoms” of China and their followers (A.D. 222-590), Tongking for a time was part of the Wu kingdom, and was ruled from Nanking, Chinese suzerainty in various forms lasting on till 1801 (after 1428 nominally). By the fifth century it must have been weak owing to continued troubles in China itself, and this gave an opportunity for the now growing Hindu power of Châmpâ in the south to upset the Giâo governors, and we hear of attacks, with counter-attacks. in 399 and 431, from the people of Lamap, as the Chinese then called Châmpa.
In the second century B.c. a Hindu prince, Paramêsvara, appears as the founder of the kingdom of Châmpa, and in the third century A.D., Murârâja (Urôja) has a capital at Panduranga (Panrang in Binh Thuan), and in the fifth century inscriptions tell us that Bhadravarman Dharmamahârâja is embellishing the temple at Po Nagar on the Nha Trang in Khanh Hwa (Hon). So that at the time of their attacks on the Giâos, the Chams were established as a civilized Hindu State. In 602-605 the Chinese of the Suy dynasty (580-617) inflicted heavy defeats on the Chams at their capital of Sri Banvi (Banoeuy), at Dong Hwi (Hozuy) in Kweng Binh, and from this time the struggle of centuries between north and south may be said to have commenced in Annam, a name which as An-Nam (Ngan-Nan) is first heard of in 756. By 803 the Chinese chroniclers had learnt to write the native name Châmpå as Chimba.
Wars between the Chinese viceroys over the Giâos and the Cham kings went on till the Annamese rebelled in 931, and in 968 Dinh Bo Sangh (968-975) founded the first Annamese dynasty under the suzerainty of China. Châmpå fell on evil times at this period, as the Cambodians raided the country in 918, in the days of Indravarman II, and all through the tenth and eleventh centuries the Annamese kings got much the best of it in the fighting ; but its fortunes looked up again in the early days of the Srijaya dynasty (1139-1470), until in 1190 it fell to the Cambodians, who held it as suzerains for thirty-four years.
In 1286 the great conqueror, Kublai Khân, appeared on the scene, but both the Annamese and the Chams put up a good fight, and were only four years (1286-1290) under subjection. Shortly before this attack Marco Polo (1280) was in "Cyamba," and again after it in 1292. In 1306, however, Châmpå became the vassal of Annam, and, as such, was defended in 1313 against Cambodia. But in 1353 there arose a national hero in the person of a Cham prince, now known only by his Annamese name, Che Bong Nga, who by sheer capacity and boldness constantly defeated the Annamese till his death in 1992, on which there ensued a period of anarchy in Châmpå.
Soon after this, in 1412, there arose another national hero, this time Annamese, in La Loi (1412-1434), who conducted a war of liberation (1412-1428) against Yung Lo

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DATES OF GENERAL INDO-CHINESE HISTORY
CETE EYENTS.
Indian Antiquary
DATE.
APRES AND DYNASTIES. INCIENT HISTORY
1109-1050 Chinese In Cambodia (1109): In contact with Tibet (c. 1050). 850-483 Hindus in Burms (c. 850): in Arakan (e. 895): in Pegu (Talaing, c. 543): in Prome (c. 483). 500
Tibetan connection with Indis commences (. 500). 362-A.D. 146 Buddhism in Burma (862): in Arakan (A.D. 140).
B.O. 285 (hinano in Annam And Tongking. 150-A.D. 60 Hindus in Chanel, 150): In amese Shan States (05): in Cambodin (A.D. . 60). 90-A.D. 230 Chinese Shan kingdom in Burma and Yunan (Allao, afterwards Nanchao, Pong). A.D. 108-573 Foundation of ancient elties. In Burma: Pagan (108), Pegu (573). In Blam: Lopburi (493), Lampung
(Labong, 527). In Champa, Panduranga (e. 250). 429-944 Buddhism : Southern In Siam and Pegu (122): In Cambodia (944). Northern in Tibet (822): in Chanipa
(829). 435 Hindu State of Karbajs (Cambodia) founded. Tibetan dated history commences.
Shan States (Pterwards Nanchao Lon Lopburi (493).
MEDIEVAL HISTORY.
6:20 01:38 089 800-1000
008 1010108
1026
1319 12181330
Tibetan Empire (620-850). Burmese and Slamose en commenco (688). Foundation of Lhasa (639). Colossal building in Cambodia. 889. Angkor Thom. 1000. Angkor Wat. First Dativo Annamose Dynasty. Burmese Empire. Virst ruling Buddhlat priest in Tibet (Alisa). Kublai Khan's raids. 1948. Tibet.1280. Cambodia an Siasa. 1286. Burma, Champa and Annah. Blamese-Shan rule in Blam. 1850. Youndation of Ayuthia. Kublai Khan's conversion to Buddhlean by Sakya Pandita, wade first priestly, sovereign of Tibet. Talking Dynasty of Pegu (1287-1640). Bhan Dynasties of Burma (1298-1691). **** Destruction of Cambodian (Khmer) power (1385): of Champa (Chams, 1470).
1263
1287-1344 1383-1170
ODERN HISTORI.
1412-14:29 1447-1576 1511-1813 1547-1590 1619-1686
1646
1700 1733- 1771-1782
1787 1824-1883 1863-1891 1893-1004
Aunamese war of liberatlul from China.. Blue of the great Lama of Tibet. 1447. Tabi LAMA. 1578. Dalai Lama. Portuguese In Pegu (1810). 1600-1818. Philip de Britu, King of regu. Talking Empire in Burma (Pegu). European Intercourse with Sam. 161. English. 16-20. Portuguese. 165. French Dalal Lamr. ruler of Tihet: head of Northern Buselhism (lamals) in Asia. English and Trebel settlements in Burins. Aloin pra Dynasty in Bunna 1753. Foundation of Bangoon. 1757. Destrurtium of the Talainys. Foundation of Bangkok (1771). 1782. Present Slanese Dynasty. French in Anhat treaty with Nguyen Glalong (1773-1820). Arst King of all Anda. British Wars with Burn 1824-1820. int. 115. Secondl. 1885-1880. Third, 1886. Annexation. French suzerainty in Annan. Wary: Tongking (1873-1885); Black Flag (1885-1891). Settlement of proment Namese boundaries.
DATES OF TIBETAN HISTORY
PILES AND DYNASTIES
DATES
CHIEF EVENTS.
TIBETAN TRADITION:
Occupation of Tibet by Mongolian tribes from the highlands of Western China. PERIOD OP TRE KLANG (SHEPB.C. c. 1050 KIANG or Shepherd tribes under chlers in contact with the Chinese. HERD TRIBES): B.O. 1050-1 e. 50) ONYA-KHAI BTBANPO, connected by legend with Pranenit of Kosala (Oudh, c. 530-300), the first of a long A.D. 433.
line of legendary Shepherd Kings.
DATED HISTORY: KING OF THE KIANG (433-620).
A.D. 133
TIBETAN EMPIRE: (-860).
620
YANNI TUBAT, of the Southern Llang Dynasty of China (307-410), founds a kingdom among the Klang
Tribes GNYAN-TSAN. First contact with the Northern Buddhism of Nepal. BRONG-TSAN GAMPO (609 663) founds the Tibetan Empire. Conquers all the Himalayas as far as Badakh
shan, Nepal, And large part of Bengal Introduces Buddhism in the year that Muhammad founds Islam (Hüra). Founds LLAM (La.kian). KHRI-SRONG LDETBAN, Great extension of the Buddhint faith. Compiles the Kanjur Scriptures RALPACHEN. WAT with the TADE DYDAMty of China 891. Bilingul tablets at hand to celebrate peace. LANGDRARXA. Persecution of the Buddhist Break-up of the Impire into the Western and Eastern
Kingdoms.
622
748-789 804-845 845-8.50
WET AND KANT KINGDON
0-1913).
850
| Western Kingdom dominant, but breaks up into petty chiefahipe, of which KHORRE OF SHANTUNG and
TRICRUNG OF U become prominent. KHORRA chief Invites ATIBA from India to rule the monastery of Thoding in Narl. He becomes first ruling
priest in Tibet. Thich'ung chiefs support his successors in office. Rise of LAmalam.
1026
1243
CHINESE SUZERAINTY (from
3) DIRROT CHINESE RULE (1213-1270).
1953 1265
KUBLAI KHAN (1216-1204) conquers Tibet. SAKYA PANDITA, A ROBOr of Atlan, visita Kuyuk (1241-1948), successor of Ogdal Khan. Younds line
of Sakyapa LAMA.. Guillaume Bouchier (French): Arnt European visitor to Tluet. PHAONPA LODOT GYALTSWAN, nephew of Bakya Pendita, converte Kublai Khan to Tibetan Buddhlem after
his accession to the Chinese Empire (1250) and is rewarded by the sovereignty of Tibet.
RELE OF THE SAKTAPA LAMAS
(1970-1840).
1270 1398
Sakyaps LAMA rule commences. Friar Odoric claims to have visited Tibet.
LIX OY PRAGMOPU (LAY
KINGS) (1340-1576).
1340 1390 1147
1576
PHAGNODU (CHYANG CHUB GYALTSHAN) establishes a lay kingdom. TBONGKAPA, reformer 1857-1419), Introduces the yellow robe la supersension of the red robe. GEDUNDUB (1447-1478) founds Tashilhunpo Monastery and becomes TABHT (PANTSCHEN) LAMA. Priestly
Influence Waxes and lay influence waves. SODNAX ROYAMTSO of the Guldan monastery near Lhas proclalnia VAJRA DALAI LAMA under the Ming
Dynasty of China (Wan LI, 1573-1820). First to use the title. Rise of the Asiatic influence of the Dala
LAMAS. Mongol interference in the government. CIVIL troubles. Antonio d'Andrade and the Jesuits in Tibet.
1576-1645
1693
RULE OF THE DALAI LAMAS (from 1645),
18.45
1668 1706-1717 1715-1787
1720 1774 1868 1872 1879 1904 1910
The Mongols make the FIFTH DALAL LAMA ruler of all Tibet. The first Manchu Emperor of China (Bhum Chl, 1644-1661) confirms them. The Mongols again interfere in the Afrire of Tibet. Capuchin and Jenult millóns at Lhann. The Chinese finally conguer Tibet (Klang HI Emperor. 1661-1791). Warren Hastings sencia tieorge Bogle on first English mission. 1811. Thomas Manning, erst Englishman
in Lhasa. 1844. ALLE Hue's journey. British secret surveys comence under Pandits Xain singh and Krishna British and Russian commercial rivalry Foreign European expeditions commence. British temporary occupation of Lhasa, Flight of the Dalai Lama. 1908. His restoration. Hin deposition by the Chinese. 1912. His second restoration.

Page #52

DATES OF BURMESE HISTORY
Indian Awiquary
PLATE II. EXPIRES AND DYNASTIES. BURMESE TRADITION
DATE.
CHTRY EVENTS
B.O. 850
825
543
382 A.D. 90-230
109
Successive Occupation by trihes from Chipa: Mons (Talaings), Shane And Burmans. ARHIRAJA from Northern India conquers the Burmese Pyu (Plao) Tribes founds Hindu Kingdom on the
Irrawaddy at TagAung Kyauk padaung (Arakan) added later. KANRAJA fouine Magh (Burmese) Hindu. Kingdom At Dhangrivati (Arakan). Arakanese claim a previous
Hindu Dynasty from B.C. 2006. SINHARAJA founds Hindu Talaing Kingdom at Thaton (Bc. 543-A.D. 578). MAHABAMBWAYA (483-477): destroy Taganing, founds Hindu Kingdom of Prome (B.C. 483-A.D. 379) DET.
TABAUNG (hero.king), B.C. 442-372 Buddhisin brought to Burma from India. Allao (afterwards Nanchao, Pons) Kingdom of the Shana in Yunnan and Burma THANOQDARIT (SAMUDRARAJA, 108-159) jounds Pagan. CHANDRARAJA, traditional Arnt Buddhist King of Arakan. BUDDHAGHOSHA (C.890-450) said to introduce southern Buddhism (HINA YADA) at Thaton (also a Cambodian
tradition) Centaries of struggle commence between Animiam (Nats and Naga), Hinduism (Arl),
South and North Buddhism (Mahayana). Foundation of Pegu (HANNAVALI) AS CRpital (673-1030).
573
038
DATED HISTORY PAGAN
DYNASTY (BURMEES), A.D. 687-1010.
832
84 882
BURMESE EMPIRE: 1010-1298
1010-1052 1057-1085 1085-1160 1167-1204
THENGA YAEA (SINGHARAJA, 637-864) found the Burmese Era. Shan (Nanchao) incursions. NYAUNGUZAW YAHAN. General monastie education commences. NYA ANAWRATA (ANURUDDHA) of Pagan : defeats the Shans. 1030. Destroys Pege, captures the Talaing King
MANUHA. KTANBITTHU. Talaing priests paramount in Pagain. 1057-1297. Building of Papen. ALAUNGGITHU. 1103. Arakan tributary. 1106. Tribute sent to China NARABADESITUU (NARAPATI SINHASURA). 1170-1181. Expeditions to Ceylon. Southern Buddhism
supreme. TAROKPYR MIN (NARARINHAPATI) Empire weakens. Rise of Shan (Talaing) Dynasties at Martaban and
Peru (1248-1287). Chinese (Shan) Incursions KYAWEWA. 1288. KUBLAI KHAN of China (1280-1994) seserin. 1298. collape of the Empire.
1248-1279 1279-1298
MINOR DYNASTIER TALAING'
1287 OF PEOU. 1987-15 40F SHANS 1298 OF PINYA AND MYINEANG, 1300-1350 1299-1364: OP SAGAING, 1315 1315-1384 OF AVA, 1364
1384 1554: MAGHS OF MYAUKU 1406-1422 (MYOHAUNG). ARAKAN. 1428 1428 -1784 : BURMAN-SRANS Or 1450-1 A2 TAUNGU. 1470-1580.
1470 1481
WARERU OF MARTABAN (1287-1306), a Shan Sawbwa (chief), founde Talning Dynasty of Pegu TRIRATHU (SINHASURA) TAZISHIN (1298-1822) founds Shan Dynasty of Pinya and Myinzair. 1 Slanese incursions and partial conquests. ATHINQAYA (ABANKHARA) SAWYER (1815-1922) founds Shan Dynasty of Spring THADOMINBYA (1364-1367) founds Shan Dynasty of AVAconquers tehu Burma MINGAUNG-GYı. Arakan subject to Av. Rise of the Burman hans of Taungu. MIN SAWNUN (1426-1434) founda Arakanese Kingdom at Myauku (Myohaung). BAZAWBYU OY ARAKAN Conquers Chittagong. SITHU KYAWDIN, Burnamed the BILU (Ogre), founds Kingdom of Taungu. 1485-1530. MIN KYISYO DHAMMACHETE (RAMADRIPATI) OT PEGU (1458-1480) introduces modern southern Buddhism from Ceylon. BINYA RAN OP PEGU (1481-1528). Portuguese in Martaban under Antonio Correa.
1510
1530-1548
TALAING EXPIRE (BURMAN.
SHANB OY TAUNGU): 15441599.
1518-1381 1500-1586 1581-1590
TABIN SHWEDI OY TAUNGU. 1510. Takes Prou, defended by Ferdinando de Mortales, the Arst European
to take service in Burinese dynastle wars. 1542. Teken Proine. 1644. King of Pegu. Kise ul his general
Bayin Naung BAYIN NAUNG (BRANGINUCO). 1555. Takes Ave. 1558. Rules all Burma. 1661-1369. Taken Ayuthia,
conguers Slam. 1667. Becures the Holy Tooth from Colombo. Lirent buildings in Pegu. Burman travellers in Pe . 1560. Ar Frederick (Venetian). 1684. Caspar Balbl (Venetian). 1386
Ralph Fitch (English) NANDA BAYIN. sudden collapse of Empire. 1500. Min Khaung (Arakanese) takes Myriam
BURMESE RULE : 1599-1746.
1500-1605 1000-1013
1805-1828 1612-1622 1650-1662
Chus NYAUNG-YAN MIN, son u Bayin Naug. relo ALAVA. PBILIP DE BRITO, Portuguese adventurer. 1603. King of logu. 1613. Dclealed and impalcu ly Naha
dhamma of Ave. MAHADHANKARAJA OF AYA. 1618. King of all Burnia: suppression of the Portugueso pirates. MIN KHAMAUNG OY ARAKAN. 1619. Defeat of Bebastian Gonzales, pirate ruler of Chittagong (1612
1619). Chinose Incursions. English established in Negrais, Baswein and Syriam. French in Syriam. MINTARA BUDDHAKETTI (1740-1746), a Gwe Shan of Pegu, re-establishes Talaing Rule. 1715. Beconies
monk. BINYA DALA, Shan, elected King of Pegu. 1759. Takes Ava; rules all Burm. 1757. Defeated by Alompra.
1775. Kecuted after Imprisonment.
1709
TALAING BULE : 1740-1757.
1740-1746 1746-1757
(BUR
1755-1780
ALONPRA DYNASTY
a ): 1753-1885
1763-1776
1781-1819
ALONPRA (ALAUNGPHATA) OP SHWBO. 1753. Takes Ava. 1755. Takes Prome: founds Kangoo
(Yangong) near the Shwe Dagon Pagola. 1757. Katera Pogu: destroys the Talaing power. 1759
MARSacre of Europeans at Negrals. 1760. Ex edition to Ayuthis and death. SINBYUSBIN. 1764. Conquers Manipur. 1765-1789. Chinese Incursions. 1767. Conquers Sini : in
cependent again in 1771. BODAWPHAYA. 1783. Founds Amarapura. 1784 Overruns Arakan 1787 1703 War with Siam. BAGYIDAW. 1824-18:26. Finst Burmese War, British Annexation of Arakan and Tensherim. PAGAN MIN. 1852. Second Burmese War. Annexation of Pegu. MIN DON-MIN. 1863. Younds Mandalay. THIBAW. 1885. Third Burinese War. 1886. Annexation of Upper Burma.
853-1878 878-1885
BRITIAS RULE TROM 1886.
1880-1889
Pacification of Upper Burma.
DATES OF SIAMESE HISTORY
DATH.
CHEBV EVENTS
EMPIR.RS AND DYNASTIES.
TRADITION
1.6. 1 100
450
A.D. 60-80
Occupation by kindred tribes from China: Mona, Cham, Khmers, Shans (Samese) and Lacs. First mention by Chinese of Tunan (Cambodia): tributary to China Indian Hindu emigranta into Central Blam. 250. Introduction of Buddhism. Swankhalok-Sukhotal (Hindu Bhan Btates) founded, lasting eight centuries. Kambu, Hindu eponymous hero of Cambodia (Kabujan of Kamu) Ailno (Shan) kingdom in Yunnan and Northern Shan States with Chinese tendencies FAN MAN (PANSENAN), the "Great King." rounds A kingdom in Funan, and Chinese influences cease. Buddhaghosha (c.890-450) introduces Southern Buddhism.
220-230
439
435-193
DATED HISTORY TEE
EARLY KAMBOJAS (HINDU CAMBODLAX DYNASTY): 485705.
327
560-500
404 610-650
IKALADINYA (KOXDANXO, KIAO-KIN-JU) foundu Hindu kingdom in Cambodia 8 SRUTAVARKAN KAN
BUJA. 484. Embassy to Chle 403. Shan State of Lopburi (LAVO) founded: capital ano (Sorbau
Shahr-j.Dan). Lampun (Labong) first LAO-Shan State founded BRAVABNAN. Earliest known Cambodian inscriptions. MARENDRAVANKAN (590-610). First dated Cambodian Inscription in a krit. ISANAVARAS . Great extension of Idngdom, now called Chinla by the Chinese. Foundation of Angker
Baural (Vyadhapura). Higen Talan Chinese traveller (629-645.) in Cambodia.

Page #53

PLATE III.
DATES OF SIAMESE HISTORY-continued.
Indian Antiquary
EMPIRES AND DYNAHTUB.
DATE.
CRIKY KVENTS.
DIVIDED RULR(INDU): 705802.
705
Insurrections and division of kingdom into halves, each under its own ruler.
8022
TRN GREAT KANBUJAR (THR!
BUILDERS): 802-1885: 000tinuing a minor dynasties from 1385.
889-910 04-968 1112-115.. 1152-1182 1182-19201
JAYAVARMAN II. (802-860); revives the Kingdona; commences building on a colossal scale, followed by
nearly all his successors YASOVARMAN. Completion of Angkor Thom (Yasodhapura). RAJENDRAVARMAN. Buddhism develope SURYAVARMAN II. The temple of Angkor Wat. DRARANENDRAVARMAN. War with the Hindu Kings of Champa (Annam) commences; building ceases. JAYAYARKAN VIIL, the last " Great Kamboja,"1197. His capital Racked. 1190-1224. Champa conquered
and annexed, but kingdom exhausted and its power weakened. KUBLAI KHAN (1260-1294) drives the Shans out of South China, and weakens the LAO-Shan States, pro
foundly affectin Bism. RAMA KAKRENO. Siamese Shans become the ruling race In Siam.
1280
1984
SLAMEX SRAN DTNASTY OF 1350-1360 ATUTELA : 1350-1682.
1382-1385
1511 1558-1590 1612-1685 1657-1688
PHRA RANATHIBADI I. (CHAO U THONG). Ayuthis founded and Siam a great kingdom. 1846. Modern
chronicles of Cambodis commence. PARA RAMASUEN II. 1984. Long wars with Cainbodia and Pegu comence. 1383. Ayuthis captured. PRRA PARANARAJA (1509-1518). D'Albuquerque in Malacca PHRA NARRT (NARESA), the conqueror. Extensloh of Slamese rule. Disputes with Annam ou to Cam
bod, with rival kings there thi 1846. Europe. Intercourse. 1612. First English whip. 1620. First Portuguese issiun, 1685. French embassy
of Louis XIV PHRA NARAYU (1850-1888). Career of Constantine Phauleon, Cephalonian Greek adventurer. 1688.
Ayuthia in the hands of usurpers.
PERIOD OF USURPERS: 1887
1411
1767
Sinbyushin of Burma destroys Ayuthia. I CHAOPHAYA TAKSIN (TAK, 1757-1782) rules at Bangkok. 178:2. Murdered.
STAMA DYNASTY OF BANG- 1782-1809 KOK from 1782
1824-1851
1851-1868
CRAOPXAYA CHAKI founds new dynasty w PARA BEDHYOT PA (YOD FA). 1795 Angkor Anally taken!
from Cambodis. PARA NANG KLAO (CHAO PRASAT THONG). 1828. Cuinercial treaty with England. 1832. Extension of
Siamese rule in Malay Peninsula. 1846. Anname e ousted from Canabodia. ANO DUONG,Siamese protége
(1840-1862), made king. PAAN PARANENDRA M AXONOKUT. 1881. Mohot (rench) discovers ruins of Angkor Wat, 1884. French
protectorate of Cambodia recognized. 1860 NORDON of Cambodia (1862-1004) transfers capital to
Prom penh. PARA CHOLALONGKORN. Settlement of boundaries: 1893-1007, French : 1896-1900, British. 2008. General
commercial treaties with Europe and Japan. PHRA MONGKUT KLAO. 1911. Coronation.
1868-1910
1910
DATES OF ANNAMESE HISTORY.
ENPIRES AND DYNASTIES.
DATE.
CREY EVENTS.
CHINESE NUZERAINTY IN TONG
KING AND ANNAN: B.O. 285B.. 235 A.D. 1498 (nominally tol 1801), LARLY HINDU KINGS c. 150 OY CHAMPA (VARMAN DY A.D. 106 NASTY): B.. e. 150-A.D. 966. 222
c. 250 399-431
c. 450 602-605 610-650 250-808 176-787 829-854
Occupation in the north by Chaos (Giochi) south by Chama. Hindu emigration to the south. NATHWANUT (240-910) or TSIN DYNASTY (240200) Nuxerain of Giaocbl (Tongking and Annam). . .
245-A.D. 110. Struggles with the Shans (Thain). PARAMESVARA founds kingdom of Champa. Envoys of Marcus Aurelius (121-180) in Tongking The Three Kingdoms of China" (222-590). Tongking part of W. Kingdom at Nanking. MURARAJA (UROJA) founda Panduranga (Para ). Chinese wars with Lamap (Champa). BHADRAVARMAN (DHARMAKAHARAJA) embellishes Po Nagar Temple. SUY DYNASTY Of China 580-617) heavily defents Champa ac sri Bauvi (Bauveuy). Steele between
north and south commences. ISANAVARMANI. Hluen Tslang (629-645) visita" Mahachama." 756. Annam (Ngan-nan) first so called. 808. Champa Arst called Chimbs by the Chinese. PRATRIVINDRAVARMAN 740-784): ISPRAVARMANI (786-802). Malay and Javanese attack VINKRANTAVAKANBuddhist Inscriptions. INDRAVARMAN II. Carabodian raids. Anna rebellion Rise of the Dintis
018
931
968 981-1004
DIN BO LANH (908-975) founds the Dinli Dynasty, Long Wars with Champa commence LEHANG (DAT HANH) sacks Sri Banvi (Banoeuy). the Chainpa capital.
CHANPA DYNASTIEKI: 063-
1 1139; SUJATA, 1139-1170. ANNAMERE DYNASTIK: DINH, 966-081; Firat LE, 181-1010 LY.1011125 TILAN 1295- 1402: 100, 1402 11:28.
104-1061
.1084 1131-1143 1178-1100
1249
1286 1298-1300
SRI PARAMESVARA (TIMITRUE) killed by LY THANX TONG (1054-1072) SRI PARANAHODDHISATTVA. Buddhistu ascendant in Clampa for a while. SRIJAYA INDRAVAKMAN II. (CHELIISTOPUEN). Last Sanskrit inscription. BRIJAYA INDRAVARMAN III. 1190. Jayavarman of Unibodi conquers Chain pa. 110U-1947. Cambodia
user inty. Te TRAN TRAI LONG (120-1258) carries off prince of Champe. SAIJAYA BINILAVARMAN II. (1275-1290) and TRAN NHON TONG (1279-1203) attacked by Kublai Khan:
recovery In 1990. 1280 and 1992. Marco Polo in "Cyaiba." BRIJAYA SINUAVARMAN III. 1305-1300. Romance of Ruyen Tran, Angamede Princess. e. 1300. Mar
riage of Charn princes to an Arab : introduction of Islam. Chaine vassal of Annam. Channel Career of the Champa hero, CHS (PRINCE) BONG XOA 1392-1486. Anarchy la Champs LE HOT (LE HUY LOI), Anbanese. War of Uberation (1412-1428) from MING DYNASTY
1308-1313 1353-1392 1412-1434
SECOND LA DYNASTY: 1428
1540 (norninally to 1801). NOUYEN DYNASTY Irum 1801. FRENCH SUERRALSTY from
1803
14:28 1436-1446
1470 1470-1510 1510-1445, 1531-1787
1787
LK Hoi Lounds the second Le Dynasty BRUJAYA SINHAVARNAN IV. Last Chalupa inscription. 1446. Capital (Panrang) taken by La THANH TONG
(1435-1473). 1446-1470. Anarchy in (harpe Champa foally annexed to Annam. Chams absorbed by donata .Wars with Tongking. ILIO of two families ruling in the halbe of the Lo Dynasty: NGUYEN UY ANNAX (Hue): TRINN OY TONGILine of two families
KING (Hanol). Continuous struggle between Nguyens and urinn, 1505 Vit European Mission (Spanish). NGUYEN CIALONG 1778-1820). Treaty with Louis XVI. 1801. King (V ) of Tongking, AnnAUI, and Cochin
China with French assistance MINUMANG (1830-1841) THUBUTRI (1811-1817): TUDUK (1847-1883). 1843-1858. Porsccutions of
Christiana. 1863. Brunch uzerainty of Cochin China (Salgon) aud Cambodia. 1807. Annexatlon. Tongking War. 165. Tungking and Anna French protectorate. Querilla war with the Black Plags. 1580. PAUL BERT, Heldent-General, DE LANEANAN, Governor-General 1898. Luang Prabang annaxed. PAUL DOUMEX (1897-1002): JEAN BEAU (1907-1908); Governors General. 1898-1904. Final settlement
of Blanese border
1820-1875 1873-1883 1885-1891 1891-1894 1897-1908

Page #54


Page #55

MARCH, 1916]
GAZETTEER GLEANINGS IN CENTRAL INDIA
47
(1403-1426), the Ming Emperor of China, whose suzerainty (1407-1412) had become too pronounced, and Chimp3 was left in peace for a while.
But in 1446 Le Thanh Tong (1435-1473) took the capital of the last Srijaya king, which had reverted to Panrang (Panduranga). On this there was anarchy in Champå until it was finally annexed by Annam in 1470, and the Chams became absorbed into the Annam 3ge, their last chief emigrating into Cambodia in 1820. Thus ended the interesting Hindu kingdom of Champi, the kings of which were important builders long before Angkor was heard of, and despite their miny troubles, kept up & stately rule at their home to the last.
The Le dynasty of Annam, founded by Le Loi in 1428, which had overthrown Champa, continued to reign at least nominally till 1801. But in 1540 the Nguyên family began to rule in their name at Hûe, while the Trinh family were doing the same thing in Tongking at Hanôi. In 1551 there commenced & struggle for supremacy between them, which was still going on in 1787, when the Nguyên ruler, Gialong, consluded a treaty with Louis XVI., and by the help of a French force established himself as king of all the country from Tongking to Cochin-China in 1801.
This victory, however, means in the end the passing of control over the whole of the Annamese kingdom and much more into the hands of the French. Gialong's successors did not follow his policy, and massacres of Christians from 1825 to 1858 led to the annexation of Saigon and Coshin-China in 1867. The tedious Tongking War (1873-1885) followed, and by 1885 Anam and Tongking bacame French, protectorates. Then came troubled days of guerilla warfare with the Black Flag pirates and outlaws, whose many devastations lasted from 1895 to 1891, when De Lanessan, as GovernorGeneral (1891-1894), restored pease in 1893 by the expedient of ruling through the native kinz. In the same year there were border troubles with Sian, which resulted in the addition (1893) of Luang Prabang to French Indo-China, and in the Mekong being made its western boundary in 1904.
The story of the French occupation of Annam is remarkable for the facts that the efforts of Jules Ferry (1893-1886) in bringing about the conquest of Indo-China caused the downfall of his Ministry ; that it was only by four votes in the French Parliament that the conquest was upheld, and that local jealousies stirred up by De Lanegsan in rendering European government possible in the couutry led to a sudden recall, reminiscent of the fate of Clive and Warren Hastings in India.
GAZETTEER GLEANINGS IN CENTRAL INDIA. BY MAJOR C. ECKFORD LUARD, M. A., I.A.
The Revolt of Khwaja Naik. A Ballad. The Marathi song given below was obtained in the Barwani State. This revolt took place during the Mutiny. Khwaja or Khâjiâ Naik was a resident of Sângir, a village on the Agra-Bombay road in the Shirpûr Taluka of Khandesh, about 17 miles from Shirpûr. Hy was in receipt of an allowance of a hundred rupees a month from the British Government at the time he revolted, and was incited thereto by stories of the Mutiny, and especially by the exploits of Tântiâ Topi. He induced two Bhils, Bhimâ and Mawasiâ, to join him. A letter to Råna Jaswait Singh of Barwânî, from Colonel H. M. Durand, then Resident at Indore, dated 26 August 1857, mentions that these men had

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[MARK, 1915
looted Datwårå village and soon afterwards they looted British treasure passing along the high road. On 19th November 1858 Tântiâ Topî reached KhargÃon in the Indore Stute, hard pressed by the British. Khwaja Naik and the other Naiks joined bim, the whole party being some 4,000 strong. They were attacked by Major Sutherland near Rajpur and defeated, the leaders escaping. A second fight took place at Dhabê Bảodi, a village eight miles from Barwâni. Bhîmê was caught soon afterwards and transported, but Khwaja Naik continued to plunder along the high road. Finally some Makrâni detectives were employed, who captured and decapitated him, taking his son, Pola Sith, a boy eight years old.
As to the persons and places mentioned in the Ballad " Kamani Sahib” is either a “Commanding Officer", or, more probably, Captain W. G. Cumming, Bhil Agent at Barwânî, and “Barsi," or (as he is still spoken of by some of the old men who took part in these events) Barchhi Sahib, " is possibly Lt, Birch, who disarmed the Burhanpûr Mutineers in July 1857. Palasner, is a village on the Agra-Bombay road in Khândesh. Shirpúr is the head-quarters of a tâlu ka in Khandesh. The Rahî tank is probably the Rehêtiâ tank near Raipûr iu Barwâni. The Mogar or Mogrî river is the boundary between Indore and Barwani territory in the Pansewâl pargana of Barwani. Khadid, is a village near Rajpûr, in Barwani. Malegaon, Dhülid and Dharangdon are all in Khandesh. The Jâmnia-nâlâ falls near the Agra-Bombay road, by Sendhva.
This song is one of the numerous compositions which serve to keep local events alive in the memories by the people.
SONG. Ingrajyashi Khájia Naik hota milûna. Khâjia Naik was always on good terms with
the English Khâjid Näikå var dagå kela, pahå, shipayana, But, note how the sepoys acted treacher
ously towards him. Bhima Naik badalâlâ, kambar bândhile As Bhima Naik has revolted, and girded his tyana,
loins for the pray; Konya divashîn Khájia Naik jail badlûna. So probably Khajia Naik will soon follow him. Khájia Naikâvar jasi mansaba kela Sahibâni, (As a precaution against) Khájiê Naik's
action the Sâhil proposed, Pratham tapyâche ghode ana sodûnî;
That all the ponies on the stages be called in ; Jeohân tapyâche ghode sodle Khâjia Nava- But Khâjiâ Näik loosed the stage ponies.
kâne, Sarakevarchâ târ tocila paha, tyâ marcâna And cut the telegraph wires on the high
road, so brave was he. Palasner lätûn. Såtpudyà gela cha lhûna. He plundered Palásner and fled to the
Såtpudas. Sendu yâchya Ghâta madhyen baslå jâûna. And made his home in the Sendhwa Pass. Kamâni Saheb gela Narmada utrûna. Cumming Sahib crossed the Narbada afte
him. Artân Khâjiâ Nâik yell kontyå watana. ? " By what road can Khajia Naik escape
(thought the Sahib) ? TyAlA jitachi marin kii Kalon Pani davina. I will either kill him or have him trans
porter.

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MARCH, 1916)
CAZETTEER CLEANINGS IN CENTRAL INDIA
Asâ mansûba kela Kamâni sâhibâne. Jaså gái madhyen vyaghra shirto, tase âle
Khije Râv. Ingrajáni tal codile pahila Shirpur gâona.
Such was Cumming Sahib's plan. But like & tiger among cows, Khájia Ray
rushed on them, And the English left the camp and went to
Shirpûr.
Tek :
Chorus:
Dhuman Nayaku potin janamle sawải Khâje Thus did Khâjia Râv, son of Dhuman Naik
Rav Ingrajáshi gheûn la lhâi chau deshîn kele Gain a name throughout the world by nÂv
fighting the English
Rahichyà Talyâ var phaujâ padlyê jâûna. The troops were encamped on tho Rahi
Tank. Mogar nadi utrûn gelê ghyâ tumhin aikûna, Then they crossed the Mogar river, Bhavânyâ chyâ Talyä varti hotî, koge jâna. And assembled on the bank of the Bhavani
Tank. kilaaki varata mukam dere dile khájiâna. Khájih came and pitched his camp at Kha
daki Village, Sadakechi bez anli hoti shipayana :
There a sepoy reported to him that a force
was on the way: Ingrajachyå yeto khajina ubhya sadakana. And that English money was coming by the
high-road. Ingrejacha yeto khajana ubhyâ sadkånn. (There he heard) that English money was
coming by the high-road. Karûn kuchyavár kûch sadakarar gelå Making foroeld marches, he reached the chalûna.
road. Ubhya naliyâchâ růsta dharila Barsi Birch Sahib, meanwhile, came down the Sahiâna,
water-coarse, gâmniya naliyâvar saak basala rokhana. And took up a position on the Jamnia
Stream. Cosavi Niik, Chain Sinh, ale milûna. The Gosavi Naik, Chain Sivh, now joineil
(Khajiâ). Ingrajâchâ yeto Khajina ubhya sapkhana, As soon as the English treasure reached
the road, Sahibâchá khajîna Khájiâna nelâ lutâna : Kh@jiâ fell upon it and plundered it, Ingrej kavitas mansûba basûna
While the English were still making plans.
Tek :
Chorus:
Dhuman Nayaka potîn janamle sawâi Khaje Thus did Khâjiê Râv, son of Dhuman Naik
Rav Ingrajâshi gheûn lachâi chau deshin kele Gain a name throughout the world by mây
fighting the English
Teohân Kamani Sahib Barsi Sahib Ale
nilûna; Shirpur Shaharavarti padav ghatâla tyâni. Khájia Nayakâsi dharûn mansaba kelâ
Sâhibâna. Nályacha rasta dharila Barsi Sahibana, Khájiachya baiakânchâ mel gelê gavasûna,
Then Cumming Sahib and Birch Sahib met, And pitched camp at Shîrpûr town. And here the Sahibs determined to catch
Khâjia Naik. Then Birch Sahib descended by the stream, And seizing Khajil's wives, whom he found,

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
MARCH, 1916
Shirpûr gâonêwarti tyana ale ghevana. Ingrej karitat mansâ ba basuna. Shirpurâvar Khajia Nayaka yeil chalūna : Åplya baikå neyil kadhûna yâna reûn
Malygâin theina. Asá pakka mansuba kela Ingrejana : Nâ yakala khabar kalali jâûna, Tumchya shirâché nemls paina. Jasa gâi madhyen vyâghra shirto, tase âle
Khaje Råva. Ingrejâshi gheûn ladhai chaudeshi kele nâva.
He took them away to Shîrpûr. The English then held a Council. They thought Khajia Naik would attack
Shirpûr, And determined to place his wives at Maly
gaon, as he would try to get them. Such was the final idea of the English: But the Ndik learnt of their plans, And heard that they had offered a reward
for his head : As a tiger dashes into a herd of cowy, 90
did Khaje Rav fall on them. He made his name famous by his fight with
the English.
Tek :
Dhuman Nâyaka potin janamle sa wâi Khâje
Râv Ingrajâshi gheûn ladhai chau deshiņ kele
Chorus Thus did Khajia Rav, son of Dhuman Naik Gain a name throughout the world by
fighting the English
na v
Khájia Nayakâna ladhải kele mothiya gham- Khájil Naik fought desperately :
shane : Mangshyânehin shiren udvitin chende And men's heads flew about like balls in pramane :
& game: Tevhän raktachya nadya vahati tyä pahậ- And blood flowed, as the streams of water dhina.
flow in those hills. Jakhmi kelo phâr neti, doliat ghalûna. Many were wounded, and carried away on
• stretchers. Kamâni Sahib, Barat Sahib hote doghe jâna : Cumming Sahib and Birch Sahib, both were
present, Khájiachyå shir&cbi nemiyeli pâfna.
And they offered a reward for Khajia's head. Ladhaichi divas nemiyala hotil, shirâche A day was fixed for the fight, when heads shirpåra.
must fall, Kityek marati, kityek vâchati: Shri Harf How many will die, how many will escape majala pêva.
O Harî help me.
Tek - Dhuman Nayaka potin janamle sawai Khâje
Rav Ingrejashî gheûn ladhai chau deshiņ kele
nav
Chorus :Thus did Khâjia Râv, son of Dhuman Naik Gain & name throughout the world by
fighting the English
Badia Sabibâne patra libile hoteà Nayakâsi : Sâtpudya sodan yâve bhoțishin. Tevhân Nayakana utr lihile tya Sahibasi : “Anand Ray Bapu Patil dhada bhetishiu. Itkyk varati marji apli, Sarkarachi khushi.”
Then the political officer wrote a letter to
the Naik, Asking him to come down from the Satpudas
and meet him. To this the Nâik wrote an answer, saying, "Let Anand Râv Pátil come and see me." All depends on your kindness and the
Governments pleasure.” So Anand Rav Pâtil came and saw him. Then the Naik came down to Shîrpûr from
the Satpâdas.
Anand Rav Bå pů Pátil gele bhetisin. Såtpůdya sodan Niyak ale Shirpûrîsî.

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MARCH, 1910)
GAZETTEER GLEANINGS IN CENTRAL INDIA
Dân dharma punya kele apulya va ilisi. Dar kuchåsan châlûn gele Shahr Dhuliasîn. Shambhù Nayak, Barka Pâtil gele Male
groiâsii : Nayakachya baiki gheûna âle Dhuliasin. Balya Sahibine hukum kela Khaja Naya
kasin : Mule mânase gheûn tumchi raha Sangvisên: Gharin bakan pagar khîva kanû nihîn trija-
sin; Siitpadvachya pahada madhyen jûnâ mohasi.
In his father's name he gave gifts to charities. By rapid marches he came to Dhulii. Shambhú Nâik and Barků Pâtil thus went
to Malegaon, And brought the Naiks' wives to Dhûlia. Then the political officer gave Khájia Naik
an order, To go to Sâugvi with all his family; That he would receive a regular allowance at
his residence and should want for nothing, As he was an old chieftain of the Satpůda
hills. Then the high road was free to traffic day
and night. The English have made themselves famous
everywhere. They extended the metalled road to Benares. But Khajia Naik (was famous) as a tiger
of the hills. At Dhabâ Baodi he won a victory.
Salakechya rasta vahe din rât.
Sahebîne nav kelen chậv malkhivara.
Sacak bândhili-Kashichya samora. Pahada madhyen Khajii Nâyak jasa pk
vyaghra. Tyane yasha jinkile Dhabi Bâodîvara.
Tek:
Chorus: Dhuman Nayaka potin janamle sawâi Khâje Thus did Khâjiâ Râv, son of Dhuman Naik
Rav Ingrajâshi gheûn ladhai chau deshiņ kele Gain a name throughout the world by nav
fighting the English
ich jatichya shipâie châkar thevila hausene. Now (on settling down) he entertained
sepoy as his servant. Chakaris chůkli jive mârilâ bandûkina. The sepoy failed to do his duty and the
Näik shot him. (iheûn mule mânaae pahadi madhyen basla Taen he fled to the heart of the hills, and jâûna.
lived there with his household. Ingrejishi khabar kalâli Sahib ale thiúna. On hearing of this occurrence the English
hastened (to Sângvi). Vilâyatiehî chaughe bandhû pêhati drishtina : Four Pathans (brothers of the murdered
man) had seen the deed : Amcha bhau marila imhi gheûn Khijiachya “As he killed our brother (they swore) we prâņa.
will kill Khájiâ." Sihe bâna inam patra dile lihûna.
The Sahib issued a written promise of re
ward (for his capture). Chaughe bandhû milûna chalale , paha, Now see how the four brothers went off at jaldina.
once. Khájiavar chaughe yama gele châlûna. These four messengers of death went to
Khajia.. Khijia Nayak pahada madhyen basala Khâjia was living quietly in his mountain moujena.
home. Khájiâla mujra kelê: Amhi, jûne ohákar They came and made obeisanoe to him pa hilya pasana,”
(saying): "we are your ancient servants." Khâjiachyâ mânevar thevli måna.
And placed their necks on his.

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Khájila bharvasa ila pahilya pasûna.
Yevade bolne aikle Bhimi Niyakâna: "Sutale chikar punha thevane dusmana pramaņa. "
Bhima Nayakache kâhe dile modûna ! Khâjiane vairî thevile apulya hâtâna.
Ek divas chalalu angholi kârina, Te chaughe shipúi sangati ghevûna. Bardia khâli nålyavar gele utarûna.
Anghol manli Khaji Nayakana. Shirichya rumal thevila kî hûna. Dandi che te tait thevile soduna. Gaivar vy ghra taple te chaughe jana.
Aughol karûn karî Bhagvantâ che dhyana. Mauli goli dila thar karûna. Thadivar Khajia padala yeuna. Tyachi bahin dhavat ali race gali dharûna :
Ya Kajia vachûn vyarthi ammehe jîna. "
Kathina jabab dila tenblia tya Vilayatyana: "Dûr dûr, Bai, shir gheûde kapina. Shira sathi alo amhi he chaughe jana. " Magûn ghav marila, Jamadarana.
Yeka ghava madhyen bahîn bhau kele thar. Khajia Nayakache shir kapile chau deshi nav.
Tek:Dhuman Nayaka potin janamle sawâî Khâje Käv
Ingrajâshi gheûn laḍhâi chau deshin kele
ná v
[MARCH, 1916
Kajia Naik accepted their statement unhesitatingly.
But Bhima Naik said on hearing it:
"To re-engage dismissed servants is the same as harbouring an enemy.
But the Naik did not heed Bhima.
So Khajia kept his enemies of his own free will.
One day he went to bathe,
Taking the four sepoys with him.
He descended the hill and went to the stream.
Khajia got ready to bathe.
He took the turban off his head,
And the amulet on his arm he laid aside.
The four tigers were waiting quietly for the cow.
After bathing he began his prayers.
At this moment they shot him down, And Kajia fell from upon the bank. His sister came running up and put her arm round his neck weeping sorely. (Crying) Without Khajia life to us is valueless."
The Pathans harshly replied:
Stand aside, girl, let us cut off his head. We four have come for his head. " Then the Jamadar struck a blov. from behind.
With the same stroke brother and sister died.
By thus cutting off this Naik's head, they gained great fame.
Chorus: Thus did Khâjiâ Râv, son of Dhuman Nâik Gain a naine throughout the world by fighting the English.
Tevhan Khajia Nayakachi kanthi ghetli The Jamadar then took away Khajia Naik's Jamâdârâna: necklace.
Suvarnachi karê ghetlê tyachya bancihûnê.
While, another brother took away his golden bangle. Note, the third took away, his anklet and scarf.
Rumal tora dabala, pâhà tya tisaryane.
Khajia Nayakache shir kapile, paha, tya And see, how the fourth struck off Khajiâ chautyâne. Nâik's head.
Kumâlât te slur ghalûn châlile ghevûna.
Wrapping up the head in the scarf, they bore it away.

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53
Yot hota Pola Sinh sadake var milvile tyana.
Tujhya bapache shîr anile kapûna.
Now Pola Siih was passing along the road,
and met them. (They said) "See, we have brought your
father's severed head. Do not attenipt to fly, or you will share his
"Palayacha upaya karshil jashil jivana."
fate.'
Adnyan baļ mani gela bhivona.
GhodyAvar basla hota khali Ala uträna. Pola Sinh ra lato shirala bhe ûna. Pola Sinh anala Shirparasii charûna. Shir da vile kacherît neûna.
Tya shfra sathi rađate aoghe jana,
Thar akant jhala Shirpora karana. Sakari valya tyachya Gusmanâna,
Shîrâla jhala Dharangâvii hukuma,
Te shir davile banglyât weûna.
Sahibåne shîr pâhile drishtina, Char hajêr rupâyo dile mojana.
Tya shîrê sâtbi jariche kafan.
Tyâ shîrâla jhâla sa lakcha hukuma.
He was but an ignorant youth and beauno
frightened. He dismounted and went up to them. Pola Sinh took the head and wept. So they brought Polâ Sivh into Shîrpur. They went to the office and sheweil thu
head. All wept for the slain man on seeing the
head. There was violent wailing in Shirpûr. But his enemies (delighted) distributed
sugar, They were ordered to go to Dharang&oii with
the head They went there and pro:luced the heal at
the (Sahib's) house. The Sahih saw the head, and examined it. He counted out four thousand rupees to
them (as a reward). A cloth of gold brocacle was provided as a
cover for the head. And it was ordered that the head should bo
buried on the high road So the head was buried on the high road. Pola Sinh was told to go back to the hills. (The Sahib said to him) "Take up your
father's position." Boy as he was he petitioned : As my father's head has heen cut off and
brought here, So let me settle in Sangvi, Sir." But the English were suspicious of his
intentions, And Pola Sinh was ordered to go to Bom
bay. And to Bombay he was therefore taken. While the English established post through
out the hills, And utterly demolished Saigvî.
Chorus: Thus did Khâjsa Rav, son of Dhuman Naik G.in a namo throughout the world by
fighting the English
Te shfr ga lile sa lakevar neûna. Pola Sinhâsi hâla dahadachâ hukuma. "Tiyhia bâpache jaga byis ro khûna."
Adnyân bâle arj dilê lihûna. Majhyâ bâpâche shir anile kapûna, Sangvichi jâgaAnt mi basana" Ingrej bahadur gelê mani bharkûna ; Pola Sinbasi jhula Mumbaicha hukuma. Pola Sinh ghe tale Mumbaic nena. Pabådâ madhyen bash Ingrejyâche thaņa;
Sangvi jagâ takili mo.Jûna.
Tek: Dhuman Nayaka potîn janamle sawâl Khaje
RAY Ingrajâshi ghean laŅhai chau deshiq kele
nav

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[MARCH, 1916
THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA.
By V. RANGACHARI, M.A., L.T., MADRAS.
(Continued from p. 36.) The Jesuit theory of oppression not quite trustworthy. The theoretical rate of 50 per cent. of the gross produce would have been, if strictly adhered to, hard enough for the cultivators; but we are informed that the Polygars and the crown officials were always rapacious, and squeezed more from the ryots. Their rapacity, says the Jesuit authority," was usually limited only by the inability of the Ryot to pay, or by his success in deceiving or bribing the collecting staff." It is difficult to believe this severe and wholesale condemnation. The large number of wars in which the Naik kings were engaged, the size and extent of the grants they made to Brâhmans and temples, the enormous amount they spent in the construction of public works and in the performance of charities, the industrious liberality with which they constructed vast irrigation works, could hardly have been possible, if the revenue system were based on injustice and tyranny. An unceasing extortion by revenue officials would have hopelessly impoverished the country, and made it unable to bear the burden of those incessant wars and those works of unproductive expenditure, for which the Kartas were famous. The country's splendour and luxury, moreover, could not have been the result of a reckless maladministration. Indeed the dynasty itself could not have been in power for such a long time, if it had been erected on the foundations of tyranny and cruelty. The importance attached to a just rule in contemporary literature, and the laudation of the kings in inscriptions could not have happened in an atmosphere of unalloyed misery. The praises of chronicles, the exploits of kings like Ranga Krishna Muttu Vîrappa, the works of Tiramal Naik and Mangamma! are even now existing proofs of a prosperous kingdom and a resourceful people. It is therefore safe to conclude that, as a rule, the administration was paternal and sympathetic, while there were not wanting, as the Jesuit writers inform us, grave intervals of oppression and misrule. As A. J. Stuart says, 70 a government whose wealth and whose tastes are manifested by hundreds of temples and statues throughout the peninsula, and whose readiness to employ all its resources for the benefit of its people, as proved by the number and nature of the irrigation works which it completed, implies a contented and prosperous people; while a high state of the arts and of knowledge is abundantly testified by the exquisite design and workmanship discoverable in many of the temples and statues, as well as by the grasp and mastery of the principles of irrigation, a complicated and difficult branch of the engineering art displayed in their irrigation system."
Comparison of the Naik assessment with the later Musalman system. Passing on to the quogtion how far the Náik assessment as heavy or light when compared with later assessments, we have first to see that it was, in the words of A. J. Stuart, undoubtedly light when compared to that of the Mahomedan Government of the Nawabs of the Carnatic which follows." In highly eloquent and pathetic terms Dr. Caldwell describes the oppression of the Carnatic Renter77 and the absolute helplessness of the Ryot in the days of the Carnatic Raj. Interested in squeezing as much as possible, the Renters practically reduced the farmer's share to 16 per cent. of the proluce. It was out of this meagre dole that he was to maintain his family, to furnish the stock and implements of husbandry, to purchase cattle and meet other expenses. Besides, he was compelled to "labour week after week at the repair of water-courses, tanks and embankments of rivers." He could 76 Tinnevelly Manual p. 69. Tinnevelly alone contained 36 pagodas of note and nearly 400 recoiv.
ats (exclusive of village pagodas), in the beginning of the 19th century. "This gives some idea of the wealth and civilization of the province at a very early period." In Madura there should have been a much larger number of such shrineg.
77 His Tinnevelly; Stuart's Tinnevelly Manual, p. 63.

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MARCK, 1916)
THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA
55
not reap his harvest without the sanction of the Renter, who could chastise disobedience with bodily torture and wholesale confiscation. He was prevented from the sale of corn without the payment of transit duties at almost every tenth mile on his way to the market, a hardship which he shared with manufacturers and merchants. The prices of his goods, again, were not always regulated by the natural laws of demand and supply, as the exchange of specie could be raised or sunk at the Renter's discretion. The possibility of famines was, in consequence, & commozi object of fear. With the military force at his disposal, with all the judicial and civil authorities also united in his hands, the Renter, after all a mercenary in his ideals, had all those tremendous powers which " ought to constitute the dignity and lustre of supreme executive authority," and which he prostituted, at the expense of the people, to his insatiable greed and boundless avarice. It is not surprising that, in the time of the Carnatic Nawabs, the agriculturist was a miserably poor and robbed person. It is true that the provincial Governor of the Naik Kingdom, who was of course immodiately subordinate to the Karta, had all the powers, privileges and dignities of che later Renter. But there seems to have been a greater control of the Governor under the Kartas. He was moreover not a short time farmer of the revenues, who could oppress the people or the Zamindars and vassal Râjâs with impunity. He seems to have been invested with powors for an unlimited time, the duration of his power depending on his capacity to rule and his sympathy with the people. The central government also seems to have been comparatively vigilant in following his actions and checking his vagaries. The small incidence which took place at Tinnevelly in the time of the Governor Tiruvêngadanathaiya and his suzerain, Raiga Krish na Muttu Virappa Naik, illustrates the financial check of the Karta over the provincial ruler.
Comparison with the British system, If the Nâik administratio: of the land revenue was milder and more equitable than the later Muhammadan administration it was, in the view of some at least, not so mild or so equitable as the British administration of the present day. Mr. Nelson who first made such a comparison arrived at a very extravagant conclusion,78 On the ground that Father Martin, a Jesuit writer, writes that in 1713 eight marakale of rice were sold for one fanam, i. e., 96 lbs. of rice for 2 d., and that in 1866, when the Madura Manual was written, it was sold at 20 lbs. per rupee, Nelson concluded that the Naik revenue of £1,200,000 was really equal to 50 million pounds storling of the " present day,"—the purchasing power of money then being 40 times the purchasing power in 1866! Dewan Bahadur Srinivasa Raghava Aiyangar, the late Inspector General of Registration (Madras) and the author of the celebrated Memorandum on the 40 years' Progress of the Madras Presidency (1893), made & more moderate estimate. He points out that, according to Father Martin, a quantity of eight marakáls of rice was needed for a man's maintenance for 15 days, and that these 8 marakals were worth 2 d. Practical experience shews, however, that 8 maralcals are not wanted for a man for 15 days. The utmost that he is likely to need is 3 lbs. per day, and therefore 45 lbs. for 15 days. Now the Dewan Bahadur's contention is that even if these 45 lbs. are considered to have been worth 2 d., the price in 1713 would be 1/12 of the price in 1893 (when the aui hor wrote his memorandum). The purchasing power of the money in 1713, in other words, was twelve times the purchasing power in 1893. Mr. Hayavadana Rao carried this argument further. Assuming in a purely arbitrary manner—that the purchasing power of money in the 17th century was double that in the 18th, he concludes that the Nâik revenue of £1,200,000 or 180 lakhs of rupees was in reality equal to six times 180 lakhs, and that it was therefore 9 times the present land revenue in the same districts, which amounts to 120 lakhs of rupees.80
78 Madura Manual, 155-6.
To See Ind. Aniq. November 1911, p. 281-2 where a summary is given of both Nelson and Srinivasa Raghava Aiyangar.
80 Ibid. It will be seen that this writer simply multiplies the total merling amount by 15 to find out the silver equivalent !

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The mistakes of Nelson and Srinivasa Raghava Aiyangar.
"
The calculations of these writers have been vitiated by certain mistakes. I have already shewn how Nelson was not justified in holding the sum of £880,000 as land revenue, and how it would be more proper to hold that, out of a total revenue of £880,000 a sum of £550,000 or roughly £600,000 alone formed the land revenue. A second mistake of Nelson is that he gives too low a value for a fanam. It is true that there were various fanams,81 gold and silver, current in the middle ages, and it is difficult to say to what fanam Father Martin has referred. But a little investigation into the numismatic history of the peninsula and a more careful study of the chronicles tell us that the fanam usually in currency was in gold and was in value one tenth of a pagoda and one fifth of a pon. The fanam weighed, as a rule, about 5 grains, and thus formed a tenth of the pagoda in value. The Tanjore fanams, for example, which had "a Swâmi on the con cave side and, on the convex, double lines crossing each other at right angles," weighed 5 grains. The Madura fanams resembled the Tanjore fanams, but the lines on the convex side intersected less regularly and were accompanied by two minute circles. They also weighed 5 grains. The Negapatam farams weighed 5 grains and the Tinne velly or "Koili " fanams which, as Marsden says, were current from the Koleroom river to the southern extremity of the peninsula, are thin and flat, with impressions that have too little apparent meaning to admit of description," weighed 5 grains.82 The point to be noted is that it is these gold fanams which must have been referred to by Father Martin, and not the small silver fanams which exchanged for a few kâius and which were used only in very small transactions. Nelson is therefore wrong in equating a faṇam to 21d. The correct value is one tenth of 78. 6d. that is 8. Now it will be seen that, according to Martin, 8 marakals of husked rice, which we may take as the equivalent of 16 marakâls of paddy, were worth 9. It follows from this that a kalam (12 marakâls) of paddy sold for 64d. in 1713, and we may presume in the earlier period of the Nâik History also. The equivalent of 63d. in 1713 was 6 annas, as the ratio between gold and silver was then 1 to 15, and to 4 annas in 15601600, as the ratio was then 1 to 10. Now in the year 1902 the price of paddy was Rs. 1, and so the purchasing power of money in the 16th century was a little less than 6 times. The crown land revenue of 60 lakhs was therefore equivalent to 375 lakhs of rupees; and as the land revenue in the same districts in 1902 was 120 lakhs, it is plain that the Naik land revenue was 3 times the British one. Nominally, of course, it was half; but in reality, on account of the greater purchasing power of money, thrice the burden on the ryot of 1902. Similar proportions can be found out for the other periods; but what has been thus far said is enough to shew that the Naik land tax was not so burdensome as scholars have hitherto imagined it to be.
(To be continued.)
81 See Marsden (Numismo 'a Orientalia, 1825, II) p. 739. Bidie's Coin Collections gives a number of Janams the general weight of which may be said to be 5 grains. Of these we may note Calicut fanams (5.79 grs.), Cochin fanams (Puttan, 5.85), Cully fanam (Tinnevelly 4:512 grs. to 5:55 grs.), Ikkéri fanama (5.725 grs.), Ghidda fanam (5.79), Guligai fanam (5-846), Gôpâla fanam (Salem, 5-0625), Kanterâi farams (5-6875), Lakshmi fanam (5-6125), Moolakavirai or Puttan fanam (5-1375-5-35 grs.), Nagur farams (5-075-5-525), etc. See Bidies, Coin Collections, 41-9. Marsden points out that the average fanams weighed between 5 and 6 grains. According to Buchanan, gold fanam was 1/12 pagoda, but "in all those I have compared" says Marsden," the proportion of weight is as 1 to 9." (Numis. Orient. II, 736). The silver fanams were much less valuable. According to some 8 kaś went to make one fanam, and 42 fanams one pagoda. Later on, 12 fanams were equal to one Arcot Rupee, i. e., 231d. English. (Bidie, p. 27). According to another, 9 kds went to make one fasam, and 15 fanams one pagoda. Still another says, 9 kds were equal to one fanam and 16 fanams to one pagoda (See Factory Records, 1619, p. 263). The Madura Gazr, says that 161 Kali fanams made a pagoda (Star pagoda). The value of a fanam varies, however, in different localities. In Madura it is 3 annas and 4 pies and in the Dindigul division 4 annas." (p. 153) According to Buchanan 10,000 Gopala fanams were equal to £139-13-3. i. e. A fanam-31d, roughly. (Vol. II, p. 9.)
82 Marsden, p. 746.

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SOME ANGLO-INDIAN WORTHIES OF THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY.
BY LAVINIA MARY ANSTEY.
No. v.
JAMES HARDING. JAMES HARDING, the fifth of our " Worthies," is notable chiefly for his unorthodox opinions and his disagreeable temper. During the twenty years in which his name occurs among the Records of the East India Company, there is not one kindly mention of him, nor any reason to suppose that he ever made a friend. In fact, except for the period when he was under the special protection of Job Charnock at Kasimbazar, he appears to have been always at variance with his superiors and his fellow workers. At a time when the small communities of the various factories in Bengal were drawn together, either by the need of social intercourse, or for mutual assistance in their private trading ventures, the omission of James Harding's name in the many chatty letters written to that popular correspondent (and subsequent head of Balasor Factory), Richard Edwards, is significant. Neither is there a single letter extant by Harding himself, beyond his statements to the Councils of Bengal and Madray. His career in India has been, perforce, pieced out from scattered references to his employment and standing, and from accounts of his misbeliefs and misdoings in the MSS. preserved at the India Office. These give a tolerable estimate of his character, and present him as a man always in opposition, both in religious and civil life, to accepted conditions. His adherence to the doctrines of the sestarian, Ludowicke Muggleton, may have been the cause of his unpopularity on his arrival in India, and attacks made on his religious beliefs probably rendered him inora, morose and less inclined to fraternize with those about him. The accusations levelled a gainst him by Agent Hedge; might be disregarde:1, since Hedges was in violent opposition to Job Charnock and aspersed all those whom Charnock supported. For the sume reason, the allegations against Harding's moral character might be discounted, since they were made by those who were supporting and currying favour with Hedges. But that Charnock himself should weary of Harding's coatinued "troublesome miscarryages" is the best evidence of his "turbulent" and " litigious " nature. No matter where he wag, or who was in office, he was evidently a man who would always be "agin' the government." No serious complaints were made as to his inefficiency, nor was he ever accused of trading privately to the Co.n pany's detriment. Ho simply seems to have had no capacity for living in friendship or for showing himself as friendly to any one.
James Harding's career in India extends from 1672 until 1688, and possibly later. He was elected a writer at £10 per annum on the Ist November 1671, on the recommendation of John Jollife and Benjamin Albyn, two members of the Court of Committees of the East India Company. His securities in the sum of $500 were Hercules Bridson of London, silk dyer, and Nicholas Harding of London. The latter was probably either the father or some near relative of the young writer, but no confirmation of the fact is available. A search for the will of Nicholas Harding at Somerset House has proved unavailing, nor have any other particulars regarding James Harding's family been discovered.
Four factors and ten writers were “entertained " by the Court of Committees in November 1671 to serve their factories in Madras and Bengal. James Harding's name is
1 Court Minutes, Vol. XXVII, pp. 184, 187.

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eighth on the list of writers, and he was " to be disposed of " as the Council at Fort St. George should "thinck fitt."2 News had reached the Court of irregularities among their youthful servants, and they therefore wrote to the authorities at Fort St. George as follows:
** Wee are informed that some of your youthes with you, upon pretence that they have not allow.nce of suppers and other Conveniences provided for them in the Fort, take liberty to go to Punch Howses and other places, and spend their time therein deboiching themselves, which wee cannot allow off. Therefore wee require that a competent provision and accommodation be made for them within our Fort, and that you restrayne all persons from this practice, and take care good howers and orders Care kept]."
The Court also made a fresh regulation with regard to the munificent salaries paid to their writers._" And that all our writers under your Agency, whose sallaries are 10 li. per annum may be the better enabled to furnish themselves with Clothes and other Xecessaries, Wee doe now order that their full gallaries be quarterly paid unto them. both of those already with you, with the Arrears of their said sallaries, And likewise to such as come in these ships."
The fleet sailing to India in 1671-1672 consisted of the Berkeley Castle, Johanna, Loyall Subject, Rebeccah and Anne, and on these five slips the factors and writers were disposed. The Anne reachoci Fort St. George on the 13th June 1672," the other four Vessels arriving ten days later, when the Company's new servants took up their duties.
There is no mention of Harding for two years. Then, in March 1674, the Court wrote, "Wee doo order that Mr. James Harding, now at the Fort St. George, who was bred a silkeman, be sent to assambazzar [Kasim bazar] to be imployed about sorting our silk." It is probable that Hercules Bridson, silk dyer, mentioned as one of Harding's securities, was responsible for his training in the silk trade. Accordingly, immediately on receipt of the Company's orders, the Council at Fort St. George proceeded to carry them out. On th, 28th September 1674 they 'wrote to Walter Clavell and Council at Balasor, announcing that James Harding should " in few daies" proceed to * C'assum buzar to be Inploved in the Honble. Companies affareg." On his arrival at Balasor, Harcling was therefore sent on to Kasimbazar in the “Ganges " and it was suggested t) Matthias Vincent, then chief of that factory, that he should be employed "as an assistance to the warehousekeeper."
For nearly three years from this date the Records are silent regarding Harding. He should have been out of his writership at the end of 1676, but in the settlement made by the Court of their servants in Bengal, on the 12th December 1677, his name appears as "17th in the Bay" and first of the three writers at Kasimbazar. Harding, who had arrived in India imbued with the teaching of the then notorious sectarian Muggleton, found ample time to absorb the doctrines of his spiritual leader, and to avow them openly in the little English community at Kasim bazar. But, however scandalized his superiors were, or affected to be, by his inorthodox opinions, they hesitated to bring a charge against him, unless assured of support from their employers. In 1677 th is support was given
: Letter to Fort St. George of the 18th December 1671, Letter Book, Vol. IV, pp. 493 ff. 3 Leiter Book, Vol. IV, p. 500.
Letter Book, Vol. IV, p. 500. 50. C. (Original Correspondence), No. 3721.
Letter to Fort St. Georgo of the 13th March 1674, Letter Book, Vol. V, p. 98. 1 Factory Records, Hugli, Vol. IV. Letter of 6th October 1674, Factory Records, Hugli, Vol. IV. Letter Book, Vol. V, p. 500.

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in a letter from the Court of the 16th December 1675, the 27th paragraph of which bestowed the following powers upon the Agent and Council at Fort St. George 10 :
"Though Wee have not thought fitt to Authorize Our Agent and councell to putt any person out of Councell that Wee have appointed of the Councell, Yet in case any of our Councell should prove unfaithfull to Us, either in discovering of Our Affaires to Our Enemies, or otherwise conspire against Us to defraud or betrav Us, or become guilty of any fact accounted criminall, as Murder, Theft, Rape, Blasphemy, or the Like, In such cases the matter plainely appearing to Our Agent and Councell, or the more part of them, they may and ought to suspend such person from the Councell, or put him in Prison acoording to the Nature of the Offence."
In .1677, the Council at Kasimbazar took advantage of this paragraph to call a consultation, on the 17th August, 11 when Matthias Vincent, Edward Littleton and Richnrd Edwards, « Well considering the 27th Paragraffe of the Honble. Companies Letter, it was resolved that a coinplaint should be made and charge drawne up and sent to the Cheife and Councell of the Bay against James Hardinge, a younge man in this Factory of very dangerous and horribly blasphemous principles, as denying the persons of the Father and the Spiritt in the Godhead, as alsoe the [im] mortallity of the Soule, and sundry other wicked tenets, which he had often vented here and endeavoured to draw others to, often declaring an implicite faith in and blind adherence to whatever hath been declared and owned by one Ludowycke Muggleton, 12 a notorious and abominable hereticke spraunge up in our dayes, as the record of our times and his owne bookes Sufficiently declare, and to desire and presse the removall hence and sendinge home the vaid James Hardinge, according to the orders of the Honble. Company in the aforesaid paragraffe of their letter, he beinge alsoe a person of very littlo use and Service in our Honble. Masters affaires, of whome we cannot give any of those commendable and required Caracters of “Dilligent, Faithfull and Able," but the Contrary. All which wee reffered to the Cheife to draw up and to insert such other particulars as might be necessary to inske knowne unto the Chiefe and Councell.”
Vincent's categorical complaint against Harding does not exist. Before it reached Balasor, and even before the holding of the Consultation noted above, Walter Clavell had fallen & victim to the epidemio which carried off nearly all the Company's servants there. Vincent was hurriedly summoned to take Clavell's place, and Littleton, who succeeded him at Kasimbazar, left Harding alone, until an act of direct disobedience caused a second complaint of his comduct to be sent to Balasor. The details are given in the Kasimbazar Diary of the 1st November 167713 "There wanting a Copy of an Apendix to our Generall Books to bee transmitted to our Honble. Masters this year, James Harding was by Edward Littleton sent for, and beinge Come, the said apendix was tendred to him and 10 Letter Book, Vol. V. pp. 285-296,
11 Factory Records, Kasimbazar, Vol. I. 12 Ludowioke Muggleton (1609-1698), an English seotarian, was the son of a farrier, but was bred up as a tailor. He began to have revelations in 1651, and proclaimed himself and his cousin as the two witnesses of revelation XL 3. An exposition of their doctrines was published in 1656 under the title of The Divino Looking-Glass. In 1653 Muggleton was imprisoned for blasphemy. In 1667 he was tried and convicted for the same offence, and was fined £500. He escaped further imprisonment and lived to be nearly ninety. His collected works were published in 1756. The Muggletonions survived as u saat until about 1846. (See the art. in the Encycl. Brit. 11th ed.).
13 Factory Records, Kasimbazar, Vol. I.

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he ordered to Copy the same, which after some shufflinge, he peremtorily refused to doe. Whereupon Mr George Knipe beinge sent for and Come, the said James Harding was againe enordered to copy the same, but he continued obstinate, contumatiously refusinge to write any more for the Company. Thereupon, beinge withdrawne, it was considered of and agreed that, seeinge he had denyed his Service to the Honble. Company, he should not be paid any more dyett money, but beinge an Englishman, should have accomodation of roome, dyett, &ca. in the Factory till further order from the Cheife and Councell for the Bay, it beinge concluded at same time to advise them of the stubborne Carrage of the said James Harding as above."
A letter was therefore written, on the same date, to Matthias Vincent at Hugliit :--
“Wee have to advise you that having some writeinge worke of our Honoble. Masters affaires to be don and transmitted to them this yeare, wee did enorder James Harden to preforine the same, but after some shuffling and boggling, he obstinately and peremtorly refused it more then once in our presence this day. Wee are of opinion that, considering his capacity, ho could scarce have Comitted an Act which could more have manifested his unfaithfullness and disobedience and refusall of a Continueance in, and rendered him more lyable to be discharged of, our Honoble. Masters Employment, it being not an uct of Rashness or passion, but of serious deliberation (as much as he is capable of), and which he yet Justifiez and continues in. Being resolved to write noe more for the Honoble. Company, wee doe at present look upon him as a private Person, and therefore have enordered tho disburser of our Factory charges not to pay him any more Diet mony, but shall permitt him, as an Englishman, Accomodation of roome &ca. in the factory till your further orders, and hope for your Aprovall.'
In reply to this letter, Matthias Vincent wrote, on the 8th November 167715 :" Wee much admire at the Folle of James Harding, which Since, as you advise, persist[ed] in, and so is both useless to our Masters and also gives bad Examples to his fellow Servants there. We order you to send him hither by the next conveyance... You have done very well in not allowing Harding his dyett money, since, by denying of what hee is capable of doing in our Masters busines, wee think hee hath mended [sic ? rendered] him selfe worthy of it."
Harding was acquainted with the orders concerning him on the 13th November, 10 and on the 21st, the Kasim bazar Diary contains an entry17 that he "proceeded this eveninge towards Hugly by virtue of an order from the Cheife and Councell of the Bay for his Stubborne behavior in Contumatiously refusing to write for the Honble. Company." At the same time, Littleton and Knipe wrote to Vincent concerning Harding's disobedient carriage," and stated that they enclosed an “Account of his Demeanor,''18 which Account, however, has not been preserved. The letter reached Hugli on the 26th November 1677. Matthias Vincent was then at Balasor, and Edward Reade was in charge of the factory. He and his colleagues decided to refer Harding's case to their superior. The entry in the Hugli Diary of the 20th November runs as follows 20:—"This day we haveing received an atestation frome Cassumbuzar Concerning James Hardings peremtory refuseing to Copie out the Honoblé. Companies Bookes or doeing what was ordered him by the Cheife there in the said service &ca., as per said appeares, and their 14 Factory Records, Hygli, Vol. VII.
15 Factory Records, Hugli, Vol. IV. 16 Ibid.
17 Factory Records, Kasimbazar, Vol. I. 18 Ibid.
19 Factory Records, Hugli, Vol. t.

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complaint of him some daies since received, he being sent for thence and arrived hither, to discourage others his fellow servants frome the like, forbad him the Honoble. Companies table and ordered him to be ready to proceed on one of the Honoble. Companies sloopes to Ballasore where he should be examined on these and other matters laid to his charge."
Accordingly, Harding was sent to Balasor, where, at a Consultation held on the 14th December 1677,20 he was first examined regarding the accusations of blasphemy brought against him in the preceding August. The Council consisted of Matthias Vincent, four factors, and three captains of Company's ships.
" James Harding haveing been accused of severali Blasphemous Tennets, of which attestations have been sent up to the Fort [Fort St. George, Madras], he was called before the Councell and examined before them concerning his present adherancy to the said Tennets, Vizt.
1. Being asked whither he beleived that when the body died the soule still lived in overlasting bliss or Missery, or whither he beleived it dyed with the body.
He answered that he was in doubts about it, but being further pressed to give his possitive answer, he replyed that he would give noe angwer.
2. Being asked whither he beleived there were threa persons of the holy Trenity.21 To which he refused to give an answer.
3. Being asked whither he had affirmed, as he is accused, that when our blessed Saviour was upon earth that there was noe God in heaven and that Moses and Elias were there.
To this also he refused to give an answer.
4. Being further asked whither he denied the truth of the Holy Scripture, and that they were much corrupted by passing through the hands of Papists, &ca., and that he aflicmed that they were compiled by a few of unlarned and Ignorant Fishermen.
The which he denyes.
This shewes that he can deny what he does not hold, and that the three first opinions, since he will give noe answer to them, are in effect held by him.
However, he, the said James Harding, haveing desired to give in his answer in a paper concerning the three afforesaid abominable Tennets, the Councell and Commanders though[t] fitt to give him 3 hours time to bring in said paper: which, il sattisfactory, Wee should consider what Issue to put to this case, but if otherwise, we are all of opinion that he ought to be sent to Fort St. George there to answer it to the Worshipfull Agent and Councell."
At a second sitting of the Council at Balasor, on the afternoon of the same day, “ James Harding brought in a paper to the Councell, which he pretended to be an answer to the accusations upon which he was examinied in the morning, but upon perusall, both the Councell and Commanders were soe farr from thinkeing it an answer that they judge sit to be raither a continuation of the obstinacy he expressed in the morning. wherefore they unanimusly concluded that this paper and his accusation be sent with him to Fort St. George."
It is unfortunate that this paper" is missing, and consequently no opinion can be formed of Harding's justification of his conduct. He was probably sent forth with to Madras, for, in an abstract of a letter to the Company, from the Council at Fort
20 Factory Records, Hugli, Vol. I.
21 Muggleton's Divino Looking-Glass taught that the distinction of the Three Persons of the Trinity is merely nominal.

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St. George, dated 27th January 1678, is the remark.22 “ James Hardin sent from the Bay for crimes, &ca., and Valentine Nurse that came from thence are both at the Fort, concerning which they await the Companys orders."
Harding appears to have remained in an anomalous position throughout 1678, for in January 1679, although his name occurs as a writer in a list of the Company's Servants at Fort St. George,"3 he is placecl last and no "degree" is assigned to him. On the 27th February 1079 he applied to be reinstated in Bengal or allowed to remain in India as a freeman. His request was taken into consideration on the 3rd March, Streynsham Master, Agent and Governor, presiding :-"Upon reading a Paper given in by James Harding tho 27th February (which time did not permit to doe on that day) it was Resolved to give him for Answear that the Councell did not thinke fitt to settle him in Bengale, and therefore, according to his clesire, they doe quitt him of the Honble. Companys service to remaine a freeman. As for the Arreares of his Sallary, and Rupees 61: 13an. he pretends to be stopt out of his dyett mony, when they are satisfied therein from the Chief and Councell in Bengale, they shall take further order about it."
Meanwhile, the Court had written, 23 * In yours of the 27th of January (1678], The first thing Wee meet with unanswerel is your expectance of our directions concerning two disorderly persons, Nurse and Harling, which is that you send them home by this shipping, and for the futuro, never let any suspended Person remaine upon our charge after his suspension." The only comment on these orders is contained in the abstract of a letter from Fort St. George to the Company of the 27th January 1680, in which the Council romark, Mr Xurse and Harding Care] in a poor condition, but not now at the Companys charge. 24 It is to be presumed that Harding remained at Ford St. George throughout 1680 and part of 1681, but there is no allusion to him, unless he is included in tho remark in the Court's letter of the 5th January 1681,27 "Wee shall alow nothing to Mr Nurse or any such disorderly persons, and we expect your care to prevent their being in our Houses, or at our Tables, to be an ill example to others, or Any charge to us."
Finding no prospect of employment in Madras, James Harding decided to return to Bengal. He apparently left Fort St. George without permission, and made his way to Hugli, and thence to Kasimbazar, whence he had been so summarily ejected in 1677. His arrival is noted on the 25th November 1681,28 Job Charnock, who had succeeded to the chiefship of Kasimbazar, took Harding under his protection and gave him employment, but the ex-writer's contentious disposition soon again brought him into trouble. At a Consultation held on the 31st May 1682,29 during a visit of inspection by Matthias Vincent, James Harding, who absented himself on some occasions, being called and severely checked for his comeing up without lisence, as also fighting in the factory, and admonished to be[have] more quietly, Mr Chamook owning him as his particuler servant, was thought fitt to be lett remaine some time longer, on his good behaviour in this Factory."
22 Factory Records, Miscellaneous, Vol. 34. 23 Mackenzie MSS., Vol. LI, p. 105 (copies of Madras Records).
21 Diary and Consultation Book of Kort St. George 1679-80. (Printed copies of Madras Rocords), P. 20.
25 General Letter to Fort St. George of the 3rd January 1879. Letter Book, Vol. VL p. 20. % Factory Records, Miscellaneous, Vol 38.
27 Letter Book, Vol. VI, p. 251. 2 Kasimbazar Diary. Factory Records, Kasimbazar, Vol. I. 29 Factory Records, Kasimbazar, Vol. II.

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Before this report of Harding s mis doings reached the Court, they had written to Bengal, ordering that, if found deserving of their favour, he should be given another chance to serve the Company30.-" If you find Mr James Harding (who hath for sovrall vears p288'd been in our service) diligent, able and faith full in our concerns, We woull have you give him incouragement as he shall be found to deserve." This change in the Court's attitude towards Harding may be due to an appeal on his behalf from their valued and trusted servant, Job Charnock. But as all the time-servers then in Bengal were directly antagonistic to Charnock, anyone under his protection was sure to be singled out for attack, whether innocent or guilty. Agent William Hedges, who was appointed supervisor of affairs in Bengal in 1682, was especially inimical to Charnock. He was at Kasimbazar in October 168231 and again in April 1683, when his Diary for the 17th of that month contains the following entry :-32 "Harding accused. Upon information given me by most of the factory that James Harling, now entertained by Mr Charnock as his servant, had formerly bin dismist the Honble. Company's Service for Blasphemy and Athisticall tenetts, and trat he was a person notoriously scandalous both in life and conversation (George Pitman, a Throwster, offering to de pose that he saw sa il Harding lye with Mr Elliotts woman slave), I ordred him not to eat at the Company's tible, and reproved Mr Charaock for entertaining so vitious a person ; to which he gave me the hearing with little or no reply, resolving, I suppose, to satisfie me for the present, and admitt him again as soon as I leave the factory."
Three days later a petitio. against Harding was presented to the Agent. This was signed by all those who were in opposition to Charnock.
"This day [20th April 1683] was presented a Petition of Allen Catchpoole, John Threder, Samuell Langley, George Pitman and George Stone, complaining of one James Harding, a mot Turbulent, violent-spirited fellow, in the following words, vizt.
"She weth That in the factory of Cassumbuzar there is one James Harding, a person who was formerly dismist the Hon ble. Company's service for Blasphemy and Athisticall tonetts, and since he hath buen here, hath evidenced himself to be a person of a most unquiett turbulent Spiritt, having all along bin a great disturber of the peace and quiet of this factory, and hath often bred differences amongst us ; and for the future we can hope no better from a Person of his irreligious and scandalous principles, he having lately bin taken in fornication with a slave wanch of John Elliotts, as is attested and ready to be deposed on oath by George Pitman, one of your petitioners, and divers other misdemeanors the said James Harding hath committed. We do therefore humbly request your Worship &ca. to take the premises into consideration, and ease us of this inconveniency: and that this our Petition may be entred into your Dyary. And your Petitioners shall pray &ca."
218t April 1683. "Mr Catchpoole's &os. Petition was taken into consideration, and after full examination, and hearing all parties, James Harding was found guilty of all that was alledged in the Petition, and ordred forthwith to be dismist the Honble. Conipany's Factory, but intercessioa being made by Mr Charnock for his continuance with him some time, to help him draw out and transcribe his Account, liberty was given him the said Harding to rumuia in tho Factory till the 28th instant."34
30 Letter to "The Bay" of 27th October 1692, Litter Book, Vol. VII, p. 103. 31 Diary of William Hedges, Factory Records, Miscellaneous, Vol. XV, p. 27. 32 Ibid, p. 55. 33 Ibid, pp. 56-57. 34 Ibid. p. 67.

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Accordingly, Harding left Kisimbazar on or about the time prescribed, and in July 1683 was at Hugli, when Hedges did not scruple to use him as a tool whereby to gain information to be used to Charnock's disadvantage. "I had some discourse," he writes on the 28th July, with Mr James Harding, who being in hopes of [ro Jadmission into the Company's Service, confest to me very freely that all the Accusations laid against Mr Thredder, concerning the great gains and advantage he makes by overweight of Silke was certainly true, and often complain'd of by the Merchants to Mr Charnock, who alwayes past it by, and took no notice of it.
"Mr Harding farther informed me that the relation given me at Cassum buzar of the 5 bales of Silke, proffered to be sould to the Company (which was produced, of over weight of silke gain'd from the Merchants) was certainly true, and complaind of to Mr Charnock, who at first seem'd concern'd, but soon past it over. That he was not so confident and well assured of Mr Barker's infidelity as he was of Mr Threder's, but this much he knew, that all the business of the Warehouse was done and performed by Mr Barker, and that he had heard there was a certain agreement between Threder and Barker, the latter being to receive a certain summe in lieu of all profitts, and was confident Barker was no such fool as to hold his tongue without considerable advantage.
"Continuing my discourse with the said Mr Harding, I desired to know the reason why Mr Charnock was so cross to me, and thwarting every thing I propos'd or did for the Company's service, who replied Mr Charnock had no other reason for his so doeing but that he looked upon himselfe as disoblig'd by you at your first arrivall, for not turning out Mr Catchpoole at his request, and was thereupon resolv'd to blast and to frustrate all your actions and proceed in ge as much as he could, and never to Councell or assist you more in any thing as long as he lived.35
That Harding could stoop to turn on his former protector and so basely repay his kindness, shows him to have been unwort'iy of any support and to have richly deserved the ultimate fate that befell him. However, he reaped no benefit from his attempt to make friends with his patron's opponents. On the 8th October 1683, at a Consultation held at Hagli, William Hedges presiding, his request for reinstatement was negatived.80
"Mr James Harding having severall times petition'd that he might againe be entertained in the Honblo. Companys service, according to their order in the Generall Letter of the 27th of October 1682,07 whorein they say, if he be found diligent, able and faithfull, he may have such preferment as we thinke he may deserve, 'twas this day taken into consideration, and I having declared that the said Mr Harding had tolld me.., that Mr Threder had much wrong'd the Company in his charge of Warehousekeeper at Cassumbuzar, and afterwards refused to testifie the same when demanded of him at Cassumbuzar and the business of Mr Threder upon examination, the question being putt whether the said Mr Harding should be received into the Companys Service, 'twas carried in the negative."
Having failed in his object, Harding had the effrontery to return to his quondam supporter, greatly to the wrath of Hedges, who writes, under date the 27th October 1683, * The last night Mr James Whatson desired a Dustick (dastak, pass] of me for a Budgera [bajra, barge] with some Persian fruit to Cassumbuzar. When the boat was putting off, Mr Watson orderd the chiefe Boatman or mangee [manjhi] to take in Mr Harding and
35 Diary of William Hedges, Factory Records, Miscellaneous, Vol. xv, pp. 71-72. 36 Ibid, pp. 90-91.
37 See ante. p. 63.

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carry him to Casumbuza:. The man gee refusing to doe it without my order, Mr Watson struck him twice, and forced him to take him in. Thus, by the Countenance and sinister practices of Mr Beard is the Companys Honour and my Authority slighted and contemnd; otherwise they would as soon eat fire as attempt to doe it, would he stand by me and not argue and dispute my Authority, and as much as in him lyes render it contemp tible. This scandalous unfaithfull Person Harding is now sent up to serve Mr Charnock, in dispight of me, though God be praised, I live in honour and esteem, whilst Charnock, Harvy and Beard are the most despicable Persons to the Government and Native merchants that ever Lived in the Countrey."38
There is no means of ascertaining the reasons which led Charnock to take back Harding and eventually to get him reinstated in the Company's service. It is probable that the pleasure of thwarting Hedges and the want of skilled help at Kasimbazar were both factors in the case. At any rate, on the 19th September 1684, Harding was re-entertained, this time with the standing of senior merchant, and apparently by the authority, and with the consent, of the then Agent John Beard, who had succeeded the now disgraced Hedges. In November, Harding was acting as " provitionall second,"39 i. e., as Accountant, at Kasimbazer. At that time, the Council at Hugli wrote to Charnock, 40 ** Wee greatly want your books ending Aprill 1684. Wee have heard they were some inonths behind at Mr Barkers death, occationed by Mr Cudworths long sickness and desease, but hope there hath been such diligence applyed to them by Mr Harding that by this time he hath brought them up, it being near a month since he hath had them in hand."
The year 1685 passed quietly as far as Harding was concerned, or, if not, no reference to his quarrels found their way into the Consultation Book of the factory. He had not, however, become any more obliging or anxious to please his employers, for in May of that year, on being urged to make up the accounts expeditiously, he declined to exert himself undulyt1 "Mr James Harding being pressed to a speedy Conclusion of making up the Accounts of this Factory, and to resolve when he might be able to doe them, gave this Answer, Vizt: that he thought he might be able to doe them in 4 or 5 months time, but could not be possitive, by reason of the dayly impediments he meett(e) withall, as for want of a Peon to sit upon the door to call the Writers, as allgoe from the Rainy weather and mighty tempests which dayly happen, where hy he saith he is often forced to leave of writing, all which have, he saith, and will, mightly hinder him, especially the latter of this season, the rayny time being now coming in."
The only other mention of Harding in 1685 is in connection with his examination of the accounts of John Threader, 12 who was proved to have "wronged " the Company while he was warehouse keeper at Kasimbazar. Threader's dismissal and the death of his successor left the accounts in " great confusion.” These were set right by Harding, who appears to have been a good and capable worker when he chose. He continued to hold his post at Kasimbazar after Charnock's departure in 1686, and he even had charge of the factory for a few months.43 At the end of the year his downfall came. The Court of Committees had now had time to receive and peruse the various charges against him, and on the 14th January 1686, they wrote as follows to Fort St. George" :-"We find by
33 Diary of William Hedges, Factory Records, Miscellaneous; Vol. XV, pp. 97-98. 39 Factory Records, Miscellaneous, Vol. 38. 10 Letter of 4th Nov. 1684, Factory Records, Hugli, Vol. VI. 5 Factory Records, Kasimbazar, Vol. IV, p. 102.
Ibid, PP. 148, 149. 43 Factory Records, Fort St. George, Vol. IV, pp. 43, 70, 121. "Letter Book, Vol. VIII, p. 47.

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serorall Consultation bookes remaining with us that Mr James Harding, who is now employed in our factory at Cassum buzar, hath for ten years past been under a very ill ( "haracter. We desire therefore that you cause examination to be had concerning him, ind if you shall find it true, we would have him dismissed Our Service."
Whether Charnock, who had succeeded as Agent in Bengal, took action in consequence of these directions, or on account of the "Complaint" of the whole factory" at Kasimbazar on the 12th August, is uncertain, but in December he wrote to Madras, 45 announcing Harding's dismissal from the Company's service and his expulsion from Bengal.
On his arrival at Fort St. George, whither he was sent to be examined, Harding at once applied for arrears of salary, and the matter wag debated in Consultation, on the 27th January 1687, by President William Gyfford and Council.6 _"Mr James Harding having desired us to take into consideration his Sallary Since the time the President and (ouncill in the Bay reentertaind him in the Right Honble. Coinpanys Service, which was the 19th of September 1684, to the 27th August last, when the Agent and Councill had dismist him, as per their Letter of the 15th of last month, referring him to us, and paid him Two Hundred Rupees for his late Service at Cassimbuzar, and wee finding him to bee of Senior Merchants degree all that time, It is order'd that he be paid after the rate of Forty pounds per annum, deducting what he has already received, and likewise to peruse their Diary, when it comes, to know the cause of his dismission, they having said nothing about it in their said Letter, and then to consider what to doe with him ; but at present to remaine as he is."
In their letter to the Company of the 7th February, the Fort St. George Council reported the dismissal of Harding and their intention to "examine his complaints7.” On the 14th March, they wrote to Job Charnock_“ Mr. Harding, we have paid him his sallary at $10 per annum .. deducting the 200 rs. you paid him for his service at Cassambuzar, but he says there is still something due to him on that account of the usuall account [sic] of servants wages. If it be soe, pray advise us, and what it is, and he shall receive it here."
The papers containing the charge against Harding are not extant, but their contents can bo gathered from the Consultation which took place at Fort St. George after their roceipt, on the 12th September 1687, from Bengal.
"Mr James Harding arriving here the 17th of January past from Bengall, under the Agent and Councills suspention, 'twas sometime after taken into Consideration by the late President and Councill and then concluded, as per their Consultation of the 27th of January last, that the suspention should continue, till such time as they could bee rightly informed of the charge against him, which arriving but lately, wee have perised, and find that during his whole continuance in the Bay, he has deported himself very disrispectfully to his superiors, and litigiously to his equalls, and imperiously to his inferiors, as by their complaint at Cassambuzar of the whole Factory of 27th August 1686. Notwithstanding which, in consideration of his poverty and long standing in India, wee have offered to readmit him into the Right Honble. Companies Service and give him such employment as should be suitable [to] his station and capacity, all which he rejected, and would bring us to his capitulation and tearmes, as also that we must engage and secure him from the Right Honble. Companies future displeasure for his former troublesome miscarryages, or to permit him to go home for England, the first of which
15 Letter of 15th December 1685, Jury Press List. 40 Factory Records, Fort St. Geory. Vol. IV. p. . 17 Fre'ory R corde, Mie e'lar cus, Vol. 3
13 Factory Records, Hugli, Vol. XI. * Wickensie SS., Vol. LIV, IP. 329-30. (copis of Madras Records).

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being out of our power, we could not deny him the latter, and the Secretary in order to give Captain Robert Strangrome, Commander of the Loyall Adventure, an order to receive him as a Passenger for England, on the Right Honble. Companies account with his necessaries."
Harding, however, did not avail himself of the permission to procedd to England but remained in Madras to give more trouble, and he was therefore still in India when further instructions regarding him from the Court of Committees reached Madras. The "complaint" against him at Kasim bazar in the previous. August seems to have been caused by a "paper" which he issued, attacking Job Charnock and otbers in authority in Bengal. On receipt of the various Diaries and Proceedings for the year 1686, the Court wrote to Fort St. George 250 "Mr Hardings vile Paper delivered you, containing sich base Reflections on our most worthy Generall, was so unfitt for you to receive, that it was 1 sufficient matter of it self for you to ground an accusation of him as guilty of a high misdemeanor, for which he ought to have been roundly fined to the Company, and cletained in prison untill he had paid it; and till you can come to this method of proceedings against insolent men, We never expect any good government among you. Our hopes are Sir John Biggs will bring your Law Courts, and especially our Court of Admiralty, into such a good order1 that there shall be more decorum and duty paid to Superiours by Inferiors, or immediate punishment inflicted by fine or otherwise, upon the Place, as there is at Batavia, and that you will trouble us no more with such kind of Delinquents, otherwise then with the Relation of the punishment you have inflicted and the cause that moved you thereto."
Before the ship bearing this letter was out of home waters, Harding had reiterated his accusations against Charnock and had been called to account at & Consultation, on the oth October 1687.52
"Mr James Harding having given in a paper to the President and Councill, being called to examination thereupon, he was commanded what he had to offer in the Right Hon ble. Companies behalf, and who those persons were he reflects upon in his said papel that had disserved the Right Honble. Company, which he desired he might have time to declare in writing, which was granted him, and promised to be brought in next Consultation day. He was also desired to acquaint the Councill if he had anything to offer to the disadvantage of the Right Honble. Companies affairs, or could discover any wrong
one them, and we would enquire into itt and doe them right therein, tho' Mr Harding scems unworthyly to question itt, and causelessly to reflect upon us; but detraction and turbulency are his Province, agreeing with no man, nor ever contented in any station or condition, and wee doubt never will, having had the offer of severall good employments from us, with much friendly good advices, which was chiefly from the consideration of his long service and poverty. But nothing will take impression upon him but his wilful humor."
Copy of Mr Hardings paper. To the Honble. Elihu Yale, President and Governour of the Coast of Choroman,lell, Bay of Bengall and Sumatra, &ca Councill.
The 29th Ultimo, in a Petition, I desired to be secured from the detriment and Forgeries hatched against me by certain malitious persons in Bengall, who are notoriously guilty of high misdemeanors, especially the Right Worshipfull Job Charnock, Agent. Iff I cannot be heard in the Right Honble. Companies behalf, nor in my own, it is for no
0 Letter dated 28th September 1687, Letter Book, Vol. VIII, p. 414.
51 The Companies Commission to Sir John Biggs to be Judge of the Courts of Juclicature at Fort St. George " was dated 22nd October 1686. Letter Book, Vol. VIII, pp. 231-232.
52 Mackenzie MSS., Vol. LIV, pp. 238-239 (copies of the Diary and Consultation Books of Fort St. George, wanting among the India Omo Records).

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purpose to stay longer here, thereby to suffer any ways the loss of my right, as heretofore in Mr Vincents and Mr. Littletons time, by their ill tricks. Should itt not be your Honor &ca pleasure firmly to settle me, according to my request in the forementioned paper, I am compelled, through discouragements and matters of very great import to the Honble. Company to go home upon the Loyall Adventure, desiring copy of the Consultation and what elce here on Register that relates to mee. The oppressions and Tyranies over me in India have been so many that I cannot (pay] for so long a Voyage as I am inclined. I entreat your Honor &ca upon this weighty occation, which so much concernes the Right Honble. Companies interest, therefore to pay me my Sallary and Chamber rent. I never doubted the first, because it was absolutely promised me, with other encouragements, till further orders from England about me, and that your Honor &ca also please to put in such provisions aboard as in such cases some others has had, that I may not be subject to the abuses of any belonging to the ship I embarque on, nor want necessary refreshment at Sea. If the Right Honble. Company disapproved of these disbursements (as I know they will not) on my account, I will oblige myself to have itt deducted out of my arrears, which is considerable, all which I leave to your speedy consideration and determination, remaining, Hon ble. Sir &ca &ca, Your most humble Servant, JAMES HARDING. Madras, 6th October 1687.
The explanation, promised by Harding to be produced " next Consultation day" does not appear, nor did he sail for England that year. He is next heard of in August 1688, when he petitioned the Fort St. George Council to be allowed to go home in the Bengall Merchant, and “'twas granted him, provided he pay 26 Pagodas according to the Right Hon ble. Companyes possitive orders.":53 After this date Harding's name disappears from the Company's Records until December 1691, when at a Consultation held at Fort St. George, there is a note of the readmission of a "James Harding" into the Company's service.54 As the only other Harding, who has been traced among the Company's servants in the period 1670 to 1690, is a sea Captain, the remark presumably applies to the dismissed "senior merchant," but as there are no copies of Consultations for the year 1691 at the India Office, details regarding the entry are unobtainable. Neither does Harding's name occur in any later Consultations noted in the Madras Press List. If he returned to England in the Bengall Merchant in 1688, it seems strange that there is no mention either of any enquiry into his conduct, or remark as to his reinstatement, or petition on his part for redress of grievances. It seems more probable that he remained in India and died immediately after his readmission to the Company's service. Neither his will nor any allusion to his concerns has been discovered, and his end therefore, is as unsatisfactory to his biographer as his personality must have been to these compelled to share his company.
To chronicle a career like Harding's may seem an unnecessary waste of time. But there is ample justification for perpetuating his memory and that of other unimportant subordinate servants of the East India Company in the seventeenth century. The vicissitudes of such subordinates form intensely human documents, and give an accurate picture of English society in India in those days. The cletails unearthed in the course of tracing the life of any one individual, though often uninteresting and irritatingly prolix, yet throw considerable light on the Companys system of government and on their methods of dealing with their officials. And, as regards the "Worthy " whose inglorious actions have just been reviewed, so little has hitherto been printed regarding the Bay" factories of 1670 to 1700 that any additional matter extracted from original sources should be of value to the student of the history of the English in Bengal. 3 Fac:ory Records, Fort St. George, Vol. V, p. 174.
54 Judras Prons List.

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THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA. By V. RANGACHARI, M.A., L.T., MADRAS. (Continued from p. 56.) The Mistakes of Nelson and Srinivasa Raghava Aiyangar.-Contd.
Mr. Nelson says that, besides the land tax or rent proper, the Ryots had to pay a plough tax (êrvinei), a ferry duty on the occasion of crossing rivers, a police tax for the maintenance of security and free service to the king on the occasions of building temples or constructing and repairing public utilitarian works, and so on. It is difficult to say whether these impositions were, as Nelson says, on agriculturists alone. It is not improbable that most of them were non-agricultural, and that such of them as were agricultural were included in the 50 per cent assessment.
Professional taxes.
Regarding the other taxes it only needs to be mentioned that they can be divided into olasses, namely taxes on varicus professions and incomes, octroi duties and customs, and pearl fisheries. The professional tax was singularly elaborate and inquisitorial. It evidently reached every class of the population and every art of life. The weaver had to pay a small tax on each loom,83 the merchant had to pay a certain proportion of his profits and the keeper of a mill of his earnings; goldsmiths85 and masons, barbers and labourers of all sorts had their share. The all-pervading nature of the taxation can be realised from the fact that the washermansc had to pay something for the use of the stones on which he washed his clothes in tanks and rivers. To use the eloquent language of Nelson, 87 "every weaver's loom paid so much per annum; and every iron-smelter's furnace; every oil-mill; every retail shop; every house occupied by an artificer; and every indigo vat. Every collector of wild honey was taxed; every maker and seller of clarified butter; every owner of carriage bullocks. Even stones in the beds of rivers used by washermen to beat clothes on, paid a small tax." The contributionsss made by the merchants (seṭṭis), the weavers (kaikkolars), the shopkeepers (anigars), the oil-Vâvigars and other classes who formed the eighteen communities" were called patta lai-áyam, paṭṭalai-nûlâyam madavirati, sammadam, sekku, aṭṭai-sammalam, paraya-chchemādam, kaiyêrpu, dannayakkar-magamai, etc. The total amount of these imposts is not exactly known; but from an inscriptions of early 15th century which fixes their contributions to a temple in place of the state, we have reasons to believe that they amounted to two panams per year on each individual and two params on each loom. Mr. Krishna Sastri surmises that this amount "apparently covered all the taxes payable?" by them." Another inscription of the same year and place, however, tells us that the sthânattår (managers) of the temple remitted, after a consultation with the revenue authorities, the sum of 6 panams, which they used to take in excess from the kaikkôlars as vâial-panam, "buto1 collected, as before,
83 Madras Ep. Rep. 1908-9, p. 115; Ibid 1911, p. 83; Mys. Gazr., I, p. 584.
81 S. Ind. Insens., I, pt. I, p. 82.
85 Sometimes these were specially exempted. In the time of Sadasiva Raya the barbers throughout the Empire were relieved from the necessity to pay tax.
86 S. Ind. Insens., I., pt. I, p. 82; Mys. Gazr., I, p. 584.
87 Madura Manual; Mys. Gazr., I, 584-585; Madura Gazr., 178-81.
53 See Ep. Rep. 1911, p. 83. (Inson. 221 of 1910). For an interesting reference to the tax on oil mill in Chôla times, see Ibid, 1910, p. 74.
89 Insen. 293 of 1910. See Ep. Rep. 1911, p. 83. The inscription belongs to the reign of Bukka II. and dated S. 1326.
90 Ibid. p. 83:
91 Insen. 294 of 1910. Ibid, p. 83. 13th century A. D. (No. 300 of 1909) each shop-keeper, on each loom of the See Ep. Rep., 1910, p. 98.
An inscription of Prince Pottappiyarayar about the middle of the mentions the following assessments. Six panams for one year on kaikkolar, on each loom of the saliyar, and on each oil-monger.

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3 paņams from each family of ? Kachchava]A-Vâviyar, 3 panams from each family of ? Sivan-padavar (Sembadavar), 40 panams on cloths and 4 towards kaltigai-kanikkai." The idangai and valangai varis were paid by the people of the idangai and valangai castes ;92 the nadutalavirikkai03 or police rate by all communities; the settiyar-magamai by the voluntary gift of the Seftis ; the alláyamanyam and adi-kasu on each shop opened in markets. The purchase and sale of cattle,o the manufacture of salt, the catching and sale of fish in tanks and rivers, the cutting of fuel in forests,-all these were subject to taxation. Even marriage was a source of income. Every labourer, again, was bound to serve the king freely for a period in the year. That the king attached a good deal of importance to free service (vetti-vari) is clear from an inscription of the 15th century at Tirukkâțțuppalli, which says that the king gave away to the temple of that place " about 40 to 45 different taxes which appear to have been generally collected by the palace at that period," except the vettvari. Nor is this surprising in an age when the construction of public works was a criterion of royal greatness and popular prosperity, and when there was a mania for such works among kings and governors, among Polygars and even petty chiefs.
The Octroi duties and customs. The octroi duties and customs were evidently levied at fixed places and at fixed rates on all merchandise and provisions. The rates must have varied with variations of weight, of commodities and of the distance traversed. From stray and incidental notices in the chronicles we find, as Nelson did, that the usual octroi duty on paddy was one fanam on every eight podis or bags. In modern phraseology, he says, it is equal to a duty of 21 pance on every 400 lbs. Here Nelson is quite correct in taking the faņam to be the small silver coin of that name; but it is difficult to see how he arrived at the value 2d. As 16 fara moc were equal to a pagoda, the fanam must have been equal to between 31 and 4 pence. Mr. Nelson evidently depended on some local variation. According to Wilks the customs duties in Mysoro97 were of three kinds,—the athalddaya or those levied on goods imported to be sold at one place; the mârgada ya or duties on goods in transit; and mamilddiy: or duties exported to foreign countries. "All kinds of goods, even firewood and straw, paid these duties, excepting glass rings, brays pots and soap-balls." The same system should have prevailed in Madura. It is not improbable that the mamaiadaya of Madura9s included sea-customs also; but we can well believe with Nelson that the customs were chiefly land customs. The sea was entirely under the control of the Portuguese and though they were bound to pay certain duties ato. Tuticorin and elsewhere, the income that the Stato could have derived from them was perhaps small and precarious.
The Pearl Fisheries. The pearl fisheries, which were an object of greedy competition especially among foreign exploiters, at first the Portuguese and then the200 Dutch, and were extensively car
92 See Madr. Ep. Rep., 1913, p. 130; Ibid, 1911, p. 83 ; Insen, 215 of 1910 says that the Pallis and She Vaniyars who evidently claimed to collect the taxes from them belonged to the Idaigais.
93 Ep. Rep., 1911, p. 84.
# Wilks' Mysore. The description of the Vijayanagar taxation in Mysore oan be taken to complete. ly apply to Madura also. 15 Ep. Rep. 1913, p. 130.
% See note 78.
97 Mysore Garr. I. 98 For an exceedingly interesting regulation regarding marine mercantile enterprise by King Ganapat Déva of Warangal in the 13th century see Ep. Rep., 1910, p. 107. It is not improbable that similar policy guided other powers in later times, but no definite and dogmatio statomont is possible.
99 See Manual of 8. Ounari, p. 68.9. The Portuguese made themselves masters of the whole trade of the West coast and exacted tribute from all the coast porte. Rama Raya found their assistance so valuable that in 1547 ho executed a treaty with them under which the whole of the export and import trade of the country was placed in the hands of the Portuguese factors.
100 For an excellent historionl summary of the Portuguese and Dutch trado, see Mr. J. Hornell's Saered Chank of India, 4-5.

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ried from Cape Comerin to the Pamban, were naturally a lucrative source of revenue. The eonch shells also which were abundant in the coast were held as the royal monopoly; and as they were highly valued in Bengal and elsewhere for ornamental purposes, they were largely exported, the Karta gaining high profits out of the transaction. It is difficult to estimate the real amount which these taxes brought to the treasury, but Nelson roughly estimates it at a little more than one-eighth of the land revenue and one-ninth of the total income of the State,-at about £131,000. It is a plausible conclusion, when we remember that the taxes, other than agricultural, which the people had to pay, were more numerous than lucrative, and thus erred against a fundamental canon of taxation.
The smallness of Naik expenditure when compared with the income.--Its causes.
Passing on to the department of expenditure, we have first to note, with Nelson, that it was very small when compared with the income. The reasons for this were manifold. First the Naik military expenditure was highly economical. There was indeed a standling army at his disposal, and there was also, throughout the kingdom, n chain of castles and fortresses, a number of military stations which had to be garrisoned with men, horses and elephants; but the standing army was small as thera was no necessity, on account of the military obligations of the provincial rulers, Polygars and razsal chiofs, for the maintenance of a large army in the capital ; and inexpensive, because the army consisted not of professional soldiers, but of agriculturists who had to give up the plough in favour of the sword in time of war; and who were paid not in money but in lands, which were probably exempt from taxation-an arrangement always economical to the State. When emergencies arose the Dalavậi used to issue orders to the rulors of provinces and Polygars to gather an army. These communicated the mandate to the headmon of villages and towns, and almost every able-bodied man was enlisted for service. In this way an adequate but inexpensive army was mobilized at a short notice. Another cause of the inexpensive nature of the military department was the absence of a navy in the Naik kingdom. It is true that the Vijayanagar emperors and their governors had the title of Lords of the Threr Oceans, and it is true that the necessity to defend an extensive coast and frequent engagements with Ceylon, seem to favour the idea of the maintenance of a navy; but no definite statement to that effect is found anywhere. The want of a navy seems to hare been a real weakness, and mainly responsible for the growing ascendancy of the European nations which were taking, at this time, a new interest in India and Indian affairs.
There were other circumstances which contributed to the great disproportion between revenue and expenditure. The administrative system was, as has been already said, in one sense very primitive and too ill-organized to be expensive There was, as Nelson says, no paid civil service, no educational policy, no police organization, no judicial machi. nery of an elaborate nature. The royal treasury, in other words, had no necessity t. spend much in the way of salaries to officials. There was in fact no salaried hierarchy officials as in the present day. Each departmental head, cach provincial chief, cach per son in authority appointed his own men and was thus individually responsible for the conduct of affairs; and the men so appointed were in a large number of cases paid in lands and not money. Educational policy was similarly conspicuous by its absence.
1 The Madura Country.
See Buchanan, II. p. 37 for a description of the relation between the Polycars and the ordinary Boldiers.

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The primitive and inexpensive nature of the administration.
A state policy of education is an entirely new idea in India, a product of the western system of administration and ideals of government. In the middle ages it was a purely private concern. It was moreover a luxury, more an accomplishment than a necessity. We can well believe that pial schools gave elementary education in every village to children of all castes, but this was due to the intellectual enterprise of individual men and not to state support. Even the little education that was thus prevalent was a Brahman tradition, a Brahman monopoly. With characteristic acuteness he made the best of what he could get and availed himself of the magnificent endowments made by the Karta to temples and Mats, to agraharams and charity-houses. Here he obtained free board and lodging, and free from the cares of livelihood, devoted himself to intellectual pursuits. Every temple or Matt became a stronghold of learning, and the sonorous chant of the Vedas incessantly filled the atmosphere. The Jesuit authorities3 describe an institution subsidised liberally by the State in Madura, where thousands, boys as well as adults, received education, besides free board and lodging, and distinguished themselves as students of the many-sided culture of India. The history of the Nâik dynasty, in fact, is the history of Brahman ascendancy. The royal assembly witnessed frequent controversies on religious and literary questions, and arguments and counter-arguments mixed in incongruous jumble with the flattery of courtiers and the bustle of the Darbar. The only educated class in the kingdom, the Brahmans naturally became the advisers of the crown, the officers of State and leaders of the people. They were ministers, accountants, râyasams and even military leaders. They were supreme in secular and religious affairs. They were the spiritual guides of the king, the managers of temples, the directors of the king's charities, the organizers of temple festivities, and the moral guardians of the people. And on the whole they justified, to a marvellous degree, the responsible trust placed in them, the confidence of the Karta and the respect of the people. They faithfully represented the public opinion of the country, and served as excellent mediators between the crown and the populace. And all this was due to the absence of a State policy of education and of the singular facility of the Brahman for obtaining it. The police organization was equally limited and inexpensive. The villages and towns had their own police officers. The Karta's kaval or police function was confined to the maintenance of public roads in safety and the keeping of peace between different villages. He generally entrusted these to the Polygars, and they received the kaval rights for their police duties, a plan which was both economical and wise. There were indeed times when the Polygars were inefficient in the discharge of their kâval duties and when, therefore, travelling was unsafe, trade precarious, and security of life and property uncertain; but the arrangement made by Viśvanâtha was the best under the circumstances; and if under later rulers the Polygars were at times remiss, it was due to the incompetence of the former and not to the want of wisdom on the part of the founder of the dynasty. As regards justice it has been already pointed out that every community had its own caste heads, who meted out justice to those in dispute in regard to social and religious matters. In the pâlayams the Polygars presided over the administration of the justice, both civil and criminal, and heard appeals from the decisions, village Panchayats, and in the Karta's lands the local officers did so. As there were no special law courts and as the institution of suits was often of no use to the litigants, most cases were decided by the system of arbitration, intervention by friends, the appeal to divine
Robert de Nobili, writing in 1610. See Madura Gazr., p. 175 and Nelson's Madura Manual.

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intervention by the swearing of a party to the truth of his case before some Karuppa or other deity, and lastly the appeal, to the ordeals of fire, of oil and of water. The Karta, it is true sat as a judge himself to hear complaints, and decided them with the aid of Brahman assessors and caste customs; but the difficulty of the poor people to approach him and to give the preliminary presents usual on occasions of royal audience made the king's judicial Darbâr more an ornament than a useful institution, so far as the common people were concerned.
The chief items of public expenditure.
It will be asked what the items of the Karta's expenditure were, if the revenue was not expended to a large extent in matters of administration. The most important item was, of course, the maintenance of the Karta's standing army, which was more or less a afeguard against Polygar disaffection or sudden political convulsion. In Vijayanagar, says Nuniz, nearly half of the net imperial revenues was spent in this way; but we have no authority to tell us what the proportion was in Madura. A considerable proportion of the revenue was spent in the personal pleasures of the sovereign. The "Karnataka Karta" was as much an epicurean as any other medieval Hindu king, as much the slave of pleasure as the master of his kingdom. Thousands of varâhas were spent every month on his dresses and food, thousands on his amusements, and thousands on his women. The harem was a gigantic institution, containing hundreds of women and absorbing a large part of the revenue. In the king's palace, wine flowed freely, flatterers flourished, and goldsmiths were ever busy making jewels for the ladies. We do not know anything about Viśvanatha's personal tastes in the se matters; but an equally famous ruler as he, the renowned Tirumal Naik, was a special sinner in this respect. The scandal of the day, as we shall see later on, accused him of every form of indulgence. His life-long love of pleasure stimulated extravagance, and we may well believe that every other Karta distinguished himself in a similar, though less conspicuous, manner. It was a defect of the age, not of individual men. An even more important item of expenditure was the department of public works. Buildings, secular and religious, and utilitarian works like tanks and reservoirs, canals and choultries, were favourite channels of the Karta's generosity; and the works they have turned out in this respect, will always entitle them to the eternal remembrance of posterity. Everywhere throughout the peninsula, south of the Kâvêri, there is, at every step, some monument or other, to tell us of the piety or the generosity of a Karta, a tank or a dam, a sluice or a canal, a charity-house or a temple, a pleasure-bower or an avenue. Pleasure and piety were, in short, the two things that, more than any thing else, characterised them; and both these resulted in the mania for buildings and tilitarian works, which, though in some cases unproductive and scarcely beneficial, were as a rule highly conducive to the welfare of the people, while they did a priceless service to the art and culture of the country. Architecture and sculpture, painting and music, jewellery and ornaments, metallurgy and other arts underwent prosperous developments. Literature throve, and scholars found welcome in courts, local and central. It was, in short, an age of culture. Herein lay the justification of the dynasty, and the justification of the administrative system perfected by Viśvanâtha and his able minister.
4 See Forg. Empe., p. 375, but of the 60 lakhs of revenue the emperor "does not enjoy a larger sum than 25 lakhs, for the rest is spent on his horses and elephants, and foot soldiers and cavalry, whose cost he defrays."

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SECTION VIII.
Conclusion. It only remains to close our review of the remarkable career of this remarkable man with a consideration of the way in which he actually ruled and utilized the institutions of which he was the author for actual administration. And such & consideration shews that he was as great in doing as he was in planning. He had not only a head to think, but a hand to execute. He was not only an organizer, but a practical administrator.
Vibyanatha as a practical administrator. His measures were so conceived as to conciliate all classes of people. The Brahmans were edified by his liberal gifts to them, their temples and their gods. Lands were freely bestowed on them, cows as well as coins; and everywhere in the south, on the banks of rivers or in the vicinity of temples, there grew prosperous agraharams, wherein the chant of Vedas and the noise of studies mingled with praises to the royal benefactor. Visvanatha in fact was an idol of the Brahmans, and his successors never forgot this. Orthodox in practice or not, they never ceased to show respect for orthodoxy. The agricultural people were equally gratified by Visvanatha's solicitous attention to their needs and comforts. He bestowed happiness on thousands of homeless men by giving them lands to settle in and cultivate. The public distress which had been caused by the exposure of the people to the incessant rage of war and the insecurity of property, was alleviated by this paternal act. Knowing that the prosperity of an agricultural country depended on a good system of irrigation, he constructed two dams, the Perianai and Chinnanai,5 in order to divert the waters of Vaigai, through a number of canals and water courses, to the parched-up fields around Madura. A glance at the course of the Vaigai will give an idea of the wisdom of Viávanátha's choice of the sites for these dams. The Vaigai, it is well known, rises in the Varushanad valley, and after a few miles northward course receives the copious waters of the Suruli, the river which drains the flanks of the Kambam valley. The junction of the Suruli makes the Vaigai a deep and rapid stream, flowing in a narrow channel. In its subsequent north-eastern course under the northern slopes of the Andipatti hills and the Nâgamalais, it is further swelled by the perennial streams of the Varâhanadi and Mañjalâr which rush down from the Palnis. Immediately after this, the river turns and begins that south-easterly course in which is continues until it reaches the sea. It is at this important turning point that Visvanatha constructed his da ms. It was wise choice as by this time the river becomes full and, after this, it has simply to give and not take. From the dams a number of canals carried the waters to the banks and reservoirs excavated in almost every village. The whole country thus came to have a network of canals broken at intervals by big reservoirs which stored water and averted droughts. The immediate result of the creation of irrigational facilities was an enormous increase in the area of cultivation, in the formation of new villages, in population and in material prosperity. Droughts became less common and famines less formidable.
His works in Tinnevelly. The province of Tinnevelly also had the full advantage of these measures of construction and consolidation. The great Naik conqueror seems to have employed the months which immediately followed the subjugation of the Five Pâņdyas in the pacification and
5 For an account of these and other aniouto see Madura Gazt. p. 124-8.

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settlement of the afflicted province. Besides building the city of Tinnovelly and its suburb Palamkôta and furnishing it with temples, he replaced the miserable and wretched cottages which lined the l'âmbraparoi banks and which had been owned by the indigenous cultivators, by regular and well-built villages of Brahman colonists from the north. It was a measure most pregnant in after consequences, and the descendants of these colonists remain to the present day the owners of much of the best lands, and the most intelligent, influential and cultivated section of Hindu Society in Tinnevelly. His liberality also endowed, in other parts of the province, lands for Brahman agraharams, and bis enlightened agrarian policy carried out as many irrigation works from the Tâmbraparni as from the Vaigai. The security of the people was also safeguarded by the establishment of a vigorous and efficient police.
The death and character of Visvanatha. All this work meant ceaseless activity, restless energy, which even the iron frame of Visvanatha could not endure. Worn out by war and work, the cares of defence and statecraft, he gave up his life in the midst of his labours at evidently a comparatively early age of about 55 or 60. Enough has been said to shew that he had so regulated his behaviour as to win the affection of his people and made his death keenly felt by them. He was an uncommon statesman with all the elements of greatness in his character. With the right apprehension of the needs and necessities of the times and a clear grasp of the means whereby they could be satisfied, he had set to work with a firm will and broadminded sympathy, evolved order out of chaos and a powerful kingdom out of a confused collection of refractory and turbulent vassal-states, into which Madura was then, owing to the degeneration of the Pandyan kings into mere phantoms of royalty, practically divided. His work of construction and consolidation was so thorough that, in spite of the frequent revolutions to which the country was then habituated and in spite of the incompetence of many of his successors, the kingdom which he established lasted for two centuries. Bold, active, generous, kind and tactful, Viấyanatha Naik was a man of versatile talents, endowed with a personal magnetism which enshrined him in the hearts of his subjects, and enabled him to leave a deep impression on the history of south India. The best trophy which posterity has erected to his memory is his statue in the Vasanta Mantapa of Sundarêśvara's temple in Madura, worshipped even to-day by numberless people, who know only vaguely that Maha Rajâ Mânya Sri Visvanatha Nâikan Aiyan Averga! was the great Karta of Madura in days of old, but who do not know how great and good he actually was.
(To be continued.) 6 Tinnevelly Manual, p. 70.
It has been already pointed out that he was born in the beginning of the 16th century or a decade before. He could not have been more than 60 at the time of his death in 1563. There is no basis what. ever to believe that Visvanatha diod, as Wheeler says, in the field of battle. (Wheeler's Hist., Vol. V., pt. II, p. 574.) The Hist. Oarna. Dynas. Asigns Visvanatha's death to 1458 A. D., which is of course absurd. The * Supple. M. S." agrees with it. The Pand. Chron. says that he ruled from Raudri Margali to Dundumi, i. e. for the space of 2 years and 4 months, and from Budhirdikdri down to Angirana, his son Kumara Krishpappa was in power. (Rudhirókari=1663-4). Mirtanjya M. s., ("Royal line of the Carnataca princes") gives a more accurate date. It says that on Tai II, Rudhirdikdri, Visvanatha caused his son to be anointed. It seems from this that the Karte was alive when his son was anointed. Most probably he was on his death-bed and wanted to see his son on the throne before his death. It must have been soon after his death that Kumara Krishnappa gave the 8 villages mentioned in the Krishnapuram temple inscription. (Inson. 17 of 1912). See Ep. Rep., 1913, p. 17. According to Sewell Visvanatha's death was in December 1563. (Antiquities, II, p. 201).

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MISCELLANEA.
SOME LITERARY REFERENCES TO THE ISIPATANA MIGADAYA (SARNATH.) THE Isipatana Migadâya' derives its importance from the fact that it was here that the Buddha preached his first sermon, the Dhammachakkappavattana Sulta, advocating abstention from the extremes of luxury and asceticism, setting forth the doctrine of the Four Noble Truths (AriyaSachcha), and exhorting his auditors the Pancha. vaggiya to pursue the Ariya Aṭṭhangika Magga.
The locus classicus is in the Vinaya-Pitaka (Ed. Oldenberg) Maharanga I. 6-10 Seq. SamyuttaNikaya (P. T. S.) 5 pp. 420-22.2
The place is also the scene of the conversion of Yasa, son of a merchant of Benares. The interesting story concerning him and his family is given, in detail, in the Mahavagga (Vinaya Text 3). p. 15. The Legend of the Burmese Buddha gives the same story with slight alterations in names, e. g., there we find Ratha in place of Yasa. Bâranathi for Bârânasi, Migaduvana for Migadaya. [Note the usual phrase-tatra suta bhagavi Barinasiya viharati Isipatane Migadaye.] It was in Isipatana that the Buddha recounted the Udapanadasaka-Jataka (II. 354)
commentary
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on the
to this very fact that the expression Kheme Migadaye was used. Gautama Buddha and the other Buddhas first of all alighted there while going through the air to preach the Sacred Faith.)
The scene of the 9th Vatthu of the XVIth Vagga of the Dhammapada (Nandiya-vatthu) is laid here. Having heard the teaching of the Buddha, he thought that it would be meritorious to give some dwelling-place to the Order, so he caused to be constructed a Chatussâlâ adorned with four rooms and furnished with chairs and benches, and then handed it over to the Order with the Buddha at its head. This was situated in the IsipatanaMahavihara.
name.
his
The Maharastu tells us that the Suddhivin Devas warned the Pratycka-Buddhas to vanish; for in twelve years the Bodhisattva would descend upon the earth. At half a yojana from Benares. were living five hundred Pratyeka-Buddhas; rismg in the air, they entered into Nirvana, and their bodies consumed by the elements of fire. which they had in them, fell back upon the earth: Rishayos-tra patita ishipatana, A story resembl ing the Nigrotha-miga-jataka then follows. Here the king is the rul of Benares-Brahmadatta by Buddhaghosha in From the grant of the boon (daya) made Mahapadana-Sutta says: Dhammachukkapparatta- to the deer, the spot was called Mrigadaya. This is the view na Isipatane Migadaye avijahita eva hoti. (It held by Senart in his notes to was in the Deer Park of Isipatana that Dharmawhich I propose to offer the following emendation. chakrapra vartana was named). In another part of To me it appears that very early the site of the same commentary, we read: Kheme Miyadaye Isipataua was called Mrigadáva (dáva meaning ti-Isipatana forest) from the fact that it was full of the tena samayena khema nama uyyana hoti. Migana pana abhayava sutthaya cleor. Afterwards, however, when all places associated with the Buddha's life used to be the dinnatta Migadayo ti vuchchati. Ta Sandhaya vultam Kheme Migudâye' ti. Yatha cha Vipassi favourite scenes of thousands of Buddhistic fables, Bhagavi eva aññepi Buddha pathamam DhammaIsipatana had likewise the story recorded in the desana haya gachchhantâ akâsena gantva tattheva Mahavastu. It then came to be known as otaranti.3 (In explaining the expression Kheme Mrigadaya instead of Mrigadáva. Since then, Migadaye the commentator says: "Isipatana was, very probably the word daya in the original sense at that time, known to be the Khema or the of forest' has become obsolete and the prâkritised auspicious garden. It was called Migadaya, beword daya, both meaning boon and forest' has cause it was granted in order that the deer might come into current use in all Pâli works. dwell there in all safety. It was in reference
BRINDAVAN C. BHATTACHARYA.
The modern Sârnath.
2 Compare in this connexion, Buddhist Birth Stories: The Pali Introduction P. 112 and Legend of the Burmese Buddha p. 117 Seq.
3 It adds that the Buddha for a special reason went on foot to that place.
4 Cf. Buddha by Dr. H. Oldenberg, p. 120 foot note. Buddhas is discussed in brief in "Apadana" folki of the Phayre MSS. The great antiquity of the Pratyeka
For etymology cf. Senart's view" En dépit de cette étymologie, les deux orthographes du mot. familières in notre texte, sont, non pas ऋषिपतन mais on ऋषिपत्तन (ci-dessous ), p. 366, 18 पहन )
on J' ai don né la préférence à cette seconde forme" (ordinaire aussi daus les gâthâs du Lal. Vist) "-Le Mahavastu Ed. by Senart Vol. I, p. 631.

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PATANARAYANA STONE INSCRIPTION
PATANARAYANA STONE INSCRIPTION OF PARAMARA PRATAPASINHA.
(VIKRAMA] SAMVAT 1344 (1287 A. D.) BY SAHYACHARYA PANDIT BISHESHWARNATH SASTRI, JODHPUR. I edit this inscription from an excellent impression kindly given to me by Rai Bahadur Pandit Gorishankar H. Ojha, Superintendent, Rajputânå Museum, Ajmer. The original inscription was found in the Payanarayana temple near Girvar about 4 miles west of Madhusudana in Sirohi State.
This inscription consists of 39 lines covering a space of 2 ft. 6 inches broad by 1 ft. 11 inches high. The inscription is well preserved. The Characters are Nagari. The Language is Sanskrit, lines 1-35 are written in verses numbering 46. Lines from 35 to the end are in prose. With regard to Orthography it must be noted that a consonant following ris sometimes doubled, and sometimes not. As regards Lexicography, the following words deserve to be noticed :
(1) Dévada employed in 1. 36, denotes a line of Chahamânas: the present rulers of Sirohi also belong to this line. (2) Dónakári, 1. 36, the appropriate meaning of which can not be explained : it may denote a Marwasî word doli; if it is a Sanskrit word, it is composed of two words drôna and khârî, the respective meanings of which are 32 and 96 seers. (3) Dhibadau, 1. 36 means dhima la, (a well), well-known in Marwâr. (4) Arahata, 1, 37, means a Persian wheel. (5) Dhikada, dhikaâ are also used for dhimada. (6) Gôhil-utra stands for the Sanskrit word Guhilo-putra.
The inscription is of great importance in connection with Para mâra history. It contains the genealogy of the Paramärks as follows:
Vabishtha created Dhûmaraja Paramara, by means of mantras from the agni-kunda at Abû. Dhåråvarsha was born in his family. In the 15th klóka it is mentioned that this Dhåråvarsha pierced three buffaloes with one arrow. This is supported by the fact that on the Mandakini tank outside the temple of Achalesvara on Abû there is a statue of Dhåråvarsha, about 5 ft. in height with a bow in his hand and three buffaloes standing before him with a hole running through their bellies. Dhåråvarsha had a son Somasisha by name who had & son named Krishnaraja. The son of the latter was Prat&pasioha, who defeated Jaitrakarņa and regained Chandråvati. Perhaps this Jaitrakarņa may be Jaitrasinha of Mewar, who was the grandson of Raula Mathanasioha and son of Padmasinha. Pratápsinha's Brahmaņa minister Délhaņa re-built the temple of Påtanarayana in (Vikrama] Samvat 1344 (=1287 A.D.)
Text.
1 ॥ॐ॥ ॐनमः पुरुषोत्तमाय || श्रीरामेष विजित्य रावणमथ स्वीकृत्य सीतां किल व्यावृत्तेन पुरी पुराऽर्बुदतटे
कृत्वाऽथ देवानां विप्रस्थानसमं सुम.2 गलपदं वः स्थापितोऽसौ विभुर्भूबाबूरिविभूतये स भवतां श्रीपहनारायणः ॥१॥ देवस्था[ तविक्रमस्य,
भवतो रामस्य धर्मक्रमं वाशिष्ठं च तथा च चरितं किं3 चिलमारोजवं | चके देल्हनमविणोद्धतिरथ श्रीपहविष्णोर्यथा विप्रः सर्वमिदं व्यनक्ति विजयादिस्यः कवि
groft: 11 Il rug Afeweit: : 4 तान्मुनिसुरसुरपत्नीसंखुतेरवुवादिः विलसर [म लगर्भावसं श्रीवशिष्ठः कमपि सुभटमेक मृष्टवान् यत्र **114 11 wraa
f : परमारजाति । तस्मै दवावुद्धतभूरिभाग्यं धीमराजं च चकार नामा ॥ ४॥ वशिष्ठगोचोवल एष लोके सबासस्सवादी परमारवंशः स्वस्वस्तु तस्मै क्रमसंकथा

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यो विधाम्यने तम्य विभावनापि ॥ ५ किलैका निईतरावणः श्रीरामाऽव॒शपांतनिविष्टसैन्यः। वहौ विशुद्धामिह वाभ्य सीतां शुद्धेश्वरं स्थापयति स्म देवं ।। ६ स्था; न तथा ग्रिविडं च नाना सानायविप्रैरभिनंद्यमानं | निवेश्य पढे प्रकृताभिषेकः श्रीमहशिष्ठेन तदा मुदा च ||
श्रीमद्वशिष्ठस्य च गौतमस्य पुण्याश्रमोत्तीर्णसुरश्र(स )- वयाः । इह प्रवाहवयसंगमाणः पूर्णापगापहनदोपकंटे ॥ ८ श्रीपहनारायणमेनमुच्चैः प्रकल्प्य सत्रैव च
लक्ष्मणशं । सौमित्रिसीतापरिचर्यमाणस्ततः प्रतस्थ स्वपुसमयाभ्यां ।। ९ तादि गंगाइयवारिपूर्णः ख्यातः स्फुर्ट पहनदीवमुच्चैः । कृष्णोपकंठे ननु मुक्तिहेतुं ये
गुह्यतीर्थ प्रवदति तज्ञाः (ज्ज्ञाः)॥१० किं झूमहे वैभवमर्चुदाद्रेः सम।।। स्नतीर्थः समलंकृतस्य । च्छा(छा )यापि वस्था सनुते मनूनां तनुत्यजां दुर्गातिनाशमुच्चैः ।। ११ स्थाने तन
स्तत्सविधार्वरायां वराणि तीर्थान्यतनोत्स रामः । अथाज्वल स्थानमपि प्र। सिद्धं सदविविप्रवरोपरुखं ।। १२ श्रीरामशासनमहो किमु वर्णयामः किंवा प्रमारपृथिवीपतिसचरित्रं । ये
राममुख्यपृथिवीपतिवनभूमिरापाल्यते प्रतिपदं विनिरस्त1: लोल्यैः ।। १३ तस्मिन् किनाचुदधरावलये स धारावर्षों बभूव नृपतिर्गुरुवीररत्नं । यस्य प्रभापरिकरोऽद्य
दिनानियावत् यस्मिन्नसत्यपि लसद्यु(य)तिरतं तत् ॥ १४ एकबा13 णनिहतत्रिललायुं यं निरीक्ष्य कुरुयोधसदृशं | चंडिकाकृत तदेककपाला लज्जितासिमधुना न धुनाति ।। १५
श्रीसीमसिंहोजनि भूमिपालस्ततोरिभूपाजनिबद्धकालः। 11 यः शायदानाधिकयोगभावात्संगीयते राम इवाभिरामः ।। १६ श्रीकृष्णदेवस्तनयस्ततोभद्धघापि शायण च
कृष्णकल्पः । प्रद्युम्नकल्पोऽजनि येन स श्रीप्रतापसिंहोरिकरीद्रसिंहः । [२७] कामं प्रमथ्य समर जगदेकवीरस्तं जेत्रकणमिह कर्णमिवेंद्रसूनुः । चंद्रावती परकलारधि
खूरमन्नामुब्वा वराह इव यः सहसोहधार ।। १८ अथानमेषामनु 1. संकथाभिरेतन्महीमुख्यतया वृताभिः । वि( वी क्या( क्षा) महे संप्रति पहविष्णुप्रासादजीपणा
द्धरणक्रमं तं ।। १९ कालः किन्नास्ति दुरतिक्रम एव योसी तान् निर्जरानपि जराविधुरान करोति । चेन्नेति निर्जरपतेः किमनेन चक्रे प्रासाद एष ननु जजरिताश्मबंधः ॥ २० इति ननु कतिचिसिरैः शपर्णसंधी शिथिलितशिखरामे निर्गलद्रष्टिबिंदी। बत रु. दितवतीय स्वाश्रयस्मिन्हरिस्तस्पटुतरकरणार्थ देल्हणं व्यादिदेश ।। २१ ततः पटुतरं मंत्री देल्हणो माह्मणों व्यधात् । श्रीपविष्णुप्रासादं जीर्ण वित्तरसायनैः ।। २२ व्यापारधौरेयतयेषमंत्री 55555 कि नेति सरिक ननु मंत्रयोगात् । यो मंत्रयित्वा हदि रामराजं धर्मेण साहाय्यमहो चकार ||२३ .
इतश्चोपमन्योर्मुने (ने) रम्यगोत्रे सर्वांका। कस्याविरासीद्वि(वि)जेंद्रः । यतः संप्रसूता चरूपीति नानी सुता चंद्रिकावत्सुरूपातिशुद्धा ॥ २५ सया
संगमासाद्य सादाकनाना विजेनीज्वलनेकांतोपमेन । सुता.पं. चयज्ञोपमाः पंचजाताः सुधापंचनिस्वदसंदोहकल्पाः ॥ २५ लक्ष्मणकेल्हणवालणसंज्ञास्तुर्यस्तु देल्ह(ग). स्तेषु । ख्यातो भास्करनामा पंचमकः श्रुतिविदः सर्वे ॥ २६ निजं गर्गमुपि(नि गोत्रं शाखां माध्यंदिनीमथ । प्रवरान् श्रीन् यजुर्वेद स्वस्थानं पिवर्डि तथा ।। २७
आवस......लावेती वानादेवाकसंज्ञको । केशवो महमूणच मा2: ल्हासासामिधानको ॥ २८ आत्मना सह तान् सप्त पूर्वजानिति च क्रमात् ॥ लक्ष्मणादीनथ भानुनन्यानाप ,
च पूर्वजान् ।। २९ उधार स धर्मात्मा देल्हणो सुमहामतिः । स्वकील्ये24 व सुधाधीतं विष्णुप्रासावमुखरन् ।।३.सुर्योपि धुर्यस्तु गुणरुवारैः स देल्हणो वित्तरसायनेन | यः कालजीणं
ननु पविष्णुप्रासादमेनं नवमेव च ।। ३१ जीर्णो2. द्धारावाप्रतिष्ठादिनं च भक्त्या विष्णावेकवेलाशनोऽभूत् । कर्मस्था वे वपूणेति तणे मेने म( मा )नी स्वं
ततः पूर्णकामं ।। ३२ हे मे पढ़े भूषणं भालमूले चके वेकंठस्यक
ATT out of the 18th line and engraved it in the
- Read°लुलायं.
• By a mistake the engraver has left the word Miline.
! Thoso five signs SSSSS are redundant.

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PATANARAYANA STONE INSCRIPTION
70
५५
26 हे चरौप्यं । हैमेनासीन्मुक्तिलोकोऽक्षयोस्य रौप्येणानंदो महीयान् पितृणां ।। ३३ प्रायशः कलिमलाकुलितानां
शुद्धये हि शरणं हरिरकः । सर्वपातकनिराकृ27 तिहेतुर्यस्ततः शरणमेनमयासीत् ।। ३४ जीवितं तरुणताय धन वा कस्यचिकचन न स्थिरमास्ते ।
इत्यव(वे)त्य सुकृतरिति तैर्यस्तानि सुस्थिरतमानि वितेने ।। ३५ संवत् 23 त्रयोदशशते त्रिचत्वारिंशाख्यया । ख्याते संवत्सरे शुक्दशम्याम(मा)श्विनस्य च ।। ३६ जीणोद्धारसमा.
रंभ कारयामास देल्हणः| आगामिनि चतुश्चत्वारिंशदास्यथ वत्सरे । 20 ३७ ज्येष्ठस्य सितपंचम्यां प्रतिष्ठांच बजोच्छयं | समापय्य च तत्कृत्यं सर्व शांतिकपूर्वकं ॥३८ ततो यह
च्छयाभोज्यवस्त्रदानदिजीतमान् यथापात्रं तथा लोकान 3. प्रीणयामास तहिने ।। ३९ विप्रः किल ग्राहकपात्रमेव प्रायः कलौ यो विधे वृथेति । न्यायाज्जितैः स्थान
विभागवृत्तिः धनि(नि)जेरीदृशधर्मकना ।। ४० गंगाप्रवाहप31 यसोः(सः) स्तचकः किमुच्चैः किंवाऽस्य साव इव सांग इहास्ति शुद्धः | आभात्यलं धवलितः सुधया.
विदूगपासात एष जनलोचनकर्मण: श्री. ॥११ श्रीमालवाधिपति(तु) 6. 32 कबलैक जैत्रश्रीभाददेवसुतबीसलरम्यराज्ये । सर्वेईिजैरनुमतादिमदेवदायैः जीणोंतिम्रजनि दव(त्त!
चतु:शती कै ।। ४२ धरणीधरपण्डितस्य पुत्रो जननी य२१ स्य च चांपलेति साध्वी। विजयोगिबुधामणीः स तेने वाजादित्यकविः प्रशस्तिमेतां ।। ५३ ।। रोहेडास्था
नवास्तव्यमूमदेवात्मजः सुधीः । गांगदेवः सूत्रधारः प्रशस्ति(स्ति) कीर्णवानिमां ।। ४४॥ * ये शब्दविद्यानिरवयभावाः साहित्यसौहित्वंमुपेयिवांसः । येषां मना (नो) मत्सरमुक्तमेषा समूह्यता (तां)
तेर्विजयार्कवाणी ।। ४५|| श्रीमदशिष्ठभवभूपगुरूत्तमोयं मकावभासिपह१) वाक्यविशा( दां) वरेण्यः । आल्हादनस्व तनयोजनि सथिरदेव' मोहनाख्यः संकीर्त्यते स इह तस्कवितात
मित्रं ॥४६ !। देवस्य नेवेद्यहेतोईत्तावपदव्यक्तिर्यया ॥ 385 महाराजकुलसो( शो)मितपत्रदेवड़ामेलाकेन छनारे पामे दोणकारी क्षेत्रु १ उभयं दत्तं ॥ षीमा उलीग्रामे
वीहलरा०वीरपालन ढीबडउ १ दत्तं । भाउलिमामे । 37 मामयकैः अरहदप्रति से 6 ढीकडा ढीका प्रति सेः२पत्तं ।। काल्हणवाडयामे हलं प्रति सेः १ गोहिल उत्रनु
डिमल(ले)न प्रतिमामपाद्रं इत्त ०१. तथा 35 मडाउलीग्रामे रा. गांगू कर्मसीहाभ्यां द्वादशएकादशीषु चोलापिका आयपदं दत्तं । चंद्रावतीमंडपिकायां
विसार 39 अंकताऽपि ॥ सं. १३४४ ज्येष्ठ शुदि ५ शुक्रे जीणोद्धारप्रतिष्ठा
Brief sketch of the Text. The inscription opens with obeisance to Purushottaina.
Verse 2 invokes tho blessings of Sri Pattanārāvana, who, we are told, was established on Mt. ibû by Râma on his way back to his capital with Sità after defeating Råvana. Vijayaditya the author of this prasasti (v. 2) promises to give a short it count of Ramachandra, Vasish ha, Mount Abû, tho Paramâras and of repairs to Pianarayana temple by Dolhana, minister of the Paramáras.
Verse 3 relates that Va‘ish ha created a warrior from his aynikula on Mount Abů. The sage conferred the title of Paramâra and named him Dhûmarája for defeating his encmies, who had stolen away the sage's cow (v. 4). From that day the Paramaras became of Vaish ha gotra (v. 5).
The sixth vorse shows that Ramachandra, after examining Sitâ's piety by means of on, established Suddhêsvaradêva near Ābû.
Verses 7 to 9 show that Ramachandra, being installed by Vašish ha, and having estab. lisher Pa tanarayana and Lakshmaņea on the bank of Pattanada, the source of which lies
The letters a
ta are in excess of the metro.

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near the asramas of Vaśishtha and Gautama, left for his capital, accompanied by Sitâ and Lakshmana.
(Verse 10) From that day the said Pattanada has become a famous holy place known as Guhyatîrtha.
Verses 11 and 12 contain words in praise of Mount Åbû. Verses from 13 to 18 give the genealogy of the Paramâras ag has been mentioned above.
Verses from 19 to 23 describe the repairs of the temple by Brahmana Delhaņa, the minister of Paramara3.
Verses 24 to 26 give a genealogy of Delhaņa as follows:- In the line of Upamanyumuni was born a Brahmana Viókáka, whose daughter Charûpi was married to Sâdâka, by whom five sons wero born namely Lakshmana, Kelhana, Valana, Delhana and Bhaskara.
Verses 27 to 31 show that the fourth son Delhana, by repairing the temple, made known his Garga Götra, Madhyandini Sâkhân, three Pravaras, Yajurvēda, his village Grivida, and seven ancestors namely Avasa.... lá, Vânå, Dedak, Kabava, Mahamûņa, Malha, Sasa, including himself and his five brothers Lakghmana, etc., in this world.
Verges 32 to 35-Delhaņa is praised for his conduct during the time the temple was being re-built.
Verses 36 to 40-show that the work of repairing the temple was commenced on the 10th of the bright half of the Asvina Vikrama Samvat 1343 and finished on the 5th of the bright half of the Jyêshtha Vikrama Samvat 1344.
Verse 41 speaks of the beauty of the temple.
Verse 42 shows that the repairs were carried on during the reign of king Visala, son of the king Bhadadêva, victor of the Turushkas and the king of Malwa.
Verse 43 tells us that the author of this Prasasti was Vijayâditya, whose parents were Dharanidhara and Châm pala.
Verse 44 shows that this inscription was engraved by Gâigadêva, son of Mamadeva, resident of Rôhêda.
Verse 45 speaks of the ability of the author.
Verse 46 refers to the author's father as a friend of Môhana, the son of Alhadana, perhaps one of the seven forefathers of Delhana.
For the maintenance of this temple the following grants and offerings were made by neighbouring persons.
L. 36 Dévadá Melaka son of Sobhita: one donakari and a field in the village of Chhanära. Râja putra Virapala son of Vihala: a dhimada in the village of Khîmâuli.
L. 37 The villagers of Auli: 8 seers of corn from each arahatta and 2 seers from each dhimadu. In village Kálhaņavada : one seer of grain at each plough. Nudimala son of Guhila : 10 drammas from each of his villages.
L. 38 Rajaputra Gângû and Karmasiüha : for twelve ê kâdasis the revenue of the Chôlapika, in the village of Madâuli and export duty of Chandrâvatî.
L. 39 on Friday the 5th of the bright half of Jyêshtha (Vikrama) Samvat 1344, Pratishthâ ceremony was performed.

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THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA,
BY V. RANGACHARI, M.A. L.T., MADRAS.
(Oontinued from p. 75.)
The effects of his measures. The result of all these salutary measures was that, for the first time in a long series of years, the people felt a radical improvement in their conditions. The season of anarchy and misrule was over, and the ravages of invaders and the extortious of tyranny became things of the past. A sense of relief and security, of happiness and contentment, spread all over the kingdom and in an incredibly short time its effect was visible everywhere. Hundreds of ruined men who had deserted their plough, their looms, or their shops, and resorted to the obecure but tranquil felicity of a rustic life, returned to their occupations. Forests gaye place to fields, Brahman colonies and industrial centres sprung up in large numbers, and all the activities of a healthy national life came into existence. Where there had been ruined hute and neglected waste, there were now smiling fields or imposing buildings. The cries of oppression and the tumult of discontent were replaced by the peaceful hum of industrial life and the busy noise of commercial transactions. Never has the magic of personal goodness and political capacity done so much, and never has there been a worthier example in history of efforts 80 well directed, and of results so promptly and succesfully achieved.
CHAPTER. IV. The Naik Kingdom in the latter ball of the 16th century.
Introduction. In the last chapter I described the various circumstances that led to the foundation of the Naik kingdom of Madura. In the present I shall consider the progress it made in the first half a century of its existence. The first thing that is noticeable in the history of this period is that the crown changed hands thrice. Between 1562 and 1572 it was worn by the valiant Kumara Kfishnappa I; the next two decades, by his two sons Vîrappa and Visvanatha II, and the last seven years by the sons of the former, Visvanatha III and Kumara Kpishņappa II. A remarkable feature in the position of these rulers was the joint holding of the royal dignity by brothers. The practice of joint royalty was not a Naik innovation. It was in existence, as we have already seen in the first chapter, in the Påndyan kingdom in the extreme corner of the peninsula. It became, unfortunately, the custom of the Naik dynasty. It was indeed not universally adopted even here. There were times when, as we shall see in the course of this history, an elder brother ruled without being yoked with his younger brother in the royal office. Nevertheless, even in the latter case, the younger brother was, if not entrusted with the equal authority of a colleague, almost always made chinna dorai the second-in-power to the ruling chief, and in that capacity held an important place in the administration of the country. An institution based on such a principle naturally suffered from lack of vigour or efficiency, and it might be thought that the comparatively frequent change of rulers and the system of joint rule, made the progress of the infant kingdom a matter of difficulty and trouble. But fortunately in the 16th century these evils were minimised by the strong hand of Aryanatha, the great dalavai of Visvanatha. We have seen what a prominent part he played in the foundation of the kingdom. But for his assistance the task would have been a stupendous, if not an impossible one, for his master, Visvanatha I.
But Aryanatha's labours were not destined to end as Visvanatha's lieutenant and minister. He was destined to hold that power for the next 40 years, during the three generations of rulers, who succeeded his master. Nothing could have been more beneficial to the kingdom or the people. Like a tender plant the great statesman nourished it to

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youth and vigour, and left it at his death in 1600 the strongest power in Scuth India. His skill, tact and genius intrcduced unity of policy in the State. While rulers changed, he managed to continue in office, and as he worked in a most disinterested manner with the prestige of the kingdom and the welfare of the people in his heart, he was able to tide over obstacles and consolidate the kingdom in such a thorough manner that it was able to hold the first place in South Indian politics for the next one and a half centuries. Aryanatha was able to maintain himself in power for such a long period, because his experience in statecraft made his services indispensable to the Nóik ruler. His character endeared him to the people, while his capacity kept turbulence in check. Herein is the cause of the singular absence of the disturbance of his administration by conspiracy or rebellion. Feared by the Polygars and beloved by the masses, he was never reduced, except on two or three occasions, to the necessity of punishing or pardoning treason.
The cause of Aryanatha's domination ought to be attributed not merely to his character and to his services to the State. It was due to other circumstances also. We have seen how the principle of joint authority in the royal office had the tendency to promote reliance on ministerial wisdom. The vicissitudes of the Vijayanagar Empire in this age had the same effect. The disaster at Talikottah was followed by the practical dismemberment of the Empire. Aryanatha, on whom devolved the management of the imperial affairs, placed the relationship between Madura and the decaying Empire on such a basis that, while continuing in name the vassalage to the Empire, he was able to ensure practical independence to Madura. It was an arrangement which satisfied all parties. The Emperor was content to receive tribute and nominal allegiance without trouble, while the Madura chief was gratified by practical independence. He came thus to be looked on as a friend by all. To the Emperor he seemed the preserver of imperial integrity, and to his immediate master, the best and truest benefactor. Both therefore upheld his policy and depended on his wisdom.
The result of all this was seen in the growing strength and prosperity of the kingdom, Its frontiers extended from Maisur to the Cape and from sea to sea. It had an excellent system of military defence. Its legions were victorious in all quarters, and held Tanjore on one side, Maisur on the other, in effective check. It had a number of loyal magnates, who kept a vigilant police and maintained the security of person and property. It had a contented population, who grew in wealth and in happiness. It had a sound system of finance. It, above all, was able to engage in an enterprising foreign policy and conquer Ceylon. It attracted the cupidity of European merchants, just then coming to the peninsula, It was able to dazzlo the world by its temple architecture, its arts of peace. Lastly, it was attractive enough for the missionary, especially the Jesuit, who saw in it the stronghold of Hindu civilization and therefore the most worthy subject of spiritual conquest.
SECTION I.
Kumara Krishṇappa (1562—1572). On the death of Visvanatha I, the viceregal throne devolved on his son, Kumara Krishnappa, a prince of high talents and acknowledged abilities. In an age when the security of power was dependent on personal valour and military glory alone, the true
Also known as Peria Krishnama. According to the Hist. of Carna. Dhorai and " Supple. MS." he ruled from 1458 A.D. (Bakudhanya) to 1489 (Kilaka). But the Pand. Chron, and Mirt. MSS. say that he ruled from 1562 (Rudhirdikari) to 1573 (Angila). Very amasing, but false, events are given by Wheoler in regard to this ruler. He attributes to him the date 1562-1572. "The new Naik was only threo years old when his father died, but he was carried in procession through the streets of Madura, and installed upon the throne with the usual ceremonies. His grand father Nagama Ndik and Aryanâtha M udali, the ininister and commander-in-chief, acted as regents for the infant prince. As he grew up he actod according to their advice, and followed the example set by his father; he maintained the rights of the Bralimans and those of the temples; he married and bad a son before be arrived at years of

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badge of greatness, a gifted individual like Kumâra Krishnappa could not but make his influence felt. Endowed with a hardy nature, which unfolded, during the heat of war, a marvellous energy and an active enthusiasm, Krishộappa had also the noble moderation and the gallant chivalry of his father. With rare personal heroism he combined a generous heart, which opened readily to the fallen and sympathised with the weak. Able by nature, he had also the advantage of the discipline of his youth, the training he had undergone both in war and in the art of government, under his illustrious father. To crown all, he had the further advantage, throughout his reign, of the judicious precepts and thoughtful counsels of the great statesman Aryanatha. No better example have we in Naik History of a natural capacity so incessantly helped by the wisdom of experience : and the result was a great and successful reign. Much of the credit of Kộishnappa's rule was due to his predecessor and to his minister, the one bequeathed to him a strong government and a sound policy, and the other gave him the weight of his counsels Nevertheless, not a little of the success must be attributed to his own powerful personality and vigorous intelligence.
The Battle of Tallkotta and Krishnappa's part in it. The first and foremost event which distinguished the period of Krishnappa's rule, and created a new epoch in the history of the whole of South India, was the Muhammadan invasion and sack of Vijayanagar in 1565. It is unnecessary to describe the events that led to it and the events that followed it. It is enough for our purpose if we consider how they affected the relations between the Empire and Madura. Kumara Krishna was too good a man to forget his father's indebtedness to Sadasiva Raya to desert his standard at a time of disaster and danger. His loyalty is clear from an inscription 10 of A. D. 1561 recording a gift of his in tho Tinnevelly temple, where he mentions the great minister Râmaraya. He therefore took a prominent part in the operations of the Talikotta campaign. It is true he did not personally attend the emperor with his levies, but he did the next best thing in sending Aryanatha to theil seat of war. discretion (s. e., before he was 10 years old). He made a journey with his guardians into the Tinnevelly country and was much pleased with the immense plains covered with rich plots and fruitful orchards. He accordingly travelled farther into the Southern country. On his return he saw the place where his father died, and was 80 affected by the said story that he killed himself on tho spot." This story, says Whooler, in from the MSS. I have searched for it in vain. Wheeler is of opinion that the story gives false information.
The real fact is, he continues "Kumara Kishnappa Ndik must have attained his majority. He was the father of a child two years old. He was becoming impatient of his guardians. Accordingly they took him away from the City of Madura, and put him to death. They then built an agrahara as an act of Atonement. (Wheeler Vol. IV, Part. II, p. 575). The absurdity of all this will be clear when tha real history of the reign, as given in the text, is studied.
Epigraphical evidences regarding Kumfra Krishnappa are very meagre. In his Antiquities (1, 316) Sewell mentions only one. It is an inscn. in an Aiyanar Shrine in the village of Vijayapati, 20 miles S. E. of Nangunêri, Tinnevelly District. It bears date 1569 (Q. E. 745). The only other inson. I have been able to get concerning him is in Madr. Ep. Rep. 1912-13, p. 41. It is dated s. 1485, but the year given Krodhana is wrong. It says that he gave the villages of Ariyakulam, Puttaneri alias Tiruvêngadanallar, Siramankulam, Pottaikulam, Köţikkuļam, etc., to the temple of Tiruvêngadanatha Diva of KrishnApuram for the merit of his father Visvanatha.
The Kdilolugu says that in S. 1447, during the rule of Kộishnappa, he presented many jewels to Ranganatha, and his agent Narasimha Desika, son of Vathula Debika, is said to have built steps on the gouthorn bank of the Kaveri and made for the god a coat of jewels and a crown at a cost of 100,000 gold pieces.
9 The detailed history of the Penukonda-Chandragiri Empire based on chronicles and inscriptions and literature from 1565 to 1650 is shortly to be published by me in the Journal of the Bombay Royal Asiatic Society. The present history of the Naik kingdom of Madura is strictly speaking, a part of that history, as Madura was throughout this period, like Mysore, Gingi and Tanjore, & province of the Empiro. 10. Insen, 28 of 1894.
11 Life of Aryandtha Mudaliar in the Mirt, MSS.

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Paucity of materials and absence of epigraphical evidences unfortunately make a detailed description of the movements of Aryanatha in the campaign impossible ; but we may believe that he took a prominent part in its conduct. At the battle which followed Vijayanagar fell from its proud position for ever. The removal of the seat of government to Penukonda, the civil war between Veikata and Tirumala for supreme power, the murder of Sadasiva Raya, the assumption of imperial title by Tirumala, and the reduction of the extreme northern provinces by Bijapur and Golconda followed. What was the exact relation between Aryanatha and the usurper, when these momentous events were going on? The Madura chronicles are silent as to this point. They completely ignore Tirumala and Venkatâdri and their struggles. Nor do they mention anything about the change of dynasty. But they give the politics of the day from the standpoint of Madura and are, in consequence, though not completely reliable, of high value to the historian. They are not, as between themselves, quite consistent; but there are certain agreements in them, which seem to give them a certain amount of authority. Conflicting with each other and questionable in details, they depict Aryanatha Mudaliar, the Madura Dalavâi, as the master of the situation after the Talikottah campaign. When the Muhammadans and the Marâthâs, says one M$12., came from the north in large numbers and waged war with the Raya, "the Mudaliar loft Madura with his troops, and took part in the war. When, in the course of it, the Rêya died, he left a written will to the effect that Aryanatha was his adopted son, that it devolved on him to free the kingdom from its enemies."
Two versions of Aryanatha's movements. Aryanatha, then, we are told, defeated and drove, with the grace of his deity Durga, the enemies beyond the confines of Vijayanagar, and then "consulted the elders among his own relations in regard to his assumption of the title Raya; but they asked him not to do 80." Thereupon he divided the Râya's dominions into three parts, one of which he gave to Visvanátha, the son of Kottiyam Nagama Naik, another, the country of Tanjore, to Mappillai Vijaya Raghava Naik; and the third, Srirangapattanam and the Mysore country to "the Kartas." After anointing these, the Mudaliar took upon himself the duties of generalissimo over all these three kingdoms. The other story is that, when the power of Vijayanagar was destroyed by the Musalman arms, the R&ya appointed Kfishộappa of Madura' as the Viceroy of his Northern dominions and Arayanatha in the place of Krishnappa; that Aryanatha refused to accept his elevation, as his Brahman preceptor told him that the exercise of royal powers by a Sadra was a sacrilege ; and that Aryanatha was in consequence made a sort of political agent, representing the interests of the Emperor in his southern dominions. There are difficulties in acknowledging the first of these versions. In the first place, tha Raya did not die in the battlefield at all. On the other hand, he continued to rule, nominally at least, for three years more at Penukonda. He could not have therefore made such a bequest on the battlefield. Secondly, Visvanatha Naik did not live at the time. He had been already dead two years before the battle of Talikottah, and the story of his getting a share in the partition of the Empire is an anachronism. But the unreliable nature of the story is due more to what it does not say than to what it says, more to its omission than to its information. It completely ignores the career of Tirumala, the change of the seat of government to Penukonda, and other
12 Life of Aryandtha Mudaliar See appendix I. (The Mirt. MSS.)
Narasimhalu Naidu's Hist, South Ind. I don't know on what authority this account is based.

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events which epigraphy conclusively proves. What was the nature of the relation between Aryanatha and Tirumala ? Was he a friend of his or an enemy? Did he take part in the civil war between him and his brother, Venkatádri ? If so, which side did he join ? and whom did he support? How far is the statement of the Madura chronicles that Aryanåtha was the master of the situation after the Talikoita disaster true? How faz is it consistent with the well-known and well-proved fact that Tirumala was in reality the master of both the emperor and the Empire? It is impossibie, with the materials that are thus far available, to answer these questions. The whole subject is enshrouded in a mystery which neither the chronicles nor epigraphical evidences are able to clear. It is this obsourity that seems to warrant the belief that the story, mentioned above, is an invention of an admirer of the great Mudaliar, who gave vent to his own imagination at the expense of the truth. But while it may be acknowledged that something of this story is a fiction, it must be also acknowledged that it is based on a substratum of truth. The very existence of the different versions goes to prove this. Both agree in depicting the great general as the acknowledged leader of the Empire, as the great man of the day, as the centre of the imperial hopes. Both agree that it was his singular moderation or cautious prudence that prevented him from the dignity of royalty; and both agree that he became an imperial officer, though one considors his jurisdiction identical with the whole Empire and the other confines it to the southern dominions alone.
The probable position and movements of Aryanatha after Talikotta. The display of so much modesty and philosophy in an age of adventure and ambition seems hardly credible to the critical historian; but it should be remembered that such a self-denial or philosophy was not impossible in the case of a man like Aryanatha, who was a staunch worshipper of orthodoxy, and whose character, after all, seems to have suited him more to be a capable lieutenant than master. At the same time his moderation might have been the result of policy. In the civil war between Tirumala and Venkatâdri, in the triumph of the former, in the helpless position of the Raya, and in the other features of the then imperial politics, he perhaps felt it prudent to retire, to grant himself to a lesser rank, but a sphere of greater control. His retirement to Madura, then, might have been the product of political foresight, the outcome of an instinctive fear that the emperor was in future & phantom. Or perhaps, he entered into & tacit understanding with Tirumala that they were not to interfere with each other, that the one was free to pursue his career in the north and the other, in the south. Or he might have been disgusted with the conduct of Tirumala, and retired for ever to the south, taking leave of the imperial politics, for ever. In any case he attached himself to Krishṇappa and continued to be his chief friend and counsellor, his minister and Daļavái. Fixing his residence in the rich and fertile village of blavandân, twelveli miles to the northwest of Madura, he made it by his labours, one of the most thriving and prosperous places in the kingdom. He fortified 15
11 The Life of Aryandtha Mudaliar. It says that he came thither in 1566 (Akshaya). See the other Mirtanjiya MSS. in the appendix I.
15 Solavandan ( corruption of Chol&ntake) is historically an important place. Inscriptions show that its old name was Ojantaka Chaturvedimangalam. The Cholas evidently once came as far as this, but were defeated by the Pandyans. The numerous inscriptions of Pandya rulers in the Perumal templo at lavandan and in the MolanAtha shrine at Tenk sbi seem to show that the village was a favourite with those monaroha." (Madura Gazetteer, p. 297). Slavandan's importance was due to its commanding situation on the road between Madura and Dindigul, and its being a halting place for the Rmékvaram pilgrims in those days. Later on Mangamma! established here choultry which existe oven now. Solavandan is a very fertile and populous place on the Vaigai with a population of 13,000.

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(MAY, 1916 - it, constructed a temple, the management of which he entrusted to his old guru of Conjeeveram, built as many as 300 houses in it, and invited thousands of his own castemen, the Vel?aļas of Tondamandalam 10 to occupy them. He also colonised the village with Various classes of professional people, whose services were a necessity,-goldsmiths and blacksmiths, potters and masons, carpenters and architects, Pariah freemen and slaves. The neighbouring villages of Nageri, Pottanêri and Tirumangalam 17 were similarly occupied by the Veļļala relatives or dependents of the great statesman. Besides these Aryanatha built the village of Aryanapuram on the Tambraparni banks, and that in the picturesque region of Periakuļam. Even now the descendants of these colonists can be seen to flourish in these places. The inquisitive antiquarian will be specially struck with the deep affection and tender gratitude with which they, especially the Vellalas, of that part of Sõlavandân, which is called, after Aryanatha, the Mudaliâr-Kottai, cherish the memory of their ancestor and benefactor. 18
Aryanatha's works at Solavandon and elsewhere. The fort is gone, but the colonists are prosperous and own most of the fertile fields and pleasant cocoanut groves, for which Sôlavandân is so deservedly famous. The benevolont labours of Aryanatha were not confined to his new colonists. Many a Siva and Vishņu temple, (e. g. at Palamkottah), many a mantapa and gopura, throughout Madura, owed its existence to his liberality and charity. He took a singular pleasure in the construction of edifices which struck people more by their magnificence than their beauty, more by their awe-inspiring grandeur than by their artistic excellence. He was an ardent builder, in other words, of gigantic manlapams and thousand-pillared bowers. The grand and imposing thousand-pillared mantapams of the Madura and Tinnevelly temples, for instance, were his work. The former of these, situated in the north east corner of the shrine, just to the north of the Viravasanta mantapa, has gained the admiration and excited the applause of artists.
His military architecture. In military architecture also Aryanatha left equally striking monuments. The walls and fortifications of Trichinopoly, Madura and Palamkottah were no doubt carried under his supervision; and it is an irony of fate that none of these exist in their entirety in the present
16 The Kongu Vellalas also wore dagcended from them, as numerous chronicles testify.
1T See Hist, Carna. Gours. Tirumangalam, on the Gundar is a Taluk oentre, 13 M. 8. W. Madura ; Railway Station ; See Madura Gazetteot, p. 330.
18 The most important of these is one Vira Ragava Mudaliar, once employed in the additional subcourt of Tinnovelley. He gave me, during my visit to him, a memorandum about his ancestor and a copy of the copper-plate charter which he gave his preceptor. The charter is dated S 1555, but as the name of the year is Subhanu, it is clear that the real date is S. 1505. It says that, in that year, Aryanatha Mudaliar and some others (Vira-Raghava, Chidambara, Muttiyappa and Vacantaraya Mulaliars) of the Tondamandala Vella community of Janaka Narayanapura or Cholakulintaka rulod, in a meeting of all the onstsmen, that they should pay the disciples of Vasantaraya Kurukkal, the son of Nama Kurukkal (of the fAnyagivAchArya priesthood of Conjeeveram), and that every family among them should pay him an annual tribute of 5 kafus, besides appointing and paying his man as visue-devas on ceremonial occasions, and making the contribution of 6 kasus in the name of a bridegroom and 3 kasus in the name of the brido, during marriages. All the VollAlas from Palghaut to sētu and from the Kaveri to Tiruchchendur .were subject to this charter granted by their own will. It was signed by Aryanatha and two others above mentioned. The whole was written or engraved by Kadambavana Abari of Madura and ended with the figures of a Goddess and a linga. The inscription is interesting both socially and politically.

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day. One of the MSS.10 attributes even the forts of Tanjore, Srirangapatnam and Vellore to him,-a statement which it justifies by saying that, though staying in Madura, he was a generalissimo of the whole Empire. The gratitude of Aryanatha, moreover appointed villages to remit hundis or bills of a exchange to distant Benares for the daily feeding of 1,000 Brahmans in the name of Xambi, the priest of the Ganéśa temple, to whose encouragement and education, he owed all his greatness as a gencral and statesman.
Krishnappa's subjugation of a local rebellion. While the relation between Kumara Krismappa and the Emperor is thus one of uncertainty, there is nothing uncertain in his dealings with his own feudatories. Here he showed himself a true son of his father, a firm and determined ruler. It has been already mentioned how the Polygar system had, with all its benefits, one great disadvantage. The loyalty of tue Polygars was an elastic thing, an evanescent feeling, strong under & strong king and woak under a weak one. As long as Visvanatha held the reins of government, the conduct of the Polygars was characterised by willing obedience ; but the death of that hero and the absence of Aryanatha in the North, relieved them from the yoke of discipline, and gave them the opportunity for a rising. The man who took advantage of this state of things was the turbulent Thumbichohi20 Nâik. We have already seen how, in days previous to the Naik conquest, he had enjoyed an extensive territory and power, and how the advent of Visvanatha gave a check to his ambition and a blow to his authority. Evidently Tumbichchi had looked on the author of his disgrace more with hatred than loyalty; but prudence and fear had prevented him from rebellion. And now, when Visvanatha was dead, and his faithful Dalavâi away in the North, Tumbichchi felt that a suitable opportunity for the recovery of his old prominence was come. With a few brother chiefs, who evidently shared his discoatent and his views, he raided the country, and seized and fortified the important village of Paramakudi21 on the Madura-Râmnad road, 40 miles south-east of the former and 20 miles north-west of the latter. Kumara Krishya found all remonstrance and warning futile, and so acted with firmness and promptness. He despatched an army of 18,000 men, commanded by 13 officers, under his trusty general Kesavappa Naik, & tried soldier who, as we have already seen, had served Visvanatha I. with a faith and courage second only to that of Aryanatha. Kêśavappa marched to the enemy's camp and promptly laid siege to it, but the gallant veteran fell in one of the sallies in the course of the siege. His son and namesake, however, immediately stepped, with Krishnappa's sanction, into his position; and urged by the feeling of revenge and the desire for distinction, prosecuted the operations with vigour. Before long, he silcceeded in taking the place by storm and compelling Tumbichchi to surrender. The pious zeal of the captors instantly separated his head from his body, and despatched it as a trophy of victory to the king. Kumâra Kșishịa was now in a position to teach a lesson of severity and example to refractory elements by the annexation of the rebel estato. But Krishnappa, a man of valour as he was, had less valour than clemency. The true son of Visvanatha, be believed as much in conciliation as in coercion. When therefore the two
19 The Mirt. MSS. 20 See the Hist. of the Palayam in the appondix for a discussion of the question
2 It is now in the Râmnad Zamindari, and has a population of about 9,000. It is on the south bank of the Vaigai. Ita large stone pavilion and chatram is famous as a centre of charity. The inhabitants are mostly weavors and the ironamiths aro Musalmans. Madras Manual III, p. 653. The account of thie robollion is fully given in Sinhaladvipa Katha, for which see Taylor's Rais Catal. III, pp. 153-6.

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sons of the deceased Polygar implored at his feet for pardon and for maintenance, he generously conferred on them the village of Påmbùr, and the wardenship over Paramakudi he granted a few villages for the maintenance of the widows and relations of the deceased chieftin. Krishnappa's sense of discipline, however, demanded a chastisement, and the remaining part of the estate, in consequence, was annexed to the kingdom.22
Krishnappa's conquest of Kandy. The subjugation of this internal revolt was followed by an extensive war with a foreign power, Kandy in Ceylon. Wilson and Taylor suppose that this war never happened. The silence of the Hist. of the Carnatic Governors, of the Mahávania, and of the Polygar memoirs, lends support to this view. But the authority of a Telugu work Sinhaladvipa Ratha compels, by its accurate topography and detailed description, belief in the war. \Vilson and, following him, Taylor balieved that “Simhala" here meant not Ceylon, but either Râmnând or some petty palayam in Tinnevelly. This is, however, against the general meaning attached to the term. At the same time the account therein given distinctly refers to a campaign in Ceylon. The author of the Madura Manual therefore believes that the war was a fact, and it szems tha, this is a conclusion worthy of acceptance. The cause of tho war is uncortain, but the MS. chronicle above montioned attributes it to the old friendship of the Kandy king with Tumbichchi Naik and the insult with which he treated Krishnappa's name. To the Madura monarch, the government of his kingdom did not suffice to occupy his time or his abilities. His ambition aspired to the reputation of a great conquost, and the imprudent attitude of the Kandy king presented him with an opportunity for the accomplishment of his purpose. At the head of a gigantic army formed by the musters of 52 Polygars, he reached the coast. Embarking at the holy Navapáshiinam (the Nine Stones), the remnant of the old Râma Setu, he reached, we are told, Mannar and issued an ultimatum demanding immediate obedience and homage. The king of Kandy was too proud to answer, and Krishnappa gave orders for the advance into the island. At Patalam the van of the Madura army, under the command of Chinna Kesavappa, came into collision with the Singhalese, whose gigantic array of 40,000 troops was commanded by 4 ministers and 8 viceroys (dê janathalu). The battle which followed ended in victory for the Indians. No less than two ministers and five provincial chiefs fell into their hands. The captives, we are told, were so much won by the honourable and humane treatment of the invaders, that they offered to go, in company with two envoys appointed by Křishnappa, to Kandy and persuade their king to conclude peace and pay tribute. They further offered, in case they failed, to come over, with their districts and people, to the allegiance of Madura. Krishnappa consented, and sent two of them with two of his nominees. They proceeded to the Sinhalese capital, gained over the support of the Prime Minister, and represented to the king the necessity for yielding on the ground that the Singhalese soldiers were distinctly inferior in martial training, skill and discipline, to the Vadugas. But the king, more brave than prudent, refused to acknowledge the foreigner. The captives and envoys then returned, and the Kandy king advanced at the head of 60,000 Singhalese and 10,000 " káfirs. "The MS. describes a number of skirmishes between the two armies, till at length a general engagement ensued. It was a well contested and sanguinary struggle, and ended in the defeat of the islanders. 8,000 of the kâfirs fell, and the Singhalese army retreated in confusion. The king and his minister, too proud to turn back,
22 Wilson's Catal.; Taylor's O. H. MSS; Nelson's Madura country,

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now preferred death to subjection. Mounted on his elephant, the king committed so much wanton destruction that Krishnappa had to give up his idea of sparing his life, and so, when his furious antagonist was cutting the trunk of his terrified elephant, he despatched him by an arrow, thereby giving him an honourable death by the hand of his peer.
The kingdom of Kandy was now at the feet of the conqueror. But Kumara Krishna was a stranger to all the vices of a conqueror. His p derived more solid benefit from his acts as a statesman than his achievements as a soldier. He is described as one of those rare men who deserve the praise that their virtues expanded with their fortune. . He gained the affections of the Singhalese people by his judicious moderation and his careful regard for their feeling. His generous mind held the health of the wounded and the deformed as the object of his special concern. His conscience, guided by the orthodox clergy, ordered that the deceased should be given the honour of state mourning. Placed on an elephant, his body was taken to the capital to receive the proper funeral ceremonies. The combination of clemency with conquest and of moderation with success, elevated the character of Krishnappa in the eyes of mankind, and had the salutary effect of not only pacifying the injured nation, but inducing it to positively invite the conqueror to their capital. He proceeded thither, and during his three days' stay there, made arrangements for the government of the conquered lands. "He sent the late king's family and household, inclusive of children, to a town called Auramgam, in former times the site of royal residence, (probably Anuradhapur) where they were supplied with all necessaries." (Tayl. III, 185). He then appointed his brother-in-law Vijayagopala Naidu as his Viceroy, and left Ceylon for his kingdom, conscious of the superior work he had done and sure of his memory being cherished by men. On his way home, the generous monarch, it is said, showered largesses on various temples to expiate the slaughter of the war.
Its temporary nature.
Such is the account of the celebrated triumph attributed to Krishnappa by the Simhaladvipa Katha. As has been already mentioned its genuineness has been questioned, bat accepted by the historians. But whatever differences may exist in regard to the actual events of the war, there can be no difference in regard to the relations between the two powers thereafter. We do not hear, either in the Madura chronicles or in the chronicles of Ceylon, any mention of such intercourse. At any rate, though this MS. clearly says to the contrary, we do not see it stated anywhere else that the ruler of Kandy acknowledged the Madura ruler. Nor do we hear of any viceroys. The fact thus seems to be that Vijaya Gopal Naik was a temporary officer. He must either have been replaced by a member of the Simhalese royal family or must have been driven out by force. We cannot say when, if so, the Madura viceroy was replaced or driven out. Probably it was in the last period of Krishnappa's rule or, more probably, after his death. However it was, there is no doubt that, when once it was done, the Kandy chiefs hardly recognised the Madura supremacy. Krishnappa's triumph, then, was a momentary affair.
Krishnappa as a ruler.
The rest of the reign of Krishnappa was one of peace, and we have every reason to believe, of prosperity. The people enjoyed the fruits of a strong and paternal government. Their contribution to the State coffers was not excessive, and their material condition, thanks to the large number of irrigation works which Viśvanâtha had constructed and which Krishnappa continued, was one of prosperity. The feeling of discontent was conspicuous by its absence, and Krishnappa signalised his peaceful rule by building a couple

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of villages after his own name, one to the east of Palamkoṭṭah (Pâlayamkôṭṭai) and the other to the West of Tinnevelly.23 He adorned and beautified these with Siva and Vishnu temples, with well-built Brahman agraharams and well-rivetted teppakkulams. A visitor to the former of these villages will not be surprised at Krishnappa's choice of its site for his work of building and charities. A few furlongs off, across a plain landscape, lie the tiny but scattered rocks of Redḍiampatti. In the south-east and on the western side the hill of Mêlappatti forms a similar outpost. To the North lie the Valanâd rocks forming a miniature watershed, the water from which forms a lake which feeds the small teppakkulams on the eastern end of the village. Situated in a picturesque situation and well furnished with irrigational facilities, Krishnapuram was in reality a place worthy of colonisation. Having fixed it, Krishnappa2 built a temple dedicated to Srinivasa and as many as 108 houses for Brahmans around and in front of it. The temple, once very rich and now poor, is a very fine structure. The front gôpura as well as the front mantapa is plain and ordinary, but what is known as Virappa mantapa inside is the glory of the shrine. The sculptures on the pillars of this mantapa are better worked and more splendid than those of even Tinnevelly. Spirited, lifelike and accurate, they will ever remain among noblest monuments of Indian artistic skill. In one is represented the Kaurava hero Karṇa, with the Nâgastra, thirsting for Arjuna's life-blood in his hands. In another pillar is seen the Indian Achilless, Arjuna, performing furious penance for the acquisition of Pâéupatâstra. Another lifelike portraiture represents, a local chief with his queens. The wealth of skill displayed in the general posture, the dresses and ornaments, and in other respects is exactly similar to that in the Tinnevelly temple and furnish admirable examples of the type of Nâik sculpture. The statue of Manmatha with his sugar cane bows and flower arrows, the figures of Bhima and Yudhishtira, etc. are all elaborately executed.
SECTION II.
Periya Virappa and Visvanatha II. (1573-1595.)
Kumara Krishnappa died 25 some time in 1573, leaving behind him a high reputation for bravery and for great virtues. On his death his two sons, Peria Vîrappa and Viśvanâ
23 The first of these is 6 miles from Palamkottah on the Tiruchchendur road. The other can be seen from the train going from Kallada Kuruchchi to TenkáéÎ.
24 See Madr. Ep. Rep. 1912, pp. 47 and 82; and also Ep. Ind., Vol. IX, pp. 328-41 where the Krishnapuram plates are described. With regard to the Krishnapuram Temple, I heard a curious legend current in the place. The outer prákára of it, I was told, was later on demolished by the Nawab of the Carnatic for the renewal of the Palamkottah fort, but in the course of the destruction, the Nawab's horse died suddenly, and the Nawab himself saw Allah everywhere in the Temple! He therefore discontinued the work of destruction and at the same time provided for the daily expenditure of the Temple.
25 The Pând. Chron. attributes it to Angila Mâsi but the Mirt. MSS. to Angila Kârtikai 19. The Hist. Carna. Govrs. and Supple. MSS. say that he died in A. D. 1480, Kilaka, which is of course absurd. With regard to his successors the latter two authorities, as well as one of the Mirt. MSS., do not mention Viśvanátha II. Regarding the date also there are differences of opinion. While the Hist. Carna. Govrs, and Supple. MSS. assigns the 27 years between 1489 (Saumya) and 1516 (Yuva), the Pand. Chron. gives the period of 24 years from 1571 (Angila Masi) to 1595 (Manmatha Margali). A Mirt. MS., on the other hand, attributes 22 years and 9 months-from Angila Kartikai S. 1494 to Manmatha Avani, S. 1517. [Wheeler mentions Virappa alone and says that he ruled from 1572 to 1595; but he gives the additional information that he was two years of age when his father Krishnappa died and that Nagama Naik and Aryanatha continued to act as regents.] The Gopippalayam inscription of Peria Virappa, dated 1573, which renews an alleged grant of Kûna. Pandya to the Musalmans, distinctly proves that he was on the throne by 1573. For reference to this inscription see Sewell's Antiquities, I, 292 and II, 76 and Nelson's Manual.

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MAY, 1916]
THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA
91
tha II, assumed, in accordance with the custom of the day, the honours, duties and responsibilities of joint royalty. As a matter of fact, however, the administration was in the hands of Aryanatha Mudaliâr. He was in reality the sovereign of the country, the nominal kings being puppets by his side and, in consequence, the tools of his will. The age, the position, and the industry of the venerable statemen invested him with the dignity of the dictator and the authority of an autocrat. His word was, for all practical purposes, the law, and his advice a command. The historian may well criticise this attitude of Aryanatha, and condemn him as a practical usurper, who contributed to the weakness and indolence of his wards, instead of increasing their strength; but, though it is impossible to prove that he was not inspired by ambition or prompted by self-interest yet it can be well contended that, in the assertion of his power, his intentions were perhaps not to blame. If the other men did not shine by his side, it was not his fault. His services at the same time gave him a moral strength. A terror to the elements of disorder in the land, he maintained peace, and regulated the affairs of state in their smooth and regular course. With efficiency he combined sympathy, thereby making himself the idol of all classes of people.20 He conciliated the Brahmans by his munificent endowments, his liberal charities, his foundation of agraharams and his patronage of religious architecture. He gratified the peasants and agriculturists by his stern control over the Polygars, and his generosity in the excavation of tanks and the construction of canals for irrigation purposes. The effect of his strong presence was seen in the fact that throughout this reign there was not a single rebellion except that of the Mâvalivâna king. The Mâvalivaṇas were, as has been already shewn, chiefs with a historic past and traditional greatness, whose ancestors had come, centuries back to the Madura district. Unfortunately we have no knowledge of the parentage, the period of rule, and other details concerning the chief against whom Virappa had to march. All that we can say is that that the rebel was more bold than wise in his disaffection and rebellion. For no sooner did he take possession of Mânâ-Madurai and Kâlayâr Kôil than Virappa promptly took the field against him, and as the History of the Carnatic Governors curtly puts it, conquered him and took possession of his country. Inscription 366 of 1901, which says that a certain Vânadarayar was the agent of Virappa Nayakkar Aiyan, evidently refers to his defeat and later loyalty.27
No other event sullied the calm of Virappa's rule, and he was able to devote himself, in consequence, like the rest of his line, to the foundation of agrahârams for Brahmans and the construction of religious as well as military architecture. To him is attributed the erection of the wall which encompass the famous shrine 28 of Chidambaram. He was also the builder of "the Kambattḍi Mantapam," beautiful and stone-pillared edifice in the Sunderêsvara temples of Madura. It was finished, as an inscription in one of its pillars says, in S. 1505 (Subhânu), i. e., 1583 A. D. The pillars are highly sculptured with Paurâpic scenes and figures, and display, like the other buildings of the age, that extraordinary patience and that masterly skill, which characterised the artists of the 16th and 17th centuries. In military architecture, Virappa achieved an equal distinction. He constructed the southern walls of the Trichinopoly fort and the fortress of Aruppakkôṭṭai.30
26 The Mirt. MSS. give ample proof of this.
28 Hist. of the Carna. Gours.
27 Madr. Ep. Rep. 1910, p. 33.
29 Madr. Epigr. Rep., 1905-6, para. 60; Ibid 1907-8, p. 69. The latter is in Telugu, but a Tamil copy of it is added to the inscription. See also Sewell's Antiquities, I, 295 and II, 77.
30 Taylor ridiculously translates it into "An Arab fort." He believed that it might be Elmiseran or Tiruverambur. But Aruppak Kôṭṭai is really a town, 50 miles west by north of Râmnâd, and 28 miles south of Madura, with a population of about 12,000. (Madras Manual III, p. 346).

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[MAY, 1916
Virappa's relations with the Emperor. A word may be said about the relations between the Emperor and Virappa. At the time when Virappa came to the throne Tirumala was on the imperial throne, and adorned it for the next five years. In 1578 he gave place to his son and succeasor Sri Ranga I., and he, in turn, eight years later, to Vêikațapati I. (1586-1615). Virappa was thus the contemporary of three imperial suzerains. And it is certain that he paid, in theory at least, the allegiance due to them. Throughout the time when the emperors were waging desperate and futile wars with the Muhammadan powers of Golconda and Bijapur-wars which resulted in the loss of the northern provinces and in the transfer of the capital from Penukonda to Chandragiri--and throughout the time when Raja Udayar was skilfully expanding his estate into a kingdom by a judicious combination of opposition and conciliation towards the Srirangapatnam Viceroy, and when nearer at hand Achyutappa of Tanjore and Veikațappa (1570-80) and his son Varadappa Naik (1580-1620) of Gingi, were doing the game, Virappa was pursuing evidently the same policy of obedience and expediency. Inscription 187 of 1895 says distinctly that Virappa was the feudatory of Sriranga and inscription 13 of 1891, which records a grant by him in 1588, mentions him as a subordinate of Vebkata. A Krishnapuram 31 inscription of 1578 also recognizes him as a vassal of Sriranga. While a Kumbakonam grant32 of 1590 by Veikatapati endowed a number of villages in Tinnevelly to a Vaishnava shrine under the management of one Krishnadas. Two years later again33 Veikata made a grant to the Tirukkarangudi temple in the same district, and in 1601 a grant to the Bhashyakata shrine in the Madanagopala temple of Madura. (Inscn. 35 of 1908).
(To be continued.)
BOOK NOTICE. THE BHAIMTPARINAYA-NATAKAM, BY man of the Rathitara family. After studying the MANDIKAL RAMA SASTRI.
Veda, logio, grammar, and stylistio, he became
& specialist in the Advaita philosophy, and THE story of Nala and Damayanti is what ori.
has written several works, among them being tics of a certain ill-natured school would call" a the Arya-dharma-praka fika, a treatise on Indian well-worn theme." It would be more just to say religion. Some time ago he was appointed to that it is one which has a perennial hold on the the office of Sanskrit Pandit in the Maharainterest of India by reason of its merits, on the ja's College at Mysore, and still holds that post, one hand as a tale of broad human emotions and Having now attained to mature years, he has experiences, and on the other hand as a narrative
Bought for a theme fit “to purify the tongue" ;
and he has happily chosen the "holy tale" of singularly in harmony with the peculiar Hindu
Nala, which he has presented in the form of a imagination and view of moral law. It will be &
Sanskrit drana in ten acts, embracing the whole Bad day for India-a day which we hope will never
story from the beginning of Nala's passion for arise when a Hindu audience will fail to hear with
Damayanti down to their reunion after their seperospeotful interest tales such as those of Nola and
ration in the forest, and the recovery of his kingSåvitrf. And therefore we are glad to see & scholar
dom by Nala. He has handled the material, not whose previous literary career might have been
' in the ponderous and artificial style so sadly comexpected to predispose him towards theme more!
mon among modern pandita, but with an agreeable academio or at least more limited in its interest
lightness and simplicity of touch that make reading taking up this catholic story of love, joy, and sor
a sor a pleasure, and breathe a spirit of fresh life into row-and, wo may add at once, handling it so well.
the ancient forina of classical style. Mr. K. Srinivasa Pandit Mandikal Rama Bastri-as he informs as Râo contributes an English introduction to the book, in the preamble put into the mouth of the shtra. which is published under the auspices of His Highdhara, which is not remarkable for reserve-is the
ness the Maharaja of Mysore. son of Venkata-subbayya Sastri, a Srðtriya Brah
L. D. BARNETT. 31 Sowell's Antiquities, II, 76.
32 Ibid, I, 2.
33 Ibid, p. 315. 1 Pp. xxiv, 258, III, Mysoro, 1914. 8°.

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Jum, 1916] NOTES ON GRAMMAR OF THE OLD WESTERN RAJASTHANI
NOTES ON THE GRAMMAR OF THE OLD WESTERN RAJASTHANI WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO APABHRAMÇA AND TO GUJARATI AND MARWARI. BY DR. L. P. TESSITORI, BIKANER. ( Continued from p. 7.)
APPENDIX.
SELECTED SPECIMENS FROM OLD WESTERN RAJASTHANI TEXTS.
1. The Different Voeations of the Four Sons of the Merchant Dhanavaha. [From the Vidyávilasacaritra by Hiránandasüri ( Samvat 1485=A.D. 1429), MS. No. 732 in the Regia Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale of Florence.]
तिथि पुरि निवसई सेठि धनावह पदमसिरी तस धरणी भरणीह तस घरि मन्दन व्यारि निरूपम बीजड बन्धव बहुगुण बोजर श्री सूरविष[सागर अडथउ बन्धव मुणि धनसागर एक दिवस ते व्यारह०० नन्दन बाप बोलाव्या कह किम मुझ घरि पहिलट" बेटड नन्दन बोलद बीज बोल प्रवहण पूरी त्रीजर बोल [...] पर ताँ चथर बोलइ सुललित वाणी जेपी नड मारी राजा हाय परि बाप ताँ हूँ सारिसि एह वचन निसुणी ना कुपीड रीसापट बीलइ रे बालक राम बहा
[] मुझ घरि म रहिसि रे लम्पट
हा परि देली बाप पराभव
मौन धरी मन माहिँ मीसरिङ
46
06 सोवन पाड. 63 चलचित.
धम्म नह धनवन्त ।
सहिजि" अतिगुणवन्त ॥ ४ ॥ पहिलट7 धुरि धनसार । बुद्धिवन्त' गुणसार । सागर जैम गम्भीर | समर ससाहस धीर ॥ ५ ॥ रमति करन्ता रङ्गि । भार धरेसिङ हुन्हि ।
पहिलु55 गोरू.
64 निरूपम.
48 बुध्धिवंत. 49 56 ईणि. 57
65
बाप.
यूँ परि मण्डिस हाट । आणि सोवनपाट ॥ ६ ॥ हूँ गो चारिति तात । सुधि प्रभु मौरी बात | नेकस सर्व स्वधन । मन
काज ॥ ७ ॥ "डि
नयर बारि चलचित्त ॥
2. The Same Story according to Another Recension.
[From the Vidyávilasacuritma by Nyayasundara ( Samvat 1516=A.D. 1480), contained in a MS. kindly procured to me by the Jainâcârya Çri Vijaya Dharma Sâri].
तिथि नवरी निमसर धनवन्त । सेठि धनावह जगि जयवन्त । पद्मश्री व मेहनी नारि । निरुपम सील कला भण्डार" || १७ || तिथि जावा छह च्यारह पुत। लक्षयावन्ता सगुण निरुत्त | नामा पहिलंड धन धनसार । बीजर सागरदत्त कुमार || १८ || श्रीजड गुणसागर गम्भीर । चडथड धनसागर परवीर । रङ्गइ रमता च्यारह कुमर । दीठा बापि परीक्वा काजि" बुलावि7 तात । तुम्ह नई प्राप" निज घर भार । सहिजिरं. 47
रावी कीथी ठि ।
वीथी तास चपेट |
पर हूँसि पूरि0 पेट ॥ ८ ॥ धनसागर सुपविन्त ।
93
जिला हुइ अमर || १९ ॥ निसुर" वच्छ अम्हारी वात । करिस्वट किस 10 घर नढ व्यापार || २० || त्रीजर. 50 ब्यारि. 51 रमलि. 52 पहिलु. 68 जोर- 50 सि. वुड. 61 ईनि. 60 पूरितुं. काज. बुलावइ. 68 निसुणी. आपु.
66
67
69
63 भाणिस.
62 नीसरीज70 farers.

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धनसागर सब बोलह इसउ । सेठि तर कृति वरसह जिसठ | जलथलमण्डल बहु विवसाड धनड [स]पति नढ एह उपाद" || २१ || बीजड पभणइ सागरदत्त | साँभनि तात वात इकश्विन्त । विराजहि लागइ जोखिम घष्ण । ए छह पेल घणा धन तया ॥ २२ ॥ करसण सहस्रगुणउतपत्ति" । ई" बाधइ घरि सम्पत्ति । बोल गुणसागर इम जणि । हाली करम किम इम वखाणि ॥ २३ ॥ अलग कीयह राजा तणी । तर घरि वाधर सम्पति घणी । तर बील धनसागर जाँणि । वय लहडर परिण वडत प्रमणि ॥ २४ ॥ परवसि दिए किम अलग होइ। जिहाँ परवसि तिहाँ निवृति न होइ । राजा मारी इस राज सवि साधिसु मनवा छत काज ।। २५ ।। उद्यम विवध करन्ति ।
जिणि सवि कज्ज सरन्ति || २६ || नति भरी भण्डार । ठार पडद सो वार ॥। २७ ॥ से सौमरिथम जोइ ।
धन कारणि जगि बहूध नर ते काई कीज किस 75 रनिवड पेटा चोटडट कुम्भ न भरीह तख किमद्द साँमस्थिम जे राज विए जे परमत्थ निहालीइ पुत्र वयरण हम सौंभली जर ए बोलिसी बोल हिव जोइ न कुण कुन आँप उ घरि वाधर वद्धामण्ड आप समाणड जीपीह जे नर जाणइ एतलब धनसागर पभएर वली जे नर खाँडइ आगला साहसतेजि समत्थ 78 नर जिम पणघोर अन्धार विश तुम्ह पुत्तह विण अम्ह सर 80 तिणि सोनह कीज किस81 मुझ संगति रूडी नहीं सूकइ काठद्द बन्जन्ताडे 83 नीसरियड निस भरि कुमर तेजी न सहइ ताज उ साहस जाँह सरीर ॥ ३६ ॥ The Monkey and the Wedge.
विहूए रसोइ ॥ २८ ॥ तट माने हूवढ ससङ्क | कुल आसि कलङ्क ॥ २९ ॥ अस राखी मनि आस । बाहरि नील विनास ॥ ३० ॥ कीजर कुल आचार । ते साचि जागमार || ३१ || कहूँ" कुलवडूण 7 कज्ज । तास तरणा ए रज्ज ।। ३२ ।। से लहुडा न कहाई । वासे जिम पुलाइ (१) 79 ॥ ३३ ॥ जिणि आवड कुन गालि । कॉनज त्रोडर प्रालि ॥ ३४ ॥ जिहाँ भावइ तिहाँ जाइ । नीना फेडह ठाइ ।। ३५ ।। एकनड वरवीर |
3. [From the Pañcakchyana, a metrical rifacimento of the Hitopadeça, contained (1st tantra only) in the MS. No. 106 in the Regia Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale of Florence.] sereris sereri यो नरः कर्तुमिच्छति
।
स एव निधनं याति कीलोरपाटीव वानरः ॥ ७२ ॥
दमनक कहि ते किम हुई बात । कह" करटक से माहरा भ्रात ।
खित्री एक रहिउ पुरि जेणि । सिहाँ लाकड विहरद्द सूतार। काष्ठ विचई खीली देई वल्या
वन" माँ गढ मण्डाविउ तेणि ॥ ७३ ॥ बिपुहुरे जेमवा 87 नी वार ।
।
वनि भमता वानर सिहाँ मिल्या ॥ ७४ ॥ कीड. 75 किसुं. 70 किं.
78 समय.
71
72
77 कुलवडण.
सहस्र
इण.
उपाय. 79 This verse is so corrupted that I do not see how to restore it. Possibly the fault lies in the second far, which word was erroneously substituted by the amanuensis for some different word (or words) in the original.
81 कीं. 83 बलंतडइ- 83 इच्छति
80 सरब
94
.
73
कहइ.
85
कहर.
86
[JUNE, 1916
धन. 87 जिनवा

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ताणी हाथ सुखई ते करी । वार बे वार ते नीसरी ।
बिहुँ पाटीच विचि अधठाम । कपि चम्पारणड मूबड ताम ॥ ७५ ॥ छाँव गुणवन्ति ।
ते आपद पामन्ति || ७६ ॥
4. The Weaver as Viopu, [From the same].
सुगुप्तस्वापि दम्भस्य ब्रह्माप्यन्तं न गच्छति । कोलिको विष्णुरूपेण राजकन्यां निषेवते ।। १३२ ।।
JUNE, 1916]
व्यापार एह कारण मेह न छाँड मतां
कहि दमनक बन्धव नद्द वली । राजकन्या" कोलिकि किम वरी । एक नवरि कोलिक" छइ सार । तेह नइ मन्त्रि एक सूतार || ३३३ ।। तिण" नयरि एक देवप्रासाद। जात्रमहोत्सव हुइ बहु नाद | से ओवा नह राजकुवारि । आवद्द देहरद्द वह परिवारि ॥ ३३४ ॥
से कोलिकि दीठी आवती । रम्भारुपि नौमि श्रीमती । देखी मूर्छा पाँमिठ तेह । तर सूतारि बोलावित एह || ३३५ || घरि आणी नह वालिउँ चेत ॥
नाव बोल नह थवड अवेस । पूछइ मित्र तुझ नह सिउँ थवडें । कहि तद" कोई कारण कहउँ ।। ३३६ ।। काह" कोलिक सिउँ पूछइ भ्रात । ए कारण नी खोटी वात । राजकन्या मई दीठी जिसई । हउँ मोहित तेलीय तिखिई ॥ ३३७ ॥
न वीसरह से मुझ मनि थिक । ते मेलडें हउ माने वेद ! ३३८ ॥
।
।
।
डॉम ॥ ३४० ॥
ते विण घडी रही नवि सकडें । कहि सूतार मणिसि खेद । कोलिक कहि कन्या जिहाँ रहइ त तूं मुझ नह किम मेलवर घडिड गरुड खीली संचारि । कोलिक रूप नारायण सांग चडी गुरुड बीली चालवद्द । जई बड कुमरी नह मालि । जर कोलिक बोलावद खेवि ह निश्चय छउँ देव मुरारि। समुद्रता मेल्ही नइ दूरि । गरुडवाहन शङ्क [ह] चक्र | कौस्तुभमणि नइ स्यॉन विचित्र || ३४३ ||
पवन प्रवेश तिहाँ नवि लहइ । बुद्धिबल माहरउँ जोजे हवइ ।। ३३९ ।। सङ्ग चक्र सिउँ देव मुरारि । खीली ताउ देखाडि ऊडिड गुरुङ साँझ न समह । निद्रावसेि हर छह बाल || ३४१ | सूस कर जागर 100 छइ देवि । मुझ सिउँ [हवह] विषयसुख सारि ॥ ३४२ ॥ ह' तुझ मिलवा आविड भूरि ।
।
हॅली सेशि थकी ऊतरह । कर जोडी नइ वीनति कर ।
हूँ अपवित्रकाया मारपुखी । यूँ तो त्रिभुवन नउ भूपाल । सुझ नद्द सहू पूजा दयाल । कहि कोलिक मम राधा नारि । ते सिउँ माणस नहीं संसारि ॥ ३४५ ॥ कहर कन्या प्रभु तुझ नइ गमह । तु कई माँगड मुझ तात कन्हद । मॉणसदृष्टि न जाँउ अम्हे । देव साखि हूँ वरवडें तुझे || ३४६|| रही राति ते गुरुड वाडेउ । को नवि देखर तिम ऊतरित । कोलिक इम ते नित भोगवइ । दिन आपणा सुखिई नीगवद्द ' ॥ ३४७ ।। कन्याअङ्ग दोठा नख हन्त । कुसुकनर कहि आविउ भन्त । राय प्रसई ते नर वीनवइ । असे न जाणउ स्वामी हवइ ॥ ३४८ ॥ तेडी राव राँणी नइ कहद्द सुणि प्रिया त [...] काँई लहर | तेह नह रूठ जो जम । राय विचार कर
तय इम ॥ ३४९ ॥
88 मि.
96
रम्भकपि. 3 वीनती.
89 पाटीआ.
3
एह देह नही तुम्ह सारिखी ।। ३४४ ॥
90 यूँ कह ड
4
हुं.
इं.. जांडं.
91
90 कोलिको 97 कह इ.
निषेविते. 94 कोलिक. 99 कं इद्द. 09 मोहिउं. 'सुखि छोगवर (sic.) 8 कहर.
6
7
" गुरुडि.
96
* तीनद कोकिल. 100 जागिड. 1 हूं. The line is faulty.

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[JUNE, 1916
तर राणी भाम्बा बोचा। नरमा स्पर्श दी भभिमवा ।
दुष्टि दुराचारिणीर खिर्ड काम की पापिणी ॥३५॥ जोई नीच जणणी ना कहर | विष्णुकपि० भावी मह रहा। करहले माणस सिउँ वात | हरषवदन तवसमात ।। ३५१ ।। जई राय मा प्रछन्नगति जई। मिरखाबाठा छाना रही। विणकप ते गहसचडी| भावी गठखी राहते घडी ।। ३५२॥ देखी राब रॉणी प्रति कहद । विष्णुरूप सह व्यापी रहा । मनमों काम करीसा कोडिसिवि भूपति रहिसकर जोरि ॥१५३ ।। एह जमाईतणा प्रसादि। मोग सिर सही कीजावाद । सर्व देस सीमा तणा|राय करवा मॉडर भापणा ॥३५४॥ ते सीपाडा विग्रह काणि । भावी रहया ते राय नह पासि । नबरपोलिदेवरावहराब| सहको आकुल व्याकुल थाय || ३५५ ॥ राय कुमरीमह कहाविहसि ।तबेटी मा महिमा किसि। ए जमाई छतई मुझ दुक्ख । नरबीजाकिम लहिसासुक्ख ॥ १५ ॥ भाविउ कोलिक जव थईरासि कमरी कहर से सपली वात । तुम्ह जमाई छताँ मुझ मात । शतपट ते किसर उतपात ।।१५।। कहा कोलिक एसाच सुणावह जोए महिमा मुझ नपर। देवि सर्वन चक प्रमाणिवबरी नह परि पार्ट हॉषि॥३५८॥ ते कोलिकमन मोहर धरहजर वबरी रानर पुरहरा। सर र स्त्री विरहर मुझ थाइ । इसिर विमाखी कोलिक जाइ ||३५९ ।। से चिन्ता निजपर मॉहिबई20 । इसिर उपाय कर सही। गुरुडचडी रह पाकासि । क्यार बबरी जासिह नासि ॥१०॥ वासवदेववाहन तण
गरूर विचारह भेद। प्रणमी प्रभु नहइम कहा वाच सुपर मुझ देत ।। ३६१ ॥ कोलिक मरण भङ्गीकरी करा तुम्ह नइलोय । पूजा नही कर पाधरी
नही मानद वली कोय ॥ ३६२॥ कृष्ण काहि वेणा गहडि, जई संक्रमि खगराव। 126 कॉलिककावा वसई इम काज करा ॥३५॥ विष्णु गरुड यह संक्रमह । वबरी ना दल अपरिभमा । भागर परिष पुएबाँ तसताना ववरी जाबह घणां ।।१५॥ गगण थकी कोलिकतरा महिमवन्स० पिट राबमा मिला। राइ मन्धिदीर जव तेव । तव कोलिक [सि] पूडिट भेव ॥३१५॥ ए इसि कहाकिम तेइधुरि थी सपि वेषा इम कहि | शहरवा तपट गुण जॉषि । राब किसी[]न कीधी ताणि ॥ ३६६ ॥ राजा राशि करित पसाब। सह साखर परतावा राब।
देस गाम भाप्या हितकरी। कोलिकि राजकन्या [इम] वरी ॥३६॥. 5. King Datta cannot escape the Fate Predicted to him by KalkacArya. [From Somasundarasari's commentary on Dharmadasa's Uvaesamana (gatha 105), contained in & MS. kindly supplied to me by the Jainâcârya Cri Vijaya Dharma Sari, Samvat 1667=A.D. 1511].
तुरुमिणी मगरी दत्त ब्राह्मण महन्त राज्य आपणहवास करी भागिलु जिवशदु राजा काबी भापणपद राव अधिष्ठि । धर्म नी बुद्धिई घणा याग बजिया। एक वार दत्त ना माउला विष्णुरूपी.
. 12 रहसह.
थाइ.
किसलं. 15 वीजा. 16 लहसिह. पसाचड सुपई. 18 देव. 10 मांहि. जर. . कोर. कृष्णि कहा.
. कराइ.
28 बेह. नाठा. 30 महिमावंत. कहलं. "हो. कहिन. अधिष्टिर.

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NOTES ON GRAMMAR OF THE OLD WESTERN RAJASTHANI
97
श्रीकालिकाचार्य गुरु भाणेज राजा भणी तीण नगरि भाविया । मामड भणी दत्त गुरु कन्हइ गिर । बाग में फल पूछवा लागु । गुरे कहिउँ जीवदया लगद धर्म हा । इत्त कहा याग नैं फल कहता गुरे कहिउँ हिंसा वर्गति हेतुर पेलर कहा आड का कहर बाग फल कहर । गुरे मरण भांगमी नइ कहिउँ याग • फल नरकगति कही। दत्त कहइ हउँ नरगि जाइ | गुरे कहिउँ करंण संदेह । सातमह दिहाडा कुम्भी माहि पचीतट नरगि जाएसि । सिउँ अहिनाण | सातमह दिहाडद साहरइ मुहि विष्ठा पडिसिह ए महिनाण | पत्ति कहिउँ त मरी किहाँ जाइसि | गुरे कहिउँ हउँ देवलोकि जाइसु । तर पत्तिई रीसाविई गुरु पाखती जण किया । चीतवह छह सातमइ निवाडा गुरुजि मारिस । इसिउँ चीतवी घर माहि पइसी रहिट |राजा मार्ग चोखलाविया। तिहाँ पुष्पप्रगर कराविया । एकई माली गावर काजि कपमह विष्ठा मारागकरी उपरि फूल मुंडाल लॉखिउँ । ते दत्त आठमा दिहाडा मी भ्रान्तिई सातमहभि दिन गुरु मारिवा नीसरिउ | घोडा नु पग विष्ठा ऊपरि पडिउ । विष्ठा अछली वह नह मुहडद पडी। बीहनु पाछत पलिउ । सामन्तमण्डलीके तेह कपरि विरक्त सइ बाँधी कुम्भी माहि [पालिउ | कुम्भी माहि] पचीतउ नरगि गिउ | सामन्ने वली भागिलु जिसशत्रुराजा थापिउ | तीणई श्रीकालिकाचार्य पुण्या | चारित्र पाराधी देवलोकि पहला ॥.
6. King Cronika and his Cruel Son Kanika.
[From the same, gatha 149.] राजगृह नगरि श्रेणिक राजा । चिलणा पहराणी । तेह नह एक वार गर्मि पुत्र कपनु । पाछिला भव ना वाराण सम्बन्ध भणी गर्भ नईमहात्म्यि भरतार नौ भौत्र खावा डोहलर ऊपन । भभयकुमार मुन्तई कारिमाँ मौष खबरावी डोहल पूरिट । जातमात्र बेटर कर लँखावित । तिहाँ संह नी
आँगुली कूकुडई लगारेक करडी । श्रोणक महाराई पाछर परिभणाविड । अशोकचन्द्र नाम दीधउँ । तेह नी आँगुली कुही । ते रोबह । भांगुली श्रेणिक राय पिक वहती मोह लगह मुहंडइ घासह । ते बेटउ रोतु रहर । भौगुली साजी थई। आँगली कही भणी तेह हर बीजलं नाम कोणी इसि प्रसिद्ध हुई । इसिड अभयकुमार महन्त दीक्षा लीधी पुठि श्रेणिक महाराई कोणी ईराज्य देवा पांछत पहिलङजि सम्यक्कनी परीक्षा देवता नु भापिट हार अनह भवधिज्ञानी सेचनक हाथीउ एतलों वानों हल विहडबेटों 37 हाँ आपियाँ। कोणी नामनि मत्सर ऊपनु । सामन्त सघलाइ आण्णा वसि करीं बाप काष्ठपश्चरि घाती राज्य लीधउँ बाप इनित पाँच पाँच सई नाडीए मरावह । इसिह कोणी राय नहबेटर जायु छा । तेखोलाले कोणी राय जिमवा बहउ। बट भाणा माहिमचिउँ । ते पर करी जिमवा लागु| कोणी राय चिकणा माय कहद मात दीठर्ड तई माहरा बेटा कपरि स्नेह । चिखणा मात रोखी कहर सिट ताहक स्नेहा ताहरा बाप हाँ, ऊपरि एवड स्नेह तड ताहरी कही भऑगुली पिरू बहती भापणा मुखि धाततड ।वात जाणी कोणी राय ना मनि पश्चात्ताप हर | कुठार लेई बाप नी भाडीलि भाँजिवा गिर । रखवाल भावी श्रेणिक कहि । श्रेणिक महाराब पीतविउँ न जाणीई ए वली कुण इाँ कदर्यना मारिसिह । एह भणी तालुपुट विस खाई महाभागा भाखा बाँधा भणी पहिली नरकपृथ्वीरे गित|कोणी रायरं महापश्चात्ताप हुउ | पछा कोणी राब हल विहल भाई नह कीधई पेडा महाराव सिरे महायुद्ध करी पाप पाजी छही नरकपृथ्वीई गिट. .
7. Jain Asoc ties live like the Bees. [From a commentary on the Dasaveyaliyasutta, contained in the MS. No. 557,
in the Regia Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale of Florence.] धम्मो मलमुकलं । धम्में सर्वोत्तम माङ्गलिक किंवि । जीवदया १, संयम १. भेव [२] तप १२ मेवर एह बि प्रकारि माँहि सपला धर्म ना भेद भवतरई । फलमाह | जेहजीव रहई धर्म नई विषई सदा मन हरदेवडते प्रतिई नमस्काई ॥१॥ जहा। शिम भमक वृक्ष नाँ फुल नई विषई रस थोड थोडु पी जेषद रीतई फूल कमाई नहीं भमा भापपयूँ पीति पमार्ग ॥२॥ एवमें। 35 विष्टा.
* M88. representing all nasals by a mere dot, it is difficult to decide whether in the present case we should read तह सर.
___38 काष्ट.
__ कपाजी 40 I omit here the Sanskrit paraphrase of the Prakrit text, which is also given in the MS.
सपलाई.
७
.
देवई

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
[JUNE, 1916
पपई प्रकार भ्रमरा तणी पर थोडा थोडत आहार लेता श्रमण महात्मा कह्या लोक माहिं जे जेनसाध वर्तई से फूल नई विषई भमरा नी परि आहार लिइँ गृहस्थ नई अन्तराय न ऊपजई आपण निर्वाह करई। किंविशिष्टाः साधवाः। वीयूँ भात तेह नी एषणा शुद्धि नई विपईं रत आसक्त छई भमरा अणदी) लिई साधु दीवू सूझतुं लिई एतलर विशेष जाणिवउ ॥३॥ वयं च। जीणई प्रकारई कोर गृहस्थ पीडा न पामई तेणई प्रकार अम्हे वृत्ति प्राणाधार भाहार लहुँ० ईणि पुद्धिई साधु ऋषीश्वर गृहस्थ तण परिभापहनी नीपना आहार नह विषह जाई जिम भमरा आपहणी नीपनी फूल नई विषई जाई॥४॥ महकार ॥ जे साधु कुणह तणी निभा रहित हुई ते ऋषीश्वर अल्पाहार लइवा तु मधुकर सरीखा ई । किंवा तत्त्व तणा जाण छ । पुनः किंवि । नाना प्रकार गृहस्थ सणई घरे पिण्ड भाहार नई विषई रत आसक्त छई। तेणि कारणि इस्या साधु कही इस्य नीर्थंकर तणई वचनई अध्ययन तणी समाप्ति हु बोलु ॥५॥.
8. The Meaning of "Arihanta". [From a commentary on the Paricanamolekhara, contained in tho MS. No.580 in
the Regia Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale of Florence). नमो अरिहन्ता | भरिहन्त नई साह नमस्कार किस्या छते अरिहन्त । रागषरुपिया [भ]रि वयरी हण्या छा जेहे से "अरिहन्त" | वली किशा छई। चउसहि० इन्द्र सणी मीपजावी पूजा हाँ योग्य थाई। किशा ते इन्द्र | वीस भवनपति बीस विन्तरेन्द्र वस देवलोक ना विचन्द्र विसर्य ए चउसति इन्द्र सम्बन्धिनी पूजा हुई योग्य थाई। वली अरिहन्त किशा छ। उत्पन्न केवलज्ञान चउत्रीस अतिपाई करी विराजमान अष्टमहापातिहार्यसंशोभमान | किस्था ते प्रातिहार्य । भशोकवृक्ष फलपगर परमेश्वर मी वाँणी चाँमरयुग्म सिंहासन छबत्रय भामण्डल देवतुन्तुभि एहे आठ प्रातिहार्य करी शोभायमान । तीर्थंकर विहरमान पद भ्यायिवा । जिसमें स्फटिकमाणे भरत्न शाकुन्द तणी पुष्फ तेह नी परि धवलवर्ण श्री चन्द्रमा सुविधिनाथ भरिहन्त जाँणिवा । जे मोक्षपदवी ना देणहार ते भरिहन्त प्रति माह नमस्कार !
9. Helplessness of Man in the Human Condition of Life. From a bálavabodha to the Adinathadesaņoddhara, contained in the MS. S.
1561, in the India Office Library.] संसार माहिमधी सुख जन्मजरामरणशोके करी तथा तउहा ते मिथ्यात्वि अन्धका जीवन कर श्रीजिनेन्द्र नउ वर धर्म | १। मायावी इन्द्रजालीया सरीखु वीजचमत्कार सबका सरीख सर्व सामान्य माचार क्षण माहि दीठ अन नाठउँ किसउँ अत्र प्रतिबन्ध । २। कूण कहि ना सगउँ कूण पर भवसमुद्रभमणमि० माछा नी पर भमई जीव मिलई वली जाई भातवर । जन्मि जन्म स्वजन नी श्रेणि मूंकी जेतली जीवई तेतली सर्वाकाशि एकठी करीन माई।४। जीवई भवि भवि मेल्हियाँ देह जेतली संसारि तेह सघलाँइ सागरोपमे करी कीजइ संख्या तु अनन्तहिं न थाइ । ५। लोक्य
सघल105 अशरण छरहीडा विविधयोनि माहि पइस नासत्र हतई न छूटर जन्मजरामरणरोग न छाडी नह स्वजनवर्ग घरनी लक्ष्मी नउ विस्तार सघलउह संसार अपारावार मार्ग माहि अनाथ
पन्थी नी पर जीव जाह ||वाभाहणि पांडरउँ०० पोनड तेह नउ संचय जार विशे विशे जिम वाल्हउँछ तिम कुटुम्ब स्वकर्मवाई आहाणउँ जाइ। ८ हा देव माहरी मा हा बाप हा बान्धव भार्या बेटा वल्लभ 'जीता हैतान सर्व मरह कुटुम्ब सकरुण नउँ |९| अथवा कटुम्ब माहि अतिवल्लभ व्याधि वेदनार पीडिउ सलसला सवडा (?sic) व्याधि मूमरि माहि गयउ पडकला नउँ बाल तेह नी परि।१०। स्वजन न लिई वेदना न वैद्य राखईन रक्षा कर भोषधी मरणवापर जीव लीजा जिम० हरिण नउँ बालक तेह नी पर। ११ । जिम तरुभर नइ विषह पंखीया विआलवेलाँ विशि दिश तर भाष्था अनद रात्रि वसी नई जाई केवल न जाणी केतलाइ एक केही शिश। १२घररूपीया वृक्ष नह विषद सगा चि गति संसार माहि घणी शिशि थी भाव्या वसीना पच्च दीहा पछा न जाणीह लिं. आपणो ने 49 रत्त. एतली. 50 लह ल हंचात. 62 तस्व. 53 आहर. 45.5 किस्यां. चउंसवि. चउंसव. 59 चउंत्रीस. 0 माह. ०० हूं. अथ. 62 The last element in the compound is a Prakrit form borrowed from the original. सघलाई. Prakrit form. 6 सघलठ. पांडरउ. हूंता. तउं. ०वडकला. ० तिम.

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NOTES ON GRAMMAR OF THE OLD WESTERN RAJASTHANI
99
कीह जाई | १३ | अर्थ धन घरि निरहई(?) बान्धव सगाँ नउ समूह मसाणभूमि एकलउ जाइ जीव नही (?) कोई अथि संग रहद की नही। १४ । मृत्यु मरणरूपीई ऊँटई जीवलोकवन अप्राप्तफलफूल काचउ [ खाजइ ] तेह नउ प्रसरण को वारणहार नथी देवलोकि मनुष्य [लोकि] असुरलोकि । १५ । गर्भथिउँ74 योनई नीसरिउँ [नीसरतउँ हूँसउँ] तथा नीसर्या पछी बालक वाधतउँ हैत छोकरउ तरुणउ मध्यम | १६ | करडवलिउ पलिउ गाढउ डोकरउ मरणविपाकि भावइ मरण देखा सवि का नई पातालि पइटउ पर्वतगुफा अटवी माहि |१७| थलि समुद्रि पर्वतशनि भाकाशि भमतउ जीव सुखीउ दुखीउ रणीउ78 दालिद्री मूर्ख विद्वांस करूप | १८ | रूपवन्त व्याधीउ' नीरोग सूचलउ० बलवन्त न परिहरइ वन नउ दावानल नी परि जलिउ असथवर 1 प्राणी जीव नउ समूह |१९| अर्थ लक्ष्मी न छूटी [न] बाह नई बलई न मन्त्रतन्त्र ओषधमणिविद्याइँ न धराइ। मरण नी एका घडी |२०| जन्मजरामरण तीणई हण्या जीव बहु रोगशोक तीणे संताप्या हीडरें। भवसमाद्रि सुक्ख ना सहस्र पामता |२१| जन्मजरामरण [ ना ] आयो जीव वाल्हाँ ना वियोग ते मुख ना आयो अशरण मर जाई संसार माहि भमई सदाइ । २२। अशरण मर इन्द्र बलदेव वासुदेव चक्रवर्तितउ एहवउँ जाणी नई करह जीव धम्म नउ उद्यम ऊतावलउ | २३ | बीहामणी भवाटवीई एकरउ जीव सदाइ असखाइउ कर्मई हणित भव नी श्रेणि हीडइ अनेकरूपे करी । २४ जिम आविड एकलउ कन्दोरा पाखई नागउ जीव जाइसह तिमजि एकलउ छाडी नई सर्व|२५| जाइ अनाथ जीव वृक्ष नउ फूल जिम कर्म नई वाई हणि धन धान्य आभरण पिता पुत्र कलत्र मेहली नई|२६||.
10. The Kulakara Rşabha teaches the Yugalins the Art of Cooking. [From the Adinathacaritra, contained in the MS. No. 700 in the Regia
____Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale of Florence.] जिवारह ऋषभ कुलग[र]पणा वर्तता ता जुगलिभा सगलाही कन्दाहार मूलाहार पचाहार पुष्पाहार फलाहार करता । तिणह प्रस्तावि सगलाही क्षत्रिय इक्षु सेलडी भोजन करता तिणइ मलि स्वाकुवंसी लोक कहीजह। हिवर युगाला सालि आदिदेई सणीधान सतरमउ एहवा १७ धान नी जाति आम काचा तुसे सहित खाता सर्व भस्म थाता सर्व जरतउ । पडसा काल नइ जोगइ काचा पाका फल फूल तुस धान सर्व तुसे सहित खाताँ जीमताँ युगलिभाँ०० नजरइ नही पचड़ नही सरीर नी अगनि मन्दी पडी माठीपडी अजीर्ण थाइवा लागा तिवारइ युगलिभा भगवन्त कन्हावी कहइ । आगइ श्री ऋषभ कहा जुगलिभा नर अहो युगलिभा 1 तुहे तुस धान सर्व फली पुरख सिरा लेई नहकरकमल सैं मसली कण जूदा करी आहार करउ | तिवारइ ते जुगलिआ तिमहीज करिवा लागा । इम करताही जिवारह जरइ नही तदा हाथ हुँ मसली तण्डुला काढी पुडौ माहे भीजवी नइ आहार करउ इमही करता जरह नही । तिवारहतण्डुला काढी पुडा दोना माहे भीजवी तिडका मेल्ही जीमउ । अथ तण्डला भीजवी तावडा मेल्ही हाथपुट मध्ये राखी नाभाहार करउ | भथ कण काढी भीजवी तावडर की तिडकउ लगावीजा करसम्पुट राखी कक्षा नउ ताप लगावी नह आहार करउ । तउही जरहनही । म केसलउ एक काल व्यतिक्रम्यउ अथापि भगनि पनी नथी अतिस्निग्ध काला आतिरूक्ष कालइ अगनि ऊपजह नही किंतु मध्यस्थ कालि ऊपजह [...] ते जगलिमा इणि विषह जेहवाइ रहइ छइ तेहवाइ प्रस्तावि वन माहे वाँसे बाँसि घासी नह अगनि ऊपनी तिवारह जुगलिए दीडी। देखी नइ भयभीत थया | भगवन्त नइ जई नइ कहा हे स्वामी वन माहे एहवउ एक पदार्थ नवउ ऊपनर छह ते धगधगाट करइ छदाता भगवन्ते ज्ञानह करी जाण्यउ भगनिपदार्थ ऊपनउ । जुगलिआ नह कहा छा तुम्हे तिहाँ जाभउ भासह पासह तृण खड काष्ठ परिहा करउ नही तउ सर्व बालि नइ भस्म करिस्यह अनई वले फल फूल पुहँख प्रमुख वन माहि थी ल्यावउ अगनि माहे पच पचहभाहार करउ । विवारह ते जुगलिआ वन माहि थी सिरा नी पोटली करी अगनि माहिमूका । ते सर्व बाली भस्म करइ | जगलिभा भगवन्त नह जाई कहर ते तउ अम्हाँही ती भूखी भराडी दीसह छड पाछउं०० कॉई100 आप नही । तदा भगवन्ते जाण्यउ ए साचा जुगलिभा समझई काई नही विण सीखव्या नही जाण । श्री भावीसर भगवन्त रहवाडी पधार्या हाथी ऊपरिवइसी मीली माटी आणी कडहलंउ घड्यउ नीवाह पचायउ । पछद चुल्हा नी मॉडि आधारण नउँ देवउँ धान नउँ ओरिवउँ ऊतारिवउँ मसोतउँ फेरव्यउँ नाँ लगह पचनारम्भ प्रवृत्ति सर्व भगवन्तर प्रगट करी जुगलिऑनइ दिखाली। तिवार पूठभाज ताँइ पाकारम्भ करिवा लागा ||.
THE END. 71 निहरहई. 73 सगा. 73 अप्राप्ति. 7 ° थिउं. 75 सब. ० भमतलं. सुखिउ. 78 रणीलं.
व्याधी. 80 तुबलउ. 81 बसथवर. 8 उ. छूटीई. धराई. हीडा. 86वाला.
पत्राहार. 8 सणीधान- 8 धान. 90 युगलिभा. का युगलि. जा. तंडल. "करह 95 मही. 00 न. 97 करइ. 8 I omit here the words ते वात गाथाई करी कहाबा which are unnODosary and intruding in the narrative. पाडत.
100 काई None of the preceding neuter forms is nasalized in the MS.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
[JUNE, 1916
THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA. BY V. RANGASHARI, M.A., L.T., MADRAS.
(Continued from p. 92.) It may be mentioned here that the Pandyan dynasty of Tenkasi continued in the full plenitude of its power and glory. I have already pointed out how there is an inconsistency in the dates assigned to Ati Vira Râma as, according to one version, he died in 1610 and, according to the Pudukkottai plates, issued by Sri Vallabha and Vargtunga, his reign was over by 1583, and how Mr. Krishna Sastri solved the problem for his part by believing Sri Vallabha to be identical with, and not the brother, of ASi Vîra Râina Pandya.. In any case the point to be understood is that Varatunga Rama, known also by the names of Abhirama, Sundarésvara, and Abhisheka Vira Pandya, and equally celebrated as a poet and scholar, was king-evidently as Ati Vira Rama's vassal. And as his coronation is said in a Tenkasi Gôpuram inscription to have taken place34 in 1588, it is plain that the Pudukkottai plates should have been issued earlier, when he was a mere prince. Varatuuga clearly acknowledges his allegiance to Vîrappa Naik and it was at the instance of one Tirumal Naik, a minister of the latter, that he made the grand endowment of 1583 to Brahmans. An orthodox believer in the Vedic creed, he performed a sacrifice in 1589 thereby getting the name Dikshita, and as a Tamil scholar he composed the Brahmittarakandam, the highly sensuous Kokkikam, etc. The latest date of Varatunga thus far available is 1595. (See Antiquities. I, p. 306).
SECTION III. Visvanatha III. and Lingappa or Kumara Krishnappa II. 1595-1602. Virappa died in 1595. His brother and colleague had precaded him to the grave, and the crown therefore devolved on his eldest son, Visvanatha III. The letter immediately chose his younger brother, Lingappa or Kumara Krishnappa II. as his second. As usual, the date of Visvanatha's accession is given differently in different authorities. According to the Hist, of the Carna. Govrs, and the Supple. MS. (which does not mention Lingappa at all). Visvanatha ruled from Dhâtu to Manmatha (i. e. from S. 1438 to 1458). The Pand. Chron., on the other hand, which does not mention Visvanatha III, and says that Kumāra Krishnappa succeeded Vîrappa, gives the period from Manmatha Margali to Pilava Chitrai. (1595-1602); but with a curious inconsistency it says that he died (not in Chitrai of Pilava but) in Subhakrit Vyakási, 10. Epigraphical evidence proves the correctness of the Pand. Chron. An inscription of S. 1518 in the Varada-Raja-Perumal temple at Perungaraṇi refers to Krishna Bhûpa, son of Vira Bhûpa (No. 404 of 1907). A Madura copper plate grant says that Krishnappa sat on the throne of Vallabha Narendra after 33 years, i.e. 33 years
See Trav. Arch. Series, p. 59, and 117-148 for other insons. regarding him. The Gópuram inscription of Terkasi describes Tirumal Naik, as Virappa's agont, as the chief of Chintalapaļli, as & devout devotee of Sri Ranganatha, a great supporter of Brahmans and the employer, “in his wans, against his enemies, of iron guns which he surcharged with leaden shots." Tirumal himself had for his religious guide Tammarasa who was the real author of his religious policy. Tirumal is said to have taken part in a battle at Vallam, wheroin he killed Basavaraja, who, in spite of the fact that after Tali-Kottah he had been onge saved by Tirumal, had joined Venkataraja, and marched against Vira Raja and Achyuta Raja to the south. The actual events of this war are very obscure. Varatunga's literary activities are described in detail in Chap. XI. Inson. 528 of 1909 belongs to the same year and seems to shew that Abhirama-devan Sri Varatuigarama, was the vasgal or “co-regent," as Mr. Krishna Sastri says, of Ativira Râma. Madr. Ep. Rep., 1910, p. 102.

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after the death of Visvanatha I., i. e., in 1595 A.D. (Sewell's Antiquities II, p. 31, No. 211 of the C. P. list). Another grant of S. 1520 (Vilambi, 1598 A.D.) records that he gave the village of Padmanêri (Nanguneri Taluk, Tinnevelly) to certain people in the time of Venkatapati (Ibid, p. 17, C. P. list 111). A much longer plate of S. 1519 (1597 A.D., Hevilambi) resoris that in that year, both Kumâra Krishnappa and Visvanatha III. ruled at Madura (Ibid, II, p. 19, C. P. ligt 136), and gave two villages to several Vaishnava Brahmans. All these inscriptions clearly say that Visvanatha's accession took place about 1595.
Visvanatha III is one of the most obgsure figures in history. The historian is absolutely in the dark in regard to his character or conduct, his desires or ambitions. He wielded the sceptre for seven years, and nothing noteworthy seems to have happened then. The tranquillity of his rule must have been due to the same circumstance as that of the previous reign, the presence of Aryanaths. The great statesman was more than eighty at the accession of Visvanatha. More than thirty years had elapse:1 since his advent into the south in the company of the first Visvanatha. All these years he had lived a life of unceasing toil, of strenuous activity. His old friends were gone, as well as his old associations. The empire had changed its heads often; so also the kingdom wnos) deztiniehe guide:1. Important changes had taken place in Tanjore, in Mysore, in Jinji, and other parts of the Empire. New dynasties had come into existence, and the foundation of a new world had been laid by the advent of the Dutchman and the Englishman in the Indian seas. Indian trade was becoming an object of concern and a fertile source of diplomacy and war in the courts of Madura and Amsterdam, of Tanjore and London. The Hollander35 and the Englishman were beginning to overshadow the Portuguese, and the coasts of Malabar and Mannar, of Ceylon and the south, were becoming scenes of busy trade and European rivalries. All around him the world had moved, but he remained unmoved. Like a strong and gigantic to ver, waich reminded the days of old and defied the lapse of time, he remained a firm and determined link with the past.
The death of Aryanatha 1600. There is ample evidence to prove that, besides guiding the kings of Madura, he took upon himself the task of maintaining the integrity of the Empire and saving the descendants of Krishnadeva Raya from the shadow of neglect an: danger of extinction. An interesting and valuable copper-plate grant of Lingayya and Visvanatha recognizes, in unmistakeable terms, the supremacy of the then emperor Veika apatiu in 1597, though Krishnappa wields in it the extraordinary title of Pân lya-Pârthiva or Pandyan king. A similar grant cf 159837 concerning a village in the Nanzuneri Taluk of Tinnevelly, affirms that Venkata pati was the original donor and that Krishnappa was a secondary ones; that
35 The Sahityaratndkara says that the Dutch tried to land at Negapatam, buo were defeated hy Achyutappa Naik. See Tanj. Ndik Hist.
36 Seo Sewell's Antiquities, II, F. 19 C. P. List 136. The grant is in nine plates in Nandinagari character and records a grant of two villages in the Madura district (Marudangudi and Karupurama) to several Vaishnava Brahmans.
37. Year Viļambi. The villago granted was Padmanêri in Tiruvadi Rajya. The plate gives an account of Viivanitha I, Virappa (the contemporary of Varatunga and Brivallabha Pandya who built a mantapa in Miakichi's shrine and presented to the deity an armour of gold set with gems) and his son Krishnappa who presented ornaments to the Srirangam temple. See Madr. Ep. Rep. 1906; Sewell's Antiquities II, p. 17. It may be mationed here that further south the Tenkasi dynasty was ruling. But the real personalities of the vario 18 sovereigns are a little obscura, as I have already pointed out.
38 Ibid, p. 17, C. P. list. 111.

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the imperial power was, in other words, acknowledged in the extreme south of the Peninsula. All this was not a little due to the loyalty of Aryanatha. His example, the chronicles say, guided the rulers of Mysore, Jinji and Tanjore. He in short was a great unifying force, who kept the union of the tottering empire by his loyalty and, we are lod to believe, by his efficient soldiery as a generalissimo.
His greatness. It is not surprising that when in 1600 he felt the effects30 of age and toil and succumbod to death, he was widely and sincerely lamented. The emperor at Chandragiri must have felt his loss a serious one for the empire. As for Madura, it was not only a loss, but disaster. His death left a void which could hardly be filled. For more than thirtyeight years he had been the life of the young state, and given it glory and success. He had strengthened its resources, provided for its defence, beautified it with temples, secured its finances, and made it, in short, the chief power in south India. Thanks to his valour, the Naik of Madura was master of an extensive territory, which extended from sea to sea and from the woods of Uday ârpalayam to Cape Comerin. Thanks to his martial foresight, it was defended by a chain of forts and a federation of chieftains. The fioroa Marava in the east and the proud king of Travancore acknowledged the allegiance of Madura, and the rival chiefs of Mysore and Tanjore could hardly penetrate the wall of forts with which its frontiers were defended. Aryanatha, in short, gave the Nâik kingdon its strength and its security, its organization and its resources. His death was therefore sincerely mourned by the dynasty which owed so much of his strength to his support, by the people who benefited so largely by his measures, by the Brahmanical clergy whose liberal patron he was, and, above all, by the large number of the Polygars, of whose political existence and happiness he was the author. His memory has been cherished with gratitude by posterity. For the Zamindars, especially the descendants of the Polygars, his name possesses a charm which age has not withered, and he is actually worshipped as their patron saint and guardian angel. The stray traveller whore interest in art and architecture carries him to the renowned temple of Madura, will notice, at the entrance to the grand thousandpillared mantapam, & fine equestrian statue of an individual, receiving homage from all classes of people who happen to visit the famous sanctuary. The humble peasant olad in rags and the proud Zamindar, driving his coach and pair, vie with each other in doing honour to that figure, and offering a garland or other gift as & mark of their reverence. Even to lay and unhistorical minds, the questions at once suggest themselves, whom that statue represents, what he was, when he lived, and what his actions were, which entitled him to the respect of the world. To the rudo rustic he is an object of worship as the builder of that mantapam, but to the antiquarian the statue is singularly. valuable as the lifelike portrait of the illustrious statesman who, as we have already seen, was the greatest figure in the history of South India during a period of two eventful and epochmaking generations.
The deaths of Visvanatha III. and Lingappa. Visvanatha's reign lasted for only one year after the death of his great minister. In 1601 he died leaving the sceptre to his brother, Lingappa or Kumâra Krishnappa II. Lingappa, in accordance with the custom of the day, chose his brother Kastüri Ranga, a man of capacity and ambition, as Chinna Durai. The two brothers held a joint rule
30 The exact date is Chitrair of Baruari, S. 1622.

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only for a few months. For in 1602 Lingappa followed his brother to the grave. The dates of this series of events are of course themes of controversy, but a right and definite conclusion is easy enough. According to the History of Carnatic Dynasties, and Supplementary MS., Visvanatha died in S. 1458, Manmatha, and Liigappa ruled for the next 17 years, from S. 1458 to S. 1475. All this is of course absurd. The Pandyan Chronicle, the Mirtanjiya MSS. an. epigraphy, on the other hand, clearly attribute the events to A.D. 1601 and 1602. The former are indeed inaccurate in mentioning Lingappa alone, and one of thom particularly inconsistent in attributing the end of his reign to Pilava Chitrai and his death to Subhaksit Vyakusi; but this can be easily reconciled by the fact that Visvanatha III. died in Pilava Chitrai and Lingappa in Subhakrit Vyaka'i.
Usurpation of Kastari-Ranga and Muttu Kļish appa's accession,
In any case the decease of Liigappa was followed by a disputed succession between his son, Muttu kishilappa, and his brother Kastüri Ranga. The latter had had, as has been already mentioned, a share in the administration of the kingdom as his brother's second : and having tasted power, his ambition grasped at the crown itself at the expense of the real heir. Muttu Kţishna was a bare youth, and he could not make an efficient defence against the designs of his uncle. The consequence was, the latter succeeded in assuming the reins of government. The usurper, however, could not enjoy his exalted dignity for long. The illegal seizure of the crown raised a strong and influential party against him, and these vowed to resort to any means for the restoration of the grown to the regular line. They found a suitable opportunity when the king was defenceless and absorbed in his devotions in the secluded Sandhyâ vandana mantapa at Krishnapura, a small town north of the Vaigai, and had him murdered, in the midst of his meditations. by hirelings. The murdered chief had sat on the throne for the short space of eight days.
It should be acknowledged however that the indigenous chronicles are not unanimous in this version. Tae History of Carnatic Dynasties ascribes to Kastüri Ranga a reign of 17 years (S. 1458-1475, from Dunmuki to Paritapi), as second in power to Lingayya ; and adds that, after the death of the latter in 1553, his son Muttu Krishnappa succeeded ; but as he was a child, Kastari Ranga ruled as sole monarch for 3 years i. e., from Pramadhicha to Siddharti (1560); and that on his death in that year Muttu Krishna came to the throne. It would taus appear from this chronicle that Kastāri Ranga was not a usurper; that he ruled in the capacity of guardian ; and that he did not undergo a tragic death. The Pandyan Chronicle however, is explicit on the point, and its version of a short, tragio reign of 8 days, is taken by Nelson to be the more correct one. It is curious, however, that it makes no mention of Muttu Krishnappa at all It passes direct from Liúgappa to the short rule of Kastûri Ranga and then to Muttu Virappa Naik. Nor does it mention the relation between Muttu Virappa and Lingappa. In other words it seems to imply that Muttu Virappa ruled from 1601 to 1623 ; but the fact is that Muttu Krishna ruled till 1609, and Muttu Virappa ruled after him for 14 years. (Wheeler who claims to have baced his aocount on MSS. leaves out Muttu Krishộa altogether and says that Muttu Virappa Naik ruled from 1604 to 1636).

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CHAPTER V. The Naik Kingdom in the first quarter of the 17th century.
Introduction. In the history of South India the space of twenty three years which elapsed from the death of Aryanatha to the accession of the great builder Tirumal Naik is an epochal one. For it was in that period that the first real attempt of the provincial chiefs to make themselves rulers of independent dynasties reached fruition. It was then that the career of Mysore, Madura and Tanjore as independent States began. The important dynasty of the Setupatis again came to power in this period, and a tremendous religious revival followed by a widespread conversion and serious popular ferment, was inaugurated by the establishment of the Jesuit Mission in Madura . and the organization of it into an elaborate proselytising agency. More important than these was the advent of the European nations in the Coromandel seas, and the rivalry of the English, the Dutch, the Portuguese and the Danes in industrial and commercial exploitation of the country and in the establishment of trade treaties with the ruling powers. Thus in politics, in religion, and in commerce, this quarter of a century witnessed very important changes.
SECTION I.
Muttu Krishnappa (1602 9.) Muttu Kțishṇappa seems to have acquitted himself as a prudent and capable politician. The period of seven years during which he ruled has no history, so peaceful and eventless was it. The country enjoyed to the full the blessings of Peace, and grew in prosperity and riches. A happy and contented realm brought ample revenues; and Muttu Krishna, like a true son of his line, distinguished his reign by the benevolent profusion with which he distributed the fruits of his kingdom in the performance of charities, the construction of public works and endowments to temples. He took a singular delight and a commendable interest in the digging of tanks, which combined in themselves utility with sanctity. Many a pagoda and agrahara owed its existence and prosperity to his generosity, of which the most significant is the Muttu Kumâreśvara Temple at Kayattâr. He was also the builder of the town of Krishnapuram between Madura and the Skanda hills, the ruins of which bear melancholy testimony to his liberality. His relation with his suzerain Venkatapati seems to have been at the same time one of loyal obedience. An evidence of this is afforded by his coins. These have, on their obverse, the standing figure of Vishậu with a fish on his right, and on their reverse the name Vêókatapa in Canarese. Hultzsch believes that in consequence of the large abundance of these coins in the Madura bazaar and of their having the emblem of the Padya country, they belonged to " One of the Madura Nayakkar, who issued it in the name of his nominal sovereign Venkata, the pageant king of Vijayanagara." And that they were the coins of Muttu Krishņapra is Practically certain. For coins with the name Tiruvéngala in the obverse and Muttu Krishna in the reverse of the same type have been discovered, and show that he acknowledged the suzerain dynasty of Vijayanagar, whose tutelary deity was Tiruvêngala.
40 See Ind. Ant., Vol. XX, pp. 307-9.

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The restoration of the Sotupatis. The seven years' rule of Muttu Krishnappa, however, was noted for one important event which transpired therein. This was the establishment or rather restoration of the Setupatis of Râmnad. The great Visvanatha I. or one of his successors had appointed two comunissioners to secure the peace of the province, to evolve order out of the chaos into which it had drifted, to clear the overgrown forests, and to maintain a police for the protection of travellers. So long as Aryanátha lived, this arrangement seems to have fulfilled the object of its introduction; but on his death in 1600 the province once again fell into anarchy. The commissioners were powerless, the vassals turbulent, and the people oppressed and discontented. Travellers had, owing to the abundance of thieves and forests, a hard time. The sådhus, bhairagis, and pilgrims thereupon proceeded to Madura, waited on Muttu Krishnappa, and prayed to him to restore Sa layakka Ulayan, a scion of the ancient line of the Setupatis, to the throne of his ancestors. A story, told of almost every Indian who rose froin poverty and obscurity to opulence and renown, and therefore of doubtful veracity, is told of Sa layakka Ulayan. He was barely twelve when he had the fortune of reriving the greatness of his ancestors and this, we are toll, was foresha lowed by a marvellous experience of his. The boy was found asleep beneath a tamarind tree, with his face protected by a cobra from the rays of the sun ; and the Lada Chakravartin, who happened to be an eye-witness of the marvel, at once interested himself in him, and secured for him, by means of his intercession with Muttu Krishna, the ancestral throne of Ramal. A less romantic but more rational version ascribes the honour of restoring the Setupatis, not to the chief of the saints, but to the chief guru of King Muttu Krishnappa. The teacher, it says, once went on a pilgrimage to Râmèsvaram, and received throughout the journey the solicitous attention and secure guidance of Sadayakka Ulayan, the Chief of Pogalûr. The gratitude of the worthy Brahman sought a means of repayment, and obtained for him not only an interview with his royal pupil, the monarch of Madura, but also the grant of certain villages with robes and presents of honour. On his departure from the Court, Sarlayak ka strengthened himself by fortifying Pogalûr, and then, subduing and taking
possession of all the anarchical disorderly country, reducing the inhabitants under his own loninion. He also collected a considerable sum of money in this country in the way of taxes, and brought it to Muttu Krishnappa Naik,"2 Gratified by this conduct, the king gave him an unrestricted grant of additional lands, ordered him to clear the forests for cultivation, and communicated to the people his choice of Sarlayakka, as the chief to whom their allegiance in future was due. According to this ordinance, continues the chronicle,
adayakka assembled a large force, and, with its aid, overthrew a greater tract of country, th: revenue from which he used partly for his own expenses and partly as a tribute to the king. This loyal and honourable conduct gratified the heart of Muttu Krishnappa, who
41 According to Nelson, he was the grandson of the last setupati " who had been murdered by one of the last Pandyas who preceded Visvanatha Niyakkan." In his Antiquities Sewell gives an inscription of 1599 belonging to one Dalavai Stupati Kattir (Vol. II, 5), who made a grant of eight villages to the temple of Ramanatha Svåmi; but the cyclic year Parabhava and 1599 do not agree. Copper plates 11 and 12 of 1910-11, which record gifts of as many as 13 villages to the Rimanáths Svami temple at Râmêsvarsm, mention this Daļavâi Setupati Katta Tovar in 1607 and 1608. Dalavdi Setupati seems to be thus another name for Sadayakka. See Ep. Rep. 1911, p. 16.
42 Ibid. p. 29.

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therefore summoned him to his presence and bestowed upon him the title of Udayan Setupati, together with the robes and ornaments, and the banners and ensigns, of royalty. We are further informed that in the warm affection which the king felt to his new favourite, he permitted him to leave his capital only after personally consecrating him to his viceroyalty with the holy water of the Ganges.
Thus it was that the obscure chief of Pogalûr found himself (like his ancestors ) all at once the governor of the whole Marava country. From this time onward, the Setupati had a very close relation with Madura. The most powerful of her feuda tories, he naturally became the leader of the seventy-two Polygars. From the position of a village magnate he becamo a king with the retinues and the paraphernalia of royalty. The title Setupati, hitherto an emblem of past glory rather than of present power, became a real indicator of the actual fact. All this credit is due to the ability of Sadayakka, a man who by his character and conduct more than fulfilled the expectations of his master. A man of energy and fire, of great activity and martial valour, he undertook a crusade against turbulent vassals and reduced them to subjection. The important villages of Vadakku Vatalai. Kala Vâr Kovil and Pattamangalam, once the homes of disloyalty, now became harmless and contented abodes of men. Besides ensuring order in the land, Sada yakka reclaimed a large quantity of waste lands and utilised them for purposes of cultivation and occupation. He erected mud fortifications at Poga!ûr and at Râmnâd, and maintained an efficient police for the safety of the pilgrims. He also repaired and enlarged the temple of Râmeávaram, and made numerous endowments to it,45 earning thereby the gratitude of the thousands who devoutly visited it every year. He ruled for the space of 16 years and was succeeded by his son, the celebrated Kûttan, in 1621.
13 Some scholars dispute this. One Mr. J. L. W., who contributes two able articles on the Maravas to the Calcutta Review (1878-1892), says, like Mr. Boyle, that the absence of evidences and inscriptions previous to Swayakka and the awkward way" in which he is introduced into history, show that there had been no setupatia before him; that he was in fact the founder of the line; and that the accounts of imperial wars and alliances as given in the chronicles are all fabrications. (See Calcutta Review, 1878. p. 448). Jr. Boyle is of the same opinion. He asks “If the youth (dalayakka) had sprung from a royal line, if he only continued the long descent of an immemorial house, what need was there for this legend ? But if the chronicle had to explain the rise of modern family, and the origin of an obscure race of princes, what moro natural than to conceal those humble beginnings under a veil of fable; and to prove that the modern family was only the restoration, under divine favour, of an illustrious house"! (Calcutta Reviete 1874, p. 38). Mr. Boyle further points out that there are no inscriptions or buildings in the Ráme varam temple attributed to anybody before Sallayakka; and that this total absence of monumental records is against the theory of an old and independent dynasty. While there is much in these contentions, it seems, however, that these writers have gone astray. Tradition cannot be so entirely discorded. The awkward story" of the Udayan, on which they base much of their criticism is after all given only in some family chronicle and not in the record of the Carnatic Governors. We may therefore not give much credence to it. As regards sudden elevation from obscurity, we need not wonder at it, as it was quite natural in an age of vicissitudes and frequent revolutions.
4 Sodayakka was evidently confirmed in the privilege of issuing coins of his own in imitation of the Madura Naik coins. See chapter XI.
45 In 1607 and 1608. See Antiquitier, I, 300, II, 6. Madr. Ep. Nep., 1911, p. 89.

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SECTION II.
The foundation of the Jesuit Mission in Madura. The reign of Muttu Krishnappa is also noteworthy for the fact that it saw the first serious attempt, on the part of the Christians, after the great Xavier, to convert, on a large scale, the people of South India. Three generations back Francis Xavier had laid the foundations of an Indian Christianity among the Paravas. His work was extended by his successors, who established a mission in Madura itself in order to convert the Vadugas and other higher castes. But this mission had not been a success, as its head, Father Consalve Fernandez, was a steady and mild preacher, who had a great regard for the fuelings of others and who, for that very reason, failed to bring new proselytes for his faith. His character and conduct gained, it is true, from the Naiks, the permission to build a church and presbytery in the city for the benefit of his flock and of the Paravans who Visited Madura; but he could do nothing more. A new and more active set of missionaries 110w came into the scene in the Jesuits. These had hitherto been endeavouring, with some success, to convert the Syrian Christians of Malabar to the Catholic faith and with this view, had, besides developing industrial settlements in various places, established a sacred college and training school near Cochin. These institutions they now resolved to make the base of extensive Jesuit activities and undertakings from Bengal to the Cape. Seeing that Madura was the most important political and religious centre in the South, that it was the s-at at once of the most powerful kingdom and the most celebrated temple, the Jesuits Insolved to carry their activities there. It was a thing which could not be done by ordinary men. An extraordinary capacity, combined with tact and policy, was the great need, and a man who could play the politician and act the priest, with equal confidence. A singular courage and daring, a profound knowledge of the Brahmanical cult and customs, extensive scholarship, and a large amount of tact were the requisite qualifications of a successful preacher; otherwise there was little hope of braving the lion in his den.
Robert de Nobilis. And the man came. In the year 1606,"7 when Muttu Kșishṇappa had been three years on the throne, there came to Madura an Italian nobleman, Robert de Nobilis by name, who, born in the province of Tuscany of high aristocratic parents, and afforded with opportunities of renown and greatness in his own country, sacrificed his ambitions at the altar of his creed, and joined the Jesuit Society, with a view to make his name felt, as a preacher, in distant parts of the world. Robert de Nobilis was just thirty years of age when he came to Madura. No Missionary, either before or after him, has ever come to India with greater talents or more requisite qualifications. Handsome and imposing in apearance, singularly gifted with the capacity to learn and to see and to adjust himself
46 This section is based on Nelson's Madura Manual, Chandlor's Jesuit Mission in Madura, Hough's Christianity in India, Taylor's O. H. MSS., etc. The following quotation from Thevenot shows that the Jesuits had been active oven in Chandragiri. "Two Portuguese Jesuits from St. Thome went to Chandragiri in the year 1599 and were received with attentions by the Gentoo king whose sovereignty they describe as extending over the countries of Tanjore and Madurs, and other Jesuits who travelled at the same time into these countries affirm the assertion." (8. Arcot Manual, P. 4 footnote).

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to circumstances, wise, cautious, tactful and daring, the nephew of Cardinal Bellarmine and the relation of Pope Juling III, was a personality, born to attract and lead men. The most remarkable things about him were the extraordinary receptivity of his mind and the spirit of compromise of his acts. Undaunted by obstacles and indifferent to difficulties, he could study as many languages and could master as many literatures, as were necessary to meet his adversaries in their own fields. A close and acute student of the social customs and habits of the people, he could see which of these were consistent with Christianity and which were not, and unlike his predecessors, he could adopt a policy of compromise. Proceeding even further, he, in order to prove that the customs and habits of the Hindus could not be, in many cases, antagonistic to the profession of the Christian religion, a lopted them in his own life. Robert de Nobilis introduced thus two great innovations in the method of Christian propaganda in India, the study of Indian languages and literatures, and a reasonable concession to the Indian social customs and prejudices. Knowledge and compromise were, in his scheme, the twofold bases of Christianity in India. To study the Vedas and the agamas, to master the Upanishads and the popular culis, and to use this knowledge in the refutation of popular beliefs and in the interpretation of Christianity, was his first idea. To distinguish society from religion, caste from creed, and custom from belief, and to yield in respect of the former for the sake of ensuring the latter, was his second idea. He had the acuteness to see that his predecessors had failed in their proselytising movement, because of their defects in these two respects. They had not cared to arm themselves with the intellectual weapons of their adversaries. They had not been reagonable enough to gauge the feelings and understand the prejudices of those whom they wished to convert. They were, in other words, both ignorant and unpractical, both incapable and extreme. They had been wanting in argument as well as policy. No doubt they were men of exemplary character, of strong conviction, and of real sincerity ; but it was these very necessary, but unattractive, virtues that made their attempts a failure and their endeavours barren. Character, conviction, and sincerity were indeed very necessary virtues in preachers, but they were not the only ones needed. A certain amount of tact and moderation, of the capacity to follow the principle of give and take, and of sound knowledge of the capacities and achievements of the other party, were necessary; and in these the predecessors of De Nobilis had failed. They had, on account of their ignorance and their honest but tactless sincerity, gone to extremes in their condemnation of everything Hindu and popular. Customs good and bad, beliefs sound and harmful, creeds of gross idol-worship or the most advancod philosophy, were equally condemned by their crusade. De Nobilis introduced a new epoch in the history of Christianity by endeavouring to make it recognised as superior to advanced Hinduism in respect of intellectual culture, and equally ready, like Hinduism, to sanction social gravlations and customs.
(To be continued.)
47 Xelson wrongly attributes the event to 1623. For an adverse view of Jesuit Missions, in general, of De Nobilis and his labours in particular, ser Hough's Christianity in India II, 216-35. Mr. Taylor is much briefer, though not mikler, in language. His dates are much more inaccurate than Nelson's. He attributes De Nobilis, for instance, to the times of Chokkanátha and Raniga Krishna Muttu Virappa. Ser 0. H. MSS.. II, 220.

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APPENDIX TO THE WRECK OF THE DODDIXOTOX
109)
APPENDIX TO THE ACCOUNT OF THE WRECK OF THE DODDINGTON
IN 1755. BY SIR R. C. TEMPLE.
Prefatory Note. SOME YEARS AGO (see ante., Vol. XXIX, PP. 294, 330; Vol. XXX, PP. 451, 491; Vol. XXXI. pp. 114, 180, 222) I printed in this Journal a Debonnaire MS. containing an account by Evan Jones, Chief Mate of the Doddington, of the wreck of that vessel and of the subsequent adventures of the survivors. The diary kept by Jones ends on the 20 May 1756, when he and 14 others were taken on board the Caernarvon, bound for Madras. The Fort St. George Consultation Book contains a note of the arrival of the Caernardo and a copy of an abridged account of the disaster, compiled for transmission to the Court of Directors. This narrative, called by Jones an " Abstract" from his “Journal," contains some variations in the names of the survivors and a few additional details. By the courtesy of the authorities at the India Office, I reproduce it here.
Consultation at Fort St. George, 8th August 1756.1 Arrived the Honble. Company's Ship Caernarron, Norton Hutchinson from England, with a packet for this Presidency. .. .
The Caernarvon having touched at Madagascar found part of the crew of the Dodington, which ship was wrecked on the Island of Chaos [Bird Island], lying upwards of 7 Degrees to the East ward of Cape Lagulhas, and about two leagues from the African Shore 3 Ordered that the Secretary apply to Mr. Jones, who was the Chief Mate of the Dodington and is one of the Persons sa ved, for a particular Account of the Loss of that Ship to be transmitted to the Honble. Court of Directors.
Consultation at Fort St. George, 19th August 1756. Letter from Mr. Evan Jones, Inte Chief Mato of the Dodington, read, as entered hereafter, giving an Account of the manner in which that Ship was lost with the Occurrences and transactions of those who were saved till the time of their being taken on Board the Caernarron at Moranda via, and desiring that the Board will receive and give him a Discharge for a Chest of Treasure, a Box of Plate and a Lady's Watch which were saved from the Wreck.
Agreed that the Said Treasure, Plate and Watch be received into the Company's Treasury.
The said Mr. Evan Jones and Mr. William Webb, late 3rd Mate of the Dodington, being destitute of means to support themselves at present, and the Court of Directors having approved of the assistance which was given to the officers of the Lincoln in the Vear 1749 under the like Circumstances, Agreed that Eight Pagodlas per month be allowed to each of them untill they can procure their passage to Europe or otherwise provide for themselves.
1. Vadras Public Proceedinys, Range 210, Vol. XIV, PP. 380-387, +19-420, 421-25. 2 Fifteen, according to the Debonn zire MS., see unte., Vol. XXXI, p. 101. 3 See the remarks on the locality of the wreck, ante., Vol. XXIX, p. 205. + Morondava on the west coast of Madagascar in 20° S. Lat.

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110
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
(JULY, 1916
To the Honble. George Pigot Esqr., President and Governour of
Fort St. George &ca. Council. Honble. Sir and Sirs. As I had the misfortune to be cast away in the Dodinglon, I think it my duty to acquaint your Honours with the loss of the said ship, and all other remarkable occurrences from our last departure, which was Cape Le Gullas (Aghulas] to my happy deliverance on board the Caernarron at Morandava, on the Island of Madagascar. and I also humbly request that you'll please to receive and give me a Discharge for a Chest of Treasure having the Honble. Company's mark on it, No. 51 A, also a box of wrought Plate with Arms on them, and a Lady's Watch, which together with the King's and Honble. Company's Pacquets, is all of any consequence that came on shore. I anı Honble. Sir and Sirs, Your most. Obedient humble Servant. Caernarvon in Madrass Road
EVAN JONES. August 8th 1756.
The following is an Abstract from my Journal from the time I took my departme from Cape Le Gullas 'till the time I got on board the Caernarvon.
July 6th 1756.5 took a fresh departure from Cape Le Gullas, and sailed to the Eastward, 36°00' S'. Latitude to 35'00''till I made 12°45' difference of Longitude, and on the 16th instant7 was in the Latitude of 35°00' So by a good Observation, at which time the Captain ordered the course to be altered from E. to ENE, and a quarter before 1 oClock A. M. the 17th the Ship struck, and in less than 20 minutes was intirely wrecked, 23 men only escaping with life to the Shore who are the following Persons Vizt. Evan Jones Chief Mate.
John Glass Foremastman John Collet 2d Mate.
Jonasło Taylor Foremast man William Webb 3rd Mate.
Gilbert Chain Foremastman Samuel Powell 5th Mate
Jeremiah Mole'l Foremastman John Yeats Midshipman
Peter Rosenberg12 Foremastman Richard Topping Carpenter
Hendrick Scance Foremastman Neil Both well Quartermaster
Daniel Ladox! Capt : Steward Nathl. Chisholm Quartermaster
John McDowel15 Stewards Servant John King Foremastman
Thomas Arnolds Stewards Servant, Black Robert Beazly Foremastman
Sharp17 Doctor's Servant John Lester Muntros
Dyson Muntros Ralph Smith Muntros"
As soon as day light appeared discovered ourselves to be on a barren Rock 2 Leagues from the Main, and as I found aftorwards lies in the Latitude of 34° 00' So by a good Observation with Hadley Quadrant, and to the Eastward of the Bay De Algoa 8 or 9 Leagues. 18 5 Should be 1756. The Debonnaire MS. has 8th July.
6 35° 30' in Debonnaire MS. I No date is given in the Debonnaire MS.
Yates in Debonnaire MS. Leister, Dyson, Smith,Matrosses (no Christian names) in Debonnaire MS. 10 Johanes in Debonnaire MS. 11 More in Debonnaire MS.
12 Rosenbery in Debonnaire MS 1 Henry in Debonnaire MS. Ladoux in Debonnaire MS. 15 Mx Dugall in Debonnaire M 1 Thomas Arnold, Seaman, in Debonnaire MS. 17 Henry Sharp, Surgeons Servant, in Debonnaire MS. » Soe ante., Vol XXIX, p. 295, for the exact position.

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111
The first day after our deliverance on this Rock, I thought of nothing else but of making a Raft to Carry us to the Main, as soon as those that were cut by the Rocks would be able to travel, which I judged would be a Month at least; Therefore went in search of Provisions to subsist on for that time.
In looking about the Wreck found a chest of Treasure with the Honourable Company's. Mark on it No. 5 I: A: which came on Shore on part of the ship's Transome; The same day found the King's and honourable Company's Pacquetts which gott up, and opened the Papers to dry immediately, tho' at that time must own had no Reason for doing so.19 However, upon consulting Mr. Collett what must be done with them, it occurred to me that it would not be impossible to build a Boat out of the Wreck, if Providence should direct us to find some Tools.
The next day found an Adez, also a Chizel and 3 Sword Blades, 20 which the carpenter made saws of. With those we began our Boat, tho' not without Hopes of making others, one of the People promising great things in the Smith's Way; and he performed so well that he made every Tool the Carpenter wanted.
On the 4th day found a box of wrought Plate, which was no sooner got into safety than the People wanted to share it, together with the Treasure.21 All seemed to be resolved on it, excepting Mr. Collett, Webb, Yeats and McDowell, which all refused, and from that time were used excessive ill, and at one time their resentment carryed them so farr that they proposed murdering us, and would certainly have done it, had John King gave his Consent; but his refusing put a Stop to their Villainous designs in that respects, tho' not in others, for about the same Time the Chest of Treasure was broke open and 600 Pounds taken out by Richard Topping, Samuel Powell, Nathaniel Chisholm, John King, Robert Beazly, and John Leaster.
I intreated them to return it again, but to no Purpose, and I saw nothing of it 'till 3 days before the Boat was launched, when it was produced and shared with the Plate. February 18th 1756 took leave of our Rock and sailed to the Northward with an Intention to touch at River St Lucia, 2 but meeting with a very strong Current setting to the Southward, was much longer getting there than I expected we should, and before we got that length We put into a Barr Harbour to the Southward of River St Lucia, where we were used excessively civil by the natives who supplyed us with everything we wanted for Brass Buttons. As we were afterwards in River St Lucia, in coming out, 9 of the people left us, not willing to venture over the Barr, which I must own looked very terrible; notwithstanding we that remained on Board were obliged to go over the Barr or suffer the Boat to be lost; for those who went on shore let go the Grapnail close to the Breakers at high Water, so that by the time it would have fallen a foot, she would have grounded; therefore as soon as the small Boat returned from putting them on shore we weighed the Grapnail again and put for the Barr. We were in the Breakers half an hour; at length got safe over, and in two days got to Dellago [Delagoa], where we found riding the Rose Gally from Bombay, Commanded by Edward Chandler. I thought this a good opportunity to get the Treasure and Plate again, therefore applied to Captain Chandler to assist me, who complyed with my request by sending his Boat and Mate with me on Board the Sloop. We soon got what we went for and returned on Board the Rose Galley, where I continued 'till I arrived at Moradava. Two days after our arrival there, Captain Hutchinson in the Caernarvon joined us, who has favoured me with a Passage to this Place.
EVAN JONES.
19 There is no men ion in the Diary of Evan Jones of the finding of these papers,
20 In the Diary, the discovery of an adze, &c. is given as on the same day as the finding of the chest of "Treasure. "
21 The actual discovery of the box of plate is not recorded in the Diary.
22 Probably the Umfposi which runs into St. Lucia Bay (south of Delagoa Bay), in 28° 30′ S. Lat

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
[JULY, 1916
THE MANUSMRITI IN THE LIGHT OF SOME RECENTLY PUBLISHED TEXTS.
BY HIRALAL AMRITLAL SHAH, BOMBAY. Among the problems relating to the Manusmriti, the relationship between the Nânavailharmasastra and the Vedic school of the Månava-Maitrayanyas has occupied one of the foremost places in later years. (See Gründriss der Indo-Arischen Philologie und Altertumskunde II, 8. Recht und Sitte, von Julius Jolly, p. 17.) The time for a (lefinite solution of this question does not seem to have arrived as yet. Hence we leave it a sidle, and propose to treat of the following three points concerning the Manusmriti:
First, the authorship of the book ; Second.-its original form, Third, -its probable date.
With data furnished by texts that have come to light since the days of Bühler and other scholars we hope to get nearer the truth than has hitherto possible. To begin with the first question, viz., the authorship of the Manusmriti.
The Manusmriti, as we see it now-a-days, is not the original composition of the sage Manu. We have internal evidence enough to justify such a supposition.
It is said in the Manusmriti (Nirnayasagara Press, 4th ed. 1909, Bombay.) I 59-60, XII 116-117, and in XII 126, that the sage Manu instructed the sage Bhrigu and Bhrigu pronounced all the laws contained in it. From this same evidence, we know for certain, that there is no other person concerned with the authorship of the Manusmriti between Manu and Bhrigu, or between ils and Bhrigu.
At the end of every chapter, we read इति मानवे धर्मशास्त्रे भृगुप्रोक्तायां संहितायां . This reminds us of the word rear where the word #fear refers to the collecting and grouping of the hitherto only scattered hymns.
It is true, three commentators on the Manusmriti have an additional verse in the beginning of the book. While commenting on that verse, Govindaraja says, 38 ofa: #frientatramar4 *(cf. Manu' Bühler, S. B. E. Vol. XXV, 1886, p. xiii). This assertion, however, does not materially affect our conclusion. At the most. it would assign the authorship to the wil of Bhrigu and not to Bhrigu himself. This would mean merely a change of the name and none whatsoever of the real author. But we should not forget that great commentators like Medha tithi and Kullûka make no such statement and the writer of the Mitakshará says (on the first verse of the Yajñavalkyasmriti) याज्ञवल्क्यशिष्यः कश्चित्प्रमोत्तररूपं याज्ञवल्क्यमुनिप्रणीतं धर्मशास्त्रं संक्षिप्य कथयामास | यथा मनुप्रणीतं भृगुः। Therefore, we may clismiss the statement of the commentator Govindaraja in favour of what the writer of the Miták sharâ says.
Hence, the conclusions we draw are that the arrangement of matter and metre is clone by Bhrigu alone, and that there is no third person or redactor of the Manusmriti, its first and principal author being Manu himself.
These conclusions are very important, as we shall see later on, when we shall have to consider some conflicting arguments in connection with the form of the Manusmriti. Moreover, the present Manusmriti is not the original one, but a redaction of it by Bhrigu, the pupil of Manu, and it must differ considerably in matter, spirit and arrangement, as a copy differs from an original picture.
We cannot determine how far new things have been added by Bhrigu, or to what extent outside matter has crept into his version later on. With the discovery of the original work many of our doubts will be solved:

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We now come to the second question, viz. the original form of the Manusmriti. That the original work must be in Sutra style, was a conjecture made many years ago by Prof. Max Müller (cf. S. B. E. Vol. XXV, Introd. p. xviii.) and by Dr. Bühler (cf. ibid, P. xx ff.). However, with the help of the publication in the Trivandrum Sanskrit Series, (No. 28, 1st ed. 1913) of the fame : 1 we can get beyond a mere conjecture.
Various sútras in that book t o run parallel to the verses of the metrical Manusmriti. Even some of the sentences in the meeti sporo(Mysore Bibl. Sanscr. No. 37, 1st ed. 1909) convey the same impression. This will be clear from several quotations taken from the two books, and put side by side. The whole of the e ar is in sûtra style.) termo III 6.10. "LA A z togt fra 9° FÈTI"
Cf. Manu? VI 68. 1917° 1 2.2-3. "Fera e para sfera te
ga preta a = नियुक्तो नीचैरन्यासनशयनं कुर्यात् ।"
Cf. Manuo II 196, 198; 203. e17° III 4.6, “ sifarei EFT: Eftei qog et al"
cf. Manu° V 129-130. terae III 1.14, and III 2.12. "Ja sam ga ITT: Etretat TEI"
Cf. Manu IV 37 and IV 59. TUTE II 8.3" ForTAME TO P T Fra"
Cf. Manu" VI 54.2 4 III 2.1. "fara
fir m atat qour : "
Cf. Manu° II 138-9. To III 1.11. "E rror at sætta sitte"
Cf. Manu" IV 2. eneo I 2.7. " ist a m: ATTI"
Cf. Manuo IV 138. Fora II 11.3. a Arar staat 98v 141 1"
Cf. Manuo II 145-47.
1 The Mantısmriti mentions" " once in VI 21. In V. N. Mandlik's edition of (Bombay 1886) with seven commentaries, " " is mentioned in an additional verse given in the beginning of Chapter VI.
The account about the TUT given by J. Jolly, Recht und Sitte p. 9, and following him by A. A. Macdonell, History of Sansk it Literature, 1909, p. 262 does not agree with the contents of the ferta of the T. S. series.
The book is very important. Its style is extraordinarily clear, precise, and eloquent. The customs mentioned in II 9. 6 and in III. 15. 2 are to be found only in Southern India, in and about the Malabar district. If these two customs be proved to have been prevalent over the whole of India, the book must be referred to a period of Indian civilization, when such customs were possible in society; but in that case, it must be of an earlier date than Bhrigu's version. (cf. also Dr. Bühler on this work, S. B. E. Vol. xxv, Introd.) It must be earlier than Kalidasa who mentions" t e " in Sakuntala I 22 (27).
It should be noted that, side by side with many parallels between Surro and the Manusmiti, higher notes of othics and philosophy, which we believed to be peculiar to the Manuempiti only, find an echo in temo. The most obvious are II 11. 3 and I 2. 7 which are parallel to Manusmriti II 145-7 and IV 138.
? Who was the first to lay down this rule 1 Manu or Vikhands? Is it legitimate, indeed, to con elude that VI 54 is Manu's own injunction ?

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वैखानस
33
3:
III 1.15
2.12
2.15
3.10-11
23
93
33
35
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
33
Manu IV 39
59
33
33
22
93
33
V
33
4.4
7.9
VI
6.6
VI 42-44; 47-8 II
I
2.6
177-180; 191
These are some of the instances (which could easily be multiplied), to prove that the present Manusmriti is based on a work that must be in sûtra style.
Moreover, from the parallels between
III 21, and Manu II, 138-9, we get a clear idea of the process of turning sûtras into verses. In the sûtra just referred to, evidently, persons of greater importance are mentioned first. But that order cannot be preserved in rendering the sûtra into slokas. Exigencies of metre necessitate a change. Hence a verse must be added to cover the defect of meaning; and that additional verse should say what the words in the sûtra, by their very position, implied. Thus we get Manu II 138 and 139. Somewhat similar is the case of Manu VI 68 and of IV 2. There. instead of a verse, explanatory words are added.
Now we come to some quotations from the art composed (as we shall prove later on) by the famous minister of Chandragupta.
19 66
कौ' अर्थ Ch. 69p. 191 2, “ साहसमन्वयवत् प्रसभकर्म । रफल्गुकूप्यानां साहसे मूल्यसमो दण्डः इति मानवाः । Cf. Manu
" निरन्वये स्तेयमपव्यथने च । " 3 " रत्नसाVIII 332-333.
"
को अर्थ' Ch. 1P. 6. "आन्वीक्षिकी त्रयी वार्ता दण्डनीतिवेति विद्याः । त्रयी वार्ता दण्डनीतिश्चेति मानवा: त्रयीविशेषी ह्यान्वीक्षिकीति । " Cf. Manu VII 43.
The legitimate conclusion, from these quotations, is that Manu must have written in sutrus. some of which must be identical with those of there and the at The metrical rendering of the sutras appears to have been very cleverly done.
201
It may be said to be now only a question of time, when the Mânavadharmasûtra (henceforth we use the abbreviation ) to designate this sûtra: will be published. There appears a statement made by Sastri Yajneswara Chimanâji (in his introduction to the Gujarati translation of the Vyavahâra portion of the Yâjña and Mitakshara, published in 1872.), ' मानवधर्मशास्त्रने वास्ते मानवधर्मसूत्र तथा लोकात्मक मनुस्मृति पण प्रसिद्ध छे.” “as regards the Manavadharmaśástra, both the Manavadharmasûtra and the versified Manusmṛili " are well known.
113-116
128
46
[JULY, 1916
Here we must stop for a moment and consider certain data, apparently adverse to our position. However strong our arguments may be, we should not shut our eyes to the accounts, which go against our conclusions. In the Nâradasmṛiti (cf. S. B. E. vol. xxxiii.), it is said that Manu first wrote in verse. Hence, according to this account,
3 These two sentences are not marked as quotations from Manu. Hence, we naturally conclude that the definition, whether made by Manu or only accepted by him, must have belonged to the common stock of legal tradition. We do not know who was the first to define the Sahasa. It is, in this connection, interesting to note that the eight forms of marriage given in the art (cf. ch. 59 p. 151,) are not marked as quotation from the laws of Manu either.

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there is no possibility of there being a ! Further on, the same smriti tells us that the total number of verses in the original composition amounted to one lakh. That total was reduced to 12,000 by Nârada, and his pupil Mârkandeya cut the number down to 8,000: Sumati, the son of Bhrigu, followed the example, and left the Manusmriti in 4,00) verses. Accordingly, Bhrigu has nothing to do with the Manusmriti! Moreover there are certain accounts in the Purânas which, though they differ from the Narada in other ways, yet agree that the original code of Manu consisted of one lakh of
verses.
To reply: These statements find no support from the Manusmriti. We have no longer 4,000 verses in it, but only 2,684 (5.) We have shown in the beginning with the help of Manusmriti I 58-60, XII 117, and the colophon that Bhrigu learnt directly from Manu, and he himself reproduced all that he had learnt from Manu. Therefore our position remains unshaken in spite of other assertions.
We trust to have now settled the questions as regards the authorship and the original form of the Manusmriti. Now we come to the question of its date.
Tradition assigns the book to the distant ages of the past. Manu I 58 declares that it was taught by Prajapati himself to Manu. We have the statements of the Nâradasmriti and the Purdnas to the effect that the laws of Manu were much greater in volume than they are to-day; but there is no convincing evidence on these points.
Dr. Bühler has assigned the Manusmriti to the time from 200 B. c. to A. D. 200. This is what the learned doctor says: ".. ... it certainly existed in the second century A. D. and seems to have been composed between that date and the second century B. c. (S. B. E. Vol. XXV, 1886 Introd. p. cxvii), It should not be forgotten that this is supposed to be the date of Bhrigu's redaction. The date of the original in no way be determined.
can
For getting nearer the truth a verse in the first canto of the Buddhacharitam by Asvaghosha is the first stepping stone.
The authority of Asvaghosha cannot be impeached. He wrote about 1,800 years ago (the most recent and authoritative treatises on his accurate time are, we fear, unfortunately inaccessible just now; but we trust to be on the safe side in fixing this date somewhere between 27-200 A. D. We may well assume that he, being a Buddhist monk, was free from the prejudices of Brâhmanism. He had no need to fabricate evidence or to change the accounts current in his day.
His statement (we give it just below), therefore, that Sukra was the son of Bhrigu (or an illustrious member of Bhrigu's) must be accepted as true. It is corroborated by another one which we give below in note No. 6 (h). His further assertion as regards family Brihaspati is borne out by the Mahabharata, Drora (V 18, Bombay University ed. and V 151 Calc. ed.) which is given in the same note (i. e. 6 b.).
Hence, we must place Bhrigu always earlier than Sukra, wherever the name of this sage or his Nitisastra is quoted.
The above referred to verse of Buddha (ed. by the late Sâstri Râsîvadekar and Prof. Soani, first ed.) I 47 runs as follows:
'यद् राजशास्त्रं भृगुरङ्गिरा वा न चक्रतुर्वशकरावृषी तौ । तयोः सुतौ तौ च ससर्जतुस्तस्कालेन शुक्रश्च बृहस्पतिश्च ॥| " (To be continued.)

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
[JULY, 1916
THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA.
BY V. RANGACHARI, M.A., L.T., MADRAS.
(Continued from p. 108.)
His method of work. The immediate and logical result of this view was the adoption of a different method of conversion. The predecessors of le Nobilis had appealed to the Paravas and the lower classes, and laboured for their elevation first. By doing this, they had had the satisfaction of bringing thousands of people into their fold; but this satisfaction had been, soon after, followed by a serious disappointment and despair. For all conversion ceased with the Paravas, who had everything to gain, and nothing to lose, by embracing Christianity. The higher castes refused to be moved by the sermons of the missionaries, whom they called Parangis (Frangi, Frank, European, not Indian) and held in horror. They feared the infamy of association with those who ate beef, drank wine, and lived in the company of outcaste Pariahs. The conversion of the Paravans thus proved an obstacle to the conversion of the higher castes. De Nobilis, therefore, separated himself entirely from his brother workers. He started the system of bringing round the higher classes first, and for this purpose, he had necessarily to keep himself aloof from the contact of the lower classes and of the missionaries who worked among them. In other words, while his predecessors had worked from below, he began the system of working from above. The one had begun with the elevation of the depressed, the other began with the pursuasion of the enlightened. The one influenced the lower classes and the other the Brahmans. They worked from the opposite poles, as it were, towards a common centre.
Its inherent difficulty. Such a circumstance could not bat raise discontent in the minds of the different Juarties. De Nobilis' stay in the midst of the Brahmans, his avoidance of the lower classes and of the company of his brother missionaries, the sanction he gave to the continued observance of Hindu castes and customs, made him an object of suspicion and hatred in the eyes of his brother workers. They believed him to be an insane man who, in order to gain nominally a larger number of Christians, demeaned himself and the Christian religion itself by his conduct and precept. By his separation from the depressed classes, he violated, thoy held, the fundamental principle of equality which Christianity boasted ; and by his concessions to Indian taste and manners, he demoralised, they said, Christianity itself, und sacrificed its simplicity and its truth. While De Nobilis thus incurred the odium of his co-religionists, he was not, in the long run, more successful in obtaining triumph over paganism or in his relations with the higher classes of the Hindus. In fact, circumstanced as he was, he could hardly succeed. From the first he placed himself in a wrong position. He began with deceit, with the adoption of a life which he in secret abhorred, with lies or at least equivocations on his lips as to his parentage, his aims, his views, and his ambitions. Calling himself a Brahman, he could hardly continue to deceive the Brahman. Capable of proving that he was not a Parangi in the moral sense, he could hardly hide long the fact that he was a Parangi' in birth. The result was that when the real facts became
* Cf. Hough, who says that his teachings were not consistent with Christian truth” and had " little relation to the doctrines and labours of the apostles." They "present so little of Christian character " that they are "scarcely entitled to be recorded in a history of Christianity in India." Taylor also condemns him. See O. H. MSS., II, p. 220.

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known, his fall was sudden, and the bold and cunning experiment of which he was the author remained little more than an experiment. Religion is inconsistent with ambiguity of ethics and De Nobilis was a failure on acoount of his failure to understand this fundamental fact.
Its failure and its lessons. The great experiment of De Nobilis thus ended in failure ; but, none the less, his career deserves a fairly detailed narration, for the methods which he adopted were not only bold, original, and admirably ingenious, but they taught, both by their merits and demerits, valuable lessons to future workers in the field of Christianity in India. His career remains a shining example, an eternal reminder of what ought to be done, of the necessary measures to be taken to attract and captivate the Hindu mind, and of the pitfalls to be carefully avoided. Both by his successes and failures, he thus stands as the teacher of the missionaries. To the over-zealous and over-ingenious, he stands as a wholesome check, a necessary reminder of the helplessness of genius, if it is unaccompanied by plainness. To the timid and weak, at the same time, he is an object of imitation, an encouraging teacher. He taught that genius was independent of circumstance, that it was possible to out-Brahman even the most orthodox Brahman, if only there was energy, industry, and perseverance, in the realm of knowledge and of philosophy. Protestants and Catholics, Anglicans and Jesuits, Wesleyans and Lutherans-in fact every school of missionarios that have come to India, have learnt from him, and while carefully trying to avoid his mistakes, have closely adhered to his praiseworthy methods.
De Nobilis at Madura. It was in the year 1606 that De Nobilis came to Madura. From the first moment of his arrival, he adopted the method which he had chalked out for himself, the method of becoming Indian for the sake of making the Indian a Christian. With the approval of his superior and the archbishop of Cranganur, he introduced himself to the Brahmans as a Romanco Brahman" of a higher order than any in the east," who had renounced the world and taken to the hard life of a Sanyasin. His fair complexion, his fine figure and his deportment necessarily made people think that he was a European, a 'Parangi'; but he denied that he was a Parangi.' Consistent with his pretence, he adopted the dress and habits of the Sanyasin. A long linen salmon-coloured robe, with a surplice of the same colour, covered his imposing and majestic frame. A white or red sash went over his shoulders, and a turban round his head, while his feet rested on wooden sandals. Sacred threads, in the form of the Brahmanical yajñopavita, crossed his body; only in the place of the three cords, he had five, three of gold to represent the Trinity and two of silver, to represent, as he said, the body and soul of man. As a Sanyasin he had also medals, images and beads, eschowed the society of Fernandez and his converte, employed Brahman servants alone, and lived on a pure vegetarian diet, rice and herbs.
Bis Brahmanical life. The adoption of a Brahmanical life made the Brahmans think that De Nobilis was a Brahman. They therefore welcomed him, Saint as he was, and gave him a residence and a plot of ground in their own street, wherein he was able to establish a church and presbytery. The ingenious tenacity of De Nobilis, his complete separation from the lower classes and the Parangi missionaries, and above all his remarkable scholarship in the sacred lore of the Brahmans blinded the latter as to his real nationality, his desires and his am bi
19 Hough, II, 221.

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tions. For De Nobilis, not contented with the deceptive adherence to the outward formalities of Brahmanical life, took to the study of their literature, and soon became a master of it. He had the penetration to see that the superior social status of the Brahman, his influence his power, could be traced to the superiority of his mental culture, and that by knowledge and intellect alone he could conquer him. An intellectual giant himself, it was not long before he became as well versed as the most orthodox Brahman in the Vedas, the Sastras, and the philosophy of the Brahman. To proficiency in Sanskrit literature he combined proficiency in Telugu and Tamil literatures. Thus equipped, he was able to engage the most scholarly of his adversaries in debates and discussions without the fear of defeat, and thus equipped he could so present the doctrines of the Christian religion as not to clash with their cherished views and habits of thought. De Nobilis never believed in a frontal attack on the Hindu religion. Such an attack only roused the dormant spirit of even the heterodox, and tended to make their attachment to their ancestral creed stronger. His method, therefore, was to so interpret the Vedas, etc., that the people unconsciously imbibed the Christian doctrines. He depended for his success more on the skilful interpretation, or rather misinterpretation, of the Brahmanical lore, than on the excellence of his sermon. He wished, in other words, to first create a public opinion unconsciously favourable to Christianity and therefore willing to embrace Christianity itself in the long run; but in doing this, he forgot, to use the language of Rev. Mr. Hough, that he was fatally "compromisng the truth of the Gospel and the liberty of the poor believer."
To the reputation of a scholar De Nobilis added the name of a sage and recluse. Well aware that solitude was a source of attraction, he rarely gave a ready audience to visitors. Men received the monotonous answer that the teacher was engaged in prayer, in studies and in contomplation. When persistence procured an interview, the charming and persuasive eloquence, the deep wisdom, and the erudite scholarship of the Sanyasin, dazzled and puzzled the stranger, and he would return, as a result of his discussions, with a vague unrest, a sort of scepticism, an undefined but new line of thought, which he could not explain himself, but which he knew was a subtle departure from acknowledged interpretation of his sacred lore. De Nobilis, it is true, never used the name Christ; for if he had done so, he would have been the next day expelled from the Brahman street and would have been murdered as a disguised enemy of the gods. Nor did he stand in the way of the caste, the festivals and the minor observances of the people. “Pongul," for instance, i. e. "the cooking of new rice and milk, and eating it solemnly," he allowed ; only, he wanted it to bo practised at the foot of the cross after he blessed the new rice.
His religious compromise. They were likewise allowed to rub sandal-paste, provided it was blessed by the priest. Ayain he subscribed freely to the popular belief that magic was capable of exorcising devils out of people, of giving children to the childless. Gold leaves, rosaries, ashes and all other mysterious weapons used by the Hindu Yogis and magicians were therefore used by D: Nobilis, on as large a scale as they, and the number of conversions which he effected by these means was perhaps larger than by his sermons or teachings. His innovations are seen even in regard to names. He gave his converts Hindu baptismal names, i. e., names other than those of the Roman martyrology.50 He did not insist on Latin and traditional terms in regard to holy things. He allowed his "converts" to celebrate their marriages in the old fashions and made no opposition to either early marriage or the tying of the tali. He did not
5* He himself assumed, as Hough says, the name of Tattvabodha Svůmi.

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object to the superstition that the lali, the emblem of marriage, should be suspended by turmeric-coated threads, or that it should have 108 threads. He did not again object to the use of the margosa twig, the breaking of cocoanut, the use of crowns to ward off devils, and scores of other superstitions. He did not insist on worship in the church or even the confessional. He did not stand in the way of his converts serving in Hindu temples, for instance, as musicians,-his idea being that profession had nothing to do with religion. He even positively subscribed to the Hindu idea of physical cleanliness and bath. He did not prohibit his disciples from wearing the holy ashes or studying Hindu fables and legends, religious and otherwise. In short, he recognized the social hierarchy of Hinduism, and conceded by a practical life that the Pariah could not claim equality with the Brahman, that caste was not inconsistent with true religion, that the minor rituals and the harmless ceremonies and superstitions did not clash with Christian beliefs and doctrines. It was these concessions that made the people think that he was a Sanyasin. He might be an eccentric, an erratic Sanyasin; all the same, he was a Sanyasin. It was these concessions again that enabled him to speak boldly in certain respects with impunity and without being discovered to be a Christian. He said that of the four Vedas, which the Hindus had known, three only were being studied, the fourth having been lost centuries back. He said that he had just rescued that Vêda from obscurity and that a study of it was more necessary than the study of the three other Vēdas for the salvation of the soul. And he boldly maintained that, according to that Veda, the idols ought not to be worshipped ; that the existence of the Hindu triad, Brahma, Vishņu and Siva was
myth; that Chokkanatha, the object of their daily worship, was nothing but a piece of stone, a handiwork of man, deserving of worship as much as any piece of wood or stone. He was also against the rubbing of ashes, and against the worship of the lingam. In the place of the Hindu triad he substituted the Christian triad and Christ, and the Saints; but these were given such Hindu names that they could hardly be considered to be Christian.
His success. The labours of De Nobilis did not go unrewarded. Many of the highest castes became his disciples. An Indian guru was baptized, after twenty days, controversy with him, under the name of Albert. By the year 1609 a family of 20 Naiks, a near relation of the king, a brother of the grand warden of the palace," a prince"-probably a Polygar,"! and many others of high social status and official dignity,-Brahmans and priests, Rajas and courtiers, Náikens and Veļļaļas, flocked to the presbytery and became Christians," if we can use the expression to such doubtful Christians. The profound scholarship) and the pious life of De Nobilis, together with that good sense or duplicity which restrained him from offending the prejudices of his converts, enabled him to maintain a firm if not an enduring empire over the minds of his disciples. The latter were, for their part, much attached to him. They loved him as tender pupils, and as their fresh gratitude could not he restrained within the limits of prudence, the name of De Nobilis as a saint and scholar, as a sage and seer, spread widely, and reached the ears of Muttu Krishnappa himself. The Karta at once expressed a desire to see such a great sage ; but to De Nobilis a premature revelation of his mission would be a fatal blow at its eventual success. He therefore pleaded the excuse that, if he was flattered by the condescension of the Karta, he was unfortunately unable to take advantage of it, as his principle of life was against publicity and against the very sight of women, whom, he said, he was very sure to meet in case he stepped out of his humble home.
(To be continuod.)
51 Nelson says that even Tumluchchi Naik, whom he absurdly styles the chief of all tio Tottiyans from Vaipar to Vijayanagar, longed to become a Christian, but the fear of his suzernin prevented him from doing so. See Madu. Manual, p. 116.

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EPIGRAPHIC NOTES AND QUESTIONS.
BY D. R. BHANDARKAR, M.A.; POONA.
(Continued from Vol. XLII, p. 258.)
XXI.-Thu Taxila seroll inseription of the year 136. This inscription was discovered by Sir John Marshall, Director-General of Archaeology, near the Chir Stúpa in his excavations at Taxila. The first line of this record, which contains the date, has very much exercised the scholars interested in adian epigraphy. It runs thus: sa 136 ayasa Ashadasa masasa divase 15. Here the most knotty word is ayasa. Sir John takes it as the genitive singular of Aya, the name appearing in the Kharoshthi legends on the reverse of the coins of two Indo-Scythian kings called Azes in the Greek legends on the obverse. He translates the line by " in the year 136 of Azes, on the 15th day of the month of Ashadha," and refers the year 136 to an era founded by Aya-Azes Il. Dr. Fleet at first doubted the reading ayasa and tentatively proposed viyasa as a corruption of and in the sense of dvitiyasya. He is now, however, convinced in regard to the correctness of the reading, and does not hesitate to say on the strength of the forms aa:imi ani aya'nsi-asmin supplied by Pischel's Grammatik der Prakrit-Sprachen $ 429, that ayasa must by an equivalent of asya, of this'. Accordingly he gives the following translations:
"In the year 136 : of the day 15 of this present month Aghadha." "In the year 136 : on the day 15 of the month Ashâdha of this year."
Now, an epigraphist need not be told that it is exceedingly improbable that ayusa of this inscription is the genitive singular of Aya-Azes. No Hindu king has so far been mentioned in any Sanskrit ur Prakrit inscription without any regal titles or at any rate honorofio prefixes or suffixes to his name specially as many years could not have elapsed since his death as appears to be the case from this interpretation. In fact, such a thing is opposed to the traditional Hindu sentiment of reverence for kings. Secondly, even if aya in ayisa really stood for Azez, the date 136 cannot be interpreted as a year of the era originated by Azes, but merely as a year, when Azes was reigning, but of an era starter! by ano her king preseding him. This is the only construction an epigraph ist would put upon it on the analogy of similar wordings of the dates. There is therefore no recourse left but to interpret ayasa in a different and simpler way. Dr. Fleet no doubt takes it to stand for the Sanskrit asya. But this procedure, I am afraid, is open to objection. In the first place, on the analogy of aa imi and aya nsi-asmin which Dr. Fleet has cited on the. authority of Pischel, we would expect aya isa and not ayasa as the equivalent form of asya. Sacon lly, if this interpretation is ascepted, the first line of the scroll inscription cannot be ma le to yield a natural sense. Because when the year 136 is actually specified, where is the propriety of speaking of the month Ashadha as this (i.e. the present) month or speaking of it as the month AshAdha of this (i.e. the present year)? Of course, if the year had not been mentioned along with it, there would have been perfect sense in referring to Ashâdha as this (or the present) month or as Asha dha of this (or the present year). Such is not, however, the case. I cannot, therefore, help supposing that ayasa must be understood
1 This view was first propounded by him in the Jour. R. A. Soc., 1914, pp. 976-7 and subsequently defended in Ibid. 1915, p. 193 and ff. He still clinge to the view (Arch. Suro. Ind.) Annual 1912-13, p. 19.

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differently. And I give hera my interpretation of the word for the consideration of the scholars, in order that they may take it for what it is worth. I take ayasa as an eyuivalent of the Sanskrit adyasya 'of the first'. The corruption of dya into yya is as natural as into jja. Thus in Asoka's Rook Edict VI we meet with uydnesu, uyanasi or uyingspi, all standing for udyâne or udyânshu. Adyasya must, therefore, have become awwassa ;' and as it is unusual in inscriptions to mark the double or assimilated consonants and as long a is never shown in Kharoshthî records, Ayyasa would be written as ayasa. Thus there can be no philological difficulty in taking ayasa uf & Kharoshthi record in a north-west frontier dialect as the equivalent of adyasya. The line may, therefore, be rendered into English thus :
"On the day 15 of the month of the first Åsha tha (in) the year 136."
Dr. Fleet, who is the best authority on Indian astronomical literature, says: "Now, at the time of this record, in A. D. 79-80 acoording to Dr. Marshall's opinion and my own and some three centuries before the introduotion of the Greek astronomy,--the Indian calendar was regulated by mean or uniform instead of true time. The intercalation of months was governed by a hard and fast rule. According to the Jyotish-Veda nga the fixed intercalated months (one half-way through the five-years cycle, and the other at the end of it) came next after ÅshAdha and Pausha." This fits here excellently; for, according to the astronomical system then prevalent there would be two Ashadhas. It was therefore, nucessary to specify in the Taxila soroll inscription which Ashâdha was meant. And this explains the propriety of cyasa (=ddyasya= of the first) qualifying 4 shadhasa.
The cate 136 of this record has been taken to refer to the Vikrama era and consequently as equivalent to A. D. 79. Now, who could have been the Mahardja Rajatirája Devaputra Khushna referred to in the inscription as reigning in this year? The monogram on the scroll is characteristic of the coins of only Kujula-Kadphises and Vima-Kadphises: Kanishka and his successors are, therefore, entirely out of question. But these titles are found conjoined only to the name of Kujula-Kadphises, as has been shown by Cunningham. Again, while the image of Buddha has been found on some coins of the latter, it is conspicuous by its absence on those of Vima-Kadphises. This shows that Kajula-Kadphises could alone be the Kushana prince intended in this inscription. He must, therefore, be supposed to be living in A. D. 79, and it seems tempting to suppose that he was the originator of the Saka era. Some scholars have recently looked upon Nahapana as the founder of this era, but this is impossible because during all the dates ranging from 41 to 46 that have been found for him he was a Kshatrapa and not Mahakshatrapa, clearly showing that he was a feudatory and could not therefore have started the era according to which his inscriptions are dated. The only paramount sovereign of this period was Kujula. Kadphises. This is indicated by his titles Maharaja Rajatirdia Devaputra. The probabilities are that he originated what is now known as the Saka era. The era does not seem to have finurished in the north where it was originally started but seems to have been
2 It is also probable in the present case that dya was first changed into jja, and then into yya according to the north-west frontier dialect where j is very often replaced by y.

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introduced by the Kshatrapas in south India where it lasted for more than three centuries and was consequently called Saka era after these Kshatrapas who were Sakas just as the Gupta era continued by the Valabhi princes came to be known also as Valabhi samvat.
XXII. Partabgarh Inseriptions.
A new inscription has been found in Râjputânâ, which is not without some importance. It was for years lying stuck up into a Chabutra or platform near Chainram Agarvala's trawari or step-well at Partabgarh, capital of a Native State of the same name in south Rajputânâ. Rai Bahadur Gaurishankar Ojha, Superintendent of the Rajputana Museum, obtained tidings of it, hurried to the place, and secured the inscribed stone for the Museum through the good offices of the Maharajkumar of Partabgarh. The inscription is certainly worth editing, and I am glad to hear that the Superintendent has already forwarded a paper for publication to the Director-General of Archaeology in India. A summary of its contents will here not be unwelcome especially as the paper will take long to publish.
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The inscription begins with the invocation for protection of the god Sun and of the goddess Durgâ alias Katyayani. The first is no doubt represented by Indrâditya and the second by Vatayakshini of the text. The epigraph then divides itself into four parts. The first registers a grant made by Mahendrapâla II of the imperial Pratîhâra dynasty reigning at Mahodaya (Kanauj). The language used in the genealogical portion, characterised as it is by the specification of the names of the queens and the faiths of the kings, is identical with that occurring in the copperplate grants of his family except in the fact that the portion pertaining to Bhoja II has been omitted from our inscription. The importance of the first part and consequently of the whole record is two-fold. First, it gives us the name of a new prince of the imperial Pratihâra dynasty, viz. Mahendrapâla II., who was a son of Vinayakapâla from his queen Prasâdhanâdevi of the Devatha (?)rdhi family. The date of Mahendrapâla II. supplied by this inscription is V. S. 1003 (AD. 946). For his father Vinayakapâla or Kshitipâla we have dates ranging from A. D. 914 to 931. It is worthy of note that this king had also another successor, viz. Devapâla, for whom the date V. S. 1005 (A.D. 948) is furnished by a Siyadoni inscription. It thus appears that Mahendra pâla II reigned between Vinayakapâla and Devapâla. Devapâla, again, appears to be a (younger) brother to Mahendraj:âla II, for he must have been either a brother or son of Mahendrapâla and if he had been a son, he should certainly have been described as pâdânudhyala or successor of the latter, instead of Kshitipâla. He must, therefore, be a brother to Mahendrapâla II, supposing that Devapâla and Mahendrapâla were not names of one and the same king as is not impossible. In the second place, the importance of this epigraph consists in the fact that it finally sets at rest the controversy that had raged in regard to this Imperial Pratihara dynasty. Three copperplate charters were issued from Mahodaya (Kanauj) by the kings Bhoja, Mahendrapâla (I.) and Vinayakapâla (-Kshitipâla) whose dates were read by Dr. Fleet and Prof. Kielhorn as 100, 155 and 188 and referred to the Harsha era. They maintained that these princes could not be identified with the homonymous kings named in the Gwalior, Pehevâ and Siyaconi stone-inscriptions, first because the former bore the subordinate title maharaja and the latter, the paramount titles paramabhaṭṭaraka-mahârâjâdhiraja-para

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mesvara, and secondly because the dates of the latter clearly ranged between V. S. 960 and 1005 and consequently they were posterior to the former by full one century. Fourteen years ago I wrote a paper combating this view. I contended that the title maharaja did not necessarily denote a subordinate feudatory rank and could be appropriately applied even to an independent ruler, that the dates of the copper-plate inscriptions were wrongly read and ought to be read 900, 955 and 988 and referred to the Vikrama era so that they were in perfect conformity with the Vikrama dates supplied by the stone inscriptions, and that the very fact that there was a perfect agreement not only in the names but also in the order of succession of four princes mentioned in the copper-plates on the one hand and the stone inscriptions on the other, could not be attributed to a mere coincidence but was a conclusive proof in favour of their identity. Three years later a stone inscription was discovered near Saqartal in the close vicinity of Gwalior in which the agreement in names and order of succession extended to six generations, and, curiously enough, it suddenly brought round Prof. Kielhorn to my views. It is noteworthy that this new inscription contained no date and that no titles, subordinate or paramount, were conjoined with the names of any kings, and what I cannot understand is why the agreement in point of names and genealogical order was thought by Prof. Kielhorn to be sufficient when it was carried to six generations by this Gwalior record and not sufficient though it was carried to four generations before its discovery. The present inscription, however, clearly decides in favour of my view. All the names except Bhoja II. mentioned in the copper-plate grants are found in this stone record. Secondly, the title mahârâ ja which was so far found coupled with the royal names in the copper-plates only is repeated in this stone epigraph. In fact, as stated above, the actual language employed in the copper-plates to describe the genealogy is reiterated in this stone inscription, and to me it appears almost certain that this last is but a lithic copy of the grant originally issued in copper-plate by Mahendra pala II. Whether we suppose that the grant was originally issued in copper-plate or in stone, the date of the present inscription can be read beyond all doubt; and this is the most crucial point. It is expressed both in symbols and in words. This is a most fortunate circumstance, for the words can never be doubtful whereas the reading of symbols is still so. Leaving aside therefore for the present the numerical symbols, the words indicate that the date is clearly 1003. Here then we have got an inscription which contains a word for word repetition of the genealogical preamble of the copper plates including even the title mahârâja and gives the date 1003 for a son of Vinayakapala (-Kshitipala ) for whom the date 974 has been furnished, in words and consequently without any doubt, by a stone inscription. The conclusion is therefore irresistible that the kings of the copper-plates are identical with the homonymous kings of the stone inscriptions and that the correct readings of the dates of the copper plates which are denoted in symbols are not 100, 155 and 188 as done by Dr. Fleet and Prof. Kielhorn, but 900, 955 and 988 as shown by me and Dr. Hoernle. Nov for the numerical symbols in which also the date of our inscription is expressed. The numerical symbols are trso, san and lri. Of the first symbol the letter t is to be taken along with the preceding letters saill and va' so as to form the word saivat. This is on the analogy of the dates expressed in the copper-plates of this dynasty. The remainder, vir, r80, must be taken to be identical with sro and to stand for 100 as ably shown by

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Dr. Hoernle. Sai must therefore be understood to be a multiplicator of the preceding symbol, viz. 100, and consequently to denote the figure for 10. Obviously the remaining symbol Iri has to be taken to stand for 3. It is only by this interpretation that the symbols can be made to yield the date 1003. Our knowledge of the numerical symbols is yet neither exhaustive nor definitive, and the present inscription certainly adds to this knowledge by supplying two new symbols, one for 10 and the other for 3.
Now in regard to the details of the first part of the inscription. It records the grant, by Mahendrapâladeva (II), of the village Kharpparpadraka near Ghontavarshikâ and situated in the western division (pathaka), of Dasapura to the goddess Vatayakshinî connected with the monastery of Harirsheśvara, a Dasapura (Dasorâ) Chaturvedî Brahman. Dasapura has been universally identified with the present Mandsor in the Gwalior State, and is the cradle of a Brahman caste called Dasorâ who are found in numbers both in the Udaipur and Partabgarh States. Ghontavarshikâ is Ghotârsî, 7 miles east of Partabgarh, and Kharparapadraka is Kharot 7 miles south-east of Partabgarh. Tho dûtaka was Jagganâga and the grant was drawn up by purohita Trivikrama. It bears the full date Samvat 1003 Margga radi 5, and ends with the sign-manual of one Vidagdha, who probably was governor of the Dasapura division. It appears that Mahendrapâla originally issued a copper-plate charter whose contents were engraved on the stone along with the other grants.
The second past of the inscription commences with an account of a local Châhamâna dynasty which made itself conspicuous first in the reign of the Pratîhâra sovereign Bhoja I. The first prince mentioned of this family is Govinda râja. His son was Durlabharaja, and the latter's son was Indrarâja who erected a temple to the Sun called Indrâditya after him. Then we are told that at the request of this Indrarâja, Mâdhava, son of Dâmodara. granted from Ujjain on the Mîna-samkrânti day, after bathing in the temple of Mahâkâla and worshipping the god, a village called Dhârâpadraka for repairs to and for the performance of bali and charu sacrificial rites on the site, in Ghontavarsha, attached to the god Nityapramudita. Madhava, we are informed, was Tantrapâla, Mahâsâmanta and Mahadan lanayaka, and was at Ujjain. At that time, we are further informed, Samma, appointed by the Commander-in-chief Kokkata was charge d'affairs at Mandapikâ, which seems to be no other than Mandû in the Dhâr State. If this identification is correct, Dhârâpadraka can be no other than Dhâr itself. This grant is signed by Mâdhava and countersigned by Vidagdha of the first grant.
The third part of the inscription commences with the date Samvat 999 Śrávaṛa sudi 1, and says that on this day Maharajadhiraja Bhartripatta son of Khommâna, granted to the god Indrarâjâditya of Ghontâvarsha, a field called Vamvvûlika in the village of Palâsakûpikâ. Palâsakûpikâ is probably Palâsiâ in the Partabgarh State. Bhartripatta is no doubt the same as Bhartṛipatta II of the Guhilot dynasty (vide ante, Vol. xxxix, p. 191 ff.). The fourth part registers three minor grants. The first is by Devarâja son of Châmundarâja to the god Indrâditya. The second is by Indrarâja to the god Trailokyamohana in the grounds of Indrâdityadeva. The third is by the local banias in favour of Vatayakshinî. In the last line we are told that the prasasti was engraved by Siddhapa, son of Satya; and the inscription ends with the date Sanir 1003:

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THE MANUSMRITI IN THE LIGHT OF SOME RECENTLY PUBLISHED TEXTS.
BY HIRALAL AMRITLAL SHAH, BOMBAY.
(Continued from p. 115.) THE at Estare none but those spoken of in Manusmriti I 35. Another sage, Bhrigu, 1 is the father of Parasurama, but evidently he is not referred to here. Hence, if there remains no doubt as regards the redaction by Bhrigu, there should be no doubt about his being earlier than the Buddhist poet either. The latter is supposed to have lived between 27-200 A. D. Bhrigu, then, must have preceded him (considering those times) at least by a century. Therefore, his recension must verge (at least) on the beginning of the Christian era or lie even further back.
Second : let us turn to the antspfl. It quotes Manu about six times. We have already given three quotations ending with " ART" Two more of this type occur on p. 177 (ch. 63) and p. 63 (ch. 25) of that book. The spf is supposed to have been written in the time of Chandragupta, the date of whose accession is 320-315 B. C. Hence, the original Law-book of Manu ( the ATT°) must be placed earlier than 320 B. C. Whether those references to Manu's opinion are taken from the Argo alone, or from it and the Manusmriti as well, we are unable to say definitely, although, circumstantial evidence favours the existence of the Manusmriti even at that date.
(A) The phrase "fa Aru" occurs many a time in the antspero and also in the #T ataifre: (T. S. Series No. 14. 1st ed., 1912.). The commentator on the latter interprets the phrase as follows -"ATTT: mit: froz:" (cf. To affo II 3.3.) We may suppose, then, that "fa Haat:" in the antspfo refers not to the 17", but to the law-books edited by the followers of the school of Manavas. The most prominent of them must be Bhřigu, because Narada and Bțihaspati, who follow Manu in many cases do not treat of politics. Hence" TE HTET: "should refer (to the recension of the Manusmriti by Bhrigu or, in other words, to our present Manusamhita.
The date of Afvaghosha is not yet definitely settled. It is true that he has much in common with Kalidasa. Mr. Nandargirkar tries to prove (cf. Introd. to Buddha by Prof. Sodni p. 10) that he, in his poem (Buddha') III 23, referred to Kumdrasambhava. However, there are argumenta which militate against his hypothesis that (Buddha) " Hair: arriena" pre is a slap at Kalidasa's T RAHE " (VII 65, Kumdra Niro Press. 5th ed., 1908).
In Buddha. V 23, we find " 97 a HTGE" and in I 85 "Hay et a free
989:” Again we have a peculiar construction of 'T' in VI 67 (Prof. Cowell's ed.). We have similes expressed negatively in VI 31 ff. From all these texts we should infer that the habit of using a to modify his ideas is peculiar to Afvaghosha. We need not suppose that he refers to some particular person or a special book, whenever he qualifies his statement. Hence, the priority of Kalidâsa to him is not settled by referring to Buddhao III 23.
6 Jolly, Recht und Sitte, p. 12, seems to conclude from the two quotations in it that the Manaud) were at the time, when this book was written, not generally recognized as a Vedio School (of Law). But the same way of quoting Manu obtained in comparatively quite recent texts. Moreover, we have pointed out in noto No. 3, that Chanakya accepts definitions (of Manu and of others) which are pot his own, without even giving their source. If the Manavdh were not recognised at that time as a Vedio School of Law, it would not have been possible for Chanakya to quote them in his Arthasastra, as inculcating one particular view on the matter.

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(B) Mana is not the only authority referred to by Châņakya. He quotes also Dhanas (i. e. Sukra), Brihaspati and Parasara, the works of two of whom are found to be in metrical form. No scholar has maintained that they were ever written in sútras. The Sukraniti is all in verses. The quotations from Bțihaspati seem to be made from his Arthaba stra (which is not extant), and not from his Dharmasastra. Analogy, therefore, favours the existence of the metrical Code of Manu in the time of Chandragupta
(C) Turning back to the verse of the Buddha' (I 47) which asserts the priority of Bhrigu to Sukra, we may safely say that Bhrigu's recension must have been in existence when Chanakya was quoting from the Sukra'.
(D) We come across quotations in the को अर्थ, which resemble closely enough the verses of the Manusmriti.
Cf. को अर्थ p. 274. ch. 108-10 “अदण्डनैश्च दण्डयानां वख्यानां चण्डवण्डनैः ।" with Manesmriti VIII 128 a “ अदण्ज्यान्दण्डयवाजा दण्ड्यांश्चैवाप्यदण्डयन् ।"
को अर्थ° p. 217. ch. 82 “संवत्सरेण पतति पतितेन समाचरन् । याजनाध्यापनाचौनाश्चान्योऽपि समाचरन् |" with Manusmriti xI 180 “संवत्सरेण पतति प्रतितेन सहाचरन् याजनाध्यापनाचौनान तु यानासनाशनात् ||"
Cf को अर्थ p. 151-2 ch. 59. "कन्यादानं कन्यामलंकृस्य नामो विवाहः | सहधर्मचर्या प्राजापत्यः । गं.मिथुनादानाबार्ष: । अन्तर्वेधामाविजे दानात् देव: | मिथस्समवायासू गान्धर्वः । शुल्कवानादापुर। प्रसह्यादानाद्राक्षसः। सुप्तादानास्पैशाचः। पिलप्रमाणाश्चत्वारः पूर्वे धाः | माहापितप्रमाणाः शेषाः | etc." with Manuemrit III 24 ; 27-34. Here, we see at once the difference between a Dharmajlstra and an Arthasastra. It is further illustrated by the way in which Chanakya mutilates the Vers of Manu (Manusmriti IV 138)" सत्यं ब्रूयात् प्रियं यात्, etc." which becomes (को अर्थ p.249. ch. 92)"पृष्टः प्रियहित सूर्यास यावाहित प्रियम् | अप्रियं वा हित याच्ण्व तोऽनुमती मिथः।।"
It is readily admitted that there are differences besides resemblances between the two texts. This is also true of the का नी (which follows the का अर्थ); of. XXI 63 "अदण्डनमदण्ज्यानां दण्डयानां चापि दण्डनम् ।"
6 That there is an Arthadastra of Brihaspati can be seen from the following references : (a) Buddha° I. 47. (Cr. p. 115.) (8) Maha° Drona° V. 161 (V. 18):
“सेनापतिः स्यादन्योऽस्मात् शुक्रानिरसदर्शनात् ।" (e) Dr. Hertel's edition of Paichatantra by Parnabhadra, Vol. III. Specimens from the Mss. in Sarada characters :
"बृहस्पति प्रमाणीकृत्य" (d) * ft 11. 3-4; V. 8. 88; VIII. 12. 5 etc. and to suo pp. 8; 29 etc. (0) BhAsa, Pratimd° (T.S. S. No. 42.)
"बार्हस्पत्यमर्थशास्त्रम् ।" P.79. Act. v. 0 Commentary of Kullaka on Mantuampiti IV. 19
“हितान्बर्थशास्त्राणि बार्हस्पत्योशनसादीनि ।" (0) Introductory verses of Yajfia and Sukrao. th) Pafichatantra. (Bombay, 8. Series, 2.)
“सुकत्वं विष्णुगुप्तस्य मित्राभिर्भार्गवस्य च । बृहस्पतेरविचासो नीतिसन्धिस्थिधा स्थितः ॥" also in का नी° v. 88-8. "बृहस्पतेरविश्वास इति शास्त्रार्थनिश्चयः ।"

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What we want to show by means of paragraphs A, B, C and D is the probability of the existence of Bhrigu's Samhita in the time of Chandragupta. We are inclined to say that Chanakya had before him, Bhrigu's recension, when he wrote his Sastra, even though he differed from it. There oan be no doubt, however, that the source of his ideas in these parallels were either the art alone, or they together with the Manusmriti. In case he is referring to the sutras of Manu alone, we may suppose that he has quoted them word for word or has given a summary of them. If he is referring to the metrical Smriti, we may assume that he is abbreviating his quotations.
It might appear that we have taken Chanakya to be the author of the book called the to put without proving him to be so. The learned editor of that book has already established the authorship of Châņakya, but we can add to his arguments, proceeding on
different lines.
The phrase "far anterz:" occurs often in that book, and it might perhaps lead some to suspect that either parts or the whole of the book is not written by Chiņakya himself. Internal as well as external evidence help to remove this suspicion.
In the chapters where Châņakya (surnamed Kautilya) quotes other authorities and ane vers them, or adjusts their opinions, the conclusion we come to is that the answers must be from the author himself. P. 13-14 of the Sastra may serve as an illustration. In the case of choosing a minister, various opinions are given. Finally, the anthor winds up the discussion with his own view and a supplementary verse.
Châņakya's discussions contain copious matter and are written in a vigorous style ; they are quite in keeping with the 'thoroughness' ('1 ' cf. note 6. h) ascribed to him. The drama Mudrdrakshasa exhibits the same characteristics of this remarkable man. (It would be advisable to study this drama in the light of the principles of Kautilya.)
The author of the fil professes to follow his rovered guru Vishnugupta (it. Chanakya) and says that he has simply abbreviated his system (cf.ro I 6-7, "arz warg......far a "). In the same chapter we find a verse (I 60.) which is given in the aito 728° at the end of p. 12, ch. 3. The system, then, containing the nectar of Arthasastras (I 6.) can be no other than that propounded in the most
The commentator of #o, Sankarårya says in his commentary on the first seren verses) as follows
"79: rara final
THERE fear hereà Il” (on. v. 1.) ...... 27 stareglailee ergaia, 291217*** Besteg 1799* Tel: -
FRATE........" ( on v. 2. )........." fogarafa aferfia, MR Riera fa
ya Idara lagu ya TTT ..."on v. 6.) ..." - मर्थशास्त्रपियस्वाद राजविद्याविदां मतमुपदेष्यामः नान्यशास्त्रविदाम् | सक्षिप्तग्रन्थं कौटिल्यशास्त्रात् । argareta Tawanan 15
TT ATT H***........." (on v. 7.)
The last part of the commentator's remarks is very important. The book contains about 1215 verses; there are 36 chapters. In the lo sf there are 180 chapters, the number of verses, however, we could not control. But the same data are given in the ait pro p. 6. Anyhow, the commentator on Nitis lira has identified Kautilya with Chanakya and has said that the writer of the Arthasastra is Kautilya. It seems, indeed, we night feel sure about the authorship of the को अर्थ.

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Mallinatha. 7 in his commentary on Raghuvamia (cf. Nandargirkar's ed. Poona, 1897.) XV 29, quotes (from the stato p. 45, ch. 19) under the name of Kautilya,.... " par a P
" and on the same verse, another commentator on Raghuvamia, Chåritrapardidna, quotes ander the name of Chanakya .... " era f 42:1 Both of them, evidently, refer to bne person and one book, and can the latter be any other than the sto props
Thus we have made good onr assumption (p. 11.) that the present Manusmrit existed n the time of Chanakya, 1. o, bofore 820 B. C. That are existed at that time needs no proof.
Bhasa, in his aferrare* (Act V., T. S. S., p. 79, ) puts the following sentence in the mouth of Ravana :
"साङ्गोपाङ्ग वेदमधीवे मानवीय धर्मशास्त्रं माहेश्वरं योगशास्त्रं बाईसत्यमर्थशास्त्र मेधातियेन्बाबंधावं प्राचेतसं आजकल्पं च |"
Accordingly, we put the earlier than Bhâsa ; but, at present, we cannot do the same with the Manusmriti.
Mr. Nandargirkar, in his Raghuvamsa (Poona, 1897) appendix B, has, under' atfer', TYPE and , an excellent list of quotations from the Arthasastra and Nftiadra, to be found in the commentary of Mallinátha. The work of Kautilys was not published, when he prepared his edition of Raghuvamsa. It will be interesting for a scholar to investigate the influence exercised by Kautilya, Kamandaka and Manu on Kalidasa.
cf. lo spet p. 38. ch. 16. " Prefert
I" with formatatag II 1. " Tt fore (196Taf"
" We of ") See this question of the authorship of the propo) fully treated by Hermann Jacobi, Bonn. in Sitzungsberichte der Königl. Preussischen Akademie S.J., der Wissenschaften, 1912. XXXVIII.
I am indebted to my Professor Rev. Fr. Zimmermann, who pointed out to me this as well as other passages, bearing on this essay, written in the German language. I am not in a position to study them first-hand at present; but I am assured that in no essential point am I repeating the arguments of other scholars.
It appears that some of the works of Bhâsa have not been recovered yet. A quotation given in the Pratima (T. S. S. No. 42. Introd. P. XII) refers to the Kavya of Bhasa." It runs as follows:
..." " He ho r a ATT (?)" " et sfera aya: si fara gara 4 नावहादित्वर्थः भासव्यासयोः काव्यविषये स्पर्धा कुर्वतोः सर्वोत्कर्षवर्तित्वेन परीक्षकान्तराभावात् परीक्षार्थमग्निमध्ये aiut: rere H I" (This matter was noticed in this journal long before Mr. T. Ganapati Sastri odited the Pratima nafaka (Ante, Vol. XLII. pp. 52-3).-D. R. B.)
If Kavya here does not mean drama only, then we may hope to find still some Kavya of Bhasa like Raghuvamsa. We have not heard that Vyása has written dramas; hence, competition may be in poems, like Kalidasa's.
In the commentary of Raghavabhatta, on the first verse of Sakuntall (Nirn. Press, Bombay, 5th ed., 1909, p. 2, L. 27th), we find the following sentences :
"अबाशिषि सभ्यानां लाभः । अत एव 'आशीर्नमस्क्रियारूपाः' इति
O, referater TE' Terratratificar l" Bhisa, therefore, like Bharata Muni, must have written a work of dramaturgy. We may recover it in course of time. If he wrote such a work, we may naturally suppose that he is not the first to write a draina. It may be that saumillaka and Kaviputra (प्रथितयशसा भासमोमिककविपुत्रादीनां प्रबन्धान Malao of KAlidasa Act. I) may have preceded him and the word Bhasa may have been placed first sonording to the rules of compounde.
(or
"

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If other books mentioned along with the "Arteta A rr" be in verses, we may well suppose the existence of the Metrical Code of the Laws of Manu at Bhâsa's time.
It is remarkable that the colophon of the metrical Manusmriti has the phrase " Art " which is nearly the same as "mata ing" of the Pratimao
For our purpose, it is necessary to enter here into the qution of the date of Bhâsa. Mr. T. Ganapati Sastri has pointed out in his introduction to the Svapnavdaavadattárof Bhasa (T. S. S. No. 75, p xxvii) that Châņakya in his ArthasAstra (p. 365-6, ch. 250-152) quotes from Bhasa. That one has borrowed from the other is certain and the learned editor decides that Chanakya is indebted to Bhâsa.
We agree with him, because Châņakya, as a rule, quotes from other sources, discusses the various opinions and then lays down his own dicta. After all being said and done, he winds up the chapter with his own verses. From this peculiar method of his, we can confidently say, that excepting the verses at the end of each chapter, (we are not sure even of that exception), overy verse occurring in the midst of the discussion is some quotation used by him to justify indirectly, (or to amplify), his own rules, or to set them off well. Therefore, Mr. Såstri is quite right, when he says that Bhasa is quoted by Chanakya.
Whether they were contemporaries or not, we cannot say. The latest date we can assign to Bhâsa is 320 B. C. (the date of Châņakya), and the Art must be earlier than 320 B. C. We cannot assign the upper limit of its date because we do not know how many years or centuries it would require for a book to become a universal standard in the whole of India. We must have, at least, a century for a book of this nature) to be written, published and made popular in those days, when there was no printing and when there existed comparatively but few means of communication. Hence the FTTT may be placed earlier than 400 B. C.
On account of sufficient circumstantial evidence, (cf. pp. 125-27), we take it for granted that Chanakya had known the Manusmriti (in the recension by Bhrigu) and hence, at present, we place the date of Manusmriti between 400-820 B. C. According to the account of Buddhao, we can push the date beyond Sukra, his Nitišâstra and quotations from it.
It will also be seen, from the material adduced, that our date justifies the tradition which claims a high antiquity for the Manusmriti. And no one will deny that Bhrigu must have existed earlier than Asvaghosha, at least, at the beginning of the Christian era. 10 That we can rely on him (Asvaghosha) is beyond doubt, as we meet with statements similar to his (cf. note No. 6) in widely different branches of the Sanskrit literature. Again, according to the accounts of the Naradao and the Puranas, the metrical Manusmriti (whoover the author may be) must be placed before 400 B. C. (i. e. before Bhasa). On the Pa urâņic statement we would not place too much reliance, however.
We have seen, while comparing the sûtras of ter with the verses of Manusmriti how cleverly Bhrigu has preserved the laws of Manu. Taking all this into account, we recognise that the tradition rightly attributes time-honoured sacredness to the Laws of Manu, although, in course of time, they may nave changed their outward appearance.
10 Ct. Kalidasa, Raghuvam sa XIV. 67. "296777497 AR TU Cat gota: 1" with Manusmriti VII 17; 35.

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THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA.
BY V. RANGACHARI, M.A., L.T., MADRAS.
(Continued from p. 224.)
Discovery and persecution.
The success of De Nobilis brought persecution in its train. A few men called him a sage superior to ordinary men, and therefore the enemy of ordinary idol worship. But the large majority, especially the priesthood, looked on his teachings with alarm. They found out that, Sanyasin though he posed himself to be, he was not a friend of their creed. They therefore set up a tremendous agitation against him. In their hatred they imputed every misfortune of their country to his pernicious teachings. They said that the gods were unwilling to shower rain in a place where his vile feet trod. They said that he was magician who had the devil for his servant, that he was a wizard who bewitched people by the ashes of children, whom he was supposed to kill and burn. The priests and pandarams of the temple, as well as the scholars and leaders of the lay society, blew up the popular discontent into a furious mutiny, and concluded in an assembly that, unless De Nobilis was banished, rain would not come. They then approached the Karta and pointed out how De Nobilis was an atheist, who denied the Hindu Trinity, who depreciated the god Chokkanâtha, who condemned everything good and wholesome in the religious life of the people, and concluded that he was in reality a Turk, who was audacious enough to call himself a Râja, to dress in the salmon colour, to have Brahman servants, and above all, to study the Vêdâs and other sacred literature. We do not know what Krishnappa did in response to the popular appeal. We have no materials which illustrate his attitude in the matter. Evidently he did not engage in any persecution. But he could not prevent popular indignation, or perhaps official sympathy with it. The Brahman servants of the preacher were seized, their top-knots were cut, their sacred cords removed, and their eyes plucked out. De Nobilis himself was in danger, and the whole "Christian" world prayed in despair. But De Nobilis was not wanting in friends who could save him. A prominent chieftain of the day, whom the Jesuits call Erumaikatti, was, though not as yet a convert, a greater friend than the most bigoted convert.
Reaction in his favour.
He exerted his influence to soothe the popular ferment and persuaded the Brahmans of the harmlessness of his friend. His generosity went further, and procured for him a site, strangely enough from the temple grounds, for the building of a more spacious place of worship for himself and his disciples. The progress of the edifice was a little delayed by the indignant accusation of the priest of the Chokkanatha temple that De Nobilis was a Parangi, as he heard that he ate with Fernandez. But De Nobilis had the duplicity to reply that," if his adversary proved him to be a Parangi, he was prepared to lose his eyes, an assurance which satisfied the priest and facilitated the building of the church. By the end of 1610 it was half finished. Built of brick with flat roof and including three
52 It was on this occasion, evidently, that De Nobilis produced "an old dirty parchment, in which he had forged, in the ancient Indian characters, a deed shewing that the Brahmans of Rome were of a much older date than those of India, and that the Jesuits of Rome descended in a direct line from the God Brahma." Hough, II, p. 231.

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aisles with columns of black granite, it had a very elegant interior and was much suited to excite devotion.
The new danger from Christians. The building of the church was followed by important events. First there came in September 1610, another Missionary, Antonio Vico, to assist De Nobilis. Secondly, the Parava and other low caste converts thronged to see the new church ; and the people 88 well as "the converts" of De Nobilis found out that the latter was "& Parangi.” At once there was a huge outory. The so-called Christians stopped away from the church. New conversions ceased, and it required the liveliest efforts of De Nobilis to restore confi. dence. He issued a notice denying that he was a Parangi, and stating that he "was not born on their soil; nor am I allied to their race. I was born in Rome; my family are of the rank of noble Rajas in that country. The holy spiritual law does not oblige a man to renounce his caste. He who says this law is peculiar to Paravans or Parangis lies." This communication diminished the panic and, together with the friendly endeavour of Erumaikatti, kept the progress of Christianity out of danger from the Hindus. But new dangers soon arose. This time they came not from the Hindus, but from the Christians themselves, and this takes us to the next reign. "
SECTION JII. The advent of the European Nations in the Southorn Seas. The reign of Muttu Krishnappa did not only see the establishment of the Jesuit mission, but also the coming of the rival European nations in South India. The Portuguese had been the dominant people in the East and monopolised its trade; but in the 17th century they were destined to go down in the race for commercial supremacy consequent on the rise of the two Protestant nations, the Dutch and the English, It was in June 1595 that Cornelius Houtman" rounded the Cape and laid the foundations of the Dutch commercial greatness in the East. From that time onward the Dutch sailors and merchants distinguished themselves by attacking their Iberian rivals in the Indian waters and carrying away immense spoils. A brilliant succession of victories led to the establishment in 1602 of the Dutch East India Company with the privilege of trade monopoly in the East. The achievement of the Company was both rapid and steady. During the very first year of its life its men landed in Ceylon and succeeded, in the face of Portuguese 64 jealousy and hostility, in entering into an alliance with the king of Kandy. Within the next five years they erected factories, after occasional failures, over an area ranging over a thousand miles," at Mocha, Cambay, Malabar, Ceylon, Coromandel, Bengal, Arakan, Pegu, Sumatra, Java, Kamboje, Siam, Cochin-china, Tonguin, China and Japan." These victories made the Portuguese more
53 See Rea's Monumental Remains of the Dutch East India Company, based on the Madras, Malabar and other Manuals.
54 The Portuguese had first come to Ceylon in 1505. "Their first visit was only temporary, but in 1617 they appeared again with a floet, built a fort at Colombo, and finally forced the king of Ceylon to acknowledge himself a vaseal of Portugal, and to pay an annual tribute of cinnamon, rubies, sapphires and elephants. Hostilities, however, soon recommenced, and continued during the whole period of the Portuguese occupation of the island. In 1597 died Don Juan Dharmapaula, who had been baptized by the Portuguese, and had afterwards obtained the throne of Ceylon. Ho bequeathed his dominions to Philip II, by which act the Portuguese acquired their title to the sovereignty of the island." Madras Manual. p. 118.

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reasonable, and acknowledge, by a formal treaty, the right of the Dutch to trade with the East. From this time the Dutch progress was even more rapid. In 1609 they established a settlement, with Emperor Venkatapati's permission, at Pulicat, a place of the greatest commercial importance in the 16th century, and built a fort therein.
The English were comparatively not so successful. The first Englishman to arrive in Ceylon was Ralph Fitch (in 1609). Three years later, Lancaster touched on the island on his way home from the East Indies. In the subsequent voyages of the London East
India Company the objective was primarily the East Indies Archipalego, and secondarily Western and Northern India. The first really serious attempt to establish a trade settlement in India was made in 1611. In that year Captain Hippon departed from the usual route of trade, and sailed up the east coast of India, and touched at several points occupied by the Dutch. The latter were jealous of the new competitors, and tried, both by direct opposition and by intrigue with Indian States, to prevent them from effecting a settlement. Captain Hippon touched at Pulicat, for instance, but the Dutch governor, Von Wersicke, refused to allow him to trade. Leaving a small establishment at Pattapoly, Hippon sailed to Masulipatam, and there succeeded in establishing, with Golconda's permission, a factory. It was the first in South India, in fact the whole of India, and formed the foundation of the English trade in the East Indies. The Company, of course, owned
territory here, but were simply permitted by the Kutb Shah to build a factory or trade-house and transact business on the coast. "The factory was not a manufactory, for nothing was made there; it comprised merely warehouse, offices and residential accommodation for the factors and their guard. The trade consisted in the importation from Bantam, and occasionally from England direct, of specie and European manufactured goods, the sale of the latter, and the investmont' of the former in purchase of calicoes, chintz, and muslins by advances made to local weavers. The calico or longcloth' was sent to England, while other cotton goods were readily absorbed by the Java market."53 The Dutch possessed not only a mere factory at the Goloondah port, but a fortified settlement at Pulicat, 160 miles further south, and this gave them a double strength in their endeavour to check the English trade. Pulicat and its neighbourhood produced the best cotton goods, while at the same time the fortress of Geldria enabled its possessors to save themselves from the oppressions of any local chief. The English, on the other hand, were subject to the twofold evils of official oppression and comparative lack of trade facilities.
SECTION IV.
Muttu Virappa (1609-23). In the year 1609 Muttu Krishnappa died and was succeeded by his son Muttu Virappa, who had Tirumal Naik, to become famous later on, as his second. The history of Muttu Virappa's reign5c is a dark age in the Madura annals. There is no inform
55 H. D. Love's Vestiges of Old Madras, I, p. 12.
56 The Carna. Dynas, and Supple. MS. say that he ruled from 1680 (8. 1502, Vikriti) to 1622 (8.1544, Dunmati). The formor of these mentions nothing about this monarch except that his second was Tirumal Naik. The Pand. Chron. on the other hand, attributes his reign to from 1609 (Subhakrit Vykdsi) to 1623 (Dundumi ini). Wheeler says that he ruled from 1604 to 1626. This is of course wrong, as well as his statement that it was Muttu Virappa that created the Setupati. He is also wrong in saying that “Vijaya Ragananda" of Tanjore wished to give Trichinopoly to Virappa in exchange for Vallam, but that nothing was done; for we have already seen that Trichincpoly came into the hands of Visvanatha I. and was the real capital of the Naiks.

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ing material from which the historian can give a clear and complete estimate of his character and conduct, his virtues and vices. The Jesuit missionaries say that Virappa was a tyrant, who allowed his ministers to oppress his subjects with impunity; but this is, in all probability, a statement based more on prejudice than on truth; for, as we shall see presently, the questionable means which Robert de Nobilis adopted to convert the people, naturally provoked a severe condemnation from Muttu Virappa, and the Jesuits, seeing their freedom curbed, did not hesitate to blacken his name. However it was, there is no doubt that Virappa was loyal to his imperial suzerain. A copper plate of 1609, Saumya, the very year of his accession, says that that Emperor Venkata gave the village of Nâganallûr or Muttu-Vira-mahîpâlasamudram to certain Brahmans at the request of Muttu Virappa..7 In 1617, again, Venkata records a gift for Virappa's merit at Trichinopoly.68 A copper plate charter of 1620 in mixed Tamil and Grantha characters says that Raghunathadeva Mahârâ ja, the son of Sri Venkatadêva Maharaja, was the agent of Muttu Virappa at Urayur.
The War of Imperial Succession, 1615-17. The most important event in the reign of Muttu Virappa, however, was the part he took in the great war of succession which broke out immediately after the death of Venkatapati I. in 1614. It was with the co-operation of Muttu Virappa that Jaga Raya, the champion of the deposed and putative son of Venkata, extended the contest, when he was defeated59 in the vicinity of Chandragiri, to the southern parts of the Empire, as against Echchama Naik, and the really legitimate and successful candidate, Rama, usually styled Râma IV. Muttu Virappa seems to have believed that the defeated party was in the right and that the victor (Rama) was a usurper. He therefore joined Jagadêva, while the Tanjore Naik, Achyutappa, or his son Raghunatha (Achyutappa had about 1614 installed his son Raghunatha as the king of Tanjore) and joined the right cause. Barrados does not give the result of the struggle, for he wrote in December 1616, by which time the war had not ceased. "There are now assembled in the field," he concludes, “in the large open plains of Trichinopoly, not only 100,000 men, which each party has, but as many as a million of soldiers." But Rama eventually won, as an inscription at Penukonda, dated 1620, sufficiently testifies. Indeedci that he succeeded in making his power in the south even by then is clear from an inscription at Ammankuruchchi in Pudukkottai state.
57 Madr. Ep. Rep. 1905. --
58 Inscription 135 of 1905. The year mentioned there is Pingala ; but it is doubtful, nay certain, that it was not Venkata I. who gave the grant. Because he died in 1615. But even if he was a relation of the imperial family, the inscription is an evidence in favour of Virappa's vassalage. On the other hand, inscriptions 122 and 123 of 1907 found at Alvar Kuruchchi and dated respectively 1610 and 1619, do not mention a suzerain. The former of these is at the Vanniyappar shrine and records a gift of land for Muttu Virappa's merit to the deity. An insc. of 1617 records gift of certain privileges to the vil. lagers of Adichchanai, by one Chinna Tippa Râhuttar Aiyan, to Viroppa's merit (Ep. Rep. 1911, No. 556). An inscription of 1613 in the eastern tower of Madura (Antiquities, I, 292) and two others of the same place in 1623, the last year of tho Karta, also do not mention the suzerain.
59 The civil war, as described in detail by Barrados, is fully reproduced and discussed by Sewell, in his Forgotten Empire. The Pudukkottai plates of Varatunga Rama Pandya seems to refer to this war, but it is difficult to see how events which happened after 1614 have found mention in a record of 1583. See Trav. Arch. Series, p. 57.
60 Inscription 11 of 1896 and Sewell's Antiquities, II, p. 27-8. The name of the Tamil year given here, Kalayukti, is wrong by two years. That he was recognized by Chima Raja Udayar of Mysore is seen in a grant of 1623. See Mys. Ep. Rep. 1908, p. 23.
61 Ep. Rep. 1915, p. 43-4.

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Muttu Virappa and Tanjore. The war is illustrative of the mutual animosity of the Naiks of Madura and Tanjore. Till 1614 the great Achyutappa Naik had ruled the latter kingdom and then installed his son Raghunathaca and retired into private life with a view to spend his days in pious seclusion at Srirangam. The imperial war of succession seems to have broken out just before Achyutappa's abdication, so that the actual share in it fell to his successor. Raghunatha Naik was, like his father, a great patron and votary of literature and a pious and generoug63 builder ; but his reign began under gloomy auspices. For the armies of Muttu Virappa and his Pandyan Vassal were victorious over the Tanjore and imperial forces, and destroyed the Kåveri dam, and occupied the southern part of the kingdom. "A lasting testimony to their occupation is found in the name of the seaport Adirampatnam, which is clearly called after the great Pandyan king Ativira Rama (1565-1610)." The war, however, ultimately ended in favour of Rama Raya, the claimant for whom Tanjore stood; and Raghunatha Naik seems to have eagerly listened to the peaceful overtures of the southern power, and married a Pandyan princess with a view to cement the new alliance. Unfortunately we are not able to say distinctly who was the Påndyan monarch that took part in these affairs. The latest date for Ativira Râma is about 1610 and yet A saaport is named after him years after this. A colleague or subordinate of his was Varatunga Râma, and he is said in the Pudukkottai plates to have fought in the great war, but the date is inconsistent, and no inscription of his later than 1589 has been found. Above all an inscription of 1616 says that the then Pandyan king was Varagunarâma"4 Kulasekhara, who had also the honour of performing a yåga and so obtaining the title of Sômayaji.
Muttu Virappa and Mysore. It is extremely curious that Barrados is silent about the Mysore chief in this important war. From his silence, we cannot infer that Raj Udayar did not join in it. Such an inference would not be warranted by the condition of the times. By the year 1610 he succeeded 65 in capturing Srirangapatņam itself and thus putting an end to the imperial e The Tanjore Garr., p. 39, based on Mr. Kuppusami Sastri's pamphlet.
See Chapter XI. of Trav. Arch. Serice, p. 59 and 148. Varatunga's latest inscription is that at Karivalam Vanda nallar, dated 1689. See Antiquities, I, 308.
# Wilks' Myaore, I, 27. The story of Raja Udaydr's refusing to appear in the Brirangapatnam court with the same music and paraphernalia as the Kembala chief shows his general aim even before his acquisition of the viceregal capital. Ibid, p. 24. One of the Mack. MSS. gives a curious version of the events which preceded Raja Udaykr's seizure of Srirangapatnam and in which Muttu Virappa also is said to have been involved. It says that in S. 1512 Srf Ranga Ray, died at Penukonda and was succeeded by his son Venkatapati. While he was ruling Virappa Naik of Madura went with a large army against.Tirumal Raya, the Viceroy of Brfrangapatnam. The latter with his Daļavâi (Venkata by name) marched to meet him. A battle took place at Palni. Virappa was defeated and his provinc. invaded and plundered. Unable to gain in the field Virappa resorted to diplomacy or rather the method of corruption. He bribed the Dajavli and induced him to betray his master, proceed to Brfrangapatnam and usurp the viceregal dignity. Tirumal Raya, however, got soon his freedom; bat when he went to Brirangapatnam Venkata refused to hand over the power. Civil war followed, and Tirumala had to retire. But at Venkata's instigation even the village in which he resided was attached by the Polygare. At thus crisis, we are told, Raja Udayar took the cause of Tirumal, beat the Polygars who opposed him and proceeding to Srirangapatnam, made himself by intrigue the master of the place in 8. 1631, Saumya, i. ., 1609 A, D Rest. Mack. MSS., II, 72-3. This story is unique and needs confirmation from other sources.

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viceroyalty. The keen soldier then devoted himself to the extension of his control over the other chiefs of Carnâta. He had already oonquered " Auka Hebbal, Kembala, Karugullee, Arrakera and Taloaud, eto.", and he now proceeded to annex the territory of Jagadeva Raya in the north and of Nanja Raja of Ummattor in the south. It is not improbable that he took advantage of Jagadêva's defeat in the war of succession to annex his possessions. It is even more probable that he helped Eohchama Naik and Sri Rama, with a view to bring about the fall of Jagadêve. For, by Jagadeva's misfortune he gained. By opposing him he would have more than made up for his recent policy towards the imperial viceroy. In all this he was not only an enemy of Jagadêva but of Muttu Virappa, his ally. At the same time his conquest of the powerful Nanja Raja Udayâr of Ummattûr and the annexation, besides Ummattûr, of the estate of Harnhally which had belonged to him (together with the district of Terkanamby), put an end to the existence of a buffer state which existed between Madura and Mysore. From this time onward the frontiers of the two kingdoms met, and naturally gave rise to, a number of border wars and troubles. The region covered by the modern district of Coimbatore was henceforth the scene of constant warfare between the Udayârs of Maisûr and the Náiks of Madura. We may well believe that in 1616, when Jagadêva and Muttu Vîrappa fought against the Emperor and Tanjoro. Raja Udayar probably joined the latter. Raja Udayar died in 1620, but his grandson and successor Châma Raja, an equally aggressive and ambitious monarch, carried on the policy of consolidation within and aggression without, and as a result, came into frequent struggles with Madura.
The Raid of Mukilan. The Madura chronicles narrate the invasion of a Muhammadan adventurer named Mukilan, which took place in the course of these frontier struggles. Nothing definite is known about this man, his origin or office. He might have been an employee of the Mysore king or a servant of the Sultan of Bijapur. He might have been, on the other hand, an independent chieftain, who wished to carve out a principality for himself at the expense of his neighbours. However it was, about 1620 he burst into the north-west frontier of the kingdom and spread terror for scores of miles. His ferocious troops swept the country from the frontier ti Dindigul and the endeavour of the Poly. gars to check him proved futile. They however soon found a leader in the Polygar of Virûpakshi, who, rallying the scattered men of his brother chiefs, met the invader near Dindigul, inflicted a crushing defeat on his arms, and drove him out of the kingdom. In recognition of this service, we are told, the king distinguished the merit of the viotorious Polygar by bestowing on him the title of guardian of the roads. A similar or the same invasion is described in the account of the Kaņnivadi estate. It says that a certain Mukilan penetrated the north-west frontier of Madura, conquered the country from the mountains to Dindigul, and invested that place. The Polygars of the region under the lead of Nadukkuttali Chinna Kadir Naik of Kannivadi, gave battle to the besiegers and inflicted on them such a serious defeat that they had to retreat to Mysore. The victorious general was then, we are told, rewarded by the gratified king with the title of Chinna Maisúran, and with the first place among the Dindigul Polygars. The defence of Dindigul itself in future was left under his charge. All this munificience of Virappa was not misplaced. It was, on the other hand, an act of prudence. For it created in the Kannivadi chief a loyal and faithful lieutenant, whose capacity and vigilance were, from this time, of immense service to the peace and security of the kingdom. Kannivadi was henceforth a stronghold of

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loyalty and the seat of a line of Polygars, who were the traditional saviours of the Naik Raj from external foes. As we shall see presently that his great-grandson Ranganna Naik was the right hand man of Tirumal Naik's great general Ramappaiya, and took no small share in the military greatness of that hero.
The progress of European nations. The European nations made steady progress on the coasts and islands of the peninsula, even in this reign. In 1620 the Danes, for instance, obtained the village of Tranquebar, 6c 18 miles north of Negapatam, with a few adjoining villages, from the Naik of Tanjore for an annual rental. The Danish East India Company was established by Christian IV. in 1616. Their first ship left Denmark in 1618 under a Dutchman named Roeland Crape, and was attacked and sunk by the Portuguese off the Coromandel coast. The Commander and thirteen men escaped to the court of Tanjore. One Gedde, a Danish nobleman. was the second man who came to Tanjore. It was he and Crape that concluded the treaty with the Ndik in November 1620, by which Tranquebar and 15 villages in the neighbourhood were handed over to them for the annual rental of Rs. 3,111.
The English did not keep idle. They had already two possessions in the Coromandel coast, and they now asked Emperor Venkata to give them permission to establish factories further south in his dominions. Induced by the solicitation of the merchants of his country, he seemed disposed to grant a settlement to the agents of the English East India Company; but was dissuaded by the Dutch, who had already established themselves at Pulicat.67 The Dutch in fact were slowly becoming the masters of the East Indies trade. In 1614 they made a settlement at Siam, in 1617 at Ahmedabad, and in 1619 overthrew the English at Java and built the city of Batavia, henceforth the seat of their government. In 1621 they made alliance with the English aud even allowed them to establish a settlement at Pulicat, but soon jealousy led to the massacre of the Amboyna and to the decision of the English to turn in future to the mainland of India. The Dutch did not only stand in the way of the English, but also of the Portuguese, with whom they were in deadly contest. In the Indian coasts, in the coasts of Burma and Strait Settlement, in the Spice Islands, in the seas of China and Japan, the two nations fought; and the fight in Ceylon and Mannar was only a part of this world struggle. Slowly but steadily they took the Portuguese possessions. In 1610, the year of Virappa's accession, the Portuguese warred with the king of Kandy, drove him to take refuge in the mountains, captured and burnt his city, and compelled him to submit to their supremacy in the island and place his two sons in the hands of some Fransciscan monks to be brought up as catholics. But in March68 1612 the Dutch
66 Tranquebar remained in Danish occupation till 1865 when the English purchased it for Rs. 21,000. 'The healthy nature of the place made it an important place in the religious history of the South India In 1810 the settlement so flourished as to have 19,000 people. It is even now principal station of the Lutheran evangelical missions. The only Hindu building there is the Siva temple partially Washed away by the sea, wherein is found an insoription of Kulasekhara Deva Pardya (95 of 1891). Tranquebar was called Sadangampadi and Kulasekharanpatnam. Its God is called Maniswara or Masilamani. The Jerusalem church there was founded by Ziegenbalg," whose quaint but valuable treatise on the South Iodian Gods is still the only work of reference on the interesting subject of Tamil village deities." (Madr. Ep. Rep. 1891, p. 4). See also Ante, XXII, 1893, pp. 116-122.
67 Wilks, I, p. 39.
68 Danvers II, p. 148-149. The Portuguese, after this assumption of nominal authority, made a systematic settlement of the revenues. For details, see Danvers, II, pp. 157-168.

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outbade their adversaries, and entered into a formal alliance with the king, by which the former were to be allowed to build a fortress at Kottiyar, and each party. was to help the other against their enemies. Two Dutoh-men were, moreover, to be on the king's counçil, for the purpose of advising him on all affairs of war, and the Dutoh were to enjoy full free dom of trade throughout Ceylon, together with the monopolyte of cinnamon. This treaty, however, seems not to have been enforoed in some parts of the island. Here the Portuguese remained masters. As usual their behaviour was always violent, and more detrimental to their interests than the sword of their enemies. “Not only were the common soldiers permitted to roam about and rob the people of the country without let or hindrance, but the behaviour of those in higher positions was such towards them that the people fled from their homes to the mountains, rather than submit to the intolerable license and lust of these persecutors."70 Cruelty gave rise to revolts. The king of Kandy never ceased to regard them with hostility and waged perpetual war. In 1617 affairs became complicated by the im posture of an adventurer named Nioa pati. The Portuguese indeed emerged out of it unscathed; but the very next year the king of Jaffna patam rose against them and refused to pay tribute. He was however defeated and sent to Goa as a prisoner. In 1620, one Changali Kumara made himself king, and when the people howaver refused to submit to his authority, he sought the alliance of the Tanjore N&ik, who had, for commercial reasons, an eye on Jaffnapatam. Vijaya Raghava gave him a ready assistance, and effected his restoration and despatched 2,000 Vaduga troops, under “Chem Náik, the king of Carcas" to occupy that place; but these were beaten and foiled in their design by the Portuguese General Olivera. The only hair to Jaffna patam then embraced, together with his mother and retainers, the Catholic faith, and bequeathed his kingdom to the Portuguese.
The supremacy in Ceylon and the triumph even over the Tanjore Naik left the Portuguese the masters of the Mannar trade and the pearl fisheries. But they were not destined to enjoy the triumph long. In 1621 the truce between Spain and Holland came to an end as a result of which the ports of Portugal were closed to the Dutch. The latter thereupon resumed their warfare, carried it into the Indian seas, and heaped untold losses on Portuguese trade. Ormus was taken and Cochin reduced to a state of defenceless ruin, The internal condition of Portuguese India was at the same time, miserable. The men that came to India were unfit for service, and individual Portuguese, regardless of patriotism, traded directly with the Dutch. Illicit trade ruined the state finances. Special measures were indeed taken to put an end to the depression. Certain kinds of head dresses, for instance, were prohibited, so that the sale of linen might increase ; & one per cent. consulate was established in the ports to provide artillery for their defence; still, the finances did not improve. Owing to extensive smuggling in Goa, Ceylon, and other ports, the absence of control over the farmers of the villages in the Portuguese settlements, the wretched system of giving hereditary appointments, and the obnoxious habit of sending the orphan girls of Lisbon to India and providing them with husbands and dowries in the form of offices, naturally ruined the finances and demoralised the services of the State. The priesthood contributed even more to this ruin. The religious orders were far out of proportion to the people. Supported by the government, they wallowed in wealth at the expense of the State
50 Ibid, p. 166. Soe also Mon. Rem. Dut. 1. 1. Co., p. 6 which says that in return for the monopoly of the oinnamon trade the Dutoh were to pay a yearly tribute to the king, but it is doubtful if it was over enforood.
10 Danvers, II, p. 169.

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coffers. They were so numerous and excessive that for every Portuguese laymen there were two of them. Mere numbers would have made them obnoxious to the State, but their "conduct was even more obnoxious. Their over-bearing arrogance reached such a climax, that the number of conventual institutions had to be limited and the establishment of new ones prohibited. They even dared to engage in illicit trade with the Dutch, hoping that their position saved them from suspicion, and special inspectors had to be appointed to check this evil.
Such was the condition of the European nations at the time of Tirumal Naik's accession. The Dutch and the Portuguese were fighting a deadly struggle. The latter were gradually being ousted not only by their loss in war, but by the rotten condition of their empire. The subjugation to Spain, the corruption in service, the bad financial system, the lack of good men for the army and navy, and above all, the presence of the Jesuits and other religious orders, crippled the resources of the State, and made it an easy prey to the Dutoh. One thing is clear in this state of things,-that, while the State was dwindling in strength, the Church was growing at its expense. And the remarkable success which the Jesuit mission was to obtain in Madura and elsewhere during the reign of Tirumal Naik was due to that singular, if unscrupulous, prosperity it enjoyed.
SECTION V.
The Jesult mission controversy. We saw in the last chapter how a new epoch in the labours of De Nobilis71 came into existence on account of the opposition that arose within the church itself against him. The opposition was aroused by the questionable means he employed in his proselytism. Many of his measures were indeed cordially approved by his co-religionists, for example, his insistance on the study of the popular languages, his condemnation of polygamy, his opposition to idol-worship, his advocacy of a better ideal of marriage, his spirit of self-sacrifice and ascetio self-abnegation which was ready to undergo any personal torture ; but with these commendable foatures were combined certain other features which were in the eyes of many of his co-religionists not only heresy but orime. His colleagues and superiors were as a rule, narrow and shortsighted men. Unable to conceive anything original, they became an obstacle to all originality. Common-place in their principles and practices they were the enemies of genius. They took the slightest deviation from the orthodox line for a rank heresy and the slightest concession to the prejudice of converts for an ignoble surrender to the barbarism of the heathon. They were scandalised by De Nobilis' conciliation of Hindu prejudices and acceptance of Hindu social ideals, customs and superstitions. These were the very points which De Nobilis considered to be the fundamental condition and merit of his work. Their crusade therefore struck at the very root of his principles. They denounced his avoidance of intercourse with the Parangis on the ground that it was against the equalising spirit of Christianity. They considered his denial of Parangi birth as a lie. They condemned his adoption of Hindu titles like Guru, Aiyar, Raja, etc., and his wearing the hair, the sacred thread and the sandalwood paste in Hindu fashion. In a word, they considered De Nobilis as an enemy, rather than as a pillar of Christianity. Father Fernandez, who was perhaps actuated as much by jealousy as by sincerity, was the chief spokesman of
TI It may be pointed out here that an English Jesuit missionary, Father Thomas Estavao, worked at this time (1580-1619) in the Canarose districts. He was a great scholar in Canarese. For a short account of his life and labours (based on Hakluyt) see Ante, Vol. VII, 117-18.

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this movement. He wrote to the Provincial of Malabar enumerating these charges and concluding that De Nobilis was spoiled by paganism. Father Laerzio, the Provincial, was a personal friend and admirer of De Nobilis. He therefore took no steps against him, and even perguaded the Archbishop of Cranganore to support his view. The indefatigable Fernandez, however, did not koop idle. When a new Provincial came in the person of Father Perez, he resumed his charges in "a voluminous memoir." The result was De Nobilis was summoned to Cochin to appear before a synod of the Fathers and answer the charges. De Nobilis made a masterful defence, but was unable to satisfy a tenacious Father, Pimento by name. The case was therefore carried to the archbishop of Goa. He too was convinced of De Nobilis' reasonings, and expressed his admiration of the great missionary. But the perseverance of Father Fernandez and Pimento kept the question a burning one and brought it to the notice of the Pope himself. The result of this formidable crusade was, De Nobilis was ordered to suspend 72 his work till a regular inquiry into the charges was made and a settlement arrived at. No greater blow, says Nelson, ever befell Christi - anity in India. The encouragement of De Nobilis might have resulted, he says, in the conversion of the great majority of the people of Mylura to Christianity. There is too much of optimism in this view of Mr. Nelson ; but the truth of it cannot be denied. The suspension of D3 Nobilis was indeed a blow from which Christianity never recovered. True, he was in the long run asquitted and his principles were vindicated; but the momentous interval of ten years cluring which the controversy was prolonged, was enough to shake the prestige of the new creed, to undo much of the past achievements and to retard much of the new. Brahmins ceased to come to the new creel, an:1 Da Nobilis himself, in spite of his eventual victory, had to leave Madura and seek fresh scenes of labour.
It does not lie within the province of the general historian to go into the details of the various decisions and counter decisions, the arguments and answers, of the controversialists during this period of ten years. It is enough for our purpose to note that, after a good deal of anxiety and suspense on the part of Da Nobilis, a decision in his favour, was given by Pope Gregory XV in Jan. 1623. The papal bull recorded that, as the Brahmans were " kept from confession of Christ by difticulties about the oord and the kudumi," he accorded to them "and other gentiles tho cord and the kudumi, sandalpaste and purification of the body," providing only that they should not be received in Hindu temples, but from priests after blessing. It was a result entirely due to the brilliant defence De Nobilis made of himself in a memorial he addressed to the Pope. The defence was that of a deep and wellread scholar of Tamil, Telugu and Sanskrit. He maintained in it, first, that the titles of Guru, Sanyasi, Aiyar and Raja were applicable to himself, as they simply meant respectively a teacher, an ascetic, a householder and a nobleman. Secondly, he defended his disavowal of his being a Parangi on the ground that it was generally used only in connection with & vile drunkard and shameless race of half-castes, that the Portuguese were wrong in calling Christianity Parangi märgam, and that he was a Parangi neither by birth nor by character. De Nobilis, however, did not see or would not see that as the Indians used the term indiscriminately towards all Europeans, he was simply saying a half-truth when he denied that he was a Parangi. But the clever sophistry of the nephew of Cardinal Bellarmine was convincing enough to Gregory's mind. With regard to Hindu
72 Nelson gives 1628-1638 as the period of De Nobilis' suspension ; but Chandler says 1613-1623.

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usages and emblems, De Nobilis argued that the loudumi was simply a sign of caste and not *eligion ; that the cord was similarly a social and not sacerdotal term; that the sandalpaste was simply an adornment common to all sects and neither superstitious nor improper. Lastly he defended baths as having nothing in common with religion. He also appealed to the examples of the early church, of Peter and Paul, against excess of severity and fanatioism of feeling in the conversion of heathens. Arguments like these could not but persuade, and the result was the Bull of Jan. 1623.
(To be continued.)
MISCELLANEA.
AN EMBASSY FROM VIJAYANAGAR the Kishkinds of the Ramayana ... Anegundi TO CHINA.
means "elephant-pit", being the place where the
elephants of the Vijayanagar RajAs were kept.' Won reading Bretachneider, Mediaval Re.
Thus there cannot be any doubt concerning the searches (Vol. II, p. 211; Kogan Paul, ed., 1910).
kingdom referred to by the Chinese author. I came across the following passage briefly de.
Although Bretschneider was not in a position to soribing an omboway from the Rêya of Vijayanagar
identify the prince who sent the embassy, there is to the Emperor of China ; which does not nem
no difficulty in doing so. He was Bukka I, who to be in the recollection of Indian historians.
enjoyed a long reign as Raya from an uncertain *A-NAN-GUNG.DE, a kingdom in SI-TIEN.
date to A. D. 13761 and attained to great power. In 1374 Bu-ha-lu, the ruler of this country, sent
His history, so far as known, is related at longth by his "chief explainer" (kiang-chu), by namo Bi
Mr. Sowell (A Forgotten Empire, (1900), who did not ns-ai, with tribute to the Chinese court. He
apparently happen to notice the record of the brought among other things, a stone which had
mission to China. Although Bukka suffered severe the property of neutralizing poison. After this
defeats at the hands of the Sultans of Bijapur, and no embassy from that country was seen in China.
never ventured to assume the full imperial titles, That is all the Ming shi records with repect to
he is said by Nuniz, the Portuguese chronicler, this Indian kingdom.'
to have conquered many lands' and to have been Bretechneider points out that Si t'ien (Western
at the time of his death not less feared than Heaven) is a Chinese name applied to India in
esteemed, and obeyed by all in his kingdom.'! The some Chinese translations of Buddhist works.
reason for his sending an embassy to China is He also correctly identifies A-nan-gung-de with
not apparent, and I do not understand the mean. . Annagoondy', the Kanarese name sometimes
ing of the designation of his envoy As chief used as an equivalent of Vijayanagar.
explainer' (kiang-chu). Nor can I give the equi. A short article in the Imperial Gazetteer valent of his name Bi-ns-si. It may be some (1908) makes the identification more precise. name beginning with Vinaya. *ANEGUNDI.-old town and fortress in Raichur | Bretschneider notes that in 1443, Shahrukh, District, Hyderabad State, situated in 15° 21' N. and son of the mighty Timðr, sent an embassy to the 76° 30 E., on the left bank of the Tungabhadra. king of Vijayanagar, who was then Deva Raya II. Population (1901), 2,266. It is the seat of the The reference is to the well known mission of Râjâs of Anegundi, who are lineal descendants of the Abdur Razzák,3 kings of Vijayanagar. Anegundi and Vijayanagar on the opposite bank are popularly identified with
VINCENT A. SMITH.
1 Krishna Shastri in Ann. Rep. A. S. India, 1907-8, p. 242. Sewell (p. 47) placed the death of Bukka" about A. D. 1379,' but the earlier date, 1376, seems to be settled by epigraphic evidence.
? A Forgotten Empire, p. 300.
3 Se. Elliot and Dowson, Hist. of India, IV, 89. Sewell (op. cit.) also discusses the ambassador's narrative.

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MULLUR
141
MULLUR
BY LEWIS RICE, C. L E MUĻĻOR, the equivalent of which in English would be Thornton, is the name of a
village in the north of Coorg, of some interest historically. It was a chief place of the Kongálva kingdom, which was founded by the Chola king Rajaraja, described as the friend of the virgin daughter of Kavêra, that is, the river Kårêri, whose source is in Coorg. The date of this event was 1004 A. D., and it arose out of the conquest by the Cholas of the Changå/vas, who were rulers of the east and north of Coorg and of the neighbouring Hunaôr oountry in Mysore. These were defeated at the battle of Panasoge by Chôle army commanded by Panchavan-mêrêya, which is a Påndys designation. But the viotory was mainly due to the persistence of an officer Damod Manija, who gained his reward in being installed in possession of the Yêlasåvirs or Sevon Thousand country in the north of Coors, and the adjoining Arkalga 1 and Hole-Narsipur taluqs of Mysore, with the title of Kshatriya-sikha mani Kongåva, and MAlavvi was given him as a personal estate. This is a beautiful mountain, now called Malambi, whose needlo peak, rising to about 4500 feet, is a conspicuous landmark to all the country around. The onmpact kingdom thus carved out for Kongaļva, bounded north and east by the Hemavati river and on part of the south by the Kaveri, most likely corresponded more or less to the Kongal-nad Eight Thousand province of which the Ganga prince Ereyappa was governor in the latter part of the 9th century.
The Kong&!Vas wore Jains by religion, and MuļļQr derives its interest at the present day from a group of ruined basadis or Jain temples intimately connected with them. The inscriptions there inform us that a distinguished Jain named Gunasena was the gura to the royal family. He was of the Draviļa or Tivuļa-gana, Nandi-sangha, and Arungal-anvaya, the disciple of Pushpagêna, whose footprints are engraved on & slab in front of the Sântisvara basadi.
Rajadhiraja-Kongálva's mother, Pôchabbsrasi, who was a lay disciple of Guņagêna, had caused the Pårsvanátha basadi to be erected, and his son, Rajendra-Kongâļva, endowed it in 1058, in the name of Guņasêna. The father had also provided the latter with a dwelling place there, while Gunasena, on his part, had the Nâga well excavated as a work of merit for the town. The figure of a cobra is.'
Gunsgêna gained the abode of Móksha Lakshmi (or died) in 1064. Proficient in the supreme århantya and other the three jewels, all the great science of grammar, the agama and others, and the six established systems of logic; such as the vratipati Guņaséna-aryya, praised of the aryyas'. But his fame was not confined to Coorg, for he is included in the line of notable Jains named in the elaborate and interesting inscription No. 54 at SravanaBelgola, of the date 1128. He is there described as a gom from the Vidůra-sdra-rasurtha
-the vaidurya (lapis lazuli or ultramarine) country of Mullûr. Perhaps an indication of mineral wealth in the place.
The next mention of it is in 1176, when Vira-Chô!a-Kongâ!va, in the presence of members of the Hoysala royal family,-Tâyi (mother, the queen mother) Padumala-Dévi. Sômala-Devi (her daughter, noted for her beauty and virtue), and others, -made & grant of the customs dues in the Mullu-nad Seventy.
We then come to 1296, in the reign of the Changâlva king Harihara-Deva, when a number of Coorg chiofs united in a siege of the Mallúr fort.

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The last mention is in 1390, in which year a Jain priest named Bahubali-deva gained possession of the Parsvanátha basadi, which had been erected in the time of RajadhirajaKongálva for the merit of his mother Pôchabbarasi,-and restored it. He also produced before the Vijayanagar king Haribara II the record of the endowments granted to the temple, and succeeded in getting them renewed. To ensure their continuance, that monarch made a grant of Muļļu-nå to an officer named Gonka-Raddi-nayaka, as a resognition of his bravery, which had been brought to notice by his commander Gundappadangkyaka. And among the peoples said, in Belur No. 3 of 1397, to have been subdued by the latter are named the Kutakas, which evidently means the Kodagas or Coorgs in the Tamil formt. N.B.-In my paper on Kollipaka (ante, Vol. xliv. p. 213) a correction is needed in the statement
regarding the British Museum plates. The grant recorded in them was made to the image of Amperumal or Ramanuja (the Vaishṇava reformor of the 11th century) set up at Briperimbaddr, which was his birthplace.
THE AUTHOR OF THE SUTRAS ATTRIBUTED TO VALMIKI
BY RAO BAHADUR K. P. TRIVEDI, B.-A.; SURAT. In his article on Trivikrama and His Followers published ante, Vol. XL., August 1911. Mr. Bhattanatha Swamin of Vizaga patam has tried to come to the conclusion that the Satras of Prakrita grammar attributed by Lakshmidhara in his Shad. bhashachandrika to Valmiki, the author of the Ramayana, are composed by Trivikrama. I am editing the Shadbhasháchandrika for the Bombay Sanskrit Series and have found on a careful examination of the question that Mr. Bhattanatha Swamin's conclusion is not correot. It is based upon the following grounds. 1 shall take up each of them and show how fallacious it is :
In Trivikrama's Vilti on the Sútras, which is designated TrivikramadevavirachitaPrakrita-Vyakarana-Vritti, the following three verses oocur, which are taken by Bhattanatha Swamin as a decisive proof that the Sätras are composed by Trivikrama himself :
(१) प्रकृतेः संस्कृतात् साध्यमानानू सिद्धाच बरवेत् ।
प्रकृतस्वास्थ लक्ष्यानुरोधि लक्ष्म प्रचस्महे ॥ (२) मारुतपदार्थसार्थमा निजसूचमार्गमनुजिगमिषताम् |
वृत्तिर्वथार्थसिद्ध त्रिविक्रमेणागमकमात् किवते ॥ The third verse after the end of the work in the words eget fine ar t is as under:
() सपत्यवप्रकृतिसिद्धमदीपसूत्रसस्कारकं बहविधकिबमासदेवम् ।
पादानशासनामिदं प्रगुणप्रबोगं विक्रम जपत मन्त्रमिवार्थसिज। I shall translate each of these verses into English and show what is in my opinion meant thereby. The first means -
(1) We shall explain the characteristics consistent with what is defined or explained in the Sútras (consistent with what is given in the Sútras) of those Prakṣita words which are derived from their original Sanskrit words whether in a formed (ready) or formative stage.
Mr. Bhattanatha Swamin remarks on this yerse_Trivikrama says that he is composing the Sútras himself in the verse 'TEHT &c. Here shows that Trivikrama is the author."

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Now the word TT+ does not occur in the verse IT'&c. which is as under:
देश्यमा च कढल्यातू स्वतन्त्रवाच भूयसाम् ।
लक्षणं वक्ष्यते तस्य संप्रदायोपबोधकैः ॥ Nor does the above verse (1) : in which the word occurs show that Trivikrama is the author of the Stras. He says he gives characteristics of Prakrita words in consonance with the Sätras relating to them. This ovidently means that he is the author of the Vțitti as stated in the verse (2) Truf which follows it and also in the verse
तरवतत्समदेश्यप्राकृतरूपाणि पश्यतां विदुषाम् ।
वर्पणतयेदमवनी वृत्तिस्त्रविक्रमी जयति ।। which comes after verse (2) in the Prakritavyákarana Vitti of Trivikrama.
(2) The second verse geruare means :
For the correct (proper) success of those who wish to follow the road of their own Sútras (Jain works on moral, social, and religious duties composed by Gautama Ganadhara and others), & commentary is composed by Trivikrama in the order of traditional Sútras, in order that they may acquire a company consisting of the sense of Prâksita words.
A few words in this verse need further explanation. In the Jain literature certain works are called Sûtras. They deal with religious and worldly subjects and are in the Prâkçita language. thus means the Jain Sätras. To the Jains like Trivikrama they are their own Sútras. A means Ti
A, order of the Sútras which are handed down by tradition. Trivikrama takes up the Satras in their serial order while explaining them. He does not know who the author of the Sútras is, but he considers them to be very old, handed down by tradition. In following a way a man requires company (Erf) and the sense of Prakrita words is represented as the company, and in order that you may comprehend the proper sense of Prakrita terms, Trivikrama composes this commentary. An introductory verse which precedes verses (1) and (2) has also the word used in the same sense, viz., Jain works on religious and other subjects written in Prakrita. It is as under :
अनल्पार्थः सुखोचारः शब्दः साहित्यजीवितम् |
- वचः प्राकृतमेवेति मतं सूत्रानुवर्तिनाम् ॥ This clearly means that the opinion of those who are the followers of the Sútras (Jain works), is that the very life of literature is a word fuli of much sense and capable of being pronounced with ease and Pråkpita is the form of speech. In short, according to the followers of the Satras, the Sutra form is the best form of literature and Prakrita is the best language for them. Thus the argument that the use of the word is in verse (2) is a conclusive proof of the Stras having been composed by Trivikrama falls to the ground. Nor is it necessary to take the word fire in the Tamil sense of proper', 'real', or • true', as Prof. E. Hultzsch suggests in his Preface to the Prakritarų pavaldra 1
(3) The third verse gay glorifies the Sabdanuádsana composed by Trivikrama. Sabdanuśdsanz sinıply moans grammar- gra f a. Trivikrama calls his commentary on the Satras by this name, just as the Bhashyakdra Patañjali begins his exhaustive commentary by the words 'अथ शब्दानुशासनम्.' The words सप्रत्यय are no doubt complimentary to himself and stay is complimentary in so far as he has selected
1 Vide p. t of Sirharaja's Prakrilarů pdvatåra, edited by Prof. E. Hultzsch,

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for his commentary a work in which the Satras are small. It cannot prove that the Sutras are Trivikrama's own composition. The concluding verse
वक्तारस्सन्तु सर्वेपि स्वाभिप्रावप्रकाधने ।
स्वपराशयसंवादि कथास्वेकत्रिविक्रमः ॥ contrasts Trivikrama with other authors. The sense is that all speakers can easily express their own ideas, but Trivikrama alone is clever in expressing others' ideas faithfully. Here the second half of the couplet would be without any purport if Trivikrama be the author of the Sütras.
Moreover, if the Sůtras were Trivikrama's own composition, at the end of the pádas or the adhyayas we would have found words like स्वोपज्ञप्राकृतव्याकरणसूपवृनौ or विविक्रमविरचिते प्राकृतव्याकरणसूत्रे स्पोपज्ञवृत्तिनि as in Srutasagara's Audaryachintamani (श्रीश्रुतसागरविरचिते sára
utara ET ). But the words at the end are:. “दीत श्रीमदहनदिवियश्रुतिधरमुनिचन्द्रप्रसादासादितसमस्तविचाप्रभावत्रिविक्रमदेवविरचितप्राकृतष्याकरणनी TARTEZ TH: : : ' Similarly, we have either area or party ! or त्रिविक्रमवविरचितायां प्राकृतव्याकरणवृत्ती at the end of other padas of the first and the other adhyayas.
Bhattanatha Swamin 'states in the course of his paper that Lakshmidhara was the first to originate the tradition that the Sútras belonged to Valmiki. He was misled by Trurg a wrong reading for free
: This is not correct. It is surely too much to conceive that Lakshmidhara had the reading FTTA FITOT before him for the correct reading fr a : according to Bhattanatha Swamin. (The reading in the copy of a MS. at Mysore with me is
Trufa). What authority has he to think so? The conception seems to me to be quite unwarranted. Lakshmidhara does not entertain the least suspicion in his mind as to the authorship of the Sûtras, but positively mentions Valmiki as their author. This can be accounted for in either of the two ways only. He must have come across manuscripts of the Satras in which the name of Valmiki as author is clearly expressed or he must have learnt that the Sütras were traditionally ascribed to Valmiki in which case, however, it is reasonable to suppose that he might have said. Treffer: er 'instead of retaEVTG'. A manuscript of the Sutras is noticed in a Descriptive Catalogue by Râo Bahadur M. Raigâchârya.It is incomplete, containing two adhyâyas only. It begins on folio 178 of the MS. of Yohiprâptila kshanam. The Satras are the same as those commented upon by Trivikrama, Lakshmidhara, and Simharâja; since they are as under :
संज्ञा perfeitame अनुक्तमन्यशब्दानुशासनवत् । संज्ञा प्रत्याहारमयी वा । सुप्स्वादिरन्स्यहला।
The end arts: (the correct reading being
:) न्यसो जिमणुमो।
गृ (म) हनिरुवारमेराहवलहरपग्गास्पिषुभाः। Vide No. 1548, p. 1083 of the Descriptive Catalogue of Sanskrit Man woripts in the Govt. Oriental MSS. Library, Madras, Vol. III. of 1906.
3 Vide No. 943, p. 680 of Rao Bahadur RaigáchArya's Catalogue Vol. II, of 1905.

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THE SUTRAS ATTRIBUTED TO VALMIKI
The following are the opening verses of the MS. :
येन श्रीरामचरितमधिगम्य गुरचितः । श्रीमद्रामायणं प्रोक्तं तस्मै वाल्मीकये नमः ॥
येन नाना (या) पद्माचाकृतयो नृणाम् । विमले सूतस्तस्मै वाल्मीकये नमः ॥ स्वान्तस्य काव्येन गिरां च षण्णां
सूत्रैर्नराणां कलुषं प्रपत्त्या ।
परकरोद्यः प्रथमः कवीनां
वाल्मीकिमेनं मुनिमानतोऽस्मि ॥
145
The colophon of the MS. is as under :
इति श्रीवाल्मीकियेषु सूत्रेषु द्वितीयस्याध्यायस्य पादश्चतुर्थः । अध्यायश्च समाप्तः । प्राकृतव्याकरणशास्त्रमपि समाप्तम् ।
It will be seen that in this Ms. the authorship of the Sutras is attributed to Vâlmîki, the author of the Râmâyana. But since the opening verses embody a salutation to Vâlmiki, the verses cannot be taken to have been composed by Vâlmiki himself. They are evidently handed down by tradition. But from the beginning and the concluding portion it is clear that Lakshmidhara was not the first to originate the tradition that the Sutras belonged to Valmiki, as is supposed by Bhaṭṭanâtha Swamin.
There is an additional ground for presuming that the Sûtras are not composed by Trivikrama, but are the work of a sage named Valmiki. In a mythological work called Sambhurahasya, 267th chapter is devoted to the praise of Prakrita. The following are some of these verses :
वचः प्रियं भगवतः प्राकृतं संस्कृतादपि । दिनां कलाचितम् ।। १२ ।। (1) को विनिन्देदिनां भाषा भारतीमुग्धभाषितम् |
यस्याः प्रचेतसः पुत्रो ध्याकर्ता भगवानृषिः ॥ १३ ॥ गार्ग्यगालवशाकल्यपाणिन्धया यथर्षयः ।
शब्दराशेः संस्कृतस्य व्याकर्तारो महत्तमाः ॥ १४ ॥ (2) तथैव मातादीनां बहनापानां महामुनिः।
रिकाम्याचायाँ व्याकर्ता लोकविश्रुतः ।। १५ ।। यचैव रामचरित संस्कृतं तेन निर्मितम् । तथैव प्राकृतवापि निर्मितं हि सतां मुदे || १६ ॥ यावत् संस्कृतभाषायाः प्राशस्त्यं भुवि विद्यते । तावत् प्राकृतभाषाया अपि प्राशस्त्यमिष्यते ॥ १७ ॥ (3) शाकल्यपाणिन्यादीनां वाल्मीकेश्च यथा मुनैः ।
न तारतम्यं तद्वत् स्वात्तङ्घाकरणवारपि ॥ १८ ॥ (4) पातित्व संस्कृती स्वाद्योलमा | प्राचेतसब्याकृतत्वात् प्राकृत्वपि तथोत्तमा ॥ १९ ॥ (5) न तावता प्राकृती सा भाषा दुष्या कथंचन ।
वाल्मीकेर्वचसां देव्या रामादीनां च संमिता || २१ || (6) प्राकृतं चार्थमेवेदं यद्धि वाल्मीकि शिक्षितम् ।
तदनार्थे वदेद्यो वै प्राकृतः स्यात् स एव हि ॥ २४ ॥
A portion of this voluminous work comprising four chapters devoted to the praise of poet and poetry, treatment of Prakrita words (प्राकृतशब्दप्रदीपिका ), and a poetical work onlled रामवजादवीय with a commentary is printed in Telugu characters in the year 1890. This was brought to my notice and supplied to me by my friend A. Anantacharya Sastrt of Bangalore to whom my best thanks are due.

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तस्मात् संस्कृततुल्यैव प्राकृती चापि भारती। मान्यते शास्त्रतत्वज्ञैः किमतत्त्वज्ञभाषितैः ।। २८ ।।
न सच्छास्त्रं न तच्छिल्पं न सा विद्या न सा कला । नासौ योगी न तज्ज्ञानं नाटके यन्न रस्यति ।। ३२॥ तस्मात् काव्यं चिकीर्षणां बुभुत्सूनां च धीमताम् ।
अवश्यं प्राकृतं पाह्यं यथैव किल संस्कृतम् ।। ३३ ।। It is stated distinctly int these verses that Valmiki, the first poet, is an expounder of Prâkļita grammar, a grammar of six dialects, Prakrita and others, just as Gârgya, Gálava, Sakalya, and Panini are the expounders of Sanskrit grammar, and that he has composed a work in Prakrita on the life of Rama like the one composed by him in Sanskrit.
Thus there is conclusive evidence to prove that Trivikrama is not the author of the Sátras and that the author of the Sútras is a sage Valmiki... -- ..
On a careful examination of the Sútras in question with those of Hemachandra it, seems to me very probable, almost certain, that the author of the Satras in question is later in age than Hemachandra ; for the Satras are an abridgment and improvement upon those of Hemachandra. They are more concise on account of the acceptance of the ter
minologs. of Panini ('अनुक्तमन्यशब्दानुशासनवन् ॥ १।१।२।।) and the adoption of the special Sanjñás invented.5 In some cases one Sútra corresponds to two or three of Hemachandra. There is another work of Prakrita grammar, Audaryachintamani of Srutasågara, in which the Sútras appear virtually the same as those of Hemachandra. In conciseness, however, they are inferior to the Satrus attributed to Valmiki. The following table of a few Sutras will show clearly how the Sútras of Valmiki are superior in conciseness to those of Hemachandra and Srutasagara :Hemachandra Srutasagar.
Valmiki. (१) अन्त्यव्यञ्जनस्य ||८।१।११।।।
अन्त्य अश्रवुदन्त्यव्य ननस्य१९ ।। न श्रवुदोः ।। ८।१।१२।।
हलोऽश्रवुदि ।। १।१।२९ ।। (२) शुधी हा ।। १।१७॥ श्रुधी हा ॥ १॥१४॥
हः भुत्ककुभि ।। १।१।३१।। ककुभी हः ।। २।२।।
है: काभः ॥ १।२८।। (३) लुप्त यरवशषसांशषसां- दीर्वश्व शषसां लुप्तर्व्यशष- शो प्यवरशसोदिः ।। १।२।८ ॥ दीर्घः || ११५३ ।।
साम् ।। ११३८ ॥ (४) ध्वनिविष्वचो रुः | १२५२।।
उल्ध्वनिगवयविष्वचि वः ।। गवये वः ।। १।५४॥ उध्वनिविष्वचाः ।। ११४७ ।।
१२।१६ ।। (५) विन्योरुत् ।। १२९४ ।। प्रवासीक्षौ ।। १९९॥
प्रवासीढद्धिनाबुत् ॥ ११८० ।। द्विनीक्षप्रवासिषु ।। १।२।१९ ॥
5मुस् =मु ओ जस् Nom. Sing.: Du, and Plu.-term.
अस् = अम् औद् शस् Acc. . . . . . . डिप्-डि आम मुप् Loc. . . . . .
&c. &c. &c. ह = A हस्वं or short vowel; दि= A दीर्घ or long vowel स= A समास or a compound शु= श, ष, स्: खु= The first letter : = A conjunct consonant; फु = The second letter of a word: त = Optionallyग गण or a class; similarly लिन्, शिन्, रिन्, and डित् letters have a special mean. ing attached to them. and 774 signify respectively the Mas. and Neu, genders.
. Vide a portion of the work published in the Granthapradarśani by S.P. V. Ranganathaswâmin of Vizagapatam No. 43 of 1914.

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and
(६) एत्पीयूषापीडविभीतक- विभीतकेदृशापडिपीयूपकीदृशेदृशे ॥ ११.५॥ कीदृशेषु।। १४॥
एल्पीडनीड कीदृशपीयूषविभीतकand
इंशापीते ॥ १।२२५७ नीडपीठे वा ।। १।१०।। पीठनीडयोवी ।। १८९॥ (७) इर्घकटौ ॥ १।११०॥
ध्रुटिपुरुषवारिःप्रथमहितीवपुरुषे रोः ।। १।१११।। - । योः ।। १।९३ ॥
रो कुटीपुरुषयोरित् ॥
१०॥ (6) बोपरौ ।।२।१०८ ॥
उपरौ वा ।।२९१ ॥ गुरौ के वा ॥ १।१.९॥ गुरुके च ॥ १।९२॥
स्वदुत उपरिगुरुके ।। १।२।५८ ॥ किराते हभौ वा सीकरे ॥ १।१६।।) (९) छागे लः ॥ १।१९१।। शृङ्गलपुन्नागमागिनीषु खगोः शृङ्गले खः कः ॥१/१८९॥ । कमी ॥१।२६४॥
छागलकिराते लकचाः ।। and and
१।३।१५ ॥ किराते चः ॥ १।१८३ ।। कत्वे वःसुभगवर्भगयोर्ल.
छागे ।। १।१६५॥ १०) एतसा वेदनाचपेटादेवर- केसरवरचपेटावेषनास्वे• परे ॥ १।१४६ ॥ रिर्वा ।। १।१२७ ॥
चपेटकेसरदेवरसन्यवेदनाand and
स्वेचस्त्वित् ॥ १।२।९४ ॥ सैन्थे वा ॥ १।१५०॥ ) अइश्च पा सैन्ये ॥ १।१३१॥ )
On a comparison of the above Sútras it will be clear that the author of the sun attributed to Valmiki is later in age than Hemachandra. That he is not Trivikrama has. I believe, been conclusively proved before. He is not therefore Valmiki of the Ramayang, but another sage of the same name; and just as Nalodaya is attributed to the well-known Kalidasa, but is the work of another Kalidasa ; 80 are the Sútras in question ascribed to the first poet Valmîki, though they are a composition of another sage of the same name.
THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA. BY V. RANGACHARI, M.A., L.T., MADRAS.
(Continued from p. 140.) The great controversy thus ended in favour of De Nobilis ; but he was not able to get rid of the loss of reputation he had suffered. The magic power he had was gone, and the jealousy of the other missionaries increased "his difficulties. The consequence was that, though he resumed work in 1623, he was unable to stay in Madura any longer. But what Madura lost, other places gained ; and the basin of the Kaveri became, in place of the basin of the Vaigai, the scene of his activity. For the details of his achievement in this region, however, the reader must go to the next chapter.
It may be here pointed out that the controversy which began with De Nobilis and his opponents continued right down to the extinction of the Jesuit Mission in Madura. The controversy may in fact be looked on as a conflict between two grand principles of proselytiam. Was the Christianity to be introduced in India to be a purely apostolic one or was it to be shaped to a certain extent at least by Indian conditions and Indian environmente. Was it to be Christianity pure and simple, as it was understood in the West, or was it to be. Hinduized one? Was it, in other words, to be independent, or an ally, of Hindu society !

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The Jesuits were for concession and compromise; the others were not; and Popes had again and again to listen to their quarrels and decide. Decisions, however, were made only to give rise to discontent, ant the struggle actually closed only with the extinction of the Jesuits. We have already seen how Gregory XV vindicated the principles of De Nobilis in 1623. Twenty-two years later, in September 1645, Pope Innocent X issued another Bull prohibiting some of the 'rites.' This underwent further modification under Alexander VIII in March 1656. Similar orders were passed by other Popes from time to time, but these did not satisfy the never-ending murmurs of the non-Jesuit missionaries of India and China. Their importunities impelled Pope Clement XI in 170073 to send a legate to the East to inquire into and finally dispose of the questions in dispute. This man, the celebrated Charles Maillard de Tournon, a Savoyard of good family and the Patriarch of Antioch, landed at Pondichery in 1703, and during his nine months' stay there started a searching enquiry into the differences between the two parties. The men upon whom he chiefly relied for information were the Jesuits, Jean Venant Bouchet, superior of the Carnatic Mission, and Carlo Michaele Bertelde, missionary in Madura. As a result of his investigations Tournon drew up, in June 1704, a decree which claimed to effect a final settlement of the matter. It dictated the omission of saliva, salt and insufflation at baptism, prohibited the using of names other than those of Roman martyrology, and ruled that the baptism of infants ought not to be unduly postponed. In regard to marriages it laid down that no marriages by the tali should be celebrated at six or seven years of age, and that celebrations ought not to be held during puberty. It further ruled that the tali should not be worn without a cross or image of Christ, that the cord suspending the tali must not be saffron-coloured or have 108 threads, and that superstitious ceremonies like the use of the pipal branch, the breaking of cocoanuts and the use of crowns to ward off demons, ought to be avoided. The decree even fixed the number and nature of the dishes of food to be served on such occasions. In regard to worship the Patriarch decided that none should be excluded from the church or confessional. Socially he laid down that the Pariahs should be treated on an equality with the other castes, that no differences should be observed in the administration of extreme unction, that Christian musicians should seek no employment in Hindu temples, that baths should be confined to the necessity of physical cleanliness and be different from the Hindu usage, and that the wearing of ashes except on Ash Wednesday must be avoided. Even Hindu books of tales were prohibited unless the missionaries considered them entirely harmless. The settlement of Tournon was more a condemnation of the Jesuit system than an impartial adjudication; and it was therefore ignored by the Jesuit Mission of Madura, which carried on its activities in the same manner as of old, and in the face of the same opposition.
But the condemnation of the Hindu customs gave a death-blow to its progress. The invasions of the Mahrattas in 1740 and the suppression of the Jesuit Society itself in Europe between 1759 and 1773 resulted in a great fall of the Christian population.
73 Till this year all the Roman Catholic missions in S. India were subordinate to the Portuguest Provincial of Malabar. This year the French mission of the Carnatic was established independently, the Portuguese taking the country north of the latitude of Pondichery and the French the south.
1 See Storia do Mogor, Vol. IV.

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CHAPTER VI. The Second Mussalman Conquest. Tirumal Naik the builder (1623-1659).
INTRODUCTION. We now come to the reign of the renowned Tirumal Naik, a sovereign about whose position and character, there has been much misunderstanding among historians. It has been deliberately said that he was "the greatest of his dynasty," that the Naik monarchy obtained the acme of its power in his days. The statement, first made by Nelson, has been reiterated by others, until at length it has come to be considered a truism. And yet no statement can be more wide of the truth. Nelson mistook the magnificence of Tirumal Naik for greatness, his pomp for power, his artistic taste for political genius. The splendour of the works which the great Naik left, the undying nature of his monuments of art, blinded Nelson as to the absolute worthlessness of Tirumal Naik as a soldier, statesman or politician. A study of the chronicles of his reign will convince even the most indulgent critic that there is not one redeeming feature in him as a soldier or as a politician. An inordinate ambition and a headlong passion for empty titles made him engage in various wild goose chases, in hankering after untealities, which resulted only in the loss of the substantial realities he had already possessed. A man lacking in the foresight of a statesman and the virtues of patriot, he was a traitor, who subjected not only his kingdom and his subjects, but the whole of South India, to the horrors of permanent Mussalman conquest and domination. Three hundred years had passed since the Mussalman had tried, but in vain, to plant his footsteps permanently in the land of the Chôļas and Pandyas ; and it was reserved for Tirumal Nåjk to invite him and give him that which he had failed to grasp three centuries back. It is indeed true that, owing to the downfall of the Vijayana. gar Empire and the reduction of its emperors to the obscurity of petty chiefs, the expansion of the Mussalman kingdoms of Golcondah and Bijapur into the extreme south of the Peninsula was a mere question of time, and would have come to pass even without the suicidal treason of Tirumal Naik ; yet it was he that hastened the catastrophe and heightened its seriousness. But for him and his machinations, the Mussalman irruption would have been neither so rapid nor so thorough. In his foreign policy Tirumal Naik was th us the evil genius of his time and brought destruction on Hindu independence. His reign in consequence was one of grave disasters; and witnessed a serious loss in the power and prestige of Madura. Politically then, Tirumal Naik was a failure, and brought his kingdom to the nadir of efficiency; but his defects and crimes have been forgotten in the noble services he rendered to the arts of architecture, sculpture and painting. The political iconoclast has been forgotten in the generous builder, and posterity, while ignoring the miserable part he played in the domain of war and politiðs, has given him unstinted praise as the author of South Indian Artistio Renaissance. Many were the kings of this age who gave sufficient support and patronage to artists and were able to spread artistic taste and culture. Temples and palaces, chatrams and study-halls, summer retreats and pleasure bowers, were built on an extensive scale, and afforded employment to thousands of labourers and builders. But Tirumal Nâjk was the most generous of these sovereigns

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and availed himself of the tendencies of the times. The favours of mankind applaud with all the greater sincerity the liberality of a monarch who, in the midst of incessant engagements and disasters in the field of war, found time and resources to do so much for the arts of peace.
SECTION I.
The arehitectural works of Tirumal Naik. The long and eventful reign of Tirumal Naik begins with a curious and interesting tra... dition concerning the transfer of his residence from Trichinopoly, hitherto the seat of Government, to Madura. The story goes that, when on the death of his brother, Muttu Vîrappa, he was on his way from Trichi to Madura to be crowned, -the disease of catarrh to which he had long been a victim, and which both the Vaishnavite and Saivite gods75 of Srirangam, Ranganâtha and Jambunatha, could not heal, reached such serious proportions that his life was in danger; and that while staying at Dindigul, Chokkanatha and Mînakshi, the guardian deities of Madura, appeared before him in a vision in the guise of a Brahman couple, and promised him, after rubbing a little of the holy ashes on his body, immediate cure of the disease, in case he gave up the habit of his ancestors and made Madura his permanent residence. Tirumal in accordance with the advice of his ministers, to whom he communicated his vision, took a vow to that effect. And the next day, continues the story, when he was cleaning his teeth in the morning hours, the disease left him by the mouth, making him free from all ailments!
From this time Tirumal Nâik's love for the city of his choice was a passion. He felt in fact a parental tenderness for it. The atmosphere of Madura was the only atmosphere in which he could live, the only air he could breathe. The sole object of his life seemed to be to beautify, to strengthen and to embellish the city in which he had fixed permanently the strength as well as the majesty of his throne. Every pon which could be spared from the revenue of the State, every moment which could be snatched from the toils of administration, was bestowed on it. And every corner of it became in consequence stamped with his own creation, his own buildings and his great taste. In his gratitude for the goddess who favoured him with health, wealth and influence, he vowed to spend five lakhs of pons on her ornaments and dresses her vehicles and paraphernalia. He constructed a beautiful lion76 throne for the goddess, a seat of black marble for Sundarêśvara, a third throne of gems and jewels, and an ivory car. He then began the construction of those temples, palaces and defences which have perpetuated the memory of his reign, and made his name a household word among the people of South India. He repaired the temple of Minakshi, built the Pudu
15 The Mirtanjiya MSS. According to the Carna. Dynas. and Supple. MS. Tirumal came to the throne in s. 1544 (Dunmati) and died in 8. 1584 (Pilava). But the Pand. Chron. Assigns to him only 34 years from 1623 (MAGi Dundumi) to 1669 (MaGi Vi)ambi). Nelson accepts the latter view. The date 1626– • 1662 given by Wheeler is, as is almost always the case with that writer, wrong.
76 The Mirtanjiya MSS.

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mayapam, excavated the teppakulam, and appointed officers to conduct the daily services and festivals of the temple. He gave some of his own private estates to defray the expenses of the nuptial festival of the god and goddess. He further endowedl lands of the annual revenue of 41,000 pons, 77--one hundredth of his revenue for meeting the daily exponses. Besides these, he set apart a hundred villages which he exempted from vaxation, the income from which was to be utilised for the temple staff and establishment, the distribution of charities to the poor, etc. In addition to these gifts, he gave, whenever he visited the temple, a donation of 1,000 pons for the anointing ceremony. His scrupulous piety issued strict orders for the celebration of every festival with pomp and magnificence. Tireless was his energy in the completion of his holy labours. Every day the pious monarch condescended to visit in person the scene of architectural and artistic labours, and reward, with characteristic liberality, the skill of the men engaged therein. Traditionis records how, on one occasion, he went to the Pudumantapa in the course of its building, how in his admiration of the chief artist Sumantramûrti Acharya he gave him a hetel leaf on which he had himself spread the chunam, how the artist on account of his preoccupation disrespectfully swallowed it, how he immediately punished himself by cutting two of his fingers and how the king gave him, besidos costly roles, a hand made of gold.
In a consileration of the motivos which inspired Tirumal Naik 's magnificence we cannot ignore a less noble version which has been suggested. This attributes his solicitude for art not to gratitude or to tasto, but to selfishness and love of splendour. in imitation of Krishna, it is said, he performed a marriage everyday so that he had, in a year, a crowd of 360 wives besides his four chiof queens. The palace way near the temple, and the goddess was troubled by the noise of the daily festivities, the shouts of heralds, the clin of drums and the sounds of music. Sho appeared to him in a dream and ordered him to remove his court to another place. Hence his building a new palace; to which picty added a mantapam, a teppakulam, and a quadranglo of houses for Brahmans round it.
Tirumal Xaik would not have been true to himself if he had not begun his labours in the field of art and architecture without proper ceremony or celebration. One of the Mirtanjiya DISS. describes how the numerous works of Tirumal extending from the banks of the Kaveri to the shores of the southern sea, were begun simultaneously at an auspicious moment. In accordance with the sanction of the court astrologers, the foundations were laid on the 10th of Taidkha of Akshaya, S. 1548 (1626 A. D.), of as many as 96 temples. From that moment began a period of growing glory and busy activity to the artists and artisans of the land. Painters and sculptors, architects and masons came from distant lands to the Naik capital, and found welcome and employment under its great king. Wars or disasters did not interfere with their labours; the difficulty of livelihood did not disturb their peace of mind. The munificent patronage of the kiny relieved them from anxiety, anil stimulated them to activity, and the kingdom of Macura became a stronghold of boauty and art.
17 Pand. Chron. ; Mirtanjiya SS. Aecording to the latter the king vowed to give a hundredth part of his revenue for the maintenance of the temple, and as ho gave lands worth 44,000 pons, it is evident, as Taylor says, that his income amounted to 44 lakhs of pons.
13 See Taylor's Oriental Historical MSS. II, p. 151. 19 Wheeler, IV, p. 578.

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It was but natural that Madura attracted the lion's share of the king's attention and the major portion of his endowments. Want of space makes a detailed survey of the various works of Tirumala impossible. We shall mention the most important and interesting ones, and describe them for the intrinsic interest they possess. First of all should be mentioned the teppakulam of Minakshis0 which, it is recorded, absorbed a lakh of pons. The story is that, when it was excavated, an image of Ganeía, the destroyer of all obstacles, was discovered. No better thing could have happened, no more auspicious circumstance, in the opinion of mankind. The god was given a temple worthy of his greatness and his grace. It stands, in the western bank of the golden lily tank, in Minakshi's shrine. The tank itself is a noble square of 1,200 yards. Its sides are faced with granite, and surmounted by a granite para pet wall, broken here and there by flights of steps, and a dorned here and there with life-like portraits of gods, their vehicles, etc. Inside the parapet is a paved gallery, running round the whole reservoir and affording a cool and pleasant ground for an evening walk. Just in the centre of the reservoir is a square island, walled on all sides, and having in its midst, a beautiful grove and fine edifice with a lofty dome rising from the centre of it. The whole presents to the spectator a remarkably fine and picturesque appearance. With its granite façade, its lofty dome, its tiny pretty towers rising from the corners and angles of its walls, it possesses a singular and elegant grace which no similar structure in South India can boast. A small contribution of two pence will enable the curious traveller to cross in a small raft intended for the purpose, to the island. He will then see in the midst of the palm and mango grove, which fills and cools the atmosphere, a small manrapa with 36 plain pillars, the central part of which is in a higher level than the remaining portion, as it is there that the idol is seated during the floating festival. At the four corners of the raised platform are seen fine statues of Tirumal Naik and his queens. It is over this platform that the dome abovementioned rises. The traveller can ascend to its very top by the wooden and brick stair cases which lead to it through four narrowing floors. As he ascends, he will notice how in the construction of the edifice the Hindu and Saracenic arts are combined together, how the arches are in curious combination with tiny miniature gopuras and curious conventional figures and ornamentations worked, as in the palace, in fine stucco. The parapet. walls around the summit of the dome consist chiefly of these tiny gopuras and figures, and beyond them, can be had a most engaging and charming view of the country around. Gardens and groves intercepted here and there by stray bungalows and winding roads meet the eye. To the north is seen, only a few yards off, on the other side of a few bungalows, the dry and sandy Vaigai, with its central meagre artificial watercourse, and miles off the summits of distant hills. Towards the south, the spectator can see the terraces of houses of neighbouring hamlets, with their fields and pasture grounds, fringed in the distance by the sacred rock of Tirupparankunsam. To the west hg turns and has a distant view, and hears the dim noise of busy Madura. He will see the rollicking jatka taking people from and to the noble city. He will see the pious pedestrians coming to take their plunge in the reddish coloured waters beneath him. He will see the four majestic towers of the Minâkshi and Sundarêývara shrines rising, in bold and clear outline, over the coco anut groves that separate him for over a mile from them. He will also see the domes and towers of the
80 See Fergusson's History of Indian architecture. Fergusson's Picturesque illustrations of Ind. Architecture; J. R. A. 8., Vol. III.

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palace of Tirumal Naik, and will then perhaps feel that from that very place where he is standing, that great chieftain himself had stood and seen, and felt proud to see his own works of noble magnificence and superior taste. The traveller will, in short, find himself transported to that period of Indian History, when the Nâik ruled the land: but he sces. in a moment the dark and smoking chimney of a factory, and reminded of his time and life, he descends with the feeling and the conclusion that, indefatigable as the Naik monarchs were in the excavation of tanks and reservoirs, none can be compared in beauty and in solidity to this noble work, and that the name of its author, like its own utility, will be enduring and eternal.
Of all the edifices of Tirumal Naik Fergusson would attribute the greatest architectural importance to the choultry,81 "the celebrated choultry which he built for the reception of the presiding deity of the place, who consented to leave his dark cell in the temple and pay the king an annual visit of ten days' duration on condition of his building a hall worthy of his dignity, and where he could receive, in a suitable manner, the homage of the king and his subject." Even to-day, the grand festival which Tirumal Nâik organised cluring the journey of the deity to this mantapam (it falls generally in May when the fierce heat of the sun creates the need for the god of a shady retreat), is celebrated with that splendour and enthusiasm which the great Naik displayed two and a half centuries back. The season of the festival being summer the whole edifice is cooled by the soft breeze flowing over the picturesque water-course ensompassing it. Fans and sandal, spices and flowers are distributed to the numerous visitors; and the sounds of music and the noise of festivities fill the air. A cooling agreeable smell pervades the atmosphere, and a universal season of enjoyment prevails for both man and god !
The hall itself is an oblong building, 333 feet long and 105 feet broad, and has a flat roof supported by four ranges of columns 144 in number. The labour expended on the carvings and sculptures on these pillars is characteristically Hindu. No two of them resemble each other in respect of design or details, and throughout the magnificent structure, a wild exuberance of fancy and a bewildering variety of designs transport the spectator into the realm of apparently superhuman labour. Among the sculptured figures are ten striking statues of Tirumal Naik, his predecessors and their queens.82 To the student of history the hall is of high interest, as the date of its building is definitely known. It was constructed between 1623 and 1645, and this definiteness serves as a landmark in the chronology of South Indian architecture. Mr. Fergusson, for instance, asserts with certainty that the porch of Pârvati's shrine at Chidambaram,83 with its different style of bracketing shaft, must be anterior to the hall by a couple of centuries, and that the corridorgS4 of the Râmebyaram temple are contemporary. There can be no doubt that the political har.
81 See Fergusson's Illustrated Handbook of Architecture, I., p. 94, for a description of the objects of " the choultry " (chadry) type of buildings.
82 See Madr. Ep. Rep. 1915, p. 115 for a description of these.
$ In the Madura Hall, the square pillars merge into flat piers while in the older ones the square shape is never lost sight of. Midway between the two come the 5-isled choultries of Ramegtaram. See Fergusson, H. Ar. I, 98.
84 The Rameevaram corridors are blind and single-sisled unlike the Madura ones which lead to a sanctuary and which are three-aisled. This is in Fergusson's opinion an alteration for the worse. If Tirumal Naik, he says, had been allowed any share in making the original designs the temple would have been a nobler building than it is.

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mony which existed between the Nâik and the Sêtupati conduced to co-operation in art, and the corridors of the Ramcśvaram temple are imitations, though with certain alterations of the Pudu Mantapam. The cost of the Maclura hall was about a million sterling and, according to the estimation of the present day when money is cheap, would be equal to four or five millions sterling.
Immediately in front of the choultry the Náik monarch built a gopura, which he was not able to finish, and his successors were too poor or unwilling to continue. There is a melancholy grandeur about this stupendous monument. In its gigantic size, and its bold design, it is far more imposing than the Śrîrangam tower iteelf. If completed, says Fergusson, it would be the finest edifice of its class in South India. It is 174 feet long from north to south, about 100 feet in height, with an entrance 22 feet wide, and doorposts rising to a height of 60 feet. The dimensions of the tower are therefore larger than those of the Srirangam edifice. But it is not the size alone that makes it an object of superior admiration. The beauty of dotails is far more engaging and attractive. The gateposts, each of which is a single block of. granite, the lifting and planting of which would have involved a tremendous labour and required high mechanical skill, are carved with the most exquisite scroll of patterns of elaborate foliage. "Being unfinished and consequently never consecrated, it has escaped white tash, and alone of all the buildings of Madura, its beauties can still be admired in their original perfection."
The next important religious alifice of Tirumal Naik is the great temple of Minâkshi. The heart of the temple, the holy sanctuary, was built by Visvanatha86, but the outer buildings and ornamentations are the work of Tirumal Naik. It is not unlikely that the beginning of the outer edifices was made in the reign of Muttu Virappa, Tirumal's brother and predecessor. A mantapam in fact goes even now in his name and is said by tradition to be the oldest part. But the major portion of the works were carried out in the reign87 of Tirumal Naik between the years 1025 and 1659. The temple has not attracted as much attention from the artistic world as the choultry; but in Fergusson's opinion, it is a larger and more important building with all the characteristics of a first class Dravidian temple. It is nearly a regular rectangle, two of the sides mensuring 720 and 729 feet, and the other two 834 and 852 feet. It possesses four gopuras of the first class and five smaller ones ; & very beautiful tank surrounded by archades, and a hall of 1,000 columns whose sculptures surpass those of any other hall of its class I am acquainted with. There is a small shrine dedicated to the goddess Minâ kshi, the tutelary cleity of the place, which occupies the space of fifteen columns, so the real number is only 985; but it is not their number, but their marvellous elaboration, that make it the wonder of the place, and renders it, in some respects, more remarkable than the choultry about which so much has been said and written. I do not feel sure that this hall alone is not a greater work than the choultry; taken in conjunction with the other buildings of the temple, it certainly forms a far more imposing group."
(To be continued.)
85 The MSS. say that it absorbed one lakh of pona (£20,000). Nelson takes this view, As labour was very cheap in those days. But it seems to me that Mr. Fergusson's opinion is the more correct one. See also J.R. A. S. III p. 231.
86 Ind. and E. Arch. Bu Sewell points out that some parts were much older. See his Antiquities, I, p. 291.
87 The Kalyana Maptapa and Tatta Suddhi are later buildings. The former was built in 1707 and the latter in 1770 A. D. The Yali façades, the statues of Virabhadra and the Goddess, of Subrahmanya and Sarasvati (playing on Vina), and other features of the grand hall are admirable.

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NOTES AND QUERIES
155
NOTES AND QUERIES
SOME HOBSON-JOBSONS IN EARLY
Selwy. TRAVELLERS 1545-1645
1511.-The peoplo of this country of Sian (Sism) Doling-Delingo-Delingeges.
. . .have a delight to carrie round bals
within the skin of their privio members : wlicli 1567.-There (in Macceo [Macao in Pegu)) is forbidden to the King and the religious people. the merchants are carried in a Closet which they
Antonio Galvano in Purchas His Pilgrimen, ed. call Deling, in the which a man shall be very |
Maclehose, X. 28. well accommodated, with Cushions unde: his head,
1583-1591.-In Pegu... the men wear and covered for the defence of the Sunne and
bunches or little round bells in their privie members Raine, and there he may sleepe if he have will
... There are some made of Load, which they thereunto: and his four Falchines carrie him run
call Selwy, because they ring but little : and these ning away, changing two at one time, and two at
be of lesser price for the poorer sort. Ralph Fitch another. Caesar Frederick in Purchas His Pilg
in Purchas His Pilgrimes, ed. Maclehose X. 196. rimes, ed. Maclehose, X. 130.
Mr. C. Otto Blagden remarks of selwy " Pro1579.1588.-And this Delingo is a cloth of thick bably not the name of the bells, but of the material doublo cotton, varied, to beautify it, with many of which they were made, viz., (aluy or sělky), or thuy colours, and as long and wide as a carpet, with a
(=hšluy). Haswell (Stevens' ed.) calls it copper,'
chaluwl. Hoewell (tavanal a nalle in piece of iron through the head of it so that it but I rather think it was an alloy, such as is used (the cloth) can be attached to each side, which in bell making commonly." makes it into a sort of pocket or purse in the The word is probably identical with sél, a small middle. Those irons are fastened to a very stout round coin made of bell-metal, in use in Manipur pole which is carried by four men, and it has a 88 small change; 400 3els go to a rupe. See covering like our umbrellas to provide a defence ante, XXVI. 290; XXVII 171 ff. from the rain and the sun. When journeys are
Serrion. made, a cushion is put at the head; the traveller
1583-1591.-When the King of Pegu) rideth enters the Dolingo, lies down and puts his head on
abroad, he rideth... sometimes upon a great the cushion. Then the four men, two at a time,
frame like an Hors-liter, which hath a little house take up the Dolingo and carry the burden. Gas.
upon it covered over head, but open on the sides, paro, Balbi, Viaggio, p. 996 (translation).
which is all gilded with gold, and set with many 1583-1691.-Macao. Coaches carried on mens
Rubies and Saphires.... and is carried upon shoulders. From Cirion [Siriam) we went to sixteene or eighteene mens shoulders. This Coach Macao, which is a pre tie Town, where we left
in their Language is called Serrion. . . . In our Boats and in the morning taking Dolingegos, few days after taking his vows as a 'tallipoio'). which are a kind of Coaches made of cords and he (the Tallipoie) is carried upon a thing liko an cloth quilted, and carried upon a stang (pole) Horslitter, which they call a Serion, upon ten between three or foure men. Ralph Pitor in Pur- or twelve mens shoulders in the apparrell of a chas His Pilgrimes, ed. Maclehost, X. 186.
Tallipoie. Ralph Fitch in Purchas His Pi grimes Yule (Hobson-Jobson, 8. v. Deling) says the word
ed. Maciehose, X. 189-190, 193-194. is not known to Burmege scholars and is perhaps
1583-1591.-And when he [the King of China)
rideth abroad he is carried upon a great chaire Persian. This seems unlikely.
or serron gilded very faire, wherein there is made Mr. C. Otto Blagden derives deling, delingo,
a little house with a latise to looke out at. Ralph dollagoges, from dalin " to carry upon a pole
Fitch in Hakluyt's Voyages, ed. 1810, II, 396. between two persons," with variant jai khalin,
Mr C. Otto Blagden derives serrion from saren, a hammock-litter. Mr. Blagden also notes a lese
pronounced sarban or sarian, a swinging cradle ; apt, but rather similar word glen (with variant, homonym, and perhaps the origin, of Syriam, as he remembers it, dalen), "to carry a burden which is also written Sarou, and properly Soriang. swung upon a pole across the shoulder."
Siriang, etc.
1 "Doling is a small litter carried with mon" (marginal note). 2 A Marginal noto add-This manner of carriage on mens shoulders is used in Peru and in Florida

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Ximi-Shemine-Semini. 1548-1549.-Though the King (of Pegu) escaped the hands of Xemindoo, he could not the Villany of Ximi clo Zetan (Ximi is equivalent to a Duke, and he really was one of Satan s creating) who murdered him. Faria y Sousa, translatel by Stevens, II. 136.
1583.- The King and his Semini, which are his Courtiers. Wee came neare to the place where the King [of Pegu) sate with his Semini, prostrate on the earth (for no Christian, how neere soever to the King, nor Moorish Captaines, except of his Semini, come in that place so neere the King) . .. The King of Pegut proclaimed warre Against Avva, and called to him his ... Semini ... this [elephant of the King of Ava) I saw in the lodging where the King of Pegu was wont to keepe his, where continually were two Semint, that prayed to him to eate. Gasparo Balbi in Purchas His Pilgrimes, edo Maclehose, X. 158, 160, 162.
1583-1591.--Pegu ... The King keepeth a very great Stato: when hee sitteth abroad, as he doth every day twice, all his Noblemen which they call Shemines, sit on each side, a good distance off, and a great guard without them. Ralph Fitch in Purchas His Pilyrimes, ed. Maclelose, X, 189.
c. 1645.-He (the King of Brama [Burma]) preBently commanded the Xemims head to be cut off. Mendez Pinto, translated by Cogan, p. 213.
Ximis, s. m. pl., the grandees of Pegu. Lacerda's Portuguese-English Dictionary, Lisbon 1871.
Mr C. Otto Blagden derive Shemine (Shimi, Semini, Xin ) from smi, an abbreviation of amin, now pronounced hamoin, king, governor, ,admi. nistrative official, etc.
Rolim-Roolim-Rowli. c. 1545.-After that these feasts (at Pegu) had continued seven wholo days together ... news came to the City of the death of tho Aixguendo (Aixquids), Roolim of Mounay (Rolim de Mou. nai), who was as it were their Sovereign Bishop . . . Roolims (Rolins) who are the chiefest of their Priests. Being arrived at the place where the Roolim (Rölim) had been burnt ..
• for so had Aixequendoo, the late Roolim (Rolim) commanded ... Him which had been newly chosen to the dignity of Roolim (Rolim)
... When he was come ... where the new Roolim was, le prostrated himself before him
... the King rising up, the Roolim made im sit down by him. F. Mendez Pinto (Cogans' Translation) pp. 245 ff.
1583-1591.-Rowlie or high priest. In Pegu they have many Tallipoies or Priests ... When the Tallipoies or Priests take their Orders, first they go to schoole untill they be twentie
yeeres of old or more, and then they come before & Tallipoie, appointed for that purpose, whom they call Rowll: hee is of the chiefest and most learned, and hee opposeth them, and afterward examineth them many times whether they will ... take upon them the habite of a Tallipoie. Ralph Fitch in Purchas His Pilgrimes, ed. Maclehose, X. 193.
1605.-Even some Rolins (as the priests of that country (Arakan) are called) became Christians. Quoted (from Missions Dominicaines dans L Ex. trême Orient) by H. Hosten, S. J., in Bandel and Chinsura Church Registers (Bengal : Pasta Prebent, XI., pl. 2, 180). ----
1628.--The unfortunate King of Pegu)... not being able to speak for Grief, the Roolim of Mounay Talaypoor, Chief Priest of those Gentilse, and esteemed & Saint, made an harangue in his behalf. Faria y Sousa, translated by Stevens, III. 350.
This word is still a puzzle. See ante, XXIX. 28; XXXV. 268. The derivation from rahan is not satisfactory.
Mr. C. Otto Blagden remarks on this:-" Rowll has not the general aspect of a Talaing word. In modern Talaing it is very rare for the first syllable to be long, either by length of vowel (or diphthong) or by position (before two consonants). If therefore Rowli is a Talaing word, it is much distorted. It may be a compound and must be an actual word since Mendez Pinto has rolln'."
Rowll, Rauli, Raulini, Rawlin. That the use of this word by Portuguese travellers was generally accepted, is shown by its inclusion in Lacerda's Portuguese-English Dictionary, 1871, where we find-'Rollm, s. m., (in Pegu, the most southern kingdom of the East Indies) the chief priest.
Chandeau-Chandou. 1583-1391.-Here (Satgam (Satgaon]) in Bengala they have every day in one place or other a great Market which they call Chandeau. Ralph Fitch in Purchas His Pilgrimes, ed. Maclehose, X. 183.
The word Chandeau has not been traced in the writings of any other 16th or 17th century travel. ler, but that it was an accepted term is proved by its inclusion in Lacerda's Portuguese English Dictionary, 1871, where its definition seems to point to a Chinese origin-"Chandeu, s. m., a namo given in China to the fairs or markets."
Chandeau, Chandou: in Chinese, the term chan tu (pronounced chun foo) means "city market." whence no doubt it was carried by the early travellers to Eastern India, and in Fitch's mind took the form chandeau (chundo). I am indebted to Professor H. A. Giles for the hint in this note.
R. C. TEMPLE.
The words in round brackets are as printed in the Portuguese version.

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SOME NOTES ON YASKA'S NIRUKTA
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SOME NOTES ON YASKA'S NIRUKTA. BY PROF. P. D. GUNE, M.A., PH.D.; POONA.
IT
is a remarkable fact that the Nirukta of Yâska, together with the Nighantas, should have first found print in Göttingen, in the year 1852. It was edited with critical notes by Rudolf Roth, whose name has been immortalized in the history of Indian Philology by his Sanskrit-German Dictionary in collaboration with Böhtlingk, a work of unequalled merit and astonishing labour. The first Indian edition of this book, together with the Commentary of Durga, appeared in the Bibliotheca Indica series, as late as in 1882, full thirty years after Roth's edition. It was edited by the learned Pandit Satyavrata Sâmaśrami and possesses this advantage over Roth's edition, that for the first time, it offers the full text of Durga's Commentary. Both these editions, valuable as they are, have in my opinion one serious drawback from the point of view of the student of Nirukta. Their very fidelity is a fault; while faithfully copying certain Mss. which they appear to have used as a basis for their editions, Roth on the one hand gives very spare punctuations,; e. g. P. 32. न निर्बद्धा उपसगा भथानि राहुरिति शाकटायनो नाम स्यातयोस्तु कर्मोपसंयोग द्योतका भवन्त्युचावचा पदार्था भवन्तीति गार्ग्यस्तद्य एषु पदार्थः प्राहरिमे तं नामाख्यातबोरथं विकरणम् | Here one expects some kind of punctuation after :, another longer stop at war which indeed completes the idea, as well as the sentence, and a third perhaps after ; Pandit Sâmasrami's original on the other hand knows no punctuations at all; e y. same passage in his edition vol. II 37 14. This is sometimes very puzzling, as our M. A. students of Sanskrit know so well. Again the keeping up of the old arbitrary sections has something to be said against it. Whatever the original motive, they could have been either done away with or suitably changed in the printed editions. Faithfulness is indeed a merit, but it should not be overdone, at least not where reason says otherwise. Examples of this are numerous, but one might be quoted; e. g. R. p. 43. The 8th section is made to close with अथापि प्रथमाबहवचने, whereas the words are logically connected with the verse in the following section arc, etc., which contains the pronoun in the nominative plural, See the same passage at S. II 67, 8. It would have been possible to make sections according to the most natural division, while still leaving some indication of the original arbitrary division of the Mss.
It is, however, possible to have two opinions on this question. I only wanted to suggest that a change in the original arbitrary, misleading and moreover very immaterial way of striking sections would not have been felt amiss.
A third edition of Nirukta has appeared in Bombay at the Vyankateshvar Press as recently as in the year 1912. Like Sâmasrami's, this also contains the full text of Durga's Commentary. It is printed in clear type and has this advantage over Sâmaérami's, that it has tried to indicate natural pauses intelligently and that it does not abound in misprints, as the latter doe. Jivânand's Calcutta edition, 1891, is in all respects like Samasramî's.
A good edition of Durga's Commentary is still a badly felt want. I have heard that the work is undertaken in the Bombay Sanskrit series, and also in the Anandâshram Sanskrit series. It would indeed be a happy day for scholars and students alike, when, these editions find the light of the day.
Roth's critical notes could not lay any claim to absolute correctness. But bearing in mind the time when, Sanskrit studies in Europe were indeed in their infancy, one cannot help thinking that the work reflects great credit on the author. Of course, it goes without

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saying, that Durga's Commentary must have done yeoman service to the editor, as most of the commentaries on Vedic works do to a modern Sanskrit scholar. But Roth differs from Durga more often than once, sometimes with good reason, but often without it. To my mind however, both Durga and Roth have misunderstood Yaska at some places ; at others Roth differs from the very reasonable explanation of Durga, apparently for no valid reason. In the following notes I have attempted to explain some of these passages. For brevity's sake I shall refer to Roth's edition with an R, page, line and Samasrami's with an S etc.
I. R. 31, 7, and S II 8, 1. Tout #ra 9 gatra parerearataeftET T
Parra, This follows the definitiong of ATA and sprozra, which are Nouns are where being predominates' and a Verb is where becoming predominates' respectively. Durga explains:' where (as in a sentence) both (occur), (there) becoming predominates ' etc. Roth appears to follow Durga, when he translates where both are joined (in a sentence), they conjointly express a becoming.'. Both Durga and Roth look upon the sentence beginning from Talucture as a fresh one, not at all connected with the previous one u etc. They appear to think that the sentences beginning with garattaat etc. and 4 etc., are simply further explanations of the areer and a respectively. I would suggest that both have missed the point. I was led to the conclusion by the examples which are given for gara etc. and etc. They are a fastarft and area respectively. If the sense was as Durga and Roth understood it, what was the propriety of giving are a as examples of a 4 and not simply : eto. as done later on?
Durga and Roth appear to believe that Yaska was thinking of the sentence, when he wrote agua etc. and that his view was that in a sentence, where both FT and stars occur, the predominated. To say the least, Yåska has never for once given any indication that he believed in the doctrine of Tr ; there is not the slightest hint, excepting this supposed one. I think Durga has here fathered his views on Yâska and Roth has copied him. Again if the sentence (74) was here foremost in Yaska's mind, in which he thought of determining the relative importance of the F and wear, he would not have omitted such an important word as TF and indicated it by the simple correlative conjunction 4. Moreover to the etymologist with a vengeance, as Yaska gurely is one, the word or Te is everything and the sentence or p is nothing. Lastly the very division of the sentence at TTV : 98 or TTY
as proposed by Durga and accepted by Roth, is highly unnatural and quite out of keeping with the lucid style of Yâska. His sentences are clear-cut sentences, each having its own verb or predicate. The first part of the division proposed by Durga wants a predicate. And never for once does Yâska omit the word that is most important; while the reading proposed by Durga is egregiously faulty from this point of view.
Another point that both the commentators appear to have missed, is that the two sentences intrat etc. and I eto. form the two sides of a period and suggest & contrast between the two things or in the nature of these, in answer to the point of similarity that is expressed in the previous sentence or etc. It is needless to say that the
word भाव, which occurs in पूर्वापरीभूतम् etc. must be understood after मूर्त सत्त्वभूत (भावं). - There would not be any propriety in saying मूर्ते सत्वभूतं (भाव) सत्स्वनामाभिः if only a noun were to be further defined by this sentence, simply for the fact that a Ty is not & the
I think the whole passage is to be explained in the following manner

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Yaska has first defined a नाम as सस्वप्रधान and an भाण्यात as भावप्रधान, both being padas (99.). But there are some padas in the former category, where are seems to be prominent. These are namely the abstract nouns, like fur, f . Here is then clearly & case where the definition of the Teuta is applicable to certain kinds of arh. The question therefore is, 'where both i. e., ata and ea, are characterized by the predominence of r or becoming, how are you going to decide'? To this Yâska has a carefully considered answer. Says he where (however) or becoming predominates in both, there (i. e. in such a case, the absence of the correlative Fy could be understood and is therefore immaterial) the 7 in a state of flux or change ( CE or incomplete) is denoted by the आख्यात ९.g., ब्रजति, पचति; while on the other hand a complete TT ( i. e. a T that is no longer in becoming or in change ) which has materialized into a सत्व, is expressed by the names of सत्व, e.g. व्रज्या , पक्ति: going, cook ing' In a which expresse & r (e. g. 9
) that is no longer in the process of becoming but is now complete; and therefore ayar and off are to be classed under nouns or नामानि.
This is an explanation at once simple and adequate. It alone explains why the words gya, q : are specially selected. Besides it is more natural than the one offered by Durga.
II. R. 32.20, S II 51,1. Zertaraugu fua acarafa faqar qu e . Roth's translation or rather explanation of this passage is as follows:- The definition of the second class of particles apparently must be so understood ; that nipata, from the placing (setting) of which one can indeed see a separateness of the ideas, but not one (i. e, separateness) arising from a simple placing side by side as in individual mention (or enumeration), that is called arranging or adding' even owing to the separateness'.
Here again Roth does not appear to have understood the sentence properly. Here too he appears to have followed Durga and connects the abl. पृथक्त्वात् with मापसंमह: । would suggest that पृथक्त्वात् is parallel to भागमात् and is connected with औदेशिकामव. I would translate-Owing to whose advent (i. e. use) separateness of the 28 (senses or ideas) is indeed known, but not as in simple enumeration owing to separate position or independent mention, that is autem,-i. e. adding or putting together of the senses or ideas. Durga has understood wild rightly but he has spoiled the case by taking the word 9 to mean what it does in later grammar and connecting it with स कर्मोपसंग्रहः.
The case is like this. When you simply enumerate objects like 'cow, horse, man,' you are aware of the separateness of these objects by the very fact, that they are bodily mentioned as being separate. But in cases like st
914 , the idea of the separateness of the two pieces of work and their being executed by different persons is brought out by the nipata अह.
Durga has kept only in mind, when he takes me in his particular way, giving as an example r a t. Here he says' we understand the separateness by the supposition ( RATTATUETTE) or understanding of a 9. But this does not apply to the other examples of कर्मोपसंग्रह, like वा, स्वा, अह, 7 etc. In fact Durga appears to take कोपसंग्रहार्य and art as synonyms; while they are not so, as will be seen from the following.
While speaking of the fagra or particles, Yâska says that they are used in various senses; and immediately adds a threefold classification viz., to express a simile, to express
n y and as expletives. Then he says how four of the particles are used to express comparison and gives examples. As the sense of 799 was evident, he did not attempt any definition or description. Then follows the description of a n R. 32, 20; S II 51,1; up to
a

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Tutar T S
a ara R. 34, 25; S. II 73,9. After this comes the description of the particle in the expletive sense. Yo Teasüs te qug 14447 Tregant 49 AHUTUT: R. 35, 1 and S. II 73, 10. The fara therefore expresses 1 a simile, 2 *ATH and lastly no sense at all. According to this classification, , ar, , , , , fo , uy up to and including < are all examples of the second division, i. e., they are
Altragris. As we actually have it, however, they have each a different sense to express, viz., 2, fat, fara , fara T ax and others. Th98 therefore must cover all these cases. Durga is not unconscious of the fact, when at S. 473, 12 ff, he says, व्याख्याताः कर्मोपसंग्रहार्थीयाः तत्पसंगेन नीहीत्येवमादयोऽन्यार्थी अत्युक्ताः प्रतिज्ञाप्रसिक्तानेवाधुना पदपूरणान्वक्ष्यामः .We have explained the कर्मोपसंग्रहार्थीय. Together with them even हि etc. which have got different senses (i. e. not KAITĖ9) have been mentioned. Now we shall speak of the expletives, in consonance with our original statement.' The original statement or प्रतिज्ञा is namely Yaska's statement "अपि उपमार्थेऽपि कर्मोपसंग्रहार्थेऽपिपदपूरणाः"S, II 44
To my mind therefore FAITĖ9 does not cover or only, according to Durga, but all the other अर्थs, excepting उपमा and पदपरण. It is a wider term than समचथ. 'By it is known a variety (or separateness) of senses, but not as in simple enumeration of objects, where the very fact that they are bodily mentioned separately, is a sufficient guarantee that they are distinct and separate.
III. R. 35, 20. S. II 83 13, A T ETTİFAK auf gift tota spanit Farai fenata तानि यथा गौरश्वः पुरुषो हस्तीति.
Here Durga makes a division after alla. He paraphrases where the accent and the grammatical form are regular and are accompanied by an explanatory wig, there we agree (gartfarar: i.e. there we also say that such nouns are derived from roots.). Not however as in 1: : 969: graft etc. As examples of the nouns whose derivation from roots might be agreed to even by गाग्र्य, Durga adds कर्ता, कारक, पाचक ete. In short, he stops at arra and seems to think that the examples of agreement are to be understood ; while the examples actually quoted he looks upon as examples of disagreement between the and Trit. It is however strange that the sentence or idea of Traf, for which ITT: etc. are supposed to be given as examples, has to be taken as understood. This would be the first example of its kind, where Yâska leaves out a whole idea to be understood and gives only its examples. Not even the most laconic s, where brevity is the soul of wit, omit words that are essential, not to speak of whole ideas. Durga is again led by his own hobby of threefold division of nouns. Teuforfor, acararfor, forfatter, (i. e, where the til or root is apparent, where it is to be thought out or supplied and where it does not exist at all), and imposes it upon Yaska, who has not yet told us of this.
Roth has perhaps seen the difficulty and divided the sentence after area. He translates Gârgya and some other grammarians, however, do not allow this of all nouns (this w
), but only of such nouns as are regularly formed in respect of accent and grammatical form, and at the same time contain an explanatory root; T: 79: 16: on the contrary, are arbitrarily (conventionally) named.'
I have to say at the outset that Roth's explanation appears to be satisfactory, although it is not clear how he has completed the first sentence. It is evidently a relative clause, from agy to eat, and must have another principal one to correspond to it. The initial तत् may perhaps stand for the whole idea नामान्याख्यातजानि and यत्र to स्यातां serve as a restraining clause. But this would be attributing too much to the harmless little thing qa, au simply corresponds to the English then or therefore. This will be clear from the first sentence of Yâska's reply to it, qui IT Tag aa' eto. R. 36, 10.
(To be continued.)

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THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA.
BY V. RANGACHARI, M.A., L.T., MADRAS.
(Continued from p. 154.) It is impossible to give a complete account of Tirumal Naik's religious works in other places, nor is such an account necessary to understand his place in the history of Indian art, for all of them bear the same characteristics as the buildings we have already described. It may be noted, however, that next to Madura, the city which engaged the largest attention from him was Srivilliputtûr, the great stronghold of Vaishnavism in the Nalu-Mandalam or middle country, and the reputed birth-place of Periyalvar and the divine Gôda. There was apparently an object which Tirumal Naik had in view in selecting this city for the second place in his affections. We have already seen how certain circumstances induced him to attach greater importance to the Saivate divinities of Madura ; but too strongly tolerant to discard Vishņu altogether he seems to have made up for his over-solicitude to Siva in Madura by doing something, if not equally great, at least something substantial, to implore the favour of Vishņu. And ho chose the god of Srivilliputtûr, for the reason that he had to stay there frequently for political reasons. Situated midway between Madura and Tinnevelly and on the route from the coastal region to the palayams and chiefdoms of the Western Ghats, it was a highly strategic and important place. Tirumal Naik therefore seems to havo stayed here, if not every year, at all events, very frequently. Frequent visits necessitated the construction of a palace, the remnants of which still remain, and of the beautifying of the city by means of tem ples, tanks, choultries, etc. Every foot of the city bears the impress of Tirumal Naik's solicitude. In its small, but picturesque, suburb known as Madavilâgam, he constructed the fine and graceful tower which rises over the gateway of the Saiva temple as well as the broad, stone-pillared wooden ceiled Mantapa just after the main entrance. Here on two pillars are seen two singularly beautiful and lifelike statues of the great Naik monarch and of his alleged brother-in-law, Vijaya Ranga 88 Chokkappa. The grave and solemn air of the king contrasts in a striking manner with his corpulent size and epicurean appearance, and the artistic historian cannot but see a silent majesty in the whole scene. Both the king and his alloged brother-in-law are attended by two ladies. The skill displayed by the sculptor in carving the headdresses and the delicate ornaments. in depicting the general air of serious gravity and the expression of the feeling in the face, is remarkable, and make these statues among the best in South India. The fine eleven storyed tower of the Periâ Ivar temple, closely resembling in its details, though on & much smaller scale. the grand and incomplete gopura gate of Madura, is also evidently the work of Tirumal Naik. It is in the Andal temple, however, that he lavished his money and labours. In the beauty of workmanship, the amount of labour employed, the size of the mantapams, the number of sculptures, the excellence of paintings. and other respects, Andal's shrine bears no comparison whatever with the Madura shrine. It is moreover dingy, and except in certain places, very plain. But the Hali façades and the fresco paintings of the large frontal choultry, the numerous sculp
88 An inscription, dated A. D. 1627, records a grant by a chief of this name of some lands in the Kaittar province to Irunko! Pillai, the chief of Korkai, on account of his having settled a bou idary dispute. See Antiquities, I., p. 7.

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tures of the Ardhamantapa, which both in theme and in nature are just like those of Tinnevelly and Krishnapuram, and the pillar works, of the hall leading to the bed-chamber of the deities; the spacious gallery around the central shrine, which is just after the model of the celebrated Subramanya shrine of the Tanjore pagoda ; and above all, the golden tower in front of it, to which the god and G3da resort every Friday, with its golden statues of Tirumal and his queens; all these seem to show this temple to have been a favourite of Tirumal Naik. It is not improbable that the small and neglected Krishna temple in the south-western corner of the town was prosperous in the time of Tirumal. Now-a-days it nas fallen into ruin. The tower is incomplete, its tank ruined, its sculptures mutilated and the street around it practically deserted. The numerous tanks of Srivilliputtûr were moreover repaired, and the beautiful Tiruma-Kulam in the north western corner of the city, a fine sheet of water which is on account of the soil yellowish in colour, with its mantapa on its north bank and its stone rivettings on all sides, will always be a monument of the great king's generosity and benevolence. In addition to these works Tirumal Naik constructed a number of mantapams from Srivilli; uttûr to Madura at intervals of a mile, so that he might, during his stay at Madura, go to his food only after receiving the information of the offerings to the Srivilliputtûr gods, through the drummers stationed in these bowers.
Another example of Naik architecture belonging to the same period, is that of the Rimêśvaram shrine.99 If Fergusson were asked to select one temple "which should exhibit all the beauties of the Dravidian style in their greatest perfection and at the same time exemplify all the characteristic defects of its designs," he would single out Râmêśvaram. on no temple perheps, has such extraordinary labour been bestowed, but on none has it been so nieffective. The want of design strikes the casual observer and ignores the skill of its makers. Curiously enough, the temple was constructed, like the sanctuary of Tanjore, after a rotiled plan, but the plan of one is exactly the opposite of the other. In one there is a minimum of labour, with a maximum of beauty, while in the other the maximum of labour with the minimum of beauty. The result is that, in spite of its double size and its tenfold elaboration, the Rûmêsvaram shrine fails in comparison with its rival.
The earliest part of the shrine, ascribed by Mr. Fergusson to the 11th or 12th century, is the small, elegant and well-proportioned vimana, standing to the right of the visitor entering from the west. Long exposure to the vicissitudes of seasons has corroded its details, and makes a definite pronouncement in regard to its date difficult. But it may be conceded with Mr. Fergusson that it is posterior to the era of rock-cut temples, and prior to the era of the Näiks, and therefore a work probably of the 11th or 12th centuries. It is, after all, a small unpretentious portion of the temple, being but 50 feet in height and 30 or 40 feet in plan ; but it is singularly important in the religious history of the island, for the four walls on the platform under its dome narrate a tale of woe and the vicissitudes of religion, the former grandeur and the present fall of Saiviism.
The whole temple, of which the abovementioned vimana is a tiny part, is enclosed by & wall rising to a height of twenty feet, interrupted on each side by a gopura. All the four gopuras are singular in respect of the material of their construction. Unlike their peers of South India, they are completely built of stone, the hardness of which is a certain
* See Ferguson pp. 355—9 and Journal of Geographical Society, Bombay, Vol. VII., Christian College Magazine, Vol. VII, p. 49; Handbook Arch. I, p. 98.; Madras, Arch. Rep., 1910-11, p. 52-4; Burgess and Natesan Sastri's Tamil and Sanskt, Insons, p. 56.7.

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guarantee against the action of time. Being structures of hard stone, the towers are plain and unadorned by any of the sculptures or stucco figures and pilasters, which generally bedeck the pyramidal storeys of brick and chunam. Another remarkable feature about them is their incompleteness, except in the case of the western tower. The North and South towers, in fact, rise hardly higher than the walls on which they stand, and are, in consequence called ruined gateways. On the eastern side there are, unlike on the other sides, two towers, of which one is far larger than the other. If completed, says Fergusson, "this tower would have been one of the largest of this class, and being wholly in stone and consequently without its outline being broken by sculpture, it would have reproduced more nearly an Egyptian propylon than any other example of its class in India." As it is, the external appearance of the temple is, as Mr. Bruce Foote says, the least imposing. The best view of it is obtained from a craft in the open sea half a mile from land, but even the best view is not picturesque. The lowness and squatness of the towers lends no enchantment to even a distant view, while nearer, it is hardly better, in consequence of the small blocks of ugly and dirty coloured, "calcareous sandstone" with which they are built. 90
163
While the external appearance is so ineffective, the temple is a paradise of art in its interior. Its glory is in the corridors which surround the inner sanctuary. The total of their length amounts to 7,000 feet. Their breadth varies from twenty to thirty feet, and their height is about 30 feet. Their beauty lies in their great length and the wonderful perspective of the lines, which very nearly meet in a true vanishing point. The central corridor is 2,700 feet long, and has a series of pillars of an extraordinarily rich and elaborate design. On these pillars stand the life-like portraits of the Setupatis on one side, and the Dalavâis on the other. The transverse galleries and side corridors are narrower, and have fewer sculptures, in Fergusson's opinion, less vulgar and more pleasing. Throughout these structures the immensity of labour that has been displayed is something marvellous and apparently superhuman. There is, moreover, as Fergusson says, a certain mystery and picturesqueness which imparts a charm to the place; and though, as Bruce Foote maintains, much of the beauty has been marred by the poor nature of the stone employed, and though the quality of the work is, when compared with the Chalukyan temple of Halebid, inferior from the artistic standpoint, yet the unrivalled exuberance of fancy and enthusiasm of labour employed therein, together with the halo of mystery and solemnity which pervades it, leave it unsurpassed by any other temple in South India, and by very few elsewhere. Nature has been, in short, overcome by man, and "out of the way on unapprochable spot" has been converted by human faith and human labour into the classic ground of religion and the most extensive resort of pilgrims.
It is not in religious architecture alone that Tirumal Naik's name is distinguished. The people of South India, great builders as they have been from the dawn of history, have not left any civil, municipal, or other secular buildings, which can be traced to the pre-Mussalman period. Secular architecture must have of course existed, but it has perished. "What is however even more remarkable," says Fergusson, "is that kingdoms
90 I examined a great many of the great corridor pillars, and wherever the gaudy, trumpery, colourwash with which they have been overlaid allowed of the recognition of their true nature, found them to consist of rather coarse shelly sandstone" (Bruce Foote, Christian College Magazine, Vol. VII). The place from which these masses of stone were brought is not known. Mr. Foote believes it to be Valimukham Bay, 46 miles south-west of the Ramnad coast, where similar quarries are even now seen, and from which they must have been taken to the temple by the sea. Christian College Magazine, VII.

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always at war with one another and contending for supremacy within a limited area have left no monuments of military architecture, not a single castle or fortification. What is still snore singular in a people of Turanian blood is that they have no tombs. Owing to the practice of burning and other circumstances no Dravidian tomb or cenotaph is known to exist anywhere." This era of artistic barrenness vanishes with the advent of the Muhammadans. Then arose a mania, a universal fashion, for the construction of palaces, cutcheries, chatrams, elephant stables, etc. The Râyas of Vijayanagar were the first to effcct this Renaissance. The kings of Madura and Tanjore were their disciples. The Naik monarchy devoted as much attention to the construction of palaces and offices as of temples.. .
With the change in fashion there was also a change in style. The imitators of the Mussalman spirit, the Hindus imbibed the Mussalman method as well. They were not slavish imitators, however. While retaining the Saracenic model, they modified its architectural features so as to suit their own purpose and feeling. With scrupulous obstinacy, they excluded the style of the religious architecture from their new civil buildings and took with enthusiasm to the pointed arch and the vault systems of the Moors. Not caring very much for the taste, they used the arch everywhere and for every purpose, their minds solely bent on picturesqueness of effect, and they have succeeded. It should be acknowledged, with Fergusson, that the labour bestowed on these buildings is practically nothing when compared with that lavished on the religious edifices already described, but this does not mean that they are deadly prosaic. The fact is the charming combination of the Saracenic and Hindu styles makes, as all works of a transitional nature must do, the styles more attractive than the art, but the art is not inferior. The roof and pillar work are, unlike the roof and pillar work of sacped buildings, light and elegant, and display a fine taste, which has made some, moro joalous than just, attribute them to the influence of European artists. What a soa of contrast is there between the civil and religious styles! The one is light, elegant, fairy-liko; epicurcan, earthly; while the other is grave, spiritual, solemn and dignified. Beauty and sensuousness are the characteristics of one, while grandeur and solemnity are the characteristics of the other. The one is the work of enjoyment, of power : the other, of veneration and man's devotion. The one revols in the charms of earthly life, the other endeavours to make men forget it.
Of these characteristic features we have a fine example in Tirumal Naik's palaces at Macura, at Srivilliputtûr and Alagar-malai.91 In its original grandeur, the Madura palace consisted of a large number of detached buildings, but now, thanks to the vandalism of time and the larger vandalism of Chokkanatha Naik, a portion only remains. The ten lofty pillars which once formed part of the approaches to the extensive palace, are now detached from it and stand in a row in a narrow and dirty lane, in the midst of a dense mass of thickly populated Saurashtra houses. They are built of granite slabs and plastered with mortar, which is now slowly decaying. The situation has exposed them to vicious but unintentional acts of vandalism on the part of these people. By driving nails into the joints for drying clothes, by streaking the lower portion in red and white bands, and by allowing the free passage of the drains at the bottom and the growth of free vegetation at the top
See Vadura Gazr., 282-4. 92 See Mad. Arch. Rep. 1909-10, p. 19; 1907-08; The vegetation on top of the pillars was removed in 1907 by the Madras arenaeological department.

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the people of the present day bear a silent but eloquent testimony to the horrible degeneration which the country has witnessed in the realm of art since the days of Tirumal Nâik. Nevertheless, these tall and majestic columns give, in spite of their incomplete and unadorned nature, a true idea of Tirumal Naik's grand designs and grander resources. The actual remnant of the palace consists of a courtyard measuring 244 feet from east to west and 142 feet from north to south, and two beautiful halls connected with it by means of beautiful arcades. The courtyard was, it is evident, an arena for animal fights, gladiatorial contests, and other amusements. The arcades, twelve in number from east to west and seven from north to south, are supported by pillars of stone which are forty feet high, and joined by foliated brick arcades of great elegance and design. The whole of the ornamentation is worked out in the exquisitely fine stucco, called chunam or shell-lime, which is a characteristic of the Madras Presidency. The fine octagonal domes in the angles of these arcades are of an exceedingly beautiful design. On the western side of the court stands the celebrated Svargavilâsam, the throne room of Tirumal Naik. It is an arcaded octagon covered by a dome03 60 feet in diameter and 60 feet in height. On another side of the courtyard, that is, to the north of the Svargavilâsam, is a more spacious and splendid hall, the Durbar hall of the Naik sovereign. "This one in its glory must have been as fine as any, barring the materials. The hall itself is said to be 120 feet long by 67 feet wide, and its height to the centre of the roof is 70 feet; but what is more important than its dimensions, it possesses all the structural propriety and character of a Gothic building. It is evident that if the Hindus had persevered a little longer in this direction, they might have accomplished something that would have surpassed the works of their masters in this form of art. In the meanwhile it is curious to observe that the same king who built the choultries, built also this hall. "The style of the one is as different from that of the other as classic Italian from medieval Gothic; the one as much over-ornamented as the other is too plain for the purposes of a palace, but both among the best things of their class which have been built in the country where they are found." (Fergusson p. 382-3). The yali figures, and statues of sepoys in the corners, all worked in fine stucco, bear testimony to the fact that if the Hindus could imitate other races, thoy could nevertheless do so without losing their own Individuality.
In this description of Tirumal04 Naik's works a place should perhaps be given to a curious building called the Tamagam (a summer-house), which, according to some, was constructed by Tirumal, and according to others, by Mangammal. Built on a platform, fifteen feet high and faced with stone, it possesses in its arches and its manner of construction all the characteristics of the Nâik secular architecture. "Its roof is a masonry dome 21 feet across, supported on the crowns of crenulated arches sprung on to square pillars, with similar arching arranged in the form of a square and supporting separate small truncated roofs. Its existing walls are clearly a later addition. The ceiling of the dome is of painted chunam, is exactly similar in design to several of those in Tirumala Nâyakkan's palace, and represents an inverted lotus blossom. . . . . Rumour says that it was a kind of grand stand from which gladiatorial exhibitions and the like might be witnessed."
93 In 1908 two boys somehow or other got over the lofty roof of the palace and cut and stole the lightning conductor. They were caught and sentenced to 6 months imprisonment (Arch. Rep. 190.10, p. 28).
94 Madura. Gazr., p. 262., etc. The building is now the collector's residence and has been much changed and added to. For its vicissitudes, see Madura Gazr. 262-4.

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SECTION II.
The Mysore War. Almost the first act of Tirumal Naik after the assumption of the royal dignity was an indiscreet attempt to throw off the yoke of Vijayanagar supremacy. True, in desiring che separation of his province from Vellore, then the headquarters of the phantom Empire, Tirumal desired a verbal expression to what had already been a fact during the past thirty years. Fer, ever sinca a generation back, the weakn333 of Veikatapati Râyalû had compelled the transfer of his capital from Pennakonda to Vellore, the bond that had united the province with the central authority had been loose, and the ayment of tribute irregular and uncertain. With the decay of the imperial power, remissness in the remittance of tribute had become a common place occurrence. But no provincial chief had so far dared to turn his province into a kingdom and his viceroyalty-into a royalty. The real sovereigns of their territories, they had no interest in assuming the title of kings.
In fact, even after the cessation of annual tributes the various governors used to send presents, as well as assurances of loyalty, to their nominal suzerain. Tirumal Naik was evi. dently the foremost man to desire to end this political hypocrisy and to proclaim himself an independent king. Inspired by this view he made grand preparations. He repaired the old forts of the realm, constructed new ones on the frontier and mustered 30,000 troops. At the same time he took steps to make disaffection a widespread movement and to persuade his brother chiefs of Tanjore and Gingi to imitate his example. These chieftains had hitherto refrained from open defiance to the Emperor, chiefly owing to want of precedent and lack of self-confidence. Both were now supplied by the Naik of Madura, and the three rulers entered into a confe leracy, with the objest of withytanding by arms any attempt on the part of the Emperor to enforce his suzerainty.
Chama Raja Udayar, Everything was thus ready for a formidable rebellion, when an event led to its collapse. Tirumal Naik became involved at this time first in a war with Mysore, and then in the subjugation of a dangerous rising on the part of the Setupati. These affairs engaged his arms for the long space of fifteen years. Mysore was then, as has been already mentioned, under the rule of the great Châma Raja Udayar (1617-1637). A youth of 15 at his accession, Chama Raj, famous95 in literary history as the author of Chamarajókti Vilas, acquitted himself with the skill of a good soldier. His mind was always engaged in the revolving of schemes for the expansion of Mysore at the expense of his neighbours, and it seems that about 1625 (?) he despatched his general,96 Harâ gura Nandi Raj, through the Gazelhatti Pass, to seize the important and strategic fort of Dindigul. He conquered the country below the Ghats, but failed to take Dindigul by storm. The general of Tiruma! Naik, the capable Ramappaiya, took advantage of this change in the tide of war and, joined by the great Polygar Ranganna Naik of Dindigul, came up with Nandi Raj, and inflicted on him such a disastrous defeat that he abandoned his conquests, and made a precipitate retreat into his country. The valour of Råmappaiya and the dignity of Tirumal Naik were not content with the expulsion of the enemy, but desirous of assailing him in his
* That he acknowledged Rama IV is clear from epigraphical evidences. See Mys. Arch. Rep. 1908, p. 23.
" See the History of the Polygars by Kannivadi. Ranganna Naik, the son of Nadukkuttalai Chinna Kadir Naik, the contemporary of Tirumal Naik, and proved an able and enlightened Polyger of excellent character. The MS. wongly givas the aim of the Myao:a king as D.va Baj. Tho real king Was Cháma Raja Udaiyar VI.

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own hone. He therefore closely followed the Mysore general, ravaged the frontier districts, and laid siege to the capital itself.
Ra mappaiya's invasion of Mysore. At this supreme moment the victorious general received, to his intonse surprise, a sentence of recall from his sovereign. The Dalavai had many personal enemies in the court, and they alienated the mind of the king from him by spreading the report that he was a traitor and that he should be recalled. The king swallowed the bait and sent two messengers to the seat of war in order to bring the alleged traitor to his presence, authorising them to apply force, if necessary. When Pama heard of his recall, he had to seek one of two alternatives, -either to obey the will of his sovereign and bring disgrace on the Marlura arms, or to disobey, for Tirumal's own sako, his commands, and continue the campaign till it was brought to a successful close. Obedience meant tho wasto of past endeavours and a blow to future prestige, but disobedience might be construed into treason, punis able with imprisonment and even decapitation. Unable to reconcile his duty with his policy and his loyalty with the true intorest of his sovereign's cause, Rama long hesitated to adopt one of the two courses open to him but at length resolved to ignore Tirumal's mandate. Actuatod by the hope that success would justify his action and prove his sincerity, he continued th3 siege of the Mysore capital.
His eventual Success. Unfortunately.Ramappaiya did not stop here. Highly incliguant at the obstinacy of the royal messenger and his application of force, he ordered his hands to be cut off. There can be no question that, in this act, the general committed an act of imprudence and a grave breach of morality, (as his sincero friend and adviser, Ranganna Naik, who was a personal witness of the Dala vai's interview with the messengers, pointed out). By his cruelty Rama gave a handle to his enemies and increased the jealousy of the king towards him. His position, in consequence, was very serious ; but the nobility of his friend, Rangaina, came to his rescue at this moment. The latter had protested against Ramappaiva's severity towards a royal servant, but he knew that there was some justification for it, that the general was, after all, guilty of imprudence and not of disloyalty; and that, if hiyconduct was questionable, his motive was good. He therefore espoused his cause when, shortly after the incident, he was summoned by Tirumal Naik to explain the facts. He described the difficult situation in which Rimappaiya found himscii ai ine time when he received the king's orders, his long deliberation, and his oventual decision. Ho dwelt on the absolute unselfish, of the Dalavai, his staunch loyalty, his leroism in the field of war. He probably contrasted the merit of his services with the hollowness of his courtly assailants. These arguments, from a man of the rank, power and position of Rangamba Niik, could not but convince Tirumal of his general's innocence. In the meantime, the latter had not been idle. Ho captured the Mysore capital, humiliated the Mysore Raj, and set out for home, anxious for the nature of the king's reception. He might have, if he had been a man of ambition, kept his army as a resort in case of danger; but his loyalty was too noblo to conceive the idea. Coming direct to the royal presence, he laid at the foot of his sovereign, a golden head, and a pair of golden arms to signify his willingness to lose both head and hands as a punishment for his cruelty towards the royal mossenger ; but at the samo time ho pleaded that a worthy motivo was an adequate palliative of the guilt. The Viik king realised the depth of his own folly and the nobility of his general; and far from

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accusing him, came to regard him as the saviour of Madura's honour, and so showered honours on him. As Nelson says, Tirumal's later conduct was truly tactful and generous, and proved that he was not ignorant of the art of winning men.
SECTION III.
The War with Travancore.
When the war with Mysore came to an end Tirumal Naik was engaged in a war with Travancore. The relations between Madura and Travancore had been, on the whole, of a friendly nature, from the time when Viśvanâtha established his dynasty in 1560. At the time when this happened Travancore was distracted by unceasing war between the senior Tiruvaḍis of Siraivoy and Jayasimhanâl for supremacy. In 1559 the head of the Jayasimhanâ was Unni Kêrala Varma's, and the head of Siraivoy, Sri Vira Aditya Varma,99 The former ruled till 1561 and the latter till 1565. In 1567 both these positions came to be combined in king Udaya Mârtânca Varma. For a space of twenty years this Raja Keld evidently an undisputed swa He was not without co regents; for we hear of a queen1co of the Kúpakas in 1576, a Ravi Varma in 1578 and a Bhûtala Vira Râma Varma in 1586; but all these were apparently loyal and obedient to him. From 1595 to 1607 the reigning king was Sri Vira Ravi Varma.1 After him ruled Sri Vira Unni Kêrala-Varma (1612-23) of Siraivoy (who had a coregent in Sri Vira Ravi Varma 1620-3) and Sri Vira Ravi Varma of Tiruppapur (1628-47) who had a coregent in Unni Kêrala Varma (1632-50). The last of these was the sovereign who granted Vizhinjam to the English East India Company, the earliest English settlement in Travancore.
The relations between these kings and the Madura Nâiks seem to have been, as I have already mentioned, on the whole cordial. There were indeed occasions when the Nanji kings tried to wrest the extreme south from Madura, but their attempts invariably ended in failure, and they had to acknowledge not only the Vaduga's right to the possession of the disputed area but to the payment of tribute. In 1606, for example, Muttu Virappa2 gave some lands to the Bhagavati temple at Cape Comorin. Apparently the Nânji king, either Vîra Ravi Varma or Unni Kêrala, refused to pay the wonted tribute to Tirumal Nâik, thereby provoking his anger in 1634.
However it might have been, the campaign of Tirumal Naik was a success. An edict3 of the Travancore king to the Nanji ryots in 1635 tells us that Tirumal's victorious army occupied the region between Mangalam (3 miles from the Cape) and Manakudi, that the agriculturists were put to immense trouble by the invaders and were helpless, that cultivation was not carried on, and that a part of the tax was therefore remitted by government.
97 See Nagam Aiya's Trav. Manual, p. 299.
98 He was the senior Tiruvadi of Tiruppâpûr.
99 He completed the construction of the eastern gopura of the Padmanabhasvami temple. For another gift of his see Trav. Manual, p. 300.
100 She constructed the temple of Kariamânikka at Idaraikudi (Agast yêévarem Taluk). She was not improbably the queen who, according to Portuguese records fought with the Portuguese and was compelled to make peace with them. Mr. Mackenzie says that in 1571 and 1574 the senior Râni of Travancore at Attingal started an agitation against Christians and burnt three churches. Was she the same as the queen of the Kopakas? See Ibid, 300-1.
1 The Tiruvaṭṭâr insen. refers to him. See Ibid, 301. He had a coregent named Sri Vira Râma Varma. An inson, at Suchindram dated in 1609 refers to his death,
2 See Trav. Manu,, p. 302.
3 Ibid, 302-3. The whole edict has been reproduced there.

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The compiler of the Trarancore Manuale further points out from the inscriptions of certain villages in the Agastyéśvaram Taluk that the forces of Tirumal Naik visited the country several times conquering and plundering wherever they went and that the country was in a state of anarchy and confusion for about half a century. It should be remembered that the limits of Nan janâd which now comprise the Tovala and Agastisvaram Taluks, were not the then limits of that tract. The records show that a large strip of land between Mangalam near Ponmana and Manakudi, formed part of Nanjanâd, while a part of Agatisvaram Taluk from the Cape to Kottaram belonged to and was governed by the officers of Tirumala Nayak and his descendants. There existed in those days a partition wall, the remnants of which are still to be seen from Manakudi to Pottaiyadi, and the triangular piece of land on the other side of the line including Variyur, Karungulam, Alayappapuram, Anjugramam, Cape Comarin, Mahadana puram, and Agatisvaram, went by the name of Purattayanad or Murattanad. There was thus great facility for the Naik's forces to march into Nanjaned and commit deprodations."
SECTION IV.
The Setupati Rebellion. Scarcely was the war with Travancore over when Tirumal Naik was engaged in the quelling of a serious domestic revolt, his behaviour in which proves his tendency to be impelled more by prejudice than by principle, by evil counsel than by policy. The utmost differences of opinion exist in connection with the causes of the revolt. According to the Carna. Govrs. and Råmappaiyan-Ammânai, a beautiful historical ballad, the question was one of pure and simple disaffection and rebellion. Sadayakka Déva or Dalavai Setupati, they say, refused to acknowledge the supremacy of the Naik. He withheld the tribute, and when the Karta remonstrated, he beat and ill-treated the royal agents who brought the Takid' of protest. The other versions, while differing in details, agree as a whole in representing the affair as an affair of disputed succession. According to Wilson the dispute was between the sons of the celebrated Kûttan Setupati who, after a rule of 13 years during which he showed himself endowed with the temper of a chief and the valour of a soldier, died in 1635, leaving three sons two legitimate and one illegitimate. The eldest of the legitimate sons (whose name Wilson does not give) assumed the title of Setupati. But no sooner did he begin to administer his estate than a formidable rival arose in his younger brother Adi Narayana Têve who, with greater ambicion than justice, desired to expel his brother and usurp the crown. Fortunately for him he had a very able soldier in his son-in-law Vanniya, and with his help, gained the object of his ambition.
Tirumal's policy. The elder brother was deposed, and Adi Narayağa was seated on the gadi. But he was not destined to enjoy his illgotten position long. His illegitimate brother, Tambi Sêtu pati, embraced the resolution of imitating his example, and created a faction in the State. The aspirant, in his inordinate desire to obtain the support of Tirumal
1 ltid, 316. It is very probable, however, that the Madura chronicles use the term Nanjinad rather vaguely for Travancore and not in the striot geographical sense pointed out by Mr. Nagam Aiya.
5 This MS. is one of the MSS. copied by Taylor. It is in his Vol IV. pp. 303-376. A summary of it is given by him in his Rais. Oatah, Vol. II, p. 347 and 0. H. MSS., II, p. 179. Both the notices are very moagro and unsatisfactory.

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Naik's ministers, hurried to Madura, gave his version of the situation in Râmnâd, and by a skilful exertion of the arts of persuasion, convinced them of his claim to the estate; and Tirumal Naik, without bestowing attention on the justice of his measure or even summoning the other claimant to explain things, condemned the latter unheard, and invested the intriguing Tambi with the musnud. When the new ruler returned to Râmnad, however, he found in his rival a soldier who was ready to fight for his cause to the bitter end. Tirumal Naik had therefore to senil a large force under his General Ramappaiya and enforce his sovereign will. The version given by Mr. Nelson and J. W. L., purporting to be derived from the family histories collected by them, bars some resemblance to Wilson's, but varies in minor details. They say that Kattan had not five sons but only two, one legitimate, named Sadayakka, and the other illegitimate, Tainbi' by name. On his death, Kûttan bequeathed his estate to Sadayakka or Dalavậi Setupati, as he was also known to his contemporaries. Sadayakka maintained an efficient rule for two years (1635-7), when for some unknown reason, he desired to abdicate the throne in favour of his adopted son, Raghunatha. It was at this stage that the soaring ambition of the illegitimate Tambi created a party in his favour, and even gained the support and the military championship of Tirumal Naik,
Ramappaiyan's army of expedition against Ramnad. The actual operations of the war which followed are given in an exceedingly picturesque, spirited and dramatic manner, in the long and beautiful ballad Ram appaiyanAmminai. Like the majority of historical ballads, it is not quite accurate either in its 1xrsonalities or its dates. It has, as we shall see presently, some anachronisms. Nevertheless its fine and realistic, though one sided, description of the war, of the chiefs of the different sides, and the light it throws on the military customs and methods of war, make it, apart from its fine and spirited language, one of the most valuable historic documents of the period. The poem opens with an interview between Tirumal Naik and his great General Ramappaiya. News had just been received that the Narava chief she wed signs of turbulence and disaffection, and the king was very anxious about it. Ramappaiya asks in earnest and boastful language to be honoured with the
Madura Manual p, 128 and Cal. Review.
7 For a very absurd and inacourate version of the war, seo Storia do Mogor III, 100-102. The • Tevara' of the Maravas, he says, a giant who ate as much as 20 men and drank much wine, rebelled. Tho Madura king sent 80,000 men under General Chinna Tambi Mudaliar. Astute and valiant, this soldier met the 35,000 troops of the Tevara, 'defeated him, massacred his people, and brought him as a prisoner to Madura. The king admired his stature and valour and kept him fettered in the audience hall as an obiect of recreation. When the king once asked him what he would have done in oase he himself had by some chanoe fallen a prisoner into his hands, the bold chief replied that he would havo pounde. him in a mortar, then mixed with clay, and made pellets for his boys to shoot birds with. The king instead of being angry, was struck with this reply, and offered to set him free on payment of 40,000 pagodas worth of precious stones. The king's General, however, insisted on the Tévar's death, and offered double the amount to the king; and threatened to become a Yogin if the king refused. The Tovar was thereupon horribly murdered, limb after limb boing out off. The king then conquered the Marava country and entered the capital. “The Marava women pledged their word to each other that they would deny their husbands all marital rights" till they took vengeance on the Madura king: and they succeeded in killing his General and his men in one night. They then raised to the throne a nephew of Tevara, who made a brave defence and established himself firmly. Storia do Mogor III. Pp. 99-102.

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command against him. Tirumal evinces hesitation. He recalls the experience of the past, points to the fact that those who went to war with the Marava never returned ; that the Marava was a much more valiant man than the Vaduga, that he looked with contempt on the Madura army, and that with his arms and his guns, he would prove the victor. The Dalavai replies that there is no room for anxiety; that the arms which conquered Tanjore, Mysore, Bengal (!) Kongu, and Malayalam could not fail against the Marava ! The King gives his reluctant consent, and the brave General, after paying worship to Mînakshi for victory and getting permission from his fond and anxious brother Vaidyanathaiya by the agsurance that he would return viotorious in the space of eight days, sets out on his expedition. The Vaduga army is a formidable and gigantic array. There were almost all the Polygars, the chiefs and feudatories of the land. There was the brave and gallant Trumalai Kondaiya, the Dala vâi's son-in-law and faithful companion. There was the ablo Pâpia Naik of Madúr and Lingama of Nattam. The Tottiyan chiefs, Gaydama and Ettappa, Koppaiya and Irchaka, Púchchi and Muttiayah, Katta Bomma and Obala (of Elumalai), Bomma and Mallappa, Kamakshi (of Illupûr), and Palli-Chinnama, Kandama and Chinnôbala, Appaiya, and Tumbichchi, Bettana and Bódi, and others, with their gallant men, were eager to measure their strength with the hated Marava. Tho Maravas too contributed an equal strength to Râmappaiyan's force. There was the fierce Kuttala Têva of Naduvak kuruchchi, Chinnañanja Têva of Chokkampatti, Marudappa of Ottumalai, the Ândukondâr Elayirampaņņai; and a host of others. Even the Sivile Mâran of Teúkâbi, the king of Nanji Nadu (i. e. Malayalam) 10 and the king of Colombo11, aro said to have sent contributions to the Naik's army. The Reddis and Kavundans were not behind hand. From the side of Kougu12 and Erode, they thronged, and thronged in large numbers. The Canarege and the Muhammadans also are mentioned.13
(To be continued.)
BOOK NOTICE. A LITTLE KNOWN CHAPTER OF VIJAYANAGAR Vijayanagar in the fifteenth century, and as A
HISTORY. By PROFESSOR S. KRISHNASWAMI leoture must have been almost unintelligible. The AIYANGAR, Madras. Printed at the S. P. C. K. essay in its revised printed form is not arranged Press 1916, 98. pp.
As lucidly as it might be and in consequence The little book by the learned Professor of is difficult to follow. I have now studied it in Indian History and Archäology in the Univor. conjunotion with Mr. Sewell's equally learned sity, of Madras is & revised edition of a lecture article entitled The Kings of Vijayanagara, A. D. read before the Madras Literary Society, with His 1486—1609' (J. R. A. s., 1915, pp. 383–395) Excellency Lord Pentland in the chair. Poor and think that I understand the points at issue. Lord Pentland, he must have been glad when the All specialist students of the subject admit that discourse was over. It dealt with obscure ques. it is diffoult to reconcile the authorities concerning tions of chronology concerning forgotten kings of the succession of the kings of Vijayanagar during
8 The acounts of the Polygars given in the appendioes bear out the statements of this heroio poem.
9 The Sivile MAran referred to here was evidently either Peruma! Sivala Miran alias Varagunaráma Påndya Kulasekhara Som lsiyår, an inscription of whom dated 1616 has been discovered, (803 Trav. Arch. Series, I, .48), or some guccessor of his. There is no epigraph to enlighten us on the point. Is it possible that the term Sivilo Maran is used without any significance! It is noteworthy that Tirumal Naik who recorded a gift of lands to the temple of Aladiyur, south-west of Amb samudram, in 1635 does not mention any Påndyan king. (See Antiquities, I. 309). Nor does he mention him in the Vairavikulam inscription of 1648 where, Tirumal makes & gift to a gadra priezt. (Ibid, p. 310).
10 According to Shungoony Menon the kings of Travancore in the earlier half of the 17th century were Viravarms (1604-6) Ravivarms (1806-19); Unni Keralavarms (16:19-25); Ravivarms (1625-31); and Unni Keralavarma ( 1631-61). The last of the should have taken part in this war if it is a fuct. Tho version of tha Trav. M 1.14. also favor this.
11 The Portuguese were the masters of this playo aa l it is ditult to see how a king of that place could have come to the help of the Ndik. S Tean
12 The Polygar memoirs of Ko igu provinse,ana'y prove this. E. g. th: Ghatti Mulaliars.
13 The MS. ig very absurd at this point as it gives the nam3 of Shah Abb39, Khana (i. e. Yusif Khan), Bado Khan (brother of Chand Sahib) and othe: e.ninnt man who bolo nad to totally periods and different spheres of activity.

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the disturbed period in question, A. D. 1486-1509, which seems to have included two usurpations.
There is general agreement that the First Dynasty came to an end at some date between July 29, A. D. 1485 and November 1, 1486, that is to say in A. D. 1485-6, when the first usurper', Nrisimha or Narasimha I., the Sâļuva, dethroned the last member of the First Dynastya person about whose identity there is some doubt -and himself seized the throne, thus establishing the Second Dynasty, consisting of two generations only.
It seems also to be certain that the reign of Nrisimha the usurper came to an end at the close of A. D. 1492, prior to Jan. 27, 1493, after lasting more than seven years. His son Immaḍi. otherwise called Narasimha II., succeeded. He is also known by the title of Tammaya-Râya, the Tamarao of Nuniz, the Portuguese chronicler.
The questions controverted by the specialists chiefly concern the manner in which the reign of Immadi (Narasimha II. or Tammaya-Râya) came to an end, and the date of its close.
Mr. Sewell, following Nuniz, holds that king Immați was killed by the contrivance of Narasa Nayak (Narsenayque) the minister, who was thereupon raised to bo king over all the land of Narsymga (scil. Kingdom of Vijayanagar). Ho I further holds that Narasa died shortly after his usurpation and was succeeded by his son, Vira Narasimha. All these threo events, according to Mr. Sewell, occurred between February 28 and either July 16 or August 14, A. D. 1505 (Inscrip. tions Nos. 67 and 70 in the author's list).
Mr. Krishnaswamy discredits the narrative of Nuniz, and thinks that the death of Immaji followed that of Narasa, who never usurped the throne himself, being content to exercise power de facto, without assuming the royal style. Our author agrees with Mr. Sewell that Narasa died in 1505; but is of opinion that the usurpation' of the throne was effected a little later by his son Vira Narasimha.
Thus, according to one authority, the Second Usurpation was carried out by Narasa, while according to the other, it was postponed until the accession of Narasa's son, Vira Narasimha in 1506. The earliest inscription which gives the imperial titles, namely, those of the ruler of Vijayanagar, to Vira is No. 73 of our author's list, with a date equivalent to Dec. 1506.
The authority of Nuniz is not to be disregarded lightly. His chronicle was written about the year 1535, during the reign of Achyuta; he lived at the Hindu capital itself, and he gained his inform
[OCTOBER, 1916
ation from Hindu sources not long subsequent to the events related. Although he is known to have made certain mistakes3, a large part of the history of Vijayanagar rests on his narrative, which is usually deserving of credit.
Mr. Sewell's theory that the death of Narasa Nayaka, the death of Immadi, and the usurpation of the royal title by Narasa shortly before his own death all occurred within the few months between February and either July or August, 1505, is an ingenious attempt to reconcile all the authorities, including Nuniz.
But it cannot be correct, if Immadi survived Narasa Nayak. Our author asserts (p. 70) that he did so, and cites in proof two inscriptions of his list, No. 75, 76, to show that Immadi was still alive in 1507. On referring to the list, however, I find no mention of Immadi in those records which belong to the reign of Vira. If, as appears to be the case, inscriptions Nos. 75 and 76 do not prove that Immadi was alive in 1507, no reason remains for doubting the narrative of Nuniz, or for hesitation in accepting Mr. Sewell's version of the facts, which accordingly I accept.
4
The first usurpation', therefore, was effected in 1485-6 by Nrisinha Sâļuva (Narasimha 1), who was succeeded as king of Vijayanagar at the close of 1492 by his son Immadi (Narasimha II. or Tammaya-Râya), who lived until 1505, when he was killed by the contrivance of his powerful minister Narasa-Nayak, the Tuluva who usurped the throne himself, but survived for only a few. months. That is the second usurpation.' The three events, namely (1) the death of Immadi, (2) the second usurpation' by Narasa Nayak; and (3) the death of Narasa, all occurred in the short interval between February 28 and either July 16 or August 14, 1505. Narasa was succeeded by his son Vira. But revolts at that time occurred, and it seems probable that Vira was not well established on the throne for about a year after his father's decease. His reign should be dated from 1506 rather than from 1505. The author's essay contains other matter of interest, of which the discussion would occupy too much space.
The University of Madras deserves credit for having established a well paid chair of Indian History and Archeology. The essay now reviewed, when considered with the author's earlier publi. cations gives good reason for believing that the first occupant of the chair will continue to justify his appointment by valuable work based on the study of original documents.
VINCENT A. SMITH.
1 A Forgotten Empire, p. 314.
2 A Forgotten Empire, p. 110.
3 Especially the one in his opening sentence, when he writes 1230 for 1330 (ibid., p. 291). But that mistake concerns ancient history. He was not likely to be misinformed about the events of 1505.

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SOME NOTES ON YASKA'S NIRUKTA. BY PROF. P. D. GUNE, M.A., Ph.D.; POONA.
(Continued from p. 160.) Before trying to determine the sense, we have to see what Yaska means by Hima Durga is not right when he paraphrases it by 'ay are a : i. e., in their case there is no disagreement.' To settle the sense, we shall examine other passages where this word occurs, in this or in other forms. In R. 31, 13 and S. II 23, 15 it is used without the preposition fr. carla Tortartare a G T A szertrü ta' because the word in Tervasive and subtle, it is used by people in common ir: tercourse to denote objectx.' a t is therefore denotation, conventional denotation.
In R. 119, 20 we have the word with both the prepositions and this passage therefore is very useful in determining the true or Yaska's sense of संविज्ञात. 'तान्द त्येके समामनन्ति भूयार्सि T ATA 2 Art FareerFuegra EA some enumerate even these (i. e. attributes like , among the names of gods); they are however too many for such enumeration. I shall however collect only that (attribute or name) which has become a ma (a name by which a god is known among the people) and by which a deity receives independent praise. This passage shows that attributes can't be regarded as names of gode, until and unless people conventionally agree that a certain attribute shall be regarded as a distinctive name of a certain deity. A
a name therefore is a conventional name. And this is the sense that is most suitable in the passage under discussion and not that proposed by Durga. Roth has probably seen this. We agree with him when he regards संदिज्ञातानिहानि यथा गौरवः etc. as the first point in गाय great indictment of the Nirukta school. Such names, says he, as :, : etc. are conventionally given and cannot be traced to any root.
There remains only one difficulty now. What is to be made of the relative sentence ending with furar ? Unless there is some idea corresponding to it and forming the principal sentence, it sounds incomplete and therefore very irregular. For an explanation we shall turn to Yaska's rejoinder to Gårgya.
The reply of Yâska is contained in the passage R. 36, 10 to 22, S. II 94, 7ff. i. e. from aut 104 Errerit... to **73 fa. If we examine the passage closely, we find that Yaska proceeds to controvert Gârgya, statement by statement. While doing so he repeats Gârgya's statement, placing it between yet yaa and gra. For example 4 Tag fasta SASOTTSFAT -aftra, ara fasta fase di. Here fac... fara a is Gârgya's statement and from that onwards in Yaska's reply. Here then we find Gárgya's statements (without examples) quoted word by word. Now what is the first statement that is replied to by Yáska? It is in the very first sentence bracketed by gut taa and . It runs thus:-OUT ( 1) gaa aGT THE U Trafara oraritat Farai ir Fuar T rawliere the accent and formation are regular and are accompanied by an explanatory root, all that is die (i. e. to be derived from the root). If this is what it means, it is no taunt (or objection, because we say the same thing). This clearly shows that the principal sentence corres ording to the relatives sentence ending in an is a acara . And that is also what we expect. Strangely enough, it is omitted in the original statement of the quoted above. To whatever cause we attribute the omission, we have no doubt that the initial staterr.ent at R. 35, 20 is incomplete without Y TA. And we are also sure, comparing the initial passage with its counterpart in Yaska's reply at R. 36, 10, that a aa 9.19 must have been

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there. Its omission is strange and ur.accountable. Perhaps it is the scribe's mistake, who, seeing that all other statements of Gârgya are supported by examples, wanted to connect the examples oft: T: with the first statement. The original sense of afara a being obscure to him, he appears to have understood it as Durga understood it later and striking off a TETET , connected it (i. e. F TATA etc.) with the sentence ending in Far A.
Max Müller has a different construction. He makes the first sentence end with tra, taking these to be examples of the case where Gárgya and the Nirukta's agree. saman
- would be in themselves intelligible'. To Gârgya however pt: 8: etc. are not examples of regular formation, as his objections show. See Max Müller Ane Sansk. Lit. 165.
IV R. 39. 11ff. S. II 137, 18ff fooz T a ra Ara | For Pargaret 903 7............... Hafa fra
egetat i atca
Here the difficulty is caused by the one compound देवतानामप्राधान्येन. Durga s. 532_has अथ पुनर्यत्र 'नैषण्टक' T E STATY9 eto, as explanation. This is called egen owing to the subordinate nature of gods'. In the first place this way of interpreting the phrase makes the following line turata etc. (that, which falls in a verse dedicated to another god is om ) quite redundant as the same meaning is apparently briefly expressed by the phrase in question. Secondly, this way of taking the passage does not do full justice to the two T. On the very face of it, the passage offers two words or names that re so to say pitted against each other by the parallel expression T . Thirdly this sort of explanation ignores the force and the propriety of the parallel phrases introduced by or etc. and mana EITT. They are explanations of the two classes of words that are mentioned in the head line and that the author is anxious to define and distinguish clearly.
Roth has not got any note on the passage. There is however an indication in his Einleitung P. XIII, that he took the passage to mean this is tough owing to the prominence of the names of gods'. He has given a general idea of the whole passage beginning from ET Tranha E TNE. The translation of the closing portion, which only is pertinent here, runs thus:- The following generations, then, composed this book also in which are enumerated, the roots for one activity, the nouns for one idea, also words that have several meanings and lastly the names of gods.' The last line suggests that he understands the passage as just indicated. If so the V-19 and the parallel expressions which appear to be purposely put to distinguish between two kinds of names viz., OT and quia arra etc., are not well explained. The following is I think the proper way of explaining the pasasge.
We have first to separate the words 99 and grada. The passage then reads Agora ATA, Tyruar This name of a god is on this one (however) is primary.' Having first of all postulated two kinds of names for gods, he proceeds to explain them in turn. U names are those that occur in a verse for another god; while those that contain the praise of certain gods primarily i. e. without being subordinately mentioned with others) are ta names. The word aga then gets an extensive application. It means then, not only subordinate names of gods but in a general way, such other names as occur in verses in praise of a particular god. An example of a name is t r y where st is to because it occurs in a verse for another god. See
R. 49. 11 Taaret Hoca swarar a i. e. these (rivers) are very often secondarily mentioned but rarely primarily,' नैघण्टुकं वृत्तं is a synonym of निपात e.g. R. 47, 22 aparatlarda mrgrer.

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Tais explains the two correlative (ya satisfactorily, avoids the repetition that is inevitable in Durga's manner of understanding the passage and moreover supplies a basis for the two following passages pour etc. and warfara etc. where the two classes of words are clearly distinguished.
V. In this connection I have to draw attention to the names of the three natural divisions into which the subject matter of the book falls. If we refer to Sâmaśrami's edition, we shall at once find, that besides the division of Yâska's for into twelve chapters, there is another broader di vision into three Kândas or books as we might call them. They are called
room, itt . There is agreement between Durga whom Sämaśrami follows and Roth, as regards the chapters that bear the name an: chapters seven to twelve constitute the 94. Here there was no possibility of difference of opinion, as Yâska himself says at the beginning of the seventh chapter, 'serit , now the Daivata' and repoats the definition of the ata that he has laid down at the end of the first chapter; R. 39,21. He had said there that he would explain it i. e. the Daivata below ( free). It is clear therefore that the last six chapters constitute the h ug.
Now which is the fa and which the Hook at! Here Roth differs from Durga in calling the first six chapters of the Nirukta the 479613. According to Durga, it is only the 4th, the 5th and the 6th chapters of the form that go to form the
1 3 . Then the original lists of words in five chapters, which is the rear or faozet according to Yaska, is named by Roth as the front; while it is only the first three chapters of the Nirukta itself that are called Araoz by Durga and Såmaśrami.
Now which of the views is correct? And is there any indication of this division in the 6 itself.
For an answer to this question we turn once more to chapter 7. There it is said STUTT | Rurfrafa Taratat
car a now the Daivata (section); those words or names which denote the gods that are principally (inclependently) praised are said to form Daivata'. This reminds us of the passage at the end of the 1st chapter of the Nirukta, where the same words occur without any change at all. The closing words of the passage run thus: ap (i.e. ) qitet ware
Tafar I shall explain the Daivata below; the y a ITA (9 )here i. e. immediately. This is then the threefoll division. The goza section therefore is to follow. It is a part of the Nirukta itself. Roth therefore is wiong when he calls the whole lists i.e. the निघण्टव: as वैघण्टुककाण्ड. The नैघण्टुक and नैगम then, are sections of the Nirukta and they precede the 7th chapter of the Nirukta and follow the 1st chapter. Which is now the dividing line? Where does the top end and the ATH begin! For an answer we have to turn to the 4th chapter.
The 4th chapter of the Nirukta begins with the words para ferrag ' अथ यान्यनेकार्थान्येकशब्दानि तान्यतोऽनुक्रमिष्यामोऽनवगतसंस्कारांश्च निगमान् । तदेकपदिकमित्याचक्षते we have thus far treated that (i. e. the section) where several words have the same meaning i. e. synonyms). Now we shall begin with (that where) one word has several meanings and with Vedic words (that is the meaning of the word PTH here ) whose formation ( en ) is not known. This they call the d r .'
The following things are made clear in this passage: (1) that one section or book has ended and another one begins (which, we know, ends with the sixth chapter); (2) that it is called , presumably because it speaks of single qe that have the same sense and other single r whose Samskara is not known.

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Now we have to turn to the end of the Erst chapter. There, after mentioning the circumstances which very probably must have led to the compilation of the lists of words, Yaska also puts forward a general scheme of division of the work into three great parts.
1. GER: HATHITT YT: gare HRT . So many are the roots having the same meaning ; so many are the names of this object. It is easy to see that this means synonyms: several words whether roots or nouns, having identical sense.
2. partat TANTE So many senses are conveyed by this name (this approaches homonyms); one and the same word having different senses.
When we compare this with the above, we easily see that this is the same twofold division, as has been mentioned in the sentence of the fourth chapter quoted above. Yâska has not left us in doubt as to the names of these two sections they are 4 and TH respectively. The third, as we know, is tan.
The second and the third chapter of the front constitute therefore the go o , the following three the r i s and the last six the . We know that there is also another name for the second book; it is hafan R. 65-2. We have seen how the name could have arisen. If we laid too much stress on cam so they call it R. 65-2, then we might say that it is a name in use before Yåska ; his name for the section is 'TH. We can also see how that section could have received this name. Because it contained chiefly Path or Vedic words' whose fit is not known, therefore it was 9703. See Max Müller A. S. L. 155.
It is possible to apply this division also to the face. The first three chapters of these lists, containing words from ara unafft mana constitute gogon; the fourth, from जहा to भाबीसं, forms the नैगम or the ऐकपदिक and the fifth the देवत. But as a rule it is applied only to the pot. Roth is therefore wrong in calling the whole of the lists themselves the aqugchah'or a section of the work.
VI. R. 40, 15 and 16; S. IL-160,13. afaifa antar at i fara rirag 99 it is only among the Kambojas that the root uie, meaning' to go' is used ; its derivative 79, is used among the 'Aryans.' Roth has a long note on this passage. It means:-“This passage is more than a riddle. The first distinction is made between the Kambojas and the Aryans i. e, the people of the North-west, who were formerly Aryans, but who now no longer have a common faith and learning (with the Aryans), and the genuine Aryans. The former are supposed to say Tafmiferant, the latter on the contrary fafa
f. So far as the Aryans are concerned, this is wrong according to all the other older grammars that we know and according to Yaska's own work, who in III, 18 and IV, 13 says Tydeffe , although no one would regard him as & Kamboja (for that). Further the Easterners, who with the Northerners form only sub-sections of the Aryans themselvescompare the use of the term in Pân; Böhlingk II S..V.-would also use the same terminology as is current among the Kambojas; and therefore the first distinction (between Aryans and Kambojas) would be done away with. Under these circumstances, the only possible explanation appears to me to be that we have to banish from our texts the words- to T a ' as an unskilful interpolation of a wiser grammarian. But still the passage is valuable as it shows that the existence of) a Sanskrit grammar among the Kambojas was at any rate presumed."
The passage therefore, is an interpolation according to Roth. I think this conclusion is based upon a misconception: first because there is no mention of a terminology that was current in certain regions eto; and secondly because Roth has not understood the meaning properly. For the passage certainly does not mean the Kambojas say ugrasifant.' The meaning of raw and appears to have puzzled Roth. It means 'is spoken' s. e. is current in the language. The passage only means that the root itself is current

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among the Kambojas, whereas only the derivative is used in the Aryan Language. I don't quite see how III, 18 'इवाशुयायी शक्तेर्वास्यात् गतिकर्मण:' contradicts 'शवतिर्गतिकर्मा काम्बोजेष्वेव . The former means that could be derived from the root which means to go. Does this look like the root or base itself being current among the Aryans? It is only a derivative from it that is current. The same can be said of IV, 13: is derived from to go.' Does this say that the base itself is current in the Aryan language? It is only the derivative that is current there. And there is no harm in deriving a derivative from a root that might not happen to be current in the same dialect.
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Yaska has clearly said in the sentences immediately proceeding this passage that roots or bases only are used in certain regions, while derivatives from these bases only in others. As an example, the root only is current among the Kambojas, while its derivative only is_current_among the Aryans. प्रकृतय एव एकेषु भाष्यन्ते विकृतय एव एकेषु R. 40, 15. VII.R. 40, 19 and 20 S. II 161, 2 and 3. दण्डो ददतेर्धारयतिकर्मणोऽक्रूरो ददते मणिमित्यभिभाषन्ते । Durga's note on the passage at S. 552. 18ff runs thus. Do we anywhere find in the sense of fa-he holds? Yes; both in Veda and in common parlance (what Yaska calls भाषायां or इति अभिभाषन्ते, भाष्यते, eg. R. 33, 5 नूनामेति विचिकित्सार्थीयो भाषायामुभयमन्वध्यायम्). In the Veda in far gent care VII, 33, 11. see R. 84, 11. In common parlance or colloquially' etc. Akrûra was a king, the ruler of the a. He holds the jewel named on his head'. Durga evidently refers to the celebrated theft of the jewel, a dark episode in Krishna's life.
Roth's remark on this passage is as follows. If one would draw literary-historical conclusions from this example, taken from the well-known legend of the Yâdava race regarding the jewel a, we must draw attention to the fact, that the example is here inserted (interpolated) in a form, which nowhere else occurs in Yâska.
What Roth means by the last words of his remarks is not very clear. Perhaps Roth finds it strange that Yâska should take a colloquial passage to support this view. If so, I think justice is scarcely done to Yâska, who now and again points out differences between the भाषा and the वेद. The contrast भाषायां and अन्वध्यायं is a constant feature of the exposition of निपात or particles ; eg R 32, 10 इवेति भाषायां वान्वध्यायंच etc.
The whole passage R. 32, 24 to 33, 7 points to the fact that Yâska has drawn many examples from the living dialect, called भाषा e. g. कथं हि ब्याकरिष्यतीति खलु कृत्वा खलु कृतम् . It is true Yâska has not repeated the words af after these, as in our passage. But so much is clear that Yâska has not totally disregarded the Tr in his exposition. And it is not at all strange that he should quote a passage from the rar, even if it looks like a half verse. It is again in the fitness of things that in this particular connection Yáska should prefer the भाषा to the अध्याय or वेदः for दण्डपुरुष is not a Vedic word occuring in the fog. It occurs incidentally just as an example in the course of the exposition of general principles of etymology, which Yâska lays down at the beginning of the second chapter.
I think no valid reason has been brought forward by Roth to prove that the passage is an interpolation. इस्याभिभाषन्ते is a parallel expression to इति विज्ञायते which latter is used when the quotation is from a T (although far is often used in such cases) or at any rate not from the ar or colloquium.
Now what are the literary-historical conclusions that Roth fears to draw? Well they are that Yâska knew the Syamantaka story. This places the episode beyond Yâska; and so far as we know there is no absurdity that could vitiate the conclusion. The passage may also suggest that Akrûra's time was not far anterior to Yâska, if the present tense of is respected. But it might be a sort of adage and therefore the present tense need not carry us to any conclusion like that.

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THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA. BY V. RANGACHARI, M. A., L.T., MADRAS. (Continued from p. 171.)
The Plan of Campaign.
With such a strong array, Râmappaiya set out on his campaign. Proceeding along the Vaigai, the army fixed its camp at the end of the first day at Chinna Râvuttan Palayam. The next day it reached Vandiyûr. From thence two days' march brought it by way of Tiruppuvanam to Vâna Vira Madura in Alagar country, the strong and fortified place where the Mâvilivânan had lived and ruled. The van of the Madura army-600 elephants, 700 camelry and 6,000 cavalry-no sooner reached the banks of its magnificent lake than the spies of Sadayakka carried the news to him. They described in glowing and eloquent language the formidable nature of the invading army; but the Sêtupati got more furious than afraid. Had he not conquered and enslaved kings at Paramakudi? Had they forgotten their experiences so early? Did he not conquer Sûrappayya and Arupanâtha? He would never cease fighting unless and until he captured and chastised this foolish Brahman, this brainless adventurer, this dabbler in war.. He would sacrifice his throne, his very life, if he did not before long tie a cocoanut to the Brahman's knot of hair and paraded him in shame before a jeering and pitying world. With this commendable resolution the Marava chief prepared to meet the enemy. Nothing deterred him from his resolve to fight to the bitter end. The Pandaram of Ramalingas vâmy, indeed, said that, as a result of his consultations with the divinity, he anticipated defeat in case of war, and therefore advised him to yield and pay tribute. But Sadayakka was more in a mood to give reproof than to take advice, and the priest had to leave the royal presence in sullen anger. All the men of the Marava land were immediately called to arms. The fierce. Vannimalai Kumâra Vîran, the tiger-like Magattilân (?) (user), the Kurumba of Konḍamkottai, the chief of Sembi Nadu and Mangala Nâḍu, the Râvuttas,-all assembled under the general leaderships of Vishakantha Dêva, Mottai Udayân, Karutta Udayân, and above all, Vanniya, the son-in-law of Sada-yakka and the bravest fighter of the day. Bold and daring, fierce and aggressive, these chieftains looked on their Brahman opponent with contempt and hatred. They vowed either to capture him or to die in the field. They asked if he had no god to perform puja to, and what right he had to take up the occupation of the soldier! Vanniyan vowed to take away his sacred thread and use it to tie up cows! Inspired by such feelings they marched in different directions to meet the enemy. Kumara Vira went to the defence of Ariyândipura-Kôtai, Motta Udayan, Karutta Udayan and Râvutta Kâttan occupied Pogalûr. Pottai Uḍayân and Vishakantha Têvan, went to Pudu-kil-Kôtai(?). The next day, Vanniga saw the Madura army at Ariandipur Kattai. An engagement immediately followed,-the first in the war-and ended in the victory of the Marava. The Madura camp was plundered, and 300 men lay dead, while the Maravas lost 60. Ramappaiya, however, renewed the attack on the place the next day. His ariny was in 18 divisions, while the enemy's in five divisions, under the respective
1 See p. 312 of Taylor's Rest. MSS., Vol. IV. (Line 16). It is later on called in the MS. Mândmadurai.
15 It evidently refers to some local chiefs. In the reign of Kumara Krishnappa it was under a Turnbuchchi Naik, as we have already seen. Perhaps the Setupati had distinguished himself by subduing certain turbulent chiefs of the place.

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commands of Karutta Udayân, Vishakantha, Pottai Udayân, Mada 14 Tevan and Katta Têva. The battle was indecisive, each losing 300 people. During the next two days, the valour of Mappillai Kondappaiya and Venkata Krishộaiya took the offensive, and though the poem, with its onesidedness, attributes greater loss to the Naik army, succeeded in breaking through the enemy. Then the struggle began in fuil fury. The Maravas were first put to immense trouble. "Like deer caught in a net and water in the midst of mountains," they fumed and raged, toiled and moiled. The men of Ariyandipur and Kalândakudi. however, came for their rescue, and in the subsequent engagement, they were, we are informed, successful, and inflicted, besides the loss of 200 horses, 10 elephants and 3,000 men, death on the chiefs of Virů pâkshi, the Tondamân, Kâ mâkshi Naik and three others. The next day, however, Råmappaiya besieged Ariyândipur Kottai and took it.
Purguing his success, he came to Kâdânda kudi, crossed the Vaigai and at 'Attiyuttikottai " (Ramnad Taluk) came up with Sadayakka himself. A furious engagement followed, in which Sadayakka was seriously wounded, and compelled in spite of Vannigan's bravery, to retreat with all his forces, treasure, palanquin and state paraphernalia to the Pamban channel. Râmappaiya promptly took " Attiyutti-kôttai" and pursued his adversary. The Setupati therefore crossed the channel to Râmêsvaram, and trusted himself, as the poem .says, to Ramanatha Svâmi's grace !
A Diversion to the North. At this stage, while Râmappaiya was enjoying a well-earned rest from his recent campaign, he received the terrible tidings from his master that 30,000 men of the 'Mugila' (Mughal ?) and the Padshah of Golconda' had crossed the pass into the Râya's clominions, laid waste the country around Velur and Vijayapuram, and were about to invade the Nåik kingdom. With characteristic promptness, Râmappaiya resolved to go to the north. Leaving the seat of his recent war with the promise of returning in eight days and with the strict orders to the Polygars to keep a vigilant watch over the ports and forts, he proceeded to Madura, had an interview with Tirumal Naik, and at the head of 1,000 horse, hurried to the north. The poem gives his route of march, -Sôla Vandan, Vadamadurai, Dindigul, Tikkamalai Maņappârai, Rattaim alai, Trichinopoly, Srirangam, Samayâ varam, Kannanûr, Ottattûr, Vâlikonda pura, and Vélar. The gallant general had an interview, we are told, with the Râya 17, received the pán superi of supreme command from him, and hurried towards Bangalore. There he joined Ikkêri Venkata Krishộaiya and assisted him in driving the Muhammadans across the river and defeating them with great slaughter. With 1,000 cavalry, 50 camels, and 60 elephants as the spoils of war, he returned to the Raya, after, we are told, going as far as Bijapûr and Ânagundi. At Vêlûr he was received with magnificent cordiality and pressed by the Râya to stay, but he naturally refused, and promising to go there at least once a year; set out on his return journey, and by the same route, reached Solavandân and Pillaippalayam.18 The gratitude of Tirumal Naik had arranged for a grand welcome through the hero's brother Vaidyanatha ; but waiving that pleasure and honour to the time when he would return as the victor from Râmêsvaram,
16 The name of this chief is not quite clear in the MS. He is always given the title Madurai-vali. kanda, i.e., who saw the way to Madura.
17 This must be Venkatapati II, who ruled till 1642. (See Arch. annual, 1911-2). Ikkeri and the neighbouring powers were of course involved in war with Bijapur, but it is difficult to say how far the story of Rim uppriya's cooperation with them is tru. It is curious that the poem ignores Mysore. It is also very inaccurate in its topography, for it places Vijayapura and Anagundi on the way from Veldr to Oftattur!
18 I have not been able to identify this place.

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Râmappaiya went direct to "mattan Sirukudi." Here he bestowed a lasting benefit on the people by subduing the fierce Kallas who had given them incessant trouble. From there he went by way Tiruppuvana 19 and Vâna-vîra Madurai to Pugalûr, where Kumara Alaha and other's resisted him. The Brahman general threatened to take very severe measures if they did not yield, and when they were obstinate, he attacked the place with wonted energy, took it, and with singular cruelty put the leaders to death. Pugalûr taken, Ramappaiya was able to promptly march through Attangarai20 and Vêdâni' (?), to the Pamban channel.
The building of the Pamban Causeway. Râmappaiyn's return to the Pamban was the sign of extraordinary activity in that quarter. Undaunted by any obstacle and undeterred, even by nature, he embraced the ''mad" idea of rebuilding, like his divine namesake, the Sêtu, and marching his gigantic army across it to attack. Everywhere the revelation of the general's design excited laughter. Men spoke that uniform victory had affected his brain, and that his folly was sure to bring him ruin. But Ramappaiya scorned all scorn. Opposition only strengthened his activity, and when many refused, he showed that he was true to any work by carrying the stone for the dam himself. Everybody was then surprised and ashamed, and the Naik and the Marava, the Telugu and the Tamil, the Canareso and the Malayali, combined together to build the dam. Each contributed, like the old monkeys, his share, and with the growth of the causeway their enthusiasm grew. Public women, says the poem in a true vein of humour, laughed at the soldiers, and asked, while they were lifting the stones, where their swords were, their robes, their ornaments. In great shame, the latter complained to the general, and he ordered the 7,000 danoing girls of the kingdom to join! Each was compelled to take seven stones, singing all t.e while! The mild and indolent Clettis, seeing their condition, clapped their hands in contempt, and asked where had gone their prou gait, their souriding ank ets were ! Were they not like Gopura asses lifting mud? In great anger, the fair victims of the taunt appealed to the Dala vâi, and he issued the mandate that every one of the 8,000 Chettis of the land slould join in the business and place 10 stones at least for the growing causeway! While the Chettis were paying the penalty of pride, an Audi forgot the lesson and remarked how well they deserved this punishment--they that told the beggars to come ever afterwards, taat would not pay a pie even if addressed as "father" and took the shoe when addressed as uncle ! The only result was that the Ancis and Paradeśis l.ad to contribute their si are to the grand undertaking !T..e progress of the dam in consequence was startlingly rapid, and Râmappaiya was ale to carry his men across and lay siege to the island.
Ramappaiya's alliance with the Portuguese. The Sêturati was now in serious danger and was indefatigable in his endeavours to save the island at all costs. Råmappaiya at this stage is said to have had some negotiations with the Paraugis of Singala, Colombo, Manaar and Cock.in, whom the Setupati had alienated by his colle, tiou of extravagant tribute. Ramapraiya offered them not only the freedom from tribute but the islanci itself in case they hclped lim, and they consented. It is not a difficult thing to way who those Parangis were. They should have been, of course, either the Dutch or the Portuguese 21 who were, as we have alr ay scen, tusy attacking each otherin this part of the
29 A very important religious centie, 16 miles off Sivagariga. See Antiquities I, p. 298.
24 This vilage is in the Remnad la.uk. Suuhuci is also here. I have not Leen blo to identify Vedat.i.
21 Seo Danvers, Vol. II.

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world ; and a little thought shews that Råmappaiya must have obtained the cooperation of the Portuguese. At the time when Tirumal Nâik ascended the throne the Dutch had been gaining ground everywhere. Almost every year they blockaded Goa and subjected it to immense loss of trade. The English, then allies of the Dutch, acted with them and, with their superior ships and men, secured easy victories. Every where the Portuguese lost. Malacca, once the most flourishing centre of eastern trade, was reduced to a second-rate dependency, yielding barely & revenue 3,000 cruzados. In Ceylon, indeed, the Portuguese had their own way; for in 1628 they crected forts at Trincomali and Batticalao and provoked a successful war with Kandy. But the very next year the Portuguese general was decoyed into mountains and, deserted by the Singhalese section of his troops, was defeated and slain by Raja Singha. In 1633 their position, it is true, was somewhat bettered; for, a convention with the English East India Company introduced an era of comparative immunity from a formidable enemy; and at the same time, a number of victories in Ceylon made Rija Singha agree to a treaty in April 1633, by which he was to share his dominions with two other sons of queen Catherina, to refrain from wars in future without due notice and reasons, to give Betticalao to Portugul, to pay one elephant as tribute every year, and to permit a prelato of the order of St. Francis to reside in Kandy and minister to the religious waats of the Christians of that locality. But much of this success was undone by the weakness, the disunion and the cruelty of the Portuguese themselves. They thoroughly alienated the native populations as much by the barbarities perpetratel not only on their defeated enemies but on harmless and defenceless women and children, as by the persistency with which they endeavoured to force the Catholio religion on all who became subject to their rule". At the same time, owing to their defective management of commercial affairs, the revenues in the different ports dwindled down to practically nothing. More than these, the Jesuits and priests, whom they encouraged at their own expense, became enemies more deadly than the Dutch themselves. They assumed a tone of arrogance in their conduct and made bold to defy the viceroy himself. They retained bands of men at their own expense in total disobedience to the government. They interfered in politics and in tra le, and made themselves absolute masters of the pearl fisheries of Travancore and the Indian coast. They actually waged war against His Majesty's captains on the seas. They obtained, by underhand means, a general charge over the several fortresses of the north and refused to render any account of the expenditure. They purchased lands and received legacies without permission. Above all they held secret communications with the Dutch and even with the Muhammadans. Deriving every support from the government, they thus proved ungrateful intriguers against its authority. The government did indeed prohibit them in 1635 from purchasing land and receiving legacies without sanction, and from interference with pearl fisheries, on pain of the loss of the care of the Christians. But the large allowances they had been drawing and the large private property they had accumulated, made them indifferent to these threats. Financially the dependents of the State, they were actually richer than the State, which, on account of its poverty, could not even pay the soldiers and therefore drove them to be monks. The life of the monk in fact became the coveted life of the day. Hundreds of people who came every year from Portugal on the King's service, gave up their original object and embraced the easy and alluring occupation of monk. It is no wonder that the ecclesiastical men in Goa were far out of proportion to officials
For a detailed account of the religious activity of the Portuguese in Ceylon see Tennent's Christianity in Ceylon, 22-29.

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and laymen, that they outnumbered the soldiers and civilians put together. An empire assailed by such gross evils could not but undergo irrevooable dismemberment and decadence, and within the next 20 years it was destined to collapse. In 1685 the 23 Portuguese, however, adopted an enterprising policy against the Dutoh. They entered into an arrangement24 with Venkata pati II, by which he was, in return for 30,000 geraffins, 12 horses, and 6 elephants, to attack the Dutch at Pulicat by land, while they were to do so by the sea. On the success of this affair depended the future of Portuguese trade on the Coromandel coast. Venkatapati, however, was unable to carry out his part of the engagemont on account of, as he himself said, a disturbance in his own dominions. The Portuguese fleet (of 12 ships), which had come to the Dutch port, had therefore to go back towards Ceylon. On the way they entered into a quarrel with Tirumal Naik, at Tuticorin. The cause of the quarrel was Jesuit perfidy. More worldly than the most worldly of layman, these Jesuits had made themselves the practical lords of Tuticorin and its trade, and with the support of an army formed by themselves, they defied their Portuguese benefactors, intrigued with Tirumal NÂik and instigated him to seize a Portuguese agent who had been sent to purchase saltpetre in exchange for elephants.25 It was with a view to overawing the Jesuits and chastisinge the Naik that the Portuguese came to Tuticorin. Their endeavour seems to have been successful. The details are not known, but it seems that the Portuguese demonstration taught the Jesuits and the Naik the value of gratitude on the one hand and of a milder policy on the other. It was just a few months after this that the Setupati war broke out, and he found himself a prisoner in the island of Ráméávaram. It is not improbable, nay it seems certain, that the Sêtupati asked for and obtained the assistance of the Dutch in this crisis, (though the poem does not mention this) and that Råmappaiya, as a countermove, conciliated the Portuguese. The Portuguese had too many reasons to come to such a bargain. During the last two years the Dutch hani proved singularly troublesome. They had allied themselves with the emperor Veikatapati by the tempting payment of 20,000 pardos for the uninterrupted possession of Pulicat. They had attacked Mylapore and reduced its wealth and population. They had seized the whole trade from Japan to the Straits. Above all, they intrigued with the Grand Moghul, Shah Jahan, and let loose his anger on them. They had moreover endeavoured to undermine26 the Portuguese influence in the courts of Tanjore and Ginji. All these circumstances induced the Portuguese to readily join the Madura general in the siege of Râmêávaram. It is not surprising that
13 Sewell refers to this agreement, but he attributes it to 1633. Ho also refers to a second agree. ment of a similar dato and it is not improbable that it was in 1635.
24 Mr. Ros in his " Monumental Remains of the Dutch East India Company "refers to this, though he gives the wrong date of 1663. “In 1663," he says, "the Setupati of Ramnad rebelled and entrenched himself in the island of Pamban. He was assisted by a number of Europeans who came in five vessels from Ceylon and Coohin. Their motive was said to be to gain a footing in the country. They might have been either Portuguese or Dutch. They were most probably the latter, for a that time their activity was on the increase." Rao's surmise is correct; for the Portuguese were on the side of Tirumal Naik. . 25 Danvers II, 260. Between 1636 and 1638 the king of kandy also was on the side of the Dutch, to become afterwards the dupe and victim of their treachery. For details based on Baldous see
Tennent's Christianity in Ceylon, p. 38.9. As regards the trade in elephants in the Portuguese and • Dutch periods soo the same writer's Natural History of Ceylon, p. 163.4.
26 Danvers II, 268. The Naik, however, was unwise in joining the losing side. For the Dutch took place after place after this. In 1639 they took Trincomali, (no Ceylon R. A. 8. 1887). In 1658 they took Manar, arrived at Tutioorin, and the Portuguese, after a slight resistance, ovaouated the town, burnt their vessels and took to flight and the Dutch occupied it. (Danvers II, 320); in 1660 Nogapatam foll.

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"on the 13th August, 1639, an ambassador arrived at Goa from the Naik of Madura, who gave the Viceroy an assurance, on the part of his master, that in consideration of the assistance that had been sent to him when he wished to take Marava, he undertook to give the King of Portugal a fortress in Pampa, called Uthead, or wherever he might desire one, with a Portuguese Captain, fifty Portuguese soldiers, 100 lascars, and 3,000 pardaos for the maintenance of the same; he also undertook to build at his own cost a church at Ramnad, and seven churches between Pamban and Tondi. The Ndik also gave permission to all those who might desire it to become Christians, and promised to furnish gratuitously to the King of Portugal all the assistance he might require, both in men and supplies for service in Ceylon. He further undertook not to be friendly to the Dutch, nor to admit them into his territories, whilst his vessels would also not be permitted to visit Dutch ports."
The Siege of Ramobvaram. To resume the narrative of the war. When the forces of Madura encompassed the island, the Vandiyan redoubled his energies, to invest their boats and to remove their bowels. Taking the idols of Rama and Lakshmana in his ship, he gave battle to the besieger. During the first two days it was indecisive. On the third 500 ships (!), it is said, were engaged in the battle, and Råmappaiya and his generals were so terrible that the Sêtupati's army lost 6000 men and fled in confusion. The island was about to be taken when the valour and common sense of Vanniyan turned the disaster into victory. The ensuing day, the Madura Dalavai issued orders that if his lieutenants failed again they would be executed. At the same time he resorted, as the poem evidently seems to imply, to magical incantations27 and caused this great rival to suffer from small-pox. Vanniya and his uncle were undaunted. They proceeded to Ramanathasvâmi's shrine and prayed to obtain his grace. They implored the favour of Durga, Kali, Mâri and other deities by the magnificence of their offerings and the sincerity of their prayer. They summoned the learned orthodox and with their aid performed sacrifices. The result of all these special enterprises was seen in the formation of royal boils' throughout Råmappaiya's body, and gave him unbearable pain. Nothing daunted, however, he fought on. The waters around the island were dyed red, and the Maravas were panio-striken. Vanuiya himself left his sick bed and resorted to the battlefield, the last he was to engage in. Tied on to an elephant, he came in the midst the of usual paraphernalia. The five-coloured umbrella wag held up before him. The chamaras were waved, the 18 kinds of music sounded, the archers formed the front ranks, and silver ringed matchlocks were carried. Auspicious omens attended him. The Garuda ciroled over him, while Ramappaiya had bad omens and forebodings. He dreamt that his master was killed by Vanniya, crows cawed over him and his left shoulders throbbed. The battle which followed was furious on both sides, and ended in the victory of the Marava. Admired and loved, the hero returned home and, as it turned out, to his death bed. Feeling the call of death, he advised his uncle to write to Râmappaiya offering obedience and loyalty and an indemnity of one crore of rupees, and to surrender after getting an oath of fidelity in the name of his elder brother. With this wholesome advice the hero died. The poem describes, in eloquent and pathetic language, the widespread lamentations of the relations
# An interesting contribution by Burgess on the ritual of Ramlivaram can be studied in connection with this subject, ante., XII. pp. 315-26. See ante., Vol. XXVIII for examples of the application of magic to kill an enemy.

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of the people, and the sati of his wife. The very next day, the Sêtupati's letter of surrender reached Ramoppaiya and two sthanapatis from the latter waited on the illustrious chief. With gold and silver flowers, with ornaments and other presente, he came to the great Daļavai's presence. But no sooner did he make obeisance than the Brahman, with singular lack of chivalry, asked the fallen chief to shew him the cocoanut which he had vowed to tie to his hair. In proud and dignified sullenness, the Setupati replied that, if his nephew were alive, he would hardly have occasion to stand there and hear this supercilious language. The Dalavâí thereuron ordered him to be put in fetters, and when, immediately after, the army returned to Madura and Sadayakka was brought in chains before Tirumal Nâ ik and was asked by the latter why he had dared to disobey, the prisoner gave him the same reply' that, but for his nephew's death, he would never have yielded. The only result of this was that the Sêtupati was subjected to the miserable life of a prisoner. There, the poem concludes, he made an earnest prayer to his Rama to free him from his misery, and to the surprise of all, the chains which bound him broke of themselves, and made his person free. The news of the miracle was immediately carried to Tirumal Naik, he felt convinced that the Setupati had the full grace of Ramanathasvâmy and set him free. Sadayakka 28 then made obeisance to the Karta, and was taken to Râmnâd and crowned in great promp.
Such is the story given in the Ramappaiyan Ammanai. Nelson20 gives a slightly different version. He says that Ramappaiya actually died in the midst of the war on account of the enemy's resort to the black art, that he was then succeeded by Siva Ramaiya, his son-in-law, and that the latter, not less brave than his predecessor, succeeded in taking the island and capturing the rebel and one of his nephews, Danakadeva. The prisoners were taken to Madura and there kept in prison. Tambi Setupati was now placed at the head of the Maravas. He thus gained his ambition, but he was not wise enough to strengthen himself by an equitable rule. His want of statesmanship and his injustice raised popular discontent and diminished tho revenues; and this state of things was availed of by Raghunatha Teva and his brother Narayaņa to set up their claims and raise the standard of rebellion. Popular sympathy enabled them to gain the victory and make themselves the masters of Râmnâd. Tambi once again resorted to Tirumal and prayed to hiin to restore him. But a large number of Bhaira gis and pilgrims waited on Tirumal and impressed on him that peace and security would come back to the country only if the Dalavai Setupati was set free and restored. Thus it was that the rightfull heir came to the throne. For a space of five or six years he ruled in peace; the country recovered from the effects of the war, and the people were contented. The History of the Car. nataca Governors gives a simpler &ccount. It says that when Sadayakka was in prison, the roads to Râmêśvaram became unsafe. “The Bhaira gis and Låda Sanyasins in consequence who had come from the north in pilgrimage to Râmês varam, waited for many a day outside the palace for an interview with the king, laid, their own complaints, and earnestly begged for the liberation of Sadayakka. The king sympathised with them and setting the
28 According to oro version Sadayakka died at Råmêsvaram but not before encompassing the death of his younger brother by magic. J. L. W. believes in this, and thinks that Tirumal Naik could not have conquered the Marave, “that the United States of the Maravas had already begun to attain a vigour and power of resistance quite superior to any force," that the Madura monarch could put in the field. This is of course absurd. Calc. Rev. 1878, p. 451.
29 See Appendix I.; also O. H. MSS, 11, 180-1.

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Setupati free, asked him to behave more wisely in the future, and dismissed him to his kingdom with presents of robes and ornaments."
SECTION V.
War with Sri Ranga Raya. From these events it is plain how deficient Tirumal Naik was in all those talents of statesmanship which conduce to the strength and security of a kingdom. Lacking in foresight and in firraness, he signalised his reign by a series of blunders, which, far from fulfilling his ambitions, went to curb his power and subject his kingdom to the evils of war and his subjects, to misery. We have already seen how, immediately after his accession, he entertained the idea of declaring himself formally independent, and made warlike preparations, but how other circumstances intervened and, besides chocking his ambition. dictated a more peaceful attitude. Epigraphical evidence conclusively prove that he acknowledged his sovereign as late as 1634 (Bhâva). An inscription of 1629 at Tadikkombu shews that30 Rama Dêva was ackowledged. In 1634 again, we are informed, the nominal emperor Vira Veúkatapati Dêva (Venkata II,), granted, at the humble and loyal request of Tirumal Naik, the village of Kûniyuri or Muttuksishņâ puram in the Viravanallar Mågâna of Mullai Nádu in Tiruvâți Rajya to certain Brahmans. But no sooner did the Setupati war end than Tirumal gave up this loyal attitude and renewed his alliance with the governors of Tanjore and Ginji and entered irf'to war with the nominal Emperor. And it was well that he secured the cooperation of those chiefs. For about 1642, there came32 to the throne at Chandragiri a prince, Sriranga Raya III by name, whose talents and character made him an exceptionally powerful monarch. He had, unlike his immediate predecessors, a superior spirit and understanding which could hardly, like their meek and placid disposition, submit without a murmur to the insolence of his vassals. Immediately after his accession he seems to have entertained the idea of reviving the greatness of his ancestors and releasing the central government from the turbulence of local and provincial authorities. Such a prince, with such a policy of centralisation and efficienoy, could hardly ignore the formidable treason of Tirumal and his confederates. With a large and formidable force, therefore, he promptly marched southward to chastise the guilt of his feudatories. This stern resolution and prompt action on the part of the emperor seems to have struck terror into the hearts of the governors, and cooled their ardour for united action.
The Emperor's Victory. Both from principle and habit they had long been jealous of one another, and the present sense of common danger or common interests could not overcome their traditional
50 Antiquities, 1. 289.
31 Near Shermadevi, S. of Tambraparni. See Ep. Ind. III, 236-58 for detail, also Mad. Ep. Rep. 1891, June, p. 6. On the other hand, an inscription of 1642-3 (395 of 1914) recording the grant of a village to the Chokkan&ths temple does not mention any suzerain.
52 The date of bis accession, according to Mr. Krishna Sastri was in September or October of 1642. Bee Arch. annual, 1911-2. . » Orme quotee Thevenot (Fragments p. 231) to shew that Vellore was the capital, while Chandragiri had occupied that place at the end of the 17th century. See J. H. Garstin's S. Arcos Manual, p. 4. In his Forg. Emp., p. 233, Sewell points out from Portuguese records of St. Thome that about 1685 the king was at Vellore and that the king was then“ devoid of energy, and that one Timma Raya had revolted against him." It is very likely that this Timma Raya was Tirumal Naik.

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rivalry. When Sri Ranga Râya approached Ginji, therefore, he found his adversaries not only unprepared, but disunited. The Naik of Tanjore, evidently the pious Vijaya Râgkava, availed himself, with plausible sincerity, of the first chance to add a second treason to the first. At the mere sight of the imperial forces, he deserted his allies, ffered his submission to Sri Ranga Raya, informed him of the nature and extent of the
federate league, and, faithful to his new allegiance, took part in the operations of the imperial army. Sri Ranga was now in a position to march on Ginji. It is impossible to explain the lethargic despair into which Tirumal Naik fell at this crisis.
More than fifteen years back, he had commenced, in the anticipation of this very war, to husband the resources of his realm, and what was more, would probably have succeeded, if the war had then broken out; and yet, fifteen years later, when the invasion did actually take place, an invasion that, being the sole outoome of his deliberato treason, must havo been long expected by him-he showed himself, even with the assistance of the Governor of Ginji, singularly impotent. What were the reasons of this strange inconsistenoy ? Possibly, the military strength of Madura had been weakenod by the Ramnad rebellion. Possibly, Tirumal had not yet recovered from the effects of his protracted wars with Mysore and Travancore. His very eagerness to ignore his differences with the chiefs of Ginji and Tanjore and to enlist their co-operation had been in all probability due to this exhaustion of his resources. It is at tho samo time probable that he mistook the military capacity of his suzerain, and deluded himself into the notion that the emperor was too weak to resist or too timid to chastise his disaffection. Whatever it was, the fiokleness of the Tanjore Naik and the unoxpected activity of Sri Ranga Raya evidently upset his calculations, disappointed his expectations, and paralised his energies. From that time he appears to have sunk into a depression of spirits which dulled the fiery elements of his nature and incapacitated him for exertion. -
Tirumal's invitation to the Goleonda Sultan. At this crisis, he took a step, the enormity and folly of which will always single him out as one of the most shortsighted rulers in Indian History. This was no less than an invitation to the Sultan of Golconda the greedy Abdulla, Kutb Shah, the fifth of the Kutb Shahi dynasty and the deadly enemy of the Empire, to invade the Northern dominions of his master. It was a diplomatic move, no doubt, but the act of a political vandal who knew neither honour nor patriotism, and worshipped expedienoy and selfishness alone. For the sake of a title, Tirumal Naik thus betrayed his religion and his country, besides sacrificing his conscience and his reputation. More than 300 years had passed since Malik Kafur had marched his army into South India. The obstinate defence of Vijayanagar on the one hand and the disunion among the Dakhan Sultans on the other hand prevented the complete Muhammadan conquest of this region. Even after the disaster of Talikota and the removal of the seat of government to Pennakonda, the Musalman attempt at conquest and domination had, as we have already seen, almost though not entirely, failed. And, by a strange irony of fato, it was reserved for the most orthodox king of the age to play the traitor and invite the dreaded enemy into the land. Mr. Nelson, an ardent admirer of Tirumal Naik, mistakes his treachery for diplomacy, and considers his call for Musalman interference to be a lauda ble break from the past isolation of Madura. But the conduct of
34 Tirumal Näik's rebellion against Vijayanagar' is generally attributed to 1638. Seo, for example 8. Aroot., Gazr. p. 36. But it took place after 1642.

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Tirumal Naik is too plainly shortsighted to be capable of defence. His was an action which no true statesman in his position would have taken, no true Hindu would have supported, and certainly no man with any knowledge of Moslem rule would have thought of.
As for the Sultan, he was too glad to embrace such a golden opportunity, an opportunity for which he and his ancestors had long waited in vain. He had learnt from experience that, so long as the Cis-Krishna lands were united under a single nominal sway, he could not, in spite of victories in the field of battle, plant his power permanently there. He had also known that the moment the viceroys of South India disavowed their allegiance to their common overlord, the conquest of that region was a question of time. The treason of Tirumal Náik and the infidelity of his brother chiefs precipitated this very circumstance, and the Sultan only too eagerly seized the Naik's proposal for an alliance and invasion. It is true, as Wilks says, that the Sultan of Golconda would have been wiser if he had joined the Sultan of Bijapur, and opposed the Mughal who had taken Daulata bac in 1634 and Ahmadnagar in 1637, who had just established a regular imperial government in the Dakhan, and who openly desired to subdue and annex the two southern powers. But the Sultans were too shortsighted to understand their own interest. They “hall arrived at that stage of civilization in which gorgeous and awkward splendour covered the most gross political darkness. Instead of directing their united force against his paramount and obvious danger, they were engaged in idle pomp and pageantry and in an arrogant and shortsighted project for the partition of the dominions of the South. It was agreed that each should extend his conquest over the countries of the Zemindars of the Carnatic as they affected to call them, who were nearer to their respective territories."38 The aggression of Mysore in the upper Carnatio led many chiefs of that region-for instance those of Tarikera, Anicul, ete.-to call in the help of Bijapur, while tho chiefs of Madura. Tanjore and Ginji in the lower Carnatic brought about, as we have already seen, the Golconda invasion by their disaffection...
The Goleonda Invasion 1644 ? The army which Abdulla sent in response to Tirumal Naik's offer of alliance had a rapid and sure progress. The frontiers of the tottering Empire had been evidently left without defence, owing to the Emperor's engagement against his refractory vassals in the South The Golconda armyin-consequence found the country a ready prey to their occupation and vandalism. In their fury, they ravaged the country, burnt villages, destroyed temples, tortured people, - demolished edifices of rare architectural skill. Sri Ranga Raya was alarmed. He promply abandoned his campaign in the south, and proceeded to the north to meet the new danger. We have no materials to enlighten us on the details of the campaign which followed. It seems that the valour of Sri Ranga Raya gained more than one victory, but it was hardly a match for the superior skill of his adversaries, and before long he had to resign his northern districts for ever. The prudence of Sri Raiga Râya then sacrificed his pride, and called in his troublesome vassals to suspend their animosities and combine in the defence of their homes and their gods. With truth and logic he point
• 36 Wilks, I, p. 41.
36 Wilks is ignorant of this fact. He does not see that the actions of the lower Camatic chiefs wero independent of those of Mysore, and that they applied to the different Sultans. Owing to this igno. range, he thinks that the account of Goloonda's dealing with Ginjt must be a mistake of the copyist. Wilks does not know that it was Golcondab that first intervened in the lower Carnatic, though, owing. to certain circumstances, which I shall presently point out, that had to retire and Bijapur took her place

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ed out that the Muhammadan was as much an enemy to them as to himself. His appeal to reason failed, and he used, we may be certain, the language of threat and indignation, and vowed to chastise a guilt unpardonable under any circumstances. But his threats, and his entreaties were equally ineffectual. For months his endeavours brought forth little more than empty exchanges of sweet words. Shows and pomps, amusements and entertainments, followed in rapid but futile succession; but while the emperor's glory was exalted by pomp and pageantry, by falsehood and flattery, the profusion of praises on the part of the Nâiks was hardly accompanied by sincerity of feeling or rectitude of conduct. With the gorgeous display of loyalty and liberal assurance of support they combined a duplicity which did not hesitate to hold friendly communications with the invaders. The King of Mysore, the gallant and chivalrous Kanthîrava Narasa Râj, who came to the throne in 1639, was the only ruler who had a true and statesmanlike grasp of the situation, and who was true to his suzerain. But he, as we have already seen, had his own difficulties. While Golconda had been engaged in attacking the Empire in the plains, Bijapur had been warring37 with him in the Upper carnatic. Indeed by 1637 the Bijapur General Rendulla Khan had overcome "the whole open country of Bankapur, Hurryhur, Baswapatam and Tarrikera, up to the woods of Bednore," and in 1638-laid siege to Srirangapattanam 38 itself. Rendulla Khan succeeded in effecting a formidable breach and making a general assault; and it required the utmost energy and sleepless valour of Kanthirava to save the capital and compel the enemy to retreat. Under these circumstances, he could not promptly come to the assistance of his suzerain, and the army which he despatched in consequence was to late too assist or too weak to avenge. The Muhammadans had taken advantage of Sri Raiga's tardiness or rather weakness to garrison the conquered region, so that they now had new resources at their disposal. In a few months the prospect of Sri Ranga became so gloomy that he gave up the idea of defence and took refuge among the Kallas of N. Tanjore, where, in the fidelity of his rude hosts, he forgot for a few months the precariousness of his situation. Misfortune, however, pursued him thither also. The loss of power and lands brought the loss of friends and attendants. Powerlessness provoked disaffection, and adversity ingratitude. Many a soldier, courtier and nobleman, deserted his sovereign at a time when his fortunes were in the lowest ebb, when the toils of hardship and the sorrows of want made life a burden to him. Friendless and homeless, the unfortunate monarch, a pathetic spectacle of fallen greatness, then fled for protection to the only chieftain who had proved himself to be a loyal servant and true statesman, the ruler of Mysore.
(To be continued.)
37 Wilks, I. p. 32 and 41. Kanthirava was a very strong and chivalrous ruler. Wilks narrates an instance of his chivalrous spirit. Once he went to the Trichi Court and defeated in combat a champion of that Court, who had defeated all his challengers from every part of India. Wilks I, p. 30. For his administration of Mysore, Ibid, p. 32-33. It is curious that Wilks does not refer to the war between the emperor and his vassals and to the part that Mysore played therein. The numismatic importance of Kanthirava's reign is described in Chap. XI: see also Ante, XX, p. 308-9; Madr. Arch. Rep. 1910-11 p. 3; Buchanan II, 381.
38 The dominions of Jaga Deva at this time were all brought under the Mysore Rajas and the Muhammadans now attempted to take these regions. See Buchanan II, 484; Rice's Mys. Gazr. II, p. 62; and Madr. Ep. Rep. 1911, p. 62.

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THIRTEEN NEWLY DISURED DRAMAS ATTRIBUTED TO BHASA.
BY BHATTANATHA SVAMIN ; KUMBAKONAM. MR T. Ganapati Sastri of Trivandrum has edited a number of Sanskrit dramas and attributed them to the ancient dramatist Bhiga, who is earlier than Kalidasa. The discovery has resulted in drawing the attention of many Sanskritists, one of whom is Prof. Jacobi. Mrichchhakalika, supposed to be one of the best, if not the best, of Sanskrit dramas, is now reduced to an adaptation of one of these dramas. How disappointing it is to be told that a poet praised for his unparalleled originality did nothing more than take an ancient drama and make several additions without much embellishing the original ? Does this not show a hopeless lack of originality of the reviser ? One should not forget, however, that this observation cannot be well established unless Bhâsa's authorship of these dramas is proved beyond doubt.
When we come to that question, what strikes us first is that none of these dramas supplies us with the name of the author. The editor, however, convinces himself that the author of all is no other than Bhasa. He comes to this conclusion on the following grounds:
(1) Several instances show that all these dramas come from the pen of one and the same author. So if we succeed in discovering the author of one of them, we have the author of all.
(2) There is reason to identify one of these dramas with the Svapnavâsavadatta quoted by several authors. Honce if we know the author of Sva pnavasavadatta, we know the author of all these dramas. (3) The verse of Rajalekhara which runs
भासनाटकचक्रेपिच्छेकैः क्षिप्त परीक्षितुम् ।
स्वमवासवदत्तस्य दाहकोभून पावकः ॥ tells us that the author of a number of dramas including the Svapnava savadalla is Bhisa. From this we can conclude that the Charudatta-nataka and its sister dramas must have been written by Bhása, for they must necessarily have been composed by one who wrote Svapnavasavadatta.
So the editor thinks that some, at any rate, of the dramas included in the Bhasanataka-chakra, as it is called by Rajasekhara, have been brought to light now for the first time.
But I am not convinced of Mr. Ganapati Sastri's arguments. Undoubtedly there are many references to a drama called Svapnavâsavadatta. We are thankful to the editor for having collected all those references in his introduction. The point to be considered is whether they are references to the drama now published with the title Svapnavascradatta. A careful examination of two references negatives this fact.
(1) Sarvananda's Tika-sarvasva on Amarakośa refers to a Svapnavåsavadalla. The passage as quoted in the introduction of the Svapnavasavadatta runs as follows:
" स्वदिशमात्मसास्कर्तुमुल्यनस्य पद्मावतीपरिणयोर्थशृङ्गारः स्वमवासवदत्ते । तृतीयस्तस्यैव वासव- ई Frafra Fr: 11"
(Soe Svapna. Intro. p. XXII.) . This is a clear reference to the present drama which has Padmavati's marriage for its plot. But the passage actually found in Sarvananda's work slightly differs from the above. The learned Sastrf himself has undertaken the editing of the valuable work of

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Sarvananda, and the passage in question is found in the ortion already come out of press. On page 147 of the first part of that publication we find
"Porr Tyret URTA : AUT UT 4+4=rai T alata: 1 मास्मसास्कर्तुमुदयनस्य पद्मावतीपरिणयार्थशजारः । तृतीयः स्वमवासवदते तस्यैव वासवदत्तापरिणयः
TAUFIT: 11"
Whonce, then, has the editor got the version which he has quoted in his introiluction to the Surepna va savulalla? Taking existing MSS. of ?'ikusarvasvu to be imperfect here, the eclitor has cited what he has supposed to be the correct reading of tho j'assage. This is proval by his foot-noto on the passago in his publication of the ? 'ikâsarvasva -
FTC FTATET I ATENT" "fa 93: Fara" All this has been done because Mr. Ganapati Sastri considers that the drama called Svapnava savadatta is no other than the ono published by hi:1. I, on the contrary, suppose that the Srapnavâsavadalla quoted by Sarvånanda is an entirely different work and has for its plot Visavacatti's, and not Paclmivati's, marriage with Udayana.
(2) My supposition is strengthened by another reference to the Swapnavâsavndalla. It is in Abhinavagupta's Lochana on tho Dhvanyaloka. Mr. Ganapati Sastri remarks on the reference thus Tho Aryi
" THE 27TÉ 475993 (?)
उद्घान्य सा प्रविष्टा हत्यगृहं मे नृपतनूजा ॥ .. " is quoted in page 152 in the 3rd Udyota of Dhvanyalokalochana as being taken from Svapnavasavadatla. But I should think that this sloka is not from Swapnavâsavadatta, for it is found in none of the three manuscripts of ours. Besides, this bloka apparently signifies the springing up of love for a lady at first sight. It should be either for Vasavadattá or Padmavati. But it could not be for the former, for the troubled thoughts of a lover for his far off Indy appear in this Nataka only long after a happy wedded life; nor could it le for the latter, for, she was offered to Vatsarâja even without his request, at a time when he was much afflicted with thoughts of Vasavadatta. This surely could not be the occasion for describing his love for Padmavati. It is thus seen that this sloka could not find a place in Svapnavâsavadalla. Hence, we could not infer that this was an omission in the readings of some manuscripts owing to the Nataka having ceased from circulation." (Svapna. Intro. pp. XXIII f.)
I cannot but agree with the editor that the verse quoted by Abhinavagupta is a lover's expression of the depth of his love at first beholding his beloved and that there is no room for such an expression in the present Svapnava savadatta. I set aside the editor's assumption, however, that there has been only one Svapnavasavadatta in the whole Sanskrit Literature and that it is identical with the printed one. If there had been, as I suppose, another drama dealing with Udayana's making love to Vasavadatta and if, on the authority of Sarvånanda, its designation must be Svapnavasavadatla, we should have no reason to hesitate to declare that Abhinavagupta took the above Aryá from that drama, for the sloka can find a context in it.
If we consider the significance of the title Svapnavâsavadatta, we at once find that its application to the present drama has a certain amount of irrationality. The event from which a drama derives its name must have an importance; in other words, it should give effect to further development of the plot. In Abhijnana-Sakuntala the ring which is the abhijñana, or the object of recognition, is the central point of the plot of the fourth, fifth

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und sixth acts, and of the seventh act to a little extent. It is introduced in the very first act where it serves the purpose of the king being recognised by the maidens. Thus Kalielása is fully justified in giving the name Abhijñana-Sakuntala to his play, which means THAT TH"the work on [the story of] Sakuntali whose prominent feature is some token of remembrance." The name Mudra-Rakshasa, too, depends upon the pervading importance of the seal. The name Vikramorvasiya means, according to some interpreters," the work on [ the story of ] Urvari harir:g valour as its important feature."! It is justifiable because Purûra vas's valour releases Urval from prison. Its effect on the lovo of Urvasi is manifest in हला उअारिणं पिराएर्सि etc. (p. 18); काहि सो आवण्णाणुकम्पी भवे qu. 41); and he gufet FI RETTIST TOT tof surfer (p. 52). Also his valour is the cause of Indra's allowing Orvaļi's union with Purûra vas. (See pp. 72 and 148). In Mrichchhakatika the event of a clay cart has for its sequence Chârudatta's accusation, which resulted in speedy destruction of Palaka through the hands of Chårudatta's friend Aryaka and his party, and thus brought prosperity to Chårudatta.
Now to come to our subject, in the printed Svapnavâsavadatta, the Svapna, the scene of the fifth act has no striking connection with the main plot. It is introduced in an unexpected way and finished without manifesting any effect upon coming events. It is alsurd of the author to name his drama after such an unimportant event. If Bhavabhati had named his Uttara-ramacharita after Rama's union with the unperceived Sita in the third act, it would not be more absure than this designation. Though unimportant, it serves to safeguard Rama from falling a victim to a broken-heart. Here this event of svapna is introduced when the king's state of mind has become less acute, as expressed by the words " ** 3 4 9 9 :1". Besides this, Padmavati's unexplained absence from Samudragiha, and the event not being a dream in reality, are utterly unbecoming for such a highly praised drama as the Svapnavâsavadatta. Thus the author, whoever he may be, instead of giving a name after finishing the drama or mentally prearranging the plot, seems to have taken the name into acoount first and then begun to write a drama to suit the name. His choice of the story and many other disavantages prevented him from attaining his purpose. This consideration induces us to suppose that there must be another drama from which such absurdities are absent.
From the references of Sarvananda and Abhinavagupta we inferred that there was a drama with the name Svapnarasuvadatta and Vasavadattâ's marriage for its main plot. In all probability this belief soems not to be far from the truth for two reasons: (1) Abhinavagupta's quoting a verse as from the Svapnavâsavadatta need not be taken as a misrepresentation and (2) Sarvananda's specification of the story of the Svapnavajavadatta requires no modification. So we have reason to conclude that our Pseudo-Bhasa has a vailed himself of the name Svapnavasaralatta cither in full or in a contracted form, and has tried to produce a play to suit that name.
One objection may be raised in this connection. How can a drama developing the love story of Vasavadatta and Udayana give a prominent place to a dream, since the story as told in the Kathacarit-ságara does not hint at a dream ? This objection, however, may he got
"I am aware that tho generally adopted explanation of the name is to take it as a Madhyama padalopi compound and as moaning Crasi won by valour ato." S. P. Pandit's prefaces to Raghupam sa Vol. 111. p. 31. ? Bombay Sanskrit Series ; Vol. XVI. 3rd edition.
3 Svapna, p. 51. (let od.)

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over very oasily. Names such as Abhijñana-Sakuntala and Nirdosha-Dasaratha ruggest that the name given to a drama by its author may depend upon a dramatic refinement for its Significance. Moreover, Udayana's story as narrated in the Kathasarit-sagara is hot closely followed by many authors. For instance, from the Ratnávali and Priyadariana we learn that Vasavadattâ's father was Pradyota, ruler of Ujjayini. According to Kathasarit-sigara, Pradyota was a ruler of Magadha and was the father of Padmavati, and not of Vâsavadatta. Further, in the Kathasarit-sagara Udayana alone was thought to be deserving of marriage with Vasavadatta by her father. But see Bhavabhuti's representation "वासवदत्ता च संजयाय राज्ञे पित्रा इत्तमात्मानमुश्यनाय प्रायच्छत् "
. (Málati-Madhava. Act II.) Fortunately we know a story which answers to this allusion. Commenting upon the verse car
r ierar, etc. the late Prof.-Wilson says: The story of Udayana, or Vatsaraja, as he is also named, is thus told concisely by the commentators on the poem; Pradyota was a sovereign of Oujein, who had a daughter named Våsa vadatta and whom he intended to bestow in marriage upon a king of the name of Sanjaya. In the ineantime the princess sees the figure of Vatsaraia, sovereign of Cusha Dripa, in a dream and becomes enamoured of him; she contrives to inform him of her love, and he carries her off from her father and his rival. The same story is alluded to in the MAlati Madhava, a drama by Bhavabhûti, but neither in that nor in the Commentary on the Megha Data, is mention made of the author, or of the work in which it is related." Bhavabhûti's mentioning Vasavadatta is preceded by two references to Sakuntalâ and Orvasî. About those two Sir Ramkrishna Bhandarkar says:- "The loves of Sakuntala and Dushyanta and of the Apsarâs and Puräravas, mentioned by Kamandaki in the second act of the present play. may, very reasonably, be understood to be allusions to the AbhijñanaSakuntala and Vikramorvasiya." -(Int. to Malati-Madhwa, Bombay Sanskrit Series; p. XI). If these two allusions are really to certain dramas, the one following thom, too, may possibly be ascribed to some drama. I think that is the drama of Bhasa which goes by the name Svapnavasavadatta. The dream of Vasavadatta, serving as the starting point of Vagavadatta's love and thus having an important part, justifies the namo. Besides, the verse
**98 etc., quoted by Abhinavagupta also justifies the title. The verse, if translated, runs as follows:- "Having opened the gateway of my eye, whose doors of eyelids had been shut, by means of the key of her own beauty (?) the princess entered the lodgings of my heart."
From this we learn that the lover, most probably Udayana, first beheld his beloved princess, seemingly none other than Vasavadattâ, in a dream.
Concerning the account given by the commentators on Meghadüta, Prof. Wilson observes that the tale of Subandhu's Vasavadatta "corresponds in many points with that of Udayana as here explained." The inference founded upon the sloka quoted by Abhinavagupta furthers this resemblance. Subandhu narrates that both the hero Kandarpaketu, and the heroine, the namesake of Udayana's queen, first see each other in dreams. So it is
• See Sarasvatikanthabharana p. 809 (Jivananda's edtion of 1894.) 5 Bombay Sanskrit Series, Vol. XV. 2nd ed. 1905, page 112. • Meghad dia. Canto I.32, and page 32. (Wilson's edition.) T This seems to be & saribal mistake for Kasa mbi. • See also Nandargihar's notes on Meghadata p. 35. • Seo Vasavadaktà pp. 56-79 and 184 to 188 (V ni Vilas edition, 1906.)

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possible, nay, even probable, that a drama on the love of Vasavadatta and Udayana, properly named Svapnavasavadatta, exists. It is also established that there are references which cannot he explained unless such a drama has existed.
Now comes the question whether there are any references to the Swapnivå sa va dallu which we have in print. In Abhinavagupta's Bharata-Natyaveda-virriti a reference * ET UT FITTET " is found by Mr. Ganapati Sastrilo? But we cannot conclude that it is a reference to the published work, unless we are in a position to positively state that the other Svapnavâsavadatta is devoid of a description of Krida. As a love story it may possibly contain it. Rajasekhara's verse quoted above can be a reference to any one of these two Svapnavâsavadattas. It is safe, however, to conclude that it is a reference to the other Svapnavasavadatta yet unpublished and not to the present one, the existence of which, in all probability, was unknown to any one of our reliable authors. Similarly we cannot accept Bhâsa's authorship of other dramas of this collection. It entirely rests on the identification of the author of the present Svapnavasavadatta with Bhâsa, and we are certain that that identification is dubious.
In his introduction to the Pratimanataka Mr. Ganapati Sastri sayall'ithe Svapnavasavadatta and Pratijña-yangandha râyana were, beyond doubt, in vogue at the time of the rhetorician Vamana ; and the Bâlacharita and the Charudatta in the time of Dandin, as is seen from their having extracted verses, as examples, from them. From the fact that Abhinavaguptâcharya mentions in his Natyavedavivriti the names of Svapna vasavadatta and Daridra-chârudatta, it could be concluded that the said Rapakas used to be studied in his time. The other Rapakas might have been forgotten during the times of Vâmana anit others, and henco, I think, o verses have been quoted by them from those works." In other places he says "the said poet lived in times previous to the age of Vâniana, Dandin and Bhâmaha, who have quoted from these Nâtakas ad verbum, ad sensum."'13 and “it is quite proper that Chanakya quoted the verse occurring in the Pratijnd-Nataks and that Bhasa lived considerably long before Chânakya." Taking all these to be granted, the Sastri enters into numerons conjectures. I do not wish to discuss all of them here. I briefly state iny opinions upon some of his seemingly strong conclusions,
He thinks that Charudatta is known to Dandin and not to Vamana. But Vâinana quotes the following verse, which is found both in Chârudaltanataka and Mrichchhakalika:
वासां बलिर्भवति मङ्गहरेहलीनां हंसैश्च सारसगणश्च विलुप्तपूर्वः।
तास्वव पूर्वबलिरूढयवाङ्कराम बीजाचलिः पतति कीमुखावलीतः ।। . But another quotation af 95 EMFATH TU" (Kavyalaikarasútra p. 56. Kavyamåla ed. 1889) is not found in the Charudatta-ndjaka. So this is certainly taken from the second act of the Mrichchhakalika. Moreover, Vâmana praises Sadraka in the following sentence -
Tetrag URUTE (III. 2-4.)15 If Sadraka's adoptation of the Chârudatta-națaka has been known to Vâmana, he would not have been justified in praising Sadraka, and not Bhasa, for his skill in developing the plot. If we admit Mr. Ganapati Sastri's estimation of Sadraka, we must think that Vamana too has been "under the false impression that hele is the original author." But who was
30 Introd. to Swapna. p. XXII. 12 Ibid. p. Xxxv. 14 Svapna. Int. pp. XXII and XXIII.
11 Ibid. p. XXXIX. 13 Ibid. p. XXXVL 16 Scil. Adraka.
15 Ibid. p. XLII.

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not under that impression ? Mr. Ganapati Sastri concludes that Dandin knows the Charudata and Balacharita, simply because he quotes a line which is found in those two dramas.17 But the line is also found in the first act of Mrichchhakatika.18 So there is absolutely no proof to say that Dandin knew the two works unknown to Vámana.
A few words about [Daridra] Charudatta will not be out of place here. Mr. Sastri hinks that the Charudatta is an incomplete work.19 But it seems to me that it is complete. Its author wanted to abridge the richchhalalika so as to be acted in one night. This necessitated its completion with Vasantasena's Abhisarana to Chirudatta in the fourth act. In finishing it there he carefully omitted all passages and scenes which indicated events of the last six acts of the Mvichchhakatika. That is why the last words of Samvâhaka, which are as follows, are omitted in the Charudatta-nataka :"AT TI *fis T
a re TAITEET MITT V 40 " (Mr. p. 117.) Every reference to Aryaka in these four acts is omitted. Sakâra's words " fano 18 1 9 20 are omitted because they indicate that there would be a trial scene. Reference to. Palaka in the Prastávana is also omitted purposely. Once he failed in doing so; he faild to omit the line "gro 91 *
T r e ", which is meant to indicate Chârudatta's accusation in the ninth act. He who fails to acknowledge the significance of the passage must be the borrower. Moreover, in the seventh act of the Msichchhakatika We find IT TATT I TEYTT FETT (p. 305). In Charudalla & The TT. That 971 (p. 60) is in the third act. If Sûdraka is the author that has adopted from the other, we see no reason why he should change the context of the above expression. If we take the author of Charudalia as the borrower, we see that he not only adopts the Mrichchhakatika. but omits the last acts of it; so unwilling to loose such an expression full of fun, he may have ineertod it in one of the first four acts. The author of the Charudatta also replaces some difficult words by ordinary 'ones. See in Chârudatta 22 instead of war 2 in Mrichchhakatika; * ZERTH : for w a imbito: 24. Also by changing 3 9 : TIH TI etc., into a prose passage , TTTTTTTA HIT IT नस्यति where the sense is spoiled. संकटेषु डडम: is changed into संकटेच तिमिरम् 20. These show that the author of Charudatta, but not of Mrichchhakatika, is the modifier.
Let us turn to our subject. The Daridra-Chârudatta referred to by Abhinavagupta is supposed to be the Chirudutta of this collections. I cannot admit this inference unless I actually see the passage, consider its context, and be assured that it cannot but be a reference to a play and that it cannot be another name of the Mrichchhakalika. Anyhow, I am sure that an authority of Abhinavagupta's rank will not at all think the Charudattanataka, certainly a slavish adoptation of the M ichchhakarika, worth notico.
Vâmana's knowledge of the Pralijña-Yaugandharayana is open to doubt. Mr. Ganapati Saxtri's statomont is based upon Vâmana's quoting i waingia ma, which is found in the said drama.29 But it is also found in Kautilya's Arthaiástra.30 Wo have no
1 Svapna. Intro. P. XXIII.
18 Michchhakali ka (Bombay Sanskrit series Vol. LII.) p. 41. 19 Pratimavátoaka. Intro. P. XXXII.
20 M ich. p. 59 and Charudatta p. 25. 1 Mrich. p. 43 and Charu. p. lo.
Charulatto p. 10. 2 M ich. p. 22.
# Nich. p. 134 and Charu. p. 50. * Mrich. p. 137 and Charu. p. 63.
* Mich. p. 150. and Charu. p. 57. 2 In page 63 of the Charulata we find (TTF ) ari HT, which shows that the persons who adopted the Msichchka. is a Southerner. Can these N akas be productions of the Chakya actors of the past. See Int. to Pratima. p. XI. * Int. to Swapna. p. XXII.
Svapna. Int. p. XXII.
30 Ibid. p. XXVII.

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data to prove that our Pseudo-Bhása is earlier than Vômana and Chanakya. I admit that the verse
"tregalia Trafarga Arai
काशपुष्पलवेनेदं साश्रुपातं मुखं मम ||" is quoted by Vâmana. But the author of the so-called Svapnavísavadatta is the author of an adoptation of the Mrichchakarika, i.e., Charudatta-ndjaka. Hence, he is in the habit of utilizing others' composition. Then the above Anush/ubh may be a borrowing in the printed Sva pravasavadatta. We find the following sentence in the Chirudatta-notaka. gia I WaferaTETEZ ESTE ACTE" (Charudatta, page 8.)
A similar quotation is found in Vamana's work. व्यसनं हि नाम सोच्छासं मरणम्,
(IV. 3. 23.) It is improbable that in quoting a passage as an illustration one would have modifica it. The modification is unnecessary for Vamana, while it is quite a necessity to the dramatist. It is reasonable, therefore, to think that our dramatist is indebted to Vamana at least for this passage. Moreover, there has been another play having the same plot as that of the Sva pnarásavadatta. It is called the Tapasavatsaraja.31 The following quotations clearly prove the identity of plots of the two dramas:
“दृष्टा यूयं निर्जिता विविध प्राप्ता देवी भूतधाचीच भूवः।
Para er for at ( 8: ( ) raha 11" " राज्यप्रत्यायिवृत्त्या (प्रत्यापत्या) हि सचिवनीतिमहिमोपनतया तरङ्गभूतपत्रावतीलाभानुगतयानपाण्बमानरूपा [परमामभिलषणीयतमतां प्राप्ता] वासवदत्ताधिगतिरेव तत्र फलम् ॥" (Dhvanyaloka-Lochana p. 151 and Hemachandra's Kavyanusdsana p. 122.)
We are not in a position to roalizo the exact amount of the development of the plot which our author owes to the author of the Tapasavatsardja. The following quotation from the Sarasvatikanthabharana shows that there is at least one event, which is not touched in the present Stapnavasavadatta, but described in the Tapasavatsaraja;
किं च दग्धायामपि वासवदत्तायां वैरप्रतिधिकर्षिया पद्मावती मबोढा भवसिते च समीहिते तवा विना क्षणमपि न जीवामीत्वविज्ञातवासवदत्तासंनिधेः वत्सराजस्य अभिप्रवेशाध्यवसावः प्रिवाहलवतो Siyah Terala TTTTA (Sarasvatikanthábharana (Calcutta 1894) p. 809.) Perhaps the verse T T TT etc., is found in the T'âpasavalsardja.
As regards Bhamaha's quotation I am certain that Bhamaha's criticism of the original story of the false elephant is well-known to our dramatist, for the latter introduces the speech ag fesur first nigroi etc.,32 to meet the gravest of the objections raised by the former in the verse:
"art #TEA Araar Art !
ford wirft me for a 11" 38 Otherwise, if as Mr. Ganapati Sastri thinks, Bhâmaha criticises the Pratijñdnjaka, it would have been absurd of Bhâmaha to raise a question which is answered in the text itself. So "9079T TOT " etc., must have been borrowed by the author of Pratijfiandiaka from Bhâmaha's work, and not by Bhämaha from the Pratijfia-Yaugandhardyana.
Thus the dramas discovered by Mr. Ganapati Sastri seem to be quite moderu and unworthy of being attributed to Bhâsa.
31 A fragmentary MS. of the play is noticed in the Catalogus Catalogorum. My Brother 8 P. V. Ranganathavani Aryavaraguru of Vizagapat am tried to get a copy of it, but failed owing to his ignorance of the actual place of its deposition. 32 Seapna. Int. Part. XLIV.
33 Bhamaha IV. 47.

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THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA. BY'V. RANGACHARI, M.A., L.T., MADRAS.
(Continued from p. 188.)
Golconda's attack on the rebels themselves. The Muhammadans had by this time brought the Northern provinces of the Chandragiri Raj under their oppressive weight, and they wanted to bring the feudatory states also to recognise their power. With characteristic ingratitude they turned against the very princes who had courted their alliance and invited their invasion. In their thirst for conquest, they forgot past friendships, and pointed their destructive course towards the kingdoms of Ginji, Tanjore and Madura. It seems that this unexpected movement paralysed the activities of the Naiks and threw them into a state of despair from which they did not recover till too late. Even Tirumal Naik was so much taken by surprise that he was unequal to the task of organising a defence. The Golcondah troops, in consequence, casily swept away the historic region between the Javadi hills and the Seven Pagodas, the region containing the renowned cities of Arcot and Arni, Conjeovaram and Wandiwash, and assembled at the foot of the impregnable walls of Ginji. Vijaya Raghava Naik was the first to yield. More selfish than brave, he realily acknowledged the supremacy of Golconda in place of Chandragiri and bound himself to pay tribute. The submission of Tanjore had a most unfortunate consequonce. Tirumal lost the little heart he had, and in his alarm that, after Ginji, the turn of Madura would follow, he repeated the blunder he had once committed. A wise stateman in his place would have, in case he was not able singly to meet the enemy, concluded a defensive league with Kanthirava of Mysore. Race, religion, and interest pointed to such a step. But Tirumal wis incapable of it. He sought the alliance of an enemy of Mysore, the Sultan of Bijapur, on the ground that he was politically an enemy of Golconda. We do not know on what terms he concluded this alliance. Indeed it is doubtful whether it was an alliance between equal sovereigns or an agreement between a suzerain and a feudatory. We may believe that, as Tirumal was acting against the demanded dominance of Golconda, he refused in his agreement with Bijapur to recognise himself as subordinato chief, that he concluded his alliance in the capacity of an equal s) vereign. But even supposing that it was so, Tirumal must have perceived that he was playing with a double-edged sworil. He must have perceived that Bijapur might have more solicitude for religion than for politics, that there was always a greater tendency for even deadly rivals among the Muhammadans to unite than to help the Hindus against some Muhammadan power. He might have realised that, however deadly were the rivalries among the Musalman powers, these were likely to suppress them and combine together as against the Hindu. The policy of setting the Muhammadan against Muhammadan was wise, if accomplished outside his kingdom; but the present move of Tirumal Naik would only convert his kingdom into a theatre of war between foreigners, and subject his subjects to the evils of war. It would reduce him, in other words, from the position of a ruler to that of a partisan. It would moreover widen the gulf between Mysore and Macura.
Tirumal Naik was blind to all this, but it was not long before he had to see that, his mastery in his kingdom gone, his people in misery, and his prestige shaken, the greatest onomy he and his kingdom had was himself.

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Tirumal's alliance with Bijapur and the latter's treachery. Muhammad Adil Shah (1626-1656) embraced cordially an opportunity which promised at once the humbling of his Musalman rival and his supremacy over the Hindu princes of the south. We have already seen how uniformly the Sultans of Bijapur tried, ever since the campaign of Talikotta, to conquer the Vijayanagar provinces, but in vain. Thanks to the rivalry of Golconda, to the domestic trubles caused by frequent rebellions and the valour of the Hindu chiefs. the Bijapur arms had hardly been successful. Nevertheless, by the year 1638, the army of Bijapur had advanced as far as Bangalore and conquered the districts around it. It would have taken Srirangapatam itself, but for the stout defence and martial skill of Kanthirava. Three years, later, this invitation came from Tirumal Naik. Nothing was better calculated to fulfil the Sultan's objects. An army of 17,000 horse left Bijapur and reaching the Maclura kingdom by way of Bangalore, or its neighbourhood, where the arms of Rendulla had very recently gained a triumph over the local Gauda chief, joined with the 30,000 foot of Tirumal Naik somewhere near Madura. The combined army, an inefficient and heterogeneous medley of Telugus and Tamils Musalmans and Marâttias, advanced to the relief of Ginji, now Jesieged by the Golconda troops. The conflict of class and creed, of interests anil olicies, of customs and modes of life among the allied forces impaired their strength and flagged their zeal. An army united under such a frail hond, and disabled by such a lack of units, interest, and discipline, could not be sure of beating an enemy, whose past victorien had implanted in his breast an idea of invincibility. The Golconda general, however. preferrel intrigue to fighting, and diplomacy to arms. He tampered with the loyalty of the Bijapur men, appealed to their religious feelings and won them over to his side. Community of religion prevailed over political jealousy, and Bijapur joined Coleonda for the spoliation and exploitation of the Hindu kingiloms.
The fall of Gingi. The immediate result of this shameful apostasy was the fall of Ginji. True, immeWiately after the desertion of his ally, Tirumal Xaik had a cause for satisfaction in the necessity of the Golconda troops to withdraw further north, owing to the revival of the war in that region by Sri Ranga Raya with the help of Kanthîrava Xarasa Raj; and true he was able, on occount of this, to find his way into the beleaguered fort ; but this triumph proved a curse in disguise. For, as his men were “ of different castes to those of the garrison," quarrels cropped up every moment; and Tirumal had to devote as niuch attention to the maintenance of harmony and discipline among his own men as to the encounter with the enemy. His endeavour to maintain harmony, however, failed, and as a result "a general riot took place. During the confusion which resulted, the forces of Bijapur gained possession of the fort almost without a blow and proceeded to pillage it of all the enormous wealth it contained." And Tirumal Naik had to congratulate himself on bis bare escape. In great precipitation and alarm, he took the route to his capital. History gives hardly a better example of treachery so soon chastised and want of patriotism so promptly punished.
The partition of South India between the two Musalman powers. Toe colours of Bijapur waved triumphantly over the impregnable walls of Ginji. By a strange chance, the mastery of the lower Carnatic was now within the grasp of Bijapur, lately the ally and champion of its chiefs. For Golconda, as we have already seen, was

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compelled to leave the task of completing the Musalman conquest of the south to its rival and ally, and withdraw to the north. It seems that, from this time to the conquest of the south by the Mugt al, there was a sort of understanding between the two Musalman powers to the effect that Golconda39 was to retain the mastery of the Carnatic plain to the banks of the Pennar, i.e., the area now covered by the districts of Guntur, Nellore N. Arcot, Chingleput, and a portion of South Arcot, and that Bijapur was to have the mastery of the rest of the Carnatic and get tribute from its princes. According to this arrangement both the states would have well-defined boundaries of their spheres of influence. The eastern boundary of the Bijapur territory would be from the junction of the Krishna and the Tungabadra along the western ridges of the Eastern Ghats right down to the Pennar, where it took a south-western course towards the Mysore territory. To the east of this line and to the North of the Pennär, lay the territory of Golconda ; and every district to the West of the line, including the Ceded Districts and Mysore, would be under Bijapur. South of the Pennar, the regions watered by the Kâvêri and the Vaigai, were under the political supremacy of Bijapur. It was a partition more favourable to the Western power. if the comparative area of the two spheres of influence is considered. But it ought to be remembered that Golconda had a more easily manageable territory. The major portion was Telugu country, and there were no powerful chiefs to dispute its authority and resort to formidable rebellions. On the other hand, Bijapur had yet to subdue Mysore and Madura, and even if subdued, they could with difficulty be kept in a spirit of uniform loyalty.
Bijapur's supremacy over Madura. The army of Golconda, after its withdrawal from Ginji, was not quite successful awainst Sri Raiga Raya and his Mysore ally. Thanks to the advantage of a favourable beginning and the mountainous nature of the country, the Hindus were able to give no small trouble to the Muhammadans. The Bijapur army, on the other hand, had a triumphant career on its southward course. The Tanjore Näik once again took the oath of allegiance and paid an enormous sum or rather booty to the Sultan. The turn of Madura was the next. and the Muhammadan tempest burst upon it. The mind of Tirumal Naik already. oppressed and distracted by the misfortune he had sustained, was paralysed to powerlessness by the fear of treason among his own officers. The safety of citizens required the heroism and the tact of a soldier statesman, but none was equal to the task. The Bijapur army therefore found Madura a helpless prey to its greed, ready to offer the most obiect submission on any terms.' Tho Muhammadan general made the best use of his triumph He imposed a heavy war indemnity on the Madura monarch, compelled him to acknow ledge the supremacy of the Sultan and pay a yearly tribute. In his new allegiance
Tirumal Naik seems to have known no limit or reason. He seems to have co-operated with his new suzerain in helping Golconda in the last phase of the latter's struggle w Sri Rauga in the north. For it seems that after the reduction of the south, the troops of Bijapur, at least a portion of them, proceeded to the region of Arcot where Sri Raiga was making his obstinato resistance. Tirumal seems to have despatched an auxiliary force to fight against his old suzerain. The descendant of Krishộadeva Raya could no more maintain a struggle, and had to withdraw once again into Mysore. The Muhammadans now took the offensive. They were desirous of penetrating into Mysore. of
» Madras was doneequently under Goloonda. For the Nawab's policy towards it, see Wheeler's Early Records of B. Ind. p. 50.

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chastising Kanthirava for his help to Chandragiri, and of collecting tribute from him. It is difficult to follow their movements from this time. It is not certain, for example, whether the Bijapur troops alone desired to invade Mysore or the Golconda troops also. Golconda had no motive for an offensive operation except the motive of revenge, and it is fairly questionablo whether for the gratification of a feeling alone, the Kutb Shah would have once again plunged into a war. On the other hand, Bijapur had everything to gain by the Mysore conquest. It is therefore doubtful whether both the states acted together in this affair, and if they did, we may be almost eure that Golconda must bave taken an auxiliary part. However it was, the invasion did not begin in an encouraging manner. The frontiers of Mysore in the east were so well guarded that the Muhammadans could make no impression on them. At this stage, Tirumal Naik came to their rescue. It seems that while Tirumal was engaged in the north, the king of Mysore had in 1641," descended the Kûvêrapuram pass and taken the estate of Ghetti Mudaliar in Kongu country, as far as Gambally (Somapatti); and Tirumal now took revenge by throwing open the passes in his country, leading to Mysore, and giving the right of passage through his kingdom. A more imbecile or cowardly act cannot be imagined, and after all even this un natural and imbecile slavery did not save him. For, when the Muhammadan army returned victorious after humbling Mysore and sealing for ever all hopes of Vijayanagar revival, they showed their esteem and their gratitude to their humble ally by extorting extravagant spoils from him. The spoils of peace were, to them, not less lucrative than the spoils of war, and friendship and allegianco were, in the experience of Tirumal Naik, hardly less costly than enmity and independence.
The end of the Chandragiri dynasty. Thus ended the attempt of Tirumal Naik and his confederates to declare themselves independant of their nominal suzerain. From an imaginary Soylla they fell into a veritable Charybdis. Tirumal epecially, had endeavoured to disdain the ostensible authority of his Hindu master, and brought about Musalman dominion not only over Madura, but the whole of South India. He had plunged into war for the sake of a word for the reality he had already possessed and in the end he did not only himself become a slave, both in fact and in theory, but made the other Hindu kings of the south slaves of the despised Mlechchha. What Kafur had failed to do and what the Bahmini Sultans and their successors at Bijapur and Golconda had failed to do for centuries, was now done by the treason of Tirumal Naik. As regards the fate of the unfortunatefi Sri Ranga, we are unable to say how it ended. Col. Wilks, whoso history in this period is very meagre and unsatisfactory, ignores entirely the part that the king of Mysore played in the recent wars. He contents himself with the statement that "In consequence of a succession of revolutions
40 Wilke, I. p. 33; Salem Manual, I, 48. Buchanan, I, 422 (whore the great travellor gives an account ef Kávéripuram and its Polygar). Buchanan's historical knowledge is naturally very meagre, RB is clear from his remarks in p. 420, where he rofers to "Dalavai Rama Peya" and of "Gullimodal" (i. e., Ghetti Mudaliar) his contemporary. See also, p. 465 where “Sati-mangalam " is referred to And p. 464 where some account of Coimbatore is given.
41 Vol. I, p. 36. Buchanan gives a good deal of legend and information about the Tkceri dynasty, all of which have been utilized by Rice. See also the Canara Manual. Here it may be noticed that Venkatappa Ndik changed his capital from Ikeri to Bednore in 1646, and that he wo succeeded by Sivappa Naik in 1647. It was the latter prince that took S Ranga's side. It is very curious, however, that in a number of grants which Sivappa Naik gave to Sringeri between 1662 and 1682 he does not recognize Sri Ranga. See Ep. Carna, VI, Sg 9, Sg 11, Sg 13, etc.

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and misfortunes in Dravida, Srî Ranga Rayar, the representative of the house of Vijayanagar fled from that country in the year 1646 and took refuge with the Raja of Bednore, formerly a servant of his family." Wilks proceeds to see that about 1655, 42 this Raja availed himself of the name of the royal exile to exten:1 his own dominions and lay Biege to Srirangapatnam itself. But the prowess and liberality of Dodda Dêva Raj, the successor of Kanthirava, resulted in the Raja's discomfiture and retreat. After this, he continues, " we hear no more of Sri Ranga Rayeel or the house of Vijayanagar." (I, 36). It is evident that Wilks omits the career of Sri Ranga between 1646 and 1655. It is not improbable that, on the death of Kanthirava Narasa Raj, his successor Dodda Dêva Raj was reluctant to help the royal refugse, and that the latter therefore procee Ied to Bednore. The immediate result of this was, as we have already seen, the rise of Bednore against Mysoro. It ended in failure, and, Sri Ranga, who seem to have lived at Bilur, died sometimes after 1662. For an inscription of his name dated in that year records a gift to the Vyâsaraya Matha at Sósale.3
Vijayanagar history cloges here, and the supremacy of the Musalmans over the S. Indian dynasties begins. Even after this, it is true, inscriptions of the southern kings are sometimes in the names of supposel suzerain Rayas. Tirumal Naik, himself, for example gave in 1655 a grant at Kannadiputtûr, ten miles south-east of Udumalpet in the Coimbatore district, a grant in Sri Ranga's reign. And almost all the insoriptions of his successors contain the names of a Sri Raiga, a Venkata 46 or a Srî Râma. These three names occur not only among tho Madura records but also the Mysore ones; their mention is a purely formal affair and posse88 e8 no historio significance whatever. Obscure descendants of the once magnificent dynasty tried at times to obtain the good will of local sovereigns and the enterprising Companies of the European nations, and revive their old glory; but such attempts could hardly succeed. Nicolas Manucoi, for instance, tells us that a degcendant of the Rêyag negotiated with the French for assistance; but such attempts arouse the ouriozity and interest rather than his real serious attention.
SECTION VI.
The Second Mysore War. One great legacy of Tirumal's war with the Empire was the undying enmity between him and the U lavar of Myso:a. The batrayal of the latter to Golooads and Bijapur naturally exasperated Kanthirava's animosity and made him undertake an expedition against Tirumal. He knew that his antagonist had suffered more from the recent political storm than himself, and was consequently in a graster state of exhalation. Ticamal's army had been Borely thinned, his traagury exhaustel, his solliers diszontentsd, and his subjeots unable to bear the expenses of protracted warfare. It was with great ezze, therefore, that & Mysoce army burst through the frontiers of Madura, conquered the province of Satyam sagalam and
4 That Raiga was in his dyn 1913 till 1313 is p!)7315 v s tist in that year he built certain mantapds and made certain en lowmeats to the Govindaraja tanpto in that your. See Madr. Ep. Rp. 1914, p. 10% (Inson, 271 of 1914). • Antiquities, II, 28; Mys. Ep, Rep., 1911-12, p. 53.
4 Mys. Ep. Rep., 1915, p. 53. * See the list of them in Sowell's Forg. Emps., p. 234, Dodds Deva Raja Udayêr's inacriptions however do not name him. On the contrary, TR. 21, Om. 163, and other insons. are examples of nominal allegianos on the part of the local chiefs after 1663.

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Coimbatore, and ravaged" the country right up to the gates of the capital. Tae cause of Mysore was just, but it was vitiated by the atrocities committed by the soldiers on this ocasion. Hindu warfare has, &s & rule, buen characterised by commendable moderation and self-restraint on the part of the victors. From time immemorial, the law of war had enjoined on the conquerers the duties of preserving the old and young, tending the wounded, protecting the refugees, and respecting the lives of women and children. The victorious soldiers were prohibited from the acoumulation of unlawful spoils, from cruelty to the populace, and from vandalism.. The Mysore army set aside the laws of humanity and civilization, and behaved more like bloodthirsty monsters than the retrievers of their country's share. All those who came within their grasp, young and old, women and children, fighters and non-fighters, were horribly mutilated. Their noses were severed from their faces, and sent to their king as the trophies of war! Intoxioated with success.47 they bade farewell to the softer sentiments of the heart and the honourable sides of their character, and made large narts of the Madura kingiom a prey to hideous scenes of human cruelty, lust and greed.
The progress of the Mysore army caused wide-spread alarm. Tirumal Naik was panio-strioken. The recent wars had exhausted the treasury and the country and the army of 30,000 men he had was insufficient. He therefore urgently wrote to all feudatory chiefs, dilating on the serious danger of Madura and the necessity of immediate response to the suzerain's mandate. The call was nobly answered, we are told, by the Setupati. The Satupati of the day was the celebrated Raghunatha Dāva, the successor of that
uss II, wo hil forras with Rinpriya ani w 1033 claim was eveat ially recognised by Tirumal. In 1645 the latter had, after a period of six years peaceful rule, succumbed once again, this time fatally, to the greedy ambition and undying energy of Tambi, who revived the conspiracy in 1645. Tambi then seized the crown, but was unable to gain either the ob3dience of the people or the subjection of Raghunatha and Nârâyaga. Civil war once again risulted. Tirumal Naik interfered at this stage and brought about a partition of the state, by which Raghunatha was to have the capital and surrounding districts, Tambi way to get Sivaganga, and Danaka and Narayana the conjoint possession of Tiruvádânzi.. By this equal partition he hoped to sat a long-standing series of quarrels at rest and to give that peace which the county hai long ben longing for. But the settlement was not destined to b3 a permanent one. For Providence intervenol by bringing about the death of Danaka and another civil war between Raghunitha and Tambi for his lands. At this stage, fortunately, 48 Tambi died, and the whole Maravą country
a
This is probably the war mentioned by Wilks in 1653. He says that "the Mysoreas desondes the Gajjelhutty pasy, took Danaikan ootta, Satti mungal, and other places from Venkatadry Naik, brother of the Raja of Ma-lura, and brought home immaso booty; he also took miny Talooks from Veerapa Naick of Madura." Parhaps Veiksgadri and Virappa were the agents of Tirumala (Wilks I, p. 34). That Tirumal Naik had full power over Salen in 1652 is seen by an insaription in Yorum sippstti (10 miles south-east of Namakkal), which reoords & gift to the local tomple in his reiga (Antiquities, I, P. 204. See the Oarna. Hist, and the Polygar memoir of Kannividi for details). The Mysore invasion therefore should have taken place after 1652. Ingon. 170 of 1910 mentions Kanthirava and Dalavai Hampaiya in connection with Madura in Manmatha, which corresponds to 1655-6. Se3 Msir. Ep. Bop. 1911. p. 93.
Soo Wilks' Mysore, I, p. 22 foot-note.
From an insoription (118 of 1914) of Aruppukkottai which msntions a gift for the morit of Tiru. malai Katta Raghunatha Dava by his agent Tambi Ulaya or Tovar in Dundubhi (1564). Mr. Krishna Sastri surmises that Tanbi lived very late and did not die as early as 1846. But it is doubtful whether tho Tambi of the Aruppukkottai inscription is the same as the old opponent of Raghunathi.

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came into the hands of Raghunatha. And the world knew that he was the best man for the place. Bold, generous, courageous and wise, an embodiment of chivalry and valour, ho gained the good will of all. Forgetting the injustice of his suzerain, he shewed a commenclablo loyalty to him by leading an army against a confederacy of the southern Polygars who, for some unknown reason, bad risen under the lead of the great Tottiyan chief Ettappa Nâjk. And now when the Mysorean was at the gates, when the Naik was paralysed to inactivity, when the kingdom itself was shaken to its foundations, he was noble enough to respond to Tirumal Naik's call. With 60,000 men, it is said, he came to Madura and joining his forces with those of the king, gave battle to the Mysoreans, and drove them, after inflicting upon thom a tremendous war, beyond the passée. The gratitude of Tirumal, wo are told, bestowed upon him rare privileges and honours as reward for his services. Besides entertaining him in his own grand fashion in his palace, he bestowed upon him, with a number of elephants and horses, and robes and ornaments, the title of Tirumalai Setupati. Ho further gave him, besides the villages of
Tiruppuvanam, Tiruchchulai and Pallimadai and the lion-faced palanquin which he himself had used, called him in the fondost political language of the day) his adopted son, and dcclared his estate a sarvamanyam, ' i. e., free from all tribute. "From that time the Setupati paid no tribute." Raghunatha, after his return to his estate, acquitted himself as a good ruler. It was he that removed the capital from Pugalur to Râmnad and constructed, in place of the old mud fort, a stronger ono of stone.
Kumara Muttu's campaign against Mysore. Tirumal Náik was not satisfied with the expulsion of the Mysoreans. He indulged the spirit of revenge and ardently desired to humiliate the house of Mysoro and to prove that the cruelties of its soldiers could not go unpunished. With reckless violence, his vanity plunged his kingdom once again into war. A large army uncler the leadership of his younger brother, Kumara Muttu,60 which was joined at Dindigul by the lovecs of the Polygars headed by Rai ganna Naik of Kannivôdi, was soon on the borders of Mysore. After an incessant march day and night, they overtook the Mysorean army returning from their rocent campaign, and retrieved the shame of their past disgrace by a splendid victory. Several fortresses were then taken and garrisoned, and Srirangapatnam itself assailed. It is not known whether the place was taken ; but if the version of the Madura chronicles is true, tho Mysore king became a captive in the hands of his enemies, and suffered for his atrocious cruelty in the past by the loss of his nose. With thousands of less illustrious noses, it was sont by the exultant Naik commander to delight the eyes of his royal brother, but before those eyes could be delighted, they had closed for ever from the scenes of the world.
SECTION VII.
The Progress of the Christians. We saw in the last chapter how a period in the labours of De Nobilis had come into existence on account of the opposition that arose within the church itself against him. and how by June 1623, the very year of Tirumal Naik's accession, he found it impossible to stay any longer in Madura, Condemned by his own men, he took the staff of a pilgrim,
19 See Madr. Arch. Rep. 1911, p. 89 where Tirumal's interview with the Setupati is epigraphically proved.
50 Inscription 650 of 1505 says that Tirumal Naik gave a village near Tiruchchengodu for the merit ot Kumara Muttu. Tirumalai Naik in S. 1581 (Viļambi). The latter is said to be Tirumal's son. See Antiquities also, I, 203.

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and proceeded to the north with a view to plant the seeds of his faith there. Attended by
Brahman who carried his breviary, another his umbrella, a third his tiger skin, and two othere the holy vase and water, he travelled in the guise and trim of a Sanyasin, and at length arrived at Sendamangalam. Here he had a kind and cordial reception from the local chief, who promised to give the Sanyasin a site for building a place of worship.
De Nobilis leaves Madura for Sendamangalam and Salem. De Nobilis, however, promised to take advantage of his generosity later on, and proceeled to Salem, the seat of another tributary chief. The reception which the Sanyasın" got in this place was exactly contrary to that at Sendamangalam. Refused food by rich and poor a like, he put up in an exposed building, evidently & mantapa, outside the town, and lived there for forty days. The exposure to wind and sun brought clisease, and his quiet life and suffering changed the heart of the Salem poople. They now proceeded to the other extreme. They afforded him residence in the house of one of their magnates. They listened to his teachings with attention and interest. Even the elder brother of the local chjef, hitherto a persecutor became a disciple, and entrusted the education of his four sons to the teacher. The king himself honoured him by a visit, and acknowledged, it is said, his victory in debate with the Brahmans of his court about the doctrines of Pantheism, and assigned him a house in the Brahman street. It did not take long for the Brahmans to find out who De Xobilis was. They discovereil that he was in reality a " Parangi." that he had been driven from Madura, and that he was no Sanyâsin at all. They prayed in a body to the king to expel him, but De Nobilis, persuasive tongne charmed him into friendship, and the king issued a positive order that the priest should in no way be harmed.
At Cochin and Trichinopoly. After the tirm establishment of the mission at Salem, De Xobilis was absent for a year at Cochin, whitber the father superior and archbishop had summoned him. On his return in 1625 he interfered freely in the disputes which then raged between the chiefs of Salem, Séndamangalam, Moramangalam, etc. and tried, though in vain, to make political intrigue the means of religious propaganda. Indeed he even succeeded so far as to secure for the Moramangalam chief, an enemy of Salem, a rich banner with the cross on one side and the legend, In hoc signs vinces, in Sanskrit on the other, from the father provincial. But his cause was hardly benefited by it, as even his ingenuity was not a match for the elasticity of his converts' feelings. Nevertheless be converted many men from these parts, not overlooking even the Pariahs, though among the latter he worked in secret. In 1627, De Nobilis came to Trichinopoly and for a decade worked there. He converted hundred851 to the “Christian faith," built chapels, and argued with the Pandarams. Not infrequently he had to exeuge himself from a disputation with his adversaries on the ground that he could explain dogmas only to those who came for the truth.” The father had more faith than philosophy in him, and he had at times to assume for truth what others wanted him to prove to be truth. The progress of Christianity, under such circumstances, could not naturally be smooth. By 1630 persecution began in real earnest. The neophytes, already exhausted by poverty, had to suffer persecution for their creed or rather change of creed. Opposition however increased the Christian activity; and it was in the midst of furious popular demonstrations that a prominent Pandaram with the insignia of umbrellas, servants and horses, took the city by storm by his apostasy. When he appeared before the populace, he was indeed roughly handled, but he simply asked them to strike still harder. Such examples of forbearance on the one side and cruelty on the other formed the secret of Christian success.
51 A very learurd Pariah was baptised under the name Hilary.

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His return to Madura (1638) And persecution. In the year 1638 De Nobilis found himself once again at Madura. During the 15 years of his absence his work here had been continued by Father Vico, and now they combined their labours. De Nobilis' delinquencies were forgotten in his services, and he was received with cordiality by all. A timely service he was supposed to have done on this occasion raised him to Court favour. A Brahman magnate had a haunted palace, and it was freed from the evil spirit by the blessings of De Nobilis and the influence of a fentence of scripture he attached to the arms of the inmates. The gratitude of the Brahman, it is said, gained him the Näik's favour. And De Nobilis took advantage of the new condition to increase the sphere of his activities. Availing himself of the death of Father Vico (after a hard life of 28 years) in October 1639, the first missionary to be buried in Madura, De Nobilis proceeded to Cochin to get new missionaries. Re-inforcemente were now articularly necessary, as he himself was by this time too old, worn out, and weaksighted to labour much. The new recruits had more enthusiasm than discretion. They appear to have pursued a line of extremism and made a frontal attack on Hindu beliefs. Their activity therefore raised widespread alarm, and even Tirumal Naik had to give way to it and order the arrest of the missionaries both in Madura and Trichinopoly. Some of the Madura missionaries escaped, but De Nobilis was seized, the church and presbytery plundered, and the fathers, with their Brahman attendants, were, after exposure to the sun till night, taken to the prison and detained there for seventeen days on a handful of rice, without a change of clothes or water. The Nâik himself was so indignant with De Nobilis' obstinacy that he expressed the desire of killing him with his own hand. As for the missionary the more he suffered and the older he grew, the more did his studies and his austerity increase. Whether in prison or whether free, he and his companions were uniformly active. Even when free, they could not sometimes, go to their Church and had to live an I worship in huts. In the midst of all this De Nobilis found time to compose various works. “For instance, to replace the wailing chants of.widows, he composed laments on the Passion, the desolation of the Holy Mother, the fall of the angels, Adam, the evils in chastisements, etc. These were taught to Christian widows and by them he tried to protect the neophytes from t'ie unclean language of heathen songs." (Chandler).
De Nobilis' appeal to Tirumal and his edict of toleration. By the year 1644 De Nobilis was tired of persecution. He held consultations with the other missionaries and resolved to appeal to the generous sentiments of Tirumal Naik. Through the influence of a eunuch, they gained the royal audience and placed before the kind monarch a heartfelt appeal for favour. Speaking in Tamil, Telugu and Sanskrit, the reverend and blind father, a true Father of his faith, dilated on the tribulations of the Christians and used all his remarkable persuasive powers to move the heart of the Naik monarch. And he gained his object. Tirumal issued an edict of toleration, authorised the missionaries to live and preach in his dominions, restored the spoils of the church, expressed a desire to see the leaders every month at his Court, and dismissed them with robes of honour. The Pandarams were alarmed at this change in the king's attitude. They held a consultation among themselves, and resolved to kill De Nobilis by magic. The most capable magician in the land invoked, in the midst of a curious crowd, the anger of the Gods. He arranged his apparatus, traced figures in the sand and circles in the air, performed certain ceremonies, and with inflamed eyes, contorted face, grinding teeth, and howling tongue, threw a black powder in the air cursing the missionary to death. But De Nobilis stood before him as hale as ever. The magic had failed, and people concluded that the missionary was more than human,
(To be continued.)

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INDEX
F. G. stands for the Supplement, Folklore of Gujarat pp. 109124. Sup. stands for the Supplement, Alphabetical Guide to Singhalese Folklore from
Ballad Sources pp. 1-116.
Abaran Kumari, Sup. 1., see Kiri Amma.. Sup. 45 | Adindthadesa poddhdra, the, quoted .. .. 98 Abar&poti, Sup. 1., 860 Ambarapoti .. Sup. 3 Adirampatnam, port, named after Ativira Râms Abayakon Mâtindu, Sup. 1., 800 Pitiya Devi, Påpdy .. .. .. .. .. .. 134
Sup. 80Aditya Devi, m. of Senaguru .. .. Sup. 2 A5aya-patra, Sup. 1., see Betol.. .. Sup. 9 administration, Naik, primitive and inexpenAbbots, in Tibet .. .. .. ..
40. 41 40, 41
sive .. .. .. .. .. 72, f. Abdulle, Kutb Shah of Golcondah, and Tirumal Admiralty dept., in ancient Hindustan .. 28
Ndik .. .. .. .. .. 186, f. advent of European Nations in Southern Sear 131 Abdur-Rassâk, ambassador to Deva Raya II. 140 Agastya, sage.. .. .. .. ..F. G. 124 Abhayachandrasori, author .. .. .. 27 Aghulas, c., Lagulhas, and the wrock of the AbhijAdna-Sakuntala, the.. .. .. 190—192 Doddington
.. .. 109, f. Abhimana Devi .. .. .. .. Sup. 1 Agni, fire-god .. .. .. .. Sup. 2 Abhimana Kadavara, demon .. .. Sup. 1 Agni-bunda, at Abd .. .. .. .. 77, 79 Abhimana Yaka, Sup. 1., see Desu-guru, Sup. agrahara, agraharams, endowment, etc., 74, f.; 20 : Jaya-sundara Sami, Sup. 33; Rati-kanda,
83 n.; 90, f.; 104 Sup. 86 Agra-jalapati, spirit, Sup. 2; see Jalapati, Sup. Abhinavagupta, author of the Lochans on the 33; Pattini.. .. .. .. .. Sup. 72
Dhvanydloka .. .. .. .. 190-194 Aha-sthana, d., Sup. 2; oult of, see Porahara, Abhirama, a name of Varatuiga Rema 100 and n.
Sup. 78 Abhisheks Vira Pandya, a name of Varatunga
Ahinara, Kobambf k. .. .. .. .. 38 Rama .. .. .. .. .. .. 100
Ahmedabad, Dutch settlement .. .. .. 136 Abhūta Bandara, g. .. .. .. Sup. 1
Sup. 1
Alyalar, 81
Aiyadar, shrine, Tinne volly diet., inscrip. 83 n. Abhůta Devi, (Nayaka Devi, Sup. 68; Pallebid. Aiyangar, Dewan Bahadur Srinivasa Raghava,
de Devi Sup. 70 :) prince, etc., Sup. 2 ; see and Naik revenue, etc. ..55 and n., 58, 69 Gaja-båhu Sup. 24; Gana Devi, Sup.25; Oya Aiyar, title used by de Nobilis . .. 138, 1.
Devi, Sup. 70; Giva .. .. .. Sap. 100 Ajasatta, Sup. 2, Bee Ratikan .. .. Bup. 85 Abhata Kadevara, spirit .. .. .. Sup. 2
Ajátaiatru, k., 9; patron of Vedanta philosophy,
and the foundation of Empire, etc., 12-14 Abhůta Yakas, Sup. 2; 800 Panduvas.. Sup. 71
and n.; 28; alias Kuņika, note on .. Abiman, Sup. 2; 8e Abhimana Yaka ..
.. 31 Sup. 1
Ajivikas, sect .. .. .. Abina-sântiya, a ritual, Sup. 2; see Maha-zam.
Akbar, coinage .. .. .. .. 35 n. mata, Sup. 53; Hanuman, Sup. 29; Iru, Sup.
Akshobhyatirtha, and Vidyâranya .. .. 21 32; Någa-Raja, Sup.-66 - Pattini, Sup. 72;
Äl, Sup. 2, see Rice ..
Sup. 87 Rşis, Sup. 90 ; Sükra, Sup. 91; Siva, Sup. 99;
Aļaliyûr temple, gift to .. ..
171 n. Visnu .. .. ..
.. Sup. 116
Alagar-Malai, palace of Tirumal Naik .. .. 164 Aba, mt.. and Dhumardja Paramira, 77; and
Xla Kiri Amma, Sup. 2, se Kiri Amma RÅma .
Sup. 45 .. .. ..
.. ..
79 Account of the Wreck of the Doddington in
Alaikúra-sudhanidhi, a work by Siyana 1, 2,
22-24 1755, Appendix to .. .. .. 107-111
Alaungphaya, Alompra, k. of Burma .. .. 43 Achelesvara temple, mt. Aba .. .. .. 77
Albert, name taken by a guru convert.. .. 119 Achyuta, his revenues, 32 n.; and Venkatara
Albyn, Benj., patron of J. Harding .. .. 57 Raja, 100 n.; and the Dutch, 101 n.; or Ach.
Alepa, 8., Sup. 2; see Planets, Sup. 81; Vas, yutappe, 92; and the war of the Imperial
133, f. Alexander the Great, in India .. .. ..29, f. Adaya Raja, g. ..
Sup. 2 Alexander VIII., Pope, and 8. Indian ChristianAdichchansi, vil., in inscrip. ..
133 n. ity .. .. .. .. .. .. 148 Adi Narayana Teva, usurper in Ramnat .. 169 Aliyama Baydara, Sup. 2; follower oi Pi iy: Adinathacaritra, the, quoted. .. .. . 99 Devi g. . . . .. .. Sup. 85
Sup 1104

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206
INDEX
Aliyama Kafavara, d., Sup. 2; see Dala Raja, Anajiga, Sup. 4 ; see Kama .. . Sup. 41
Sup. 17 A-nan-gung-de, Anneroun
A-nan-gung.de, Annagoundy, Anegundi, co. Allah, vision of, in Hindu temple .. 90 n.
in Si-tien, sent an embassy to China .. 140 Allahabad pillar inscrip... .. .. .. 10 Anawrata, Anuruddha, Burmese k. and re. Alompra, Alaungphaya .. ..
.. .. 43
former .. .. .. .. .. ..41, f. Alphabet, Sup. 3 ; and rites, see Hat Adiye,
Ancient History of Magadhe, contd. from Sup. 29; Kakaya, Sup. 38; Bamba, Sup. 8;
• Vol. XLIV, p. 52 .. .. 8-16; 28-31 lettere, Sup. 51; Sakra, Sup. 91 ; Biva, Sup.
Anda Kadavara, d. .. .. .. Sup. 4 100; Vienu
.. 161 .. .. ..
... .. .. Sup. 116
Apdal temple, 'Srivilliputtar Alphabetical Guide to Singhalese Folklore
Andi Guru, Sup. 4; husband of Sokari, qit., Sup. 100 from Ballad Sources .
Sup. 1-116 | Apdi Kadavara, d., Sup. 9; Bee Bahupati, Alut Bandara, 8., Bup. 3 ; see Kalu Bapdára,
Sup. 7; Deva-anga .. .. .. Sup. 20 Sup. 38; Devel Devi, Sup. 20; Gang Banjara,
Andi Yaka, d., Sup. 4 ; see Sanni Yaka Sup. 94 Sup. 25
Andun Giri, goddess, Sup. 4 ; see Giri, Sup. 27; Alut Devi, d., Sup. 3, see Devatar Bandara,
also consort of Ratikan q. v... . Sup. 85 Sup. 20
Andun Kadavara, d. .. .. .. Sup. 4 Alut Kosamba Devi, spirit, Sup. 3 ; see Kalu
Andun Kumari Yakini, spirit .. .. Sup. 4
Andun-madana-tel-madana, Sup. 4; consort Bapdara .. .. .. .. . Sup. 38 Alut-Nuvara Devi .. .. .. . .. Sup. 3
of Ratikan q. v. .. .. .. Sup. 85 Alut Pattini, Alut-teda Pattini, Sup. 3 ; see
Anegundi, Annagoondy, A-nan-gungde .. 140 Pattini .. .. .. .. ..
10; Sup. 72
Auga, Co., conquered by Bimbisâra Alut Unambuve Bandara, g. .. ..
modern Bhagalpur and Munger ..11, 29, 31
Sup. 3 Alvar Kuruchchi, inscrip. fonnd at .. 133 n.
Angaharu, Sup. 4; see Kuja, Sup. 49; Planets,
Sup. 81 Amarapura, Amayapaya .. .. .. .. 43 Aigam, sorcery by spells, Sup. 4; see Malara Amatho, false, waed as a name .. F. G. 122, f.
-21 Raja . . . . . . . . . Sup. 57 Amatho Mamo, evil spirit . . . . F. 6. 116 | Angirasa-gotra, to which MAdhava-mantri Amati Vädi, spirit.. ..
Sup. 3 belonged.. .. .. .. .. .. 4, 6 Amaye, goddess, Sup. 3; 300 Ata Magula Sup. 6 Angkor Thom, former cap. of Kambja 44, 47 Ämbakke Davatar BandAra, 8. .. .. Sup. 3 Anglo-Indian Worthies of the Seventeenth ambans, Chinese residents in Tibet ..
.. 40
century, No. V., J. Harding .. .. 57—68 Ambanvala RAIA Devi, spirit . .. Sup. 3 an ikat, dam, on the Cauvery
anikat, dam. on the Cauvery ..
.. .. .. 17 Amba Pattini, Sup. 3 ; see Pattini .. Sup. 72
Animism, and Tibetan Buddhism, 40; in Ambara, Rai, Bup. 3 ; see Limes.. .. Sup 61 Annam .. .. .. .. .. .. 46 Ambarkpoti, Abarkpoti, spirit, Sup 3; re Kalu Aúkeli, sport, Sup. 4; see Pattini .. Sup. 72
Kumara .. .. .. .. .. Sup. 39 Annagoondy, A-nan-gungdi, Anegundi .. 140 Amboyna macre .. .. .. .. 136 Annam, Ngan-Nan, and Champa .. .. 46, f. Ammankuruchchi, Pukkottai state, inscrip.
Annamese, Indo-Chinese race, 37, f.; dates of
at, 133 history, plato III, the Giaos .. .. ..45, f. Amoghavarsha I, date .. .. ..26, f. Anne, E I. Co.'s ship .. .
. .. 68 Amoghavrithi, the, etc., by Sakatayana ..25, f. annexation, British, of Burma, 43; French, of Amperumal, Ramanuja, image of .. .. 142 Saigon and Cochin China Amphi, Indian Chief .. .. ..
Anoma Rai, legendary sage, Sup. 4; see Rşis, Amsterdam, and Indian trade .. .. .. 101 Sup. 90 ; Aga Magula.. .. .. Sup. 6 Amu-siri Kafavara, d., Sup. 3 ; se Riri Yaka, Ant, insect, Sup. 4; black, see Bali, Sup. 8;
Sup. 88 white, see Dala Raja, Sup. 17; Kola Sanni Amu-sohon, d. .. .. .. .. Sup. 4 Yoks, Sup. 47; Mal-sard Raja, Sup. 57; Amu-sohana Yaka, Sup. 4 ; see Visala.. Sup. 116 red, see Pilli Yaka .. .. .. Sup. 79 Anagundi, tn., and Ramappaiya .. 179 n. Anuhas Devi, Sup. 5; Vaduru-kali, Sup. 108; Ananda, Någs k., Sup. 3 ; see Pattini.. Sup. 72 see Kali.. .. .. .. .. Sup. 38 Ananda Bhûpoti Devi, m. of the Plair Sup. 4 Anuradhapur, and Auramgam .. .. .. 89 Ananda Thera, disciple of Buddha, Sur. 4; Anuruddha, Anawratd .. . .. .. 41
see Bodhisattva, Sup. 10; Limes, Sun. 51; Apabhramça, see Grammar of the Old w.
Pattini, Sup. 72; Torch .. ... Sup. 104 Rajasthani . . . . . . . . . 6,7 Anandatirtha, Madhvacharya .. .. .. 21 Appendix to the Account of the Wreck of Anand Ray Patil and Khwaja Ndik .. .. 501 the Doddington in 1765 .. .. 109-111

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INDEX
207
..
39
truhadla, Persian wherl. word in late
narayana tone inserij. .. .. 77, 80 Arakan. lost to Burma, 43; Indian emigrants in, 4t; Dutch factory.. ..
.. 131 Arakanene, Maghs .. Aranyaka period, the later, when Brahmans settled in Magadha .. ..
.. Arati, s. of Mara .. .. .. .. Nup. 5 Aratta tribo, and Chandragupta
30 11. Arave, Sup. 5; nee Kirtti Bapdara . Sup. 465 Arch, Sup. 5; sec Ceraman, Sup. 14; Devel
Devi. Sup. 20 ; Gi.maduva, Sup. 26; Pattini,
Sup. 72: Sère-man, Sup. 97: Toran.. Sup. 103+ Archipelago, E. Indies, and London E. I. Co... 13 architecture, Brahmanical, in the Far East,
+4, f. ; Naik, 82; 162; of Aryanatha, 86 & n.; religious, inilitary, 91; and Tirumal
Naik .. .. .. .. .. 149-154 Ardhamanta pri, in friviliiputtur .. .. 162 Areca, tree, Sup. 5; see Vas .. .. Sup. 110 Areca-sickle, Sup. 5; Gir, Sup. 27; see
Hialu, Sup. 108; Guardian gods, Sup. 29; Tree, Sup. 32; Manikpala, Sup. 60; Rahu,
Sup. RP ; Sandu .. .. .. Sup. 93 Ariana, and Chandragupta .. .. .. 50 Arihanta, The Meaning of Old W. RAJA
.. . 08 irmy, Naik .. .. .. .. 71, f. Arrakem, co., aud Raju Ulayar .. .. 13.5 Arrow. in si rites, Sup. 5; M Kaavera
Sup. 3+: Siva, Sup. 99; Igaha. Sup. 32; Kali, Sup. 36; Kanda. Sup. 13: Mala Raja, Sap. 36; Jul sara Rajn, Sup. 37; Reis, Sup.
9); Vişnui .. .. .. .. Sup. 116 Art, Arts, and the Vaiks, 73, 82; 149; 154:
J61: 163-165 thaš ixtru, tf Brihaspati, lost work . 120 &n. Anthastru, of Kautilya, and the Emperors of
Hindustan, 28, 29 . ; 30; Lu Hintad ete.. 125 1; 126 & A: 127.
?8n; 129; 19+ Arumugam, Sup. 7; see kaunch .. Sup. +33 Aruni, Naik rebel .. .. .. .. .. 1+ Aruppukkottai, fort and C., & ; inscrip.2.1 . trya-elhert.peika trentin Indian
religion .. .. .. .. .. .. 9? Arvaka, hracter in the Michrhhakutiv .. 19+ Aryanatba, Delavi to Visvanatha, 81: Mud. i
liar. minister t Kumara Krishnappa, & n., 83 & ; in the Ta' kotta campaign, 33-85; and Solavandan, his military architecture, 86 & n. ; regent for Virappa
90 n. ; for joint kinga 91; death 101, f., 104, 1. Arvan, and Naga 10 ; and Kambojas .. 176, f. Aryanapuram. vil., and Aryanatha . .. 86
sa nu lisi. mythical 12. Sup. 5; 80 Naha-sammata
.. .. Sup. 33 Iscetics, under Bimbisars, 12; Jain .. .. 97 Asla-malon, Sup. J; Pusul, Sup. 82 ; see Bodhi.
mttva, Sup. 10; l'as.. .. .. Sup. 110 sia, and Tibetan rule .. .. .. Asoka, inscrips.in Mysore, oto., 30, f. ; Rock
Ediot VI Sement, of land revenue, Madura, etc.,
35 f.; 01 1. inution, of Kakavarra und Udhya .. 31 Asupala Kumari, goddes, Sup.5; M
Hanivar Yuk, Nup. 31; Sankhapalu.. Sup. 94 Asura Kuuvard, d. . . . . . Sup. 5 Asurapoti, m. of the Devol lloviyo .. Nup. 5 Asuras, demons, Sup. 6; Hee Miha-bali, Sup. .33; Senovi-ratna, Sup. 06 ; Limes, Sup. JI;
Naha-samata, Sup. 55 ; Manikpala.. Sup. 61) csurgati, devil .. .. .. .. F.G. 1 Asurindu, Sup. 6; see Rahu .. .. Sup. 89 Asurindu Rakusu, d., Sup. * ; nee Raskusu Sup. 85 Ašvaghô48, on Bimbishra 11: and the
Vanusmriti, 113; date .. .. .. 12.5 ... 129 Ata Magula, one of the 8 Mingulas, Sup. 6; Hee .Amûya, Sup. 3; Anoma Ri, Sup. +; Baltbhadra, Sup. 7; Bimbavati, Buddha, Sup. 12; Cocoanut, Sup. 14: Divi Dog, Sup. 22; Divi Kadupu, Sup. 23 ; Gana Devi, Sup. 25; Guardian Gods, Sup. 28; Hemaya, Sup. 31; Kanda, Sup. 43; Leopard's Head, Lily, Sur. 51; Mahn Kelu, Sup. 53; Mala Raja, Sup. 56; Mat. Sup. 62; Nila Kántáva, Sup. 68; Peerka-baddhas, Pumaya, Sup. 70; Parvati, Sup. 72; Pestle, Sup. 79; Puspitkumudaya, Sup. 83; Rima-hasi, Sup. 8+; Rice, Sup. 17; Ritta. Keis, Sup. 90 ; Saham. pati Braluma, Sup. 91; 'Siva, Sup. 100; Uma, Sup. 106; Umavati, Sup. 107; l'Hlakul,
Sup. 108 ; Vijaya, Sup. 114; Vine, Sup. 11.5 Ata visi Migale, Sup. 7; Nee Mangale, Sup. 59 Atharva l'eda, contains first mention of the
Jagadhas .. .. .. .. .. Atina, Indian Buddhist teacher, nt Thoding Monastery ..
..39. 1. Ati Viru Rama, Tady, inconsistency of
dutes, etc., 100 & 1 and Adiramapatnam 13+ Attiyuttikottai, in Ramnad. captured by
Ramappaiya, etc. .. .. .. .. 179 duramgam, probably Anuradhapur, in Ceylon 7 Aurangzel, coinage Aurangzeb, coinage , .. .. 35 Autho: of the Sutras Attributed to Valmiki,
142–147 Authors, referred to. etc., in the Alan kiraudhanidhi list
. 22 Authorship of the Manusmrit . 112, 115

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208
Ava, Shan cap. 42, f. Avanti, and Magadha, etc., 8, f. ; list of kings 28; 31 Avara Bisava, female, d., Sup. 9; perhaps
Avera Mahipala, see Vas, Sup. 110; Rati kan-Madana-Yakini Sup. 86 Avara Keli, d., Sup. 7; see Ratikan, Sup. 85; Riri Yaka
Sup. 88 Sup. 85 consort Sup. 85 Sup. 7
Avara-Madana, Sup. 7; see Ratikan Avara-Madana-Mal-madana, Sup. 7;
of Rati-madana, see Ratikan
Avara Yak, d.
Avatara Devatar, d., Sup. 7; see Mini-Maru
Yaka
..
Avatara Yaku, d.
uyasa, word in the Taxila scroll, inscrip. suggested meaning
*
Tirumal Naik
Badra-kali, Sup. 7; see Kâli
Baga Yake, d.
120, f.
Ayilakkandi, female d., Sup. 7; see Riri Yaka, Sup. 86; Turmeric Sup. 106 Ayirandan Pattini, Sup. 7; see Pattini.. Sup. 72 Ayuthia, in Burma, 42, f.; or Sia Yuthia, 44; sacked Ayyanar, Ayyandka, son of Pulvan, Sup. 7; see Hari-hara-putra, Sup. 29; Kambili Kadavara, Sup. 41; Muttu-mâri Azes, two kings of the name
Bagyidaw, k. of Burma
Bahirani, spirits, Sup. 7; see Cobra
Bahirava, Sup. 7; see Bhairava
Bahmini, Sultans in 8. India Bahu, spirit
INDEX
Sup. 63 Sup. '7
Bade Khan, brother of Chanda Sahib, and
..
..
171 n.
Sup. 36 Sup. 7
43
Sup. 14 Sup. 10
199
..
Sup. 7
F. G. 124
Bahucharaji, temple of Bahupati, Sup. 7; m. of Apdi Kadavara q. v. Sup. 4 bajrd, budgera, barge
Bakhira, Basarh, or Vesali Bak-nu-gaha-des-kivu Pattini, Sup. 7;
64 14 n.
Sup. 65
120
Pattini
Baia, spirit..
Bala-bhadra, g., Sup. 7; see Ata Magula Baladeva, mentioned in the Kamsa Jataka
Bala-Devi, spirit...
Bala Divas Devi, g.
45
see
Sup. 72 Sup. 7 Sup. 6
11
Sup. 7 Sup. 8 Sup. 27 mutha in
Bâla Giri, goddess, Sup. 8; see Giri Balakrishnananda, or Koppala,
Talkad.. Balasor Factory, and R. Edwards, 57; and J. Harding bali, sacrificial rite
17
58-61 124
Bäli, protective rite, Sup. 8; see Sarva-vipa. kabali, Sup. 95; Mahabali, Sup. 53; Ant, Sup. 4; Cobra, Sup. 14; Crow, Sup. 15; Lizard, Sup. 52; Una Gara, Sup. 107; Vâta Girahani Yakini Sup. 111 Bali Bisava, Bitch Queen, Sup. 8; see Kuvêni, Sup. 50 Ballad, The Revolt of Khwaja Naik .. 45-53 Ballad Sources, Alphabetical Guide to Singha. lese Folklore from, Sup. 1-124 41
Bamr, MrammA, and Burma Bamba, Sup. 8; Bambahu; Brahma, Sup. 12; Ketu, Sup. 45; and Maha-sammate see Abina-santiya, Sup. 2; Alphabet, Sup. 3; Cobra, Sup. 14: Kakçaya, Sup. 35; Maha. bamba, Sup. 53; Planets Sup. 81 Bambadat Raja, f. of Sipha Kumara Raja Sup. 9 Bamba-put, g. Sup. 9 Sup. 110 Sup. 9 Sup. 9 Sup. 72 5, 6 5
Bamba-put Rsi, sage, Sup. 9; see Vas
Bamba Raja, grandfather of Maha-sammata Bamba Raja, f. of Kuvêni
Bämini Pattini, Sup. 9; see Pattini Banavase, Jayantipura ... Banavasi, temple, inscrip. in Bandana Kadavara, spirit Bandara Deva, g... Bandara Devi, spirit
"
Sup. 9 Sup. ǝ Sup. 9
Sup. 9
45
BendAras, eleven.. Bangkok, fort
Bangle, Sup. 9; Halamba, Sup. 29; see Kali, Sup. 36; Pattini, Sup. 72; Sandun Kumara, Sup. 94; Vali Yaka, Sup 109; Visnu, Sup. 116; Gini-halamba, Sup. 27; Guardian Gods, Sup. 28; Hena-gini-halamba, Sup. 31; Naga-halamba, Sup. 66; Nava-mini-halamba, Sup. 68; Ruvan- vähära-halamba, Säkra, Sup. 91; Vidura-sana.. Sup. 113
Bantam, trade with
baptism, by Jesuits, in S. India Barhadratha, dynasty
132 .. 148 . 8, 9 Barker, Mr., E. I. Co.'s servant.. 64, f. Barků Patil, and Khwaja Naik 51 Barsi, Barchhi Sahib, probably Lt. Birch, in Ballar! f Khwaja Naik 48-50 Barrados, Portuguese traveller, and Naik history.. 34, 133 & n, 134
14 n. 100 n. 43 136
Basarh, Bakhira, or Vêsali Basavaraja, chief, at Talikoṭṭah
Bassein, British settlement Batavie, Dutch cap.
batrisas, beings- having thirty-two acoom.
plishments
F. G. 119 Batticalao, in Ceylon, and the Portuguese 181 Bayin Naung, Branginooo, Burmese general.. 42 Beard, Mr.; and J. Harding
65

Page #217

INDEX
209
ple
Beuzly, Rt., of the Doddington .. .. 110, f. Bharala-Nafya veda turils, and the Sun Bednere. luter cap. of Venkatappa Naik, i navdeavadatta .. ..
. . . . 193 etc. ... .. .. .. .. 199 n., 200 Bharatitirtha, guru to Madhavdcharya, 2; & Belur inscrip. .. .. .. .. .. 142 work by him, etc. .. .. .. 3; 6; 1! Benares, and the Sisunaga dynasty, 9 & 11., Bhargava, f. of Sikura .. .. .. Sup. 10
10; 12, f. ; 31; Metalled road to 51; und Bhartfihari, author of the Vakya padiya, date 25, f. the Pratyeka-Buddhas, 76 ; and Aryanatha 87 Bharteipatta, grant by .. .. .. .. 124 Bengal, and E. I. Co., 58 ; and J. Harding, 63, Bhara, Thirteen Newly Discovered' Dramas
66, f.; conch shells from, 71; Dutch Fac. Attributed to him . .. .. 189--19.5 tory, 131 ; and Tirumal Naik .. .. 171 Bhåsa, quoted, lost works of, etc. 128 & n., 129 Bengalit, in Burma ..
Bhashyakåta shrine, in Madanagopala Tem. Bengal Merchant, the ship .. .. Berkeley-Castle, the ship.. .. ..
Bhasmasura, d., Sup. 10; see Kálu Kumaru, Bertelde, Carlo Michaele, Jesuit missionary Sup. 39 ; Kanda, Sup. 43; Devel Devi, Sup.
in Madura .. . .. .. .. 148 20 : Saman, Sup. 92; Siva, Sup. 100; Betel, Sup. 9; Dalu-Mura, Sup. 19; and the Vişņu .. .. .. .. .. Sup. 116
war of Kilaniya, see Buddha, Sup. 12; see Bhatiya Rşi, sage, Sup. 11; see Bali .. Sup. 8 also, Tovil, Sup. 106; (now called dähät, Bhauma, Sup. 11; see Kuja .. .. Sup. 49 Sup. 16; original of, from Duma-valli, see Bhavabhūti, author of the Uttara-ndmacharita. Vas, Sup. 110 :) Abayapatra, Sup. 1; Giri.
eto. .. .. .. .. .. .. 193 dâdalu, Sup. 27; Kadavara, Sup. 34; Ki
Bhavani tank, in Ballad of Khwaja N&ik .. 49 riļu-patra, Kirilu valli, Sup. 46 ; Maha Bem
Bhima, a Bhil, and Khwaja Naik .. 47, f., 53 ba, Sup. 63; Maha-Sammata, Sup. 54; Bhima, statue .. .. .. .. .. 90 Mänikpala, Sup. 60; Mätipala, Sup. 63; Bhóganátha, brother of Madhavacharys, 1, Mucalinda, Sup. 65; Någa valli, Sup. 66 ; inscrip. composed by .. .. 3, 4, 7; 22; 24 Nata Deve, Sup. 67; Panļu-pattra, Sup.
Bhoja I., Pratihara k. .. .. 71; Pattini, Sup. 72; Pitiye, Devi, Sup. 80 ;
Bhoja II., Pratihara k. .. .. .. 122, f. Rşis, Sup. 90 ; Säkra, Sup. 91; Sonuttara,
Bho-pä (Bod-pa) race, in Tibet.. . .. 38 Sri patra, Sup. 101 ; Uma, Sup. 106; Val- Bhrigu, sago, and the Manusmriti, 112, 113
haka, Sup. 108; Vign u .. . Sup. 116 n., date, etc. .. .. .. 125-127: 129 Bhadrabahu, and Chandragupta . .. 12
Bhumâtu, d., Sup. 11; see Visali... Sup. 116
Bhumi-kanta, Sup. 11; se Mihi-kata.. Bhadrakali, Sup. 10, see Kali ..
Sup. 63 . Sup. 36
Bhata Giri, goddess, Sup. 11; see Giri.. Sup. 37 Bhadrasena AjAtasatrave, and Bhadra Srên.
..
Bhuta Kadavara, spirit, and Mecca
.. ya, son of Ajátasatru ..
.. 13
Sup. ..
11
Bhúta Ruval Bandara, Sup. 11; see Ruval Bhagalpur and Munger, ancient Anga.. 11, f.
Yaka .. .. .. .. .. Sup. Bhagavat, the, and the Rakshasas .. F.G. 114, f.
Bhata Yaka, spirit . .. .. Sup. 11 Bhagavati temple.. .. .. .. .. 168
Bhůta Yakas, Sup. 11; see Kali, Sup. 36 ; Bhaimiparinaya-Natakam, The, book-notice. 92 Vanni Bandara .. .. .. .. Sup. Bhairava, Bärtindi, d., Sup. 10; Bahírava,
'bhuts, ghosts, etc... ..
..F. G. 111 Sup. 7; Vairava, Sup. 108; see Rakusu, Bhuvanaikavira, epithet applied to Madhava. Sup. 83, Buddha, Sup. 12; Sanni Yaka, mantri .. .. .. Sup. 94; Kali, Sup. 38; Pili Yakas, Sup. Bihiri Kadavara, spirit . . . . Sup. 11 79; Graha Bhairava, Sup. 28; Masgan Bihiri Vadi, Deaf Vädi, .. .. .. Sup. 11
Bhairava, Sup. 62; ViSALA .. .. Sup. 116. Bihiri Yaka, d., Sup. 11; 800 Visali . Sup. 116 Bhairava Riri, Sup. 10; see Riri Yaka.. Sup. 88 Bijapur, and Vijayanagar, etc., 84; 92; 140; Bhallata, k. of KASI .. .. .. .. 10 149; 179 n. ; 187, f. .. .. .. 196-199 Bhallatiya, Buddha in a previous birth 10 & n. Bilindu Bandara, Sup. 11; see Lama Bilindu Bhamaha's, Attacks on the Buddhist Gram.
Bandara.. .. .. .. .Sup. 50 marian Jinendrabuddhi, article, referred to 26, f. Bilindu Sami, d., Sup. 11; 400 Pitiya Devi, Sup 80 Bhamaha, 193; and the Pratijiandfaka 196 & n. Bimba Dovi, Sup. 11; & wife of Vijaya Sup. 113 Bharadvaja, Rşi, Sup. 10; see Limes .. Sup. 51 Bimbavati, goddess, Sup. 11; see Ata Bharadvaja-gotra, to which Madhavacharya Magula .. .. .. .. .. Sup. 6
belonged . .. .. .. .. 1,6 Bimbiéra, Saiaunaga k., and the Anga co., Bharatamuni, writer ..
... 128 n. etc., 10 & n.; or Sreņiya .. .. 11, ff. ; 31

Page #218

210
.
INDEX
Bindusara, k. ..
. . .. 12 Brahma rakshasa, Maharakahasa ..F. G. 115, f Binya Dala of Pegu, Shan ruler .. .. 43 Brahmottarakamdam, a work by K. Varatuiga 100. Birch, Lt., Barsi, in legend of KhwAja Naik, 48-50
Brahmottar Khand, a chapter of the Padma Bird, isl., Chaos ...
. .. 109
Puran, on fasts .. .. .. ... F. G. 124 birth, rebirth .. ... F. G. 109, f., 116, 118
Brajita, future Buddhist k. .. .. Sup. 12 Bisi-billa, R., Sup. 11; see Śiva YAré.. Sup. 100
Branginooo, Bayin Naung.. .. .. .. +2 Bitragunta, inscrip., and Bhóganátha .. 3, 24 Brhaspati, Sup. 12, Guru .. .. .. Sup. 29 black art, magic, in war .. .. .. 184 & n. Bridson, Hercules, security for J. Harding .. 57 Black Flag pirates
Bțihadratha, Maharatha, founded earliest Blagden, Mr. Otto, on the derivation of deling,
dynasty of Magadha .. .. .. * & n. Meley, etc. .. .. .. .. 106, 1. Brihaspati, 115: 125 ; author of an Arthemi: blasphemy, charge against J. Harding, 59 & n., 61, 63, tra, now lost .. .. .. .. 126 n Blood Lake, Sup. 11; Le-vila, Sup. 51; Riri. British, etc., and Tibet 40; in Burma 41, 43; vila, Sup. 88; see Riri-Yaka, Sup. 88; Kalut
in Ballad of Khwaja Näik... .. 47, f. Kumêra, Sup. 39; Mala Raja, Sup. 56;
Brito, Philip the, Portuguese adventurer, in Tanipola Riri Yaka .. .. .. Sup. 103 Burma . . . . . . Bodana Maniyo, female spirit . . Sup. 11 Budahu, Budha, Sup. 12; Sisiput, Sup. 9); Bödawphaya, k. of Burma .. .. .. 13 Mercury, Sup. 63; Planets, . .. Sup. 81 Bodhisattva, k. Brahmadatta, 9 n. ; .. .. 76 Buddha, and Brahmadatta, etc., 9; 76 & . ; Budhi-sattva, Sup. 11; See Buddha, Sup. 12;
and Bhallatiya, etc., 10 & n., 12; 13; 31: Ciurulu, Hat Adiya, Sup. 29; Valalu, Sup.
Tooth in Burma, 42; and Tsipatana Miga. 108; Ananda Thera, Sup. 4; Ash-melon,
daya, 76 & n.; on ooins .. .. .. 121 Sup. 5; Limes, Sup. 62; Mûra, Sup. 61;
Buddha, and the Buddhas, Sup. 12; see Betel, Måtali, Sup. 63; Rşis, Sup. 90 ; Siva, Sup. 100 bodies, and evil spirits, F. G. .. .. .. 116
Sup. 9; Sudarisana, Sup. 102; Ata Magula
(for Vijaya), Sup. 6; Cloth, Sup. 14; Sobody, and soul, F. G. 109, or spirit.. F. G. 111, f. Boksal, Sup. 12; Vata Kumara, Sup. 111;
bhita, Sup. 100; drums, Sup. 23; Valalu,
Sup. 108; Hat Adiya (for Seven Steps), nee Guardian Gods .. .. .. Sup. 28 Bolanda, Sup. 12; f. of Pattini, q..... Sup. 72
Sup. 29; Bodhisattva, Sup. 11; Curtain,
Dadimunda, Sup. 15: Dan Udiya, Sup. 19; Bombay, and Pola Sinha .. .. . Bopadeva, uuthor
..
Dipankara, Divi Dos, Sup. 22; Dreams, Sup. 27
23; Gurulu, Sup. 29; Huniyan Yaka, Sup. Bouchet, Jean V., Jesuit Missionary, Carnatic 148 Bóvala Alut Devi, g. ..
31; Inå Yakas, Sup. 32; Limes, Sup, 51; .. ..
.. Sup. 12 boys, opprobrious names for luck ..
Någamålaya, Sup. 65; Namo Tassa, Sup.
F. G. 123 Brahma, 8., and the Jesuits of Rome, 130 11.;
67; Pattini, Sup. 72; Planets, Sup. 81; legend.. ..
Säkra, Sup. 91; Tedas Kadevara, Sup. .. .. .. F. G. 114 Brahma, g., Sup. 12; see Bamba, Sup.8;
104; Visala, Sup. 116; Bodhi-sattva, Sup.
11 ; Demala Yaka, Sup. 19; Dhátu, Sup. 22; Maha bamba .. .. .. .. Sup. 53 Brahmadatta, k. of Kasi, 9; or Bodhisattva,
Itibiso, Sup. 33; Kakusando, Sup. 35;
Kassapa, Sup. 44; Mara, Sup. 61; Med9 & n., 76; 10; 30
hankara, Sup. 63; Oddisa, Sup. 69; Pas. Brahma-datta, Sup. 12; see Sara. Bamba.. Sup. 33
äs, Sup. 72;
SaraBruhmaddyam, tax ..
Pirrittuva, Sup. 80; .. ..
..35 ..
nankara, Sup. 95; Tanhankara . Sup. 103 Brahma-devi, m. of Mahasammata. . . . Sup. 12
Buddhacharitam, the, on the Manusmriti
F. G. 117 Brahman, spirit of. F. G. 115 ; woman
.. 115
Buddhaghosha, and Buddhism in Kambaja, Brahmanical monuments, erected by Yaso..
44; &nd Isipatena Migedâye .. .. 76 varman .. . .. .. .. .. 44 i
Buddhas, men of revealed learning .. 11 & n., 13 Brahman Nighana Ratnakar, the, and evil
Buddhism, established, 11 & n. ; 31; in Indospirits .. .. .. .. . F. G. 112
China .. .. . .. 37–42, 44, 46 Brahmans, in Magadha, 8; tribute to, 35; Xaik grants to, 54 ; education, etc. 72–75;
| Buddhist, records and Kasi, 9, f. ; era, 13; 81, 82 n. ; 90 ; and Aryanatha, 87, 91, 102;
Council, second, etc. .. .. .. 15, 31 and Tirumal Naik, etc., 100 and n., 101 & n.;
Budhyot Fa, Phra, (Yod Fe) Chaophaya und Muttu Virappa, 133; and de Nobilis,
phaya Chakri, k. of Siam .. .. .. 45 116–119; 130 ; of Rome, 130 n. ; .. 139, 203, f. Budu-siri Kumarindu, spirit, Sup. 13; and Brahmaputra, E. boundary of the Maurya
Mangra Devi .. ..
.. Sup. 59 kingdom.. .. .
.. 30 Bu-ha-lu, k. of A-nan-gung.de .. .. .. 140

Page #219

building, etc., under the Naiks 69, f. 73 Bukka I., k., patron, of Madhava-mantri, 1, 3; two ministers of this name, 4-6; and Madhavachariya, 8; his embassy to China, 140 & n. 69 Sup. 9
Bukka II., k., inscrip. of Bû-lat Sup. 10, see Betel
Burma, and Tibet, people of, 38; and Indian emigrants, 44; and animism, 46; and the
Dutch, etc.
Burmans, sacked Ayuthia Burmese, legend of Gaudama, 10 n., 12, 14;
76 & n. ; Indo-Chinese race, 37
But, m. of Kohamba Raja
Bûta, Bhuta
calendar, Indian
calicoes, longcloth, chintz
Cambay, Dutch factory
..
Caernarvon, the ship, and the crew of the
Doddington
INDEX
..41, f. Sup. 13 Sup. 13
Cambodia, home of the Khmers, etc., 37, 43; Kambûja or Funan, history of, 44; China, 46; and the Chams
and
Camundi Devatar, spirit, and cocoanut.. canals, constructed by Visvanatha, 74; Aryanatha
Caturvahana Rakusu, d., Sup. 14; Rakusu
136 45
109, f. 121 .. 132 131
Canarese, and the pagoda, 33n.; districts, and Father T. Estavao
47
Sup. 14 by
91
138 n. Sup. 93
Candra, Sup. 14, see Sandu
Candra Devi, princess, and Wooden Peacock Sup. 14 Candra Kumari, Sup. 14, m. of Kabêri q. v. Sup. 34 Candravati, m. of Kuvêni; and Wooden Pea
cock
Candrimâ, m. of Mal-sara Raja Cape Comorin, 102; rounded by Cornelius Houtman, 131; Lagulhas, Aghulas, and the wreck of the Doddington Carnata, co., and Raj Udayar Carnatic, Muhammadans, and the pagoda 33 n.; Nawabs of 54, f.; Krishnapuram temple in, 90 n.; Mughal conquests in, 187 & n., 188; and Bijapur 197, and Golcondah 198 Cassumbuzar, Kasimbuzar, and J. Harding 58, 65, f. Caste, Castes, higher, and Christianity, 107;
as preached by de Nobilis, 116-119; 131; 148 Catchpoole, A., and J. Harding 63, f. Caterpillars, Sup. 14; and Panuva Sup. 71 107
Catholic Faith, in 8. India
Sup 14 Sup. 14
109, f. 135
200
Sup. 83
211
Catuvayara, f. of Palanga, Sup. Pattini
Sup. 72
148
Cera-mân, k., Sup. 14; see Arch., Sup. 5; Pattini Sup. 72 ceremonies, Hindu, and Christianity Ceylon, and Burma, 42; conquest of, 82; and Krishnappa, 88; and European trade, 101; and the Dutch, etc., 131, & n. ; 132; 136, f.; 181 & n.; 182 & n. ; 183 77; 124 49 32 n.
14; see
Châhamâna dynasty.. Chain Sinh, and Khwaja Naik chakrams, pagodas
Cham, or Mons people, of Champa, 37; inscrip., 45; under Hindu kings
46
Chama Raja Udayar of Mysore, 133 n.; 135; author of Chamarajókti Vilds 166 & n. Champa, k., and Sayana 23, f. Champa, oo., home of the Cham race.. 37 Châmpa, Indian dynasty, of Annam 44, 46, f. Chanakya, and the conquest of Magadha, 29, f.; and the Mánaváh, etc., 125 n.; 126; surnamed Kautilya 127; and the Manu smriti 128; quotes Bhasa, 129; period of, 193; 195 Chanda Pradyôta, k. of Avanti, his connec
tion with Magadha, 8, f. ; and Udaya 14; 28 Chandeau, Chandeu, Chinese chêntu, market,
Hobson-Jobson
Chandler, Ed., Capt. of the Rose
Chandra, author
Chandragiri, Naik treasury, 34; cap., 92, 102, 185.n.; and the Jesuits, 107 n.; battle near, 133; and Madura, 196; dynasty of, and. Golconda Chandragupta Maurya, resignation of, 12; and Sahalya, 29, 31 & n.; and Seleucus, etc. 30 & n.; 114; date, 125; and the Code of Manu, 126; and Bhrigu's Samhita 127 Chandravati, and Pratapasinha ..77; 80 Changali Kumara, became k. of Jaffnapat
am
156 111 25
Chaos, (Bird isl.), and the wreck of the Doddington
199
137 141
F. G. 124
Changalvas, conquered by the Cholas change, of sex Chaophaya Phaya Chakri, known as Phra Budhyot Fa, Chinese, founded present dynasty of Siam
Chaophaya Taksin, (Tak) Siamese general Chaophaya Vijayendra, title of Constantine Phaulcon
45
1919
45
45
一个
109
Chao Uthong, Shan Chief, Phra Ramathibadi 44, f. charities, of Muttu Krishna .. 104 128
Charitravardhana, and Chanakya
Charnock, Job, protector of J., Harding 57, 62-67 Charter, grant, aftributed to Venkate 133 & n.

Page #220

212
charu, sacrificial rite
124 Chárudatta, 191; (Daridra) 194 & n. Chárudatta-náṭaka, drama attributad to Bhâsa, 189 quoted, etc.
193, 195
Chatuktus, heads of monasteries
41
Chatussal, erected in the Isipatana Mahavihara
Châvunda, Chaundebhatta Brahman, f. of
INDEX
Chinese, in Burma, 43; in Annam chinna dorai, second in command, 81; Chinna Durai
76
Madhava-Mantri
Che Bong Nga, Cham hero
Chêdi, co., and Magadha
Chellana, Vaisâli princess, w. of Bimbisara
Chem Nâik, k. of Carcas
Chentu, Chinese, and chandeau
11 137 156 Chidambaram, shrine.. ..91, 153 Chiefs, provincial in. S India, become independent, 104; Carnatic, conquered Chikka-Râya, son of Harihari II
4, 6 46 8
children, to the childless, 118; and the evil eye, F. G. 120, f.; opprobrious names for, F. G. 123, f.; change of sex F. G. 124 ..F. G. 117, f. 46
..
ohild-bed, death on, etc. Chimba, Funan 44; Châmpâ China, and Tibet, 39-41; and the Shans, etc.,
44, 46, f.; and the Dutch, etc., 136; Vijayanagara embassy to, 140; and Christian Missions .. 148 46
135 19
..
102
Chinna Tambi Mudaliar
170 n., 171 Chinna Tippa Rahuttar Aujan, donee, in inscrip.
Chinnanai, dam, built by Visvanatha Chintalapalli, tn., and Tirumal Naik Chir Stúpa, Taxila, and the Scroll inscrip. Chisholm, Nath., of the Doddington Chokkanatha, k.
..133 n. 74 ...100 n. 120 110, f. 108 n.
Chokkanatha, g. of Madura, and de Nobilis,
119; 130; 150;
185 n. Chôlântaka, etc., see Sôlavandân.. 85 & n., 86 n. Chôlas, and Solavandan 85 n.; and the Changâlvas
141
Christ, in S. Indian Christianity, under de Nobilis, 118; image of, and the tali 148 Christian IV, established the Danish E. I. Co. 136 Christians, massacred in Annam, 47; and
Christianity in S. India, under de Nobilis, 107, f. 116-119; 131, f., 168, 181, 183, 202, f. Chudela, evil spirit F. G. 115 Chudels, female evil spirits F. G. 116-118 Chulalongkorn, k. of Siam chunam, stucco, shell lime
Chyang Chub Gyaltshan or Phângmôdu cinnamon, Dutch monopoly of..
45 165 39 137 & n.
Citrâpati, m. of Ma-devi.. Citrapoti, g. Sup. 14; see Ata Magula Citra Raja, Sup. 14; f., of Kâbêri q. v. civil war, in Magadha, 29, 31; between Tirumala and Veikata, 84, f.; described by Barrados, etc. 133 n. 134 n. civilisation, ancient, of the Mons, etc. 37; 41 Clavell, W., and J. Harding 58 f. 148
Clement XI, and S. Indian Christianity Cloth, Sup. 14; see Divi Saluva, Sup. 22; Gaurâsta Sri Devatâr, Sup. 26; Jivarka, Sup. 33; and Maha-maya, Maha-sammata, Sup. 53; Sahampati Brahma, Sup. 91; Saluva, Sup. 92; Siva Sup. 100 Cobra, Sup. 14; see Bali, Sup. 8, Bahirâni, Sup. 7; Bamba, Sup. 8; Yana Devi, Sup. 25; Ilandâri Devatâ, Sup. 52; Kála Kakṣi, Sup. 36; Krates vara, Sup. 49; Makari Yakini, Sup. 55; Maigra Davi, Sup. 59; Napoti, Nata Deva, Sup. 67; Nayi, Sup. 68; Sakra, Sup. 91; Siva, Sup. 100; Takari Yakini, Sup. 103; Sadayakka, Sup. 105; Umâ .. Cobra, snake guard Cochin, Roman Catholic institutions in, 107 and the Dutch, 137; 182 n.; and de Nobilis, 139, 203, f. Cochin-China, 43; or French Indo-China, 44, f.; annexation, 47; Dutch factory .. ..13) Cock, Sup. 14; see fowl Sup. 24 Cocoanut, Sup. 14; see Divi Dos, Sup. 22; Ata Magula, Sup. 6; Tovil, Sup. 106; Camundi Devatår, Sup. 14; Gana Devi, Sup. 25; Hanuman, Sup. 29; Maha-kela, Sup. 53; Mihi-kata, Sup. 63; Pol, Sup. 81; Reis, Sup. 90; Säkra, Sup. 91; Sarasvati Sup. 95; Siva, Sup. 100; Surapoti, Sup. 102
Sup. 106
F. G. 119
4
Sup. 14 Sup. 6
Sup. 34
Coimbatore 135; 201 coins, early Indian, pons, 33 n., 35 n.; defective, tax on, 36; of Muttu Krishnappa, 104; of Sadayakka, 106 n.; Indo-Scythian Collet, J., of the Doddington Colombo, Kolumba, and Vira Munda, 115; Portuguese fort, 131 n.; and Tirumal Naik, 171; and Ramappaiya colonies, Brahman, in Madura commerce, in Vaisali, etc., 11; and trade, European, with Siam, 45; commercial, exploitation of India, 104; supremacy, of Portuguese in the East
131 Commissariat dept., in ancient Hindustan 28 communities, tribal, under the Mauryas 29 Comorin, C., S. boundary of Madura .. 102 compromise, religious, under de Nobilis, 107, f.,
118; 148
120, f. 110, f.
180 81; 86
..

Page #221

INDEX
213
!
conch shells, Madura, royal monopoly .. 71 Däimunda, d., Sup. 15; Devatar Bandara, Conjeeveram, inscrips. etc. .. .. 2, 3; 20; 86 Sup. 20 ; see Devata, Sup. 20; Hat Adiya, conquest, second Mussalman, of S. India .. 149 Sup. 29; Sanni Yake, Sup. 94; Buddha, Constantine Phaulcon, Cephalonian Greek Sup. 12; Gini-kanda, Sup. 26; Kuvera, adventurer, Chåophaya Vijayêndra of
Sup. 50: Pilli Yaka. Sup. 79; Säkra, Sup. Siam .. .. .. .. . ..
91 ; Somavati Devi, Sup. 101; Sudumal convention, Anglo Russian, of Tibet
Kumaru, Sup. 102; Vira vikrama DevaCoorg, Changa! va co. .. .. .
tår Bandura . . . . . . . Sup. 116 Coorgs, Kodagus, Kutakas - .. .. .. 142 Didimunda Devata Bandara, Sup. 16, S6 copper-plate inscrips. and grants, Bitragunta
Devatur Band Ara .. .. .. Sup. 20 3; in Goa 4; and the Vedas 19 ; of Harihara Dadi Yakas, demons, Sup. 16; see Kambili II. 23 n.; by Aryanatha 86; 100; of Dala
. . . . Sup. 41 vài Setupati Katta Tevar 105 n.; from Dahanaka .. .. . . . . . . Sup. 16
Kanauj etc. .. .. .. 122 ; f. ; 133 Dahat, Sup. 16; see Betel .. .. Sup. 9 corn, and the evil eye ..
F. G. 122 Dakans, witches, Pishdcha: F. G. 115-117; 119 Cornelius Houtman, pioneer of Dutch com. Dakhan, Deccan, and Mughals .. .. .. 187
merce in the East .. .. . . . . 131 Dala-dimba Devatâr, Sup. 16; see Dala Raja Sup. 17 Coromandel, Dutch factory 131; Euglish Dalai Lamas . . . . . . . . 40, 1.
settlements 136 ; and Portuguese trade .. 182 Dala-kada Rui, sage, Sup. 16; see Valalu Sup. 10 Corres, Ant., Portuguese, in Martaban . 42 Dala Kallavara, D. Kumara, Sup. 16; see Mal cotton goods, trade in .. .. .. .. 132 Kadavara Sup. 57; Riri Yaka, .. Sup. 88 Councils, Buddhist
15; 31 Dalakesvara, f. of Dala Raja .. .. Sup. 17 Cranganur, archbishop of, and de Nobilis 117; 139 Dala Raja, d., Sup. 17; Dala Kanavara, Crape, Roeland, and Danish trade with India 136 Sup. 16; see Aliyama Kaavara, Sup. 2; cremation, grounds, and evil spirits eto. Drums, Sup. 23 ; Pattini, Sup. 72; Sohon
F. G. 115-117 Kadavara, Sup. 100; Ant, Sup. 4; Dalacrew, of the Doddington, survivors .. .. 110 dimba Devatår, Sup. 16; Demala Kala Crinum, Sup. 15 ; see Lily . . Sup. 51 Vara, Sup. 19; Devaliga, Sup. 20; Giri, Cross, the, and the tali ..
.. 148 Sup. 27: Kili Garü, Sup. 45; Mal Kada. Crow, Sup. 15, see Bali .. .. .. Sup. 8! vara, Sup. 57; Pirittuva, Sup. 80; Rahu, Crown, Sup. 15, see Maha-sammata, .. Sup. 53 ; 1 Sup. 82 ; Säkra, Sup. 91 : Siva . Sup. 100
. .
.. Sup. 70 D ala Riri, g. .. .. .. .. Sup. '19 Cudworth, E. I. Co.'s servant.. . .. 65 De avai, Naik prime minister 71; Aryanatha culture, Naik .. .. .. .. .. .. 73 85; 87; Settupati Kattar 105 2. ; Ramap. Cumming, Capt., W. G., Bhil Agent at Bar.
paiya 167, 171 ; portraits, in Temples ... 63 wâni, "Kamani SAhib” of the Ballad of D' Albuquerque, and the Siamese .. .. 14
Khwaja Naik .. .. .. .. 45-50 Dalu-mura, Sup. 19; see Betel,. . Sup. 9 Surtain, Sup. 15, see Buddha Sup. 12, Guar- dain, anikat, katti, 17; dams, built by Visvadian gods, Sup. 28; Jaya Guru, Süp. 33;
natha . . . . . . . . .
.. . 74 Kadaturava, Sup. 34; Kanda Sup. 43; Mihi! Damayanti and Nala .. .. .. . 92 Kata, Sup. 63; Nâta Deva. Sup. 67; Tira,
Damodara, fi of Madhava .. ... .. 124 Sup.--104 ; Vaiga Rsi, Sup. 107; Vajra
Dancing, Sup. 19; see Drums, .. .. Sup. 23 sana. .. .. .. .. .. Sup. 108
Dawlin, and the Charudatta .. . 193, £. Cusha Dvipa, and Kasambi .. . 192 & n.
Dandu-monara, and Wooden Peacock Sup. 19 customs, and octroi duties .. .. 69, f.
Daney, in Indian sens, etc. 104; their E. L. Co. 136 &n customs, ancient, mentioned in the Manu
d! inklan ..
.. . ..F. G. 112 smriti 113 n.; Hindu, and Christianity 116 ; 148
1 anta-dhatu Rei, sage, Sup. 19; see Vas Sup. 110 Cyamba, Champa
Panta-Siva, f. of Dala Raja . . Sup. 19 Danture Bandara, d., Sup. 19; see Perahara Sup. 78 Dan Udiya, preta, Sup. 19; see V sala, Sup. 116 ; Buddha
. . . . . . Sup. 12
Däpima, ritual Sup. 19; see Sanni Yoka Sup. 94 Däde Yak, d.
Sup 15.1 Dapulu, Sup. 19, child created by Dåg imun. Didi Appu, d., Sup. 15. see Pitiya Devi Sup. 80 daq...
.. .. Sup. 15 Dadi Kadavara, spirit .. . Sup. 15 Darbár. Náik .. .. .. .. 73, f.

Page #222

214
INDEX
Dandra-Chdrudatta, the, and the Charudatta.. 194 Déva Raya II., k. of Vijayanagar, and Shah
.. 29
rukh .. .. .. Darius Hystaspes, his Indian army
.. .. .. 140 Darsaka, k. 9; or Bhadramukha 13, 14 & n. ; Devata, Sup. 20, see Ratna Kaavara Sup. 15 ; 28 Salias of Nâgadasaka
.. .. 31
86 ; Düdimunda, Sup. 15; Guruma, HaDaru-nälavilla, a lullaby . .. Sup. 19
daya, Sup. 29; Kaludåkada Hat raju, Dasapura, Mandasor .. .. .. .. 124
Sup. 38; Kalu Devata, Sup. 39; Kanda, Dasaveydliyasutta. the, quotation from a
Sup. 41; Sakra .. .. .. Sup. 91 Cominontary on it .. .. .. .. 94
Devatá Bandara, 6. Sup. 20; see Gange
Bandara.. Dasorå, Brahman Section, and Dasapura ... 124
..
"* ..
. . Sup. 25 dastuk, dustick, a pass .. .. . .. 64
Devatår, spirit .. . .. .. Sup. 20 Dates, of General Indo-Chinese History, Devatar Bandara, spirit, Sup. 20; Alut Devi, Plates I-III to face 46 ; of the Manu
Sup. 3 ; Gombara B., Sup. 27; see NA-mal smriti
.. .. 115; 129 KumAra, Sup. 66; Didimunda Devatar Dátwâdâ, vil., in Ballad of Khwaja Naik .. 48 Bandara Sup. 16; Dutugámunu Sup. 23; Daval, Sup. 19; see Drums
.. Sup. 23 Kanda, Sup. 43; Sandun Kumara, Sup. Days, Sup. 19; unlucky, see, Rita, Sup. 90; 94; Vikrama-bähu, Sup. 114; Vira-para
propitiation of, see Set-såntiya .. Sup. 97 kramabaħu .. .. .. .. Sup. 115 De Algoa, Delagoa Bay, and the wreck of the Devatâr Devindu, g. Sup. 20; and Kalu
Doddington .. .. .. .. 110, f. Kumâra, 9. v. . .. .. Sup. 39 death, of Visvanatha 75 & n.; of Aryanatha Devatas five . . .. .. Sup. 20
101, f., 104; F. G., 109-111; 115 ; of Devel Devi, Sup. 20; Bee Gangê Bapdara, wives F. G. 117; of owls . F. G. 118, f. Sup. 25; Bhasmasura, Sup. 10; Arch, Sup. Debonnaire, Ms., and the wreck of the Dod. 5: Kalu Kumara, Sup. 39; Devol Deviyo, dington
.. * . .. 109 & 1., 1101
Sup. 22; Fowl, Sup. 24; Kurumbura, Deer Park, at Isipatana .. .. .. 76
Sup. 50 ; Pattini, Sup. 72; Pilli Yaka, Sup. Dehi, Desi, Sup. 19; see Limes . Sup. 61 79; Riri Yaka, Sup. 88; Tanipola Riri Delagoe, De Algon .. .. .. 110, f. Yaka, Sup. 103 ; Torch, Sup. 104; Alut De Lanessan, French Governor of Tongking .. 47 Band Ara, Sup. 3 ; Cloth, Sup. 14; Gini Ku. Delhana, minister to Pratâ pasinha .. 77, 79, f rumbara, Sup. 27; Guardian gods, Sup. Deling. Delingo, Delingeges, Talaing or Pe. 28; Kalu Kurumbura, Sup. 41; Kanda,
guan language, litters .. .. .. 165.& n. Sup. 43; Mal Kurumbura, Sup. 57; ManiDemala Kalavara, Sup. 19; see Dala Raja Sup. 17 mekhalâva, Sup. 61; Siva, Sup. 100; Demale-madana, Sup. 19; see Ratikan Sup. 85 Vahala Devel ..
.. ..
.. .. Sup. 108 Demala Oldisa, Sup. 19; see Oldisa.. Sup. 68 Devel Kadavara, spirit .. .. .. Sup. 22 Demala Pilli, Sup. 19; see Pilli Yaka Sup. 79 Dovel Maha-kadavara, d. .. .. Sup. 22 Demala Vadi, spirit .. .. .. Sup. 19 Devel Pattini, Sup. 22; and Gangê Bandara Demala Yaka, d., Sup. 19; see Buddha,
9. v. .. .. .. ..
.. Sup. 25 Sup. 12; Sanni Yaka ..
.
.. .. .. Sup. 94
sup.
Devel Yaka, d., Sup. 22; and Gange Ban. Demala Yakas, Sup. 20; see Kambili
.. .. Sup. 25 Kadavara .. .. .. .. Sup. 41 Devi, goddess-wife of Kanda .. .. Sup. 22 Dese-guru, Sup. 20 ; f. of Abhimana Yaka Devikapuram, N. Aroot, inscrips. at .. .. 36
9. v. .. .. .. .. .. Sup. 2 Devi-Raja, Sup. 22 ; see Säkra .. Sup. 91 descendants . . . F. G. 111; 117 | Devol Deviyo, gods, Sup. 22 ; see Devel Dovi, Deve-anga, Sup. 20; f. of Dala Raja, 9. v. Sup. 20; Riri Yaka, Sup. 88; Tota KadaSup. 17; and of Andi Kalavara q. v. Sup. 4 vara .. .. ..
.. Devada, word in
.
Sup. 105 the Payanarayana stone Devyaparddhastotra, & work attributed to inscrip. .. .. .. .. .. 77 Madhavâchårya .
.. .. .. 20 Devadatta, cousin of Buddha .. .. 1113 | Dhabi, vilain Relina -
DhAba, vil., in Ballad of Khwaja Naik 48; 51 Devadayam, tax .. ..
. .. 35 Dhammacheti, RamAdhipati, k. and monk 42 Deva-gri, Sup. 20 ; see Giri Devi .. Sup. 27 Dhår State, and Dhårå padraka .. . 124 Dove Oddisa, Sup. 20; see Oddisa . Sup. 88 Dharanghon, vil., in Ballad of Khwaja Naik 48, 53 Devapala, Pratihåra R... ..
Dhari padraka, vil., in Partabgarh inscrip., Devappândi, Pånd yan, k., Sup. 20 ; see and Dhår ..
.. .. 124 Pattini
Sup. 72 Dharmapaula, Don Juan, k. of Ceylon 131 n. Devaraja, grant by .. .. .. .. 124 Dharmaraja, judge of actions .. .. F. G. 109
.
.. 122
1

Page #223

Dharmasastra and Arthabastra, differences in,
of Brihaspati
126 & n.
Dharavarsha, a Paramara Dhatu, Sup. 22; see Buddha
Dhatuvṛitti, a work by Madhavacharya, tributed to Vidyranaya
INDEX
..
stone
Dhibadau, word in Pâțanarayana inscrip., and dhimada, a well.. Dhrta-rastra, Sup. 22; a Guardian God, q. Dhulia, vil., in Ballad of Khwaja Naik.. Dhuman Naik, f. of Khwaja Naik Dhumaraja Paramara, warrior, creation of Diary, Kasimbazar etc., 60, 62 n., of Mr. Hodges 64 n., 65 n. Diego Soares, helped Tabin Shwedi
77, 80 v.Sup. 28 48, 51 49-51 77, 79
Portuguese,
..
"
Doakári, word in Pâțanârâ yana stone inscrip.
77, 80
77
131 n.
Don Juan, Dharmapaula, k. of Ceylon.. Sup. 12 Doraṭupala Yakas, demons, Sup. 23; see atVas Dos-haranê, charm, poem
Sup. 110 Sup. 23
attribu189-195 128 n.
dramaturgy, Bhasa, and other writers of Dreams, Sup 23; and Buddha
Sup. 12
Drums, Sup. 23; see Buddha, Sup. 12; Mala Raja, Sup. 17; Gana Davi, Sup. 25; Guru, Sup. 29; Iru, Sup. 32; Kanda, Sup. 43; Maha-bhagavata, Maha-padma, Sup. 53; Maha-sammata, Sup. 54; Nata-Dava, Sup. 67; Rahu, Sup. 82; Säkra, Sup. 91; Svarna Devi, Sup. 103; Udäkki, Sup. 106; Vanara Devi Sup. 110 Duns-valli Daviyo, god less, Sup. 23; Vas
803
dung-hill, and the evil eye
122
Sup. 110 F. G. 122 Durand, Col. H. M., Resident at Indore, anl Ballad of Khwaja Naik Durga, goddess, and Aryanatha 84; Katya.. yini or Vatayakshini Durga, commentator 157-160; 173-175; 177 durgati, bad path.. F. G. 111 Durlabharaja, Châhamâna, k. 124 Dutch, trade, etc., in India, 70 & n.; 104 & n.; 131 & n., 132; 136; on Council of Kandy, etc., 137 & n. 138; and Râmappaiya, etc. 180-183; E. I. Co. 131 & n. ; 182 & n., 183 Dutugamunu, k. of Ceylon, Sup. 23; 830 Devatâr Bandara, Sup. 20; Ratna-valli, Sup. 86; Gämunu Sup. 24 dynasties, of N. India 28; independence oзtblished .. 104
..
18
42
Sup. 22 100
Diggalpolê Devi, spirit
Dikshita, name of Varatunga Dindigul, Polygar victory at 135; and Tiru.
..
202
mal Naik 150; siege of 166; Dinh Bo Sangh, founded first dynasty of Annam
46
Dipankara Sup. 22; a Buddha q. v. Sup. 12 Dipa-vam sa, the, and Singhalese Folklore, Sup. 1 n. Divakara, Brahman architect of the Angkor
..
Wat 44 Diva Saluva, Sup. 22; see Cloth Sup. 14 Divas Devi, g. Sup. 22; see Kalu Banjara Sup. 38 Divas Kiri Amma, Sup. 22; see Kiri Amma Sup. 45 Divas Raja, g. Sup. 22 Divi Dos, Sup. 22; Perjury sickness, Sup. 79; see Vas, Sup. 110; Cocoanut, Sup. 14; Leopard's head, Sup. 51; Kuvôni, Sup. 50; Mala Raja, Sup. 56; Panduvas, Sup. 71; Rukattana, Sup. 90; Vijaya, Sup. 113; Ata Magula, Sup. 6; Buddha, Sup. 12; Gana Devi, Sup. 25; Jivahatta, Sup. 33; Pestle, Sup. 79 Pirittuva, Sup. 80; Planets, Sup. 81; Reis, Sup. 90; Säkra, Sup. 91; Siriya, Sup. 99 Vijaya, Sup. 113; Viņu Sup. 116 Divi-kaduru, tree, Sup. 23; see Ața Magula,
doctrines of L. Muggleton Divi Raja, Sup. 23; see Kitsiri
Sup-6; Divi Dos, Yaga-Soman Sup. 22 Divine Looking-Glass, The, an exposition of the 59 n., 61 n. Sup. .47 Divi Rakusu, d. Sup. 23; see Rakusu Sup. 83 Divi-jala, Sup. 23; see Leopard 's head Sup. 51 Dodanvela Deva, d. Sup. 23; see Perahära Sup. 78 Dodda Diva Raj, of Mysore 200 & n. Doddington, The, Appendix to the Account of the Wreck of
109-111
Dolaha Deviyo, Sup. 23; see Twelve Gods, Sup. 45 Sup. 23 23
Sup. 106; Kiri Amma Dolos Räs, and Zodiac Doluvara Yaka, follower of Dalimunda Sup.
..
Dramas, thirteen,.newly discovered, ted to Bhasa
..
..
215
..
47
Earth-god, Earth-godde33, Sup. 24; 993 Mihikat, Mihi-kata, Sup East, Portuguese trade in
East India Company, Records and J. Harding 57-68; 132; settlements 168; and the Portuguese, in Ceylon, 181; Dutch 131 & n; 182 & n. East Indies Archipelago. 132 Echchams Naik and the war of succession, etc. 133; 135 F. G. 118 edict of toleration, (of Christians) by Tirumal Naik
eclipse, and birth
education, in Taxila, 29; Naik policy of
Sup. 63 131, f.
204 71, f.
..

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216
INDEX
:
:
42
..
....
Anatha
Edwards, R. of Balasore Factory .. 57; 59 fanam, coin 56, varieties of .. .. 56 & n. 70 Eight Thousand Province, Kongal-nm.. .. 141 Fanni Tubat, of S. Liang dynasty, China .. 39 Elala, Soli, k. of Ceylon, Sup. 24; Bee Pilli fasts, on Mondays. .. .. .. F. G. 124
Yaka, Sup. 79; Soli Kumaru .. Sup. 101 Fernandez, Father Gonsalve, R. C. Mission Ela RAksi, m. of Kiri Yaka .. .. Sup. 24 ary, Madura 107; and de Nobilis 117; 130 ; 138, f. elephants, trade in
182 & n. Ferdinando de Martales, Portuguese naval Elliott, J., of E. I. Co... ..
.. 63
commander, in Burmese War .. .. 42 Elmiseran, fort . ..
91 n. fever, Sup. 24; and Una .. . Sup. 107 Embassy, from Vijayanagar, to China .. .. 140 finance, Naik 32; and Aryanatha .. .. 102 emigrante, Indian, in Cambodia
fire, ordeal by .. .. .. .. .. 73 Emperors, of Hindustan, first .. ..
fisheries, pearl, duties on 69, f. ; and the End, m. of Kali, .. .. .. ..
.. Sup. 24 Portuguese 137; of Travancore, and the Endera Devi, Herdsman-god .. . Sup. 24 Jesuits .. ..
.. .. .. 181 English, intervention in Burma, 38; ship, Fitoh, Ralph, first English traveller in Burfirst in Siam, 44; in Ballad of Khwaja ma 42; in Ceylon.
.. .. 132 Naik 48-52; in Indian Seus 101 & n. ; 104; Five Birds, astronomical form, Sup. 24; rise of, in the East 131 ; and Ceylon 132;
Pañea-paksi, Sup. 71; see Hat Aliya, Sup. 29 136 & n.; and Dutoh, allies ..
Fleet, Dr.; and the Taxila Soroll inscrip. 120, 122 Epigraphic Notes And Questions, contd. Folklore of Gujarat, Supplement, contd. from Vol. XLII, p. 258. XXI.-The Taxila
from Vol. XLIV .. .. F. G. 109-124 Scroll Inscription of the year 136, 120, f. ;. Folklore, Singhalese, from Ballad Sources, XXII.-Partabgarh Inscriptions .. 122-124
Alphabetical Guide to Supplement, Sup. 1-116 era, eros, Buddhist 13; Burmese 41; Vi.
fortifications, Pataligráma (fortified) 13, f. ; krama 121; Saks etc... ..
. .. 12
at Pogalar .. .. .. .. .. 106 Ereyappa, Ganga ruler of the Kongal-nål
forta, and Aryanátha 86, f. ; 102; by Peria Eight Thousand Province .. .. .. 141
Virappa 91 & n.; Portuguese, at Colombo Erumaikatti, Naik Chief, friend to do Nobilis 130, f. 131 n.; Dutch at Pulicat 132 ; 136, f.; ervinei, plough tax* .. .. .. .. 69 Mullir . . .. .. .. .. 141 Estavao, Father Thos., English Jesuit Mis Fort St. George, and J. Harding 58 & n., 59,
sionary, in Canarese districts .. 138 n. 61, 62 n., 65—68; Consultation Book and Ettappa Naik, and Tirumal Naik . ' 202
the wreck of the Doddington .. 109, f. Europe, and Siam, Commerce between 45;
Fowl, Sup. 24; soe Tovil, Sup. 106; Senevi. suppression of Jesuits in .. .. .. 148
ratna, Sup. 96; Cook, Sup. 14; Devel European, ascendanoy in India 71; Mer.
Devi, Sup. 20; Kala Raksi, Sup. 36; Kanchants in Naik kingdom 82 ; trade 101 ;
da, Sup. 43; Kukulu, Sup. 49; Mahanations in Coromandel Seas 104; 131 ;
sammata, Sup. 55; Mangra Hâmi, Sup. 56; progress in the East 136 ; 138; 182 n., .. 200 evil eye .. .. .. F. G. 115; 120-122
Rakuu Sup. 83; Säkra, Sup. 91; Siva, evil spirits
Sup. 100 ; Valahaka, Sup. 108; Vişnu, Sup. 116 .. .. . F. G. 119 exorcising of devils, and de Nobilis .. .. 118
Franks, Paringis .. .. .. 116, Sup. 30
Franciscan monks, in Kandy exorcism Sup. 5, 6, 8, 14, f. 19-21 ; 24; 26, f.,
.. .. .. 136 29—32 ; 3436; 51, 53, 56, 57, 59-61;
Frederick Cassar, Venetian traveller, in 65-67; 69, 77,-81; 8; 90, 92-96; 98,
Pegu 42; quoted in Hobson-Jobson .. 155 100, 102, 104-106 ; 108, . .. 110-115 French, intervention in Annam 38, 45, 47: exorciste .. .. ..F. G. 112 & n., 116, 121 in Burma 43; Siam 45, 47: and Vijayaexpansion, of Magadha .. .. .. 13, f. nagar 200 ; Mission, in the Carnatic .. 148 n. expenditure, and income, Naik.. ... 71, 7? Funan, Chimba, Cambodia . . . . . . 44 exploitation, industrial and commercial, of Further India, Indo-China, L'extrême-Orient.. 37 India
. . . . . 104 eye, the evil .. . F. G. 116, 120--122
Gaja-bahu, Sup. 24; (1) k. who slew Abhůta
Devi,'. 1. Sup. 2; (2) k., on whom see Factories, Dutch, list of 131 ; English. ...136 Pattini .. .. .. .. .. Sup 72 Factory Records, E. I. Co., and the pagoda Gajapatinagaram, tn. in Kalinga .. 33 n.; and J. Harding 58 n., 59 n., 60 n., Gujaranya, Kari-vana, Purkņio name of
61 n,, 62 n., 65 n., 66 n 1 Talked .. .. .. .. .

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217
Galê Deva, companion of Dahanaka.. Sup. 24 ghosts, etc. .. F. G. 111, f.; 115-118, 120 Gal-varlan Kumári, Sup: 24; see Kiri Amma ghuni na to gulp. .. . .. ... 16
Sup. 45 Gialong, chief, of Annam .. .. .. 17 Game Devata, village-god .. .. Sup. 24
Giachi Giaos, Annamese race .. .. 38, 45, f. Gam-paraveni Devatâr, local g. .. Sup. 24 Gi-maduva, ritual, Sup. 26; gee Argh . Sup. 5 Gümunu, Sup. 24; see Duţugumunu.. Sup. 23 Gingee, 32, f., or Gingi, subject to VijayaGana Devi, the Hindu Ganesa, Sup. 25; see, nagara 166; 83 n.; and the Portuguese ato.
Ata Magula, Sup. 6; Cocos-nut, Sup. 14; 182; and Tirumal Ndik 185, f. : and Gol. Divi Dos, Sup. 22; Drums, Sup. 23 ; Cobra, condah .. ... .. 187 & n.: 196—198 Sup. 14; Lily, Sup. 51; Abhata Davi, Sup. Gini-bradi Yáka, d. .. : . Sup. 26
2; Kanda, Sup. 43; Valli Amma .. Sup. 109 Gini-halamba, Sup. 26 ; see Kali .. Sup. 36 Genapat Déva of Warangal, his marine mer Gini.jal Kumari, goddess, Sup. 26; m. of
cantile enterprise .. .. .. 70 n. Kalu Kumara 4. 0. Sup. 39; 300 Mini. Gana-ran Siri Valalla spirit .. . Sup. 25 maru Yaka .. .. .. .. Sup. 63 Ganese, image, in Minakshi temple .. .. 152 Gini-jal Kurumbura, Sup. 26; Bee KurumGangadhva, engraved the Påtanarayana 1 bura .. ..
. . Sup. 50 inscrip. ..
. .. 80. Gini-jal Yaka, d., Sup. 26; soe Seven Queens, Ganga Devi, spirit ..
.. Sup. 25
Sup. 97; Gini-kanda .. .. .. Sup. 26 Gangata Adipoti Bandara, g... . Sup. 25
Gini Kadavara, d. .. .. .. Sup. 26 Gange Band &ra, g. Sup. 25; see Devata Gini-kanda, Gini-jal Kumara, d., Sup. 26 ; Bandara, Sup. 20; Alut Bandara, Bup. 3;
see Abhimana Yaka, Sup. 1. ; Dadimunda, Devel Devi, Sup. 20 ; Devel Pattini, Devel
Sup. 15; Gini-jal Yaka, Sup. 26; Pattini Sup. 72 Yakka, Sup. 22; Mal Hami, Sup. 57; Mä. Gini-kanda Devi, and Gini-jal Kumari, Sup.
nik Bandara, Sup. 59; Nayide . Sup. 68 26 ; see Limes . . . . . . . . Sup. 51 Ganges, holy water .. . . . . . 106 Gini-kanda Kadavaras, 7 demons etc. Sup. Ganges, E. I. Co.'s ship.. .. .. .. 58 26; see Kalu Appu-håmi, Sup. 38; KatuGera, gods, Sup. 25; see Honalu G., Sup. 31; gampala Rala Sami, Sup. 45; Velasse Kila G., Sup. 45; Molan G. Sup. 64;
Bandara..
.. ... Sup. 112 Okanda, G., Sup. 70; Patti G., Sup. 72; San- Gini-kan Devi, m. of Yama-duti . Sup. 26
damal G., Sup. 93; Sohon G. .. Sup. 100 Gini-kandi Yakini, guardian of Pearl Sea, Gari Yaka, Sup. 25; see Yaksa Giri, Kota
Sup. 26; see seven Seas, Sup. 97; Turhalu, Sup. 47; Kumara Devater - Sup. 50
meric .. .. .. .. .. Sup. 106 Gårgya and Yaska ..
.. 173, f. Gini Kumari, m. of Kambili Kadavara, oto. Sup. 26 Garuda, Sup. 25; see Gurulu .. .. Sup. 29 Gini Kurumbara, g. Sup. 27; 833 Devel Devi, Garudanagara, and Sangama II .. .. 24 i
Sup. 20; Mala Raja .. .. .. Sup. 56 Garuda Oddisa, Sup, 25; see Oldisa .. Sup. 68 Gini-madana, Sup. 27; consort of Ratikan, Garuva Raja, g., Sup. 25; see Pattini.. Sup. 72
. .. .. .. .. Sup. 85 Gaudama, Burmese legend of .. .. 10 & n., 12 Gini Maralu .. .. .. .. Sup. 27 Gaur eta 8ri-Devatâr, g. Sup. 26; see Cloth - Sup 14 Gini Pattini, Sup. 27; see Pattini . Sup. 72 Gaurasta Yaku, d. .. .. . Sup. 26 Gini-ran-halamba, Sup. 27; see Bangle, Sup. 9 Gautama • • • •
• • • • •
.. 80 50 T
GirAgama Etana-Lâmi, spirit, Sup. 27; see
Tg4III BAHAMAIL, PPTIM, THP: 6: Đó Gautama, Sup. 26; see Buddha.. .. Sup. 12 Pi iya Devi .. . .. .. Sup. 80 Gautama Ganadhara, and the Sútras..... 143 Gire, Sup. 27; see Areca-sickle .. .. Sup. 5 Gaya, tn., and shraddhas . .. F. G. 117 Giri, 12 goddesses, Sup. 27; see Sohon G. Gazelhatti Pass . .. .. .. 166 Sup. 100; Dala Raja, Sup. 17; Andun G. Gazetteer Cleaninga, in c. India,--The
Sup. 4; Bhúta G., Sup. 11; Molan G. Sup volt of Khwaja Naik, Ballad
64; Mudun G., Sup. 65; Nila G., Sup. 68; Gedde, Dane in Tanjore
Okanda G., Sup. 70; Patti G., Sup. 72; Gedundub, Abbot .. .. .. .. 39 Ratanga G., Sup. 84; Ratna G. Sup. 86 Gedundubpa, monastery .. .. .. 11
Saman G. ; Sup. 92; Sandun G., Sup. 93 ;Geldria, Dutch fort ..
.. .. .. . 132 Sapumal 'G., Sup. 95; Toța G., Toța hali Ghadulo, ceremony .. .
F. G. 121 G., Sup. 105; Vana G. .. .. Sup. 110 Ghetti Mudaliar, Kongu Chief.. . 139 & n. Giri-da-dalu, Sup. 27; 898 Betel .. Sup. 9 Ghontavanshika, Ghótars, near Partab- Giri Devi, Sup. 27; s. of Dala Raja, q. v. 17; garh vil, in grant . .... .. . 124 so0 Dova-gri . .
. . Sup. 25
Ret

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218
INDEX
..
38
Giri Kumari Devi, m. of Kambili Kadavara, Sup. 27 Graha Bhairava, d., Sup. 28; se Rakusu, Giri-randa Yakini, m. of Ofdisa .. Sup. 27 Sup. 83; Bhairava .. .. .. Sup. 10 Girivraja, o, and the Barhadrathas of Me- Grammar of the Old Western Rajasthan,
gadla 8, 9; possibly cap. of Magadha 10, etc. Notes on. q... .. .. 6, f., 93,-99
f.; and Bibunaga . .. . .. 31 grant, grants, copperplate etc., 19; of HaGiri Yakkini, d. .. .. .. Sup. 27
rihara II., 23 n. ; for temple maintenance girls, opprobrious names . .. F.
80 ; in Madura 100; 101 & n. ; by Muttu Gny-Khri-Bteanpo, first k. of Tibet ..
Krishṇappa 105 & n.; of Mahendra pala Gnyan-toan, Tibetan chief . . . 39
II., etc. ..
.. .. 122-124 Goa, grant from 4; and Madhava-Mantri 5. Gregory XV, and de Nobilis .. .. .. 148
6; and the Portuguese, etc. 137; and do Guardian Gods, four, Sup. 28; Satara Varan,
Nobilis 139 ; and the Dutch .. .. 181, 183 Sup. 95; 89e Areca-sickle, Sup. -5; Ata Gods, the divine
.. .. 161, f. Magula, Sup. 6; Curtain, Sup. 15; Devel Gohil-utra, Guhila-putra, word in the Pata
Devi, Sup. 20; Kalu Kumâra, Sup. 39 ; narayana stone inscrip. .. .. .. 77 Rose-water, Sup. 95; Pattini, Sup. 72; Golcondah, and Vijayanagara, oto. 84; 92; Bangle, Sup. 9; Namo Tasso, Sup. 67; and the English, 149 ; expansion of 149;
Boksäl, Sup. 12; Dhita-råstra, Sup. 22;
Kanda, Sup. 43; Kihirali Deva, Sup. 45; and Tirumal Naik, etc. 179; 186-188 ;
NÅts Deva, Sup. 67; Pattini, Sup. 72; and Madura, etc. .. 196-198 & n.; 200
Quarters Sup. 82; Saman, Sup. 94; Siva gold, and silver coins, in India .. 35 n.
Varan, Sup. 100; Vasamunu, Sup. 112; Golden Litter, Sup. 27; see Ran-dolava Sup. 84 Vişnu .. ... ..
. . Sup. 116 Goli Rakusu, Sup. 27; see Rakusu .. Sup. 83 Guhila-putra, ebhil una .. .. .. .. 77 Golu Kadavara .. .. .. .. Sup. 27 Guhyatirtha, or Pattanada. .. .. .. 80 Golu-kirtti Yakini, guardian of the Dumb Guide, Alphabetical, to Singhalese Folklore
Sea, Sup. 27; see Seven Seas, Sup. 97; from Ballad Sources, Supplement Sup. 1-116
Turmeric . . . . . . . . Sup. 106 Gujarat, the, Folklore of, contd. from Vol. Golusan Raja, g. Sup. 27; see Pattini Sup. 72 XLIV., Supplement .. F. G. 109-124 Golu Vii, Dumb Vadda .. . Sup. 27 Gujarati, and Old W. Rajasthanf, see Notes Golu Yaka, d. Sup. 27; see ViGALA . Sup. 116
on .. .. .. .. 8, f., 93-99 Gombara Band Ara, g., Sup. 27; see Devatar Guldan, monastery
.. .. .. 39 Bandara .. .. .. .. Sup. 29 Gunabhadra, author, teacher of Krishnaraja Gonzales, Sebastian, Portuguese pirate, ruler
II
.. .. 27 of Chittagong .. ..
Gunapoti, a mother of the Devol Deviyo, Sup. 28 Gopalakrishna, g. .. .. ..
Gunasena, Jain guru .. .. .. .. 141 Gopalla, spirit .. i .. . Sup. 27 guns, used by Tirumal Naik .. .. 100 n. Gopalu Kalavara, d. ..
. Sup. 27 Gupts era .. .. Gopalu Oddisa, Sup. 27; see Oddisa .. Sup. 68 Guru Sup. 29; planet Jupiter, Sup. 33; Gopalu Vati, Sup. 28; se Maigra Devi Sup. 59 Brahaspati, Sup. 12; see Drums, Sup. 23; Gopalu Yaka, d. Sup. 28; se Visala .. Sup. 116 Planets .. .. .. .. .. Sup. 81 Gopippalayam inscrip. of Virappa .. 90 n. l guru, Indian, baptised by de Nobilis 119; Gópuram inscrip., Tenkasi .. . 100 & n. & title assumed by de Nobilis . 138, f. Gorakhraj, on sneezing . . .. F. G. 113 Gurula Oddisa, Sup. 29; 300 Oddis . Sup. 63 Gôra Yakini, spirit
Sup. 28 Gurulu, kite of Vishộu, Sup. 29 ; ses BodhiGoala, founded the Ajivikas .. .
. .. 12
sattva, Sup. 11; Garuda .. .. Sup. 23 Go'a-imbara, hero, Sup. 28; see Maha-sohan Guruma, one of the Five Davatas, Sup. 29; Yaka .. .. .. .. .. Sup. 55
see Devata, Sup. 20; Karabili Kalavara Sup. 41 Gothic features, in Hindu architecture .. 165 Gwalior stone inscrip. .. .. .. .. 122 Gotu-pat Vadi Bandara, spirit, Sup. 28; see Gyfford, Wm. President of Fort St. George.. 66
.. .. .. .. Sup. 49 Gotu-tune Väddo ... . . . . Sup. 28 Govindaraja, commentator, and the Manu- Hädaya, Sup. 29; a Davata
. Sup. 20 emriti . . . . .
.. 112 Halamba, Sup. 29 ; see Bangle, .. Sup.'9 Govindaraja, Chahamáns k., in inscrip. . 124 Halebid, Temple ... .. .. .. .. 163 Govindaraja, temple . ..
200 n. Hamsa påla Udaya, Prota, Sup. 29; 960 (iraha, Sup. 28; see Planets .. ..
Visali
.. .. . .. Sup. 116
..
43
.
17
.. 122

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219
Hamnavati, m. of Dala Raja . .. Sup. 29 Hetti Nayide, d., Sup. 31; 10 Pi ya D Handa, Sup. 29; see Sandu . .. Sup. 93 Hevilambi plate inscrip .. .. .. .. 101 Hända Kadavara, spirit . . . Sup. 29Himalayas, and Srong toan Gampo . .. 39 Handun Giri, Sup. 29; see Sandun Giri.. Sup. 93 Hin, natal constellation, Sup. 31 ; Sin, Sup. Handun Kumāra, Sup. 29; see Sandun Ku
98; 500 Kala, Sup. 35; Murtu, Sup. 65; mara .. .. .. .. . Sup. 93 Planets, Sup. 81 ; Vậyu .. . Sup. 112 Handun Kumara Kiri Amma, Sup. 29; see Hindi, Speech, Note on the non-Aryan Ele. Kiri Amma ..
ment in .. .. .. .. .. .. 16 Hantane Deviyê .. ..
. .. ..
Sup. 29 | Hindu, rebellion against Greeks 30 ; culture, Hanuman, g. .. ... .. F. G. 120, f. and the Mons races, etc. 37, f. ; 41, 44; Hanuman, Sup. 29; gee Abina-sêntiya, Sup. dynasty, the Varman, in Cambodia, 44; 2 ; Cocoa-nut, Sup. 14; Silambari, Sup. 97;
in Châmpa 46, f. ; civilisation 82 ; customs, Torch .. .. .. .. .. Sup. 104 and Christianity, etc. under de Nobilis Hapu mal, Sup. 29; see Sapumal . Sup. 95 107, f. ; 116–119; 130 f. ; 138-140 ; 147, HAragama Rale, d., Sup. 19; see Pitiya f. ; 204 ; independence, in S. India, de
Devi, .. ... .. .. .. Sup. 80 stroyed 149; warfare .. .. .. .. 201 Harasura Nandi Raj, Mysore General .. .. 168 Hindu Kush, mts., W. boundary of the Harding, Jas, Seventeenth Century Anglo. Maurya Kingdom ..
Indian Worthy, No. V .. .. .. 57—88 Hindus, and Mussalmen architecture 164, Harding, N., security for Jas. Harding.. ... 57 f.; and Muhammadans, in S. India .. 196--198 harem, Naik .. .. .. .. .. 73 Hindustan, famous kingdoms in 9; 12; 31; Haribarn, I, and Bharatitirtha 3; and II,
changes 14; first emperors of 28; con. patron of Madhava Mantri 46; disciple of quered by Chandragupta
.. .. 29 Kriyasakti 18, in ineorip. 19; and Sayapa Hippon, Capt.. founded British trade in 21, f., 23 n. 35, f. ; 142
India . . . . . . . . . . 132 Harihara-Deva, Changaļva k... .. .. 143 Hiranyaksha, rakshasa .. .. .. F. G. 115 Hari-hara-putra, Sup. 29; see Ayyanar.. Sup. 7 Hiranyakashyapu, rakshasa .. ..F. G. 115 Harishesvara, Dasorá Brahmaṇ, monastery
Hircissa, Sup. 31; see Vine . .. Sup. 115 of .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 124
History of The Naik Kingdom of Madura, Hamhally, estate, annexed by Udayar Raj 135 contd. from Vol. XLIV, p. 118; 32—36 ; Hanha era.. . .. ..
.. 123
5456; 69—75; 81-92; 100-108; Hat Aliya, an exorcism, Sup. 29; Sat Adiya,
116–119; 180-140 ; 147-154; 161-171 ;
178-188; 196204 Sup. 95; see Limes, Sup. 51; alphabet,
History, Ancient, of Magadha, contd. from Sup. 3; Bodhi-sattva, Sup. 12; Daimunda,
Vol. XLIV ; p. 52 .. . 8-16; 28-31 Sup. 15; Five Birds, Sup. 24; Indra Gupule,
History, Indo-Chinese, Outlines of . 37–47 Sup. 32; Kands, Sup. 43; Mihikata, Sup. 63; Pattini, Sup. 72; Rama, Sup.
History, Vijayanagar, A Little Known Chap
ter of, Book-notice 84; Saman
.. .. .. .. .- Sup. 92
.. -
.. 171
Hobson-Jobsons, some, in Early Travellers Hatara Varan Deviyo, Sup. 31; see Guardian
16451645 .. .. .. .. 155, f. Goda . ..
. Sup. 28 Hoerple. Dr.. and Pratara inscrips!.. Hat Bisav, Sup. 31, see Seven Queens .. Sup. 97
Holiday, and evil eye .. .. .. F. G. 122 Hat Kadavara, Sup. 31; 10 Kadavara.. Sup. 34 Holland and Spain at war .. .. .. 137 Hat Pattini, Sup. 31; 16 Pattini . "Sup. 72 Homma, the vil. Sarvajna-Vipbnu-pura .. 21 Hat Raju, Sup. 31; 30 Seven Kings, Sup. . hon, Kanarose coin, and the pon .. ..33 n. 97; Kaludilkada Hat Raju, ..
.
.. . Sup. 38
Sup. 38 Honaļu Gare, dh, Sap. 31; no Gera .. Sup. 26 Hedges, E. I. Co.'s servant, and J. Harding Hora, part of the day in which a particular
57; his Diary .. 63 & n., 64 & n., 66 dni dlanet is in the ascendant, Sup. 31; 100 Helplessness of Man, in the Human Condi.
Planeta .. .. .. .. .. Sup 81 tion of Life, Old W. Rajasthani text .. 98 om-pulling, sport, Sap. 31; Pattini, Sup. 72 Hemachandra, author 26, 27; and Valmiki, horoscopes .. .. .. .. F. G. 118 Sufras compared.. .. .. .. 146, f.
Hough, Rovd. ,on de Nobilis 116 n., Hembye, goddess, Sup. 31; see Ața Magula, Sap. 6
117 n., 118 & n., 130 n. Hena-gini-halamba, Sup. 31; see Banglo, Sup. 9 Houtman, Cornelius, Dutoh pioneer in the Herat, in Ariana .. .. .. .. .. 30 East .. .. ..
.. .. 131

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IN D'EX
Hugli, tn., and J. Harding 60 & n.,-63; 65, 66 n. Hulavali Bandara, spirit.. .. .. Sup. 31 hun, Muhammadan coin, and the pon... 33 n. Hurtagiriya Raja, 8. .. .. .. Sup. 31 hundis, bills of exchange.. .. . . 87 Huniyan Kartavara, d... .. .. Sup. 31 Huniyan Yaka, d., Sup. 31; Sûniyan Y.,
Sup. 102: see Oddisa, Sup. 68; Ratikan, Sup. 85 ; Riri Yaka, Sup. 88; Visala, Vieņu, Sup. 116; Asupala Kumari, Sup. 6; Bud. dha, Sup. 12; Mara, Sup. 61; Rama. Sup.
84; Sanni Yaka, Sup. 95; Siva .. Sup. 100 Hungur, co., of the Chang&ļvas.. .. .. 141 Hutchinson, Capt. Norton, of the Caernarvon
.. 109, 111
idol-worship, in the lost Veda, according to
de Nobilis. . .. .. .. 119 ; 130 ; 138 Igaha, Sup. 32 ; sea Arrow ... .. Sup. 5 Ikeri, early cap. under Vonkatappa Naik 199 n. Ila ili, images of children.. .. . F. G. 192 Ilândari Devata, Sup. 32 ; see Cobra, Sup. 14;
Kambili Kadavara .. .. .. Sup. 41 Ilandari Devi, Sup. 32; vee Kaludikkala
Kumaru .. .. .. .. .. Sup. 39 Ilavrit, the continent, and change of sex F. G. 124 image, images, of Buddha, 121 n.; Ramanuja
149; of Christ, and the tali 142; of Gandia. 162 Imperial succession, war of .. .. 133, f. Ina Bisava, female d., Sup. 32; see Ratikan.
madana Yakini .. . .. .. Sup. 86 InÅ-Madana Yaka, d.... .. . Sup. 3 Inå Yakas, demons, Sup. 32; 100 Minikpala
Sup. 60 income and expenditure, Naik .. .. .. 71 India, and the Nâgas 10 ; and the Persians
29, f. ; earliest gold coins of 33 n.; ancient land revenue 35 & n. and Further India, etc. 38, f. ; and J. Harding 67, 62, 68; European Ascendency in 71; and education 29 ; 79 ; and English trade 132; and the Portuguese 137 ; called Sition 140. Central, Gazetteer Gleaninge in 47-53; North, dynasties of 28; and Darius Hy. staspes, etc. 39, f. South, and the Naiks, under Aryanatha, 82; 102; Muhammadan invasions of etc., 83; 149; 186 ; 197, 199, f history of 104; and Christianity, as preached by de Nobilis 107 f. ; 113 n.; 116 n. ; 130 n. ; 138 n. 139, 147, 148 & n.; and the Saka era 122 ; and the Architecture, etc., of Tirumal Naik 150 ; 152-154 ; 161– 163 ; West, and Persia. .. .. .. 29
Indian, script, in Tibet 38; civilisation in
Burma 41; dynasty, in Annam, emigrants, in Cambodia 44; Sess, advent of Europeans
in 101 ; Calendar .. .. .. .. 121 Indike, of Megasthenes .. .. .. .. 28 Indo-Chinese History, Outlines of .. 37-47 Indo-Scythian kings, coins of .. .. 120. f. Indra, Sup. 32; (1) see Säkra .. .. Sup. 91 Indraditya, Sun g .. .. .. 132, 124 Indra-gurulu, imaginary being Sup. 32; see Hat Afļiya
..
.. .. .. .. Sup. 29 Indrani, wife of Sikra, . .. .. Sup. 32 Indraråja, Chahamâna k. .. ... .. 124 Indrarajaditya, &... . ..
.. .. 124 Indravarman II, Champa, k. .. industrial, and commercial, exploitation of
India .. .. .. .. .. .. 104 Innocent X., and Christianity in S. India .. 148 Inscription, PAțanârîyaņa Stone, of Para mara Pratâpasipha [ Vikrama Samvat
1344 (1287-A. D.) .. .. .. 77–80 Inscription, The Textile Scroll, of the year
136; 120, f. ; Partabgarh .. .. 129-124 Inscriptions, in Conjeevaram Temple, etc.
2, 3, 20; and Madhava-Mantri, 4, 5; Allahabad Pillar 10: clay.seal, in Vaibali 11; palm-leaf 17; of Harihara II., 18, 21; Copper-plate 19; Tiruvallam etc. 23 & n. Asoka 30 ; Tamil 36 ; Cham, historical, 45, f. ; Naik 54, on taxes, etc. 69 & n., 70 ; of Krishnapuram Temple 75 n.; of Kurnära Kộishnappa etc., 83 & n. ; 85 n. ; Arya. nðtha 88 n. ; Copippalayam, and Peria Virappa 90 n. ; 91 & n. ; 92 ; Tenkasi G8puram, etc. 100 & n., 101; granting vil. lages 105 n., 106 n.; Penukonda etc., on Rama IV, 133 & n., 134 ; of Kulasekhara Déva Pandya 136 n. ; in Mullur temple 141 ; Belur 142 ; grant 161 n. ; Tiruvattar, and Suchindram 168 n. ; referring to Tirumal Naik 169; Vairavikulam 171 1. ; at Tadikkombu, etc. 185 & n., of Sri
Ranga, etc... .. 200 & n. ; 201, n. ; 202 n. invasion, Muhammadan, of S. India 83;
Mahratta, 148 ; of Mysore, by Ramappaiya 167 Irandati, m. of Kambili Kadavara .. Sup. 32 Irandati Kumari, m. of Dilimunda .. Sup. 32 Iraniya-bali, rite .. .. .. Sup. 32 Irddhi Bisava, female d., 32; see Ratikan
madana Yakini .. .. .. Sup. 86 Irddi Kurumbara, spirit .. .. Bup. 32 Iri, Sup. 32 ; seo Line .. .. . Sup. 52 irrigation under Visvanatha 74, f. ; 89, f. ;
and AryanAtha

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INDEX
221
Inu, Sup. 32; Sun, Surya Sup. 102 ; see
Limes, Sup 51; Oddisa, Sup. 68; Sandun Kumara, Sup. 94, Kalu Kumira Sup. 39; Mahasammata, Sup. 53 : Malgara-Raja, Sup. 57; Areca-sickle, Sup. 5; Abina-santiya, Sup. 2; Riri Yaka, Sup. 88; Drums, Sup. 23; Senasuru, Sup. 96; Rakusu, Sup. 83 ; Line, Sup. 62; Planeta, Sup. 81; Pusäti, Rahu,
Sup. 82; Rivi, Rsis, . . . . . . Sup. 90 Irugal Bandara, g. Sup. 33; Gombara I. B.
Sup. 27; Kande B., Sup. 33 ; see Kadavara, Sup. 34 ; Mala Raja
.. Sup. 56 Irugal Devi, g.
.. Sup. 33 Isanavarman I., Kamboja k.
41 Isipatana Migadaya, The, (Sarnath) some literary references to
.. .. .. 76 Islam, rise of 40 ; in Annam .. .
.. 46 Isuru, Isvara, Sup. 33 ; see siva ..
Sup. 99 Itibiso, legend, Sup. 33 ; see,Buddha
Sup. 12 Iti pi so bhagava, formula, Sup. 33; see N&mo Tassa .. .. . .
Sup. 67
Java, Dutch factory in 131 ; and English
trade, etc. .. .. .. .. 132; 136 Jayaditya, part author of the Kafikd, date .. 26 Jaya Guru, saint, Sup. 33; see Curtain Sup. 15 Jayantipura, Banavase, province, and MA
dhavs-mantri .. .. .. .. 5 Jaya-saka, Sup. 33; couch of Säkra, q. o. Sup. 91 Jaya-siri mangala, rite . . . . Sup. 33 Jaya-sundara Sami, person Sup. 33; 300
Abhimana Yaka .. .. .. Sup. 1 Jayatirths, Tikicharya, Commentator .. 21 Jayavarman VIII, k. of Kambja Jaya-vira Bandara, d., Sup. 33 ; see Perahára Sup. 78 Jean Venant Bouchet, missionary in the Carnatic .. .. .. . ..
.. 148 Jesuit, theoy, of the Naik system in Madura 54, f. ; and Indian education 72; 82; Mission in Madura 104, 107 & n. ; 130 & n. 131 ; & Muttu Virappa 132, 138; Orders in India, etc. .. 138; 147, f. ; 181, f. jhagrd, a disputo, origin of .. .. .. 16 Jinendrabuddhi, Buddhist Grammarian,
and Bh&maha .. .. .. ..26, f. Jivahatla, son of Vijaya and Kuvêni, Sup.
33; Mald Raja 56 ; see Kalu Kumara, Sup.
39; Vädi Yakas .. .. .. Sup. 108 Jivaka, legendary physician, Sup. 33; sce Cloth
.. ..
Sup. 14 Jivo, live, a name.. .. .. .. F. G. 123 Johanna, E. I. Co.'s Ship .. .. .. 58 Joint kings, in Madura .. .. .. 81, f., 92 Jollife, J., patron of J. Harding .. .. 57 Jones, Evan, mate of the Doddington, his account of the wreck
109, f. Jora Rakusu, Jvara Rakusu
.. Sup. 33 Juâks, Yuôns, etc., the Giaos
.. 45 Jules Ferry, and Annam .. .. .. 47 Justice, under the Näiks
.. .. 72 Justin, and the conquest of Magadha 30 & n. Jupiter, Sup. 33 ; see Guru .. .. Sup. 29 Jutho, false, a name .. .. ..F. G. 122 f. Jvara Rakusu, d., Sup. 33 ; see Rakusu, Sup. 83 Jyotish-Vedânga, the, and the Indian calen
.. .. .. .. .. .. 121
Jaffna, Y&på pat una, and Vira-Munda, 9. v. Sup. 115 Jaffnapatam, and the Portuguese . . . . 137 Jaga Raya, and the war of imperial succes
sion .. .. .. .. .. 133; 135 Jain Ascetios Live Like Bees, Old W. Rajas
thani text .. .. .. .. .. 97 Jain, tradition, of Udaya 14& #:, ; temples,
in Mullur .. .. .. .. .. Jaina Sakatayana, The, and the Nyasakara,
contd. from Vol. XLIV. p. 279.. ..25-27 Jaina, tradition in Magadha .. .. 12; 31 Jainism, rise of 11 & n.; and Bimbisåra, etc... 31 Jaitrakama, perhaps Jaitrakarna of Mewar.. 77 Jala-bandhane, a spell, Sup. 33 ; see Mänik.
pala .. .. .. .. .. Sup. 60 Jalandhar, a Rakshasa, .. .. .. F. G. 115 Jalapati, spirit, Sup. 33 ; see Agra-Jalapati Sup. 2 Jala Pattini, Sup. 33; see Pattini .. Sup. 72 Jamagal Rei, saint .. .. .. Sup. 33 Jambunátha, Saivite g. . . .. 150 Jamnik-nala falls, on Agra-Bombay Road 48, f. Jan, evil spirit .. .. .. G. 116 Janaka, k. .. .. Japan, and the Dalai Lama 41; Dutch, fac.
tory in, 131 ; trade with .. .. .. 182 Jarasandha, k. of Magadha .. .. 8 & n. Jagwant Singh, Rana, of Barwani, and the Ballad of Khwaja Naik. .. ..
47 Jate, spirit. . . . . . . . . . F. G. 118
..
28
Kabéri, the Kaffir, Sup. 34 ; see Candra Ku.
måri, Citra Rają .. .. .. Sup. 14 Kabuļ, in Ariana .. .. .. .. 30 Kacchyani, q. of the Panduvas ... Sup. 34 Kacharo, dunghill, a name .. F. G. 122 f. Karlaturdve, Sup. 34 ; see Curtain .. Sup. 15

Page #230

222
INDEX
Kadavara, various demons, Sup. 34; he
Irugal Bandara Sup. 33; Visala, Sup. 116; Betel, Sup. 9; Ayyanar, Sup. 7; Ar. rot, Sup. 6; Buddha, Sup. 12; Hat Kad. avara, Sup. 31 ; Kohomba Raja, Sup. 47; Le Kadavara, Sup. 51; Mala Raja, Sup.
56; Säkra .. .. .. .. Sup 91 Kadavara Deva, 8.; Sup. 36; see Kala
väva, Sup. 36; Sandana Raja... Sup. 93 Kadavara Devata, Sup. 35; see Kambili
Kadavara, Sup. 41; Kanda .. Sup. 43 Kadirapuri Devi, Sup. 35; gee Kanda Sup. 18 Kadivêne, person, Sup. 36; see Kaludaka
Hat-raju .. .. .. . Sup. 38 Kafire, soldiers of the k. of Ceylon .. . 88 Kafur, Malik, and S. India .. .. 186 ; 199 Kaha-diya, Sup. 35; see Turmeric .. Sup. 106 laikkolars, weavers, taxed .. . 69 & n. Kaira, f. of Riri Yaka,
. ..
. . Sup. 35 KAkavarna, k. of Magadha .. 9 n., 10, 31 Kakeaya, charm, Sup. 38; see Alphabet,
Sup. 3; Bamba, Sup. 8; Säkra Sup. 91 Kakusanda, Sup. 35; see Buddha
Sup. 12 Kala, Sup. 38; see Hin
..
Sup. 31 Kala-deva Mohini, goddess
Sup. 35 Kala Devi
Sup. 35 Kala-gedi-nätum, magic rite .. Sup. 35 Kala-giri Yakini, female d.
Sup. 38 Kala-hůta Yakini, female d. Sup. 36; see
Turmeric .. .. .. .. Sup. 106 Kalakot Raja, 8., Sup. 36; see Pattini Sup. 72 Kalani Deva-raja, Sup. 36 ; see Vibhisapa Sup. 112 Kdlanirr.aya, the, a work by Madhavâchêrya 18 Kala Raksi, female d., Sup. 36; see Cobra,
Sup. 14; Fowl .. .. .. Sup. 24 KAAAOka, k., and Veisali Council 12; or
Mahanandin .. .. .. .. 16, f. Kald-väva, tank, Sup. 36; 3 Kadavara Deva .. .. ..
" "
..
Sup. 35
Sup. 35 Kalayar Koil, vil.
.. .. .. 91 Külayêr Kovil, vil., subdued .. .. 106 Käle Kadevara, d.,
.. . Sup. 36 KALI, 8 goddesses, Sup. 36; see Mala Raja, Sup. "57; Pattini, Sup. 72; Viępu, Sup. 116 ; Arrow, Sup. 5; Muttu-mári, Sup. 65; Siva-kali, Sup. 100; Vaduru MA-devi, Sup. 108; Anuhas Devi, Sup. 5; Badra-kali; Sup. 7; Bangle, Sup. 9; Bhadra-kali, Sup. 10; Gini-halamba, Sup. 26; Kanda, Sup. 36; Naga-balamba, Sup. 65; Patra. kali, Sup. 72; Pilli Yaka, Sup. 79; SmallPox, Sup.. 100; Vaduru-halamba, Vaduru. kali .. .. .. .. .. Sup. 108 Kalidasa, 113 D. ; dato 30 ; 125 n. ; 128 n.;
129; two.cf the name 147; and Bhasa (189; 191
Kaligaduli, m. of Soli Kumara . Sup. 38 Kalinga, co., and Asoka, etc. .. .. 30, 31 & n.. Kallas, of N. Tanjore, and Sri Ranga Raya 188 Kalu Appu, Sup. 38, follower of Pitiya Devi,
4. v. .. .. .. .. .. Sup. 80 Kalu Appu-hâmi, Sup. 38; # Gini-kanda
Kadavara q. v. . . . . . Sup. 26 Kalu Bapdára, Sup. 38; see Kalu Kumara,
Sup. 39; Pitiya Devi, Sup. 80; Alut Bag. Lara, Alut Kosamba Devi, Sup. 3; Divas
Devi, Sup. 22; Kohomba Raja, Sup.-47; • Manik Raja, Sup. 81; Nayi Sámi, Sup.
68; Santáné K. B., Sup. 95 ; Vädi Sami Sup. 107 Kaludakala Hat-raju, k., Sup. 38; see Ka
ludilkada Kumaru, Sup. 39; Seven Kings, Sup. 97; Hat Raju, Sup. 31; Kadivane, Sup. 35; Kambili Kadavara, Sup. 41; Mahasen, Sup. 55; Säkra, Sup. 91; Sat
Raju .. .. .. .. .. Sup. 95 Kaludäkada Kumara, Sup. 39; Ilandari
Devi, Sup. 32; Ruvan väli I. D., Sup. 91; see Sandun Kumara, Sup. 93; Kaludäkada
Hat-raju, Sup. 38; Kanda . Sup. 43 Kalu Deva .. .. .. .. Sup. 39 Kalu Devata, Sup. 39 ; see Devata, Sup. 20: Kambili Kadavare
Sup. 41 Kalu-gal Kadavara .. .. .. Sup. 39 Kalu-gal Kandi, m. of Kalu Kumara Sup. 39 Kalu-gal Rşi, f. of Kalu Kumara ..
Sup. 39 Kalu-gal Yaka, f. of Andi Kadavara. Sup. 39 Kalu Kadavara, d., Sup. 39; se Kambili
Kadavara .. .. .. .. Sup. 41 Kalu Kambili Devata, Sup. 39; see Kambili Kadavara ..
.. .. Sup. 41 Kalu Kiri Mavu, Sup. 39; see Karandu-bånd
Sup. 44; Kiri Mavu .. .. Sup. 46 Kalu Kumara, spirit Sup. 39; K. Bapdara
Sup. 38; Valasse Bandara, Sup. 112; see Bhasmasura, Sup. 10; Blood Lake, Sup. 11; Dovel Devi; Devatår Devindu; Sup. 20 ; Ginijal Kumâri, Sup. 26; Guardian Goda, Sup. 28; Iru, Sup. 32; Jiva-hatta, Sup. 33; Kalu Yaka, Sup. 4); Kurumbura, Sup. 50 ; Maha Kalu Devatar, Sup. 53; Maru Yaka, Sup. 62; Vira-munda, Sup. 116;
Vipu, .. .. .. .. . Sup. 116 Kalu Kurumbura, Sup. 41; companion of
Dovel Devi, q.v. Sup. 20; se Kalu Yaka, Sup.
41; Kurumbura .. .. .. Sup. 60 Kalu Nayide, follower of Pitiya Devi.. Sup. 41 Kalupra-Kambili (+) and Kambili Kadavara Sup. ..
" . . . .. 41 Kalu Raja, &. .. .. .. .. Sup. 41 Kalu Vid46 ... .. .. .. .. Sup. 41

Page #231

INDEX
223
..
30
Kaluvars Devata, g. Sup. 41; see Mala
haya .. .. .. .. .. Sup. 56 Kalu Yaka, associate of Riri Yaka, Sup. 41 ; see
Kalu Kumara, Sup. 39; Kalu Kurumbura,
Sup. 41 ; Maha Kalu.... . Sup. 53 Kalu Yakini, female spirit .. . Sup. 41 Kalyana Mantapa, the, in Madura .. 154 n. Kama, Sup. 41; Ananga, Sup. 4; see Siva,
Sup. 99 ; Venu-put, Sup. 112 : Visnu Sup. 116 KAma-kandi, female d., Sup. 41; gee Riri Yaka .. .. .. ..
Sup. 88 Kamala Devi, m. of Iru
Sup. 41 Kamala-vadiga Yaka, d.
Sup. 41 Kåma-Madana, Sup. 41; see Ratikan Sup. 85 Kamâni Sahib, a Commanding Officer, or
Capt. Cunning, in Ballad of Khwaja Naik 48-50 Kama Rakusu, d., Sup. 41; soe Rakusu, Sup. 83 Kamaru Desha, land of fairies .. F. G. 124 Kambattdi Mantapam, in Sunderośvara temple, Madura
.. .. .. .. .. 91 Kambili Kalavara, "blanket god," Sup. 41;
Kalu Kambili Devata, Sup. 39; see Ay. yanår, Sup. 7; Senevi-ratna, Sup. 96; Mala Raja, Sup. 56; Visala, Sup. 116; Devata, Demnala Yaksas, Sup. 20; Guruma, Sup. 29: Ilandâri Devata, Sup. 32; Kalavara Devata, Sup. 35; Kalu Devata, Kalu Kadavara, Sup. 39; Kalupra Kambili, Sup. 41 ; Kanda, Sup 43; Kanduboda Veda, Sup. 44; Mal-bali-galaDovi, Sup. 57; Ratna Kaavara, Ratna Surindu, Sup. 86; Teda Kadavara, Sup. 104 ; Vibhisana, Sup. 112; Vira-vikum Ratna Bandara, Vinyu .. ..
Sup. 116 Kambajas, and Aryans
.. 176 f. Kambaje, Dutch factory
.. 131 Kambaja, Cambodia .. Kampaņa, Vijayanagar k., and Sayapa 22, f. Kampilya, in Pañchâla co., aided Bimbisåra 11, 31 Kapauj, Mahodaya .. .. ..
122 Kana Yaka, d., Sup. 3, and ViSALA . Sup. 116 Kanda, Savatindu, Sup. 43; form of Skanda,
Sup. 100; Kataragama Deva, Sup. 44; Kadirapura Deva, Sup. 35; Aru-mugam, Sup. 5 Surida Kumaru, Sup. 102; see Mangra Devi, Sup. 59; Valli Amma, Sup. 109; Guardian gods, Sup. 28; Arrow, Sup. 5; Ata Magula, Sup. 6; Devatar Bandara, Devel Devi, Sup. 20 ; Drums, Sup. 23: Kaludäkada Kumaru, Sup. 39; Kambili Kadavara, Sup. 41; Rose-water, Sup. 90 ; Torch, Sup. 104; Hal-Adiya, Sup. 29: Cur. tain, Sup. 15; Devata, Sup. 20; Fowl, Sup. 24; Aru-mugam, Sup. 5; Bhagma. gura, Sup. 10; Gana Devi, Sup. 25; Kadira pura Devi, Sup. 35; Maógra Devi, Sup. 59; Savat. Sup. 96; Sura-rada Kumaru, Sup. 102 ; Uma, Sup. 106; Valli Amma, Sup. 109; VAsala Deva. .. . Sup. 111
| Kandahar, in Ariana .. Kanda Kumara Kiri Amme Devi, Sup. 44; see
Kiri Amma .. .. .. .. Sup. 45 Kanda Raja, g. ..
Sup. 44 Kandó Bandara, Sup. 44; 900 Irugal Band. Ara .. ..
. . . . Sup. 33 Kandó Devi, spirit .. .. .. Sup. 44 Kanduboda Voda, doctor Sup. 44; 800 Kambili
Kalavara .. . .. .. Sup. 38 Kandy, conquered by Kumara Krishnappa
88, f. ; and the Dutch E. I. Co. 131 ; and the Portuguese 136 f. ; 181, ard Tirumal Naik
.
.. .. .. 182 n. Kanjur scriptures, compiled
. .. 40 Kannali Råga nåda, d. .. . Sup. 44 Kannaki, Sup. 44 ; see Pattini . Sup. 72 Kannivå li, estate, invasion of .. .. 135 Kanthirava Narasa Raj, of Mysoro & Sri
Ranga Råya 188 & n. ; 196 ; and Bijapur
197; Golconda eto. .. ..199—201 n. Kapila Küta Rakusu, d., Sup. 44; see
Rakusu .. .. . .. Sup. 83 Karamála Pattini, Sup. 44, see Pattini Sup. 72 Karanlu-bânå, m. of Kalu Kumara, Sup. 44; see Kalu Kiri Mavu.
.. .. Sup. 39 Kranju, c., and the pon .. .. 35 n. Karens, Siamese-Shan race .. .. .. 38 Kariamanikka temple
. 168 n. Karivalam Vandanallûr, inscrip. of Vara. tunga
.. .. .. .. 134 n. Kari-vana, for Gajaranya, Puranic name
of Talkad .. .. Karta, the, his revenue etc., 32, f.; 54, f. ;
and Srirangapattansm etc. 84; and de
Nobilis . . Karugalleo, conquered by Raj UdayAr .. 135 Kurundu.vina-käpima, exorcistio rite, Sup.
44; see Mala Raja ' .. .. Sup.56 Karuppa, deity . .. .. .. ... 73 Karupuram, vil., grant of ..' .. 101 n. kás, coin . . . .
56 n. Kakârnbi, Cusha Dvipa. Kasayin, q. of the Panduvas Kasi, and Kosala 9 & n.; and the Snigunagas
10 ; and Magadha .. .. .. .12. f. Katiká, the... .. ..
.. 25 Kasimbazar, & J. Charnock and J. Harding
57; Cassambazzar .. 58-60; 62-65 n. ; 67 Kasivilisa-Kriyuśktri, guru to Madhava.
mantri .. .. .. .. 44617 Kassapa, Sup. 44; 360 Buddha .. Sup. 12 Kastari Ranga, br. of Lingappa, 102 ; usurp. ation .. .. .. ..
.. 103 kasus, coin .. .
.. .. .. 56 Kataragama Deva, Sup. 44; Kanda Sup. 43
..
17
. 130
192 n.

Page #232

224
INDEX
Kathdoaril-idgara, the, and the story of Vase
Khwaja Naik, The Revolt of, a ballad ..47-53 vadatta, etc. .. .. .. 191, f. Kiang, Shepherds, the Tibetans . . . . 38 katte, anikat. dam .. .. .. .. 17 kiang-chu, chief explainer .. .. .. 140 Katugatimpala Rala Sami, Sup. 45; a Gini
Kidi Bisava, goddess, Sup. 45; see Pattini Sup 72 kanda Kadavara .. .. . Sup. 26 Kielhorn, Prof., and Pratfhåra dates .. 122, f. Katugampola Råla, d. Sup. 44 ; see Pitiya Kihirali Deva, Sup. 45. a Guardian God, 9.1. Devi.. .. .. .. .. .. Sup. 80
Sup. 28 Katu-gäsum, spells .. .. .. .. Sup. 45 Kils Garä, d., sup. 45; see Dala Raja, Sup. Katyayini, alias of Durga, or Vatayakshiņi. 122 17; Gara .. .. .. .. .. Sup. 25 Kaundinya (Kondanno), the Kambûja k. Kili Gärävu, spirit.. .. . .. Sup. 45
Srutavarman, founder of the Varman dy. Kili Kadavara, d... .. .. .. Sup. 45
nasty in Cambodia .. .. .. . 44 Kili-saka, d. Sup. 45, see Rakuga .. Sap. 83 Kaubambi, 9; 14; absorbed in Magadha . 31 King, J., of the Doddington .. .. 110, f. Kautilya, on Hindustan 28 ; and the Saifu. King Crenika, and His Cruel Son Kunika, någa dynasty 29 n. ; 30; or Chånakya
Old W. Rajasthani text. .. .. .. 97 127; and Mallinåtha and Kalidasa 128 & n. 194 King Datta Cannot Escape The Fate Predicted kdval, police function ..
.. .. .. 72 to him by Kalikacarya, Old W. RajasKAvērapuram, pase, taken by Myeone ..... 199 thâni text .. .. .. .. .. 96 Kaveri dam, destroyed .. .. .. .. 134 kingdoms, of ancient Hindustan .. ..9, 12. Kaviputra.. .. .. .. .. 128 n. kings, Indo-Scythian .. .. .. 120, f. Kavisi Yaka, a follower of Dadimunda. Sup. 45 Kings, Three, Sup. 46, see Three Kings Sup. 104 Kavya, of Bhasa, meaning of .. .. 128 n Kiradara, k.. and Wooden Peacock.. Kayattår, Muttu Kumaresvara temple at .. 104 Kiravällé Bisava, goddess .. . Sup. 45 Kehel-gomuva Devi, spirit .. .. Sup. 45 !
Kiri-Abarapoti, see Kiri Amma.. . Sup. 45 Kehetu. Sup. 45 : goe Barba .. .. Sup. 8 Kiri. AmmA. goddane Sum 4K. A haren Kembala, and Raja Udayêr . .. 134 n., 135 Kumâri, Xla Kiri Amma, Sup. 2; Divas Kesara Devi, m. of Bamba etc. . .. Sup. 45 Kiri Amma, Sup. 22; Dolaha Deviyo, Sap. Kesavappa Naik, general, conquered Tumbi.
23; Gal-vadan Kumari, Sup. 24; Handun chchi Naik .. .. .. .. .. 87, f. Kumara Kiri Amma, Sup. 29; Kiri-Abara. Kesavavarņi, Kekavapna, pupil of Abhaya
poti, Sup. 45; Kottavävé Kiri Amma, chandra .. .. .. .. .. .. 27
Kukutậpola Kiri Amma, Sup. 49; KuKetu, Sup. 45; see Bamba . . Sup. 8 mári Samini, Sup. 50; Loku Appu, Sup. Khabith, Khavis, a ghost
. F. G. 115 52; Maha Kiri Amma, Sup. 53: Mal. Khadaki, vil., in Ballad of Khwaja Naik .. 49 vadan Kumiri, Sup. 58 ; Mottakkili Kumari, Khadia, vil., in Ballad of Khwaja Naik .. 48 Muttu-pabalu Kumari, Sup. 65; Nalle Khadirangêra, afterwards Maha-sammata,
Kiri Amma, Nà-mal Biso, Sup. 66; RanSup. 45 ; see Ofdisa .. .. .. Sup. 68
dalumura Kumari, Ran-valalu, Sup. 84; Khandapani, Kosambi k.
..
Sundun-Kumâri Kiri Amma, Sup. 94; .. .. 28
Un&påna Kiri Amma, Usangoda Bisava Sup. 107 Không, Mongol, and Tibet
39, f.
Kirilu-patra, Sup. 46; see Betel. . Khanga, Yusuf Khan and Tirumal Naik 171 n.
. Sup. 9
Kiri-madana-mal-madana, Sup. 46; consort Kharglon, vil. in Ballad of Khwaja Naik .. 48
of Ratikan, q. v. .. Kharoshthi, lang. on Indo-Soythian coins 120, f.
.. .. .. Sup. 85
Kiri Mäniyo, female spirit Kharpparpadraka, or Kharot, vil. in Partab
.. .. Sup. 46
Kiri Mavu, Sup. 46; see Kalu Kiri Mavu, Sup. 39 garh, grant of .. .. .. .. .. 124
Kiriya Bandara, g... - .. Khavis, Arabic Khabith, a Brahmarakshasa,
.. .. Sup. 46 Kirtti Bandara, Sup. 46; see Vanni Bandara, 115 & n., 116
Sup. 110 ; Arave.. Khema, the auspicious garden, Isipatana .. 76
.. .. .. Sup. 5
Kirulu-valli, Sup. 46 ; see Betel .. Khijadio Mamo, an evil spirit.. ..
. F. G. 116
Sup. 9
Kistiri, Sup. 46; see Kit-siri Khmers of Cambodia, Mons peoplo, 37, 4. ;
.. .. Sup. 47
Kistri Amu-siri Bandara, spirit 41, 43; and the Varman dynasty ..
. . . . Sup. 46
.. 44 Kitalvala Raja, apparently f. of Mangra khonta, peg .. .. .. .. .. 16 Devi.. .. .. Khorre, chiefs of Shantung
.. .. .. Sup. 46 .. .. .. 39 Kit-siri, magically created child, Sup. 47; Khoto, false,"used as a namo .. .. F. G. 122 Kistiri, Sup. 46 ; Divi Raja, Sup. 23 ; see Khri-brong Lde-tean, Tibetan k., and Bud. Sita, Sup. 99; Mala Raja, Sup. 56; Wood. dhism..
.. .. .. 39, f. I en Peacock, Three Kings .. .. Sup. 104

Page #233

Kivi, Sup. 47; see Sikura
Kivule-gedara Devi, g.
Knipe, Mr. G., and J. Harding..
Kodagas, Kutakas, Coorgs
Kolamba, Colomba
..
Kohomba Bandaras, 24 spirits.. Kohomba Raja, Kosambi, spirit, Sup. 47;
see Kadavara, Sup. 34; Kalu Bandara Mala Raja
Koilolugu, the, and the history of Madura Kokkókam, a work by K. Varatunga kóla, idiocy..
Kôla-sanni Yaka, d, Sup. 116; Ant, Sup. 4; Sanni Yaka
Kollipáka, vil, referred to in Vol. XLIV, p. 213
Sup. 97 Sup. 47
60 142
Sup. 115
Sup. 47
..
Kondanno. Kaundinya, . Konda-raja an elephant, Sup. 47, see SoliKumaru.
...
Sup. 38 Sup. 56
83 n. 100 Sup. 47
..
Sup. 101 Kongalva, kingdom, founded by Rajaraja, the Chôja, and Kongal-nád
Kongu, and Tirumal Naik
INDEX
Sup. 95
Koppala, or Balakrishnananda matha.. Korale Bandara, g. Sup. 47; see Kalu Bandara,
**
..
..
Sup. 38 Koramini Vädda, spirit, Sup. 47; see Mala Raja,
Kora Vadi, spirit,
Kora Yaka, d., Sup. 47; see Visâlâ
koroda, rage.. Kosala, kingdom, and Kâsî, 9 & n.; allied with Bimbisara 11, 31; and Magadha 13 & n. 14; list of Kings 16; 28; Oudh Kosamba, Kosamba Deva, and Kohomba Raja
141 171 & n. 17
142 44
Sup. 56 Sup. 47 Sup. 116 Sup. 47
Sup. 47 Kosamba Gods, see Kohomba Bandaras, Sup. 47 Kosambi, kings, list of
28
Kosgama Devi, d.
Sup. 47 Kota-halu, purification rite, Sup. 47; see Maha-sammata, Sup. 53; Gara Yaka, Sup. 25; Madevi Sup. 52; Malvara-dosa, Sup. 58; Manu-rada, Sup. 61; Nila Devi, Sup. 68; Puberty, Sup. 81; Purification of women, Sup. 82; Ran-säli, Sup. 84; Ridi, Sup.. 87; Säkra, Sup. 91; Sarasvati, 3up. 95; Umâ
Sup. 106 Kota Yaka, Uncle to Kuvêni, Sup. 49; see Vijaya.. Sup. 113 Kotta-vävê Kiri Amma, Sup. 49 see Kiri Amma Sup. 45 Kottiyan Nagama Naik, f. of Visvanatha 84 Kottiyar, Dutch fortress at
137
Kotupat, Sup. 49; see Goțupat,
Kovalan, Sup. 49; see Palanga Guru..
Sup. 28 Sup. 70
39
225
Kratesvara, spirit, Sup. 49; see Cobra..
Kridá
Krishna, 11; temple
Krishna Bhûpa, k., inscrip. of Krishnadéva Râya, his revenue, etc. Krishnandasvami, Guru.. Krishnappa, Kumara, son of Visvanatha 75 n.; 81; or Peria Krishnama 82 & n.; 832 n.; and Aryanatha etc. 85; 87, f.; as ruler 89; death, etc. 90; 101 & n. Krishnappa II, 81; or Lingappa 100, f.; death of, etc. 102; 178 n Krishnapuram, inscrip. 75 n.; 90; legend of 92; and the murder of Kastûrî-Ranga 103; and Muttu Krishna 104; buildings Krishnaraja, a Paramara k., .. Kriyasakti, (Kâsivilasa-Kriyasakti, 17) 5, 17; prominent Saiva teacher... Krena Raja, Sup. 49; k. of Sulambâvati Sup. 102 Kee, m. of Budahu, Sup. 49 Kshatrajit, alias of Mahåpadma, Saiśunâga k. 10; 31 Kshatrapa, Kshatrapas, title 121; & the Saka era
18
Kshatriyas, and Mahapadma Kshêmadharman, alias of Prasênajit Kshêmaka, Kosambi k... Kshirasvami, Guru
Kshitipâla, Vinâvakapâla,
Kshudraka (Virudhaka) k. of Kôsala
Sup. 14
193 162
100
.. 32 n.; 101 17
4-6;
162 77
122 28
10; 31 28 17
122, f. 14 & n.
Kubera, Maharakshasa,
F. G. 114
4A
Kublai Khân, Mughal, conquered E. Tibet 39; and the Sakyapa Lama 40; and Burms 42; and the Shans 44; and Champa Kuda Bandara, d., Sup. 49; see Perahära Sup. 78 Kuda Riri-bonnô, twelve Vädda spirits Sup. 49; and Riri-bonnô
Sup. 87 Kuda-Riri Vädi, spirit, Sup. 49; and Riri Vädi Sup. 88
Kudumi, etc., Hindu rites, and de Nobilis Kuda Siri-bon Raja, spirit
Kuja, Angaraka Sup. 49; the planet Sup. 62; Angahâru, Sup. 4; Bhauma, Kujula-Kadphises, coins of Kukulapola Kiri Amma, Sup. 49; see Kiri Amma Sup. 45 Kukulu, Sup. 49; see Fow Sup. 24 Kulakara Reabha Teaches the Yugalins the Art of Cooking, Old W. Rajasthani text Kulasekhara Deva Pandya, inscrip. of.. Kulasekharanpatnam, Tranquebar Kullaka, commentator, and the Manusmriti, etc. 112; 126 n. Kumara, spirit .. Sup. 49
139 f.
Sup. 49 Mars, Sup. 11 121, f.
90 136 n. 136 n.

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226
INDEX
Kumara Bandâra, the Child God, Sup. 49; Lakshmana, idol .. .. .. .. .. 183
BOV Pattini, Sup. 72; Ridigama Dove Sup. 87 Lakshmana, Lakshmidhara, nephew of M. Kumara Devatâr, Sup. 50; see Gará Yaka Sup. 25 dhavacharya, minister to Deva Raya I ... 2 Kumbra Devi, g. Sup. 50 ; see. Vaţa Kumara
Lakshmangsa .. .. .. .. .. 79
Sup. 111 Laksmi, Sup. 50; see Ata Magula, Sup. 6; Kumâra Kadavara, d... .. .. Sup. 50 Manikpåla, Sup. 60; Pattini, Sup. 72; Kumara Krishộappa, son of Visvanatha
Siriya Devi .. .. .. .. Sup. 98 75 n. ; 81 ; or Peria Krishnama 1562-1672 Lakshmidhara, Lakshmana
Ana
.
.. .. .. 2 82 & n.; and the battle of Talikotta 83 & Lakshmidhara, and Valmiki .. .. 142, 144 f. n. ; and Aryanátha eto. 85; and the Poly- Lama Bilindu Bandara, d. Sup. 50 ; see Pe. gars 87; conquest of Kandy, etc. 88, f. rahära, Sup. 78; Bilindu Bandara .. Sup. 11 as a ruler 89; death, etc. .. 90, 101 & Lamap, Châmpà .. .. .. ..
46 Kumara Krishnappa II., 81; or Lingappa Lamas, the Sakyapa, in Tibet . 39–41 101, f. ; death of, etc
.. 102; 178 n. Lancaster, Englishman, in Ceylon .. .. 132 Kumara Muttu, campaign against Mysore 202 & n. land revenue assessment, in Madura etc. .. 35 f. Kumara Sâmi, d., Sup. 50; soe Pitiya Devi Sup. 80 Langdharina, anti-Buddhistio k. of Tiboti 39 kumara-simha, d., Sup. 50; see Perahára Sup. 78 Langley, S. and J. Harding .. ..
... 63 Kumara Yaka; d. .. .. .. Sup. 50 Lanka-bandhanaya, rite
Sup. 51 Kumâri Hami, goddess .. .. .. Sup. 50 Laos, Shan race .. .. .. .. 38 ; 43 f. Kumârila, author
Lavanika, tn., fire at .. .. .. .. 15 Kumari Samini, Sup. 50 ; see Kiri Amma Sup. 49 Lavude Yaka, d. .. .. .. Sup. 51 Kumbakonam grant, of Venkatapati .. :. 92 Le, dynasty of Annam .. .. .. .. 47 Kumbhanda Rakusu, d. Sup. 50 ; see Ra. Legend, Burmese, of Gaudama, 10 & n. ; 12; kusut .. .. . Sup. 83
14 ; 76 & n. Kundaka, Košala k. ..
... .. 28
Lê Kalavara, d., Sup. 51; see Kadavara Sup. 34 Kupika, Ajátaśatru ..
. .. 31
Le Loi, founder of the Le dynasty .. .. 46, f. Kuniyür, Muttukțishṇapuram, vil. in grant .. 185 Lê-kama Rsi, mythical sage, Sup. 51; see Kúpakas, race .. .. .. .. 168 & n. Riri Yaka .. .. .. .. Sup. 85 Kurumbura, deities, Sup. 60 ; see Devel Devi, Le-madana, d. Sup. 51; see Ratikan Sup. 88
Sup. 20 ; Gini-jal K. Sup. 26; Kalu Ku. Lê-mal Bisava, goddess.. .. . Sup. 31 mara, Sup. 39; Kalu K., Sup. 41 ; Odi K., 1 Leopard's Head, incantation, Sup. 51 ; Divi. Sup. 70; Pissi K. Sup. 80 ; Riri K., Sup. talo, Sup. 23 ; see Aţa Magula, Sup, 6; Divi.
87 ; Tota K., Sup. 106 ; Vata K. .. Sup. 112 Dos, Sup. 22; Oddisa, Sup. 68 ; MahaKuru-Pânchålas ..
bamba .. .. .. .. Sup. 53 Kusta Räksi, femala d., Sup. 50; see Riri Lê-riri, Guardian of Blood Sea, Sup. 51; see
Yaka .. .. .. . . .. Sup. 88 Seven Seas, Sup. 97; Turmeric - .. Sup. 106 Kusuma Bisava. Kusuinanga Devi, w. of Lester, Leister, J. of the Doddington 110, 1.
Malsara Raja ..' .. .. .. Sup. 50 Lê-tali bigava, m. of Riri Yaka .. Sup. 61 Kusumaputa, built by Udaya .. .. .. 14 Lo Thanh Tong, captured Champa .. .. 47 Kutakas, Kodagas or Coorgs .. .. .. 142
Letters, Sup. 51; see Alphabet .. Sup. S Kutb Shah and the English .. .. 132 ; 199
Lê-vila, Sup. 51 ; see Blood Lake. Sup. 11 Küttan, Setupati .. .. 106; 169, f.
Riri Vila .. .. .. .. Sup. 88 Kuvêni, Sup. 50; perhaps Bäli Bisava, 4...
lexicography, of the Pâtanarayana Stone Sup, 8; see Divi Dos; Sup. 22; Vijaya,
inscrip. .. .. .. .. .. 77 Sup. 113 ; Lily, Sup. 51; Mala Raja Sup. 56 ; Nardeimba, Sup. 69; Säkra .
Lextrême-Orient, Further India, Indo-China.. 37
Sup. 91 Kuvėra, g. Sup. 50;"see Dadimunda . Sup. 15
Lhasa, Lha-ldan, 39; and the British .. 40, f. Kayuk, Mongol Chief .. .. .. .. 39 Liang, dynasty of China .. .. . 39
Lichchhavi, princes and Ajätasatru 13, f. ;
and Udaya, 16; 31; and the Saisunya.. 30
Lily, Sup. 51; Crinum, Sup. 16; 8e Ata Lada Chakravartin, the, and stupati Sada Magula, Sup. 6; (for creeping lily, see Vas.
yakka .. .. .. .. .. .. 105 Sup. 110 ;) Gana Devi, Sup. 25; Kuveni, Laorzio, Faber, R. C. Missionary, Malabar, Sup. 50 ; Siriya, Sup. 99; Siva, Sup. 100; and de Nobilis ..
Tolabo,
.. . Sup. 104

Page #235

INDEX
227
Limes, for magic rites, Sup. 51 see Hat Adiya
Sup. 29; Malsara Raja. Sup. 57; Vina, Sup. 114; Asuras Sup. 6;. Bodhisattva, Sup. li: Gini Kanda, Sup. 26; Rsis, Sup. 90 ; Maha-purusa-lakunu-vina-kupima, Sup. 63; Vas Sup. 110; Ambera, Sup. 3; Ananda Thera, Sup. 4; Buddha, Sup. 12; Dehi, Desi, Sup. 19; Tree, Sup. 32; Mahakela, Sup. 53; Mucalinda, Sup. 65; Oddisa, Sup. 68; Pombara Sup. 81; Säkra, Sup. 91 ; Valdhaka
.. .. . Sup. 108 Lincoln. the ship, wreck of .. .. .. 109 Line, form of enchantment, Sup. 52 ; see Iru
Sup, 32; Mâra .. .. .. Sup. 61 Lingam, tho, condemned by de Nobilis . 119 Lingappa, Kumára Krishpappa, q. v. .. .. Literary References. Some, to The Isipatana
Miga daye, Sarnath .. .. .. .. 76 literature, under the Ndiks 72; Brahman, and de Nobilis
118 Littleton, Ed., and J. Harding .. Lizard, Sup. 53 ; se Bali .. ... Sap. 8 Loka, p. of Konomba Raja .. .. 52 Loku Appu, spirit, Sup. 62; see Kiri Amma
Sup. 45 London, and Indian trade, 101; E. I. Co. 132 Long-cloth, calico .. Louis XVI, and Gialong... .. Love-philtres, Sup. 52; see Måra Sup. 61 Loyall Adventure, E. I. Co.'s ship
67, f. Loyal Subject, E. 1. Co.'s ship .. Iri numerical synabol ..
123, f. Luang Prabang, taken by the French .. .. 47
• 132
47
Madana Siva Guru, 8. .. .. .. Sup. 52 Madana Yaka, d. Sup. 52 ; see Mara, Sup. 61;
Visala . .. .. .. .. Sup. 116 Madarasa Odeyar, a name of Madhava-Mantri Madavalâgam or Brivilliputtar, and Tiru
mal Naik Maddima Kalavara, spirit .. .. Sup. 52 MA-devi, w. or dr. of Siva, Sup. 52 ; see Kota.
halu, Sup. 47; Siva, Sup. 116; Pattini, Sup. 72; Palanga, Sup. 75; Perunkali,
Sup. 79; Sakra, Sup. 91; Uruvesi, .. Sup. 107 Madhava, grant by .. .. .. .. 124 Madhava, Madhava-Mantri, Madhav&mAtya
(not Madhavacharya) author of the Sar.
vadarsanaaangraha 1, 4 6; 17; 19-21; 28 Madhaváchårya (Madhava-Mantri, Madhava.
matya) and His Younger Brothers 1-6; 17-24 Madhavar ya channel, off the Cauvery .. 17 Madi Raja, Sup. 53.; see Pattini.. .. Sup. 72 Madras, and J, Harding 67; and Golconda 198 n. Madura, Ndik Kingdom, History of, contd.
from Vol. XLIV, p. 118. 32-36; 5456; 69-75; 81-92; 100-108; 116–119; 130-140 ; 147--154; 161-171; 178—
188; 196-204 Maduru, Devi, m. of Sikura .. .. Sup. 53 Madu-eura Raja, g... .. .. .. Sup. 53 Magadha, The Ancient History of, contd.
from Vol. XLIV, p. 52 .. 8-16; 28-31 Magadhas, first mentioned in the Atharva.
Veda .. .. Magasthenes, his reference to the religion of
Vasudeva .. .. .. .. .. lln. Maghs, Arakanese, mixed race .. .. ... 41 magic, allowed by de Nobilis 118; unod
against an enemy .. .. 183 & n., 184 & . Magula, Sup. 53; see Aga Magula .. .. Sup. 6 Maha-bali, Asura prince, Sup. 53 ; see Asuras,
Sup. 6; Bali .. .. .. .. Sup. 8 Maha-bamba, Sup. 53, f. of Bamba, q. 6. Sup.
8; see Rice, Sup. 87; Maha-sammata, Sup. 63; Namo Tassa, Sup. 67; Vişnu,
Sup. 116; Leopard's Head, Lily, Sup. 51; • Oddisa, Sup. 68; Batel, Sup. 9; Brahms
Sup. 12 Maha-bhagavati, goddess, Sup. 63; 100
Drums .. .. .. .. .. Sup. 23 Mahabharat, the, and rå kshasas.. F. G. 114, & MahAbharata war.. .. .. .. .. 8 Maha-devi, Sup. 63.; see iVA . .. Sup. 99 Mahadhammarája, grandson of Bayin Naung,
k. of Burma .. .. .. .. 42, f. Mahakala, &. .. .. .. .. .. 124 Maha Kalu Devatar, Sup. 53: see Kalu Ku.
mars, Sup. 89; Kalu Yaka .. .. Sup. 41
..
58
Macao, in Pegu, use of the deling in .. .. 165 MA-câtuvayara, f. of Palanga, Sup. 52; see
Pattini .. . . .. .. Sup. 72 Macedonian rule, in India ..
30 MAchâmbika, m. of Madhava-mantri .. . 4, 6 Madagascar, and the wreck of the Dodding
ton .. .. .. ... 109 & n. 110 Madana, Sup. 52; see Ratikam. Rati-Mada.
na, Sup. 85; Seven Queens .. .. Sup. 97 Madana Bisava, female d. Sup. 52; see Rati
kan-Madana Yakini .. .. .. Sup. 86 Madana Giri, goddess, Sup. 62; ne Giri,
Sup. 27; Retikan .. .. .. Sup. 85 Madana-kama, Sup. 52 ; name of the seven
consorts of Ratikan, q. . . . . . Sup. 85 Madana kebi, d. .. ... .. .. Sup. 52 Madana Riri, & .. .. .. .. Sup. 52

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228.
Maha Kalu Kiri Landum, m. of Kalu Ku
Sup. 51
mara
Maha-kela, Cobra k., Sup. 53; Naga-raja, Sup. 66; see Ata Magula, Sup. 6; Huniyan Yaka, Sup. 31; Malsarà Raja, Sup. 57; Oddisa, Sup. 68; Visnu, Sup. 116; Cocoa-nut, Sup. 14; Limes, Sup. 51; Sudar
..
sana Sup. 102 Maha Kiri Amma, Sup. 53; see Kiri Amma
..
..
**
INDEX
Sup. 45
9
121
Sup. 53 Sup. 14 Sup. 6 Perahära Sup. 78
Mahanandin, Buddhist Kalasoka, k. of Ma16; 28, 31 gadha 15; Nanda Maha-nâyidê, d. Sup. 53; see Pițiya Devi,
..
Sup. 80
Mahapadma, k., and the Pañchâla co., etc. 10 & n., 11 n. ; and the 2nd Buddhist CounEmcil 15; perhaps crown prince 16; first 28; 31 peror of Hindustan Maha-padma, a Naga, Sup. 53; see Drums
Mahâkösala, k. of Kosala Maha-kosamba, spirit
Mahakshatrapa
Maha-mâyâ, q. Sup. 53; see Cloth Maha-meru, mt., and the Asuras.. Mahana-Batara, d., Sup. 53; see
Maha-purusa-lakunu-vina-käpima, a rite, Sup.
53; see Limes
Sup. 23 Sup. 51 122, f. Maharaja, subordinate title Maharaja Rajtirája Devaputra, title of Kujula Kadphises
121
Maharakshasas, rules of Rakshasas
F. G. 114, f.
Maharatha, Brihadratta..
Maharaurava, a hell,
8 . F. G. 111 Maha-Riri Vädi, a spirit, Sup. 53; see Riri Sup. 88 Vadi Maha-sammata, first k Sup. 53; see Oddisa, Sup. 68; Mänikpala, Sup. 69; Betel, Sup. 9; Valalu, Sup. 108; (for flood legend, see Visnu, Sup. 116;) Drums, Sup. 23; Kotahalu, Sup. 47; Vidi, Sup. 113; Abinasantiya Sup. 2; Asuras, Sup. 6; Suba-sirimangalê, Sup. 102; Torch, Sup. 104; Cloth, Sup. 14; Dancing, Sup. 19; Fowl, Sup. 24; Sudarisana, Sup. 102; Asaddana Rai, Sup. 5; Crown, Sup. 15; Iru, Sup. 32; Maha-Bamba, Sup. 53; Manu-rada, Mâra, Sup. 61; Mera, Sup. 63; Nila Devi, Sup. 68; Planets, Sup. 81; Rain, Sup. 82; Sup. 91 Reis, Sub: 90; Säkra Mahasen, Sup. 55; see Kaludäkada HatSup. 38
raju Maha-sohona Yaka, Mahasôn, d., Sup. 55; see Rakusu, Sup. 83; Visala, Sup. 116; Sohona Yaka, Sup. 100; Gota-imbara Sup 28
..
Maha-sthâna, d. Sup. 55; see Perahära Maha-vamsa, the, and Singhalese Folklore Mahavira, Vardhamana.. Mahendrapala I. copper-plate grant by Mahendrapala II., perhaps Devapâla, by
Sup. 78 Sup. 1 n. 31 & n.
.. 122
grants 122-124
Mahêévara, g. and Vidyâtirtha Guru Mahi, Sup. 55; see Mihi-kata .. Mahodaya, Kanauj, Pratihara cap. Mahomedan, government, of the of the Carnatic, and the Naiks 54, madan
Mahratta, invasions, and Christianity in S. India-...
148
Maisûr, and the Naiks
82; 135
Makari Yakini, female d., Sup. 55; see Cobra, Sup. 14 Makkama, Mecca, in Singhalese folklore, Sup. 11; 21; 23: 30; 39; 80 30
..
3
Sup. 63 122
Nawabs Maham
Makran, in Ariana Malabar, and European trade, 101; and R. Catholic Missionaries, etc. 107; ancient Christians of 113 n.; Dutch factory
Måla Bisava, female d., Sup. 55; see RatikanMadana Yakini Sup. 86 44; 181
..
..
..
141
Malacca, and the Portuguese Malala Raja, k., Sup. 55; see Riri Yaka, Sup. 88; Vira-munda Sup. 115 Malala-sami, Sup. 55; see Vira-(munda) Malala-sâmi Sup. 115 Malalu Kumaru, Sup. 55; see Mala Raja Sup. 56 Mala Mäniyo, female spirit Sup. 55 Mâlambi, ancient Mâlavvi, mt. Mala Raja, mythical hero, Sup. 56; Malalu Kumaru, Sup. 55; see Sitâ, Sup. 99; Arrow, Sup. 5; Ata Magula, Sup. 6; Irugal, Bandara, Sup. 33; Kadavara, Sup. 34; Kohomba Raja, Sup. 47; Divi Dos, Sup. 22; Jivahatta, Sup. 33; Kuvêni, Sup. 50; Panduvas, Sup. 71; Vijaya, Sup. 113; Wood Pigeon; Blood Lake, Sup. 11; Gini Kurumbara, Sup. 27; Kali, Sup. 36; Kaluvara Deva Sup. 36; Kaluvara Devatâ, Sup. 41; Kambili Kadavara, Sup. 43; Kit-Siri; Koramini Vädda, Sup. 47; Mal Kadavara, Sup. 65; Säkra, Sup. 91; Three Kings Sup. 104 Málati Madhava, drama, by Bhavabhûti 192 Mala-upan Yakçaya, Sup. 56; see Rațikan, Sup. 85 Malavvi, mt., modern Malambi Malayalam, and Tirumal Naik..
141 .. 171 44
Malays, and Siam..
Mal-bali, flower sacrifice..
Sup. 50
Mal-bali-gala Devi, Sup. 57; see Kadavara Sup. 41
..
55
131

Page #237

INDEX
229
alegaon, vil in the Ballad of Khwaja Naik 48, 50, t. | Mangra Hami, M. Hamini, goddess, Sup. 59; Malé Raja, Sup. 57; see Jivahatta . Sup. 33 see Samayan Sup. 93; Fowl .. Sup. 24 Mal Humi, & Yaka, Sup. 57; see Gangê Ban.. Mangra Yaka, d. i. .. .. .. Sup. 59 dra..
. . . . . . . . Sup. 25 Manija, Chó!officer, defeated the Changat, Malik Kafur, and S. India . . . . 186; 199
vas .. .. .. .. .. .. 141 Maliya Raja, f. of Mini-Maru Yaka Sup. 57 Mänik Band håra, d., Sup. 59; see Perabära, Mal Kaavara, d., Sup. 57; see Dala Kada
Sup. 78 ; Gangê Bandara .. .. Sup. 26 vara, Sup. 16; Dala Raja . . Sup. 17
Minik Biso see Mänikpala .. .. Sup. 60 Mal kami, Sup. 57; consort of Ratikan, 9. v. Sup. 85 Mänik Devi, g. ..
.. Sup. 60 Mal-keli, ritual, Sup. 57; see Nåmal Kumara Sup. 66 Mänik Kadavara, Sup. 60; see Ratna KadaMalkurumbura, Sup. 67; companion of
vara
.. .. .. .. .. Sup. 86 Devel Devi, 9. v.
Minik-kan Bisav, Sup. 60: see Seven Queens, Mallava Bisava, q., Sup. 57; see Ratikan Sup. 85 Mallava Yaka, d. Sup. 57; see Sanni Yaka Sup. 94
Sup. 97
Mänikpala, Sup. 60, w. of Maha-sammata, q. Malla Yaku, follower of Dadimunda .. Sup. 67
v. Sup. 53 ; see Oadisa, Sup. 68; Seven Mallika, q. to Ajatasatru.. .. .. .. 13 Mallinâtha, quotes Kautilya . ..
Devas, Sup. 97; Vieņu, Sup. 116; Areca128 & n.
sickle, Sup. 5; Asuras, Sup. 6; Betel, Sup. Mal-madana, companion of Ratikan .. Sup. 57
9; Kosewater, Sup. 90 ; Torch, Sup. 104; Mal Pattini, Sup. 57; see Pattini .. Sup. 72
Turmeric, Sup. 106; Ves, Sup. 110 ; Vide; Mal-sara Raja, Sup. 57; see Katu-gäsum, Sup. 45; Angam, Sup. 4; Vadiga Rşi, Sup.
Sup. 113; Inå Yakas, Sup. 32; Jala-ban107; Limes, Sup. 51; Arrow, Sup. 5; Ants.
dhane, Sup. 33; Laksmi, Sup. 50; Minik Sup. 4; Iru, Sup. 32; Karund u-vina-kå
Biso, Sup. 60 ; Måra, Sup. 61; Sakra, Sup. pima, Sup. 44; Mahakela, Sup. 53; Od
91; Sarasvati, Sup. 95; Uma .. Sup. 108 Hisa, Sup. 68; 01 Dovindu, Sup. 70 ; Sakra Manik Raja, a Naga, Sup. 61; see Kalu Baş.
Sup. 91 Saindu, Sup. 93; Vadiga-patuna Sup. 107 Lara .. .. .. .. .. Sup. 38 Mal.vadan, Kumari, Sup. 58; see Kiri Amma Sup. 45 Minik Ruval Band Ara, Sup. 61: seo Raval Malvara-dosa, courses of women, Sup. 58; Yaka .. .. .. .. .. Sup. 91.
see Kotahalu .. . .. .. Sup. 47 Mani-mekhalava Sea-goddess, Sup. 61; Madu Mal-yahan, Sup. 58; and Flower-altar Sup. 34 M.-m., Sup. 65; see Devel Devi, Sup. 20; Mamo, an evil spirit .. .. .. F. G. 116 Pattini, Sup. 72; Siva .. . Sup. 99 Mamaladaya, export duty
.. .. 70 Maniswara, Masilamani, g. of Tranquebar 136 n. Man-Madurai, taken by Mêvalivâna .. .. 91 manjhi, mangee, boatman . .. 64, f. Manar, taken by the Dutch .. .. 182 n. Mannêr, and Kumara Krishpappa 88; and Manavadharmasastra, the, and the Vedic
Europeans, 101; the Dutch, etc. .. 136, f. School of the Manau Maitrdyaniyas 112, 114 matapams, mantapa, of Madura, etc. 86, 90, Manavadharmasutra, the, publication of .. 114
.
101 n ; 102 Manavdh, the, and the Vedic School of Law 125 n. Mantri Devi, m. of Andi Kalavara ... Sup. 61 Månavas, the School of .._- .
.. 125 Manu, sage, and the Manusmriti, etc. 112, Mânâ yuru, adoptive f. of Pattini .. Sup. 59 113 n., 114 & n., 125 & n.; and Chanakya Manchu dynasty and Tibet ... ..
127; and Kalidåse, 128 n. ; Laws of .. 129 Manda Kanavara, d. .. .. ..
Minuci Nich., on the Vijayanagara rayas... 20 Mandøkini tank, on Mt. Abû .. ..
manufactured goods, early Indian trade in .. 132 Mandala Raja, f. of Tota Kadavara . Sup. Munu-rada, Manu of Hindi myth, Sup. 61; Mand apika, Mandu, in Dhär State .. 124 e Kota-halu, Sup. 47; Maha-Sammata Sup. 53 Manda Raja, g. Sup. 59 ; see Pattini .. Sup. 72 N snusmriti, The, In The Light of Some Re. Mandhatu Raja, g. Sup. 59; see Pattini, Sup.
cantly Published Texte 112-115; 125-129 72 ; Rama . .. .. .. Sup. 84 Mira, Spirit of Desire, Sup. 61, Vasavatti, Mandsor, Dagapur
.. .. 124
Sup. 111; see Ritta, Sup. 90; Boddhi. Mangale, ritual, Sup. 59; see Ata-visi-Man.
sattva, Sup 11: Buddha, Sup. 12; Hûnigalê .. .. .. .. .. Sup. 7
yan Yaka, Sup. 31; Line, Sup. 52; MshaMangammal, Naik 54 ; buildings, etc. by 85 n. : 165
sammata, Sup. 53; Mänikpala, Sup. 60: Maigra Devi, d. Sup. 59; see Cobra, Sup. 14; Kanda, Sup. 43; Gopalu Vidi, Sup. 38;
Oldise, Sup. 68; Madana Yaka, Love.
Philtres .. .. .. .. .. Sup. 52 Siddhi Mangara, Sup. 97; Buddha, Sup. 12; Pattini, Sup. 72; Säkra, Sup. 91;
Marakal, measure .. .. .. ..55. f. Turmeric,
... . .. .. .. Sup. 106
Sup. 72 Marakkali, adoptive m, of Pattini
Sup

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230
Maralu Yaka, g. Sup. 62; Siddhi Maralu, Sup. 97; soe Riri Yaka, Sup. 88; Dolaha Deviyo
Marathas, etc., in Vijayanagar
Marathon, battle, Indian troops at
Marava, co., and peoples, and Madura 102; 106 & n.; 170, f.; 178, f.; 183, 184 & n.; 201 Marco Polo, and Champa
márgádaya, transit tax ..
46 70 ..70 n.
marine, mercantile regulation ..
115
..
Markandeya, and the Manusmriti marriage, tax on 70; contributions 86 n.; forms, by Manu 114 n. customs, Hindu etc., recognised by de Nobilis, 118, f.; 138; 148; various, of Tirumal Naik 151 Mars, Sup. 62; see Kuja Sup. 49 Marsden, Numismata Orientalia, on coins etc.
56 & n. Marshall, Sir J., and the Taxila Scroll inscrip. 120 Martin, Father, on Naik revenue 55, f. .. 101 n. Maru Riri, g. ..Sup. 62 Maru, Yaka, d., Sup. 62; see Kalu Kumara Sup. 39 Marwârî, and Old W. Rajasthani, see Grammar of
Marudangudi, vil., grant of
..
6, 7; 93-99 Masgan Bhairava, d., Sup. 62; see Rakusu, Sup. 83; Bhairava Masilamani, Maniswara -Mas Kadavara, d.
..
..
..
INDEX
..
Sup. 23
84 29
136
Mas Maralu, companion of Maralu Yaka massacre, of Christians in Annam 47; of Amboyna Masulipatam, first English factory in India 132 Mat, Sup. 62; rite of, see Ata Magula, Sup. 6; Samayan, Sup. 93; Pädura .. Sup. 70 Matalan, Sup. 62, son of Surambavati, q. v. Sup. 102; see Säkra, Sup. 91; Vanchi Rajakumaru .. Sup. 110 Matali, g. Sup. 63; see Bodhi-sattva Sup. 11 matha, the Balakrishnananda, or Koppala,
...
in Talkad
Mati, s. of Mara
...
Sup. 10 136 n. Sup: 62 Sup. 62 the
..
Matipala, Sup. 63; see Betel,
Matts, endowments to Maurya, empire 28; f.; conquest, of Hindus
tan
.
17
Sup. 63 Sup. 9 72
Mavadi, Sikohuru, evil spirit Mavalivana, k., rebellion of M&vattê Devi, g...
30 F. G. 117 91
Sup. 63 MA-vi, Sup. 63; see Rice.. Sup. 87 Mawasia, a Bhil, in Ballad of Khwaja Naik 47 Maya, (1) m. of Mangra Devi, (2) m. of Maralu Sup. 63 Mayans, and Madhavacharya, etc. 1, 2, 6, 20. 23
Mayavati, (1) w. of Kiradara, (2) m. of Susîmâ, Sup. 63; see Simha-ba, Sup. 98. Mayilakkandi, female d.; Sup. 63; see Riri Yaka Sup. 88 Mayilavalânâ, uncle of Kuvêni Sup. 63; see Vijaya..
Mayûra-patra, Sup. 63; see Betel
Sup. 113 Sup. 9
1.
110, f.
McDowell, J. of the Doddington, meals F. G. 118 & n. Mecca, Makkama, in Singhalese Folklore,. Sup. 11, 21, 23, 30, 39, 80 Medhankara, Sup. 63; see Buddha Sup. 12 Medhâtithi, commentator, and the Manuamriti
Megasthenes, on, the Mauryas, 28, f.; the Kalingas..
Mehesuru, Sup. 63; see Siva
Mêlappatti, hill, in Tinnevelly Meleyi Yakas
Mera, goddess, Sup. 63; see Maha-Sammata, mercantile marine, regulation Mercury, Sup. 63; see Budahu
menses, death in .. Mi-devi, see Mihikata Migaduvana, and Migadaya Migaha-pitiyê Devi, g.
..
112
mara
Mirisvatte Alut Devi, g.. ....
30
Sup. 99
76
Sup. 63 Sup. 63
Mihidu, g.
Mihi-kat, M. Devindu, earth-god, Sup. 63; see Torch Sup. 104; Tovil Sup. 106. Mihi-kata, Mihi-liya, Mi-devi, earth-goddess, Sup. 63; Bhûmi-kanta, Sup. 11; see Cooos-nut, Sup. 14; Curtain, Sup. 15; Hat Adiya, Sup. 29; Namo Tassa, Sup. 67; Pattini, Sup. 72; Turmeric, Sup. 106; Mahi, Sup. 55. Mihindu, apparently an earth-god Sup. 63. Mihipoti, a mother of the Devol Deviyo Sup. 63 military, board, early Indian institution, 29; expenditure, Naik, 71; power
Min, tribes
90 Sup. 63 Sup, 53
..
70 n. Sup. 12 F. G. 117 Sup. 63
82 41
101 n., 150, 152, 154, 171
43 40
Minakshi, goddess,
Yaka
Mindôn Min, k. of Burma Ming, dynasty of China, and Tibet Minihis-kandi, female, d., Sup. 63; see Riri Sup. 88. Mini-maru-Yaka, M.-m. Bandars, M.-m. Devatar, M.-m. Kumara, d., Sup. 63; see Namal Kumara, Sup. 66; Avatars, Devatar, Sup. 7; Gini-kanda Devi, Sup. 26; Sapu. mal Devatar, Sup. 95; Seven Kings. Sup. 97 Minneri, Seven Kings of, Sup. 64; see Riri Yaka, Sup. 88; Mahasen Sup. 55 Minneri Devi, g. Sup 64; see Na-mal Ku
..
Sup. 66 .. Sup. 64

Page #239

Sup. 82
Miriyabäddê Devi, g., Sup. 64; Puñici Alut Devi Mirtanjiya Mss., and Naik revenue 33, f.; on, Kumara Krishnappa 82 n., 90 n.; Arya. natha 83 n. ; 84 n., 85 n., 87 n., 91 n. ; Visvanatha 103; Tirumal Naik 150 n., 151 &
Mlechchha, the, in S. India.
Mocha, Dutch factory
Módavela Devi, spirit Mogar, Mogri, riv. in Ballad
Naik..
misers
Mission, of Abdur Rassak
Missionaries, Jesuit, on Virappa Missions, Lutheran evangelical Miti-duni Vädi, spirit
Mission, Jesuit, established in Madura 104; 107; 131; controversy, and de Nobilis 138; 147, 148 & n. 133 136 n. Sup. 64 Sup. 64
Mituru Yaku, d.
Miyulundana, a queen of Säkra, Sup. 64; see
Rukattana..
Sup. 90 199 131 Sup. 64 Khwaja
Mohol, Sup. 64; see Pestle Moholan-giri-madana, Sup. 64;
Ratikan, q. v.
Mohot Terindu, f. of Boksäl
Moksha, mukti, two kinds
..
of
Rakusu
Molan-gara Yakini, female spirit Môlan Giri, female d. Sup. 64; see 27; Uraniya
Monara, and Wooden Peacock monday, fasts
Morapê Bandara, g.
..
Môlan Gâra, d., Sup. 64; see Gara, Sup. 25;
Sup. 83 Sup. 64
mongkut Klao, Phrâ, present k. of Siam Mongolia, and the Dalai Lama.. "Mongols, Mongolians, in Tibet, etc.
Giri Sup. Sup. 107 Sup. 64 F. G. 124 45 41 37-40 Sup. 64 136; 181
Mongoose.
C
Monks, R. C. and Kandy, etc. Monopoly, Dutch, of trade in the East 131; of cinnamon 137 & n. Mons, now being submerged 37, f.; 41; Khm
..
INDEX
n., 154 n. F. G. 119 140
48, f. Sup. 79 consort of Sup. 85 Sup. 64 .F. G. 109
..
..
..
ers
..
Months, Sup. 64; for propitiation of, see Set-1 éântiya .. Sup. 97
44
monuments Brahmanical, in Kambuja Moon, Sup. 65; see Sandu
Sup. 93 of
'Morandavia, Morondava, on W. Coast Madagascar, and the wreck of the Dod dington.. 109 & n., 110, 111 Mortales, Ferd., de, Portuguese naval Comman
der in Burmese war
43
42
Sup. 65
231
Moṭṭakkili Kumari, Sup. 65; see Kiri Amma, Sup. 45 41
Mrammå, Bama, from which is Burma Mrichchhakatika. said to be an adaptation of another drama 189; 191; quoted, 193, 194 & n.; and the Charudattandtaka Ms., palm-leaf, in the Balakrishnananda matha
195
..
Mss., the Mirtanjaya, and Madura 33, f.; 82 n. 90 n. ; 83 n., 84 n., 85 n., 91 n.; 103, 150 n., 151 & n. 154 n. Mucalinda, Naga k., Sup. 65; see Betel Sup. 9; Limes Sup. 51 Mudaliar-Koṭṭai, named after Aryanatha 86 Mudralopi, w. of Agastya F. G. 124 Mudrárakshasa, tradition, of the Nandas 29; the drama
127; 191 Mudu Mani-mekhalava Sup. 65; see Mani. Sup. 61 Sup. 27
mekhalava,.
Mudun Giri, goddess, Sup. 65; see Giri.. Muggleton, Ludowicke, his doctrines, and J. Harding.. 57-59 & n., 61 n Mughal conquest of Daulatabad, etc. 186; 198; see Mugila
179 179
Mugila, (Mughal ?); force, in Vijayanagar Muhammad Adil Shah, and Tirumal Naik .. 197 Muhammadan, administration etc. in the Carnatic 55; powers, and Madura 92, f.; adventurer, Mukilaw, in Madura 135; conquest of Malik Kafur etc., 186; 188 & n. Muhammadans, Indian, in Pegu 42; among the Chams 46; and architecture 164; and Tirumal Naik 171; Jesuit trade with 181; 196; 198, f Sup. 65 invaded
and Hindus, in S. India Muhandiram, title of 24 spirits Mukilan, Muhammadan adventurer, Madura
17
135 F. G. 109 85n.
Sup. 78 Sup. 6 Sup. 65 Raja,
Mukti, Moksha
Múlanátha shrine, Tenkâsi, inscrips. Mûla-sthâna, d., Sup. 65; see Perahära.. Mulatan, g. Sup. 65; see Ata Magula.. Mulika Vädi, spirit Mul Kadavara, d.; Sup. 65; see Mala Sup. 56; perhaps the same as Tedas Kadavara Müller, Prof. and the Manusmriti Mullûr historical vil., in Coorg.. Mul Sanni Yaka, d., Sup. 65; see Riri Yaka, Sup. 88,; Sanni Yaka
Sup. 94
Mulubhai, Mulchand, etc., children born in
.
Sup. 104 ..113 141
F. G. 118
≡ ដ្ឋ
the Jyeshta Nakshatra, etc.
Mulu 8ami, Sup. 65; Vața Kumara.. Sup. 111 Munger, and. Bhagalpur, ancient Anga co. Municipal board, early Indian institution Muni-teampo, k. of Tibet
11
20
39

Page #240

232
INDEX
Murârâja, (Urôja,) Champa k... .. .. 16 Någa Raja, g. Sup. 66 ; see Abina-sêntiya, murder, of Sadasiva Rêya 84; of Kasturi
Sup. 2; Maha-Kela
. .. Sup. 53 Ranga .. .. .. .. .. .. 103 Naga Raksi, female d., Sup. 66 ; see Riri Yaka Murtu, spparently Młtyu, Death-god, Sup.
Sup. 88 65; see Hin .. .. .. .. Sup. 31 Någara Rai, mythical sage, Sup. 66 ; see PlaMusalman, Mussalman, system of assessment, nets, Sup. 81 ; Valalu, Sup. 108; Vas, Sup. 110
etc., 54; conquest, of Vijayanagar 84 ; Nagari, characters, in Patanarayana Stone second, of S. India 149; 188 ; powers, in S. Inscrip. .. .. .. .. .. 77 India
.. .. .. .. 197, f. 200 Någað, non-Aryan race, place names reler Musalmans, in Paramakudi 87 n. ; grant to 90 n. ring to them .. .. .. .. .. 10 muslins, trade in .. .. .. .. 132 Någas, semi-divine beings .. . Sup. 66 Mutiny, the ..
Någa-valli, Sup. 66; see Betel
Sup. 9 Muttu Krishnappa, son of Lingappa, date, Naik Kingdom of Madura, History of, contd.
etc. 103-105, 107; and de Nobilis 119, from Vol. XLIV, p. 11832—36; 54-56;
130, f. ; death of .. .. . . .. 132 1.69—75; 81-92; 100--108; 116–119; Muttu Kumaréávara, temple in Kayattar .. 104 130-140 ; 147-154 ; 161-171 ; 178-188; Muttu-mari, goddess, Sup. 65; see Kali, Sup.
196—204 36; Pattini, Sup. 72; Ayyanar, Sup. 7; Naiks, converts to Christianity .. .. 119
Small-pox .. .. .. .. Sup. 100 najar chonti gai, rite . .. .. F. G. 121 Muttu Sâmi, d., Sup. 65; see Pitiya Devi, Sup. 80 Nala and Damayanti, story of ... .. 92 Muttu-Vira-mahipalasamudram, or Någa- Nälavile Deva, g. . . . . . Sup. 66
nallûr, vil. .. .. .. .. .. 133 Nalle Kiri Amma, Sup. 66 ; gee Kiri Amma, Sup. 45 Muttu Virappa Naik, br. of Tirumal Naik Nalodaya, work attributed to Kalidasa 147
103 ; 132, 133, 134 & n., 135, 150, 154 ; 168 Nama Kurukkal, guru, of Conjeevaram 86 n. Mutu-pabalu Kumêri, Sup. 65; see Kiri Am. NA-mal Bis8, Sup. 66 ; gee Kiri Amma Sup. 45
ma . . . . . . . . . Sup. 45 Na-mal Kadavara, g. .. .. .. Sup. 66 Mylapore, attacked by the Dutch .. . 182 Na-mal Kumara, Sup. 66 ; see Mal-keli, Sup. Mysore, Asoka inscrips. in 30 ; customs duties 57; Mini Maru Yaka, Sup. 63; Devatar
70 & n. ; 83 n. ; 101, f. ; independent 104; Bandara Sup. 20; Minnori Devi, Sup. 64; and Muttu Virappa 134 ; 135; war, and
Seven Kings, Sup. 97; Turmeric, Sup. 106; Tirumal Naik 166-168; 171 ; 186; ana
Vira Minda . . .. .. Sup. 115 Ramappaiya 179 n.; and Sri Ranga Raya NA-mal Kumâri, female spirit .. .. Sup. 67 188 & n. ; 196 ; and Bijapur, etc. 198 & n.-202 Nama-näti Devindu, the Nameless God, Sup. 67;
apparently Nama-näti Upåsaka Dova, on whom see Sandun Kumâra,
Sup. 94
Nambi, priest, teacher of AryanAtha .. .. 87 Näba-sara, Sup. 65 ; see Vişnu . .. Sup. 116 names, opprobrious, etc., and the evil eye Nadukkuttali Chinna Kadir, Najk of Kan.
F. G. 122-124 nivadi, defeated Mukilan ..
.. .. 135
Namo Tassa, formula of adoration, Sup. 67; Någa, origin, of Darsaka 16; possibly of
Bee Buddha, Sup. 12; Guardian Gods, Spu. Sibunaga .. .. .. .. .. 31 28 ; Iti pi so bhagava, Sup. 33; Maha Bamnagd worship, in Burma .. ..
ba, Mihikata, Sup. 63; Rahu, Sup. 82; Naga-bamba-put, sage, Sup. 65; see Vas Sup. 110 Såtågira Yaksenevi
.. .. Sup. 95 Någadasaka, alias of Darsaka .. ... 31 Nanda, k., and the Buddhist Council 15; Naga-halamba, cobra-bangle, Sup. 68; see perhaps Mahånand in 16; the last, legends
Kali .. .. .. .. .. Sup. 36 of.. . .. .. .. .. .. 29 Nage-malaya, ritual, Sup. 65 ; and Buddha, Sup. 12 Nanda, (1) m. of Maha-sammata ; (2) m. of Nagama Naik, grand-father of Kumara Virabhadra .. .. .. .. Sup. 67
Krishnappa .. .. .. 82 n. ; 90 n. NandA Bayin, k. of Pegu Naganallûr, Muttu-Vira-mahipalasamudram, Nanda Kumari, m. of Riri Yaka .. .. 67
vil., grant of .. .. .. .. .. 133 Nanda Rşi, sage .. .. .., Sup. 67 Naga Oddisa, Sup. 16; see Oddisa .. Sup. 68 Nandivardhana, k. of Magadha, etc. 15, f. ; 28; 31 Naga Pilli, Sup. 66 ; see Pilli Yaka .. Sup. 79 Nandiya, spirit
.. . Sup. 67 Någara-gini-räg-halamba, Sup. 66; see Banglo Sup. Nanja, Raja of Ummattûr, and Udayar Raj .. 135 Någara-halamba, Sup. 66 ; see Bangle. Sup. 9 Nanjinad, Travancore
.. 169 n.

Page #241

INDEX
233
.
41
N&poti,spirit, Sup. 67; Hoe CocoB-nut. Sup. 14 Nayi-semi, Sup. 88; see Kalu Bandara Sup. 38 Narabadiaitha, Burmese k., and Ceylon .. 41 Negapatam, and the Dutch .. 101 n.; 182 n. Nárada, and the Manusmriti .. 115; 121 Negrais, Island, Burma, British settlement.. 43 Narada, heavenly musician, Sup. 67;
Negritos, aborigines of lands E. of India . 37 Valli Amma .. .. .. .. Sup. 109 Nelson, Mr.; and the Naik kingdom of Madu N dradasmriti, the, on Manu .. .. 114, f. ra 32—34 n. ; 55 & n., 56 ; 69, f. ; 107 n., Na-raju, g. .. .. .. .. Sup. 67
108 n. ; 149, 150 n. Narasa Nayak, (Narsenayque), Twinister and Nepal, conquered .. .. .. .. 39
usurper, V jayanagar .. .. .. 172 Ngan-Nan, An-Nam, Annam Narasimha, k., Sup. 67; see Kuveni .. Sup. 50Nguyen family, rulers under the Lo dynasty NArasimha, g. .. .. .. .. Sup. 67 of Annam Narsimha I., Nrisimha the SAluva, wurper 172 Niospati, Portuguese adventurer in Ceylon 137 Narasithha II, Immadi, called Tammaya. Nikini, an unfaithful wife .... Sup. 88 Raya
.. .. .. .. .. 172 NIA Devi, Nill Yodays, son of Isuru Sup. Narasitisha Desika, agent to Kumara Krish
69; see Kota-halu, Sup. 47; Maha-sam. nanpa .. .. . .. ..83n. mata
.. .. .. .. Sup. 53 No-lyu, Phrd, k. of Siam '.. .. .. 45 Nilaga Rakusu, d., Sup. 68 ; se Rakusu Sup. 83 Narayana 184; and Tambi .. .. .. 201 Nila Giri, goddess, Sup. 68; see Giri Sup. 27 Nårdyana, Sup. 67; see Virgu .. Sup. 116 Nila-kantava, goddess, Sup. 68; 800 Ata Naret, Nerdsva, Phra, Siamese hero, k. .. 44 Magula
* . . . . Sup. 6 Nat, spirit, worship in Burma
Nila-mAli, Nila-málini, spirit, Sup. 68; see NAta Dava, Guardian God, Sup. 87; see
Pattini ..
Sup. 72 Betel, Sup. 9; Cobra, Sup. 14; Curtain, Nild-yodaya, Nila Devi
. . . . Sup. 68 Sup. 15; Drums, Sup. 23; Pitiya Devi, Nil parndua vi, ceremony .. .. F. G. 111 Sup. 80 ; Seven Devas, Sup. 97; Tota Ka. Nimala Devi, m. of Oddisa .. .. Sup. 68 Lavara, Sup. 105; Ratna-tilaka, Sup. 86;
Niramitra, Kosambi k. .. . .. 28 Vibhisana . .. .. .. Sup. 112 Virdosha-Dasaratha, & drama .. .
192 Nata-sura poti Devi, m. of Mahe-sammata Sup. 67 Nirukla, a work by Yaska, Some Notes on it Nations, European, in Indian Seas 131 ; pro
187-160 ; 173-177 gross
.. .. .. 136, 138 Nisa-kandi, female d., see Riri Yaka, Sup. 88 Nava-gamuva Teda Pattini, Sup. 67; see Viti detra, a work by gukra 118; 127 and the Pattini .. ..
.
Sup. 72 Arthasdetra . . . . . . 128 n. ; 129 Nava Graha, Sup. 67; see Planets . Sup. 81 Nityapramudita, g. .. .. .. .. 124 Nava-guna-santiya, a ritual .. . Sup. 67 Nobilis, Robert de, Italian Jesuit Missionary Nava-kola-atu, leaves for Magic, Sup. 88; in Madura, 107, 108 & n. ; 116-119; 130
see Betel .. .. .. .. Sup. 9 & 11. 131, 133; 138—140 ; 147, f. ; 202—204 Nava-mini-halamba, Sup. 68; see Bangle, Sup. 9 Non-Aryan Element in Hindi Speech, Note on 16 Nava-natha, Sup. 68 ; see Planets i Sup. 81 Notes on the Grammar of the Old Western RA.. Navapshanam, (Nino Stones) port, Rama jasthani, with Special Reference to Ape Setu
bramça, and to Gujarati and MArwari 6, 7; Nava-ratnávali, m. of Dala Raja .. Sup. 68 Selected Specimens from Old Western RANava-ratna-valli, Sup. 68; see Ratna-valli Sup. 88 jasthani Texts .. .. .. .. 93—99 navy, of Burma 42; not maintained by the
Notes, Some, on Yaska's Nirukta 157-160 ; Ndiks
173-177 Nawabs, of the Carnatic, their government . nouns .. .. .. .. .. 174, 176 54; f. ; legend of one
.. 90 n. Xrisimha, Narasimha I. .. .. .. 172 NAyaka Bisava, goddess, Sup. 68; see Seven
Xtya, Sup. 68; 300 Dancing .. .. Sup. 19 Queens . . . . . . . . Sup. 97
Nuniz, and Naik revenue 32 n., and VijayaNayaka Devi, Sup. 68; see Abhūta Devi Sup. 3 nagar history .. .. 73; 140 ; 174 Nayaka Vidi, spirit ..
. i . . .
.. Sup. 68 urse, Valentino, E. I. Co's servant .. 62 Nayakans, of Madura, their revenue .. 36 n. Vyasakara, The, and the Jaina Sakatayana, Nayakars, of Madura, and Vijayanagar .. 32 Contd. from Vol. XLIV p. 279 .. .. 25—27 Nayi, Sup. 68; see Cobra . .. Sup. 14 NAyide, boy who became a Yaka, Sup. 68; Oceans, Sup. 68; see Seven Seas . Sup. 97 see Gange Bandara . . Sup. 25 ostroi duties, and customs, Nail
.. ..69, f.

Page #242

234
INDEX
"
..
48
of Dindigul, eto.
Oddisa, d., Sup. 68; see Rakusu, Sup. 83 . Pagan Min, k. of Burma .. .. . 43 Buddha, Sup. 12; Limes, Sup. 51; Mahe.
pagoda, agrahara sammata, Sup. 63; Malsara Raja, Sup.
pagodas, chakrams, coins, 32 n., 33, & n., 34; 57; Manikpala, Sup. 60; Rosewater, Sup.
41; 84 n. ; 56 & n. ; 68; 109 90 ; Toroh, Sup. 104 ; Turmerio, Sup. 100:
painting, under Tirumal Naik .. .. 149 Vidi, Sup. 113; Gurulu, Sup. 29; Hat Adi.
palaces, of Tirumal Naik
.. .. .. 164 ya, Sup. 29; Haniyan Yaka, Sup. 31; Pan
Palaka, k .of Avanti .. .. .. .. 28 duvas, Sup. 71; Pattini, Sup. 72; Sanni
Palaka character in the Mrichchhakatika 191; 194 Yake, Sup. 94 ; Demala O., Sup. 19; Dova
Palamkota, and Visvanatha 76; or Palam. O., Sup. 20; Garuda O., Sup. 25; Gopalu
kottah, and Aryanatha .. .. 89; 90 n. o., Sup. 27; Gurula O., Sup. 29; Iru,
Palanga Guru, husband of Pattani, Sup. 70; Sup. 32; Khadirangkra, Sup. 48 ; Leopard's
Kovalan ... ... .. .. Sup. 49 Head, Sup. 51; Maha-bamba, Maha-kela,
Palasakupika, probably Palasia in Partab. Sup. 63; Mêra, Sup. 61; Naga O., Sup. 88;
garh .. .. .. .. .. .. 124 Pestle, Sup. 79; Reis, Sup. 90 ; Sakra, Sup.
Paldaner, vil. in Khandesh, plundered by 01 ; Sandu, Sup. 93 ; Sanni Yaka, Sup. 94;
Khwaja Naik Satjamme o., Sup. 95: Sulu O., Sup. 102;
Pasayams, of Dindigul, eto. .. .. 33–35 Valalu, Sup. 108; Velabi O., Sup. 112;
palio, memorial pillar, .. F. G. 111; 117 Vine . . .. . Sup. 116
Paliya, m. of Na-mal Kumâra . Sup. 70 Oddi Yaku. . . . . .. .. Sup. 70
Pallebadda Yaka, d. Sup. 70; see Pițiya Devi Sup. 80 Odi Kurumbura, Sup. 70 ; see Kurumbura Sup. 60
Pallebadde Bandara, g. .. . Sup. 70 Ogdai Khan, Mongol Chief .. .. .. 39 oil, ordeal by
Pallebadde Devi, Appu-hami Devi of Palle. .. .. .. .. .. 73
bädde, g. Sup. 70; see Abhůta Devi, Sup. Okanda Giri, goddess Sup. 70; see Giri Sup. 27
.. 2; Pitiya Devi
. Olamali, spirit
.. .. ..
Sup. 80 ..
Sup. 70 ..
Palm, tree, Sup. 70 ; See Sükra, Sup. 90 ; Tala. Old W. Rajasthani, 'see Grammar of 6, 7, 193-199
gas ... 137 . . . . . . .
. Olivera, Portuguese general, in Kandy
.
Sup. 103
Sup. . Omari Yaka, d.
polm-leaf ms., in Balaksishn@panda matha .. 17 Sup. 70
Palni, battle .. .. .. .. Ou Devindu, g. Sup. 70 ; see Mal-sard Raja Sup. 57
134 n. Pal Shastra, on cerenionies
.. 54 oppression and tyranny, in Madura
.. ..
F. G. 111
Pamanak Kadavara, spirit . . Sup. 70 ordeals, by fire, etc. .. .. .. .. 73
Pamaya, goddess, Sup. 70; see Ata Magula Sup. 6 Ormuz, and the Dutch .. .. .. .. 137
Pamban, Causeway, built by Ramappaiya Orthodoxy, Naik .. Oru-mala Pattini, Sup. 70; see Pattini Sup. 72
180 ; 182 n. 183 Pambůr, vil. grant of ...
..
Sup. 15 Otunu, Sup. 70; Hee Crowns
.. .. .. 88
Panam Bandara Devata .. .. Sup. 70 Oudh, Kosala .. .. .. .. .. 38 Oujein, Ujjayini ..
Panam Devi, P. Bapdara, Coin g. .. .. .. .. 192
.. Bup. 70 Outlines of Indo-Chinese History .. 37-47 panama, coins * .. .. .. 89&n
Panan Kiri Amma, Sup. 71 ; see Kiri Amma Sup. 45
F. G. 118, f. owls, etc., beliefs regarding them
Panasoge, Chola viotory at Oya Devi, Sup. 70; see Abhůta Devi Sup. 2
.. . . .. 141 Paflokhydna, the. quoted .. .. .. 94 Paftoanamokkhdra, the .. .. .. .. 98 Patica-paksi, Sup. 71 ; see Five Birds Sup. 24 Panica-varuna Kambili Yaka, Sup. 71; see
Kambili Yaka . .. .. Sup. 43 Pacoeka-buddhas " .isolated Buddhas," Sup. Panchala, co., (see Kuru-Pafchalas, 0) and
70 ; Pase-budun, Sup. 72; see Ata Magula Sup. 6 Bimbisåra 11 & n.; Kampilaya .. .. 31 padanudhydta, sucoessor .. .. .. 124 Panchatantra, the, quoted .. .. 126 n. Padmanabhaevami, temple, Travancore 168 n. Pandam, Sup. 71; see Torches .. Sup. 104 Padmanēri, vil., Tinnevelly, grant of 101 & n. PandArams, opposed to de Nobilis 130; con Padmapadáchârya, disciple of Sankaracharya 17 version of one, 203 ; enmity of .. .. 204 Padma Puran, the, on Monday fastsF. G. 124 Pandu-hasta, f. of Oddisa . . . . Sup. 71 Padmavati, w. of Udayana 15. 31 ; 189, f. ; 192 Pandu-pattra, Pandu-pul-pattra, Sup. 71; Padura, Sup. 70; see Mat . .. Sup. 62 see Betel .. .. .. .. Sup. 9 Pagán, C., ruins
... .. .. 41 | Panduranga, Panrang, Châmpå Cap... 46 f.
..
74

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INDEX
235
..
26
29
Panduvas, k., Sup. 71; Bee Abhuta Yakas,
Sup. 2; Bhúta Yakas, Sup. 11; Divi Dos, Sup. 22; Mala Raja, Sup. 56; Vijaya, Sup. 116; for other rites, Bee Cocoanut Sup. 14; Curtain, Sup. 16; Leopard's Head, Sup. 61; Planete, Sup. 81; Oddisa. Sup. 19; Biva, Sup. 100; Vadi Yakas, Sup. 108; Vijaya
.. .. .. .. Sup. 113 Pandya inscrips.
. 88 n Pandyan, system, of joint kings 81; dynasty,
of Tenkasi 100; alliance by RanganAtha
Naik .. .. .. .. .. .. 134 Papdywe, the Five, and Visvanatha 74; ard the Setupatis .. ..
.. 106 Pani, Bup. 71 ; 30 Rahu
Sup. 82 Panikki Bandara, g. .. .. .. Sup. 7. Papini .... .. Panjab plains .. .. Panrang, Panduranga, Champa cep. 46, 1. Panuva, Bup. 71 ; see Caterpillars
Sup. 14 Pantachen, Tashi Lama Paragamana NAyide, d., Sup. 71; Noe Pitiya Devi .. . .. .
Sup. 80 Parakha Devi, &. .. . .. Sup. 71 Parakumba Raja, f. of Ratna Valli .. Sup. 71 Parale .. .. .. .. ..
.. Sup. 72
Sup. 72 paramabhatfaraka-mahardjddhindja-parametara,
Pratibara titles . . . . . .. 122 Paramakudi, vil., and Tumbichohi Naik 87, t. Paramara dyn., genealogy .. .. 77, 79, f. Paramêndra Mahamongkut, Phra, k of Siam.. 46 Paramavara, Hindu prince, founded the
Champa dynasty of Annam .. .. .. 46 Parana Kosambe, spirit
.. Sup. 72 Parandal-solanna, spirit
Sup. 72 Parangi, Franks, of Kandy, and Devatar Bap.
Jára, Sup. 20; their disease, syphilis - Sup. 76 Parangia, Frangi, Europeans, applied to de
Nobilis, eto. 116, f. ; 130, f. ; 188, f. ; 203 ; of Singala, the Portuguese, and Ramap. . paiya . . . .
. . . . 180 Parkeata, and Manu ..
.. .. 126 Parasidu Pattini, see Pattini .. .. Sup. 72 Parasurama, son of Bhrig: .. Paravee, low caste and Christianity 107, 116; and de Nobilis
.. .. 131 Paraya, child of Yamaduti .. .. Sup. 72 Parisha, and Christianity,under de Nobilis 148, 280n. Paritta, Sup. 72 ; see Pirittuva .. Sup. 80 Pårývanátha basidi, the, in Mullari. 141, f. Partabgarh inscrip. .. .. .. 121, f. Parvati, shrine at Chidambaram .. .163 Parvati, forest, where sex is changed F. G. 124 Parvati, goddess, Sup. 72; see Ata Magula,
Sup. 6; Uma . . . . . .. Sup. 106
Pas-da Sup. 72 ; see Buddha .. .. Sup. 12 Pase-budun, Sup. 72 ; sa Pacoka-bud.lhas Sup. 7) Pasenadi, k. of Kosala, and Aj&tabatru 13, 14 n. Pas Dovata, Sup. 72; see Devata .. Sup. 20 PabupatAstra, and Arjuna .. .. .. 90 Patalam, in Ceylon, soone of a battle .. 88 Pataligrama Cortified, 13; and Patall
putra .. .. .. .. .. .. Patalputra, O., founded by Udayibhadra 13; | undor Mabanandin 16 ; treasure atupas near,
29; and.Pataligrama .. .. .. .. 31 PatanArdyapa Stone Inscription of Paramars
Prata pasinha .. .. .. .. 77-84 Patanjali, works by.. ..
.. 27, f. Pathan kings of Delhi, coinage .. .. 35 n. Pathans, in the Ballad of Khwaja Naik .. .. 82 Patma Pattini, no Pattini.. .. .. Sup. 72 Patn&.. .. .. .. .. .. 13, 14 & n. Patra-kAli, Bup. 72; 2 Kali .. .. Pattamangalam, vil, and Sadayakka. . . 106 Pattananda, 79, or fuhyatirtha, holy o. .. 80 PathanArAyapa, Br, and Mt. Abu .. .. 79 Pattapoly, English establishment at .. .. 132 Papți Gerd, d. Sup. 72 ; see Gard Patti Giri, goddess, Sup. 72; 868 Giri.. Sup. 27 Pattini, goddess of Dravidian India, Sup. 72;
Kannaki, Sup. 44; see Gini-kanda, Sup. 26; Kumara Bapdara, Sup. 49; Toroh, Sup. 104; Muttu-mári, Sup. 66; Aroh, Bup. 6; Guardian Gods, Sup. 28; Abinasantiya, Sup. 2; Betel. Sup. 9; Dala-raja, Bup. 17; Devel Devi, Sup. 20; Bangle, Sup. 9; Vali Yaka, Sup. 109 ; Viramunda, Sup. 118 ; Hat Adiya, Sup. 29; Kali, Sup. 38 : Mangra Dovi, Sup. 69; Agra-jalapati, Sup. 2; Alut-Pattini, Ambe P., Sup. 3; Ananda, Ananda Thera, Ankeli, Sup. 4; Ayirandan P., Bak-na-gaha-des-kivu P., Sup. 7; Bimini P., Bangle, Sup. 9; Bolanda, Buddha, Sup. 12; Catuvayara; Sup. 14; Devappadi, Sup. 20; Gajabahu, Sup. 24; Garuva Raja, Sup. 25; Gini P., Golusan Raja, Sup. 27; Hat P., Horn-pulling, Sup. 31 ; Jala P., Sup. 33; Kalakot Raja, Sup. 36 ; Kannali; Karamála P., Sup. 44; Kidi Bisava, Sup. 45; Lakami, Sup. 50 ; MAcatuvayara, Sup. 51; Madi Raja, Sup. 52; Mal P., Sup. 67; Manda Rajá, Mandhaty Rajk, Sup. 59; Manimekhalâva, Sup. 61; Mihi-kata, Sup. 63; Nava-gamuva Teda P., Sup. 67; Nilamali, Oddisa, Sup. 68; Oru-mAla P. Sup. 70; Parasidu P., Patma P., Sup. 72; Rama Nayaka, Sup. 84 ; Rila.
vēsa-lat P., Sup. 87; Säkra, Sup. 91; Sa. . lama Raja, Sup. 92; 8a-raju, Sarasvati,
... 126

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236
INDEX
Såta-Raja, Sup. 95; Seraman, Siddha P., Pigot, Esq., Geo., President of Fort St. George 109 Sup. 97; Sirima P., Sup. 98; Small Pox, pilgrims .. .. .. .. .. 105, f. Sup. 100; Teda P., Sup. 104; Uramala P., pili Kadavara, d. .. .. .. Sup. 79 Vadi Raju, Sup. 107; VATA Dovi, Sup. 111; Pilli Yaka, d. in animal form, etc., Sup. 79 ; se
Viramunda Miti, Vira P. .. . Sup. 115 Elala, Sup. 24; Düdimunda, Sup. 15 ; Kali, Pattiya Kadavara, d. .. .. .. Sup. 78 Sup. 36 ; VibAlA, Sup. 116; Ant, Sup. 4; De Pattra-kAli, Sup. 78; see Kali.. . Sup. 36 mala Pilli, Sup. 19; Dovel Devi, Sup. 20 ; NaPaya, 24 minutos.. .. .. . Sup. 78
ga Pilli .. .. .. .. . Sup. Påyingomuva Bapdára, d. Sup. 78; se Pitiya Pimento, Jesuit Father, and de Nobilis .. 139 Devi ..
. Sup. 80 Pini-daya, Sup. 80; see Rosewater . Sup. 90. Peacock, Wooden Peacock
.. Sup. 7 Pinya, Shan Chieftainoy.. ... .. .. 42 pearl fisheries, taxed 69, f. ; and the Portu. Pirates, Portuguese, in Burma .. .. 105, f.
guese ato. ... . .. .. 137; 181 Pirittuva, oond for exorcism, Sup. 80 ; Paritta, Pegu, home of the Talaings, 37; Shaw king- Sup. 72 ; se Buddha, Sup. 12; Dala Raja,
dom 42 ; British possesion, 43; 44; Dutch ! Sup. 17 ; Divi Dos, Sup. 22 ; Planets, Sup. 81; factory, 131 ; and the words Sorrion 155; Sandun Kumāra, Sup. 93 ; Tovil, Sup. 106 ;
Ximi, Shemine, Semini .. .. .. 156 Vijaya, Sup. 116; Säkra .. .. Sup. 92 Pehevå stone inscrip. .. .. .. .. 122 Pischel, Dr., and the Taxila Scroll insorip. .. 120 Pennakopda, old cap. of Vijayanagar 166 ; 186 Pishachas, Dalans, femalo spirits .. F. G. 117 Penukonda, Naik treasury, eto. .. 34 ; 84, 92; Pisi-giri, consort of Ratikan .. .. Sup. 80
inscrip. 133 & n.; and Sri Ranga Raya 134, D. Pisi-madana, a companion of Ratikan.. Sup. 80 Pera Devi, Sup. 78 ; see Biva, .. .. Sup. 116 Pisi-madana-gini-madana, & consort of RatiPerabära, procession, Sup. 78; 800 Aha-sthana, Madana, Sup. 80 ; see Ratikan . Sup. 85
Sup. 2; Dolanvela Deva, Sap. 23; Jaya- Pissi-kurumbura, Sup. 80 ; see Kurumbura Sup. 50 vira Bandara, Sup. 33.; KudA Bandara, Pithad, images of children .. F. G. 122, f. Sup. 49; Kumara-simha, Lama Bandara, Pitiya Devi, 8., P. Surindu, Sup. 81 ; Kalu Ban. Sup. 50 ; Mahana Bandara, Sup. 53 ; Maha qara, Sup. 38; see Betel, Sup. 9; Bilindu sthana, Sup. 55; Münik Band&ra, Sup. 19; Sami, Sup. 11; Gir&gama Etana-hami, Sup.
Ulapan Bandara Sup. 106 ; Vanatunga Sup. 110 27; Haragama Rala, Sup. 29 ; Hetti Nayide, Perayama Kalavara, spirit .. .. Sup. 79 Sup. 31; Kalu Appu, Sup. 38; Kalugampola Perez, Father, Jewuit Missionary, Malabar, RAla, Sup. 44 ; Kumara Sami, Sup. 50 ; Maha
and de Nobilis .. .. .. .. .. 139 nayide, Sup. 53 ; Muttu Sami, Sup. 65; Nata Peria Krishnama, Kumara Krishnappa .. .. 82 n. Deva, Sup. 67: Pallebädda Yaka, Pallebadde Perianai, dam, built by Visvanatha .. .. 74 Devi, Sup. 70; Paragamana Nayide, Sup. 71; Poriya Virappa, and Visvanatha II 90 & in. -92 Payinomuva Band Ara, Sup. 78; Puliya Sâmi, Perjury-sickness, Sup. 79 ; see Divi Dos, Sup. 22 Sup. 81; Raja-simha, Sup. 82; Ruvan TanPersia, and W. India, 29 ; fruit trade in .. 64 tila, Sup. 91 ; Sanda, Sup. 93; Senerat. Sup. Perungarapi temple inscrip .. .. .. 100 96 ; Sirimalvatta Appu Sup. 98 ; Vadiga Pedi Perun-kAli, Sup. 79 ; 20 MA devi.. Sup. 52 Tantila, Sup. 107; Velass: Bapdêra, Sup. Pestle, Sup. 79; use of, wo Divi Dos .Sup. 22 112 ; Vikrama-bahu .. .. .. Sup. 114
Mohol, Sup. 64; for Rico-peetle, see Ata Pitman, G., and J. Harding .. ..
Magula, Sup. 6; Oddisa, see .. .. Sup. 68 Piyumâvati, w. of Indra, k. of Baranie, and Phågmódu, (Chyang Chub Gyaltuhan) lay Wooden Peacock .. .. .. Sup. 81
ruler of Tibet .. .. .. .. .. 39 Planets, Sup. 81; Nava Graha, Sup. 67; Maha
Phagapa Lodoi Gyaltahan, k. of Tibet .. 39 sammata, Sup. 53; see Hin, Sup. 31; Phaulcon, Constantine .. .. .. .. 45
Divi Dos, Sup. 22; Abina-santiya, Sup. 2; Philip II., and Ceylon ..
Anga-haru, Sup. 4; Bamba, Sup. 8; Budahu, Philip the Brito, Portuguese adventurer, k. of Sup. 12; Guru, Sup. 29; Iru, Sup.32 ; MalPegu .. .. ..
sard Raja, Sup. 57; Rahu, Sup. 82 ; Sandu, Phra Budhyot Fa, (Yod Fa), Chaophaya phaya Sup. 93; Senasuru, Sup. 98 ; Sikuri, Sup. 97; Chakri., k. of Siam .. ..
Rice, Sup. 87; Buddha, Sup. 12; Graha Phra Paramêndra Mahamongkut, k. of Siam.. 45 Sup. 28; Hork, Sup. 31; Nagara Rei, Sup. 66 ; Phrå Ramasuên II., k. of Siam.. .. .. 44 Nava-natha, Sup. 68; Pirittuve, Sup. .. Phra Ramathibadi, first k. of all Siam .. 44 pleasure, and piety, of the Naiks piety, and pleasure, of the Naiks .. .. 73 | Pnompenh, cap. of Cambodia .. ..
.
131 n.
..
.. 73

Page #245

podis, bags
70
Pogalûr, chieftaincy 105, f.; or Pugalûr 180; 202 Pol, Sup. 81; see Cocoa-nut Sup. 14 Sup. 83 48, 53 .. 69, 72, 75
Polaba Rakusu, d., Sup. 81; see Rakusu Pola Sinh, son of Khwaja Naik..
police tax, Naik
policy, of Visvanatha
82
politics, etc., in S. India, in first quarter of 17th
century
104 28 138
polity, of Hindustan, under Mahapadma polygamy, condemned by de Nobilis Polygar, converted to Christianity Polygar system, under Kumara Krishnappa 87, f. Polygars, their tribute, etc., 33-35; 54; 70, 71
119
& n.-73; and Aryanatha 82, 91, 102, 106; and Tirumal, etc., 134 n.,-136; 171 & n.; 179; 202. Pombara, Rei, Sup. 81; see Limes Sup. 51 pon, pons, coin 33 & n.; 56 Pondichery, visited by a Papal legate 148 & n. 118 Pongul, Hindu custom, and de Nobilis.. Pope, Gregory XV, and de Nobilis Popes, and Lamas 40; and Jesuits in S. India 148 Portuguese, (pirates), in Burma 42; in Siam
139
44, f.; and Indian Seas, 70 & n.; 101; 104; (Jesuits) in S. India 107; and French Missions 148 &.; trade in Ceylon 131; and Dutch, 136 & n. 137; and de Nobilis 139, f.; in S. India ..168 n.; 183 29 F. G. 116
Poru, Chief
Poshi, a Chudel
Potpotagat Devi, d., Sup. 81; Ratu P. D. Pottappiyarayar, prince, inscrip. of his time Powell, S., of the Doddington Prabhachandra, date of Pradyota, father-in-law of Udayana 15; father of Vasavadattâ
..
INDEX
..
Pratápa, half-pagoda Pratapasinha, Paramâra k. Pratihâra, dynasty Pratishtha ceremony Pratyeka-Buddhas
prefix, negative, in Old W. Rajasthânî
Preta, ghost name of Visâlâ Prela, pretas, ghosts, etc.
precautions, against the evil eye priesthood, in Tibet 40; and de Portuguese, and S. India
Privy Council, in early Hindustan
Pradyota, dynasty, and Magadha Prajapati and Manu Prakrita, lang. of the Jain Sutras 143, 145 & n.-147 Prasadhanadevi, Prâtihara q. Prasenajit, k. 14 n. ; aliae of Kahêmadharman
122
..
10 & n.; 31; 39 33 n. 77 .. 122 80 & n. 7 Sup. 116 F. G. 115, f. F. G. 120, f.
Nobilis 130; .. 137 29
Sup. 87 Purnaka Raja, f. of Kambili Kadavara 69 n. 110, f. 27
Purúravas, the, and Urvasi Purushottama
192 8 & n. 9 115
puberty, and marriage
progress, of European nations, in the East. 136 Prome, tn., under Tabin Shwêdi, 42; captured 43 professional, taxes, Naik 69; classes, etc., under Aryanatha 86, 87 n. 148 Sup. 47 104 100; 133 n.; 134 Pugalur, tn., and Ramappaiya 180; old Marava cap.; 202; or Pogalur .. 105, f. Pulicat, Dutch settlement, 132, 136, 182 81
Puberty, rite, Sup. 81; see Kota-halu.. public works, of Muttu Krishna Pudukkottai plates
Pulingu Raja, f. of Maralu Yaka
Puliya Sami, d., Sup. 81; see Pițiya Devi Sup. 80 Pulutu Kadavara, d.
Pulutu Yaka, d.
Sup. 81
Pulvan, Sup. 82; see Vispu
Sup. 82 Sup. 116
Punch houses (howses), near Fort St. George, 58 Puñci Alut Devi, Sup. 82; see Miriyabäddê Devi Sup. 64 punishments, tortures, in pre-Mauryan times, 29-& n. Punjio, dunghill, a name.. F. G. 122 Purdas, the, and the history of Magadha, etc. 8 & n., 9 & n., 10, 12, 13, 15; 29 & n.; 30; and Maru Pura jaye, or Ripunjaya, last of the Brihadratha dynasty.. Purification of Women, Sup. 82; see Kota-halu Sup. 47
.. 8 n.
Parpaka, f. of Dadimunda, Sup. 82; see Sunni Sup. 94 Sup. 82
Yaka
191 79
237
Magula..
Pusul Sup. 82, see Ash-melon Pusvälle Raja, d...
Pusanga Rakusu, d., Sup. 82; see Rakusu Sup. 83 Pusiti, bride of the Sun, Sup. 82; see Iru, Sup. 32 Puspa-giri Yakini, female spirit Sup. 82 Puspa-Kumudaya, goddess, Sup. 82; see Ata
115
Sup. 6
Sup. 5
Sup. 82
Races, Indo-Chinese
Radavela Banjara, Sup. 82; see Na-malu
mara
Quarters, 4 or 8, Sup. 82; see Guardian Gods Sup. 28 Queens, Sup. 82; see Seven Queens.. Sup. 97
37
Sup! 66
Raghavabhatta, quoted
128 n. 133, f.
Raghunatha, k. of Tanjore
Raghunatha, son of Sadayakka 170; 201 & n. ; 202 Raghunathadeva Maharaja, agent of Muttu Virappa
133

Page #246

238
INDEX
Raghunatha, Tova ... ..
.. .. 184
Rama-gini Yaku, d. .. .. . Sup. 84 Raghuvam for the. .. . 128 & n. Rama-hasti, &., Sap. 84 ; se Ața Magula. Sup. 6 Rahi, Rehotia, tank in Barwani .. 48, 4. Rama Kamhong, Shan chief .. .. .. 44 Rabu, Sup. 82; Asurindu, Bup. 6; Pani, Sup.
Ramakrishna .. .. .. .. .. 119 71; Nee Aroca-sickle, Sup. B ; Dala Raja, Sup.
Ramana Kat. .. .. .. .. Sup. 84 17; Drums, Sup. 23; Ira, Bup. 32; Namo Ramanathasvami, temple, Ráme varam, grants Tanga, Bup. 67; Planeta, Sup. 81; Rain, Sup.
to, eto. ... .. .. .. 105 n.; 183, f. 82 ; Nava Graha .... .. ... Sup. 67
Rama Nayaka, &. Sup. 84; see Pattini .. 72 raid, of Mukilan, into Madura .. .. 186 Ramanuja, Amperumal .. .. .. Rain, Sup. 82: Nee Maha-sammata . Sup. 63 Ramappaiya, general to Tirumal Naik 186 Raira-giri, m. of Tartipola Riri Yaka Sup. 82 166, 1.: 170, f.; his plan of campaign, 178, f.; Raja, title assumed by de Nobilis 130, f.; 138, f. allied with the Portuguese 180, 182; and Rajadhiraja-Kongaļva .. .. .. 141, f.
Sadayakka i. .. . . . 183, f., 201 Rajagriha, later cap. of Magadha 11, 13, 14,' 81 Ramappaiyan-AmmAnai, historical ballad. Raja-guru Raja, f. of Abhimana Yaka Sup. 82
169, 1.; 184 Raja Maralu, companion of Maralu Yaka Sup. 82 Rama Raya, and the Portuguese 70 n., 88; 184 Raja Oddisa, Sup. 82; 300 Oddisa . Sup. 68
Rama Sétu, Navapashanam, (the Nine Stones)
port Rajardja, the Chola, founded the Kongalva
.. .. .. .. .. .. 88 kingdom... .. .. .. .. .. 141
Rama-simha, k. of Kuhara-purs . Sup. 84 Raja Rakusu, d. Sup.'82 ; nee Rakusu Sup. 88
AXRamanuen II, Phra, k of Siam .. .. 14 Rajasekhara, on BhAsa 189; quoted .. .. 193 Ramathibadt, Phra, first k. of all Siam .. 44 Raja-Sinha, k., Sup. 82; see Pițiya Devi Sup. 80 Ramdyan, and the rakshasas .. ..F. G. 116 Raja Singha, of Ceylon, and the Portuguese .. 181 | Ramdyana, the, and VAlmiki .. .. 146, 147 Rajasthånt, Old Western, see Notes on the Rame varam, place of pilgrimage 86 n., 105 n.,
Grammar of ... . .. 6, 7, 93-99 106; 183; 162 ; 179; and the Setupati Raja Udayar, and Tanjore, eto. 133, 134 & n. war .. .. .. .. 182—184 & n. Rajpur, soone of defeat of Khwaja Naik .. 48 Ramnd, and the Setupatis 106, f., Ramappei. Rakho, and Rakshasa .. .. F. G. 114 & n. ya's expodition against it, 170, 179, 180 &n.; RAkas, Rakusu . .. .. Sup: 881 182 n., site of a Christian Church, 183; f.; Rakahasa, and Rakho .. F. G. 114 & n., 118
. .. .. .. 202 Rakusu, Raksasas, Sup. 83; He Sarva Kata Ran-dal Kumari, spirit . . . . Sup. 84
Rakusu, Sup. 96; Jvara Rakusu, Sup. 33; Randalu-mara Kumari, Sup. 84; Hoe Kiri Kumbhanda Rakusu, Sup. 60; Vimu, Sup. Amma .. .. .. .. .. Sup. 45 116; Fon, Sup. 24; Asurindu Rakusu, Sup. Randolava, Sup. 84 ; see Golden Litter Sup. 27 6; Bhairava, Sup. 10; Caturvahana Rakusu, Ran Dunu, Sup. 84 ; Viņņu . Sup. 116 Sup. 14 ; Divi Rakusu, Sup. 23; Goli Rakusu, Ranga Krishna Mutta Virappa; Naik 64, f., 108 n. Sup. 27; Graha Bhairava, Sup. 28; Iru, Sup. Ranganatha, refers to Vidyaranya .. .. 18 32; Kama Rakusu, Sup: 41; Kili-saka, Sup. Rangan tha, &. .. .. .. .. 83 n., 160 45; Maha-sohana Yaka, Sup. 56; Masgan Rariganpa Ndik, of Dindigal 138 ; 168 & n.; 167; 202 Bhairava, Sup. 62; Molan Gara, Sup. 14; Rangoon founded Nilaga Rakuu, Oddisa, Sup. 68; Polaba Ran Rúval Bapdara, Sup. 84 ; see Ruval Yaka, Rakusu, Sup. 81; Pusanga Rakusu, Raja
Sup. 91 Rakusu, Sup. 82; Rupa Rakusu, Sup. 90 ; Ran-kli, Sup. 84 ; see Kota-halu .. Sup. 47 Senasuru. Sup. 96 ; V&ta Kumara, Sup. 1ll; Ran-valalla, spirit
.. . Sup. 84 Vayu Rakusu .. .. .. .. Sup. 112 Ran-velalu Kumari, Sup. 84 ; see Kiri Amma Ralpachan, Buddhist, k. of Tibet .. .. 39
Sup. 45 Rama, Hindu god-hero, Sup. 84 ; see Sita, Sup. Ratanga Giri, goddess, Sup. 84 ; see Giri Sup. 27
99; Vişnu, Sup. 116; Huniyan Yake, Sup. Rates, Naik .. 31 ; Hat Adiya Sup. 29; MandhAtu, Raja, Ratha, and Yada
. . .. .. Sup. 59; Sandalindu ..
.. 76 ... .. Sup. 93 Rati, sister of Mara .. ..
Sup. 84 - Rama, idol .. .. .. .. 183, f. Rati Devi, consort of Ratikan .. .. Sup. 84 Rama IV, k.. ... . .. 133; 168 n. Rati Kadavera, spirit . ..
Sup. 84 Ramachandra .. . ..
. .. 79
Rati-kala-murttu-bali, ritual, eto. .. Sup. 84 Råma Dêve d Tirumal Naik .. . 185 Rati-kama Riri Yaka, Sup. 85; cee Riri Ramadhir'. !'hammacheti
. .. 42 Yaka .. .. .. .. .. Sup.
..
70

Page #247

INDEX
239
Rati-kAma Yaka, probably Ratikan. Sup. 86 Records, E. I. Co.'s, etc., and J. Harding, 67, Rati-kami, consort of Ratikan .. .. Sup. 85 58 n, 59 n., 80 n., 61 n., 62 n., 03 n., 64 n., 06 n., Ratikan, Rati-madana, d., Sup. 85; Madana,
66 n., 67 n., 88 n. Sup. 62 ; see Visala, Sup. 116; Ajasatta, Sup. Reddiampatti, rocks .. .. .. .. 99 2; Andun Giri, Andun-madana-tel-madana, References, some Literary, to the Isipatana Sup. 4; Avara-keli, Avara-madana, Avara.
migadaya .. .. .. .. .. 76 madana-mal-madana, Sup. 7; Demala-ma. Religion, India, and the Arya-dharma-prakdana, Sup. 19; Gini-madana, Sup. 27; H0. afika .. .. .. .. .. .. 92 niyan Yaka, Sup. 32; Kama-madana, Sup. Religious, toleration, KAkavarna 10, 31; 41; Kiri-madana-mal-madana, Sup. 46; Le- revival, in 8. India, 104; Orders, Portuguese, madana, Sup. 61; madana Giri, Sup. 62; in India .. .. .. .. .. 137, f. mala-upan Yaksaya, Sup. 66; mal-kami, remedies, for effects of the evil eye .. F. G. 121 mallava Bisave, Sup. 57; moholan-giri- Renaissance, artistio, under Tirumal Naik, madana, Sup. 64; Pisi madana Gini-madana, 149 ; architectural, and the Vijayanagars .. 164 Sup. 80; Rfri-pulutumal-madana, Sup. 88; Rendulla Khan, Bijapur general .. 188; 197 Sakra, Sup. 92; Sandun madana, Sendun- Renter, and Ryot, in the Carnatio .. 54, f. madana-rati-madana, Sup. 94; Sohon Giri, restoration, of the Setupatis .. .. 104, f.
Sup. 100 ; Tota-madana .. .. Sup. 106 Revenue, of Madura, 32 & n.,-35; and the Ratikan Kadavara .. .. . Sup. 86 British system, eto. . ... 5456; 71, 1. Ratikan kanda, Sup. 86; see Abhimana Yaka, Revival, religious, in S. India .. .. .. 104
Sup. 1 Revolt of Khwaja Naik, Ballad .. 47-53 Ratikan Kumari, female d. .. . Sup. 86 revolutions, civil war, in Magadha .. 29, f. Ratikan.Madana Yakini, female d., Sup. 86; Rice, Sup. 87; see Maha-3ammata, Sup. 53; Riddhi Bisava, Sup. 87; see Avara Bigava,
Planets, Sup. 81; Al, Sup. 2; Ata Magula, Sup. 7; Ina Bisava, Irddhi Bisava, Sup. 32; Sup. 6; Maha-bamba, Sup. 53; MA-vi, Sup. MAla-Bisava, Sup. 56; Siri Bisava .. Sup. '98
63; Sayam-jata, Sup. 98 ; Vi .. Sup. 112 Rat-mal Bianca, goddess, Sup. 66 ; seo Seven
Rice.pestle, Sup. 87; see Pestle . Sup. 79 Queens .. .. .. .. .. Sup. 97 Riddhi Bisava, female, d., Sup. 87; see Rati. Ratna Giri, goddess, Sup. 86; 620 Giri. Sup. 27 kan-madana Yakini, Sup. 86; Seven Queens, Ratna Kadavara, Sup. 86; Mánik K., Sup. 19;
Sup. 97 800 Devata, Sup. 20; Kambili Kadavara, Sup. 41 Ridi, goddess, Sup. 87; see Kothalu Sup. 47 Ratna-padi, Sup. 86 ; see Toţa Kadavara. Sup. 105 Ridi Bisavu, the Silver Queen .. .. Sup. 87 Ratna Surindu, Sup. 86; 188 Kambili Kwa Ridigama Deva, g., Sup. 87; se Kumara Ban. vara .. .. .. .. .. Sup. 41
dåra .. .. .. .. .. Sup. 49
S up. 67 Ratna-tilaka, Sup. 86; see Nata Dava
Ridi.valalla Villi, Ridi-valalu, spirit . Sup. 87 Ratna-valli, (1) goddess, Sup. 86; Ruvan väli,
RIIA-vesa-lat Pattini, Sup. 87; see Pattini, Sup. 72 Sup. 91; Nava-ratna-valli, Sup. 68; (2) m.
Ripunjaya, or Purajaya, last Brihadratha k. 8 n. of Kambili Kadavara ; see Dutugamunu. Sup. 23 Riri-bonno, Sup. 87; 899 Kuda Riri-bonno Sup. 49 Rat-ran Davi, g. .. ..
.. Sup. 87
Riri Kadavara, d., .. .. .. Sup. 87 Rattakkha, d., Sup. 87; see Rati-kala-murt
Riri Kurumbura, Sup. 87; see Kirumbura. Sup. 50 tubali .. .. .. .. .. Sup. 84
Riri-madans Yaka, Riri-maru Yaka, Sup. 87; Ratta Rakusu, d., Sup. 87; see Rakusu Sup. 83 see Riri Yaka .. .. .. .. Sup. 88 Ratu Potpotagat Davi, Sup. 87; 809 Potpotagat
Riri-puluțu, d. .. .. . . Sup. 87 Davi .. .. .. .. .. Sup. 81 | Riri-pulutu-mal-madans, Sup. 88; consort of Rauli, Rowli, Raulini, Rawlin .. .. priest 156
.. .. Sup. 85 Ravana . ..
.. .. .. 79 Riri Vüdi, Sup. 88; 899 "Kuda-Riri Vädi, Sup. RA'vana, legendary demon king of Ceylon, Sup.
49; Maha-Risi Vadi . .. .. Sup. 87; see Råma, Sup. 84: Sita ..
.. Sup. 99
Sup. 99 Riri-vila, Sup. 88; see Blood Lake, Sup. 11; riyard'chas, ravanus razuations ... .. 32 n Le-vila .. .. .. .. .. Sup. 51 rdyarams
.. .. 72 Riri Yaka, d., Sup. 88 : Siri Yaka, Sap. 99; see Rawan, k., of the Rakshagas .. .. F. G. 114 Amu-s-ri-Kadavara, Sup. 3; Davel Dey, Sup. Reade, Ed. E. I. Co.'s servant, Hugli .. . 60 20 ; Tanipola Riri Yaka, Sup. 103; AveraRebecca, E. I. Co.'s Ship . .. .. .. 58 keli, Ayilakkandi, Sup. 7; Bhairava Yaka, Sup. rebellion, under Kumâra Krishpappa .. .. 87 10; Dala Kafavara, Sup. 16; Huniyan Yala re-birth, and birth .. .. F. G. 109; 116 Iru, Sixp. 32; Kamakandi, Sup. 41; Kunta

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INDEX
Sup. 9
Rákşi, Sup. 50 ; LA Kama Rsi, Sup. 61; Malala Ruvan-karandu, m. of Dala Raja .. Sup. 91 Raja, Sup. 68; mangra Devi, Sup. 59; ma. Ruvan Tantila, d., Sup. 91 ; see Pițiya Devi Sup. 80 ralu Yaka, Sup. 62; Mayilakkandi, Minneri, Ruvan vähära-halamba, Sup. 91; see Bangle, Minihiskandi, Sup. 63; Ma! Sami. Yakka, Sup. 65; Naga Raksi, Sup. 66; Nisa-kanda, Ruvan väli, Sup. 91 ; see Ratna-valli .. Sup. 86 Sup. 88; Rati-kêma Riri Yaka, Sup. 85; Ruvan väli Ilanddri Devi, Sup. 91 ; see Kalu. .. Saman, Sup. 92 ; Siddha Mangara, Sup. 97;
däkada Kumaru
. .. Sup. 39 Siri Kalavara, Sup. 98 ; Siva . Sup. 100 Ryot, and renter, in the Carnatic .. 64; 69 Riri Yakini, female counterpart of Riri Yaka,
Sup. 89 rites, Hindu, and S. Indian Christianity .. 148 Riti-gala Deviyo, deities .. .. Sup. 89 Sabdanusana, a work by Sakata yana .. 28, 27 Rittà, six unlucky days, Sup. 80 ; see Ata Me. sacred, 'thread, (the Hindu), worn by de Nobilis
gula, Sup. 6; Mara .. .. .. Sup. 61 138, or cord . . .. .. .. 140 Rivi, Sup. 90 ; see Iru. .. . Sup. 32
Sadangampadi, Tranquebar .- i. 136 n. Rock Edict VI., of Aboka Why Of Asoka .. .. .. 121
Sadasiva Raya, and Kumara Krishnappa, 83; rocks, of Reddiampatti .. .. .. .. 90 murder of .. .. . .. .. 84 Rodiyas, tribe, Sup. 90 ; for legend of, see Rat. Sadayakka Uda yan, Chief of Pogalûr, legend na-valil, . . .
.. .. Sup. 88 of, the Setupati Dalavai, 105 & n., 106 & n. ; Rolim-Roolim.Rowli, etc., priest Hobson-Jobson 156 and Tirumal Naik, etc. 169, f. ; 178; 184 & n. Roman Catholic Missions, in S. India.. 148 n. Sadayakka II ..
.. .. 201 Rome, the Brahmans of, etc., and de Nobilis,
Sagaing, Shan tn. .. .. .. 42, f.
130 n., 131 Sagama II., Vijayanagar k., & Sayana .. 22 Rose, E. I. Co.'s ship, and the Doddington .. 111 SAgartal, near Gwalior, inscription found at 123 Rose-water, Sup. 90 ; see Vişnu, Sup. 116; Guar. Sahadeva, k. of Magadha, .. .. 8 n.
dian Gods, Sup. 28; Kanda, Sup. 43; Ma- Sahalya, or Sahalin, last of the Nandas, and nikpala, Sup. 60; Old isa, Sup. 68; Pini-daya, Chandragupta
.. .. .. 29, 31 Sup. 80 ; Saman
.
Sup. 92 Sahampati Brahma, Sup. 91; see Ata Magula, Roth, Rudolf, and the Nirukta of Ydska 157– Sup. 6; Cloth .. .. .. Sup. 14 159 ; 173-177 Saigong, annexed
.. .. .. 47 royalty, joint ..
.21 St. George, fort, and J. Harding 58 & n.; 59; 61, Rşis, legendary Bages, Sup. 90 ; see Abina-san.
62 n., 65, f., 67 n., 68 tiya, Sup. 2; Maha-sammata, Sup. 53; Suba
St. Lucia, river and bay . . . . . . 111 siri mangalê, Sup. 102 ; Vidi, Sup. 113; Arrow, St. Thome, Jesuit centre Sup. 5; Betel, Sup. 9; Bodhisattva, Sup. 11;
Saisunaga, dynasty, and Kasi 10; 12; rise of Cocoa-nut, Sup. 14 ; Divi-Dos, Sup. 22.; Iru,
15 ; conquered by Kautilya .. .. 29 n., 30 Sup. 32; Kadavara, Sup. 34 ; Oddisa, Sup. Sak, see Säkra .. ..
.. .. .. . Sup. 91 88; Sellan Kudavera, Sup. 96; Suderisana, Saka era, and Kajula Kadphisea, 121 ; Vikrama, 122 Sup. 102 ; Riri Yaka, Sup. 88; Vas, Sup. Sakas, Kshatrapas .. .. .. .. 122 110 ; Ața magula, Sup. 6; Vina, Sup. 114; Sakatayana, two grammarians of the name .. 27
Vişnu, Sup. 116; Anoma Rşi .. Sup. 4 BakațAyana, the Jaina, and the Nyasa kana, rao, sro, numerical symbol .. .. .. 123 contd. from Vol. XLIV, p. 279 . 25—27 Rukattana, tree, Sup. 90 ; see Vidi, Sup. 113; Säkra, Sup. 91 ; Hindu Säkra, or Indra, Sup.
Divi Dos, Sup. 22; Miyulundana, Sup. 64; 32 ; Devi Raja, Sup. 22 ; see Abina-santiya,
Säkra, Sup. 92; Valąhaka .. .. Sup. 108 Alphabot, Sup. 2; Arrow, Sup. 5; Bangle, Ruk-mal Kadavara, g. .. . Sup. 90 Betel, Sup. 9; Cobra, Ojconnut, Sup. 14; Rupa Rakusu, d., Sup. 90 ; see Rakusu, Sup. 83 Düdimunda, Sup. 15; Dala Raja, Sup. 17; rupee, value of
.. .. 35 n. Devata, Sup. 20 ; Divi Dos, Sup. 22; Vas, Russiang, and British, and Tibet
.. . 40 Sup. 110 ; Drums, Sup. 23; Fowls, Sup. 24; Ruti-kami, Ruti-madana, consort of Ratikan, "Kadavara, Sup. 34; Kaksaya, Sup. 35; Ka.
Sup. 90 lukakada Hat-raju, Sup. 38; Kota-halu, Sup. Ruval Yaka, Sail Spirit, Sup. 91; Minik R. 47; Kuveni, Sup. 50; Limes, Sup. 51; MABandara, Sup. 61; Ran R. Bandara, Sup. 84 ;
devi, Sup. 52 ; Maha-sammata, Sup. 53; Mala Bhuta R. Banddra, Sup. 11; Vata Viyane Raja, Sup. 56 ; Malsara-Raja, Sup. 67; Man. Bandra.. .. .. .. .. Sup. 112 gra Devi, Sup. 59; Mänikpla, 60; Matalan,

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241
Sup. 63; Oddisa, Sup. 68; Palm, Sup. 70; Sandun Giri (Handun Giri, Sup. 29 ); a con. Pattini, Sup. 72; Pirittuva, Sup. 80; Rati. sort of Ratikan Sup. 93; a goddess, see Giri Sup.27 kan, Sup. 85; Rukattana, Sup. 90 ; Sandun Sandun Kadavara, d. .. .. .. Sup. 93 Kumâra, Sup. 94; Seven Devas, Sup. 97; Sandun Kumara, 8., Sup. 93 ; see Devatar Ban. Toroh, Sup. 104 ; Turmerio, Sup. 106 ; Vijaya, dåra, Sup. 20; Bangle, Sup. 9; Handun Ku. Sup. 113; Vispu, 116; Abhuta Devi, Sup. måra, Sup. 29; Iru, Sup. 32; Kaludäkada 2 ; Hat Adiya, Sup. 29; Namo Tasso, Sup. Kumaru, Sup. 39; Nama-niti Devindu, Sup. 67; Tota Kadavara, Sup. 105; Valalu, Sup. 67; Pirittuva, Sup. 80 ; Säkra, Saman, Sup. 108 ; Devi Raja, Sup. 22 ; Jaya Saka, Sup. 92; Sandu, Sup. 93 ; Valli Ainma Sup. 109 33; Sak
. .. Sup. 91 | Sandun Kumari Kiri Amma, Sup. 94 ; see Kiri Sakyapa Lamas, ruled in Tibet. . .. 30, f. Amma
. .. .. Sup. 45 Sakya Panditya of Thoding
Sandun Kumari Yakini, female spirit Sup. 94 Salamå Raja, 8., Sup. 92 ; see Pattini Sup. 72 Sandun Kumaru, Sup. 94 ; see Devatar Ban. Salamba Kumari, goddess
Sup. 92 qara, Sup. 20; Sandun-mal Kumare .. Sup. 94 Salem, 8. India, visited by de Nobilis .. .. 203 Sandun-madana, Sup. 94, see Ratikan.. Sup. 86 Salita Yaka, spirit . .. .. .. Sup. 92
Sup. 92 Sandun-madana,-rati-madana, & consort of Salt Range, Simhapura .. .. .. .. 30 Rati-madana, Sup. 94 ; see Ratikan Sup. 86 Saluva, Sup. 92 ; see Cloth .. Sup. 14 Sandun-mal Kumaza, Sup. 94; see Sandun sam, numerical symbol .. .. 123, f. Kumâra . .. .. . Sup. 93 Saman, Samanala Deva, Sup. 92; Sumana, Sangama II., k., 23, patron of Bhoganatha .. 24
102 ; a Guardian God, q. v. Sup. 28; see Bhas. Sangir, vil. in Khandish, home of Khwaja masura, Sup. 10; Riri Yaka, Sup. 88; Rose
Naik
.. .. .. .. .. 47 water, Sup. 90 ; Sandun Kumára, Sup. 94; Sångvi, vil., in Ballad of Khwaja Naik 51; 53 Seven Devas, Sup. 97 ; Sita, Sup. 99 ; Tovil, Sanjaya, and Vasavadatta .. .. .. Sup. 106 ; Vişņu, Sup. 116; Vali Yaka, Sup. sankal, chain, and sai kalio .. .. F. G. 122 109; Hat Adiya, Sup. 29; Valalu Sup. 108
Sankaracharya, guru of PadmadAcharya Saman Giri, Sup. 92 ; see Giri .. Sup. 27
Sankarananda, and Kriyasakti Samayan, four divisions of the day, Sup. 93;
Sankarirya, commentator .. .. .. 127 see Tovil, Sup. 106; Mat, Sup. 62; Umaya
Balikhapala, d., Sup. 94; see Asupala KuDevi Yakini .. .. .. .. Sup. 107
mári, Sup. 5; Vosamunu . .. Sup. 112 Samayan Kadavara, d., .. .. Sup. 93
Sankha Raja, f. of Sarkhapela .. Sup. 94 Sambhurahasya, the, a mythological work .. 145
sanni, fits .. .. . .. Sup. 47; Sup. 94 samiahya, form of moksha 7 . F. G. 109
Sanni Yaka, d., Sup. 94 ; see Vanni Bandara, Samma, & charge d'affaire at Mandapika .. 124
Sup. 110; Hüniyen Yaka, Sup. 31; KolaSammata, Sup. 93 ; see Maha-sammata Sup. 53
Aanni, Yaka, Sup. 47; Mal Sanni Yaka, Sup. Samvat era, in inscrip. .. .. .. 124
65; Oddisa, Sup. 68; Vini, Sup. 114; Vippu, Sanaiscara, Sup. 93 ; see Senaguru .. Sup. 96
Sup. 116; Andi Yaka, Sup. 4; Dadimunda Sanatkumar, and the rakshasas .. F. G. 115
Sup. 15; Demala Yaka, Sup. 19; Malava Sandak.. Sup. 93 : 828 Pi iya Devi . Sup. 89 Yaka. Sup. 67: Purnaka . .. Sup. 82 Sanda Kumaru, spirit .. ... .. Sup. 93 Sanskrit, and Hindi, 16 ; language of the Sandalindu, Sandalingu, Sup. 93 ; son of Sita, Patanarayana Stone insorip... ... .. 77
9.., Sup. 99; and of Råma, Sup. 84 ; see Mala Santâne Kalu Bandara, 8., Sup. 96; see Kalu.
Raja, Wooden Peacock .. . Sup. 56 1 Bandara .. .. .. .. Sup. 88Sandamal Gart, d., Sup. 93 ; see Garê Sup. 25 Santáné Kande Bandera .. .. Sup. 95 Sandana, m. of Tota Kadavara .. Sup. 93 anyasi, Vidyaraṇya 19; Vidyatirtha .. .. 21 Sandana Raja, Sup. 93; for legend, soe Kada Sanyà sin, life, adopted by de Nobilis, 117, 119, vara Deva .. .. .. .. Sup. 35
130, 139 : 203 Sandhyd vandana mantapa, Krishnapura, scene Saptanátha, 8., and Madhavamantri .. 4, 5
of the murder of Kasturi Ranga .. .. 103 Sapu-mal, a minister, Sup. 95 ; see Sulambe, Sandu, Sup. 93 ; Candra, Sup. 14; the Moon, vati, Sup. 102 ; Hapu-mel .. .. Sup. 29
Sup. 65, see Oddisa, Sup. 68; Iru, Sup. 32; Sapu-mal Devatár, d., Sup. 95; see Mini-maru , Maloard Raja, Sup. 57; Areca-sickle, Sup. 5;
Yaka .. .
. . .. Sup. 63 Drums, Sup. 23; Sandun KumAra, Sup. 93; Sapu-mal Giri, goddess, Sup. 96; Hapu-mal Handa, Sup. 29; Planeta, Sup. 81. Säkra, Sup. 91 Giri, Sup. 29; 308 Giri.. .. .. Sup. 47

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INDEX
..
30
Sapu-mal Kaavara, spirit . . Sup. 95 sdy ujja, form of moksha .. .. F. G. 109 Sara Bamba, f. of Maha-sammata, Sup. 95; scaring of ghosts, and the evil eye, etc. F. G. 120 Brahma-datta
.. Sup. 12 script, Indian, in Tibet .. .. .. .. 38 Såra gama Rala Sami, a Gini-kanda Kajavara sculpture, Naik .. .. .. .. 90 ; 149
Sup. 95 Seas, S., advent of European nations in .. 131 SA-raju, k. of Kannuran-pura, Sup. 95; see Sens, Sup. 96 ; see Seven Seas .. .. Sup. 97
Pattini .. .. .. .. Sup. 72 Sebastian Gonzales, Portuguese pirate, ruled Saranaukara, Sup. 95 ; see Buddha . Sup. 12 Chittagong Sarasvati, Sarasavi, Sup. 95; one of the Seven Seleucus and Chandragupta .. ..
Devas, q. v., Sup. 97; see Kota halu, Sup. Sellan Kadavara, d., and Senevi-ratna, Sup. 96; 47; Siva, Sup. 99; Mänikpala, Sup. 69; see Rşis, Sup. 90; Uma .. . Sup. 106
Cocoa-nut, Syp. 14; Pattini .. Sup. 72.Selwy, from Talaing lang., bells, Hobson-Jobson 155 Sarnagapani, f. of Sarvajña Vishnu .. . 21 Semini, courtiers, Hobson-Jobson .. .. 156 Sarnath, ancient Isipatana Migadaya .. 76 & n. Senasuru, Saturn, Sup. 96; Sanaiscara, Sup. Sarva Búta, spirit . . . .. Sup. 95 93; see-Rakusu, Sup. 83 ; Dala Raja, Sup. Sarvadarunthaagraha, work by Madhava 1;
17; Iru .. .. .. .. Sup.32 attributed to Madhavacharya .. 20, 21, 23 Sendamangalam, tn. visited by a Nobilis .. 203 Sarvajta, sometimes identified, wrongly, with Sendhwa, Pass, in Ballad of Khwaja Naik .. 48
Vidyatirtha . . . . . . . . 21, 22 Senerat, k., Sup. 96 ; see Pitiya Devi Sup. 80 Sarvajija-Vishnu-pura, or Homma .. .. 21 Senevi-ratna, Sup. 96; Vahala Bazy ara, Sup. Sarva Kuta Rakusu, d., Sup. 95; see Rakusu,
108 ; see Kambili Kalavara, Sup. 41; Sellan
Sup. 83 Kalavara, Sup. 96 ; Vasala Deva, Sup. 111; sarvamdnyam, tribute free .
.. .. 202
Asuras, Sup. 6; Fowl' . . Sup. 24 Sarvånanda, author of the Tika-sarvasva on Senkada-gala Kalu Kumara, Sup. 97; see Kalu
Amarakoša .. .. .. .. 189-191 Kumâra .. .. .. .. Sup. 39 Sarva Rakusu, d., Sup. 95 ; see Rakusu Sup. 83 seraja, gift for the dead .. .. F. G. 111 Sarva-vip ka-bali, an offering, Sup. 95 ; see Bali, Sera-min, k., Sup. 97; for legend of, see Arch.,
Sup. 8 Sup. 5; Pattini
. . Sup. 72 Sat Adiya, Sup. 93 ; see Hat Adiya . Sup. 29 Seräne Kiri Amma, Sup. 97; see Kiri Amma, Såtägira Yak-senevi, Sup. 95 ; see Namo Tanga,
Sup. 45 Sup. 67
Bermon, first, by Buddha .. .. .. 76 Satara Devel Båga Banára, &. .. Sup. 95 Serrion, Serion, from the Talaing lang., horseSå tå Raja, 8., Sup. 93 ; 800 Pattini .. Sup. 72 litter .. .. .. .. .. .. 155 Satara Varan, Sup. 05; 803 Guardian Gods Sup. 28 Set-fântiya, propitiatory ritual, Sup. 97; see Sat Bisav, Sup. 95 ; seo Seven Queens Sup. 97 Visala, Sup. 116; Days, Sup. 19; Months, Sup. 65 Sat-jamme Olldisa, Sup. 95; see Oląisa Sup. 68 settis, merchants, taxes on .. . 69, f. Sat-kattuva Deviyo, Sup. 95 ; see Seven Settlements, French and British, in Burma, 43;
Kinge . .. .. .. .. Sup. 97 Dutch, etc., in India .. .. .. 138 Sat Raju, Sup. 95 ; sue Seven Kings, Sup. 97; Setupatis, of Râmnad, restored 104 & n.-106
Kaludakala Hat-raju .. . Sup. 38 & n.; and Muttu Virappa 132 n.; and TiruSatpudas, hills, in Ballad of Khwaja Naik 48, 50, f. mal Náik 154 ; 166 ; portraits of, in temples Saturn, planet, Senasuru
.. Sup. 96 163; Sadayakka, 105 & n., 178 & n. ; 180, 182 Satyamaugalam, conquest of .. .. .. 200
.& n. 184, f. Saubhauti chief of Sirihapura .. .. .. 30 Seven Devas, Sup. 97; see Nata D., Sup. 67; Saumillaka, perhaps a dramatist
128 n. Sakra, Saman, Sup. 92; Sarasvati, Sup. 95 ; Savanda-madana, companion of Ratikan, Sup. 96 Siriya, Sup. 98; Umi . . Sup. 106 Savat, Sup. 96 ; see Kanda . .. Sup. 43 Seven Kings, Sup. 97; Hat Raje, Sup. 31; Sat. Bavatindu, Kanda . . . . Sup. 43 kattuva Deviyo, Sup. 95 ; see Kaludilkada, Så vatri, and Vala
Sup. 38; Mini-maru Yaka, Sup. 63; Na-mal Sayâm, from whcih is Siam
Kumara, Sup. 66 ; Sat Raju . Sup. 95 Sayam-jata, Sup. 96; soe Rice . Sup. 87 | Seven Pattinis, Sup. 97; see Pattini .. Sup. 72 Så yana, br. of MadhavâchArya, Author of the Seven Queens, Sup. 97; Sat Bisav, Sup. 95 ; MäAlankarasu ihanidhi, etc., 1-4; 6; anvaya.
nik-kan B., Sup. 60 ; see Madana, Sup. 52; guru of Sangama II., 18; and the Vedas, Seven Seas, Sup. 97; Gini-jal Yaka, Sup. 26; ste. .. .
.. 19-21 ; 23, f Hat Bisav, Sup. 31; Nayaka Bisava, Sup. 68;

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243
Queens, Sup. 82; Rat-mal Bisava, Sup. 86; Silambari, goddess, Sup. 97 ; see Hanuman Sup. 29 Riddhi Bisava, Sup. 87; Usangoda Bisava Silava Raja, f. of Molan Girê .. .. Sup. 98
Sup. 107 silk, E. I. Co.'s trade in, .. .. .. 58, 64 Seven Seas, Sup. 97; for guardian deities of, silver, and gold coins, in India .. 35 n.
see Turmeric, Sup. 106 ; see also Gini Kandi Sims-bändima, a rite, eto. .. .. Sup. 98 Yakini, Sup. 26; Golu-ksrtti Yakini, Sup. 27; Simha-bå, son of Susis and the Lion-king, Le-riri, Sup. 51; Oceans, Sup. 68 ; Seas, Sup. Sup. 98 ; 800 Vijaya, Sup. 116; Mayavati, Sup. 63
96 ; Seven Queens . .. .. Sup. 97 Simha Devi, m. of Budahu .. .. Sup. 98 Seven Thousand Country, Yélusåvirs .. 141 Simha Kumâra Raja, f. of Dala Raja Sup. 98 Seventeenth Century Anglo-Indian Worthies, Simhala, and Ceylon
.. . . 88 No. V, J. Harding . ..
57-68 Sinhaladelpa Katha, the, and the conquest of sex, change of .. .. .. .. F. G. 124 Kandy
.. .. 88, f. Shah Abbae, and Tirumal Naik .. 171 n. Simhapura, Salt Range kingdom, and Chan. Shah Jahan, and the Dutch ... .. .. 182 dragupta .. .. .. .. 30, . Shahrukh, his embassy to Vijayanagar .. 140 Simha Rşi, f. of Guru... .. .. Sup. 98 Shambhú Naik, character in the Ballad of Simha-valli. (1) m. of Guru, (2) Sister of SimbaKhwaja Naik - . .
.
51 bå' .. .. .. .. .. Sup. 98 Shan, (Ailao, later Nanchao and Pong) king.
Sin, Sup. 98 ; nee Hin ...... Sup. 31 dom, in Upper Burma .. .. 41, 42, 44
Sinbyūshin, a k. of the dynasty of Alaung. Shana, and Burmese 41 ; and Siam 43; and
playa . .. .. . .. . 43 Kublai Khan 44 ; and Gisochi .. .. 46
Singale, sister of MadhavâchArye . .. 2 shells, conch .. .. .. .. .. 71 Singhalese, and Kumara Krishnappa 8 8, f Shemine, courtiers, Hobson-Jobson .. .. 156
Singhalese Folkore from Ballad Sources, AlphaShepherds or Kiang, name of the Tibetans 38
betical guide to .. .. Sup. 1-116 Shi Hwangti, Chinese conqueror, fuzerain of
Sinnå Kadavara, d. .. .. .. Sup. 98 Annam, etc. . .
ofp, a shell, Prakrit sippa F. G. 124
.. .. .. Shikhandi, warrior, who changed sex
16 Ship, the firs) English, to visit Siam
Sirasa-padaya, an exorcism .. .. 45
.. .. Sup. 98 Shirpur, Khandesh vil., in Ballad of Khwaja
Siri Bisava, female d., Sup. 98 ; see Ratikan.
madana Yakini Naik
.. .. .. Sup. 86 ..
.. 47–50; 53 .. .. . Shiva, 8., and the Rakahasas .. .. F. G. 115
Siri Kadavara, d. Sup. 98; see Riri Yaka Sup. 88 shok-pagalans, mourning foot-printa F. G. 115 Siri kata, see Siriya . . . . . . Sup. 98 shote, leaden, wod by Tirumal Naik
100 n. Siri Kum&ra, spirit ... . .. Sup. 98
Sirimalvatta Appu, d. Sup. 98; see Pițiya Devi shraddhaa,
.. .. .. .. F. G.117 Shwebo, home of Alaungphaga . .. 43
Sup. 80 Shwedagon Pagoda, near Rangoon . .. 43
Sirima Pattini, Sup. 98 ; nee Pattini Sup. 72 Siam, the Belgium of E. Asia, 38 , history of,
Sirime Kadavara, d. . . . . Sup. 98 eto, 42; English form of Sayam 43 ; and the Siripoti, one of the mothers of Dovol Deviyo West, 44, 45; and the French 47+Dutch fac
Sup. 98 tory 131 ; Settlement 136; and the use of the
Siri-pulutu, companion of Ratikan . Sup. 98 selwy . .. ..
Siriya, Siri-kata, Hindu Brî earth goddess, Sup. Siamese, Indo-Chinese race, etc., 37, f. ; 41, f. 98; see Seven Devas, Sup. 97; Divi Dos,
dates and history, Plate 2; .. .. 43, f. Sup. 22 ; Lakşmi, Sup. 50; Lily, Sup. 51; Sin Yuthia, Ayuthia, cap. of a Shan kingdom 44 Vişnu, Sup. 116; Bri-kAnt&va, Sup. 101; Siddha Mangara, 8., Sup. 97; see Riri Yaka, Briya Devi. . . .. .. Sup. 102
Sup. 88; Maigra Devi .. . Sup. 59 Siri Yaka, d., Sup. 99; Ne Visala, Sup. 116; Siddha Pattini, Sup. 97; see Pattini Sup. 72 Riri Yaka .. .. .. .. Sup. 88 Siddhapur, tn., and Shraddhas
F. G. 117, f. Sisi-put, Sup. 99; me Budahu . Sup. 12 Siddharatha Bakya muni, contemporary of Sisunaga, usurper, .. 8, 9 & n., 10; 12; 31
Bimbisåra .. .. .. .. .. 11 Sita and Rama .. .. .. .. 79 f. Siddhi Karan, Dharmarija's book F. G. 110 Sita, Sup. 99 ; w. of Ráma, q. v. Sup. 84 ; see Mala Siddhi Maralu, Sup. 97; see Maralu Yaka, Sup. 62 Raja, Sup. 56 ; Vali Yaka, Sup. 109; Wooden siege, of Mulsûr .. .. .. .. 141 Peacock; Kit Siri, Sup. 47; Ravana, Sup. Sikofuru, Mavadi, female spirit .. F. G. 117 87; Saman, Sup. 92 ; Vişnu .. Sup. 116 Sikur, Sup. 97: Sukra, Sup. 102; Kivi, Sup. Sita Yaka, d. .. .. . . .. . Sup. 99
47; Venus, Sup. 112; see Planets Sup. 81 si-tion, Western Heaven or India .. .. 140
.
.. 155

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INDEX
Hiva, 8. Tryambakanátha, 4; and Tirumal Somavati Devi, princess, Sup. 101; Dadi Naik .. .. .. .. .. 161
. . Sup. 18Siva," Hindu g., Sup. 99; Isvara, Sup. 33 ; see Sonalu, a queen, Sup. 101; Boe Vata Kumara, Alphabet, Sup. 3; Abina-8&ntiya, Sup. 2 ALA
Sup. 111 Magula, Sup. 6; Cobra, Cocoa-nut, Sup. 14; Son Kadavara, Sup. 101; see Bohon Kadavara, Gana Devi, Sup. 28; Bhagmasura, Sup. 10 ;
Sup. 100 Devel Dovi, Sup. 20; Devi Dos, Sup. 22; Sonuttara, a friar Sup. 101: see Botel Sup. 9 Bodhi-sattva, Sup. 11 : Cloth, Sup. 14; Dala Sori Kadevara, d.
. . Sup. 101 Raja Sup. 17; Fowls, Sup. 24; Huni. Soshi, a chudel .. .. ..
E.G. 116 yan Yaka, Sup. 31; Panduvas, Sup. 71; soul, and body .. .. .. F. G. 109-111 Tovil, Sup. 104; Abhůta Devi, Sup. 2; Lily, |- Spain, and Holland 137 ; and Portugal .. 138 Sup. 51; Riri Yaka, Sup. 88; Tanipola Riri
specio, imported into 8. India .. .. .. 132 Yaka, Sup. 103 ; Tota Kadavara, Sup. 105;
Spioe Islands, and the Dutoh.. .. Arrow, Sup. 5; MA-devi, Sup. 52; Maha.
.. 136
spirits, F. G. 111; evil 112 & n.; and yawning devi, Sup. 53; Mani-mekhalAva, Sup. 61; Mehesuru, Sup. 63; Pera Deva, Sup. 78;
. . 114-116; 119 Sarasvati, Sup. 95; Tunnet Tuman,
gravaņa-Belgola inscrip. .. .. .. 141 Uma • •
.
• .
Sreniya, guildsman, & name of Bimbiatra 11; •
. . Sup. 106 Niva-kali, goddess, Sup. 100 ; see Kali.. Sup. 36 Sreşya
.. .. .. .. 13; 31 Sivappa Naik, date, eto. .. .. 199 n.
Sri Banvi, Banoeuy, Cham Cap. .. .. 46 Siva-yare, aparit, Sup. 100; and Bisi-billa Sup. 11
Srijaya, dynmaty of Champa .. .. 46, f. Sivu, Varan, Sup. 100 ; see Guardian Gods, Sup. 28
Sri-kantava, Sup. 101; see Siriya . Sup. 98 Syaoni inscrip., and Devapala .. .. 122 Srikantha, guru to Madhavacharya 2 ; identical Siya-vatuka Yaka, d. Sup. 100 ; se Vifaa Sup. 116 with Srikanthanatha . .. 3, 4; 6; 24 Skande, Sup. 100; we Kanda .. . Sup. 45
Brimate, m. of MadhavachArya .. 1; 6 aloloas, and stras
.. .. .. .114 Brongeri, inscripe. 3; matha 19; grants 190 n. Small Pox, Sup. 100; see Kali, Sup. 38 : Muttu. Srinivasa temple, Krishnapuram .. .. 90 mári, Sup. 68; Vaduru MA.devi Sup. 108 ! Biri-patra, Sup. 101; see Betel
Sup. 9 anake, as treasure guardian .. .-F. G. 119 Briperumbudur, birth place of Ramanuja . . 142 sneezing .. .. .. .. F. G. 113, f. Sri Rama, and Udayâr Raj 135; formal men. Soares, Diogo, Portuguese soldier, and Tabin tion of .. .. .. .. .. 200
Shwedi .. .. .. .. .. .. 42 Bri Ranga I., emperor, son of Tirumala 92 ; 200 Sobhita, Sup. 100 ; a former Buddha q. v. Sup. Srirangam, and Achyutappa Naik, eto. 134; 164
12; see Maha-sohon Y&ka .. . Sup. 55 Sri Ranganatha, 8., and Tirumal Naik 100 n. Social customs, and prejudices, Indian, and Srirangapatanam, and the Kartas 84 ; or 3rf.
Christianity . .. .. .. .. 108 rangapatnam, and Aryandtha 87; and Raja Sodnam Rgyamtso, abbot, 39; first Dalai Lama 40 Udayar 92; 134 & n.; and Bijapur 197 ; and Eohona Yaka, (1) demon, (2) f. of Ratikan, Sup.
Bednore, 200 ; and Muttu Kumâra.. .. 202 100 ; nee Maha-Bohona Yaka . Sup. 65 Bri Ranga Raya, Sri Ranga, I., 92 ; 134 n. ; 200 ; Sohon Gari, d. Sup. 100 ; see Gari .. .. 25 III., and Tirumal Naik, eto... . 186—187, Bohan Giri, goddess, Sup. 100; 300 Ratikan Sup.88
197—200 &n. Sohon Kalavara, d., Sup. 100 ; Son Kadavara, Bri Vallabha, and Ati Vira Rama Pandya, 100, 101 n.
Sup. 101 ; see Dala Raja .. .. Sup. 17 Srivilliputtûr, O., hás famous buildings 161, 1., 164 Sokeri, comedy heroine, Sup. 100; see Andi Sriya Devi, Sup. 102 ; se Siriyê . Sup. 98
Guru .. .. .. .. .. Sup. 4. sro, reo, numerical symbol .. .. .. 123 S6lavandân, (form of Chóļântaka) near Madura, Srong-tean Gampo, (Srong-teampo) Tibetan home of Aryanatha
.. 85 & n., 86 conqueror .. .. .. .. 39 f. Soli-kumaru, a spirit, Soli Maha-raja, Sup. 101; Srůtas gara, and Valmiki Sutras .. 144, 146
soe Elala, Sup. 24; Konda-raja . Sup. 47 Srutavarman, or Kaundinya, k. of Kambūja.. 44 Soli Maharaja, the Cola k., Soli-Kumaru, Sup. 101
sthalddaya, import tax .. .. Solli-kumara Pițiya Devi, g. .. .. Sup. 101
sthana tiar, temple managers . . .. 69 Solman Kadavara, spirit .. .. Sup. 101
stars, and birth .. ..
.. F. G. 118 Soma Rei, f. of Sandu .. .. .. Sup. 101 statue, statues, of Visvanatha, 75 ; Aryanatha Soma-valli, (1) m. of Kambili Kadavara, (2) m.
102; Tirumal Naik .. .. .. 161, f. of Sandu ..
.. .. .. .. Sup. 101 stone, which neutralises poison .. .. 140
..
70

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INDEX
245
..
.
po
Stone, G., and J. Harding ..
.. 63 Surendra Rbi, 1. of Budahu
.. .. Sup. 103 Storia de Mogor, and the Ramnad Campaign of Sari, Abhayachandrasuri Tirumal Naik
.. . . 170 n. Suropuro, evil spirit .. . . . F. G. 116 Strait Settlements, and the Dutch etc.
Surya, Sup. 102 ; see Iru
.. Sup. 32 Strangrome, Robt., Capt., of the Loyal Adven. Surya-mangale, poem . .. .. Sup. 102 Pure .. .. .. .. .. .. 87
Surya-valalla a hoop for exorcism. Sup. 10%; Streynsham Master, and J. Harding .. .. see Valalu .. .. .. .. Sup. 108 Stapa, the Chir .. .. .. .. .. 120 SumA, m. of Simha-bA .. . Sup. 102 eldpas, as treasuries ..
Susubi, m. of Oddisa .. .. .. Sup. 103 Subramanya shrine, Tanjore .
.. 162 Bubunaga, first k. of Magadha .. .. .. 16 Suba-siri-mangale, rite, Sup. 102; see Maha- Sutherland, Major, in Ballad of Khwaja Naik 48
sammata, Sup. 59; Rşis .. .. Sup. 90 Satra, style, of the original form of the MamuSuchindram inscrip. ..
.. 168 n. amrits .. .. .. .. .. 113, f. Sudarsana, (1) brother of Vijaya, (2) son of Ma- Sutrus, attributed to Valmiki, the author of ha-ammata, Sup. 102 ; see Maha-kela, Sup.
them .. ..
.. ..
.. ..
.. 142–147 63; Mahe-sammata, Sup. 66; Reis.. Sup. 90 otras, early, and the Brahmans of Magadha 8 Suddhisvaradeva .. .. .. .. .. 79 Suva Raja, Sup. 103 ; seu Palanga . Sup. 70 Budraka, and the Charudatta-nataka .. 193, f. Suy dynasty, and the Cham kings . .. 46 Badra, and royal power .. .. .. 84 syphilis, Parangi disease . 1 . Sup. 76 Sudu-mal Kumaru, Sup. 102; see Dadimuqda, Syriam, and, Philip the Brito, 42; French
Sup. 18 settlement .. .. .. .. .. .43 Sudyaman, k., changed his sex .. F. G. 124 Syrian Christians of Malaber, and the Jouuite 107 suffix, the, in Old W. Rajasthani .. 6,7 Swapnandoavadatta, drama, attributed to Bhasa suicides .. .. .. .. .. F. G. 111
189194 Bukra, son of Bhrigu, 116; Uslnas 126 : au. SvargavilAsam, throne room of Tirumal Naik .. 168
thor of the Nitiddatna . . .. 129 Svarna Devi deity, Sup. 103 ; see Drums Sup. 23 Sukra, Sup. 102 ; see Sikurd ..... Sup. 97 Sulambavati Sup. 102; o. of Krana Raja, 9. v.
Sup. 49; see Sapu-Mal .. . .. Sup. 95 Sulu Ofdisa, Sup. 102 ; see Oddisa . Sup. 88 Tabin Shwedi, Burmese horo .. .. .. 42 Sumana Deva, Sup. 102 ; 800 Saman.. Sup. 92 | Tadilikombu, insorip .. Sumantramůrti Acharya, chief artist in Madura 161 Tagaung, in Burma, Indian Hindu mottlement 41 Sumati, son of Bhrigu, and the Manusmriti 115 Tahafici, taboo poem .. .. .. Sup. 103 Sumatra, isl., 67; Dutch factory .. .. 131 Tak, Chaophay& Taksin .. .. .. 43 Sumitra, k. of Kosala ..
.. 14, 28 Takari Yakini, female d., Sup. 103 ; nee Cobra Sun, g., Indraditya 122 ; temple of .. .. 124 Sun, Sup. 102 ; see Iru .. .. .. Sup. 32 Takkhasila, Taxila Sundartsvara, Varatuiga Ráma .. .. 100 Takpa Raja, f. of Yamadati .. .. Sup. 103 Sundart vara, temple, Madura, in which is a
Tala-gas, Sup. 103 ; see Palm .. .. Sup. 70 statue of Visvanatha. i .. 75; 150; 162 Tallings, of Pegu 37, f. ; rulers of Burma, and Sunidha, minister to Ajátasatru .. .. 13 Buddhism, etc. .. .. .. 41–44 Süniyan Yaka, Sup. 102, se Hûniyan Yaka Sup. 31 TalAtu, d. Sup. 103 ; 900 VISAIA .. Bup. 116 Superstitions, Hindu, and de Nobilis 119, 138, Talcaud, conquered by Raj Udayar .. .. 135
140 ;-148 idli, the, allowed by de Nobilis ..118, 1., 148 Sûphay&låt, q. to Thibaw .. .. .. 43 Talkad, in Mysore, in which is the Balakrishņ&suppression of the Jesuit Society .. .. 148
nanda matha .. .. .. .. .. 17 Suramba, k. and Wooden Peacock . Sup. 102 Talikottah, battle 82; Kumara Krishnappa's SurambAvati, Sup. 102 ; see MAtalan Sup. 62
part in it; 83 and Aryanátha etc. 84, f. ; 100 n. ; Sura-nandana Devi, w. of Maha-sammata Sup. 102
186; 197 Surapoti, (1) spirit (see Cocoa-nut; Sup. 14;) (2) tallipoies, priests
. . . . . 155, L one of the mothers of the Devol Deviyð Sup. 102 Tamagam, summer house
.. .. .. 165 Sura-rada Kumaru, Sup. 102 ; see Kanda Sup. 43 Tamanértta, br. of Vira-munda. .. Sup. 103 garagenan, and the religion of Vasudeva .. 11 Tamarao, Narasimha II. .. .. .. 172 Suratha, Kosala k. .. .. .. .. 28 Tambi Setupati ... .. 169, f. ; 184 ; 201 & n. Surdhan, palio F. G. 111: male evil spirit F. G. 117 | Tamil, inscrips., 36; literature, and do Nobilis 118
.. 185
Sup. 14

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246
Tammarasa, religious guide to Tirumal Naik 100 n. Tanhankara, Sup. 103; see Buddha..
Sup. 12 Sup. 103
INDEX
Tani Kadavara, solitary spirit Tanipola Riri Yaka, d. Sup. 103; see Rîri Yaka,
Sup. 88; Blood Lake, Sup. 11; Devel Devi, Sup. 20; Siva, Sup. 100; Vesamunu Sup. 112 Tanjore, Nayakers of, their tribute 32, f.; and the Naiks 82; and the Penukonda Chandragiri Empire, etc. 83 n., 84; and Aryanatha 87; changes in, 101, f.; independent 104; Gentoo co., 107 n. ; and the war of imperial succession, etc. 133-135; and the Danes 136; and the Portuguese 137; 182; Pagoda 162; and architecture etc. 164, 166; and Tirumal Naik, 171; 185, f.; and the Dutch etc., 182; 187, f.; and Golconda 196; 198 104 tanks, made by Muttu Krishnappa Tântia Topi, Mutiny rebel, in Ballad of Khwaja Naik .. ..47, f. Tápasavatsaraja, the, and the Svapnavásavadatta 195 Târâ Bhagavati, goddess, Sup. 104; see Mänik. püla
Sup. 60 39; 41 154 n.
Tashilhunpo, monastery, Tibet Tatta Buddhi, building in Madura Tattvabodha Svámi, name assumed by de Nobi
lis
Taungu, Burman Shan kingdom
118 n. 42 F. G. 117
Taxamis, order of ghosts
taxes, Naik 33-35, list of 36 & n. ; 69; professional etc.
70-&. n. 29, f.
Taxila, Takkhasila, 9; seat of learning Taxila Scroll Inscription, of the year 136 120-122 Teda Devel Yaka, d., Sup. 104; see Visala Sup. 116 Teda Kadavara, Sup. 104; see Kambili Kada
vara
Sup. 41 Teda Kurumbura, companion of Devel Devi Sup. 104 Sup. 72 Sup. 104 Sup. 104
Teda Pattini, Sup. 104; see Pattini
Tedapoti, a mother of the Devel Deviyo Têdas Bandara, g.
Tedas Kadavara spirit Sup. 104; perhaps Mul
Kadavara, Sup. 65; see Buddha
Tel Kadavara, d.
..
Tevera, Marava leader Thais, collective name of three Indo-Chinese tribes 38; 43 Thatôn, in L. Burma, Talaing cap., Indian Hindu settlement in, ..
The Different Vocations of the Four Sons of the Merchant Dhanåvaha, Old W. Rajasthânî text 93 The Monkey and the Wedge, Old W. Rajas. thâni text
..
170 n.
The Weaver as Vishnu, Old W. Rajasthânî text Thênga (Singha) Raja, founder of the Burmese
era
Tira, Sup. 104; see Curtain Tirima, m. of Pattini
..
41
94
95
Thibaw, k. of Burma
Thich'ung, Chiefs of U, C. Tibet.
Thodang, Monastery, in Nâri, W. Tibet
Thonmi Sambhotâ, Tibetan minister, and Buddhism 38, 40 Threder, Threader, etc., J., and J. Harding 63-65 Three Kings, Sup. 104; see Mala Raja, Sup. 56; Sandalindu, Sup. 93; Kit-siri, Sup. 47; Kings, Three Sup. 45 Thumbichchi Naik, rebel Toṭṭiyan Chief 87, f.; or Tumbichchi Naik, and Christianity 119 n. ; 171; 178 n⚫ Tibet, dates in history of, Plate 1; and Burma .. 38, f. 37-39, 41 185 n. Timma Raya, perhaps Tirumal Naik Tinnevelly, pagodas etc., 54 n. ; 55; 90; 162, f,; and Visvanatha 74, f.; and Kumara Krishnapa 83 & n.; 92 Sup. 15 Sup. 104
etc. Tibetans, Indo-Chinese
92 70
41
43
39
39
Tirukkarangudi temple, grant to Tirukkaṭṭuppalli inscrip. at Tirumala, emp., and Venkatadri etc. 84, f,; and Virappa
Sup. 12 Sup. 104 Sup. 104
Tel Rami, consort of Ratikan Telugu, literature, studied by de Nobilis .. 118 temple, temples, and Tirumal Naik 33; 161, f.;
Tirumalai Kondaiya, and Tirumal Naik Tirumalai, Setupati, title of Ranganatha Tirumal Naik, 32; temple gifts, etc.; 54, 56 & n.; personal tastes 73; 100 & n. ; builder, etc., 104; 149 & n.; 150 f.; 161; 163-165; and Muttu Virappa 132 & n. ; 136; 138; at war with Mysore 167; with Travancore 168; and the Setupati rebellion; his policy, etc. 169 171 & n.; and Ramappaiya 179; 181; and the Portuguese etc., 182 & n.; and Sadayakka, and the Maravas, 184 & n.; or Timma Raya 185; and Vijayanagar, and Abdulla Kutb Shah 186 & n. ; and Golconda 196; 198, f.; inscrip. of, etc., 200-202 & n. ; and de Nobilis. 204 Tirumal Raya Tirupparankunram, sacred rock, Madura .. 151 135 Teruppuvana, near Sivaganga, religious centre 180
and Ryota 35; and Aryanatha 86, f.; 102; Muttu Krishnappa 104; Jain, in Mullur 141; of Minakshi, Madura 150, f. Tenasserim, became British 43 Tenkasi, inscrip. 85 n.; 100; Pandyan dynasty of, 100
134 n.
101 n. teppakkulams, built by Krishnappa 90; at .. Madura Terkanamby, annexed by Raj Udayar
161, f,
92 .. 171 202

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INDEX
247
.
..
24
Tiruvádani, dist.
.. 201 Travancore, and Madura 102 ; and Tirumal Tiruvallam, N. Arcot, inscrip, at ..
Naik, etc. .. 168 & n., 169. 171 n. ; 186 Tiruvattår, inscrip. .. .. .. 168 n. travellers, etc., in Madura .. .. .. 105 Tiruvêngadanathaiye, a Naik Governor .. 55 Travellers, early, (1545-1645) some Hobson TiruvOngala, 8., of Vijayanagar, on coins .. 104
Jobsons in .. .. .. .. 155, . Tiruverambur, fort .. .. .. 91 n. trawari, step-well
.. .. 122 Tithi-pradipika, a work by Nrisimhasûri, refers treasure, English looted by Khwaja Naik 48, f.;
to VidyArana .. .. .. .. .. 18 guarded by snakes .. .. .. F. G. 119 To-bhot (Stod-bod) etc. and Tibet . .. 38
treaties, trade, in India ..
.. .. .. 104 Tolaho, Sup. 104, see Lily .. . Sup. 51
Triad, the Hindu Toleration, religious, under KAkavarna 10; 31; tribal communities, under the Mauryas .. 29
edict of, to Christianity. by Tirumal Naik.. 204 tribute, Naik, 33; from Ceylon to Portugal 131 n. Tonk-king, home of the Annamese, 38; French
Trichinopoly, and Aryanatha 86; fort 91 ; 132 protectorate .. .. .. .. .. 47 & n. ; 133 ; and Tirumal NAK; 150 ; 188 n. ; Tonlesap. 1. .. .. .. .. .. 44 visited by de Nobilis .. . 203, f. Tonquin, Dutch factory .. .. .. .. 131 Trincomali, fort, and the Portuguese 181; and Tooth, of Buddha, in Burma .. .. .. 42 Dutch .. .. .. .. .. 182 n. Toran, Sup. 104; sen Arch. .. .. Sup. 5. Trinh, family, rulers of Annam .. .. 47 Torch, in exorcism, Sup. 104; see Davel Devi Trinity, the, Trenity 61 & n.; or Trial, Hindu, Sup. 20; Pattini, Sup. 72; Ananda Thera,
and de Nobilis
.. .. .. .. 119 Sup. 4; Fowl, Sup. 24; Hanuman, Sup. 29; Tripurasur, a rakahasa .. .. 1. G. 115 Kanda, Sup. 41; Maha-sammata, Sup. 55; Trivakkali, m. of Devel Devi .. .. Sup. 106 Pandam, Sup. 71; Säkra, Sup. 92 ; Uma, Sup. Trivikrama, Satras attributed to him.. 142-147
106; Valahaka, Sup. 108; Vikara Devi Sup. 114 trso, rso, numerical sysmbol .. .. .. 123 torture, punishments, early forms of .. 29 & n. Tryambakanátha, Siva g. . . . . . 4 Toshi, a chudel . .. .. F. G. 116, f. Tein, dynasty of China, and Annam . .. 46 Topping, R., of the Doddington .. .. 110, f. Tsongkapa, Tibetan Reformer .. .. 40 Tota Giri, goddess, apparently Tota-hali. Giri,
Tumbichchi Naik, Thumbichchi, Tottiyan
chief 87, f. ; And Christianity 119 n.; and Sup. 105; kee Giri .. .. .. Sup. 27
Tirumal Naik 171 ;.
. .. 178 n. Tota hali Giri, goddess, and Toța Giri, Sup.
Tun 133-raju, three spirits
.. 105 ; see Giri.. ..
Sup. 27 . . ..
Sup. 106 Tota Kadavara, Ford, d., Sup. 105; see Nata
Tun-net Tuman, Sup. 106 ; gee Siva .. Sup. 99
Turiki, Någa k., f. of Kali . .. Sup. 106 Deva, Sup. 67 Ratna-podi, Sup. 86; iva,
Turk, name applied to de Nobilis . 100 ; Vira-munda ..
.. 130 .. .. Sup. 115
Turmeric, Sup. 106 ; see mangra Devi, Sup. 59; Tota Kurumbura, Sup. 106; see Kurumbura, Sup.50
Na-mal Kumâra, Sup. 66 ; Tovil, Sup. 106 ; To:a Madana, d., Sup. 106; see Ratikan Sup. 85
Vas, Sup. 110; Ayilakkandi, Sup. 7; Gini To ta-pala Kadavara, d... .. .. Sup. 106 Kanda Yakini, Sup. 26; Golu-kirtti, Sup. Tournon, Charles Maillard de, Papal tegate to
27; Kaha-diya, Sup. 35; KAla-huta Yakini, S. India .. .. .. .. .. 148
Sup. 36 ; Lê-riri Sup. 51; Mänikpala, Sup. 60; Tovil, exorcism, and Turmeric, Sup. 106 see
Mihikata, Sup. 63; Oddisa, Sup 69; Sakra, Betel, Sup. 9; Cocoa-nut, Sup. 14; Mihi kat,
Sup. 92; Seven Sons . . Sup. 97 Sup. 6.5; Pirittuva, Sup. 80 ; Saman, Sup.
Turushkas, and Madhava-mantri .. 5, 6; 89 92; Samayan, Sup. 93 ; Biva . Sup. 99
Turuvêngadatha Dêva, of Krishnapuram, temTower of Madura, inscrip. .. .. 133. 1.
ple
.. .. 83 n. tmde, and commerce, European, with Siam 45 ;
Tuscany, birthplace of de Nobilis .. . 107 in W. Coast of India, and the Portuguese
Tuticorin, sea duties at, 70 ; and the Portu. 70n. 101; treaties, 104; 131 ; Dutch Mono
guese and Dutch .. .. .. 182 n. poly, 131, f. ; settlement, English 132; Dutch, Twelve Gods, Sup. 106 : see Dolaha Deviyo, Sup. 61 136, f. ; Japanese, etc., in elephants 182 & 1.
tyranny and oppression, in Madura . 5. 54 tradition, and the date of the Manusmriti .. 115 Trailokyamohana, 8. . . . . . . 124 Tranquebar, Danish settlement, or, Sadangam. , in C. Tibet .. .. .. .. .. 39 badi
.. .. .. .. 136 & n. Uddhara: amdia, a work by Bhoganatha 22, 24 transmigrations, of Brahmadatta .. .. 9 Udakke, Sup. 106 ; see Drums
Sup. 23

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248
INDEX
Uda-mangra Yaka, d., Sup. 106; see Viala, Sup. 116
Urumusi Yaku, follower of Dadimunda Sup. 107 Udaya, k. and Pataligrama 13 n.; Kusuma.
Uruvesi, Sup. 107; see MA-devi.. . Sup. 62 pura .. .. .. .. 14; 28; 31,
Urvasi, hero ... .. .. .. 191 & n. Udayan letupati, title of Sadayakka 106 & n.
Ulanas, or Sukra, and Manu .. .. .. 126 Udayana, k. of Kaubambi, 14; marriage of 18
Usangoda Bisava, goddess, Sup. 107; nee Kiri & n. 190, 1. ; 28; and Dariaka 31 ; or Vat. Amma, Sup. 45; Seven Queens .. Sup. 97 sarju .. .. .. .. .. 192, f.
usurpation, by Kasturi Ranga 103 ; others, in Udayar Raja 92 ; and the war of imperial suo
Vijayanagar . . . . . .
.. .. 172 cession 184 & n.; and Tanjora .. .. 135
Usvade Kande BandAra, g. .. .. Sup. 107 Udaykrpalayam, wooda, N. boundary of Madura 102
war, offering .. .. .. .. F. G. 121 Udayars of Maisûr, and the Nails of Madura. . 135
Uthead, fort in Pampa, and the Portuguese. . 183 Udayibhadra, founder of Pataliputra .. .. 13
Uttara-rdmacharita, work by Bhavabhati. 191 Uduvela-piyasa Rata Sami, a Gini-kanda Kada
Uvdesamárd, work by Dhamadasa .. .. 96 vara .. .. .. .. .. Sup. 106 Uduvella Rala, d., Bup. 108; see Pitiya Devi Sup. 80 Uggal Surindu, deity .. .. .. Sup. 106
Vadakku, vil., subdued by Sadayakka.. .. 106 Ujjayini, Oujein ..
.. .. 192
Väde Yak Kadavara, d... .. . Sup. 107 Ulapane Band Ara, d. Sup. 106; see Perahára,
Vadiga Kurumbura Yakas, Sup. 107; see Gang Sup. 78 Bandara ..
. .. .. Sup. 25 Uma, Hindu goddess, Sup. 106 ; Parvati, Sup.
Vadigala Yakas, demons. .. .. .. Sup. 107 72; W. of Biva, 9. v. Sup. 99;. m. of Kanda,
Vadiga patuna Sup. 107; for legend of " Vadiga 9. u. Sup. 43 see Ata Magula, Sup. 6; see
casket," see MA-sard Raja . Sup. 57 Minikpala, Sup. 60 ; Sellan Kadavara, Sup.
Vadiga Pedi Tantila, d., Sup. 107; see Pitiya 96 : Seven Devas, Sup. 97; Valli Amma,
Devi .. .. .. .. .. Sup. 80 Sup. 109; Betel, Sup. 9; Cobra, Sup. 14;
Vadiga Rei, sage, Sup. 107; Heo Malsard Raja, Kota halu, Sup. 47; Torch .. .. Sup. 104
Sup. 57; Curtain . ..
.. .. Sup. 15 Uma Mahesin, vow .. .
oup .. F. G. 124 Vädi Kadavara, d...
.. .. Sup. 107 Umavati, goddess, Sup. 107; see Aţa Magula
Vai Maralu, companion of Maralu Yaka, Sup. 107
Sup. 6 Vadi Raju, 8., Sup. 107; see Pattini .. Sup. 72 Umaya Devi Yakini, femalo spirit, Sup. 107;
Vädi Riri, g. .. .. .. .. Sup. 107 see Samayan . .. .. .. Sup. 93 Vadi sami, Sup. 107; se Kalu BandAra, Sup. 38 Umfposi, riv. in E. Africa .. . 111 n.
Vadi Yaka, d. .. .. .. .. Sup. 107 Ummattor, and Udayar Raj . .. .. 135
Vádi-Yakes, Sup. 108; see Panduvar, Sup. 71; Una, Sup. 107; seo Fever .. . Sup. 24
Jivahatta
. . . Sup. 33 Una Gara, fover spirit, Sup. 107 ; ne Bali, Sup. 8 |
Vadugas, and Singhalese, 88 ; and Christianity Unapina Kiri Amma, Sup. 107; see Kiri Am.
107; their troops, and the Portugueso, eto. 137; 171 ma .. .. .. .. .. Sup. 48 Vaduru, Sup. 108; see Small-pox . Sup. 100 Undammita Raja, a form of Sakra, Sup. 107; Vaduru-halamba, Sup. 108; on " Smallpox
300 VA .. .. .. .. .. Sup. 110 bangles" of KAli, see KAli .. .. Sup. 36 unkardo, dunghill, used as a name .. F. G. 122 Vaduru-Kali, Sup. 108; 30 Kali Sup. 38; Unni Kerala Vanna, granted Vizhinjam to the
Vigala .. .. .. .. .. Sup. 116 E. I. Co... .. .. .. .. .. 168 Vadura Ma-devi, goddess, evidently same as Unuvinne BandAra, Sup. 107; see Vanni Ban. Vaduru kali, Sup. 108; Be Small pox Sup. 100 dara .. .
.. . Sup. 110 VAhala Bandara, Sup. 108; 3e Senovi-ratna, Upanishads, treated by Madhava-mantri 4:
Sup. 96 studied by do Nobilis .. .. .. .. 108 Vahala Deva, Sup. 108; hee Vasala Deva Sup. 111 Upanishanmdrga-pratishthaguru, 4, Upanishan.
VAhala Devel, Sup. 108; see Devel Devi Sup. 20 marga-pravartakacharya, titles applied to Vahana, or pagoda, pon, coin .. .. ..33 n. Madhava-mantri
Vaigai, riv. dams of .. .. .. .. 74 Upulvan, Sup. 107; no Vienu .. Sup. 116 Vairava, Sup. 108 ; Ne Bhairava .. Sup. 10 UramAla Pattini, Sup. 107: Nee Pattini Sup. 72 Vairavikulam, inscrip. .. .. .. 171 n. Uraniya, Naga k., Sup. 107; soo Molan Gard Vaisali, tn., and Bimbishra 11; Council of 12;
Sup. 64 and Vesali. . . . 14 & n. ; 16; 31 Urayar, tn., and Virappa
.. .. 133 | Vaisravana, Sup. 108; see Vesamunu.. Sup. 112 Uroja Murárkja, Annamene chie .. .. 46 Vaitålikas, attendants on Shiva .. ..F. G. 116

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INDEX
Vaiydsika-Nydyamdidvistara, a work by Ma.
dhavacharya
18 13
Vajira, q. to Ajàtasatru..
Vajra Dalai Lama, the first, Sodnam Rgyaintso 40 Vajrapati Gopalu Yakini, m. of Oddisa Sup. 108 Vajrasana, Buddhas' seat, Sup. 108; Vidurâ. sana, Sup. 113; see Curtain Sup. 15; for the Viduråsana-halamba, see Bangle
Vala-bahu, k.
Valabhi, princes, and the Gupta era Valahaka, Vala Devi, Spirit, Sup. 108; see
Betel, Sup. 9; Fowl, Sup. 24; Limes Sup. 51; Rukattana, Sup. 90; Torch. Sup. 104 Valakul, Cloud deity, Sup. 108; see Ata Ma gula Sup. 6
Sup. 9 Sup. 108 .. 122
Valalu, exorcism, Sup. 108; see Maha-sammats Sup. 53; Oddisa, Sup. 68; Surya-vallala, Sup. 102; Vas, Sup. 110; Vine, Sup. 115; Areca-sickle, Sup. 5; Bodhi-sattva, Buddha, Sup. 12; Dala Kada Rsi, Sup. 16; Nagara Rsi, Sup. 66; Saman, Sup. 92; Vina Sup. 114 Valanâd, rocks
90
Välihela Gama-råla, f. of Kohomba Raja Sup. 109 Vali Matâ, see Valli Amma Sup. 109 Valimukham, Bay, Ramnad coast, sandstone from 163 n. Vali Yaka, spirit, Sup. 109; see Bangle, Sup. 9: Pattini, Sup. 72; Saman, Sup. 92; Sita, Sup. 99 Vali Yakas, spirits Sup. 109 Vali Yak Kadavara, g. Sup. 109; see Valli Yak Sup. 110
Kadavara
100
Vallabha Marendra, k. Vallam, battle 100 n.; and "Vijaya Ragananda" of Tanjore
valleys, haunts of evil spirits
132 n. F. G. 119 Valli Amma, Sup. 109; mortal bride of Kanda, q. v. Sup. 43; see Sandun Kumara, Sup. 93; Narada, Sup. 67; Uma, Sup. 106; Vali Mata Sup. 109; Väl Mava
Valli Yakas, Sup. 110; see Vali Yakas Valli Yak Devi, V. Y Giri, Sup. 110; see Giri
Sup. 110 Sup. 109
Sup. 27
Valli Yak Kadavara, Sup. 110; see Vali Yak Kadavara Sup. 109 Väl Mava, Sup. 110; see Valli Amma Sup. 109 Valmiki, the author of the Sutras attributed to him
142-147 193-195
Vamana, poet, date Vânadarayar, and Virappa
91
Vana Giri, goddess, Sup. 110; see Giri Sup. 27 Vanara Devi, g., Sup. 110; see Drums Sup. 23 Vana-tunga, Sup. 110; for legend, ses Perahära
Sup. 78 Vanchi Raja-kumaru, Sup. 110; see Matalan, Sup 62.
249
Sup. 111
vanigars, shop-keepers, their taxes Vanni Bandara, g., V. Devi, Sup. 110; Unu vinne B., Sup. 107; see Vanni Raja, Sup. 110; Bhúta Yaka, Sup. 11; Kirtti B. Sup. 46; Sanni Yakka Sup. 95; Vata Kumara Vanniya, and Adi Narayana Teva, 169; and Sadayakka 178; death of Vanniyappar shrine, inscrip. Vantri, Vantris, evil spirits Varadappa Naik, of Gingi, and Srirangapatnam, 92 Varagunarâma Kulasekhara Varatunga Râma, known as Abhirama, Sundaréévara, and Abhisheka Vira Pandya, poet, scholar, and k., named Dikshita, 100 & n.: 101 n.; Pudukkottai plates of, etc., 133 n., 134&n. Vardhamana Mahavira, and Bimbisara 12; con
F. G. 115. 117
134
temporary of Ajàtasatru
..
.. 183 133 n.
31 44
Sup. 110
Varman, dyn., in Cambodia Varo Raja, f. of Mal-sara Raja Varuna, Naga k., husband of Vimala.. Sup. 110 Vas, magical influences, Sup. 110; see Vine, Sup. 115; Valalu, Sup. 108; Manikpåla Sup. 60; Alepa, Sup. 2; Areca, Ashmelon, Sup. 5; Avara Mahipala, Sup. 7; Bamba-put Rsi, Sup. 9; Divi Dos, Sup. 22; Doraṭupâla Yakas, Duma-valli Deviyo Sup. 23; Lily, Limes, Sup. 51; Mänikpåla, Sup. 60; Naga. bamba-put, Sup. 65; Nagara Rei, Sup. 66; Nava-kola-atu, Sup. 68; Rsis, Sup. 90; Säkra, Sup. 91; Siva Sup. 99; Turmeric, Sup. 106; Undammita Raja, Sup. 107; Valalu, Sup. 109 Vasala Bandara Sup. 111 Vasala Deva, Sup. 111; Vahala Deva, Sup. 108; companion of Kanda, q,v. Sup. 43; apparently the same as Senevi-ratna, q. v... Sup. 97 Vasanta-Mantapa, the, of Sundaréívaras tem. ple, contains a statue of Visvanatha Vasantasena, author
69
..
75 194
Vasavadatta, q. to Udayana 15 & n.; 190-193 Vasavatti, Sup. 111; see Mara
Sup. 61 Vasavi (Buddhist) Vaisali princess, w. to Bimbisara
Väsi Devi, rain-god..
Vasishtha, and the Paramaras Vassakara, minister to Ajàtasatru Vasudeva, spread of his religion
11; 31 Sup. 111 77, 79, f. 13 11 & n.
...
8
Vasuki, serpent-king, Sup. 111; see Ata Magula Sup. 6 Vasu Uparichara, f. of Brihadratha I Va a Devi, wind-god, Sup. 111; see Pattini, Sup. 72; Vayu Sup. 112 Vata Girahani Yakini, female d. Sup. 111; see Bali Sup. 8
Vata Kumara, g., (possibly the same as Kumara Devi Sup. 50) Sup. 111; V. Sami, Sup.

Page #258

250
INDEX
112; Mulu Sami, Sup. 65; see Vanni Ban. dira, Sup. 110; Rakusu, Sup. 83 ; Boksal,
Sup. 12; Sonalu .. .. .. Sup. 101 Vata Kurumbura, Sup. 112; see Kurumbura
Sup. 50 Vata Mäniyo, female spirit .. Sup. 112 Vata Såmi, Sup. 112 ; see Vata Kumara, Sup. 111 Vata-viyane Bandara, Sup. 112 ; see Ruval Yaka
.. . Sup. 91 Vata Yaka, uncle of Kuvêni, Sup. 112 ; see Vijaya
.. Sup. 113 Vatayakshini, Durga .. ..
. .. .. 122, 124
122, 124 Vat-himi Raja, Sup. 112; and Dädimunda q. v.
Sup. 15 Vatsaråja, or Udayana
.. .. 192 Vatsas, discontented, under Udayana .. 14, f. Vatuka Yaka, d., probably V. Demala Yaka,
Sup. 112; see Visala .. .. .. Sup. 116 vault, systems, of Moors, adopted by Hindus 164 VAyu, Hindu Wind-god, Sup. 112; see Hin,
Sup. 31; Vata Devi . . . . Sup. 111 Vậyu Rakusu, d., Sup. 112; see Rakusu Sup. 83 Vedana Rei, mythical sage . . . . Sup. 113 Vedanta, philosophy of Ajätasatru .. .. 12 Vedantacharya, Venkatanatha, contemporary
with MAdhavâchérya .. .... 21 Veda-patma Rşi, mythical sage .. .. Sup. 112 Veda Rşi, sage .. ..
. .
. .
Sup. 112
Sup. 1 Vedas, and Harihara II. 19; and Sayana 22;
studied by de Nobilis .. 108; 110, f. ; 130 Veerapa Naick, Virappa Nåik (?) . 201 n. Velabi Hanumanta Yakini, in. of Oddisa Sup. 112 Velabi Oddisa, Sup. 112: see Odliga Sup. 68 Velassê Bandara, Sup. 112; a Gini-kanda Kada
vara, q. v. Sup. 26 ; see Kalu Kumara, Sup.
39; Pitiya Devi .. .. . Sup. 80 Vel!Alas, of Tondaman dalam, and Aryanatha, 86 & n. ; become Christians
.. 119 Vellore, fort, and Aryanatha 87; now cap. of
Vijayanagar .. .. .. 166 ; 185 n. Ven, Sup. 112 ; see Vişnu .. .. Sup. 116 Venkata and Tirumal, at war 84 ; and Muttu
Virappa etc. 133 & n. 134 n.; and the Euro.
pean nations 136; formal mention of .. 200 Venkata II., Vira Venkatapati .. .. 185 Venkatanátha, or Vedantacharya, author of
the Tattvamuktákatdpa .. .. .. 21 Venkatádri, and Tirumala 84; Venkatadry
Naik .. .. .. .. .. 201 n. Veikata pati I, Kumbakonam grant 92; 101 & . ; 104 and the Dutch 132; death of 133 ;
134 n. Vakatapati II., 179 n.; and the Portuguese. . 182 Veti katapati Rayalů .. Venkatappa, of Gingi, and Srirangapatnam .. 92
Venkataraja, and Vira Raja, etc.
100 n. Venu-put, Sup. 112 ; see Kama .. Sup. 41 Venus, Sup. 112 ; see Sikurit is, UP: 112; see sikur ..
.. . Sup. 97 verses, and sutras . . . . . . 114 & n. Vesali and Vaisali 11 ; 12; Bakhira, etc., 14 &
n. ; 15; 31 Vesåli, Sup. 112; see Visala .. . Sup. 116 Vesa munu, Sup. 112; Vaisravana Sup. 108;
Guardian God, q. v. Sup. 28 ; see Sankapela,
Sup. 94 ; Tanipola Riri Yaka .. Sup. 103 Vetàl, evil spirit . .. . F. . 116 Vetivu Rşi, f. of Budahu . .. Sup. 112 vetti-vari, free service .. .. .. .. 70 Vi, Sup. 112; see Rice ..-.. .. Sup. 87 Vibhisana, Sup. 112; see Kambili Kadavara,
Sup. 41; Nata Devi, Sup. 67; Kalani Deva. raja . .. .. . . Sup. 36 Vicila Raja, f. of Oddisa .. .. Sup. 112 Vico, Father, Jesuit, on taxes in Madura 36 ; .
missionary, with de Nobilis .. .. 131 ; 204 Vidagdha, namesigned on grant '.. .. 124 Vidi, enclosed space for ceremony, Sup. 113;
see Rukattana, Sup. 90; Bamba, Sup. 8; Maha-sammata, Sup. 53; Minikpala, Sup.
60 ; Odcisa, Sup. 68; Rşis .. . Sup. 90 Viduli-valahaka, Sup. 113 ; see Valdhaka, Sup. 108 Vidarå sana, Sup. 113 ; see Vajrâsana Sup. 108 Vidyâranya or MadhavâchArya .. 6; 1821 ; 35 Vidyaiankara, Vidyâtirtha guru . 3, 5 VidyAtirtha, guru to MadhavachArya 2, 3, 5, 6;
wrongly identified with Sarvajña .. .. 21 Vidydvilasa carina, a work by Hiranandasúri.. 93 Vidyavilásacaritra, a work by Nyâyasundara 93 Vijalindu, see Vijaya . . . . . . Sup. 113 Vijaya, first leader of Hindu colonists to Ceylon
Sup. 113; see Divi Dos, Sup. 22; Ata Magula, Sup. 6; Kuveni, Sup. 50 ; Mala Raja, Sup. 56; Panduvas, Sup. 71; Bimba Devi, Sup. 11; Kota Yaka, Sup. 49 ; Mayilavalånå, Sup. 63; Pirittuva Sup. 80 ; Simha-bå, Sup. 98 ; Sakra,
Sup. 92; Vaţa Yaka .. .. .. Sup. 112 Vijayaditya, and the Påtanarayana inscrip. 79, f. Vijayagopåla Naidu, brother-in-law of Kumara Kțishna, governor of Ceylon ..
.. 89 Vijaya Kumari, person attacked by Riri Yaka,
Sup. 114 Vijayanagar, kings, and Så yana 22; and Naik
finance 32 n. ; 33, 35; taxation 70 n. ; sea. power 71; army expenditure etc. 73; 82; sack of 83; and Aryanatha 84; embassy to China 140 ; tall of, and Mussalman expansion in S. India 149; Râjâs, and the renaissance of architecture 164; 186 & n. and Tirumal Naik 166 ; history 171, f. ; and Bijapur and Golconda ..
.. . 197, 199, f.
VOROGA Pati IBYA
..
..
..
..
166

Page #259

Vijaya Ragananda, of Tanjore, and Virappa 132 n. Vijaya Raghava, Naik of Tanjore 137; 186; and Golconda
Vijaya Ranga Chokkappa, brother-in-law of Tirumal Naik
161
Vijitta Raja, f. of Matalan, Sup. 114; see Vijaya
..
Vikrama era Vikrama-bahu (Vikumbâ) Sup. 114; (1) a king, on whom see Devatar Bandara, Sup. (2) king, on whom see Pitiya Devi Vikramorvasiya, drama
Sup. 113 Vikåra Devi, deity, Sup. 114; see Torch Sup. 104 Vikhanâs, and Manu 113 n. 121-123
villages, granted to temples, etc. 83 n.; 92; 101 & n. ; 105 & n.; 124; given, to Raghunatha 202; peopled, etc., by Aryanâtha, etc. 86 &
Vira, g.
Vira-bhadra, a Yaka
INDEX
..
196
20; Sup. 80 191, f.
Vimala, m. of Irandati Vima-Kadphises, coins of Vina, malignant magical influences 114; see Valalu, Sup. 108; Visâlâ Sup. 116 Vinayakapala Kshitipâla, Pratihâra k. 122, f. Vincent, Mr., and J. Harding 58-62; 68 Vindhyas, S. boundary of Maurya kingdom.. 30 Vine, Sup. 115; see Ata Magula, Sup. 6; Devi Dos, Sup. 22; Oddisa, Sup. 68; Valalu, Sup. 108; Vas, Sup. 110; Hirässa..
Sup. 31 Sup. 115 Sup. 115
23 141
..
n., 87; 90 Sup. 114
121
Vira-Champa, k., in inscrip. Vira-Chôla-Kongalva, grant by Vira-Munda, g. Sup. 115; see Kalu Kumara, Sup. 39; Na-mal Kumara, Sup. 66; Pattini, Sup. 72; Tota Kadavara, Sup. 105; Malala. Raja Sup. 55 Vira-munda Mäti, g. Sup. 115; see Pattini Sup. 72 Vira Narasimha, of Vijayanagar Vira-parakrama-bahu, k., Sup. 115; see Deva
172
tår Bandara
Sup. 20 Sup. 72
Vira Pattini, Sup. 115; see Pattini Virappa 81; death of, etc. 100 & n.; 101 n.; date of, 136; or muttu Virappa, and Venkata I.
Vira Râja, and Venkataraja Vira-vamsa Pitiya Devi
133 & n. 100 n. Sup. 115 Vira-vikrama Devatar Bandara, Sup. 116; see Dädimunda Sup. 15 Vira-vikum Ratna Bandâra, Sup. 116; see Kambili Kadavara Sup. 41 F. G. 117 ..14 & n., 28 Sup. 116 Sup. 116
Virs, bhuts
Virudhaka, or Kshudraka
Virudhaka, a Guardian God
Virupaksa, a Guardian God Virûpâkhai, Polygar, leader against Mukilan.. 135
251
..
Visakhayâpa, k. Visala, k. Visâlâ, Sup. 116; Vesâli, Sup. 112; see Huniyan Yaka, Sup. 31; Vaduru Kâli, Sup. 108: Set-sântiya, Sup. 97; Vina, Sup. 114; Amusohon, Sup. 4; Bhairava, Sup. 10; Bhumatu, Bihiri Yaka, Sup. 11; Buddha, Sup. 12; Golu Yaka, Sup. 27; Gopalu Vaka, Sup. 28; Hamsapala, Sup. 29; Kadavara, Sup. 34; Kambili Kadavara, Sup. 41; Kana Yaka, Sup. 43; Kola-sanni Yaka, Kora Yaka, Sup. 47; Madana Yaka, Sup. 54; Maha-sohona Yaka, Sup. 55; Pilli Yaka, Sup. 79; Ratikan, Sup. 85; Sanni Yak a, Sup. 95; Siri Yaka, Sup 99; Siya Vatuka Yaka, Sup. 100; Talata, Sup. 103; Teda Devel Yaka, Sup. 104; UdaMangra Yaka, Sup. 106; Vaṭuka Yaka Sup. 112 Vishnu, g., on coins, 104; worship, and Tirumal Naik
161
Vihṣnu, and rakshasas
Vishnugupta, guru, Chânakya..
F. G. 115 .. 127 17
Vishnusvâmi, guru
Viskam, Viśvakarma,
Sup. 116 Visnu, Hindu g., consort of Laskmi etc., Sup. 116; Upulvan, Sup. 107; Pulvan, Sup. 82; Ven, Sup. 112; see Guardian Gods, Sup. 28; Sita, Sup. 99; Abina santiya, Sup. 2; Alphabet, Sup. 3; Arrow, Sup. 5; Ayyanâr, Sup. 7; Betel, Sup. 9; Bhasmâsura, Sup. 10; Kalu Kumara, Sup. 39; Divi Dos, Sup. 22; Fowl, Sup. 24; Hûniyan Yaka, Sup. 31; Kama, Sup. 41; Kambili Kadavara, Sup. 41; Bangle, Sup. 9; Kali, Sup. 36; Maha-Bamba, Maha-kela, Sup. 53; Maha-sammata, Sup. 54; Manikpala, Sup. 60; Näba-sara, Sup. 65; Narayana, Sup. 67; Rakusu, Sup. 83; Rama, Ran Dunu, Sup. 84; Rose-water, Rsis, Sup. 90; Säkra, Saman, Sup. 92; Siriyâ Sup. 99 Viśvanatha, his administrative machinery 32;
..
2880
74 police duties 72; death and character, etc.
75 & n.; 81; 84; and the Polygars, etc. 87; 154 Viśvanatha I., death of 82; date 101 & n. ; 105; and Trichinopoly
Viśvanatha II., and Periya Virappa
Visvanatha III, and Lingappa or Kumara Krishnappa II (1595-1602) 100-103 Vizhinjam, in Travancore, early English settlement, granted by. Unni Kêrala Varma ..168 Von Wersickle, Dutch Governor of Pulicat 132 vowels, invoked in rites, Sup. 3; see Hat Adiya,
Sup. 29; Kaksaya Vrâtyas, fallen Brahmans Vyasa, writer
132 n. 90, f.
Sup. 35
8 128 n.

Page #260

252
INDEX
war, civil, in Magadha, 29-31 ; between Tiru- Xavier, Francis, in 8. India. .. .. .. 107 mala and Venkatadri 84, f. ; in Srirangapat.
Ximi-Shomine-Semini, courtiers, Hobson-Job. nam 134 n. ; with Ceylon 88, f. ; of Imperial son .. .. .. .. .. .. 156 succession 133 & n.—135; between Mysore and Tirumal Naik 166-168; Portuguese, with Kandy 181; Setupati etc. 182—188 ; Wars, Burmese ... .. .. ..
Yaj flopa vita, worn by de Nobilis . Waréru, of Martaban, Shan chief
.. 117
Yajur Veda, mentions the Magadhas . 8 water, ordeal by
.. . 73
Yagica's Nirukta, Some Notes on it . 157-160 Watson, Whatson, J., and J. Harding 64, f.
Vakahavarman, author of the Chintamani .. 25 Webb, Wm., 3rd mate of the Doddington 109-111
Yalo, Hon., Elihu, Governor, of the Coroman Western, intercourse, with Siam ..
del Coast, etc., and L Harding . .. .. 67 Wheeler, historian, on Kumara Krishnappa
Yasa, Buddhist Convert
.. .. .. 76 82 n., 83 n.; on Virappa 90 n.; Muttu Virappa 132 n.
Yagovarman, k. of Kambûja .. Wilks, on Naik revenue, 33 n., 35 & n., 36 & n. Yaugandhara yana, minister at Kausâmbi 14, 15 n. witches, dakan,
. F. G. 115 ; 119
Yawn .. .. .. .. .. F. G. 114 wives, death of
. . F. G. 117 Yeates, Yates, J., of the Doddington .. 110, f. wizards .. .. .. .. .. F. G. 115 Yelug&vira, or Seven Thousand Country .. 141 women, as regarded by de Nobilis ..
. .. 119
.. 119 Yerumaippatti, inscrip. at . .. 201 n. women, and the evil eye, eto. F. G. 118; 120, f. Yuan Chwang, Chinese traveller .. .. 29 Wooden Peacock, and Candra Devi, Candravati, Yudhishtira, figure in Krishnapuram temple.. 90
Sup. 14; Kiradåra, Sup. 45; Kit-siri, Sup. Yung Lo, Ming emp. and Annam .. .. 46 47; Mala Raja, Sup. 56 ; Monara, Sup. 64; Peacock, Sup. 78; Piyumâvati, Sup. 81; Sandalindu, Sup. 93 ; Bita, Sup. 99; Suram.
be .. .. .. .. .. Sup. 102 | Zamindars, and Aryanatha .. .. .. 102 Wreck, of the Doddington, in 1755, Appendix to Ziegenbalg, founder of the Jerusalon Church, the Account of . .. 109-111 Tranquebar .. .. ..
136 n. Wu, kingdom, in China .. .. .. 46. Zodiac, and Dolos Rals .. .. Sup. 23

Page #261

ALPHABETICAL GUIDE TO SINHALESE FOLKLORE FROM BALLAD SOURCES.!..
BY L. D. BARNETT. Abaran Kumar. See Kiri Amma. Abara poti. See Ambará poti. Abayakon Mätindu. A demon, on whom see Pitiya Devi. Abaya-patra. See Betel.
Abhimana Devi. Invoked in Samagam-mal-yahan ; worshipped with betel, etc., in Dalu-mura-yahan-kavi.
Abhimana Kadavara (Abiman K.) A demon, exorcised from women's thighs in Karlavaralovil; invoked in Kadavara-vidiya.
Abhimana Yaka (A. Devi). A demon, originally son of an Apdi mother and Raja-guru Raja of Oddisa-rata and Kavisi-rata. He is said to have sailed away with Gini-kanda and Ratikanda, and to have arrived in Ceylon at Kalugal-totamuna; they set up a standard on Kadavat-totamuna, and received offerings from all Ceylon, and inflicted disease. He is said to appear in the form of an ascetic with matted hair, with a jacket on his shoulders and a club in his hand, eating hemp and drinking arrack. Fowls, flesh, and blood are offered to him on three stands. He steals the offerings presented to Kataragama Devi and Saman, though he is under the authority of these deities and of the four guardian gods. [A.puvata.) In another legend A. was born of an Andi woman in Baranäs. He had matted hair, conch-rings in his ears, pearls round his neck, an axe at his waist, and a blanket round his loins, a conch-shell hanging round his neck, a club, and a reed flute. After wandering through many lands he swam over to Ceylon, and came to Kadirápura, but died from eating too much opium, and was reborn as A. Yaka. He visited Jayasundara Sâmi in a dream and afflicted him with sickness; he causes burning, fever, and headache; he also cures the deaf and dumb, Cakes, hemp, fowls, eggs, and cocoanut water are offered to him on an altar of 3 stages in a waste place, the celebrant holding a torch, and making a separate offering to Kada vara. (A.- yadinna.] The A.-dola, after invoking Mihindu (the Earth-god?) and others, relates that A. was born as a Bhůta in Kasi-rata, of Desa-guru and an Andi woman. He and three others sanctified themselves for 3 days at the meeting of three roads, under a tree. After wandering in many lands he came to Ceylon. He has the appearance of a Yogi, with matted hair, a club, stick, and rosary, and feeds on opium, flesh, hemp, and arrack. He lurks near deserted dwellings, pretends to be a friend, and then betrays people. He beats men to death, and drinks their blood; he steals offerings presented to Kataragama Deva, and sends disease in the 3 watches of the night. Fowls are offered to him.
Abhata Bandara. A god invoked in Dalu-mura-pidum-kavi.
1 These notes are based on abstracts of a large mass of Sinhalese poetry which were originally prepared by the late Mr Hugh Nevill and are now in the British Museum, which also possesses copies of nearly all the poems. The latter are for the most part connected with the local cults and demonologies of Ceylon. Many of them however deal with the ancient legends narrated in the Dipa-vamsa and Maha vansa, and possibly may throw some light on their obscurities. A few again touch on themes that seem to be derived from foreign sources, and to belong rather to popular literature than to folklore; they havo nevertheless been included, as it is impossible to draw an exact line of demarcation. Purely Buddhist stories have been excluded.

Page #262

2
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
Abhata Devi (Nayaka Devi, Pallebädde Devi). One Abhûta-deviyangê kavi tells that Abhûta was a prince, who came by way of Makkama (Mecca) from Malvara-desa toValabaku-nuvara. King Gaja-bâhu received him kindly, and gave him charge of the portals of the palace, but as he conspired against the king, the latter put him to death on the shore at Gampihila. His spirit was made the guardian of four hidden treasures. He possessed travellers by the Bô-tree, killed their wives and children, and daily caused murders He appears carrying a child on each hip and with a trident in his hand. He haunts the banks of streams, whence he is called Oya-devi, "Stream-god", and he loves the sound of horns, flutes, and trumpets. With his bow he visits Dunagama and the fort on the top of Hunnasgiri. He takes the Bangle (halamba), and tramples under foot the smallpox. To propitiate him musk and camphor are offered, and a tree decorated with flowers, at the boundary of Dehinda near Kandy. Another A.-devi-kavi gives a similar story. The king is here Valâ-bâhu, the place where A. landed Mannarama; he was decapitated at the "village, spout" (gam-pisilla) while bathing. He takes the form of an elephant, and haunts a kumbuk tree (Terminalia alata). He came with a princess, who apparently became a Yakini with him; they possess Panagama, Dumbara, and Bógambara. He has a tiled temple at Bôgambara. He haunts the Nine Hills, and received a golden bangle from Pattini. For his worship a canopy and curtain are put up, and offerings placed on a couch, which is sprinkled with saffron-water. Gana-pati, Mihi-kat, Isuru, Säkra, and Vişnu permitted him to receive offerings. A. is invoked in Devatâr-kavi as curing hoof-diseases in cattle. See also Pallebäddê Devi.
Abhuta Kadavara. A spirit invoked in Andi-kaḍavara-tovil, K.-vidiya, K.-upata, Tolakumara-santiya; exorcised from women's knees in K.-tovil,
Abhuta Yakas. 500 Abhûta Yakas are said to have been present at the ceremony for the healing of Panduvas. [Kadavara-vidiya.]
Abiman. See Abhimana Yaka.
Abina-sa ntiya. A ritual said to have been performed by Oddisa to heal Maha-sammata of his enchantment, Säkra is said to have then blown his conch and uttered this blessing; similar blasts were blown by the Sun, the Ṛsis, the Nâga king, Brahma, Hanuman, Pattini, the Planets, Isvara, and Visņu. The rest of the rite is similar to that described in Mahasammata-sântiya (see Maha-sammata).
Adaya Raja. A god, invoked in Kovila-pêvima.
Aditya Devi. Mother of Senasuru.
Agni. The Fire-god of Hindu myth. Invoked in Amara-santiya.
Agra-jalapati. A spirit invoked in Salu-salima to heal boils, dropsy, sores, and bile; see Pattini and Jalapati.
Aha-sthana. A demon, on whose cult see Perahära.
Ajasatta. See Ratikan.
Äl. See Rice.
Äla Kiri Amma. See Kiri Amma.
Alepa. A god, chief of the Planets; see Vas.
Aliyama Bandara. A follower of Pitiya Devi, q. v.
Aliyama Kadavara, "The Dawn Spirit," a demon, invoked in Kadavara-kavi, K.golu-pidavila, Tota-kumâra-sântiya. See also Dala Raja.

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Alphabet. The Akuru-upata, “ Origin of Latters," states that Säkra, Visnu, and Isvara together invented the word Svasti prefixed to the alphabet in the phrasę Svasti Siddham; and that in the final phrase iti Siddhir astu the word iti was written by Brahma.
The vowels are invoked in certain rites, see Hat Adiya. See also Kaksaya.
Alut Bandara. A god, said to have trapped Kalu Bandara's black leopard (see Kalu Bandara) Invoked in Gange-bandara-kavi. See also Devel Devi and Gangê Bandara.
Alut Deyi. A demon, said to possess men on Sunday, and to bathe on Monday, and to have built the Mâlika temple at Kivale-gedara. [A-.d.-kavi.] Invoked in Kande-bandarakavi as making a round stone rampart, surrounding himself with flames, and wearing a bondi chaplet. Invoked in Devatar-kavi (as helping and strengthening hunters in chasing deer), and in Kiri-amma-kavi and Samagam-mal-yahan. Worshipped with betel, etc., in Dalu-mura-yahan-kavi. See Devalar Bandara.
Alut Kosamba Devi. A spirit, invoked in Vädli-yak-yadinna; connected with the legend of Kalu Bandara's black leopard (800 Kalu Bandara).
Alut-nuvara Devi. Invoked in Nayi-natavana-kavi. Alut Pattini, Alut-teda Pattini. See Pattini.
Alut Unambuve Bandara. A god invoked in Kande-banlara-kavi as born in Alut Unambuva receiving offerings of flowers and silk, and wearing a white robe and hat.
Ämati Vadi. A spirit, invoked in Värli-santiya. Amaya. A goddess, dwelling in the magic mat (see Afa Magula). Ämbakke Devatar Bandara. A god invoked in Gange-banlara-kavi.
Ambanvala Rala Devi. A spirit invoked in Kande-banlara-kavi as having formerly been one of the Bandara family.
Amba Pattini. See Pattini. Ambara. A Rsi who took part in healing the Sun and Moon (see Limes).
Ambarapoti (Abara poti). A spirit, mistress of Hadaganâva; she protects Kalu Kumara, 9.v. Kalu-kumara-kavi). Invoked in Alut-devi-kavi. The 4.-upata says that in her previous birth she was a queen, whom a treacherous Visal minister caused to be condemned to death. She was thrown, with a stone tied round her neck, into the Kalu-ganga and drowned, and then reborn as a goddess, who made a stone boat and landed at Madakalappu (Batticaloa), and bestowed favours on Buttale, Virli-rata, Bintanna, and the Uda-rata. She is here stated to have built a temple on the Pälava rock, and to have a famous sanctuary at Vidanagama; on the former she plays at ball, throwing into the air 3 sets of 7 balls each. An A.-devi-kavi adds that she has a temple at Dodan vela and haunts Gavara-eliya; another of the same name adds that she swims on the sea at Mannarama, flits round Kabara-vila, and blows a pipe like a Sabara.
Amu-siri Kadavara. An A.-8.-k.-kavi describes this "Raw Blood Demon” as killing and restoring to life, having the authority of the Mala Raja, carrying a silken cloth, & turban, and a blade of illuk grass, and hunting at the ford of Kalu-gamuva; cocks, blood, and parched grain are offered to him. He is worshipped with betel, etc., in Dalu-muravahan-kavi. He appears to be a form of Riri yaka (q.v.). The A.-8.-k.-kavi states that he rests on a lotus and twines garlands; he has thousands of attendants, and is lord of this world; he haunts Udavatta, Gampala-vela, Kuda Maru-gala, and the ford of Kalugomuva; he kills and restores to life ; he receives offerings of blood and rice; he carries in his right

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hand cotton grass, and wears a golden collar ; he loves hunting, and is under the protection of the Mala Raja.
Amu-sohon. A female demon, haunting cemeteries; invoked in Satara-varan-malvahan. An Amu-rohona Yaka is connected with the legend of the plague of Visalâ, q. v.
Ananda, A Nâga king, on whose legend see Pattini. Ananda Bhapoti Devi. Mother of the Planets.
Ananda Thera. The disciple of Gautama Buddha. He brought a limo-tree, etc., to heal the Bodhi-sattva (see Bodhi-sattva), and limes from the Naga's world to heal the Sun and Moon (see Limes). He planted a mango in the Pândiyan king's orchard (see Pattini). He gave oil for the torch-rite (800 Torch).
Ananga. See Kama. Anda Kadavara. A demon, invoked in Kadavara-vidiya and K.-upata. Andi Guru. Husband of Sokari, 9. v.
Andi Kadavara. A demon, invoked in Kadavara-vidiya as son of Deva-anga Raja and Bahun Devi-dů. The A.-I.-tovil describes this god as having been born in Kasi-rata, wearing matted hair, and a turban, and soman cloth, coming to Ceylon in & stone ship with a club, wallet, conch-shell, and two companions, twisting down branches as he passes, storing honey in hollow trees, etc. He and his companions lust after women, and crush elephants to death. He is said to have been the son of Mantri Devi and Kalugal Yaka; later, Bahupati is seid to have been his mother. In order to exorcise sickness & päla of golden rice, a plough 3 spans long, and flowers of 5 colours are to be offered to him in a shrine with a ground floor of 5 spans, a mid-floor of 3 spans, and an upper floor of 2 spans, above which is a gourd-shaped ornament. The sanctuary (ayila) should be in length 2 carpenter's cubits and 3 finger-joints, in height 5 cubits, with a gourd-shaped ornament on top. At the 4 corners bunches of flowers and nooses should be hung, and 4 entrances are to be made. Sacrifices are offered on a pusul gourd. A platform is fixed up on the north, beneath a tree with milky sap, at the height of an elephant, on which offerings are to be made for all the gods. The sickness is then exorcised. The sorcerer should wear a red cloth, and hold in his left hand a red cock and torch and in his right an arrow..
Andi Yaka. A demon, overcome by Buddha. See also Sanni Yaka.
Andun Girl. A goddess, invoked in Amara-ântiya, Giri-liyo-dolaha-pidavila, and Dolos. giri-dev-liyage privata, in the last as troubling those who use antimony. See Giri. Also & consort of Ratikan, q. v.
Andun Kadavara. A demon, invoked in Karlavara-vidiya and K-go!u-pidavila.
Andun Kumari Yakini. A female spirit, invoked in the Samayan-pädura as carrying in her right hand a golden necklace.
Andun-madana-tel-madana. A consort of Rati-madana; 108 Ratikan. Angaharu. See Kuja. Angam. Borcery by means of muttering spells. Ankelt. On the legend of this sport, see Pattini.
Anoma Rei. A legendary sage, one of the Røis (q.v.); he took part in the bealing of Vijaya (see Ata Magula.)
Ant. Evils probaged by the appearance of black ants' nests are exorcised in Mäti-bali ydgaya (see Bali). A white ant's nest is purified in Dala-kumdra-puvata (806 Dala Raja). One was haunted by Kôla-sanni Yaka, q. v.; another is mentioned in the logend of Malsara Raja, q. v. A rod ant's nost figures in Pilli-vidiya (see Pilli Yaka).

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Anuhas Devi. A name of Vaduru-kali ; see Kâli. Arati. Sister of Mâra. Arave. See Kirtli Bandára.
Arch. The Toran-bandima narrates that a Sêra-mân (Cêra king), who was afflicted with pain in the head, built & gan-madu or“ village-house," with an arch in front, for the cult of Pattini, and was healed. It then gives the ritual for similar rites. The arch should be 7 spans 4 fingers in height and 6 spans 3 fingers in breadth; the sufferer should be placed at a distance of 7 cubits and made to look at it. Exorcisme for the evils of the 7 days and of the various parts of the body are given. The Madu-pura gives the same legend, stating that the king acted on the advice of the goddess of his state sunshade, and that dances were performed for 7 days in the building. Allusion is made to this legend in Gana-ruva (see Pattini). There is a ritual, and a poem descriptive of it, styled Gi-madu-yagaya, for the dancing and other ceremonies to propitiate Devel Devi. A king is said to have come to Ceylon who was afflicted with headache, and was healed by rites in & gi-maduva (song-booth) in honour of Pattini. An arch for Pattini is constructed, 5 cubits 5 inches high, and divided across, the middle division being 28 inches in width and made of split plantain bark; flowers are fixed on it at intervals. Another archway in 5 stages is made; it is 7 cubits in height and the same width, topped by a dolphin-arch (makara-torana), with figures of hamsas, parrots, and peacocks, and culminating in a golden spear. Bandara Deva, Gombara Bandara, Irddi Kurumbara, and Tedas Bandara are invoked at the end.
Areca. This tree is said to have arisen from Duma-valli's pyre; se Vas.
Areca-sickle. The areca-sickle or gire is said to have been invented by Oddisa, who to heal the enchantment of Mänikpala cut golden limes with an areca-sickle, uttering charms. Višvakarma made the sickle of iron smelted from Mount Meru. Its left eye represented the moon, its right eye the sun, its handles the four guardian gods, its blade Rahu, the hammer was invented to make it. Various gods reside in its different parts. [Gire-upata." See also Valalu.
Arrow. According to the Igahê Santiya, an arrow was needed by the Rßis for their rites to heal Malsarâ Kumaru of his enchantment. Viskam made one, Kanda giving the shaft and Bhadra-kali the blade, and Vişnu, receiving it from him, poured water upon it to temper the iron, and gave it to Säkra, who gave it to the Mala Raja. The Rşis then took it and used it in their rites. See also Kadavara and Siva.
Aru-mugam. See Kanda.
Asaddana Rel. A mythical sage, son of the Raja of Sagalpura; on his part in the orowning of Maha-sammata, see Maha-eammata.
Ash-melon. On the use of the ash-melon (pusul) in rites, see Bodhi-sattva and Vas. Cf. 8. v. Oddisa.
Asupala Kumari. A goddess, invoked in Tovil-vidiya. From her funeral pyre arose Haniyan Yaka, q. v. An Asupali Kumari was mother of Saikhapala, q. v.
Asura Kadavara. A lecherous demon, watching women in the fields, and attacking their throats. [Kadavara-tovil.]
Asarapoti. One of the mothers of the Devol Deviyo.

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Asuras. Demons of Hindu myth. Their world lies between the 3 peaks of the mountain Maha-meru. They used to catch and devour human beings; but the Devas in defence of mankind fought against the Asuras, and slew many, including their prince Mahabali. (Asura-bhavana-kavi; Upulvan-asnê.) See also Maha-bali, Senevi-ratna. They cause sickness, and are exorcised by the Asura-vidiya ; v. inf. The ritual Asura-bandhanê in one form describes an exorcism with cutting of limes, etc., which it traces to the story of Oddisa healing Mänikpala from the spell of Mâra. It prescribes making a figure of five kinds of wax, which is to be pricked with pins, whefby the spell of a sorcerer is dissolved and cast back upon the latter. Buddha, Saman, Mangra, Pattini, etc., are invoked. In another version the spell of Maha-sammata is referred to, and Buddha, the Seven Pattinis, etc., are invoked. A ritual to exorcise sickness caused by Asuras, especially Maha-bali, is given in the Asura-vidiya, or A.-giri-baliya.
Asurindu. See Rahu. Asurindu Rakusu. A demon represented in the R.-bali; see Rakusu.
Ata Magula. The Eight Magulas are the 8 chambers formed in a diagram (yantra) to exorcise evil. The Ata-magula-sântiya describes a ritual on this basis. To heal Vijaya of his "perjury-sickness," the Rpis created a crinum plant flotabo); when this had 7 leaves, they gave the first to Anoma Rşi, the second to Vijaya, the third to Vijaya's younger brother Sudarsana, the fourth to the four guardian gods, the fifth to Buddha, the Paccekabuddhas, and the Maha-rahats, the sixth to Isvara, and the seventh to the deities of the Sapta-kuta-parvata. The presiding deities of these 7 leaves were respectively Mulatan, Citrapoti, Lakşmi, the guardian gods, the Pacceka-buddhas and Maha-rahats, Isvara, and Nila-kântâva. A mat is to be laid near the patient's feet, the 8 magula drawn upon it, and the crinum leaf placed over them. It then relates that the hirässa vine (vitis quadrangularis) arose at Kailâsa from a ray issuing from iśvara's right nostril. It was placed at Vijaya's feet. The serpent king Vâsuki dwells in the leaf, the guardian gods at its 4 angles, and the 8 Gajendras (elephants of the 8 regions ?) at its 8 angles. A leopard's skull is next used. The story is told how Rahu enticed the Mala Raja to heal Panduvas. In the right side of the skull dwells the Mala Raja, in the orbits and nostrils the gods of Svarga, in the 4 limbs the Suras and Asuras, in the back Râma-hasti, in the soles and top of the feet Bala-bhadra, in the tail Valakul. Next is used a yellow cocoanut. This was created from the head of Gana Devi when cut off by fśvara ; Gana Devi, it is added, burst through the right side of his mother Pârvati. One eye of the cocoanut is like the eye of Hanumân, one like the mouth of Sarasvati, and one like the eye of Sriyâ Devi. Gana Devi dwells in the cocoanut. The next instrument is a rice-pestle, which was created from a divikaduru treo (Tabernas-montana dichotoma), which sprang from the false oath of the Brahman Yaga-sôman of Veluvaran-nuvara when seduced by & wo:nan Viskam cut down that tree with a four-edged sword. At one end he put a golden band, at the top a silver hand, in the middle a polished band of red and orange paint. In the pestle Kanda, Gana Devi, and Maha-kela the Serpent-king dwell. The last instrument is a mat. When this is stretched in the midst of a house, the Avagraha, Vivagraha, Tithi-graha, and Tudus-graha Devas and the four guardian gods reside in its 4 corners. In the 8 magulas and the 8 corners dwell the goddesses Amaya, Pamaya, Hemaya, Pugpa-kumudaya, Ritta, Bimbavati. Umâvati, and Pârvati. In the midst of the magulas is the footprint of Sahampati Maha brahma. See Divi Dos, Rice.

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Ata-visi Mangale. Soe Mangalê.
Avara Bisava. A female demon, invoked in Ratikan-madana-bisavage kavi. See Ratikan-madana Yakini. She seems to be the same as Avara Mahipala, on whom see Vas.
Avara-kell. A demon; see Ratikan, Riri Yaka. Avara-madana. See Ratikan. Avara-madana-mal-madana. A consort of Rati- madana; see Ratikan. Avara Yak. A demon invoked in Tota-kumara-santiya.
Avatara Devatar. A demon said to have been a companion of Nâ-mal Kumara, Kaludakada Hat-raju, and Mini-maru Yaka, 9. v.
Avatara Yaku. A demon, invoked in Mal-keli-yadinna as having his body wreathed with vipers and cobras.
Ayilakkandi. A female demon, on whom see Riri Yaka and Turmeric. Ayirandan Pattini. See Pattini.
Ayyanar (Ayyanaka, Hari-hara-putra). An Ayyanaka-devi-kavi relates that Pulvan, having visited in the form of a goddess somo Rşis who dwelt in a forest with their arrow, conceived a child, who came forth from his mother's right side. This was A., who went to the gods' assembly on an elephant, and was weloomed by them. When Buddha went to the Mallava park, he gave the world into the charge of A., From Madura A. sailed with thousands of Demala Yakas and 5 great deities of the Malava land in a boat 40 cubits long, built in 4 months of crystal fetched from many lands by Kam bili Yaka, upon which was a seven-storied pavilion. The boat began to sink, whereupon the Malava deities sacrificed an elephant, which caused it to float. They landed at Jaffna, whence A. rode along the coast on his white elephant to the temple of Kalature. He built a temple at Vîrakkuliya, which he made over to Ilandari Devata ; he gave Kam bili Yaka charge of 4 folds at Pattieliya ; to Kadavara he gave Velayudha (a place, or the symbol of Kanda?); he visited Amunekola, and inspired a votary, who erected there a post in his honour. When A.'s boat was sunk by Kanavara, Kambili Karavara paddled it along the shore : see Kambili Kadavara. He 18 said to have come to Ceylon with princes of the Ariya-vamsa in the days of Bhuvaneka bâhu ; vide Vanni-puvata. He is associated with Muttu-mári, q. v. His bangle, said to create fire, is invoked in Ran-halamba-kavi and Halamba-gantiya. He is said to have been sent in advance by Sandun Kumara. He was worshipped at Mâvatu-patuna (vide Tilakapirivan Thera's Kovul-sandesaya).
Badra-kali. See Kali. Baga Yaka. A demon in the troop of Däļimunda. Bahirani. Eight Bahirâni spirits are present in the skin of the cobra (see Cobra). Bahirava. See Bhairava.
Bahu. Invoked in Gana-devi-hälla as dwelling in the S. E. quarter, travelling through the ocean, and carrying in his hand a "rê" fish.
Bahupati. Mother of Andi Kada vara, q. v. Bak-na-gaha-des-kivu Pattini. See Pattini. Bala. A spirit, propitiated in Yak-pidavila.
Bala-bhadra. A deity, who dwells in the leopard whose skull is used in the rite of Ata Macula, q.v. Invoked in Tis-päyê kima as regent of the 18th paya, carrying a mace and ploughshare.
Bala Devi. Invoked in Amara-santiya.

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Bala Divas Devi. Invoked with his elder sister in Alut-devi-kavi.
Bala Giri. A goddess, invoked in Amaru-sântiya, Giri-liyo-dolaha-pidavila, and Dolosgiri-dev-liyagê puvata, in the last as passing by with coquettish graces and bewitching the young. See Giri.
Bali. The name given to 35 kinds of rites for protection against malignant influences of the 9 planets, ascribed to Bhâtiya Rşi. (Ratnalan karaya.] The ritual of exorcism by means of an image of the spirit exorcised or propitiated; see Maha-bali. Bali images are used in the ritual of the Yâga-alai karaya, Rakusu-bali, Dala-kadavara-dola, Rati-kala-murttu-bali, Mihidu-bali, Indra-gurulu-bali, Viskam-bali, Mäți-bali-yagaya, Malan-gara-kavi. The rite bali-vidiya, as described in the poem of the same name, consists of three forms of offerings, each with an image, to exorcise a god, devil, or planetary influence causing sickness. The first is to Una Garâ, the second to Våta Girahani Yakini, and the third is the Sarva-vipaka. bali (q. v.). A bali-rite to heal sickness by invoking Buddha and his merits is described in A-bali-yagaya. Sickness due to the Planets, or evil presaged by the dropping of the dung of cobras, lizards, or crows or by the appearance of black ants' nests, may be exorcised by the ritual of Mäti-bali-yagaya. The house is cleansed, and upon a frame 13 spans 10 fingerwidths in length and 6 spans 5 finger-widths in breadth a bali-image of clay is set up, representing in relief the nine Planets, Iru, Sikuru, and Guru being on top, Budu, Sandu, and Senasuru on the right, and Kuja, Rahu, and Ketu on the left. The celebrant offers flowers and betel, and dances. The rite of Bali-piliveta is prescribed to counteract the evil influences of the planets and stars. It ordains that a rice-offering be prepared and the patient be placed so as to face the north. A house is then to be built, covered with wattles and clay, and offerings are made, the patient holding one end of a cord and the exorcist the other, etc. Bali rituals are described in Asura-bandhanê, B.-särasuma, Dalakadavara-dola, D.-k.-kavi, D.-k.-yakşa-giri-b., D.-kumara-puvata, Deva-gri-b., Gard-yak-páliya, Kadaturdva-härima, Mal-b.-upata, Nava-graha-mal-b., N.-9.-ântiya, Nava-guna-santiya, Rakusu-b., R.-5.-sangaráva, Ratikan-baliya-kavi, R.-kumari-b.-k., Riri-yak-k., Suba-sirimangale, Sudarisana-b., To!a-kumara-b., Vata-panti-b. See also Maha-bali.
Bäli Bisava. The “Bitch Queen" (perhaps Kuvêni, q. v.), invoked in Vädi-sântiya.
Bamba (Bamba hu, Brahma, Ketu.) He is said to have taken part in the healing of Maha-sammata (seo Abina-santiya), and in the invention of the alphabet (see Alphabet). He is present in the Takari tooth of the cobra (see Cobra). He is invoked in Sal-arliya-kavi. With Säkra he invented the kaksaya charm (see Kaksaya). Invoked in Abina-mangalê, Pirittuva; addressed in Tis-paye kima as regent of the 8th and 23rd payas, and having 8 eyes and 4 faces, sitting on a hamsa with an umbrella in his hand, and having given his head to Rahu; connected with the legend of the vidi used to heal Maha-sammata (see Vidi) He is sometimes identified with Ketu, the spirit of the descending node of the planets, and one of the Nava Graha. As such, he was born in Mala vadesa; his father was Maha-bamba, his mother Kesara Devi. He is lord of Pâtála, and is of the colour of smoke. [Nava-graha-santiya.] He and Rahu periodically devour the Sun and Moon. [Iru-handagamana-kavi.] He has 4 hands and 3 eyes, a conch, a golden kettle, and a sword, and rides on a teal. (Hora-suntiya.] His symbols are & rosary and a book, his vehicle a jackal, his tree the plantain, his offering white rice, his region the nadir ; and he has 3 faces, 9 eyes, a palm-leaf umbrella, and a white sunshade, according to Nara-graha-sivu-antiya and N.-9.-mal-baliya. The Mal-bali-upala prescribes yellow rice.

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B. is invoked in Gana-devi-hälla, as seated on a consecrated flowerpot in the N. E. quarter. See also Maha-bamba.
Bambadat Raja, King of Dantapura, and father of Sirba Kumara Raja. Bamba-put. A god invoked in Valalu-vidiya. Ba mba-put Rul. A sage, on whom see Vas. Bamba Raja. Grandfather of Maha-ammata. Ba mba Raja. Father of Kuvêni. Bämini Pattini, See Pattini. Bandana Kadavara. A spirit, invoked in Anli-kadavara-tovil. Bandara Deva. A god, invoked in Gi-malu-yagaya.
Bandara Devi. A spirit invoked in Devatar-kavi as chief of Ceylon and connected with a pool haunted by buffaloes.
Bandaras. One Gange-banlara-kavi mentions eleven deities with the title of Bandara, viz. Gaigata Adipoti B.; Nama-näti B.; Satara Devel Baga B.; Alut B.; Irugal B.: Ämbäkkê Devatâr B., Santâne Kande B.; Kirtti B.; Usvälle Kande B.; Mora pe B.; Pallebädde B.: and Kalu B. Nine are invoked in Perahära-malaya.
Bangle (Halamba). Bangles of deities are often mentioned and invoked. The Naramini-h., or nine-gem bangle from heaven, where it was worn on the neck of a goddess, Pattini's Sürya-h. and lightning-bangle, Mal Pattini's bangle, the Nagara-h., Maigra-bamini's bangle, the bangles of Kadirapura, of Ayyanar, and of the Seven Kalis, the lo-mini-h. or bronze-gem-bangle of the Seven Rais, the bangles of the Nine Bhairavas, the four guardian gods, and Vişnu, etc., are invoked in Ran-halamba-kavi. The poem Halamba-santiya exorcises spells from men through the power of Pattini's bangles, (viz. the h. of Kadirapura, the Sûrya-h., AiyanAyaka (Ayyanár) Devi's h., Mangra-hâmi's h., that of the 7 Kalis, the Navamini-h, of the Devas' world, Mal Pattini's h., Hena-gini-h., the chief h. of Mädda-desa, the Bhairavas''h., the four guardian gods' h., Vişnu's h., Gini-ran-h., the Seven Pattinis' h., Nagara-h., Viskam-h., the h. of the Ruvan-Vähära, Nâta Deva's h., Vidurke ana-h., Någara-gini räs-h., Siddha Pattini's h., Sak Raja's Nagara-h., Devata Bancara's h., and Düdimunda's h.). [Halamba-santiya.] See also Kali, Pattini, Sandun Kumara, Vali Yaka, Visnu.
Betel (Dalu-mura). Dalu-mura -is a name for betel (abaya-patra) meaning "spray. watch." These leaves, according to one Dalu-mura-upata, were needed for the marriage of Maha-sammata and Mänikpala, where the gods all gathered together. Vatabaka went to seek them in the Naga-bhavana, but in vain, and they were found in Säkra's park, whence he brought them. Some were taken from the wedding and planted elsewhere; those planted by the Naga king in his world were called Nâga-valf, those planted in the world of Gurulus were called Kiruļu-valli, those in the Asura-world were styled Mayûra-patra, and those in the Garudas' world Pandu-patra. Betel-leaves were used by Oddisa to cure Mänikpala. Another Dalu-mura-upata states that in the time of Kakusanda Buddha it was called abayapatra ; under Konågama Buddha, pandu-pul-patra ; under Kassara, Kirilu-p. In the Bodhi. sattva's birth as a bare, when he offered himself to Säkra, the latter painted his likeness on the moon, and threw away his brush, which fell into the world of the Nagas. The Naga Mucalinda swallowed it, but it burned his throat; and in 7 days he died. It was therefore, called giri-da-dalu," throat-burning leaf." It sprouted up from his pyre, and as the Nâgas watched it, it was called dalu-mura, " loaf-watch.” The branches of betel grew out of

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Mucalinda's tail, the stem from his body, the leaves from his hood, it was then called någa. valli, " serpent-creeper." When the Nâgas gathered together for the war of Kälaniya (see Buddhay, they brought bunches of it, which they left behind when Buddha pacified them. Umâ gathered the bunches and planted them round a mango, whence they were dispersed in all directions; it was thence called bû-lat, "received by Earth." The Tovil-pali-upata states that betel arose from the Naga-king's hood, and again in a grove of sal-trees (see Tovil). Another Dalu-mura-upata, giving the same legend, says that the Rşis dwell on the south of the leaf, Umâ on the left, Vişnu on the top, and Maha-bamba at the stalk. The original plant threw out shoots, a copper-coloured one on the N. W. to Kacavara, a white one on the N. to Pattini, a green one on the E. to Indra, a golden bronze one on the S. E. to Náta Dova, and a green one on the S. to Vişnu. Another D.-m.-upata begins with the story of the Hare-birth and Säkra's painting a hare upon the moon. His paint-brush fell down and broke through the earth into the Nâga-world, where it dropped into the Naga king's throat, burned its way out thence, and grew as betel, under the constellation Puse. The Nâgas watch over it in their world. When the friar Sonuttara brought from the Nägaworld a casket of relics of the Buddha, which the gods distributed, he was pursued by the Någas, who covered their heads with betel-sprays, which they threw away on reaching Nalanda; these grew up as the mälipala betel. In the time of Kakusanda betel was called pandi-pul-patra, iinder Konagama sri-patra, under Kassa pa naga-valli ; now it is named dähät. A rite of propitiation is described in the Dalu-mura-yahan-kavi, in which decorated altars and betel-leaves are offered to Pitiya Deviyê, Pallebädde D., Alut D., Devatar Bandara, Kosamba, Kalu Bandara (born in Dumbara), Kîrtti Bandara, Vanni Deva-raja, Abhimana, Kadavara, Amu-sîri Kalavara, the Twelve Devas, Säkra, Maha-bamba, Soli Kumâra, Kalu Bandara, the Kalu B. of Senka-a-gala, Gangê B., Devel Devi, and Amu-sîri. A rite of betel-offering is described in Dalu-mura-pidum-kavi. Another ritual in honour of Pitiya Devi is described in Pitiye-dalu-mura-kavi : see Piliya Devi. On the legend of the origin of betel from Duma-valli, see Vas. • Bhadra-kali. See Kali.
Bhairava (Bahirava, Vairava, Bärändi). A demon, propitiated in Yak-pidavila. He is worshipped by Tamils with a victim (preferably human, especially an unblemished first-born boy) to gain his help in searching for jewels; under the name of Bärändi he was worshipped in Avissarelle, where there are the ruins of a temple said to have been built to him by Rajasimha I (see Bell, Report on the Kegalla District, Colombo 1892). His influence is described in Gara-yale-pâliya. For the representation of Bh, in the Rakusu-bali, see Rakusu. Eight Bhairavas were subdued by Buddha, q. v.; see also Sanni Yaka. They accompany Bhadrakali (see Kali); they come with Pilli Yakas (q. v.). A Bhairava is invoked in Mal-keliyadinna; the bangle of the Nine Bhairavas is invoked in Ran-halamba-kavi and Halambakantiya. See also Graha Bhairava, Masgan Bh., Visâlâ. The temple of Bhairava near Sitavaka is mentioned in Sävul-sandesaya.
Bhairava Riri. See Riri Yaka. Bhargava. Father of Sikurå. Bharadvaja. A Rşi who healed a king of Sâgal-pura; see Limes.
Bhasmasura. A demon. He performed austerities, sitting for 12 years on a needlepoint; and Siva (Esvara) gave him a charm by which he could burn to ashes any one on whose head he laid his hand. He then asked Siva for his wife, which was refused, and he therefore tried to destroy Siva, who fled away. Then Vienu, taking the form of a goddess,

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appeared to Bhasmasura, who beoame enamoured: Vişņu asked him to swear to be faithful to his love, and in token to lay his hand upon his own head. The Asura did so, and was at once burnt up. From the flames that consumed him issued Devel Devi, or, in another legend, Kalu Kumâra. Asura-vidiya : Satara-devala-devi-purata : Devel-yadinna : Kalu-yakupata.] Visnu was aided in this act by Saman (see Kalu Kumara). A similar story is told in connection with the birth of Kanda (q. v.), but here the place of Vişnu is taken by Parvati.
Bhatiya Rsi. A sage, traditionally said to have invented bali (q. v.). In some MSS. of Ratnalankaraya described as a king, perhaps a confusion with Bhatiya Tissa, whose wars are narrated in Vanni-puvata.
Bhauma. See Kuja. Bhumatu. A demon figuring in the legend of the plague of Vijala, q.v. Bhomi-kant. See Mihi-kata. Bhata Girl. A goddess, invoked in Giri-liyo-dolaha-pidavila. See Giri.
Bhata Kadavara. A spirit mentioned as bowing to Makkama (Mecca), in Kambilikadavara-upata; invoked in Anti-kadavara-tovil, K.-vidiya, K.-upata, Tota-kumara-fântiya (as Bh. Maha-k.).
Bhata Ruval Bandara. See Ruval Yaka.
Bhata Yaka. A spirit whose influence is described in Gara-yak-paliya ; invoked in Kadavara-vidiya.
Bhata Yakas. 500 Bhúta Yakas are said in Ka-lavara-vidiya to have been present at the ceremony for healing the sickness of Panduvas. Bhúta Yakas are dispelled by Bhadrakali (see Kali), and beaten by Vanni Banlara, q. v.
Bihiri Kaçavara. A spirit invoked in Anli-kalavara-tovil, K.-vidiya, K.-upata: Bihiri Vädi." The Deaf Vädi", invoked in Väli-yak-yadinna and Divi-dos-antiya. Bihiri Yaka. A demon, connected with the legend of the plague of Vi âlâ, q. v. Bilindu Bandara. See Lama Bilindu Banlara. Bilindu Simi. A demon, on whom see Piliya Devi. Bimba Dovi. The second wife of Vijaya, q. v. Bimbivati. A goddess, dwelling in the magic mat (see A!a Magula).
Bisi-billa. A god invoked in Mal-keli-yadinna as having a sword, sun's rays, and a red blanket. See also Siva-yarê.
Blood Lako (Lo-vila, Riri-vila). This is said to have been formed of the blood that fell from the Sun's orb when Rahu seized it, and again from that which dropped when Råvana carried off Sitâ in his stone chariot. (Riri-yak-kavi.] See also Riri Yaka, Kalu Kumara, Mala Raja, Tanipola Riri Yaka.
Boda na Mäntyo. A female spirit, invoked in Värli-yak-yadinna.
Bodhl-sa ttva. The B.-kathava, an exorcistic poem invoking the powers of the BodhiBattva, tells that Mara laid spells upon him, to exorcise which the Rsis needed an ash-melon (pusul). A melon-plant accordingly arose from the Nâgas' world to Pusul-pitiya and bore a fruit, which at Matali's request Siva fotched; it was put at the north-west of the Bodhisattva. Limes were then needed, and a lime-plant grew up from the Nâgas' world in the garden of a Rui; whence Ananda Thera brought its fruit. Then arose & plant from which sprang three golden leaves, and from them came four branches, of which the northern one

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bore tun-bo-attana (stramonium) fruits, the south-western yaki-náran (limonia monophylla), the eastern ela-balu (solanum xanthocarpum), the southern demata (gmelina asiatica). Ananda took these fruits, and the spell was cured. Some Buddhist stories are told, and then it is added that the exorcist must face the north-west while twining bangles of creeping plants for the rite, as it would be fatal if he should face the east, and that an ash-melon should be put under the patient's foot,etc. See Buddha, Gurulu, Hat Adiya, Valalu.
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Boksäl. A name given sometimes to the demon Vața Kumâra (q. v.), sometimes to his father. One of the 4 Guardian Gods (q. v.), invoked in Satara-varan-mal-yahan, Kadavarakavi. See also Vala-kumâra. He was brought in procession to Kandy in Saka 1620. [Lankapuvata.]
Bolanda. Father of Pattini (q. v.) in a previous birth.
Bovala Alut Devi. A god, said in Dolaha-devi-kavi to be one of a group of seven, and to have a seat at Alut-vila.
Brahma. See Bamba, Maha-bamba.
Brahma-datta. See Sara Bamba.
Brahma-devi. Mother of Maha-sammata.
Brajita. The B.-sinduva announces that a Buddhist king named Brâjita, descended from Manu and the race of the sun, will come in the year 6754 to Ceylon from India, and establish his rule over the whole world.
Brhaspati. See Guru.
Budahu (Budha, Sisiput). The planet Mercury. He was born in Makada-desa; his father was Vetivu Rsi, his mother Ksa (?), according to some, but according to others his father was Surendra Rși and his mother Simha Devi. His colour is blue. [Nava-grahasântiya.] He blows on a conch. [Hora-sântiya.] His symbol is a conch, his colour grey, his vehicle a buffalo, his tree the wood-apple (feronia elephantum) or margosa tree, his offering milk-rice, or milk and palm sugar, his region the north, and he has 5 faces, a face on his belly, 4 hands, and a vajra (thunder-bolt) as weapon, according to Nava-graha-sivusantiya, N-.g.- mal-baliya, and Mal-bali-upata. Invoked in Tis-päyê kîma as regent of the 11th päya, as riding a buffalo, holding a conch, and dwelling in a nimba tree.
Buddha and the Buddhas. The merits, deeds, and qualities of the Buddha are invoked to exorcise disease and other evil influences in Amsa-pada-mangale (giving the 216 tokens on his soles), Asura-bandhané, Alavisi-mangale, At-bali-yâgaya, Bali-särasuma, Bi-maa-alaikâraya, Buddha-ratna-vidiya, Budu-guna-alankaraya, Budu-gura-mula-antiya, Däpana-s., Desiupata, Dolos-mas-santiya, Dos-haranê, Gini-jal-vina-käpima, Hamsa-rája-mangalê, Hat-aliyaprarambhaya, Hat-a-liya-vina-käpima, Hin-dos-pahakirima, Ina-male, Iri-panun-kavi, Isvaravidiya, Jaya-mangala-santiya, Jaya-siri-mangala, Jvara-vidiya, Kadaturâva-hurima, Kalavarakavi, Lanka-bandhanaya, Mahâ-purusa-lakunu-vina-kapima (invoking the 32 tokens on his body and deeds), Malvara-kima, Nava-graha-lântiya, N.-g.-sirasapáda, Nava-gura-santiya, Nava-natha-yantra-yagaya, Nayi-keli-santiya, Nayi-natavana-kavi, Otunu-vas-haranê, Pancapaksi hal-aliye, Panu.hatane, Paralê-kavi, Paramita-santiya, Pirittuva, Ratana-sutra-santiya, Sanni-yak-dapane, Sat-dina-mangalê, S.-d.-santiya, Sat-sati-sirasapâda, Set-ruvan-mal, Sirasapada-mangalê, Sirasapadaya, Suba-set-kavi, Suba-siri-mangale, Surya-mangalê, Suvisi-vivaranasirasapâdaya, Suvisi-yayaya, Thupa-vamsa-santiya, Tira-hata-mangalê, Tis-paye kima, Unasantiya, Una-vidiya-sirasapâdaya, Valalu-vidiya, Valalu-vina-käpîma, Vina-kapun-kavi, Vinasantiya-sirasapada, Vina-vidiya, Visal-pura-santiya, Yaku-elavima.

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The Mavuli-malaya (recited in exorcising spells) relates that the gcds made a crown of gold, silver, brass, bronze, copper, pearls, and gems, which fell from the Nilakuta rock into the Nâga's world. The Nâgas, having resolved to curse Mara and to prevent im from harming the cause of the B., came with their king in procession to Kälaniya, ringing this crown (see Betel). They there offered many gums to the relics, and by the power of the crown Mâra's spell was dissolved. The crown went of itself and rested on the head of the image of B. Round the metal crown, which was made by Viśvakarma, was a wreath of blue water-lilies entwined with blue creepers, and on the top was a lotus-flower. His previous births as a female squirrel, a hen-parrot, and the lady Itibiso, etc., are narrated in the Itibiso-jataka-kavi. The Budu-mula-upata, describing a rite for exorcising spells from a sick man, mentions a spell laid by Mâra upon B., which was exorcised by Oădisa. A B. took part in the exorcism of Sudarisana (q. v.) by offering his head. B. took part in the healing of Vijaya (see Ata Magula); protected Dä limunda; gave Vişņu charge of his religion; his Bo-tree guarded by Bhadra-kâli and Kambili Kadavara; protects Kalu Kumara and Vata Kumara; appears in legend of the cloth used in healing Maha-sammata (see Cloth); conquered Sanni Yaka (see also Sobhita); his footprint on Adam's Peak watched over by Saman, who placed the hair-relic in a dâgaba; gave Ayyanar charge of the world; his victory over Mâra celebrated by the invention of drums (see Drums); overcame Gini-kanda, likewise Däḍimunda, Suciroma, Pârṇaka, Kararoma, Alavaka, Anguli, Andi, Demala, Malava, and the 8 Bhairava Yakas (mentioned in Buda-bala-däpané). On his connection with magic garlands and the legend of his bewitchment, the healing of the Bodhisattva by Dala-kada Rşi, and the Thousand Buddhas, see Valalu. B. is invoked in Tis-päyê kîma as regent of the 30th paya; he has 5 eyes (hence he is called Pas-äs) and 6 rays. His relics (dhâtu) are invoked for exorcism in the Dhâtu-ana-vina-käpima, Dos-haranê. The Dharma is invoked in Dharma-ratna. The 16 holy places are exorcistically invoked in Solos-ma-sthâna-sântiya. The formula “namo tassa bhagavato" etc. and "iti pi so bhagava" etc., are invoked for exorcism in Budu-guna-sântiya. The Buddhist doctrine of pilikul-bhavanâva, or contemplation of the On the offensiveness of the body, is conveyed in the exorcistic ritual of P.-bh.-sântiya. Ratana-sutta and its atthakatha is constructed the Ruvan-sûtra-sântiya. The 28 Buddhas (scil. the usual 24 and their predecessors Tanhankara, Medhaikara, and Saragaukara and their successor Gautama)are invoked in Atavisi-muni-guna-sirasa-pâda, Kadavara-sirasa-pâda, Valalu-vidiya. The merits of the 24 Buddhas are invoked for exorcism in Hin-dos-pahakirima, Tunu-ruvan-pirittuva. The 24 Buddhas figure in the rituals of Diva-saluvê kimd, Diva-salusantiya, Suvisi-mangalaya, Suvisi-vivarana-iantiya (which connects each Buddha with the astrological influences of a particular year). They are invoked in Sat-aḍiya-kavi. Gautama and the others are invoked to cure fever in Una-sântiya and U.-vidiya; connected with the rite of the Seven Steps (see Hat Adiya); invoked in Andi-kalavara-tovil and Inâ-mâlê. See also Betel, Bodhi-sattva, Curtain, Dälimunda, Dan Udiya, Dipankara, Divi Dos, Dreams, Gurulu, Hûniyan Yaka, Ina Yakas, Limes, Nâga-malaya, Namo Tassa, Pattini, Planets, Säkra, Têdas, Kadavara, Visâlâ
Budu-siri Kumarindu. A spirit, who figures in a legend of Maigra Devi, q. v. Ba-lat. See Betel.
But. Mother of Kohamba Raja.
Bata. See Bhúta.

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Camundi Devatar. A spirit presiding over the orange cocoanut (see Cocoa-nut); his eyes are 3 gavvas wide, his mouth 4 laks round, his brow 2 laks wide, his nose a puludula long, his face a prako!iya round.
Candra. See Sandu. Candra Devi. A princess, on whom see Wooden Peacock. Candra Kumari. Mother of the Kabêri, q. v. Candra vati. Mother of Kuvêni. Also, & princess: see Wooden Peacock. Candrima. Mother of Mal-sara Raja.
Caterpillars. The poem Panu-hatanê describes a plague of caterpillars, and exorcises them by Buddhist and other invocations.
Caturva hana Rakusu. A demon represented in the R.-bali; see Rakusu. Catuva yara. Father of Palauga; soe Pattini. Cera-min. For the legend and ritual of this king's healing, see Arch, Pattini. Citrapati, Mother of Ma-devi. Citra poti. A deity of the tolabô plant; see Ata Magula. Citra Raja. Father of the Kåbêri, q. v.
Cloth. Certain rituals are used to exorcise sorcery and various evils by the virtue of imaginary celestial cloths (dirri saluva). One, the Diva-8aluvé kima, used to exorcise evil from clothy used for canopies, relates that in order to heal Maha-sammata of Mara's onchantment Gaura, a Sri-Devatar at (vara s request brought one of Sahampati Brahma's four cloths to be used as a canopy. Three other cloths were needed for Maha-sammata to wear during the rite, and they were procured as follows. The body of a slave-girl at Uturukura, wrapped in two cloths, had been left in a cemetery, and was carried off by a vulture; a cloth fell into the king's park in the Himalaya wilderness, where a hunter found it and brotght it to the king. Another was given by the gods to Queen Maha-miya, who gave it to the king. The third, likewise dropping from a corpse carried off by a vulture in Uturukura. was given to the king of Baranis, who gave it to the physician Jivaka as a reward for healing his soul, and Jivaka offered it to Buddha. A Dira-salu-iântiya describes the ritual. The exorcist is supposed to hold a celestial cloth in his hand, which was given by all the Budlhas and gods; he perfumes it and invokes the gods. The demon exorcised here is apparently Devel Devi.
Cobra. So po poems exist which are sung during the charming of cobras. One is a Nayi-keli-malaya, which invokes various themes of Buddhism ; another the Nayi-natavana
wi, invoking in addition to Buddhist themes the Sun, the Earth-god (Mihi-devi), Alutnuvara Devi, Saman, and the four Guardians, and declaring that the cobra was born in Mangara-desa, that Mangara Davi created the earth, and that the singer is overcome by
Ilandari Devi. The poem Visa pu-upata states that of the 32 teeth of cobras four are named after four Yakinis, Takari, Makari, Kala Râkşi, and Yama-dậti. Brahma dwells in the Takari tooth, Vişnu in the Makari, lívara in the Kila Râkşi, and Säkra in Yama-dûti; Umi dwells in the cobra's right eye, Yasodara in the left eye, Gana-pati in the mouth, the Eight Bahirani in the skin, Krateśvara in the right ear, Nâta in the left. Evils presaged by the dropping of cobras' dung are exorcised by Mäti-bali-yagaynı (see Bali).
Coek. See Foul.
Cocoa-nut. In the ritual of the Mohol-upakarana-upata (see Divi Dos) the cocoa-nut used there is said to have originated from the cocoa-nut tree that grew from the severed head of Ganesa, from which sprang a tree that flowered after 3 months and bore golden

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cocoa-nuts (ran-lämbili), yellow cocoa-nuts (gon-t.), nuts with edible husk (navasi), small clustering nuts (bodili), and ordinary nuts. At the foot of the tree is Mihi-kata, at the middle Maha-kela, the Naga, at the top Nâpoti and Surapoti; in the fruit is Vişnu. The Pol-u pata desoribes a ritual for exorcising divi dos (q. v.), which it says was first used to heal Panduvas. Yellow cocoa-nuts were required to be placed at the king's feet. The Nine Rsis fetched them from the lands beyond the Seven Seas, where apparently Gana Devi was born of the Irugal queen; the cocoa-nut there grew from the god's severed head in 7 days, and Säkra fenced it round with thorns. The first kinds of cocoa-nut were successively rantämbili, gon-t., navasi, and bodili (see above); in the fruit dwell Vişnu and Cana Devi, the other gods dwolling in the tree are those mentioned above. Golden nuts are used for the exorcism of royal personages, the yellow for Brahmans, navasi for traders, bodili for the Goyi caste. A yellow cocoanut is used in the rite of Ata Magula, q. v. Siva planted seven of them to dispel sickness (see Tovil). The orange cocoanut has for tutelary deity Camuni Devatar, q. v. Its three-eyes belong to Gana Devi, Hanumin, and Sarasvati.
Crinum. See Lily.
Crow. Evils presaged by the dropping of crowy' dung are exorcised in Jäli-baliyâgaya (see Bali).
Crown. On the legend of the crowning of Maha-sammata, see Maha-ammata.
Curtain. The ritual Kaluturava-härima describes a bali-ceremony, in which a curtain is placed between the sufferer and the offerings, and I removed after the rite. Various Buddhist themes are invoked, likewise in some versions the Gods, Nata, Vishul, Saman, Kanda, Siddha Pattini, and the Four Guardians. A ritual of exorcism by drawing seven curtains, said to have been performed for Panduvas, is given in Tira-hala-mangale. Seven curtains are sometimes hung before images of gods, and on special occasions they were drawn in circles before the king on his throne. After invoking Buddha, the gods, and Valiga Rsi to bless the king, the poem calls on Jaya Guru and Oldisa the Va.liga Rxi to dissolve a spell, and speaks of a white and blue curtain for the Yama Rajas, and a golden one for Mihikata. It then relates that the four Guardian Gods, seeing Buddha sheltered from the rain under a cobra's hood, drew a curtain around, and then speaks of golden, blue, and white curtains being drawn before a throne, relating that Mihi-kata spread a blue cloth when Buddha sat upon the Vajrâsana on the river-bank, and narrating his victory over Mâra, etc.
Dado Yak. A demon invoked in Tota-kumara-sântiya. Dädi Appu. A demon, on whom see Piriya Devi. Däal Kadavara. A spirit, invoked in Amli-ka lavara-lovil.
Dädimunda (Dovatar Banda ra). A demon, son of Půrụaka Yak-senevi' and Irandati Kumari. He was named Sudu-mal (" White Flower"). On growing up he did homage to Narayana, Kadirâ pura Devi, and Saman Devi, and they appointed him to establish Buddhism in Ceylon. Kuvêra, Pärnaka's maternal uncle, gave him a blue wand and a bondiya, and made him commander-in-chief. He supported the Bodhi-sattva against the attacks of Mara, and was about to shoot Mâra when the Bodhi-sattva attained victory and became the Buddha. Because of his firmness (dädi) the Buddha called him Dädimunca. His followers were Gini Ka Javara, Kavisi Yaku, Malla Yaku, Urumusi Yaku. Gini-kanda. Kamala-va liga, Doluvara, and the Demala Yakas. He came from India to Ceylon, where he is styled also Devatêr Bandara and Vira-vikrama D. B., and carried a golden bow in his right hand. He holds the bondiya in his right hand, and wears a white robe. With his demons he shattered the rock at Alut-nuvara, and beat the Parangi who came to overthrow

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his temple. [D.-upata.] In the Pas-derata-kavi he is said to have been deputed by Säkra to lead the Five Devatâs into Ceylon, and to have had the power of burning up Yakas by. his glance : see Devata. The D.-avatära relates that he came to Ceylon to protect Buddhism for 5000 years, and joined in the struggle against Mâra ; he demolished the Black-rock Palace (Kalu-gal-pâya), and with his bow destroyed the golden pavilion on Meru; his followers are Kali, Kannadi Raga-nada, Gopalu, Pilli, Gini-jal, Lavudi, Gini-bradi, Mallava, Bâga, Devel, Vatuka, Omari, Mangra, and other Yakas; on each side of him is a Gini Kacavara. The D.-Zarama relates that the god was taken under the protection of Buddha, Narayana, Kanda, and Säkra. He came with a golden cane in a ship to Ceylon, where he was wrecked, and landed at Devundara (Dondra). When Somâvati Devi died during pregnancy, Dädimunda formed from her ashes a child, who was named Dapulu and became king of Devundara. Da dimunca afterwards landed at Sinigama and went to Uggal-nuvara and Dambadeni-nuvara, and dwelt in the rock-cave at Raja-giri. At Devana-giri Vahära he caused a bower to be made for Vat-himi Raja, and at the Randeni rock cave he placed an image of Visnu. The D-Parale state that D.'s former name was Sudu-mal Kumaru : he joined in the struggle against Mara; his ship was wrecked off the coast of Ceylon, and he reached Sinigama on the S.-W coast in a stone boat given by Säkra. A D.-kavi describes the god's arrival in Ceylon under the protection of Vişnu, of whom he is an incarnation and says that he dwelt at Alut-nuvara, where he broke the rock, and that he carries a cane strung with beads, and heals sickness; cf. Pilli-yak-kavi. The Alut-nurara-gala-bindima relates that the approach to the temple of the god at Alut-nuvara was blocked by a rock, and he, assisted by Yakas from various places, broke it up. He fanned the bow of Vigpu, and submitted to Buddha. He is connected with the rite of the Seven Steps (see Hat Adliya), and protected Senevi-ratna. A Devatar-bandara-kavi, styling him Dä imunda, Devatár-B., and Sandun Kumara, invokes him to receive betel and flowers, and says that he defeats Yakas at Made-madale, bents them with his cane, dwells at the tiled temple of Ämbäkke, etc. He is invoked in T'is-päyê kima as regent of the 26th päya, who aided Buddha against Mára on the Vajrâsana, anil in-aniyan-yakungê kavias having been subdued by Buddha (see also Sanni Yaka); also in Tota-kumara-baliya and Ala-visi Mangalê. His bangle is invoked in Halamba-santiya.
Dädimunda Devata Bandara. See Devatar Bandara. Dadi Yakas. Demons, mentioned as driven away by Kam bili Kacavara, q. v.
Dahanaka. The D.-devi-kari relates that D. with Galê Deva took possession of the forests. He went with a great retinue to Kahalle, and there left his golden weapon (probably the bill-hook that he is said to carry). He caught a wild cow-elephant, took away her appetite, and surrounder her with blue-flies; then he restored her, and she prostrated herself before him. At Ni-maluva he possessed the middle of a na-tree, so that it shook, in the presence of the nobles; he took possession of Uduvêriya, and visits Kahalle (where there has been upon the hill from immemorial times a herd of wild elephants sacred to him).
Dahat. See Betel. Dala-dimba Devatar. See Dala Raja. Dala-kada Rşi. A sage who healed the Bodhi-sattva; see Valalu.
Dala Kadavara (D. Kumara). The ritual of Dala-k.-yakşa-giri-bali prescribes a frame 8 spans in length and 4 spans 4 inches in breadth, on which is to be set a figure of Dala Kalavara, with 3 cobras' hoods on the head, two golden ear-jewels, blue eyes, a golden

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nose shaped like an elephant-goad, a Rakusu's face, hair dishevelled like a peacock's train, a jacket over both shoulders, a gold necklet, a girdle of 7 strings of pearls, a sword in the right hand, a club in the left, white-mottled belly, a sash, a devanga robe (fine muslin?), a red and white pillow, riding a horse. He is amorous and gluttonous; the flesh of 5 buffaloes and the milk of 500 cocoanuts are not enough to satisfy him. He is invoked also as Mal Kadavara, the Flower god, and is said to bring flowers in dreams and to feed on stones; see Mal Kanavara. The D.-k.-piripats says that this demon appears in dreams with children on his hip, golden ear-jewels, hair hanging loose on his shoulders, and garlands of flowers. He comes to women and falsely promises them children; he takes the form of their husbands and seduces them. He causes miscarriage and painful childbirth, and brings fits, spasms, etc., upon new-born children. He is invoked in Kadavara-vidiya, Kkavi, K.-go!u-pidavila. See also Riri Yaka.
Dala kebvara. Father of Dala Raja.
Dala Raja (D. Kadavara). A demon, son of Hamsavati and Simha Kumara Raja, son of Bam badat, king of Dantapura. To obtain a son Hamsavati offered to Isvara an ivory image made from the tusk (dala) of a living elephant, and Dala was born. Astrologers foretold that he would wed his own sister. When therefore a sister was born, she was hidden in a cave, and was hence called Giri: Devi. Dala heard of this, by the aid of his foster-mother, and feigned sickness, saying that he could only live if his sister cooked gruel for him. He thus gratified his desire. The princess, being with child, hanged herself on an äsala tree (Indian laburnum), but Säkra saved her, and made her body invisible. The king ordered his son to be crushed by an elephant, which in charging him split both its tusks, and rendered him senseless. Senasuru (Saturn), whom Dala, assisted by Rahu, had beaten in gambling, now revenged himself by throwing poison upon him, by which he was turned into a demon with three heads, to whom sacrifices were offered. In another version Säkra took him into his heaven, gave him three heads, and wedded him to Giri Devi. He guarded the body of Palaiga on his death, for which Pattini gave him the right to have three incense-torches offered to him, and made him guardian of the world of men. [D-r.. priliveta.] In one version (D.-kadavara-upata) Säkra is said to have taken away his life when he was attacked by the elephant, and caused him to be reborn in the elephant's tusk. This burst open, and he issued with 3 faces, 8 hands, and a cobra's hood over his head. He rides upon elephants, smites girls with disease and heals them, and is worshipped with offerings and dancing in which he is invoked as D. Kadavara, Demala Ka avara, Sohon K., Mal K, and Aliyama K. Another of his names is Dala-dimba Devatar. [D.-kalavara-upata.
The Dala-raja-upata describes him as son of Deva-aiga Raja of Dappa-dipa. His wife dreamed that an elephant with his tusks (dala) ripped open her body and entered it; subsequently she bore a son, hence called Dala Kumâra. The astrologers having declared that he would go away from the city, a palace was built for him in a forest of Indian-fig trees, where he was brought up. Nothing more is told in this version. The legend told in the Giri-devi-kavi gives the same story of Dala Raja's incest as the D.-t.-piliveta. It adds that at the time of the union she was 16 years of age, and that when Dala Raja missed her he wandered everywhere in search of her. In Heaven he found Senasuru, Kuja, and Rahu playing dice, and he threw dice 7 times with Senasuru and won all the throws. He then went to Säkra, imploring his help, and Säkra told him that he would find her body on an üsala tree in the forest near his home. He did 80, and again implored the gods' help. The poem here breaks off; the legend in other

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sources tells that Säkra sent Senasuru with a potion which restored her to life, and then Senasuru spitefully threw poison over Dala Raja which made him hideous. The D-kumaraasné relates that he was the son of Danta-siva Raja of Danta-pura by Nava-ratnavali. At the birth of his gister Giri Devi astrologers foretold his union with her. She was therefore brought up in a rock-house. But a woman described her beauty to him, and he went out under pretence of wishing to plough near the forest, and then feigned sickness, and begged to see her. She was sent by her parents to him, and he seduced her. She at once hanged herself on an üsala tree, and Säkra made her body invisible. Dala wandered everywhere in search of her, and at last came to Säkra's world, where he beat Senasuru at dice 7 times, and then demanded her back from Säkra, who agreed, and sent Senaguru to the īsala tree with nectar (amțita), with which to restore her to life. After reviving her with the nectar, Senasuru threw poison on Dala, whose form was thereby changed into that of a Rakusu, with blue hue, vast forehead, and head like a water-jar, huge eyes and belly, a nose like & black mountain, and short stump-like legs. He and Giri received offerings, and came to Ceylon. The Giri-devi-asnê states that Giri Devi was the daughter of the Brahman Dalakeśvara and Hamsavati Devi of Dantapura, and sister of Dala Kumâra, who was 7 years older than she. On account of the astrologers' prediction, she was confined in a dungeon. Dala reached her by a stratagem. She hanged herself on an ähala tree, and Säkra made her body invisible. Dala sought for her through many lands, aided by Senasuru, whom he beat at dice, and at length by the help of Säkra he found her body. Säkra sent Senasuru with a potion to restore her; but Senasuru out of spite threw poison upon Dala, who was thereby made to take the form of a Rakusu. The lovers were married, and all the gods gave gifts. One D-r.-kavi tells of the coming of Dala to the Sat-clanta Lake in search of Giri Devi and his struggle with an elephant there, from which Säkra named the prince Dala Kadavara. The elephant died and became a demon, which haunted Dantapura and so terrified the queen and Dala Raja, the king, that offerings were made to him and the 12 Giri goddesses given over to him. When Pattini went to the world of men, Dala Raja, who watched over the corpse of Palanga, received from her 3 kila to dispel sickness, from which he was called Kila Garâ, q. v. One Giri-devi-upata relates that Dala was born of queen Hamsavati, who during her pregnancy had a longing for all kinds of wild fruit, and also ate bits of potsherds, clay, and gravel. She afterwards bore Giri Devi, who was imprisoned in a cave. Her nurse told Dala about her, and he feigned illness. The parents to save his life decided to sacrifice Giri's maidenhood, and sent her. She went to him in all innocence, was seduced, and then while he slept hanged herself. Another Giri-deviupata gives a similar story. The parents are the king and quiven of Hamsavati; before Giri's birth, which was eagerly prayed for, the queen dreained that the gods gave her a golden mirror. The D.-kalavara-pidavila narrates that an elephant-king went with his queen, to a lake, and there battered at the bank with his tusks. The tusks broke, and he fell dead. From the tusks was born a prince, who magically flew through the air to Dantapura town, where he afflicted the queen and other women. He makes noises at night and causes cees to rustle; his body has yellow spots. The D.-karlarara-kavi states that the god was born with his twin sister from the womb of Ruvan-karandu, and they married one another. He brings fever and pestilence on men; his victims in dreams eat flesh and cakes, and a congulation forms in their stomachs. For exorcism a bali-image is made, for which the head-pillow is red and white; 3 cobras surmount the head, the face is like that of Brahma, and the appearance that of a Rakusu; there are two tusks in his mouth, a necklace on the

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neck, and a Giri goddess on each side of him. A D.-.-jantiya describes a ritual to cure headache, stomach-ache, swelling of the stomach, nausea, and disorders of women. An image of Dala should be made, 7 spans 7 fingers in length and 4 spans 5 fingers in width, having 3 cobras with swelling hoods over his head, ear-jewels, two tusks, a copper-coloured beard, a neck-chain, arm-rings, a girdle, and on each side a Giri Devi wearing a jacket and jewels. Five kinds each of yams, cabbages or hearts of vegetables, parobed grain, milk, and flowers, and a five-coloured robe should be offered. The D.-kadavara-dola states that he causes whooping-cough, asthma, delirious and impeded speech, mania, dumbness, distension of the abdomen, flux, fits, etc., and prescribes for his propitiation a rite with a bali-image of clay mixed with sandal dust and watered milk, 6 cubits long and 4 broad, with three cobras' hoods over the head, the face of a rakusu, a flower-brocaded pillow on its head, a virgin at its feet, and Giri Devi at the sides. Red fowls are offered. The D.. koumára-puvata describes a bali-rite for Dala and Giri, to exorcise sickness. The exorcist purifies a white ant's nest on the north (of the patient's house ?) and thence take clay for an image. The table for the image is 8 spans in length and 4 spans 4 fingers in width. The image of Dala has 3 cobras' hoods over its head, ear-jewels, neck-jewels, a jacket and belt, the face of a Rakusu, and 4 hands. A Giri stands on each side of him, and he holds them by the hair. This image is placed on the west (of the patient's house?), in the nearest cemetery. Young cocoanuts, etc., are offered. The figure of Giri, which is made of the same clay and put in the same place, stands on a table 7 spans 2 fingers long and 4 spans I finger wide. She has on each side a Rakusu with his arms around her neck, and holds a child on her hip. During the ceremony a pirit-cord is tied and charms are muttered. See also Aliyama Kadavara, Drums, Pattini, Sohon Kalavara.
Dala Riri. A god invoked in connection with Riri Yaka. Dalu-mura. See Betel.
Dancing. Dancing comprises gila or song, nitya or dancing proper, and bera pada or drum-accompaniment (on which see Drums). Dancing was invented by the Rsis at the rites for healing the enchantment of Maha-saminata ; there are 32 tunos for it. [Nrtyaupata.]
Dandu-monara. See Wooden Peacock. Danta-dhatu Rşi. A sage, on whom see Vas. Danta-siva. Father of Dala Raja. Dantura Bandara. A demon, on whose legend see Perahära. Dan Udiya. For the legend of this Preta see Virálá. Dipima. A ritual of exorcism, on which see Sanni Yaka.
Dapulu. A chiid created by Dürlimunda (q. v.) from the ashes of Somâvati: he became king of Devundara (Dondra).
Daru-nälavilla. A "lullaby for children" sung by exorcists. Davul. See Drums.
Days. For the unlucky days, see Rittà. On the propitiation of the days of the week, see Set-santiya.
Dehi, Desi. See Limes. Demala Kadavara. See Dala Raja. Demala-madana. A companion of Ratikan, q. v. Demala Oddisa. See Olilisa. Demala Pilli. See Pilli Yaka. Demala Vädi. “The Tamil Vädi," a spirit invoked in Vadi-yak-yadinna. Demala Yaka. A demon, subdued by Buddha, q. v. See also Sanni Yaka.

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Demala Yakas. Followers of Dädimunda and Kam bili Kadavara, q. v.
Desa-guru. Father of Abhimana Yaka, q. v
Deva-anga. King of Dappa-dipa, and father of Dala Raja (q. v.); father of Ândi Kadavara (q.v.).
Deva-gri. See Giri Devi.
Deva Oddisa. See Oddisa.
Devappandi. The Pândiyan king figuring in the legend of Pattini, q. v.
Devata. The Five Devatâs (Pas D.) are Kalu D., Kambili D., Gurumâ, Hädayâ, and Ratna Kadavara, q. v. The Pas-devatâ-kavi, after invoking Pattini and Kanda, tells that the Five were at first prevented from landing in Ceylon by other gods. They therefore went to the heaven of Säkra, who gave them into the charge of Devatar Bandara, or Dädimunda. With him they landed in Ceylon at Kala-tire and went to Batticaloa, Devanagala, and Perimiyankulam.
Devata Bandara. A god, invoked in Mal-yahan-kavi; see also Gangê Bandâra. His bangle is invoked in Halamba-sântiya.
Devatar. A spirit, propitiated in Yak-pidavila.
Devatar Bandara (Alut Devi, Gombara B.). A spirit, who protected the god Kanda Kumara, and caused King Vira-parâkrama-bâhu to build at Ämbäkkê, near Kandy, a temple for the latter. Devatâr gained victories for King Dutugämunu; when the Parangi (Franks) came to Maha-maluva, he killed their captain, and when they visited Ämbäkke he made them beat one another with bunches of nettles. He drove away Devel Yaku. A kaduru tree, being cut to make a post, shed a pool of blood; sacrifices were made, and the temple at Ämbäkkê was built. [Alut Deviyanné kavi.] The Ämbäkkê-alankaraya tells a similar story of the building of the Ämbäkkê temple, which it says was built by Vikramabâhu for Kanda Kumâra, who gave charge of it to Devatâr Bandara; it replaced a temporary sanctuary of Kanda founded by a warrior of Ämbäkkê, and it was during the building of the latter that the miracle of the bleeding tree happened. He gave protection to Na-mal Kumara (q. v.) and his companions. He is invoked in Dalu-mura-pidum-kavi, D.m.-yahan-k., and Samagam-mal-yahan. In one D.-b.-kavi this god is addressed as Däḍimunda Devatâ Bandara and Sandun Kumaru, and said to be worshipped in the sanctuary at Ämbäkkê, to destroy Oddi Yaku and Väddas, and to have 60,000 followers and 1,000 temples. Another D.-b.-kavi also is addressed to him. See also Alut Devi and Däḍimunda.
Devatar Devindu. A god, who protects Kalu Kumara, q. v.
Devel Devi. The Vâhala-d.-kavi (cf. Tedâlankâraya) relates that Devel Devi was born in the Vadiga land, whence he sailed for Ceylon with followers of many races in seven ships laden with various things, especially bangles. The ships being wrecked, they drifted about for 7 days; then a stone raft was made, which carried them swiftly to Ceylon, aided by the Sea-goddess Mudu Maui-mekhalâva and the four Guardian Gods. They sighted Adam's Peak, but on reaching Pânadura and Gonagala they were prevented from landing by the gods, and they went to Sinigama, where Gini Pattini created 7 walls of fire and a bronze net to keep them out; but Devel Devi devoured the fire, and the gods fled before him. A temple was built for him there by the Mäti, offerings were made, and he was called Alut Bandara. He went to Kalugan-äla. He cut some plantain bark, threw it into the water, and sat upon it; it sprouted into trees which blossomed in 7 days, whence the place was called Kehel-gomuva, "Plantain Village." A temple was also made for him at Vêragoda. (Cf.. the legend of Gangê Bandara.) The Kehel-gomuva-devi-kavi, in which Devel Devi is invoked, adds that he smote the Mäti of Sînigama with sickness, and in a dream bade him save himself by building a temple; he then attacked men, but was restrained by Kanda and banished to Kalagam Malala Aḍaviya, where he receives offerings.

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One Devel-yadinna relates that an ascetic (apparently Bhasmasura, q. v.) was given by iśvara the boon that whatever he touched should burst into flame. Then Vişnu appeared to him as a girl in a swing; the ascetic became enamoured, and swore to give her whatever she desired, touching his own head as a sign of his oath. He was at once burned up. From the flames sprang Toda Kurumbura, Mal K., and Vata K., from the ashes Kalu K. and Devel; two other gods also arose thence. Each of these seven gods took a ship, loaded it with men and goods, and set sail. The ships were wrecked. After they had been swimming for 7 days, Mani-mekhalâve gave them a stone raft, on which they reached Ceylon. They trampled down the 7 barriers of fire which Pattini created, and landed; they visited Panadura, Iddagama, Mädagama, Sinigama, Udugampitiya, eto. One Devel-bâge, a poem to be sung in a dance in honour of the Devel gods, invokes them with the Seven Pattinis, describes the offerings to them, and speaks of their healing the Mäti of Sinigama and the building of a temple to them there. A D.-baga-kavi, which styles the god D.bâgayê Baudara Devi ("the Bandara God of the D.-district”), says that Siddha Pattini gave him authority in Ceylon, to which he came with 12 gods; he removes sickness and trouble, and runs over fire ; he has sanotuaries at Pas-bâga, Kehelgamuva, Kotmalaya, Samanala, the two Bulatgam-patana, Nuvara Eliya, and Gavara Eliya. One D.-kavi describes Devel as wearing a red blanket round his waist, pearls, and a shawl over the shoulders, fanning himself with a cloth of gold, and dancing near Maha-meru with a golden bangle in his hand. When he approached Ceylon, Pattini created 7 fire-lights in the sky to prevent his landing; but on reaching Siniyagama he created a fiery turban and robe and ate fire. Apparently he paid worship at Makkama (Mecca) and Kälaniya. A D.-yadinna states that there were three Devel gods, sons of queen Trivakkali of Soli-pura, who came with their retinue in 7 ships. They were wrecked on a reef, and after they had been swimming about for 7 days Mani-mekhalâva created for them 7 new ships, on which they reached the shore, breaking through the barrier of iron and fire with which Pattini tried to bar their entrance, and making their seats at Devuzdara, Muhudu-ragama, Udugampitiya, Bentota, Kalutota, Unavatuna, Sänigama, and Pânadura. The Maha-devel-vidiya, narrating the landing of the 7 Devel gods, describes an exorcistic ritual, in which Devel Devi is represented by a torch on the right and Gini Kurumbara by one on the left; the celebrant carries in his right hand the god's bangle, with which the god dances on the crystal rock beyond the Himalaya. The D. devi-nälma describes a dance on hot charcoal, in which the Devel gods are invited to take part, and states that Dovel came to Ceylon across the Seven Seas. A Pandama-kima relates that D. embarked for trade in a boat made of a log of a divul-tree (elephant-apple). It was wrecked, and Mihi-kat created one of stone, in which he reached Panadura. When he landed there, Pattini created a blazing fire. He sprang into it and danced the "firedance" (gini-keli). He gave torches to the Yakas and Nanda Rşi; Kanda came, and gave & torch to Riri Yaka for the “resin-powder fire-dance" (kila-gini-keli). The D.-devi-yadinna, a poem to accompany the dance in honour of these gods and describing the invocation of them to heal sickness, describes their voyage to Ceylon and their shipwreck; after they had been swimming for 7 days they found a stone raft, on which they reached Pånadura. For another dance-ritual for Devel see Arch. He attends Kalu Kumara, q. v. He issued from the flames that consumed Bhasmasura, q. v. He is apparently exorcised in Diva-sahusantiya, and is invoked in Alut-devi-kavi, Dalu-mura-yahan-kavi, Hat-adiya-prarambhaya, Kehelgomuva-devi-k., Samagam-mal-yahan, Sal-adiya-k., and Vidi-bändima. See also Devol Deviyo, Fowl, Kurumbura, Pattins, Pilli, Riri Yaka, Tanipola Riri Yaka, Torch.

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Devel Kadavara. A spirit invoked in Andi-kadavara-tovil. Mentioned in Kadavaralovil and K.-kavi; invoked in Kadavara-vidiya, K.-upata, Tedâlan karaya.
Dovel Maha-kada vara. 'A demon invoked in Toa-kumara-śântiya. Devel Pattini. A companion of Gangê Bandara, q.v.
Devel Yaka. A demon in the troop of Dädimunda. 60,000 spirits of this name were created by Gangê Bandara, q. v.
Devi. The goddess-wife of Kanda. Devi-Raja. See Säkra.
Devol Deviyo. A group of gods coming from Vadiga-desa ; patrons of seamen. They were the 7 sons of 7 queens (Tedapoti, Surapoti, Asurapoti, Yudapoti, Gunapoti, Mihipoti, and Siripoti), the wives of Râma-simha Raja of Kuhara-pura, and they were born one day after another. They became great hunters, and were therefore banished by their father. They set out in 7 ships, with crews of various races, and became pirates and traders. They visited Kataragama; their ships having been wrecked, they landed at Panadura, in order to settle at Beruvala. [D.-alankaraya, cf. D.-devi-yâtráva.] See also Devel Devi, Riri Yaka, Tota Kadavara.
Dhatu. See Buddha. Dhfta-raşfra. One of the four Guardian Gods, q.v.. Diggalpold Devi. A spirit invoked in Dalu-mura-pidum-kavi. Dipankara. A Buddha ; he protected Hûniyan Yaka. Diva Saluva. See Cloth.
Divas Devi. A god, connected with the legend of Kalu Bandara's black leopard (see Kalu Bandara).
Divas Kiri Amma. See Kiri Amma.
Divas Raja. A god, invoked in Alut-devi-kavi as born at Alagolle. The Dolaha-devikavi speaks of his coming to Ceylon and holding a flower in his right hand.
Divi Dos. The "perjury-sickness", said to have been inflicted on Vijaya for his repudiation of Kuvêni, and on his nephew and successor Panduvas. The latter was healed by the Mala Raja, accompanied by Väddas. The Divi-dos-sântiya, which refers to this legend, gives the ritual for exorcising the divi dos from a noble or royal person, invoking the Mala Raja, Kit-siri, and Sandalindu, with other spirits. A ritual to cure this disease is given in Mohol-upakarana-upata, which says that the Nine Rais, seeking a pestle for the rite to heal Kakusanda Buddha of Mara's bewitchment, made one from a divi-kaduru tree in the world of Sükra. They made it 7 spans long, with two gold rings at the end ; at its lower end was Gana Devi, in the middle îśvara, at the top Siriya. A pestle is accordingly used in the rite, the evil being exorcised into it; cocoanuts, crinum lilies (tolabô), hirässa vine, (cissus quadrangularis), rice, a leopard's skull, etc., are accessories. Another rite is given in Nava-graha-mal-båliya. A shed is built, and the planets propitiated. A lotus is drawn on the ground the square of 8 compartments (aţa magula) formed, and leaves of the crinum and hirässa vine with rice, a rice-mortar, cocoanuts, and a leopard's skull, are placed on the spot, and incense and perfumes are offered. The Divi-dos-pirittuva relates that on the day of his Nirvana Buddha sent Pulvan with a charmed thread (pirittuva) for Vijaya; Mala Raja exorcised the divi dos of Panduvas ; by the thread sent by Säkra was exorcised the vas evil (800 Vas). Other exorcisms for “divi dog" are described in Yåga-alan karaya and Pol-upata (see Cocoa-nut). It attaches to perjurers from chairs, covers, etc; see Leopard's Head. See Kuveni, Mala Raja, Panduvas, Rukattana, Vijaya.

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Divi-kaduru. A tree, the Tabernæ-montana dichotoma, whence was made the pestle used in the rite of Ata Magula and the healing of “divi dos"; see Aga Magula, Divi Dos, Yaga-sóman.
Divi Raja. See Kit-siri. Divi Rakusu. A demon represented in the R.-bali; see Rakusu. Divi-tala. See Leopard's Head. . Dodanvela Deva. A demon, on whose cult see Perahära.
Dolaha Deviyo. Twelve gods, invoked in Dalu-mura-pidum-kavi and Samagam mal-yahan. A Dolaha-devi-kavi gives their names as Mänik Devi, Mâvatte D., Kosgama D., Parakasa D., Maralu Yaka, Kumâra D., Miriya-bädde D., Vanni Bandara, Kalu Bandara, Bôvala D., Migahapitiyê D., Mirisvattê Alut D., and Kivulo-gedara Alut D. (Maralu Yaka being superfluous), q. v. They are worshipped with betel, etc., in Dalu-mura-yahan-kavi: They are associated with Kiri Amma, q. v.
Dolos Räs. See Zodiac. Doluvara Yaka. A follower of Dädimunda. Doratupala Yakas. Certain demons, on whom see Vas.
Dos-harane. A charm for averting evil, and the poem describing it. It invokes Buddha, his exploits, the footstep imprinted by him at Makkama (Mecca), his relics, etc.
Dreams. The sixteen dreams of the Kosala Raja and their interpretation by Buddha are given in the Solos-svapnaya-kavi. An account of dream-interpretation is given in Svapna-malaya, Sina-vistaraya.
Drums. Said to have been invented when at a festival to celebrate the victory of Buddha over Mára a Gandharva (Celestial Musician) brought a drum a gavva (4 miles) long, and played upon it the 32 tunes. Säkra played in his honour the "Säkra-tune" in Visalamaha-nuvara. The teacher of the Gandharvas went with a drum to king Maha-sammata and beat it in his honour. (Davul-upata.] The Nrtya-upata states that the first drum was of deodar cedar wood, and was 2 spans 2 inches in length. Its rings were formed of the tail of the Naga Maha-padma; his hood yielded the parchment skin, his sides the thongs to stretch the skin. The Sun and Moon had under their protection its belly, Mahabhagavati its skin, Gana Devi its thongs. The first drums were made of the wood of kohomba (Azidarachta indica), deodar, and gan-suriya (Thespesia populnea). There are 64 tunes for drums.
One Udäkke-upata gives a legend of the uďäkke or small drum shaped like an hour-glass, with a skin at each end. These were first used by a Gandharva, and Svarņa Devi played on them on the day when Mahs-sammata became king. Kanda gave the wooden frame. Rahu the ring binding the skin, Dala Kumaru the skin, Nâta the string. Brhaspati the hand-thong, Viśvakarma the thong with the small oymbals. Säkra dwells in the hand-thong, Nata in the strings, the Moon in the skin, and Kanda in the body. Another U.-u. states that Kanda gave the body, Rahu the ends, Nata the cord, Vanara Devi the parchment.
Duma-valli Deviyo. A goddess, on whom see Vas.
Dutugämunu. The poem Gamunu-naga-kathava gives a legend of this king of Ceylon. After describing the world of the Nâgas and stating that the Nâga King Maha-kela dwells in that part which lies under Ceylon, it relates that after Dutugämunu had conquered the Tamils and built the Ruyanväli Dagaba, seven Naga maidens came up to make offerings at the latter, and used to bathe in a pool there. As the water in consequence became

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turbid, a guard was set, and Dutugämunu detected them. He fell in love with one of them, and made her his chief queen. After 12 years she obtained his reluctant consent to revisit her home in the Naga world. He was aided in his wars by Devatar Bandara (q. v.). See also Ratna-valli.
Earth-god, Earth-goddess. See Mihi-kat, Mihi-kata.
Elala. A childless king of Ceylon, of the Soli race. He is sometimes identified with the king in the sixth story of the Vitti-hata (cf. Mahâ-vamsa xxi), who, when his son rode over and killed a calf, put him to a like death (see Pilli Yaka and Soli Kumaru).
Ela Rakşi, Mother of Riri Yaka. Eng. Mother of Kali.
Endora Devi. The "Herdsman-god," mentioned in an obscure verse of Mangra-devipuvata, and perhaps identical with Gopalu.
Fever. Several rituals, styled Una-śântiya and Una-vidiya, profess to exorcise fever by charming the patient from head to foot and invoking the deeds and merits of the Buddhas. One Una-vidiya prescribes that rice and betel should be offered, and the patient covered with a cloth. The Unz-vidiya-sirasa-pa daya gives an exorcism of fever from each limb by invoking various deeds of Buddha.
Five Birds (Panca-pakşi). Spells are cast by this astrological form ; see Hat Adiya. Flower-altar. See Mal-yahan.
Fowl. The cock is often used in offerings to Yakas. One Kukulu-upata, describing apparently a ritual for Devel Devi, says that cocks were first required for the ceremony to heal the enchantment of Maha-sammata. It was then found that fowls had been born of Kala Raksi, their father being the Rşi Išvara, and a cock was in the world of the Asuras, upon their flag or standard. Viduli-valâ haka, the Lightning God, flew to fetch it, and when it crowed on Kanda's standard he caught it in a noose and brought it back. Another Kukulu-upata says that Rakusus in the form of fowls dwell in the Asuras' world between the three peaks of Maha-meru. Fowls come thence, and were caught in nooses by the power of Maugra Sâmi. One was needed for the rite to heal Maha-sammata ; Säkra sent Viduli-valâhaka to fetch it. The fowl is now used in exorcism, the evil influences being conjured into it. The Tovil-pali-upata states that the fowl offered in the tovil rito arose from the throne of Kanda (see Tovil.) The Sävul-yâgaya relates that Vişņu created a golden cock, and took it to the war waged by the gods against the Asuras, in which it gained victory; it has the power of Kanda. See also Senevi-ratna.
Gaja-bahu. (1) A king who received and afterwards slew Abhûta Devi, q. v. (2) A king, on whose legend see Pattini.
Galo Deva. A companion of Dahanaka. Gal-vadan Kumari. Seo Kiri Amma.
Game Devata. This" village-god" is described in G.-d.-kavi as having 3 shawls round his waist, a chain of flowers round his shoulders, and a club in his right hand, and driving away demons. A flower-altar is made for him, and offerings presented in a scoop.
Gam-paraveni Devatar. A local god, described as lord of the Ratna-nîla-gam, and beautiful, with a red robe, a sword in his right hand, and attended by Yakas; his hair is worn in two matted teils. [G.-p.-devata-kavi.] An invocation to him is appended to Tedâlankaraya.
Gömunu. See Dutugämunu.

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Gana Devl. The Hindu Ganesa or Gana-pati; bory: from Távara's wife Uma on a Thursday ; brother of Kanda Kumara; he has an elephant's trunk and pot-belly, and taught the 18 lands 60 arta. [Gana-devi-hälla: Gana-pati-yadinna.) A temple to him was built by King Vira-parâkrama-bâhu ; vide Vanni-puvata. On the legend of the cocoa-nut arising from the head of Gana Devi, who according to Pol-upata was apparently born of an Irugal Queen, see Aa Magula and Cocoa-nit. He dwells in the rice-pestle used in the rite of Ata Magula (q. v.) and in the postle used in rites for healing divi dos (nee Divi Dos). He possesses an eye of the orange cocoa-nut (see Cocoa-nut); protects the thongs of the drum (see Drums); dwells in the mouth of the cobra (see Cobra), and at the tip of the leaf of the lily (see Lily). He is brother of Mänik pala, Umâ, Laksmi, Siri, Sarasvati, and Târâ, in one legend. He is invoked in T'is-päyê kima as regent of the 7th paya; also in Amara. sántiya, Nava-graha-s., Salu-salima, Set-kavi, Valalu-vidiya. See also Abhůta Devi, Kanda, Valli Amma.
Gana-ran Siri Valalla. A spirit in voked in Vädj-sântiya. Ganga Devi. A spirit invoked in Salu-salima.
Gangata Adipoti Bandara. A god, the " lord of the river," invoked in Gange-bandarakavi.
Ganga Bandara. A G.-6.-kavi describes this god's wanderings thus. He went to the Yaksa-giri Divayina, in the midst of which was the Girê wilderness, on the top of the Kantala-kûta; 12 miles beyond that he created the Devel-giri wilderness. He formed 12 Iron-stone Mountains (Yagal-pavu). He created 60,000 Devel Yakas; with them, Devel Pattini, and 60,000 Vadiga Kurumbara Yakas he sailed in a stone ship (hambana) from the Kåvêri river for Ceylon. On their arrival at Hambantota Kanda broke their ship. Gange Bandâra made a new ship of plantain stet.s, and sailed in it up the Maha-väli-gauga to the Dâstota rapids, and thence as far as the forests of Samanala. He turned into yakas a boy named Nayide, who was drowned, and another named Mal Hami. He planted his plantain-trunks on a rock, and in 3 days they formed 67 clumps, bearing fruit in bunches of 7 clusters each. In the middle was a golden plantain-tree bearing pearls and gems From this Kehel-gamuva ("plantain vlage") took its name. A temple was built there, and a pagoda of 9 stories was erected at Usväli. A temple was also made at Pasbâge. He is apparently invoked also as Alut Bandara, Mänik B., and Devata B., unless these are meant for other gods. He received authority from Saman, according to annther G.-b.-kari. He is invoked in Dalu-mura-pidum-kavi, D.-M.-yahan-k., Samagam-mal-yahan. See also Devala Bandara.
Gara. In Dolos-giri-dev-liyagê puvata the Garâ gods Kila, Môlan, Sandamal, Patti, Okanda, Honaļu, and Sohon (q. v.) are invoked.
Gara Yaka. The Gara-yak-pâliya gives a ritual to heal sickness by a bali-offering to Yakşa Giri (q. v.) and sacrifices to Kumara Devatår, Vata Kumâra, Sanni Yaka, and Garâ, adding instructions for distinguishing the kinds of sickness caused by the Yakas Sanni, Riri, Bhůta, Garâ, Vata, Kadavara, Gopalu, Bhairava, Sohon, Pilli, and Haniyan. A Gara Yaku is mentioned in the Kota-halu rite (see Kota halu): propitiated in the Yak-pidávila, Kovila-pevima.
Garuļa. See Gurulu." Garuda Oddisa. See Oddisa. Garuva Raja. A god, invoked in Salu-salima to heal elephantiasis ; see Pattini.

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Gaurasta Sri-Devatar. A deity who brought a celestial cloth for the healing of Mahasammata; see Cloth.
Ggur ta Yaku. A demon who carried to Mal-sará Raja the Vaḍiga casket. Gautama. See Buddha.
Gi-maḍuva. For this ritual, see Arch.
Gini-bradi Yaka. A demon in the troop of Däḍimunda.
Gini-halamba. On the "Fire-bangle" of Kâli; see Kâli.
Gini-jal Kumari. A goddess, said in Dolaha-devi-kavi to have come with others from Sorabora-väva. She is the mother of Kalu Kumara, q. v. Gini-jal or Gini-kanda Devi is the mother of Mini-maru Yaka, q. v.
Gini-jal Kurumbura. See Kurumbura.
Gini-jal Yaka. A G.-j.-y.-kavi describes this demon as emitting and surrounded by flames, as torturing Yakas by the power of the Gini-jal Bisava, as aided by the Seven, Queens and Pattini, and as having been born under the ashes of a cremated corpse. A Samayan-pädura describes him as aided by the Seven Queens, q. v. He belongs to Däḍimunda's troop. The G.-j.-vina-käpima describes a rite to exorcise spells that burn like sparks of fire, spells of the marriage-post, etc. It invokes Buddha, Pattini, the avatara of Gini-jal Kumaru, Maha-bamba, and Nandiya. See also Gini-kanda.
Gini Kadavara. A demon, exorcised from women's waists in Kadavara-tovil; invoked in Andi-kaḍavara-tovil, Kadavara-kavi, K.-vidiya, K.-upata, K.-kavi, Tota-kumara-santiya. A G. K. stands on each side of Däḍimunda.
Gini-kanda (Gini-jal Kumara.) A demon, said to have been subdued by Buddha with the gini-jal-pralaya charm. To exorcise him from a sick man, the sorcerer puts on a shirt with 9 ends, a jacket and a veil, and takes a yama-club. A square site is measured out with a cord, with various divisions, etc., and is adorned with flowers and coloured cloths; the sick man is brought in, 300 lamps are lit around it, 300 limes are put by, an ash-pumpkin (pusul) is charmed, the 5 bangles of Pattini are invoked, etc. [Gini-kanda-vsi-upata.] The G.-k.-upata relates that when Pâlanga was slain Pattini went to the Kâvêri river, parted its waters by throwing into it her ring, and passed over its bed to Velliya-ambalam. There a Yaka approached her. She stretched out her middle finger, and a flame surrounded her. He swallowed up the flame, but was pardoned by her and became subject to her. From his swallowing flame he was called Gini-kanda ("Fire-devourer"), likewise Gini-jal ("Fire-flame"). He inflicts sickness, and is exorcised by offerings. A G.-k.-kavi states that cocks' flesh, toddy, hemp, and opium should be offered to this demon under bushes. He is the most learned of Yakas. He makes branches in the forest rustle and crash, breaks down trees across forest-paths, causes fits of cold and ague, frightful dreams, visions of bears, leopards, Malays, and Andis. He is the lord of this world. After travelling in many lands he crossed the Salt Sea and landed in Ceylon at Puttalama. See also Abhimâna Yaka, Dädimunda, and Gini-jal Yaka.
Gini-kanda Devi. See Gini-jal Kumari.
Gini-kanda Kadavaras. 7 demons,
comprising the two Yogi Gurus (q. v.), Saragama Râla, Velassê Bandara, Uduvela-piyasa Râla, Katugampala Râla, and Kalu Appu-hami.
Gini-kan Devi. Mother, of Yama-dûti.
Gini-kandi Yakini. The guardian of the Pearl Sea; see Seven Seas, Turmeric.
Gini Kumari, Mother of Kambili Kadavara and Kalu Kumara.

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Gini Kurumbara. A deity invoked in Kehelgomuva-devi-kavi as speaking Tamil, dancing and inspiring prophecy; worshipped with offerings of perfumes underneath a milla tree (vitex), which is cut down next day and burned; the celebrant may dance in this fire. A Kiri-korahé kavi mentions his landing at Ginigat Deválé near Panadura. He is represented in the torch-dance connected with Devel Devi, q. v. He had charge of the suuth-eastern entrance in the ship of Mala Raja, 9. v.
Gini-madana. Consort of Ratikan, q. v. Gini Maralu. A companion of Maralu Yaka. Gini Pattini. See Pattini. Gini-ran-halamba. See Bangle. Giragama Etana-hami. A spirit, on whom see Pitiya Devi. Gire. See Areca-sickle.
Giri. The poem Giri-liyo-dolaha-pidavila gives & ritual for healing sickness by firopitiating the 12 Giri goddesses, viz. Madana Giri, Bala G., Mólan G, Bhúta G., Hapu-mal G.. Nila G., Ratna G., Handun G., Tota G., Andun G., Patti G., and Valli-yak G., wio are invited to descend upon a decorated couch, on which a mal is spread and food offered, consisting of 5 kinds of cabbages or hearts of trees, five condiments, five kinds of flowers and yams, rice, salt, camphor, bananas, betel, silver and gold, false hair, a comb, spices, etc.. The Dolos-giri-dev-liyagê puvata iayokus 12 Giri godde ses, viz. latti Giri, Mudun G., Andun G., Môlan G., Saman G., Okanda G., Totahidi G., Ratna G., Vana G., Bâla G., and 2 unnamed, with Kila Garä, Mõlan G., Sandamal G., Patti G., Okanda G., Honalu G., and Sohon G. (g. v.). The Amara-santiya names 11 of the 12 Giri goddesses-viz. Andun, Sandun, Patti, Båla, Tota, Sohon, Okanda, Saman, Yak, Rataiga, and Môlan Giris. They are connected with the cult of Dala Raja and Giri Devi; see Dala Raja. They are invoked in Amara-śántiya, Samayan-pädura, Tota-kumara-baliya.
Giri-da-dalu. See Betel.
Giri Devi. The sister of Dala Raja ; on the story of their incest see Dala Raja. Under the name of Deva-gri she is exorcised by a bali-image in the ritual of Deva-gri-cali to remove sickness caused by Yakas.
Giri Kumari Devi, Mother of Kambili Kadavara. Giri-randa Yakini. Mother of Oddisa. Giri Yakini. A female demon, propitiated in the Yak-pidavila.
Golden Litter. Ton Ran-dolâva Väddô or Väddas of the Golden Litter are invoked in Vädi-yak-yadinna.
Goli Rakusu. A demon represented in the R-i ali ; see Rakusu.
Golu Kadavara. "The Dumb god", a demon attracted by the white gom bara marks on girls' necks. [Kadavara-tovil.] He is invoked in Kadavara-vidiya and K.-upata.
Golu-kirtti Yakini. The guardian of the Dumb Sea ; see Seven Seas, Turmeric. Golusan Raja. A god, invoked in Kovila-pêvîma and Pattini-yaga-kavi; see Pattini.. Golu Vädi. "The Dumb Vädda", a spirit invoked in Divi-dos-sântiya. Golu Yaka. A demon, connected with the legend of the plague of Višâlâ, q. v. Gombara Bandara. A god, invoked in Gi-madu-yagaya. See also Devatár Bandara. Gombari. See Kiri Amma. Gopalla. A spirit invoked in Vädi-santiya. Gopalu Kadavara. A demon, invoked in Kadavara-vidiya and K.-upata. Gopalu Oddisa. See Oddisa.

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Gopalu Vädi. A spirit, haunting the grazing-grounds of cattle; invoked in Divi-dossântiya. In the Mangra-devi-muvata he is described as having golden bracelets on both arms, blue eyes, and a black cloak. He is deaf in both ears. He sported in the Kiri-vila and Sääli-vila, and caught a calf. He came to catch a buffalo as a victim for Mangra, and apparently was killed with his followers by the animal; but at the subsequent rite they were all restored to life: see Mangra Devi.
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Gopalu Yaka. A demon in the troop of Däḍimunda. His influence is described in Gara-yak-pâliya. He is connected with the legend of the plague of Visâlâ, q. v.
Góra Yakini. A female spirit (perhaps Gauri), invoked in Visnu-vidiya-kavi. Gota-imbara. A hero, who defeated Maha-sohon Yaka, q. v. Cf. Mahâ-vamsa xxiii. Gotu-pat Vädi Bandara. "The Scoop-leaf Vädi Lord" (alluding to the scoops of twisted leaves in which some offerings are made), a spirit invoked in Väḍi-yak-yâdinna and Kadavara-vidiya. The Kadavara-vidiya states that G. and the other 36 Vädi Yakas were not present at the purification of Paṇḍuvas, and that if G. is met on a road & scoop (gotuva) and a victim should be offered to him.
Gotu-tun Väḍḍo. "The Three-scoop Väḍḍa" (alluding to the scoops of twisted leaves in which some offerings are made), invoked in Väḍi-yak-yâdinna.
Graha. See Planets.
Graha Bhairava. A demon represented in the Rakusu-bali; see Rakusu.
Guardian Gods (Satara Varan). The four Guardian Gods of Ceylon are Kihiräli, Upulvan, Saman, and Boksäl, with their subject Yakas. They are invoked in the exorcistic ritual of the Satara-varan-mal-yahan, with Mul Kadavara, Hûniyan Yaka, Amu-sohon, Iru Devi, Puspa Giri, Mangra Hâmi, Nâta, Kanda, the Yakas of the S., S.V., N.W., S.E., N., N.E., and the Nadir, and Pattini, the exorcist lying on his back and offering his blood. They are also given as Dhṛta-râstra, Virûḍhaka, Virûpâkşa, and Vaisravana in Mal-yahansântiya. They are given as Nâta, Visņu, Kanda, and Pattini in Satara-devâla-devi-puvata. Abhimana Yaka is under their authority. They are represented by the handles of the arcca-sickle (see Areca-sickle). They took part in the healing of Vijaya (see Ața Magula), and reside in the magic mat (ibid.); drew a curtain round the Buddha (see Curtain); aided Devel Devi and his companions to come to Ceylon (see Devel Devi). They and Pattini restored Kalu Kumara (q. v.) to life. They took part in the healing of Mänik pâla (see Rosewater), and protected Tota Kadavara. The Tovil-vidiya invokes the guardian of the east as riding with a golden goad on a horse; of the south-east, as riding with a golden club on a garuda kite; of the south, as riding with a golden sword on a hamsa goose; of the southwest, as riding with a club on a horse; of the west, as riding with a samasära arrow cn an elephant; of the north-west, as riding with a golden bow on a buffalo; of the north, as riding with a yak-tail far on a red horse; of the north-east, as riding with a conch on a lotus. Two rituals of Satara-varan-mal-yahan invoke to a flower-altar the four Guardians, who are here Nâta, Visņu, Kataragama Deva, and Pattini (q. v.). Temples of these four were built at Kandy, and they became generally recognised. The Guardians are invoked in Kaḍaturâvahärima, Kala-geḍi-nätum, Lanka-bandhanaya, Mal-yahan-śântiya, Manik-pâla-yagaya, Nayinatavana-kavi, Pandam-pâli, Salu-salima, Samayan-pädura, Set-kavi, Valalu-vidiya (see Valalu). Their bangles are invoked in Ran-halamba-kavi and Halamba-sântiya (see Bangle). See also Namo Tassa.
Gunapoti. One of the mothers of the Devol Deviyô,

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Guru (Brhaspati). The planet Jupiter. He was born in Salinda-desa; his father was Simha Rşi, his mother Simha-valli. His colour is golden. [Nava-graha-sântiya.] He is the friend of Kanda, dwells in the north-east, and gives purification with his water-jar. [Horâsântiya.] He gave the hand-thong of the drum (see Drums). His symbol is a water-jar, his colour golden, his vehicle a lion, a bull, or a chariot, his tree the bo-tree (Ficus religiosa) his offering golden rice, his region the north-east, and he has 3 faces, according to Navagraha-sivu-sântiya and N.-g.-mal-baliya. Invoked in Tis-payê kîma (as regent of the 22nd paya, born in Salinda-pura, and carrying a golden water-jar) and in Gana-devi-hälla.
Gurula Odḍisa. See Oddisa.
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Gurulu. The Gurulu or Garuda is the sacred kite of Vishnu. He is invoked in Pirittuva. There is a Gurulu-däpanê, a ritual to avert spells, and a poem descriptive of it. It is said that once a Gurulu kite seized a Naga Rája (cobra king), who twisted himself around a tree under which a hermit sat. The kite, in carrying away the Naga, unwittingly tore up the tree. When he had drained the Nâga's blood and dropped his corpse, the tree fell with the latter to earth. Then for the first time the kite saw what he had done. He came in human form to ask pardon of the holy man, who forgave him, and in return the kite gave him the Gurulu-spell. The hermit taught this to Devidat, the rival of Buddha, when he was in a previous birth as a snake-charmer; and as at that time the Bodhi-sattva was a Nâgarâja himself, Devidat by this spell caught and exhibited him. The charm was afterwards handed down to Odḍisa, who by means of it dispelled magic.
Guruma. One of the Five Devatâs: see Devatâ, Kambili Kadavara.
Hädaya. One of the Five Devatâs: see Devatâ.
Halamba. See Bangle.
Hamsapala Udiya. For the legend of this Preta, see Visâlà.
Hamsavati. Mother of Dala Raja.
See Sandu.
Handa.
Händä Kaḍavara. "The evening spirit," a god worshipped in Kadavara-go!u-pidavila. Handun Giri. See Sandun Giri. Handun Kumara. See Sandun Kumara.
Handun Kumara Kiri Amma. See Kiri Amma.
Hantane Deviyo. Invoked in Väḍi-yak-yâdinna.
Hanuman. He is said to have taken part in the healing of Maha-sammata (see Abinasântiya). He possesses an eye of the orange cocoa-nut (see Cocoa-nut). He is invoked in Abina-mangalê. The figure of H. is associated with that of Silambari, q. v. He gave the cocoanut spathe for torches (see Torch).
Hapu-mal. See Sapu-mal.
Haragama Rala. A demon, on whom see Pitiya Devi.
Hari-hara-putra. See Ayyanar.
Hat Adiya (Sat A.). An exorcism in seven steps, which are brought into relation with the 7 days of the week, and are marked off from one another by strips of plantain bark; a deity is invoked as each step is taken, viz., Buddha's Powers, a Bodhi-sattva, Nâta, Upulvan, Kataragama Deva, Buddha, and Pattini successively. Offerings to the possessing demons are made. Limes are offered, corresponding to each step, successively for the help of the Gods' speech, for Nâta, for Kanda Kumaru, for Pattini, for Sumana, for Devel Devi, and for Säkra, Mihi-kata, and all the Devas; they are then taken up and cut open in order, with invocation of 7 deeds of Buddha. [Hal-aḍiya-prarambhaya.] According

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to the Amsa-pâda-mangalê, the exorcist should dance continually, repeating the name of the sick man, and offer fowls and goats. The 7 limes were placed respectively by Odḍisa, Kanda, Râma (the 3rd and 4th), Däḍimunda, Pattini, and levara. The steps are taken by the power successively of Mihi-kata, Nâta, Visņu, Kanda, Däḍimunda, Saman, and the Seven Pattinis, and they cure respectively the feet, arms, head, back, soles and toes, neck and face. The poem Sat-adiya-kavi describes a similar rite, especially exorcising the spell cast by sticking pins into an effigy. At the first step the Pirit, the 24 Buddhas, Säkra, Mini-kata, the holy footprint at Makkama (Mecca), Pattini, etc., are invoked; at the second, powers and exploits of Buddha, Visņu, and Jala Pattini; at the third, figures of Buddhist story and Mangrå Deva; at the fourth, Buddhist powers, Visņu, Teda Pattini, Jamagal Ṛşi, etc.; at the fifth, Buddhist powers, Viśvakarma, Mal Pattini, Vesamunu, Kâli Amma, Sarasvati, and Bhûmi-kântâ, the Earth-goddess; at the sixth, Buddha, the Rsis, Mihi-devi or Earth, isvara, Deva-raju, Bamba Sura, and Nârâyana; at the seventh, Säkra, Bamba, Pattini and her bangle, Saman, Saranankara (Buddha), the Seven Pattinis, Devel, Râma, and Kadirâpura Deva. The H.-a.-vina-käpima prescribes a rite for dispelling various evils by invocation of Buddhist themes in the following 7 groups, one group for each step-(1) frowning, delirium, madness, heart-burn, loathing for food, headache, flushes, heat, dreams of eating; (2) oppression of the chest, evil dreams, shivering; (3) unnatural sounds, swelling of the left leg, pain in the foot, dreams of women; (4) inability to walk, thirst, craving for food, panting; (5) chills and coughs caught after bathing, spasms of the chest, rheumatism; (6) burning of the foot, craving for fried food, swelling of the stomach, bleeding from the lungs, wasting; (7) cramp, looseness of teeth, vomiting blood, possession by devils. The H.-a.-dola describes a seven-step rite to the yakas in which the first step with its offering cures spells causing visions of elephants, terrors, cough, asthma, headache, burning in the belly, aches in the body, and indigestion; the second, bad dreams, leprosy, dim sight, visions of people standing near one's bed and of snakes twisting round one'; the third, spells causing madness, idiocy, fever, visions of women, swelling in the left side, cramp in the feet and hands; the fourth, terror, loss of appetite, wanderings among rocks and trees, burning in the body, strangulation of the throat, itching of the eyes, palsy of the head; the fifth, spells producing constipation, distaste for food, burning of the eyes, pain in the chest and joints, cough, itching of the ear, and deafness; the sixth, dreams of snakes, thirst, pain in the throat, wasting, burning in the soles, bitterness in the mouth; the seventh, emaciation and craving for flesh, arising from spells effected by waxen images enchanted at a grave and buried near the sufferer's style. The Indra-gurulu-hat-adiya prescribes a rite of exorcism by cutting limes with spells of the indra-gurulu type. The limes are placed in order for the symbols of the Gurulu, cat, lion, leopard, serpent, rat, and elephant; the steps are taken successively to represent the ascendance of the Sun, Sikurâ, Kuja, Guru, Senasuru, the Moon, and Budahu; and the limes are cut in reference to different constellations, etc. A H.-a.-upata, which traces this rite to the ceremonies used to heal the spell of Mâra, prescribes 7 steps, heel to toe, each with the invocation of a Buddhist theme and the cutting of limes. This exorcises malign astral influences and the mara spell, which is effected by the letters opposed to the initial letter of the sufferer's name. The Pañca-pakṣi Hat Adiyê prescribes a rite to exorcise spells cast by the astrological form styled Pañca-paksi. Limes are cut and 7 steps taken, heel to toe, with invocation of the vowels A, I, U, E, O, A. I, respectively. Each lime is laid down under the influence of some Buddhist theme. A ritual of "Seven Steps" with cutting of limes is given in Desi-upata; see Limes.

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Hatara Varan Deviyo. See Guardian Gods. Hat Bisav. See Seven Queens. Hat Kadavara. See Kadavara. Hat Pattini. See Pattini. Hat Raju. See Seven Kings and Kaludäkada Hat-Raju. Hemaya. A goddess, dwelling in the magic mat (see Ața Magula). Hena-gini-halamba. See Bangle. Hetti Nayide. A demon, on whom see Pitiya Devi.
Hin (Sin). A term designating the constellation under which a person is born, together with the 7th, 14th, and 21st of the 27.constellations reckoned from it in order. Evil influences that may arise from these are exorcised in the Hin-dos-pahakirima by invocation of the Buddha's merits. Four Hin are propitiated in Nava-graha-mal-baliya—viz. Yama, Vậyu, Murtu and Kala. To Yama belongs the constellation Adê (with a rat as vehicle, and the S.E. as region); to Vâyu Uturu Putupà (with a goat, on N. W.); to Murtu Hata (with a man, on N. E.); to Kala? (with a leopard, on S. W.).
Hirässa. See Vine.
Honalu Gara. A demon, invoked in Dolos-giri-dev-liyagé purata as haunting cemeteries and eating cakes in large quantities. See Gara
Hora. The part of the day in which & particular planet is in the ascendant: see Planets.
Horn-pulling. On the legend of this sport, see Pallini.
Sulavali Bandara. A spirit, said to have been formerly put to death in ignorance of his rank. Mal-yahan-kavi.]
Hunas-giriya Raja. A god invoked in Pitiyê dalu-mura-kavi. Haniyan Kadavara. A demon, exorcised from women's soles. [Kadavara-lovil.]
Haniyan Yaka (Saniyan). A demon. During the struggle of Rama Raja against tho Asuras, Isvara asked for a boon to overcome the latter, and the great Serpent (Maha-kela Näga-râja), coiled round Mount Meru, belohed forth poisonous smoke; the smoke from his right nostril turned into flame, that from his left nostril became Haniyan Yaka, who received 1000 attendants, and was given powers by the Serpent, by which he smote the world with diseases. [Haniyan-yadinna, Oddisa-kavi.] A H.-y.-kavi relates that the god began, his ravages under the protection of the Buddha Dipankara and Vesamunu. He appears in dreams. Cobras twine round his body; he drinks blood, eats flesh, and scatters the bones on the ground; he licks & human skull; he dashes elephants to earth. He is invoked to come on his horse. His offering is to be placed on a slab 4 spans square, divided into 16 chambers, with a cupola over it. With him is associated a Yakini. Another H.-yakungê kavi relates that the god was born onse from the nostril of the Naga Maha-kela, and once with a Yakini from the left shoulder of Mara. During the war with the Asuras Maha-kela coiled himself round Mount Meru, Isvara struck him, and Meru became crooked; but Vişou plunged into the sea, and made it straight.' Maha-kela then shot flame from his right nostril, and from the left a poisonous smoke; from the latter was born H. He killed and devoured men in many lands, and came to Visala when the plaguer aroge there, but was subdued by Buddha. He carries a huge olub, and has a crooked mouth full of human flesh. He has 1000 followers, and associates with Sanni Yaka; he is under the protection of Vesamunu. The H.-devatá-lavi relates that Visnu himself conceived and bore this god, and describes sacrifices to be made when he causes sickness, which is to

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be cured by the power of Mal Pattini, Amba P., Uramâla P., Karamála P., Siddha P., Gini P., and Teda P. He is said in Vas-haranê to have arisen out of the funeral pyre of Asupâla Kumari. The Sûniyan-kalu-yak-kavi describes the arrival of the Sâniyan Yakas in Ceylon by permission of Odḍisa and Vesamunu. To Sûniyan Yaka are to be offered 3 fowls' eggs, blood, flesh, fried meat, and two red cocks; he carries a palm-leaf and style in one hand and a golden club in the other. A ritual of exorcism is described. He obtained the sanction of the Buddhas. He appears as a boar, bear, bull, hornet, humble-bee, scarab beetle, cobra, viper, frog, hamadryad (mâpil), gecko, skink, screech-owl to the north of the house, gurulu, blue-fly, kindura, crow, red cock; or as a Buddhist priest in dreams. [Oddisa-vidiya.] His influence is described in Garâ-yak-pâliya. He is invoked in the Satara-varan-mal-yahan, and mentioned in the Vadiga-patunê-yâge as attending on the V.-p. See also Oddisa, Ratikan, Riri Yaka, Visâlâ, Visnu.
Igaha. See Arrow.
Ilandari Devata. To him Ayyanar made over his temple at Virakkuliya. He is said to possess the singer of Nayi-natavana-kavi (see Cobra). See also Kambili Kadavara.
Ilandari Devi. See Kaludäkada Kumaru.
Ina Bisava. A female demon, invoked in Ratikan-madana-bisavagê kavi. See Ratikanmadana Yakini.
Ina-madana Yaka. A demon who haunts rocks near fords, and inspires carnal desire. [Ratikan-madana-bisavagê kavi.]
Ina Yakas. Demons of ina or love-spells, who attack women. The Inâ-málê exorcises them and the Yakas hidden in hot water, summoning them to a flower-altar and invoking them by the power of the Buddhas Kakusanda, Kassapa, and Gautama, various Buddhist themes, and the Seven Pattinis. See also Mänikpála.
Indra. (1) See Säkra. (2) King of Baranäs; see Wooden Peacock.
Indra-gurulu. An imaginary being, represented in the exorcistic rite of 1,-g.-bali by a figure of which the head is the sign of the Zodiac presiding over the sick man's nativity, its body the appropriate nakṣatra or constellation, and its vehicle the yoni of his nativity. See also Hat Aḍiya.
Indrani. Wife of Säkra (Indra); invoked in Tis-payê kîma as regent of the 15th paya. Irandati. Mother of Kambili Kadavara.
Irandati Kumari. Mother of Däḍimunda, and daughter of Varuna Nâ-râja and Vimalâ. Iraniya-bali. A rite mentioned in Môlan-garâ-kavi.
Irddhi Bisava. A female demon, invoked in Ratikan-madana-bisavagê kavi. See Ratikanmadana Yakini.
Irddi Kurumbara. A spirit, invoked in Gi-maḍu-yagaya.
Irl. See Line.
Iru (Sarya). The sun. He was born of Kamala Devi in Kalingu-rata. He is golden in colour, and lord of the east. [Nava-graha-sântiya, Iru-handa-gamana-kavi.] The Suryakovul-muraya says that the Sun, accompanied by the Moon, once went to the Nâga king to get for himself a bride, and the Nâga gave him his daughter Pusäti. But Râhu in spite took the form of a Naga and poisoned the Sun and Moon, and they fell down upon two sides of a continent. The Nâgas then sucked out the poison, and the Rsis exorcised the spell; the Sun was crowned and anointed with water from the Anotatta lake. The Dehiupata tells a story of the poisoning of the Sun and Moon by Râhu and their healing by the Reis by means of limes (see Limes). The Sun is in the right ear of Oḍdisa, q. v. He

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protected Sandun Kumara, q. v. He is described in Hora-śântiya. On the legend of his seizure of Kalu Kumara, see Kalu Kumara. He is the father of Maha-sammata (q. v.) in one legend. He took part in suppressing the spells of the Valiga rasket (see Mal-sará Raja). His symbol is the sirivata and kettle, his colour tawny, his vehicle a car or horse, his tree the silk-cotton, his offering kunkum rice, his region the east, according to Navagraha-sivu-cantiya, N.-9.-mal-baliya, and Mal-bali-upata. He is represented by the right eve of the areca-sickle (see Areca-sickle). He is said to have taken part in the healing of Mahasammata; see Abina-santiya. Riri Yaka (q. v.) caught him in his noose and tortured him. He with the Moon protects the belly of the drum (see Drums). He is father of Senasuru. 9. v. He is invoked in Tis-päyê-kima as regent of the 9th paya, riding a horse ; also in Abina-mzigalê, Gara-pati-yatinna, Iri-panun-kari, Kala-geli-narum, Nayi-sulavana-kavi, Ran-dunu-alattiya, Salu-salima, Satara-varan-mal-yahan, Set-kavi, Surya-santiya (which describes him as of crystal, and red within), Valalu-vina-käpima, Yaga-ala i karaya, etc. For the representation of Iru in the Rakusu-bali, see Rakusul.
Irugal Bandara (Gombara I, B., Kande B.) A god, said to have been born and to dwell in a brick temple near the river at Payin-gamuya. [I.-.-kari.] Another I.-.-kavi states that Irugal is chief of Yakas, and favours Santané, his native home. Having once given alms to 1000 priests, he was promised future Buddhahood. He was born at Payin-gomuva. where his sanctuary was built, and was made a Yaka by Mala Raja and his two brothers when they healed Panriuvas. Raw offerings to him are prescribed in Karlavara-vidiya. He is invoked in Gange-ban lara-kavi and Värli-yak-yadinna.
Irugal Devi. A god, who gave authority to Kalu Kumara; invoked in Pattini-yaga-kari Isuru, Isvara. See Siva. Itibiso. On this legend see Buddha. Iti pi so bhagava. On this formula, see Namo Tassa. Jala-band hano. A spell said to have been exorcised from Manikpala, q.v. Jalapati. A spirit invoked in Kovila-pêvima. See also Agra-jalapati. Jala Pattini. See Pattini. Ja mag al Rşi. A saint, invoked in Sat-aliya-kari. Jaya Guru. A saint invoked in Tira-hata-mangale (see Curtain). Jaya-saka. Säkra's conch (see Säkra).
Jaya-siri-mangala. A rite, and poem descriptive of it, on the offering of mal-bulut (Aowers and betel, fixed in a ball of clay,) to Sri-kantava, the wife of Visnu, who is identical with Laksmî Buddha and the Bo-tree are invoked.
Jaya-sundara Sami. A person attacked by Abhimâna Yaka, q. v. Jaya-vira Bandara. A demon, on whose legend see Perahära.
Jiva hatta (Male Raja). Son of Vijaya and Kuvêni; said to have reigned in the Mala ya-rata of Ceylon. Apparently he assisted the Mala Raja in healing Panduvas of the " perjury-sickness.” [Divi-dos-santiya.] He is in one legend said to be an incarnation of Kalu Kumara, q. v. (Kalu-yak-upata.] He is invoked in Värli-santiya (see Värli Yakas).
Jivaka. The legendary physician, see Cloth. Jora Rakusu. See Jvara Rakusu. Jupiter. See Guru.
Jvara Rakusu. A demon of fever, invoked to avert sickness in Rakusu-bali, where he is described as being blue in colour, three eyed, three-footed, holding a bow and noose, and riding on a bullock. Another representation is given in R.-6.-sangaráva. See Rakusu.

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Kaberi. "The Kaftir", the name given to the child of Citra Raja of Citra-nuvara and Candra Kumari. The 16 other wives of Citra and the midwife exchanged him at birth for a log, anst he went through many adventures. A Raksasa (demon) killed a Kâbêri or Kaffir, and gave his skin to the prince as a coat. With this he went to Candra-padmanuvara, where the king received him kindly, and gave him his unmarried daughter. Seven kings having attacked the country, he killed and decapitated them, and cut out their tongues. His 6 brothers-in-law claimed to have killed them. Later, when hunting for game for the festival in honour of this victory, they were unable to catch any ; but the Kåbäri shot soms with his gun, and again cut out the tongues. Then, when his brothers-in. law claimed credit also for this, he showed the tongues of the seven kings and the game, and revealed their fraud. [Kabêri-kathava.]
Kaccayani. Queen of Paduvas. Kadaturava. See Curtain.
Kaçavara. A name given to various demons. The K.-upata states that K. was chief under the Mala Raja in Malaya-hala land, and came to Santâna-pattana with Mala Raja, by whose leave he receives offerings; he appears as a golden peacock. It prescribes that the exorcist shall wear a red cloth and carry a torch, red cock, and arrow. The offerings are presented on a three-staged altar of plantain-bark, 31 spans long; the middle story contains 16 receptacles and is adorned with 5 kinds of flowers, and 5 pusul gourds are put round it. A sanctuary (ayila), in width 2 carpenter's cubits and 3 fingers, in height 7 cubits, with arches of plantain wood at its gates, is set up; at each corner 4 nooses are placed, and apparently also one at the top, in which a fowl is fastened. Flowers are offered on a pusul. It invokes the Kalavaras Pamanak, Gini, Mal, Sapu-mal, Andi, Golu, Bihiri, Devel, Bhůta, Abhůta, Sirime, Tota, Mul, and Tel, and alludes to the Kadavaras Gopalu, Pulutu, Anda, and Manda. 4 K.-kavi states that this god was chiof officer of the Mala Raja, and landed at Puliyankulama. He was born in Malavara-desa, and speaks Tamil ; he wears a silk cloth, chain, jacket, and turban. He visited the dancing-ground at Bolagala, and caught some one in the field of Gurudeniya, near Kandy. The Kalavaras Aliyama, Sellan, and Sirimê and the Three Kings are invoked, and allusion is made to the hunt of the Boar. - Another K.-kuvi, giving an exorcism to accompany a magic dance, invokes Buddhist themes, Boksäl, Vesamunu, and the Kalavaras Pili, Dala, Sellan, Mal, Kalu, Vädi, Gini, Sirimê, Sørå, and Vali Yak. A K.-gotu-pidavila prescribes offerings in scoops made of leaves (gotu) to the Kadavaras Senevi-ratna, Dala, Händä, Aliyama, Tota, Lê, Mal, Kumara, the Hat K., Tani, Kalu, Andun, and Sandun. The Tedala i karaya (Kadavara-vistaré) describes a rite invoking the Kadavaras Devel, Sôn, Sellan, Toța, Parti Giri, Okanda Giri, Ruk-mal, Namal, Mal, and the Yakas Pilli and Salita, and prescribes offerings at a cemetery. AKvidiya ordains a ritual with an ayilt (shrine) with 9 nooses, flower-garlands, and 4 entrances, and invokes the Kadavaras Ândi, Mal, Gini, Ratikan, Mul, Devel, Tofa, Abhimana, Pili, Kalu, Lê, Siri, Pulutu, Mas, Sapu-mal, Audun, Sandun, Pattiya, Tota-pala, Abhůta, Gopalu, Kili. Anda, Manda, Gelu, Bihiri, and Bhůta among the 18 Kudavaras and their 32 attendants. Another K.-vidiya, prescribing a ritual for the Kadavara gods, relates that the Rsis, Säkra, Kosamba, and Mala Raja gave them leave to come to Ceylon. It invokes the 36 Valli Yakas, 9 Meleyi Y., Riri Kadavara, Vädi Yaka, Lê K., Mal K., Samayan K., the K. Kumarus, Tota K., Dala K., Golu K., Rati K., and Bhůta Yaka. A black cock is offered to them in an area 7 cubits square. It gives some account also of Mul K., the Bhůta, Abhûta, and Vädi-gala Yakas, Râhu and his leading the Mala Raja into.Ceylon to heal

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Panduvas, Kotupat Vädda and the Väļi Yakas, and Irugal Bandara, 2. v. Another K.-kavi, also an exorcism, describes the Kaclavara Yakas as having formerly dwelt at Sitâna Bintänne, and now residing on Santâna-gala and Balê-hela. The Kajavaras Lê, Gini, Pilli, Devel, and Sohon are invoked. 24 Kadavaras are invoked in Vädi-yak-yadinna, 67 in Samagam-mal-yahan. There is a ritual, and poem descriptive thereof, styled K.-tovil, for exorcising Kadavara demons from women. The same name is given to a demon to whom fowls are offered in Kanavara-lovil. His influence is described in Gara-yak-pâliyu. He is connected with the legend of the plague of Visâlâ, q.v. Possibly he is identical with a Ka Javara said to have been patronised by Ayyanâr, to whom belonged one shoot of the primitive betel (see Belel), and who is worshipped with betel, etc., in Dalu-mura-yahan-kavi. A K. caused Ayyanar's boat to sink (see Ayyanar). A K. Devi is invoked in Dalu-murapidum-knvi and Samagam-mal-yuhan.
Kadavara Deva. The patron god of the Kala-väva tank at Anuradhapura. A man who had been disgraced by his wife lived a solitary life for 12 years in the woods with the deer, until the king, Sandana Raja, on the information of a Vädda, captured him. Asked whether he had seen any treasure, the man said that he had seen a great pool of water 12 miles across, held up only by a kala creeping-plant. The king examined this site, built on 'it the Kalá-väva tank, and put the man in charge. Accusations of disloyalty however were made against the latter, and when the tank burst after the fall of heavy rains following a severe drought, he threw himself into the breach and was drowned, and was reborn as Kadavara Deva. (K.-puvata.)
Kadavara Devata. A companion of Kambili Ka avara, q. v.; invoked in Värli-yakyadinna.
Kadirapura Devi. See kanda. Kadivane. A person connected with the legend of Kaludäkada Hat-raju, q. v. Kaha-diya. See Turmeric. Kaina. Father of Riri Yaka.
Kaksaya. Lit. "grove" or "bush.” The Kake-upata is a poem shewing the magical arrangement of lines with particular letters, used to exorcise spells. The ritual Deva-kakşaya describes a similar charm, which it says was invented by Säkra and Brahma to avert sorcery; they took a gold-coloured cloth and on it marked 25 chambers, which they subdivided into 60,000, and inscribed them with the letters of 18 alphabets, 60,000 spells, the 8 group of letters, etc., to overcome Asuras, Garudas, and Nagas.
Kakusanda. See Buddha. Kala. Propitiated as a hin (q. v.) in Nava-graha-mal-baliya.
Kala-deva Mohini. Agoddess, invoked in Mal-keli-yadinna as having a disc-standard and accompanied by the sound of guns.
Kala Devi. Invoked in Gana-devi-hälla, as born in the 18 lands and traversing the 7 oceans.
Kala-gedi-nätum. A magic rite for the New Year (about April 11), in which dancers throw about and blow into clay water-pots. The dancers are young men in women's dress, each holding a pot in each hand, with drummers playing an accompaniment. They worship Iru Deva (Sun God) and Mihi-kata (Earth Goddess), and dance, blowing into their pots so as to make a dull roaring sound; four of them blow into four pots in honour of the four Guardian Gods. The sky and the earth are compared to pots, which echo the

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tune. At certain points in the rite the pots are thrown up into the air and caught again. [K.-..-varnanava: K.-9.-pimbima: K.-9.-nätum: K.-9.-mall.]
kala-giri Yakini. A female demon who inspired the rites for the exorcism of Sudarisana.
Kala-hata Yakini. A female demon, on whom see Turmeric. Kalakot Raja. A god invoked in Salu-salima; see Pattini. Kälani Deva-raja. See Vibhi ana.
Kala Ra kşi. A female demon dwelling in one tooth of the cobra (see Cobra). She is the mother of fowls (see Fowl).
Kald-väva. For the legend of this tank, see Kaçlavara Deva
Käle Kadavara. A demon swimming in streams and torrents; sprays of leaves are hung up for him in forests. [Kalavara-lovil.]
Kali. As the Nâga-raja (cobra-king) was one day spreading his hood over Mount Meru, the Megha-raja (cloud-king) in anger sent a mighty wind which shook Meru and tore the cobra's hood, so that its blood fell upon the Sakvala rock. From this blood arose the Eight Kali goddesses. The eldest of these was Vaduru-kali, the Goddess of Smallpox, or Anuhas Devi. She had charge of Kataragama, and at the age of 7 years she went to Diliraţa. Her arms and hands were blue, and in her clenched left hand she held fire from the Avici hell, with which she smote Visal-pura, causing a pestilence among elephants, horses, and cattle. Kanda imprisoned her in Ruhuna-rata with a seven-fold chain and chastised her, but she soon broke her chain and escaped to the Kotava forest. She was pardoned, and returned. She has a sanctuary at Oyamaduva, and shines like the moon at Palayakulama. She cures smallpox and other diseases and troubles, and drives away Yakas. Smallpox is said to have originated when seven boxes containing the disease were broken as the gods were sporting around Pattini, and the disease spread abroad. Vaduru-kali is invoked as having jewellery, a sunshade, a silk head-dress, and a wig, a silken handkerchief, golden sandals, and over her neck a consecrated thread. She is prayed to come from the ocean-waves to the tank of Peramiyaùkulam, and is said to utter Telugu charms with a silver cane in her hand, and to have received endowments at Bulankulame on coming to Ceylon. [Anuhas-deviyankavi: Vaduruma-kali-uputa.) A statue of her was found near Peramiyankulam tank, in which she wears a high head-dress, a radiating halo, a narrow zone across her naked breasts, and 8 arms; two of her right hands hold a flaming radiated disc, a sword, and a sceptre or mace, and the left hands hold a chank, a bow, and a shield. She is said to have had charge of the eastern gate in the ship of Mala Raja, q.v. She is invoked in Mal-keli-yadinna, which seems to distinguish Vaduru Ma-kâli from Anuhas Devi, who is said to have a blue robe and cobras on her shoulders and head. To V. Mâ-devi Pattini (q. v.) gave charge of Madura. Bhadra-kali is a goddess who causes plague, drought, and famine. She is the wife of Siva or Isvara, and mother of Gana-pati and Bara-net (Kanda). In her rites taboorice (pê-bat) is offered and a bower decorated; dances are performed, the incantation verses recited, and goats and cocks sacrificed by a sorcerer, who cuts off their heads; their bodies may be cooked 7 hours later, and milk-rice is then prepared. [Bh.-k.-piliyama.] The Patra-kali-amma-kavi relates that when the queen of the Dilli Raja went to bathe, Bhadrakâli arose from her blood, and was accompanied by the Seven Kalis. They laid waste 7 lands and slew wayfarers with swords; they lurked in forests and fed on corpses. Human victims were offered to them. Bhadra-kali went to Vel-eliya and assailed Pattini, but on

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discovering who she was begged for pardon. Pattini gave her the right to wear various kinds of dancer's ornaments, and to have the Aükeli rite celebrated in her honour. She also put her fan into Bhadra-kâli's right hand, and gave her charge of Ceylon, as "Second Pattini". Bhadra-kali came with Ayyanár in a stone boat to Mannârama, and went to Peramiyaikulama. She visits Amunukola, and has a sanctuary at Gona-Väva. She removes smallpox by the power of the Fire Bangle (gini-halamba) ; she wears on her right arm the tinkling Smallpox Bangle (vaduru-halamba); she dispels the Bhûtas and Pilli Yakas. Her body shines with rose-water, and she bears a diamond-studded fan. She is accompanied by the Eight Kális and Eight Bhairavas. The K.-devi-upata relates that when Pattini was searching for Palanga, the girl who was shewing her the way began to weep on seeing Bhadra-kali, and Pattini turned the latter (?) into stone at Veli-ambalam. Pattini gave her charge of the world of men. When for 8 days the wind blew on Meru and broke the hood of the Nâga-king, who was encircling it, the hood fell into the Milk Sea, and from it was born Bhadra-kali. From the blood scattered from the hood arose the Eight Kali Goddesses, from the crushed bones the Eight Bhairavas. These with their retinue occupied the eighteen lands, and landed in Ceylon; they speak the 18 languages and Tamil The Patra-kali-kavi describes Bhadra-kali as speaking the 18 tongues, dancing. wearing a shawl over her shoulders, and having in her right hand a sunshade and on her arm a bangle. She came from Malava-desa to Nuvara-kaláva in Ceylon; she restored the Kala-nuvara district and Ali-madam; she dwelt at Palayakulame and Amunukole; she avenged Pålai ga's death by burning the Pandiyan's city. She held down Govinda's head and struck him. She watched at the foot of the Bo-tree when Buddha after receiving the golden dish of Sujata attained illumination. The Seven Kali Goddesses were born of the blood that fell from the Nâga-king's broken hood when the wind-god shook Maba-meru. Vaduru Mâ-devi, holding her golden wand, is invoked. The Kâli-nälavila, after describing Káli as wearing a nine-angled bangle, a golden robe, etc., and having authority from Pattini, states that Bhadra-kali was born in Kuharapura on the tips of the leaves of a nūga tree. She wears a blue robe and blue scarf, and the naga-bangle on her shoulders. She guards the stem of the Bo-tree and holds its leaves. She is attended by 5 devatas. She showed her power at Kalâgama. Of her seven births, the first was in a cobra's hood, the second at Baranäs, the third in a purple water-lily. Pattini allowed her to have a kölmura or hymnal for her cult (and it should be noted that several images of the Kali Goddesses were found in the temple of Munessaram). The Kali Goddesses are said to have come to Ceylon with princes of the Ariya-vamsa in the days of Bhuvaneka-bahu ; vide Vanni-purata. They attended Vişnu, q. v. The Vaduru-santiya prescribes a ritual to heal smallpox by invoking Kali, to whom Pattini is said to have given charge of the world of men. The rite begins on a Monday morning. The exorcist, after purification, decks himself with jewels and dresses himself as a woman, with false breasts, and sprinkles water over the patient. The ritual Káli-yakini-kavi describes the propitiation of Kali in order to save a person from the effects of a mad dog's bite. It states that she was born in Nagadipa as the daughter of the Nâga king Turiki and queen Enâ. She became a demon, and causes dogs to become mad and bite. She is said to hold & sword in each hand, and flames come from her eyes. Betel is offered to Bhadra-kali in Mal-keli-upata. The gem and pearl bangle of the Seven Kâli goddesses is invoked in Ran-halamba-kavi and Halamba-santiya. Kali Amma is invoked in Hora-sântiya and Sat-adiva-kavi. See also Airou, Muttu-mari.

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Śiva-káli, Vaduru Ma-devi. The temple of Káli at Bentara is mentioned in Paravi-sandesaya. Another Kali is a demon in the troop of Dädimunda.
Kaligaduli. Mother of Soli Kumára. Kalu Appu. A follower of Pitiya Devi, q. v. Kalu Appu-bami. One of the Gini-kanda Kadavaras, q. v.
Kalu Bandara. The Kalu-diviya-kavi gives an obscure legend of a black leopard, which was bestowed on K. B. by Mänik Raja (Maha-naga). Alut Bandara drove it into a trap. Then Kalu Bandara is said to give the black leopard, and to spread light. He with 3,000 Vädis on the summit of Bala-hela caught a red leopard, and he visits the temple of Morapotâne. The black leopard given by Mänik Raja came from Adam's Peak over Nuvara-eliya, and lurked at Galgoda-patane. Kalu Bandara ordered all the Yakas to bring it to him, and accordingly Santâne Kalu Bandara, Kosamba Deva, and Divas Devi did so. Other verses celebrate the gift of the black leopard by Mänik Raja, Kosamba, Alut Devi, Alut KosambÅ Devi, and Korale Bandara. There were temples of Kalu Bav dåra at Dunukebädda, Diyabubula, Butâvatta, and Doraposa-gala. The Dolaha-devi-kavi states that he quarrelled with his brother and shot him when they roped cattle. He is called Vädi-sâmi and Nayi-Bâmi. He is invoked in Dalu-mura-yahan-kavi which speaks of K. B., a K. B. born in Dumbara, and a K, B. of Senkada-gala), Devatar-k., Gange-bandara-k., Samagam-malyahan, and Vädi-yak-yddinna. See also Kalu Kumara and Pitiya Devi
Kalud ökada Hat-raju. The K.-kumara-kavi and Hal-raja-kavi narrate that this king came from beyond the seas in a stone ship, attended by Avatâra Deva with a golden torch and a numerous train, to Jaffna and thence to Sellan-důva, where they landed. Thence they went to Anuradhapura, where they built the Jetavanârâma dagaba. For this Säkra allowed them to cut off a piece of the girdle-relic. They then went to Ritigala. A shorthorned cow used for milk in the royal kitchen was lost, but recovered by searchers, who after finding it sowed some sesame which they had brought with them to disguise their purpose. The stream then rose in flood, and the searchers thought it desirable to build a tank. They then met three Väddas, who at first threatened to shoot them, but were conciliated. The king visited them, made them presents, and asked them whose the land wag. They said that it was theirs, and that they sowed small millet on it from time to time; they however gave it to the king, who started on the works for the tank. The works sank seven times, and the astrologers declared that a prince must be sacrificed to the Yakas. The king at length consented, and Rat-ran Devi, the Gold God, took the prince to the breach, hid him in a golden vessel, and in his stead sacrificed a bear. The breach was then filled. A storm came on, and the tank fillea up The king then made fields. which he called Bajjapattunâ. He then asked Rat-ran, Kadivânê, and Avatara Deva to restore the child, but they were unable. So was Vävê Devi, the god of the tank. At length Rat-ran recovered him. The child was hence known as Kaludäkade Kumára or K. Raju, the Bear Prince or King; when he grew up ne overcame the Yakas. This legend apparently alludes to the building of the Minnêri tank about A.D. 275 by king Mahasen, who after his death was worshipped as an incarnation of Skanda. Another K.-kumara-kavi narrates the coming of the Hat-raju from Malvara-desa across the Kiri-muhuda (Milk Sea) to Jaffna. Anuradhapura, Tisgam-nuvara, and Ritigala-kanda-nuvara, and his crowning as king Mahasen, after which he went to Mânâ-kanda. A short-horned cow which supplied him with milk was lost, and in the search for it the Minnêri plain was discovered. The tank was then built, but a Yaka destroyed the dam, and the Brahmans declared that a prince must

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be sacrificed, and the king gave his nephew, whom the minister (apparently called Kertti Kumaru) placed in a coffin, which was laid inside the dam. The minister then killed a bear and sprinkled its blood on the dam, which became solid; and he hid the prince in the palace on Kaludäkada, and afterwards restored him. The prince returned with a retinde of Yakas, and on his approach the king was turned into stone (apparently a reference to the statue of Mahasen on the dam). The tank contained 12 islands, and was formed of the lakes Tala-vatura-oya, Kiri-oya, and Iha-kula-väva. See also Kaludäkada Kumaru, Seven Kings.
Kaludäkada Kumaru (Ilandari Devi, Ruvan-väli I. D.). The Ilandari-devi-kavi relates that when Pattini went to bathe, she took from her hair a sapu flower (Michelia champaka) and left it upon her robe. Coming back, she saw a golden boy dancing in the flower, whom she called ilandari kumaru, "boy prince." He asked her for her gem.bangle. He grew powerful, destroyed ships, and made ravages in the milk-folds of Kanda, which the Hąt Raju could not check. Passing Kalature and Mutu-pantiya, he took charge of the two Vilacci districts ; he rules over the Vannis, and the seven islands in the tank at Minnêri. and keeps watch at Kala-balalu-Väva, Vil-hata, and Minnêri. He is master of all white cattle and wild buffaloes, casting a golden noose over their feet, and bears a golden bow, a "Rama-arrow," à golden staff, a pike, and a silken handkerchief. He sends leopards to destroy white cattle. Boiled milk and betel are offered to him. Another Ilindari-devi-kavi states that the god carne from Madu-pura on a white elephant and landed at Jaffna. He was sacrificed for the repair of the breach (in the tank at Minneri; see Kaludäkada Hat-raju); he made a city at Rițigala, and he came to Kala-eliya in a golden ship. He stayed a week at Gonáva, and had a shrine at Dimbula-kada. He carries a stone mace, and catches and tosses about wild elephants. Holding a noose in his right hand and a club in his left, he binds wild cattle. Milk was offered by him under a black kumbuk (areca) tree. He lurks in the forests and breaks the necks of victims. He wears & long golden chain, anklets, and a leopard's skin, rides a white buffalo, and catches white elephants. Hosts of Yakas watch by his flower-arch. He dwells at Kala-väva, Minnêri, and Tambala-gomuva, and visits Kataragama, Makkama (Mecca), Mahiyangana, Samanala, and the top of Giri-kula. He keeps a register, with a golden stylus (cf. Sandun Kumara).
Kalu Deva. Invoked in Ata-visi Mangalê. Kalu Devata. One of the Five Devatas: see Devata. See also Kambili Kadavara, Kalu-gal Kadavara. Exorcised in Kadavara-sirasa-pada. Kalu-gal Kandi. Mother of Kalu Kumâra. Kalu-gal Rşi. Father of Kalu Kumâra. Kalu gal Yaka. Father of Andi Kadavara.
Kalu Kadavara. A demon, invoked in Kadavara-vidiya, K.-kavi, K.-go!u-pidavila, Tota-kumara-baliya. See also Kambili Kadavara.
Kalu Kambili Devata. See Kambili Kadavura. Kalu Kiri Mavu, See Karandu-bana.
Kalu Kumara (K. Baņdara, Volasse Baņda ra). A spirit, associated with the sanctuary of Visnu at Bintenna, Velassê, Dumbara, Yakini-gal, Runu, the heights of Kalu-gal and Däti-gal, and the Kalu-ganga river. At Velassê and Dumbara he is under the protection of Abarâ poti, the chief spirit of Hadaganâva, and the Devatâr Devindu ; and at the Piiya temple he is protected by the Pițiya Devi. He recited the pirit at Mahiyangana and burned up the Yakas, hence Buddha took him under his protection. He rides on a leopard. [K.. k.-kuvi.] Senka la-gula Kalu Kumira, the "Black Prince of Kandy" or Ma-oya Kalu

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Kumâra, is said to have been previously a son of the king of Senkada-gala, at whose birth it was predicted that he would be cast out from the court in his sixteenth year. He grew to be much addicted to the sport of bulbul-fighting (these birds, the konda-kurulu or crestech bulbul, were often made to fight for wagers at the court of Kandy). The king, his father, having once thwarted him in this passion, he killed in revenge the king's favourite. For this he was banished, and later put to death by the king's order. His body was thrown into a black pool, whence he arose as a demon, and a sanctuary was made to him. (Senkadagala-kalu-kumara-kavi.) A K.-yak-yädima describes him as having curly black hair and a black or blue robe, with ornaments of cobras, visiting women in their sleep, swimming in the Blood Lake, travelling in a golden car, dwelling in the Black Sea, watching on roads, drinking cocks' blood, eating elephants' flesh, bursting through the earth into the Naga world, riding on a bull, and bearing in his left hand a sword. The K.-Y.-upata says that he was born (1) as son of Vijitta (Vijaya) Raja and queen Karandu-bânâ or Kalu Kiri Mavu : (2) as Jivahatta, son of Kuveni, lady of the lake at the Kalu-gal mountain, and Viitta Raja : (3) as son of the Kalu-gal Kandi and the Kalu-gal Rri, born at Kalu-gal Kande : (4) from the ashes of Bhasmasura; (5) as son of Gini Kumari ; (6) as a Hetti or Certi (merchant), with an arrow and club in his hand, and receiving cocks for sacrifices. He devours men, and sucks elephants' blood, and rides on a bull. He wears, black clothes and ornaments and a sapphire crown, and has a club and sword ; his hair is worn in two long tangled masses. He is attended by 8 yakas and by Devel Devi. His home is the Ruvan-giri in the Kiri-muhuda. The Maha-kalu-devatár-kavi describes Maha Kalu Devatar or Kalu Kumâra as son of queen Karandu-bânâ; he bathes in the Seven Lakes, in the midst of the Seven Seas ; by Säkra's leave he came to Ceylon; he wears black robes and 9 garlands of red flowers, with a sword at his side and a prayer-pad (put-kaia); he rides on a black bull, with a black female demon at his side; he has authority from Irugal Devi, and receives offerings at the junctions of four roads. He dwells at the Mâyâ-kovila. He has a golden bow and arrow, a black robe, and garlands. The same poem invokes him as born of Maha Kalu Kiri Landun, and says that the Sun seized him; his mother went to Pattini, who sent her to the Moon, who sent her on to the Sun, who refused to restore him unless an oath were taken that he would cause no more sickness. This was refused, and the Sun killed him with the sole of his foot. Pattini and the four Guardian Gods restored him to life, and he still afflicts mankind. He is said in the Súniyan-kalu-yak-kavi to have been born from Kiri Mavu in the Milk Sea, in a lotus. He wears black clothes, and lusts for women of dark colour. He sends upon women dreams and diseases causing emaciation and barrenness. He bears a golden staff, on his neck the scarlet flowers of the hibiscus and ixora, and receives blue offerings. The Kalu-gal-usne says that he was son of Kalu-gal Roi and the Kalu-val Queen, carries a black mace, possesses dark women, and dwells on the top of the Kalu-gal Black Rock). One verse adds that he was born in the corner of a black water-lily.
In a collection of verses to several yakas he is said to be worshipped on an altar of sticks, and to have authority from Yama-dora, the Seven Pattinis, and Kataragama Deva. He descended to earth with Maru Yaka, and causes headaches, fevers, and stomach-disordlers, etc. He was the son of Vijaya Raja and Gini-jal Kumari, and was born on a Monday. When Visnu and Saman consumed Bhasmasura, he was born as a Kurumbura (q. v.), and dwelt in a black water-lily. He lives in Kalu-gal-pura, where his father was king, and came to Ceylon in a golden ship. He is said to have been authorised by Vira-munda (q.v.) to kill girls, and to have made Kalu Bandara lord of the lands, according to Kambili

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kadavara-upata. Invoked in Dalu-mura-pidum-kavi, Samagam-mal-yahan, and Vilirujava.
Kalu Kurumbura. A companion of Devel Devi (q.v.), born with him from Bhagmasura's ashes. See also Kalu Yaka, Kurumbura.
Kalu Nayido. A follower of Pitiya Devi. Kalupra-Kambili (?) See Kambili Kadavaru. Kalu Raja. A god invoked in Piliyé dalu-mura-kavi. Kalu Vädd). Invoked in Väli-santiya.
Kaluvara Devata. A god, said to have had charge of the southern gate in the ship of Mala Raja, q. v.
Kalu Yaka. (1) An associate of Riri Yaka. (2) See Kalu Kumara.
Kalu Yakini. A female spirit, said to dwell on the Mera rock in the Black Sea, and to afflict infants with sickness. (Maha-kalu-devatár-kavi).
Kama (Ananga). Invoked in T'is-päyê kima as regent of the 17th päya ; son of Visnu (Venu-put); he carries a golden noose, rides a wind-wheel, and has a fish as ensign. Invoked in Amara-antiyr. On the legend of his intrigue with Umâ see Siva.
Kama-kandi. A female demon, on whom see Riri Yaka. Kamala Devi. Mother of Iru, the Sun-god. Kamala-vadiga Yaka. A demon, in the troop of Dädimunda. Kama-madana. See Ratikan. Kama Rakusu. A demon represented in the R.-bali, see Rakusu.
Kambili Kadavara. "Blanket god," (Kalu Kambili Devata, Kambili Bhairava). The Kambili-k.-upata relates that Kalu Kambili Devata, Ilandari D., Gurumâ D., Panam Bandara D., Mini-maru D., and Karlavara D. came from Kanadarâva, from the Milk Ocean, in a hambâna boat, to get offerings. Kalu K. D. with an iron mace attacked the elephants and hurled them about. He was born from between the breasts of his mother Ratna-valli on the Western Mountain (-4vara-geri). He comes with Ayyanar (q.v.), with a pañcâyudha in his right hand. He came in a stone ship from beyond Kallatura to Ceylon, holding a hat-bondi. a sword, a golden mango, an arm-ring given by Pattini, and in his right hand a ladle full of blood. He dwells at Minnêri, and drinks fowls' blood. When Kala-nuvara lay waste, he restorei Alimadama. He destroyed the chief doctor (maha-veda) of Kandubodagoma and his race. He goes about among the wild buffaloes at Minnêri and fills the royal jar with milk. He tamed a leopard, which killed a calf; he is asked to protect Hiddäva Mohottala. He landed at Yapa-pa una (Jaffna) and again 4t Puliyan-duva (Batticaloa), with Demala Yakas, audl drove away the hosts of Dädi Yakas. He defeats the Säda Demala (Tamils), and reigns over the tanks at Kala-väva, Minnêri, and Tambalagomuva. One K.-devi-kavi describes K. as wearing a red turban and robes of red, white, blue, and yellow China cloth. a long gold chain, matted hair hanging down his back, and a rosary of the "nine virtues" of Buddha, which when angry he breaks and throws into the wastes. He was born in the Kannadi, Doluvara, and Malvara land, and came to Ceylon in a stone ship; when it sank. he made it float. He came to Kadirapura, and broke an elephant's back. He watches at the golden arch (of Kataragama), and has charge of the 4 folds for milk. He sent a leopard and kills cattle and Yakas, and drinks their blood. A sevenfold portion of rice and a pitcher of milk are daily offered to him. At night he drinks 7 pitchers full of blood. He breaks the necks of boys. Another K.-d.-kavi gives the following account of the god, whom it styles Ratna K. He has a red silken robe and hat, & gold chain, a red yak-tail fan, and a red blanket; his hair hangs in 10 mattod locks down his back; he holds a sword in both hands :
1

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--- - - ---- he rides a red horse. His mother was Giri Kumiri Devi. He came from Malala-land on a red bull, in a stone ship, which sank, but he made it float again. He sailed past Sellan-duva to Caylon. With Pattini's aid he came to Anuradhapura ; he lived beneath the bo-tree, and also visited Pimburu-välle. He guards the golden arch at Kataragama, and comes to Minnêri, and watches the wild buffaloes. He comes with Kadavara, bearing a club, and he looks like a Setti (merchant). He bursts through the gneiss rock; he dwells in a black rock. He barks like a dog, kills men, and breaks boys' necks. He brings a leopard to destroy the herds kept for milk. He is aided by Vişnu, Siddha Pattini, and Vesamunu. Sugarcane, a spray of nila (vitex trifolia), red ixora flowers, pineapples, 7 young cocoanute, palm-sugar, plantains, rice, cakes, and curry are offered to him, with 12 torches, the offerings being arranged in 12 chambers made of 12 strips of plantain-bark; the altar on which they are laid is on the north of the site of the rite. The exorcist lies down holding a cock, and the offerings are laid on his breast. Another K.-d.-kavi, which addresses K. as Vira-vikum Ratna Bandara, Ratna Kadavara Devi, Mal-bali-gala Devi, and K. Kumaru, says that he was born in the Malvara or Malayala land, and that he carried and broke Visnu's bow. He visited Ruhuna-desa, where he was called Kambili, and Puliyan-piyasa: he offered vo the bo-tree at Anuradhapura ; he watches at the eastern gate, and by the golden arch of Kataragama, the god of which protects him. He brought a sword to Ceylon, whither he came in a stone ship. He tried to sink the ship; his shipmates threw him overboard, so he spread his blanket upon the water and stood on it. The Kandubada Veda or doctor offered betel, resin, and perfume, and sought to pierce Kambili's head with a steel nail; but the god broke his spine and the necks of his wife and children, and leopards devoured his cattle. He heals all kinds of sickness and insanity. Prayers are made to him on kemmara days; he is worshipped from Kâra-duva, on this side of the Kala-oya. He wears a gem-bangle on his arm, a gold chain on his neck, a fire-bangle on his shoulders, and a golden bow and arrow. Another K.-d.-kavi, which calls the god Kalu K. D., Senevi-ratna K. (q.v.), Senevi-ratna Sada K., and Teda K., says that he was several times born, viz., from the Milk Sea, from a kalu-nika bush, and from Gini Kumâri, the Fire Princess. He was born as Kalu K. in the Kannadi, Urumusi, Telinga, Vadiga, and Malala lands, and was sent over the seas because he killed men with his club. When he came to the shores of Ceylon, the gods gathered to oppose him ; but he parted the sea with his iron mace, and they fled. He came to Kadira-male, and rode in a chariot drawn by a leopard. Visnu aids him. He whips the Yakas, and visits the bo-tree of Anuradhapura. He wears a turban of blue flowers. Cakes made of rice, honey, and cocoanut oil, 7 curries, red acid food, rice, plantains, and 12 torches are offered to him. Another K.-d.-kavi, which adds the title Ratna Surindu to his names, states that he was the son of Soma-valli of Malvara-desa, and sailed from Malvara-nuvara in a stone ship, with Ayyanar, past Sidu-tota to Jaffna, where he landed, scattering the hosts of Yakas. With Vignu he landed at Munessarama. He showed his power in the Kala-rate. He made gifts to Kataragama Devi, Pulvan, and Vibhîsana, and was taken under their proteotion, and became lord of the Fifteen Districts (pahalos pattu). He rides on a horse, and has a sword, a red turban, and a cane mounted with gold. He seems to be the same as the Kalu K. or Kalu Devatâ of whom the Kalu-devata-kavi gives the following account. He was son of Parnaka Raja and queen Irandati. When 7 years old, he fled from his father into the wilderness, to protect men. He was taken under the care of Ayyanâr and Siddha Pattini, and sent to accompany the bo-tree from Mäda-mandala to Anuradhapura ?), which he guards. He took charge of Kataragama, and guards the

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arch there, and holds a golden torch and a two-edged sword. He fights against the Asuras, and drinks their blood; he drove away the Yakas at Anuradhapura, and made a floggingpost for them. He watches over the kitchens and the boiling of milk (at Kataragama?) He paddled Ayyanâr's stone boat along the shore; when it was sunk by Kadavara, he made it float. He visits Uggal-pura, Alut-nuvara, Puliyan-duva (Batticaloa), and Virakkuliya, and ties up wild buffaloes. He collected crystal to make the boat of Ayyanâr, who gave him charge of four folds at Patti-eliya (see Ayyanâr); and accompanied Mala Raja (q. v.) to Ceylon. A Kalupra-Kambili, perhaps the same, is invoked in Mal-keli-yadinna. See also Visâlâ. K. K. is one of the Five Devatâs: see Devatâ. The Hat-raja-kavi (see Kaludäkaḍa Hat-raju) mentions a Pañca-varuna Kambili Yaka who caused the dam of the Minnêri tank to break in order to obtain a human sacrifice.
Kana Yaka. A demon, connected with the legend of the plague of Visâlâ, q. v.
Kanda (Kataragama Deva, Kadirapura Devi, Savatindu, Aru-mugam, Sura-rada Kumaru). A form of the Hindu god Skanda, worshipped at Kataragama in S. E. Ceylon. An Asura (demon) was taught by livara a spell of such power that the head of whomsoever he touched with his right hand was burnt to ashes. He assailed the gods. isvara fled from him; but by the counsel of Visnu Pârvâtî appeared to him, inflamed him with love of her, and in answer to his wooing bade him swear an oath, touching his head and the earth, never to desert her if she accepted his proposals. The Asura accordingly touched his head, and was destroyed (cf. the story of Bhasmâsura). Later Pârvatî bore 7 babes; Visņu made 6 of them into one, who hence had 6 heads and 12 hands. This was Kataragama Deva. The other child was Gana Devi. [Kadirapura-devi-upata]. For a variant of this legend see. Mangra Devi. The Kanda-sura-varunâ relates that he was born to Siva; Umâ went to see him, and embraced him, calling him Kanda Kumaru. He became supreme lord of Ceylon, and resides in Pälaniya. The story of Valli Amma (q.v.) is then narrated. after which it is said that Kanda defeated the hosts of Yakas and tarried at Kadiramola-kanda; after this he went to Kataragama and built a palace. According to the Satara-devatâ-devi-puvata he is one of the Guardian Gods (q. v.): he was born of an avatar of Pera Devi (Siva). He drives away the Demala and other Yakas. He holds a kâma-arrow, and in his right hand a golden mango and a lacquered cane. He has 6 faces and 12 hands. His companion is Vâsala Deva. He rides on a white or golden peacock, and is invoked to descend into a round pavilion with silken curtains and white canopy, surrounded by torches. He has two wives, the celestial Devi and the mortal Valli Amma; on the legend of the latter see Valli Amma. He gave the shaft of the arrow by which Malsarâ was healed (see Arrow); dwells in the rice-pestle used in the rite of Ata Magula (q. v.); was aided by Devatâr Baudara, who obtained for him the temple of Ämbäkké (see Devatâr Bandara); repressed Devel Devi, and gave a torch to Rîri (see Devel Devi); gave the frame or body of the drum and is present in it (see Drums); Kaludäkada Kumaru (q. v.) ravaged his folds. He gave authority to Kalu Kumâra; has Kambili Kadavara (q.v.) is in his service; gave authority to Kiri Amma; received Maralu Yaka, Nâ-mal Kumara, Avatara Devatâr Mini-maru D., and Sapu-mal; broke the ship of Gangê Bandara; is the friend of Guru; imprisoned and chastised Vaduru-kâli (see Kali); was worshipped by Nâ-mal with turmeric water; gave charge of the land to Panan Devi; is attended by Parakâsa Devi; took part in the healing of Mänikpâla (see Rose-water); set Senevi-ratna to fight against the Asuras; is present in the torch of the Pandan-pâliya (see Torch); drove away Tota Kadavara at Ruhuna; led the gods against Vira-munda; got his spear when Visnu churned the ocean; and protected

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Dädimuada, Riri Yaka, Kaludäkada Devi, Kumâra Bandara, Tanipola Rîri Yaka, Sandun Kumâra, Tota Kadavara, Vaduru Mâ-devi, and Vanni Bandara. Abhimâna Yaka steals the offerings of K., but is under his authority. He appointed Däğimunda to establish Buddhism in Ceylon. He is invoked in one Satara-varan-mal-yahan as riding on a peacock and a chariot, holding the bow, the moon, a discus, and a gem-necklace, raising the gods flag which bears the figure of an Asura; he is destined to become a Buddha. Another poem of the same name speaks of him as building Kataragama and a tower 33 stages high. The Asura-vidiya describes him as bearing a trident, attended by Gana Devi, and fighting the Asuras. He is invoked in T'is-püye kima as regent of the 6th päyn, by the name of Savata or Six-faced, and having 12 arms, 12 eyes, a spear, a cock on his flag, and a peacock. Other invocations are found in Abina-mangalê, Amara-santiya, Andi-kadavara-tovil, Ala-visimangale, Hat-arliya-prárambhaya (see Hat Adiya), Ka laturava-härima (see Curtain), Kandakumara-sähälla, Kovila-pêvima, Mal-keli-upata, M.-k.-yâdinna, Mal-yahan-kavi, Mänik pålayâgaya, Nata-devi-puvata, Parale-kavi, Pas-devata-kavi (see Devatá), Pattini-yaga-kavi, Randunu-alattiya, Salu-salima, several Satara-varan-mal-yahans (see Guardian Gods), etc. A twisted and jewelled bangle kept at Kataragama and charmed by the god is invoked in Ran-halamba-lavi. See also Fowl and Hat Adiya. To him are addressed several poems, viz.. Abhinava Marúru-sandesaya, Diya-sävul-s., Kaha-kurulu-8., Kirala-8., Nila-kab1-8. The temple at Kataragama was restored by king Vîra-parákrama-bâhu; vide Vanni-puvata. The Solos-m2-sthânz-vandanava mentions the Kiri-vehera sacred to him.
Kanda Kumaru Kiri Amma Devi. See Kiri Amma. Kanda Raja. A god, in voked in Kovila-pêvima.
Kando Bandara. See Irugal Ban-lara. The K.-L.-Kavi invokes this god as riding upon a peacock and descending from his bower on the hill (kanda) to heal sickness. He descends upon the Nine Hills at Alpita, carries a jewelled staff, and has conch-shells shields. and pearl umbrellas. He received his power from Kataragama. He rules in Udunuvara: his arrow is in the temple of Karadeniya. He guards the Bandara race, and has sanctuaries at Kahavadala, Ranpotuva, and Hantâne-gala.
Kande Devi. A spirit invoked in Dalu-mura-pidum kavi. Kanduboda Veda, A doctor of Kandubodagoma, killed by Kambili Kada vara, q. v. Kannadi Riga-nida. A demon in the troop of Dadimunda. Kannaki. See Paltini.
Kapila Kita Rakusu. A demon invoked in the Rakusu-bali (see Rakusu), where he is described as having 12 faces, 3 tails of hair, and two cobra-hoods on his head. a cobra on och shoulder, a dagger, a makara (dolphin), and a cock to ride upon : he plays with an earthen pot.
Karamala Pattini. See Pattini.
Karandu-bana (Kalu Giri Mavu). Mother of Kalu Kumâra. and wife of Vijaya (Vijitta).
Karandu-vina-käpima. An exorcistic rite against spells, and the poem descriptive of it. It cummemorates the magic casket that the Vadiga princesses sent to Mal-sarà Raja, q. v.
Kasayin. Queen of Panduvas. Kassapa. See Buddha. Kataragama Deva. Soe Kanda, Katugampola Rala. A demon, on whom see Pitiya Devi.

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Katugampala Rala Sami. One of the Gini-kanda Kadavaras, q. v.
Katu-gäsum. Spells for harming a person by piercing with thorns an image representing him, or by inducing him to swallow a small thorn hidden in food.
Kavisi Yaku. A follower of Dadimunda.
Kehel-gomuva Devi. A spirit, propitiated in the K-g.-d.-kavi, which, after invoking Gini Kurumbara and Devel Devi, states that K.-g. D. threw a golden plantain-leaf into the river (at Kehel-gomuva ?), whence a bunch of plantains arose ; a temple was built there to him, with a golden pinnacle. If suppliants offer to him only one fanam, he destroy's their whole family, but if they offer two farams, they obtain all their desires.
Kehetu. Sve Bamba. Kesara Devi. Mother of Bamba and Rahu. Ketu. See Bumba. Khadirangára. A prince afterwards reborn as Maha-sammata. See Oddisa. hidi Bisava. A goddess, invoked in Salu-salima and Pattini-yaga-kavisee Pattini.
Kibirali Deva. One of the 4 Guardian Gods (q. v.); praised in Tilaka-pirivan Thera's Kovul-sandeśaya. Buddha gave him charge of Vijaya, according to Nava-graha-malbaliya
Kila Garä. A demon, invoked in Dolos-giri-der-liyagé puvala as having a coloured cloth, a torch, and a string of rat-mal (red ixora flowers) in his hair. By the same name Dala Raja is invoked. See Dala Raja, Gara
Kili Gäravu. A spirit invoked in Loka-uppattiya. Kili Kadavara. A demon, invoked in Kadavara-vidiya. Kili-sa ka. A demon represented in the Rakusu-bali; see Rakusu. Kings (Three). See Three Kings. Kiradara. King of Upatissa-nuvara; see Wooden Peacocle.
Kiravälle Bisa va. A goddess invoked in Tovil-vidiya; she is said to visit the 4 ports at Kolanıba-tota-munai, to pick up shells, to suckle children, to have come from the Va jakkaradesa, to afflict men with poisons, thorns, etc., to grease her hair with fat of ratsnakes, and to use the fat of cobras and vipers. She is also invoked in Samayan-pädura.
Kiri-Abara poti. See Kiri Amma.
Kiri Amma. A goddess, c.ch worshipped by Vädday. One K.-a.-kavi, invoking her as Sandun-kumari Kiri Amma and Kumari-samini or princess of Âne-väva, describes her as yolden of hue and wearing a golden bracelet, reigning under the title of Kukulậpola Kiri Amma over Bintänne, and she is asked whether she has come like Death (maruva) to eat men. She is then addressed as Nâ-mal Biso, who bathes in Sora bora-väva; as Gombari, who appears in dreams, with white-spotted body (gombara), hair like sugarpalm flowers, etc., ruling over Vädi-rata and Ginnoruva; as setting her mark on Una-girigala (suggestir z identity with the Vädda goddess Unâ pâna Kiri Amma); as having a Temple called Bati-kovila at Palle-gedara; as Nalle Kiri Amma; as Sêränê Kiri Amma who bound the elephant at Kambaränê; as Kotta-vävê Kiri Amma; as worshipped at Attanapola; as Kiri-Abarâpoti, capturing elephants; as dwelling in the shade of ironwood trees (Mesua ferrea) at Nâkanda, and sporting under the riti-trees (Antiaris innoxia) at Ritigala. Another 6.-9.-kavi invokes her as Kukulâ pola K. A., wearing a rolled strip of palm-leaf as an ornament in the lobe of her ear; as sowing a field at Akurambada, wearing a sash, and curing vipers' bites; an! as doing wonders at Rana, Pânava, and Yâlava. She was born at Viyaluva in Rûna, and maddens her worshippers. At Velassê she wears

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white flowers, and is styled Velassê K. A. She loves children, and gives offspring to barren mothers, and is in that capacity invoked as Divas Kir! Amma. She is likewise invoke: as Handun K. A., as having been born in the capsule or uvary of a sandalwood flower In this poem, which is an incantation to procure children, Alut Drvi and the Twelve Gods (Dolos Deviyê) are associated with her. One Kiri-amma-upata invokes her as Kanda Kumaru Devi (mother of Kanda ?), and says that she arose from a "kanda" or hill in Mâlakkanda-desa; she inflicts sickness upon those who see her, and receives offerings of betel leaves ; Loku Appu of Kahale-rata (possibly her consort) is like a golden spray upon her head-dress. She is further invoked as Äla Kiri Amma, like the sun on Laka-gala, or the moon on Ran-dada rock, or the stream at Bibilé ford; as Maha Kiri Amna, ruling sword in hand at Velassê; as Panan Kiri Amma, ruling at Paranpita and visiting the Andagala temple; as a golden pinnacle to Bintänne. The Usangoda-bisavunné kavi, invoking her under the title of Usangoda Bisava to accept betel and other offerings, mentions her spinning ootton and kayila-vála (phyllanthus); she wears a red an i blue veil, ani holds a mirror. One Kirs-korahé kavi speaks of her as taking warm milk, and being worshipped with a silk offering in a golden bowl, and she is apparently styled Unâpâna K. A. Another K.-k.-k., where she is styled Gal-vadan Kumari (Stone-necklace Princess), Mutu-pabalu K. (Pearl-bead Princess), Ran-valalu K. (Gold-bangle Princess), Abaran K. (Jewel Princess), Mal-vadan K. (Flower-necklace Princess), Mottakkili K, (Veiled Princess), and Ran-dalumura K. (Gold-betel Princess), speaks of her as having been born in Väli-rasa, sporting on rafts of rook, and bearing a mirror, and having authority fro:n Kanla and Saman. She went to the bathing-place with Mangra, and was purified of her courses, the necessary appliances being sent from heaven. Warm milk and silk are offered to her. She sits on a golden seat of justice, and is asked to decide a dispute as to the fold of Amhara-pa tu. She is invoked as Kanda-kumara Kiri Amma Devi (mother of Kanla ?) and Handun-kumara Kiri Amma (mother of Handun ?) in Devatar-kavi; as Divas K. A. in Alut-devi-k. She is also addressed in Dalu-mura-pidu m-k.
Kirilu-patra. See Betel. Kiri-madana-mal-madana. A consort of Rati-madana ; see Ralikan. Kiri Möniyo. A female spirit, invoked in Väqli-yak-yadinna. Kiri Mavu. See Kalu Kiri Mavu. Kiriya Bandara. A god invoked in Dalu-mura-pidum-kavi.
Kirtti Bandara (Kiriti B.). Arâvê, & nobleman of the Uda-nuvara family, of the Kiriya lineage, was defeated in a lawsuit and sentenced to death; the king however merely exiled him, and he went away and cultivated some fields at Danagomuva. Here the king visited him and demanded the fields for his treasury. The Bandara would not consent; so the king mounted his elephant and threw him down the rocks. The Bandâra, apparently, became at once a yaka, Kirtti B., and turned the elephant into a rock. The king then made & sanctuary, setting up a stone wall and making an endowment of the estatus of Danagomuva, Arulyatta, Kehel-äla, and Rantälube-äla. [Kiriti-b.-kavi.] He is connected with Vanni Bandara, q. v.; invoked in Samagam mal-yahan and Gange-bandara-kavi: worshipped with betel, etc., in Dalu-mura-yahan-kavi.
Kirulu-valli. See Betel. Kistiri. See Kit-siri. Kistri Amu-siri Bandara. A spirit invoked in Dalu-mura-pidum-kavi. Kitalvala Raja. Apparently father of Mangra Devi.

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Kit-siri (Kistiri, Divi Raja). A magically created child given to Sita (q. v.), the brother and companion of Mala Raja, q. v. In the legend of the Wooden Peacock ( v.) he and his brothers are the children of Candravati. He and his 12 Väddas, armed with spears, are invoked in the Divi-dos-ádntiya. He is invoked in Kovila-povima.
Kivi. See Sikura.
Kivile-gedara Devi. A god, mentioned in Dolaha-devi-kavi as having inigrated from Kivule-gedara ; invoked in Dalu-mura-pidum-kavi.
Kohomba Bandaras. 24 spirits of this name are invoked in Vädi-yak-yadinna. 3 Kosamba gods are invoked in Samagam-mal-yahan.
Kolomba Raja (Kosambä). Tho kohomba is the rimba treo (margosa or Azidarachta indica). The name is given to a spirit, said in one version of the Kosamba-upata (cf. Vali-yak-kavi) to have beon the son of a man of Välihela-gama and Loka, a Velanda woman, who on becoming pregnant dreamed that she held a blue lotus, and ten months later gave birth to him after much travail. It was predicted that at the age of 7 years he would desert his parents, and he did so, joining the retinue of the Mala Raja at Välihela, and following him to the Ballâhela cave. Another version of the same poem makes him the son of a king and his queen But, of the Lokayurt family, and says that she dreamed a Brahman gave her a jewel and a king took it. He was turned into a Yaka by Mala Raja and his two brothers, according to Irugal-bandara-kavi. He gave the Kadavaras lenve to come to Ceylon : See Kadavara. He seems to be the same as Kosamba Devi, a flower-born god connected with the legend of Kalu-Bandára's black leopard (see Kalu Bandara).
He is invoked ir. Tofa-kumara-santiya (as Kosambi Kadavara); in Dalu-mura-pidumkavi and Vädi-santiy. (as K. Devi). He is worshipped with betel in Dalu-mura-yahan-kavi.
Kla-sanni Yaka. A demon, born on a Tuesday at Kalamsaya-nuvara of a Tamil mother. He nas a bluo faco, red body, black feet, 8 hands; one corpse is in his mouth, two are in his hands, two at his feet; he holds a cock in one hand and a human victim in another. He haunted a nuga-tree near Višal, by a white ants' nest; thence he pelted women with sand and stones, and caused sickness, viz., 18 kinds of sanni (fits), 200 kinds of stom:ch disease, 18 kinds of rheumatism, and 18 kinds of kóla (idiooy). He demanded at a priest's houso offerings, which were refused. [Kóla-sanni-yak-yadinna.] See Visala.
Konda-raja. An elephant, said to have been attacked and made to fall sick by the Soli Kumira. [Sili-kumara-kavi : Panan-devi-kavi.]
Koralo Bandara. A god, connected with the legend of Kalu Bandara's black leopard (see Kalu Bandara).
Koramini Vädda. A spirit, invoked in Divi-dos-sântiya ; at the Hunting of the Boar (gee Mala Raja) he is said to have climbed a tree and fallen down upon a rock, being paralysed by rage (koroda).
Kora Vädi. “The Lame Vädi", a spirit invoked in Vädi-yak-yadinna. Kora Yaka. A demon, connected with the legend of the plague of Višâlâ, q. v. Kosambi, Kosamba Deva. See Kohomba Raja. Kosamba Gods. See Kohomba Bandaras.
Kosgar'a Devi. A demon, who bewitched Kosgama Rala; invoked in Alut-dev i-kavi. Mentioned in Dolaha-devi-k.
Kota-halu (literally, "New Cloth "). A rite of purification performed over maidens on attaining puberty. The celebrant is a washerman, who after the rite receives

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as fed the girl's cloth, in lieu of which a clean one is given to her. The legend is : Maha-sammata (q. v.) wedded the daughter of Maha-devi's queen, who on coming to puberty became unclean, and to purify her the ran-säli rite, or rite of the golden vase, had to be performed. A bower was made and a dimbul-chair put in it; canopies, carpets, water-pots and flowers were arranged, and hill-paddy heaped up, and a great feast was prepared. A washerwoman changed the queen's cloth, while a thousand women stood by and did obeisance. A master washerman with an iron mace recited verses and paid homage to her; and the washerwoman, standing on the paddy, took a golden vase of water from the dimbul-chair and poured it over the queen's head. [Kota-halu-kavi.] One K. h. upata-kavi, after narrating the myth of the beginning of the present ton as far as the crowning of Maha-sammata (q. v.), says that Isuru and Má-devi then existed, and had two daughters, Sarasvati and Umayangana (Uma), and a son Nila Devi, who was born from blood. When Umå was 7 years of age and Sarasvati still younger, Nila was sent to the Bamba world to fetch them a celestial robe. He went, adorned like a Yama, with a sword in his right hand and an iron mace in his left. The Bamba king sent to him a nymph, called Ridî ("Silver"), with a cloth 60 cubits long; he brought back both, divided the cloth between his sisters, and married Ridi. On the seventh day after putting on the robe Umâ married her father Isuru. - When she reached puberty, an astrologer told Nilâ how she was to be purified. At her request Nîlâ washed the robe in the Anotatta Lake. A Rakusu hid himself there in the rock on which the robe was to be pounded. After an altercation with him Nîlâ struck the lake with his mace; the water retreated, fish were left on dry land, and the Rakusu trembled. The robe when spread out to dry on the rock became so fine as to be invisible. Nila began to weep, but Säkra came and bade him sprinkle water on the rock, upon which the role reappeared. He took it away in a casket, and gave the Rakusu authority to receive offerings when maidens attain puberty and are purified. The descendants of Nila and Ridî (i.e., apparently the Radâ washer-caste) remain a distinct race. Another K.-.-upatakavi, after relating the legend of Maha-sammata and his marriage to Mâ-devi, gives the following account of Ma-devi's purification. Gämunus (laic nobles ?) skilled in the Vedas were summoned. A hall was built of 1000 lime-trunks, round which was drawn a “virgin-cord"; over a gilded chair of dimbul wood, on which foster-mothers placed a golden bowl, was built the hall, 60 carpenter's cubits in length and 30 in width. The queen in full dress was brought to the hall; Brahmans chanted spells and women did homage. Offerings of food were placed under canopies; bisons, sambur deer, spotted deer, peacocks, pigs, cocks, mongooses, civet-cats, and hares were sacrificed. 60 yalas of paddy were brought into the hall, a golden ladder laid by it, and a golden bowl put on top. The queen was then led away with music, saluted by 1000 gämunus, who received gifts. The Loka-uppattiya, after giving the legend of the flood and Maha-sammata's coronation, relates that M. married Uma-Sarasvati, for whom the Kota-halu was performed. The rites are much the same as above; the hall however is 70 cubits long, Brahmans chant spells for the sacrifices, and offerings are made to the Rakusus and Kili Garavu. It also says that Mâ-de vindu (Siva) and Ma-devi begot Uma, Sarasvati, and Nilâ-yodaya, who fetched for his sisters the celestial robe, as narrated above. Another K.-h.-upata gives a different account. The king is here Manu-rada, and marries Sarasavi
Sarasvati). For her purification a hall was built, in front of which stood a Yodaya (apparently Nila) with a gword in his right hand and a mace in his left, who exorcised the

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queen. The K.-h-magul-cavi relates the creation of the sun and the marriage of Meheburu and Mà-devi. Nila, born from the blood of her thigh, was sent to procure for her a celestial robe. At the age of 16 years she reached puberty; and Nilâ was asked to get the robe washed, and accordingly his wite Ridî-liya, adorned with all her jewels, washed it and gave it back at the Kota-ha!u ceremony. From Ridî the washer-caste are descended. She climbed up the golden ladder to the top of the heap of paddy, to take the clean cloth out of the bowl in which it was kept. A similar story is given in another K.-H.-upata-kavi. A K.-yddinna, after giving the legend of Maha-sammata (q. v.), relates that when his queen Umay aigana reached puberty the king caused a golden basin to be brought, in which her robe was washed. A decorated hut was put up for her, and a master-washernan assisted by a wash erwoman performed the ceremony of cleansing with great festivities. The warrior Nila (Nilâ-yodaya) brought her a new cloth, and offerings were made to Gara Yaku. The washerwoman conducted the queen into the palace by its northern door, and showed her the first cloth, and the queen gave much largesse.
The Amara-santiya invokes for this rite Maha-bamba, Sarasvati, Vişnu, Kanda, Säkra, Saman, Siri-kata, Vibhişana, Bala Devi, Gana-pati, Mihi-kata, Pattini, Valli Amnia. Anaüga, Vesamunu, Yama, Agni, Vâta Devi (the Wind), Väsi Devi (the Rain), the elephants of the Eight Regions, the 9 Planets, and the 12 Giri-liyô. The menses are called malvara-dosa.
Kota Yaka. An uncle of Kuvêni ; see Vijaya.. Kotta-väve Kiri Amma. See Kiri Amma. Kotupat. See Gotu pat. Kovalan. See Palanga Guru. Kratekvara. A spirit who is present in the right ear of the cobra (see Cobra). Krşya Raja. King of Sulam bâvati, q. v. Ksa. Mother of Budahu. Kuda Bandara. A demon, on whose legend see Perahära.
Kuda Riri-bonno. - " The Lesser Blond-drinkers," twelve Vädca spirits armed with bows, invoked in Divi-dos-santiya.
Kuda Riri Vädi. A spirit, invoked in Vädi-yak-yadinna. Kuda Siri-bon Raja. A spirit, invoked in Vädi-santiya.
Kuja (Angahâru, Angâraka, Bhauma). The planet Mars. He was son of Mahi of Mäda-desa. His colour is red. (Nava-graha-santiya.] He is invoked in Gana-devi-hälla as born in Savunaa land, and dwells in the S. E. quarter. His influence is to be propitiated by means of Mihi-kata and Kali. [Hora-santiya.] His symbol is a golden elephant-goad his vehicle a peacock, his trec the Nauclea Cordifolia, his offering red or golden rice, his region the south, and he has 4 hands and a kolaya on his breast, according to Nava-graha-sivu-sântiya, N.-9.-mal-baliya, and Mal-bali-upata. Invoked in Tis-päyê kima as regent of the 10th paya; he is golden in colour, and was born to Mihi-liya, the Earth-goddess.
Kukulapola Kiri Amma. See Kiri Anma. Kukulu. See Fowl. Kumara. A spirit, propitiated in Yak-pidavila.
Kumara Bandara. The K.-..-kavi relates that the wife of the Pandiyan king who killed Palanga (cue Pattini) had two little sol, who were sent to school. When Pattini came to seek for Palanga at Madura, she met the children, and the vounger told her that

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Taka
Palauga had been alain. She then get Madura on fire, but rescued the boy and took him with her to Ceylon, where she settled him at Ridigama. Here she put under his charge a golden.image brought from Madura. He was named K, B., the Child God; he heals sickness, and is under the protection of Kataragama Deva and Pattini. See also Ridigama Deva.
Kumara Devatar. Invoked in Gara-yal-paliya ; see Gará Yaka.
Kumara Devi. A god, described in Dola ha-devi-kavi as drinking arrack and eating fowls; his attendants bear fire-armo. Invoked, as coming in a ship, in Alut-deri-k. See also Vata Kumara.
Kumara Kaçavara. 4 demon, worshipped in Karlavara-gotu-pidavila. Kumara Sami. A demon, on whom see Pitiya Devi. Kumara-simha. A demon, on whose cult see Perchära. Kumara Yaka. A demon, invoked in Kadavara-tovil. Kumari Hami. A goddess invoked in Dalu-mura-pidum-kavi. Kumari Samini. See Kiri Amma.
Kumbhanda Rakusu. A demon invoked to avert fever and other diseases in the Rakusu-bali, where he is described as baving a string of beads, a red robe, and a sword, and holding a victim. See Rakusu.
Kurumbura. A name given in a series of verses describing several vakas to 8 deities. who are said to have come to Ceylon in an iron ship, and are invoked to come from the 8 quarters. They are Devel, Gini-jal, Kalu, Odi, Vața, Pissi, Riri, and Tota Kurum bura.
Kuşta Rakşi. A female demon, on wbom see Riri Yaka. Kusuma Bisava, Kusumanga Devi. Wife of Mal-gara Raja.
Kuveni. One Vijayindu-hatanê relates that a Brahman who had performed a sacrifice for a king received as reward a gem, which when rubbed on nis forehead caused him to obtain the fulfilment of any desire. His wife saw it, and longed to make use of it in secret ; but Säkra made it invisible, for fear lest it should be defiled by a woman's touch. The Brahman swore that she had stolen it, and she swore that she had never seen it. As they both had sworn untruly, they died of the "perjury sickness" (see Divi Dos). She was reborn as the daughter of Candravati, the queen of Bamba Paja of Ceylon. She had three paps, and the Brahman soothsayers augured evil from this, though they said that the third pap would disappear when she met her futuro hushand. She was therefore exposed under an Indian fig tree at Tammanna-vila, where the yaka's adopted ar reared her. The Brahman, her for mer husband, was reborn as Vijaya. For their further history see Vijaya. Another Vijayindu-hatanê calls the Brabman a chaplain of king Narasimha of Veluran-pura. On the "leopard's tooth" of K., from which the crinum lily is said to have arisen, see Lily. K. is perhaps the same as Bäli Bisa va, q. v.
Kuyêra. A god, uncle of Pûrņaka; see Dälimun.la.
Lakşmi. She presides over a tolabộ plant; see Ata Magula. In one legend she is sister of Mänik pâla (g. v.), Uma, Siri, Gana Devi, Sarasvati, and Târâ. She resided in the leaf of the mango of Pattini, q. v. See also Siriya Devi.
Lama Bandara. A demon, on whose legend see Perahära.
Lama Bilindu Bandara. "The Young Child-God," a Vädda deity, invoked in a Pitiyadevi-kavi where it is said that he wears a black cloth, receives offerings of silk, is near a painted picture, and dwells in a stone-fenced palace.

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Laika-bandhanaya. A rite, and poem descriptive thereof invoking ihe powers of Buddha, the four Guardian Gods, the Yakas of various countries, etc., for the protection of Ceylon. Another L.-6., for the protection of a private person, binds the Pûrva and Apara Godâna, Uturu-kuru, Damba-diva, and various lands, waters, beasts, and fishes by the power of Buddha.
Lavudi Yaka. A demon in the troop of Dädimunda.
Lo Kadavara. A demon, exorcised from womer's stomachs in Kalavara-tovil, invoked in K.-vidiya, K.-goļu-pidavila, K.-kavi, Tota-kumara-santiya. Exorcised in Karlavarasirasa-pada. See Karlavara.
Lo-kama Rşi. A mythical sage, on whom see Riri Yaka. Le-madana. A demon; see Ratikan. Le-mal Bisava. A goddess associated with Riri Yaka.
Leopard's Head (Divi-tala). An incantation to secure luck, describing the rites for planting auspiciously the first post of a house, for averting harm in making the various parts of the house and the cages for parrots, monkeys, and civet cats; and for securing immunity from the " perjury sickness" arising from chairs, covere, etc., and from the bad luck that may attach to Buddhist religious buildings and to litters. [Divi-tala-kavi.] It is used in the ritual of Mohol-upakarana-upata, where it is said to have been brought first by Maha-bain ba for the exorcism of the divi dos of Panduves. For exorcism of a Buddha, the leopard should be black; for a person of royal family, white; for a person of Goyi race, striped (i. e., a tiger); for a person of lower rank, spotted. It is also used in the rites of Ata Magula and Nava-graha-mal-baliya: see Aļa Magula, Divi Dos, Ollisa.
Lo-rfri. The Guardian of the Blood Sea ; see Seven Seas, Turmeric. Le-tali Bisava. Mother of Riri Yaka. Letters. See Alphabet. Lo-vila. See Blcod Lake.
Lily. The tolabó or crinum lily is used in the ritual of the Mohol-upakarara-upata, which says that it arose from the leopard's tooth (divi-dalu) of Kuvêni; Maba-bamba places it at the patient's feet : Gana Devi is at the end of the leaf, išvara in the middle, Siriya at the end. It also figures in the ritual of Ata Magula, q. v. Cf. 8. v. Divi Dos. Olli82. On the legend of the creeping lily (niyagala, Methonica Superba), see Vas.
Limes. A legend of the origin of limes for magic rites is told in the Dehi-upata. The Nâgas having giver a bride (apparently a daughter of Maba-kela, son-in-law or nephew of the Naga King Mucalinda) to the Sun, Râhu went to their world and beat them. His hand was bitten. He sucked out the poison, and by charms conveyed it into the Sun and the Mcor both of whon fell down, and the Sak vala became dark. The gods sent the Rsis Ambara and Pombara to heal them, and these Rsis found that this could be done by cutting limes with magic rites. To procure limes, Säkra wiped his sweat upon a blue gem and threw it upon a canopy, whence it fell through the earth into the Nâga's world and struck the Någa King on the head From his poison-fangs arose the pulp-cells of lime fruits, from his teeth the seeds, from his spittle the acid, from Säkra's sweat the fragrance, and from his hood the skin. Ananda Thera then fetched the fruit for the Rķis from the Nâga king's gemthrone where he kept it. The Rşis threw it into the ocean it passed through the Seven Seas, staying in each 7 days, and after going through many lands returried to the Rsis' door. where the seeds sprouted and the branches spread out, that on the north beering liya-dalu. that on the northeast attana, that on the north-west kota-divul, that on the west nat-tårang.

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that on the south kara-baļu. The branch that rose upwards bore 9 limes, which the nine Rşis gathered, and with them they performed the rites and restored the Sun and Moon. A Desi-upata, describing a ritual of exorcism by means of limes and the "Seven Steps" (see Hat Adiya), derives the use of limes from a rite performed by Oddisa to remove the spell laid on the queen of Vadiga-pura by Mâra. When Mâra attacked Buddha, the Earth (Mihi-kata) gave sworn evidence in his favour; hence limes were called desi (from desanara, " to declare"). The tree then created bore 9 limes, one of which was taken to Séru-nadése, while the other eight were carried to the Någa's world, whence Viskam and Valahaka brought seven of them from under 7 caskets; thence arose the limes in this world. The “ Seven Steps” that follow are made with Buddhist invocation. The Sagal-pura-asné, a poem introductory to an exorcism by cutting limes, states that this rit was invented by Bharadvaja and other Rsis to heal the sickness of a king of Sagal-pura, and that Viskam erected a decorated bower for the ceremony. The Vina-dosa-upata gives a legend of the bringing of limes from the Nâga's world by Vedana Rşi to suppress the spells of the Vadiga casket ; see Mal-sara Raja. The origin of the custom of cutting limes with spells is told in Vina-dosa-upata ; see Mal-sara Raja, Vina. On the use of limes in the ritual of the Seven Steps, see Hat Adiya. On other legends and rites see Asuras, Bodhi-sattra, Ginikanda R-i, Maha-puru a-lakunu-vina-käpima, Vas.
Line. There is a form of onchantment called iri-pänun, "stepping over the line"; a line is drawn on the path over which the victim is to walk, and spells muttered, and when he steps over the line he is seized by the enchantment. To exorcise this a ritual is given in the Iri-pänun-kavi. A diagram is drawn, and the exorcist recites these verses and makes offerings. It relates that the iri-pänun spell was first practised by Mara, and to exorcise it the suvisi-mangalê or 24 lucky marks were drawn with tridents. The Earthgoddess, Sun, Moon, etc., are invoked, with Buddhist themes.
Lizard. Evils presaged by the dropping of lizards' dung are exorcised in Mäti-baliyagaya (see Bali).
Loka. Mother of Kohomba Raja Loku Appu. A spirit, connected with Kiri Amma, q. v. Love-philtres. See Mara. Ma-catuvayara. Father of Palanga ; see Pattini. Madana. See Ralikan.
Madana Bisava. A female demon, invoked in Ratikan-madana-bisavagé kavi. See Ratikan-madana Yakini.
Mada na Giri. A goddess, invoked in Giri-liyi-dolaha-pidavila; see Giri. Also the consort of Ratikan, 9. v.
Madana-kama. Name of the 7 consorts of Ratikan, q. e'. Madana-keli. A demon who protected Riri Yaka. Madana Riri. A god invoked in connection with Riri Yaka. Madana Siva Guru. A god invoked in Mal-keli-yadinna as beating the Yakas.
Madana Yaka. A demon mentioned in Marligand-indva , see Mara. A M. Y. figures in the legend of the plague of VisAlå, q. v.
Maddima Kadavara. The “Midnight Spirit", invoked in Tota-kumdra-santiya.
MA-devi. The wife of Siva, or the daughter of Siva and wife of Maha-sammata (see Kota-halu, Siva). The M.-d.-upata relates that a goddess named Uruvesi, being in love with a Nâga king, danced and sang in a wanton manner, and Säkra condemned her to

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be born as Må-devi, daughter of Citrapati, a dancing woman in the service of the king of Soli. She likewise became a dancer, and fascinated Palanga, the husband of Pattini. See Pattini.
Madi Raja. A god, invoked in Kovila-pêvima and Salu-salima ; see Pattini. Maduru Devi. Mother of Sikura. Madu-sura Raja. A god invoked in Pattini-yaga-kavi. Magula. See Ata Magula.
Maha-bali. An Asura prince (see Asuras). Vişņu (as in the Dwarf Incarnation of Hindu myth) asked him for as much land as he could cover in three steps, and then, the boon being promised, strode over the three worlds, and overthrew the Asura. He is exor cised in the Asura-giri-bali rite by means of an image on a throne, with a Garuda behind it; it should have nine tufts of ragged hair on the head, black foet, a golden belly, a white stomach, blue hands, and a cobra's.hood on the breast; the exorcist holds & sword and an at-bali, q. v. (Asura-vidiya; U pulvan-asnê; Visnu-vidiya-kavi.]
Maha-bamba, Father of Bamba and Rahu. He caused rice to be brought from the Tugita heaven for exorcism (800 Rice), and instituted the present age; figures in the legend of the Deluge (see Maha-sammata, Namo Tas80, Vinu); brought the leopard's head to heal Panduvas (see Leopard's Head); places the lily in rites at the foot of the patient (see Lily); figures in the legend of Oddisa, q. v. ; is present in the betel-leaf, and is worshipped with betel, etc., in Dalu-mura-yahan-kavi (see Betel); is invoked in Gini-jal-vina-käpîma, Amarasântiya. An image of Sahampati stood in the monastery of Padeniya. (P.-sinduva.]
Maha-bhagavati. A goddess, who protects the skin of the drum (see Drums.) Maha-devi. See Siva. Maha Kalu Devatar. See Kalu Kumara, Kalu Yaka. Maha Kalu Kiri Landun. Mother of Kalu Kumara.
Maha-kela (Naga-raja). The king of the Cobras. He dwells in the rice-pestle used in the rite of Ata Magula, q.v. From his nostril was born Haniyan Yaka, q. v. He gave limes to Vêdana Rşi (see Mal-aara Raja). From flame emitted by him arose Oddisa, q. v.: see algo Visnu. He is present in the middle of the cocoa-nut troo (see Cocoa-nut). He was nephew or son-in-law of Muoalinda, and his daughter wedded the Sun (see Limes). He took part in the exorcism of Sudarsana, 9. v. Described in Loka-vistara-taranga-málê.
Maha Kiri Amma.See Kiri Amma. Maha-kosamba. A spirit, invoked in Vädi-yak-yadinna. Maha-maya. A queen, see Cloth. Mahana Bandara. A demon, on whose legend see Perahära. Maha-nayide. A demon, on whom see Pitiya Devi. Maha-padma. A Någa, from whose body was made the first drum (800 Drums).
Maha-puruşa-lakunu-vina-käpima. A rite, and the poem descriptive of it, for the exorcism of sickness, by invoking the 32 bodily signs of Buddha and his deeds of meroy. and cutting limes.
Maha-Riri Vägt. A spirit, invoked in Vädi-yak-yadinna. . Maha-sammata. The first of the 728,796 kings of the world who have reigned since the Sun and Moon were created. [M.-8.-sivupada.] He was grandson of Bamba Raja and son of Sara Bamba or Brahma-datta and Nanda; he married Sura-nandana Devi. And Säkra girded on his sword. [M.-8.-mula-patuna, M.-8.-taranga.] He was a Bodhi-sattva and a righteous king. [8.-mangalaya.] In a former birth he was Khadirangâra (see

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Oldisa). He was son of the Sun by Brahma-devi. [Suba-siri-mangalê.] The Vas haranê relates that his mother was Nâta-surapoti Devi; she conceived him in the world of Säkra, of a Hunbeam that fell upon her. He married Mänikpala (q. v.) and with her dwelt first in the Himalaya and then in Miyulu-nuvara, where Lo-dal Kumâra wedded Miyulu-nandana. See also Betel. The Otunu-upata (" Origin of Crowns ") tells that when the sages made Maha-sammata king they made him a crown, which he placed on his own head. Asaddana Rsi, who convened the assembly, made 108 rings of 108 creeping plants, which were then fastened round the king, and the 108 Rşis cut them with spells (see Valalu). The Lakaraja-upata relates that owing to the sin of the earth rain fell for 7 days, and the waters rose up to the Bamba-world; then they sank 16 yoduns daily for 7 days, after which the earth's face reappeared. Two Brahmans descended upon it, fasted 7 days, and ate of its mud. They begot children, who for 30,000 years ate mud, and never quarrelled. Then the mud became bitter, and they fell out. Then fungi grew, which they ate for 60,000 yoans, without quarrelling. Säkra then sent to them a god with a crown of heavenly flowers, to crown a king to rule over them; he chose a boy 5 months old, who was crowned. Säkra named him Maha-sammata, and gave him as wife a goddess from the Säkra-world, who bore him a gon, Nila-yodaya (Nila Devi), and two daughters, Sarasvatî and Umayan. gana (Uma). A similar account is given in Jana-nandanaya. On the flood-legend see also
Vism. The Kota-halu-upata-kavi relates that the rain of 700 years fell in 7 days, and the waters rose up as high as the Bamba-world. Upulvan dived into them, from which a lotus arose with two Bambas in it. When the waters sank, these Bambas came forth upon the earth, and ate of the mud for 60,000 years. Then the Gods created plants and trees, and edible fungi sprang up, likewise the kalpa tree or Tree of Desire, and wild rice (sayam-pâta). The sun appeared, and Maha-sammata was born and crowned king. He is said in the Rabel-varnanava or Mini-ran-dama to have been crowned by Manu. In his honour drums were beaten (860 Drums). Another Kota-halu-upata-kavi, giving the logend of the Deluge etc. up to the crowning of Maha-sammata, relates that Viskam at the command of the gods prepared a crown, a cloth, and a throne for him. He crowned himself in the presence of all men, hence his name. Viskam made him a palace; Säkra brought him celestial robes; and he married Ma-devi, a princess 7 years of age. When Mâ-devi reached puberty at the age of 16, she was ceremonially purified (see Kota-halu); she afterwards bore twin daughters, who were married to Isvara. A Kota-halu-yadinna begins with the story of the flood. Tpon the waters aroge a lotus, on which were Bambas or Brahmas, who when the waters abated lived by eating the mud. When this disappeared, wild rice arose. Men then began to be divided into clans, and falsehood became rife. Viskam made a orown of flowers, and with it crowned the Bodhi-sattva Maha-sammata. Then follows the legend of Uma attaining puberty and her purification. The Kota halu-kavi relates that the gods made him a palace, crowned him with flowers, and seated him upon the elephant Nála-giri; he wedded the daughter of Siva and Maha-devi. The same legend of the flood and birth of M.-.is given in Loka-uppattiya; here he is crowned with a crown of flowers by his fellow-men. Ho married Um &-sarasvati, for whom the Kota-halu was performed. The Maha-sam matabántiya also tells of the deluge, after which the Sun and Moon began to shine, and daya were created; next appeared the seven Mountain-tops, the seven lakes, and lake Anotatta, the world of Säkra on the top of Maha-meru and the world of the Asuras below it. The gods then created Maha-sammata and the 18 languages-Magadha-påli, Abhaya-pâli, Manikkaya, Telinga, Grantha, Tamil-18 races and 18 kings. Maha-sam mata being created

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on a Sunday, his race was called the Solar (surya-vamýa). He had 1,000 ministers, and married Mänik pala. On Sunday he first received rice and betel; on Monday trees, cloths, and leaves ; on Tuesday flesh, fire, and weapons ; on Wednesday the 64 sciences. Mára having enchanted Mänikpala, she was healed by Oddisa with a sacrifice (yaga). The Vidi-upata relates that Säkra employed Viskam to build a pavilion 7 stages in height to entertain his company, and Mera Devu-liya danced for them. Säkra invited Maha-sammata, who on his way was bewitched by a Vina-yaka or Spell-demon sent by Mâra. The Vina-yaka was -9 yoduns high; he was of 5 colours, and rode by night on a red bull, appearing to dreamers and breaking down the city. Oddisa then exorcised the spell. See Vidi. The bewitchment of M.-9. by Mara, the bringing of Oddisa by the Seven Rşis to heal it, and various ritual in vocations of the glory of the Sun, and lśvara, Säkra and his conch, the Rşis, Vişnu, Brahma, Kanda, Pattini and her bangle, and Hanumà are described in Abina-mangalê. Various other rituals are alleged to have been invented by Oddisa to heal M.-8.; see Abinakantiya, Asuras, Suba-siri-mangale, Torch, Vidi. In another legend M.-9. was healed by Visņu, q. v. For other rituals see Cloth, Dancing, Fowl. The Nava-graha-mal-baliya, describing a rite for the propitiation of the planets, says that it was instituted by 8 Brahmans who interpreted a dream of M.-S., who dreamed that a viper broke through the upper storey of his palace and bit him. On the legend of the exorcism of Sudarisana, son of M.-s., see Sudarsana. On the legends of the brewitchment of Mänikpala by Mâra see Mänikpala.
Mahasen. On the legend of the Minneri tank built by M., see Kaludäka la Hat-raju, Minnêri.
Maha-sohona Yaka (Maha-son). A demon, propitiated in the Yak-pidavila. He is described as devouring men, breaking off and shaking branches of trees, causing alarming noises, white of body, and attended by 70,000 demons, of whom the 8,000 who watch over footpaths are entreated not to drive mad those who see them. For his ritual a place on the northem side is taken and decorated with palm-flowers. A platform, 7 spans long and 5 wide, is divided into 36 compartments, and on it are offered eight courses of cooked food and young cocoanuts, in 108 scoope made of leaves. He is invoked by the power of Sobhita Muni, a former Buddha. [M.-8.-pidavila.] For his representation in the Rakugubali, see Rakusu. He is invoked in Maha-sôn-andagäsîma, where it is said his offerings are to be placed on the north-east. He figures in the legend of the plague of Visala, q. v. In a collection of verses to several yakas he is said to have been created in the time of Maha. sammata by the power of a Rşi. He carries a knob-headed club, and was defeated by the hero Gota-imbara (vide Rasa-vahini). See also Sohona Yaka.
Maha-sthana. A demon, on whose cult see Perahära. Mahi. See Mihi-kata. Makari Yakini. A female demon dwelling in one tooth of the cobra (see Cobra).
Mala Bisava. A female demon, invoked in Ratikan-madana-bisavagé kavi. See Ratikanmadana Yakini.
Malala Raja. A king of Vadiga-rata, whose 7 daughters were restored to life on the pyre by Riri Yaka, q. v. See also Vira-munda,
Malala-sami. See Vira-murla Malala-sâmi. Malalu Kumaru. See Mala Raja. Mala Mäniyo. A female spirit, invoked in Vädi-yak-yadinna.

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Mala Raja (Malalu Kumaru). A mythical hero, said to have been created from a flower (mala) by a Rşi near whose hermitage Sitâ lived in exile, and to have been given by Him to her as her child (gee Sita). By a device of Säkra he was led to pursue Râhu disguised as a wild boar, whom he followed into Ceylon; there, with 36 Vali Yakas and 36 Vädi chieftaing, he healed Panduvas of the "divi dos". [Pala-väla-danê, Oddisaupata, Ata-magula-áântiya, Vädi-yak-yadinna, Maha-asné, Vijayindu-hatanê.) Rahu was sent in the disguise of a boar to Elu-dvipa. He broke the rock-wall and wasted the orchard of the Mala Raja, who shot an arrow at him. The boar rushed into the Blood Lake (Lê-vila), and thence led on its pursuers from Nanda-pura to Ceylon. At Ura-gala (Pig-rock) they killed him; he then appeared in his true form, and told the Mala Raja why he had decoyed him thither. [Kadavara-vidiya.] The brothers Mala Raja, Kit-siri, and Sandalindu are sometimes styled Tun Bä Mala Nirindu, the Three Brother Mala Kings, and are said to have collectively healed the divi dos of Panduvas and turned Kande (Irugal) Bandara and Kohomba Raja into Yakas. [Irugal-bandara-kavi.] The Malalukumaru-kavi describes M. R. as a Bodhi-sattva and lord of the world, who receives offer ings throughout Ceylon. The usual story of the birth of the 3 brothers is given (see Sita). Whilst still boys, they hunted wild beasts, and destroyed elephants, chariots, and armies. Their father therefore sent them out of the land. They sailed away in a stone ship with 4 gateways; Vaduru Ma-kali, Kalu vara Devata, Vasala Bandara, and Gini Kurum bura were the deities who had charge of the eastern, southern, northern, and south-eastern entrances, and Kambili Kadavara accompanied them. They crossed the Milk Sea, and came to the shore of the Dumb Sea (south-eastern Ceylon). The gods of Ceylon opposed their landing, but M. R. tore into two pieces Virâ, one of them, and made good his landing. He heals smallpox and leprosy. He took Kohomba into his retinue when the latter was 7 years old. Sacrifices of food cooked by a priest and young girls are offered to him in a bower 3 cubits broad and 21 in height, adorned with flowers and fruits; a dead tree is placed near the door and an offering fastened to it. Thus propitiated, he will heal sickness and avert trouble. [Kosamba-upata.] He protects Amu-siri Kaçavara; he took part in the rite of the arrow to heal Mal-gara (see Arrow); dwells in the leopard's skull used in the rite of Ata Magula, q. v. ; made Irugal Bandara (q. v.) a Yaka; gave the Kadavaras leave to come to Ceylon, and had a Kada vara as his chief officer (see Kadavara); turned Koho mba Raja (q. v.) into a Yaka, and took him into his train. He is in voked, with 12 Väddas armed with spears, and with 7,000 kelas of Väddas, in Divi-dos-santiya. See also Divi Dos, Jivahatta, Kuvéni, Panduvas, Vijaya, Wooden Peacock. There was a sanctuary of Mala Raja on the Santâna or Hantâna hill near Kandy, where he passed in his chase of the Boar.
Mala-upan Yakşaya. See Ratikan.
Mal-bali. The origin and form of this "flower-sacrifice" are described in M.-6.-upata. A Licchavi king of Baranäs had 500 wives and some 60,000 children. The children once bathed in a pool in a forest. The eldest boy bathed apart from the rest near a nuga fig-tree, and was seized by the demon who lived in it. He fell, seemingly lifeless. The wise men made 9 receptacles of pieces of plantain, into which they put offerings of flowers etc. to the Nine Planets, viz. orange-coloured rice and leaves of the silk-cotton tree on the east for the Sun, golden rice and karanda (galidupa 'arborea ?) leaves on the south-east for Sikura, red rice and leaves of Nauclea cordifolia 'on the south for Angaharu, pandanus leaves and rice cooked with sesame in milk on the south-west for Rahu, blue rice and banyan leaves on the west for Senasuru, boiled pulse and leaves of the wood apple (Feronia elephantum)

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on the north-west for the Moon, milky rice and margosa leaves on the north for Budahu, golden rice and bo (Ficus religiosa) leaves on the north-east for Guru, yellow rice and plantain leaves for Ketu. Thus the evil influences of the planets are to be exorcised.
Mal-bali-gala Devi. See Kambili Kadavara.
Male Raja. See Jivahatta.
Mal Hami. A person who became a Yaka (see Gangê Bandâra).
Maliya Raja. Father of Mini-maru Yaka.
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Mal Kadavara. A demon, who cures diseases of women; an altar of flowers (mala) is made for him. [Kadavara-tovil.] Invoked in Tedálankâraya (as loving the scent of jasmin flowers), Kaḍavara-vidiya, K.-upata, K.-kavi, K.-gotu-pidavila, Tota-kumâra-baliya, T.-k.sántiya. See also Dala Kadavara, Dala Raja.
Mal-kami. Consort of Ratikan, q. v.
Mal-keli. A ritual, described in M.-k.-upata. Four sandal posts are set up round a space two cubits by one, with elephant-tusks and an awning, and a curtain of red cloth is drawn round. Perfumed flowers are hung around, and rice, scent, flowers, and lamps are offered inside. A water-pot with flowers is placed over the flower-altar (mal-yahan). Nåflowers especially are included. The gods are summoned, and flowers heaped around. Nâmal Kumaru is invoked to receive the offerings. Flowers, young cocoanuts, and betel are also offered to Kataragama Deva, Visnu, the god of Minnêri, Pattini, Ridigama Deva, Viramunda, and the Seven Kings. See Ná-mal Kumára. A similar ritual, the M.-k.-yädima, invokes Pattini, Visņu, Kanda, Siddha Pattini, Bhadra-kâli, Vaduru Mâ-kâli, Silambari, Anuhas Devi, Kâla-deva Mohini, Siva-kâli, Avatara Yaku, Madana Siva Guru, Sarasvati, Bhairava, Kalupra-Kambili, Siva Guru, Bisi-billa, Siva-yâre the Bisi-billâ, and Narasimha.
Mal Kurumbura. A companion of Devel Devi (q. v.), born from Bhasmâsura's death-flames.
Mallava Bisava. A queen, on whom see Ralikan.
Mallava Yaka. A demon in the troop of Da limunda. See also Sanni raka.
Malla Yaku. A follower of Däḍimunda.
Mal-madana. Companion of Ratikan. Mal Pattini. See Pattini.
Mal-sara Raja. As Candrimâ Devi, queen of Vadiga, was bathing, a Devatâr in a sandalwood tree by the lake took the form of a Naga (cobra) in the petals of a lotus; she plucked it, and he slipped through her nostrils and was conceived by her, while his thousand companion Devatârs were similarly conceived by her thousand serving-women. When she came out of the lake, she became senseless. A holy man restored her and sent her to the city of Vicila. During her pregnancy she had a desire to have cobras twining round her. The boy to whom she gave birth, Mal-sarâ, killed the cobras, and drank their blood. At the age of 16 years he went to Oddisa's country, and married Kusuma Bisava, the youngest of the 8 daughters of the king of Vadiga. Her sisters from jealousy sent to Mal-sarâ by the hand of Gaurâṣṭa Yaku a casket containing noxious charms. Oddiga met Gaurâsta, and bade him put it down; he threw it into the sea, where fishers found it. They brought it to the king; it was opened, and the charms spread abroad in the city, and Oddise was brought to exorcise them. [Vadiga-patunê: V.-p. yâgê: Hat adiva prarambhaya.]
The Vin-dosa-upata narrates the following legend. Mal-sarâ was son of Varo Raja of Mandara-nuvara in Ceylon, and succeeded his father as king. His ministers

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could not find him a suitable wife, and became so grieved that Säkra's throne grew hot. Säkra then came and bade them seek a queen from the eight daughters of the king of Vadiga-rata. Vêdana Ṛsi according went to the latter's capital, Gôrâstra-nuvara, where he was well received. But the king made a copper casket with 32 locks, in which he placed 64 katu-gäsum spells (see Katu-gäsum), 900 arts of the bow, 500 Gopalu-arts, 400 arts of poison, and 18 kinds of angam (q. v.). He bade the Ṛși give this to Mal-sarâ ; but the Ṛși, by order of Säkra, threw it into the sea on his way back. Mal-sarâ then went to the Vaḍiga land, and saw the 8 princesses; one of them, Kusumâiga Devi, winked at him, and he at once chose her for his bride, and took her to his home. Her sisters followed them weeping; but Kusumanga Devi bade him send them back, lest they should ruin his country, and he accordingly made them return. After some time Kusumanga Devi asked him to build her a palace, as her father might soon visit them. This was done, and a feast was ordained, and fishers bidden to bring fish. When the fishers drew in their nets. they were so heavy that all the townsfolk had to help in dragging them ashore; and the Vadiga King's magic casket was found in them. It was brought to the king, who could not open it, and became so grieved that Säkra's throne melted. Säkra thereupon told Vedana Ṛṣi how to open it. The spells then escaped out of it, and the city began to burn. Thereupon Kusumâiga Devi uttered a spell, which turned the fire into stone. She then asked for limes to suppress the effects of the spells. They were then to be found only in the Nâgas' world, and Vêdana Ṛsi went thither to fetch them The Nâga King, Maha-kela, received him kindly, and told him that there was on a nest of white ants a toadstool, which he was not to gather or even approach within a yodun and which would make any one who should eat it liable to a spell within 12 years. Vêdana swore compliance. The Nâga then gave him three limes in a casket, which he took to Mal-sarâ, who gave them to Kusumanga, from whom they passed successively through the hands of the Sun, the Moon, the Planets, and On Devindu, each of whom murmured charms over them. The rite was thus finished. (Cf. the ritual Deva-kakṣaya.)
Some versions of the Vadiga-patuné call Mal-sara's city Nâga-pattina, and say that Säkra sent Viskam to fetch Vadiga Ṛsi to exorcise the spells of the princesses, which set it on fire. The Vadiga-vina-kapima gives a brief account similar to the last, but states that the casket was 7 cubits square and contained 32 angam spells, 12,000 gini-jal or fire-sparks, 7,000 poison thorns, 8,000 kafu-gäsu or nail-strokes, 900 cords, 600 bows, and 64 pillis or emissary devils in animal form. See also Vadiga Rsi. A Desi-upata describes a rite performed by Oḍdisa to remove the spell laid upon the queen of Vaḍiga-pura by Mara; see Limes. For the ritual of the arrow for healing M.-s., see Arrow.
Mal-vadan Kumari.. See Kiri Amma.
Malvara-dosa. Courses of women. See Kota-halu.
Mal-yahan. Literally "flower-altar." A. M.-y.-kavi invokes various gods to "pluck the flower," viz. Nâta, from the north; Kanda, from the north-east; Saman, from the west; the seven Pattinis, from the south-east; the Hat Raja or Sat-Kattuva Deviyô; Hulavali Baṇḍâra; Devatâ Bançâra; and all the gods. A Samagam-mal-yahan invokes the Yakas and Devas, Alut Devi, Kalu Kumâra, the 3 Kosamba gods, Kalu Bandara, Devatâr B., Kiriti B., Vanni Raja, Abhimâna, Kadavara Devi, Twelve Gods, Soli Kumaru, Soli Raja, Pallebädds Devi, Gangê Bandara, Devel, and the 67 Kadavara gods. An exorcistic rite is described in M.-y.-ântiya invoking the four Guardian Gods to sit upon flower-thrones and accept offerings.

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Manayuru. Adoptive father of Pattini.
Manda Kadavara. A demon, invoked in Kadavara-vidiya, K.-unata. Mandala Raja. Father of Tota Kaḍavara.
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Manda Raja. A god, invoked to cure fever and chills in Salu-salima; see Pattini. Mandhatu Raja. Mentioned in Amba-pattini-upata as having used a branch of Pattini's mango-tree for exorcism; see Pattini, Rama.
Mangale. The Ala-visi Mangalê gives a ritual for exorcising sorcery by invoking various gods and Buddha.
Mangra Devi. A demon, invoked in Kadavara-tovil and Sat-adiya-kavi. He was born in Mâyâ-rata; the king being unfavourable to him, he sailed away in a stone raft, landed at Usangoda, and went to Kataragama. He catches wild elephants at Bintänne. He is worshipped with boiled milk and dances, in order to exorcise sickness. [M.-d.ragê.] His symbol is a noose. Probably he is the same as Mangara Devi, who is said to have created the earth (see Cobra). The M.-d.-puvata states that in one birth he was a nephew of Visņu, and on one occasion caught a buffalo, which is hence called Mangara. billa (M's victim). It also says that the chief queen of the Irugal king, apparently identical with Kitalvala Raja of Mâyâpura, saw three dreams after bathing in a lake, viz., a cobra, a gem, and a golden crown on her head, and after 10 months gave birth to a boy through a golden door between her breasts. One, version of this poem adds that He Visnu's younger sister gave birth to 7 sons, whom Visnu wished to combine into one made six of them into the six-headed god Kanda (q. v.), but one escaped and became Mangra. It adds that Mangra was born successively from a cobra's hood, a writer's style, a flame, a gem, a circle of the sun's rays, the womb of a woman, and the breasts of a woman, as narrated above; that he attacks Yakas with a diamond sword and shews his power over Nâgas, and having been born as guardian of the world of men visited Mâyâ-rata. It continues by describing the buffalo-sacrifice to him. Gopalu (q. v.) went to catch a buffalo for Mangra, which (apparently) killed him and his followers. Then Budu-siri Kumarindu sprang into the swamp, caught a buffalo by its right leg, tethered it to a tree, stabbed its side, and drank its blood. It was cut up into pieces. Siri Kumâra prayed Pattini to give turmeric for the rites of purification, but she refused. The celebrant, having obtained it and other things for his rites from others, boiled milk under a canopy. First he boiled it for the Sun. Then he boiled more, and sprinkled the prince and the corpse. Then he boiled more, and sprinkled Mangra, who was reborn, and the followers, who then came back to life in the swamp. Lastly he boiled more milk and sprinkled the buffalo, which returned to life. A M.-kavi says that he was born of Buddha-rays, and Säkra sent him down to Usangoda. He was next born as son of queen Mâyâ in Mâyâ-rata. Säkra offered to him milk in a golden vase. He holds in his right hand a golden arrow, and hunts wild buffaloes with a noose.
He accompanies Kiri Amma, and protects Riri Yaka (q. v.). He is invoked in Devatar-kavi (aa having sprays of milky leaves in his hair and making Yakas dance), and in Asura-bandhane. See also Gopalu Vädi, Siddha Mangara.
Mangra Hami (M. Hamini). A goddess in Samayan-pädura (see Samayan,, Sataruvaran-mal-yahan, and Tovil-vidiya; her bangle invoked in Halamba-santiya and Ran-halambakavi. See Fowl.
Mangra Yaka. A demon in the troop of Däḍimunda.
Mänik Bandara. A demon, on whose legend see Perahära. See also Gangê Bandara

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Mänik Biso. See Mänikpala.
Mänik Devi. A god, described in Dolaha-devi-kavi as sitting on a gemmed throne, with a jewelled bondi, silver beads, etc.
Mänik Kadavara. See Ratna Kadavara. Mänik-kan Bisav. See Seven Queens.
Mänikpala. The wife of king Maha-sammata (q. v.). When he went to the world of the gods to watch their dances, he left her in a bower made by the celestial craftsman Vibvakarma, and there Mâra came to tempt her. He bewitched her, and she was cured by Oddisa (q. v.) aided by the Rşis. [M.-yadinna.) A Vas-harané says that when Mara bewitched Mänikpala, Maha-sammata vainly sought aid from the Rşis, Vişnu, the Nâga King, etc.; then Oddisa succeeded, building a hall for his enchantments. The Maha-sammata-piliveta states that Umâ, Visņu, Sarasvati, Mänik Bisó (Mänikpâla), and another were all children of the same parents. Viņņu married Mårângana, a sister or daughter of Mara; but Mänik, who had been promised to Mara, was married instead to Mahasammata. Mâra was wroth. Once Säkra, giving a banquet to the gods, invited Maha-sammata, but ignored Mara, who then created a viper and sent it with a vine-yaka (spell-spirit) armed with a club to bewitch Mänik. Similarly the-M.-kavi. The Vina-upata relates that before Maha-sammata went to visit Säkra Ire built a city in which he left Mänikpala. He stayed in the gods' world three months of the gods (1 day of the gods is 100 years of men), during which Mâra disguised himself as Maha-sammata and went to Mänikpala. She however detected him, and reviled him. Mâra then fled to the Naga king, and forced him to give him a spell, whereby he bewitched her with an evil dream and leprosy. 8 demons arose from the charm. Oddisa, whose open mouth was 50 yoduns wide, was brought by Saman and Säkra, and healed her. Two versions of Oddisa-yâgaya, beginning with the flood-legend (see Maha-sammata), relates that Maha-sammata, when invited by Säkra to visit him, left Mänikpala in a new palace. Mâra broke the doors and windows, and appeared in the form of Maha-sammata ; but a handmaid detected him by his breath. He then bewitched the queen with poison from the Näga king's fangs. The R$is failed to heal her, but Oddisa, brought by Vişnu, succeeded. The Olisa-ind-malayu relates that Mâra came to her tower in the guise of Maha-sammata. Mänikpala was about to open the door to him, but her maid restrained her, and opened only a window and reviled Mâra, who threw stones and sticks at the house. But at the moment when she opened the window & viper slipped in and entered the queen's body, possessing her with the enchantment. When charmed betel was given to her, her stomach rejected it, and she vomited up a geoko lizard. Mänikpala, Umâ, Lakşmi, Siri, Gana Devi, Sarasvati, and Târâ Bhagavatî were all children of one mother. The Ina-yak or demons of love-spells are called upon to dance and release their victim. Cf. M.-sähälla. The Dalu-mura-upata says she was bewitched by a viper created 32,000 years after her marriage by Mara. According to the Vembu-rája-mangalê, Mára hollowed out a horn, and in the small end of it put a spark from the hell Avîci, which he then blew out, together with 32 spells, upon the city of Maha-sammata, and bewitched him and Mänikpala, who were then healed by Oddisa. She is one of the Seven Devas. (a. v.). conceived by Nâta. See also Vişnu. The ritual of Diya-ka-santi ya says that the last spell to be exorcised by Oddisa from Mänikpala was the jala-bandhane or water-bond, to dissolve which Oddisa, at the advice of Säkra, took the form of a colossal cormorant (diya-kd). An Oddisa-vidiya describes the hut and surroundings made by Viskam for the

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exorcism of M. A space 60 cubits square was divided into 16 square inner spaces, the first court being 30 cubits square, the second 20, the third 10, the fourth 7 (apparently the courts forming concentric squares); the walls were of 70 times 70 sticks, the paths in sevens ; there were 16 rounded angles, 16 doors, each door being 2 cubits wide, and 4 corner-posts with a three-storied room over them, in which was a throne, etc. The M.-yâgaya prescribes rituals for exorcism and invokes Kanda, Pattini, and the Four Guardian Gods. For other rituals said to have been used in the healing of M. seo Areca-sickle, Asuras, Betel, Rose-water, Torch, Turmeric, Vas, Vidi.
Mänik Raja. A Naga who gave a black leopard to Kalu Bandara (q. v.). A Mänik Raja is invoked in Alut-devi-kavi.
Mänik Ruval Bandara. See Ruval Yaka.
Mani-mekhalava ((Mudu M.-m.). The Sea-goddess. She gave to Devel Devi and his companions a stone raft, on which they reached Ceylon (see Devel Devi). She restored to Pattini (q. v.) her ring. Invoked in Tis-päyê kima as regent of the 24th päya, and born from Uma's ashes. In the latter connection see Siva.
Mantri Devi. Mother of Aydi Kada vara. Manu-rada. The Manu of Hindi myth ; gee Kota-halu, Maha-sammata.
Mara (Vasavatti). The Spirit of Desire, who vainly tempted Buddha. The poem Mârârgana-inava, intended for an exorcism, describes his three sisters (more properly, daughters) as brewing a philtre of antimony and drugs to conquer Buddha. The drugs include flowers and plants of various kinds, tails of yellow and white rat-snakes and of iguanas, heads of tree-frogs, foam of elephants in rut, oil of various lizards and of crows, lime from the shells of plovers' eggs, oil of sparrows' eggs, sloughed skins of various snakes, divers minerals, fishes' blood, human oil, blood from the mouth, human brains, the lungs of a first-born child, and oil of fire-flies, which were collected on the 4th, 9th, and 14th days of the half-month (see Rita) and on a mara-yoga or unlucky day. On a Sunday the sisters, after purification, made four offerings of flowers, four of betel, and four of blood, and then, with incantations over the 5 kinds of oil, compounded the philtre. Madana Yaka and his consort were propititious. All the Yakas came on Tuesday. A bull was sacrificed, and cow's butter was added to the philtre, and it was boiled in green oil. Three pills, called Bodinat-pills, were thence compounded, which the sisters threw upon Buddha, but in vain. They also prepared ointment of antimony to embellish their eyes, its ingredients including leopards' heads and fat, human skulls, tiger-spiders, &c. Cf. Budu-guwa-mula-santiya, which says that after Buddha had obtained enlightenment, Mâra's daughters threw at him a poisonous pellet, which recoiled upon them and smote them with diabetes. The Cinci-manavika-kivi relates that Mara's sisters Rati, Mati, and Arati danced and sang before Buddha in vain, and as a result of their efforts they were seized with dysentery, from which red lotus flowers and the tree kunumälla arose, as they hastened through the forest to find a lake for bathing. The lake that they sought dried up, and they could not wash. From the dirt of their bodies arose the quranda tree (Celtis cinnamomea). They all fled to different lands and there conceived. One conceived in the Olande country, and gave birth to a son named Olande, the ancestor of the Dutch ; another in Jagandarava bore a child from whom the Ingrisi or English were descended ; the third in Batâviye gave birth to a child named Batâviye, from whom the Sädi Tamils were descended.

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He is invoked in Salu-salima. See also Bodhi-sattva, Buddha, Haniyan Yaka, Line, Maha-sammata, Manikpala, Oddisa.
Märakkall. Adoptive mother of Pattini.
Maralu Yaka (Siddhi M.). The M.-y.-kavi describes this god as born of the queen of Malvara-nuvara, who bathed in the river Nerañjana. In the third month of pregnancy her paps grew black. The child burst through her left shoulder. He was put in a boat on a Thursday, and sailed to Ceylon, where he came to Kanda Kumâra. After fasting for 7 days he and his companions defeated the Marulans. He dwells in the Four Vannis, bears a golden sword in his right hand, terrifies people by throwing stones, and hunts the golden (stag ?)' with a golden bow. An appended yadinna relates that queen Mâyâ, born at Tarindu-vâsal ("Moon-portal"), came to Pulingu-rata, where she wedded the Pulingu Raja and gave birth to Maralu. He came to Ceylon with 6 companions-Raja Maralu, Gini M. Mas M., Vädi M., and two others. Milk-rice and 9 kinds of fried food are offered to them on 2 platforms and 3 arches, and incense is burned, on the north-east. The Dolaha-devi-kavi states that he visits the Marulan-kanda, broke the fork. of 1,000 Marulang. and attends with a golden bow. See also Riri Yaka.
Mars. See Kuja. : Maru Riri. A god invoked in connection with Riri Yaka, who aluse from his blood. Maru Yaka. A demon, who came to earth with Kalu Kumara, q. v. Masgan Bhairava. A demon represented in the Rakusu-bali; see Rakusu. Mas Kadavara. A demon, invoked in Kadavara-vidiya and Tota-kumara-áântiya. Mas Maralu. A companion of Maralu Yaka
Mat. For the rite of the mat in the Ata Magula, see Ata Magula. On the ritual of the Samayan-pädura, see Samayan
Matalan. The M.-kathava relates that owing to evil predictions the king of Visal-pura (Vigala) ordered his infant daughter Suram bâvati to be exposed by the wet-nurse in the wilderness. There Viskam, sent by Säkra, created for them a park and golden bower. When the girl was 7 years of age, king Vijitta, losing his way while hunting, found her there and made amorous addresses to her, which she rejected. He then angrily said: “I will make you mother of a bastard.” She retorted: "Then may my son tie you to the state pillar and flog you !” They then parted; but his evil desire somehow took effect, and she bore a son, known as Vanehi Raja-kumaru, the Prince of the Forest. He grew to boyhood, and fought with other boys, whose mothers thereupon reviled him as a bastard. Surambavati then revealed to him his origin, and he went to his father's city. There he came upon the king's washerman washing the king's linen, who asked him his name, to which he answered: "Måtalânê-gê Appu.” The washerman, seeing the boy was eating cakes, asked whence he had got them. He answered that they came from some cake-trees which he had just passed. The washer man went off to find the cake-trees, leaving the linen in charge of the boy, who then stole the royal clothes and hid them in a cave, and took lodgings with a woman who worked in the palace. He then went with a thief to steal the king's sword of state and "foot-box" (på-mula-pettiya), containing the chief treasures. The thief entered the palace by a grated window and handed out the sword and box to the prince ; then however he went into the kitchen and ate so much that he could not pass back through the grating, but stuck there. In order that he might not be identified, the prince cut off his head and took it away. The king, finding the body. ordered it to be burnt, and set & guard to see who should come and add the head to the

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corpse on the pyre; but the prince came disguised as a demon, frightened away the watchers, threw the head upon the pyre, and escaped. A watch was again set to see who should come to sprinkle milk upon the ashes. The prince, disguised as a cow-keeper, came with two large jars of milk by the cemetery. When the guards seized him, he declared that he was the king's herdsman, laid down the jars upon the ashes, and in simulated rage broke them; then he assaulted the guards, went off towards the palace, as though to inform the king, and thus escaped. Some other attempts, equally futile, were made to secure him; but the end of the poem is wanting.
Matall. A deity. At his bidding Siva fetched a pusul to heal the Bodhi-sattva; see Bodhi-sattva.
Mati. Sister of Mâra.
Mätipala. See Betel.
Mavatte Devi. A god, mentioned in Dolaha-devi-kavi as coming from Mâvattê with an army, and reverencing the bo-tree; he is of fiery aspect, and wears a crown.
Ma-vi. See Rice.
Maya. (1) Mother of Mangra Devi; (2) mother of Maralu Yaka.
Mayavati. (1) Wife of Kiradira; (2) mother of Susîmâ; see Simha-ba. Mayilakkandi. A female demon; see Riri Yaka.
Mayilavalana. An uncle of Kuvêni; see Vijaya.
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Mayara-patra. See Betel.
Medhankara. See Buddha.
Mehesuru. See Siva.
Meleyi Yakas. 9 of these are invoked in Kadavara-vidiya.
Mera. A goddess who danced before the company of Säkra (see Maha-sammala). Mercury. See Budahu.
Mi-devi. See Mihi-kata."
Migaha-pitiye Devi. A god, mentioned in Dolaha-devi-kavi as wearing a golden belt, etc., stopping herds in the woods, and cutting down large trees.
Mihidu. A god, represented in the M.-bali rite by an image of a golden god with a golden water-pot in his right hand and a golden cobra on his shoulder. Cf. Mihindu.
Mihi-kat (M. Devindu). The earth-god, invoked as Mihi-devi in Nayi-natavana-kavi, Set-kavi. He patronised Abhûta Devi; created a stone ship to bring Devel Devi to Ceylon. Invoked in Ran-dunu-upata, R.-d.-alattiya. See Torch, Tovil.
Mihi-kata (Bhami-kanta, Mi-devi, Mihi-liya). The earth-goddess; invoked in Tis-payê kima as regent of the 13th paya, who came with her golden pitcher to help Buddha against Mâra, and in Tira-hata-mangalê as having spread a blue cloth round Buddha on the Vajrasana; testified to Buddha; mother of Kuja; protected Sandun Kumâra; nurtured Valli Amma; see also Cocoa-nut, Curtain, Hat Adiya, Namo Tassa, Pattini, Turmeric. Invoked in Amara-sântiya, Horâ-s., Iri-pänun-kavi, Kala-geḍi-nätum, Salusalima, Tovil-vidiya.
Mihindu. Apparently the earth-god, invoked in Abhimana-dola. Cf. Mihidu.
Mihipoti. One of the mothers of the Devol Deviyô.
Minihis-kandi. A female demon; see Riri Yaka.
A demon Mini-maru Yaka (M.-m. Bandara. M.-m. Devatar, M.-m. Kumara) worshipped by Väddas; said to have been a companion of Kambili Devatâ and Nâ-mal Kumara; identified with the latter in the Ná-mal-kumâra-vistarê. The M.-bandara

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kavi relates that his father was Maliya Raja of Soliya-pura in the Kalu-desa or Black Land, and his mother Gini-jal Kumari or Gini-kanda Devi. Evil omens accompanied his birth : before it Maliya dreamed that he saw a na-flower (mesua ferrea) fall. After oppressing Kalu-desa and other lands, Mini-maru came with Avatara Devata, Nâ-mal D., and Sapu-mal D., in a ship with a golden pavilion to Yâpâpatunam. Many joined them at Mâtota-pura. Minimaru took charge of Minneri, and guards the 12 islands, riding upon a white crocodile, and makes offerings to the Seven Kings. He goes about the country trading with a bullock-caravan; a dispute having arisen at Radâ vela over a brass pot, he killed 70 persons night after night there. (See the identical story s. X. Na-mal Kumira). His altar should have a canopy of red silk.
Minnöri. The Seven Kings of M. are invoked in Devatár-kavi. See also kirı Yaka.
Minneri Devi. The god of Minnêri is said to have given his protection tu Nâ-mal Kumara (q. v.) and his companiong. Mahasen built a temple to this god at Minnêri; and is still worshipped there as bis incarnation; cf. Kaludäkada Hat-raju.
Mirisvatta Alut Devi. A god, mentioned in Dolaha-devi-kavi.
Miriyabädde Devi (Punci Alut D.). A god, mentioned in Dolaha-devi-kavi as causing wasting disease.
Miti-dunu Väại. A spirit invoked in Väri-sântiya.
Mituru Yaku. A demon mentioned in Hat-raja-kavi as under the patronage of Pattini.
Miyulundana. A queen of Säkra ; see Rukatlana.
Modavela Devi. A spirit invoked in Devatár-kavi, as having a train of followers with torches, weapons, and sunshades.
Mohol. See Pestle. Moholan-giri-madana. A consort of Rati-madana; see Ratikan. Mohot Terindu. Father of Boksal.
Molan Gara. A male demon. The M.-.-kavi states that he was son of Silava Raja and his queen, and invokes the Iraniya-bali of the Nâga king Uraniya, in which one half of a severed body was' taken up to the constellation Abiyut and the other half fell at Môlan-kada, (whence apparently it was called Môlan Gara). It prescribes for the rite to heal sickness a bali-figure with matted hair, and with the nose, one ear, one hand, and one foot taken by & cock; one variant of the poem adds that the figure of the god should be mounted on a cat of mixed blue and black colour. He is invoked in Dolos-giri-devliyagé puvata as having rough hair, carrying a fowl, riding a cat, and crying near sewers. See Gard. He is associated with Yakça Rakusu in the R.-bali; see Rakusu.
Molan-gara Yakini. A female spirit, invoked in the Samayan-pädura. She catches children straying outside the homestead fences.
Molan Giri. A female demon, invoked in Amara-santiya, Giri-liyo-dolaha-prdavila, Yakpidavila, and Dolos-giri-dev-liyagé puvata, in the last as haunting roads. See Giri,
Monara. See Wooden Peacock.
Mongoose. The Mugati-katha-kavi narrates that during a drought a cobra drank water from a basin with which a child used to play, and told a viper (polonga) about it, after making the viper swear not to bite the child. The viper however broke his oath and bit the child. A tame mongoose tore the viper in half, and went to fetch the mother, who was working outside. Seeing it, stained with blood, she thought it had killed her child.

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and clubbed it to death. Meanwhile the cobra had sucked the poison from the wound and the mother on her return found the child safe, and wept for the slain mongoose.
Months. On the propitiation of the months, see Set-sântiya.
Moon. See Sandu.
Morape Bandara. A god invoked in Gangé-bandara-kavi.
Mottakkili Kumari. See Kiri Amma.
Mucalinda. A Naga king, who swallowed Säkra's brush, and died; see Betel. He was uncle or father-in-law of Maha-kela; see Limes.
Mudu Mani-mekhalava. See Mani-mekhalava.
Mudun Giri. A goddess, invoked in Dolos-giri-dev-liyagê puvata as sitting on the top of high trees, uttering cries, and watching for girls. See Giri.
Muhandiram. 24 spirits with this title are invoked in Väḍi-yak-yadinna.
Mala-sthana. A demon, on whose cult see Perahära.
Mulatan. A deity of the tolabô plant; see Ata Magula.
Mulika Vädi. A spirit, invoked in Vädi-yak-yâdinna.
Mul Kadavara. This demon is said in the Kadavara-vidiya to live in Visnu's dwelling, with 18 Kadavaras under him; it was he who, disguised as a boar, broke into the orchard and drew the Mala Raja (q. v.) in pursuit to Ceylon, in order that Panduvas' sickness might be healed. Perhaps the same as Têdas K. He is invoked in Satara-varan-mal-yahan, Kadavara-sirasa-páda, K.-upata, Kidiya.
Mul Sanni Yaka. A demon who protected Riri Yaka, q. v. See also Sanni Yaka. Mulu Sami. See Vata Kumara.
Murtu. Apparently the Hindu Mṛtyu, the Death-god; propitiated as a hin (q. v.) and regent of Hata in Nava-graha-mal-baliya.
Muttu-mari. A Mutu-mâri-kavi relates that this goddess came to Velli-eliya-ambalam, and took charge of Ceylon. Mannârama and Mutu Silâma (Chilaw) are dedicated to her. Her first sanctuary was at Attikulama. She landed at Mannârama, in order to go to Mutu Silâma. She daily killed men, and is invoked to heal smallpox. In her right hand is a many-angled bangle made of 5 metals. She stays near to Ayyanâr, as she knows not the paths of the land. She appears to be a form of Kâli, q. v., and is sometimes identified with Pattini (q. v.), who is said in one Amba-vidumana to have been called Muttu-mâri from the 7 rows of pearls round her neck and to have given her fan and the charge of mankind to a Yakini. The Murttu-mâri-kavi invokes her to save cattle from disease, and mentions her ravages by means of smallpox. She is there said to havé 60,000 avatars, 60,000 ornaments, and 60,000 followers. and to have destroyed 60,000 ships. She stabs with her javelin, and drinks the blood. She landed at Alankulam, where she built a temple, and at Jaffna, with Pattini's permission, and went to Oyama-maḍuva.
Muttu Sami. A demon; see Pitiya Devi.
Mutu-pabalu Kumari. See Kiri Amma. Näba-sara. See Vismu.
Naga-bamba-put. A sage; see Vas.
Naga-halamba. The "Cobra-hangle" worn by Bhadra-kâli (see Kâli).
Naga-malaya. A ritual, and a poem describing it, to exorcise demons. The charm naga-malaya ("cobra-garland") was framed by the power of the 28 Buddhas to disperse the 68,000 Yakas dwelling on the Sakvala rock. Gautama Buddha went thither with it, disguised as an old man, and asked for lodging. The Yakas were about to kill him and

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bury him under the rock, when a pillar of flame arose from the charm and heated the rock, whereon the Yakas fled. The exorcist in reciting this should dance over a pit of hot ashes, and the possessing demon is driven into the pit and compelled to disclose who he is and how the sufferer can be healed.
Naga Oddisa. See Oddisa.
Naga Pilli. See Pilli Yaka.
Nagara-gini-räs-halamba. See Bangle,
Nagara-halamba. See Bangle.
Naga Raja. He is said to have taken part in the healing of Maha-sammata (see Abina śântiya), and is propitiated in Vidi-bändima.
Naga Rakṣi. A female den.on; see Riri Yaka.
Nagara Rṣi. A mythical sage; see Planets, Valalu. The Nagara Reis are connected with the legend of Vas-haranê; see Vas.
Nagas. A race of semi-divine beings, with beautiful human faces and bodies of cobras, who dwell in the subterranean world called Pâtâla, and appear in many legends. They are invoked in Pirittuva, etc.
Naga-valli. See Betel.
Nalavile Deva. A god invoked in Pitiyê dalu-mura-kavi.
Nalle Kiri Amma. See Kiri Amma.
See Kiri Amma.
Na-mal Biso.
Na-mal Kadavara. Invoked in Tedâlankâraya as loving the scent of na-flowers.
Na-mal Kumara. According to the N. -m -k.-upata, a king of Koliya-pura married the princess Pâliya, who dreamed that she swallowed a na (Mesua ferrea), flower, which, the astrologers said, portended the birth of a son who would do harm to his country. She was then seized w th a longing to smell and eat ná flowers. A boy was born, who was hence called Nâ-mal, or "Nâ-flower," and was as beautiful as an image of gold. One day, when in the royal park, he became a demon, and was joined by three other demons, Avatâra Devatar, Sapumal D., and Mini-maru D., and they began to kill men all over the Eighteen Lands. They landed in Ceylon, where they were taken under the protection of Kanda at Kataragama, of Pattini, of the god of Minnêri, of Devatâr Bandara, of Viramunda, and of the god of Ridigama. Nâ-mal was especially worshipped at Radâvela, where he is said to have caused many deaths, and from which he is entitled Radâvela Bandâra. The Na-malkumâra-vistarê identifies Nâ-mal with Mini-maru (q. v.), and says that he came from the Malvara land and took possession of Ceylon, that he would come down upon a flower-couch and inspire votaries. He had the protection of Saman. The gods of the Asuras' world made a kotalê (vessel shaped like a teapot), and Nâ-mal used it in the worship of Kataragama Deva to hold turmeric-water, and thus gained power over the Demala-gam-pattuva. He offered turmeric-water also to Visņu, Pattini, and the Seven Kings; he visits Ridigama and sacrifices to its god. The Mal-keli-upata states that Nâ-mal has his seat at Kalâväva, and sports at the tank there. He was born of the Yona race, and once bewitched a maiden of that race who was bathing in that tank, so that she pined away for him; afterwards he married her, and now they both sport at the tank. Once, when there was a famine, some Yonas set out with bullocks laden with brass vessels for sale, Nâ-mal riding among them on a white bullock. At Radâvela the inhabitants took a brass vessel and would not pay for it. So Nâ-mal began to kill them that same night, slaying 60 at a time. He twisted their necks and drank their blood, especially choosing the first-born among them. To

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propitiate him they established the Mal-keli (q.v.). At Nāvgala he is known as Mini-maru Kumaru (see Mini-maru Yaka).
NA-mal Kumari. A female spirit, who assists in the weaving of the magic mat in the rite of the Samayan-pädura.
Nama-näti Devindu (The Nameless God). This god is invoked in a N.-n.-d.-kavi as shaking the earth, beating down the Vaduru Yakus (demons of smallpox, etc.), restoring sight to the blind, hearing to the deaf, and power to walk to cripples, chastising thieves, dispelling by his name fear of serpents. He is asked why he did not aid Buddha against Mára. Apparently he is the same as Nama-näti Upasaka Deva, on whom see Sandun Kumara.. He is also invoked in Gange-bandara-kavi.
Namo Tassa. The formula of adoration to Buddha, namo tassa bhagavato arahato sammasambuddhassa, is prefixed to Buddhist scriptures. The poem Tun-saranê relates that Såtâgira Yak-senevi uttered the word namo, Rahu tassa, each of the four guardian gods a syllable of bhagavato, Säkra the word arahato, and Maha-brahma samma-sambuddhassa, and they all made obeisance to the Three Refuges of Buddhism (Buddha, Dharma, and Sangha), to which Mihi-kata algo testified. It is invoked in Budu-guna-santiya ; see Buddha.
Nanda. (1) Mother of Maha-sammata; (2) mother of Vira-bhadra. Nanda Kumari. Mother of Riri Yaka. Nanda Rşi. A sage, to whom Devel Devi gave torches. Nandiya. A spirit invoked in Gini-gal-vina-käpima. Napoti. A spirit who is present in the middle of the cocoa-nut tree (see Cocoa-nut). Narada. The heavenly musician and messenger of Hindu myth. See Valli Amma. Na-raju. A god invoked in Salu-salima. Narasimha. A king, on whom see Kuveni.
Narasimha. A god, invoked in Mali-keli-yädima as having a sword, necklace, and biroh-bark ear-jewels, and hunting on the peaks of the rocks.
Narayana. See Vişnu.
Nata Deva. One of the Guardian Gods. The Satara-devala-devi-puvata describes him as blue of body, and as a future Buddha (Maitri), now dwelling in the Tusita heaven; he once offered himself to a lioness. The N.-devi-puvata adds that he is the patron of Toțagamuva, removes spells, and rides on a hamsa. A Satara-varan-mal-yahan further describes him as dwelling in Kälaniya and holding in his right hand a gem-bangle, besides which he has a bow and vase of gold; he burns up the Bhůta Yakas; he is also called Ratna-tilaka. As Vibhîyana was also worshipped at Kälaniya, he seems to have been identified with Nâta, and finally ousted by him. See Betel, Cobra, Curtain, Drons, Pitiya Devi, Seven Devas, Tota Kadavana. He is invoked in Hat-adiya-prarambhaya, Kadaturava-härima, Mal-yahankavi, Nava-graha-santiya, Parale-kavi, Ran-dunu-alattiya, Satara-varan-mal-yahan; his bangle in Halamba-santiya. The Padeniya-sinduva states that his image stood in the monastery of Padeniya.
Nata-surapoti Devi. Mother of Maha-sammata. Nava-gamuva Teda Pattini. See Pattini. Nava Graha. See Planets.
Nava-guna-bantiya. A ritual, and poem describing it, for exorcising evil by Buddha's nine qualities. A figure is made with Säni-saka on top, bolding a book and a sword, and having 3 eyes, 4 hands, a conch, a cobra around his neck; he wears & charmed thread, and is coloured blue, and is riding on a dolphin (makara). At his neck are two ascetics with

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nava-guna rosaries. Below are two Rakusus, and at the side is Visnu. The zodiac, constellations, etc., are also figured.
Nava-kola-atu. Leaves used in magic; see Vas. Nava-mini-halamba. See Bangle. Nava-natha. See Planets. Nava-ratnavall. Mother of Dala Raja. Nava-ratna-valli. See Ratna-valli. Nayaka Bisava. A goddess, invoked in Sat-bisav-väga (Yaga-vidiya). See Seven Queens. NA yaka Devi. See Abhůta Devi. Nayaka Vädi. The N. V. of Hantâne is a spirit invoked in Vadi-yak-yadinna Nayi. See Cobra. Na yide. A boy who was drowned and became a Yaka (see Gangê Bandara). Nayi-sami. See Kalu Bandara.
Nikini. A story is told that a woman, feigning longings of pregnancy, sent her husband to fetch her a nikini fruit, and then admitted her lover. The husband, learning the state of affair, caused himself to be carried home in a basket, pretending to be a oracle; when the wife inquired of him what had become of her husband, the orac le said that he was dying in the forest. That night he came out of the basket, killed the lover, and thrashed and turned out his wife. [N.-dola-kavi, N.-d.-upata.)
Nila Devi (N118-yodaya). The son of Isuru (Siva) and Ma-devi, brother of Umâ and Sarasvati, for whom he brought a celestial cloth for their rites of purification, and husband of Ridi; apparently connected as ancestor with the Radâ caste. See Kola-halu. In another legend he and his sisters are the children of Maha-sammata (q. v.) by a celestial wife. He was born at the same moment as Gaja-bâ, according to G.-puvata, and went with him to Soli, according to G.-kavi.
Nilaga Rakusu. A demon represented in the R.-bali; see Rakusu.
Nila Giri. A goddess, invoked in Giri-liyo-dolaha-pidavila. See Ciri. Also consort of Ratikan.
Nila-kantava. A goddess presiding over a tolabô plant; see Aļa Magula.
Nila Kumari Yakinl. A female spirit, invoked in the Samayan-pädura as wearing & blue robe and a flowered pillow on her head.
Nila-mali, Nila-malini. A spirit in voked in Kovila-pêvima, Pattini-yaga-kavi, and Salusalima; see Pattini.
Nila-yodaya. See Nila Devi. Nimala Devi. Mother of Oddisa. Nisa-kandi. A female demon, on whom see Riri Yaka. Nrtya. See Dancing. Oceans. See Seven Seas.
Oddisa. A demon, son of Vicila Raja of Oddisa Vadiga-pura in India and Nimala Devi (Susubi, according to Vas-haranê), who conceived him when she was bathing during periodical sickness. In a previous birth he had been born from the Serpent Maha-kela Naga, which coiled itself round Mount Meru, overspread the earth with its hood, and caused a deluge, and spat poisonous flames at Vişou when he came as a Garuda bird ; the flame from its right nostril became Oddisa, and that from the loft nostril Sanni Yaka. Later births were as follows as son of Giri-randa Yakini in the world of Garudas, where he was called Garuda Oddişa ; as Demala Oddisa, son of a Vaddakkara Yakini; as Velabi

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Odḍisa, son of Velabi Hanumanta Yakini in Uturu-kuru; as Raja Oddisa, or Gopalu Odḍisa, son of queen Vajrapati Gopalu Yakini. In this last birth he was conceived from the pollen of a water-lily which the queen smelt. She fell senseless on the bank, and was restored by Maha-bamba and the Ṛsis, sent by Säkra. She then felt a desire to have cobras to carry about on her person, which was accordingly done. 1,000 of her ladies bore sons when she gave birth to Oddisa; and at the age of 16 years they all became Yakas. After living with his 4 wives in the woods and feeding on snake-poison, he wandered about, and in the north made a temple with 4 doors on an anthill 4 gavas high, where the two cobras that lived there coiled themselves round him. At Sâgalpura by a vision he caused the king to fall sick; he was healed by offering to Oddisa a pestle, a leopard's skull, ash-melons, crinum plants, hirässa vine, cocoanuts, and hondala (a poisonous wild gourd, the Modecca tuberosa?) on a mat, followed by offerings of fowls, peafowls, food, money, flowers, and betel. The king was then seated and sprinkled with water and the evil influence exorcised. Oddisa smote king Panduvas with sickness; then by Säkra's advice Râhu brought the Mala Raja, and he was healed by Vali Yakas. Oddisa appeared to Panduvas clothed in a leopard's skin and riding on a golden bull, with matted hair, a Vadiga sword in his right hand and flame in his left, chank rings in his ears and cobras round his body. [O.-upata, Pala-väladâne, Vas-harané.] One version of the legend, in an O-upata, says that a noble named Khadirangâra was bringing alms to a Pase (Pacceka) Buddha, when Mâra put in his way a pit of fire. He sprang unharmed through the fire, which turned into lotus-flowers, and Måra foretold that he would become a Buddha. A rich man, who was a minister of Khadirangâra, prayed that he might become a Rsi, and accordingly at the beginning of this age he was born as Oddisa, and Khadirangára as Maha-sammata. The latter's wife Mänikpâla having been bewitched by Mâra, Oddisa Rşi cured her, Visnu in the form of a humble-bee having brought him. He is also styled Sulu O., Nâga O., Raja O., Deva O., Demala O., Gurula O., and Sat-jammê O. An O.-yadinna states that he was son of Panduhasta, king of the Oddi and Vadiga land. He had cobras all over his body, carried a golden sword and fire-oven, rode on an elephant, and was attended by 8 Yakinis and an escort. At Uruvêla he committed adultery, and Vêda Ṛşi lamented his sin. He became friendly with Mâra, and was connected with Hûniyan. His spells are exorcised by tying 108 creepers on the sufferer's arm. An O.-kavi describes him as riding through the sky on horseback, with the Sun in his right ear and the Moon in his left, and destroying the world of men. Säkra came to him disguised as an old man, and made sacrifice. He carries a sandal club, staff, and sword. Offerings are made to him on a seven-staged altar, the floor of which is divided into 36 compartments. One O.-kavi, treating of Odḍisa's healing of Mahasammata, says that he was the son of a Pandi king and brother of Hûniyan Yaka; he wears a red robe, and rides a black bull or a horse; his golden ant-hill and Vadiga sword are mentioned. An O.-yâdinna says that as a yaka he wears a moustache curling upwards and a beard hanging downwards; his eyes emitted fire, his ears smoke, his nostrils water, and his breath was a poisonous vapour; on his breast is the figure of a Rakusu. For the representation of O. in the Rakusu-bali, see Rakusu. The Raja-oḍdisa-kavi and O.-yâgaya describe his rites to heal Maha-sammata. For the various rites said to have been used by O. to heal Buddha, Maha-sammata, Mänikpâla, and the queen of Vadiga-pura, and to annul the spells of the Valiga casket, see Buddha, Limes, Maha-sammata, Mal-sarâ Raja, Mänikpâla, Rose-water, Torch, Turmeric, Vidi. He is invoked as Vadiga Rai in Tira-hata-mangalê (see Curtain). See also Gurulu, Hat Adiya, Hûniyan Yaka, Panduvas, Pattini, Sanni Yaku.

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oddi Yaku. Said to have been destroyed by Devatâr Bandara.
Odi Kurumbura, See Kurumbura.
"Okanda Garë. A demon, invoked in Dolos-giri-dev-liyagê puvata as brandishing an iron mace, wearing flowers, and swinging on an okanda oreeper. See Gara
Okanda Giri. A goddess, invoked in Amara-santiya and Dolos-giri-dev-liyagé puvata, in the latter as rushing about with loose hair, singing verses, and causing sickness on the slightest occasion; in Samayan-pädura and Tedâlankâraan as armed with an iron mace. See Giri.
Olamali. A spirit invoked in Kovila-pêvima. Omari Yaka. A demon in the troop of Dädimunda.
On Devindu. A god, who took part in suppressing the spells of the Vadiga casket (see Mal-sara Raja).
Oru-mala Pattini. See Pattini. Otunu. See Crown. Oya Devi. See Abhůta Devi.
Pacceka-buddhas (Pase-budun). The isolated Buddhas" of Buddhist legend. They took part in the healing of Vijaya (see Aţa Magula). They were propitiated by Pattini.
Pädura. See Mat. Palanga Guru (Kovalan). The husband of Pattini. Paliya. Mother of Na-mal Kumara. Pallebädda Yaka. A demon; see Pitiya Devi. Pallebädde Bandara. A god invoked in Gange-bandara-kavi.
Pallebädde Devi (Appu-hami Devi of Pallebädde). A local god of Pallebädde, described in the P.-deviyanné kavi as stopping wild elephants with his javelin, as having cut a canal, as watching over the fields of Gurudeniya, receiving offerings at Tarana-gala, and staying at Môdara-gala, as having a golden necklet and cane, and as healing sickness. Invoked in Dalu-mura-pidum-kavi, D.-m.-yahan-kavi, Samagam-mal-yahan. See also Abhůta Devi, Pitiya Devi.
Palm. The Tala-gas-u pata relates that when there was a danger of the true faith being lost for want of written records, the gods asked Säkra to supply the need. Säkra then, in the form of a hamsa, brought from the Himalaya the seed of a talipot palm (tala-gas). Viskam, in the guise of an old hunter, shot an arrow at the bird, which dropped the seed, and it fell to earth between two rocks, whence the place is still called Galatäre. A tree grew thence, from which sprang all the others in Ceylon.
Pamanak Kadavara. A spirit invoked in Andi-ka lavara-tovil and K.-upata. Pamaya. A goddess, dwelling in the magic mat (see Aļa Magula). Panam Bandara Devata. A companion of Kambili Karlavara.
Panan Devi (P. Bandara). The P.-d.-kavi relates that at Senkala-gala (Kandy) a procession with a golden umbrella was held in honour of Panan Devi ("Coin God"). He carries a cane in his right hand, a golden sword, a round rattling club, an elephant-goad with 3 crooks, an arm-ring, a hat, a pleated robe; a silken canopy is over him. He smote the elephant Konda-raja with sickness; he received charge of the land from Kataragama Deva; from Senkala-gala he sends disease on many; he is lord of the 12 islands and rides round them on buffaloes. The Kaludäkada Hat-raju gave him authority to heal smallpox and leprosy. He drives away Pilli Yakas. Boiled milk, betel, and double torches are offered to him. When angry he makes sounds which cause sickness. At the Katugastota

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rapids, near Kandy, he overturns boats. At Dumbara-eliya he breaks women's breastbands (narrow strips of cloth or bark formerly worn across both breasts and fastened at the back). He attacked the elephant Konda-raja. He killed 60 Buddhist priests in the forest near Kataragama, and appeared as the 10 avatars of Rambara (Visņu). He visits the tank at Minnêri and the stone well at Gannêri; he thence goes to Kataragama and to Kandy. He laid waste Kandy from Gurubabila.
Panan Kiri Amma. See Kiri Amma,
See Five Birds.
Panca-pakṣi.
Panca-varuna Kambili Yaka. See Kambili Yaka.
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Pandam. See Torches.
Pandu-hasta.
Father of Oddisa.
Pandu-pattra, Pandu-pul-pattra. See Betel.
Panduvas. The Uru-dânaya and Maha-asné relate that king Panduvas sickened of "divi dos" (the disease in punishment of perjury) after seeing a leopard in a dream. The god dwelling in the king's umbrella told this to Säkra, who bade isvara fetch the Mala Raja to heal him. By iśvara's order Râhu took the form of a wild boar, which ravaged the Mala Raja's garden, and when pursued by him drew him on its trail with his brothers Kitsiri and Sandalindu and his huntsmen over the sea, landing in Ceylon at Urâtoța and leading him to Santânâ-gala (Hantâne-gala, near Kandy). Here the Mala Raja shot an arrow at the boar, which then turned into a rock, after which he healed Panduvas. The Pala-väla-dâné and Oddisa-upata give a similar account, adding that Mala Raja healed P. with the aid of 36 Vali Yakas and 36 Väḍi chieftains. His marriage to Bhadda-kaccâyanî (Kasayin) is mentioned in Lahkâ-bodhi-vastuva and a Vijayindu-hatané. The Yâga-alankâraya says that he dreamed once that a leopard attacked him, and awoke in the morning imagining he saw a bear, and that to heal him of "divi dos" the following rite was instituted. A pole is set up, and a building erected, which is 64 by 18 cubits, having at each end poles and adorned with paintings of animals, flowers, and flags and with palm-leaves and flowers; and awning is spread over it, curtains put round, and perfumes sprinkled. Goats, cattle, and buffaloes are tied close by, and a priest with special qualifications selected, who wears a turban and offers incense and lamps and performs music, and presents a bali image. Women of good character are present, and offer good wishes to the sufferer. His sickness is sometimes ascribed directly to Odḍisa. See also Abhûta Yakas, Bhúta Yakas, Divi Dos, Mala Raja, Vijaya. On other rites said to have been invented to heal P., see Cocoa-nut, Curtain, Leopard's Head, Planets.
Pani. See Rahu.
Panikki Bandara. This god is said to walk over the sea and around the coast, to chase the Yakas, and to destroy ships. He is lord of the Vanni-rata, and gracious to Mahaväva (in Chilaw district). He has a turban, a mace, and whitened robes. Riding on a mottled or white elephant, with a golden goad and yak-tail fan, he dispersed a herd of elephante.
Panuva. See Caterpillars.
Paragamana Nayide. A demon; see Pițiya Devi.
Parakasa Devi. A god, mentioned in Dolaha-devi-kavi as attending Kanda, and bearing a bow on his shoulder.
Pärakumba Raja. Father of Ratna-valli.

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Parale. A P.-kavi, to exorcise possession by a demon who is not named, invokes the three Refuges, Nâta, Siddha Pattini, and Kanda; the demon is promised a muslin robe and a red garland.
Parana Kosamba. A spirit, invoked in Väḍi-yak-yâdinna.
Parandal-solanna. "Dry Leaf Rustler," a spirit invoked in Divi-dos-sântiya. Parasidu Pattini.
See Pattini.
Paraya. Child of Yama-dûti.
Paritta. See Pirittuva.
Parvati. A goddess, dwelling in the magic mat (see Aṭa Magula). See also Uma Pas-äs, See Buddha.
Pas Devata. Pase-budun. Patma Pattini. See Pattini.
Patra-kali. See Kâli.
Patti Gara. A demon, invoked in Dolos-giri-dev-liyagê puvata as haunting cross-paths by cattle-folds, and milking cattle. See Garâ.
Patti Giri. A goddess, invoked in Dolos-giri-dev liyage puvata as dancing and throwing her glances upon passers-by, and causing excessive corpulence; also in Tedâlankâraya, Giri-liyô-dolaha-pidavila, Amara-sântiya, Yak-pidavila, and Samayan-pädura, in the last as dancing on the stones round the cattle-folds. See Giri.
See Devatâ.
See Pacceka-buddhas.
Patti Kaḍavara. See Paṭṭiya Kadavara.
Pattini (Kannaki). A great goddess of Dravidian India, whose legend is told in the Tamil classical epic Silapp'-adhikâram. Many versions appear in Ceylon. The Amba-p.upata, Amba-vidumana (several versions), P.-yâdinna, Teda-ratna-mâlaya, and a Dolos-räsśântiya relate that Maha-kela Nâga-râja, the great Serpent, having caught rheumatism from bathing and basking on Mount Meru, followed the Nâga-kanyâ or Serpent-maiden down to the world of Nâgas. As she was one day bathing in a lake in the world of men, her dress and ornaments were stolen, and she hid in the lake. Out of shame she dived back, and passed away, and became reborn as a girl-child in a flower-bud (Mal Pattini), which a Brahman found after many adventures. At the age of 16 years, refusing to marry, she did penance on the Andun-giri or Black Mountain. Säkra (Sak Raja) came to her; at his request she turned the rock into a rice-field and gave him alms from the grain thereof, which she at once ripened and cooked. He then asked her to punish the pride of the Pândiyan king by destroying the third eye which he had in his forehead. She accordingly was incarnated as a golden mango in the king's orchard; Sak Raja, in the disguise of an aged archer, shot the fruit from this tree, and a ray of light from it (or its juice), issuing from it, blinded the king's third eye. The fruit was then carried down the river Kâvêri in a casket, or pot vase, or boat (whence the name Oru-mâla P.), which was found by Mânâ-guru (Mânâyuru) of Mantonduva and queen Marakkâli. Seven days after, on Säkra coming to ask for a mango, a little girl was found to have issued from the fruit. She was adopted by them, and called "Orumâli Pattini" or "Siri-mâ-muni Pattini". In the Amba-p.-upata the mango-tree and orchard are ascribed to Viskam (Viśvakarma). The Mal-pattini-upata tells how she was born in a lotus-flower, which Säkra gathered and put into a golden casket; after seven days she arose from it. The Pandi-neta-mäku-upata relates that a Nâga whose life had been saved by a Muni or holy man gave him the jewel from its head, which the Muni left in his hut. From it was born a beautiful golden girl,

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who observed a vow of celibacy. The same story is now told as in the Amba-p-upata, A.-ridumam, etc. (see above). She caused herself to be reborn as a mango in the Pân liyan king's orchard, while 1000 handmaids were born as mangoes around her Seeing sparks issue from her mango, the king ordered it to be cut or shot down, but in vain. Then Säkra came in the disguise of an old man, at whom the people jeered. He shot an arrow at the mango, cut its stalk, and caught it as it fell ; a drop of the sap spurted from the stalk, struck the king's third eye, and blinded it. The mango was at once sent down the river in a golden boat. The latter was found by king Mânàyuru and his queen while bathing, and they both claimed it as their own. Finding the mango, they put it into a jar. Säkra then nppeared to them and asked for a mango for his wife; they then looked into the jar, and found a little girl, who grew up and was married to Palanga. The Pandiniluva relates that a Påncliyan queen when with child dreamed that a water-lily with three petals was given to her, and accordingly she gave birth to a three-eyed prince, named Devappai, for whom Viskam built a palace with 8 portals. The Patasé narrates that Devappåndi resolved to make a great tank. His people, though they laboured sorely, were unable to finish it. He therefore commanded the kings of the Eighteen Lands to send labourers to help him. All the kings assembled, except the king of Soli. To him an insulting message was sent, whereupon he tortured the messenger and made him drink 'human urine mixed with the ashes of the Påndiyan's letter." The Påndiyan with the other kings then attacked Soli. The Soliyan king blew the jaya-saka ("victory-conch") in appeal to Sakra, who made rain to fall for seven days. The invading army was washed away, and the Paodiyan fled home in ignominy. In revenge the Påndiyan caused the regular rains to cease and drought to prevail over Soli for 7 years and 6 months. The Amba-pattini-upata begins with Viskam's creation of the orchard in the Pandiyan land. Buddha with 300 monks came to it, and Viskam offered him a mango, of which Buddha gave the seed to the Maha-thera Ananda, who planted it, and it speedily put forth 7 leaflets. The three-eyed Pån liyan king gathered together 100 kings and forced them to dig a tank. Their laments heated the throne of Säkra, who went to Pattini at the Andun-giri. She turned the rock into mud, grew rice in it, made fire out of water, and with it cooked for him the rice, all in 31 payas. Säkra took the rice, and asked her to put out the king's third eye. She refused, før in her absence mankind would have greatly suffered; but at length she consented, and was born in a goden mango Fruit, while 1000 attendants were born in other mangoes, in the king's orchard. When the king ordered her mango to be plucked, flame issued from it. The story then proceeds in nearly the same way as in the Pandi-neta-mälu-upata. Mandhatu Raja used a branch of the same mango-tree for the amba-yaga ritual. At the end of the stalk of its leaf Vişnı resided, in the middle of the leaf Sarasvati, at the tip of the leaf Laksmi. By that rite, with recital of the 8 Lavaca-charms, Oddisa and Mandhatu exorcised evils. The P-pätima tells of the birth of P. as the daughter of the Situ Bolanda and queen Tirima-kulangana of Mani-mêgha-nuvara. When she was 7 years of age, and was going with 1000 maidens to bathe, she heard that a merchant of Kalinga was giving in alms robes for Buddhist friars. At that time the citizens of Maņi-mêgha-nuvara were giving aims to 1000 Brahmans and to Kakusanda Buddha and his Rahats. P. therefore gave away 1000 kathina robes and 3000 ordinary robes, and her maidens brought a honey-mango, which she planted; it immediately grew and bore ripe fruit, which she offered to Kakusanda and his Rahats. She then formed the wish that by the merit of this gift of the mango she might be reborn in a golden mango, overcome a great king, and become mightier than gods and

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men, and be able to send forth flames from her fingers and quench them with nectar. The merchant of Kalinga prayed that he might become the Pandiyan king. With the permission of Kakusanda and her parents, P. then retired to the Andun-giri. The Pantis-kôl-mura relates the sorrows of P. in her birth as Kannaki, in which she was married to Palanga (in Tamil Kôvalan). The Palanga-märavima-sinduva narrates that when the Naga king Ananda and the Wind God (Våta Deva) were fighting, the Wind at his third blast broke off Ananda's hood, which fell down in Baranäs, by the pool of an ascetic, who picked it up and kept it in a jar. From it Pattini was born ; she married Palanga, who perished through the treachery of a goldsmith. The Tirim i-sarana-kavi relates that the merchant Palanga in the disguise of a jeweller went into the chamber of Tirima (Pattini), lifted a corner of her curtain, and covered both her arms with bangles. They fell in love with one another, and Palanga asked his father Câtuvayara to obtain her for him from her father Mânâ yurit. The marriage was accordingly celebrated with great splendour. The Maha-ta pasa relates that Mâ-câtuvayara of Kâvêri-patuna in India, seeing one day a gray hair on his head as he looked into a mirror, determined to withdraw from the world and become an ascetic. His wife joined him; they went away secretly by night on a ship, after blessing and counselling their son Pålanga. But Palauga saw a vision, which, as interpreted by his wife Kannaki (Pattini), warned him of his parents' flight, and he and Kannaki pursued them. The ship had already started; Kannaki miraculously drew it back, but the parents prevailed upon them to allow them to depart in peace, and they sailed away and lived as hermits at Kancipura. According to P.-kathava, Palanga Guru asked her leave to go to see a dance, and she dreamt of a sword. According to the P.-hälla, when she was the adopted daughter of Mânâyuru at Mantonduva, she married Palanga Guru. He was unfaithful, and wasted her substance upon Peruu-kali, a courtesan of Käliya-pura. He even borrowed Pattini's magic bangle and offered it for sale in Madura, where he was apprehended on suspicion of having stolen it, and put to death under a nimba tree. Pattini restored his life, and, plucking off her right preast and casting it down, she caused Madura with the king and all its inhabitants to be consumed by fire; only the palace of the queen with her two children and the hut of a herdswoman were spared, because they had declared Palanga to be innocent. The Kannuran narrates that when Palanga had squandered all his substance upon Mâ-devi, Pattini consented to go with him into exile. They visited the Diya-na-kovil and the Mudu-vihåre. When they had travelled beyond the Kávéri, and reached the river Vaita, Pattini threw her ring into the latter, and its waters parted and made a path for thein. The sea-goddess Manimekhalâva restored the ring to her. After passing Nelluran-pattana, Nànkaru-nuvara, and Kollûrama, they reached Kannuran-pura, near Madura. Pålarga then went on in advance to visit the king of this town (Ya-raju or Så-raju), who was a kinsman of his father. The king came forth in state to meet Pattini. At the palace Pattini refused to embrace the king's mother, who was much offended. When he sent to conduct her to the city, she imagined that he had killed Palaiga and now wished to seize her; she therefore made flames issue from her fingers, and burned up half of his escort. When however she found her suspicions baseless, she created a pool of nectar, with which she sprinkled the de ud. who revived. Soon she and Palanga set out for Madura. Palaiga, after a warning from her, entered the city to sell her bangle. As he approached it, a crow thrice croaked upon a dead tree. Palanga cut his thigh, took out a little blood, mixed it with rice, gave it to the crow, and passed on. In the city a goldsmith, who had an old grudge against him. charged him with having stolen a bangle recently lost by the queen, to which Pattini's

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bangle was very like, and he was arrested. The queen protested that the bangle found on Palanga was not hers; but the goldsmith declared that Pâlanga was her lover and she was trying to shelter him. He was therefore condemned to death. Elephants and hounds successively were loosed at him, but they would not harm him. The executioner was commanded to slay him; but his wife, warned by a dream, entreated him to refrain. At length, after unseen powers had vainly held back the executioner's sword, he was put to death. The P.-vilâpaya relates how the dancing-woman Mâ-devi seduced Pâlanga and made him waste all his substance upon her. At last nothing remained but Pattini's gembangle. She and he went together to sell it. While he went into the city of Madura to sell it, P. remained outside in a village of herdsmen. When he did not return, she went in search of him, asking her way from Kâlakodi. She had dreamed an ominous dream, and augured evil. On the way she met a girl from the city, who told her of his execution. She hastened on, questioning men and animals. She met the king's little sons returning from school, and questioned them, bribing them with cakes to lead her to the place of execution. She found Pâlaiga's body under a kohomba tree (margosa, or Azidarachta indica), and lamented for him. The Hat-p.-kathava (also called Lak-hat-p.-k., perhaps in allusion to the sanctuary of Hat P. at Vattâpola, near Mullaittivu) addresses P. as Alut (new), Gini (fire); Parasidu (famous), Teda (majesty), Rilâ-vêsa-lat (assuming a monkey's form), Bak-na-gahades-kivu (adjuring the bak-nú tree), and Gala (water) P. It relates that while she was waiting for Pâlanga outside Madura under a bak-nú tree, people passing by imputed improper motives to her, and she therefore called upon the tree to testify to her innocence. As to the legend of Parasidu P., it relates that when a harlot threw a child into a well, it rose up (and cast the babe back upon the earth?). As to Teda P., it narrates that while she was drawing up a pitcher from a well she heard her husband's voice and at once went to him; on returning she found that in her absence the rope had become stiff and remained exactly where she had left it, The P.-yâdinna relates that when Pâlaiga was condemned Pattini entreated a ferryman to row her over the river Kâvêri, but in vain, for the Pânciyan king had commanded that none should cross for seven days. She then threw her ring into the river; it divided, and she walked over its dry bed, while the ferryman was turned into stone. On reaching the other bank she met the Pândiyan's sons, who told her that Palanga was dead. After lamenting for him, she went to the king told him that it was she who had blinded his third eye, and then plucked off her breasts and threw them into the city, which was burned down. For the legend of P. parting the waters of the Kâvêri, For the legend of crossing it, and overcoming the demon Gini-kanda, see Gini-kandu Kumara Ban lâra, the little son of the Pandiyan king, whom P. rescued from Madura and transported to Ridigama, see Kumara Banlara. The Vitti-hata gives 7 fables narrated by P. in her chiding of the Pândiyan king for slaying Palanga; after this discourse she burned down the palace and part of Madura, but on the king's entreaty spared the remainder. She then went to Velli-ambala, and thence to the Väḍi-rata, where the Vädi king of Ceylon sacrificed to her, and at his roquest she gave Dala Kumâra leave to receive offerings in Ceylon. The Kovila-pêvima, after invoking the Three Refugees, Kataragama Deva, and Pattini, and briefly narrating Pâlaiga's amour with Mâ-devi, his execution, the burning of Madura by Pattini, and her restoring him to life, mentions her births in a torrent; a flame, a lotus, the womb of Yasavatî, and a mango, and narrates that she upbraided the Pândiyan king, and that when he had obtained her forgiveness she restored to life a cow from the hide used in the parchment of a drum made by the king in her honour, let it suckle ita

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calf, and then healed the people of Madura. She then restored the city, and consigned it to the care of Vaduru Ma-devi. Orumala Pattini, Jala P., Gara Yaka, Vîra and Siddha P., Patná P., Kit-siri, Satâ Raja, Golusan R., Madi R., Salamâ R., Kanca R., Suva R., Adaya R., Olamali, Nilamâli, and Jalapati are invoked. Pattini is said to be now in the Tuşita heaven, and will become a Buddha within 7 æons. She is prayed to prevent smallpox, and to heal the - Paraigi disease" (syphilis). The Värli-půjâva narrates that after burning down Madura P. descended at midnight from heaven into the city where dwelt Maduru Madevi, Palanga's mistress, who is here described as a devi-dú or goddess, claiming to know the past, the present, and the future. After telling of the burning of Madura, Po asked Mâ-devi why in her omniscience she had not saved her lover from death. Mâ-devi answered that his death was the penalty of his sin in a former birth, when he was a merchant-prince of Kapila-pura : but he was now among the gods, and P. could win him back. P. asked how she might recognise him; and Mâ-devi answered that she would find him next dawn, and that as a token the breast that she had torn off and thrown upon Madura would grow again when he approached her. P. then went away to the Vädcas' land, where the Vädelas by order of their king cleared and adorned a path for her coming, and prepared for her a great sacrifice, which she accepted, and then made it over to Dala Kumâra, who had been sent thither by Säkra for this end. She then set out in a chariot for the world of the gods. On the way she met Palaiga in a car, and her breast grew again. She made over the earth to the charge of Ma-devi, and departed in happiness to the Tuşita heaven. In the obscure Udåvarana is given an elaborate description of the dawn, when Palaiga comes forth from the house of his mistress Mâ-devi and returns to P. It relates that then P. made offering to the Buddha; having made a stately hall, she created a celestial cow and its calf, and milked the cow in a thousand bowls. In a Satara-varan-mal-yahan Siddha Pattini is invoked as holding in her right hand a bangle, and burning up Yakas. She was born seven tines, in the water, tusk, flower, rock, peak, cloth, and mango. She turned the Andungiri into mud and grew rice in it, for which she will become a Buddha; she wears a red blanket, blue robe, pearls, etc. Another Satara-varan-mal-yahan speaks of her births from a spark, mango, water, bud, and cloth; she dwells in the Tuşita world. The Sat-pattini-yädima, invoking the Seven Pattinis to accept offerings, and giving their births as from a flower, water, shaw), tusk, rock, fire, and mango, states that Pattini struck Mount Maha-meru with her bangle and from the fire that hence arose smallpox was created : also that because of her creation of rice at the Andun-giri to feed 1000 priests she was promised future Buddhahood. The Satara-devala-deri-purala also mentions her miracles on the Andun-giri, the feeding of 1000 monks, the casting of her breasts into the Pândiyan's town and burning of it. AP-sirasa-pâda contains a head-to-foot exorcism referring to the burning of Madura, her ascetic celibacy, her destruction of the king's eye, burning of the world, aiding Devel Devi on his landing, etc. The Siriya-devi-kavi mentions her as having divided the river and burned the Pandiyan king's city, making a torch from its flames, since which a torch is used in her worship (see Torch). The Vaduru-santiya refers to her blinding the king, plucking off her breast, and burning the city, and says that smallpox arose from that, fire. One version of Amba-vidumana, after the story of the mango-birth and the episode of Pålai ga, mentions that in after ages she was worshipped as Muttu-mari, from the 7 rows of pearls (mutu) round her neck, and that she gave her fan and the charge of the world of men to a annibal Yakini (see Muttu-mari). The Gana-ruva relates that in the time of Kassapa Buddha a Situ (merchant) offered to him scented milk-rice and an iron staff, for which merit

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he was afterwards born as king Gaja-bahu. The latter caused Viskam to make an image of P. of red sandal-wood, which he placed in a jewelled temple, and he built a hall for the dances in her honour. By invocation of P. the head-ache of the Sêra-mân king was healed. Gaja-bahu and the kings of the Eighteen Lands worshipped her. The Gaja-ba-raja-upata and Gaja-ba-kavi describe Gaja-bahu's expedition to Solli to recover Pattini's golden bangle and the bowl-relic of Buddha. The Teda-ratna-malaya narrates that under her protection Gaja-bâhu conquered Soli-rata. When there was famine in Soli-rata, she cut off the heads of 1000 goldsmiths, made a hearth of them, cooked upon it, and so made rain fall. She parted a river with her finger-ring and crossed it. When Palanga sold her bangle, she restored him to life by sprinkling him with the water of life under a nimba tree, and avenged his death and burned the Pandiyan king's palace. The Toran-bändima relates that in her austerities on the mountain P. made offerings to the Pacceka Buddhas, who promised the fulfilment of her wishes. It then gives the legend and the ritual of the Sêra-mân's healing by invocation of P.; see Arch. The Salu-salima invokes Pattini, Palauga (here called Suya Raja), and Yâ Raja to wave white clothes, as is done in the worship of Pattini. It prays the attendants of Pattini to lend their favour - Manda Raja, Salamâ R., Kalakot R., Madi R., Nilamali, Kidi Bisava, Satâ R., Agra-jalapati, Viramunda Mäti, and Garuva Raja. Mâra, Gaugâ Devi, the Sun and Moon, the four Guardians, Deva Raja, Kataragama Deva, Saman, Gana Deva, Na-raju, Mi-devi (Earth), Ayirandan Pattini, Bämini P., and Orumala P. are invoked. The Hûniyan-devata-kavi prescribes exorcism of sickness by the power of Mal Pattini, Amba P., Uramâla P., Karamala P., Siddha P., Gini P., and Teda P. The P.-yaga-kavi invokes Orumala P., the golden bangle, the Vâhala Deviyo, Madu-sura Raja, Kanda Raja, Ambe P., Alut-teda P., Golusan Raja, Salamâ R., Nila-malini, Vädi Raju, Kidi Biso, Teda P., Yava-gamuva Teda P., Mal P., Gini P., Viramunda Malala-sâmi, Râma Nayaka, Satâ Raju, Sirimâ P., and Irugal Surindu, to heal sickness. The Set-kavi, a hymn for recitation at rites to avert evil from a house, invokes Vibhîşana of Kälani, the four Guardian Gods, Säkra, the Sun, Moon, Mihi-kat, Umâ, Gana Devi, Siri Devi, the Three Gems, Pattini, and Palanga, and exorcises malign influences caused by Pattini's 12 companions (whose names are given in Salu-salima). She is also invoked in Abina-mangale (with her bangle); Amara-śântiya; Ambarâ poti-upata (as carrying in her hand two pomegranate flowers and wearing in her hair sandalwood flowers); Asura-bandhane (also as the Seven Pattinis): Atavisi Mangale (as Siddha P. with her bangle); Devel-bâgé (the Seven Pattinis): Gini-jal-vina-käpima; Gini-kanda-rri-upata (her bangles); Kadaturâva-härima (as Siddha P.); Kalavara-tovil ;-Kanda-sura-varuna; Mal-keli-upata; Mal-keli-yadinna (with Siddha P.); Mal-yahan-kavi. (Seven Pattinis); Mänikpala-yagaya; Nata-devi-puvata (Seven Pattinis): Nava-graha-sântiya; Pandam-upata (as Gini P., to drive away demons with her bangle); Parale-kavi (as Siddha P.); Pas-devata-kavi; Perahära-malaya; Pirittuva ; Ran-dunu-u pata; Satara-varan-mal-yahan. The ankeli-upata, after relating Pattini's birth in a mango and her marriage with Palanga of Soli-rata, says that when they were one day in an orchard Pålauga climbed upon a golden ladder brought by Viskam in order to pluck for her a sapu flower, but could not reach it. Viskam then brought a sandal crook; with this he pulled · down the branch and cut it off with a golden areca-cutter. The crooks of Palanga and Pattini became entangled, and they pulled one against the other; then 1000 women were fetched and pulled with Pattini, and 1000 men pulled with Palanga. The latter's crook broke, and the women danced and rejoiced. Palanga collected much areca, and sent trad. ers to fetch acacia crooks, which they brought from near Devundara. With these they

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made a new trial of strength at Velassê, all the gods pulling with Pâlanga and Mihi-kata the Earth-goddess with Pattini, who won. She is one of the Guardian Gods (q. v.). From her Abhůta Devi received a gold bangle. She is said to have taken part in the healing of Maha-sammata (see Abina-sûntiya). One shoot of the primitive betel was hers (see Betel). She gave to Dala Raja 3 kila because he watched over Pålanga's corpse (see Dala Raja). Gini P. vainly opposed Dovel Devi's landing; Siddha P. gave him authority in Ceylon (see Devel Devi). She burns up demons and her bangle has a power lasting 5500 years ; see Bangie, Vali Yaka, Viramunda. The Seven Pattinis, likewise Jala P., Teda P., and Mal P., are connected with the rite of the Seven Steps (see Hat Adiya). P. gave uuthority to Bhadrakali as her deputy (see Kali). In the flower from her hair was born Kaludäkada Kumaru. She and the Guardian Gods restored Kalu Kumâra. She gave an armlet to Kam bili Kacavara, and otherwise aided him ; Siddha P. is also said to have helped him. The rattling of hez bangle was stopped by Viramunda. Teda P. Yakşa figures in the legend of the plague of Viśâlâ. She got bangle when Vişnu churned the ocean. P. was worshipped by Na-mal with turmeric water. Teda P. attacked Riri Yaka. P. is in the flame of the Pandan-pâliya, and created it (see Torch). P. was authorised by Vişnu to play the game of war. She protected Avatâra Devatár, Gini-jal Yaka, Kalu-kumara (Seven Ps), Mini-maru Devatar. Mituru Yaka, Muttu-mari, Na-mal Kumâra, Riri Yaka (Siddha P. and the Seven Ps.), Sapumal Devatâr, Tanipola Riri Yaka (Seven Ps.), Tota Kadavara, Vaduru Mâ-devi, and Vali Yaka. See also Mangra Devi. The five bangles (halamba) of P. are gini (fire), ruvan (gem), ran (gold), mal (flower), and loha (bronze); they are invoked in Halamba-santiya and Gini-kanda-T8i-upata. Her Sürya-halamba or Ran-h, is invoked in the ritual of the Ran-h.-kavi, together with the bangle of Mal P., the lightning-bangle of P., the Nâgara-h., etc. The chief shrine of the Seven Pattinis is at Vattapola, near Mullaittivu. The rites to P. are usually conducted by a Pattini-hâmi, a male officiant, who however in conservative temples usually wears a woman's dress while officiating. A temple of P. at Yatiyana is mentioned in Tilaka-piriven Thera's Kovul-sandesaya. The old tomple of Munisseram contained a linga and a statue of P.
Pattiya Kadavara. A demon, invoked in Kalavara-vidiya. Pattra-kali. See Kali.
Päya. A division of time, consisting of 24 minutes. A Tis-päyê kima exorcises evil influences from 30 payas, invoking their patron deities successively, viz. (1) Säkra, (2) the Moon, (3) Siva, (4) Näba-sara, i. e. Vişnu, (5) Saman, (6) Kanda, or Sarata, (7) Ganesa, (8) Bamba, (9) the Sun, (10) Kuja, (11) Budahu, (12) Umâ, (13) Mihi-kata, (14) Siri-kata, (15) Indrâni, (16) Sarasvatî, (17) Kâma, (18) Bala-rama, (19) Rahu, (20) Senasuru, (21) Sikura, (22) Guru, (23) Bambahu, (24) Mani-mekhalâ, (25) Viskam, (26) Dädimunda, (27) Visriu in the Boar Incarnation, (28) Sîtâ, (29) Valli Amma, (30) Buddha. The 80 forms of disorders due to wind; 40 kinds of disordered bile, 20 kinds of disordered phlegm, etc., are then exorcised.
Payingomuva Bandara. A demon; see Piliya Devi. Peacock. See Wooden Peacock. Pera Devi. See Siva.
Perahära. The Perahüra-malaya gives the following account of a perahära or procession at Kandy to a temple at Diya-kelina-vala (“Pool of the Rapids ”). Nine persons born of the same mother bathed at the latter place, and became demons in the forest of na-trees there. Their names are Mahana Bandara, Kuda B Java-vira B., Ulapané B., Yama-simha

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B., Mänik B., Danturê B., Lamâ B.; Maha-sthâna, Kumâra-simha, and Ahasthâna, together with Mula-sthâna (apparently Dodanvela Deva, whose former seat or Múla-sthâna was at Kandy) are mentioned as receiving worship with them here. Once a man named Vanatunga, on whose face blood fell as he was cutting down a nâ-tree in this forest, became mad and died with his kinsmen after 7 days; and ever since then the nine spirits were worshipped and processions made. Subsequently to this miracle a cloth that had been wetted at this pool took fire and burned like a torch. The procession and rites were performed by men of Udanuvara, Yatinuvara, Sârasiyapattuva, Tumpanahe, the Four Korales, Mâtale, and Dumbara. The poem ends by invoking Do lanvela Deva, Pulvan of Alutnuvara, Pattini, and the 9 Bandâras.
Perayama Kaḍavara. The "Spirit of After-twilight," invoked in Tota-kumâra-śântiya. Perjury-sickness. See Divi Dos.
Perua-kali. See Mâ-devi.
Pestle. For the use of pestles in the rite to cure "perjury-sickness," see Divi Dos. A rice-pestle is used in the rite of Ata Magula, q. v. See also Oddisa.
Pili Kadavara. A demon, invoked in Kalavara-kavi, K.-vidiya, Tota-kumâra-baliya. Pilli Yaka. A species of emissary demon in the form of animals or human beings, often mentioned as the instrument of magic. Such a spirit is exorcised in the Pilli-yakkavi, according to which the exorcist is to threaten the Pilli with frightful tortures if he will not depart. The Pilli sent by Devel is imagined to be tied to a stake of silk-cotton wood, and then dismissed with offerings of tasty food; the Yakas of Valiga-desa, Kâvêridesa, Kâsi-rata, and Batâviya (scil.. Holland) are likewise bidden to go to their respective homes. A story is then told of Elala (q. v.), a king of Soli, whose son drove his chariot over a calf. The calf's mother then rang the king's bell to call his notice to her wrong, and the king therefore ordered the calf's body to be put into the prince's chariot, which was driven over the prince, who died and became a Yaka, which afflicted the city with sickness. A golden image of him was made, and put into a barge, which was set afloat. The story of Dädimunda and other Yakas breaking the rock at Alut-nuvara is then noticed. A P.-vidiya, which states that the Demala or Tamil Pilli Yaka came with Devel Devi from Bankal Vaḍiga land, and the Nâga Pilli arrived with the 8 Bhairavas from Telinga-pura, desoribes a mode of making a magical emissary. On a betel-leaf is to be written with a boar's tusk the name of a young woman who is a first-born; some of the chewed betel spat out by her, 6 of her hairs, a thread of a cloth worn by her, and a paring of her nail are to be put on the leaf; and on the back of it her figure is to be drawn. It is then to be buried under her threshold. After she has passed over it for 3 days, it is to be taken up and tied for 3 days by a hornets' nest, and then by a red ants' nest. When she is with child, it is to be buried in her path, and she will dream of eating raw flesh, etc., and bear a dead child. The sorcerer should dig up its body, bathe it upon the washermen's, stone, disembowel it, fill the stomach with rice-dust, and stitch it up again with a silver wire. A turban should be put on its head, a woollen thread tied round its arm, and a leopard's skin, on which is written the initial of a person's name, wrapped round it. Then it is to be taken to the cemetery, where 9 offerings in scoops are presented at the 3 samayan (sunset, dawn, and noon), and thence to a house, where it is laid on a red cloth spread over a chair. Charms to the woollen thread are to be uttered and offerings made with a magic bow and arrow. The corpse will then dance, and Pilli Yaka with a shout will enter it. The sorcerer should ask its name, and beat it; it will then obey him, killing the cattle or children of his enemy

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or possessing his wife with madness. Invoked in Tedâlankâraya. His influence is described in Garú-yak-páliya. See also Dadimunda, Kali, Visâlâ..
Pini-diya. See Rose-water.
Pirittuva (Paritta). This usually denotes the cord held by the Buddhist priests in exorcisms performed by reading texts from the Pitakas. Several rituals of this kind are known, in which Buddhist elements are more or less overlaid with demon-cults (see Buddha). One of these is described in the T'unu-ruvan-pirittuva, which, after invoking the legend of the Mayûra-jâ taka, tells that Säkra took the magic thread, which was spun by a virgin, and gave it to a minister, invokes the thread worn on the arm of Vijaya, and calls upon the 24 Buddhas, etc., exorcising the evil from the sufferer limb by limb, from head to foot. In one Pirittuva is given an exorcism for the Devas, Säkra, Garuda, Nagas, Vijaya, Pattini, etc. Another Pirittuva describes the thread tied round the sufferer's neck, etc., and invokes the three Refuges, the charms and necklaces of Brahma Raja and various deities, Viskam, Siri-kata (whose pirit-cord was 120 cubits), Visnu, and Buddha, who planted his feet on Makkama (Mecca) and Samanala. See also Dala Raja, Divi Dos, Planels, Sandun Kumara, Tovil, Vijaya.
Pisi-madana. A companion of Ratikan. Pisi-madana-gini-madana, A consort of Rati-Madana; see Ratikan. Pisi-girl. Consort of Ratikan. Pissi-kurumbura. See Kurumbura.
Pitiya Devi (P. Surindu, Kalu Bandara). A god, son of the king of Kâvêripura in the Sola-rata and his chief queen. On reaching manhood and mastering all knowledge, he became a god and went to Ceylon, where he overcome Nâta Deva of Senkadagala, and dwelt chiefly at Dumbara. A rock formed an obstacle to the irrigation-works instituted by the king Sanda at Gurudeniya, and in a later age defied the efforts of king Vikum-hâ to pierce it when he buiit Senkadagala ; the Pitiya God appeared to Vikum-bâ in a dream, and promised to shatter it for him, if a golden sword and offerings were given to him. The gifts were made, and the God fulfilled his promise in the evening. A temple was built there to him, and a sambur deer offered; hence the village on the spot was called Gôndvatta. Once, at the prayer of a man who was carrying milk to Senerat Raja and was unable to cross a river, the Pitiya God caused the ferry-boat to come across the river of itself to the suppliant. Once in the night be removed a rock that had been in the way of king Raja-sitpha while bathing. Once, when the king (Vira Parâkrama Narendra Simha ?) was about to shoot & deer, the God carried off his bow to his temple, and at the prayer of the king he brought back a heron that had been carried off by an eagle. He changed Velassê Bandara, Abayakon Mätindu, Hâragama Râla, Katugampola Râla, Payingomuva Bandara, Uduvella Råla, Dädi Appu, Paragamana Nayide, Maha-nâyidé, Vadiga Pedi Tantila, Ruvan Tantila, Kumara Sâmi, Muttu Sâmi, Bilindu Sâmi, Puliya Sami, and Sirimalvatta Appu into Yakas in his train, Girâgama Etana-hami into a female Yaka, and another person into Pallebädda Yaka ; Kalu Appu and Kalu Nayide are also mentioned among his demonic followers. [P.-surindu-puvata: P.-devi-kari.] He protects Kalu Kumara. The Piliyé dalu-mura-kavi, after describing the offering of betel to this god, relates that he shattered the rock at Gurudeniya, broke the leg of Nâta and threw him aside, turned Hetti Nayide into a Yaka, received the protection of Pallebäddê Deva, and vas called Kalu Bandara, It mentions Aliyama Bandara among his followers, and invokes Näla vilê Deva, Hunas-giriya Raja, and Kalu Raja. Another P.-d.-kavi says that

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he came from Soli-desa to Ceylon, and settled at Amunugoda, and turned men into yakas of his troop. He haunts Kalu Nikäväva, Hunnasgiriya, Karuna-galpota, Uru-galpota, Ätivätunu-tänna (Anai-vilandava), Kivula, Kosgama, Urâtoța, etc. Ho came to Simhapura, thence to Velasse and Dumbara. In his temple at Dumbara were rare silken offerings; he had a new temple at Batavattd; at Amunu gama he made darkness by day. He is said in Samagam-mal-yahan to have come with a Râma-arrow in a golden chariot to Dumbara, and to have sent Nâta over the river. He is invoked in Duvatar-kavi as lord of Urâgama, Gurudeniya-vela, and Arangala; also in Dalu-mura-pidum-kavi. See also Betel.:
Piyu mavati. Wife of king Indra of Baranüs ; see Wooden Peacock.
Planets (Nava-Graha). The Nava-graha-mal-baliya describes an exorcism of planetary influences which it connects with a legend of Maha-sammata (q.v.). An altar is made of plantain stems, 1 cubit and 4 finger-widths square, round which is a square enclosure. Leaves of 9 kinds, rice of 9 colours (red, white, yellow, smoke-grey, black, another red, olue, golden, and blue-black) for the zodiac, 9 kinds of flowers, and betel are offered, in 9 sets, one for each planet, according to his region, etc. Next the influences of the 4 Hin are propitiated (see Hin), and then comes an incantation for the protection of the planets and stating their favourite trees and food. Then come verses recommending exorcism, such as was used by Nagara Ryi, and hymns (kavi), and references to Vijaya's "perjurysickness," Buddha's command to Kihiräli Deva to protect him, and the healing of the disease (see Divi Dos), ending with head-to-foot exorcism of the sufferer. The Nava-nathayantra-yágaya prescribes the following rite, which it traces back to the story of the healing of Panluvas. A pirit thread is tied round a sacrificial altar 51 cubits long, 2 wide, and 3 in height, which is adorned with certain flowers. Cakes, parched and raw rice, etc., are offered, and charms for the 3 watches of the night uttered, etc. Similar propitiations are given in Bali-särasuma, which prescribes offerings of fowls, goats, and buffaloes ; 6 maidens stand by. 3 at each side, and various Buddhist themes are invoked ; in Nava-natha-kavi. which prescribes offarings on 9 altars purified by young cocoa-nuts and a thread twisted by & virgin; and in Amara-santiya, Bali-pilivela, Hord-santiya, Indra-qurulu-hatadiya, Mal-bali-u pata, Mäti-bali-yagaya, Nava-graha-santiya, N.-.-sirasa-pâda, N.-.-sivukântiya, Rakusu-bali, Rati-kala-murttu-b., Subha-kavi, Suvisi-yagaya, Vina-vidiya, Vinakäpun-kavi, Yaga-alan kâraya. The influences of their ascendancy (hora) are explained in Graha-valallı-sindu, Maha-daa-phala-sindu, Nava-graha-daia-phala, N.-.-phala, Pilisundalava, Rasi-phala-kavi. Astrological information as to them is given in Ganan-taranga, Graha-valalla, G.-yoga. The Kêndra-kima gives rules for telling fortunes from their positions on a diagram in 12 sections. The Vas-haranê says they were all born of Ananda Bhûpoti Devi. See also Abina-ýdntiya, Alepa, Angzhâru, Bamba, Budahu, Guru, Iru, Mal-sard Raja, Rahu, Sandu, Senaruru, Sikura.
Pol. See Cocoa-nut. Polaba Rakusu. A demon represented in the R.-bali; see Rakusu. Pombara. A Rşi who took part in healing the Sun and Moon (see Limes).
Potpotagat Devi (Ratu P. D.). A demon invoked in Devatar-kavi; said to have come to Ceylon in a ship and to be chief of the Yakas.
Puberty. On the rite at the attainment of puberty of women, see Kola-halu. Pullngu Raja. Father of Maralu Yaka. Puliya Sami. A demon; see Pitiya Devi. Pulutu Kadavara. A demon, invoked in Kadavara-vidiya and K.-unata

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Pulutu Yaka. A de mon figuring in the legend of the plague of Visala. Pulvan. See Vinu. Pdaci Alut Devi. See Miriyabädde Devi, Purification of Women. See Kota-halu. Parņaka. Father of Dädimunca, and nephew of Kuvêra. See also Sanni Yaka. Parņaka Raja, Father of Kambili Kadavara. Pusaoga Rakusu. A demon represented in the R.-bali ; see Rakusu. Pusäti.' Bride of the Sun; see Iru.
Pugpa-giri Yakini. A female spirit, invoked in the Samayan-pädura (as causing sickness and bearing perfumes), and in Satara-varan-mal-yahan.
Puşpa-kumudaya. A goddess, dwelling in the magic mat (see Ala Magula). Pusul. See Ash-melon.. Pusvälle Raja. A demon invoked in Devatar-kavi. Quarters. On the Guardian Gods of the Four or Eight Quarters, see Guardian Gods. Queens. See Seven Queens. Radavela Bandara. See Na-mal Kumara. .
Rahu (Asurindu, Pani). The spirit of the descending node of the planets, and one of the Nava Graha. He was born in Ceylon, Maha-Bamba being his father and Kesara Devi his mother. He has a cobra's face and a body the colour of fire. [Nava-graha-santiya.) He and Bamba (Ketu) periodically devour the Sun and Moon. [Iru-handa-gamana-kari.] He is lord of the South-west, and was born in Cevlon. [Hora-santiya.] He is regent of the 19th paya. [Tis-päyê kima.]
His symbol is a ré fish (salmon), his vehicle à Savinda horse or a serpent, his offering sesame boiled in milk, his trée the väta kêya (Pandanus odoratissimus), his region the SW., his colour white or brown; he has 5 cobra-hoods, a bow and arrows in his hand. and 4 faces, according to Nava-graha-sivu-santiya and N.-g.-mal-baliya. The Mal-bali-upata prescribes rice boiled with sesame in milk. In the bali-rite of one Nava-graha-santiya he is figured by an image with 10 hands, 11 feet, 15 cobra-hoods, a Rakusu's face on his belly. a flower-garland, and a re-fish. He is represented by the blade of the areca-sickle (see Areca-sickle); aided Dala Raja to defeat Senasuru in gambling (see Dala Raja); gave the rings or ends of the drum (see Drums); poisoned the Sun and Moon (see Iru). On the legend of his disguise as a boar see Mala Raja, Oddisa, Panduvas. See also Namo Tassa, Planets, Rain.
Rain. A primeval deluge of rain reached even to the Brahma-world. Then a lotusflower arose through the waters from the world of men. Râhu was sent to bring up the soil of which the latter was made; he climbed down the stalk of this lotus, into the crevice from which it had arisen, and having ripped up the soil with his left tusk, he came up carrying on his other tusk some soil, from which a new world was created. [Mänikpalayadinna.] See also Maha-sammata.
Raira-giri, Mother of Tanipola Riri Yaka. Raja-guru Raja. Father of Abhimana Yaka. Raja Maralu. A companion of Maralu Yaka. Raja Oddisa, See Oddisa. Raja Rakusu. A demon represented in the R.- bali; see Rakusu. Raja-sig ha. A king, on whose legend see Piriya Devi.

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Rakusu (Rakṣaṣas). There is a ritual of exorcism, styled Rakusu-bali. It begins with rites to avert the evils foreboded by the falling of crows' dung upon a man under certain astrological conditions. A bali is offered to the Nine Planets; images of a crow and pheasant-cuckoo are put on a board as vehicles for Sarva Kûta Rakusu, q. v; the board is placed to the N. E. of the patient, charms are uttered, and Kapila Kûta Rakusu, Senasuru, and Rûpa Rakusu are invoked. Te avert fevers and other diseases Kumbhanda and Jvara Rakusu are invoked, q. v. [R.-b.-kavi.] A ritual for healing sickness is given in the Rakusu-bali-sangarâva. An image of Visnu is made, with a cobra's hood on each shoulder and ankle, 3 eyes, a Rakusu's face, another on the belly, 6 hands, a lotus on each knee; then an image of Maha-sohona, with huge body, a bear's face, curly matted hair, in the left hand a javelin, in the right an elephant, from a wound in which he catches and drinks the blood; an image of Divi Rakusu, with 5 cobras' hoods, 3 eyes, a Rakusu's face, the same on each shoulder and on the belly, a cobra's hood at the arm-pit and on each knee and ankle; an image of Graha Bhairava, with a sword in the hand, a huge mouth, and an uplifted mace, riding a golden stag, with 12 faces near him; an image of Oddisa, with 4 cobras round the body up to the neck, holding a sword and riding on a man, with a gold-coloured cloth over it; an image of the Sun, with 3 eyes, a crown, and red hands, one of which holds a bird and the other a string of beads, riding on a peacock; an image of Kili-sa ka, with red eyes, three faces of Rakusus, 6 hands with an iron mace in each, and a red garland, on each side of him a figure of red, blue, and black colour with the face of a man, the breasts of a woman, and four hands holding iron axes and clubs (this is to heal the impurities of women); an image of Yakṣa Rakusu, with the head of a Rakusu, 3 cobras' hoods, and a cobra at each corner of the mouth, riding a buffalo, with Vața Kumâra on the right and Môlan-garâ on the left; an image of Caturvâhana Rakusu, with 4 faces, 7 heads, jewels, and a flowered cloth, riding an elephant, horse, chariot, or man; an image of Bhairava, with 7 cobras' hoods, 5 heads, cobras' hoods on the cheeks and shoulders, 3 faces and 5 hoods on the belly, and a face in the hand, riding a bull; an image of Nilaga Rakusu, with 5 faces, 7 cobras' hocds, 4 hands, 3 faces on each shoulder and 5 on each side, and his body entirely encircled by snakes, riding on a man (this to heal burns, swellings, chills, and dysentery); an image of Pusanga Rakusu, with Rakusu's face, 5 cobras' hoods, 4 hands, and 154 cobras' faces, riding a goat; an image of Ratta Rakusu, with a man's form, 6 horns, a garland in the left hand, a sotiya in the right, a white standard over his head; an image of Kâma Rakusu, with one hand and one foot, wearing 3 cloths and a crown; an image of Râja Rakusu, with five faces of a god, five crowns, four hands, in which are a sword, axe, and human skull, and five cobras' faces (this to heal the evil influences that arise from defilement by snakes, growth of toadstools or fungi, or oaths by the earth); an image of Goli Rakusu; with 5 faces, a crown, cobras round the body, 4 hands, of which those on the right hold a sword and lotus, 3 faces of Rakusus on the belly and 4 on the knees and feet, a bullock's face on the knees, a goddess with golden face at his navel, riding an elephant; an image of Polabâ Rakusu, with golden body, 9 faces, 9 more on the belly, 6 on the knees, and 2 on the shoulders, a blue cloth, sword, shield, bow, and arrows, riding a cobra; an image of Asurindu Rakusu, with white body and royal jewels, riding a horse; an image of Masgan Bhairava, with 3 eyes, a Rakusu's face, jewels, 4 hands, of which one on the right holds an axe, and white body, riding a goat; an image of Sarva Rakusu, either with golden face and a white belly with 8 faces of Rakusus, or with white face and 3 cobras' hoods on the telly, riding a black horse (this to avert the

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evil influences from defilement by rat-snakes, cobras, or oil-ants); an image of Vâyu Rakusu, red and blue, with a sword, a club, and a human victim in his hand, horns, irregular teeth with protruding canines, and a crown, riding a goat, also represented with 3 faces and a cobra's hood upon each, 6 hands, of which five hold instruments, riding upon a pheasant cuckoo; and an image of Jora Rakusu, with 3 red eyes, 3 black Rakusu faces with one tooth in each, 6 hands holding a shield, axe, bow, and arrow, and 3 feet. Then comes a description of Visņu in various aspects (see Visnu). See also Fowl.
Rama. The Hindu god-hero. After recovering his wife Sîtâ from Râvana, the demonking of Ceylon, whom he destroyed, he cast her out in jealousy (see Sitá). In the forest she gave birth to a son, Sandalindu, and also received from the Rei with whom she dwelt two magically created babes. One day Râma met the three boys, and as they did not salute him with due ceremony he shot at them three arrows, which glanced off from them. The story of their birth was then made known, and Sitâ was restored to the throne. Rama's ancestors were Maha-sammata, Okâvas, Mandâtu, Vara-mandâtu, Pasênadi, Maha-sudasun, Bharata, Bhagiratha, Sânku, Naraha, Dilipa, Saka, Maha-nala, etc. In another version Sitâ's place is taken by a goddess whose clothes were stolen while she was bathing. Râma found her, clothed and married her, and afterwards deserted her; the subsequent story is the same as that of Sîtâ. [Pala-väla-dâné.] See also Visnu. His war against the Asuras is mentioned in Hûniyan-yâdinna (see Hûniyan Yaka). See also Hat Adiya. He is invoked in Pandam-pâli.
Rama-gini Yaku. A demon, mentioned in the Valiga-patunê yage as attending on the
V.-p.
Rama-hasti. A deity, who dwells in the leopard whose skull is used in the rite of Ata Magula, q. v.
Ramana Kät. Younger brother of Viramunda.
Rama Nayaka. A god invoked in Pattini-yaga-kavi; see Pattini.
Rama-simha. King of Kuhara-pura; father of the Devol Deviyô.
Ran-dal Kumari. "The Princess of the Golden Net," a spirit who is said in the Iripänun-kavi to have caused the iri-pänun spell on Sunday.
Ran-dalu-mura Kumari. See Kiri Amma,
Ran-dolava. See Golden Litter.
Ran Dunu. The golden bow of Viṣṇu: see Visnu.
Ran Ruval Bandara. See Ruval Yaka.
Ran-sali. See Kota-halu.
Ran-valalla. A spirit invoked in Divi-dos-santiya and Väḍi-ś.
Ran-valalu Kumari. See Kiri Amma.
Ratanga Giri. A goddess, invoked in Amara-sântiya. See Giri.
Rati. Sister of Mâra.
Rati Devi. Consort of Ratikan.
Rati Kadavara. A spirit invoked in Anli-kalavara-tovil and Kadavara-vidiya.
Rati-kala-murttu-ball. A ritual, and a poem describing it, to avort a disease causing sudden death with bloodshot eyes, such as said to have been produced by the demon Rattakkha in the reign of Sangha-bodhi (Mahâ-vamsa XXXVI). It propitiates with bali-offerings the Nine Planets, and then prescribes offerings of raw flesh with blood on the S. E. side. The bali-image is in the form of an ascetic, with 8 hands, 3 eyes, a potsherd or skull, trid

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ent, lotus, elephant-goad, discus, "blood-garland" (garland of red flowers ?), water-pot, and bell, and is seated on a rock; antimony, flowers, oil, sandal, blood, parched corn, and milk are offered two by two at the N.-W. of it.
Rati-kama Riri Yaka. See Riri Yaka. Rati-kima Yaka. An associate of Riri Yaka. Probably=Ratikan. Rati-kami. Consort of Ratikan.
Ratikan (Rati-madana, Madana). A demon, somotimez l'opzosented as female. He was born as son of a Licchavi Râja, and came when a young man to Soli-rata; here he mot tho king's daughter, who had gone to hear the preaching of Buddhism ; they fell in love, and died. Offerings were made to him in Ceylon, and he was regarded as an incarnation of Madana (Love) inspiring human beings with carnal desire. In the "bali” rites, to heal diseases caused by Hûniyan Yaka and Maulana, figures of him and his con-ort kissing ono another on a flowered pillow and golden conch, with two entwiced cobras on their should ors, are set up on a tray of the wood of Butea frondosa, 7 spans long and 4 wide, his figure having a white body and a blue and boarded face, with a golden water-pot in his right hand, a red cock in his left, and a rod hat, while she has a white dress and golden ornaments, with bangles on hands and foet, and stands on a lotus. [R.-vidiya.] Under the title of Rati-ma lana he attasks women, and reseivez offerings of cobra-hoods at the four corners of a shelf 9 spans long and 4, fingers wide, small cocoanuts (bodili) near the ground, cocoanuts with edible husks (navasi), cocoanut-flowers, water-lilies, and rice of 3 colours (red, white, and yellow); at each end are tied 6 cloths, with flowers and garlands of 7 colours. He wears clothes of 4 colours (red, whito, blue, and black). In a former birth he was Ajasatta (see below). In his train are the Yakas Mal-madana, Pisi-macana, Domala-madana, Sandun-madana, Siri-pulutu, and Savanda-madana. (Rati-madame-ragé.] Elsewhere he is invoked under the forms of Madana Yaka, Ratikan-madana, Avara-m., Kama-m., and Sandun-m. [Madanz-yak-upala.] The R-yadinnı, addressed to Ratikan Yaka and the seven Ratikan Yakinis, relates that onco a Muni or saint sat in contemplation under an ajapala tree in the Isigiri wilderness for 12 years, in which birds rested in his long beard, squirrels made their home on his head and pythons behind his shoulders, and the roots of the tree grew round him. Säkra appeared to him in the form of a lovely woman, and aroused in him fleshly love. Then Stkra vanished, and the Muni sought in vain for the lost love, Säkra, regretting his act, created a lake and in it a lotus, from tho 7 petals of which he made 7 Yakinis. Rati-madana, Ruti-m. Mal-m., Gini-m., Andun Giri, Pissi G., and Ntta G. — who were given to the Muni, who was styled Mala-upan Yakşaya, the Dead-bornDemon. Cf. the legend of Ajasatta below. A similar story is told in a R.-baliya-kavi, which gives the names of the 7 damsels created by Säkra as Rati-kami, Ruti-k.. Andun Giri, Sandun Giri. Tel-kami, Mal-k., and Madana Giri, and says that with Säkra's permission they all descended to earth and afflicted mankind with headaches, pains, 93 major and 98 minor diseases, and 36 kinds of mischance. It prescribes a bali-image with a red hat, golden face, blue belly, and black feet, accompanied by a female with cobras wreathed round her arms and neck, gold arn-rings, and a loo 30 robe. Another R.-baliya-krvi tells the same story. saying that when the ascetic had yielded to temptation he wandered to Madana-giri Parvata. mos thua t'le 7 Muun-kimdimsels, and was given by Säkra the form of a Rakusu. It then przscribes a ba'i-rite, with an image of R. with red cap, golden face, blue belly, and black feet, and the form of a Rakusu, surrounded by red female figures with golden waterjars in their right hands and bangles on arms and feet, upon a tray 7 spans long and 37

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wide. It ends with a yadinna or invocation, which relates that the Yakas Rati-madera, Madana Giri, Arara-keli, Solon Giri, Mal-madana, Lê-madana, Gini-rradana, and Tomadana were all her from a corpse (that of the ascetic ?), and that the ascetic in the course of his warderings in search of his vanished charmer mistook the Mallava queen for Łer and poseeseed ter with enchantment, from which she had to be cured by a rite. The Madana-yak-upata and Rati-madana-yagé relate that the saint Ajasatta sat in penance 16 years under a banyan tree, of which the roots twined round him. To tempt him, Säkra created from a blue waterlily in a magic lake 7 beautiful nymphs, and sent them to him. He fell in love, burst the tree-roots binding him, and went towards them; but they disappeared, ard te wandered atcut until he met them at the Madana-parvata. Säkra then caused him and the nymphs to enter the world of men. The latter became the Yakinis Rîri-pulutu-mal-madana, Pisi-madana-gini-madana, Kiri-madana-kaka-madara, Sandunmadana-rati-madana, Andun-madana-tel-madana, Avara-madana-mal-madana, and Moholargiri-madana, demons who cause sickness among mankind; and Ajasatta was born as the spirit Rati-madana, or Ratikan. A Madana-yak-yadinna, after telling the tale of the ascetic, his temptation, and his transformation into Madana Yaka on the Madana-giri, says that Madana was con of Sohon Yaka and Sohon Yakini (from schon," cemetery'). With Rati Devi, the female created by Säkra, he afflicts young men and women with hysterical terror and headacho, and frightens solitary children ; milk, flowers, blood, sandal, resin-oil, and five kinds of flowers are offered to them at the junctions of three roads. See also Visâlâ.
Ratikan Kadavara. Invoked in Karlavara-vidiya. Rati-kanda. Accompanied Abhimâna to Ceylon; see Abhimana Yaka.
Ratikan Kumari. A female demon, for whose cult the R.-k.-baliya-kavi prescribes a bali-rite with a tray 7 spans long and 3 wide, on which should be an image of the goddess with two children on her lap and a man on each side holding one of her breasts; she should have a red hat, golden face, blue body, and black feet, 2 cobras over her head, golden cocks at her feet, and , throne supported upon a cock standing on a rock.
Ratikan-madana Yakini (R. Bisava). A female demon, inspiring carnal desires; invoked in R.-m.-bisavage kavi to cure sickness, together with the Yakinis Ina, Mala Irddhi, Riddhi, Siri, Madana, and Avara. They chiefly afflict handsome men. Offerings are made on a site 4 cubits square, with 3 posts on each side, furnished with strips of plantain bark, flowers, and scent.
Rat-mal Bisava. A goddess, invoked in Sat-bisav-yaga (Yaga-vidiya). Rat-mal is the red ixora flower. See Seven Queens.
Ratna Giri. A goddess, invoked in Giri-liyo-dolaha-pidavila and Dolos-giri-dev-liyage purata, in the latter as haunting jewellers' houses, delighting in pots and vessels, and receiving offerings of gourds and raw rice. See Giri.
Ratna Kadavara (Mänik K.). One of the Five Devatas : see Devata. When brought with the rest of the Five to Ceylon by Devatar Bancára, he entered into the service of Kanda at Kataragama, watching over his four cattle-folds and with him bathing in the Mänik-ganga. [Pas-derata-kavi.] See also Kambili Kadavara.
Ratna-pedi. See Tota Kadavara. Ratna Surindu. See Kambili Kadavara. Ratna-tilaka. See Nâta Deva.
Ratna-valli (Ruvan-väli, Nava-ratna-valli). (1) A goddess formerly worshipped in the Pihiti and Mâvâ districts. She is said to have been of the race of the Sun, and to have

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been worshipped by a telambu tree at Anuradhapura, which was cut down when the site. was chosen for the Ruvan-väli Dâgaba, king Dutugümunu offering bloody sacrifices to appease her. The Rodiya or scavenger tribe say that her father was a king of Ceylon, who, disgusted by her cannibal tastes, forced her to marry a Rodiya. Two Ratna-valligê sivupadas call her the daughter of king Pärakumbâ (evidently not historical), and say that she would not descend from her tree and allow it to be cut down until Dutugämunu promised that the new Dâgaba should bear her name, Ruvan-väli. Another R.-v.-8., also styling her daughter of Pärakumbâ, adds that the Rodî have come from Maha-nuvara, and are dancing for seven days. In another R.-v.-s. the votary says that when she has passed the twentieth year she will not turn her back and go away without receiving the fish-coin. (2) The mother of Kambili Kadavara.
Rat-ran Devi. A god connected with the legend of the Kaludäkada Hat-raju. Rattakkha. A demon: see Rati-kala-murttu-bali.
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Ratta Rakusu. A demon represented in the Rakusu-bali: see Rakusu.
Ratu Potpotagat Devi. See Potpotagat Devi.
Râma, Sitâ. His great park is [Simhalê vistarê.]
Ravana. The legendary demon-king of Ceylon: see said to have been in Ûva and his small park at Badulla. Rice. The Mâ-vi-upata gives a legend of the mâ-vi or "large rice": when this world was created, Bambas (Brahmas) from the Bamba-world visited it, whose food was the celestial priti-säpa; a substance with a taste like honey then appeared over the ground, and when this had vanished the "large rice" came forth. After this came äl-vi or "hillrice," and then sayam-jâta or "self-born" rice. The poem Gana-ran-mâlê, or Sayam-jâta-viupata, describes the creation of sayam-játa rice when the present aeon was instituted by Maha-bamba, the way of finding lucky hours for weeding and transplanting growing rice, and the manner of weeding it, in which women in the early morning stand in a row, with both shoulders covered, and fepeat verses. Rat-äl rice, spread upon a mat marked with the ața magula or eight-chamber symbol, is used in the ritual of Mohol-upakarana-upata, where it is said to have been brought by order of Maha-bamba from the Tuşita heaven and placed at the feet of a Licchavi king from whom the divi-dos was being exorcised. See also Maha-sammata, Planets.
Rice-pestle. See Pestle.
Riddhi Bisava. A female demon, invoked in Ratikan-madana-bisavagê kavi and Satbisar-yaga (Yaga-vidiya). See Ratikan-madana Yakini, Seven Queens.
Ridi. A goddess, wife of Nîlâ Devi (see Kota-halu).
Ridi Bisavu. The "Silver Queen," invoked in Tovil-vidiya as ruling life.
Ridigama Deva. A god, invoked in Mal-keli-upata. He gave protection to Nâ-mal Kumâra and his companions. See also Kumára Bandara.
Ridi-valalla Vädi (Ridi-valalu). A spirit invoked in Divi-dos-sântiya and Vaḍi-i, Rila-vesa-lat Pattini. See Pattini.
Riri-bonno. See Kuda Riri-bonno.
Riri Kadavara. A demon, invoked in Kadavara-vidiya and Tofa-kumara-baliya, Riri Kurumbura. See Kurumbura.
Riri-madana Yaka, Riri-maru Yaka. See Riri Yaka. Riri-puluța. A demon invoked in Tota-kumára-santiyu.

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Riri-pulutu-mal-madana. A consort of Rati-madana : seo Ratikan. Riri Vädi. See Kuda-Riri Vädi and Maha-Riri Vädi. Riri-vila. See Blood Lake.
Riri Yaka (Siri Yaka). A demon, said in one R.-y-kavi to have been born on a Satur day, under Jupiter and the Rehena näkat, bursting out between the breasts of his mother Lêtâli ("Blood Dish"), who died in 3 months. In a former life he was born from his mother's left side. He dwells at Riri-vila (Blood Lake). He has matted hair and a club, and the face of a “vâliya" (monkey or forest-man). He built a ship, and from the Sea of the Nine Harbours camo to the wilderness of Katarapura (Kataragama); at the tank of Minnêriya he consorts with buffaloes, and breaks the necks of cattle. Saman Davu gave him the name of Riri Yaka ; at Navagomiva he is called Davel, and some name him Dala Kailavara. The flesh and blood of a red cock that has been torn to pieces are offered to him. Another R.-.-kavi says that he lives at Riri-vila, and eats putrid flosh and drinks blood. He came to Äli-gavara-vila with his consort R. Yakini. Saman seized them and tied them to a hola-pamburu treo (Atalantia missionis), but afterwards relented and took them under his protection when they gave him his golden bow. They swim in the Blood Lake, with an adamantine sword sever the dala-diva (tusk-tongue "), and cut to pieces elephants, horses, and fowls. Riri has the face of a viliya (monkey or forest-man), the form of a Yogi, a pool of blood in his left hand, & sword in his right, a bear on either side, natted hair, red clothes, corpses on his thighs, and a pig for vehicle. He makes noises and throws stones and sand; he kills unborn babes, and twists children's necks. He was born first from a boat full of blood, then from queen La-tâli. His head was a boat of blood; on his belly is a pool of blood, in his left hand a red cock. He is further said to hold in his right hand a cock and a pu rot, and to drink their blood. He sometimes rides on a boar, holding in his right hand a javelin. H associates with Rati-kâm Yaka, and has a cobra as vahicle; ho is then callo 1 Rati-kan. Riri Yaka. Ho carries an axe in his right hand, a maco on his shoulder, and a fowl in his left hand. Another R-y-kavi, which styles him Rîri-madana, R.-maru, and Miralu Yaku, states that his influence is removed by the power of the Sun. He bathes in the Blood Lake, and cries "kok !". In his right hands he holds a scoop of blood and a sword. Hy was first born at the Riri-zal-äla (Blood Rock Stream), his mother being Lê-tali Bisava. He has the face of a leopard, and carries a club. He also appears with a cook in his mouth, drinking its blood, and with a noose and goad : he also bears an iron mace. Again he appears with the face of a Rakusu, a bow in his hand; his colour is then black. He is allowed to receive offerings by Vişnu, Siva, Kanda, Maigra, Samanala, and Vesamunu. Ho is invoked to come with bloody face and club, together with Le-mal Bisa ve, the Blood-flower Quoen. Ho also appears with the face of a väliya and bloody, body; he watches by the wells in deserted habitations. Madona Riri, Maru Rari, Vadi Riri, Yama Riri, and Dala Riti are invoked. An appended yadinna or incantation describes him as born from a drop of blood that fell from Maru Rîri Yaka's head, and as being an incarnation of Vişnu. He carries the noose of death; over his face is a lake of blood, round his waist a bloody cloth, in his hand a cock; he has a valiya's face and rides a goat. From fear of Saman he roared like thunder, and hid behind a cloud ; the cloud-god Vala Devi shot him with an arrow, but ambrosial water was sprinkled over him, and he was reborn as Maru Yaka. Another R.-y-kavi relates that he was born first of Ela Raksi and again of queen Le-tAli. He was born in Saurågtra, by the Makara-kata sea beyond the Seven Seas, and was named Bhairava Riri. At his birth he killed his

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mother, and drank her blood. He came with his consort Riri Yakini on a "bronze net " raft to Ceylon, and received the authority of Kataragama Deva to work their will during the three first watches of the night. Saman seized them, tied them to a pamburu tree, and beat them with his spear of gold and adamant, but forgave them, and allowed them to -cause sickness and receive bali- offerings. Five fried cereals, 7 kinds of flesh, cakes, antimony, sandal, blood, milk, oil, and flowers are offered, on the west of the site chosen, the exorcist wearing red cloths and a cap. Later it is stated that Teda Pattini tied the Yaka and Yakini to the tree. Another R.-y.-kavi states that his height is a span and 6 inches and he rides a goat; Saman at Gavara-vila killed a white bison (gavara) and gave its blood to Rîri. The R.-upadesa states that he dwells at the Riri-vila in Garâstra, holds the authority of Saman, and was born of Lê-tâli Bisava, bursting through her breasts, so that she died on the same day. Once he was born with two red tusks at Asura-pura; he was tied to a white pamburu tree. His offerings are red rice, etc. He has the form of a fierce vâliya. His height is 1 span 6 inches. He dwells at the Lê-mal temple. To dissolve his spell the Yakini's Ayilakkandi, Kuşta Râkşi, Mayilakkandi, Kâma-kandi, Nisâ-kandi, Naga Râkşi, and Minihis-kandi are invoked. Another R.-y.-kavi states that he is attended by two troops, each of 500 yakas; he has the face of a valiya and a club, and was born from a boat of blood; he was born from the left rib, his consort the Yakini from the right; they came to Kalugal-godälla in Ceylon; he is in league with the crocodile of the Blood Lake. Another R.-y.-k. says that he is under the protection of Sumana and Kanda; he was born from a clot of blood, dwells at the Lê-mal ("Blood-flower") sanctuary, and bathes in the Lê-vila; he has a red robe, a mace, and the semblance of a valiya; he caught the Sun in his noose, and tortured him; he rides on a goat or a bull; his height is 1 span 6 inches. A bali-rite is then prescribed. Another R.-y.-kavi states that he was born in Saurâştra from a boat of blood at the Blood Lake and again that he was conceived by the Yakini of the Blood Lake in the cemetery where Lê-kama Rai was cremated. He came to Vadiga-rata, quenched the pyre of the Malala Raja's 7 daughters, and restored them to life. He came with Devel Devi in a stone boat to Ceylon; there he joined Kalu Yaka. He possesses beautiful girls and makes them utter frantic noises. Another R.-y.-k. says that he was the son of Kairâ and queen Lê-tâli of Saurâstra; his foster-mother was Gini-rasta. He was born after 7 days 'on a Tuesday, under Jupiter. Yama gave him his authority, and he became a Yaka. He is under the protection of Saman, Siddha Pattini, the Ṛsis, the Seven Pattinis, Devol Deva, Vesamunu, Siddha Mangara, and the Yakas Avara-keli, Madana-keli, Sûniyan, and Mul Sanni. He carries the sun and moon on his head; rays like those of a Buddha flash from his red eyes; his face is blue; from his ears issues smoke, from his nose blood; his mouth is full of human flesh; he has a red jacket on his shoulders, a pool of blood on his breast, and a red waist-cloth; he rides on a red bull. A R.-y.-yadinna says he was the son of Nanda Kumari, and was born with a twin sister; he has 3 faces of a valiya, with a lake of blood on his head and eyes of 3 colours; he carries a cock and a sword; his height is 1 span 6 inches; he afflicted Vijaya Kumari in Sayirâstra with sickness. His influence is described in Gard-yak-pâliya. See also Amu-siri Kadavara, Devel Devi, Siri Yaka, Danipola Riri Yaka.
Riri Yakini. The female counterpart of R. Yaka; described in R.-yakṣani-gê kavi as born in the Lê-vila at Sairasta-nuvara, clad in a blood-red cloth, carrying two victims, drinking blood, and healing with the aid of the Sun.
Riti-gala Deviyo. Deities invoked in a Pitiya-devi-kave.

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Ritta. The ritta are the 6 unlucky days of the lunar month, viz. the 4th, 9th, 14th, 19th, 24th, and 29th. The R-pittiya represents these as a female demon, named Yamadîti, the daughter of Takşa Raja and Gini-kan Devi. Her body is covered with black down; her head is red, her ears deaf, her body copper-coloured and leprous, her hair like fire ; she has no eyes (though elsewhere the poem speaks of them). She has an everlastingly whimpering child named Pâraya, with long eyes and egg-like cheeks. Instead of clothes she wears leaves. She reads in a book of golden leaves, eats bad cakes, and sits on a white rat-snake. A full description of her malign activities on the various days is given. She dwells in the magic mat (see Aa Magula).
Rivi. See Itu. Rodiyas. For a legend of this tribe, see Ratna-valli.
Rose-water. A Pini-diya-alattiya describes a ritual of exorcism with sprinkling of rosewater, which is said to have been first used in healing the enchantment of Mänikpala. The four Guardian Gods, Vişnu, Saman, Kadirâ pura Deva, and the gods of the 10,000 worlds assembled for this purpose. After fetching 7 golden bows from the Milk Ocean and giving them to Vişnu, the Guardian Gods summoned Odcisa to perform the exorcism. See also Visnu.
Rşis. Legendary sages, said to have taken part in the coronation and healing of Maha-sammata (see Abina-śântiya, Maha-sammata, Suba-siri-mangalê, Vidi); performed rites to heal Mal-sarà (see Arrow); their lô-mini-halamba (bronze-gem bangle) invoked in Ranhalamba-kavi: they are present in the betel-leaf (seo Betel); performed rites to heal the
Bodhi-sattva (9.v.); nine Rşis fetched cocoa-nuts to heal Panduvas (see Cocoa-nut); performed rites to heal Kakusanda (see Divi Dos); healed the Sun and Moon when poisoned by Rahu (see Iru); allowed the Kalavaras to come to Ceylon (sce Kadavara): failed to heal Mänikpala, and seven of them brought Oddisa to heal Maha-sammata (q.v.); in another version nine healed him. They were sent to restore Vajrapati Gopalu Yakini (see Oddisa); made Emâ's 7 sors into Sellan Kacavara (q. v.); took part in healing Sudarisana (q. v.); protected Tanipola Ríri Yaka and Riri Yaka (q. v.): connected with the legend of the torch-rite (see Torch); invoked in Valalu-vidiya (see Valalu); aided Säkra to heal Mänikpala (see Vas), performed rites to heal Vijaya (see Ata Magula); brought limes for exorcism (see Vina); got a fire-arrow when Vişņu (q. v.) churned the ocean. They are invoked in Samayanpadura, Sat-adiya-kari.
Rukattana. The tree Alstonia scholaris, the flowers of which are used in offerings. Its legend is as follows: While the god Säkra was in his park Nandana, his queen Miyulundana committed adultery with the god Viskam. Säkra, learning of this from the god Valáhaka, questioned her. She swore by his throne that she was incent, and was stricken with the divi-dcs or disease that punishes ferjury, of which she died. Her body was burned in the Tark Nanc'ana; but her right hand was not consumed, and from its palm arose the trunk of a rukattana, from its fingers the branches, and from its nails the leaves. (R.-upata.) See also Vidi.
Ruk-mal Kadavara. Invoked in Tedâlankaraya as loving the scent of ruk-mal flowers.
Rapa Rakusu. A demon invoked in the Rakusu-bali (see Rakusu) as having 4 faces and 8 hands, and bearing 9 cobra hoods, with a cobra under each arm and 6 cobras clinging round his helly.
Rutl-kami, Ruti-mađana. Consort of Ratikan.

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Ruval Yaka (Mänik R. Bandara, Ran R. B., Bhuta R. B., Vața-viyanê B.). The "Sait Spirit." He comes in a golden boat, with golden sails, which he has made. He visits the 7 lakes, 7 hills, etc.; he sails the Seven Seas, and comes to the Lê-vangala ("Bloodcolour") lake. [Ruval-yak-kavi.]
Ruvan-karaṇḍu. Mother of Dala Raja.
Ruvan Tantila. A demon: see Pitiya Devi.
Ravan-Vähära-halamba. See Bangle.
Ruvan-väli. See Ratna-valli.
Ruvan-väli Ilandari Devi. See Kaludäkada Kumaru.
Sahampati Brahma. His footprint is on the magic mat (see Afa Magula). His cloth was used for the healing of Maha-sammata (see Cloth).
Sak. See Säkra.
Säkra (Devi Raja). The Hindu Sakra or Indra, king of the Gods. His jaya-saka or conch-shell of victory was the 7th object produced when the Gods churned the Ocean, and is invoked to remove disease and misfortune. [Sak-geḍi-ântiya.] He sent a nymph from his heaven to gather flowers in a king's garden, in order that he might offer them at the Buddha's footprint on Samanala (Adam's Peak). She was caught by a Vädda watchman, whom she told of her mission and led to the holy place, where he worshipped. [Deviraja-puja-kathava]. He is said to have taken part in the healing of Maha-sammata (see Abina-santiya); with Visņu and isvara invented the word Svasti (see Alphabet); took part in the rite of the arrow to heal Mal-sarâ (see Arrow). His Nâgara-halamba is invoked in Halamba-sântiya (see Bangle). From his park (Nandana) was brought betel for Mahasammata's marriage (see Betel). The Bodhi-sattva in his birth as a hare offered himself to S., who painted his likeness on the moon, and from his brush arose the betel-plant (see Betel, Sandu); one shoot of the primitive betel was his (ibidem); he is worshipped with betel, etc., in Dalu-mura-yahan-kavi (ibidem); is present in the Yama-dûti tooth of the cobra (see Cobra); fenced with thorns the cocoa-nut that arose from Gana Devi's head (see Cocoa-nut); protected Däḍimunça (q. v.), and gave him a stone boat which brought him to Ceylon; made Giri Devi's body invisible, and afterwards restored her to Dala Raja, took away Dala's life when he was attacked by the elephant, and caused him to be reborn in a tusk (see Dala Raja); gave the Five Devatâs into Däḍimunda's charge (see Devata); sent a charmed thread to heal the vas (see Divi Dos, Vas); played a drum in honour of Buddha, and is present in the drum (see Drums); sent Viduli-valâhaka for the fowl to heal Maha sammata (see Fowl); gave the Kadavaras leave to come to Ceylon (see Kadavara); with Brahma invented the kakṣaya charm (see Kak aya); allowed the Kaludäkada Hat-raju (q. v.) to build the Jetavanârâma; aided Nîlâ to recover the celestial cloth (see Kota-halu); made invisible the Brahman's magic jewel (see Kuveni); aided the Ris to obtain limes (see Limes); caused Uruvesi to be reborn as Mâ-devi (q. v.); brought to Maha-sammata (q. v.) a crown and celestial robes, girded on his sword, and entertained him in a pavilion built by Viskam; caused Râhu to take the form of a boar and lure Maja Raja (q. v.) to Ceylon; inspired Mal-sarà to seek a wife from Vadiga, made Vêdana Rei throw the Vadiga casket into the sea, and on its recovery showed him how to open it; in another version, he sent Viskam to fetch Vadiga Ṛsi to exorcise the spells (see Mal-sarâ Raja,; sent Maigra Devi (q. v.) to Usangoda; with Saman brought Oddisa to heal Mänikpâla (q. v.); sent Viskam to make a park and bower for Surambâvati (see Mâtalan); sent the Reis to restore Vajrapati Gopalu Yakini (see Oddisa); disguised as an old man made

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offerings to Oldiga (q. v.); in the form of hamsı brought seeds of the palm (803 Palm); figures often in the legend of Pattini (q. v.): he induced her to blind the Pandiyan king, himself in the guise of an old archer shot down the mango, caused her to be discovered in the casket, made rain fall for the Soli king, and sent Dala Kumira to Ceylon; mentione:1 as receiving the magic thread (Pirittuva, 9. v.), in Tunu-ruvan-pirittuva ; created the Ratikan Yakinis (see Ratikan). From the right hand of his erring queen arose the rukatlana (q. v.). He protected Sandun Kumara (g. v.); is one of the Seven Devas (q. v.) conceived by Nata; sent for a torch for the exorcism oM3h2-9am mata ani Minikpila (830 Torch); sent Mihi-kata for turmeric to heal Mánikpala (see Turmeric); healed Mänik pala by the rite of Vas-harané (see Vas); sent Visņu to help Vijaya (q. v.); got his conch when Vişņu (g. v.) churned the ocean. See also Abhůta Divi, Hal Adiya, Namo T'assa, Tota Kadavara, Valatu. Invoked in T'is-päyê kima (as regent of the 1st päys, riding the elephant Erdvaļa, and dwelling in the east); and in Gana-pati-yadinna, Ganz-devi-hälla, Abina-me igale, Pirittuva, Salu-salima, Set-kavi, Valalu-vidiya. There was an image of S. in the Padeniya monastery, according to the P,-sinduva.
Salam Raja. A god, invoked in Kovila-pêvima, Pattini-yája-kavi, and Salu-salima ; see Pattini.
Salamba Kumari. A goddess, &a in D laha-devi-kavi to visit Bintänne in a golden car, with a pearl neoklace, and on her right hand a bangle.
Salita Yaka. A spirit invoked in Tedâlankaraya. Saluva. See Cloth.
Saman (Sumana, Samanala Dava). One of the Guardian Gods (q. v.), said in Solo 8-misthan2-vandanava to have placed the Buddha's hair-relic in a jewelled då jabs at Miyuzung (Mahiyaigana), under that which contained his throat-bone. Tae Sanni-yak-däpinê states that on visiting Caylon Buddha gave him the hair-relic. He aided Vişnu to consume Bhasmasura (q. v.); with Säkra he brought Odisa to hual Minikpila ; attacked Riri Yaka (q. v.) and his consort, but forgave them when they gave him his golden bow, and gave Riri the blood of a bison ; took part in the healing of Minikpila (803 R 182 wer); was born for men's protection (see Sandun Kumira); is one of the Seven Devas (g. v.) conceived by Nata : appointed Dä dimun la to establish Buddhism in Ceylon; was charged by Rama to slay Sitâ (q. v.), but spared her; created resin (see Tovil); got a golden bow when Vignu (q. v.) churnel the ocean; protected Abhimana, Gaigê Ban làra, Kiri Amma, Na-mal Kumâra, Siri Yaka, Tanipola Riri Yaka. To'a Ka lavara, and Vali Yaka (q. v.). See also Hat Adiva. Vrlalu. Invoked in Tis-päyê kêma (as regent of the 5th paya, watching at Samana-kule (Adam's Peak) over the footprint of Pas-äs (Buddha), and conqueror of Råvaņa), and in Amira-santiya, Asura-bandhane, Kalaturáva-härima, Kadavara-sirasa-pada, K.-tovil, Kanda-sura-vuruna, Mal-yahan-kavi, Rajadhiraja-simha-sântiya, Salu-salima, Satara-varanmil-yahan, Valalu-vidiva. S. was brought in procession to Kandy in Saka 1620, according to Laika-puvata. A temple to him was built by Vira-parâkrama-bahu ; vide Vanni-puvata. The poem Sävul-sandesaya is addressed to S. in Sabaragamuva.
Saman Giri. A goddess, invoked in Amara-śântiya and Dblog-giri-dev-liyagé puvata, in the latter as rocking herself to and fro on the roads and afflicting travellers with sickness. See Giri

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Samayan. A rush mat, the Samayan-pädura, is specially prepared ; at the head of it are supposed to be the Rsis or Isi, and at the corners the four Guardian Gods. The Yakas are invoked to descend upon it in the three watches of the night (samaya); the goddesses Mangra Hami and Kiravälle Bisava are sometimes invoked. In one of the rituals styled S.-püdura female demons are invoked, the sorcerer lying flat on the mat as & subetitute for the siok man. The Yakinig addregsed are Umayâ, Puypa Giri, Okanda-Giri, Sriya Devi, the Seven Queens from beyond the Seven Seas, Na-mal, Molan-garâ, Patti Giri, Nila, Sandun, and Andun Kumari. Another S.-p., giving a ritual in which the exorcist offers himself to be possessed on a mat by a demon at each of the 3 watches, invites the 12 Giri from the Galgiri-kulu Himaya ur wilderness of Malvara-desê; the mat is made of rushes from the Hêlan-giri lake. There is a Samayan-vidiya, a rite, and the poem descriptive of it, for propitiation of spirits in a magic yard At each of the Samayan, the 4 divisions of the day, spirits come out and range abroad. See also Tovil.
Samayan Kadavara. A demon, exorcised from women's calves in Kadavara-tovil ; invoked in K.-vidiya and Tota-kumara-baliya.
Sammata. See Maha-sammata. Sanalseara. See Senasuru. Sanda. A king, on whom see Piliya Devi. Sanda Kumaru. A spirit invoked in Kadavara-tovil.
Sandalindu (Sandalingu). A son of Rama and Sita (q. v.); see also Mala Raja. In the legend of the Wooden Peacock (q. v.) he and his brothers are the children of Candravati. He is invoked in Divi-dos-santiya.
Sandamal Gara. A demon, invoked in Dolos-giri-dev-liyage-puvata as carrying a shield, tying up his flowing hair in a knot, and playing on the vinâ or lute. See Gara.
Sandana. Mother of Tota Kadavara. Sandana Raja. For the legend of S., see Kadavara Deva.
Sandu (Candra, the Moon). According to Nava-graha-śântiya and Iru-kanda-gamanakavi, he was born in Yamuna-desa. his father being Soma Rại, his mother Soma-Valli. He is described in Súrya-aniiya as of silver, and golden within ; in Hora ó, as riding an elephant He is in the left ear of 0.disa (q. v.); was poisoned by Rahu (ser Iru); took part in suppressing the spells of the Vadiga casket (see Mal-sard Raja). His symbol is 9 girdle, his vehicle a horse or white elephant, his offering rice or milk-pudding, his tree the wood-apple (Feronia elephantum) or margosa, his region the north-west, and he has 4 hands, according to Nuva-graha-sivu-sântiya, N.-..- mal-baliya, and Mal-bali-upata. Invoked in T'is-päyê kima (as regent of the 2nd päya, and having had a hare painted on his disc by Säkra); also in Ga.a-pati-yadinna, Iri-pänun-kavi, Ran-dunu-alattiya, Salu-salima, Valaluvina-käpima, Yâga-ala kâraya, etc. The Candrabharanê, a poetical exorcism of evils due to the malign aspects of the Moon, describes the different forms assumed by him on each day of the lunar fortnight. See also Areca-sickle, Drums, Sandun Kumâra.
Sandun Giri (Handun G.). (1) A goddess, invoked in Amara- antiya and Girl-liyodolaha-pidavila ; see Giri. (2) A consort of Ratikan.
Sandun Kadavara. A demon invoked in K.-vidiya ana K.-go!u-pidavila.
Sandun Kumra. A god, said in one S.-k.- kavi to have come from Kataragama with the sanction of Valli Amma, Säkra, Vişnu, the Moon and Sun, and Mihikata. He was given a golden stylus, and a new book of golden leaves, as register ; he came to earth by leave of Kanda. He knows the 18 languages and the lore of charms. He has a leopard's

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skin round his waist, a tassel on his bow, a meteoric bolt (sama-sära), a trident, etc.: his arms and shoulders shine with sandal. He gmites Yakas, and heals sickness; he has a golden bower at Hapirik-gama. Another S.-K.-kavi relates that Saman, Nama-näti Upasaka Deva, and Sandun-mal Kumaru came into the world for the protection of mankind. Sandun comes flying through the air with music. He was born from a lump of sandal-powder held by Valli Amma in her right hand when she went to bathe. His hair is blue, and is coiled upon his head. He wears a gold chain, a leopard's skin bound round his waist, bangles, an armlet, and a golden cord over his shoulders, and holds a bow, a Rima-arrow', and a blue cane. Flowers and lamps are offered to him. He sacrifices to the Buddhist Faith and to Kataragama Deva, who gave the world into his charge. He spreads a cloth wrung out in the water, and stands shivering upon it. He came to Ceylon in state, to the terror of the Yakinis, and was given a golden stylus and book (of. Kaludäkada Kumaru) and took charge of kitchens and almsgiving. He speaks the 18 languages, and utters charms. He sent Ayyanar before him. He heals epidemics, carries caskets of piril-tel (oil consecrated by Buddhist priests at the Pirit rites) restores dagabas, and ties the Yakas to stakes. Another S.-k.-kavi, besides some similar details, states that he received the golden sword with which the Hair retic was cut off, and dwells with it near Kadira-male. He was born from a sandal flower, and obtained authority from the Fire Bangle. His belly, shoulders, and chest are smeared with sandal-dust, his tangled hair hangs down his back; he has a silver-mounted cane; he visits Kändäva, near Anuradhapura; he caused sanctuaries to be built at Kataragama and elsewhere. See also Devatar Bandara.
Sandun-Kumari Kiri Amma. See Kiri Amma.
Sandun-Kumari Yakini. A female spirit invoked in the Samayan-pädura as loving sandalwood and antimony.
Sandun Kumaru. See Devatar Bandara. Sandun-madana. See Ratikan. Sandun-madana-rati-madana. A consort of Rati-madana : see Ratikan." Sandun-mal Kumara. See Sandun Kumara.
Sankha pala. A demon, son of king Sankha of Saukha-nu vara and Asupali Kumari. When he was a boy he ran away into the forest. Vesa munu sent him to the cemeteries. There ne flayed a corpse and wore its skin, and dragged corpees about. He possessed the queen with many kinds of fits. (S.-yddinna.)
Sankha Raja. Father of Sankhapala.
Sanni Yaka. This demon causes cholera, convulsions, epilepsy, etc. The legend in Sanni-yak-upata tells that he was the grandson of the king and queen of Sankhapalanuvara. Once the queen dreamed she held a flower in each hand, which according to the Astrologers portended the birth of twins. After 10 months she bore twins, a son and a daughter, who, the astrologers said, were fated in sixteen years to ruin the country. They grew up, and married one another. Having quarrelled with his wife, the prince cut her in two and hung the corpse on a tree. It fell down; the two parts joined themselves together, and a child was born thence. The child became Sanni Yaka, who with a troop of demons entered Sankhapala-nuvara, and every day killed a thousand men. A Sanni-yakdä nané, describing a ritual to exorcige Sanni, narrates various exploits of Gautama Buddha. among them his visit to Ceylon, his beholding Däļimunda, Pûrņaka, Kara-roma, Âņdi, Demala Vaka the 8 Bhairavas, Mallava Yaka, Tota Yaka, Vatuka Demala, Oddisa, etc., and his subduing of Sanni, to whom he gave leave to receive offerings in Ceylon. A S.-ya-kavi, giving

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a similar ritual to exorcise fits, cramps, and spasms, instructs the exorcist to perform däpima, lying down on his back, as if asleep, for the demon to work his will on him, whereupon blood and victims are offered and the 18 Sannis invoked to release the sufferer. Rice, betel, flowers, fried food, perfume, and sandal are prescribed for the offerings. The S. Yakas are said to have been overcome by Vanni Bandara, q. v. He is invoked in Garayak-paliya, Tovil-vidiya, Yak-pidavila. See also Hûniyan Yaka, Kola-sanni Yaka, Mul Sanni Yaka, Oddisa, Vina, Visdla.
Santand Kalu Bandara. A god connected with the legend of Kalu Başqâra's black leopard (see Kalu Bandara).
Santano Kando Bandera. A spirit invoked in Gange-bandara-kavi Sapu-mal. A minister who caused rain to fall in Sulambavati, q. v.
Sapu-mal Devatar. A demon, said to have been a companion of Nä-mal Kumara and Mini-maru Yaka, 4. v.
Sapu-mal Giri (Hapu-mal G.). A goddess invoked in Giri-liyo-dolaha-pidavila. See Giri.
Sapu-mal Kadavara. A spirit invoked in Andi-kadavara-tovil, K.-vidiya, K.-upata, Totaku mâra-santiya.
Sara Bamba (Brahma-datta). Father of Maha-sammata. Saragama Rala Sami. One of the Gini-kanda Kadavaraa. SA-raju. King of Kannuran-pura : see Pattini. Saranankara. See Buddha.
Sarasvati (Sarasavi.) She is sometimes said to be the daugater of Siva and Må-devi, and to have wedded Maha-sammata or Manu (see Kota-halu, Siva); also to have been sister of Mänikpala, Vişnu, and Umâ, or, in another legend, of Mänikpala, Uma, Siri, Lakşmi, Gana Devi, and Târâ (see Mänikpala). She is one of the Seven Devas. (q. v.) conceived by Nâta. Invoked in Tis-päyê kêma (as regent of the 16th paya, with a yak-tail fan); and in Sat-adiyakavi. and Mal-keli-yadima. See also Cocoa-nut, Pattini.
Sarva Bata. A spirit propitiated in Yak-pidavila.
Sarva Kata Rakusu. A demon invoked in the Rakusu-bali (see Rakusu) where figures of a pheasant cuckoo and crow are set up a ven.cles for him, and he is figurou there as having the face of an Andi Yogi and wearing a cobra's hood. .
Sarva Rakusu. A demon represented in R.-bali: gee Rakusu.
Sarva-vip ka-bali. An offering forming part of the bali-vidiya (800 Bali), to exorcise diseases of children. A bali-figure is offered that has 3 eyes, a golden face, a smoke-coloured body, two red and two blue hands, a cobra's hood on the shoulders, a discus, and a sword, riding on a dolphin (makara).
Sat Adiya. See Hat Adiya. Satagira Yak-senevi. On the legend of this god see Namo Tassa, Satara Devel Baga Bandara. A god invoked in Gangê-bandara-kavi.
sata Raja. A god invoked in Kovila-pêvima, Pattini-yåga-kavi, and Salu-salima, in the last to heal pains in the joints ; see Pattini.
Satara Varan. See Guardian Gods. Sat Bisav. See Seven Queens, Sat-jamme. Oddisa. See Oddisa Sat-kattuva Deviyo. Soe Seven Kings. Sat Raju. See Seven Kings and Kaludäkada Hal-raju.

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Saturn. See Senasuru. Savanda-madana. A companion of Ratikan. Savat. See Kanda. Sayam-jata. See Rice. Seas. See Seven Seas.
Sellan Kadavara. A demon, worshipped with an altar of sticks and sacrifice of a cock in Kadavara-tovil. The K.-kavi relates that Uma created 7 sons from a pond, and the Rşis made them into one, Sellan, the “Sport God”, who came to Ceylon. His robe is red, white and blue, his turban red, his matted locks plaited together; on his shoulders is a golden chain; in his right hand is an enormous hoe (udälla), in his left an iron mace. He receives offerings in a scoop near the Buddha, walks round the shore carrying a torch, and rides a white peacock. He has charge of Ceylon during the Kali Age, and is chief over the Yakas, being invoked as Senevi-ratna Kadavara (q. v.). His sacred precincts in Ceylon are Kalâgama, Tirikunâ-malaya, Puttalama, Mannarama, Halâvata, Velasi-madan-rata, and the 15 Vannipattu; he dwells in Kataragama. With a leopard he pursues cattle and sheds their blood. Invoked in Kalavara-kavi, Tedâlankaraya, and Tota-kumara-baliya ; exorcised in Kadavarairasa-pâda.
Senasuru (Sanaiscara.) The planet Saturn. According to Nava-graha- antiya and Horás., his father was the Sun, his mother Aditya Devi; he was born in Sayurâ-rata, and is black of hue. His symbol is a nadavata, his colour blue, his vehicle a crow or Garuda, his tree the nuga (ficus indica or banyan), his offering blue rice, his region the west, and he has 3 cobra-heads, a blue body, a trident, and 4 hands, according to Nava-graha-sivu-antiga, N.-9.-mal-baliya, Mal-bali-upata. In the bali-rite of one Nava-graha-santiya he is figured by a central image with a crown, conch, sword, and chain of human heads. Invoked in Tis-päyê kima, as born in Savu-rata, and regent of the 20th päya, with a blue body 9000 gavvas (31,500 yards) in Leight, and 4 hands; in Rakusu-bali (see Rakusu) as dwelling in a bower of the nuga tree, and receiving as offering rotten rê (rohita) fish. See aleo Dala Raja.
Senerat. A king, on whom see Piliya Devi.
Senevi-ratna (Vahala Bandara). The S.-r--devi-kadavara-kavi relates that when the Asuras tried to prevent the Sun from rising on the Dawn-mountain (udagiri), Kataragama Deva and the Gods with tne sacred cock fought against them, but as they failed Kataragama Deva bade S. attack them. He did so, and enabled the Sun to rise ; for this he received Ceylon and the title of Senevi, “ general." Apparently he rose from the waters. He observes the Buddhist Perfections (pâramita), in order to become a Buddha. He has blue silken robes, a golden girdle, a red turban, a golden scarf on his shoulder, and a golden armlet; ke carries a wand, or a glittering fiery sword. He has charge of Ceylon for 5000 years. As he guards the portal of Kataragama Deva, he is called Vahala Bandara, Däờimunda gave him authority in Ceylon. He smites ginners with sickness, gripping them by the throat; he punished the 60 priests who broke the tank. The whole world sacrifices to him at sunset. He watches at the golden gate of Lambodara (Gaqa-pati). Holding a pañcâyudha (fivefold weapon) and sama-sära (meteorio bolt ?), he with the Seven Kadavaras walks in front of Kanda. When Kanda (here said to have ten avatars, and hence apparently identified with Vişnu) rides on his blue peacock to the Mänik-ganga river, S. with an arrow and golden torch walks before him to the shore. Every day he returns before dawn to renew the war with the Asuras, and to enable the sun to rise. He visits the celestial Kirikuru mountain,

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the Himalaya, the golden Sidanta sea, the Anotatta lake, Adam's Peak, Makkama (Mecca); Tudälla, Karappane, Munissarama, and the Lêyâya or salt-lagoons near Hambanto a; he has sanctuaries at Mutiyaigana, Mahiyangana, and Kiri-vehere (Badula, Bintänne, and Kataragama). He is worshipped in Kadavara-gotu-pidavila. See also Kambili Kadavara. Sellan Kalavara, Vasala Deva.
Senkada-gala Kalu Kumara. See Kalu Kumara. Sera-man. For the legend and ritual of this king's healing, see Arch, and Pattini. Sêräne Kiri Amma. See Kiri Amma.
Set-santiya. A ritual of propitiation, comprising (1) Sat-dina-santiya, propitiating the 7 days of the week ; (2) Dolos-mas-s., propitiating the 12 months ; (3) Dolos-räs-s., propitiating the 12 constellations of the Zodiac ; (4) Sat-dina-baliya, propitiating the 7 days; (5) Visal-pura-santiya, on the legend of Buddha stopping the pestilence at Visâlâ (q. v.) and of Dan Udiya.
Seven Devas. These are said in Vas-haranê to be Deva-raja (Säkra), Saman, Umayângana, Sarasvati, Sriya, Mänik pâla, and a nameless deity, and to have been conceived by Nâta Devi at the Lotus Lake in the Aganistâna (Akanistha) world.
Seven Kings (Hat Raja, Sat-kattuva Deviyo). Invoked in Mal-keli-upata and Mal-yahankavi. See also Kaludäkarla Hat-raju, Mini-maru Yaka, Na-mal Kumâra.
Seven Pattinis. Seo Pattini.
Seven Queens (Sat Bisav, Mänik-kan B.) The Sat-bisav-yaga (Yaga-vidiya) enumerates as the Soven Queens Rat-mal, Riddhi, Nayaka, Usangoda, and 3 unnamed, and invokes them to bathe in a flowery pool; they dance on the mountain-top, each holding in her hand a golden dish; they bring 1000 golden flasks full of oil for their hair; they killed an elephant in the wilds and cut off its tusks with a golden saw to make a comb for Usangoda ; they come from the 7 lands over the 7 seas. Their names are also given as Ratikan-madana, Inâ. Mala, Irddhi, Riddhi, Siri, and Madana, q.v. They are invoked in Samayan-pädura, as aiding Gini-jal Yaka, etc. See also Seven Seas.
Seven Seas. These are the Kiri (Milk), Mutu (Pearl), Nil (Bluo), Golu (Dumb: cf. Geiger's translation of Maha-vainsa, p. 150 note), Lê (Blood), Bihiri (Deaf), and Kara (Salt) Muda. On their guardian deities see Turmeric. The Ran-dunu-alattiya enumerates six, viz., Kara, Nil, Lê, Mal (flower), Mutu, and Kiri.
Siddha Pattini. See Pattini. Siddha Mangara. A god who protected Riri Yaka (q. v.); see also Mangra Devi. Siddhi Maralu. See Muralu Yaka.
Sikurá (Sukra, Kivi). The planet Venus; said in Nava-graha-sântiya to be son of Maduru Devi and Bhargava of Bojagana, to be white, and to ride on a bull or elepbant : in Hora-s., to dwell in the Brahma-zone. His symbol is a whisk and flower-garland, his vehicle a bull or elephant, his tree the karanda (goledupa arborea ?) his offering butter and milk, his region the south-east, and he has 3 faces of a Rakusu and 4 hands, according to Nava-graha-sivu-ýântiya and N.-9.-mal-baliya. The Mal-bali-upata prescribes golden rice. Invoked in Tis-päyê kima as regent of the 21st päya; he has one eye, and was the teacher of the Dânavas.
Silambari. A goddess. The S.-accaram is a figure on a copper plate, with twelve hands and sixty cobras' hoods, surrounded by 50 figures of devas. It is 1spans long and 17 viggus (span of the thumb and first finger) in width, and has 30 matted looks of hair. On

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the plate are marked 50 tridents and 240 dots, with a white standard, pearl umbrella, whisk, talipot leaf, and musical instruments around them. The figure of Silambari is mounted on an effigy of Hanuman, the monkey-god. It protects from demons, spells, and all kinds of harm. [S.-a.] She is invoked in Mal-keli-yâdinna.
Silava Raja. Father of Môlan Garâ.
Sima-bändima. A rite, and the poem descriptive of it, for restraining evil spirits from assailing the house of the exorcist. It invokes Samanta-kûta (Adam's Peak), Nâlâ-giri, Andun-giri, Vinata-kúta, trees and plants on the Himalaya, the Anotatta lake; &c.
Si pha-ba. The king of Vaga-rata by Mâyâvati of Kalinga had a daughter, Susîmâ, who ran away with a caravan of merchants, who when attacked by a lion-king fled and left her. The lion took her to his cavern, where she bore him a son, Simha-bâ, and a daughter Simha-valli, who on growing up returned with their mother to Vaga-rata. The lion in revenge attacked the latter, and Simha-bâ tried to shoot him; the first two arrows/ turned back, but the third struck him in the forehead, and he died, forgiving Simha-bâ. [Simha-valli-kathava.] Simha-bâ became father of Vijaya, q. v. Compare the accounts in the Maha-vamsa and Dipa-vamsa.
Mother of Budahu.
Simha Devi.
Simha Kumara Raja. Son of Bambadat, king of Dantapura, and father of Dala Raja. Simha Rṣi. Father of Guru.
Simha-valli. (1) Mother of Guru. (2) Sister of Simha-bâ.
Sin. See Hin.
Sinna Kadavara. A demon, who watches for women when they are bathing. [Kadavara-tovil.]
Sirasa-padaya. An exorcism to remove sickness, charming each part of the body in order from the head to the foot.
Siri Bisava. A female demon, invoked in Ratikan-madana-bisavagê kavi. See Ratikanmadana Yakini.
Siri Kadavara. A demon, to whom are offered blood, flesh, and parched corn in Kalavara-tovil; invoked in K.-vidiya. See Riri Yaka.
Siri-kata. See Siriyâ.
širi Kumara. A spirit who figures in a legend of Mangra Devi.
Sirimalvatta Appu. A demon on whom see Pitiya Devi.
Sirima Pattini. See Pattini.
Sirime Kadavara. A demon invoked in Amu-siri-kalavara-kavi, K.-kavi, K.-upata. Siripoti. One of the mothers of the Devol Deviyô.
Stri-pulutu. A companion of Ratikan.
Siriya (Siri-kata). The Hindu Sri, consort of Visņu, and Earth Goddess; in one legend the sister of Mänikpâla, Laksmi, Gana Devi, Sarasvatî, and Târâ. She is sometimes said to be one of the Seven Devas (g. v.) conceived by Nâta. The Siriya-devi-kavi invokes S. to an offering by the help of Laksmi, Sarasvati, and Gana-pati. She is there said to have figures of the sun and moon on her right hand, and white mottlings on her right shoulder (hence she is called Gombara Siriyâ), fans of green palm-leaves at her sides, a crescent-mark on her brow, one red and one white robe, bangles on her feet, a rattan as staff, a sunshade, flower-garlands yak-tails, and golden ear-jewels. She is then invoked as clothed in blue

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and gold. She is also invoked in Tis-päyê kîma (as regent of the 14th pâya, who rose from the churning of the Milk Ocean), Amara-sântiya, Jaya-siri-mangala, Kadavara-tovil, Pirittuva, Rajadhiraja-simha-santiya, Samayan-pädura, Set-kavi. See also Divi Dos, Laksmi, Lily, Visnu.
Siri Yaka. The S.-y.-kavi states that this demon went to the Siri-gal temple and obtained the authority of its god; he also has the authority of Saman. He haunts the Sîrivila. It prescribes for his ritual an arched throne, 3 spans in length and 2 in width, terminating in a cupola. He is connected with the legend of the plague of Visâlâ, q. v. See also Riri Yaka.
Sisi-put. See Budahu.
Sita. According to Pala-väla-dânê, S. was wife first of Upulvan, later of Râma. After Râma's conquest of Ravana, she painted a picture of the latter, and was seen by Rama looking at it. He carried her to a forest and commanded Sumana Devi to cut her in two; but Sumana left her unhurt, as she was with child. A Rşi gave her shelter in a hut near his hermitage, where she gave birth to a son, Sandalindu. One day, in her absence, the babe fell under the bed, and the Rşi, thinking it was lost, created a similar child from a flower and gave it to her. This child became the Mala Raja, q. v. She found Sandalindu; and as she disbelieved the Rşi's tale, he created from some arrow-grass a third babe who became known as Kistiri (Kitsiri Raja.) Râma one day met the children, and on discovering their birth took Sitâ back. The Santana-patuna relates that near an ascetic's hermitage in the Himâlaya there was a pool, from which seven celestial nymphs stole the lilies. They were watched, and the robe of one was hidden, so that she could not follow the others in their flight. She was Sitâ-pati. She then went to the hermitage, where she gave birth to Sandalingu. The birth of Mala Raja and Kistiri and the recognition by Râma are told as in the Pala-väladânê. A Ravanâ-puvata gives a similar account: here Visnu is the watcher, Sitâ the nymph captured and wedded by him; cf. the Ravanâ-hatanê. See also Râma. She is sometimes said to have been born from the blood of an ascetic; see Vali Yaka. A counterpart to the story of the birth of Sitâ's 3 children is given in the Divi-raja-kavi: see Wooden Peacock. Invoked in Tis-päyê kîma as regent of the 28th paya, who had no fear of Râvana, and surrounded herself with a fence of fire.
Sita Yaka. This appears to be a demon who in his previous birth was an adulterer, his story being told in the Sitâ-yak-kam-kavi. As a Hetti or merchant was travelling with groceries, his wife committed adultery with Sitâ, and bore him a child. When the Heṭṭi came home, his wife was in Sîtâ's arms. They set the dog upon him, and apparently
killed him.
Siva (Isvara). The Hindu god. The poem tsvara-malaya narrates that once while Siva was in affectionate intercourse with Umâ, she took charge of his head-dress. Ananga, or Cupid, was then hidden in Umâ's head-dress, having held intercourse with her. Siva and Umâ went to hear the preaching of a Muni, who on their departure blessed them as three persons. His suspicion being aroused, Siva opened her head-dress. Ananga escaped in the form of a bee, and Siva with his third eye in the centre of his forehead burned Umâ to ashes, which he threw into the ocean. He then repented, and ordered the goddess of the sea, Muhuda Mani-mekhalâva, to restore her. She feigned inability; and to punish her Siva drank up the sea. Again he bade her restore Umâ. She promised to obey if he would again fill the ocean, which he did in a Rabelaisian manner. She then created an image of Umâ, which he rejected. At length she took the ashes of Umâ, which she had. kept in a vase, shaped them into a figure of Umâ upon a banana-leaf, and brought it to

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life. Thus Umâ was restored to Siva. The Siva-ranga-malé prescribes an exorcism in which the celebrant dances with an arrow in his hand, and it relates that Siva took the sun and moon, and decked himself for the dance; holding in his right hand a "victoryconch” (jaya-saka), he performed the "evening-dance","dawn-dance", and tadam (lândava ?) before gods, men, Yakas, and Maha-bamba. With Vignu and Säkra he invented the word svasti (see Alphabet). He took part in the healing of Maha-sammata (see Abinasantiya), and of Vijaya (see Ata Magula). The hirässa vine arose from his nostril (ib.); he cut off the head of Gana Devi, whence sprang a cocoanut palm (see ib., Cocoa-nut, Gana Devi); gave to Bhasmasura the power of burning up all on whose head he laid his hand, with which Bh. attacked him (see Bhasmasura and Devel Devi); fetched a pusul to heal the Bodhi-sattva (see Bodhi-saltva), and caused a cloth to be brought for the healing of Mahasammata (see Cloth). To him Hamsavati offered an ivory image to obtain a son (see Dala Raja). He seems to be the Rşi Isvara who is said to be the father of fowls (see Fowl). Mahakela when coiled round Meru was struck by him (see Húniyan Yaka). He is father of Kanda or Kataragama Deva, for the legend of whose birth see Kanda. The various legends mentioned s. v. Kota-halu state that he was father of Ma-devi, of Sarasvati, Umâ, and Nila, and that he married Umâ; or that he was father of Ma-devi, and their daughter Umâ married Maha-sammata.At Säkra's order he caused Rahu to lure Mala Raja to Ceylon (888 Panduvas). He planted cocoanuts to dispel sickness (see Tovil). Invoked in Tis-päyê kima (as regent of the 3rd päya, as having 3 eyes, 3 wives, and a trident, riding a bull, wearing an elephant's skin, and reducing the world to chaos), also in Abinamangala, Gana-pati-yadinna, Mal-keli-y., Ran-dunu-upata, Sat-adiya-kavi, etc. See also Abhůta Devi, Cobra, Divi Dos, Lily, Riri Yaka, Tanipola Riri Yaka, Tola Kadavara, Vas.
Siva-kali. A goddess invoked in Mal-keli-yadima as having vipers and cobras round her body.
Siva-yard. A spirit invoked in Mal-keli-yadima as a Bigi-billâ, with five-cornered mitre. Sivu Varan. See Guardian Gods. Siya va tuka Yaka. A demon connected with the legend of the plague of Visala, q. v. Skanda. See Kanda.
Small Pox. The disease is said in the Vaduru-santiya to have arisen from the burning of Madura by Pattini. See Kali, Muttu-mari, Pattini, Vaduru Ma-devi.
Sobhita. A former Buddha. See Maha-sohon Yaka.
Sohona Yaka. (1) A demon described in Gara-yak-pâliya. (2) Father of Ratikan by S. Yakini. See also Maha-sohona Yaka.
Sohon Gará. A demon invoked in Dolos-giri-dev-liyage-puvata as living in tombs, riding & cock, and carrying a cock in his hand. See Gara.
Sohon Giri. A goddess invoked in Amara-sântiya: See also Ratikan.
Sohon Kadavara (Son K.). A demon invoked in Kadavara-kavi and Tedâlankdraya. See also Dala Raja.
Sokari. The heroine of a popular comedy, narrated in several versions, which are recited as an accompaniment to dancing and pantomime. One Sokari-nätima, or Guruupata, relates that Four Gurus (Yogis), after performing their ceremonies before the king of Kasi, travelled away, and re-ched Ceylon. At Tambaravita one of them visited a doctor, who gave him worthless wood to build a house. He then went to a learned man, who gave him his pretty daughter Sokari to wife. Another Sokari-nätima tells how the Andi

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Guru and his pariah servant, with a doctor, travelled about. He knew no Sinhalese, but danced at various places in Ceylon, Sokari, whom he married, was with child, and in danger : Gini Pattini was therefore invoked, with Vaduru Mâ-devi and Mala Raja. A child was born. One day Sokari, having pounded paddy, gave some of it to the doctor acoompanying her husband. The latter got drunk, and Sokari eloped with the doctor. Another S.-näfima states that the Guru, Sokari's husband, lived near Baranäs, and during a famine they went with a pariah servant to Ceylon. There S. eloped with a doctor. When after a long search the Guru found them, the doctor abused him and nearly murdered him, after which he was compelled to attend him in his medical capacity. A S.kathava relates that when the Guru's young Parava servant grew up S. fell in love with him. Tho trio land at Migamuva ; S. dances, and receives gifts from the public, which she bands to the Guru. Being with child, she has a longing for mandarin oranges, etc., which the Guru has to procure. She suffers greatly in childbirth; the Guru consulte an astrologer, getting bitten by a dog on his way thither and a doctor. She bears & son, and says the doctor is the father. She elopes with the doctor, and pounds paddy, etc.
Soll-kumaru. A spirit, the "Prince of Soli”, invoked in Devatár-kavi as connected with Velassê. He is worshipped with betel, etc., in Dalu-mura-yahan-kavi. See also Soli Maha-raja. The S.- kumara kavi relates that a prince of Soli once drove his chariot over a calf and killed it. The cow, its mother, then rang , bell which the king of Soli had set up for all demanding justico; and the king punished his son with death, causing a chariot to be driven over his head (800 Elala). His ghost began to disturb the country, and when exorcisms were applied it came to 'Ceylon, attacking the cattle in Velassê and Bintänne, and making the elephant Konda-raja fall sick (see Konda-raja). A vase with 12 spouts, without a handle, was filled with charms, and the prince was thereby turned into a rock. 60 Buddhist priests having met and uttered a charm, a bull's leg was thrown in their midst and they sprang up and dashed their heads against one another. Complaints were made to Kataragama Deva, Nâta, Pattini, &c.
Soll Maha-raja. Literally, the Côla king. The Samagam-mal-yahan invokes him and Soli Kumary, his son by Kaligaduli Kumari.
Solli-kumara Pitiya Devi. A god invoked in Dalu-mura-pidum-kavi. Solman Kadayara. A spirit of mysterious noises, invoked in Amu-siri-kaçavara-kavi. Soma Rşi. Father o Sandu. Soma-valli. (1) Mother of Kambili Kadavara. (2) Mother of Sandu."
Somavati Devi. A Kalinga princess, according to S-d.-kathava, who was married to a king. She gave birth to two sons, one black, with the mark of a cobra on his head, the other golder of hue, with the mark of a cobra round his neck. The seven rival queens, aided by the midwife, placed the children in two jars and the after-birth in a third jar, threw them into the river, and showed to the king a bloodstained image, saying that Somâvati had given birth to it. He therefore imprisoned her. See also Düdimunda.
Sonalu. A queen; see Vaša Kumara. Son Kadavara. See Sohon Kadavara. Sonuttara. A friar, who brought relics of the Buddha from the Nâgas' world; see Betel. Sora Kadavara. A demon invoked in Kadavara-kavi. Sri-kantava. See Siriya. Sri-patra. See Betel.

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Sriya Devi. See Siriya.
Suba-siri-mangale. A rite to exorcise sickness, and a poem describing it. The rite is. traced back to the enchantment of Maha-sammata (q.v.), who was healed by the Nine Rşis with the rite of Oddisa-yâga, which was originally in Telugu and Nagara, and was thence translated into Elu. A table 7 spans in height, with 8 gates and 16 platters, is placed on the north; an awning of red cloth is spread over it, and in the central division of the altar is a gedige or pavilion; flower-vases, rice, and valuables are offered ; flower-thrones are placed around ; the Yakas of the eight quarters are invoked. An image of Oddisa is set up. Offerings are presented at the 8 sides of of the patient's house and at various spots in and near it. The exorcist has his head veiled, and the patient sits upon a rice-mortar.
Sudarsana. (1) The younger brother of Vijaya. (2) A son of Maha-sammata ; for him an exorcism is said to have been performed which is described in S.-bali. While dreaming of a snake S. fell upon the ground; and 8 Brahmans declared that the 35 bali-rites must bo performed over him which had issued from the mouth of Kala-giri Yakini. 16 carpenters made a building; 1000 goats, 1000 buffaloes, and 1000 cocks were offered ; Maba-sammata scattered gold coins or the celebrants, and the Rşis, Vigņu, and the Naga king Maha-kela gave them much treasure, and the Munidu (Buddha ?) cut off his head, and gave it as alms. A head-to-font exorcism of the disease then follows.
Sudu-mal Kumaru. See Dädimunda. Sukra. See Sikurd.
Sulambavati. A city, ruled by Krşpa Râja. As no rain fell, he summoned from Sävatnuvara a minister named Sapu-mal, who had the power of bringing down rain. But rain would not fall unless S. could laugh ; and this be could not do, as he was sad because of his wife's nfide lity. One night, lying in disgrace in a shelter-house at Sulambavati, he saw the queen of Krena coming in disguise to meet her lover, a dwarf poet, who beat her for coming late. Hearing her assure the dwarf that she felt no pain from his blows, S. burst into laughter. Ruin at once fell. S. informed Krona of his queen's infidelity, and was rewarded with great estates, while the queen was put to death. Sulambavati-kathava, Väsi-sivupada-upata.]
Sulu Odpisa. See Oddisa. Sumana Deva. See Saman. Sun. See Iru. Saniyan Yaka. See Hüniyan Yaka. Suramba. King of Upatissa-nuvará; see Wooden Peacock. Suramba vati. For story of S. see Matalan. Sura-nandana Devi. Wife of Maha-sammata.
Sura poti. (1) A spirit who is present in the middle of the cocoa-nut tree (see Cocoanut), (2) One of the mothers of the Devol Deviyo.
Sura-rada Kumaru. See Kanaa. Surendra Rei. Father of Budahu. Surya. See Iru.
Surya-mangale. A poem for the exorcism of sickneas, invoking Buddha and themes of his legena.
Surya-valalla. A hoop, made of a creeper, fastened round the limbs of a sick man and then cut, with exorcistic ceremonies. (Amsa-pada-mangalê.]
Susima. Mother of Simha-ba,

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Susubi. Mother of Oddisa. Suva Raja. See Palanga.
Svarna Devi. A deity who played the drum on Maha-sammata's coronation (see Drums). Tahancl. One T.-kavi or "taboo-poem" is used at weddings to exorcise evil influences from the betel to be eaten there, the torch, the garden-gate, the 4 sides of the garden, the oloth laid along the path, the seats, the building in which the rite is performed and the lustratory water-vase. The bride's party in some verses are imagined to oppose the entrance of the bridegroom's company, who in some other verses overcome their opposition. Another T.-k.contains verses alternately forbidding and permitting the advance of the wedding party through the garden to the bride's house.
Takari Yakini. A female demon dwelling in one tooth of the cobra (see Cobra.)
Takṣa Raja. Father of Yama-dati.
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Tala-gas. See Palm.
Talatú. A demon in the legend of the plague of Visâlâ, q. v.
Tamanêrtta. Younger brother of Vîra-muṇḍa.
Tanhankara. See Buddha.
Tani Kadavara. "The Solitary Spirit," worshipped in K.-gotu-pidavila.
Tanipola Riri Yaka. In one T.-r.-y.-kavi this demon ("Rîri of the wilderness. apparently a phase of Rîri Yaka, q. v.,) is invoked to come from the 8 regions-from the east, from the Blood Lake (Riri-vila) with his "blood-noose," with authority of Saman); from the south-east, from the Rîri-gal temple rock, with authority of Kataragama Deva; from the west, as son of queen Raira-giri, with authority of Visu; from the south-west, as howling at the junctions of three roads, and receiving offerings of sandal scent and fried grain, with authority of the Rsis; from the south-west (?) as laughing with a cry like that of a heron at the Blood Lake and clapping his hands, with authority of Davel Deva; again from the south-east (?), from the eastern Amu-sohona cemetery, with blood oozing from his mouth, with authority of Yama; from the north, from the Ruduru-parvata, with authority of the Seven Pattinis. He burst the earth and sprang forth; he spreads snares; his face is the colour of blood. In another T.r.-y.-kavi he is said to be fond of fair children and to attack women who have been recently confined; to haunt the "Blood-lake" and to sleep in the "Blood-boat"; to assume the form of a valiya (monkey or forester); to carry a club, and stab mortals in the breast with a sword; to tear open fowls and drink their blood; to devour children and drag corpses about on his shoulder; to ride on a bull, and to have matted hair and blood dripping from the corners of his mouth; and to be under the protection of Saman, Visņu, and Yama. He haunts lonely spots, where he seizes upon his victims. For his worship a platform 7 spans high and 7 wide is made, with 4 gates, on the middle stage of which red rice is offered. Another T.-r.-y.-kavi, invoking him in company with a Yakini to receive offerings of a red cock, blood, and red rice, says that he was born from the left ribs; he has a lake of blood on his breast, many golden jewels, the face of a valiya, and a mace; he was sent to earth by Vesamunu of Kuvera-pura; he appears as an infant to sleeping women, who suckle him. He is here invoked to come by the power of Devel Dava from the east, by that of Yama from the south-east, by that of lévara from the south,

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by that of the Seven Pattinis from the west, by that of Vispu from the north-east, by that of Saman from the north-west, by that of Kataragama Deva from the south-west; he sports in the south in the seven lakes, and was born of Raira-giri Bisava. See also Riri Yaka
Tara Bhagavati. A goddess, sister of Mänikpâla (q. v.), Umâ, Lakpmi, Siri, Gana Devi, and Sarasvati.
Teda Devel Yaka. A demon in the legend of the plague of Visâlâ, q. v. Teda Kadavara. See Kambili Kadavara.
Teda Kyrumbura. A companion of Devel Devi, born from Bhasmasura's deathflames.
Teda Pattini. See Pattini. Tedapoti. One of the mothers of the Devol Deviyo. Todas Bandara. A god invoked in Gi-madu-yagaya.
Tedas Kadavara. A spirit who received the name têdas ( splendour") on worshipping Dipankara Buddha's feet; perhaps the same as Mul K. (K.-vidiya).
Tel Kadavara. A demon invoked in K.-upata. Tel Rami. Consort of Ratikan. Three Kings. These are Mala Raja, Sandalindu, and Kit-siri, 4. v. Tira. See Curtain. Tirima. Mother of Pattini in a former birth. Tolabo. See Lily. Toran See Arch.
Toreh. An exorcism to heal sickness is performed with torches. To exorcise Mara's enobantment from Maha-sammata and Mänikpala, according to Pandam-upata, Säkra sent Viduli Yaka, the lightning Demon, to procure a torch. Viduli, disguised as a Garuda, frightened the king of the Nägas and cut off his tail. He wrapped it in a cloth and gave it to Oddisa, who performed the exorcism with it. Mount Meru, heated by the breath of the Naga King, supplied fire to light it; the head of the queen of Manda-kama-rata, beyond the Seven Seas, burst open, and resin for the torch oozed out. Pattini dwells in the top of it. The Sakvala gods made the flame. A torch-ritual (pandan-paliya) is said in a collection of verses to several Yakas to have been invented by the gods: the exorcist holds in each hand a torch, in the middle of which is Kanda, in the flame Pattini; Vişņu gave the oil. A Pandan-påli, or incantation for the exorcistic torch-dance in honour of Devel Deva, invokes Vesamunu, Pattini, Gini Pattini, the four guardians, Vişou, Rama, and Kanda. Devel is said to put the torch into the dancer's right hand, the Sakvala goc's to have created it; Pattini made the fire. A Pandama-kima gives describes a similar rite for Devel, stating that when Gini Pattini, the Rşis, Vişņu, Mihi-kat, and Umá were at the Fire Rock (Gini parvata) in the midst of the Seven Seas, Pattini stroked the sky and created a mass of fire under the rock. The gods gave the torch for the healing of mankind The legend of Devel's landing in Ceylon is then told ; see further on this legend under Devel Devi. When Pattini plucked off her breast and threw it into the Pâạciyan city, torches were lit by it; see Pattini. Hanumanta gave the cocoanut spathe for torches, Vikára Devi celestial cloths for them, Ananda Mahd-thera wil, Gini Pattini fire.'

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Tota Giri. A goddess invoked in Amira-śântiya and Giri-liyo-dolaha-pidavila, and apparently the same 88 Tota-häli Giri, q. v. See also Giri.
Tota-häll Girl. A goddess invoked in Dolos-giri-dev-liyagê puvata a3 haunting fords where clothes are washed. See Toga Giri and Giri.
Tota Kadavara. "The Ford Damon.” According to T.-L.-upata and Kalavara-tovil, the washerman of the king of Baranäs, having lost one of his master's garments, ran away to Kasi (sic) where he pretended to be an exiled prince of Baranås, and married the king's daughter, who bore him two sons, who played at washing and sewing. This raised suspicions, and the king asked the washerman to draw a sketch-map of Baranäg. The latter drow it with his sword on the ground, and forgetting his part, marked in it the washerman's quarter, and spoke of the latter as his hom. He was accordingly put to death, and reborn as a demon dwalling in a nuga or Indian-fig tree near a ford (tota), where he smote with sickness the princess, his former wife, when she came to bathe ; she was cured when on the advice of Brahmans offerings were made to him. He then sailed to Jaffna in Ceylon, but was refused permission to land by Nata Dva, and he went back to sea, but later was allowed by Vira-munda to enter. At Ruhuna he was driven out by Kanda ; but he appealed to the four Guardian Gods, and having been taken under Pattini's protection, he landed again with Devol Duva. He causes sickness in women, especially lying in wait at fords, and is propitiated with offerings and dancing. Another T.-k.-upata states that he was originally a washerman named Ratna-pali in Bimbinuvara of Kasi-rata, who, when the king's robe was blown into the sea, fled to Solli, where he pretended to be a prince of Bimba-nuvara and married the princess, who bore him twin sons, who played at sewing, and two other sons, who played at washing. The rest of the story is nearly as in the preceding version. When he became a demon, he made his four sons also Yakas when they and their mother visited his tree, and the four Guardian Gods permitted all the six to receive offerings in Ceylon. A Tota-kumarabaliya tells a similar story; the hero however is said here to have been a washormon in the service of the king of Kasi, who went to Soli-rata, where he pretended to be the son of the king of Bimbi-nuvara. One child only is mentioned, who played at washing a cloth. It prescribes an image 7 spans long by 4 wide, with a cobra's hood over the head. The prince is in the middle; his wife, with a cobra around her, carries an infant on eact. hip: a child is near his foot. Yams, cabbage or hearts of vegetables, flowers, food, rice, fish, 7 kinds of flesh, cakes, and 5 kinds of parched grain are offered to the image on behalf of the siok man. It then prescribes a bali-rite, with a blue image 77 spans long by 4 wide, with a cobra's hood. The prince on the top is golden; he has gold ear-jewels, a sword in the right hand, & child on each hip, a switch in the hand, and with his feet he rocks two babes. The female figura has a cobra around her, as has also the prince. The vehicle is a cobra. Blood and rice of 8 colours are offered on the 8 sides. In a collection of verg) to several Yakas Toja Kumara or Mala Raja is said to have buon born as son of Man lala Raja and Sandana in Döluvara-rata. He cams in a ship to Caylon with a Yakini or female demon, and was empowered to receive offering by tátara Sunan, Kataragam Deva, and Säkra. He is worshipped by mans of a vidi. Another T-kumira-baliya give3 & ritual to exorcise siokness caused by him. His bali-image has & cobra's hood over its head, and sits upon a coile i cobra; another cobra is twined round its body. H9 rolls two waeping children b3n3th his fee: 'an i bəats them. His wife is ra ca39ate 1 a 3 suokling tw other children and sitting in cobra's ooils. A wisherman's

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Tota-para
basin and a clothes-post are put up for the offering ; and a dish of food is set for the 12 Giris The Kadavaras Samayam, Pili, Riri, Kalu, Sellan, Dägimunda and Mal are exorcised with him. He is probably the Tota Yaks mentioned in Sanni-yak-däpane. A T-kumarakantiva invokes him as god of fords with 8 and 36 attendants to heal & sick man, 28 well as Valli Yak Kadavara, Kosamba K., Väde Yak K., Däde Yak, Avara Yak, Devel Mahs-K.. Bhâta Maha-K., Aliyama K., Perayama K., Maddima K., Lê K., Mas K., Abhůta K., Rîri Pulutu, Mal K., Hapumal and Gini K. He is invoked in Andi-kadavara-tovil, K.gotu-pidavila, K.-upata, K.-vidiya, Teddlankdraya
Tota Kurumbura. See Kurumbura. Tota-madana. A demon, on whom see Ratikan. Tota-pala Kadavara. A demon invoked in Kadavara-vidiya.
Tovil. The ritual Tovil-pali-upata, "Origin of the Series of Offerings ", prescribes an exorcism for sickness, invoking the Yakas to descend into a thread washed with turmeric. and into a vase. The Earth-god, Mihi Devindu, took a golden vase and broke through the errth's crust into the world of men. fśvara planted 7 yellow cocoanuts in the world of mon to dispel sickness. Saman created resin. Betel arose from the lood of the Näga king; the second shoot grew in a park of sal-trees. The fowl offered arose from the peacock-throne [of Kanda ?] when it was torn in two by the Asuras; the god issted thence with a fowl in his hand. The ritual Tovil-vidiya, after describing offerings for the Planets and Vişnu, invokes at the samayan or 4 divisions of the day the Kîravälle queen, Asupala Kumari, Sanni Yaka, Mangra Hâmi, Ridi Bisavu, Pattini of the Four Quartors, Mihikat the Earth-goddess, and the Guardian Gods of the Eight Quarters,
Trivakkali. Mother of Devel Devi. Tun Bü-raju. Three spirits invoked in Vädi-bantiya. Tun-net Tuman. See Siva. Turikl. A Naga king, father of Kali.
Turmerlo. Water coloured with turmeric is used in rites of purification. It is said in Kaha-diva-upata that when Mänikpala was to be ourod of the spell of Mårs and a bower prepared for the exorcism, Oddisa, who was the exorcist, needed turmerio. Säkra blew upon his jaya-saka or conoh, and sent Mihi-kata to search for it. At the Anotatta lake the Yakini Avilakkandi gave a golden kettle full of it; Kala-hůta Yakini brought flowers. omsments, and fire ; and she, with Golu-kirtti Yakini, who has charge of the Golu Ocean. Gini-kandi Yakini, the guardian of the Pearl Ocean, wearing red stones and red robes, Le riri, guardian of the Blood Ocean, and the Yakinis of the Vil-bate or Seven Lakes, poured out the turmeric water. The Seven Queens of the Seven Seas assisted at the rite, by which Oddisa healed Mänikpala. See also Mangra Devi, Na-mal Kumara, Tovil. Vas.
Twelve Gods. See Dolaha Deviyn. Udakko. See Drums. Uda-mangra Yaka. A demon in the legend of the plague of Visala, q. v. Uduvola-plyasa Rala Sami.One of the Gini-kanda Kadavaras. Uduvella Rala A demon, on whom see Pitiya Devi. Uggal Surindu. A deity invoked in Valalu-Vidiya. Ulapana Bandara. A demon, on whom see Perahära.
UMA (Parvati). The Hindu goddess, wife of lśvara or Siva, q.v; mother of Kanda and of Gana Devi, who bunst from her right side (see Ata Magula); sister of Mänikpala,

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Sarasvati, Lakemi, Siri, Gana Devi, and Târâ, in one legend, or, in another, of Mänikpâla, Vieņu, and Sarasvati (see Mänikpâla). She created 7 sons, who became Sellan Kadavara, q. v. She is one of the Seven Devas (g. v.) conceived by Nâta. She seems to have become the golden hind which gave birth to Valli Amma, q. v. She lured the enamoured Asura to destruction (see Kanda). She is sometimes distinguished from Mâ-devi, and in some legends is said to have married Maha-sammata. Invoked in Tis-päyê kîma (as regent of the 12th fäya, and wife of Siva), and in Set-kavi. See also Betel, Cobra, Kota-halu. Siva, Torch.
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Umavati. A goddess, dwelling in the magic mat (see Ala Magula).
Umaya Devi Yakini. A female spirit invoked with bowl and blood in Samayan-pädura: see Samayan.
Una. See Fever.
Una Gara. The spirit of fever, exorcised with offerings and a bali-figure in a bali-vidiya: see Bali. He is figured as blue, with a red face and iron club.
Unapana Kiri Amma. See Kiri Amma.
Undammita Raja. A form in which Säkra was disguised to heal Mänikpâla; see Vas. Unuvinne Bandara. See Vanni Bandara,
Upulvan. See Vienu.
Uramala Pattini. See Pattini.
Uraniya. A Nâga king, whose Iraniya-bali is mentioned; see Molan Garâ,
Urumusi Yaku. A follower of Däḍimunda.
Uruvesi. See Mâ-devi.
Usangoda Bisa va. A goddess invoked in Sal-bisav-yaga (Yâga-vidiya). See Kiri Amma and Seven Queens.
Usvälle Kande Bandara. A god invoked in Gangê-bandara-kavi.
Väde Yak Kadavara. A demon invoked in Tota-kumâra-iântiya,
Vadiga Kurumbara Yakas. 60,000 of these spirits accompanied Gangê Bandara, q. v. Vädi-gala Yakas. 6,000 of these "demons of the Vädda Rock" are said to have been present at the ceremony for healing Pauduvas. [Kadavara-vidiya.]
Vadiga-patuna. On the legend of the "Vadiga casket" see Mal-sará Raja.
Vadiga Pedi Tantila. A demon, on whom see Pitiya Devi.
Vadiga Rei. Some versions of Vadiga-patunê relate that this sage came from his home in Mini-gal-vimâna to Vadiga-nuvara, or came to the latter on his way to the former. Seeing the king's eight daughters, he beckoned to them, and they followed him to his home, where he taught them magic. For the rest of the story see Mal-sara Raja. He is invoked in Tira-hala-mangalê, where Oddisa also is styled " Vadiga Rai" (see Curtain.)
Vädi Kadavara. A demon haunting Väddas' hunting-places. [Kadavara-tovil.] Invoked in K.-kavi.
Vädi Maralu. A companion of Maralu Yaka.
Vädi Raju. A god invoked in Pattini-yaga-kavi: see Pattini,
Vädi Rirl. A god invoked in connection with Riri Yaka.
Vädi Sami. See Kalu Bandara
Vädi Yaka. A demon invoked in Kadavara-vidiya.

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Vädi Yakas. The 36 V. Y. and Go.u-pat Vadda are said in Kalavara-vidiya to have absented themselves from the purification of Paaduvas. The 36 accompanied Mala Raja of that occasion, according to another legend ; see Panduvas. A Vädi-sânliya is used to exorcise the evil influences of the spirits Male Raja (i. e. Jivahatta), Kuda Siri-bon Raja,
mati Vüdi. Viyanboyi, Bäli Bisava, Gana-ran Siri Valalla, Ridi Valallâ Vädi (the Silverbangle Vädda), Ran Valalla (Gold-bangle), Gopalla, Miti-dunu Vädi, Tun Bä-raju (the Three Brother Kings), Kosamba Devi, Yaggal Vädi (the Vädda of the Iron Rock), Kalu Vaddo, and the 36 Vali Yak.
Vaduru. See Smallpox. Vaduru-halamba. On the “Smallpox-bangle" of Káli, see Káli. Vaduru-Kali. See Kali.
Vaduru Ma-devl. A goddess of smallpox, apparently the same as Vaduru-kali (see Kali). The Y.-m.-d.-kavi states that she has authority from Vigņu, Kanda, and Pattini : sbe hag a bangle in her right hand, a sunshade in her left, and a silk kerchief; she dwells at the southern gate of Pattini's house, crosses the waters with bangles on both hands and tinkling anklets, and drives away Yakas with fiery rays. She is invoked in Mal-keliyadima.
Vahala Bandara. See Senevi-ratna. Vabala Deva. See Vásala Deva. Vabala Devel. See Devel Devi. Vairava. See Bhairava. . . Vaisravana. See Vesamunu. Vajra pati Gopalu Yakini. Mother of Oddisa.
Vajrasa na (Vidura sana). The seat of Gautama Buddha under the pipal tree at Gayà, which arose when he threw down 8 handfuls of kuía grass (800 Curlain). On the Vidurâ - sana-halámba see Bangle.
. Vala-bahu. A king who received Abhůta Devi.
Vala haka (Vala Devi, Vidull-vala haka). A spirit who brought betel for the marriage rites of Maha-sammata (see Betel). Viduli-valâhaka fetched the cock fo: the war of the Gods against the Asuras (seo Foral). Valâhaka with Viskam brought limes from the Nagas' world (see Limes); shot Riri Yaka ; told Säkra of Miyulundana's infidelity (see Rukallana). Viduli Yaka was sent by Säkra to fetch a torch for the exorcism of Maha-sammta and Mänikpala (860, Torch).
Valakul. The "Cloud," & deity who resides in the tail of the leopard used in the rite of Ata Magula, q. v.
Valalu. One V.-vidiya describes an exorcism by fastening hoops of creepers or vinas. It relates that to exorcise vas from tae crown of the head the gods male & garland: for the head para-valala (“war-ciroles") were given by the 28 Buddhas and the Yogi Guru, for the forehead by Gautama and Säkra, for the eyes by Saman; Gautama is invoked for the mouth. That on the nook and arms has the powor of the 28 Buddhas and 16 äduru (exor cists); for that on the shoulders Uggal Surindu is invoked. The hoops on the arms, wrists, and elbows are tied as they were tied on the Baddha when he was bewitched. Ten rings are tied on the ten fingers, by the power of the Thousand Buddhas, as was done by Dalakada Rşi to the Bodhi-sattva ; those on the breast and waist are tied by the power of Gana Devi and all the gods, that on the thighs by the power of the conquest of Mâra; that on

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the knees by the power of the worlds of Nazas and Asuras, eto, that on the ankles by the power of Saman and Uggal Surindu. Another V.-v.invokes Bamba-put, Nagara Rsi, and the Girdle-relic for the shoulders, the Four Guardians for the left arm, the Rşis for the right arm, Veda-patma Rşi for the hands. An exorcism of spells is described in Valalu-vingkäpima, according to which 108 bandages of vines or creepers are fastened at intervals on the sufferer's body from head to foot, and cut with an areca-nut cutter, while Vegamunu, Buddha, the Sun and Moon, etc., are invoked. See also Maha-sammata, o llisa, Süryavalalla, Vas, Vine.
Välihela Gama-rala. Father of Kohomba Raja. Vali Mata. See Valli Amma.
Vali Yaka. The legend and ritual of this spirit are given in the V.-Y.-kavi. Upulvan gave him his protection, as algo did Pattini and Saman. Sità is said to have been born from the blood of an ascetio. Vali stopped the jingling of Pattini's anklets, and received her bangle. He turned the son of the Vili'lela Guml-râla into the demon Kosambi Yaks, and with him received offerings.
Vali Yakas. 36 of these accompanied the Mala Raja when he healed Paļuvas ; they are invoked in Väli-kântiya an: Kalavara-vidiya.
Vall Yak Kadavara. Invoked in Andi-kadavara-tovil, K.-kavi, and Tota-kumara-idntiya.
Valli Amma. The mortal bride of Kanda. The Vaddas believe that she was found as a babe and reared by their ancestors near Kataragama, hence they will not kill or eat wild fowl or peafowl, which are sacred to Kanda. The Kanda-sura-varund, after invoking Pulvan, Pattini and Saman, and relating the story of Kanda's birth, states that when Viuņu was performing austerities in the forest at Pälaniya, he took the form of a golden stag and united himself to a spotted hind (apparently Umâ in disguise) from which å girl-child was born. The hind deserted the babe; but the Earth-goddess, Mihi-devi, cared for her, and some Väddas found and adopted her. A cradle of gems created itself for her. When she had grown into a young maiden, the Väddas cleared a patch of forest to grow millet, and dwelt there with her, and the wild animals use 1 to do homage to her. The saint Narada saw her and told of her to Kanda at Pälaniya. Kanda in the guise of a Vädda went to her, and said that he had lost his way and was famishing. She sent him away. Then he blocked the road with tree, and when the Väddas tried to cut it down blood came out of it. Next day, wbile their king was hunting, Kanda came as before, and was dismissed again. Then he came in the guise of an old Andi yogi covered with ashes and carrying a wallet. The Varldas received him hospitably, and Valli cooked him food, which seemed to choke him, and he asked for water. She went to fetch some; he followed her and drank the water. Then he gazed upon her face and threw water upon it. After much argument he made Gana Deva appear in the form of an elephant, whereupon she consented to his pleading. He then assumed his own form ; then he became again the Andi yogi, and they went back together to the Väddas. Then they eloped; but the woman who guarded Valli pursued them and made them return. They again eloped. The Väddae pursued and shot arrows after them, which turned back upon the archers without doing any hurt, but Kanda with his arrows shot them down in crowds. Valli lamented for her people, and Kanda bade her summon them back to life, and they rose up again, Kanda then assumed his own form and receivel their homage. The Väjja king performed their marriage-rites, and Kanda gave them power to exorcise evils froin heat, cold, and demons. The Valli-male begins with Kanda's coming in the guise of an acetic and his wooing, which was repulsed.

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Then Gana Devi took the form of an elephant who rushed at her; she clung to Kanda, and promised to marry him. The Vädḍas pursued, but were shot down by Kanda, who then created a pond, and revived them, and they celebrated the wedding at Kataragama in the month Äsala. She is invoked in Tis-päyê kîma (as regent of the 29th päya) and in Amarasântiya. See also Kanda, and Sandun Kumara.
Valli Yakas. See Kali Yakas.
Valli Yak Devi (V. Y. Giri). Invoked in a Nava-graha-sântiya and Giri-liyo-dolahapidavila. See Giri.
Valli Yak Kadavara. See Vali Yak Kadavara.
Väl Mava. See Valli Amma.
Vana Girl. A goddess invoked in Dolos-giri-dev-liyage puvata as haunting the skirtsof a wilderness, and touching the wall-plates of a house with her hand while her feet are on the floor. See Giri.
Vanara Devi. A deity who gave the skin of the drum (see Drums).
Vana-tunga. On his legend see Perahära.
Vanehi Raja-kumaru. See Mâtalan.
Vanni Bandara (V. Devi, Unuvinne Bandara). A god described in Unuvinné-bandarakavi as haunting Unuvinnê, the temples at Panvila and Kandê, the Vanni district, Kataragama, the Gal-kotuva or Stone Fort (possibly Trincomalee), where he meets the god Kîrtti Bandara, Gurubäddê, Ändiribäddê, Katupatvela, the Hambiliya rock temple, Diya-bubula, Hakurutalê hill, Gônagama, and Hiiguruvaduve temple, as bearing a cane given him by Kumara Devi, and as catching wild elephants; he dwells in the woods, and is attracted to the hills by bowls of offerings. One V-b.-kavi says he is under the protection of Kataragama Devi; he smites Väcḍas with sickness, catches elephants at Tambalagala, rides on an elephant, blows on a jaya-saka (" victory-conch "), and visits the sanctuary at Balagala. Another V.-b.-kavi states that he had a bower at Hirimalvatta of Dumbara, temples at Butavatta and Udugoda, 6 temples at Unuvinna and Puranale, and his home at Galkotuva; he visits Navayâletänna, Kataragama, Arukvatta, Danagamuva-vela, Kehel-äla, Madakalappuva (Batticaloa), Talvatta, Runuva, Panava, and Tamankaḍa (his cult in the Padaviya-rata of Northern Ceylon being here omitted), and receives offerings in the Uda-rata; he was born in the Treasury-village or Gabadâ-gama of Viyaluva, overcame the Sanni Yakas, and catches and beats the Bûta Yakas. The Dolaha-devi-kavi states that he has a temple on the top of Hunukäta-gala, where silver weapons are dedicated: he wears a pearl necklace, causes fits, and is worshipped throughout Vanni. He is invoked in Dalu-mura-yahan-kavi (which states that he fled from the Vanni to Udarata), and Samágam-mal-yahan.
Vanni Raja. See Vanni Bandara.
Varo Raja. Father of Mal-sarâ Raja.
Varuna. A Nâ-râja or Nâga king, husband of Vimalâ, and father of Irandati.
Vas. Magical influences, especially those that attend the first wearing of any object. Those attending the first wearing of a crown are exorcised by the ritual described in Otunu-vas-haranê, which relates that Bamba-put Rși brought vines or creepers (see Vine), Danta-dhâtu Rṣi gave them power, and Viśvakarma bound them on men in hoops (see Valalu). Naga-bamba-put Rei gave sprays of the "nine-leaf," nava-kola-atu, of which Viśvakarma made hoops, which were tied on the person to be exorcised, in the presence of Isyara

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and the Nagara Rşis, with Buddhist invocations. There is a ritual for exorcising sorcery styled Vas-harané, described in some poems of the same name. Its origin is traced to the legend of Mänikpala (q. v.). A building was then constructed by Viśvakarma. Säkra came disguised as Undammita Raja, with a pusul (ash-pumpkin), and with the aid of the Rşis dispelled the chaim. Various other things were used in the rite: betel, areca, and limes, which arose from the ashes of Duma-valli's pyre; colosia, which sprang from her ornaments; limes, which issued from her heart; turmeric, from her fingers; the creeping lily (niyagala, Methonica superba), from her tongue; fire-flies, from her eyes. All these are used in the modern rite. Various deities are present in it: the Duma-valli Deviyô in the rice offered, Avara Mahi pâle in the pestle, the Four Gods in the exorcist's ornaments, the Planet-chief Alepa in the mortar; and the Doratupala Yakas guard the gates of the building. A ce estial thread sent by Säkra is said in Divi-dos-pirittuva to have been the means of exorcising vas.
Vasala Bandara. A god said to have had charge of the northern gate in the ship of Mala Raja.
Va sala Deva (Va hala Deva). A companion of Kanda, q. v. Invoked in Pattini-yaga-. kati. Apparently the same as Senevi-ratna, q. v.
Vasavatti. See Mara. Väsi Devi. The rain-god. Invoked in Amara-santiya.
Vasuki. A serpent-king, who presides over the leaf of the hirässa vine; see Aja Magula.
Vata Devi. The Wind-god. Invoked in Amara-santiya. See also Pattini, Vayu.
Vata Girabani Yakini. A female demon who afflicts children with swelling of the stomach and emaciation ; exorcised in the bali-vidiya (see Bali) with a bali-figure having a smoke-coloured body, a club, a broken bowl or skull, a discus, and an elephant-goad, and riding on a Rakusu.
Vata Kumara (V. Sami, Muļu Sami). The Kumara-devi-upata relates that the parents of this god were the king Boksal Terindu and a queen. Astrologers predicted that he would become a priest. One day he climbed up a round relic-house (vala dâge) which his father was building, fell off, was killed, and became a Rakusu. He fell in love with & queen at Anuradhapura, and possessed her; as she seemed dead, her pyre was lighted, but he quenched the fire and restored her to life. She was hence called Sônalu Bisava, from sohona, * cemetery." Her husband made offerings to him, and by leave of Vesamunu his worship became general. He possesses women, and makes the sufferers dance. The Boksäl-upata names this god Poksal, and makes him the son of a queen and a king or priest named Mohot Terindu (?), born in Boksal-pura. Even at the age of 7 years he was lascivious, and his father resolved to imprison him and then make him a priest. When 9 years of age te went, dressed as a Buddhist priest, to the circular Relic-house at Anuradhapura to make sacrifice, and fell down and crushed his left ribs. He died, and was reborn as & demon, who became enamcured of a princess, and thereafter assailed women with sickness. He is worshipped with offerings of cakes made of hill-rice, milk-rice, rice coloured red, red ixora flowers, and betel. He is possibly the same as Kumara Devi, who gave a cane to Vanni Bandara, 4. v. The Vala-pank-bali prescribes for his ritual a platform of plantain trunks. 7 cubits long and 7 cubits wide, divided by 18 cross-pieces ; rice is then offered. Six plantain trunks are taken, a square space is measured out, and 16 sections of plantain wood are laid on it. Threo platforms are made of plantain strips, twelve by twelve, and

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decorated. A pathway is made round these, with 4 arches, 16 wreaths, and 48 todu earrings. A chair is made, and flowers, betel, rice, cakes, etc., are offered, with 32 oil-torches. Eighteen verses are recited in the pathway and dances performed. The god is said to be under the authority of Buddha, and apparently bears a golden disc. He dances, staff in hand, comes at the three watches of the night, carries his head under his arm, appears to sleepers in dreams like a loud noise, stabs with a javelin, and roams about slaying men. He is associated with Yakṣa Rakusu in the R.-bali; see Rakusu. He is invoked in Garayak-pâliya, Vidi-bändima, and Yak-pidavila. See also Boksäl.
112
Vata Kurumbura. A companion of Devel Deyi, born from Bhasmâsura's death-flames. See also Kurumbura.
Vata Mäniyo. A female spirit invoked in Väḍi-yak-yádinna. See Vata Kumâra.
Vata Sami.
Vata-viyane Bandara. See Ruval Yaka.
Vata Yaka. An uncle of Kuvêni: see Vijaya.
Vat-himi Raja. A bower for him was made by Dädimunda (7. v.) at Devana-giri.
Vatuka Yaka. A demon in the troop of Däḍimunda, probably the V. Demala Yaka mentioned in Sanni-yak-däpanê; propitiated in Vidi-bändima. See also Višâlâ.
Vayu. The Hindu Wind-god; propitiated as a hin (q. v.), and regent of Uturu Putupâ in Nava-graha-mal-baliya. See also Vâta Devi.
Vayu Rakusu. A demon represented in the R.-bali; see Rakusu.
Vedana Ṛşi. A mythical sage who figures in the legend of Mal-sara Raja.
Veda-patma Rei. A mythical sage invoked in Valalu-vidiya.
Věda Rṣi. A sage figuring in the legend of Oḍdisa.
Velabi Hanumanta Yakini. Mother of Oddisa.
Velabi Odḍisa. See Oldisa.
Velasse Bandara. One of the Gini-kanda Kadavaras, q. v. See also Kalu Kumara and Pitiya Devi.
Ven. See Visnu.
Venu-put. See Kâma.
Venus. See Sikura.
Vesali. See Visala.
Vesamunu (Vaisravana). One of the four Guardian Gods, q. v.; styled Lord of Yakas in V.-däpanê, which gives a ritual of exorcism by his power. He protected Hûniyan Yaka Kambili Kadavara, Rîri Yaka, and Vaja Kumâra; see also Sankhapala, Tanipola Riri Yaka He is invoked in Amara-santiya, Kalavara-kavi, Pandam-pâli, Sat-aḍiya-kavi, Valalu vina-käpima.
Vetivu Ṛal. Father of Budahu;
VI. See Rice:
Vibhtsana. A god, worshipped at Kälaniya (vide Tilaka-pirivan Thera's Kovul-sandetaya and Hamsa-sandeśaya, Mayûra-s., and Tisara-s.); invoked in Amara-iântiya, Kadavaratovil, Rajadhiraja-simha-sântiya (as god of the Toṭagamuva Vihara), and Set-kavi. See also Kambili Kadavara and Nata Deva.
Viella Raja. Father of Oddisa.

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Vidi. A vidi is & space of enclosed paths surrounding the site of a ceremony. The poem V.-upata says that one was used by the Rsis to heal Maha-sammata's enchantment. It was 60 cubits square; within it a golden post was raised beneath a white sunshade, and upon the post was Bamba. Oddisa, being fetched from Ajakâta, made Viskam measure the ground and sprinkle it with water and sandal-dust; Viskam divided it into pâdas or quarters for Bamba, Devas, and Pretas, marked out with a golden cord the plan of a pavilion, and built triumphal arches and approaches. The poem Simhâsana-vidiya adds that in the midst of the vidi was a throne for Maha-sammata, and that Oddisa held the sun and moon in his hands, created lightning from the clouds, rode in a golden chariot, and had a chank bangle on his arm and flames from the Avici hell around his head. There is a Vidi-bändima (Nâgara-Oddisa-vidiya), an exorcistic rite said in the V.-b. to have been performed by Oddisa in order to heal Manikpala of her enchantment. Three-storied structures are said to have been built for it, facing the north for the Yaku, the south-west for Kumaru, the south for Vacuka Yaku, the sunset for Vata Kumāra, the west for the Nâga king, the north-east for Devel Deva ; goats, peacocks, and red cocks were offered. A post of rukatlana (q. v.), 9 cubita long, was brought by Viskam and place to face the north, and a throne was set beside it.
Viduli-vala haka. See Vala haka. Vidurasana. See Vajrasana. Vijalindu. See Vijaya.
Vijaya. The first leader of Hindu colonists to Ceylon, as narrated in Maha-vamsa and Dipl-amsıt. The Vijalindu-divi-dos-upa!a relates that V. was born to Simhabâ Raju from Simbaba-denu's navel (sic!). As he tortured and slew children and cattle, his father sentenced him to death, and set him adrift on a Saturday, under evil omens, in a ship made of plantain-trunks. He set sail with 700 men born on the same day as he. After 7 days the ship sank, and for another 7 days he swam in the sea. As he came towards the shore, he cut a gawfish into three pieces with his sword, and landed with one piece at Tammannavila. His men also landed, and lay exhausted. Kuvêni came in the form of a bitch to look at them. V. sent his brahman to see whence she came, but he did not return; one by one the seven hundred were sent in the sa ne way, and were all detained by her. By Sakra's order Visnu then went to his help, disguised as a Gurulu, with a pirit-cord tied round his arın (ef. below). V. set out, and found Kuvêni sitting on a golden chair, carding cotton. She said she had not seen his men ; but when he seized her by the hair and threatened to cut off her head, she offered to release them if he would marry her. He consented and did HO. In the night he heard a loud noise, which she said was caused by her kinsmen going from Laggala to Loggala. She became a mare; he mounted her, and slew the Yakas, sparing only Vata Yaka, Ko,a Yaka, and Mayila valâna, her mother's brothers. She fainted at the sight of the bloodshed. In the same night he left her, journeyed away 30 vodohs, and settled in Banda-nuvara, where he married the Pân li princess Bimbâ Devi. Afterwards he weat to Kurunägala, and guarded himself with 30 lines of watchmen. On awaking from her swoon Kuvêni created 3 babes, one walking by her side, one borne on her hip, and one unborn, and with these made her way to him and reproached him, From a distance of 3 gavvas (18.000 yards) she stretched out a tongue which pierced 7 rock-caves and reached

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his heart as he lay asleep. The brahman minister on guard saw it and cut it off. A drop of blood fell from it upon Bimba Devi's bosom, and he wiped it off with his finger. The queen accused him of an outrage, and V. sentenced him to death. To defend himself he produced the tip of the tongue that he had cut off, which sprang upon the head of V. and brought the Divi Dos (q. v.) upon him and Panduvas, to heal which 8 inches of a leopard's head were cut off with a sword and laid at the kings feet. From the blood spirting from the tongue arose flies, gnats, fleas, and lice.
The Pala-väla-danê gives the same story of his coronation and repudiation of Kuveni and of the Divi Dos. inflicted on him and Paqiluvas. The Nava-graha-mal-baliya gives an account of his sickness and Buddha's command to Kihiräli Deva to protect him. The rituals to heal him are variously described ; see Ata Magula. A Vijayindu-halané relates that V. was the son of Simha-bâhu and Simha-valli. He grew up headstrong and lawless, and way banished from his father's realm. He sailed with 700 followers to Tammanna-tora, where Kuvêni in the form of a bitch seized his men. When V. approached her, her third pap vanished, and she yielded herself to him and surrendered his men. She prepared for them a great feast and created a city and palace. She also created the city of Upatissanuvara, where she made a palace with four entrance-halls called Bhojana-ran-mini-vAsala, Megha-ran-mini-V., Tunga-giri-v., and Cakra-v. Another Vijayindu-halané, after narrating the earlier births of V. and Kuvêni, relates that the ministers of the king, V.'s father, spoke evil of him ; the king sent him away in a rotten ship, and he reached Tammannatota, swimming through the surf to land. Kuvêni took the form of a bitch with red back and eyes, white belly and claws, black hind-legs and head, blue fore-legs, and a golden tail, etc. The Vijayindu-puvata and Lanka-bodhi-vastuva give an account similar in most points to that of the Maha-vamsa. The Visnu-vidiya-kavi, narrating the arrival of V. in Ceylon, states that Vişnu gave him a magic thread to wear, which made him proof against the Yakas; this thread is invoked in Tunu-ruvan-piriltuva. He begot by Kuvêni Jivahatta, who is identified in one legend with Kalu Kumâra, son of V. and Kalu Kiri Mavu or Karandu-bank. His origin from a lion is narrated in Simhalê vistare; his wooing of Kuvêni, in Tilaka-pirivan Thera's Kovul-sandesaya; his repudiation of her, in Kuvêni-asné. For the legend of his and Kuvêni's previous births, see Kuvêni. See further Divi Dos Mala Raja, Panduvas. He is invoked in Pirittuva and Vädi-yak-yadinna.
Vijaya Kumari. A person attacked by Riri Yaka, Vijitta Raja. Father of Mâtalan. See also Vijaya. Vikara Devi. A deity who gave clothes for the torch-rite (see T'orch).
Vikrama-bahu (Vikum-ba). (1) A king, said to have built a temple at Ämbak kê: see Devatar Bandara. (2) A king, on whom see Piriya Devi.
Vimala. Mother of Irandati.
Vina. Malignant magical influences. A V.-küpun-lavi exorcises these from the various divisions of time and space, the parts of the body, etc., invoking Buddhist and other themes. There is a ritual styled V.-vidiya, and poom describing it for exorcism of evil planetary influences, and to cure sanni (fits and similar diseases), dropsy, and debility. Limes are cut and the verses chanted, and Buddha's removal of the pestilenco at Višala is invoked. Limes were brought by the Rşis from the worlds of Nagas, Suras (gods), and
a similar diseaseh. pestilenco at Ods), and

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Asuras for exorcism. Then follows a sirasa-pâda to exorcise the evil limb by limb from head to foot. See also Valalu.
Vine. The square vine (vitis quadrangularis, hirässa) is used in the ritual of Moholupakarana-upala, which says it originated in a park of sal-trees at Kusinara, where it came from the Nagas' world; Maha-bamba placed it at the patient's feet. The Aja Magula, which also prescribes its use, says it arose from iśvara's nostril. See Aļa Magula, Divi Dos, Oddisa, Valalu, Vas.
Vira. A god overcome by Mala Raja.
Vira-bhadra. A god, son of queen Nandâ of Vadiga-rata. As Nanda was bathing in a lake, a Yaka saw her. She fainted, and he possessed her, entering her body through her nostril, and was conceived by her. Among her longings of pregnancy was a desire for human flesh, and the king, her husband, gave her bodies from a cemetery. When the ohild was born, the soothsayers declared that at the age of 7 years he would go into the forest of Oddisa and become the Yaka Vira-bhadra. He did so, but at the age of 16. He was 3 gavvas (12 miles) in height: fire came out of his mouth, eyes, ears, and nose, and 160 cobras enwreathed his body. He had 800 yakas in his train. He is exorcised by dances and offerings on a decorated stage. [V.-kavi.]
Vira-munda. A god : said in V.-alankaraya to have been born after a prophetic dream by his mother. For his youthful misbehaviour, he was sentenced to death, but escaped, and sailed to Kolamba (Colombo) in Ceylon. He came to Iriyagama and at Vil-bava constructed shrines. Soven Bandaras were under his command; ho fod demons of Ceylon, broke the legs of many Demalas (Tamils), warred against the gods of Ceylon (who were led by Kataragama Deva), and made Pattini's bangle to cease rattling. He has a red silk kerchief on his head, a red and blue cock in his right hand, and a golden sword and wand. The V-yâgaya relatos that before his birth his father, the king of Kóli, was warned by evil omens, and the queen's breasts turned black and dried up. She went from Koli-nuvara to Malala-nuvara, where she bore a son under most evil auspices. The dream (880 above) is pelated in this version also. When the boy grew up, he was driven out of Koli, and sailed on a stono raft to Yâpâpatuna (Jaffna), where he caught and beat the Sädi Tamils. He stopped the jingling of Pattini's bangle, became lord of Rakusus, and gave authority to Kalu Kumâra to kill young girls. He carries in his hand a cock. A V.-upata gives a similar account, and states that he arrived in Ceylon at Sinigama and defeated the Yakas at Iriyagama. The V-pena-kima states that he came to shore at Panigalpota, where he broke the necks of 100 elephants, visited Beligal Korale, and fought with the king of Kolamba. He is elsewhere said to be the son of the king of Koliya-nuvara, and elder brother of Ramana Kät and Tamanêrta. and later was known as Malala Raja. The V.-vadinna describes him as coming to Ceylon on & stone raft. See also Na-mal Kumara, Pattini, Tota Kadavara. He is invoked in Mal-keli-upata and (as V. Malala-s&mi) in Pattini-yaga kavi.
Vira-munda Mäti. A god invoked in Salu-salima; see Pattini.
Vira-parakrama-bahu. A king, said to have built a temple for Kanda at Ambäkka (see Devatar Banlara), and another for Gana Devi.
Vira Pattini. See Pattini. Vira-va psa Pitiya Devi. A god invoked in Dalu-mura-pidum-kavi.

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Vira-vikrama Devatar Bandara. See Däḍimunda. Vira-vikum Ratna Bandara. See Kambili Kadavara. Viradhaka. One of the Guardian Gods.
Virapaksa. One of the Guardian Gods.
Visala. A Dan-udiya-kathava relates that Dan Udiya received alms and ate them himself, for which he was at once turned into a rock. After 12 years Gautama Buddha in pity addressed him. At the third utterance the rock began to hear, uttered a cry, emitted a stench, and returned to human shape. The stench created a pestilence that attacked successively dogs, cattle, and men in Visâlâ (Vesâli).. Buddha stopped it and the 18 forms of sanni disease. This story is accordingly embodied in a ritual for Sanni Yaka. Another D-u.-kathava, of similar contents, refers to a vihârê (monastery) at Makkama (Mecca). In V.-sântiya, a ballad upon an exorcistic rite, it is said that a beggar of Visâlâ asked for alms, promising to give away in charity whatever he received; but he only gave away the half, and was therefore reborn as a Preta (ghost) called Dan Udiya or Hamsapâla Udiya, who had no arms, legs, eyes, nose, or ears. Buddha addressed him; he rose up, and thunder was heard. Plague then attacked men and animals, with drought, famine, bloodshed, and incursions of evil spirits. Buddha was summoned; rain fell, and he restored the country to its former state, and preached pirit. Cf. the story of the Budu-guna-alankâraya and Ratana-sûtra-santiya. A bali rite is then prescribed for Yakas of various lands. The Mahavisal-yadinna ascribes the plague at Visâlâ to the demons Vatuka, Kambili, Siya-vatuka, Amu-sohona, Siri, Kadavara, Gopalu, Golu, Bihiri, Kana, Kora, Pilli, Bhairava, Madana, Ratikan, Maha-sohona, Teda Pattini Yakşayô, Sûniyan, Pulutu, Uda-mangra, Talâtu, Bhumâtu, Teda Devel, etc., assembling from all countries. The plague of Visâlâ is also connected with Hûniyan Yaka (q. v.) and Vaduru Kâli (see Kâli). See likewise Set-sântiya, and Vina.
Viskam. See Vivakarma.
Visnu (Upulvan, Pulvan, Ven). The Hindu deity, consort of Lakemi, Sitâ, and Siriyâ, and one of the Guardian Gods (q. v.); said in Pala-väla-danê to dwell with Sîtâ (q. v.) in Vaikuntha on the Himalaya. The Upulvan-asnê relates that he fought with the Devas against the Asuras and slew their chief Mahâ-bali. The Satara-devâla-devi-puvata narrates that he came to Ceylon and overcame the Demala Yakas. He dived in boar's form into the waters, to seek the earth; in tortoise's form he supported Mount Meru on his back when the winds blew upon it and the Naga king twined round it; he overcame Bhasmâsura by guile, and alone of the gods supported Buddha in his struggle against Mâra. The Vali-yakkavi states that Buddha gave him charge of Ceylon; the Buda-bala-däpanê, that Buddha appointed him to guard his religion for 5000 years. He is incarnated in Râma. He took part in the healing of Maha-sammata (see Abina-sântiya). With Säkra and isvara he invented the word svasti (see Alphabet). He took part in the rite of the arrow to heal Malsarâ (see Arrow). In woman's form he begot and gave birth to Ayyanâr, q. v. He is present in the betel-leaf, and one shoot of the primitive betel was his (see Betel. He overcame Bhasmâsura by assuming the form of a lovely woman (see Bhasmasura, Kalu Kumara); brought a charmed thread to heal the divi-dos of Vijaya (see DiviDos); created a golden cock for the war against the Asuras (see Fowl); and plunged into the sea and straightened Meru when it had become crooked through Isvara's blow, and himself conceived and bore Haniyan Yaka, g. v. With his sanctuary at Bintenna Kalu Kumara (q. v.) is associated. He is father of Kama, (q. v.); aided Kambili Kadavara (q. v.), who carried and broke his

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bow. In the legend of the birth of Kanda (q. v.), which resembles the story of Bhasmâsura, he counselled Pârvati to tempt the latter, and he made 6 of her babes into the one child Kanda. He outwitted Maha-bali (q. v.), obtaining from him the three worlds; dived into the waters of the Flood, whence arose a lotus bearing two Bambas (see Maha-sammata); is the uncle of Mangra Devi (q. v.); is sometimes said to have been brother of Mänikpâla. Umâ, and Sarasvatî, and husband of Mârâiganâ (see Manikpala). In his dwelling is Mul Kadavara, q. v. He was worshipped by Na-mal Kumâra (q. v.) with turmeric water. Maha-kela spat flames at him (see Oddisa); he brought Oddisa to heal Manikpâla. Panan Devi (q. v.) appeared as the 10 avatars of V. V. took part in the healing of Mänikpâla (see Rose-water), and in the exorcism of Sudarsana, q. v. ; gave oil for the torch in the Pandanpâliya (see Torch): became a golden stag that begot Valli Amma, q. v. He protected Däḍimunda, Pattini, Rîri Yaka, Sandun Kumâra, Tanipola Rîri Yaka, Vaduru Mâ-devi, Vali Yaka, and Vijaya, q. v. See also Abhûta Devi, Bangle, Cobra, Cocoa-nut, Curtain, Hat Adiya, Nava-guna-santiya, Rakusu, Râma, Tovil.
The Visnu-vidiya-kavi describes a rite to heal sickness by invoking V. After telling of Vijaya's arrival (see Vijaya), it relates that Maha-bamba bade Visņu measure the waters of the flood that had buried the world; V. dived into the waters and planted beneath them a lotus-seed, which sprouted up into the Bamba-world, where it bore a flower with 5 petals, in which Maha-bamba found 5 robes; from that day dates the present kalpa oræon. This refers to the Buddhist legend that in the lotus Maha-bamba found 5 sets of priest's outfit, to be given to each of the 5 Buddhas of this age on the day of his attaining enlightenment. The legend of V. measuring the universe in three strides is then mentioned, and various deities etc. invoked. In the ritual of Rakusu-bali-sangarâva V. is first represented by a figure of demoniac form (see Rakusu), and at the end he is said to have 5 faces, a crown, the Sun and Moon as ear-jewels, and an elephant as vehicle, serpent's faces on his hips, a parasatu or pârijata-tree in his right hand and Mount Meru in his left, and a cobra's hood on each arm, he and Brahma having their station in the south, and again he is said to have in another aspect 12 faces and 24 hands holding instruments, and again to have 10 hands holding a sword, a full water-jar, girdle, rê-fish, bow, and iron mace; his colour is blue. In one Satara-varan-mal-yahan he is invoked as Nârâyana; he holds Râma's arrow, and a golden bow is in his right hand; his body is blue; and he has a blue robe, and on his neck a flower-garland; he rides on an elephant. He is also invoked in Tis-päyé kima, under the name Näba-sara, as having 4 arms and a golden robe, lying on the coils of Nata (Ananta) in the Milk Sea, and as regent of the 4th paya, and again as regent of the 27th paya in his Boar Incarnation; in Nata-devi-puvata, as Narayana of the Ten Bows, who causes storms at sea; in Pera-hära-malaya, as Pulvan of Alut-nuvara; and in Abina-maigalê, Amara-santiya, Kaḍaturâva-härima, Kanda-sura-varunâ, Mal-keli-upata, M.-k.-yadima, Nava-guna-santiya, Piriltuva, Rajâdhirâja-simha-śântiya, Satara-varan-mal-yahan, Tovil vidiya, and Yak-pidavila. His bangle is invoked in Halamba-sântiya and Ran-halambakavi.
The Vaikuntha-alankaraya, after describing the palace of V. in Vaikuntha, gives an exorcism by his golden bow. It then relates that he was born in the Saka year 712, in the month of Vesak, from the heart-wood of a red sandal-tree (alluding to the image at

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Dondra, said to have been made from a log of red sandal washed ashore there). The sanctuary at Dondra is described, and the 10 incarnations mentioned; he churned the ocean, whence Säkra got his conoh, Kanda his spear, the R is a fire-arrow, and Siriyâ arose out of the waters; Pattini obtained a bangle, Saman a golden bow, and Pulvan (Vişnu). 7 golden bows. Pulvan hid his bow in the Kiri-muhuda (Milk Sea), whence it passes to the other seas (see Seven Seas). A Ran-dunu-paralé describes V. (Rama) as shooting Yakas or Asuras with his arrow at dawn on the Uda-giri or eastern mountain. It invokes Rama to come with his golden bow and inspire the sick man, who when the afflatus comes upon him answers the exorcist, telling what has gaused his sickness, what demon has possessed him, and how he can be healed. A Ran-dunu-kavi gives a similar exorcism, invoking V and Saman and exorcising the sickness limb by limb from head to foot. The Ran-dunuupata, a poem to exorcise evil by the power of his bow, and invoking him with Siva, Pattini, and Mihi-kat, narrates that V. (Nârâyaņa) sprang into the Golu-muhuda (Dumb Sea), drew from it the bow, and returned. The ocean became hot; the gods fled from before him, and did homage; the mountain Râma-giri trembled, etc. When Mâra bewitched Maha-sammata, V. went with his bow to Vaikuntha and healed him. The Ran-dunu-alaltiya, invoking V. with Nâta, Kanda, the Sun and Moon, Mihi-kat, and all the gods, says he cures sickness. To heal his sister Mänikpala when bewitched by Mâra, he sought for his golden bow; he saw it in the Kiri-muhuda (Milk Sca), and churned the ocean, so that the bow floated up like lightning, since which there has been lightning in the world. He took it in his right hand, and it emitted rays of light. Gods and Yakas worshipped it, Dadimunda fanned it, Såniyan held torches, and the Kali goddesses brought caskets of sandalwood and antimony. It was bathed in the Seven Lakes, rivers, and seas, and healed! Mänikpala. His bow is described in Ron-dunu-mangalé, an exorcistic poem invoking its power, as sounding musically, overcoming spells, shattering stone and iron; striking the ocean with it, he made a fence of tire, 8 cubits in circunference, he wears blue robes. A Pini-diya-alatli ya says that V authorised Pattini on her coming to play the game of war. When the Golden Bangle rose up, seven treasures emerged from the sea. The Golden Bow of V. came with the guds to fight against the Asuras.
The Lanka-puvata states that V. was brought in procession to Kandy in Saka 1620 The poem Paravi-sandesaya is addressed to Upulvan's sanctuary in Devundara or Devinuvara (Dondra): Tilaka-pirivan Thera's Kovul-s. and the Mayůra-8. and Tisara-8. also refer to it. This temple is said in Pärakumba-varnanáva to have been built by King Dåpulu Sen. An image of V. in the Virandagala monastery is mentioned in Virandagala-viharê sinduva ; another in the Padeniya monastery, in P.-sinduva
Vibvakarma (Viskam). The architect of the gods. He made the sickle used by Ođạisa to heal Mänikpala (see Areca-sickle), the arrow to heal Mal-sarà (see Arrow), the rice-pestle for the rite of Ata Magula (see Ata Magula), the crown brought by the Nâgas to Kälaniya (see Buddha). He gave a thong for the drum (see Drums); with Valâhaka brought limes from the Nágas' world, and made a bower for the rites to heal the king of Sâgal-pura (see Limos). For the coronation of Maha-sammata (q. v.) he prepared the crown, cloth, throne, and palace, and built the pavilion in which M. was entertained by Säkra; fetched Vadiga Rsi to exorcise the Vadiga spells (see Mal-sara Raja); built a bower for Mänikpala (a. v.),

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and a hut in which she was healed; made a park and bower for Surambâvati (see Mâtalan): disguised as a hunter, he caused Säkra to drop the seed of the palm (see Palm); created the palace, mango-tree, and orchard of the Pâṇḍiyan king, and a hall and image of Pattini, and brought a ladder and crook for plucking a sapu flower for her (see Pattini); seduced Miyulundana (see Rukattana); bound on the magic hoops (see Valalu, Vas, Vine); took part in the Vidi-rites to heal Maha-sammata and Mänikpâla, preparing the ground and making a building, etc. (see Vidi). To avert the 108 evils in building a house, temple, statue, etc., and likewise in the case of perjury, composing a book, etc., a bali-ritê is prescribed in V.bali, in which a figure of V. is presented, having 10 hands, 5 heads, a book, writer's style, sword, carpenter's cubit, compass, plumbline, blackened line,. water-pot, pomegranate, and trident, and offerings are made on a place which lies east of the spot affected, and is cleansed with cowdung and adorned with palm-flowers, etc. See also Hat Adiya. He is invoked in Tis-päyê kîma (as regent of the 25th päya, and of 5 colours), and in Pirittuva and Satadiya-kavi; his bangle in Halamba-jântiya.
Viyanboyi. A spirit invoked in Väḍi-santiya.
Water-pot Dance. See Kala-gedi-nälum.
Weddings. For the "taboo-verses" used at weddings, see Tahañci.
Women. On the rite of purification for women on attainment of puberty, see Kotahalu. The evil influence supposed to be caused by the courses of women is exorcised in Malvara-kima by invocation of the parts of Buddha's body, etc.
Wooden Peacock (Dandu-monara). The Dandu-monara-kathâ-kavi relates that Kiradâra, king of Upatissa-nuvara in Kalingu, and his queen Mâyâvati had a son. A carpenter made for his own son a wooden peacock that would fly. The prince borrowed it, and pulled the wrong string. It flew away with him to Baranäs where he descended on the tower where dwelt the princess Candra Devi, daughter of king Indra and queen Piyumâvati. She became pregnant by him. Her father discovered him by sprinkling gold dust on her couch, and he was sentenced to death, but flew away with her on his peacock. In a forest the pains of travail came upon her, and he went to get fire, but the string of the machine became ignited and he fell into a river. As Säkra had foretold this event to his father, he was caught in nets, and rescued. Säkra made a bower, in which he took care of the princess. She was taken to her home, and in the end she and the prince were reunited and became king and queen. The Divi-raja-kavi, on the same theme, relates that the princess gave birth to a child (Sandalindu) in the forest, a holy man sheltering her. One day, as she was gathering herbs, the child fell under the bed, and the holy man, thinking it was lost, created from a water-lily another babe (Mala Raja). The two boys found their father, Suramba Raja of Upatissa-nuvara, and their mother Candravati was restored to him. When they sent out to find the holy man created a third boy (Kit-siri, Divi Raja) from a bundle of arrow-grass to accompany them. This is a counterpart to the story of Sitâ, q. v.
Yaga-saman. A brahman of Veluvaran-nuvara, who when seduced by a woman swore
a false oath, whence arose the divi-kaduru, q. v.
Yaggal Väḍi. A spirit invoked in V.-sântiya.

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120 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY Yakas. The ritual Yaku-elavima exorcises evil from various parts of the body by invocation of Buddhist themes, vara, etc. Yak-pidavila. A ritual to propitiate Sanni Yaka, Vata Kumara, Kumara, Sarva Buta, Devatar, Bhairava, Visnu, Bala, Maha-sohona Yaka, Gara Yaka, and the Yakinis Giri, Patti Giri, and Molon Giri. Yaksa Giri (Yak G.). The exorcistic ritual of Dala-kadavara-yaksa-giri-bali prescribes a frame 7 spans 6 inches in length and 4 spans 1 inch wide, on which is to be set a figure of Y. G. as a beautiful woman with hair in 3 bands and a child on her hip, two Rakusus. holding her with one hand on her shoulder and the other on her body below the waist. The ritual of Gara-yak-paliya includes a bali-offering to Y. G., who is figured as in the last-mentioned ritual; this heals eye-ache, red eyes, headache, fever, delirium, palsy, venereal disease, dumbness, and fear of spirits. She is invoked in Amara-santiua. See Giri, Yakca Rakusu. A demon represented in the R.-bali ; see Rakusu. Yama. The Hindu regent of hell. From his eyes arose flowers, leaves, and fishes. [Yuga-hatara-kavi.] He is propitiated as a hin (q. v.), and regent of Ade, in Nava-grahamal-baliya ; gave authority to Kalu Kumara, Riri Yaka, and Tanipola Riri Yaka ; invoked in Amara-santiya, and in the plural) in Tira-nata-mangale (see Curtain). Yama-dati. (1) A female demon dwelling in one tooth of the cobra (see Cobra). (2) A female demon embodying the unlucky days of the month (see Ritta), daughter of Taksa Raja and Gini-kan Devi, and mother of Paraya. Yama Riri. A god invoked in connection with Riri Yaka. Yama-simba Bandara. A demon; on irhom see Perahara. YA Raju. (1) King of Kannuran-pura : see Pattini. (2) See Palanga. Yabodara. A goddess who is present in the left eye of the cobra (see Cobra.) Yogi Gurus. The queen of the Yogi-raja of Madura-rata, having prayed for offspring, bore twin sons, who at the age of 12 years, in defiance of their parents' will, set out in the guise of Yogis to travel over many lands, and later, after a voyage of 7 days, arrived in Ceylon at Salavata, wearing matted hair, conch-rings in their ears, jackets, and hats. They made war upon the king, whom they defeated, and killed his elephant. The king however renewed the war, and slow them. They then became yakas, and restored the elephant to life by laying 9 leaves around it and sprinkling water upon it. The king appointed offerings of toddy, hemp, wheat-cakes, butter, eggs, curries, and cakes to be given to them, and a temple was built for them at Delvita. They belong to the 7 Ginikanda Kadavaras (9.v.), receiving offerings together; they went from Ikirivatu-piyasa to Dumbara. [Y.-g--yadinna.] The Senkada-gala-vistare mentions that Raja-simha II defeated some. Saunyasis from Mannarama, who are perhaps connected with this legend. A Yogi Guru is mentioned as having given a magic garland (see Valalu). Yudapoti. One of the mothers of the Devol Deviyo. Zodiae (Dolos Ras). The influence of the 12 signs of the zodiac on nativities is describod in Raii-pala-kavi ; see also Indra-gurulu, Planets, Set-santiya. They are propitiated in Dolos-ras-santiya (2 versions).