Jain Journal 1992 10

Author(s): Jain Bhawan Publication
Publisher: Jain Bhawan Publication
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/520108/1

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VOL. XXVII
OCTOBER 1992

ISSN 0021-4043
A QUARTERLY
JAINOLOGY
ON
JAIN Journal

No. 2
॥ जैन भवन ॥
JAIN BHAWAN PUBLICATION

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VOL. XXVII
OCTOBER 1992

ISSN 0021-4043
A QUARTERLY
JAINOLOGY
ON
JAIN
Journal

No. 2
॥ जैन भवन ॥
JAIN BHAWAN PUBLICATION

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Contents
Sacred Literature of the Jains Albrecht Friedrich Weber
Contribution of Jaina Literature in the Development of Medical Science: Treatment of Leprosy Nagendra Kumar Singh
Jain Origin of a Hindu Temple S. Padmanabhan
Kundakundacarya: His Life and Works K. B. Jindal
A Note on Sarasvatamandana
Satyavrat
The Ramayana Culture in Karnataka Jainism Vasantha Kumari
Book Review
Collected Articles of LA Schwarzschild on Indo-Aryan 1953-1979 compiled by Royce Wiles
Satya Ranjan Banerjee

Plate
Sculptures of Nagaraja Temple, Nagercoil

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71
79
83
90
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106
80

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Collected articles of
LA Schwarzschild on Indo-Aryan 1953-1979
compiled by Royce Wiles
बारवाश्याणकल्लाण ILUISSTCHELLENDE नसतमारहा :
नाकालिरमा SİNEN B Book Review HIERDIISNANEJAU DOMASZH2)50101 Luise Anna Schwarzschild- Collected Articles of LA Schwarzschild
on Indo-Aryan 1953-1979, compiled by Royce Wiles, Faculty of Asian Studies Monographs : New Series No. 17, Faculty of Asian Studies, Australian National University, GPO Box 4, Canberra ACT 2601, Australia, 1991, pp. xii +223 + 1.
The Faculty of Asian Studies of the Australian National University is to be congratulated for publishing 26 articles of L A Schwarzschild on Middle Indo-Aryan. The book, in Royal Octavo size and containing 223 pages, is compiled by Royce Wiles and is published "on the occasion of Dr Luise Hercus's retirement in 1991 from the Readership in Sanskrit which she has held since 1973 in the Faculty of Asian Studies of the Australian National University". It is a good thing that 'some of her colleagues, friends and former pupils have decided to reprint in book form the collection of 26 articles in the field of Middle Indo-Aryan studies which she published under the name of L A Schwarzschild between 1953 and 1979'. The articles are lithographically reproduced from the original Journals with original type-setting and pagination, giving, of course, the new pagination mark at the bottom. As the articles are printed in different type-setting, the book reminds us the shades and flavour of original sources and taste. It is true, indeed, that many of these articles are well-known to scholars working in the same field, but some of those published in commemorative volumes are less well-known and are not easy to come by'. The members of the Faculty Council of the Asian Studies have rendered a yeoman's service to the scholarly world for making these scattered articles available in a book form, for which they are to be thanked.
Besides 26 articles and a preface by K, R. Norman of the

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Cambridge University, the book contains a list of publications by L A Schwarzschild on Middle Indo-Aryan year by year showing the progress and the development of her writings. The book has a grammatical index and indexes of Old, Middle and New Indo-Aryan words prepared respectively by Colin Mayrhofer and Royce Wiles. It is nicely printed and bound. The cover of the book is crowned with a manuscript folio which has enhanced the quality of the book.
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This book is not a full-fledged grammar on Prakrit, or on Middle Indo-Aryan, but several problematic topics on Prakrit and Apabbramsa focussed by her from time to time in different Journals are put together in a book form. As the articles are printed in a chronological order the pattern of a grammar book is not found. The problems discussed by Schwarzschild are not obviously touched by any earlier writers, such as, Christian Lassen (Institutiones Linguae Pracriticae, Bonnae ad Rhenum, 1837), Nicolaus Delius (Radices Pracriticae, Bonnae ad Rhenum 1839), E. B. Cowell (A Short Introduction to the Ordinary Prakrit of the Sanskrit Dramas with the Grammar and a List of Common Irregular Prakrit Words, London 1875), Eduard Müller (Beitrage zur Grammatik des Jaina-Prakrit Berlin, 1879), Richard Pischel (De Grammaticis Pracriticis, Vratislaviae, 1874, and Grammatik der Prakrit Sprachen, Strassburg, 1900), Richard Schmidt (Elementarbuch der auraseni, Hannover, 1924) and many others. But the problems raised by her are scholarly and deep thought-provoking, and the majority deal with broad concepts.
Apart from the fact that this is not a book on Grammar, her articles can be arranged fairly in a grammatical order in the following
manner :
I Phonology: 18, 19, 23, 24-4
II Morphology: 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 8, 12, 14, 20, 21, 25, 26-13
III Syntax: 22-1
IV Word-studies: 7, 9, 11, 13, 15, 16, 17--7
V Miscellaneous: 10-1
In phonology, four articles are contributed and they are all very much thought-provoking. In Some Sporadic Changes of Vowels in Middle Indo-Aryan (No. 18, pp 134ff) and Some Unusual Sound Changes in Prakrit (No. 23, pp. 164ff.) her discussions on sporadic sound changes are straightforward. She has illustrated her paper by citing

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some examples, such as, Skt. guru> Pkt. garua, practically coming from the base gar-as found in Skt. gariyas (cf. Gk. Bapus) and Skt. gariştha, garima, Pkt. garimă. Even the Pkt. garua is from Skt. garuka (Cf. Hemacandra's sūtra gurau ke vă, I, 109). Other examples are Skt. puruşa, > Pkt. purisa, Skt. cubuka > Pkt. cibua, and so on. The reason which has actuated her to write this interesting phenomenon of Prakrit is due to the fact that "sporadic changes in Prakrit have not been studied as thoroughly as the regular sound changes'. In a similar way, she has also noticed some irregular sound changes (pp. 164ff), such as, Skt, cikitsa > Pkt. teücchā, tigicchā, Skt. jyotsna > Amg. S. dosinā, Skt. yugma > Desi dogga, Skt. taksati> Pkt. cacchai (Hc. IV, 194). With regard to the changes of dentals to palatals due to the association of palatal y she has once again raised the problem of the pronunciation of the palatal series of consonants in Middle Indo-Aryan. The problem was started by G, A. Grierson (The Pronunciation of Prakrit Palatals, J.R.A.S., 1913, pp. 391ff), and reassessed by S. R. Banerjee (The Eastern School of Prakrit Grammarians, Calcutta, 1977, pp. 103-106), even though her analysis throws some new dimensions on the problem. The other two articles-The Middle Indo Aryan prefix vo 'off' and Some Phonological Problems Associated with It (No. 19, pp. 141ff) and Initial Retroflex Consonants in Middle IndoAryan (No. 24, pp 169ff)- are worth reading.
In morphology, there are thirteen articles which cover almost all the major important aspects of morphological features. In the domain of declension three problems are indicated by her three papers : Notes on the Declension of Feminine Nouns in Middle IndoAryan (No. 6, pp. 42ff), Distinction and Confusion : a Study of Neuter Plural Endings in Middle Indo-Aryan (No. 26, pp 186ff) and Variant Forms of the Locative in Middle Indo-Aryan (No. 25, pp. 175ff). In the first article her emphasis is mainly on two points : the oblique endings and the formation of the ending with he (as in mālāhe) in Prakrit feminine. Though she has discussed quite a lot about the origin of tähe (in order to elicit he from that base), her explanation of its origin either from tişyaḥ or dhi >hi > he, or from bhim (cf, Gk, 41) > him > he is not accepted by all. The simple origin of it is suggested at the end from tassa> tasa> tāha> tāhe which form is then transferred to the locative ending (p. 48). In the second article, the problem of 'the nominative accusative plural of the common neuter noun in a the grammar states that-a-aimai, and äņi are all used in Prakrit. In her opinion some of these are dialectal variations (p. 186ff). Her paper on locative is quite interesting. Prakrit has various forms in locative singular. They have mainly come from two sources :

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(i) Prakrit e corresponds to Skt. e and (ii) si, - mi, -mmi, mmi, -mhi and later on-ssim, -ssim, Pali-smim Mg. āhim, Ap. him are all derived from the Sanskrit pronominal ending smin. In her opinion these different endings, though 'could be used indiscriminately in Middle Indo-Aryan', 'show that many of these are regional and chronological variants possibly indicating scribal traditions, and some of them are of stylistic significance' (p. 185). In Notes on Two Post-positions of late Middle Indo-Aryan (No. 12, pp. 99 ff) her speculation on the origin of the two postpositions tanaya and resi (resammi) is praiseworthy.
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In her article The Possessive Adjectives of Late Prakrit (No. 2 pp. 12ff) Schwarzschild has observed that "possessive adjectives are not strictly essential parts of speech, their place can often be taken by the genetive of the personal pronouns. This has led to a certain lack of continuity in their development which has, however, often been exaggerated. Apart from very isolated survivals like maia, the Sanskrit possessives had already died out in Prakrit," (p. 12). As a result, instead of discussing the problem from the point of view of Prakrit, her main emphasis is on Modern Indo-Aryan Vernaculars like Hindi, Rajasthani, Gujarati, Marathi and so on. This article is worth reading, at least, for understanding the origin of Proto-New Indo-Aryan possessive forms.
In verb morphology there are four articles and they are on the future, imperative, infinitive and gerund. In the 'Notes on the Future System of Middle Indo-Aryan (No. 1, pp. 1ff), she is mainly concerned with the future forms of New Indo-Aryan languages where the remnants of the MIA future system are reflected. The MIA future system is regulated by s-type and h-type. The s-type of future occurs in Gujarati, Lahnda, and Jaipuri, and the h-type is preserved in Marwari, Hindi (Brajabhāṣā), Bundeli, Bhojpuri and Awadhi, as well as in Kaśmiri. Both these types are found in MIA, e.g., dahanti and hohamti in Asokan Inscriptions, and dāsāmi and dāsāmo in the Jaina canon, the process being OIA-şya > Pkt. >-ssa > Pkt.-sa-ha with the connecting vowel-i. This type of future forms is found in almost all the Prakrit dialects. In her opinion they are not all developed in one time. In a similar way her paper on A Study of Some Features of the Imperative in Middle Indo-Aryan (No. 20, pp. 146ff) though tells us how some of the MIA imperative endings are also found in some NIA languages, the main emphasis is not on its development in NIA, but how the Prakrit imperative endings behave in different Prakrit dialects like Mahārāṣṭri, Śauraseni, Apabbramsa and others. This paper is interesting mainly for its usages.

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Prakrit infinitives are sometimes confused with gerunds. Though Schwarzschild has not suggested any new derivations of the origin of Prakrit infinitive, her paper shows that she is still not very happy with some of the explanations offered by some earlier scholars like Weber, Müller, Pischel and others. The usual practice of tracing the origin of Prakrit -um or ium is from (i) tum and -ttae from Vedic tvayai or tavai along with all its variations -yae, aya, -ae or even -āyāe. In fact, the latter forms are gerunds used infinitively. Though short, her paper on gerund, Some Forms of the Absolutive in Middle Indo-Aryan (No. 5, pp. 37ff), discusses the origin and usages of gerund in Prakrit. There are many gerundial forms in the Middle Indo-Aryan of which two types are noteworty. They are:
tv types: ttā, -ttāṇa(m) -(t)ūṇa(m)
-ccā, -ccāna(m),
.avi, -ivi, -evi
-eppi, eppiņu
ya type -ya, -a, iya, (i)yāṇa(m), -i,
JAIN JOURNAL
"The geographical and chronological distribution of these forms are complex", says Schwarzschild, yet she thinks that "(i) samprasaraṇa to tu is perhaps characteristic of the Southern dialects, (2) assimilation to -tt of the Eastern dialects, (3) assimilation to -pp of the Western dialects, while (4) palatalisation to cc is very sporadic (cf. p. 37)". Her explanations need further investigation.
Her papers on adverbs (Quelques Adverbs Pronominaux du Moyen Indien etc. No. 8 pp. 57ff), on conjunctive (Remarques sur Quelques Conjonctions du Moyen Indo-aryen, No. 21 pp. 153ff) and one on indeclinable (The Indeclinable je in Middle Indo-Aryan No. 44, pp. 104ff) and also one on syntax (Some Interrogative Particles in Prakrit, No. 22, pp. 159ff) are straightforward. Some seven or eight papers are devoted to the study of some Prakrit words.
In the Bibliography of the Prakrit Language prepared by S. R. Banerjee (Calcutta, 1977), Schwarzschild's articles published between 1953 and 1960 were included. This shows that a Prakrit bibliographymaker was quite conversant with the rise and growth of a scholar like Schwarzschild. I, therefore, believe that this book will rouse enthu

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111
siasm among the younger scholars of the globe. It is painful to say that in modern times in Europe the Prakrit studies have been living in a realm of sad and dolcful neglect. This timely broughtout treatise will generate some congenial atmosphere among the younger scholars of the world. I heartily recommend this book to the academic world and hope that the book-shelf of every library of this universe will be adorned with this book.
-Dr Satya Ranjan Banerjee Department of Linguistics
Calcutta University
OUR CONTRIBUTORS
NAGENDRA KUMAR SINGH, Research Scholar, Patna University,
Patna.
S. PADMANABHAN, Nagercoil, Kanyakumari, South India.
K. B. JINDAL, Ajitashram, Lucknow. SATYAV AT, Dept. of Sanskrit, Govt. Collego, Sri Ganganagar,
Rajasthan.
VASANTHA KUMARI, Reader in History, Maharani's Arts College
for Women, Mysore.

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Sacred Literature of the Jains
[ from the previous issue ]
In anga 4 (or Nandi, N) there are contained the statements of contents: se kim tam viyahe 7253 viyahe naṁ [305] sasamayā viāhijjaṁti parasamaya sasamayaparasamayā, jīvā viā° 3, loge 3 viāhijjai ;254 viyāhe ṇaṁ255 nāṇāviha-sura-nariṁda-räya-risi-vivihasaṁsaiya-pucchiyāṇaṁ, jinena vitthareṇam156 bhāsiyāṇam, davva-guṇa-khetta-kāla-pajjava-paesa
pariņāma-jahatthiyabhāva-aṇugamanikkheva-naya-ppamāṇasuṇiuṇo-'vakkama
vivihapagarapagaḍapayaṁsiyāṇaṁ,257 logālogapagāsiyānaṁ,258 saṁsāra-samuddarumda-uttaraṇasamatthāṇaṁ259 suravaisampūiyāṇaṁ, bhaviyajaṇaypaahiyayābhinamdiyāṇaṁ tamaraya vidhamsaṇāṇam, sudiṭṭhadivabhūya-ihāmaibuddhivaddhaṇānam, cattīsahsahassa-m-aṇāṇayāṇaṁ260 vāgaraṇāṇaṁ damsaṇāu261 suyatthabahuvihappagārā262 sisahiyatthāya263 guṇahattha.264
We have for this anga the commentary of Abhayadeva. For a special table of contents for the first two books, two-thirds of the third book, for books 34-41, cf. my treatise, of which mention has often been made here and which created a new course for Jaina investigations: "On a fragment of the Bhagavati" part first 1865 part second 1867.265
253 vyakhyāyamteyasyam sa vyakhya; viyahe iti pullinganirdeśaḥ prakṛtatvat; saṭtrinsatsahasranam (vyakaraṇānām) darśanat śrutartho vyakhyāyate iti..vak yasambamdhaḥ. 254 N has here the order loe.., jīvā, sasamae ..; the verb is here correct, viyāhijjai with loe; samae, jjamti with jīvā.
255 vivahe nam C; the following is omitted in N.
266 vitthara A; nānāvidhaiḥ surair vividhasamsaya-vadbhiḥ priṣṭānām; Mahāvīreņa. 257 dravya...pariņāmānāṁ
yathāsthitabhāvānugama-nikṣepanayapramāṇasunipuṇopa
kramo vividhaprakāraiḥ prakaṭam pradarsito yair vyakaranais tani teṣām...naya naigamadayah.
253 lokalokau prakasitau yeşu.
259 samsarasamudrasya vistirṇasya uttarane samarthānām.
260 susthu dṛṣṭāni, dipabhūtāni; anyunakani saftrinśat sahasrani yeṣām tāni, iha makaro' nyathapadanipataś ca prākṛtat vat anavadyam.
251 teşām darśanāt prakāśanād uparibamdhad ity a., athava teṣām darśna upadarśakā ity a.
262 śrutarthaḥ, te ca bahuvidhaprakārās ce 'ti vigrahaḥ, śrutarthānāṁ vā bahuvidhaḥ prakārāḥ iti vigrahah.
253 sisyahitärthaya.
264 guṇamahattha (!) B. C.; gunahasta gunapar yaptyädilakṣano hasta iva hastaḥ pradhanavayava(h) vesam te (cf. Pet. Dict. s. v. hasta 1 i).
265 In the enumeration of daily labours, 1, 378, the statement in lines 9 and foll. is to be explained thus: "at most a whole sayam on one day, a moderate measure in two days, at least a sayam in three days"-see above p. 250. ayamvila in 14 stands for ayamamvila acamamra and signifies a meal taken during a fast consisting of a "sour swallow", a portion of sour pap cf. Leumann Aupap. p. 101, and in a derived sense a division of time necessary for this meal-1. 18 read: "need a day each;" 1.19 read "sedhisayaim (book 34)." Much must be now changed in the middle portion of the treatise.

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VI. The sixthangam, Nāyādhammakahäu, [306] Jñata286* dharmakathās, in two suyakhamdhas (śrutaskandha), which are very different in extent. The first in 19 ajjhayaņas contains the nāyāņi, which word is explained byudaharaṇa, drstāṁta, i.e. edifying tales or parables, designed to serve as moral examples ; the second which is much smaller, contains n 10 vaggas the dhammakahāu, i.e. edifying legends. The specific difference in the contents of both parts is not rendered clear by this method of division,287 which itself is characterized in the legendary introduction to the text as a constituent part of the same.
In this introduction, which begins with the formula usually found in legends-tenaṁ kaleram tenaṁ samaenam--the work is referred to a dialogue between Mahāvira's scholar Suhamma and the latter's scholar Jambu,268 which took place at the period of king Koņia of Campā.
mma represents the transmission of the [307] sacred texts as proceeding directly from Mabāvira. He prefaces “the fifth angam is now ended (pascamassa aṁgassa ayam ațțhe pannatte), what is the contents of the sixth angam ?" and then continues with a detailed presentation of its division as given above, citing the titles of each of the 10 ajjhayaņas of the first suakkhardha. Hereupon follows one of the usual ajjhayaņa introductions which from this point on is found at the beginning of each of the following ajjh.
This style of introduction and of tabulation of the contents recurs269 in exactly the same form in the case af angas 7-11, and proves that these six angas especially are bound together and have perhaps been the subject of treatment at the hands of the same redactor. They are connected like links in a chain, inasmuch as in the beginning of each anga reference is made to the angas preceding it. The first four angas have a mark of unity in their introductory formula suyaṁ me and in their close ti bemi. The fifth anga occupies an isolated position.
266*See Schol. Hem. 243 p. 319 (Bgk.-Rieu) for the length of the à in Jnātā.-The same
length is observed in the Vedic compound idhma-barhis; see also the Vienna
Oriental Journal, Vol. III, p. 331, note 2-L. 267 Accord. to the Comm. this difference consists herein, that in the first part aptop
ālambhadijñātair dharmärtha upanitah, in the second part sāksāt kathabhir abhidhiyate. The second part contains, it is true, no parables and similitudes, but the first, as well as the second contains kathās. As Leumann informs me the term
nāya is treated in great detail in anga 3, 4, 3. 268 The Prakrit text Jambuditthanta, or Jambusvāmikathānakam, in 21 uddeśas, deals
with him ; the Prakrit in it is very like the apabhransa. 269 The tenth has now, it is true, another introductory formula. Abhayadeva. however
cites a different one which is exactly the same as that found before angas 7, 8, 9, and 11.
jambu it is versiner intreamz a

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The fact that this introductio solennis is found in all six angas, alike, is proof enough of its late origin and of its being the work of a hand which brought all six into close conjunction. If this be so, it is possible to conceive that the explanation of the name ndyadhammakahāu which occurs in anga 6 (näyāni ya (308) dhammakahão ya) is not in harmony with its original signification. I prefer the foll. explanation : first separate the word into näyâdhamma and kahāu and understand by nāyādhamma the "dharma of the Jñata" i e. of Mahāvira270 * (see above, p. 261, on anga 2, 1, 1, 6), and understand the meaning to be "Recitals for the dharma of the Jñata."
But we must not suppress an objection. In the anga section in anga 4 and Nandi, both parts of anga 6 are especially recognized, and in fact by the same titles : nāyāi, and dhammakahāu. This misunderstanding, if such here exist, must have been anterior to the date of anga 4 and N. I cannot however regard this as a cogent objection, since the Nandi is the work, according to all probability, of Devarddhigani himself (980 Vīra), and the section of anga 4 is perhaps, in the last instance, the production of a still later period (cf. above, p. 284.) 271
The statements in reference to the extent of the second part of anga 6 contained in anga 4 and identical with those of the Nandi, are full of the most fabulous exaggerations, cf, p. 286, 289. Each of the dhammakahās is said to contain 500 akkhāiyås, each of these 500 uvakkhäiyās; each uv, 500 akkhăiya-uvakkhăiyās with a total of "31 koti". i.e. 35 millions of akkhāiäs. This latter sum excites the hostility of surprise since, if we reckon each 13091 of the ten vaggas of the second part as a dhammakahi, the result for all 10 is if we trust the above quoted statements, 125 kotis, namely 10 x 5009, i.e. 1250 millions ! According to the Schol, on the Nandi this riddle is solved by the assumption that of the 125 kotis, only 33 koti are "apunarukta", and the remaining 1214 koțis have occurred in the nine ajjh. 11-19 of part I, each of which in turn contains 540 akkh. having each 500 uvakkh. and these 500 akkh, uvakkh each.
270* The length of the à of nāyā (cf. Pāņ, 6, 3, 129, 130) is irregular according to both
explanations.-See however the first note on this anga. It certainly militates against the plausibility of the above conjecture, that the recitals of the first part are cited in the references of the redactor under the designation of nāya (jaha
aindanãe, jaha Mallinae)-L. 271 There is no reason whatever to suppose a misunderstanding in the above passages
only to please an etymology of the 19th century; even in this very anga 6 the term naya is applied to the first and twelfth ajjh, as will be seen from their titles given later on. Remember also the term nāyajjhayanāim spoken of above on anga 419.

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Dismissing such calculations as mere child's play, let us examine the actual state of things. In the first place the titles of the 19 ajjhayaṇas of part 1 are enumerated at the outset (see page 307), and are found singly in Avaśy, 16,82.83 (Av.) and in the Vidhiprapā (V.)272 They are as follows:
1. Ukkhittaṇāe, Utkṣiptam: the "raised" but not replaced foot of an elephant, the first birth of prince Megha, whose history is here related ab ovo (pregnancy of his mother, birth of the child, education, marriage, instruction at the hands of Mahavira). See Paul Steinthal : "Specimen der Nayadhammakaha," Leipzig, 1881.273 The contents are said by Abh. to be anucitapravṛttikasya siṣyasyo-pālambhaḥ.
JAIN JOURNAL
2. Samkhāḍa (Av. saṁghāḍa V), saṁghāṭakaḥ śreṣṭhicaurayor ekabamdhanabaddhatvam; or anucitapravṛttikocitapravṛittikayor anarthārthaprapti paramparā.
3. Amḍa, mayūrāṁḍaṁ (cf. p. 270 note 4); pravacanārtheṣu śaṁkitāsamkitayoḥ prāṇinor doṣaguṇau [310].
4. Kumma, kūrma; asamlineṁdriyetarayor (i.e. asamlineṁdriyasamlinemdriyayor) anartharthau.
5. Selaa, Śailako rājarṣiḥ; pramädavato' pramādavataś că 'narthetarau (i.e, anarthärthau, evil and weal.)
6. Tumba (tumbaya V), alābū; prāṇāti pātādimatām karmagurutābhāvene' tareṣāṁ274 ca laghutabhavena anarthapräptitare. 275
śreṣṭhivadhūḥ; mahāvratānāṁ
7. Rohini anarthärthau.
8. Malli, ekonavinśatitamajinasth inotpannā tīrthakari ;276 mahāvratānām evā 'Ipenā' 'pi māyāśalyena dūṣitānām ayathāvatsvaphalasādhakatvam, or mayāvato 'narthaḥ.
9. Maimdi (Māyaṁdi V); Mākaṁdi nāma vanik, tatputro Mākaṁdisabdene 'ha grhitaḥ; bhogeşu aviratimato 'nartho, viratimatas carthaḥ.
274 viz, aprāṇāti°.
275 i, e. anarthaprāptyarthaprapti.
276 See Kup. 10 (800).
virädhanävirädhanayor
272 I extract these explanations or, as the case may be, statements of contents, from the introductions to each of the ajjh. in Abhayadeva's Comm.
273 On page 4 twenty-one ajjh, of part 1 are erroneously spoken of; there are but nineteen.

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10. Caṁdamă (camdimā V) candramāḥ; gunavrddhihānilaksanav anarthärthau pramády.apramādinoh.
11. Dävaddave (oge Āv.), samudratațe výkşaviseșäḥ; mārgāradhanavirādhanābhyam anarthärthau, or caritradharmasya virädhakatyam ärādhakatvar ca.
12. Udaga näe, udakam nagaraparikhājalar; caritrărădhakatvaṁ prakrtimalimasānām api bhayyānāṁ sadguruparikarmaņå bhavati : or saṁsargaviseșäd guņotkarşaḥ.
13. Mamdukke, Mamdükaḥ naṁdimaņikära.śreşthijivaḥ ; sassargaviseșābhāvād guņāpakar şaḥ; or satāṁ guņānāṁ samagry-abhāve hānir.
14. Tevalt 'i ya (Teuli Āv.), Tetalisutā277 bhidhānoʻmātyaḥ; tathāvidhasāmagrisadbhave gunasampad upajāyate ; or apamānād vişayatyāgaḥ. See pp. 271 note 2. 317.
15. Naṁdi phala : [311] naṁdiv>kşābhidhānataruphalāni; Jinopadeśāt (visayatyāgah), tatra ca satyarthaprāptis, tadabhāve tv anarthaprāptiḥ; or vişayabhisvařgasyä 'narthaphalatā.
16,278 Avarakamkā, Dhātakisaṁda Bharataksetrarājadhāni; tadvişayanidānasya să (anarthaphalatā); or nidānd (t) kutsitadānād vă anarthaḥ.
17. Āinne, akirņā jātyāḥ samudramadhyavartino' śvāḥ; indriyebho niyaṁtritebhyaḥ sa (anarthaḥ) ucyate; or indriyavaśavartinām itareşań cà 'narthetarau.279
18. Sursumā (Sursa Āv.), Sumsumabhidhänă śreşthiduhitā; lobhavasavartinām itareșāṁ ca tãy eva (anarthärthau); or asamvrtaśravasye' tarasya cä 'narthetarau.
19. Pumdarie, puñdarikaṁ ;280 ciram sarvstä'sravo bhūtvä'pi yaḥ paścăd anyatha syat tasya alpakalam saṁvrtáśravasya ca täv (anarthetarāv) ucyete.
After the conclusion of ajjh. 19 there follows a special conclusion for the first suyakhardhe, 282 then the usual beginning for the second suyakhardhe held in the same strain as the introduction to the anga itself, and giving in detail the contents of each of the ten vargas.
277 Teyaliputte in the text. 278 Here there is a detailed account of the Dovai (Draupadi). 279 i. e., anartharthau. 280 See anga 2, 2, 1. 281 The statement that 19 days are necessary to finish the 19 ajjh, is found here.

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These treat of the aggamahisio, 1, Camarassa, 2, Balissa Vairoyaṇaranno, 3, asurimdavajjiyāṇaṁ dāhiṇillāņaṁ imdāṇam, 4, uttarilläṇam asurimdavajjiyāṇam bhavaṇavāsi-imdāṇam 5, dahiṇillāṇaṁ vāṇamaṁtarāṇaṁ, 6, uttarillāṇaṁ vāṇam, 7, chaṁdassa, 8, sūrassa, 9, Sakkassa, 10, Isāṇassa [312].
JAIN JOURNAL
The actual composition of the text of the second part is quite summary. To the first vagga five ajjhayaṇas are ascribed, 282 their names being Kāli, Rāti, Rayaṇī, Vijju, Mehā, names of the five wives of Camara. The history of the first alone is really related, and that in quite brief fashion; that of the second is very much abbreviated and is identified with the first by the use of the customary marks of abbreviation (evaṁ jahā Kālī, taṁ ceva savvaṁ jāva); that of the third is still shorter, and the fourth and fifth are settled with a word or two.
The text of the remaining vargas is despatched in a like-summary fashion with but few words, although quite a number of ajjh, are allotted to several of them. Their contents is as follows: varga 2 five ajjh., vargas 3 and 4, 54 each, vargus 5 and 6 each 32, vargas 7 and 8 each 4, vargas 9 and 10 each 8.-In the Vidhiprapa however 10 ajjhayaṇas each are allotted to varga 1 and 10 to varga 2.283
The extent of the second part in the MSS. is one-twenty-first of the first part. In one MS. the commentary on part 2 is despatched in four lines. Even if all due regard is paid to the second note on anga 7 given below on p. 315, how curious are the statements, p. 286, 289, 308, from anga 4 and Nandi.
The events take place in Rayagiha, Campa, Varanasi, Baravati, Viyasoga, Teyalipura, Ahicchatta, Hatthisisa, Pumdaragiņi In the first account we find an [313] enumeration of non-Aryan peoples; some are not found among those quoted, p. 302, from anga 5, others are found here which are wanting there. We read (see Steinthal, p. 28): bahūhim Cilaiyähim khujjahim vāvaṇi(!)-vaḍabhi(!)-Babbari VausiJoniya - Palhavi Isiņi - Thārugiņi - Lasiya - Laüsiya Damili - SinhaliAravi-Pulimdi-Pakkani, Bahali-Murumdi-Sabari-Parasthim. There is, further-more, mention made here of 72 kalās (cf. p. 282 and Steinthal,

282 paḍhamassa vaggassa pamca ajjhayaṇā pam tam: Kali Mehā.
283 ...paḍhamavaggo, tammi dasa ajjhayaṇā...vie dasa ajjhayaṇā, (see above, p. 231).

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p. 29). The word javaṇiyā (St. p. 14), yavanikā, "curtain", refers to a stage-curtain or to the theatrical plays of the Greeks. We must not fail to notice the mention of 18 desibhāsão (St. p. 29) in a list which does not go into detail (see below, p. 336 and on up. 1 Cf. Ind. Stud. XVI. 38 on the word talavara (St. p. 14).
There is a commentary by Abhayadeva.
The table of contents in anga 4 or Nandi (N) is :-se kim tam nāyādhammakahāu284 ? nā° hāsu ṇaṁ nāyāṇam285 nagarāiṁ ujjāṇāiṁ ceiyāim vanasamḍā (ḍāim N) rāyāṇo286 ammāpiyaro samosaraṇāiṁ dhammāyariyā dhammakahau ihaloiya paraloiyā iḍḍhivisesā bhogapariccāyā pavajjau suyapariggahā tavo'-vahāṇāiṁ pariyāgā saṁlehaṇāu bhattapaccakkhāṇāiṁ pãovagamaṇāim287 devalogagamaṇāim288 sukulapaccayaio289 puna-bohilão290 amtakiriyão [314] ya291 aghavijjamti jāva,292 ṇāyā hāsu293 ņam pavvaiyāṇaṁ vinayakaranajiņasāmisāsaṇavare294 saṁjamapainnāpālaṇadhiimaivavasayadulla-bhāṇam,295 tavaniyama-tavo' vahāṇa-raṇaduddhārabharabhaggāṇisahāṇisatṭhāṇam,296 ghoraparisahaparājiyāṇaṁ, sahapäraddharuddha-siddhālaya
284 jnātāny udaharaṇāni tatpradhānā dharmakatha jna° °thā, dirghatvaṁ samjnātvāt ; nayadh is taken here as karmadh...not as a dvandva.
285 nāyāim BC, fṇātānām udāharaṇabhūtānāṁ Meghakumārādīnāṁ nagarādiny ākhyāyante, nagaradini dvai vinśatiḥ padani kaṇṭhyāni.
286 The foll. is inverted in N samo° ra° am° dh hão dh'riya ihalogaparalogia riddhivisesa bhogapariccāgā pavajjā pariāgā suapa tavova samle bhattapaccakkhāṇā; in angas 7 fg. the case is similar.
287 păuga A, pãovaga° N,
288 N ed. has according to Leumann the following just as in anga 7 (p. 307),
61
289 ? pavvaya BC, pavvayai A, paccato N.
290 °labha N.
291 °yau A, yão N. °yato ya BC.
292 jāva signifies that here anyāni pamca padāni da(r) syāni, i.e., aftet agh., the usual five words pannavijjamti parūvi° damsi nidamsi° uvadamsi°.
293 jāva ṇāyā to the end is omitted in N; in which there follows dasa dhammakahāṇaṁ vagga and the remarks in reference to the number of the akkhāias.
294 sami omitted in BC. Sasana-vare seṣapravacanapekṣaya pradhanapravacane ity a., pathamtarena; samaṇānam vinayakaranajiņasās anammi (perhaps an older reading)
pavare.
295 paina, thiti, duvvalāņaṁ A: samyamapratijñā samyamābhyupagamaḥ; sai 'ya duradhigamyatvat kataranara-kṣobhakatvac ca pātālam iva patalam (other reading), tatra dhṛtimativyavasaya durlabha yeṣam te tatha; pathämtarena samyamapratijnapalanaya dhṛtimativyavasayas teșu durbala ye, teṣām.
296 dudhara bharabhagga A; taponiyama-tapaūpadhāne, te eva ranaś ca kātaranarakṣobhakatvāt samgramo.....śramakaraṇatvat durbharabharas ca, tabhyam bhagṇaḥ. paranmukhibhutaḥ, tatha niḥsaha nitaram asakta eva. niḥsahaka, niststas ca niststāmga muktamga ye te; prakṛtatveña, kakaralopa-samdhikaranabhyam bhagna ity adau dirghatvam avaseyam.

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magganiggayāṇaṁ,297 visayasuhatucaāsīvasadosamuchiyāṇaṁ, virāhiyacarisaṁsära
298
800
ttanāṇadamsaṇa-jaiguṇavivihappagāranissārasunnayāṇaṁ,2 apāradukkhaduggaibhavavivihaparamparāpavaṁca299 dhirāṇa ya, jiyaparisahakasāyasennadhiidhaniya-saṁjamaucchāha nicchiyāṇaṁ.8 ärähiyananadamsanacarittajoganissalla301 suddhasiddhālayamagga-m-abhi muhāṇāṁ, surabhavaṇavimāṇasokkhāiṁ aṇovamāiṁ bhottūṇa302 ciram ca bhogabhogāṇi [315] tāņi divvāṇi maharihāṇi tato ya kālakkamacuyāṇaṁ, jaha ya punoladdhasiddhi303 maggāṇaṁ, aṁtakiriyācaliyāṇa ya, sadevamāṇusadhirakaranakāraṇāņi, bohaṇa304 aṇusāsaṇāṇi guṇadosadarisaṇāṇi diṭṭhamte paccae305 ya souṇa, logamuṇiņo jaha ya ṭṭhiyā306 sāsanammi jaramaraṇaṇāsaṇakare, ärähiyasamjama ya suralogapaḍiniyatta uvemti307 jaha sasayam sivaṁ savvadukkhamokkham308 ee anne ya evamar 'ttha vittharena ya.3 309
JAIN JOURNAL
VII. The seventh angam uvāsagadasău, upāsakadaśās, in ten ajjhayanas; legends about ten upasakas or pious fathers of families (gähävai), who, by means of asceticism, &c., attained the divine condition and thereby releasement.
Angas 7-9 belong to the second group of angas (see above p. 249, 307), from the general connection of the contents of each, from their common designation in anga 3,10 as dasau,810 "decads," from the special common denomination of their introduction (ukkheva, upakṣepa) or conclusion (nikheva), and from their very limited extent,311 [316]
297 sahaprarabdharuddhaḥ, ata eva siddh°rgaj jnāṇāder. nirgatāḥ.
298 tair eva yatiguṇaih funyakāḥ; padatrayasya ca karmadharayaḥ: viradhitacaritrajnanadarśana-yatiguṇa-vividhaprakaraniḥsara-sunyakānāṁ.
299 pavaṁcă BC.
300 jiya...seniddhittidhanaya A; jitam pariṣahakaṣāyasainyam yaiḥ, dhṛter dhanikaḥ svaminah (cf. Aupapāt. § 32 p. 126), samyame utsaho...avasyambhavi yesām.
301 nisalla A; niḥśalyo mithyādarśanādir ahitaḥ.
302 bhuttuna B.C.
303 siddha B. C.
304 bodhana B. C.
305 pavatte BC. pratyayans ca, bodhakaraṇabhūtāni vākyāni.
306 jahatthiya B. C.; lokamunayaḥ...parivrājakādayo yathā ca yena prakāreņa sthitā(ḥ) säsane.
307 uveti C, uveli A.
308 °kkha A.
309 evam ahi 'ttha vichaeņa ya A.
310 dasadhyayanarupah. see Hem. abhidh. v. 244. We saw it is true, above (p. 270 seqq.) on anga 3, 10 that the designation dasas suits only the texts cited there, but not our texts of angas 7-9 with the exception of anga 7; these must consequently be regarded as secondary in comparison to the former.
311 The smallness of these angas is however to some extent only one of appearance, in so far as each of the numerous tales, which, from being identical with previous

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angas 7-9 thus stand in immediate connection with each other and bear the stamp of an undeniable unity.
This conclusion is drawn from the method of treatment which prevails in them, and which explains their inconsiderable extent. The first account contains (as is the case in part 2 of anga 6) the pattern on which all the others are modelled. We need therefore refer merely to the points of cuntact, and make mention of what is new in the presentation of the subject. An especial characteristic of anga 7 is this : Though different localities are adduced for the single stories, which all belong to the period of Mahavira, the king is in every case (the name Seņia in the eighth story is the solitary exception) called812 Jiyasattu, the origin of which name must be sought in the Ajātasatru of the Buddhistic legends. The titles of the ten stories are found in anga 3,10 (S), and are in general the same as those given here ; see above, p. 271 ;
1. Āņamda in Vāņiyagama. 2. Kamadeva in Campā. 3. Culani (pi SV) piya (opitar) in Banarasi. 4. Surādeva, in Bāņārasi. 5. Cullasaiga (sae S, sayaga V) in Alabhiya. 6. [317] Kumdakoļila (kolia s V) in Kampillapura ; opposition
between Mahavira and Gosāla Mamkhaliputta. 7. Saddālaputta in Polāsapura ; he was a potter and adherent of the
Ājivias (ājivikāḥ Gośālaśişyaḥ, Schol.). 8. Mahāsayaa (sayaga V) in Rayagiha. 9. Namdiņipiya (opitar), in Savatthi. 10. Letiāpia (opitar), in Savatthi.
Vardhamānadeśana is the title of a metrical treatment in Prakrit gāthās of the contents of this anga, to which I have had access. The MS is cut short at v. 865 in the history of Ānanda. An interlineal version in Sanskrit accompanies the Prakrit ; its first verse cites the
ones, are reduced to some phrases only, must be counted in full. At the end especial mention is made of the number of days necessary for the uddesanam i.e. recital or recitation of each of the ajjhayanas or vargas. The Vidhiprapa charac
terizes the 10 ajjh. as egasara because they are not divided into uddesagas. 312 In each account there is a name beginning with Aruna; in the first the name Aruna
itself, in the others it forms the first member of a compound e. g, Aruņābhe, Arunappahe, Arunakatte, Aruñasitthe, &c.

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title Vardho. The sixth name is the same (v. 8) as in SV; koliae (kolika), the eighth (v. 9) Mahāsayaņa (but Sataka in the chāyā), the tenth Tealipio (Tetalipriya, see p. 310).
There is an anonymous commentary, which refers to a vyākhyā on anga 6 by the same author. The word kaṁthya (often erroneously kamvya), which is frequently used in the scholia when the meaning of a passage is plain and needs no further comment, implies that these passages are "in everybody's throat, intelligible by themselves". This I owe to the courtesy of a communication from Bühler.
The table of contents in anga 4 and Nandi is as follows :-se kis tam uvāsagadasău ? uvā sāsu ņam uvāsagāņaṁ (samovā° N) nagarāim ujjā cei vaņa (N omits) rāy.:813 amma samo dhammāyariya dhammakahā ihalogaparaloga-iddhi314 visesā, uvāsagāņaṁ ca315 sīlavvaya-veramaņa-guņa816 pacca (318] kkhāņa-posahovavāsa-padivajjaņayāu 317 suyapariggahā tavo' vahāņāiṁ padimău 318 uvasaggă samlehaņāu bhattapaccakkhāņāu (°ņāim N) pāuvagama (pāovagamaņāim N) deva sukula' punabohi319 amtakiriyāu ya (N omits) āghavijjasti ; uvāsagadasāsu320 ņam uvāsagāņaṁ riddhi visesa parisä331 vittharadhammasavanāni822 bohilābha-abhigama-sammattavisuddhatāthirattam828 mūlaguņottaraguna aticāră țhitivisesā 384 ya bahuvisesă padima325 bhiggahaņa326 pälaņā uvasaggâhiyasaņā827 niruvasaggaya ya$28 tava$89 ya caritta silayvayagunaveramanapaccakkhänaposahovaväsă apacchim
313 N has again an inverted order and the complete words) sa, ra. am. dhohão
dhoriyā. 314 riddhi N. 315 uv, ca N omits. 316 Inverted in N: bhogapariccāyā pariyāgā suyapariggahā tavo'vahāņāin silao padi
vajjanayā padimão. 317 gunaveramana N (inverted). 318 silavratany anuvratāni, viramanāni rāgādi(vi)ra(ta)yah (!), gunā gunavartani,
prat yākhyānāni namaskārasahitani ; posadho 'stamyadiparvădini, tatro' pavasanam
āhāraśarirasat karadit yāgaḥ, pratipādinato... 319 devalogagamandiñn sukulapacchão punabohilābhā N. 320 What follows, omitted by N 321 mātāpītņputrādikābhyantara (!) parişat, dasidāsamitrādikā vā. 322 vistaradharmaśravanāni mahāvīrādinām sannidhau. 323 samyaktva visuddhat a sthirat va. 324 ddhiti A; gunataragunātiyară thitāvisesā B. țhiti C. 325 samyagdarśanādipratimah. 326 bhiggahagahanapao C. 327 hitasaná B C, upasargādhisahanāni, see Leumann, Aupap. p. 100. 328 °sagga ya B C. 329 tava ya to onamtiya ya omitted in A.

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amāraṇamtiyā 330 ya samlehaṇā ya,3 331 appāņam jaha ya bhavaitta, bahūņi bhattāṇi aṇasaṇāe ya cheittä, uvavannā kappavaravimāṇuttamesu333 jaha anubhavaṁti suravaraviṁāṇavarapomḍariesu334 sokkhaiṁ anovamaiṁ, kameṇa-bhottūṇa uttamāiṁ335 tao āukkhaeṇaṁ cuyā samānā jaha jiņamayammi bohim laddhūṇa336 ya saṁjamuttamam tamarayaoghavippa [319] mukka337 uvemti338 jaha akkhayam339 savvadukkhavimokkham ete, anne ya evam-āim.
VIII The eighth angam, amtagaḍadasău, aṁtakṛtadaśās, or aṁtakṛddaśās, see Hem. abh. v. 244; in eight vaggas, embraces in all 93 ajjhayaņas, viz. (10, 8, 13, 10, 10, 16, 13, 10) :340 it deals with legends concerning the pious, who have "put an end" to their worldly life.341
The number of the vaggas, eight, is very remarkable, as it is not in harmony with the concluding part of the title.342 Our surprise is however increased when we reflect that in anga 3 and anga 4 (see above 271, 286) ten ajjhayaṇas were allotted to our text; in anga 4, besides, seven vaggas and ten uddesaṇakālas. The Nandi agrees with our text in apportioning to it eight vaggas (and eight udd.), but makes no mention of ajjhayaṇas whatever. Furthermore the titles of the ten ajjhayanas cited in anga 3, 10, have scarcely anything in common with those of our text (see p. 271, 322); some appear in anga 9. There is therefore here a violent opposition between [320] the tradition and the actual constitution of the text. We have seen above, p.
330 paścätkalabhāvinyaḥ, akaraś ca mamgalaparihär är thaḥ (!) maraṇarūpe cmte bhavā māraṇāmtikyah.
331 Thus A. samlehaṇajjhosṇahim B. C.; atmanaḥ sarirasya jivasya ca saṁlekhanā tapasā rāgādijayavasikaraṇāni tāsām jjhosana tti joṣaṇa sevanā.
332 cheiyatta A; chedayitva.
333 kalpavare şu yani vimänäny uttamani teşu.
334 varattapumdariesu A.
335 k. bh. utt. omitted in A.
65
336 bohi B, laddhena A.
337 raja A. rayogha BC; tamo-raja-oghavipramuktaḥ ajnanakarmapravaha-vipra°.
338 uvemti omitted in A; upayanti.
339 aksayam apunaravṛttikam.
34J Likewise in the Vidhiprapā.
341 amto vinaśaḥ, sa ca karmanas tatphalasya ca samsarasya kṛto yais te'mtakrtas te ca trthakaradayaḥ.
342 The scholiast seeks to reconcile the contradiction as follows:-prathamavarge dasa 'dhyayanani 'ti tatsamkhyaya amtakṛtadaśā. This is of course a mere make-shift. If Ábh. appeals to the Nandi on this point (see p. 291n), he can mean nothing else (since the Nandi contains nothing of the kind) than that the Nandi cites for our anga eight "vaggas" instead of ten "ajjh. "This so-called "explanation" substitutes, without a word of warning "ajjh. for vagga".

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272, 291, that even Abhayadeva on angas 3 and 4 confessed that he was unable to explain the differences between the statements made there and the text constituting the anga.
In harmony with this is the fact that the existing text is in an exceedingly fragmentary condition, and is filled with references to sections in angas 5 and 6, upanga 2 and according to the scholia, to the Daśáśrutaskandha, the fourth chedasūtraṁ. In many instances, the later ajjhayaņas of a vagga, just as was the case in part 2 of the sixth anga and in anga 7, present us with nothing more than a mere title. Each vagga is preceded by a statement in kārikā-form of the contents of the ajjhayaņas, which are therein contained. The scholiast on the Nandi thinks that by the vaggacūliyä 3 43 (mentioned among the aṇangapavitha texts) the 8 vaggas of the Antakyddaśās are intended. The same statement is found in the scholium on anga 3, 10 ; though there appears to be no proper place for any cūliyā whatever.
The scene of the first story is in Bårāvati at the court of king Amdhayavaṇhi (Amdhakavşşội), or of Kanhe nāmam Väsudeve råyå ; the names Vasudeva, Baladeva, Aritthanemi, Pajjunna, Samba, Aộiruddha, Jämbavati, Saccabhäma, Ruppiņi &c., which belong to this story, and also that of Bärävati itself, are met with frequently as the recital proceeds. The ninth story of the first vagga treats of Paseņai, [321] Prasenajit. The third vagga begins with the history of Aniyasa, son of Näge näma gāhāvati, Sulasă nāma bhariyā,944 under king Jiyasattu of Bhaddilapura. The sixth vagga begins with the history of Makāyi under king Seņia of Rayagiha. The other localities are essentially the same as those in anga 7, viz:-Vāņiyagāme, Savatthi, Polasapura, Vāņa. rasi, Campā, and also Sãee (Saketa). The last vagga treats especially of the ten wives of king Seņia, step-mothers (cullamauyā) of king Koniya : Kali, Sukāli, &c., who one and all zealously studied the sämaiya-m-aiyaim ekkärasa aṁgāiṁ and are instructed therein by the Ajja Caídaņā (about whom no further notice is given). This piety is probably connected with the death of the sons of each, cf. upanga 8 (Nirayāvali sutta); and their grandsons--sons of these sonsbecome ascetics if we may ascribe any probability to the legend, Cf. upānga 9.
343 The text bas vaihga, but Pak sikasutra and Vidhiprapa and also anga 3, 10 (above
p. 274) have likewise vaggao. 344 Cf Jacobi, ante Vol. IX. p. 28 (1880) and Abhay on anga 3, 8 and 9. Leumann,
Wiener Zeitschrift f. d. Kunde des Norgenl. Vol. III. p. 333.

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single
The kärikās with the titles of the ajjhayanas for the vargas are :
1. Gotama345 Samudda Sāgara Gainbhire ceva hoi Thimete yal Ayale Kampille khalu Akkhobhe Pasenai Vinhull.
2. Akkhobhe Sāgare khalu Samudde Himavaṁta Acala näme ya/ Dharane ya Purane ya Ajjhicaṁde (Abhiņaṁde) ceva atthamaell.
3. Aniyase Anamtasene Ajji yasene Aņihayariū Devasene Sattusene Särane Gae Sumuhe Dumuhe Kūvae Dāsae Anāhitphill. [322]4. Jali Mayali Uvayāli Purisaseni ya Värisene ya Pajjunta Samba Auiruddha Saccanemi ya Dadhanemis. For the first 5 names see anga 9, i.
5. Paümävati Gori Gaṁdhärı Lakkhană Susimā ya Jāṁbavati/Saccabhāmi Ruppini Mülasiri Müladattā vi 1).
6. Makāyi Kimkam(m)e846 ceva Moggarapāni ya Kāsave/Khemate Dhitidhare ceva Kelåse Haricaṁdanel/Varatte Sudarsane Punnabhadde taha Sumapabhadde Supaitthe! Mehätimutte Alakkhe ajjhayaņānam tu solasayar||
7. Namdã Namdavati ceva Naṁduttarā Nardiseniyă ceva/Maruta Sumarutā Mahämarutā Marudeva ya atthamā|| Bhadda Subbadda ya Sujaya Sumanii ya Bhūyadinnā ya bodhavva Sehiyabhajjāna nāmātill
8. Kali Sukäli Mahākāli Kanhā Sukanhã Mahakanhă|Virakanhāya bodhavvā Rāmakanhā taheva Piusenakanhi navami dasami Mahāseņakanhā yal/
It is impossible to reconstruct any correct metre in these karikas, since the lines are a confused mass of śloka and äyrä homistiches.
The table of contents in anga 4 or Nandi (N) is as follows:- se kim tam aṁtagadadasaū ? aṁtao sisu nam aṁtagadānam nagaraiṁ ujjánālí ceiyai vanao rāyā° ammāpiyaro samosaranam dhammāyariya dhammakahāu347 ihalogaparalogao348 bhogapariccāga pavajjau suya348 tavo
345 Also in the Vidhiprapā : ittha ajjhayaņāņi Goyama m-aiņi. 346 Kimkamme is found in anga 3, 10, for anga 8; this should have been stated on
page 271. In reference to the question where Mayali is identical with Bhagāli, see the same page. Is Jāli equal to Jamāli? The account here entitled Gae treats of
Somila, as Leumann informs me, See ibidem, 347 In N we find the same transposition as in the case of 6, 7, sao rão ao dhao hão dho
riya. 348 paralogiya riddhivisesa N. 349 N inserts pariyāgā before suao.

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padimā4350 [323] bahuviha tavo361 khamā ajjavam maddavaṁ ca soyam ca saccasahiyam€52 sattarasaviho ya (B. C., °ha yā ya A) saṁjamo (me A, omo ya B. C.) uttamaṁ ca bambhař akimcanaya tavokiriyňu samitt guttiu ceva, taha363 appamāyajogo (@ge A) sajjhāyajjhimāna354 ya uttamīnam donhaṁ pi lakkhanāiń, pattāna ya sarjamuttamaṁ jiya (jiya A) parisahānaṁ ya caü vihakammakkhayaṁmi jaha kevalassa355 lambho, pariyāu oyāto B. C.)366 jattio oito B. C., jatiyāu A) ya jaha palito (pālayato A) munihi, pāuvagaii ya357 jo jahim358 jattiyāni bhattáni cheyaittā (cheittà A, chedaittà B. C.) aṁtakaro (gado B. C.) munivaro359 tama-rao'-gha360 mukko mokkhasuham anuttaraṁ ca patto (A, pattă B. C.) ete anne ya evar-di'tthā parūviya (parūve, B. C.) jāva.
IX. The ninth angam, aņuttarovaväiyadasāu, anuttaraupātikadaśās ;381 in 3 vaggas with 33 ajjhayaņas (10, 13, 10); contains legends of saints each one of whom attained the highest (anuttara) heavenly world (vimāna)362
The name (dasāu) is here too at variance with the constitution of our text, but is in agreement with the statements of angas 3 and 4, where only 10 ajjhayanas are mentioned ; while anga 4 recognizes but ten (the Nandi but three) uddeśanakalas, see above p. 286,-(324). We have already seen that, of all the names given in anga 3, 10 as those of the 10 ajjh., but three recur in anga 9. This proves that we have here to do with a text that has suffered a transformation. Our text has been handed down to us in an exceedingly fragmentary state, consisting chiefly of references to Meha (6, 1, 1) and Khandava (5, 2, 1); the
350 14 padimāto BC; N has instead of padimāu merely samlehavão bhattapaccakkhā
nam pāovagamana sukulapaccāio punavohilabha aṁtakiriyāo a āghavijjanti :
dvādaśa bhik supratimā māsik yadayah (cf. Leumann on Aup. $ 24). 351 sic. A, bahuvihato BC. 352 saucam ca sat yasahitam. 353 yāto samii guttito ceva BC, samitayo guptayas ca. 354 svādhyāyadhyānayoḥ. 355 ;nānāder labhah. 356 paryāyah pravrajyalaksanah, yāyāmś ca yāvadvarsādi pramāno yatha yena tapo
vise şaśrayanādină prakārena pålito munibhiḥ. 367 munihim ppātovagato ya BC. 358 präyopagamábhidhānam anaśanam pratipanno yo munir yatra. 359 amtakyto munivaro. jäta iti sesah. 360 raügha A, ratogha BC. 361 This should strictly be opädika ; cf. my remarks on upanga 1. 362 na śmåd uttaro vidyate ity anuttaraḥ, upapāto (pado (!) janmärthah, anuttaraḥ pra.
dhānah anyasya tathā-vidhasya bhāvād upapăto (pådo) yesām te, tadvaktavyātāpraribaddha dasā daśadhyayanopalaksita.

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first story alone of each varga is passably complete, the others are cited merely by their catch words,
The events of these recitals transpire in Răyagiba, Săgeta Vaņiyagama, Hatthiņapura. The names of the personages involved are to be extracted from the karikās, which cite the titles of the 33 ajjhavanas; viz: -
1. Jāli363 Mayali Uvajāli Purisaseņe ya Vāriseñe ya/Dihadamte ya Laddhadamte Vehallo Vehāyase Abhaye ti kumarel/See page 521 for the first five names.
2. Dihaseņe Mahāseņe Laddhadaṁte (again (!) ya Gūdhadaṁte ya Suddhadaṁte ya/Halle Dumme Dumasene Mahādumasene ya ähitell 1/1 Sihe ya Sihasene ya Mahāsihasene ya ähite Pumasese ya bodhavve terasame hoi ajjhayane // 2 //
3. 364 Dhanne ya Sunakkhatte Isidase ya ahitel Pellae Ramaputte Pacardimă Puţțimãi yal/1|| Pedhälaputte (cf. anga 2, 2, 7) anagare Poțțileiya Vehalle dasame vutte ime ye dasa ähiyal/21/.
Our information in reference to these persons is limited almost entirely to their names (325) alone. In the first history (of Jāli), which is a prototype of the rest, it is at least related that he ekkārasa aṁgāim ahijjati.
It is surprising that the table of contents in anga 4, or Nandi (N), is particularly explicit. This is probably to be explained by the fact that it had as its subject an entirely different text from that which we possess. It is as follows :-se kim tam anuttarovavā iyadasão 7 aņuosasu ņaṁ aṇuttarovavā iyāņaṁ nagarāi ujjaceio vaņa 365 rāyao ammā samo dhammäyao dhammakahā366 ihaloga 387 pavvajjä suyao388 tavo padimā0369 saṁlehaņā bhattapāuo anuttarovavatti (A, våto BC. 'rovavāyatti N) sukulapaccāyāi (yati BC, ccâio N) puņabohio amtakiriyā āghavijjaṁti ;
363 ittha ajjhayaņāni Jäli-m-aini, Vidhiprapā. 364 Five of these names recur in anga 3, 10 for angas 8 and 9, cf. p. 271. 365 N omits (an error of the scribe). 365 N inverts saora amo dhohão dh riyā. 367 ihalogapario A, ihalogapāraloga BC, ihaloiapdraloia riddhivisesá bhogapariccăgă
pavajjão N. 368 pariyaga before sua in N. 369 padimätave, A, merely padio BC, padimão uvasagga N.

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aņu sāsu870 ņam titthagarasamosaraņāim paramamaṁgalajagahiyāni (hittanam A) jiņātisesă ya bahuvisesā371 jiņasīsäņam ceva samaņagaña, (ganagaña A) payaragaṁdhahatthina;372, thirajasānań, parisahasenna (sena A) rivu (ripu A) balapamaddann iam (balāpa' C) tavaditta373 carittanānasammattasära-vivihappagara vittharapasattha gunasaṁjuyänar374 anagaramaharisiņam anagăraguņānas vanna0375 uttamavaratava visitthanāņajogajuttăņam, jaha ya jagahiyam bhagavaü,376 jārisā ya (omitted in BC) riddhi [326] visesā devāsuramāņusāņam, parisāņaṁ pāubbhāvā ya, jiansa ya uvāsamti jinavaraṁ,377 jaha ya parikaherti (haṁti A)378 dhammaṁ loga (loka A) guru379 amara-narasuraganānam, soūna ya tassa bhaniyam (bhasiyam A) avasesakammavisayavirattá narā jahā (jadhā BC) abbhuvesti (abbhāvařti A) dhammaṁ urālam samjamatavaṁ cā 'vi bahuvihappagāram, jaha bahūni väsāņi anucaritta ārāhiyanānadarsanacarittajoga jinavayaņam-aņugayamahiyabhisiya,380 jiňavarāņa (jaņa A) hiyaeņa-m-aņunettå,381 je ya jahim jattiyāņi bhattāni cheyaittā (titta BC, cheiyattā A), laddhūņa ya samähim uttamaṁ, jjhäņajogajuttă uvavannā (vattă B) munivaruttamā, jaha aņuttaresu pāvarti (pāveti A) jaha anuttaraṁ tattha visayasokkham, tato382 ya cuyá kameņa kahimti samjaya, jaha ya astakiriyar, ce (ete. BC) anne ya evamadi 'ttha jāva.
X. The tenth angam, paņhāvägaraņāim, praśnavyäkaraṇāni, in ten dāras, treats in a dogmatic and not in a legendary form, of the ten ethical duties, viz. ; first of the 5 adhammas or anhayas, aśrava, 383 which
[ to be continued ]
379 N omits the foll., titthakara BC. 371 jagaddhitāni..., bahuviše sa "dahan vimalasuyamdham" ity-ada yas' catustriñsud
adhikat arāḥ. 372 ganadharādināṁh śramanottamānāń. 373 davavad davāgnir iva (v.e.) diptāny ujjvalāni ; pāt hāṁtareña (the foll. is the reading
of the text, tapodipāni yāni caritrajanasamyaktvāni. 374 Prakastaó ca kamādayo gunão ; tai, sanyutānah ; kvacid; ruciraguna chuajānam
iti pājhah. 375 vanai A, vattato B, vannato C, vanakaḥ ślāgha, ākhyāyata iti yogah. 376 bhagavoto jinahitam (v.e.), bhagavata iti jinaśasanam iti gamyate. 377 jinasamipe yena prākāreņa pañcavidhābhigamādinā sevamte rājada yo jinavaram. 378 parikathayati : i. e. plur. majest. 379 lokagurur iti jinavaro ; perhaps gurū° plural. 380 jinavacanam ārāvi (?) anugatam sambaddham, mahitam pujitam, bhāşit an yair
adhyāpanādinā; pathāṁtare jinavacanam anugat ya" nukulvena susthubhasitam
yais te jinavacanānugatisubhāṣitāḥ. 381 hiyāt ana B, hiyatena C; anunitta A; iha sasthi dyitiyārthe, tena jinavaran hr
dayena tamasā (tapasă ?) anuniya prapya dhyar vā. 382 anut taravi mānebhyah, 383 i. e. äsrava, for which we should expect asnava. In the explanation . abhividhina
þrauti śravati karma yebhyas tę äśravāh", snauti sravati should probably be read

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Contribution of Jaina Literature in the Development of Medical Science : Treatment of Leprosy
The present paper attempts to highlight the contribution of Jaina physicians in the field of medical science. The science of medicine (tegicchya or ayuvveya) has been counted in Jaina texts among the nine sciences. The practice of pävasuya is said to have been discovered by Dhanvantari. It contains eight branches: kumārabhicca (pediatrics), salaga (surgery and midwifery), sallahattha (the treatment of eye, ear, nose and throat), jangda (taxocology), bhāyavijja (demonology), rasayana (method of restoring health in old age), vājikaraṇa or khäranta (sexual rejuvenation) and käyatigiccha (treatment of body diseases).
The physicians carried their bags of surgical instruments (satthakose)" and gave various treatments according to the nature of the disease, viz. sinehapāņa (rubbing with oil drinks), vamana (vomitting), vireyaṇa (purging), avadhähana (branding), avanāhana (medicated baths), anuvasana (oil onema), kşethikamma (famigation), niruha (purging by drugs), siräveh (opening veins) tecchana (cutting), päcchana (scraping), sirobothi (bathing the head with oils), lappana (nourishing the body with oils). Besides these methods, several other methods of treatment has been adopted by the Jaina physicians.
4
Nagendra Kumar Singh
The Acaranga Sutra mentions the following sixteen diseases: kuṭṭha (leprosy), gandi (boils), rāyanise (consumption), avamariya (epilepsy), käniya (blindness), kuniya (lameness), khejiya (jumpback), udari (dropsy), muya (numbness), suniya (swelling), gilasani (over-appetite),
1 Thānanga Sutra, p. 678.
2 Nisitha Curni, 15, p, 944.
3 Ibid., 11, p. 701.
4 Vivägasuya, i, p. 8.

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vevai (trembling), pidhasappi (disablement), silivaya (elephantiasis) and madhumeha (diabetes). The causes of diseases are over-eating, eating unwholesome food, over-sleeping, over-working, checking calls of nature, travelling, irregularity of food, and indulgence in sexual intercourse.
The practice of using skin with or without hair (saloma or nirloma) for curing the Jaina monks and nups is pretty old and is referred in the Brhatkal pasūtra. It is said that if a nun suffered from udodhavata (faltulence) or from dhauggha (paralysis) or from piles or from acute pain or her hand or foot due to dislocation or her whole or a part of the body being affected by wind, she was made to lie down on a skin. The leg of a vulture was tied to cure paralysis, the teeth and the nails of the bear, and the hair of the ram were also used for similar purposes.? If her waist or hand was affected by vāta (rheumatism), the skin of a taraccha (hyena) was wrapped around the affected part; if she was bitten by dog, she was made to lie down on a divicamma (tiger-skin). In the same way the hairless skin was prescribed for the Jaina monks, who suffered from galantakodha (leprosy), piles, kacchu or kidibha.9 Dropings of a ram or cow urnine was used to cure leprosy known as pama.10 The gośīrşa-sandal was also used to cure kimikuttha (leprosy) full of maggots.11
The drinking of urine was another pratice described in the Brhatkalpasūtra 12 The monks and nuns drank each others urine for the cure of snake-bite.13 The fly dropping was used in the case of vomitting and the horse fly (asamakkiya) to remove dirt from the eye. They used pills to cure eye-sores. 14 Flesh was used to cure fistula and in its absence rice powder mixed with honey and ghee was used.15 For madness it is stated that if a monk or a nun became mad, they were to be tied gently and kept in a room or a well without water.16 Various types of
5 R. V. Trenekuer, Milindapanha, London, 1880, p. 153. 6 Byhatkalpa Bhasya, pp. 3816-18 1 Ogha Nijjutti, p. 134. 8 Byhatkalpa Bhasya, op. cit. g Ibid., pp. 3829-40. 10 Pindanijjutti, p. 48. 11 Avašyaka Curni. p. 133. 12 Brhatkalpa Bhāşya, p. 1277, 13 Niśītha Cūrni, pp. 58-121. 14 Ogha Nijjutti, p. 129. 15 Byhatkalpa Bhasya, p. 1277, 16 Vavahāra Bhasya, p. 1225.

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oil such as hamisatella satapāgatella, sahassapăgatella and marutella are also mentioned in Jaina canons for external use, 17 Besides medical treatment surgical operation also seems to have becn carried out.
Here we meet an important experiment curing a patient of leprosy by Jivānanda as recorded by Hemacandra.18 Jivānanda was born as the son of the physician Suvidhi at the city of Kşitipratişthita in Videha. He studied, the science of Ayurveda in all its eight branches and rasa (taste) vīrya (power), and vipata (efficacy of the drugs). As such he became the foremost amongst physicians, full of wisdom and unquestionable skill, even like the sun among the planets.
One day when Jivānanda was sitting with his five friends at his residence a Jaina monk arrived there begging alms for breaking his three-days fast. He was none else but prince Guņākara, son of King Prthvipāla, who had taken to monkhood abandoning the kingdom like dirt. His body had emaciated on account of penances even as the current of a river due to summer heat. Moreover he was afilicted by worm leprosy on whole of his body on account of eating untimely and unwholesome food. Being desirous of emancipation, he never cared for any cure of this disease.
On beholding the leprous monk prince Mabidhara, one of his friends, said tauntingly to Jivananda, "You do possess thorough knowledge of the disease, its drugs and its treatment ; the only thing wanting in you is just compassion. Alas ! like courtesans, you people won't even look at a patient unless he pays your fees, even though he might be well-acquainted, suffering; the discerning ones however should not solely be greedy ; in some cases treatment must be offered for the sake of dharma. Fie upon all your efforts in treatment as well as diagonosis that you are disregarding such a worthy one afflicted with a disease."19 Jivānanda retorted promptly, "Well said, my noble friend. You have struck me with wonder. Indeed, a Brahmaņa without animosity, a merchant not deceitful, a lover free from jealousy, an embodied one free from diseases, a scholar who is Wealthy, a virtuous one lacking pride, a woman not fickle, and a prince with good behaviour are seldom seen,"20 He further stated
17 Nišitha Curņi, p. 109; Bịhatkalpa Bhasya, p. 6031. 18 Sri Jain Atmananda Sabha edition of the First Parvan, edited by Muni Caturvijyaji,
Bhavanagar. 1936, verse 718-788. 19 Ibid., verses, 738-741. 20 Ibid., verses, 742-44.

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that the great monk must certainly be treated by him but the lack of drugs was hindrance. He however admitted that he had laksapăka oil but he did not have gośīrşa-candana and ratna-kambala.
At this, the five friends of Jivānanda—Prince Mahidhara, Subuddhi, Purņabhadra, Guņākara and Keśava went to the market and enquired of an old merchant about the two things. He showed the objects and said that each of them would cost a hundred thousand Dinārs, and asked why they wanted such costly objects. On learning the noble purpose, the merchant said to himself "what a contrast between their youth intoxicated with wildess, joy and love on the one hand, and their thoughts that are very abode of discernment suitable for old age, worthy of a person like myself."22 With these thought, he handed over both the commodities and did not accept the price at all. He remarked, "I shall take imperishable dharma as the price. Well, you have allowed me to share dharma like brothers.''22
They took all these remedies to the monk, who was standing under a banyan tree in the käyotsarga posture. Bowing down to him, Jivānanda begged his pardon for disturbing him and took his permission to apply the medicines. Then, they brought a cow's body recently dead and started the treatment. First of all they anointed all his limbs with the lakşapāka oil which disappeared in the body. The patient became unconcious on account of the great warming power of the oil and the worms, confused by the heat, came out of the body. Jivananda then covered the monk with the ratna-kambala. The worms struck to it because of its coolness. Jivananda. then slowly shook off the ratna-kambala over the cow's body causing the worms fall down on it. He then, soothed the monk by rubbing gośīrşa-candana which gives life to the creatures like nector,28
Since only the worms from the skin had come out, the physician anointed the patient again with the oil and again many worms emerged out; which clung to the covering ratna-kambala, even as bacteria of curd, more than two days state, cling to a lacquered cloth.24 Again he laid it down on the cow's body, and then comforted the monk with
21 Ibid., verse, 753. 22 Ibid., verse, 755. 23 Ibid., verses, 761-67. 24 Ibid., verse, 770.

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showers of gośirşa-candana. *5 The third application of the oil forced the worms in the bone to come out.*6 Again he shook the worms clinging to the ratna-kambala off on the cow's body.27 The physician then smeared the monk with the juice of gośirsa-candana with great devotion as if he was a God. And at last glowing with fresh skin grown by virtue of application of healing drugs the monk glittered like a statue of polished gold. 28
Hemcandra has, thus, described an actual experiment of curing a leper. All the same, the problem of identification of these drugs has proved a hard nut to crack. Lak sapaka taila is translated by Helen Johnson, as the oil with a hundred thousand ingredients, gośirşacandana as gośīrşa-sandal and ratna-kambala as jeweled-blanket, 29 The present writer has discussed the problem with several well-known practitioners of Indian medicine and has carefully consulted a number of standard treatises, both ancient and modern on the subject but satisfactory solution, however, was not found. It appears that all the three commodities were very costly. The ratna-kambala and the gośīrsacandana were more costly than the laksapaka-taila in as much as the physician had the same with him while the other two had to be procured from the market at a price of hundred thousand Dināras each,
Did laksapaka oil comprised of as many as hundred thousand ingredients ? Or was it prepared by giving a hundred thousand puta-päkaso to its constituents? Or was its ingredient was something like lac which was known in sanskrit as laksa ? The questions have still remained unanswered. Regarding other two objects some thing can be said. Gośīrşa-candana is definitely a kind of sandal and as such it might have a soothing effect. Apte explains 'Gośirşa' as a yellow pigment prepared from the urine or bile of the cow.81 This explanation suggests identification of gośirșa with gorocana. 38
25 Ibid., verse, 772. 26 Ibid., verse, 773. 27 Ibid,, verse, 774. 28 Ibid., verse, 776. 29 Gaekwad's Oriental Series, No. L1, 1931, p. 67, 30 Puta-Pāka is a particular method of preparing drugs wherein the various ingre
dients are wraped in the leaves (or earthen pots), and being covered with clay are
roasted in fire for a fixed period. 31 The Practical Sanskrit-English Dictionary, Poona, 1890, p. 469. 32 Chandraraja Bhandari, The Vanauşadhi Candrodaya (Hindi), vol. III, Indore, N. D.
p. 284.

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Mr. Bhandari states that it is bile of the cow's head. It is described there as very cool, palatable, enhancer of bodily charm, and useful for leprosy. This description also tempts us to identify our gośirṣacandana with the gorocana, The gorocana was stated to be used for the auspicious tilaka mark on the forehead,33 while gośirşa-candana is stated to be used for smearing the different limbs of the body.84 Even at present gorocana is available as a ball of compact yellow powder which is much lighter inside than on the external surface.
JAIN JOURNAL
Now kambala is a blanket of wool. Ratna-kambala would, therefore be blanket of wool studded with jewels. This phrase is employed elsewhere also in the present work, where it is stated that traders from Yavana-dvipa showed their ratna-kambala to Jivayasa, daughter of the King of Magadha, who purchased it for half the price demanded. These blankets we described to be cool in hot weather and warm in winter made of thick fine wool.85
The phrase ratna-kambala occurs in some other Jaina texts also. Prof. H. R. Kapadiya has listed it among fabulous objects. He refers to its occurence in Maladharin Hemacandra's Tippaṇaka on Jinabhadra Gani's Viseṣāvas yakabhāṣya (verses 2551-52).36 The reference is that Śivakoti alias Sahasramalla, a native of Rathavirapura and a brother of Uttara was given by the ruler of his native place, a costly blanket called ratna-kambala which his preceptor did not like as it is inconsistant with the life of a Jaina monk. It may however, be pointed out that here the reference is not to a jeweled blanket, but a gem amongst the blanket, i.e. an excellent blanket which the perceptor got cut into pieces and these pieces were distributed among the disciple monks as kerchiefs for cleansing their feet.37
Another reference given by Prof. Kapadiya is Šilankadeva's (8th century A.D.). Acārānga Sutra Vrtti (II. 1.5.1), where a ratna-kambala is stated to be prepared from the fur of mice who live in the potters' furnace as do fish in water and that for cleaning, it is exposed to fire. Here also, it may again be pointed out, the phrase employed is kambala
33 Somaprabhācārya, Satarthakāvya, Präcin Sahityoddhär Series, No-2, II ii. 89. 34 Ibid., I. iv. 1-20; II. ii 463, 565, 573; II. iv. 31, 252; II. v. 115; II. vi. 643. 35 Ibid., VIII. vii. 135, 137,
36 Quoted in H. R. Kapadia, References to Fabulous Objects by Jain Writers, Journal of the Oriental Institute, vol. VIII/2, Dec. 1958, pp. 169-179.
37 Viseṣāvasyaka-Bhasya of Jinabhadra Gani with Brhad-Vitti called Sisya-hita of Maladhari Hemacandra, Benaras, Vol. VI, V. S. 2439, p. 1021a.

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ratna not ratna-kambala.98 His third reference is Silankācārya's Vivarņa on the Niryukti (verse 122) of the Sūtrakrtānga Sūtra (1.13) where the commentator mentions that a ratna-kambala becomes warm in cold weather, and cools down when it is oppresive heat. The pertinent portion is as follows:
unhe karei sīya siye unhatanam puņa karei kambalakşaņādiņam esa sahābo muñeyanyo
But this reference could not be traced in the edition available at the Oriental Institute, Baroda. Here also the first word in the second line suggests that it is kambala, not ratna-kambala.
Prof. Kapadiya refers also to its occurance in Trişaști-salākāpuruşa-carita (I. i) only in a casual way. The phrase ratna-kambala thus is met with in Hemacandra's Trişaști-salākā-puruşa-carita (I. 746, 768 and 770) where the life of Jīvānanda was dealt with its price, He further pointed out that narratives about king Śreņika-Salibhadra, and Sthulabhadra furnish references pertaining to ratna-kambala and the story of Sthūlabhadra suggests that ratna-kambala could be had from Nepal.39
It is not always intended to consider ratna-kambala simply as a fabulous object. Pt. B.L. Shanbhagace says that the thick woolen Persian carpet is still called ratna-kambala in Konkani. Moreover we have already seen above that in the seventh sarga of the eighth parvan of Trişasti-salākā puruşa-carita, Yavana traders are stated to have brought the ratna-kambala to India for selling at very high price.co The worms burning due to the application of the lakşapäka oil, which is described by Hemacandra as uşnavirya i.e. a powerfully scorching drug, would naturally be tempted to resort to the jeweled woolen
which would be comparatively cool and soothing. We have already noted two references specifying the characteristic of the blanket of giving heat in cold weather and coolness when it is oppresive heat.
38 Acărāngasutra with Bhadrabahu's Niryukti and Silankācārya's Vivarana, Agamodaya
Samiti edition, Mehsana, 1966, p. 392b and 393a. 39 Ibid., fn. p. 24. 40 Trisasti-salākā-puruşa-carita. VII. 8.

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The dead body of cow was brought there just for giving shelter to the tortured worms as ordained by the principle of non-violence. Modern doctors would destory the germs by means of some sort of germicides in order to prevent the disease being spread by them.
The ratna-kambala may be replaced by any other cool and soothing covering, but the most important drug is the lakşapäka oil. I request therefore the modern experts in Ayurveda whose duty it is to search out this drug not for the sake of world-renown but just for the sake of the ailing humanity.

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Jain Origin of a Hindu Temple
S. Padmanabhan
Nagercoil, the name of which is derived from the five-headed serpent shrine which is now the headquarters of Kanyakumari District of Tamil Nadu was a part of Travancore State upto 1956. The temple of Nāgarāja is situated in the heart of the town. The attention of every visitor to the temple is drawn to the two big stone images of hydra-headed serpents and the five inscribed granite slabs that are erected nearby. There are nine separate inscriptions on the five slabs.1 The eight inscriptions which are dated from Kollam Era 681 to 697 refer to the gifts of lands made at different times for the conduct of worship and the supply of offering to the serpent deity in the temple. The lands were left in the custody of Kerala Narayanan alias Gunaveerapandithan and Jeevakarudaiyan alias Kamalavahanapandithan who were supervising the temple affairs. The small slab containing the inscriptions of the Kollam Era 820 gives a list of donors for making an ornamental lamp stand and donation of oil for its use.
Of the nine inscriptions on the granite slabs eight of them mention the names of Gunaveerapandithan and Kamalavahanapandithan and call the name of the place as Kottar and not by the present name Nagercoil. The words Palli and Pallichantham also occur in all these eight inscriptions. One of the inscriptions which was dated Kollam Era 696 mentions the name of the Venad King Bhuthala Sri Veera Udaya Marthanda Varma. The inscription dated Kollam Era 764 (1588 A.D) found on the western wall of Anandakļşņa shrines which does not mention Palli or Pallichantham denotes that the temple might have passed into the hands of the Hindus during this period. The particulars mentioned in these inscriptions thus unfold a glimpse of the history of the town, the temple and the ruler of the period.
1 Inscriptions of Kanyakumāri, Part 3 Nos. 1968/275, 276, 277, 281, 282, 283, 284.
285, 286. 2 Ibid., No. 1968/281, 3 Ibid., No. 1968/279.

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The very names Gudaveera and Kamalavahana mentioned in the inscriptions are reminiscent of Jain nomenclature. The term 'Palli' and 'Pallicham.' inscribed therein are clear proof that this was a Jain temple originally. The word 'Palli' even today indicates temples other than those of Hindus. “Pallichantham' means royal gifts of lands to the deities of other religions, while 'manyam' represents the gifts made to Hindu temples.
On the pillars of the temple there are many images of Jain Tirthankaras. The image in standing pose under the hood of a five headed serpent is Pārsvanātha, the 23rd Tirthařkara in the line, the 24th and the last being Vardhamana Mahāvira. The seated figure carved on the pillar is undoubtedly of Mahāvira, for, at the bottom of the seat are seen sculptured figures of lions, the totem peculiar to Mahavira. Over the head of the image is the triple umbrella, one of the characteristic features of Jain iconography. The image of a lady under the hood of a three headed serpent is Padmāvati, the Yakşi of Parsvanātha.
From the hymns of Thirugnanasambandar, it can be surmised that Jainism was a prominent religion in Kottar and the surrounding area during his days. He has described the naked Jain monks staunch Buddhists roaming in the streets of Kottar as "Udaiilathu Ulalginra Kundarkal Unarum thavathaya Sakkiyarum”. It is interesting to note that Therur near Nagercoil was once a centre of Buddhists of Theravada School.4 There is also epigraphic evidence to show that there were flourishing Jain settlements in Kottar, Kurandi, Tiruchcharanathumalai and Tirunandikkari which are all in the present district of Kanyakumari. From the Jain vestiges and inscriptions found in Samanar malai in Madurai district, Kalugumalai in Chidambaranar district and Tiruchcharanathumalai in Kanyākumāri district we learn that a large number of Jain monks who were there hailed from these four Jain centres in Kanyākumāri area. The erudite Jain scholars and their disciples from these centres of learning left votive images cut on the rocks in different centres of Jain culture. There were several Jain scholars named Putbananda Adigal, Uttapandi Adigal, Vimalachandrar and Pathamoolathan Arangam Maran who had prefixed the word Kottar to their names. The line "Chattan Varagunan Seivittha Srimeni' which appeared in the inscription found
4 Dr. Shu Hikosaka, Buddhism in Tamilnadu. p. 192. 5 South India Inscriptions, Vol V, pp. 122-132. 6 T.A.S., Vol. II, p. 126.

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1
US

SG
SIN
HEN
BE
THERE
SER
1952

WS
SOS

Dharanendra and Padmāvati in the form of serpents at the entrance
to the inner shrine of Nāgarāja Temple at Nagercoil.

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is
SIE
SI
ESSENCE
RECE
WE
ELE
CE
The images of Pārsvanātha, Padmavati apd Mahavira fixed on the pillers of Nagarāja Temple, Nagercoil, speaks of its being
originally a Jain Temple.
.
BISNES
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at Thiruchcharanathumalai denotes that the King Varaguna of Ay dynasty in the 9th century A.D. was a staunch Jain. From this inscription we also learn that Jainism flourished in the area with royal support,
81
The Jain scholars grouped together and formed a Sangham that is a study centre near Kottar in the 7th Century A.D. The name of a village Puravaseri near Kottar is derived from "Pulavarseri" which means a colony of scholars. One of the inscriptions found in the Kṛṣṇa Temple at Puravaseri mentions the land which was donated to the temple belongs to Jains (Pallichantham).
The gigantic images of the two serpents at the entrance to the inner shrine with the 23rd Tirthankara Parsvanatha resting on the spiral-shaped thick coil of one of them narrate an episode in the life of Parsvanatha and his connections with the serpents. This episode is depicted in the Uttarapuraṇa. The legend goes that a snake couple killed by the arrogant Mahipala listened to the soothing hymns of Pārsvanatha before they died and were reborn as the snake king and queen in the Netherworld. One day while the saint was in deep meditation his spiritual radiance halted the flight of God Samvara's car. Annoyed at this Samvara caused a heavy downpour of rain, but failed in his attempt to disrupt the meditation of Parsvanatha. In order to rescue the saint from the rising floods the snake King Dharanendra spread his hood over him, and his Queen Padmavati planted a lotus under his feet. Thus the saint rose above the waters and was saved. Thus these images which depict the episode in the life of Parsvanatha also confirm the Jain origin of the Nagaraja Temple.
In ancient days devotees from Kongunadu (present Coimbatore and Salem areas) came here and worshipped the deity. The illumination on the last Sunday of Avani is locally called Kongunattu Vilakku. It is interesting to note that Kongunadu was also a famous centre of Jains in ancient days.
At the time of reconstruction and renovation in the 17th Century A.D. the temple might have passed into the hands of the Hindus. When Jain Pallis became Hindu temples, certain alterations had to be made, particularly regarding the idols, in keeping with the requirements of the Hindu pantheon. All the deities except Nagaraja were later additions installed by the Hindus. The very appearance of the

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sanctum of the Śiva shrine proves positively the above statement. The shrines of Sastha, Durga, Balasubramanya and Idumba were only recent additional structures of the temple.
JAIN JOURNAL
Another interesting fact to be noted here is the absence of the name of the deities Śiva and Anandakṛṣṇa in the inscriptions of the temple. The earlier inscriptions from Kollam Era 681 to 697 (15061522) mention the name of the presiding deities as Nagar locally known as Nagaramman (Devi) that is the five-headed serpent in the northern side of the shrine and Nagaraja, the King of serpents who stands under the hood of a five-headed serpent in the southern side. They are only Padmavati and Dharmendra who are worshipped by Jains. Now the deity Nagaraja is locally called Anandakṛṣṇa. Most of the inscriptions found in the temple read thus: "Kottattu Nagarkkum and Nagarajavukkum" (Nagar and Nagaraja of Kottar). The inscription dated Kollam Era 764 found on the western wall of the shrine calls the deity Nagaraja as Thiru Ananda Alwar and the inscription dated Kollam Era 819 calls the deity as Śrī Kṛṣṇa. The devotees of the local area later combined the two names and used to call the deity Nagaraja as Anandakṛṣṇa. From these facts it can be surmised that the deity Nagaraja became Ananda in 1588 A.D. and Śri Kṛṣṇa in 1643 A.D. The inscription dated Kollam Era 817 and the image of the Venad King Veera Ravivarma Kulasekharaperumal bearing the Saivite marks on his forehead which is carved under the inscription denote that the shrine of Siva might have been erected in between the shrines of Nagaramman and of Nagaraja and the temple was renovated and reconstructed by the King. It is astonishing to note that the name of Śiva and Anandakṛṣṇa are not mentioned in any of the inscriptions found in the temple. The temple of Nagaraja is thus a fine example of the transformation of a Jain shrine into a Hindu one.
At present, the temple of Nagarāja may be regarded as a splendid monument showing at its best the fusion of the four streams of Indian religion. Besides the presiding deity Nagaraja, the images of Lord Śiva and of Anandakṛṣṇa have been enshrined in the ardhamanḍapa and the pillars of the mandapa bear carved figures of Jain Tirthankaras, Parsvanatha and Mahavira. The beautiful southern gateway of the temple known as Mahamerumaaligai reminds us of a Buddhist vihāra. Thus the Nagaraja temple stands as an embodiment of the four creeds Śaivism, Vaisnavism, Jainism and finally Buddhism.

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Kundakundacarya: His Life and Works
K. B. Jindal
The year of ascension (nirvāṇa) of Lord Mahavira is 527 B.C. After him there were only three persons who obtained omniscience in this cycle of time-Gautama, Sudharma and Jambu. After these Kevalins (omniscients), there followed a long succession of apostles who can be classified into four categories depending upon their store of knowledge. Those who had complete knowledge of the spoken word (śruta-jñāna), those who had limited knowledge of the ten Purvas and the eleven Angas, those who knew only the Angas, and those who had knowledge of only one Anga (Acāra). The periods of their ministry are detailed below:
I-Kevalins
II-Śruta-Kevalins
III-Purva-Angins
Gautama
Sudharma
Jambu

Viṣṇukumāra Nandimitra
Aparajita Govardhana Bhadrabahu
Visakha
Prosthila
Ksatriya
Jayasena
Nagasena
Siddhartha Dhrtisena
Vijaya
Buddhilinga
Years
12
12
38

HERE ARE∞32
14
16
22
19
29
10
15
17
21
18
17
18
13
1 Gautama was Ganadhara of Mahavira. A Ganadhara is an interpreter of the sermons and discourses of a Tirthankara.
20

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JAIN JOURNAL
Gargadeva Dharmasena
IV-Argins
Nakşatra Jayapāla Pāņdu Dhruvasena Kansa
V-Ācāra Angins
Subhadra Yaśobhadra Yaśobăhu Lohārya Maghanandi Jinacandra Kundakunda
Total
583
Taking away the fifty-two years of his own ministry, Kundakundacarya started preaching 531 years after Lord Mahāvira. Since only in his forty-fourth year he became an Ācārya, the date of Kundakundacārya would be 40 B.C.
The personality of great teachers is lost in obscurity and shrouded with traditions. It is said that in a town called Kurumarai in the district of Pidat Nadu in the South, there lived a wealthy businessman by name Karamunda. His wife was Śrimati. They had a cow-herd who tended their cattle. His name was Yativar. One day when he was driving his cattle to an adjoining forest, he saw to his great surprise that the whole forest was consumed by forest fire except a few trees in the centre, which retained their luxuriant green foliage. This roused his curiosity and he went and inspected that place. There he found on the branch of a green tree a Šāstra, written on palmyra leaves and wrapped in cloth. Yativar brought down tho
and carried it home with great awe and reverence. He placed it on a high pedestal and continued to worship it daily.
One day Śrutasāgar Muni visited Kurumarai town. Karamunda offered him food. After taking his meals, the Muni gave his usual religious discourse to the people gathered at the residence of

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Karamunda. Yativar was also in the audience. After listening to the discourse, Yativar offered to the Muni the Sastra which he had salvaged from the forest. On account of these gifts-food from the Master and the scriptures from the servant--the Muni was very much pleased and blessed them both. The Master of the house who was issueless, was to have an intelligent son and old and faithful servant would be born as the promised son of the house. The happy event came to pass. Yativar was reborn in his next birth as the son of Karamunda and Srimati. He was christened as Kaundes and received his education from Śrutasāgar Muni. Before Srutaságar left for his heavenly abode, he had admitted Kaundes in the order of Munis with his formula of initiation : Simandharāya Namaḥ. Kaundes inherited his preceptor's water-bowl and peacock-feather broom (pichi).
The newly initiated Muni Kaundes later on came to be called Kundakunda. Throughout his life, he continued to chant his formula of initiation Simandharāya Namaḥ.
There is another version to this formula of initiation :
According to Jaina Cosmology, the terra firma (Jambadvipa) is divided into six segments-- Bharata, Airāvata, and Videha, with two antipodes of each. In the first two segments, there are twenty-four Tirthankaras in the fourth cycle of time (Duşamā-Suşamā), But in the Videha Ksetra, there are twenty Tirthankaras in every cycle
Kundakundācārya lived in Bharata Kşetra in which we all live, There was a lingering doubt in the mind of Kundakundácārya which none in Bharata Kșetra could dispel. A colleague of Kundakundācārya in his pervious birth, became a Deva in the next birth. To dispel the doubt, the Deva physically transported Kundakundacărya to Videha Kşetra. The first Tirthankara of Videha Kşetra, Simandhara, gave audience to Kundakundācārya and cleared the cloud in his mind. Thus enlightened, Kundakundacārya was brought back to Bharata Kșetra by the Deva. Kundakundācārya was deeply beholden to Simandhara Svāmi for having lead him to right Belief and Right Conduct. In token of his respect and gratitude, Kundakundācārya constantly chanted the name of the Tirthankara-Simandharāya Namaḥ.
At the time of Bhadrabāhu there was a terrible famine in the north. Bhadrabahu took a large body of ascetics with him and migrated to the South. The Pāņdya Kings of the South were Jainas from very

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Karamunda. Yativar was also in the audience. After listening to the discourse, Yativar offered to the Muni the Sastra which he had salvaged from the forest. On account of these gifts-food from the Master and the scriptures from the servant--the Muni was very much pleased and blessed them both. The Master of the house who was issueless, was to have an intelligent son and old and faithful servant would be born as the promised son of the house. The happy event came to pass. Yativar was reborn in his next birth as the son of Karamunda and Śrimati. He was christened as Kaundes and received his education from Śrutasagar Muni. Before Śrutasagar left for his heavenly abode, he had admitted Kaundeś in the order of Munis with his formula of initiation: Simandharaya Namaḥ. Kaundeś inherited his preceptor's water-bowl and peacock-feather broom (pichi).
85
The newly initiated Muni Kaundeś later on came to be called Kundakunda. Throughout his life, he continued to chant his formula of initiation Simandharaya Namaḥ.
There is another version to this formula of initiation :
According to Jaina Cosmology, the terra firma (Jambudvipa) is divided into six segments-Bharata, Airavata, and Videha, with two antipodes of each. In the first two segments, there are twenty-four Tirthankaras in the fourth cycle of time (Duṣamā-Suṣamā), But in the Videha Kṣetra, there are twenty Tirthankaras in every cycle of time.
Kundakundacārya lived in Bharata Kṣetra in which we all live. There was a lingering doubt in the mind of Kundakundācārya which none in Bharata Kṣetra could dispel. A colleague of Kundakundācārya in his pervious birth, became a Deva in the next birth. To dispel the doubt, the Deva physically transported Kundakundacārya to Videha Kṣetra. The first Tirthankara of Videha Kṣetra, Simandhara, gave audience to Kundakundācārya and cleared the cloud in his mind. Thus enlightened, Kundakundacārya was brought back to Bharata Kṣetra by the Deva. Kundakundācārya was deeply beholden to Simandhara Svami for having lead him to right Belief and Right Conduct. In token of his respect and gratitude, Kundakundācārya constantly chanted the name of the Tirthankara-Simandharaya Namaḥ.
At the time of Bhadrabahu there was a terrible famine in the north. Bhadrabahu took a large body of ascetics with him and migrated to the South. The Pandya Kings of the South were Jainas from very

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JAIN JOURNAL
early times and Bhadrabahu accepted the hospitality of the then king. Bhadrababu migrated from the North to the South, but Kundakunda was the son of the soil. Guntakal is an important Railway Junction in modern Andhra Pradesh. Near it is the town of Kundakunda in the District of Anantapur. This is the birthplace of Kundakundācārya. In the days of the Ācārya, this entire area was called Pidat Nadu, referred to above. Indeed, Andhra Pradesh was carved out after 1950 from what was formerly Madras Presidency, and still earlier the greater Tamil Nadu.
125 kilometres from the Madras City, and eight kilometres from Vandvasi Tehsil is Ponnurmalai. On a hillock here, there are the footprints of Kundakundācārya. Below the footprints is inscrbed :
dakșiņa dese malaye hemagrăme munirmahātmāsīt helätcáryo nämnă dravila gaņādhiśvaro dhimän
Translated in English it means-"In the south hill range, there is nestled a village called Hemagrāma (Ponnur). In this village lived the wise and learned Elācārya, the leader of an Order of Saints." Blacārya is the other name of Kundakundācărya.
During his itineraries, Kundakundācārya also visited Mylapore, on the sea.coast, very near Madras. It is here that he wrote the great Tamil treatise Tirukkural. Tirukkural is regarded as Tamil Veda. It is a great treatise on polity, morality and ethics. It was then a pract that anybody who wrote a treatise had to read it out to his Order to get their approval and sanction Kundakundăcārya was a Digambar naked Sadhu and he could not personally appear and read out the treatise before the conclave. So he sent his disciple Tiruvulla Nainar to officiate for him. Tiruvulla Nainar took Tirukkural to Madurai and there he read out and explained the importance of the treatise to the conclave of Saints gathered there. The Saints mistook him for the author. And that is how Tirukkural came to be associated with Tiruvulla Nainar. The mistake in the identity of the author continues till today. Tirukkural has been translated in Hindi by Govinda Rai Sastri and printed and published by Kundakunda Bharati, Special Institutional Area, New Delhi. Between January, 1988 and December, 1992, this Hindi version of Tirukkural has had four editions. But in
2 Foot-prints are carved out at the place where the person concerned breathed his
last.

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each edition, the name of the original author in Tamil is mentioned as Tiruvulla Nainar (Tiruvalluvar).
87
At the time of Kundakundacarya, the Pallavas ruled in Tamil Nadu, with Kanjipuram as their capital. Śiva Mahārāj or Śiva Skandha Varma was a Jaina King of the Pallava dynasty. For him Kundakundācārya wrote the Prabhṛt Trayt-Pañcastikāya Sāra, Pravacana Sāra and Samaya Sara. The Acarya is reputed to have written 85 Pahuḍas, out of which only twelve are extant-the three Prabhṛtas mentioned above, Niyama Sāra and Aṣṭa Pāhuḍas.
Pañcästikāya Sāra treats about the five cosmic constituents. The five cosmic constituents are jiva (soul), pudgala (matter), dharma (principle of motion), adharma (principle of rest) and ākāśa (space).
Pravacana Sāra is in three parts. The first part states that a Kevali absorbed in his Self, is above all sensual feelings-above pleasure and pain. The second part states that knowledge is in corelation to the five cosmic constituents. The third and last part deals with dravya and bhāva lingas, the externals and internals of a Muni-his eleven hall-marks and his true disposition.
Samaya Sära describes the pure nature of the Soul. The word "Samaya" is used in the sense of absorption or realisation. Selfabsorption is the central goal to be aimed at by the Soul struggling to be free from the fetters of the mundane bondage of karmas.
Niyama Sāra deals with the path of liberation, which is Right Belief, Right Knowledge and Right Conduct-the three jewels of Jaina faith. The word Niyama literally means "rule of law" and Săra means "the right". Niyama Sära thus signifies the Right Rule, i.e, the true and indispensable law for the attainement of liberation. The whole gist of this treatise is to show that the all-pure, all-conscious, all-blissful and self-absorbed soul alone is the Siddha, a perfect soul. If a soul is in bondage with Karmic matter, 1.e., if it has any connection, whatsoever, with the non-soul, it is imperfect and under delusion. When this connection with the non-self is completely severed, Siddha-pada, Perfection, is attained.

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The Aşta (Eight) Pahuḍas are discourses on:
1. Darśana
2. Sutra
3. Căritra
4. Bodha
5. Bhāva
6. Mokṣa
7. Linga
8. Sila
—
JAIN JOURNAL
Right Belief
Twelve Angas
Right Conduct
Eleven hall-marks of a Muni
Soul Activity
Path to Salvation
Who is a real Muni ?
True disposition of a Muni
The Aşta Pahuḍas were written at a time when decadence had set in and there was schism in Jainism. In the Eight Pähudas, the Jaina Munis are reminded of the high Order to which they belong and they are exhorted not to deviate from the path of rectitude and asceticism set for them by their preceptors.
Question arises why the author chose to call his works as Pahuḍa? In Volume I, Part 1, Gatha 13, page 297 of Kaşaya Pahuḍas, there is question-answer :
pāhuḍe tti kā ņirutti? jamhā padehi phuḍam tamha pähudam
Query What is the etymological explanation of Pahuḍa? Reply All that is written in verse-form is Pähuda.
Thus in a generic sense, all that is written in Prakrit verse is Pähuda. The Sanskrit equivalent of Pahuḍa is Prabhṛta. On the same page 297 of Kasaya Pāhuḍa, the word Prabhṛta is explained as under :

prakṛṣṭena tirthankareṇa ābhṛtam prasthāpitam iti prabhṛtam
prakṛṣṭairäcāryairvidyavittavadvirabhṛtaṁ dhäritam
vyākhyātamānītamiti vā präbhṛtam
By Gunadharäcärya, Digambar Jain Sangh Granthamälä, Series 1, second edition, 1974 publication.

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“That which is laid down by the Tirthankaras is Präbhrta. That which was imbibed by the Ācāryas and later on preached by them and carried over from predecessor to successor is Präbhsta. The Ācārya's only wealth is their learning.”
In the Appendix to Samaya Sära, it is said that when a vassal meets his lord, he offers his humble tribute to his lord. The soul in bondage is the vassal and the liberated soul is the lord. The Atma is striving to have a glimpse of the Paramātmā and, therefore, it makes a substantial tribute of the written word to the Paramätma. All Sastras are Prabhrta, offerings or gifts, by the Ācāryas to the Arhatas and the Siddhas.
Thus we have three shades of meaning of the word Pähuda or Präbhrta :
1. All that is written in Prakrit verse-form; 2. All that was spoken by the Tirthankaras and imbibed by the
Ācāryas and passed on to posterity; and 3. The written sästra offered at the feet of the Masters. Numbers
2 and 3 are two sides of the same coin.

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A Note on Sarasvatamandana
Satyavrat
The combined testimony of the Śrngäramandana and Campūmandana reveals it beyond doubt that Prime Minister Mapdana had made substantial contribution towards enriching Sanskrit grammar, as well. While in the former he proudly projects himself as the illustrious author of Sarasvatamandana (and the Kävyamandana), with equal fondness, he terms the Campūmandana as a work brotherly (junior) to it." As is evident from its title, especially the alternative appellation Sārasvata-sūtravrtti, the Särasvatamandana purports to be a brief gloss (vrtti) on Anubhatisvarūpa's Särasvata Vyakarana, which, not unlike other similar attempts, seeks to compress Sanskrit grammar, as exhaustively propounded in Pāņini's Aşțădhyāyi, within the space of mere seven hundred aphorisms. Suchlike compendiums are a veritable boon to the beginner, and serve as a gateway to the intricacies of Sanskrit grammar and semantics The Sārasvata Vyakarana indeed evoked wide following in the Jainistic tradition. It was perhaps to respect the tradition and minister to the academic needs of the young students that Mandana took it upon himself to resolve the text with his perceptive vștti, other glosses thereon notwithstanding.
Unlike his other writings, the Sarasvataman dana is unhappily not available in print. Of two of its manuscripts deposited with the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Poona, the one (New No 36) copied in V. S. 1632, is in a better state of preservation. Running into as many as 121 folios, the Ms is a riddle of sorts. While it is legible for the most, the text is hopelessly tarnished by tantalizing ambiguity and incoherence. The way the scribe has recklessly mutilated the simple words and known sūtras is an eloquent, though sad commentary on his poor equipment in Sanskrit. He had no qualms in turning baṁhayati into camhayati, śāsa anuśiştau into asa anuśisțau, råto ñau puk into rāto nau puk. The Ms is infested with such fearsome howlers, though the scribe is blissfully unaware of their gravity. With such a
107;
1 yah sāras vatakāvyamandanakavirdăridr yabhubhytpatiḥ, Syngāramandana,
Śrīsārsavat amandanasya vidusāṁ santoșadasyānuje, Campūmandana, p. 35.

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hopeless text it is well-nigh impossible to decipher sizable parts of the codex or extort any connected meaning from it. It is thus a frustrating exercise to subject the Sarasvatamaṇḍana to a sustained appraisal. Nevertheless, a patient study and analysis of the text, as it exists throw up certain features which seem to settle down as the distinguishing characteristics of the vṛtti.
Mandana's gloss is a exhaustive and useful to unravel the mysteries of the Sarasvata Vyakaraṇa as a vṛtti on a grammatical text can be. The author has indeed made a commendable attempt to elucidate the Sarasvata text with his lucid gloss. His simple language and downto-earth style combine to prompt the reader to negotiate the jungle of the corrupt text with a modicum of grit taken together, the vṛtti reflects, in no small measure, the author's equipment in grammar which his biographer Maheśvara has underscored with warmth and frequency.2
91
What strikes one most is Mandana's technique of resolving the text. While, in keeping with the norm, he has sought to deal with the Sarasvata Vyakaraṇa sequentially reproducing the sutras followed by his gloss thereon; not infrequently he chooses to be casual in merely paraphrasing the aphorisms in his language, without quoting them bodily. No serious offence may be taken against the method in so far as it serves to unfold the import of the relevant sutras, but it can hardly be claimed to be scientific or adequate enough to grapple with a tough discipline like grammar.
Mandana was actuated by the desire to make Anubhutisvarupa's text, the clearest possible. In order to realise his objective he has resorted to a variety of devices. The most fruitful has been the method to explain the more important/intricate sutras by dissolving the various compounds and/or paraphrasing the various units they are made of, much in the manner of a commentator on drama or poetry. His vṛtti is therefore brimming with expressions like vigṛhya vyacaṣṭe, spaṣṭattväd vyācaṣṭe, viseṣamāha. An idea of his anxiety to ensure transparence to his elucidation can be had from the gloss on so well-known a sūtra as janikartuḥ prakṛtiḥ. Says he janirjanidhātvartho jananamiti yāvat] janeḥ kartā janjkartā tasya prakṛtiḥ mūlakāraṇaṁ/etadeva spaṣṭatvad vyācaṣṭe/jāyamānasya karyasya mulakāraṇamapādānasamgam bhavati.3 He has not refrained from dissolving such simple compounds as stoḥ and
2 jāgradvyākaraṇaśca nāṭakaśubhālaṁkāravijñastathā, Kavyamanohara, I. 12 3 Sarasvatamaṇḍana (Ms), pp. 48b, 49a.

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abhvo in stoḥ ścubhiḥ ścuḥ and abhvorņādau respectively. This is how he explains the latter aphorism-asca bhūśca tayoḥ abhvo iti nigrhya vyacak şāno abhvorityatra uvabhāvadosam sabdanirdeśatve na pariharan vyācāşte pūrvasyäkārasya bhūśabdasya akārādeso bhavati nädau sati dirghakaranaṁ pārvākāravişayaṁ na bhvarthaí tena hrasva iti hrasvaḥ. 4 Maņdana has the wont to shed light in his gloss on other related issues, as well. Why i in the sutra i yam svare stands for long i also is lucidly explained in the yrtti. When a short vowel is used in the sūtra, it denotes both of its forms, but when followed by t or kāra, it stands for itself alone. i varna iti dirghamapi sarg shạäti yato varnagrahanel savarṇagrahaņaṁ taparakarane kāragrahaņe ca tävanmätragrahanamiti,5
It is simply beyond the tiny frame of the yrtti to sequentially dwell upon the formation of the whole gamut of words. The feat can possibly be accomplished in an exhaustive commentary (bhāsya). Maņdana's yrtti interestingly seeks to instruct, within its limits, the reader in the process of formation of words, explaining the procedure often with sūtras but mostly without them, with mere reference to the sequence involved therein. The style doubtless involves repetition but is extremely beneficial to young readers not well equipped to try conclusions on his own. This is how he explains the formation of the yananta narinrtyate and causative păcayati, nști gātravikṣepe șad dvitvam upachāyā rogāgamaḥ narinstyate|yaca ñi pratyayaḥ ñitvādata upachāyā iti vrddhiḥ dhātusajña tibadayaḥ ap kartari gunaḥ ayādeśaḥa yācayati.
Pada forms the life breath of Sanskrit grammar. It is so sacrosanct to it that all else including the usage, sinks into insignificance. Mandana has been happily chary of the pitfalls inherent in the system. He, therefore, set himself on illustrating, not infrequently the use of a plethora of forms with brief but apt examples. The device serves to bring him closer to the present day grammarian who is so keen to acquaint the readers with usage by mustering appropriate illustrations from ancient texts or those of his own. This is how he means to exemplify the various forms, accomplished in his vrtti : abhūt vrstiḥ jagāmāgastyo dakşiņāṁ diśam cakhāna kūpaṁ jamgamyate turagaḥ gayatryoyatişțhate sūtramuccarati.
With a view to ensure clarity to the subject and invest it with added interest Maņdana has occasionally resorted to the style of the
4 Ibid., p. 83a. 5 Ibid., p. 9a.

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ancient bhāṣyas in posing the issue under discussion and meeting them convincingly. That he resorted to it in the brief gloss, speaks volumes of his anxiety to dispell complexity from grammar that is otherwise inherent in it. Thus, in the case of the example dadhi iha intended to illustrate the savarnadirgha sandhi he raises, by way of pūrvapakṣa, the pertinent question as to why the sutra i yam svare that prescribes the substitution of ya for if it is followed by a vowel, does not apply here. He explains it on the ground that a special rule with its specific application takes precedence over a general rule which has indefinite sweep. Likewise his vṛtti on the sutra dviśca which provides for doubling the root in case it is followed by the desiderative suffix sa, Maṇḍana asks inquisitively why the augment it is not added to the root bhū in accordance with the rule sisatäsisyapamit. It has been met with the simple aphorism vuḥ which negates the augment it after roots ending in u, a and graḥ, guha etc. The sutra nănit explains away the subsequent query that why the root bhū does not take guna though it is followed by an arḍhadhātuka suffix (guṇaḥ kuto na bhavati).
93
It is again to facilitate a clearer understanding of the text that the Prime Minister has inducted in the body of his gloss, the views of the preceeding grammarians both named and unnamed. He has referred to their observations by the stock phrase iti kecit. In the vṛtti on some of the sutras he has quoted a multiety of alternative opinions. While explaining the aphorism lingarthe prathama which prescribes the use of the nominative case, he has three views to offer, besides his own which combine/reveal the fierce controversy that has raged, down the ages with respect to its interpretation." At one place he has quoted Paṇini, Kāšika and Nyasa by name, but the text is so corrupt that it is difficult to make out what was actually intended here. The nomenclatures of the tenses in the Sarasvata Vyakaraṇa widely differ from those in Panini. They are uniformly named after the point of time they represent. Thus lat therein is vartamana, lut śvastana and lit is-nabadiprakriya. Maṇḍana has invariably equated them with the betterknown Paninian appellations which go far to remove the mist of ambiguity about them.
The Sarasvatamanḍana begins with an autobiographic verse in the śārdulavikridita metre, which sets forth the details of Mandana's
6 'i yam svare' ityādinā yakārādayah kuto na syurityähalsamanyaśāstrāt viseṣaśāṣtram balavat bahuvyapakam samanyam alpavyapako visesah.....hetvantaramaha parena purva badho bhavatilparasabdo'tra istavacanam/tena iştena savarne dirghat vena savarnaviṣaye yakarādīnā badhaḥ/Ibid., pp. 10b, 11a,
7 Ibid., p. 49b.

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lineage and attributes his success to the lotus-like feet of Jinendra. It is followed by an exhaustive evaluation of the mangalacarana of the Sarasvata. Vyakarana which runs as follows:
pranamya paramātmanaṁ bāladhivṛddhi siddhaye sarasvatimṛju kurve prakriyām nativistarām
JAIN JOURNAL
Mandana is justified in his belief that the benediction has the sanction of the ancient masters. Thus in siddhe sabdarthasambandhe Patanjali has intended the word siddha to perform the function of the mangalācarana. The imperatives of the benediction are likewise met by the auspicious word vṛddhi in the first sutra of the Aşṭadhyāyi (vṛddhiradaic). The author of the Mahābhāṣya insists on the benediction not only in the beginning of the work but on the middle and end as well because in his view it brings name to the work and ensures fulfilment of the readers cherished desires. Mandana has sought to respect the tradition in his gloss which is distinguished by benediction at the three prescribed places.
Mandana is convinced that the lyabanta form pranamya has been accorded the first place in the benediction because of its happy connotation. Being indicative of excellence (prakarsa), the author hereby means to wish the reader successive excellence in prosecuting his grammatical studies. As a matter of fact, it is the prefix pra that denotes excellence. Parama in the second phrase paramātmānam he opines/denotes the infinite and inscrutable power of God popularly known as his māyā the cause of universe. The word ātmā is meant to underscore his omnipresence.10 Paramatma thus stands for Siddha Paramesvara. If dissolved as paramatmānam, it would be synonymous with the highest consciousness. Baladhivṛddhisiddhaye in his view is intended to imply that the growth of intellect costitutes accomplishment (siddhi) and that adds up to one of the goals (puruṣārtha). The adjectival clause anativistarām according to him denies only verbosity not the profundity of meaning. The author of the Sarasvata Vyakarana means to convey a wealth of meanings in limited words because absolue or intricate diction tends to scare away the green horn (durbodhaccalanti bālāḥ).
8 mangalădini mangalamadhyāni mangalāntāni śāstrāṇi prathante virapuruşakāņi bhavantilayuşmatpurusakani cadhyetärasca siddhartha yatha syuḥ, Vyakaraṇamahābhāṣya (chap. 1-2), Meerut, 1977, p. 33.
9 para jagatkāraṇataya utkṛṣṭā māyāśaktiryasya saḥ paramaḥ, Sārasvatamaṇḍana, p. 1b. 10 atati satatam gacchati yadvä präpnoti sarvavyāpakatayā präpnoti, Ibid., p, 1b.

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95
Mandana has taken the opportunity to express his views on the objects of grammar as well. The five objectives - rakṣā, üha, etc. mentioned in the Mahāvbhāşya are so well-known.11 But Maņdana soars high in holding Brahman (Saccidananda Paramātman) as the highest object of all the śāstras. That should be taken to be the objective of the present treatise also (tadevātrāpi). The fourth aphorism (tattu samanvayāt) of the Brahmasūtra describes him in detail. The author of the vștti is convinced that on closer scrutiny, rakṣā, üha etc. cannot be held to be the highest objectives of the study of grammar.12
The word sārasvatim in the mangala verse, in his opinion, means Sārasvati pranitam. The Sarasvata Vyākarana is traditionally believed to have been revealed to the author by the goddess of learning herself.
sūtrasaptaśati yasmai dadau sākṣāt sarasvati anubhūtisvarūpāya tasmai srigurave namaḥ
According to Manqana anativistarām and rju reflect laghu and asandeha, admitted as two of the objectives in the Mahābhāşya.
In the author's words, the present vrtti is intended to dispell the haze of imprecise glosses that had enveloped Anubhūtisvarūpa's text, over the years. Besides that the Sārasvatamandana is invested with historical worth in as much as it provides additional details about its author. Apart from the Kävyamanohara, it is the only work to refer to him as Samghapati and Mahīpradhana (Prime Minister). It is again the solitary work to highlight his manifold equipment in various disciplines with the happy phrase sarvavidyā visāradaḥ.13
11 rak sohāgamaladhvasandehāḥ prayojanam, Mahābhäsya, op. cit, p. 5. 12 na ca vicāryamāne rak sohägamādayo' pi parama prayojanam bavit um śakyah, Sāra
svatamaņdana, p. 2b. 13 srimanmandanasanghapati pranite särasvat amandane sandhi prakaranam samāptam,
Ibid., p. iša. srimandanaḥ sutravidalmasahimahāpradhāno' pyadadhātsusamdhin, Ibid., unnumbered verse. iti......śrīmadbāhadātmaja sarvavidyāvisāradah--srimanmandana pranite Sārasvata mandane krdant aprakaranam samāptan, Ibid., p. 121.

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The Ramayana Culture in Karnataka
Jainism
Vasantha Kumari
The epic story of the Rāmāyana which has appealed to the imagination of the Indians has not only fascinated them down the ages but it has also had its influence on the general Indian way of thought and life. This has resulted in finding its expression in varied forms in Hinduism, Jainism and Buddhism, in other words, what may be described as Indianism. It is this popular appeal which indeed explains the secret of its survival.
The study of Jaina Rāmāyaṇa presents an interesting picture, because Rāma in Jainism has occupied the place of Baladeva, amongst the Tri-sasti-salākā-mahāpurusa and not that of Avatāra-purusa as he is generally imprinted in Vedic Brahmanical Rāmāyaṇas. In other words, the mythological frame of the Jaina Rāmāyana is absolutely different in spirit and atmosphere from the Vedic Brahmanic frame.1
Rāma, Lakşmaņa and Rāvaņa form the eighth set of Baladeva, Vāsudeva and prati-Vasudeva. Baladevas are of gentle and sobre temperament while Vasudevas are violent and impetuous. Since Rama is considered to be Baladeva, he immediately attains liberation. Hence the Jaina scripture upholds Rāma as Siddha Paramātma.
Vimala Sūri is stated to have been the earliest amongst the prominent writers to record the complete narrative story of Rāma in the Jaina version. The date of Vimala Sūri Ācārya has been ascribed to 1st Century AD.3 The tradition of Vimala Sari was followed for centuries by the Jaina writers until Guņabhadrācārya, who. composed Uttara.
1 H. C. Bhayani "The Narrative of Rāma in the Jaina Tradition', Bhāratiya Vidya,
Vol. XXV, pp. 18-25. 2 Ibid., p. 20. 3 V. M. Kulakarni, Story of Rāma in Jaina Literature.

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Purāna in the 10th Century A.D.4 Guņabhadrācārya made certain changes in the Jaina tradition of Rāmāyaṇa, which had already been established by Vimala Sūri in his independent work Paumacariya.5 The narrative story of Rāma in Guṇabhadrācārya's work Uttara Purāna appears only in a single canto. The chronological assessment of Rāma is made by Guņabhadrācārya, who states in his work, that, Rāma lived during the period of Tirthankara Munisuvrata,? Besides, many eminent scholars through the ages have carried the Rāma narrative in the Jainistic form based on the findings of either Vimala Sūri or Guņabhadrācārya. The rich epic tradition is also well carried on by the Jaina writers in Kannada literature.
Câmuņdarāya was the earliest and the most prolific of the Jaina writers to have dealt with the Rāma narrative story. He has gained a place for himself in the history of Kannada literature by his prose work entitled Trişaști-Laksana Mahāpurāņa popularly known as Cāmundarāya-Puránaṁ. It is like a handbook of Jaina religion and deals with the 24 Tirthankaras, the 12 Cakravartis and each of nine Baladevas, Vasudevas and prati-Vasudevas, a total of 63 salākāpuruşas. Cảmundarāya was also a prime promoter of Jaina doctrine. Cāmundaraya-Purānaṁ contains a canto entitled 'Rāma-LakşmanaCaritam', which is, nothing but the Jainistic version of Rāmāyaṇa and it is narrated in the form of a supplement to the life of Munisuvrata, the twentieth Tirthankara.' Cămundarāya was primarily believed to have followed the tradition of Guņabhadrācārya while narrating the story.
There are a few key points to be noted in Cāmundarāya-Purnnań, wherein Dasaratha is referred to have been the King of Vārāṇasipura in Kasivişaya.10 But later he shifts to Säketapura, where his other sons Bharata and Satrugna are stated to have been born.11 To Subalā was born Rāma, while Lakşmaņa to Sumitrā, but in Cāmundarāya
4 Ibid. 5 Ibid. 6 Uttara Purāna, ed. A. Santaraja Sastri, Vol. I, pp. 464-633, Kannada Sabitya
Parishattu, 1981. 7 Ibid., p. 477. 8 E. C., Vol. II, No. 476 9 Cāmundarāya Puranam, pp. 261-306, ed. Hampa Nagarajaiah, Kannada
Sahitya Parishattu. 10 Ibid., p. 263. il Ibid., p, 264.

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Purāṇam no reference is made of the mothers of Bharata and Śatrugna, though it upholds the paternity of Dasaratha.12 Sita' sdescription reveals the pitiful conditions of women, from birth onwards which is a sad commentary of women's position in the society. Sita was born to Lankesvara Ravaṇa and his chief queen Mandodari, who abandons the child after birth. Janaka who finds the child brings her up giving the name Sita. Rāma marries Sita. Narada narrates the beauty of Sita to Rāvaṇa. Rāvaṇa transforms Marica into a golden deer. Sita is kidnapped in his aerial car, i.e., Puşpaka-vimāna-Rāma and Lakṣmaṇa search for Sita, the meeting of Vali, Sugriva, Anjaneya follows. In the war which follows, Ravana dies by the discus of Lakṣmaṇasuch in brief, is the story as narrated by Camuṇḍaraya. Being a prime promoter of Jainism, Camuṇḍaraya has handed-over to his people, Gunabhadrācārya's Jaina Rāmāyaṇa tradition in their own language for better understanding and appreciation.
The tradition of Gunabhadracārya's Rāmāyaṇa was followed by a set of scholars of the later period like, Nagaraja, the author of Punyasrava. This work was composed in 1331 AD.18 The Rāmāyaṇa narrative story appears, in the seventh canto entitled 'Sitädevi-Kathe'. The author was highly impressed by the chastity of Sita, who is also referred to as Janaki. He begins the narrative, with an invocation stotra in praise of Janaki. A reference to the names of the other three queens of Rama, namely Prabhavati, Ratinibha and Śridhama are made. The speciality of the Jaina version of Rāmāyaṇa lies in the fact that, Rama is a polygamist. The story deals with the later part of the Rāmāyaṇa, after Sita's banishment by Rama. The events such as reunion, agnipraveśa, i.e., fire ordeal, are narrated. In the concluding part of this story, Nagaraja, upholds the chastity of Sita. Sita who undergoes the fire ordeal appears seated on the lotus flower and is untouched by Agni. Later she renounces the world and enters the ascetic order.14
JAIN JOURNAL
In about 1540 A.D. Devappa composed the Rāmavijaya-Kävya, based on the tradition of Guṇabhadrācārya. He has kept up the nāmāvali of the chief characters of the Rāmāyaṇa narrative story as referred to by Guṇabharācārya. Accordingly he has mentioned the name of Kaikeyi as the mother of Lakṣmaṇa, but has abruptly
12 Ibid., p. 264.
13 Nāgarāja, Puṇyāsrava, p. 11, ed. Javaregowda, D. 14 Ibid., pp. 231-242.

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brought into picture the name of Sumitra as the mother of Lakṣmaṇa.1 15 From this, it is evident that the author was not very much in acquaintance with the namavali reffered to by Gunabhadracârya.
The outstanding figure among the authors of the Jaina Rāmāyṇa who belonged to the School of Vimala Suri, was Nagacandra, popularly known as Abhinava Pampa. He was a Jaina poet who flourished in Mysore at the Court of Visnuvardhana, the great Hoysala ruler in about 1140 A.D. His independent composition was Ramacandra-carita-Purana which is also known by the name Pampa-Rāmāyaṇa.16
The following key differences may be noted in the namavali of Nagacandra's Pampa-Rāmāyaṇa17 and Camuṇḍarāya-Purānam.18
Camuṇḍarāya-Purāṇam
Mother of Rama is named Subala. Lakşmaņa was born to Sumitra. (Uttara-Purana of Gunabhadracarya refers Kaikeyi, as the mother of Lakṣmaṇa).
He fails to mention the name of the mothers of Bharata and
Śatrugna.
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of
He omits the interposing Kaikeyi, the prime mover of the Ramayana story.19
Pampa-Rāmāyaṇa
Mother of Rama is named Aparajita, Lakṣmaṇa--Sumitra Bharata and Satrugna-Kaikeyi. (While in Kumudendu Rāmāyaṇa, the 4th wife of Dasaratha Suprabha is mentioned as the mother of Śatrugna).

There is a reference to the interposing of Kaikeyi.
Nagacandra endorses Ravana with super qualities. Ravana is depicted as an ardent follower of Right Faith, Right Conduct and Right Knowledge, a Jina Bhakta, having a fine Santisvara basadi in the
15 Devappa, Rāmavijaya Kāvya, ed. Keshavakshatta, T.
16 Nagacandra, Ramacandra Carite Puranam. p, 5, ed. Dr. R. C. Hirematta, Bharatiya Jnanapitha, 1975.
17 Ibid., p. 5.
18 Camunḍaraya Purāṇam, op. cit. pp. 263-264.
13 Ibid.

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capital and many caityas all over his kingdom. Further Rāvana is portrayed as a true promoter of Ahimsā Dharma. Accordingly, he is said to have even issued orders through out Lanka and its territories, that no animal life should on any account be harmed; and that his warriors should, for a time desist from fight and that all his subjects should be deligent in performing the rite of Jina pūjā.20 Further, Nagacandra depicts the war scene and states that the Yaksas or Guardian spirits of the Jina shrines made appeal to Rāma and Lakṣmaṇa to withdraw. Finally a pact is made based on which anything may be done to bring down Ravana's devotion-so long as no harm is caused to his life and the palace and the temples are not destroyed.21 The above passages no doubt substantiate that the author had a knowledge of historical events as he lived in the court of a great king. He was aware of alliances and conflicts. Therefore he was able to get the real historical background to depict the events of the Epic War.22 It is even probable that he had some personal experiences on the contemporary social calamities and social scandals like religious strifes and misadventures on Jaina basatis and their demolition by the divergent religious groups of his period. The credit may however be assigned to Nagacandra for having built up the image of human Ravana for he has portrayed Ravana as an ardent Jina Bhakta. Thus it becomes evident that Nagacandra's motive was to suppress hateful ideas against Rāvana.
JAIN JOURNAL
Kumudendu Acarya's version of the Rāmāyaṇa is based on the tradition of Nagacandra's Rāmacandra-carita-Purāņa. Kumudendu is specially glorified as Hoysalaraya Rajaguru in an inscription at Śravaṇa-belgola,23 and this Hoysala King was Narasimha-III, according to the Bannegudda inscription.24 He had many titles like, 'Paravadigirivajra', 'Vadībala-Locana', 'Vadi Darudara Kulisa', 'Paravadi Gandaberunda', 'Vadigajakeśari', 'Sarasakavitilaka.25 An interesting factor, which attracts the attention of the readers of Kumudendu Rāmāyaṇa is that, the work has been composed in different satpati meters by associating each with the specific raga and the tāla. It is quite evident, that the author must have written this work with the intention
20 Ibid., Ch. XIV, St. 82 to 97.
21 Ibid., Ch. XIV, St. 75-105; E. P. Rice, A History of Kanarese Literature, 1921, pp. 40-41.
22 Sri Sahitya, p. 797 [collection of the works of B. M. Srikantaiah]
23 E. C,, Vol. II, No. 334.
24 M. A, R., 1911, pp, 48-49.
25 Kumudendu Rāmāyaṇa, ed. K. M. Kundangar and A. P. Changale.

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of composing the entire masterpiece in the musical form. In his composition there are references to the various rāgas like Bhupali, Malahāri, Madhu Madhavi, Dhanyasi, Rāmakri, Palamañjari, Desigaula, Säranga, Vasanta and Karungee and the tālas like Addatāla, Atta-tāla, Ghampe-tāla, Voddmatteye etc.26 Though Rama and Lakṣmaṇa are basically the observers of Ahimsa Dharma, they uphold the Ksatriya tenets like Dusta-siksa and Siṣṭa-paripālana. As found in the other versions of the Jaina Rāmāyaṇa, Kumudendu also abides himself to the traditional Jainistic pattern, but with a few glaring changes like the depiction of the fourth wife of Dasaratha namely Suprabha, who is stated to have been the mother of Satrugna. Although the position of Aparajita and Sumitra is unaltered, Kaikeyi is mentioned to have been the mother of only Bharata.
Devacandra, a well known Jaina scholar of the early nineteenth century (1770-1841), too wrote on the theme of the Epic story entitled Ramakathavatara in Kannada prose form. He traces back the origin of the Jaina Rāmāyaṇa to the times of Adideva, the first of the Tirthankaras, who narrated the story to his son, Bharata. This was passed on from generation to generation till it reached Mahavira the last of the Tirthankaras. He in turn, tells the story to the King Śreņika of Magadha, his devout disciple. In the course of time several writers like Kachi Bhaṭṭāraka, Nandi Muni, Kavi Parameşṭhi, Ravisena, Virasena, Siddhasena, Padmanandi, Gunabhadra, Sakalakirti carried the Rāmāyaṇa tradition in their works. Even Kannada writers like Camuṇḍaraya, Nagacandra, Maghanandi Siddhanti, Kumudendu, Nayasena and others continued the same tradition. While concluding his work Devacandra adds that, he has clarified a few doubtful points which were found by him in the narration of Nagacandra's versions of the Rāmāyaṇa on the basis of the Rāmāyaṇa story narrated in Uttara-purāṇa."7
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Candrasagar Varni, another noteworthy Jaina scholar of the nineteenth century also composed Śri Rāmāyaṇa28. He is stated to have composed this work on the request made by the Bhavyas of Ganjam, i.e., the Jaina Śrävakas of Srirangapattana. While featuring the main characters of the story, the author simply adopts the name of revered Kausalya as the mother of Rama. Thus, the scholar sets aside the corresponding names like, Aparājitā, and Subala mentioned in the
26 Ibid., in every Canto-the specified Raga and Tala are mentioned.
27 Devacandra, Ramakathāvatāra. (unpublished, IKS, Mysore).
28 Candra Sagara Varni, Sri Rāmāyaṇa, published by Payasagara Varni, Bidare.

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earlier texts. He refers to the four wives of Dasaratha, namely, Kausalya, Sumitra, Kaikeyi and Lakşmaņā Mahadevi, the last being the mother of Satrugna.
The Impact of the Ramayana Culture on the Socio-Religious
Beliefs of the People :
Bahubali Colossal : Its Association with Rāma :
A few scholars have tried to refer to the antiquity of the image of Bahubali to the Epic Rāmāyana period, by associating the colossal statue with that of legendary Rāma. The Munivarnsābhyudaya of Cidnaända-Kavi, an incomplete work composed in the seventeenth century throws light on the fact that Rāma and Sita were responsible for not only bringing the image of Gommața from Sri Lankā, but also for worshipping it on the larger hill.89
In Rājāvali-Kathā, Devacandra mentions that the image of Belgola was formerly worshipped by Råma and Rāvana and also by the latter's wife Mandodari. It is said that in ancient times there was a selfformed image at this place which was in the shape of Gommatesvara Svāmi which Rävaņa, the monarch of the Rakşasas, worshipped to obtain happiness.86 Ananta Kavi, in Gommatesvara-Carite, tells us that the shooting of an arrow by Camuñdarāya resulted in the revelation of the image of Gommata, 81 These observances throw light on the natural tendency prevailing amongst the people who have always been valuing the sanctity of the legendary personages, than the truth of the historical accomplishments of the human beings.
Humcha Padmāvati Basti. Its Association with Rama :
An inscription on the outdoor of Padmavati basti states that the basti was created by Lord Rama and Lord Brahma.32
If such dogmatic beliefs are retold, generation after generation,
29 Cidananda Kavi, Munivams ābhyudaya, Ch. IV. St, 17 to 24. Unpublished, I K.S.,
Mysore. 30 Devacandra, Rājāvali Kathe, p. 149, ed. B. S. Sanniah. 31 Ananta Kavi, Gommatesvara Carite, p. 12, ed. Dr. B. V. Sirura. 32 E. C., Vol. VII, No 56 Nagar)

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they get embellished and these beliefs are naturally passed on to posterity. However, it should be noted that, neither Råma or Sitā were transformed into the objects of worship, nor were they adorned as mystic couple in the Jaina religious practice in Karnataka. Despite the fact that the Rāmāyana tradition, in Jaina recension had been composed in greater numbers by the Jaina writers of Karnataka, the cult of Rāma did not develop in Karnataka Jainism. No stotra, either in praise of Råma or seeking his blessings, were composed. It is significant that neither were the icons of Rāma and Sitã made, nor were they installed for worship in the basadis. Even the sculptural carvings, representing the scenes from Jaina Rāmāyana failed to adorn the panels of the basadis.
Semblance of highly reputed personalities of the ruling powers, with Rāma, Sita, Lakşmaņa, Dasaratha, Kausalyā are found in the Jaina inscriptions, specially those which belonged to the period of the Gangas and the Hoysalas. But, such references are very few in number. However, it is in this regard that Rāmāyana has left its imprints on the Jaina society in Karnataka. The inscriptions eulogises the Epic personages as embodiments of high ideals. They appreciate the noble qualities of Rama and consider him to be an ideal King, a stern relentless hero, an ideal brother, and above all the promoter of Dharma. Thus he is assigned a place of honour by the Jainas, while Sita, par excellence is depicted as an ideal wife.
Didiga and Mahadeya, who are stated to have been the founder of the Ganga dyoasty, are compared to Rama and Lakşmaņa.38
The early Hoysäla royal couple, Ereyanga and his queen Ecbaladevi, are described as Rāma and Sita because of their renowned qualities and the protection of Dharma. Echaladevi was wellknown for her beauty like Sita. They are also regarded as Daśaratha and Kausalya and their son Bițţideva is described as Råmacandra.34 King Vinayaditya is upheld for his chastity, and is described as Hanuman to other's wife.35 Hulla, a minister who served many Hoysāla kings was also a prime promoter of Jainism. He and his wife are compared to Rama and Janaki. Lakşmi, wife of Gangarāja was a Sita in her devotion
33 E. C., Vol. VIII, No. 110, (Sorab) 34 E. C., Vol. II, No. 481. 35 Ibid., No. 176. 36 Ibid., No. 481.

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to her husband. She is also compared to Chetni for her faith in the worship of Jina.8? Baladeva Daņdanāyaka and his wife Bachikabbe are also compared to Rāma and Sita. Their sons, Nagadeva and Singana are stated to have resembled Rama and Lakşmaņa in their good qualities. Baladeva is described as an unassisted hero-Rāma in the battle. 38 Vişnuvardhana the great Hoysäla king is compared to Rama for being a stern, relentless hero in the battle. His renowned queen Santala the prime promoter of Jina Dharma, is extoled as Sita in the loftiness of devotion to her husband.39 It is also stated that a few of the royal ladies even excelled Sită. Chandekabbe, wife of Nāgavarma Daņdanāyaka also claims her superiority over Sita, in the loftiness of devotion to her husband,40 Echiyakka, daughter of Någadeva Daņdanāyaka is stated to have been even superior to Sitādevi o earth.41 Chattaladevi. daughter of Rakkasa Ganga has also been compared to Sitä.42 She is also hailed as the daughter of Sita.48
The Jaina tradition strongly upholds the view that Sri Rama attained nirvana on the Mängi-Tungi hill. The earliest reference to this effect is made by Sri Kundakundācārya, in one of his compositions Dasa Bhakti in which he has stated that, Sri Rama, Hanumanta, Sugriva, Nila, Mahānila, etc. attained nirvāna at Mängi-Tungi:44 The same tradition has also been carried by Ācārya Pujyapada. In his composition, Nirvāna Bhakti in which he states that Sri Rama attained nirvana at Tungi hill. Even a few Ācāryas of the later period have composed aştakas eulogising Mängi-Tungi as Siddha-ksetra by associating this with Sri Rāma.45 Further, the sculptural depictions of Sri Rama, Hanumāna and Sugriva seated in the padmasana posture are also found in one of the caves on Māögi-Tungi hill. It is significant to note that, this hill bears testimony to the fact that it is being a Jaina centre. The other caves on the hill too bear the sculptural carving of Tirthankaras and Yakşa and Yakşi, etc. Presently, MängiTungi hill is known by the name Galana bill and it is situated in Maharastra (almost eighty-six km from Manmad Station.)46
37 Ibid., No. 160. 38 Ibid., No. 174. 39 Ibid., No. 176. 40 Ibid., No. 176 (Chikkabetta) 41 Ibid., No, 174 (Chikkabetta) 42 E. C., Vol. VIII, No. 39 (Nagar) 43 Ibid., No. 192 (Thirthahalli) 44 Kunda Kundācārya, Dāśabhakti, ed. A. Santaraja Sastri, p. 129. 45 Santinatha, K. Hosapete, Mängi-Tungi Kșetra. 46 Ibid.

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But, the religious value of Mängi-Tungi hill hardly has played any influence on the Jaina writers of the Rāmāyaṇa in Karnataka. Neither has any writer made any reference to this Siddha-kṣetra or Śrī Rāma, nor has it been looked upon by them as a pilgrimage centre. In Uttarapurana and Camuṇḍaraya-Puranam, however, Sammeda Šikhara is mentioned as nirvana-bhūmi of Sri Rama, Thus it is apparent that the myths and legends have always been a dominant factor in the socio-religious beliefs of the people. Stala Puraņas, Icons, Sculptural Carvings, Festivals, Feasts, etc.-all these form the infra-structures. Through them, the legendary figures have merged into the religious beliefs and practices, thus, by and large they have mixed up with the historical facts.
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Hence, on the basis of what has been discussed above and from the nature of the records, it becomes clear that the impact of the Rāmāyaṇa, in the Jaina way of life, was only superficial and did not reach the popular level, as in the case of Hinduism. Neither Rāma nor Sita was included in the pantheon of gods and goddesses of the Jainas. It is also obvious that the Rama Cult neither prevails nor has played any significant role in the socio-religious life of the Jaina community in Karnataka.

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